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A HISTORY OF
ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY

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LONDON

Cambridge University Press

FETTER LANE

NEW YORK • TORONTO
BOMBAY ■ CALCUTTA * MADRAS
Macmillan

TOKYO

Maruzen Company Ltd

A HISTORY OF
ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY

H. F. TOZER

Second edition
with additional notes by

M. CARY, D.Litt.

CAMBRIDGE

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

1935

First edition 1897
Second edition 1935

A.cc,

No.

Class

No.

Book

No.

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

PREFACE.

The subject which is treated of in the present volume
has been already dealt with on a scale adapted to the
needs of advanced scholars by the late Sir E. H. Bunbury
in his History of Ancient Geography —a book equally con¬
spicuous for learning and for judgement, and one which, it
may safely be affirmed, will not readily be superseded.
But the size of that comprehensive work unfits it for the
use of ordinary students, and its elaborate detail and
numerous digressibn^Though none of these are super¬
fluous, tend to withdraw the mind of the reader from the
process of development of the story which it tells. For
these reasons it has been thought that a shorter and
simpler book on the same topic may be of service by
bringing out to view the more salient points which it
involves, and by rendering clearer the continuous progress
of the science from its early dawn in the Homeric period
to its fullest extension in the Augustan age. It is hoped
that in this way the interest of other than classical readers
may be enlisted in the subject—an interest which it
deserves on account of the variety of the questions with

PREFACE.

which it deals, and its direct connexion with the
modern geography. The narratives of expeditions
that of Alexander in Asia, and, on a smaller scal<
Hanno on the west coast of Africa and of l’yth
northern sea—and the history of early enquiric.
causes which regulate the movement of the tid
the progressive attempts that were made to c<
scheme of latitudes and longitudes, possess a:
which is not limited to the period at which tl
made. With a view to the convenience of thi
readers technical phraseology has been as far a
avoided, and quotations from classical writers
relegated to the notes. On the other hand, t
requirements of students these quotations have 1
in full, whenever the subject which they ill
affected by the expressions used in the origir
works in which they occur are not easily accc,

The author desires to express his obligate
first place to Sir E. H. Bunbury’s work, already i
which he has consulted throughout; and also, t
lesser degree, to Dr C. Muller’s Geographi Graet
and Dr Hugo Berger’s Geschichte der Wissem
Erdkunde der Griechen. On the subject of the
the Greek colonies he has consulted the chapter
History of Greece on “ The Hellenes beyond th
Isgo/’ an d for Alexander’s Eastern expedition ■
volume of Grote’s History. His other obliga
been acknowledged in the notes.

Five of the maps which accompany the
No. 2 , “ The World according to Hecataeus ”;

PREFACE.

vii

World according to Herodotus”; No. 5, “Alexander’s
Eastern Expedition”; No. 7, “The Periplus of the Ery¬
thraean Sea”; and No. 9, "The World according to
Ptolemy ”—have been based partly on the corresponding
maps in Bunbury’s Ancient Geography, and partly on those
f in Smith and Grove’s Ancient Atlas.

H. F. T.

Oxford,

Mruaty 17, 1897.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

Importance of the History of Geography—Subdivisions of Geography:
(i) Mathematical, (2) Physical, (3) Descriptive and Political, (4) Historical—
The Mediterranean Sea the Starting point in the Enquiry—Its Advantages
—Commerce and Settlements of the Phoenicians in the Aegean Sea, in
Africa and Sicily, and at Gades—Their selfish Policy detrimental to Know¬
ledge—The Greeks; their Qualifications for the Study of Geography—
Greece a suggestive Country for this Subject, in its General Features, and
its Peculiar Phenomena—Disappearance of Rivers—Currents of the Euri-
pus—Volcanic Phenomena and Earthquakes—The Study of Geography
almost confined to the Greeks—Greek Explorers—Greek Scientific Geo¬
graphers—Hardly any Roman Geographers—Geographical Eras and Cen¬
tres—Greek Colonies—Miletus and the Ionian School—Herodotus—Early
Expeditions—Alexander's Campaigns—Foundation of Alexandria—Roman
Conquests—Augustan Age—Ptolemy—Stimulating Influence of Geogra¬
phical Discoveries—Curious Information thus obtained—Means of testing
the Reports of Early Travellers—Marvellous Narratives not necessarily
Incredible.1—18

CHAPTER IL

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD,

T. b

CONTENTS,

Odyssey—Ignorance of the Western Countries—Wanderings of Ulysses—
Their Mythical Character—Exceptions to this—Rumours about far distant
Countries—The Pygmies—Long Days and Nights of Northern Europe ~
Primitive Trade-routes—The Amber Trade-Route through Pannonia—
Route through Gaul—Entrepdt at the Mouths of the Po—Story of the
Sisters of Phaethon—The River Eridanus—The Tin Trade -Tin not
imported from India, but from Spain, and Britain—The Cassilerides
Islands—Opinions as to their Situation—Trees imported into Greece; the
Palm, the Pomegranate, the Cypress, the Plane—The Cardinal Points
determined by the Winds—The Four Winds in Homer—Character of the
Greek Winds.19—42

CHAPTER III.

SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES.

Geography advanced by the Greek Colonies—Causes of their Establishment-
Qualifications for a Site—Early development of the Colonies—Communi¬
cation with the Natives—Information transmitted to Greece—Colonies on
the Euxine—Dangers and Attractions of that Sea—Sinope, tire. 770 n.c.—
Cyzicus on the Propontis—Colonies on the North Coast of the Euxine—
Olbia, 645 B.c.— Panticapaeum (Kertch)—Dioscurias—Chalcidic Colonies

in Thrace—Megarian Colonies in the Propontis: Byzantium, 55811.0,_

Greek Colonies in Italy, Cumae, Neapolis, Rhegium and Messana—

Sybaris, 721 b.c. —Croton, 710 B.C. —Paestum—Metapontum—Locri_

Tarentum, 708 B.c.— Colonies in Sicily: Naxos, 735 u.C.—Syracuse,
734B.C.— Gela, 690B.C.— Agrigentum, 580 B.c.—Himera, 648 B.c.—The
Phocaeans at Massilia, 600 B.c.—Colonies of Massilia—Its Influence in
Gaul Cyrene, 631 B.c.—Its Site and Commerce—The Greeks in Egypt—
Their Settlement at Naucratis, tire. 650 B.c.—Summary . ♦ 43—58

CHAPTER IV.

EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL SPECULATIONS : HECATAEUS.

Speculations on Mathematical Geography—Anaximander, tire. 580 B a—
Spheriwl Form of the Earth-Theory of Zones-Speculations on Physical
Ge^raphy- V °lcanic Phenomena-The Delta of Egypt-Inundation of
ttie Nile—Explanations of it, by Thales, Hecataeus, Anaxagoras, Hero-
dotus, Aristotle, and Eratosthenes—Invention of the Gnomon—Map-mak-
l ^“ ItS . Early Difficult!es —Aristagoras and his Map at Sparta, 490B.C.—
Delphi the Centre of the Earth’s Surface—Origin of the Belief—Division

CONTENTS.

of the World into Continents—Twofold or Threefold Partition—Principles
of Demarcation—Boundary of Europe and Asia—Names of the Continents
—Their Origin—Hecataeus of Miletus (ctrc. 520 B.c.) the Father of
Geography—His Political Wisdom—His Sources of Information—His
Geographical Work —Its Arrangement—Its General Geography—Its
Contents—Europe—Asia—Africa.59—74

CHAPTER V.

HERODOTUS.

Importance of Herodotus to Geography—His Life, and Travels—His General
Views of Geography—His Primitive Cosmical Beliefs—Symmetrical Corre¬
spondences—Courses of the Nile and the Ister—Attempts at Drawing a
Meridian—His Conception of the Map of the World—No Northern Sea-
Continuity of the Southern Ocean—Inlets from the Ocean—The Caspian
an Inland Sea—Size of the Palus Maeotis—The Three Continents—Bound¬
aries between them—His Confusion about the Araxes—His Actae, or Pro¬
jecting Tracts—Central and Western Europe—His Imperfect Knowledge
of them—Scythia—His Acquaintance with it—Its Shape, and Inhabitants
—Peoples to the North of Scythia—The Agathyrsi, Neuri, Budini, and
Geloni—Lands to the North-east—Gold of the Ural Mountains—The
Argippaei—The Issedones—Asia—Sources of his Information—Scanty
Notices of the Geography—Error about Asia Minor—Ignorance of the
Mountain Chains—Knowledge of the Rivers—The Royal Road—Its
Course through Asia Minor, Cilicia, Armenia, Matiene and Cissia—India
—Its Races, and Products—The Nile Valley—Meroe—The Two Branches
Unnoticed—The Automoli—The Macrobian Aethiopians—Northern Coast
of Africa—Eastern Portion—Western Portion—Dumb Commerce—In¬
terior of Africa—The Three Tracts—The Oases—The Garamantes—The
Troglodyte Aethiopians—Expedition of the Nasamones—Narrative of
Herodotus. 75”97

CHAPTER VI.

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE THE TIME OF ALEXANDER.

Real and Fictitious Expeditions—Circumnavigation of Africa under Necho—
The Story derived from the Egyptians or Phoenicians—Argument from the
Sun being seen on the Right Hand—Criticism of it—Improbability of the
Voyage—Expedition of Scylax of Caryanda—Objections to its Authen¬
ticity—Voyage of Sataspes—Reasons for believing in it—Expedition of

xii

CONTENTS.

Hanno—His Narrative of it—Island of Ccrne (IIerne)—-Promontory of
Soloeis (C. Cantin)—River Lixus (Wady Draa)—River Kimbolum (Sene¬
gal River)—(Cape Verde and Gambia River)—The Western Horn (Bay of
Bissagos)—Flaming Mountain-sides—Explanation of the Phenomenon—
Mt. Theon Ochema (Mt. Sagres)—The Southern Horn (Sherboro Sound)—
Capture of Gorillas—Expedition of Himilco—The ‘ Ora Maritima* of
Avienus—Account of the Oeslrymnides—Of the Mid-Atlantic—Of the
Sargasso Sea—The Retreat of the Ten Thousand—Character of Xeno¬
phon’s ‘Anabasis—Geographical Features of Armenia—Its Mountains
and Rivers—Sources of the Euphrates and Tigris—Lake of Van—The
March from Cunaxa to Armenia—The Zabatus (Greater Zab)—Land of
the Carduchi (Kurdistan)—The Centrites (River of Sert)—Source of the
Tigris—The Teleboas (Kara-su)—Eastern Euphrates (Murad-su)—High¬
lands of Armenia—Underground Dwellings—The Phasis (Arns)— 1 The
Harpasus (Tchoruk)—Gymnias—Trapezus (Trebizond) —The first view of
the Sea—The Poisonous Honey—The ‘Periplus 9 of Scylax—Its probable
Date—Its Contents—Doubts as to its Genuineness—Interesting Notices
kit ... .98—121

CHAPTER VII.

Alexander’s eastern expedition.

Effects of Alexander’s Conquests-His Political and Social Aims—Develop¬
ment of Geography—Novel Aspects of Nature—Narratives of the Expe¬
dition—The Expedition originated by Philip—His Death, 336 B.c,—The
Project renewed by Alexander—Battle of the Granicus, 334 b.c. —Battle
of Issus, 333 B.c.—Siege of Tyre, 332 B.c.—Occupation of Egypt—Visit
to the Temple of Zeus Ammon—March to the Tigris, 331 B.c,—Battle of
Arbela—March to Persepolis—Dep6t at Ecbatana (Hamadan) 330 B.c.—
Description of Iran or Ariana—Flight of Darius into Parthia—The Caspian
Gates (Sirdar Pass)—Death of Darius—Hecatompylus in Parthia—The
Hyrcaw and Mardi—The Caspian Sea—Artacoana (Herat)—Drangiana
(Seistan)—Arachosia (Candahar)—Paropamisus Range (Hindu Kush)—
Alexandria ad Caucasum—Invasion of Bactria, 329 B.c.—The Oxus
(Jihoun) Its Ancient Course—Maracanda (Samarcand)—The Polytimetus
(Zerafehan) —Alexandria Eschate—Mistakes concerning the Jaxartes and
the Caspian—March to the Indus, 327 B.c.—Campaign in the Punjab,
326 b.c.—T he Hydaspes Qhelum)—The Hyphasis (Bias)—Descent of the
Indus-Pattala (Hyderabad) 325 B.c—Bore of the Indus—Indian Trees
Return March of Craterus through Drangiana, of Alexander through
Gedrosia Arrival at Persepolis—Embassies from the West—Death of

CONTENTS.

xiii

Alexander, 323 B.c. —The Voyage of Nearchus—Alexandri Portus (Kara¬
chi)—Harmozia (Ormuz) —Pearl Fishery—Encounter with whales—
Arrival at Susa .122—143

CHAPTER VIII.

GEOGRAPHY UNDER THE SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER.

THE VOYAGE OF PYTHEAS.

Intellectual Influence of this Period—Egypt under the Ptolemies—Position of
Alexandria—Canal from the Red Sea to the Nile—Stations on the Red
Sea—The Cinnamon Country (Somaliland)—The Upper Nile—Mega-
sthenes in India, arc . 290 B.C.— Envoy to Chandragupta at Pataliputra—
His Work—Verified from Native Sources—His Knowledge of India—
Its Boundaries—The Indus and Ganges—The Royal Road—The Rainy
Season—Administration of the Country—The Caste-system—Life of the
Indians—The Brahmans—The Voyage of Pytheas, circ. 330 B.c.—Varying
Estimates of him—His Work—Twofold Object of his Voyage—His
Scientific Attainments—His Route to Britain—The Armorican Promon¬
tory (Brittany)—The British Tin Mines—Island of Ictis (St Michael’s
Mount)—His Account of Britain—Customs of the Inhabitants—Evidence
in Favour of his Northern Voyage—Did Pytheas enter the Baltic?—The
Northern Sea—Thule (probably Mainland in the Shetlands)—The Arctic
Circle—“Sleeping place of the SunPytheas’ Parallels of Latitude-
Wonders of the Arctic Regions—Comparison to the Pulmo Marinus—
The Amber Coast—Testimony of Pliny and Diodorus—The Word
* glaesum *.144—164

CHAPTER IX.

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

Slow Development of Mathematical Geography—Impulse given to it by
Aristotle, by Subsequent Expeditions, and by the Museum of Alexandria
—Spherical Form of the Earth—Aristotle’s Arguments for it—Argument
from Objects seen on the Sea Horizon—Strabo’s Statement of it—Measure¬
ment of the Earth—Method employed before Eratosthenes—Method of
Eratosthenes—Criticism of it—Eratosthenes* Measurement of the Habit¬
able World—Its Breadth—Its Length—Parallels of Latitude—First
Parallel of Eratosthenes—Other Parallels—The Climata of Hipparchus
circ. 140 B.C. —Meridians of Longitude—Theory of Zones — Aristotle’s
View—Virgil’s Description—Eratosthenes’ Map of the World—Shape of
the Inhabited World—His Sphragides or * Seals *—His Geographical
Treatise—Its Contents—Its Chief Errors .... 165—183

xiv

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER X.

PHYSICAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY*

Physical Features of Greece—Impression produced by them on Aristotle—
Physical Geographers—Agatharchides—His Account of the Aethiopian
Gold-mines—Similar Description in the Book of Job—Eudoxus of Cyzicus
—Artemidorus—Posidonius—His Travels—His Varied Interests—Error
about the Circumference of the Earth—Tides—Observations of Aristotle,
of Pytheas, and of Posidonius—Winds—Aristotle’s Scheme—Timostlienes’
Scheme—Popular Scheme—‘Temple of the Winds’ at Athens—Period¬
ical Winds—Rivers—Their Sources, Underground Courses, Power of
Erosion, Deposit of Alluvium, Tidal Waves—Earthquakes and Volcanic
Action—Views of Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, and Aristotle—Earthquakes
relieved by Volcanoes—Observations of Posidonius—Flora—Theophras¬
tus’ History of Plants —The Descriptio Montis Pelii —Fauna—Anthropo¬
logical Notices—Agatharchides on the Ichthyophagi and Acthiopians—
Posidonius on the Iberians and Gauls—Historical Geography as found in
Aristotle—His Restricted Views—Ephorus the Forerunner of Polybius-
Geographical Section of his History—His Advanced Criticisms—Polybius
circ. 210—128 b.c. —How affected by the Circumstances of his Age—His
Travels in Western Europe-His Opinion of the Importance of Travel-
Interest in Physical Geography—His Application of Geography to History
—Descriptions of Countries—Cisalpine Gaul—Media—Descriptions of
Cities—Sinope—Agrigentum—New Carthage—General Remarks

184—215

CHAPTER XL

GEOGRAPHY AS PROMOTED BY THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

Exploration of Unknown Lands by the Greeks and by the Romans-Oppor-
tunity afforded by the Mithridatic War—Campaigns of Lucullus in
Annmna and Mesopotamia-Pompey in Iberia and Albania-Narrative
of Theophanes-His Description of the Caucasus, of. the Cyrus and
Araxes, and of the Tribes-The Iberi-The Albani-The Tribes
bordering on the Euxine—Expedition of Balbus against the Gawmantes

fJfZy n Arthi ? pi t -The ‘ Atlantic Isknds ’ (Madeira)—Fortunatae
Insulae (The Canaries)-Progressive Conquest of Spain by the Romans-

T, EaStem Pr °™<*s-Lusitania—Central Districts-Tribes
o tile North-West—Formation of the Roman Province in Gaul—

CONTENTS.

Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul—His Ethnographical and Geographical
Notices—Transference to Towns of Names of Tribes—Caesar’s Descrip¬
tion of the Country of the Veneti—His Expeditions into Britain—
His Information about it—Acquaintance of the Romans with Germany—
Campaigns of Drusus and of Tiberius—Conquest of Rhaetia, Vindelicia,
and Noricum—Of Pannonia—Importance to Geography of the Roman
Roads—Careful Measurement of Distances—The Wall-map of Agrippa—
Itineraries derived from it.316—237

CHAPTER XII.

STRABO.

Strabo and the Augustan Age—His Geography a Summary of the Knowledge
then existing—Strabo’s Life, Teachers, and Places of Residence—Extent
of his Travels—Almost Limited to Asia Minor, Egypt, and Central
Italy—Advantages which he Derived from them—His Philosophical
Opinions—Stoic Tenets—His Political Opinions—Imperial Sympathies—
Strabo’s Historical Work—Date of Composition of his Geography —Place
where it was written—Readers for whom it was intended—Its Compre¬
hensiveness-Subjects Incidentally introduced—Predominance of His¬
torical Geography—Influence of a Land on its Inhabitants—Artistic
Treatment of the Subject—Methods of lightening the Narrative—Neglect
of Strabo’s Work in Antiquity—Admiration of it in the Middle Ages—
Modem Estimates—Limits of Strabo’s Survey, in Europe, Asia, and
Africa—Contents of the Geography —The Introduction—Remarks on
Mathematical, Physical, and Historical Geography—Spain, Gaul, and
Britain—Italy and Sicily—Northern and Eastern Europe—Greece—
Veneration for Homer as a Geographical Authority—Northern and Central
Asia—Asia Minor—Southern Asia—Egypt and the Rest of Africa

233—260

CHAPTER XIIL

GEOGRAPHY FROM THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS TO THAT OF
TRAJAN (14—117 A.D.).

Roman Writers on Geography—Pomponius Mela—Pliny—His Hisloria
Naturalistic Deficiencies—Its Statistical Geography—Notices of Places
in Asia—The Jordan—The Dead Sea—The Essenes—Palmyra—The
Tigris—Its Upper Course—Strabo’s Account—The Lake of Van—
Criticisms of the Ancient Accounts—Strabo’s and Pliny’s Stories—Disap¬
pearance of the Tigris—Common Source of the Tigris and Euphrates

xvi

CONTENTS.

—■Possible Explanation of the Fable—Pliny’s Information about Tapro-
bane—Ambassadors sent thence to Rome—Their Account of the In¬
habitants—The Periplus Maris Erythraei—Mnom Coast—Aromata
Prom. (Cape Guardafui)—Menuthias (Zanzibar)—Arabian Coast—Arabia
Eudaemon (Aden)—Syagrus Prom. (Cape Fartak)—Island of Dioscoridcs
(Socotra)—Indian Coast—Baraces and Eirinon Inlets (Gulf and Runn of
Cutch)—Barygaza (Baroche)—Bore of the Nerbudda—Nelcynda—The
Direct Route to India— Voyage of Hippalus—Notices of Eastern Asia—
This (China)—Dionysius Periegetes—His Date—PI is Geographical Poem
—Its General Geography—Description of Africa—Of Europe—Of the
Islands—Of Asia—General Remarks upon it—Progressive Knowledge of
Britain—Conquests of Claudius, Suetonius Paullinus, Agricola, and
Antoninus Pius—Germany and Scandinavia—Dacia conquered by Trajan
—Suetonius Paullinus crosses the Atlas—Nero’s Expedition to the Nile—
The Marshy Region.261—292

CHAPTER XIV.

ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS.

Natural Limits of the Roman Empire—Frontier Defences—Chiefly organised
by Hadrian—The Periplus of Arrian —Dio’s Account of Hadrian’s
System—The German Limes—Chains of Military Posts— Defences of
the Upper Euphrates—The Roman Roads—The Via Aurelia—Via
Aemilia Scauri—Via Julia—Road through Southern Gaul and Spain—
The Via Flaminia—Via Aemilia—Passes of the Alpes Cottiae, Graiac,
and Penninae—Roman Roads in Gaul, and in Britain—Watling Street-
Fosse Way—Ermine Street—Icknield Street — Passes of the Alpes
Rhaeticae and Juliae—Road through Pannonia to Byzantium—The Via
Appia—The Via Egnatia—Main Roads through Asia and Africa-Roman
Itineraries—The Antonine Itinerary—Its Probable Date—Not a com¬
pletely Homogeneous Document—Its Contents—The Itinerarium Mari-
timum —The Jerusalem Itinerary—The Peutinger Table—Its Transcrip¬
tion, and probable Date of Composition . 203—512

CHAPTER XV.

estimates of mountains in antiquity.

Hadrian s Mountain Ascents—Indistinct Conception of Mountain Summits—
Strabo on Alpine Features-Use of Crampons and Tobogganing-Moun-
tams differently viewed by the Ancients and the Modems-Relidous

CONTENTS.

xvii

Feeling in Antiquity—Ascents of Etna prompted by Research—Strabo on
the Summit of Etna—The Poem of Aetna —Ascents of Mount Argaeus—
Of Tmolus—Ascents for the Sake of the Panorama—Sunrise seen from
Mt. Ida—Lucian on a Mountain View—Description of a Mountain
Climb—Mountains regarded as Look-out Places—Story of Lynceus—
Mountains as Signalling Stations—The Beacon-fires in Aeschylus, probably
corresponding to a Real Line of Stations—The Shield at Marathon-
Mountain Telegraphy in Thucydides, Xenophon, and Polybius—Develop¬
ment of the Art of Signalling—Estimates of the Heights of Mountains—
Scientific Measurement by Dicaearchus, and Xenagoras . 313—337

CHAPTER XVI.

PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS.

Marinus Tyrius—His Attempt to reform the Map of the World—Its
Deficiencies—Ptolemy—His Great Reputation—His Error about the
Circumference of the Earth, and the Length of the Habitable World—
The Fortunate Isles his Prime Meridian—His System of Projection—His
Geographical Treatise—His Maps—His Corrections of Previous Maps—
His Chief Errors—His Account of Britain—Accurate Delineation of the

Coast—Erroneous Position of Scotland—Possible Explanation of this_

Ptolemy’s Tables of the Coast of Britain—The Southern Coast—The
Western Coast—The Eastern Coast—Ireland—Other Additions to Geo-
graphical Knowledge—The Volga (Rha)—The Altai Chain (Imaus)—
Direct Trade Route to China—Sources of the Nile—Mountains of the
Moon—The Soudan—Rivers Gir and Nigir—Pausariias—His Resemblance
to Herodotus—His Illustrations of Physical Geography—Fountains—Their
Different Colours—Warm Springs—Fountain of Deine—Caverns—The
Corycian Cave—Trees—Cotton—Pausanias’ Researches in Greece—His
Descriptions of Olympia and Delphi—Routes which he followed—Con¬
tents of his Book—The Question of his Veracity—The View Adverse to
Pausanias—Explanations of his Statements—Difficulties involved in the
Supposition—Recent Testimonies in his Favour—Stephanus Byzantinus—
His Ethnica —Character of its Contents—Solinus—His Memorabilia —
Mediaeval Estimate of him—Modern Estimate—Orosius—His Historian —
Its Geographical Section—Transient Character of Ptolemy’s Influence-
Earlier Errors revived—Retrospect and Summary—Continuous Advance
of Knowledge of General Geography, and of Scientific Geography

338—370

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

Pages 3,4. The Mediterranean Sea.

4, Exclusiveness of the ancient Egyptians.

4-6. Phoenicians and Minoans ....

7. Tarshish or Tartessus.

8. High peaks attract storms ....

10. Dangerous currents near headlands

11. The Mediterranean a tideless sea.

11. Heracles a fire-god.

13. Geographical works in Latin....

19.20. The Argonauts.

20.21. The River Oceanus.

24. Ithaca.

24, 25. The Homeric Catalogue ....

26, 27. The Aethiopians.

29, 30. The Pygmies.

31-33. Amber.

32. The Hyperboreans.

34. The amber river Eridanus ....

35, 36. The early tin trade.

37-39. The Cassiterides.

38. P. Crassus.

43. Greek colonisation.

46. Phoenicians at Lampsacus ....

46. Black Sea fisheries.

47. Sinope ..

50. Cumae.

54.55. Massilia.

55. Greek colonies in Spain.

55.56. Cyrene.

57. Note 1.

38. Colaeus.

60, 61. Xanthus of Lydia.

63. The supposed rise of the Nile out of the Ocean
63. The Nile inundations.

v
v
v
v

vi
vi

vii
vii
vii

vii

viii
viii
viii

xi
xi
xi
xi
xi

CONTENTS,

XIX

Pages 64.

Map-making.

. . xii

66.

The influence of Delphi on colonisation

xii

69.

Europe and Asia.

xii

70.

Hecataeus.

. . xiii

73 -

Hecataeus on Spain ....

. . xiii

73 -

The Araxes.

xiii

75 -

Herodotus.

xiii

84.

Herodotus and the Alps

. . xiii

84. Alpis and Carpis.

. . xiii

8S-

Rivers of South Russia ....

xiv

The Argippaei and others .

. . xiv

g°.

The Royal Road.

xiv

95 -

Dumb commerce . . .

96.

The Troglodyte Aethiopians

96 , 97 -

The expedition of the Nasamones.

99-101.

The circumnavigation of Africa .

IOI.

Scylax of Caryanda ....

xvi

103.

The voyage of Sataspes....

xvi

104-109.

The expedition of Hanno

xvi

109, no.

The expedition of Himilco .

xvii

109.

Avienus.

xvii

no.

Albion and Hierne ....

xvii

112-118.

The retreat of the Ten Thousand .

xviii

118-120.

The i Peri plus’ of Scylax

. . xviii

120, 121.

The bifurcation of the Ister .

. . xviii

13s. 136.

Mistakes concerning the Jaxartes.

xviii

136.

Patrocles on the Caspian Sea

xviii

137 -

The fortress of Aornus ....

. . xix

138.

Alexander’s turning point

. . xix

I4I-I43.

The voyage of Nearchus

146.

The Red Sea canal ....

147-

Ptolemaic colonies in Somaliland

147, 148. Megasthenes.

152-164.

The voyage of Pytheas ....

: . xx

155 -

Travel by the N. coast of Spain .

xxi

156.

Ictis.

xxi

157-

Pytheas’ measurement of Britain.

xxi

* 58 .

Pytheas’ visit to the German coast

xxi

159 -

Tides in Pentland Firth

xxi

CONTENTS.

Pages 159. Thule.

xxii

163. The Pulmo marinus ....

xxii

164. The ‘Guttones’.

xxii

164. Scythia.

xxii

168 ff. The measurement of the earth .

xxii

172. Eratosthenes’ great circle .

xxni

190. The return of Eudoxus

xxui

191. Soundings in the Mediterranean .

xxni

192, 193. Observations on the tides .

xxui

194. Aristotle’s wind-points

xxiv

196, 197. Erosion by rivers.

xxiv

197. Posidonius’ visit to Britain .

xxiv

209. Polybius’ journeys in Libya.

xxiv

209. Polybius’ passage over the Alps .

xxiv

219. The site of Tigranocerta .

XXV

225. Madeira.

xxv

226. The Canaries.

XXV

229. Caesar’s conquest of Gaul .

xxv

231. Portus Itius.

xxvi

231. Caesar’s report on Britain .

xxvi

233. The Roman naval campaign of a.d. 5

xxvi

234. The Roman campaigns in the Danube lands

xxvi

238. The Geography of Strabo .

xxvii

239. Cicero’s sons.

xxvii

243. Date of Strabo’s Geography

xxvii

252. Strabo on the British Isles .

xxvii

258. Strabo on Asia Minor ....

xxvii

260. The expedition of Aelius Gallus .

xxviii

262. Pomponius Mela.

xxviii

274. The Periplus Maris Erythraei .

xxviii

275. Zanzibar.

xxviii

279. Hippalus and the direct route to India

xxviii

280, 281. Eastern Asia.

xxix

287, 288. Agricola.

XXX

289. Germany and Scandinavia .

xxx

294. The Roman frontier system

XXX

294. Hadrian’s ‘allocutio’ ....

xxxi

299. The Roman roads . . - .

xxxi

306. Roman Itineraries ....

xxxi

CONTENTS.

xxi

Pages 313. Ancient lore of mountains.xxxi

323. Erroneous beliefs about views from high points . xxxi

325. A military mountain-climb.xxxii

328-335. Ancient signals.xxxii

335, 336 Measurement of mountains.xxxii

338. Ptolemy.xxxii

341, 342. Ptolemy’s error about the length of the habitable

world.xxxii

346. The Indian Ocean a lake.xxxiii

352. The land route to China.xxxiii

352. The Nile and the Mountains of the Moon . . xxxiv

Select Bibliography..

Index.371—387

LIST OF MAPS.

i. The Greek Colonies. To face page 43

а. The World according to Hecataeus . . . ,, ,, 71

3. The World according to Herodotus . . . ,, ,, 75

4. Xenophon’s Route across Armenia . . . . ,, .,113

5. Alexander’s Eastern Expedition . . ,, ,, 123

б. The World according to Strabo . . . ,, ,, 339

7. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea . . . ,, „ 275

8. The Chief Lines of Road in the Roman Empire . „ ,, 399

9. The World according to Ptolemy . . . . ,, ,, 341

10. The Coasts of the British Islands according to Ptolemy , „ 347

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

Importance of the History of Geography—Subdivisions of Geography: (i) Ma¬
thematical, (3) Physical, (3) Descriptive and Political, (4) Historical—
The Mediterranean Sea the Starting-point in the Enquiry—Its Advantages
—Commerce and Settlements of the Phoenicians in the Aegean Sea, in
Africa and Sicily, and at Gades—Their selfish Policy detrimental to Know¬
ledge—The Greeks; their Qualifications for the Study of Geography—
Greece a suggestive Country for this Subject, in its General Features, and
its Peculiar Phenomena—Disappearance of Rivers—Currents of the Euri-
pus—Volcanic Phenomena and Earthquakes—The Study of Geography
almost confined to the Greeks—Greek Explorers—Greek Scientific Geo¬
graphers—Hardly any Roman Geographers—Geographical Eras and Cen¬
tres—Greek Colonies—Miletus and the Ionian School—Herodotus—Early
Expeditions—Alexander’s Campaigns—Foundation of Alexandria—Roman
Conquests—Augustan Age—Ptolemy—Stimulating Influence of Geogra¬
phical Discoveries—Cuiious Information thus obtained—Means of testing
the Reports of Early Travellers—Marvellous Narratives not necessarily
Incredible.

The History of Geography forms an integral part of the history of
the development of the human race. It chronicles importance
the gradual advances which men made in their of the History
intercourse with their fellow men, and the results of Gcography *
of those advances in enlarged views of life and increased civili¬
sation. It notes their progress in speculation on such subjects
as the shape and magnitude of the earth, the position of the
continents on its surface, the tides and other recurring phenomena,
and on the changes which they either saw taking place before
their eyes, or inferred as having happened in the past from the
appearance of existing objects. Finally, as its most rightful*
function, it traces the increase of the knowledge which they
possessed of various countries—of their outline and surface, their
mountains and rivers, their products and commodities. And as
geography is the most central in its position of all the sciences.

INTRODUCTORY.

[CHAP.

standing as it does half-way between history, sociology and the
other studies which relate to man on the one side, and those which
deal with the composition of the earth which is his dwelling-place,
such as geology, on the other; so the history of geography,
especially that of its earlier stages, when these cognate subjects
were still in their infancy, is fruitful in information relating to
them.

It will be seen from this that geography is a comprehensive
subject, and requires to be studied from several
of 1 Geography * different points of view; and for this reason it may
be well at starting that we should consider the
subdivisions under which it may be most advantageously treated.
These are Mathematical, Physical, Descriptive or Political, and
Historical Geography. Mathematical Geography
maUcsjf a *" deals with those questions which depend on the
sciences of astronomy and geometry—the relation
of the earth to the other heavenly bodies, the measurement of
its circumference, the division of its surface into zones, the
alternations of the seasons, and the like; and also all such points
as are connected with map-making—the relative position of
places and countries on the face of the globe, the altitude of
mountains, the determination of parallels and meridians, and
eventually the construction of a scheme of latitude and longitude,
and the delineation of these on a round or plane surface.

(a) Physical, PhysicaI Geography treats of the surface of the
earth, together with its component elements and
the influences that affect it. Under this head fall the distribution
of land and water, the composition of the rocks and the metals
which they contain, the changes in the ground together with the
causes which have produced them, and varieties of soil, climate
(3) Descrip- and vegetation. Descriptive and Political Geography
UTC and Poll- sets forth in detail the characteristics of the several

’ . portions of this area, regarding it especially as the

habitation of man, and subdividing it according to the political
aggregation of its occupants. To this head also belongs all
information respecting the works which have been produced upon
its surface by the hand of man—the dwelling-places which he has
constructed, the changes which he has effected by means of

I.] THE MEDITERRANEAN THE STARTING-POINT. 3

harbours, embankments and drainage, and the development of
the products of the soil. Historical Geography

\ i 7 (4) Historical.

regards the earth from the point of view of its effect
on human society and the progressive development of the race.
With this object it considers the modifying influence on national
character which has been produced by the aspect of a country, by
the facilities or impediments which it presents in respect of
communication with other peoples, and by the occupations which
it naturally fosters. And it also points out the effect which,
geographical features have produced, both in determining cam¬
paigns and battles, which have been the turning-points of the
worlds history, and in fixing beforehand the routes which must
be followed by trade and commerce; and, on a larger scale,
in affecting the power which particular countries have exercised at
certain periods. It is easy to perceive from this review how many
points of contact with other studies geography presents; and none
of these can be ignored in a history of geography, if it is to afford
an adequate survey of the subject.

The natural starting-point for such a history must be the
shores of the Mediterranean, because the peoples
that dwelt in the neighbourhood of that sea first TheMedi-
cultivated the science of geography on an extended the starting-
scale, and it was from that quarter that the in- Enquiry !* 16
formation was originally derived which furnished
the material for such a study. The reason of this is to be found
fully as much in the geographical features of that portion of the
globe, as in the character of the nations that inhabited it. Thus
Strabo in the Introduction to his Geography 1 draws attention to
the superiority of the coasts of the inland seas—such as the
Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, and the Mediterranean—over those of
the ocean, from which they are inlets, in respect of the variety of
their outline; and he adds that from that point of view the
Mediterranean has the advantage over all the
others. By means of this multiplicity of form, ta g^. Advan "
communication was promoted between distant races
through the islands which served as stepping-stones from one
country to another, and the numerous creeks and harbours which

1 2. 5. a6.

1—2

INTRODUCTORY.

[CHAP.

provided a place of refuge in bad weather. The conformation
of its northern shore is especially noticeable in this respect; and,
in addition to this, the relative position of the peninsulas of
Greece, Italy and Spain, which project into it on this side from
the continent of Europe, tended still more to facilitate the inter¬
course between them. Thus the same causes which promoted
the civilisation of the inhabitants of this region of the globe
by enlarging their minds and enabling them to communicate to
one another the arts of life, laid at the same time the foundations
of a progressive and comprehensive study of geography. The
case was widely different with countries like India and China,
which from their remote situation and strongly marked boundaries
were cut off from any but the most limited contact with others;
and the same thing is almost equally true of Egypt, which land,
though it communicated with the Mediterranean, was developed
on lines of its own owing to its dependence on the Nile, and
was traditionally exclusive in its ideas and policy. Whatever
knowledge of geography was possessed by the nations which
occupied these countries, was too much restricted in its horizon
to be of service for general study.

The people who were the first depositaries of geographical
knowledge in the Mediterranean were the Phoe-
and°settie- e nicians. Long before the dawn of Greek history
that . wonderful race had established their trading
stations at various points on the shore of that sea,
and even on the confines of the ocean. The names of their two
principal cities—Tyre, originally Sur, “the rock,” with reference
to its site on a barren island, and Sidon, “ the fishers’ town
sufficiently indicate their early aptitude for maritime pursuits;
and the narrow strip of coast which formed their country, cut off
as it was from the rest of Syria by the rocky wall of Libanus,
denied them any other outlet for their boundless vigour than
that offered by the sea. We can trace their advance along the
three basins into which the Mediterranean is naturally divided—
from the Syrian coast to the Cyrenaica, which here advances
towards the southernmost parts of Greece; from thence to the
s tiH more strongly marked limit which is formed by Sicily and the
Carthaginian territory; and at last to the Pillars of Hercules at

THE PHOENICIANS.

i.]

its western end. In the first of these seas we note their progress
by way of Cyprus and Rhodes to Crete, which island, from its
position at the southern limit of the Aegean, and between the
extremities of the continents of Greece and Asia Minor, was
suited to be a starting-point for future advances.

In the Aegean itself we find numerous evidences ^ e * he Aegfeaa
of their presence. Thus the name Samos, which,
whether it occurs in the island of that name or in Samothrace,
was recognised by the Greeks as meaning ‘a height 1 / is derived
from the Semitic shamah ‘ to be high.’ Lampsacus, as the city at
the entrance of the Hellespont from the Propontis was called,
signified in that language the town “at the ford.” Atabyrium,
the highest summit in Rhodes, is the same as Tabor; in fact the
Greeks thus designated the well-known mountain in Palestine.
Iardanos also, the stream in Crete, has the same name as the
Jordan, yarden being the Phoenician word for ‘river’; and
Adramyttium in Mysia corresponds to Hadrumetum in Africa.
Elsewhere we find traces of the Phoenician religion. In Thasos
there was a temple of the Tyrian Heracles 2 , ie. Melcarth; and
in several places where the local name Macaria is found associated
with traditions of Heracles, it would seem to be a corruption of
the title of the same god. The cult of Aphrodite Urania which
existed in Cythera, a Phoenician station, was in reality that of
Astarte, and in several places called Astyra we find the traces of
her name. Again, the ‘Great Gods’ that were worshipped in
Samothrace, though in all probability they were not originally
Semitic divinities, yet seem at one time to have passed under the
influence of the Phoenicians from their name Cabeiri, which is
derived from kabir ‘great/ a title applied by that people to their
leading deities. In connexion with the purple fisheries, by which
they obtained the Tyrian dye, we find the Phoenicians in the
Laconian gulf and at Hermione in the Argolic Acte, both of
which places were famed for their purple; and in the same
connexion we discover their traces at Corinth, on the coins of
which city the purple-mussel appears, and where Sisyphus is said
to have been father of Porphyrion, that is the purple-trade, and

1 Strabo, 8. 3. 19, crd/xovs hd\ow r& 0^.

a Herod. 2. 44.

INTRODUCTORY.

[CHAP.

Lo have founded the worship of Melicertes or Mclcarlh. Nor
were they behindhand in the pursuit of the precious metals in
these parts, for Herodotus 1 tells us that they worked the gold
mines in Thasos; and in other places there are evidences of their
mining operations.

At an early period also we meet with the Phoenicians at
the western extremity of the central basin of the
slciiy? Ca and Mediterranean. Here on the African coast they
founded their colony of Utica, the date of which,
if we may trust the authorities, was about eleven hundred years
before Christ; and the same neighbourhood three centuries later
saw the establishment of the more famous city of Carthage. The
causes of the prosperity of that place, which was destined to be
the rival of its parent state, were its central position in the
Mediterranean, owing to which it commanded the spaces of sea
both to the east and west of it, its nearness to Sicily and Italy,
which brought it into communication with Europe, and the access
which it enjoyed to the interior of Africa; these advantages
rendered it an almost ideal trading station. On the opposite
coast of Sicily, also, the most favourable points were occupied
either by Phoenician or Carthaginian settlements. At the
westernmost point stood Lilybaeum—-the town ‘ opposite Libya/
as its Semitic name signifies; to the northward of this rose the
conspicuous mountain on which Eryx stands, with its famous
temple of Venus Erycina, in which the worship of Astarte was
perpetuated; and not far off they had a station at Panormus,
where they commanded one of the finest harbours in the island.
Again, in the third bay of the Mediterranean, that which reaches
from Sicily to the Straits, they established themselves in Sardinia
and Corsica, along the Spanish coast, and in the neighbouring
Balearic islands; and even Massilia was probably one of their
stations before the arrival of the Greek settlers. Yet, wonderful
to relate, all these advances had been anticipated by more
adventurous voyages, for long before this time, and several cen¬
turies before the Greeks were even aware that the Mediterranean
was an enclosed sea, these energetic traders had passed the Pillars
of Hercules, and reached the ocean. There—a few years earlier,

1 Herod. 6. 47.

THEIR POLICY OF CONCEALMENT.

as it would seem, than the foundation of Utica—they fortified
themselves in an impregnable position at Gades or j j
Gadeira—Agaddir, “the enclosure —which became
thenceforth their starting-point for expeditions to Britain, and
for the establishment of trading stations on the western coast of
Africa. The neighbouring region of southern Spain was known
through them as Tarshish or Tartessus—a name which was
derived from the tribYTfiaTu^ Turti or Turdetani.

Of this we hear even in the genealogy in the tenth chapter of
the book of Genesis 1 , and in Solomon’s time (1000 b.c.) it is
mentioned in connexion with the navy of Hiram, King of Tyre 2 .

The geographical information about various countries which
was thus obtained by the Phoenicians must have

, _ . . , . , , Their selfish

been very great, and this, together with the astro- Policy detri-
nomical and other scientific knowledge which en- Knowledge,
abled them to undertake such extensive expeditions,
would have been extremely valuable for the study of geography, if
they had come down to us. Unfortunately the whole of it is lost
beyond recovery. This is the result of the narrow and jealous
commercial policy of that people, which caused them to keep
secret their maritime discoveries, so as to prevent other nations
from entering on the same field. In Herodotus we meet with
various stories relating to the difficulties incurred in obtaining the
products of distant lands, which were circulated by the Phoenicians
with the object of discouraging competition and concealing the
origin of those articles. The trees from which they obtained the
frankincense in Arabia were reported to be guarded by winged
serpents 3 ; the lake where cassia was gathered was infested with
large bats, as a defence against which those who collected it had
to wrap themselves in the hides of oxen 4 ; and cinnamon was
acquired by artifice from the nests of birds, which were built on
inaccessible rocks. The historian’s report of the last of these
fables, which recalls some of the stories in the Arabian Nights,
runs as follows“ Great birds, they [the Arabians] say, carry the
sticks which we Greeks, taking the word from the Phoenicians,
call cinnamon to their nests, which are formed of clay and attached
1 Gen. to. 4. a 1 Kings 10. aa.

1 Gen. to. 4.

3 Herod. 3. 107.

4 Ibid* 3. no.

INTRODUCTORY.

[CHAP.

to precipitous mountains, which no foot of man can approach.
So the Arabians, to get the cinnamon, use the following artifice.
They cut up the limbs of the oxen and asses and other beasts of
burden which die in their land into large pieces, and carry them
into those regions, and when they have placed them near the nests
withdraw to a distance. Thereupon the birds swoop down, and
carry with them the pieces of meat up to their nests, which, being
unable to sustain the weight, break and foil to the ground; after
which the Arabians come and collect the cinnamon, which is then
transported into other countries 1 .” Under these circumstances it
is not surprising that, while the Phoenicians themselves were
familiar with the western parts of the Mediterranean, all that the
Greeks learnt from them at an early time was vague rumours of a
great mountain called Atlas, which supported the heavens, or of
lofty rocks, called the Pillars of Hercules, which marked the limit
of the world in that direction. The tradition of this system of
exclusiveness was maintained until a late period. Strabo tells us,
when speaking of the Cassiterides 3 , that a Phoenician shipmaster
from Gades, when on his way to those islands, being followed by
a Roman vessel which desired to discover the region from which
tin was obtained, purposely ran his ship on a shoal in order to
involve the other in the same destruction; and that, when he
returned home, he was indemnified by the state for the loss of his
cargo. We cannot wonder if posterity also has suffered from the
effects of this selfish policy.

The loss to geography, however, which has arisen from this
The Greeka; cause, has been amply compensated by that study
wtions^or tte havin S P asse d into the hands of the Greeks. That
^phy° f Ge °" P eo P* e > more ^an an y ot ^ er nation in antiquity,
**** y ' were fitted to deal with the subject, and to give the
due proportion to its various branches. They too were a mari¬
time race, and had learnt to regard the sea as the highway of
nations, or, as Homer expresses it, the “ watery ways 3 .” The
uncertain navigation of the Aegean, studded as it is by high peaks
which attract the storms, taught the Greek mariner a lesson of
caution and hardihood; and this, combined with the adventurous

1 Herod. 3. m. a Strabo, 3. 5. 11.

8 iiypb Kfaevda.

THE GREEKS.

spirit which characterised the people, fitted them to undertake
expeditions into distant lands. But it was the national intellect
of the Greeks that especially qualified them for geographical
investigation. Their comprehensiveness of mind was suited to a
subject which, as we have seen, embraces a wide area of know¬
ledge, and imparted to it a philosophical as well as a scientific
character. Hence at an early period we find that the information
gathered by their traders was recorded, and made the basis for
enquiries into the origin and constitution of the world. Their
acuteness of observation caused them to notice the peculiarities
of the countries which they visited, and of the objects which they
met with in them; and these they learnt to compare with one
another, and to speculate on their resemblances. This was the
commencement of physical geography, which formed a link
between the study of the earth at large and the detailed investi¬
gation of physical phenomena. The versatility of their intellect
prevented them from confining themselves to one side of the
study, and led them to regard it from several points of view.
Thus mathematical, and physical, and historical geography, each
in its turn, obtained recognition, and at last systematic treatises
were written, in which all these aspects of the subject were
combined. To this we may add a certain expansiveness of
temperament—the very reverse of the exclusiveness of the
Phoenicians—which impelled them to communicate to others
the knowledge which they themselves obtained.

The country also which was inhabited by the Greeks on both
sides of the Aegean was peculiarly suggestive for
geographical study, both in its general characteristics
and in the peculiar phenomena which it exhibits.

For a science like astronomy, requiring as it does
above all things a clear atmosphere and an unimpeded range
of view, the plains of Babylonia were a more fitting home.
Geometry, which, we are told, .originated in the necessity of
measuring the ground in Egypt after the landmarks had been
obliterated by the inundation of the Nile, would naturally look
to that country as its birthplace. But for geography Greece had
lessons to teach which nowhere else could be learnt to equal
advantage on account of the extraordinary variety of its natural

Greece a
suggestive
Country for
this Subject,

INTRODUCTORY.

[CHAP.

features. It was a land of mountains, many of which were of suffi¬
cient altitude to be snow-clad in winter; and these,
Features, neral while they were ran ged in definite chains, at the same
time displayed conspicuous summits. The levels
that were interposed between them were either upland plains, like
that of Mantineia, which lies more than 2000 feet above the sea,
or maritime plains, such as those of Athens and Argos, which,
though enclosed on three sides by lofty barriers, terminated on
the fourth in an open line of coast. The rivers were for the most
part torrents, which flowed with a rushing current in winter and
were dry in summer; but there were not wanting streams of
greater volume, like the Achelous and the Alphoius, which had a
perennial supply of water. The promontories of Greece, which
project conspicuously into the sea, while they inspired the sailor
with dread on account of the dangerous currents in their neighbour¬
hood, were recognised as landmarks for which to steer, and as
geographical limits, which hounded the intervening spaces of sea.
Everywhere, too, the islands met the eye in endless succession,
with an infinite variety of form. Yet none of these features were
as characteristic as the sea itself, which penetrated the land in
innumerable bays, which it subdivided again into smaller creeks
and harbours, thus producing a great irregularity of outline, and
a seaboard of extraordinary length in proportion to the area of the
country. By means of these the Greeks were familiarised with
every phase of that element, and learnt to watch its changes, and
to notice the influence which it exercised on human life and
history.

But besides these general features, there were many peculiar
and its phenomena in the lands which bordered on the

Phenomwa. Aegean which could not fail to Merest an imagina¬
tive people. This was the case with the sudden
disappearance of rivers—a feature which is not uncommon in
Disappear ^ mestone districts, but is unusually frequent in
ance of Rivers. Greece—and their reappearance after a subter¬
raneous course. The Alpheius was a well-known
instance, for it sinks into the ground in the earlier part of its
course in the district of Asea, between the territory of Megalopolis
and that of Tegea; and this is thought to have been the origin

I.] GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF GREECE. XI

of its earlier name, Nyctimus, i.e. the river of night or darkness.

The currents of the Euripus at Chalcis, which sway

to and fro at irregular intervals in the twenty-four the^ripusf

hours, were noticed at an early time by the Greeks,

many of whom must have traversed it owing to the safe passage

afforded by the land-locked Euboic sea; and thus their minds

were prepared for the strange recurrence of the tides of the Ocean,

with which those who lived about the tideless Mediterranean sea

could have no acquaintance. Still more impressive were the

earthquake movements, to which throughout its

1 1 1 , , Volcanic

history Greece has been greatly exposed, and the phenomena
volcanic phenomena with which these are connected, quakes 1 * 11 "
The volcanic island of Thera in the middle of the
Aegean, with its calcined and strangely coloured rocks and
precipices, though it was not in activity during the early part of
the historic period, presented a weird aspect to the eyes of the
Greek mariner. The jets of mephitic vapour which were of
frequent occurrence in Western Phrygia suggested the idea of a
connexion with the infernal regions, and were called Charonia or
Plutonia, among which the Plutonium at Hierapolis was the most
famous. The numerous hot springs in Greece, especially those
of Thermopylae, and of Aedepsus in the north of Euboea, were
associated with Heracles in his character of the fire-god; and the
Peloponnese, on account of the frequent occurrence of earth¬
quakes in that district, as well as for other reasons, became the
focus of the worship of Poseidon, the * earth-shaker.* In these
and similar ways the peculiar features of the country in Greece
attracted the attention of its inhabitants, and their observations
upon them took the form of superstitions and religious fancies;
but these in their turn formed the basis for further investigation,
and furnished the facts which were afterwards turned to account
by philosophers and men of science. Aristotle in particular,
when discussing physical theories, constantly draws his illustrations
from objects and places in his native land. So too, the connexion
between the conformation of a country and the politics of the
states which occupy it—an idea which is of primary importance
for historical geography—was impressed on the minds of the
Greeks by the feeling that the. limits of their own states were

INTRODUCTORY.

[CHAP.

assigned by nature, and that both their occupations and their
sphere of action were determined by their local position.

It is not unreasonable to dwell at some length on the
character of the Greeks and the influence exercised
Gwgraphy'ai- u P on them by the land which they inhabited,
bTthe Greek* d because the study of geography in ancient times
was from first to last almost entirely in their
hands. We might have expected that a people like the Romans,
whose conquests were widely extended, and whose interests in
distant countries were numerous on account of their commerce
and the needs of their administration, would have borne their
part in cultivating a subject of so great practical importance.
But this was not the case. Not only were the foundations of
the science laid by the Greeks, but it was mainly through them
that the observations made in the course of military campaigns,
and the knowledge gained through the spread of trade, were
recorded. The first explorer who brought back in-
pio««* k Ex ’ formation with regard to the north-western portions
of Europe was Pytheas, a Greek of Massilia; and
his discoveries in the ocean to the northward of Britain, though
they were made at a period nearly coeval with Alexander the
Great, were hardly superseded even when the greater part of that
island was in the power of the Romans. Almost everything
that was known in antiquity concerning the interior of India was
derived, either from the companions of Alexander, or from
Megasthenes, who was sent by Seleucus Nicator as ambassador
to Chandragupta at Pataliputra on the Ganges./ The shores of
the western part of the Mediterranean, both on the side of
Europe and of Africa, were investigated, and their noticeable
features recorded, by Artemidorus and Polybius j while the
interior of Spain, of Gaul, and of the southern part of Britain
was visited by Posidonius, who devoted especial attention to the
races that inhabited those countries, and to their occupations,
customs, and religious rites. When Pompey in the course of his
campaigns against Mithridates opened out the countries that lay
between the Euxine and the Caspian, it was his Greek companion
and friend, Theophanes of Mytilene, who collected and published
the results of his discoveries. ,MeanwhiIe the study of mathe-

GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHERS.

I.]

matical geography was monopolised by Greek savants , from
"Eratosthenes to Ptolemy; and in the Augustan age, Qreek
when the Roman empire embraced the whole of the Scientific
civilised world, it was Strabo, a Greek of Amasia Geographers -
in Pontus, who described it in a systematic treatise. In fact,
the only two geographical works in Latin which Hardly any
we possess are those of Pomponius Mela and Roman Geo-
Pliny, both of them writers of the post-Augustan graphers -
period; and the former of these books is a mere r'esum'e , which
adds but little to our knowledge, while that part of Pliny’s
Natural History which deals with geography is both unskilful
in its arrangement of facts, and uncritical in its treatment of them.
Strabo, though he was ultra-Roman in his views of politics, and
desired to approve his work to Roman readers, cannot conceal
his contempt for that people as geographers. “ Roman writers,”
he says, when speaking of Spain, “imitate the Greeks, but not
with much success; for they borrow their statements from them,
and do not themselves bring to the subject much love of enquiry;
so that, where the Greeks fail us, these do not greatly help to
supplement them 1 .” And Pliny is even severer in his judgment
of his countrymen; for he remarks with regard to the contradictory
reports that were current in his day concerning the interior of
Mauretania, that “the Roman authorities, while they take no
trouble to investigate the truth, are not ashamed to invent false¬
hoods; and nowhere is there greater liability to error than where
misstatements are supported by persons in high position 3 .”

The study of geography among the Greeks when once it had
been started was continuously progressive, but, as Geographi .
might be expected, a more rapid advance was made cat Eras and

( t 1 . . ■ Centres*

during certain penods and at certain centres. It
was natural also that different aspects of the subject should attract
attention at different times, since in one age greater facilities were
offered for the accumulation of materials, while in another there
was a tendency to speculate on the facts thus obtained, and to
start new theories on the larger scientific questions
involved. As soon as the Greek colonies began Cal ” a £ a(
to be thickly sown along the coasts of the Mediter-
1 3. 4.19. s Hist. Nat. 5. ra.

INTRODUCTORY.

[CHAP.

ranean and the Euxine, information flowed in abundantly to
the parent states concerning the countries in their neighbourhood,
and was rapidly disseminated among the Greeks at large. At
Miletus and ^is ear ty P eia °d Miletus, owing to its important
Uie^ionian colonies on the Euxine, became the chief centre of
geographical enquiry; and the philosophers of the
Ionian school, of which that city was the headquarters, availed
themselves of the knowledge thus obtained to aid their specula¬
tions on the origin and nature of the earth. The theories which
they put forward on these points may have been crude and tenta¬
tive, but they mark an important advance in the treatment of the
subject, because the spirit of mere wonder which had hitherto
prevailed, and had associated unfamiliar sights with the working
of supernatural agencies, was now giving way before the investiga¬
tion of natural causes. Miletus also gave birth to the first

Herodotus treatase on geography in the work of Hecataeus. The
westward advance of Persia to the neighbourhood
of the Aegean, and the subsequent conflict between that empire
and Greece, together with the increasing familiarity of the Greeks
with Egypt, further widened the field of view; and the progress
thus obtained is embodied in the History of Herodotus. Then
follow a succession of expeditions in lands hitherto
ditw Expe ' unknown—the voyage of Hanno along the western
coast of Africa, the retreat of the Ten Thousand
under Xenophon through Armenia, and above all the eastern
campaigns of Alexander, in the course of which
Campaign”* a vast area of country was for the first time re¬
vealed. The cities which were founded by that
great conqueror, and the interest in the pursuit of knowledge that
was displayed by his successors in Egypt and in Asia, aided still
further the advance of discovery. But the event which more than
any other served to foster the science of geography was the
foundation of Alexandria. That city, from its
of Alexandria, central position m respect of the three continents,
and from the attractions which it offered to traders,
at once became a focus of information; and its famous Museum
was the resort of men of science, like Eratosthenes and Hipparchus,
by whose researches mathematical geography was established on a

I-]

SPECIAL GEOGRAPHICAL ERAS.

r 5

firm basis. The influence which it thus exercised continued to
be felt until the latest period, for Ptolemy is spoken of by Suidas
and other writers as an Alexandrian. Meanwhile the rise of the
power of Rome was bringing into prominence the countries of
Western Europe, and that city, from the patronage which its
leading men extended to geographical research, attracted persons
who were interested in that study. Under such circumstances we
cannot be surprised that the political and practical side of the
subject made itself felt; and so we find that historical geography
assumed a conspicuous position, with Polybius for its most
prominent exponent. In the epoch that followed,
the conquests of the Romans were the principal qu ^°™ an Con "
agency in advancing the frontiers of knowledge;
and the war against Mithridates in Asia, and Caesar’s campaigns
in Gaul, made extensive additions to this field. The
Augustan age, owing to the good order that every- ^ Augustan
where prevailed, and the facility of communication
caused by the encouragement given by the Romans to the con¬
struction of roads, marked the culminating point of the study;
and whatever additions were made to the subject during the
remainder of the first century of our era, related to outlying
regions, such as Britain, the inland parts of Mauretania, and the
coasts of the Indian sea. After this, the scientific side of
geography came once more to the front, for it was discovered
that map-making was serviceable for purposes of administration,
and on this account it was encouraged by the Romans. Hence
in the second century, when other branches of
the study were becoming decadent, mathematical
geography reached its highest development in the works of
Ptolemy.

It is no easy matter for us at the present day to realise to
ourselves the feelings of the ancients with regard to
geographical enquiry. We are sated with dis- influ^clfof*
coveries; and since the sources of the Nile have DisSverles^
been reached by travellers, and the leading features
of the interior of Africa have been made known to us, only small
portions of the habitable globe remain still to be explored, so
that we are forced to turn to the Polar regions as the last re-

INTRODUCTORY.

[CTTAP.

maining stimulus to investigation. But in antiquity the case was
different, because of the numerous questions that then remained
unsolved, and the ignorance which prevailed concerning wide
tracts of country. The belief that the earth was surrounded by
water, which we find to have existed as early as the Homeric age,
continued to be a subject for speculation down to the latest
period. Even when the Roman empire had reached its furthest
limits, it was acknowledged that there were peoples, such as the
Chinese at the extremity of Asia, the tribes in the interior of
Africa, and others by the northern sea, of whom nothing was
known beyond uncertain rumours; and, in addition to this, a large
portion of the surface of the globe still remained to be accounted
for, which might in part be covered by continents, and these per¬
haps inhabited. But at an earlier period these influences made
themselves much more strongly felt. The excitement awakened
in the minds of the Greeks by narratives of voyages to Tartessus,
when once their pioneers had made their way in the wake of the
Phoenicians to that remote land, can only be compared to the feel¬
ings of the European nations during the age of American discovery,
when the strange objects and stranger tales which were brought
back by adventurers suggested the hope of extensive conquests
Curious in- an< * subsequent profit. The reports which

obSned 11 thu# reac ^ e< ^ them about the increasing cold and heat
of the climate as the traveller advanced toward the
north or the south, suggested questions respecting the limits of
the habitable world. Differences in the colour, the dress, and the
modes of life of various tribes in remote regions, the mention
of which we frequently meet with in the pages of Herodotus,
aroused their curiosity with regard to the lands which these
inhabited. From the time that they became acquainted with
E gypti the rise of the Nile in summer and its inundations
presented to them an endless subject of speculation; and still
greater was the impression made upon them by the evidences
of the ancient civilisation of that country—the Pyramids and
other extraordinary buildings, the highly developed arts of life,
and the results of scientific enquiry, as shown in the calendar and
the principles of geometry. These are specimens of the stimu¬
lating influence on the Greeks of an extended knowledge of

I.] TESTS OF MARVELLOUS NARRATIVES. 17

foreign lands; and by these they were impelled towards the
further prosecution of such researches, and the attempt to de¬
termine their bearing on other studies.

Since the sources of information about distant lands in an¬
tiquity were so various, and in some respects so
uncertain, it required, and still requires, the exercise tesUn^thcfRe-
of considerable judgement to determine the amount ports of Early

J 0 . Travellers.

of credibility that attaches to the evidence which
was thus obtained. No doubt, the suspicion with which “travellers*
tales ” have been received in all ages is in many ways unreasonable,
for truth is stranger than fiction, and those who have seen un¬
wonted sights in far countries, however much they maybe tempted
to exaggerate by the impossibility of putting their statements to the
proof, have less need than others to draw on their imagination.
At the same time there is a marked difference between the obser¬
vations of professed explorers and those of traders, or of soldiers
who have returned from foreign campaigns; and it was almost
entirely from these and similar classes of men that intelligence
was obtained in ancient times. To determine the value of such
statements a certain exercise of criticism is required, so as to
distinguish what has been gathered by hearsay from that which
is the result of personal enquiry; and the character of the narrator
himself, and the circumstances under which his information was
procured, have also to be taken into account. It is the privilege
of a later age, when additional facts bearing on these points have
been brought to light, to be able to pronounce with greater con¬
fidence on the trustworthiness of such testimony. . By this means
fully as much has been done in the way of confirming, as in
that of disallowing, the traditions of a past age. Thus it is easy
to understand that the statements- of Pytheas with regard to the
wonders of the northern sea, and even his voyage to
that region, would appear incredible, when they
were subjected to the criticism of an unimaginative
thinker, like Polybius, who declined to believe any¬
thing that he could not verify or explain; and yet we may acknow¬
ledge that, since that time, confidence in that traveller has been
restored by a comparison of his narrative with the results of modem
enquiry. We shall have to return to this subject at a later time,

introductory.

[chap. i.

when we come to speak of Pytheas’ travels: for the present we may
remark, as a proof of his having been in Britain, that he mentions
mead, the favourite British beverage, as being made and drunk
there' when he says, “those of the inhabitants who have corn and
honey make a drink of those ingredients'”; and further, he is
shewn to have reached the northern extremity of that island by his
noticing the extraordinary rise of the tide m the adjoining sea,
which is at all times a remarkable phenomenon 2 . In such cases
we may feel confident that these peculiar statements, corresponding
as they do to what are now well ascertained facts, were not mere
inventions, but the result of observation on the spot. In other
instances, too, where information of this kind lias been more
indirectly transmitted—even in the mythical accounts of distant
portions of the earth which Homer gives us—when we meet with
facts which were marvels to the men of that time, but now are
capable of easy explanation, we need find no difficulty in accepting
them as true. In this way we are to a certain extent provided
with landmarks to guide us in exploring a region of knowledge,
the outlines of which are vague and shadowy. It is not un¬
reasonable to assume a sceptical attitude towards narratives of
extraordinary voyages, which profess to have been undertaken at
a time when it is highly improbable that they would have been
carried out, unless such narratives are corroborated by further
evidence. Strange statements, also, about unknown countries
and peoples may fairly be relegated to the region of fable, if their
tone is extravagant, and nothing has subsequently been brought to
light that may confirm them. But, on the other hand, the veri¬
fication of such statements goes far to establish the truthfulness
of the reporter, the more so because of their original unlikelihood;
and when these occur in accounts of extended voyages and travels,
a further presumption is created in favour of the authentic character
of those expeditions themselves.

1 Strabo, 4.5. 5; see Elton, Origins of English History, p. 30.
1 Pliny, 1.517; see Elton, p. 71.

CHAPTER II.

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD.

The Argonautic Legend—Its Historical Significance—Homeric Conception of
the Earth—The River Oceanus—The Giant Atlas—Geography of the
Homeric poems—The North and East of the Aegean—Interior of Asia
Minor—Greece—Accuracy of Local Epithets—Description of the Styx-
Inaccurate Account of Ithaca—Outer Geography of the Iliad; of the
Odyssey—Ignorance of the Western Countries—Wanderings of Ulysses—
Their Mythical Character—Exceptions to this—Rumours about far distant
Countries—The Pygmies—Long Days and Nights of Northern Europe-
Primitive Trade-routes—The Amber Trade-Route through Pannonia—
Route through Gaul—EntrepQt at the Mouths of the Po—Story of the
Sisters of Phaethon—The River Eridanus—The Tin Trade—Tin not im¬
ported from India, but from Spain, and Britain—The Cassiterides Islands
— Opinions as to their Situation—Trees imported into Greece; the Palm,
the Pomegranate, the Cypress, the Plane—The Cardinal Points determined
by the Winds—The Four Winds in Homer—Character of the Greek Winds.

In endeavouring to discover the ideas on the subject of
geography that existed among the Greeks at a primi¬
tive period, we naturally turn to the Homeric poems, Legend,
as being the earliest literary creations of that people,
and as furnishing a singularly comprehensive view of the range
of knowledge of that time. Yet even before the Iliad and
Odyssey were composed we meet with intimations of attempts
on the part of the Greeks to extend their field of observation,
in the stories of maritime enterprise which were already in circu¬
lation. Foremost among these is the fabled voyage of the Argo,
a tale of adventure which is spoken of in the Odyssey as being
even then ‘world-famous 1 .’ The elaborate development which
this story underwent at a later time, and the numerous details
which gathered round it, render it difficult to reduce it to its
original form, for the tale of Medea’s love became attached to it,
and the return of the Argonauts from Colchis to Greece became
the basis of fanciful narratives of the circumnavigation of the

1 ’Apyi rSn iUSow a, Od. n. 70.

2—2

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CIIAP.

eastern or the western continent: but the name of Jason, and the
story of the passage of the vessel between moving rocks, by
which the Symplegades appear to be meant, form part of it from
the first, so that we seem to be justified in associating it with
the Euxine. Aeetes is mentioned as the ruler of the land which
Jason visited, but the country itself is not named; and it is
more reasonable to suppose that it was identified with Colchis
after the commerce of the Greeks had been extended to the
Phasis by the advance of their colonies, than that a band of
adventurers should have penetrated at that early age to the east
of the Black Sea. Still, after making all deductions,
Significance?^ we can hardly avoid the conclusion that some ex¬
pedition of this kind took place, and that the fame
of it was widely spread in the neighbourhood of the Aegean. In
other cases where notices of distant countries arc found imbedded
in the early legends of the Greeks, they can usually be traced
to a Phoenician source; and when they refer to the far west,
the same thing is true even with regard to a much later period.
The mythological personage who is most frequently found in
this connexion is Heracles; and this divinity, where he appears
in the character of a traveller—for instance, when he drives off
the herds of Geryon, the scene of which incident is laid near
Gades, or when he slays the giant Antaeus in Libya—is to be
regarded as representing the Phoenician Melcarth.

The form of the earth, as it was conceived by Homer, is a
Homeric circular plane—an idea which would be naturally
Srth n ° f suggested b y the appearance of the horizon, as
_ it seen i n any extensive view, especially from a
mountain height. This plane was encircled by the Ocean, a

The River ^ riVer ’ Whi ° h WaS tllC P arCnt of'all

Ocewnu. waters—not only of the various seas, but of the

rivers and fountains 1 —and this stream flowed con¬
tinually onward, so that in its revolving course it is spoken of

1 n - 195 — 7 ;

. faQvppclrao fUya ativos ’(ineavtfit,

if oSrep rdrrts jroTa/iol real wa 0dXa<r<ra
Kal *' a<r “ Kai fpelara juucpit vdowv.

II.]

HOMERIC CONCEPTION OF THE EARTH.

as returning upon itself 1 . It is difficult to determine what was
the origin of this notion, which appears to us all the more strange,
because the question whether the habitable world was surrounded
by water was never solved in ancient times. It may have been
simply mythological, though this view is not supported by our
finding it associated with any similar myths, which might illustrate
it. Perhaps it is more probable that it emanated from a Phoenician
source, since traders of that nation were acquainted with the
outer sea, both in the direction of Spain and in that of Arabia;
and the belief in the continuity of its waters may have been
suggested to them in the same way as it was to the scientific
men of a later age, by their observing the recurrence of the move¬
ment of the tides wherever they met with it. The name Oceanus,
also, seems to be more easily explained by a Semitic
than by a Greek etymology 9 . Over the earth was A ^* Giant
reared a vaulted firmament of bronze, in which the
stars were set, and the pillars by which this was supported were
upheld by Atlas. This giant, also, and the story associated with
him, were probably creations of the Phoenicians, and were con¬
nected in their minds with the chain of mountains of that name,
with which they were familiar in the north-west of Africa. Of the
area which was comprehended within this framework only a very
small portion was known, or even made the subject of conjecture,
in the Homeric age. The geographical knowledge of the Greeks
at that time was confined almost entirely to the lands in the
neighbourhood of the Aegean.

With these countries the author of the Iliad shews a more
or less familiar acquaintance. The features of the ^ .

Trojan plain, the stream-like current of the Helles- of the Homeric
pont, the opposite coast of Thrace, and the island poems *
of Tenedos, are all well known to him. The same thing is true
of the district immediately to the southward of TheNortll
this, where the territory of Troy is bounded by the and East of the
wooded range of Ida, which reaches the sea at its Aegean *
western extremity in the promontory of Lectum; and the islands
in the north of the Aegean, and the conspicuous heights on the

1 &ip 6 ppoQs, JL 1 8 . 399.

9 Kiepert, Lehrbuch a . Geographic, p. .30.

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CHAP.

neighbouring mainland, are introduced into the narrative with
due observance of their relative position. All these are mentioned
in the description of the course pursued by Hera, when she passed
from Olympus to Ida to meet Zeus on the summit of that
mountain. There we are told that she first visited the Thracian
mountains and Athos, and thence took her flight by way of
Lemnos and Imbros to Lectum, where she left the sea and
ascended over the ridges to Gargarus, the highest point of Ida,
leaving the God of Sleep, who had accompanied her, to keep
watch on one of the lofty pines 1 . Samothracc, which reaches the
greatest elevation of all the islands in these parts, and commands
a view of the plain of Troy, is selected for the station from which
Poseidon viewed the combats of the Greeks and Trojans “, as
Zeus did from Gargarus. Olympus itself is rightly designated
as a long and snowy and many-crested mountain’. Along the
coast of Asia Minor to the south of Mt. Ida, and in the neigh¬
bouring inland districts, various features of the ground are men¬
tioned, either incidentally, or in connexion with the tribes who
furnished contingents to the army of the Trojans. Thus we hear
of Mt. Tmolus and the Gygaean lake as being in the territory
of the Maeonians, the river Maeander and the heights of Mycale
in that of the Carians, and the Xanthus in Lycia 4 ; while the
Cayster is introduced in a simile as being the haunt of innumerable
waterbirds*, and Mt. Sipylus figures in the story of Niobc 0 .
But there is no intimation of Greek colonics existing on the
mainland of this country, though Rhodes and the islands in its
vicinity, as well as parts of Crete, were occupied by them 7 . Of the

interior of ^ strlc * s As i a Minor that lay further to the cast

Asia Minor. ver y little knowledge is shown; the Halys is not

mentioned, and the Paphlagonians, and beyond
them the Halizones, are only noticed as being allies of the
Trojans’. It is worthy of remark that in the Odyssey also, though
the scene of that poem is laid in western Greece, quite the most

1 ll. 14. *45—130,280—291.

^ 13- 10—14.

* <Mw0os iroXvJeipds, II. 1. +02, 420, 400.

* II - *• 86 & 866 > 86 9> 877' 8 11 . 1. 4 6 lt

n . 2.645-680. 8 n . 2.851,856.

6 II . *4.615,

II.]

INNER GEOGRAPHY OF THE POEMS.

reliable piece of geography relates to the Aegean. This is the
description of the course pursued by the Greek chieftains after
leaving Troy. We find them sailing first from Tenedos to Lesbos,
and there debating whether of two routes they shall take across
the sea to reach Greece; the one being straight to Euboea,
leaving Psyra on their left—a voyage which according to the
ideas of navigation of that time could only be undertaken in fair
weather—the other between Chios and cape Mimas on the
peninsula of Erythrae, from whence they would pass to Geraestus,
the southern Euboean promontory 1 .

In these poems also a generally accurate knowledge of Greece
is shown, though that land is not described by any Greece
collective name. Hellas, in particular, the sub¬
sequent appellation of the entire area, is here confined to a
district of Thessaly. The Achelous, which is spoken of as the
mightiest of rivers, and only second to the ocean stream 2 , forms
the western limit, for while Aetolia is known to the poet, Acar-
nania and Epirus are not mentioned.' The clearest evidence of
familiarity with the country is furnished by the
epithets by which places are designated; for instance, Local Epithets,
the ‘well-walled’ Tiryns 8 , to describe the still famous
fortifications of that city; and especially the ‘hollow’ Lacedaemon
‘full of fissures 4 ,’ by which the valley of Sparta is graphically
delineated, deeply sunk as it is between the heights of Parnon
and Taygetus, and seamed with rifts on its surface. The accuracy
of the local epithets in Homer was noticed in ancient times by
Eratosthenes 5 , and his judgement is corroborated by the obser¬
vation of modern travellers. The most remarkable description of
a geographical feature in Greece which we meet
with in the poems, is that of the cascade of the of ^styx!” 1
Styx in Arcadia, which falls over a perpendicular
cliff of great height at the side of one of the deepest and wildest

1 Od. 3. 159—178. 3 II. «. 194 * 8 R* a- 559*

4 koIXtjv AaKeSatfiova KTjT&eaaav, //. 3. 581; Od. 4. I.

5 Strabo, 1. 2. 3; r& 8 ^ /car& rfy 'EXXaSa /cal robs aOveyyvs rdirovs

xal Xlav Tepiipym Trokvrfrfjpwva pAv ri)v Ql<rfh}V \iyorra,

'AXlaprov iroL^evTa., icrx^Tduffav Sb ’Avdyddya, ACKauw 3b mjyjis hrt K^w-
foio, kclI obdejdav Tfwd'fjKyv Kevfa Airopplirrup,

GEOGRAPHY OF THF, HOMERIC PERIOD. [CIIAP.

chasms in that country. This was associated in the minds of the
people with their primitive traditions about a river of Hades,
which they conceived of as a mighty stream falling down in a
cataract to the underworld, and then running with a great volume
of water to infinite distance. Homer speaks of this as the 1 down¬
dropping’ water of Styx 1 , and the ‘ precipitous streams of the water
of Styx 8 ’; and the same thing is expressed by Hesiod in a some¬
what amplified form when he calls it the ‘cold water which is
poured down from a lofty inaccessible cliff,’ and the ‘primaeval
imperishable water of Styx, which it pours down through a pre¬
cipitous spot 4 .’ The account, however, which is given of the
islands to the west of Greece, though it contains sufficient elements
of truth to prevent it from being characterised as fictitious, is
irreconcilable with the idea of personal observation. Not only
is the poet’s conception of the grouping of those objects different
from the reality, but in the description of Ithaca,

Inaccurate . „ / , - .

Account of which forms the central point among them, there

ithaca. are f eatures w hi c h n0 ingenuity can harmonise with

the actual appearance of that island. No person who had seen it
could have spoken of it as in any sense ‘low-lyingV and there
is nothing in its vicinity that at all corresponds to the islet of
Asteris, which figures conspicuously in one portion of the story®.
All the information which the poet possessed about this neighbour¬
hood would appear to have been obtained at second-hand. In
concluding the review which has thus been given of the Homeric
geography of Greece and of the neighbourhood of the Aegean,
it should be added that the so-called ‘Catalogue of Ships* has
been admitted as an authority alongside of the poems themselves.

1 11* 15* 37 ; T& KaT€L^ 6 fievov Srtryis limp.

* //. 8. 369; Sriryds OSaros alra fried pa.

1 flfcsr- 785—7;

. vdkvdivvpjov Qbwp,

'i'VXPbv, 8 t 4k Trtrprjs KaraMperai ij\tp&roio
infaXiis.

4 ibid. 805,6;

. .Sruvds 84B1TOV if top

tbytiyiov, t 6 6’ tycrt KaracrvifriXov did, X^P 0V »

* Od. 9. 15.

* Od. 4. 846.

II.]

OUTER GEOGRAPHY OF THE ILIAD.

That document, no doubt, is of a later date than they are, and it
is necessary, also, to allow for some interpolations that were
subsequently introduced into it; but, notwithstanding this, it is of
great value as an evidence of the condition of Greece at the early
time when it was compiled, and since we are now considering as
a whole the period which is spoken of as the Homeric age, there
is no reason for excluding the testimony which it affords.

When we turn to what has been called the * outer ’ geography
of the Homeric poems, that is, to the knowledge Quter Qeo
possessed by the Greeks at that early date of the graphy of the
countries which were not in their immediate vicinity, 1 *
we find that the extent of their acquaintance with them was very
limited. At the time when the Iliad was composed, rumours seem
to have reached them from the northern regions of wandering
tribes, like the Scythians, though that people itself is not mentioned.
Zeus is described as turning away his eyes from the combats on
the plain of Troy, and looking “upon the land of the Thracian
horse-breeders, and the Mysians, fierce fighters hand to hand, and
the proud Hippemolgi that drink mare’s milk, and the Abii, the
most righteous of men 1 .” The Mysians who are here introduced
are the tribe in Thrace, from whom the people of the same name
in Asia Minor originally sprang, while the Abii, or 4 men without
property/ whose poverty and simplicity of life obtained for them
the reputation of justice, are, like the Hippemolgi, nomad races
inhabiting the lands beyond the Haemus. At the same time, the
name of the great river of those parts, the Ister, does not occur.
In the east of the Mediterranean, Sidon is known as the chief city
of the Phoenicians, and it was regarded as coming within the
range of Greek experience, for we hear of Hecuba as possessing
“ embroidered robes, the work of Sidonian women, whom godlike
Alexandros himself brought from Sidon, when he sailed over the
wide sea, that journey wherein he brought home high-born Helen 2 .’ 7
Yet the existence of the great empires of Assyria and Babylonia is
not suspected. Egypt, again, is only mentioned in connexion

1 //. r$. 4—6. The quotations from Homer that are given in this chapter
are taken from Lang, Leaf and Myers’ translation of the Iliad, and Butcher
and Lang’s translation of the Odyssey .

3 //. 6. 289—292,

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CIIAI\

with the fame of the wealth of Thebes—“ Egyptian Thebes, where
the treasure-houses are stored fullest—Thebes of the hundred
gates, whence sally forth two hundred warriors through each with
horses and chariots 1 .” Beyond this, on the borders of the Ocean
stream, dwell the Aethiopians, a c blameless’ people, whom the
Gods themselves visit, and partake of their feasts 2 . This de¬
scription would lead us to regard them as a semi-mythical race;
but their name, the ‘burnt-faced’ or ‘swarthy’ men 8 , proves that
the Greeks were already aware of a dark-skinned nation inhabiting
the far South.

In the Odyssey the geographical horizon is somewhat more
widely extended, as might be expected in a poem
Odyssey. which is rather later in date, and has for its subject
a story of travel. Communication with the East
has now become more frequent, and Egypt is several times
mentioned. Menelaus, when, on his return journey from Troy,
he was driven by a storm from the shores of Crete to that country,
spent eight years in wandering to and fro along the coasts of
Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Libya; and the presents which he
brought home with him thence to Greece imply that he was hos¬
pitably received 4 . The Nile, however, is known as yet by no
distinctive name, but only as the ‘river Aegyptus 6 ’; and the
island of Pharos, which was destined in the future from its oppor¬
tune position near the coast to shelter the harbours of Alexandria,
is described as being a day’s sail from land “ There is an island,”
Menelaus says, “in the wash of the waves over against Egypt,
and men call it Pharos, within one day’s voyage of a hollow ship,
when shrill winds blow fair in her wake"” The region called
Libya, which the same hero visits, and of which the poet says,
‘‘there the ewes yean thrice within the full circle of a year; there
neither lord nor shepherd lacketh aught of cheese or flesh or of
sweet milk, but ever the flocks yield store of milk continual 7 ,” is
the Cyrenaica, which was especially renowned for its fertility.

8 //. i. 423; 23.206.

1 //• 9. 381—4-

8 Mdlowes from atda &\

4 Od. 3. 300; 4. 81—5, 128, 617.

6 Alybrroio, SuweTios irora^oio, Od. 4. 477.

* 0d - 4 - 354 7 * ' Oi, 4 . 86—9.

II.] OUTER GEOGRAPHY OF THE ODYSSEY.

The Aethiopians are now sufficiently well known to be divided
into two families, eastern and western—“the Aethiopians that
are sundered in twain, the uttermost of men, abiding some where
Hyperion sinks and some where he rises 1 ”—a distinction which
corresponds to that drawn at a later time by Herodotus, who
speaks of “the Aethiopians above Egypt” and “the Aethiopians
towards the rising of the sun 2 .” Of the countries to the west of
Greece great ignorance still prevails; Sicania, the ig norance G f
old name of Sicily®, and the race of Sicels that the Western
inhabited that island 4 , are introduced; but beyond Countnes *
these, and an incidental mention of the Thesprotians in Epirus 5 ,
scarcely any advance appears to have been made. This need
hardly surprise us, when we consider that the outlets of Greece,
and consequently the opportunities for communication which it
provides, are all towards the east. The coast on that side is
deeply indented with bays, which provide a shelter for the mariner,
and the principal maritime plains, like those of Attica and
Argolis, open out in that direction; whereas the western coast of
the Peloponnese has hardly a harbour to offer except those of
Pylos and Methone in Messenia, and the inlets which lie further
to the north are backed on the land side by inhospitable
mountains.

In the wonderland of Ulysses’ adventurous wanderings we
look almost in vain for any real information about
distant countries. Not that these strange scenes are of ^y S d 3 e ” ns:s
to be regarded as the mere creation of the poet’s
brain; they were rather the product of the popular fancy, which
had combined a variety of old mythological fables Their
with reports derived from Phoenician traders. But Mythical
the attempt to associate the incidents of the journey Character -
with definite places—to identify the land of the Cyclopes with
Sicily, or the island of Aeolus with one of the Lipari islands, or
Circe’s isle with the Circeian promontory—cannot bear the test
of examination. Even Phaeacia, notwithstanding the venerable
tradition which both in ancient and modern times has placed it
at Corfu, and the fitness of that delectable island to represent

1 Od, i. 23, 24. 3 Herod. 7. 69, 70. 8 Od . 24. 307.

4 Od, 20. 383. 8 Od, 14. 315.

28 GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CHAP.

what is described in the Odyssey, must be relegated to the region
of myth. In two instances only can we trace with
to E thi8 Pti ° nS tolerable certainty a basis of truth underlying the

t0 l8 ' story—in the account of the land of the Lotophagi,

and in that of the dangers of Scylla and Charybdis. As regards
the former of these we are told that Ulysses was driven out to sea
by a violent wind from Malea—a cape which in all ages has
been dreaded on account of its storms—and that on the tenth
day he reached the country of the Lotophagi. There the natives
gave to his companions the lotus to taste; “ and whosoever of
them did eat the honey-sweet fruit of the lotus, had no more wish
to bring back tidings nor to come back, but chose rather to abide
there with the lotus-eating men, ever feeding on the lotus, and
forgetful of returning 1 .” A storm such as is here described would
naturally carry a ship towards the coast of Africa; and as a
district is found there, in the neighbourhood of the Lesser Syrtis,
where the lotus-shrub grows, and bears a sweet fruit—a fact which
might easily reach the ears of the Greeks through the Phoenicians
—it is reasonable to suppose that we are dealing with reality.
Polybius himself visited this region of Libya, and has left a
description both of the tree and of its fruit 2 , and his account is
confirmed by those who have recently followed in his footsteps.
Scylla and Charybdis also, notwithstanding the weird imagery with
which they are decked out in the Homeric story, may well have
been an embodiment of the dangers presented by the rocks and

1 Od. 9.94—7-

2 Polyb. 12. a. The description is so graphic that it deserves to be quoted
in full. “ The lotus is not a large tree; but it is rough and thorny, and 1 ms a
green leaf, like the rhamnus, a little longer and broader. The fruit is like
white myrtle-berries when they are come to perfection; but, as it grows, it
becomes purple in colour, and in size about equal to round olives, and 1ms a
very small stone. When it is ripe they gather it; and some of it they pound
up with groats of spelt, and store in vessels for their slaves; and the rest they
also preserve for the free inhabitants, after taking out the stones, and use it for
food. It tastes like a fig or a date, but is superior to them in aroma. A wine
is made of it also by steeping it in water and crushing it, sweet and pleasant lo
the taste, like good mead; and they drink it without mixing it with water. It
will not keep, however, more than ten days, and they therefore only make it
in small quantities as they want it. Vinegar also is made out of it.” (Shuck*
burgh’s translation.)

II]

RUMOURS ABOUT DISTANT LANDS.

The Pygmies.

eddies of the Straits of Messina, as reported to the Greeks by
those who had passed through them 1 .

But, although the knowledge of the world which the Greeks
of this age possessed was so narrowly limited, Rumoura
there are not wanting intimations that reports had about far im¬
penetrated to them of strange races and strange tantCountnes,
sights in the remotest parts of the habitable world, both towards
the south and the north. There was a proverbial saying current
among the Greeks, which Aristotle has preserved for us, that
Africa has always some novelty to offer 2 3 ; and it is to that land
that we may look to furnish our first instance. At its furthest
extremity, by the Ocean stream, where we have already found the
Aethiopians located, we hear of a diminutive people, the Pygmies,
or ‘men no bigger than your fistV Their deadly
enemies are the cranes; and when those birds
migrate southwards at the approach of the cold season, they are
supposed to be preparing to attack these puny foes. Thus in the
Iliad the war-shouts of the Trojan army are compared to the cries
of the embattled cranes, “ which flee from the coming of winter
and sudden rain, and fly with clamour towards the streams of
ocean, bearing slaughter and fate to the Pygmy men 4 .” Now, if
this mention of a race of dwarfs in Africa stood alone, we might
consign them to the same class of imaginary beings as the Idaean
Dactyls and similar mythological figures. Tom Thumbs, like
giants, have ever been familiar personages in folk-tales. But the
case is different when we find good evidence, both in ancient and
modern times, of the existence of such a diminutive people in the
heart of the Dark Continent. In the story of the Nasamones in
Herodotus, to which we shall have occasion hereafter to recur, we
are told that far in the interior of Libya those explorers were
seized and carried off by dwarfish men, under the middle height,
and black-complexioned 5 . Aristotle also speaks of similar tribes
as dwelling beyond the marshy tracts about the upper Nile*.

1 For a thorough discussion of the questions connected with the wanderings

of Ulysses, see Bunbury’s Hist, of Anc . Geography , vol. I. pp. 49—67.

3 Hist. Animal. t 8. 28. 7; del ^P eL TL AtjSify kcliv6v.

8 Hiry^aiot from rvyfiij. 4 //. 3. 3—6. 8 Herod. 2. 32.

8 Ar. op, HU 8.12. 2 ; /xera^aWouffL yb.p [ai ytyavoi] itc t&v 'ZkvBikuv ireSLuv

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CIIAP.

And in our own days the experiences of Du Chaillu, Schweinfurth
and Stanley in the course of their travels in Central Africa leave
no doubt of their existence. We may conclude therefore that the
Pygmies of Homer were a real people, and that their smallness
of stature caused them to be regarded as fit antagonists for the
cranes. The Egyptians might easily have heard of these, and
through them the story may have found its way into Greece.

Still more interesting are the evidences which we discover of a
faint acquaintance with the wonders of a northern
anVrfiehwof clime in certain passages in Homer, which can
Europe™ hardly be otherwise explained than as referring to

the long summer days and winter nights of the
lands in the neighbourhood of the Arctic Circle. Ulysses, when
narrating his visit to Telepylus, the city of the Lacstrygones,
which he reached in the course of his wanderings, describes it as
a place, “where herdsman hails herdsman as he drives in his
flock, and the other who drives forth answers the call. There
might a sleepless man have earned a double wage, the one as
neatherd, the other shepherding white flocks: so near arc the
outgoings of the night and of the day 1 .” The meaning of the last
clause, which at first sight is somewhat enigmatical, becomes clear
if for ‘night and day’ we substitute ‘darkness and dawn,’ or
‘sunset and sunrise’: in fact, we could hardly wish for a better
paraphrase of it than is given in Tacitus’ description of the
shortness of the summer nights in the north of Britain—‘ finern
atque initium lucis exiguo discrimine intemoscasV No sooner
does Night appear, than Day reappears; and consequently there
need be no intermission of work, such as the darkness causes.
Again, the long unrelieved nights of an arctic winter seem
to be described in the account which the poet gives of the
Cimmerians, a people who dwell by the Ocean stream, which here
we meet once more at the opposite extremity of the earth. The
hero’s ship, we are told, “ came to the limits of the world, to the
deep-flowing Oceanus. There is the land and the city of the

f ri lXrl ^ At-ytJjrrov, o 9 e» 4 NeiXos fat, 0 ® nal Xtyoncu rots nvypnlott
oi yip (trri toOto pS 9 os, dXV Am mri rip i fcffow puepiv

pir, aaxtp Wverai, Koi aflroi /cat oi ftnroi, TpoyUSirtu S' ehrl rhv
1 Orf.io.8s-6. » Agr. c. is.

II.]

PRIMITIVE TRADE-ROUTES.

Cimmerians, shrouded in mist and cloud; and never does the
shining sun look down on them with his rays, neither when he
climbs up the starry heavens, nor when he again turns earthward
from the firmament, but deadly night is outspread over miserable
mortals 1 .” The same conception is expressed in a modified
form, though still only approximating to the reality, in the story
mentioned by Herodotus, that in the furthest countries to the
northward of Scythia there existed a people who slept for six
months in the year 3 .

From these evidences of a knowledge, however vague, of the
remote regions of the earth, which the Greeks of a
primitive age possessed, we may now pass to the Trad”routes.
consideration of certain objects of commerce with
distant lands that are mentioned in Homer—a subject which is
full of geographical interest, because of its bearing on the early
trade-routes. The two principal articles which we hear of in this
connexion are amber and tin, both of them substances of small
bulk relatively to their value, and therefore easy of transport.
The former of these, which served no useful purpose,
and was only employed as an ornament, was Trade. ^ Amber
esteemed on account of its beauty and curiosity,
as well as its rarity. We hear of it more than once in the
Odyssey as being used for necklaces—in the story of Eumaeus,
whose nurse was tempted by Phoenician traders with a present of
this nature to betray him 8 ; and in the description of the gifts
made to Penelope by the suitors 4 . Amber*beads were also
discovered by Schliemann in the tombs at Mycenae 5 . Now this
material, which is a resinous substance formed by exudation from
pine-trees, was found in antiquity almost entirely on the northern
coasts of Europe. A certain amount of it, though somewhat
different in character, was also brought from Liguria; but chemical
analysis has shewn that that which reached Greece belonged to
the northern species 6 . On the shores of Friesland and the
neighbouring islands, between the mouths of the Rhine and the
Elbe, it is washed up by the tide; and the coasts of the Baltic in

1 Od ,, ti. 14—19. 2 Herod. 4. 25. 8 Od. 15. 460.

4 Od. 18. 296. 8 Schliemann, Mycenae % pp. 203, 245.

6 Schliemann, Tiryns, p. 372.

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CHAP.

North Germany furnish large quantities: in Courland also, towards
the Gulf of Riga, it is dug up as a fossil. The question therefore
arises, by what line of traffic it reached the Mediterranean. In
Roman limes we have clear evidence that it was

Route

through Pan- brought across Germany by way of Pannonia to the

noma ’ head of the Adriatic, for Pliny tells us that in

Nero’s reign a Roman knight, who was despatched for that
purpose, brought a large supply by that route to Rome 1 . It is
highly probable that the northern Ira flic had followed the same
direction from a very early time. The testimony which is borne
to this by archoeological discoveries is very strong 3 ; and it is only
thus that we can explain the legends that existed among the
Greeks concerning offerings that were sent at a primitive period
on several occasions by the Hyperboreans in the far north to
Delos by the way of the Adriatic and Dodona, sometimes under
the escort of maiden envoys of that race*. This supposition also
furnishes the easiest explanation of the numerous intimations which
connect the amber trade with the mouth of the Po ; for, though it
has been attempted to explain these by supposing the existence
of another route from the German Ocean to the head of the
Adriatic by the way of North Italy, yet this view has little more
than conjecture to support it. At the same time it may well have
happened that amber found its way to the Mediterranean in
another direction; and this was undoubtedly the case subsequently
to the expedition of Pythcas to Northern Europe in
through Gaul. the fourth century b.g, when both the tin and
amber trades were opened out to the merchants of
Massilia by means of the overland route across Gaul and down
the valley of the Rhone. Indeed, there is evidence to show that
even before that date these articles followed that line of traffic, as

1 P1 j n y» 37. 45; Sexcentis millibus passuum fere a Canuinlo

Fannoniae abesse litus id Germaniae ex quo invehitui* percognitum uuper;
vivitque eques Romanus ad id comparandum missus ab Juliana curante gladia-
torum muiras Neronis principis, qui et conmercia ea et litora peragravit, tan la
copia mvecta ut retia coercendis feris podium protegentia sucinis nodarentur,
anna vero et libitina totusque unius diei apparatus esset e sucino.

J See Mr A. J. Evans’s remarks in Freeman’s History of Skily % vol. 4,

8 Herod. 4. 33—5.

II.]

THE AMBER TRADE.

Miillenhoff has proved by an ingenious comparison of passages
relating to this subject in Diodorus and Pliny. For, while the
former of these writers tells us, though without giving his authority,
that tin and amber were brought to the Mediterranean by this
route, it is clear from the corresponding notices in Pliny that the
source from which his information was drawn was Pytheas; and
thus Pytheas is made to testify that the overland trade existed
before his 'day 1 . How far back it may have dated we have no
means of knowing, but possibly it may have been earlier than the
foundation of Massilia. In any case, however, and by whatever
route amber may have reached the shores of the Mediterranean, it
is certain that in the Homeric age, if it was transported by sea to
Greece, it must have passed through the hands of the Phoenicians,
inasmuch as they were the only seafaring people of that time. We
have already seen that in one passage of the Odyssey persons of
that race are mentioned as having it in their possession.

The idea that there was an entrepot for amber at the mouths of
the Po, which has been hinted at above, is con-

Entrepot at

nected with two interesting and much debated the Mouths of
points—viz. first, the origin of the legend of the thePo *
sisters of Phaethon, which was localised in this spot; and
secondly, the etymology of the name Eridanus, which was ap¬
plied to the river Po by the Greeks, and after them by the Roman
poets. According to the well-known story, Phaethon, story of the
the son of Helios, persuaded his father to allow Sisters of
him for one day to dnve the chariot of the sun
through the heavens: but, being unable to check the horses in
their career, he first set the heavens on fire, and then approached
too near the earth; whereupon Zeus struck him with a flash of
lightning, and he fell to the ground near the mouth of the
Eridanus. His sisters, who there lamented his untimely fate,
were changed into poplars, and their tears became amber. The
last trait here mentioned is a clear proof that amber circulated
in that neighbourhood, and also that it was believed to exude
from the trunks of trees. How the myth of Phaethon’s death
came to be naturalised there, we have no means of ascer-

1 Diodor. 5. 22. 4 and 5.33.1, 5 compared with Pliny 4.94 and 37.35,36;
see also Miillenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde , 1. p. 476.

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CHAP.

taming; but Pliny’s explanation of that part of it which relates
to the sisters is reasonable enough; for he refers it to the
custom of wearing amber necklaces, which still continued in his
time to be practised by the women in that region, partly for the
sake of ornament, and partly as a supposed remedy for the go\trc %
and other evil results of drinking the water of Alpine streams 1 .
The belief that amber exuded from trees may perhaps have been
derived, along with the material, from its original home in
Northern Europe; but it is more probable that it was inferred
by observation from the analogy of the gum which was seen to
drop from pine trees, and which the amber resembled, both in its
appearance, and in its inflammable nature and its aromatic scent
when burnt. By the Greeks it was associated with the familiar
tree of North Italy, the poplar, though it was in reality totally
unconnected with it.

The origin of the name Eridanus is a still more perplexing
question. Kiepert would explain it by a Phoe-
Eridanus^ nician etymology, as if it were a perversion or adap¬
tation of the word yardm (Jordan) ‘river/ which
we have noticed as being found in Crete in the form Iardanos 8 .
Others have thought, with greater probability, that it is connected
with the river-name Rhodanus, and perhaps also Rhenus, and
that the early Greeks associated it at first with a great river in
north-western Europe, from which amber came; whence, after the
head of the Adriatic became a great centre of the amber trade, the
title was transferred to the principal stream of those parts, the
Padus 8 . The name of the little river Rhodaune, which flows into
the Baltic near Dantzig, has also been introduced in this con¬
nexion. Still, as Herodotus observed 4 , Eridanus is a purely
Greek word; and as the myth with which it is associated is also
genuinely Greek, there is no need to go further afield to discover

1 Pliny, 37. 44. Pado vero adnexa fabula est evidente causa, hodieque
Transpadanorum agrestibus feminis monilium vice sucina gestantibus, maxume
decoris gratia, sed et medicinae, creditur quippe tonsillis resistere et faucium
vitiis, vario genere aquarum juxta Alpis infestante guttura hominum.

2 v. supra, p. 5.

8 Bunbuiy in Diet, Geogr ., art. ‘Eridanus,* and other authorities: cp. Herod.
3 - Ix 5 *

4 Herod, loc. tit*

II.]

THE TIN TRADE.

its etymology. The root from which it is derived signifies ‘ early
mom/ so that the word would originally be an epithet of the
Sun 1 , which is the case also with the name Phaethon, or the
‘shining* deity.

If amber was a valuable article of commerce on account of its
quaint beauty, tin was much more so because of its

^ J me. mj-

usefulness. In the Homeric age it was employed, Trade>
both for decorative purposes—thus, for instance, in
the Iliad we find it introduced in the description of the inlaying of
the figures on the shield of Achilles 2 —and still more as an alloy,
for, by the mixture of this with copper, bronze was produced,
a metal which on account of its superior hardness was especially
serviceable for armour. Of this the weapons of that time were
regularly made, and consequently the supply of tin that was
required to produce it must have been very large. Yet tin is one
of the scarcest of metals, and is found in but few countries of the
world. In ancient times the only places where it was known to
exist in any quantity were Spain and Britain. At Tin not im _
the present day it is also imported into Europe ported from
from the Malay peninsula and islands, but it is an 1 ’
error to suppose that this was the case in antiquity The mistake
arose from the idea that the Greek name for tin, kassiteros , was
derived from the corresponding word in Sanscrit, kastira : but it
is now known that kastira does not occur in that language until
late in the middle ages, and from this we may conclude that the
Greek word was the original. The same remark applies to the
Arabic word for tin, kasdir. In Spain it was
principally found in Galicia, in the north-west spainf° m
corner of the peninsula, where, though the supply
is now exhausted or nearly so, tin mines are known to have
existed from the testimony of Strabo and Pliny 8 , and traces

1 , Hptto6s, like ijptyevijsj from tj/w, ‘early*: see MUllenhoff, op. cit. i,

p. 331 .

* II. 18. 564;

Kvwhp k&tctov, irepl 5* tyicos £Xo<r<re
Kcurciripov

ibid . 574; <U dk ( 16 e$ xpvtroio rere^xaro Kturcvripov re.

8 Strabo, 3. 2. 9, where Posidonius is quoted as saying yevvaLeBtu [rbv tear-

36 GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD, [CHAP.

of the workings have been found in modern times. But by for
the largest amount was brought from Britain, where
and Britain. ^ Q orn i s h mines furnished that metal in an abun¬
dance elsewhere unknown. The Phoenicians were the importers,
and their entrepdt for what was obtained from both those countries
was Gadesj though, as we have seen in the case of amber, an
overland route for this traffic through Gaul to the mouth of the
Rhone probably existed at an early period. It is a reasonable
conjecture that in Northern Gaul this line of trade passed by way
of Brittany, for the Veneti, who occupied part of that district, are
spoken of by Caesar as being bold navigators, and accustomed to
make the voyage to Britain 1 . And if, as seems probable, Ushant
and the other islands in the neighbourhood of the Armorican
peninsula are the Oestrymnides whiph arc mentioned by Avicnus,
we have direct testimony to the presence of tin in connexion with
them even before the time of Pytheas. For Avienus, whose
account of the inhabitants of the Oestrymnides tallies in many
points with what Caesar says of that region, speaks of those
islands as being rich in tin; and his description is professedly
based on that of Himilco, the Carthaginian explorer, whose
voyage took place not later than the fifth century before our era*.

rlrepov ] h> rots bvkp robs Auffiravovs pappdpois: Pliny, 34. 156; nunc cerium
est [plumbum album] in Lusilania gigni et in Callaelia.

1 Caesar, B . G„ 3. 8. 1; Naves habent Veneti plurimas, quibus in Urban-
niam navigare consuerunt, et scientia atquc usu nauticarum rerum rcliquos
antecedunt, et in magno impetu maris alque aperto paucis portibus intor-
jectis, quos tenent ipsi, omnes fere qui eo mari uti consuerunt, habent vccti-
gales.

2 Avien., Ora Maritime 90—103;

Et prominentis hie jugi surgit caput,

Oestrymnin istud dixit aevum antiquius,

Molesque celsa saxei fastigii

Tota in tepentem maxime vergit notum.

Sub hujus autem prominentis vertice
Sinus dehiscit incoiis Oestrymnicus,

In quo insulae sese exserunt Oestrymnides

Laxe jacentes et metallo divites

Stanni atque plumbi. Multa vis hie gentis est,

Superbus animus, efficax sollertia,

Negotiandi cura jugis omnibus,

II.]

THE CASSITERIDES ISLANDS.

The city of Corbilo at the mouth of the Loire, which is spoken of
by Strabo 1 as having been a great emporium, seems to have been
the place from which the tin was carried overland to Massilia and
Narbo.

A question which is inseparably connected with the subject of
the tin trade with Britain is that of the position of
the Cassiterides, or Tin Islands. In modern times rides^Sands*"
these have usually been identified with the Scilly
Islands, on the ground of their being the nearest group of islands
to the Cornish coast; but this view can hardly be maintained. It
is not, perhaps, a fatal objection to it that tin is not found in
Scilly, because, if these islands were made a depot for trade, it
might have been conveyed thither from the mainland; but they
do not in other respects correspond to the required conditions.
The ideas which prevailed among the ancients opinions as
respecting the situation of the Cassiterides were to their situa-
no doubt singularly vague, but the principal tlon *
authorities whose testimony has come down to us, especially
Strabo, Diodorus, and Ptolemy, connect them with Spain rather
than with Britain 2 . Strabo and Diodorus also clearly distinguish
between the tin which was brought from the Cassiterides and
that from Britain 3 , The former of these writers, indeed, speaks of
them as lying to the northward of the country of the Artabri
(Galicia) in the latitude of Britain 4 ; but according to his idea of
the relative position of these countries this would place them
a great distance to the west of the Scilly Islands. Some recent
writers, again, are of opinion that by this name were meant
either the Oestrymnides, or the islands in the neighbourhood
of Vigo Bay and Corunna towards the north-west angle of Spain;

Notisque cymbis turbidum late fretum
Et belluosi gurgitem oceani secant.

(See Miillenhoff, op. cit. i. pp. 90, 91; Berger, Geschichte der wissmschafU
lichen Erdhttide der Gricchen , 2. p. 61.)

1 4. 2. 1.

3 Strabo, 3. 5. 11 ; Diodor., 5. 38. 4; Ptolemy, 2. 6. 7 6.

8 Strabo, 3. 2. 9; Diodor. 5. 38. 4, 5.

4 2. 5. 15; TOis'ApT&ppQt$ &vtik 6 ?vtcu irpbs dpicrov al KamrepiZet /caXotipevcu
v7)<tol irek&yuu, mrk rd B perrtmKbv ir<a5 kXLfjia IZpvpivau

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CHAP.

which latter view would connect them with the Galician tin
mines: but neither of these suppositions, if it stood alone, would
account for the idea which commonly prevailed, that they lay in
the open ocean far away from land 1 . On the whole, the most
probable explanation, and that which agrees best with what we
know of the concealment practised by the Phoenicians in respect
of commerce, is this—that while the trade in tin continued to be
their monopoly, all that the Greeks learnt concerning its origin
was, that it was found in islands in the northern sea—by which
Britain, together with the islets off its coast, or perhaps Ireland,
were vaguely meant. This indistinct conception of the Cassi-
terides may have prevailed for many centuries; and Herodotus,
it should be observed, who is the first writer that mentions them,
discredits their existence altogether 8 . At a later period, when the
nations about the Mediterranean obtained more accurate in¬
formation concerning the north-western coasts of Europe, it was
natural that they should affix the name to one or other of the
groups of islands with which they found the trade to be associated*.
Thus by some writers it may have been attached to the Oestrym-
nides, by others to the islands of the Galician coast, and even
the Sdllies may in some cases have been intended; while at the
same time the old fabulous notion of their remoteness from the
continent maintained its ground. It may seem at first sight to
militate against this view, that Strabo expressly tells us that the
Romans after numerous attempts discovered the way to these
islands; and that after Publius Crassus, who voyaged thither,
learnt that the mines were worked at no great depth below the
surface of the ground, and that the inhabitants were peacefully
disposed, the communication with them was facilitated*. This
would imply that they were a definite group of islands, the
position of which was clearly ascertained. There is no reason
to doubt that Crassus made such an expedition; but whatever
the place was to which he went, his account is quite untrust*

1 reKiffuu, Strabo, lee. cit.\ fr faeartf, Diodor. 5. 38 , 4; iv ti} SvtikQ
&K€ap$, Ptol., loc. cit .

2 Herod. 3.115.

* See Kiepert, Lehrbuch d. a. Geographic p. 528.

4 Strabo, 3. 5. 11.

II.]

TREES IMPORTED INTO GREECE.

worthy, because he represents the Cassiterides as producing tin,
whereas that metal is not found in any of the groups of islands
which lie off the coasts of Gaul, or Britain, or Spain. The explicit
character of his statements, however, seems to have deceived his
contemporaries, and Strabo among them. The geographer’s
ideas on the subject are simply fabulous, for, as we have seen, he
believed that the islands, which he says were ten in number, lay
in the open sea to the northward of Cape Finisterre, in which
position no islands ever have been; and from this we may learn
how little reliable information on the subject had been obtained
by the Romans.

A further link of connexion between Greece and distant lands
may be traced in the trees which were introduced Trees im _
from abroad into that country. These, like the ported into
objects of which we have just been speaking, were '

in most instances imported by the Phoenicians, but they came
from a different direction, namely from the side of Asia. Fore-
most among them is the palm, the name of which . _ .

( tlic Palm,

in Greek, phoenix, at once reveals the region from

which it came. This tree is not mentioned in the Iliad , but in

the Odyssey we hear of the famous palm-tree of Delos, of which

Ulysses, who compares Nausicaa’s beauty to it, says that it

caused him, though a much travelled man, to stand still in

amazement 1 . It continued to be held in reputation as the

earliest specimen that was known in Greece, so that Euripides

calls it “ the first-born palm 2 * .” The exotic character of the tree,

however, is proved by its fruit refusing to ripen in the climate

of Greece; this Pausanias remarked in antiquity 8 , and the same

thing is true at the present day. The pomegranate,

also, was a genuinely Phoenician tree] it was gI ^ J af e ° me '

sacred to Adonis, and Aphrodite (i.e. Astarte) was

said herself to have planted it in Cyprus 4 . In Homer it is

1 Od . 6. 162—7.

2 rpwSyovos Eur. Htc. 458.

8 Speaking of the temple of Artemis in Aulis he says (9. 19. 8) fotrua
Trpb rod Upod vefoKturiv, od/e is airav iS&diftov irapextywoi Kaprbv, w<rrep iv r$
IIa\cu<rrJptf.

4 See Hehn, Kulturpjlamen und Hausthiere , (3 d edit.) p. 206.

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CIIAP.

the Plane.

mentioned among the trees that grew in the garden of Alcinous,
and also as one of the fruits, the sight of which contributed to the
punishment of Tantalus 1 . The cypress, too, which
the cypress, ^ j n c a iyp S0 ’ s garden", and which

gave its name to two places that occur in the Homeric catalogue,
Cyparissus and Cyparisseis 8 , is to be referred to the same origin.
Its primitive home was in the highlands of Afghanistan, and from
that country it migrated first to Persia—where its spiry shape won
for it a sacred character as a symbol of fire-worship—and after¬
wards to Syria and the coasts of the Mediterranean 4 , The last
tree which shall be mentioned as having come
to Greece from foreign parts, and which is at
the same time the most beautiful, is the plane-tree: but this,
though its original habitat seems to have been in the interior of
Asia, was unconnected with the Phoenicians, for it is not a
Semitic tree'. It passed to Greece by way of Asia Minor, in
which country it attained a remarkable growth'. The only
passage in Homer in which it is noticed, is the description in the
Iliad of the omen which appeared to the assembled Greeks at
Aulis before they started for Troy, when a snake appeared from
under the altar, “beneath a fair plane-tree, whence flowed a
glittering stream 7 .”

It remains to notice the winds as they are represented in
Homer, for it is through them that the first attempts
Points deter* were made to determine the cardinal points. It is
winds hyth ' true ^ at tw0 these points, the cast and the west,
were already distinguished by the direction of sun¬
rise and sunset,—or, as it is otherwise expressed, of dawn and
darkness—which must, in fact, be the most natural starting-points
for the observation of relative position among primitive races,
except those who dwell towards the distant north or south.
Hence in the Iliad, Hector, when professing his contempt for
omens, says to Polydamas, “Thou bidst us be obedient to
birds long of wing, whereto I give no heed, nor take any care

1 Od. 7.115; u. 589.

* H. *. 519, 593.

* Ibid. p. 155.

7 II. *. 307.

8 Od. 5.64.

4 Helm, pp. *44 foil., 330.
' Ibid. p. *34.

IL]

THE WINDS IN HOMER.

thereof, whether they fare to the right, to the dawn and to the
sun, or to the left, to mist and darkness 1 .” And in the Odyssey
Athena says of Ithaca, “it is not so nameless but that many men
know it, both all those who dwell towards the dawning and the
sun, and they that abide over against the light towards the
shadowy west 3 .” But the Greeks, who were familiar with a
maritime life, soon found that the winds were their best guides
in determining the quarters of the heavens. Homer The Pour
is acquainted only with four winds—Boreas, Eurus, winds in
Notus and Zephyrus—which represent the four chief me '

points of the compass. In the Iliad we meet with them in pairs;
thus two of them are introduced in the description of the
excitement of the meeting in the second book, when “the
assembly swayed like sea-waves of the Icarian main, that east
wind and south wind raise, rushing upon them from the clouds of
father Zeus 8 ”; and the two others in the ninth book—“like as
two winds stir up the main, the home of fishes, even the north
wind and the west wind that blow from Thrace 4 .” In the
Odyssey all four are mentioned together, where Poseidon raises
a storm for the destruction of Ulysses—“ the east wind and the
south wind clashed, and the stormy west, and the north, that is
is born in the bright air, rolling onward a great character of
wave 5 .” Each of these winds has its distinctive the Greek
character. Boreas, coming from his home in the
Thracian mountains, is a clear and strong blast, as has been
described in the passage last quoted, while Notus is wet and
stormy. These features correspond to the ideas which we
associate with them in our climate, but the case is not the same
with the other two winds. Eurus, instead of being cold and dry,
as the east wind is with us, is spoken of as soft and warm, so
that the snow which lies on the ground is melted by it 6 ; here the
scirocco , or south-east wind, is meant. Zephyrus appears in two

1 IL 12. 237—240. s Od . 13. 238—241.

* IL 2.144—6. 4 IL 9. 4, 5.

8 Od, 5. 295, 6.

6 Od, 19. 205, 6 ;

ws dk x^ v KO-TaHjKer & bKpoT 6 \QL<nv ifpww,
rjv t E tipos KaT 4 rr}£ev, iirijy % tyvpos Karax^y,

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. [CHAP. II.

characters—both as a balmy gale, which refreshes the Elysian
fields, and renders fruitful the gardens of Alcinous 1 , and as a
violent wind, which falls heavily on the crops 2 . In the latter case
the north-west wind is intended—that Zephyrus, whose dwelling,
we are told, was a cavern in the land of Thrace 2 . The simple
conception of the cardinal points, which has been thus indicated,
sufficed for a primitive age. At a later period, when observation
had become more accurate, it was replaced by a more minute
subdivision of the winds, and of the quarters from which they
blew; and this was accompanied at the same time by a more
elaborate nomenclature.

1 Od. 4. 567; 7. 119.

8 II, 33. 300 and 330.

a II. 3. 148.

CHAPTER III.

SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES.

Geography advanced by the Greek Colonies—Causes of their Establishment—
Qualifications for a Site—Early Development of the Colonies—Communi¬
cation with the Natives—Information transmitted to Greece—Colonies on
the Euxine — Dangers and Attractions of that Sea—Sinope, circ. 770 B.c.—
Cyzicus on the Propontis—Colonies on the North Coast of the Euxine—
Olbia, 645 B.c. —Panticapaeum (Kertch)—Dioscurias—Chalcidic Colonies
in Thrace—Megarian Colonies in the Propontis : Byzantium, 658 B.c.—
Greek Colonies in Italy, Cumae, Neapolis, Rhegium and Messana—
Sybaris, 721 B.C. —Croton, 710 B.C. —Paestum — Metapontum—Locri—
Tarentum, 708 b.c.—C olonies in Sicily : Naxos, 735 B.c. —Syracuse,
734B.C. —Gela, 690 B.c. —Agrigentum, 580 B.c. —Himera, 648 B.c. — The
Phocaeans at Massilia, 600 b.c. — Colonies of Massilia—Its Influence in
Gaul—Cyrene, 631 b.c.—I ts Site and Commerce—The Greeks in Egypt—
Their Settlement at Naucratis, circ. 650 B.c. —Summary.

The first great advance that was made in the study of
Geography was due to the spread of the Greek
colonies along the shores of the Euxine and the advan?ed P by
Mediterranean, commencing with the eighth century cSoniie?
before the Christian era. By their means the
horizon of knowledge was rapidly and continuously extended,
enquiry was promoted into the natural features of the interior of
the neighbouring continents and the condition of their inhabit¬
ants, and an impulse was given to speculation on larger questions
connected with the formation and constituent elements of the
Earth. This remarkable movement, a phenomenon causes of
in early Greek history second only to that of the their Estab-
creation of the Homeric poems, was due to more
than one cause. In the first place, it provided an outlet for the
superfluous population of the Greek cities, which about that time
was increasing with extraordinary rapidity, and threatened to
involve them in serious domestic perplexities. In other cases
colonisation served as a remedy for political feuds and party

SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES. [CIIAP.

spirit; as was notably the case in the foundation of Tarentum,
when the Partheniae, or youths illegitimately born of Spartan
mothers during the First Messenian war, after making an abortive
attempt at revolution in their native city, were drafted otf to a
foreign country. At the same time, a vent was thus found for
the ardent love of enterprise which accompanied the first vigorous
growth of the Hellenic communities; and the trading spirit,
which, combined with a fondness for nautical pursuits, was early
developed among the Greeks, gave a practical turn to the pre¬
vailing feeling of restlessness. The last-named motive soon
became all-absorbing, and the sites which were chosen for the
new settlements were chiefly determined by their suitableness

for commercial purposes. The conditions which
Qualifications were cons id ere d most favourable for these were a

for ft Site* , . _ ,

position on the sea-shorc with a safe liarnour m
the recesses of a bay, and a steep height close at hand which
admitted of being easily fortified: in the neighbourhood a
moderate extent of fertile land, suitable for cultivation, and—
most important of all—a ready access to a district of con¬
siderable area in the interior, the inhabitants of which by
means of barter might furnish articles for export. Here and there
an additional attraction was provided by the presence of some
special source of wealth, such as fisheries, or mines, or forests for
the supply of timber. The freedom which was thus exercised by
Early De- new sett * ers * n c h°* ce of an abode, enabling

veiopment of them, as it did, to select the position most suited

the colonies. t0 their wants, was the main cause of the early

development of the colonies as compared with that of the parent
states. Where the conditions were so advantageous, the natural
result was the speedy accumulation of wealth, and, as a conse¬
quence of this, a more rapid development of culture than would
have been possible elsewhere. In the fine arts this result is
especially conspicuous. The noblest specimens of early Greek
architecture are the temples of Paestum, Selinus, and Agrigentura,
and no coins from Greece Proper will bear comparison with
those of Magna Graecia,

The intercourse which thus sprang up between the foreign
settlers and the natives soon became an abundant source of

III.] INFORMATION BROUGHT FROM THE COLONIES. 45

information about remote countries. The Greeks established
themselves in these in the character of traders, and communi-
therefore it was to their interest to maintain friendly cation with
communication with the inhabitants. Not unfre-
quently they intermarried with them, and thus a mixed race
was formed, who were able to act as an intermediate agency
between the two. The influence of Hellenic civilisation, also,
gradually pervaded in some degree the neighbouring tribes, and
broke down the barriers which fear and jealousy had at first
interposed between them and the strangers. By this means the
spirit of enquiry, which was never wanting to the Greeks, found
constant opportunities of satisfying itself by collecting information
concerning the tribes beyond, with whom they were only ac¬
quainted by hearsay. And the knowledge thus information
obtained was again transmitted to Greece. For, transmitted to
however much at a later period the colonies might reece ’
be disposed to rebel against any dictation on the part of the
mother city, at first, and for a long time, the bond of union
between the two was very strong: the custom of taking the sacred
fire from the hearth of the parent state, which was observed on
the sending out of a colony, was emblematical of the close
connexion which was afterwards maintained, and consequently
there was frequent communication between the emigrants and
those whom they left behind. We can picture to ourselves what
happened, when a vessel returned home from one of these newly
founded cities, bringing news of those who had gone forth to seek
their fortunes;—on the one side, anxious enquiries by relations
about their kindred, and eager questions about the prospects of
trade or the need of despatching additional bands of settlers;
and, on the other, narratives of dangers experienced on the
voyage, and descriptions of the coasts and cities visited on the
way; above all, elaborate accounts of the strange peoples and
curious objects, which were peculiar to those regions. Reports
such as these could not fail to awaken a keen interest on the
part of the auditors, and to obtain a wide circulation. Moreover,
all the Greek tribes had their share in collecting them, for all took
part in the work of colonisation. Though the Ionians led the
van, and sent forth the earliest expeditions both towards the east

SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES. [CHAP.

and the west, yet the other races were not behindhand. The
important colonies of Syracuse and Byzantium were established
by the Dorians of Corinth and Megara; Sybaris and Croton by
the Achaeans, and Locri Epizephyrii by the Locrians,

In reviewing the progress of the colonising activity of the
Greeks we may commence from the Black Sea, on
Colonics on shores of which some of the earliest settlements

the mucine.

were planted. Here the Ionian city of Miletus—
a place which was destined to promote the cause of geography at
once by its discoveries and by its philosophical speculations—
was the pioneer. Commerce, indeed, had already found its way
to the Pontus, for the Phoenicians had established trading stations
on the way thither, among which Lampsacus was especially
important, as commanding the passage of the Hellespont, and
Greek traders had followed in their wake; but the Milesians were
the first to establish any regular colonies in those regions. The
Dangers and enterprise was a daring one, for the navigation of
Attractions of the Euxine, with its wide expanse—in this respect
a a strong contrast to the island-studded waters of

the Aegean—and its stormy character, which has always rendered
it the tenor of sailors, was a new departure in the maritime
experience of the Greeks. But when once the venture had been
made, the fears which it inspired were soon neutralised by the
advantages which it presented in respect of trade. Foremost
among these were its fisheries, for the sea of Azov, which runs
off from it at its north-eastern angle, is one of the most famous
breeding-places of the tunny; and the shoals of that fish, when
they issue forth through the Straits of Kertch into the open sea,
make at once for the shores of Asia Minor, where they are
captured in great quantities. The forests, also, with which the
sea-slopes of that country were clothed—the pines of Pontus,
which Horace has celebrated 1 , and the box-trees of Cytorus in
Bithynia, which called forth the praises of Catullus and Virgil a ,
were at hand to furnish an inexhaustible supply of wood. In the

1 Hor. Od. i. 14. n; Pontica pinus,

Silvae filia nobilis.

2 CatulL 4.13; Cytore buxifer:

Tug. Georg, a. 4375 Et juvat undantem buxo spectare Cytoram.

[I.] COLONIES ON THE EUXINE. 47

iterior, behind this woodland region, the elevated plateaux of
’hrygia and Cappadocia, which are still famous for the Angora
rool which they produce, supported innumerable flocks of sheep
nd goats, whose fleeces and hides were brought down to the
:oast, and formed a valuable article of export. It was just at the
niddle point of this southern shore of the Euxine,
yhere the broad mass of Paphlagonia projects into ^ b°c*’ ***'
ts waters, in a position closely resembling that
srhich Carthage occupied in the Mediterranean, that the Milesians
bunded their colony of Sinope about the year 770 b.c. In its
leighbourhood was the mouth of the Halys, the most important
iver in Asia Minor; and owing to this, and to the other facilities
vhich it offered for commerce, the same place had been from old
lays the chief entrepdt for the trade of the interior of Asia. The
prosperity of the new Greek settlement at once justified the
choice of its founders. So rapid was its development, that in the
middle of the same century its citizens were able to establish a
daughter-colony of their own further to the east on the same coast,
at Trapezus (Trebizond)—another point of great commercial
importance, for there, notwithstanding that it is backed on the
land side by lofty mountain ranges, the chief trade-route from
Persia by way of Armenia reaches the sea. Nor were the lines
of communication between the cities on the Pontus and the
mother country neglected. The Hellespont was secured by the
occupation of Abydos, and almost contemporaneously with Sinope
the colony of Cyzicus was founded to command
the Propontis, which piece of water, as its name the p'ro^ntia.
implies, was the vestibule of the Euxine. The sites
of these two places bore a marked resemblance to one another.
Sinope was built so as to occupy a narrow isthmus, which joins a
triangular peninsula to the mainland; while at Cyzicus in place
of the peninsula there was an island joined by bridges to the
shore close to the city. At the present day the correspondence
between the two is still more complete, for at Cyzicus also, in
consequence of the accumulation of sand, an isthmus has been
formed between the island and the coast. Each of these towns
had two ports; and in the case of Cyzicus it was partly, no doubt,
due to this, that at a later period the city ranked as one of the

SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES. [CIIAP.

Colonies on
the North
Coast of the
Euxine.

three which were most famous for their arsenals and manu¬
factories of arms, Rhodes and Massilia being the other two 1 .

The progress of colonisation in this direction was for a while
interrupted in consequence of movements on the
part of the Cimmerian peoples, and Sinope itself
required to be founded anew by Miletus a hundred
and fifty years after its first establishment; but in
the course of time a fresh advance was made along the western
and northern coasts of the Euxine, until at last the whole of that
sea was encircled with a belt of Greek cities. The mouths of
the great rivers which pour their waters into it offered a special
attraction to the settlers on account of the means of intercourse
which they provided with the natives of the interior; and the
positions of several of their trading stations are at once recog¬
nised by their bearing the names of the streams with which they
were associated—Istros being the port for the Danube, Tyras
for the Dniester, Tanais for the Don, and Phasis for the Rioa
The most important of all was Olbia, or the 44 city
of wealth,” which was founded in 643 me. near
the embouchure of the Hypanis (Bug), somewhat
below the site of the modem Nicolaicf, and in the vicinity
of the mouth of the Borysthenes (Dnieper). The temptations
held out by the immense export and import trade, which soon
sprang up throughout this region, overcame the repugnance which
the Greeks must at first have felt to a country and a climate so
unlike their own: for here, instead of the varied aspect and
genial skies of Greece, they met with a monotonous expanse of
dreary steppes, which were exposed to winters of extraordinary
rigour. As they advanced further towards the east these dis¬
couragements were intensified. There they found themselves
opposed by the Tauri of the Crimea, the memory of whose
barbarous customs has been perpetuated in the story of Iphigeneia
and Orestes, and by the savage Sarmatian tribes, who dwelt on
the northern side of the Palus Maeotis. But, notwithstanding

Olbia, 645
B.C.

1 Strabo, 14. 3. 5; speaking of Rhodes he says, jcdvraOfla 8i, &<rrep ip
Ifaurtm \lq, teal Kuf(/cy, rh irepl robs dp^iriieropas teal rAs dpyauorodas teal 0i)<rav-
pois or\<av re /cat rQv AMwv AnrotfScurrai 5 ta <t>ep6pnas 9 teal tn ye rCtv rap *
iXkois puXKov. Cp, al§9 *3. § f ji.

COLONIES IN THRACE.

this, they planted their colony of Panticapaeum (Kertch) on
the western shore of the Bosporus Cimmerius, the
narrow strait by which that sea is entered, while Pa ”Kertch)? m
on the opposite side another warder was estab¬
lished by the foundation of the sister city of Phanagoria. At last
they penetrated to the inmost recesses of those shallow waters,
which were ice-bound during several months of the year, and
formed a settlement in the delta of the Tanais. The eastern
coast of the Pontus, again, was occupied by the cities of Phasis
and Dioscurias, where the Greeks were brought in
contact with the wild races of the Caucasus, and
the warlike Iberian nation, that dwelt between the Euxine and
the Caspian. In this way lines of traffic were opened out in
various directions—by the Borysthenes to the north of Scythia,
by the Tanais towards the Ural mountains, and through Dios¬
curias into Armenia. Thus it came to pass that, at the expiration
of two centuries from the first sending out of the settlers to
Sinope, Miletus found herself the mother of about eighty colonies.

Meanwhile another Ionian city on the opposite side of the
Aegean had been extending Hellenic influence C haiddic
along the coast of Thrace. This was Chalcis, the Colonies in
situation of which place on the narrow strait of the
Euripus, with spaces of sea extending from it in two directions,
marked it out from the first as a starting-point for maritime
enterprise. The neighbouring and rival city of Eretria in Euboea
had already established a colony at Methone, on the Pierian
shore of the Thermaic gulf, but the chief field of the activity of
the Chalcidians was that strange peninsula which advances into
the north of the Aegean—at first in a broad mass of hilly
country, and afterwards in three narrow projections that resemble
the prongs of a trident—and which from them has received the
name of Chalcidice. Here and in the neighbouring region they
found extensive forests to supply timber, and metals beneath the
soil; and in order to obtain these, and at the same time to
provide themselves with a refuge from the wild storms of the
Thracian coast and the no less ill-famed barbarians of Thrace,
they built and fortified a number of towns in convenient places
by the shore. Of these Torone, which lies towards the extremity

SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES. [CIJAP.

of the central peninsula of the three, Sithonia, was the most
considerable. So great was their success, that in the course of
the eighth century they had gained possession of the entire
district, and at last the number of the Chalcidic colonies amounted
to thirty-two. It now fell to the lot of a Dorian
cJtaKainthe state to carry on the work, and the Megarians
Propontis: distinguished themselves by occupying a number

of important posts on the Propontis, until in the course of their
advance they crossed the path of the Milesians. First Astacus
was founded by them in the recesses of the gulf of Ismid, where
at a later period the great city of Nicomedia was built; and after¬
wards Chalcedon and Byzantium, on cither side of
B ^ a ac. m ’ Bosporus, at the point where that piece of water
joins the Sea of Marmora. Finally, about a century
later, they established Heraclea on the south coast of the Euxinc,
and that place in turn reached out an arm across the sea, and
built the town of Chersonesus, on a site close to that of the
modem Sebastopol.

When we turn our attention towards the lands to the west-
Greek ward of Greece, we find that no less energy pre-
Coioniei in vailed on the part of the Greek states in extend-
ing their influence in those regions. In Italy the
first colony was planted by the same city which wc have just
seen engaged in Hellenising the north of the Aegean. At an
unknown, though very early date Cumae was
founded by the Chalcidians on the coast to the
northwards of the bay of Naples, upon a rocky hill which rises
steeply from the shore. The undertaking was a not less ad¬
venturous one than that of the first explorers of the Euxine, for
the treacherous Ionian sea had to be crossed, and the dangers
of Scylla and Charybdis to be faced, before the western basin of
the Mediterranean could be reached: and there the emigrants
were confronted by the naval power of the Tyrrhenians, which
was strong enough to compete with that of the Carthaginians, and
would not tamely brook any interference with their commerce in
those waters. Notwithstanding this, the new foundation main¬
tained itself, and became the centre of a remarkable civilisation,
which extended over the neighbouring districts of Campania; and

Cumae,

COLONIES IN ITALY.

its influence was perpetuated by its still more famous daughter-
city of Neapolis, which in Roman times continued
to be a focus of Hellenic culture, and which, Nea P° hs >
alone of all the cities of Italy, retained a large Greek population
throughout the middle ages, and possesses a considerable number
of Greek inhabitants even at the present day. The success of
these settlements was due to their felicitous position, for in this
neighbourhood all the conditions were present which we have
enumerated as being most eligible in the eyes of the Greeks—
harbours, like those of Misenum and Puteoli, sheltered by pro¬
montories and fringed by islands, a soil of extraordinary fertility,
the volcanic nature of which was especially favourable to the
growth of the vine, and the whole area of Campania to serve as a
field for trade. To secure the approaches from Greece to these
remote Chalcidian colonies the same measures were adopted as in
the case of the Thracian and the Cimmerian Bosporus, for the
passage of the Straits of Messina was secured by
the establishment of two strongholds, one on Messina™ and
either side—Rhegium on the Italian shore, and
Messana on that of Sicily, at a spot where a convenient harbour
was formed by a curved spit of sand, which the natives had
already occupied, and called by the name of Zancle, or “the
Sickle.”

The colonies of southern Italy were founded by the agency
of other Greek states. Before the expiration of
the eighth century Sybaris and Croton, two cities g*™'
which were destined to an unenviable notoriety croton,
owing to their opulence and their rivalries, were 710
planted by the Achaeans, whose territory in the north of
the Peloponnese, hemmed in as it was between the Arcadian
mountains and the waters of the Corinthian gulf, afforded no
means of expansion to its rapidly increasing population. By
these towns in their turn a host of settlements were sent
forth both to the south and the west, the most famous among
which was Posidonia or Paestum on the shores PaeBtma
of the bay adjoining that of Naples, the pro¬
ductiveness of which Virgil has commemorated, where he tells
of its roses that blossom twice in the year. Another colony from

4—2

SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES. [CHAP.

Achaia was Metapontum, the source of the wealth of which is
indicated by the ear of corn, which is the emblem on
Metapontum. s j n g U j ar jy beautiful silver coins. In its founda¬
tion, as in that of Sybaris and Paestum, the ordinary rule which
was observed in the selection of a Greek site was disregarded, and
the city was built on low ground in the midst of a fertile plain.
Again, towards the southern extremity of Bruttium, on the Zcphy-
rian promontory, the colony of Locri Epizcphyrii
was founded by the Locrians. But the most de¬
lightful spot of all, the site which Horace described as “ the most
charming corner of the world 1 ,” was reserved for the Lacedae-

Tarentum,
708 B.C.

monians to occupy, Tarcntum, the circumstances
of the foundation of which we have already noticed

—and these were altogether exceptional, for as a
rule the unexpansive policy of Sparta prevented her from colo¬
nising—was situated in the innermost angle of the deep gulf that
intervenes between the heel and the toe of Italy; and the narrow
peninsula which it occupied was interposed like a dam between
the outer sea and a deep inlet, sixteen miles in circumference
(now called the Man Piccolo ), which here penetrates the land.
The fisheries, for which this inland sea is celebrated at the present
day, must always have been a source of profit; and the suitable¬
ness of the soil in its vicinity for the growth of the olive, together
with the temperate climate, could not fail to render it an attractive
locality. A further cause of the rapid progress of these cities,
besides those which have hitherto been mentioned, was the
affinity of race which existed between their inhabitants and the
natives of the country. The Oenotrian tribes, who occupied this
southern region of Italy, were more nearly akin to the Greeks
than the Satiellian and other races further to the north, and for
this reason amalgamated more readily with them, and were more
receptive of Hellenic culture. So great at last was the prosperity
which resulted from the combined effect of these various influences,
that the aggregate of the Greek colonies in that quarter was
designated by the proud title of Magna Graecia.

It was in the interval between the foundation of Cumae and

} Hor. Od , 9 a. 6* 13*

III.]

COLONIES IN SICILY.

that of Sybaris that the first Greek emigrants were despatched
to Sicily. Almost simultaneously the Ionians and
the Dorians sent out colonies to that country. In gi ^ ; nies in
735 b.c. the city of Naxos was founded by the
Chalcidians at the north-eastern base of Etna, at the foot of the
hill where Tauromenium ( Taormina) was afterwards Naxoa
built; and the following year saw the establishment 735b.c.’
of Syracuse by the Corinthians on the island of Syracuse,
Ortygia further toward the south. The latter place 734 B,c -
was an admirable trading station, owing to its wonderful
harbour, which received the waters of the river Anapus; and
Ortygia itself, by reason of its nearness to the shore, from which
it was separated only by a narrow channel, had all the advan¬
tages both of an island and a peninsula. These early colonies,
and also that of Megara Hyblaea, which was founded shortly
after them by the Megarians of Greece Proper, were settled on
the eastern coast, as indeed was natural, since that side of Sicily
was the nearest to the Greek seas; and there conditions were
met with equally favourable with those presented by Southern
Italy, for the soil was remarkably productive, and the Sicels,
who inhabited that part of the island, were of the same stock
as the Oenotrians, and, like them, yielded themselves readily
to Greek influences. Hence they soon rose to prosperity, as
was proved by several towns being established by them in the
neighbouring districts—Catana and Leontini by Naxos, and
Acrae and Casmenae by Syracuse. Yet a long interval of time
elapsed before they attempted to occupy positions on the
southern coast, so that Camarina, the first colony that was
founded by Syracuse in that direction, was 135 years later in
date than its parent city. The cause of this delay is to be
sought, partly in the remoteness of that seaboard—for the pro¬
montory of Pachynus appears at first to have inspired the Sicilian
Greeks with the same dread which their forefathers had felt for
Malea—and partly in the warlike character of its occupants.
The Sicanians, who inhabited the western part of Sicily—a race,
according to Thucydides 1 , of Iberian extraction, but unquestionably
earlier as immigrants than the Sicels—-were a hardy and stubborn

1 Thuc. 6 . a.

SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES. [CHAP.

people; and, in addition to this, the most easily defensible posts
were in the hands of the Phoenicians. That people, who had
gradually withdrawn before the advance of the Greeks, first from
the Aegean, and afterwards from the east of Sicily, still main¬
tained themselves in the west; and here they were vigorously
supported by the Carthaginians, to whom the possession of this
portion of the island was of the first importance, because it
commanded the approach to the Tyrrhenian sea. The first
adventurers who rounded Pachynus were a mixed body of
Rhodians and Cretans, who built the town of Gela
69 ?b.c. half a century later than the foundation of Naxos

and Syracuse. Subsequently to this, the people of
Hyblaean Megara erected the city of Selinus further to the west;

and between these two Agrigentum, a daughter-
city of Gela, was built on an elevated table of
rock, retired from the sea, where the conspicuous
remains of its temples still testify to its former greatness. The
only colony that was founded on the northern coast, besides that
of Mylae, which was near its eastern extremity,
was Himera. Panormus continued to be Phoeni¬
cian, though Hellenic ideas were strongly felt there—
a condition of things which is illustrated by its coins, on which
the emblems of both races are found in conjunction. The western
angle of the island, especially the part in the neighbourhood of
Mt. Eryx, long continued to be a stronghold of Semitic influence.

The establishment of these settlements in Italy and Sicily
prepared the way for a still bolder advance on the
part of the Ionians of Phocaea. This people,

Agrigentum,
580 B.C.

Himera,
648 B.C.

The Pho-
caeans at

MaraiUa, who found the rocky peninsula on which their city
was built a place too strait for them, were driven by
force of circumstances to take to the sea; and Herodotus tells us
that they were the first of the Greeks to undertake distant voyages’.
Embarking on their long ships of fifty oars instead of ordinary
merchant vessels, they pioneered the way into the Adriatic, and
along the coasts of Etruria and Spain, until they reached Tartessus,
where they were hospitably received by Arganthonius, the king of
the country. In the year 600 b.c., in consequence (so the story
1 Herod, i, 163.

III.]

MASSILIA AND ITS COLONIES.

runs) of the preference given by the daughter of a Gaulish chief¬
tain to a Greek over a native suitor, they founded the colony of
Massilia, in a region far more remote from Greece than any
which had as yet been occupied by a Hellenic settlement. The
influence of that city, which itself was situated in the recesses of a
spacious bay, and protected on the land side by a screen of hills,
soon made itself felt in several directions. Towards the east,
at the foot of the Maritime Alps, there arose a suc¬
cession of prosperous towns—Antipolis (Antibes), Massing 8 ° f
Nicaea (Nice), and finally the Portus Herculis
Monoeci (Monaco), where the appellation of the tutelary divinity,
Heracles “dwelling alone,” is significant of its position as the
last of the Greek colonies in that direction. Beyond that point
all progress was discouraged by the close approach of the moun¬
tains to the sea; for what is now the delightful coast of the
Riviera was then a wild tract, inhabited by fierce Ligurian
mountaineers. Towards the west, also, along the shores of Spain,
we find the settlement of Emporiae at the extremity of the
Pyrenees, and that of Hemeroscopeium, in a position convenient
for traffic, opposite the Balearic islands. But the
most important field of all lay in the interior of
Gaul, with which there was ready communication
by means of the Rhone, since that river reached the sea in the
neighbourhood of Massilia. The other waterways, with which
that country is so well provided, brought thither, not only the
products of the interior, but also articles of sale from lands
beyond: and ultimately, as we have seen, the tin of Britain and
the amber of Frisia found their way by this route into the marts
of the Mediterranean. Owing to the same causes Massilia be¬
came also one of the most important starting-points for geo¬
graphical discovery.

In one other direction, besides those which have been
mentioned, the colonising spirit of the Greeks found
an opening for its energy. Africa, which from its
harbourless shores and the wide space of sea which
separates it from Greece elsewhere offered no inducements to
settlers of that nation, at one point presented an attractive field
for emigration, where the district of the Cyrenaica approaches

5<5

SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES. [CHAP.

most nearly to Crete and the Pcloponnese. To this land a
colony was sent out in the latter part of the seventh centuiy
before Christ from Thera, the southernmost of the Cyclades.

The position of the new settlement was an un-
Commeree. an<l usual one for a Greek city, being several miles
inland, and without any port on the neighbouring
shore. But this deficiency was amply compensated by the ad¬
vantages of the site; for it stood on high ground, about 1800 feet
above the sea, and open to the breezes from that side, while
it was sheltered at the back from the hot winds of the desert; and
in its midst an abundant and perennial spring welled forth, and
fostered a luxuriant vegetation. Here there was opportunity for
commerce with the Libyan tribes of the interior, and a brisk
export trade arose, the chief article of which was the sap of the
silphium tree, which was greatly valued on account of its medicinal
qualities. In this instance, as elsewhere, the original foundation
became the parent of other cities, among which Barca was the
most conspicuous. By means of this group of colonies the
element of mystery with which Africa was enveloped in the eyes
of the Greeks was to some degree dispelled, and its dark-skinned
natives became to them something more than the subject of
fabulous stones.

In Egypt the position of the Greeks as traders and settlers

The Greeks was . dt0 S ether different from that which they oc-

in Egypt. cupied when dealing with barbarians. There, in¬

stead of being the pioneers of culture, they found
themselves in the presence of an ancient civilisation incomparably
superior to their own, and of a well-established government,
whose regulations could not be violated with impunity. Ac-
(mrdingly, it was only by indirect means and gradual approaches
that they succeeded in obtaining a position in the country. We
first hear of them in the character of mercenaries—the “bronze
men from the sea,” whose aid was promised to Psammitichus by
an oracle at the time of his revolt in the middle of the seventh
centuiy B.a, and who appeared in the form of Ionian and
Canan sea-farers clad in armour. After that leader had established
mmself as sovereign, he settled these strangers at Daphnae, on
the easternmost or Pelusiac branch of the Nile; and about the

III.]

THE GREEKS IN EGYPT.

same time, as it would seem, he permitted the Milesians to form a
trading station on the western or Canobic branch
at Naucratis—the discovery of which place by mln'a^NauI
Mr Flinders Petrie is one of the most interesting cratis - ciro -
results of recent excavation. At the commence¬
ment of the following century, in the reign of Psammitichus II. 1 ,
we have evidence of Greek soldiers in the service of the king of
Egypt having reached the frontiers of Aethiopia, in the famous
Greek inscriptions on the legs of the colossi in front of the
temple of Abu Simbel in Nubia. Fifty years later, in the reign
of Amasis, special privileges seem to have been accorded to
Naucratis, which became an important commercial centre. From
this time onwards the intercourse between Greece and Egypt,
though still intermittent, was less restricted than before. Amasis
himself married a Greek wife, and removed the Ionian mercenaries
from Daphnae to Memphis, that they might become his body¬
guard- Both Pythagoras and Thales are said to have resorted to
his court, and the story of his alliance with Polycrates of Samos,
and of the romantic circumstances which led to its dissolution, is
familiar to every one. The point of view of the two peoples,
indeed, the one looking back towards an immemorial past, the
other reaching forward eagerly towards the future, presented
too strong a contrast for them to be able to learn much one from
another, and the jealousy of the Egyptian priesthood rendered
their accumulated learning a sealed book to the outer world. At
the same time, by their residence in Egypt the Greeks became
acquainted with a country unique in character, and with races and
products of which otherwise they would have had no cognisance.

When we compare the knowledge of the lands in the neighbour¬
hood of the Mediterranean which had been acquired
by the medium of these colonies, with that which Summaiy '
existed in the Homeric age, we cannot fail to be struck with the
marked advance that had been made in every direction. Even
the Pillars of Hercules, and the limit there set to the Mediter¬
ranean sea, of which in earlier days they had only become aware

1 That the expedition took place in this reign, and not in that of Fsam*
mitichus I., is proved by inscriptions found at Naucratis: see Prof. Gardner's
New Chapters in Greek History , p. 198.

58 SPREAD OF THE GREEK COLONIES. [CHAP. HI.

through the Phoenicians, had come within the range of their
experience; for, before the visit of the Phocacans to Tartessus,

Colaeus, a shipmaster of Samos, had already penetrated thither_

through stress of weather, no doubt, and against his will, but with
the result that he brought back thence a cargo of untold value.
We are also led to believe that the interior of Asia was not wholly
unknown at this time; thus we find Antiinenidas, the brother of
the poet Alcaeus, serving in the army of the king of Babylon.
But, for all that, geographical knowledge was as yet confined
almost entirely to the neighbourhood of the inland seas. No
Greek mariner had embarked either on the waters of the Atlantic
or on those of the Erythraean sea, and the remoter portions of
the continents were quite unexplored.

CHAPTER IV.

EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL SPECULATIONS: HECATAEUS.

Speculations on Mathematical Geography—Anaximander, arc . 580 B.C.—
Spherical Form of the Earth—Theory of Zones—Speculations on Physical
Geography—Volcanic Phenomena—The Delta of Egypt—Inundation of
the Nile—Explanations of it, by Thales, Hecataeus, Anaxagoras, Hero¬
dotus, Aristotle, and Eratosthenes—Invention of the Gnomon—Map-mak¬
ing—Its Early Difficulties—Aristagoras and his Map at Sparta, 490 B.C.—
Delphi the Centre of the Earth’s Surface—Origin of the Belief—Division
of the World into Continents—Twofold or Threefold Partition—Principles
of Demarcation—Boundary of Europe and Asia—Names of the Continents
—Their Origin—Hecataeus of Miletus [tire. 500 B.C.) the Father of
Geography—His Political Wisdom—His Sources of Information—His
Geographical Work—Its Arrangement—Its General Geography—Its
Contents—Europe—Asia—Africa.

Having thus traced the opportunities of acquiring knowledge
of distant countries which the Greeks obtained by
means of their colonial system, we may now turn „n Mathema-
to another branch of the subject, which advanced
alongside of this, viz. their earliest enquiries into
the subject of scientific geography. In this matter the same city,
Miletus, which, as we have seen, led the way in the work of
sending forth colonies, was the first to set on foot investigations.
The wealth which had flowed into that place through its commerce
provided a certain class of its inhabitants with leisure for study
and reflexion, and at the same time the information which was
accumulated from many quarters by their widely extended con¬
nexions supplied ample materials for the exercise of ingenious
speculation. It was thus that the Ionian school of philosophers
arose, in whose system questions about the physical constitution
of the world held a prominent position. These thinkers, it is
true, had not as yet emancipated themselves from the Homeric
conception of the Earth as a circular plane; but a great advance

IV.]

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

about contemporary with Herodotus, devoted much attention to
the volcanic phenomena which are so marked a
feature of Western Phrygia—the craters of the phenomena.
Katakekaumene or “Burnt Country,” the earth¬
quake shocks which frequently caused great damage to buildings
throughout the neighbouring parts of Lydia, and the mephitic
vapours which issued from the ground at many points 1 * . In that
passage together with Xanthus other ancient writers are mentioned
as authorities on this point; and from this we may conclude that
the subject had for some time before occupied the minds of the
learned. But it was by means of the communication which
existed between Miletus and Egypt through the trading settlement
at Naucratis that speculation on geographical subjects was
especially promoted. (Itj&s remarked in the Augustan age that
' the first thing about which strangers enquired on arriving in Egypt
1 was the Nile and its peculiar features 3 ; and this must always have
been the case, on account of the mystery which surrounded the
unknown sources of that stream, its immense volume when com¬
pared with the rivers of Greece and Italy, the strange monsters
which it harboured, such as the hippopotamus and the crocodile,
and above all its extraordinary geographical phenomena. One of
these was the absence of all tributaries during its entire course of
’ eleven hundred miles through Nubia and Egypt from the point
where it receives the waters of the Atbara below Khartoum—a
fact on which Herodotus remarked 8 . Another was the aspect of
the Delta, with its remarkable expanse of perfectly
level ground, intersected by the arms of the Nile. E ^ p e t Delta 05
As a starting-point for speculations on the process
by which this was formed, the Ionian’; thinkers had analogous
instance's of the accretion of soil close at hand, in the maritime
plains and deltas at the mouths of the rivers of Western Asia—
the Caicus, the Hermus, the Cayster, and especially the Maeander,
which entered the sea in the neighbourhood of Miletus. The
comparison between the two is made by Herodotus 4 , who also

1 Strabo, 12. 8. 19. 3 Strabo, 1. 2, 29.

8 Herod. 4. 50; & y&p 61 ) toOtop otire vorafibs otfre icp/jpi) oidepla iaSifhdca

is ir\7)86$ cl crvfAp&Kkerai,

4 Herod. 2.10.

EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL SPECULATIONS. [CHAP.

characterises the surface of the Delta as being level, moist and
muddy 1 * , and notices that in approaching Egypt by water the
mariner finds evidence far out at sea of the alluvium which is
brought down by the Nile, since the water is comparatively
shallow a day’s sail from land, and mud is brought up by the
sounding-line 3 4 . From this he concluded that what in his time
was Lower Egypt was originally an arm of the sea, and that the
country was “ acquired, and a gift of the river." The facts which
the historian here records were no doubt the result of his own
observation, for he had verified them on the spot; but in all
probability both these and the deductions which he drew from
date from a much earlier time: indeed, we know on the
authority of Arrian that the expression “a gift of the river” had
already been used of the Delta by Hecataeus 3 .

But the question connected with the Nile which more than
any other excited the ingenuity of the Greeks, was
the cause of its inundation, which was sufficiently
remarkable from its extent and its fertilising in¬
fluence, but on account of its regular periodical recurrence and
its taking place in the summer season was a unique phenomenon.
Explanations Herodotus has recorded the various explanations
of it, by of it which had been propounded before his time,

Thales, together with his own*. The first of these, which

subsequent writers agreed in attributing to Thales, the founder of
the Ionian school, was that it arose from the Etesian winds,
which blew from the north during the summer, coming from the
Euxine and the coasts of the Aegean, and caused the water of the
river to overflow by preventing it from running off into the sea.
Herodotus rightly remarks on the insufficiency of this explanation,
inasmuch as other rivers which flow in an opposite direction to
these winds are not affected in the same manner, and the rising

__ _ _ of the Nile takes place even when they do not

blow. The second view—which, though the

Inundation
of the Nile.

1 Herod. 2. 7. a Herod. 2 . 5.

8 Arrian, Anab, 5. 6. 5; Aty\mr6v re'Hp6$or6s re KftJ’E/caratos ol Aoyoiroiol,

ij el 8$ rev SXKov tj 'EkcltoIov tori r& d/upl rg yjj rf A lywriq TOig/xara, 8&pov
rod vorafioO dp^Arepoi uxTafrrws ivopdfavau

4 Herod, 2. 19—25.

IV.]

INUNDATION OF THE NILE.

historian does not name its author, is unquestionably that of
Hecataeus—though more than half a century later in date than
the preceding, is far more primitive in its character. According
to this, the increase of the volume of water was due to the
connexion of the Nile with the circumfluent river Oceanus, from
which in the southern part of its course it was supposed to be
derived; and the sweetness of its water was accounted for by the
supposition that its saline ingredients evaporated owing to the
heat of the sun in its passage through the torrid regions 1 .
Herodotus rightly dismisses this explanation without further dis¬
cussion, as depending on an antiquated theory.

He treats with hardly greater consideration the
third view, which is assigned by Diodorus and others to Anax¬
agoras, that it proceeded from the melting of snow during the
summer on the mountains in the interior of Libya. Notwith¬
standing the reasonableness of this as a conjecture, the historian
at once dismisses it, on the ground, which we now know to be
erroneous, that it was impossible for snow to lie in so hot a
country. After disproving these views to his satis- Herodotus
faction he propounds his own, which has very
little to recommend it; namely, that, as in the winter-time the
sun withdraws towards the upper parts of Libya, the streams
which feed the rivers there will naturally shrink during that
season, in consequence of the scorching heat of his rays. This
suggestion might serve as a possible explanation of the lowering
of the level of the water in winter, but leaves untouched the
question of its overflow in summer. It was reserved
for Aristotle and Eratosthenes to suggest the true EretosSenS*
cause, in the tropical rains which fall during the
spring and early summer on the highlands about the upper
waters of the Blue and White Nile; and this was afterwards
confirmed by Agatharchides through information obtained from
natives of the interior of Africa.

We must here notice two inventions, generally attributed by

1 See Diodor. 1. 40. 4; fJLaprvpeiv 5 k toijtols koXt^v ^repjSoX^ rijs yXv/drnjros
rod /car A rbv 'Neikov tidaros' 5 tk yhp rrjs KaraKtKavph^ aMv jifavra. KaBfy&rtitu,
1 cal 61b. toQto yXvK&rarov elvai irdvruv tQv voTCL fufo) are <f>ti<re1 roO rupdSous top
rb bypbv iiroyXvKalvovTOi*

EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL SPECULATIONS. [CHAP.

ancient writers to Anaximander, which were of the first import¬
ance for the study of mathematical geography,
invention of Q ne 0 f t b e se was the gnomon, a primitive kind

the Gnomon. (

of sun-dial, consisting of a perpendicular staff or
pillar, the length of the shadow of which, corresponding to the
progress of the sun, could be measured by feet marked on the
spot where it fell. The discovery of this was extremely valuable,
because by means of it latitudes could be determined, and it long
continued to be the only instrument available for that purpose.
Herodotus, indeed, states that the use of the gnomon was learnt
by the Greeks from the Babylonians 1 , and this was probably the
case; so that Anaximander should be regarded rather as having
introduced than as having originated it. The other
Map-making. j nven ^ on w jtb which he was credited is that of
map-making, and there seems to be no doubt that he was the
first person who attempted to represent the surface of the Earth,
with the boundaries of the countries upon it, and their leading
features. We can readily understand how many
Difficulties. difficulties the man had to encounter who first
set to work to frame a scheme of geographical
expression of this kind, which now for the first time was rendered
possible by the discovery of such facts as that the Mediterranean
and the Euxine were enclosed spaces of water. Information had
to be collected from sailors about distances by sea, and the
outlines and directions of coasts; and from traders and other
travellers by. land concerning the countries that lay at the back
of the newly-established colonies, and the routes of commerce
that led through them: and all this, and still more the reports
that were brought of distant regions beyond, required to be sifted,
and the accounts of different narrators had to be compared and
reconciled. The positions thus ascertained needed to be placed
in their due relations one to another; and when this had been
accomplished for each country, the same process had to be
repeated on a larger scale, in order to arrange the various lands
and seas in their proper grouping. It was only after these
preliminaries had been effected that lines could be drawn to

1 Herod, a. 109.

IV.]

MAP-MAKING.

describe these features on a level surface, and names appended
to explain what was designated by them.

The first mention that we meet with of the employment of
such a map is in Herodotus, where the historian is Aristagoras
recounting the circumstances of the Ionian revolt and his Map at

■ ■ • /• 1 Sparta, 4QQ B.C.

against Persia. Anstagoras, tyrant of Miletus, he
tells us, who was the leader of that rising, visited Sparta in order
to persuade Cleomenes the king to lend his assistance to their
undertaking. In the course of the interview that followed, in
order to set forth the advantages to be gained by an expedition
against Persia, he described the wealth of the lands which lay
between the sea-coast of Asia Minor and that country: and that
he might explain this more clearly, he produced “a bronze
tablet whereupon the whole circuit of the Earth was engraved,
with all its seas and rivers V* On this he pointed out to the king
with his finger the position of the different peoples that lay on
the way, at the same time descanting on the riches which they
possessed. Cleomenes for the time postponed his reply, and at
'their next conference enquired how many days’ journey it was
from the Ionian sea to Susa. In an incautious moment
Aristagoras answered that it was a journey of three months;
whereupon Cleomenes, discouraged by the magnitude of the
undertaking, at once dismissed him from Sparta. The map that
was exhibited on this occasion by the tyrant of Miletus was in all
probability an adaptation of that which had been designed by
his fellow-countryman Anaximander, and afterwards improved by
Hecataeus.

A point, the determination of which must have gone some
way towards regulating the shape and arrangement

. 0 ° .. - Al _ ° r Delphi the

of the early maps, was the position of the centre of centre of the
the Earth’s surface. This was fixed at Delphi for 1 ^*’®
the Greeks by religious associations, in the same
way as at a later time Jerusalem became the central point of the
world in the minds of Dante and his contemporaries. The
popular belief on this subject gave rise to the fable which Pindar
relates, that two eagles which were let go by Zeus, the one from
the east, the other from the west, met at Delphi®. Apollo himself
1 Herod. 5.49. * Strabo, 9. 3.6.

T. 5

EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL SPECULATIONS. [CHAP.

was reputed to have selected this spot as the chosen seat of
his worship, and the fame of the wealth of its
B 2ief. inof the temple and the wisdom of its oracle dated from the
earliest period of Greek history, for both of these
are mentioned in the Homeric poems. In the Iliad Achilles
speaks of the riches that were stored at Pytho as being com¬
parable to the possessions of Ilium 1 ; and in the Odyssey
Agamemnon is related to have obtained thence an oracular
response before proceeding to Troy 3 . By degrees it became
more and more the political as well as the religious centre of the
country, for its influence was exerted in the direction of holding
the Greek states together and counteracting their centrifugal
tendencies, and its wide outlook and practical sagacity in all
matters which affected the Hellenic community caused it to be
generally resorted to for the sake of the good counsel which it
supplied. This was especially the case at the time of the
foundation of the Greek colonies, for the influence which the
oracle exercised in regulating that movement was so great, that
when the Spartan Dorieus met with disaster in endeavouring to
found a colony in Libya, his failure was attributed to his having
neglected to consult the god beforehand 3 . The national position
which Delphi thus obtained caused it to be regarded, not only
metaphorically, but locally, as the middle point of Greece—
a character which it might fairly claim from its geographical
situation; and since Greece was considered by its inhabitants to
occupy a central position among the countries of the world, this
place came to be called “the navel of the Earth,” and the idea

1 JL 9. 401—5;

0 i 5 yap i/iol ^7 }s dvrdl-wv 005* 6 <ra <j>aah>

TXiop iKTijffdai, c 0 vatdpevov irroMedpov,

Tb irply eV rplv fade tv vtas ’Axaiwv,

ou5’ Sffa \divQ$ o050s d^ropos ivrbs 4£py€t f
$olf$ov ’Att bXKwos, Uvdoi Hvt TreTpyjtfroy),

* Od. 8. 79—81;

<3s yip ol xpduv /w^aro $o2j8os 'AirbWav
nv$di iv Ijyafffa Mpfa UXvov O050V

* Herod. 5. 43.

IV.]

DIVISION INTO CONTINENTS.

thus established was formally expressed on the maps, so that
Delphi became the starting-point in their construction 1 .

A further point which presented itself for solution at an early
time to the geographers and map-makers was the Divi8ion of
division of the world into continents. On this the world into
subject a diversity of opinion existed, both as on n
regards the principle of division, and the limits at which the
boundaries were to be fixed. The triple system twofold or
of partition into Europe, Asia, and Africa, which Threefold
ultimately carried the day, was at first the least
popular, for most of the authorities divided the world into two
parts, Europe and Asia—Africa (or, as the Greeks called it,
Libya) being regarded as part of the latter. This seems to
have been the case with Hecataeus, for where he is cited by
subsequent writers as an authority for the position of places
in Africa, the part of his work thus referred to is quoted in
some instances as a treatise on Asia, in others on Libya; from
which circumstance we may infer that the latter of these was a
subdivision of the former. Now as Africa was not unknown to
the Greeks of that time, an explanation seems to be required
of its omission in the division of the world into continents: and
this we may probably discover in the view that the principle of
partition turned on the cold and heat of the regions toward the
north and the south respectively, Europe—in which all that we
now call Russia in Asia was comprehended—being the colder
section, and Asia, including Libya, the warmer. This is confirmed
by our finding that Eratosthenes, who at a later time returned to
the twofold division, did so expressly on the ground of the
difference in temperature between those parts of
the globe 2 . The dividing line between Europe and vcmmliiLf
Africa was clearly marked by the straits at the
Pillars of Hercules, while the geographical features which were

1 Agathemerus, Geogr. 1. 2. Speaking of the early attempts at map-
making, he says— 01 fikv odv waXouol ttjv olKovjj^ptjv £ypa.<pov arpoyySiXriv, fiirqv
Sk K€L<rdat rty'EWada, /cat ratfnjs AeX^otf*.

2 Varro, De re rust., 1. 2, 3: Primum cum orbis terrae divisus sit in duas
partes ab Eratosthene maxime secundum naturam ad meridiem versus et ad
septentriones. See Berger, Geschichte der Erdkunde , 1. p. 53.

5-2

EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL SPECULATIONS. [CHAP.

chosen for the delimitation of Asia were rivers —the Phasis on
the side towards Europe, and the Nile in the direction of Africa.
A stream of water at all times suggests itself at first sight as the
most natural boundary between tracts of land, though a chain of
mountains or an isthmus forms a far more certain and definite
limit. Hence the Caucasus, though it is mentioned by Aeschylus
as the highest of mountains 1 , and therefore must have been
known to the Greeks before his time, was ignored as the dividing
line between Europe and Asia; and the Isthmus of Suez, which
forms the natural line of separation between Asia and Africa, was
passed over in like manner. At a later time the importance of
isthmuses from this point of view was brought prominently
forward; so much so, that the land which intervenes between the
Euxine and the Caspian was treated as an isthmus, and was
regarded as the boundary of Asia on that side'; but this principle
of division implies a wider survey of the field of geography than
was possible at an early age. By some the Phasis continued to
„ . , be treated as the limit even in the time of Hero-

Europe and dotus ; but m the meanwhile the advance of the
Asia * Greek colonies in the direction of the Palus Maeotis

had initiated another view, and that piece of water together with
the Cimmerian Bosporus at its entrance and the Tanais which
flowed into it were regarded as separating the two continents—
an opinion which ultimately prevailed. , It appears to have been
adopted by Hecataeus, for he treats the town of Phanagoria, which
lay on^the eastern side of the Cimmerian Bosporus, as being in
Asia ^ while in Aeschylus both views are represented, for in the
Prmetheus Vmctus the dramatist describes Io as passing from

1 Prom. Vinct. 719:

rphf ajf Tpbs abrbv K ahaaop 6 pQv

tiipurrov.

8 Strabo, 1 . 4- 7 : Sb rots l<r$/to is [foatpeTv rAs hwelpovs], t<$ re poera^b

rip Kamrlas ko! tt)s TLovrudjs 0a\ Across, koX t# peraj^b rfjs "fipvdpas koX rob

^Kp^JfMTOS.

3 Herod. 4. 45: oiipUrpara abrj Ne?X6s re 6 klybirrm ir Graphs faify, koX
$d<r« 6 K6X%os* ( 0 1 8b TcWiV irorapbv rbv Maufaiv kclI Uopepffa rA Ktppbpta
X^yootft).

4 Hecat., Fragm. Nos. 164, 165, in Muller^ Fragmmta HistoHcorum
Grwmwy 1 . p. ir.

IV.] NAMES OF THE CONTINENTS. 69

Europe into Asia when she crosses those straits 1 , and in the
Prometheus Solutus he definitely states that the Phasis is the
boundary 8 . This curious contradiction, taken in connexion with
Herodotus’ mention of the same two opinions, shews how greatly
men’s minds fluctuated on the subject.

The names by which these continents came to be designated
seem to have been in use before the continents
themselves were known. This arose from their continents. thC
being first applied to coast lands or limited districts,
while afterwards their application was gradually extended, so as
to include the whole of the area of country that lay behind.
This is clearly seen in the case of Europe, which name first occurs
in the Homeric Hymn to the Pythian Apollo 3 in conjunction
with that of Peloponnese, which also is used there for the first
time: and in that passage it is evidently employed of the main¬
land of Greece as distinguished from that peninsula and the
islands, and not in any wider acceptation, for the Greek nation is
there divided into “ those who dwell in fruitful Peloponnese, and
those who inhabit Europe and the seagirt islands.” Both this
appellation and that of Asia came from the East, ^ ^ .

though probably not from Phoenicia, as has been
commonly thought, but from Assyria, where the words agft
‘sunrise’ and irib or ereb ‘darkness’ frequently occur in in¬
scriptions. They may have been brought to the Aegean by way
of Lydia, the Heracleid kings of which country were according to
their traditions connected with Assyria 4 . The neighbourhood of
the Aegean must in any case have been the locality in which these
words came to be used with a descriptive significance, to represent

1 Prom. Vinci . 729 foil.:

ItrSfibv 5* <? 7 r' afirais crrePOTbpots \lfxv7js inJXcus
’KijjL/xcpLKOv oj£eis, & 6pa.<rv<ric\iyx?w <re XP^I
Xtiroutrav av\uv’ tiarepav M cliutik6v

.Xwroutra Etfptt>7n?s iridop

ijir eipov ij&L* ’Act£5*.

2 Prom. Sol* , Fragm. 1 :

r# /j£v dldv/Jiov x&ovbs T&fip&Tys
ppyav ’Aatas rip/iova $a mv.

* 1- 73-

4 Kiepert, Lthrbuch d. a. Geografhie, p. 16.

EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL SPECULATIONS. [CHAP.

respectively the lands towards the east and towards the west, for
there is no other position on the borders of the two continents
where they could have had that force. Libya, on the other hand,
which, as we have already seen 1 , is mentioned in the Odyssey ,
received its name from the principal native race with which the
Greek settlers were brought into contact, in the same way as
Italy was so called from the tribe of Itali in the southern part of
that country, and Sicily from the Siccls. The name of Africa,
which was given to it by the Romans, was borrowed by them
from the Carthaginians, who thus designated the part of the
continent in which their city was placed.

The knowledge of the world which was possessed by the
1 Hecataeus of Ionians of this time was embodied in the work of
Miletus (cine. Hecataeus of Miletus, who was the first person to
FathefofGeo- write a treatise on that subject, and for that reason
graphy * may rightly be called the Father of Geography, as
Herodotus is termed the Father of History. In the character of
a politician he is conspicuous at the time of the
w?8dom°. htIcal Ionian revolt, on account of the prudent and
patriotic advice which he gave to his fellow-country¬
men on that occasion. When Aristagoras by specious repre¬
sentations tried to induce the Ionians to rise against the Persians,
Hecataeus, we are told, stood alone in endeavouring to dissuade
them by pointing out to them the magnitude of the resources of
Darius; and when he failed in this, he urged them to provide
themselves with a naval force, and for this purpose to make use
of the treasures laid up in the temple at Branchidae, which other¬
wise would certainly fall into the hands of their opponents*. This
advice also was rejected. Again, when the commencement of the
insurrection was unfavourable to the Ionians, and there was a
prospect of the Persian fleet appearing off their coasts, while
Aristagoras was in favour of emigrating to Sardinia or to Myrcinus
in Thrace, Hecataeus advised that they should occupy the
neighbouring island of Leros, and watch from thence the progress
of events; but he was no more successful in inciting them to bold
measures, than he had previously been in restraining their head-

1 supra, p. a 6.

8 Ilerod. 5. 36.

IV.]

HECATAEUS OF MILETUS.

strong enthusiasm 1 . In all these proceedings he appears in the
character of a clear-sighted statesman—a faculty which may have
been in great measure the result of his study of past events, for by
the ancients he was known as an “ annalist,” on account of his
historical work which was entitled Histories or Genealogies . He
is often supposed to have travelled extensively, and
Herodotus makes mention of a visit of his to Thebes 0 fiSorm^on.
in Egypt 8 ; but with regard to other countries there
is no sufficient ground for this belief, for it rests mainly on the
acquaintance which he shews with various lands, such as Spain
and the coasts of the Euxine. This however is amply accounted
for by his residence at Miletus, the colonies of which place on the
Black Sea would furnish their native city with abundant information
about the countries in their neighbourhood; and the same thing
would happen with regard to Spain by means of the trading
stations founded by Massilia on its shores, from which intelligence
would be transmitted to the parent state in Ionia, Phocaea. A
confirmation of this view is found in the closeness with which
Hecataeus’ geographical knowledge corresponds to the position of
the Greek colonies. Thus, while he names a number of insigni¬
ficant Illyrian and Liburnian tribes, an acquaintance with which
might have been gained by the cities of Epidamnus and Apollonia
on the Adriatic Sea, there is no mention in his writings of any
place on the Italian and Ligurian coasts between Campania and
the Portus Herculis Monoeci, evidently on account of the absence
of Greek settlements throughout that region.

The geographical work of Hecataeus was called a Periodos, or
General Survey, of the inhabited world as known at ry . _

_ , , _ His Geo-

that time; and since, from the nature of the case, a graphical
great part of it was taken up with an account of Work *
places and districts bordering on the sea, it must have borne a
considerable resemblance to what was afterwards called a Periplus ,
or Coasting Survey. It has only come down to us in fragments,
and the majority of these are of the briefest description, having
been preserved in the epitome of the work of Stephanus of
‘ Byzantium, which gives little more than the names of places with
\ the countries to which they belonged. It is clear however that
1 Herod. 5. 1*5. s Herod, a. 143.

EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL SPECULATIONS. [CHAP.

the ‘ Survey ’ was not confined to dry statements like these, but
contained notices, occasionally of some length, of remarkable
objects which were found in different localities. Thus we learn
from Porphyry that the accounts of the phoenix, the hippopotamus,
and the hunting of crocodiles in the second book of Herodotus
were taken almost bodily from Hecataeus 1 * 3 * . The work was
divided into two parts, the former of which treated
ment. Artanee ’ of Europe, the latter of Asia, under which Libya
was included. These parts must have been sub¬
divided into sections, for in the quotations in Stephanus some
places are referred to under special headings, such as Hclles-
pontus, Aeolica, Aegyptus, and Libya. Hecataeus maintained
the traditional view of the Ionian philosophers, that
Geogmphy”' th e Earth was a circular plane surrounded by the
stream of Ocean j and the land which was thus
enclosed was divided into two equal portions, the continent of
Europe towards the north, and that of Asia to the south. This
view, which Herodotus ridicules, is not, indeed, attributed by him
to Hecataeus by name, but it is highly probable that he is one of
those to whom the historian refers as having held it *. The division
between the two continents was formed, first by the Mediterranean,
the Euxine and the Palus Maeotis, and afterwards by the Tanais,
and perhaps the Caspian Sea, for there is some reason to believe
that the Ionians treated that sea as a bay of the eastern ocean*.
These geographical features he regarded as forming nearly a
continuous line running from west to east. The map of the
world on which these objects were represented was considered to
be an advance on that of Anaximander*.

The contents of Hecataeus’s work on geography, so far as we
its Contents. means of judging of it, correspond in the

main to what we have seen to be the range of

1 jf*? Fra S>"- Nos. *93-4, in Muller’s Fragm. Hist. Gr., i. p. «, with

the editor’s notes.

3 Herod. 4. 36.

* Berger, op. tit., r. p . 33.

bL *' f S i H**no», i/towrr* QiUu, rpQroi

MAwXwjp, SiyKpLfiuaeii wore tI Tp&ypa. P

IV.]

CONTENTS OF HIS WORK.

knowledge of that time. With the northern coasts of the Mediter¬
ranean, especially those of Greece, Sicily and
southern Italy, he shews himself familiar; and he Eur °P e -
mentions not only the islands of Sardinia and Corsica, but also
that of Aethale (Elba), which was even then famous for its iron
mines. On the other hand, he is unacquainted with any sea to the
north of Europe, and indeed with any lands or peoples north of
the parallel of the Alps, except the Scythians far away towards
the north-east, and other tribes—two of which, the Melanchlaeni
and the Issedones, we also read of in Herodotus—and the chain
of the Caucasus in the same direction. He knows that the
Iberians are the inhabitants of Spain, and the Celts of Gaul: and
in the former of these countries he mentions Tartessus, though he
does not notice Gades; and in the latter the town of Narbo
(Narbonne), which he characterises as a commercial centre. In
Italy, which was not yet known by that name, he notices the
principal races which occupied various regions—the Tyrrhenians
towards the north, the Ausonians in the centre, and the Oenotrians
in the south; and also a number of native towns in the neighbour¬
hood of the colonies of Magna Graecia, but neither Rome nor
any of the great cities of Etruria. At the head of the Adriatic he
places the Istri, and also the town of Adria, which was situated
between the mouths of the Po and the Adige, where he remarks
on the extraordinary fertility of the soil.

In the other section of the work, which treats of Asia and
Africa, we find that the writer is intimately acquainted Ag . a
with Asia Minor, and further to the north the
Colchians are mentioned and the Araxes. The Caspian Sea, into
which that river flows, is spoken of as being surrounded by lofty
wooded mountains, a description which only applies to its western
shore. Media is designated as a region near the Caspian Gates,
and the Persian Gulf is named, but no notice is taken of Babylon
or the other great cities in that region. But the knowledge of
India—that is, of the district of that country west of the Indus—
which Hecataeus possessed, is certainly remarkable, especially
when we remember that that province was annexed to the Persian
empire within his lifetime. The name of that land occurs for the
first time in this treatise, and he makes special mention of

EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL SPECULATIONS. [CHAP. IV.

Caspapyrus or Caspatyrus, the town on the banks of the Indus
from which Scylax of Caryanda was reputed to have started at the
command of Darius on his voyage of exploration down that river.
Several places are also noticed in Phoenicia, Syria and Arabia,
and especially in Egypt, as we might expect from his having
himself visited that country. The Nile was for him the boundary
of Libya on its eastern side, and, as we have
Afnca. already seen, he regarded that river as flowing from

the southern ocean; akin to which primitive view is his reckoning
such mythical peoples as the Pygmies and the Sciapodes among
the inhabitants. The remainder of the treatise, to judge from the
extracts, dealt with the Mediterranean coast of Africa as far as the
Straits; and even beyond that limit occurs the name of Thinge,
the modern Tangier.

University Press Cambridge

THE

CHAPTER V.

HERODOTUS.

Importance of Herodotus to Geography—His Life, and Travels—His General
* Views of Geography—His Primitive Cosmical Beliefs—Symmetrical Corre¬
spondences—Courses of the Nile and the Ister—Attempts at Drawing a
Meridian—His Conception of the Map of the World—No Northern Sea-
Continuity of the Southern Ocean—Inlets from the Ocean—The Caspian
an Inland Sea—Size of the Palus Maeotis—The Three Continents—Bound¬
aries between them—His Confusion about the Araxes—His Actae, or Pro¬
jecting Tracts—Central and Western Europe—His Imperfect Knowledge
' of them—Scythia—His Acquaintance with it—Its Shape, and Inhabitants
—Peoples to the North of Scythia—The Agathyrsi, Neuri, Budini, and
Geloni—Lands to the North-east—Gold of the Ural Mountains—The
Argippaei—The Issedones—Asia—Sources of his Information—Scanty
Notices of the Geography—Error about Asia Minor—Ignorance of the
Mountain Chains—Knowledge of the Rivers—The Royal Road—Its
Course through Asia Minor, Cilicia, Armenia, Matiene and Cissia—India
—Its Races, and Products—The Nile Valley—Meroe—The Two Branches
Unnoticed—The Automoli—The Macrobian Aethiopians—Northern Coast
of Africa—Eastern Portion—Western Portion—Dumb Commerce—In¬
terior of Africa—The Three Tracts—The Oases—The Garamantes—The
Troglodyte Aethiopians—Expedition of the Nasamones—Narrative of
Herodotus.

Though Hecataeus was, as we have seen, the Father of
Geography, as being the first to systematise that i mpor ta nce
subject, and to overcome the difficulties that pre- of Herodotus
sent themselves in the early stages of such a science, to Geography '
yet a far greater stimulus was given to the study by Herodotus,
because of the vast amount of geographical material which he
accumulated, and the varied aspects under which he regarded it
This was the result of his extensive travels, which were pursued in
an enthusiastic spirit of enquiry, with the “hungry heart” of one
who was eager for knowledge, and the keen eye which could
distinguish the objects which were worth observing, and could
perceive their bearings upon other questions. Jt jsJrue that the
work of Herodotus was primarily historical, and that geography

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

nowhere methodically introduced into it, in consequence of which
important places and countries, concerning which he could hardly
have failed to possess valuable information, are but slightly noticed
in his pages, because his History was not directly concerned with
them. Thus the mention of the native kingdoms in Italy, about
which any intelligence would be welcome to us, is almost confined
to passing references to the naval power of the Tyrrhenians, though
the writer must have had it in his power to communicate much
more than this, since the later part of his life was spent in Magna
Graecia. Still, Herodotus’ work was designedly episodical, and in
this way room was found for digressions relating to general
geography, to the shapes of continents and the courses of rivers
and mountain chains, to climatic influences, to the products of the
soil and objects of commerce, i Above all, he was especially
attracted by a branch of research which lies intermediate between
the study of geography and that of history—the investigation of
the various tribes that inhabited the countries of which he treated,
with their physical characteristics, and their manners and customs.
The facts which are thus brought together form a rich store, from
which the materials for a more complete and systematic treatment
of the subject may be gleaned, and the geographical notices are
seldom uninteresting, because they are combined with illustrative
remarks, such as an observant traveller can make.

~ Of the life of Herodotus few details have come down to us.

His Life We know, however, that he was born at Hali¬
carnassus early in the fifth century before Christ,
and that in middle life he removed to Athens; afterwards, though
from what motive we are not told, he joined the colony which was
sent out from Athens to Thurii in South Italy in 443 n.c. There
is reason also to suppose that he revisited Athens at a later time,
for in one part of his History he implies that he had seen the
Propylaea of the Acropolis', and that building was not completed
until the commencement of the Peloponnesian war. The greater
part of his work was probably written before he migrated to
Thurii, but various indications shew that he completed and

1 5- 77; speaking of a votive offering which was dedicated to Pallas by the
Athenians, he says— t4 Si &pi<rrtfnjs xipbs farr/M vpuirop itriivn is t& srpo rSStua
rit 4 v tj bcporih.

v.]

TRAVELS OF HERODOTUS.

retouched it after his settlement in that place. More important
for our present purpose is the question of the extent and Travels
of his travels, and the only data by which this can
be determined are to be found in his writings. The subject is
one about which much exaggeration has prevailed, but even after
every deduction has been made, they appear to have been very
extensive. . He was familiar with the coast-lands on all three sides
of Asia Minor; also with the islands of the Aegean, the mainland
of Greece, and the neighbouring shores of Thrace, including places
as remote, and as far removed from one another, as Dodona and
Byzantium. As regards more distant countries—we find that he
visited the coast of Scythia between the mouths of the Isterandthe
Borysthenes, for he speaks in two passages of having obtained in¬
formation from the natives there 1 : in Colchis he compared the
appearance and customs of the inhabitants with those of the
Egyptians, to whom he believed them to be related 3 . Babylon
he describes as a professed eye-witness 8 ; he made a voyage to
Tyre with the express purpose of enquiring about the temple of
, Heracles there 4 ; he travelled far and wide in Egypt, and ascended
, the Nile as far as Elephantine 5 : and, finally, in Libya he visited
Cyrene, where he describes a statue from his own inspection^ In
all these, and in other instances, unless we discredit his statements
as false, it is proved, either by positive statement on the historian’s
part, or by direct implication from his words, that he had seen the
countries which are named; and this involves still more extensive
journeys through the intervening lands.

1 4. 76; c*»s 5 1 ytcowa T^yew, rod ’ApLaireldeos ivLTpSirou. 4. 81; kkeyou
oi brix&ptoi.

2 2. 104; palvovrai pkv yap ibvres ol K 6 X %04 Aiyfarnor vorjaas 5k vpfrrepop
atirbs, rj &KO}jcras &\\cav } \4yu). ws 54 poi ip <ppovrL5i iyivero , elpdpqv apuporipovs.

8 1. 181—3.

4 2. 44; koX 6£k(iiv 5 k rofoup ripi (ratpis n dSkpu < 5 v oT6p re r}v, ftrXewtra
kclI is Ttipop T7)$ $owtK7}S, 1rwda.p6jj.eros aMQi. elvai Ipbv 'H/xxkXAos ay lop.

8 2. 29; dXXA TorrbpSe pkp d\Xo iirl pa.Kpfrra.TOP iiruddpyp, pixja *JBXe-
(pavrlvys itoAlqs aMimjs 4\0cop, rb 5 1 dirb rofoov AkoJ $ 5 i] larop 4 ep.

6 2. 181 ; 1 ) 5 k Ao 5 lieq fariSwKe tt)p evxftv rjj 0 e<p. iroetjcapipij y&p&ya\jML
biciireppe is Kvpijpyp, rb fri /raZ is ipk rjv ffoop, TerpappUvov rod Kvpqvalwr
&areos. It has been doubted whether the historian’s words here imply autopsy,
but the mention of the position and aspect of the statue, ‘ facing outwards from
the city, 1 is strong evidence in favour of it*

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

As Herodotus was an adherent of the Pythagorean School of
, Philosophy, we cannot be surprised if we find him
views of disagreeing with some of the geographical views of the

Geography. j on j an School. This point has already been noticed
in speaking of Hecataeus, where we have seen that the historian
derides the notion, which was still maintained by that school, that
the Earth was a circular plane surrounded by the ocean stream 1 .
Yet the cast of his own mind was essentially unphilosophical, and
while he expresses incredulity about the opinions of his prede-
HisPrimi- cessors, he shews strange simplicity in his own
tive Cosmicai conceptions of the order of nature. Nothing

Beliefs. indeed can well be more childish than his belief

that the sun was driven southward out of its regular course by the
winds at the approach of winter’. For this reason it is the less
strange that he should not have adopted the Pythagorean tenet of
the sphericity of the Earth, notwithstanding the persuasiveness of
that doctrine when it had once been propounded, and the
numerous difficulties which it seems to solve. That he held fast
to the belief that the world is a plane surface seems probable from
. his saying that in India the greatest heat of the day was in the
morning hours, and not as in other countries in the middle of
the day; for this idea on his part seems to have arisen-from the
belief that the sun was nearer to the Earth at that time 3 . He was
wedded also to a certain class of a priori views with regard to the
symmetrical s y mmetr * ca ^ arrangement of land and water and
coirespon- inhabited districts on the Earth’s surface, especially
dences. j n comparing its northern and southern portions.

Thus, when speaking of the stories that were current concerning
the Hyperboreans, he remarks, as if it were an indisputable pro¬
position, that if there are ‘ dwellers at the back of the North wind,’
there must also be ‘dwellers at the back of the South wind 4 .’ A
courses of st *^ more marked instance of supposed correspond-
the Nile and ence is the parallel which he draws between the

' 8 r ‘ Nile and the Ister. Speaking of the Nile, which in

1 * 3<S-

a 2. 34 ; rip xajuepu'i)!' (5/njx (bre\aiW/uwos 4 6c ttjs dp^alijs 3te£o'$w
M rSm fpx*™ 1 r 5 s Ai/Si/tjs ra ton.

* 3- «>+• 4 4* 3<S*

V.]

SYMMETRICAL CORRESPONDENCES.

the upper part of its course, he says, follows a direction from west
to east 1 , he remarks that by some it was identified with a river
which had been discovered by the Nasamones far away in the
interior of Africa. He then adds, “reason favours that view, for
the Nile certainly flows out of Libya, dividing it down the middle,
and as I conceive, judging the unknown from the known, rises at
the same distance from its mouth as the Ister. This latter river
has its source in the country of the Celts near the city Pyrene,
and runs through the middle of Europe, dividing it into two
portions. The Celts live beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and
border on the Cynesians, who dwell at the extreme west of
Europe. Thus the Ister flows through the whole of Europe
before it finally empties itself into the Euxine at Istria, one of the
colonies of the Milesians 2 .” With regard to the correspondence in
position of the mouths of the two rivers he further says“ Egypt
lies almost exactly opposite the mountainous portion of Cilicia,
whence a lightly-equipped traveller may reach Sinope on the
Euxine in five days by the direct route. Sinope lies opposite the
place where the Ister falls into the sea. My opinion therefore is
that the Nile, as it traverses the whole of Libya, is of equal
length with the Ister 3 .” In another passage he speaks of the Ister
as falling into the sea with its mouth facing the south-east 4 , and
from this it has sometimes been inferred that he intended to find
a resemblance between this change in the direction of its course
and the bend which he regarded the Nile as making from east to
north in the neighbourhood of Meroe; but perhaps we are hardly
justified in deducing so much from his words. In the passage
just quoted about the mouths of the rivers we may Attempts at
find an illustration of the more scientific side of Drawing a
Herodotus's mind; for in attempting to draw an Merid!an '
imaginary line from Egypt to Cilicia, and thence by way of Sinope
to the Ister, he is evidently feeling his way towards a meridian of
longitude. Here the geographer's instinct for determining the
relative position of places, quickened by the map-maker's habit
of arranging them, is asserting itself. A similar rude essay in
mathematical geography is found in his describing the situation of

1 a. 3i. 8 a. 33.

* 3. 34< 4 4* 99-

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

a town in the interior of a country by means of its relation to
another on the nearest coast; as where he speaks of Pteria in
Cappadocia as being “over against Sinope 1 * * ,” that place being due
north of it.

In one of his digressions Herodotus has communicated to us
! . his conception of the general features of the world 8 ,

tibn'or theMap and by a comparison of this with other passages we
Of the World. can form a tolerably clear idea of his views on the

subject. In respect of the limits of the northern continent, while
endeavouring to confine himself to ascertained facts in opposition
to the guesswork of his predecessors, he really deviated further
from the truth than they had done, for he professes
^ No Northern ^ scepticism as to the existence of a sea either to
the north or to the cast of Europe He could not
discover the evidence, he says, of anyone having visited the
supposed northern sea; and for the same reason he disbelieved in
theCassiterides islands, from which tin was reported to come, and
in a river Eridanus, from which amber was brought 8 . On the
continuity of °PP 0Slte s '^ e of the world, however, he considered
the southern that the ocean extended continuously from the coast
ocean. 0 f i n( iia to that of Spain; this he regarded as

sufficiently proved by two expeditions, which had accomplished
between them the entire circumnavigation of the intervening con-
' tingafc] One of these was the voyage of Scylax of Caryanda, who
had sailed by the orders of Darius from the mouth of the Indus
to the Red Sea; the other was the expedition which was despatched
by Necho from Egypt to explore the coast of Africa, and had suc¬
ceeded in reaching the Pillars of Hercules by the southern route.
The first part of this sea to the eastward of Africa, which we now
call the Indian Ocean, was known to him as the Erythraean sea,
while that to the west he names the Atlantic—an appellation
which here occurs for the first time, though he implies that it
was already in familiar use 4 . He only believes in two great

1 l. 76; raTa ZiKfanp' mSXiv tipi ir JMI-etttp irorrtf pnUKurri kti Ktip(vr),

* 4- 36—45-

* 3- H5-

4 1. *oj; i) tnjhiw 0 dWaa 4 ’ArXavTls xaXe oubtf.

V.]

SEAS AND CONTINENTS.

inlets as penetrating into the land from this outer ocean, namely,
the Mediterranean and the Red Sea, or, as he
designates it, the Arabian Gulf. With the Per- t htOceIn m
sian Gulf he shews no acquaintance, for he not
only omits all mention of it, but he describes the Tigris and
Euphrates as falling into the Erythraean sea, without any sug¬
gestion of the existence of an intervening space of water. With
respect to another point, however, he is more accurate than
either his predecessors or those who came after him in geo¬
graphy. He regarded the Caspian as an inland
sea 1 , whereas in all probability the Ionians at an an^Sand sea.
earlier time, and certainly the writers of the
period subsequent to Alexander the Great, treated it as being
connected with the ocean. But he was in error with regard to
the Palus Maeotis, the size of which he greatly
overrates. “The Pontus,” he says, “has also a p^M^tis.
lake belonging to it, not very much inferior to
itself in size. The waters of this lake run into the Pontus: it
is called the Maeotis, and also the mother of the PontusV’ In
reality the Sea of Azov is not much more than one-twelfth of the
size of the Euxine, so that, even if we make a considerable allow¬
ance for the contraction of its area since classical times by the
alluvium brought down by the Don, the historian’s estimate of its
extent is still greatly exaggerated. His conception of its position
also is inexact, for he regarded it as running from north to south,
so that it formed the eastern boundary of Scythia 8 .

The division of the world into three continents, together with
the names of Europe, Asia, and Libya, which were
assigned to them, Herodotus accepts with a protest continents . 6
as being sanctioned by custom, though he can
discover no principle which would justify such a partition: but he
speaks of Europe—including under that name the whole of the
northern continent from west to east—as being equal in length

1 i. 203; i) til KaairLi} ftrrt krtpr) iir iavrijs,

* 4. 86.

8 4. 9Q ; &ttl y&p rrjs 2icvducf}s r & Stio pipea tQp otiptar is 0 t£Xa<r<raj' ^ ipcvra,
HjV re rpds fiSffap.ppl7]v t koX rfy vpbt rijv 4j 6 , Ka.76.rtp rfjs *kmKfy x&PW*

T. 6

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

to the other two combined, and much broader than they were
Though he was well aware that the Arabian Culf
between them, was a long and narrow sea to the eastward of
Africa, he maintained that the western frontier of
Egypt formed the true boundary of that continent on the side
towards Asia 1 . He admits that the Nile was the limit usually
accepted by the Greeks, but objects to it on the ground that
on this supposition Egypt, through which that river flows would
be partly in Asia and partly in Libya. Again, whii c men _
tions the view that the Cimmerian Bosporus and the Tanais
were to be regarded as dividing Asia from Europe, he himself
would draw the line at the Phasis, the Caspian Sea and the
Araxes, in a direction running due east 3 , ‘ The mention of the
last-named river introduces one of the most puzzling questions
^Hisconfu- of Herodotean geography. He seems indeed to

.ion about the have confused together two streams called

raXe3 ' Araxes—one the modem Aras, which discharges

its waters into the western side of the Caspian, for he says that
the Araxes rose in the land of the Matieni, i.e. i n t i ie north
of Armenia, where the sources of the Aras lie; the other—
which Cyrus had to cross in order to attack the Massagetae
and which is described as a great river, not much inferior to
the Danube—the Jaxartes, which flows into the sea of Aral-
but as that piece of water was unknown to the ancients it is
not surprising that Herodotus represents it as reaching the
Caspian 8 . But the difficulty does not end here, for in his
description of the boundary line between Europe and Asia he
says definitely that the Araxes, which lies beyond the Caspian
flows towards the rising sun 4 ; that is to say, i n a directior |
exactly opposite to the course of the Jaxartes, and away from
the Caspian. Unless we accept Canon Rawlinson’s somewhat
drastic suggestion that the writer here made a lapsus and
described the river as running east, when he meant to say that
it ran west, the confusion appears to be inextricable.

In his account of the geography of Asia Herodotus introduces

f *4-40,45.

4. 40; 6 Ap&lfts vorafibs; few vpbs ijtXLov dvUr^oura,

s i. aoa.

V.]

ACTAE OR PROJECTING TRACTS.

an idea of the conformation of that continent which is peculiar to
himself, by dividing it into Actae. or tracts of land 4

- . 7 His Actae,

of a somewhat peninsular character. After noticing or Projecting
the four races which occupy the belt of country Tracts ‘
that intervenes between the southern sea on the hither side of
India and the Euxine—the Persians, the Medes, the Saspires and
the Colchians—he says that the land to the west of this may be
regarded as forming two separate areas. The northernmost of
these, starting from a line drawn through the Phasis and the gulf
of Issus, is bounded on the north by the Pontus and the Helles¬
pont up to Sigeium, and on the south by the coast as far as the
Triopian promontory in Caria: it corresponds therefore nearly to
Asia Minor. The southern area, on the other hand, embraces
Persia, Assyria, and Arabia on the side towards the Erythraean sea,
and Phoenicia, Palestine, and Egypt in the direction of the
Mediterranean. Libya, notwithstanding the width to which it
spreads on the further side of Egypt, he regards as an appendage
to the second of these Actae 1 . It is not altogether easy to divine
the object which the historian had in view in this grouping of
countries, but it reveals to us the imperfection of his knowledge of
the relative size of these districts, and it suggests also, what was
undoubtedly the case, that he greatly underrated the size both of
Asia and of Africa. He was in ignorance, too, of the southward
extension of both those continents, for he does not include in his
survey the peninsula of Hindostan—an omission which continued
to prevail until long after his time—and he believed that the
African coast began to trend due west at no great distance from
the mouth of the Red Sea.

As geography is a subject not systematically introduced into
Herodotus’ work, but only as subordinate to history, Central and
except so far as he indulges in digressions on the western
countries which are noticed in his narrative, we Europe ’
cannot be surprised if his description of the centre and west of
Europe is scanty as compared with that of Asia, since those
regions were unconnected with the struggle between Greece and
Persia, which it was his purpose to commemorate. Yet, ev*"

1 4 * 37 — 9 *

84.

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

allowing for this, the inaccuracy of the details which he from time
to time introduces would seem to shew that the acquaintance of
the Greeks with those lands had made but little advance since the
time of Hecataeus. He knows that Gades or
feet Know- Gadeira is “ without the Pillars of Hercules upon
ledge of them. ^ Ocean 1 ,” but he is unaware that the western
coast of Spain is bounded by the sea. He mentions the Ombrici
or Umbrians in Northern Italy, and the Eneti or Venetians at the
head of the Adriatic, but he does not imply that there was any
great mountain barrier which enclosed them towards the north.
The names, indeed, of three of the principal chains in Europe
occur in his writings, but curiously travestied in their application.
That of the Pyrenees appears in the city of Pyrene, far away to the
west in the land of the Celts near the sources of the Ister 8 ; while
the Alps and the Carpathians are represented by two streams
called Alpis and Carpis, which are tributaries of that river, flowing
in a northerly direction'. He enumerates also a number of its
other affluents in the lower part of its course j but the Iron Gate
of the Danube near the modern Orsova, with its formidable rapids,
which formed a bar to further navigation, seems to have been the
limit of accurate information in that quarter. With regard to
Thrace, however, he has more to communicate, and he extended
the limits of that country as far north as the Ister, including the
Getae, who dwelt in that neighbourhood, among the Thracian
tribes. This accounts for his exaggerated idea of the numbers of
chat race, for he speaks of them as exceeding in multitude every
other people in the world, with the exception of the Indians 4 ,
f' In strong contrast to the imperfect acquaintance with the rest
of Europe, except the parts about the Mediterranean
Sea, which Herodotus thus betrays, is the elaborate
account which he has given of Scythia. The subject was one in
which he knew that his readers would be interested, partly because
of the number of their fellow-countrymen who were engaged in
trade with that region, but still more on account of the attention
that had been attracted to it by the inroad of the Cimmerians from
Scythia into Asia Minor, and by the expedition of Darius against

Scythia.

v.]

GEOGRAPHY OF SCYTHIA.

the Scythians and its disastrous conclusion. The historian had
himself visited the country, where he took up his
abode at Olbia near the mouth of the Hypanis;
and he tells us that he proceeded up that stream for
four days’ voyage as far as a place called Exampaeus or “the
Sacred Ways 1 .” Hence he shews a familiar acquaintance with the
features and products of the neighbouring districts; he expatiates
on the ice of the Palus Maeotis and the Cimmerian Bosporus,
which became as proverbial in antiquity as a 1 Crimean winter } has
become in the present century; and he mentions the capture and
salting of the sturgeons, which were found in great numbers at the
mouths of the rivers 2 : these at the present day are the great source
of caviare ,, which is made from the roe of that fish. The Crimea
itself, or Tauric Chersonese, he knew to be a projecting tract of
land, but he was not aware that it was joined to the continent
behind by a narrow isthmus, for he compares its i t8 shape
shape to that of the extremity of Attica and to the
heel of Italy 8 . He conceived of Scythia as forming a square, the
southern side of which was bounded by the Euxine between the
mouth of the Ister and the Palus Maeotis, and the eastern side by
the last-named sea 4 ; so that it represents the area which is inter¬
sected by the lower courses of the rivers of South Russia—the
Dniester, the Bug and the Dnieper. These he describes with
considerable accuracy, but his account of the streams east¬
ward of the Dnieper is incorrect. Within the territory which is
thus defined he places the various Scythian tribes
in their respective positions—the agricultural part ^^ Inhablt "
of the population in the rich plains on either
side of the Borysthenes, further to the east the nomad Scythians,
and beyond them again, bordering on the Maeotis, the royal tribe.

1 4. 52, where the distance of the place from the sea is given; 4. 81, where
his presence there is implied in his statement that an object which he describes
had been shewn to him there.

a 4 - 53 -

8 4. 99.

4 4. ioi. As regards the Ister Mr Macan remarks with some probability
( Herodotus, vol. 11. p. 32), “ It seems more than possible that a confusion
between the Pruth and the Danube has taken place, and that the Pruth marks
the western limit of Scythia in the fifth century B.C."

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

The information which Herodotus proceeds to communicate
Peoples to about the peoples who were settled to the northward
the North of of Scythia is extremely curious and interesting.

Scythia. . . , . 6

The historian no doubt derived this from the
Greek traders who penetrated into the interior of the country;
and it bears the impress of its origin, for it treats of such subjects
as would naturally attract the attention of persons engaged in
commerce—the peculiar types of physiognomy and customs of
those with whom they were brought into contact, and especially
their differences in respect of language, which at once affected the
intercourse of the Greeks with them. The territory which was oc¬
cupied by these races formed a wide tract, extending from the Ister
to the Maeotis j and within this, following a line which extended
from west to east, he enumerates successively seven peoples—the
Agathyrsi, the Neuri, the Androphagi, the Mclanchlaeni, the
Geloni, the Budini and the Sauromatae. Of these, the Andro¬
phagi, as their name implies, were a cannibal tribe, and the
Melanchlaeni or “ Black-cloaks ” were distinguished by their
dark dress, while the Sauromatae are generally identified with
the Sarmatians, who afterwards migrated westwards, and ulti¬
mately settled in Poland. The four remaining peoples are
marked by more distinctive peculiarities. Of the
thyrsi, A ^ a ” Agathyrsi, who lived the farthest to the west, we

are told that they wore an abundance of gold
ornaments ; and from this trait, taken in connexion with the
geographical position assigned to them, it has been conjectured
that they occupied the modern Transylvania, where there are gold
Neuri, mines at the present day. With the Neuri was
associated a widely spread belief, that periodically
each member of the tribe changed into the form of a wolf, but
after the lapse of a few days resumed his natural shape*. This
fancy Herodotus regards with incredulity, but his mention of it is
none the less valuable, for the were-wolf is a figure which constantly
Budini, appears in modern folk-lore. The Budini, a nomad
race inhabiting a forest and lake district, are described
as being distinguished from the others by their blue eyes and red

4 - 1 ° 4 -

4- k>5-

V.]

PEOPLES BEYOND SCYTHIA.

hair 1 , which characteristics seem to suggest that they belonged
either to a Germanic or a Slavonic stock. Among and Geloni
them the Geloni were settled, but these were quite
distinct from them in their mode of life, for they dwelt in a city,
and their occupations were agricultural. The historian adds, that
they were by origin Greeks, having migrated thither from one of
the Greek settlements, and that they had set up Greek temples and
altars, and spoke a mixed dialect of Greek and Scythian. It would
not be difficult to find similar instances of civilised communities,
when isolated, falling away into a state of semi-barbarism.

Of the lands to the northward of these races Herodotus could
learn nothing, but this was not the case with those
that lay to the north-east The reason of this is to NoS-east.** 16
be found in the existence of a trade-route, by means
of which there was communication between the Greek settlements
in the neighbourhood of the Maeotis and the tribes far away in
the interior to the northward of the Caspian. The article of
commerce was gold, of which, he tells us, a very QoId of the
large quantity existed in the north of Europe 8 ; and Ural Moun-
the place from which it came was no doubt the
Ural mountains, which are at the present day the great gold-field
of Russia. These he describes as a lofty chain, which formed the
limit of the habitable world in that direction 3 , and the gold that
was found there was fabled to be guarded by griffins 4 . That this
precious metal was brought thence to the coast is proved by
the abundance of it that has been discovered in the Scythian
tombs.; Two of the tribes that inhabited that distant
region, the Argippaei and the Issedones, deserve Argippaei.
especial notice. The former of these, who dwelt close
under the southern side of the mountains just mentioned, to judge
from the description of their peculiar physiognomy—their flat
noses, projecting jawbones, and bald heads—appear to have been
Kalmucks, though the baldness in reality only applies to the
sacerdotal caste of that tribe; and this view is confirmed by the
description given by Herodotus of their principal article of food.

1 4.108,109.
* 4- *5-

a 3.116.

4 3.116; 4.37.

HERODOTUS.

|CHAP.

The

Issedones.

which also is in use among the Kalmucks. This was a kind of
cake, prepared from the fruit of a tree (the bird-cherry) * and the
juice, which was strained off in the process of making it, was
drunk mixed with milk 1 . The Issedones, who, as
they were situated eastward of the Argippaei and
northward of the Massagetae 8 , must have lain to
the north-east of the Caspian, are noticeable on account of the
historian’s statement that among them women had equal rights
with men: by which is probably meant that they practised
“Mutterrecht” and inheritance in the female line. In the midst
of all this curious information we are struck by one remarkable
omission. The great river of these parts, the Volga, which the
trade-route just mentioned must have crossed, is altogether un¬
noticed.

The account which Herodotus has given of Asia is in many
respects different, and follows different lines, from

Asia. ... - . . . *

his notices of the other continents. The amount
of information which he has to communicate is ample, but where¬
as elsewhere he usually treats of the people, whom he mentions,
in connexion with the features of the countries which they in¬
habited, in this part of his work ethnography becomes altogether
predominant and geography falls into the background. The

Sources of reason ***' s not *" ar to seek. The region of
Us informs- Asia to which his description is limited is its western
tl0n ' portion, and, with the exception of Arabia, nearly

the whole of this area was at that time included in the Persian
empire. Concerning these districts a large amount of intelligence
was obtainable, and it is this which Herodotus has introduced
into his History. In his third book he gives us an account of the
twenty satrapies into which that kingdom was divided; and this
notice, we can hardly doubt, was based on a Persian record of a
statistical nature, drawn up primarily with a view to taxation,
since it enumerates the various nations that occupied those
satrapies, together with the amount of tribute that they paid 3 .
The details concerning the inhabitants of western Asia which are

1 4- * 3 ! ®P- Bunbuiy, History of Ancient Geography , I. p. 197.
* 4-*5 5 I- *01. » 3. 89 foil.

v.]

GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA.

thus communicated to us can be checked by a comparison with
the list of tribes that furnished contingents to the army of Xerxes
which is contained in the seventh book 1 ; and additional light has
been thrown upon them by various monuments that have been
discovered in modem times, especially by the famous Behistun
inscription of Darius—the same which has furnished us with the
key for interpreting the cuneiform writing. But Scan ty
from the nature of the case these documents con- Notices of the
tributed little to the knowledge of geography, and Ge08rraphy ’
this deficiency is reflected in Herodotus’ narrative. We have
already seen how rude was his conception of the conformation of
this part of the continent in his description of the Actae, or tracts,
into which he divided it. In the latter of these tracts it is hardly
surprising that he shews a very limited acquaintance with Arabia,
which was comprehended within it, because that land, as we have
said, did not form part of the Persian empire, and has at all
times opposed great obstacles in the way of travellers. But in
the former, which comprised Asia Minor, it is
remarkable that he should so greatly underestimate A^a*Minor.° Ut
the width of the country between the northern and
the southern coasts, for he speaks of it as being five days’ journey
for a good walker®, whereas it is in reality about 300 miles across
in a direct line. He also shews no knowledge of the strongly
marked physical characteristics of that land, and especially of the
elevated table-land in its interior, with its severe climate in
winter and its sparse vegetation—features which in every age
have greatly affected its history. Still more strange

, ...... - . ... Ignorance of

than this is his ignorance of the mountain chains the Mountain
of Asia, for the Caucasus is the only one of these Cham8,
that he mentions. Even the Taurus—which to subsequent geo¬
graphers became the most important of all ranges, and was made
to include the Himalaya and other chains by which Asia is
intersected—is not named in his writings. With the
rivers, however, especially those which were crossed of * e °Rivere.
by the main line of communication between the
Aegean and Persia, he shews an adequate acquaintance^ He

* 1. 7a.

1 7. 61 foil.

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

knows that the Halys is the western limit of the Cappadocians in
Asia Minor, and mentions the bridges by which its stream was
passed 1 . He is conversant, too, with the courses of the Tigris
and Euphrates, and knows that they flow from the highlands of
Armenia; and with the confluents of the Tigris—the Greater and
Lesser Zab, which he rightly distinguishes as separate rivers,
though bearing the same name—Zabatus, which however he omits
to mention; the Gyndes, which, according to the story, Cyrus
had caused to be divided into 360 channels; and the Choaspes,
which flowed by the city of Susa 2 .

The line of communication which has just been noticed—the
Royal Road, as it was called—leading from Sardis
Road. R ° yal t0 Susa, is described by Herodotus in considerable
detail. He introduces it in connexion with the
story of the visit of Aristagoras of Miletus to Sparta, in order to
justify the statement of that personage that it required three
months to reach the Persian capital from Ionia: and he com¬
putes the distances across the intervening countries both by
stages or day’s journeys and by parasangs—here again evidently
following an official document 8 . The numbers which he gives, as
they have come down to us, are in some cases clearly inaccurate;
still, when taken in connexion with the countries and places that
are named, they enable us to determine with a fair amount of
certainty the direction which the road followed. Its course
Its Course through Asia Minor cannot have been the same as
through Asia that of the Graeco-Roman road of a later period.

Minor, ... . , , , „ , r 7

which proceeded due eastwards from the valley of
the Maeander and the city of Apameia through southern Phrygia
by Iconium to the lowlands of Cilicia; this route is excluded
from consideration by its lying at some distance to the south of
the Halys, which was crossed by the Persian road. In order
to reach that stream from Sardis it was necessary to follow a
much more circuitous route towards the north of Phrygia, so as
to avoid the barren tracts and salt lakes which occupy the centre
of that province. The direction of this was by Pessinus to
Ancyra (Angora), and thence, after crossing the Halys, to

1 u 75* 3 5. 53. * 5. 5a, 53/

v.]

THE ROYAL ROAD.

Tavium, in the neighbourhood of which place must have been
the point of junction with the line of traffic from Upper Asia to
the Black Sea by way of Sinope 1 . The most reasonable explana¬
tion of the preference given by the Persians to this devious
course is the supposition that it followed an older line of com¬
munication, which existed under previous rulers of the country,
when the position of the governing centre of that period caused it
to be the natural road 2 . Of the succeeding portion cilida
of the route Herodotus tells us, that after a long
stretch through Cappadocia the gates were reached by which
Cilicia is entered: by these, however, he cannot mean the well-
known pass of the Cilician Gates, which led to Tarsus and the
sea, for he estimates the width of Cilicia as no more than three
days’ journey, and this statement can only apply to the moun¬
tainous north-eastern portion of that province, where it is en¬
closed within narrow limits. The pass here intended is probably
one of those which cross the Taurus in the region of Commagene
between Melitene and Samosata 8 ; at the latter of those places the
road would be met by the Euphrates, which the historian rightly
speaks of as the boundary of Armenia on that side. Armenia
After this, though the limits that he assigns to the
various countries traversed are not easy of explanation, the route
itself presents no great difficulty. It passed from the upper
course of the Euphrates to that of the Tigris in the south of
Armenia, reaching the latter stream not far from the modem
Diarbekir; and after crossing it traversed the hilly
country of Matiene and Cissia on its left bank ciss*a! ene &nd
which is intersected by the affluents of the Tigris
that have already been mentioned, until it reached the Persian
capital.

The accounts that Herodotus received of India, which formed
the remotest satrapy of the Persian empire, seem to Indi&
have made a great impression upon him, for he
speaks of the Indians as the most numerous of all nations then
known, and of the tribute that they paid in gold-dust as being

1 v . supra , p. 47.

2 Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor , p. 27.

8 See Mr Hogarth’s remarks in Macan’s Herodotus^ vol. xi. pp. 300 foil.

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

Its Races,

and Products.

enormous 1 . At the same time, his knowledge of that country
was very limited] it did not in fact extend beyond the Indus. The
lands further to the east he regarded as sandy wastes, which were
uninhabited 2 —an idea which may have arisen from exaggerated
reports of the desert tract which lies beyond that river. The
Indians with whom he was acquainted were of
different races, speaking different languages, and
some of them were nomads. Hence it is evident that he included
among them the aborigines as well as the Hindus, and this would
account for the barbarous customs which he ascribes to some of
them. On the other hand, the abstinence from animal food
which he attributes to certain tribes, and their unwillingness to
put any live animal to death, are tenets of the Brahmans 8 .

Among the products of the country, besides gold,
he mentions cotton, which he describes as a kind
of wool that grows wild on trees, and is superior in beauty and
quality to the wool of sheep, and is used by the natives for making
clothes 4 . He had also heard that crocodiles were found in the
Indus, which he believed to be the only river in the world besides
the Nile that produced them 5 ; yet, strange to say, he omits all
mention of elephants.

We have already seen that Herodotus had thoroughly explored
: Egypt, and had ascended the Nile as far as Ele-

(valley. 1 * phantine, which lies immediately below the First

Cataract The cataract he describes without ex¬
aggeration, saying that, owing to the rising of the ground, “it is
necessary to attach a rope to the boat on each $ide, as men
harness an ox, and so proceed on the journey 6 . 1n At that point,
however, anything like an accurate knowledge of the Nile valley
on his part comes to an end, for the information which he gives
was obtained by hearsay. The next important station which he
Men*. ment ions was the city of Meroe, the capital of the
Aethiopians, the ruins of which have been dis¬
covered to the northward of Khartoum, between that place and
Berber. Notwithstanding its remote position, it was known to

3- 95*

1 3.106.

2 S* 9*
5 4- 44*

3. 100.
a. 29.

V.]

THE NILE VALLEY.

the Egyptians and formed part of their dominion at an early
period, as is shewn by monuments which remain on the site.
The pointed cliffs jutting out of the water and sunken rocks
beneath the surface, which Herodotus describes as obstructing
the river at one point between the First Cataract and Meroe,
so that travellers were forced to quit the stream and follow the
bank for a period of forty days, are to be recognised as those
which occur in the great arc which the Nile makes at one point in
this part of its course, the chord of which is cut off by the track
across the desert that is usually taken at the present day; and it
is not an improbable suggestion, that the sudden bend towards
the west which is made by this loop was the origin of the idea
that the river flowed from west to east in the upper part of its
course. The account of the lands and tribes The Two
beyond Meroe is still more vague and shadowy. Branches Un-
The most marked feature of the Upper Nile valley, noticcd ’
the confluence of the two great branches of the river, the White
and the Blue Nile, at Khartoum, is not even mentioned. One
people, however, whom he places on the banks of the Nile far
away in the interior of the continent, possess a historical interest.
These were the Automoli or “ deserters,” who in the
native language were called Asmach, and were re- Automoli.
puted to have deserted from Psammitichus on
account of the hardness of their service, and to have withdrawn
into Aethiopia, where the king of the country provided them with
lands 1 . By later writers they are called Sembritae or “foreigners,”
and from then\ we learn that their position was not as remote as
that which Herodotus assigns to them, but in the modern district
of the Sennaar, immediately south of Khartoum, between the two
branches of the Nile*. In the extreme south of Africa, on the
shores of the ocean, and therefore at a distance from the course
of the Nile, lay the Macrobian Aethiopians—a half The

fabulous people in respect of their habits and mode Macrobian
of life, reflecting some of the traits of the Homeric AetWopian# *
Aethiopes 8 —against whom Cambyses undertook an expedition
which ended in disaster 4 .

1 a. 3a s Strabo, 17. 1. a. * v. supra, p. a< 5 .

4 Herod. 3.17—

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

Northern
Coast of Africa.

The northern coast of Africa, which borders on the Mediter¬
ranean Sea, is rightly divided by Herodotus into
an eastern and a western portion, the former of
which was low and sandy, and inhabited by nomads,
while the latter was hilly and well wooded, and maintained an
agricultural population 1 . The determining feature of the country,
"to which the difference which is thus characterised is due, is the
chain of the Atlas, which extends through the western part,
sending off spurs towards the sea, and maintaining a high average
of fertility, but sinks when it reaches the longitude of Carthage.

It is the eastern portion, between that city and the
potion” 1 Egyptian frontier, with which the historian shews
himself to be familiar, and he has put on record a
large amount of curious information about the customs of the
wandering tribes in that neighbourhood: this no doubt he
obtained at Cyrene at the time of his visit to that city. He
places the Great Syrtis—or, as he calls it, the Syrtis, for he
recognises only one—to the westward of Cyrene 9 ; and he notices,
in contrast to the prevailing barrenness, the extraordinary pro¬
ductiveness of the plain in which the river Cinyps flowed 11 —a
feature which has also attracted the attention of modern travellers.
He also assigns to the Lotophagi their correct position in the
neighbourhood of the lake Tritonis, though it is doubtful whether
he rightly distinguished that piece of water from the Lesser
Syrtis 4 . His notices of the people to the west of
this contain a considerable element of the mar¬
vellous; and beyond the Straits the only place
which he definitely names is the promontory of Soloeis (pro¬
bably Cape Spartel), of which he would have heard through the
Carthaginians 5 . To that people also is due his account of the
“dumb commerce” which was practised on the Atlantic coast
of Africa; and this, as it exactly corresponds with what occurs
at the present day in places where the natives are in fear of being
kidnapped by traders, deserves to be quoted.

“There is a country in Libya, and a nation, beyond the Pillars

Western

Portion.

1 4. 191; cp. 186, 187.

* 4 ‘ 177 . 178*

* 4. 169.

* *• 3 » i 4 - 43 -

4. 198.

V.]

INTERIOR OF AFRICA.

of Hercules, which the Carthaginians are wont to visit, where
they no sooner arrive but forthwith they unlade
their wares, and, having disposed them after an Com “

orderly fashion along the beach, leave them, and,
returning aboard their ships, raise a great smoke. The natives,
when they see the smoke, come down to the shore, and, laying
out to view so much gold as they think the worth of the wares,
withdraw to a distance. The Carthaginians upon this come
ashore and look. If they think the gold enough, they take it and
go their way; but if it does not seem to them sufficient, they go
aboard ship once more, and wait patiently. Then the others
approach and add to their gold, till the Carthaginians are content.
Neither party deals unfairly by the other: for they themselves
never touch the gold till it comes up to the worth of their goods,
nor do the natives ever carry off the goods till the gold is taken
away 1 .”

The historian’s information also concerning the interior of
Africa to the southward of the countries that border
on the Mediterranean contains a surprising amount Africa™* ° f
of truth, when we consider how difficult it has been
in all ages to penetrate that region. He divides the entire area into
three tracts or zones, stretching across from west to
east; the first of these was the inhabited tract in the Tracts ThrCe
neighbourhood of the sea-coast; the second a region
infested by wild beasts; the third an uninhabited tract of sandy
desert 2 . The first zone is that which has been already described,
reaching as far inland as the chain of the Atlas and the low hills
that form its easterly continuation; the second, or “wild beast
tract,” which lies to the southward of this towards the interior,
was, at least in its western portion, the Gaetulia of the Romans,
and was called by the Arabs the “Land of Dates”; the third
jregion, which lay beyond this again, is the true Sahara desert
In addition to this general outline of the country, Herodotus

1 4. 196, Rawlinson’s translation; to which work I am indebted in other
passages which I have quoted.

a 2. 32; 4. 181—185. Mr Macan observes that these 4 zones’ suit the
western part of this district of Africa better than the eastern; Berodotus t
vol 1. pp. xcviii and 130.

HERODOTUS.

[CHAP.

The Oases.

notices one feature of a more special character in the oases,
which he speaks of as lying at intervals of about ten
days’ journey from one another, so as to form a belt
on the edge of the “wild-beast tract” towards the desert. Here
we find the love of symmetry which is characteristic of his mind
asserting itself, for these patches of fertile land, though they are
found in this part of Africa, and from the nature of the case
determine the lines of communication, are much more irregular in
their occurrence than he describes them to be. The same combi¬
nation of truth with exaggeration is found in his account of their
details. He speaks of them as salt-hills, with springs of fresh water
issuing from the midst of the salt, while in their neighbourhood
palm-trees and grazing ground are found; and this is so far true, that
all the oases abound in salt, and that in places, as he says, masses
of it are used for building purposes. On the other hand, instead
of being hills, the oases are in reality depressions in the surface of
the desert, and the water which collects in them is the cause of
their fertility. Some of the stations which he mentions in the
early part of the caravan route along them, to the westward of
Egypt, can be identified; for the second of them, which he calls
Augila, still bears the name of Aujileh, and the
next is in the country of the Garamantes, who
occupied the district now called Fezzan, which lies
at a distance of thirty days’ journey from the coast, due south of
Tripoli. In connexion with that people he intro¬
duces the Troglodyte Aethiopians, against whom
they were wont to make raiding expeditions. These
are easily recognised in the Tibboos of the interior of Africa by the
peculiarities which Herodotus attributes to them—their squeaking
voices, their remarkable fleetness of foot, and their habit of
dwelling in caves—all of which are found in that race.

Concerning the countries which lie beyond the great desert
Expedition Herodotus furnishes us with one intimation, which
of the occurs in the story of the Nasamones already re-

Nasamones. .

ferred to. This was communicated to him by
natives of Cyrene, who had been told it by Etearchus, king of the
Ammonians, while he in turn had received it from the Nasamonian
travellers themselves. These were certain young men of that

The

Garamantes.

The

Troglodyte

Aethiopians.

V.]

STORY OF THE NASAMONES.

tribe in the neighbourhood of the Syrtis, who, being seized
with a desire for adventure, determined to explore the deserts
of central Africa. Their narrative is thus given by the historian:

“The young men, despatched on this errand by their com¬
rades with a plentiful supply of water and pro¬
visions, travelled at first through the inhabited HeroSotua* °*
region, passing which they came to the wild beast
tract, whence they finally entered upon the desert, which they
proceeded to cross in a direction from east to west. After
journeying for many days over a wide extent of sand, they came
at last to a plain where they observed trees growing; approaching
them, and seeing fruit on them, they proceeded to gather it.
While they were thus engaged, there came upon them some
dwarfish men, under the middle height, who seized them and
carried them off. The Nasamonians could not understand a
word of their language, nor had they any acquaintance with the
language of the Nasamonians. They were led across extensive
marshes, and finally came to a town, where all the men were of
the height of their conductors, and black-complexioned. A great
river flowed by the town, running from west to east, and con¬
taining crocodiles 1 .”

The dwarfs who are here mentioned are the same race which
we have identified with the Pygmies of Homer 2 . The river was
regarded by Herodotus himself as being the Nile in its upper
course, which he supposed to flow from western Africa. This
view we know to be erroneous, but the story itself, owing to the
circumstantial manner in which it is narrated, appears to be
deserving of credit. On such a subject as the identification of
this river it is hazardous to speak with confidence, but the direc¬
tion which was followed by the Nasamones suggests the pro¬
bability that the stream which they reached was the Niger, which
lies to the south-west of the Sahara.

i 2. 32. 2 v* supra, p. 29.

CHAPTER VI.

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE THE TIME OF ALEXANDER,

Real and Fictitious Expeditions—Circumnavigation of Africa under Neclio_

The Story derived from the Egyptians or Phoenicians—Argument from the
Sun being seen on the Right Hand—Criticism of it—Improbability of the
Voyage—Expedition of Scylax of Caryanda—Objections to its Authen¬
ticity—Voyage of Sataspcs—Reasons for believing in it—Expedition of
Hanno—His Narrative of it—Island of Cerne (Herne)—Promontory of
Soloeis (C. Cantin)—River Lixus (Wady Draa)—River Bambotum (Sene¬
gal River)—(Cape Verde and Gambia River)—The Western Horn (Bay of
Bissagos)—Flaming Mountain-sides—Explanation of the Phenomenon—

Mt. Theon Ochema (Mt. Sagres)—The Southern Horn (Sherboro Sound)_

Capture of Gorillas—Expedition of Himilco—The ‘Ora Maritima’ of
Avienus—Account of the Oestrymnides—Of the Mid-Atlantic—Of the
Sargasso Sea—The Retreat of the Ten Thousand—Character of Xeno¬
phon’s ‘Anabasis’—Geographical Features of Annenia— Its Mountains
and Rivers—Sources of the Euphrates and Tigris—Lake of Van—The
March from Cunaxa to Annenia—The Zabatus (Greater Zab)—find of
the Carduchi (Kurdistan)—The Centrites (River of Sort)—Source of the
Tigris—The Teleboas (Kara-su)—Eastern Euphrates (Murad-su)—High¬
lands of Armenia—Underground Dwellings—The Phasis (Aras)—The
Harpasus (Tchoruk)—Gymnias—Trapezus (Trcbizond)—The first view of
the Sea—The Poisonous Honey—The ‘ Periplus 5 of Scylax—Its probable
Date—Its Contents—Doubts as to its Genuineness —Interesting Notices
in it.

We have now to consider a series of expeditions into regions
Real and as y et unexplored, which professed to have been
Edition” Ex ' made between the beginning of the sixth and the
middle of the fourth century before Christ, and the
narratives of which, whether real or fictitious, have in one form or
another been transmitted to us. Of the reality of one of these—
the Retreat of the Ten Thousand under Xenophon—there never
has been any question; for, owing to the upright character of its
narrator, and the trustworthiness of his record, which bears on its
face the stamp of truth, it stands out as one of the best ascer¬
tained facts of history. Indeed, an apology might seem to be
required for introducing it along with a number of less well-

CHAP. VI.] EXPEDITION SENT BY NECHO.

authenticated expeditions—especially as the others were made by
sea, and were undertaken in the first instance with a view to
investigation—were it not that the circumstances of the case
rendered it a notable example of adventurous exploration, which
contributed largely to the extension of geographical knowledge.
The claims to our acceptance which are put forward by the
remainder will call for a careful examination, for the truth of each
in turn has at different times been questioned, and several of
them still continue to be subjects of debate.

The first of these in order of date is the circumnavigation of
Africa, said to have been executed by Phoenician
sailors at the command of Necho, king of Egypt,
about 600 B.c. Our knowledge of this is derived from Necho Under
Herodotus, who gives the following account of it:—

“ As for Libya, we know it to be washed on all sides by the
sea, except where it is attached to Asia. This discovery was
first made by Necho, the Egyptian king, who on desisting from
the canal which he had begun between the Nile and the Arabian
Gulf, sent to sea a number of ships manned by Phoenicians, with
orders to make for the Pillars of Hercules, and return to Egypt
through them, and by the Mediterranean. The Phoenicians took
their departure from Egypt by way of the Erythraean sea, and so
sailed into the southern ocean. When autumn came, they went
ashore, wherever they might happen to be, and having sown a
tract of land with corn, waited until the grain was fit to cut.
Having reaped it, they again set sail; and thus it came to pass
that two whole years went by, and it was not till the third year
that they doubled the Pillars of Hercules, and made good their
voyage home. On their return, they declared—I for my part do
not believe them, but perhaps others may—that in sailing round
Libya they had the sun upon their right hand. In-this way was
the extent of Libya first discovered

Herodotus does not inform us from what source he obtained
this story, but we may assume with some confi¬
dence that it was either from the Egyptians or the
Phoenicians. The preciseness of statement with
which it is delivered, as far as it goes, is in its
1 Herod. 4. 42.

The Story
derived from
the Egyptians
or Phoe¬
nicians.

7-2

100

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP.

favour, but it is unfortunate that no details should be forthcoming
which would serve to corroborate it, such as notices of the
countries that were visited, of the climate that was experienced,
or of the strange sights and remarkable tribes that were met with.
We might at least have expected to hear something of the dis¬
appearance of the northern constellations in a southern latitude,
since it was by them that the Phoenicians were wont to steer.
Still more remarkable is the omission of all notice of the great
southward extension of the continent of Africa, which must have
made a greater impression than any other feature on one that
sailed, round it, and yet remained altogether unknown to the
geographers of a later time, who believed, with Herodotus, that
the coast of Africa trended away to the west shortly after passing
Cape Guardafui. The ignorance which existed among the ancients
on this point, we may observe, facilitated their belief in the
accomplishment of the task, because the chief difficulty which
stood in the way of it was unknown to them. In modem times,

Argument the P oint which has beeri re S arded as lending the

from the Sun strongest support to the truthfulness of the narra-

the Right tive, is the statement of the navigators that in
Hand> passing round Africa they had the sun on their

right hand. Such no doubt would be the case when they were
within the southern hemisphere; and this fact, taken in con¬
nexion with the incredulity of Herodotus on the subject, seems at
first sight an instance of that kind of evidence which has been
noticed above 1 , as most convincing in establishing the truth of
a story—viz. the mention of a phenomenon, which appeared
marvellous to the men of a former age, but is easily explained by
the knowledge of modern times. Such a statement, it may be
said, could not have been invented. In reality, however, this
principle does not apply in the present instance,
it. for the question turns on the acquaintance with

astronomy which was possessed, not by Herodotus,
or even by the Greeks, his contemporaries, but by the Phoe¬
nicians or the Egyptians, from whom Herodotus derived the tale.
Now the learned among the Egyptians were well aware that
Syene was under (or close to) the tropic—that is to say, that the
1 v. supra, p. 18.

VI.]

EXPEDITION OF SCYLAX.

IOI

sun was vertical at that place at the summer solstice ; and from
this it was a simple inference, that the inhabitants of the countries
further to the south would at that season have the sun to the
northward of them, and for an increasingly long period in pro¬
portion as they approached the equator. This conclusion could
be verified through personal observation by anyone who advanced
along the Nile in the direction of Meroe; and the same thing
would come to the knowledge of the Phoenician sailors who
reached that part of the Red Sea which lies within the tropic
of Cancer. In consequence of this, when once the story of the
circumnavigation of Africa had come into existence, the statement
that the voyagers had the sun on their right hand during the
passage would be easily attached to it as a corollary. On the
whole we may conclude, that the execution of so Improba
great an undertaking at that early period, though bmty of the
in no sense impossible, is highly improbable; and Voyage *
that, in order to accept it as a fact of history, we need stronger
evidence than is furnished by the story in Herodotus, unsupported
as it is by the authority of any other ancient writer 1 .

In the same part of his work in which the account of Necho’s
expedition is given, the historian mentions two Expedit i 0Il
other voyages of exploration, which were said to of Scylax of
have been undertaken at the command of the kings Caryanda *
of Persia—that of Scylax of Caryanda in the time of Darius,
about a century later than the Egyptian expedition, and that of
Sataspes during the reign of Xerxes. The former of these, he
tells us, had for its object the investigation of the shores of Asia
from the mouth of the Indus to the head of the Red Sea. By
the order of Darius a party, among whom was Scylax, a Greek of
Caryanda, in Caria, started on shipboard from Caspatyrus, a town
on the upper course of the Indus, the exact position of which is
unknown to us, though the name—or rather that of Caspapyrus,
by which the same place is meant—-occurs in Hecataeus*. They
followed the stream of the Indus “towards the east and the
rising sun” as far as the sea, after which they turned westward

1 See Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography , vol. I. pp. 289—296, where
the question of the circumnavigation is fully and fairly discussed.

2 v . supra t p. 74.

102

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP.

and at the expiration of thirty months reached the place from
which Necho had despatched the Phoenicians to sail round
Libya. “After this voyage was completed,” he adds, “Darius
conquered the Indians, and made use of the sea in those parts 1 .”
This story, for which Herodotus is again our only authority, is
very briefly recorded, and furnishes fewer details even than that
of the circumnavigation of Africa. The intrinsic improbabilities
which it involves are no doubt much less great, because the
voyage was shorter and less uncertain, and the difficulties which
it presented were not of equal magnitude. The circumstance
also that Caryanda, the birthplace of Scylax, was in the immediate
neighbourhood of Halicarnassus, where Herodotus resided, seems
to favour its authenticity, because of the facility with which the
Objections writer could have obtained information on the

to its Authen- subject. But this very fact, when examined more

tlcIty ‘ closely, tends to excite our suspicions, on account

of the ignorance which Herodotus displays of the geographical
features of the route which he supposes Scylax to have followed.
He speaks of the Indus as flowing towards the east; he is
unaware of the existence of the Persian Gulf 2 ; and he describes
the Red Sea as being so narrow, that it could be crossed in its
widest part in half a day 3 . Mistakes such as these clearly prove
that, if an account of the expedition of Scylax ever existed,
Herodotus could not have seen it; nay, we may go further, and
affirm that Scylax, if he made the voyage, could not have returned
to Caryanda, for in that case more accurate knowledge would have
been in circulation on the subject than that which Herodotus pos¬
sessed. When we add to this, that there is no subsequent trace of
any such communication having existed between Persia and India
as the historian implies when he says that Darius made use of the
sea in those parts; and also that, when Alexander sailed down
the Indus, and despatched a fleet under the command of Nearchus
to the head of the Persian Gulf, he and his companions were
wholly unaware of any previous expedition of the kind having
been made; we cannot but feel that the story rests on a very
insecure foundation,

1 Herod. 4. 44.

* Herod. 2.11.

2 v. supra, p. 8r.

VI.]

VOYAGE OF SATASPES.

103

The other expedition which Herodotus mentions in this con¬
nexion is associated with a somewhat dramatic
incident. Sataspes, a Persian of high rank, was saltaspfs! ° f
condemned by Xerxes to be impaled in conse¬
quence of his having offered violence to a noble lady; but his
sentence was remitted, on the intercession of his mother, who was
a sister of Darius, on condition of his circumnavigating Africa
from the Mediterranean to the Red Sea. Accordingly he provided
himself with a ship and crew in Egypt, and after passing the
Pillars of Hercules, and rounding the promontory of Soloeis
(Cape Spartel), proceeded southward along the Libyan coast.
After sailing for several months, however, he became disheartened,
and seeing no end to his voyage, returned by the same route, and
ultimately presented himself once more at the Persian court.
There he pleaded in excuse of the non-fulfilment of his under¬
taking, that his ship stopped and was unable to make any way;
and he mentioned also that, at the furthest point which he reached,
the country was inhabited by a dwarfish race, who wore dresses
made of palm leaves 1 . These statements did not satisfy Xerxes,
who ordered him to be put to death in accordance with the
sentence originally passed upon him: but they may justify us in
accepting his account as true, since they corre¬
spond to what is observed at the present day. The beue^nglnit.
alleged impossibility of making further progress
may have been due to the trade-winds, which blow on the coast
of Guinea without cessation during the summer months in the
face of vessels southward bound: and the pygmies are the same
race whom we have already noticed as being mentioned by
Homer and Herodotus among the inhabitants of Africa 3 . Thus,
while the historical character of the occurrences that led up to
Sataspes’ voyage is proved by the circumstantial manner in which
they are related, including the names of the persons affected,
the voyage itself is rendered probable by the intimations that
it contains of things which were unknown at that time, and could
hardly have been invented.

About the same time that Sataspes was engaged on this

2 v. supra, pp. 29, 97.

1 Herod. 4. 43.

104

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER.

[CHAP.

ineffectual voyage, or not long after, two remarkable expeditions
were despatched to the Pillars of Hercules by
ofSJ! 011 the Carthaginians, to explore the Atlantic coasts
of Africa and Europe respectively. The names
of the commanders of these were Hanno and Himilco, and the
object with which they were sent was not so much to discover
unknown lands, as to establish colonies and trading stations in
those regions, and to reinforce those already existing there. The
Hanno here spoken of has been with some probability identified
with the son of that Hamilcar who invaded Sicily in 480 b.c.,
and was defeated and slain at the battle of Himera 1 ; and on this
supposition we may fix the date of his expedition approximately at
470 b.c. After his return to Carthage he composed
a brief account of his voyage, which was inscribed
on a bronze or marble tablet, and dedicated in the
temple of Cronos (Moloch) in that city; and by great good
fortune a Creek version of this has come down to us, under the
title of the Periplus or Coasting Survey of Hanno. From this we
learn that he sailed from Carthage with a company of men and
women to the number of thirty thousand—who were evidently
intended to be left at the trading stations, and must have been
conveyed on board of transports, though this is not stated—and
with a fleet of sixty penteconters, which formed the escort. The
first half of their voyage after they passed the Straits, in the course
of which they established the settlements which were their primary
object, was occupied in reaching an island named
ceme^Herne). Cerne, The determination of this place is the most
important point in connexion with the geography of
the expedition, and it has been fixed with some certainty at an
island now called Heme, the similarity of name forming one
element in the process of identification. The last-named island is
small, and lies in the recesses of a deep bay—at the mouth of the
Rio de Ouro—both which features are attributed by Hanno to
Ceme; its distance from the Straits of Gibraltar also corresponds
better than that of any other place which has been suggested
with the reckoning of the Carthaginian, who says that they found

1 See C. Muller’s Prolegg. to his Geogr. Gr. Minort$> vol. 1. pp. xxi, xxiL

VI.]

EXPEDITION OF HANNO.

the voyage between those two points to be of equal length
that from Carthage to the Pillars of Hercules’. Moreover'lb-
accords satisfactorily with the distances that are given in the
subsequent part of the voyage, in which several of the places
reached can be determined with confidence.

The two most noticeable geographical features which the
voyagers passed on their way from the Straits to
the island of Cerne were the promontory of Soloeis
and the river Lixus. The promontory here in¬
tended is not Cape Spartel to the westward of Tangier, to which,
as we have seen 1 2 , Herodotus gave that name—possibly he may
have confused the accounts he received of the two 3 —but Cape
Cantin, which lies considerably further to the south, in the same
latitude as Madeira. The Lixus, which is described in the
Periplus as “a great river, flowing from Libya 4 ,” can be none
other than the Wady Draa, which is quite the

Promontory
of Soloeis
(C. Cantin).

largest stream in this part of Africa, so that its (wadyDra*) 8 .
course is said to be longer than that of the Rhine ;
it reaches the sea opposite the Canary Islands. This identification
is confirmed by the Carthaginian’s remark, that the coast along
which they sailed to the southward of this was desert 5 , for it is at
the Wady Draa that the desert commences. The information is
added, that the mountains far in the interior, from which the
Lixus flowed, were inhabited by men of strange aspect, who were
cave-dwellers, and were said to be fleeter of foot than horses®.
In these we discover a branch of the same race in central Africa
which Herodotus characterises by these peculiarities, and which
we have already recognised as the Tibboos 7 .

From the island of Cerne, where their last colony was estab¬
lished, the Carthaginians made two successive expeditions to the

1 Hannonis Periplus , § 8, in Miiller, op . cit., p. 6 ; see also his Prolegg.
p. xxvi. The valuable notes to this edition have done more than any other
work towards determining the positions mentioned by Hanno. Dr Muller,
for his part, handsomely acknowledges his debt to RennelL

2 v. supra , pp. 94, 103.

8 Bunbury, History 0/Ancient Geography , 1. p. 163 note.

4 Periplus , § 6. fi § 8 .

« § 7. 7 v, supra t p. 96; Herod. 4. *83,

io6

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP.

southward along the coast, returning in the interval to their
starting-point, though for what reason we are not informed. In
the former of these, which was also the shorter,
Bambotum the most noteworthy incident was their reaching
(Senegal a broad river, full of crocodiles and hippopotami 1 * .
RlVCr) ' The name of this river is given by Pliny 3 —-on the

authority of Polybius, who explored this coast at a later time, and
took note of the animals here mentioned—-as Bambotum; but
there can be little doubt, as Bochart has remarked 3 , that this is a
corruption of Bamothum, for bamoth or behemoth is the Semitic
name for the hippopotamus, so that the meaning would be Hippo¬
potamus river. It is the Senegal River of modern limes. On the
second voyage they sailed along the same coast, and after passing
that river reached a mountainous promontory covered with a dense
Ca e v rde ve S etat i° n aromatic trees: when they had round-
and^Gsmbta ed this they found a very deep inlet with level
River.) land on either side of it 4 . Plere the promontory

is undoubtedly Cape Verde, which is now recognised as the western¬
most point of Africa, though of that fact the ancients were not
aware: in its elevation, and the forests from which it has obtained
its name, it corresponds, as no other point on this coast does, to
the description just given. The inlet is the mouth of the Gambia
River, which forms a broad estuary with flat shores. The next
place which they reached to the southward of this was an extensive
The western bay, known to their native interpreters as the
Hom (Bay of Western Horn, in which lay an island so formed
Bissagos). that ^ embraced a harbour with another island
within it. On this they disembarked, but in the course of the
night they were so terrified by the sight of numerous fires in the
woods, and the sound of cymbals and drums and voices, that

1 Pcriplus, § io; faeWev irXiovres els faepov ij\9ofWf rroTa/xbv fityav Kal

w\cLTi>v , yijMVTa KpoKo8el\tav Kal Itttwv TroTapJuv.

3 H. N n 5. 10; flumen Bambotum crocodilis et hippopotamis refertum.

* See Muller, op. tit., p. 9.

4 Periplus , §§ 12, 13; r% vbv reXeuralg, ^ptf. vpo<r(apfdcdt)fiev &pe<ri
fityiXois fiao&rar yv Si rb t&v 8iv8ptav £i)Xa eiubSy re Kal iroid\a. Ilept-
vXetiaanes 8k raOra rjfikpas 81 Jo iywbfxeQa. & daX&TTTjs ^doy-wm &jJXTpijTtp,
39s hrl fldrepa irpbs rjj y$ iredlov tjv.

VI.]

REMARKABLE SIGHTS.

107

they quitted the spot incontinently 1 * . The bay here mentioned is
that of Bissagos, which lies between the Gambia and Sierra Leone
at the mouth of the Rio Grande; and one of the numerous
islands which lie about it and in front of it—that called Harang or
Orango—exactly corresponds to what Hanno describes, having a
land-locked port with a smaller island in its middle. The sights
and sounds, which awoke the superstitious fears of the navigators,
may well have been the accompaniments of a native festival.

As it approaches its close, the story of the explorers becomes
almost sensational. We hear of country-sides blaz- Flaming
ing in the night-time with flames which sent forth Mountain-
an aromatic odour, of torrents of fire rushing sldes *
down towards the sea, and, in particular, of a burning mountain
which towered above all 9 . We cannot wonder if this part of the
narrative has awakened incredulity, and yet the accounts of modem
travellers in Africa provide us with an easy explanation of it, if we
allow for the impression produced on men who Explanation
viewed it from a distance and were ignorant of its of the Pheno-
cause. The following is Mungo Park’s description e
of the spectacle which he saw in Western Africa, at the season
when the dry grass is set on fire with the view of producing a fine
crop for the following year. “The burning of the grass in
Manding exhibits a scene of terrific grandeur. In the midst
of the night I could see the plains and mountains, as far as my
eye could reach, variegated with lines of fire; and the light
reflected on the sky made the heavens appear in a blaze 3 * * * * 8 .”
Similar testimony is borne by other African travellers, and the

1 § 14; ifhdoftev is p,iyav kSXttov, tv (<pacrav ol ippLtjvies xakeiordcu *Ec riripov

K^pas* iv Si rofrrip vrjeros yv p,eyd\rj, xal iv ry vijvtp \lfivrj daXacatbSys, iv Si
radrg VTjaos iripa, els rjv dropdvres ijfiipas pJbv oSSiv fapewpQfiev Bn pfy OXijv,
vvxrbs Si rvpd re roWh, xai 6 p,eva xal ab\uv ‘fjxotiop.ev xupfidTuav re xal

rvjiTdvuv rdrayov xal xpavyfy fivptav .

8 JS 15, 16; raxif S' i/crXetiaavres raprupeipSpueBa X&P av Bidvvpov Bvpaapdrcar
fiearfjv' pAyurroc S' dir* airijs rvpdSeis fifaxes ivipdbXov els rijv BdXaernxv ■

rj yrj S' vrb dippu/is d] 3 a ros yv, Taxi) ofiv xitceWev fpopri&ivrcs drer\eti<rap-ev.

T^rrapas S' ijpApas tpepbpsvoi, vvicrbs ttjv yQjv dcpewp&pLev <p\<tybs pecrHiV iv
puiatp rjv jjkiparbv tl irup, ruv aXKwv fieifyv, dirrbfievov, <bs iSdxet, ruv darpav.

To Oro S r ijfiipas 6 pos tyatvero puiyiarov, Bewv SxVP* KaXotipevov.

8 Mungo Park’s Travels in the Interior of Africa, ** pp- ®59» 26a

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP.

108

same sight may be seen on a smaller scale on the plains in Greece
Mt Theon during the aut umn. The burning mountain of
Ochema which Hanno speaks, and which, he says, was
(Mt. Sagres). Theon Ochema, or the Chariot of the Gods,

was no volcano, as Mela and Pliny supposed it to be, but simply
a lofty summit whose slopes were on fire. It is now called
Mt. Sagres, and is described as a conical mountain of great height,
forming the marked feature of this part of the coast, which other¬
wise is perfectly flat 1 .

A voyage of three days to the southward of this brought the
The southern Carthaginians to the Southern Horn, a bay which
Horn (Sher- in certain points bore a peculiar resemblance to the
boro Sound). Western Horn, for it contained a similar island,
with an enclosed space of water surrounding a smaller island 3 .
This bay, which now bears the name of Sherboro Sound, lies
a little to the south of Sierra Leone; and the larger island here
mentioned is called Macauley Island, and on its western coast
embraces a smaller island on three sides. The narrative con¬
cludes with the following remarkable incident, of which the last-
named island was the scene. “The place,” it says, “was full
of savage people, but the majority of them were
GoriSaaT 0 * women, whose bodies were covered with hair; these
our interpreters called Gorillae. When we pursued
them, we were unable to catch the men, all of whom escaped,
since they were accustomed to precipitous places and defended
themselves with stones. Three women, however, we secured,
but these refused to accompany us, and scratched and bit those
who conducted them. So we killed them and flayed them, and
brought their skins to Carthage 8 .” It is through this passage
that the name Gorilla has been introduced into natural history,
and it seems probable that the creatures which are here de¬
scribed were large anthropoid apes, such as are still found near
Sierra Leone. Beyond the Southern Horn the explorers did not

1 See Rennell, Geography of Herodotus, p. 734,

* Poriplus, §§ 17 , 18 ; rpiTouoi $’ SkuWw wvp&Seis fta/cas TrapaTrXdoravTts

&<pLK6fxe6ct elt k6\ttov N 6tov Kfyas \ey6fievov. ’Bp r<p pug# ioutvla.

rj irp&ni, \lpjfijv tyovea.' /cal iv Tatirg vTjaos fripa.

* Periplus x § 18.

VL]

EXPEDITION OF HIMILCO.

109

advance, the reason being, Hanno tells us, that their stock of
provisions failed them. It was also the furthest point reached by
any ancient navigator. We may remark in corroboration of the
views that are here expressed as to the position of the places
named in the Periplus , that the distances between them cor¬
respond in the main to those which are there assigned to them.
It is an interesting question whether Herodotus was acquainted
with Hanno’s expedition. There is no difficulty in the way of the
supposition on the ground of their respective dates, and certain
points which the historian mentions, especially the description of
“dumb commerce” which has been given above 3 , may not im¬
probably have been derived from this source. At the same time
it must be allowed that such information may have been obtained
through earlier visits of the Carthaginian traders.

The second of the two great Carthaginian expeditions was that
which was sent forth under the command of
Himilco. Pliny informs us that this took place 0 f'Himfico? n
at the same time as that of Hanno, and that its
object was to explore the western coast of Europe 2 ; but it must
have fallen strangely into oblivion, for this is the only notice of it
that occurs until quite a late period of literature, though some of
the observations on the wonders of the open ocean that were
made in the course of it are shewn to have obtained a wide
circulation from the mention of them in various writers. Possibly
this forgetfulness may have been due to the greater fame of the
subsequent voyage of Pytheas in the same direction, which
eclipsed the achievements of the earlier navigator. As it is, the
only information which we possess concerning it Th e«ora
is derived from Avienus, a Latin author of the Maritima’of
fourth century of our era, who in his geographical ^ vienU8,
poem entitled Ora Maritima bases a number of his statements
and descriptions on the narrative of Himilco, whom he mentions
by name. This narrative, we may reasonably suppose, was

1 v. supra , p. 95.

* H. N.y 2. 169; Et Hanno Cartbaginis potentia florente drcumvectus a
Gadibus ad finem Arabiae navigationem earn prodidit scripto, sicut ad extern
Europae noscenda missus eodem tempore Himilco.

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP

originally inscribed on a tablet in the same way as that of Hanno;
but in what form, or through what medium, it reached Avienus
we have no means of knowing. The Ora Maritima is a work of
little merit and highly uncritical; and the passages for which
Himilco is referred to as the authority are so confusedly intro¬
duced that it seems impossible to form a clear idea of the course
which he followed, so that it is better to treat what they narrate
as a number of separate episodes 1 2 * . He seems to have sailed
Account of alon S ^ ie coast Spain from Gades onwards, and
the Oestrym- to have reached a group of islands called the
1 ’ Oestrymnides, and a cape of the same name, which

in a former chapter® we have identified with the extremity of the
Armorican peninsula and the islands in its neighbourhood. The
inhabitants of these islands he speaks of as hardy navigators, who
were accustomed to cross the sea in boats like coracles, covered
with hides 8 ; and he implies that they visited Ireland and the
intermediate island of Albion 4 5 . The last point is confirmed by
Caesar, who remarks in his account of Armorica that in conse¬
quence of this they had complete command of the traffic in those
parts 8 . Himilco adds, that both the Carthaginians and the in-

1 The Ora Maritima will be found in vol. V. of Wernsdorf’s Poetae Latini
Minoresi the passages from it which bear on Himilco’s voyage are given in
Elton’s Origins of English History , pp. 4x8—430; also in vol I. of
MullenhofTs DeiUsche Altertumskunde .

2 v* supra, p. 36.

8 Ora Marii 11 . 103—7:

Non hi Carinas quippe pinu texere
Acereve norunt, non abiete, ut usus est,

Curvant faselos; sed rei ad miraculum
Navigia junctis semper aptant pellibus
Corioque vastum saepe percurrunt salum.

4 Ibid. 108— 13:

Ast hinc duobus in Sacram, sic insulam
Dixere prisci, solibus cursus rati est.

Haec inter undas multa caespitem jacet,

Eamque late gens Hiernorum colit.

Propinqua rursus insula Albionum patet,

5 B. G. f 3. 8, quoted on p. 36.

VI.]

OBSERVATIONS ON THE OCEAN.

Ill

habitants of Gades used to make voyages thither—no doubt in
connexion with the tin trade l .

After visiting these northern regions it would seem that the
explorers sailed, or were driven by stress of weather,
far out into the Atlantic, for in the second passage Atlantic. Mld "
of Avienus in which Himilco is quoted® we hear of
a wide expanse of sea in the distant West, unvisited before by any
mariner, where dead calms and dense fogs prevailed. The mention
which occurs in various Greek writers of features like these, which
could not have fallen within the experience of ordinary voyagers,
must almost certainly have been derived from the Carthaginian
narrative 3 . Finally, a third passage, which is the most remarkable
of all, and with which a part of the first passage must be asso¬
ciated, describes that astonishing phenomenon,
which is well known to navigators of the Atlantic, sargasso Sea.
the Sargasso Sea. The following is Humboldts
account of it. <e At the point where the Gulf Stream is deflected
from the banks of Newfoundland towards the east, it sends off
branches to the south near the Azores. This is the situation of
the Sargasso Sea, or that great bank of weeds, which so vividly

1 Ora Marti., 113—19:

Tartesiisque in teruiinos Oestrymnidum
Negotiandi mos erat; Carthaginis
Etiam coloni et vulgus inter Herculis
Agitans columnas haec adibant aequora,

Quae Himilco Poenus mensibus vix quattuor,

Ut ipse semet rem probasse retulit
Enavigantem, posse transmitti adserit.

2 Ibid. 11 . 380-89:

Porro in occiduam plagam
Ab his columnis gurgitem esse interminum,

Late patere pelagus, extendi saliim,

Himilco tradit: nullus haec adiit fretaj
NuUus carinas aequor illud intulit,

Desint quod alto flabra propellentia,

Nullusque puppim spiritus caeli juvet:

Dehinc quod aethram quodam amictu vestiai
Caligo, semper nebula condat gurgitem,

Et crassiore nubilum perstet die.

3 See the reff. in Berger, Geschichte der Erdkunde\ n. p. 58.

112 EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP.

occupied the imagination of Christopher Columbus, and which
Oviedo calls the sea-weed meadows (Praderias de yerva). A host
of small marine animals inhabits these gently moved and ever¬
green masses of Fucus natans , one of the most generally dis¬
tributed of the social plants of the sea 1 .” It is this prodigious
mass of tangle which is described in the poem—for nothing else
can be meant—when we are told, that in the midst of the currents
an abundance of sea-weed is found, which checks the vessel's
course as if it were "brushwood; that there was no depth of water,
and as the ships crept through it with difficulty, they were sur¬
rounded by sea-monsters®. “These things Himilco the Cartha¬
ginian stated that he saw with his own eyes, and had experience
of on the surface of the ocean 8 .”

A similar account of this phenomenon—which, if it is not
derived, as it well may be, from Himilco, at least confirms his
statements—is given in the pseudo-Aristotelian treatise On
Wonders. It runs thus:—“They say that the Phoenicians of
Gades, sailing before an east wind for four days from the Pillars
of Hercules, reach a desolate spot, full of tangle and sea-weed,
which floats with the ebb, and sinks with the flow of the tide, and
on it is found an immense multitude of tunnies, incredibly large
and fat 4 .”

The enterprise which next claims our attention, the Retreat of

The Retreat
of the Ten
Thousand.

the Ten Thousand, though the preciseness of the
record in which it is related communicates to it in
the reading something of a matter-of-fact character,

1 Humboldt’s Cosmos (Otto’s Trans.)* I. p. 313.

8 Ora Marita 11 , 122—9;

Adjicit et illud, piurimum inter gurgites
Exstare fucum, et saepe virgulti vice
Retinere puppim: dicit hie nihilominus
Non in profundum terga demitti maris,
Parvoque aquarum vix supertexi solum:
Obire semper hue et hue ponti feras,
Navigia lenta et languide repentia
Intematare belluas.

Compare also 1L 408— 11.

8 Ora Marti., 11 . 412, 413.

4 Dc Mirahilibus Auscultationibus, g 136 (ed. Apelt).

VI.] RETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND. 113

must yet, on accotfut of the strange vicissitudes to which those
engaged in it were exposed, and the heroism which they displayed,
be ever reckoned among th$ first of “ moving accidents by flood
and field.” In the history of geography it forms an important
episode, because it added considerably to the knowledge of that
subject which the Greeks already possessed, especially as regards
Armenia, a region at all times difficult to traverse and but little
explored. It is to the portion of their journey which lay through
that country that our attention shall here be confined. It should
be borne in mind, however, that though Xenophon, character of
the historian of the expedition, noticed, as far as Xenophon’s

, . ‘Anabasis.

the circumstances permitted, with the eye of an
intelligent campaigner the characteristics of the regions through
which he passed, and the mode of life of their inhabitants, yet his
primary object in writing was not geography but history, and
consequently we cannot be surprised, if points about which we
desiderate information are left unnoticed. To this we may add
that, in order to arrive at any conclusion concerning his route
and the places which he mentions, it is necessary in this part
of his narrative to ignore almost entirely the distances which he
gives, whether computed by measurements or by day's marches—
a circumstance which, perhaps, will hardly excite surprise if we
take into account the difficulty of the ground, the inclemency
of the weather, and the opposition on the part of the natives
which was from time to time encountered. Fortunately for us,
the features of the region which he and his companions traversed
are so peculiar, and the circumstances of their journey, taken in
connexion with the goal for which they were making, determine
so well their natural line of march, that we may speak with some
confidence of the route which they actually pursued. In order to
make this more clear, it may be well, before entering into details,
to describe briefly the geography of Armenia.

That country has been called, in consequence of its elevation
and of the streams that descend from it in several Qeographi-
directions, the roof of Western Asia. It occupies cai Feature*
a great part of the triangle which lies between three
seas—the Mediterranean, the Euxine, and the Caspian. It also
forms a link to join the great plateaux of Central Asia with the

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP.

and Rivers.

uplands of Anatolia. Its height above the sea is very great, reach¬
ing 6,000 feet in the plains which intervene between Erzeroum
and Ararat in the northern part of the district, and consequently
the climate during many months of the year is very severe. It is
bounded and intersected by vast ranges of moun¬
tains M ° Un " tains, the most important of which are the Taurus
towards the south, dividing it from Mesopotamia,
and the Anti-Taurus towards the west; besides these, it attains a
great altitude in the volcanic summits of Bingheul-dagh—the
‘mountain of a thousand lakes,’ i.e. fountains—in the centre of
the country, of Sipan above the lake of Van, and of Ararat in the
east, which rises to a height of more than 17,000 feet. From its
northern side the Araxes (Aras), which rises in the
Bingheul-dagh, finds its way to the Caspian, and
the Acampsis to the Euxine, while in the opposite direction the
Euphrates and the Tigris carry their waters to the Persian Gulf.

„ , Both the last-named rivers rise from two sources in

the Euphrates distant parts of the country, and now for a con-
and Tigris. siderable distance in separate streams. The western
branch of the Euphrates, which retains the ancient name in that
of Frat, starts from the plains near Erzeroum, and divides Greater
from Lesser Armenia; the Eastern, or Murad-su, flows from the
neighbourhood of Ararat, and after passing between the Bingheul-
dagh and Sipan, and skirting the northern foot of the Taurus
range, joins its brother stream before descending to the lowlands
of Mesopotamia. It is in this range, and therefore in the south of
Armenia, that the sources of both branches of the Tigris lie, though
they are distant as much as a hundred miles one from another.
The easternmost of these, which is the more important for our
present purpose, is situated in the midst of those lofty summits of
Taurus which bore the name of Niphates, near where the town of
Bitlis now stands; the river which it forms descends steeply to¬
wards the lower country, where it is joined by the western stream.

To the eastward of Bitlis, but on the high plateau,
lies the Lake of Van, an expanse of brackish water
larger than the Lake of Geneva, deeply sunk among the mountains,
and without an outlet.

We may now return to the Ten Thousand, whose march, it

Lake of Van.

VI.]

FROM CUNAXA TO ARMENIA.

will be seen, undertaken as it was in mid-winter through the
country which has just been described, was a task of The March
appalling difficulty. After the battle of Cunaxa on from Cunaxa
the banks of the Euphrates in 401 b.c., in which the t0 Armema *
younger Cyrus was defeated and slain, the Greeks who had accom¬
panied that prince as part of his army from Asia Minor by way of
the Cilician Gates and Mesopotamia, found themselves in a posi¬
tion of great difficulty, since they were in the midst of an enemy’s
land at a great distance from their native country, and feared to
return by the route which they had previously taken on account
of the desert which had to be crossed, and their inability to defend
themselves against the Persian cavalry in the plains. Accordingly,
having obtained from the Persian king, Artaxerxes, a promise of
safe conduct on condition of their quitting the country, they
crossed the Tigris, and marched upward along its left bank, until
they reached the stream of the Zabatus (Greater
Zab), which flowed from the Median mountains. (Gleater^ab)?
Here Clearchus and the other generals were treach¬
erously seized at an interview by Tissaphemes, the Persian com¬
mander, who was professing to escort them, so that the Greeks
were left without a leader. It was at this crisis that Xenophon,
who up to that time had accompanied the army as a volunteer,
offered to undertake the perilous task of leading them back to
Greece, and was accepted as their general. They now crossed
the Zabatus, and continuing to advance along the Tigris, though
harassed by the Persians, they passed the neighbourhood of
Nineveh, and thus reached the mountain region L an d 0 fthe
inhabited by the Carduchi, the ancestors of the Carduchi
modem Kurds. These were a warlike race, and as (Kurdlstan h
the passes which led through their country were of the most rugged
description, and were vigorously defended, the Greeks found in
them a more serious foe than the Persians had previously been.
At length however they struggled through this difficult region, and
crossed the Centrites, on the farther side of which The Cen _
Armenia commenced. This river, which is now trites (River of
called the River of Sert from the name of the chief
town on its banks, is a tributary of the eastern Tigris, which it
joins between the head-waters of that stream near Bitlis and its

8—2

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP!

union with its western branch. From this point the route by
which they reached the high plateau of Armenia is clearly deter¬
mined by the nature of the ground. Xenophon informs us that
they passed the source of the Tigris, and beyond
Tigris. that came to a river of no great size, called the

Teleboas, after which they forded the Euphrates,
which was reported to rise not very far off 1 . Now the pass which
crosses the Taurus range immediately above Bitlis bifurcates at
the point where the source of the Tigris lies, one branch leading
eastwards to the Lake of Van, which is only a few miles distant,
though out of sight, the other westwards to the plain of Mush;
and as no mention is made of the lake, it is clear that the latter
route is the one that they followed. The Teleboas
of Xenophon must be the Kara-su, which rises
almost at the same spot as the Tigris, and runs in
the opposite direction to it, until it reaches the
Murad-su, or Eastern Euphrates, in the further part
of the plain of Mush 2 .

The Greek force had now arrived at the upland levels of this
bleak country—the plain of Mush is between four
and five thousand feet above the sea—and at once
discovered the severity of an Armenian winter. The
historian describes the sufferings of his soldiers as they plodded
through the deep snow, some of whom lost their eyesight, others
their toes, while a certain number died from exhaustion. He also
dwells with satisfaction on the shelter afforded by the dwellings of
the. inhabitants—which, like those of the same region at the present
day, were half underground, and contained the cattle
as well as human beings—and on the plentiful
provision of food, and especially of beer, which they
The next feature of the country which is mentioned
after the Euphrates is the river Phasis, in the neigh¬
bourhood of which they met with a tribe called
Phasiani 4 . Now as the plain in which the Araxes

The Teleboas
(Kara-su).

Eastern

Euphrates

(Murad-su).

Highlands of
Armenia.

Under¬
ground Dwell¬
ings.

contained 8 .

The Phasis
Aras).

1 Anab., 4. 4. 3; 4. 5. 2.

2 See the Author’s Turkish Armenia , pp. 292, 299,
8 Anabi, 4. 5. 25—27; Turkish Armenia, p. 287.

VI.]

ACROSS ARMENIA.

II7

(Aras) flows bears the name of Pasin at the present day, there is
a presumption in favour of identifying that stream in this part of
its course with the Phasis of Xenophon, especially as it lies to the
northwestward of the valley of the Euphrates, and that would be
the direction which the Greeks would naturally follow in endeav¬
ouring to reach their home. The argument last advanced applies
also to the next stage of their course, for the configuration of the
ground in this part of the country is such, that the only practicable
route towards the west lies through a valley, which leads by an
easy pass to the plain of Erzeroum. There they would find the
head-waters of the western Euphrates (Frat); and as it would
have defeated their object to follow that stream, they would be
almost forced to make their way over the mountains to the north¬
west, which intervene between this region and the Euxine. After
this, the two principal points which are mentioned in their route
are a large river called Harpasus, and an important
town named Gymnias 1 . The former of these is S us(xSoruk).
probably to be identified with the Tchoruk—usually
called the Acampsis by ancient writers—which flows from these
parts, and reaches the sea near Batoum. The posi- Gymnias
tion of the latter may have been at no great distance
from the modern town of Baiburt, which is situated on the banks
of that stream. The ranges which intervene between that place
and the sea are so steep and so intricate, that they may almost as
well be crossed at one point as at another; so that it is probable
that the Greeks followed as nearly as might be a direct course,
and at last descended by a river valley which Trapezus

reaches the coast some way to the east of their ( Trebuond )-
destination, Trebizond 2 .

The famous first view of the sea, which aroused the enthusiasm
of the weary soldiers, was, even independently of the circum¬
stances under which it was seen, a sight to awaken The first
thrilling feelings of delight Though we cannot view of the
speak with confidence of the exact spot where the ‘
scene which Xenophon describes occurred, yet for a considerable
distance along the mountain ridges in this part the impression would

. 1 4- 7- 18, 19.

5 2 'urkish Armenia^ pp. 40,6, 432.

I IS EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP.

be the same. Here from a height of between 7,000 and 8,000 feet
above the sea, the eye which has been accustomed to the treeless
uplands and monotonous plains of Armenia looks down upon
forest-clad mountains and delicately cut ridges, separated from
one another by ravines, and gradually descending towards Trebi-
zond; while, away to the north-east, cape after cape is seen
extending into the Euxine, backed by ranges which run up to the
snow-topped mountains of Lazistan, and the whole is completed
and harmonized by the soft blue expanse of water. The entire
view, from its delicacy and multiplicity of form, and its com¬
bination of sea and mountains, strikingly resembles the coasts of
Greece. When suddenly presented to the eye of a Greek, it must
have spoken to him of home in every line. Another point in
Xenophon's narrative on which modem observation
ou^ h HoQ°ey.° n ’ bas tbr own light, is his account of the poisonous
honey of this region, after partaking of which his
soldiers displayed all the symptoms of intoxication and frenzy 1 .
This is now known to have been due to the moisture that distils
from the flowers of the Azalea fiontica, which grows in profusion
in the valleys at the back of Trebizond; this is poisonous, and
affects the honey of the bees that feed upon it. A similar circum¬
stance is related by Strabo with regard to Pompey’s forces during
his campaign in these parts \ only in that case the honey seems to
have been obtained immediately from the trees 3 .

Before concluding this chapter, it may be well to notice a

The‘Peri lus’ ^tise belon g in g to period before Alexander,
ofScyia*. PU8 which, though not actually a record of any expedi¬
tion, yet contains a summary of information which
must have been obtained in the first instance by means of nume¬
rous coasting voyages. This is the work which is known as the
Periplus of Scylax of Caryanda, but which is of much later date
than the reign of Darius, in which that explorer was supposed to
have lived, and appears to have had his name attached to it in

1 Anab ., 4. 8. 20.

8 Strabo, 12. 3. 18 ; ol St 'EirraKtojufjrcu rpets Hoparriiov cirdpas Karticotyav
Siefiotfcras Tpv dpewty, Ktpiaavres Kparijpas tv re us 6801s rod fxouvojitvov pd\iTOS t
8 <f>£pov<nv ol &Kp€fi 6 ves r&v 8iv8pw mov<n yap Kal vapaKb^avut imBipwoi
faShis Siexeipltravro robs dvSpdrovs,

VI.]

THE PERIPLUS OF SCYLAX.

119

Its Contents.

order to attract attention by its celebrity. The date of its com¬
position can be determined within narrow limits by
internal evidence, for it mentions the foundation D ^ t ® probable
of the Athenian colony at Neapolis on the Thracian
coast, which took place in 360 B.C., and, on the other hand, it
speaks of Olynthus, which was destroyed in 347 b.c., as still exist¬
ing; whence we may infer that it was written in the interval
between those two events 1 . This coasting survey
starts from Gades and the Pillars of Hercules, and
follows the sinuosities of the coast all round the Mediterranean,
the Euxine, and the other seas connected with them, commencing
with the northern shores, and returning by the way of Asia Minor,
Syria and Northern Africa; it continues also beyond the Pillars of
Hercules along the African coast as far as the island of Cerne.
The work is composed in the main of notices of the islands,
harbours and rivers, and of the towns and tribes which border on
the sea; the distances also from point to point are carefully given.
Here and there further information is added, but such remarks
are of somewhat rare occurrence. It is well, how- ^ _

7 Doubts as to

ever, at once to intimate that serious doubts have itsGenuine-
been raised as to the genuineness of the greater part ness ’
of this narrative. Several of the most eminent authorities on the
subject, including Carl Muller and Berger, are of opinion that,
though the original Periplus was composed about the time already
mentioned, yet this was epitomised about the third or fourth
century of our era, and what we now possess is this epitome, after
it had been further altered and interpolated at a subsequent
period*. This view is chiefly based on the corrupt and mutilated
condition in which the work has come down to us, and on the
style of the Greek in which it is written, which is certainly later
than the time of Philip of Macedon. From the last point we
may at least infer that, if the Periplus is genuine, it must have
been recast by a later hand. Still, these difficulties have not
prevented other good judges, like Kiepert and Bunbury, from
accepting it in substance as a work of the earlier period 8 ; and it

1 Bunbury, Hist, of Anc. Geography , 1. pp. 404, 405.

* Muller, op . at., Prolegg., p. xlix; Berger, op. ciL , 2. p. 79.

8 Kiepert, Lehrbuchd. a . Geographic, p. 3; Bunbury, op. at., x. pp-405,406.

120

EXPEDITIONS BEFORE ALEXANDER. [CHAP.

is certainly in favour of this conclusion, that it contains no refer¬
ence to Alexandria, or any of the other great cities which after¬
wards arose, for these would undoubtedly have been introduced
by one who was writing for a subsequent generation. If the former
of the suppositions here mentioned is correct, it would seem to be
almost a hopeless task to endeavour to distinguish those parts of
the work, as we possess it, which are original and genuine. On
the other hand, if the earlier date is the true one, its contents are
of great value, because of the general view that they present to us
of the Greek world at that time.

The most interesting notices which this Periplm contains are
those which relate to the Italian peninsula. Here
NoScSftait for fi rst ti me i n any extant author the name of

Rome occurs 1 ; but it is introduced incidentally,
and it is remarkable that, whereas the writer elsewhere pays
especial attention to the rivers, in this connexion he makes no
mention of the Tiber, nor does he notice any of the coast-towns
between that point and Massilia. A much fuller enumeration,
also, is found here of the tribes that inhabited Italy than in any
previous writer, for the Latins, Volscians, Samnites, Umbrians and
Celts are all named, and are assigned to their rightful localities.
The mention of the Celts is especially remarkable, inasmuch
as before this time no notice occurs in any writer of peoples
of that race being found south of the Alps, for Hecataeus and
Herodotus place them in the west of Europe. They are here
spoken of as occupying a narrow tract of North Italy, and reaching
to the Adriatic; and as having been “left behind from their
expedition,’’ by which is meant the invasion of Italy in the course
of which they captured Rome 2 (390 b.c.). Scylax also is the first
author in whom is found the confusing view, which afterwards
obtained wide acceptance, that the Ister divided into two branches,
one of which entered the sea at the head of the Adriatic, the

1 Scylacis Caryandensis Periplm, § 5, in C. Muller’s Geogr. Gr. Minores,
vol. 1.

8 § 18. It is not intended by what is here said to exclude the view, which
is maintained chiefly on archaeological grounds, that the earlier inhabitants of
the valley of the Po were of Celtic extraction. See Bertrand and Reinach,
JLes Celtes dans Us valUes du Pd ct du Danube,

VI.] INTERESTING NOTICES IN IT. 121

other on the shores of the Euxine. The idea of an Adriatic
branch seems to have arisen from a confusion between the name
of the river and that of the tribe of Istri at the head of that sea,
whom in fact Scylax mentions in this connexion 1 . Again, on the
opposite side of the Mediterranean, the coast which lies between
Cyrene and Carthage—including the two Syrtes, the land of the
Lotophagi, and the lake Tritonis—is described with unusual
fulness and much interesting detail 2 . And generally, a com¬
parison of the contents of this work with the notices of the same
coasts which are found in Herodotus suggests the conclusion,
that a great advance had been made in the knowledge of them
during the intervening period of less than a century.

1 § 20 ; Mera 52 ’E virovs elalv "Icrpoi 20m, irora/xbs Tar/ios. Outos b
rroTafibs ical els rbv Jlbvrov iicfidWe c.

2 §§ 108 —no.

CHAPTER VII.

jftEXANDER'S EASTERN EXPEDITION.

Effects^ Alexander’s Conquests—His Political and Social Aims—Develop-
ment of Geography—Novel Aspects of Nature—Narratives of the Expe¬
dition—The Expedition originated by Philip—His Death, 336 B.C.— The
Projegt renewed by Alexander—Battle of the Granicus, 334 N.C.— Battle
of Issui 333 B.c.— Siege of Tyre, 332 Ti.c.—Occupation of Egypt—Visit
to the Temple of Zeus Ammon—March to the Tigris, 331 B.c. —Battle of
Arbela—March to Persepolis—Depot at Ecbatana (Hamadan) 330 B.c.—
Description of Iran or Ariana—Flight of Darius into Parthia—'The Caspian
Gates (Sirdar Pass)—Death of Darius—Ilecatompylus in Parthia—The
Hyrcani and Mardi—The Caspian Sea—Artacoana (Herat)—Drangiana
(Seistan)—Arachosia (Candahar)—Paropamisus Range (Hindu Kush)—
Alexandria ad Caucasum—Invasion of Bactria, 339 B.c .— 1 The Oxus
(JIhoun)—Its Ancient Course—Maracanda (Samarcand)—The Polytimetus
(Zerafshan)—Alexandria Eschate—Mistakes concerning the Jaxartes and
the Caspian—March to the Indus, 337 B.C.— Campaign in the Punjab,
326 B.c,—The Hydaspes (Jhelum)—The Hyphasis (Bias)—Descent of the
Indus—Pattala (Hyderabad) 325 B.c.— Bore of the Indus—Indian Trees
—Return March of Craterus through Drangiana, of Alexander through
Gedrosia—Arrival at Persepolis—Embassies from the West—Death of
Alexander, 323 B.C .— 1 The Voyage of Nearchus—Alexandri Portus (Kara¬
chi)—Harmozia (Ormuz)—Pearl Fishery—Encounter with Whales—
Arrival at Susa.

The conquest of Western Asia by Alexander the Great is the
Effect* of highest military achievement which the world has
Alexander’* seen. The extraordinary gifts of the commander
Conquest*. ^ whom it was accomplished—his personal
prowess, which impelled him whenever occasion offered to
encourage his soldiers by his own heroic daring; his unrivalled
genius, both in organising strategical combinations on a grand
scale, and in disposing his troops and handling them in the field;
and his unfailing foresight in providing for contingencies, and
arranging beforehand the conditions which might secure the
success of his undertakings—caused him to appear to his con¬
temporaries a superhuman being, and still excite our wondering

CHAP. VII.] ITS IMMENSE INFLUENCE.

123

admiration., The overthrow of the great Persian empire, and
the downfall of its monarchy, which had come to be regarded
as an embodiment of earthly grandeur, startled mankind from
end to end of the then known world. Within the short period of
twelve years an area of country as large as Europe had been sub¬
jugated, and its regulation, at least in embryo, provided for. Nor
were the political results of these campaigns of less Hla Political
importance than their success from a military point and Social
of view. Though the early death of the great con¬
queror prevents us from speaking with the confidence which we
could wish of the scheme that was in his mind for reorganising
the world, yet the system which he had already introduced had so
far' taken root that, notwithstanding the dismemberment of his
empire after his death, it was generally carried out by his suc¬
cessors. This consisted in the establishment of Greek colonies
with political rights throughout the countries which he subdued,
and the introduction through them of Greek ideas and Greek
civilization among the native populations. Unlike the majority of
conquerors, whose object has been to maintain their power by
placing one race in subjection to another, Alexander evinced
the greatest consideration for the customs, whether political or
religious, of those who passed under his sway, while at the same
time he endeavoured to develop a new form of unity by fusing
them with the Greeks. Owing to the extent to which this scheme
was prosecuted by the monarchs who succeeded him, these
influences became the leading factor in determining the condition
of Western Asia, and subsequently, by the power which they
exercised over society, modified the harshness of the Roman
dominion; indeed, their effect continued to be felt until a new
order of things was inaugurated by the rise of Mahomet and the
conquests of the Arabs.

In the field of geography a similar extraordinary expansion
was produced by Alexander’s expedition. It is not Develop _
too much to say, that by means of it the knowledge mentofGeo-
of that subject on the part of the Greeks was graphy ‘
doubled. The country that lay between the Tigris and the
Hyphasis (Bias), and between the Jaxartes (Sir Daria) and the
Indian Ocean, was traversed in several directions by a Greek army,

124

ALEXANDER'S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

and the southern shores of the Caspian, and the northern shores
of the Persian Gulf, were explored. But the revelation of this
vast area was not, perhaps, in itself the most important result that
accrued to geographical study from these campaigns. An even
greater stimulus was communicated to it by the novel and striking
natural features with which the Greeks now became acquainted.

Novel As- course their marches they passed over

pects of desert plains and salt-steppes alternating with luxuri¬
antly fertile districts, and through snowy mountain-
chains exceeding in elevation anything that they had hitherto
conceived, among which the Hindu Kush reaches the height of
18,000 feet. The variety of configuration of the ground which
was thus presented to them, together with the differences of
climate and the unwonted size and strange appearance of the
vegetation, suggested innumerable points of comparison and
[contrast with the objects that they were familiar with in Europe. ‘
All these characteristics were carefully recorded by accurate
observers, for Alexander on this occasion had associated with
him so large a number of men of great attainments, that his
enterprise might claim the character of a scientific expedition.

Narratives Unfortunately not one of the narratives of these
dit^n Expe " campaigns, which were composed by Aristobulus,
Onesicritus and others of his companions, has come
down to us, and we are compelled to trust for our knowledge of
them to histories written under the Roman empire—especially to
those of Arrian in Greek and Curtius in Latin, By these, how¬
ever, we are to some extent indemnified for the loss of the original
authorities, because the facts which they contain are largely drawn
from their writings.

The expedition which Alexander so successfully executed was
The Expedi- not in rea % originated by him. It was designed
byPhUi^ nated in the first instance by his father, Philip of Macedon,
after he had broken the power of the independent
states of Greece, as a means of facilitating and consolidating his
hegemony, by uniting the Greeks in the common object of as¬
sailing the traditional enemy of their country, the king of Persia.
He was making preparations * for this invasion, and a part of
tbe requisite forces had been assembled, - when the project was

VII.]

BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS.

12 S

suddenly arrested by his assassination in 336 b.c. His successor,
Alexander, who was at that time twenty years of age,
was as yet but little known, though the part which ^ s B D cf th ’
he played in the battle of Chaeroneia had proved
that he was a dashing soldier; but in the course of the two years
that followed he gave ample evidence both of his capacity and of
his overpowering force of character, by subjugating the wild tribes
in the neighbourhood of Macedonia, and by crushing with merci¬
less determination the attempts of the Greek cities to regain their
independence. He was thus in a position in the The ect
spring of 334 b.c. to renew the project which had renewed by
been interrupted by the death of Philip \ and to the Alexander *
execution of this he brought, not only a military ability superior
even to that of his predecessor, but an intellect imbued with an
eager love of knowledge and scientific enquiry through the in¬
fluence of his instructor Aristotle.

The Persian king Darius, meanwhile, had made no prepara¬
tions for resisting the threatened attack, and the invader was
allowed to transport his army across the Hellespont unopposed.
The circumstances of the commencement of the campaign were
of a nature to awaken all the enthusiasm of an ardent tempera¬
ment such as that of Alexander. Steeped as his mind had been
from early days in veneration for the Homeric poems, so that his
great desire was to rival, or rather to identify himself with, the
heroes of that tale, he now found himself on the Plain of Troy, in
the presence of the inspiring memories of the conflicts of the
Greeks and Trojans, and he proceeded to commemorate the
occasion by sacrificing to Athena at Ilium, and celebrating rites at
the tomb of Achilles. It was in this spirit that he shortly after¬
wards encountered the army which the Persian ^ ^

satraps of Asia Minor had brought up to oppose Grawcus,
him on the banks of the Granicus; on which 334 B,c '
occasion he led his cavalry in person across that stream in the
face of the enemy, thus deciding the fortune of the day, though
his life was exposed to imminent peril. By means of this victory,
especially in consequence of the death of the leading commanders
•on the Persian side on that occasion, Alexander found the whole
.of. Asia .Minor open to him. It was only at certain points that

126 ALEXANDER’S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

resistance was offered. On the western coast, first Miletus and
afterwards Halicarnassus—which were defended by Memnon, the
leader of the Greek mercenaries in the service of Darius, and by
a Phoenician fleet that had arrived off the coast—delayed him for
some time ; but Ephesus and the other chief towns in that neigh¬
bourhood submitted, and during the following winter Alexander
with a picked body of troops made his way through the southern
districts—Caria, Lycia and Pamphylia—receiving the submission
of the inhabitants, and finally over the Taurus range in Pisidia to
the uplands of Phrygia. During this part of his progress occurred
the famous passage of Mount Climax on the Lycian coast, when
he conducted a detachment of his troops between the precipices
and the sea, though the water at the time had risen so high as to
reach their waists.

In Phrygia at the commencement of the spring of 333
Alexander was met by the main body of his army, which had
wintered at Ephesus and was led thither by his general Par-
menio. The next part of his route lay through Cappadocia
and the Cilician Gates, by which pass the Taurus was crossed
into Cilicia. So difficult is this line of transit, by which at
the present day the exports of south-eastern Asia Minor are
still conveyed to the sea, that it might easily be held against a
hostile force by a small body of resolute defenders; but the
satrap of Cilicia, whose duty it was to secure it, abandoned it
without a blow, so that the Macedonian army descended without
difficulty to Tarsus. From that place Alexander advanced to the
head of the Gulf of Issus, for which neighbourhood Darius also
was making with an enormous host which he had summoned
from all parts of his dominions. The battle of
imus^b.c. Issus, the second of the three great engagements
which determined the fate of the Persian empire,
was fought in the narrow space which here intervenes between the
Mons Amanus and the sea—a position which was selected by
Darius, but was altogether favourable to the Macedonians, because
it rendered it impossible for their opponents to deploy their vast
multitudes. The issue of the conflict was greatly determined by
the cowardice of Darius, for when he perceived that the Mace¬
donian lancers, led by Alexander, had broken through his left

VII.]

SIEGE OF TYRE.

127

wing, and were approaching the centre where he himself was
stationed, he took to flight, leaving no one in his place to issue
any orders to his soldiers. From that time forward the Persian
army was at the mercy of its adversaries.

The next event of importance in the campaign was the siege
of Tyre. Alexander, with that circumspection which was not less
characteristic of him than his promptitude in action, though his
enemy was hopelessly defeated and the way to his capital lay
open, determined to secure the countries in his rear before
advancing into the heart of Asia. With this view he abstained
from pursuing Darius, and turned southwards into Syria, and
received the submission of most of the cities both of that country
and of the coastland of Phoenicia. But the insular
position of Tyre, and the recollection of the famous gg^B c? f TyrC *
sieges which she had undergone at the hands of the
Assyrians under Shalmanezer and the Babylonians under Nebu¬
chadnezzar, disposed her citizens for resistance; and this did not
at first appear a hopeless attempt on their part, because Alexander
had no fleet at his command. He was not, however, to be foiled
in this manner, for he proceeded at once to construct a mole
from the mainland to the nearest part of the island-city, and,
notwithstanding the determined opposition of the inhabitants, in
the course of seven months Tyre was joined to the continent, as it
has continued to be down to the present day. But the circum¬
stance which assured Alexander’s final success was his obtaining
possession of the fleets of the Phoenician and Cypriote cities, for
by means of these he was able to assail the place from various
sides. It was by the help of ships that the first breach was made
in the walls on the southern side facing Egypt, and from this
point Alexander in person stormed the city, which was taken
in spite of a desperate defence. After the capture of Tyre the
conqueror met with no further opposition except at Gaza, which
place resisted him for three months. He then
marched by way of Pelusium to Memphis, and of^gyp** 00
received a ready welcome from the native popula¬
tion of that city, who had never been content with the Persian
rule. In the Egyptian capital he reposed for some time, and then
descended the westernmost branch of the Nile to Canopus, where

128

ALEXANDER’S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

he embarked on shipboard, and sailed along the coast as far as
the lake Mareotis, and the island of Pharos, which had associa¬
tions for him owing to its being mentioned by Homer. His visit
to this neighbourhood produced results of far-reaching importance.
Alexander was struck with the suitableness of the site for a great
commercial centre, and he forthwith gave orders for the founda¬
tion of the city of Alexandria.

There now remained no obstacle to prevent the Macedonian
monarch from carrying out his original design of

Visit to the , , . , . * 7 , . , . . &

Temple of Zeus subduing Asia. But before turning his face once
Ammon. more eastward he was inspired with a longing to
visit the shrine of Zeus Ammon in the Libyan desert, and there
to obtain a recognition of the divine parentage which he had now
begun to claim for himself. The route by which he arrived at
that place was not the one which led westward from Memphis,
but that by way of the lake Mareotis along the coast of the
Mediterranean as far as the station of Paraetonium, from which
point the Ammonium was reached by a journey of eight days
due southwards across the desert. The difficulties which were
encountered in the course of this march have no doubt been
exaggerated by Alexander’s historians; at the same time it was
a considerable feat, requiring much care and precaution, to
conduct a military force along so remote and desolate a track.
The appearance of the oasis in which the temple lay, with its
palm-groves and fountains, its deposits of salt, and the sandy
waste which surrounded it, is well described by Arrian 1 . The
response of the oracle declared that the god recognised Alexander
as his son, and promised him an unbroken career of victory.

In the spring of 331 b.c. Alexander quitted Egypt, and led
his army through Phoenicia and across the northern
Tigris^rBx! an g^ e of the Arabian desert to Thapsacus, which
was at this time the usual station for the crossing of
the Euphrates. Here during the summer season which had now
been reached the stream was generally fordable, but in order
to facilitate the passage of the forces two bridges had been
previously thrown across by their leader’s orders. His way now
:lay through the northern part of Mesopotamia, and when he

1 Jttnh. a. a.

VII.]

BATTLE OF ARBELA.

129

approached the upper course of the Tigris he kept that river on
his left hand until he arrived at a point some little distance above
Nineveh, where he crossed it also. In the plains to the southward
of this, which intervene between the Tigris and the greater Zab—
or Lycus, as it is called by the historians of the expedition—
Alexander found the army of Darius drawn up to oppose him,
for that monarch had learnt from his experience at
Issus not to waste the advantage to be derived A rt>eia * ° f
from his vast host by confining it within a narrow
space. The place was called Gaugamela, but the battle which
ensued has received its name from the more important city of
Arbela, which lay about thirty miles off towards the east. On
this occasion, even more than in the last conflict, Alexander
relied on the dependence of an oriental army on the personal
superintendence of its sovereign to counterbalance his own im¬
mense inferiority in numbers. After strengthening his wings in
such a manner as to lessen the unavoidable risk of being out¬
flanked, he pressed forward with the main body of his troops
towards the enemy’s centre, and notwithstanding a vigorous
resistance on the part of the picked forces of the Persians, he
succeeded in approaching near enough to the station occupied by
the king to frighten that imbecile monarch, who fled, and by so
doing paralysed the courageous efforts of his soldiers, who were
dispersed and massacred. After this great battle Darius became
a fugitive, and the fate of the Persian monarchy was decided. At
this point also Alexander’s campaigns enter on a new phase, and
one that is more intimately connected with the history of geo¬
graphy. The countries through which we have hitherto followed
his victorious arms were not unknown to the Greeks; but from
this time onward his progress assumed the character of an ex¬
ploring expedition, and by its means new and strange lands were
revealed to the western world.

The first object of Alexander now was to make himself master
of the great cities, in which the immense treasures of the Persian
empire were stored. So powerful was the impression made by
his victory, that the two famous capitals of Babylon
and Susa at once opened their gates to him. From
the latter of these places he continued his march
T.

130

ALEXANDER’S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

Depot at
Ecbatana
(Hamadan)
330 B.C.

to Persepolis, which lies due east of the head of the Persian
Gulf. In order to reach that city, it was necessary for him to
traverse the mountains of Persis, the only transit through which
was by a difficult pass called the Pylae Persicae or Susianae:
this was occupied in force by Ariobarzanes, the satrap of the
province, but by means of skilful movements Alexander succeeded
in dislodging his opponents, and thus entered Persepolis, where
he obtained possession of the accumulated wealth of the monarchs
of that country. As it was now midwinter, he rested his army
there, but early in the spring he advanced northwards through
Media to Ecbatana, the capital of that district, in
pursuit of Darius, the possession of whose person
appeared to him to be of primary importance for
the accomplishment of his purpose in securing his
dominion in Western Asia. After he had occupied that city, he
established there his base of operations with a view to future
campaigns, and made it his principal dep6t. At this point, in
order to understand more clearly what follows, it may be well for
us to pause a moment, and take a rapid survey of the country
which we are about to enter.

The mountains in the midst of which Ecbatana lies are part
of the chain of Zagrus, which, starting from Mt.
Ararat, and forming the eastern boundary of the
Tigris valley, passes through Media and Persis,
until it approaches the Persian Gulf. To the eastward of this
chain extends an elevated table-land, on an average 4,000 feet
above the sea, which occupies the centre of modern Persia, and
extends in part into Afghanistan, the remainder of which country
is a rugged region, forming a barrier between Persia and the
valley of the Indus. This vast area, which is known as the
plateau of Iran or Ariana, is for the most part a desert steppe,
which is characterised by the number of rivers which lose them¬
selves on its surface without finding their way to the sea. This
feature is especially conspicuous in the neighbourhood of Lake
Seistan, on the borders of Persia and Afghanistan, towards which
the waters flow, both from the neighbourhood of Herat to the
north, and from that of Cabul to the north-east. On the southern
side this plain is separated from the Indian Ocean by the moun-

Description
of Iran or
Ariana.

VII.]

DESCRIPTION OF ARTANA.

131

tains of Carmania and Gedrosia, which form a continuation of
those of Persis j while in the opposite direction, between it and
the Caspian Sea, the massive chain of Elburz intervenes, which
towards its centre attains the elevation of more than 18,000 feet
in Mt Demavend. The eastern portion of this range was known
in antiquity as the Hyrcanian mountains, and the country im¬
mediately to the south of them, though we hear but little of it at
the time of which we are now speaking, is one which rose to great
importance under the Roman empire—the land of Parthia. It
will be seen, from the position of the great desert steppe which
has been described, that the route through these regions, whether
for the passage of armies or for caravan traffic, must always in the
main have been the same.

Darius had cherished the hope that Alexander had attained
the object of his invasion by capturing the chief Flightof
cities of Persia and the treasure which they con- Darius into

, , „ ... - , Parthia.

tained, and would leave him m possession of the
remainder of his dominions ; and under this impression he passed
the winter of 331 at Ecbatana. But when he found that the
conqueror was still pursuing him, he quitted that place shortly
before Alexander’s arrival, and fled into Parthia by way of the
Caspian Gates. That pass did not lead, as its The Caspian
name would seem to suggest, through the Elburz Gates (Sirdar
mountains to the Caspian Sea, but traversed a Pass) *
lateral range, which quits the main chain to the southward of
Mt Demavend, and runs at right angles to it It is now known
as the Sirdar pass, and is crossed by the road which connects
Teheran and Herat As soon as Alexander had arranged matters
at Ecbatana, he started with a small body of troops in the hope of
overtaking the fugitive, but notwithstanding that he pressed on
by forced marches, he had hardly entered Parthia
when he received the news of the death of that of

monarch. This was the result of a conspiracy
formed against him by Bessus, the satrap of Bactria, and other
leading Persians, who felt that their cause was hopeless so long
as the supreme power remained in the hands of one so pusillani¬
mous as Darius, and hoped that, when he was removed, they
might organise resistance in the outlying provinces. Alexander’s

Q—2

132

ALEXANDER’S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

disappointment at this event was extreme, because it involved the
prolongation of the war and greatly increased his difficulties;

at the same time he had no choice but to wait at

Hecatom- . . _ , . ,

pyius in Hecatompylus, the chief city of Parthia, until he

Parthia. was joined by the remainder of the army. Mean¬
while Bessus had escaped over the mountains into Bactria, and
into that country it was necessary that Alexander should pursue
him j but with the provident vigilance which he displayed in all
his campaigns, that commander determined first to secure the
districts which he would have in his rear, when he advanced in
that direction. Owing to this, and to the treachery of the
Persians who submitted to him, he spent the remainder of this
year in a desultory warfare, which led him by a devious route
into regions about which at all times but little information has
been obtainable.

His first expedition was through the mountains at the foot of
which Hecatompylus was situated, with the view
and h MSdr ani of subjugating the Hyrcani and other races who
occupied the country to the southward of the
Caspian Sea. The people from whom he experienced the most
vigorous resistance were the Mardi, a tribe who inhabited a
region difficult of access on account of its ruggedness and in¬
tricacy. The description which Curtius has given of this as a
mountain district clothed with dense forests 1 closely corresponds
with what we know at the present day of the ground which
intervenes between Mt. Elburz and the Caspian.
Sea he Caspian It was at this time that the Greeks obtained a
view of that sea, and, if we may believe Plutarch,
Alexander’s first impression on seeing this expanse of water was
that it was an outflow from the Palus Maeotis 2 . The ignorance
of the geography of these parts which this betrays may appear
strange, but is hardly more so than other mistakes which will
presently be noticed. Returning from this expedition, Alex¬
ander now marched eastwards through the north of Parthia, and

1 Curt., Hist Alex., 6. 5. 13.

2 Plut., Alex.) 44; ire\&yovs Id&p k6\tw otic ik&rropa f£v toO H6ptov
Qavivra, ykvic&repop S& rijs SXhjs BaXdmfS, fikv ofiSh efye vvBiffB cu vepH
cu&toO, /wtXwra & el/ccure rifs Mait&nffos XlfjLrrjs dvaKowijv eb <u.

VII.] ADVANCE THROUGH AFGHANISTAN.

133

would have entered Bactria, but was diverted by the rebellion of
Satibarzanes, the satrap of Aria, who had shortly before submitted
to him. He accordingly changed his course, and rapidly ad¬
vancing towards the south, surprised him in his
capital city of Artacoana, which was situated on (I £^ oana
or near the site of the modern Herat, the frontier
city of Afghanistan on the side towards Persia. Having thus
diverged from his original design, he seized the opportunity of
subduing the province of Drangiana, now the dis¬
trict of Seistan, which lies still further to the south < S eist£m). ana
about the lake of the same name. We have al¬
ready seen that from the neighbourhood of Herat the streams run
in that direction, and it was probably the valley of the Harud, the
largest of these streams, which skirts the edge of the great steppe,
that the Macedonians followed. The year was far advanced
before these regions had been conquered, but Alexander still
pressed on, following the course of the Etymander (Helmund)
and its tributaries, which flow from the north-east
through Arachosia (Candahar) towards the same (ct^ahar)*
lake. This route, though it lay through a rugged
mountainous district, was from the nature of the ground the only
practicable exit open to him, unless he retraced his steps; it is
the same which at the present day forms the line of communica¬
tion by way of Ghuzni between Candahar and Cabul. During the
latter part of the way the army suffered greatly from the cold and
the deep snow, for the pass between Ghuzni and Cabul reaches
the height of 8,700 feet. In traversing it they had crossed the
watershed of these parts, for on the farther side of it the streams
begin to flow towards the Indus. At the head of the Cabul
valley he at last halted at the foot of the great

; . 0 Paropamisus

Hmdu Kush range—the Paropamisus, or, as the Range (Hindu

Greeks of this time called it, Caucasus—which is Kush) ‘

here interposed between Afghanistan and the regions to the north

of it. Thus in the course of this campaign he had obtained

command of all the passes that lead into Bactria,

and of the lands through which they are approached, a d A caucaaum,

At this point he founded the city of Alexandria ad

Caucasum.

134

ALEXANDER’S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

In the following spring (329 B.C.), as soon as the season was
invasion of sufficiently far advanced, Alexander crossed the
Bactria, Paropamisus—an operation which occupied seven-

329 B C ‘ teen days—into Bactria, and at once marched to
the capital of the province, Bactra (Balkh), which he occupied.
The general features of that region are accurately described by
Curtius, who speaks of it as in most parts a sandy desert, but
interspersed with districts of great fertility 1 . They
(jThoun) XUS next reached the Oxus, with which river the Greeks
now for the first time became acquainted, and it
seems to have made a greater impression upon them than either
the Tigris or the Euphrates 2 . This river—now the Jihoun or
Amu Daria—which rises away to the east in a glacier among the
mountains of the Pamir 3 , at the present time finds its way, like
the Jaxartes, into the sea of Aral: by the ancients,
course. nCient however, who were unacquainted with the existence
of that piece of water, they were both believed to
reach the Caspian. In the case of the Oxus there is every reason
to believe that such was the case in the time of Alexander; and
this would account for the statement of Strabo and Pliny—quot¬
ing from independent sources—that a regular trade-route existed
from India to Europe by way of this river and of the Caspian
and Euxine Seas 4 . After crossing the Oxus, the conqueror

1 Curt., 7. 4. 26—30.

2 Arrian, 3. 29. 2; 6 8k ftkei pJkv ix rod 6povs rod Kavicdcrov, kon 8k
Trorajuwv /*£y«rros tQv ip rj 'A criq., 6<rov s ye 8*i Kal 'AX^avfyws xal ol &v ’AXe-
^dv8p(p kiri]\doi>, ttXtjp tup ’IpSuv irorafJLuv. Strabo, xx. 7. 3; *Apurrb^ov\ot
8k koX pkyi<FTov &To<palv6L t8p tup kupapipup kavroO xark rfy ’Aria#
irXfy tup ’IvSikQp. Mr Curzon (, Russia in Central Asia , p. 145) compares the
Oxus to the Nile. “ I was strangely reminded by the appearance [i.e. the
brown hue] of this great river, by the formation of its bed,'by the structure of
its banks, and by the scenery and life which they displayed, of many a land¬
scape on the Nile in Upper Egypt. There is the same fringe of intensely
fertile soil along its shores, with the same crouching clay-built villages, and
even a Bokharan counterpart to the sakkiyeh and shadoof for raising and dis¬
tributing the life-giving waters of the stream.”

* See Mr Curzon’s paper, “The Pamirs and the Source of the Oxus” in the
Geographical Journal for July, 1896, pp, 44 foil.

* Strabo, 11. 7. 3; <f>r)<rl 8k [ f ApiardjSovXos] xal etiirXovp elvou (kclI othros Kal
’Etparoadkvys irapk HarpoxXiovs XajS&p) Kal iroXXA. tQv *X v8ixQp <popriup xardyetp

VII.]

THE OXUS AND THE JAXARTES.

135

proceeded to Maracanda (Samarcand), but before he arrived at
that place Bessus, whose capture was the primary
object of his expedition, had fallen into his hands. (s^I^and*
The next stream which he met after leaving
Maracanda, the Polytimetus, is represented by the historians of
his campaigns as flowing for some distance through The
a country which it fertilises with its waters, and Polytimetus
then disappearing into the sand 1 . This descrip- ( Zerafshan *)
tion, according to the testimony of modern travellers, exactly
applies to the Kohik or Zerafshan, as that stream is now called*.
It is interesting to notice that Arrian in estimating its size takes
for his standard of comparison the Peneius in Greece. At last,
after traversing Sogdiana, the Macedonians reached the limit of
their journey, the Jaxartes (Sir Daria), and on its
banks Alexander founded another city, which after- E ^ c ^ e ndna
wards bore the name of Alexandria Eschate, as
marking the furthest point of his advance into Central Asia.
It has sometimes been identified with the modem Khojend.
The idea which prevailed in the minds of the Greeks concerning
this river was that it was the Tanais, and that they ,

had reached the boundary which separated Europe concerning the
from Asia. Surprising as this may seem, it ap- Jaxartes
pears to have been a widely accepted belief at this time, for
Aristotle in his Meteorologies when speaking of the course of the
Araxes (by which he means the Jaxartes), says that at one point

e/s tt)v 'Tpmvlav ddharrav, ivrevBev 5 F e/s ttjv ’AXfZavlcw irepcuodo-dcu, ical dik roy
KtJ pov koX tQv ii-ijs t6ttuv e/s rbv Ed£etvop Kara^petrtfai. Pliny, 6. 52 ; Adicit
idem Pompei ductu exploratum in Bactros septem diebus ex India perveniri
ad Iachrum flumen quod in Oxum influat, et ex eo per Caspium in Cyrura
subvectos, et quinque non amplius dierum terreno itinere ad Phasim in
Pontum Indicas posse devehi merces.

1 Arrian, 4. 6 . 5—7; Curt. 7. 10. 1, 2.

3 Mr Curzon says (Russia in Central Asia , p. 205)—“The basin of the

Zerafshan river.is a veritable garden of Eden, and incomparably the most

fertile part of Central Asia.” The final disappearance of the stream is noticed
in a passage quoted by the same writer from a paper by V. Dingelstedt in the
Scottish Geographical Magazine for December 1888:—“ Some twenty miles
before reaching the Amu Daria, the now nearly exhausted, but still muddy
waters of the Zerafshan flow into the marshy lakes of Denghis, Sunghur, and
Karanga, which have no outlet.’ 1

136

ALEXANDER’S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

it bifurcated, and that one branch of its divided stream formed
the Tanais, which fell into the Palus Maeotis 1 * . Arrian, indeed,
remarks that the Tanais which Alexander reached could not be
the same river as that which Herodotus designates by this
name 8 ; but this is evidently an after-criticism on his part, and
represents the views of a later age. In this connexion we may
notice another misconception, in respect of which
Caspian. the geography of this period had retrograded from
that of Herodotus—viz. the opinion that the
Caspian was not an inland sea. This, indeed, was not Aristotle’s
view, for he expresses himself with as much confidence as Hero¬
dotus in favour of the isolated position of that piece of water 3 ;
but it was certainly that of Alexander and his companions, for we
are told that, when that commander once more reached Ecbatana
at the conclusion of his expedition, he was planning to despatch a
fleet to explore the shores of that sea, in order to discover whether
it communicated with the Euxine or with the outer ocean towards
the east 4 . This opinion was further confirmed by the authority
of Patrocles, an officer who held a command in that part of Asia
under the Seleucidae ( arc . 280 b . c .), and wrote a work, in which
he maintained the possibility of sailing round from the Indian
Ocean into the Caspian. In fact, it was not until the time of
Ptolemy that the true view was restored.

Though Alexander had thus traversed without serious difficulty
the low-lying regions of Bactria and Sogdiana, yet the mountainous
parts of those provinces were so difficult of access, and the hardy
tribes who inhabited them offered so stubborn a resistance to his
arms, that the whole of another year was occupied in subduing
them. Into the details of this campaign, even if the places which
are mentioned in the course of it could be identified with any
certainty, there is no need for us to enter. The spring of

1 Arist. Meteorol. 1. 13. 15, 16.

* Arrian, 3. 30. 7—9.

8 Arist. Meteorol ., 2. 1. 10 ; 5 * iird irXelovs d<rl 6 <£\<lttcu irpbs dXXijXas

oi <rv/L/xiyviJov<rcu /car ofidha rbirov, wp i) p.b pvffpb, rpatverai /card pxKpbv koi-
voivode a irpbs rrjv (mjX&v BdXarrav, J d* 'TpKavla kclL Kaairla. Kt^apicfxbu
re Ta&rrfs /cal T€pLOLKo{ifjLwa.i /ateXp.

4 Arrian, 7.16. i, a.

VII.]

MARCH TO THE INDUS.

137

327 b.c. was already far advanced, before he was at liberty to cross
once more the Hindu Kush and commence his „ w
projected invasion of India. After halting for some the Indus,
time on the farther side of that range at Alex- 327
andria ad Caucasum, he marched onwards to the banks of the
Cophen or River of Cabul. There he divided his army into two
portions, one of which he sent forward under the command of
Hephaestion and Perdiccas along the course of that river in the
direction of the Indus—a route which at one point would conduct
them through the famous Khyber pass. They thus reached the
district called Peucelaotis, which lay near the confluence of those
two streams, and proceeded to construct a bridge across the
Indus, to be in readiness for the arrival of their leader. As the
position of the bridge was at a little distance below the confluence,
it would seem to have been close to the modern Atak, where
the narrowness of the stream has in all ages provided a convenient
passage. Alexander himself with the remainder of the forces
undertook the more arduous task of reducing to submission the
tribes which occupied the mountains from which flow the northern
tributaries of the River of Cabul—the districts of Kafiristan and
Chitral. The former of these is a country of such repellent
wildness that there is no record of any modem explorer having
entered it, until it was visited by Mr (now Sir G. S.) Robertson
in 1889 1 ; the latter, Chitral, which has become famous since
that time in connexion with his name and the campaign of 1895,
lies to the north-east of it, and is hardly less rugged. It was in
this part that the famous siege and capture of the rock fortress of
Aomos took place—one of the most difficult exploits of these
campaigns. At last he rejoined on the banks of the Indus the
forces that had preceded him, and reposed his weary troops for
thirty days, in preparation for the operations of the ensuing year.

Advancing from the Indus, Alexander now entered the Punjab
or ‘Land of the Five Rivers,’ as the country is campaign in
called that is traversed by the great tributaries of the PmUab,
the Indus, which rise in the Himalaya and flow in
a south-westerly direction to join it—the Hydaspes (Jhelum), the

See his account in the Geographical Journal for 1894, vol. 4, pp. 193 foil.

138 ALEXANDER’S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

Acesines (Chinab), the Hydraotes (Ravi), the Hyphasis (Bias),
and the Zaradrus (Sutlej). The names of these, like those of
many other rivers which we have already noticed, owing to the
Greek form in which they appear, produce the impression that
they were at least greatly adapted by the Greeks; but it is an
interesting fact, as proving the accuracy of the companions of
Alexander, from whose writings the later historians obtained their
information, that, with the exception of the Acesines, they corre¬
spond to those which are found in the Sanscrit writers 1 . In the
neighbourhood of the Hydaspes—probably near the
spesQheium). modern city of Jelalpur-—the famous battle was
fought in which the Macedonian monarch defeated
the powerful Indian prince Porus; and here, on either side of its
stream, he founded the two cities of Bucephala and Nicaea, the
former in commemoration of his favourite horse Bucephalus, who
died at this time, and the latter to celebrate his victory. He now
crossed successively the two next rivers, and advanced to the
banks of the Hyphasis; but the Sutlej he did not
sis (Bias). ’ reach, for at this point took place the mutiny
among his soldiers, who refused to proceed further
towards the east, and in consequence of this he was forced
to return. Disappointed in this manner of the conquest of the
remainder of India, he determined to visit the Ery-
the indu^ ° f thraean sea, and with that object in view, when he
arrived at his newly established cities on the Hyda¬
spes, he gave orders for the construction of a fleet, in which he
might descend that river and the Indus. On the completion of
this, Alexander embarked with part of his forces, while the re¬
mainder accompanied him in two divisions which marched on
either bank; and since during their passage a continual warfare was
carried on against the neighbouring tribes, as much as nine months
were occupied in the transit. At last they reached the head of the
Pattaia Delta of the Indus at Pattala, where a naval and
e <T bad) depot was established. This place is to be

identified with Hyderabad, at which city a branch
of the river diverges on its eastern side, which, though now it is
dry except at the season of inundation, may well have been an
1 See Bunbury, Hist, of Anc. Geogr 1. pp. 501, 50a.

VII.]

VEGETATION OF INDIA.

139

important arm in former times, for in this part the course of the
Indus has been subject to many changes. At the present day the
principal bifurcation of the stream is at Tatta, fifty miles lower
down than Hyderabad, but Tatta is too near the sea to correspond
to the position which is given by the historians of the expedition.
Alexander himself descended to the Indian Ocean, and enjoyed
the satisfaction of sailing on its waters. On this occasion we are
told that his soldiers were affected with great terror at the un¬
wonted sight of the tide 1 . The terms which Arrian
here uses, however, leave no doubt that what is Indus* ° fthe
meant is not the ordinary ebb and flow of the tide,
but the bore or inrush of the flood tide, which is a remarkable
phenomenon at the mouth of the Indus, and other great
Indian rivers. This at times rises to the height of many feet,
and produces a violent noise, when it meets the current of
the descending stream. Their curiosity also was IndianXrees
excited by the unwonted vegetation of India, of
which the historians have left descriptions—especially the honey¬
bearing tree (Borassus flabelliformis ), the banyan-tree (Ficus indica ),
with its strange mode of growth, and the cotton-tree (Bombax
malabaricum) with its seed-vessels bearing tree-wool 9 . The follow¬
ing is the account which is given of the banyan-tree:

“ Onesicritus tells of certain large trees, the branches of which,
when they have grown to the height of twelve cubits, subsequently
grow downward, as if they were bent down, until they touch the
earth; after which they spread underground and take root like
layers, and then spring up and grow into a stem: after that again,
according as they grow, they are bent down, and form first one
and then another layer, and so on continuously, so that from one
tree proceeds a long sunshade, resembling a tent supported by
many poles. -Be-speaks also of trees which are of such a size
that five m en c an with difficulty clasp their trunks.”

"Alexander was now making preparations for his return journey.
He had already despatched a large part of his army Retmn
under the command of Craterus from the point March of
where the Indus receives the combined waters of through*
the Punjab rivers; this detachment was to mardh Dran * iana >

1 Arrian, 6.19. 1,2. * Strabo, 15.1. 21.

140

ALEXANDER'S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

into Carmania by the northern route, which would lead through
the difficult ravine now known as the Bolan pass into Arachosia
and Drangiana, after which it would be forced to cross the
desert—a journey which must have presented great-difficulties,
though the historians are silent concerning it. Another portion of
the troops was embarked on board the fleet, which was sent under
the command of Nearchus to navigate the ocean from the mouth
of the Indus to the head of the Persian Gulf—a voyage of dis-
of Alexander cover y which Alexander had much at heart. The

Gedro^* 1 remainder of the army he led in person by an

unexplored route from Pattala westwards through
Gedrosia and Carmania, keeping at no great distance—sixty or
seventy miles on the average—from the sea, his object in this
being, apparently, that he might be within reach of Nearchus, so
as to lend him succour in case of need. The province of Mekran
in Beluchistan, as Gedrosia is now called, forms the southern
boundary of the plain of Iran, separating it from the Indian Ocean
by a mountain chain; and at the present day its upland plains are
known to suffer from excessive heat during the summer, and from
scarcity of water, which is due to the stony and sandy nature
of the soil. It was the month of August when the march com¬
menced, and consequently the army was exposed to the full force
of these evils. The privations of the soldiers on the way were
extreme; many both of them and of the beasts of burden perished,
and it was with difficulty that the diminished number was brought
through. When at last Alexander reached Carmania, he was joined
by Craterus and his contingent, and during his halt in that country
he was also gratified by receiving a visit from Nearchus, who in
the meanwhile had arrived at the entrance of the Persian Gulf,
and took the opportunity of communicating with him and report¬
ing progress. Nearchus, after having being highly commended and
honoured, was sent back to conduct the fleet as far as the mouth
of the Euphrates, and the king continued his journey
Persepoiis* to Persepolis, at which place he arrived when the
winter season had already set in. At this point the
eastern expedition, as far as it affected the discovery and conquest
of new countries, may be said to have been concluded, and the
year and a half which intervened between this date and the death

VII.]

DEATH OF ALEXANDER.

141

of Alexander at Babylon in June 323 b.c. are not of great import¬
ance from a geographical point of view. During this time he once
more visited Susa and Ecbatana, and it was on the occasion of
his progress from the last-named city to Babylon that
he was met by embassies, which had been sent by f r ^ t heWest.
the inhabitants of distant countries to congratulate
and to propitiate him. No stronger proof can be found of the
extent to which the fame of his conquests was diffused than the
names which here occur j for among them we find not only the
Carthaginians and some of the tribes of Italy, but the Aethiopians
on the further side of Egypt, the Iberians and Gauls in the far
West, and the Scythians in the north of Europe 1 . The next enter¬
prise on which his mind was set was the circumnavigation and
subjection of Arabia, and with a view to this he had already
ordered a number of ships to be constructed in Phoenicia, and,
after being transported in pieces overland to the Euphrates, to be
sent down the stream of that river to Babylon. But this plan,
and others which he may have been designing,

, . , , J 1 , 6 Death of

came to an end with the master mind which con- Alexander,

ceived them, and the partition of his dominions 323 B • C •

which followed turned men’s thoughts in 'other directions.

It remains to speak of the voyage of Nearchus, which was not
the least arduous enterprise connected with Alex¬
ander’s expedition. The original account of this, of^earchus^
composed by Nearchus himself, has been lost, like
the other narratives of these campaigns, but in this instance there
is the less reason to regret it, because the summary of its contents
which Arrian has given in his Indica is complete and full. The
accuracy of the writer’s observation and the faithfulness of his
statements have been thoroughly proved by a comparison of them
with what is known at the present day of the coasts along which
he sailed, and the places at which he touched can in a large
number of instances be identified. As the names of these, whether
ancient or modern, would in most instances be unknown to
ordinary readers, it may suffice for our present purpose to mention
a few of the most conspicuous. Shortly after the fleet had made its
exit from the mouth of the Indus, it was forced to seek for shelter
1 Arrian, 7. 15. 4.

142

ALEXANDER'S EASTERN EXPEDITION. [CHAP.

from the violence of the south-west monsoon which was then
, blowing: and this was found in a harbour to which

Alexandri ^ v , _ . . _ _ . , ,

Portus Nearchus gave the name of the Port of Alexander.

(Karachi). -phis is now Karachi, the westernmost seaport of
British India. After the wind had abated, they continued their
course along the country of the Ichthyophagi, who occupied the
narrow tract which is interposed between the mountains of Ge-
drosia and the sea. Owing to the barrenness of this district, its
inhabitants, whose mode of life is very carefully described, were
forced to subsist almost entirely, both themselves and their cattle,
on fish, which they sometimes pounded into the form of meal,
and used for making bread 1 . The same thing is true of the
modern occupants of this region, and also of those who dwell in
the corresponding territory of the Hadramaut on the southern
coast of Arabia. At the entrance of the Persian Gulf Nearchus
noted the lofty promontory of Maceta, now Cape Mussendum,
which rises from the Arabian shore, while opposite to it, in Car-
mania, lay a fertile region called Harmozia, where
(cSmui) 0 . Zia the crews were allowed to repose awhile after the
hardships which they had undergone 2 . The name
here given attained great celebrity during the middle ages, when
Ormuz became a famous trading station, first of the Arabs, and
afterwards of the Portuguese; but at that time it was attached,
not to the district on the mainland, but to a small barren island
in its neighbourhood, called by Nearchus Organa, on which the
city was built. At the present day Ormuz is an insignificant
place, but its former greatness is familiar to us from the mention
of it in Paradise Lost , where Milton speaks of “ the wealth of
Ormus and of Ind.” It was here that Nearchus* sailors found a
Greek who had wandered from Alexanders army, which he re¬
ported to be at no great distance, and in consequence of this
Nearchus visited his commander, as has been already mentioned.
Two additional points may be noticed in connexion with this
voyage, as confirming the truthfulness of the narra¬
tive. One of these is the mention of a pearl fishery
as being carried on in an island in the Persian Gulf, which sea is

Pearl Fishery.

1 Arrian, lnd* % 29,

2 Ibid . 33—37.

VII.]

VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS.

now celebrated for the export of those gems 1 . The other is the
account of their meeting with a shoal of whales in
the Indian Ocean—an occurrence which sometimes
overtakes vessels in those waters in our own days.

The story of the encounter of the Greeks with these animals, and
their frightening them away by plashing their oars and raising
a loud din with trumpets and shouting, is highly amusing and
curious:—

“ Nearchus relates that, when they were on their voyage from
Cyiza, towards daybreak they saw water spouted up from the sea,
as if it were violently carried aloft by whirlwinds; and that the
men being terrified enquired of their captains what this was, and
what caused it. They replied that these were whales, which
spouted up the water as they traversed the sea; whereupon the
sailors were seized with panic and dropped the oars from their
hands. So he went up to them himself, and cheered and inspirited
them, and as he passed any of them in his vessel he bade them
draw up their ships in line as if for an engagement, and row for¬
ward in close array and with much noise, accompanying with loud
shouts the plashing of their oars. At this they took heart, and
advanced all together at a given signal; and when they came
near the monsters of the deep they shouted with all their might,
and blew their trumpets, and made all possible noise with their
oars; on hearing which the whales, which now were seen in close
proximity to the ships’ bows, took fright and plunged into the
depths, but not long after came to the surface again close to the
stems of the vessels, and once more spouted great jets of sea
water. Then the sailors shouted aloud at their happy and un¬
looked-for escape, and extolled the courage and good judgement
of Nearchus®.”

At last Nearchus reached the head of the Persian Gulf, and
entering the stream of the Pasitigris, which joins the Tigris near
its entrance into the sea, met the army of Alexander
shortly before it arrived at Susa. The entire voyage Sl ^ val at
had occupied a period of five months.

i Ibid. 38.

fl Ibid. 30.

CHAPTER VIII.

GEOGRAPHY UNDER THE SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER.

THE VOYAGE OF PYTHEAS.

Intellectual Influence of this Period—Egypt under the Ptolemies—Position of
Alexandria—Canal from the Red Sea to the Nile—Stations on the Red
Sea—The Cinnamon Country (Somaliland)—The Upper Nile—Mega-
sthenes in India, tin. 290 B.C.— Envoy to Chandragupta at Pataliputra—
His Work—Verified from Native Sources—His Knowledge of India—
Its Boundaries—The Indus and Ganges—The Royal Road—The Rainy
Season—Administration of the Country—The Caste-system—Life of the
Indians—The Brahmans—The Voyage of Pytheas, tin. 3^0 B.C.—Varying
Estimates of him—His Work—Twofold Object of his Voyage—His
Scientific Attainments—His Route to Britain—The Armorican Promon¬
tory (Brittany)—The British Tin Mines—Island of Ictis (St Michael’s
Mount)—His Account of Britain—Customs of the Inhabitants—Evidence
in Favour of his Northern Voyage—Did Pytheas enter the Baltic?—The
Northern Sea—Thule (probably Mainland in the Shetlands)—The Arctic
Circle—“Sleeping place of the Sun”—Pytheas’ Parallels of Latitude-
Wonders of the Arctic Regions—Comparison to the Pulmo Marinus—The
Amber Coast—Testimony of Pliny and Diodorus—The Word ‘glaesum.’

The kingdom which Alexander left behind included territories
intellectual ^ three continents, and within a short period
influence of after his death, during which a succession of struggles
th» Penod. ^ pj ace f or t j, e partition of his dominions, we
find Hellenic culture disseminating itself in all of them. The
spirit of enquiry, in particular, which was characteristic of the
Greeks, spread rapidly and widely, and found an ample field on
which to exercise itself in making new observations and dis¬
coveries. This result was promoted by the extended facilities of
communication, which arose from the concentration of the govern¬
ment in the hands of powerful rulers at definite points, and the
breaking down of the barriers of nationality and prejudice which
previously existed. At the same time the vast amount of wealth
that was thrown into circulation by the dispersal of the treasures of
the kings of Persia, furnished the means by which encouragement

CHAP. VIII.] EGYPT UNDER THE PTOLEMIES.

might be afforded by munificent patrons, such as the Ptolemies
and the Seleucidae, to men of learning, who were thus enabled
to reduce to order the materials which rapidly poured in
from various quarters, and to make them subservient to the
purposes of science. From this point of view the moment was
an auspicious one, because the methods of investigation which
had recently been introduced by the philosophy of Aristotle were
at hand to prevent the waste of labour which would have arisen
from ill-directed speculation. But, while the spirit of research
was abroad throughout the whole of this wide area,
it was in Egypt that it found its most congenial the^toiemies!
home. The isolated position of that country,
arising from the narrow isthmus through which alone it can be
approached by land on its eastern side, caused it to be difficult to
attack, and thus exempted it from the confusions which arose in
the other parts of Alexander’s empire owing to the contentions of
rival sovereigns. The politic spirit of its rulers, who were indis¬
posed for aggression, and anxious for the peaceful development
of the land which had fallen to their lot, tended in the same
direction. The three first of these, Ptolemy Soter, Ptolemy
Philadelphus, and Ptolemy Euergetes, whose combined reigns
extended over a century (323—222 b.c.), were also distinguished
promoters of literature, and to them were due the foundation and
endowment of the Alexandrian Museum and its famous library.
That great institution, which became the most eminent university,
or resort of learned men, that existed in antiquity, was of especial
importance for geography, because it was the residence of Eratos¬
thenes and others who were the foremost representatives of that
study. The influence of those writers on scientific geography will
be treated of in another chapter; for the present it may suffice
to notice the additional information about countries hitherto
imperfectly known which was obtained through the medium of
Egypt under its early Greek rulers.

The newly established city of Alexandria contributed largely
to the promotion of these discoveries. When its
great founder selected this site for a metropolis of Alexandria,
trade and communication, he perceived that it
occupied the most central position that could be found in the

I46 PERIOD OF ALEXANDER’S SUCCESSORS. [CHAP.

ancient world in respect of the three continents \ and at the same
time its nearness to the isthmus of Suez opened out a wide
prospect of increased traffic by sea, whenever the shores of the
Indian ocean, both on the side of Asia and of Africa, should
become accessible to commercial enterprise. It was built at the
extremity of the Delta, just beyond the westernmost, or Canopic
arm of the Nile, on a belt of sand which separated the lake
Mareotis from the Mediterranean ; and it was protected from the
violence of the sea and the north wind by the long and narrow
island of Pharos, which extended in front of it at the distance of
about a mile. As a mercantile station it was greatly improved by
the construction of the mole or Hcptastadion—so called from its
length of seven stades—which was carried across from the city to
the island and connected them together. By means of this the
harbour, which previously had been exposed to the full force of
the north-east and south-west winds, was converted into two well
sheltered and commodious ports. In the reign of Ptolemy
Philadelphus this rising emporium was brought into communi-

Canal from Cati ° n W * th tIie Sea ^ a Canal j oini ^g the

the Red Sea head of the gulf of Suez with the Nile, which had

e ie ’ been commenced by Necho, and completed by
Darius Hystaspis, but had fallen into decay, and was now repaired
and made serviceable. The great importance of the Red Sea was
now perceived, both for purposes of commerce and of discovery.
In order still further to facilitate communication with it, and also
to avoid the dangerous navigation of the narrow gulf at its head,
stations were established and harbours formed
the RedSea? considerably lower down, at Myos Hormos and
Berenice, from which merchandise was carried across
the desert to the city of Coptos, which was situated on the banks
of the Nile somewhat below Thebes. After this it was discovered
that elephants, the importance of which in warfare was beginning
to be recognised, were bred in great numbers on the banks of the
Astaboras (Atbara), the tributary of the Nile which joins that
river on its eastern side below Meroe; and as this district was
most easily reached from the Red Sea, the same king founded on
the adjoining coast, to the southward of the modern Suakin, the
town of Ptolemais Epitheras, with a view to the capture of those

VIII.]

DISCOVERIES IN AFRICA.

animals, as its name implies. Having advanced thus far, he at
last determined to obtain the command of this sea in its whole
extent, and before the end of his reign—or at latest during that
of his successor, Ptolemy Euergetes—several other settlements
were planted in the neighbourhood of the straits of Bab-el-
Mandeb, two of which were called Berenice and one Arsinoe.
At this point the line of stations came to an end, but the Greek
traders continued to advance as far as the easternmost point of
Africa, Cape Guardafui, the territory in the neighbourhood of
which, now Somaliland, was known as the Cin- The Cinna-
namon country, on account of the abundance of mon country
that valuable spice that was found there. Beyond (Somahland) *
that promontory they did not venture, nor does it appear that
their voyages extended far along the opposite coast of Asia. No
doubt at this period a large amount of Indian wares was imported
into Egypt, but it is more probable that these were obtained by
the Greeks through the ports of Southern Arabia than by any
actual communication with India itself. At the same time,
whether directly or indirectly, much information was collected in
this way about these and other distant countries through the
commercial connexions of Alexandria. The establishment of the
Ptolemies in Egypt led also, as might be expected, to a more
extended knowledge on the part of the Greeks of
the upper course of the Nile. ‘They then became N j[£ e upper
acquainted with the two great branches of that
stream, which are now called the Blue and White Nile, and of
their junction at the point occupied by the modern Khartoum;
and they learnt the existence of the Sembritae still further to the
south, whom we have already identified with the Automoli of
Herodotus 1 .

While the Greeks were in this manner becoming more familiar
with the lands in the neighbourhood of Egypt, a Mega&thenes
remarkable addition was made to their knowledge in India, arc.
in Further Asia. At the time of Alexander’s inva- 290 BX '
sion of India, there existed on the banks of the Ganges a power¬
ful monarchy, that of the Prasians, which governed the whole
of the area that was drained by that river as far as its mouth.

1 v. supra, p. 93.

10—2

148

PERIOD OF ALEXANDER’S SUCCESSORS. [CHAP.

Not long after this period, however, a revolution took place, in
which an adventurous native chieftain, called Chandragupta (in
Greek Sandrocottus), expelled the reigning dynasty, and obtained
possession of the throne; and under his energetic rule the re¬
sources of the kingdom were greatly increased, and its boundaries
extended towards the west. In this manner it came in contact
with the dominions of Seleucus Nicator, who after Alexander’s
death, having fixed his capital at Babylon, maintained his rule
over the whole of the eastern provinces of the newly-formed
empire, including Bactria and India. It was inevitable that war
should break out between these rival powers, and the result was
that Seleucus found it expedient to cede to his opponent the
whole of the Indus valley, and the neighbouring territories as far
as the Paropamisus range, receiving in return a present of five
hundred elephants. A durable peace was thus concluded between
them, and in order to maintain the friendly relations which were
now set on foot, an ambassador was sent by
chandragupta Seleucus to reside at the court of Chandragupta,
at Pataiiputra. w j 1Q ^ his capital at Pataliputra (in Greek

Palibothra) on the Ganges. The agent who was selected for this
office was Megasthenes (circ. 290 b.c.), an intelligent Greek, who
made the best use of tire facilities which his position furnished for
the study of the country and its inhabitants. So unique was the
Work opportunity, that the work which he wrote on the
8 ' subject became the chief, and in most respects the

sole, authority on India to the ancient world. Though his nar¬
rative has now perished, the most valuable part of the material
contained in it has survived, being preserved in the second book
of Diodorus, the fifteenth book of Strabo, and the Indica of
Arrian. From these sources we learn what knowledge was in
circulation in antiquity, not only about the geography and climate
of India, but about the administration of the government, the
character and mode of life of the people, and the religious system
and its observances. The profound study of the ancient literature
of that country, which is one of the highest glories of the present
Verified century, has opened out to us a wide field of in-
.from Native formation on the same subject, derived from the
Sources. contemporary records of the Indians themselves.

VIII.]

MEGASTHENES IN INDIA.

149

To compare the statements made in the two has been the work
of modem scholars, especially of Lassen, who in his Indische Alter -
thumskunde has brought together almost every thing that can
throw light on the investigation. It is satisfactory to find that
the issue of the enquiry has been in most instances to corroborate,
even in points of minute detail, the evidence of Megasthenes.

India, as understood by that writer, comprised the wide plains
in the north of Hindustan and the territories ad-
joining them. Of the great peninsula of Southern Ie ^ e S rf”°df a .
India, and the plateau of the Deccan in its centre,
he had no knowledge. This is clear from his remark, that “the
whole of India is intersected by rivers 1 .” For him, the southern
coast formed a continuous and almost straight line from the
Persian gulf to its eastern extremity. Of Taprobane (Ceylon) he
had heard, but merely as a large island lying at a distance of
seven days* voyage from the coast, in which elephants were bred,
and a great abundance of gold and pearls was found 3 . He
rightly regarded the northern boundary of the ItsBoundaries
country as being formed by the Himalaya, which
range was known to him by distinct names in different parts—that
towards the west being the Paropamisus, which, as we have seen,
lay to the north of Afghanistan; that towards the east, where it
was supposed to sink down into the sea, the Imaus; while the
central chain, in which the Ganges rose, was called Emodus. In
reality the two last of these, Imaus and Emodus, are only two
forms of the same native name, Haimavata or Hemota, which
signifies “ snowy.” The western limit was found in the Indus,
while on the southern and eastern sides the ocean stretched, the
angle between them being formed by a projecting promontory,
which represented Cape Comorin. Megasthenes accurately con¬
ceived the Indus as flowing from north to south,
and reaching the sea by two mouths which enclose and Ganges 8 .'
its delta; the Ganges also he rightly regarded as
following the same direction at first, and afterwards bending east¬
wards : but of the lower course of the latter river he was clearly
ignorant, for he speaks of it as reaching the eastern sea, and as

1 Strabo, 15. 1. 13.

8 Strabo, 15. 1.14; Pliny, 6. 81.

PERIOD OF ALEXANDER’S SUCCESSORS. [CHAP.

150

having only one mouth—a statement which is in strange contrast
with the reality. Pataliputra or Palibothra, Chandragupta’s capital
city, is described as being situated at the junction of the Ganges
and the Erannaboas—near the site of the modem Patna—and as
forming a parallelogram 80 stades in length by 15 in breadth,
surrounded by a palisade loopholed for shooting through 1 . The
main road through the country—the Royal Road,
jJad. Royal as ^ was called—connected the valleys of the Indus
and the Ganges. Starting from the former of these
rivers it crossed the Punjab, and passing the Hyphasis (Bias) and
the Zaradrus or Hesydrus (Sutlej), reached the Jomanes (Jumna),
and afterwards the Ganges in its upper course : then it continued
to the junction of that river with the Jumna, where Allahabad now
stands, and followed the course of the stream to Pataliputra, and
ultimately to its mouth 8 . As regards the climate,
Season? amy Megasthenes notices the rainy season in summer,
caused by the south-west monsoon—which he calls
the Etesian winds—and the inundations which then took place.
As the landmarks were destroyed by these, in like manner as they
were in Egypt by the rising of the Nile, regular officials were ap¬
pointed to determine the boundaries of properties; and they also
regulated the storage of water for agricultural purposes in canals
which admitted of being closed 8 .

The description furnished by Megasthenes of the administra-

Administra- tion of the countr y> numerous details of which are
tionofthe confirmed by the ancient Hindu codes of law, rives

Country. . _ * , , . ’ ®

evidence of an elaborate organisation. The various
functions which it involved were divided between three depart¬
ments—(1) the superintendents of public works, (2) the superin¬
tendents of the city, (3) the superintendents of the war depart¬
ment All these were minutely subdivided, so that the various
classes of the population, both in town and country, and the
trades and occupations which they exercised, were carefully in¬
spected, the births and deaths registered, the taxes collected, and
the public buildings and institutions maintained. We learn also

1 Strabo, 15. 1. 3 6 ; Arrian, 10:

2 Pliny, 6.63; cp. Strabo, 15. 1. 11.

* Strabo, 15. 1.13,50.

VIII.]

LIFE OF THE INDIANS.

151

not only that a well equipped force was kept up in all branches of
the military service, including chariots and elephants, but that a
fleet was employed on the rivers for purposes of
war 1 . The caste-system also, which at all times sy 8tem? aSte "
has formed so prominent a feature of Indian life, is
described at some length; but the division of the castes, as
reported by Megasthenes, differs in many points from what we
know to have been the real classification. Instead of the four
castes which constituted the primitive system in India—viz. (1)
the priests, (2) the warriors, (3) the husbandmen and artisans, and
(4) the serfs—he mentions seven—viz. (1) philosophers, (2)
husbandmen, (3) shepherds and hunters, (4) artisans and trades¬
men, (5) warriors, (6) inspectors, and (7) counsellors. The diver¬
gence is in some cases accounted for by his treating classes, which
combined to form a single caste, as if they were separate castes.
Thus the Brahmans were partly priestly (philosophers), and partly
secular (counsellors); and the husbandmen and artisans were
associated in the same caste. The shepherds and hunters
belonged to one of the impure or mixed castes, which were
outside the regular caste-system. The inspectors did not form a
caste at all On the other hand, he does not include the serfs;
but this is hardly surprising, owing to the low position which they
held. In fact, these mistakes generally are such as an uninitiated
person might easily fall into. As regards the rules of the system,
by which the castes were strictly separated from one another, so
that their members might neither intermarry, nor pass from one
caste to another, nor adopt the occupation of another caste,
Megasthenes’ story is accurate 2 .

The account of the life and character of the Indians which is
given by the same authority is singularly pleasing;
and though his description may be somewhat Indians! the
idealised, a similarly favourable impression of their
society at that time is derived from the ancient literature. He
speaks of it as being characterised by simplicity and honesty, the
exercise of which virtues he illustrates by various practices which

1 Strabo, 15. i- 50—52.

* Strabo, 15. 1. 39—41, 46—49 ; Diodor., 2. 40, 41 ; Arrian, ri, ia.

152

THE VOYAGE OF PYTHEAS.

[CHAP.

were habitual amongst them 1 ; and Lassen has remarked, when
noting the striking contrast which these traits present to the
morals of the Indians at the present day, that it was under their
Mahometan rulers that that people lost the virtues of truthfulness
and honesty 3 . The repulsive custom of suttee or widow-burning
is not mentioned by Megasthenes, but it was reported by
Alexander’s companion Aristobulus, though he attributes it only
to one particular tribe 8 . Megasthenes accurately describes the
method of catching and taming elephants—which is still in use at
the present day—by means of the keddah or stockade, into which
a wild herd is driven, then starved into submission, and tamed by
animals already domesticated 4 . Most interesting of all is his
notice of the Brahmans, whose tenets he has faith-
fully detailed. He describes the four stages of
their life, as it is known to have existed m ancient
times: the first stage being that of the student; the second that
of the householder; the third that of the forest-dweller or hermit,
who retires after his sons are grown up to lead a contemplative
life in the forest; the fourth that of the religious mendicant, who
renounces intellectual as well as domestic interests in preparation
for his final absorption into the deity, and wanders about living on
alms. In one respect, however, his account varies from that just
given, namely that he speaks of those who were passing through
the two last of these stages, the forest-dwellers and the mendicants,
as if they formed a separate order; but this was probably to a
great extent the case when he visited the country, as it is with the
fakirs at the present day, because in the course of time those who
proceeded to the higher stages greatly diminished in number 5 .

We must now turn our thoughts westwards, to consider a
The voyage v °y a S e which disclosed to the ancients a world of
of Pytheas new ideas concerning the outlying parts of Europe.
arCm 330 b. . Hitherto the discoveries, the course of which we

1 Strabo, 15. 1. 53.

s Indische Alterthumskunde , vol. 2, p. 723.

8 Strabo, 15. 1. 62; of the tribe of Taxili Strabo reports— irapd run 5*
&ko6clv <p7j(rl [’A/xorA/JouXos] xai <nry Karcuccuo^ms rAs yvvcuicas rots toSpamv
iffuba s, tAs Si inrofievciaas dSofetv.

4 Strabo, 15. 1, 42; Arrian, 13.

Strabo, 15. 1. 59, 60.

VIII.] VARYING ESTIMATES OF HIM. 153

have followed, have lain chiefly in the lands to the east of the
Mediterranean; and it is only natural that they should have been
the first investigated, because there civilisation and wealth existed,
and these were the inducements by which conquerors and traders
were attracted. The articles of commerce which were brought
from the far West were few, and together with the knowledge
of the countries from which they came, were in the hands of the
Phoenicians, whose narrow policy prevented them from com¬
municating to others the information which they obtained. The
adventurer who first broke through this monopoly, and proclaimed
to the Greeks the wonders of the ocean and the strange sights of
Northern Europe, was Pytheas of Massilia, whose voyage into
those seas took place about the same time as Alexander’s expedi¬
tion into Asia. His fame has experienced strange varying
vicissitudes of fortune, by reason of the evil report Estimates of
and good report through which it has passed in
ancient and modem times. The marvels which he related were
such as not easily to obtain credence, and, in consequence of this,
first Polybius, and afterwards Strabo, made his name a byword
for circulating untrustworthy statements. In our own days he has
received more honorable treatment; and, since that part of his story
which to his contemporaries appeared incredible has now been
found to correspond to the reality, he has come to be regarded as
one of those eminent men whose only fault has been that they
lived before their time. The work in which the „ T , .

. His Work.

narrative of his voyage and the results of his ex¬
plorations were embodied is no longer extant, and our acquaintance
with it is mainly derived from excerpts taken from it for contro¬
versial purposes, which occur in the writings of his opponents.
In addition to these a number of scattered notices of his statements
are found in various ancient authors; and these have been pieced
together through the diligence of modern scholars, so that we now
possess sufficient material from which to determine the countries
which he visited, if not the exact route which he followed. By
means of them, also, we are able to trace to Pytheas as its source
a large amount of information about the north-west of Europe,
which was current in antiquity from his time onward, though the
authority for it was unknown. The question of Pytheas’ voyage

'54

THE VOYAGE OF PYTHEAS.

[CHAP.

and of the phenomena which he described is one of too great
intricacy to be fully discussed in a notice like the present. All
that can be attempted is to put the reader in possession of the
main points relating to it, and to state what seem to be the best
ascertained conclusions 1 .

The object with which Pytheas started on his voyage appears
„ riJ to have been twofold. The jealousy which was felt
Object of his by the traders of Massilia towards the Phoenicians,

Voyage. on account of their great predominance in the com¬
merce in tin and amber from the coasts of Britain and Germany,
notwithstanding a certain amount of overland traffic through Gaul
which already existed 9 , probably impelled them to fit out a mari¬
time expedition to explore those regions and extend their influence
there; and the command of this they entrusted to Pytheas. This
view of the public character of the expedition is not, it is true,
supported by any direct evidence; and it may not be safe to
attribute much weight, as an argument in its favour, to the state¬
ment of Pytheas’ habitual detractor Polybius, that he was in poor
circumstances, and therefore could not have undertaken it in a
private capacity 8 . But, to say the least, it was most probable that
such a voyage should have been made under government auspices ;
and the motive for it was ready to hand, when we find that the
people of Massilia knew that tin came from countries in the far
north, for they would naturally desire to find the way thither
themselves. For his own part, as an eager scientific enquirer, he
seized the opportunity of visiting the lands and seas to the west of
Europe, as being a field which might afford a rich harvest to the
explorer. Of the attainments of Pytheas in science
Attainments. C * ere can be no question. He was a good astrono¬
mer, according to the standard of his age, as was
shewn by his determining by means of the gnomon the latitude

1 The chief authorities on Pytheas whom I have consulted are MUllenhoff,
Deutsche Aliertumskunde, vol. i, Elton, Origins of English History , and
Berger, Geschickte der Erdkunde , Pt. 3: the passages in ancient writers
which bear on the subject have been conveniently brought together by
Mr. Elton in Appendix I. to his work, pp. 400 foil.

* suproy p. 3a.

* Polyb. ap. Strabon. 2.4. a.

VIII.] HIS SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS. 155

of Massilia 1 * , on which point it has been established by modern
observations that his conclusion was almost exactly correct.
Indeed, no stronger proof of his eminence in this direction is
needed, than the confidence with which he was regarded by
Hipparchus, the greatest master of that subject in antiquity, who
adopted this as a well ascertained point with a view to comparing
the latitude of other places 3 . He was also the first among the
Greeks to note the influence of the moon on the tides, and the
correspondence between the movements of the one and those of
the other. No doubt, the Phoenicians of Gades, to whom the
concurrence of these phenomena must have been a matter of
constant observation, could not have failed to infer the connexion
of the two, but Pytheas was at least the first to report it to his
fellow-countrymen 8 . In the following pages we shall have occasion
to notice other contributions of his to scientific and physical
geography.

Setting out from Massilia, Pytheas and his companions passed
the Straits and visited Gades, after which they
continued their voyage round the Sacrum Promon- Britain! 0 ^ t0
torium (Cape St Vincent) and Cape Finisterre, and
then followed the northern coast of Spain and the western coast
of Gaul as far as the Armorican promontory 4 * 6 . In the latter part
of this route they became aware of the depth to which the Bay of
Biscay recedes, and of the marked angle that is formed by the
projection of Brittany—an observation which Strabo discredited
in his distrust of Pytheas* veracity, and consequently fell into the
error of making the coast of Gaul follow an almost straight line
from the mouth of the Rhine to the Pyrenees 0 . The tribe who

1 Strabo, 2. 5. 8, 41.

8 See the reff. in Berger, Die geogr, Fragmente des Hipparch , p. 58.

8 Plutarch, De Placitis Philosophorum , 3. 17; TLvSias 6 MaovaXitforys ry
ir\ypt&<ret rys veXi/vys rds irkyp/iOpas ytveedai, r J /ieititrct rds d/Mrc&rtJas.

4 Strabo, 3. 2. 11; rb rd irpovapKTiKh pApy rys ’Ifiyptas einrapoS&repa etpcu

irpbs rijy KeXn/cyp $ tear a rbv &K€avbp TrXtovcn, Kcd 6 ca 5 ^ &X\a. etpyxe Uv 8 £$
irwretfcras. This passage has been interpreted in various ways, but the right
translation of it is this—“ the statement [of Eratosthenes] that the northern
regions (z.& coasts) of Spain offer an easier route to Celtica than if men cross
the open sea, &c.”

6 Strabo, 1.4. 5; 4. 4. 1 ; 4. 3. 1.

THE VOYAGE OF PYTHEAS.

[CHAP.

I S 6

inhabited this district of Armorica he calls the Ostimii, and these

The Armor!- are ev *dently t ' ie same as of Caesar and

can Promon- Strabo. He mentions also the headland of Cabaeon,
tory(Bnttany). ^ island of Uxisama (Ushant) with the other

islands in its neighbourhood; and if, as seems probable, these are
the same as the Oestrymnides which were visited by Himilco the
Carthaginian 1 , his interest in them and in the neighbouring main¬
land would be explained, as having arisen from the communication
which existed between them and Britain in connexion with the tin
trade. For the same reason it is natural to assign
Tin h M^es! Sh to this part of his voyage the visit which Pytheas
paid to the mining districts in the west of Britain.
His account of these, which is found in Diodorus, describes the
natives—who owing to their intercourse with foreigners were more
civilised than the rest of the Britons—as bringing the tin, after it
Island of Ictis had been smelted, to an island off the neighbour-
(st Michael’s ing coast, called Ictis, which was their commercial

Mount). . . _ ,

station. This, we are told, was connected with the
mainland by an isthmus, which, though at other times covered
with water, was dry at low tide, and allowed of the freight being
carried across in waggons. There can be little doubt that the
place which is here meant is St Michael’s Mount*.

With Britain and its inhabitants Pytheas became familiarly
acquainted. He describes it as an island of tri-
of Britain. 1 angular form, and distinguishes the three angles by
the names of the three promontories which formed
them—viz. to the north Orcas, to the south-west Belerion, the
Land’s End, and to the south-east Cantion, the North Foreland,
near which point, he remarks, is the outlet of the sea, i.e. the

1 v. supra , p. 36.

a Diodor., 5. 22. The evidence that the information here furnished by
Diodorus was ultimately derived from Pytheas is given by Mullenhoff, op. cit. 1.
p. 47^- The intermediate authority from whom Diodorus obtained it seems
to have been Timaeus the historian, who is quoted by Pliny, in a passage
which is confused in its details, as the authority for tin being brought from the
island of Mictis (=Ictis): Pliny, 4. 104; Timaeus historicus a Britannia in-
trorsum sex dierum navigatione abesse dicit insulam Mictim in qua candidum
plumbum proveniat: ad earn Britannos vitilibus navigiis corio circumsutis
navigare.

VIII.]

HIS ACCOUNT OF BRITAIN.

157

Straits of Dover. He gives his measurements of the length of the
three sides of the island, and though these are greatly in excess of
the truth, yet he correctly represents the southern side as being
considerably the shortest 1 . He further asserted that he had
made journeys in the interior; this we know on the authority of
his adversary Polybius, though he only mentions the statement to
express his disbelief of it 9 . It is amply corroborated, however,
by the details which he furnished as to the customs

' Customs

of the inhabitants, for these could only have been of the
related by an eye-witness. We have already noticed Inhabitants *
his mention of the use of mead as the favourite beverage 8 ; and he
also describes how the corn was threshed in large bams, in which
the ears were collected, it being impossible to do so in open
threshing-floors, as in the south of Europe, on account of the rain
and the absence of sun 4 . His remarks on the decrease in the
cultivation of the soil in proportion as one advances further to¬
wards the north, point strongly in the same direction 4 . Indeed,
when we take all these facts into account, and
consider what they involve, it is difficult to resist j^Fatourof
the conclusion that Pytheas reached the northern- bis Northem
most point of Britain. We must remember that as
he was the first explorer of these regions, he had absolutely no
data on which to go in forming a conception of their characteristic
features; and when we find that he is able accurately to describe the
shape and position of that island, to assign a name to its extreme
headland, to remark on the changes in its vegetation—and still
more, as we shall presently see, to make observations about dis¬
tricts further to the north, and gather information about them,
which would have been altogether unattainable in a lower lati¬
tude—we feel that his claim to have extended his voyage into
these remote waters must fairly be conceded.

1 Diodor., 5. 21.

* Polyb. ap. Strabon., 2. 4. 2 ; <jrr}(fl 8 * ovv 6 IIoXiJjSios iLirunov Kal atird
roOro, ir&5 Idccorff foOptbin# xal vtoirpri rh rocraOret 5 tcwn)jwtTa irXtorii Kal vapevrh
yfrotTo. In a passage in the section which precedes this Pytheas is repre¬
sented in the ordinary texts as saying that he had traversed the whole of
Britain on foot; bnt the reading here is too corrupt to allow of our resting
any conclusion upon it

* v . supra, p. 18. 4 Strabo, 4. 5. 5. 9 ML

THE VOYAGE OF PYTHEAS.

[CHAP.

158

Concerning the route which Pytheas followed in his journey
northward we have no evidence; in fact, owing to
enter the** 1 the fragmentary form in which all the information

Baltic? we possess about him has reached us, it is easier

to say throughout the whole course of his expedition what
places he visited, than in what order, or from what direction, he
visited them. One point, however, cannot be left wholly un¬
noticed in this connexion, namely the question whether Pytheas
penetrated into the Baltic sea. The principal ground for the
view that he did so is found in a perplexing passage, in which
Polybius makes him assert that he had followed the coast of
Europe from Gades as far as the Tanais 1 . Some additional
support for it is thought to be afforded by the names of the
German and other tribes which he mentions as being found on
the mainland in these parts, and also by his account of the lands
where amber is found, which is thought to refer to the coast of
Germany in the neighbourhood of Danzig, where that material is
abundant. The Tanais, according to this supposition, is inter¬
preted to mean the Vistula, which enters the sea in those parts,
or perhaps the Dwina in Courland, another amber-producing
country. It is much more likely, however, as Miillenhoff has
suggested, that the Tanais is here introduced as the traditional
boundary between Europe and Asia, and that Pytheas conceived
that in the coutse of his voyage he had advanced much farther
towards the east than he really had done, and consequently
“slewed round” (so to speak) his map of these parts, so as to
bring the coast of the North sea into the same meridian with the
Palus Maeotis 2 . Hence, 'as far as the Tanais’ would be intended
to signify ' as far east as the meridian of the Tanais.’ The amber
country which he visited is much more likely to have been Fries¬
land on the German Ocean.

Pytheas does not appear to have advanced further towards the
north than the extremity of Britain. He nowhere
Northern Sea. claims to have done so, and his account of the
regions beyond this point appears to be given at

1 Polyb. ap. Strabon. 2 . 4. 1 ; ravra pkv rh rou II vBiov, teal 8 l6ti iiraveXdwv
iv$&8e raffia* MXdtu rfy TFapuKecLvtnv rijs E ip&irqs dwd VaSelpuv gas Tavai5o$ t

2 Mii l l enh off, op. cit., 1. pp. 389, 390.

VIII.]

THE NORTHERN SEA.

159

second hand; indeed many of the difficulties which arise in con¬
nexion with this part of his narrative disappear, if we suppose that
he is interpreting the reports of others. He was acquainted with
the remarkable inrush of the sea, and the consequent rise of the
water at springtides, which takes place in the Pentland Firth 1 ; but
the existence of this he would learn from the mainland, because
that strait passes between the north of Scotland and the Orkneys.
He received information also concerning an island called Thule,
and it was through him that this name, which
was destined to become famous in the works bab^M^n 0 -’
of Roman authors, was reported to the dwellers g^j^ d ^ e
about the Mediterranean. He states that it was
the northernmost of the British islands 2 , and six days* voyage north
of Britain, and in the neighbourhood of the frozen ocean 8 . From
these notices it would seem most probable that the island here
intended was Mainland, the chief of the Shetland islands. The
interval between it and Britain, no doubt, is greatly overestimated,
but the same is* the case with all Pytheas’ computations by sea.
Some authorities have supposed that Iceland is meant, and others
Lapland; but these conjectures seem to carry us too far afield.
Another point of great interest connected with the subject of
Thule is his statement that it lay under the Arctic
circle, or, as he or his reporter Strabo expressed it, citcit . ArCtiC
“ where the Arctic circle coincides with the summer
tropic 4 .” That this conclusion was based, not on measurements
or personal observation, but on the reports of the Celts of North
Britain, seems to be proved by a passage in Geminus the astro¬
nomer (tire. 80 b.c.), who quotes Pytheas as saying, that the
barbarians pointed out to him the sleeping-place of « tsleeping
the sun; and also that in those regions the nights place of the
were excessively short, extending in some parts Sun *

1 Pliny, 2. 217; Octogenis cubitis supra Britanniaxn intumescere aestus
Pytheas Massiliensis auctor est. Cp. Mullenhoff, p. 366.

2 Strabo, 2. 5. 8; 6 fib oOv KajaaXiurrjs Uv&ias ri Trepl Qolj\i)v ttjp
fHopeLOTarr)? tQsv ’BperravlSm tiarara Xdyei.

8 ibid*, 1. 4. 2; ijv (fyqji Uvdfas dir b fib ttjs Bperrapucijs ££ iffiep&r irKob
airtxeiv wpbs dpicrov, iyyvs S’ etvou ri}$ iremjyvtas BdKamjs.

4 Strabo, 2. 5. 8; Trap 3 ots 6 aMs dm t$ Aptcrucy b Beptvbs rporuebs
k 6 k\qs. For the explanation of this v. infra , p. 179 .

i6o

THE VOYAGE OF PYTHEAS.

[CHAP.

only to two hours, in others to three, so that within a brief interval
after its setting the sun rose again 1 * * * * * * . By the “ sleeping-place of
the sun” was meant the point at which the sun’s rays begin
altogether to disappear from view—that is, the Arctic circle, at
which during one day in the year the sun does not appear above
the horizon. This, of course, would not apply to Shetland, which
lies some distance to the south of the Arctic circle, but on such a
question the report of “barbarians” could hardly be expected to
be accurate. It is not surprising that by later and uncritical
writers these accounts were made the subject of much perverse
exaggeration, so that it was said that in the north of Europe there
was unbroken daylight for six months in the year, and perpetual
darkness during the remainder 8 .

The question how far Pytheas determined certain parallels of
Pytheas* latitude in the course of his northern expedition is
Parallels of beset by numerous difficulties. We gather from

Latitude. statements in Strabo that Pytheas made such calcu¬

lations—though how, or on what evidence he did so is not men¬
tioned—at four different points in the neighbourhood of Britain 8 ;
and that these were introduced on his authority by Hipparchus
into his tables. The first of them gave the length of the longest
day as 16 hours, the second as 17 hours, the third as 18 hours, the
fourth as 19 hours. Nothing is recorded as to the places at which
these observations or computations were made, but they would
represent approximately lat 48°, or Ushant; lat. 54 0 , or Flam-
borough Head; lat 58°, or Tarbet Ness in Rossshire, and lat

1 Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae , 5. 22. There is a difficulty here,
because Geminus introduces the shortness of the hours of night as the ex¬

planation of the expression “sleeping-place of the sun,” which in that case

would mean “the place where the sun retired for his short repose.” But

Cosmas Indicopleustes (6th cent. A.D.), reporting the same statement of

Pytheas, says that the barbarians explained the term “sleeping-place” as

referring to the darkness being continuous through the twenty-four hours

(Cosm. Ind., in Montfaucon, Collectio nova patrum , vol. a. p. 149).

8 Pliny, 2. 186.

* 2. 1. 18; 2. 5. 42 ; cp. Berger, Die geographischen Fragments des Hip -
panh H pp. 66, 67, where those of the computations, which are not actually
said by Strabo to have been, made by Pytheas, are proved to be due

tO him.

VIII.] HIS PARALLELS OF LATITUDE. l6l

6 i°, the northernmost of the Shetlands 1 . But here we are met by
the difficulty—how did Pytheas arrive at these results ? If they
were derived in each case from personal observation of the longest
day, his voyage must have extended over something like five
years—a supposition which is extremely improbable. If, on the
other hand, they were obtained from reports furnished by the
natives (which seems much more likely), such estimates would be
very untrustworthy, considering how vague the ideas of such
persons could not fail to be concerning the divisions of time. It
is, no doubt, in favour of Pytheas’ statements that they were
adopted by Hipparchus, because it shews that the great astronomer
had confidence in them ; and in order to facilitate our acceptance of
them it has been suggested, that only certain elementary observa¬
tions are to be attributed to Pytheas, while the deductions from
them—among which the statements about the length of the
longest days in summer, and the greatest height to which the sun
rose above the horizon in winter, are to be included—should be
credited to Hipparchus. “ It was sufficient for Hipparchus,’ 3 it is
said, “ if Pytheas declared that in a certain place and on a certain
day he had observed the sun at midday to be at a certain elevation
above the horizon. From these data Hipparchus could discover
the elevation of the sun at that spot at the winter solstice, and
could thence determine the latitude of the place 8 . This view of
the parts to be assigned to the earlier and the later astronomer
respectively would deliver us from the necessity of attributing to
Pytheas a greater amount of astronomical knowledge than he
probably possessed, and would also get rid of the difficulty
involved in the extreme length of time supposed to be occupied
by the expedition, if the observations which Strabo mentions were
made by him. Such a hypothesis deserves respectful attention,
but it cannot be said to receive any support from the authorities
which we possess. On the whole, when we take into account the
doubts which hang around the evidence for these observations,
and the small means of checking it which now exist, it seems safer

1 See Sir Clements Markham’s paper on Pytheas in the Geographical
Journal , vol. x. (1895) p. 518.

* Berger, Geschichte der Erdkunde, Pt. 3, p. 15.

not to lay any great stress on them in determining the question of
the extent of Pytheas’ voyage.

One more point in Pytheas’ account of these northern countries
J . remains to be noticed which certainly is not the
the Arctic least remarkable. This is his description of the

Regions. Arctic regions, “ in which,” he said, “ neither land,

nor sea, nor air any longer existed separately, but there was, so to
speak, a mixture of all three, resembling the pulmo marinus , in
which the land and the sea and all things floated, and this was as
it were the element which held together the universe, while it
could not be traversed either by foot or sail. He had himself
seen that which resembled the pulmo marinus , the rest he reported
from hearsay 1 2 .” It is certainly not surprising that a description
such as this should have aroused scepticism in the minds of the
ancients, nor that it should have been a standing puzzle to exercise
the ingenuity of modem interpreters. It reads like an account on
Pytheas’ part of stories communicated to him by the natives con¬
cerning the weird unearthly sights—especially the effects of mist
and light—which at all times have caused the regions towards the
Pole to be a land of marvel, and concerning the strange calms and
counter-currents, which often impede navigation in those waters,
and among the Romans obtained for them the name of 4 * * the
sluggish sea 8 7 (Mare pigrum). This account he seems to have
invested in Platonic language; indeed there is a marked corre¬
spondence in certain points between this passage and the descrip¬
tion of the world of spirits in the tenth Book of Plato’s Republic,
where a brilliant light is spoken of as ‘the bond that holds
together the universe 7 ; and the word by which this is expressed
(8coco's, (nJvSeor/jLos) is the same which Pytheas employs 3 . Much
additional perplexity, however, is introduced into the question by

1 Strabo, 2. 4. r.

2 See Tacitus, Agric., 10; Mare pigrum et grave remigantibus perhibent

ne vends quidem perinde attolli. Also, for the superstitious fancies suggested

by the sunlight of the North, Germ . 45 ; Extremus cadcntis jam solis fulgor in

ortum edurat adeo clarus, ut sidera hebetet; sonum insuper emergentis audiri

fonnaeque decorem et radios capitis adspici persuasio adicit.

8 Plat. 10. p. 616 B; see Berger, Geschichte der Erdkunde , Pt. 3,
P- * 3 -

THE AMBER COAST.

VIII.]

*63

the comparison of the combination of the elements to the pulmo
marinus , or jelly-fish; and this, as might be comparison
expected, has been interpreted in a great variety of to the Puimo
ways. It is hard to think—though this is usually annus *
assumed—that it is the material substance, or pulpy mass, formed
by these creatures on the surface of the water, to which the
general aspect of the northern world is here likened; for the
comparison is, to say the least, inapposite. We should also
remark that the expression c that which resembled’ (to eot/cos),
which Pytheas uses, applies just as well to a feature of the scene,
as to a material object. It may perhaps be worthy of considera¬
tion, in view of the great difficulty which the passage involves,
whether the point of comparison in the pulmo marinus which is
here intended is, not its gelatinous substance, but its phosphores¬
cent appearance. These Medusae are found in the northern
ocean 1 2 , and their vast swarms are known to be accompanied by
marvellous effects of luminous brilliancy 3 . If the phenomenon
which the natives reported, and which Pytheas himself saw, was a
peculiar glare of light upon the surface of the sea, it would be
suitable enough to remark on the resemblance which this pre¬
sented to the jelly-fish.

Finally, before retracing his course to Massilia, Pytheas visited
the district from which amber was obtained. His

acquaintance with this we discover by a comparison coast. Amber
of several passages in Pliny, the statements con¬
tained in which are undoubtedly derived from his work, either
directly, or through the medium of Timaeus the historian, who
borrowed largely from it. These are introduced, after the manner
of Pliny, without any attempt at criticism, but we seem to gather
from them with a fair approach to certainty, that the land which
is indicated is the coast of Friesland and the adjacent islands

1 See Elton, Origins, p. 70 note 1.

2 It has now been discovered by naturalists that the jelly-fish are not
themselves phosphorescent. They swarm, however, at the same time and
under the same conditions with various marine animals which are luminiferous,
and it seems to be from this cause that phosphorescence is attributed to them.
In any case—and this is the important point for our argument—the popular
idea has generally been that they possess this quality.

II—2

164

THE VOYAGE OF PYTHEAS. [CHAP. VIII.

between the mouths of the Rhine'and the Elbe, and perhaps also
Schleswig, further to the north, with its fringe of islands. Thus
in one passage he remarks that opposite Britain,
ofPiinyanT dispersed over the German sea, were the Glaesiae
Diodorus. islands, which the later Greeks called the Electrides,
because amber ( ekcfruni ) was produced there 1 . And again he
reports, that a day’s sail from an estuary of the ocean, called
Mentonomon, on which the tribe of Guttones dwelt, was the
island of Abalus; and to it in the spring-time the waves carried
the amber, which was the scum of sea-water solidified: the
natives used it in place of fire-wood, and sold it to their
neighbours the Teutoni 2 . Elsewhere he mentions an island
called Baunonia, on the coast of the North Sea, 44 over against
Scythia,” in which amber was found 8 ; and Diodorus in the
same connexion speaks of an island named Basilia, 44 in that
part of Scythia which is beyond Gaul,” from which amber was
brought to the mainland, and thence exported to the Mediter¬
ranean 4 . As regards the islands called Glaesiae
‘gTaeaum/ d should be remarked that the word glaesum—
which, according to Pliny and Tacitus, was the
native name for amber®—notwithstanding that the latter of these
two writers attributes its origin to the Aestii on the shores of the
Baltic, was probably learnt by the Romans from the inhabitants
of this North Sea coast, for it represents the Anglo-Saxon word
for amber, 4 glaer,’ and was given to that material because of its
brightness, being etymologically the same with the English verb
4 to glare 8 .’ At the present day, though the Baltic coasts furnish
a much larger supply of amber than the islands of the North Sea,
there is still a considerable export of that article from the west
coast of Schleswig.

1 Pliny, 4.103. 2 ibid. 37. 35. 8 ibid. 4. 94.

4 Diodor. 5. 23. 1,5; cp. Pliny, 37. 36.

5 Pliny, 37. 42; certum est gigni in insulis septentrionalis oceani et ab
Germanis appeilari glaesum. Tac. Germ . 45; sucinum, quod ipsi glaesum
vocant.

* Mulleohoff, oJ>. cit ., 1. p. 482; Skeat, Etym. Diet ., s. v. ‘glare.’

CHAPTER IX.

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

Slow Development of Mathematical Geography—Impulse given to it by
Aristotle, by Subsequent Expeditions, and by the Museum of Alexandria
—Spherical Form of the Earth—Aristotle’s Arguments for it—Argument
from Objects seen on the Sea Horizon—Strabo’s Statement of it—Measure¬
ment of the Earth—Method employed before Eratosthenes—Method of
Eratosthenes—Criticism of it—Eratosthenes’ Measurement of the Habit¬
able World—Its Breadth—Its Length—Parallels of Latitude—First
Parallel of Eratosthenes—Other Parallels—The Climata of Hipparchus
arc. 140 B.C.—Meridians of Longitude—Theory of Zones—Aristotle’s
View—Virgil’s Description—Eratosthenes’ Map of the World—Shape of
the Inhabited World—His Sphragides or ‘Seals’—His Geographical
Treatise—Its Contents—Its Chief Errors.

The remarkable development in the study of mathematical
geography which took place during the third
century before Christ was due to the concurrent in- i 0 pment of**
fluence of several causes. For a considerable time Mathematical

Geography.

after speculation first began to be awakened on
this subject the views which were entertained about it continued
to be very unscientific, and even where one school of thinkers
made advances in the direction of the truth, their opinions were
rejected or ignored by other schools, and still more by the preju¬
dices of the vulgar. Questions relating to such topics as the
form of the earth, the division of its surface into zones, and the
existence of an ocean encompassing the habitable world, had been
started, but either had received no satisfactory answer or had
been determined on grounds which would not bear the test of
argument In the course of time astronomical observers, like
Eudoxus of Cnidos (are. 365B.C.), contributed the data for
establishing more satisfactory conclusions, and others in the

166

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

course of speculation succeeded in anticipating, though they
could not demonstrate, some of the truths which modern science
has established Thus Heracleides Ponticus, the associate of
Plato, taught the rotation of the earth on its axis, though still
regarding it as the centre of the universe 1 . But it was reserved
impulse ^ or master * m ^ a( ^ of Aristotle to place these
given to it by subjects in their true light according to the know-
Anstotie, ledge that was then available, and by the applica¬
tion of a strictly scientific method to establish the principles in
accordance with which the investigation should be pursued. Yet
for the discussion of many of the points in question the informa¬
tion which Aristotle possessed was insufficient. Had his Meteoro¬
logies the work in which most of his opinions on mathematical
and physical geography are contained, been composed after,
instead of before, Alexander’s Eastern expedition, the case might
have been different; but at the time when he wrote, the know¬
ledge that was available concerning the surface of the earth and
the features which it presented was too restricted to admit of
adequate conclusions being deduced from it. By means of that
expedition and of the observations of the men of
ExptStions! 111 sc ^ ence w ^° accompanied it, and by the discoveries
of Pytheas in the north and west of Europe, and
the increasing acquaintance with the Indian Ocean and the neigh¬
bouring coasts which arose through the explorations set on foot
by the Ptolemies, the enquirers who followed him were in a
position to advance more boldly, and to determine numerous
principles which were of the highest importance both for the
theoretical conception of the globe and for the practical purposes
and by tha of ma P" ma king. Finally, the establishment of the
Ak^dria f Museum at Alexandria provided a central point
towards which all these researches might converge,
and a great genius who could avail himself of them in the
person of Eratosthenes of Cyrene, who occupied the post of
librarian of that institution for the space of more than forty years
(240—196 b.g).

The question of the sphericity of the earth is the one which

1 Coraewall Lewis, Astronomy of the Ancimts i p. 171.

IX.]

SPHERICAL FORM OF THE EARTH.

167

first demands our attention, because on it almost every point
connected with mathematical geography depends. Spherical
The Pythagoreans were the earliest teachers who Form of the
maintained this doctrine, but, as far as we can a
ascertain, they did so, not by means of any formal proof, but
on the ground of the fitness of things, because the circle is the
most perfect figure. This view met with no acceptance from the
philosophers of the Ionian school, nor was it adopted by Heca-
taeus, or even by Herodotus 1 . It is probable enough that
Eudoxus furnished mathematical proof of it, for he was well
qualified to do so by the knowledge of astronomy which he pos¬
sessed, but on this point we have no evidence. The first writer
in whose works definite arguments on the subject are found is
Aristotle. His mode of proof is twofold. First he 4 ^ , ,
deduces it from the law of gravitation, or, as he Arguments
expresses it, the tendency of all things towards the or ltm
centre. By the action of this, when the earth was in the course
of formation, and the component elements were coming together
equally from every quarter, the mass thus formed by accretion
was so constituted that its entire circumference must be equi¬
distant from its centre. Secondly, he infers it from what is seen
to take place in lunar eclipses; for, when the earth is inter¬
posed between the sun and the moon, the spherical form of the
obscured part of the moon’s surface shews that the body which
causes the obscuration is also spherical®. It appears strange
that the proof which to us is the most familiar, be¬
cause it appeals directly to the eye and to ordinary fr^o^ects
experience, viz. the sight of distant objects gradu- Horizon* 1 * Se&
ally revealing themselves above the horizon:—

‘the first beam glittering on a sail,

That brings our friends up from the under world*—

should not have been employed until a late period by the ancients.
We can hardly think it did not occur to them; and by a converse
line of argument Archimedes (250 B.C.), who regarded the spheri¬
city of the earth as sufficiently proved, deduced from that doctrine

1 v . supra , pp. 60, 7a, 78.

* Aristot. Dc Caelo , a. 14* 8 , 9, 13.

i68

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

the inference that the surface of the sea must be convex a con¬
clusion which would naturally involve the gradual revelation of
objects approaching upon it 1 . He does not however notice thisj
still less does he use the fact as an argument to support the view
that the earth is circular. Strabo is the first author
statement who so employs it, and by him it is clearly stated.
of itm “It is evident,” he says, “that, when persons on ship¬

board are unable to see at a distance lights which are on a level
with the eye, the cause of this is the curvature of the sea; for, if
those lights are raised to a higher level, they become visible, even
though the distance be increased; and in like manner, if the
beholder attains a greater elevation, he sees what was previously

hidden. Again, when men are approaching the land from the

sea, the parts near the shore-line come more and more in view,
and objects which at first appeared low attain a greater eleva¬
tion*.” Thus the evidences which were adduced to prove the
spherical form of the earth varied somewhat at different periods,
but the doctrine itself was accepted without question from the
time of Aristotle onward, and even before his age, by all scientific
men. The same thing is true of other points, in which the
principles of scientific geography depended more or less on astro¬
nomical observations, such as the division of the globe into two
hemispheres by the equator, and the position of the lesser circles,
called the tropics, which are parallel to it. In every case, however,
the earth was regarded as forming the centre of the universe.

The idea of measuring the circumference of the earth seems
to have presented itself to the minds of the Greek
ofuTe Earth? 1 philosophers at a comparatively early time. When
Aristophanes, in the Clouds , represents the disciple
of Socrates in his thinking-shop as saying that the object of
geometry was the measurement of .the whole earth 8 , he implies

1 Archimed., De iis quae in humido vehuntur, lib. i, probl. a. ; IlavTds
v8arcs rjavx^ovroi c5 are okLvtjtov fifrew 1 } iirtfaveia ff<j>aipoeLdrjs gffrou. fyouou
to avro t$ K&vrpov (Opera, vol. 2, p. 357, ed. Heiberg).

* Strabo, 1.1. 20.

3 Aristoph., Nub. 202—4 i

MAS. yewfierpla. ST. tout ovv tL £oti xprympunr;

MAS. yrjp ajta/teTpeurOat. ST. virepa n)v nXvfpovxuciljr 3
MAS. ovK} aXXa ttjv avpiraffav.

IX.]

MEASUREMENT OF THE EARTH.

169

that the solution of some such problem was contemplated by the
meteorologists of that time, whose doctrines he desired to impute
to Socrates. A similar attempt seems to be attributed to Archytas
(arc. 400 b.c.) by Horace, when he speaks of him as ‘the measurer
of land and sea’ 1 2 . At a later period Aristotle mentions the con¬
clusion arrived at by certain mathematicians, whom he does not
name, to the effect that its circumference amounted to 400,000
stadia, or 40,000 geographical miles; and in this he acquiesces,
though without putting it forward as the result of his own calcula¬
tions 3 . The system of measurement which we find to have been

employed before the time of Eratosthenes was this:
Two places on the earth’s surface having been
selected, which were believed to be situated on the
same meridian, and the distance between which

Method

employed

before

Eratosthenes.

had already been estimated, the points in the heavens which were

vertical at those places respectively were next determined, and the

arc of the circumference of the heavens which intervened between

them was measured. The proportion which this arc bore to the
entire circumference of the heavens was then calculated, and from
the result the proportion which the distance between the corre¬
sponding places on the terrestrial sphere bore to the entire sphere
was inferred. The interval between those places having been
already calculated, it was possible, by multiplying the distance by
the number of times that this arc was contained in the entire

terrestrial sphere, to measure the circumference of the earth. The
places chosen for the application of this method were Syene in
Upper Egypt and Lysimachia on the Hellespont, which were
supposed to be on the same meridian, and to be distant
20,000 stadia from one another. The points which corre¬
sponded to them in the celestial sphere were Cancer to Syene
and Draco to Lysimachia, and the arc that intervened between
them was found to be one-fifteenth of the entire circle of the
heavens. Hence it was concluded that the circumference of

1 Hor., Od . i. «8. 1, 2 :

Te mans et te
Mensorem

2 Aristot., De Cado % 2. 1,

170

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

the earth amounted to 300,000 stadia, or 30,000 miles 1 . The
roughly approximate character of the data for this calculation,
in respect both of the points determined in the heavens, and
of the estimate of distances on the earth’s surface, a portion
of which had to be calculated by sea from the reports of
navigators, necessarily involved considerable inaccuracy in the
result It is not improbable that this observation is to be
attributed to Aristotle’s pupil, Dicaearchus—whose importance for
geography is shewn by his being enumerated among the greatest
masters of that science by ‘Strabo at the commencement of his
work 3 —but it is certainly later than the time of Aristotle, since
the city of Lysimachia was not founded until 309 b.c.

The method of investigation which Eratosthenes pursued,
though less simple than this, was one which
EmtosUienes guaranteed more accurate results. The gnomon
which he used as the instrument for his observa¬
tions was an upright staff set in the midst of a scaphe or bowl,
which was so arranged as to correspond to the celestial hemi¬
sphere, only inverted, and was marked with lines like a dial. By
means of this he discovered that, at Alexandria at the summer
solstice, the shadow of the gnomon at midday measured one-
fiftieth part of the meridian— i.e. of a great circle of the heavens,
as measured on the scaphe. He assumes at starting the following
points—(1) that all the sun’s rays fall to the earth parallel to
one another; (2) that when one straight line falls on two parallel
straight lines, the alternate angles are equal; (3) that, if arcs of
different circles subtend equal angles at the centre, they bear the
same proportion to the whole circumference of the circles of which
they are parts; so that, if one of them, for instance, is a tenth
part.of its circle, the same will be the case with the others.
He also takes it as proved that Syene and Alexandria are on the
same meridian, and that the distance between them is 5,000
stadia. He then proceeds to argue as follows. In Syene (B) y
which was regarded by the ancients as lying under the tropic,
at the summer solstice a ray of the sun ( AB ) when on the
meridian, falling on the point of the gnomon, would coincide

1 Berger, Geschichte der ErdkundU % Pt. 3, pp. 45, 46.

3 Ibid., Pt. 3, pp, vii. and 44 ; Strabo, r. 1. 1.

IX.]

METHOD OF ERATOSTHENES.

171

with the axis of the gnomon, so as to cast no shadow, and,
if produced, would strike the earth’s centre (E). In Alex-

Northem Ray Southern Ray

andria at the same time a ray of the sun (CD), falling on
the point of the gnomon (D), would form an angle with the
axis of the gnomon ( DG ). Now, if the axis of the gnomon at
Alexandria (DG) is produced to the centre of the earth (E),
the line thus drawn (DGE) would intersect the lines formed by
these two rays (CDH, ABE), and form alternate angles with
them \ one of these angles (BED) being at the centre of the
earth (E), the other (EDH) at the point where the northern¬
most of the two rays meets the point of the gnomon at Alex¬
andria (D). But, since alternate angles are equal, and the arcs
of a circle which subtend equal angles bear the same proportion
to the circles of which they are segments, the arc of the celestial
sphere marked by the shadow of the gnomon on the scaphe at
Alexandria (EG) must correspond to the arc of the great circle of
the earth which lies between Syene and Alexandria (BD). Con¬
sequently, since it has been already shewn that the shadow of the
gnomon at Alexandria measures one-fiftieth part of the great
circle of the heavens, the arc between Syene and Alexandria
must be one-fiftieth of the great circle of the earth; and as the
distance between Syene and Alexandria is 5,000 stadia, the great

172

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

circle of the earth must be 250,000 stadia, or 25,000 geographical
miles 1 .

This calculation involved two minor errors. One of these
arose from the belief that the earth was a perfect
^Criticism of S p here> instead of being flattened at the poles—a
mistake which was unavoidable according to the
knowledge of that time. The other was caused by Syene being
regarded as lying directly under the tropic, whereas in reality it
was 37 miles to the northward of it. This slight inaccuracy was
caused by the imperfection of the methods of observation then
employed, for the position of the tropic was calculated partly
from the sun being seen from the bottom of a well at the summer
solstice, and therefore being considered vertical, and partly from
the gnomon casting no shadow at that time 8 . A more consider¬
able error proceeded from the distance between Syene and
Alexandria being overestimated, for the number of stadia
assumed for this by Eratosthenes is in excess by more than one-
fifth. Still, after all deductions have been made, the general
accuracy of the .result is very striking; for whereas the real cir¬
cumference of the earth at the equator is 25,000 English miles,
Eratosthenes estimates the great circle of the meridian at 25,000
geographical miles, which is about one-seventh part in excess.
By the ancients it was regarded as an extraordinary achievement
of science, and immense importance was attached to it 8 .

Eratosthenes also endeavoured to estimate the dimensions of
the habitable world. For this attempt the increased
Measurement acquaintance with the surface of the globe which
able Worid^* had ^iszn since the time of Aristotle afforded
especial facilities, and it had already been essayed

1 This account of Eratosthenes’ measurement is given by Cleomedes, De
Motu Circulari Corporum Caelesiium , 1. 10, pp. 95—101, ed. Ziegler.

3 Strabo, 17. 1. 48; b 5k 'Lvt)vq Kal to <ppkap 4 <ttI to Siao’Tj/jLcuvw ras
$cfxpas rpovas, Blotl r<p rpoTiKcp kvk\<p inroKeivrai 0 1 tottol ouroi* curb yap tup
ijfieripuv rbvm, 'hiyu 5k tup 'EXXaduru)?, Tpoiovciv hci rip jaeffyfippLap hravQa
vpurop 5 ipuos /card Kopixpijv jjaur ylverai teal roiei rods ypuptopas cunclovs /card
pe<F7jppplav drayicri 5k Kara Kopv^njp jjpup ywopbov ical els rd <f>piara fi&Kkeiv
P^XP 1 too BSarot rds avyas, kop fiaSvrara jcanl KaJOerov yap jpuels re Zara/tat
Kal rd Spvypara rwv <ppe&rwp KareaKtvcurrai.

8 Banbury, Hist, of Anc, Geogr., i. pp. 62 1—625.

IX.]

THE HABITABLE WORLD.

173

by Dicaearchus. Following Pytheas as his authority, Eratosthenes
fixed the northern limit at the parallel of Thule,
which he regarded as coinciding with the Arctic
circle. In the opposite direction—since the idea which once pre¬
vailed that the region between the tropics was uninhabitable had
been dispelled by the knowledge that Syene was on the tropic of
Cancer, and that Meroe and other inhabited places lay far beyond
that line—he determined the limit at the furthest spot towards the
south in which at that period men were known to exist, the land
of the Sembritae (Sennaar). In the same parallel with this he
righdy placed the Cinnamon region (Somaliland), and also, by a
happy conjecture, Taprobane (Ceylon) to the southward of India.
The interval between these two limits, and with it the breadth of
the inhabited world, he estimated, according to the rough calcula¬
tions which were available in that age—following a meridian line
drawn from Meroe to the mouth of the Borysthenes, and from
thence to the parallel of Thule—at 38,000 stadia.

_ ...... . Its Length.

In computing the length of the same area from
west to east, he was able to avail himself of the calculations which
had been made, first by the companions of Alexander, and after¬
wards by Megasthenes and Patrocles, of the extent of the newly
discovered portions of the continent of Asia, These however
were partly due to conjecture; and since much of the remaining
distance had to be measured by sea, it was necessary here again
to trust to the vague estimates of sailors, which owing to the
delays and uncertainties of navigation were usually in excess of
the reality. The parallel which he selected for this measurement
followed the line of the Mediterranean, and afterwards that of the
great central mountain-chain of Asia, the Taurus and the
Himalaya. Starting from a point in the Atlantic to the westward
of the Pillars of Hercules which would be on the same meridian
as the Armorican promontory in Gaul—for he regarded this as
lying further to the west than the Sacrum Promontorium in
Spain (Cape St Vincent)—he calculated the distances by sea as
far as the gulf of Issus, and thence by land to the furthest ex¬
tremity of India. The total thus obtained amounted to 77,800
stadia, an estimate which exceeds the reality by about one-third 1 .

1 Strabo, 1. 4. s, 5.

174

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

Accordingly, the length of the inhabited world by his calculation
was slightly more than double its breadth. This entire area, to¬
gether with the inconsiderable tracts towards the extreme north
and south which lay beyond its limits, he regarded as surrounded
by the ocean; and in confirmation of this view he adduced the
phenomenon of the tides, the movement of which was the
same, on whatever part of the coast of the outer sea they had
been observed 1 .

In the course of this examination of the attempts on the part
of the Greeks to measure the circumference of the
Parallels of ^ anc j i en gth and breadth of the habitable
world, we have to some extent anticipated the
subject of the earliest determination of parallels and meridians,
which has gradually developed into our present system of lines of
latitude and longitude. Owing to the limited knowledge of the
time, and the small number of places whose position had been
ascertained by scientific observation, it was natural that the same
data should be employed for both sets of enquiries; and conse¬
quently we find that the first parallel was drawn from the Sacrum
Promontorium and the Pillars of Hercules to the extremity of
India, and the first meridian from Meroe to the mouth of the
First Parallel Borysthenes. The former of these two lines in its
of Erato- course from one end of the Mediterranean to the

sthenes. other was regarded as crossing the Straits of
Messina, and passing the southern extremity of the Pelopon-
nese and the island of Rhodes, until it reached the gulf of Issus 2 .
The latitude of Rhodes had been determined by Eratosthenes
himself by means of the gnomon, and it would seem that that of
the Straits of Gibraltar also must have been observed—though by
whom we know not—for in reality these two places are almost on
the same parallel. The only point at which we discover a con¬
siderable error of measurement is the Straits of Messina, which
are placed as far south as Malta. At this we can hardly be

1 Strabo, i. i. 8; ro« re vafiect. rov w/ceavov rots wept rds d/nr&reis xal rds
rhjfifiLvpiSas 6/JtoXoyei tovto paKkov r&vTrj yovv 6 avrbs rpoi ros tQv re perafioktav
vrdpxei koX t&v e<av koI peiwrew, 77 ov irokv vapaXkarrw, <as fo M ivbs
TtX&yovs ttjs KOf^atias diroSiSo/Upijs xal dxo fuas aMas.

3 Ibid, 2. 1,1.

IX.]

PARALLELS OF LATITUDE.

l 75

surprised, when we consider that here the reports of voyagers
were the only source of information; and, as regards the rest of
the computation, what strikes us most is its approximate accuracy.
In a lesser degree the same remark applies to the continuation of
the same parallel through the Asiatic continent, for the two first
points through which it was drawn—Thapsacus on the Euphrates
and the Pylae Caspiae—are nearly in the same latitude with the
gulf of Issus, and the third—the foot of the Paropamisus range—
is at no extravagant distance to the southward of it; while the
remainder of the line is deflected towards the south-east, since it
was supposed to follow the course of the Himalaya as far as the
Eastern Ocean. Eratosthenes, also, as we have seen, placed the
Arctic circle in Thule; and towards the south he
drew another parallel through Meroe. The latitude p^f/is.
of this place had been determined by a Greek
called Philon, who had travelled in Aethiopia, and had calculated
the number of days before the summer solstice when the sun
became vertical there, and had also observed the shadow of the
gnomon 1 . Other places, the latitudes of which were known at
this time, were Syene, which was on the tropic, Alexandria, which
had been measured by Eratosthenes, and Massilia by Pytheas:
but as the gnomon, which was the sole instrument available for
this purpose, was not in common use, the number of observations
was very limited. Other measurements, indeed, were taken by
noticing the length of the longest days and nights at certain
points—which according to Strabo was done for the parallel
through Gades and Rhodes*; but since this must have been
accomplished as a rule by residents in those places, because an
explorer would not necessarily be on the spot on the longest day,
they could not have been numerous.

A marked development of the theory of parallels of latitude,
especially from the point of view of scientific carto- _

it "Tfi© Oliinfttft

graphy, was made by the astronomer Hipparchus of Hipparchus
in his system of climata, or belts of latitude. He arG ' 140 B * C ’
took for his starting-point Eratosthenes’ calculation of 250,000

1 Strabo, 2. 1. 20.

2 2. 5 . 14 ; <TVfuf>we?p yap koX rd wpoffKQV&a Kal rows dvipavs <pacl rods
iKartpuae <popoi>s koX rd pyKT] rwv peyL<rrajp ijpepav re jccu wktQv,

176

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

stadia for the circumference of the earth—or rather 252,000, that
modification having been adopted with a view to greater con¬
venience in division—and this he subdivided into 360 degrees of
700 stadia each. Then, taking the meridian line through Meroe
and the mouth of the Borysthenes, he divided the fourth part of
this circle which intervened between the equator and the pole,
into sections of 700 stadia each, and drew parallels corresponding
to them. The spaces on the earth's surface which intervened
between these parallels, and each of which was equal to a degree
of latitude, he called climata —a term which was afterwards ap¬
plied to the temperature of those areas, and thus assumed the
sense in which ‘ climate * is used at the present day. He also
described the changes in the position of the objects in the celestial
sphere which corresponded to each of these degrees, proceeding
northwards from the equator 1 . This scheme, it will be perceived,
was purely mathematical, and was determined independently of
the position of places on the earth's surface; but after drawing
out this table of parallels, Hipparchus proceeded to mark upon it
those places, the latitude of which had been determined by
astronomical observations—that is, by reckoning the number of
the hours of the longest day. A plan such as .this, however,
though it might be theoretically perfect, required, in order to
apply it in practice, a larger amount of information than that
age could furnish. Nothing less than the combined action of a
number of scientific associations at various stations, whose
members might observe the movements of the heavenly bodies,
and after comparing them might note the results on Hipparchus’
tables, together with an organised system of collecting informa¬
tion from travellers, merchants and others, whose employments
led them into distant lands, could have made a map constructed
on such principles anything more than an arrangement of lines
diversified with scattered names. ' These conditions, it need
hardly be said, were not forthcoming, and the excessiveness of
the claim which the scheme of Hipparchus involved stood in
the way of even its partial realisation. It may have served to
point out to men of science at a later period the true method
to be followed, but for the time it discouraged the study of

1 Strabo, 2. 5, 34.

IX.]

MERIDIANS OF LONGITUDE.

177

mathematical geography, and restricted it to a narrow circle of
students 1 .

The attempt to determine meridians of longitude was attended
with far greater difficulties than any which stood in
the way of measurements of latitude. In default L^gitu^ ° f
of the magnetic needle, there was no instrument in
this case which could afford help, as the gnomon did for parallels ;
and moreover, since the ancients divided the day and the night
into twelve hours each, irrespectively of the difference of the two
at different times of the year, the length of the hours varied,
except at the equinoxes, so that comparisons of the time of day
at different places could not fail to be inexact. Consequently,
the estimate in every instance was made to depend entirely on the
calculations of unscientific observers. In treating of Herodotus,
we have noticed how that writer feels his way towards a meridian
line, when he describes the situation of Pteria by its position
relatively to Sinope, which lay due north of it ; and also when, in
tracing the correspondence between the mouths of the Nile and
the Ister, which he supposed to be opposite to one another, he
draws a line between them through Cilicia Tracheia and Sinope 2 .
This line was the best that was available for the Greeks for the
purpose of observing a meridian, because their traders reached
both ends of it in the course of their communication with Egypt
on the one hand and their colonies to the north of the Euxine on
the other. In consequence of this, and also, after the foundation
of Alexandria, of the facilities which existed for pursuing the same
line to the southward along the Nile valley, this direction was
followed by the meridian which, as we have seen, was chosen for
the earliest measurement of the earth’s circumference, and was
subsequently adopted by Eratosthenes. The points through which
the last-named geographer drew it were, to the southward of
Alexandria, Syene and Meroe, and to the northward, Rhodes,

1 The detailed account of the different climata of the inhabited world,
which Strabo has given in 2. 5. 35 foil., is irreconcilable with his statement of
Hipparchus’ views in § 34, and must be regarded in the main as emanating
from Strabo himself, and not from Hipparchus. See Berger, Die geographischen
Fragments des Hipparch, pp. 41, 42.

s supra, pp. 79, 80.

i;8

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

the Troad, Byzantium, and the mouth of the Borysthenes 1 . The
accompanying diagram will shew how greatly the latter portion of

AN True meridian
A Alexandria
R Rhodes
T Troas
B Byzantium
B 0 Mouth of Borysthenes

(from Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde , p. 50)

this line deviates from the true meridian. The same criticism
will apply to another meridian which Eratosthenes drew further
to the west, viz. that through Carthage, the Straits of Messina,
and Rome 3 ; for Rome, which is intermediate in longitude
between the other two, is more than two degrees to the east
of Carthage, and more than three degrees to the west of the
Straits. Hipparchus pointed out that the true method of
determining longitudes was by the comparative observation of
eclipses®, but we have no evidence to shew that any such
investigations were instituted by him. Indeed, in this matter,

. even more than in the determination of the climata to which
certain places were to be assigned, the requisite facilities were not
forthcoming.

1 Strabo, a. 5. 7.

* Ibid. t 2. 1. 40.

* Ibid., 1 . 1.1*; d? 5k KaX"Imrapxos iv rois vpos’EpaT 0 <rdtv 7 ) dMeicei, Sn

varrt, xal ISiufry kcU njs yeaypaipucrjs Itrroplas TrpooyKofoyt

dStvarop \af3eh> focv rijs tw ovpwlw tcaX rijs ray itcXarriKW rqpfrew
Hitptvcus.

IX.]

THEORY OF ZONES.

1/9

The division of the earth into zones, or belts of temperature,
which was first promulgated by Parmenides 1 , was
based on a similar division which had already been zones * 7 ° f
drawn out for the celestial sphere. The scheme of
this philosopher included a torrid zone, which was uninhabitable
on account of the heat, two frigid zones, which were uninhabitable
on account of the cold, and two intermediate zones, which were
of moderate temperature, and fitted for the habitation of man.
The limits, however, which were to be assigned to these belts
were for some time variously estimated, but the habitable area
was gradually extended both towards the north and the south, in
proportion as the knowledge of the remoter tribes that were found
in both those directions increased. Aristotle is
the first writer in whom we find an attempt to view?* 0 ^' 8
determine these limits on scientific principles.

He defined the temperate zone as the belt which lay between
the tropic and the arctic circle—a statement, the accuracy of
which must depend on the meaning he attached to the latter of
these terms. The earlier sense which the expression ‘arctic
circle* bore among the Greeks, was that of a circle in the
northern heavens marking the limit in that direction of the
stars which never set. From this point of view, every latitude
had a different arctic circle; and this accounts for the name
* arctic,* because in the latitude of Greece, where it was first used,
the Great Bear just sweeps the sea but does not set—‘arctos
oceani metuentes aequore tingi.’ According to the modern view,
on the other hand, the arctic circle is fixed at the point on the
earth's surface where during one day of the year the sun does not
rise above the horizon. It is difficult to determine which of
these two senses is the one which Aristotle intended. From his
own brief statement of his opinions, as far as it is intelligible, and
also from Strabo’s account of them, we should suppose that he
uses the term in the modern and scientific sense; but the
criticisms which are passed upon him by Posidonius and Strabo
imply that he treated the arctic circle as varying with the latitude
of the place of observation 2 . At a later period, at all events, the

1 supra % p. 60.

2 Ar. Meteoroid a. £• xo; Strabo, a. a.

12—2

i8o

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

more accurate theory was regarded as established ; and the prac¬
tical application of it was facilitated by the discovery, which had
not yet come to the knowledge of the Greeks in Aristotle’s time,
that Syene was on the tropic, and by Pytheas’ report that the
arctic circle passed through Thule. Aristotle also maintained
that both the temperate zones were habitable, but did not enter
into the question whether the south temperate zone was actually
inhabited 1 . The view which prevailed among the ancients with
regard to the whole subject is sketched in outline
Description. by Virgil in a familiar passage of the Georgies , the
leading points in which are borrowed from the
Hermes , an astronomical poem by Eratosthenes. In this it will
be seen that the terrestrial zones are represented as corresponding
to celestial phenomena; and also that both the temperate zones,
but they only, are regarded as habitable. “ Five zones there are
which gird the heaven,” the poet says, “ whereof one ever glows
with the blazing sun and ever is parched with fire; and round it
to right and left sweep the two outermost, stiff with blue ice and
lowering with storms; while two between these and the central
zone are granted by the bounty of the gods to suffering
mortals, and between them a path has been drawn, along
which the procession of the signs of the zodiac might turn in
slanting course*.”

We learn from Strabo that Eratosthenes’ primary object in

Eratosthenes- the stud y of geography was to reform the map
Map of the of the world 3 . It cannot be doubted that before
his time a great advance had been made in the
construction of maps since the days of Anaximander, but we
have little means of knowing in what this progress consisted,
though it is certain that Dicaearchus contributed largely to it. In
the course of the present chapter we have seen how Eratosthenes
determined the dimensions of the globe, the extent of the in-
habited world, and the positions of the chief parallel and the
chief meridian which intersected it. He proceeded to inscribe

1 At. Meteoroid 3. 5.11, 16 .

* Virg. Georg., r. 333—9. The passage in the Hermes of Eratosthenes is
given in Conington’s note ad loc,

1 Strabo, 2. 1.2.

IX.]

the inhabited world in a parallelogram the sides of which just
touched its extremities, and then drew across it eight parallels
of latitude and seven meridians of longitude, including the two
just mentioned, at irregular distances from one another, these
distances being determined by the situation of the chief points
whose position had been ascertained either by scientific observa¬
tions or by the reports of travellers. The spots through which
the parallels were drawn were, beginning from the south, the
Cinnamon Region, Meroe, Syene, Alexandria, Rhodes, the Troad,
the mouth of the Borysthenes, and Thule; while those that were
crossed by the meridians were the Pillars of Hercules, Carthage,
Alexandria, Thapsacus on the Euphrates, the Caspian Gates, the
mouth of the Indus, and that of the Ganges. He shape of the
treated the inhabited world as an island, and made inhabited
it in shape an irregular oblong, the extremities of ° r
which tapered off to a point both to east and west, the lines of
coast converging on the one side towards the land of the Coniaci
at the furthest extremity of India, on the other towards the
Sacrum Promontorium in Spain. His authorities for this outline
were—towards the south-west probably the Periplus of Hanno,
towards the south-east the voyage of Nearchus, towards the
north-east the writings of Patrocles, and towards the north-west
Pytheas. Ignoring the prevailing division into three continents,
he divided this area into a northern and a southern portion, the
limit between which was formed by the Mediterranean Sea and
the Taurus mountains, i.e. the range which intersected the whole
of Asia. For purposes of description he intro¬
duced a further subdivision of this into sphragides
or * seals 19 —a term, which reminds us somewhat of
the actae of Herodotus, and is not less enigmatical than that
expression. It was intended to designate sections of the earth’s
surface; but even the principle by which these were determined
is not clear, since they do not seem to have corresponded through¬
out either to geometrical partitions or to territories marked by
natural boundaries. Our means of judging of this point, how¬
ever, are very limited, since Strabo’s account of them, on which
we have to depend, is confined to a part of the continent of Asia.

1 Strabo, 3. i. 33 foil.

MATHEMATICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

In this, the first sphragis is formed by India, the second by
Ariana, that is, the Iran plateau with the districts in its neigh¬
bourhood, the third by the country between the mountains of
Media and the Euphrates, and the fourth by the region to the
westward of that last named as far as the Mediterranean. At this
limit our information ceases.

The treatise in which the geographical researches of Erato¬
sthenes were embodied was divided into three books.
ei^phiwj 0 " The first of these contained a sketch of the pro-

Treatise. its gress of the study of the subject from the earliest

Contents. t ; mes to his Qwn age> ^ secon( i treated of

mathematical and physical geography, including, in addition to

the topics which we have already noticed, discussions on the
formation of the earth, and the changes which had taken place
on its surface. The third was divided into two parts, the first
of which embraced the preliminary data for the projection of his
map, while the other was devoted to descriptive geography at
large. In the last-named portion he appears not to have confined
himself to a delineation of the features of the ground and the out¬
line of the coasts, but to have accompanied them by notices of
the natural productions of the various countries and the races who
inhabited them : at the same time the narrow limits within which
this wide subject was confined preclude the possibility of his
having treated it in much detail. Still, even a summary of the
geographical knowledge of the third century before Christ, con¬
taining as it did a large amount of fresh material gathered
from various quarters, must have been an extraordinary advance
on any previously existing source of information. As might
be expected from the state of knowledge which
Errors?^ prevailed at that period, the regions about which
Eratosthenes was chiefly in error were those which
lay in the extreme north and the extreme south of the world. Of
the conformation of northern Europe he was altogether ignorant;
and about the central area of that continent north of the Danube

he had little to communicate. As regards the corresponding part
of Asia, he held fast by the erroneous view that the Caspian com¬
municated with the Northern Ocean, and believed that the Jaxartes
flowed into that sea. Nor had he any conception of the southward

IX.] HIS GEOGRAPHICAL TREATISE. 183

projection either of India or of Africa. The country, in respect of
which his information is most strikingly in advance of that possessed
by previous writers, is Arabia. This is accounted for by the exist¬
ence on either side of that land of the two great monarchies of
Egypt and Syria, the latter of which had its seat at Babylon or
Seleucia; for, by means of the commerce which these promoted,
a number of trade-routes were developed in various parts of the
interior of the intervening territory. So unique was the oppor¬
tunity thus afforded for obtaining intelligence about a land which
has at all times been difficult to penetrate, that even Strabo,
though writing in the Augustan age, was largely dependent on
Eratosthenes for his account of Arabia.

CHAPTER X.

PHYSICAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY.

Physical Features of Greece—Impression produced by them on Aristotle-
Physical Geographers—Agatharchides—His Account of the Aethiopian
Gold-mines—Similar Description in the Book of Job-Eudoxus of Cyzicus
—Artemidorus—Posidonius—His Travels—His Varied Interests—Error
about the Circumference of the Earth—Tides—Observations of Aristotle,
of Pytheas, and of Posidonius—Winds—Aristotle’s Scheme—Timosthenes’
Scheme—Popular Scheme—‘Temple of the Winds’ at Athens—Period¬
ical Winds-Rivers—Their Sources, Underground Courses, Power of
Erosion, Deposit of Alluvium, Tidal Waves—Earthquakes and Volcanic
Action—Views of Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, and Aristotle—Earthquakes
relieved by Volcanoes—Observations of Posidonius—Flora—'Theophras¬
tus’ History of Plants —The Descnftio Montis Pelii— Fauna—Anthropo¬
logical Notices—Agatharchides on the Ichthyophagi and Aethiopians—
Posidonius on the Iberians and Gauls—Historical Geography as found in
Aristotle—His Restricted Views—Ephorus the Forerunner of Polybius-
Geographical Section of his History—His Advanced Criticisms—Polybius
arc . 210-128 B.C.— How affected by the Circumstances of his Age—His
Travels in Western Europe—His Opinion of the Importance of Travel-
Interest in Physical Geography—His Application of Geography to History
—Descriptions of Countries—Cisalpine Gaul—Media—Descriptions of
Cities—Sinope—Agrigen turn—N ew Carthage—General Remarks.

In the first chapter of the present work it has been observed
Physical ^ at Greece was in many ways a suggestive country
Features of to its inhabitants on the subject of physical geo-
Greece ‘ graphy. Its remarkable isthmuses, such as that of
Corinth, which was familiar to every Greek, and those of the
peninsulas of Athos and Pallene in Chalcidice, and the still more
peculiar belt of sand by which the island of Leucadia was joined
to the neighbouring continent; the narrow inlets, which penetrated
at many points into the land, and the strange currents which were
produced within them by the influx and efflux of the sea; the
numerous islands, which were either grouped in clusters or
scattered over the surface of the water:—these, and many other
features by which its area was diversified, furnished as it were an

CHAP. X.]

AGATHARCHIDES.

1*5

epitome of the subject, from the observation of which it was easy
to advance towards the larger problems which presented them¬
selves in other portions of the globe. The effect
of these influences on the mind of Aristotle is produce^y
especially traceable. The destruction of the cities Jemo®
of Helice and Bura on the coast of Achaia by an
earthquake and a simultaneous rising of the sea—an event which
became as famous in the ancient world as the earthquake at
Lisbon has been in modern times—took place during his boyhood,
and seems to have greatly impressed his imagination, for he refers
to it more than once in his Meteorological . At Chalcis in Euboea,
where he resided at one period of his life, he interested himself in
the peculiar currents of the Euripus 1 2 3 ; and from this circumstance
arose the quaint legend, which is found in several ancient writers,
that he died from vexation at being unable to discover the
explanation of their movement 3 . Other instances of the im¬
pression made by similar objects on the mind of the philosopher
will be presently mentioned. For the study of physical as
well as mathematical geography, however, Aristotle lived several
generations too early, so that in many cases his enquiries resulted
in error owing to the want of sufficient data. It was not until
the latter half of the second century before Christ that this part
of the subject was cultivated in earnest, but from that time until
the Augustan age it was predominant over every other branch.
Before we begin to consider it in detail, it may be well to give
some account of the leading explorers and men of science who
contributed to its development.

The first among these who calls for our notice is Agatharchides
of Cnidos (arc. 170—100 b.c.), a learned and
voluminous writer, who, in addition to various Geographers,
historical treatises, composed a work on the
Erythraean Sea. Considerable portions of this have been pre¬
served by Photius, and from these we learn that a number of

1 Meteoroid 1. 6. 8; 2. 8. 43. Aristotle was bom in 384 B.C., and the
destruction of Helice and Bura took place in 373 B.c.

2 Ibid. % 2. 8. 9.

3 Procop., BelL Goth., 4. 6, pp. 485, 486, ed. Bonn .; Bionys. Byz.,
Anaplus Bosp. Throe., in Muller’s Geogr. Gr. Min., voL 2, p. 16.

186

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

passages in Diodorus, which refer to that region, are derived
from the same source. As Agatharchides passed
c^ e f ar “ the latter part of his life at Alexandria, where he was
tutor to the young king, Ptolemy Soter II (Lathyrus),
he enjoyed ample opportunities of obtaining information about
the coast of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, and the interior
of the neighbouring countries of Aethiopia and Arabia. It was
through his book that the fame of the wealth and prosperity of
the Sabaeans in the south-west comer of Arabia—the modem
Yemen—was popularly known, so that the name of Arabia Felix
became attached to that country. Among other subjects, he paid
especial attention to the mode of life of the tribes in those
regions; but the most interesting part of his narrative relates to
the mode of working the Aethiopian gold-mines near the Egyptian
coast of the Red Sea, which he has described in much detail,
and the hardships suffered by the slave population who were
employed in them. These, he tells us, in some cases were
prisoners taken in war, in others condemned criminals, or persons
who had been made the victims of calumny; and not infrequently
their whole families were consigned to the same terrible fate.

“Those who are thus condemned to penal servitude, being
very numerous, and all in fetters, are kept con-
of^the^AcUiio- stantly at work both by day and night without any
mines* 01 **" repose, and are jealously guarded to prevent their
escape; for they are watched by companies of
barbarian soldiers who speak a language different from theirs, to
prevent their winning any of them over by friendly intercourse or

appeals to their humanity. Unkempt, untended as they are,

without even a rag to hide their shame, the awful misery of these
sufferers* is a spectacle to move the hardest heart. None of them,
whether sick or maimed or aged, not even weak women, meet
with compassion or respite; all are forced by blows to work
without intermission, until they expire under this hard treatment.
So overpowering is their affliction, that they are ever anticipating
worse evils in the future, and welcome death as a blessed change
from life.”

The following is the description of the method of working in
the mines and of the preparation of the ore:

X.] THE AETHIOPIAN GOLD-MINES. 187

“The hardest of the auriferous strata they expose to a hot
fire, and so loosen its texture, before they proceed to work upon
it; but the kind of rock which is less firm, and yields to a
comparatively slight force, they break up with quarrying im¬
plements, and on this task tens of thousands of these unfortunates
are employed. Now the general superintendence of the mines is
entrusted to the artificer who tests the stone, and he directs the
workmen; and the strongest in limb of those who are doomed
to this hard lot break away the glittering marble with iron
hammers—and that by main force in default of skill—and ex¬
cavate subterranean passages, not indeed in straight lines, but
following the cleavage of the gleaming rock. These workmen, as
they pass their time in darkness owing to the turnings in these
galleries, wear lamps attached to their foreheads; and while they
manage in various ways to follow the sinuosities of the rocks,
cast down on the floor the fragments which they have detached.
On this they are unceasingly occupied under the lash of an
exacting taskmaster. Then the children who are under age
penetrate through the galleries into the chambers hollowed in the
rock, and having laboriously thrown up the fallen pieces, convey
them into the open to a place set apart for the purpose outside
the pit’s mouth. There the prisoners who are more than thirty
years old, receiving in their turn their fixed proportion of the
quarried stone, pound it in stone mortars with iron pestles, till the
fragments are reduced to the size of bean-pods. These pieces
are next passed on to the women and old men, who cast them
into a number of handmills placed in a row, where they stand,
two or three to each handle, and grind them, breaking up quite

small the portions assigned to them, as men grind meal.

Finally the stone thus pulverised is put into the hands of skilled
workmen, who complete the process. This~-is done by rubbing
it along the surface of a wide board placed on a slight incline,
and at the same time pouring water over it; in this way the
earthy particles are decomposed by the moisture, and trickle
down the sloping board, while those which contain the gold keep
their place owing to their weight. This is repeated several times.
First they rub it lightly with their hands, and afterwards they
remove the thin earthy matter by means of fine sponges which

i88

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

they apply lightly to it, until the gold dust is left completely pure.
Again, when this has been collected, other artificers place it in
earthenware jars according to a fixed weight and measure, adding
in proportion to the quantity lumps of lead and salt, with a small
amount of tin, and husks of barley; and having covered all this
in with a closely fitting lid, and smeared it over carefully with
clay, they bake it in a furnace for five consecutive days and
nights. At the expiration of that time, when it has been left to
cool, they find no trace of the other ingredients in the vessels,
but obtain the gold pure, and but slightly diminished by waste 1 .”

The description of mining operations which is found in one

Similar De¬
scription in
the Book of
Job.

part of the above passage corresponds in so many
of its details to the following account of the same
thing in the Book of Job, that the question arises,
whether the same place may not be referred to

in both of them.

“ Surely there is a mine for silver,

And a place for gold which they refine.

Iron is taken out of the earth,

And brass is molten out of the stone. .

Man setteth an end to darkness,

And searcheth out to the furthest bound
The stones of thick darkness and of the shadow of death.
He breaketh open a shaft away from where men sojourn;
They are forgotten of the foot that passeth by;

They hang afar from men, they swing to and fro.

As for the earth, out of it cometh bread:

And underneath it is turned up as it were by fire.

The stones thereof are the place of sapphires,

And it hath dust of gold.

That path no bird of prey knoweth,

Neither hath the falcon’s eye seen it:

The proud beasts have not trodden it,

Nor hath the fierce lion passed thereby.

He putteth forth his hand upon the flinty rock;

He overturneth the mountains by the roots.

He cutteth out channels among the rocks;

And his eye seeth every precious thing.

He bindeth the streams that they trickle not;

And the thing that is hid bringeth he forth to light 3 .”

* Biodor.,' 3. 12-—14. s Job xxviii. 1—-u.

X.]

EUDOXUS OF CYZICUS.

189

In these remarkable verses the shafts and underground pas¬
sages in the mines, and the depth and remoteness of the scene of
the working, are referred to in a manner which closely corresponds
to the narrative of Agatharchides. It is true that the Aethiopian
mines are not the only ones from which the description in Job
may have been derived. Mr Kenrick in his Phoenicia long ago
pointed out the resemblance (which indeed is equally striking)
between this passage and the accounts of the mines in southern
Spain which are found in Diodorus, Strabo, and Pliny; and he
very reasonably suggested that information on this subject might
have reached the author of the Book of J ob from a Phoenician
source 1 . But when we find that the knowledge of mining opera¬
tions was obtainable from a country as near to Palestine or Arabia
as Aethiopia was, we are hardly disposed to go so far afield
as the western extremity of the Mediterranean to search for it
To this we may add, that the extreme antiquity of the working of
the Aethiopian mines by the rulers of Egypt, which Diodorus
himself mentions, would suit the view that they were referred to
by the author of the Book of Job, since an early date is usually
assigned to the composition of that poem.

Nearly contemporary with Agatharchides was Eudoxus of
Cyzicus, an intelligent enquirer, whose story was
so strange, that from Strabo’s time onwards it has C ^ c d u ° s * us of
often been treated with scepticism. It happened
that, while he was in Alexandria, to which place he had been
sent on a mission from his native city, an Indian was brought
thither, who was the sole survivor from the crew of a vessel which
had been wrecked on the Red Sea coast. This stranger, as soon
as he had been taught sufficient Greek to make himself under¬
stood, described the circumstances of his voyage, and offered, if
the king, Ptolemy Euergetes II (Physcon), would fit out a vessel,
to conduct it to India. His proposal was accepted, and Eudoxus
was allowed to take part in the expedition; but when the
adventurers returned laden with wealth, their expectations of
gain were disappointed, for the whole of their valuable cargo was
appropriated by the king. Nothing daunted, however, by this
unfair treatment, in the succeeding reign Eudoxus engaged in
1 Kenrick’s Phoenicia , pp. 264, 265.

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

190

another enterprise under royal patronage in the same direction,
which was again successful; but on his return voyage he was
driven by stress of weather for some distance down the coast of
Africa. There he met with a trophy, which he brought back
with him to Alexandria, in the form of the ornamented prow of a
ship, which was said by the natives to have come from the west¬
ward; and when he was assured by the traders to whom he
displayed it, that from its appearance it must have belonged to
one of a class of vessels that were despatched from Gades, he
concluded that this particular ship had sailed round the south of
Africa, and thus he was prompted to attempt the same feat of
circumnavigation. Accordingly he organised an expedition on
his own account, and after visiting Dicaearchia (Puteoli) and
Massilia, and obtaining assistance from those cities, he reached
Gades, and from thence proceeded southward along the African
coast. The difficulties, however, which he encountered, seem to
have been greater than he anticipated, and he was ultimately
obliged to return to Europe; but there can be little doubt that,
as he was inspired from the first with the spirit of research, he
must have contributed largely to the stock of knowledge of his
Artemidorus t * me ‘ Somewhat * ater in date than these two was
Artemidorus of Ephesus {fire. 100 b . c .), whose work
on geography was highly prized in ancient times, and is frequently
referred to by Strabo. He also was an extensive traveller, and
his account of the shores of the Mediterranean and the Euxine,
and of the customs of their inhabitants, to which he devoted
special attention, was largely derived from personal observation.

But a far more important authority on geography than any of
Posidonius. these ^as Posidonius (135—5° Bf*)> who deserves
the title of the most intelligent traveller in an¬
tiquity. He was a striking representative of that encyclopaedic
knowledge which was characteristic of the Hellenistic age. The
list of subjects on which he composed treatises comprises philo¬
sophy, mathematics, physics, grammar and history; and though
probably the only work in which he dealt with geography as a
separate study was one on The Ocean , he was regarded as an
eminent authority on that science. In philosophy he was a
leader of the Stoic school, and he lectured on that subject in

X.]

POSIDONIUS.

191

Rhodes, where Cicero was among his pupils; and both with that
statesman and with Pompey he was on terms of

1 • , , , , His Travels.

intimacy. His travels included, not only the more
accessible countries in the neighbourhood of the Mediterranean,
but the interior of Spain, Gaul, and Britain, in which lands he
became acquainted with the most remote tribes, and carefully
studied their mode of life. It may give some
idea of the variety of his interests and of the interested
minuteness of his observation, if we enumerate a
few of the points which he is known to have investigated. He
carefully studied the phenomena of the tides at Gades, where he
remained thirty days 1 . He visited the Spanish mines—not only
those in the south of the country, but also those in the north¬
western district, the modem Galicia—and described their galleries
and system of drainage 3 . In the same region he noticed the
existence of red rock-salt, and remarked that it turns white
when pounded 8 —a statement, which seems improbable at first
sight, but is perfectly true, because the colour in this case is
prismatic, and consequently disappears when the crystalline
formation is destroyed. He states that the depth of the sea in
the neighbourhood of Sardinia was greater than that of any other
sea that had been sounded 4 ; and modern observations have
shewn that this part of the Mediterranean is excessively deep.
In Gaul his attention was attracted by the appearance of the
Plaine de la Crau between Arles and Marseilles, the entire area
of which, extending for many square miles, is covered with round
rolled stones; and he speculated on the origin of these 5 . To
him also we owe the accounts which are found in ancient writers
of the division of the Celtic hierarchy into the three orders of
Bards, Prophets, and Druids, and of their respective functions,
the truth of which is recognised by scholars at the present day 8 .
Posidonius, however, was the originator of a serious error in

mathematical geography, which permanently af¬
fected the calculations of those who came after
him. This related to the circumference of the

Error about
the Circum¬
ference of the
Berth.

1 Strabo, 3. i. 5. 3 Ibid., 3. 2. 9.

3 Ibid., 3. 3. 7. 4 Ibid., 1. 3. 9,

8 Ibid , 4. 1. 7.. 6 Ibid., 4. 4. 4; Diodor., 5.31.

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP

earth, which, as we have seen, had already been determined by
Eratosthenes. In this conclusion of his predecessor Posidonius
was indisposed to acquiesce, and he endeavoured to solve
the problem by means of observations of the position of the
star Canopus at Alexandria and at Rhodes; but, owing to the
inaccuracy both of these measurements and of the computation
of the distance between the two places, he greatly underestimated
the circuit of the globe, reducing it from 250,000 stadia, as
computed by Eratosthenes, to 180,000*. Unfortunately, in con¬
sequence of the great weight that was attached to his authority,
this estimate was adopted by his successors, and was even ac¬
cepted by Ptolemy.

The history of the discovery by the Greeks of the movement
of the tides is peculiarly interesting, because the
knowledge of this phenomenon was only gradually
obtainable by them, since the Mediterranean is, except in a slight
degree, and in certain limited areas, such as the head of the
Adriatic, a tideless sea. Herodotus notices the ebb and flow of
the water in the Maliac gulf®, and also in the Red Sea 3 ; and he
uses the same terms in which these are described, when speaking
of the extraordinary reflux and flux of the waves, which caused
the destruction of a portion of the Persian force under the
command of Artabazus which was besieging Potidaea 4 . The
shifting currents of the Euripus, which served as a starting-point
for speculations on this subject, are noticed by all three of the
Greek tragedians; Aeschylus describing them as the “tides of
Aulis surging to and fro 8 ,” and Sophocles as the “groaning
strait 6 ,” while Euripides speaks of the “eddies of the whirling
Euripus 7 .” Aristotle, as we have seen, observed
of°Arifftot^ nS i ts movements, and he remarks generally on the
tendency of the sea to sway to and fro, when a

1 Strabo, 2. 2. 2.

a Herod., 7. 198; & ttjv Mi/Xifia irapa k 6 \ttqv dak&<r<rr}S t b t$ dpurwrls

re koX faxtr) &vb. togov T]{dfrrp/ ylverai. 8 Ibid.) 2 - n.

4 Ibid.) 8. 129. 8 Aesch., Ag. t 191; vdkippbxQois b AbXISos t6ttols.

8 Soph., Ant.) 1145; crovbevra irop6p.bv.

7 Eurip., Iph. Taur.) 6, 7 ;

d/jupi Slyais, as dip? E tipuros tvkvous
atipau iMffctttv Kvaviav aXa ffTpi<pei t

X.]

TIDES.

193

large body of water is forced into a narrow space, and hemmed in
there by the coasts which environ it 1 . The tides of the ocean,
however, he seems to have referred rather to the influence of
winds than to any more certain cause 2 . Shortly after his time
additional information on the subject was furnished by Nearchus
with regard to the Indian Ocean, and by Pytheas

1 a 1 • mi 1 * , of Pytheas,

concerning the Atlantic. The latter of these two

voyagers, being a man of science and an enthusiastic enquirer,
made careful observations on the regular recurrence of the tides,
with the view of determining the causes which produced them,
and established the correspondence between their diurnal re¬
currence and the movement of the moon 3 . It was reserved for
Posidonius, however, to draw attention to the in¬
fluences which are exercised by the sun and moon Potidonius.
conjointly in producing the monthly variations in
the tides. By him it was pointed out that at the new moon,
when the two luminaries are in conjunction, and also at the full
moon, the tides are highest, or, as we say, the spring tides are
produced ) whereas at the first and last quarters they are lowest,
that is, there are neap tides 4 .

In speaking of the geography of the Homeric age we noticed
that at that period only four winds—Boreas, Eurus,

Notus and Zephyrus—were recognised by the Greeks,
and that these correspond to the four cardinal points 5 . At the
same time this division, owing to its simplicity, unavoidably in¬
troduced some confusion, because winds of different characters
were in some instances represented by the same name; this was
notably the case with Zephyrus, which designated both the violent
north-west wind which blew from Thrace, and the soft gale from
the west, which was the zephyr of the poets. In the course of
time, as might be expected, more accurate distinctions were made,
and a more elaborate nomenclature was adopted; and these ob¬
servations were arranged on scientific principles and reduced to a

1 Ar., Meteorol ., 2. 1. 11.

9 See Berger, Geschichte der Etdkunde , Pt. 3. p. 114.

* v. supra , p. 155.

1 Strabo, 3. 5. 8; cp. Pliny, 2. 212.’

5 0. supra t pp. 40, 41.

194

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

scheme by Aristotle 1 . He retained the existing names for those
that blew from the cardinal points, with the excep-
Scheme. * * tion of Eurus, which properly signified the Scirocco
or south-east wind; in the place of this he adopted
for the east wind the name Apeliotes, which was already in use in
that sense. He then raised the number of the winds from four to
eight, and, after assuming the points of north and south as known,
with Boreas and Notus as the winds corresponding to them, deter¬
mined the quarters from which the remainder blew by the variations
of sunrise and sunset. Thus the east wind, Apeliotes, blew from
the equinoctial rising, and the west wind, Zephyrus, from the
equinoctial setting] the north-east wind, Caecias, blew from the
summer rising, and opposite to it the south-west, Libs, from the
winter setting; the south-east wind, Eurus, from the winter rising,
and opposite to it the north-west, Argestes or Sciron, from the
summer setting. To these, with a view to more minute sub¬
division, he added four more winds, raising the entire number to
twelve: thus between Boreas and Argestes he inserted a wind
called Thrascias; between Boreas and Caecias one called Meses;
between Eurus and Notus, Phoenicias; and between Notus and
Libs a wind which he does not name, but which was afterwards
called Libonotus or Leuconotus. The quarters from which these
winds blew, however, were not exactly defined, as was the case
with the others. For geographical, and probably also for nautical
purposes, this elaborate scheme was retained in use, for we find it
mentioned by Timosthenes, who was admiral of the fleet of
Ptolemy Philadelphus, and wrote a treatise On Harbours , which

Timosthenes* ^ ^ rec l uent ty quoted by Strabo. This writer made
Scheme. a further advance by naming the distant portions of
the world which corresponded to the quarters from
which these various winds blew. Thus he made the Bactrians to
correspond to Apeliotes, the Indians to Eurus, the Red Sea to
Phoenicias, and so on all round the points of the compass 3 .

Popular But for or <tt nar y purposes the eight-fold division
Scheme. was the one permanently retained in use. This we
might infer from the rare occurrence of the names

1 Meteoroid 2 . 6 .

* Agathemerus, Geography a* 6, 7 .

WINDS.

195

of the four additional winds, but we have clear proof of it in the
sculptured figures which are still to be seen on the ancient monu¬
ment which throws the greatest light on this subject—the Horo¬
logium of Antonius Cyrrhestes, or, as it is popularly called, the
‘Temple of the Winds/ at Athens. This is alow
octagonal tower, on each of the eight walls of the winds’at
which there is a bas-relief, representing the wind Athens *
that blew from the direction towards which it faces, and these
correspond to the eight winds which Aristotle first enumerates.
An additional element of interest is supplied by the dress and
accompaniments of these figures, by which the character attributed
by the Greeks to the winds which they represent is described.
Boreas, for instance, is depicted as a bearded man of stem aspect,
thickly clad and wearing strong buskins, and he blows a conch
shell as a sign of his tempestuous character. Caecias, another
cold and inclement wind, carries a shield, the lower part of which
is full of hailstones. Notus, the most rainy wind, holds an inverted
um, the whole contents of which he is pouring out upon the earth.
Zephyrus, on the other hand, who is the harbinger of spring, appears
as a graceful youth, almost unclothed, with the fold of his robe
filled with flowers. In addition to these winds, which determined,
or w T ere determined by, the quarters of the heavens,

Aristotle notices the periodical winds that prevail in vvindsf^
the Aegean—the Omithiae or Bird-winds (so called
because they brought the birds of passage), which blew in the
springtime from the north, and the Etesian winds also from the
same direction 1 . Owing to his remembrance of the latter of these,
Megasthenes, in his account of India and its rainy season, applies
the name of Etesian winds to the south-west monsoon 2 .

In every country the rivers are the chief element of movement,
and for this reason they resemble a living agency
more than any other natural feature. The changes
which they are continually producing on the face of the earth are
everywhere apparent, and human life has at all times been largely
dependent upon them, whether as an aid to the cultivation of the
soil, or as a means of transit from place to place, or as furnishing

1 Ar., Meteoroid 3, 5. 7, 9.

* Strabo, 15.1.13.

13—2

196

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

one of the first necessaries of existence, and thus determining the
localities fitted for the abode of man. In consequence of this
they have attracted attention in all ages, and among the Greeks,
as soon as speculation on the phenomena of nature arose, we meet
with interesting observations both on the general characteristics of
rivers and on their more marked peculiarities. Aristotle first
pointed out that almost all large rivers take their
Sources rise in great mountain ranges—a statement which

he illustrates by instances taken from all the three
continents; and he compares the elevated portions of the globe
to a vast sponge, which retains the water that falls in rain, and
after a while sends it forth again from numerous sources 1 . Another
feature by which he was attracted was the disappear-
coura^° Und ance °f rivers, and their pursuing a subterraneous
course, of which he gives the following account.
“That there are such chasms and openings in the ground is clear
from the rivers that are engulfed. Now this happens in many
parts of the earth, as, for instance, in Peloponnesus, where there
are several instances in the neighbourhood of Arcadia. The
reason is that, whereas that is a mountain district, it has no
channels leading from the depressions of the ground to the sea.
For when an area is filled and has no outflow, it finds for itself a
passage vertically, by the force of the water that presses from
above 2 .” The places in Arcadia here referred to are the valleys
which contain the lakes of Pheneus and Stymphalus, and the phe¬
nomena of both of these are accurately described by Eratosthenes,
who says that the river of Pheneus finds its way into a passage, or
“strainer,” as he calls it, and that when this is closed the valley
becomes a lake; but when it opens the waters sink, and the river
Ladon, with which it communicates underground, is flooded. The
same thing happens to the lake of Stymphalus, the stream from
which forms the river Erasmus in the Argive territory 3 . A further
point, to which Polybius draws attention in his
Erosion, description of the site of Psophis in the Pelopon-
nese, is the action of a river in hollowing out a

1 Ar., MeteoroL, 1.13. u—12.

8 22 nd., j. 13. 27, 28.

8 Eratosth. ap. Strabon., 8. 8. 4.

X.]

EARTHQUAKES.

197

ravine by insensible degrees 1 . Again, the formation of alluvium
about the mouths of rivers, which we have noticed
as being brought prominently before the minds of
the Greeks from an early period by their observation
of the Delta in Egypt, led to further speculations; and first
Aristotle, and afterwards Polybius, affirmed that owing to this
cause the Palus Maeotis was rapidly filling up, so that vessels of
less draught than those previously in use were required to navi¬
gate it*. Polybius adds that, on a smaller scale, the same thing
was taking place in the Black Sea. Finally, Posi-

0 * Tidal "Waves.

donius remarked on the inrush of the tide into the

estuaries and the lower courses of rivers, a phenomenon which he

had noticed at the mouth of the Thames during his visit to Britain 8 .

The frequent occurrence of earthquake shocks, to which
throughout its history Greece has been much ex- Earthquakes
posed, naturally attracted the attention of the and volcanic
Greeks, and caused them to speculate on the Action *
changes which might have been produced on the face of the earth
by such convulsions. As early as the time of Aeschylus we find
that the idea prevailed that Sicily had been separated from Italy
by such an agency, and that the name of Rhegium, or “The
Rent,” was derived from this circumstance 4 . Herodotus expresses
a similar opinion with regard to the disruption of Olympus and
Ossa, and the formation of the vale of Tempe®. Among the
earlier philosophers we meet with two theories that were put
forward to account for these movements. The first
of these, which is attributed to Anaximenes, referred Anwi^enes,
them to fractures of the crust of the earth, which

1 Polyb., 4. 70. 7; iroiei 8e /cal rb vapivav 6xvp& Kal 8v<rirp6ao8op r^p
t6\lv dt& rb filyedos rod Koik&fiaTos, & Karb ppaxP T $ XP& V V Karetpyaorai,
<f>€p6jj.€vo$ ££ inrep8c£lci)v tStuv.

2 Ar, Meteorol , 1. 14. 29; Polyb., 4. 40. 3—10.

8 Priscianus Lydus, Solutions ad Chosroem , p. 72, ed. Bywater.

4 Aeschyl. ap. Strabon. 6. 1. 6; dvo/idaBrj 8 k *P Jp/iov, & 6 \ ws
A^x^Xos, Sib, rb trvfip&p v&dos rj? X&PQ ratfrfl* diroppayijpaL ybp dtrb r?s fyretpov
rijif SuceXlap inrb aeurfitbp aXXoi re Kaiceivos ctprjKep"

atpl of Wj *P •faiop KinX^OKerai.

8 Herod., 7. 129; iari ybp cewftoO tpyov, is tpd Spabcro ebt u, ^ dturraoa

198

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

were produced by its passing through a process of drying, after
having previously been saturated with moisture 1 . The other was
that of Anaxagoras, who believed that they were
Anaxagoras, by the fiery element of the aether, which

had penetrated into the interior of the earth, and was struggling
to escape thence 2 . It will be seen that the view of Anaximenes
excluded the idea of any connexion between earthquakes and
volcanic agency, whereas that of Anaxagoras naturally suggested
it. In the hands of Aristotle this connexion became
the leading feature in the discussion of the question.
According to him both of them were due to the action of winds,
which were confined beneath the surface of the earth, and were
endeavouring to find a vent. These winds—perhaps at the present
day we should rather describe them as gases—were developed by
the heat of the earth acting on the moisture which penetrates into
it. The element of fire which appears in volcanic action was due
to the vapours becoming rarified and so igniting 3 . This theory
subsequently met with general acceptance: we find it adopted by
Ovid in his description of the upheaval of the promontory of
Methana near Troezen in the Argolic peninsula, which happened
about the year 282 b.c, —in which passage he compares the process
to what happens in the inflation of a bladder:—

Near Troezen stands a hill, exposed in air
To winter winds, of leafy shadows bare:

This once was level ground; but (strange to tell)
Th’ included vapours that in caverns dwell,
Lab’ring with colic pangs, and close confined,

In vain sought issue for the rumbling wind:

Yet still they heaved for vent, and, heaving still,
Enlarged the concave, and shot up the hill;

As breath extends a bladder, or the skins
Of goats are blown t’ inclose the hoarded winds:
The mountain yet retains a mountain’s face,

And gathered rubbish heals the hollow space 4 .

1 Ar. MeteoroU , 2. 7. 6 .

8 Ibid , 9 2. 7. 2.

8 Ar. Meteorol 2.8.

4 Ov. Met; 15.256—306 (translation by Dry den and others).

X.]

VOLCANIC ACTION.

1 99

Pliny also gives his adherence to the same view 1 . By more care¬
ful observation of these occurrences it was further „ ,

Earthquakes

established that the volcanoes served as a vent, by relieved by
means of which the frequency and violence of the ° c 0
earthquake movements were lessened. Thus Strabo, when speaking
of a succession of shocks by which the island of Euboea was
affected, remarks that they ceased when an eruption took place in
the Lelantian plain between Chalcis and Eretria*. And again, he
explains the cessation in South Italy of any such convulsions as
that which was supposed to have originated the Straits of Messina,
by the formation in that neighbourhood of cones of eruption like
those of the Lipari islands®. After Aristotle, the man of science
who contributed most to the study of this subject
was Posidonius. He described in considerable 0 f°p(Sdol!iu8. S
detail, and in terms which closely correspond to
the records of modem observers of similar occurrences, the eleva¬
tion of a new volcanic islet among the Lipari islands, which took
place during his lifetime. Strabo thus reports his narrative:—
“Posidonius says that within his memory, one day about the
summer solstice, just at dawn, the sea was seen to rise to an extra¬
ordinary height between the islands of Hiera and Euonymus, and
continued to increase steadily for a certain time, until suddenly it
ceased. Those who ventured to sail near to the spot were appalled
by the sight of the dead fish that were carried by the current, and
by the heat and stench, and so took to flight; but one of the
vessels, which approached nearer than the others, lost part of its
crew, while the rest hardly escaped to Lipara, and from time to
time were attacked by delirium like epileptic patients, though at
intervals they recovered their senses. Several days afterwards the
surface of the sea was seen to be covered with mud, and at many
points jets of flame, with exhalations and smoke, burst forth, and
the scum subsequently hardened and assumed the appearance of
mill-stone 4 .” He is also quoted by Strabo in connexion with the

1 Pliny, 2. 192; ventos in causa esse non dubium reor...condito scilicet in
venas et cava ejus occulta fiatu. neque aliud est in terra tremor quam in nube
tonitruum, nec hiatus aliud quam cum fulmen erumpit incluso spiritu luctante
et ad libertatem exire nitente.

8 Strabo, 1. 3. 16. 8 6. i* 6. 4 6. a. xi.

200

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

eruptions of Etna 1 , and as mentioning an earthquake which
happened in Phoenicia 2 . In fact, there can be little doubt that
when we meet with descriptions of phenomena of this kind else¬
where in the writings of the latter geographer—and they are very
numerous—they are in the great majority of cases to be referred
to Posidonius as their original authority 3 . Perhaps the most
notable instance is the account of the eruption of Thera (Santorin),
which occurred in the year 197 b.c., on which occasion, we are
told, flames rose from the water for four days between Thera and
the neighbouring Therasia, so that the whole sea boiled and
blazed, and little by little an island was ejected, being lifted as it
were by mechanical force, and composed of fire-stones, extending
over an area of twelve stadia in circumference 4 . It is interesting
to observe in this connexion, as an evidence of the influence which
these aspects of nature exercised on the mind of Posidonius, that
he could not persuade himself that the island of Atlantis, which
is described in Plato’s Timaeus , was wholly fictitious, because it
was said to have disappeared in the sea in consequence of an
earthquake®.

The flora and fauna of different countries were also recognised
Flora' ^ sub J ects wb i cb merited careful observation, and
their geographical distribution attracted especial
attention. In the History of Plants of Theophrastus, who was a
Theophras- P U P^ Ar i st °tle, we meet with constant references
tus 'Historyof to the habitat of the different trees and shrubs

that are mentioned, together with remarks on the
climates which were most suitable for their development, and the
differences produced in them through this cause. Thus, in one
place the trees that were found in Macedonia are enumerated, the
mountain growths being distinguished from those of the lowlands,
and some of these are compared with the corresponding vegeta¬
tion in Crete*; in another an account is given of the trees and
plants which were found growing in the Copaic lake or in its

1 Strabo, 6. 2.3. *1.3. 16.

8 See Dubois, Examen de la Glograpkie de Strabon, p. 325.

4 Strabo, 1. 3. 16.

8 Strabo, 2. 3. 6; cp. Plato, Tim,, p. 25 c.

8 Theoph., Mist. Plants 3. 3.

X.]

FLORA AND FAUNA.

201

neighbourhood 1 . Speaking of the fondness of the box-tree for a
cold climate, Theophrastus says that it grew on the Thessalian
Olympus, though it did not attain a great size there, but that
it was most abundant on Cytorus in Bithynia, while the finest
specimens were found in Corsica*. He also remarks on the
Corsican pine-forests, both because of their extent and of the size
of the trees, in which respects he says they were unrivalled in
Europe 8 . Another interesting botanical notice is found in an
account of Mount Pelion, which forms part of a
Description of Greece , written in the latter half of i^tontuPeili.
the third century before Christ, which has been
attributed, though erroneously, to Dicaearchus 4 * . The greater
part of this is occupied with an enumeration of the trees and
plants that grew on that mountain, which was famous for its
vegetation, as we might infer from its Homeric epithet c quivering
with foliage’ (&vo<ri$vXKov). We learn from it that, while there
was a great variety of different kinds, especially of fruit trees,
the most abundant trees were the beech, the silver fir, two sorts
of maple, the cypress and the juniper®. Again, as Pauna
regards the fauna of different countries, Agathar-
chides furnishes descriptions of a variety of strange animals that
were found in Aethiopia—the rhinoceros, the camelopard, different
kinds of baboons, the hyena and others 6 ; while in Megasthenes
we meet with curious notices of the Indian apes and the method
employed in catching them. This author writes:—

“In the forest which I have mentioned the historians of
Alexander speak of an extraordinary multitude of long-tailed
apes of great size. On one occasion the Macedonians, seeing
a number of these drawn up in line on some bare hill-tops (for
these animals have a strong element of human intelligence, not
inferior to the elephant), took them for an army, and charged
them as if they were enemies ; but desisted, when they learnt the

1 Theoph., Hist. Plants 4. 10. 2 * 3. 15. 5.

2 5. 8.’ 1, 2.

4 See C. Muller’s Prolegg. to his Geogr. Gr. Minores , pp. lii., liiL

Geogr. Gr. Minores , vol. 1. pp. ro6—8.

8 Agathareh., Dt Mari Erythraeo , §§ 71—77, in Miiller, op. cit. t u

pp* 158—162.

202

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

truth from Taxiles, who at that time was in the king’s company.
There are two methods of catching these apes. As they are
quick in imitation, and also easily make their escape into the
trees, their pursuers, when they see one sitting on a tree, place
water in a bowl within sight of it, and with this they dabble their
own eyes; afterwards they set a bowl full of birdlime instead of
water, and going away watch from a little distance off. Then the
ape descends from the tree, and when it has smeared its eyes with
the birdlime, and can no longer use them because they are
tight shut, they rush upon it and capture it alive. This is one
method, and the other is the following. The men first clothe
themselves with sacks, in the style of trousers, and when they quit
the spot, leave behind other sacks of a thick material, smeared
within with birdlime; when the apes get inside these, they are
easily captured 1 .”

Nor do modern books on Natural History furnish anything
more quaint than Posidonius’ account of the appearance of the
Barbary apes, which he saw in a forest by the sea-shore, when
sailing along the African coast on his way from Gades to Italy 2 ;
or a more exciting story than Polybius’ narrative of the capture of
the swordfish in the Straits of Messina, where they were hemmed
in within a narrow space, when pursuing the shoals of tunnies.
This last proceeding is reported as follows by Strabo :—

M Polybius goes on to describe the capture of the sword-fish,
which takes place in the neighbourhood of Scyllaeum. A man is
posted on the look-out, to give a general signal to the occupants,
two in number, of each of a multitude of small two-oared skiffs.
One of these rows, while the other takes his stand in the bows with
his harpoon, when the look-out man has signalled that the sword¬
fish are in sight, for as they swim they show one-third of their
bodies above water. Now when the skiff comes close to one of
them, the fisherman launches his harpoon, and then draws it
out again from the fish’s body, leaving the head of the weapon
behind; for this is barbed, and is purposely affixed loosely to the
shaft, and has a long cord attached to it. With this they play the
wounded fish till it is tired of struggling and trying to escape;

1 Megasthenes ap. Strabon., 15.1. 29,

2 Posidon., ap. Strabon., 17. 3. 4.

X.]

ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTICES.

203

then they haul it to land, or, if it is not of great size, take it up
into the skiff. Even if the harpoon falls into the sea, it is not lost
being put together of oak and pine-wood, in order that, when the
oaken part would sink owing to its weight, the remainder may
float and be easily picked up. Sometimes it even happens that
the rower is wounded through the planks of the skiff; so long is
the sword with which these fish 'are armed, and so great their
strength, which renders their capture not less dangerous than a
boar-hunt V*

Finally, the observation of the characteristics and manner of
life of different tribes of the human race, or what
. we now call the study of anthropology, was first ^caiNotices.
systematised at Alexandria, and was gradually de¬
veloped until it reached the important position which it holds in
Strabo's Geography. The work of Agatharchides on Agatharchi-
the Erythraean Sea contains numerous notices of desontheich-
this character. He describes in great detail the thyopha£1
habits of the Ichthyophagi on the coast of Arabia, who re¬
sembled those whom Nearchus met with farther to the east
beyond the Persian gulf. They are represented as being un¬
acquainted with distinctions of right and wrong, and as existing
in the lowest state of barbarism, their only food being the fish that
were cast up on the shore, while on account of the absence of
water they drank only every fifth day, when they migrated in a
body to places in the interior of the country where there were
springs. Their dwellings were either caves in the rocks, or huts
constructed out of the backbones of fishes and covered with sea¬
weed*. The waterless condition of this part of southern Arabia—
the Hadramaut—at the present day, and the fish diet of its in¬
habitants and their camels, are testified to by recent travellers*.
Agatharchides remarks on the shortness of life of these people,
owing to their want of exertion and employment, notwithstand¬
ing their freedom from diseases 1 2 * 4 . The Aethiopian tribes of which

1 Polyb., ap. Strabon., 1. 3. 16.

2 Agatharch., In Muller, op. cit., §§ 31—46.

8 See Mr Theodore Bent’s account in the Geographical Journal for 1894,
PP- 3 i 7 ,

4 Agatharch., § 39.

204

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

the same writer has given an account, are for the most part dis¬
tinguished by him according to the names of the
ians Aethi ° P * objects from which they obtained the means of sub¬
sistence—as Struthophagi or Ostrich-eaters, Acrido-
phagi or Locust-eaters, Elephantophagi or those who killed
elephants and lived on their flesh, and Rhizophagi or Root-eaters,
who dwelt on the banks of the Astaboras (Atbara), and supported
themselves on the roots of reeds which grew in the neighbouring
marshes 1 . What he tells us also about the Troglodytes, who dwelt
on the coast of the Red Sea, and especially concerning their custom
of putting to death the aged and diseased, and their rites of burial,
„ . is very curious*. In like manner Posidonius in the

on the iberi- course of his extensive travels kept an accurate
ans record of the habits of the remote peoples through

whose country he passed, and to this Strabo is largely indebted
in his description of those regions. We are thus furnished with
interesting information about the condition of the inhabitants of
Spain and Gaul at that time, who, though rude, represent a much
higher type than those whom we meet with in Agatharchides.
In the account which he gives of the mountaineers of northern
Spain—the Gallaeci, Astures, and Cantabri, who correspond in
position to the modern districts of Galicia, the Asturias, and part
of the Basque provinces, and may be regarded as the truest
representatives of the Iberian race—we find descriptions of their
food and meals, their lively dances, the dark-coloured cloaks
worn by the men and the gay garments and elaborate head¬
dresses of the women, their observance of the couvade , their use
of barter instead of money as a means of exchange, their custom
of inheritance in the female line, and the punishments which they
inflicted on criminals—for those who were condemned to death,

1 Agatharch., §§ 50 foil. With regard to the’Locust-eaters we may compare
what Mr Bent tells us about the tribes in that neighbourhood at the present day.
‘They are, like the &Kpt1io<f><iyoi whom. Agatharchides places on their coast,
large consumers of locusts when in season; they catch them only when they
have reached the flying stage, and roast them in the ashes. We saw clouds of
locusts in this district, devouring all the scanty herbage and literally filling the
air-* A Visit to the Northern Soudan , in The Geographical Journal , vol. VIII.
(1896), p. 338.

*8 61-63-

X.] ARISTOTLE ON HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY. , $ 0 $

he tells us, were flung headlong over precipices \ The n^&es
of Gaul are similarly portrayed: we hear of their ^ GauisS^*
simplicity of character, their teachable spirit, their ' *■

fondness for display, and their impetuous courage; we are told
that they wore wide trousers and tunics with sleeves, and that the
arms which they carried were proportionate in size to their great
stature; and their mode of government and the conduct of their
assemblies, and also the barbarous customs which prevailed
amongst them, such as human sacrifices and carrying off the
heads of the enemies whom they slew in battle, are carefully
described*.

Let us now turn to Historical Geography. This branch of the
subject, when considered in its wider application—
that is, as the study of the influence of strongly Qwgraph'y 1
marked natural features, and especially of the
boundaries of countries, on the history of nations and of the
world at large—did not attract much attention before the time of
the Roman conquest of Greece; indeed, this could hardly have
been otherwise, because the limited area to which Greek politics
were confined precluded any such extended outlook as an investi¬
gation of this kind presupposes. In Aristotle, no
doubt, we meet with general reflexions on this AristoUe! 0
question, which are characterised by his usual pene¬
tration, though we feel that he is looking from a Greek point of
view. Such are his observations in the Politics on the influence
of climate on national character. “ The inhabitants of the colder
countries of Europe,” he remarks, “are brave, but deficient in
thought and technical skill; and, as a consequence of this, they
remain free longer than others, but are wanting in political organi¬
sation, and unable to rule their neighbours. The peoples of
Asia, on the contrary, are thoughtful and skilful, but without
spirit, whence their permanent condition is one of subjection and
slavery. But the Hellenic race,” he adds, “ as it is intermediate
between them in geographical position, so also combines their
qualities; it is at once spirited and thoughtful, and so continues

1 Strabo, 3. 3. 7; 3. 4.16—18.

* Ibid. 4. 4. a—5.

206

HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

to be free and to have the best government, and would be capable
of ruling the world if it had a common political organisationV*
In another part of the same work he notices that, while the sea is
an element favourable to democracy owing to the sense of free¬
dom which it engenders®, steep places, which might serve as
strongholds to command the town that lay below and the sur¬
rounding district, tend to foster oligarchy or monarchy 8 . But
Aristotle’s conception of the best form of state,
edViews?”^" based as it was entirely on Hellenic models, pre¬
cluded the application of geography to a wider field
of history. This was almost impossible for a writer who main¬
tained that the city-state should be of such a size that the citizens
might know one another, because without personal acquaintance
proper persons could not be elected as magistrates 4 ; and also
that the country of which this city was to be the capital should be
as far as possible self-sufficing in its products, and easily taken in
by the eye®. The same remark applies to the other writers of the
period of Greek independence. With one exception, Polybius is
the first Greek author who rightly estimated the importance of
geography in the study of history, and he wrote under the influ¬
ence of Roman ideas.

The exception here referred to is Ephorus. This writer, who

Ephorus the ^ vec ^ * n t ^ ie ® rst half of the fourth century b.c., and

Forerunner of therefore two hundred years earlier than Polybius,
Polybius. . . , , , 3

may m several respects be regarded as his fore¬
runner, This is true of his mode of treating history, as Polybius
himself remarked; for while this writer in the Introduction to his
work claims for himself that he was the first historian who had
taken a synoptic view of history*, he elsewhere admits that
Ephorus, though he alone, had already conceived a comprehensive
treatise on that subject 7 . This was a universal history in thirty
books, extending from the mythical period to the time of P hili p

1 At. Pol., 7. 7. a. » Ibid., 7. 6. 7, 8.

Ibid., 7. rr. 5. •* Ibid., 7. 4.13.

* IbH; 7 . 5 * 1 , 3 -

* Polyb., 1.4. 3,4.

7 Ibid., 3. 33. a; * 1 &<popov, rbv rpurar cat jibvoy iriftefStomlvov rd ko 96 Kw
ypatpeuf*

X.]

EPHORUS.

207

of Macedon, which included in its scope the barbarian nations as

well as the Greeks. Another point in which he anticipated

Polybius was in devoting a separate section of
. , . , . _ Geographical

his work to geography—a method of arrangement section of his

which Strabo notices as being common to both of History ’
them 1 ; and in consequence of the prominence which they gave
to that subject, the same writer enumerates them, notwithstanding
that history was their primary object, among the leading geogra¬
phers 8 . In the case of Ephorus this section was the fourth and
fifth books of his 4 Histories/ the former of which was devoted to
Europe, the latter to Asia and Africa®. If we may judge from
some of the passages which Strabo has quoted from
him, the praise which he received was well deserved. <Stidsms? Ced
He strikes the keynote of the geography of Greece,
when he says that the determining element in it is the sea 4 . No¬
thing could be truer than his remark concerning Boeotia, that
its inhabitants possessed an extremely advantageous position in
Greece from their commanding three seas—on the one side the
Corinthian and Crisaean gulfs, which opened towards Italy,
Sicily, and Libya; on the other the bays of the Euboic sea, both
north and south of the Euripus, which looked towards Macedonia
and the Hellespont, and also towards Cyprus and Egypt—and
moreover, that Euboea, after it was joined by a bridge to the
mainland, almost formed part of that country: but that these gifts
of nature had been wasted on them, because they undervalued
the civilising influences of education 5 . Again, in the case of
Aegina he notices how the thinness of the soil caused the inhabit¬
ants to take to the sea, and by this means to become a successful
commercial people 6 . Comments such as these prove that the

1 Strabo, 8. 1. 1; ol 5 * iv jcoivS ttjs Urroplas 7 patpjj xtapls arodetfrurres rijv

tup TjTrdpuv ToroypaiplttP, Kadazrep y E 0 o/) 6 s re hroLycre koX II oKOpios.

* I. 1. I.

8 See C. Muller’s Fragnunta Hist . Gr., vol. i. p. lx.

4 Strabo, 8. i. 3; rjyepavacdp tl tjjv ffdXarrap Kpfoav vpbs r&s roircrypatylau

5 Ibid., 9. 2. 2.

6 Ibid., 8. 6. 1 6; *E$opos $’ iv klybrp apyvpov irpwrop goirfjpal <frr}<nv xnrb
$eld<avo$' ipurbpuxp yap yevMax, Bib, Tty Xvrpbrrjra *ri}s X<Spaf tup irdptirup
6 akaTTOVpyoTbvrwp ifuropiKtau

208 historical geography. [chap.

writer regarded geography with a philosophical mind, and read
almost like the criticisms of a later and more advanced age.

Polybius, however, is the author in whom geography first ob-
Poiybius tained full recognition as the handmaid of history.
arc! aio-—128 The reason of this is to be found partly in the

B,c * character of the age in which he lived, and partly

in the circumstances of his own life. The period which he repre¬
sents is that in which the history of Greece was first merged in
universal history. Before that time, and especially during the era
which preceded the rise of Macedonian influence,
bytheCh-cum^ interests of Greece had been self-centered,
stances of his and it was the function of her historians to record

Age ’ the struggles, whether external or internal, of her

several states, and to draw from them the lessons which they
suggested. The actors on this stage were animated by fresh
vigour and intense energy, and for this reason, as well as on ac¬
count of the genius and originality of the writer, the work of
Thucydides is immeasurably superior to that of Polybius; but at
the same time the events which Polybius describes exercised a
wider influence on the ages that followed, since the spirit of
Hellenic thought had then begun to permeate the world at large,
and the current of its history was being blended with a wider
stream. The occurrences, also, which took place during the life¬
time of “the historian of the Decline and Fall of Ancient Greece,”
as Polybius has been aptly called 1 , were such as it has been the
lot of but few persons to observe. Born at Megalopolis in Arcadia,
when the Achaean League was still powerful, he witnessed the
subjugation of Greece by the Romans, and through the intimacies
which he contracted with leading politicians at Rome during his
long residence as a hostage in that city, he was able to obtain
some concessions from the conquerors in behalf of his country¬
men. He was present at the destruction of Carthage, and thus
beheld the final overthrow of the most powerful enemy of the
Roman state. At an earlier period he had watched the downfall
of the Macedonian monarchy, and the practical, though not
formal conquest of that of Syria by the same power. In the

1 Freeman, History of Federal Government\ 1. p. 227.

X.]

POLYBIUS.

209

midst of events such as these, entailing as they did far-reaching
consequences, it was impossible for an acute observer to hold fast
by a restricted view of the course of history. And the extent of
the area which was affected by these conquests could not fail to
suggest an intelligent study of the countries which were the scene
of this extraordinary revolution.

For the work of illustrating history by means of geography
Polybius was well prepared by his extensive travels. H . g Travels
The principal scene of these was Western Europe in Western
and the neighbouring parts of Africa. In one pas- Europe *
sage of his History he speaks of having undertaken dangerous
and laborious journeys in Libya, Spain, and Gaul, and along the
shores of the ocean that bordered them; and his object in doing
so, he says, was that he might remove the ignorance of those
lands, which up to that time had prevailed among his country¬
men 1 . He was, in fact, the first writer who availed himself of
the knowledge obtained through the conquests of the Romans in
the West. Elsewhere he mentions that he had followed Hanni¬
bal's route across the Alps. “I speak with confidence on these
points, 0 he says, “because I have questioned persons actually
engaged on the facts, and have inspected the country, and gone
over the Alpine pass myself, in order to inform myself of the
truth and see with my own eyes 3 .” We learn also from Pliny,
(though, strange to say, on his authority alone) that he was com¬
missioned by Scipio during the third Punic War to command an
exploring expedition along the west coast of Africa, and various
details of his observations in those parts are recorded 8 . The
results of those journeys are apparent, both in the description's of
countries and places which serve to illustrate his History, and
in the extracts from his geographical treatise, now lost, which
have been preserved for us by Strabo. His knowledge of the
Iberian peninsula is especially noticeable, and we find not only
that he was acquainted with the rivers in that country which‘flow

1 p °lyk* 3* 59- h &

* Ibid., 3. 48. 12.

9 Pliny, H. N., 5. 9, 10; Scipione Aemiliano res in Africa gerente Polybius
a .nnalm m conditor ab eo accepta classe scrutandi illius orbis gratia curcumvectos
prodidit etc.

210

HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

into the Atlantic—the Baetis, the Anas, and the Tagus, but that
he attempts to estimate the length of the last-named stream from
its source to its mouth, assigning to it a course of 8000 stadia 1 .
His account of the silver mines in the neighbourhood of New
Carthage, also, is evidently derived from personal enquiry, for he
mentions the number of slaves employed there, and the amount of
revenue derived from them, and describes in detail the process by
which the ore was prepared for smelting 8 . The Alps, again, he has
graphically depicted, and he mentions the four passes which were
known at that time to lead through them, viz. that which skirts the
Ligurian sea, that which passes through the land of the Taurini
(the Mont Genfevre), that through the territory of the Salassi (the
Little St. Bernard), and that by way of Rhaetia (the Brenner) 8 .

^ . . The advantage which he had himself received from

His Opinion . . _ , .

of the import- these journeys impressed him so forcibly, that he
ance of Travel. came tQ re g ar( j travel as an essential part of the
equipment of the historian and geographer; insomuch that he
finds fault with Timaeus as a historical writer, because he ignored
altogether this source of evidence—“for,” says Polybius, “the
eyes are more accurate witnesses than the ears 4 .” One result of
the experience of travelling in his case was the interest which he

interest in was to ta ^ e * n Physical geography, a notable

Physical Geo- instance of which is found in his account of the

volcanic island of Hiera (Vulcano) in the Lipari
group, the condition of the craters of which he describes, and the
way in which it is affected by the winds which blow from different
quarters 6 . He also remarks concerning the stream of the Timavus,
which rises about a mile from the sea at the head of the Adriatic,
that its sources with one exception are brackish, so that the
natives call the spot the fountain-head and mother of the sea*.
The accuracy of his observation has in this case been strikingly
confirmed by modem research ; for, whereas he alone of the
ancient writers who have described that river mentions this pecu¬
liarity, it is noticed also by Cluver, the greatest modem authority
on the geography of Italy, who says that at high tides all the

1 Strabo, *. 4. 4. * Hid., 3. a. 10.

* Ibid., 4. 6 . 13. . Polyb., ia. a7.1—3.

8 Stabo, 6. a. 10. « Bid., 5.1. 8.

X.] HIS DESCRIPTIONS OF COUNTRIES.

springs except one turn brackish, ‘doubtless from some subter¬
ranean communication with the sea.’

Let us now examine the ways in which Polybius employs his
geographical knowledge for the elucidation of his His Applica _
historical narrative. We have already seen that he tion of Geogra-
followed the example of Ephorus in setting apart a phytoHlstory *
distinct portion of his work—it was the thirty-fourth book of his
History—for the treatment of geography, and he has given us his
reasons for doing so. These were, first, that he desired to avoid
frequently interrupting his historical narrative by digressions on
the subject of geography; and secondly, that he wished by this
means to secure the thorough and systematic treatment of geogra¬
phy itself 1 . This arrangement, however, does not prevent him
from describing the geography of separate countries
and the topography of places in the body of his 0 f CoumriM. nS
work, whenever it is convenient. The object which
he had in view in doing this, he tells us, was to place the scene
and the circumstances of a historical event clearly before the
minds of his readers, and thereby to render the event itself more
real to them, for 4 4 what men want to know is, not so much the
fact that a thing took place, as the way in which it happened”;
and also to explain occurrences which would otherwise be per¬
plexing, notably in the case of strategical operations, which are
constantly determined by the nature of the ground*. Hence, as
an introduction to the Gallic war of 225 b.c., Polybius gives us an
elaborate description of the shape, the boundaries,
and the products of Cisalpine Gaul, of its position G ^^ pme
relatively to the rest of Italy, of the course of the
Padus which intersected it, and of the situation of the tribes by
whom it was inhabited 8 . Similarly, in connexion with the cam¬
paign of Antiochus the Great against Molon, the
revolted satrap of Media, in 220 B.c., he furnishes
a singularly clear and intelligent account of that country in
respect of its central position in Asia, the elevation of its sur¬
face^ the mountains that border or divide it, the passes which it
commands, and the relation which it bears to the surrounding

1 Polyb^ 3.57.4, 5. 3 Ibid n 5- 21. 4—7.

5 Ibid. % 2. 14—17.

14—2

212

HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

regions 1 . His descriptions of cities are numerous and graphic.

When they are brief, as is sometimes the case, the
of D c -r ons salient points at least are mentioned which deter¬
mine the character of the site. Such, for instance,
is his account of Sinope, the striking position of which on the
southern coast of the Euxine has been noticed in an earlier
chapter 3 :—

“ Sinope lies on the right-hand shore of the Pontus as one
sails to Phasis, and is built upon a peninsula jutting
Smope. out i nt0 t h e sea; i s on t h e nec k of this peninsula,
connecting it with Asia, which is not more than two stades wide,
that the city is so placed as to entirely close it up from sea to
sea; the rest of the peninsula stretches out into the open sea,—a
piece of flat land from which the town is easily accessible, but
surrounded by a steep coast offering very bad harbourage, and
having exceedingly few spots admitting of disembarcation 8 .”

Somewhat fuller than this is his description of Agrigentum,
the accuracy of which will be recognised by everyone who has
visited that place:—

“The city of Agrigentum is not only superior to most cities
in the particulars I have mentioned, but above all
Agrigentum. k eau ty e i a b 0 rate ornamentation. It stands

within eighteen stades of the sea, so that it participates in every
advantage from that quarter; while its circuit of fortification is
particularly strong both by nature and art. For its wall is placed
on a rock, steep and precipitous, on one side naturally, on the
other made so artificially. And it is enclosed by rivers: for along
the south side runs the river of the same name as the town, and
along the west and south-west side the river called Hypsas. The
citadel overlooks the city exactly at the north-east, girt on the
outside by an impassable ravine, and on the inside with only one
approach from the town. On the top of it is a temple of Athene
and of Zeus Atabyrius, as at Rhodes: for as Agrigentum was
founded by the Rhodians, it is natural that this deity should have
the same appellation as at Rhodes. The city is sumptuously

1 Polyb., 5. 44. 2 v. supra, p. 47.

8 Ibid. y 4. 56. 5, 6 (Shuckburgh’s translation, from which also the other
passages here quoted are taken).

X.]

DESCRIPTIONS OF CITIES.

213

adorned in other respects also with temples and colonnades. The
temple of Zeus Olympius is still unfinished, but in its plan and
dimensions it seems to be inferior to no temple whatever in all
Greece 1 .”

Again, when a city has been the scene of events of the first
importance, its site and the ground in its neighbourhood are
delineated with the fullest detail. This is the case with New
Carthage in Spain:—

“ It stands about half-way down the coast of Iberia in a gulf
which faces south-west, running about twenty stades
inland, and about ten stades broad at its entrance. Car ~

The whole gulf is made a harbour by the fact that
an island lies at its mouth, and thus makes the entrance channels
on each side of it exceedingly narrow. It breaks the force of the
waves also, and the whole gulf has thus smooth water, except
when south-west winds setting down the two channels raise a
surf: with all other winds it is perfectly calm, from being so
nearly landlocked. In the recess of the gulf a mountain juts out
in the form of a chersonese, and it is on this mountain that the
city stands, surrounded by the sea on the east and south, and on
the west by a lagoon extending so far northward that the remaining
space to the sea on the other side, to connect it with the
continent, is not more than two stades. The city itself has a
deep depression in its centre, presenting on its south side a level
approach from the sea; while the rest of it is hemmed in by hills,
two of them mountainous and rough, three others much lower,
but rocky and difficult of ascent; the largest of which lies on the
east of the town running out into the sea, on which stands a
temple of Asclepius. Exactly opposite this lies the western
mountain in a closely corresponding position, on which a palace
had been erected at great cost, which it is said was built by
Hasdrubal, when he was aiming at establishing royal power.
The remaining three lesser elevations bound it on the north, of
which the westernmost is called the hill of Hephaestus, the next
to it that of Aletes,—who is believed to have attained divine
honours from having been the discoverer of the silver mines,—
and the third is called the hill of Cronus. The lagoon has been
1 Polyb., 9.27*

214

HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY.

[CHAP.

connected with the adjoining sea artificially for the sake of the
maritime folk; and over the channel thus cut between it and the
sea a bridge has been built, for beasts of burden and carts to
bring in provisions from the country 1 .”

Nor does Polybius fail to notice the influence which the con¬
formation of countries exercised on the course of
marks!” 1 Re " history on a larger scale. Thus we feel that he
duly appreciated the importance of the Isthmus of
Corinth to Greece, when in comparing that country to Italy he
lays stress on the fact, unimportant though it may seem at first
sight, that the limb in which the whole organism terminates has
not been severed from the body in the one case, as it has been in
the other—or, as he himself expresses it, that the passage from
Northern Greece to the Peloponnese is made by land, that from
Italy to Sicily by water 3 . Very interesting, too, is the contrast
which he draws between the passage of the Straits of Gibraltar
and that of the Hellespont in respect of their importance to the
ancient world:—

“ The position of Abydos and Sestos, and the advantages of
the situation of those towns it would, I think, be waste of time
for me to state in great detail, because the singularity of those
sites has made them familiar to all persons of intelligence. Still
I imagine that it will be not otherwise than useful to remind my
readers briefly of the facts, by way of attracting their attention.
A man would best realise the advantage of these cities, not by
regarding their sites by themselves, but by comparing and con¬
trasting them with those about to be mentioned. For just as
it is impossible to sail from the ocean—or as some call it the
Atlantic—into our sea, except by passing through the Pillars of
Heracles, so it is impossible to sail from our sea into the Pro¬
pontis and the Pontus except through the channel separating
Sestos and Abydos. But as though Fortune had designed these
two straits to counterbalance each other, the passage between the
Pillars of Heracles is many times as broad as that of the Helles¬
pont—the former being sixty, the latter two stades 8 ; the reason

1 Polyb., io. io. 8 Polyb., i. 42. x, 2.

8 The distance here is strangely underestimated; the real width of the
Hellespont in its narrowest part is 7 stades.

X.] GENERAL REMARKS ON THE SUBJECT. 215

being, as far as one may conjecture, the great superiority in size
of the external Ocean to our sea: while the channel at Abydos is
more convenient than that at the Pillars of Heracles. For the
former being lined on both sides by human habitations is of the
nature of a gate admitting mutual intercourse, sometimes being
bridged over by those who determine to cross on foot, and at all
times admitting a passage by sea. But the channel at the Pillars
of Heracles is seldom used, and by very few persons, owing to
the lack of intercourse between the tribes inhabiting those remote
parts of Libya and Europe, and owing to the scantiness of our
knowledge of the external Ocean 1 .”

The combination of realism with reflective observation, which
we thus meet with in Polybius’ treatment of geography in con¬
nexion with history, makes us feel that we have entered on a new
and peculiarly useful application of the subject ; and this, as we
shall presently see, was afterwards carried out on a larger scale
by Strabo, whose views were greatly influenced by those of his
predecessor.

1 Polyb., 16. 29.

CHAPTER XI.

GEOGRAPHY AS PROMOTED BY THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

Exploration of Unknown Lands by the Greeks and by the Romans—Oppor¬
tunity afforded by the Mithridatic War—Campaigns of Lucullus in
Armenia and Mesopotamia—Pompey in Iberia and Albania—Narrative
of Theophanes—His Description of the Caucasus, of the Cyrus and
Araxes, and of the Tribes—The Iberi—The Albani—The Tribes
bordering on the Euxine—Expedition of Balbus against the Garamantes,
of Petronius in Aethiopia—The 4 Atlantic Islands’ (Madeira)—Fortunatae
Insulae (The Canaries)—Progressive Conquest of Spain by the Romans—
Southern and Eastern Provinces—Lusitania—Central Districts—Tribes
of the North-West—Formation of the Roman Province in Gaul—
Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul—His Ethnographical and Geographical
Notices—Transference to Towns of Names of Tribes—Caesar’s Descrip¬
tion of the Country of the Veneti—His Expeditions into Britain—
His Information about it—Acquaintance of the Romans with Germany—
Campaigns of Drusus and of Tiberius—Conquest of Rhaetia, Vindelicia,
and Noricum—Of Pannonia—Importance to Geography of the Roman
Roads—Careful Measurement of Distances—The Wall-map of Agrippa—
Itineraries derived from it.

We have now reached the period when the progress of geo¬
graphical knowledge was mainly due to the advance
onStawn” of the Roman arms. Hitherto we have seen that
L ynd sbythe j ts development was caused almost entirely by the
enterprise and enquiring spirit of the Greeks, and
by the spread of their commerce, which brought them into com¬
munication with distant peoples. At an early stage in their
history the wide diffusion of their colonies along the shores of the
Mediterranean and the Euxine brought in a vast fund of informa¬
tion with regard to the countries in the neighbourhood of those
seas ) together with intimations, in many cases vague and inexact,
concerning the races inhabiting the lands which lay behind
them. After a while the extension of the Persian empire in the
direction of the Aegean, and the wars with the Greeks in which
that power was involved, opened out to view a wide tract of
Western Asia j and the same thing took place, though on a

CHAP. XI.] THE MITHRIDATIC WAR.

217

smaller scale, in Africa owing to the increasing intercourse of the
Greeks with Egypt. Regions still more remote were also gradually
revealed by the agency of adventurous explorers, such as Hanno
the Carthaginian, who visited the west coast of Africa, and Pytheas,
who penetrated into the northern seas. Then followed the ex¬
pedition of Alexander, which marked an era in the extension of
the subject, both on account of the immense area which was then
for the first time brought within the field of knowledge, and
because the cities which were founded by that conqueror in various
parts of his newly acquired dominions served as centres for ob¬
taining additional information. In this way the knowledge which
prevailed in antiquity of the Ganges valley, and of the customs
and institutions of its inhabitants, was once for all obtained by
Megasthenes, and more accurate intelligence concerning the
neighbourhood of the Red Sea and the shores of the Indian
Ocean was brought to Alexandria under the Ptolemies. But
when, after the fall of Carthage in 146 b.c., and the
capture of Corinth by Mummius in the same year,
the preponderance of power passed from the east
to the west, and the Romans found that they were able to attempt
the conquest of distant countries, the campaigns in which their
armies were engaged led them from time to time into regions as
yet but little known, and thus contributed fresh materials for con¬
structing the map of the world. The most considerable expansion
of geographical knowledge at this time was in the direction of
western Europe, as might be expected from the limited acquaint¬
ance which the Greeks had previously possessed with that part of
the globe; but in the other continents also a considerable area of
country was now for the first time explored.

On the side of Asia the third Mithridatic war furnished the
chief opportunity of acquiring information about
lands as yet imperfectly knowmj Mithridates, king a fSded^the
of Pontus, who had amassed enormous treasures, Mithridatic

. . War.

and possessed a large and well-disciplined army,
had extended his dominions in Asia Minor over part of Cappa¬
docia, and over Armenia Minor, the district which lay to the
westward of the Euphrates; and advancing toward the north had
subjugated not only Colchis, but the Tauric Chersonese, and to

218

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

[CHAP.

some extent the country beyond, which lay between the Tyras
(Dneister) and the Tanais (Don). His position was further
strengthened by his alliance with Tigranes, the powerful king of
Armenia, to whom he had given his daughter Cleopatra in marriage.
Already on two former occasions he had engaged in war with the
Romans, with whose allies in Asia Minor he was continually
interfering; but the cause of this final struggle with them was the
bequest of Nicomedes III, king of Bithynia, who on his death in
74 b.c. left his dominions by will to the Roman people. This
arrangement, and the subsequent reduction of Bithynia to the
form of a Roman province, was resisted by Mithridates, and upon
this, war broke out afresh between the two powers, and on a great
scale. On the two first of the campaigns which followed we have
no need to dwell, because they were carried on in well-known
districts of Asia Minor; the interest of the war from a geographical
point of view commences after the defeat of Mithridates at Cabeira
by Lucullus, who was in command of the Romans, in 72 B.C., when
Campaigns of monarch was forced to abandon his kingdom,
Lucuiius in and to take refuge with Tigranes in Armenia. That
11X161114 country, accordingly, which had remained almost
unvisited since the days when it was traversed by Xenophon and
the Ten Thousand, became for a time the seat of war; and though
the writers from whom our knowledge of the events which took
place there is derived, Appian and Plutarch, pay little attention
to the topography, we cannot doubt that the ancients at that time
obtained a clearer idea of many of its remarkable features 1 . ;This
was the first occasion on which the Romans had passed through
the Anti-Taurus and entered the wild uplands in which the sources
of the Tigris and Euphrates are found, and there they had some
experience of the severity of the climate, from which Xenophon
and his soldiers previously suffered. Then, too, for the first time,
they crossed the Taurus, where it separates that
land from Mesopotamia, and descended towards
the lower courses of the two great rivers, which
were destined at a later period to be the scene of numerous
encounters between them and the Parthians. Lucullus advanced
through the province of Sophene, which occupies the wide bend
1 For a description of these vide supra , p. 113.

and

Mesopotamia.

XI.]

CAMPAIGNS OF POMPEY.

219

formed by the stream of the Euphrates just where it leaves
Armenia, and within which the western branch of the Tigris
rises; and from thence he marched on Tigranocerta, the newly
founded capital of Tigranes, which he captured. The site of that
city has been much disputed, and perhaps the shortness of the
period during which it flourished, and the consequent absence of
such means of identification as coins, may render it impossible to
determine it with certainty, but the position which best corresponds
with the statements of Strabo and Tacitus, the most weighty
authorities on the subject, and which also suits the accounts of
Lucullus* campaign, is that of a village called Tel Ermen, a little
distance to the south-west of Mardin, at which considerable remains
of antiquity are found 1 . The river Arsanias, on the banks of
which Lucullus defeated the combined forces of Mithridates and
Tigranes, is almost certainly the Murad, or eastern branch of the
Euphrates, which Xenophon also crossed 8 . After this Lucullus
subdued the important fortress of Nisibis in Mesopotamia; but
here his successes ended in consequence of the insubordination
which prevailed among his troops, and he was superseded in his
command, Pompey being appointed in his stead.

The campaigns which followed under the leadership of that
general were productive of far more important re- Vom?ty in
suits to geography, for in the course of them accurate Iberia and
information was obtained concerning the lands that ma '
lay between the Black Sea and the Caspian. For some time after
his arrival Pompey was engaged in expelling Mithridates from
Asia Minor, where he had recovered a large part of his dominion's
during the absence of Lucullus in Mesopotamia; and after he had
accomplished this he advanced into Armenia, where Tigranes
submitted to him without a struggle. He was thus at liberty to
follow Mithridates, who had retired, first into Colchis, and after¬
wards by a difficult route along the shore of the Euxine, until he
reached Panticapaeum (Kertch) on the European side of the
Cimmerian Bosporus, which place he hoped to make a starting-
point for further resistance. In the course of his pursuit Pompey

1 Sachau, Ueber die Lage von Tigranokerta; Berlin, 1881.

* See Pliny, H. N., 6. 128; and cp. the author’s Turkish Armenia ,, pp.
244, 298. -

220

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

[CHAP.

found it necessary to subdue the tribes that lay to the northward
of Armenia—the Iberi, who occupied the highlands to the south-,
ward of the Caucasus, about the upper waters of the Cyrus (Kur),
and the Albani, who dwelt about the lower course of that river,
extending as far as the coast of the Caspian Sea. These nations
and the lands which they inhabited were equally unknown, and
during this expedition Pompey crossed the Cyrus, and advanced
within three days’ march of the Caspian. Plutarch tells us that
he was prevented from reaching its waters by the multitude of
deadly serpents which swarmed in those parts 1 —an evident
exaggeration, but one which was based on fact, for the poisonous
snakes of the plain of Mogan, as that district is called at the
present day, have attracted the attention of modern travellers.

For an account of these countries we are indebted to Theo-
phanes of Mytilene, who was an intimate friend of
Theo^anes.° f Pompey and his companion on this campaign, of
which he wrote a history. The singularly full and
graphic description of them which is found in Strabo was derived
in the main from him, and this writer refers to him in several
passages as the most important authority on the subject*. He
His Descrip- s P ea ^ s °f Caucasus — which chain resembles the

tionoftbe Pyrenees in the uniformity of its direction and its
unbroken line of heights—as forming a wall across
the isthmus which intervenes between the two seas, and he notices
the pass that leads through it from “ the nomad peoples towards
the north,” which is evidently the Dariel pass of modern times 8 .
He also describes its luxuriant vegetation, a feature which is
especially remarkable in its south-western valleys and slopes.
Again, the Suram range, as the mountains are called which form
the watershed of the country, from which the streams flow to east
' and west, is characterised by him as a number of transverse chains,,
: which run off from the Caucasus towards the south, and join those
of Armenia and Colchis 4 . The course of the river
‘ an?latts! Cyrus is also carefully traced, and an interesting
account is given of the formation of the delta at its

1 Plut, Pomp., 36.

* Strabo, n. a. 14; 11. 5.1; 13. «. 3.

8 Strabo, n. 3. 5. 4 Ibid ,, n. a. 15.

XL]

NARRATIVE OF THEOPHANES.

221

mouth ; in addition to which we are informed that the Araxes,
which flowed from the mountains of Armenia, reached the sea in
its neighbourhood, but did not join its stream, as it does at the
present day 1 . The variations which are found in ancient authors
with regard to this last point afford a curious subject of specula¬
tion. The statement of Theophanes is repeated by Mela 2 , whereas
Pliny 3 , though with some reserve, and Appian 4 affirm that those
rivers met before entering the sea. Plutarch, again 5 6 , mentions
both views without pronouncing between them, while Ptolemy®
says that the Araxes discharged its waters, partly into the Caspian
Sea, and partly into the Cyrus. The last of these notices has
been employed as a means of reconciling the others, and the
conclusion has not unreasonably been drawn, that the change in
the course of the Araxes, which caused it to communicate with
the Cyrus, commenced early in the Christian era, and that for
a considerable time that river continued to flow both through its
old and its new channel.

Theophanes* account of the customs and manner of life of the
tribes that inhabited this area of country is also
highly valuable. Of these the Iberi were the most Tribes.^
civilised, for they possessed towns and markets, and
had tiled roofs to their houses and some pretence to architecture
in their dwellings. The population was divided into ^ Iberi
four classes, of which the first was the royal caste,
which furnished the leaders both at home and in war; the second

1 Strabo, ii. 3. 2; 11. 4. 2 ; in the latter of these passages, after the mouth
of the Cyrus has been described, it is said, irXrjo-lov 8k xcd 6'A.pd£i)s i/i 0<£XXet.

2 3 * 4 °> 4 i-

8 H.N.i 6. 26; Araxes...ut plures existimavere, a Cyro defertur in Caspium
mare.

4 Mithr. , 103; t8v Ktipvov vora[i6v 9 os StiSeica arhfUHri wAutqls is Tip
Kcunrlav 6a\a<r<rait ipe&yera t, toWuv els aMv ippaKbrruv vorapJav, teal
peyloTov tt&ptqv 'Apd£ov.

5 Pomp ., 34; rov Ktipvou vorapAv^ os fa tup IjSqpuc&p 6 puv faurr&fiepos xcd
8ex6pevos Kanhvra t6v ’Apafcqv far ’AppLevLas, it-lijffi, 8&8eica arbpcurtv els 78
Kacnrtov. 01 8k 08 <pa<n Tofotp (Fvpujtiperdat rbv ’Apifrrjv, dXXi xaB 1 iavrfa t iyyits
8k TotelaBai Hp fapoXijv is rafrrb viXayos.

6 5 - 13- 6; [6 'Ap&j-ys] rp pkv ds ttjp 'Tpjcavicuf [flriXwffo7] fafMXXei, rjj 8k
ffopfi&Xket. Tip Ktpy srorapup.

222

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

[CHAP.

the priests, who acted as arbitrators, when disputes arose with the
neighbouring tribes; while the third comprehended the soldiers
and the cultivators of the soil, and the fourth the mass of the
common people, who were employed in menial tasks, and were
regarded as slaves of the king. Their domestic organisation was
patriarchal, the property of each family being possessed in com¬
mon, and administered by the eldest member of the family 1 . The
condition of the Albani, on the other hand, was

TheAlbani. _ ... . .

much more primitive. We learn that they did not
use money for purposes of traffic, but made their exchanges in
kind, and that they were unacquainted for the most part with
weights and measures. The custom of human sacrifices also pre¬
vailed amongst them, and like the Gauls and the Lusitani, they
were wont on these occasions to divine from the bodies of the
victims. Their occupations were mainly pastoral, and where they
cultivated the soil the implements they used were of the rudest
description; but, notwithstanding this, the crops which they
obtained were exceedingly rich in consequence of the fertility of
the soil—a description which applies at the present day to the
corresponding district of Shirvan, which lies between the Kur, the
Caspian Sea, and the eastern part of the Caucasus. Though
naturally a peaceful race, they were able to put a large military
force into the field, so that they opposed Pompey with an army of
The Tribes s ^ xt ^ t ^ ousanc ^ infantry and twelve thousand cavalry 3 ,
bordering' on The tribes which bordered on the coast of the

the E ngin e. _

Euxme to the northward of the Phasis were very
numerous, and as many as seventy of them were said to frequent
the Greek colony of Dioscurias (Sukhum Kaleh), which lay in
their neighbourhood, as a trading centre®. We learn also that
they spoke different dialects, and this was no doubt the result of
the conformation of the ground in those parts, which is broken up
into a number of separate valleys by the spurs of the Caucasus.
The name of one of them, which appears in Greek as Heniochi,
can be recognised in the modern form Hainuch. Some of them
led a piratical life, attacking the merchant ships in the Black Sea,
or making descents on various parts of the coast, for which
1 Strabo, u. 3. i, 6.

* 11. 4. * 11. 3.1 6 .

XI.]

THE GARAMANTES.

223

purpose they employed vessels of a primitive character, capable of
containing from twenty-five to thirty men apiece 1 * . Of these
Tacitus has furnished us with a detailed description in an account
which he gives of a rising in Pontus during the reign of Yitellius.
“The barbarians,” he says, ‘‘insolently scoured the sea in hastily
constructed vessels of their own called ‘camarae,’ built with
narrow sides and broad bottoms, and joined together without
fastenings of brass or iron. Whenever the water is rough, they
raise the bulwarks with additional planks according to the in¬
creasing height of the waves, till the vessel is covered in like
£ house. Thus they roll about amid the billows, and, as they
have a prow at both extremities alike and a convertible arrange¬
ment of oars, they may be paddled in one direction or another
indifferently and without risk 9 .”

In Africa the advance of geographical knowledge was the
work of a later period, and was on a more restricted

. . . - . . , A Expedition

scale. Virgil, in a passage of the sixth Aeneia . ofBaibus
where he is celebrating the glories of Augustus,
represents Anchises as prophesying that he should
extend his dominion beyond the Garamantes 3 . We have already
heard of this people in connexion with Herodotus, who places
one of the Oases in their territory, and we have seen that they
occupied the district of the interior of Africa south of Tripoli,
which is now called Fezzan 4 . The expedition to which Virgil
refers was that of Cornelius Balbus in the year 20 b.c, and the
mention of it by the poet implies that it was regarded as a re-
. markable achievement Balbus, who was governor of the Roman
province of Africa, advanced into the country of these independent
tribes, and was so far successful in reducing them to temporary
subjection that he received the honour of a triumph. Few details
of his movements have come down to us, but we know that he
captured their chief town, Garama 5 , the site of which with

1 Strabo, 11. 2. 12. 9 Tac. Hist., 3. 47.

8 Am. 6. 795;

super et Garamantas et Indos
Proferet imperium.

4 v . supra, p. 96; Herod., 4.183.

8 Pliny, H. H-

224

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

[CHAP.

considerable ruins still bears the name of Germa, and is about 70
miles distant from Mourzouk, the modern capital of Fezzan.

Almost contemporary with this campaign was the
in Aethiopia expedition of C. Petronius into Aethiopia. In

22 b.c. Candace the queen of that country—taking
advantage of the withdrawal from Egypt of a part of the Roman
forces, which were being employed in the invasion of Arabia
which Aelius Gallus had undertaken by the order of Augustus—
had attacked and captured the city of Syene and the neighbouring
island of Elephantine, which formed the frontier station of the
Romans in that quarter. Petronius, however, who was in com¬
mand in Egypt, not only recovered these places, but invaded
Aethiopia, and defeated the army of Candace. After this he
made himself master of three important towns, Pselchis, Premnis,
and Candace’s royal city, Napata, which are mentioned as having
been taken in the order here given 1 . Of these, Pselchis, which is
called Pselket in the hieroglyphics, and lay between the first and
second cataract, is undoubtedly the modem Dakkeh, which place
is situated a little distance to the south of Korosko, where the
great westward bend of the river in the direction of Dongola com¬
mences. Again, the site of Napata, with the remains of temples
and pyramids in its neighbourhood, has been discovered at a
place called Merawi, near the conspicuous height of Jebel Barkal,
just below the fourth cataract. The points thus fixed enable us
approximately to determine that of Premnis also. Strabo, from
whom our knowledge of the campaign is derived, tells us that in
passing from Pselchis to that town Petronius’ line of march lay
across the desert; and by this he can hardly fail to mean that he
followed the modern caravan route from Korosko to Abu Hamed,
which forms the chord of the arc here made by the Nile. It
is natural therefore to conjecture that Premnis lay at no very
great distance from Abu Hamed, because in passing from Pselchis
to Napata by this route Petronius would rejoin the river near that
place, from which Napata is distant about a hundred miles lower
down the stream 2 .

1 Strabo, 17.1. 54.

* See Bunbuiy, Hist of Anc. Geogr 2. pp. 1 68, 183,184.

XL]

THE * ATLANTIC ISLANDS.*

225

In this connexion we may notice a discovery that forcibly
impressed the men of that time, the mention of The‘Atian
which occurs in the course of Sertorius’ career in tic islands*
Spain. In the year 81 b.c. that adventurous com- tMadeiraJ *
mander, when he found himself unable to make head against the
forces which Sulla had sent to oppose him in that country,
happened to meet near the mouth of the Baetis with some seamen
who had recently visited the ‘Atlantic Islands/ These they
described as being two in number, separated by a very narrow
channel, and lying in the open sea at a distance of ten thousand
stadia (1,000 geographical miles) from the African coast. The
climate of the islands they reported to be delightfully temperate,
exempt from cold and violent winds and from excessive rain, with
a soft and moist air, which not only rendered the soil fertile for
cultivation, but produced self-sown fruits in great abundance. The
account thus given took such hold on the imagination of Sertorius,
that he was seized with a strong desire to betake himself to this
spot, where he might “ escape from tyranny and unceasing wars,
and live in tranquillity ”; but he was forced to desist from the
project by the unwillingness of the Cilician pirates who formed the
crews of his ships to accompany him. As was natural, these
islands were identified with the * Islands of the Blessed/ which had
been celebrated from early days in Greek poetry—“ where is no
snow, nor yet great storm, nor any rain; but alway ocean sendeth
forth the breeze of the shrill West to blow cool on men 1 ” : indeed,
we are told that the barbarians themselves believed that in them
were to be found the Elysian plains and the Abodes of the Happy,
of which Homer had sung*. Though the distance from the
continent which is attributed to these islands must in any case
have been a great exaggeration, yet it seems impossible to
regard the Canaries, lying as they do within easy reach of the
’African coast, as corresponding to them; and the circumstance
that they are spoken of as two only, suggests that Madeira
and the neighbouring Porto Santo were meant, rather than such
groups as the Azores or the Cape Verde islands. The humidity
and equable character of the climate of Madeira, also, and the
great productiveness of the ground, are in favour of this view.

1 Horn. Od . 9 4. 566—8. * Plutarch, Setter., 8,

T. 15

226

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

[CHAP.

At a later period, however, there is no doubt that the
Fortunatae islands which were known by the name of Fortu-
insuiae natae Insulae were the Canaries. The informa-

TheCanaries). t j Qn th e Romans possessed about these

was derived from the treatise on Africa by Juba king of Mau¬
retania, who had ample facilities for learning the truth about
them. This prince was carried to Rome as a captive during
his childhood, in 46 b.c., and having been educated there,
became a man of distinguished learning. In his youth he was
a friend of Augustus, who first restored him to his father’s
kingdom of Numidia, and afterwards transferred him to the
sovereignty of Mauretania. His statements with regard to these
islands are preserved in Pliny’s Natural History \ and the names
that he assigns to them, which are mostly of Latin origin, are of
service in identifying them. Thus Canaria retains its appellation
unchanged as Grand Canary, while Nivaria or Ninguaria, which,
he says, was so called from its perpetual snows, is evidently Tene¬
rife, with its celebrated Peak, 12,182 feet in height; and he also
remarks on the clouds by which it is so frequently shrouded. A
third, Ombrios, which is described as having a lake in the midst of
its mountains, seems to correspond to Palma, the central crater of
which is called Caldera or “ the Cauldron,” and is surrounded by
many lofty summits.

The advance of the Roman arms in Spain may be passed over

Progressive a n0 ^ ce > because it belongs for the most

Conquest of part to an earlier period than that of which we are

Rom^ the now speaking, and its effects in opening out the

interior of that peninsula have already been ad¬
verted to in our remarks on Polybius and Posidonius, the first
writers who communicated to the world the information obtained
by this means. When the Carthaginians were finally expelled
from Spain at the conclusion of the Second Punic war, the
territory which they had occupied was erected into a Roman
Southern province in 206 b.c. The part thus acquired, how-
provinces] 11 ever > was n °t more than one half of the country; it
comprised the southern districts between the Sierra
Morena and the sea, and those towards the east, which are
1 B. 6.203—5.

XL]

CONQUEST OF SPAIN.

227

bounded on one side by the Mediterranean, and on the other by
the inland chain that runs parallel to it and forms the watershed
between the rivers that flow into that sea and those which reach
the Atlantic: this area would correspond to the modern provinces
of Andalucia, Murcia, Valencia, and Catalonia. It was only by
slow degrees that the rest of the peninsula was subjugated, for the
successive mountain ranges which intersect it form so many
natural lines of defence, and oppose great difficulties in the way of
an invading force, while the hardy tribes of the interior, ac¬
customed as they were to guerilla warfare, were skilled in dis¬
tracting the attention of their opponents and harassing them
in their advance. Strabo has rightly remarked that this cha¬
racteristic of the natives rendered the task of subduing them
much more arduous and protracted than anything which the
Romans experienced in Gaul 1 . Such was, in particular, the
policy of Viriathus in Lusitania, who kept the Romans at bay
for eight years (148—140 b.c.). After his treache¬
rous assassination, however, that country was sub- US1 ia '
dued by D. Junius Brutus, and that general for the first time led
an army beyond the Durius (Douro) as far as the Minius (Minho).
But the turning-point in the advance of the Romans was the
capture by blockade and the subsequent destruction of Numantia
by Scipio Africanus in 133 b.c. That city was
situated near the sources of the Douro in the heart central

Districts.

of the pemnsula, and by its fall the Roman
dominion was established throughout central Spain; from that
time onwards the only tribes that continued to
defy the conquerors were the Astures and Cantabri,
who inhabited the mountains of the north-west,
corresponding in position to the modem districts of the Asturias
and part of the Basque provinces. These were finally subdued in
19 B.C., after a war which continued several years, and was con¬
ducted at first by Augustus in person, and afterwards by Agrippa.
The passes which led from the interior to the extreme north-west

1 Strabo, 4. 4. 2, where it is said of the Gauls, adp6oc ml i:orA arA#0«
efiTlTTOjrres aQpboi jrareXtfoTTO, and of the Spaniards, ol 5’ irajuJeuo* kcU
KaTttcepfi&Tifop rote aywvas, dXkore aXXot koX /car’ a\Aa p£pt) \g<rrpu cSj
Tokefiouvres.

IS—2

228

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS*

[CHAP.

angle, through which the route still lies into Galicia, were secured
by the foundation of the colonies of Asturica Augusta (Astorga)
and Lucus Augusti (Lugo), the fine Roman walls of which still
testify to their ancient strength.

The neighbouring country of Gaul was the most important
field of geographical discovery that was opened out
thf R?man n ° f during the century which immediately preceded the
province in Christian era. Long after the power of Rome
had made itself felt in Syria and Egypt the Alps
continued to form an effectual barrier to the advance of the great
republic in that direction, and it was not until the defeat of the
Salyes, who occupied the district between Marseilles and Nice, by
the consul M. Fulvius Flaccus in 125 b.c., and their subjugation
by C. Sextius Calvinus two years later, that the Romans secured a
permanent footing there. The latter of these two officers established
a military post at the place which had before been the stronghold
of the tribe, and this afterwards became famous as Aquae Sextiae
(Aix). Again, the Vocontii, whose territory lay between the
Durance and the Isfere, were conquered by Flaccus, and shortly
afterwards the Allobroges, who inhabited the mountainous regions
of Dauphin d between the Isfere and the Rhone, were reduced to a
state of dependence, so that the Roman dominion in this part was
extended from the shores of the Mediterranean to the lake of
Geneva. On the further side of the Rhone a footing was also
obtained by the establishment of a colony at Narbo (Narbonne);
and the capture of Tolosa (Toulouse), the capital of the tribe of
Tectosages, in 106 b.c., advanced their territory as far as the
Garonne. The lands which were thus brought under the Roman
sway were formally organised under the name of ‘The Province,’
a title which became so permanently associated with this domain,
that it has been perpetuated in the modem Provence. In this way
the influence of Rome was confirmed and its civilisation propaga¬
ted through the southern part of Gaul, but from that date the limits
of its sovereignty remained unchanged until the time of Caesar,
That leader accepted the command in Gaul with the definite
Caesar’s intention Of conquering the whole of the country,
Conquest of and this purpose he accomplished with great com¬

pleteness in the course of nine years (58—50 B.C.).

XI.]

CAESAR’S ACCOUNT OF GAUL.

229

His successive campaigns carried him and his lieutenants even
into the remotest districts, and the knowledge which he thus
obtained both of their natural features and of their inhabitants
enabled him to accumulate a large store of facts, by which his
history is throughout elucidated. He notices at HisEthno
starting the three great nations which occupied graphicaiand
Gaul—the Aquitani in the south, the Celts or Gauls ^^£ hical
in the centre, and the Belgae in the north—together
with the rivers which separated them one from another, the
Garumna (Garonne) in the one case, and the Sequana (Seine) and
Matrona (Marne) in the other. He shews himself well acquainted
with the principal mountain chains—the Jura and the Mons
Vosegus (Vosges) towards the east, and the Mons Cebenna
(Cevennes) in the south—and with the Silva Arduenna, or forest
district of the Ardennes, which spread over a wide tract in Belgica.
His accuracy extends to geographical details, when there is any
need to introduce them: thus he remarks that the stream of the
Vacalus (Waal) is a branch of the Rhine which flows into the
Meuse 1 , and he observes that Lutetia (Paris) is situated on an
island in the Seine®. He obtained exact details respecting the
subdivisions of the tribes with which from time to time he
came into' conflict, and of these he has drawn up lists in
various parts of his work Their position can in a large
number of instances be verified owing to the permanence of
their names, which came to be attached, either to the districts
in which they dwelt, or, as often happened, to the chief town
of the district. The latter process, in the course
of which the previous appellation of the city was to^rasof ce
superseded, has given birth to the names of many Names of
important places in France. Thus the tribe of n
Lexovii, whose city was called Noviomagus, is recognised in
the modem Lisieux, and the Senones have given their name to
Sens in place of that of Agedincum; Mediolanum, the capital
of the Eburovices, is now Evreux, and Avaricum of the Bitu-
riges is Bourges. A marked instance of the interest which
Caesar took in the remote tribes, and of his carefulness in
recording the geographical features of the lands which they
1 BelL Gall., 4. 10* * lbid. t 7. 57,

230

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

[CHAP.

occupied, is furnished by his account of the Veneti in Armorica,
who inhabited the sea-coast north of the mouth of the Loire.
Against these he first sent his lieutenant, P. Crassus, in 57 b.c.,
and in the following year he entered their territory himself, and
after assembling a fleet of sufficient size to enable him to cope with
their vessels, finally reduced them to submission.
Description In his narrative of the campaign he delineates the
of the Veneti 7 peculiarities of the coast of the Morbihan, as this
district of France is now called—the creeks and
inlets of the sea, which interfered with communication by land,
and the position of the towns on the extremities of jutting
tongues of land, which caused them to be hard of access to
an invader, because at high tide the approach from the land-
side was cut off, and at low water it was a difficult matter for
ships to approach them in consequence of the shoals. He
then proceeds to describe the vessels used by these hardy
navigators, who were accustomed to make voyages to Britain—
their oaken timbers, their almost flat keels, which allowed of
their grounding without difficulty, their height in the bows, and
their leathern sails. Against these the Romans had the one
advantage of using oars, which their opponents were without;
and thus, when they had disabled their rigging by means of
hooks attached to long poles, they were able to board their
vessels, after which the superior courage of the Roman soldiers
prevailed. When victory declared itself on the side of the
invaders, the people at large submitted, but Caesar thought fit
that they should be put to death or sold into slavery 1 . In
this way a race was exterminated who were distinguished for
commercial enterprise, as we have already remarked when
speaking of the tin trade with Britain 8 .

Caesar’s two expeditions into Britain were important as mark¬
up Expedi- * n 3 occasio n on which the Romans set

tions into foot in that island, but they do not seem to have

Britain. ,

made any considerable addition to what was already
known through Posidonius concerning it 8 . Both those writers

1 B . G ., 3. 8, 9, 12—16. 3 v. supra, p. 36.

* Posidonius’ account is Rmhodipri in Strabo’s description of Britain, 4. 5.

XI.]

HIS NOTICES OF BRITAIN.

231

were acquainted only with the south-eastern portion and the
adjoining districts of the interior. Caesar's starting-point was
the Portus Itius, a harbour of the Morini, whose territory lay
in that part of Gaul which adjoins the Straits of Dover. Among
the many competing sites which claim to be identified with that
place the two that deserve especial consideration are Wissant, a
village on the coast to the east of Cape Gris Nez, and Boulogne;
but both this question and that of the point on the coast of
Britain at which he landed are so debateable, that it is not
possible to speak with great confidence on the subject. The
first of these expeditions was little more than a reconnaissance,
for Caesar on that occasion hardly penetrated at all into the
country; in the second, with a view to which he prepared a
large fleet and a force of five legions and two thousand cavalry,
he advanced into the interior as far as the Thames, which river
he crossed at a point about eighty miles from the sea, somewhere
perhaps between Kingston and Brentford He did not, however,
proceed much further than this, for in no long time Cassivelaunus,
the chief of the Trinobantes, who commanded the British forces,
made submission to him, and Caesar was willing to quit the
island on terms favourable to the natives. In consequence of
this it is not surprising if his knowledge of the country was
limited. He rightly describes it as triangular in
shape; with the island of Hibernia, which he tiraabout™"
estimates at half the size of Britain, on its western
side. He is also the first writer who notices the Isle of Man;
for it seems to be this, and not Anglesea, that he means by
Mona, for he speaks of it as lying half-way between the two
larger islands. In Pliny the Isle of Man is called Monapia 1 .
As regards the inhabitants he remarks that the most civilised
were those that dwelt in the south-eastern parts, who were
settlers of Belgian race, having migrated from the mainland,
and both in their dwellings and their manner of life resembled
those ki Gaul. The tribes of the interior he characterises as
barbarous in their customs and as leading the life of herds¬
men*.

1 JET, iV, 4.103.

* £. G, % 5. £* -14.

232

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

[CHAP.

Caesar also was the first Roman commander who led an
army across the Rhine, though he penetrated but
•nceoftfce* a wa y * nt0 Germany. The information which
Romans with ] ie obtained about that country was mainly derived

Germany. 4 4

from his allies the Ubii, and from the prisoners
whom he captured when fighting against Ariovistus; and in
this way he has accurately recorded the names of a number of
the tribes. He also describes the Hercynian Forest, the mention
of which he says that he had found occurring in the writings
of Eratosthenes and other Greeks; and he attributes to it a
width of nine days’ journey, and a length of sixty, reaching from
the confines of the Helvetii along the course of the Danube as
far as Dacia, where it turned towards the north 1 . There is no
notice, however, in his work of the great rivers of northern
Germany, and it was not until long afterwards that his country¬
men obtained an accurate knowledge of that
ofDmsus* nS land. The next Roman general who crossed the
Rhine was Drusus, the stepson of Augustus, who
in the course of three campaigns traversed a great part of its
western districts. In the year 12 b.c. he started from the Island
of the Batavi, as the country between the mouths of the Rhine
and the Meuse was called, and overran the territory of the
Usipetes and Sigambri, which lay higher up on the right bank
of the stream. The following year witnessed his advance to
the Visurgis (Weser), and as far as the land of the Chatti who
lived about its head-waters, where he established a garrison:
and finally his third campaign carried him from this point, which
formed his base of operations, through the territory of the
Cherusci, and after crossing the Visurgis he reached at last
the banks of the Albis (Elbe). But the achievement on which
the fame of Drusus subsequently rested, since it greatly im¬
pressed the imaginations of his countrymen, was his navigation
of the Northern Ocean in a Roman fleet, a thing which had
never before been attempted. This took place during the latter
part of his first campaign. Under his directions a canal, which
bore the name of the Fossa Drusiana, was constructed from the
Rhine to the Lake Flevus, a large piece of water, which then
1 3 . G^ 6.24, 25.

XI.] DRUSUS AND TIBERIUS IN GERMANY. 233

occupied a part of the area now covered by the Zuyder Zee, and
communicated with the ocean. By means of this he conducted
the fleet which he had prepared to the coast of the North Sea,
and proceeded along it as far as the mouth of the Amisia (Ems),
receiving at this time the submission of the Frisians, who in¬
habited the neighbouring district He was repulsed, however,
by the Chauci, whose territory lay on the right bank of that
river—a disaster which was partly due to the want of experience
of the tides in those seas from which the Romans suffered
After the premature death of Drusus, his brother
Tiberius, the future emperor, was appointed to his be ^u S ° f Tl ’
command, and was successful in his operations
against the Germans, but did not at that time advance further
into their country. At a later period, after his seven years 1
retirement at Rhodes, when this government was renewed to
him by Augustus (a.d. 5), he caused his fleet to sail up the
Elbe from its mouth, and himself with his land forces effected
a junction with it on the banks of that river. On this occasion
the Chauci accepted the supremacy of Rome, while their neigh¬
bours towards the interior between the Weser and the Elbe,
the Langobardi, whose name now occurs for the first time, were
defeated by the invaders. Subsequently to this, the further
advance of the Romans in that quarter, and indeed their
permanent establishment at any point beyond the Rhine, was
precluded by the great defeat of Varus by Arminius, involving
the destruction of three legions (a.d. 9)—an event of the first
importance in history, because in consequence of it the races
of Germany were developed under native, and not Roman,
institutions.

The two brothers Tiberius and Drusus were also instrumental
in subjugating the countries which lay to the north¬
eastward of Italy, and commanded the approaches RhaeiS^vfn-
to it from that quarter. The area embraced by Felicia, and
these was bounded on the north and east by the
Danube, and on the south by the Alps and the line of the river
Save, as far as its point of junction with the Danube at Belgrade.
It comprised the countries of Rhaetia, Vindelida, Noricum and
Pannonia, which correspond, generally speaking, to the Tyrol,

234

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

[CHAP.

the part of Bavaria which lies to the northward of it, the
southern provinces of Austria, and a portion of Hungary. In
the year 15 b.c. Drusus marched up the valley of the Adige,
and having defeated the forces of the Rhaetians near Tridentum,
the modern Trent, advanced into their land by the line of the
Brenner pass. Shortly afterwards Tiberius, approaching the
country from the opposite quarter, ascended the valley of the
Rhine, and having launched a flotilla on the lake of Constance,
succeeded in taking the enemy in the rear, and penetrating into
the upper valley of the Inn. The campaign thus begun resulted
in the complete reduction of the tribes of the eastern Alps,
together with the neighbouring districts of Vindelicia and
Noricum. The foundation of the colony of Augusta Vinde-
licorum (Augsburg) at this time had the effect of securing the
Roman conquest, and of guarding the approaches to the moun¬
tain chain. These victories of the stepsons of Augustus were
celebrated by Horace in two famous odes, which glorify the
family of the Neros, and extol the difficulty of the
nonia. an " achievement 1 . The Pannonians, however, offered
a more effectual resistance to the Roman arms.
Their country was of importance to Italy because of the trade-
route which from early times had passed through it from Germany
to the head of the Adriatic 2 ; and the facility of access which its
proximity afforded to an invading force was felt to be a source
of danger. So much was this the case, that in 6 a.d. there was
a panic in Rome, when it was reported in that city that the
Pannonians had descended on the province of Istria. Accord¬
ingly, after the subjugation of the neighbouring nations which
has just been mentioned, first Agrippa, and after his death
Tiberius, invaded and ravaged their country; but the effect of

1 Hor. Od., 4.4.17;

Videre Raeti bella sub Alpibus
Drusum gerentem Vindelici;

and 4. 14. t 4 ;

Majbr Neronum raox grave proelium
Commisit immanesque Raetos
Auspiciis pepulit secundis.

2 v l supra, p. 31.

XL]

THE ROMAN ROADS.

7 35

this was only temporary, and it was not until the year 9A.D.,
at the expiration of several hard fought campaigns, that they
finally submitted to the Romans. The necessity of keeping
them in check accounts for the subsequent maintenance of a
large force of soldiers in Pannonia, whose rebellion on receiving
the news of the death of Augustus and the accession of Tiberius
as emperor has been forcibly depicted by Tacitus 1 . The Danube
now became throughout its whole length the northern boundary
of the Roman empire, since Moesia, which occupied the area
that extended from its right bank to the foot of the Haemus
mountains in the lower part of its course, had been conquered
by Marcus Crassus in 29 b.c., and had been reduced not long
after to the form of a Roman province.

In the review which has thus been taken of the advances
made by the Roman arms in the regions bordering
on the civilised world during the Augustan age and to^eo^Sphy
the period immediately preceding it, we see that Roman

a considerable addition was made to the knowledge
of the face of the globe which already existed. But both in
these countries, and in those which had previously been in¬
corporated in the empire, the accurate treatment of geography
was furthered by the practical spirit of the administration of the
Romans, which caused them to construct roads as means of
communication throughout their subject provinces. The object
which they had in view in this system was, no doubt, to facilitate
the passage of their armies, and to secure the rapid transmission
of intelligence to the provincial centres and to the capital itself,
and thereby to concentrate their dominion and guarantee it
against dismemberment. But, at the same time, Careftd
the careful measurement of distances which was Measurement
thus introduced, and the clearer acquaintance with of Di8taiices *
the relative position of places and the direction followed by rivers
and mountain chains which was obtained, tended to promote
exactness in geographical study. Polybius speaks of the road
through southern Gaul from the Spanish frontier to the Rhone as
having in his time been paced, and the distances along it marked

1 Tac. Ann., 1. 16 foil.

236

THE ROMAN CONQUESTS.

[CHAP.

by milestones 1 ; and he remarks the same thing of the Egnatian
Way, the length of which he gives according to this computation,
from Apollonia and Epidamnus (Dyrrhachium), its two starting
points on the Adriatic, as far as the river Hebrus in Thrace*.
During the following century and a half these lines of com¬
munication had been so extended and multiplied, that they
formed a network throughout the lands that were subject to
Rome. Thus in Gaul, subsequently to its conquest by Julius
Caesar, four great roads were constructed in such a way as to
open out the whole country, starting from Lugdunum as their
centre and leading respectively to the Rhine, to the coast of the
British Channel, to the Western Ocean near the mouth of the
Garonne, and southward through the Provincia—a proceeding
by which the prosperity of the country was greatly promoted.

The wan- Agrippa, under whose auspices this was effected,

map of was also the author of a geographical record, which

Agrippa. - , , , .

was of the utmost service ux promoting that study.
This was the map of the Roman empire and the countries in its
neighbourhood, the plan of which he devised, and the material
for constructing which he collected; and which after his death, as
we learn from Pliny 8 , was set up by the orders of Augustus in the
Porticus Octaviae at Rome. To it was attached a commentary,
giving the dimensions of the different provinces, and the dis¬
tances which intervened between the most important places. The
authorities which were principally used in compiling this chart,
were, no doubt, the itineraries, in which the distances along the
great roads were recorded; and from it in turn reduced copies
itineraries were ma( ^ e f° r the use of the provincial governors

derived from and the commanders of the forces. These were

called Itineraria pida or Itimraria adnotaia ,
according as they gave a plan of the roads, or a list of the

1 Polyb., 3. 39. 8; raOra 7A/> vdv pepyiLarurrou, xal creoyfielwrcu kclt&
araSLovs 6 kt& 5 t& *P tafutlw m/teXto.

2 p °lyb., ap. Strabon., 7- 7- 4» ptpmMrur/iimj /card [tfkiov Kcd KaramjXu-

H&q nixi* KaVEppov grora/ioO.

8 Pliny, 3 * *75 Agnppam quidem in tanta viri diligentia praeterque in hoc
opere cuia, cum orbem terrarum urbi spectanduxn propositurns esset, errasse
quis credat, et cum eo divum Augustum? Is namque complexam ewn porticum
ex destioatione et commentariis M. Agrippae a sorore ejus mchoatam peregit

XI.]

WALL-MAP OF AGRIPPA.

237

stations along them, with the number of miles that separated
one station from another. Of the former of these mention is
made at a later period by Vegetius in his treatise On the Art of
War , where he is speaking of the importance to a general of
acquaintance with the country through which he is marching, in
order to prevent surprise and to be on his guard against ambush.
The circumspect commanders of former days, he remarks, are
said to have had itineraries of the provinces which were the scene
of their campaigns, not only set down in writing, but also painted;
and he goes on to recommend that these should be sufficiently
detailed to include the short cuts, the by-ways, the mountains and
the rivers 1 . Of this class of documents we are fortunate in
possessing a specimen in the Peutinger Table; while the other
class, or Itmeraria adnotata 9 is represented by the Antonine
Itinerary.

1 Veget., Dd Re Military 3. 6.

CHAPTER XII.

STRABO.

Strabo and the Augustan Age—His Geography a Summary of the Knowledge
then existing—Strabo’s Life, Teachers, and Places of Residence—Extent
of his Travels—Almost Limited to Asia Minor, Egypt, and Central
Italy—Advantages which he Derived from them—His Philosophical
Opinions—Stoic Tenets—His Political Opinions—Imperial Sympathies—
Strabo’s Historical Work—Date of Composition of his Geography— Place
where it was written—Readers for whom it was intended—Its Compre¬
hensiveness—Subjects Incidentally introduced—Predominance of His¬
torical Geography—Influence of a Land on its Inhabitants—Artistic
Treatment of the Subject—Methods of lightening the Narrative—Neglect
of Strabo’s Work in Antiquity—Admiration of it in the Middle Ages—
Modem Estimates—Limits of Strabo’s Survey, in Europe, Asia, and
Africa—Contents of the Geography—Tut Introduction—Remarks on
Mathematical, Physical, and Historical Geography—Spain, Gaul, and
Britain—Italy and Sicily—Northern and Eastern Europe—Greece—
Veneration for Homer as a Geographical Authority—Northern and Central
Asia—Asia Minor—Southern Asia—Egypt and the Rest of Africa.

It may be regarded as a piece of extraordinary good fortune

Strabo and ^ at most important work on geography which
the Augustan was produced in antiquity should have coincided
A **‘ in date with the Augustan age. The knowledge

of the world which the ancients possessed had then almost
reached its furthest limits, while the interest which had been
awakened by Greek enquirers in the scientific side of the subject
had not yet been neutralised, as it was destined soon to be, by
utilitarian views of geographical study. At various preceding
periods, as we have seen, the different branches of the enquiry
had occupied, each in its turn, the most prominent position. In
the latter half of the third century before Christ, mathematical
geography reached its culminating point at Alexandria under
Eratosthenes. The following century saw the rise of historical
geography under Roman influences in the hands of Polybius.

University Press Cambridge.

STRABO’S LIFE AND TEACHERS.

239

Later still, the scientific explorations of Posidonius caused the
study of physical geography to predominate. It remained that
some one should arise, who could sum up the work that had been
accomplished in these different lines; and such a writer was
found in Strabo. His Geography , whatever its defects, is our
great repertory of information concerning the know- His Geogra .
ledge of these subjects which the ancients possessed, p^y a Sum-
and the wide range of his interests guaranteed that Knowledge 6
none of them should be neglected. In estimating eaastin ff*
itS;importance from a modern point of view, we have to take into
account not merely its intrinsic merits, but also the greatness of
the loss which we should have suffered if it had perished. It is
the one complete treatise on geography which has survived from
antiquity, and, moreover, we are chiefly indebted to it for our
acquaintance with the writings of his predecessors. These are
so entirely lost, that they are only known through quotations
preserved in other authors, and it is in Strabo that the majority of
such passages are found.

Strabo was a native of Amasia in Pontus, a city which was at
one time the residence of the sovereigns of that
country, and became a considerable centre of
Greek culture. The date of his birth has been much disputed,
but it was probably 63 ac., the year of Cicero’s consulate 1 . The
events of his life are almost entirely unnoticed by other writers,
and in endeavouring to trace them we are forced to have recourse
to statements incidentally introduced in his Geography . We find
that three prominent teachers of that time took
part in his education. When quite a youth, he Teachera >

. attended at Nysa on the Maeander the lectures in grammar and
rhetoric of Aristodemus, the same who gave instruction to the
sons of Pompey. Afterwards he proceeded to Rome, where he
was the pupil, first of Tyrannion the grammarian, who super¬
intended the education of Cicero’s two sons, Marcus and Quintus,
and afterwards of the Peripatetic philosopher Xenarchus. As
Tyrannion was an authority on geography, it is not improbable

Strabo’s Life,

1 For the evidence which bears on this and similar pcants relating to
Strabo reference may be made to the Introduction to the anther’s Selections
from Strabo .

240

STRABO.

[CHAP.

that Strabo imbibed a taste for that subject from him. The
and places of remainder of his long life—he seems to have been
Residence. y ears 0 f a g e a t the time of his death, or even

older—was passed for the most part either in Rome or in Asia
Minor. The duration of these sojourns we have no means
of determining; but his mention of buildings of recent erection
in Rome, and of objects newly introduced there, which he had
himself seen, proves that he visited the capital at intervals;
and, on the other hand, he is shewn to have returned to Asia
Minor, both by his allusions to periods of residence in certain of
its cities, and by his exact and observant descriptions of places
in various provinces of that region, which imply that he was
acquainted with them as a grown-up man. We also know from
his own testimony that he dwelt for a long period in Alexandria;
and the date of this can be approximately fixed, for it was then
that he made the expedition through Egypt, which was the most
considerable of his journeys, in the company of his friend and
patron Aelius Gallus, who was prefect of the country, and this
expedition seems to have taken place in 25—24B.C.

Widely different opinions have been held as to the extent of
Strabo’s travels. He claimed for himself that he
his Travels. * had journeyed in different directions as far as any
other writer on geography—that is to say, from
Armenia to the western part of Etruria , and from the Euxine to
the confines of Aethiopia 1 ; and this may have been literally true.
But before we concede to a person the title of a great traveller, it
is necessary to estimate the extensiveness of the journeys which
were carried out by him within a certain area, and the scientific
spirit of research in which they were undertaken. In Strabo’s
case the conclusion to which we are brought by an examination of
Almost the evidence which his work affords as to the places
he ™ te d is that, except in Asia Minor, in
and central Egypt, and in Central Italy, he did not deviate far

Italy ’ from the route which he would naturally take in

passing to and from his home and the great centres of civilisation
in which he resided at different intervals. His journeys into
distant lands were determined by the circumstances of his life,
? Strabo, 3. 5. 11.

XII.]

EXTENT OF HIS TRAVELS.

24I

rather than by any desire on his part to prosecute researches, or
to verify the statements of former writers. In Asia Minor he was
well acquainted with the extreme eastern and western districts of
the country—with Pontus, Cappadocia, and Cilicia, which were
within easy reach of his home at Amasia; and with Western Phrygia,
Lydia, Ionia, and Caria, which he had visited either at the time
of his education at Nysa or on subsequent occasions. Egypt he
had explored at his leisure and thoroughly, as might be expected
from the opportunities offered by his residence at Alexandria, and
from his having ascended the Nile as far as the First Cataract
with Aelius Gallus. In Italy he had become acquainted with the
coast-towns of Etruria as far north as the Bay of Luna, and was
familiar with Latium and the neighbourhood of the Bay of Naples:
he knew also the line of the Appian Way with the ports of Brun-
disium and Tarentum, and part of the eastern coast of Sicily, of
which he would see something when on his way from Rome to
Alexandria. Of the rest of the world, however, he had very little
knowledge from personal observation. He could hardly have
visited even the coast of Syria, otherwise he would not have failed
to touch at Tyre; yet, in describing the many-storeyed houses
of that city, which, he says, exceeded in height those in Rome, he
quotes from other authorities 1 . In Greece there is no clear proof
that he stopped at any place except Corinth; and the fulness of
detail with which he has delineated that town contrasts strongly
with his notices of the rest of the country 2 . The Adriatic coast
of Italy was also a terra incognita to him; and in consequence of
this his account of Ravenna, in particular, is defective, for he
relies on earlier authorities, and omits all notice of the great works
which were carried out there by the orders of Augustus 5 . The
remoter regions of the world, such as Spain or Babylonia, he does
not profess to have visited. Still, though Strabo cannot be spoken
of as a great traveller in the same sense as Posi¬
donius, it would be a mistake to suppose that his w&thhe****
journeys were of small importance to him as a ^^ edfrom
writer on geography. In reality he learnt from
them to take a wide view of his subject, to interest himself in a
1 16. a. a$. * 3 .6. ao—33.

242

STRABO.

[CHAP.

Stoic Tenets.

variety of topics and in different peoples, and to get that power of
vividly realising and forcibly representing to others the matters he
treats of, which can only be obtained from ocular inspection, or
at least from familiarity with similar objects. At the same time
his mind was trained in the art of observation; and the result of
this is that he writes, not as a student in his closet, but as one
who was accustomed to notice and to criticise.

A word or two must be added concerning Strabo’s philosophical
Hia and political opinions, because these make them-

Phiiosophicai selves felt from time to time in the course of his

opinions. j n philosophy, as two of his instructors,

Tyrannion and Xenarchus, were Peripatetic philosophers, it is
somewhat surprising to find that he was himself a Stoic. At what
period of his life he became an adherent of that school we have
no means of ascertaining, but perhaps the change may have been
in part due to his intimacy with the Stoic Athenodorus, who was
first the teacher, and afterwards the adviser, of Augustus. In
consequence of this, his belief in a divinity or in the
gods, as far as he possessed any, was pantheistic,
and with him the primal agency which caused the organisation of
the world was Providence—an impersonal force, which produced
the interconnexion of all the parts, and caused its unity and per¬
fection 1 . Accordingly, when the natural features of a country are
found to be adapted to the needs of its inhabitants, and to contribute
to their development, this is characterised as ‘conformity to nature*
(o/ioXoyta), and is regarded as the £ work of Providence * (wpovoias
Ipyov) 2 . The views here expressed, and the terms by which they
are represented, are definitely those professed by the Stoics. In
politics Strabo was a hearty advocate of the Roman
Opinions^ 0 ^ government. He was strongly impressed by the
influence of the pax Romana —by the safety of life
and property in districts formerly disturbed, the security afforded
to commerce by the extinction of piracy, and the advantages to
civilisation which arose from a central political administration®.

The same feeling caused him to look favourably on
Sympathies. concentration of the power in the hands of a

single ruler; indeed he remarks that an empire of

1 17.1. 36.

4. 1.14.

* 1.1.16.

XII.]

DATE OF HIS ‘GEOGRAPHY.’

243

such magnitude could hardly be carried on except under the
paternal supervision of one person 1 . So far did these opinions
carry him, that he not only regarded the harsh treatment of revolted
provinces by the Romans as a form of necessary discipline 3 , but
he mentions the conquest of his own fatherland, Pontus, by that
people with a singular absence of feeling 8 .

A considerable part of Strabo’s literary life was occupied in
writing a work on history, which he called ‘ Historical Strab0 » s
Memoirs ’ (ToTopi/ca ^TTOfxvqfiaTa), This treatise, Historical
which seems to have been a continuation of the Work ’
history of the world from the point where the History of Polybius
ended, 146 b.c., is referred to by name by the author himself in
his Geography and by Plutarch 4 ; and it was extensively used both
by Josephus and Arrian. Though it no longer exists, it is highly
probable that many of the historical notices, which so frequently
occur in the Geography , are summaries of portions of it. The
last-named work was the product of the later period Dateo fcom
of Strabo’s life, but there is no need to assign it, position of his
as many writers have done, to a date as far advanced Geo ^ ra ^'
as from 17 to 23 a.d. —a conclusion from which we would gladly
escape, because it involves the necessity of believing that a treatise,
which is characterised in a high degree by freshness and vigour,
was produced by an old man. If w T e have rightly fixed 63 b.c. as
the year of Strabo’s birth, he would have been 80 years of age in
17 a.d. The chief argument in favour of the late date is found in
the numerous passages in which events are mentioned which took
place in the interval between 17 and 23 a.d. ; but the occurrence of
these does not necessitate the conclusion that the work at large was
composed at that time. It seems more probable, especially when
we consider the magnitude of the task, that its execution extended
over a long period, and that it was brought up to date by the in¬
sertion of subsequent incidents at a later period. This supposition
also may serve to some extent to account for the marked inequality
of style and treatment which is traceable in various
parts of the Geography . A more difficult question it ^^ D e (
arises whenjve attempt to determine the place at

1 6. 4. 2/ 2 5. 4.13. 8 is. 3. 33.

4 i, 7. 23; 11. 9. 3; Plutarch, LucuIL 28*

I &-—2

244

STRABO.

[CHAP.

which it was written. The alternative here lies between Rome
on the one hand, and on the other some provincial residence, such
as Strabo’s native city Amasia. The arguments in favour of the
former of these turn mainly on the intimate acquaintance which
the writer shews, until quite the end of his life, with events that
were passing at the capital, and with occurrences affecting the
Roman empire, which might not be expected to reach the ears of
provincials. His knowledge of these is very striking; and, how¬
ever much allowance we may make for the rapid circulation of
news at this time and the consequent facility of obtaining infor¬
mation, it might turn the scale in favour of Rome as the place
where the work was composed, or at least completed, were it not
for one overpowering argument on the other side. This is derived
from the extraordinarily slight recognition which it met with in
antiquity, so that it is not even named by so diligent a compiler
as Pliny. Considering the merits and importance of the work,
this would seem almost impossible if it had been published in a
great literary centre such as Rome; whereas the difficulty dis¬
appears, if we suppose it to have seen the light in a remote place
like Amasia.

Another point which calls for consideration as affecting our
Readers for es ^ mate °f the Geography, is the class of readers

whom it was for whom it was intended. On this subject Strabo’s

in n e ’ own statements appear to be somewhat misleading.
He says at the commencement of his treatise that the object of
geographical study is that it should be of service to men in high
position—in other words, to the Roman generals and statesmen,
to whom were assigned the conquest and administration of pro¬
vinces 1 ; and this view he confirms by other remarks to the same
effect. A perusal of his work, however, suggests the idea that
these introductory observations are of the nature of an advertise¬
ment, intended to attract Roman readers. Its contents are by
no means of such a character as specially to suit the needs of
imperial officials. His elaborate disquisitions on mythology, his
long historical notices, his enumerations of philosophers and literary
men produced by different cities, and his descriptions of physical
phenomena, seem intended to interest a very different class of

1 i» i* id#

XII.]

ITS COMPREHENSIVENESS.

24s

persons. The truth of the matter seems to be that Strabo, while
he wished to be read by Romans, expected rather to be read by
Greeks; but he wrote neither for the one nor for the other exclu¬
sively, but for cultivated men without reference to their nationality.
His treatise as a whole is congenial both to the practical ideas of
the one people, and to the scientific spirit of the other; and he
says himself that he intends it to be popular, and adapted to ‘the
general course of study which is pursued by free-born and cultured
menV

The conspicuous merit of Strabo’s work is its comprehen¬
siveness. He aimed at bringing together, and ex¬
hibiting in a readable form, all that it was he nsiveness?"
important to know about the different countries
of the earth and their inhabitants, and in this respect his
Geography was unique in antiquity. All the four branches, into
which, as we have seen in our first chapter, the subject divides—
mathematical, physical, descriptive, and historical geography —
are represented in his pages. In speaking of each district, he
deals with the conformation of the ground, the nature of the
products, the character and condition of the inhabitants, their
history, and similar topics: and in doing this he does not confine
himself within the range of what we call classical antiquity, for
he includes in his review the whole of the ancient world and
its occupants, whether barbarous or civilised. The Sub j ecta
variety of the subjects which he incidentally intro- incidentally
duces greatly enhances the interest of his survey.

Geological peculiarities have an especial attraction for him. Not
only has he furnished us with a large collection of facts relating
to volcanoes and earthquake movements, but he notices other
strange features of the ground, such as the rolled stones of
the Plaine de la Crau (Campi Lapidei) in southern France 2 .
Climate also is a topic to which he often refers. He dwells
on the cloudy, sunless atmosphere of Britain 8 , and the monsoons
and the rainy season in India 4 ; and he remarks that the amount
of snow that falls is greater, and the snow-line is lower, on the
northern side of a range of mountains than on the southern 8 .

1 i. x. 22; cp. a. 5.1. * 4.1. 7*

8 4. 5. 2 . 4 15.1.13. * 16.1.13.

246

STRABO.

[CHAP.

On the subject of trees and plants he contributes a great variety
of information; thus he describes the palm-groves and balsam-
gardens of Jericho, the papyrus and the Egyptian bean, and the
trees which supplied the precious woods that were used for
furniture at Rome. He also paid great attention to the mode
of life, the habitations and dress, and the traditions of numerous
half-civilised peoples; and to the religious beliefs and rites which
prevailed in various parts of the world—as, for instance, at the
two Comanas in Eastern Asia Minor, and among the Druids in
Gaul, and the Brahmans in India. On matters, too, which belong
to a higher sphere of intelligence his work furnishes interesting
observations; such as works of art, the opinions of philosophic
schools, and scientific discoveries, e.g. that of the true calendar
by the priests of Heliopolis in Egypt.

Among these various departments of geographical study the
one which predominates in Strabo’s work is un-
J 2 ST doubtedly the historical. Not only does he every-
Historicai where introduce the history of a country side by

Geography. * J

side with its geography, but he illustrates the one
by the other, and endeavours to point out the intimate connexion
that existed between the two. In describing the pass of the
Climax on the coast of Lycia he refers to the danger to which
Alexander’s troops were exposed in traversing it 1 . The mention
of the lines of Roman roads through eastern Spain recalls Caesar’s
march along them before the battle of Munda 2 ; and so on
throughout the entire work. Besides this he is fond of tracing
the influence of the features of a land on the
character and history of its inhabitants. A notice¬
able instance of this is his discussion of the manner
in which the physical peculiarities of Italy contributed to the
development of the power of Rome, j In this he dwells on the
advantages which that country derived in respect of safety from
its peninsular character, which secured it against attack, and in
respect of commerce from its excellent harbours; on its varied
and temperate climate, and the difference of elevation in different
parts, which caused it to enjoy the products both of the moun¬
tains and the plains; on its plentiful water-supply, and ample

Influence of
a Land on its
Inhabitants.

14. 3. 9.

3 * 4 - 9 *

XII.] ARTISTIC TREATMENT OF THE SUBJECT.

247

provision of the necessaries of life; and finally, on its central
position among the great races of the ancient world 1 . Remarks
such as these, in which the modifying power exercised by external
nature over the history of man is traced, are the most original
feature in Strabo’s work, and go far to justify the title of. ‘ The
Philosophy of Geography/ which has been applied to it Though
similar notices occur from time to time, as we have seen, both
in Ephorus and Polybius, yet no ancient writer except Strabo
has systematically followed out and generalised on the working
of these influences.

Another feature of the Geography which distinguishes it from
other works on the same subject, besides its many- Artistic
sidedness, is the artistic spirit in which it was Treatment of
composed. This becomes most apparent, if we the Subject '
compare it with the lists of names which are crowded together
in the geographical section of Pliny’s Natural History , or with
the dry details which make up the treatise of Ptolemy. In
contrast with these, the facts which are brought together in
Strabo’s well-arranged chapters are skilfully grouped, in a manner
which clearly shews that in combining so great a variety of
materials the form as well as the matter has been considered.
With a view to this, the accumulation of names which appeared
to the author to be either superfluous or barbarous in sound is
avoided, as for instance in the case of the Arabian tribes, some
of which he purposely omits on account of the vulgarity and
clumsiness of their pronunciation 2 . A treatise on general geo¬
graphy, he says, is a colossal work, and in this, as in a colossal
statue, insignificant minutise, which would detract from the
general effect, should be neglected 3 . For the same Methods of
reason Strabo endeavours to lighten the reader’s lightening the
task by enlivening his narrative in various ways. Narrative *
Ascents of high mountains, such as Etna and Mount Aigaeus
in Cappadocia, are noticed, together with the observations of
those who made them. Sporting experiences are recorded; thus
ferreting is mentioned as having been employed in Spain as a
remedy for a plague of rabbits 4 , and the methods of hunting

1 6.4.1.
* 1. 1. 3.

* 16.4.1$.
4 3. a. 6 m

248

STRABO.

[CHAP,

and decoying elephants in India are described 1 . No opportunity
is missed of introducing a good story, and the proverbs and
proverbial expressions that occur are very numerous. Com¬
parisons, again, some of which are remarkably apposite, are used
to illustrate geographical features. The Peloponnese is likened
in shape to the leaf of a plane-tree 3 ; the Oases in the Libyan
desert to the spots on a leopard’s skin 8 ; the Trojan Ida, with its
long range and numerous spurs, to a millepede 4 . Many of these,
no doubt, were borrowed from other writers, but Strabo’s skill
is shewn by the way in which he makes use of them. He also
enlarges the reader’s view by drawing attention to the resem¬
blances which are traceable between districts and features of the

ground in different countries. Ravenna and Alexandria are
compared in respect of their healthiness, notwithstanding the
shallow water in their neighbourhood 5 ; the intermittent streams
are noticed by which the Lacus Fucinus in Latium and the
river Amenanus in Sicily were fed 8 ; and the saying is quoted,
in which the Acro-corinth and the acropolis of Messene on
Mount Ithome were spoken of as the two horns by which the
cow (the Peloponnese) might be held 7 . In these and other
ways the texture of the work is diversified, and the materials
of which it is made up are enriched, and thus the composition at
large is raised to a higher level.

The estimates which have been formed of Strabo’s work, and

Neglect of
Strabo’s Work
In Antiquity.

the attention which it attracted, have varied greatly
at different periods. We have already noticed the
neglect from which it suffered in antiquity, as shewn

by the absence of any mention of it by the writers of the succeed¬

ing age. Athenaeus (about the beginning of the third century)
refers to it in two passages, but neither of these has any direct
bearing on geography: its geographical importance is first

recognised by Marcianus of Heradea—a writer who cannot be

placed earlier than the third century—who mentions Strabo as

one of the authorities most to be relied on with respect to
distances. With this exception we hardly find any reference

* 8. 2.1.

4 *3* i* 5*

* 8. 4. 8.

1 15. 1. 42,

* 5- 33*

* 3 * x. 7.

9 5* 3* *3*

XII.]

VARIOUS ESTIMATES OF IT.

249

to it till the time of Stephanus of Byzantium, towards the end
of the fifth century, by whom it is frequently cited 1 . Admiration
During the middle ages, however, exactly the ofitinthe
opposite of this was the case. To the writers of MlddleAse3,
that time he was known as the geographer, and Eustathius
in particular frequently quotes him by that title. Again,
in modem days a great discrepancy of opinion has existed
with regard to Strabo’s merits. Some authorities, among whom
MiillenhofF is the most conspicuous, have treated
him as a dull, unintelligent compiler. Others, who Estimates,
refrain from passing so sweeping a condemnation,
regard his Geography as little more than a new edition of the
work of Eratosthenes. This view, however, is sufficiently dis¬
proved by a comparison of the size of the two treatises, for
whereas Strabo’s ran to the length of seventeen books, that of
Eratosthenes was comprised in three, and only a portion of the
last of these was devoted to descriptive geography. Indeed,
however much Strabo may have been indebted to others for his
materials, his independence of judgment is shewn by his careful¬
ness in comparing his authorities and balancing their statements,
and by the trouble which he takes to cast the facts which he
collects in a mould of his own. A more impartial, though at
the same time a laudatory, estimate is furnished by one whose
encyclopaedic studies specially qualified him to pass judgment
on such a subject—Alexander von Humboldt. “The gifted
geographer of Amasia,” he says, “ does not possess the numerical
accuracy of Hipparchus, or the mathematical and geographical
information of Ptolemy; but his work surpassed all other geo¬
graphical labours of antiquity by the diversity of the subjects, and

the grandeur of the composition*.”

As the object of Strabo's work was to furnish a survey of the
whole of the habitable world that was known in Limits
his day, the extent of the area which it included Strabo’s

J 7 , Survey,

and the limits within which it was restncted can
be sufficiently inferred from what we have already seen of the
knowledge of the subject which was possessed by the Greeks

1 Bunbuiy, Hist, of Arte. Geogr ., a, pp. 334, 335 -
4 Cosmos (Otte’s trans.), vol. a. p* 555.

250

STRABO.

[CHAP.

in Europe,

Asia,

under the successors of Alexander, and of the additions which
were made to it by the advance of the Roman
arms. In western Europe, Spain and Gaul as far
as the coast of the Atlantic, and the south-eastern part of Britain,
were fairly well known; but towards the north the Elbe and the
Danube still marked the limit of accurate geographical know¬
ledge. Something more might have been added concerning the
lands and seas in that direction from the narrative of Pytheas,
had not Strabo been strongly impressed with the untruthfulness
of that writer; and a similar mistrust of Herodotus, whom he
regarded as a mere retailer of fiction, caused the same thing to
happen with regard to the countries northward of the Euxine,
from Strabo’s account of which the valuable information furnished
by the old historian is excluded. The lands on
the further side of the Palus Maeotis were also
unexplored, but the chain of the Caucasus and the regions to
the southward of it between the Black Sea and the Caspian
had become known through the narrative of Theophanes. The
Caspian was still believed to communicate with the Northern
Ocean, and beyond it the Jaxartes remained, as it was in the days
of Alexander, the limit of discovery. In India the peninsula
of Hindostan continued to be unknown, and the Ganges was
regarded as flowing into the eastern ocean./ The
Cinnamon country and the territory of the Sem-
britae about the upper Nile were the southernmost points that
Strabo was acquainted with in Africa; and no one had penetrated
into the interior of that continent beyond the land of the Gara-
mantes. The student of the geography of the Augustan age
requires further to be reminded, that not a little of the information
contained in Strabo’s work dates from a period earlier than that
era. In some instances, as notably in that of Ravenna, which
we have already mentioned, this arises from the author not having
availed himself of the latest sources of evidence; but to a great
extent it was unavoidable. In writing of India^ for instance, he
was obliged to follow the narrative of persons who wrote some
centuries before his age; and the same thing was the case in a
lesser degree with regard to various other countries. Under such
circumstances the writer is not in fault, for he can but make the

and Africa.

xir.]

ITS CONTENTS.

251

best of the materials that are available; but his work cannot
fail to suffer from a certain amount of anachronism.

We may now proceed to consider briefly the contents of
Strabo’s work. The two first hooks are devoted
to an Introduction, in which he states the aim and th ^Geo^phy.
scope of his treatise and the principles on which
he conceives that it ought to be composed, and draws attention
to the general features which characterise both the

° • mi,* fri tr(\m

entire area of the world and the several continents. duction .

In this part also he sets forth his views on mathe¬
matical and physical geography. His treatment of the former of
these is the least satisfactory portion of his book, for he deals
with it unsystematically in the form of controversy
with Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, and others who had MaSemaUcS,
preceded him in that study. In criticising them,
however, he betrays his own inferiority, so that not infrequently
he either misunderstands their views, or is himself in error. On
the other hand, his remarks on physical geography physical
are of great value. He has brought together a
large amount of material to throw light on the changes which
have passed over the face of the earth owing to the retirement
of the sea, and to earthquakes and volcanic eruptions; and he
discusses the causes which have brought these to pass. The two
main principles which he enunciates as his own are mentioned
with high praise by Sir Charles Lyell, as being anticipations of
the latest conclusions of tnodern science. These are (1) the
importance of drawing inferences with regard to the more ex¬
tensive physical changes from those which take place on a lesser
scale under our own eyes; and (2) the theory of the alternate
elevation and depression of extensive areas 1 . With regard to the
shape of the inhabited world he followed the view of Eratosthenes,
who described it as forming an irregular oblong with tapering
extremities towards the east and west. This figure Strabo com¬
pares to the chlamys, or Greek mantle, which was rectangular in
outline, and usually about twice as long as it was broad, with a
gore, or triangular piece, attached to either extremity*. For
1 Lyell, Principles of Geology, voL 1. pp. 24, 25 j Strabo, 1. 3. 5, ro,

8 a. 5- *4-

252

STRABO.

[CHAR

geographical purposes this oblong area was supposed to be
inscribed within a parallelogram, the sides of which were drawn
so as to pass through its extreme limits. He also introduces a
number of remarks, of great interest from the point
GeoSphy! Cal of view of historical geography, on the shape of
the three continents into which this area was
divided, and the superiority of Europe to the other two as a
habitation for man. Europe, he remarks, is very varied in its
outline, and Africa forms a contrast to it from its uniformity,
while Asia in this respect holds an intermediate position between
them. The advantage of this multiplicity of form consists in the
facilities of communication which it affords to the inhabitants,
and from this the historical interest of such countries arises.
Europe is also more favourable to the development of character
from its temperate climate, its equal distribution into mountains
and plains, which supply respectively a warlike and a peaceful
element to the population, and its furnishing its occupants with
the necessaries of life rather than superfluities and luxuries 1 .

The second and third books treat of the western countries of
Europe—Spain, Gaul, and Britain. For Spain the
J 5 /Britata. 111 ’ principal authorities on whom Strabo relies are
Polybius, Artemidorus, and Posidonius, all of whom
had visited that country, but Posidonius’ information was far the
most valuable, on account of his intimate acquaintance with the
remote parts of the interior. The same traveller furnished him
with the chief materials for his account of Gaul and Britain, but
these he was able to supplement from the writings of Caesar.
The geographer’s idea of the coast-line of these countries was in
several respects faulty, for he regarded the Sacrum Promontorium
(Cape St. Vincent), instead of the Magnum Promontorium (Cabo
da Roca) near the mouth of the Tagus, as the westernmost point
of Spain, and he ignored the deep recess in the coast formed by
the Bay of Biscay, and the projection of the Armorican peninsula,
so that he conceived of the coast of Gaul in this part as stretching
along almost in a continuous line, with that of Britain opposite
to it. He also erroneously supposed, like the other geographers
of his time, that the direction followed by the Pyrenees was from
1 a. 5. 18, a6.

XII.]

DESCRIPTION OF EUROPE.

253

north to south; but in other respects his general idea of the
geographical features of these countries was accurate. He was
acquainted with the five great rivers of Spain which flow towards
the Atlantic—the Baetis (Guadalquivir), the Anas (Guadiana),
the Tagus, the Durius (Douro), and the Minius (Minho)—and
with the Iberus (Ebro), which reaches the Mediterranean. He
knew also the watershed which divides these, and which gradually
rises as it advances southward, until it joins the Sierra Nevada;
and he was aware that along the northern coast there was a
mountain region between the Pyrenees and Cape Finisterre. In
Gaul he draws especial attention to the completeness of the river
system, in which respect that country has greater advantages than
any other in Europe, and to the easy communication which
existed between one river-basin and another, and the consequent
facilities which were provided for trade routes 3 . Very effective,
too, is the contrast here presented by the advanced civilisation
of the province of Baetica, which at this time was completely
Romanised, and the primitive condition of the tribes in the
centre and north of Spain; and the leading features of character
of the Iberian race in that land, and of the Celtic tribes in Gaul,
are interestingly delineated. We find here also a striking de¬
scription of the two famous cities of Gades and Massilia, both in
respect of their sites and of the condition of their inhabitants.
It gives us an impressive idea of the commerce of Gades, when
we are told that the greater part of its population was to be
found, not in the place itself, but on the sea 2 : and in the account
of Massilia we find a sketch of its political constitution, to which
Aristotle had devoted a treatise, and a notice of its learning and
its schools, which caused it to become a Greek university for
southern Gaul 8 .

Italy and Sicily are the subject of the fifth and sixth books.
Here again Strabo is greatly indebted to Posidonius,
though no small part of his material was derived
from his own observation and researches, or from
Agrippa’s wall-map and its accompanying commentary—for this
seems to be what is meant by the * Chorography/ to which he
frequently refers* He commences with a true conception of the
1 4* 1.14. * * S- b * 4* *«

254

STRABO.

[CHAP.

Alps, which formed the northern boundary of this area, for he
describes them as starting from the same neighbourhood as the
Apennines, at Vada Sabatia (Vado) to the westward of Genoa,
and extending thence to the head of the Adriatic in a great
curve, the concave side of which is turned towards Italy 1 . He
traces the lines of the chief Roman roads, with the cities that lay
in their neighbourhood; and in consequence this portion of his
work is somewhat overcrowded with names—an unavoidable re¬
sult, since their importance forbade their omission. Owing to the
prevalence of volcanic action in this part of Europe, numerous
references are here introduced to this class of phenomenon.
The islands in the Bay of Naples, and Vesuvius, which, though
quiescent at that time, gave evidence in its appearance of its
former activity; the Aeolian (Lipari) islands and Etna; and other
features, such as the jets of volcanic gas in the lake of the Palici
in the interior of Sicily, are described 2 ; and many interesting
details are communicated, especially about Etna, the formation of
the lava beds of which, and the changes in the form of its crater,
are noticed 3 . As might be expected from Strabo’s lengthened
residence in Rome, full details are furnished about Latium and
Campania; and his graphic descriptions of Tibur, Praeneste, and
the Alban Hills, of the Pomptine marshes, of the Lake Avernus
and the Lucrine Lake, and of the artificial harbours of Puteoli,
which was at that time the most important city of Italy after Rome,
give clear evidence of personal observation. Not less valuable is
the account of Naples as a place of literary leisure, and of the
traditional Hellenic culture which survived there; elsewhere also
he tells us that that city was the only place in South Italy besides
Tarentum and Rhegium where Greek was spoken in his age 4 .
It was no part of his plan to enter into elaborate details about
the famous edifices of Rome, and the only building there which
is delineated with any minuteness is the Mausoleum of Augustus,
which would seem to have been the sight of the day. But his
general remarks on the public works in the capital—the roads,
aqueducts and sewers—are excellent; and the same thing may
be said of his sketch of the Campus Martius, with the bright

1 4. 6. i; 5.1. 3. a 6. 2. 9.

* 6. a. 3, 8. 4 6.1. a#

XII.]

DESCRIPTION OF EUROPE.

255

scene afforded by the races and other sports to which it was
devoted, the works of art in its neighbourhood, and the handsome
structures which were beginning to encroach upon it 1 . They
enable us forcibly to realise the impression made on an intelligent
stranger by Rome in the Augustan age.

From Italy, before proceeding to Greece, Strabo retraces his
steps northward, and in his seventh book gives an Northern
account, as far as his scanty information allows, of and Eastern
the northern and eastern districts of Europe— Europe ’
Germany and the lands between it and the Euxine, the countries
to the north of that sea and about the Palus Maeotis, and the
region to the south of the Danube, comprising Illyricum, Epirus,
Macedonia, and Thrace. In treating of the northern part of this
area he availed himself of the intelligence which had been recently
obtained through the campaigns of Drusus and Germanicus, and
he remarks in an interesting manner on the nearness of the upper
waters of the Danube and the Rhine 8 : but, as we have already
seen, his knowledge of the north of Europe was unnecessarily
limited, owing to his mistrust of Pytheas and Herodotus. All the
more striking in consequence of this is the accurate account which
he has given of the Tauric Chersonese 3 (Crimea); his acquaint¬
ance with this w T as due in great measure to the narratives which
existed of the expeditions of Mithridates in those parts, and of his
ultimate occupation of the country. In the latter part of this
book there is a sketch of the topography of Actium, Nicopolis,
and the entrance of the strait, which was the scene of the famous
battle 4 ; and also of that of the Thracian Bosporus and the Golden
Horn, together with a graphic account of the tunny-fishing which
took place there 4 . The concluding chapters, which dealt with
Macedonia and Thrace, are unfortunately lost, and our knowledge
of their contents is derived from epitomes; this, however, is the
only portion of the entire treatise which is wanting.

Strabo's next three books are devoted to Greece; the eighth
to the Peloponnese, the ninth to northern Greece ,
the t enth to the islands, both those to the west, and
those to the east of the continent. There is a want of thoroughness

Greece.

5- 3* 8.
7. 7. 6.

- 7- i* 5*
5 7.6.1,

7.4.

STRABO.

[CHAP.

256

in this part, which causes it to be the least satisfactory section
of the Geography. The chief reason for this is to be found in
Strabo’s extravagant veneration for Homer as a
for^Homer as a geographical authority. In this he was only follow-
Geographicai i n g the example of most of his predecessors, espe-

cially Hipparchus, Polybius, and Posidonius, to
whom the Homeric poems had become a sort of Sacred Book,
the statements contained in which might not be questioned \ and
Eratosthenes, who opposed the view that points in general
geography were to be determined in accordance with the poet’s
expressions, became the object of attacks in consequence. In
Strabo’s case two other influences tended to increase his bias in
that direction—one his Stoic opinions, for an excessive devotion
to Homer had become one of the tenets of that sect: the other
his connexion with the literary school of Pergamus, which was
now at feud with that of Alexandria on this very question, and
maintained the more advanced estimate of the Homeric claims.
In consequence of this Strabo’s judgment was hampered in a
prejudicial manner, and in describing Greece he makes Homer
his text-book, and employs himself chiefly with the examination
of his geographical statements. Even his general information
seems to have been to a great extent derived from commentators,
such as Apollodorus and Demetrius of Scepsis, rather than from
writers on topography. He made use, however, of the geographical
treatise of Ephorus, to which he refers in several passages. For¬
tunately, the remarkable physical geography of Greece attracted
his attention, and he has left us interesting notices, not only of
the striking conformation of land and sea which distinguishes its
coasts, but also of the subterranean drainage of particular districts,
especially the Arcadian valleys and the basin of the Copaic lake.
His principal error in this part relates to the position of the pro¬
montory of Sunium, which he supposed to extend nearly as far
south as that of Malea 1 .

In his eleventh b ook Strabn conducts us into Asia, the
boundary between which and Europe according
to him is the Tanais. He first notices the main
divisions of that continent, and the chain of the
1 a. 2.40.

Northern
and Central

XII.]

DESCRIPTION OF ASIA.

257

Taurus as its leading geographical feature, including under that
name the Himalaya and other mountains which run through it
from west to east; and then surveys, first the lands which lie
between the Euxine and the Caspian and to the eastward of the
last-named sea, and afterwards the more central regions of Parthia,
Media, and Armenia. In his general geography of Asia he adopts
Eratosthenes as his authority, while for the western part of the
area which is specially treated in this book he relies on the
historians of the Mithridatic wars, and for the eastern on Patrocles
and the companions of Alexander. We have already noticed the
fulness of his account of the districts of Iberia and Albania, and of
the tribes inhabiting them, which is borrowed from Theophanes;
and we are also indebted to him for an accurate description both
of the mountain system of Western Asia, and of the upper courses
of the Euphrates and Tigris. He represents the Taurus—here
using that term in its more restricted sense—as running through
the south of Asia Minor, and at the eastern extremity of that
country throwing off the Anti-Taurus to the north, and the Amanus,
the commencement of the chains of Syria and Palestine, to the
south; then, as it pursues its course towards the east, forming a
marked boundary between Armenia and Mesopotamia, into both
which countries it ramifies, and increasing in elevation until it
culminates in Mount Niphates, near the brackish lake Arsene 1
(Lake of Van). As regards the rivers—Strabo was not aware of
the fact, which modern geography has taught us, that both the
Euphrates and the Tigris have two sources, and flow for a con¬
siderable distance in two separate streams 2 : he confines the name
Euphrates to the western branch of that river, the modem Frat,
which rises near Erzeroum; and the only stream which he recognises
as the Tigris is its eastern branch, the river of Bitlis, with which
Xenophon also had identified it. But he rightly remarks, that the
Euphrates rises in the north, the Tigris in the south of the Taurtis,
i.e. of Armenia; and he carefully distinguishes the provinces—
Sophene, Commagene and others—between which the Euphrates
flows in this part of its course 8 .

1 11. 12. 2; 11.14. S.
8 v, supra, p. 114.

IX. 12. 3.

STRABO.

As the geographer was a native of Asia Minor, it is only natural
that he should pay especial attention to that part of
Asia Minor. ^ an( j acc0 rdingly we find that he devotes

to it three books—the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth. The

contents of these are of great value, both because the writer is
frequently drawing on his own observation, and also on account
of the rich store of information which they provide about the
physical geography and products of the country, and the re¬
ligious and political condition of the people. These points
may best be illustrated by a few examples. Strabo notices the
absence of trees in Cappadocia, a feature of which he furnishes
the explanation when he says that this country, though lying
further south than Pontus, is the colder of the two 1 . He also
enlarges on the volcanic activity which at that period still existed
about the sides and base of Mount Argaeus in that province, and
on the strange craters of the Katakekaumene, or Burnt Country,
in Western Phrygia*. He mentions the valuable red earth, which
was called ‘ Sinopic earth/ because it was brought down from the
interior to Sinope for export 8 ; and the gum of the storax-tree and
the c orris-root/ which were found at Selge in Pisidia 4 . Observa¬
tions, also, are frequently introduced on the strange religious
worship that prevailed in Asia Minor, with its orgiastic rites, the
numerous votaries that were attached to the temples, and the
elaborate festival processions 8 . Finally, the study of political
constitutions is illustrated by the descriptions that are given of
the federation which was known as the Lycian League®, of the
tetrarchies of the Galatae with their elaborate system of govern¬
ment 7 , and of the municipal organisation that was established at
Ephesus 8 .

The remainder of Asia—that is, in the main, the lands which
lie to the southward of the dividing mountain
S °Ada ? 1 chain—is treated of in the fifteenth and sixteenth

books; the former embracing the eastern portion—
India, Persia, and the intervening districts; the latter the countries

1 12. a. 7, 10.

8 12 . 2 . IO.

8 12. 2. 3; 12. 3. 31, 32, 36, 37.
7 12. 5. T.

* 12. 2 . 7; 13. 4. II.
4 13. 7.3.

9 r 4 * 3 - 3 "

8 14. 1. 21.

XII.]

DESCRIPTION OF ASIA.

259

to the west of these—Assyria, Syria, and Arabia. His account of
India, which is very interesting, is compiled from the only autho¬
rities that existed at that time—the narratives of Nearchus, Aristo-
bulus, Onesicritus, and others, who accompanied Alexander on
his eastern expedition, and the treatise of Megasthenes—and its
contents have already been noticed in connexion with them. For
Ariana and Persia, too, sufficient materials were forthcoming from
the writings of Alexander's contemporaries and successors, and these
had already been reduced to a geographical form by Eratosthenes.
In describing Persia, Strabo rightly distinguishes according to
their climates the three regions into which that country is divided
between the coast of the Persian Gulf and the Median uplands:
the first being a parched and sandy tract, where only the date-
palm flourished; the next a well-watered and fertile district of the
interior, abounding in plains and lakes; while the northernmost
was mountainous and cold 1 . In the section which is devoted to
Babylonia there is an elaborate account of the system of canals
by which that country w r as intersected 3 . These were rendered
necessary by the periodical inundations of the Euphrates, which
were caused by the melting of the snows on the Armenian high¬
lands ; and they served, not only to divert the surplus water from
the river, but also as reservoirs in which the water could be
stored, so as to be used for irrigation during the dry season.
Accordingly, they were not mere channels cut in the soil, but
capacious water-courses, elevated on huge embankments to a con¬
siderable height above the surface of the ground; and the methods
are here described by which they were cleared from the silt which
accumulated in them, and were also closed by raising a dam, when
they were to be used as reservoirs. As we approach nearer to the
Mediterranean, the historical interest of the narrative increases.
The cities of Phoenicia, from their remarkable sites, their famous
commerce, and the scientific discoveries and inventions which
proceeded from them, naturally attracted the geographer's atten¬
tion; and he also notices the peculiar features of the Dead Sea a ,
and the palm-groves and balsam-gardens of Jericho 4 , which were
presented to Cleopatra by Antony, and were first farmed for her,

1 15. 3. 1. s 16.1. 9, 10.

8 16.a. 44. 4 16.2.41.

17—2

260

STRABO.

[CHAP. XII.

and then redeemed for himself, by Herod the Great. To judge
from the accounts of Palestine which are given by Pliny and
Tacitus, as well as by Strabo, the balsam-tree and the Dead Sea
seem to have been the objects in that country which chiefly at¬
tracted the attention of the Roman world in ancient times. The
description of Arabia, with which this part of the work concludes,
is as complete as the knowledge of that age allowed, and embodies
the additional information on the subject which Agatharchides
had collected. Strabo also relates the events of the campaign
which Aelius Gallus prosecuted in that country at the command
of Augustus, but in respect of geography that expedition did not
add much to what was already known.

The last book of the Geography is devoted to Africa, and the
Egypt and l ar 8 er portion of it is occupied with an account of
the Rest of Egypt, of which country, as we have seen, Strabo

Afnca * had personal knowledge. He commences with a

description of Alexandria, which is the most elaborate notice of any
city that is found in his work 1 —an honour which it fully deserved
from its importance as a commercial, geographical, and scientific
centre. The other famous places in Egypt are briefly depicted, in
accordance with the author’s rule of confining his work within the
limits which he originally assigned to it; but his narrative in these
parts is sometimes enlivened by personal experiences, such as his
inspection of the bull Apis at Memphis 2 , his witnessing the feeding
of the sacred crocodile at Arsinoe 3 , and his own trepidation, when
being ferried across on a frail raft to the island of Philae 4 . Con¬
cerning the course of the Nile to the southward of that place he is
able to furnish some fresh information from the expedition of
C. Petronius in Aethiopia 5 . The remainder of Africa is some¬
what briefly treated, and Strabo was not aware of the marked
projection formed by the northern coast near Carthage opposite
Sicily. About Mauretania he might have had more to say, if he
had used the treatise of his contemporary Juba, but with that
work he does not seem to have been acquainted.

1 17. i* 6 10,13.

4 17* 1. 5 °*

2 17 - x. 3 1 *

3 17- 1- 38-
17.1. 54.

CHAPTER XIII.

GEOGRAPHY FROM THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS TO THAT
OF TRAJAN (14— 117 A.D.).

Roman Writers on Geography—Pomponius Mela—Pliny—His Hisloria
Naturalis —Its Deficiencies—Its Statistical Geography—Notices of Places
in Asia—The Jordan—The Dead Sea—The Essenes—Palmyra—The
Tigris—Its Upper Course—Strabo’s Account—The Lake of Van-
Criticisms of the Ancient Accounts—Strabo’s and Pliny’s Stories—Disap¬
pearance of the Tigris—Common Source of the Tigris and Euphrates
—Possible Explanation of the Fable—Pliny’s Information about Tapro-
bane—Ambassadors sent thence to Rome—Their Account of the In¬
habitants—The Perifhts Maris Erythraei— African Coast—Aromata
Prom. (Cape Guardafui)—Menuthias (Zanzibar)—Arabian Coast—Arabia
Eudaemon f Aden)—Syagrus Prom. (Cape Fartak)—Island of Dioscorides
(Socotra)—Indian Coast—Baraces and Eirinon Inlets (Gulf and Runn of
Cutch)—Barygaza (Baroche)—Bore of the Nerbudda—Nelcynda—'The
Direct Route to India—Voyage of Hippalus—Notices of Eastern Asia—
This (China)—Dionysius Pericgetes—His Date—His Geographical Poem
—Its General Geography—Description of Africa—Of Europe—Of the
Islands—Of Asia—General Remarks upon it—Progressive Knowledge of
Britain—Conquests of Claudius, Suetonius Paullinus, Agricola, and
Antoninus Pius—Germany and Scandinavia—Dacia conquered by Trajan
—Suetonius Paullinus crosses the Atlas—Nero’s Expedition to the Nile—
The Marshy Region.

The writers on geography of the period which immediately
followed the Augustan age—Mela and Pliny—are
of a completely different type from those of whom Writers on
we have hitherto been speaking. They are the only Geography '
Roman writers on this subject whose works we possess, and they
forcibly illustrate the inferiority of the Roman to the Greek intellect
in its manner of dealing with such a theme. It has been aptly
remarked, that the task which Eratosthenes set himself of measur¬
ing the earth by means of the heavenly bodies, and that of Agrippa,
who measured the Roman provinces by milestones, may be taken
as typical of the genius of the two nationalities respectively 1 ; and

1 J. Partsch, quoted by Berger, Gachichie dtr Erdkunde, 4. p. 30.

262 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

certainly the contrast which is here drawn effectively illustrates
the two points of view, scientific and practical, from which they
regarded the study of geography. In the two authors of whom
we are now speaking the absence of anything like a comprehensive
view of geography is eminently conspicuous. Of the former of
them in respect of date, Pomponius Mela, who wrote
P °MeU iUS during the reign of Claudius, there is no need to
speak at any great length, for his work was merely
a popular compendium, and would hardly have attracted much
attention had it not been the first formal treatise on the subject
that was composed in Latin. Its title is De Chorographia , and it
professes to furnish a survey of the world as it was known in his
age, while at the same time it is interspersed with notices of the
manners and customs of various peoples, which are drawn with¬
out much judgment from earlier writers. With regard to the shape
of the inhabited world, and the continents and seas which diver¬
sified it, his opinions differ but little from those which had been
held by his predecessors from the time of Eratosthenes, except
that he affirms the existence of antichtkones . By this name he
designated the inhabitants of another continent in the south
temperate zone, which was separated from the known portion of
the globe by the ocean and by the torrid zone; and he seems to
have believed that Taprobane (Ceylon) was not an island, as was
generally thought, but formed a part of this continent. This
southern region had long been recognised as habitable, but, in
the absence of any evidence, it was mere guesswork to speak of it
as inhabited.

The method which Mela pursued in his survey resembles that
of a Periplus , for he follows round the coasts, first of the Mediter¬
ranean, and then of the Outer sea, describing the neighbouring
countries as he passes. The islands which lie in these seas he
treats of separately. One result of this mode of dealing with the
subject is that some countries, such as Persia, Media, and
Assyria, are excluded from consideration. As he was a native of
southern Spain, like Lucan, Seneca, and some other distinguished
writers of the early Imperial period, it is not surprising that his
notice of that country is the most valuable part of his work. Of
the Straits of Gibraltar, in particular, in the neighbourhood of

XIII.]

PLINY.

263

which his birthplace, Tingitera, lay, he has given a more accurate
account than any previous writer. He affirms that the name of
* Pillars of Hercules * was derived from the two lofty mountains of
Abyla (Ceuta) and Calpe (Gibraltar), which here face one
another; and he remarks on the manner in which both of them,
but especially Calpe, project into the sea, and on the deep caves
which form a striking feature of the Rock of Gibraltar 1 . He is
also more correct than his predecessors with regard to the outline
of Spain and Gaul. He is the first writer who mentions the
Magnum Promontorium; and whereas Strabo, as we have seen,
erroneously conceived of the coast between Cape Finisterre and
the mouths of the Rhine as deviating but little from a straight
line, Mela was well aware of the deep gulf formed by the Bay of
Biscay, of the great projection of the coast of Gaul towards the
north-west, commencing from the mouth of the Garonne, and of
the sharp angle formed by the Armorican peninsula.

The other Roman writer on geography, Pliny the Elder, how¬
ever great his deficiencies may have been, was a K
literary man of far greater importance. He was
bom in the year 23 a.d., either at Verona or at Novum Comum
(Como) in North Italy, and came to Rome at an early age. He
served in the Roman army as a young man in Germany, in which
country he made the acquaintance of Vespasian; and he after¬
wards composed a history of the German wars in twenty books.
Towards the end of Nero’s reign he was appointed procurator in
Spain. When Vespasian came to the throne, he was received by
him into the number of his friends, and this intimacy was con¬
tinued by Titus, to whom he dedicated his Historic, Naturalis.
The circumstances of his death, in connexion with the great
eruption of Vesuvius in 79A.D., by which Herculaneum and
Pompeii were destroyed, are well known from the famous letter of
his nephew, the younger Pliny, to Tacitus the historian, in which
they are described*. From the same source we hear of his extra¬
ordinary assiduity in study—how, not only during every available
interval in his official duties, but even at his meals and when on
a journey, he used either to read, or be read to, all the while

1 Mela, 2. 95.

2 Bf. 6. i&

264 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

making notes and extractsIn this way he accumulated a vast
amount of information on various subjects, out of
N^SS! 0rta which in the latter part of his life he compiled his
great work. The contents of this are valuable on
account of the numerous facts which are thus communicated to
us, and had Pliny been gifted with judgment and discrimination, as
he was with diligence, he would have produced an encyclopaedic
work of the highest order. Unfortunately, it was exactly in those
qualities that he was deficient, so that his materials
Deficiencies. are brought together with little method, and his
treatise abounds in mistakes and contradictions,
arising partly from want of scientific knowledge and of power of
criticising the statements of his authorities, and partly from sheer
carelessness. These features are nowhere more conspicuous than
in the portion of his Natural History which is devoted to
geography—the latter part of Book II., and Books III.—VI.
Here Pliny shews complete ignorance of scientific geography; and
in describing the leading features of countries, such as mountains
and rivers, instead of noting their distinguishing features, and
their effect in determining the character of a land, he contents
himself with lists of names, and in like manner the cities of any
particular region he simply catalogues without remarking on their
relative position. This is not less noticeable in the case of Spain
—a country with the nature and appearance of which he must
have been well acquainted from having resided there as procu¬
rator—than in other parts of the world. His carelessness is shewn
by the way in which he occasionally introduces the same place
twice over under different names. Thus the island of Ustica,
which is situated to the north of Sicily, and was also called
Osteodes, is noticed twice under those two names, as if two
separate islands*. A similar confusion arises in his account of a
historic land like Greece, because he draws his details indifferently
from authorities of widely different dates. The natural result of
this is that flagrant anachronisms are produced, and in some
instances cities that no longer existed at the time when he wrote
are mentioned side by side with others that were still flourishing.

1 3* 5-

* Pliny, H N. 3. 92: see Runbury, Hist, of Ancient Geogr ,, 2. p. 397.

XIII.]

HIS STATISTICAL GEOGRAPHY.

265

The fact is that, in order to estimate this portion of Pliny's
Natural History in an appreciative spirit, we must regard it not
so much from the point of view of geography as
from that of statistics. For the illustration of the ca^Geo^aphy.
latter of these subjects he had access to the official
records relating to the provinces of the empire, and especially to
the smaller districts into which they were subdivided for ad¬
ministrative and judicial purposes. The material which was thus
provided furnished him not only with the names of towns, but
also with an account of their municipal status, as colonies or
otherwise, when there was anything in this that called for notice

The most interesting additions to geographical knowledge
which were made by Pliny are to be found in his
description of Asia. He draws attention to the piaces^Asia.
parallel courses of the ranges of Libanus and
Antilibanus, and the origin of the Orontes near Heliopolis
(Baalbec) in the interval between them 1 . His account of the
Jordan also, with its source at Paneas, its passage through the
lake of Gennesaret, and its final disappearance in the Dead Sea,
is graphic and almost poetical, and in the same connexion he
introduces a striking notice of the Jewish sect of the Essenes.

“ The river Jordan rises from the fountain of Paneas, which has
given its distinctive name to the city of Caesareia,
of which we shall speak hereafter (/.<?. Caesareia The Jordan *
Paneas). It is a delightful stream, with many windings as far as
the nature of the country allows, and is a blessing to those who
dwell on its banks; so it seems to make its way unwillingly
towards the Lacus Asphaltites (Dead Sea), a region of repellent
aspect, by which at last it is absorbed, when its beneficent current
loses itself in those noxious waters. This is why, as soon as a
depression of the ground occurs, it discharges itself into the lake
commonly called Genesara, which is sixteen miles in length and
six in breadth, with charming towns on its banks on every side—
towards the east those of Julias and Hippus, towards the south
Tarichaea, a name which some persons apply also to the lake, and
towards the west Tiberias, which is a health resort on account of
its hot springs.

1 H * N , 5. 77,80.

266 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

“TheLacus Asphaltites produces only bitumen, from which
also it receives its name. The bodies of animals
float on its surface, and this is true even of bulls
and camels; hence the story has arisen that nothing can sink in
it. Its length is more than a hundred miles, its breadth where it
is widest is seventy-five, where it is narrowest, six miles. To the
east of it lies Arabia of the nomads, towards the south Machaerus,
which in former days was the most important stronghold in Judaea
after Jerusalem. On that side too there is a warm spring with
medicinal qualities, the name of which, Callirrhoe or the Fair
Stream, proclaims the celebrity of its waters.

“On its western side, beyond the unhealthy strip of shore, dwell

The Essenes ^ ^ ssen h a so ^ tar y people, the strangest among
ne ’ the inhabitants of the world, for there are no women
among them, and they have abjured all sexual pleasure, and possess
no money, but abide in the palm-groves. Day by day the number
of these refugees is renewed, being largely swelled by the accession
of those whom the vicissitudes of fortune drive, weary of life, to
adopt their usages. In this way, marvellous though it seems, a
race exists perpetually in which no one is born, for it is propa¬
gated by other men’s dissatisfaction with life .” 1

These and other notices of Palestine and Syria which we find
in Pliny may well have been due to his intimacy with Vespasian
Palmyra. an< * T * tus - He remarks also on the unique features
of Palmyra—the fertility of its soil and its abundant
fountains, its position in the midst of the sandy desert, as if it had
been naturally set apart from the rest of the world, and its success
in maintaining its independence on the confines of the two mighty
empires of Rome and Parthia, though constantly exposed to
danger owing to their quarrels 3 . Proceeding further towards the
east, we find him affirming, on the authority of emissaries of
Pompey at the time of his campaign against the Albani, the
existence of an overland trade-route from India to Europe by
way of the Oxus, the Caspian, and the Black Sea, which had
previously been asserted by Strabo on the .strength of the testi¬
mony of Patrocles 8 . He describes, too, the site of Maigiana

1 H* 5 . 7 i _ 3 . 2 Ibid ^ 5> gs.

8 Ibid.) 6. 52; Strabo, 11. 7. 3.

XIII.]

HIS ACCOUNT OF THE TIGRIS.

267

(Merv), which like Palmyra was an oasis in the middle of a desert,
and he speaks of that district as being favourable for the growth
of vines 1 .

The account which Pliny gives of the source and the upper
waters of the Tigris—a subject which seems to

u The Tiurris

have attracted the attention of the ancients—
though the actual facts are much distorted, contains many points
which are suggestive with regard to the features of the country in
that neighbourhood.

“The Tigris,” he says, “rises in the district of Greater
Armenia, from a conspicuous source in a level
spot. The name of the place is Elegosine; that course! PPer
of the river, where its course is slower, Diglito;
from the point where its speed increases, it begins to be called
Tigris from its rapidity, for this is the word for an arrow
among the Medes. It flows into the lake of Aretissa, which
supports whatever heavy substances are brought down into it,
and exhales natron in clouds; it contains but one kind of fish,
and these avoid the current of the river as it passes, and in like
manner the fish from the Tigris do not pass into the lake. The
river is distinguished from it, as it flows along, both by its current
and its colour, and after passing through it, disappears into a
chasm where Mount Taurus meets it, and after flowing under¬
ground, bursts out on the farther side at a place called Zoaranda.
The identity of the stream is shewn by objects dropped into it
being carried through. Subsequently it passes through a second
lake called Thospites, and again descends into an underground
passage; after a course of twenty-two miles it reappears near
NymphaeumV’

Before we examine this passage further, it may be well to
compare with it the account of the same objects which is given
by Strabo, with whose work Pliny was unacquainted, so that their
testimony is independent. It will not be difficult to discover that
the story as given by the latter of the two writers is an adaptation
of the earlier one, with the amplifications which are usually found
in a later version. Strabo writes thus:—

1 Pliny, 6. 46.

* Ibid*) 6 . 1 * 7 ,

268 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

Strabo's

Account.

The Lake
of Van.

“There is too the lake Arsene, which is also called Thopitis,
and this contains potash, and serves for cleansing
and fulling clothes; and for this reason also its
water is not drinkable. Moreover the Tigris flows
through it, after rising in the mountain district over against
Niphates, and preserves its stream unmixed owing to its swiftness,
for among the Medes tigris means ‘an arrow’; and whereas there
are many kinds of fish in the river, in the lake there is one kind
only. But at the extremity of the lake the river falls into a
chasm, and after running underground for a long distance rises
again in the district called Chalonitis 1 .”

The lake which Strabo here calls Thopitis, and which by
Pliny and Ptolemy is more accurately called Thos-
pites or Thospitis 2 , is undoubtedly the lake of Van,
for this is called by Armenian writers Lake of
Dosp, from its being situated in the province of Dosp, of which
the city of Van was the capital. The features of that piece of
water are sufficiently noteworthy to have aroused the interest of
the learned, as soon as it came within the range of their obser¬
vation, for its water is salt, its extreme length is ninety miles, and
it is more than five thousand feet above the level of the sea. Its
conformation also is peculiar, for whereas the greater part of its
surface forms an irregular oblong, at its north-eastern angle it
throws off a long arm, which is in so many respects a separate
piece of water, that it might easily be distinguished from the rest
Criticisms This will account for Pliny’s error,

of the Ancient when he speaks of two lakes at some distance from

Accounts. . , . _

one another, and confines to the easternmost of
the two, which he calls Aretissa, the special features which Strabo
attributes to the lake Thopitis. Here again the names come to
our aid, for that of Arsene, which Strabo gives as an alternative
name for Thopitis, is shewn to be the Aretissa of Pliny by the
intermediate form Arsissa, which is found in Ptolemy 8 , so that
we may conclude that the application of this was originally
restricted to the eastern arm of the Lake of Van. At the present
day this arm is called the Lake Ardjish, from a town of that name

1 Strabo, n. r< R

9 .

XIII.] COMPARED WITH STRABO’S ACCOUNT. 269

on its northern shore, and in this perhaps the ancient name
survives, for it is found as early as the tenth century of our era,
when the place is mentioned by Constantine Porphyrogenitus 1 .
Both Strabo and Pliny suppose the Tigris to rise at a point
higher up than the Lake of Van, and to pass through it, dis¬
appearing afterwards into a chasm at its further end, and rising
again after flowing for some distance underground. This view is
erroneous, because no connexion is traceable between the Tigris
and the lake; but it is a perfectly natural one, because the source
of the Tigris above Bitlis, which we have already noticed in
speaking of the retreat of the Ten Thousand 2 , though it is higher
than the level of the lake, and therefore could not be derived from
it, is only a few miles distant from it. It is clear also that the
authorities from whom these writers drew their information had
rightly observed that the lake had no visible outlet for its waters.
Again, when it came to be believed that the river passed through
the lake, the stream which enters the lake at its head would be
regarded as the upper course of the Tigris. This stream, which
is now called the Bende-Mahi-su, rises in the mountain range to
the southward of Ararat. The name Diglito, which Pliny gives
to it, is a genuine one, being an earlier form of the word Tigris,
which is found in the Biblical name of that river, Hid-dekel, and
is still in use, in the form Dijleh, among the inhabitants of
Mesopotamia®

The stories which are told about the river and the lake in the
passages quoted above are partly based on fact, strab0 ’sand
and partly suggested by the phenomena which had Pliny’s
been observed in other lakes. The statement that nea ‘
the water of the lake contains potash, and that this was used for
cleansing clothes, is equally true at the present day, for cakes of
that substance, which are made from the scum that is found on
the surface of the lake, are now used at Van for purposes of
washing. The statement about the fish, that those which live in
the river and those which live in the lake will not pass from the
one to the other, may have been suggested by what still occurs,

1 De Administr. Imp., c. 44, vol. 3. pp- 19 1 * Bonn.

2 v . supra, p. 114.

8 Diet, of the Bible , art. Hiddekel; cp. Gen. ii. 14.

270 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

viz. that the fish are found to congregate about the mouths of the
streams, where they are caught in great quantities. On the
other hand, the idea that the waters of the two refused to mingle
—which is found elsewhere with regard to rivers passing through
lakes—had its origin in the difference of colour which the stream
presents for' some distance below the point where it enters. The
notion also that heavy substances can float on the surface of
the lake probably arose from its saltness and incrustations, cor¬
responding as they do to the peculiarities of other pieces of water,
like the Dead Sea, where, as we have just seen, this takes place.
The story of the disappearance of the Tigris underground became
Disappear- f am o us > and is referred to by other authors. Thus

anceofthe Seneca says of it: “The Tigris is swallowed up

Tlgri8 ‘ and remains long out of sight, but at last emerges

at a far distant point, though there is no question about its
identity 1 2 .” And Lucan writes:—

—Tigris sinking from the sight of day
Through subterranean channels cuts his way;

Then from a second fountain springs again,

Shoots swiftly on, and rushing seeks the main*.

Milton also would seem to have had the same idea in his mind,
when he made Satan enter Paradise—

Where Tigris, at the foot of Paradise,

Into a gulf shot underground, till part
Rose up a fountain by the tree of life 3 .

In the passage immediately following Pliny’s account of the
Tigris which we have been considering, that author goes on to
say, on the authority of Claudius Caesar, that in the region of
Archene the Tigris flows so close to the Arsanias ( i . e . the eastern
branch of the Euphrates), that when their streams are swollen
they flow together, yet without mingling their waters, for the
Arsanias, which is the lighter of the two, floats on the surface of
the Tigris for a distance of about four miles, and then separates
again from it, and falls into the Euphrates ( i , e . the western

1 Sen., Nat, Quaest ., 3. 2 6.

2 Lucan, PharsaL 3. 261—3 (Rowe’s translation).

8 Par, Last , 9. 71.

XIII.] COMMON SOURCE WITH THE EUPHRATES. 2/1

branch of the river). If we eliminate the absurdly fabulous
exaggerations which are found in this passage, there seems still to
remain a tradition, which may not be wholly baseless, about the
two rivers communicating somewhere in their upper
courses. Elsewhere in Roman writers we meet S mratfthe
with the still more definite statement that the Tigris and

Euphrates.

Tigris and Euphrates rose from the same fountain.

Thus Lucan says, in the lines immediately preceding those
quoted above:—

One spring the Tigris and Euphrates know,

And joined awhile the kindred rivers flow;

Scarce could we judge between the doubtful claim,

If Tigris or Euphrates give the name 1 * .

The earliest author by whom the story is mentioned is Sallust,
who is quoted to that effect by Isidore of Seville 3 (7th cent a.d.);
and it was chiefly through him that it obtained a wide acceptance
during the middle ages, and was ultimately enshrined in Dante’s
great poem 3 . This writer places the two rivers in his Terrestrial
Paradise, and says of them:—

—the Tigris and Euphrates
Methought I saw forth issue from one fountain.

And slowly part, like friends, from one another 1 .

Now, if there is any groundwork at all for these ideas, there
is only one place where it can be discovered, and Poss ibi e ex-
that is at the head waters of the Tigris above pianation of

. ^ , . , , . , . , the Fable.

Bitlis, for at this point alone in the courses of the
two rivers, until they finally join before entering the Persian
Gulf, does any connexion exist between them. It is the fact, that
the marshy ground in which the eastern branch of the Tigris
rises is also the source of the highest tributary of the Kara-su,
Xenophon’s Teleboas, which flows into the Murad-su, or eastern
branch of the Euphrates, in the neighbouring plain of Mush 4 .

1 Lucan, Pharsal ., 3. 256—9.

3 Origin* r, 13. 21. 10; Sallustius, auctor certissimus, ita assent Tigrim et
Euphratem uno fonte man are in Armenia.

8 See Moore’s Time References in the Divina Cammedia, p. 123.

4 Purg. 33. 112—14.

8 See the author’s Turkish Armenia, pp. 297, 298*

272 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

In this way a community of origin may possibly have been
assigned to the two great streams. The geographical feature
which has been mentioned could hardly have failed to attract
attention, because the pass between Kurdistan and Armenia, at
the head of which this marsh is situated, has in all ages been an
important line of communication. As to the passage in Sallust,
which is our principal authority on the subject—though we are
not told in what part of his works it occurred, yet, as that writer
composed a history of the campaigns of Lucullus in Asia, which
were partly carried on in Armenia, it seems probable that it was
introduced in this. We know, moreover, that during the campaign
of 68 b.c., Lucullus passed this watershed on his way from
Tigranocerta to the upper valley of the Euphrates 1 , so that
information about the river-courses might have been obtained on
that occasion, and in that case would easily have come to the
knowledge of Sallust, who was a contemporary of Lucullus. If
these facts are worthy of any attention, as a possible explanation
of the fable which afterwards became so popular, they may also
perhaps form the groundwork of the story in Pliny.

Another region, of which hitherto the Greeks and Romans

Pliny’s in- had only heard throu S h v ^g Lie rumours, and about -
formation which Pliny had something more like authentic
about T*pro- information to communicate, is the island of

Taprobane (Ceylon). He tells us that in the
reign of Claudius a freedman of one Annius Plocamus, who
farmed the customs duties on the Red Sea, when sailing along
the coast of Arabia was caught by a storm, and at the end of
fifteen days reached the port of Hippuri in that island. There he
was hospitably received by the king, and in the course of a stay of
six months became sufficiently acquainted with the language of
the country to be able to communicate with the natives. The
king appears to have been greatly impressed by discovering that
the denarii which were found on the person of his strange visitor,
though struck in the reigns of different emperors, as the
Ambassadors u P on *-^ em shewed, were all of equal weight From
guttbencc to this circumstance he inferred that the administration

of the Roman empire by which they were issued
1 Mommsen, History of Rome, vol. 4 .pt. i, pp. 6 g, jo (Eng. tarns.).

XIII 1 PLINY’S ACCOUNT OF TAPROBANE.

273

was characterised by justice; and he was thus induced to despatch
an embassy to Rome, consisting of four persons, the chief of whom
was called Rachias. It was from them that the details which
Pliny relates were derived. Unfortunately, owing either to mis¬
statements on the part of these envoys, or to the Romans having
misunderstood their meaning, the geographical notices which we
thus obtain are most unsatisfactory. The exaggerated views of the
size of the island which prevailed among the ancients are here
countenanced*, for it is said to have possessed five hundred towns,
and the length of the side which faced India is estimated at not
less than a thousand geographical miles. The chief city, which
was situated on a harbour on the southern coast, and had two
hundred thousand inhabitants, was called Palaesimundus—a name
which, either in this form or in that of Simundu, is attributed by
the author of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea and by Ptolemy
to the whole island \ In the centre lay a vast lake called Megisba,
and from this proceeded two rivers, which flowed towards the
south and the north respectively, the former being named, like
the city which was built at its mouth, Palaesimundus, the latter
Cydara. As no lake exists corresponding to this, it has been
conjectured that we have here an exaggerated description of one
of the gigantic tanks which were constructed by the early rulers of
Ceylon, and are still the wonders of the island 3 . The promontory
of Coliacum, by which Cape Comorin is evidently meant, and
which was spoken of as four days’ sail distant from Taprobane,
was erroneously regarded as the nearest point of the Indian coast.
The sea which intervened between the two countries is described
as having a deep green hue, and we are told that vessels which
passed that way met with trees growing from the bottom, the foliage
of which they often broke with their rudders. We here recognise
the coral which abounds in the gulf of Manaar between Ceylon
and the mainland. The life of the inhabitants, as Their
reported by the ambassadors, was characterised by Account of the

. . .. ; , . ’ ... t . Inhabitants.

its simplicity and its prospenty, and this account is
corroborated by what we learn from native sources with regard to
its history at this period. Slavery was unknown among them, the
dwellings were built on a moderate scale, the price of com was
1 Periplus, § 61 ; PtoL, 7. 4. 1. 2 Tennent’s Ceylon, p. 557.

T. *8

274 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

not allowed to vary, and litigation did not exist. The ting was
elected, and careful provision was made that the office should not
become hereditary; his power also was limited by the appointment
of a council of advisers, and the imposition of capital punishment
was still further restricted. The land was well cultivated and very
productive, but the vine was not grown there. The natives were
famed for their longevity, often exceeding a hundred years. But
notwithstanding the sobriety of their manner of living, they were
reported to have a thoroughly oriental appreciation of gold and
gems, especially pearls, which were found there in great abundance;
and the ambassadors remarked with some shrewdness that, while
the wealth of their countrymen was greater than that of the
Romans, the latter knew how to employ it more profitably 1 .

We may now turn to a remarkable document, which was

The Peripius com P ose< ^ a ^ out ten y ears a ^ ter Pliny’s death, the
Maris Ery - Periplus Maris Erytkraei. This is a manual of the
coasts of Africa, Arabia, and India which border on
the Erythraean sea; and as it introduces, not only the natural
features of those coasts, together with the harbours and trading-
stations, but also in great detail their exports and imports, it would
seem to have been drawn up by a merchant for the use of
merchants. Its great value for geography consists in the striking
power of observation which its writer shews, and the accuracy of
his statements, which have been amply verified by modem ex¬
plorers. His name is not given, nor do we know anything about
him beyond what may be gathered from internal evidence in the
work itself; but from this it appears that he was a Greek residing
African in Egypt. His starting-point is the port of Myos
Coast. Hormos on the Red Sea, and he first follows the

African coast of that piece of water as far as the straits of Bab-el-
Mandeb, mentioning on the way the places which had been
established by the Ptolemies for purposes of commerce and
elephant-hunting, and Adulis, the port of Auxuma (Axum), the
Aromata of Aethiopia, which was situated in the

Prom. (Cape interior of the country. Between the Straits

Guardafui). J

and the promontory of Aromata (Cape Guardafui),
also, the stations are carefully noted, with the products of the
1 Pliny, tf.W, 6. $4folL

XIII.] THE ‘PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRAEL* 275

neighbouring lands for which they were the entrepdts —ivory,
tortoiseshell, cinnamon, and a variety of gums. After this we
obtain our earliest information respecting the coast to the south¬
ward of that promontory, which is here rightly spoken of as the
easternmost point of Africa. In particular, the peninsula, on the
further side of which lay Opone—a considerable emporium, to
which articles of commerce were brought even from India 1 —can
be easily recognised in Ras Hafoun, a rocky headland, ninety
miles south of Cape Guardafui, which is joined to the continent by
a spit of sand. Beyond this point, perhaps, the writer himself had
not advanced, for his narrative becomes less circumstantial; but
the account which he gives must have been derived from other
traders, since the spots which he names can in the main be
identified. Almost the furthest of these which had been reached
at that time was a low-lying island, rich in trees, called Menuthias 2 ;
and, according to the distances which are given, Menuthias
this must correspond either to Zanzibar, or to the ( Zan » bar )*
more northerly island of Pemba. The facts thus revealed give
evidence of a great advance in the conception of the shape of
Africa from what had previously existed, for whereas the coast of
that continent was believed by Strabo and his predecessors to
trend towards the west immediately after passing the Cinnamon
country, it had now been proved to follow a southerly course at
least as far as the equator. The writer, however, so far conforms
to the traditional view, that he remarks (curiously enough) that
beyond Menuthias, the ocean, ‘which was unexplored/ makes a
westward bend, and ultimately joins the sea on the other side of
Africa®.

Returning now to its original starting-point, the Periplus pro¬
ceeds to trace in a similar manner the coasts of
Arabia and India. Here, as before, we can only C oas?^
draw attention to the most marked points which

1 Periplus Maris Erytkraei, §§ 13,14, in Muller, Geogr. Gr. Minores, vol I.
p. 267; *A rb TajSa 1 crradiovs Terpcucoalovs wapavXehream

kqP tv t6ttqv Kcd b pods ZXxei, Srepbv ioruf iftir&pio* *Os r&vy ..’E^apr^ertw Si

<rurf}8<0$ leal drb tQv Threw, rijs ’Aptcucijs Kcd Bapvy&fav, eh rd afrrd to. tdu
vipajt ifiwSpta ydvij vpox^povvra dvb tuv tutjw, gitos Kai opvfa, k.t.X.

* ibid. § 15. » § 18.

276 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

are noticed. Shortly after passing the Straits we reach a
port called Arabia Eudaemon, which, though at

Arabia . , , 0

Eudaemon this time almost deserted, yet at an earlier
period, when no direct traffic existed between

(Aden).

India and Alexandria, had been of great importance as a
station for the trans-shipment of goods 1 . This is undoubtedly
the modern Aden, which at the present day under other in¬
fluences has regained its early prosperity. Some distance again
Syagrus beyond this we meet with a conspicuous headland
Prom. (Cape called Syagrus (Cape Fartak), which is here digni-

a ' fied with the title of * the greatest promontory in

the world 8 .* On its shore there was a depository of frankincense,
for the neighbouring region of the interior of Arabia (the Hadra-
maut) has been in all ages the chief source of the supply of that
article; but a more important cause of the celebrity of this cape
was its being the starting-point for the direct sea-route to India,
which was now beginning to be used by the more adventurous
traders. The island of Socotra, which lies to the
rides^Socotra)] southward of this point and eastward of Cape
Guardafui, and was called in ancient times the
Island of Dioscorides, is noticed in this connexion, because it
belonged to the sovereign of this part of Arabia. Beyond
Syagrus we meet with another important emporium of frankin¬
cense, called Moscha, the mountains at the back of which
were inhabited by cave-dwellers 8 ; this neighbourhood is the
region of Dhofar, and the account here given is corroborated
by Mr Theodore Bent, who has recently explored it, and found
the natives and their flocks living together in deep caves in the
hill-sides 4 . The survey is then continued as far as the mouths of
the Indus along the coasts of Arabia and Gedrosia, passing the
entrance of the Persian Gulf. The lofty mountain-chain called

1 Periplus , § 26; Ei)$a//*wp 5 * iveKX^di}, vpbrepov ovaa tire, pdpru dirb
ttjs ’Iv8uc7}s els ttiv ktyvTTTQv IpxopAvtav p.7)5£ drb ttjs Alytiirrov roXfubpruv els rods
#<ra rbirovs 81 alpeiv, dXX* S.yjA Ta&njs Tapayivopdvuv, robs Trap' &/x<por 4 pu}v
<f}6provs dTreStxcro, ucvep ’ A\e£6j>8peia Kal tup Zfadev Kal tup &ir8 rijs Alyfarov
<f>epopAvuv faroZtxjETfU'

* § 30-

8 § 3 2 5 bfaihh verptiSn Kal dvhKOTca &p 0 p<£nr(op fr cnryjKolois ko,tqiko6ptw>,
4 Geographical Journal , voL 6 (1895), p. 122.

XIII.]

ITS NOTICES OF INDIA.

2 77

Indian Coast.

Asabon, which is mentioned as rising at the last-named point,
is the same as the promontory of Maceta which occurs in the
narrative of Nearchus, now Cape Mussendum 1 .

The description of the coast of India which follows is even
more accurate in its details, and in the directions
for sailing which it gives. Beyond the mouths of
the Indus lay a large inlet called Eirinon, w r hich was exces¬
sively dangerous on account of its currents and
shoals; and on the farther side of it was another ^hinoninuts
bay called Baraces, enclosed by a long projecting (GuifandRunn
cape 2 . The latter of these is evidently the Gulf of
Cutch, while the former, which lies to the northward of it, is the
strange area known as the Runn of Cutch, which at the present
time according to the season of the year is either a lake or a salt
morass. The next gulf to this is that of Cambay, which leads up
to the estuary of the Nerbudda. This river is called in the Peri-
plus Namnadius, while the gulf took its name from the trading
station of Barygaza, which was situated on the
stream at a distance of thirty miles from the sea, ^Barochef*
and was the most famous emporium of all western
India. Among its exports are mentioned perfumes, precious
stones, ivory, muslin, and silk 3 . The bore of the
Nerbudda, which presented the same features as
the corresponding inrush of the tide at the mouth
of the Indus, which so greatly terrified Alexander’s soldiers, is
very vividly depicted, and the terms in which its effect on the
vessels lying in the stream is described leave no doubt that the
writer was an eye-witness of it.

“ Throughout India there are numerous rivers, and the tide
ebbs and flows in a remarkable manner, increasing for the space
of three days towards the new moon and the full moon, but
decreasing in the intervening periods. This is especially the
case near Barygaza, insomuch that there the depths of the sea
are on a sudden exposed to view, and while at one time por¬
tions of the mainland are covered with water, at another dry
ground appears where vessels were but lately sailing; and
owing to the inrush of the tide, the neighbouring sea being

1 supra, p. 143. * PeripluSy § 40. 8 § 49.

Bore of the
Nerbudda.

278 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

forced into a narrow space, the rivers are driven backwards for
many stadia contrary to the natural direction of their current.
In consequence of this, sailors who are unacquainted with these
waters and visit Barygaza for the first time run great risk in
approaching and quitting the port. For, since the rush of the
tide does not slacken its force, the anchors cannot hold; and so
the vessels, which are carried away by its impetus, being driven
out of the straight course by the fury of the stream, run aground
on the sandbanks and are broken up, while the smaller ones are
even upset; others, again, which to avoid the tide-wave have
betaken themselves to the neighbouring canals, are swamped by
the first onset of the stream, unless they are shored up, since the
bore comes suddenly upon them. So great indeed is the violence
with which the sea comes in at the new moon, especially during
the nightly flow of the tide, that, while at the commencement of
its advance, when the sea is calm, a sound like the shouting of an
army far away reaches the ears of those who dwell about the
estuary, shortly afterwards the sea itself with a rushing noise
comes sweeping over the shallows 1 .”

Beyond Barygaza, the furthest point which was reached by
Neicynda tra ^ ers was Nelcynda—a place the position of
which is not certainly determined, but it seems
to have lain in the neighbourhood of the Malabar coast. It
was extensively resorted to in connexion with the pepper trade.
With regard to the shape of India the author of the Periplus
seems to have held truer views than any preceding geographer, as
we have already seen to be the case concerning Africa; for he
remarks that from Barygaza onwards the direction of the coast is
from north to. south, thus shewing that he was aware of the
existence of the peninsula of Hindostan. He also gives evidence
of being acquainted with the name of this region, which he says is
called Dachinabades because of its extension from north to south,
dachanos being the native word for the south wind 8 . This
etymology of the appellation e Deccan * is approximately right, for

1 Ptriplus, §§ 45, 46.

8 § 5°5 Mer& 8 £ ra "Bapfryafa cvdiojs (rwa<f>T)$ ijveipos ix rou (3op£ov els rbv
vbrov rrapeKTebei* dtb teal Aaxipafi&drjs KaXeirai ij S&xavos yhp KaXetrai 6

v6tqs rj airCov yXdwy.

VOYAGE OF HIPPALUS.

XIII.]

279

dakkhina in Prakrit means ‘ south/ and dakkhinabadha signifies
‘the way towards the south 1 .’

At this point the writer pauses to remark on the direct trade
from the Arabian coast to the Indian ports; and
by a comparison of the account which he gives Route toIndia,
with the notice in Pliny which has been already
referred to we obtain a fairly clear view of the history of its
development 3 . The first person who ventured to quit the
ordinary route by the mouth of the Persian Gulf, and to steer
across the open sea from the promontory of Syagrus
to India, was a Greek navigator called Hippalus, Hippalus. ° f
who availed himself of the periodical blowing of
the south-west monsoon for that purpose. Concerning the date
of this voyage we have no information, but it was probably some¬
what later than the Augustan age, for, while the manner in which
it is spoken of implies that it was not a recent event, we gather
from the silence of Strabo on the subject that it was subsequent to
his time. The pioneering feat of Hippalus was commemorated
by his name being attached to the south-west monsoon, as the
Periplus informs us; and Pliny gives it this title, though he was
unacquainted with its origin. It seems probable that the destina¬
tion which he reached was the mouths of the Indus, and that
subsequently to this other traders made their way, first to Baiy-
gaza, and afterwards to Nelcynda, though the direction of the
monsoon was less favourable for the more southerly voyage. In
any case, according to Pliny’s account, there was an established
line of traffic in his day between the frankincense region of
southern Arabia and the last-named place—which, or rather the
inhabitants of the neighbouring district, he calls Neacyndi—and
also to the port of Musiris, which lay somewhat to the north of
it; but he adds that it was necessary for the vessels, in addition to
their crews, to be accompanied by bands of archers, on account
of the pirates who infested those seas. The passage from Pliny
may here be introduced with advantage for the purpose of com¬
parison.

“For those who make the voyage to India the most convenient

1 C. Muller, op. at vol. 1. p. 294.

* Pliny, 6. 100, ioi, 104, 105; Pmphts y § 57.

280 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP

starting-point is Ocelis [in Arabia, near the straits of Bab el*
Mandeb]. From that place a voyage of forty days before the
wind called Hippalus brings them to Musiris, the first trading
station which they reach in India, but not a desirable one, from
the neighbourhood of the pirates, who occupy a spot called
Nitrias. Nor, indeed, does it furnish many exports, and the
roadstead is a long way from the coast, so that the freight has to
be carried to and fro in boats. The name of the king at the time
when I write is Caelobothras. A more serviceable port is that
called Becare, in the territory of the Neacyndi. The ruler of the
country, Pandion, dwells at Modura, a city in the interior a long
distance from the trading station. The district from which
pepper is brought to Becare by the natives in canoes is called
Cottonara; but as none of these names of tribes or stations or
towns occur in any previous author, it is clear that the relative
importance of the places is apt to change. The return voyage
from India is made at the beginning of the Egyptian month Tybis,
our December, or, at the latest, during the first six days of the
Egyptian Mechiris, which fall within the Ides of January according
to our computation; thus they manage to reach home within the
year. The wind which is favourable to the transit from India is
the Vulturnus [SSE. wind], but after they enter the Red Sea the
Africus [SW. wind] or Auster [S. wind] 1 .”

The remainder of the Periplus is devoted to notices of the
coasts of Asia beyond Nelcynda. As no Greek
EastwrfAsia. navigators had as yet advanced so far, these must
have been derived from the reports of native
traders, and consequently we cannot be surprised if they are
vague and inaccurate; at the same time they contain certain
elements of truth. Thus the name Comari, which the writer
assigns to a place considerably to the southward of Nelcynda,
is almost certainly that of Cape Comorin, though he does not
associate it with that promontory*. He states that opposite the
island of Taprobane the coast, trends towards the east, after

1 Pliny, H\ N, y 6.104—6. In § 10r we are further told, ‘omnibus annis
navigatur sagittariorum cohortibus impositis; etenim piratae maxime infesta-
bant.*

2 Periplus ,, §

XIII.]

DIONYSIUS PERIEGETES.

28l

This (China).

which it pursues for a time a northerly course, and then once
more turns eastward towards the mouths of the Ganges. Beyond
that point lay a district called Chryse, and an island of the same
name, in both of which perhaps we may find an intimation of
the Malay peninsula, which in Ptolemy’s time was known as
the Golden Chersonese 1 . Finally, the position of
China is indicated, when we are told that far away
towards the north, and bordering on the eastern ocean, there
was a land called This, containing a great city named Thinae,
from which silk was exported, both raw and spun and woven
into textures 3 . To this statement is appended an interesting
intimation of the two routes by which that article was brought
from China into India, one being by the upper country through
Bactria to Barygaza, the other by way of the Ganges to Musiris
and Nelcynda. The name of Serica, which was given by the
Romans to the northern region of China, is not mentioned in
the Periplus. It seems to have originally signified the ^ilk-
producing country/ being derived from the old Chinese word
for silk, which in Mongolian is ‘sirkek,’ From this again was
formed the name of Seres to represent the inhabitants 3 .

Another geographical work should here be mentioned, which,
though it was of no real importance, at one period
attained a considerable popularity—the Periegesis
or Description of the World of Dionysius, who
from the title of his book was called Periegetes. The date of
its composition has been much disputed, for it
has been assigned to various periods from the
Augustan age even down to the beginning of the fourth century
of our era: but it seems now to be determined with a fair
amount of certainty that it belongs to the reign of Domitian.
That it cannot be earlier than Vespasian appears from the
account there given of the Aegean islands, for the Cyclades
are assigned to Asia, and it was under that emperor that they
were first attached as a province to that continent 4 . And it is

Dionysius

Periegetes.

His Date.

1 Periplus, §§ 61—63. 2 § 64.

4 Kiepert, Lekrbuck , p. 44; cp. Skeat, Etyni* Diet , s.v. Silk.

4 Dionys., Perieg., w. 525 foil., in C. Muller's Gecgr* Gr. Minores } voL 2;
where see the editor’s note.

\2 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

difficult to think that it is later than the age of Domitian, because
the writer goes out of his way to glorify the victory of the
praetor Flaccus over the Nasamones in Africa in 86 A.D. 1 , of
which event Domitian wrote boastfully to the Senate, announcing
in the haughty language of divinity that he had ‘forbidden the
Nasamones to exist®’; but the occurrence was one of so slight
importance, that it would hardly have been commemorated at
a later period—certainly not to the exclusion of more con¬
siderable successes of later emperors, of which no mention is
His made. The work of Dionysius was composed in

Geographical Greek hexameters, and extended to 1189 lines.
p °em. its brevity as a survey of geography, and the

metrical form in which it was written, seem to have commended
it to schoolmasters as a text-book for communicating a know¬
ledge of the subject to their pupils, and in consequence of this
numerous copies of the work were made; afterwards, in pro¬
portion as learning declined, and the more important authors
ceased to be read, its authority came to be greatly overrated.

The Periegesis begins with general remarks on the shape of
the habitable world, which the writer compares to
GeogMtphy. al thtat of a slin S> an< ^ on its division into continents, a
choice being given for the boundary of Europe and
Asia between the Tanais and the Caucasian isthmus, and for
the boundary of Asia and Africa between the Nile and the
Pelusiac isthmus. It next describes the four sections of the
ocean by which this area is surrounded—the Atlantic to the
west, the Frozen sea to the north, the Indian Ocean to the east,
and the Erythraean or Aethiopian to the south; and also the
four principal gulfs which issue from it, and penetrate into the
land—the Mediterranean, the Caspian, the Persian, and Arabian
gulfs. Then follows a detailed account of the Mediterranean,
with all its subordinate bays and inlets, among which the Euxine
and the Palus Maeotis are included. The delineation of the

1 Dionys., Perieg,, w. 209 foil.

a Zonaras Anna 11. 19; vol. 2, p. 500 ed. Bonn.; yvobs 6 $\&kkqs tovto
hriBerc oOtqis koI tt&vt as druXetre kclI robs iiropAxovs ditfidetpev SnravraV i(p*
$ 0 &op.enavbs iirapdels elire Tpbs ttjp fiovXty Brt “ Raarafjubvas 4 ku\v<tcl that.”
Ijdi} yhp Kal Bebs vofd£e<r 8 cu*

XIII.]

HIS GEOGRAPHICAL POEM.

283

three continents, to which Dionysius now proceeds, commences
with Africa, and the peoples and races which
occupied the northern part of that area are first of^Sica?^ 011
described; next, those to the southward of them
in the centre of the country are enumerated, and the Aethiopians
in the neighbourhood of Cerne, which he regards, not, as former
writers had done, as an island, but as a district bordering on
the southern ocean. The Nile, which flowed from the country of
these Aethiopians, he speaks of as bearing the name of Siris in
its upper course 1 , though it would seem that in reality this appella¬
tion, so far as it was used at all, was restricted to a portion of the
stream between Meroe and Syene. Descending this river he now
enters Egypt, which is the last section of Africa that he describes.
It is noticeable that in his account of it he mentions the statue
of Memnon as being still vocal 2 —a statement which might be
adduced as evidence to shew that the date of the Periegesis
cannot at all events be later than the end of the second century.
For, whereas the legs of that statue are covered with inscriptions
in Greek and Latin, recording that visitors had been present
when the sound was emitted, the date of the latest of these is
196A.D., that is, shortly before the visit of Septimius Severus;
and, as the statue was repaired by that emperor, it is natural to
suppose that the work which was executed at that time caused
’the cessation of the sound.

Proceeding now to Europe, Dionysius compares the shape of
that continent together with Africa to a cone, the __

0 it OfEurope.

apex of which is towards the west, the base to¬
wards the east, bordering on Asia 8 . In this we find an exaggera¬
tion of the description of the world as tapering at its extremities,
which is given by Eratosthenes and Strabo; and the same form
is attributed by him to Asia 4 , though this statement he modifies
in a subsequent passage, where he assigns to that area a quad¬
rangular shape with one side facing east 5 —an inconsistency from
which his predecessors were not wholly exempt. In enumerating
the various countries of Europe and their inhabitants he pro¬
ceeds from west to east throughout the northern portion of the

1 Dionys., Perug., w. 221—4. * v. 249. * vv. 275—8.

4 w. 620—26. 5 vv# 881 foil.

284 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

continent, and his ignorance of this shews how little he drew
from Roman sources. Thus he seems to identify the Eridanus with
the Rhone, and places the fountains of that river in the neigh¬
bourhood of the Pyrenees; while to the northward of the Euxine
the names of the tribes that he mentions are mainly derived from
Herodotus. A curious touch of mathematical geography is found
in his account of the mouth of the Borysthenes, which he speaks
of as lying 4 over against the Cyanean rocks on the same meridian
line 1 ’; and he is also the first author to mention the tribe of
Alans, whom he introduces in connexion with the Dacians and
the Tauri in the south of Russia 2 . The name of the Huns too
occurs in his description of Asia in the neighbourhood of the
Caspian Sea 8 , but whether these were the progenitors of the
famous horde who overran Europe, or only an insignificant clan
of the same name, it is impossible to say. The latter part of
the section which is devoted to Europe treats of the three great
peninsulas, or, as the writer quaintly calls them, ‘pedestals,’ which
project into the Mediterranean.

At this point, before turning to Asia, the writer inserts a long
section relating to the islands—first those of the
Mediterranean, and afterwards those that lie in the
outer sea. It is curious to notice the islands that have been
selected for special mention under the latter head (vv. 555—611).
He begins with Erytheia, a half-mythical name, which we find
frequently associated with Gades, but which here is probably in¬
tended to designate one of the Fortunatae Insulae. Next to
these are mentioned the Cassiterides, or, as he calls them, the
1 Hesperides islands, whence tin comes,’ and the position assigned
to them is in the neighbourhood of the Sacrum Promontorium;
but, as Dionysius says that this headland was the westernmost
point of Europe, it has been conjectured that he really means the
Armorican promontory, which was then believed to project farthest
in that direction; and that, like some preceding writers, he identified
the Cassiterides with Ushant and the other islands in that neigh¬
bourhood. Then follow the two British isles, and somewhere not
far off from them the islands of the Amnitae, which were celebrated

1 Dionys., Peru?., v. 3131 6 o$bv iffl 'YOatLU.ri Karevavrla. Kimvedr.w

XIII.]

DESCRIPTION OF THE WORLD.

285

on account of the orgiastic rites performed in them by the women
in honour of Dionysus. These observances are also related on
the authority of Posidonius by Strabo 1 , who places these islands
off the mouth of the Loire, and calls the inhabitants Samnitae.
In Thule, which lies beyond Britain, the continuous duration of
daylight during the summer months is noticed. With regard to
the Arctic Sea, or Mare Pigrum, it is implied that there was un¬
impeded navigation through it as far as the Eastern Ocean, for the
writer supposes a vessel to sail in that direction from Thule as far
as the island of Chryse. His conception of the position of the
last-named place, indeed, is vague enough, but he seems to mean
the Aurea Chersonesus '(Malay Peninsula). After this, Taprobane
(Ceylon) is introduced, with the usual exaggerated estimate of its
size; and the enumeration ends with two small islands in the
Persian Gulf, Ogyris and Icarus, the former of which is probably
the modern Ormuz 2 * * , and was famed as the burial-place of king
Erythras, the eponymus of the Erythraean Sea; while the latter
contained a famous shrine of Artemis Tauropolos, which also is
mentioned by Strabo 8 .

In his account of Asia Dionysius righdy follows his predecessors
in regarding the continent as divided in two parts
by the long chain of mountains, running from west
to east, to which they gave the name of Taurus. He starts from
the river Tanais and the Black Sea, and enumerates all the tribes
in the northern part of the country which lie to the eastward of
that line; then he returns to Asia Minor, and afterwards treats of
Syria, Arabia, and the peoples that lie to the eastward of them as
far as India. He traces accurately the courses of the Euphrates
and Tigris, and repeats the story which we have noticed above,
and which had now become well established, of the latter of these
two rivers flowing through the Lake of Van, and afterwards passing

1 Strab. 4. 4. 6; 'Ep & uKeavtp <jyij<n \TIo<tsi$wviqs\ ehai vtjcop puxp&p 01)
t&pv rebwyLav, irpoKCtfiivrjv rrp iK/Hokfjs to 0 Aelyypos vorajuou’ ot/ccip di twjtjjp
t as twp Sa/mrwp ywaticas, Atopvj(p Karexop&as koX IXacKOfifras rbv debp rovror
t eXerats re real ILXkais IcptnroiUus.

2 ©. supra , p. 142.

8 16. 3. 2; 6 TapdrXovs fy * 1 Tpom/tfrip pfjffop Txapw, tad lepbp 'Avtikkopos

ayiov iy airry koX futpretop TavpovbXov*

286 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

for some distance underground 1 . The direction followed by the
Indus is also carefully given, with the two branches into which it
divides as it approaches the sea, and the district of Patalene which
intervenes between them*. Of the fertility and valuable products
of India he gives an enthusiastic account; but in no part of his
poem is the writer’s ignorance of recent discoveries more con¬
spicuous than here, for he is unacquainted with the existence of
the peninsula of Hindustan and the Bay of Bengal, and he still
represents the Ganges as flowing into the Eastern Sea.

The geographical sketch of the world, which has thus been
described in outline, is interspersed with notices of
mwks^ponlt. the peculiar features and products of the different
countries, and of the customs of various tribes,
together with legends and mythological stories which were asso¬
ciated with them. As may be supposed, it is not altogether
homogeneous, for the store of facts which it contains has been
gathered from various quarters, and from authorities widely
differing in date, so that it does not represent the world as it
existed at any one particular period. Callimachus and Apollonius
Rhodius were among the author’s geographical authorities. Still,
this medley of information, clothed as it is in easily flowing metre,
is even at the present day sufficiently pleasant reading, so that its
popularity at the time when it was composed is easily accounted
for. The permanent influence which it exercised is proved by its
having been translated into Latin verse in the fourth century, for
the benefit of readers unacquainted with the Greek language, by
Avienus, the author of the Ora Maritma , which work has already
attracted our attention as containing passages derived from the
narrative of the voyage of the Carthaginian explorer, Himilco 8 .
Another Latin translation, which was made at a later period by
Prisdan the grammarian, became a geographical text-book for
school-boys in the middle ages 4 . The Periegesis was made the
subject of an elaborate commentary by Eustathius of Thessalonica
in the twelfth century, and in the West its statements reappear in
later writers. An edition of it was issued at an early date after

1 Dionys., Perieg ., w. 987 foil. 8 w. 1088 foil*

* v. supra , p. 109.

4 Bevan and Phillott, Mediaeval Geography 9 p. xxix.

XIII.] PROGRESSIVE KNOWLEDGE OF BRITAIN. 287

the invention of printing, and it has several times been reprinted.
To us at the present day it is chiefly of interest as shewing how
greatly under the Roman empire the popular notion of geography
lagged behind the scientific knowledge of the time. An acquaint¬
ance with this fact enables us to explain the existence at a later
period of traditions on the subject which appear to us exceedingly
primitive.

In no part of the world was greater advance made in the know¬
ledge of geography during the first century and a Proffressive
half after Augustus than in Britain. Subsequently to of

the expeditions of Julius Caesar no serious attempt
had been made by the Romans to conquer that country until the
time of Claudius (43 a.d.), by whom and his lieu¬
tenants the southern part of the island was reduced 0 f ciaudfu^
to submission. Camulodunum, the capital of the
Trinobantes, which was taken on this occasion, was afterwards
occupied by a Roman colony—the first of many that were
established in the island—and was consequently known as
Coloniae Castrum (Colchester). The province which was now
formed was gradually consolidated and extended, until in Nero’s
reign (61 a.d.) the conquests of Suetonius Paullinus
carried its Emits as far north as Lindum on the pa^unus,
one side and Deva on the other, which two places
also became Roman settlements, and were called Lindum Colonia
(Lincoln) and Devae Castrum (the fortress on the Dee, or Chester).
Already at this time we hear of Londinium (London) as being the
greatest and most populous commercial centre in the country on
account of its favourable position at the mouth of the Thames, for
Tacitus in his account of the campaign of Suetonius Paullinus
speaks of it as the principal resort of traders and the chief depot
for stores 1 . The next advance was made under Domitian by
Agricola, who in the course of eight years (78—S5
a.d.) extended the Roman dominion as far as the
Firths of Clyde and Forth, and defended the isthmus which lies

1 Tac. Ann., 14. 33 j Londinium...copia negotiatoram et commeatuum
maxime celebre.

288 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

between them by establishing a chain of forts across it 1 * . He even
penetrated into Caledonia to the northward of this line, and
defeated the natives in two great battles. It was Agricola’s good
fortune to have his exploits recorded by Tacitus, who was his son-
in-law, and through him we obtain an idea of the impression which
the natural features of Britain produced on the foreigners. Thus,
besides noticing the mildness and raininess of the climate, the
shortness of the summer nights, and other peculiarities, he specially
remarks on the depth to which the sea on these coasts penetrates
into the land, and on the numerous estuaries which are formed in
this manner®. Tacitus also records in his Agricola the expedition
which was despatched by that commander to explore the shores
of the island as far as its northern extremity, and he mentions
that they reached the Orcades (Orkneys). The land which they
saw in the distance beyond this point, but did not visit owing to
the lateness of the season, and which they believed to be Thule,
is no doubt the same to which Pytheas also assigned that name—
Mainland, the chief of the Shetland islands 3 . In Hadrian’s time
(119 a.d.) the northern portion of these new conquests was
abandoned, and that emperor fixed the line of the Eden and the
Tyne as the limit of the Roman possessions, and constructed there
the famous rampart, which is known at the present day as the
Roman Wall. This continued to be the boundary until under
and Antoninus Antoninus Pius (142 a.d.) the country as far as the
Pius * Forth and the Clyde was again occupied, and a

continuous rampart of earth was built across the isthmus parallel
to the line of forts which Agricola had erected. By means of
these campaigns, and of the numerous settlements that were
founded in the country, and the roads by which they were con¬
nected with one another, the Romans acquired a satisfactory
knowledge of the characteristics of Britain, and of the position
of the tribes by whom it was inhabited.

1 Tac. Agric ., 23 5 Clota et Bodotria, diversi mans fluctibus per inmensum

revectae, angusto terrarum spatio dirimuntur: quod turn praesidiis firmabatur.

3 Agric., 10 ; Unum addiderim, nusquam latius dominari mare, multum
fluminum hue atque illuc ferre, nec litore tenus adcrescere aut resorberi, sed
influere penitus atque ambire, et jugis etiam ac montibus inseri velut in suo.

8 MiiUenhoff, Deutsche AlUrlumskunde , 1. p. 388.

XIII.] INFORMATION ABOUT NORTHERN EUROPE. 2S9

The acquaintance of the Romans with Germany derived from
personal observation decreased rather than otherwise after the
time of Augustus. The rule which was laid down

Germany

by that emperor to the effect that the Roman arms and scandi-
should not advance beyond the Elbe was strictly navia '
adhered to by his successors; indeed, so little did they attempt
to penetrate into the country at all, that Tacitus speaks of that river
as being known to his contemporaries only by hearsay 1 2 . At the
same time there arose a growing intercourse between the two
peoples, and from this was derived the enlarged knowledge of the
inhabitants of Germany which we find existing at a later period,
though we have no evidence whence it came. Much of this
was embodied in the Germa?iia of Tacitus; but that treatise,
interesting as it is from an ethnographical point of view, furnishes
us with but little information about the physical features of the
country, and even as to the situation of the various tribes. It is
noticeable, as a proof of the ignorance which prevailed with regard
to the north-eastern part of the country, that the name of so im¬
portant a river as the Viadrus (Oder) does not occur in any writer
before Ptolemy; and though the "Vistula was known at an earlier
period, and was regarded as the boundary of Germany on its eastern
side towards Sarmatia, yet this was probably due to the trade-route
from the Baltic which passed through Pannonia, rather than to
any intelligence derived from Germany itself. About the regions
in the north of Europe, however, some intelligence, though of an
imperfect character, was obtained. In Mela the southern portion
of the Baltic is mentioned under the name of Codanus Sinus®, and
the knowledge of this may have been acquired at the time of the
naval expedition of Tiberius, which sailed up the Elbe. Mela also
is the first writer who mentions Scandinavia, but he regards it, not
as a peninsula, but as a large island 3 ] this view is also found in

1 Tac. Germ ., 41; in Hermunduris Albis oritur, flumen inclutum et notum
olim; nunc tantuw auditur.

2 Mela, 3. 31; super Albim Codanus ingens sinus magnis parvisque insulis
refertus est.

9 Ibid. § 54; In illo sinu quem Codanum diximus eximia Scadinavia, quam
adhuc Teutoni tenent, et ut fecunditate alias ita magnitudine antestat.

T. 19

>90 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CHAP.

Pliny 1 , and was permanently maintained. It is that country, no
ioubt, to which Tacitus also refers, when he speaks of an island
lying out in the ocean off the northern coast of Germany, which
was inhabited by a people called the Suiones 2 ; for in that appella¬
tion the modern name of Swede is generally recognised. Den¬
mark, too, was known to Pliny under the name of the Cimbrian
promontory as a great peninsula extending towards the north 3 .

In eastern Europe the conquest of Dacia by Trajan opened
Dacia con- out a considerable area, which was unexplored
queredby before that time. The departure from the estab-

Trajan. lished policy of maintaining the Danube as the

northern frontier of the empire, which the annexation of that
tract involved, was in the first instance unavoidable. During
the reign of Domitian, Decebalus, a Dacian chieftain who had
succeeded in concentrating in his own hands the government
of the whole of that country, overran Moesia, and caused
great injury to the Roman power. At the conclusion of the
war which followed a peace was concluded, which was far from
advantageous to the Romans; and Trajan, when he came to
the throne, in order to secure the neighbouring parts of the
empire from attacks from that quarter, invaded Dacia, and in
the course of his second campaign (104 a.d.) completely de¬
feated Decebalus. Dacia was now reduced to a Roman pro¬
vince, and its capital city, Sarmizegethusa, which was captured,
received the name of Ulpia Trajana. The territory which was
comprehended in Dacia is that which is bounded on the east
by the Dniester and on the west by the Theiss, including the
modern kingdom of Roumania, with its wide plains extending
to the Danube, the mountainous district of Transylvania and
the lands to the northward of it as far as the Carpathians, and
the adjoining portion of Hungary which is called the Banat. A
large number of military colonies were now established in the

1 Pliny, 4. 96; sinum, qui Codanus vocatur refertus insulis, quaram clans-
sima est Scatinavia incompertae magnitudinis.

a Tac. Germ,, 44; Suionum hinc civitates, ipso in Oceano, praeter viros
armaque classibus valent.

8 Pliny, 4.97; Promunturium Cimbroram excurrens in maria longe paenin-
sulam efficit quae Tastris appellatur.

XIII.]

EXPEDITIONS IN AFRICA.

291

country, and in addition to these a multitude of civilians
resorted thither from various parts of the empire, so that in the
course of time Dacia became thoroughly Romanised. In order to
secure the communication between these newly acquired domains
and the neighbouring provinces, Trajan erected the famous bridge
across the Danube that bore his name, the remains of which are
still visible near Orsova below the rapids and narrow passage of
the stream called the Iron Gate. A century and a half later than
this, in the reign of Aurelian, it was found expedient to withdraw
the Roman colonists into Moesia on the right bank of the river,
where they were constituted into a new province, called the Dacia
of Aurelian; but a clear evidence of their occupation of the
northern district remains in the modern Roumanian language,
which is as lineal a descendant of Latin as French and Italian
are.

Some additional material was also contributed towards the

knowledge of the interior of Africa by two ex-

.. „ Suetonius

peditions which took place during the reigns of Pauiimus

Claudius and Nero. In the year 42 a.d. Sueto- Atlas?* ^
nius Paullinus—the same who, as we have seen,
subsequently distinguished himself in Britain—having been
appointed propraetor of Mauretania, carried his arms across the
Atlas chain, which, as it was the winter season, he found covered
with snow. He then advanced through the desert in burning
heat, until he reached a river called Ger, the neighbourhood of
which abounded with elephants and other wild beasts 1 . The
name here given has induced some geographers to conjecture that
the stream which was intended is the Niger; but there can be
little doubt that it was one of those which run southwards from
the Atlas and lose themselves in the Sahara, for the word gir in
the Berber language, signifies ‘running water/ and even at the
present day it is attached to a river which follows that direction.
The other expedition, for which Seneca is our chief Ner0 » sE *.
authority, though it is also noticed by Pliny, was petition to the
despatched by Nero, and was pacific in its character, e *
being prompted by a spirit of enquiry. Its object was to explore
the sources of the Nile; and it advanced in the first instance as far
1 Pliny, H* 5.14, 15.

IQ —2

292 GEOGRAPHY FROM AUGUSTUS TO TRAJAN. [CH. XIII.

as Meroe by way of Syene and Napata, which city has been
already noticed in connexion with the campaign of Petronius
against Candace. Seneca, whose information (so he tells us) was
obtained directly from two centurions employed on the mission,
states that they were furnished with an escort by the king of
Aethiopia, and with introductions to the neighbouring chiefs, and
thus advanced far into the interior. The furthest
R ~ P oint in valley that was attained they

described as occupied by vast marshes, where the
water was clogged with herbage so muddy and tangled as only
to afford a passage for boats of the smallest size. In these we
recognise the extensive swampy region of the White Nile, which
is first met with above the junction of that river with the Sobat,
about 400 miles to the southward of Khartoum 1 . The discovery,
however, was not entirely new, for, little as this district was known
in antiquity, yet Aristotle had heard of it, since he mentions it in
connexion with the race of Pygmies 8 .

1 Sen, Nat. Quaest, 6 . 8.3, 4; Ego quidem centuriones duos quos Nero
Caesar, ut aliarum virtutum ita veritatis in primis amanlissimus, ad investigan-
dum caput Nili miserat audivi narrantes longum illos iter peregisse, cum a rege
Aethiopiae instructi auxilio commendatique proximis regibus penetrassent ad
ulteriora. ‘Equidem,’ aiebant, ‘pervenimus ad immensas paludes, quarum
exitum nec incolae noverant nec sperare quisquam potest, ita inplicatae aquis
herbae sunt et aquae neque pediti eluctabiles nec navigio, quod nisi parvum et
unius capax limosa et obsita palus non ferat. Ibi,’ inquit, ‘vidimus duas
petras, ex quibus ingens vis fluminis excidebat.’ Cp. Pliny, 6,184—6.

s v. supra, p. 29.

CHAPTER XIV.

ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS.

Natural Limits of the Roman Empire—Frontier Defences—Chiefly organised
by Hadrian—The Ptriplus of Arrian—Dio’s Account of Hadrian’s
System—The German Limes—Chains of Military Posts—Defences of
the Upper Euphrates—The Roman Roads—The Via Aurelia—Via
Aemilia Scauri—Via Julia—Road through Southern Gaul and Spain—
The Via Flaminia—Via Aemilia—Passes of the Alpes Cottiae, Graiae,
and Penninae—Roman Roads in Gaul, and in Britain—Watling Street-
Fosse Way—Ermine Street—Icknield Street—Passes of die Alpes
Rhaeticae and Juliae—Road through Pannonia to Byzantium—The via
Appia—The Via Egnatia—Main Roads through Asia and Africa—Roman
Itineraries—The Antonme Itinerary—Its Probable Date—Not a com¬
pletely Homogeneous Document—Its Contents—The Itimrarimi Mari -
timum —The Jerusalem Itinerary—The Peutinger Table—Its Transcrip¬
tion, and probable Date of Composition.

The reign of Hadrian, at which we have now arrived, affords
a suitable opportunity for surveying the boundaries Natual
of the Roman empire when it had reached its Limits of the
utmost limits, and the defences by which it was
protected. The limits which, as Gibbon remarks,
appeared to have been permanently placed for that purpose by
nature, were on the west the Atlantic Ocean j the Rhine and
Danube on the north; the Euphrates on the east ; and towards
the south the sandy deserts of Arabia and Africa 1 . These
boundaries were recommended by Augustus to his successors ;
and they were observed by subsequent emperors, except in
Britain, and in two districts into which Trajan carried his
victorious arms—Mesopotamia, which for a short time, and
Dacia, which for a longer period, became subject to Rome.
It was only by gradual stages, however, that a
system of frontier defence grew up along these lines.

In some instances a belt of allied native states,

1 Declint and Fall, vol. i p. 139, ed. Smith.

294 ROMAN frontier defences and roads, [chap.

such as Commagene, Cappadocia, and Pontus on the side
towards the Euphrates, were allowed to remain, so as to separate
the Roman provinces from the nations outside; and it was
only after a time that these were annexed to Rome, and were
formally recognised as part of the Roman dominion. There can
be little doubt that the development of the frontier defences,
which followed on this, was quickened by a growing fear of
danger arising from the incursions of barbarians from without.
The emperors, whose policy was especially devoted to this end,
were those of the Flavian and Antonine dynasties, and the
sovereign in particular, with whom above all others it should
be associated, is Hadrian 1 . Not only does the Roman Wall in
Britain bear his name, but in other parts of the
ganisedby empire also we find evidence of the attention
Hadrian. which he paid to this question. On the site of
the camp constructed by his orders for the Third Legion at
Lambaesis in the interior of Numidia, fragments remain of
an inscription recording the address which he made to the
troops stationed there; and in the course of this Hadrian ex¬
presses his admiration of the walls that had been built, and
eulogises the excellence of the training of the soldiers, notwith¬
standing the few opportunities of drilling which they had had
owing to their being stationed for long periods continuously in
remote posts on the frontiers*. Similar testimony with regard to
the care expended on the frontier stations and garrisons on the
south-eastern coast of the Black Sea is contained in the report
on that subject addressed to Hadrian by Arrian
//^of Adrian. t ^ le historian, who was prsefect of the province of

Cappadocia. The date of this document—which
is known as the Periplus Ponti Euscini , and was written in Greek
—is 131 a.d. ; and it formed a supplement to a Latin official
report, such as was regularly sent by these officers to their master,

1 For many of the remarks which are introduced in connexion with this
subject I am indebted to Prof. Pelham’s paper on The Roman Frontier System
in vol. xiv. of the Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Anti¬
quarian and Archaeological Society: see also his Outlines of Roman History ,
pp. 49 ° 49 3 -

s Corp. Inspipt . Lot., vol. VIII. no. 2533.

XIV.]

HADRIAN’S SYSTEM.

295

the emperor. Throughout it we meet with accounts of the con¬
dition of the fortifications along that line, in which the writer
mentions that he had replaced earthwork embankments and
wooden towers by brick walls, and had everywhere examined the
fortifications and trenches; the entire statement being drawn up
in such a manner as to imply that the defences were a question of
primary interest to the person to whom the letter was addressed 1 .

Indeed, Hadrian is spoken of quite plainly by Dio as having
been the chief organiser of this system. The following is his
account:

* Hadrian used to travel from province to province, visiting
both the country districts and the cities; and in
the course of his inspections of the forts and walls count of
he transferred some to more suitable positions, gy S d t ^ ns
while others he dismantled or erected at new
points. He also personally superintended and examined every
detail; not merely the condition of the camps in general—
their arms and military engines, their trenches, ramparts and
palisades—but also what affected the individual soldiers, the rank
and file as well as the officers—their manner of life, and dwellings
and habits; and in many cases, where novel arrangements had
been introduced tending to greater comfort, he remodelled and
amended them. Besides this, he exercised the men in all kinds
of fighting, approving some and censuring others, and instructing
them all in their duties. And in order that they might profit by
his example, wherever he went he led a hardy life, and never at
such times availed himself of a carriage or four-wheeled chariot,
but always walked or rode; nor did he protect his head, either in

1 Arrian, Periplus Ponii Etixini , § 12, in C. Muller’s Geographi Graea
Minorts, vol. I. p. 376: Kal rdtppos dttrXij TrepipifiXyTtu r$ relxei, etipeia.
iKaripa. IIAXat pXv ovv yjj&op rb Tetyos f)V koX ol vtipyoi fr&XiPot itpetrrfiKetray,
vxhr 8k 4k tXLpBov dirrijs tcto£ijt(u koI avrb Kal ol Tvpyoi, Kal TeBepeXturai
Ao-^aXws, teal pqxapal itpearaci, Kal kvi \6ytp, raaiv i^prvrtu t p6s to fflSi
veXdaax a v nva aCrrtp rQtv ftapfOdptav, prffnye 8ij els kIpSvpop KaTairrijtrat roXtofxlas
rods 4 p aOrtp tppovpovrras. *E reify 8k Kal top Sppop ixpv* da^aXi} etrat rats
pawl, koX 80a toO <f>povplov KartpKeiro xrrb tup re Teravphup rijs trrpanas
ko.L tivwp Kal SKXup iftTopucQp foBputvw, 48o£i plol &t8 rrjs 8lt\tjs rdtfpov,
j} TrepLpifUXTfraL rtp relxei, aXXrjp rd<f>pov hpaXeir tbs irl rbv vorapiap, rb re
pa6tna.Bp.op wepti^ei Kal ris rod relxoin oltdau Cp. §§ 7, 14, &C.

296 ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS. [CHAP.

heat or cold, but went about with it uncovered both in the snows
of Gaul and under an Egyptian sun. In a word, throughout the
whole empire he so trained and disciplined the entire military
force both by action and precept, that even at the present time
the appointments which he then made are their rule of service.
This was the main reason why during the greater part of his reign
he was at peace with foreign nations: they were aware of his
means of defence, and inasmuch as they suffered no ill-treatment,
and even received presents of money, they maintained the existing
order of things. For his soldiers were so well trained, that the
cavalry of the so-called Batavi swam across the Danube with their
arms: on seeing which the barbarians were impressed with fear of
the Romans, and when they fell out with one another they called
in that power to arbitrate in their mutual disputes 1 ’.

The most famous of these frontier fortifications was that which
served for a defence to the empire against the
Limes. German Germanic tribes, who from their proximity to Italy
and their threatening attitude were the enemies
whose sudden attacks were most formidable to Rome. The
name by which it was known to the Romans was, as long as
it skirted the frontiers of Vindelicia, the Limes Rhaetiae, and
afterwards the Limes Germaniae: in modem times—for the
wall, or at least its foundations, can still be traced almost con¬
tinuously—it is called the Pfahlgraben or Teufelsmauer. Leaving
the left bank of the Danube at Kelheim between Ratisbon and
Neustadt, it describes a curve westward as far as Lorch, at which
place the Limes Rhaetiae comes to an end after a course of 108
miles. Here the direction which the fortification pursues turns at
right angles, and follows the stream of the Neckar as far as
Wimpfen, whence it runs due north until it meets the Main at
Worth. Descending that stream to the parallel of Frankfort, it
then bends round until it meets the northern extremity of the
Taunus chain, and after passing those mountains gradually ap¬
proaches the Rhine, which river it finally reaches between Ander-
nach and Remagen. This section, which formed the Limes
Germaniae, measured 228 miles. In respect of construction the
Limes Germaniae was greatly superior to the Limes Rhaetiae.
1 Dion Cass. Hist. Rom., Epitome, 1 . 69, c. 9.

XIV.]

CHAINS OF MILITARY POSTS.

2 97

The former of these consisted of a succession of forts, placed as a
rule about nine miles from each other. In certain portions of
the line thus formed, the rivers along whose courses the forts were
built, the Neckar and the Main, were themselves a sufficient limit
to prevent ingress into the Roman territory; elsewhere a
boundary wall was erected, not indeed connecting the forts
with one another, but running in front of them at a distance
seldom exceeding one-third of a mile. This was protected by
a fosse on the outside, and had watchtowers built in it at
short intervals on the inner side. In the Rhaetian Limes, on
the other hand, the forts were constructed without any regular
succession, and the barrier was not only destitute of a fosse and
watch-towers, but was formed of stones rudely piled together 1 .

Walls and embankments, however, such as those just de¬
scribed, by no means formed a necessary part
of a frontier fortification. We find them, indeed, Mitaar^Posts.
in the north of Britain, but there is no trace of
them along the Numidian border, nor where security was afforded
by the presence of a great river, such as the Rhine in its
lower course, the Danube, or the Euphrates. What was essential
to the system of defence was the chain of military posts; and
so independent was this, that, even where a legion was es¬
tablished in the adjacent territory, its camp did not necessarily
form part of the chain, but might lie at some distance towards
the rear. Such was the case with York and Chester in Britain,
with Mogontiacum (Mainz) behind the German Limes, and
with Lambaesis in Africa; in all which instances the legion that
was stationed there was connected by roads with the outlying
posts, so that it was able to support them when necessary. The
opposite plan, where the camp was included in the system of
defence, is found on the lower Rhine and on the Danube. A
certain extent of territory both within and without the line of
defence was appropriated by the defenders, so that no barbarians
were allowed to occupy it—a precautionary measure which was
quite reasonable, since the position to be guarded was so exposed.
It is not improbable that all the district between the German
Limes and the Upper Rhine, and also the region of Britain north

1 Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Empire , voL I. pp. 154, 155.

298 ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS. [CHAP.

of the Humber, and the southern portion of Numidia, were
treated as * march-land. 5 A tendency soon arose for the soldiers
of a certain legion to become the permanent occupants of a
particular camp. Thus the Twentieth Legion is found at Chester,
the Sixth at York, and the Third Augustan Legion in Africa.
The outlying fortresses were garrisoned by auxiliary troops, and
these could be more easily transferred from one station to
another; yet the evidence goes to prove that they also frequently
continued to occupy the same positions 1 .

A marked instance of the method of defence by means of
Defences of a success i° n °f military posts is found on the

the upper frontier which followed the upper course of the

Euphrates. Euphrates. The importance of this line arose
from its commanding the approaches to the Roman dominion
on its eastern side, where it bordered on Armenia, which
country had become a debateable land between the Romans
and the Parthians. The most central point in the military
system in this quarter was Melitene (Malatia), which town
lay at no great distance from the junction of the river Melas,
which flows from the Anti-Taurus, with the Euphrates. To
it led the great high-road which traversed Asia Minor from
Ephesus by way of Caesareia in Cappadocia; and from it again
two other roads diverged to south and north respectively. The
former of these passed over the Taurus range to Samosata
(Samsat), the position of which city was considerably lower down
the course .of the great river, where there is an important crossing
place of the stream. Here was the permanent station of the
Sixteenth legion (Flavia Firma), while at Melitene the Twelfth
legion (Fulminata) was quartered. A Roman bridge of magnifi¬
cent construction still remains near Kiakhta, at some distance
to the northward of Samsat, to testify to the existence of this line
of communication. The other road, which ran northward from
Melitene, was carried to Satala, where were the stativa of the
Fifteenth legion (Apollinaris). The recent discovery of inscrip¬
tions containing the name of that legion at the modem village
of Sadagh—at which considerable remains of an ancient forti¬
fied town were previously known to exist—renders certain the
1 Pelham, The Homan Ftontier System , pp. iCo, ioi.

Uni’ll si ty Press Cambridni

XIV.]

THE ROMAN ROADS.

299

identification of that place with Satala 1 . It lay near the head¬
waters of the river Lycus, due west of Theodosiopolis (Erzeroum),
but separated from that place, and from the Euphrates valley, by a
range of mountains. Afterwards the road was prolonged from
Satala to Trapezus, which was also a Roman military station;
and ultimately a line of posts guarded by troops was established
along the entire route from Samosata to the Euxine.

The communications between the capital and the frontier
provinces of the empire were maintained by means
of the great system of military roads, the construe-
tion of which everywhere followed in the wake of
the Roman conquests. The starting-point for these, from which
the measurements along them were calculated, was in each case
the gate by which the road issued from the walls of Rome; and
the distances to which they respectively extended were recorded
on the Miliarium Aureum, or Golden Milestone, which was set
up for that purpose by Augustus in the Forum at the foot of
the Capitoline Hill. Through the facilities which they offered for
speedy transit the intelligence which was constantly required by
an elaborately centralised system of administration was transmitted
to headquarters, and provision was made for the rapid passage of
the Roman armies, and for the conveyance of merchandise from
distant countries. The massive construction of these roads is
made evident by the terraces, raised above the level of the neigh¬
bouring ground and paved with solid masoniy, which remain in
part both in our own country and in other lands which were
formerly subject to Rome; and the system of milestones by
which they were measured is represented by numerous specimens
which are found in all the three continents. We will now proceed
to trace the principal lines which were followed by these great
arteries of communication, beginning from the western provinces.

The great western road at its commencement was called
the Via Aurelia, under which name it extended The via

from Rome to Pisae (Pisa) by way of Cosa and AureIia -

1 See Mr V. W. Yorke’s paper, A Journey in the Valley of the Upper
Euphrates , in the Geographical Journal\ vol. 8 (1896), p. 460. The whole of
this paper contains valuable information about the line of Roman defences
here spoken of.

300 ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS. [CHAP.

Via Julia.

Populonium, passing through the unhealthy coast-land of Etruria,
which is now known as the Maremma. In the
SMturit emilia y ear I0 9 B * c * ft was continued by Aemilius Scaurus
over the difficult ground which skirts the head
of the Gulf of Genoa, as far as Vada Sabatia (Vado); and this
portion was called the Via Aemilia Scauri, to distinguish it
from the more famous Aemilian Way in Cisalpine Gaul. During
the reign of Augustus it was again extended under
the name of Via Julia along the Ligurian coast
to Cemenelum (Cimiez, at the back of Nice), thus reaching
the frontier of Gaul. The principal places which it passed in
this part were the native towns of Albium Ingaunum (Albenga)
and Albium Intemelium (Ventimiglia), and the old Greek colony
of Portus Herculis Monoeci (Monaco). At Cemenelum the road
was brought into connexion with the great Roman
way through the Provincia, which passed by way
of Forum Julii (Frdjus) and Aquae Sextiae (Aix) to
Arelate (Arles) at the head of the delta of the
Rhone ’; and from that place, first to Nemausus (Nlmes), and
then by Narbo (Narbonne) to the foot of the Pyrenees. That
chain was crossed between Ruscino (Roussillon)
and Gerunda (Gerona); and from the latter place
the road proceeded to Tarraco (Tarragona), and after crossing
the Iberus continued along the coast to Valentia and the mouth
of the Sucro (Jucar). It there turned inland, and after passing
the watershed which separates the streams that fall into the
Mediterranean from those which reach the Atlantic, entered the
basin of the Baetis (Guadalquivir), and traversed the province
of Baetica by way of Corduba (Cordova), and Hispalis (Seville),
until it arrived at the ocean, with which in this way Rome was
connected 1 .

The Via Flaminia, which was the great northern road from
Rome, was constructed in 220 b.c. by Gaius
Flaminius during his censorship, with the object
of maintaining the communications between the
Cisalpine Gaul, which country he had previously
Leaving Rome by the Porta Flaminia, it crossed

Road

through

Southern

Gaul

and Spain.

The Via
Flaminia.

capital and
subjugated.

1 Mommsen, The Provinces o/ihe Roman Empire^ 1. p. 74.

XIV.]

PASSES OF THE ALPS.

301

the Tiber at the Milvian bridge, two miles distant from the walls
of the city, and passing the foot of Mount Soracte entered
Umbria near Ocriculum, from whence by way of Narnia and
Mevania it reached the foot of the Apennines. On the further
side of that chain it descended the valley of the Metaurus to
the Adriatic at Fanum Fortunae (Fano), and then followed the
coast as far as its terminus at Ariminum (Rimini). About half
a century later this road was continued as far as
Placentia (Piacenza) by M. Aemilius Lepidus, and A ^. a
from him this additional portion obtained the name
of the Aemilian Way. It was carried through the plains of
Cisalpine Gaul, skirting the northern spurs of the Apennines,
and connected with one another and with its two termini the
important cities of Bononia (Bologna), Mutina (Modena) and
Parma. From Placentia, where it crossed the Po, it was sub¬
sequently prolonged to Mediolanum (Milan). The places thus
reached formed the starting-points for the lines of communication
which connected Italy with the central regions of Gaul. From
Placentia by way of Ticinum (Pavia) and the valley of the
Po a road was constructed to Augusta Taurinorum (Turin),
whence it ascended along the Duria Minor (Dora
Riparia) to the pass over the Alpes Cottiae (Mont Aip^Tcottiae*
Genbvre), and on the western side of these moun¬
tains followed the course of the Druentia (Durance) downwards
to Arelate. Again, from Mediolanum another route led by
Eporedia (Ivrea) and the valley of the Duria Major (Dora Baltea)
to Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), which place formed the point of
divergence of two other Alpine passes. To the Graiae
west a way conducted over the Alpes Graiae
(Little St. Bernard) to the upper waters of the Isara (Isere); and
the course of that stream was pursued as far as Cularo (Grenoble),
shortly after passing which the road turned to the north-west and
made for the Rhone, which river it struck at Vienna (Vienne)
and then followed upwards to Lugdunum. To the north—on
the further side of Mont Blanc, the great mass of
which is here interposed—was the pass of the P ^^ nae>
Alpes Penninae (Great St. Bernard), which led to
the upper valley of the Rhone and the Lake of Geneva. The

302 ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS. [CHAP.

road then traversed Helvetia, and after crossing the range of the
Jura met the Rhine at Augusta Rauracorum, a few miles above
Bale.

In Gaul the chief highways started from Lugdunum, the
Roman capital city, which is called by Strabo on
Roads in Gaul, account of the importance of its position the
acropolis of the country 1 . As we have already
observed in connexion with Agrippa’s work in organising the
provinces of Gaul, four great roads diverged from this point in
different directions, three of which communicated with three
different seas. One ran due south along the course of the Rhone
to Arles and the Mediterranean. A second pursued a westerly
course through the territory of the Arverni (Auvergne) and by
Augustoritum (Limoges) to the mouth of the Garonne, after
which it penetrated southward into Aquitania. A third went
northward up the valley of the Arar (Saone) to Cabillonum
(Ch&lon), thence by Augustodunum (Autun) and across the
upper waters of the Yonne and Seine and Marne to Durocor-
torum (Reims), the capital of the Remi, and from that point
north-westward to Samarobriva (Amiens) and Gesoriacum
(Boulogne), which was the ordinary place of transit for Britain.
Again, from Cabillonum a fourth route diverged from the one
just described, and followed the stream of the Doubs upwards
throughout a great part of its course, but ultimately crossed a
watershed into the valley of the Rhine, not far from where the
road from the Pennine pass entered it. From this point to the
German Ocean a continuous line of road maintained the com¬
munications of the Romans throughout the two provinces of
Upper and Lower Germany, passing the important stations of
Mogontiacum (Mainz) and Colonia Agrippina (Cologne), and
reaching at last Lugdunum Batavorum (Leyden) near the mouth
of the stream.

We may now proceed to Britain; and in speaking of the lines
of road in this country it may not be amiss to

and in . , r J

Britain. retain the familiar names that have been attached

to them. The principal landing-place, which from
a Roman point of view was the starting-point for communications

1 Strabo, 4. 6,11.

XIV.]

ROADS IN BRITAIN.

303

with the interior, was Rutupiae (Richborough), the massive forti¬
fications of which testify at the present day to the importance
that was attached to it as securing the line of transit from the
continent Between Rutupiae and Londinium a road ran by way
of Durovernum (Canterbury) and Durobrivae (Rochester); and
the great commercial centre was also connected with the south
coast on the side of Sussex by another road (Stone Street), which
started from Regnum (Chichester). The Midlands
were traversed from south-east to north-west by
Watling Street, which reached from Londinium
by way of Verulamium (St. Albans) to Viroconium (Wroxeter),
not far from Shrewsbury at the confluence of the Tem and
the Severn. Wroxeter, the numerous Roman remains at which
have obtained for it the name of the English Pompeii, was the
station of the Fourteenth legion; and its importance from a
military point of view arose from its proximity to the Welsh
border, where the mountain tribes maintained their independence
after the rest of the country had been brought under the Roman
rule. The other fortresses on the same frontier were Deva
(Chester), further to the north, where, as we have already re¬
marked, the Twentieth legion was posted, and towards the south
Isca (Caerleon in Monmouthshire), the station of the Second
legion. Transversely to the line of Watling Street Fosse Way
the Fosse Way followed a direction from south¬
west to north-east. Commencing at Isca Dumnoniorum (Exeter),
it passed across Somersetshire to the Roman township of Aquae
Sulis (Bath), and then took a straight course by Durocomuvium
(Cirencester) to Lindum (Lincoln). The last-named place was
reached also by a road called Ermine Street,
which started from Camulodunum (Colchester), S1 ^£ ine
the seat of the earliest Roman colony which was
established in Britain, and traversed the eastern part of the
country: this was continued beyond Lindum by Danum (Don¬
caster) to Eburacum (York), and ultimately reached Luguvallium
(Carlisle), which was situated on the line of Hadrian’s watt
Finally, a road which is known as Icknield Street
ran in a direction almost parallel to the Fosse sl ^^ icW
Way from Glevum (Gloucester) to Doncaster. It

304 ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS. [CHAP,

may be remarked that the names of highways which have been
given above are in several cases assigned also to roads in other
parts of the country. Thus the title of Ermine Street is attaohed
to the line of way that leads from Silchester by Cirencester to
Gloucester; and that of Icknield Street to the road between
Dorchester near Oxford, and Chesterford to the southward of
Cambridge: while the road which for a time joined the wall of
Hadrian to that of Antonine is known as Watling Street

The Via Aemilia in Cisalpine Gaul, the connexion of which
with the lines of communication in north-western

Passes of the , , . . .

Aipes Rhaeti- Europe has been traced above, was also the parent
cae and Juhae. ^ ot h er important roads, which led northward and
eastward through the Roman empire. From Milan a branch
reached Verona, from which city there was a way by the valley of
the Adige to the Brenner pass over the Rhaetian Alps, which led
to Augusta Vindelicorum (Augsburg), the Roman outpost in the
direction of Germany. From Verona again another road ran east¬
ward to Aquileia at the head of the Adriatic, and through the Julian
Alps to Aemona (Laibach) in Pannonia. Here it divided in two,
one part following the old line of the Baltic traffic northwards
by Poetovio (Pettau) to Carnuntum on the Danube, the other
descending the valley of the Save by way of Sirmium
through (Mitrovitsa) to the junction of that river with the

Pannonia to Danube at Singidunum (Belgrade). The latter of
Byzantium. ^ese routes continued along the right bank of the
Danube as far as Viminacium (Kostolatz), and then turned south¬
wards up the valley of the Morava to Naissus (Nisch), and
through the passes of the Balkan by Serdica (Sophia) and Philip-
popolis to Byzantium.

An earlier line of transit, however, from Rome to the Bosporus,
and at all times a shorter and more convenient one,
than that just mentioned, was the route by way of
southern Italy and the Egnatian Way. The first
part of this was formed by the Via Appia, the earliest of all the
Roman highways, the construction of which was due in the first
instance to the censor Appius Claudius Caecus in 312 b.c. By
him it was conducted as far as Capua, but from that place it was
afterwards continued to Beneventum, and finally by two different

The

Via Appia.

XIV.] ROADS THROUGH ASIA AND AFRICA.

305

lines to Brundisium. One of these led to this port through the
centre of the country by Venusia and Tarentum, while the other,
passing at once through the Apennines into Apulia, took a more
northerly course by Canusium and the coast of the Adriatic. On
the farther side of that sea, opposite Brundisium,
the Egnatian Way commenced at two points, E Jnatia! a
Dyrrachium towards the north, and Apollonia
towards the south. The highways which started from these
converged at a place in the interior called Clodiana; and from
that station the road threaded the difficult defiles of the Illyrian
mountains as far as the Lacus Lychnitis (Lake of Ochrida ); after
which it crossed the Scardus range to Heraclea (Monastir), and
passed by Edessa and Pella to Thessalonica. This portion of the
route was sometimes known by the separate name of the Via
Candavia. The remainder of the Egnatian Way proceeded by
Amphipolis and Philippi to Byzantium.

In Asia Minor the main road from the Asiatic shore of the
Bosporus led by way of Nicomedia to Ancyra Main Road#
(Angora) in the upland levels of Galatia, and after through Asia
crossing Cappadocia descended through the Cilician
Gates in the Taurus range to Tarsus; from that place it proceeded
round the head of the gulf of Issus and over the Mons Amanus to
Antioch. From northern Syria there was a choice of routes by which
to reach Seleucia on the Tigris at the eastern extremity of the Roman
dominion. One of these, which was at once the longer and the
easier way, traversed Mesopotamia, after crossing the Euphrates at
the Zeugma, or bridge of boats, which was situated in the neigh¬
bourhood of the modem Biredjik, where that stream approaches
nearest to the Mediterranean; for this place of passage had
superseded the earlier transit by Thapsacus, which was two
hundred miles lower down the course of the river. The other
route, which was more direct, led across the Arabian desert by
way of Palmyra. Syria and Palestine, again, were intersected
by a highway which ran from Antioch to the frontier of Egypt;
and in the latter country a road was carried up the valley of the
Nile as far as Coptos, the central trading-station of the country,
somewhat to the northward of Thebes. From thence lines of
communication reached to the ports of Myos Hormos and
T. 20

306 ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS. [CHAP.

Berenice on the Red Sea. Finally, the provinces of northern
Africa were connected with one another by a continuous road
which skirted the shore of the Mediterranean ; and in the western
portion of that region, where there is a wider belt of cultivated
land, this was supplemented by other highways, which approached
nearer to the southern frontier of the empire.

Let us now notice the specimens which have come down to us
of the documents by which information was fur-
itincSdM wished with regard to the roads in the Roman
empire. We have already seen 1 that these docu¬
ments were of two kinds, (i) Jtineraria adnotata,, which contained
lists of the principal stations on the roads, accompanied by
computations of the distances between them, but without any
geographical remarks or explanations, so that they somewhat
resembled the Railway Guides of the present day; and (2)
Itineraria picta, where the same details were given in a form more
nearly approaching that of a map, with the addition of various
geographical features, especially the courses of the rivers. The
wall-map of Agrippa would seem to have been the original source
from which the main facts in both of these were drawn; but we
cannot doubt that much additional material was from time to time
embodied in them, which was furnished by the Roman archives,
for these could not fail to possess a catalogue of the Roman roads,
with measurements of their length according to the milestones,
and this catalogue would be gradually enlarged. The former of
the two classes is represented at the present day by
nileitfncrary. the Ant onine Itinerary, or, to give its full title,
Itinerarium Provinciarum Antonini Augusti. The
emperor to whom the first publication of this work is here referred,
is commonly supposed to have been either Antoninus Pius, or
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, but some writers are disposed
to ascribe it to Caracalla, who also bore the name of Antoninus.

It is clear, however, that the edition of it which we
Datc. Pr ° bable possess is not earlier than the time of Diocletian,
since the name of the city of Diocletianopolis, which
was so called after him, occurs in it, and Perinthus is here called
Heraclea—a name which it did not receive until shortly before
1 v. supra, p. 236.

XIV.]

THE ANTONINE ITINERARY.

307

the reign of that emperor. At the same time in its main features
it is hardly later than Constantine's era. Thus Cirta in Numidia,
which at that time became Constantina, and Ostudizum in Thrace
and Antaradus in Phoenicia, which thenceforward were called Nice
and Constantia, here appear under their earlier names j and, what
is still more important, Constantinople is not treated as the
starting-point or terminus of roads in the same way as Rome is,
though this was subsequently the case. In one passage, where the
distances on the route between Sirmium and Nicomedia are being
computed, the great city on the Bosporus, which was necessarily
passed on the way from the one to the other, is not even noticed.
Elsewhere it is introduced under the name of Byzantium, that of
Constantinopolis being added by a later hand. Mannert, indeed,
maintained, that the date of this document was not earlier than
364 a.d., because Mesopotamia is unnoticed in it, and that country
first ceased to be a Roman province in that year, when it was
ceded by the emperor Jovian to Sapor, king of Persia 1 . This
omission, however, is equally well explained by supposing that
this part of the Itinerary was either lost, or intentionally removed
after Mesopotamia had passed out of the hands of the Romans.
At the same time, though we may approve the conclusion which
has been stated above as to the approximate date of the bulk of
the work as we now possess it, points are not

. . . .. r . . . Not a com-

wantmg which intimate a plurality of authorship pieteiy Homo-
and difference in date of composition in certain ^° usDocu "
parts. Thus in some of the lists the distinctive
character of the halting-places, according as they were colonies, or
garrisons, or villages, is stated, while in others this is not done.
A similar irregularity is noticeable in respect of the insertion or
omission, at the end of the description of a certain route, of the
total of the number of miles which it contains. Again, the same
name, when it recurs in different places, is apt to be spelt in
different ways. In the account of the roads through Sicily we
meet with the entry, Item a Catina Agrigenium mansionibus nunc
institutes; here the form of expression seems to suggest that it is
a later insertion. Finally, the notice of the route through Thrace
is introduced out of its natural position, being placed between
1 Mannert, Introd. to Tabula Pcuiingertana, p. 7.

2 0—3

308 roman frontier defences and roads, [char

those of Egypt and of Asia. Variations such as these are hardly
reconcilable with the view that the whole Itinerary belongs to one
period; indeed, a certain amount of accretion is only what we
should expect in the formation of such a document.

The contents of the Itinerary may be thus briefly summarised.

First the roads throughout the north of Africa are
its ontents. reac h; n g f rom the extremity of Mauretania to

Alexandria. Next come those in Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and
part of Italy. Then follows the whole route from Rome to Hiera
Sycaminus, on the Nile to the southward of Pselcis, which was the
limit of the Roman empire in that direction: this passed by way
of Pannonia, Moesia, Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt From
Egypt again we are conducted back by the way of Syria, Armenia
Minor, and the Balkan peninsula, after which an excursus is
made into Italy. The concluding portion treats of the lines of
communication in the northern provinces, and westward through
Gaul and Spain, ending with Britain at the limit of the Wall of
Hadrian. The order here assigned to the countries traversed by
these roads is different from that usually found in ancient geo¬
graphers, but it will be seen that it has a convenience of its own.
To students of ancient geography the chief value of such an
itinerary consists in its furnishing a more accurate knowledge of
the position of towns, especially in the interior of countries, than
would otherwise be obtainable.

Another and shorter Itinerary, which is usually regarded as
The forming a continuation of the one just mentioned,

itinerarium is the Itinerarium Maritimum. In the first of the
m antimum* three parts into which this is divided the same
method is pursued as in the Itinerarium Provinciarum, for it
gives the distances of the coast-towns from one another by sea;
and measures of the sea-transits (irajectus) from one country to
another. This is for the most part, though not entirely, confined
to the shores of the Mediterranean. As the distances are here
computed in stadia, it seems probable that it was originally the
work of a Greek, and that the information was drawn from Greek
sources, though it was subsequently modified. The second part,
which appears to be a fragment of an unfinished work, enumerates
in great detail the ports and roadsteads from the Portus Augusti

XIV.]

THE JERUSALEM ITINERARY.

309

at the mouth of the Tiber along the coasts of Italy, Liguria, and
Gaul to the mouth of the Rhone, and up the course of that river
to Arelate. The third part is devoted to the islands. In this the
distances are computed either from one island to another, or from
an island to the nearest point on the mainland; but in some cases
they are omitted altogether.

Another roadbook of the same kind as the Antonine Itinerary,
though planned on a smaller scale and for a dif¬
ferent purpose, is the Jerusalem Itinerary ( Itinera - le^ittnenuy.
rium Hierosolymitanum). This was drawn up in
333 a.d., and was the work of a Christian, being intended for the
use of pilgrims on their way from western Europe to Jerusalem.
Its starting point is Burdigala (Bordeaux), from which place it
passes by Arles, Turin, and Milan to Aquileia, and afterwards by
the way of Sirmium and Sardica to Constantinople. On the
further side of the Bosporus it is continued across Asia Minor by
Ancyra to Tarsus, and finally by Antioch to Jerusalem. Two
supplementary routes are added for the return journey—one from
Heraclea (Perinthus) on the Propontis, where the road diverges
from that previously given, to Rome, by Thessalonica and the line
of the Egnatian Way, crossing the Adriatic from Avlona to Otranto;
the other from Rome to Milan by Ariminum. One feature in
which this Itinerary differs from the Antonine is that, while the
other has no comments, geographical or otherwise, appended to
the names of places, in the Jerusalem Itinerary these are occa¬
sionally introduced. Thus of Viminacium in Moesia, on the
Danube, we are told (not quite accurately) that it was the place
ubi Diocktianus occidit Garinum; of Tyana it is said, inde fuit
Apollonius magus; and of Tarsus, vide JuS apostolus Paulus.
These remarks are few and far between in the earlier part of the
route; but when Palestine is reached, as might be expected, they
become inore numerous. The account of Jerusalem itself and the
sites in its neighbourhood has a peculiar interest, because it is the
earliest description which we possess of the Holy Places. The
document in general is useful because it mentions numerous
minor stations—whether post-stations for changing horses (j muta -
Hones) or night-quarters (rnansiones) —which are omitted in the
Antonine Itinerary. This arose from the pilgrims belonging to a

310 ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS. [CHAP.

poorer class, and therefore travelling more slowly, than the state
officials, for whom in the first instance the Roman Itineraries were
intended 1 .

The Tabula Peutingeriana ,, which is our sole existing repre¬
sentative of the Itineraria picta *, received its name
ger^abie^ 11 " Conrad Peutinger, a scholar of the first half of

the sixteenth century, to whom it was bequeathed
by his friend Conrad Celtes, having been previously purchased by
him. This original is now in the imperial library at Vienna, but
it has several times been copied and edited, the most important
editions being that of Mannert (Leipzig, 1824), to which a valuable
introduction is prefixed, and that of Desjardins (Paris, 1869, &c.),
an elaborate and sumptuous work, which is still unfinished. This
map represents, not merely the Roman empire, but the world as
known to the Romans, extending from the mouth of the Ganges
towards the east to Spain on the west; in the latter direction,
however, it is imperfect, only the south-eastern corner of Britain
and a fraction of Spain appearing upon it. As it is 21 feet in
length by about one foot wide, thus forming a long strip, it neces¬
sarily follows that the shapes of countries and other geographical
features are extravagantly distorted: the Mediterranean Sea, for
instance, assumes the form of a long canal. This however was a
matter of no importance to the author, whose primary object was
to trace the lines of roads throughout the empire, marking the
stations and the distances* For the same reason the natural
objects in each district, such as rivers, lakes and mountain chains,
though they are not altogether neglected, are treated as subsidiary.
In order to distinguish the various kinds of places a number of
different symbols are introduced. Ordinary towns are marked by
small houses, while those of unusual importance, such as Aquileia,
Thessalonica and Nicomedia, are dignified with a circuit of walls
and towers. Great prominence is given in all three continents to
the watering-places, which are indicated by a bath-house with a
tank in the centre. Important public works are also conspicu¬
ously delineated; among these may be mentioned the dike which

1 On the subject of the Itineraries see Parthey and Pinder’s Introduction to
their edition of them; also Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographic, vol. I*

pp. 465-$-

XIV.]

THE PEUTINGER TABLE.

was cut by Marius at the mouth of the Rhone, or Fossa Mariana,
the Port of Augustus at Ostia, and the Pharos of Alexandria.
The highest distinction is reserved for the three cities of Rome,
Constantinople, and Antioch, each of which is represented by a
figure seated on a throne, which is inscribed within a circle ; but
whereas the first and last of these are crowned, the figure of
Constantinople wears a plumed helmet. These vignettes are
elaborately ornamented, so that, while in other parts of the map
six colours are introduced, and these are used to discriminate
certain classes of objects, they are all combined in the illumina¬
tions of the three cities. The most probable explanation of the
prominence which is thus assigned to them is, that the figures,
or at least their prototypes, were introduced during the period
subsequent to the death of Constantine the Great, when the
Roman empire was for a while partitioned between his three
sons, Constantine, Constantius and Constans.

The existing copy of the Tabula dates from the thirteenth
century, for it was made by a monk of Colmar in
1265; but notwithstanding a few insertions of his
own, and numerous misspellings of the names of
places, such as Riger for Liger, Igeum for Aegeum, the copyist
appears in the main to have faithfully transcribed the older map
which he had before him. To him we may probably attribute the
introduction of Mom Olvveti , which is in close juxtaposition to
antea dicta Her us atem, nunc Helya Capitolina; and other Scriptural
names, such as Mons Syna , and Desertion ubi quadraginta annis
erraverunt filii Israel ducmte Moyse. M. Desjardins has also
pointed out, that only two forests are represented in the Tabula,
viz. that of the Vosges (silva Vosagus ), and the Black Forest
(silrn Marciana) 3 and that both these* would no doubt be risible
from the windows of the monastery in Colmar. With regard to
the date of composition of the original document it and
is less easy to make a definite statement. Mannert Date of Com-
has adduced strong evidence to shew that it was position '
drawn up in the reign of Alexander Severus (222—235 a.d.), or at
least between that time and the end of the third century. Thus
(to take one or two points in his argument) it must have been
later than the overthrow of the Parthians by the Persians in 226 ajx,

312 ROMAN FRONTIER DEFENCES AND ROADS. [CH. XIV.

for Parthia is marked merely as a province, while an ample space
is assigned to the Persian empire, which extends from Babylonia to
India. On the other hand, as Palmyra is introduced, this would
seem to imply a time earlier than its destruction by Aurelian
(273 a.d.). The same thing may be inferred from the delineation
of Dacia, which appears with its cities and roads as it was arranged
by Trajan, without any intimation of the withdrawal of the Roman
colonists from thence across the Danube by Aurelian. Mannert
also notices the great care and accuracy with which the details of
Mesopotamia are given, and remarks that this may well be due to
the campaign of Alexander Severus in those parts in 232, when
he defeated the Persians *. Still, if we concede this writer’s con¬
clusion, it does not necessarily follow that no part of the Tabula
existed before that time, and that no additions were subsequently
made. A closer inspection has led M. Desjardins to believe, that
some portions of it can be distinguished as belonging to the
epoch of Augustus, and others to other periods—to the reign of
Trajan, to the middle of the fourth century, to the year 435 under
Theodosius II*, and finally to the time of Justinian 2 .

1 Mannert, Introd. to Tab. Pent , pp. 12—16.

9 Revue Hist or iq its^ vol. I. p. 184,

CHAPTER XV.

ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY.

Hadrian’s Mountain Ascents—Indistinct Conception of Mountain Summits—
Strabo on Alpine Features—Use of Crampons and Tobogganing—Moun¬
tains differently viewed by the Ancients and the Moderns—Religious
Feeling in Antiquity—Ascents of Etna prompted by Research—Strabo on
the Summit of Etna—The Poem of Aitna —Ascents of Mount Argaeus—
Of Tmolus—Ascents for the Sake of the Panorama—Sunrise seen from
Mt. Ida—Lucian on a Mountain View—Description of a Mountain
Climb—Mountains regarded as Look-out Places—Story of Lynceus—
Mountains as Signalling Stations—The Beacon-fires in Aeschylus, probably
corresponding to a Real Line of Stations—The Shield at Marathon-
Mountain Telegraphy in Thucydides, Xenophon, and Polybius—Develop¬
ment of the Art of Signalling—Estimates of the Heights of Mountains—
Scientific Measurement by Dicaearchus, and Xenagoras.

The mountain ascents which are recorded as having been
made by the emperor Hadrian may serve, at the

1 / 3 . . Hadrian’s

present stage of our subject, as a starting-point Mountain
for a review of the notices that are found in Aseents '
classical writers of this form of geographical exploration, which
has been quaintly, and not unsuitably, called ‘vertical advance*
in geography, as compared with ‘lateral extension.’ Hadrian,
as we have seen, was much more than a ‘tourist monarch,’
for the constant journeys in which the greater part of his
reign was spent were undertaken by him with the view of
making himself personally acquainted with the administration
of the provinces, and with the condition of the defences of the
empire. At the same time the inquisitiveness of his disposition
led him to make use of every opportunity that presented itself of
investigating the countries through which he passed, and of
noting their peculiarities. From this point of view the summits
of high mountains, and the extensive panoramas which they
afforded, were naturally attractive to him. His biographer

314 ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP.

Spartianus informs us that he ascended Etna to see the sunrise
from thence 1 , and it has been conjectured that the Torre del
Filosofo —as the building of Roman construction, the ruins of
which still remain high up on the shoulder of that mountain, is
called from its supposed connexion with Empedocles—was erected
on that occasion to afford a night’s lodging to the emperor 8 .
From this writer also we learn that Hadrian with the same object
in view reached the summit of the Mons Casius in Syria near
Antioch and the mouth of the Orontes®. And Arrian tells us,
that he made his way to the point which was affirmed by tradition
to be that from which Xenophon and his companions first beheld
the Euxine after quitting the highlands of Armenia 4 .

In speaking of the ideas entertained by the ancients with
reference to mountain ascents, it is well to
Confeptionof remember that an accurate appreciation of what
Sxtmmfts 1 constitutes a summit is a thing of comparatively
recent growth. At a time when peaks were not
regarded as objects to be studied for their own sake, it was not
unnatural that the highest point that was usually accessible in a
chain should not be distinguished in name, or ordinarily even in
thought, from the true summits; and thus it happened that the
top of a pass was commonly spoken of as if it were the top of the
mountain which that pass traversed. This mode of thought pre¬
vailed, not only in antiquity, but to a great extent also in modem
times, until the establishment of Alpine clubs and the develop¬
ment of the art of mountaineering caused more accurate notions
to prevail. When regarded from this point of view, the passage
of the Pylae Persicae by Alexander after the battle of Arbela, and
his crossing the Paropamisus on his way to Bactria, were mountain

1 Spart., Eadrianus , 13. 31 Post in Siciliam navigavit, in qua Aetnam
montem conscendit, ut solis ortum videret arcus specie, ut didtur, varium.

a See Friedlander, Sittengeschichte Homs , vol. 2, p. 203. The references
on the subject of mountain ascents in antiquity which are given in the follow¬
ing pages are largely taken from that volume.

* Spart. op. tit., 14. 3; In monte Casio, cum videndi solis ortus gratia
nocte ascendisset, imbre orto fulmen deadens hostiam et victimarium sacrifi-
canti adflavit. f

4 Arrian, Periplus , 1. Addressing the emperor, Arrian says, real tt\v pb
r^v rod Eijfcif'ou &o-pepoi KarelSopey, tiOevirep koX %evo<f>Qy bear os /cal <n/.

XV.]

STRABO ON ALPINE FEATURES.

315

ascents; and still more so was the achievement of Hannibal in
leading an army over the Alps. It was by these experiences, at
all events, and by the knowledge acquired in the course of the
construction of the mountain roads, that the features of Alpine
scenery came to be familiar. The clearest description of these
that occurs in any ancient writer is found in Strabo’s account of
Alpine passes. Speaking of the tribes in those parts he says:—

‘Some of them have been exterminated, and others have
been completely civilised, so that the passes of

• i-i , . . Strabo on

the mountain-chain through their territory, which Alpine

formerly were few and difficult, now lead from Features -
every quarter, and are safe from attack, and have been rendered
easy, as far as may be, by the engineering works. For Augustus
Caesar, besides putting down brigandage, constructed roads to the
best of his ability; for it is not possible everywhere to overcome
nature in traversing rocks and prodigious precipices, some of
which overhang the track, while others descend beneath it, so that
but a slight deviation involves inevitable danger, since the fall is
into unfathomable ravines. Indeed, in some parts the road is
narrow enough to cause giddiness to foot-passengers, and to their
beasts of burden too, if they are unaccustomed to it, though the
native packhorses convey their burdens in security. It is im¬
possible to provide against these risks, and against the huge layers
of ice which slide down from above, with such force as to cut off
a whole company, and carry them along with them into the gorges
beneath. For there are numerous layers one on the top of the
other, because the ntvi is converted into ice again and again, and
those on the surface are easily detached from those within before
they are completely melted in the sunlight 1 .’

The same geographer, in a passage derived from Theophanes
of Mytilene, the scientific companion of Pompey in Uge of
his Mithridatic campaigns, describes the moun- Crampons and
taineering habits of the natives of some parts of Tobogganinff *
the Caucasus, who wore crampons and practised a kind of
tobogganing.

* The summits of the range,’ we are told, * are inaccessible in
the winter-time, but in the summer men make their way thither
1 Strabo, 4. 6. 6.

316 ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP.

shod with flat plates of untanned ox-hide, like timbrels, furnished
with spikes on account of the ice and snow. They make the
descent by lying on skins together with their property, and sliding
down; the same thing is done in the part of Media called
Atropatene, and in Mount Masius in Armenia, but there they also
place beneath the hides small wooden wheels furnished with
spikes 1 .*

A crampon, resembling that which is described in this passage,
was found not long ago in an ancient grave near Yladikavkas at
the northern foot of the Caucasus, and was brought to England
by Mr Douglas Freshfield, who describes it as being c very similar
to the crampons depicted by De Saussure as worn 100 years ago
by the natives of Chamonix, when they wanted to go over the
glaciers of Mont Blanc 2 * .’ The wheels, which were said to have
been used for tobogganing, probably correspond to those that were
attached to the * cyclopodes,’ by the help of which—as we learn
from Theophanes the Byzantine historian—Leo the Isaurian, the
future emperor of Constantinople, crossed the snows of the
Caucasus in the spring-time 8 . We hear of tobogganing again in
Plutarch’s Life of Marius , where he describes the Cimbri as
shewing off in the presence of the enemy, by placing their shields
underneath them, and letting themselves be carried down steep
places, where there were slides and openings in the cliffs 4 * * .

To return, however, to the question from which we originally
started of the confusion between the highest accessible and the
highest actual points, it is noticeable that this prevailed to a
greater extent among the Romans than among the Greeks, on
account of the greater individuality of structure of the mountains
in the country inhabited by the last-named people. This was the
case, not only with many of the higher peaks, such as Ossa,
Cyllene and Taygetus, but with those which attained a lower

1 Strabo, ir. 5. 6.

8 R. Geogr. Society's Magazine, vol. 12, p. 463.

8 Theoph. p. 604, ed. Bonn.: 6 (rraBdptos . farepfibs jttcri kvkXott 68 uv

Metfou fnjvbs ris xuipas t&v 'KavKacrluv.

4 Flut. Marius , c. 23: SsnaBev 8 k robs Svpeofa irXarels 8 wOTtBkpres rots c&fjia-

<rty, etra A^t&res aCrous far€<f>kpovTO /card KprjpvQy iiXicd'/jfjt.a.Ttt. xal Xufffddas dx&-

y£s

V.] ANCIENT AND MODERN VIEWS. 317

svation, like Ithome, Maenalus, and the Acrocorinth. The
*ht of these was a continual object-lesson to remind the beholder
hat was meant by the real summit of a mountain.

The feelings also which were inspired by mountains in
itiquity were different from those which are
jsociated with them in modem times. The* di J£^^ nB
mtimental and romantic ideas with which we viewed by the
ivest them are a growth of late years, and when ^Moderns,
ich impressions are mentioned in connexion
ith external nature, especially among the Romans, they are
[most always introduced with reference to pleasant and gentle,
nd not to wild, scenery. Thus Cicero, speaking of the influence
diich habit exercises over men, remarks—as if it was altogether
n exception to the general rule—that we take pleasure even
1 mountainous and wooded regions, if we have dwelt a long
ime in them 1 . And again, when he makes his friend Atticus
ing the praises of the island in the river Fibrenus, a tributary of
he Liris, in the neighbourhood of which Cicero had a villa, he
epresents him as saying that he had been agreeably disappointed
n it, for he had expected to find there nothing but mountains and
ocks a . Virgil, indeed, in a fine simile, compares Aeneas exulting
n the prospect of battle with the grandeur of the mountains—
great as Athos, great as Eryx, or as father Apennine himself,
vhen he roars with his gleaming oak-forests, and rejoices in lifting
lis snowy summit to the skies 3 '; but this passage is almost unique
xl the poet's works; and in the Georgies, when he celebrates the
aumerous points in which the superiority of Italy over other lands
consists, he says not a word about its mountains 4 .

But while the charm of romance, which has attached itself
so strongly to solitary peaks during the present Religious
century, was wanting in ancient times, its place
was taken by the feeling of awe, which gathered
round them, and pointed them out as suitable places for the
worship of the divinities.

1 De Amicit. § 68: cum locis ipsis delectemur, montuosis etiam et silvestri-
bus, in quibus diutius commorati sumus.

2 De Legg. § 2: nihil enim his in locis nisi saxa et montes cogitabam.

* Am. ia. 701—3. 4 Georg* 2. 136 folk

318 estimates of mountains in antiquity, [chap.

Not vainly did the early Persian make
His altar the high places, and the peak
Of earth-o’ergazing mountains, and thus take
A fit and unwall’d temple, there to seek
The Spirit, in whose honour shrines are weak,

Uprear’d of human hands 1 .

Thus wrote Byron, and his words seem like an echo of those
of Herodotus, who says of the Persians, ‘their custom is to
ascend to the highest mountain-tops, and there offer sacrifices
to Zeus, calling by that name the whole vault of heaven*.*
Among the Greeks there is ample evidence of the same form
of observance. Thus, to take three instances from different
parts of the land which they inhabited: on the summit of Mount
Atabyrion, the highest and most central mountain in Rhodes
(4070 feet), there remain the foundations of a temple of grey
limestone dedicated to Zeus, of whom Pindar speaks as ‘holding
sway on the ridges of Atabyrion 3 .* Mela mentions altars as
existing on the peak of Athos 4 * (6350 feet); and for this reason,
it would seem, Aeschylus calls that summit ‘the Athoan height
sacred to Zeus 6 .* On the highest point of Lycaeum in Arcadia,
also (4695 feet), there was an altar; and on a somewhat lower
peak of the same mountain, which was known as the Sacred
Summit, stood a grove and altar of Zeus Lycaeus, together
with a hippodrome and stadium, where games called Lycaea
were celebrated in honour of that God. The love of ‘high
places,* as has often been remarked, has been perpetuated in a
striking manner in Greece during Christian times, and this is
true in particular of all three of the spots which have just been
mentioned. The site of the temple on Atabyrion was after¬
wards occupied by a chapel of St John the Evangelist; the
summit of Athos is the scene of the festival of the Trans¬
figuration, which is observed on the sixth of August; and a not
less remarkable celebration takes place on Mount Lycaeum on

3 Byron, Child* Harold, 3. 851— 6 . 9 Herod. 1.131.

8 Find. 01 . 7. 159—161: w Zed virep, vt&rourtv 'ATafivptov fxeUuv.

4 Mela, 2. 2. 31: Atho mons adeo altus est, ut credatur altius etiam quam
unde imbres cadunt surgere. Capit opinio fidem, quia de aris quas in vertice

sustinet non abluitur cinis, sed quo relinquitur aggere manet*

6 Aesch* Ag» 285: “Affmv alros Zijp 6 u

XV.] ASCENTS PROMPTED BY RESEARCH.

319

the twentieth of July. The last-named peak is now called after
the prophet Elijah, to whom, under the name of Hagios Elias,
the great majority of the high mountains in Greece are dedicated.

Of the other motives besides religious feeling which prompted
visits to mountain-tops in antiquity, inquisitiveness
perhaps is the most prominent, whether taking the E ^® centsof
form of mere curiosity or of scientific research, prompted by

. , . . , * . . _ Research.

It is m this strain that Seneca writes about Etna
(10,874 feet) to his friend Lucilius, who was procurator in Sicily,
and whom he had already requested to investigate for him the
currents of Charybdis. 4 When you have given me your answer
on these points/ he says, 6 1 shall make bold to give you a further
commission, namely, that you should do me the favour of making
the ascent of Aetna; for persons argue that the mountain is
wasting and gradually sinking, because at one time it used to
be visible to mariners from a greater distance than at present.
Now the reason of this may be, not the diminution of the height
of the mountain, but because its flames are not seen, being
emitted with less force and volume; and that would account
too for the smoke being more slack in the day-time. Still, there
is nothing incredible in either supposition—in the mountain
which is being consumed lessening from day to day, or in the
fire abating; for this is not generated of itself, but overflows
after it has been ignited in some depression in the lower regions,
and gets its aliment from elsewhere: what the mountain itself
provides is not a supply of fuel, but a passage 1 .’

A similar account of the object with which ascents of
Etna were undertaken is found in the following strabo on
interesting passage of Strabo relating to that moun- the summit

. of Etna,

tam.

c Near Centuripa is the small town of Aetna just mentioned,
which is the halting and starting place for those who make the
ascent of the mountain, for there the upland district commences.
Now the elevated parts are bare and cindery, and are snow-
covered in the winter-time, while those below are diversified
with oak-forests and a variety of growths. But the summits of
Aetna seem to undergo numerous changes owing to the fire
1 Sen* Ep. 79. a, 3.

320

ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP.

distributing itself, since at one time it converges towards a single
crater, and at another time it is parted, and sometimes sends
forth lava-streams, at other times flames and smoke, and then
again ejects red-hot masses; and of necessity the underground
passages, too, correspond in their changes to these movements,
and so do the vents, the number of which at times increases
on the surface of the mountain all round. The account which
we received from those who had recently made the ascent was
as follows. They found at the top a level plain about twenty
stadia in circumference, enclosed by a ridge of ashes as high
as a wall, so that those who desired to advance into the plain
had to leap down; and in the midst of this they saw a hill of
ashen colour, in which respect it resembled the surface of the
plain, and over the hill a column of cloud rising steadily—for
there was no wind—to the height of about 200 feet, which they
compared to smoke. Two of their number ventured to advance
into the plain, but when the sand on which they trod became
increasingly warm and deep, they returned without having any
further account to give of what was to be seen than those had
who observed them from a distance. It was from some such
appearance, they thought, that many stories had arisen, especially
what was reported of Empedocles, that he leapt down into the
crater, and left there in evidence of his fate one of the bronze
s pnHglg which he wore; for this was found outside at a short
distance from the rim of the crater, as if it had been thrown
up by the violence of the fire. But these must have been
fancies, for it was impossible either to approach the spot or to
view it, and they did not conceive that any object could even
be thrown down there owing to the opposing force of the winds
flgrpnHing from below, and to the heat which would naturally
meet them before they came near the crater’s mouth; and if it
were cast down, it would be destroyed before it could be thrown
up again in the same condition. No doubt, there might be a
temporary cessation of the currents of air and jets of fire, when
the material which produced them failed; yet the change would
not be so great or continue so long, as to admit of a man’s
approaching the place. The part of the coast nearest to Aetna is
that from the Sicilian strait to Catana, but the mountain also over-

XV.]

ASCENTS OF MOUNT ARGAEUS.

321

looks that which faces the Tyrrhenian sea and the Lipari islands.
By night bright jets of flame may be seen emerging from the
summit, but in the day-time it is covered by clouds and smoke 1 .*
The poem of Aetna , which has sometimes been attributed to
Seneca’s friend, Lucilius, describes the mountain
almost entirely from the scientific point of view,
and illustrates many of the points which are re¬
ferred to in Strabo’s narrative; especially the small cone of
eruption in the middle of the great crater 8 , and the cloud which
rises vertically from it, and is said to 4 look down from on high
on the work going on within the vast receptacle 8 .’

In the account which is given by Strabo of a still higher
mountain than Etna, Mount Argaeus in Cappa- Ascents of
docia (13,150 feet), he seems to imply that it was Mount
ascended for the sake of the view. Speaking of Argaeus *
the city of Mazaca, which was also called 4 Eusebeia by Argaeus,'
he remarks, 4 It lies beneath Mount Argaeus, which is the highest
mountain of all, and has perpetual snow on its upper parts; and
those who make the ascent (though but few do so) say that from
these on cloudless days both the seas, that of Pontus and that
of Issus, are visible.’ He then proceeds to notice the volcanic
character of the mountain. c At a little distance from the town
there are plains with igneous soil, full of burning hollows for the
distance of many stadia, so that the necessaries of life have to
be brought from afar, and what seems to be an advantage brings
danger in its train; for, whereas there are hardly any trees else¬
where in Cappadocia, Argaeus has a belt of oak-forest, so that
wood can be procured close at hand, but there are numerous
fiery spots even in the region below the forest, and other places
have cold water beneath, though neither the fire nor the water
emerge, so that the greater part is covered with verdure; and

1 Strabo, 6. 2. 8.

2 Aetna, v. 182; penitusque os erigit ultra.

8 w. 332—6:

Quamvis caeruleo siccus Jove fulgeat aether
Purpureoque rubens surgat jubar aureus ostro,

Illinc obscura semper caligine nubes
Pigraque defuso circumstupet humida vultu,

Prospectans suhlimis opus vastosque receptus.

322 ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP.

Of Tmolus.

here and there the surface is marshy, and by night jets of
inflammable gas proceed from it. Thus, while those familiar
with the neighbourhood take precautions when they are wood¬
cutting, the majority are exposed to risk, and this is especially
the case with the beasts of burden, which fall into hidden pits
of fire 1 2 .* In another passage of the same writer
there is a description of a sort of belvedere, con¬
structed on one of the summits of Mount Tmolus in Lydia, which
appears to have been a legacy from the time of the Persian
occupation of the country. 4 Above Sardis rises Tmolus, a fertile
mountain, which has on its ridge a look-out place, consisting of
an arcade of white stone, the work of the Persians, from which
the surrounding plains are in view, and especially that of the
CaysterV The geographer himself scaled the Acrocorinth, and
viewed the panorama from it, which is one of the finest and
most interesting in Greece. Of this he introduced a description
into his work, but unfortunately it has reached us in a mutilated
condition 3 .

Towards the conclusion of this survey of mountain ascents
we have once more met with the same motive for
undertaking them by which, as we saw at starting,
Hadrian was influenced—namely the desire of
obtaining a panorama over a widely extended tract
of country. In Livy we find a curious account of an expedition
which was made by Philip V. of Macedon to the highest peak
of the Haemus range, with the object of reconnoitring from
thence in connexion with the war which he had in hand against
the Romans, because it was widely believed that it commanded
a view over the Danube and the Alps, and both the Adriatic
and the Euxine seas. Three days, we are told, were occupied
by the king and his companions in ascending from the foot
of the mountains to the summit With regard to the view the
historian cautiously remarks, that after their return they said

1 Strabo, 12. 2. 7.

2 Strabo, 13. 4. 5 ; bTepfeeircu 8k rwv hapMuv 6 Tpuikos, etidai/iov opos, iv rj}

&Kpb>peiq. cKOTrtjv tyov, 0-48pay Xcvkov Xldov, Ilepow fyyyoF, KaToirretiercu

ri kijk\<p t eSla, koX ptiXurra rb Kavcrpiaydy,

* 8. 6 , 21*

Ascents
for the Sake
of the
Panorama.

XV.]

ASCENTS FOR THE PANORAMA.

323

nothing in contradiction to the traditional view, but that this was,
in all probability, rather to save themselves from being laughed
at for the fruitlessness of their enterprise, than because it was
possible to see from one point seas and mountains and rivers so
far distant from one another 1 2 . As the district from which they
originally started was about the head-waters of the Axius, and it
took them seven days to reach the base of Haemus, we may
conclude that the point intended was towards the middle of the
range. Strabo contradicts the statement about the two seas being
visible, attributing it to Polybius, who was probably the original
authority 8 ; but such fancies are not easily extinguished, and the
same idea reappears at a later time in Mela 3 . We have already
noticed the similar belief with regard to Argaeus, and here the
mistake probably arose from a misconception as to the width
of the eastern part of Asia Minor, which was regarded as an
isthmus both by Herodotus and Strabo, and by the former of
these writers was estimated as only five days’ distance across for
a vigorous walker 4 5 * . A glance at the map will show that the
space of country and the intervening mountain chains render this
impossible, and the testimony of modern travellers who have
made the ascent is to the same effect 8 .

Two passages remain to be mentioned, in which the habit of
ascending mountains seems to be indirectly referred to. One of
these, which is found in Diodorus, is a description of a pheno¬
menon which was said to be visible in the summer
time from the summit of the Trojan Ida. ‘A fro^Mtfida! 1
strange and peculiar occurrence,’ the historian

1 Livy, 40. ®i, 22; Tertio denium die ad verticem perventum. Nihil vul-
gatae opinioni degressi inde detraxerunt, magis, credo, ne vanitas itineris ludi-
brio esset, quam quod diversa inter se maria montesque et amnes ex uno loco
conspici potuerint.

2 Strabo, 7. 5 . 1: rb ktfiov .. d0’ o5 (p7]<TL IloXrfjSt os dfufroripas Kadopatrdai

rds daX&TTas, o&k dXrjdij X4yw.

3 Mela, 3, 2. 17; e quis Haemos in tanttim altitudinis abit, ut Euxinum et
Hadrian ex summo vertice ostendat.

4 Herod. 1. 72; tern 8 b aixftv oCroj rijs x&ffls Tadnrjs dirdcrys * jutJkos 68 ov 9
e£i£&v(p dvSpl irb>re Tjfibpat dvaKrijJWvvTai. Strabo, ii. 1. 7: 8 Stelpywy tadjubs
Hjv re Hovtlk^v Kcd rbjv KlXlkIov ddXatnrau.

5 See the author’s Turkish Armenia., p. 126.

21 —2

324 ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP.

remarks, 'is wont to happen in connexion with this mountain.
On the summit of the peak, about the time of the rising of
the dogstar, owing to the stillness of the surrounding atmo-.
sphere the highest point is far above the current of the winds,
and while it is still night the sun is seen to rise, emitting
its rays not in a spherical form, but so that its brilliancy is
dispersed in various directions, with the appearance of a number
of flames striking the horizon. After a while these contract into a
single area, until they cover a space of three hundred feet, and
at last when the daylight has spread, the disk of the sun fully
manifests itself, and imparts to day its wonted character V The
process of change which is here depicted in somewhat inflated
language is not altogether easy to explain, but the description
seems to have been suggested by something which was seen
from a lofty ridge. The height of Ida is about 5,000 feet. A
humorous notice of a panorama viewed from a mountain summit
Lucian on is found in the Dialogue of Lucian which is en-
View Untain Contemplates or'The Sight-seers.' In this,

Charon, who has been allowed a day’s holiday
from his usual occupation as ferry-man of the dead, requests
Hermes, on the strength of their common interest in introducing
the shades to the lower regions, to act as his cicerone to explain to
him the unfamiliar sights of the world of the living, with which he
was only acquainted through the grief for the loss of former
enjoyments manifested by those who made the passage in his
boat. When Hermes consented to this, it was agreed that a
high mountain would be a suitable point from which to take
a survey of the earth; and accordingly, following the suggestion
of Homer, they pile Ossa and Pelion on Olympus. The mass
thus formed, however, proved too low for their purpose, so they
proceeded to add Oeta and Parnassus also, and took their seats
respectively on the two summits of the last-named mountain. In
this detail, we may remark, Lucian betrays the influence of
Roman poetry, for when the Greek poets spoke of the 'twin
peaks' of Parnassus, they meant the two cliffs which rise above
Delphi, and it was only through misinterpretation on the part of
the Romans that it came to be thought that the mountain itself
1 Diodor. 17. 7. 4—7.

XV.]

had more than one summit. However, from this point of vantage
the two divinities study the lives and fortunes of mankind, until
Charon—egotistically, as it might seem to some, but here lies the
moral or sarcasm of the story—concludes with remarking on the
small space which he, Charon—or, as we might say, Death—
seems to occupy in the thoughts of those who play their parts on
this stage. Before leaving the earth, the climbers, from fear of
punishment, if not from a sense of propriety, replace in their
original positions the mountains which they had removed in order
to facilitate their ascent and extend their prospect.

The following unusually careful description of a mountain
climb deserves to be quoted from Sallust. The Descripti0I1
scene of it was a Numidian fort, situated on a of a Mountain
precipitous rock, which Marius was besieging. im '

‘After spending much time and toil on the attempt, Marius
seriously debated in his mind, whether he should give it up as
hopeless, or wait for the chances of fortune, which had so often
favoured him. Now while he was thinking this over unde¬
cidedly for several days and nights, it chanced that a Ligurian, a
common soldier of the auxiliary cohorts, who had left the camp
to fetch water, at no great distance from that side of the- fort
which faced in the opposite direction to the combatants, noticed
snails crawling among the rocks; and as he was picking first one
or two, and afterwards more of these, gradually, being absorbed
in his occupation, he made his way almost to the top of the
mountain. Now when he found that the place was deserted, he
proceeded to examine it, with the usual desire of the human mind
to investigate the unknown. It happened that just there a great
holm-oak had sprung up among the rocks; this at first inclined
downwards, but afterwards bent round and rose upwards, as is
the way with growing things: so the Ligurian soldier, supporting
himself sometimes on its boughs, sometimes on jutting rocks,
took a survey of the level of the fort, all the Numidians being
intent on watching the combatants. When he had examined
every point which he thought might afterwards be serviceable, he
returned the same way, not in the random manner in which he
had ascended, but testing and scrutinising everything. Thereupon
he at once betook himself to Marius, and after telling him what he

326 ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP.

had done, urged him to assail the fort from the side by which he
had ascended, and undertook to shew the way and to be foremost
in the danger.

‘ Marius sent some of those about him with the Ligurian to
examine his proposal; and these reported the matter as easy or
difficult according to their prepossessions. Still, the consul’s
interest in it was to some degree aroused \ and accordingly he
chose five of the most active of his force of trumpeters and
homblowers, accompanied by four centurions to act as guards,
and placed them all under the command of the Ligurian, ap¬
pointing the following day for the adventure. When the time
agreed upon arrived, he set out for the place with everything
prepared and in order. Those, however, who were to make the
ascent, according to the instructions of their leader had put off
their amis and equipment, baring their heads and feet, so as to
have a freer view and a firmer foothold among the rocks, and
carrying on their backs their swords and shields; but the latter
were Numidian bucklers made of leather, both for the sake of
lightness, and in order that when they struck any object they might
give out less sound. So the Ligurian went in front, and fastened
nooses round the rocks and any old roots that jutted out, that by
the help of these the soldiers might climb more easily. From
time to time he gave them a hand, if they were discouraged by so
unusual a mode of progress, and when the gradient was steeper
than usual, he sent them on one by one in front of him without
their arms, and then followed bearing them. Where the ground
appeared untrustworthy, he shewed the example of testing it, and
by frequently going up and down the same way, and now and
then on the sudden varying the route, inspired the rest with
confidence. In this way, with much expense of time and labour,
they reached the fort, which was undefended on that side V

If any additional proof be required, beyond that which has

Mountains
regarded as
Look-out
Places.

been already given, of the frequency with which
mountains were ascended in antiquity—at least at
an early period—for the sake of the views which
they commanded, it may be found in the recurrent

1 Sail Bell, Jugurth. 93, 94: cp. The Alpine Journal , vol, n. pp. 180,
181.

XV.]

MOUNTAINS AS LOOK-OUT PLACES.

327

use, both in Greek and Latin, of the words for e a look-out
place* (cncoTTia, specula) to signify 4 a mountain height. 1 In the
Iliad we meet with two similes in which this occurs:— 44 as
when a goatherd from a place of outlook seeth a cloud coming
across the deep before the blast of the west wind” 1 ; and again—
44 as far as a man seeth with his eyes into the haze of distance as
he sitteth on a place of outlook and gazeth over the wine-dark
sea 2 .” In the Odyssey , also, Ulysses says — 44 1 went up a craggy
hill, a place of outlook 3 .” And Simonides speaks of the summits
of Cithaeron as 44 lonely watch-towers 4 .” The Latin word is simi¬
larly used in Virgil, though this usually occurs in passages where
he is imitating the Greek poets. Thus in the Bucolics he makes
the despairing lover say— 44 1 will fling myself headlong into the
waves from the watch-tower of a soaring mountain summit” 6 ;
and in the Aeneid Turnus when he goes to encounter Pallas is
compared to 44 a lion, that from a lofty place of outlook hath caught
sight of a bull which stands afar off on the plains contemplating
fight 6 .” Again, in a picturesque passage in the same poem, where
a mountain glen has just been described, we are told that 44 above
it, in the midst of the watch-towers which form the summit of a
mountain, there lies a table-land withdrawn from view 7 .” The
same thing appears in legend in the story of Lynceus (the

1 ft 4 * 6 ?

8* 6t drrb <tkotti$]s eXfiep vitpos clItt6\o$ dpfyp
ipxbjievov fcark xbvrov inch Zetptipoco lurjs.

3 II . fi. 77 o, 771;

6 <r<rop 8 ’ yepoadks avijp ttev bcpdaKfiomy
fl(i€vo$ iv oTcoirtjj, 'kefavwv iirl otvowa 7 rbvrov.

8 Od, 10. 97;

iffTTjv 8k (Tkotlt]p is iranra\6e<rtrav ave\6ihp.

4 Simon. 130; KtdaipQpbs r* olovbpo 1 ckotloX,

B Ech 8. 59;

Praeceps aerii specula de montis in undas
Deferar.

a Aen. 10. 454;

Utque leo, specula cum vidit ab alta
Stare procul campis meditantem in praelia taurum.

7 ibid. it. 526, 7;

Hanc super, in speculis summoque in vertice montis
Planities ignota jacet.

328 ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP.

‘lynx-eyed' man), who was noted for his power of sight in
distinguishing distant objects. By Pindar he is
Lynceus. f represented as watching from the summit of Tay-
getus, ‘for of all men on the face of the earth he
had the keenest eye' 1 ; and elsewhere we are told that ‘he went
to Taygetus, trusting to his speed of foot, and climbed to the
summit, where he overlooked the whole island of Pelops the son
of Tantalus 2 .' That mountain, as being the highest in the Pelo-
ponnese and rising in the immediate vicinity of Sparta, was
considered to be the natural point of view for a panorama in that
neighbourhood; hence Aristophanes in the Lysisiraia makes the
Lacedaemonian woman say that she would mount to the top of
Taygetus to get a sight of peace 3 . Of Lynceus it is further
related that, when the daughters of Danaus at Argos by the desire
of their father slew their husbands in one night, and Lynceus only
was spared through the fidelity of his wife Hypermnestra, he
escaped to Lyrceia, a town seven miles to the north-westward of
Argos, and from the hill on which it was built displayed a burning
torch, to certify to her that he had reached a place of safety. She
in return, according to their agreement, shewed a corresponding
signal from the Larissa, or lofty citadel of Argos, in token that she
also had escaped from danger 4 . This story may serve to introduce
to our notice another and more practical aspect from which
mountains were regarded in ancient times, viz. as signalling
stations.

The passage which most readily suggests itself to the mind of
Mountains a sc ^°^ ar this connexion is the famous description
Stations! 1111 * * n ^i amemnon °f Aeschylus of the line of fire-
beacons by which the poet imagines Agamemnon to
have transmitted to Clytaemnestra at Argos the news of the capture
of Troy.

Ae-° n ’ ‘ 140111 Ida ’ s t0 P Hephaestus, lord of fire,
schylus, ® en t forth his sign; and on, and ever on,

Beacon to beacon sped the courier flame.

1 Pind. Nenu io. 61—3.

8 Stasinus, Cypna> in Diintzer, Die Fragmente der spischen Poesie dir
Griechm bis zur Zeit Alexanders des Grossen, p. 13.

8 Aristoph. Lysist 117, 118. 4 p ausan . f a . ^ 4#

XV.] MOUNTAINS AS SIGNALLING STATIONS. 329

From Ida to the crag, that Hermes loves,

Of Lemnos; thence unto the steep sublime
Of Athos, throne of Zeus, the broad blaze flared.

Thence, raised aloft to shoot across the sea,

The moving light, rejoicing in its strength,

Sped from the pyre of pine, and urged its way,

In golden glory, like some strange new sun,

Onward, and reached Macistus’ watching heights.

There, with no dull delay nor heedless sleep,

The watcher sped the tidings on in turn,

Until the guard upon Messapius’ peak
Saw the far flame gleam on Euripus’ tide,

And from the high-piled heap of withered furze
Lit the new sign and bade the message on.

Then the strong light, far-flown and yet undimmed,

Shot thro’ the sky above Asopus* plain,

Bright as the moon, and on Cithaeron’s crag
Aroused another watch of flying fire.

And there the sentinels no whit disowned
But sent redoubled on, the best of flame—

Swift shot the light, above Gorgopis’ bay,

To Aegiplanctus’ mount ; and bade the peak
Fail not the onward ordinance of fire.

And like a long beard streaming in the wind,

Full-fed with fuel, roared and rose the blaze,

And onward flaring, gleamed above the cape,

Beneath which shimmers the Saronic bay,

And thence leapt light unto Arachne’s peak,

The mountain watch that looks upon our town.

Thence to th’ Atrides’ roof—in lineage fair,

A bright posterity of Ida’s fire.

So sped from stage to stage, fulfilled in turn,

Flame after flame, along the course ordained,

And lo! the last to speed upon its way
Sights the end first, and glows unto the goal 1 .’

The stations of the fire-beacons which are mentioned in this
passage are (i) -Mt. Ida, to the southward of the Plain of Troy
( 575 ° ( 2 ) Mt. Hermaeus, the north-eastern promontory of

Lemnos; (3) Mt. Athos, the most conspicuous point in the north
of the Aegean (6350 ft.); (4) Mt. Macistus in the north-west of
Euboea (3967 ft.); (5) Mt. Messapius, on the coast of Boeotia
opposite Chalcis (3363 ft.); (6) Mt. Cithaeron, which separates that

1 Aesch. Ag. 281—314 (Morshead’s translation).

330 ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP.

country from Attica (4629 ft.); (7) Mt. Aegiplanctus, in the range
of Geraneia to the northward of the Isthmus of Corinth (3465 ft.);
and, finally, (8) Mt. Arachnaeus in Argolis, which is visible from
Argos (3934 ft-)- All these, with the exception of the Mons
Hermaeus in Lemnos, which was chosen on account of its
intermediate position between Ida and Athos, are conspicuous
summits; and it will be seen that the line of beacon-fires which
were lighted upon them traversed the northern and western sides
of the Aegean. The points thus chosen are visible, successively,
one from the other. The longest interval is that from Athos to
Macistus; but this is considerably less than that between Samo-
thrace and Pelion or Scyros, both which places can clearly be
seen from the former island 1 . It has also been proved that a
fire-beacon can be seen by the naked eye at a much greater
distance than that here implied 8 . The whole description in
Aeschylus is, no doubt, imaginary; but the choice of the
stations was determined by the knowledge of the writer's own
time, and all this geographical detail would hardly have been
given, had the audience not been supposed to be in some
degree acquainted with it. That they were so follows almost
necessarily from the fact that the islands of Imbros and Lemnos,
which lay in the remotest part of this area, had for some time
been in the possession of the Athenians, and were in constant
communication with Athens. It is, moreover, by no means

. improbable that a line of signalling stations,

corresponding corresponding more or less closely to that of
of Stttofc 11 * which we are speaking, was actually used before
this date. Herodotus, in his account of the
commencement of the campaign of Mardonius in Greece which
ended in the battle of Plataea, states that one of the chief
causes which rendered that general anxious to capture Athens
a second time was, that he might be able to report to Xerxes

1 See the author’s Islands of the Aegean, p. 348.

* See the late Mr A. C. Merriam’s paper on ‘Telegraphing among the
Ancients,’ p. 16, in the Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America',
Classical Series, m. No. 1. The present writer is indebted to this valuable
essay for most of the information on that subject which is given in the follow¬
ing paragraphs.

XV.]

THE SHIELD AT MARATHON.

331

at Sardis by means of fire-beacons by way of the islands that
he was in possession of that city 1 . Now it has been justly
remarked that the line of communication here intended could
not have been the direct one across the Aegean through the
Cyclades, since that was not at this time in the hands of the
Persians, because after the battle of Salamis the Greeks were
masters of the sea 3 . It is probable, therefore, that the elevated
positions which were then used lay in the neighbourhood of
the land-route by which the Persians had advanced into Greece;
and from that point of view none would be so convenient as
a line which passed from Boeotia by way of Athos and Lemnos
to the coast of Asia Minor.

We may now proceed to notice some other instances of the
employment of mountain heights as stations for
signalling. The first of these that occurs in Greek at ^a^on
history is the graphic incident, which is narrated in
the story of the battle of Marathon, of the shield which was dis¬
played on that occasion as a signal to the Persians—probably from
the summit of Pentelicus, a position which was admirably suited
for such a purpose 8 . Herodotus, who is our informant on this
subject, mentions the rumour which was current in his time with
regard to it, that it was a treasonable act on the part of the Alc-
maeonidae, who were supposed to be in collusion with the enemies
of their country. This charge he himself regarded as unfounded,
and at the present day the opinion of the learned seems to incline
towards the same view. It is quite possible that this point of
vantage had been occupied by a detachment of the Persians, who
by means of a shield, the surface of which flashed in the sunlight,
communicated some intelligence to their comrades. On this
subject, however, the historian gives us no definite information;
but with regard to the shield having been employed in some way
as a signal—and this for our present purpose is the important
point—he says there was no doubt whatsoever 4 . Mountain
In Thucydides, again, we meet with an instance of Telegraphy in
mountain telegraphy in connexion with an incident

1 Herod. 9. 3.

* Rawlinson, note on Herodotus ad loc .; Memam, op. cit t p. 4.

8 Herod. 6.115. * Herod. 6.115, 121, 124*

332 ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP.

Xenophon,

of the Peloponnesian war, when the Lacedaemonians in 429 b.c
had planned an attack on the Piraeus by sea, taking Nisaea the
port of Megara as their starting-point. This project they failed to
accomplish, either through faint-heartedness, or—as they them¬
selves asserted by way of excuse—owing to an unfavourable wind;
and instead, they made a descent on Salamis and ravaged that
island In order to convey the intelligence of this to Athens (we
are told), fire-signals of an enemy's approach were displayed 1 ;
and the position of these, there can be little doubt, was on the
north-eastern heights of the island, which are in view from the
Acropolis. Xenophon also mentions that in 367 b.c.
the city of Phlius, which lies in the upland country
that intervenes between the territory of Sicyon and the Argive plain,
was attacked by a hostile force aided by some exiles from their own
state; but that the citizens were on their guard, having been fore¬
warned by watchers on Mt. Tricaranon, the neighbouring height
towards the east, who signalled to them that the enemy were
advancing 2 . It is noticeable that Aeneas Tacticus—the writer on
the art of war, whose probable date corresponds closely with that
of the event just mentioned—in his work on the defence of
besieged cities, or Commentarius Poliorceticus, recommends that
such look-out men—three at least in number, and experienced
persons—should be stationed on a height in the neighbourhood of
a city, when there was a prospect of an attack, in order that they
might signal the numbers and movements of the enemy. He adds,,
that the signals should be changed from time to time, lest the
enemy should come to understand them 8 . At a later period again

and Polybius. we hear of a system of beac on-stations which was
organised by Philip V. of Macedon in 207 b.c., when
he was opposed by the forces of the Aetolians on one side, and by
the fleet of the Romans and Attalus in the Aegean on the other.
Polybius informs us that that monarch, in order to obtain informa¬
tion with regard to the movements of his adversaries, had given
orders to the Phocians, to the inhabitants of Euboea, and to the
natives of Peparethus—the furthermost of those islands stretching
from the extremity of Pelion—that they should acquaint him,

1 Thuc. 2 . 94 j cp. Diodor. ia. 49.

* Xen. Hettrn., 7. a. 5. 8 Comment. Poliorc. % 6. 1.

XV.]

DEVELOPMENT OF TELEGRAPHY.

333

by means of beacon-fires displayed on elevated positions, with
what was taking place in their neighbourhood. The central post,
towards which their signals were to be directed was the lofty, and
from this point of view central, peak of Mt. Tisaeus, which rises
between the Straits of Artemisium and the Pagasaean Gulf, and
was in full view from the city of Demetrias near the head of that
gulf, which at this time was Philip’s place of residence 1 * .

It is interesting to trace the progress which appears to have
been made in the art of signalling during the period „ .

..11 . , . _ ® ° r Development

which has just been noticed. In the narrative of oftheArtof
Thucydides mentioned above, which speaks of the Signallin £*
transmission of intelligence from the heights of Salamis to Athens,
the expression used for the signals which intimated the nearness
of the enemy is ‘hostile fire-signals’ 3 ; and the Scholiast on that
passage remarks in explanation of this term that, when the news
of hostile movements was communicated, the signals—which in
this case must have been torches—were waved to and fro; whereas,
if they referred to the approach of a friendly force, they were held
steady 8 . Elsewhere in the same author—in the account which he
gives of the movements of the Lacedaemonian and Athenian fleets
in connexion with the Corcyrean seditions—we are told that the
Peloponnesians were made aware by fire signals of the approach
of sixty ships of the Athenians 4 * . If this passage is interpreted
literally, it would imply that the number of the vessels was
signalled; but, as Thucydides is fond of condensed expressions,
it does not perhaps signify more than that an Athenian fleet was
signalled, and that it proved to be composed of sixty ships. Half
a century later than this, in 373 b.c., we find that a somewhat
more advanced system was in use. The scene again is Corcyra,
and the Athenians and Lacedaemonians are the combatants. On
this occasion Iphicrates, who commanded the fleet of the former
of the two states, hastened to that island, in order to save it

1 Polyb. 10. 42. 7, 8; cp. Livy, 28. 5.

8 (ppVKTol TToXi/JLlOl.

8 Schol. Thuc. 2. 94; iced Stop fikv <pL\ovs £5 t/)\ovv, tfidarafop rods (frpvKTobs
ijpefiovvTer 8rav Sk woKefiiovs , folvovv rod? (ppvKrote, 8rj\oBvT€ s rbv tpbfiov.

4 Thuc. 3. 80; bwb viicra, abroh iippvKTwp/jdyiTw ifflieovra. vije s ’JlBtjvclIcw

vpoinrXiovffu,

334 estimates of mountains in antiquity, [chap.

from the rival power; and on his arrival he heard that ten
triremes, which Dionysius of Syracuse was sending to the assistance
of the Spartans, were expected shortly to arrive there. Accordingly
he proceeded to inspect in person the points from which he might
receive notice of the approach of these vessels; and there can be
little doubt that the post which he selected was in the neighbourhood
of the modern Pass of Pantaleone among the mountains in the
north of Corfu, since from it the city is visible on one side, and on
the other the sea in the direction of Italy. Xenophon, from whom
our knowledge of these events is obtained, tells us that look-out
men were stationed there, and that a system of signals was agreed
upon, by which they should inform Iphicrates when the ships were
in sight, when they were mooring, and so forth. The result was,
that the vessels of Dionysius when they arrived were captured, and
their crews who had disembarked were'made prisoners 1 . From
Polyaenus, the author of the Strategemata , we further learn that
the information was conveyed by fire-signals, and that the scene
of the capture of the ships was one of the group of small islands
which lie off the north-western angle of Coreyra 2 . It was at a
still later period, however, that the art of telegraphy received its
greatest development. A full account of this is given by Polybius
in connexion with the story of Philip V. of Macedon which has
been mentioned above. He begins by remarking that the old
system of signalling by beacon-fires was comparatively inefficient,
because the things to be signalled had to be agreed on beforehand.
Hence, while ordinary occurrences could be notified in this manner,
the case was not the same with anything unusual, and thus the
most important emergencies were unprovided for. He then goes
on to notice an intricate plan elaborated by Aeneas Tacticus,
which rendered it possible to signal words and short sentences.
Finally, he describes in full detail the method devised in the first
instance by Cleoxenus and Democleitus, and afterwards brought
to perfection by Polybius himself, which approximated in many
respects to the system of signalling in use at the present day. By
this scheme the letters of the alphabet were represented, according
to the rules of a prearranged code, by means of raising torches,
varying in number, sometimes on the right hand and sometimes
1 Xen. Htll 6 . 2. 33—5, 3 Polyaen. Strategy 3. 9. 55.

XV.]

MEASUREMENTS OF HEIGHT.

335

on the left, to denote the letter intended: in this way it was
possible to transmit any form of intelligence 1 . Whether either of
the two last-named plans was ever actually employed we have no
certain evidence to shew.

The attempts which the ancients made to determine the
height of mountains were of necessity little more

, . T , Estimates of

than guesswork. In some cases there was not even the Heights of

a pretence of scientific measurement, the estimate Mountains *

being made either by the eye, or by the comparison of one

mountain with another; in other instances, where greater

accuracy was attempted, either the perpendicular height is given,

or the distance on foot, or the time usually occupied in the

ascent. Thus Polybius is quoted by Strabo as comparing the

Alps in respect of their elevation with the highest summits in

Greece—Taygetus, Lycaeum, Parnassus, Olympus, Pelion and

Ossa, together with Haemus and Rhodope in Thrace; and he is

represented as saying that every one of these mountains might be

scaled in little more than a day by a good walker, while more

than five days were required to ascend the Alps 9 . Strabo himself

speaks of the highest summits of the Alpine chain, which he

places in the country of the Medulli (in the neighbourhood of

St. Jean de Maurienne), as being regarded as ioo stadia

(12J Roman miles) in direct ascent—from the use of which

expression it is evident that perpendicular height is not intended 8 .

Pliny estimates the elevation of Haemus at six Roman miles 4 .

The geographer, however, to whom the credit is due of having

first attempted the scientific measurement of the height of

1 Polyb. 10. 43—47.

3 Strabo, 4. 6. 12 ; 6 5 ’ abrbs dvijp (Uokbpios) repl rov pryi&ovs tQp*AXtoup

xal toO fiipovs \iyuu vapapdWei ra ip rois opy rd (iiyi<rra f rb Tairy crop,

rb Mmiov, Uappao-trSv, *0\v/A7top, Ihf)\iop,* 0 <T(rav ip Si Qpq.Ky ATpov, "PoSSttjv,
Aotipcuca* xal <pYi<rut f 6 n robrup pip 2kclotop fuxpod Seip abdr}u,epbv eb&pots d?a-
prjpcLL 6 war 6 p t avdypepbp Si xal repieKdeiP, rfo 5 ’ "AXireis oi) 5 ’ Slp Trepirrcuos &pa-
Paly rts.

8 Strabo, 4. 6 . 5 ; Herd Si OvokovHovs 'IxSploi xal Tpixbpiot xal per 1 abrobs
M ibovXkot, otirep rds b^Xordras xopv<f>ds * rb yovp dpdidrrarop abrQp tyos

trradlap ixarbp tx eiv rrjp &pdpaertp t xdpdivSe irakiv ttjv hrl robs Spous robs
rqs ’Iraklas xardpairip.

4 Pliny, N. 4. 41; Haemi excelsitas sex mil. pass, subitur.

336 ESTIMATES OF MOUNTAINS IN ANTIQUITY. [CHAP,

mountains, is Aristotle’s* pupil, Dicaearchus, to whom, as we
have seen, other discoveries also have been attri-
Measurement butedl - From a passage in Geminus the astronomer
Dicaearchus we ^ earn tbat Dicaearchus accomplished this by
geometry*, and the same thing is affirmed by Pliny,
who speaks of Dicaearchus as a man of distinguished learning, and
implies that he undertook the investigation of this question in the
service of the Macedonian monarchs*. The results of his calcu¬
lations, however, were anything but satisfactory. Geminus tells us
in the passage just referred to, that he estimated the vertical height
of Cyllene in Arcadia as less than 15 stadia (9,000 feet), and that
of Atabyrium (or, as he calls it, Satabyrium) in Rhodes as less
than 14 stadia (8,400 feet); whereas in reality their heights are
7,789 feet and 4,070 feet respectively 1 * * 4 . Again, Pliny says that
the highest mountain measured by Dicaearchus was Pelion, which
reached 1250 passus, or 6,250 feet'. The error in this case was
all the more remarkable on account of the neighbourhood of
Olympus, the summit of which mountain is 9,754 feet high, while
that of Pelion is only 5,310 feet. It seems strange that the obser¬
vation of the snow-line did not of itself suggest a more accurate
estimate. From Plutarch we learn in his Life of Aemilius Paullus
that Olympus was measured on scientific principles
Xenagoras. b y one Xenagoras. Speaking of the town of Py-
thium at the foot of that mountain he says, ‘at that
point Olympus rises to the height of more than 10 stadia; and
this is intimated by the inscription of the person who measured it,
which runs thus—“On the summit of Olympus the shrine of
Pythian Apollo stands at the height of 10 stadia and a plethrum
less four feet (and it was measured vertically). This inscription
was set up by Xenagoras son of Eumelus as the measurement of

1 v, supra , pp. 170, 180.

a Geminus, Element . Astronom. § 14, in Petav. Uranologia , p. 55 e; xal
$<rn pkv rfj$ KvWfyrjs rb H\f/os £\a<T<rov crradLctiv u t us Atxatapxos dva/ierpticws
dTTotpalvercu. rod db Sara fivplov iXdcnxuv iarh 4 ] k&Octos crradlojv t 6 \

8 Fliny, H. N* 2. 162; Cui sententiae adest Dicaearchus, vir in primis
eruditus, regum cura permensus montis, ex quibus altissimum prodit Pelion
MCCL passuum ratione perpendiculi,

4 ™P‘ a > aote 2. « v. supra, note 3.

XV.]

MEASUREMENTS OF HEIGHT.

337

the distance; hail, 0 King, and grant us thy blessing.*’ For all
this,* Plutarch continues, ‘the geometricians maintain that no
mountain is of greater height, nor any part of the sea of greater
depth, than io stadia; yet Xenagoras does not seem to have
made his computation carelessly, but strictly with the help of
instruments 1 .’ About the height of Cyllene also there were other,
and widely divergent estimates, besides that already given. Apol-
lodorus reckoned it at 80 feet less than nine stadia 2 3 (5,320 feet).
And Strabo says that by some it was computed by perpendicular
measurement as 20 stadia (12,000 feet), by others as about
15 stadia 8 (9,000 feet). By the latter of these two numbers the
calculation of Dicaearchus was probably meant. Strabo also
records the elevation of the Acrocorinth, which he says was
estimated as three stadia and a half (2,100 feet) in vertical height 4 * * * .
This is approximately true, for the real measurement is 1,887
English feet.

1 Plut. AemiU Pauli . c. 15; ’EvraOfla toO 'OXjjjmttov rb fli/'os dvardvec ttXIqv
4 ) Mica oradlovr aypatveTat Si em.ypdfifiaTi roO fierp^aaoTos oiJrws*

OtiXtipirov KOpvcpTjs &iri ILvdlov 'AirbXXupos
lepov S\j/os Sx et r V v xd$erov S' ifJL€rp-/} 8 rj)

ir’h'fjpT] pkv SexdSa araSLuv filav, axndp iir' avry
irkidpov rerpairiStp Xenr&pevop fieyidei,

EtywjXou Si pun vlbs id^xaro fiirpa xe\e 66 ov

ReivaySpys’ ad &va £, x a MXb, SlSov .

Katrot \tyov<TLv ol yewpcerpucol priyre 6 povs tJ^os /«)re j8 ddos daXdaarjs brepfidWeiv
Mica oraSlovs. *0 (jAvtoi Repay Spas oti vapipyus, dXXdt jjxdbStp xaX SC dpydvur
el\r)(pivaL Soxet ri\v pArpujaiv,

3 Steph. Byz. s.v. KvWtjvt) : Eustathius in Horn, Od. p. 1951, ed. Rom.
W

8 Strabo, 8. 8. 1; pAyiarov S' 6 pos iv ainrfj [777 ILeXoicovHiatp\ KvXXi}^* Hjy
yovv xdderov ol pAv etxoai araSlwv <f>aabr, ol S' Saov irevreKcUSem.

4 Strabo, 8. 6. 21; opos InfnjXbv Saov rpctav ijfuav araSlcop %x ov T $ v Kd 9 erw 9

r))v S' bvdfiaaiv xal rpcdxovTa aradlw, els d£eicur -reXeurf Kopvtp'fjv * KaKelrcu 8 *

’Axpoxbpu'ffos. On the subject of these measurements see Bunbury, Hist, of

Anc. Geography t vol. I. p. 618; Berger, Geschichte der Erdkuiuk t Pt. 3, p. 33.

CHAPTER XVI.

PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS.

Marinus Tyrius—His Attempt to reform the Map of the World-Its
Deficiencies—Ptolemy—His Great Reputation—His Error about the
Circumference of the Earth, and the Length of the Habitable World—
The Fortunate Isles his Prime Meridian—His System of Projection—His
Geographical Treatise—His Maps—His Corrections of Previous Maps—
His Chief Errors—His Account of Britain—Accurate Delineation of the
Coast—Erroneous Position of Scotland—Possible Explanation of this—
Ptolemy’s Tables of the Coast of Britain—The Southern Coast—The
Western Coast—The Eastern Coast—Ireland—Other Additions to Geo¬
graphical Knowledge—The Volga (Rha)—'The Altai Chain (Imaus)—
Direct Trade Route to China—Sources of the Nile—Mountains of the
Moon—The Soudan—Rivers Gir and Nigir—Pausanias—His Resemblance
to Herodotus—His Illustrations of Physical Geography—Fountains—Their
Different Colours—Warm Springs—Fountain of Deine—Caverns—The
Corycian Cave—Trees—Cotton—Pausanias’ Researches in Greece—His
Descriptions of Olympia and Delphi—Routes which he followed—Con¬
tents of his Book—The Question of his Veracity—The View Adverse to
Pausanias—Explanations of his Statements—Difficulties involved in the
Supposition—Recent Testimonies in his Favour—Stephanus Byaantinus—
His Ethnica —Character of its Contents—Solinus—His Memorabilia —
Mediaeval Estimate of him—Modem Estimate—Orosius—His ffistoriae—
Its Geographical Section—Transient Character of Ptolemy’s Influence-
Earlier Errors revived—Retrospect and Summary—Continuous Advance
of Knowledge of General Geography, and of Scientific Geography.

In the middle of the second century of our era there arose two
remarkable geniuses, by whom the coping-stone was
Tyrtuij nU8 placed on the geographical study of the ancients.

The former of these, Marinus of Tyre, is compara¬
tively little known, his fame having been eclipsed by that of his
successor, Ptolemy j and of his writings nothing has come down
to us, except what is imbedded in the works of that author. Yet
Ptolemy is unstinting in his acknowledgment of the debt which
he owed him, and he professes to come forward himself rather as
the corrector of points in which the work of Marinus was deficient

CHAP. XVI.]

MARINUS TYRIUS.

339

than as the originator of an independent scheme 1 . The particular
form which this remarkable revival of scientific geography assumed
was largely due to the practical spirit which the Roman tempera¬
ment had infused into the study—in other words, to the en¬
couragement which the imperial government had given to map¬
making—for Marinus professes that it was the ob¬
ject of his treatise to reform the map of the world; to^formtfie*
indeed, from the terms in which Ptolemy speaks of Ma P of
it, we seem to gather that this was declared in its
title*. In doing this, it is true, he was only following in the steps of
Eratosthenes, who had put forward the same project as his primary
aim in the study of geography 3 , but there was this difference in their
points of view, namely, that, while scientific questions of general
import, such as the measurement of the circumference of the
earth, which are of the highest value for exact cartography, held
the first place in the scheme of the earlier writer, in the hands of
Marinus they fell into the background in comparison with the
design of rendering maps more accurate in detail. Still, the fact
remains that Marinus was, as far as we know, the first person
after the time of Hipparchus who resumed the task—which that
great astronomer had suggested as the ultimate aim of scientific
geography—of subdividing the surface of the globe by meridians
and parallels, and inscribing within the spaces formed by their
intersections the places and districts about which information had
been attained, their position being determined as far as possible
by means of astronomical observation. We have seen that in
Hipparchus* age the execution of this was impracticable owing to
the limited amount of knowledge that was available for the pur¬
pose, and even Marinus could not fail to recognise that the
materials at his command were insufficient to enable him to deal
with it with any completeness; yet, during the period of nearly
three centuries which had elapsed since Hipparchus wrote, a great
mass of facts had gradually been accumulated, and the attempt
was worth making, though the result might be imperfect That

1 Ptol., Geographic i. 6. 2.

3 Ibid., 1. 6. 1, where it is called ij roO yeaypcupuccv ttIpokos MpQoxriu

s v . supra , p. 180.

22—2

340

PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

its

Deficiencies.

it was imperfect we gather from Ptolemy, who, while he extols
the diligence of Marinus in collecting and sifting
his data, and notes that in the successive editions
of his work he had done his best to amend and
supplement it, remarks also that much was left for himself to
accomplish in correcting and improving it. To this must be
added a more serious deficiency arising from want of method, for
the continuity of the treatise was much broken up by the insertion
of discussions of disputed points. The map also left much to be
desired, because the parallels of latitude and meridians of longi¬
tude were represented upon it throughout by straight lines, and
the meridians of longitude were drawn parallel to one another—
a system, of the faultiness of which Marinus shewed himself to be
aware in the criticisms which he passed on the attempts of his
predecessors to delineate the spherical surface of the globe on a
plane map 1 .

Of the life of Claudius Ptolemy hardly anything is known, but
it is probable that he studied and wrote at Alex¬
andria, where the renowned school of letters which
had been founded by the Greek rulers of Egypt still flourished.
His treatise on geography was published subsequently to the
completion of his astronomical works, and its date may be fixed
approximately at 150 a.d. The greatness of his
Reputation! fanie as a mathematical geographer, which is
superior to that enjoyed by any other ancient
writer on the subject, has arisen from several causes. In the first
place it is to be attributed to the age in which he lived, for it
coincided with the decline of learning among the Greeks and
Romans, and in consequence of this he towered so conspicuously
above the writers who followed him, that an undue importance
was attached to his statements. No doubt, also, the renown of
Ptolemy as an astronomer was reflected on his geographical
studies, and heightened the estimation in which they were held.

Ptolemy.

1 Ptol. 1. 20. 3, 4; threp Ma/wos els irlfframv oti rfy rvxoOaajf iyay&Vi teal
ir&traLs &ira^av\us fiepAj/dpepos rats fie66801$ rtav &iriir 48 w KaTaypatpw, 068b
yrrov aMs (paluerai Ke%prnihos rj ftdXurra pM irototftrtf Mppirpovs rds &a<rr«£-
<rets* ras pb ydp fori tQv k6kKw ypapp&s rwv re irapaXK^Xtav teal ruv fxerrjp-
Pp&wp etidetas inreffrijaara irdtras.

University Press Cambridge.

XVI.]

PTOLEMY.

341

But the cause which contributed more than any other to produce
this result was the completeness of his system, which communi¬
cated to his statements an appearance of finality that did not
really belong to them. The evidence on which Ptolemy relied in
determining the position of places on the face of the globe was
largely derived from the same source which had been used by his
predecessors—the computations of distances made by travellers
and navigators, whose estimates were from the nature of the case
inaccurate. But when the evidence was withdrawn from view, as
it was in Ptolemy’s work, and the results were embodied in maps
and tables of distances symmetrical in form, the definite character
which they thus acquired caused them in the course of time to be
regarded in the light of exact statements, as if they were based on
scientific observations. It should be remembered, however, that
Ptolemy himself is not responsible for this result of his mode of
treating his subject, for in his Introduction he makes no secret of
the imperfection of his materials 1 : nor ought the mistakes in his
work which are revealed by modern discovery and modem science
to blind us to its preeminent merits.

With regard to the measurement of the circumference of the
earth Ptolemy followed Marinus in accepting Posi¬
donius’ erroneous estimate of 180,000 stadia 9 , which about the
fell short of the reality by one-sixth. It resulted
from this that, as he adopted from Hipparchus the
division of the equator and other great circles into 360 degrees,
he made every degree only 500 stadia (50 geographical miles)
instead of 600 stadia (60 geographical miles), which is the true
computation. ■ This mistake at once affected his calculation
of distances on his map, for in consequence of it he over¬
estimated them: thus, if he discovered from his authorities—
itineraries or otherwise—that the interval between two places was
500 stadia, he would express this on his map by a degree, which
in reality is 600 stadia; and when the estimate was made on a
large scale, the error in excess became very great This was
especially felt when he came to deal with the andtheLenffth
second important question of general scientific
geography, that of th£ length of the habitable

1.2. 4.

a v . suprai p. x92.

342 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

world, because he greatly over-estimated this relatively to the
true circumference of the earth. There was, however, - another

cause which contributed even more largely to this error_

namely, the tendency to exaggerate distances on the part of
seamen and traders, on whose reckonings, as we have seen, in
default of astronomical observations, which were few in number,
he was forced to depend. It is greatly to Ptolemy’s credit
that, whereas all previous geographers had accepted these
without qualification, he clearly perceived the necessity of
making allowance for the deviations from the direct line, and
the varying rate of progress, which were produced by the
windings of roads or the irregular force and direction of winds,
and of reducing the distances on the map accordingly 1 ; his
only fault was that his corrections were made on too limited a
scale, so that a very considerable excess still remained. On the
The other hand, a certain error in defect in his calcula-

Fortunate tion arose from his assuming the Fortunate Isles

Isles, his ®

Prime Meri- (the Canaries) as the point from which his longi-
d,an - tudes were to be reckoned. The westernmost island

of this group, Ferro, long continued to be treated as the prime
meridian, and is so among some German geographers at the
present day; but in Ptolemy’s time the position of those islands
was not determined, and accordingly it was only by conjecture
that he placed them two degrees and a half to the westward of the
Sacred Promontory (Cape St. Vincent), instead of about nine
degrees, which is the true estimate. The total result which he pro¬
duced for the length of the known world, from the Fortunate Isles
in the west to the city of Sera in China towards the east, was 180°,
whereas the reality is about 130°. In one respect this mistake
was advantageous in the consequences which proceeded from it at
a later period, for by diminishing the interval between the eastern
and western extremities of the world it encouraged the idea that
the passage from the one to the other might be accomplished,
and thus indirectly contributed to the discovery of America by
Columbus. Its breadth he estimated at 8o°, from the parallel of
Thule (the Shetlands) to that of the Prasum Promontorium
(perhaps Cape Delgado) on the eastern coast of Africa to

XVI.]

HIS SYSTEM OF PROJECTION.

343

the south of Zanzibar. As the interval between these is 70°,
Ptolemy.’s computation in this case exceeded the reality by io\
In connexion with the extension thus assigned to the known
world from west to east and from south to north respectively, we
may remark that Ptolemy (or Marinus) is the first writer who uses
the Greek words for 4 length * and 4 breadth ’ (^ko s and irkdros) in
the technical sense of 4 longitude 1 and 4 latitude/ le. to signify the
distance of a place from a fixed meridian line, or from the
equator.

In cartography the great advance which Ptolemy made on the
work of his predecessors consisted in his system of
projection, which in many respects approximates of projecUo™
to that which is in general use at the present day.

We have seen that former geographers, including Marinus, had
drawn the parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude in
straight lines, parallel to one another; and in his special maps of
the separate countries Ptolemy continued to do this, because, when
the area was limited, the inaccuracy thus produced was of small
importance. But in a general map of the whole known world he
recognised that the error arising from this cause was very greats
and that it was necessary to make allowance for the spherical
character of the earth, and for the inclination of the meridians to
one another. With a view to this he represented the lines of
latitude by parallel curves, while, in order to avoid too elaborate a
scheme, he represented the meridians of longitude in the first
instance by straight lines, converging towards a point outside
the limits of the map. Subsequently, however, he reduced the
meridians also to a curved form, so as to make them correspond
more nearly with the reality. From intimations which are found
in various writers it seems probable that Hipparchus in some
degree anticipated this method, but there is no reason to believe
that he constructed any such complete scheme as is found in
Ptolemy. The map on which this network of lines was drawn
was not in shape a perfect hemisphere, because it represented the
portion of the globe then known; and this, while it extended some
distance south of the equator, did not include the regions about
the pole. The climata of Ptolemy, which also were marked on
his map, were—like those spaces on the surface of the globe to

344

PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

which, as we have already seen, Hipparchus assigned that name 1 —
the intervals between two parallels of latitude. The width of
these intervals, however, was not measured by degrees, as was
the case with the climata of Hipparchus, but by the increase in
the length of the longest day, proceeding northwards from the
equator. From this line as far as the 45th degree of N. latitude,
where the longest day was of 15-J hours, the breadth of a
elima was determined by the difference of a quarter of an hour in
the length of the longest day; but beyond the 45th degree by the
difference of half an hour 9 . The reason for this change in the
system of measurement, no doubt, was that a more elaborate
division was required for the better known parts of the world,
where it was necessary to fix the position of a large number of
places, while for the remoter regions towards the north a smaller
number of boundary lines was necessary.

The geographical treatise of Ptolemy was intended to elucidate
His Geo- an< ^ ex P^ ain hi s ma P s * His aim was to make mathe-
graphicai matical geography as complete as possible, and
«a se. consequently such questions as more properly belong
to physical and historical geography are excluded from considera¬
tion. In order to understand his work aright, we must remember
that the maps preceded the description, and that this is adapted
from them. It is divided into eight books, the first of which treats
of the principles of mathematical geography and of the projection
of maps, together with a discussion of the length and breadth of
the habitable world, while the six following books contain tables,
which give the names of the places marked on the maps of the
separate countries, and the latitude and longitude of each, and are
accompanied by notices of the boundaries of the countries, and
other remarks which are required for purposes of explanation.
These tables were extremely serviceable for purposes of reference,
and they also enabled the student who did not possess the author's
maps to reconstruct them for himself. The eighth book is written
rather from the point of view of astronomy than from that of
geography. In it the writer takes the most important positions
which had already been determined on his maps, and deduces
from their latitudes and longitudes such results as the length of
1 v. supra, p. 175. a PtoL Gtogr. 1. 23.

XVI.]

HIS MAPS.

345

the longest day at each, and, for those that were situated within
the tropics, the course of the sun with respect to them. It is a
difficult matter to decide whether we still possess
the actual maps which Ptolemy constructed. Such Hls Maps ‘
maps are found in some of the manuscripts of his work, and are
there attributed to one Agathodaemon of Alexandria ; but since
nothing further is known about that person, it is impossible to
determine whether he was a contemporary of the geographer, who
delineated them under his supervision, or whether he reconstructed
them several centuries later, when owing to the negligence of
copyists the original ones had been omitted from the text. The
question is less important than it would otherwise be, because, as
we have remarked, the instructions which Ptolemy has provided
furnish the means of reproducing them, and this task has been
accomplished by various scholars from the fifteenth century
onwards.

When we proceed to examine Ptolemy’s map of the world in
detail, we discover that, while he has corrected „

, His Correc-

certain mistakes which defaced the maps of his pre- tions of Pre¬
decessors, he has introduced several serious errors of V10US Maps>
his own. The great southward extension which Strabo attributed
to the promontory of Sunium is now avoided, and Taenarum is
rightly treated as the southernmost point of the Peloponnese.
The eastern coast of Africa is no longer represented as turning
towards the west after passing Cape Guardafui \ and, what is still
more important, the Caspian, which ever since the time of Alex¬
ander the Great had been regarded as an inlet from the ocean, is
once more recognised as being, what Herodotus had believed it to
be, an inland sea. On the other hand, Ptolemy
advances the Palus Maeotis and the mouth of the E ^^ hief
Tanais much too far towards the north—as high, in
fact, as the southern shore of the Baltic. In India, he ignores the
discoveries which had been embodied in the Periplus Maris
Erythraei , and places the southernmost point of the peninsula
only four degrees south of Barygaza. The size of the island of
Taprobane, which had been over-estimated by earlier writers, is
exaggerated by him to an enormous degree, so that he makes it
about fourteen times as large as the reality. But these mistakes

346 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

were of slight importance in comparison with those which he
introduced in the eastern and south-eastern portion of his map,-
and for which he was largely indebted to Marinus. The great*
extension which had come to be attributed to eastern Asia, owing
to reports which had reached the West of distant countries in that
quarter, induced him to refuse to believe in the existence of a sea
which form.ed the boundary in that direction. Again, when
traders extended their voyages beyond India, and intelligence was
brought of a great gulf on the further side of the Golden
Chersonese—by which perhaps the gulf of Siam may have
been meant—and it was further rumoured that the coast of
Asia in this part, instead of turning northwards, as had previously
been supposed, trended towards the south; on the strength of
these intimations Ptolemy adopted the view, not only that the
land advanced still further in that direction, but that Asia was
connected by an unbroken line of continent with the south¬
east of Africa. From this assumption it followed that the
Indian Ocean was surrounded by land—a view which had long
before been advanced as a hypothesis by Hipparchus, but after
his time had been generally rejected.

Ptolemy commences his tables with the British Islands,
Ivernia and Albion, the native name being used
in the latter case instead of that of Britannia
apparently for the sake of distinction. In the
account which is here given we trace a striking advance in the
knowledge of Britain, corresponding to the more intimate ac¬
quaintance of the Romans with the island, which was the
natural result of the progress of their arms, and of the numerous
settlements which they had established there 1 . A marked dis¬
tinction, however, in respect of accuracy is to be drawn between
the geography of the coast and that of the interior. The two were
evidently derived from different sources, and those which furnished
the materials for the latter were of a decidedly inferior character.

Accurate ^ we c0nstruct & map from the latitudes and longi-

Deiineation tudes furnished by Ptolemy, we find that the outline

of Britain which is thus drawn corresponds very

His Account
of Britain.

of the Coast.

1 PtoL 3.

University Press Cambridge.

THE COASTS OF T
ACCORDI NG

XVI.]

HIS ACCOUNT OF BRITAIN.

347

closely with the reality. The gradual southward slope of the
southern coast as it proceeds from east to west clearly appears.
The most important inlets—the Bristol Channel, the Solway Firth
and that of Clyde, above all the marked indentation produced by
the Moray Firth—are all strikingly delineated. The same thing
is true of the promontories. The two separate capes at the south¬
western angle, the Lizard and the Land’s End, St David’s Head and
the extremity of Cardiganshire in Wales, and the Mull of Galloway
and that of Cantire on the western side of Scotland, are carefully
distinguished. The general accuracy which is thus apparent
makes it the more surprising that in one important particular,
namely the position of Scotland relatively to England, Erroneous

Ptolemy’s map should be extravagantly in error. Position of
For, whereas the southern part of the island as far
as the line of the Solway Firth is correctly orientated, the northern
portion is twisted round towards the east, so that the mouth of the
Clyde, instead of lying to the westward of the Firth of Forth, is due
north of it, and the farthest extremity of the country, the promon¬
tory of Orcas, instead of pointing northward faces due east. On
the same principle the western and eastern coasts of Scotland are
called by Ptolemy in this part of his tables the northern and
southern coasts. It is difficult to account for this extraordinary
mistake. The latest, and at the same time the most
probable explanation of it is that of Mr Henry Explanation of
Bradley, who would attribute it, not to defective
information, but to an error in the construction of the map.
Either Ptolemy or one of his predecessors, he suggests, had before
him three sectional maps, representing severally the countries
which we call England, Scotland, and Ireland, and drawn approxi¬
mately to scale, but without meridians or parallels. It was, no
doubt, then, as now, usual for a map to be enclosed in a rectangular
frame, with sides towards the four cardinal points. In fitting the.
three maps together, Ptolemy (or his predecessor) fell into the
mistake of turning the oblong map of Scotland the wrong way.
Mr Bradley further points out, in explanation of the origin of this
mistake on Ptolemy’s part, that he had assigned to Ireland a
latitude so much too high, that if he had given to the map of

348 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

Scotland its proper orientation, a portion of that country must
have fallen right across the western island 1 .

It may be worth while, in order to illustrate the contents of
Ptolemy’s work, and to test its accuracy in a par-
TsSies ofthe ticular instance, to follow him in his enumeration

Britain* ^ eatures coast our ^ s ^ an< i>order

to see how far they correspond with what we find at

the present day, omitting those localities about the identification
of which much uncertainty exists. In making this comparison we
have to depend, in some cases on the similarities of the ancient
and modern names, when these are corroborated by the positions
which Ptolemy assigns to them, and in others either on certain
geographical features being the only ones which can correspond
to his data, or on their situation being determined by their
occurring in his enumeration between places already known.
The majority of the localities which he mentions are the mouths
or estuaries of rivers; and the names which he assigns to these
are in so many instances traceable in those which are now
attached to them, that we discover in them an illustration of
the principle embodied in the witty saying that local names, in
order to be permanent, should be “writ on water.”

Let us take first the southern coast of Britain, commencing
from the promontory of Cantion, the north-eastern
em^Coast.^ 1 " point Kent. The first place to the westward of
this which Ptolemy mentions is the New Harbour,
and this according to his measurements corresponds to Hastings,
where a harbour is known to have existed formerly, though there
is none at the present day. Again, the Great Harbour can be
confidently identified with Portsmouth Harbour, both on historic
grounds and because of the longitude which Ptolemy assigns to
it. Between these two havens a river Trisanton is introduced,
the name of which is the original form of Trent or Tarrant; and

1 See Mr Henry Bradley’s article, “Ptolemy’s Geography of the British
Isles,” in Arckaologia , vol. 48. (1885), PP- 382, 383* The contents of this
valuable paper have been used in what follows, though the author has not been
able in every case to accept Mr Bradley’s conclusions: the map also which is
here inserted is based on that by which his paper is illustrated*

XVI.]

HIS ACCOUNT OF BRITAIN.

349

we thus discover that it represents the Arun, for that stream
appears in old maps as Tarant 1 . Plymouth Sound is deter¬
mined by the mouth of the Tamarus (Tamar) being given. The
river Isaca, which is placed to the eastward of it, might be, as
far as the name is concerned, either the Exe or the Axe, but
the former of these is the more likely to have been mentioned
on account of its importance, because the town of Isca (Exeter)
was situated on its banks. The two south-western promontories
have each of them, for some unknown reason, a double name,
the Lizard being called on Ptolemy’s table Damnonium or
Ocrinum, the Land’s End Antivestaeum or Bolerium Promon-
torium.

On the western side of the island, following the coast north¬
ward from this angle we first pass the Herculis
Promontorium (Hartland Point), and then reach C oast. WeStern
the Vexalla estuary, which corresponds to Bridge-
water Harbour; while the main inlet in this neighbourhood takes
its name of Sabriana from the Severn. On the southern coast
of Wales the mouth of the river Tubius (Towey) is noted, and
on the western coast that of the Tuerobis (Teify); between these
the promontory of Octapitarum (St. David’s Head) intervenes,
and further to the north a striking projection is formed by the
cape of the Gangani, which is the extreme point of Carnarvon¬
shire. In the interval between the north-west angle of Wales
and the Ituna estuary (Solway Firth) we meet with the estuaries
of Sete’ia (or Segela) and Belisama, the harbour of the Setantii
(or Segantii), and the Moricambe estuary: the position of these
identifies them with the well-marked mouths of the Dee, the
Mersey, and the nibble, and with Morecambe Bay. The name
Ituna is undoubtedly that of the Eden, which river flows into
the Solway Firth; and the original of the appellation Solway
itself can be discovered in that of the neighbouring tribe of the
Selgovae. On the northern side of this inlet the river, Novius
(Nith) and the Deva (the Dee of Kirkcudbright) are also men¬
tioned. From this point onward Ptolemy’s great error about
the coast of Scotland begins to be apparent, for the peninsula
of Galloway, which in reality advances westward opposite the
1 Bradley, op* cit., p. 390.

35 °

PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CIIAP.

Irish coast, on his map is made to project northwards. He
calls it the promontory of the Novantae—a tribal name which
seems to be connected with that of the Novius; and in its
immediate vicinity he places the Rerigonius Sinus, both the
name and the position of which identify it with Loch Ryan.
Then follow the entrance of the Clota (Clyde), the Lemannonius
Sinus (Loch Fyne), and the marked promontory of Epidium
(Mull of Cantire), which also is represented as extending into
the northern sea. The coast beyond this point was evidently
little known, for very few places are marked, but in the far
north we can recognise the river Nabaeus both by its name
and its position as the Naver in Sulherlandshire. Cape Orcas,
to which Ptolemy attaches a second name, Tarvedum, had been
regarded from the time of Pytheas as the extremity of Britain in
this direction, and therefore must be identified with Dunnet
Head. From this it follows that the Vervedrum Promontorium
on the further side of it must correspond to Duncansby Head.

The eastern (from Ptolemy’s point of view the southern) coast
of Scotland gives evidence of being better known.
Coast. Ea8tern The river Ila is the Ullie in the east of Sutherland-
shire. The Varar estuary is the Moray Firth, and
its name is identical with that of the Farrar river, which finds its
way into the Beauly Basin and Inverness Firth at the head of
that inlet. Between this and the headland of Taexalum, the
north-eastern angle of Aberdeenshire, the river Tuaesis is the
Spey, and the Celnius, which lies beyond it, appears from its
name to be the stream which runs by the town of Cullen. On
the further side of Taexalum we find the Deva (the Dee at
Aberdeen), the estuary of Tava (Firth of Tay), and that of
Boderia (Firth of Forth), the Bodotria of Tacitus. The river
Tina, which is placed between Tava and Boderia, can only be
the Eden, which enters the sea between the two firths. As we
advance southward along the English coast we recognise the
Alaunus as the Alne, the Vedra as the Wear, and the Abus
as the Humber; and since the promontory of Ocelum occurs
between the two last-named of these, it is probably Flamborough
Head. Then follow the Metaris estuary (the Wash), and the
river Garriennus, the name of which corresponds to that of the

XVI.] ADDITIONS TO GEOGRAPHY. 351

Yare at Yarmouth; and finally our survey ends at the mouth of
the Thames, which in the text of Ptolemy (probably through an
error in writing) is called Iamesa.

In Ptolemy’s notice of Ireland in like manner- the number
of the places that are mentioned gives evidence of
an increased knowledge of that island on the part
of the Romans during the period subsequent to the Augustan
age 1 ; and this confirms the statement of Tacitus in the Agricola ,
to the effect that its trade and communication with the sister
island had increased in that interval 3 . There are but few of the
names which he gives, however, that we can identify with any
certainty, and these are mainly river-names on the eastern coast.
The Logia of Ptolemy is probably the Lagan at Belfast, the
Buvinda is the Boyne, the Oboca is the Avoca in Wicklow;
and the Birgus corresponds both in position and name to the
Barrow, which flows into Waterford Harbour. But Ptolemy’s
knowledge of the position of Ireland relatively to England is
a great advance on that of Strabo and others, who placed it
to the northward of the latter island.

We may now proceed to notice the principal additions which
Ptolemy made to the map of the world in other
countnes. In eastern Europe he mentions for tionstoGeo-
the first time by name the Carpathians (Mons Knowledge
Carpatis), with the existence of which the Romans
had become acquainted through Trajan’s conquest of Dacia;
and he rightly fixes them as the boundary between that country
and Sarmatia 8 . The great river Volga also, the
absence of all notice of which in the works of
former geographers is so remarkable, here appears
under the name of Rha, and is described as discharging its waters
into the Hyrcanian or Caspian Sea 4 . In his account of Asia we
meet with the earliest notice of the great Altai
chain, which, commencing from the central group chain (imaus).
of the Pamirs, diverges from the Himalaya, and

1 Ptol. 2.2.

* Tac. Agric. 245 melius aditus portusque per commercia et negotiatores
cogniti.

8 Ptol. 3. 5. 6. 4 5. 9.12,13.

352 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

Sources of
the Nile.

follows a north-easterly direction through Central Asia To
it Ptolemy appropriates the name of Imaus, which had hitherto
been assigned to a portion of the Himalaya; and it is from
this that the distinction is derived, which is commonly intro¬
duced in maps of the ancient world, between Scythia inlra
Imaum and Scythia extra Imaum 1 . He furnishes information,
- , too, with regard to the trade-route which traversed

Direct Trade ’ . ,

Route to the intenor of Asia from the passage of the Eu-
Chma. phrates to Sera in Northern China. The distances

along this, he says on the authority of Marinus, had been com¬
puted by a merchant of Macedonian extraction, called Maes,
though not from his own observations, but from information
which he obtained from his travelling agents 3 .

In the account of Africa which follows, it is highly interesting,
in the light of recent discoveries, to read of the
sources of the main stream of the Nile as being
found in two lakes which lay to the southward of
the equator 8 ; and that these lakes were fed by the snows of a
mountain range which lay beyond them, called the
the^Moon! n8 ° f Mountains of the Moon—a name which was
destined to be a source of perplexity to travellers
and geographers down to our own times 4 . The intelligence
which is contained in these statements was probably trans¬
mitted, not by way of the Nile valley, which was not followed
by traders beyond the marshy region which has been already
noticed, but from the coast in the neighbourhood of Zanzibar,
where the station of Rhapta had been established. On this
supposition it is not improbable that the lakes here spoken of
are the Victoria and Albert Nyanza, and the mention of so
unusual a phenomenon as snow-covered mountains in the
neighbourhood of the equator supports the conjecture that the
Mountains of the Moon are none other than Mounts Kilimanjaro
(19,700 ft.) and Kenia (18,370 ft.), which lie between those
lakes and the sea. With regard to the central dis¬
tricts of Africa also Ptolemy furnishes us with fresh
information, for he notices—though with a somewhat tantalising

1 6. 14,15.

The Soudan.

4. 7. 23, 24.

* t. II. 4—7.

* 4- 8. 3.

XVI.]

PAUSANIAS.

353

brevity which gives no clue to the dates—two expeditions in
that direction which were reported by Marinus. The starting-
point of these was the land of the Garamantes (Fezzan), which
had been already reached by Cornelius Balbus in the reign
of Augustus 1 . Of the first of them we only learn that the name
of its commander was Septimius Flaccus, and that the explorers
arrived at the country of the Aethiopians after a march of three
months towards the south. The account of the other expedition
is somewhat more explicit, for it tells us that its leader, Julius
Maternus, associated himself with the king of the Garamantes in
an invasion of Aethiopia, and in his company, after four months
marching southward, arrived at a district abounding in rhinoceroses,
called Agisymba*. These scanty details do not enable us to
determine the exact position to be assigned to that region, but it
appears clear that they crossed the Sahara, and reached some part
of the Soudan. A more perplexing question presents itself when
we endeavour to decide what rivers are intended by
the Gir and Nigir, which Ptolemy introduces into an a l N^ ir
his tables of western Africa. We have seen that
the former of these two names is a general term signifying
‘stream’ in the native languages of this part 3 , and the same
thing is true of the latter also 4 . It could consequently be ap¬
plied to many rivers, and this circumstance requires to be taken
into consideration in any attempt to identify the Nigir with the
famous river of Timbuctoo, as well as the fact that at the
present day the native name of the river which we call the
Niger is Joliba in the upper part of its course, and Quorra in
the lower. It is difficult, indeed, to identify the two rivers—
which Ptolemy describes as large in size, and as flowing into
lakes in the interior of, the country—with any known African
rivers; but from what he says of them it seems more likely that
they represent streams north than south of the Sahara 6 .

From Ptolemy we turn to one of his contemporaries, Pausanias,
who was in ail respects a great contrast to him, and Pau8anias .
was indeed an antiquarian rather than a geographer;

1 v . supra, p. 213. 3 Ptol. 1. 8. 5. 3 v. supra , p. 29T.

4 Kiepert, Lehrbuch d. a . Geographies p. 224.

» Ptol. 4. 6. 13,14; cp. Bunbury, op. cit ., vol. 2. pp. 618—a8.

354

PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

yet his book, which he calls an Itinerary of Greece , demands more
than a passing notice, inasmuch as it stands alone in antiquity
as a topographical description of a country. It is true that his
topography is mainly confined to cities and sacred places, and
the principal objects on the routes which connected them with
one another ; and that features of the country, such as mountains
and rivers, obtain recognition only so far as they have legends
or memories of historical occurrences attached to them: but
in a country like Greece, which was thickly sown with towns,
the data which are thus provided are of inestimable value for
purposes of map-making.

The period at which Pausanias wrote was eminently suitable
for the work which he undertook, for at no time in all probability
had the monuments of Greece been so numerous and in such
good preservation as they were in the middle of the second
century of our era. Here and there, indeed, he speaks of
temples as being in a ruinous condition, but the decay which
this implies was probably not greater than that which appears in
the deserted monasteries in our own country at the present day;
and this was counterbalanced by the work of restoration, which
had been carried out on a large scale through the munificence
of the emperor Hadrian in the early part of that century.
In Pausanias himself we may trace a resemblance, faint in-
His Resem- deed m c °l° ur an d inferior in all its features, to
biance to Herodotus. In the religious, or rather supersti-
tious awe with which he regards questions and
objects connected with the worship of the gods, he even sur¬
passes his great predecessor. In like manner as Herodotus
moralises on the nemesis which attends on overweening pros¬
perity, Pausanias draws attention to the transitoriness of human
greatness as illustrated by the decadence of a large number of
the great cities of the world—a topic which he introduces in
connection with the desolate condition of Megalopolis in Arcadia
in his time, in contrast with the proud hopes with which it was
originally founded by Epaminondas 1 . The mysteries and the
oracles inspire him with unbounded reverence. He is gifted
also with something of the same quaint power of observation
1 Pausan. 8. 33.

XVI.]

HIS DESCRIPTIONS OF FOUNTAINS,

355

as the historian, and by this he is similarly led into digres¬
sions, which frequently contain information on points which lie
beyond the range of his immediate subject. His accuracy has
generally been acknowledged by those who have followed in
his footsteps. When ancient sites are cleared by the spade
of the excavator from the soil which has accumulated in the
course of ages, the buildings whose foundations are thus revealed
are found to correspond with remarkable closeness to Pausanias 1
descriptions. In wandering about amongst them with his work
as your handbook, “you feel that you are following an invisible
guide—a ghost among ghosts 1 .”

Though Pausanias, as has been said above, had no interest
in geography for its own sake, yet owing to his
love of curious objects, especially when they were trations of
in any way connected with mythological associa- Geography
tions, he was led to dwell on numerous phenomena,
which illustrate at least the physical branch of that subject. This
was the case in a marked manner with springs of

... . ,, . . Fountains.

water, which are m all countries a fertile source
of legends. Thus in one passage he notices the different colours
which these display in various places. One of
them, he says, in the neighbourhood of Joppa ferentco^oura.
in Palestine had a blood-red hue; another, in the
district of Atarneus opposite Lesbos, flowed with black water;
while a third, in the neighbourhood of Rome on the further
side of the Anio, was white. The last-named source was no
doubt the Aquae Albulae near Tibur, which from its milk-white
sulphureous water is known as La Solfatara at the present day;
and its low temperature, on which Pausanias remarks, is still a
characteristic feature, notwithstanding that vapours arise from its
surface. Above all, he draws attention to the 4 grey-green ’ water
of Thermopylae (yXavKorarov vBiop) —an epithet, the truth of
which may be verified at the present day, since the water of
these sources, which is very clear, has that colour owing to the
sediment with which the bed of the channels in which it runs
is incrusted 2 . Elsewhere he draws attention to the warm springs

1 Dean Stanley, in Sir T. Wyse’s Impressions of Greece ,, p. 3x6.

9 Pausan. 4. 35. 9, 10.

23—2

356 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

Warm

Springs.

Fountain of
Deine.

which are found in Greece, such as the so-called Bath of Helen
near Cenchreae on the Isthmus of Corinth 1 , and
that on the peninsula of Methana in Argolis. Of
the latter of these he says,-—“The inhabitants
relate that it was when Antigonus son of Demetrius was King of
Macedon that the water first appeared; but it was not in the
first instance water that gushed forth, but a mass of fire burst
out of the earth, and after this ceased to burn the water rushed
out, which even down to my time continues to flow, hot and
excessively salt 2 .” Another source in the west of Arcadia he
speaks of as having jets of flame in its neighbourhood 8 . Still
more interesting is his mention of the fountain of
Deine, which appeared in the sea on the Argolic
coast near Thyrea, and which may still be seen
about a thousand feet from the shore, rising in the midst of the
salt water with a column of such volume as to force itself above
the sea-level, and throw off concentric eddies all round 4 . The
water which supplied this fountain he believed to be derived
from the drainage of the Argon Pedion near Mantineia, which
passed beneath the intervening range of Mount Artemisium by
an underground channel; and at the present day it is thought to
proceed from that neighbourhood, though rather from the plain
of Tegea than from that of Mantineia,

To notice a few other natural features to which Pausanias
draws attention—he describes the grotto at Tae-
narum, and remarks that there were no signs of
subterraneous descent in it, such as the legends of the poets
implied 5 : as to another point, however, his account is less
accurate than that of Strabo, for he identifies the temple of
Poseidon there with the grotto, whereas the earlier writer, as,
Leake has shewn, was right in regarding them as separate
places, though near to one another 8 . Of the
CorycianCave. Corycian cave, in the upland region of Mount Par¬
nassus above Delphi, he speaks with much greater

Caverns.

1 Pausan. 2. 2. 3. 3 2. 34.1. s 8. 29.1.

4 8. 7. 1, 2; cp. Leake, Travels in the Morea, vol. 2. p. 480; E. Curtius,
Peloponnesus, vol. 2, p. 373. 8 Pausan. 3. 25. 4, 5.

6 Strabo, 8. 5. 1; Leake, Travels in the Morea, voL I. pp. 296—300.

XVI.]

OF CAVERNS AND TREES.

357

enthusiasm, for he regards it as the most remarkable cavern he
had ever seen, on account of its size and height, of the amount
of light which penetrates into it, rendering unnecessary the use
of torches, and of the stalagmites which are formed on the floor
by the dripping from the roof—-all which details correspond to
its present appearance. From describing this spot he proceeds,
with his usual fondness for digression, to notice three other
caves with which he was acquainted in the west of Asia Minor—
one called Steunos in Phrygia, which was consecrated to Cybele,
another by the town of Themisonium in the neighbourhood of
Laodiceia, in which the inhabitants took refuge at the time of
the invasion of the country by the Gauls, and a third near
Magnesia ad Maeandrum, which was famous for a wonder¬
working statue of Apollo of great antiquity 1 . Pausanias' also
displays great interest in trees. Thus he notices ^ ^
the immense height reached by the cypresses at e *

Psophis in Arcadia 2 , and the girth of the plane trees near
Pharae in Achaia, within the hollow trunks of which banquets
used to be held 3 ; and he also mentions those which he believed
to be the most ancient trees existing in the Greek sanctuaries;
the four most conspicuous in that respect being the agnuscastus
which grew in the temple of Hera at Samos, the sacred oak at
Dodona, and the olive trees in the Athenian Acropolis and at
Delos 4 . The same taste leads him occasionally to remark on
the vegetation of certain districts, as, for instance, where he
describes the vast extent of oak-forest which lay between Man-
tineia and Tegea, and was called Pelagus, apparently from the
aspect of the sea-like expanse of waving trees 5 . He mentions
also that cotton, an extremely rare product in
ancient times, was grown in Elis in his day. He
calls it ^ssiis,’ but clearly distinguishes it from both flax and
hemp, and adds that it was not found elsewhere in Greece*.

But, notwithstanding that, Pausanias has contributed in
these and other ways to the enlargement of our geographical

Pausan. io. 32. 2—7. 2 8. 24. 7. 8 7. 22. i.

4 8. 23. 5. 5 8. 11.1.

6 5. 5. 2; cp. 6. 26. 6, and E. Curtius, Pehponnesos % vol. z, p. 438; vol. a,
p. 10.

358 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

knowledge, the objects which chiefly attracted his attention

pausanias’ were c ^ es P u ^^ c buildings, and the

Researches in temples and other holy places which were found

Greece * at short intervals from one another throughout the

whole country. With the view of investigating these he travelled
far and wide in Greece, collecting information everywhere on
the spot, and carefully noting down his own observations. As
might be expected, he devoted himself with especial
tio H ns S o? e8CnP ' enthusiasm to the examination of the great centres
Delphi and antiquarian and mythological interest, such as
Olympia and Delphi; and the excavation of these
two sites in our own day, which in the one case has been already
accomplished, and in the other is now in progress, has afforded
ample opportunities of testing the accuracy of his enquiries.
With regard to this point it is not too much to say that the
descriptions which he drew up for the information of his con¬
temporaries have proved a satisfactory guide to modern explorers.
At Olympia, to which place alone Pausanias devotes forty
chapters of his work, the correspondences are hardly less than
marvellous. To exemplify this by a single instance—at the
north-eastern angle of the Altis, or sacred enclosure, the founda¬
tions of the Treasuries, which he describes, are still remaining,
and in front of them the bases of the Zanes, or statues of Zeus,
the expense of erecting which was defrayed by the fines levied
upon athletes who had transgressed the laws of the Olympic
contests ; and, in addition to this, between the extremity of the
line which these formed and the Hall of Echo, exactly where he
places it, a vaulted passage of some length has been found, which
was the private entrance to the Stadium. And not only has his
account of the position of the various buildings and of their
architectural and ornamental details been verified, but the dedi¬
cations on the bases of some of the statues are found to be
almost in the same words which Pausanias has used in speaking
of them. In like manner, at Delphi the Treasuries of the
Athenians, the Sicyonians, and the Siphnians, which have been
discovered at the sides of the Sacred Way that ascended in
zigzags the steep slope by which the temple was approached from
below, are all mentioned by our author.

XVI.]

HIS ROUTES THROUGH GREECE.

359

A careful study of Pausanias’ Itinerary enables us to trace
with some confidence the routes which he followed

, Routes

in the course of his various tours through Greece, which he
For the Peloponnese these were three in number— followed -
one in the east and south of that region, from Megara by Corinth,
Argos, the Argolic Acte, Sparta, the Taenarian peninsula and
Messene, to the frontier of Messenia and Arcadia; a second from
the frontier of Arcadia and Elis by Olympia, Achaia, and Sicyon
to Corinth; and finally a circular tour through Arcadia. In
northern Greece he seems to have made four journeys, but here
the question of the routes which he took is more complicated 1 .
In his description of districts he generally, though not universally,
observed the principle of beginning with the central city, and
then describing the roads that radiate from it. This is especially
noticeable in the case of Mantineia and Megalopolis, from the
former of which towns four, from the latter five, divergent routes
are traced 2 . In numerous instances also it is possible to assign
the reason why the traveller preferred one of two routes in
passing from one place to another, by pointing out the objects
of special interest which attracted him in this or that direction.
For instance, in journeying from Sicyon to Phlius he does not
appear to have followed the direct road, for he does not describe
it, whereas he does carefully describe the more circuitous one by
way of Titane j and his reason for preferring this is easily dis¬
coverable in the interest which he shews in the rites observed in
the temple of Asclepius in the last-named town 3 . It was from the
journals which Pausanias kept on these tours that
his work was ultimately compiled. The notes his Book. °
which were thus accumulated were then amplified,
and were combined with historical and mythological notices,
which were largely drawn from the treatises of earlier writers.
The Itinerary of Greece is divided into ten books, the first of
which is devoted to Attica and Megaris, and the seven following
to the various provinces of the Peloponnese, two of them being

1 See Heberdey, Die JReiseti des Pausanias in Grieekenland\ p. in.
a Ibid. pp. 40, 81—3, 89—90.

8 Ibid.) p. 41.

360 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

assigned to Elis on account of the importance of Olympia, while
the ninth and tenth treat of Boeotia and Phocis.

An interesting controversy has prevailed of late years with
^ ~ , regard to the trustworthiness of Pausanias as an

TheQuestion ® r .

of his authority. The traditional view of him as a pams-

Veracity. taking archaeologist, conscientious in his investi¬

gations, and somewhat witless in his simplicity, was so firmly
established, that it was startling to find that the contrary opinion
could be maintained, and that the very traits which had produced
an impression in his favour could be adduced as testimony
against him. At the same time it could not be denied that
there were certain features, both in his character as an author, and
in his mode of dealing with his subject, which might reasonably
excite suspicion. For naivete and religious scrupulousness are
certainly unusual traits in a writer of the second century after
Christ; and when we find that he uses such expressions as ‘they
say,’ and even *1 heard/ when quoting statements which are
clearly borrowed from earlier writers, we are led to enquire
whether his veracity is unimpeachable. On the strength of these
The view an< * s * m ^ ar points it is maintained that the peculiar

Adverse to personality which is everywhere present to the

student of Pausanias’ work is merely a mask
assumed for purposes of deception, and that its peculiar features
are devices of art, intended to throw dust in the readers eyes.
His statements, also, that he had seen certain places and objects
with his own eyes, and his mention of local cicerones who had
furnished him with information on the spot, are to be regarded
as mere pretences. Great stress is also laid on the extent of

his indebtedness to other works—an obligation which within
certain limits is admitted on all hands, though it should be
added that this is found much more in the historical and mytho¬
logical, than in the geographical and descriptive sections of his
book. In accordance with this view Pausanias is to be regarded,
not as a traveller or an independent investigator, but as a mere
compiler, who utilised local handbooks for his purposes, and in
default of these borrowed his notices of places from writers, some
of whom lived several centuries before his time, so that he even
described cities, which at the time when he, wrote were for the

XVI.]

QUESTION OF HIS VERACITY.

36l

most part ruined or deserted, as if they were still flourishing. As
he informs us that his place of residence was somewhere in
Lydia 1 , he is supposed hardly to have left that country] or, if he
travelled in Greece at all, it was only over a small portion of it
and in a superficial manner, so that he was able by that means
to insert in his book recollections of his tours, with the object
of giving it a modern colouring.

A little concession has turned the edge of some of the most
formidable of these objections. The suspicious „ ,

. J r Explanations

character of the ambiguous terms which Pausanias of his
uses in quoting from other treatises is admitted, but Statements *
they are shown to have been commonly employed by other
ancient writers whose veracity is unquestioned; and he is proved
to have introduced them bona fide and not with the view of dis¬
guising the origin of the statements, by the examination of a
number of passages, where these expressions are used undis-
guisedly with reference to earlier compilations. It is also allowed
that the name which he sometimes applies to dcerones (c£qyqraf)
is on other occasions, and perhaps more frequently, intended to
signify local handbooks, or, as we say, ‘guides.’ N_or is it doubted
that he studied both these and all the other available books which
related to the places which he visited, nor that he made extracts
from these when it suited his purposes—an admission which ex¬
plains the existence of numerous coincidences between his state¬
ments and those of other writers, but in no way justifies-the
charge of wholesale plagiarism. The question whether his de¬
scriptions of cities are anachronistic, and therefore could not have
been derived from personal observation, in many cases cannot be
determined from want of data, but in some instances these places
are proved by the testimony of coins to have been still in existence
in his age. With regard to the whole question it is well to bear
in mind the improbabilities that are involved in this attempt to
discredit Pausanias. In the first place it is no easy Difficultics
task for a writer to assume the mask so completely, involved in the
as to leave the impression (which he does) that
there is nothing counterfeit either in his enquiries or his religion.
And, secondly, it is not likely that Pausanias would have exposed
Pausan. 5.13. 7.

362 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

himself to the ridicule of his contemporaries by taking his ma¬
terials wholesale from writers who were familiar at that period, or
by describing a well-known city like Athens as it existed some
centuries before—and nothing less than this is implied. More¬
over, it is the reverse of an easy task to make descriptions
obtained at second hand from other writers pass muster as if they
were derived from personal observation. The mere difficulty of
determining the relative position of buildings and other objects
within a certain area without ocular inspection is so great, that it
seems impossible that a writer should have grouped them so accu¬
rately in his narrative as to have furnished again and again the
clue to their identification by modern explorers; and this is what
Pausanias has done. Good service has also been rendered in his
defence by an enumeration of the passages in the Itinerary which
imply autopsy on his part. By this it is shewn that there are
fifty-five instances, in which the words used, if they are not un¬
qualified falsehoods, are direct statements of personal observation;
and the same thing is indirectly implied in a hundred and eleven
others, in many of which it is further confirmed by other expres¬
sions which occur in the same context. In some cases we even
find that Pausanias corrects the statements of an earlier authority
RecentTesti- fr° m own inspection. Certain it is, that the con-
monies in his fidence of modern archaeologists in the trustworthi-
avour * ness of this writer has not been lessened by these
discussions. Thus Miss Harrison, in the Preface to her “ Mytho¬
logy and Monuments of Ancient Athens” (p. vii.), says with
special reference to this subject, * I feel bound to record my con¬
viction that the narrative of Pausanias is no “ Reise Romantik,”
but the careful, conscientious, and in some parts amusing and
quite original narrative of a bona fide traveller/ Prof. Gardner, in
his “New Chapters of Greek History” (p. 80), remarks, ‘No part
of Pausanias’ work bears more satisfactory evidence of autopsy than
does the book which treats of Mycenae.’ And Mr G. C. Richards,
one of the British excavators of Megalopolis, assures us that the
* result of the discoveries at that place is ‘to establish the substantial
accuracy of that author in one more instance.’ 1

1 Excavations at Megalopolis , p. 105: Supplementary Paper, No. 1, of the
Hellenic Society. The leading works that have been written on the subject

XVI.]

STEPHANUS BYZANTINUS.

363

The most serviceable treatise on geography which was pro¬
duced after the time of Pausanias was the Ethnica
of Stephanus of Byzantium. This author, about B y^anu“
whose period very little is known, is believed by his
editor, Westermann, who is the chief authority on the subject, to
have lived at Constantinople during the beginning and middle of
the sixth century, in the reign of Justinian I. 1 His HU
work was a geographical lexicon, containing the
names of countries and places that were known in antiquity, ar¬
ranged in alphabetical order, to which a variety of information
relating to their topography, history, mythology and etymology
was appended. Unfortunately, the greater part of it survives only
in an epitome, which was made at a somewhat later period by a
grammarian called Hermolaus; and even this, if we may judge
by the extremely meagre character of the articles in certain parts
of the treatise, would seem to have been still further abbreviated
by subsequent copyists 8 . Its principal usefulness at the present
day arises from its supplementing the knowledge which we obtain
from other sources, for the number of places which' are named in
it is very great—under the head of Alexandria alone eighteen
cities of that name are introduced, under Heracleia twenty-three,
and under Apollonia twenty-five—and the less important towns
and tribes are not neglected. Two fragments of the original work
of Stephanus, relating to Spain and Sicily, are preserved in the
JDe Aiministranio Imperio and the De Thematibus of the Emperor
Constantine Porphyrogenitus; the later articles under the letter A
also exist in a separate manuscript; and the conclusion of the
treatise, from X to 0 , to judge from the greater fulness of treat¬
ment which is found in that part, seems to be in the condition
in which the author left it. From these portions we learn how
much we have lost in not possessing the complete work, for
in them we find that the compiler’s statements are usually verified
by quotations from ancient authors, amongst whom the name of

of Pausanias’ trustworthiness are—for the attack, Kaikmann, Pausanias ier *
Perieget, Berlin, 1886; for the defence, Gurlitt, Ueber Pausanias, Graz, 1890;
Heberdey, Die Reiseti ties Pausanias in Griechettland, Vienna, 1894.

1 Stephani Ethnica, ed. Westermann, p. vi.

* Ibid. p. xxiv.

364 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

Strabo is of frequent occurrence. The primary object of the
writer was, no doubt, grammatical, for he makes a

it8^conte^ts.° f P oint in evel 7 case of S ivin 3 the gentile names de¬
rived from those of the towns and countries, and
often descants on these at disproportionate length; but he also
records mythological traditions and historical events with which
we should otherwise be unacquainted. Occasionally, too, his
etymological remarks are not without value for the study of
geography, owing to the light which they throw on the significance
of place names. Thus under 1 the heads of Agnfis, the Attic deme,
and Schoenus, a place in Arcadia, we find him noticing how
frequently this termination was used in the nomenclature of
places in Greece, to signify the abundance of certain trees and
plants in their neighbourhood. Besides Agnus, which is derived
from the agnus castus, he mentions five other denies of Attica
which have this peculiarity—Acherdfis from the wild pear-tree,
Phegfts from the esculent oak, Myrrhinfis from the myrtle, Rham-
nfis from the thorn-, and MarathCis from the fennel. In like
manner, in .addition to Schoenfis, which is called from the rush,
he names Pityfis, which is derived from the pine, Daphnfis from
the bay, Ericfis from the heather, Scillus from the squill, and
Selinfls from parsley. The method of comparison which these
observations imply seems like an anticipation of modern forms of
enquiry.

Two writers of this later period remain to be noticed, Solinus
Sol’ nus an< * ® ros * Lls > though their importance is due, not

to any additions which they made to geographical
knowledge, but to the influence which they exercised during the
middle ages. Their works, rather than those of the famous
authors of antiquity, were the source of the classical geography of
the men of letters and the map-makers of that period. The
earlier of these, C. Julius Solinus, who probably lived in the third
century of our era, composed a book entitled CoU
Memorabilia. hctanea Rerum Memorabilium, which was intended
to be a survey of the different countries of the world,
with notices of the most interesting objects in them and of the
peculiarities of their inhabitants. How great its influence was, is
shewn by the use which was made of it by writers like Augustine

XVI.]

SOLINUS.

3^5

and Priscian, and especially by Isidore of Seville, the fame of
whose profound learning, existing as it did in the midst of the
darkness of the seventh century, caused his Origines to be widely
read by those who came after him 1 . To these we may add, as a
specimen of those authors who availed themselves of Solinus*
writings at a much later date, the literary adviser Me diaevai
of Dantes youth, Brunetto Latini, whose encyclo- Estimate of
paedic work, II Tesoro , however we may estimate it
at the present day, was highly valued by his contemporaries.
Not only does Brunetto derive many of his facts of natural history
from Solinus, but his geography also is largely drawn from him.
Thus, to take one or two instances, the account which we find in
the Tesoro of the practice of ‘dumb commerce* in China, the
mention of Canopus as a conspicuous star in the island of Tapro-
bane, the story of the Tigris passing through the Lake of Van, and
the description of the burning mountain in south Africa, which
was originally derived from Hanno’s narrative already mentioned,
are all directly borrowed from the Memorabilia\

After thus noticing the high position as an authority which
this writer once occupied, it is curious to observe
the low estate to which he has fallen in our own
day. Mommsen, in his excellent edition of Solinus,
in order to shew the sources from which his information is derived,
has noted throughout in the margin the name of the author from
whom each several statement is borrowed: and by this means
what already was generally believed has been proved in detail,
namely that the whole work is a mere compilation. By far the
greater part of it—including all the passages which we have noticed
as being reproduced by Brunetto Latini—is taken from Pliny \ a
certain amount also from Mela, and from sources which we cannot
now identify. The editor severely adds :—* the statements which
Solinus introduced on his own account are altogether valueless,
and we may be thankful that they are so few 8 / It may be

Modem

Estimate.

1 Compare the tables in Mommsen’s ed. of Solinus, pp. 255 foil.
a Dumb commerce, Brun. Lat. Tesoro , ed. Gaiter, vol. 2, p. 22, Sol.
Memorabilia , 50. 4; Canopus, B. L. p. 26, Sol. 53. 7; Tigris, B. L. p. 18,
Sol. 37. 5 foil.; burning mountain, B. L. p. 50, Sol. 30.14.

8 Pref. p. xi.

366 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

mentioned, however, in his favour, that he is the only ancient
writer who notices the Isle of Thanet (Tanatus Insula). This
he describes as receiving the breezes of the Gallic strait (Straits
of Dover), and as being separated from the mainland of Britain
only by a narrow inlet: it rejoices in corn-land and a fruitful
soil, and moreover dispenses its benefits beyond its own borders,
for not only does it harbour no snakes itself, but the earth that
is exported from it kills the snakes in any country to which it is

Orosius.

His Historiae.

taken 1 .

Paulus Orosius, who was a native of Tarragona in Spain, and
lived in the early part of the fifth century, was the
author of a work entitled Historiae adversus Paga ■
nos. This, as he tells us in his Preface, was under¬
taken at the suggestion of St. Augustine, in order to answer the
complaint of the heathen of that age, that the calamities which
had then fallen on the empire were due to the neglect of the
ancient divinities arising from the spread of Christianity, by
shewing that similar disasters had befallen mankind from the
earliest period. In reality it is an epitome of the annals of the
world down to the writer's own time, and in this character it
became the chief mediaeval authority for the facts and dates of
ancient history. It is frequently quoted by Bede, and was trans¬
lated into Anglo-Saxon by Alfred the Great. In Dante's prose
works Orosius is several times referred to by name, and in other
places he can be recognised as his authority, though unacknow¬
ledged. By way of an introduction to this historical sketch, an
outline of universal geography is prefixed to it,
caS*sectSn.^b 1 " which is principally taken up with describing the
boundaries of countries. It has numerous errors,
and the relative positions of the various lands are strangely dis¬
torted ; but, notwithstanding this, its popularity at a later period
was not less than that attained by the historical portion of the
work. The influence of this geographical section is frequently
traceable in the Divina Commedia , and in the De Monorchia
Dante refers to it in support of the statement that Mount Atlas
and the Fortunatae Insulae are the western limits of Africa 2 ,

1 Memorabilia , 22. 8.

2 Dante, De Monarch . 2. 3; Oros. Hist., 1. 2. n«

XVI.]

EARLIER ERRORS REVIVED.

367

The impression which a study of these later writers on
geography leaves most strongly imprinted on our
minds, is that of the transitoriness of the influence chawcte^of
of Ptolemy’s geographical work in antiquity—or
rather, perhaps, of the slight extent to which it at
any time affected the ordinary Roman mind. The same thing
may be said of the greater part of the knowledge of distant
countries that was acquired after the Augustan age. Most of
the old errors now reappear, and the concep¬
tion of the map of the world is much rather that
of Strabo than that of Ptolemy. The habitable
globe is once more confined to the northern hemisphere. The
southward extension of Africa is ignored, and the Nile is supposed
to cross that continent from west to east in a line parallel to the
Southern Ocean. Egypt is regarded as forming part of Asia, and
Africa commences on the western side of that country. The
Ganges flows into the Eastern Ocean, and the Caspian, the true
character of which as an inland piece of water Ptolemy had re¬
asserted after centuries of misconception, is once more treated as
an inlet from the sea. These and numerous other errors were
perpetuated by subsequent writeis, and, with the addition of other
fictitious features derived from ecclesiastical sources, became
embedded in mediaeval cartography. It should be remembered,
as a partial explanation of this, that Ptolemy’s Geography was not
translated into Latin until the year 1405 a.d., and consequently,
in proportion as the knowledge of the Greek language died out in
the West, the chances of its contents being known in that part of
the world steadily diminished. The Arabian geographers, in¬
deed, became acquainted with it, and through them certain of its
principles were imparted to European scholars; but the effect
thus produced was very limited in its range. With the revival of
letters, however, a new era dawned for Ptolemy’s reputation, and
a nearer acquaintance with his work, which was then rendered
accessible to readers, not only established his authority, but
caused even an exaggerated importance to be attributed to his
statements.

In the course of the survey of Ancient Geography which we

368 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP.

have now concluded, we have traced the development of the
science from its earliest beginnings, when it was confined to a
small portion of the east of the Mediterranean,
and^ummary. until the ^ me wlien lt embraced the whole of the
habitable world that was known to the ancients.
We have seen that the Phoenicians were the first civilised people
who acquired information on this subject, but that the selfish¬
ness of their commercial policy prevented them from imparting
to others the knowledge which they possessed themselves; in
consequence of which the accumulation of facts bearing on
geography, and the practice of recording them in such a way
as to render them useful to contemporaries and instructive to
future generations, was reserved for the Greeks—a people who,
both by the versatility of their intellect and the communicative¬
ness of their temperament, were especially qualified to undertake
such a task. The first intimations of an acquaintance on the
part of that race with distant lands and peoples
have been traced in the incidental mention in
the Homeric poems of strange sights which were
characteristic of other latitudes, and of objects of
commerce which must have been derived from far countries.
After this, when the great outburst of colonising enterprise took
place which prevailed during the eighth and seventh centuries
before Christ, the shores of the Aegean, the Propontis and the
Eusine towards the east, those of Sicily, Italy, and to some
extent of Gaul and Spain, to the west, and even Egypt and the
neighbouring parts of Libya, were revealed to them. Then
followed the wars with Persia; and the interest which these ex¬
cited in that great kingdom and in the races of which it was
composed stimulated enquiry into the continent of Asia. The

Continuous
Advance of
Knowledge
of General
Geography,

information which was obtained from the two sources just named
was embodied in the work of Herodotus, and was verified and
enlarged by the personal investigations of that writer. Subse¬
quently to this the knowledge of special districts was increased
by the expedition of Hanno the Carthaginian along the west
coast of Africa, and by the retreat of the Ten Thousand under
Xenophon from Mesopotamia to the Black Sea over the high¬
lands of Armenia. But the period that witnessed the most

XVT.]

RETROSPECT AND SUMMARY.

369

marked advance in geographical knowledge was the latter half
of the fourth century before our era. It was at that time that Alex¬
ander carried his victorious arms as far eastward as Bactria and
India, and explored the shores of the Indian Ocean; while in the
opposite direction Pytheas was investigating the western coasts of
Europe and the wonders of the northern sea. The task of enlarging
the field of knowledge now passed into the hands of the Romans,
and we have seen how the campaigns of Lucullus and Pompey in
Armenia and Iberia, the progressive subjugation of Spain, Gaul,
and Britain, and finally the expeditions that were undertaken
against Germany and other countries to the northward of the
Alps, revealed to view large areas, about which before that time
only vague rumours had prevailed. The facts that were thus
brought to light were diligently harvested by learned men
amongst the Greeks. The Augustan age formed the culmi¬
nating point of these discoveries, and it was during that period
that the sum of the information which had" thus been acquired
was once for all brought together, and diligently sifted and
arranged, in the comprehensive work of Strabo.

We have also traced side by side with the growth of this
part of the subject the gradual development of andofScien .
scientific enquiry about the earth and its com- tificGeo-
ponent elements. In the domain of physical graphy *
geography it has been seen how the early observation of earth¬
quake movements and volcanic phenomena by the Greeks led
up to the speculations of Aristotle on the causes which pro¬
duced them, and afterwards to the examination and comparison
of them by travellers like Posidonius; and how the tides of the
ocean were made known to the dwellers about the Mediter¬
ranean, and the causes of their recurrence were explained, by
Pytheas and other voyagers. In mathematical geography the
process of development has been even more apparent There
we have noticed the early introduction of the gnomon as an
instrument of measurement, and the primitive attempts at map¬
making and the division of the world into continents. At the
same time the Homeric conception of the earth as a circular
plane, which was still maintained by the Ionian school of
philosophers, and was not wholly exploded in Herodotus’ time,
T. 24

370 PTOLEMY AND LATER GEOGRAPHERS. [CHAP. XVI.

gave way before the belief in its sphericity, the arguments for
which were formally stated by Aristotle. Further advances were
made at a later period by means of the measurement of the
circumference of the earth, and the computation of the size of
the habitable world, by Eratosthenes; and the commencement
of a system of parallels and meridians was made by that man of
science and Hipparchus. It was reserved for Ptolemy after the
lapse of several centuries to complete this, and at the same time
the new and scientific system of projection which he invented
laid the foundation on which a great part of modern cartography
is based

ADDITIONAL NOTES. By M. CARY

Pp. 3, 4. The Mediterranean Sea
The standard geographical treatise on the Mediterranean is
A. Philippson, Das Mittelmeergebiet. But there is no better way of
studying the conditions of ancient travel in the Mediterranean
than to read the descriptive passages in V. Berard’s books on the
Odyssey, especially in Les PMnidens et TOdyssk (2nd edition);
Calypso et la mer de VAtlantide\ Nausicaa et le retour d’Ulysse.
The first chapter in J. Holland Rose, The Mediterranean in the
Ancient World, will also be found useful.

P. 4, 11 .14-17. Exclusiveness of the ancient Egyptians
The Egyptians made voyages of exploration both in the
Mediterranean and in the Red Seas. Their intercourse with
Phoenicia, where they went to fetch the cedar-wood of Lebanon,
dated back at least to 3000 b.c. From their Red Sea ports they
visited the land of ‘Punt’ (northern Somaliland) in quest of
frankincense. These Red Sea cruises, which also commenced
c. 3000 b.c., culminated in a great expedition during the reign of
Queen Hatshepsut (c. t5oo b.c.), extending to Socotra and the
southern coast of Arabia. Towards the end of the second millen¬
nium, however, the Egyptians allowed their overseas trade to fall
into the hands of foreign peoples (Phoenicians and, subsequently,
Greeks), and they never attempted to acquire any consistent idea
of the neighbouring continents. The lands to the north of Egypt
(Asia Minor and the Aegean area) were known to them vaguely
as ‘the Isles of the Very Green.’ On Egyptian seafaring, see
J. H. Breasted, History of Egypt, especially pp. 274-8.

Pp. 4-6. Phoenicians and Minoans
The part played by the Phoenicians in opening up and colonis¬
ing the Mediterranean region is now considered to have been less
extensive than was formerly believed. The derivations of place-
names in Greece and other Mediterranean lands from Semitic
roots, which used to be accepted as proof of Phoenician settlement,
have now for the most part been discredited. But the chief reason

24—2

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

for reducing the role of the Phoenicians has Iain in the archaeo¬
logical exploration of the Mediterranean countries, which has
brought to light much new evidence on their prehistoric condition.
In particular, the discoveries made in the Greek lands, and fore¬
most among these the excavations of Sir Arthur Evans on the
Cretan site of Cnossus, have revolutionised our ideas of early
seafaring in the Mediterranean.

A Greek legend, to which little attention has been paid until
recent years, preserved the memory of a king Minos of Cnossus,
who exercised the earliest of all lordships over the Greek seas. It
has now been disclosed that Cnossus was the centre of a powerful
prehistoric monarchy and the seat of the earliest high civilisation
in Europe. This pre-Hellenic or ‘Minoan’ civilisation was based on
a maritime commerce which extended to Egypt in one direction,
to Sicily and possibly to Spain in another. The voyages of the
early Cretans were made on sea-going ships with a keel and a high
bow, which were better all-weather craft than the mere river-boats
of the Egyptians. Intercourse between Crete and Egypt was opened
at least as early as 3000 b.c., and the visits of Cretan mariners to
the western Mediterranean probably began not later than 2500 b.c.
On the other hand the earliest evidence of Phoenician intercourse
with foreignlands—an Egyptian tomb-painting near Thebes—dates
back no further than c. 1450 b.c. It is clear, therefore, that the
Minoans were the real pioneers of Mediterranean navigation, and
that the Phoenicians merely extended and completed their work
in a later age.

In the course of the second millennium Greece received a new
population of Indo-European immigrants. About 1400 b.c. a body
of invaders, who may be identified with the ‘Achaeans’ of Homer,
established itself at Mycenae in Argolis and set up a rival capital
to Cnossus; soon after this date the Achaeans went on to invade
Crete and to destroy Cnossus. Despite the fall of Cnossus,
the ascendancy of the Aegean peoples in the Mediterranean was
maintained almost to the end of the second millennium, indeed
it was confirmed by the settlement of Achaean or Minoan popu¬
lations in Cyprus, and on the coasts of southern Asia Minor and
Syria. But towards the end of the second millennium the pre¬
historic civilisation of Greece underwent a general decline, and

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

iii

with the irruption of another group of Aryan invaders, the Dorians
(c. noo B.C.), it came to an end. By the beginning of the first
millennium the Greeks (as the inhabitants of Greece may hence¬
forth be called) had abandoned the maritime enterprise of the
Minoans and had left the Mediterranean to be re-disco'vered by
the Phoenicians. Details of Minoan seafaring will be found in
Sir Arthur Evans, The Palace of Minos at Knossos, vol. i, § 14;
vol. 2, §§ 35, 39, 42; in G. Glotz, The Aegean Civilisation , bk. 2,
chs. 4 and S ; and in A. R. Burn, Minoans , Philistines and Greeks .
Berard, Les Phiniciens et f Odyssee, vol. 2, ch. 5, still maintains the
priority of the Phoenicians and denies a Cretan lordship over the
seas; but in this opinion he now stands almost alone.

At the end of the second millennium the Phoenicians entered
upon the heritage of the Minoans (from whom they had probably
received an admixture of population). Their penetration of the
Aegean area was less complete than the delusive derivations of
Greek place-names from Semitic roots, and the now generally
discredited equation, Heracles = Melkarth, suggested to scholars
of an earlier generation. Yet their presence in Greek waters at the
beginnings of Greek history is repeatedly attested by Homer and
Herodotus, and it is confirmed by the diffusion among the Greeks
of an alphabet of Phoenician origin, which they adopted not later
than 800 b.c.

In the western Mediterranean the Phoenicians reached the
Straits of Gibraltar at an early stage. In the opinion of the Greeks
the Tyrian colony of Gades had been planted soon after the Trojan
War, i.e. in the twelfth century b.c. (Strabo, 1. 3. 2, p. 48).
Phoenician remains in Spain give no support to this tradition, for
none of them are anterior to the eighth century. Yet the passage
from the Book of Kings, referred to on p. 7 of the text, is good
evidence that the way to the Straits was familiar to the Phoenicians
by 1000 b.c. This way was probably discovered in the first instance
by coasting along the shore of Africa, where the Tyrian colony of
Utica was believed to have been founded in 1101 (Pliny, Nat.
ffist ., 16, §216). A second base for the exploration of the West
was established in Sicily, where the Phoenicians made settlements
on all three coasts, previous to the coming of the Greeks
(Thucydides, 6. 2). On the other hand the Phoenicians did not

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

follow out the route along the European coast; they founded no
colonies in Italy or France, and left scarcely any remains in these
countries. It is also doubtful whether they colonised Sardinia or
the Balearic Isles before the advent of the Greeks into the western
Mediterranean.

P. 7, L 7. Tarshish or Tartessus
The name ‘Tartessus’ was given by the Greeks to a district of
southern Spain, to its chief town, and to a river (the Guadalquivir),
at the mouth of which that city was situated. The Tartessians
claimed that they had an ancient civilisation and a law-book dating
back to 6000 b.c. (Strabo, 3. 1. 6, p. 139, where the MSS read
vo/jtoi 4 £aKi<rxiAxW £r< 3 v, not e7rd3v, as in Meineke’s text); and it is
probable that their principal city had been an entrepot for Atlantic
trade since at least 2000 b.c. But the first indisputable evidence
of commerce between Tartessus and the eastern Mediterranean is
the passage in the Book of Kings, mentioned in the text. Several
other references to ‘Tarshish’ in the Old Testament (notably those
in Ezekiel 27) show that the Phoenicians of Tyre maintained their
connexion with this city until the sixth century.

The exact site of the city has not yet been ascertained. In any
case, it lay farther out from the Straits than Gades (with which
later writers of antiquity confused it), and it was a native town, not
a Phoenician colony.

From the fact that Tartessus is not mentioned again in Greek
literature after Hecataeus it may be inferred that by 500 b.c. it
had sunk into insignificance or, more likely, had been destroyed
by the Carthaginians, who had by then gained control of the
Straits and were setting up a monopoly of the trade of southern
Spain with Mediterranean lands. On the prehistoric trade of
southern Spain see V. G. Childe, The Dawn of European Civilisation ,
ch. 9, and A. Schulten, Tariessos (a somewhat imaginative yet
highly instructive book).

P. 8, 1 . 35. High peaks attract storms
This statement is not strictly accurate. Nevertheless the coastal
ranges accentuate the dangers of navigation in the Greek seas, by
reason of the KoraiytScs or sudden squalls which blow down from
the mountains with great force on days of clear weather.

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

P. io, 1 . 15. Dangerous currents near headlands
Mediterranean currents in general are of no great speed or range,
except at times when a persistent gale increases their force.

P. xi, 1 . 8. The Mediterranean a tideless sea

The Atlantic tides, being intercepted by the Straits of Gibraltar,
have little influence on the Mediterranean basin, whose water-level
has a seasonal variation seldom exceeding one or two feet. Never¬
theless the tide is of perceptible strength in narrowing channels
between converging shores. The strange alternations and the great
force of the current in the Euripus, which rises at times to a
velocity of 6-7 knots, is due to a tide travelling up the two arms
of the Euboic channel at unequal speeds. The difference in the
level of the water in either channel, consequent upon this tidal
motion, creates a stream through the Chalcis Straits which reverses
its direction at irregular intervals.

In the Straits of Messina a tidal race flows alternately to north
and south through the centre of the channel, and counter-currents
set in along either shore. Between these opposite streams whirl¬
pools form here and there.

P. 11, 1 . 23. Heracles a fire-god

It is hardly correct to describe Heracles as a fire-god. His
association with thermal springs was a natural development from
the widespread worship which he received as a god of healing.

P. 13, 1 . 6. Geographical works in Latin

Besides the works of Mela and Pliny, we still possess the geo¬
graphical poem of Avienus, mentioned on p. 36 and elsewhere.
But as a contributor to geographical science Avienus was even
more negligible than Mela or Pliny.

Pp. ig, 20. The Argonauts

The Argonaut legend in all probability commemorated an actual
raid by adventurers from Greek lands into the Black Sea, ending
in a haul of gold from Colchis. In that country drift-gold was
collected on fleeces hung out in the mountain streams (Strabo, 11.
2. 19, p. 499)- Since Jason was assigned to the second generation

additional notes.

before the Trojan War, his cruise may be dated c. 1250 b.c. But
the legend must not be taken as proof of the systematic opening
up of the Black Sea in prehistoric times. Archaeological evidence
of such early intercourse between the Aegean and the Black Sea
is almost wholly lacking; and Homer’s knowledge of the way into
the Black Sea extended only a little distance into the Sea of
Marmora. The detailed knowledge of the coast of Asia Minor
which is revealed in the later forms of the Argonaut legend (as in
Apollonius Rhodius) was the result of Greek exploration in the
eighth and following centuries. On the growth of the Argonaut
legend, see Miss J. R. Bacon, The Voyage of the Argonauts ; on
its historical basis, see Burn, op. cit., ch. 9.

Pp. 20, ai. The River Oceanus
This outer stream was believed to have water-connexions with
the inner seas. According to Hesiod, Catalogue of Women, fr. 45,
the Argonauts returned home from the Black Sea by the river
Phasis and the Ocean stream, which carried them to Libya, from
which point they shouldered the good ship Argo to the Medi-
terranean Sea.

P. 24. Ithaca

The discrepancies noted in the text between Homeric Ithaca
and modern Thiaki have since given rise to the view that the
home of Odysseus should be sought in the adjacent island of
Leucas. This theory has been advocated with great ingenuity and
persistence by W. Dorpfeld (most recently in Alt-Ithaka, a book
of two volumes), and it has been endorsed by W. Leaf, Homer
and History, ch. 5. But it has not found general acceptance. For
a recent re-statement of the claims of Thiaki, see Sir Rennell Rodd,
Homer’s Ithaca.

Pp. 24, 25. The Homeric Catalogue
The view that the Homeric Catalogue of Ships was of later
date than the Iliadhas recently been further developed by Leaf (op.
cit., passim, and especially pp. 80-86). But strong arguments for
regarding it as an integral and original part of the Iliad, have been
advanced by T. W. Allen, The Homeric Catalogue of Ships,
espedallych.11.

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

Pp. 26,1. 5; 27,1. i. The Aethiopians
It is possible that Homer had some vague inkling of the
Sudanese, who are the swarthiest of all negroes. But instead of
locating the Aethiopians definitely in the far south, he vaguely
relegated them (in the Iliad) to the borders of Ocean, i.e. to those
regions beyond the known world where imaginative authors of all
ages have placed their idealised societies of ‘noble savages.’ In
the Odyssey Homer partitioned the Ethiopians into a far western
and a far eastern section. This new location of their abodes was
not the product of fresh information about the habitats of the
dark-skinned tribes, but an inference from Homer’s belief that the
earth was a flat disc, and that the sun at dawn and dusk grazed
its rim, so that the adjacent peoples were scorched to blackness.

Pp. 29, 30. The Pygmies

Hecataeus added the detail that in order to drive off the
cranes the Pygmies dressed up in rams’ fleeces and horns, and
agitated rattles, (Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker ,
vol. 1, fr. 328.)

Pp. 31-33. Amber

The earliest amber to reach the Mediterranean was brought by
the sea-route from Heligoland. About 1600 b.c. Baltic amber
.began to come down to the Adriatic and passed on to Peloponnesus
by way of Pylos. A land route by which Jutish amber reached
Italy was also established, but this went by way of the German
rivers and the valley of the Inn rather than through Gaul. There is
no evidence that amber ever travelled with tin across Gaul. On
the early amber trade see V. G. Childe, op. ciL> pp. 136, 137;
J. M. de Navarro, Geographical Journal , 1925, pp. 481-507.

P. 32, 1 .14. The Hyperboreans
The Hyperboreans were usually imagined by Greek writers from
the time of Hesiod as an idealised society under the special
protection of Apollo—a northern counterpart to the ‘blameless
Aethiopians’ of Homer. Their homes were placed anywhere in
the north beyond the borders of the known world. But Herodotus’
Hyperboreans were clearly a real people with a definable abode.
According to an ingenious theory of C. T. Seltman, Classical

Vlii ADDITIONAL NOTES.

Quarterly , 1928, pp. 155-9, they were Greek emigrants who had
ventured themselves far into the Danube lands and had thus lost
touch with the mother-country, yet still contrived to remit a yearly
offering to Apollo. According to Herodotus the starting-point of
their journey was ‘Scythia,’ which may here be taken to mean the
Rumanian corn-lands.

The gifts of the Hyperboreans were almost certainly not amber,
but ears of wheat, the firstfruits of their harvest. In Callimachus’
Hymn to Delos ( 11 . 2S3, 284) the offerings are described as koX 6 .\iltj

T€ Kat Upa Spayp-arcL ... acrTa^vwv.

P. 34. The amber river Eridanus
Jutish amber travelled to Italy by way of the Rhine and the
Inn, but not, so far as is known, along the Rh6ne. The identi¬
fication of the Eridanus with the Padus first occurs in Pherecydes,
a writer of the early fifth century. (Jacoby, Fragm. griech. Hist,
vol. 1, fr. 74.)

Pp* 35> 36- The early tin trade
In prehistoric days supplies of tin perhaps reached the Medi¬
terranean lands from Bohemia, but throughout historical times the
main source of tin was in the Atlantic coastlands. The earliest
Atlantic consignments probably came from Brittany, but the trade
of the Carthaginians in tin was with Cornwall. The Spanish tin
mines do not appear to have been worked before the Roman
conquest. (Cary > Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1924, pp. 166,167.)

Pp. 37-39. The Cassiterides
The doubts of Herodotus, 3. 115, as to the existence of Tin
Islands in the Atlantic have been confirmed by modern prospectors,
who have ascertained that no important deposits of tin have ever
been exploited on any Atlantic islands. The term ‘Cassiterides’
may originally have been a floating expression. But the land to
which Strabo referred under that name was undoubtedly Cornwall,
which the early Mediterranean traders, by an error common
among explorers of all ages, mistook for a cluster of islands. See
T. Rice Holmes, Ancient Britain arid the Invasions of Julius Caesar ;
pp. 483-498J P* J* Haverfield, in Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, Beal-
encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft , s.v. Kassiterides.

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

P. 38, 1 . 26. P. Crassus

The context in which Strabo relates the voyage of Crassus to the
Cassiterides makes it almost certain that his starting-point was
Spain. Crassus should therefore be identified with the governor of
Further Spain in 96-93 b.c., rather than with the well-known
lieutenant of Caesar in Gaul. If the explorer of the Cassiterides
was Caesar’s lieutenant, he kept his secret well, for Caesar was
under the delusion that the source of British tin was in the interior
of the island (Bellum Gallicum , 5. 12. 5).

Ch. 3. Greek colonisation

For a recent survey of the Greek colonial expansion, in which
full account is taken of its geographical factors, see J. L. Myres,
in Cambridge Ancient History , vol. 3. ch. 25.

P. 46, 1 . 13. Phoenicians at Lampsacus

It is now generally believed that the name of Lampsacus was of
Asianic, not of Semitic origin. There is no good evidence of
Phoenician navigation in the Black Sea or its approaches.

P. 46, 1 . 25. Black Sea fisheries

The Greeks were also attracted to the estuaries of the Danube
and the Dnieper by reason of their great wealth of fish. The
abundance of fish at Byzantium (where a back-eddy from the
Bosporus current swirled the fish towards the shore) was specially
noted by Tacitus, Annals , 12. 63. 2; and the importance of the
fishing industry at Cyzicus was attested by its coin-type, the tunny.
On Greek colonisation in the Black Sea, see M. RostovtzefF,
Iranians and Greeks in South Russia, pp. 61-643 E. H. Minns,
Scythians and Greeks , ch. 2.

P. 47. Sinope

According to an alternative tradition Sinope was founded in
630 b.c. That a Greek colony should have been established at so
distant a point of the Black Sea in the early years of the eighth
century is on the face of it most unlikely. Yet remains of the so-
called ‘sub-Mycenaean’ and ‘orientalising’ pottery in its hinterland
tend to confirm the earlier foundation-date. It may however be

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

assumed that the original colony was merely a small trading station
(like many other Milesian foundations), and that Sinope did not
come into existence as a town until c. 630 b.c.

On the importance of Sinope as a collecting centre for the local
coasting trade, and for the high-grade iron of the hinterland, see
the instructive article by W. Leaf in Journ. Hell, Stud ., 1916,
pp. 1-15.

P. 50, 1 . 25. Cumae

The claim of Cumae to date back to the eleventh century b.c.
was clearly untenable. But the remains of the earliest Greek
settlement date back to 730 B.c., if not earlier.

Pp- 54) 55- Massilia

On the foundation of Massilia, see M. Clerc, Massalia, } vol. 1,
bks. 1, ch. 4; 2, ch. 1. The earliest Greek remains on the site go
back at least half a century beyond the traditional foundation-date.
It is shown by Clerc that there is no good evidence of a previous
Phoenician settlement on the site.

P- 55 ) 1 7- Greek colonies in Spain

On the Greek settlements in Spain, see Schulten, op. cit., ch. 4,
and R. Carpenter, The Greeks in Spain . The first Greek voyagers
to Spain presumably set out from Cumae to Sardinia and the
Baleares, where a number of place-names with the typical Ionic
ending of -ot)or<ra betokens a chain of Greek naval stations. Their
first landing-point in Spain was probably the Puenta de Ifach,
a high promontory near Cape Nao, where the settlement of
Hemeroscopeium should be located. Greek outposts were also
established at Dianium (mod. Denia), and perhaps at Lucentum
(Alicante); but these were probably Massilian foundations of the
sixth or fifth century.

A short-lived Greek colony was also planted (probably by
Phocaeans c. 600 B.c.) at Maenace, to the east of the Phoenician
station of Malaca (Strabo, 3. 4. 1, p, 156).

Pp- 55) 5 6 - Cyrene

The story of the foundation of Cyrene is told in considerable
detail by Herodotus, 4. 150-159* The colonists made two unsuc¬
cessful settlements at unsuitable points of the Libyan coast before
they found the favoured site of Cyrene.

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

P. 57, n. i

According to some scholars it was also under the second
Psammitichus (593-588 b.c.) that the colony at Naucratis was
founded. But the traditional date has been confirmed by finds of
Naucratite pottery which are certainly anterior to 600 b.c. See
P. N. Ure, The Origin of Tyranny , pp. 103-116.

P. 58, 1 . 3. Colaeus

Colaeus was making for Egypt, when a persistent easterly gale
bore him off to the Straits of Gibraltar (Herodotus, 4. 152).
A similar adventure befell the Portuguese mariner Pedro Cabral
in 1500 a.d. In an attempt to repeat Vasco da Gama’s voyage to
India Cabral was blown by the trade-winds from West Africa to
Brazil, and thus became one of the discoverers of South America.

From the name ’O^iovcro-a, which was given to C. Roca near
Lisbon, it may be inferred that occasional Greek seafarers
proceeded beyond Tartessus, presumably in quest of the Atlantic
tin lands. From an ambiguous passage in Pliny (7.197 \ plumbum
( sc . album.) i.e. tin) ex Cassiieride insula primum adportavit Mida-
crituS) it may perhaps be concluded that a Greek skipper named
Midacritus went as far as Cornwall. But Pliny possibly meant to
say no more than that Midacritus brought home a cargo of Cornish
tin from the entrepdt of Tartessus.

Pp. 60, 6x. Xanthus of Lydia

Xanthus also observed fossilised shells at various points in the
interior of Asia Minor, and he correctly deduced therefrom that
these inland regions had once been under the sea (Strabo, 1. 3. 4,
p. 49). With this acute remark Xanthus laid the foundations of
geology. But this science was never studied by the Greeks in the
same systematic manner as geography.

P. 63, 1 .2. The supposed rise of the Nile out of the Ocean

In accordance with this theory, Hecataeus used the Nile to
bring the Argonauts home from the Ocean into the Mediterranean
(fr. 18 a, Jacoby).

P. 63, L 31. The Nile inundations
\ .These are not due in any great measure to the White Nile,
whose flood water is largely dissipated in the swamps above

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

xii

Khartum. The main volume of water is brought down from
Abyssinia by the Blue Nile and the Atbara.

P. 64, 1 . 15. Map-making

Much information on ancient maps will be found in Bergers
Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der Griecken , and in
the article by Kubitschek, in Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, s.v. Karten.
On the maps of Herodotus, see Myres, Geographical Journal ,
1896, pp. 605 ff.

P. 66, 1 . 17. The influence of Delphi on colonisation

In a few instances (as in the case of Cyrene) the oracle of
Delphi actually suggested a site for settlement. But its main
function was to give a moral sanction to the settlers to hold their
new land against the previous occupants or against later Greek
comers. See A. S. Pease, Classical Philology^ 1917, pp. 1-20.

P. 69. Europe and Asia

The derivation of the names of Europe and Asia from Semitic
words has now been generally abandoned. The name of Europe
is plainly of Greek origin, and the division of the earth's surface
into separate continents was essentially a Greek idea. Its nucleus
lay in the contrast between the opposite shores of the Aegean Sea,
which is already implicit in the Iliad. In Hesiod ( Theogony ,
11 357, 359) the two coasts and their hinterlands (symbolically
represented as daughters of Oceanus) carry the names of Europe
and "Asia. As a geographical expression, ‘Europe* originally stood
for Central Greece, as opposed to the Aegean islands and the
Peloponnesus ( Homeric Hymn to Apollo , 1 . 251); subsequently it
comprised the whole Greek mainland and the lands of the north
Aegean. As the colonial movement increased the range of geo¬
graphical knowledge, Europe came to include all the land this
side of the Dardanelles, and the northern coast of the Black Sea.
‘Asia* originally designated the immediate hinterland of Ionia
(Iliad, 2. 461). It was progressively extended to all Asia Minor,
and eventually to all the land east and south of Europe. But by
the time of Hecataeus Libya had been detached from Asia and
made into a third continent. This new division was no doubt the
result of Greek travel in Egypt, which revealed the importance of
1 J ““ ~ land-masses.

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

xiii

P. 70. Hecataeus

The geographical fragments of Hecataeus are collected in Jacoby,
Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker , vol. 1. For an analysis
of Hecataeus’ work, see the same author in Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll,
s.v. Hekataios.

P. 73, 1 . 12. Hecataeus on Spain
Hecataeus had a fairly continuous knowledge of the coasts of
southern and eastern Spain. His range of information in regard
to the west of Europe was appreciably wider than that of Herodotus.
The comparative ignorance of Herodotus illustrates the success of
the Carthaginian counter-attack upon the Greeks in the western
Mediterranean.

P. 73, 1 . 28. The Araxes .

Hecataeus imagined that the Araxes was a tributary of the
Tanais or Don (fr. 195, Jacoby). This error shows that he had
anticipated Herodotus in confusing the Araxes with the Jaxartes
(see p. 82 of the text).

Ch. 5. Herodotus

A summary of Herodotus’ contributions to geography will be
found in How and Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus , Appendix 8.
Of previous works on this subject, How and Wells single out the
chapter in this text as the clearest and most accurate.

P. 84, 1 . 15. Herodotus and the Alps
The first reference to the Alps in Greek literature may be
discerned in the source of Avienus, a Massiliote writer of the sixth
century (see the editorial note on p. 109, 1. 29). This author
traced the course of the Rh6ne from ‘a gleaming cavern near the
Sun Mountain, and through a large lake* (pp. 641 ff.). Herodotus’
ignorance of the Alps was matched by that of Aeschylus and
Euripides, who derived, not the Danube, but the Rhdne, from
Iberia (Pliny, 37. 31).

P. 84, 1 . 16. Alpis and Carpis
In these mysterious rivers we may recognise the Save and the
Drave, which Herodotus would naturally imagine as flowing in
a northerly direction, because of his belief that the Ister flowed
in a continuous easterly direction in its upper and middle courses.

XIV

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

If Herodotus’s ideas about the upper Danube were wild, his
information concerning its lower course and its tributaries in the
Balkan peninsula was fairly accurate. He owed this knowledge to
Greek travellers from the colonies near the Danube estuary, who
had explored the lower reaches of the river and several tributaries
on either bank. See V. P&rvan, Dacia , ch. 3.

P. 85, 1 . 22. Rivers of South Russia
The Dnieper was known to the Greeks as far as the rapids near
Kieff; but at no time did ancient Mediterranean travellers penetrate
far into the interior of Europe by way of the Russian rivers.

Herodotus imagined the rivers of south-western Russia as having
their source in four large lakes. Two of his contemporaries,
Damastes (fr. 1 Jacoby) and Hellanicus (fr. 187 Jacoby), postulated
a range of mountains, the *Pwrata v Op^, as a watershed between the
Black Sea and the northern Ocean. The belief in the Rhipaean
mountains persisted throughout ancient times and was not finally
abandoned until the eighteenth century. See Kiessling, in Pauly-
Wissowa-Kroll, s.v. ‘PiVcua *0 prj.

Pp. 87, 88. The Argippaei and others
Herodotus’ information about the tribes of the Asiatic steppe
was ultimately derived from a seventh-century traveller named
Aristeas, who presumably ascended the valley of the Don and
struck across the Volga or the northern end of the Caspian Sea
towards the Oxus valley, where the Issedones are to be located.
The reputation which Aristeas acquired as a wonder-worker, and
the fanciful account which he gave of fabulous men and beasts
beyond the Issedones, are not sufficient reason for discrediting his
travels. It was no doubt due to him that the Greeks of the fifth
century correctly thought of the Caspian as an inland lake; but
it is strange that Herodotus makes no distinct mention of the
Volga.

The Issedones had also come to the notice of Hecataeus
(fr* i93)*

P. 90, 1 .12. The Royal Road
, It is almost incredible that the * Royal Road’ or main Persian
line of communications through Asia Minor followed the circuitous
curve described by Herodotus. The route which he traces was in

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

reality the older trunk road of the Hittite kingdom, whose capital,
Boghaz-Kevi, lay in the bend of the middle Halys. In all prob¬
ability the regular Persian posting road was identical with the
Graeco-Roman road described further down p. 90 in the text.
Herodotus may have been misled by the fact that in 481-480 b.c.
Xerxes’ Grand Army made use of the more northerly route. See
W. M. Calder, Classical Review, 1925, pp. 7-11.

P. 95. Dumb commerce

The scene of these silent negotiations was probably in Sene-
gambia. The same manner of conducting business was observed
on the West African coast by medieval travellers, and even by
explorers of the early nineteenth century.

P. 96, 1 . 26. The Troglodyte Aethiopians
Herodotus also knew of two other Aethiopian peoples. (1) The
Sudanese negroes, of whom he had no doubt seen specimens
during his stay in Egypt (3. 17-23). In eulogising these as
a long-lived and finely built race he may have been influenced by
Homer (editor’s note to pp. 26-27); but his description of them
was not far wide of the mark. Herodotus believed that African
Aethiopia stretched to the south-western border of Ocean (3.114).
This was probably an inference from the story of the Nasamones
(pp. 96, 97 of the text), who had met with a negro population in
the region of the Niger. (2) The dark-skinned but lank-haired
pre-Aryan races of Sind and Beluchistan (7.70). Occasional Greek
travellers under the aegis of the Persian king Darius might have
had sight of these.

Pp. 96, 97. The expedition of the Nasamones
The track of the Nasamones probably lay southward to the
oasis of Aujila, thence south-west across the oasis of Murzuk and
Asben (to the west of L. Chad). The city by the Niger may have
been Timbuctu, from which the Niger is believed to have receded
in the last two thousand years.

Pp. 99-101. The circumnavigation of Africa
Herodotus’ story has been carefully analysed by W. Muller,
Die Umsegelung Afrikas durch phonikische Schiffer, and E. H.
Warmington, in Cary and Warmington, The Ancient Explorers, ch. 5.

T. 25

xvi

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

Muller shows that it would have been quite possible for the Phoe¬
nicians to raise one crop of wheal in the temperate zone of South
Africa, and another in Morocco. Warmington points out that
vessels sailing round Africa with the clock would mostly be favoured
by the coastal currents. The fact that the cruise of the Phoenicians
was not repeated does not prove that it did not take place. Little
came of the voyages of Nearchus and of Pytheas, whose historical
character is assured. On the other hand it is rightly pointed out
in the text that the detail about the appearance of the sun in the
northern sky does not definitely confirm the veracity of Herodotus*
informants. It is wisest to preserve Herodotus* non-committal
attitude in regard to his own narrative.

P. ioi. Scylax of Caryanda
The historical character of Scylax*s cruise is confirmed by an
inscription of King Darius at Suez, in which he declares that he
had dug a canal from the Nile to the Red Sea, and had given
orders for ships to proceed by this waterway to Persia. (G. B. Gray,
in Camb . Anc . Hist, vol. 4, p. 200.)

P. 103. The voyage of Sataspes
If Sataspes reached the Guinea coast, he outdistanced all other
ancient navigators in West African waters. But previous to meeting
the Guinea current he might have been held up in the equatorial
doldrums, in which the north-easterly trade winds die out on the
latitude of C. Verde.

Pp. 104-109. The expedition of Hanno
The explorer Hanno need not be identified with the son of
Hamilcar, for his was a not uncommon name at Carthage. The
only certain fact about him is that he was a contemporary of Himilco
(p. 109, n. 2). In that case his voyage took place about 500 b.c.
(editor’s note to pp. 109, 110). The translation of his report into
Greek may have been due to the historian Polybius, who followed
in Hanno’s wake (p. 209).

The fragmentary condition in which the Greek text has come
down to us has given rise to much discussion among modern
scholars as to the length of Hanno’s cruise and the situation of his
stopping-points. It has been supposed that the ‘burning mountain*

ADDITIONAL NOTES. xvii

which Hanno saw was a volcano in Camerun. But in all probability
Hanno did not sail beyond Sherboro’ Sound, the limit assigned to
his cruise in the text. The island of Ceme has been sought at many
different points, but its identification with Herne, as in the text,
is on the whole the most satisfactory. Hanno’s ‘gorillae 5 were
probably chimpanzees. They were certainly not gorillas as we now
know them, for these brutes are of superhuman size and strength,
and attack men without hesitation.

Later explorers did not overpass Hanno’s farthest south until
c. 1450 A.D.

Pp. 109, no. The expedition of Himilco

The voyage of Himilco may be dated soon after the reduction
or destruction of Tartessus, which took place c. 500 b.c. (editor’s
note to p. 7,1. 7). We need not doubt that Himilco reached the
British tin lands; but it was left to later Carthaginian captains to
discover the open-sea route from Spain to Cornwall.

The identification of Himilco’s ‘sea of weeds’ with the Sargasso
Sea (on which I threw doubts in The Ancient Explorers ,, p. 32) is
probably correct. From the confused account of Avienus ( 11 . 380 ff.)
it does at least seem clear that Himilco stood out or (more likely)
was blown out a long way into the open Atlantic. But there is no
good evidence that the Carthaginians henceforth frequented the
Azores. Phoenician coins are reputed to have been unearfhed on
the Azores in the eighteenth century, but this find is not ^ell
authenticated.

P. 109, 1 . 29. Avienus

Though Himilco was unquestionably the ultimate source ot
Avienus for his account of the discovery of Britain, his main
informant was probably a Massiliote captain who had visited
Tartessus towards the end of the sixth century, and had acquired
a general knowledge of the Spanish coast as far as C. Roca or even
to Corunna. See the authoritative edition of Avienus by
A. Schulten and P. Bosch-Gimpera.

P. no, n. 4. Albion and Hierne

Albion was a pre-Celtic name for Britain. Sacra Insula
N^cros, which is an amplification of Hierne.

25—2

xviii

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

Pp. 112-118. The retreat of the Ten Thousand

This is a subject on which the author was peculiarly well
qualified to write, by reason of his extensive travels in Armenia.
But in the absence of precise indications in Xenophon, the line
of the Greek march from the head waters of the Tigris to the
mountains above Trapezus cannot be traced with certainty.

Pp. 118-120. The ‘Periplus’ of Scylax
From internal evidence this work can confidently be dated at
c. 350 b.c. There is no need to assume that its author was
masquerading under the borrowed name of Scylax of Caryanda
(p. 101). In all probability he really bore the name of Scylax,
which was not particularly rare. His information was largely
derived from the historian Ephorus, who summed up the geo¬
graphical knowledge of the Greeks previous to the campaigns of
Alexander the Great. The reconstruction of Ephorus’ geography
is a task that still awaits modern scholars.

Pp. 120, 121. The bifurcation of the Ister
Fictitious river-forkings provided the later Greek writers with a
convenient key to numerous geographical puzzles. Apollonius
Rhodius (on the authority of Ephorus, or of the third-century
historian Timaeus) sent the returning Argonauts up the Ister as
far as Scylax’s forking-point; thence by an arm of the Padus into
the 0 Rh6ne; thence to a Rhone-fork which they would have
followed into the western Ocean, but for a divine intervention;
and so back into the Mediterranean. (Argonautica, bk. 4.) On
Aristotle’s manipulation of river-forks, see the following note.

Pp. 135, 136. Mistakes concerning the Jaxartes
Aristotle’s belief that the ‘Araxes’ flowed into the Tanais was
derived from Hecataeus (editor’s note to p. 73,1. 28). His splitting
of the Tanais enabled him to reconcile the theory of Hecataeus
with the rival opinion of Herodotus that the Araxes fell into the
Caspian Sea (p. 82).

P. 136,1. 19. Patrocles on the Caspian Sea
Whether Patrocles really believed that the Caspian Sea com¬
municated with India by way of the northern Ocean is not certain.
During an exploratory cruise in the Caspian, which he made by

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

XIX

order of King Seleucus, he apparently sailed some distance up the
arm that once connected it with the Aral Sea, and discovered a
trade-route from India to the Caspian by way of the river Oxus
(Strabo, n. 7. 3, p. 509). Probably it was along this route, rather
than by way of the Ocean, that he traced the water-connexion
between the Caspian and India. His waterway is described by
Strabo, 2. 1. 18, p. 74; 11. 11. 6, p. 518, as a vtpivkim, and by
Pliny (6. 58) as a ‘circumvectio.’ These terms would apply no less
to an inner circle along the Oxus valley than to the outer rim of
Ocean.

Nevertheless the belief that the Caspian opened on to the Ocean
had a long lease of life. It was implicit in Hesiod’s description
of the return of the Argonauts (ed. note to pp. 20, 21). It was
seemingly shared by Alexander (as reported in Arrian, Anabasis ,
5. 26. 1). Mela asserted, on the authority of Cornelius Nepos, that
shipwrecked Hindus had been cast up on the shore of Germany
(3. 45). The same author’s remark, that the Caspian broke into
Asia like a river (3. 38), suggests that a nascent knowledge of the
Volga was being misused to confirm the theory of a connexion
with Ocean. More accurate information about the Volga (p. 351)
enabled Ptolemy to conclude that the Caspian was a lake. See
W. Tarn ,Journ. Hell\ Stud., 1901, pp. 10-28.

P. 137, 1 . 27. The fortress of Aornos

This stronghold appears to have been definitely located by Sir
Aurel Stein in the Swat valley, where the converging ridges of
Pir-Sar and Una-Sar constitute a natural redoubt with a broad
and habitable plateau at the summit. See Sir Aurel Stein, On
Alexander’s Track to the Indus, and the commentary thereon by
W. Tarn in Classical Review, 1929, pp. 180, i8r.

P. 138, 1 . 21. Alexander’s turning point

Alexander’s object in advancing beyond the Indus basin was to
reach the eastern Ocean. According to the generally accepted view
(recently endorsed by U. Wilcken, Alexander the Great, pp. 85,86),
the king had heard of the Ganges and intended to follow it to the
Bay of Bengal, According to another theory (put forward by Tarn
in Joum . Hell Stud, 1923, pp. 93-101, and Camb. Anc. Hist,

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

vol. 6, p. 402), he shared Aristotle’s view that the Ocean did not
lie far beyond the Punjab.

Pp. 141-143. The voyage of Nearchus
Nearchus habitually over-estimated the distances traversed by
him: in some cases he almost doubled them. For a similar error,
compare Pytheas’ false estimate of the circuit of Britain (editor’s
note to p. 157, 1 . 1). Previous to the invention of the log, seafarers
were always prone to exaggerate their daily sailings. Fortunately
for the success of his journey, Columbus miscalculated his rate of
progress, and was thus encouraged to hold on.

P. 146, 1 . 19. The Red Sea canal
The originator of this waterway was a Pharaoh of the Twelfth
Dynasty (soon after 2000 b.c.). It was repaired in turn by Necho,
by Darius, by Ptolemy Philadelphus, by Augustus and by Trajan.
But it was never long before the sand-drift again choked it;
consequently it was of little commercial value.

P. 147, 1 . 4. Ptolemaic colonies in Somaliland
In addition to the colonies named in the text, the Ptolemies
established a number of stations on the Somali coast, on either
side of C. Guardafui, as bases for elephant-hunts. From these
depots the hunting parties penetrated far enough into the hinter¬
land to obtain accurate information about the source of the Blue
Nile and the cause of the Nile floods.

Pp. 147, 148. Megasthenes

The surviving portions of Megasthenes’ report on India have
been carefully studied by Miss B. C. Timmer, Megasthenes en de
indische Maatschappij. Her conclusions are that he misinterpreted
the Hindu religion and caste system, but gave an accurate account
of Chandragupta’s court and administration. Excavations at his
capital (mod. Patna) have confirmed Megasthenes’ description
of it.

Pp. 152-164. The voyage of Pytheas
The literature on Pytheas, already voluminous when the first
edition of this book appeared, has since grown much larger. The
most useful works on the subject are: K. MtillenhofF, Deutsche

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

XXI

Altertumskunde, vol. i; G. Hergt, Pytheas \ T. Rice Holmes,
Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius Caesar, pp. 217-227.
An edition of the fragments of Pytheas* treatise Hep! 'Qmwov is
being prepared by a French scholar, G. Broche. The account of
Pytheas* cruise in this book requires very little correction or
amplification.

The date of Pytheas* journey cannot be fixed with accuracy,
but it must have fallen between 330 and 300 b.c.

P. 155, n. 4. Travel by the N. coast of Spain
The observation of Pytheas, quoted in this note, must have
appeared to Strabo not only false but absurd, for he imagined the
Spanish and French coasts as running continuously from west to
east. Yet it was strictly true. The high waves of the Bay of Biscay
made the open-sea passage dangerous for the small boats of ancient
seafarers. On the other hand the passage along the Spanish coast
was facilitated by an easterly current.

P. 156, 1 . 22. Ictis

The identification of Ictis with St Michael's Mount, made in
this text, is confirmed by Rice Holmes, op. cit ., pp. 499-514. There
is no MS authority for the alternative reading Yectis (i.e. the Isle
of Wight).

P. 157, 1 . 1. Pytheas’ measurement of Britain
Pytheas estimated the circumference of Britain at 42,500 stades
(c. 4700 miles), or more than double the true figure (Diodorus, 5.
21. 4). But such exaggerations of naval distances were by no means
uncommon among ancient navigators. (See editor’s note to

pp. 141-143-)

P. 158. Pytheas* visit to the German coast
The view taken in the text, that Pytheas did not enter the
Baltic, is almost certainly correct. The amber island of ‘Abates*
which he visited (Pliny, 37.35) is to be identified with Heligoland.

P. 159,1.5, and n. z. Tides in Pentland Firth
Ordinary tides in Pentland Firth rise to a mere ten or twelve
feet. But when a spring tide runs against an Atlantic gale the sea
is forced up to a peak of more than fifty feet, and the spray is
tossed up a full hundred feet higher.

xx ii

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

P. 159,1. 8. Thule

The identification of Thule with Mainland in the Shetlands
rests on the authority of Ptolemy. But the Shetlands could not
possibly be described as lying at six days’ sail from Britain. In
all probability Thule was Norway. It extended beyond the Arctic
circle, yet mead was made in it from honey, i.e. part of it lay south
of lat. 6i°, beyond which bees do not adventure themselves.
Norway is the only country within easy reach of Britain that fulfils
these conditions. On this point see especially Hergt, pp. 52-69;
Rice Holmes, pp. 225, 226; F. Nansen, In Northern Mists ,
pp. 56-62; R. Hennig, Von riitselhaften Landern , pp. 95-139.

P. 163, 1 . 1. The Pulmo marinus
The ingenious explanation of this mysterious substance which
is offered in the text is difficult to reconcile with Pytheas’ statement,
that land and sea were immersed and held fast in it. According
to Hergt, whom we may again follow here, Pytheas’ words referred
to the pervasive clammy moisture of a sea-fog in high latitudes.

P. 164,1. 8. The ‘Guttones’

This tribe has been identified with the Goths. If that were
correct, Pytheas must have sailed the length of the Baltic, for the
original abode of the Goths was near the Vistula. But the best
MSS of Pliny (37. 35) read ‘Guiones,’ in whom we may recognise
the ‘Inguaeones,’ a people of north-western Germany. (D.Detlefsen,
Die Entdeckung des germanischen Nordens im A Iter turn, pp. 6-9.)

P. 164, 1 . 14. Scythia

This term was used by Greek writers until and even after the
voyage of Pytheas to denote all the northern land beyond ‘Celtice’
or Gaul. The first Greek writer to describe the Germans as a
distinct race would appear to have been Posidonius.

Pp. 168 fF. The measurement of the earth
On this subject see, in addition to the standard work of Berger
previously quoted, K. Miller, Die Erdmessung im Altertum. For
the remains of the geographical works of Eratosthenes and Hip¬
parchus, see Berger, Die geographiscken Fragmente des Eratosthenes,
and Die geograpkischen Fragmente des Hipparchos .

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

XX111

P. 172,1. i. Eratosthenes’ great circle
There are considerable discrepancies in modern calculations of
Eratosthenes’ earth-perimeter, which has been estimated at any¬
thing between 20,000 to 25,000 geographical miles (in round
figures). These differences arise partly from a doubt whether
Eratosthenes’ own figure was 250,000 or 252,000 stades; but the
chief cause of uncertainty is the length of the stadium in terms of
which he was reckoning. The calculation in the text rests on the
assumption that he used the Attic-Roman stadium, = | of a Roman
mile. This view has the apparent support of a passage in Pliny,
12. 53> whose meaning, however, is not beyond dispute.

P. 190, 1 . 18. The return of Eudoxus
The eventual fate of Eudoxus is uncertain. After one false start
he set out again, but all that Posidonius (who was Strabo’s in¬
formant on this subject) could say about the end of the venture
was that ‘they ought to know at Gades and in Spain.’ It was
asserted by Mela, 3. 9. 90, and by Pliny, 2. 169, on the authority
of Cornelius Nepos, that Eudoxus accomplished his object. But if
he had really circumnavigated Africa, the effect of his discoveries
in an age when geographic curiosity had been fully awakened must
have been considerable; and Posidonius, who upheld the theory
of a waterway round Africa (Strabo, 2. 3. 5, p. 100), could not
have professed ignorance of them. On the other hand it is^mlikely
that Eudoxus returned to Gades a second time and reported the
definite failure of his expedition. In that case Nepos (who could
easily have made enquiries of Pompey’s and Caesar’s friend
Cornelius Balbus, a native of Gades), would hardly have stated
as a positive fact that Eudoxus had been successful The most
probable conclusion is that (like the Vivaldi brothers who attempted
to repeat his voyage in 1291 a.d.) he perished on the journey.

P. 191, 1 . 23. Soundings in the Mediterranean
Sardinia is situated between two marine precipices in which the
sea floor sinks to about 2000 fathoms. In the Ionian Sea measure¬
ments of nearly 2500 fathoms have been taken in modem times.

Pp. 192, 193. Observations on the tides
An astronomer of the second century, Seleucus of Babylon,
went on to assume a causal relation between the tides and the

XXIV

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

moon’s phases, thus foreshadowing the modern discovery that
gravitation is a universal force. (Tarn, Hellenistic Civilisation ,, 2nd
edition, p. 270.)

P. 194. Aristotle’s wind-points
In Aristotle’s scheme the wind-points were arranged at uniform
intervals of three to each right angle. It has been ingeniously
explained by D’Arcy Thompson (Classical Review , 1918, pp. 49-
36), that this division was suggested by the apparent solstitial and
equinoctial positions of the rising and setting sun in Mediterranean
latitudes, which lie apart at distances of approximately thirty
degrees.

Pp. 196, 197, Erosion by rivers
In recognising the erosive power of rivers Polybius was in advance
of Herodotus, who believed that the Vale of Tempe (along which
the river Peneus gradually ground a bed for itself through a lime¬
stone cliff) had been caused by an earthquake (7. 129).

P. 197,1. 13, and n. 3. Posidonius’ visit to Britain
The late author who is quoted here as evidence for a journey
by Posidonius to Britain was almost certainly in error. Since
Posidonius’ travels in western Europe were anterior to Caesar’s
invasion of Britain, a visit to the Thames estuary on his part would
have been a notable voyage of discovery. Yet Strabo, who quotes
profusely from Posidonius, gives no hint of such a visit.

P. 209,1. 12. Polybius’ journeys in Libya
On Polybius’ exploration of the West African coast, see p. 106
of the text. This voyage was made after the destruction of Carthage
in 146 B.C., at the instance of its captor, Scipio Aemilianus. It had
no enduring consequences.

P. 209,1. 19. Polybius’ passage over the Alps
Polybius was probably the first Greek to obtain a tolerably
correct idea of the general trend of the Alps, and of their magnitude.
Apollonius Rhodius (following Ephorus or Timaeus) imagined
that the Argonauts could row through the Alpine chain from Italy
to Gaul (4. 625-629). He had heard of‘ stormy lakes’ hard by the
‘He'rcynian Rock’ (i.e. the Alps), but he had no clear knowledge
of their relation to the river-system of Europe.

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

XXV

The Alpine pass which Polybius traversed in the wake of
Hannibal has not yet been identified. It was probably the Mt
Genevre route, or one of the tracks across the ridge of Mt Cenis.

P. 219, 1 . 11. The site of Tigranocerta

The indications of Strabo and Tacitus, who locate Tigranocerta
to the south of the-Tigris, cannot be brought into accord with the
narrative of Plutarch, who states that Lucullus, advancing from
Melitene, crossed both the Euphrates and the Tigris before he set
siege to the city. Since Plutarch’s account was almost certainly
derived from Sallust, it deserves preference. See Rice Holmes,
The Roman Republic , vol. 3, pp. 409-425, or H. A. Ormerod,
Camb . Anc . Hist, vol. 9, pp. 366, 367.

P. 225. Madeira

The Madeira islands were first discovered by Carthaginian seamen
c. 500B.C. (Diodorus, 5. 19, 20). But they do not appear to have
received regular visits from any ancient seafaring people.

P. 226. The Canaries

It may be taken for granted that this group of islands was
known to the Carthaginians, for some of them are ordinarily
visible from the mainland of West Africa. But even aftpr Juba’s
voyage of discovery they had no permanent population in ancient
times.

The name of ‘Fortunate Isles/ by which later writers of antiquity
described the Canaries and the Madeira group indiscriminately,
was not conferred upon them from any general knowledge of their
amenities, but because they were identified with the legendary
‘Isles of the Blest/ which had been located in the far west since
the time of Hesiod (Works and Days, 11 . 169-172) and Pindar
(Olympia, 2. 68 ff.).

P. 229. Caesar’s conquest of Gaul

The extent to which Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul extended the
geographical knowledge of that country at Rome may be gauged
by a remark of Cicero (De Pravinciis Consularibus , §22), that
every day brought news to him of names previously unknown.

xxvi

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

P. 231, 1 . 3. Portus Itius

The rival claims of Boulogne and of Wissant to represent the
ancient Portus Itius remain unsettled. On the other hand it is
now generally agreed that in both his British campaigns (55 and
54 b.c.) Caesar landed on the east coast of Kent. See the elaborate
discussion by Rice Holmes on Ancient Britain, pp. 518-665, and
the controversy between him and F. J. Haverfield in Classical
Review , 1913 and 1914.

P. 231, 1 . 23. Caesar’s report on Britain

Caesar had a substantially correct idea of the size of Britain,
whose coasts he estimated to be 500, 700 and 800 Roman miles
in length (c. 450, 640 and 700 English miles). But he gave the
island a tilt, so that one side of the British triangle faced north,
and another Westward towards Spain.’ By means of a water-clock
he confirmed the report (which Pytheas had no doubt been the
first to spread), that the summer nights of Britain were shorter
than those of Mediterranean lands. (Bellnm Gallicum, 5. 13.)

P. 233, 1 . 17. The Roman naval campaign of A.D.5

In this year Tiberius’ fleet sailed as far as the ‘Cimbric Promon¬
tory,’ i.e. C. Skager at the northern extremity of Jutland. But the
Roman navy never went on to explore the Baltic,

P. 234. The Roman campaigns in the Danube lands

One notable result of the Roman advance into the Danube
basin was to make known the entire course of that river, whose
upper regions had always baffled the curiosity of the Greek geo¬
graphers. The preliminary raid of Octavian into Pannonia in
35B.C. had the effect of proving that the ‘Danuvius’ of southern
Germany and the ‘Ister’ of the Balkan lands were one and the
same stream. (F. de Pachtbre, Melanges d’archiologie et d'histoire,
1908, pp. 78-89.) In 15 b.c. Tiberius visited the source of the
Danube (Strabo, 7. 1. 5, p. 292), thus completing its discovery.

Tiberius’ subsequent operations in South Germany cleared up
another mystery. Greek geographers had heard vaguely of a
‘Hercynian Forest’ which stretched across the European continent
to the border of the Atlantic (Diodorus, 5, 21. i, following Ephorus

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

xxvii

or Timaeus). Caesar, who had questioned German captives about
this forest, was led to believe that sixty days’ travelling would not
bring you out at the other end (Bel/. Gall , 6. 25). After Tiberius’
invasion of Franconia and Bohemia in 6 a.d. the Hercynian Forest
was defined as the belt of woodland that extends from the Main
to the Saale and the Elbe.

Ch. 12. The Geography of Strabo
A translation of Strabo, by H. L. Jones, is available in the
Loeb Classical Library (8 vols., 1913-27). A good bibliography
of recent works on Strabo will be found in vol. 1 of this series.

His Geography may also be studied in Tozer’s Selections from
Strabo , an annotated edition of its most important passages.

P. 239,1. 33. Cicero’s sons

The Quintus Cicero who studied at Athens was a nephew of the
orator.

P. 243. Date of Strabo’s Geography
The view expressed in the text, that the greater part of Strabo’s
work was composed in the reign of Augustus, is now generally
accepted.

P. 252, 1 . 22. Strabo on the British Isles
Strabo had the opportunity of supplementing Caesar’s description
of Britain from the reports of travellers who were beginning to
frequent the Kentish coast and London since the days of Augustus.
But his account contained little that Caesar had not already* said.
He amplified Caesar’s bare mention of Ireland by describing the
savage customs of its inhabitants, but these he confessedly reported
from hearsay only. In conformity with his erroneous idea that the
western coast of Europe had a general trend from west to east, he
placed Ireland to the north of Britain. (Strabo, 4. 5. 1-4,
pp. 199-201.)

P. 258. Strabo on Asia Minor
Strabo’s descriptions of one important comer of Asia Minor, the
Troad, has been minutely analysed by W. Leaf (Strabo on the
Troad,\ Bk. 13, Cap. 1). It is here shown that the geographer, who
had no personal acquaintance with this region, was unable to
obtain a clear conspectus of it from his informants, and made
several bad blunders on points of detail.

xxviii

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

P. 260, 1 . 10. The expedition of Aelius Gallus

In 25 b.c. Augustus made an ill-advised attempt to break the
commercial monopoly of the Himyarite Arabians in the southern
Red Sea by directing an overland expedition against one of their
towns, Mariaba. His general Aelius Gallus set siege to this town
after a laborious march of six months’ duration from the Gulf of
Akaba across the central Arabian desert, but he failed to reduce it.
This was the only serious attempt to open up Arabia in ancient
times. The hardships suffered by Gallus’ force discouraged the
Caesars from further efforts to penetrate Arabia.

P. 262. Pomponius Mela

The latest editor of Mela, C. Frick, assigns his work to the reign
of Caligula. He points out that Mela does not appear to know
the annexation of Mauretania in the early reign of Claudius, nor
its division into two separate provinces.

For fresh information about Britain Mela referred the reader to
its forthcoming invasion by a Roman emperor (presumably
Caligula). He repeated Strabo’s disparaging remarks about the
people of Ireland, but paid a compliment to its luscious meadows.
He imagined that Ireland was nearly as large as Britain (3. 6. 49,
S 3 )-

P. 274. The Periplus Maris Eryihraei

The Opinion now prevalent is that the nepiVAovs njs
©aXaiTtnys was composed in the reign of Nero, though some scholars
ascribe it to the time of Domitian. A translation of the Greek
text, and a copious commentary, with many references to the later
commerce of the regions described, have been provided by
W» H. Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea .

P. 275, 1 . 15. Zanzibar

The farthest south of Greek exploration in East African waters
was C. Delgado, which was discovered by one Dioscorus (probably
c. 100 a.d.). The opposite island of Madagascar was known to
Greek travellers by hearsay only. (Ptolemy, 1. 9. 3.)

P. 279. Hippalus and the direct route to India

Nothing is known of Hippalus, except that he discovered the
law of the monsoons, and that the wind which henceforth bore

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

XXIX

Greek ships to India was named after him ( Periplus , ch. 57;
Pliny, 6. 100, 104). Some scholars assign him to the first
century b.c.; but the absence of references to him in Strabo
indicates that he made his great discovery, at the earliest, in the
reign of Augustus. In all probability the exploration of the direct
route began in the opening years of the Christian era, and was the
result of a Roman expedition to Aden, c. 1 b.c., which wrested
that station from the control of the Sabaean Arabians. {Periplus,
ch. 26; Pliny, 2. 168.)

Hippalus probably took off from C. Fartak on the South Arabian
coast and found the Indian mainland near Barygaza (mod. Broach).
Subsequent Greek skippers followed a more southerly course; soon
after 50 a.d. the boldest of them (profiting perhaps by the in¬
voluntary voyage of exploration of Annius Plocamus’ agent, p. 272)
made for Muziris (Cranganore) and Nelkynda (Kottayam) in
southern India. On these voyages of discovery see M. P. Charles-
worth, Classical Quarterly , 1928, pp. 92-100; E. H. Warmington,
in Ancient Explorers , pp. 73-80.

Pp. 280, 281. Eastern Asia

The island of Ceylon was not frequently visited by Greek
traders, and geographers were left to make rather wild guesses as
to its size (p. 345)* On the other hand Greek merchants found
their way to the inland capitals of the chief Indian rajahs!

From the time of Nero occasional seafarers crept up th^ east
coast of India as far as the Ganges. Early in the second century
one of the most remarkable of ancient pioneers, who was appro¬
priately named Alexander, made a short cut across the Bay of
Bengal and continued his journey along the coast of Siam to
a Chinese port named Kattigara, which is usually identified with
Hanoi in the Bay of Tongking, though some would place it on the
site of Hang-Chow, at the mouth of the Yang-tse-Kiang (so Hennig,
Elio, 1929-30, pp. 256 ff.). Alexander and his successors probably
cut across the Malayan isthmus by land, for ancient geographers
seemingly had no clear information about Singapore and the
Sumatra Straits. On the other hand some of Alexander's followers
worked northward from Malaya to Burma, and in 166 a.d. a
company of Greek adventurers, who styled themselves ‘envoys'

XXX

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

of the emperor M. Aurelius Antoninus, presented their credentials
at the court of the emperor Huan-ti in Lo-yang.

Pp. 287, 288. Agricola

On the details of the Roman advance into northern Britain, see
the edition of Tacitus’ Agricola by J. G. C. Anderson. In 208-211
the emperor Septimius Severus undertook several laborious cam¬
paigns in Scotland, during which he probably advanced beyond
the limits of Agricola’s expedition. A Roman camp (as yet
unexplored) near Aberdeen perhaps marks his farthest north. But
his son Caracalla abandoned all the territory north of Hadrian’s
Wall.

It was Agricola’s intention to open up Ireland at the head of
an invading force. This enterprise was vetoed by the emperor
Domitian, and it was left to stray Roman or Gallic traders to make
occasional visits to Ireland, more especially to its eastern coast.

P. 289. Germany and Scandinavia

In the reign of Nero a Roman agent of the emperor’s Minister
of Sports made a journey from the middle Danube to the Baltic
amber coast by way of Moravia, Silesia and Posnania (Pliny, 37.45).
He brought back a sufficient load of amber to stud the safety nets
at the Roman beast-hunts, and he initiated a new trans-continental
trade-route to Sweden, the importance of which is attested by
copious finds of Roman coins on the Swedish islands. But ancient
travellers seemingly did not discover that the land of the ‘Suiones,’
which they approached from the Vistula, and ‘Scandinavia,’ which
they entered from Jutland, were one and the same.

P. 294, n. i. The Roman frontier system

For Hadrian’s Wall, see J. C. Bruce, A Handbook to the Roman
Wall (9th ed.); for the Wall of Antoninus, see Sir George Mac¬
donald, The Roman Wall in Scotland (2nd ed.). For the Roman
frontiers in Germany, see H. F. Pelham, Essays, pp. 178 ff.;
B. W. Henderson, Five Roman Emperors , chs. 6 and 7. Details
of the other Roman frontier lines will be found in V. Chapot, The
Roman World, passim.

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

XXXI

P. 294, n. 2. Hadrian’s ‘allocutio’

The text of Hadrian’s speech is also given in Dessau, Inscrip-
tiones Latinae Selectae, no. 2847.

P. 299. The Roman roads

Comprehensive descriptions and diagrams of the main roads in
the Roman empire will be found in the article ‘Via’ by M. Besnier,
in Daremberg-Saglio, Dictiomiaire des antiquitis grecques et romaines.
For Roman roads in Britain, see the map of Roman Britain by
0 . G. S. Crawford, based on the Ordnance Survey.

P. 306. Roman Itineraries

For a fuller account of these, see Kubitschek, in Pauly-Wissowa-
Kroll, s.v. Itineraria.

As a pendant to the Roman road-books, mention may be made
of the Greek sailing directions, of which three are preserved
in whole or part: (1) The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea,
excerpted on pp. 273-281* (2) The Periplus of the Euodne Sea,
composed by a governor of Cappadocia, Flavius Arrianus, at the
instance of Hadrian. (3) The SraSiaor/ios rrjs Mey aXrjq OaXamys,
a competent survey of the Mediterranean coasts. This manual was
probably based on the standard work TLepl At pivuv by Timosthenes,
an admiral of Ptolemy Philadelphus.

Ch. 15. Ancient lore of mountains

On this subject Mr Tozer was peculiarly qualified to speak, for
he was an accomplished Alpinist and had made the ascent of
many peaks in the Mediterranean lands and the Near East

P. 323, 1 .13. Erroneous beliefs about views from
high points

In Orosius, a Spanish writer of the fifth century, the puzzling
statement is made, that a tall lighthouse was reared at Brigantia
(Corunna), ‘ad speculam Britanniae’ (1. 2. 71). If this is to be
taken literally, it would seem to embody a persistent belief, that
Spain was not only on the way to Britain, but within sight of it

T, 26

xxxu

ADDITIONAL NOTES. .

P. 325. A military mountain climb

From the pen of Arrian (. Anabasis , 4. 18, 19) we possess a
description of an escalade by Alexander’s troops in Sogdiana.
With the help of iron tent-pegs, which they fixed into the frozen
snow on the mountain side, and of linen ropes, with which they
hauled each other up like modern Alpinists, Alexander’s cragsmen
clambered to the summit of an impregnable fortress. They lost
thirty men in the ascent, but had the satisfaction of obtaining the
surrender of the dumbfounded garrison, and of bringing in to
Alexander a captive princess, Roxane, whom the king took to
wife.

Pp. 328-335. Ancient signals

For a fuller treatment of this subject, see W. Riepl, Das Nach-
richtemvese?i des Alterturns % pp. 25 ff., 43 IT., 91 ff.

Pp. 335 > 336. Measurement of mountains

The philosopher Thales (c. 600 b.c.) was said to have ascertained
the height of an Egyptian pyramid by measuring (1) the shadow
of the pyramid, from the half-way point on its base, (2) his own
shadow, (3) his own height. A simple application of the rule-of-
three gave him the height of the pyramid.

Ch. 16. Ptolemy

A text of Ptolemy’s Geography,with a Latin translation, notes and
maps", has been provided by C. Muller (1883-1901). For a recent
discussion of Ptolemy’s methods see 0 , Cuntz, Die Geographie des
Ptolemaios.

After the decline of classical antiquity the Geography of Ptolemy
continued to be studied in the Islamic countries. The appearance
of a Latin translation in 1410 gave a great impetus to geographical
studies in Europe, and to renewed exploration of the world.

Pp* 34 1 * 342- Ptolemy’s error about the length of
the habitable world

In estimating the length of Eurasia at not less than 180°, Ptolemy
unwittingly gave support to Seneca’s wild surmise that a voyage
from Spain to India would take ‘very few days’ ( Quaestiones
Naturales, prologue, § 13). The fifteenth-century quest for an

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

xxxiii

all-water route to the Indies, which resulted in the discovery of
America, was stimulated by Ptolemy's false calculations.

P. 346, 1 . 17. The Indian Ocean a lake.

The starting-point of Ptolemy's error may be sought in a con¬
fusion between the western and eastern Aethiopians (ed. notes to
pp. 26, 27 and 96), which suggested that the basins of the Upper
Nile and of the Indus could not lie far apart, and that a river
‘Ethiops' (i.e. the Indus) was confluent with the Nile (Aeschylus,
Supplices , 11 . 284-6, Prometheus Vinctus , 11 . 807-812). Alexander,
who observed crocodiles in the tributaries of the Indus and
Egyptian plants on their banks, accepted these as proofs that
Indus and Nile were indeed one (Strabo, 15. 1. 25, p. 696). His
march to the Indus estuary, it is true, finally disproved a connexion
between that river and the Nile; yet the belief that the unknown
East and unknown Africa might be contiguous lingered on. The
reason which induced Ptolemy to revive this notion was no
doubt the one implied in the text, that he heard vague reports
about the interminable southward trend of the Malay peninsula,
perhaps also of large land-masses in the Malay archipelago, and
constructed out of these materials a land-bridge between the Far
East and Africa.

This false conclusion on Ptolemy's part helped to produce the
illusion, which persisted among modern geographers until the
voyages of Captain Cook, of a Terra Australis extending con¬
tinuously in the temperate latitudes of the southern hemisphere.

P. 352. The land route to China

Greek exploration of Central Asia stopped short of the Pamir
plateau. In concert with the kings of Parthia, Augustus organised
a trans-continental route as far as Merv and Kandahar, and a de¬
scription of this road by one Isidorus of Charax has come down
to us under the name of Parthian Stations . (Translation and com¬
mentary by W. SchofF.) But no regular trade was established at
this stage between the Mediterranean lands and the Far East.

Towards the end of the first century a.d. the Chinese rulers of
the Han dynasty occupied the Tarim plateau and organised com¬
munications as far as Kashgar and Tashkurgan. In 97 a.d. a

26—2

xxxiv

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

Chinese envoy visited a city of the Roman empire (presumably
Antioch), and wrote a favourable report on the conditions of
government and of trade in the western empire. (Extracts from
this document are given in Schoff, The Periplus of the Erythraean
Sea , pp. 275 ff.) Early in the second century a Greek trader named
Maes Titianus visited Kashgar and Tashkurgan; others proceeded
as far as Lop-Nor and Miran at the eastern edge of the Tarim
plateau, where Sir Aurel Stein has found frescoes and many smaller
art-objects of Graeco-Roman style. These travellers brought back
a general idea of the mountain system of Central Asia, but China
remained a closed book to them. Hence ancient geographers did
not discover that the ‘Seres’ at the end of the trans-continental
route and the ‘Thinae’ on the sea track beyond Malaya were one
and the same people. On Chinese exploration, see F. Hirth,
China and the Roman Orient,

P. 352. The Nile and the Mountains of the Moon

Ptolemy’s source of information about the East African lakes
and the sources of the Nile was probably a traveller named
Diogenes, who had followed the coast to the neighbourhood of
Zanzibar and perhaps penetrated from this point as far as the lakes
themselves (Ptolemy, 1. 9. 3). The erroneous idea of a mountain
range extending some five hundred miles across Africa was perhaps
begotten by a vague knowledge of the great glacier ridge of Mt
Ruwenzori beyond the lakes. The Ruwenzori range, however, is
separated from the Kenya and Kilimanjaro systems by a deep rift
valley.

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

(i) General treatises.

The books on ancient geography by Bunbury and Berger, cited in
the Preface, remain standard works for the more advanced student.
Berger’s book has attained a second edition. (Veit, Leipzig, 1903.)

(2) Passages from ancient writers on geography .

H. F. Tozer, Selectio?is from Strabo. (Clarendon Press, 1893.)

E. II. Warmington, Greek Geography. (Dent, 1934.) A comprehen¬
sive anthology of geographical passages, in translation, with a
general introduction on Greek geography. This is a very useful
companion volume to the present book.

(3) Ancient geographical discovery.

M. Cary and E. H. Warmington, The Ancient Explorers. (Methuen,
1929.) ■

(4) Dictionary articles.

The articles by Sir Edward Bunbury in Smith’s Dictionary of
Ancient Geography are still worth consulting. More detailed
monographs will be found in Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, Real -
encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Those in the
more recent numbers of this series (since 1919) are particularly
full and well informed.

(5) Special subjects.

Books and articles on special topics of ancient geography have been
cited in the editorial notes at the appropriate places.

INDEX,

Acampsis, river, 114
Acesines, river, 138
Acrocorinth, the, measurement of the
height of, 337

Actae of Herodotus, 83; compared
with the ‘sphragides* of Erato¬
sthenes, 181
Aden, 276

Adramyttium, the same name as Ha-
drumetum, 5

Adulis, port of Auxuma, 274
Aegean Sea, Phoenician settlements
in the, 5

Aeneas Tacticus, on signalling sta¬
tions, 332; his method of signal¬
ling* 334

Aeschylus, on the boundary between
Europe and Asia, 68; on the
meaning of the name Rhegium,
197; Ms description of the fire-
beacons, 328
Aethale (Elba), 73
Aethiopia, expedition of Petronius
into, 224; gold-mines of, 186;
Auxuma the capital of, 274; expe¬
ditions of Septimius Flaccus and
Julius Maternus into, 353
Aethiopians, meaning of the name,
36; mentioned in the Iliad, 26;
more definitely in the Odyssey, 27;
in Herodotus, 93,96; in Agathar-
chides, 204

Aetna, the poem of, 321
Africa, described by Herodotus, 94—
7; its northern coast, 94; its inte¬
rior, 95—7; believed to have been
circumnavigated, 99; its southward
projection unknown to Eratosthe¬
nes, 182; and to Strabo, 250 j
noticed in the 4 Periplus Maris Ery-
thraei’, 275; and by Ptolemy, 345;
Africa described by Dionysius Pe-
riegetes, 283; later errors about, 367

Agatharchides, his work on the Ery¬
thraean Sea, 1855 on the inun¬
dation of the Nile, 63; on the
AetMopian gold-mines, 186—8; on
the fauna of Aethiopia, 201; on
the Ichthyophagi, 203; on the
Aethiopian tribes, 204
Agathodaemon, 345
Agathyrsi, 86
Agisymba, 353

Agricola, his campaigns in Britain,
287; his chain of forts, 288} Ms
expedition to the Orcades, 288
Agrigentum, 54 j described by Poly¬
bius, 212

Agrippa, his wall-map, 236; the ori¬
ginal source of the Itineraries, 306;
his roads in Gaul, 236
Alans, first mentioned by Dionysius
Periegetes, 284
Albani, customs of the, £22
Albion, no, 346
Albis (see Elbe) #

Alexander the Great, effects of his
conquests, 122; his political and
social aims, 123; his Eastern ex¬
pedition, 125 foil.; its importance
for geography, 123, 124; his death
at Babylon, 141

Alexandria, its importance to geo¬
graphy, 14; its Museum and Li¬
brary, 145,166; its central position,
45; Strabo’s careful description
of, 260

Alexandria ad Caucasum, 133, 137
Alexandria Eschate, 135
Allahabad, 150

Alpheius, river, its disappearance, 10
Alpis, 84

Alps, passes over the, 210; Roman
roads over, 301, 304; Strabo’s de¬
scription of their features, 315;
estimates of their height, 335

372

INDEX.

Altai Chain, first mentioned by Pto¬
lemy, 35 J , .

Amanus, Mt, 126, 257; crossed by
the main Roman road, 305
Amasis, his encouragement of the
Greeks, 57

Amber trade, in Homer, 31; route
through Pannoma, 32; route
through Gaul, 32; iu the hands of
the Phoenicians in the Mediterra¬
nean, 33 ; at the mouths of the Po,
33; in the German Sea, 164
Ammonium, 128
Amu Daria, river, 134
‘ Anabasis,’ of Xenophon, 113; of
Arrian, 124

Anaxagoras, on the inundation of the
Nile, 63; on earthquakes, 198
Anaximander, his views on the shape
of the earth, 60; introduced the
gnomon into Greece, 64; the first
map-maker, 64; on earthquakes,

197

Anthropology, 203; Strabo’s interest
in, 246

Antichthones, 262
Antimenidas, 58
Antonine Itinerary, the, 306
Antoninus, his wall in Britain, 288
Aornos, 137

Apes, mode of catching in India, 201
Aquae Albulae, 355
Arabia, carefully described by Era¬
tosthenes, 183
Arabia Eu^aemon, 276
Arabian Geographers, acquainted with
Ptolemy’s ‘Geography,’ 367
Arabian Gulf (Red Sea), 81
Arachosia, 133, 140
Aral, Sea of, unknown to the ancients,
82, 134

Ararat, Mt, 114, 130
Araxes, river, 73, 114, 116; con¬
fusion of Herodotus about, 82; its
junction with the Cyrus, 221
Arbela, battle of, 129
Arcadia, disappearance of rivers in,
106

Archimedes, on the convexity of the
sea, 168
Archytas, 169

Arctic circle, different meanings of
die term, 179, 180
Arctic regions, described by Pytheas,
162

Arctic Sea, supposed to be navigable,
285

Arelate, 300

Argaeus, Mt, ascents of, 247, 321;

Strabo’s description of, 32 r
Argippaei, a Kalmuck tribe, 87
Argonautic legend, 19; its historical
significance, 20
Ariana, description of, 130
Aristagoras, his map, 65; his share
in the Ionian revolt, 70; on the dis¬
tance from Ionia to Susa, 90
Aristobulns, 124

Aristotle, his illustrations frequently
derived from Greece, ir, 185; his
notice of dwarfish tribes in Africa,
29; on the inundation of the Nile,
63; instructor of Alexander the
Great, 125; his mistake about the
Jaxartcs, 135 ; his importance to
scientific geography, 145, r66; on
the zones, 179; on rivers, 196; on
earthquakes and volcanic action,
198; on historical geography, 205
Armenia, geographical features of,

113,114; Xenophon’s march across,
116—18; campaigns of Lucullus in,
218

Armorica, 110; visited by Pytheas,

155; Strabo’s error about, 155
Aromata, prom., 274
Arrian, his history of Alexander’s
campaigns, 124; description of the
Oasis of Ammon, 128; account of
the voyage of Nearchus, 141; his
Periplus, 294
Arsonists, river, 219, 270
Arsene, lake, 268
Artacoana, 133
Artemidorus, 190

Asia, boundaries of, 68, 69; meaning
of the name of, 69; scanty notices
of the geography of in Herodotus,
89; Strabo’s account of, 256; no¬
tices of Eastern Asia, 280
Asia Minor, products of, 46; mis¬
taken views about the width of, 79,
89, 323; carefully described oy
Strabo, 258

Aspects of nature revealed by Alex¬
ander’s expedition, 124
Astaboras, river, 146, 204
Astacus, 50

Astarte, represented by the Greek
Aphrodite, 5 ; worship of at Eryx,
6; plants the pomegranate in Cy-
prus, 39

Atabyrium, in Rhodes, temple of
Zeus on its summit, 318; the same

INDEX.

373

name as Tabor, 3; found also in
Sicily, 21 2 ; measurement of its
height, 336
Atak, 137

Athos, Mt, an altar on its summit,
3 ^

‘Atlantic Islands,’ the, 225
Atlantic Ocean, first mentioned by
Herodotus, 80; visited by Himilco,
hi

Atlas,_ supporting the heavens, 21;
chain of, 95 ; crossed by Suetonius
Paullinus, 291
Augila, Oasis of, 96
Augusta Vindelicorum (Augsburg),
3<>4

Augustan age, the culminating point
of the study of geography, 15, 238
Automoli, 93, 147
Auxuma, 274

Avienus, on the Oestrymnides, 36,
no; his ‘Ora Maritima,’ 109; his
Latin Translation of the * Periege*
sis’ of Dionysius, 286
Azov, Sea of, breeding-place of the
tunny, 46; (see Maeotis)

Bab el-Mandeb, Straits of, 274
Babylon, described by Herodotus,
77; occupied by Alexander, 129;
death of Alexander at, 141
Babylonia, system of canals in, 259
Bactra, 134

Bactria, invaded by Alexander, 134
Balbus, his expedition against the
Garamantes, 223
Baltic Sea, 289
Bambotum, river, 106
Banyan tree, described by Onesicri-
tus, 139

Baraces, inlet, 277
Barca, 56

Barygaza (Baroche), 277, 281
Becare, 280
Belerion, prom., 156
Beluchistan, 140

Bent, Mr, on the Hadramaut, 203;
on the Locust-eaters in Abyssinia,
204; on the cave-dwellers of Dho-
far, 276

Berenice, commercial station at, 146;

Roman road to, 306
Berger, Dr H., on the Periplus of
Scylax, 119; on Pytheas’ parallels
of latitude, 161

Bessus, satrap of Bactria, 131; cap¬
ture of by Alexander, 135

Bingheul-dagh, 114
Bissagos, Bay, 100
Bitlis, 116, 269
Bolan Pass, 140

Bore of the Indus, 139; of the Ner-
budda, 277

Boundaries of the three continents,
67, 68, 82, 282

Bradley, Mr H., on Ptolemy’s Geo¬
graphy of the British Isles, 348;
his explanation of Ptolemy’s error
about the position of Scotland, 347
Brahmans, tenets of noticed by Hero¬
dotus, 92; their life described by
Megasthenes, 152
Brenner Pass, 304
Britain, its tin trade, 36; visited and
described by Pytheas, 156; in¬
vaded by Caesar, 230; its sunless
climate, 245; conquests of Claudius,
Suetonius Paullinus, Agricola, and
Antoninus Pius, 287, 288; Tacitus’
description of, 288; Roman roads
in, 302—4; Ptolemy’s map of, 346
—5i

Brittany, visited by Pytheas, 156; its
trade with Britain, 36, 156
Brunetto Latini, his copious use of
Solinus, 365
Bucephala, 138
Budini, 86

Bunbury, Sir E. H., on the wander¬
ings of Ulysses, 29; on the circum¬
navigation of Africa, 101
Buvinda, river, 351 *

Byzantium, 50

Cabaeon, prom., 156
Caheiri, worship of in Samothrace,
5; meaning of the name, 5
Cabul, 130, 133

Caesar, his conquest of Gaul, 228;
his ethnographical and geographi¬
cal notices, 229; his description of
the country of the Veneti, 230; his
expeditions into Britain, 230; into
Germany, 232

‘ Camarae 1 vessels on the Euxine,

223

Camarina, 53
Cambay, Gulf of, 277
Camulodunum, 287
Canal'from the Nile to the Red Sea,
146

Canaries, islands, 226, 342
Candahar, 133
Cantin, Cape, 105

374

INDEX.

Cantion, prom., 156, 348
Cappadocia, absence of trees in, 258
Cardinal points, determined in Greece
by the winds, 41
Carmania, 140

Carpathians, the, first mentioned by
Ptolemy, 351
Carpis, 84

Carthage, its admirable position, 6;

compared to that of Sinope, 47
Carriage, New, described by Poly¬
bius, 213; silver mines of, 210
Casius, Mt, ascended by Hadrian,
3*4

Caspatyrus, 74, 101
Caspian Gates, 131
Caspian Sea, mentioned by Ileca-
taeus, 73; regarded by Herodotus
as an inland sea, 81; also by Aris¬
totle, 136; supposed by Alexander
to be the Palus Maeotis, 132 ; re-
.. garded as an inlet from the ocean,
136, 282; the error corrected by
Ptolemy, 345; revived at a later
period, 367

Cassiterides, islands, opinions as to
their situation, 37, 38; voyage of
Publius Crassus to, 38; their exist¬
ence disbelieved by Herodotus, 80
Caste System in India, 151
* Catalogue of Ships’ in Homer, geo¬
graphical value of, 24
Cataracts of the Nile, described by
Herodotus, 92

Caucasus, called by Aeschylus the
highest of mountains, 68; described
by Theophanes, 220; tribes of, 222;
crampons used, and tobogganing
practised in, 315
Cave-dwellers, in Arabia, 276
Caverns, described by Pausanias, 356
Cd.ts, 79, 84, 191, 253; in North
Italy, 120

Cerne, island, 104, 105, 119, 283
Ceylon (see Taprobane)

Chalcedon, 50
Chalcidice, 49

Chalcis, its colonies in Thrace. 40:

in Italy, 50
Chandragupta, 148
Chersonese, Tauric, 85; accurately
described by Strabo, 255
Chersonesus, town of, 50
Chester, 287
China, 281

Chitral, traversed by Alexander, 137
Choaspes, river, 90 '

Chryse, 281, 285, 346
Cicero, on mountain scenery, 317
Cilician Gates, pass of the, crossed
by Alexander, 126
Ciinbrian Promontory, 290
Cimmerian Bosporus, 82, 85
Cimmerians, the, in Homer, 30; their
mroad into Asia Minor, 84
Cinnamon Country, the, 147, i 7 a
Cinyps, river, 94
Circumnavigation of Africa, 99
Climata, of Hipparchus, 173; 0 f
Ptolemy, 343

Climate, Strabo’s remarks on, 243
Climax, pass of, 126, 246
Clota, 350
Codanus Sinus, 2S9
Colchester, the first Roman colony in
Britain, 287
Coliacum, prom., 273
Colonies, the Greek, causes of the
establishment of, 43 ; qualifications
101 the site of, 44, 31; early de¬
velopment of, 44 ; geography pro¬
moted by, 45 ; Delphic oracle
influential in founding, 66
Commagene, 91, 257
Comorin, Cape, 273, 2So
Continents, division of the world into,
67, x8i; their boundaries, 67, 68;
their names, 69; opinion of Hero¬
dotus, 81, 82; the three compared
by Strabo, 252
Cophen, river, 137
Coptos, commercial station on the
Nile, 146; Roman road to, 305
Coral, between India and Ceylon,
373

Corbilo, 37

Corinth, its connexion with the
purple trade, 5

Corinth, Isthmus of, its importance
to Greece, 214

Corycian Cave, described by Pau¬
sanias, 356

Cosmas Indicopleustes, 160
Cosmical beliefs of Herodotus, their
primitive character, 78
Cotton in India, noticed by Herodo-
„ tus > 9* J in Greece, 357
Cottonara, 280

Crampons, used in the Caucasus, 315,
310

Crassus, Publius, his voyage to the
Cassiterides, 38

Craterus, his return march from the
Indus, 139, 140

INDEX.

37 ?

Croton, 51

Culture early developed in the Greek
colonies, 44
Cumae, 50

Curtius, his history of Alexander’s
campaigns, 124; description of the
country to the south of the Caspian,
132; of Bactria, 134
Curzon, Hon. G. N., on the Oxus,
134; on the Zerafshan, 135
Cutch, Gulf and Runn of, 277
Cyllene, Mt, measurements of the
height of, 336, 337
Cypress, the, in Greece, 40; derived
from Afghanistan, 40
Cyrenaica, in Homer, 26
Cyrene, its site and commerce, 56
Cyras, river, date of its junction with
the Araxes, 221

Cyzicus, its situation, 47; its famous
arsenal, 48

Dachinabades, meaning of the name,
278

Dacia, reduced to a Roman province
by Trajan, 290; abandoned by
Aurelian, 291

Dante, on the common source of the
Tigris and Euphrates, 271; his use
of Orosius as a geographical au¬
thority, 366

Danube, the northern boundary of the
Roman empire, 235
Daphnae, in Egypt, 56
Darius Codomannus, opposed to
Alexander, 125, 126, 129; his
death, 131

Darius Hystaspis, completed the Nile
and Red Sea canal, 146
Dead Sea, the, described by Pliny,
266

Deccan, the, not known to the
ancients before the Christian era,
149; noticed in the * Periplus Ma¬
ris Erythraei,’ 278; etymology of
the name, 278

Deine, fountain in the sea, 356
Delphi, regarded as the cenire of the
earth, 05; its importance in the
Homeric age, 66; at a later period,
66; described by Pausanias, 358
Delta of Egypt, speculations on its
formation, 61, 197
Demavend, Mt, 131
Denmark, known as the Cimbrian
promontory, 290

Descriptive Geography, the subjects
it treats of, 2

Desjardins, M., on the Peutinger
Table, 310, 311
Dhofar, region of, 276
Dicaearchus, 170; his contributions
to map-making, 180; his measure¬
ments of the height of mountains,
33<5

Dio Cassius, on Hadrian’s frontier
system, 295

Diodorus, on the Cassiterides, 37; on
the island of Basilia, 164; on sun¬
rise seen from Ida, 323
Dionysius Periegetes, his geographi¬
cal poem, 281—7
Dioscorides, island of, 276
Dioscurias, 49, 222
Dongola, 224
Dorieus, 66
Drangiana, 133, 139
Drasus (the elder), his campaigns in
Germany, 232; his navigation of
the Northern Ocean, 232 ; his con¬
quest of Rhaetia, 234
Dumb Commerce, mentioned by He¬
rodotus, 94; by Pliny and Solinus,

365

Dwarfs, in Africa, 97; mentioned in
the story of Sataspes, 103 (see
Pygmies)

Early notices of distant countries
among the Greeks, chiefly of Phoe¬
nician origin, 20

Early travellers, means of*testing
their reports, 17

Earth, measurement of the, 168 foil.;
by Eratosthenes, 170; by Posi¬
donius, 192

Earthquakes, in Greece, 11 ; in Lydia,
61; speculations on, 197—200 ;
relieved by volcanoes, 199
Ecbatana, Alexander's depot at, 130
Egnatian Way, the, 236
Egypt, mentioned in Homer, 26;
position of the Greeks in, 56, 57;
described by Herodotus, 92; oc¬
cupied by Alexander, 127 ; a home
of learning under the Ptolemies,
145; Strabo’s travels in, 241, 266
Eirinon, inlet, 277
Elbe, river, Augustus’ limit of the
empire, 289
Elburz,'chain of, 131
Electrides, islands, 164

3 76

INDEX.

Elephant-hunting on the Astaboras,
146; in India, 152
Embassies from the West to Alex¬
ander, r4r; from Taprobane to
Rome, 273

Emodus, mountains, 149; meaning
of the name, 149

Empedocles, story of his death on
Etna, 320
Emporiae, 55

Eneti, tribe, known to Herodotus, 84
Ephorus, the forerunner of Polybius,
206; his advanced criticisms, 207
Epithets, local, accuracy of in Homer,

Erannaboas, river, 150
Eratosthenes, on the local epithets in
Homer, 23; on the inundation of
the Nile, 03; his twofold division
of the world, 67; his measurement
of the earth, 170—72; of the habit¬
able world, 172—4; his parallels
of latitude, 174, 175, 181; his meri¬
dians of longitude, 177, 178, 181;
on the zones, x8o; his map of the
world, 180; his Sphrngidcs, 181;
his geographical treatise, 182
Eridanus, river, etymology of the
name of, 34; disbelieved in by
Herodotus, 80
Ermine Street, 303
Erythraean Sea, 80; Agatharchides’
work on, 185
Erzeroum, 117

Essenes, the, described by Pliny, 266
Etna, ascended by Hadrian, 314;
Sene*a’s notice of, 319; Strabo’s
description of the summit of, 319
—331

Etymander, river, 133
Eudoxus of Cnidos, his astronomical
observations, 165

Eudoxus of Cyzicus, his voyages, 189
Euphrates, its course known to He¬
rodotus, 90; its sources in Armenia,
114, 117; its stream crossed by
Xenophon, 116; by Alexander,
128; described by Strabo, 257;
its supposed common source with
the Tigris, 271; Roman military
frontier along, 298; crossings at
Thapsacus and the Zeugma, 305
Euripus, currents of the, ir, 185, 192
Europe, boundaries of, 67—9; mean¬
ing of the name of, 69; where first
mentioned, 69; Herodotus* know¬
ledge of; 83, 84

Euxine, Greek colonies on the, 465
dangers and attractions of, 46
Evans, Mr A. J., 32
Exampaeus, in Scythia, 85
Expeditions, before the time of Alex¬
ander, 08 foil.; of Alexander, 122
foil.; ofPytheas, 153 foil.; of Poly¬
bius on the African coast, 209; of
Agricola to the Orcadcs, 288; of
Suetonius Paullinus to Central
Africa, 291; of Nero to the Nile,
291; of Septimius Flaccus to Ae-
thiopia, 353; of Julius Maternus
to the Soudan, 353

Fartak, Cape, 276
Fauna, observation of, 201
Ferro, used as a prime meridian, 342
Flinders Petrie, Mr, discovery of
Naucratis by, 57

Flora, observation of by Theophrastus
and others, 200; by Strabo, 246
Fortunatae Insulae, 226; Ptolemy’s
prime meridian, 342
Fosse Way, 303

Fountains, described by Pausanias,
355

Freshfield, Mr D. W., on the cram¬
pons of the Caucasus, 316
Friesland, amber from the coast of,

163.

Frontier fortresses, Roman, 294;
chiefly organised by Hadrian, 295

Gades, meaning of the name, 7;
noticed by Herodotus, 84; its
immense commerce, 253
Gaetulia, 95

Galicia, tin mines of, 35, 37
Gambia River, 106
Ganges, the, known to Megasthenes,
149; believed to flow into the
Eastern Ocean, 250, 286; the error
corrected, 281; and repeated, 367
Garamantes, the, 96, 353; expedition
of Bolbus against, 223
Gardner, Prof. P., 57; on Pausanias*
veracity, 362 '

Gaugamela, 129

Gaul, early trade-route through, 32;
the Roman province in, 238;
Caesar’s conquest of, 228 foil; his
description of, 229; Roman roads
in, 236, 300, 302; completeness of
the river-system in, 253
Gauls, the, described by Posidonius,
205

INDEX.

377

Gaza, captured by Alexander, 127
Gedrosia, 140
Gela, foundation of, 53
Geloni, 87
Geminus, 159

Geographical discoveries, their stimu¬
lating effect, 15, 16
Geographical eras and centres, 13—

Geography, its central position among
the sciences, 1; its subdivisions, 2;
the study almost confined to the
Greeks, 12; its limited character
in antiquity, 16; advanced by the
Greek colonies, 43; by Alexander’s
expedition, 123; by the Roman
conquests, 216; its decline after
Ptolemy, 367

Geology, Strabo’s interest in, 245
‘Germania* of Tacitus, its ethno¬
graphical interest, 289
Germany, invaded by Caesar, 232;
campaigns of Drusus and Tiberius
in, 232, 233; the country less
known afterwards, 289
Ghuzni, 133

Gir and Nigir, rivers, 353
Glaesiae, islands, 164
Glaesum, etymology of the word, 164
Gnomon, invention of the, 64; an
improved kind used by Eratosthe¬
nes, 170

Gold mines, Aethiopian, 186
Golden Chersonese, 281, 346
Gorillas, 108

Granicus, battle of the, 125
Greece, a suggestive country for the
study of geography, 9, 184; its
principal features, 10, 11; imper¬
fectly described by Strabo, 256;
Pausanias’ description of, 354 foil.
Greek explorers, 12
Greeks, the, their qualifications for
the study of geography, 8
Guardafui, Cape, 100, 147, 274
Gymnias, 117

Habitable world, measurement of by
Eratosthenes, 172—4; by Ptolemy,
34 i

Hadramaut, district of, 142, 276; in¬
habitants of, 203

Hadrian, the chief organiser of Roman
frontier defences, 294 foil.; his as¬
cents of mountains, 313, 314; his
restoration of buildings in Greece,
354

Haemus, Mt, ascended by Philip V
of Macedon, 322; Pliny’s estimate
of its height, 335

Halys, river, not mentioned in Ho¬
mer, 22; the western limit of the
Cappadocians, 90; crossed by the
Royal Road, 90

Hanno, expedition of, 104; his ‘ Pe-
riplus,’ 104
Harang, island, 107
Harmosia, 142

Harpasus, Xenophon’s name for the
Acampsis, 117

Harrison, Miss, on Pausanias’ vera¬
city, 362

Harud, river, 133

Heberdey, on Pausanias’ routes in
Greece, 359; on his veracity, 360

—63

Hecataeus, on the formation of the
Delta, 62; on the inundation of the
Nile, 63; his division of the world
into continents, 67, 68; the Father
of Geography, 70; his political
wisdom, 70; his sources of infor¬
mation, 71; his geographical work,
71; its general geography, 72 $ its
contents, 73, 74
Hecatompylus, 132
Hellas, in Homer, 23
Hellespont, compared with the Straits
of Gibraltar by Polybius, 214
Helmund, river, 133
Hemeroscopeium, 55
Heptastadion of Alexandria, 146
Heraclea, 50

Heracleides Ponticus, on the dotation
of the earth, 166

Heracles, representing the Phoenician
Melcarth, 5, 20; the fire-god, 11
Herat, 130, 133

Herodotus, his life, 76; extent of his
travels, 77; his general view of
geography, 78; his primitive cos-
mical beliefs, 78; his attempts at
drawing a meridian, 79; his con¬
ception of the map of the world,
80; contents of his work, 83; date
of its composition, 76; his remarks
on frankincense and cinnamon in
Arabia, 7; his disbelief in the Cas-
siterides, 38; on the Nile and the
Delta of Egypt, 61—3; on Mar-
donius’ line of foe-beacons, 330;
on the shield displayed at Mara¬
thon, 331

Hesiod, his description of the Styx, 24

378

INDEX.

Hibernia, Caesar’s notice of, 331;

Ptolemy’s account of, 35 r
Himalaya, its classical names, 149
Himera, 54

Himilco, his expedition, 36, 109
Hindostan, the peninsula of, known
to the author of the 4 Periplus Maris
Erythraei,* 378; Ptolemy’s error
about, 345

Hindu Kush, 124, 133; crossed by
Alexander, 134, 137
Hippalus, voyage of, 279
Hipparchus, his confidence in Py-
tneas, 155,160; his Climata, 175;
his method of determining longi¬
tudes, 178
Hippopotami, 106

Historians of Alexander’s expedition,
124

Historical Geography, the subjects it
treats of, 2; as found in Aristotle,
205; in Ephorus, 206; in Polybius,
208, an; in Strabo, 246, 252
History of Geography, its import¬
ance, 1

Hogarth, Mr, 91

Homer, extravagant veneration of as
a geographical authority, 256
Homeric conception of the earth, 20
Homeric Poems, geography of the, 21
foil.; rumours of distant countries
in, 29; trade-routes implied in, 31;
foreign trees mentioned in, 40; ac¬
curacy of local epithets in, 23
Honey, prisonous, affecting Xeno¬
phon’s and Pompey’s soldiers, rr8
Horace, on the pine-trees of Pontus,
46; on the site of Tarentum, 52
Hot springs in Greece, 1 1 ; described
by Pausanias, 355, 356
Humboldt, on the Sargasso Sea, 111;

on the merits of Strabo’s work, 249
Hydaspes, river, 138
Hyderabad, 138
Hydraotes, river, 138
Hypanis, river, 85
Hyperboreans, their offerings sent to
Delos, 32

Hyphasis, river, 138, 150
Hyrcani, subdued by Alexander, 132

Iardanos, river in Crete, the same
name as Jordan, 5
Iberia (in Asia), described by Theo-
phanes, 220

Iberians, described by Posidonius,
204

Ichthyophagi, on the coast of Ge*
drosia, 142; on the coast of Arabia,
203

Icknield Street, 303
Ictis, island, 156

Ida, Mt, description of sunrise from,

323

Iliad, the inner geography of, 21—
24; outer geography of, 25; its
notices of the Aegean islands and
Asia Minor, 22; of Greece, 23
Imaus, mts., 149; in Ptolemy the
Altai chain, 352

India, known to Hecatacus, 73; He¬
rodotus’ account of, 92; ancient
administration of, 150; caste-system
in, 151; its southern projection
known to the author of the * Peri¬
plus Maris Erythraei,' 277—9;
wrongly represented by Ptolemy,
345

Indian Ocean, visited by Alexander,
139; supposed by Ptolemy to be
surrounded by land, 346; (see
Erythraean Sea)

Indians, life of the, 151; widow¬
burning practised by, 152
Indus, river, crossed by Alexander
near Atak, 137; descended by
Alexander, 138; delta of, 138;
bore of, 139; Dionysius Periegetes,
description of, 286
Inlets from the Ocean, 81
Inundation of the Nile, various ex¬
planations of, 62, 63
Ionian School, the, 14; their geo¬
graphical speculations, 59, 60;
opinions as to the formation of the
Delta, 61

Iran, description of, 130
Isidore of Seville, 271, 365
Issedones, mentioned by Hecataeus,
73; by Herodotus, 88
Issus, battle of, 126
Ister, river, not mentioned in Homer,
25; correspondence to the Nile, 78,
79 ; course of according to Hero¬
dotus, 79; supposed to divide into
two branches, 120; (see Danube)
Isthmus between the Euxine and the
Caspian, 68
Isthmus of Suez, 68
Istri, tribe of, mentioned by Scylax,
121

Ithaca, inaccurately described in the
Odyssey, 24

Itineraries, Roman; two kinds of,

INDEX.

379

236, 306; the Antonine, 306; its
probable date, 306; not a com¬
pletely homogeneous document,
307; its contents, 308; the Mari¬
time Itinerary, 308; the Jerusalem
Itinerary, 309; the Peutinger Table,
310; its transcription and probable
date of composition, 311
Iluna, estuary, 349
Ivernia, 346

Jaxartes, river, reached by Alexander,
135; mistakes concerning it, 135
Jerusalem Itinerary, 309; the Holy
Places first described in, 309
Jihoun, river, 134

Job, the Book of, mining operations
described in, 188
omanes, river, 150
ordan, river, described by Pliny, 265
uba, his treatise on Africa, 226
Julius Maternus, his expedition into
the Soudan, 353

Kafiristan, traversed by Alexander,
137; visited by Sir G. S. Robert¬
son, 137
Karachi, 142

Katakekaumene, volcanoes of the, 61
Khartoum, 147

Khyber Pass, traversed by Hephaes-
tion and Perdiccas, 137
Kiepert, Prof. H., on the etymology
of Eridanus, 34

Kilimanjaro and Kenia, Mounts, per¬
haps the Mountains of the Moon,
352

Kohik, river, 135
Korosko, 224

Lambaesis, a Roman frontier station,
294

Lampsacus, meaning of the name, 5;

founded by the Phoenicians, 46
Lassen, his corroboration of Mega-
sthenes, 149; on the character of
the ancient Indians, 152
Latitude, of Massilia determined by
Pytheas, 154 j parallels in the
neighbourhood of Britain deter¬
mined by him, 160; the parallels
of Eratosthenes, 174, 175; of Pto-

T le “y. 343

Legions, Roman, permanently fixed
Jn certain camps, 298
Libya, in Homer the Cyrenaica, 2 6 ;
commerce of by way of Cyrene,

56; origin of the name of, 70; (see
Africa)

Lilybaeum, meaning of the name, 6
Liguria, a source of amber, 31; its
rugged coast, 55

Limes, the Rhaetian and German,
296

Lincoln, 287

Lipari Islands, eruption in the, 199,
210

Lixus, river, 105
Locri Epizephyrii, 52
Locust-eaters, tribes of, 204 note
Londinium, the commercial centre of
Britain, 287

Longitude, meridians of, difficulty of
determining, 177; Hipparchus’
method of measuring, 178; system
of Ptolemy, 342, 343
‘Look-out place,’ used as equivalent
to ‘mountain height,’ 336—8
Lotophagi, in Homer, 28; Polybius’
description of their country, 28;
rightly placed by Herodotus, 94;
mentioned by Scylax, 121
Lotus plant, described by Polybius,
28 note

Lucian, his humorous description of a
mountain ascent, 324
Lucullus, campaigns of in Armenia
and Mesopotamia, 218, 272
Lyceum, Mt., altar on its summit, 318
Lyell, Sir C., his high praise of
Strabo, 251

Lynccus, stoiy of, 328 •

Macan, Mr R. W., on the Iste* as the
boundaiy of Scythia, 85; on the
zones of Africa, 95
Macaria, a corruption of the name
Melcarth, 5
Macauley Island, 108
Maceta, prom., 142, 277
Madeira, 225

Maeander, river, accretion of soil at
its mouth, 61

Maeotis, Pains, its size overestimated
by Herodotus, 81; its area lessened
since classical times, 81; ice of, 85;
breeding-place of the tunny, 46;
misplaced by Ptolemy, 345
Malay Peninsula, 281
Man, Isle of, 231
Manaar, Gulf of, 373
Mannert, on the date of the Antonine
Itinerary, 307; of the Peutinger
Table, 311

38 o

INDEX.

Map-making, its early difficulties, 64;
commenced by Anaximander, 64;
reformed by Eratosthenes, 180; by
Marinus, 339; by Ptolemy, 343 foil.
Maps, of Aristagoras, 65; of Erato¬
sthenes, 180; of Marinus, 339; of
Ptolemy, 345
Maracanda, 135

Marathon, the shield displayed at,
33i

Mardi, the, subdued by Alexander,

Marinus Tyrius, Ptolemy’s debt to
him, 338; his attempt to reform
the map of the world, 339
Maritime Itinerary, the, 308
Marvellous narratives, not necessarily
incredible, 17
Massagetae, 82

Massilia, an early entrepot of tin
and amber, 32; founded by the
Fhocaeans, 55; its colonies, 55; a
starting-point for geographical dis¬
covery, 55 ; its rivalry with the
Phoenicians, 154; its political con¬
stitution described by Strabo, 253
Mathematical Geography, the ques¬
tions it treats of, 2; early specula¬
tions on, 59, 60; slow development
of, 165; promoted by Aristotle,
166; and Eratosthenes, 166;
Strabo’s imperfect treatment of,
251; developed by Marinus, 338;
and by Ptolemy, 340
Mausoleum of Augustus, minutely
described by Strabo, 254
Mead^used in Britain, 18, 157
Measurement of the earth, 168 foil.,
19*1 34i; of the habitable world,
i7*» 3+1

Media, described by Polybius, 211
Mediterranean Sea, the starting-point
for the history of geography, 3; its
superiority over the other seas, 3
Megara, its colonies on the Pro¬
pontis, 50

Megara Hyblaea, 33
Megasthenes, envoy from Seleucus
Nicator to Chandragupta, 148; his
work on India, 148 toll.; on catch¬
ing apes, 201
Mekran, province of, 140
Mela, his Chorographia, 2625 his
knowledge of Southern Spain, 262;
of the Baltic and Scandinavia, 289
Melanchlaeni, mentioned by Heca-
taeus, 73; by Herodotus, 86

Melcarth, represented by the (
as Heracles, 5, 20; as Melice
Melitene, 298

Memnon, vocal statue of, 283
Memnon, commander under E

126

Memphis, occupied by Alexs

127

Mcnelaus, his voyages, 26
Menuthias, 275

Meridian j line, Herodotus’ att<
at drawing a, 79; (see Longit
Meroe, 92, 292; its latitude <
mined by Philon, 175
Merriam, Mr A. C., on telegra;

among the ancients, 330
Messana, its position, 51
Messina, Straits of, guardec
Rhegium and Messana, 51; ca
of sword-fish in, 203
Metaponlum, 52
Methana, eruption of, describe
Ovid, 198; warm spring at,
Methone, 49

Miletus, a geographical centre,
59; its colonies on the Eu
46 foil.

Miliarium Aureum at Rome, 2<
Military posts, chains of, 297
Mines; gold, 186; silver,210; ti
Mining operations, described by
tharchides, 186; in the Boo
Job, 188

Mithridatic war, its importanc
geography, 217

Mommsen, on the Rhaetian
German Limes, 296, 297; his
mate of Solinus, 365
Monsoon, the south-west, cause o
rainy season in India, 150; ci
by Megasthenes the Etesian wi
195; afterwards called Hipp;
279

Mountain ascents, made by Hadi
313; of Etna, 319; of Args
321; of Haemus, 322; descrip
of a climb, 325

Mountains, differently viewed by
ancients and the moderns, «
religious feeling about them in
tiquity, 317, 318; their sum.
not always distinguished from
chain, 314; used as places of ^
ship by the Persians and the Gre
318; regarded as look-out pla
326—8; as signalling stations,
foil.; estimates of their heights,

INDEX.

381

Mountains of the Moon, 352
Mullenhoff, on the early trade-route
through Gaul, 33; on Pytheas’
visit to the Tanais, 158; his de¬
preciation of Strabo, 249
Milller, Dr C., on the voyage of
Hanno, 105; on the Periplus of
Scylax, 119

Mungo Park, on burning grass in
Africa, 107

Murad-Su (Eastern Euphrates), 116
Mush, plain of, ri6, 271
Musiris, 279

Mussendum, Cape, 142, 277
“Mutterrecht,” practised by the Isse-
dones, 88

Myos Hormos, commercial station at,
146, 274; Roman road to, 305

Namnadius, river, 277
Napata, 224, 292

Narbo, a commercial centre in the
time of Hecataeus, 73; seat of a
Roman colony, 228
Nasamones, expedition of the, 96;

victory of Domitian over, 282
Naucratis, 57
Naxos, in Sicily, 53
Neapolis, its favourable position, 51;
a centre of Hellenic culture, 51,
*54

Nearchus, voyage of, 140, 141—3
Necho, circumnavigation of Africa
ordered by, 99; Nile and Red Sea
Canal commenced by, 146
Nelcynda, 278, 270, 281
Nerbudda, bore of the, 277
Neuri, were-wolf superstition among
the, 86

Niger, river, 97, 291; not the Nigir
of Ptolemy, 353

Nile, the river Aegyptus of Homer,
26; interest awakened by its strange
features, 61; absence of tributaries,
6 r 5 derived from the Ocean stream,
63; regarded as the boundary be¬
tween Asia and Africa, 68, 82; its
correspondence to the Ister, 78, 79;
its two branches unnoticed by He¬
rodotus, 93; increased knowledge
of it through the Ptolemies, 147;
expedition of Petronius on, 224;
Nero’s expedition to, 291; marshy
region of, 292; its sources in two
lakes, 352

Northern Europe* long days and

nights of referred to in Homer, 30;
first explored by Pytheas, 153
Northern races, vaguely known to
Homer, 25

Northern Sea, disbelieved by Hero¬
dotus, 80; Pytheas’ account of,
158; navigated by Drusus, 232

Oases, the, described by Herodotus,
96; the Oasis of Ammon visited by
Alexander the Great, 128; com¬
pared by Strabo to the spots on a
leopard’s skin, 248
Oceanus, the river, parent of waters,
20*- encircling the earth, 20; origin
of this idea, 21; in the far south,
29; in the far north, 30 j the Nile
derived from it, 63
Ocelis, 280

Odyssey, the inner geography of, 22,
24; outer geography of, 26—29
Oenotrian tribes, akin to the Greeks,
52

Oestrymnides, islands, 36, no, 156
Olbia, 48; Herodotus’ residence at,
85

Olympia, described by Pausanias, 358
Olympus, Mt., measurement of the
height of, 336

Onesicritus, companion of Alexander,
124; his description of the banyan
tree, 139
Opone, 275

Orcades, islands, Agricola’s expe¬
dition to, 288 •

Orcas, prom., 156, 350 #

Organa, island, 142
Ormuz, 142 ; mentioned in * Paradise
Lost,’ 142

Orosius, his ‘ Historiae,’366; its geo¬
graphical section, 366; its popu¬
larity in the middle ages, 306
Osismii, 156
Ostimii, 15 6

Ovid, his description of the eruption
of Methana, 198

Oxus, river, crossed by Alexander,
134; its modem and ancient courses,
134; trade route along, 134, 266

Pachynus, prom., dreaded by Greek
sailors, 53
Paestum, 51

Palaesimundus, capital of Taprobane,
*73

Palestine, described by Pliny, 265
Palibothra, on the Ganges, 148

382

INDEX,

Palm-trees, imported into Greece, 39;
at Jericho, 2 59

Palmyra, described by Pliny, 266
Pamir, mountains of the, 134; source
of the Oxus in, 134
Pannonia, trade route through, 32;
conquered by the Romans, 234;
Roman road through, 304
Fanormus, 54
Panlicapaeum, 49
Paraetonium, 128
Parallels (sec Latitude)

Parmenides, his theory of zones, 60
Parmenio, 126

Parnassus, meaning of its ‘twin
peaks,* 324

Paropamisus range, 133; crossed by
Alexander, 134, 137
Parthia, Alexander in, 131
Pasitigris, river, 143
Pataliputra, 148, 150
Patrocles, on the connexion between
the Caspian and the Indian Ocean,
136; Strabo’s authority for north¬
eastern Asia, 257

Pattala, depot of Alexander at, 138
Pausanias, 353 foil.; his * Itinerary of
Greece,’ 354; his resemblance to
Herodotus, 354; his accuracy, 355;
his illustrations of physical geo¬
graphy, 355; his descriptions of
fountains, 355; of caverns, 356; of
trees, 357; his descriptions of
Olympia and Delphi, 358; routes
which ht followed in Greece, 359;
contents of his book, 359; question
of hfs veracity, 360—62
Pearl fishery, in the Persian Gulf, 142
Pelham, Prof., on the Roman fron¬
tier system, 294

Pelion, Mt., ancient description of its
vegetation, 201; measurement of
the height of, 336
Pentland Firth, rise of the tide in,
*59

* Periegesis ’ of Dionysius Periegetes,

its date, 281; its general geography,

, 282; its contents, 283— 6; remarks
upon it, 286

* Periodos,’ name of Hecataeus 1 geo¬

graphical work, 71
‘ Periplus,’ of Hanno, 104; ofScylax,
118; doubts as to its genuineness,
119, 120; ‘Periplus of the Eryth-
raean Sea,’ 274—81; of Arrian, 294
Persepolis, occupied by Alexander,
130; his return to, 140

Persian Gulf, not known to Hero¬
dotus, Si; pearl fishery in, 142
Persian kingdom, Herodotus’ account
of, drawn from a statistical docu¬
ment, 88

Pcrsis, mountains of, 130; its three
regions described by Strabo, 259
IVuoclaotis, 137
Peutinger Table, the, 310—12
Phaeacia, not to be identified with
Corfu, 27

Phacthon, story of the sisters of, 33
Phanagoria, 49, 68
Pharos, island, in llomcr, 26; visited
by Alexander, [28; protection af¬
forded by it to the harbours of
Alexandria, 146
Phasiani, tribe, 116
Phasis, town of, 49
Phasis, river, regarded as the boun¬
dary between Europe and Asia,
68, 82; Xenophon’s name for the
Araxcs, 117

Philip V. of Maccdon, his ascent of
Ilaemus, 322; his beacon stations,
332

Pliilon, determined the latitude of
Meroe, 175

Phocaeans, their bold navigation, 54;

their foundation of Massilia, 55
Phoenicians, theiv early maritime im¬
portance, 4; their settlements in
the. Aegean, 5; in Africa and
Sicily, 0, 54; at Gades, 7; their
selfish policy, 7; trees imported by
them into Greece, 40; supposed to
have circumnavigated Africa, 99;
their connexion with the tin and
trades, 33 » 3 * 5 , 154
Physical Geography, the subjects it
treats of, 2; early speculations on,
60 foil.; treatment of the subject
in antiquity, 184 foil; interest of
Polybius in, 210; of Strabo, 245;
Pausanias’ illustrations of, 355
Pindar, on Delphi as the centre of
the earth, 65; on the story of
Lynceus, 328

Plane-tree, imported into Greece from
Asia Minor, 40

Pliny, his life, 263; character of his
‘.Natural History,’ 264; its sta¬
tistical geography, 265; on the
Romans as geographers, 13; on
the trade-route through Pannonia,
32; his explanation of the story of
the sisters of Phaethon^ 34; on the’

INDEX.

383

amber islands, 164; on the features
of Palestine, 265, 266; on the
Tigris and Euphrates, 267—72;
on Taprobane, 272; on the direct
route to India, 279

Plutonium, the, at Hierapolis, n

Political Geography, the subjects it
treats of, 2

Polyaenus, author of the ‘Strate-
gemata,* 334

Polybius, how affected by the cir¬
cumstances of his age, 208; his
travels in Western Europe, 209;
voyage on the African coast, 209;
his interest in physical geography,
210; descriptions of countries, 211;
of cities, 212—14; general remarks
on historical geography, 214; on
signalling stations, 332; on the art
of signalling, 334; on the heights
of mountains, 335; his depreciation
of Pylheas, 18, 153, 157; his de¬
scription of the lotus plant, 28; on
the erosive power of rivers, 196;
on deposits of alluvium, 197; on
the capture of the sword-fish, 202
Pomegranate, imported into Greece,
39

tompey, campaigns of, in Iberia and
Albania, 219
tortus Alexandri, 142
tortus Herculis Monoeci, 55; origin
of the name, 55

toseidon, representing earthquakes,

tosidonius, 190; his travels, 191;
error about the circumference of
the earth, 191; on the tides, 193;
on tidal waves, 197; on earth¬
quakes and volcanic eruptions, 199,
200; on Plato’s island of Atlantis,
200; on the Iberians and Gauls,
204, 205

‘rasum, prom., 342
rejection, Ptolemy’s system of, 343
ropontis, meaning of the name, 47
teria, “over against Sinope,” 80
tolemais Epitheros, 146
tolemies, the, their patronage of
literature, 145; their exploration of
the Nile valley, 147
tolemy (the Geographer), an Alex¬
andrian, 15, 340; his obligation to
Marinus, 338, 339; his great repu¬
tation, 340; his chief errors, 34X,
342, 345; his prime meridian, 342;
his system of projection, 343; his

Climata, 343; his geographical
treatise, 344; his maps, 345; his
account of Britain, 346—51; of
Ireland, 351; his additions to geo¬
graphical knowledge, 351—3; brief
duration of his influence in an¬
tiquity, 367

Ptolemy Euergetes, stations estab¬
lished by, near the Straits of Bab
el-Mandeb, 147

Ptolemy Philadelphus, restored the
Nile and Red Sea canal, 146; es¬
tablished stations on the Red Sea,
146

Puhno Marinus, Pytheas’ mention of
the, 162

Punjab, Alexander’s campaign in the,
137; rivers of, 137, 138, 150
Purple-fisheries of the Phoenicians
in the Aegean, 5

Pygmies, the, mentioned by Homer,
29; meaning of the name, 29; a
dwarfish race in Africa, noticed by
Herodotus, Aristotle, and modern
travellers, 29, 30, 97, 103
Pylae Caspiae, 131
Pylae Persicae, 130
Pyrene, city of, 84
Pyrenees, error about their direction,

Pythagoreans, the, taught the spheri¬
cal form of the earth, 60
Pytheas, 12; varying estimates of
him, 153; his work, 153; his scien¬
tific attainments, 154; &is parallels
of latitude, 160; his northern ex¬
pedition, 17, 152; evidence in
favour of it, 157; his remarks on
the use of mead in Britain, 18,
157; on the rise of the tide in the
Pentland Firth, 18,159; on Britain
and its inhabitants, 156, 157; on
the Northern Sea, 158—60; on the
” Sleeping-place of the Sun,” 159;
his supposed visit to the Baltic,
158; on the arctic circle, 159; his
description of the arctic regions,
162; his visit to the amber coast,
163

Quorra, river, 353

Rainy season in India, 150
Ras Hafoun, 175

Rawlinson, Canon, on the Jaxartes
of Herodotus, 82; on the fire-bea¬
cons of Mardonius, 331

3^4

INDEX.

Red Sea, mistakes about its width,
102; stations established on by the
Ptolemies, 146

Retreat of the Ten Thousand, 112
foil.

Rha, river (Volga), first mentioned
by Ptolemy, 351
Rhapta, 353

Rhegium, 51; meaning of the name,

197

Rhinoceroses, in the Soudan, 353
Rhodaune, river, 34
Richards, Mr G. C., on Pausanias’
veracity, 363
Rio do Ouro, 104

Rivers, disappearance of in Greece,
10; their character, as described
by Aristotle and others, 193—7
Roads, the Roman, their importance
to geography, 235; description of
them, 209 foil.; (see Royal Road)
Roman Empire, its natural limits,
293; its frontier defences, 393 foil.
Roman geographers, few and inferior,
13, 261; Strabo’s and Pliny’s opin¬
ions of them, 13

Rome, first mentioned in the ‘Peri-
plus’ of Scylax, 120; Strabo’s de¬
scription of, 254

Royal Road, in India, 150; in Persia,
90; its course through Asia Minor,
90; through Cilicia, Armenia, Ma-
tiene, and Cissia, 91

Sagres, Mtfl) 108

Sahara, the, 97, 291; crossed by
Juliu^ Matemus, 353
St. Michael’s Mount, 156
Sallust, on the common source of the
Euphrates and Tigris, 272; his de¬
scription of a mountain climb, 325
Samarcand, 135

Samos, meaning of the name, 5
Samosata, 298
Sargasso Sea, 111, 1x2
Saspires, 83
Satala, 298

Sataspes, voyage of, probably au¬
thentic, 103

Satibarzanes, satrap of Aria, 133
Sauromatae, 86

Scandinavia, regarded as an island,
289

Sdapodes, 74

a Islands, 37

nd, erroneous position of on
Ptolemy’s map, 347

Scylax of Caryanda, 74; his voyage,
80, iox; improbability of it, xor;
the so-called ‘Pcriplus’ of, 118
Scylla and Charybdis, an embodi¬
ment of the dangers of the Straits
of Messina, 28

Scythia, Herodotus’ knowledge of,
84, 85; position of tribes in, 85
Seistan, Lake, 130, 133
Seleucus Nicator, his empire in the
East, 148; cedes the Indus valley
to Chandragupta, 148
Sclinus, 54

Sembritae, 93, M 7 > *73
Seneca, on Nero’s expedition to the
Nile, 292; on Etna, 319
Senegal River, 106
Septimius Flaccus, his expedition
into Aethiopia, 353
Sera, city of, in China, 342, 352
Scrica, origin of the name, 281
Shape of the earth, primitive views
concerning the, 50, 60; arguments
in favour of its sphericity, 167, 168
Sherboro Sound, xo8
Sicels, the, akin to the Greeks, 53
Sidon, meaning of the name, 4;
mentioned in Homer, 25

Signalling, development of the art

of. 333—S

Silk, brought from China, 281
Sinope, an early trading-station, 47;
colonised by the Milesians, 47;
described by Polybius, 212; its
position compared to that of Car¬
thage, 47
Sirdar Pass, 131
Sir Daria, river, 135
Siris, name of a portion of the Nile,
283

“ Sleeping-place of the Sun,” 159
Sobat, river, 292
Socotra, 270

Sogdiana, 135

Solinus, his ‘Memorabilia,’ 364; its
influence in the middle ages, 365;
modem estimate of, 365
Soloeis, prom., 94, 103, 105
Somaliland, 147

Soudan, the, expeditions to, men¬
tioned by Ptolemy, 352, 353
Southern Worn, in Africa, 108
Southern Ocean, belief in the con¬

tinuity of the, 80

Spain, Roman conquest of, 226 foil.;
Strabo’s description of, 2525 chief
Roman road in, 300

INDEX.

385

Spartel, Cape, 94, 103
Speculations, early, on Mathematical
Geography, 59, 60; on Physical
Geography, 60 foil.

Sphericity of the earth, arguments of
Aristotle and others in favour of,
167, 168

Sphragides of Eratosthenes, 18 1
Stanley, Dean, on Pausanias’ descrip¬
tions, 355

Stephanus of Byzantium, 71; his
‘Ethnica,’ 363; etymological re¬
marks in, 364

Strabo, his life and places of resi¬
dence, 239, 240; extent of his
travels, 240—42; his philosophical
and political opinions, 242; date
and place of the composition of
his ‘Geography,’ 243; its compre¬
hensiveness, 245; its artistic cha¬
racter, 247; various estimates of it,
248, 249; its contents, 251 foil.;
on the advantages of the Mediter¬
ranean, 3; on the Homans as geo¬
graphers, 12; on the Cassiterides,
37; on the summit of Etna, 319
—21; on Mt. Argaeus, 321; on
the height of the Alps, 335
Styx, waterfall of, described by Homer,
23; by Hesiod, 24

Suetonius Paullinus, his conquests in
Britain, 287; his crossing the Atlas,
291

Suiones, 290

Susa, occupied by Alexander, 129
Sutlej, river, not reached by Alex¬
ander, 138

Suttee, custom of in India, 132
Sword-fish, capture of in the Straits
of Messina, 202
Syagrus, prom., 276
Sybaris, 51

Syene, close under the tropic, 100,172
Syracuse, 53
Syrtes, the, 121

Tacitus, his Germania,* 289; his
‘ Agricola,’ 288, 351
Taenarum, ancient descriptions of the
grotto at, 356
Tamarus, river, 349
Tanais, river, regarded as the bound¬
ary between Europe and Asia, 68;
mistakes concerning, 135, 136,158
Tanais, town of, 49
Taprobane, mentioned by Megasthe-
nes, 149; Pliny’s account of, 272;

life of the inhabitants of, 273; its
size overestimated by Ptolemy, 345
Tarentum, foundation of, 44; its ad¬
vantageous site and fisheries, 52
Tarsus, 126

Tartessus, origin of the name, 7; its
position in Southern Spain, 7;
visited by the Phocaeans, 54; by
Colaeus of Samos, 58; mentioned
by Hecataeus, 73
Tatta, 139

Tauric Chersonese, noticed by Hero¬
dotus, 85; carefully described by
Strabo, 255
Tauromenium, 53

Taurus, mts., not mentioned by Hero¬
dotus, 80; regarded as intersecting
the whole of Asia, 181; accurately
described by Strabo, 257
Teleboas, river, x 16; its nearness to
the source of the Tigris, 116, 271
Telegraphy, Mountain, 331 foil.

‘ Temple of the Winds’ at Athens, 195
Ten Thousand, retreat of the, 112
foil.; their first view of the sea, 117
Thales, his views on the shape of the
earth, 60; on the inundation of the
Nile, 62

Thanet, Isle of, noticed by Solinus,

3^6

Thapsacus, 128, 305
Thebes, Egyptian, mentioned in Ho¬
mer, 26

Theon Ocheraa, Mt, 108
Theophanes of Mytilene, his descrip¬
tion of the Caucasus, 220; of the
Iberi and Albani, 221—3: fttiabo’s
chief authority for those regions,
*57

Theophrastus, his ‘History of Plants,’
200

Thera, volcanic island of, 11; erup¬
tion of, 200

Thermopylae, water of, described by
Pausanias, 355
Thinae, 281
Thinge (Tangier), 74
This (China), 281
Thospites, lake, 267
Thrace, Herodotus’ knowledge of, 84
Thucydides, mention of mountain
telegraphy in, 331

Thule, first mentioned by- Pytheas,
159; the arctic circle placed there,
159, 173; noticed by Dionysius
Periegetes, 285; seen by Agricola’s
expedition, 288

386

INDEX.

Tibboos, 96, 105

Tiberius, the emperor, his campaigns
in Germany, 233; in Rhaetia,
*34

Tides, discovery of then* movement
by the Greeks, 192; influence of
the moon on them first reported to
the Greeks by Pytheas, 155; that
of the sun and moon conjointly
noticed by Posidonius, 193
Tigranoccrta, position of, 219
Tigris, river, its course known to
Herodotus, 90; its sources in Ar¬
menia, 114, it6; crossed by Alex¬
ander, 129; its upper course de¬
scribed by Strabo and Pliny, 267
foil.; its supposed disappearance,
270; its supposed common source
with the Euphrates, 271; account
of by Dionysius Periegetes, 285
Timaeus, 2 to

Timavus, river, remarks of Polybius
on, 210

Timosthenes, on the winds, 194
Tin, largely used in the Homeric
times, 35 ; not brought from India,
but from Spain and Britain, 35; by
way of Gades, 36; through Gaul,
3 6 ; Pytheas* voyage connected
with, 154, 156

Tmolus, Mt, a look-out place, 322
Tobogganing, in the Caucasus, 316;

practised by the Cimbri, 316
Torone, 49

Tracts of f^frica according to Hero¬
dotus, 95

Trade^outes, primitive, evidence of
in Homer, 31, 35; from the Ural
mountains to the Sea of Azov, 87;
from Upper Asia to Sinope, 91;
from India to Europe by the Oxus,
134* 266; through Pannonia, 32;
through Gaul, 32, 154; the .direct
trade-route to India, 270; from
China to India, 281; from the
Euphrates to Northern China, 352
Trade-winds, 103

Trajan, his conquest of Dacia, 290;
of Mesopotamia, 293; his bridge
over the Danube, 291
Transference to towns of names of
tribes in Gaul, 229
Trapezus, its commercial importance,
47; visited by Xenophon, 117; a
Roman military station, 299
Travel, advantage of to the geo¬
grapher, 210, 241

Travellers’ tales, how far trustworthy,
17

Trees, imported from abroad into
Greece, 39, 40; Pausanias’ descrip¬
tion of, 357
Trisanton, river, 348
Tritonis, Lake, 94, 121
Troglodyte Aethiopians, 96, 204
Tyre, meaning of the name, 4; sieges
of, 127; captured by Alexander,
127

Ulysses, mythical character of his
wanderings, 27

Umbrians, known to Herodotus, 84
Ural mountains, gold of the, 87
Ushant, 15 6

Utica, early foundation of by the
Phoenicians, 6

Uxisama, island, visited by Pytheas,
15 6

Van, Lake of, 114, 116, 257, 268,
269

Varar, estuary, 350
Vegetation, of India, 139; of Greece,
as described by Theophrastus, 200;
by Pausanias, 357; Strabo’s interest
in, 246

Vcneti, the, in Brittany, 36; Caesar’s
description of their country, 230
Verde, Cape, 106
Vervedrum, prom., 350
Via Aurelia, 299; Acmilia. Scauri,
300; Julia, 300; Flaminia, 300;
Aemilia, 301; Appia, 304; £g-
natia, 305; Candavia, 305
Viadrus, river (Oder), first mentioned
by Ptolemy, 289

Victoria and Albert Nyanza Lakes,
perhaps referred to by Ptolemy,
35 *

Virgil, on the zones, 180; on moun¬
tain scenery, 317
Viroconium, 303
Vistula, 289

Volcanic phenomena, in Greece, n,
185; in Asia Minor, 61; specula¬
tions on, 197—200; at Methana,
198; in the Lipari Islands, 199;
at Thera, 200; extensively noticed
by Strabo, 254

Volga, the, first mentioned by Ptolemy,
351

Voyages, ofSataspes, 103; ofHanno,
104; of Himilco, 109; of Nearchus,
141; of Pytheas, 152; of Eudoxus

INDEX.

38 ;

of Cyzicus, 189; of Polybius, 209;
of Hippalus, 279

Wady Draa, 105

Wall-map of Agrippa, 236 .

Walls of Hadrian and Antomne m
Britain, 288

Wanderings of Ulysses, their myth¬
ical character, 27
Watling Street, 303
Were-wolf superstition among the
Neuri, 86

Western Horn, in Africa, 106
Whales, encounter of Nearchus* ves¬
sels with, 143 „ .

Winds, the, as known to Homer, 41;
character of in Greece, 41; divi¬
sions of, 193; schemes of Aristotle
and Timosthenes, 194; periodical,
105

Wonders, pseudo-Aristotelian treatise
on, 112 .

World, the habitable, division of
into continents, 67—9; shape of,
181; compared by Strabo to the
Greek chlamys, 251; measurement
of the length and breadth of by
Eratosthenes, 172, 173; by Ptolemy,
341-3

Wroxeter, 303

Xanthus, the historian, 60
Xenagoras, his measurement of the
height of Olympus, 336
Xenophon, 98; his ‘Anabasis,* 113;
his retreat from Cunaxa to Ar¬
menia, 115; across Armenia, 116
—118; mention of mountain tele¬
graphy by, 332

Yorke, Mr V. W. f on the fortresses
of the Upper Euphrates Valley,
299

Zabatus (Zab), river, 90, 129
Zagrus, Mt., 130
Zanzibar, 275
Zaradrus, river, 138, 150
Zerafshan, river. 135
Zeugma, over the Euphrates, 305
Zeus Ammon, ^Alexander’s visit to
the temple oE. 128
Zones, theory of, taught by Par¬
menides, 60, 179; Aristotle’s view
of, 179, 180; Virgil’s description
of,. 180

JU- f una w mmm,m

Ace. No,

Cic»b^ *N0. j

G-&.

Book ino.

\ . 63

L—.-

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY

WALTER LEWIS, M.A., AT THE UNIVERSITY

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