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Full text of "Abu al-Fazl's A'in-i Akbari in Persian, Vol 1, Part 1 (of 2)"

Publications of the 

Institute for the History of 

Arabic-Islamic Science 



Edited by 
Fuat Sezgin 



ISLAMIC 
GEOGRAPHY 

Volume 114 



TheAin-i-Akbari 

by 

Abul-Fazl-i- ' Allami 

Edited in the Original Persian 
Vol I 

Reprint of the Edition Calcutta 1872 
First part (Preface and pp. 1-264) 



1993 



Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science 
at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University 
Frankfurt am Main 



THE 



A I N - I - A K B A R I 



ABUL-FAZM-'ALLAMI. 



IN THE ORIGINAL PERSIAN 



?■? 



LOCHMANN 

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR, CALCUTTA MADRASAH, 



JA.ft. 



VOL. I. 



PRINTED FOR THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL IN THE 
BIBLIOTHECA INDICA. 



CALCUTTA : 

PRINTED BY C. B. LEWIS, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS. 
1872. 






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NOTICE 



The preface will be issued together with the fasciculus containing the end of the second book 
of the Ain. A complete index of names and an " index rerum," as also a few illustrations, will 
accompany the edition. 

The text has been collated from the following ten manuscripts. 

1. A MS. belonging to Col. Hamilton, a very old and excellent copy. It forms the basis 
of the text of this edition, and is marked in the notes by the letter [»]. 

2. A MS. belonging to Faqir Sayyid Qamaruddin of Lahore, marked [•-»]. 

3. A large parchment MS. belonging to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, closely agreeing 
with the preceding ; it is marked [i], 

4. A MS. belonging to His Highness Nawab Sziya uddin of Luharu (Delhi), marked [u*]. 

5. The Delhi lithographed edition of the Ain, by Sayyid Ahmad. The greater part of the 
3rd book of the Ain is wanting in this edition. It is marked [a]. 

6. A MS. belonging to Hafiz Ahmad Husain of Saharunpore, marked [>]. It contains 
numerous errors. 

7. A MS. belonging to the Fort William College, marked [>]. It contains only parts of 
the Ain. 

8. 9. 10. Three MSS. belonging to the Asiatic Society. Being incomplete and most 
incorrect, they have been but rarely quoted in the notes, though their readings have been collated 
in all difficult passages. Nos. 8 and 9 are marked [r] and [r] ; No. 10 is worthless. 

In a few cases, Gladwin's translation of the Ain has been quoted, and marked [<J] . 

In the text the form of the letter ts has been used for the yai ma'ruf, whilst the form ^ has 
been restricted to the final ya i majhul. The end of sentences has been distinguished by a * 
Turanian spellings like tyo^, £&* &c. have been preferred to the Iranian ti^, *-&* &c. 
The sign [? ] has been used in cases, where the reading of the MSS. conveys no sense, or after 
doubtful words, e. g. p. 31, L 1. 

H. BLOCHMANSr. 



COEEIGENDA. 
In Fasc. I. and II. 

p. 8, 1. 6 and 9 read tjjy and *-^>>» for t,shj> aucl ^jj. ; P- 9 > L 16 - read &j\Ajl+>P for i^I-SjUaj 
p. 25, 1. 23 read ^^ for ^ ; p. 27, 1. 1-1 readj^£)L* forj^wjjL* 
p. 36, 1. 2 and 3 read i£lt and <_££*. for t_£j and (jUa. 

A few vowel points have been omitted or broken during the print : p. 9, 1. 18 read &jj1jj£ ; p. 13, 1. 9, t jiJu» r » 
p 55, 1. 10 and 17. gj ; <£ij o-ijk and i^O <U» ; p. 5fi,l. 19. t£L.l^.. 



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XX11 

Not long after this affair, 'Abdurrahman took ill, and went to Court, where he was well received. 
He lingered for a time, and died of an abscess, in the 8fch year of Jahangir's reign (A. H. 
1022), or eleven years after his father's murder. 

BlSHOTAN, SON OF 'ABDURRAHMAN, SON OF SHAIKH AbUL FAZL. 

He was born on the 3rd Zi Qa'dah, 999. In the 14th year of Jahangir's reign, he was a 

commander of seven hundred, with three hundred horse. In the 10th year of Shah Jahan's reign, 

he is mentioned as a commander of five hundred horse, which rank he held when he died in the 
15th year of the same reign. 



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80 copies printed 



Institut fiir Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaf ten 

Beethovenstrasse 32, D-60325 Frankfurt am Main 

Federal Republic of Germany 

Printed in Germany by 
Strauss Offsetdruck, D-69493 Hirschberg 



PREFACE. 



The Manuscripts which the Council and the Philological Committee of 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal placed in my hands for the purpose of preparing 
for publication the text of Abul-EazPs A'i'n-i-Akbari', are the following : — 

(I.) A Manuscript belonging to the late Colonel George William Hamil- 
ton, which I have marked [ * ]. It contains 379 leaves, with 21 lines on each 
page. The MS. was written by a Jcdtib of note ; for the letters are well formed 
and the writing is yak-qalam, L e. every page looks as if written with the same 
pen aid ink, and according to the same pattern. To judge from the characters, 
it must have been written during the reign of Akbar or that of Jahangfr ; and 
the customary heading of Muhammadan writings 6 Bismillah4rrahmdn4rrahim? 9 
in accordance with the anti-Islamitic views of the emperor and of Abul-Fazl, is 
left out. The date of the copy is omitted, and two seals, one in the beginning 
and the other in the end of the Manuscript, are effaced. The latter contains 

the superscription, partly effaced, *i« &» t^u>j£ l inspected, anno ', 

which is found in all MSS. that once belonged to the Imperial Library. From 
the absence of other seals I would conclude that the MS. belonged even in 
recent times to the Imperial Library. 

In the spelling of Hindi words, the copyist uses, for purely Hindi letters, 
three dots where now-a-days four dots, or a line, or the letter k, are used. Thus 
one and the same symbol is used for the Hindi re and the Persian she. In a few 
cases, however, four dots occur, whilst in others the simple letters are used with- 
out the Hindi diacritical mark. This is of interest, as the Hindi writing of this 
MS. is one of the oldest specimens on record. In words commencing with the 
he ( » ), the he has the form of the initial mini, or the shape v ; the form * is avoided. 
There is, as usual, no distinction between leaf and gdf ; and the final kdf as also 
in modern Indian writing, has never the hamzah-sh&ped mark over the final round 
stroke, which is so common in European, Egyptian, and Syrian manuscripts 
and prints. The writer spells Jlj)-Jljd - Jj^-Jj-i instead of J\j\ -Jjd -J\^J^ 
which latter forms are looked upon as wrong or as spellings of inferior Jcdtibs. 

Though this MS. is old and the best of all I had to collate, it is by no 
means an excellent manuscript. If the subject matter of the A'm were purely 
historical or literary, or at least purely Muhammadan, it would no doubt be a 



( 2 ) 

very excellent MS. ; but the contents of the A'fn are so varied and uncommon, 
that even good kdtibs would find it impossible to guarantee correctness. 

(2.) A large folio Manuscript, originally belonging to Faqir Qamar-uddin 
Sahib of Lahor, but purchased by the Asiatic Society. Its lectiones are marked 
[v_i]. It contains 363 pages, of 29 lines each. The handwriting is clear. 
The MS. may be some eighty years old. The margin- contains explanations 
of difficult words, as far as they occur in existing dictionaries, as the Kashf- 
ul-lughdt, BadP-ul-lughdt, Nawddir.ul-md ani, Sfc n and occasional references to his- 
torical works, as the WdqVdUi-Bdbari and the Akharndmah. Eeal difficulties 
are, however, passed over. There are also marginal extracts from a work entit- 
led Tuhfat-ul'Hincl ( *xj\ Is^ ), which extracts, curious to say, are found identi- 
cally in other manuscripts too. This work was written towards the end of 
Aurangzfb's reign, at the request of Kokultash Khan, by one Mfrza Khan, son 
of Fakhruddin Muhammad, and is dedicated to Prince Muhammad Mu'izz- 
uddm Jahandar Shah (born, 1071 H.). It resembles the IVth book of the Ain ; 
and though much inferior to it in tone and subject matter, it has been used by 
copyists for marginal notes to the Ain. Hence MSS. of the A'in containing 
notes from this work, must have been written after 1100 H.* 

(3.) A large folio parchment MS., the property of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal. It agrees with the preceding in text and marginal notes, but is 
occasionally inferior to it, and has been marked by me [ ) ]. It contains 499 
leaves, with 35 lines on each page. The interstices between the lines are gilt. 
It was written in 11*2 H. The copyist attributes the work to Faizi, instead of 
to Abul-Fazl, and says at the end — cJ-jom^I ^jJ) ^jJI iiy^ is^ jJt fLJ J 

(4.) A large quarto MS., belonging to H. H. Nawab Ziya-uddin of 
Loharu Dilili), the readings of which have been marked [" o 5 ]• ^ * s 
a modern copy, carefully written and illuminated ; the text is inferior in 



* A copy of the Tulifat~ul~ILind is in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Pers. MSS., 
No. 174). Beginning— JjIs^I 3 aJf j *+** sj y » } ^ l^hj &±*tt*Jl ^j &Ll ±+x}\ 



al& £±*>j is+Jy\A)>£+)lj\ o^lojUj o.jj^xojij^ Cyl^J b e>j^i/| 



.**J 



j\ &i)\ ±* jjUjt^i^^ vi*Ji±*A o+sr* jj (y>u b ^f^jjj ^ua Ljil* ^ ^u^uisy 

The book contains (1) a Muqaddimah, or introduction, on the letters of the Hindi (Sanskrit) 
Alphabet ; (2) seven Bdbs, or chapters, viz. (I) on Hindi prosody ; (II) on rhyme ; (III) on Hindi 
rhetoric (alankdr) ; (IV) on the relation of the lover and the beloved (singdr-ras) ; (V) on Hindi 
music (sangit) ; (VI) on the science of Jsoh ; (Til) on physiognomy (sdmudrik) j and (3) a KMtimah, 
or appendix, containing a dictionary of scientific Hindi terms. 

The Yth Chapter on Hindi music is of interest, as it contains notes on the musical inventions and 
alterations made by the great Dihli poet Amir Khusrau. 



( 3 ) 

correctness to that of the preceding MSS. ; but all tabular matter is clearly 
and neatly written. 

(5.) The Dihli lithographed edition of A. H. 1272 by Sayyid Ahmad, 
C. S. I., which has been marked by me [ j ]. It contains 268 folio pages, 18 
lines per page, and six pages containing a note by the editor and a %/ftJ, taqriz, 
or appreciative review, by the well known Imam Bakhsh, poetically styled Cahba. 
The edition is illuminated, and, with the permission of the editor, several of 
the plates have been reproduced in my English translation of the A'in. 

This edition does not contain the geographical portion of the Illrd book, of 
the A'in, i. e. pp. 386 to 599 of my edition. The text often agrees with the 
preceding, and towards the end of the IVth Book with MS. (1). 

(6.) A MS. belonging to Raja Siva Prasad, C. S. L, Inspector of Schools, 
N. W. Provinces. The MS., which is marked [ J* ], ranks in value after No. 1. 
It contains 434 leaves, of 19 lines each, and may be one hundred years 
old. It contains many of the marginal notes given in MSS. (3) and (4), among 
them those taken from the Tuhfat-ul~Hind. The MS. is of less use for the Illrd 
Book of the A'm. The names of the Sirkars and Mahalls are not arranged in 
tables, and there are serious lacunce on almost every sheet. The MS. was re- 
ceived after several fasciculi had been printed. 

(7). A small 8vo. MS. of 490 leaves, of eleven lines each, containing only 
Books IV and V. It belongs to Maulawi Kabiruddin Ahmad Sahib, of Cal- 
cutta, and has been marked [ v_f ]. Though the geographical tab.es of Book IV 
are left out, it is a very correct MS., offering in many cases better readings than 
all the other MSS. It was written in 1164 H. The writer appears to have 
been a Hindu, as there are occasional additions and omissions which can be 
traced to none but to a Hindu. Thus Krishna is always called Sri Krishna. 
The MS. has been of the greatest use to me. 

Besides the above seven MSS., I have had three others belonging to the 
Asiatic Society, marked [ r ], [ r ], [ t* ]• Though often consulted by me, they 
were found to yield no lectiones worth recording. In fact they are all exceed- 
ingly faulty and defective. All three are modern. The same remarks apply 
to an incomplete MS. marked [j ], which soon after the commencement of the 
ecff&on was returned to the owner Hafiz Ahmad Husain Sahib of Saharanpiir ; 
and tb the Lucknow Lithograph of 1869 (Munshi Newal Kishore's Press). 
During the progress Xti the edition the Asiatic Society further acquired four 
other MSS., the first of which (written in 1197 H. at Muradabad by a Hindu 
copyisjt, who likewise attributes the book to Faizi) has occasionally been 
referred to under the mark [ <• ] ; and the last' of w&^ >va large parchment 
folio closely resembling MS. 3 [ I ]. 

Thus I had in all fifteen MSS. for collation. From the above remarks, 
however, it will be seen that the last eight MSS. are of inferior or of no value 
in comparison with the first seven MSS., upon which this edition is chiefly 



( 4 ) 

based. Gladwin's translation lias also been of use, and I have marked it [ ^f ] 
when I found it to confirm a reading of one of the seven superior MSS., or 
when it differed from all MSS. in my possession. 

The want of a really good manuscript of the A'fn was most felt by me when 
editing Book III, and it was a " solamen miserum" for me to find that the same 
difficulty had been felt by the late Sir H. Elliot, when compiling his valuable 
notes on Akbar's Sirkars for his i Supplementary Glossary \ The names of 
the numerous Mahalls, the statistical details regarding revenue, rent-free 
tenures, and the tribal distribution, appear to have exercised the patience of all 
copyists. The tabular form of the statistics has led to frequent confusion. 
The copyists seem, one and all, to have copied the tables , in vertical, instead 
of in horizontal columns; hence a trifling omission, or a repetition, made in one 
column threw the whole table in disorder. 

I do not think that a really good MS. of the A'in ever existed, the author's 
copy, of course, excepted. A Muhammadan copyist is sure to make numerous 
mistakes in the chapters that refer to the sciences and the customs of the Hind- 
us ; and reversely, a Hindu copyist cannot be expected to be correct in copy- 
ing subject matter purely Muhammadan ; while the difficulty of the style, the 
allusions and references to science, and the geographical portions of the work, 
are a stumbling-block for either. 

All MSS., however, agree in one point : they all give the same amount of 
subject matter, and the actual differences between MSS. of the A'in never 
amount — lacunas excepted — to whole sentences or paragraphs. Hence I be- 
lieve that the A'in, in the form in which we now possess it, is the only recen- 
sion that ever existed, and the opinion which has occasionally been put forth 
that there ought to exist several recensions or revised editions of the work, 
appears to be groundless. Abul-Fazl, in the Vth Book of the A'in, (vide Vol. II, 
p. roo) gives a detailed account of how he wrote the Akbarnamah; and 
there can be no doubt that the A'in-i-Akbari, which is the third volume of the 
Akbarnamah, was written at the same time. In its present form, the A'in was 
finished in the 42nd year of Akbar's reign,* or Hve years before Abul-Fazl's 
death. 

Though the work is now-a-days generally known under the name of 
A'i'n-i-Akbari', i e. l Akbar's mode of governing', the name is not mentioned 
in the preface or any other part of the book. But in many places it is 
distinctly described as " the final volume of the Akbarnamah." , whilst the 
author describes himself as the ^U^ Jlj, or the *-«UfUS) JIL 

In language and style the Aln differs from the historical portions of the 
Akbarnamah. The sentences of the latter are smooth; those of the A'in are 
mostly short, as if they were only notes. Sometimes, indeed, the sentences are 
so abrupt that it is impossible to say what the subject is. On the other hand 
the preface to the A'in ; Chapter 9 of Book III (Vol. I, p. CA^ ) ; the beginnino- 
of Book IV (Vol. II, p. I ) ; the Khdtimah (Vol. II, p. rp° ) ; and Abul-FazPs 



* I. e., in 1005-6 H., or A. D. 1596-7. 



( « ) 



autobiography (Vol. II, p. f°A ), are master pieces of composition, though in 
point of difficulty they yield perhaps to no other prose work written in the 
Persian language. Whilst later Persian historians adopt a style full of meta- 
phors ( ^ij cj>jUc ) } as for example the ' A'lamglrndmah, or fill their pages with 
the rarest Arabic words, a mass of homonyms and synonyms, and quotations 
from the Qoran and the Hadis, as in the Durr4-Nddirah or even in the 
less laborious WaqaV-i-NVmat Khdn 'A'U ( the lampoon that sent an iron shaft 
through the history-hating soul of Aurangzib); Abul-Fazl's style eschews either 
fault, and stands out forcible and grand, like the choice passages of a famous 
oration. His style is everywhere rhetorical and dignified, and absolutely free 
from pruriency and impurity — a rare merit among Eastern writers. Nothing 
is easier than to recognise a passage as one written by Abul-Fazl ; nothing is 
more difficult than to imitate his style. The force of his diction seems to have 
struck Akbar's contemporary, 'Abd-ullah, Khan of Bukhara, who openly ac- 
knowledged that Abul-Fazl's pen appeared to him more terrible than Akbar's 
arrow. * 

In the A'in a decided preference is given to certain archaic forms, to rare 
and peculiar words, and to purely Persian vocables. Thus we find JJj zufdn, 
c language', for J^j zabdn ; ^ 3 \ e/*^> &c -> *° r J-? 1 ' C> d > &c - > ^/°y for J >° 5 1>V> 
< length', for ^jj* ; ^ ' breadth', for ^J^e t or ^i«j ; the form ^LU, /^J^, 
&c, for ^jja^US, ^oJIa.I.^.j, &c. ; a final v^ to express the Izdfat, as c—ty? 
u/cTjIiJ, ^j £JC>]j.±, &c, where the text clearly shews that the ^ is not the 
cyJ^j u^t > *** followed by the Izdiat, the older MSS. of the A'in having pre- 
served this peculiarity; #d, dunye, 'the world', {i/ i±~ } sinen, 'spears', &c, 
with the Imalah, for Uij, d U-, &c. ; compounds as ^i)^\y. - J*~tfji - ^^ - 



^*i}J>ji - v)*>jUks> - e^y^H " d^'r*^ - iif^f.j an d many more, for the simple 
j^lA d ^UI, &c. ; forms like J^&. ' its leaves', for ^^ ; the affix ^» used 
as an independent noun in the sense of c colour', though ft» according 
to the Dictionaries, occurs only in compound adjectives, as (VJ*I ; the singular 
v-Ajj, ' an ancestor', the Dictionaries only giving the plural JfUi, ' ancestors ' ; 
|j^ r ju,, ' a rich man', formed like U-^U, U^aj, Ui^aS, &c. ; j££f ashkal, for j£^, 
mushkil ; and many more. 

In the text I have used the form ^s at the end of words for the yd-i-ma'ruf, 
and the form c— for the yd-i-majhul. I have also preferred the Turanian (In- 
dian) spellings cXs** -<*_££! - ^jU^, &c, to the I'rani ^SM^c - ±£i) . d tltJ } &c. The 
lzafats have everywhere been given, and the component parts of compound 
nouns and adjectives have been printed close together so as to form one word ; 



* He is reported to have said— f*Jis" tU^'-H» ^bjjl - ^»y ^^f^jf. 
t The ti* to indicate the Izdfat is only necessary when the adjective in separated from the noun. 
Thus we have in the Bostan— Jlj) ^ ^») <&*> j ^Uj, which stands for ^j d\jj c * <jXo _, JUj. 



( 



) 



thus <j^«0 j)jd dirdz dast, ' a long hand', but \j>M>ty)jd dirdzdast, ' long handed', 
just as we distinguish in English between c sl black bird ' and ( a blackbird'. 
I have also used the hyphen and the asterisk, to indicate the end of clauses 
and of sentences. 

The collation of the text has been no easy task, and no one is more sen- 
sible than I of the numerous errors that have been left unnoticed or uncorrected. 
I have indicated some of those which I had not entered in the ' Errata', in the first 
volume of my English translation, and hope to continue doing so in the second 
volume. In the foot notes to the text I have entered not only such lectiones as 
indicate differences in subject matter, but also such as refer to difference in 
spelling and in idiom, or, to express myself in Persian, to the I*** ***; oliltf&J 
%s)\asf j ; for in colligendis undecunque variis lectionibus curiosi esse voluimus, partim 
ut aliis aliquid inveniendi melius occasionem prceberemus, partim ut varia corruptelce 
exempla quasi digito ostenderemus (Canteri in Lycophr. Prolegom.). 

The geographical indexes to Vols. I and II, and the Index of the Sanskrit 
scientific terms of Vol. II, will, it is hoped, be found a useful addition. I have 
not thought it necessary to add an Index of names of Persons, nor an ' Index 
Rerum', as they have been given in my English Translation. 

I cannot conclude this preface in a fitter way than by recording thafc the 
Government of India, with its usual liberality, made to the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal a special grant of Rupees 5000 towards the cost of printing this 
edition. 



Am-i- Akbari, Blockmxavrvs Text Edit.. 



H. BLOCHJIANN. 



Calcutta, Madrasah, 

ISth November, 1877. 




;eagti*ld.LvOv 

THE' GAMES OF CHAUPAR^^^.-j; AND CHANDAL MANDAL fJFfr zj 

Vv&e Vol: l.-p. 219. 



i 



= 



Ai'n-i-Akb&i-L BLvchn-ujuiris Text EduC™ 



ikuan, 3'ocJim.anns Te^ct EUU 




MAP OF JAMMUDIP. 




4^1 \ 

4 i t 




5.^.8 rA ;Q - ,f - ; 



H Q <i ' " 



v a a 



3 !|a8A^ ^id j 8-3^f^fe 

A A A A A A A X X A \ LJ\Jr^\J/ 



A^1j^=A 



INDIAN JEWELLERY. 



tin-:- Akban. Blochrricuvijr Text Edit.- 



PI. IV. 




■J S c/vcLunubt/s-cf Lith/t 



INDIAN JEWELLERY. 



Am-- ^:b*.r\ .SlochrruMirv's Text Edit" 



PI: V. 




INDIAN JEWELLERY. 



LIST OF PLATES 



THE TEXT EDITION 



AIN-1-AKBARI. 



PLATE I. 
(Vide Vol. I, p. 219.) 

The upper figure shews the board for the game called Chaupar ; the lower figure is the board for 
the Chandal Mandal game. Vide my English Translation of the AIn-i-Akbari, Vol. I, p. xi, and 
PI. xvii. 



C 2 ] 



PLATE II. 

The Hdtdu Map op Jammed!? (Vide Vol. II, p. 21, 1. 7.). 

No. 1 in the -centre is Mount Sumer, which is 90° distant from Siddhpiir (north), Lanka (south), 

Jamkot (east), and Rumak (west). 
No. 2. Mount Bipul \ 

No. 3. Sugandh Parbat / each of these four mountains is 18,000 jojans high, 

No. 4. Mount Mandar I and 14° distant from Mount Sumer. 

No. 5. Mount Suparsuwa J 

Hawirta is therefore a square, the side of which is 28°. 
No. 6. The Himachal chain, extending from West to East. Its distance from Lanka is 52°, 

and the region between Lanka and Himachal is called Bhart-khand. 
No. 7. The Hemkot chain, 12° distant from the Himachal. 
No. 8. The Nikhadha chain, 12° distant from the Hemkot. 

The region between the Himachal and Hemkot is called Kinnar-khand ; that between 
the Hemkot and the Nikhadha, Har-Mand. 
No. 9. The Siringawantu chain, 52° distant from Siddhpur. 
No. 10. The Sukla chain, 12° distant from the Siringawantu. 
No. 11. The Nil chain, 12° distant from the Sukla. 

The space between Siddhpur and the Siringawantu chain is called Kur-khand ; that 
between the Siringawantu and the Sukla, Hiranmai-khand ; that between the Sukla 
and the Nil, Bamiyyaka-khand. 
No. 12. The Maliwantu chain, adjoining to the Nikhadha (No. 8) and the Nil (No. 11). 

The region between it and Jamkot is called Bhaddardsuwa-khand. 
No. 13. The Gandhamadan chain. Between it and Rtiniak lies Ketmdl-khand. 
The above are the principal divisions of the earth. 

The earth is surrounded by the ocean (I) ; then follows the kurah-i-atash, the sphere of fire (II) ; 
then the kurah-i-bdd, the sphere of the air (III) ; then the orbit (maddr) of the Moon (IV) ; then 
the orbit of Mercury (Y) ; the orbit of Venus (VI) ; the orbit of the Sun (VII) ; the orbit of Mars 
(VIII) j the orbit of Jupiter (IX) ; the orbit of Saturn (X) ; and lastly, the region of the fixed 
stars (XI). Vide also Vol. II, p. 10. 

As the whole of Jammudip is divided by mountains into nine parts, so also Bhartkhand r the 
region between Lanka and Himachal (Vol. II, p. 20). Between Lanka and the Himachal there lie 
seven mountain chains, extending from east to west, as follows : — 



HIMA'CHAL 

7. Vl^DH 

(West) The region of Vdrunakhand The region of Kumdrkhand (East). 

6. Shashja 
The region of SomkTiand. 

0. Pakjattba 

The region of Ndgkliand. 
4. Rajhik 
The region of Gabhastamant. 

3. Malaya 
The region of Tdnbarparana. 
2. Sukl 
The region of Kuser. 

1. MAnfoDBA 

The region of IndrakTiand. 
LANKA' 



C 3 ] 

Regarding the sub-divisions of Kumdrkliand, vide Vol. II, p. 22, 1. 3. 

In the figures given in the MSS. of the Ain-i-Akbari which I collated, these seven mountain 
chains, between Lanka and the Himachal, are drawn from North to South, %. e., at right angles to the 
Himachal, instead of from East to West, as Abul-Fazl says. In the MSS., therefore, the arrange- 
ment is as follows : — 

HIMA'CHAL RANGE 





'■«. 




















a 








« 








1 






1 

I 


I 


1 






c« 


§ 


fS» 


J 




« 








k 


<3 


1 


8 


1' 







LANKA' 

The region called Gdndharba-khand is not mentioned by Abul-Fazl. 



[ 4 ] 



PLATES III, IY, AffD T. 
INDIAN JEWELLERY {Vide Vol. II, pp. 183 to 185.) 

PI. Ill, No. 1. Sahrd (p. 184, 1. 3), or, as Abul-Fazl spells it, ' Sehrd '. This c -nament is made of 
silver or gold and a profusion of pearls. Poor people make it of thin coloured paper or 
of flowers. It is chiefly used for the bridal night, and serves as a veil covering the head and the 
face and reaching sometimes as low as the thighs. Both the bride and the bridegroom wear 
the Sahra. 

The word ' sahra' is also often applied to a kind of epithalamia, ghazals written in honor 
of the bridegroom. The Sahras of Ghalib and Zauq ( (jj'o ) are well known in Upper India. 
The grammarian and lexicographer 'Abdul Wasi' of Hansi compares the Sahra to the 
Persian Basdk ( ^Uo ) ; but Siraj-uddin Khan Arzii, in his Nawddir-ul-Alfdz, says that the 
hasdk resembles in shape a royal cap (tdj), and that the use of the Sahra was confined to. India. 
The Bahdr-i-Ajam (siib voce v^f ^fH ) spells sihrah, and quotes the following verse by 
Khalis — 

The cheek of my moon-faced beloved blushed from bashfulness, 

and became, when the Sihrah was put on, like the radiant sun. 

No. 2. Sis-phul (p. 183, 1. 26), i. e., a flower (phul) for the hair (sis). This ornament is put over 

the forehead on the hair. 
No. 3. Kut-bilddar (p. 184, 1. 2). The ornament does not seem to be known in Eastern India. 
According to Abul-Fazl it is an ornament worn on the forehead. 

The dictionaries, both Arabic and Persian, give balddar, halddur, balddur, baldzir, -Sfc, 
as the name of a tree and of its fruit. The fruit is red and has the shape of a heart (dva- 
KapSiov). The Ghiyds-id-Lughdt gives balddur, and adds that the pronunciation bilddar 
(which Abul-Fazl gives) is wrong. Balddar is given in old Persian dictionaries (e. g., the 
Muayyid) as the (Indian?) name of a head ornament chiefly worn by brides; and the 
lexicographer Sururi quotes the following verse by Amir Khusrau of Dihli — 
ito JU ^£tfxi&i sab * &i y j* &+&jc>&j *w 

The beloved has put on the Baladar, with nothing but mischief in the head, 
And announces that all people (from love and admiration) have lost their senses. 

The spelling balddur given by Burhan, Yullers, and others, as meaning " alms," has nothing 
to do with the tree or the ornament called balddur ; for the former is a compound of &> and 
jjo, ' may misfortune be far !', hence ' alms'. 

No. 4. Binduli (p. 184, 1. 9), a small ornament, " smaller than a goldmuhur," worn on the forehead. 

No. 5. Karn-phul (p. 184, 1. 9), *. e., ear-flower. This is a very common ornament. The central 
round part covers the soft part of the ear ; the bell, which has the name of jhiimkd, hangs 
below the ear ; and the pearl- string with its red silk string is twisted over the ear. 

No. (number omitted : vide the pearl-string with the hook on the top, and the large pearl at the 
bottom, to the left of the Sahrd). Mdng (p. 184, 1. 1), *. e., the parting of the hair, and 

No. 6. Tikd, or Mdng-tikd, or siti-tikd (p. 184, 1. 5). The large pearl at the lower end of the 
J3£dng, or the pendant of the Tikd, rests on the forehead, where the parting begins ; the other 
end, the hook of the Mdng or the red silk string of the Tikd, is fastened to the back hair. 

No. 7. Khuntild (p. 184, 1. 7), a kind of earring. The name does not appear to be known in 
Eastern India. 

No. 8. Pipal-patti (p. 184, 1. 11), a kind of earring, the pendant of which resembles the leaf of 
the pipal tree. These earrings are often made so large as to touch the shoulder. Native 
females wear many earrings, the whole rim of the ear, from the soft part of the ear to the 
top, and even the shell of the ear, being pierced for the reception of earrings. The latter are 
generally called bdli (vide PI. IY, No. 29). 



[ 5 ] 



Instead of ' Durbachh', 



No. 9. Durbachh (p. 184, 1. 10), an earring with a single pearl (dur). 

natives often use the word Ydrin ( c^lf ), a corruption of "ear-ring". 
PI. IV, Nos. 10 and 11. Anguthi, or finger rings. Vide also Nos. 16, 21, 22, 23, 25. 
No. 12. Bail, vide No! 36. 
No. 13. BLdr (p. 184, 1. 23), a necklet. It is often made of seven rows, and is then called satlari. 

The word ' Mr' is common to the Hindi and Persian languages. 
Nos. 14 and 15 and PL Y, No. 40. Bdzu-band (p. 185, 1. 5), armlets. 
No. 16. Vide No. 10. 
No. 17. Laung (p. 184, 1. 20), an ornament for the nose, called so from its resemblance to a clove 

(laung). Other ornaments for the nose are the besar and phuli (p. 184, 1. 17 and 1. 19). 

They are all worn over the nose hole, chiefly on the right side, the nose being bored for the 

reception of the stalk or wire, upon which the ornament rests. 
Muhammadan ladies do not wear these ornaments. 
No. 18. Bank (p. 185, 1. 19). The spelling ' bang' of the text is a misprint. An ornament for 

the foot, sometimes triangular, sometimes like a lozenge in shape. The ornament is chiefly 

used by villagers. 

In Forbes' s Hindustani Dictionary, bank is said to be an ornament for the arm. 

19. Sans (p. 1S4, 1. 24), a necklace, also called Jiansli, (and in Arabic and Persian, taucj). It 
fits close to the neck. 

20. Champa-kali (p. 184, 1. 14), i. e., a champd-hud. An earring, the pendant of which 
resembles the flower of the Champa tree. 

Nos. 21 to 23. Vide No. 10. 

No. 24. , Bdhu (p. 185, 1. 3). The figure is too small. The word is not in the dictionaries. 
According to Abul-Fazl, it is a kind of bracelet. In Persian, bdhu means ' the upper arm'. 

25. Vide No. 10. 

26. Natth (p. 184, 1. 21), the nose ring. The nose ring, as usually worn, is a ring of double the 
diameter of the figure. The correct ornament consists of two pearls with a flat ruby or a 
garnet between them. The natth is looked upon as the most necessary jewel, and even the 
poorest man is expected to give his bride at least a nose ring. 

The hole for the natth is bored through the flesh covering the right nose hole. A smaller 
ring, generally of the size of a finger ring, is occasionally put through the bone separating 
the nose holes. This ring is called buldq (<J^, a Turkish word. Hence also the name of ' Bu- 
laqi', occasionally given to boys ; vide my Am Translation, Vol. I, p. 310, note. 
No. 27, and PL V, No. 37. Siangan (p. 184, 1. 25). A bracelet made of gold or silver. The 
figures are very much reduced. The Kangan does not open like our bracelets, but is slipped 
over the hand. So also the churis (No. 32). 
No. 28. Mor-Bhanicar (p. 184, 1. 16), a kind of ear-ring representing a peacock (mor) moving on a 
swivel (bhanwar). The swivel is stuck through the soft part of the ear, which allows the 
peacock to turn when the lady moves the head. The ornament is also called mor-phul, or 
' peacock-flower,' and is chiefly worn by ladies in Rajpiitana and the N. W. Provinces. 

29. Bdli (p. 184, 1. 13), the common ear-ring. Vide No. 8. It is customary to wear in one ear 
one more than in the other ; for example, 3 in one, and 2 in the other. But sometimes, ladies 
wear 7 or 9 in one, and 6 or 7 in the other. 

30. Guluband (p. 1S4, 1. 23), a necklace of elaborate design. The spring or hook is immediately 
above the number 30 in the figure. 

31. Gajrah (p. 184, 1. 26), a bracelet. The word signifies a carrot leaf. Like the Kangan, it 
is slipped over the hand. 

PL V, No. 32. Churi (p. 185, 1/3), a thin bracelet, chiefly made of silver. Any number may be 
worn on each wrist. Poor people make them of lac or of coloured glass (kdnch). The poet 
Hazin savs — 



No. 



No. 



No. 

No, 



No. 



No, 



No, 



C 6 ] 



.jLo l&xat 



.4 6&r<;£ churf on the wrist of the beloved, 

like a writhing snake on a sandalwood branch (the arm). 

According to the ETafdis-ul-lugMt, the Arabians make them of ivory and call them waqf, 
pi. auqaf ; or of tortoise-shell, when they are called mask ; or of gold, when they are called 
siwdr ; or of silver, when they are called qulh. The custom of wearing ivory bracelets had 
formerly obtained in India, but was now obsolete. 

Nos. 33 to 35. Chur (p. 185, 1. 2), the cylinder- shaped bracelet. These bracelets are likewise slipped 
over the hand. At the present day they are rarely worn except by the poor who make them of 
brass. 

No. 36 and PI. IV, No. 12. Pail (p. 185, 1. 17), the anklet, called in Arabic JchalTchdl, in Persian 
pd-ranjan. 

No. 37. Vide No. 27. 

Nos. 38 and 39. The names of these ornaments are not known to me. No. 38 is a bracelet, and No. 
39 is either a necklet or an ornament for the waist. No. 38 is called *^»U ndth (J), and No. 39 
^jS'G tdkrj, in the Lakhnau lithograph of the Ain. 

No. 40. " Vide Nos. 14, 15. 

No. 41. Ghunghru (p. 185, 1. 17), an anklet with bells fastened to it. According to Abul-Fazl, they 
put six bells strung on silk on each foot, above the pail (No. 36) and below the jehar {vide 
below). 

No. 42. This ornament is called in S. Ahmad's lithograph ^&j** sarnahli (?). It is not known in 
Eastern India. 

Besides the above, Abul-Fazl mentions (1) the Jatoe (p. 185, 1. 1), an ornament consisting 
of 5 gold grains (jau) strung on silk, and tied to each hand ; (2) the Tad (p. 185, 1. 5), a hollow 
gold armlet ; (3) the Ghhudr-khantikdj gold bells strung on gold wire and worn below the waist ; 
(4) the Kati-mekhld, or " waist-girdle" (p. 1S5, 1. 10), perhaps No. 39 of PI. V; (5) the Jehar 
(p. 185, 1. 11), consisting, according to Abul-Fazl, of three hollow gold rings, each of two pieces, 
the three rings being called churd, dundliani, and masiirhi, respectively ; (G) the Bichhwah 
{p. 185, 1. 21), an ornament resembling half a bell, worn on the toes ; (7) the Anient (p. 185, 
1. 22), an ornament for the big toe. 



BIOGRAPHY 



OF 



SHAIKH ABULFAZL I 'ALL AMI. 



Shaikh Abul Fazl, Akbar's minister and friend, was born at ^grah on the 6th Muharram, 
958,* during the reign of Islam Shall. 

The family to which he belonged traced its descent from Shaikh Miisa, Abul Fazl's fifth 
ancestor, who lived in the 9th century of the Hijrah in Siwistan (Sindh), at a place called Kel 
(Jjj) . In " this pleasant village," Shaikh Musa's children and grandchildren remained till the 
beginning of the 10th century, when Shaikh Khizr, the then head of the family, following the 
yearnings of a heart imbued with mystic lore, emigrated to Hindustan. There he travelled about 
visiting those who, attracted by God, are known to the world for not knowing it ; and after passing 
a short time in Hijaz with the Arabian tribe, to which the family had originally belonged, he 
returned to India, and settled at Nagor, N. W. of Ajmir, where he lived in the company of the 
pious, enjoying the friendship of Mir Sayyid Yahya of Bukhara. 

The title of Shaikh, which all the members of the family bore, was to keep up among them 
he remembrance of the home of the ancestors. 

Not long afterwards, in 911, Shaikh Mubarak, Abul Fazl's father was born. Mubarak was 
not Shaikh Khizr's eldest child : several, children had been born before and had died, and Khizr 
rejoicing at the birth of another son, called him Mubarak, u e., the blessed, in allusion, no doubt, 
to the hope which Islam holds out to the believers, that children gone before bless those born after 
them, and pray to Grod for the continuance of their earthly life. 

Shaikh Mubarak, at the early age of four, gave abundant proofs of intellectual strength, and 
fashioned his character and leanings in the company of one Shaikh 'Atan (eA*), who was of Turkish 
extraction and had come during the reign of Sikandar Lodi to Nagor, where he lived in the service 
of Shaikh Salar, and died, it is said, at the advanced age of one hundred and twenty years. Shaikh 
Khizr had now resolved permanently to settle at Nagor, and with the view of bringing a few 
relations to his adopted home, he returned once more to Siwistan. His sudden death during the 
journey left the family at Nagor in great distress ; and a famine which broke out at the same time, 
stretched numbers of the inhabitants on the barren sands of the surrounding desert, and of all the 
members of the family at Nagor only Mubarak and his mother survived. 

Mubarak grew up progressing in knowledge and laying the foundation of those encyclopedial 
attainments, for which he afterwards became so famous. He soon felt the wish and the necessity 
to complete his education and visit the great teachers of other parts ; but love to his mother kept 
him in his native town, where he continued his studies, guided by the teachings of the great saint 
Khwajah Ahrar,f to which his attention had been directed. However, when his mother died, and 
when about the same time the Miildeo disturbances broke out, Mubarak carried out his wish, and 



* 14th January, 1551. 

f Died at Samarqand, 29th Eabi" I, 895, or 20th February, 1490. 
1 



went to Ahmadabad in Gujarat, either attracted by the fame of the town itself, or by that of the 
shrine of his countryman Ahmad of Khattu.* In Ahmadabad, he found a second father in the 
learned Shaikh Abul Fazl, a khatib, or preacher, from Kazarun in Persia, and made the acquaint- 
ance of several men of reputation, as Shaikh 'TJmar of Tattah and Shaikh Yusuf. After a stay of 
several years, he returned to Hindustan, and settled, on the 6th Muharram, 950, on the left bank 
of the Jamuna, opposite A'grah, near the Charbagh Yilla,f which Babar had built, and in the 
neighbourhood of the saintly Mir Bafi'uddin Safawi of Injd* (Shiraz), among whose disciples 
Mubarak took a distinguished place. It was here that Mubarak's two eldest sons, Shaikh Abul- 
Faiz,J and four years later, Shaikh Abul Fazl, were born. Mubarak had now reached the age of 
fifty, and resolved to remain at Agrah, the capital of the empire ; nor did the years of extraordinary 
drought which preceded the first year of Akbar's reign, and the dreadful plague, which in 963 broke 
out in Agrah and caused a great dispersion among the population, incline him to settle elsewhere. 

The universality of learning which distinguished Mubarak attracted a large number of disciples, 
and displayed itself in the education he gave his sons ; and the filial piety with which Abul Fazl in 
numerous passages of his works speaks of his father, and the testimony of hostile writers as Badaoni, 
leave no doubt that it was Mubarak's comprehensiveness that laid in Abul Faiz and Abul Fazl the 
foundation of those cosmopolitan and, to a certain extent, anti-Islamitic views, for which both 
brothers have been branded by Muhammadan writers as atheists, or as Hindus, or as sunworshippers, 
and as the chief causes of Akbar's apostacy from Islam. 

A few years before 963 A. H., during the Afghan rule, Shaikh Mubarak had, to his worldly 
disadvantage, attached himself to a religious movement, which had first commenced about the 
year 900, and which continued under various phases during the whole of the tenth century. The 
movement was suggested by the approach of the first millennium of Islam. According to an often 
quoted prophecy, the latter days of Islam are to be marked by a general decadence in political 
power and in morals, which on reaching its climax is to be followed by the appearance of Imam 
Mahdi, ' the Lord of the period',§ who will restore the sinking faith to its pristine freshness. Christ 
also is to appear ; and after all men, through his instrumentality, have been led to Islam, the day 
of judgment will commence. Begarding this promised personage, the Rauzat ul-Aimmah, a Per- 
sian work on the lives of the twelve Imams,|f has the following passage — 

Muslim, Abu Daud, Nisai, Baihaqi, and other collectors of the traditional sayings of the Prophet 
state that the Prophet once said, " Muhammad Mahdi shall be of my family and of the descendants of 
Fatimah [the Prophet's daughter and wife of 'All]." And Ahmad, Abu Daud, Tirmizi, and Ibn Majah 
state that the Prophet at some other time said, " When of time one day shall be left, God shall raise 
up a man from among my descendants, who shall fill the world with justice, just as before him the 
world was full of oppression ;" and again, " The world shall not come to an end till the King of the 
earth shall appear, who is a man of my family, and whose name is the same as mine." Further Ahmad 
and other collectors assert that the Prophet once said, " Muhammad Mahdi belongs to my family eight 
and nine years." Accordingly, people believe in the coming of Mahdi. But there is also a party in 
Islam who say that Imam Mahdi has already come into the world and exists at present : his patronymic 
is Abul Qasim, and his epithets are " the elect, the stablisher, Mahdi, the expected, the Lord of the 
age." In the opinion of this party, he was born at Surra-man-raa [near Baghdad] on the 23rd Bamazan 
258, and in 265 he came to his Sardabah [prop. ' a cool place,' ' a summer villa'], and.disappeared whilst 
in his residence. In the book entitled Shawahid' it is said that when he was born, he had on his 



* Vide Translation, p. 507, note. Ahmad of Khattu is buried at Sark'hich near Ahmadabad. He died in 849 (A.J). 
1445). 

f Later called Hasht Bihisht, or the Nurafsh&n Gardens. It is now called the Ram B&gh. 

+ Born A.H. 954, or A.D. 1547. Vide Translation, p. 490. 

§ f ahib i zam&n. He is the 12th Imam. The first eleven succeeded the Prophet. * Mahdi* (which in India is 
wrongly pronounced Mehndi , ' myrtle' ) means ' guided* ; ' Hadi' means ' a guide'. 

|j By Sayyid 'Izzat 'Ali, son of Sayyid Pir 'All of Rasiilpur. Lithographed at Lak'hnau, 1271, A. H., 144 
royal 8vo. 



PP-. 



Ill 



right arm the words written, ' Say, the truth has come and error has vanished, surely error is vanish- 
ing' [Qoran, xvii, 83]. It is also related that when he was born into the world, he came on his knees, 
pointed with his fingers to heaven, sneezed, and said, <: Praise be to Q-od, he Lord of the world." Some 
one also has left an account of a visit to Imam Hasan 'Askari [the eleventh Imam], whom he asked 
" O son of the Prophet, who will be Khalifah and Imam after thee ?" 'Askari thereupon went into his 
room, and after some time came back with a child on his shoulders, that had a face like the full moon and 
might have been three years old, and said to the man, " If thou hadst not found favour in the eyes 
of God, He would not have shewn you this child : his name is that of the Prophet, and so is his 
patronymic." The sect who believe Mahdi to be alive at present, say that he rules over cities in the 
far west, and he is even said to have children. God alone knows the truth ! 

The alleged prophecies of the Founder regarding the advent of the Eestorer of the Faith, 
assumed a peculiar importance when Islam entered on the century preceding the first millennium, 
and the learned everywhere agitated the question till at last the Mahdi movement assumed in 
India* a definite form through the teaching of Mir Sayyid Muhammad, son of Mir Sayyid Khan, 
of Jaunpur. This man was a descendant of the Prophet, and bore his name ; the fall of Jaunpiir 
was to him a sign that the latter days had come ; extraordinary events which looked like miracles, 
marked his career ; and a voice from heaven had whispered to him the words, " Anta Mahdi," 
' thou art Mahdi.' Some people indeed say that Mir Sayyid Muhammad did not mean to declare 
that he was the promised Mahdi ; but there is no doubt that he insisted on his mission as the Lord 
of the Age. He gained many adherents, chiefly through his great oratorical powers, but pressed 
by enemies he went to Gujarat, where he found an adherent in Sultan Mahmud I. From Gujarat 
he proceeded, at the request of the king and to the joy of numerous enemies, on a pilgrimage to 
Makkah. From there also he seems to have been driven away. On his return, it was revealed to 
him that his teaching was vexatious, and he said to the disciples that accompanied him, " God 
has removed from my heart the burden of Mahdi. If I safely return, I shall recant all/' But 
when he reached the town of Farah in Balochistan, where his arrival had created a great sensation, 
he died (911, A. H. ; 1505, A. D.). His tomb became a place of general pilgrimage, although Shah 
Isma'il and Shah Tahmasp tried to destroy it. The movement, however, continued. Some of his 
followers adhered to their belief that he was Mahdi ; and even the historian Badaoni, who was 
strongly attached to the cause, speaks of him as of a great saint. 

Other Mahdis appeared in various parts of India. In 956 (A. D., 1549), a Mahdi of great 
pretensions arose in Bianah, S.W. of A!grah, in the person of Shaikh 'Alai. This man was a 
Bano-ali Musalman. His father had been looked upon in his country as a learned saint, and after 
visiting Makkah, he had settled, in 935, with his younger brother Kacrullah, likewise a learned 
man at Bianah, where they soon became respected and influential men. Shaikh 'Alai had shewn 
from his youth the learning of the lawyer and the rigour of the saint ; and on the death of his 
father he o-athered numerous pupils around himself. * But the love of power issues at last from 
the heads of the just/ and on the day of the 'I'd, he kicked an influential Shaikh from his haudah, 
and, supported by his brothers and elder relatives, he proclaimed that he alone was worthy of being 
the Shaikh of the town. 

About the same time, one Miyan 'Abdullah, a Niyazi Afghan and disciple of Mir Sayyid 
Muhammad of Jaunpur, arrived from Makkah, and settled at a retired spot near Bianah. Like his 
master, he was a man of oratorical powers and was given to street preaching ; and in a short time 



* Badaoni, in his « Najaturrashid,' gives a few particulars regarding the same movement in Badakhshan, 
from where the idea seems to have spread over Persia and India. In Badakhshan, it was commenced by Sayyid Muham- 
mad Nurbakhsh, a pupil of Abu Is-haq Khatlani, who gained numerous adherents and created such disturbances, 
that troops were sent against him. He was defeated and fled to Iraq, in the mountainous districts of which country 
he is said to have gained thirty thousand followers. He had often to fight with the governors, but defied them all. 
Badaoni has preserved a copy of the proclamation which Nurbakhsh sent unto ail the saints. One of his disciples 
was Shaikh Muhammad Lahiji, the commentator of the ' Gulshan i Raz.' 



IV 

he gained numerous followers among the woodcutters and water-carriers. Shaikh 'Alai also was 
overawed by the impressive addresses of Miyan 'Abdullah ; he gave up teaching and struggling for 
local influence, turned faqir, told his wife either to follow him to the wilderness or to go, distributed 
his whole property, even his books, among the poor adherents of the Niyazi, and joined the 
fraternity which they had formed. The brethren had established among themselves community 
of property, divided the earnings obtained by begging, and gave up all work, because it was said 
in the Qoran, ' Let not men be allured by trade or selling to give up meditating on Grod.' Religious 
meetings, the object of which was to prepare people for the advent of the promised Mahdi, were 
daily held after the five prayers, which the brethren said together, and wherever they went they 
appeared armed to the teeth. They soon felt strong enough to interfere with municipal matters, and 
inspected the bazars and removed by force all articles forbidden in the law, defying the magistrates, if 
opposed to them, or assisting them, if of their opinion. Their ranks increased daily, and matters in 
Bianah had come to such a pass, that fathers separated themselves from their children and 
husbands from their wives. Shaikh 'Alai's former position and the thoroughness of his conversion 
had given him the rank of second leader ; in fact, lie soon outdid Miyan 'Abdullah in earnestness 
and successful conversions, and the latter at last tried to rid himself of his rival by sending him 
with six or seven hundred armed men towards Makkah. 'Alai marched with his band over Basa- 
war to Khawacpur, converting and preaching on the way, but on account of some obstacles they all 
returned to Bianah. 

Shaikh 'Alai's fame at last reached the ear of Islam Shah, who summoned him to Agrah ; 
and although the kiug was resolved to put him to death as a dangerous demagogue, and was even 
offended at the rude way in which 'Alai behaved in his presence, he was so charmed by an 
impromptu address which 'Alai delivered on the vanities of the world and the pharisaism of the 
learned, that he sent cooked provisions to ' Alai's men. To the amusement of the Afghan nobles 
and generals at court, 'Alai on another occasion defeated the learned on questions connected with 
the advent of Mabdi, and Islam Shah was day after day informed that another of his nobles had 
gone to 'Alai's meetings and had joined the new sect. 

It was at this time that Shaikh Mubarak also became a ' disciple/ and professed Mahdawi 
ideas. It is not clear whether he joined the sect from religious or from political motives, inasmuch 
as one of the objects of the brethren was to break up the party of the learned at Court, at whose head 
Makhdum ul-Mulk stood; but whatever may have been his reason, the result was, that Makhdum 
became his inveterate enemy, deprived him of grants of land, made him flee for his life, and per- 
secuted him for more than twenty years, till Mubarak's sons turned the tables on him and procured 
his banishment.* 



* ' Makhdum ul-Mulk' was the title of 'Abdullah of Sultanpur, regarding whom the reader may consult the index 
of the translation for references. The following biographical notice from the Khazinatul Apfia (Lahor, pp. 443, 464) 
shews the opinion of good Sunnis regarding Makhdum. 

'Maulana 'Abdullah Ancari of Sultanpur belongs to the most distinguished learned men and saints of India. 
He was a Chishti in his religious opinions. Prom the time of Sher Shah till the reign of Akbar, he had the title of 
' Makhdum-ul-Mulk' {prop, served by the empire). He was learned in the law and austere in practice. He zealously 
persecuted heretics. When Akbar commenced his religious innovations and converted people to his ' Divine Faith' and 
sunworship, ordering them to substitute for the creed the words ' There is no God but Allah, and Akbar is the 
viceregent of God,' Maulana 'Abdullah opposed the emperor. Driven at last from Court, he retired to a mosque ; but 
Akbar said that the mosque belonged to his realm, and he should go to another country, Makhdum therefore 
went to Makkah. On his return to India, Akbar had him poisoned. He has written several works, as the 
&+kl\ vJ£* ', Kashf xd-ghummah ; the *l*wil| Aft*, 'W<*t ul-Anbiya, the ^cJ\ ^U^» Minhdj icddin, &c. He was 
poisoned in A. H. 1006. 

* His son Haji 'Abdul Karim went after the death of his father to Lahor, where he became a religious guide. 
He died in 1045, and lies buried at Lahor, near the Zib-unnisa Villa, at Mauza' Kot. His sons were Shaikh 
Yahya, Hah Niir, 'Abdul Haq and A'la Huzur. Shaikh Yahya, like his father, wrought miracles.' 



The learned at Court, howeyer, were not to be baffled by 'Alai's success, and Makhdum's 
influence was so great, that he at last prevailed on the king to banish the Shaikh. 'Alai and his 
followers readily obeyed the command, and set out for the Dak'hin. Whilst at Handiah on the 
Narbada, the frontier of Islam Shah's empire, they succeeded in converting Bahar Khan A'zam 
Humayun and half his army, and the king on hearing of this last success cancelled his orders 
and recalled Shaikh 'Alai. 

About the same time (955), Islam Shah left Agrah, .in order to put down disturbances in the 
Panjab caused by certain Niyazi Afghans, and when he arrived in the neighbourhood of Bianah, 
Makhdum ul-Mulk drew the king's attention to Miyan 'Abdullah Niyazi, who after Shaikh 'Alai's 
departure for the Dak' bin roamed about in the hills of the Bianah district with three or four hundred 
armed men, and was known to possess great influence over men of his own clan, and consequently 
over the Niyazi rebels in the Panjab. Islam Shah ordered the governor of Bianah, who had become 
a Mahdawi, to bring Miyan 'Abdullah to him. The governor advised his religious leader to conceal 
himself ; but Miyan 'Abdullah boldly appeared before the king, and so displeased him by his neglect 
of etiquette, that Islam Shah gave orders to beat him to death. The king watched on horseback 
for an hour the execution of the punishment, and only left when Miyan 'Abdullah lay apparently 
lifeless on the ground. But he was with much care brought back to life. He concealed himself for 
a long time, renounced all Mahdawi principles, and got as late as 993 [A. D., 1585] from Akbar 
a freehold, because he, too, had been one of Makhdum ul-Mulk's victims. He died more than 
ninety years old, in 1000, at Sarhind.* 

Islam Shah after quelling the Niyazi disturbances, returned to Agrah, but almost immediately 
afterwards his presence was again required in the Panjab, and it was there that Shaikh 'Alai 
joined the royal camp. When Islam Shah saw the Shaikh, he said to him in a low voice, " Whis- 
per into my ear that you recant, and I will not trouble you." But Shaikh 'Alai would not do 
so, and Islam Shah, to keep up the appearance of authority, ordered a menial to give him by 
way of punishment a few cuts with the whip in his presence. Shaikh 'Alai had then scarcely 
recovered from an attack of the plague, which for several years had been raging in India, and had a few 
badly healed wounds on his neck. Whilst he got the cuts , one of the wounds broke open, and 'Alai 
fainted and died. His body was now thrown under the feet of an elephant, and orders were given that 
no one should bury him, when all at once, to the terror of the whole camp and the king who believed 
that the last day had dawned, a most destructive cyclone broke forth. When the storm abated, 
'Alai's body was found literally buried among roses and other flowers, and an order was now 
forthcoming to have the corpse interred. This happened in 957 [A. D., 1550]. People prophesied 
the quick end of Islam Shah and the downfal of his house.f 

Makhdum ul-Mulk was never popular after that. 

The features common to all Mahdawi movements are, (1) that the preachers of the latter 
days were men of education and of great oratorical powers, which gave them full sway over thef 



In this account the date is wrong ; for Makhdum ul-Mulk died in 990, and as Badaoni, Makhdum's supporter, 
says nothing of poison (Bad. II., 311), the statement of the Khazinat ul Acfia may be rejected. Badaoni also says 
that Makhdum's sons were worthless men. 

The titles of Makhdum ul-Mulk's works are not correctly given either ; vide Translation, p. 544. 

* Badaoni visited him in Sarhind, and it was from 'Abdullah that he heard of Mir Sayyid Muhammad's repentance 
before death. Among other things, 'Abdullah also told him that after the Mir's death in Farah, a well-known man o 
that town seized on lands belonging to Balochis and proclaimed himself Christ ; and he added that he had known 
no less than thirteen men of respectable parentage, who had likewise claimed to be Christ. 

t The circumstances connected with 'Alai's death resemble the end of Sidi Mulah during the reign of Jalal-uddia 
Firiiz Shah. 

The place in the Panjab, where the scene took place, is called Ban. (Bad. I., 408.) 

The fact that Badaoni spent his youth at Basawar near Bianah, i.e., in the very centre of the Mahdawi movement, 
accounts perhaps for his adherence, throughout his life, to Mahdawi principles. 

2 



multitudes ; and (2) that the Mahdawis assumed a hostile position to the learned men who held 
office at Court. Islam has no state clergy ; but we find a counterpart to our hierarchical bodies 
in the 'Ulamas about Court, from whom the Sadrs of the provinces, the Mir 'Adls, Muftis, and 
Qasns were appointed. At Dihli and Agrah, the body of the learned had always consisted of 
stanch Sunnig, who believed it their duty to keep the kings straight. How great their influence 
was, may be seen from the fact that of all Muhammadan emperors only Akbar, and perhaps 
'Alauddin Khilji, succeeded in putting down this haughty set 

The death of Shaikh 'AM was a great triumph for the Court 'Ulamis, and a vigorous persecu- 
tion of all Mahdawi disciples was the immediate result. The persecutions lasted far iDto Akbar's 
reign. They abated only for a short time when the return of Humayiin and the downfai of 
the Afghan power brought about a violent political crisis, during which the learned first thought 
of their own safety, well knowing that Humayiin was strongly in favour of Shi'ism ; but when 
Akbar waa firmly established, and the court at Agrah, after the fall of Bairam Khan, who was a 
Shi'ah, again teemed with Hindustani Sunnis, the persecutions commenced. The hatred of the 
court party against Shaikh Mubarak especially rose to such a height, that Shaikh 'Abdunnabi 
and Makhdum ul-Mulk represented to the emperor that, inasmuch as Mubarak also belonged to 
the Mahdawis and was, therefore, not only himself damned, but led also others into damnation, he 
deserved to be killed. They even obtained an order to bring him before the emperor. Mubarak 
wisely fled from Agrah, only leaving behind him some furniture for his enemies to reek their 
revenge on. Concealing himself for a time, he applied to Shaikh Salim Chishti of Fathpiir Sikri 
for intercession ; but being advised by him to withdraw to G-ujarat, he implored the good offices 
of Akbar's foster-brother, the generous Khan i A'zam Mirza Kokah, who succeeded in allaying all 
doubts in the mind of the emperor by dwelling on the poverty of the Shaikh and on the fact that, 
different from his covetous accusers, he had not cost the state anything by way of freeholds, and 
thus obtained at least security for him and his family. Mubarak some time afterwards applied 
indeed for a grant of land for his son Abul Faiz, who had already acquired literary fame, though 
he was only twenty years old, and waited personally with his son on Shaikh 'Abdunnabi. But the 
latter, in his theological pride, turned them out of his office as men suspected of Mahdawi leanings 
and Shi'ah tendencies. Even in the 12th year of Akbar's reign, when Faizi's poems* had been 
noticed at court, — Akbar then lay before Chitor — and a summons had been sent to the young poet to 
present himself before his sovereign, the enemies at Agrah saw in the invitation a sign of approach- 
ing doom, and prevailed on the governor to secure the victim this time. The governor there- 
upon sent a detachment of Mughul soldiers to surround Mubarak's house. Faizi was accidentally 
away from home, and the soldiers suspecting a conspiracy, subjected Mubarak to various sorts of 
ill-treatment ; and when Faizi at last came, he was carried off by force to Chitor.f Nor did his 
fears for his father and his own life vanish, till his favourable reception at court convinced him 
both of Abkar's good will and the blindness of his personal enemies. 

Abul Fazl had in the meantime grown up zealously studying under the care of his father. The 
persecutions which Shaikh Mubarak had to suffer for his Mahdawi leanings "at the hands of the 
learned at Court, did not fail to make a lasting impression on his young mind. There is no 
doubt that it was in this school of misfortune that Abul Fazl learned the lesson x>f toleration, the 
practice of which in later years formed the basis of Akbar's friendship for him ; while, on the 
other hand, the same pressure of circumstances stimulated him to unusual exertions in studying, 
which subsequently enabled him during the religious discussions at Court to lead the opposition 
and overthrow by superior learning and broader sentiments the clique of the 'Ulamas, whom 
Akbar hated so much. 



* Abul Faiz wrote under the nom-de-plume of Faizi. 

f 20th Kabi' I, 975, or 24th September, 1567, The ode which Faizi presented will be found in the Akbarnamah. 



At the age of fifteen, he showed the mental precocity so often observed in Indian boys ; he had 
read works on all branches of those sciences which go by the name of hikami and naqli, or ma? qui 
and manqul.* Following the footsteps of his father, he commenced to teach long before he had 
reached the age of twenty. An incident is related to shew how extensive even at that time his 
reading was. A manuscript of the rare work of Icfahaui happened to fall into his hands. Unfor- 
tunately, however, one half of each page, vertically downwards from top to bottom, was rendered 
illegible, or was altogether destroyed, by fire. Abul Fazl, determined to restore so rare a book, cut 
away the burnt portions, pasted new paper to each page, and then commenced to restore the 
missing halves of each line, in which attempt after repeated thoughtful perusals he succeeded. 
Some time afterwards, a complete copy of the same work turned up, and on comparison it was found 
that in many places there were indeed different words, and in a few passages new proofs even had 
been adduced ; but on the whole the restored portion presented so many points of extraordinary 
coincidence, that bis friends were not a little astonished at the thoroughness with which Abul Fazl 
had worked himself into the style and mode of thinking of a difficult author. 

Abul Fazl was so completely taken up with study, that he preferred the life of a recluse 
to the unstable patronage of the great and to the bondage which attendance at court in those days 
rendered inevitable. But from the time Faizi had been asked by Akbar to attend the court, hopes 
of a brighter future dawned, and Abul Fazl, who had then completed his seventeenth year, saw 
in the encouragement held out by the emperor, in spite of Mubarak's numerous enemies at court, 
a guarantee that patient toil, on his part, too, would not remain without fruit. The skill with 
which Faizi in the meantime acquired and retained Akbar's friendship, prepared the way for Abul 
Fazl ; and when the latter, in the very end of 981 (beginning of 1574, A. D.), was presented to 
Akbar as Faizi's brother, the reception was so favorable that he gave up all thoughts of leading a 
life among manuscripts. " As fortune did not at first assist me," says Abul F^zl in the Akbarna- 
mah, " I almost became selfish and conceited, and resolved to tread the path of proud retirement. 
The number of pupils that I had gathered around me, served but to increase my pedantry. In 
fact, the pride of learning had made my brain drunk with the idea of seclusion. Happily for 
myself, when I passed the nights in lonely spots with true seekers after truth, and enjoyed the 
society of such as are empty-handed, but rich in mind and heart, my eyes were opened and I 
saw the selfishness and covetousness of the so-called learned. The advice of my father with 
difficulty kept me back from outbreaks of folly ; my mind had no rest, and my heart felt itself 
drawn to the sages of Mongolia or to the hermits on Lebanon ; I longed for interviews with the 
lamas of Tibet or with the padris of Portugal, and I would gladly sit with the priests of 
the P arsis and the learned of the Zendavesta. I was sick of the learned of my own land. My brother 
and other relatives then advised me to attend the Court, hoping that I would find in the emperor a 
leader to the sublime world of thought. In vain did t at first resist their admonitions. Happy 
indeed, am I now that I have found in my sovereign a guide to the world of action and a comforter 
in lonely retirement ; in him meet my longing after faith and my desire to do my appointed 
work in the world ; he is the orient where the light of form and ideal dawns ; and it is he who 
has taught me that the work of the world, multifarious as it is, may yet v harmonize with the 
spiritual unity of truth. I was thus presented at Court. As I had no worldly treasures to lay 
at the feet of his Majesty, I wrote a commentary to the Ayat ul-Kursif and presented it when the 
emperor was at Agrah. I was favourably received, and his Majesty graciously accepted my 

offering." 

Akbar was at that time busily engaged with his preparations for the conquest of Bihar and 
Bengal. Faizi accompanied the expedition ; but Abul Fazl naturally stayed in Agrah. But as 
Faizi wrote to his brother that Akbar had enquired after him, Abul Fazl attended Court 



* Translation, p. 540, note. 



f Name of the 256th verse of the second chapter of the Qoran. 



Till 



immediately on the emperor's return to Fathpur Sikri, where Akbar happened to notice him 
first in the Jami' Mosque. Abul Fazl, as before, presented a comm.. f ary written by him on 
the- opening of a chapter in the Qoran, entitled ' Surat ul Fath,' ' the Chapter of Victory.'* 

The party of the learned and bigoted Sunnis at Court, headed by Makhdum ul-Mulk and 
Shaikh 'Abdunnabi, had every cause to feel sorry at Faizi's and Abul Fazl's successes ;f for it was 
now, after Akbar's return from Bihar, that the memorable Thursday evening discussions commenced, 
of which the historian Badaoni has left, us so vivid an account. Akbar at first was merely annoyed at 
the " Pharaoh -like pride" of the learned at court; stories of the endless squabbles of these pious 
casuits had reached his ear ; religious persecutions and a few sentences of death passed by his Chief- 
Justice on Shf'ahs and " others heretics" affected him most deeply ; and he now for the first time 
realized the idea that the scribes and the pharisees formed a power of their own in his kingdom, 
at the construction of which he had for twenty years been working. Impressed with a favourable 
idea of the value of his Hindu subjects, he had resolved, when pensively sitting in the mornings 
on the solitary stone at Fathpur Sikri, to rule with even hand men of every creed in his dominions ; 
but as the extreme views of the learned and the lawyers continually urged him to persecute instead 
of to heal, he instituted the discussions, because, believing himself to be in error, he thought it his 
duty as ruler to ' enquire.' It is not necessary to repeat here the course which these discussions 
took4 The unity that had existed among the learned disappeared in the very beginning ; abuse 
took the place of argument, and the plainest rules of etiquette were, even in the presence of the 
emperor, forgotten. Akbar's doubts instead of being cleared up only increased ; certain points of 
the Hanafi law, to which most Sunnis cling, were found to be better established by the dicta of 
lawyers belonging to the other three sects ; and the moral character of the Prophet was next 
scrutinized and was found wanting. Makhdum ul-Mulk wrote a spiteful pamphlet against Shaikh 
'Abdunnabi, the Sadr of the empire, and the latter retorted by calling Makhdum a fool ind cursing 
him. Abul Fazl, upon whom Akbar from the beginning had fixed as the leader of his party, fanned 
the quarrels by skilfully shifting the disputes from one point to another, and at last persuaded the 
emperor that a subject ought to look upon the king not only as the temporal, but also as the only 
spiritual guide. The promulgation of this new doctrine was the making of Abul Fazl's fortune. 
Both he and Akbar held to it to the end of their lives. But the new idea was in opposition to 
Islam, the law of which stands above every king, rendering what we call a constitution impossible ; 
and though headstrong kings as 'Alauddm Khilji had before tried to raise the law of expediency 
(o.ij o.*^ 70 , maglahat i icaqt) above the law of the Qoran, they never fairly succeeded in separating 
religion from law or in rendering the administration of the empire independent of the Mulla. Hence 
when Abul Fazl four years later, in 986, brought up the question at the Thursday evening meetings, 
he raised a perfect storm ; and while the disputations, bitter as they were, had hitherto dwelt on 
single points connected with the life of the Prophet, or with sectarian differences, they henceforth 
turned on the very principles of Islam. It was only now that the Sunnis at Court saw how wide 
during the last four years the breach had become ; that " the strong embankment* of the clearest 
law and the most excellent faith had been broken through" ; and that Akbar believed that there 
were sensible men in all religions, and abstemious thinkers and men endowed with miraculous 
power among all nations. Islam, therefore, possessed in his opinion no superiority over other forms 
of worship. § The learned party seeing their official position endangered, now shewed signs of 
readiness to yield, but it was too late. They even signed the remarkable document which Shaikh 



* The details of Abul Fazl's introduction at Court given in Badaoni differ slightly from Abul Fazl's own account. 

f Badaoni ascribes to Makhdum ul-Mulk an almost prophetic insight into Abul Fazl's character ; for the first time 
he saw Abul Fazl, he said to his disciples, " What religious mischief is there of which that man is not capable ?" 
Bad. Ill, 72. 

+ Translation, pp. 170^1 

§ Translation, pp. 178, 179. 



IX 

Mubarak in conjunction with his sons had drafted, a document which, I believe, stands unique in 
the whole Church Histoid \)f Islam. Badaoni has happily preserved a complete copy of it.* The 
emperor was certified to be a just ruler, and was as such assigned the rank of a * Mujtahid' , i. e. 
an infallible authority in all matters relating to Islam. The * intellect of the just king' thus 
became the only source of legislation, and the whole body of the learned and the lawyers bound 
themselves to abide by Akbar's decrees in religious matters. Shaikh 'Abdunnabi and Makhdiim 
ul-Mulk signed indeed the document against their will, but sign they did ; whilst Shaikh Mubarak 
added to his signature the words that he had most willingly subscribed his name, and that for 
several years he had been anxiously looking forward to the realization of the progressive movement. 
" The document," says Abul Fazl in the Akbarnamah, " brought about excellent results,— (1) The 
Court became a gathering place of the sages and learned of all creeds ; the good doctrines of all 
religious systems were recognized, and their defects were not allowed to obscure their good features ; 
(2) perfect toleration (culh-i-kul, or ' peace with all') was established ; and (3) the perverse and 
evil minded were covered with shame on seeing the disinterested motives of his Majesty, and thus 
stood in the pillory of disgrace. ,> The copy of the draft which was handed to the emperor, was in 
Shaikh Mubarak's own handwriting, and was dated Eajab, 987 (September, 1579). 

A few weeks afterwards, Shaikh 'Abdunnabi and Makhdum ul-Mulk were sent to Makkah, and 
Shaikh Mubarak and his two sons triumphed over their enemies. How magnanimous Abul Fazl 
was, may be seen from the manner in which he chronicles in the Akbarnamah the banishment of 
these men. Not a sentence, not a word, is added indicative of his personal grievances against 
either of them, though they had persecuted and all but killed his father and ruined his family ; the 
narrative proceeds as calm and statesmanlike as in every other part of his great work, and justifies 
the high praise which historians have bestowed upon his character that " neither abuse nor harsh 
words were ever found in his household." 

The disputations had now come to an end (A. D. 1579), and Faizi and Abul Fazl had gained 
the lasting friendship of the emperor. Of the confidence which Akbar placed in Faizi, no better 
proof can be cited than his appointment, in the same year, as tutor to Prince Murad ; and as both 
brothers had entered the military, then the only, service and had received man-sabs, or commissions 
their employment in various departments gave them repeated opportunities to gain fresh distinctions. 
Enjoying Akbar s personal friendship, both remained at court in Fathpur Sikri, or accompanied 
the emperor on his expeditions. Two years later, Faizi was appointed Sadr of x^grah, Kalpi, and 
Kalinjar, in which capacity he had to enquire into the possibility of resuming free tenures {saynrghM), 
which in consequence of fraudulent practices on the part of government officers and the rapacious- 
ness of the holders themselves had so much increased as seriously to lessen the land revenue ; and Abul 
Fazl, in the very beginning of 1585,f was promoted to the mausab of Hazarf, or the post of a com- 
mander of one thousand horse, and was in the following year appointed Diwan of the Province of Dihli. 
Faizi's rank was much lower; he was only a commander of Four Hundred. But he did not care for 
further promotion. Devoted to the muse, he found in the appointment as* Poet Laureate, with 
which Akbar honored him in the end of 1588, that satisfaction which no political office, however 
high, would have given him. Though the emperor did not pay much attention to poetry, his 
appreciation of Faizi's genius was but just ; for after Amir Khusrau of Dihli, Muhammadau India 
has seen no greater poet than Faizi.:£ 

In the end of 1589, Abul Fazl lost his mother, to whose memory he has devoted a pace in the 
Akbarnamah. The emperor, in order to console him, paid him a visit, and said to him, " If the 
people of this world lived for ever and did not only once die, kind friends would not be required to 



* Vide Translation, p. 186. 

t Akbarnamah, III, 463. 

t For his works, vide Translation, p. 

a 



)AB. 



direct their hearts to trust in God and resignation to His will ; but no one lives long in the 
caravanserai of the world, and hence the afflicted do well to accept consolation."* 

Eeligious matters had in the meantime rapidly advanced. Akbar had founded a new religion, 
the Din i Ilahi, or ' the Divine Faith/ the chief feature of which, in accordance with Shaikh 
Mubarak's document mentioned above, consisted in 'belief in one God and in Akbar as His 
viceregent (khalifah) on earth. The Islami tic prayers were abolished at court, and the worship of 
the * elect* was based on that of the Parsis and partly on the ceremonial of the Hindus. The new 
era {tarikh i ildhi), which was introduced in all government records, as also the feasts observed by 
the emperor, were entirely Parsi. The Muhammadan grandees at court shewed but little resistance : 
they looked with more anxiety on the elevation of Hindu courtiers than on Akbar' s religious innov- 
ations, which after all affected but a few. But their feeling against Abul Fazl was very marked, 
and they often advised the emperor to send him to the Dak'hin, hoping that some mismanage- 
ment in war or in administration would lessen his influence at court. Prince Salim [Jahangir] 
also belonged to the dissatisfied, and his dislike to Abul Fazl, as we shall see below, became 
gradually so deep-rooted, that he looked upon him as the chief obstacle to the execution of his wild 
plans. An unexpected visit to Abul Fazl gave him an excellent opportunity to charge him with 
duplicity. On entering the house, he found forty writers busy in copying commentaries to the 
Qoran. Ordering them to follow him at once, he took them to the emperor, and shewing him the 
copies, he said, " What Abul Fazl teaches me is very different from what he practises in his 
house." The incident is said to have produced a temporary estrangement between Akbar and Abul 
Fazl. A similar, but less credible, story is told by the author of the Zakhivat-ul Khawdnin, He says that 
Abul Fazl repented of his apostacy from Islam, and used at night to visit incognito the houses of 
dervishes, and, giving them gold muhurs, requested them " to pray for the stability of Abul Fazl's 
faith," sighing at the same time and striking his knees and exclaiming, " What shall I do !" And 
just as writers on the history of literature have tried to save Faizi from apostacy and consequent 
damnation, by representing that before his death he had praised the Prophet, so have other authors 
succeeded in finding for Abul Fazl a place in Paradise ; for it is related in several books that 
Shah Abul Ma'ali Qadiri of Lahor, a man of saintly renown,f once expressed his disapproval of 
Abul Fazl's words and deeds. But at night, so runs the story, he saw in his dream that Abul 
Fazl came to a meeting held by the Prophet in Paradise; and when the Prophet saw him enter, he 
asked him to sit down, and said, " This man did for some time during his life evil deeds, but one of 
his books commences with the words, ' God, reward the good for the sake of their righteousness, 
and help the wicked for the sake of Thy love,' and these words have saved him." The last two 
stories flatter, in all probability, the consciences of pious Sunnis ; but the first, if true, detracts 
in no way from that consistency of opinion and uniform philosophic conviction which pervades kbw\ 
Fazl's works ; and though his heart found in pure deism and religious philosophy more comfort 
and more elements of harmony than in the casuistry of the Mulias, his mind from early youth had 
been so accustomed to hard literary work, that it was perfectly natural for him,, even after his 
rejection of Islam, to continue his studies of the Qoran, because the highest dialectical lore and 
the deepest philological research of Muhammadan literature have for centuries been Concentrated 
on the explanation of the holy book. 

To this period also belong the literary undertakings which were commenced under the auspices 
of the Emperor himself. Abul Fazl, Faizi, and scholars as Badaoni, Naqib Khan, Shaikh Sultan, 
Haji Ibrahim, Shaikh Munawwar and others, were engaged in historical and scientific compilations 
and in translations from the Sanskrit or Hindi into Persian.* Faizi took the Lilawati, a well-known 
book on mathematics, and Abul Fazl translated the Kalilah Damuah under the title of 'Aydr 

f Born A. H. 960; died at Lahor, 1024. Khazinat ul-Atfij/d, p. 13& 
+ Vide Translation, pp. 104. 105. 



XI 

Danish from Arabic into Persian. He also took a part in the translation of the Mahabharat and in 
the composition of the Tarikh i Alft, the * History of the Millennium/ The lastmentioned work, 
curious to say, has an intimate connection with the Mahdawi movement, of which particulars 
have been given above. Although from the time of Shaikh 'Alafs death the disciples of the millen- 
nium had to suffer persecution, and the movement to all appearances had died out, the idea of 
a restorer of the millennium was revived during the discussions in Fathpiir Sikri and by the teach- 
ings of men of Sharif i Amuli's stamp,* with this important modification that Akbar himself was 
pointed to as the ' Lord of the Age,' through whom faded Islam was to come to an end. This new 
feature had Akbar 's full approval, and exercised the greatest influence on the progress of his 
religious opinions. The Tarikh i Alfi, therefore, was to represent Islam as a thing of the past ; 
it had existed thousand (alf) years and had done its work. The early history, to the vexation of 
the Sunnis, was related from a Shi'ah point of view, and worse still, the chronology had been 
changed, inasmuch as the death of the Prophet had been made the starting point, not the hijrah, 
or flight, of the Prophet from Makkah to Madinah. 

Towards the middle of A.H. 1000 (beginning of 1592, A.D.), Akbar promoted Abul Fazl to 
the post of Duhazari, or commander of two thousand horse. Abul Fazl now belonged to the great 
Amirs {umard i kibdr) at court. As before, he remained in immediate attendance on the emperor. 
In the same year, Faizi was sent to the Dak'hin as Akbar's ambassador to Burhan ul-Mulk and 
to Rajah 'Ali Khan of Khandesh, who had sent his daughter to Prince Salim. Faizi returned 
after an absence of more than sixteen months. 

Shaikh Mubarak, who after the publication of his famous document had ali but retired from 
the world, died in the following year at Lahor (Sunday, 17th Zi Qa'da'i, 1001, or 4th September, 
1593). He had reached the age of ninety, and had occupied himself in the last years of his 
life with the compilation in four volumes of a gigantic commentary to the Qoran, to which he had 
given the title of Manba'u Nafdis ul ' Uyun. He completed it, in spite of failing eyesight, a short 
time before his death. 

The historian Badaoni speaks of him as follows : — 

Shaikh Mubarak belonged to the most distinguished men of learning of the present age. In 
practical wisdom, piety, and trust in God, he stood high among the people of his time. In early life 
he practised rigorous asceticism ; in fact, he was so strict in his views regarding what is lawful and 
unlawful, that if any one, for example, came to a prayermeeting with a gold ring on his finger, or 
dressed in silk, or with red stockings on his feet, or red or yellow coloured clothes on him, he would 
order the offending articles to be removed. In legal decisions he was so severe as to maintain that 
for every hurt exceeding a simple kick, death was the proper punishment. If he accidentally heard 
music while walking on the street, he ran away, but in course of time he became, from divine zeal, 
so enamoured of music, that he could not exist without listening to some voice or melody. In short, 
he passed through rather opposite modes of thought and ways of life. At the time of the Afghan rule, 
he frequented Shaikh 'Alai's fraternity ; in the beginning of his Majesty's reign' when the Naqshbandis 
had the upper hand, he settled matters with that sect ; afterwards he was attached to the Hamadani 
school ; and lastly, when the Shi'ahs monopolized the court, he talked according to their fashion. ' Men 
speak according to the measure of their understanding' — to change was his way, and the rest you know. 
But withal he was constantly engaged in teaching the religious sciences. Prosody also, the art oi 
composing riddles, and other branches, he understood well ; and in mystic philosophy he was, unlike 
the learned of Hindustan, a- perfect master. He knew Shatibif by heart, explained him properly, and 



* Translation, page 452. "We hear the last of the Mahdawi movement in 1628, at the accession of Shahjahan. 
Akbar was dead and had not restored the Millennium ; during Jahangir 's reign, especially in the beginning, the court was 
indifferent to religion, and the king retained the ceremony o£ the sijdah, or prostration, which Muhammadans believe to 
"be due to God alone. But Shahjahan, on his accession, restored many Muhammadan rites that had fallen in 
abeyance at court ; and as he was born in 1000 A. H., he was now pointed to as the real restorer. Since that time 
the movement has found no disciples. 

f A writer on ' Tajwid,' ' the art of reading the Qoran correctly'. 



also knew how to read the Qoran in the ten different modes. He did not go to the palaces of the kings, 
but he was a most agreeable companion and full of anecdote. Towards the end of his life, when his 
eyesight was impaired, he gave up reading and lived in seclusion. The commentary to the Qoran which 
he composed, resembles the Tafsir i Kabir [the " Great Commentary"], and consists of four thick 
volumes, and is entitled Manba'u Nafdis \l ' TJxjun. It is rather extraordinary that there is a passage in 
the preface in which he seems to point to himself as the renovator of the new century * "We know 
what this ' renovating' means. About the time he finished his work, he wisely committed the Farizi 
Ode (in t) which consists of seven hundred verses, and the Ode Bardah, the Ode by Ka'b ibn Zubair, and 
other Odes to memory, and recited them as daily homilies, till on the 17th Zi Qa'dah, 1001, he left this 
world at Lahor for the judgment-seat of God. 

I have known no man of more comprehensive learning ; but alas ! under the mantle of the dervish 
there was such a wicked love of worldly preferment, that he left no doctrine of our religion in peace. 
When I was young, I studied at i^grah for several years in his company. He is indeed a man of merit ; but 
he committed worldly and irreligious deeds, plunged into lust of possession and rank, was time-serving, 
practised deceit and falsehood, and went so far in twisting religious truth that nothing of his former 
merit remains. " Say, either I am in the correct path or in clear error, or you" [Qoran, xxxiv, 23]. 
Further, it is a common saying that the son brings the curse on the head of his father ; hence people 
have gone beyond Yazid and say, ' Curse on Yazid, f and on his father, too.' 

Two years after Shaikh Mubarak's death, Abul Fazl also lost his brother Faizi.who died at the 
age of fifty after an illness of six months on the 10th Safar, 1004 (5th October, 1595). When in 
his last moments, Akbar visited him at midnight, and seeing that he could no longer speak, he 
gently raised his head and said to him, " Shaikh Jio, I have brought Hakim 'All with me, will 
you not speak to me ?" But getting no reply, the emperor in his grief threw his turban to the 
ground, and wept loud ; and after trying to console Abul Fazl, he went away.J How deeply 
Abul Fazl loved his elder brother, is evident from the numerous passages in the Akbarnamah and 
the A'm in which he speaks of him, and nothing is more touching than the lines with which he 
prefaces the selections in the Ain made by him from his brother's poems. " The gems of thought 
in his poems will never be forgotten. Should leisure permit and my heart turn to worldly occupa- 
tions I would collect some of the excellent writings of this unrivalled author of the age, and 
gather, with the eye of a jealous critic, yet with the hand of a friend, some of his poems. But now 
it is brotherly love alone, which does not travel along the road of critical nicety, that commands 
me to write down some of his verses. "§ Abul Fazl, notwithstanding his onerous duties, kept his 
promise, and two years after the death of his brother, he collected the stray leaves of Faizi's Markiz 
ul-Adicdr, not to mention the numerous extracts which he has preserved in the Akbarnamah. 

It was about the same time that Abul Fazl was promoted to the post of a Commander of 
two thousand and five hundred horse. Under this rank he has entered his own name in the list of 
crandees in the Ain i Akbari, which work he completed in the same year when he collected his 
brother's literary remains (1596-97). 

In the following year, the forty- third of Akbar's reign, Abul Fazl went for the first time on 
active service. Sultan Munid|| had not managed matters well in the Dak'hin, and Akbar now 
despatched Abul Fazl with orders to return with the Prince, whose excessive drinking caused the 
emperor much anxiety, provided the officers of the imperial camp made themselves responsible to 
guard the conquered territory. If the officers were disinclined to guarantee a faithful conduct of 
the war, he was to see the Prince off, and take command with Shahrukh Mirza. ^[ The wars in the 



* Badaoni says in his ' Najat urrasbid' that Jalaluddin Suyuti, in his time the most universal scholar of all 
Arabia, pointed likewise to himself as the renovator of the lOfch century. 

f Husain, in whose remembrance the Muharram lamentations are chanted, was murdered by Yazid ; hence the 
latter is generally called Yazid i mal'im, ' Yazid, the accursed.' Badaoni here calls Abul Fazl Yazid. Poor Badaoni 
had only the thousand big'halis which Akbar had given him rent-free, but his schoolfellow, Yazid Abul Fazl, was a 
commander of two thousand and the friend of the emperor. 

+ Badaoni, II, 406. § Transl., p. 549. || Transl., p. 335. «[ Transl., p. 312. 



Dak'hin, from their first commencement under Prince Murad and the KhanKhanan, are marked 
by a most astounding duplicity on the part of the imperial officers, and thousands of men and 
immense stores were sacrificed, specially during the reign of Jahangir, by treacherous and intriguing 
generals. In fact, the Khan Khanan himself was the most untrustworthy imperial officer. Abul 
Fazl's successes, therefore, were chiefly due to the honesty and loyalty with which he conducted 
operations. When he arrived at Burhanpur, he received an invitation from Bahadur Khan, king 
of Khandesh, whose brother had married Abul Fazl's sister. He consented to come on one con- 
dition, namely, that Bahadur Khan should vigorously assist him and thus aid the cause of the 
emperor. Bahadur was not inclined to aid the imperialists in their wars with the Dak'hin, but 
he sent Abul Fazl rich presents, hoping that by this means he would escape the penalty of his 
refusal. Abul Fazl, however, was not the man to be bribed. " I have made a vow," said he in 
returning the presents, " not to accept presents till four conditions are fulfilled — (1) friendship ; 
(2) that I should not value the gift too high ; (3) that I should not have been anxious to get a 
present ; and (4) necessity to accept it. Now supposing that the first three are applicable to the 
present case, the favour of the emperor has extinguished every desire in me of accepting gifts from 
others." 

Prince Murad had in the meantime retreated from Ahmadnagar to f lichpiir, and as the death 
of his infant son Mirza Rustam made him melancholy, he continued to drink, though dangerously 
ill with delirium tremens. When informed of Abul Fazl's mission, he returned at once towards 
Ahmadnagar, in order to have a pretext for not going back to his father, and he had come to the banka 
of the Purna,* twenty kos from Daulatabad, when death overtook him. Abul Fazl arrived the 
same day, and found the camp in the utmost confusion. Each commander recommended immediate 
return ; but Abul Fazl said that he was determined to march on : the enemy was near, the country 
was foreign ground, and this was no time for returning, but for fighting. Several of the com- 
manders refused to march on, and returned ; but Abul Fazl, nothing daunted, after a delay of a 
few days, moved forward, humoured the officers, and supplied in a short time all wants. Carefully 
garrisoning the country, he managed to occupy and guard the conquered districts with the except- 
ion of Nasik, which lay too far to the west. But he sent detachments against several forts, and 
conquered Baitalah, Taltum, and Satonda. His headquarters were on the Godawari. He next 
entered into an agreement with Chanel Bibi, that, after punishing Abhang Khan Habshi, who was at 
war with her, she should accept Janir as fief and give up the fort of Ahmadnagar. 

Akbar had in the meantime gone to Ujjain. The Dak'hin operations had also become more 
complicated by the refusal of Bahadur Khiin to pay his respects to Prince Danyal, and war with 
Khandesh had been determined on. Akbar resolved to march on Asir, Bahadur Khans stronghold, 
and appointed Prince Danyal to take command at Ahmaduagar. Danyal seut immediate instruct- 
ions to Abul Fazl to cease all operatibns, as he wished to take Ahmadnagar personally. When 
the Prince therefore left Burhanpur, Abul Fazl, at Akbar's request, left Mirza Shahrukh, Mir 
Murtaza, and Khwajah Abul Hasan in charge of his corps, and hastened to meet the emperor. 
On the 14th Ramazan, 1008 (beginning of the 44th year of Akbar's reign), he met Akbar at 
K'hargon, near Bijiigarh. The emperor received him with the following verse — 

Serene is the night and pleasant is the moonlight, I wish to talk to thee on many a subject 
and promoted him for his excellent management to a command of four thousand. The imperial 
army now marched on Asir and commenced the siege.f One day, Abul Fazl inspected some of his 



* The southern Purna is meant. The northern Purna flows into the Tapti in Khandesh ; whilst the southern 
Purna, with the Dudna, flows into the Godawari. Prince Murad had gone from fliclipur to Narualah, and from there 
to Shahpur, which he had built about eight miles south of Balapiir. It is now in ruins. 

f " Akbar had no sooner crossed the Nerebada [Narbada], when B-adzia Badorxa [Rajah Bahadur Shah], who 
had possession of the fortress of Hasser [Asir], fortified the same against the king,, aud collected provisions from the 
4 



trenches, when one of the besieged, who had deserted to Akbar's camp, offered to shew him a 
way by which the Imperialists might get over the wall of the Malai Fort, an important fortification 
below Asirgarh itself. Half way w p the mountain, to the west and slightly to the north, were two 
renowned outworks, called the Malai and Antar Malai, which had to be conquered before Asir 
itself could be reached ; and between the northwest and north, there was another bastion called 
Chunah Malai. A portion of its wall was not finished. From east to south-west there were hills, 
and in the south was a high mountain called Korhiah. A hill in the south-west, called Sapan, 
was occupied by the Imperialists. Abul Fazl determined on availing himself of the information 
given by the deserter, and selected a detachment to follow him. Giving orders to the officer com- 
manding the trench to watch for the sound of the trumpets and bugles, when he was to hasten to 
his assistance with ladders, he went in the dark of night, whilst it was raining, with his selected 
men on Mount Sapan, and sent a few of his men under Qara Beg along the road that had been 
pointed out to him. They advanced, broke open a gate of Fort Malai, and sounded the bugle. 
The besieged rose up to oppose them, and Abul Fazl hastened to his men and joined them at break 
of day, when the besieged withdrew in confusion to Asir. On the same day, other detachments 
of the army occupied Chunah Malai and Mount Korhiah, and Bahadur Khan, unable to resist 
longer, sued for pardon (1009). Prince Danyal, who had in the. meantime conquered Ahmadnagar,* 
now joined his father at Asir. 

About this time disturbances broke out in the Dak'hin, caused by Raju Manna, and a party 
set np the son of 'Ali Shah as king. As the latter found numerous adherents, the Khan Khanan 
was ordered to march against him, and Abul Fazl was sent to Nasik ; but a short time afterwards, he 
was told to join the KhanKhanan. Akbar returned, in the 46th year, to Agrah, leaving Prince 
Danyal in Burhanpur. Abul Fazl had no easy life in the Dak'hin. The KhanKhanan stood idle 
at Ahmadnagar, because he was disinclined to fight, and left the operations to Abul Fazl, who 
looked upon him as a traitor. Abul Fazl vigorously pushed on operations, ably assisted by his son 
'Abdurrahman. After coming to terms with the son of 'Ali Shah, he attacked Raju Manna, recovered 
Jalnahpiir and the surrounding district, and inflicted several defeats on him. Manna found a 
temporary asylum in Daulatabad, and in a subsequent engagement he was nearly captured. 

As early as during the siege of Asir, Prince Salim, who had been sent against the Rana of 
Udaipur, had rebelled against his father, and had moved to Ilahabad, where he had assumed the 
title of king. Though on Akbar's return from Burhanpur a reconciliation had been effected, the 
prince, in the forty-seventh year, shewed again signs of rebellion, and as many of Akbar's best 
officers appeared to favour Salim, the emperor recalled Abul Fazl, the only trustworthy servant he 
had. As his presence at Court was urgently required, Akbar sent him orders to leave the troops of 
his contingent in the Dak'hin. Putting his son 'Abdurrahman in charge of his corps, Abul Fazl 
set out for Agrah, only accompanied by a few men. Salim, who looked upon him with little 

neighbourhood. The king, thinking it dangerous to leave this fortress in his rear, considered how it might be captured. 
This fortress has three castles, of which the first is called Cho-Tzanin, the second Commevgkar : and the third is 
placed on the very summit of the hill, so that it is a conspicuous object at the distance of six coss. The kino- 
with no delay surrounded it on all sides and so energetically pressed the siege night and day, that at the end of six 
months it was on the point of being captured. Bador-xa however, perceiving his danger, having obtained a pledge 
that his life and property should be safe, came as suppliant to the king and surrendered himself****. Whilst the 
king was at this place, Abdul Fazel [Abul Fazl] came to him, and so worked upon his mind, that he fully determined 
to set out for the war in the Deccan." From Prof, E. Lethbridge's • Fragment of Indian History,' translated from 
De Laet's ' India Vera,' and published in the Calcutta Review for 1873. 

De Laet is wrong in a few minor details. I cannot identify the name C£r>-Tzanin. ' Commero-har' is the Persian 
' Kamargah', 'the middle of a mountain.' The names of Fort Chunah Malai and of Mount Korhiah are doubtful 
the MSS. having Khwajah Malai and Korthah, Kortah, Kodhiah, and similar variations. 

Vide also Gazetteer, Central Provinces, p. 8. 

* Among the plunder taken at Ahmadnagar was a splendid library, Faizi's library, having on his death lapsed 
to the state, had been incorporated with the Imperial Library. 



XY 



concealed hatred, thought Abul Fazl's journey, unprotected as he was, an excellent opport- 
unity to get rid of him. He, therefore, persuaded Rajah Bir Singh, a Bundela chief of Urchah 
(U'ndchha),* through whost territory Abul Fazl was likely to pass, to lie in wait for him and kill 
him. Bir Singh, who was in disgrace at Court, eagerly seized the opportunity of pleasing the 
Prince, who no doubt would substantially reward him on his accession, and posted a large body of 
horse and foot near Narwar. When arrived at Ujjain, Abul Fazl was warned of Salmi's intention, 
and his men tried to persuade him to go via Ghati Chanda ; but Abul Fazl said that thieves and 
robbers had no power to stop him on his way to Court. He, therefore, continued his journey to- 
wards Narwar. On Friday, the 4th Eabi' I, 1011 (12th August, 1602), at a distance of about 
half a kos from Sarai Bar, which lies six kos from Narwar, Bir Singh's men came iu sight. The 
few men that Abul Fazl had with him, strongly advised him to avoid a fight, and an old servant, 
Gradai Khan Afghan, told him quickly to retreat to Antri, which was three kos distant, as Rai Rayan 
and Siiraj Singh were stationed there with three thousand Imperial horse : he might first join them 
and then punish Bir Singh. But Abul Fazl thought it a disgrace to fly. He defended himself 
bravely ; but in a short time he was surrounded, and, pierced by the lance of a trooper, he fell dead 
to the ground. Bir Singh cut off. Abul Fazl's head, and sent it to Salim in Ilahabad, who, it is said, 
had it thrown " into an unworthy place," where it lay for a long time. 

The Dutch traveller De Laet gives the following account of AbulFazl's death. t 

Salim returned to Halebassa [Ilahbas, the old form of Ilahabad], and began to coin gold and silver 
money in his own name, which he even sent to his father, to irritate him the more. The king, enraged 
at this, wrote an account of all that had happened to Abul Fazl, who bade the king be of good 
courage, for he would come to him as quickly as possible ; and added that his son should be brought 
bound to him, either by fair means or by foul. Accordingly, a little afterwards, having obtained 
leave of absence from Daniel Xa [Danyal Shah], he took to the road with about two or three hundred 
horsemen, leaving orders for his baggage to follow him, XaSelim, to whom all these thin<*s were 
known, recalling how hostile Fazl had always been towards him, and hence justly fearing that his 
father would be more exasperated than ever against him, judged it best to intercept him on his journey. 
So he begged Radzia Bertzingh Bondela, who lived in his province of Osseen [Ujjain], to lie in wait for 
Fazl near Soor [Narwar ?] and Gualer [G-waliar], and to send his head to him, promising that he would 
be mindful of so great a benefit, and would give him the command of five thousand cavalry. The Radzia 
consented, and waited with a thousand cavalry and three thousand, infantry about three or four coss from 
Gualer, having sent out scouts into the neighbouring villages, to give him early warning of the approach 
of Fazl. Accordingly, when the latter, ignorant of the ambuscade, had come as far as Collebaga [Kala- 
bagh], and was going towards Soor, Radzia Bertzingh and his followers fell upon him on all sides. 
Fazl and his horsemen fought bravely, but being overpowered by numbers, they were gradually worn 
out. Fazl himself, having received twelve wounds in the fight, was pointed out by a captive slave 
under a neighbouring tree, and was taken and beheaded. His head was sent to the prince, who was 
greatly pleased." 

Prince Salim, with that selfish nonchalance and utter indifference that distinguished him 
throughout life, openly confesses in his ' Memoirs' that he brought about Abul Fazl's murder, 
because he was his enemy, and, with a naivete exclusively his own, represents himself as a 
(Jutiful son who through the wickedness of others had been deprived of his father's love. 
He says — 

" On my accession, I promoted Rajah Bir Singh, a Bundela Rajput, to a command of three 
thousand. He is of one my favourites, and he is certainly distinguished among his equals for hv'j 
bravery, good character, and straightforwardness. My reason for promoting him was this. To wards 



* Vide Translation, p. 488. 

f From Prof. E. Lethbridge's ' Fragment of Indian History', Calcutta Review, 1873. 
The place near which A' ' "" 
be a bad reading for Narwar. 



, iw.u — — a ~ - o J' 

The place near which Abul Fazl was killed, is called in the MSS.^j^Jp* Sardi Bar. DeXaet's Soor appears to 



XVI 

the end o£ my father's reign, Shaikh Abul Fa2l, a Hindustani Shaikh by birth, who was well known for 
his learning and wisdom, aM who had externally ornamented himself with the jewel of loyalty, 
though he sold himself at a high price to my father, had been called from the Dak'hin. He was no 
friend of mine, and damaged openly and secretly my reputation. Now about that time, evil-minded 
and mischievous men had made my father very angry with me, and I knew that, if Abul Fazl were to 
come back to Court, I would have been deprived of every chance to effect a reconciliation. As he had 
to pass on his way through the territory of Bir Singh Bundela, who at that time had rebelled against the 
emperor, I sent a message to the latter to say that, if he would waylay Abul Fazl and kill him, I would 
richly reward him. Heaven favoured him, and when Abul Fazl passed through his land, he stopped him 
on his way, dispersed after a short fight his men, and killed him, and sent his head to me at Ilahabad. 
Although my father was at first much vexed, Abul Fazl's death produced one good result : I could now 
without further annoyance go to my father, and his bad opinion of me gradually wore away." 

At another place in his ' Memoirs', when alluding to the murder, he says, as if an after- 
thought had occurred to him, that he ordered Bir Siugh to kill Abul Fazl, because f he had 
been the enemy of the Prophet/ 

When the news of Abul FazPs death reached court, no one had the courage to break it to 
the emperor. According to an old custom observed by Timur's descendants, the death of a prince 
was not in plain words mentioned to the reigning emperor, but the prince's vakil presented him- 
self before the throne with a blue handkerchief round his wrist ; and as no one else would come 
forward to inform Akbar of the death of his friend, Abul Fazl's vakil presented himself with a 
blue handkerchief before the throne. Akbar bewailed Abul Fazl's death more than that of his son ; 
for several days he would see no one, and after enquiring into the circumstances, he exclaimed f 
" If Salim wished to be emperor, he might have killed me and spared Abul Fazl," and then 
recited the following verse — 

**/cT bjj*.,J ij~»J**-h jLLtf J $*xf U ^y* ^^a. ±x£ J^Ji jf U ux& 

My Shaikh in his zeal hastened to meet me, 
He wished to kiss my feet, and gave up his life. 

Akbar, in order to punish Bir Singh, sent a detachment under Patr Das and Kaj Singh* to 
T/ndcha. They defeated the Bundela chief in several engagements, drove him from Bhander and 
shut him up in Inch. When the siege had progressed, and a breach was made in the wall, Bir 
Singh escaped by one of Raj Singh's trenches, and withdrew to the jungles closely pursued by Patr 
Das. As it seemed hopeless to catch him, Akbar called Patr Das to Court ; but ordered the 
officers stationed about Unclcha to kill the rebel wherever he shewed himself. In the beginning 
of the last year of Akbar's reign, Bir Singh was once surprised by Rajah Kaj Singh, who cut down 
a good number of his followers. Bir Singh himself was wounded and had a narrow escape. 
But the emperor's death, which not long afterwards took place, relieved Bir Singh of all fears. He 
boldly presented himself at Jahangir's Court, and received LTndcha and a command of three thou- 
sand horse as his reward. 

" It has often been asserted," says the author of the Madsir id- Umara, i{ that Abul Faz^ 
was an infidel. Some say, he was a Hindu, or a fire-worshipper, or a free-thinker, and some go 
still further and call him an atheist ; but others pass ajuster sentence, and say that he was a 
pantheist, and that, like other Sufis, he claimed for himself a position above the law of the 
Prophet. There is no doubt that he was a man of lofty character,! and desired to live at peace 
with all men. He never said anything improper. Abuse, stoppages of wages, fines, absence on 
the part of his servants, did not exist in his household. If he appointed a man, whom he after- 
wards found to be useless, he did not remove him, but kept him on as long as he could ; for he 
used to say that, if he dismissed him, people would accuse him of want of penetration in having 

* Translation, pp. 469 and 458-. 

f I may remark here that Abul Fazl never accepted a title. 



appointed an unsuitable agent. On the day when the sun entered Aries, he inspected his whole 
household and took stoch keeping the inventory with himself, and burning last year's books. He 
also gave his whole wardrobe to his servants, with the exception of his trowsers, which were burnt 
in his presence. 

" He had an extraordinary appetite. It is said that, exclusive of water and fuel, he consumed 
daily twenty-two sers of food. His son Abdurrahman used to sit at table as safarchi (head- 
butler) ; the superintendent of the kitchen, who was a Muhammadan, was also in attendance, 
and both watched to see whether Abul Fazl would eat twice of one and the same dish. If he 
did, the dish was sent up again the next day. If anything appeared tasteless, Abul Fazl gave it 
to his son to taste, and he to the superintendent, but no word was said about it. When Abul Fazl 
was in the Dak'hin, his table luxury exceeded all belief. In an immense tent (chihilr&wati) one 
thousand rich dishes were daily served up and distributed among the Amirs ; and near it another 
large tent was pitched for all-comers to dine, whether rich or poor, and tihichri was cooked all day 
and was served out to any one that applied for it." 

" As a writer, Abul Fazl stands unrivalled. His style is grand and is free from the technicalities 
and flimsy prettiness of other Munshis ;* and the force of his words, the structure of his sentences, 
the suitableness of his compounds, and the elegance of his periods, are such that it would be difficult 
for any one to imitate them." 

It is almost useless to add to this encomium bestowed on Abul Fazl's style. 'Abdullah, 
king of Bukhara, said that he was more afraid of Abul Fazl's pen than of Akbar's arrow. Every- 
where in India he is known as { the great Munshi.' His letters are studied in all Madrasahs, and 
though a beginner may find them difficult and perplexing, they are perfect models. But a great 
familiarity, not only with the Persian language, but also with Abul Fazl's style, is required to make 
the reading of any of his works a pleasure. His composition stands unique, and though everywhere 
studied, he cannot be, and has not been, imitated. The writers after him write in the style of the 
Padishahnamah, the 'Alamarai Sikandari, or in the still more turgid manner of the 'Alamgir- 
namah, the Ruq'at Bedil, and other standard works on Insha. 

A praiseworthy feature of Abul Fazl's works lies in the purity of their contents. Those 
who are acquainted with Eastern literature will know what this means. I have come across 
no passage where woman is lightly spoken of, or where immorality is passed over with indifference. 
Of his love of truth and the nobility of his sentimeutsf I have spoken in the Preface of my 
translation. 

Abul Fazl's influence on his age was immense. It may be that he and Faizf led Akbar's 
mind away from Islam and the Prophet— this charge is brought against them by every Muham- 
madan writer ; but Abul Fazl also led his sovereign to a true appreciation of his duties, and from 
the moment that he entered Court, the problem of successfully ruling over mixed races, which 
Islam in but few other countries had to solve, was carefully considered, and the policy of 
toleration was the result. If Akbar felt the "necessity of this new law, Abul Fazl enunciated 
it and fought for it with his pen, and if the Khan Khanans gained the victories, the new policy 
reconciled the people to the foreign rule ; and whilst Akbar's apostacy from Islam is all but 
forgotten, no emperor of the Mughul dynasty has come nearer to the ideal of a father of the people 
than he. The reversion, on the other hand, in later times to the policy of religious intoleration, 
whilst it has surrounded in the eyes of the Moslems the memory of Aurangzib with the halo of 
sanctity and still inclines the pious to utter a rahimahit-llaha (May God have mercy on him !) when 
his name is mentioned, was also the beginning of the breaking up of the empire. 

Havin * elsewhere given numerous extracts from Badaoni to shew that Akbar's courtiers 



* This is also the opinion of the author of the Haft Iqliin {vide Translation, p. 508). 

f Let the reader consult Gladwin's rendering of Abul Fazl's introduction to the fourth book of the £in. Gladwin's 
Ain, II, pp. 235 to 291. The passage is auti-Islamitic. 

5 



XV111 

ascribed his apostacy from Islam to , Faizi and Abul Fazl, I need not quote other works, and will 
merely allude to a couplet by 'Urfi* from one of his Odes in which he praises the Prophet — 

Prophet, protect the Joseph of my soul (». *. my soul) from the harm of the brothers ; for they are 
ungenerous and envioup, and deceive me like evil sprites and lead me wolf-like to the well (of unbelief). 
The commentators unanimously explain this passage as an allusion to the brothers Faizi and 
Abul Fazl. I may also cite the Tarikh of Abul Fazl's death, which the Khan i A'zam Mirza Kokah 
is said to have made — «>^ <j*^-j Ma *^i ls¥ J^\ £*> 

The wonderful sword of God's Prophet cut off the head of the rebel, f 
But Abul Fazl appeared to him in a dream and said, " The date of my death lies in the words 
JUiAjf^l a*ij, ' The slave Abul Fazl' " — which likewise gives 1011 A.H. 

Abul Fazl's works are the following — 

(1) The Akbarnamah with the K i n i A k b a r i, its third volume. The Kin i Akbari 
was completed in the 42nd year of Akbar's reign ; only a slight addition to it was made in 
the 43rd year on account of the conquest of Barar (1596-97, A. D.). The contents of the 
Akbarnamah have been detailed in the Preface of my translation. The second volume contains an 
account of the first forty-six years of Akbar's reign.J There exists a continuation up to the end of 
Akbar's reign by 'Inayatullah Muhibb 'Ali. Thus at least the continuator is called in two MSS. 
that I have seen. Elphinstone says that the name of the continuator is Muhammad Salia, which 
seems to be a corruption of Muhammad Salih. 

(2) The M a k t u b a t i 'A 1 1 a m i, also called Insha iAbulFazl. This book con- 
tains letters written by Abul Fazl to kings and chiefs. Among them are the interesting letters 
written to the Portuguese priests, and to 'Abdullah of Bukhara, in reply to his question whether 
Akbar had renounced Islam. Besides, there are prefaces and reviews, a valuable essay on the pro- 
gress of the art of writing, portions of which are given in the Ain, &c. The collection was made 
after Abul Fazl's death by 'Abduccamad, son of Afzal Muhammad, who says that he was a son of 
Abul Fazl's sister and also his son-in-law. The book, as above remarked, is frequently read in 
Madrasahs, and there exist many lithographed editions. In all of them, the contents constitute 
three books ; but Amir Haidar Husaini of Bilgram says in the preface to his 'Sawanih i Akbari'§ 
that he had a collection of four books, remarking at the same time that MSS. of the fourth are 
very rare. It looks, indeed, as if Amir Haidar's copy was unique. 

(3) The Ayar Danis h,|| which is mentioned on p. 106 of the Translation. 

Besides, I have seen in different books that Abul Fazl also wrote aRisalah i Munajat, 
or * Treatise on Prayers' ; aJami'ullughat, a lexicographical work ; and a ' K a s h k o 1.' 
The last word means a 'beggar's cup/ or rather the small basket or bowl in which beggars in the 
East collect rice, dates, &c, given as alms, and hence the term is often applied to collections of 
anecdotes or short stories. But I have seen no copies of these works. It was also mentioned 
above that Abul Fazl presented, on his introduction at Court, two commentaries, of which no MSS. 
seem to exist at present. Nor need I again refer to the part which he took in the translations from 
Sanskrit and the compilation of the Tarikh i Alfi. 

* For 'TJrfi, vide Translation, p. 569. The metre of the couplet is Long JRamal. 

| The word ^ib bdyhi, a rebel, has the numerical value of 1013 ; but the head (of the word, the letter «»>) is cut 
off; hence 1013 — 2 = 1011, the year in which Abul Fazl was murdered. The metre of the hemistich is Long Ramal. 

X The 46th year lasted from the 15th Ramazan, 1009, to 26th Ramazan, 1010, i. e. to about five months before 
Abul Fazl's death. § Regarding this valuable work, vide Translation, p. 316, note. 

|| As the word is pronounced in India, instead of ' lyar i Danish,' 'the test of wisdom.' The author of the 
Haft Iqlim seems to allude to this work ; for he says that Abul Fazl, when he saw him in 1000 A. H., was engaged in 
re- writing the Nawddir i Rikdydt. 



The * Durar ul-ManshuV, a modern Tazkirah by Muhammad 'Askari Husaini of Bilgram, 
gives the following inscription written by 'Abul Fazl for a temple in Kashmir.* 

Ails^ liU. +iSk ^c )y SS ^jo dsr**' ^U i& j *j^& cJl^I*^ 



* ** ". /■» y /» W $<^ )& I) ;*M ^ ^^**^ 



__jo **&***) 



, />£> \y J-Al. J\ 



>JJ 



aIA.> 



\J**>. 



Mas. J«i c-*j>> ijd bjAkt^jljjKj** 



dLA+C ^I-Uutjjjyk*^ La 



s\ 



^IjjwXJ \j 






y^tixso \jz,Ji& J)jJo:| Aki 















people 



1 isj* u *^»U"% 
O God, in every temple I see people that seek Thee, and in every language I hear spoken, 
praise Thee ! 

Polytheism and Islam feel after Thee, each religion says, ' Thou art one, without equal/ 
If it be a mosque, people murmur the holy prayer, and if it be a Christian Church, people ring the 
bell from love to Thee. 

' Sometimes I frequent the Christian cloister, and sometimes the mosque, 
But it is Thou whom I search from temple to temple. 'f 
Thy elect have no dealings with either heresy or orthodoxy ; for neither of them stands behind the 
screen of Thy truth. 

' Heresy to the heretic, and religion to the orthodox, 
But an atom of sympathy to 'Attar's heart.' J 
This temple was erected for the purpose of binding together the hearts of the Unitarians in Hindu- 
stan, and especially those of His worshippers that live in the province of Kashmir, 

By order of the Lord of the throne and the crown, the lamp of creation, Shah Akbar, 
In whom the seven minerals find uniformity, in whom the four elements attain perfect mixture. § 
He who from insincere motives destroys this temple, should first destroy his own place of worship ; 
for if we follow the dictates of the heart, we must bear up with all men, but if we look to the external, 
we find everything proper to be destroyed. 

O God, Thou art just and judgest anaction by the motive ; 

Thou knowest whether a motive is sublime, and tellest the king what motives a king should have. 



* Abul Fazl says in the fourth book of the Ain— " The best people in Kashmir are the Brahmaus. Although 
they have not yet freed themselves from the fetters of blind belief and adherence to custom, they yet worship God 
■without affectation. They do not sneer at people of other religions, utter no desires, and do not run after lucre. They 
plant fruit trees, and thus contribute to the welfare of their fellow-creatures. They abstain from meat, and live in celi- 
bacy. There are about two thousand of them in Kashmir." 

Akbar seems to have looked upon these Kashmiri Rishis as model men. 

f This is the second distich of a Ruba'i which Jam! in his ' Bahamian' ascribes to the poet Khayalf. The first 
distich is — 

O God, the arrow of whose mercy 'pierces the hearts of Thy lovers, 
Mankind is occupied with Thee, and Tlwu art absent from among them. 
% A line by the great mystic poet Farid-uddin 'Attar. In the Diwau of Bahrain Saqqa (Am Transl., I, 581) a 
Tarji'band will be found, in which this line recurs. But there o^ is- givenfor <^^, and this is no doubt a better reading. 
Vide also the Tazkirah-i-Sorkhush on this verse. 

The ' Durar-ul-Manshur' has clearly ^jj for ^^^ t which reading was given in the biographical notice of Abul Fazl 
in my Ain Translation. 

§ I. e. Akbar is the insdn i kdmil, or perfect man. 



XX 

I have a few notes on Abul FazPs family, which may form the conclusion of this biographical 
notice. The Kin gives the following list of Shaikh Mubarak's sons. 

1. Shaikh AbulFaiz, better known under his poetical name of F a i z i. He was born 
in A. H. 954 (A. D. 1547), and seems to have died childless. 

2. Shaikh AbulFazl, born 14th January, 1551, murdered 12th August, 1602. 

3. Shaikh Abul Barakat, born 17th Shawwal, 960 (1552). "Though he has not 
reached a high degree of learning, he knows much, is a practical man, and well versed in fencing. 
He is good-natured and fond of dervishes." He served under Abul Fazl in Khandesh. 

4. Shaikh AbulKhair, born 22nd Jumada I, 967. " He is a well informed young 
man, of a regulated mind." He, too, must have entered the Imperial service ; for he is mentioned 
in the Akbarnamah as having been sent by the emperor to the Dak'hin, to fetch Prince DanyaL 

5. Shaikh AbulMakarim, born 23rd Shawwal, 976. He was wild at first, but 
guided by his father he learned a good deal. He also studied under Shah Abul Fath Shirazi. 

The above five sons were all by the same mother, who, as remarked above, died in 998. 

6. ShaikhAbuTurab, born 23rd Zil Hijjah, 988. " Though his mother is another one, 
he is admitted at Court, and is engaged in self-improvement." 

Besides the above, Abul Fazl mentions two posthumous sons by qummd, or concubines, viz. 
Shaikh Abul Hamid, born 3rd Rabi' II, 1002, and Shaikh Abu Eashid, born 1st 
Jumada I, 1002. " They resemble their father." 

Of Mubarak's daughters, I find four mentioned in the histories — 

1. One married to Khudawand Khan Dak'hini ; vide Translation, p. 442. Badaoni calls her 
husband a Rdfizi, i. e., a Sln'ah, and says he died in Kari in Gujarat. 

2. One married to Husam uddin ; vide Translation, p. 441. 

3. One married to a son of Rajah 'Ali Khan of Khandesh. Their son Safdar Khan* was 
made, in the 45th year of Akbar's reign, a commander of one thousand. 

4. Ladli Begam, married to Isldm Khan ; vide Translation, p. 493, note 1. Mr. T. W. Beale 
of Agrah, the learned author of the Miftdh uttawdrikh, informs me that Ladli Begum died in 1017, 
or five years before the death of her husband. Her mausoleum, called the * Bauzah i Ladli Begam/ 
is about two miles to the east of Akbar's mausoleum at Sikandrah, near Agrah. The interior was 
built of marble, and the whole was surrounded by a wall of red Fathpur sandstone. It was 
completed in 1004. In 1843, Mr. Beale saw in the Rauzah several tombs without inscriptions, and 
a few years ago the place was sold by Government to a wealthy Hindu. The new owner dug up the 
marble stones, sold them, and destroyed the tombs, so that nothing exists now-a-days of the old 
Rauzah but the surrounding wall. Mr. Beale thinks that the bodies of Shaikh Mubarak, Faizi, 
and Abul Fazl were likewise buried there, because over the entrance the following inscription in 
Tughra characters may still be seen — 

juuJaJU J& ^uf «U) jJU. u^-ti »Li^j^l ^oJI > UiaJ! JJU. ^\ , JUS» ^ ds^l /uik> JjUJI 

In the name of God the merciful, the clement, in whom I trust ! 

This mausoleum was erected for the divine scholar, the sage of the eternal, the gatherer of 
knowledge, Shaikh Mubarak-ullah (may his secret be sanctified!), in filial piety by the ocean 
of sciences, Shaikh Abul Paz 1— may God Almighty preserve him !— in the shadow of the majesty 



* The Lak'hnau edition of the Akbarnamah (III, 830) calls him Sundar "Khan, 



XXI 

of the just king, whom power, auspiciousness, and generosity follow, Jalaluddunya waddin Akbar 
Padishah Ghazi, — may God Almighty perpetuate the foundations of his kingdom ! — under the 
superintendence of Abul Barakat, in 1004 [A. D. 1595-96]. 

Thus it will appear that the Kauzah was built in the year in which Faizi died. Shaikh Mubarak, 
as was mentioned above, died in 1593 A. D. It seems, however, as if Shaikh Mubdrak and Faizi 
had been buried at a place opposite to Agrah, on the left bank of the Jamuna, where he first settled 
in 1551 ; for Abul Fazl says in his description of Agrah in the Ain* — " On the other side of the 1 
river is the Char Bagh Villa, built by Firdaus Makani [the emperor Babar]. There the author was 
born, and there are the resting places of his father and his elder brother. Shaikh 'Alauddin Majzub 
and Mir Rafi'uddfn Safawi and other worthies are also buried there." We have no information 
regarding a removal of the bodies to the other side of the Jamuna, though Abul Fazl's inscription 
no doubt shews that such a removal was intended. It is a pity, however, that the Rauzah was 
sold and destroyed. 

Abul Fazl's son is the wellknown 

Shaikh 'Abdurrahman Afzal Kha'n. 

He was born on the 12th Sha'ban, 979, and received from his grandfather the Sunni ns ne of 
'Abdurrahman. In the 35th year of Akbar's reign, when twenty years of age, Akbar married 
him to the daughter of Sa'adat Tar Kokah's brother. By her 'Abdurrahman had a son, to whom 
Akbar gave the name of Bishotan.f 

When Abul Fazl was in command of the army in the Dak'hin, 'Abdurrahman was, what 
the Persians call, the tir i rui tarkash i u, ' the arrow at hand at the top of the quiver', ever ready 
to perform duties from which others shrank, and wisely and courageously settling matters of import- 
ance. He especially distinguished himself in Talinganah. When Malik 'Ambar, in the 46th 
year, had caught 'Ali Mardan Bahadur (Translation, p. 496) and had taken possession of the country, 
Abul Fazl despatched 'Abdurrahman and Slier Khwajah (Translation, p. 459) to oppose the enemy. 
They crossed the Godawari near Nander, and defeated 'Amber at the Manjara. 

Jahangir did not transfer to the son the hatred which he had felt for the father, made him a 
commander of two thousand horse, gave him the title of Afzal Khan, and appointed him, in the 
third year of his reign, governor of Bihar, vice Islam Khan (the husband of Abul Fazl's sister), 
who was sent to Bengal. 'Abdurrahman also received Gorak'hpiir as jagir. As governor of Bihar, 
he had his head-quarters at Patna. Once during his absence from Patna, a dervish of the name 
of Qutbuddin appeared in the district of Bhojpdr, which belonged to the then very troublesome 
Ujjainiyah Rajahs (Translation, p. 513, note), and gave out that he was Prince Khusrau, whom his 
unsuccessful rebellion and imprisonment by Jahangir had made the favorite of the people. Collecting 
a large number of men, he marched on Patna, occupied the fort which Shaikh Banarasi and G-hiyas, 
'Abdurrahman's officers, cowardly gave up, and plundered Afzal t Khan's property and the Imperial 
treasury. 'Abdurrahman returned from Gorak'hpur as soon as he heard of the rebellion. The 
pretender fortified Patna, and drew up his army at the Pun Pun River. 'Abdurrahman charged 
at once, and after a short fight dispersed the enemy. Qutb now retreated to the fort, followed by 
'Abdurrahman, who succeeded in capturing him. He executed the man at once, and sent his 
head to Court, together with the two cowardly officers. Jahangir, who was always minute in his 
punishments, had their heads shaved and women's veils put over the faces; they were then tied 
to donkeys, with their heads to the tails, and paraded through the towns (tashhir) as a warning to 
others. 



* Vide below p. 441. Vide also Translation, p. 539 ; Keene's Agra Guide, p. 47, and regarding Ladli Begum, 
p. 45. ' Ladli' means in Hindfcstani * a pet' 

t Which name was borne by the brother of Isfandiyar, who is so often mentioned in Firdausi's Shahnamah. 



Not long after this affair, 'Abdurrahman took ill, and went to Court, where he was well received. 
He lingered for a time, and died of an abscess, in the 8th year of Jahangir's reign (A. H. 
1022), or eleven years after his father's murder. 

BlSHOTAN, SON OF 'ABDURRAHMAN, SON OF SHAIKH AbUL FAZL. 

He was born on the 3rd Zi Qa'dah, 999. In the 14th year of Jahangir's reign, he was a 

commander of seven hundred, with three hundred horse. In the 10th year of Shah Jahan's reign, 

he is mentioned as a commander of five hundred horse, which rank he held when he died in the 
15th year of the same reign. 



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