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A scientific treatise on the history and philology of 
the Assamese language, being a thesis approved for 
the Ph.D. Degree of the Calcutta University in 1935. 



Projessor of English, Cotton College, 

Gauhati, Assam. 







Published by the 

government op assam in the 

department of historical and antiquarian studies, 

narayani handiqui historical institute, 

gauhati, assam. 

First Edition, March, 1941. 



"Language, like the rocks, is strewn with the 
fossilised wrecks of former conditions of society." 

—A. H. Sayce. 


Dr. John Richard Cunningham, 

C.I.E., M.A., LL.D . , I . E . S . (Retd . ) 

Director of Public Instruction, Assam, 

with veneration. 

Gauhati, Assam, 

March 15, 1941. B ' K * 

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The publication of Dr. Banikanta Kakati's Assamese, Its 
Formation and Development is in consonance with the aims 
and objects of the Department of Historical and Antiquarian 
Studies in Assam, as the book marks a distinct achievement 
in the history of Assamese scholarship. It deals, as the title 
indicates, with the growth of the Assamese language, and the 
treatment of the subject has been carried out throughout on 
approved scientific lines ; and as such the book will be helpful 
to the study of the development of other allied Indian langu- 
ages. Besides, Assamese has been subjected to various mis- 
representations specially regarding its status as a distinct 
language, as it had hitherto been mainly handled by inexpert 
writers who possess neither critical acumen nor the required 
knowledge of Assamese and its affinities. Dr. Kakati estab- 
lishes for the first time the individuality of Assamese, placing it 
in the proper perspective of its sister languages. Dr. Kakati 
has 'analysed the different sources from which Assamese has 
derived its vocabulary, and formulated the changes which the 
original words have undergone in their Assamese forms. The 
traces left behind in Assamese words of different influences 
exhibit the variety of the contact of the Assamese speakers 
with different races and cultures. The Aryan, the non-Aryan 
and the Austric have freely contributed to the richness of 
the Assamese vocabulary, which has been found adequate for 
the purpose of expounding abstract truths as well as for. 
describing reabstic scenes. 

Dr. Kakati breaks an entirely a new ground, and we 
only hope that the dialects and sub-dialects spoken in the 
tribal areas of Assam will be subjected to similar scrutiny, 
and for this we shall require a continuous band of well-equip- 
ped scholars, and decades of philological investigation on 
scientific lines. It can be predicted that the present publica- 
tion will serve, for many long years to come, as a model, guide 
and stimulus to such investigation. As far as the Department 


of Historical and Antiquarian Studies is concerned it will 
always consider it a part of its duty if it can in any way 
inspire the compilation or be instrumental in the publication 
of scholarly and scientific treatises like the present one of 
Dr. Kakati. 

It can be added that Dr. Kakatfs book was approved for 
the Ph.D. Degree of the University of Calcutta in 1935, the 
examiners being Dr. J. Bloch of Paris University, Dr. S. K. 
Chatterji of Calcutta University, and the late Dr. A. C. Wool- 
ner of the Punjab University. 

Assam Secretariat, S. K. Bhuyan, 

Shlllong, Honorary Provincial Director of the Department 

March 17, 1941. of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, Assam. 


The following pages, representing an effort at drawing up 
a preliminary sketch of the principal sounds and forms of the 
Assamese language, were accepted as a thesis for the Ph.D. 
degree of the Calcutta University, 1935. 

Assamese has been very little studied abroad. It has not 
even been mentioned in the existing comparative grammars of 
the N.IA. languages. In a work on pure linguistics, it was for 
the first time noticed m Dr. S. K. Chatterji's The Origin and 
Development oj the Bengali Language, 192(i. But that great 
work being mainly devoted to the examination of the growth 
and structure of the Bengali language. Assamese forms have 
been brought in here and there for the sake of comparison 
or amplification of some points. Assamese forms have also 
been similarly treated in Gnerson's Modern Indo- Aryan 
Vernaculars (Supplement, Indian Antiquary, 1931-1933). 

.Even by itself Assamese has been very insufficiently 
examined. The first grammatical notice of Assamese was taken 
by Rev. N. Brown, m his Grammatical Notes on Assamese 
Language, 1848. The>e notes were primarily meant for the 
American Baptist Missionaries, and were accordingly short. 
Prof. Nicholl summarised the main features of spoken Assam- 
ese in his work Manual of the Bengali language including 
Assamese Grammar, in 1894. Two native grammarians, Hem 
Chandra Barua and Satyanatha Bara, wrote two grammars in 
Assamese ; but good as these vernacular grammars are in' 
their own way, they are elementary and meant for school boys, 
and are scarcely of any use to advanced students of historical 
grammar. In 1936, as these pages were being made ready for 
the press, was published Mr. Kaliram Medhi's Asamiya Vya- 
karana dru Bhasatatva, written in Assamese. It is an ambiti- 
ous work and is supposed to be written on historical princi- 
ples. But though it contains a mass of early Assamese forms, 
the mode of approach to the subject is far from scientific and 
it does not place this publication under any obligation. 


Though modern Assamese has been largely overshadowed 
by its more powerful and prosperous western neighbour, 
Bengali, yet it occupies an important place in the group of 
N.I.A. languages. In point of antiquity, it had the honour of 
being noted by Hiuen Ts'ang when he visited Kamarupa in 
the 7th century. He perhaps referred to some 'individuality 
of the Kamarupa (early Assamese) language when he spoke 
of it as " slightly differing " from that of Mid-India. From the 
fourteenth century onwards, Assamese developed a rich and 
varied popular literature in poetry, prose and drama. In the 
latter two items, prose and drama, early Assamese seems to 
have been ahead of other contemporary vernaculars. 

Assamese has thus preserved in earlier records sufficient 
materials for a historical study of the easternmost N.I.A. 
vernacular. Its lexical wealth is also vast and varieij. Up 
till now three comprehensive dictionaries have been published. 
The first was the Assamese-English Dictionary or M. Bronson, 
1867 ; the second was that of Kem Chandra Barua, the gram- 
marian, published, 1900 ; the third is a comprehensive Assam- 
ese-English Dictionary published under the auspices of Asam 
Sahitya Sabha, 1932. The outstanding feature ot all' the 
Assamese lexicons is the sedulous care with which all homely 
tbh, and indigenous words have been faithfully registered. 
Learned Sanskrit words that constitute the bulk of the entries 
in current Bengali dictionaries have as a rule been avoided. 
Sanskrit words are recorded only when they have been fully 
Assamicised. The existing Assamese lexicons thus present a 
faithful picture of the language that lives on the lips of the 
people. But they are very poor in etymological materials. 
The derivations wherever suggested are more often than not 
fanciful. And at the present state of knowledge about Assam- 
ese such inaccuracies in lexicographers are inevitable. 

From an Assamese point of view, therefore, this publica- 
tion, though a record of humble works, embodies all that has 
ever been seriously attempted in the direction of grouping 
linguistic materials under different grammatical and historical 
qategories. The materials collected here may thus be looked 
vqpon as an effort at furnishing the comparative gra mm arians 


with system atised informations about the formation of the 
Assamese language. 

In respect of collection of materials from early Assamese 
sources also, the present work may be said to be breaking 
fresh grounds. The printed early Assamese religious texts 
meant primarily for popular consumption are careless trans- 
cripts of the manuscripts without notes or glossarial indexes. 
In compiling early Assamese forms, whole books had not only 
to be read through and marked, but also to be collated with 
the original manuscripts now in the custody of the Kamrup 
Anusandhan Samiti at Gauhati. None of the manuscripts 
seems to bo older than 150 years. 

In the absence of any previous hi^'orical study of the 
language by any serial -v* and in the absence also of any per- 
sonal help in th^ maMer of collection and sifting of materials, 
the following pne,cs embody the resu'K of unaided efforts on 
my part. The list of books separately appended shews the 
extent of my indcVedn .^ for theoretical materials to the 
great masters of N.I A hn^ui^ic But amongst them fre- 
quent references h; vc been made to the works of Bloch, 
Chatterji. Gri'T^on, and Turner as the immediate sources of 

So far as the method of treatment is concerned I have 
tried to follov the foot-mark^ of thrsn eminent teachers. 

The incentive to undertake this work came from Dr. S. K. 
Chatterji, MA . Lit.t) (Louden), Khaira Professor of Indian 
Linguistics, OJcutta Univrr<i*v. He has all through helped 
me with valuable f-'ig?' f t : '>ns in every conceivable shape and 
form. My indebtedness t( Vm is beyond measure. 

The first draft of the manuscript was presented to Dr. 
S. K. Chatterji for V ;, k1 revision. He very patiently read 
through the entire manuscript and marked out certain faults 
of omission and commission. The revised manuscript pre- 
pared under his guidance and supervision was then sent over 
under his direction to Dr. J. Bloch (Paris) , for such further 
suggestions and illumination as he only could give. Dr. Bloch 


took infinite pains to read through the entire hand- written 
script and mark certain points that he considered doubtful or 
uncertain. He condescended also to offer various suggestions. 
Certain sections have accordingly been rewritten and others 
newly added under his inspiration. His suggestions on speci- 
fic points have been duly acknowledged. For the rest and 
. also for the generosity with which he responded to the sup- 
plication of an unknown worker, I cherish the abiding grati- 
tude of a humble learner towards the great teacher that he is. 

I am, however, personally responsible for all possible 
shortcomings in the book in its present form. Faults wherever 
found must surely be due to my failure to fully appraise 
the suggestions received. 

The title Assamese, Its Formation and Development has 
been suggested by Dr. S. K. Chatter ji. Though the present 
book is not a full-fledged formation :.nd development, the 
suggested title seems expropriate to me as it is reminiscent to 
me of the two great works, La Formation de la Langue 
Marathe and The Oigln avd Development oj the Bengali 
Language from wh'ch light and direction have been constantly 

In respect of derivation of the tbh. elements the existing 
terminologies, O.I.A., M.I.A . and N.I.A., have been adopted. 
Since it has been assumed that Assamese is derived from a 
Sanskrit-like language, under 0.1. A. have been included words 
that appear in a Sanskrit ised garb in Sanskrit dictionaries 
whatever their probable origin may be. ' Thus, for example, 
Assamese katarl a knife, has been afhTated to Skt. kattarikd, 
rather than to kartarikd, though kattarikd has been Sanskritis- 
ed from a Prakritic source In this respect I have followed 
Dr. Turner's example in his Nepali Dictionary where he 
derives katari from Skt. kattdrika, though in his Index 
he has placed kattari-, under Prakrit heading. In these 
pages Assamese words have been as far as possible "derived 
from the nearest Sanskritised forms without any attempt at 
tracing the possible sources of the corresponding Sanskrit 
vocables except of course where the formations are of palpable 
desya origin. 


Under section on non-Aryan Correspondences parallelisms 
have been shewn between Assamese and non-Aryan forms. 
But in the body of the text, Assamese words have been equated 
to Sanskrit formations wherever available rather than to non- 
Aryan parallels. Classification of Sanskrit vocabulary is a 
vast issue, and that has been regarded as beyond the immedi- 
ate scope of this publication. 

In the body of the text references to authorities have 
been indicated by the names of the authors followed by sec- 
tion marks, and not by the names of their publications which 
have been separately listed under a different heading. The 
letters T. and P. after derivations refer to the authorities of 
Turner and Pischel. The name of Dr. Bloch without section 
marks following refers to his communicated views and that 
with section marks following to his work, La Formation de la 
Langue Marathe. 

Though the manuscript was m^de ready for the press in 
the summer of 1936, publication could not be arranged for, for 
want of funds. A grant towards publication was sanctioned 
by the Government of Assam with the Hon'ble Mr. G. N. Bor- 
doloi, M.A., B.L., as Premier and Education Minister, 1939. 
The task of publication was entrusted to the Department of 
Historical and Antictuarian Studies. Government of Assam, 
Gauhati. Tho manuscript was accordingly made over to the 
press in the summer of 1939. But war broke out immediately 
after, and necessary* matrixes for the Linotype could not be 
imported from abroad at a reasonable cost, and the Govern- 
ment grant lapsed ; but in the mean time the Hon'ble Mr. R. K. 
Choudhury, B.L., became Education Minister, and he gener- 
ously restored the grant. My respectful thanks are due to 
both the Education Ministers. 

It took a long time for the press to prepare locally some 
of the most necessary matrixes (there was not time enough 
to prepare all of them) and the printing could not be begun 
till late in the summer of 1940. 

The proprietor (Mr. G. Srinivasachari, B.A.) and the 
printers of the G, S. Press deserve special thanks. The 


manuscript was prepared primarily for loose set-up. In the 
linotype set-up certain handicaps were felt in the matter of 
free corrections of proofs. But the press authorities ungrudg- 
ingly gave me as much freedom as I would like to exercise in 
correcting irregularities, and Mr. G. Srinivasachari himself 
volunteered personal attention to the proofs. Prompt attention 
was given to all corrections by the printing authorities. Any 
printing irregularity, therefore, wherever detected, should be 
attributed to oversight on my part rather than to the negli- 
gence of the printers. 

I have to thank several friends and well wishers frpm 
whom I received help and encouragement towards completion 
and publication of this book. The foremost amongst them are 
Dr. D. Thomson, M.A.. B.Sc.. Ph.D., Principal, Cotton Col- 
lege,* (1926-1933) ; Mr. S. C. Roy, M.A. (Lond.), -Pripcipal, 
Cotton College, (1933-1940) ■ Prof. A. T. Chatterji, M.A., 
(now retired) ; Prof. P. C. Roy, M.A., (now retired) ; Prof. 
B. M. Sen, M.A. ; Prof. M. N. Goswami. M.A., B.L. ; Mr. 
O. K. Das, B.A., M L.A., Mr. H. C. Barua, B.L. ; the 
Hon'ble Rai Bahadur Mr. H. P. Barua, M.A., B.L. ; Mr. 
N. K. Dutta, M.L.A. 

My thanks are due also to the authorities of the Depart- 
ment of Historical and Antiauarian Studies : Rai Bahadur Dr. 
S. K. Bhuyan. M.A.. B.L , Ph.D (Lond ) , Honorary Provin- 
cial Director; Mr. S. K. Dulta, B.Sc, (Lond.), Bar-at-Law, 
Honorary Deputy Director; Mr. B. K. Barua, M.A., B.L., 
Honorary Assistant Director, for making all necessary arrange- 
ments for the publication of the book. 

the Honorary Assistant Director Mr. B. K. Barua, also 
Lecturer of Assamese, Cotton College, prepared the Word- 
Index with the help of Mr. Upendra Chandra Lekharu, M.A., 
B.L., Assistant Lecturer of Assamese, Cotton College, and 
Mr. Atul Chandra Barua, B.A., an ex-student of the College. 
My thanks are due to al! these friends for the help proffered. 

Cotton College, 

Gauhati, Assam, Banikanta Kakati. 

M[arch 15, 1941. 


Publishers' Note : 
Preface : 
Abbreviations : 
Signs : 
Transliteration : 

I. A Rapid Sketch of the History of the 
Language : 

(A) li Assam " and " Assamese ' ex- 
• plained : 

(B) The Affinities oi Assamese : 

Relationship with other Maga- 
dhan dialects considered : 

(C) The Distinctive Assamese Period : 

II. Points of Dialectical Divergence . 

III. The Assamese Vocabulary : Sources : 

IV. Dialect Specimens : 

V. The Non-Aryan Lexical Correspond- 
ences in Assamese Vocabulary : 
Austro-AsiaJ.ic Influence : 

The Khasi Element : 

The Kol Element : 

The Malayan Element : 
Tibeto-Burman Influence : 

The Bodo Element : 

The Thai or Ahom Element : 
Non-Aryan Traces in Place-Names : 

Austric place-names : 

Bo$o place-names : 

Ahom place-names : 





















I. Sounds and Letters: 

Tabular presentation of Assamese sounds : 
Description of the sounds : 


'III. Final Vowels : 

General treatment of O.I.A. final vowels 

in Assamese : 
Final -a after consonants : 
Final -a after vowels : 
Final -a in tatsamas : 
Final -d : after consonants : 

after vowels : 
Final -i, -i : after consonants : 
after vowels : 



Consonants : 


Vowels : 


Stress-Accent in Assamese : 


Two systems of stress in Assamese 


stress in Western Assam is dominantly 

initial : in St. Coll. of Eastern Assair 


penultimate : 

124 . 

Vowels in accented open syllables : 


Vowels in closed syllables : 


Vowels with the secondary accent : 


Unaccented Vowels : 


Pre-accentual syllables : 


Post-accentual syllables : 


Final Vowels : 


Stress-Shift : 


Due to analogy : 


In accordance with value : 


Due to dialectical influence : 


The Kamrupi dialect : 


Stress-shift due to long final vowels 

j : 159 









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Final -u, -u : after consonants : 


after vowels : 


Final -e : varied treatments : 


Final -o, in Coll. Assamese : 



IV. Initial Vowels : 

Aphaeresis : 

Change of Initial Vowels : 

a-, initial, and in initial syllables : 
followed by a single consonant : 

a-, in a position of stress : 
followed by conjuncts > -d- : 

a-, before conjuncts and a stressed syllable : 

a-, .before conjuncts : failure of compen- 
satory' lengthening : 

-a-, after labial sounds : 

-a-, in initial syllables followed by con- 
junct consonants > -o- : 
Optional lengthening of private affix a- : 

Initial d-, and d- in initial syllables : 
Before a single consonant and not 

followed by the long vowel -d- : 
Before conjunct consonants : 
Before conjunct consonants and fol- 
lowed by the long vowel -d- : 

i~, i- initial and ki initial syllables : 
Followed by a single consonant : 
Followed by conjunct consonants : 

ni- } dvi-, as prefixes : 

u-, u-, initial and in initial syllables : 
Followed by a single consonant : 
Followed by conjunct consonants : . . 

M.I.A. £-, c-, initial and in initial syllables : 
Followed by a single consonant : 
Followed by double consonants : 














M.I.A. e- > a- : 

Treatment of O.I.A. ai- : 

i-, 5- before double consonants > e- : 

Sound group ai/a- > e- : 

M.I.A. 6-, o-, initial and in initial syllables: 
Before single or double consonants : 
Change of o- to a-, : 
Change of u-, u- before double con- 
sonants to o- : 
Treatment of O.I.A. au- : 
Sound groups apa-, ava- &c. > o- : 

V. Vowels in the interior of words : 

Vowels not in contact. 

Interior vowels : m St. Coll. : 
In the Kamrupi dialect : 
Interior -a- lost : 
It occurs as -d- : 
It occurs as -u- : 
Remains unchanged : 
Interior -d remains : 
Changed to -a- : 
Interior -i-: -I- : loss rare : 
Occur as -a- : 

Interior -it-, -u- : remain : * . . 

Changed to -a- : 

Occur as -o- : ... 

• Become -i- : , . 

Interior -e- : 

Generally remains : in some instances 
changed to -a- : 
Interior -o- : 

Elision rare : 

Raised to -u- by vowel harmony : 








223 (a) (b) 

223 (c)' 







228 . 









VI. Vowels in contact : 

Three-fold treatment : 
Diphthongisation : 
Contraction : 
Insertion of euphonic glide : 

VII. Vowel Mutation or Umlaut: 

Vowel mutation or umlaut : 
Mutation caused by following nasals : 
Harmonic mutation or vowel harmony : 
Vowel-assimilation : 
Treatment of O.I.A. -r- in tbh. words : 








VTII. Intrusive Vowels : 
Anaptyxis : 
Prothesis of vowels : 
Epenthesis : 
Final anusvara : 

Nasalisation and reduced nasals : 
Spontaneous nasalisation : 
Nasalisation through intervocal 








IX. Sources of Vowels in Modern Assamese : 

Sources of -a-, : 


Sources of -a-, : 


Sources of -i-, -?■*, : 


Sources of -u-, -u-, : 


Sources of -c-, : 


Sources of -o- : 


Assamese diphthongs : 


X. Consonants : 

General history of O.I.A. consonants : . 


General lines of change to Assamese : . 


Phonological changes of a general charac 

ter : 

De-aspiration : 





Aspiration : 

, # 


Medial aspiration and dialectical influence : 


Aspiration through metathesis or 


tion of -Ji- : 


Voicing and unvoicing : 


Metathesis : 


Haplology : 


Echo- words : 


Compound- words : 


Blending : 


Consonants in contact : 


Assimilation : 


Dissimilation : 


XL Sources of Consonants : 


The Gutturals : 


Sources of Assamese -fc- : 

391 ff 

Sources of Assamese -fch- : 

397 ff 

Sources of Assamese -g- : 

402 ff 

Sources of Assamese -gh- : 

406 ff 

The Palatals : 

General changes of O.IA. palatals in 

Assamese : 


Sources of As. -c- : 


Sources of As. -ch- : 


Sources of As. -j- : 


The Cerebrals : 

. Changes in the articulation of 


cerebrals and dentals in Assamese : 


Historically Assamese belongs 

to the 

cerebralising group of 


languages : 


Sources of As. -t- : 

433 ff 

Sources of As. 4h< 

435 ff 

The Dentals : 

Alveolar articulation : 


Sources of As. -t- : 

439 ff 





Sources of As. -tin- : 

, , 

441 ff 

Sources of As. -ci- : 

443 ff 

Sources of As. -dh- : 

445 ff 

The Labials : 

Absence of labialisation of O.I.A. groups 

of dental stops or aspirates +m or v 




The sources of As. -p- : 

# 449 ff 

The sources of As. -ph- : 

451 ff 

The sources of As. -b- : 

453 ff 

The sources of As. -bh- : 

455 ff 

Treatment of the nasals in modern 

Assamese : (n. >/. m.) : 


The ?i sound in Assamese : 


Cerebral {n) : 


The sources of -n- : 

468 ff 

The sources of -m- : 

471 ff 

Treatment of the semi-vowels (?/, v) 


Assamese : 


Treatment of d, dh, r, rh in Assamese, 


The sources of -d- : 

479 ff 

The sources of -dh- : 

481 ff 

The Liquids : 

Alveolar sounds in Assamese : 


Intervocal r, /. dropped : 


The sources of -r- : 

486 ff 

The sources -of -U : 

489 ff 

The Sibilants : 

The changes of O.I.A. sibilants 


Assamese : 

492 ff 

Pronounced as guttural spirants in initial 

and medial positions : 


The sources of -x- : 


The voiced glottal fricative ( %, ) : 


Loss of O.I.A. and M.I.A. intervocal - 



Tlie sources of -h- : 

503 ff 


PART n. 


XII. The Formative Affixes : 

(1) -<*: 

(2) -d: 

(3) t-dfc: 

(4) -otd, -dti : 

(5) -ati, -ti: 

(6) -ati (-anti), -ati, -ti, -«, also 
-ta, -td: 

(7) -atiya, -atiydr, -atiyal : 

(8) -a%d, : 

(9) -an, with extensions in : 

(10) -and, : 

(11) -ani, : 

(12) -am : 

(13) -ani : 

(14) -aniya, with extensions in : 

(15) -aniydr : 

(16) -ari, -aft, -ariya, -uri: 

(17) -ariya, -uri,: 

(18) -aruwd : 

(19) -a?/ with extensions in : 

(20) -ar)d : 

(21) -an' 

(22) -a, def. : 
' (23) -a, pass : 

(24) -a, temporal : 

(25) -&h *-«« > -« : 

(26) -di, *-di > -at: 

(27) -fiit,*-ait > -ait : 

(28) -an with extensions : 

(29) -ant >-ani : 

(30) *-dmyd, > -anlyd: 

(31) -«m with extension : 

(32) -or, -&ri: 




514-515 a 

517-517 a 

521-521 a 









529-529 b 








































-art (-dli) ; 




-ali, -oft: 

-til (-wal) : 

-i, : 

-i ; 


-iydr : 

-iyal : 

-il; (a) -ild: (b) -Hi: 


-h ' 

-i > -i : 

-xyti : 

-u with extension in : 

-uwa : 

-uwdl, : 

~uk, -ukti : 

-uk, -uka, -uki : 

-urdy -wri : 

-urd : 

-urd, -iiri : 

-ur, -urd : 

•ulti, -uli : 

-ur, -auri : 

-ay : 

-aid : 

-owa\ -uwai: 

-uwai : 


-at: 1 






535 a 



538-538 a 








546-546 a 













-owa : 
-au : 

-ka, -Jed, -Jet, -ki, -kiyd, -iJcd, 
-ek : 







-Jew, : 

-kuri : 

-ca, ca, -ciya : 

-ta, -td, -ti, -t° •' 

-td, -ti : 

-thd : 

-ta, : 

-ta, : 

-tali : 

-rid and extensions : 

-7u, -am, -ini : 

-ret and extensions : 

-ra : 

-U and extensions : 

-ha and extensions : 

-dhi, -tiki : 

XIII. The Enclitic Definitives : 

Function defined : 
Principal definitives : 

(1) /can, ham : 

(2) khan, khani : 

(3) khar : 

(4) gach, gachi : 

(5) gardki : 

(6) got : 

(7) cata, cati : 

(8) jan, jam, jam : 

(9) -td, -to, -ti : 

(10) tar, tari : 

(11) 'dul/ddli: 

(12) pat: 

(13) p/iera : 
Definitives Plural : 

E. As. -hanta : 
-Wit, -ftdn, -hun : 
Indefinitives : 
-diyek, -cerek : 
















576 ' 

576 a 




















Personal definitives.: 

Peculiar to Assamese : 


Characteristic of all periods of Assamese : 


Sources : 


XIV. Declension of the Noun : 

(A) Gender. 

Disappearance of grammatical gender : 


Feminine Suffixes : 


(B) Number. 

Relics of O.LA. pluraL : 


(C) Plural Suffixes. 

E. As. Plural suffixes : 


Mod As. plural suffixes . -bar : 


-biW: : 


-hat : 


E. As. -sa- : 


E. As. -saba, -samba : 


Mod. As. -lok, -diyck, -ccrck : 


-khen : 




Dialectical Plural Suffixes : 

-hun : 


-ten : 


-tha- (-tha-) : 


-hamra, -hamlet, : 


bhella : 


-gila, -g'Mk, -o/ildn, -r\gld, -ijgUin : 


(D) The Case. 

Devices to express case-relationship: . . 
The Two-fold characteristic of Assamese 

case-ending -e ; (Active-Passive and 

Past-Present) : 
The Nominative Case-ending, -e, -i, -d : 
The Instrumental, -e, -ert% -edi, -hatuwai ; 
The Locative, -ta t : 
The Ablative, -ta : 











The Genitive, -ra: 


The Dative, -ka : 


Derivation : 

.. * 659-^660 

The Dative in -e : 


The Ablative Suffixes in 




The Ablative in para . 


The Ablative in hantc : 


XV. The Pronouns : 

The declension of the pronoun, the same 
as that of the noun, except that it 
has an oblique base : . . 665 * 

The Pronoun of the First Person : 

mai, mo-, ami, arm- : . . 666 ff 

The Second Person : 

tai, tumi f to-, toma- : 670 £1 

The Third Person : 

si, td-, tea, tea- : . . 673 

The Near Demonstrative : 

i, iyd- ; (fern.) ex, ex- : . . 676 . 

The Far Demonstrative: 680 

The Relative Pronoun : 

3h J6-> jihj jih- : . . " 681 

The Interrogative Pronoun : 

ki 9 k&; kon, : 682-686 

The Indefinite Pronoun : . . 687-690 

The Reflexive and Honorific Pronouns : 

Peculiar Assamese formations : . . 691-693 

Pronominal Derivatives : 
Demonstrative Adjectives : 696 

Multiplicative Adjectives : . . 696 

Adjectives of Manner or Quality : . . 698-699 

Pronominal Adjectives of Quantity 

and Number : . . 700-702 

Adverbs of Time : . . 703-710 

Adverbs of Place, Direction : . . 711-713 

Other Adverbial formations : . . 714 

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XVI. Assamese Verb-Roots : 

Classification : 


Primary roots : 


Prefixed Roots : 


Primary Roots of Causative Origin : 

724 ff 

Derivative Roots : 

(A) Causatives : 

726 ff 

(B) Denominatives : 


Denom. Roots : 


(C) Compounded and Suffixed Roots : 

General Characteristics : 

734 ff 

Roots in -fr- : 


-c- : 


• „ -t-: 


-r- < -d- : 


-I- : 


-h- < -s- : 


(D) Onomatopoetic Roots : 

Two types : . . * 


Onomatopoetics Proper : 


Reduplicated verbs : 


XVII. The Conjugation of the Verb : 

Tenses : 


Negative Conjugation : 


The Passive : 

Relics of O.I.A. Passive : 


(A) The Analytical formation : 


(B) The Passive -in -a : 


(C) The Passive-Active Constructions : 


(D) The Passive in general : 


The Personal Affixes of Verbs. 
The Radical Tenses. 
Indicative : 
The First person -5 ; E. As. extension 





The Second person : 



Honorific forms : 


The Honorific affix -d. 

Same in 


moods and tenses : 


The Third person : 


The Imperative : 

The First person : 


The Second person : 


The Third person : 


The Past in -I- : 

Assamese base in 41- 



with Bg. 0. : 


The First Person affix, 

same as 


Indicative : 


Bg. -dm ; suggested derivati 

on : 


The Second Person affix 

: -*; 


tion : 


Extended .orms 4Uhi, -ibihi : 


Bg. Hon. -e : 


The Third Person : Affixed, 


with Transitive and Intransitive Verbs : 


The Future in -b- : 

Base in 4b- : 


The First person in ~m : 


The Second person in 4 : 


The Third person : 


XVTII. Post-Positions, Participles, Infinitives : 

(1) Nominal-Verbal Post-Positions. 
An eastern novelty ; . . 785 

Suffixes : -na- ; -ha- ; -TiaJc ; -hat ; 

-har ; -hor ; -hun : . . 786 

(A) The Conditional Past in -heten : 
Peculiar device to express the Past Con- 
ditional : . . 787 




The use of the particle hante > heten 

after the inflected past (ibid) : 


Dialectical hay, ane : 


(2) The Participles : 

(A) The Present Participle in ote- : . . 


(B) The Past Participles in -a ; -iU : 


(C) The Past Participles in -ibd : . . 


(D) The Future Pass. Part : 


(3) The Gerunds or Conjunctives : 

Gerund in -i, : 


(4) The Verbal Nouns : 

Varied terminations : 


Inflected Verbal Nouns with conjunc- 

tive implication : 


(5) The Infinitives in -ibd : 

809 ff 

(A) In -ita ; -ite : 


(6) The Periphrastic Tenses : 

One periphrastic tense in Assamese : 


Derivation : 


XIX.' Pleonastic Suffixes : 

(1) The Conjunctives as Pleonastic 

suffixes : 
(a) The Conjunctives in -na- 

(2) Formation in -con : 

(3) Formations in de, dekhon. : 

(4) Disguised Conjunctives : 

(5) Inverted Conjunctives : 

(6) The Pleon. -ha- : 

(7) The Pleon. -la-.: 

(8) The Pleon. -to : 

XX. Conclusion : 

Summary of the extent of probable non- 
Influence : 
Phonological : 
Morphological : 
Vocabulary : 

818 ff 

820 ff 












Word-Index: 361 

Appendices : 

Select Last ,of Books consulted : . . 397 

Errata : 401 

D.H.A.S. Advertisement : 403 


Ap. : 




Austr. : 


Bih. : 












E. As. 

Early Assamese. 

E. Bg. 

Early Bengali. 

E. -H. 

Eastern Hindi. 

F. L. M. 

Formation de la Langue Marathe 



H. C. 

Hema Chandra. 





K. A. S. 

Kamrup Anusandhan Samiti. 





L. S. I. 

Linguistic Survey of India. 

L. W. 

Loan Word. 







M. I. A. 

Middle Indo-Aryan. 

Mid. As. 

Middle Assamese. 

Mid. Bg. 

: Middle Bengali. 

Mod. As. 

Modern Assamese. 

Mod. Bg. 

: Modern Bengali. 


: Mun^ari. 


: Marwari. 

N. Nep. 


N. I. A. 

New Indo-Aryan, 


: Oriya. 



0. D. B. 


Origin and ♦Development of the Bengali 

0. I. A. 

Old Indo-Aryan. 



P. A. P. 


Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India. 







St. Coll. 

Standard Colloquial. 









W. H. 

Western Hindi. 

Other localised abbreviations like pres. indie, for present 
indicative ; imp. for imperative, etc., will be clearly understood 
fiom the context and are not separately explained. 


> means gives, leads to, is changed to, etc. 

< means comes from, is derived from, etc. 

* before a word or affix indicates a hypothetical form 
not preserved in literature but reconstructed. 

? before a word or form indicates doubt as to the form 
proposed or to the form being the source of the 
word or connected with the word under discussion. 

\/ means root. 

-f- joins up the component parts which are the basis of a 
Modern Indo-Aryan or other word. 

- the hyphen : used to analyse words into their roots 
and affixes. When a word is given with a hyphen 
at the end, it indicates merely the base form to 
which the olher additions or suffixes or inflexions 
were made. Prefixes have a hyphen after them, 
and suffixes and inflexions before them. 

/ divides a word into syllables ; when it stands between 
two vowels as in o i, it means li when o in one 
syllable is followed by i in a succeeding syllable. 


The mode of transliteration of Skt. and Pkt. words is the 
same as in Pischel's Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen. The 
Skt. dipthongs ai, an have been written as ai, au, and the long 
vowels e, 6, written as e, o. In Pkt. words the short quantity 
has been used only to illustrate phonetic variations. In other 
places it has been dropped. Skt. words with both b, v : s, «s, 
have been indifferently spelt as the phonetic values of (b, v) . 
(s, s) are the same in As. 

The phonetic symbols wherever used are an approxima- 
tion to those employed by the International Phonetic Associa- 
tion. As the phonetic symbols had to be locally prepared to 
fit into Linotype machine, they could not often be properly 
shaped: thus (t|) stands for the guttural nasal; (:') stands 
for the nasalised (f) ; ^ stands for the neutrrl vowel : glottal 
h has been shewn as %_ . 

In Assamese words, final -a has been dropped in trans- 
literation as it remains quiescent in pronunciation. Whenever 
its presence to the eye has to be noted, it has been shewn as 
-A. It has been transliterated as -a, wherever its distinct sound 
has been preserved ; e.g. bhok ; manti ; para. The letter a' 
shews the elision of a following mutating vowel i and has the 
sound of 5; e.g., ca't {cot). 

In nasalised ~v, ~y, ~~u\ the nasalising sign has to be 
placed at the side instead of at the top. to accommodate the 
press ; nasalised a has been written as a in the table of vowels. 

Initial Skt. y-, in ts. and str. Assamese words has been 
transliterated as j- as that is its sound value in Assamese 
words. In other places it has been retained. Glide sounds 
have been denoted by -?)-, -ib-. 

The guttural spirant value in Assamese of Skt. sibilants 
s, s, s has been shewn by -x-. 



(A) " Assam " and " Assamese ". 

1. Assamese is the easternmost New Indo-Aryan 
language spoken in the Assam valley districts with Lakhimpur 
in the extreme east and Goalpara m the extreme west. It 
meets Bengali in the west and is surrounded on all sides by 
speeches belonging to altogether different families of which the 
principal are the Tibeto-Burman and the Khasi (of the Mon- 
Khmer'family) . In the area in which it is spoken it is not the 
only vernacular. It is a language- of the plains Everywhere 
its home as a vernacular is bouncbd by the hills lying on the 
north and on the south between winch the river Brahmaputra 
takes its westerly course. 

2. The word Assamese is an English one. built on the 
same principle as Cingalese. Canarese. etc. It is based on the 
English word A$sam by which the tract consisting of the 
Brahmaputra valley is known. But the people themselves 
call their country Asam and their language Asamlya. (L.S.I. 
Vol. I. p. 393). 

The word Assam was connected with the Shan invaders of 
the Brahmaputra Valley. Since 1228 the easternmost part of 
the valley came under the domination of a section of the great 
Thai (Tai) or Shan race which spreads eastwards from the 
border of Assam over nearly the whole of further India and 
far into the interior of China. It seems curious that while the 
Shan invaders called themselves Tai (Gait : p. 245) they came 
to be referred to as Asam, Asam, Asam and Acam, by the 
natives of the province. In Darrang Raj Vamsabali, a chro- 
nicle of the Koch kings by Suryya Khari Daibajna, com- 
posed in the sixteenth century, the word Asam has all 
through been employed as a term of reference to the conquer- 


ing Shans. In Sankar Carit, by Daityari Thakur of the 
seventeenth century, the Shans have been variously designat- 
ed as Asam, Asam, Asam. In Kdmrupar Buranji, of a much 
later date, occurs the form Acam also. 

No satisfactory explanation has yet been offered by his- 
torians as to how the term Asam with variants came to 'be 
applied to the tribe. Grierson notes that the word Shan is a 
Burmese corruption of the original word Sham. (L.S.I., 
Vol. II. p. 59) . Dr. P. C. Bagchi equates Shan with Sien-Syam 
(Syam of the Khmer inscriptions and Sien of the Chinese 
sources) and traces Ahom, the modern Assamese designation 
of the Tai people, to Sicn-Syam (P. C. Pagchi : Foreword to 
The Indian Colony of Siam by P. N. Bose p. vii) . 

3. The modern Assamese word Ahom, by which the Tai 
people are known evidently goes back to early Assamese 
Asam ; Asam > Asam > Ah am, Ahom. The last syllable of 
Asam might very well be connected with Sham but the initial 
vowel A-, would remain unexplained, A-, as a prefix having a 
privative or derogatory significance. Following the tradition 
of the Ahoms themselves, Sir Edward Gait suggests that the 
term Asdm in the sense of " unequalled " or " peerless " was 
applied to the Shans by the local tribes in token of their 
admiration of the way in which the Shans first conquered and 
then conciliated them. Though the rude Mongolian tribes 
could not have been expected to be acquainted with a learned 
Sanskrit derivative like Asam. yet Sir Edward considers it 
very probable that this derivation is after all the right one, — 
in whatever way the word might have come into use (History 
of Assam, p. 246) . In slight amplification of Sir Edward's con- 
clusion it may be added that Asdma. peerless, may be a latter- 
day Sanskritisation of some earlier form like Acham. In Tai 
(AK6m) , y/Cham, means " to be defeated ". With the privative 
Assamese prefix A-, the whole formation Asam would mean 
" undefeated, " " conquerors, " being thus a hybrid equivalent 
of the word Thai (Tai) meaning " free " as opposed to Camuwd, 
(*Camuwa<*Chamuwa), an Ah5m subject of a respectable 

♦Prof, (now Dr.) S. K. Bhuyan notes in his introduction 
to Tungkhungia Buranji (pp. xxix, xxx) that the adult popu- 

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status.* The presence of forms like Asam, Acdm in early 
Assamese seems to lend support to this view. Skt. Asdma could 
have given a sis. form like Asam but hardly Asam. 

4. The Shans built their kingdom and consolidated their 
power in Eastern Assam with the modern town of Sibsagara as 
their capital and brought the whole tract down to the border of 
the modern district of Kamrup permanently under their sway. 
It was towards the close of their reign that modern Kamrup 
came within the compass of the Shan rule, but even then the 
Shan domination in Kamrup was fitful and it was often 
challenged by contending powers. 

The word Asam was first applied to the Shans and subse- 
quently to the country they conquered, viz. the regions east of 
the present district oi Kamrup. lis use was afterwards ex- 
panded and it included the whole ui the Brahmaputra valley 
when the province was constituted by the British in 1874. It 
should be noted, however, as a phonetic vagary that the 
name of the country still remain^ Asarn(pron. axdm) , but the 
conquerors' name undergoes further phonetic modifications 
and becomes Ahum, Ah am, Ahum. In modern Assamese the 
Shans arc invariably designated as /Vioms. As Shan is a wide 
term, they will in the following pages be referred to as 

(B) The Affinities oj Assamese. 

5. Assamese is very little known abroad. The province of 
Assam being cut of] from the rest of Northern India by its 

lation of Assam was divided into Khcls or groups having to 
render specific service \o the state such as arrow-making, boat- 
building etc. The Chamuwds or higher ranks of subjects were 
exempted from personal service. He further defines the posi- 
tion of a Chamuwa as an Ahom subject of a higher status than 
the Kdri Pdiks, the arrow-making subjects. The Chamuwds 
were holders of offices or were employed as goldsmiths and 
artisans and were ordinarily exempted from manual service. 
They were also called Apdiktin Chamuwds (Ibid. Glossary, 
p. 237) evidently as different from other Chamuwds or sub- 
jects who had to render specific services as Pdiks. (An adult 
male was called a Pdik). 

4 tNTfcODTJCriOtf 

powerful neighbour Bengal, the Assamese language is com- 
monly believed to be an off-shoot or sub-dialect of Bengali. 
This misunderstanding is largely due to the territorial redistri- 
bution under the British rule. The whole of North Bengal in- 
cluding Koch-Bihar, Rangpur, Jalpaiguri and also perhaps 
Dinajpur, should have been included with Assam and the 
modern district of Sylhet which forms a part of political Assam 
should have been joined to Bengal, if the territorial readjust- 
ment were to be made on the basis of linguistic homogeneity. 
Such territorial distribution would have given a proper pers- 
pective to the formation and development of the Asssamese 

6. The province was differently called in different histori- 
cal periods. Its most ancient name was Prag-jyotisapura. By 
this name it is referred to in the two great epics — the 
Rdmdyana and the MahabMrata and in the main Puranas, — 
the Harivamsa, the Visnupurdna and the Brahmdndapurdna . In 
classical literature both Prag-jyotisa and Kamarupa occur as 
alternative names of the country. Kahdasa refers to it by both 
the designations {Raghuvomsa : Canto 4 : Slokas, 81, 83). In 
epigraphic records the name Kamarupa was first mentioned in 
the Allahabad Inscription of Samudra Gupta in the fifth cen- 
tury. (Fleet : Corpus Insert ptionum Indicarum. Vol. III. p. 8). 

When Hiuen Ts'ang visited the country in 643 A.D. he 
knew it as Ka-mo-lu-p'o (Kamarupa) . Its western boundary 
was the river Karatoya in North Bengal. "The pilgrim crossed 
a large river and came to Ka-mo-lu-p'o ". "The river Ka-lo-tu 
(Karatoya) may be the large river of the present passage " 
(Watters: Vol. II. pp. 186, 187). According to the authority 
of Sanskrit Kdlikdpurdna (supposedly of the 10th century) 
and of Yogini Tantra (supposedly of the 16th. century ) -—both 
mainly devoted to giving geographical accounts of the land, the 
name of the region east of the river Karatoya in North Bengal 
to the river Dikkara (Dikrai) in Eastern Assam, was Kama- 
rupa and its permanent western boundary had been the river 
Karatoya since the times of Narakasura and Bhagadatta of 
Kuruksetra fame. 


7. Whatever be the backward time limit of the river 
Karatoya having formed the western boundary of ancient Prag- 
jyotisa or Kamarupa, it is certain that in Hiuen Ts'ang's time it 
marked the westernmost frontier of the Kamarupa kingdom. 
It was of the language of the people of this kingdom when he 
said that " their speech differed a little from that of Mid-India. 

(Watters: Vol. II. p. 186) . It was under the patronage of kings 
outside the western limit of modern Assam, — under the patron- 
age of the kings of Kamatapur, fourteen miles to the south west 
of Coch-Bihar, that the earliest Assamese books were written. 
Even now the spoken language of North Bengal and western 
Assam (districts of Kamrup and Goalpara) is substantially 
the same and seems to form one dialect group. The points 
of difference between this western Assamese dialect and the 
standard colloquial of eastern Assam have been noted below 

(§§.33 ft). 

8. The great author of The Linguistic Survey did not leave 
unnoticed the linguistic unity of North Bengal and Assam and 
he pointed to Magadhi as the common source of all the eastern 
dialects. 4> Magadhi was the principal dialect which corres- 
ponded to the old Eastern Prakrit. East of Magadha lay the 
Gau^a or Pracya Apabhrarhsa the head quarter of 
which was at Gaur in the present district of Malda. It spread 
to the South and South-East and here became the parent of 
modern Bengali. Besides spreading southwards Gauola 
Apabhrarhsa also spread to the east keeping north of the 
Ganges and is there represented at the present day by Northern 
Bengali and in the valley of Assam by Assamese. North 
Bengal and Assam did not get their language from Bengal pro- 
per but directly from the west. Magadhi Apabhrarhsa, in fact, 
may be considered as spreading out eastwards and southwards 
in three directions. To the North-East it developed into 
Northern Bengali and Assamese, to the south into Oriya and 
between the two into Bengali. Each of these three descendants 
is equally directly connected with the common immediate 
parent and hence we find North Bengali agreeing in some 
respects rather with Oriya, spoken far away to the south 


than with the Bengali of Bengal proper of which it is usually 
classed as a sub-dialect " (L.S.I. Vol. I, Pari I, pp. 125-126). 

9. Dr. S. K. Chatter ji basing his conclusions on the mate- 
rials accumulated in L.S.I. , Part I, and other monographs 
on the Bengali dialects, divides Eastern Mag. Pkt. and Ap. into 
four dialect groups. (1) Rddha dialects which comprehend 
Western Bengali which gives standard Bengali colloquial and 
Oriya in the South West. (2) Varendra dialects of North 
Central Bengal. (3) Kumarupa dialects which comprehend 
Assamese and the dialects of North Bengal. (4) Vai]ga dialects 
which comprehend the dialects of East Bengal. (O.D.B.L., 
Vol. I. p. 140) . It would thus appear that there is no question 
of one dialect group having sprung out of another. They are 
all related to one another as having emanated from one centre 
of radiation and yet following their own lines of development. 

10. The question was once hotly discussed in the press 
whether Asamese was or was not a sub-dialect of Bengali. 
Sir G. A. Grierson dismissed it by his now proverbial compari- 
son of a hill and a mountain. 

In describing, however, the formation of the Assamese 
language, its exact relationship to its powerful neighbour 
Bengali cannot be left undefined. The comparative obscurity 
of Assamese and the spread of a powerful Bengali literature 
almost all over the globe gives an impression to foreigners that 
Assamese is a patois of Bengali. 

11. Skeat's conception of a dialect may be accepted as a 
good working hypothesis. "When we talk of speakers of 
dialect, we imply that they employ a provincial method of 
speech to which the man who has been educated to use the 
language of books is unaccustomed. Such a man finds that the 
dialect speaker frequently uses words or modes of expression 
which he does not understand or which are at any rate strange 
to him; and he is sure to notice that such words as seem to be 
familiar to him are, for the most part strangely pronounced. 
Such differences are especially noticeable in the use of vowels 
and diphthongs and in the mode of intonation (Skeat: English 
DialecU. pp. 1,2). 


12. Judged by this standard, Assamese will not betray 
any characteristics that may be regarded as dialectal aberra- 
tions of Bengali. On the other hand, it will be found that they 
started on parallel lines with peculiar dialectical predisposi- 
tions and often developed sharply contradictory idiosyncrasies. 

13. For convenience of discussion, the main points of 
agreement and difference between Bengali and Assamese are 
grouped below : — 

(i) Assamese words for fire and water are from the 
earliest period zui and pam. as opposed to Bg. agun and jal. 
Assamese pani for water is common to all the dialects of Bihar! 
and Eastern Hindi, but zui for fire has parallels only in joy 
and )we of the Bhatri dialect of Oriya and in the Bhulia 
dialect of Eastern Hindi respectively, both south of the 

(ii) Assamese and Bengali have contrasting systems of 
accentuation. Assamese follows the pan-Indian system of 
penultimate stress and Bengali has an initial stress (§. 158). 
Even in that respect Bengali differs from the Kamrupi dialect 
which also has an initial stress. In this regard the most 
common word for 'court-yard' (corresponding to Skt. eatvala,) 
in St. Assamese. St Bengali and Kamrupi may be compared; 
e.g. St. As. octal : St. Bg. ratal ; Kamrupi : eatal In St. As. 
the stress on the penult shortens the previous -o- ; in Kamrupi, 
the initial stress shortens the following -a- ; and in Bg. there 
is an anticipatory lengthening of initial a- in a position of stress. 

(iii) The genitive case affix is Bg. -er : As. -ar ; but -er- 
survives in As. instrumental case affix -er-e. Conversely also, 
in early As. -era was the pleonastic conjunctive affix as opposed 
to early Bg. ~ra with the same function, (?§. 826, 828). 

(iv) The loc. affix in As. is -t from the earliest times. 
Bg. has e, -te (-fa+-e). 

(v) Present part in As. is -of- (-anta) . Bengali has -it-. 

(§§.791, if.). 

(vi) The past conditional in As. is expressed by the post- 
position heten (earlier hate, haute) after a fully conjugated 


verbal root in the past. Bengali expresses the past conditional 
with the pres. part, base in -it- with personal conjugational 
affixes (§§. 787, if.) . 

(vii) The infinitive sense is conveyed in As. by forms in 
•ib-; in Bg. by forms in -it- (§§. 809-813). 

(viii) Assamese has a complete set of negative conjuga- 
tion with the negative particle na- placed before the verb root. 
Oriya has a negative conjugation with the verb substantive only. 
Bengali has no negative conjugation (§. 847). 

(ix) The plural suffixes in Assamese are entirely 
different from those of Bengali. Some As. PI. suffixes have 
affinities in the western languages (£§. 620, ff.). 

(x) As. pronominal derivatives of time and place seem 
to have no parallel formations in Bengali (§§. 698, ff.; 711, ff.). 

(xi) The type of vowel-harmony (noticecf under 
§§. 273 ff.) where an anterior -a- is shortened under the influ- 
ence of a following -a- in a succeeding syllable is absent in 
Bengali, while As. has it in common with Oriya and in a 
modified form with Bihar I. This often makes Assamese forma- 
tions unintelligible to Bengali speaking people. 

There are other types of vowel-harmony which have affi- 
nities in the west but not in Bengali They have been noticed 
in proper places (§§. 261, ff.). 

(xii) Assamese devised from earliest times a symbol ( 3 ) 
for the tb- glide. Bg. has no distinct symbol ; it has only a 
spelling device to denote the glide-sound. 

These are some of the most outstanding features that 
differentiate Assamese from Bengali. Other points of 
divergence and contact have been noticed in the body of the 

14. Dr. S. K. Chatter ji has often referred to forms and 
idioms in the Bauddha Gdn Dote as sources of corresponding 
forms and idioms in modern Bengali though he characterises 
tip * language of Bauddha Gdn Doha, as a kind of Western 
Apabhransa from its -u- nominatives, its alia- genitives, its 
M'ijjar passives and its general agreement with forms with the 


literary Western Apabhraqisa. (O.D.B.L., Vol. I., p. 112). 
Dr. Bloch characterising the language of the Dohds says, — " We 
may call it oriental because it is found in Eastern texts and be- 
cause there are some Eastern influences, but it is not so if we 
wish to find in it the base of the modern Eastern languages." 
(Quoted from Dr. P. C. Bagchi's article : The Sibilants in the 
Buddhist dohds : Indian Linguistics : Vol. V parts I-VI p. 356) . 
It has been pointed out by Dr. G. Tucci on the authority of 
some Tibetan manuscripts that Mmanath, one of the poets of 
the Bauddha dohds, was a fisherman from Kamarupa 
(J.A.S.B. New Series. Vol. XXVI. No. I, pp. 133, 134). All 
these great authorities agree about the presence of Eastern 
forms and influences in the language of the dohds. Dr. Bagchi 
places the date of the composition of these texts sometime 
between, the 8th and the 10th centuries A.D. (ibid). 

15. Certain phonological and morphological peculiarities 
registered in the Bauddha doha?, have come down in an 
unbroken continuity through early to modern Assamese. 
Reference has already been made to the shortening of an 
anterior -d- before a following -a- in the next or a succeeding 
syllable (§. 13. xi). So far as Eastern languages are concerned, 
this peculiarity appears for the first time in the language of the 
dohds: e.g. pakhd; As. pakhd; Bg. pakhd, (paksa-) . cakd] 
As. cakd: Bg. cakd (cakra-) . bapd : E. As. bapd (Mod. As. 
bbpdi) : Bg. bapd. bhanddra : As. bhdrdl (Earlier, bhaiid&r ) 
Bg. bhardr, etc. 

Assamese and the do/ids share in common certain morpho- 
logical characteristics also; viz.. dative case-ending in -lai (As. 
-Im), e.g., kula-lai ; mem sikharaAai ; Loc. ending in ~ta (As. 
-ta) ., e.g., sar\kamata ; batata ; hatha. Gen. ending in -ra 
(As. -ra) : e.g. sasara; abidara. The Pres. Part, in -ant- (E. 
As. -ant- ; Mod. As. -at-) : e.g., parante, jdante, burante, etc. 
Conjunctives in -i- -He (As. -i, -ile) : e.g. suni; dekhi; bujhjhile; 
write etc. 

16. All this proves only that Assamese is not an off-shoot 
Or patois of Bengali but an independent speech related to 
Bengali, both occupying the position of dialects with reference 



to some standard Magadhan Apabhransa. Modern Assamese 
in certain respects shows a closer approximation to the forms 
and idioms preserved in the dohds. 

17. The language of Krsna Klrtan which Dr. Chatterji 
has quoted all through as having preserved early Bengali for- 
mations tells a similar story. The Krsna Klrtan presents a 
mixture of dialects which have not yet started on courses of 
independent development but the beginnings of which seem to 
have been well laid down. If it be allowed to represent the 
Pre-Bengali and Pre-Assamese dialect groups by the unknown 
quantity X, then it may be said that Krsna Kirtan preserves 
specimens of latter-day X-dialects which in later times deve- 
loped into distinctive Bengali and Assamese languages. 
There -are often double sets of forms which are not dialectal 
aberrations of one another and which in distinctive Bengali and 
Assamese periods became distinguishing features of Bengali or 
Assamese ; e.g., the 1st. personal affixes of the Pres. Indie, 
verbs are -i, -o. (Cf. cahl. caho. I seek: kari, hard, I do). 
Modern St. Bg. has -i and modern St. As. has -o as 1st 
personal affixes in the present indicative. By origin -i repre- 
sents M.I.A. passive in -mi and is preserved only in certain re- 
lics in E. As. and modern As. (§J. 752, ff.) . The distinctive As. 
personal suffix is -5 (§ 760). Thus in the usages of Krsna 
Kirtan, kari is the characteristic of one dialect and karo that of 
another. A distinctive idiom w r as not fully evolved and the 
author sometimes uses one form and sometimes another for the 
sake of euphony. 

18. Krsna Klrtan places the negative particle na before 
the conjugated verbal root as in Assamese (§§. 275, 847) and it 
is assimilated to the initial vowel of the conjugated root (Cf. 
nahti, I am not ; ndjdno, I do not know) . Assamese has kept 
tip the idiom but Mod. Bg. places the negative particle after the 
conjugated root. 

19. Of the two formations hate (hante) and haite used as 
post-positions to express the ablative sense, the latter (haite) 


is a living form in Bengali, and haute (hate), a feature in 
E. As. has now dropped out of use in Mod. As. 

20. So also both -it- and -ib- infinitives are found in E. Bg. 
and E. As. but in more distinctive periods -it- emerged as the 
infinitive in Bg. and -ib-as that in Assamese. 

21. Thus it may be concluded that in a pre-Bengali and 
pre-Assamese period, there were certain dialect groups which 
may be designated as Eastern Magadhan Apabhransa. They 
represented mixtures of many tongues and many forms. When 
they were reduced to writing, the authors often used parallel 
forms characteristic of different dialects without any discrimi- 
nation, but with the development of linguistic self-conscious- 
ness, the forms were isolated and each dialect group became 
clearly demarcated and the parallel forms became leading 
characteristics of different dialect groups. 

Dr. Chatterji has made certain valuable observations in 
this respect. Speaking about the Bengali dialects he says, — 
" The Bengali dialects cannot be referred to a single primitive 
Bengali speech, but they are derived from various local forms 
of late Magadhan Apabhransa, which developed some 
common characteristics thai may be called pan-Bengali." 
(O.D.B.L., p. 139). Again, "Assamese under her independ- 
ent kings and her social life entirely self-contained, became an 
independent speech, although her sister dialect, North Bengali, 
accepted the vassalaee of the literary speech of Bengal." (ibid. 
p. 148). 

(C) The Distinctive Assamese Period. 

22. The distinctive Assamese period of literature, to 
speak from the materials hitherto discovered, begins with the 
14th centurjr. For the convenience of grouping linguistic 
peculiarities, the history of the Assamese language may be 
broadly divided into three periods : — 

(i) Early Assamese:— from the fourteenth to the end 
of the sixteenth century. This again may be split into (a) 
the Pre-Vaishnavite and (b) the Vaishnavitc sub-periods. 


(ii) Middle Assamese: —from the seventeenth to the 
beginning of the nineteenth century. It is a period of the 
prose chronicles of the Ahom court. 

(iii) Modern Assamese: —from the beginning of the 
nineteenth century till present times. 

23. The earliest Assamese writer is Hema Sarasvati, the 
author of a small poem, Prahrada Carita. He makes mention 
of his patron, king Durlabhanarayana of Kamatapur, who is 
said to have ruled in the latter part of the 13th century. In 
the time of king Indranarayana of Kamatapur, the son of 
Durlabhanarayana, the two poets Harihara Vipra and Kavi- 
ratna Sarasvati composed Asvamcdha Parva and Jayadratha 
Vadha respectively. Another poet named Rudra Kandali 
translated Drona Parva under the patronage of king Tamradh- 
vaja of Rangpur. But the most considerable poet of the Pre- 
Vaishnavite sub-period is Madhava Kandali. who rendered 
the entire Rdmayana into Assamese verse under the patronage 
of king Mahamanikya, a Kachari king of Jayantapura. 
Madhava Kandali belonged to central Assam, now represented 
by the present district of Nowgong. His date has not been defi- 
nitely fixed, but Sankara Deva (bom in 1449 A.D.) makes 
respectful mention of him as an unrivalled predecessor. From 
linguistic peculiarities common to all Pre-Vaishnavite writers 
and summarised below, Madhava Kandali can not be placed 
later than the fourteenth century. 

24. In all these writers, the Assamese idiom seems to 
have been fully individualised. The language bears certain 
archaisms which are remarkably free from the writings of 
Sankara Deva and his school. The personal affixation to nouns 
of relationship is fully established and continues even to-day. 
So is an anterior ~a- shortened before a following «d-. Tliis 
also is a feature of modern Assamese phonology. But the 
addition of personal endings after participial tenses in -ib*, 
-il~, was not fully established. A good deal of fluctuations is 
noticeable,-— the participial suffixes sometimes standing alone 
without any personal endings and sometimes taking them on. 
There is in all these writers a curious use of the conjunctive 

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participle, e.g., hani-ere (does pierce) ; Jean-era (do you do) ; 
gucai-ero (I do remove) etc. Cf. uses in Bengali Krsna 
Klrtana : di-ard ; kahi-ara ; (do thou give ; do thou speak) 
(§§ 828 ff). The past participle in -iba- is also found in all 
these writers e.g. mdribdra prajd, the slain people ; dibara 
astra, the weapons given. (§§ 796 if) . 

25. &ankara Deva, the great Vaishnavite reformer in 
Assam was born in 1449 A.D. and towards the close of the 
century he began to compose literary works in propagation of 
his tenets. The religious fervour he created caught on, and 
innumerable books mostly in verse were composed by his fol- 
lowers. The archaisms noticeable in the Pre-Vaishnavite 
writers are entirely absent in his writings. The curious use of 
the conjunctive has wholly disappeared and the personal end- 
ings after particip^l suffixes have been definitely established. 

Sankara composed also religious songs and dramas and in 
these compositions there is a large admixture of what is popu- 
larly known a? Braja-bali idioms. 

26. The enthusiasm for making the scriptures accessible 
to the people in vernacular was so great that some time after 
&ankara Deva, a certain teacher of the school of Sankara Deva 
named Bhatta Deva translated the entire Bhagavad Gita and 
the Bhagavata Parana into Assamese prose in about 1593. 
While admirable as presenting a specimen of prose style so 
far back, there is hardly anything ramarkable in this prose 
rendering from the linguistic points of view. The diction is 
overloaded with Sanskritic words, and the language is -far 
less homely than the language of the verse -writers which 
occasionally betrays colloquialisms. The grammatical forms 
also do not shew any simplification towards modernism. Thus 
this prose does not give any idea of the spoken language of 
the time. 

27. Two grammatical peculiarities are, however, notice- 
able: (1) The first personal ending in -m- in the future tense 
appears for the first time in writing side by side with the con- 
ventional -b5 in the same discourse and under the same syntac- 


tical conditions : e.g. nu-jujhima, I shall not fight likhibo, 
I shall write. (2) The extended forms of the personal endings 
of participial tenses like -o~ho, lo-ho-, bo-ho ; a~ha, la-ka 
-ba-ha; -li-hi, bi-hi etc., arc dropped altogether. It would 
appear that in verse compositions these forms occur owing to 
the exigencies of metre (§ 760). 

So far literary activities were carried on in western Assam 
under the patronage of kings of either Kamatapura or Koch- 
Bihar. But with the consolidation of the Ah5m power in 
eastern Assam and the decline of the Koch kingdom in west- 
ern Assam, the centre of litercfry importance was shifted from 
western to eastern Assam. 

28. The Ahoms had brought with them an instinct for 
historical writings. In the Ahom court, historical chronicles 
were at first composed in their original Tibet o-Chinese langu- 
age, but when the Ahom rulers adopted Assamese as the court 
language, historical chronicles began to be written in Assamese. 
From the beginning of the seventeenth century onwards, court 
chronicles were written in large numbers. One such chronicle 
of the early part of the seventeenth century has been printed 
under the auspices of the Kamarupa Anusandhan Samiti of 
Gauhati in 1922. This book has been freely quoted from in 
the following pages. 

29. The period of chronicle-prose has been referred to 
as the Middle period of the language. These chronicles or 
buranjis, as they were called by the Ahoms. broke away from 
the style of the religious writers. The language is essentially 
moflern and with slight alterations in grammar and spelling, 
the chronicles may very well pass for compositions of to-day. 
The plural suffixes of nouns, -bor, and -fear, appear for the 
first time in these compositions. The pleonastic use of the 
conjunctive participles (5 818) is well established. The con- 
junct consonants, of which early Assamese is full, are reduced 
to single ones. The transfer of plural suffixes from nouns to 
verbs is first noticed here (S§ 785 fT). 

30. With the publication of the Bible in Assamese prose 
by the American Baptist Missionaries in 1819, the modern 


period of Assamese begins. The Missionaries made Sibsagar 
in eastern Assam the centre of their activities and used the 
dialect of Sibsagar for their literary purposes. In 1846, they 
started a monthly periodical called Arunodaya, and in 1848, N. 
Brown published the first Assamese Grammar. The first 
Assamese-English dictionary compiled by M. Bronson was 
published by the Missionaries in 1867. Under the influence 
of the Missionaries, a set of native writers grew up and books 
and periodicals in the language of eastern Assam were mul- 
tiplied. Thus the traditions of the Ahom court supported by 
the mission press established tj^e language of eastern Assam 
as the literary language of the entire province. 

31. Owing to the levelling influence of the Ahom court, 
the language of eastern Assam shews very few dialectical vari- 
ations. 'But there is a good deal of local variations in the 
language of western Assam. Even within the single district 
of Kamrup, there are no less than five dialectical regions. 

32. Western Assam was never for a long period under 
any dominant power. It was the cockpit of several fighting 
forces, — the Kochts, the Muhammedans and the Ahoms, and 
political fortunes passed from one power to another in differ- 
ent times. A steady commanding central influence that gives 
homogeneity to manners as to speech was never built up by 
any ruling power in western Assam. 

The dialectical forms referred to in the body of the text 
belong to western Assam (Kamrup) . # 



33. Assamese may be divided dialectically into Eastern 
Assamese and Western Assamese. The language from Sadiya 
the easternmost frontier down to Gauhati exhibits a certain 
homogeneity and hardly presents any notable point of differ- 
ence from the spoken dialect of Sibsagar, the capital of the 
late Ahom kings. And for purposes of literature this dialect 
is generally regarded as the standard language. 

34. The two western districts of Kamrup and Goalpara 
possess several loSal dialects which betray sharp points of 
difference from one another and from the standard colloquial 
of eastern Assam. The spoken dialects of the Goalpara dis- 
trict seem to have been greatly contaminated with admixtures 
of the Rajabansi dialect— the dialect that was evolved under 
the domination of the Koch kings of Koch-Bihar, whose des- 
cendants ruled over Goalpara and contiguous portions of 
Kamrup. In between the standard colloquial of Sibsagar in 
the east and the mixed dialects of Goalpara in the west stand 
the dialects of the Kamrup district. 

35. The Kamrup district is not a homogeneous dialectical 
area. There are different dialects in different localities. 
Among the dialect specimens presented below, five pieces 
have been selected from the dialects of Kamrup. It will be 
noticed, however, that the points of difference amongst the 
<Jia}ects of Kamrup are mostly confined to details of phonetics 
and hardly spread over to morphology and vocabulary. The 
differences, however, between Eastern and Western Assamese 
are wide and range over the whole field of phonology, mor- 
phology and not infrequently vocabulary. 

Hie most salient points of difference are grouped below : 

(i) Phonological 

36. The word-stress in the Kamrupl dialect is uniformly 
and dominantly initial as opposed to the penultimate stress 
of the standard colloquial. 


(a) Medial vowels are as a result rarely pronounced 
and mostly slurred over. 

(b) There is a profusion of epenthetic vowels. It may 
even be said that epenthesis wherever admissible (§ 288) is 
the rule in the Kamrupl dialects. 

(c) There is a total absence of diphthongal vowels in 
the final syllables of Kamrupl words, e.g., final -ai, -an of 
the St. Coll. appear as -e, -o in the Kamrupl dialects. Cf. gale 
for galqi, prow of a boat ; kdbo for kdbau, supplication. 

(d) Diphthongs and even Triphthongs are heard in 
the initial syllables in Kamrupl words : 

e.g., hqula for hdluwd, a draught ^>x. 
keuila, a hermit, for kewaliya. 

(e) There is a predominance of high-vowels as op- 
posed to the mid-vowels of the Si. Coll. 

kdpur for St. Coll. kdpor, cloth. 

tule for St. Coll. tole, raises. 

mul for St. Coll. mol, worth. 

tdmul for St. Coll. tdmo/, betel-nut. 

khdlu for St. Coll. khdlb, I have eaten. 
So also, indur, a rat ; sindur, vermillion ; nimu, lime-fruit 
etc., for St. Coll. endur, sendur, ncmu. khaichi, he has eaten, 
for khdiche. 

(f) The consonants have a uniform articulation in both 
Eastern and Western Assamese. But the dialect groups are 
sharply differentiated by their differing modes of aspiration 
and de-aspiration. Western Assamese favours aspiration 
whereas Eastern Assamese favours de-aspiration in the same 
phonological contexts. (§§ 356 ff). 

(ii) Morphological. 

37. Both the groups have different sets of plural suffixes. 
For St. Coll. -bor, bildk, Western Assamese has -gildn, -gild/c, 
•hun, -ahun etc. The PL affix -hat is common to both the 
groups but its use is restricted in Western Assamese. 

(a) Pronominal derivatives are often different in both 
the groups ; for Western Assamese temporal adverbs kethen, 

1$ introduction 

when, tethen, then etc., Eastern Assamese has no parallel 
formations ; so also Western Assamese kahe, jahe, etc., where, 
wherever etc., are peculiar to it. 

(b) For the third personal conjugation affix -He after 
transitive verbs, western Assamese has -ildk, itii. 

(c) For St. Coll. heten, to indicate the past conditional, 
western Assamese has hay, etc. 

(ni) Glossarial. 

38. The vocables are often different in both the groups. 
Even common objects are denoted by different words e.g., 

Western As. Eastern As. 

Ujetl lata, sensitive plant. nilaji lata, 
khdbhani, a scraper, rack. jabakd. 

jakara bhdt, rice left over paitti bhat, etc., 
after eating 
for a next 
In spite of these divergences, however,, a large measure 
of agreement is noticeable in common case endings, conju- 
gational affixes, pronominal roots, derivatives and vocabulary. 
All this establishes the fundamental unity of the dialects pf 
Eastern and Western Assam. 

39. As noticed above, it is the initial word-stress with 
resulting vowel modifications that makes a Western Assamese 
word look strange from the point of view of the standard collo- 
quial. So also the aspiration of the west contrasts sharply 
with the de-aspiration of the east. In other respects the affini- 
ties are hardly mistakable. 

Beyond admixture of several peoples with varying phone- 
tic habits and peculiarities which will be slightly touched upon 
in the following section, hardly any other reason can with 
sufficient accuracy be assigned at present to these points of 
dialectical difference. 

Hie following specimens will shew all the points of 
«.tf«>p men t and difference amongst the dialects. 



40. The vocabulary of any N.I.A. language may with 
slight modifications to suit local conditions be divided into the 
six main sources that have been traced by Dr. Turner as con- 
tributing to the formation of the Nepali language (Introduc- 
tion to the Nepali Dictionary pp. xiv et seq). So far as 
Assamese is concerned these classifications would be as fol- 
lows : — 

(1) Words of original Skt. or Indo- Aryan origin coming 
through a slow process of linguistic evolution through the 
M.I.A. stage. 

(2) Words common to many N.I A. languages but not 
traceable to that earlier source. 

(3) Words borrowed at one time or another from other 
N.I.A. dialects. 

(4) Words of Non- Aryan origin. 

(5) A certain number of English and other European 

(6) Skt. words either in original or in modified forms 
to suit the genius or phonological peculiarities of Assamese. 

Out of these six classes. (1), (2) and (6) would respec- 
tively conform to the tbh, drsiia and is. classifications of the 
native M.I.A. grammarians. The modified Skt. loan words 
may be equated to tin sts. elements according to European 
scholars like Grierson and others 

41. Of the varied groups of words, the tbhs. constitute 
the most preponderating elements in Assamese. This is 
mostly due to the fact that the foundations of Assamese litera- 
ture were laid by the Vaishnavite reformers whose chief aim 
was to appeal to the masses and who composed their books as 
much as possible in the language of the people. The prose 
chronicles of the Ahftm court meant primarily for the educa- 
tion of the children of the gentry carried this tradition further 

In the beginning of the modern period, the American Baptist 
Missionaries translated the Bible and ran a monthly periodical 
named Arunodaya in the spoken language of the people and 
gave a fresh momentum to the traditions of composition in 
homely language. The first Assamese-English dictionary of 
the American Baptist Missionary, Rev. M. B^onson, is a unique 
collection of colloquial Assamese words, and later lexico- 
graphers have only followed Rev. Bronson in assigning a 
predominant place to homely indigenous words in their col- 

42. Side by side with the tbh. elements, there is a fairly 
large class of sts. words. These seem to be later formations 
and often betray a good deal of semantic variations. Thus 
Skt. sasya — , yields genuine tbh. xah, kernel of a fruit, and 
sts. xah, agricultural crops, and a quite recent formation 
xaic, paddy. So also Skt. saiica—, gives tbh. xdc, mould, im- 
pression and sts, xac. seed for germination. Similarly thorc, 
pestle of a husking-ma chine (dheki) and sts. thbt, the beak 
of a bird, are connected with Skt. trail Likewise, tbh. ghr, 
boil, and sts. gar, rhinoceros, look back to Skt. ganda. 

These stss. are modified loan words from Skt. and are 
formed either according to the genius of the spoken language 
or under the influence of some dialectical cross current. 

There is a fair representation in Assamese of what has 
been registered as desya elements in M.I. A. lexicons. They 
conform to class (2) of Dr. Turner's division and may be 
characterised as belonging to the inherited stock of Assamese. 

Loan-words from N.I.A. laiujuages. 

43. The chief source ' for these has been Hindustani. 
From that source has been received into Assamese a large 
number of Persian and Arabic words and also words of Portu- 
guese or other European origin. 

Words of Sanskritic origin which preserve the sibilant 
sound in the place of the Skt. sibilants which uniformly have 
an (x) sound in Assamese, are loan words from Hindustani 
or other Western dialects. Cf. tici, linseed : c&mbhale, takes 



care of : baic, teic, twenty-two, twenty-three etc. To denote 
the sibilant sound, (c) is used in Assamese spellings. 

44. Homely Assamese words, often with slight altera- 
tions in meaning, shew parallel equivalents in Oriya, Bihar!, 
Hindustani and other western dialects. These might have 
descended from common sources and in some cases might 
also have been due to migrations of people from different 
centres of Northern India. 

45. Certain Assamese words have similar or parallel 
formations in westernmost languages like the Marathi, which 
intermediate languages like the Hindustani do not seem to 
possess. Compare, for example, the following list of words: — 

khak, savage hunger : 
khacca, knotty as a tie : 
khabhani, a rack, a scraper : 
(E.As.) L'hanta-cor, arrant 
thief : 

khap, a notch : 

gab-bxira, a petty village 
officer : 

jakara- (bhal) : surplus rice 
kept over for a next meal : 

tdygarati, edition of a book : 

barat}gani, subscription : 

beji< needle : 


khankha, savage, miserly. 
khacca, hard and fast. 
khavani, a scraper. 


jakera, surplus articles. 

ta ))garan , improvement. 
bargani, subscription, 
bej, eye of a needle. 

46. About this class of words it would be more plausible 
to assume race contact rather than derivation from a common 
source. It has been noticed by historians of the Far-East 
that Indian Colonists seem to have proceeded to the Far-East 
both by land and sea and that the land route passed through 
Eastern Bengal, Manipur and Assam (Dr. R. C. Majumdar ; 


Indo-Aryan Colonies in the Far-East. Vol. I. Champa, pp. xi, 
xiii) . Further, the beginning of the Indian Colonial kingdoms 
is not later than the 2nd century A.D. (ibid., p. xvi) . 

47. It would thus appear that Assam lay on the highway 
for emigrants from all parts of India to the # Far-East and from 
the slow nature of the journey in those far-off days, the out- 
ward-bound emigrants must have dropped words and forma- 
tions that were taken over by the local people. It must have 
frequently happened also that some of the emigrants broke 
their long journey on the way and settled amongst the native 

An assumption like this would explain similarities of 
homely Assamese words and forms with those of the languages 
of the extreme west. 

This seems to be supported by archaeological evidences 
also. Archaeological scholars like R. D. Banerji and K. N. 
Dikshit have found in the architectural ruins of ancient 
Assam, points of resemblance to the Chalukya columns of 
the Bombay Presidency, Chaitya window pattern so common 
in the temples of central India (csp those in the Rewa states 
and at Khajurdaho). in the Gupta temples at Bhumra and 
Deogarh (R. D. Banerji, Annual reports, 1924-25 ; 1925-26 ; 
Archaeological Survey of India). K. N. Dikshit is a little 
more explicit about the source of the inspiration of ancient 
Assamese art. "The affinities of Assamese art would seem 
to lie more with the schools of Bihar and Orissa than with the 
contemporary Pala art of Bengal. This is not unnatural as 
of the streams of influence that have moulded the culture of 
Assam, the strongest current has always been from North 
Bihar and Mid-India (Annual report 1927-28 ; Archaeological 
Survey of India) . 

Non-Aryan elements. 

48. Hie principal Non-Aryan sources contributing loan 
words to Assamese have been discussed below in a separate 
section. They are (1) Austro- Asiatic :— • (a) Khasi ; (b) 
Kolarian and (c) Malayan. (2) Tibeto-Burman : — Botfo ; 

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(3) Thai : — Ahom. Specimen contributions from the respec- 
tive groups have been tabulated under respective headings. 
One point only need be emphasised : while the Khasi, Bodo 
and Thai elements may be regarded as loans due to the con- 
tact of Assamese with the several languages, the Malayan and 
Kolarian elements may be said to be due to the facts of a sub- 
stratum resulting from the unconscious blending of two sys- 
tems existing amongst the people. 



The story of the prodigal son. 

49. In the following specimens, the story of the prodigal 
son has been presented in the typical dialects of Assamese. 
The translations have been made by actual speakers of the 
several dialects, and the specimens have been transliterated 
in the usual phonetic letters. 

Excepting velars and labials, consonants have an alveolar 

Eastern Assam 
(1) Standard Colloquial (Sibsdgar) . ' 

50. kono ezan manuhar duta putsk asil. tare xarutowe 

bapekak kale — " oj bopai, aponar xampattir zi bhag mai pau, 

tak mok diyak. v tate tru Uur xampatti duyoputekar bhitarat 

bati dile. alap dinar pasat xaruto puUke tar bhagat zi pale 

take loj dur dexaloj goj beissali kari gotei xampatti nax karile. 

tar pasat xei dexat bar akal hoi. tate xi dukh pabaloj dharile. 

tetiya xi goj xei dexar ezan manuhar asray lale, aru xei manu- 

he tak gahan sarabaloj patharaloj pathai dile. tate xi gaharir 

khowa ebidh gasar seire pet bharabaloj bar htpah karileo tak 

koneo eko nidile. xexat xi setan pai kale — '' mor bopair kata 

golame zorat koj adhik khowa bastu paise, kintu mai iyat 

bhokat mariso ; mai ubhati bopair taloj goj ei katha kam ze — 

' <$ bopai, mai issarar osarat aru aponar osarat pap karilS, mai 

aru aponar po buh kabar zoigga nahaii ; mok aponar eta golam 

buli rakhak.' pasat xi bapekar osaralpj ubhati ahil, kintu xi 

durojt thakStei tar bapeke tak dekhi maram lagi, lari goj, tar 

dirjit dhari suma khale. tetiya puteke teuk kale— "oj bopai, mai 

issarar osarat aru aponar osarat pap karis5 ; mai aru 

aponar po buli kabar zoigga nahaii " . kintu bapeke bandi- 

bilakak kale — " iyak begai ataitkoj bhal kapor ani pmdhahak; 

iyar hatat a?/athi aru bharit payzar pindhahak ; aru ami 

bboz pati ran karShak. kiyano mor ei po marisil, akou zile ; 

nfiraisil5 akqu paid", tate xakalowe ran karibaloj dharile. 


tetiya teur bar putek patharat asil. pasat xi gharar osar 
pai, nas-bazanar xabda xunile. tetiya xi bandi-bilakar 
etak mati xudhile — ' ei-bor no ki hqjse ? " tate xi kale — 
"tomar bhayer ubhati ahise, aru tomar pitare teuk xustha 
xarilere povva hetuke bar bhoz patise ". tate tar bar khan 
uthil, aru bhitaraloj zabar anissa hal, kintu tar bapeke olai goj 
tak kakuli minati kaiilat, xi bap^kak kale ze — " mai iman 
basar aponar xewa kari konu kale aponar aigga uiahgha 
nai ; tat^iapi kono kale apuni mok bandhu-bilakar lagat rah 
karibak2j eti sagali powalio diya nai. kintu aponar zi puteke 
bessar lagat aponar xakalo xampatii bhagan karile, xi 
ahilate tar nimitte apuni bar bhoz patilc''. tetiya teu tak 
kale—" b'pa lumi xadiu mor lagat e asa, aru mor zi zi ase, 
xakalo tomarci, kmtu tomar ei bhayer marisil, akc>u zise ; 
heraisilo akqu paiso ; ei kale ami ran kara aru anandit kowa 
usit ".—L.S.I. Vol. V, part I, p. 405. 

Western Assam: — Kambup. 

(2) Pat ida rang (Eastern Kcimrup) . 

51. ttii manhur duta putak asil. xthator xarutui 
bapakok kalak,-- " lie pite, xampottir mor bhagot zikhini 
parei, take mok di " tau* U~> nizor xampotti xshatok bhagei 
dilak. tar alap chn^r pasotei x; h xaru puUktoi xakaloke 
gotei loj komba dexok legi palei gfl. aru tale lampat kamot 
gotai urei dilak xi xakalo bivay k arable xtri dexot bar 

akal hal. tate xi bar kasto pa ha dhallak. tttfn xi aru xeh 
clexor ita manhur a ray lalak. xen mantui nizor patharok 
legi tak bara saribak lcgi pathei dilak. tate xi aru baxai 
khawa rkbidh gasoi sei di p*t bharabak legi bar hepah 
kallak. kintu kawei tko tak nedliik. xehot aru xi gat ed 
pai kalak, — a mar pitcr kato sakarc zora kori tat kori besi 
khawa bastu pasi, kintu mai tt bhokhotc marso. mai uthi 
piter tak lcgi zai tntkc kam — "he pite xargor ahite aru tai 
dekhaote mai bar pap kallo ; tor putere buli mathar zuiggo 
nahao, tor sakai «-tar nssna mok kar ". tar pasot xi nizor 
bapakor gharok legi ahil. kintu xi durate thaka-5te tar 
bapake tak dekhi bar maram lagil. aru dauri zai galot dhori 
suma khalak. It ten puteke bapakok kalak— he pite xargor 


paisi. kintu mai iyat bhukhote morsu. mai uthi phele 
bapar take zai ei katha kam— " bapa, tai dekhate pap kori 
mor parakal khalu. tor pute buli matar layak aro nahafi. 
mok tor eta sakarar dare kar". pasot xi uthi phele tar 
bapekor gharok aihlak ; kintu xi durete thakaie tar bapeke 
tak dskha pai maramato dauri zai tar galot dhori suma" 
khalak. titte puteke tfiik kalak — " bapa, tai dfkhate mai 
pap kori parakal khalu. tor puto buli matar aro layak 
nahan ". titte bapeke bandha katak kalak— " got ^te kori 
bhal kapur ani iyak pindho ; iyar ha lot antra aro bhorit 
payzar di, aro ami bhoz pati ananda koru, kiyonu ei mor po 
morio zilak. hara satleo palu'\ titte gote gilakhene 
ananda korba dhallak. 

xei pastot teur da>ar puuktui pathrot asil. pasot xi ahi 
gharor guri pai bazna aro naVir xabda xunlak. . titte xi 
bandha katar Flak mati xudhlak— " k T la khen ki hoisi c " ? 
xi kalak — " tumar bhae aihn. aro tumar bape tak xustha 
xarile pawar nimitte bar bhoz putsi". titte tar bar khan 
uthlak aro bhitrok zabar logi issa nakallak. title tar bapeke 
ole zai tak kabo kollak aro xi baptkok uttar di kalak-—" sau, 
mai atak basar tor xewa kori kono kalote tor aigga phela 
nai. teo mor bandhu gilakhenor lagot ananda korba rta 
saglor sanao tai kono kaloto diva nai. kintu tor ei pute 
beisar lagot tor ei xampotti bhat|i khai plullak, ita aha 
matrake tar nimittee tai masta bhoz patsah ". titte tfii tak 
kalak — "bapa. tai xarbadai mor lapot asah. Tiro mor zi zi 
ase xei gote-gilakhen tore, tor ei bhae morio aro zilak ; 
hara hoi pawa gel. ei karanor dhon ami rah aro ananda 
kara usit. — Raghunath Chowdhury. 

(5) Palasbari (Southern KCnnrup). 

54. kunba eta manhur duta putak asil. ekdin xorto 
putake bapiyakak kala-" bapa wa, apunar xampottir mai 
bhagot zeman kheni pam teman khini mok diya." tethane 
bapiyake nizor xampotti duwo putakak bhage dila. kei dm 
man pasot xorto putake tar bhagto hij kunba akhan durher 
dekhok gel, aru tate gundami kori tar gotai makha xampotti 
nahai ra koilla. tar pasot xiai dekhot masta akal hal. tethiyan 


xi bar dukh paba dhoilla. tar pasot xi tarei eta manhur asarok 
zai asray lala. manhtoi tak bara sarba patharok khedala. 
tate xi barai khawa ekbidh gasor sfn khaba dhoilla. teo tak 
kayo ako khaba neidla. tar pasot setan pai xi kala-"amar 
bapar gulam-hateo agardenikc pet bhare khaba paisi, kintu 
mai Fte bhukhot xukhe morba lagsu. mai eithiyane gharok 
ulti zai bapar ago! yey buli kam-" bapa wa, mai isarar asarat 
aru apunar asarat bar pap koillu. mai aru apunar beta buli 
kabar zoigga nahau. mok apunar eta gulam buli dhori rakha." 
tar pasot xi bapiyakar asarok lcgi ulti ahil. kintu xi bohut 
durhet thakaotei bapiyake tak dekha pala aru burhar maram 
lagi tar asarok lcgi lori zai tar galot xamta mari dhori suma 
khaba dhoilla. tethiya putake tfuk kala-" bapa, mai bar papi, 
mai mok apunar bfta bulba noru". kintu bapiyake sakar gila- 
kak kaUV'araito thaki bhal bhal kapur ani yfk pindhou. yer 
hatot aiithi aru bhorit payzar pindhou, aru ami bhoz pati 
tamsa koru dc. karan mor rto brta mori zamor gharor 
pfre ulti aihsi". tethiya xakalowc tamsa koirba dhoilla. 

tethiya burar daj/ar putakto patharot asil. tar pasot 
xi gharor kakh pai tahator gharot nas bazana hawa 
xunla. tethiya xi sakar hatar flak mati xudhla, — " azi 
ikhan ki hosi oi "? sakartoi kala-" tumar bhiyake ulti aihsi. 
tFiik bhfile bhf'lo pawa dekhi bapere bar bhoz patsi." take xuni 
tar bar khan uthil, aru tar gharok zabar man nahawa hal. 
kintu tar bapiyak ale ahi kabo kakoti karaote xi kala-" mai 
Fman basar koko nazawiike apunar lagot thaki apunak sawa 
sinta kori asu, tio azik lepi mok lag-xamariyar lagot tamsa 
kori khaba rta sagalor sanao diva nai. kintu apunar zito 
ktai beisar lagot apunar xakalo xampotti bhai]i khastan 
koilla. xrto bfta ulti ahar thaki apuni masta bhoz patila". 
tethiya tFu tak kala-* 4 bapa tai xadai mor lagote asa aru mor 
zigila xampotti ase, xakalo tore ; kintu tor ei bhiyare mori 
uthi aihsi, xi haresil, tak aru palu. xndh-dhori ami tamsa 
kara aru anandit hawa usit. — Santadcv Gosivami, B.A. 

(6) Barjieta (Westem Kamriip). 

55. kunba fta manhor duta putF.k asil. rkdin xarutu 
puteke bapekok kalak-" pita, amar xampottir mai zikhini mor 


bhagot pau, xikhini mok diya". tethen bapeke nizor xampotti 
tahak bhage dilak. tare kei din men pasote xei xaru putektui 
tar gate xapake loi ekhm duhrer dokhok gusi gel, aro tate xi 
lampat ho} tar gate xapa xampottike uro phfllak. tar pasot 
xei dekh-khsnot masta akrl hal. tpthfn xi xei dekhor Fta 
manhor asrot zai asray lalak. manuhtui tak bara sarbak 
login patharok khedalak. tate xi rkbidh barai khawa gasor 
sei khaba dhollak. lake dekhio kayo tak rko khaba nediak. 
tar pasot tar setan lagil. ar; x xi kalak-" mor pUFir sakar.gilaneo 
agaddanike pet bhnre kri"~ba pa wo, kintu mai irate bhukhote 
xukhe morba lagsu. mai ethrne pitar take zai ei boli kam- 
"pita, tumi, dfkhante mai pap kori nizor parakal khalu. mai 
tumar brta bolba 15 ga pule nahay mok tumi Fthen eta 
sakaror dare rakha. tar pasot xi uthi bohil aro baprkor 
gharok login ahil. kintu xi duVet thakantei baorke tak 
dekha palak. lethrn han:kor "-.a ram laei dauri zai tak galot 
xapta mari dhori Fuma khalfk Mlrn nuUke kalak-" pita, 
tumi deldiatitc mai pap kori nizor parakal khalu mai tumar 
bfta bolba laen pute nahav.'' kmUl bairko sakar-ci'f nok kalak- 
"khob bhal bhal sai kapur am j\vk r'^c 11 ^.. ivar hatot anthi 
di, bhorit payzar di aro ami khai dfn ran tamsa koru ah. 
kionu ei mor brta mara hojo zilak : ma' t'"k houreo palu." 
xikhunti tahun tamsa korba dhollak. 

tfthpn manuhtnr daijar put'kiu p'tharot a^il. pasot xi 

gharok ahi nas baznar xalx^a xunMahfir ;fa bandhak mat di 

ani xudhlak-" iglan nu ki ho^e v r e " ? trthrn bandhatui kalak- 

"tumar ohSe" aise, aro tunar pitr uk bhale kale aha dekhi 

masta bhoz patse." iyake xum tar bar khan uthil aro bhitrok 

zabar anissa hal. kintu baprke tak kabo korba dhollak. 

tethen xi bapekok kalak-" rawa, pita, tumak mai impn basar 

xewa kori asu. fkdinak lo^in mai tumar katha phtdawa nai. 

tathapi mok tumi lag-xamariyar la?ot tamsa korbak login fta 

sagalor sanao diya nai. kintu ei tumar pute beissar lagot 

tumar xampotti pani kori pht-llak aro i lihantei tumi masta 

bhoz pati phrlla." tethrn baprke putrkok kalak-" bapa, tai 

xadai mor lagate asah. mor zikhini aso cate-gilan tore, kintu 

tor ei bha&tu mara hojo zilak ; tak mai houreo palu. xikhunti 

ami rah tamsa kara u.Mt — Achyutananda Das. 


Western Assam : — Goalpara. 

(7) Sdlkosd. (Raj-Bahgsi dialect). 
56. Kuno ekzan mansir duizan saowa asil. tar sotataye 
bapak koil-baba sampttir zo bhag mor hae, tak mok de. tat 
a8 nizer sampotti umak batiya dil. tar alpa din pasote oj 
sota saowata sok goteya dur desat gel. are lampat bebaharat 
ar sampotti uzar karil. ae golay kharas karar pasot oi desat 
bara akal hoil. ate aya kasta paba dhoril. sela ae" zaya oi 
deser tkzan mansir asray iowiu oj manusi ak suyar saraba 
patharat patheya dil. aie ae suyaie idiaowa ek rakam gaser 
sal diya pit bharaba sadeo ak kah kisu nadil. tar pasot ae* 
setan pay a koil-'mor baper kata golame besi besi khaowa 
bastu paise, kintu mui i le bhokate mansuh. mui oithe zaya 
ei katha koim-" baba sarger birudhdhe ar tui dekhat mui pap 
karilun. ' ior saowa bull kabar ar zoigga nahari. tor ek zan 
golamer mala mok kar." pase ae uthiya baper gharat gel. 
kintu ae* durad thakte or bape ok dekhiya daya lagiya dauri 
zaya or galat dhona sunia khail. sela saowata ak koil-" baba, 
sarger birudhdhe ar Uimar asarot pap kanluh. tor saowa buli 
kabar zoigga Dalian." kintu uape golam gulak koil-" sakaler 
saite bhai kapur aim a rk pmdiiao. ar hatat anthi de ar pawat 
payzar de. ar ami bho.-. paUw ran karun de. karan mor ei 
saowata morisil, aro bai d . haid-^mn aro pailuh." ate umura 
(sagae) tamsa konba ciiio.ii. o-ia ar da,|ar saowata patharat 
asil. pase ae a.Mja gha: r a.-ar pa>a bazi ar naser sabda 
sunil. sela ar goui:n-guiar ibA clakt>a pusil-" ei-gula ki 
hpjse ? " late a^- koii- '" to-' l.u.wi a>d, ar tor bape ok sustha 
sarile paya bhuz paid ak ar bara rag nihil : ar bhitarot 
zabar anissu hod l.aitu ar ivau aieya zaya minau karat ae 
bapak koii-" dikhek mm i ta ba.^ar u>r seba koriya kuno kale 
tor aigga amanma karun iuu . tathapi mor lag-laganyar lagat 
rah tamsa konba tku'i tagaU r bassao tui kuno kale mok dis 
nai. kintu tumar ei ze bttay beissar lagot apnar sampotti 
bhad/iya khaya phtlail, ae asate ar bade iui bara bhoz patih." 
sela ae* ak koil-" baba tui sadai mor lagot asis, mor ze ze ase, 
sok tore, kintu tor ei bhai morisil, aro basise ; haraisiluh aro 
paluh, ei bade ami rah tamsa kara usit.— Bimpnohan Chakra- 
varti, B.Sc. 

& Introduction 


57. In introducing this section certain reservations in 
statements are necessary. The comparative grammars of the 
non-Aryan languages arc not yet fully settled and one is not 
sure about the real origin of any word found in them. In 
selecting non-Aryan words for comparison with Assamese 
words of unknown origin in the following lists, the only guid- 
ing principle has been similarity in sound and meaning (which 
of course, is not a sure guide in etymology). Nothing more 
than mere comparison is therefore suggested and every remark 
about non- Aryan affiliation is to be regarded as subjett to this 
reservation in statement. 

Austro-Asiatic Influence. 
(a) The KMsi element. 

58. The Assam Valley districts are surrounded on all sides 
by aboriginal tribes mostly of Tibeto-Burman origin except 
the Khasis who belong to the Mon-Khmer branch of the Aus- 
tric stock. The Austro-Asiatic people are supposed by some 
to have been the earliest inhabitants of Northern India and 
driven to their present mountain homes by the Tibeto-Burman 
on the east and by the Dravidian on the west. The Khasi 
language in Assam is the sole representative of the Austro- 
Asiatic family in North Eastern India. Though the Khasis 
have been living an isolated life cut of I from any great direct 
intercourse with the plains, there have been in all periods A 
history commercial and political dealings with them and from 
the linguistic point of view there have been mutual borrowings 
on both sides. 

59. Other representatives of the Austro-Asiatic stock are 
the Muntfa languages that occupy the eastern half of Central 
India. It has been said that the domain of Munja, Mon- 
Khmer and other connected lannguages are much more con- 


siderable than it is at present and that it is only in late times 
that this domain has been reduced and cut into pieces by the 
Aryan and the Dravidian on the West and the Tibeto-Burman 
on the east. The people, however, who spoke those Austric 
dialects have now merged into the Hindu and Muhammedan 
masses of Northern India; they have become transformed 
into the present-day Aryan speaking castes and groups of the 
country. The absorption of the Austric speaker into the 
Aryan fold explains the presence in the Indo-Aryan speeches 
of a considerable number of Austric words (PA.P.D. pp. VII 
and XIX). 

60. For want of sufficient informations about all the 
varied branches of the Austro-Asiatic group, the observations 
here are confined only to Assamese correspondences to the 
Khasi, the Mundari, the Santaii and the Malayan languages. 
It would appear from what follows that the influence of the 
Kolarian languages is deeper and more far reaching than that 
of the Khasi or other non-Aryan languages. The influence 
of the latter seems to be confined mostly to the vocabulary. 
A few words (prob. of Austric origin) retained in the Khasi 
seem to have been absorbed into late Sanskrit, e.g., Skt. 
chola)}ga y a lemon; As. sole^ ; Khas. soli-long (soh, fruit). 
Skt. simba, pod. As. cJiei, Khas. symbai, symboh, a seed, a 
grain (U. S. Singh: Klidsi-Enghsh dictionary, 1906). 

61. The Khasi correspondences : y represents the neutral 
vowel in Khasi words. 

kdbau, supplication (kabo, to request). 

king-khdp, a kind of cloth (hem-khap). 

\Jkhamoc, grasp. (\/kham, close the fist). 

khatjg, anger, (khong-khong , irritated). 

kama, wander about aimlessly. (\/kma, wander, roam 
about) . 

$ir\ga, a boat (dieng, wood or tree) . 

$or)g, a channel (dong, abbr. of tyndong, a tube). 

heno } it is said, so they say (haiia) . 

jhpd, a bamboo clothes basket (japi, a basket in the 
shape of a round trunk for depositing precious articles) . 


jeng-jeng, protruding (jing, high up) . 
janjal, trouble (jinjar, trouble). 
jahd, a kind of sweet scented rice (juhai) . 
do-mcd, a half-breed, esp. a cow (mdsi, a cow; Aust. 
sia, a buffalo). 

methon, a wild bull (mylhen, myihun, big and muscular 
as a calf) . 

enei, " to boot, '' for nothing (ianoh } a little quantity in 
excess of that sold or bought) . 

cokord, the shell oi a nut or egg; a scab. 

(soh-khroh, having pock marks, e.g. soh-khliang, 
a scar). 

sal-man, pimples on the face ; (sulom, dandruff on the 
face) . 

nodoka, stout and sturdy (cf. sup-dok, short and stout : 
sup, a big basket ; +nud, the heart -f-c/o/c) . 
saujat, sajat, trust, coniidence (synjat, a pledge). 
cut, a bullock's rump. H. cutar (syntai, a hump) . 
fakand, wretchedly poor, Skt. Lex takka, niggard. 
(Cf. takhau;, wretchedly poor) . 
• $dri, an oil-vessel; an abandoned bed of a river (thdrid, 
a shallow bed oi a stream ; Cf. Muncl. tana, low land). 
bhur, a raft, Skt. bheda (? bur, a raft, y bur, to creep). 
bhurd, a male wild boar (bhur, one of a herd of wild 
boars) . 

(b) The Kol (or Munda) element. 

62. Considering the present habitation of the Kols (Kher- 
waris) in the Chota Nagpur Plateau and Central Provinces, a 
direct Kolarian influence upon Assamese seems to be a far 
cry. Dr. S. Levi refers to the Vayu Purana which shews the 
Kol in its list of the peoples of Eastern India between Prag- 
jyoti$a (modern Gauhati) and Videha (Tirhut). There are 
references also to the Mahabharata which shew the Kol as a 
tribe living in Eastern India (P.A.P.D. pp. 87, 88) . It is 
in the regions north of the Ganges and east of Bihar that the 
Assamese language in its formative period seems to have 
been individualised. A direct Kol influence thus becomes 
easily conceivable. 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


63. The influence of the Kolarian languages seems to be 
more deep-acting than that of any other non- Aryan language. 
The most distinguishing feature of Assamese is the addition 
of suffixes to nouns of relationship. 

There are also specific terms to indicate relationship 
according to gradation in rank and age of the person with 
whom relationship is indicated. (?§ 595 ff) . 

These peculiarities are generally ascribed to the Tibeto 
Burman influence. But in the Tibeto-Burman there are only 
prefixes to nouns of relationship. The Kolarian languages ex- 
hibit all these peculiarities : and there seems to be hardly any 
doubt that Assamese borrowed these peculiarities from the 

64. There is a distinct tendency in Santali to approach 
the sound of vowels in consecutive syllables to each other ; 
e.g., kora, a boy; kuri. a girl. This is characteristic also of 
some Dravidian dialects. There are vowel changes in Bengali 
and Assamese in similar directions For want of sufficient 
information it cannot be defmitelv ascertained how much of. 
the vowel changes grouped under Mutation ($$ 249 ff) and 
Vowel-Harmony (§5 259 fl) can bo attributed to the Kolarian 
influence. But the influence seems to be there. 

65 The lexical elements present a difficulty. Both the 
Santali and the Mundari dictionaries contain scores of words 
that bear striking similarities to Assamese formations of un- 
known origin in sound and sense. The correspondence extends 
even to onomatopoetics on a large scale The Kolarian langu- 
ages have borrowed so freely from other languages of India, 
that even the compiler of the Santali Dictionary made no 
attempt to distinguish between words of Kolarian origin and 
those adopted from other sources. ki With our present know- 
ledge of the non-Aryan languages of India, living or dead, 
which have influenced the present Santali vocabulary, any 
such attempt would have been mere guess work, and would 
have served no useful purpose." (A. Campbell: Preface to 
the first edition, Santali-EngUsh Dictionary, 1933). 


A select list of Kolarian-Assamese correspondences is 
given below to shew either the nearness of contact of both the 
languages, or the extent to which they were indebted to com- 
mon sources. A few words in the lists seem to be of Kolarian 
origin having Austric affinities. In the forms and meanings 
quoted, most of the words do not occur in lexical Bengali. 

66. The Mundari Correspondences. 

\/ata, to prepare, parch as a cake (Md. Sant. ata, fry, 

parch) . 
dtom-tokari. within limit, economically (Md. atom, brink 

Austr. tak. be full to overflowing). 
y/ute, floats (Md. Sant. atu. to float, Cf. Austr. uit) . 
\/bM ? to distribute (Md. \fbih to spread. 

Austric. bih. separate (Sem. Buk. Max).* 

dar\guwa, bachelor, solitary (Sant. dangmca). 

era, a particle expressing assent (da). 

ge.dra, hard and unripe (gddar. gadra) . 

huta. hard, obstinate ) ,, _ Xl , .... ^ 

« , _ . . > (h ot a, attack with horns erect). 
\/hut-huta, to clash \ 

hukari, growl, bellowing (yliukur, low growl or moan). 

jund, introductory stanza and chorus of a song. 

(jonoka, parable, example). 
juti, a bird snare (\/jwfi. to seduce). 
kadu, a gourd (kadua). 
latum, a spinning top (Md. \'lritum. to fold up. 

Khas. latom ; Austr. bu-lat. round. R. 191. lueh 

R. 160). 
lethem, slow, lazy (letho). 
lukmd, fat (lukum). 

mai, a term used in addressing females. I 
maiki, a female (mai). > 

\fmerha, twist, coil (merhao). 
muga, silk cocoon (mur]ga, coral). 
muthan, measure of distance from the elbow-joint to the 

palm closed up (muth). 
\Juburiya, turn upside down (y/obor, lie down on the 



utarjguwa, urge a" person to any course (otangao, be 

carried away by the wind) . 
serekd, watery, tasteless (? \/ser, to dissolve). 
cikard, a tick, a skin-louse infesting animals (siku, louse) . 
Vco^gfd, make a mere outline as of a road (sor\glw, a 

narrow path). 
sotd, a broom-stick, (sotd, stick). 
tupurd, round and small, (Cf. tdprd-toprd, small). 
thetuwai, numbness with cold, (tdtdi, to benumb with 

driyd, a wide-mouthed bamboo basket (itria). 
kakh-lati, the arm-pit (Md. lata, a pit, hole). 
-lekhlyn, like, similar, as in ei-lekhiyd, sei-lekhlya, this- 

like, that-like (Md. Icka, like, similar; Oraon: lekha) . 

67. 'The Santali Correspondences. 

ako-goja, obstinately sticking to something, (akor, diffi- 
cult) . 

dld-bddu, worthless, inefficient, (alua-basua . ignoramus). 

\ at (E. As. ant), be sufficient (\'antao). 

dthkuriya, (E. As. dnihu-kuri) , childless, barren (atkura, 
childless) . 

bhird. (E. As. bhincld) , a lump of e/irth ; (bhind, a lump 
of anything). 

bhbdd, foolish, (Sant. bhondo : Austric. bodo). 

bhut-kura. dwarfish, stunted, (bhutka). 

buc. (obscene) female organ, (Sant. buya, cucu). 

bbkd, mud, (Sant. bakal, muddy : Austric, buko, muddy 
water) . 

cahal, easily passable as a road, (cahla. slushy). 

capital, full of vigour and health as a young man, (caphel, 
smooth and unruffled as shallow water). 

cikehi, a sudden and involuntary start due to cold, fear 
etc. (cihik, cihkan) . 

(jiobola, a patch of land marked out by earthen embank- 
ments to contain irrigation water, (doblak) . 

<f,hip, a boundary mark, (dhipi, dhiph, a mark of 
boundaries) . 

4Kak } fainting due to weariness, (dhak, weariness). 



Assamese. Austric. 

dta, grand-father. ator, ata, grand-father, an- 

cestor (G. 86) 
abu, grand-mother abuh, abu, father. (F. 40) . 

bopdi, bapa, father bapai, bapa, father. (F. 44 a) . 

ax, mother ai, father. (F. 45) . 

kakdi, kaka, elder-brother : kaka, eider-brother (B. 426) . 

bdi, elder sister ; a term of bhai, ibhai, (Mon) . 
address to an elderly lady. elder sister. 

ba, bii, mother (B. 413). 
amai, mother's equal : amai, mother, aunt. (M. 194) . 

ban, mother (dialectical) : bo, bu 

, I mother. (M. 194). 

tawai, father's equal tat a, la, grand-father. 

As against kakai, bai, elder-brother, elder-tister etc. there 

are Aryan bhai, bhaiu : ior younger brother, younger sister. 

73. Miscellaneous words. 

akan, akani, term of address 10 young children. Cf. (awa 

kanit, young child. (L. Kel.) C. 101. 
aid)], a scailold iangmg from the roof or a beam of a 

house. Cf. aluny (Sak. Raj. B. 101. 
ata, grandfather : Ct. ata, ancestor ; awr, grandfather. 

(Sak. Ra. U.) G. 86. 
acU'Suta, coloured threads to weave embroidery' figures 

into a piece of cloth. Cf. achu, pattern, picture (Sak 

U. Kam) P. 42. 
a-kar, to open the mouth widely. Cf. ang, to gape ; (Bes. 

Sep.) M. 199. 
baga, white. Cf. bak, (Bah), biog (Temb). W. 98 (b) . 
bar, partition wail oi a house. Cf. bara (Sak. Ra.) B. 100. 
beti, girl, daughter. Cf. betina, girl, woman, (Mantr. 

Malac) F. 72. 
boka, muddy, mud. Cf. buko, muddy water (Sak. Kerb) 

W. 36. 
bej-bej ; itching sensation ; 
also bej-kacu ; a kind of yam causing itching sensation. 

Cf. be), bij, tickle ; (Sem. Buk. max) T. 124. 


bdi-VcJi, to thrust something long and round into a hole 

or cavity (slang). Cf. ya bai, dig, bore through 

(Sem. Jar) D. 107. 
\/bild y to distribute. Cf. bila, to separate (Sem. Buk. 

Max.) S. 105. 
bildk, many (PI. suffix). Cf. ba-lu (Sem). ba-lut (Kran) 

bi ga, many. Khas. byllai. 
bau, bamboo lath attached to the brim of a basket. Cf. 

pau, rib ; (Sem. Plus) . ba-pau. R. 100. 
hatalu-guti, a clay pellet shot from an arrow. Cf. telian, 

round. (Sem. Buk.). 

ba, boh. fruit. R. 190. 
\'bak, to pour, Cf . bikut, Lekvt. to spout. (Sem. Pa. Max) 

ba-nk. flood (Som), bahil: (Sak) I. 44. F. 178. 
bhoda, silly, foolish j Cf bodo. foolish (Ben. New) 

baduwCu blunt. f bodoh. (Sem. Buk) F. 219 

bet, mouth (slang). Cf bcio. face (Sem Pa. Max). F. 

\/buial. to pick up. Ci. Liu pick up. (Bes. Songs), boht 

(Bes. Lang). C. 52 
buth blunt, worn out Cf. buta blind (Sak. U. Kam). 

bhct'cahuwa. dim-.-ighied B 245. 

carti-cauL unli asked rice. C (Larou unhusked rice, 
also \, car, shine unfolded (Sak. Br.) R. 122. 

celauru eye-brow. Cf cbduv. to sec (Bes. Malae) S. 78. 
\/ciyar, to cry out Cf scrhoi. cry out (Mant. Bor) 

E. As. ahar C. 10 

vet, penis (slang) Cf. set sett, mons veneris. (Sem. Pa. 

Max). N. 18. 
cci)ga. very hot, burning Cf chekngek, heat. (Bes. 

Sep). H. 150. 

cdpar, thatched roof of a boat ) _,. . , ., . , 

. . .. , > Cf. sapo slats of thatch. 

xaphar, cover, lid \ 

(Law. Siang) H. 159 
cecd, chill. Cf. chengak : chngae : (Cuoi). C. 205. 
yjchaf, clip as hair. Cf. ge-chat (Sak. Ra). ckef, chict. 

(Bah) to cut small. C. 296. 
Cory/, a den, a resort of wild animals. 

Cf. chcong, chong. belly. (Sem. Buk. max.) B. 159. 


da'l (Pron. d81), a shrine, temple. Cf. dol house (Sert. 

Ulu) H. 153 (b). 
d&hekiya, half-ripe. Bg. disci. Cf. da-ching, unripe; 

(Khmer, chhan, raw). U. 19. 
din\gi 3 neck. Cf. teng-kok, (U. Kel) ; djagn, denkok. 

(Sem. K.) N. 29. 
dala))g, a bridge ; also Daraijg, the name of a district. 

Cf. dorr, bridge. (Sem. Cliff), B. 391. 
$hekiyd-patiya, the royal-tiger. Cf. pato; (U. Kel). 
diagign (Or. Hn. Joh) T. 129. T. 130 (b) 

gdhari, a pig, Cf. gaur, gau, (Sak;); gahu (Tan. U. Lang) 

pig, P 74 (a). 
gewari, work, menial service. Cf. gcwe, work; (Sem) 

W. 137. 
gerehd, half-dried fuel. 
gerekani, a place where filth and rubbish are tnrown. 

Cf. gerong, wood; (Sak. Sel. Da) T. 207. 
gdhari, delay, slowness. Cf . gehe, tired, feeble ; (Pa. Bel) . 

T. 145. 
gid, anus. Cf. kit, kid, anus. (Sem. Black. Max) A. 118. 
gilak, many (PL suff.). (Cf. §§ 640 ff). 
gord, heel. Cf. gor, lower part of leg. (Sem. Plus) H. 69. 
hold, a pool oi stagnant water. Cf. ho, water : (Sem. Bes) 

W. 29. 
hul, thorn. Cf. hulat, insect, (Blan. Rem); hili, thorn 

(Sem.) I. 23. 
habi, wood, forest. Cf. bi (Sem. K.) ; ba, bak, (Sen. K) 

hop (Pang. K.) forest, jungle F. 231, 234. 
hapa, ) wild cat. Cf . fidpd, cockroach. (Sem. Pa. Max) . 
he-pa, \ hampet, flying-fox (Bes. Songs) . C. 193, B. 74. 
holor\gd, a sharp pointed bamboo pole for carrying loads 

on the shoulder. Cf. halang, long piece of wood, 

(Serak) B. 101. 
jit, silence, appeasing. Cf. jit, jet, thin. (Bes. Sep) T. 72. 
jaha-mal, a kind of wild cat. Cf . juho, tiger (Som) . Cf . 

Lex. Skt jahaka T. 129(b). 
jugut, ready, prepared. Cf. jug, ready. (Pang. Sam) R. 


jilu, a small thread-like earth-worm* also kum-jeluka, 

snail, Cf. jelo, leech (Sen. Cliff) L. 46. 
jd, crest of fowl: cox-comb. Cf. juo, joa, cock's crest. 

(Shorn. Pe) H. 1. 
Vi u h to be suspended. Cf. jol jetjol, hang. (Sen. Cliff) 

H. 25. 
jeng, small twigs of tree. Cf. je-ang, bone, (Serting) 

jahang (Ben. New) B. 336(a). 
\/jop, lie in wait, look closely, Cf. ya-jop, to search. 

(Peng. U. Ar.)'S. 62. 
khar\g, anger. Cf. kheng, khing, angry (Khmer). A. 80 

(b). Khasi; khong-khovg. irritated. 
Jcodo, hornet. Cf. padau, tadau, bee (Sem. Plus. Keda) 

B. 135. Also pdduri-parawa :, a kind of beetle which 
when touched passes burning wind. 

kot/gd, having crooked fingers. Cf. keng-kang, 
ke\\gd (coll), bandy-legged. (Sem. Buk. Max) B. 50. 
kan, small, used in addressing a young person (e.g. kan 

bopai) . 

Cf. kanet, kaveh. smalf. (Sem. Buk. Max) S. 280. 
\fkatal, remove branches or thorns from the main stem: 

to smoothen. Cf. kontok. cut up, carve (Bes K, L.) 

C. 299. 

..,. , . y elbow. Cf. ka m onq, elbow (Sem. K. Ken). 
tiUL-kani, , , , .,.«„,, 

, .._ , . \ kuiakut. nail. (Sem Klapr.) 

t -i-\ "I"' I tehko. nail (Sem Buk. Max). E. 42, N. 3 
KlUL-klLth I ,. x „. -,, 

(b) Cf. Skt Jc77a. elbow. 

kapv\g, a girdle round the privities. Cf Hao 

penis ; pcnyali. woman's girdle; Khas. j?/m-pie?i, 
woman's girdle, P. 52 C 171. Lex. Skt. kaupina. 

khari, lightning. Cf. karei, kharci thunder • (Som) T. 

kukur-neclyd, a wolf. Cf. nyah. tiger. (Pang. K. Aring) 
chinnih; (Sem Beg). T. 129. 129(d). 

kuuxirjg, a wild dog. Cf. kohang, tiger-cat. (Jok. Raff) 
T. 133. 

VJcoroJc, kuruki. approaching with a hesitating and trem- 
bling movement. Cf. kruk, tremble, move (Bes. Sep). 
T. 228. 


keti, clitoris {slang). Cf. keto ; exterior skin. (Sem. Pa. 

Max) S. 236(b). 
held, penis (slang). Cf. klau, penis, (Bah Stieng) klao. 

P. 52. 

( kapau-phul a kind of flower. Q egg (gert) R ^ 

J Jcapau,-??zd?i, a kind of pulse 

f kelebav®, a wretched nondescript person. 

; kelehuwa, 

Cf. kelbong bent, crooked (Sem. Buk. Max) also, 

kelpum hollowed. B. 175(a). 
kerketuwa, a squirrel. Cf. her; kekah: tfiba. a squirrel. 

M. 145, 146. 
kehu-kecau, uproar. Cf. kelong. noise. (Sem. Pa. Max 

N. 90. W 
kawai a kind of fish. Cf. kaa, (Sal:. Br.) fish, F. 138 (u) 

Lex. Skt. kavayl 
kam, kayem. a kind of water-fowl. Cf. ayam. fow\ (Sak. 

Tarn) F. 258. Khas, ka is an article placed before 

singular nouns. 
kakh-pili, a tumour in the armpit, also pilai. spleen. Cf. 

pleh, stone of a fruit. (Sal; Cliff) F. 282. Lex. Skt. 

kala, deaf, Cf. kela. dumb. (Pang. Sam); ka\o, (Ser). 

D. 186. ) 

kani, rags. Cf. kh am. (Or. Lant); kam (Jak. Semb); ni 

(Bes. Bell). 
\/kamor, to bite as an insect. Cf. honor, insect. (Sak. 

Kerb) B. 143(a). 
( hta-makan, a leopard. Cf. lataik. wild cat. 
I lata-phutuki (Sem. Pa. Max). T. 129. 

lao~pdni, spirituous liquor. Cf. taw, clean water. (Sak. 

Tap) W. 35. 
lepeta\/karh , to sit on the hams. Cf. lempao, thigh; (Sak. 

U.L.) iempar, buttocks. (Tembi). T. 61. 

!lep, pincers, tongs; also lep-lepiya, glib. 
celepu, glib Cf. le-peh, tongue (U. Cher). T. 163. 
lerjga, thin and slender. Cf . lengak-lengak, slender (Bes. 

Songs) S. 259. 
lek-sek, soft and pliable. Cf. lekoy, soft. (Sem. Jarum. 


Seken. Sem. Beg). S. 333, 334. 

\/lar, to run. Cf . loi, run (U. Pat) lari (Mai) ; lor, move. 

(Bes. Songs.) R. 201, 202. M. 211. 
lin, abysmal depth. ) Cf. lien, (kran. Tern.) 

also linda-gara, a very deep hole ) hole. H. 109. 
lef-, leti-,\/la, wallow in the mud. Cf. Utah, mud (Som). 

M. 215. 
\fmarah, to be dry and crumbled. Cf. marah, angry, 

(Mai). A. 87. 
mej-mej. feeling uneasy in body. Cf. mi)i, meje, sick 

(Sem. Jur. Pa). S.' 187. 
meca, curved, bent. Cf. menchas. bent, low (Sem. Pa. 

Max), L. 150. 
maidam, a heap, a burial mound. Cf. midap, maidap (Sem. 

~ Beg. Jur). hill. H. 85. 
maikh a female. F. 64. 
makari-gh'rta. a round pebble-like fruit of a creeper with 

which children play at marble. Cf. maku. mako, egg. 

(Sem. Bux) E. 34. 
noma\> young. Cf. injom. yo\mg (Bes. Sep). 
ndndn, nam, diverse, various. Cf, nana-ner, other. (Sak. 

Kerb) T. 42. 
mhar-phutukl. a leopard. Cf. mevahar. tiger; (Sak. Em) 

T. 136. 
\/nddor, to sport on the water with shouts and playful 

shrieks Cf. nadur, nador. cry (Sak. U.) C. 281. 
^ukiya. ") to make a sound in retching; noise made in 
V retching. Cf. ya-ko: (Sem. Plus.), Kol. 
ok, ) om-kuv'c. to vomit. V. 22. 

pahx, sap-wood. Cf. palo-osh. wood partially burnt. T. 214. 
\/pot. to plant, bury Cf. petom, to plant, bury; potam 

(Bah), P. 132. 
pokar. anus ; vagina. Cf . puki, vagina; (Sem. Buk. Max). 

P. 222. 
pagala, mad. Cf. gila, mad. (Sak. Ra) M. 3. 
pal alluvial deposit on land. Cf. palao. island. (Sem. Jar) 

pulao. (Sak. Kor) J. 42. 
pel, testicle: Cf. pelokn (Sem. Cliff). peluk (Sak. Blau) 

egg. E. 37. 


rar\g-kukur, a wild dog. Cf. raaJcn, (Jel). raag (Sera). 
T. 132. 

suyg, awn of corn : (Bg. 8uk. Skt suka, su)}ga) . 

Cf . sung, thorn, sok, suk, hair. (Sem. Buk. Max) . H.I. 
sakat, fat, stout. Cf . cheke, fat. (Som) . F. 35. Prob. 

contaminated with Skt. sakta. 
sold, toothless, sola bald : (Mantr. Malac) B. 20. 
\/sala< to exchange, to change. Cf. selek, exchange, sileh 

(Sem. Plus.) B. 485. 
teleka, large and prominent eye. Cf. telck, see. (Plant. 

Kap. Lem.) S. 77. 
takon, a stick. Cf. tokn, hand ; (Sak.) H. 15. 
ttya, a parrot: Bg. kakatitica, Cf. tiong, minah-bird. (Ser.) 

tiokn, (Jel). M. 105. 
tel-teliya, greasy, clayey. Cf te: liat. soft clay. {Sem. Pa. 

Max.) E. 12. 
tefet, cold, chill ) Cf. teko. cold, wet ; 

tek-teklya, moist, wet (place) ( (Bes Her.). W. 74 

tu-kurc, a piece. Cf. tio, Hit, piece: (Sem. Buk. Max.). 

P. 70. 
th]g. a peak, summit. Cf. tinggih, high. (Ben. New). H. 83. 
tik, ) endure, last, Cf. tego. firm, durable : 

Bg. fek, \ (Sem. K.) H. 31. 

tila, a mound, a hillock. Cf. tuh mountain, (Pang. U.). 

M. 100. tenia, rocky hill M. 199. also, HI tel, place. 

P. 118. 
tapd, a wicker bag in which seed-grains are stored. 
topola. a bundle. Cf. tapa, bag for betel (Som.). fabok, 

rice-bag (Sak. Jap.) B 13. 
tok, to snip off as the leaves of trees, to shed as tears. Cf. 

tok, net ok (Bes. K. L.) to cut the heads of rice with 

a reaping knife. C. 299. 
tak, to be full to over flowing. Cf. toko, increase, aug- 
ment (Mant. Bor.). A. 185. 
ut, to float. Cf. uit, float, (Sem. Max.) F. 173. 
yjukiya, to shout, to scream. 

Cf. ya-kukeau, to shout (Sem. Jarum) S. 175. 
woqi.'kath, a kind of inflammable wood. Cf. ui, (Kon, Tu). 

uiri, (Stieng) fire. J. 124. 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


ui, white ant, Cf. yui, fly (Bes. A.) F. 199. 

Khas. u wiehj a worm. 
xiju, a kind of tree. Cf. siajoi, a kind of tree. 

(Pang. Tel.) T. 223. 
chep, xep, spittle, exudation. Cf. chep, pus ; (Sem. Pa. 

Max). P. 239. 
xete, to make a hissing sound as of a man shivering with 

cold. Cf. seoi (Bes. A.) . sihoi, (Manlo) , to sing 

S. 213. 


The Bodo element. 

74. Amongst the Tibeto-Burman people the Bodos were 
the most powerful. They built up strong kingdoms and with 
varying fortunes and under various tribal names — the 
Chutiyas, the Kachans, the Koces etc., they held sway over 
one or another part of North-Eastern India during different 
historical times. The Bodo folk who live to the west of the 
Kamrup district are called Mech by their Hindu neighbours. 
This word is probably a corruption of the Skt. mlcccka. Those 
of them who live in and to the east of the district of Kamrup 
are called Kacharis or Kacharis by the Hindus. Various 
guesses have been made about the origin of the word Kachari 
(Kachari) (L.S.I. Vol. III. Part II. p. L), but it seems likely 
that the word is connected with Skt. ^kaksata — , a hypotheti- 
cal formation parallel to Skt. kirdta. a frontier dweUer. There 
is also a hill tract in Assam called Kachar (Kachar). The 
word koc has acquired a specific meaning and it is used to 
describe a Bodo who has become converted to Hinduism. 
The Koc is now recognised as a Hindu caste. The origin of 
the word koc is unknown. Might it have anything to do with 
Skt. krunea, name of a mountain, near about the Himalayas ? 
Cf. Koc-Bihar, the seat of the Koc kings at the foot of the 

The Boijos live in scattered groups of villages that spread 
out from the extreme North-East of Assam to the districts of 
North Bengal. They are a people who lived mostly in the 
plains and came in almost daily contact with the Aryanised 
people. It is natural to expect that they should make some 

48 cmotoucta 

contribution to the vocables of the people with whom they 
lived in close neighbourhood. 

75. Living long in the plains and in immediate neigh- 
bourhood of Aryan-speaking people, the Bodos borrowed 
words freely from the Aryan dialects and without careful 
examination it is often difficult to ascertain whether a parti- 
cular word is of N.LA. origin borrowed by the Bodos or vice- 
versa. Some of the words o^ suspected Bodo origin are not- 
ed below : — 

76. The verbal roots of Bodo origin. 
celek, lick, (salao. lick). 

ceba, feel an uneasy sensation, (saiba, insipid, tasteless). 
(?) gam, get lost as money m a transaction, (gama, to 

disappear, perish). 
jtrd, to refresh oneself (jin. ]irii, to, entertain, feed: \J% 

to eat : -ra, -ri, causative suffixes). 
rep, cut with a drawing stroke (rep, strike as a match) 
a-gac, to obstruct, hinder, {'jaso, hinder). 
gacak, to trample under foot, (gaseng, to put the foot 

down upon anything). 
cekur. run at full speed as a horse or calf of an animal, 

{saing, go speedily) 
bhekur, g:4 mouldy , (bukhundi, foam, froth). 
bakhaliya, peel oil the skin or covering of a tree or a fruit; 

(iokhong, the shell of a fruit, Cf. also, bo-khalai, hew 

down) . 
gora, season by putting under mud and water as bamboo 

withes or jute plants, (goro, hatch) . 
cep, press, squeeze, (sep). 

Compound Verbs. 
khdm-\/bundh, co-agulate, get into a lump, (kMm, settle 

in one place). 
gaba-yjmar, clasp, embrace, (gabao, to embrace) . 
bir-^di, to part as hair to find out lice, or make a way 

through a crowd by displacing people. 

(Cf. Btf. y/bir, to scratch.) 
ttelamuri-y/mar, slap .on the head, (thalamdi ri, to slap). 


77. Other Assamese words of Bodo origin are: — 

haphalu, a mound, an- ant-hill (Bool, ha-phlaii) . 

dbrd, a simpleton ; (Bo$o) . 

mdi-hdn f a rice-plate with a pedestal on which food is 

served to a respectable guest, (Bodo, a pile of paddy- 
Mban, silly, (Boolo). 
cere\\gd } interval of suns rays in a cloudy day, (Boolo, 

srdn, light). 
hdmdhi, laziness, (Bodo. hiimasu, to sigh). 
jakhald, a ladder, (Bd. jankhla). 
jon, a point, (Bd. joV? , a spear). Austric, ujong (Sak. Ra), 

point of arrow, E. 65. 
ld)jgi, a kind of fish net, (Bd. tin'i, to take). 
khamald, co-agulated, clotted, (Bd. kham-lai, do together). 
hadam. a pile of mud and other useless things, (Ba\). 
hojd, simpleton, (Bd. hojdi). 

he\)(jar, a temporary fence, (Bd. hehrd, obstruction). 
bondd, the male of a cat, (Bd. the male of an animal). 
khokd, a kind of fish trap, (Bd. khau-kkd) . 
mem, bent, crooked, (Bd ). 

hao-phdo. lungs (Bd. lidm, Imath ; jdi. to come). 
cd)\g, a scaffold, a platform (basting), 
bijaluwu, a playful, jesting per: on (bi)ala. joke). 
dokhar, a piece cut oil, (Cf. Bd. dokhao, to separate by 

beating or knocking) . 
gakatd, bitter, acrid, (gaka. (jakha) . 
holoijga, flabby, corpulent, (holovi). 
lap/id, a vegetable plant of the class of the mustard plant, 

(laiphang) . 
lamakh, a net spread across an animal's path in the jungle 

(lamkhong, a wild animal's path in the jungle). 
lao-khold, skull (lao-khrong, a skull ; Cf. also khoro, 

silikha, myrobalam, (slikaihai) . 
uwat'hdth, a kind of inflammable wood used as a torch 

(wai, fire) . Cf. Austric. ui. 
ukhi, dried skin on the head, dandruff, (waikhi, ashes), 
tfdtdc, a gallinule ; (Btf, dao, a bird) . 


In Skt. (jdhuka is a late formation. Bo^o dao is a generic 
term. Does this shew borrowing from a common 
source ? 
A close scrutiny into the various sub-branches of the 
Boclo language will undoubtedly swell the list of loan-words. 
But materials for such an examination are just now not avail- 

Formative afiixes of Boclo origin. 

78. The Bodo affixes -ma, -sa, indicate something big 
and small respectively. The athx -ma suggests biggishness in 
an object and -sa suggest smallnebs, c g. rung, a boat; rung- 
ma, a big boat ; rung-sci, a small boat ; similarly, dikhong-ma, a 
big stream; dikhong-sa. a small .stream; so also thampki, a 
mosquito; thamphi-ma. a gnat ; dao, a bird, dao-sa/a. chicken 
etc. The afiixes -ma -sa (> -ca) with extensions exist as deri- 
vatives in many Assamese words. 

79. -ma and extensions : 

balla-m, a spear, (bhalla-) The dc-aspiration is due to 
Bodo influence. Bodo having no sonant aspirates. 

jala-m, shining decoration, (jcala- ). 

pekha-m. dance of a pea-cock with spreading plumage 
( ?prc jyfc/id- ). 

lehe-m, dilatoriness. 

lefhema, lolhoma, lodhomd, dull, heavy, corpulent. 

luru-md, rolled up, bundled up, (Cf. Iwndika, a round 

sts. jugamlya, juga-m-iya, long lasting, (yuga~). 

80. Diminutive -sa, (written -ca in Assamese) and ex- 

The Bo$o -sa > As. -ca persists in a diminutive sense in 
Assamese adjectives indicating "a little ", e.g., 

kalca, blackish. As. kola, black. 
rdrjgcd, reddish, As. rar\gd, red. 
baged, whitish, As. baga, white. 
dheped, a little flat. As. dhepeld, flat. 


* kereciyu, oblique, slanting, As. herd, squint-eyed. 

Mhetiya, also d&hekiya, half-mature, Cf. Bg. d&Jfi. 

kharatiya, a little coarse or rough, (khara-). 

sts. lakaca, lakaciya, a thin bamboo twig, (Cf. laka- in 
lakuta* ). 

This -sa > -ca- is quite different from Bengali -s, -sa, 
-ca, etc. (O.D.B.L. § 450) and has nothing to do with them. 
These Bengali derivatives have been shewn to be related to 
O.I.A. -sa (ibid), which becomes Assamese -Jin, ha (§§ 576 ff). 

Bodo past participle affix in -iba and its survival in 
Assamese formations have been noticed in their proper places 
(§§ 796 ff). For Bodo influence upon Assamese alveolar 
sounds, Cf. (§ 429). 

Thai (or Ahom) Influence. 

81. The Ahoms have been referred to already. Though 
they constituted a ruling race for about six hundred years 
(1228-1824 A.D.), they gave up their language and religion in 
favour of Aryan habits and customs and their absorption was 
so complete that they contributed only a few words to Assa- 
mese vocabulary. 

Grierson quotes the following opinion of Mr. (now Sir) 
Edward Gait concerning the remarkable completeness about 
the supplanting of Ahom by Assamese. " The reason probably 
is that the Ahom people always formed a very small propor- 
tion of the population of the Assam Valley and that as their 
rule expanded and other tribes were brought under their con- 
trol, it was necessary to have some Jingua franca. The choice 
lay between Ahom and Assamese. The latter being an Aryan 
language had the greater vitality and the influence of the 
Hindu priests was also strongly in its favour. The latter alone 
would probably not have sufficed. In Manipur, where there 
was no indigenous population speaking an Aryan language, 
the people became enthusiastic Hindus without giving up their 
native language, although that language unlike Ah5m, was 
unwritten and a character in which to write it had to be in- 
vented by the Brahmans " (L.S.I. Vol. II, p. 63. foot note). 
This, however, does not explain the whole point. A language 

may cease to be spoken but it may leave traces of its former 
vitality in the shape of a large number of loans supplied -to the 
current language of the province. The Austric and the Bo$o 
languages seem to have fared differently. It would appear 
that the Ahoms even when they preserved their language lived 
in circumstances which forbade diffusion of linguistic influ- 
ences by contact. Unlike the Bodos, the Ahoms do not seem 
to have been a colonising people spreading in groups of villa- 
ges over different parts of the province. Neither does it 
appear that they were ever given to trade and commerce 
which bring varied dialect speakers together and make linguis- 
tic borrowings possible. As it is, even now the Ahoms live in 
a concentrated mass in the Sibsagar sub-division of the same 
district. An examination of the place-names also shews that 
the places which bear Ahom names mostly belong to the 
same locality (§ 89) . The exigencies of the Ahom state in 
favour of a common lingua franca combined with the social 
habits of the Ahoms themselves may explain why their con- 
tribution to the Assamese vocabulary is so small. 

Some of the miscellaneous words are : — 

kai, a particle used after a proper name as a mark of 

seniority (T. km\ elder). 
khan, a wicker-basket (T. khai\) . 

takali, a click with the tongue against the palate (T. tak). 
y/tan, attend to (T. tan). 
\/pan, to plan (T. pan. to plan). 
pokha, a sprout (T. pv-kha, small thatch). 
pun, a spring, water-hole (T.). 
phan, a trick (T. a false statement) . 
pheta, bent (T. phet be bent). 
phau, nothing (T. dust) . 

rup-ban, wealth and property (T. ban. a kind of cup). 
ban, a hole (T) . 
buranji, chronicle (T.). 

jan, a shallow canal (T. shallow part of a river.). 
jeka, damp, moist (T. jik, damp) . 
jin, still, quiet (T.). 
jerjgd, an uneasy situation (T. jen, feel uneasy) . 


cen, false hair (T. can, hair tie.) 

thap, a layer (T.) . 

\/thukd, come in contact (T.). 

tho^ga, hags wallet (T. thun). 

kdren, a palace with a raised platform (T. Jcd-rcm.) . 

ran-ghar, a palace (T. ran, a palace). 

Ian, back, Cf . As. lah-khai para, fall on the back (T. Un) . 

hai, noise (T.) . 

doi\ga, a puddle (T. dan, a low field). 

ah-mara, impotent (T. dn-kd, ability). 

The non-Aryan languages borrowed so freely from 
Assamese, that it is often difficult to fix upon a particular 
word as of non-Aryan origin without ascertaining whether any 
such formation occurs in other cognate non-Aryan languages. 

The borrowings from other non-Aryan languages do not 
seem to be very great. But unless all the non-Aryan langu- 
ages are fully explored, their influences cannot be correctly 

Non- Aryan Traces in Place-Names. 

Austric place-names. 

82. Kaimkhya or Kamaksi. 

The name of a goddess so called and worshipped in a 
Sakta shrine situated in a hill named Nilacala near Gauhati. 
According to Pauranic legends the organ of generation of the 
Sati fell here when her dead body was carried over from place 
to place by Siva. 

Cf. the following Austric formations in this connection: 
ke-moyd : ke-moit, ghost. (Sem) . 
ke-mut : kc-muyt, grave, (Bes. Sep). 
khmoch, corpse, ghost, (Khmer). 
kvmuoch, corpse, (Stieng). 
kamoi, demon, (Old Khmer). 
kamoit, devil (Cham). 
Jcomtii, grave, (Tareng). 
ka*met, corpse, (Khasi). 

kambru. kamru, name of a lesser divinity worshipped by 
the Santals. 


The formation Kdmdkhyd or kamdksi may be a Sanskrits 
sation of such non-Aryan formations as khmoch, komuoch. 
In that case all the Austric formations would lead on to the 
conclusion of the place having been connected with some one's 
dead body. The Pauranic legend makes it the burial ground 
of a part of Sati's dead body. 

83. Kamarupa. The mediaeval name for the province 
of Assam. According to Pauranic legends, Kamadeva, the 
god of love, regained his form (rupa) in this locality after 
having been burnt to ashes by Siva. 

Hiuen Ts'ang called it Ka-vw-lu-po (Kamarupa). Watters 
notes also a place mentioned in T'ang-shu called ko-me-lu 
(kamru). (Watters : vol. ii, p. 186). Albcruni calls the place 
kamru, (Sachau: vol. i. p. 201). 

Mahomedan conquerors always referred to the place as 
kamru or kdmru-d. 

Perhaps popularly the country was known as Jcdmru or 
kamru-t(d), (Cf. Santali kambru, kamru § 82), -t being a 
suffix of place names (J 86). Jzamarupa, having been a place 
famous for Tantric practices, Kamrv-t would suggest some sort 
of connection with a land of necromancy. The Pauranic legend 
also speaks of the revival of a dead person here. Kamarupa 
may be an Aryanisation of Kamru-t. 

84. Other place-names with kam-, are Kama-id, in Coch- 
Bihar, Comilla (Kama-la ijk a) in north Bengal, both having 
Tantric shrines. Also, (?) kambo-ja. 

Haruppcsvara : a place-name mentioned in Tezpur 
rock inscriptions (Kamarupa Sasaruivali ; p. 22) . Mahamaho- 
padhyaya P. N. Bhattacharyya notes that Sala-Stambha was 
a mleccha king but he claimed descent from Bhaskara Varma 
and shifted his capital owing to infamy of descent (to hide his 
infamy ?). This place has been located near about the rocky 
town of modern Tezpur. cf. Sant. hara. a hill ; harup, to cover 
as with a dish or a basket. 


85. • Names of rivers : — 

Austric equivalents for water are; ho, hong, ong, (W 29 ), 
taya, tin, tu, tueh ; du, diu (W 30 ); lao, clean water, (W 3C ). 
The word indicating water is placed before or after other 
words : e.g. ti menu, a big river ; tin me, a small stream ; 
kuod teu, a tributary stream. 

The principal river in Assam, Brahmaputra or Lohita is 
popularly called Luit. In the Ahbm Buranji, written in the 
Ahom language and published with parallel English transla- 
tion by the Government of Assam (1930), the river Brahma- 
putra has been frequently referred to as ti lao. This was 
perhaps the popular name of the river when the Ahoms 
entered the province. This seems to be an obvious Austric 
formation. Lohita is a Sanskrilisation of some such forma- 
tion as lao-tu. CI. river names in North Bengal : kara-toya 
(Hiuen Tsangs ka-lo-iu); tisla. Other river names in Assam 
are tihu ; ti-pam ; tiyak ; di-hong ; dib-ong ; disa-n ; nai)mtima ; 
jan-timd; badati ; ndma-ti ; ti-rap. (for dz-, nam-, Cf. §§ 87, 

86. Austnc equivalents for earth, land, place, are ta, 
le, teh, tefc. tik. tyek. etc. (E. v .) ; Santali, ato; at. Cf. the 
following place names: hcnna-ia; camu-fd, baka-td; dip-td, 
capa-t-gram ; names of places in Assam; blidba-tii, saka-ti, 
names of villages m the Bogra district, North Bengal. Also 
Darrarjg, name of a district in Assam. (Austr. dorr, a bridge) . 

Dharam-tul a village near the Mikir hills (Austr. tul, a 
hill) . 

Bodo place-names. 

87. The Boolos built their colonies near about streams 
and most of the river names in eastern Assam are of Boolo 
origin. The Boolo equivalent for water is di (in the hills 
and in eastern Assam) and dm (in the plains and in western 

88. The Botfos rechristened a river name of other 
origins by placing their own equivalent for water before it ; 
e.g. di-hong, the name of a river, where Boolo di-, was plaeoti 


before Austric hong (water) —perhaps the name of the river 
in olden times. Cf . the following river-names : — 

dibru, (Bd. a blister); dibong, (Bd. dib, luscious); 
digaru, (digru, to bathe); dikhau, (dikhow, to draw water); 
dikrdng, (dikhreng, rapids in a river) ; disan, (disa, a small 
stream), digbai, (buhi, flow of water). Also bhog-dqi; 
maqgal-daj, etc. 
Place-names of Bodo origin are: — 

hajo, a temple on a hill-top near Gauhati, (ha jo, a hill). 

hakdmd, a village in Goalpara district, (Mkhma, 
to conceal) . 

bihdmpur, name of a village in Kamrup, (bihdm, 
daughter-in-law) . 

dispur, name of a village near Gauhati, (disai, to remove 
to another place) . 

mai-raii, name of a place near Gauhati, (max rang, rice). 

Alibm place-navies. 
89. The Ahom place-names are mostly confined to 
rivers. The Ahom equivalent for water is nam and it occurs 
as the first syllable of many river-names. Like the Bodos the 
Ahoms also put their equivalent for water before river-names 
of other origins. They called the river Brahmaputra either 
ti-lao (§ 85) or nam-ti-lao. So also nam-tima, (the river 
Dhanasiri), where -lima is an Austric formation. The 
genuine Ahom name for the river Brahmaputra is ?uim-dao- 
phi, (dao, star; phi, god;— river of the star god) . Other river 
names are: — 

nam-khun : (khun, muddy), the river Dilih in Sibsagar. 
ndm-khe, (khc, river) , river Jhahji in Sibsagar. 
nam-shao, (shao, clear), river Dikhau. 
nam-hoi-khe, (hoi, shell; k he, river) . &amuk-jan. 
nam-rup, (rup, collect) . 
ndm-ddn, (dang, to sound). 
ndrn~sdn, (sang, a platform). 
ndm-chik, (chik, a dirty place) . 
nam-jin, (fin. cold). The Ceca river. 
Most of these names did not survive as is shewn by the 
current names by which the rivers are known to-day. 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 




90. The principal Assamese sounds may be represented 
in tabular form as follows: — 


Bi-labial j Dental Alveolar Palatal ; Velar ' Glottal 
Plosive p, b . . t, d. ; . . k, g, 

Nasal m ; n . . t] , 

Lateral l 

Flapped r 


s, z 

Semi-vowel 5(w) 







h i 

_t .. — 

u, u 


e, e 

o, ft 



_ |. , 

9 » 3 


! (x. a 


The above table represents the essential phonemes in 
Assamese. They are twenty-four in number. But as the 
letters of the Sanskrit alphabet are used to represent these 
sounds, in the description given below the Assamese sounds 
are equated to the Sanskrit letters which symbolise them. 


91. (p) : unvoiced bi-labial plosive. It is represented 
by Sanskrit p. There Is not the slightest accompaniment oi 
breath as in the case of ordinary English voiceless plosives, 
Ex. pat. leaf; pant, water. 

But in the surrounding languages of the Bodo group, the 
great stress that is laid on a consonant when it is at the com- 
mencement of a syllable often gives the unvoiced stops an 
aspirated sound and when reduced to writing in Assamese or 
Bengali character, these unvoiced stops are often represented 
as aspirated consonant? (L S.I. Vol III. Part II. pp. 4. 69) . 
These non-Aryan habits might have caused spontaneous aspi- 
rations examples of which are preserved in N.I A. languages: 
e.g. As. that, beak (trot;) ; pheca. owl, (peraka) . 

92. (b) : voiced hi-labial plosive : symbolised by Skt. b 
and v (in initial positions) ; eg bagah a crane (baka-), bami, 
a kind of fish (rar?h'-). H represents the sound of Skt. v in 
learned ts. words in non-imtial positions also; eg. abahan. in- 
vocation (avahana). But in homely ts. words. Skt. v is repre- 
sented by the semi-vowel, -w- : e.g. scwa, service, (seva) ; 
Siwa, (Siva). 

93. (t) : voiceless alveolar plosive like the English t. 
The alveolar sound may be due to the influence of the Bo#o 
languages in which " dental consonant* are pronounced as 
semi-cerebrals as in English" (L.S. I. Vol. III. part II. p. 4). 
It is symbolised by Skt. t, t; e.g. tarn, copper (tamra) ; tale, 
is moved (talati) . 

94. (d) : voiced alveolar plosive. It is the exact counter- 
part of (t) in its voiced form. It represents Skt. (d) and 4 
(in initial positions) ; e.g. dapon, mirror (darpana) ; dinti, egg 
($mba) . 


95. (k } g) : unvoiced and voiced velar plosives ; e.g. kal, 
plantain, (kadali); gach, tree, (gaccha). 

96. (m) : voiced bi-labial nasal : eg. mai, mother. As it 
is distinctly ariiculated in all positions, it does not betray any 
tendency unlike Bengali intervocal (m) dialectal, to pass into 
a nasalised ~v ; e.g. As tamakhu ; Bg. tamak, tavdk, tobacco. 

97. (n) : voiced alveolar nasal. It stands for Skt. (n) 
and n (in intervocal and final positions); eg. ndk. nose; kdn. 

98. 0|) : voiced velar nasal as in English song. It occurs 
only intervocally and finally; eg. lc]\a, tall, be>/, frog 

99. (I) : as in English long: e.g. h)\g. clove (lararjga). 

100. (r) : voiced alveolar rolled Formed by a succes- 
sion of taps made by the tip of the tooeuc anamst the upper 
gums It stands for Skt r. d (m uc\.-',ri ',al potions), and 
N.I. A. r (in niterroeal positions). Unlike Bengali r which has 
three values ( Chatter ji ■ A Br/'ci Sketch of Bengali Phonetics, 
§. 21), it has only one value in Assamese in all positions; eg. 
dhar, debt; gur molasses, (gudct); nun. ])\i\se. (nadika). 

101. (s) : voiceless alveolar fricative It stands for Skt. 
(c, eh) in all positions; Skt. (a) being articulated differently 
(cf. §. 108) in Assamese: eg. an (pronounced sni) , sign, (cih- 
nci) ; kacha (pronounced ktisa) . tortoise, (kacchapa) . 

102. (:) : voiced alveolar fricative. Stands *or Skt. j, 
jh and y (ni nut ml position): c r \ uUi. caste: jar. big forest. 
(jhata) ; }a, a measure, (para). 

103. (x) : unvoiced glottal fricative. This is a sound 
that is peculiar to Assamese only. It is a sound unknown to 
Bengali except, li in some interjections, in a final position, as 
in ih. (Chatterji : A Briei Sketch oj Bengali Phonetics. §. 25). 
It represents Skt. s. s, s m initial poi 'nous ?.g. xakal for 


sakala, all; xar for sara, arrow; xolla for solid (sodasa) f 

104. (%,) ' voiced glottal fricative as in English behind. 
It occurs in all positions; eg. Jidt, hand; bilxan, morning; bih, 

105. (w) : voiced bi-labial semi-vowel. It represents 
the ib-glide and stands also for Skt. v (in intervocal positions) 
in homely words; eg. scurd, service (sevd) ; Siwa, (Siva) ; 
noware, is unable, (na-parayati) : ghawa, wound, (ghdta). 
In final positions it is often written as b: eg. leo, smearing 
(lepa) . It never occurs initially, but foreign words with an 
initial w-sound are often transliterated with an initial 
Assamese W ; eg. Waltar for Walter. 

106. (j) : voiced palatal semi-vowel. It is equivalent 
to consonantal (i) of English and other languages. It repre- 
sents the i/-g]ide and the sound of Skt. y (in intervocal posi- 
tions) ; e.g. bhjal. evening, (vikala); piydh, thirst, (pipdsd); 
niyam. rule, (niyama). 

107. There are the aspirates, ph. th, t/i, Jch, bh, dh, dh 
which have separate letters and are therefore regarded as 
simple sounds. In Assamese, th, th have no distinction in 
sound, so also dh and dh (initial). The aspirated rh is a 
characteristic Assamese sound and is very prevalent in ibh. 
words; eg. burha. old. (rrddha), written as Skt. dh; parhe, 
reads (pathati). kh represents also the sounds of Skt. s, &, ?, 
in intervocal positions: eg. bikh. poison (visa); ddkh, slave 
(ddsa); akhay, intention, (dsaya). There is only a difference 
in sonority between Assamese articulation of intervocal and 
•final sibilants and fully aspirated kh ; so that kh (intervocal) 
is often represented by s; e.g. pas for, pakh, a fortnight 
(paksa) ; kas for kdkh, side, (kaksa). In Majthill s is pro- 
nounced as kh in all positions (L.S.I. V. II. p. 21) . There is 
only one instance in Assamese where s stands for kh initially; 
e.g. $et-hapard, a medicinal herb (ksetra-parpafi) . 


108. In tbh. words, s, s, s in intervocal positions>h; eg. 
bah, dwelling, (vasa); dah, ten, (dasa); sahur, father-in-law, 
(svasura) ; bih, poison, (visa) . In no position in a word have 
the sibilants an s-sound. That sound in Assamese is symbo- 
lised by palatal c, ch. Wherever in a Sanskritic word, the 
sibilants give an s-sound, c is generally substituted in writing 
for the sibilant and the s-sound of the sibilants is generally 
to be regarded as an imported one; eg. macur, a kind of pulse, 
(masura); ticu linseed, (atasl); binac, miscarriage (vinasa) ; 
kalaci, the jar-shaped pinnacle of a temple, (kalasa-). 

But the regular tbh. forms from vinasa and kalasa would 
be binah, destruction; kalah, jar. 

109. Properly speaking, there is hardly any difference 
in sound between, c, ch: but ch is now generally used in trans- 
literating foreign words with an s-sound; eg. Shakespeare 
would be transliterated as Cheksaplur So would Chilan be 
written for Shillong. 

110. The numerals have a certain peculiarity. Though 
spelt with an s, they have preserved the sibilant sound. Thus 
though spelt with s\ in ekajs, baiL ted etc. the final sibilant 
has an (s) and not a (kh) sound. The manuscript spelling 
in early literature is very diverse; eg. das, das, dah; pancas, 
pancas ; cabic ; pancis ate. The s-sound of s in numerals 
is most probably an imported one and due to Hindustani 

111. To sum up, the sibilants have different sound values 
in initial and non-initial positions in is. words and they are 
treated differently in non-initial positions in tbh. words. In 
initial positions in both is. and fbJi. words, they are pronounc- 
ed as x, but in non-initial positions in ts. words they are pro- 
nounced as kh. In non-mitial positions in tbh. words, they 
are all changed to h. Examples : sesa is pronounced as xekh ; 
vasa as bakh; asara as akliar; but tbh. forms are xeh; bahatiya, 
(vaitt-) ; b&h, (vasa) etc. The change to h seems to be carried 
out in a large scale in Mid. As. period. In early Assamese 
the intervocal sibilants also seem to have been pronounced as 


x. In the case of the numerals, the sibilant s has an s-sound 
and this sound is a borrowed one. In some borrowed forms, 
palatal c is substituted for the sibilants. In compound conso- 
nant-groups, the sibilants retain an s-sound. eg. Krsna pro- 
nounced as Krisna ; prasna as prasna etc. 


112. There is no distinction of length in the sounds of 
i, l ; w, u in Assamese. They may be used indiscriminately in 
Assamese words without alteration of sound or sense. And 
in final positions, especially as affixes, i. i are so used. But 
in ts. and in tbh. words distinction is made in the use of i, i ; 
u, u in imitation of Sanskntic spelling. There are, however, 
long and short sounds of the pure vowels i u. But the long 
or the short quantity depends on the length of the word in 
Assamese or on the position of the vowel within the word. 

113. Assamese (<) (short) corresponds to English i in 
pit, pin. It is heard in As words like pit bile; khil fallow 

As. (r. ) (long) corresponds to the sound in English 
machine. Its sound i> very distinct in the final syllables of 
verbal formations where .-ome vowel sounds have been drop- 
ped e.g. kini :, having bought, (kinu'i). 
m :. having taken, (nw) 
si:, having sewn, (sta) : but si, he. 
Initially and medially it is heard in words like i:tar, com- 
mon; piri:ka, pimples, etc 

114. (?) : It corresponds to English e m men ; except 
in ts. words which have preserved the sound in familiar col- 
loquy, (e) is not a primary but a resultant sound in As. tWi. 
words. The sound has b^ en preserved in homely ts. words 
like des, country idesa) ; cetan. consciousness (cetam) 
etc. In regular tbh. words it has been lowered to (g) ; 
eg. fcJiEr, straw (kheta) ; pd. testicles (pela). 

Due to the presence of the high vowels (i, u) in a following 
syllable, (t) is raised to (e) ; e.g. befd, son, but beft, daughter; 


thzldy push; but fheli, having pushed. So also ptt, belly: 
but pefuld, pot-bellied. 

(e) is heard in the instrumental-nominative case-ending 
-e (<-ena), as in the locative case-ending -e (< -ahi) and 
in the third person conjugational ending -e (<-ati) ; eg. hate, 
with the hand ; ghare-ghare, in every house ; hare, he does . 

115. (f ) . This is the usual sound-value of the e-phoneme 
in Assamese, e.g. e/c, one ; bfld, time. 

116. (a 5 ). This is the characteristic sound in Bengali. 
It is absent in Assamese, but in some dialectical areas in 
western Assam, an attempt to reproduce this sound has 
resulted in broadening it to a, a. through the intermediate 
stages yd \jd. Thus tfd is oiten heard in certain localities 
as yata, ydtu, aid, did. This is. however, a purely local and 
dialectical variation. It is quite likely that in standard 
Assamese forms like akal, alone, (vkkala) ; dkrni, once again, 
(*ekkahu), the change of -e- to -a-, and -a-, is due to dialec- 
tical influence. 

In Bengali also. " a is frequently huird for a' in the middle 
of a word " m certain circumstances. (Chatterjfs Bengali 
Phonetics. § 38). 

117. (a) It is a clear sound as in English jather, part. 
e.g., ami, we ; to, hand ; bat, road. 

In the St coll., (d) in an initial syllable, followed in the 
next syllable by another (d), has often the frontal pronun- 
ciation of (0 This (0 has evolved through an intermediate 
(a) sound of the nature of the cardinal vowel (ci) ; e.g., 
n&jdy, does not go ; E. As. najdy : Mod. As. nejdy. Compare 
also dthd. aba. gum; add, tdd, ginger; ddhd, i-dhd, hah'; 
dWi, flah, laziness, etc. This tendency is ever on the increase 
in recent times. All ihe three following forms are used in 
modern writings according to the taste of individual writers: — 
chdpd, printed ; chapd< chipa. The sound ne- for *n€, in 
nejdy is due to confusion with nc from neg. na with emphatic 

Pure ts. words have not been subjected to this change ; 
eg. raja, raja, king ; tar a, tard, star. 
A —a 


118. ( 9 ) : Ordinarily it is a short vowel of the nature 
of the sound in English hot, eg. kal. plantain; khar, straw. 
It has two other sounds as in English law, and the (o) in the 
second syllable of English morrow. These two sounds are 
represented in transcription by (d) and (6) . 

(d) is a resultant sound in Assamese and is due to 
contraction of the sound groups -atua-, -aua-, -aha-, etc. e.g. 
dhal, leucoderma, (dhavala-) ; iiani, butter, (navanlta); na, 
new, (nava) . 

(o) also is a resultant sound and is due to vowel mutation; 
e.g., mbh, buffalo, (mahisa). The (6) sound is also percepti- 
ble when in the next syllable 9 is followed by i or u ; e.g. 
kbri (for /can), having done: Hon (for Han), name of a 
person ; sbru (for saru) , small. 

This (6) sound is often stiffened to d ; e.g. Ibi'd or Zdrd, 
boy. This broad sound of 9 is characteristic of western 
Assamese dialect. 

119. In the St. coll. there is no neutral vowel or " the 
half-distinct form of ( 9 ) , which results from an attempt to 
slur a syllable containing ( 9 ) in quick pronunciation.' 1 Es- 
pecially before a following glide or semi-vowel -it?-, the pre- 
vious half-distinct ( 9 ) is fully vocalised into a regular (0) . 
e.g. cdkotod, the ruddy goose, (cakravaka-) ; tarowal, sword, 
(taravdri); halowa, a plough ox, (hala-^vaha-) . etc. 

120. The o-phoneme has two values in Assamese, 
long and short. When long, it has a sound as in English voca- 
tion : e.g. bhog, enjoyment ; lo, iron ; po } child, etc. The short 
(0) has a lower position than long (0) and has a position 
intermediate between long and a ( 9 ) . It has been dis- 
cussed in (§. 118). In a final syllable it appears as a semi- 
vowel, e.g. cheb/w, a piece, (cJieda). 

kheb/w ; a cast, throw, (ksepa). 
tab/w, heat, (tdpa). etc. 

The short (0) is often lowered to a frank 0(9) sound, 
eg. kbr, bud, (*kbra, kora)\ gitdhuli, evening, (go+dhuli-) ; 
sajivd, a vegetable plant (sobhanjana-) , 

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This change is highly characteristic of the Kamrupi dia- 

121. (u) presents a parallel to (i) . It is pronounced both 
as short and long: — 

Short : as in hul, thorn; guti, seed. The long sound (u: ) 
is heard as in kukuiha, wild cock, utanw.wa, rash; khdru: , 
a bracelet ; gdru : , a pillow. v 

Short (it) often interchanges with (o) , through the laws 
of vowel-harmony, eg. some, lies down; but suba, lying down; 
rowe, plants; but mba, planting etc. (<*suiba, *ruiba). 



122. There have been sharp differences of opinion 
amongst eminent Indologists about the existence or otherwise 
of accent in N.I.A. languages. Pischel held that there are 
certain sound-changes in the Pkl. dialects which can be as- 
cribed only to the influence of an accent corresponding in 
position with the tone of Vedic Sanskrit. Jacobi denies the 
existence of this accent or its effects in Pkt. and argues that 
the accent of Pkt. was a stress corresponding in place with 
that ascribed to classical Latin. Dr. Bloch holds, that we 
know nothing certain about the accent in ancient times and 
that there is much that is doubtful and inconsistent in Pischel 
and Jacobi's theories and that the N.I.A. languages possess 
no stress etc. 

Opinion seems, however, to settle down on the side of the 
existence of stress. Dr Turner in his article on " the Indo- 
Germanic accent m Marathi " (J.R.A.S. 1916) has exhaus- 
tively examined all those theories and supports the views 
of Jacobi as being applicable to all the N LA. languages except 
Marathi which follows a different scheme of accentuation. 
Grierson in his recent articles on the Indo- Aryan Vernaculars 
(Indian Antiquary : Supplement, 1932. April) reverts to the 
views of Jacobi and examines the question of accent in N.I.A. 
languages in the light of his theory. 

123. As Assamese has been left out of reference in all 
the existing works of Comparative grammar of the N.I.A. 
languages, it is necessary to examine the question of stress 
in Assamese in the light of some of the views of these eminent 

124. From the phonological details in the body of this 
book it would appear that there are two different systems of 


stress in Assamese sharply differentiated from one another in 
two different dialectical areas. The -stress in the Kamrupi 
dialect in western Assam is dominantly initial whereas the 
stress in the Standard colloquial of eastern Assam is medial. 
The stress in the Standard colloquial seems to fall in a line 
with the prevailing pan-Indian system in being placed on the 
penultimate. The initial stress of the Kamrupi dialect has 
in some instances influenced the phonology of the Standard 

125. The dominant initial stress of Kamrupi causes such 
violent changes in the following syllables as to make words 
almost unrecognisable. Each particular word carries its own 
initial stress and when the final syllable is an open one, the 
medial vowels are slurred over and practically ignored in 
pronunciation so that the medial syllables are always the 
weakest in a Kamrupi word. 

126. With these preliminary observations, let us examine 
the stress of the Standard colloquial. Let us assume as a 
hypothesis that it follows the pan-Indian system which may 
be enunciated as follows: — " In the Sanskrit-like language 
from which Assamese sprang up. the stress falls on the pen- 
ultimate syllable of the word if it is long : if the penultimate 
is short, then on the antepenultimate : if that again is short, 
then on the fourth syllable from the end." 

127. The vowel changes that take place are considered 
under the following heads : — 

(A) . Vowels in accented syllables : 

(1) In open syllables. 

(2) In closed syllables. 

(B) . Vowels with the secondary stress. 

(C). Unaccented vowels : 

(1) Pre-accentual. 

(2) Post-accentual. 


A(l). Vowels in accented open syllables. 

128. In open syllables except for OIA. fli, au, r, all 

vowels remain unchanged: oi. an > c, o; which converged 
with O.I.A. e. o; r > a. i, or w, which converged with O.I.A. 

Examples : 

khaer, catechu [khddira). 
thar, stiff, (sthdvira). 
bharfi, sister, (*b/uigm?kd) . 

sd/ian, sd/ion. ancestral property, sasana). 
cotal court-yard, (catvala). 
dhora, a kind of snake (*dundubhaka) . 
bald. (Coll.) sand (valuka). 


sts. bitopa?? . shining, (vUapana). 
cikbn. glossy, beautiful. (cfkkaTia). 
bibhoh perplexed, (vihvala). 
(u, £). 

ural, mortar, (*iidiJchaZa). 

gom (spelt garu). cow, ((/ori3pa). 

d/iuld, dust, (dhulika). 


sts. mekfceld. woman's girdle, (mekJiald). 

teton, rogue, (*tcnta7ia. cf. D. tenia, a gambling den). 

sts. jojond. an epigram, (yojand). 
rau, (Pr.-ou), a kind of fish, (*rohitaku) . 
tJiord, the pestle of the husking machine dheki (from its 
look like the beak of a crane), (*tr6tika). 


•mata (in kecu-mata, earth thrown out by earth-worms) 
(mfttika) . 

biefcd, scorpion, ( *t?f icifcd) . 

0TRtt6-ACCENT 71 

129. In the M.I.A, stage all long vowels before two conso- 
nants were shortened. These short vowels converge with the 
corresponding O.I.A. short vowels. Later in the formative 
period of the N.I. A. languages when the double consonants 
were shortened, or in the case of the group nasal -(-consonant, 
when the nasality was produced simultaneously with the 
vowel, the preceding short vowel, if in the syllable bearing 
the chief stress, was lengthened. 

As there is no distinction of length in the sounds of the 
Assamese vowels, this compensatory lengthening is recognised 
only in the case of (a) which becomes (a) ; e.g. M.I.A. a. < 

O.I.A. a : ddpoiiy mirror, (ddrpana) . 

sai)6r, yoking together, (sai\ghata) . 

satbr, swimming, (sdniara) . 

ktindbn, crying, (krdndana). "\ Cf. §. 291 for 

bdndhbn, tying, (bdndhana) y reduction of 
) -nd-\ -ndh-. 

kdpbr, cloth, {kdrpata). 

gadha, ass, (*gdrdabhaka). 

bagh~()ari) , reins, (avdgraha) . 

pdghd, tying rope (prdgraha-). 
O.I.A. d : apbn, self, {*atmanaka) . 

bhdda, name of a month, (bhadrapada) . 

vidthbn, just, (*matrana, matra-). 
O.I.A. r: mcbn, dancing, (*nftyana). 

(B) . Vowels icith the secondary accent. 

130. In words of more than three syllables there is also 
a secondary stress. The secondary stress falls on that one 
of the unstressed syllables which is furthest removed from 
the principally stressed syllable ; because the least stressed 
syllables are those in the immediate vicinity to the fully 
stressed ones. But if the last two syllables of a word are 
unstressed, the last is the weakest. 

When carrying the secondary stress of the word, short 
vowels remain unaltered, long vowels are shortened and con- 


sonant groups are simplified without compensatory lengthen- 
ing of the preceding vowel, e.g. 

tt ; pariy&L members of a family, (pdrirura) . 
tarowai, sword, (taravdri). 
bkada, name of a month, (bluklrapdda) . 
SfodJid, ass, (■ydrdabhdka). 
paghd, tymg rope, ("prdgrahdka). 
Long syllables are shortened, eg. 
cakowa, ruddy goose (cakravaha-) . 

(C). Unaccented vowels. 

131. All M.I. A. short vowels, unless protected by two 
following consonants, have a tendency to become either 
(a) or to disappear. Long vowels preserve their quality, but 
are shortened. 

The weakest positions are: (1) the absolute beginning 
of the word ; (2) between the main and the secondary stress 
or vice versa. In both of these, short vowels have a ten- 
dency to disappear. The next weakest positions are : (3) the 
syllable preceding the mam stress ; (4) the syllable following 
the main stress m an originally trisyllabic word. In both 
these positions short vowels lose their timbre and long 
vowels their length. 

C (1) . Pre-acccntual syllables. 
132. Unstressed long syllables are shortened, e.g. 
prak/sdlayah, washes, > pakhdle. 
pras/tara > pathur, field, meadow. 
*nw / ktisikd > nikahi, projection of a roof beyond the 

ud/bharayati > ubhdle. uproots. 
ut/patayati > updre, fells. 
vya/khyuna > bakhdn, exposition. 
ja/mtitrka- > *jawdi, fiwdi, son-in-law. 
*ma/ r 'apayati >mardy > causes to beat. 
*cd/lapayati > cdlfiy, causes to shift. 
go/dhuma-> *ghahu, ghehu. 


*go/rupa > 9*'™ (Proa g&ru) t cow. 

•go dhuUkft > ga'dhuii {Pron. g&dkl*), evening. 

•v^Mgutka > Wrtfli iPron. bo-), ascdic. 
vai/tokha > ua'hcu/ (Pron. uo-), name of a month, 
sau/bluigya > suuxig, husband's favour, 
kau/pina > fca'pm, loin-cloth worn round the privities. 

133. Initial short syllables beginning with a consonant re- 
main: e.g. 

sa/lakd > said, a thin wedge. 
vi/nasa > binah, destruction. 
vi/blidna- > bihan, dawn. 
gu/vaka > c/iruxi, betel-nut. 
Jcu/ tu?)iba- > sis. kutum, relative. 

134. Initial short syllables beginning with a vowel are 
often lost eg. a/labu- > lau, gourd. 

a/vdgraha > bagh- (jan), reins. 

a/ristaka- > ritha, soap-nut. 

*u'(j,umbaruka > dumaru (Pron. dumuru) , fig tree. 

u pai^scm > ba/ie, sits. 

*u/pdnahikd > ^ ?l (L' (pron. pdnoi,) shoe. 

u/pasthana- > bathan, place of abode as of cattle. 

135. The initial short vowel may be lost even before 
double consonants e.g. a sthild- > thda, a hard stopper. 

C(2). Post-accentual syllables. 

136. In post-accentual syllables 1, u > a. or they drop 
out altogether after causing mutation of the preceding vowel; 
eg. *vddisik& > barahi, angling hook. 

*amisika > *dhl- (in afai/d) , having the smell of raw flesh. 

*bhdginika >b/iant, sister. 

sth&vira, > thar, stiff. 

mdht^a > ma'h (Pron. ™6/i), buffalo. 

khddira > khaer, catechu. 

mdtkuna- > makhand, a tuskless elephant. 



Htkuqika > okani, a louse. 
*udukhala > ural, a mortar. 

137. Post-accentual (a) is always short. As there is no 
letter in the alphabet to express this sound, it is left unnoticed 
in spelling. Often, however, this short sound is indicated by 
o (Pron. o). This accounts for the double spelling of some 
words with a and o. In the case of some words the spelling 
with o (for b) has established itself, eg. 

sahan, sdhon (Pron. b), ancestral property (sdsaiia). 

dahan, dahbn, property {•dayaiui, dtiya), (euphonic -h- 
explained §. 240). 

tetan, teton, rogue (-tentana, D. tenia, a gambling den). 

cikan, cikbn, glossy, beautiful (cikkana). 

bheran, bherbn, rent, wages v bhdrana ; (e) for (a) due 
to contamination with velana). 

pdnai (-oj), shoes ('• upamhka) . 

mean (Pron. nacbn), dancing (" urlyana, nrtya). 

$umaru (Pron. dumbru), iig ( v udumbaruka). 

The spellmg with (o) has established itself in the follow- 
ing : 

sts. bitopan, shining, excellent (vitapana). 

dapon, mirror (darpaiia). 

kapor, cloth (kdrpata). 

sator, swimming (srin la raj. 

bandhon, tymg {udhdhuna). 

sa^or, yoking together (sd*/g/iata) . 

sts. laghon, fasting (ld)\gham) . 

mdthon, just (*mdtram, matra). 

138. In the neighbourhood of accented high-vowels, pre- 
accentual or post-accentual (a) > 5 is assimilated to the 
accented high-vowels ; e.g. 

biriiui, a land of shrub (*virandka, virana). 

sts. mekhela, woman's girdle (mekhate). 

sts. jojona, an epigram (r/ojarvd). 

kuruwa, osprey (*kuravaka, kurava-). 

dhumuhd, storm (*dhumrabhaka, dhumrabha). 


139. Between the main stress and the secondary stress 
short syllables disappear, eg. 

citraphala- > cital, a kind of fish. 

navamta > nant, butter. 

padasthana > patten, the lower end of a bed. 

mukha-suddhi- > muhudi, something taken to sweeten 

the mouth after meal. 
pumsavcina- > puhan, a ceremony after conception. 
siras-sthana- > sitan, head of a bed. 
panya-sala- > pohar, a petty shop. 
pascima-vata > *pachwa > pachowa, westerly wind. 

Final vowels. 

140. All final vowels following a M.I.A. consonant dis- 
appear (P*or detailed treatment see §§. 160fT. Final vowels), 
e.g. ullma- > ulah, buoyancy. 

bhela- > bhel a raft. 

pipasd > piyah, thirst. 

siUi > sil stone. 

mihti > muth, total, abridgement. 

dnsu > hh, fibre. 


141. So far the theory of penultimate stress that has been 
built up with reference to other N.I. A. languages seems to be 
applicable to Assamese and it explains the phonological varia- 
tions of Assamese with a certain degree of accuracy. But 
there is a certain number of formations that can not be ex- 
plained in the light of the theory of the penultimate stress. 
In them the stress always falls on the initial syllables and the 
succeeding syllables shew vowel modifications that are due to 
want of stress. These apparent exceptions may be classified 
under three heads .— 

(1) Stress-shift due to analogy of forms belonging to 

the same paradigm. 

(2) Stress-shift in accordance with value. 

(3) Stress-shift due to dialectical influence. 


(1). Stress-shift due to analogy. 

142. The effect of analogy is seen in the case of verbal 
roots. A large number of Assamese verbs are descended 
from simple Sanskrit verbs and in these the accent mostly 
fell on the first syllables. Hence in those cases where the 
compound verb in the Skt. stage had the stress on the root 
syllable (often times in Skt. the accent fell also on the prefix; 
e.g. prdsarati, udbhavati) , it was transferred in Assamese from 
the root-syllable to the prefix, being the first syllable of the 
unchanging body; eg. 

Twice, he dances (nftyati). 
but opaje, is born (iitpadyate) . 
p&me, is melted (prdmlayati) . 
pahare, forgets (prdsmarati) . 
6lame, hangs (dvalambate) . 

(2). Stress-shift hi accordance with value. 

143. By this is meant the placing of the stress on a parti- 
cular syllable of the word because that syllable is felt to be 
especially important for the comprehension of the whole. To 
this class in Assamese belong the privative prefixes a-, ana- 
and the deteriorative prefixes apa-, ava-. 

The privative prefixes a-, aim- > sts. a-, do-, to shew the 
accent ; e.g. 

alagi, dldgi, a woman to whom the husband is not attached. 
akdji, dkdfi, not skilled in work. 

aihauni, dthduni, fathomless. 

sts. dhukdl, trouble, uneasiness. (* asukhdla) . 

do-bat, wrong way (apa -f vartman). 

do-maran, unnatural death (apa - 1 - marana). 

Of the two forms in a-, a-, the forms with a- are mostly 
used in the standard colloquial. 

144. By analogy ava- > do- as a verbal prefix without 
deteriorative significance eg. 

dokhdle, washes (avaksdlayati) . 

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The negative prefix ana- > and- eg. 
sts. anathiti, helpless (sthita). 
anajale, without being heated. 

Forms like ana-meghe, without cloud: ana-bate, without 
wind, are common in early Assamese. 

(3). Stress-shift due to dialectical influence. 

145. There are certain forms the phonological modifica- 
tions of which can not be explained in the light of the theory 
of the penultimate stress. Of these words, (1) some shew 
shortening of the long vowels in the very position of stress 
according to the penultimate theory; (2) a few again shew 
absence of compensatory lengthening of -a- before a conso- 
nant group when it is simplified. For explanations of these 
and similar forms we must turn once again to the luminous 
article of Dr. Turner referred to already. Dr. Turner has 
isolated Marathi from the operation of his theory of penulti- 
mate stress. He has postulated for Marathi a different scheme 
of accentuation. Basing his observations on certain sugges- 
tions of Pischel (Pischel § 46), Dr. Turner has developed a 
theory of stress which he has found correct in the case of 
Marathi and which he has summarised as follows. As the 
Kamrupl dialect has a system of stress different from that of 
standard Assamese (cf. §§. 153 et seq) it is worth while to dis- 
cuss whether the Marathi scheme of accentuation holds good 
in the case of the Kamrupl dialect. Dr. Turner's findings are 
as follows: — 

(a) The original tone of Sanskrit, itself descended from 
the Indo-Germanic tone, became in the Pre-Marathi stage, a 
stress . 

(b) In verbs the tone or stress was confined to the first 

(c) In other words, when the accent rested on the last 
syllabic, there was a secondary accent on the first. This 
afterwards became the chief stress. 

(d) Initial syllables retained their length if stressed, 


or if unstressed, when followed by a short stressed syllable. 
Otherwise they were shortened. 

(e) Medial syllables retained their length if stressed ; 
if unstressed they were shortened or lost. 

(f ) Penultimate i, u, if stressed > %, u : if unstressed 
> a. 

146. The vowel changes in M.I. A. noted by Pischel 
before and after the position of Vedic accent are as follows : — 

(a) Pre-accentual long vowels were shortened, e.g. : — 

kumtird > kum ara — 
pravah&ypavaha — (P . § . 81) . 

(b) Pre-accentual a>i or u : eg. 

pakvd> V ikka- (P.§§. 101 flf.). 

(c) Post-accentual long vowels were shortened : e.g 

uthUta > ukkhaa—(P. §. 80). 

(d) Post-accentual a>i : eg. 

tesam > tcsim (P. § 108) . 
bhdmmah > bhanimo . 

147. The following Assamese formations culled from 
different dialectical regions of Assam may be interpreted as 
shewing conformations to the phonetic laws enunciated by 

(a) Pre-accentual long vowels are shortened : e.g. 

Sanskrit . Assamese . 

kumdrd > kowar, prince. In some parts of Kamrup, 

kuwar also obtains. 
nihara>niyar, fog. Some Kjimrupl dialects have niyiir. 
purand>puran (Kamrupi) ; St. Coll. has purdn, purani, 

8amdnd- > sts. saman (Kamrupi) ; St. Coll. sam&n. 
nanandf- > nanad, wife's husband's sister. 
j&matf- > *jawai, jhwe, (Kamrupi) ; St. Coll. }5t0di, 



na-pardyati > nare (Kamrupi) ; St. Coll. noware, is un- 
sthdpdyati > thay, places. 

For further explanation about their formations, see § 150. 
(b)Pre-accentual a>i or u. 

au$adhd- > sts. o§ud, (medicine) ; ahudi, a love philtre. 

yaridyati- > guiie (coll.) counts. 

pataijgri- > pliancy, grass-hopper. 

pakvd > pik, the red spittle alter chewing betel-nut. 

Of these, osudh, occurs in Asokan Pali and pha^i-qga and 
pikka occur in Prakrit and gune may be explamed as a biend 
between ganayati and gunayafi. Hence there is no reason to 
look upon these examples as independent Assamese forma- 
tions. They must have been borrowed from the sources 
where they occur. 

148. The absence of compensatory lengthening in the 
following words may be explained on the assumption that the 
vowels occupying position of accent remained short in the 
formative period of Assamese when the conjuncts were 
simplified and short vowels lengthened. 

Skt. As. 

sdrva^sab, all. 

khd\va>khal } an apothecary's mortar. 

sdnt~>-)iat, a plural ailix. 

vartdyati^baje, pounds. 

pakvd>pak } ripeness. 

In the last two, absence of compensatory lengthening is 
due to the transfer of the accent to the initial syllables, when, 
in the case of pakvd the final syllable was dropped; and in the 
case of vartdyati there was the working of analogy to accent 
all verbs on the root syllables. 

149. The word khal, a stone for pounding drugs, occurs 
in AS. Bg. 0. G. M. and it has been connected with Sans- 
krit khaUa (Turner : Nepali Dictionary) . The -a- in N.IA 
khal is left unexplained. Assamese has both khal, an 

86 A. Phonology 

apothecary's mortar, and kkdl, a canal, a trench. Of these 
two, khdl obviously goes back to Skt. khalla, a canal; khal, 
points to O.I. A. khdlva, a vessel for pounding drugs. 
khalla may be a late Sanskritised Pkt. formation from 
khdlva. (See Monier- Williams : Sanskrit-English Dictionary: 
khdlva, khalla). 

In the following words the vowel changes are unaccount- 
ed for: 

sts. barasun, rains (varsana-) Cf. Pah. preykuna < 

ajindi, sty. (an jana-) . 
? sajina, a kind of* vegetable plant (?iobJia?i- 
jana-) . 
sikar, a baked cake of potter's clay (sarkard) . 

150. If the Vedic tone-cum-accent is to be assumed at 
all, the above are all the forms that come under its opera- 
tion. The corresponding O.I. A. forms shew accent marks 
which may be supposed to have induced vowel changes in 
the As. forms. But such a hypothesis is not sufficiently 
warranted by existing materials. There is a large number 
of formations in St. As. which shew shortening or alteration 
in the quality of long vowels in the very position where the 
accent, according to the scheme of penultimate stress is due 
to fall. They can not be explained with reference to the 
corresponding O.I. A. forms which have been registered in 
standard authoritative lexicons without any accent mark. 
To explain them we have to assume a uniformly dominant 
initial stress. On this hypothesis the accentual scheme would 
be like the following : — 

Post accentual e. o>a 
• Post accentual dyd 

Examples : — 

Skt. As. 

Lex. kuhelika > kuwali, fog. 
n&rikela > sts. ndrikal, cocoa-nut (also see § 229). 


mgesvara- > nfihar, a kind of tree. 

Lex. utkrosar->ukah, an osprey. 

*v,d-yanika > ujani, the upper part of a stream. 

Lex. seka-pdtra- > sewat, a scoop for baling out water. 
arka-parna>dkan } a kind of medicinal plant. 

Lex. vesavaror-ybehar, mustard. 
par avatay para, a pigeon. 
karsapana-ykaon, a certain measure. 
* vikdlikdybiyali, afternoon. 
*durvahka > dubari, bent-grass. 
yamdni- > jam, a medicinal herb. 

sr\\gata-ykujCjan, a water-chestnut. 
]ivanta- > jhjat, living as hsh. 

151. In the following, there is strengthening of initial 
a- to a- under the influence oi stress : eg. ' 

dghan, name of a month (agrahdyana) . 

dusi, the night of new moon, ( v amd-vdsikd). 

sts. mddqi, the principal queen, (*ma/uLdetnJcd). 

152. Owing to tiie shift of accent from the penult to the 
initial syllable we often get double forms like the following : 

cakravdka>* cakwd, cakowa, a ruddy goose, 
but *cakravakikd > cdfctn, cdkaj. 

*lialavdhika- > *hdlwdi, hdlowdi, a ploughman. 
but *halavahika > *}idlwai, lidluwqi. 

So also dtdi, atai. a term of address to a respectable per- 


153. The dialect that caused stress-shift in the forms 
that stand out as exceptions to the theory of the penultimate 
stress is the Kamrupl dialect of Western Assam. Its accent- 


scheme differs from that of Marathi. In Marathi the tone or 
stress was uniformly confined to the first syllables only in the 
case of verbs. In the case of the substantives no such 
uniformity is recognisable. But in the Kamrupi dialect, the 
stress always falls on the first syllables in all classes of words. 
In polysyllabic words, there is a secondary stress on some 
succeeding syllable. Its probable origin is discussed below 

154. In Kamrupi, the unstressed medial syllables are 
shortened or lost. In the following table the parallel forms 
of Kamrupi and St. colloquial are given side by side for com- 

St. coll. 















Here, as Dr. Turner observes, appears the familiar 
spectacle of the stressed syllable retaining its length, the un- 
stressed being shortened. 

155. The sharp difference in the systems of accentua- 
tion in the St. colloquial and the Kamrupi dialect stands out 
very clearly in the conjugation of the causative verbs in 
Assamese. There are O.I.A. causal bases which have 
acquired only a transitive meaning and lost the old causal 
sense. They have the augmented base in -d- whereas the 
intransitive bases have -a- : e.g. mare, dies : but mare, beats. 
The new Assamese causative base is prepared by adding -&- 
to the transitive base (§ 726). In the standard colloquial 
this affixal -« occupying a position of medial stress remains 
but shortens the preceding -a- of the transitive base, where- 
as in the Kamrupi dialect, quite the reverse takes place; e.g. 



St. coll. 



maray, causes to beat. 


* mdrdpayati 

calay, causes to shift. 


* caldpayati 

phalay, causes to split. 


* sphalapayati 

rowdy, causes to plant. 



sodhay, causes to enquire. 


* sodhapayati 

nowdre, (* naware) , 

is unable. 


na -f- parayati. 

156. Compare also the following non- 

•causal forms : eg 

St. coll. 



palde, flies. 

palai(-qj) , 

(para+\Jay) . 

uphae, is inflated, 

uphai(-oi) , 

(ut+\/spay) . 

omale, sports, 


(un-\~\/mrad) . 

olame, is suspended 


(ava-\-\/lamb) . 

pdhare, forgets, 


(pra+yjsmr) . 

Substantives also shew similar vowel variations. 

St. coll. 




juice (*jawai 

) . jamatr- 


kare (*karai) 



I T 

* cakwa 

> caka 


157. After the examination of all the above formations, 
there is hardly any room for doubt about the strong initial 
stress of the Kamrupi dialect. A comparison of other 
Assamese formations will only confirm the statement. There 
is a secondary stress on the final vowel if the final syllable is 
an open one and the medial vowel is then slurred over : 

Loss of medial : — 

St. coll. 


-a- : bhekola (bheka-) . 


koroka (fearcu/Jca-) 


-a-: komora (kirnndnda-) 


barali (vadala-) 



St. coll. Kamrupl. 

-i- : sdlikd (sdrikd-) salkd. 

hariba (*karitavya-) korbd. 

-u-: kukurd (kukknta-) kvkrd. 

The strong initial stress of the Kamrupl dialect often 
made itself felt upon the standard colloquial. That often ex- 
plains double forms (e.g. hdlowdi, halnwai, a ploughman: 
cakowd, cdkai, the male and female ruddy goose etc.) even in 
the St. colloquial itself from one corresponding Sanskrit proto- 

158. The materials examined above point to the conclu- 
sion that in the pre-Assamese stage when a certain Sanskrit- 
like language was developing into Assamese, it* carried a 
system of penultimate stress. In western Assam, perhaps in 
contact with some people speaking a language with a strong 
initial stress, the penultimate stress of the primitive language 
got shifted to the initial syllable In eastern Assam, 
the original penultimate stress persisted. As early Assamese 
religious literature was mostly composed in the language of 
the people and the authors almost always wrote in the dia- 
lects they spoke and knew best, there was an intermixture of 
dialectical forms and both the dialects borrowed freely from 
one another. This would explain the presence in the St. Coll. 
of words that should primarily be referred to western 
Assamese. There need be no assumption of the persistence 
of a Vedic accent for the explanation of forms like kbwar, 
niyar, pak etc. Either they were borrowed from some langu- 
age preserving the Vedic accent or were shaped under the 
influence of the Kamrupl dialect. 

The source of the initial stress in Kamrupl is obscure. It 
is true, Bengali also possesses an initial stress. But in Bengali 
the word-stress is remarkably faint (Anderson : Stress and 
pitch in Indian languages : J.R.A.S. 1913. P. 869) and in other 
respects also it is different from the Kamrupl accent. Com- 
pare for example the following formations in respect of the 
effects of the stress on different syllables of the word. 


Skt Si As. Kmpi. Bg. 

catvala; cbtal; cdtdl; cat&l, court-yard. 

na-parayati ; noware; ndre; ware, (early Bg.) , is unable. 

prastara; patter; patter ; patter, meadow, 

In St. Assamese the penultimate stress shortens the pre-accen- 
tual (a) to (o) ; in Kamrup] the strong initial stress shortens 
the post-accentual (d) to (a); and in Bg. there is an anticipa- 
tory lengthening of initial (a) in a position of stress before a 
following (a). 

Anderson supposes (Accent and prosody in Bengali ; 
J.R.A.S. 1913 p. 865) that the Bengali initial stress can have 
come from one of the three following sources: (1) Parent 
Magadhi Pkt. (2) Some Dravidian tongue. (3) Some Tibeto- 
Burman language. He considers trr> third as the most likely 
source as most of Bengal was once included in the Koch king- 
dom and Koch accent was initial. Kamrup or western Assam 
also was for a considerable length of time within the Koch 
kingdom, and the effects of the Koch accent may be presum- 
ed on the Kamrup! dialect also. But the doubt still remains 
as to whether the influence of the Koch speech was so power- 
ful as to cause radical changes in the accentual systems of 
Bengali and Kamrup! unless there was some inherent 
pre-disposition in the languages themselves towards this direc- 
tion. Even if the Koch influence is admitted, it should not 
have acted differently in two neighbouring and contiguous 

(4) Stress-shift due to long final vowels. 

159. There is one more peculiarity of the standard collo- 
quial. Before the long vowel -d in the final syllable, (this -£ 
or its extensions -n/d, -mca. being suffixes), an anterior -d- 
in the penult or antepenult is shortened to (a) . This peculiarity 
Assamese shares along with the Bihari language and the ten- 
dency was there perhaps in the Parent Magadhi AP. itself. 
This peculiarity is noticed also in the Caryd Padas. The stress 


is thus shifted from the penult or antepenult to the final sylla- 
ble. This peculiarity is not noticed in the Kamrupi dialect. 
Compare the following formations : 

pani, water : paniya, watery. 

katan, spinning : hatana, spinning for wages. 

caki, lamp : caka, wheel. 

batari, news : batara, news. 

dhar, debt : dharuwa, debtor. 

Due to dialectical influences certain forms resist this ten- 

sar, manure : sdniwd, fertile. 

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chapter m. 


160. Final vowels following a M.I.A. consonant have 
disappeared in modern Assamese. The final vowels following 
a M.I.A. vowel (owing to the disappearance of an O.I.A. con- 
sonant) often lingered on to the early Assamese period and 
afterwards coalesced with the preceding vowel. 

By virtue of their position in unaccented syllables, final 
vowels are relatively shorter than the corresponding vowels 
of internal syllables and the history of the final vowels shews 
a gradual attenuation m timbre. 

The O.I.A. long final vowels -d, -i, -u were shortened to 
-ft, -i, u ; and -e, -o were weakened and shortened to 4, -u in 
late M.I.A (AP.) period, and these short vowels converged with 
the original short -&, -i, -u. The N.I. A. languages inherited 
these short vowels and they were afterwards dropped or assi- 
milated according to their position after a consonant or a 

The treatment of the final vowels in modern Assamese is 
discussed below. 

O.I.A. -a. 

161. O.I.A. -2 > M.I.A. -fl > As. A; e.g. 

akan, a medicinal plant, (arkaparna) . 

heal, bem of a garment, (ancala). 

dfahy uproar, (attahasa) . 

ulah, buoyancy, (uUdsa). 

ohar, udder, E.As. osar (apasdra). 

kah } decoction, (kvaiha). 

fcdr, bud, (kora) . 

kher, straw, (khefa) . 

bar, large, (vatfra) . 


bhel, raft, (bhela). 

paean, a goad to drive cattle, (prajana) . 

sol, a kind of fish, (sakula) . 

son, gold, (sau-vcmia). etc. 

162. M.I.A. -M > As. -a (pronounced-6) . 

Except in the word sa (pronounced so) this change is not 
noticed in the final syllables as most N.I.A. Assamese words 
are closed by the definitive affix -d. eg. hiyd, heart, (hrdaya-, 
> hiaa-, *hia- -f- As. affix-d). 

163. Unehded final -a in Assamese tbh. words and forms 
and commonly pronounced as -a in English " law," is derived 
from earlier groups like -awa, -aha. The phonetic change is 
of the nature of contraction. (§. 237 b). 

e.g. sa, a corpse, (sava > *sawa). 

para pigeon, (pdrdvata > - pdravaa) . 

kacha. tortoise, (kacchapa > -kacchava). 

bhddd, name of a month, (bhddrapada) . 

kara, thou dost (karasi > E.As. karasa. karaha > N.I.A. 

As ; kara ; egara, eleven (M.I.A. egaraha) . 

bard, twelve (M.I.A. baraha). etc. 

164. M.I.A. -da commonly becomes -a, but in originally 
disyllabic words -da generally becomes -do. 

eg. guwa, betel-nut (guvaka-) . 
oja, teacher, (upddhydya-) . 
bard, pig. (vardha-). 
biyd, marriage, (vivaha-). 
but ghdo, blow, (ghdta). 
chdb, child, (sava). 
tab, heat, (tdpa) . 
pa6, foot, (pdda). 
bdb, wind, (udta). 
bJia5, acting, (bhava). 
nab, boat, (Vedic ndvd). 
Also ra, rob, uproar, (rdva) . 
ga, gab, body (gda, gdtra). 


165. M.I.A. 4a, la > *l > 4, -i in Assamese. 

In spelling, -i, -i are arbitrarily used as there is no differ- 
ence between them in pronunciation. The general tendency 
is towards spelling with -i-, eg. 

kdti, name ol a month, (kartika > k&ttia). 

nam, lani, butter, (navanita > navanla) . 

arati, waving a light at night before an idol, (aratrika). 

bhdi, brother ('-'bhrdtrka) . 

jbwai, son-in-law ( * jumatrka) . 

Assamese gerunds like kari, having done; dhari, having 
caught etc. are from M.I.A. kana, dharia (O.I.A. *karya, 
*dharya = -krtya, -dhrtya, — krtva, dhrlva). 

166. The O.I.A. passive participle in -ita — M.I.A. -ia 
> -i, -i. In this way, the common i^.l.A. aajectival affix indi- 
cating connection, -I (-<), is derived from O.I.A. lya, ika. e.g. 
parii, water (pdn'iya) , daduri, frog, (dardura-\-ika) . 

167. M.I.A. -ua, -f<a> K -u m E. As. > -it in modern As. 

sihu. a porpoise, (.vMi/\a) . 
garu, a cow, (go-, ritpa) . 
kecu/earth worm, (" Lihcuka, kriiculuka) . 
ulu, straw, (ulupa). 
dldndhu, soot, (alamdhiima) . 
(UN), camu, straight (" chammuha, sanmukha) . 

168. M.I.A. -ea > As. eb : e.g. cheb. a portion cut off 
(cheda, chea) ; kheb, throw (ksepa), etc. 

eka, one, becomes e- (<ca) only as the first member of 
a compound, e.g. eta, one ; e-jan, one man, etc. (See also 

In the evolution of the affix for the instrumental-nomina- 
tive -e of Assamese (0 I. A. -cna) the loss of -& took place 
in M.I.A. of the AP. period, eg. O.I.A. hastena > (Mag.) 
M.I.A. hatthena, AP. hatthem, hatthe ; As. hate. (Cf. 
O.D.B.L. p. 303). 


169. M.IA. -oa > As. -o, e.g. 

jo, supply, (i/ogfc) . 

po, child, (pok<) . 

Zo, E.AS. loha, Lear, (loiaka) . 

lo, iron (lo/ia) . 

FwaJ -a in taisamas. 

170. With certain exceptions which arc noted below, is. 
and sis. words as a rule drop the final -a , e.g. bhaban, 
dwelling, (bhavana) ; kamah lotus, (kamala) ; gardh, one 
morsel, (grasa) ; barai'lnj, ram, (iwsana), etc. 

171. The following are the exceptional cases where the 
final -a is retained in pronunciation : — 

(a) When a word ends wiln a conjunct of two or more 
consonants, the final -a is retained: eg. krsna. black, 
(krsna) ; candra, moon, (candra) ; dharma. duty, (dharma) , 
etc. But when the conjuncts are simphiied by an anaptyctic 
or epenthetic vowel, the final -a disappears , e.g. suruj, sun, 
but suryyci ; sail, true, but saiya (pronounced suittn) : baik, 
word, but bdkyu (pronounced baikka) ^ vcikya ; murukh. 
fool, but murkha. etc. 

(b) The i>is. forms m W<« (OI.A.—d/m) retains the 
vowel; e.g. garha, deep (gaclha) : murlia, foolish (mucjiha), 

(c) The ts. -fa, -da affix retains the final -a ; e.g. gltd, 
sung; nata. bent; c/cua, gone. But when used as nouns the 
-ta forms drop the -a ; e.g. git, song ; mat, opinion ; niscit, cer- 

172. A few adjectives which are commonly used also 
drop -d; eg. caltt, current, {calita) ; garhit, reprehensible: 
(garhita) ; bar jit, deserted, (varjitu), etc. 

(a) The is. affix -i/a retains the vowel : eg. peyci, deya, 
bidheya, (vidheya), etc. 

(b) In words of two syllables with r, at, qu, in the first 
syllable, the final -d is retained : e.g., rrvfya, deer ; mautki, 


silence; taila, oil; saila, rock, etc. But the retention or 
elision of a final -a depends upon the extent to which a is. 
word has become naturalised. Compare the following words 
against those just noted above : trn, straw, (trna) ; br?, 
taurus in the Zodiac, (vrsa) . 

173. In general there are fewer words and forms in 
Assamese than in Bengali which retain the fmal -d ; e.g. As. 
bibah: Bg. bibaha, marriage, (vivaha) ; As. gurutar ; Bg. 
guratara, momentous (gurutara), etc.Cf. O.D.B.L. pp. 304, 
305. In Bengali, K words occurring in a compound as its 
first part as a rule do not drop the vowel ; but in Assamese 
there is no such rule. The same compounds would be pro- 
nounced differently in Assamese, eg. Bg. rana-mukho, but 
As ran-minca. facing going to the fight ; Bg. pada-sebd, 
As. pada-sewn. service al one'* feet ; Bg. bhara-bahl As'. 
bhar-bahl, carrying a load. But in recently coined words 
that have not yet been naturalised the vowel Ls retained, eg. 
jana-tantra. gana-t antra, democracy. 

O.LA. -a. 

174. O.I. A. H7>M.I.A. -a (-a m nominative, -ft in 
oblique ^> late MI.A. -« - AS -rf. eg 

/ca/. machine, (kola); khcit. bedstead, (khatva) . 

ga\\(g) , river (gargd) . 

ghin. abhorrence*, (glirnu) 

piyah. thirst, (pijxisa) . 

bhok, hunger, (bubhuksa) . 

sil, stone, (sila) . 

dhar. edge, (dhara) . 

Idl, saliva, (lain) . 

reh, carriage, behaviour, (rcl-hd) . 

sikar. pot-sherd, (sarkard) . 

Idj, shame, (fnjj«). 

b&j, barren, (bandhya) . 

ban, flood, (v>anya) % etc. 


175. In Assamese as in Bengali (O.D.B.L., p. 306), 
the plural affix of O.I.A. -ft, -d nouns, -ah > M.I.A. -a, 
was reduced to -ft in AP. and lost its PL force, eg. desah> 
desd > desti : vdrtdh > vattii >vaM>bdta. New PI. forms 
had to be built up by adding nouns of multitude. 

176. E. As. tana, his, (honorific, < their) ; tehb > Mod. 
As. teo, he, (honorific < they) are connected with O.I.A. 
*tanam, occurring beside iesdm > M.I.A. tanam, tana, and 
tesam, tesam. >AP. tana, f drift, teha. In As. Nom. teb < 
teha there is an extension of the genitive PL to the nominative. 

There is weakening of O.I.A. d- to ft in tana < tatidm : 
teb < tesam. 

177. (a) O.I.A. -d. 4- consonant -f -d > M.I.A. -dd, -ad, 

-da > As. -a. e.g. 
said, a spike, (salaka). 
cha. shadow, (chdyd). 
O.I.A. -ika > M.I.A -?d. -/a > As. -?. -i. e.g. 
rmi, a vegetable creeper (putikd) . 
kuwaV fog, (JnifcehJcd). 
gin. iguana, (godhikd) . 
neicali. name of a flower, (n a yam alii ka > 

* nayamalhd) 
sewdli name of a plant (scphdjika) . 
mati earth, (wrftifrd). 
bar?, garden, (rdfikd). 
bdZi. sand. (*bdK'd balwJcd). 
md?'. mother (wdrrJrd) 
Ob) O.I.A. -tJcd. -i/pd etc "> M.I.A. -u, u. (See 
§S 239d, 240a; Vowels in contact). 

O.I.A. -i, -t. 

178. O.I.A. -i, -? > late M.I.A. -? > Mod. As. zero after 
a consonant, e.g. 

tarowal sword, (taravdri). 

dtfgul, measure of a finger, (ay\guli) . 

gabhin, big with young, (garbhinx). 


rahafc, plentiful, (rasi + ). 

muth, abridgement, (must?). 

diihah waking vision, (drsti-) . 

sattar. seventy, (saptati). 
sts. thot, beak, (troti). 
ts. jat- pkt, caste and line (jati-pa)]kti) 

But in large majority of instances the tendency is to 
strengthen the final -? by -ka, -ltd and retain it. e.g. 
rati, night (rutri -f ka) . 
gathi, a tic, knot, (granthl-). 
tetcU, tamarind, (tintidi-) . 
tinu three, (finru, trini-). 
cart, four, (*cattari-, catvari-) . 
bham. sister. (*bhaginika) . 
gabhini. big with youne. (*garbhinika). 
biyam (E. A^. biham) daughter's mother-in-law 
(*vivahinika) . 

179. O.I.A. -?'. -? > M.I.A. -?. -T is retained after a M.I.A. 
vowel, in Assamese: e.g. 

chai ^> chai. thatched covering of a boat, (chadis). 

nai ^> nai. river, (nadi) . 

bdrhai ~> barhai carpenter, (vardhaki) etc. 

The -i of the I A. pronominal endin^-srrrn^M.I.A. -ssirii, 
-££w?>Ap. -hhh. -hi. -hi. per^tod in early Assamese: kahi, 
where ; tahi. there : yihi, where : nhi. here. The old locative 
supplied a new oblique base in the earlv A< period and these 
forms were treated as the base for nronominal adverbs of place, 
direction etc e r r kahi-ta. whore-in: kahi-ra. where-of etc. In 
Mod. Assamese with the softening of intervocal -/?-. the medial 
-?- disappears after causing mutation of the preceding a- to o-. 
e.g. kahita ^ *kaito. *koita > kot (written Jea'f. to shew the 
olision of -?"-) So also tot. ot therein, herein, etc. 

180. The -i of O.I.A. -ati (Conjugational ending of the 
3rd Person Sinsr.) > M.I.A. -ai becomes either -a£ in As. or 
is by vowel crasis changed into -c. e.g. *karati (karoti) >M.I.A. 
karai > early As. karat or /care— Mod. As. kare. 


181. The M.I.A. -i of the passive conjugation -lai in 
contact with the preceding -a- becomes either -iya or 
is strengthened to -iya. This -iya or -iyd group also by con- 
traction often became -i> -i. eg. bujiya, is understood, 
(*bujjhiai) ; bidiya, is called (*boHiai) ; kari, is done 
(♦Icanai), etc. 

The -i of the 2nd person Indie. Singr. -si is dropped in 
early As. calasa, you go, (caZasi). 

O.I. A. 

-i/, -u. 

182. O.I. A. -it. -il>M LA. -7i. -w. AP. -u is elided 
in Assamese, eg. 

ah, fibre, (a/zs^) . 

jaw, a kind of fruit, (jambu) . 

peqga. lame, (pfnjc/ii) . 

hit], Asafoelida. (hi)jCjv) . 

agar, sweet scented wood, (agvru) . 

In ts. words also, -it is often dropped in naturalised words 
e.g. dayal, name of person, (dayalu) . 

183. O.I.A. -u, -ti>M.LA. -u is often retained after 
a vowel in As. eg. 

sau, a merchant, (sadhu). 

bau, border of a wicker basket, (hahn) . 

E.AS. jqif<jau. lac. (jatu) . 

bau, ban. elder brother's wife, (radhu) . 

mau. mau, honey, (madhu) 

lau, gourd, (alabu), etc. 

184. The affix -u for the imperative 3rd person -tu of 
O.I.A. was lengthened by -7c in E. As. and became -ok in 
a medial position. In this form it was attached to verb- 
roots ending in a consonant or a vowel : eg. ihdkbk, let it 
stay ; karbk, let him do ; jdok, let it go ; hok, let it be, etc. 

Mod. As. thakak ; karak ; jabk, jak ; hak, etc. (§ 238 c). 


O.I. A., M.I. A., -e. 

185. O.I. A. -ah, -am > M.I.A.(Mg.) -e >Mg.(AP.) 
-j, is elided in Assamese . 

The Mg. case affix -e for the nominative singular of -a 
nouns is not represented in modern Assamese. The -i of the 
nominative in Assamese pronouns si (he), )i (which), etc., for 
M.I.A. (Mg.) se, ye (O.IA. sah, yah) ; ami, we; tumi, you, 
for M.I.A. (Mg.) amltVs iumhe (O.I.A. as?in, : - nisme) , etc., 
represents a iusion ol the nominative and the instrumental 
-e ( <-ena) > -i. (§ 644). 

186. The Norn, case-ending -* appear^ also after nouns 
ending in -d, -d, -u. 

The old locative in -i. even though ousted by -e < -afii, 
-fl/<i, -a i of late M.I.A. js piv.-,er\ed in a lew adverbial for- 
mations, eg. 

dji, to-day (M.I.A. a))<, ajje. 0.1 A. ■ adyc) . 

Jed h , to-morrow, (M.I.A. hdmh : laiii/t'). 

parahi. day after to-morrow, (O.I.A. parasvah > M.I.A. 

(Mg . ) yjo ra.s\sc , pa /'a.s'.s / , pa ra m . pa ra / ^ ) . 
also, parasui, (parasvah > Mg. parasuve, parasuvi, 
par asm) . 


187. In the adverbial words of direction ; keni, which 
way; teni, that way, jchl whichever way, ac, the -i le- 
presents the instrumental -cm, > e > -c ( > -0 ; thus : keni 
<*kene (O.I.A. * Lenata); teni^-' tvnc (O.IA. * tenena), 

For the loc. -i in Assamese pronominal adverbs of time ; 
kdhdni, when; taham, then, etc, early Assamese kaisdni, 
taisani, cf. §. 731. 

The phrasal expressions ghara-yhan. each to his own 
home; ghar-ghar, m wen- home; sts. mt-nit, always, 
(* nitye-nitye>* nitte-nitte>mtu-mui) illustrate both the 
retention and elision of loc . -i . 


188. The dialectical Western Assam -e, in the proper 
names of females like Rahe, Pate, Make, etc., seems to be 
shortening of forms like rasadevi, pattadevi, etc. Cf . St. coll. 
rah-dai (rasa-devi) ; madai (mahadevi) . Western Assamese 
Coll. "made. Cf. §.36, d.~ 

189. The AP. 2nd personal imperative Singular ending 
•2, -i (O.I.A. optative -eh) continues as the second personal 
Singular ending of Assamese b-future and /-past, e.g. haribis 
harili, thou shalt do ; thou didst do. 

"O.I. A., M.l.A. -o was extremely rare in Mag. and 
does not occur in the base of any O.I.A. word ". (O.D.B.L., 
p. 312). 

In the proper names of persons ending in -a, the final 
-a is often pronounced as -o. e.g. Haro for Hareswar ; Naro 
for Nareswar. Nilo for Nila Kant a, etc. 

190. In western A. c sam colloquial, the proper names of 
women are often found ending m -o. eg. Paro, Sap, Rap, 
Mdho, Laho, etc. The -o is not organic but seems to be the 
abrasion oi vadhu-yvaliu-^ can >o. eg. rtip<rti)ya -f- 
vadhu : laho < Ictsa -p vadlm, etc. (final -an > -o in Western 
Assam unlike -an oi St. Cull. Cf. goG.d.) 

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191. Aphaeresis is (he dropping of initial vowels and 
syllables for want of stress. The loss of unaccented initial 
vowels has already been considered (Stress — Accent § 134) . 
The following represent a few of the inherited and borrowed 
elements : — 

hh. down-cast, (M.I. A. hcttha: adhaslat) . 

bhije, gets wet, (abln\ ahj) . 

bhitars interior, (abJu^antara) . 

(L.W.) lid linseed, ( atml. atasl) . 

In pindhe. puts on, (pinaddha, apinaddha) , the loss is 
inherited from the Ski . period . 

dhila, slow, lazy, olten read under aphaeresis and 
connected with Ski. sdhila-> M.I. A. sidhda, has been referred 
to a new M.I.A. source dhilla (Turner). 

Changes of Initial Vowels. 

ft- initial, and in initial syllables. 

192. The a- in the initial syllable followed by a single 
consonant generally remains a- ( — a- in Assamese) e.g. 

kiirac, karacdh, a ladle, (M.I.A., kadacchu). 

kalah, a jug, (kalasa) . 

khar, straw, (khata). 

garm, a kind of fish, {gadaka) . 

ghari, a jug. (ghatika) . 

cafiya, a spy, (cara -I ) . 

jarun, a freckle, (jatula) . 

tare, pitches, (a tent), (M.I.A. tadai ; ? tata \tdn.) 
palam, delay, (pralamba) . 
mdydnd, a songster bird, (madanaka). 


sarai, a tray, (* saravika) . 
soli, a wick, (salika, said), 
saru, small, (sarur-) . 

193. In words of originally two or more syllables, a- 
followed by two consonants or a consonantal nexus and 
occupying a position of stress is lengthened to -d, when the 
following conjuncts are reduced to a single consonant. If 
the conjuncts are made up of a nasal -f consonant, the nasal 
is reduced to a mere nasalisation of the lengthened d- and 
the following consonant divested of the nasal remains, e.g. 

at, entrails, (antra) . 

hkuhi, a crook, (ar\kusika) . 

all, fine fibre, (aiisu) . 

kakai, a comb, (kcuihatika) . 

Mr, a bow, (kanda) . 

khag, the horn of a rhinoceros, (khadga) . 

garu, a pillow, (gandu-, kandur-) . 

gari, a headless trunk, (gandi-) . 

gal, cheek, (galla, ganda) . 

gat, hole, (garta) . 

gham, sweat, (gharma) . 

cdpari, a kind of cake, (carpatt-) 

chal, bark, (challi-, chardis) . 

cam, skin, (carma-) . 
achate, covers, (* chatrayati) . 

jamu- (dat), the molar teeth, (jambha H ) . 

ddduri, a frog, (dardura -f) . 

dapon, a mirror, (darpam) . 

ndJc, nose, (nakra) . 

naikani, tying up a beam with a post, (nastrdr) . 

bagar, side, party, (uarga-fta) . 

bha^g, hemp, (bharjgd) . 

bhagar, fatigue, (bhagna-j-ta) , 

sec, stain, (sanca) . 

194. In words of more than two syllables, a*- in 
the initial syllables although followed by two consonants in 
MXA. (one of which is dropped in N.LA.) is not lengthened 


and remains as a- when a following syllable was a stressed 
one ; e.g. : — 

kakal, waist, (kay\kdla) . Bg. khkdl. 

kapdh, cotton, (karpdsa). Bg. kdpds. 

gamdri, a tree, (gambhdri-) . 

carat, a candal, (candala). Bg. coral. 

paihdr, a meadow, (prastdra). 

maddr, a tree, (mandara) . 

katari, knife, (kattarika) . 

kamar, blacksmith, (karmara) . 

camar, shoe-maker, (carma + kara). 

195. In Assamese as in Bengali there are certain words 
that shew absence of compensatory lengthening of a- to d- 
when one of the double consonants in the succeeding syllable 
is dropped. 

The words shewing absence of compensatory lengthening 
are of ts and sts origin. Dr. Chatterji has thoroughly examin- 
ed the question of the failure of compensatory lengthening in 
a large number of N.I.A. words and attributed the phenomenon 
to the influence of languages shewing absence of compensatory 
lengthening. (O.D.B.L. pp. 318, 319) , e.g. 

gach, tree, (gaccha). 

pati, a long strip of cloth (patti-). 

jakh, an evil spirit, (yaksa). 

pas, pakh, a fortnight, (paksa). 

maral. a circular disc round about the sun or the moon, 

(marickLla) . 
samal, provisions, wherewithal, (sambala). 
gtor, rhinoceros, (ganda). 

196. After labial sounds p, b, m, the vowel -a- is found 
as -it- and -o- ; e.g. 

muniyd, maniyd, stunted, (mania, mandk). 
puibd, morning, (prabhata). 
pon, eighty, (pam). 
poH t palm-ful, (jmwfta-). 


puni, an aquatic plant, (parnite) . 
boja, load, (vahya-) . 
bote, mud, (vaijka). 

197. The -a- in the initial syllable is often found as -o-, 
when in the next syllable it is followed by double consonants 

(one of which is dropped in Assamese) or the long vowel -d- 
e.g.: — 

odd, watery, insipid, (andraka-) . 

gondh, smell, (gandha) . 

rondd, sinus, (randhra). 

sbcare, infects, (sail car ati) . 

co bd, chewing, (carua-f). 

sotara, seventeen, (sapta-\-dasa) . 

198. Haladhi, turmeric, is not from haridra but from the 
lengthened form hdridrika ; kawai, (dialectical kawe) is from 
Sktised. desi, kavayl; Wchuti, a stick, Skt. lakuta, may simi- 
larly be of some desi origin. 

199. The optional lengthening of privative prefix a- to 
d- owing to initial stress and of deteriorative ava- ( = Skt. 
apa-, ava-) to do- as a sts. prefix has been noticed and 
examined before (§ 143). By analogy apa-, ava- were 
changed to d-, or do- even when they had no deteriorative 
significance as a sts. prefix : e.g. 

athdntar, dthdntar, perplexity, (avasthdntara) . 
sts. dkhuti, dokhuti, whim, caprice, (akhatti-), 
dm, and, moreover, (apara-) . 

Further examples of privative a- > d~ and of apa- ava- > 
do- are: — 

alagi, dldgi', a wife not her husband's favourite, (a+ 

agarhi, agarhi, misfeatured, (a+yjgath, s/ghat). 
ahdji, akaji, not skilled in work, (a+kdrya). 


athdilni, dthaiini, beyond one's depth, (astagha). 
abatar, dbatar, bad weather. 
dhukdl, bad or troublous time, (asukha-\-dla) . 
do-bat, wrong way, (apa-f vartman) . 
ao-maran, unnatural death, (apa+marana) . 

Initial d- ; and d- in initial syllables. 

200. O.I. A. d- before a single consonant not followed by 
the long vowel -d-, normally remains in Assamese, e.g. : 

dli, road, (dli-) . 

dri, a fish, (atika). 

kdh, cough, (kasa). 

khdi, ditch, (khati). 

gha, sore, (gluita). 

chawa, young one, (savaka) . 

jfto, over-burnt brick, (ihamaka, ksama-). 

dhho, display of spirit, (dMman) . 

bab. left, (vama). 

bhdb, gesture in acting, (bhava). 

sho, swarthy, (syaina). 

201. O.I. A. d- before conjunct consonants was shortened 
to ft- in M.I.A. and this ft- fared exactly like O.I.A. a- before 
conjunct consonants in Assamese. It underwent compensa- 
tory lengthening when one of the following double consonants 
was dropped; e.g. 

dm, mango, (ftmba, amra). 
khr, arrow, (*kawla, kdnda) . 
kath, wood, (kdstha). 
tarn, copper, (tamba. tamra). 
bdgh } tiger, (vaggha, vyaghra) . 

•202. O.I.A. d-, in the initial syllable >«- in M.I.A. re- 
mains d- in Assamese when in the next syllable it is followed 
by the long vowel -a- in a position of stress : e.g., bakhdn, 
praise, (vakkh&na, vydkhydna). 

bhar&l, store, (* bhanddra, bhdn<fara) . 


i-; i-; initial, and in initial syllables. 

203. O.I. A. i-; t- in initial syllables followed by 
single consonants remain in Assamese : e.g. 

ilih, hilsafish, (D. ilisa) . 
khil, fallow land, (khila-) . . 
khila, wedge, (kilaka-) . 
khin, emaciated, (kslna) . 
gile, swallows, (gilati) . 

yip, moisture (jiva, perhaps contaminated with vdspa) . 
sts. jiyatu, agony, (fivatu). 
ciral, a rag, (cira-) . 
niyar, a fog, (nihara). 
pirika, pimples, (pitikaypidikka-) . 
birir\ga, clever, (vidarjga-) . 
bihan, morning, (vibhana) . 
siralu, furrow, (sira-\-la -^ ) . 

204. Before two consonants, ?-, z~ generally remain e.g. 
ikara, reed, (ikkata-) . 

ita, brick, (istaka-) . 

khic, mud formed of cowdung and urine, (Skt. khkca) . 

cika, rat, (cikkd-) . 

cika- (hati) , small. (D. cikkd-). 

jin, assimilation, (jtrna) . 

diind, egg, (dimba-) . 

txklrvd, steel, (tiksna) . 

nikahi, the projecting part of a roof, (niska&a-) . 

pit, bile, (pitta) . 

jnrd, lump of flesh, (pinda-) . 

phicha, tail of a fish, (piccha-) . 

likha, a louse, (likhyd) . 

Mmalu, cotton tree, (simbala +) . 

205. The -4 of the O.I.A. prefix ni- before labial letters 
m, p, i?, and the -i- of cfoi~, as the first element of a com- 
pound word is changed into -it- : e.g. 

nwm&y, becomes extinct, (numai, also nitwit, nimei, 
O.I.A. nit?cti, \M) . 


dupar, mid-day or night, (dvi-prahara) . 
dunai, once again, (dvi-guna) . 

u- ; u-: initial, and in initial syllables. 

206. u- ; u-; followed by one consonant remain: — e.g. 
ukhara, a dry barren place (usara-) . 

ulu, thatching grass, (ulupa-) . 
kuruma, relative, (kutamba-) . 
kuruwd, an osprey, (h ur ava-) . 
gum,, areca-nut (guvaka). 
sts. gu$i, seed, (gupikd) . 

culiy hair, (cula, cuda, * cudika) . 
churi, knife, (churika, ksurikd) . 
jui, fire, (dyuti). 

pui, a vegetable creeper, (putika) . 
phurani, giddiness, (spurana -f- ) . 
bhulf field for cultivation, (bhumi). 

207. Before double consonants, u- and u- generally re- 
main unchanged : e.g. , 

urah, bug, (uddaiisa > M.I.A. ti^dansa) . 
ukah, an osprey, (utfcrosa). 
ufed, will-o-the-wisp, (ulkd-). 
ugul, anxiety, (udgunia) . 
uicim\gd, cricket (ucciti)jga-{- ) -i in ui- 
is perhaps due to contam. with As. ui white-ant, which 
T. derives from O.I.A. yukd. 

utanuwd, rash, inconsiderate, (uttdna +). 

ud/ otter, (urdra). 

udaijy unrestrained, free, (uddama) . 

kukuhd, wild cock, (kukkubha-) . 

kuki, a basket for putting fish in, (kuk§u) . 

khud, small rice particles, (k?udra) . 

cuJcfi, sorrel, (cukra -\ ) . 

dubald, weak, (durbala+ ) . 

for, proboscis of an elephant (suntfa) . 

104 IV. !>HONOLOG¥ 

sukati, dried fish, (siiska+v? tta-) . 
sudd, unmixed (suddha-). 
sutd ) thread, (sutra-). 

M.I.A. e-, e-, initial, and in initial syllables. 

208. O.I.A. e- followed by a single or double consonants 
remains in Assamese e.g. 

era, a plant, (eraiida) • 

herd, squint-eyed, {kehara-). 

kheb, a throw, a cast, (ksepa) . 

kher, straw, (khcta). 

kewdri, menial work, (cj. \/kev). 

celen]g, scarf, (cela-). 

cheo, a piece cut off, cheda-). 
sts. chewantiyd, orphan, (chemanda, § 378). 

deiiri, threshold, (dehali-). 

dhen, giving birth to a calf, (dhend, a milch-cow). 

pel, testicle, (pela). 

reghd, mark on the forehead, (rekha-). 

leb, sticking fast, (lepa) . 

209. Before double consonants : — 
khet, field, (ksetra) . 

gheculi, water-plant, (ghenculikd) 

berhd, enclosure, (vesta-) . 

bherd, ram, (bhedra-) . 

meji, a pile of straw burnt as a festive ceremonial, 

(medhyd -f) . 
bet , cane, (vetra). 

210. Inakdlekal alone, (M.I. A. ekkalla) ; ddli, 
threshold, (dehali>*dewali>*dawali, dali), the change of e- 
to a- seems dialectical and to be the result of an attempt 
to produce (a?) sound (§. 116). 

In sts. mithi, a sweet vegetable condiment, (O.I.A. 
methikd), there seems to be contamination with As. mifhQ,, 
sweet, in the change of -e- to -k 


211. O.I. A. aj- > M.LA. e-, e- ; As. e. ; e.g. : — 
bej, physician, (vejja, uajdya) . 

tel, oil, (teila, taila). 

jefh, a month, (jyaisjTia) . 

kefy, a caste, (kqAvarta) . 

geruwd, coloured garment worn by ascetics, (gcririka > 

* gairuka) . 
sewal, moss, (sqivala) . 

212. O.I.A. i- and sometimes i- change into e before 
double consonants in M.LA. Assamese preserves some 
examples of this change before conjunct consonants which are 
reduced;, e.g. : — 

kecu, earth-worm, (kiiiciluka) . 
teteli, tamarind, (tintili-). 
bel, the bilva fruit, (bilva). 
her\gulj vermillion, (hhjgula) . 
endur, indar, rat, (indura) . 
chei, pod, (simbi-) . 
hekuti, hiccough, (/iikkd-f vnta-) . 
pelu, worms, (* pillu<.pilu — ). 
pere, squeezes, (pvdyate). 
bhetiy foundation, (*bhztta-, T.). 
serjgun, phlegm, (si)\glidna) . 
hendoh oscillation, (hindola) . 

celd, centiped, (cdla-] ) . 

^eilkd, wings, (cf. M.LA. divvai ; O.I.A. V tft, to fly) . 

seruwa, henpecked, (slista>seddha, P.). 

bepi, the calyx of a flower, (venta, * vinta, rrnta) . 

nemu, the lime fruit, (nimbn-) . 

kefir, mucus of the eye, (Jcirta-). 

pehd, aunt's husband, (piussui, * pitrsvasrkd) . 

213. The sound-group at/a- in initial syllables >f- ; 

terd, thirteen, (teraha ; trayo-dasa). 
teic, twenty-three, (tevOsa : traya-wmki) . 
new&li, a flower, (* nayamallika, navamallikd). 


lent, graceful, (* layanikd, lavanikd) . 

shell, bed-room : bed-stead, (sayam+talika>*&ayanta* 

$held, pale, (*dhayala, dhavala). 
net, (coll.) takes, (nayati). 

M.I.A. o-, o-, initial, and in initial syllables. 

214. O.I.A. o- generally remains before single or double 
consonants except where it is changed to u- by rules of vowel- 
harmony owing to the presence of -i- in the following syllables 
(§. 264), e.g. : — 

ol, a kind of yam, (old) . 

koh, the bud, (kosa) . 

khora, lame, (khora-). 

khold, the shell of a cocoanut, (khola-) . 
sts. coc, fibres, (coca). 

cold, coat, (colw-). 

jord, joint, (joda-). 

pold, bundle, (polaka-). 

pom, young fry, (poia+na-) . 
sts. mocd, plantain fruit, (moca-) . 

sowd, dropsy, (sotha). 

215. Before double consonants : — 
or, a flower, (odra) . 

kbth, a fort, (kotta + kostha). 
got, assembled, (gotra). 
cokd, sharp, (coksa-) . 
jbt, yoking rope, (yoktra) . 
sold, toothless, (M.I.A. solla). 

216. A few words illustrate the change of o- in the initial 
syllables to a-: cf. Pali: pharati (sphurati), phallati 
(phullati), kappara (kurpara). e.g. 

fear, bud, (Jcora) . 

calu, a palmful of water, (*culluka cullaka). 

m&tha, an aromatic plant, (mbtthd, musidr-) . 

sdjind, a plant, (sobhdnjana) . 

mahi, crucible, (*mfissid, musikd). 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


In akhudi, drug, (ausadhi) , the reduced a- is lengthened 
to fi- by initial stress. Cf. akhhd, medicine. This is parallel 
to a/a of §. 143. This tendency of reducing o- in the initial 
syllable is a characteristic feature of some dialects in Western 
Assam (Kamrup). Thus hoc, a tribe is pronounced as Jcdc ; 
$hdrd, snake, as dhara ; sold, toothless, as said ; bholc, hunger, 
as bhakh etc. 

Amongst other Magadhan dialects this tendency is in strik- 
ing evidence in the Bihari dialect, Kurmali Thar (L.S.I.V. II, 
p. 147) and it is found in some measure also in Kharia Thar 
(L.S.I. V.I. p. 90) . This occurs in West Bengali colloquial also, 
e.g. ragd lak for rogd lok, a sickly man. 

In Kurmali Thar, (ibid) loker is found as laker, 
o-kar is found as d-kar. 
go-rdkhiyd is found as gardkhhjd. 
bhoj is found as bhdj. 
mor. tor is found as mar, tar. 
In Kharia Thar : -u, -ii often > -&, e.g. 
bhdke (bhiikhe); mdrash (mdnush) . 

217. O.I.A. u- and sometimes ii- become o- in M.I.A. 
before double consonants. This peculiarity has been preserv- 
ed by some Assamese words. The conjunct consonants are 
reduced to a single one and the u- in the preceding syllable is 
changed to o- ; e.g. 

okdnx, louse, (utkuna -f )• 

okale. ejects from the mouth, (utkalayati) . 

okh y high, (uksa). 

oddl, a tree, (udddla). 

opdrige, floats, (* utplavaijgati) . 
sts. opace, increases. (*uppacaya, upacaya). 

Jcoc, shrink, (\/kunc) . 

kocka, bundle, (kurca 4-). 

kod&l, spade, (kudddla). 

komora, pumpkin, (kv^maTida) ■ 

Jch5pd, lock of hair, (ksumpra) . 

khoj, foot-step, (ksodya, y/ksud^ to tread upon) . 

gtiph, moustache, (gumpha) . 


gomofkd, glum, (grutow-f -) . 

ghol, butter-milk, (ghola, ghurna). 

ghdt, water drunk at one time, (D. ghunta). 

chopa, a grove (*chuppa : cTutpa). 

poche, asks, (pucchai ; prcchati) . 

mol, worth, (mulya). 

lor, bunch, (lunda). 

sb'tard, shrivelled, (suntha -f ). 

218. O.I.A. ay, > M.I.A. o, b > As. o. e.g. 

son, gold (sqiwarna) . 

sonda, sondhd, sweet-smelling, (saugandha-) . 

219. OJ.A. ftp-, ttu-, before single or double consonants ; 
also O.I.A. groups -am-, -up- etc. > respectively -at?-, -uv- 
> late M.I.A. -o-, -uv-, before single consonant : o before 
double consonants > As. -o- (cf. O.D.B.L. §. 166 iii) e.g. 

Ion, salt, (lavana-) . 
or, end, extremity (avara- T.). 
so, right-hand, (sama- > sa~va~). 
d5, bent, (dama-). 

thole, bunch, cluster, (ihavakka-, stavaka). 
oncfe, listens to, (upa + karnayati). 
ojd, teacher, (upadhyaya). 
ohdr, (E. As. osdr) udder, (apasara). 
owdri, pavilion, (upakarika). 
sts. jokdr, sound of greeting, (jay a + kdra > * )ava + kara) . 



Vowels Not in Contact. 

220. Owing to the predominance of the medial stress 
in the standard colloquial, the loss of interior vowels not 
in contact is not very great. Unstressed -i-, -u~, in the 
interior of words are often changed to -a- owing to the 
influence of the Kamrupi dialect characterised by a strong 
initial stress tending to simplify following unstressed long 
vowels. But the elision of non-contact interior vowels is not 
a strong characteristic of the standard colloquial. On the 
other hand, owing to the tendency of the St. coll. to distinctly 
articulate the medial vowel sounds, the -a- in the interior is 
often raised to -o-, to give a distinct vowel colouration to 
the sound. 

221. The state of affairs is quite the reverse in the 
Kamrupi dialect. Owing to the prevailing initial stress, the 
medial vowels are dropped out of pronunciation altogether. 
The tendency of the Kamrupi dialect is to shorten a trisyllabic 
word to a dissyllabic one, and a polysyllabic word to a tri- 
syllabic one. 

. Thus standard colloquial homora. pumpkin, (kusrrvanda-) 
is kumra in Kamrupi; kariba, to do, (* karitavya-) 
is k&rba ; gomotha, gloomy, (gulma+avastte) is qamtha in 

222. Most of the following words shewing loss of 
interior «a^, are made up of original O.I. A. compounds and 
the loss of the vowel is more of the nature of contraction 
than real elision. In some cases, however, real elision 


The interior -A- ; lost. 

223. The few words listed below shew the elision of 
interior vowels and also of syllables ; e.g. : — 

kandhari, kdnddri. helmsman, (karna+dhdra-^ * kanna. 

patten, foot of a bed, (pada+sthdna) . 
bete, business, (vyavasaya) . 
tighan, name of a month, (agrateyana) . 
gadha, ass, (gardabha > gaddaha) . 
pagha, rope for tying cattle, (pragraha-) . 
sitan, head of a bed, (siras+sthana) . 
citat a fish, (citra+phala) . 
kdthdl jack-fruit, (kantaka + phala) . 
muhudi. anything taken after meals to sweeten the 

mouth, (mukha4-sitddhi) . 
pahari, a female vendor, (pcmyaA-salika) . 
era, a plant, (eranda-) . 

(a) In aygamim, the act of stretching and yawning, 
(ar\ga+motika) and sts. satdm-parusa, the seventh genera- 
tion, there is lengthening of the interior -a- together with 
compensatory lengthening of the preceding -a-. 

(b) In a few cases, -a- occurs as -d- before or after a 
single consonant; e.g.: — 

carat, bird, (cataka->*catdkika) . 
sts. kowdth f decoction, (kvatha >*Jcu vatha) . 
sts. bunddmdr, killing by hosts, (iv??da+mdra) . 
sts. sathdmitra. deceitful friend. (satha-\-mitra) . 
Cf. O.I. A. ekddasa, (efca+dasa); astddasa, (a$ta-f- 

dasa) ; astdvakra, (astaA-vakra) . 

(c) -a->'U- ; through influence of the labial -m-, 

bdmun, Brahmin, (brdhmana) . 
(L.W.) cdmuc, a spoon, (camaaa) . 

224. In general the interior -A- remains unchanged 
except in the directions noted above; e.g.: — 
hhdt, a tree, (a&vatiha) . 
It&r, distance, (antara) . 


kwmtili, blanket, (kambala) . 
gagal, a fish, (gargara) . 

The interior -d-. 

225. Interior -d- remains in general except in a few 
instances which will be noted below; 

e.g. kakdl, waist, (kaqkdla) . 

kapdh, cotton, (karpdsa) . 
sts. . kalay, pulse, (kalaya) . 

kowdri, the corners of the mouth, (kapdta+ ) . 

gamdri, a kind of tree, (gambhari-) . 

pariydl, members of a family, (panvdra) . 

bardli, a kind of hsh, (vaddla + - ) . 

226. In a few words, the interior -d- is changed to -d- 
owing to want of stress (§§.147, 150). 

e.g. rayar, fog, (niMra) . 

biyali, afternoon, (*ri/cdWcd) . 

jdni, a medicinal herb, (yamdni-) . 

purani, ancient, (purdna-f- ) . 

kbwar, prince, (kumdra). 
8ir\gdri } an aquatic plant, (sr>jgdta~) , behdr, mustard seed, 

(vesavdra-) . 
(L.W.) binac, miscarriage of animals, (vindsc). 
aghdn, a month, (agralidyana) . 
In seqgun, mucus of the nose, (sujglidna) the interior 

The interior -i- ; -i-. 

227. There is no great loss of interior -i- except in a few 
words like khantd, hoe, (khanitra) ; phanta, sandal (*plianitra, 
yjphan) . 

(a) In general, interior -i-, -i- remain : e.g. 
dalim, pomegranate, (dddimba) . 
piriJcd, pimples, (pitika- > ptflikka-) . 
IWctni, a female spirit, (far\khinl-) . 
•ftlifcd, a kind of bird, (sdri/cd->sdUJcJcd-) . 


sts. habilas, longing, (abhildsa). 
(b) -i- > -a- ; 

In some instances, interior -i- > -a-. This is due to want 
of stress on the medial syllable (§. 136) . 
e.g. barahi, fish-hook, (vcujiisa) . 

pipara, ant, (pipilikd). 

pichal, slippery, (picchila) . 

bih-lair\gani, a poisonous herb, (visa-langhiriir) . 

baladh, bull, (balivarda-) . 

The interior -u- ; -u-. 

228. Interior -u- generally remains ; 
e.g. Qkuhi, hook (ai]kiisika) . 

kukura, cock, (Jcufckuta). 

gheculi, an edible root (g/iencuiikd) . 

dauk, a kind of bird, (M.I. A. dahuka) . 

ddduri, frog, (dardwra-). 

sdmnJcj snail, (sambitka). 

saphurd, casket, (samputa-) , (aspiration explained §§. 
372 ff). 

(a) -u-, -u-, changed to -a- in some cases owing to absence 
of stress (§. 136). 

ural, mortar, (udukhala). 

aiigathi, ring, (a^giistha-) . 

makham, a tuskless elephant (matkuna). 

okani, louse, (utkum) . 

(b) In gajhkoh, an elephant goad, (gfojdTjfcusa) and 
tamol, areca-nut, (M.I.A. tambola, tdmbula), the 
interior -u-, -u-, > -o-. 

(c) -u- > -i- ; e.g. sts. manic, mankind, (manufya > 
*mani$sa) . 

munih, a male, (manusya) . Cf . M.I.A. puma (pumsa) . 

The interior -e-. 

229. In some instances, it is changed to -a- owing to Ab- 
sence of stress (§ 150) . 


e.g. kuwbli, fog, (kuhelika). 

sts. vdrikal, cocoanut, (narikela) , probably also contam, with 
kal, plantain, (kadala) . 

amahi, dried mango, (dmra -f- pes?-) . 

n&har, a tree, (ndgesvara) . 

car, a slap (capeta) . 

In bhaird (vahetaka), the interior -e- has been raised to 
-i-. This may be due to contamination with vibhitaka. In 
general, interior -e- remains. 

The interior -o-. 

230. Interior -o- does not seem to be elided. Even its 
weakening to -d- seems to be rare. The only instance that 
has come to notice is ukah, an osprey, (utkrosa) . 

Whether secondary or original, the interior -o- remains, 
except when it is raised to -u- by vowel-harmony. (§ 264), 
e.g., dull, swing, (dolaka-). 

kuhi, bud, (koscir-). 




231. The disappearance of O.I.A. intervocalic stops left 
a large number of M.I.A. vowels in contact. For the most 
part these maintained a separate existence into the 
Apabhransa period. 

The process of avoiding hiatus by contracting two separate 
vowels into one syllable depends for its carrying through 
largely on speech tempo. There was thus a long period during 
which words were used sometimes in their contracted and 
sometimes in their uncontracted forms. This condition is 
shewn to some extent in the literary Prakrits influenced no 
doubt by the surrounding spoken languages. Pischel gives 
numerous examples of such contractions, e.g. 

am, (avara) ; khai, khaai (khddati) . 

palai, (paldyate) ; keli (*kadili, kadali). 

thera, (sthavira) ; nacce (nrtyatl) . 

pbmma (padma) ; moha (mayukha). 

andhara, (andhakara) ; deula (deva-kula). 

But in a great many instances the udvrtta vowels were not 
contracted by assimilation and were retained as distinct sylla- 
bles (Cf. Turner : Gujrati Phonology : J.R.A.S. 1921, p. 358). 
In some cases, however, the contraction was undoubtedly 
early and general, e.g. mora, bora, keli. 

232. In late M.I.A. (AP.) and early N.I.A. there was a 
threefold treatment of the O.I.A. vowels brought into entire 
or partial contact (i.e. contact with intervening -y-, -uv glide) 
by the elision of stops (O.D.B.L. § 169 ; Bloch § 53 ff ) . , The 
three different kinds of treatment in N.I.A. languages are : 

(a) They were turned into diphthongs. 

(b) They were contracted into a single vowel. 

(c) They were retained as separate vowels by the 
insertion of a euphonic -y- or w. 



233. It has been surmised that next to development of a 
glide sound, diphthongisation of contact vowels was an earlier 
process of combinative vowel change. In Asokan inscription 
of the third century, the diphthong ai is found in forms like 
thaira (sthavira), trcridasa (trayodasa), samacajra(?) 
(Hultzsch : Grammar of the Girnar Rock edicts : Corpus 
Inscriptionum Indicarum. Introduction p. lvi). It has been 
held that M.I. A. forms like kela, bora, are contractions of still 
earlier *kajla, baura and that there was diphthongisation before 
contraction took place (Cf. O.D.B.L. §. 171) . 

234. Early Assamese like early Bengali shews diphthongi- 
sation as the principal mode of contraction of contact vowels. 
Dissimilar* vowels like a-H, a+i(, were diphthongised into 
ai, a?i, where modern Assamese would shew a different kind 
of change* (§. 250). e.g. 

hajba, haila (*haa-\-iba; haa-\-ila) ; 

kaisdni, (kaisa-), kaila. (kahi-\~ta) ; 

panai (*iipanahika) ; sajtari (*sahita+fcdrifcd) ; 

dhauliwar, dhavralivar, white mound, rampart, (dhavalita 
■j-imra) ; saihari, belonging to one's own house (sval&ya 
-\-*garha > *sam4-ghara) ; majra (*mayira-, maj/ura-); 
jau-grha, lac-house, (jafic-4-) etc. Such forms are plenti- 
ful in E. Assamese. Final -ai of verbs (calai<calari) 
also often appears as a diphthongal vowel, e.g. parai, 
falls, (patati) ; rarau screams, (ratati) ; jvalai, shines, 
(jvalati) etc. But even in E. As. they are regarded as 
archaic and belonging to a still earlier phase of the 
, language. Side by side there are forms like pare, 
kafre etc. Thus it would appear that final -e of verbs 
is a simplified form of earlier diphthongal -at. 

235. "The alphabet had letters only for the diphthongs 
at, au ; possibly the speech actually had other diphthongs like 
eu, on, au, ai, etc. which could be represented only as e-u, 
o-u, etc. by means of two separate vowels ; and a form like 
kh&4 became a diphthong khdi to be reduced to kh&y" 
(O.D.B.L p. 344). 


236. The examples already quoted from E. As. shew 
diphthongisation not only of vowels thrown together by loss 
of O.I. A. stops but also of vowels intervened by O.I. A. 
and M.I.A. -7i-. e.g. saltan (sahita-) ; kaita (kahi-ta) etc. 

The following are the new diphthongal combinations: — 
-at-, -awi~ >ai ; 
-au-, -awu- > au ; 

Instances of these changes are prolific ; e.g., 
asai, denial, {asvakiya) . 

akhai, fried rice, (khadika) . For Prothetic d-, cf. §. 285. 
garai, a fish, {gada+ka-\-ika) . 
chat, cover, (chadi). 
daj, curdled milk, {*dawi, dahi, dadhi). 
no}, river, (nadi) . 
dalai, the headman, (dalapati). 
may, harrow, (madi) . 

rrmdai, chief queen, (mahadevi > *rnahadevi) . 
kawai, a fish, (kavayl). 
bau, elder brother's wife, (vadhu). 
rnauri, aromatic plant, (madhurika). 
cauka, oven, (catuska). 
jau, lac, (jatu) . 

au, wood apple, 0. ail (apupa, a 'honey-comb ; a round 
ball of flour). 

(a) -a- -f -i-> -ay- where -i- represents a personal affix 
of verbs; e.g. bay, flows ; weaves, (vahati, vayati) . 

kay, speaks, (kathayati) . 
lay, takes {lahdi, labhate). 

(b) -a-+-i- > -ay-, where -i~ represents a conjugational 
affix, e.g. 

khay, eats, (khddati) ; cf. khai, a drain, (khdti). 
pay, gets, (pdvai, *prdpati). 
i m> goes, (yati) . 

(c) -ea-, -eva- > -etb- ; -e5-. 
ckeoVw, a piece, (cheda) . 

kheb/ib, also kfod, cast, throw, (ksepa). 
left/ib, smearing, (lepa). 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


But these new vowel-combinations have not fully established 
themselves as diphthongs. In certain localities notably in 
eastern Assam they are pronounced as two distinct syllables 
and not as diphthongal monosyllables (§. 304) . 

Contraction of Vowels in Contact. . 

237. The sound groups -aa-, -awa- in the initial syllables 
> -a- ; e.g. 

kar, corns, callosity of hands and feet, {*kaara, kadara). 
kal, plantain, (kadala). 
kari, cowry shell, (kaparda-) . 
car, slap, (*cawara, capeta). 
kandh, headless trunk, (kabandha) . 
lagun, sacred thread, (nava+guna) . 
sar, a deer, (sambara). 
larii, butter, (jiavanita) . 
IdnT, graceful, (lavana + ) . 
janl, ajowan, (yam&niku). 
lar/g, a spice, {lava^ga) . 
dhal, leucoderma, (dhavala). 
id, corpse, (sava). 
sa, hundred, {saa, sata) . 
ja, measure, (yava). 

patten, the lower end of the bed, (paa-\-tliana<pada+ 
stlwna) . 

(a) The initial sound-group -aha-> -a-, e.g. 

par. measure of time, (prahara) . 
ga, doggedness, E. As. gaha ; (O.I.A. graha. zeal), 
ndrdni, instrument for paring nails, (nakha -f- haramka). 
Cf. H. naharani. 

(b) The sound-groups -an-; -awa-; a~wa- ; -aha-, in 
interior and final syllables > -d- ; e.g. 

kolathi, the soft lower part of a fish (fcola-fasfht). 

karat, saw, (karapatra). 

puhan, ceremony after conception, (pwhsavana > *pu$a* 

Skdn, a plant, {arkaparm) . 


sewat, a scoop for baling water from a boat, (sekapdtra) . 
ghdmaci, prickly heat, (gharma+carcika > *ghamma + 

baladh, bull, (*balavadda } balivarda). 
behar, mustard, (vesavara > *vesavara) . 
dmahi, dried mango preparation, (dmra-\-pesikd) . 
amani, mango-forest, (dmra-\-vanikd) . 
paid, a bamboo basket for catching fish, (palaw). 
para, pigeon, (paravata>*pdravata) . 
k&chd, tortoise, (kacchapa). bhddd, name of a month, 

(bhddrapada) . 
gddhd, ass (M.I.A. gaddaha). egdrd, eleven (M.I.A. 

egdraha) . 

(c) The sound groups -ad-; -da-; -ad- (with intervening 
-tb- or -y- glide) > -d-: e.g. 

an, andfo, yoking rope, (cibandha). 

kdon, a weight or coin, (kdhdimna, karsdpana) . 

ahiyd, dihd, having the smell of raw flesh, (nmisa> 

* dmasa- > * d~irasa-) . 
ndhdr. a tree, (ndgesvara. > *vicicssara) . 
sondru. a tree with yellow flowers, (sauvarva + dam-) . 
camar, shoe-maker, (carma - 1 - hdra) . 
paniydl, a fruit, (pd?i?i/dmalaka) . 
samar. ploughing a second time cross-wise (samba + 

kdra) . 
5r, screen, (apatt-) . 

238. ai > aj, in initial and final syllables, (cf. §. 236) . 
After a stressed syllable, medial -?- is shortened to -a-. When 
it begins a syllable after a stressed -a-, it causes mutation 
of the previous vowel and then disappears. Assamese at 
does not become e except as a verbal termination (-at <-ati), 
and the loHiftive case-ending (-ai <-aht) . As a secondary 
affix also at>oj; e.g. * bhaginxMpati > baindi, sister's hus- 
band ; garaj, a kind of fish, (* gadakika) ; but gU (written 
gal) gone; (*gata+illa, gaa+illa, gailla, gtl)- 

(a) -ai>-e\ e.g. 

cole, moves (colat, calati) . 

COKttRACttOM 119 

pafhe, reads, (pafthai, pafhati) . 

ene, tene, iene, this-like, that-like, which-like; etc. 

(* aifca + rat ; *jaiha-\-na &c, plus, emphatic 

hi > i) . 

(b) The M.I. A. vowel group -au- > -o-; e.g. 
pon, straight, (pragurat > * pauna) . 

sol, a fish, (sakula) . 

thor, space of the palm, (sthaputa) . 

cho, actor's mask, (*chauma, chadumu, cltadma). 

(c) Finally -au >-ajx, also -o. 

ts. sakalo, all, (safcaia-f emphatic hu < JcJcfiu, khalu) . 
sts. nitau, always, every day, (* nittaa, nityatah) . 
au > o, a (imp. third person) in calo/c, caldk, let him 
move ; kMok, let him eat. 

au>5 ; indie, first person ; calo, I walk; (calami, calami, 
* calam, cala~w, calau) . 

(d) The vowel-groups -di ; -au- remain; e.g. 
ghtiil, wounded, (glwta-\- ilia). 

mdi, mother (mtitrkti-) . 
gdi, cow, (gavi). 
dul, distracted, (tikula) . 
haul, intoxicated, (vdtula). 

(e) Late M.I. A. -cici in final positions in the causative 
verb of the third person is reduced to tie ; e.g. calae, 
(calavei, *calapayati). 

239. -n-; -"-; -n-; -u- > -i-(> -i-). 
e.g. cird, flattened rice, (ctpifa-> ciri^a-) . 

dtle, gave, (\Jdi + -He) ■ 

tiyd, occurring every third day, (trtii/a-> * titya-) . 

(a) Late M.I. A. ia, id had a three-fold treatment in 
Assamese: (i) In initial syllables generally, ia«, id- > e-; 
(ii) When a, d occupy a position of stress, ia-, td>e5-; 
(iii) Finally -\a, -id > x, i. 

(b) The Assamese sound-group -i(y)o-, -i(y)d- in 
initial syllables > -e-. 


sts. bethd, pity, (vyatM > * viathd) . 
sts. beiig, frog, (vyarjga) . 

beha, business, (vyavasaya) . 
sts. bepdr, trade, (vyapara) . 

bed, measure of length, (vyama) . 

diya-salai, desalai, match-stick, (dipa+salakd) . 

kelai, why, (kiya+lai, kiha; kisa; M.I. A. kissa) . 
sts. pratyek, manifest, (pratyaksa) . 

•cerek, an indefinite plural affix, (cidri+ < ? O.I. A. 

catvdri ; cidri occurs in E. Oriya, (O.D.B.L. 

p. 106). 
Excepting cerek hardly anything else shews its presence 
in E.As. 

(c) -ia, i~wa-, -njd->eo-. 

tebj, third (year) from now, (* trtayya > *«ttajja) . 
neota, invitation, (nimantra-) . 
neoc, to neglect, (ni-\-\/aiic) . 

(d) -ia ; -id in final syllables > -I- > -i ; e.g. 
kamali, blanket (kambala-\-ikd) . 

gajani, growl, (garjana-f-ifcd) . 
katari, knife, (Jcattdri/cd) . 
£d??gi, chisel, (tarjga+ika) . 

(e) -iu->-io- ; imperative third person ; 

nwk, let him take. 

dibk, let him give; (-it<O.I.A. -tu) . 
-ia-u>-io; passive imperative; 
sunio, let it be heard, (sunia-u).. 

240. -uu-; -im- &c. >-w-; >-u-. 
dundi, once again, (*dmma, dvi-guna). 
(a) -ua-; -ua- &c. >-u->-u-; e.g. 
E.As. duja, second, (*duajja, *dvitayya) . 

dhund, incense, (dhupana-) . 
chelu, pretext, (chala + uka) . 

nelu, wind-pipe, (nala+uka) (For o/u>c/u, cf< 


241. -ea->-e-; e.g. 

cherva, chisel, (chedanika) . 

deuri, a temple-priest, (deva-\-* garhika; *grhika) . 

sewat, a scoop, (sekapatra). 

kerti, squint-eyed, (kekara) . 

242. -oa->-o-; e.g. 
po, child, (pota) . 
lo, tear, (loiafca) . 
lo, iron, (toha) . 

Insertion of Euphonic Glides. 

243. In the two previous sections, the contact vowels 
have been seen readjusting themselves in Assamese by 
methods of. diphthongisation and contraction. Similar vowels 
shew the absorption of one into another and dissimilar vowels 
often coalesce by rules of sandhi or crasis. High vowels 
like i, w, followed by low ones and not lending themselves to 
be coalesced by sandhi shew contractions in different direc- 
tions in different positions in the word. But certain sound 
groups resist disposal of themselves by contraction and in 
uttering them the tongue position changes from one vowel 
to another resulting in the production of intermediate vocalic 
sounds pr glides. These sound groups have been noticed 
below . 

244. The glides in Assamese are represented as in 
Western languages by -y f e, -w 6- and sometimes but very 
rarely by -h-. Unlike Bengali and Oriya, Assamese devised 
a new symbol ( p\ ) for the -tb- glide . In a final position -tb 
is often represented by -6. 

245. The -u>- glide is regularly developed after a 
preceding w-; oftentimes the following glide changes Ur to 
o-, e.g. 

kuwali, fog, (kuhelikd) . 
Jcihod, well, (fcupa-). 
dhfrwa, smoke, (dhuma-) , 


246. The Ji-glide is rare and unusual in modern 
Assamese. In early Assamese stray instances like nihdt, 
fetters, (nigada) ; loh, tear, (lota-) are met with. The only 
genuine formation in modern Assamese i3 danah, demon, 
(danava) . In nih, low, (nica) , -h seems to be due to contami- 
nation with nih-, in sts. forms like nih karmd for ni$karma- ; 
da/ian, ddhbn, ancestral property, (ddya-\-na), seems to be 
built up by analogy with sahan, sahbn, property, (sasana) ; 
for Assamese phbhd, pimples, (Skt. sphota) cf. Bg. phoskd. 

247. While sound groups dva, away a ; avd, awd always 
become owd ; e.g. 

cakowd, ruddy goose, (cakkavda-, cakravaka-). 
nowdre is unable, {na-\-pdrayati) . 
kowari, the jaw, ( : 'kapdtikd) . 
tarowdl, the sword, (taravdn). 

(a) When -d in a group -fid, -da occurs as a special affix, 
there is no contraction and the tb-glide comes in ; e.g. 

kowd, a crow, (fcoka-, kda— [-- d>*/cdu?d, kawa>kowd). 
powd, a quarter-weight, (pdda-\-d). 
howd, being, (y/id+Past Part, affix a), 
khowd, eating, (yTchd-f-d). 

sunowd, causing to hear, (causative base sund-fP. P. 
affix -a). 

248. After a preceding z- generally, the y-glide is deve- 
loped ; but when it is followed by the w-glide which in such 
cases is represented by 6, the glide causes mutation of t to e ; 
e.g. nebtd, invitation, (nlmantra-) ; sebtd y parting of the hair; 
(stmcnto-) ; dewdli, illumination, (dxpdlikd) etc. 

Exai&ples of i/-glide after a preceding i- ; 

kuciyd, eel, (kuncikd-) . 

catiyana, a kind of tree, (chattivanna ; chatriparna-) . 

tutiya, blue vitriol, (tuttha-\-ika-\-dka) . 

piydh, thirst, (pipdsd). 

biyal, evening, (vikdla). 

&ijal, fox, (srgdla). 

hiy&, heart, (hrdaya-). 

diyd, island, (dvipar). &c. 


249. Vowel-mutation or umlaut is the modification of a 
vowel through the influence of another vowel or semi-vowel of 
a different quality occurring in a following syllable. This 
phenomenon was first observed in the Teutonic languages, and 
since then phonetic changes in similar directions in other 
languages have been classed as instances of umlaut. 

Of the several types of umlaut discussed below, some (es- 
pecially those discussed under "Vowel Harmony") hark back 
to early Assamese, while of some other c faint indications may 
be suspected in M.I A., but others are of modern growth and 
characterise modern Assamese only. 

250. The two types, a '\ ; a f u ; both > 5, represent changes 
of contact -vowel and may not be regarded as instances of 
mutation proper. But they are classed under mutation because 
they shew a line of development quite different from that in 
early Assamese. In early As. a i. a 'u were regularly diph- 
thongised ; e.g. 

kaita, where. (kahi-Lta). 

cait, name of a month, (*caitla. ca>tra) . 

maira. pea-cock, (^mnira-, mafira-. mayura-). 
But in modern Assamese a '?, a'uyo; e.g. kor, cftt, m5rd 
(written ka't, ca't. ma'ra : the apostrophe f) indicating the 
elision of some vowel sound after bavins caused mutation of 
the preceding vowel). The diphthongal sound went out of 
favour and a new sound took its place. 

This change was fully recognised in middle Assamese of 
the prose chronicles. 

251. In the sound groups a/i, a 'u (>-i), the mutating 
vowel seems to be (i) in both cases. As contact vowels a/u 
have two different treatments in modern Assamese in the 


interior of words. They may coalesce into -o-, (cf . § 238 b) or 
develop a diphthong (cf. § 236) ; e.g. sol, a kind of fish, 
(sakula-) ; caupds, four sides, (catur+parsva-) ; while a/% 
have only a diphthongal treatment in the middle of a word, 
and never result into an -e- in that position. In the absence 
of this development in modern Assamese, a+i may be looked 
upon as having given the mutated vowel -8-. 

252. There are indications of the change of au>*at>aj, 
both in early and modern Assamese; cf. E. As. maim (*maira-, 
mattra-, mayura-). Mod. As. caidhya, fourteen, (*caiddaha, 
cauddaha) . 

In sequences like mufcula>M.I.A. ?nauk>As. mol (writ- 
ten ma'l), an intermediate stage like maida>*maila>ma , Z 
may fairly be assumed. As contact vowels -au- would have 
given a frank -o- as in sol, (sakula). The resultant -8- is 
often pronounced as a especially in western Assamese ; e.g. 

hdl (St. coll. hoi ha'l) =haa4-illa. 

253. The type a /group-nasal with consonant >e/ con- 
sonant, seems to be peculiar to Assamese. It may have some 
resemblance to the N. Bg. tendency to pronounce ft in initial 
syllables followed by d in next syllables as e (O.D.B.L. § 161). 
The mutated e<a, takes the place of compensatory lengthen- 
ing, (cf. §258.). 

The following are the principal types of mutation in 

254. a/i/a ; a/i/a"> respectively 6 {A; b'a; Idialecti- 
cally a/ A ; a/a. 

e.g. gU, gal,(gaa+illa>*gaiUL). 

kbld, kola, black, (?*Jcaild, kallya), 

kftt, hit, where, (kahi-\-ta). 

c6t } cat, name of a month, (caitta) . 

dbt, dat, demon, (*daitta, daitya). 

Vbrd, lard, boy, (Haird, Hariya, larika, lata-). 

mbh, mah, buffalo, (mahisa) . 


In ts. words the mutated vowel is left unnoticed in spell- 
ing ; e.g. jadi pronounced jbdi. 
hari pronounced hbri. 
matt pronunced mbti. 

255. a/u/a ; a/u/ti respectively > 6/A ; o/a ; dialecti- 
cally a/A ; a/ a. 

e.g. mora, maWd, peacock, (mayura). 

rod, ra'd, sunshine, (*raudda, raudra). 

gbra, ga'ra fair, (*gaura, gaura). 

mbl, ma I, blossom, (*maula, mukula). 

cbk, ca'/c, court-yard, (catuska). 

cord, ca'ra, out-housc, (D. cauraya). 

cbthd, ca'tha, fourth, (caturtha) . 

In ts. words, the mutation is left unnoticed in spelling ; 

madhu, pronounced mbdhit. 

laghu, pronounced loglni. 

256. a/w>glide / -d->-oii?d- ; 

e.g. nowdre, is unable, (na-\-pdrayaU) , 
kowari, jaw, {kapata-\- ) . 
cakouxi. a bird, (cakravd lea-). 
tarowal, sword, (taravdn) . 
powd, quarter, (pdda-). 
kowd. crow, (kdka-) . 

khowa, eating, (*klidwd>*khawd'>khowd ; As. \Ahd+ 
past. part. -d-). 

257. iw a; i 'tr/'d > respectively cb'&\ e'o'd; e.g. 
tebj, third (year), (trtaya>*tiajja, *liwa]ja. tebf). 
sebtd, parting of hair, (slmanta-). 

riebtd, invitation, (nim antra-) . 
detodli, illumination, (dipdlikd). 
ne5c, to neglect, (ni-\~\/afic). 

Mutation caused by following nasals. 

258. A following nasal sound raises the preceding -a- to 
-€-. It is noticeable in E. Assamese only ; e.g. 


Zej, tail, (lanja). 

therj, leg, (tay\ga). 

beka, crooked, (vay\ka, vakra). E. As. beijka. 

kekora, crab, (kaijkada, karkata) . 

vek, mud, (parjka). 

cer), a kind of fish, (ccu)ga) . 

cek, stain, (cayka, cakra) . 

pdle^g, couch, (pallaijka, paryaijka) . 

reyga, to shine dimly, (raijga-). 

ketha, blanket, (kantha-). 

soler\g, citron, (cholar/ga) . 

perigd, lame, (pa?;git-). 

Of the mutating nasal 4- consonant, the nasal is reduced to 
a mere nasalisation of the mutpted vowel, and the following 
consonant, when of the guttural series, is often reduced to its 
corresponding nasal. 

Harmonic Mutation or Vowel Harmony. 

259. Harmonic mutation is a kind of vowel change by 
which the high or the low quality of a vowel in a following 
syllable conduces to a similar modification in a preceding 
one. As a matter of fact the types of mutation examined in 
the preceding section involve some amount of harmonic change, 
the high vowels (i), (n) and the semi-vowel (-iu-) bringing 
in an anticipatory raising of the previous vowels. This section 
is restricted to the consideration of the raising of a preceding 
vowel under the influence of a following high or a long vowel. 

260. Of the several types of changes examined below, 
that of a>u under the influence of (i) in the following sylla- 
ble is noticeable in early Assamese also. There is an inter- 
mediate stage (a>o>u) in this change; so that if in the 
original word (original so far as Assamese is concerned) there 
is an -o- in the preceding syllable, it changes to -u- before -i- 
in the next syllable ; e.g. bhekold, a big frog, but bhehdi, frog 
(in general) . Often the form shewing the intermediate change 
is not preserved in Assamese ; e.g. madal a drum, but mdduK, 
a drum-shaped amulet; the form *mddo[-, is not found in As, 

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The following examples shew traces of harmonic change 
in early Assamese. 
sts. kukil (kokila) ; dkhuti (akhat$i) , childish pranks ; 

gharuni, wife ; also gharani, gharinl ; 
sts. krtanjuli for krtdniali ; 

sts. jalanjuli for jafcnjaii ; nutuni, a female dancer for natini; 
(Rdmdyan : by Durgabar) . 

261. The type involving the change of -a- to -e- before 
a following -i- goes back to early Assamese also. This change 
is highly characteristic of the Kamrupi dialect and it is- likely 
that examples from E. As. and modern As. as given in the 
body of the illustrations represent dialectical mixtures rather 
than .regulat formations m the standard colloquial, e.g. cf. 
Hindi, pujcrl, a worshipper, for piijari, as a dialectical variant 
(Kellogg, p. 252). This type seems to be absent in Bengali, 
cf. § 269. 

262. The type representing the change of -a- to -c- before 
an -u- in the next syllable seems to go back to M.LA. although 
examples are sporadic there ; e.g. 

neura, neula (*iwpura. nupura) ; gendua (kanduka) ; 
also Pali phegyu (phalgu) ; den^lubha ( v daiydubha, 
^wndubha) . (Pali Prakasa, p. 54). 

Traces of this change are suspected in other N.I.A. langu- 
ages also ; e.g. the common N.I.A. word hcula, a mongoose, 
(na/cula-) ; Bg. khejur (k/iarjitra-) ; H. lateru, a robber, cf. 
§ 270. 

263. Both before and after a syllable containing the long 
vowel -d-, the change of (a) to (5) often takes place in poly- 
syllabic words. In the contiguity of other high vowels also 
this change is sometimes noticed. This is perhaps due to the 
fact that in the St. coll. the sound of (a) is generally short and 
it is likely to change in the neighbourhood of vowels having 
distinct sonority, cf. § 272. 


264. The principal types of harmonic changes are the 
following : 


The following high vowel -i- raises a preceding -o- to -u- : 
e.g. uri, wild rice, (o$r). 

puthi, a fish, (prosthi-). 

gui, iguana, (godhikd). 
sts. luit, a river, (lohita). 

paduli, gate-way (pratoll-). 

drjgd-mnri, stretching the limbs, (cuiga+mota+ika) . 

kuli, cuckoo, (kokila~\-ika) . 
sts. suti, streamlet, (srota-). 

kuthi, factory, (kostha-). 

dull, swing, (dolaka-). 

kuhi, bud, (kosa-). 
sts. ihupi, cluster; cf. t/iop, (stiipa-). 

apuni, yourself, cf. dpo?i, one's own. 

The addition of suffixes containing a final or penultimate 
-i- or -i- raises a previous -o- to -it- : e.g. 
juliyd, watery, (As. jol-) . 
lunlyd, salty, (As. Ion) , salt. 
juriya, living in pairs, (As. jor). 
dhubuni, washer-woman ; cf. dhobd. 
curuni, a female thief ; cf . cor. 

265. A preceding -a- is raised to -it- through an inter- 
mediate stage -o- when the high vowel -i- follows: e.g. maduli, 
a drum-shaped amulet; cf. madal, a drum (mardala). 

sts. dkhudi, drug, (ausadhi). 

sts. bhekuli, frog, (bheka-}-la-\-ika) . 

sts. kdchuti, the hem of a lower garment, (kacchatikd) . 

deuri, threshold, (dchali-). 

hekuti, hiccough, (hikkd-\- vrtta-). 

puni, floating moss, (parnikd). 

dhuti, loin-cloth, (*dhautra ; H. sts. dhotar). 

dhuhi, a crook, (dkarsa+ikd) . 

ddmuri, a young calf, cf . As. damara (damya -f -) . 

thaiini, fathom, (*stdgha-{-nar), 

Vowel harmojnV i# 

266. The low-mid vowel -e- is raised to high-mid -e- when 
followed by the high-vowel -i-. As there are no different 
symbols for -e- and -e-, the mutated vowel remains unchanged 
in spelling ; e.g. 

meni, but mend, a buffalo with drooping horns. 

meet, but meed, bent downwards. 

pheti, but pliEtd, having the legs far apart. 

beti, daughter, but bztd. 

eti, one, but zid. 

267. Similarly -z-/-u- > -e- /-u- } e.g. 
petu, petuld, pot-bellied, (pet), 
ihehula, sullen, (thth, sullenness). 
deb, but den (deva). 

The £ sound is preserved when the nasal precedes the 
following -u-; e.g- 

Jcecu, earth-worm. 
ghlculi, an edible root. 
dcuk, damp. 
dhlnu, cow. 

268. Change of quality from front to back or vice-versa 
through the influence of a following vowel is rare. The only 
example seems to be niramuhi (nirdmisa) ; munih, male, is 
inherited from M.I.A. munisa. 

The modification of a following low-vowel through the 
influence of preceding high-vowel is also rare in Assamese. 
The words cikun, glossy, (cikkana) ; tirutd also tirotd, woman, 
may be considered in this connection. 

269. In words of more than two syllables, the medial -o- 
is changed to -e-, when followed by -i-, -i- in the next syllable. 
This change seems due to dialectical influence. 

sts. ndgeri, the nagari script, (ndgarl). 
catjgeri, wood-sorrel, (cdj/gfa -f -) • 
. cdnefci, pattern, (chanda). 
ij&heciya', tfXhekiya, half -ripe, (dauia-f). 
ph&leygi, a broker travelling out with cloth, animals, etc. 
for sale; (cf. M.I.A. p/ta#$aga). 


E. As. shared this modification in an abundant measure J 
e.g. ♦ 

jakheli, (name of a place) . 
pameri, pamari, a kind of cloth. 
caderi, cadar, an upper cloth. 
pateki, pataki, a sinner. 
cakoeni, the female of cakravaka, a bird. 

(a) In Western Assam dialects the medial -a- is invari- 
ably modified before a following -i-, -i- ; e.g. 

fcdien, for kalari, a deaf woman. 
duteri-pateri, a go-between. 
suweni, for suwani, beautiful. 

(b) In Bihar! (Kurmali Thar), an -i- or -e- is apt to 
change a preceding -a- to -e-. This occurs even in words of 
two syllables; e.g. kahi-ke>kehi-ke ; basi-ke>besi-ke. 
karis>keris (L.S.I. V. II, p. 147). 

270. Before -u- in a following syllable, the -a- or -d- 
of the preceding syllables is changed to -e- ; a u, a/u, > e/u. 
neul, mongoose, {nakula) . 
khejur, date-tree, (kharjura) . 
dhenu, a bow, (dhanu) . 
sts. jelukd, snail, (jaluka). 
' sts. jetuka, henna, (jatuka). 
leju, rope, (rajju-). 
nelu, wind-pipe, (nala-{uka). 
celu<chelu, pretext, (chaia-j-u/ca) . 
sts. seluk, water-lily, (saluka). 
sts. r&gur, ler\gur, tail, {laygula) . 
lehuka, slim, (laghu-\-kka-\-) . 
fhenu, calyx of a flower, cf. iham, a branch. 
fheru, stem, cf. thdri, a stalk. 
sis. cecUy small fibre, cf. coc, fibre. 
perjgurd, lame (par$ju-) . 
bherygura, crooked, (bharjgar). 
sts. setuxoa, dropsy (sotfw-) . 

This type of mutation is noticeable in Bengali also, but it 
remains disguised in combination with other sounds; e.g. ( 



gecho < *gechuw&, *gachuwa, < gdchm. 
mejo<.*rnejuwa, majhuwa<rnajhm. (O.D.B.L. p. 395). 

271. -a->-o-. 

In words of two or more syllables an unstressed interior 
-&- > -8-; (§ 137) e.g. sts. laghon, fasting, (lar\ghana) . 

aghbn, a month, (agrahdyana) . * 

sahan, s'ahbn, ancestral property, (sasana, landed pro- 
perty) . 

dahan, dahov, property, (daya-{—). 

bheran, bheron, rent, hire, (bharana). 

mathon, just, (matra-\~ ). 

kapor, cloth, (karpata) . 

bekord, crooked, (vaijka-, vakra-). 

kekora, 'crab, (karkata) . 

Wiekold, frog, (bhe/ca-f)- 

sarjgor, yoking together, (scn)ghata). 

mach-roka % king-fisher, (matsya-{-rar)ka) . 

dapon, mirror, (darpana). 

dpon, self (appana-, *atmanaka) . 
sts. sapon, dream, (svapna). 
sts. bitopan, shining, (vi-\-tapana ; \/tap). 

272. In cases where the vowel in initial syllable is -a^, 
both the initial and the interior -a->-o~, before an -d- in the 
final syllable. The unstressed medial -a- first becomes -5- and 
then it causes assimilation of the previous -a- ; (§ 138) . 

koroka, pot made of cocoanut shell, (kara)jka-) . 

kokohd, rough, (karkasa-) . 

bhomora, black -bee, (bhramara-) . 

ondola. to darken, (nndha+ta-f-)- 

mokora, large mouthful, (cf. markara. a vessel, a pot). 

coroha, a draught of liquid, (* casta -f-sa). 

kopohdy a knotty bamboo, (Jcanta-fsa-f-) . 

(a) The M.I.A. Pres. Participial -anta- -f- As. -d- > 
"8tfl ; e.g. 

Hrbtd, doer, (karanta+ -&-) . 
<un5M, hearer, ($unanta+fc-) . 


(b) The above noted vowel change occurs only when the 
succeeding vowels happen to be either -a- or -a-. The pre- 
sence of any other vowel will cause either a reversal to the 
original vowel position or harmonic changes if the vowel hap- 
pens to be -i- ; 
e.g. carahe cf. coroha ; 

kardti, siutdti. a female doer, hearer. 

sarjguri, cf. sdr\gor. 

273. Whenever the vowel -a- finds itself in the antepen- 
ultimate or in any anterior syllable, it is shortened to -a- 
when in any part of the succeeding syllables it is followed by 
the vowel -d-, e.g. pdni. water, panlyd. watery. 

kdtan, cutting: k at am, spinning for wages. , 

cdki, lamp ; caka. wheel. 

chati, umbrella, chata. mushroom. 

pat. a slab ; patd. 

ban, a widow : barala. a bachelor. 

bdtari, news ; batara. 

damuri. a suckling calf ; damard. 

cdkali, a flat circular body ; cdkald. 

jald, a hole, (jdk-f- ) . 

Tiald, a drain, (ndln+-)- 

mahd, quarter of a told, (mdsa-j~). 

kand, blind, (kdm-). 

batdh, wind, (vdta+*dsa) cf. (§ 576a). 
sts. tard, star, (tdrd). 
sts. raja, king, (rdjd). 
So also, dhdruwd, debtor, (dhdra-j- -). 

mdruwd, greasy, cf. mhr, gruel (manda). 
bhatuwa, given to eating, cf. bhdt (bhakta). 

(a) There is an absence of the shortening of the ante- 
rior in a few words. This is due to the influence of the 
Kamrupi dialect ; e.g. 

&0, a loft, (attdla). 

atah, loud scream, (atta+hasa) k 

add, ginger, (drdraka). 


adhd, half, (ardha). 
• dYjgar, charcoal, (ar\gdra) . 
dndhdr, dark, (andhakara) . 
alah, sloth, (dlasya) . 
saruwd, fertile, (sara) . 

Of late, however, a certain tendency has become noti- 
ceable to change anterior -a- to -e-, and a certain fluctuation 
between -a- and -e- has found expression; e.g. add, eda; 
adM. edhd; alah, eldh &c. (cf. also §.117). 

(b) The shortening of the anterior is noticeable also 
in E.As. speedily in the case of the negative particle na 
(§.275) ; e.g. vajay, does not go, for * ndjay; mmdre, does 
not beat, for *immare. Mod. Assamese forms are nejdy, 

(c) The short anterior is highly characteristic of Oriya 
also. In fact, Oriya seems to have carried it out more uni- 
formly than Assamese ; e.g. 

0. did. flour; As. a to, ctd: Bg. dtd. 
0. dthd. gum; As. dthd. ethd; Bg. dtd. 
O. ada. ginger; As. add, edd; Bg. add. 
0. adha. half: As. adhd. edhd: Bg. ddhd. 
O. camara; As. camard; Bg. camrd. 
O. chatd; As. chatd; Bg. chatd. 
0. tard; As. tar a: Bg. tdrd. 

Vowel Assimilataon. 

274. The assimilation of vowels is also a kind of har- 
monic change. Vowels of different qualities are assimilated 
to the sounds of neighbouring vowels for ease of pronuncia- 
tion. Unstressed vowels are generally assimilated (§.138). 
Vowel assimilation is noticeable in M.I. A. also; e.g. 

miriya, (marica)i avarim, (upari); ucchu. (iksu) . 
(Pischel, §. 177) . 
Examples in Assamese are : 
•*• ; birind, (virana-) . 

birir\g, (vujlariga) . 
■w- ; huruwd, (hurava) . 


pukhuri, (puskara-) . 

dhumuha, (dhumrabha-) . 

muruli, (murari-) . 

sururjga, (surar\ga-) . 
-e-; sts. mekhela, (mekhala) . 

tetell, tamarind, (tintilika) (§. 212). 
-o-; sts. jojona, (yojand) . 

lohora, iron-pan, (lauha + bhanda-) . 

275. The particle na of the negative conjugation which 
always occurs before the conjugated verb is assimilated to 
the vowel of the initial syllable except when it happens to 
be a-, when ?id-> ne- (§.273b); e.g. nakare, does not do; 
nepae, does not get; nimile. does not agree; nubuje, does 
not understand; nobole, does not say. 


276. The sonant (r), counted as a vowel in Sanskrit 
grammar disappears in Pkt, as in Pali. In O.I.A. (r) was 
not pronounced as (ri) as it is now-a-days . It was a sonant 
fricative used as a vowel and its pronunciation may have 
been similar to the sonant (r) in some Slavonic languages ; 
e.g. Srbi. the name of the Serbs in their own language. 
Languages not possessing this sound naturally represent it 
with the neutral vowel (b) or introduce a vowel sound 
before or after the consonant (r) ; sometimes both before and 
after. Hence it is more intelligible why (I) the guna of 
(r) is (ar) and not (re) ; 

(2) vrtrahav appears in Avestan as vMthraghna ; 
rju as ertzu; 

(3) Pali has iritvija and irubbeda for rtvih and rgveda; 

(4) Prakrit not possessing (b) ^r a sign for it replaces 
(r) ty fa), (i), (u) as well as by ri; (Woolner; Introduc- 

titm^o Prdkrit 2nd. Edition §. 59) . 

277. Already in the Prakritisms of the R*-Veda, it 
appears in the three forms though most frequently as (a). 

OXA. (?) ttf T*H& 13$ 

Dr. Bloch after an examination of the Asokan inscrip- 
tions and the literary languages on this decides that the pre- 
dominant development of r was (a) to the South-West, and 
(i) and (u) to the North and East. (Bloch: §.30. Turner: 
Gujrati Phonology, §. 12) . 

But owing to the great intermingling of dialects, it can- 
not be definitely ascertained which of the three-fold treat- 
ments of (r) is a characteristic vowel of a particular dialect 
area in modern times. In the instances given below, all the 
three-fold treatments are illustrated in modern Assamese. 

278. O.I. A. -r-> -a- in M.I. A. In some cases -a- > 
-a- in N.I. A- either through compensatory lengthening or 
through stress. 

kachdri, court-house, (krtya -f grha > * fcacca -f *garha) . 

kanu, (kan/ia-, fcr^rm-). 

khce, cuts up into pieces, (krtyate) . 

ghat, stir, agitate, (gJiatta, ghrsta). 

nac, dance, (nrtya) . 

bdche, selects, (* vacchai, vrksate) . 

mapi, earth, (mattid, mrttika) . 

maphe, makes smooth, (* mrstati) . 

bap, teat, (vanta, vrnta). 

dafhdi, firmly, (da<]iha-, drtfha-) . 

bar, banyan tree, (vata, vrta) . 

karhe, takes away forcibly, (JcadolTui-, krftar) . 

279. -r->.M.I.A. -i->N.I.A. -i-; 
e.g. amiyd, nectar, (amia-, amrta-) . 

ghiil, clarified butter, (ghia, ghrta) . 
ghin, abhorrence, (ghmd) . 
tebj, third, (* tiajja, trtaya) . 
dxphak, waking state^ (df$ta-) . 
ptfhi, back, (pr^tfia-) . 
bicha, scorpion, (vf&cika-) . 
mti, grand-son, (naptrka) . 
%j, horn, (krnga) . 
Skal, chain, (krr\khah) . 


siyal, fox, (srgdla). 

hiya, heart, (hiaa, hrdaya-) ; 

280. -r->M.LA. -u->N.I.A. -u-; 
sts. uju, easy, (rju-) . 

burha, old, (vrddha-) . 

sune, hears, (srnoti) . 

bundamar, killing by hosts, (uriida+rodra) . 

281 . -r- > -e- (by secondary change of -i- before double 
consonants) . Rare in Assamese: 

E.As. ghene, accepts, (grhndti > ginhai. > * genhai, * g/ienai, 
ghene) . 

282. -r- > -o- (by secondary change of -u- before double 
consonants); e.g. 

bota, stem of flower, (vonta-, vrnta-). 

poche, asks, (prcchati) . 

tfhohe. pulls, draws, (dhrsyate, * dhussai, dhossai) . 

molxin, lotus stalk, (??irnd?a > * mrTinaZa) . 

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Anaptyxis or Svarabhakti. 

283. This is a phenomenon by which a vowel is often 
inserted between a combination of sounds which are difficult 
to pronounce. This is an Indo-European phenomenon and 
found in all periods of LA. In O.LA. (Vedic), forms like 
indra, indara; darsaia, darasata; are noticeable. In classical 
Sanskrit double forms like prthivl ; prthvl; suvar, svar ; 
suvarna, svania &c. are common. In Skt. najyayika, danva* 
rika (< nyaya, dvara) are derived from the intermediate 
forms *niyaya, *duvdra. In the first and second M.I.A. 
viprakarsa forms are found to be on the increase. (Geiger. 
§§. 29ff: Pischel. §§. 13111. In M.I.A. svarabhakti takes 
place cnly when one of the conjunct consonants is y, 
r, I or a nasal (Pischel §. 131) . While on the whole this is 
true of the N.I. A. languages also, svarabhakti is often noti- 
ceable in other consonant groups also e.g. 

dagadhd } clever, (*dagdha, vidagdha). 

Unlike Bengali, Assamese shows great partiality for the 
use of words simplified by anaptyxis. In fact the use of 
such words in preference to the original Sanskrit counter- 
parts is looked upon as a mark of a racy and idiomatic style. 

284. Oftentimes new forms by anaptyxis are created in 
the place of older forms used in earlier literature; e.g. bara- 
sun, rains, for earlier barisan; so also darasan for earlier 
dari&an etc. 

Examples of svarabhakti in Assamese : 

(a) -a-; tietara, silk, (nelra); margah (mansa); 

bar\gah t (uamia); dagadhd (*dagdha); 
baray,, (varna); jatan, (yatna); 
ratan, (ratna)', 

158 vm P&0N6L0GV 

darab, (dravya) ; barasun ; (var§ana) ; 
sdrai\ga (iarrjga); bhadar (bhddra); 
jatar (yantra); garah (grasa); 
maram, affection, (marma-); 
sapon (svapna) ; salag (sldgha) . 

(b) -i- ; arihana (arhana) ; gariharia (garhand) ; 

sariyah (sarisava, sarsapa) ; kiri§i (Jcr${) ; 

bdrisd (varsd) . 
sildn (sndna) ; 

dhaniyd (dhanya) ; kira, *kiriya (kriya) * 
haris (harsa) ; 
tin (stri). 

(c) -u- ; duwdr (dvdra) ; jxidum (paduma ; padma) ; 

mukutd (muktd) ; 

sukuld (sukla) ; murukh (murkha>) ; 

kuruc, to addle as milk, (cf. Jcurci/cd, inspissated 
lagun-gathi, (lagna + granthi-) , 

ceremonial tie of the ends of garments be- 
longing to the bride-groom and the bride. 

(d) -e- ; recent sts. ceneJi (sneha). 

melee (mleccha). 

(e) -o- ; soimran (smarajia) ; soloJc (sloka) . 

sowdd, (svada). 

Prothesis of Vowels. 

285. The prothetic vowel was very rare in M.I.A. The 
only noted example is itthi < *istri—stri. In N.I. A. Assamese, 
the prothetic vowel is noticeable in some tbh. and ts.- words. 
This is seen in Bg. also (O.D.B.L. p 378) . 

abihdne, without, (*vihana, vihina). 

akhqi, parched rice, (khadika). 

akumdri, a girl before the age of puberty, (kumdri). 

opogarida, childish, (pogwifa). 

akan, small, (karut, a particle) . 

dbhab, plenty, (a4-bhava). (Coll.). 

ath&r, unsteady due to old age ; cf . that, stiff (sthavira) . 

amuttak, amurtak, violent, fierce (said of speed, anger) 


286 . In the evolution of the prothetic vowel, many influ- 
ences seem to be at work. Under the non-Aryan (Austric) 
section, an Austr. form awa kanit, small child, has been regist- 
ered. This may from sound similarity be equated to As. akan, 
akani. The idea of smallness in akwrmri, apoganda might be 
due to association of ideas with forms like akan, akani. The 
working of folk etymology is seen in abhab, plenty, lit. about 
which there should be no thought ; (sts. bhab, sis. bhabana) . 
There is perhaps contamination by aihir in a form like athar. 

Thus it is likely that there is convergence of several forms 
in the establishment of the prothetic a-. In ahin, neglected, 
abandoned ; aheld, neglect, contempt, a- is not prothetic, but 
a contraction of ava-, (avahina, avahold). 


287. " Epenthesis is the anticipation of an -i- or -u- before 
the consonant after which it occurs is pronounced." 

Examples of epenthesis are found also in M.I.A., "but 
there it is not regular, not at all a characteristic of the langu- 
age, only some sporadic instances being found." (O.D.B.L. 
p. 378; Pischel § 176). 

(a) In Eastern Assam standard, examples of epenthesis 
are not very numerous. The epenthetic habit is noticeable 
mostly in sound-groups consonant + -y-. e.g. 

din, (*ania, any a). 

purn (*ptniia, punya) . 

jdin, root and branch, (janya) 

rtiij, people, (rdjt/a). 

baik, (vdkya). 

(b) Ordinary examples : 

s&ud, merchant, (*sadhuka > sadhua> *saudha>saud). 
maur, epidemic, (maruka>*marua>*7naura, maur). 
mdukh, cluster, (maksa+uka). 
kait, thorn, (kantaka+ika) . 

(c) As in Bg. so in Assamese. Sanskrit -Jc$- and -jn- in 
the interior of words have the value of -Jc/iy- and -gy- and 
in pronunciation an epenthetic -i- comes in which is often 


diphthongised; e.g. laksa>*lakhya>*laikkha > laikkha ; so 
also ajndm>*agydn>aiggdn. 

288. While epenthesis is not a noticeable feature in the 
standard colloquial, it is a distinguishing characteristic of 
Western Assam colloquy. It is so exceedingly prevalent 
that it disguises words beyond recognition by causing diph- 

Epenthetic i w, invariably come in, in words of more (Jian 
two syllables. 

(a) But unlike Bengali even Western Assamese dialect 
avoids epenthesis in disyllabic words. A form like Bg. dij, 
to-day, for dji, or Bg. rait for rati, night, is never heard in 
any part of Assam. But epenthesis comes in whenever 
disyllabic words are lengthened by affixes; e.g. rati, night, 
but rditd (rdtiyd), name of a person born at night. kati, 
name of a month; but kuitd (kdtiya), a person born in that 

hdl, a plough, but hduld, a plough-ox, (hdlowd) . 
ghat, a ferry, but ghdute, a ferry-man, (ghatuwaj) . 

289. It need be pointed out that contact vowels by 
epenthesis are real diphthongs. Triphthongs are also heard 
in such positions; eg. 

mquird, an orphan, (*mduriya: St- Coll. mdurd) . 
khquird, a great eater, (khdwariya) . 
keuild, a solitary devotee, (kewaliyd) . 

Final Anusvara. 

290. O.I. A. final -m became the anusvara in M.I. A. : 
and original anusvara remained- Thus O.I. A. -m> M.I.A. 
-m became a frank nasalisation of the preceding vowel in 
the late M.I.A. (Apbhransa) period and this final nasali- 
sation survives in a few pronominal formations in Assamese 
and in some dialectical pronominal derivatives; e.g. I.O.A. 
tesam > M.I.A. tes&m, 


* tesarh > Ap. teha = As. teb, he (honorific); e$am > 
esarh, * esaih > Ap . eha = As . eo, this person (honorific) . 
So also in the dialectical formations kahe, kahai, where ; 
jahe f jalidi, whichever way, etc. -e ( < ax) , -i represents 
O.I. A. -smin> M.I. A. -ssirn, -ssim > Ap. him, hi. 

Nasalisation and Reduced Nasals. 

291 . In Assamese, in the groups, nasals + stop or 
sibilant, the nasal is lost and the preceding vowel is nasalised 
and lengthened in compensation, or is nasalised and under- 
goes umlaut change according to the nature of the case. 
The change of a preceding (a) to (e) under the influence of 
a following nasal has been already noticed, cf. §. 258. 

The groups, nasal -I sonant stops (glottal and labial) 
shew assimilation of the stop element to the preceding nasal 
and this is largely common to both Bengali and Assamese, 
though the nasal -f- sonant labial stop has another (~b) 
treatment in Bengali not noticed in Assamese. But in the 
groups nasal+d or dh (dental), the assimilation of the stop 
or aspirate to the previous nasal is peculiar to Assamese. 
The preceding vowel is lengthened but the consonant group 
is often left unsimplified in spelling. The nasal is fully pro- 
nounced but the stop or aspirate following has a reduced 
articulation. Sometimes the stop or aspirate is fully assi- 
milated into the preceding nasal, though this is noticed more 
in pronunciation than in spelling. 
Examples : 

bandh, bond, (bandha-), 

gondh, smell, (gandha-) . 

kandon, crying, (krandana-) . 

endhar, darkness, (andhakdra) . 

andh, an, yoking rope, (dbandha). 

kandh, kan. shoulder, (skcwdha) . 

chdnd, ehan, secret opportunity, (chancto-) . 

phand, phdn, trap, (prabandha-) . 

afin, complete mix-up, (sandhd) • 

cdneki, pattern, (chanda ; appearance, shape) . 


The formation (sdn) is the only example shewing complete 
assimilation of the aspirate to the nasal. In the majority 
of instances the complete assimilation of the stop or aspirate 
takes place only when it closes a syllable. Before a following 
vowel, the reduced stop or aspirate is restored; e.g. lean, 
shoulder, but kdndhat. on the shoulder, chan, secret oppor- 
tunity, but chande, looks out for an opportunity. 

The reduced sound of d or dh is parallel to the sound 
of the reduced nasal. 

292- The lines of nasalisation are indicated below: 
unvoiced stops and aspirates preceded by class nasals; the 
vowel is nasalised (after being lengthened) and the stop or 
the aspirate remains; e.g. 

ak, (ar]ka)\ heal (aiicala); at, (antra) ; atar (antara); 

kdkal, (kaykala); ketha, (kavtha); kakai, (kar\katika) ; 

keen, (* kincuka) ; gbph. (gumpha); 

pbch, to wipe, (pra - r \/aiich) ; 

sakh, sftk. (saykha); sutha, (\/sunth); 

bata, reward, (vantaka) . 

saphura, (samputa) . 

(a) Sibilants with preceding anusvdra ; the anusvdra 
nasalises the preceding vowel and the sibilant is changed to 

e.g. ah, fibre, (ansu) . 

kfihi, a bell-metal plate, (kansya 4- ika) . 
urah, bug, (uddahsa > uddansa) . 
d&h, gnat, (dansa) . 
bah, bamboo, (vamsa) . 

(b) Class nasals with voiced consonants, and anusv&ra 
with h, y, v, are treated in the following sub-sections. 

(c) -r\g-; and -?/gh-, (O.I. A and M.I. A.) are reduced 
intervocally to -r}% or the original spelling in -1$- is retained, 
even though pronounced as -77-. Intervocally, -rjgh- > -T|g- 
unless reduced to -?;-. Finally, written as (-li-, m-) . 

e.g. 8ts. abharj, obstinate, (a -f bhar\ga) . 
drjidi, arjgrdi (at\guli-) . 

ftEDtfCED tf ASAtS 1^ 

KAs. gd??, g&tjg, river, (ga^gd) . 
jdTjg, thigh, (jatjgha) . 
5u?/ge, su^e, smells, (kuyghati) . 
seqgun, phlegm, (sb]ghdna) . 
bhdrj, hemp, (bhayga) . 
ra?/d, red, (ra>/ga-fAs. -a-), 
id?/, Ian, (lavayga) . 

sdrjgorc, sayore, yokes together, (samgJiatayati) . 
iu^g, su//, sun, awn of corn (suijga). 
sbjgari, a water-plant, (sr>]gata-\-). 

(d) -n>, -njfo- > — j-. e.g. 

Ajali, (afijali-). 

ajani, (aiijana -f ilea) • 

bojd, barren, (ranjjhd-, iwidhya-) . 

saj, evening, (sand/iiyd) . 

p&jar, side, (panjara). 

puji, heap, (putija-) . 

(e) -nd- > ~~T > ~ **-• 
Jcarid, milk-pail, (Jcan<£a) . 
fc&r, arrow, (/cdnda). 

gari, headless trunk, {gandi-). 

caral, (carujala). 

dar, oar, {danfa) . 

pird, a quarter of flesh, (pinda-). 

barala, bachelor, (vanta-i-la- > vanda+la-). 

bhardl. hoarding place, (b ha ndagara) . 

mdr, rice-gruel, (maiula) . 

(f) In JcTum, Jchani. a piece, there is the assimilation of 
-n$->-n#- ; cf. E. As. ratha-khanda. 

(g) MI. A. -ndh->--rh e.g. 

Jcurh, deep water, (kuiida > * JcundJui) . 

It remains in Jcdriddn, 

fcdn^fodri, helmsman, (Jcarna+dhdra-f -). 

(h) -nd- of O.I. A. remains (cf. Bg. ~d) e.g. 
indur, endur, (indura). 
sindur, sendur {sindura). 
bdndon, (krandam). 

144 Vm. phonolog* 

ophande (ut+spandate) . 

canda, awning, (candrdtapa) . 

chdnd, secret opportunity, (chanda). 

The nasal is found to be reduced in madar, a tree 
(manddra). This may be regarded as a sts. form, so also 
sts. nadan-badan, luxuriant (in growth) =nandanu-{-vandana. 

(i) -ndh- either remains or is assimilated to -n-; e.g. 

endhdr, darkness, (andhakara) . 

kdndh, ten, (skandha). 

dndh, an, (dbandha). 

kdndh, kdn (kabandha). 

sondd, (saugandha-) . 

bdn-bdti, cup with a pedestal, (bandha-) . 

(j) O.I.A. -nib-; -mr- (>M.I.A. -mb) . 

" There has been an assimilation of the stop-element and 
the nasal has generally survived." The ~b treatment is ab- 
sent in Assamese ; e.g. 

dm (amba, dmra) . 
sts. kdddm (kadamba) . 

jdmir (jambira). 

tdmol (tdmbula) . 

sdmuk, (sambuka). 
sts. samal, (sambala). 
sts. samandh (sambandha) . 

(k) -mbh->-m-. without nasalisation of the preceding 
vowel ; e.g. 

kuhum (kusumbha) . 

kumdr (kumbhatera) . 

gamdri, (gambhdrx-) . 

jdmu', molar teeth, (jambha-). 

thdm (stambha). 

khdm, co-agulation, sticking together, (skambha), 

(1) M.I. A. -nh- and -mfi- from various sources >-it-, 
-71-, and -m- respectively, e.g. 
kdnu, (kanha-, krsna-). 
tin, sign (cinha, cihna). 
urn, (usma). 


komord (kumhanda, kusmdrt^a). 

bamun (bamhana, brdhmana) . 

(m) When two nasals of M.I.A. are reduced to one, there 
is no nasalisation of the previous vowel; e.g. 

an (anna, anya). 

ban (vanya) ; kdm (kamma } karma). 

cam (carma). 

(n) Of anusvdra with h, y, there seems to be no case in 

Spontaneous Nasalisation. 

293. In M.I.A. there is the phenomenon of spontaneous 
nasalisation of the first of a pair of double consonants (Pischel : 
§ 74). This, tendency has largely infected N.I.A. phonology. 
Words that have no nasal elements in O.I.A. develop nasalisa- 
tion in N.I.A. languages. The whole phenomenon of sponta- 
neous nasalisation has been examined by Pandit Vidhu 
Sekhara &astri in an article entitled '* Anunasika Sam- 
yuktavania (Pravdsi B. S. 1333: Jyaistha issue, p- 356) and 
by Sir G. A. Grierson (Spontaneous Nasalisation; J.R.A.S. 
1922) . 

Different explanations of this phenomenon have been sug- 
gested. Dr. Bloch (§70) and Dr. Turner (J.R.A.S. 1921, p. 
344) regard this nasalisation as due to the length of the vowel 
which according to Dr. Bloch spontaneously develops a nasal 
resonance. Differing from this view Sir G. A. Grierson says 
that "such spontaneous nasalisation could occur only if it 
was introduced in the present stage of development of the 
M.I.A. vernaculars in which the vowel would become long. 
But this is not the case, for the nasal was introduced not later 
than the Prakrit stage and has nothing to do with the length 
of the vowel." 

"In Prakrit, while the original conjunct is usually repre- 
sented merely by the doubled form of one of its members, in 
certain words, instead of this doubled letter we find a con- 
junct consisting of a class nasal or anusvdra with a single con- 
sonant; e.g. 


vanka- for * vakka- (vakra-) . 

pkarhsa- for *p/iassa-, (sparsa-) &c. 

These forms with class nasals were especially common in 
deiya forms of speech and the above examples are similarly 
borrowed from such dialects. Such words as kankar, mang, 
uric, bhint, sane, etc., are desya survivals and are the parents 
of kakar, mag etc. and not modern corruptions of the latter 
forms (Grierson : Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars : Indian 
Antiquary ; Supplement, Dec. 1932 ; pp. 99, 100) . 

(a) Sanskrit itself absorbed a good many nasalised 
formations from M.I.A. e.g. 

karaijka, a cocoanut-shell ; also karaka. 
kantaka (kartaka). 
puijkha (paksa). 
gaiijana (garjana). 
lanchana (laksana). 

(b) Even in M.I.A. the principle of spontaneous nasali- 
sation operated within a restricted area but in N.I.A. every 
group of double consonants could be nasalised. Consider the 
following examples from E. As. : 

nindd (nidra). 

dntdileka (atta-), anthu (asthlvat). 

sancd, (satya). 

samba, all, (sarva). 

(c) Even O.I.A. single consonants were nasalised in 
E. As. e.g. 

penca (*peccaka. pecaka). 
jamanja (*yamajja, yamaja) . 
pimpard, ant, (pipHikd) . 
jhdnte. at once, (jhatiti). 

294. Examples from modern Assamese : 

ahat (* ansattha, * assattha. aivattha). 

hth (*ontha, ottha, austha). 

kfrce, cuts, (*kancai, *kaccai, *krtyate, \/krt). 

kac, glass, (*kanca, kacca, kaca). 

kuj (*kunja, *kujja, kubja). 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


kuhi, bud, (*konsia, kosika). 

kekora (karjkada, *kakkada, karkatd). 

keha, astringent, (*kansaa, kasaya). 

k&th, fort, (*kontha, kottha, *kostha, a blend of Jcotta-f 

kostha) . 
kbta, crooked, (*konta-, *kotta, *kutta, kuta-). 
gilt, hole, (*ganta, *gatta, garta). 
ghahe, rubs, (*ghansai, *ghassai, gharsati). 
ghah, grass, (*ghansa, *ghassa, ghasa). 
ghora (*ghontaka, * ghofiaka, ghotaka) . 
ctcd, flattened, (*cinca, cicca). 
cace, smooths with an adze, (*canch-,\/tvaks) . 
chu, shadow, (*chaya, chaya). 
jot, yoking rope, (*yonta, *yotta, yoktra) 
sts. tfcoY, beak, (troti-,>*trotti->*th£nti~, thbU). 
miigath, naked, (*ncn]ga-, *nagga, nagna+ -) . 
dat, demon (*damta, > *daitta, dajHja). 
pifr, to power, (*pinsai, *pi$sai. *pisi/ari) . 
phaki riddle, (*vha}]kika, phakkikd). 
phhku, (*pha}jku-, *phaggu-, phaJgu. Contam. with some 

word for powder, T.). 
pheca (*pencaka. *peccaka, *pecaka). 
banti, lamp. (*vantia, vattia, vartika). 
bet, cane, (* venta, vctta. vetra) . 
bheti, foundation, (*bhenti-, *bhetti-, *bhitta T.) cf. E.A. 

mdhaijga, costly, (* mahangha. mahaggha. mahargha) . 
barai\gani, subscription, (*vara>iga-, * varagga. varga) . 

295. Though there is the development of the nasal in 
non-nasal compounds in M.I.A. and notably in N.I.A., there 
are instances of the dropping of the nasal even in M.I.A. and 
this has continued down to N.I.A. cf. M.I.A. visa, tisd, stha< 

O.I.A. vinSati, triiisati, sinha. 

cf. also As. sts. bite, a bundle of twenty (M.I.A. visa) ; 

Hkali, chain, (srijkhala-). 

bhitar, interior, (abhyantara) . 

bhije, gets wet, (abhi+y/anj) , 


Nasalisation through intervocal -m- and -n-. 

296. Single intervocal -m- of O.I.A. > - ~w- in late 
M.I.A. This - ~w- often occurs as a mere nasalisation of a 
contiguous vowel, or where -~iu- is absorbed into the previous 
vowel, there is only a mere nasalisation of the preceding 
vowel; e.g. 

dhovxi, smoke, (*dhu~wa-, dhuma-). 

dowdy, bends down, (*da~waai, damayati). 

covodr, (camara). 

koivar, (kumara). 

hhtyd, (dmisa-f- -) . 

deb, wash the face after eating, (d + \/ cam) . 

aiisi, aiihi, (amd+udsi-) . 

so, right, (* sa~wa, sama) . 

do, bent, (dama) . 

bhui, field, (bhumi) . 

chei, a pod (sami-) f etc. 

297. Examples of the nasalisation of the vowel through 
contact with an original or derivative -n~ are not many in 
N.I.A. cf. As. mdtlfio. just; also mathon (mdtra+na) . 

Bihari : kahan, khan, kht ; a conjunctive particle (§ 819) . 

There is one more instance of nasalisation of secondary 
intervocal -n- in the particle for the past conditional hd$ 
(Kamrupl) for *hane, *hani ; (Kachar) ane ; E. As. hante, 
sante (§§ 470, 789). 

The nasalisation of the vowel in -e-, (the instrumental case 
affix) persisted till early N.I.A. period. The nasalisation was 
inherited from late M.I.A. time ; O.I.A. -ena>-ena, -enam> 


298. Modern Assamese -a-, -d- comes from 

(a) O.I.A. short -& (§ 192) e.g. karani, a flower basket, 
(karandika) . 

tar, bank, (tata). 

tawal, bamboo withe, (tamdla). 

(b) O.I.A. long -d- ; through absence of stress (§§ 147a, 

273) e.g. 
niyar, fog, (nihara) . 
'tarn, star, (tarn), 
raja, king, (raja) . 
Jcand, blind, (Jcdna-f-). 

(c) M.I. A. sound-groups -ai-, -aii~, the resulting -a- 
is pronounced both as -d- (as in E. foir) and -o- (written 
a') (§§254,255); e.g. 

cd't, c5t (caitta, cajtra). 
ra'd, rod (raiidda, raudra). 

(d) O.I.A. -?- ; barahi (vadisa) . 

ucar\gd (ucciyga-) (§227b). 

(e) O.I.A. -«- ; ural (*udnkhala). 

okani (utkuna-) (§ 228b). 

(f) O.I.A. -r-; bar, banyan tree (vata, vrta). (§278). 

(g) O.I.A. -e-; Jcuuxili (kuhelika). 

nahar (nagesvara) . (§229). 
(h) M.I.A. -g-; akal (tkkala) ; (§210). 
(i) O.I.A. -o-; fedr, bud, (koraka). 

sajina (sobhanjana-) . 

ukah (utkrosa) . (§§ 150, 216) . 

(j) Also M.I.A. -5- < O.I.A. -u-; e.g. 
matka (m&ttha, miista) . 
mahi, crucible, (*m6$sia, mu$ikd). 
garak, tread, trample, M.I.A. (gb]4) (§216). 


(k) O.I.A. conjunct consonants by svarabliakti (§ 284a) 


jatan, effort, (yatna). 
baran, colour, (varna). 

299. The sources of -d- : 

(a) O.I.A. -d- ; bao, (vdta) . 

Itih (Usa). (§ 200). 

(b) O.I.A. -a- through initial stress ; 

aru, and (apara). 

sts. ahukal, uneasiness, (asukha+ala) , (§ 143). 

(c) O.I.A. -a- before conjunct consonants, (§ 193) . 

Jean (karna). 
tig (agra). 

(d) O.I.A. -a- through medial stress. (§ 223,b). 

sts. sathdmitra (sathamitra) . 
sts. bunddtndr (vrnda-mara) . 

(e) M.I.A. -ad- ; da : da ; (§ 237, c) . 

gachd, lamp-stand, (gaccha-\-aka>gaccha-\-ti) . 
guwd. (guvdka). 
sold (saldka) . 

300. The sources of -i~, -?-. 
Assamese -i- comes from 

(a) O.I.A. -i-; nzhdZ (nigada) . 

bihdn (vibhdna). (§ 203) 

(b) O.I.A. -r- ; siydl (srgtila) . 

hiyti (hrdaya) . (§ 279) . 

(c) O.I.A. -a- ; sikar (sarkara) . 

sajinti (sobhdnjana) . 

fiiintii, sty. (anjana-). 

birinti (virana). (§§ 149, 274). 

(d) Also M.I.A. bi- (—dm) in compounds (not sepa- 
rately treated). 

btdllis (dvd + catvtirinsat) . 

chi. (zzsaf) ; chiallis ; (sap + catv&rinkit) , 


(e) O.I.A. -ya- after consonants by aamprasdrana (-ya- 
>-ia >-i). (Not separately treated). 

sts, bicani (vyajana-\~ ) . 

sts. patihd, expectation, (pratyd8d>*patid$d> 

patihd) . 
sts. patiyan (pratyaya-). 

(f) Also by epenthesis ; dhain (dhanya) . 

puin (punya) . (§ 287, a) . 

(g) O.I.A. -e- : sts. mithi, vegetable condiment 
(methikd) . 

bhalra (vahetaka). (§§ 210, 229). 

(h) O.I. A. conjunct consonants by svarabhakti ; 
(284, b). 

jgarihatid (garham). 
bdrisd (varsd) &c. 

301. Assamese -u- ; -u- ; sources : 

(a) O.I.A. -it- ; ukhdr, dry, hard, (usara) . 

kutum, relation, (kutumba). (§ 206). 

(b) O.I.A. -r- ; burha, (vrddha-). 

uju, (rju-). (§ 280). 

(c) O.I.A. -a- ; after labial consonants in initial syllables 

puwd (prabhdtd). 

punl, moss, (pcmiikd). (§ 196). 

(d) O.I.A. -a- ; after interior labial consonants (§ 223,c). 

bdmun (brdhmana). 

(L.W.) cdmuc, spoon, (camasa) . 

(e) O.I.A. -a- and -o- by vowel harmony ; (§ 264). e.g. 

dkhuti, whim, (akhatti). 
pukhurl, tank, (puskara-). 
suti, streamlet, (srota-). 

(f) O.I.A. -a-: setjgun (siijgkdm). 

dhumuto (dhumrdbha) . (§§ 226, 274). 

(g) O.I.A. -x>a- after consonants by samprasdrana : 
(not separately treated) . 

(-ro- > -uo- > -u-) : 


sukiya (svakiya). 
turante (tvaranta-) . 

(h) Conjunct consonants by svarabhakti, anaptyxis 

padum (padrm). 
lagun (lagna). 

(i) O.I.A. -i- of prefixes dvi-, ni-, (§ 205) . e.g. 
dund (dvi+guna) . 
numdy (ni+\/vi). 

302. Assamese -e- : sources : 

(a) O.I.A. -i- before double consonants ; (§ 212) . 

bel (bilva). 
bheti (*bhittd). 

(b) O.I.A. -e-: reh (rekhd). 

terd (teraka). (§ 208). 

(c) O.I.A. -oi- >M.I.A. -c; (§ 211) 

bej (vaidya) . 
tel (taila) . 

(d) O.I.A. sound groups : -ava- ; -ay a-; 

seteli, bed-room, (sayana-\-talika>*sayantalikd). 
leni (lavanikd > *layanikd). 
newali) a kind of flower (navamallika) . 
dheld, pale, (dhavala) . (§ 213) . 

(e) Sound groups -iya-, -iyd- after consonants in the 
initial syllables; (§ 239, b). 

behd ( vyavasdya > * viavasdya ) . 
sts. bepdr (vydpdra>*vidpdra) . 
Cf. eta, this much: (iyat->*iatta->*ettha). 

(f) O.I.A. -a- ; -a-: by vowel mutation (through in- 
9 fluence of -i-, -u in the following syllables) : e.g. 

sts, nageri (ndgarl) . 

nelu, wind-pipe (nala -f- ) . 

fhenu, calyx of a flower or fruit; (Cf. sih&nar) . 


(g) By contraction of a -f i : (§ 238, a) . 

ctile (calhi, calati) . 
(h) By influence of following nasals : (-a- > -e-) ; 

lej (lafija) . 

(i) From O.I. A. conjuncts by svarabhakti ; (§284, d). 
melee (mleccha). 
ceneh (sneha) . 

303. Assamese -o- : sources : 

(a) O.I. A- -n- before double consonants: (§217). 

okh, high, (uksa). 
kodcil (kaddala) . 

(b) O.r.A. -o-: dol (dora). (§ 214). 

pola (pota-\-la +-d-) . 

(c) O.I.A. -(iu- > M.I.A. -o- : (§ 218). 

bth (austha) . 

(d) By contraction, -a- -f -u- : (§ 238, b) . 

sol (sakula) . 
pori (praguna) . 

(e) O.I.A. -a-: aoruZJi (gandha), (§197). 

othara ( . 

socare, infects, (saficarati) . 

cotdZ (catvala) . 

odd, watery (andraka) . 

(f) Pres. part, in -a?it- > -bt- before vowels other than 
-i (§§ 272a, 272b) ; e.g. 

karbtti, doer, (*karant-) • 
karbte, while doing. 

(g) Sound-groups -ua- ; -ltd-; -uwa-; in the initial 
syllables; (§219). 

on&y (upa-{-karnayati) . 

80ibdd (svada, > *suvada, > *stztbdda, &c.) . 

(h) Sound-groups -aioa- -a~toa-, (=: -ava-, -apa-, 
•ama-) and 

1M Jot wonoioot 

-aii->-o-; Ion (kvap). 

so (sama). 

ohdr (apasdra). (§219). 

(i) Sound group aya- (§ 219). 
e.g. sts. jokar, sound of greeting (jaya+kara) . 

(j) A following glide-]- -a- raises the previous -a- to 
-o-; (§256). 

koivtiri (kapata + - ) . 
tarowal (taravari) . 

(k) By svarabhakti ; (§ 284, e). 
sapon, dream, (svapna) . 
iolok, a sloka (sloka) . 


304. The Assamese system of writing like that of Bengali 
follows the Skt. system and recognises only two diphthongs: — 
oi and au. But the number of diphthongal sounds in 
Assamese as in Bengali is very large- As will be seen from 
the list of diphthongs below, they are derived from elision 
of O.I.A. or M.I. A. consonants and as such they may be 
looked upon as being vowels in contact without diphthongal 
articulation. In St. coll. of Eastern Assam, these vowel 
combinations are mostly pronounced as two distinct syllables 
(§ 236, c) • In rapid conversation, however, a diphthongal 
sound is often heard. It is in Western Assamese dialects 
only that the diphthongal character has been fully establish- 
ed. In these dialects triphthongs are also heard (§289) . 

305. The list of diphthongs is given below: 

(ie): sie, sews; jie, lives. 

(ia) : tin, occurring every third day, like fever; bia, 
marriage . 

(io): tio, yet; still; kio, why. 

(iu) : jiu, life, liu-liu, (onom) . rapid straggling motions 
of crawling insects. 

(ei) : chei, pod of beans. 


(ea) ; ea ; sea, just this ; just that. 
(eo): keo y somebody. 

bareoti leal, often times. 
(eu): neul, a mongoose. 

beula, the heroine of a popular legend. 
(e5) seo, service. 

deo, spirit, ghost, 
(ai) : bhai, brother. 

mar, mother. 

atai, father; a person of fatherly position. 
(a£) ; khae, eats. 

jae, goes, 
(ao): bhao, acting. 

'bhaona, drama, 
(cm) : lau, gourd. 

bau, arm. 

( 3 e) ; /i 9 e, is ; bh 3 e fear. 

(96); h 9 ok, I ok, be, take. 

(oi): (written as ai); noi, river; doi, curd. 

(oe): doe, milks. 

dhoe, washes, 
(oa) : joa, going. 

loa, taking. 

(ou): (written as au)\ bou, elder brother's wife. 
mou, honey. 

(ui) : dui, two. 

jui, fire. 
(ua): duar. door- 

juari, gambling. 

The Bengali diphthongs cp£ (dee?), ue, (dht*t/e), uo* 
{kuyo) are absent in literary Assamese, but in Western 
Assam colloquial ue obtains ; 

due. milks. 
dhue, washes. 



306. The general history of the O.I.A. consonants together 
with the special question of dialectical difference has been 
very exhaustively dealt with by various authorities, the most 
recent being Dr. Bloch (§ 14, ff) and Dr. Chatterji (§ 132, ff). 
The following short and simplified account of the downward 
history of the O.I.A consonants is based upon these authori- 
ties as well as upon the articles of Dr. Turner (Encyclopaedia 
Britannica, the 14th edition : Articles on Sanskrit and Pali 
languages ; Introduction to the Nepali Dictionary ; J.R.A.S. 
Gujrati Phonology). 

307. The most noticeable feature through the history 
of the consonantal changes has been the progressive enfeeble- 
ment in the articulation of the stops. This has shewn itself 
in three ways ; (i) the loss of final stops ; (li) die assimilation 
of the first to the second in a group of stops ; both these 
phenomena having their origin in the implosive pronuncia- 
tion of stops in those positions ; (ni) the sonoriheation of the 
intervocalic breathed stops and eventual disappearance of all 
intervocalic stops. In the case of the aspirates, only the h- 
sound remained. 

308. The course of this evolution was continuous ; for 
the sake of convenience of reference it has been divided into 
four stages : 

(1) Early M.I.A. comprising the language up to the 
•inscriptions of Asoka. 

(2) Second M.I.A. coming down to a few centuries 
before Hemachandra. 

(3) Early modern Indian including (so far as Ben- 
gali and Assamese are concerned) the Caryapadaa. 

(4) Modern Assamese. 

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309. In the first stage the loss of all final consonants 
and the assimilation of consonantal groups has been carried 
through with certain exceptions noted below. The cerebrals, 
which in O.I.A. are practically confined to cases where a den- 
tal has become a cerebral owing to the influence of a neighbour- 
ing (?) , or in the case of (n) also of a neighbouring (r) , have 
greatly increased in number. This increase is perhaps due 
to the influence of the Dravidian speakers whose languages 
clearly differentiated the series. It can be noticed (i) in 
the increasing number of assimilations ; e.g. trutyati > tuttai 
> Jute, diminishes ; (li) in apparently spontaneous change of 
dental to cerebral ; e.g. patati > padai > pare > pare, falls ; 
(in) in a large number of new words e.g. tuyi > cap 
(D. toppia). 

310. The most noticeable points in the matter of dialec- 
tical differentiation are in the treatments of (ks) and (r, 
r+dentd) . 

(a) (ks) appears as (celt) in South- West and a^ (kkh) 
in North and East. Assamese has kkli. 

(b) In the group (r or r) -f denial, the denial becomes 
a cerebrai in the East and remains in the West. But the 
mutual borrowing has been so great and extensive that it is 
almost impossible to assign ihe modern languages definitely 
to one development or ihe other. The predominant Assamese 
treatment seems to be cerebral. 

311. In the second stage, the sonorization and the loss 
of intervocalic stops is carried through. Before complete 
disappearance they seem to have become a y-sound which 
either remained or disappeared without trace. Intervocalic 
-m- has become a mere nasalisation of contiguous vowels 
through an intermediate stage of -*w- ; n, n > ?i, an alveolar 

31£. In the third, double consonants, the result of earlier 
assimilation, are shortened and the preceding short vowels 
are lengthened. The same process is observable in the group, 


nasal+ consonant, where the nasality is pronounced coinci- 
dentaUy with the vowels which are lengthened. This re-estab- 
lishes the O.I.A. system of intervocalic stops. 

313. The noticeable point of dialectical difference of this 
period is : -v- < -vv- ( < -vy-) remains w-sound in the West 
but becomes (-b-) in the East. Assamese has a b-sound. 
(Cf. §§ 476, 477). 

314. In the fourth stage, the loss of final M.I.A. vowels 
and of certain short vowels between consonants has re-estab- 
lished the O.I.A. system of final stops and of unassimilated 
consonant groups. 

The sounds of Assamese consonants have already been 
described (§§ 91-111). 

General Lines of Change to Assamese. 

315. The outlines of change shewn below are practically 
the same as given in O.D.B.L. p. 433, but modified here and 
there to explain typical Assamese formations. 

Single Consonants. 

316. Single initial consonants have generally remained 
unchanged. There have been however, some cases of aspira- 
tion and de-aspiration of stops, of change of a sibilant to a 
palatal c (h) , and of bh- to h- ; O.I A. y- and v- have changed 
to j- and b-, and r- is found as 1-, (I > n) and also as r-. 

Single Intervocal Consonants. 

317. The stops -k-, -g-; -t-, -d- ; -p., -b- ; -jy-, -u- have 
been dropped ; -t-, -d- have been reduced to -r-; and in a num- 
ber of Magadhi inheritances -rt- lias resulted in -t- as well; 
intervocal -c- and -j- remain as -c-, -y (in original Mag. 
•words) or are dropped (in non-Magadhi forms) (§§ 410, ff). 

318. The aspirates -/c/i-, -g/i- ; -tfc-, -d/i-, -ph- t -bJi- have 
been reduced to -h- ; -fh- t -#h- occur as -f Ji-. 


319. -m~ has become a mere nasalisation of contiguous 
vowels through an intermediate stage of ~w ; -ft-, -n- pro- 
bably both occurred as, the cerebral -ri- to be changed to the 
alveolar -n- in Mod. Assamese. 

320. An intervocal sibilant has transformed itself to -h-. 

321. There is little interchange between -r-, and -I- ; -h- 
remained in E. As. generally to be lost in modern Assamese 
(whether original O.I.A. or M.I.A. -Ji- derived from O.IA. 

Consonantal Groups. 

322. These, initial or medial, have been reduced to a 
single consonant in Assamese after having undergone assimi- 
lation in the early M.I.A. stage. The following wore the main 
lines of treatment. 

323. Stop-j-stop became a single stop ; stop -f- aspirate 
became a single aspirate. When the first of these sounds 
differed in its point of articulation from the second, the first 
assimilated itself to the second in M.I.A. (kt. > tt : gdh > 
ddh ; th > Jcfr, etc.). This kind of consonant nexus occurred 
medially only. 

324. Stop-L nasal : -kn-, -tn- became -I:-. -t- : -gn- > -g-, 
-T| (0)-; m V l " became -?i- ; -dn- had already become -nn- in 
O.I.A. and this gave -n- in Assamese : -tm- in citman- gave 
-p- (apon) ; of -dm- > -d-, there seems to be no case. 

325. Stop or aspirate-H/ : gutturals, palatals, cerebrals 
and labials-j— ?/- ; the -1/- was assimilated to the preceding 
consonant, which was doubled medially in M.I A. (but the 
genuine Magadhi change seems to have been Jen/-, dtt/- etc.). 
Assamese preserves a single stop or aspirate. 

326. Dentals-f y : the group became -cc(Ji)-. -jj(H)- 
medially, and o, ch- f j-, jh- initially. Assamese preserves a 


single -c-, -j-. (This palatalisation of dental+y, seems not 
to have been characteristic of Old Magadhi, which changed 
-ty-, -dy-, etc. to -tiy-, -yy~ etc. The palatalised forms, evidently 
from other dialects in M.I.A, seem to have overwhelmed 
Magadhi). The suspected remnants of typical Magadhi 
changes have been noticed under " Palatals " (§ 410 ff ) . 

327. Stop or aspirate-f-r. The -r- was assimilated to the 
preceding sound which was doubled in a medial position in 
M.I.A. Assamese has one stop or aspirate. The group -dr- 
probably became -*c??- in the O.I. A. source dialect of Magadhi, 
whence we have -H-. -7- in a few words in N.I.A. 

328. Stop or aspirate+I : assimilation of -1-. 

329. Stop or aspirate -fr ; assimilation of -i>-. (In the 
groups -£u-, -dv-, -dhv-, the resultant form in some cases is 
-p-, -b-, -bh- in Mod. Assamese as in other M.I.A. ; this labiali- 
sation is non-Magadhi) . 

330. Stop-f sibilant : ks gives -kh- (through the Mag.), 
-ch- (through extra-Mag. M.I.A. forms). 

331. ts, ps became cch in M.I.A., whence ch in Assam- 

332. Nasal + stop or aspirate : for treatment (see §§ 291 
et seq). 

333. Nasal+nasal : the O.I.A. groups were -nn-, -nris> 
and -mm'. They occur as -n- and -ttv- in Assamese. 

334. Nasal (anusvara) -f i/, r, I v, s, (s), s, h, (see 

335. -yj/- gave -j- in Assamese. 

336. r-f-stop or aspirate. 

-r- before a guttural, palatal or labial : the latter was 


doubled and the r was assimilated. In As. these assimilated 
groups result in a single guttural, palatal or labial stop or 

337. r+dental stop or aspirate of O.I.A. shew a two- 
fold treatment : the r cerebralised and doubled the dental, 
and was so assimilated ; or it simply doubled the dental with- 
out cerebralising it. The former is the proper Magadhi treat- 
ment ; the latter non-Magadhi. Assamese has -t(/i)-; ~r{h)- 
in Magadhi inheritances and -t (h)-, -d (h)-, i n apparently 
non-Magadhi forms. 

338. $r-f nasal : -rn-, -rn~ were assimilated to -Tin- in M.I.A. 
which gave -n- in Assamese, and rm > mm > -m-; -rn~ occurs 
also as -U through a stage of (rn > -In- > -II- ) . 

339. -n/- ; the early M.I.A. (non-Mag.) assimilation was 
to -yy- which gave second M.I.A. -jj- whence Assamese -j-,. 
There are suspected cases of -ry- > -yy- > -y- in Assamese 
(Cf. ai, mother, grand-mother, ? <aryika, *ayyia, ayia, di). 
The genuine Mag. change was to -liy- which is not preserved 
in Assamese but -ry also occurs as -I- in Assamese (through 
a stage -Iy-> -II-). 

340. -rl- > M.I.A. -II- > As. -I-. 

341. -rv- is found as -bb- > -b-. 

342. r-f- sibilant : assimilation with the sibilant which 
is doubled (-ss-> -ss- = ss in Mag.) and is then reduced to 
-fc- in Assamese. 

343. -rh- > -IJi- in Magadhi, whence -I- in Assamese. 

344. -l~f stop : assimilation of -I- leading to a single stop 
in Assamese. 

345. -Im- > M.I.A. 'mm- > -m- in Assamese. 


346. -ly- > -11- > -I- in Assamese. There seems to be 
no case of -ly- > -yy- > -j- in Assamese. 

347. -U- > M.I.A. -U- > As. -1-. 

348. -Iv- > M.I.A. -U- > As. -1-. 

349. -vt/- > M.I.A. -vv-, -bb~ > Assamese -b-. This is 
a non-Mag. change : the original Magadhi alteration of -vy- 
was to -viy- which is lost and -vy- > -vv-, -bb- forms 
has become established ; -vy- becoming -b- is noticed only 
in the future affix -b-, -ih- (§§. 476, 477). 

350. Groups with sibilant+stop or aspirate ; sc, sk, 
st(h), sph, sk(h), st(h), became initially an aspirate, medially 
a stop-fits aspirate in M.I.A. Assamese has a single aspirate. 

351. Sibilant+nasal : 

sn > M.I.A. nh > As. n. 
sn > M.I.A. nh > As. n. 

sm, sm, sm > M.I.A. ss (s\s Magadhi) , mh : > 
Assamese h, m. 

352. Sibilant + V ' normally assimilated to double sibi- 
lant in M.I.A., whence early Assamese single sibilant. In 
modern Assamese the single sibilant has been modified to 

353. Sibilant+r, I, v : assimilation of r, I, v, resulting 
In double sibilant > early Assamese single sibilant written -s- 

> modern Assamese -7i-. 

354. Ji+nasal (hn, hn, hm) : this group underwent meta- 
thesis in M.I.A. (nh, nh, mh) and in Assamese they have 
resulted in a single nasal ; -hy- probably became -hiy- in old 
Magadhi. In other M.I.A. it became -jjh- > Assamese -j-. 

355. Visarga+consonant simply doubled the latter and 
Assamese has a single consonant representing the O.I.A. group. 


In groups of more than two consonants, the semi-vowels, 
liquids or sibilants were assimilated and then they behaved 
in M.I.A. like O.I.A. groups of two consonants. 

Phonological Changes of A General Character. 

(1). De-aspiration. 

356. After the sibilant letters which are pronounced as 
a guttural spirant (x) in Assamese, de-aspiration takes place 
of the original O.I.A. aspiration as well as of the resultant 
M.I.A. aspirations of O.I.A. intervocal sound-groups -st-, -st~ ; 
-sk- etc., in the interior of words ; e.g. sitd, dregs, (sista-) 
but pitha, cake, (pistaka--) ; sitdn, head of a bed, (siras-\- 
sthdna), hut, pathdn, foot of a bed, (pada-\-sthdna-) ; sukan } 
dry, (suska~\-n) y but pukhuri, a pond, (puskara-). 

357. Compare also the following : — 
sikali, chain, (srykhala-) . 

sudd, unmixed, (suddha-). 

sike, learns, (siksate). 

s&k, conch-shell, (sa)jkha-). 

sdijgorc, yokes together, (samghatayati) . 

sonda, sweet-smelling, (saugandha-) 

sdndi, inaccessible place, (sandhi-). 

seijgun, mucus of the nose, (si)jghana-) . 

sbtar, to shrivel, (\/santha-\- -). 

sts. sipa, root, (\Jsiphd-) . 

sts. sdud, merchant, (sddhuka > *sdudha > sdud) . 

sts. sep, phlegm, (M.I.A. sepha). 

358. So also of two aspirates in the same word, one is 
de-aspirated ; 

e.g. kdndh, shoulder, (*khandha, skandha-). 
bhok, hunger, (bubhuksd). 
tadhd, amazed, (*thaddha, stabdha-). 
bhika-hu, beggar, (bfoiJc^d-f). 
ghdgar } small bells, (gharghard) . 


Tnaharjga, costly, (mah&rgha-) . 

JteM, a ladle, (hastafca-). 

bTidta, falling tide, (b/trasja-) . 

dhutura, a poisonous medicinal plant, (dhustura-) . 

nifcdhi, the projection of a roof beyond the wall, 

(niskasa-) . 
sts. akhudi, drug, (ausadhi~). 

359. These instances of de-aspiration in Assamese seem 
to be in a line with M.I.A. illustrations of de-aspiration; e.g. 
sankala < spjkhala ; dhaiika—Fsli dhanka < Skt. dhvdnk§a 
etc. (Pischel; §§. 213, 214). 

360. It would appear that after c- also (which is a pure 
sibilant in Assamese) de-aspiration takes place e.g. 

caku, eye, (caksu-). 

coka, sharp, (coksa-). 

cake, tastes, (M.I.A. cakkhai) . 

cok, square, quadrangle, (catuska-) , etc. 


361. In other places the aspirations generally remain ; 

okh, high, (uksa) . 

makhd, an assemblage, (mraksa-). 

mithd, sweet, (mista-) . 

puthi, a book, (pustikd). 

goph, moustache, (gumpha-) etc. 

362. Assamese ita, brick ; ut, camel, are from M.I.A. 
ippa- (i$taka) ; utta (ustra). 

363. Intervocal -nd/i- > -nd~. This is an intermediate 
stage before the complete assimilation of -ndh to -n in a final 
position (-ndh > -nd > - nn > -n) e.g. andh, an, a yoking 

string, < abandha ; kandh, kdn, shoulder, < skandha (€f. §§ 
291 ff). 

Examples of intervocal -ndh' > -nd- } are 


ronda, sinus, (randhra-). 

banduli, a kind of flower, (bandhulu) . 

kanfari, a helmsman, (karnadhara-) . Cf . also §. 370. 

(2) . Aspiration. 

364. The aspiration of unvoiced initial stops represents a 
certain phase in M.I.A. phonology ; e.g. M.I.A. khappara, O.I.A. 
karpara ; M.I.A. phanasa, O.I.A. panasa ; M.I.A. khujja, O.IA. 
kubja ; M.I.A. khilaa, O.I.A. kllaka etc. This tendency is 
greater still in N.I.A. languages. 

365. No satisfactory explanation covering all cases of 
aspiration has yet been suggested. While a M.I.A. form like 
khappara, has been explained on the assumption that it must 
have come from an O.I.A. form like •* skarpara, (Pischel §§ 205 
et seq) — O.I.A. illustrating existence of forms with an initial 
s-, followed by un-voiced stops in alternation with iorms with- 
out an s- (Wackernagel, part i § 230) , N.I.A. forms like bhusi, 
(Skt. busa) ; bhes (Skt. vesa) with aspirations of sonant stops, 
remain unexplained. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar's suggestion that 
a vowel or a mute is aspirated through the influence of an 
adjoining aspirate or an aspinted mute (W. Lectures, p. 189), 
is inoperative in cases like kliujja (Skt. kubja) ; khilaa (Skt. 
JrilaJca), which he considers to be cases of aspiration without 
any apparent reason (ibid, p. 190) . Dr. Chatterji suggests that 
aspiration may be due to contamination with other forms plus 
a vague sense of onomatopoeia rather than to the presence of 
an$ particular sound especially in initial aspiration. (O.D.B.L. 
p. 438). 

366. So far, however, as Assamese and the Eastern 
dialects of Bengali are concerned, the influence of the Bo^o 
languages in aspirating initial stops is unmistakable." In the 
languages of the Boolo group, the great stress that is laid on 
a consonant when it is at the commencement of a syllable 
often gives unvoiced stops an aspirated sound and when 
reduced to writing, these unvoiced stops are often represent- 
ed as aspirated consonants " (L.S.I. Vol. iii, Part ii, pp. 4, 


69). Cf. the following loan-words in Botfo from the Aryan 


Aryan : 

thalu, palate. 


phorman, proof. 

*parmdn, pramdna. 

phudl, coral. 


powdl (pravala) . 

khamai, to earn. 


kama, earn. 

khdmri, dysentery. 


kdmor-ani, stomach- 

khangkhrai, a crab. 


kdkara, (kankada-). 

thuthla, stammerer. 



thoihi, beak. 


thot (troti-) , etc. 

367. The de-aspiration of initial sonant aspirates (gh, 
bh) is shewn by the following loan-words : — 
Boolo : Aryan : 

gorai 3 horse. As. ghord. 

bdto, a parrot. As. bhdtau. 

bddao, the name of a As. bliddd. 

bald, a spear. As. ballam, (bhalla), etc. 

The Sylhet dialect of Bengali preserves these charac- 
teristics almost uniformly . The initial stops k, p > x, j, and 
initial sonant aspirates gh, bit, > g, b. (L.S.I. , V. I, p. 224). 

368. While Assamese does not shew aspirations of initial 
stops on the same uniform scale as the Sylhet dialect, the 
isolated instances of initial aspiration that are preserved 
must be attributed to the Boclo influence ; . 
e.g. phecd, owl, (pecaka) ; phichd, tail of a fish, 

(piccha-) ; phec-kuri, mucus of the eye, (pinca-) ; 

ihbrd, (kauri) ,cf. Bg. dar-kdk } a raven, (danfa-hdka-) . 
sts. khalap, layer, cycle ; (kalpa-) . 

khororjg, hollow of a tree, (/crock). Cf. Bg. kholoqga, 
a niche: G. kholo, H. kor. 

kharaliyd, dry, rough as rice, (Cf. Skt. \/ Jcatftf, to be 
rough) . 

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thetjg, a leg, (tarjga) . 
sts. tjfiot, beak, (troti-) . 

Other examples will be found in the tables of consonantal 


369. In the following words, the aspirations are in- 
heritances from M . I . A . formations ; 

kluld, peg, (M.I.A. khila-, O.I.A. kilaka). 
khdpari, pot -sherd, (M.I.A. khappara, karpara). 
kharu, bracelet, (M.I.A. khaddna) . 
khutd. post, (M.I.A. khunta) etc. 

370. In the matter of the de-aspiration of Assamese 
intervocal sonant group ~ndh- ( > -nd-) , the influence of the 
Bo<Jo can very well be assumed e.g. Bodo gandaka, sulphur; 
Aryan gandhaka. 

(For Assamese examples of De-aspiration, see §§ 356 ff) . 

(3) Medial Aspiration and Dialectical Influence. 

371 . There are instances of medial aspiration also in 
Assamese* and these shew the influence of the Kamrupi 
dialect of Western Assam. As in the matter of accent, so 
also in the matter of aspiration, the Kamrupi dialect shews 
a complete reversal of the phonetic process of the standard 
colloquial. Kamrupi preserves the M.I.A. aspirations after 
the guttural spirant (x), the sibilant (c), and in the 
neighbourhood of another aspirate in the same word 
a^ against de-aspiration under the same conditions in the 
standard colloquial (§5 356 ff : De-aspiration) . The following 
comparative table will make this clear ; 

St. coll. 


Ufa, dregs. 


sitan, head of the bed. 


$Jce, learns. 


bhok, hunger. 


hetd, ladle. 


cafcu, eye, 



St. coll. Kamp. 

cake, tastes. cdkhe. 

bhati, down-stream. bhdthi. 

kkak, canine hunger. khakh. 

thetd, crippled in hand. thethd 

that, pose. thhth etc. 

372. Kamrupi also aspirates an original O.I. A. stop 
after the guttural spirant (rr) and in the neighbourhood of 
another aspirate in the same word. These medially aspira- 
ted words have often passed into the standard colloquial. 
Compare the following examples : — 

Kamrupi. St. Coll. 

sothre. swims satore. 

sts. solokh, a sloka. solokh. 

sts. salkha, a bolt. salakha (salaka) . 

saphra, a casket. saphura (samputa) . 

bharath, bhnrath. bharalh, bharath 

(bharata: bharata) . 
bJiaph, steam. bhap (vdspn) . 

haldhi, turmeric. haladhi (*haridrika) etc. 

So also the double form Mm-knri, ham-khuri, falling with 
face downwards, illustrates dialectical influence. 

373. The de-aspiration of one of two aspirates in the 
same word is common enough but the aspiration of 
an interior stop under the influence of an initial or 
a neighbouring aspirate is rather unusual. Yet the aspjja- 
tions in bharadha (* bharatlia < bharata) , akhakhase (akar- 
kasa) in the Asokan inscriptions (quoted from O.D.B.L., 
p. 439) fall in a line with aspiration in the Kamrupi dialect. 

374. Some of the medially aspirated forms of the 
Kamrupi dialects have entered the standard colloquial, e.g. 
sts. solokh, salakha, saphura etc. (noticed above). The 
aspiration in forms like the following in the standard collo- 
quial is due to the influence of the Kamrupi dialect ; 

safhan, ability, (samsihdna-) . 


suthi, something dried like the cow-dung, (suntha-) . 
suthil, tender, (su+sithila, Dr. Bloch). 
cothd, the fourth day, (caturtha-). 

375. The source of the aspirating tendency of the 
Kamrupi dialect cannot be clearly traced. The same ten- 
dency is found also in Boclo : e.g. 

Aryan cotdl, (catvala) is Bodo sathdl ; Aryan, thbt (troti) 
is Bel thothi. 

Bui considering that in M.I. A. also there are instances 
of medial aspiration under similar conditions, it cannot be 
definitely laid clown whether this tendency is inherited or 
borrowed from some non-Aryan source. 

(4) Aspihnivh lurovyh si^iaiiicsis or Absorption oj -h-. 

376. This t.\pe ol aspiration is illustrated by a few 
O.I.A. formations also Tim- K\W ISkt. ghara<,*garha,<grha ; 
so also bhvdra . uihedra v nu'dlira. 

Assamese examples ol aspiration through metathesis 
are : 

dhvra, (cf Bg. dhora), a kind of non-poisonous snake 

noted for lb hissing sound. 

(du)uhibhd ^- '(linmdhcu : dhundaa-) . 
bhabari, sweepings, (Cf. babhru. a cleaner, sweeper). 

Examples ol a>piration through absorption of a following 
-h- are : 

paglia, a rope for tying cattle, {pragraha-) . 
gddha, ass, (gardabha > gaddaha). 
bagh- (jan), reins, (avagraha) . 

(5) Voicing and Unvoicing. 

377. Voicing represents a stage in the growth of O.I.A. 
before the complete elision of the intervocal stops in M.I.A. 
e.g. calati > cahdt ^- calami > ca\c': ^ calai > cal:\ In some 
dialects of M.I.A. the changes in the single intervocal stops 
were arrested at this stage before they were totally elided. 



Voicing was very common in Ap. (H.C. IV, 396) and it also 
took place in S. and Mg. in regard to (i), (t/i), (Pischel 
§ 203) and in M.I.A. generally in regard to the cerebrals 
(Pischel, §. 198) . 

378 . The voicing of unvoiced consonants and the reverse 
process occur in sporadic cases in Assamese as well as in 
other N.I. A. languages, mostly in sts. words. 

e.g. -Jc- > ~g- : 
sts. bagali, crane, (yaka-) . 
sts. sagun, vulture, (sakuua-). 
sts. magar, fish, (makara-). 

egdrd, eleven, (egdraha, ckadasa). 
-kh- > ~gh- > -0- : e.g. 

nigani, a rat, (nikhanika > *nighania- > nigunia, nigani). 
bbhdg, name of a month, (vqisdkha > *vaisagha > bbhdg). 
-kh- > -gh-; regha, a big mark, {rekhd) . 
-t- > -d- ; paduli, gateway, (M.I.A. padoli, pratoll). 
bdduli, a bat, (vdtuli-). 
-p- > -b- : bbkd, mud, (-pai]/ca > M.I.A. -vatjka). 

Examples : 

-gh- > -kh- ; gobar- khuj,i, cow-dung cake, (ghun$ika) . 

-j- > -c- ; paean, a cowherd's stick, (prdjaua) . 

h&ci, sneezing, (ha?iji-). 

bicanz, a fan, (vyajani/cd) . 

foinai, ajindi, sty in the eye, (an)anikd). 

-ti^- > -71J- : 

ddnfi-guti, a golf-like play oi children, (daTUJta-). 
E. As. chewantxyd, orphan, {chemanda-) . 

(6) . Metathesis. 

379. The metathesis of -h- causing aspiration and de- 
aspiration has been noticed above. There are other instances 
of metathesis in Assamese as in cognate languages : 

e.g. riaharu, (met. of cons, and vowel) garlic, (latum > 
*rasuna > *nasaru, naharu). 


E. As. bahra, twelve, (dvddasa > baraha) . 

sariyah, mustard, (sarsapa > sarisava > *sarivasa) . 

(7) . Haplology. 

380. Haplology is the dropping of one of two similar 
sounds or syllables in the same word. Loss of consonants by 
haplology is noticed in some cases in Assamese: e.g. 

naranj, a nail-paring instrument, (nakha-\-haranikd) . 

mahari, mosquito-curtain, (masa-}harika) . 

muhudi. sweetening the mouth with some spice after tak- 
ing food, (mukha+suddhi- > *miihahuddhi). 

ausi. night of the new moon, (ama4-vasika > *a~va+ 

lohora, an iron-vessel, (lauha^bhanda> *loha- L hairida), 

sah. courage, (sahasa. *s(ihaha). 

(8). Echo-Words. 

381. Echo-words and onomatopoetic formations on a 
lavish scale are as much a characteristic of Assamese as of 
other N.I.A. languages. " A word is repeated partially (parti- 
rlly in the sense that a new syllable, the nature of which is 
generally fixed, is substituted for the initial one of the word 
in question and the new word so formed, unmeaning by itself, 
echoes the sense and sound of the original word) and in this 
way the idea of ct cetera and thines similar to, or assimilated 
with that, is expressed (O.D.B.L. p. 176). This is character- 
istic of the Kolarian. the Dravidian and of N.I.A. languages. 

Assamese takes c- in the formation of these echo-words 
and retains the vowel of the original word ; cf. 

bhat-cat. rice and similar things ; 
kitap-citap. books and the like ; etc. 

But when the original word begins with c-, the echo-word 
takes on a f- e.g. nili-fuJf, hair and the like ; caki-taki, lamp 
and the like ; etc. 

(9). Compound-Words. 

382. The varied types of compounds in a N.I.A. language 
have been examined by Dr. S. K. Chatterji (Polyglottism in 


hdo-Aryan : Proceedings and Transactions of the Seventh All- 
India Oriental Conference; Baroda, 1935). There are trans- 
lation compounds in which one word is of native origin and 
the other foreign designed to convey the meaning of the native 
word to speakers of a different language in the same locality; 
e.g. hat-bazar, market and fair : Indian hat, Pcrs. bazar ; meU 
darbar, assembly to settle an affair ; Indian mel, Pers. darbar. 

383. Apart from translation compounds of the above type 
with a very clear foreign element, there are others where we 
have the native elements in both p; rts. This kind of com- 
pound can perhaps be traced back to the habit :A grouping 
two synonyms for the sake of amplification or generalisation 
of the meaning convoyed by one of them eg. ijhat-bclt, the 
road and the landing place, i c . every nook and corner; ah- 
paduli. the road and the gateway, i.e. every avenue. maUboh 
speech and sound, etc. 

When the words have different endings, the last part of 
one is often extended or transferred as the lrst pnrt of the 
other, giving both the words the jingle of a rhyme, e.g. chin- 
bhin, scattered and dispersed, (chivna — bhivni) ; but chiqa- 
bhagn, torn rnd broken (chh'iv -b}<nqim), where the last 
syllable of Ihciga h?s ben extended a- the la^t syllable of the 
expected *chinti , ro also in the case of chhiC'a-bha^qa. torn 
and tattered, (chinna-i-bhai,ga-) . 

(10). Blending. 

384. Oftentimes both the synonymous compounds are 
fused into one single word where the first part of one word 
is fitted into the last part of another, the intermediate portions 
being dropped. Both th- compounds rre blended into a single 
solid word ; e.g. cheg. loop-hole , convenient opportunity, 

(chidra+bhagna > *chigna. *chigga. *rhcgga, cheg). 
The following are other examples of blending : 
gap. boast, vanity, (garva-j-darpa-) . 
jip y moisture (jiva+wspa-) . 
nomal, young, (nava+komala) , (Bloch). 


methcmi, a woman's girdle, (mekhate+uestanika) . 

koth, a fort, (kotla-fkostJia-) . 

koijgu, having a crippled hand, ,(koni+par\gu-) . 

Cf. As. peijgd, lame. 

E. Bg. tiyas, thirst, is obviously a blend between trsna 4- 
pipdsd. Assamese chai is most probably a blend be- 
tween ksdra-r-bhasma (Cf. Bengali compound, chai- 
bhasvia), but Dr. Chatterji suggests the derivation 
from ksCira- (O.D.B.L. p. 542) . This would, however, 
leave the nasalisation in As. chai unexplained. 

385. Bhinihl, (cari.'T bhimsl) , elder .sister's hu band, 
seems to be built up on the analogy of main, pchl (e; rher 
mem. pen Fkt. maTys-A", pivssid), mother's sister, fathers 
sister, whence by back formation and semantic variation maho, 
pchci. mother', sistf r's husband; father's sister's husband; 
bhnuhi would thus be bh(a)iiu-\ usui. The-7 (in -hi. instead 
of -d as in viahn etc.) may be explained as due to vowel- 
assimilation (The sugce-t on is Dr. Bloch's). 

(11) Covsannnts vi Contact. 

386. W'ilnn tho limit of a v orcl there is hardly am thing 
like contact <>f consonants in the St. coll. In it vowe's are 
.slowly and usiincily enunciated. There is nothing like hur- 
ried pronunciation and consonants are hardly thrown tog- ther 
in the St. coll. It is rife, however, m western* Assam. For 
example, whore a Bengali speaker says kbrbe. he will do, a 
speaker of As St. coll. will say. kiinba, and a speaker of 
Western As will say kbrbb. 

Consonantal contact with resulting changes takes place, 
however, in tho case of compound words and connected sen- 
tences whore tho final consonant of the previous word comes 
in contact with the initial consonant of the following one. 

386a. The numeral ek. (cka), one, shews significant 
changes in contact. Before a word beginning with a consonant, 
ek > e- (§ 168) ; e.g. e-bdr, one time ; e-jan, one ; e-buku, 
breast-deep. etc. It remains before a word beginning with 


a vowel ; e.g. ekajali, one palm-ful ; ekhthu, knee-deep ; 
ekav\gul, finger-long. Both efc-, and e- are used before arc, a 
unit of four ; e.g. ekard, e-ara. This use of e-, eJc-, is peculiar 
to Assamese. 

(12) . Assimilation. 

387. Other changes of consonants due to contact fall in a 
line with Bengali. " In the case of aspirate (stop) -^-aspirate 
or stop, voiced or unvoiced, there is de-aspiration of the first 
aspirate. In deliberate and careful pronunciation, however, 
the aspirate may be retained (so far as it can be retained in 
a final position in a syllable) where we have a sound of a 
different class ; (O.D.B.L. p. 449) e.g. 

rath-khan ( > ratkhan) ; the chariot. 

dudh-naj, ( ydudnai) ; the name of a river. 

adh-tola, ( > adtoti) ; half a tola. 

bdgh-bol ( > bagbol) ; " tiger-walk ". a kind of indoor 

budh-bar. ( > budbar) , Wednesday etc. 

There is regressive assimilation when stops and aspirates 
of the same class occur side by side, by the first sound acquir- 
ing or losing voice according as the second one in the group 
possesses or does not possess it : and the first sound, if it 
is an aspirate, loses its aspiration : (Ibid, p. 450) . 

ddk-ghar ( > ddgghar) , post office. 

sddiniya (<*saddiniya, < sdtdiniya) , a weekly periodi- 
cal, etc. 

In other respects also the changes are in the same direction 
as in Bengali. They are not shewn here as they have been 
elaborately dealt with in O.D.B.L. pp. 448-452. 


(13). Assimilation due to change in point of articulation. 

388. Owing to loss of distinction between O.I.A. dentals 
and cerebrals in Assamese (§ 429), and owing also to the 
O.I.A. palatals having acquired dental values (§ 408) , assimila- 
tion of dental to cerebral and of palatal aspirate to palatal is 
often noticed ; e.g. 


eke, scrapes, (*canchai MIA. cacchai) . 
sts. tafastha, passive, (O.I. A. tatastha). 
pitarjga , shrivelled (O.I.A. takta, \/tanc 
totord, ) > Hatta, > *tatta >*tatta). 

(14) . Dissimilation. 

389. The principal types of dissimilation are, the de- 
aspiration of two aspirates in the same word, and also de- 
aspiration of O.I.A. aspirations, or of resultant M.I.A. aspira- 
tions, after the O.I.A. sibilant letters and also after -c- (§§ 
356 if) . 


The Gutturals. 

390. The O.I.A. gutturals do not appear to have changed 
their mode or place of articulation in modern Assamese and 
they appear as k, hh, g, gh whether they have subsisted initi- 
ally or again arisen through simplification of consonant groups. 

Non-initial -k- is voiced in a few sts. words e.g. 
bagali, a crane, (vaka-) ; magar, a kind of big fish, 
(makara-) ; sagun, vulture, (sa/cuna-), etc. 

Initial and mtervocal -k- is clearly pronounced in Assa- 
mese and there does not appear to be any alteration in its 

The Sources of K. 

391. Initially, As k- is derived from O.I A. /:-; e.g. kar, 
corns in hands and feet, (kadara) ; Bg. kard is connected with 
late Skt. x'kadd, to be hard. 

karatjgan, thigh-bone. (kara^ka-y-na) . 

sts. kawdri, miserly, stingy, (Vedic. kavari). 

kami, a rib-like piece of split bamboo, (kambi-). 

kuhiydr, sugar-cane, (Cf. Skt. kosakara, a sugar-cane). 

kerdnl, a clerk, (karanu-\-ika) . 

Jcend, bored by an insert, as a fruit (knui) . 

kuwd, putrid from stagnation, (Cf. Vedic. kepoya, impure). 

kildkuti. elbow, (kila, elbow). 

khci. sickle, (cf. krtyate \/krt). (T. derives it from 

*kartyd : Turkish gainci might have given keci 
not khci). 
kochd, a bundle, (kurca). 
O.I.A. kr- ; 

kine, buys, (kriipati) . 

hdrv&e, weeps, (krandati). 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


O.I.A. kt>- ; 

sts. kath, kdh, kowath, decoction, (kvaiha). 
O.I.A. sk- ; > M.I.A. kh- ; 

kandh, shoulder, (skandha). 
O.I.A. g- ; (by unvoicing) ; 

kalagraha, an insurmountable difficulty, (yala-graha) . 

392. Intervocally and finally (through dropping of 
vowels at the end of a word) , -fc- is derived from : 

M.I.A. -k- after -1]- ; representing O.I.A. -rjk- ; -fcr-; 
-?/Jcr- ; -rk-. 
e.g. &Jcu/ii, a crook, (aijkusika). 
kakal, a waist, (kcDjkala). 
kakai, comb, (kai]kati-). 
kekord, • crab, ( kar kata) . 
beka, crooked, (vai|ka, vakra). 
bbka -(caul), a kind of rice that grows in muddy soil 

(M.I.A. vw]ka). 
sako, bridge, (sarjkrama) . 
O.LA. -ijkh- (by de-aspiration) ; 
sak, bracelet made of shells, (saiikha) . 
sikah, chain, (sr>jkhala-{-ika) . 

From M.I.A, -kfc-, from the following O.I.A. groups : — 
-k- doubled in old ts. in M.I.A.; e.g. 
ek, one, (ekJca, eka). 

(Lw.) c/cais. twenty-one, (ekat?imsati) . 

-kk-; cikd, rat, (cikkd-) . 

bhokc, barks, (M.I.A. bfrukkai). 

kukuka, bits of burnt grass carried about by the wind, 
(kuhkubha) . 

buJc, chest, (vrkkd, heart) . 

-Jen-; ntkd, cleansed, (nikka < *nik?uz ; \/ n ™J- ?•)• 

mukali, open, (mukka<-*mukna; \/mwc, P.). 

•fcy-; iikd, sikii/d, swing made of rope, (sikya-) . 

m&nik, pearl, (mdnikya) . 

-Jcr-; ndk, nose, (nakra) . 

cufed, sorrel, (cukra-) . 

cfik, wheel, (cakra-) . 

4cv«; pakd, ripe, (pakva-) . 


-k§- ; bhok, hunger, (bubhuk$d) . 

caku, eye, (caksu-). 

kuhi, a conical fish-basket, (kuksi-) . 

coka, sharp, (coksa-). 

seka, " a good lesson," (siksd) . 
-tk-: chak, square of a game-board, (satka) . 
-tk-: okani, louse, (utkuna) . 

Tnakana, a tuskless elephant, (?natfcuua-). 

uka/i, a species of eagle, (utkrosa) . 

itfcai, to pass over, (ut -f- \/ Jcal) . 
-rfc ; dkan, a medicinal plant, (arka-pariia) . 

pakari, the asvattha tree, (parkatl-) . 

sikdr, a cake of baked potter's clay, (sarkara). 

makara, spider, (markata) . 
4k-; ukd, burnt straw carried about by the wind (ulka-). 
-hk- = Skt. -sk-, -sfc-; 

nikahi, portion of the roof projecting beyond the 
wall, (niskasa-) . 

sukdn, dry, (suska-). 

caukd, an oven, (catuska-) . 

makal, a kind of bamboo, (maskara- > l maskra-) . 
M.I. A. -gg- (by unvoicing). 

phaku, red powder sprinkled in the Ho/t festival, 
(*phaggu } Skt. phalgu. Contaminated with a 
w T ord for power; O. phaku, T.) 
In set- kapara for ksetra-parpata-, the fc for p in Jcapard 
seems due to contam . with the sound of kapok from 
Of desi origin are hak, prohibition, (D. hakkd) ; dak, 
shout (*dakka-). T. 

393 . -fc- is also found as an affix in numerous nouns and 
verbs ; (§§. 561, 739) . 

e.g. jonak, moon-light. 
dithak, vision. 
<]leuka, wings. 
titiki, bitter; 
cindki, acquaintance. 
gaca-k, to trample. 


thamak, to stop. 
semek, to be moist. 
solak, to be untied, etc. 

394. This -ka-, -k- is derived from M.I.A. -kka-. 

This has been connected by Hoernle with the O.I. A. 

e.g. Skt. camaU \/kr- > M.I.A. camakka- ; 

Skt. cyut-\/kr- > M.I.A. cxikka (Hoernle §. 204). 

Dr. Bloch connects it with an O.I.A. -kya < aktya, 
as in parakka < pdrakya <Cparakiya. A Dravi- 
dian affinity has been also suggested (Bloch, p. 

395. Final -k- appears also as a verbal affix (3rd person) 
in E. Assamese, e.g. gqilek\ he went ; 

karilek, he did. 
diyak, let him give. 

This -k seems to have come from more than one source. 
After formations in /- ppst, it seems to have the value of 
-tavant; in other instances it may be related to O.I.A. 
pleonastic -ka > M.I.A. -kka (§. 830). 

396. In fs words -k- occurs double in interior groups 
with y. r. L r. m. and also in khy ; e.g. 

baikka. speech, (vakya) . 
bakkra, crooked, (rnk-ra) . 
pakka. ripe, (pakva) . 
rvkkinu for nikmim. 
aikkhan. (akhyana-) . 

In -fcs-, pronounced kkh- initially and -ikkha medially 
and finally, we have a similar doubling of k. 
e.g. kkhan, moment, (ksana). 


397. kh is fully articulated in all positions in Assamese. 
Its sources have been shewn in the following table. 


In t$. and sts. words, Skt. s is often pronounced as kh. 
This value of s has been borrowed from Northern India 
through the Brajabuli dialect . 

A few ts. words with s are spelt with kh in Assamese, 
e.g. sts. ukhar, hard, severe, (usara) . 
pakhanfa, villain, (pasarida). 

Conversely, a few tbh. words are spelt with s where kh 
is etymologically due; e.g. 

kds (pronounced kdkli) , side, (kaksa) . 
sts. pas (pronounced pakh), fortnight, (paksa) . 

398. In one instance s appears initially for kh ; but it 
has now lost the kh- sound and is pronounced like any other 
sibilant in Assamese as (x) ; 

e.g. set-kapara, a kind of medicinal herb, (ksetra-parpata-) . 

399. The change of ks to kkh >M.I.A. kh seems to 
have been the Magadhi change. The ch- development of ks 
was a characteristic of the North Western I . A . dialect of the 
early M.I A. period. Assamese has also a few ch- words which 
were apparently later additions to the eastern speech. 

The Sources of KH. 

400. Initially, kh^ comes from M.I. A. kh-, derived 
from O.I. A. kh-; khalai. bald, (khalati) . 

kher, straw, (kheta) . 

khagari, reed, (* khaggara — Skt. khadga+ra-) . 
khata, short, dwarfish, (khatta- t cf. khaftana) . 
khola, the shell of a betel-nut, cocoanut, etc, (khola) . 
khai, ditch, (khati) . 

khic, cow-dung dirt, (Skt. khicca ; D. khicca) . 
ks>; khud, particles of rice, (ktrndra) . 
kheo, a throw, cast, (ksepa) . 
khar, alkali, (ks&ra) . 

khdpa, hair made into a braid. (Vedic ksumpra, a mush- 
khoj, foot-step, (ksodya) . 


O.I. A. fc-; by aspiration: (§. 368) . 

khoror\g, a cave, (kroda-; a cavity) . 

khila, a peg, (kilaka) . 

khela, sport, (khela ; krida) . 

khapari, tile, (karpara-) . 
sts, khalap, layer, (kalpa). 

The following words have been classed as of desr origin; 

khdru, a bracelet, (desi, khandua ; cf. Skt. kanduka) . 

khot, peck, (cf. Skt. \/kutt- M.I. A. khutt) . 

Jchftfa, post, (fchtmta) . 

Jchocare, loosens and turns up as earth, (?\/khaCj to 
come forth, project) . 

401 . Medially and finally, -kh- comes from : 
O.I. A. -khy- ; likha, a small louse, (likhyd-). 

bakhdn, a narration, (vyakhyana) . 
-k- ; by aspiration ; 
sts. UkhuU, stick, (lakuta) . 
sts. rok, rokh, ready-money, (roka)\ cf. Skt. Lex. roka- 

kraya-bhid, buying with cash (T) . 

sts salakha, a bolt, (salaka) . 
-fa- > M.I.A. -JcJch-; 

dakh , attainment of puberty, {daksa) . 

pakha, wing, (paksa-) . 

makha, collection, horde, (mraksa-) . 

okh, high (uksa) . 
-ksn- ; tikhu, steel, (ttJcsna-) . 
*r\kh-; pckham, dance of a peacock, (preykha) . 
-s- (pronounced as -kh-) ; 

tikJiar, hard, severe, (tisara) . 
sts. pakhanda, vicious, (pasatida) • 
-*fe- ; > M.I.A. -kkh- ; 

pukhufi. tank, (pitsfcara -| ) . 

-gh- ; by unvoicing ; 

(gobar)khuti, cow-dung cake, (ghuntika) . 
By medial aspiration from M.I.A. -Jcfe- (§. 372) . 
< O.I.A. -Ik-, -tk- etc. 

bakhala* a flake, a lump, (valkala) , 


makham, (also makana), elephant of the tuskless 
variety, (matkum). 
In ts. words, -fcs- is often spelt as -khy-: 
kakhyd, rivalry, (kaksd) . 

402. The various sources of Assamese (g) are given 
below. In a few sts. words the change of O.I. A. (kh) to 
As. (g) is noticeable; e.g. nigani, a rat, (nikhanika). 

bohdg, name of a month (vaisdkha) . 

Most likely, the change is in the following direction : 
kh > gh > g. 

The Sources of G. 

403. Initially, g-, comes from O.I. A. g- ; e.g. 
gdch, tree, (gaccha) . 

gum, small particles, (gunda-) . 
gara, hole, (* ganda, gadda-. garta-, ) . 
gobar. cow-dung, (yorvara-) . 
gbph. moustache, (gumpha) . 
ts. gahand, ornament (gahana) . 
gr- ; gab. village, (grama) . 

gothe, strings together, (gunthai, grathndti) . 
, sts. gdhak, customer, (grahaka) . 
gah, get, boast, zeal, (graha) . 

404. Medial and final -g- ; from 
O.I. A. -gn- >M.I.A. -gg- ; 

naga, a naked hill tribe, (nagna-) . 

lagd, attached, (lagna-) . 

bhaga, broken, (bhagna-) . 

bkagar, fatigue, (bhagna + ta). 
-gy->M.l.A. -gg-: 

suwag, prosperity, (saubhdgya) . 
-gr- >M.I.A. -gg-: 

dg, front, # (agra). 
-ng-; sts. nkgur, tail, (ld?/gula). 
-#g-; khdgari, reed, (khadga-) . 


-dy->M.I.A. -gg-; 

ugar, belching, (udgdra) . 

ugul, anxiety, (udgurna). 

"mug, a kind of pulse, (mudga). 

magur, a kind of fish, (madgura) . , 
-rg-> M.I. A. -gg- : 

gagal, a kind of fish, (gargara) . 

mage, asks for, \mdrgayan) . 

bdgar, side, (varga -f ta) . 
-rgh->M.l.A. -ggh- ; (by de-aspiration) : 

flAdgar, a girdle of small bells, (gharghard) . 
•lg- > M.I.A. -c/y-: 

phdgun, the month of Phaigun, (phdlguna) . 

By voicing from 0.1. A. -/c- ; 
sts. bagah A crane, (uafco) ; sts. sagim, a vulfure, (sakum). 
By de-aspiration from O.IA. -gh-; 

sts. salag, praise, (sldgha) . 

405. The following are some of the common words of 
desi origin : 

gar, fortress, (D. gadha-) . 

gap, sprouting wheat, (D. gajja, wheat). 

gdfu carriage, (D. gaddi-) • 

gddi, wadded pad on the back of an elephant, (*garda, 

garta, a chariot seat, T.) 
pdg, turban, (D. *paggd T.) 
• pdgul H. pdgur, chewing the cud ; 

(* paggur<pra-\/gur, with analogical doubling 
of initial g-, cf. Skt. (/urate, eats off) . 
(g) occurs in the pronunciation of the Skt. group, 
-g/ir-, in is. words e.g. bidgghrd, tiger, {vxjaghra); sigghre, 
soon, (sighra-) . 

In compound words, g appears for k in a final position 
before a following voiced sound in the initial position of the 
second element of the compound e.g. d&g-ghar, post office, 
for ^ofc-g/iar. , 

to. in is pronounced gy-, gia- in the initial syllables and 
as *igga in the medial and final positions ; e.g. jndn 

M4 ». fcKOttOLOGY. 

is gyan whence colloquially gian ; so also aiggdn, 
agian, for ajrian. 

The Sources of GH. 

406. Initial gh- comes from : 

O.I.A. gh-; (rah) -ghard, honey-comb, (ghata-) . 

ghdi, a bird-net, (ghdti) . 

g/uit, a landing place, (ghatta-). 

ghuli, a puddle of water, (ghurnikd) . 

ghumati, sleep, (? * ghurvxa -\ \/ghur, to snore). 

p> ; by transfer of aspiration; 

E. As. ghevdy, accepts, (grhndti > *ginhai > ghinnai 
> ghendi) . 

ghehu, wheat, (a;odJiu??ia). cf. H. gahu. • 

ghop, a dark secluded place, seems to be a blend 
between (guild + gopya) . 

407. Medially and finally, -gh- comes from : 

O.I.A. -g-, by assimilation of the following aspiration : 

dghon, a month, (agra-hdyana) . 

paghd, the tying rope of cattle, (pragraha-) . 

bighd,, a measure of land : ]>$ of an acre, (vigraha). 

bdgh, a bridle, (avagraha) . 
O.I.A. -g/ir-; bdgh, a tiger, (vydghra) . 

•dgh- > M.I.A. -ggh- ; 

ughdle, uproots, (udghdtayati) . 

-rgh~ > M.I.A. ~ggh- : 

dighi, tank, (dlrghikd) . 

dloTui!, long, (dirgha+la). 
By voicing from -kh- ; 
sts. regha, a mark, line, (rekhd) . 
By dropping of the nasal from 
•f]gh~ : sts. laghon, fasting, (layghana) . 

Before a following voiced consonant in compounds, tbh. 
gh tends to be de-aspirated ; e.g. bdg-bhaluk for b&gh-bh&luk, 
tigers and bears : 

bag-bar for bdgh-bar, the name of a place. 


In dik-chau, long covering, a long distance (? dirgha- 
cchada-) , gh > g > k, in contact with a following un- 
voiced sound. 

The Palatals 

408. The O.I.A. palatals have become dentals in Assa- 
mese : c, ch being pronounced as (s) , and j as (z) . The sound 
jh and the corresponding letter for it are absent in Assamese. 
Wherever phonetically due, jh is represented by j. 

409. The palatals have acquired different sound values 
in different N.I.A. speeches. In North and East Bengal they 
are pronounced as dental affricates and pure sibilants respec- 
tively, whereas in West Bengal they have become palatal 
affricates. Marathi again has developed a set of dento-pala- 
tals. The historical evolution of these varied sounds has b»en 
exhaustively discussed by great linguists (Grierson : J.R.A.S. 
1913, pp. 391 ff; Chatterji §§ 132, 255-258). 

410. According to the Prakrit grammarians, intervocal 
palatals were fully articulated in Magadhi, whereas they were 
elided in other M.I.A. dialects. This would lead on to the 
expectation that Assamese rsa Magadhan dialect should pre- 
serve instances in which intervocal -c-, -j- are retained. But 
examples of such retention are sporadic. Even where O.I.A. 
-c- ; -j- have been retained they have come through an early 
Assamese -fie-, -nj- stage ; 

e.g. fcftc, glass, : E. As. kaiica (O.I.A. kaca) . 
jfljd, twin, E. As. yamarija (O.I.A. yamaja). 
peed, owl : E. As. pencct (O.I.A. pecaka) . 

411. In other places, a word with O.I.A. -c-, -j-, is likely 
to be taken as a sts. or ts. rather than as a Magadhi ibh. e.g. 

ocar, near, proximity, (upacara). H. or, side, 
uju, easy, (rjw-)- 

aaj, honest, straight-forward, (sdhajor). 
sucak, observant, circumspect, (sucak$u~), 


412. The commonest word for "blood" in Assamese is 
tej (tejas). It is difficult to say whether it should be ranked 
as a sts. or Mag. tbh ; cf. also As. kac, to J)ind tightly, (O.I.A. 
Vfeac). Against these, there are instances where the O.I.A. 
palatals are elided, e.g. ghamaci, prickly heat; (gJiarma- 
carcika); lai, mustard, (rajikd). 

413. In the Magadhi or Pracya speech of the first M.I.A. 
stage as illustrated in the inscriptions of Asoka, ty. dy, dhy, 
are equated to tiy, yy, dhiy. The changes of ty, dhy, to tiy, 
dhiy, even where suspected, are likely to be taken as instances 
of sts. formations e.g. teje, abandons ; (h/ajati). 

* dhiyae, meditates, contemplates, (dhyayati), 

414. Assamese, however, seems to retain rporadic illustra- 
tions of certain Mag. equations like (i) ry, r] > yy > As. y. 

Examples : 

(?) di, mother; a venerable lady. (*aryika). 

(?) bai, elder sister: a polite term to address a lady 
(vary a > * ? varyika) . 

(?) bayaih. separate, distinct. (?rarja-). 
(ii) fJj, ny>nn > As. rf, e.g 

kena- (dyjguli) little finger, (kanya, small). 

han, hanera, a familiar term of address to a woman, 
(hanje) . 

415. In Magadhi " the y represents a front palate fricative 
different from the semi-vowel sound in English " yes ". Tlie 
equivalent of -i/- was used in the North -West to express a 
foreign sound written z in Greek," (Woolner : p. 60) . 

In Assamese, intervocal -y- from any source has only the 
value of a semi-vowel. Only in an initial position it has a 
(z=yz) sound. Assamese has tiya, occurring every third day 
as fever, (trtiya-) as against H.P. trj : puj, pus, (puya) ; fcalijfl, 
heart, (kaleya) , are imported forms with -j- for -j/- > yy. 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


416. Examples of these changes are not, however, very 
common. They are confined only to homely words. In others, 
the western M.I.A. changes of iy, dhy, etc. to double palatals 
were introduced into Magadhi and later Magadhi fell in a 
line with other M.I.A. dialects in this matter. 

417. Of the two-fold development of ks into M.I.A. kkh, 
and cch, the former may have characterised the dialects of 
the East and the Midland, and the latter those of the North- 
West and the South-West (Bloch § 104; Chatterji § 259). 
But through an early inter influence amongst the M.I.A. dia- 
lects there has been a mingling of kh and ch forms in all 
N.I.A. speeches. The Magadhan dialects characterised by 
kkh- development of ks must have obtained (c) (ch) words 
as loans through Saurascni and the Northern speech. 

The Sources of C. 

418. Initially, c-, comes from O.I.A. c-; 
caiidii, an awning, (candratapa) . 

capar, a stroke with the open palm, (carpata). 
sis. cepcici, fiat, (cipita > *cippitta). 

celci, centiped, (cillaku, a cricket). 

caul, rice, (cdmya-f-Ia). 

cqura\]gi, prostration, (caturatjga^) . 

cariya, a washing pot, (cam-). 

col, calu, a palmful of water, (cullaka). 

curi, dwarfish, cf. Skt. \/cutt, to become small (pro- 
bably of desi origin.) . 
O.I.A. s- : 

(Lw), camu, straight, (sanmukha). 

(Lw) , cambMle, takes care of. (sambharayati) . 
O.I. A. tv- > *ty- > M.I.A. cc- ; 

chce, scrapes, (cacchai, tvaksati). 
Sts. coc, bark, rind, (coca, tvaca). 

cata, a splinter of bamboo or wood, (tvosfa). 
The following are of deii origin : — 

riJcd, small, (desi, cikka). 

cioa, emaciated, (D. ctcca) . 

citika, drizzle, (D. cirikU). 


c&rii, high, (D. ca$ai, ascends). 
cupi, a small' oil vessel, (D. cuppa, oily). 
cah, cultivation, (D. cdsa). 
cdpd, conceal, (D. campai). 

419. Medial and final -c- comes from 
O.I.A. -c-, -cc- > M.I.A. -co-, -nc- ; 

kecerd, naughty, (kaccara- > *kancara~). 

ucala, projecting, (ucca-\-la-\--) . 

uci\\gard, a cricket, (ucchjgata-) . 
O.I.A. -fcs- > M.I.A. -cch- > ?~ich, -nc. 

cdce, scrapes (tvaksati). 
O.I.A. -nc- ; heal, hem of a garment, (ancala). 

sac, impression, mark, (sahca). 

kuciyd, eel-fish, (kuncikd-) . 

kbee, shrinks, (kuncati). 

k&ci inspissated milk (kancikd). 
-re- > M.I.A. -cc- ; 

ghamaci, prickly heat, (gharvia+carika) . 
-rs- (Lw) drcci, a mirror, (adarsa-f-) . The purely Assam- 
ese formation is drhi < *drahi. 
-ty- > M.I.A. -cc- ; 

sacd, true (sacca, *sanca ; satya). 

kace, cuts up, (*krtyate). 

gharaciyd, domestic, (*garha < grha) -j-tya). 
dedbhuwd, dca/iuwd, strange, (atyadb/iuta). 

ndc, dance, (nrtya). 
By unvoicing, from O.I.A. -j-, -nj- ; 

pdcan, a cowherd's stick, (prdjana) . 

hhci, sneezing, (hanji-). 

bicani, a fan, (*vyajanika~). 

420. In borrowed words, Skt. -s-, -s- are spelt as -c- in 
Assamese; e.g. 

kalaci, a jar-shaped pinnacle of a temple (halaka -f -) . 

tici, linseed, (atasi). 

bin&c, miscarriage by a female animal, (tn-ndia). 



421. There is practically no difference in sound between 
c, ch. But in recent times there has been a tendency to 
differentiate the sounds between them. As there is no s 
sound in Assamese, ch is generally used in transliterating 
foreign words with an s sound ; e.g. 

chilan for Shillong : 

chek^piar for Shakespeare. 

Some people use sv to represent s- sound. 

422. Present Assamese orthography thus uses c for the 
s-sound of foreign (English) names, and ch for the s/t- sound. 

The Sources ol CH. 

423. Initially, ch- comes from 
O.I.A. ch- : 

sts. chan } deserted, (channa). 

chali, bark of a tree, (challi-, chardis). 

chaiy roof, covering, (chadi). 

chopa, grove, shrub, (*choppa, cfiupa, ksupa). 

chb, an actor's mask, (*chauma, chadumu, chadma). 
Jcs- > M.I.A. ch- : 

china, small, thin, (ksim-). 

churl, knife, (ksurikd). 

cheo, measure in a dance, (ksepa). 

chita, stain, splash, (D. chitta ; ? ksipta) . 

chip, an angling rod, (ksipra). 

cKai, ashes, (blend between k$ara-{-bkasma-) . 
«-, «-, §- > probably ch- in late M.I.A. 

chaw, young one, (savaka). 

chei, a pod, (simbt). cf. Bg. cha, stuffing in pastry. 

chuta, pretext, (sutra). 

chay, six, (sat). 

424. Medially and finally, it represents O.I.A -cdi-, M.I.A. 
■cck-; eg. 

1*6 ft. PHONOLOGY 

k&ch& 3 tortoise, (kacchapa). 
sts. kachuti, the hem of a lower garment, (kacchatikd) . 

gacha, a lamp-stand, (gaccha-). 

pick, rear, (piccha). 

bicham, bed, (vicchadana) . 

-k$- ; bdchc, selects, (vrksate) . 

bichoh, sorrow, (viksobha) . 
-nch- ; pbchc. wipes, (prohchati) . 

Ibc < loch, border of cloth that sweeps the ground 
when worn, (M.I.A. lucchai, lunchai rubs; Skt. 
luncati, pulls T.). 
-ts- > M.I.A. -ccfr- ; 

bachar, year, (vatsara) . 

bachd, young one, (vatsa). 
sts. ucharga, dedication, (utsarga-). 
sts. blbhach, ugly, (bibhatsa). 
-tsy- > M.I.A. -ccTi- ; 

mach, fish, (matsya). 
~ihy- ; michd, false, (mithya-) . 

lechdri, a long metre, (rathya^--) . 
-re- ; kochd, bundle, (hurca-) . 
-sc- ; bichd, scorpion, (vrkcika-) . 

sts. pachim, west, (pascima). 
sr- ; moch, beard, (mhacchu, smasru) . 

The Sources of J. 

425. The j/i sound and the corresponding letter for it are 
absent in Assamese and whenever it is phonologically due in 
spelling, it is written as -j-. Only in some rare instances the 
symbol for -jh- is used and it is regarded as archaic and 

426. Initially j- comes from 

O.I.A. j-;e.g. 

jari, rope, (jati-). 

jarun, a mole on the skin, (jatula) . 

jar, cold, (yddya). 

jaMh, a large sheet of water, (jalatoya). 


jip, moisture, (jM-f vd$pa) . 

jofcdr, sound of greeting, (jaya+kara > *java-\-kdra) . 

jotedr, flood-tide, (*javakdra; Java, speed T.). 

O.I.A. jh- < -Jc?- ; 

§&o, over-burnt brick, (jhdmaka, lesama) . 
jare, oozes out, (jfwrai, Jcsarati). 
jtJcd, a kitchen fruit, (cf. jTii^gd-). 
jdr, a big forest (jhdta). 
M.I.A. jh,-; 

jokd, tease, stir, (M.I.A. \/jhdy]kh). 

jure, clears forest by cutting down trees, (M.I.A. 

jare, winnows, (cf. M.I.A. jhdddvana). 
jan. continued showers, (D. jhadi. O.I.A. jhatika, 

monsoon showers), 
japd, basket with a lid, (M.I.A. \/jhamp, to shut up). 
japatiya, entwine. (D. jhampia, entangled), 
jolo/gd, wallet, (M.I.A. jhollia). 
jopd. a shrub, (D. jhiimpa). 
jamxire, subsides, as a swelling, (jtoma- ; k$dma~). 
O.I.A. jy- ; 

jefhd. father's elder brother, (jye$tha-\-tata). 
jonak, moon-light, (jyotsm-). 




jar, fever, (jvara). 
jale, shines, (jvalatt). 

juwarl, a gambler, (dyuta+kara-) . 
jilt, fire, (dyuti) . 

j&jd, twins, (yamaja). E. As. yavianja. 
joJcfie, weighs, (yoksyati, will recollect T.). 
jdbar. refuse, sweepings, (yavya-\-ta T.) . 
jor, a pair, a couple, (joda : O.I.A. \/yaut (4) . 
jame. freezes, co-agulates, (yamyate, is fixed : M.I.A. 
jaroei, collects, T). 


427. Medially and finally -j- comes from 

O.I.A. -jj- ; kajala, blackish, (Jcajjala-) . 

Idj, shame, (Zajjd) . 

maj&, the core or inner part, (majjd-). 

saj, dress, (sajjd). 
-jjv- ; ujala, prominent, (ujjvala-) . 
-jy- ; banij, trade, (vanijya) . 
-nj- ; puji, hoard, capital, (punja-). 

pSj?, a ball of cotton, (panji-). 

lej, tail, (lanja) . 

pajar. flank, (panjara). 
-dy~; JcTioj, foot-step, (Jcsodya-). 

akhaj, not fit for eating, (akhadya) . 

bej, physician, (vajdya) . 

me), tumour, (medya). 

muje> shuts up as eyes, {mudyate). 

-dhy- ; ojd, teacher, (upadhyaya) . 

mdj. middle, (madTiya). 

saj, evening, (sandhyd). 

bajd. barren, (rand/iya-). 

beji, needle, (vedhya-). 

meji, a stack of straws for ceremonial burning, 
(medhya-) . 
-bj- ; fctijd, hump-backed, (kubja-). 
-?/- ; > W '< teoj, year before last, (Maya > *trtayya). 

kalija, heart, (kaleya, Vcaleyya). 

puj, pus, (puya > *puyya) . 

bhatija, nephew, (bhratrirja > *bJirdtrtyya). 

-yy- ; seja, bed of a river, (sayya-) . 
-rj- ; khajuli, itches, (kharju-) . 

gajani, thundering, (gar)an-). 

khejur, date tree, (JcTiarjura) . 
-ry- ; Jcdj, work, (karya) . 

djo-, (kakai) , the great grand father, (drya+pada) . 

-hy- ; bojd, load, (vahya-) . 

guj-bhui, private parts, (guhya>-bhumi-) . 

The word gdj, sprout, < D. gajja, wheat. 


428. O.I.A. -ya- of passive forms > -ia, -iya-, -i- in 
early Assamese, and remains -i- in certain idiomatic expres- 
sions in modern Assamese (§§. 751 ff). In the Western AP. 
O.I.A. -ya- (passive) > -iya, -ijja > -ija. The adjectival -iya- 
affix similarly becomes -ia, -tja. Assamese possesses no relics 
of the -ijja-passive. Of the -iya, -ay a affix > iija, -ftjja, Assa- 
mese has teoj (shewn above) for trtaya > tiajja ; Jcalijd, 
heart, (k&leya) ; bhatija, (bhratriya-) . 

In ts words, Skt. iy- is pronounced as j-, in initial positions, 
e.g. jadi for Skt. ?/ad?. Intervocally y is subscribed and has 
the ^/-pronunciation. With conjuncts y is pronounced as j 
intervocally in tss. e.g. karjya for hdrya ; samjukta for 

The Cerebrals. 

429. The cerebrals and dentals though differentiated in 
spelling hpvc both acquired values as alveolars. The loss of 
distinction and the establishment of alveolar pronunciation 
have been pttributod 1o Tibet o-Burman influence (Grierson : 
Indian Avticimry: Supplement; 1933. October: p. 156). In 
the languages of the Tibeto-Burman group dental consonants 
are pronounced as semi cerebrals as in English (L.S.I., 
Vol. Ill, Part II. p. 4). Under the levelling influence of 
the surrounding Tibeto-Burman dialects, both the cerebrals 
and the dentals have lost their proper enunciations. 

430. Historically Assamese belongs to the cerebralising 
group of N.I. A. languages, i.e.. under the influence of a 
neighbouring r or r. dentals are cerebralised. 

431. As an eastern speech, Assamese inherited both 
cerebralised forms and the cerebralising instinct from the 
eastern M.I. A. : but the alveolar pronunciation of both the 
series seems to have given to Assamese a fresh momentum 
towards spontaneous cerebralisation. Loan-words from 
foreign and non-Aryan sources and also unfamiliar sts. words 
are spelt with cerebrals, e.g. tagar. a kind of flower (tagara) , 
tagambari, destitute, (tvagambara-) . When the spelling fa 



meant to be adjusted to the sound, the dentals are supposed 
not to represent the sound properly, and to give the sound 
the value of something other than the dental (which is, how- 
ever, present to the eye and not to the ear) , it is represented 
by the cerebrals. But purists with an eye on the etymology 
often write tagar, tagambari. 

432. Loan-words from foreign non- Aryan sources are, 
however, spelt with the cerebrals e.g. English: stations 
iftechan: court— kort, 

Boclo : dibru = dibru. 

dihin = dihin' or dihin. 

The Sources of -T- (Cerebral) 

433. Initially, t- represents 

O.I.A. t- ; 

tale, is moved. (tdlati-) . 

tekela, an errand-boy, (cf. tikyate, is gone) . 

tai)gi, wedge, (tarjga-\-). 

tera, squint-eyed, (teraka) . 

tokona, poor, niggardly, (? takka) . 
t- (dental) > t- by spontaneous cerebralisation : 
e.g. tarn, a wooden ladle, (tardu-). 

tdkuri, a spindle, (tarku-) . 
sts. tagar, a flower, (tagara) . 

teyga, sour, acrid, (tigma- > M.I.A. tigga-, *tiy\gar, 
ter\ga-) . 

ton, quiver, (tuna) . 

takaca. to put off with promises, (? tarka) . 

tarjg, tar\gi. a loft, (tamaijga-) . 

tahah move about aimlessly, (* < tahalla, extension 
of Skt. trakhati, T.). 

talak, ponder deeply, (tala 4- k > -kk) . 
E.As. tdman, mischievous fellow, (* t&mra + no) . 

tepa, saturated with moisture, (cf. tipyate, to be 
moistened) . 

tar\guwa, poverty-stricken, (? tarjkana). 

tat, boast, exaggeration*, (tfiya -f ) . 


fab, foot-step, (\/tarb, to move). 

toford, tatav\ga, shrivelled up (*tafcta : \/tanc, to 

shrink) . 
terjgucia, to limp, (\/tar)g, to tremble, to stumble 

+ * tya) . 
tarn, bamboo frame for a scoop-net, (tanilcd, 
a string) . 
sts. fatasiha, (tatastha) , passive, " sitting on the fence 
(tatastha) . 
takala, bald-headed due to skin disease, (tafcman-) . 
O.I.A. tr~ : tute, diminishes, (trutyati) . 
tv- : sts. tagambari, reduced to extreme poverty (tvagam- 
bar a-) . 
timak, quick of understanding, flash of passion, 
(M.I. A. timma — ? * tvisma, V tvis, to glitter) . 
O.I.A. st~; sts. torn, torn, a wicker basket, (stoma) . 

sts. tabhak, tabha\\, stupefied, (stambha). 
Of desi origin are tupi (toppia). 

takar, sharp sound : tok&ri, a musical instrument 

played upon by striking (D. tokkar) . 
tati, fence, (D. tatti) . 

434. Medially and finally -t- comes from 
O.I.A. -tt- > M.I. A. -tt- ; 

kute, cuts up, (kuttayati) . 

ghat, a landing place, (ghatta) .' 

pat, silk, (patta) . 

dtah, loud scream, (atta + hasa.) 

atdl, loft in a house, (attdla) . 

ketar, eye-dirt, (kitta -\ ) . 

bJteti, site of a house, (bhitta T.). 
-tV m ; e.g. k/idte, supplicates, (khatyate ; V fchot) . 

fuje, diminishes, (trutyati) . 

lupe, plunders, (lutyati) . 
-Jt>- ; khdt, bed-stead, (khatva) . 
*tr- (dental) : baraji, a strap, (voratrd-) . 

ch&te, » covers, ( * chatrayati) . 
-tt- (dental) : math earth, (rortti/cd) . 
bhefa, dam, enclosire, (bhitta, wall) . 


-nt- (dental) : tetu, throat, (cf. tantuki, a tubular vessel 

of the body) . 
-rt-; bati, a cup, (vartikd) . 

batalu, a round and circular thing (varta+la-f-ufca) . 
-rtm- ; bat, road, (late Skt. vata < vartma-) . 
•st- ; sitd, dregs, refuse, (sista-) . 

pite, strikes, (* pistati) . 

bhali, falling, receding ; cf. bhata, ebb-tide, (bhrasta). 

itd, brick, (istaka-) . 

mit, amicable settlement, (mitavai, O.I.A. mrsta, T.) . 
-str- ; ut, camel, (lustra) . 
-st- (dental) : pdlat, turned up, (paryasta) . 
-nt-;> M.I. A. -rit-; bat, teat, (vnita). 
-Tit- ; batd, prize, (vanta + -) . 

Hit, thorn, (kantaka -f ilea) . 
Of desi origin is liti/cdi, an obsequious follower, 
(D. littia, flattery) . 

The Sources of TH. 

435. Initially, th- comes from 

O.I.A. sth- (dental) : 

sts. thag, a rogue, (sthaga —. M.I. A. thaga) . 

sts. thagi. a betel-nut tray, (sthagl) . 

thawar, to ascertain, (sthdi'ara) cf. H. thdhar. 

thdnuwd, well-shaped, comely, (sthdna, posture of a 
body. T.). 

thola, hollow, indentation, (ci. stha-puta) . 

thereyga. tharaijga, stiff, rigid (* sthara, cf . Skt. 
sthalati, is firm) . 

thalard, large, flabby, (? stlidla-) . 

thdri. a stalk, a leaf stem, (M.I. A. thaddha) . 

thani, branch, (cf. sthdnu, a bare stem). 

thai, spot, also thhwa, place, (^stJvdman). 
st* (dental) : thakar, to strike against, (? \/ stak) . 
tr- (dental) : sts. thfit, beak, bill, '(froti) . 
By initial aspiration : 

fherjg, leg, (tarjka). 
By dropping of the initial vowel : 

ftiUd, a stopple, (asfhilS) . 

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fJi- ; thfikur, an idol, from Skt. thakkura. 

Of desH origin is that, pomp, show, (D. thatta). 

436. (Contents dropped). 

437. Medially and finally -th- comes from 

O.I.A. -nth- ; suthi, anything dried like cow-dung, 

(cf. \/sunth). 
-nth- (dental) : gathi, knot, (granthu). 
-rth- : ca'thd, fourth day, (caturtha) . 
•st- : n&th, loss, (nasta) . 

rutha, angry, harsh, (rusta) . 
jathi, a lance, a spear, (yasti-) . 
mitha, sweet, (mista-) . 
dithak, vision, (drsta) . 
By blending : 

methani, a woman's girdle, (mekhald -J- vestanikd) . 
Idthuwa, vicious, (lata + nasta) . 
kathuwa, severe, (katu + kasta) . 
-st/i- ; e.g. at/ii, the stone of a fruit, (* anthi < * atthi- 
< asthi-) . 
puthi, a kind of fish, (prosthi-) . 
athu, knee, (asthirat) . 

ba'thd, oar, (vahistha-, driving or carrying best). 
ayguthi, ring, (aijgustha-). 

kathi, verandah of a house, (kastha, * kdsfJii/cd) . 
JcotJi, a fort, (a blend of koita -f- kostha) . 
kolathi, the soft belly-part of a fish, (Pali, fcolatf/ii 

/cola -f asthi) . 
umathi, amathu, the kernel inside the stone of 
a mango fruit, (amra -f asthi-) . 
-sth- ; e.g. pathdy, sends, (pra -f sthdpayati) . 
\/uth, rise, (ut-|-\/sthd). 
sdthari, ability, resources, {samsthdna) . 

The Dentals. 

438. The dentals are pronounced exactly in the same 
way as the cerebrals, viz., as alveolars. The dentals have a 


unifonn history except that there are changes in the direc- 
tion of cerebralisation (which was also native to MagadhI) 
and palatalisation in connection with -y- (which was non- 
Magadhi) and just in a few cases of labialisation in connection 
with a labial or denti-labial (which was also non-Magadhl) . 
The non-cerebralised forms in the presence of a preceding r in 
O.I. A. are apparent loan-words from the Western dialects, 
(cf. O.D.B.L. § 273). 

The Sources of T. 

439. Initially t- comes from 
O.I.A. t- ; 

tapina, hip, buttock, (talpana-) . 

tawdl, withe of a young bamboo, (tamala). 

tar, bracelet worn on the arm, (cf. taiar]ka, a large 
ear-ring) . 

tttd, wet, (*tinta \/tim, to wet). 
tr- ; tera, thirteen, (trayodasa) . 

txni, three, (trini-) . 
tv- ; turante, speedily, (* tvaranta-) . 

tai, thou, (tvaya-) 
st-; sts. torn, wicker basket for storing grains, (stoma). 

tad/id, amazed, (stabdha) . 

440. Medial and final -t- represents 
O.I. A. ->ykt-; pari, order, line, (pa^Jcti-) . 
-U- ; pit. bile (pitta) . 

-t- ; > M.I.A. -tU ; jit, victory, (jita, > * jitta) . 
-tth- ; ahat, a kind of tree, (asvattha) . 

tutiya, blue vitriol, (tuttha-) . 
-tin- ; atd, grand-father, a revered person, (atma-) . 
-ty- ; sts. da't, demon, (daitya > * daitta) . 
-tr- ; e.g. suta, thread, (sutra) . 

cita, a leopard, (extra-) . 

maut, an elephant driver, (mafod-mdtra) . 

chdti, an umbrella, (c/iatra-). 

dhuti, waist-cloth, (* dhautra^) . 
'tv- ; cotal, court-yard, (catwla). 


Mr, common, (itvara) . 
•fct- ; bh&t, rice, (bhakta) . 
Ut&, rag, (laktaka-) . 
rfitul, red, (raJcta-) f 

-Jctr-; jot, cord, rope, esp. of the yoke of a plough 
(yoktra) . 

-nt- ; -ntr- > M.I.A. -nt- ; e.g. 
sat, tranquil, (santa) . 
seota, parting of hair, (simanta-) . 
satar, swimming, (santara). 
at, entrails, (antra), 
jat, mill, (yantra). 
tht, loom, (tantra). 
neojd, invitation, (nimantra-) . 
mate, calls, (mantrayate) . 
karota, doer, (M.I.A. karanta-). 
sunota, hearer, (M.I.A. sunanta-) . 
pi. sufT -hat (santa. > hanta) ; 

Past conditional post-position, heten (* sante -\- na, > 

I«haf7. a foppish woman, (*lasavantika) . 
pfrujafl a woman skilled in embroidery, (* pfiulla- 
raiififcd) . 

O.I.A. -pf- ; e.g. sat, seven, (sapta-) . 

?iati, grand-son, (naptrka) . 
'rt- ; e.g. kati. the name of a month, (kartika) . 

bdfflri, news, (vartd : M.I.A. vattadid) . 

(Lw.) bhatara, an uncastrated bull (cf. H. bhatara, 
husband, (a Western form corresponding to 
Eastern bhattaraka) . 

-st- ; -sth- ; e.g. hat. hand, (hasta) . 

dhniurd, a poisonous plant, (dhustura-) . 
sitdn, the part of the bed where the head is placed, 
(iiras+sthdna) . 

By de-aspiration of -t/t- ; 

sU. iuti, a flower, (yuthikd) . 

putal breadth, (prt/i- cf. prthulo) . 


The Sources of TH. 

441. Initially, th- comes from 
0.1. A. st- ; sth- > M.I. A. th- ; 

thbpd, bunch, (stupa > stuppa > thoppa) . 

thokd, cluster, as of fruits, (stavaka : M.I.A. 

thavakka) . 
thay, is within depth, (* stdghati) . 
therd, old, (sthavira > Pali thera) . 
thdli. a big vessel, (sthdlikd). 

thaliya, a sack, (stara cf. Mrcch : jtifiathalake 
znydnastara-) . 
thdke, remains, (x'thakk : O.I.A.? *\/stJid+ka). 

The following words can be traced only to desi sources : 
t/idr, handful of reaped corn, (D. thada, multitude) . 
ihirikani, rain-drops, (D. tlidra, cloud) . 
thol-gol, round, (D. thora) . 

The following are of unknown origin : 
thdp, clutching ; 
thutari, chin ; 
thukuc, to chop; 
thbtd. stammering; 
theteld, crushing ; 

442. In the interior of words, -th- represents : 
O.I.A. -tr- ; mafJio, mathoii, just, (mdtra + no). 

-nth- ; ketha, blanket, (kanthd-) . 

mathdri, embankment, (manthara- > *manthra-). 

gathd, stringing, (\/granth). 
-rt?i-; bethd, (burhd-bethd) , old and infirm, (vyariha-). 

•st- ; -str ; puthi, book, (pustikd) . 

pathdr, field, (prostata) . 

paihdr, stone, (prastara). 

mathd, a plant, (musta~) . 
E.As. bJtdtJii, bellows, (bhastri-) . 

dthe-bethe, in great hurry, (asta-vyasta) . 


-stTi-; path&n, the part of the bed where the feet are 
placed, (pada -f- sthdna) . 
pathMi, breadth, (prasiha + ) . 
dthantar, a bad turn, (avasthantara) . 

The Sources of D. 

443. Initial d-; comes from 

O.I.A. d- ; d&m, heap, (dambha,? V dambh, to collect) . 

d&rak, tether, (drdha + kka) . 

dot, curdled milk, (dadhi-) . 

dai, bamboo split for weaving into a mat, (cf. \/do, 
to cut, reap). 

dar, teeth, (danstra). 

dafron. mirror, (darpana) . 

don, a basket containing a certain measure, (drom) . 
dr- ; dagar, a small drum, (drakata. also dragada) . 

dam, price, (dramya, Gk. drakfime). 
du- ; sts. dand, quarrel, (dvanda) . 

dm, two, (dve > Pali, dif^e) . 

diya. island in the middle of a river, (dvlpa-) . 

444. Medially and finally, it comes from 
O.I.A. -dd- : kodal, a spade, (kuddala) . 

od&l, a tree, (uddala) . 
-dr- ; ud, otter, (udra) . 

• khud. particles of rice, (ksndra) . 
sts, set-bheddli, a plant, (sveta-bhadrali-) . 
sts. ra'd, sun-shine, (raudra) . 

mudc. seals, (mudrayati) . 

&da, ginger, (ardraka-) . 

bhada, a month, (bhadra-pada) . 
-dfi- ; -ddh- ; by de-aspiration 
sts. saiid, a merchant, (s&dhv-) . 
sts. dhudij drug, (ausadhi) . 

banduli, a flower, (bandhuli-) . 

sondd, sweet-smelling, (sau-gandha*) . 

Suda, unmixed, (suddha-) , 


muhudi, sweetening the mouth aftqr efting, (mukha 
-f suddhi-) . 
-nd- ; madar, a tree, (manddra) . 
ndddn- bdddn, luxuriant, (nandana + vandana) . 
'rd- ; pad, breaking wind, (parda) . 

madai, a drum, (mardala) . 
-rdfi- ; ddah, middle-age, (ardha + sa) . 
By voicing from -t-; 

sts. paduli, gate-way, (pratoli, M.I.A. padoK) . 
sts. badali. bat, (vdtuli-) . 
Intrusive after intervocal -n- ; 

bandar, monkey, (vdnara) . 

khdne, khdnde, digs, (khanyate. * khannai) . 

dhund. mental perplexity, (dhilna) . 

mdkhxindi, a female elephant, (matkuna-) . 

The Sources of DH. 

445. Initially dh- comes from 
O.I.A. dh' ; dhowd, smoke, (dhuma-) . 

dhumahd, storm, (dhumrabha-) . 
sts. dhutu cleansing, washing, (dhauta-) . 

dhun, decoration, especially in dress, (* dhusna, 
\/ dhiis. to decorate) . 
sts. dhupdl. scorching heat, (dhupa-\-) . 

dhupdle, washes, cleanses as teeth, (? dhauta-\- 

plava) . 
dhemdli. sport, romping, (dhdva -f karma-) , 
dhund, incense, (dhiipanu-) . 
dhen (-diyd), giving birth to a calf; applied 

to animals, cf. dhend, milch-cow. 
dhand. dhend, blasted as a fruit, (Cf. dhdnd, Jried 
grain) . 
dhr- ; dhuwd, refrain, (dhruvaka) . 
dhv- ; e.g. dhahe, falls off, (dhvasati : \/dhvas). 
sts. dhaj, mark, symbol, (dvaja). 

"446. In the interior of words, it comes from 
O.I A -gdh- ; dudh, milk, (dugdha) . 


-dhrr*; Xidhan, earthen support for cooking vessel, 

(udhmana) . 
-bdh- ; tadha, amazed, (stabdha) . 
-rdh- ; adh, half, (ardha) . 

mudh, ridge of a house, (murd/ta-). 
By assimilation of aspiration 

gadhd, ass, (M.I.A. gaddaha, O.I.A. gardabha) . 
pondhara, fifteen, (pannaraha > * pandaraha > 
pandhara : O.I.A. panca-dasa) . 

The Labials. 

447. No change is noticed in the articulation of labials. 
The bi-labial spirant pronunciation which characterises certain 
dialectical areas in Eastern-Bengal is not observable 
in Assamese. 

448. Assamese is also free from the labialisation of the 
O.I.A. groups of dental stops or aspirates +m, or v which 
is found in M.I.A. and which characterises Western languages 
like Gujarat! and Sindhi (Bloch §. 129 ; Chatterji §. 277) . 
Excepting O.I.A. atman- which has given Assamese dpon, 
ata, there does not appear to be anything like a tendency 
towards labialisation . Even the Bengali affix -pana, indi- 
cating abstract quality, is absent in Assamese. 

Words shewing labialisation of dental stops + m, v, are 
apparently loan-words in Assamese. 

The Sources of P. 

449. Initially, p- comes from 

O.I.A. p- ; paraliy a covering, roof, (patala-) . 
puli, the seedling, (pula\a. cf . trna- pulaka) . 
para, section of a village, (pataka-) . 
pui, a vegetable creeper, (putika). 
pab, the part between the two joints as of the finger, 

bamboo, etc., (parvan) . 
pati- (hah) , domestic goose that cannot fly ; pedes- 
trian, (patti-) . 
pr* ; paean, a goad to drive cattle, (prdjana) . 


palam, delay, (pralamba) . 

pahare, forgets, (pra-smarati) . 

pagte, a rope to tie up cattle, (pragraha-) . 

pohd, palmful, (prasrta-) . 

pofodr, light, (prabhd+Ja). 
sts. patihd, expectation, (pratydsd) . 

(aL) , paican, close attendance : Cf . H. pdhican, 
(pratyabhigndna) . 
pi-; pur\ga, a float in a fishing rope, (Iplavatjga) . 

450. In the interior of words, -p- is from : 

O.I.A. ~tp- ; opdje, is born, (utpadyate) . 

opace, overflows, (lutpatyate) . 
-im- ; dpd, son (vulgar) ; (dtma-) . 

dpon, own, (atmanah-) . 
-p- ; > M.I.A. -pp- ; pipdrd, ant (pipilika) . cf . E. As. 

-pp- ; pipali, medicinal herb, (pippali-) . 
-pr- ; bdpd, father, (vapra-) . 

dip-Hp, shining, beautiful, (dipra-{-*lipra). 

chip, angling rod, (ksipra). 
-mj>- ; sts. kapani, shivering, (kampam-). 
-mpr- ; khbpd, hair done into a knot, ( Vedic. ksumpra) . 
-rp-; kapah, cotton, (karpdsa). 

cdpar, blow with the palm, (carpafa). 

sap, snake, (sarpa). 
-Ip- ; sipvnx, a woman knowing needle work, (silpini-) . 
-sp- ; bhap, steam (bdspa > *bappha, *bhappa, > 

*bhampa > bhhp). 
By final de-aspiration. 
sts. sipa, root, (&pha). 
sts. sep. phlegm, (M.I.A* sepha) . 

The sources of PH. 

451. Initially ph- comes from 

OlA. ph-; e.g. 

pfiald, a slate, (phalaka-). 
pheruwa, a fox, (pherava-). 


phftki, artifice, (phakkikd) . 

pMrjg, pretext, pretence (l^pharjga, *phagga i phalg- 
cf. phalgu). 
sts. phbr, shield, (phara). 

phanta, sandal, (? *phanitra, ^/phan, to move about), 
cf. also, phanati. 

phehu, the first milk of a milch animal, cf. H. phenus 
(\/phan : phdmyati, to skim off the surface of a 
fluid, cf. phena). 
phopold, hollow, (onom. phapha+). 
phike, swells, (sphita- > phw+kka. Cf. jtfce, wins. 
< jita+ka). 
U.I.A. p- ; pr- (by aspiration) . 

pheca, owl, (*pencaa, *peccaa, pecaka). 

phichd, tail of a fish, (piccha-). 

phari)]g, grass-hopper, (M.I. A. phadii]ga, patarjga). 

phalikarj clear, (pariskara, contam. with Persian. 

pharsd) . 
pha-ai, comb, (p/iarid-). 

phor, slightly stitching together (prota, stitched). 
phdhiyd, cut up into thin splits ; (M.I.A. phamsa : 
sparsa) . 
sp- ; sp/i- > M.I.A. ph- ; 

phande, trembles, (spandate). 

phord, boil, (sphotaka-) . 

phure, walks, (sphurati). 

phah, noose, (*spdsa T.). 

phdik, much, abundance, (spkdti-). 

phiritjgati, spark, (sphulinga+vrtta-, T.). 

By unvoicing, phi\)gd, a bird, (late Skt. phirjgakd < 
bhr^fifa-) . 

452. In the interior of words, -ph- comes from 

O.I.A. -mp/i-; e.g. gbph, moustache, (gumpha). 
Idp/i, jumping, (hmpha). 
•tsp- ; -tsph- > M.I.A. -ppJi- ; e.g. 

ophand, to swell, (wt+Vspfl^) • 
• ophar, to bound off, (ut+\/sphar) t 


-ap/t-; aphale, dashes, (d~sph&layati) . 
By medial aspiration, 

saphura, a casket, (sampvfa-). 

The sources of B. 

453. Initially, b- comes from 

O.LA. b-; sts. bagali, a crane, (baka-). 

barahi, fishing hook, (badisa-). 

bdndha, friend, (bdndhava). 

bg- ; bdmun, a Brahmin, (brdhmaiia) . 

bole, says, (M.I.A. bollai, extension of O.I.A. V^)- 
V- ; bdmi, a fish, (varmi-) 

bihd, a bundle of twenty, (M.I.A. visa ; vimsati) . 

buk, chest, (vrkka-) . 

banti, a light, lamp, (vartikd). 

bfori, a widow, (vandd > *vandika). 

barati, a leathern strap, (varatrd). 

bat, drain, (vahi). 

bahi, stale, insipid, (cf . M.I.A. vdsia ; O.I.A. vdsita) . 
vy- ; bdfii/i, tiger, (vyaghra). 

bed, measure, (vydma). 
behd, business, (vyavasdya) . 
dv- ; bdrd, twelve, (dvddasa) . 

bdis, twenty-two, (dvavithsati) . 
By voicing, bokd, mud, (parjka > M.I.A. -uatj/ca) . 
By de-aspirtaion from -bh- : 

bqirvdi, sisters husband, (*bhaginika-\-pati) . 

454. In the interior of words, -b- represents : 
O.I.A. 4v- > M.I.A. -bb- : 

(Lw) chdbbis, twenty-six, (scujiviThsati) . 
-rb- ;dubald, weak, (durbala-). 

bdbari, a grain, (barbati-). 
-rv- ; pdb, the part between two joints, (parva-). 

khdbatd, dwarfish, (kharva-). 

coba, chewing, (carva-). 

4&b, the handle of a knife, (darva) . 

dubari, bent-grass, (durvd-\-). 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


-rbh- ; gab, pregnancy, (garbha) . 

dabca, grass, (darbh,a-f -) . 
By de-aspiration from -bh- ; 

habiyah, Mbilas, longing, (abhilasa); -h- being pro- 
thetic, for elision of -I-, see (§ 485). 
For -b in verbal nouns like khaba, eating ; kariba, doing 
etc. see under "Semi- Vowels " (§§ 476, 477). 

The sources of BH. 

455. Initial bh- comes from 
O.I.A. b/i- ; sis. bliav\g, defeat, (bhayga) . 
bhagar, fatigue, (bhagna-^-ta) . 
bhurukd, a small earthen vessel, (cf. \fbhund, to 

bharak, threat, vain boast. Cf. Bg. bhara)}, a trumpet, 

(*bhadakka, bhata, a soldier). 
bhetd, dam, enclosure, (bhitta, a wall). 
bhebuwa, struck with fear; amazed, (bketavya-). 
bhel, a raft, (bhelaka). 
bh&j, a bend (bhanja). 

bhaeahu, simple, idiotic (M.I.A. bhassc-', bhasma-) 
-c- shewing it is a loan-word. Cf. N. bhasari. 

i W' 

aspiration, spontaneous and transferred) : 

bhusi, chaff, (busa-). 

bhoke, barks, (M.I.A. bhakkat, cf. bukkati). 

bhftp. steam, (baspa). 
sts. bhes, disguise, dress, (resa). 

bhaird, a medicinal plant, (vahetaka) . 

bhabari, sweepings, (babhra- cf. babhru. a sweeper). 
bhy- ; (by dropping initial vowel) . 

bhitiLr, interior, (abhyantara) . 

bhij, be drenched, (\/abhyanj) . 
bhr-; bhomora, black -bee, (bhramara). 

btei, brother, (bhratr-) 

bhdj, to fry, (\/bhrasj). 
m- (with -h- following, by transposition). 

bhella, abundant, (*mhilla < *mihalla < *misalla 
< mi£ra-f la). 


456. Medially and finally, -bfc- is from 

O.I.A. rdhva-: \Jubh, to erect, (ubbhaa, urdftva-). 

-rbh-; gabhini, pregnant, (garbhini-). 

gabharu, youthful as a girl, (garbha+rupa) . 
-hv-; > -vha-, -bha-, intervocally -bbh- (Pischel § 332). 
jibha, tongue, (jihva-). 
bibhol, confused, (bihvala-). 
E. As. bibhd, marriage, is an example of aspiration through 
transposition of -7i-, from a form like *bibaha— 
vivdha (O.D.B.L. § 238). 
O.I. A. vivdha, yields As. biyd. 

Amongst common words of desi origin, are the follow- 

bheti, bribe, reward (D. bhitta, reward). 
bhale, is warped, distorted by heat, (Cf. b. bhalanta). 
bhul, mistake, (M.I.A. bhulla). 

bhotd. bhoda, bhold, simple, straight-forward : seem 
all to be connected with the radical of M.I.A. 
bhola, straight-forward. 

The Nasals : Mod. As. (t|, n, m) . 

457. All the five class-nasals of Sanskrit are retained in 
Assamese orthography but in point of articulation they have 
reduced themselves to three only. O.I.A. and M.I.A. anusvara 
has disappeared in Assamese or has resulted in a mere nasa- 
lisation (§§ 292ff) . In tss and stss, Sanskrit anusvara figures, 
but it has a r\ pronunciation now. This is seen clearly when a 
Sanskrit word with interior anusvara undergoes anaptyxis 
e.g. Skt. mdnsa > M.I.A. mansa > As. sts . maydh ; vamsa > 
vamsa > As. sts. > ba^ah ; ansx > ansi > As. ar\ah\. 

It would thus appear that the anusvara has developed the 
t] pronunciation in Assamese. 

458. (r), n) : these two nasals occurred only before their 
corresponding class consonants in O.I.A. In M.I.A. n occurs 
initially, and nn intervocally as a result of the simplification 
of consonant groups with nasals ; e.g. Pali. nana. (jnana); 
anna (anya) ; but tj does not occur initially, neither are -fl-, 
-17- and -wt)- found intervocally. 


459. In modern Assamese r\ is met with in intervocal 
and final positions only : it is derived from M.I.A. -rjg and 
is written intervocally as -i\g-, -?/-, and finally as -rjg, -»/, -n. 

460. In certain dialectical areas in Kamrup, r\ is pro- 
nounced as a bi-labial semi-vowel ~w ; e.g. terjd, acid, is pro- 
nounced as te~w& ; and conversely in other dialectical areas 
in Kamrup -~w~ is pronounced as -?/- e.g. drjd, immature, 
St. coll. cwa (drrat-); ta\\al, bamboo withe, St. coll. tawal. 
(tamala-) ; arjhi, night of the first moon ; St. coll. ausi, auhi, 
(ama~\-vasi-) ; ja\\li, yoke, St. coll. juwali (yuga-\-la-) . 

461. It does not appear that i) is used for the — w- sound 
in the standard colloquial, nor is ij for -~io- met with in early 
Assamese. Ih E. As. udaya unrestrained, free, is written for 
uddama. In Bengali S.K.K. (pp. 81. 142) udab occurs for 
uddama. In modern Assamese, however, udan occurs for 
uddama. This must be regarded as a dialectical borrowing 
from Kamrup where we have >/ for -m- (> ~~ w-) . 

462. O.I.A. single intervocal -m-(> M.I.A. -~w~) is 
reduced to nasalisation with or without a glide element in 
Assamese, e.g. 

\/dco, to wash after eating, (&-{-\/cam) . 
aJin/d, having the rmell of flesh, (dmisa-). 
ausi. the night of new moon, (ama+vasl-) . 
calo, I move, (calami, calami. *cala^w, *calau). 
gab, village, (grama), 
jab, overburnt brick, (jhama, ksama-) . 
gosdi, a vaisnava guru, (gosvamin), 
bhuyh. a landlord, (bhumi-). 

sebta, parting of hair (slmanta-) . (see also § 296; Treat- 
ment of intervocal -m-) . 

463. The reverse process of nasalising spontaneously a 
-to- sound either original (i.e. < -i>- in Skt.) or derived (e.g. 
from -p- of O.I.A. or from elision of O.I.A. -h-) is also found 
in tbhs ; e.g. 



5r, screen, (apati). 

chi, shadow, (chaya, *chdw ; Kampi chiw) . 

kai, the dry stalk of jute plant devoid of bark (*kayika, 

kdya, the trunk of a tree) . 
kuwd, a well, (kupa-). 
teur } falling sickness. Hindi, tewar. 

464. There are also instances of modern Assamese -m-, 
from M.I.A. sound groups like -vib-, -mm-, -mh-, being pro- 
nounced as ~w- (also ~w,~i after a palatal front vowel), e.g. 

chei, pod as of a bean, (simbika) . 

frwar, awari, falling sickness, (apasmdra-) . 

jowci, cast seeds in a nursery, den. \/from janma. 

sar, a kind of deer, (sambara). 

The ?1 sound in Assamese. 

465. ft denoted the sound of the nasalised palatal glide 
~y in early and middle Assamese. It was also often used for 
-~w- e.g. 

gohdni (gosvdmin). 

bhuna, (bhumi-) . 

mani, I, 

tani, she. 

kunari, princess, (kumari-). 

jafio, I go (yami) . 

gdno, (grama-) . 

From the use of n to denote both the nasalised -~*-y- and -~u?- 
glides, it would seem that it was a mere spelling device to 
denote the nasalised glide sounds. 

466. The use of n has dropped out of modern Assamese, 
but it is retained in a few tbh. words e.g. kena- in kena-drjguli, 
the little finger; kena-ban, a kind of herb; kena-kafh&l, a 
kind of fruit. In all this kena is derived from O.I.A. fcanya-, 
the smallest : (cf. also kanyasa, the little finger, kanyd, the 
name of a tuberous plant) . kanya- > M.I.A. (Mg.) *Jcanna-. 
It occurs also in As. words like han, haiierd (§ 606) used by 


women to address equals. It is also found in ts. yacna (pro- 
nounced jacna). 

467. Cerebral (n) sound is absent in Assamese but the 
letter for n is fully used in Assamese orthography. In tbh 
words, (n) has been put in with an eye to the spelling obtain- 
ing in the ts. prototypes ; cf. kan, ear (karna-) son, gold, 
(sauvarna-) ; Ion, salt, (lavana) ; (n) occurs in rani, queen, 
(rdjfti) because of the presence of a preceding r. This is due 
to mistaken analogy with Skt formations. 

Dental (n) has become an alveolar sound in Assamese. 

The Sources of N. 

468. Initially n- comes from 

O.I.A. n- : ndhi, the hooked point of a cutting instrument 

(n&sikd) . 

nihali, blanket, (riisara-) . 

nihani, boiled rice-water, (nisravana-) . 

nichald, harmless, innocent, (nis-\-chala) . 

niboka, taciturn, (nirvdkya. Cf. nivaku, speechless). 

nar'njd, illness, connected with na -\- \ f pdrayati, is 
O.I.A. ny- : nebca, contempt, (ni + anc) . 
I- : sis. nom, hair, (loman) . 

nej, tail, (lanja) . 
sts. negur, tail, (langida) 

lura, nurd, i\ mass, a ball, (? lunda- Cf. lundika) . 
5n- : nowa, bathing, (sndpa-) . 

469. In the interior of words, -n- comes from 

O.I.A. -jn- : minati, supplication (blend between Arabic 

minnat + vijnapti-) . 
O.I.A -n- (cerebral), e.g. 

Viniy (manning, (lavana). 

makhana, elephant, (matkum) . 

khantek, a moment, (ksana) . 


*n$- : khan, piece, (khanfa) . 

-ndJi- ; an, the string of a yoke, (dbandha) . 

kdndh, kdn, shoulder, (skandha-) . 
-ny» : an, another, (any a) . 

bandy, wanders about aimlessly, (* vanyaijate) . 

ban, flood, (i?arw/d) . 
sts. jain, root-cause, (janya) . 
-7m- : chan, deserted, (channa) 

bhin, separated, (bhinna) . 
•rn- : pan, betel-leaf, (parna) . 

cun, lime, (curna) . 

chdtiyan, a tree, (chatri-parna-) . 
-r- : > -I- > -n- ; mehun, a fatty tumour, (masuren . 
-I- ; panaru, onion, (palandu- > *panandu-) . 
-sn- : -sn- : 

jondk, moon-light, (jyotsna-) . 

d/iun, luxury in dress, decoration, ( * dhusna, 
V dhus) . 
-hn- : cin, sign, (ciJina) . 

470. Dialectical pi. suffix -hdn (§. 636) is from -santa, 
>-sanda > -handa > *-hanna > -hdn. It is a variant of 
St. coll. -hat. Cf. also dialectal (Kachar) une for E.As. haute-, 
post-position to express the past conditional (§. 790) . 

The Kamrupi dialect drops the -n- so derived, and nasa- 
lises the previous vowel ; e.g. hde < *hani < *hane, < hande, 
hante (§ 789) . So also -mdrj in E. As. je-mcin, te-nMiTi < 

The Sources of M. 
471. Initially m- comes from 
O.I.A. m«: maciyd, chair, (manciJcd-). 

matft, slow, blunt, (maptha-, T.). 

mi£e, settles as a quarrel, (mrsta- > mitavai, T.). 
?ts. mafhlyd, a large earthen jar, (mctyfotfca-) 

rtdltfcd, pretext, dissimulation, (m4la-, deceit). 


moche, plasters as the floor of a house, (murchayati, 

to cause to thicken, T.) . 
mehun, a fatty tumour, (masura, eruption of 

pustules) . 
mdkai, maize, (markaka-) . 
mr- : makha, multitude, (mraksa-) . 
am- : > M.I.A. -mh- : moch, moustache, (smasru) . 

472. In the interior of words, -m- represents 
•mb- ; jamir, a tree, (jambira) . 

nim, a tree, (nimba). 

dlam, support, (alamba) . 
sts. samal, wherewithal, (sambala) . 

simalu, cotton tree, (simbala-) . 

-mbh- ; kum> temple, (kumbha). 

kuhum, the yellow of an egg, (kiisumbha) . 

tham, pillar, (stambha) . 
-mr- ; dm, mango, (&mba, amra) . 

tarn, copper, (t&mba, tamra). 
-rm- : gham, sweat, (gharma) . 

kdm } work, (karma-) . 

hdmi, yawning, (harman-) . 
-sm-; -hm- > M.I.A. -m/i- : 

um, warmth, (asma-) . 

bdmun y a Brahmin, (brahmajia). 

473. In future personal affix -m. -im, for -b, -ib, (e.g. 
j5m, I shaD go; Jcarhn, I shall do, etc.) there is s change 
of intervocal -b- to -m- through an open nasal (~u">) stage. 
The forms in E. As. are -bo, -ibb. 

There are similar changes in dialectical Bengali and in 
early Oriya ; Cf. karimu, karim ; 0. dekhimi ~ dekhibi, I 
shall see (Cf. O.D.B.L., pp. 531. 532). 

The Semi-Vowels (Y and V) . 

474. Single initial y-, v-, have both in tbJi, and ts. words 
acquired the values of > and b- in pronunciation. In the case 
of y», the z- sound is often shewn by the letter for j (§. 425); 


but even when it is not shewn, initial y- is always pronounced 
as z- e.g. 

yot (Pron. zot), tying rope, (yoktra). 

yadi (Pron. zadi), if ; yam (Pron. zam), the god of death, 
(Yama) . 

Dr. Turner reads As. u\, white-ant ; dcil, ud, Pali uJcd 
together and connects them all with Skt. yuka, a louse, with- 
out the initial consonant (N.D. p. 220 under " jumro ") . In 
that case, ui would be the only case in As. which shews the 
elision of initial y-. In this connection non- Aryan Austr. yui, 
fly ; Khas. u wieh, worm ; may be considered. The desi form 
may hot have anything to do with Skt. yuka and may belong 
to some non-Aryan source. 

The letter for b is used to indicate the sounds of O.I.A. 
v- t b- initially and they are both pronounced as b-. 
Assamese has devised a letter 3 to indicate the w- glide 
and also to indicate the sound of O.I.A. intervocal -u- in ts. 
words. (§. 105) . 

Except in O.I.A. sound-group -aya- which in genuine tbh. 
words becomes -e- (Cf. tera. thirteen; trayoda&a), single 
intervocal -y- does not admit of any separate treatment in 
Assamese. The letter for -y- is pronounced as a glide sound. 
For varied treatment of -1/- both original and resultant in 
contact with other vowels (Cf. §§. 239, b, c ; 248) . 

M.I.A. single intervocal -v- representing O.I.A. -t> and 
-p-, is softened to -10-. and it is then treated as a vowel in" 
contact. It is either absorbed into the previous vowel or 
remains a mere glide sound. (Cf. §§. 237, 237c, 246, 247„, 
247a) . 

475. O.I.A. -yy- > M.I.A. *-yy-, -jj- > -j- in Assamese ; 
e.g. puj, pus, (*puyya, puya), bhfltija, brother's son, nephew, 

(*bhratriyya, bhrdtriya). About doubtful cases of MIA. 
(Mg.) -w- > As. -1/- ; (Cf. §. 414). 

476. M.I.A. -VV- (< O.I.A. -rtv; -vy-) has a two- 
fold treatment in Assamese according as -vt?- represents 

ASSAMESE (tf, 0b, v, *W 215 

O.I. A. -rv- or -vy-. The O.I. A. sound group -n>- > M.LA. 
* -bb- > -b in Assamese ; e.g. dab, handle of a knife, (darva) ; 
pab, joint, (parvan); dubari, bent-grass, (durva-); cobd, 
chewing, (carva-) ; sab, all, (sarva) ; pub, east, (ptZrua)* 

But M.LA. -vv- representing O.I.A. -vy- or doubling 
of -v- becomes -v- > -10-, and is written and pronounced as 
a glide; e.g. siye, sews, (siuvai, sivyati) • soice, sleeps, 
(swi?i?oi) ; dhowe, washes, (dJmvwiz); deo, stride, (Cf. 
divvai) . 

The two-fold development of O.I.A. -rv-; -w/- into -b-, 
and -?> seems to have counterparts in early ind late M.LA. 
(Ap.). Sastri lays down that in Pali -rv- > -bb- (Pali 
prakasa, p. 10) and he quotes sabba (sarva), nibbana (nir- 
vana) . Inflate M.I. A. (Ap.) both -vv- and -bb- are noti- 
ceable for O.I.A. -rv- ; (Cf. aniwa, pabba : Pk 4 -. -Hindi Dic- 
tionary). As against these. Dr. Blooh has noted -v- develop- 
ment of -rv- in Marathi (F.L.M. S 155). This difference in 
treatment may be supposed to point to some dialectical varia- 
tions in M.I. A. times. As. and Bg. have however b- 
treatment of M.LA. -vv- ( < -rv-) . 

All. Conversely, -vy- (in O.I.A. -tavya) > M.LA. -vv- 
> As. and Bg. 0. Bih. -b-. through an earlier * -bb- : where- 
as Western languages have -v- The change of -vv- ( -tavya) 
to -b- in Eastern dialects is not accounted for. 

In tss. after consonants -y undergoes epenthesis (§. 287a) 
and -v has a w- sound, e.g. svada > *swada > sis. sowad. 
taste. The w- articulation of -r- is heard in sounds like 
biswax (visvasa) . 

Assamese (d, dh. r, rh). 

478. The alveolar pronunciation of the cerebral stops 
has already been referred to. Initially d, dh are pronounced 
as d, dh. But intervocally " d, dh have a liquid pronunciation 
— that of the 'so-called cerebral r in all Indian languages, — 
Arypn or Dra vidian." Assamese, however, has lost the sound 
of cerebral r and no difference is observed in the sounds of r 


and dental r. In spelling also the letter corresponding to the 
sound of r (dental) is used both for r and r 

The sound of -cfo- > -r h remains m Assamese. 
The Source of p. 

479. Initially d- represents 

O.I.A. d-;e.g. 

dald. a flat bamboo tray, (dalaka-) . 

diww. egg, (dimba-) . 

toifca. wing, (Cf. M.I.A. \/dev: O.I.A. V<ft 

to fly) . 
dekcri, a young woman. {(Vkkarh also dikkari) , 
dol. a rope, (dora) . 
O.I.A. d- ; e.g. 

d&fc, a gnat, (dansa) . 
sts. dar. punishment, (davda) . 
deuri, threshold, (dehali) . 
dubari, dubari, bcnt-r>rn^\ (durvd-) . 
dath, an elephant goad ; 
also datha. stalk, (dahstm) . 
dar, fear, (dara) 

dab, the handle of a knife, (darva) . 
dal, H. dar, a branch, (danda ; desi, dala) . 
dflliw. a pomegranate, (dddimba) , 
dirai, in an exaggerated manner. Cf. E. As. tferht, 

exaggeration : (drdha ; \ ; drh. to increase) . 
dake, bites, (danksyati) . 
dr- ; dorjga, a puddle, a canoe made of plantain sheath 
(M.I. A. do)\gl. a small betel-box connected with 

Skt. drona, M.I. A. donla, a canoe, T.). 
dawar, cloud, (drdva 4- -ta ; Cf. O.I.A. drorui, 

a cloud) . 

480. Medially and finally, M.I.A. -d- > N.I.A. -T-, As. -r, 
comes from 

O.I A -t- ; e.g. 

Jcur, perfume; Cf. tel-kur, (kuta) . 

kurmd, relative, (kutumba-) . 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 

ASSAMESfc (4 fo r, rW Ml? 

Jcdpor, cloth, (fcarpafa) . 

cir)gard, a water-fruit, (ci^gaja) . 

tar, bank, (tata) . 

phord, a boil, (sphota). 

ward, stubble, (nafa-) . 

ar, screen, {apati, a curtain) . 
O.I.A. -d- > -r- > -r- ; 

gur, molasses, (guda) . 

juruld, worn-out, (V jud, to reduce to powder) . 

ndri, pulse, (nadika) . 

barahi, fish-hook, (badisa-) . 

dura, a tortoise, (dudi-). 
~dd- ; e.g. itre, flies up, (uddayate) . 

laru, ball of sweetmeat, (ladduka) . 
-dy- ; e.g. jar, cold, (jddya) . 

pere, presses, as oil out of seeds, (pidyate) . 
-dr- ; or a kind of flower, (odra) . 

bar, great, (vadra) . 

b/ierd, a ram, (bhedra) . 
-nU : barala, a bachelor, (vantala- <-vruta -f ) . 
-nd- : e.g. fcar, arrow, (Jcdrida). 

/urn, a pot, (blidjida-) . 

era, castor-oil plant, (eranda-). 

gurd, powder, (gwjda-). 

mura. log, trunk, (7?iunda. lopped, shaved, T.). 
-ndr- : pura, sugar-cane of the red variety, (pnndra) . 
t- (dental) > -t- in M.I.A. > -d- > -r- : 

murd, a wicker-work stool, {muta, a woven basket, 

pare, falls, (patati) . 

phor, a stich at long spaces, (prota) . 

dmard, a kind of sour fruit, (dmrdtaka) . 

phdri))g, a grass hopper, (pata)\ga > phadiijga). 
-d- : paruwd. a creeping insect, (pada > * pacjxi-) . 

ural. mortar, (udukhala). 
dd- (dental) : e.g. urah, a bug, (uddansa) . 
-dr- : e.g. khura, uncle, (ksudra -f tata) . 
-nd-; e.g. ardi, erdl, a tether, (anda+la). 

sardh, tongs, {sandansa) . 



driyd, a torch, (Cf. andikd, a fire-place), 
khtiru, bracelet, (D. khwn4ua ; also khaddua Cf. Skt. 
kanduka) . 
-ft- : gam, a hole, precipice, (M.I.A. gadd&t garta) . 
-rci- : kari, a cowrie, (kaparda) . 

tdru, a ladle, (tardu- > M.I.A. ::: taddti-). 
niray, weeds off, (mrddpayati, \/^ ' to cut). 
marc, kneads, as flour, (mardati > maddai) . 
(?)-st-: > M.I.A. -ttfc>-dd-; 

herd, fence, enclosure, (vesta > M.I.A. vcdda-) . 
•sth- : har, bone, (Skt. hadda) . Dr. Bloch suggests 
connection with asthi-, p. 425) . 

The Sources of DH. 

481. Initially dh- comes from 

O.I.A. dh- ; e.g. dhuki (in dfmki-poiud, be accessible) 

(\/^ lfl i^ M.I.A. cjihukkai) . 
M.I.A. d/i- ; d/idlc, pours, moulds, (M.I.A. dltiilai, 
throws down) . 
dhale, leans, (M.I.A. dhafai, drops, ialL>) . 
O.I.A. $- ; d/mrid, a globular mass (? \ dnno/i, to accu- 
mulate) . 
dhima, slow, languid, (? dimbha, a block-head). 
dhord. a kind of non-poisonous snake, (dundubha) . 
d/i-; (dental), 

dfum, a bamboo mat ; <jihdl, a shield, (perhaps connec- 
ted with \/ dhd, to hold. cf. dhaka, a receptacle, 
dkdni, a seat). 
dhau, wave, ( ? d/urua + Jcu ; \/ dhu, to shake, 

tremble) . 
Bg. and 0. dheu<dhm>a->*dhaj/a->*d/ie- r u (-u/ca) 

Cf. dhum, a river. 
d/ield, pale, (dhavala > * dhayala > * dJiat/al<x) . 
dfioJcd, a prop, support, (dkdka > M.I.A. * (piakka) . 
dfcuJcd, to be exhausted, to die (\/ dhuk$> to 

be weary) . 
(jihbhe, pulls by force, (dfirsyale) . 
dhake, covers, (D. y/ dharjk) . 


dh&t, dhar (-kdpaliyd), unfortunate, (dhrsta). 
dhide,' swings, oscillates, (an extension of ? V dhu, 

to shake) . 
-cDto-; sts. dhak, rumour, (\/ dhvarfa, to sound). 
dheker, Bg. dhekur, sound of belching ; 
dherekani, thunder; all these seem to be semanti- 

cally connected with desi, dhirjkka. 

482. Medially and finally -cto- > -rh- > oiien -r-, is 
derived from 

O.I.A. -tfi- ; par?ie, reads, (pathati) . 
-dh- ; darhai, firmly, (drdha-) . 
-nd- ; (By aspiration) ; kurh, deep water, (kunda) . 
-st-; -slh-; early M.I.A. -ffh->late M.I.A. -idh- ; 
e\g. kar/ia, snatching away, (krsta) . 
berha, herd, fence, (vesta-) . 
•ddh- (dental) : burha, old, (vrddlia) . 
-rd/i- (dental) : bdrhani, broom-stick, (uardhaniJcd) . 
barhai, carpenter, (vardhaki) . 
drhoC two and a half, (less than three by half) 
(ardha + trtiya) . 
In the following -dh- > r^ > " r - : 
O.I.A. -th- ; pm\ a section in genealogy, (pithifcd). 

pird, a stool, (pltha+). 
-dhr- ; raer, a r^m, (mcdhra) . 

-st- ; seruwti, (E.As. serhtoud), too much attached to 
wife (seddha- < sUsta-, P.). 
Jerutbd (E.As. lerhwiud), having big lips, (lestvka > 
leddukka. P.). 
-dh- ; (dental) : dri, pledge, deposit, (ddht-, Pischel) 

The Liquids (r, I). 

483. The liquids are alveolar sounds in Assamese. 
There is no difference between r and r in Assamese, both 
being pronounced as alveolars. 

It has been found that there were at least three dialects 
which as early as the Rg.-Veda differed in their treatment of 
I;E. r and I. One distinguished r and I, the second confused 
them as r and the third confused them as I. (Wackernagel, 


§. 129: Turner: Gujarati Phonology, J.R.A.S., 1921, p. 517). 
The Pracya or Eastern O.I. A., the source of Magadhi and 
the modern Magadhan speeches, was an (I) dialect. Sanskrit 
shews its composite character as a literary language in its 
(r) and (I) words occurring side by side (O.D.B.L. §. 291). 

Assamese as a Magadhan dialect ought to shew only 
one sound representing the Magadhi single liquid (I). But 
Assamese has both r and I in tbhs. There is, however, a 
greater predominance of the change of r to [ than of I to r 
as shewn in the following tables of change. 

484. Intervocal r is dropped in a few tbh and ts. words. 
This is, however, a characteristic of modern Assamese. 

kqi, than, for kari, a conjunctive participle used in com- 
parison . 

ghcuni, wife, the mistress of a house. E.As. gharinl, 
* garhinilcd. 
sts. dpaltd. immature (aparhiala > *aparinta) . 
sts. pqinat, skilled, (parinata) . 

sts. haital yellow orpiment, also a kind of pigeon, 
(haritala) . 
caitdi four ; (carita) . 
era, castor-oil plant, (eratida-) . 

485. There is dropping of I in habiyah. longing, < 
habilfis, O.I. A. abhilasa. 

kai-lai, by to-morrow, for kali-lm. 

The sources of R. 

486. Initially -r, comes from 
O.I. A. r- : rol. noise, tumult, (M.I. A. rol ; O.I.A. rava-f 

sts. rdghd, a big fish, (rdghava) . 

sts. roJc, cash-money, (rofea). 

rdjahuwd, pertaining to all; common, (rdjj/a+sa-). 

r&uci, loud scream, (ruva+tya). 

raraiya, refreshing, mild, (rasa-f rasi/ca-) . 



487. In the interior of words, -r- represents O.I.A. -r- ; 
am, and, (apara-, avara-). 

care, grazes, (carati), 
-I- : pipard, ant, (pzpzia-)-). 

pari, row, (pdii-). 
sis. negur, tail, (languid). 

For -r- representing M.I.A. interior -d- and -d/i-, (cf. §§ 
480, 482). 

488. In the numerals bi-r-dci, eighty-two, (dvi+asiti) ; 
bi-r-dnnabbai, ninety-two, (dv\-\-navati) ; ni-r-annabbai, 
ninety-nine, (nava+navati) etc. an euphonic -r- intrudes to 
prevent hiatus. 

The Sources of L. 

489. Initially, f- comes from 

O.I A. I- : laga, bail, surety, (\agna-\-- ) . 

sis, lakaci. a young bamboo twig, (laka 4- fl/a) . 

Idnt, a ball of sweetmeat, (laddu- < ?). 

Jaginca, n close attendant, {Uigiia-). 

lal. saliva, (laid) . 
n- : lagun, the sacred thread of Brahmins, (nava+guna) . 

leu, indulgence, (ndtha. * nathikd, help, refuge). 

lay, nature, conduct, E.As. naya. (naya) . 
r- ; lai, a vegetable like black mustard, (rdiifrd) . 

lec/wlri, a long row or line, (rathya-) . 

leju, rope, (rajjw) . 
Of desl origin are lad, lada, ordure voided by animals, 
(D. laddi). 

litzkdi, an obsequious follower (D. littia, flattery). 

490. In the interior of words, -/- comes from O.I.A. -t- : 
ugliale. uproots, (udghdtayati) . 

baral hornet, (varata ; M.I.A. varola) . 
-d-: nihal fetters, (nigad a) — with the development of 
-h- glide. 


rial, reeds, (na$a : nata) , 

Jcol, lap, (kroda) . 

sold, sixteen, (so<jiasa) . 

dalim, pomegranate, (dadimba) . 
-d- : (dental), \/mal, to squeeze, (\/mrad). 

\/ omal, to sport, (un-\/ mrad) . 
-dr- > M.I.A. -dd- ; bhal, good, (bhadra) . 

khul-sal wife's brother, brother-in-law, (?cswdra-+ 
-rdr- ; dia-(cchd), unboiled rice, (ardra, *ardla > aUa, T.). 
-r- : hdladhi ; turmeric, (Jidridra-). 

saldl, crafty, (sara/o). 

bhhraJ. hoard, (bhandacjara) . 

thaliya, pouch, bag, (*far -i-, cf. M.I.A. janathala-, 

yanastara-) . 
-TTi- : boh colour, (? varna) . 

ghoh whey, (ghola < ghilnia). 

ghuli, stagnant pool of water, (ghurnika). 

ugid- (thugul). restlessness, (udgimia). 
-rd- : chal b?rk, (chal/i-X chardis). 
-ry- : paid, turn, (parydya). 

pale?]g. couch, (pan/ai|ka). 

palat. turned down, (paryasta) . 
-rh- : gali, abuse, (garhd-) . 

al, attendance, (arha) . 
-U : sil, stone, (sila). 

ULr\gal plough, (latjgala). 

ural, mortar, (udukhala) . 

thalt, a big vessel, (stkalika). 
-ly- : sel, dart, (salya). 

mol, worth, (mulya). 

kuld, winnowing fan, (kulyaka-). 
-IU : kerela, a vegetable fruit, (karavella-) . 

did, kite, (cilia-). 

kala, deaf, (kalla-) . 

gal cheek, (galla). 

ulah, gaiety, (ulldaa) . 
-Iv- bel, a fruit, (bilva) . 


491. There are instances of interchange between n and 
I in initial positions. Instances of change of I to n are, how- 
ever, not too many in Assamese. Even the few that occur 
are found exclusively in the St. coll. 

In the Kamrupi dialect n- forms are rare. This change 
does not seem to take place in non-initial positions . 

The Sibilants. 

492. The O.I. A. sibilants have lost their distinctive 
sounds in Assamese. They are all pronounced as guttural 
spirants both in initial and medial positions, even though, in 
medial positions, a soft kh sound is heard. The distinction, 
however, is so slight that their sounds in all positions in a 
word may be represented by (x) . Thus tss. sakala, saru, are 
As. xakal, xaru; tbhs. stkali, sol, are As. xikali, xol, etc. 

493. In the compounds in tss. the sibilants are pro- 
nounced as dental (s) ; e.g. sastra. krsTia, dusta, etc., would 
be pronounced as xdstra, knsna, dusta, etc. 

When, however, r precedes, the x- sound is retained ; 
Cf. darsanu, pron. darxaa ; harsa, pron. harxa. When com- 
pounded with -i/, their sound approximates that of s ; Cf. sisya 
pron. xisya ; sasya pron. xasya. 

494. In tbh. words in modern Assamese, the sibilants 
whether original or resultant from the simplification of con- 
sonant groups are generally reduced to (h) intervocally and 
finally, e.g. snh, lead, (slsa-) . 

mah, gnat, (masa-) 

bih, poison, (visa-) ; sdh, kernel, (sasya) 
ahat, a kind of tree, (asvattha-) 

This wholesale change of non-initial sibilants to (h) 
belongs to modern times. 

In early Assamese, they often appeared as (s) . 
Cf. kqisani, when ; Mod. As. knhnn,: kisa. why ; Mid. As. kiha ; 
Mod. As. kiyd. 

sasufy father-in-law ; sdsu, mother-in-law, Mod. As. sahur, 


495. In initial positions, the sibilants hardly change 
'to h. In the plural affix -hat (santa), the change was due to 

the position of the suffix in early Assamese after numerals 
and oblique forms of pronouns, which position was an interior 
one : Cf. dui-kanta, tini-lianta, (§. 624) . 

Thus, it would appear that the original MagadhI value 
s of the sibilants is not retained in Assamese. The Assamese 
change of the non-initial sibilants to h seems to be a local 
phenomenon and does not seem to have any connection with 
the change of the O.I. A. sibilants to h in M.I. A. 

496. In a few words the upper-Indian pronunciation 
of s as kh has been kept up. In these words s appears in 
spelling where kh was phonologically due. Ci. /cd,s pron. 
kakh, side, (kaksa). pas pron. pakh, fortnight, (paksa) . 
In one word s appears initially for kh, where however, it 
has now acquired the sound of x. Cf. set-kapard pron. 
xet-kapara, a medicinal herb, (ksctra-parpata-) . 

As noted above (under Palatals), the only sibilant sound 
(s) in Assamese is represented in spelling by c\ ch ; and in 
borrowed words retaining the sibilant sound, it is represented 
by c, ch ; Cf. eamu for * samu. straight, (sanviukJia) ; cam- 
bhale for * sambliale . takes care of, (sambharayatt) ; bate 
(also spelt bais) twenty-two. The change of s to ch in words 
like chab, young one, (sava-) ; c/iae, six, (snt-) is 
pre- Assamese . 

The Sources of X. 
497. Initially x- represents 


s- ; 6'0?, a fish, (sakula) . 

sewal, moss, (saivdla) . 

sa, dead body, (sava) . 

sui]g> awn of a corn, (sii)]ga). 
sy- ; sdo, black, (sycima) . 

sen, hawk, (syena) . 
sv- ; sts. seta, pale, (kveta) . 

sahur, father-in-law, (svasura). 


sr- ; sdon, a month, (imvana) . 

8- ; sewat, a pot for draining off water, (seka -f- patra) . 

samdr, second ploughing, (samba + Izdra) . 

sad, the bark of aloe wood used for writing, 
(sanca-) . 

sat]gor, yoking together, (samghata) . 
SV' : sts. sowad, taste, (svada) . 
sr~ : sol, stream, (srota-) . 
si- : servioa, attached to wife, (slista > M.I. A. seddha, 


The Voiced Glottal Fricative (\). 

498. Assamese (\) is a voiced sound as in O.I. A. 
The initial ft- of O.I.A. has been generally preserved in 
Assamese as in other N.I. A. languages. Intervocal (ft) of 
O.I.A. is a derived sound, having been weakened from Indo- 
Iranian jh, zh and also partly from dft, bft (Macdonell, 
pp. 50 et. seq ; O.D.B.L. §. 302). In second M.I.A., single 
intervocal voiced aspirates except dh became (ft) and this 
(ft) converged with the O.I.A. (ft) . In early Assamese, 
this medial (ft) continued unaltered, but in modern Assamese, 
this has mostly dropped off. 

Except in a few words shewn in the table of consonantal 
change under (ft), intervocal (ft) in Assamese is largely 
derived from sibilants and their compounds, and this is quite 
a modern phenomenon. The intervocal (ft) derived from 
changes of . 1 . A . sibilants into M . I . A . (ft ) , has been mostly 
elided . 

499. O.I.A. intervocal -ft- is generally lost in modern 

e.g. kuwalu fog, (kuhelika) . 
bay, flows, (vahati). 
gtt, obduracy, (graha). 
plural affix -bor, (bahv Mc). 


500. The retention O.I. A. intervocal At- is noticed in 
a few instances, when it is followed by another -Ji- sound, 
generally resultant, one of which is then dropped by haplo- 
logy. (§. 380) . 

e.g. sah, boldness, (sahasa > * sahaha) 
Cf. sts. form xahax. 

mahari, a mosquito-curtain, (masa + * harika > 

*maha -f haria). 
lohord, an iron-vessel, (lauha-bhanda- > Hoha- 
handa-) . 

501. Loss of M.LA. intervocal -h-< 

O.I.A. -kh- ; siyar, root, (sikhara) . 

-muwa< as the second member of a compound indicating 
direction, facing, e.g. ghar-mmba. facing home, (-mufclia-) , 

O.I.A. -gh : athdu deep, fathomless, (astagha*). 
-th- ; kay, speaks, (kathayati) . 
E.As. tay, there, (taha, tatlw) . 
-dh- ; bait, (uadhil-). 

dm, curd, (dadhi-) . 
-ph- ; sewali. a flower plant, (seplvalika) . 
-bh- lay, takes, (iabhafe). 

suxcdg, affection, good-luck, ( sou bJidg jya ) . 

puwa, dawn, (prabhata) . 
, ♦ 

502. M.LA. -h- from O.I.A. sibilants and their conjuncts 
is lost in modem Assamese 

e.g. egara. eleven, (ekadasa) . 
bara, twelve, (dvadasa) . 

Oblique td- (taha, tasya). 

teo, he, (nom.), (te/ia, tesam). 
loc. affix, -hi, hi, (smin) > i, i. 

There are instances also of a M.I. A. -s- (-s-) > early 
Assamese -h-, being lost in modern Assamese ; e.g. M.LA. 
aisa- kaisa-, jaisa- > early Assamese ehna, fcehna, jefma, 
> modern Assamese ene, Jcene, jene ; M.LA. kissa (ki&to) 
why, > E. As. kisa, Jciha, > modern Assamese kiy&. 

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In 8t88. like usah (ut-svasa), ni&ah (nihivasa), the elision 
of '£' through an intermediate -h- stage belongs to the modern 
period, e.g. 

usah > *uhdh > Mod. As. uwah. 

nisah > *nihah > Mod. As. niyah. 

The Sources of H. 

503. Initially h- comes from 
O.LA. h- ; hdmi, yawning, (harman-) . 

had, sneezing, (hanp-) . 

hiya, heart, (hrdaya-) . 

hat, hand, (hasta) . 
s- ; (dental) : -hat, a pi. suffix, (-santa) . 
bh- : hay, is, (bhauati). 

Jian, a pot, (bhanda*) . 
By initial aspiration of vowels : — 
sts. hdbildsy longing, (abhildsa) . 
sts. hakul-bikul, flurry, (dkul + vyakul) . 

har, bone, (/io$$a: ? asthi). Cf. Bg. hafu, a knee, 
(asf/wvat) . 

504. In the interior of words, -fc- represents 
O.LA. -ks; id, Zd/id, lac, (ZdJcsd-). 

kahur, rivalry, competition, (kaksd-). 
-kh* : reh, beauty, (re/cjid) . 
~gh- : lehuka, flexible," (laghu) . 

-ph- : siJid, wick of a lamp, (sipte,' contam. with sikhA*). 
-bh' : bihan, day-break, (vibhana) . 

gahin, deep, (gabhu Cf. gabhlra) . 
O.LA. -i- ; -s- ; -s- : 

Jcdfi, cough, (kasa) . 

sfih, lead, (sisa) . 

7id/ii, the hooked point of cutting instrument, 

dhahe, falls off, (dhvasati) . 

iiku, porpoise, (siiufca) . 

6ah&, hare, (iaiofco) . 

w4k, gnat, (maiaka) . 


bih, poison, (trifa). 

A£A, inner pulp of a fruit, (ko§a) . 
O.I.A. -ni-, -ns, -nst/- > ~A. 

aA, fibre, (a?iiw) . 

Jca\ bell-metal, (kdnsya), 

urah, bug, (uddansa) . 

dah, gnat, (dariia). 

JiaTi, goose, (hansa). 
O.I.A. -rs ; sts. arhi. pattern, (adarsika) . 
-rs- : cdfo, tilth (? cars=\/k?*s) . 

si/i^ ear of corn, (sirsa-) . 
-sr- ; mihali, mixed, (misra -\- la-) . 

sahu, mother-in-law, (* svasrukd) . 
•sv- : parahi, day before yesterday, (parasvah-) . 
-$y- ; manuh, munih, (manusya) . 

dhohe. draws out in a disorderly manner, (dhrsyate). 
*sm- ; pdhare, forgets, (prasmarati) . 
-si/- ; elah, laziness, (alasya) . 

sdh, kernel, (sasya) . 
'SV- ; gohai. (gosvamin-) . 
-sr- ; nihani, boiled rice-water, (nisravana*) . 



505. Barring dialectical variations, the formative affixes 
of Assamese fall almost in a line with those of Western 
Bihar! and Bengali as discussed by Drs. Hoernle and 
Chatterji. Hoernle's division of the affixes into pleonastic 
and derivative has been avoided here as the same affix has 
often a pleonastic and a derivative function. In Assamese 
there are some new formatives which have been marked out 
as being specifically Assamese under respective headings. 
They are often made up of whole words which might have 
served as second members of compounds in O.I.A. By 
frequency of employment in an entire category of words, 
they have acquired the value of derivatives in Assamese. 

The derivatives have been presented in a rough alpha- 
betical order. 

Only the tbh. suffixes have been considered with the 
exception of sts. -tali (§. 570), which has been included 
because of its invariable uses after words indicating grains, to 
denote fields where they are cultivated. 


506. -*-; 

This represents the primary affixes of O.I. A. masculine, 
feminine and neuter nouns in -ah ; -a ; and -as and -am, 
respectively ; e.g. gachd, tree, (gacchah) ; rekl, posture ; 
(rekha) ; monrf. mind, (manas) ; dhant, wealth ; (dhanam) . 

This represents also the simple verbal roots used as 
abstract nouns; e.g. ciartf, punishment, pdtot, maturity. In 
mdr* &r% ominous prosperity, mart has an adjectival sense. 


507. -d; 

It is derived from O.I.A. and M.IA sound groups -atd*, 
*abd ; e.g. pala, a bamboo basket for catching fish. 

ffl xn. mmmaum 

(palava > pakM) . 
P&T&, pigeon, (pdrtfimta). 
(jfldAd. ass f (gardabha, gaddaha). 
kdcha, tortoise, (kacchapa > kacchawa) . 
epjdrd, eleven, (M.I. A. sfs. egwira/id) etc. 


508. -fl/r ; 

A secondary affix found in a few words used adjectively : 
e.g. budhiyak, clever, (budd/n) ; khetiyak. a cultivator. Cf. 
hheti, cultivation, (ksetra-) ; phandiyak, tricky ; cf. phandi, 
a trick, (prabandha-) . This affix is derived from O.I.A. 
-aka > M.I.A. -akka ; the -t/- in phandi-y-ak, etc. being eupho- 


509. -o&3 : fem. -of 7 : (§ 272n). A primary affix forming 
agentive nouns and adjectives. Derived from M.I.A. Pres. 
Participial affix -n??fo > ata- ] ~a definitive (§ 523) > -ata > 

karota, doer, (\/kar) . fem. karati (§§ 272a, 272b). 
laota. receiver. <V/fl). fem. lawafi, latl 

So also khabta. eater ; diota, giver ; d/iofa, washer ; 
sunotd, hearer etc. 

In Early Assamese, this affix occurs in the form -anta : 
e.g. sunanta : khuwanta etc. 


510. -ati< -ti. Forms abstract nouns of action or manner: 
e.g. khajuwati, itching, (denom. \/kha juwa) . 

bharelti, filling up, (As. \/bhar) . 

cal&ti, currency, (As. \/cal). 

manti, approval. (As. \/mdn.) . 

jaltfti, brilliance : ganti, counting (\/gan) . 

purati, filling up etc. 

Hoernle (§ 325) derives this affix from O.I.A. *&ptik& 
from the causative affix -dp4-ti-4-Dleon. -fed. Dr. Chatter ji 
derives it (O.D.B.L. § 398) from the Pres. participle in anta + 


abstract -i, -i (§ 544). Hoernle's derivation which is phonetic- 
ally untenable does not suggest the adjectival senses in which 
words formed by this affix are often used ; e.g. caUti hatha, 
. current words ; bdrhdti panl, increasing water, etc., which Dr. 
Chatterji's suggestion about the Pres. participial origin of 
this affix does ; this affix should therefore be affiliated to Pres. 
participle in -anta. The nominal sense is suggested by the 
abstract -k 

511. -ati (anti) ; -ail ; -tz, -ti, also -ta, -ta. 

All these form nouns m varied senses and also in the 
feminine gender, with the feminine -i } -d. Derived from O.I. A. 
-vant plus -ika, -ilza, -oka etc. e.g. 

urat, thigh, (uru-{-vant : cf. asthi-vant, knee). 

uccat, high, (ucca-f -) . 

tirota, woman, (strl) cf. tir~mat (Siripuria, Purnea). 

sarbati-kal, all times (sarva+ -) . 

bareti, bareoti-kal, often tunes, (vara-^iwnt-j-ika) . 

kftratij a milch cow, (kfira -f- cant-) . Might as well be a 
sts. < kfiravatl. 
sts. namatl, a female chorister, (nama- -j- -) . 

phulati, phulantl, a woman skilled in embroidery. 

lahatl, a foppish woman, (lasa -f ). 

rowati, a piece of land prepared for transplantation of 
seedlings, (ropa 4- vaM -(-). 

dhaiiti, earnest desire, (dhaua -|- -). 

h&ciyati, a medicinal herb exciting sneezing, (hanji +)• 

mdkhiyatly a kind of shrub the twigs of which are used 
to drive flies from the cows. 

lajeti, sensitive plant, (lajjd -f- -) . 

sakhiyafi, a kind of songster bird etc. 

In early Assamese this affix occurs both as -ati, and -anti, 
e.g. mitrawati, friendship, (mitra), samayanti, agreement 
(samaya) . In modern Assamese, -anti- is preserved in atanti- 
(in fijtantit/ar, one having enough and to spare) < afta, excess 
+ «ant-. Early As. preserves one example of the change of 
-vant to wilt : e.g. murchiterd wate, like one in fits (§ 699) . 


* u> 

512. -afiyd ; -atiyar, -atiyal. 

These are extensions of the previous affix with the addi- 
tion of Assamese -iya, -iya -f ra, -iya + la < O.LA, -ika + 
-dka -f ra, (la) ; e.g. 

alatlyd, delicate, (arte -f vanU) . 
ddhatiya, half burnt piece of wood, (ardha -j- -). 
puwatiya, puwdti, belonging to the morning, (prabftdta) . 
pakatlyd, a kind of big boil, (pakva). 
shcatiyd, hoarded, (as wealth), (sahcaya) . 
berjgatiyd, a kind of snake, (vyai/ga, a frog). 
bdnatiyd, a land submerged under water, (vanyd). 
Itigatiyd, lagatiydl, needful, necessary, (lagna) . 
sftcatiydr, one who hoards. 

mdchatiydr, a fish-monger: expert in fishing (matsya-^ 
vant-) . 


513. -atiyd. A secondary afrix forming adjectives in a 
local sense. It seems to be specifically Assamese ; e.g. 

dgatiyd, also dgut, early, growing early, (agra) . 

sehatiyd, latest, isesa-). 

mdjaftydj middle, (madhya-) . 

talatiyd, subordinate, (tala-). 

jakatiyd, living in a flock, cf . As. jdk, a flock) . 

bahatiyd, a land tenant, (vasa-) . 

belegatiyd, living separately, (vi -f- lagna). 

bdpatlyd, ancestral, (vapra-) . 

This affix is derived from O.I A. -tra having a locative 
sense and added chiefly to pronominal stems, but also in some 
instances to ordinary nouns, e.g. devatrd, puruqatra etc. 
(Whitney § 1099, a), -tra -f tka - r a (As.). 


514. -an, with extensioas in (a) -and, (b) ~a?ii, (c) -am. 

-an. A primary living affix forming abstract verbal nouns 
and often indicating concrete objects. It is the same as O.LA. 
primary suffix -ana; e.g. khdwan, eating; piyan, drinking; 


bhagan, breaking; grajan, sprouting, also the vegetable king- 
dom (all that sprouts) . 

Similarly bur an, sinking, also aquatic animals ; uran, 
flying, also all that flies in the air ; phalan, a fruit-bearing 
(tree) ; katan, sharp (instrument) ; gayan, a singer; bayan, 
a player on a musical instrument. 


514a. -and. Extension of -an with the addition of defini- 
tive -d ( < -dka) to denote a connected object. In O.I.A. -ka 
is added in this sense ; e.g. kridanaka, a toy i.e., something 
connected with playing. Assamese examples are : 

bajand, a musical instrument. 

bindhana., a boring instrument. 

khundana, a mortar, As. \/khund. 

chepend, tongs, As. \Zchep, squeeze, press. 

chend, a cutting instrument, As. \/che. 

japand, a covering, As. Vjdp, cover. 


515. -ani. It was originally feminine in form, being 
derived from -ana + -ilea > ~ania > -ant > -ani. It no\y 
indicates a diminutive or petty aspect of the action or object. 
All grammatical connexion with the feminine form is now lost. 
When the feminine sense is emphasised, the form in -ant is 
used (see below), e.g. 

ujani, up-stream, As. Vujd. 

bujani, instruction, As. \/buj. 

jirani, resting, As. \/jird. 

jurani, a refreshing drug, As. \/jurd. 

patani, introduction, As. \/pdt. 

mmani, lower part, As. \/ndm. 

nowani, a ceremonial bathing, \/nowd (sndpa-). 

randhani, a cook etc. 

515a. -ant. The same as above. The ferninine form is 
preserved though the feminine sense is lost. Like -and dis- 
cussed above, -ant also denotes a connected object ; e.g. 


janani, advertisement. \/jan. 

barhani, broom-stick, cf. O.I.A. vardhanikd. 

dharani, a support. 

meant, a spindle. 

dhakani, the lid of a box. 

mathani, a churning stick. 

kdrhani, a ladle. 

The definitely feminine sense is often suggested when 
the connected object happens to be a female ; eg. 
rdndhani, a female cook. 
rowani, a female sower. (\/ ro, ropa- ) . 
ddwani, a female reaper, (\/ da, ddpa-) . 
barhani, a woman who arranges dishes, (\/barh.)) 
suwani, a beautiful woman. 

When, however, reference is to be made to 'the connec- 
ted person in general terms, without any implication of gender, 
the form in -ani is, employed ; e.g. rdndhanu ddwani, barhani 
suwani, etc. 

In this affix seems to be merged also causal verbal noun 
affix in -awani < -awam (preserved in a few E. As. loan 
words) ; e.g. suwani, a beautiful woman, E.As. suhdwani 

< O.I.A. *sobhdpanika ; pakanl < *pakovmnl < *pakdwani 

< * pakapanikd ; that which suppurates. The shortening of 
-a- to -a-, in -awani is due to strong initial stress. 

516. -ani. A secondary affix indicating " localities 
abounding with." It is derived from O.I.A. imnikd, a grove, 
a forest, >*vanid, *vani,>*vani, >-ani (Specifically Assam- 
ese) ; e.g. 

phulani, a flower-garden, (phulla -j- vanika) . 

dhdnani, a paddy-field, (dhanya -f- vanika) . 

dmani, a mango-grove, (dmra + - ) . 

mahani, a pulse-field, (masa -f - ) . 

bananiy a wilderness, (vana -f- - ) • 

nardni, a stubble-field, (rata > nada, nara, nara + -d 

definitive, + -ani.) 
$akani, a vegetable-garden (sdka ~f -) . 

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cuwa-patani, a place where leaves out of which food, is 
taken are thrown, (cyuta + -oka + patra + -vanika) . 

caparani, a field full of clods, (carpata + -) . 

bariyani, a hard and fallow land, (vatiha>* vadia, 
* van, vari + -ani) , etc . 


517. -ariiya (< -aniya) with extension in (a), -aniyar. 

A secondary affix forming adjectives indicating both 
persons and objects connected with the action of the verb. A 
compound affix made up of the verbal noun derivative in -an 
+ -tt/d, adjectival, (E. As. -iyd) , e.g. 

maganiya, a beggar ; also things obtained by begging, 
(\/mag) . 

hilarity a, a distributer : also things to be distributed. 
(V bila) . 

joganiya, a supplier : things to be supplied, (Vjogd) . 

jlyaniya, kept alive as fish. 

sacamya, one who hoards ; things hoarded. 

laganiyCu a tale-bearer : things spoken behind one's back, 

khojaiuya, a beggar • things obtained by begging, 

cukaniya, a lease-holder for a term : a piece of land sub- 
let for a term. Cf. Hmdi \/ cukana. 


517a. -aniyar : < -an -i- -iya. 4- -ara < -kara. Forms 
agentive nouns, e.g. 

sts. joganiyar, a supplier. 
maganiyar, a beggar. 
bhaganiyar, a fugitive, cf. Hindi \ bhdg. 
bhayaniyar, a spendthrift, (bha)]ga) 
cukaniyar, a lease-holder. 
sacaniyar, one who hoards. 
nacaniydr, a dancer. 
Tliis corresponds to Bihar i affix -amhdr, -anih&ra 
(Hoernle §. 318) . 


518. -ari, -art, -anyd, -uri. 

A secondary affix forming nouns and adjectives and in- 
dicating habit or some sort of connexion, e.g. 
tally ari, lying at the bottom, (tala- ) . 
dhuliyari, dusty, (dhuli-). 
lahari, graceful, (Zdsa-). 
phulari, flowering. 

dudari, having a milky juice as ears of corn, (dugdha-). 
bhalaru friendly, beneficent, (bhadra-) . 
lagari, a companion. 
satiyari, enmity, the feeling of a co-wife, (sapatni- > 

* savatvi-y * satti-) . 
duteri-pdteri, one bearing messages to and, fro and 

arranging matters between two parties. 
sts. saltan, a close companion, (sahita-) . 

sayantari, a close companion, (samanta-) . 

banari, a woman meeting her lover in some appointed 

place, (lit. forest) . 
lagariyd, samartyd, a companion. 
banariya, wild. 
sts. bhagariyd, a share-hold. r. 

This affix is related to O.I. A. -kara-, -* karika. There 
is an extension of -ariyd to stss. ajatariya, bijatariyd, degene- 

519 . -ariyd : -uri. 

A secondary affix added after verbal nouns in the sense 
of "used to", "skilled in", e.g. 

palariyd, a run-away, (As. V paid.) . 

khawariyd, a glutton, (As. \Jkha.) 

jujariyd, pugnacious, (As. \/juj.). 

This affix is connected with late O.I. A. derivative in 
-&fa (d drohdta, hunter ; varndta, painter ; dkarafa, cloud 
filled with rains; bhdvdta, an actor; vdcdfa, talker) > M.I. A. 
-fi$a, > -dra ; -dra -f -iyd,— ariyd > -ariyd. By vowel har- 
mony (-ara, > *-ara) + fern, -i, and abstract -i > -uri, -wi 


kha-uri, a voracious woman. 

pate-uri, a female run-away. 

sarjguri, work done collectively by neighbours without^ 
wages, (sa^gha-) . 

The word deurl, a temple-priest, is a compound of deva 
and * garha > ghara > * ham, with -t. The word mwariya 
has been connected with nau + vala (O.D.B.L. § 440) . 


520. -aruwd. 

This is a parallel formation to -ariya and is an extension 
of -dfa > -dra- > -dra with Assamese -uwa. e.g. 
batiiruwa, a way-farer, (uartma-) . 
Mtaruwd, one attending a fair, (hatta-) . 
bikaruwd, articles meant for sale, (vikraya-) . 
ddharuwa, half -finished, (ardha-) . 

In beheruwd, a tradesman, the -r- belongs to the root-word 
itself, being derived from vyavahara, trade. So also in sts. 
beperuwd connected with vydpdra. 


521. -dtj and extension in (a) -d>/d ; (b) -d)jg, (seems 
specifically Assamese) . 

These form a group of pleonastic affixes, the last two 
often betraying an adjectival sense when used with nouns. 
There seems to be convergence of O.I. A. a)jga, a subordinate, a 
non-essential part, and probably desi formatives like -rjka, 
-rjga, (kuta, kutaqka, kuUx^ga ; vdtiga, vdtix\ga; etc.); in the 
evolution of these suffixes, -a\\ga > -//g, -i], -dtjg. 

bipdk, bipd)}, an adverse turn. 

serefcd, sereijd, watery, tasteless. 

#Wcur, (j,erjur, fetters. 

fhokond, \horiowL y a blow on the cheek. 

Jdfym, tarjon, a cudgel . 

fabhak, fabharjy stupefaction. 

bhelekdy bhelerfo, foolish, (O.I. A. bhela), etc. 

Examples of ~d\\ final, ate ; 


celav\, celerj, a sheet of cloth thrown round the shoulder, 

(cela-) . 
mdrdi], pestilence, cf. Bengali, marak (mrta- > mada-). 
bailai], confused utterance of a delirious person (vdtula, 

bitai], distinct, separate, (vikia ; \/ vie) . 
bayai], separate, distinct. 
khoroi], the hole in a tree, (kroda-) . 
bhucui], an obsequious follower, ('.' blirtya-) . 

In rare instances, the final -ama of O.I. A. is reduced to 
-ar). e.g. uda) h free, uncovered. < O.I. A. uddama, free; un- 
restrained. (§. 461). 


521a. -ri?/d. An extension of the former with the addi- 
tion of -d, definitive, e.g. 

jalar)&, joloijd, a hole, a bag, (D. jhollid) . 

holo)]d, a sharp pointed pole, cf. Austr. halaug. lung piece 

of wood. 
hataqa, tall and stiff, (connected with /ia$di, bone) . 
lathaijd, stout, cf. Hindi, lath, a stick. 
tharar\d, stiff, cf. Hindi, tliddhd, erect, standing, (stabdha). 
poloijd, erect, straight, (pulaka) . 
lahai)d, luxuriant, (lasa) . 
jatharjd, stifl, (yasti) . 
urut]d, unsettled, cheerless, ci. As. \/ ur, to fly; etc . 


522. -d>;. (Connected with above) . A secondary affix 
forming adjectives from nouns, and original adjectives, con- 
veying. the sense of English " ly '' in adjectival formations like 
' kindly ' indicating some sort of connexion, " being of the 
nature of", e.g. 

fhirai], definite, (sthira-) . 
khararj, severe, hard, (khara-) . 
fardf], shallow, (tatar). 
corarj t secret, stealthy, (caura-) . 



523. -d. Definitive, connective, agentive, pleonastic. 
This affix is common to both Bengali and Assamese. Its 

varied implications have been summarised by Dr. Chatterji 
as follows. " It indicates definiteness ; it implies coarseness 
or biggishness in the object ; it means reference or connex- 
ion ; it forms agentive adjectives and frequently it is also 
pleonastic." (O.D.B.L. § 400). 

The source of this -d is the O.I. A. -oka, found in the 
adjective stems; (Vedic) asmaka. our, and yusrrwka, your (the 
compound stems being asma, yusma. Whitney, §. 493) . 

e.g. katid, blind, (kana); khora. lame, (khora) ; rdrjd ; red; 
(raiiga) ; 

pdrd, section of a village, (pataka 4- dka) . 
nara, stubble, (nata) . 
harina, a stag, (harwa) . 
kaila, a muzzle, (^kavlika -f- -aka) . 
cf. kait, a thorn. 

gacha, a lamp-stand, (ciaccha -f- ). 
cf. flfdch, a tree. 
khala, a site, (khala) . 
paid, a slab of stone, (patta) . 
cf. pat, a tablet 


524. -a ; passive participle and verbal noun affix. 

This affix is derived from the O.I. A. affix -ta, -ita > 
M.I. A. -a, -?a, plus the preceding pleonastic affix -d. The 
following examples illustrate the l»nc of development ; ydta> 
jaa,+a>*jftfl"^*Jfltrd > * jawa. > joica (the following -to- 
glide raising the preceding -d- to -o-.) (Cf. O.D.B.L. §. 401) . 

The -i- (in -ita) has been lost. The -d- affix thus obtain- 
ed was extended to all verbal roots, e.g. jn/d, living; \/jt; 
diyd, given, giving \/di, give; dhowa, washed, washing 
\Zdho f wash; etc. 




525. -d; temporal affix. 

Words indicating time like months, daj's, etc., often take 
on this affix to indicate the time of an action, e.g. 

si-dina, on that day. 

bhati held, in the afternoon. 

bhddd maha, in the month of Bhadra. 

This affix is found also in E.As. e.g. 

godhulikd, in the evening. 

drafcd, at another time. 

agrahan masa, in the month of Agrahayana. 

This -d is not an affix proper but the phonetic variation 
of . 1 . A . genitive case-ending -asya > * -assa > Mg . aha 


526. -d? ; *-ai > -aj. 

This forms abstract nouns from nouns and adjectives. It 
may be connected with O.I. A. -tati >M.I.A. * -fdi, > -dt. 
Dr. Chatterji traces it to the O.I.A. causative affix -dp-iJcu 
> -avid, -avia, -dirT, -di > -ai (O.D.B.L. g. 402). While 
this derivation may be true of the verbal noun affix <ii, which 
is absent in Assamese, the abstract ~di seems obviously to go 
back to O.I.A. -tdti. e.g. 

munisdi, manliness, (E. As. munisa < mammy a) . 

barai, greatness, cf. bar, great, (vadra) . 

tai, exaggeration, (taya~) . 

kardi, parched rice, cf. O.I.A. \ kadd, to be hard. 

alai, alai, misfortune, (ala) . 

bilai, bilqi, mishap. 

bojdt, weight, (vahya) . 

mithai, mithai. sweetness, sweetmeat, (mista) . 

gotai- in gotai-bor, all, (gotra-) . 

dpdi in dtdi-bor, all, (atta, excess) , etc . 

This affix corresponds to Bihari -dt, H. -at. Hoernle's 
derivation from -id + ifcd > -tdid > -dt seems hardly con- 



527. -di ; *-ai > -ai. A pleonastic affix added to nouns of 
relationship to express endearment. This suffix is the same 
as Bengali diminutive -di (0. D.B.L. § 403) connected with 
O.I.A. -d/ca+-ifca-, which corresponds also to Assamese -ai 
(•aJca-fika) . 

Examples of -di (shewing relationship). 
bopdi, my father, (vapra > vappa + ai) . 
sts. momai, my maternal uncle, (mama). 

tdwai, my father's equal (tata > tdwa + ai > ai) cf . O.I.A. 

dtdi, dtai, father, also a venerable person, (dtma-). 
dmqi, my mother's equal, (ambd > *ammd > ama + di, 

iethiyqi, husband's elder sister, (jyesthikd -j- -). 

It is often extended to proper names of persons to snew 
affection or close intimacy oo: contempt, e.g. 

Naddi for Nanda , Bhadai (Bhadra) . 


528. -ait : *-dit, > -ait. 

A denominative base with an active participial sense. 
O.I.A. denom. dya -f (y)itra(ka) > M.I.A. -da- + itta. In 
M.I.A., -itta is used both as a secondary and a primary affix. 
For its use as a primary affix after causative and denomina- 
tive roots (cf . Pischel § 600) . 

Dr. Chatterji derives -ait from O.I.A. -dp -\- ant- ; -dy- 
+ ant- > M.I.A. -duant-, dant- > ay want- > -ait (O.D.B.L. 
§ 404). But the connection of -ait with M.I.A. -d+-itta, is 
phonetically more correct. (As. to -ant-, cf. § 509) . 

Examples : — 

aghdit, a wicked person, (* aghdyitra-ka, cf. agha, sin). 

gabhdit, a secret abettor. (*garbhdyitra, cf. garbha). 

So also, fakait, a robber. 

sebdit, a temple-priest, (*set>ditra-). 

ui xn. MomowGY 

pancd-ity an assembly of five or more. 

pdfcajt, expert, skilled in, (pafom-). 
The examples of this affix are not many in Assamese. 
Dr. Chatterji connects podti (Assamese, powati) , a pregnant 
woman, recent mother, with *pod~iti (cf. M.I.A. -itlid) ; the 
reconstructed forms being *potd~yitrikd > M.I.A. *poaittid > 
*poditi, pod (i) ti, powati. 

This suffix corresponds to Biharl -ait (Hoemle. § 237). 

529. -an : with extensions ; (a) -*dm > -am, (b) *-dmya 
> -amyd. 

This affix obtains only in a few borrowed words from 
Bengali. It is not a purely Assamese formative. It has been 
traced to O.I.A. causative and denominative verbal noun in 
-dp-ana >M.I.A. -dib, yanay -aw/yana.y-ana, -an ; e.g. 
sts. jogdn, act of supplying, (yoga). 
„ cdldn, sending forward, (■■caiapana). 


529a. *-dni>-ant~d?t-f abstract or adjective -i (-ika). 
telani, act of adding condiments to a curry, (*taild~pana"j- 
hdtani, constantly handled, as a hand bag, ( '■ hastdpana-) . 


529b. *-d?m/d>-a?iii/d, denominative verbal noun in -drc + 
adj. ~iyd. e.g. muganhja. bright (of the colour oi Mugd-silk). 
sts. sakaniyd, green (of the colour of vegetables) , (sd/ca) . 

rruijanlya, middle, (madhya) . 

The affix -an has often a concrete sense, e.g. 

patdn, chaff : blasted rice, (*patrdya-). 

iukan, dry, (* sustoya-) . 

bajan, a castrated heifer. (*vandhyaya-). 


530. -dm : with extension. 


This affix is the same as Bengali -dm with extensions. It 
has been traced to O.I.A. karma > kamma > -kdma > -dma, 
■dm. (O.D.B.L. § 411) e.g. 

phulam, flower-embroidered, (phulla -f karma ) . 

kdihdm, pedestal of an image, (Icaslha -f karma) . 

jatham, high land never submerged under water. 


531. -dr ; -art. 

Form nouns of agency indicating profession. Derived 
from O.IA. kara ; ledra -f-- ~il:a. e.g. 

kahdr, a worker in bell-metal, (kansya + kara) . 
kumdr, a potter, (kumbhakura) . 
cdmdr,. a shoe-maker, (carina -j- ). 
sotuirl, goldsmith, (sauvarna -\- Icdrika) . 
juwari, a gambler (dyuta -~ karika). 
E. As. bandar, a merchant, (vdnijya -■- ). 
jujar, a fighter, ci. juj, a light, etc. 


532. -dri (-ali). Occurs only in a few words. Derived 
from agdra + ika. e.g. 

kandari, helmsman, {kandagara -f i/ca' 
b/idrdli, store-keeper, (bhdnddgdra + -Wca). 


533. -drl. Occurs in a few words. Derived from pleo- 
nastic -dkura -f -ika. e.g. 

fiyari, daughter, (duhdd, > M.I.A. dhltd > jhli/d) . 
boiydn, daughter-in-law, connected with late Skt. 
vyavahdrika, a female slave, > M.I.A. *vavahdrid > Mid. 

Beng. bauhari (cf. E. Bg. bahari) > (boiwiri). 
Cf. late Skt. kutti-hdrika, a maid-servant. 


534. -dru. A primary affix forming nouns of agency im- 
plying habit or proficiency in doing a thing. Derived from 


01.A. -&ru + -uka > -dru + -ua > -dru (as in Kind!) 
> aru. e.g. 

jujdru, a fighter, one proficient in fighting ( \/juj) . 

likharu, a writer ; (^Jlikh) . 

sikdruy a learner ; (\/sik) . 

sodharu, an enquirer ; (\/sodli). 

jikaru, a winner ; (Vjik) etc. 


535. -di, adjectival and pleonastic, with extension in (a) 
-all, -all, adjectival and abstract. The source of this afiix is 
O.I.A. -dia, meaning kt possessing, " " pertaining to." e.g. 

sis. mukhdl, eloquent, (mukha). 

nejdl, tailed, (lecfija). 
sts. tejdl, energetic, (tcja-). 
sts, rdgiydl, intoxicating, (rdga -j- -tka -r -dia). 

gdpdl, proud, (garva- -\- darpa-). 

gardl, an enclosure for animals, {gadda. < garta). 

ghariydl, an alligator, cf. ghantika, an alligator. 

535a. -dli, -all : < -dla ~\- -ika, -ikd. 

sts. bhogdll, enjoyable, (bhoga). 

jondlly moon-lit, (jyotsnd) . 

sonall, golden, (sauvarna) . 

dgali, fore-part, (agga, < agra -) . 

khardli, dry-season, (khara). 

gordlij hinder part, (M.I.A. gbda, gbdda). 

sakdlif a spear, (saijku). 
sts. purusdli, manliness, (purusa). 
sts. caturdli, cleverness, (catura). 

bejdli, doctorship, (vaidya). 

ojdli, teachership, (upddhydya) etc. 


536. -41. (-wdl). 

Forms words indicating connexion, trade or profession. 
Derived from O.I.A. -pdla, > -vdla > -dla, -4i. e.g. 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


gowdl, guwal, cowherd, (go + pala) . 

gtotowal, ferry-man, (ghatta + pala) . 

rdkhowal, a herdsman, (raksd + pala) . 

agowal, vanguard, (agra + -) . 

guriyal, rear-guard, cf . As. guri, rear, (M.I.A. goda) . 

cakiydl, a watchman, cf. H. cawki, an out-post. etc. 


537. -i. A primary affix forming action and agent nouns 
and also adjectives. It is the same as O.I.A. -i, strengthened 
by the addition of -ka > -a. e.g. 

mari, a cudgel, (\/mar) . 

bari, a stick, bolt, (cf . Skt. vara-) . 

pari, ferrying, (cf. Skt. para). 

mari- \kalaij), a dead river named kalar| ; (As. \/mar). 

uthi-raja, de facto king : (As. \/uth) . 

bahi-raja, king de jure : (As. \/bah.) 

gali, abuse, (cf. garha) . 

hdhi, smile; (As. \/hah), 

dabU reprimand, (cf. darva) . 


538. -i ; (a) -hju : pleonastic and diminutive. O.I.A. 
-ika-, -ika > M.I.A. -ia, -ia > -i > -i e.g. 

citli, hair, (*cudika, cuda) . 

ddduri y frog, (dardura + ) . 

nikahi, the projection of a roof beyond the wall, (niskasa) . 

parali, covering, (patala) , 

nihali, blanket, (nisara). 

pahiy meshes, (pdsa) . 

nisani, rice-gruel, (nisravana) . 

fir/it, (<*drahi), pattern, (ddarsa). etc. 

Examples of -i < -ika. 

dahiy thread at the end of a woven cloth, (dasa>*da§ika). 
put, a vegetable creeper, (piitika). 
Jctwbali, fog, (kuhelika). 
gut, iguana, (godhikd). etc 


Examples of diminutive -i, 4yd. 

kuhiy a bud : cf . koh (kosa) . 

temi, a small lime-pot : cf. tema. 

dubi, a puddle: cf. dobd. 

moduli, an amulet : cf. mddal (mardala). 

guri, hinder part : cf . gord (M.I.A. godda) . 

cdki, a round bunch of flowers, (cakra) etc. 

538a. -iyd < -ika ~\—dka. 

cariyd, a wash-pot, (car- (cam) -f ika + dka) . 

caliyd, a thin flat piece of wood or bamboo : cf. cdld. 

puriya. a small packet, (put ika -j- -). 

majiyd, the middle portion of a house : cf. ma] (madhya) . 

batiyd. thread, (vartikd -j- -) etc. 


539. -iydr. Forms agentive nouns and adjectives. De- 
rived from O.I. A. -ika -f -aka -L- -<ira < -kdra 

ddhiydr. half-sharer, (ardha-) . 
sts. bhdgiydr, partner, (bhaga) . 

phandiydr. trickster: cf. phand, (prabandha) . 
badiydr, one who castrates animals : (M.I.A. *vandhi 
*vaddhi, with spontaneous nasalisation ; O.I. A. 
vadhri) . 
sts. badiyar* an accuser, (vdda). 

bdgiyar, an artful person : cf. O.I.A. vagary, faithless 

dekhaniyar a fair-looking person : cf. dckhan seeing. 
sts. bhojaniydr, a good eater, (bhojana) . 
sts. bhdjaniyar. a worthy person, (blidjana) . 
tokaniydr, a club-man : cf. tokan, a club. 
phutiydr, clever, (M.I.A. *phutta. sphuta) . 
dtantiydr, a man of sufficient means, (atta, excess + -vant 

+ -iydr). 
E. As. hdtiydr, an elephant-driver, (hasti-) etc. 


540. -iyal. Forms a few adjectives from nouns. Derived 
from -iyd, as above + -dlu (M.I.A. -alia) 


sts. maramiyal, kind-hearted, (marma-). 
sahiyal, courageous, (sahasa-). 
rav\giyal, joyous, (raqga-). 


541. -il : (a) -ila, (b) *ili. 

From M.I. A. -ilia, from O.I. A. pleonastic and adjecti- 
val affix -ila, forming nouns and adjectives 
rarjgil, coloured, (ray\ga). 

garila, scooped-out bamboo support for a fence, (ganda). 
mahili, monthly, (masa) 
kamild, active, (karma-) . 


542. wil Passive participle adjective. From O.I. A. 
-(i)ta + pleon. -ila > M.LA. *iailla > *-illa, -ila, -il. e.g. 

dtil, tight, \/at, to tighten. 

phutil, split, \/ phut. 

ga'l past (time) , (gata + -ilia > gaa + ilia) . 


543. -I A secondary affix forming nouns and adjec- 

Three separate affixes seem to converge into this N.I.A. 
form: (1), -t < -in : dhanin > dhani, a rich man; 
(2) , -lya ; desiya > N.I.A. desi, a native : (3) , -ika : Jcdrpd- 
sika > kapahi. The affix in words indicating native of a 
place (Baijgali, Ncpati. etc.) may be traced back to O.I. A. 
-ika, cf. Ayodhyika, a native of Ayodhya. (Cf. O.D.B.L. 
§. 418) . Examples of words in the sense of " things made 

tami, made of copper, (tamra) . 
pitalty made of brass, (pittxila) . 
Mhi, a plate (made of bell-metal) . 
domtihi, the juncture of two months, (dvi-masa) . 
sts. bhdgawati, btegati, an interpreter of the Bhagavata. 

The spelling in -t, instead of in the expected -i ( < -ika, 
•fyo) seems to be due to the influence of tatsama words in 
-in, spelt in -t in N.I.A. languages. 


544. -/>•/. Feminine, diminutive, abstract, 

Assamese like Bengali does not possess grammatical 
gender. The distinctive feminine affix -F is added only after 
class-names, words indicating relationship, and adjectives with 
a distinctive feminine significance ; e.g. 
sts. bagali, a female crane, (baka + -la -f ikd) . 

kdlari, a deaf woman, (kalla > kdla + da -f z). 
st5. rrudmi, uncle's wife, (mama -\- ilea) . 

In all these examples, the feminine affix -1- goes back to 
O.I.A. -ikd : where the feminine force has been lost, -% > 
-i, expresses sometimes a diminutive and sometimes an 
abstract sense ; e.g. 

bdtari, news, (varta > i*atta > bata -f ri (-?) . 

jupur'u a cottage, (cf. D. jlnimpada) . 

rcmti, earth, (wrffifca) . 

chdti, an umbrella, (c/iafra -f -) . 

pm\ a generation, (pilhikd) . 

After class names. -i (long) has a generic sense ; e.g. 
sts. bhekuli, frogs in general, (bheka) . 
sts. bhekold, a big frog. 
sts. chagali, goats in general (chaga), etc. 

Dr. Chatterji notices also the influence of Persian 
-I affix of abstraction or connexion in N.I.A. abstract -i 
(O.D.B.L. p. 673) 


545. -Iyd. (E.As. -iyd) . 

Forms adjectives in the sense of " possessing " or 
"connected with". It goes back to O.I.A. -ika + -dka > 
-ia, + -da > id > -i(y)d. The change of -iyd- to -iyd seems to 
be due to the influence of Sanskritic words in -iya. This 
is attested by the fact that words spelt in Ayd were regularly 
spelt in 4yd in early Assamese, e.g. E.As. teliyd : Mod. As. 
teliya, an oilman. 

Mod. Ex. parity a , watery, cf. pdnl. 
sts. jatiyd, knotty, (jajo) . 


luntya, salty, As. Ion, (lavam) . 

guphiyd, having moustaches, (gumpha) . 

bhadlyd, born in the month of Bhadra. As. bhddd. 

mdhekiya, monthly, (mdsa + ). 

gajaliyd, youthful; (M.I. A. gajja, a sprout). 

majaliya, middle, (madhya) . 

phukaliyd, just born, tl breathing into life " (cf. phut- 

kdra) . 
This corresponds to Bengali -iya (O.D.B.L. §. 421). 


546 . -u ; with extension in (a) -uwd, pleonastic and 

The affix -u can be traced back to O.I. A. -uka (adjecti- 
val and nominal) . Though classed as a primary affix, it often 
forms secondary derivatives in O.I.A. (cf. bhalluka ; 
karmuka ; padukd, etc., Whitney. § 1180e) . 

In Assamese, -u and uwa (uka -j- dka) are pleonastic. 
The latter has also an adjectival sense ; e.g. 

thenu, a stalk of flower or fruit, cf. thdni, a branch. 

betUy calyx of a flower, cf. bbtd, (vrnta) . 

neltt, the wind-pipe, (nala) . 

cecu, small fibre of wood or bamboo, cf. cdc, an adze. 

chelu y a pretext, (chala) . 

khahu, itches, (khasa), etc. 

It implies also a certain pettiness or lovableness in the 
object ; e.g. 

niiu, (Nila kdnta) . 

bdpu, term of address to a young boy, cf. bdp. 
mdju, md)iu, goes back to Pali ma)jhima (madhyama) > 
Pkt. * majjhi~wa > * majjiu > mdjiu, mdju. 

546a. *uwd ; pleonastic, indicating resemblance. 
cakuwd f spectacles, (cak§u-) . 

makuwdy the seed-vessel of the water-lily (markaka) . 
papuivd, the sheath of a plantain tree, (patta) . 

8t8> nafuwd, an actor, a dancer, (?wfa) , etc. 


-uwa ; adjectival, implying " connected with ", " related to "; 

ranuivd, warrior, (rami) . 
banuwd, labourer, cf. ban, work. 
dharuwa, debtor, (dhdra) . 
sdruwd, fertile, (sdra) . 
maruivd, greasy, (manda) . 

bhatuwd, useless ; " given only to eating " cf. bhdt, 
rice, (bhakta) . 


547. •uxcdl Adjective. Derived from -uwa, adj. + 
pleon. -la ; e.g. 

pdhuwdl, meshy, (pdsa) . 

bhitaruwal, pertaining to the interior, cf. bhitar, inte- 
rior . 
raqguwdl, joyous, (ra)\ga) . 


548. -uk : -ukd. A primary aihx found in a few words 
indicating " habit '\ ll given to ". Derived from O.I.A. -uka> 
M.I.A. *-ukka ; -ukd = uka -f -a (Assamese def .) ; e.g. 

mdruk, killing; As. V mar. 

bahukd, sedentary; As. \/ bah,. Cf. Skt. vasuka 
(Whitney, p. 445) . 


549. -uk ; -ukd ; -uki. A secondary affix occurring in a 
few words only. It can be traced back to O.I.A. -uka 
(cf. bhalluka, kdrmuka, etc.) , > M.I. A. *-ukka > -uka, -uJc. 
e.g. hdluk, light, cf. H. hdlkd. 

IdjuJcd, bashful, (lajjd) . 
ate. bhdbuki, grimace, (bhdva, acting) . 


550. -urd : fern. -uri. (Seems specifically Assamese). 

A primary affix forming agentive adjectives in the sense 
of "doing something to excess". Derived from O.I.A. -ura 
+ d (Assamese) ; e.g. 


k&ndura, incessantly crying, (As. V hand) . 
kdhurd, constantly coughing, (As. V kdh) . 
hagurd, frequently voiding stools, (As. V hag) . 
muturd, urinating constantly, (As. V mut) . 


551. -ura. A secondary affix forming adjectives. 
Derived from O.I.A. ~ura + -d (Assamese) . (Specifically 
Assamese) . 

e.g. da/iurd, malicious, cf . dah, malice, (dania) . 

bhd^guri, a woman addicted to hemp, (bhaqgd) . 
dandurd, quarrelsome, (dvanda) . 


552. -ur, -urd ; -wn. Pleonastic. Derived from M.I. A. 
-uda(< -u-ta) >N.I.A. -ura > -ura -f a, -i. e.g. 

bapurd, the wretched one, (M.I. A. bappuda, a poor 

fellow) . 
hdturi, hammer, cf. H. hathauri. 
cekurdy a stain, cf. ce/c, stain. 
temurdy a swelling, cf. temd. 
kauri, a crow, (kdka + - ) . 
kahur, rivalry, (kaksd) . 

This affix corresponds to Bihari pleonastic -ur, •ura, 
-uri. (Hoernle. §. 213) . 


553. -ur ; -ura. Pleonastic. Derived from O.I A. 
pleon. -rupa -ruva -ru > -ru, also by metathesis > -ur. 

(O.D.B.L. §.448), e.g. 

bdchur, young calf, (vatsa + rupa) . 
adharuwd, half -finished, (ardha -+- rupa-) . 
gabhurd, a male child, (garbha -f rupa) . 
Jcaurd, whimsical, (kdma + nipa + a) • 
fifftru, cow, (go*rupa) . 
gdbharu, a grown-up child, (garbha + rupa) . 


554. -uld, pleonastic and adjectival; -uli, pleonastic. 


Derived from O.I. A. -uia>MJ.A. -ttfla>N.ij^ » 
-f &y -t (Assamese) . e.g. * "^ 

guruld, small powder, cf. ytini, (gwufa-) . 

maju/j, an island, (madhya-) . 

sajuii, implement*, ef. arc; (sa;;d-) . 

khajuli, itching, (kharju-) . 
thet/guli, small brunches, d. tlu% k% 
Adjectival : Examples : 

petula, pot-belhed, cf. per. 

thehuld, haughty. 

juruld, worn-out, cf. jiirna. 

kutuld, stunted, cf. Skt. \, butt, to chop. 


555. -ur ; -dun. (Seems specifically Assamese). 

These imply abundance, continuousness, and are connec- 
ted with O.I. A. pura, dpilra, flood, stream, abundance, etc. 
In japur, heavy shower (as of rams), pura appears as a 
sts. form. In tbh. formations, pura, dpura > *vura, *avura 
> -ura, -dura ; e.g. 

jdur, rising flood (of the rainy season). 
also jduri, a multitude, (java -f- dpura.). 
cf . joumr, flood-tide, (java -f Izdra ; java, speed) . 

mathduri, a row of fortifications, (manthara > * manthra 

+ dpura-). 
phopdun, continuous hissing, as of snakes. (Cf. onom^ 

phopd) . 
dedduri, continuous roaring as of tempest or fire. 

(Onom. \/dedd). 
celduri, eye-brow, cf. Austr. cheluu, see. 
bhuhurd, a place where sweepings and refuses are 

deposited, (busa + pilra) . 


556. -ai. Pleonastic suffix. Derived from O.LA. -fca 
+ -&a > * -aia> -ai. e.g. 

khawai, a ditch, (khdta + -fca -f- ilea) . 

khalm, a fish-basket, (kqaraka, a basket for birds). 

garai, a kind of fish living in mud-holes, (gafaka). 


purai, a kind of red vegetable creeper, (pwndra, red 

sugar-cane) . 
kMlihai, oil-cake, (khali + sa pleonastic 4- -) . 


557. -aid. An extension of the former in combination 
with -d adjectival 

puraiya, red ; of the colour of Purai . 
khawaiya, a voracious eater, (khddaka -{- -ika -j- -d) . 
karaiya, a doer, (kara -j- ha -f- -ika -f- -a) . 
(CfTo.D.B.L. §. 422). 

558. -dwa ; -uwai ; (a) -uwai ; (b) -a?. 

These are co-related suffixes forming nouns and agentive 
adjectives indicating connexion and implying cleverness in 
doing something connected with the object. They go back 
to derivative formations of O.I.A. \/valu like vaha + ka ; 
vaha -f- ika ; vaha -f ika. 

Examples of -owa. halowa. a plough-man, a plough ox, 
(hala -(- vahaka). 
jalowa, a fisher-man, (jala + vahaka). 

Examples of -uwai. ghatuwau a ferry man, (ghatta -f 
vahika) . 
becowai, one working for wages, cf. As. bee, price. 
kheluwai, a gamester, (khclfl-) . 
gachowai, an expert tree-climber, (gaccha-) . 


558a. -rtwai ; gkdtuwai, gachuwaj, jaluwai, kheluwai, 
etc. These are phonetic variants of the formations in -utodi ; 
the stress being shifted to the initial syllables, the -a- in 
"Uwai has been shortened to -a-. 

The affix -uwai has been extended pleonastically to 
beluwai, mosses, (saivala- > sevafo-, sela-) and to phatuwai, 
sores of the feet, cf. As. phaf, crack. 


gatm, prow of a boat Cf. Bihirl galahi (0Bh + va h< im i 
Uca). r 

trwrqi, popular name of the goddess Manasa (mira + .). 


558c. The following apparently similar formations are 
of different origins. 

e.g. parhuwdi, a reader, (pdtha -f vaca -f ilea) . 

meluwai, meluwai, member of an assembly settling a 
dispute, (mela + vddika-) . 


559. -owd. (Specifically Assamese). Causative passive 
participial and verbal noun affix corresponding to -d of the 
simple roots. Derived from O.I. A. causative -dpa- > 
M.I. A. -dva > -dwa + -a (verbal noun) > -awa, -&wa > 
-owa (the preceding -d- being raised to -o- by the following 
-lb- glide) . e.g. 

karowa, causing to be done: caused to be done, (*karapa- 
Sunow&y (*sunapa- -f -«) . 


560. -a?/. It yields abstract, concrete and adjectival 
words indicating "of the nature of". It seems to go back 
to O.I. A. -ku (as in vdrtaku) ; e.g. 

bhatau, a parrot, (bhatta-, a panegyrist). 
halau, uncouth, clumsy, (hala-, deformity) . 
dhau, a wave, cf. B. dheu (? dhava-, trembling + - ) . 
sts. kapquy a dove, (kapota-) . 

kalamau, a kind of vegetable plant growing in water, 
(kalamba- ) . 
tits, nitau, always : (perhaps connected with nityatah > 

*sts. nittao, nttfaw-, Dr. Bloch) . 
8ts. saiuuy entire, whole, as an assembly, ( ? connected with 
sodas) . 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


561. . -fca ; -Jed ; -/ci ; -Jet ; -kiya ; -ika ; *ek. 
All these represent various extensions of O.I. A. pleonas- 
tic -fca>M.I.A. -kka>N.I.A. -/ca, in combination with 
the several affixes discussed in the preceding sections. The 
affixes -ika, -ika, -ek represent O.I.A. pleon. *-ika > M.I.A. 
-ikka, -ekka > N.I.A. -ika, 4k, ; -eka, -ek. e.g. 

joiwJc, moon-shine, (jyotsna-) . 

dithak, vision, waking state, (drsta-) . 

bapek, his father, (vapra-) . 

<]ieuka, wings, (daya-\/di, to fly) . 
sts, phupuka, spotted, (sphuta-) . 

bheleka, timid, (bhela-). 

titiki, slightly bitter, (tikta-). 

cimki, acquaintance, (cihna-). 

maiki, a female ; 0. maikinia ; (?) to be connected with 
rnatr-, or referred to Austric source. 

yaraki, lord, ownei, (guru ^ garu > *gar, Bloch.). 

melekl, a member of a sitting, (mela-). 

ndi'kiya, non-existence, (nasti- > natthi- > * ndtfii- 
> *nahi- > nai-). 

jalaklyd, a chilli, (jvala-). 
sts. padakiya, a defendant, (pada-) . 

khanik, a little, (khanda-) . 

kharikd, a straw, (fc/iata-) . etc. 

In khantekiyd, momentary, for *khanekiya (ksarui), -t- 
seems to be intrusive and corresponds to Bihari (Kurmali 
^fhar) euphonic -ta- ; cf. gharitek, of about twenty minutes 
(L.S.I. V. II, p. 147). In uranteklya, full-fledged (as a bird). 
uranta- is the present participle base of As. \Jur % to fly. 

562. -kur. It forms the second element of a few com- 
pound verbal roots, the first element of which seems to be 
either onomatopoetic in origin or worn out phonetic variations 
of some OJ.A. formations ; e.g. 

phikute, sobs with a muffled sound. 
Cf. B. fhekur, the sound of belching. 


bhekure, gets mouldy, mildewed. (Bd. bhukundi, froth). 

cekure, runs fast in frolic, as a young calf or a horse. 
(Bd. \/saivg, go speedily) . 

In all these, -kur seems to be a mix-up of several verbal 
roots listed in the Sanskrit Dhatupatha ; e.g. kurati,\/kur, to 
utter a sound, (cf. phekure, sobs) ; kudati, \fkud, to play like 
a child (cf. cekure) ; krudati, \/krud, to get thick (cf. 
bhekure) . Assamese mekuri, a cat, (Bg. mekur, mekur) pro- 
bably of onomatopoetic origin, belongs here. Dr. Bloch sug- 
gests possibility of connection with -*fcar-z, action of doing, 
(a-i > u~i by vowel harmony) . In that case Bg. mekur will 
have to be differently treated. 


563. -kuri. Derived from O.I.A. kuta, mass, 'heap, multi- 
tude. (Specifically Assamese) e.g. 

bdt-kuri, walking over a long way ; going over rough and 
smooth, (vartma- + kuta-). 

hdUkuri -f bdt-kari, going over hill and dale. 

phec-kuri, concrete mucus in the eye (piiica-, inflamma- 
tion of the eye) . 

thuUkuri, spittle, (*stumbhanta, \/stumbh, to eject, con- 
nected with spitting by Pischel). 

la)-kuriyd, shy, bashful, is from lajjd -f- kutita, confused 
by shame. In himsa-kuriya, malicious : Bg. hiskute, 
the latter element is connected with kuta-, crooked. 
The formation daho-kuri, without fail, at any cost, 
found in making an earnest appeal to do something 
on the speaker's behalf, seems to be equivalent to 
dohai'kuri, "dohai " for twenty times : 

hamkuri, hamkhuri, falling with the face downwards, 
seems parallel to Bg. hdmdguri, crawl on all fours. In 
early Assamese is found the expression khoj-guri, 
scanning the foot-steps. 
The sources of kuri, guri, seem obscure. The follow- 
ing Sant. roots may however, be compared : V^W* 
to fall from a standing, sitting or kneeling position : 
y/guitf, to ponder, think over ; y/kunfal, to lie pros- 



564. -ca, -cd, -ciyd. Pleonastic, nominal and adjectival. 
Derived from O.I.A. -tya, forming adjectives from participles 
and pronominal derivatives. Extended also to nouns ; e.g. 
ap-tya, dp-tya, watery, -tya > M.I.A. -cca > -ca. e.g. 

kundhac, cadaverous, (kunapa + kabandha + tya) . 

gaic, heavy, (gabhi- cf. gabhira -|- ucca, ? Dr. Bloch) . 

khawaic, voracious eater, (khddaka -f (i)tya). 

ddb&cd, a kind of grass, (darbha -\- ) . 

halaca, hdlicd, a certain measure of land, (hala) . 

kharicd, condiment from tender bamboo shoots, 
(khata -f ). 

gharaclya, domestic, (M.I.A. ghara-) . 

The varied pleonastic implications of this affix will be 
clear from the following examples ; 

rduci, a loud scream, (rdva-) . 

bated, bdicd, a boatman, (vahika > vdhia > -ca-). 

bdnac, price for making a thing, cf. As. \/bano\ to pre- 
sts. opdrdnc'u supplementary, (iipara) . etc. 

As an affix of connexion, this affix is found also in Marathi. 
Cf. gharcd, domestic. 


565. -W: -td ; -ti ; -to. 

Definitive, pleonastic and enclitic. (Discussed in extenso 
in O.D.B.L. § 436). It represents a M.I.A. vatt-, from the 
O.I.A. formations i^arfa, vartika. vartikd: vrtta, vrttika, vrttika 
from \/vrt (O.D.B.L. ibid ) ; e.g. 

keheta, slightly acrid, (kasdya -f vrtta + -)• 

khahatd, slightly rough, (khasa 4- -) . 

ghumati, sleep, (*ghurma, \/ghur, to snore). 

leJuti } »Hva, drivel. (ldJd + ). 

phiritigati, spark, (O.I.A. sphuli\}ga + -). 
peygatd, crippled, (pai]gu + -). 
hikati, hiccough, (hikkd + ) . etc. 

, The definitive and enclitic sense is illustrated by examples 
like the following (§ 586) : — 

tn Xff. MOmOLOQY 

manuhi-to, that man (referred to in the context), 
eti, one, (eka -f vrtta-). 


566. -ta; -ti. Connected with O.I.A. patta > M.I.A. 
-vatta > N.I.A. -ata, -ata. (Specifically Assamese) ; e.g. 

berati, waist-band, (vesta- + pattikd) . 
camatd, leather-thongs, (carma -f ). 
pdbhati, a bamboo platform, (paruo- + ) ■ 
barata, a scooped out bamboo for supporting a partition, 
(vata -f patta- ) . etc. 


567. tha ; (-t/itf). represents O.I.A. auasthd*, indicating 
state, form, appearance, > M.I. A. avattha, avattha (cf. M.I. A., 
avatthana) > N.I.A. -atha, -atha ; -fha, -th^i. 

e.g. ndijgath, naked, (nagna-). 
purath, mature, (pura-) . 
cereth, dirty, As. \/cera, to void loose stools, cf. D. ciricira, 

shower ; downpour. 
amath, obstinate, inflexible, (? amla-) . 
calath. sifting investigation, (cf . cala- in cdlani, a sieve) . 
gomotha, gloomy, not bright, (gulma, a thicket) . 


568. -t«f, abstract. Derived from O.I.A. -tva e.g. 

sts. mamat, affection, (mamatva) . 

tat, inner significance, (tatva) . 
E. As. blrdt, heroism, (vtratva) . 

mahat, greatness, (mahatva) . 


569. -«. Derived from O.I.A. putra > *-vutta, *utta. 
(Cf. ajja-iitta) . 

jet/iot, husband's elder brother, lit. elder son of the father, 

(jyestha + ). 
ekuti, a woman with only one child (eka+putrik&>ekka- 
uttid, *eJcoti > ekuti, by vowel harmony § 264)", 



570. (sts.) -tali. This sts. affix is included here because 
of its wide use. This indicates a region or locality. Connected 
with O.I.A. tola + -ilea. 

e.g. kdkholtali, arm-pit, (kaksa + talikd) . 

dhanatali, paddy-field, (dhdnya + talikd) . 
rnatotali pulse-field, (mdsa + talikd) . etc. 


571. -n# and extensions. Pleonastic and adjectival. In 
O.I.A. an adjectival -na has been noted by Whitney (§§ 1223 
g ; 1245 f ) . A pleonastic and intrusive -na-, (in Vedic. gen. pi. 
gondm. stem gau) has also been noted (Whitney § 360, c) . In 
early M.I.£. (Pali), this -na- established itself as a part of 
the stem (gona) itself (Geigcr § 88) . 

gona continued down through Prakrit (jadhd gona 
jddhd ; Mrcchakatikd) and survives in Assamese in gona, a 
male buffalo. Thus in O.I.A. there were the adjectival -na 
and also traces of a pleonastic -na. This affix seems to re- 
appear in N.I.A. Assamese e.g. 

kararjgan, thigh, (kararjka + -) . 

gahin, steady, deep, (gabhi-, cf. gabhira). 

bdragani, bdra^ganiy subscription, share, {varga, class). 
Cf. MarathI, vargani. 

hdtind, bellows, (bTiastri-) . 

temund, a tumour, swelling, cf. also temd, temurd. 

ch&nd, the young of an animal, (sdva) . 

d ?/gf ani, a spark of fire ; the branch stem of a cluster of 
fruits, (anga). 

In tapind, tapild, buttock, the -na- and -la- are parts of 
the original O.I.A. words talpana, talpala, the flesh on the 


572. -ni, -eni, -inl ; feminine affixes. (Also cf . §§ 515 a; 

These are common to both Assamese and Bengali and their 
origin has been thoroughly discussed in O.D.B.L. § 445. They 


seem reminiscent of O.I.A. -nt, -am but they are derived from 
a different source. Practically no form in N.I.A. has come 
down with -nt, -am of O.I.A. The O.I.A. attributive suffix -in, 
giving the feminine nominative singular -int. supplied to M.I.A. 
numerous fern, forms differentiated from the masc. only by -tnt, 
especially when the nominative came to be used for all cases 
in the masculine, the -hi~ of the base being totally lost. This 
-frit (ini), was partlv generalised and came to be attached to 
nouns to which it did not properly belong and when added 
to masculine nouns in -a, the -?- was dropped, making it -a-nt. 
N.I.A. thus inherited this -mz, -ani (-ini, -am) , although more 
restricted in use than -i from late M.I.A. (ibid.). 

In Assamese, -arii is chiefly used after nouns indicating 
caste, trade, profession, rank etc. 

e.g. ndpit-ani, wife of a barber. 
kumdr-ani, female potter. 
kamar-anl. wife of a black-smith. 
baruwanu wife of a baruwa (rank) . 
phukati-ani, wife of a phukan (rank) . 
kucuni, woman of a koc caste. 
dumuni, woman of a dom caste. 
baghini, a tigress. 

rtdiint, a grand daughter, (naptrka-). 
mitini, a female friend, (mitra-) . etc. 


573. -rd (earlier -rd) and extensions. 
It goes back to late Skt. -ta and exteasions > M.I.A. -$0. 
with extensions, e.g. 

svyar, root, (sipha + -ta). 

kasar, side, Qcaksa -f -ta) . 
•ra : damara, a male calf, (damya) . 

batara, batari, news, (vdrtd -f ). 

mora, a boat-shaped cistern to carry off water (n&vd-) . 
ri : gdhari, pig, (cf . Austr. gdhu) . 
-ri : JdJcuri, a spindle, (tarku + -tiled) . 

ca^geri, wood sorrel, (c&rjqa). 

kalari, a deaf woman, (kalk + fik&), 

The formative affixes *a 


574. -m : adjectival, connected with O.LA. -ra e.g. 
lafhara, destitute of hair, bald ; (cf. H. lath, a stick, M.I.A. 

iothard, flabby, fat, (lostra) . 
-ri : pleonastic ; 
khdgari, reed, (hhadga + ) . 


575. -Id and its extensions. This affix goes back to O.I.A. 
•la (adjectival and pleonastic); e.g. 

dighal, long, (dirgha -J- la). 

dk/idl, kitchen, cf. Bg. akha (? ukhd). 
-Id: ucald,. prominent as teeth, (itcca). 

pakhila, butterfly, (paksi -) . 

cakald, a slice, (cakra + ). 

barala, a bachelor, (vanta -f -la + ). 

dobola (cf. also dobd) , a reservoir in a field made for irri- 
gation purpose ; cf. M.I. A. \/duvv. 

-li : -ddhali, half-a-rupee, (ardha -f -lika) . 

khdrali, a kind of alkaline sauce, (ksdra-). 
-li : sts. bagali, a crane, (baka -f -) . 

sts. chdgali, a goat, (chdga + ) . 


576. -htf and extensions. 

This is connected with O.I.A. -sa adjectival and pleonastic 
(Macdonell § 240) > M.I.A. -sa > N.I.A. (Assamese) -hd. 
(earlier -sa) . Cf. sobhanasd, beautiful. 

Examples : 

rupah, beautiful, (rupa + sa). • 
sarah, much, many, cf. H. sard\ whole. 
jalahu, simple, silly, (jada, jala -f -sa -f -ufca). 
(L,W.) bhacahu, simple, childish, cf. H. bhasdri, (bhasma^. 

ukahu, rash, thoughtless, (utka-) . 
ddahy middle age, (ardha + ia) . 


kurika, a kind of fish, (Lex. Skt. kudtia) . 
itih, hilsa fish, Lex. Skt. ilisa. 
patdha, a thin slice, (patra + ) . 
gadaha, heavy hke a club, (gadd-). 
goroto, hinder part, (M.I.A. godda). 
caliha, a thin slice, (cf. M.I.A. yJchaXla). 
bhbtohd, dull, blunt, (cf. Austr. bodoh, foolish). 
bhereha, scum, flabby (cf. O.I.A. bheda, a raft) . 


576a. ahi ; -ahi ; -ah -j- -i, (pleonastic) ; -i adjectival. 

melahi, also meld, open, cf. \/mil, to open. 
sts. phitdhi, vanity, (sphlta). 

kharahi, a basket containing a certain measure 
(khdraka) . 

kerdhi, also /cerd, oblique, squint-eyed, (Jce/cara). 

cupahiy cupi ; an oil-vessel, a capsule, (D. cuppa-) . 

chalaht, tricky (chala-). 

dhddah'i, a sluggard woman, cf. As. dhod, a sluggard. 

This suffix corresponds to Bihari -as. The derivation of 
Hoernle from vancha and of Piatt from -dsa does not seem 
convincing (Hoernle § 283 ; Piatt. P. 208) . 

The suffix -ah. -ahi seems to be related to -sa, and to cor- 
respond to Bg. -as (O.D.B.L. § 450). 



577. The enclitics are post-positional affixes or words 
which are added to nouns or numerals to define the nature 
of the object or article referred to. They are commonly des- 
cribed as articles and have the value of the definite article 
" the " (O.D.B.L. § 510) . Pronouns other than those of the 
first and second persons take on these post-positions. The 
use of the enclitics is a feature of early Assamese also, cf. 
ratha-khanda, the chariot: kanya-khani, the little daughter; 
kesa-gacha, the hair etc. There are enclitics in Bg. & 0. also, 
and these usages are probably common to all Gaudians 
(Hoernle § 426) . But the idiom can not be traced back to 
earlier periods. Most probably the idiom owes its origin to 
non-Aryan influences. (For further discussion cf . § 842) . 

To express the force of the indefinite article " a ", the same 
post-positional words are used with e- (<efca) prefixed. The 
formation so constructed may then be used as in Bg. and O. 
either before or aft<°r the principal word which it qualifies;' 
e.g. kapor-khan, the piece of cloth : but ekhan kapor or kdpor 
ekhan, a piece of cloth. With e- prefixed, the same words 
that serve as enclitics acquire the value of independent words 
and have the force of adjectives. But even then their func- 
tion is that of enclitics with c- (eka) . 

The following are the principal definitives in Assamese : 

578. kan : diminutive kani. Connected with O.I. A. 
fcana, a particle, and used after nouns to shew endearment by 
emphasising smallness, e.g. lord-Jean, the little boy ; powali- 
fran, the little one ; ddmuri-kan t the young calf. etc. 

The diminutive kani (originally feminine) indicates still 
greater fondness. 


579. khan; dim. khani. 

It is generally used after nouns indicating some thing 
broad and flat, e.g. 

calani-khan, the sieve. 
dhari-khan, the mattress. 
nm-khan, the river. 
nao-khan ; the boat etc. 
In E.As. it appeared as khan, khani: e.g. 

kanyd-khani, the little daughter. Connected with 
O.I.A. khanda. 


580. khar : Used dialectically in Western Assam in 
places where ddl is used in St. Coll. e.g. sdp-khar, the ser- 
pent ; jari-khar, the rope, khar seems to be connected with 
O.I.A. khata. 


581. gach: dim. gachi (O.I.A. gaccha) . 

It is used after nouns indicating something long and 
flexible; e.g. 

dol-gach y the rope. 
batiya-gach, the thread, etc. 


582. garakl. Used after masculine and feminine nouns 
indicating human beings to shew respect or consideration, 

e.g. manuh~garaki, the man. 
ghqini-garaki, the wife. 

It is used also after numerals to respectfully indicate 
the number of persons referred to 

e.g. e-garaki manuh, one person. 
du-garaki tirota, two ladies. 

Dr. Bloch suggests connection with O.I.A. guru > 
M.I. A. gam > N.I. A. gar-. In Skt. guru is used as an 
honorific appellation of a preceptor and in the feminine, gum 
may be applied to a venerable woman. 


583. got ' In E.As. got was frequently used after living 
beings ; manuh-gof, the man ; pahi-gof, the animal, etc. ; got 

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is generally connected with goqtha, the de-aspiration remain- 
ing unexplained. It may be better linked with gotra, having 
similar ^meanings with gostha. 

584. catd: dim. cati. Used after nouns indicating 
something long and flat, especially that has been split and 
made into strips. Probably it is connected with O.I. A. 
(tvasta- > * tyaspa- > cattha, catd.) , e.g. 
ba/i-catd, the split bamboo strip. 
kdth-cata, the split wooden strip, 
pdt-catd, the tablet, etc. 


585. jan: jana (honorific) : jani (fern.). 
Used after nouns, pronouns and numerals to indicate 
human beings, e.g. 

manuh- jan, the man. 

mdnuh-janh the woman. 

tirotd~]ani, the woman. 

i-jan : i-jam, this one (man) ; this one (woman) . 

e-jan, one (man) ; e-janl, one (woman) . 

rajd-jand, the king. 

rdnl-jandj the queen, etc. 

586. -td. -to, -ti. This is the same as the formative affix 
•£d, -Jo, -ti. (Discussed §. 565) . 

-td is used only after numerals. 
e.g..dutd, tinitd, pacotd, sdtotd, dthotd, etc. 

two, three, five, seven, eight. 
-to is used only after noun substantives in a particularly 

definitive sense, e.g. 

mdnuh-to, the particular man. 

goru-to, the particular cow. 

ghar-to, the particular house, etc. 

In As. -to, there is the influence of the M.I. A. particle 
hu t (kkhu, khalu) , cf . Biharl. -tho : ektho, dothc, tintho, etc. 
Bengali -to is the result of vowel-harmony (O.D.B.L. 
pp. 480, 780) , 


The type of vowel-harmony which changes final -d into 
-o in a Bengali word is absent in Assamese. 


587. tar: dim. tari. It indicates something long and 
loose tied into a bunch or bundle, e.g. 
culi-tar, the bunch of hair. 

barhani-tar, the broom-stick (many long pieces of 

thinly split bamboo are tied together to make 

a broom). 

tar is probably akin to H. tar a, a line of cattle ; 

N. tar, a platform of bamboo for sitting on. Dr. Turner 

considers its derivation from Skt. tandra-, a row, doubtful. 


588. ddl : dim. dab. It is used after nouns mdicating 
something long but round and solid ; e.g. 

bah-daU the bamboo. 

kath-dal the piece of wood. 

sali-dal, the spear, etc. 
Contrast the use of ad! with that of cata (dis- 
cussed above : ) . dal indicates something whole, cata, something 
split out of a whole thing. 

dal may be derived from desu dala. a branch, part of a 


589. pat: (O.I. A. patta). It indicates something long, 
flat and narrow ; e.g. 

bothd-pdt, the oar. 
sar-pat. the arrow. 
khapar-pat, an instrument shaped like a flat spear. 


590. pherd. Used after material nouns to indicate 
a small quantity ; e.g. 

Um-phera, the small quantity of salt. 
e-phera Ion, a small quantity of salt. 
gur-phera, the small quantity of molasses, etc. 


plnera is a word of unknown origin, but found in most 
N.I. A. languages. Cf. O.H.P. phera, a circle (Turner) . 

Plural Defectives. 

591. In E. As., -hanta, -santa (M.I.A. santa-, Pres. Part, 
of \/as) was used as enclitic post-positions after numerals 
and oblique forms of pronominal stems to indicate definite- 
ness ; e.g. dui-hanla, both of them ; tini- hanta, all three ; 
e-santa, this person, etc. In modern Assamese -hanta > -hat 
disengaged itself from the context and became a plural affix. 

592. In such colloquial expressions as ekoti-hat, 
definitely one ; ekokhan-hat, definitely one piece, the 
enclitic -hat seems to be a modern development and an exten- 
sion of E.As. forms like e-sanla, this person, etc. 

In yiri-Zidt, the householder, master of the household ; 
the enclitic sense has been practically lost and the whole 
expression is looked upon as a compound giving the feminine 
form giri-hatani, the mistress of the household. In deve- 
loping this idiom, analogical influence of sts. grhastha, 
*grhasthdni may be suspected. 

593. In Western Assam Colloquial, -han, -hun function 
both as definitives and plural affixes ; e.g. 

bapa-han, bapa-hun, my father ; ta-hun, they ; 
a-hun, these, etc. (See below, §§ 634-636). 


594. Indefinitiveness in a collective unit of time and 
number is often expressed by suffixing -e/c after a word, e.g. 
mdhek, a month or so ; pasek, a fortnight or so ; bacharek, a 
year or so ; sts. sateJc, sahasrek, a hundred ; a thousand or 
so, etc. 

Unlike as in Bengali, -ek is not attached after ordinary 
and ibh. numerals ; e.g. Bg. gota-tinek, three or so ; 
but As. tini$a-man, three or so. 

-cerek (cidri ( < ? catvan) -f ek) ; -diyek (dvi + ek) 
are used specifically as indefinitive plural affixes in the sense 
of "a few", e.g. 


guti'diyek cinta, a few thoughts. 
jan-cerek Wra, a few boys. (§ 630). 

Personal Definitives. 

Personal Affixes oi Nouns of Relationship. 

595. This is the proper place to examine a strange mor- 
phological phenomenon in Assamese, viz., that of affixing per- 
sonal endings on the model of verbs to nouns of relationship. 
In this respect Assamese seems to stand out alone amongst 
all N.I. A. languages. Other morphological phenomena may 
be shared in one or another respect by other N.I. A. langu- 
ages also, but this peculiarity marks out a form as distinctly 

596. This affixation of personal endings seems to go 
back to the earliest period when the language was fully 
characterised. It is not noticeable in a fully developed form 
in the Ramayana of Madhava Kandali, supposedly of the early 
fourteenth century beyond which no distinctively Assamese 
writings have been discovered. 

597. This separative instinct has coloured all terms of 
reference to relationship. Thus different words are used 
with reference to the same relation according as he or she 
is senior or junior in age to the person with whom relation- 
ship is indicated. Thus, '" my elder brother" is kdka or 
kakai ; " my younger brother " is bhai ; *' my elder sister " 
is bai ; "y oun g er sister" bhani ; "my elder sisters husband " 
is bhinihl : " younger sisters husband" is baxmi ; the elder 
one of two sisters is referred to as di-kan ; the younger one 
as mdi-kan, etc. Thus in Assamese there are no generic 
terms equivalent to such English words as brother, sister, 

598. It is to be observed that though different words 
are used to indicate different aspects of the same relationship, 


they can all be traced to O.I.A. words having the same 
original meaning; e.g. di (in di-kan) can be equated 
to dryyikd > ayyw > di. So also mdi (in rndUkan) < 1 A. 
rrutm. Similarly bhinite (earlier bhinm) can' be traced 
back to *bhaginm>*bhini + . S sm (§. 385) and baindi 
to * ohaginika-pati. 

599. This separative habit has been carried on also to 
the persons of nouns. Words of relationship take on dif- 
ferent personal affixes according as the relationship indicated 
is with the first, the second or the third person. In the case 
of the second person, the rank of the person also is taken 
into consideration. 

The principal forms of some characteristic words are 
presented below. 

My Your (Inf.). Your (Hon.) His. 

Father : bopdi bdper 
Mother : di mar 




po puter 





: zi ziyer 


Husband : 

pqi pajyer 



cfhaini ghainiyer 



> ziyek 
C paiyek 

> ghainiyek. 

600. Sir'G. A. Grierson reads in these peculiar forms 
pronominal affixations with nouns of relationship on the 
model of Tibeto-Burman pronominal prefixes to nouns of 
relationship, (Modem Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, § 75); e.g. 
Botfo : d-fd, my father ; nam-fd, your father ; bi-fd, his father. 
He would accordingly characterise these affixes as relics of 
some abraded pronouns. Dr. Chatterji differing from Sir 
George, affiliates -ek and -di to the corresponding formative 


affixes (O.D.B.L. § 724) and considers -d and -era as of 
obscure origin (ibid., p. 165) . 

601. It may be added in amplification of Di\ Chatterji's 
view that the affixes are of the nature of enclitic definitives 
and indefinitives examined above. Thus bapek, means "a 
father " when the context does not contemplate reference to 
any grammatical person, e.g. bapek putekar sadhu, the story 
of a father and a son (cf. also mdhek, pasck, a month, a 
fortnight) . As the third person falls grammatically within 
the scope of the indefinitive, bapek is the form that came to 
be associated with ' his ' ; e.g. tar bapek, his father. 

602. The affix -di of the first person is the same as the 
formative affix of endearment and is vocative in origin (See 
§. 527) . As the vocative has references only to the first 
person, the vocative as an affix of endearment came to be 
attached to the first person ; e.g. bopdi, father, my father 
= my father. 

603. The second personal -er is pleonastic and is connec- 
ted with M.I. A. kera (kela) used in a definitive sense, e.g. 
ajjassa Jcerao, vcssd-jana kerako, vappa kelake (Mrccha- 
katika) . Thus baper may be equated to vappa-kera. The 
pleonastic nature of -er is shewn by the fact that in the 
second person (honorific), relationship is also indicated by 
adding only h (-d) to nouns ending in high vowels, e.g. powa, 
powara ; ziya, ztyerd, your (Hon.) son, daughter. This -d 
is the same as the honorific -d in enclitic ]ana (§§ 585, 619). 
pleonastic -er becomes -era as an honorific definitive. 

604. As Pleonastic definitives, -er, -era are parallel to 
dialectical -ten, -hun (§§. 634-636) which are associated with 
the first person. 

605. Some side light will be thrown on the nature and 
function of the terminations -er, -era when they are compared 
with the variations, the O.I.A. vocative particle he under- 


goes according to the nature of the rank of the person with 
reference to whom it is used. The bare^ particle he is used 
as a vocative in addressing only equals. But the following 
affixed forms are used according to the rank of the person 
addressed ; 

(a) he-ra, he-ran : used in calling to inferiors. 

(b) he-ra : used in calling to equals (hon.) . 

(c) he-ri : used in addressing superiors. 

(d) he-rai, he-rex : terms of address with endearment. 

606. The following formations are used as terms of fami- 
liar address to a woman of equal or inferior status ; 

ham, haiie, haiiera (O.I. A. havfc > Mg. hanne > hane, 
hani). (I 414). 

607. The affixing of -er, -r to he in addressing people 
(grammatically in the second person) hardly leaves any 
room for doubt about the pleonastic origin of -er. As a voca- 
tive affix of endearment -di appears in Jie-rei (he~rai > herai, 
and also by vowel-assimilation, he-rei). 

608. The identity of the separative affixes being thus 
established, the who!" question resolves itself into accounting 
for the rationale of the association of some particular forma- 
tions with different grammatical persons. In this respect the 
question is on a par with the use of distinct and separate 
words having originally the same signification to characterise 
different aspects of the same relationship. Cf. bJwniJu 
(* bhaginika -f -ssia) = sister's husband --elder sister's hus- 
band ; but bajnai (bhaginika j- pati) — sister's husband t= 
younger sister's husband. The use of bdt (? * varyikd> Mg. 
*vayyi& > bai) to refer to the elder sister (as worthy of res- 
pect) is imaginable, but why bhanl (*bhaginika) should only 
refer to the younger sister, passes one's comprehension. Simi- 
larly there is nothing in the formations ai-kan and maukan to 
cause differentiation in use with reference to the senior and 
junior respectively of two sisters. The same absence of princi- 
ple seems to be at work with reference to the specific uses of 



formations like bopai, bdper, bapek with reference to dif- 
ferent grammatical persons. 
• * 

609. It is very likely that behind the multiplicity of 
conjugational verbal forms in Maith. and Mag. with reference 
to the varying grades in the ranks of the subject and the 
object, there is a similar absence of principle working. 

610. Taking the suffixed nouns of relationship by them- 
selves, Sir G. A. Grierson (as noted above §. 600) has attri- 
buted this phenomenon to Tibeto-Burman influences. But 
in Tibeto-Burman, especially in Bodo, which may be said to 
have influenced Assamese most, the pronouns are prefixed 
and not suffixed. Sir George has not accounted for this 
reversal. Moreover, Tibeto-Burman does not use different 
terms of relationship with reference to the age and rank of 
the person referred to. The principle of differentiation is 
not carried through to the same extent as in Assamese. The 
influence of the Munda language in these regards seems un- 
mistakable. "The Munda languages belong to that class 
which possesses a richly varied stock of words to denote in- 
dividual things and ideas but is extremely poor in general 
and abstract terms Nouns denoting relation- 
ship are seldom conceived in the abstract but a pronominal 
suffix restricting the sphere of the idea is usually added. 
Thus Santali enga-ii, my mother : enga-1, his mother, but 
seldom enga, in the meaning of mother, alone. (Sten 
Konow: L.S.I. IV, pp. 23, 43). 

611. "Similarly the complexity of the conjugation of 
the Bihar! verb in which different forms are used to denote 
an honorific or non-honorific subject or object and where the 
verb changes when the object is a pronoun of the second 
person singular can be explained from Aryan forms but the 
whole principle of indicating the object in the verb 
is thoroughly un-Aryan but quite agrees with Mun$t 
grammar ". (Sten Konow: ibid., p. 10). 



(A). The Gender. 

612. Grammatical gender has disappeared from As. Bg. 
and O. languages. Sex is generally distinguished in Assamese 
by the use of some qualifying terms like matd, male, (Per- 
sian, mard) and mdti or nuiiki, female, or by the employment 
of different words like damara, a bull, (damya-) ; ceuri, a 
cow, (cf . . 1 . A . camuru, a kind of deer) . 

613. Where, however, it is admissible to use feminine 
suffixes as after adjectives or other qualifying terms to 
emphasise the sex, the suffixes used are -i and -dm. (Dis- 
cussed under Formative Affixes §§. 544, 572). The ferninine 
in -d does not exist in Assamese, the N.I. A. -d functioning 
as a definitive affix ; but dialectically the feminine in -d is 
found in Western Assamese maiM, a female, a mother (St. 
Coll. mdikl, cf. 0. mdthinia) . In St. Coll. the only examples 
of fern, -a are ; tirotd, a woman, (Western As. tin) ; ditd t 

614. In certain adjectival formations, the affix -n is used 
to emphasise the female sex ; e.g. dckerl, a youthful woman ; 
(masc. dekd) ; kdlari, a deaf woman, (masc. kala) ; bha\)~ 
guri, a woman addicted to hemp, (masc. bha\\guwd ; cf. Bg. 
bhaijgar) ; Jcduri, a female crow, (masc. kowd) ; zi, zijydrt, 
a daughter, etc. 

The -n is the same as M.I. A. -did (O.I. A. -tiJcd) used 
pleonastically. Where no sex difference is indicated, -ri is 
written as -ri, e.g. bdUin\ news, (vattadia) (§. 573) . 

In establishing -ri as a feniinine suffix in the case of some 
nouns, might some remote influence of Sant. -era (the 


feminine suffix) be suspected? There may be a conver- 
gence of Aryan and extra-Aryan forms in fixing up -r- as an 
accompaniment to the definitive As. feminine suffix -t. 

(B) The Number. 

615. The Magadhan languages as a rule form the plural 
by the addition of some nouns of multitude. This is the 
general rule in Maith. Bg. 0. and Assamese, but in Mag. and 
Bhoj. the plural is generally formed by the addition of -n 
(M.I. A. -ana < -anam) . 

616. The ending in -?i occurs as a pi. affix in dialectical 
Bengali (O.D.B.L. §. 486), and also as a secondary affix 
added to nouns of multitude to indicate the plural, -e.g. guli-n, 
-gula-n, besides -guli, -guld. It has acquired the value of an 
honorific suffix in respectful forms of verbs, e.g. kare-n 
gele-n, etc. 

617. In Western Assamese, -n occurs in the combination 
-hun used as a respectful definitive to nouns and as a plural 
affix to pronouns e.g. tahu-n, they ; cihu-n, these (people) ; 
bapdhu-n, my father. (§. 593) . 

618. For relics of plural in -s- (O.I. A. -sam > M.I.A. 
* -sa > Ap. -ha. Cf. As. eb, this (honoured) person ; ted, 
that (honoured) person. (§§. 176, 675, 678) . 

619. Mag. genitive plural in aha > -a, -a has given 
Assamese honorific -a; e.g. si-ja?i, that man ; but raja-jana, 
the king. So also bdper, thy father : but bdpera, your father, 
etc. The plural in -a has been extended to the respectful 
forms of verbs in the second person honorific (orig. PL) e.g. 
Icdr, do thou ; but hard, do you ; karili, thou didst ; but karila, 
you did, etc. 

These are all the relics of the O.I.A. genitive plural in 
\ssamese. The formations that function as post-positions to 
shew the plural are discussed below. 

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frLU&AL suffices m 


620. In E.As. the plural was formed by the addition of 
U. words of multitude like gatia, samuha, caya, saba, meld 
or meleka bistara or some desi words like jaka (horde) ; e.g. 
sisu-jaka, children; lofca-bistara, multitude of men; pdtra- 
mela or meleka, ministers. 

621. In early Assamese, mane was used as a plural suffix 
in a specialised sense of " all included " ; e.g. sabe caturbhuja 
puruqa mane, all males are four-handed ; jateka simdari pad- 
minx mane, all beautiful women are padminis ; kataka mdne y 
all soldiers. The specialised sense is preserved in modern 
Assamese also, e.g. lord mane aha, come all who are boys. 
In Oriya, itidve is an ordinary plural suffix but in Assamese 
its use is different. It is held to be related to O.I. A. mdnava 

(O.D.B.L. p. 737). This etymology does not however 
explain the sense of '* all " . (cf . §. 702) . 

622. Mod. Assamese ha* discarded the use of the above 
ts. words. Their place has been occupied by three other 
new suffixes, — bor (colloquially also bhor, borak, boldk) ; 
-bilak, and -hat. Oi these, -bor is used as an ordinary plural 
suffix in a contemptuous sense ; -bilak is used to show respect 
and -hat is used in restricted senses. The origin of these 
sflffixes has not been fully discussed. Dr. S. K. Chatter ji 
suggests connection of -bor with O.I. A. bahula or bahala 
(O.D.B.L. Vol. II, p. 738). This derivation is supported 
by the fact that there is a dialectal form -bold-Jc. There is a 
plural suffix -bold in Marwar (Kellogg : Hindi Grammar, 
§. 255) . This is the same suffix as Assamese -bola-k, from 
O.I. A. bahula > *baiila > bola, to which the modern defini- 
tive affix -d and the pleonastic -ka have been added. Modern 
Assamese -bor, -borak, -bhor may be regarded as phonetic 
variants of bold, bola-k ; or -bor with variants may be derived 
from O.I.A. bahu + O.I.A. suffix -ta > M.I.A. * baitda 
(*Wiautfa), N.I.A. bor (bhor), bora-k. 


623. -bildk ; it came into literary use much later than 
-bor. It is not met with in Mid. As. of the prose chronicles 
where -hot, -hat are freely used. It makes its first appear- 
ance in literary compositions in the monthly periodical 
Arunodaya of the American Baptist Mission, published in 
1846. Originally it was looked upon as a mere substitute for 
-bar, but in modern times it is used in a respectful sense. 

Its origin has been regarded as obscure. It falls in a line, 
however, in point of formation with -boldk (Western As. 
coll. gilak) and may be taken as a blend between visala + 
bahula ; or, might it be related to Khasi, byliai, " in great 
numbers ", used also after other nouns oi multitude to empha- 
sise the PL e.g. Khasi bun-byllai, many, in large numbers ; 
bun=:many? (Cf. § 642). 

624. -hat. This is an example of an originally present 
participial word functioning first as an enclitic suffix 
indicating connexion (cf. § 591) and then as a plural suffix. 
It appears in E, As. as -santa, -hanta and is used after numer- 
als and oblique forms ot pronominal si ems ; e.g. diu-/ia?Ua, 
both; tini-hantdj all three; sabe-hanta, all included; e-santa 
this person (honorific) ; tehenta, tenta, they, he (honorific). 
santa (hanta) is the M.I.A. present participle of O.I.A. 
\/as, and its use as an affix of connexion goes back 
to inscriptional Prakrit and it was later introduced in 
inscriptional Sanskrit, e.g. amha-sa (n) taka, our; pitu-sa (n)*- 
taka, of the father (Senart : Nasik Cave Inscription; E.P. Ind. 
VIII pp. 73, 78 ; quoted in O.D.B.L. p. 753) ; also, vota-santika, 
nagadiya-santaka, asmat-sataka (Fleet : Inscription of Early 
Gupta Kings; pp. 113, 118, 237). E. Assamese santa (hanta) 
seems to be allied to Marwari handa, Sindhi sando and 
Kashmiri handu. Its restricted use in Kashmiri after plural 
masculine nouns indicating living beings, bears some resem- 
blance to the Assamese use of hanta after numerals (other 
than one) and of -hat «hanta) after nouns indicating human 
beings. (Grierson : Manual of Kashmiri ; Vol. I, p. 34) . 

The use of hanta after oblique forms of demonstrative 
pronominal stems to shew respect (ehenta, enta, this pecson ; 
tehenta, tenia, that person) has been referred to above. 


625. Occasionally in E.As. dui-Tianta, tini-hanta, etc. 
were preceded by strengthened forms of the genitive cases 
of the pronouns ; e.g. torn duMnta, both of you ; tara tint- 
hantdj all three of them. Because of its use after numerals, 
hanta ( > hat) seems to have been regarded as a plural suffix, 
and in Mod. As. it has been transferred from the numeral 
to the pronominal base, e.g. si-hat dui-o, both of them ; i-hat 
tini-o, all three of these ; tcthat sakal-o, all of you. The 
adjectival nature of -hat has been preserved in the uses re- 
ferred to above, so that Mod. As. forms like si-hat, they; i-hat, 
these, are elliptical genitival expressions after which some 
numerals have been dropped. 

After nouns, -hat as a PI. suffix indicates only members 
of a trade, caste or group ; e.g. chatar-hat, students ; kahar- 
hat, bell-metal workers ; do™ -hat, people of the Dom caste, 
etc. It is used also after nouns of relationship in a respect- 
ful sense, e.g. deutd-lmt, fathers; kakdi-hat, elder brothers, 

626. -sn.-. Used in E.As. only after oblique forms of the 
pronouns of the first and second persons (amdsa-k, to us ; 
arnasa-r, of us; tonuisa-t. in you). It is found also in 
Bengali (Siripuria, Purnea), hams-ar, our; turns-ar, your 
(L.S.I. , Vol. I, p. 354). In this connection cf. Bihar! (Bhoj- 
purl) -sa (ghord-sa, horses) (L.S.I. , V. II, p. 224). 

The origin of this -sa~ seems obscure. Dr. Chatterji 
taking the Assamese dative form in -sdk (dmdsd-k ; tomasa-k) 
alone, affiliates -sdk to inscriptional -sat-ka- (O.D.B.L. 
§. 504) . In slight modification and further development of 
Dr. Chatterjfs argument it may be added that -sa- may be 
referred back to inscriptional -sataka < ~santak< both of 
which forms are attested (§ *624) . In that case d?7idsd- may 
well be held to be related to asviat-sataka > * amha*saa. 

The use of -sa- < -sataka after pronouns of the first and 
second persons would thus fall in a line with the use of -hanta 
{ -santa) as definitives after demonstrative pronominal stems. 


627. It may not be out of place to add that inscrip- 
tional -santaka has its progenies in Mar. handa y Sindh. sando, 
Kashm. handu, all gen. post-positions, and in As. hat (hanta) , 
Kamrupi han (§. 636) ; whereas -sataka has its progenies in 
Bhoj. -sa, Bengali (Purnea), -s- in ham-s-ar, tum-s-ar, and 
E. As. sa. 

628. -saba, -samba : (O.I. A. sarva > M.I.A. sabba, 
* samba) . 

Used in E.As. as PI. suffixes after oblique forms of the 
second and third person pronouns : e.g. toma-sab, you all ; 
td-sambar, of them all. 

Dr. Chatterji registers an E.As. form samha (which I 
have not met with) but omits samba, which is very common 
(O.D.B.L. §. 493) . Is sart\ha a mis-print for samba ? 

629. -lok. Used after oblique forms of the first and 
second person pronouns (ama-lok, wo : toma-lokar. of you) 
cf . Bihari. ham-log. we ; Ui'log, you. 

630. -diyek, -ccrek. These as PI. suffixes indicate a 
small indefinite number, e.g. miti-diyek cinta, a few thoughts ; 
jan-cerek mdnuh, a few men. These two suffixes are com- 
pounds of di (dvi)+ekydi(y)ek, and cdri (ciari preserved 
in early Oriya) > ccr- (§§ 239b. 594) . % 

631. -khen. As a plural affix it is used in a contemptu- 
ous sense ; lora-khen. the boys, kukur-khen, the dogs, etc. 

-khen is connected with O.I. A. khattda (a group, 
assemblage) >*khanna, *khanna>khena ; in khen^ the change 
of -a to -e- is due to dialectical influence (cf. e-khan ; e-khen ; 
du-khan : dn-khen) (§. 469) . 

# 632. -ar ; is found only in E.As. ami-ar, we. This seems 
to be the same as Bihari (Chhika-ChhikI) -ar (fcam-ar, we) 
(L. S.I. V. II, p. 99) . It may be traced to O.I. A. apara. 



633. The following plural forms are used exclusively in 
the Kamrupi dialect of western Assam. Some of them are 
met with also in early Assamese writings which were greatly 
influenced by the Kamrupi dialect. Of these, -hdn is a phono- 
logical variation of -hanta, and -hun and -the-, are of dif- 
ferent origins. 

634. -hun. In western Assam (Kamrupi) there are 
forms like tdhun. tahnai, they ; ahun, dhndi, ehnai, these, 
etc. There are also forms in Eastern Hindi like dun-hnn, 
don-hun (L.S.I. Vol. VI, pp. 143, 150) ; saba-kahun, all; 
vahun, these (Kellogg § 241). The suffix -hun is a double 
genitive made up of gen. PI . suffix -na ( < -na) added to the 
gen. Singr. suffix -su (cf. Ap. tanu. jasu) > N.I. A. -hu. Both 
the forms jasu, and jahu are found in the Braja Bhasa 
(Kellogg §. 266a) 

635. In western Assam, -hun is added after nouns of 
relationship in a definitive sense but the definiteness indica- 
ted is with reference to the first person, e.g. bdpd-hun, my 
father; mdma-hun. my uncle. The demonstrative pronomi- 
nal form (PI.) a-hun. these, is also used as a plural suffix 
after proper names of persons and nouns of relationship, 
e.g. Hari-dhun % Hari and others; bdpd-dhun. my father and 
others ; bdpe-dhun, your father and others. Might this be 
related to Kashmiri gen. post-position -unit used after singu- 
lar proper names of persons ? (Grierson : Manual of Kash- 
miri, Vol. I, p. 34). 

• 636. -han. This is an exactly parallel form to -hun and 
is a phonological modification of hanta (sa?ita) (§. 470). It 
survives in Western Assamese forms like tahnai (td-hdnai), 
they, he (hon.) : ahna-i (a-hdndi) these, this person ; tehn&i 
(te-Jidn-), they ; he (hon.) ; -haw is also found, though rarely, 
in E.As. e.g. dui-hdnu, both of the two. It is used also after 
nouns of relationship in a definitive sense, e.g. bdpdfidn, my 


637. Of restricted use there is another PI. suffix -tha-, 
(-tha-), used after nouns of relationship, proper names of 
persons, and pronouns, with case-endings (~thek, -ther, 
-thet) . It is parallel to Bg. -dek, -der, -det It is never 
used for the nominative. It is found in early Assamese and 
it survives in western Assamese colloquial. After proper 
names and nouns of relationship, it has the specific sense of 
indicating a family group suggested by the person or the rela- 
tion referred to ; e.g. amather, of our family, father, of their 
family; mamathek, to uncle and his family; Gopalthet, at 
Gropal and his family. This -tha- (-tha-), seems to be related 
to O.I. A. stavaka, M.I. A. thavaya. The cerebralisation in 
-tha seems to be due to some vague association with th&i, 

The forms -the-k, -the-t seem to be back-formations from 

638. -hdmra, Avamla. Used after proper names of per- 
sons and nouns of relationship. It obtains only in Western 
Assamese colloquial, e.g. Ram-hamra, Ram and others ; bdpd- 
-hdmra, father and others. This suffix seems to be the same 
as the North Bengali (Dinajpur) remote demonstrative 
plural amrah, they (L.S.I. V. I, p. 355) used as a PI. suffix 
like As. ahun discussed above. Cf. also Haijong omra, 

In St. Coll. we have hdmar-bharc, in large quantity, "by 
waggon-loads". There is also the dialectal expression 
hdmdld'hdmeLli, eating something in large quantities at 
a time. The formations seem to be related to Santali fwmar, 
granary ; hamram, abundant, copious. 

639. bhella. In western Assam there is a dialectal word 
bhella, numerous. There is also the Koc word bhelela, 
much, many, (Hunter : Non-Aryan words oj India and High 
Asia; p. 80). This harks back to M.I.A. \/bhela, to mix, 
collect (H. G. Sheth : Prakrita-Hindi Dictionary) , Marathi 
bhela, Rajasthani bhele, bhelo, collection (L.S.I. Vol. IX, 
Part II t p. 89). Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar (Wilson Philological 


Lectures, p. 190) derives bhela from O.I. A. misra + la> 
M.I.A. missa+lla > *mihalla *mhilla, *bhilla-, bhella. 

640. -gild, -gildk, -gilan; -rjgla-, -v\gldn. 

These are PI. affixes very commonly used in western 
Assam dialects in preference to St. Coll. -bor, -bilak. Of 
these -gild, -gilah, -gilan are sub-joned to noun substantives, 
e.g. goru-gildn, the cows ; puthi-gild, the books, etc., -ygUi, 
-qglan are affixed to pronouns, e.g. i->jglan, these ; also i-T|gld ; 
si-i\gla, si-yglan, those, etc. 

641. The suffix -gild has been explained as a phonetic 
variant of -gula, supposed to be affiliated to O.I.A. kula-, 
(O.D.B.L. §. 488). But this derivation seems to be based 
upon a wide assumption. First, there is the phonetic varia- 
tion to account for, which may be quite local but when the 
corresponding forms gula, gild spread over a wide area 
covering Onssa in the west and Assam in the east (gula being 
in use in Bg. and 0. and gild in Bg. & As.), such a variation 
should have been as widely recognised as the three-fold treat- 
ment in M.I.A. of O.I.A. r. Secondly, a sts. form like gula < 
fcula-, supposedly dated from the early Middle Bengali times 
(O.D.B.L. p. 727) could not have spread over the areas 
covered by three different provincial languages. 

Most probably gula, gild are entirely different forms and 
of different origins. gula. seems to be of desi origin and 
affiliated to D. guliya— stabakah (Desindmamald : II, 103) 
= a quantity, a multitude . 

642. As to gild, it seems to be hardly related to gula. 
There are the three dialectal PL suffixes in Bg. (-gd, -Id, 
-gil&, L.S.I. V. I, 372) ; and Western Assamese in addition 
to -gild, has also -)jgla. They all seem to be of non- Aryan 
origin. The following Austric forms may be compared. 

lu y lo = many, much (M. 41) . 

Also, biga, bigd t bi pd^many, much (M. 42). 


Also, ma'-git, mri-git, how many, (W. 78) . 
• Also, jngoy — many (M. 44) . 

(C). The Case. 

643. In As. as in Bg. case-relationship is indicated by 
two devices : (1) by independent post-positions, (2) by 
agglutinative case-endings which are archaic survivals of the 
old locative and the instrumental. 

The post-positions are put on and off according to the 
nature of the construction and the sense meant to be con- 
veyed. Only in the case oi the gen. {-ra) and the loc. (-ta) 
the post-positions are inseparable from the case-formations. 

The noun often takes the post-position -c in the nomi- 
native, when it is the subject of a transitive verb. In the 
case of the intransitive verb, the bare stem itself is used to 
indicate relationship in the nominative. There is no agent 
case, nor is there any oblique base except in the case of 

While the elision of the case-ending represents one 
stream of development, the use of the -e ending in the nom. 
of trans, verbs points to another line of development. The 
passive construction with the past-participles of O.I A. verb- 
roots came much into vogue in latter day Sanskrit, and in 
M.I.A. periods, this method of expressing the past became 
almost a common rule (Hoernle §. 371) . 

644. In Sanskrit the past participle passive of intrans. 
verbs could be used in an active sense with the subject in 
the nom. case. In the case of trans, verbs, the real passive 
construction was used with the subject in the instrumental 
case. In the Western N.I. A. languages, the passive con- 
struction is retained in the agent-case, but in the Eastern 
languages, out of the contact of both these constructions in 
M.I.A. has emerged something like a passive-active con- 
struction. Originally passive in construction, a sentence like 
bane hanile, the arrow struck, ( < * vdneixa hdnita + itla*= 
vdnena, > vanem, > vane hanida + ilia-) , has received an 


active force and the construction is looked upon as active. 
In the establishment of such an idiom there must have been 
considerable influences of constructions like vamh patitahi > 
*vane padida + illa. The Assamese idiom ban parii, the 
arrow fell, represents the natural phonological development 
of nom. vane, > vani, > vdna padida + #to, whereas bane 
hanile represents a blend between the passive and the active 

645. The Assamese case-ending -e retains its two-fold 
characteristics ; (1) active-passive and (2) past-present, in 
constructions with finite and participial verbs respectively; 
e.g. Gopdle likhe, Gopal writes ; but Gopale likha puthi, the 
book written by Gopal. 

The post-positions used to indicate other case-relations 
fell in a line with those of other N.I. A. languages and hardly 
present any difficulty in derivation. 


The Nominative. 

646. From the earliest times Assamese has the charac- 
teristic nominative ending in -e. After nouns ending in -a, 
-a and -u, this -e becomes -z. In certain circumstances to be 
noticed below, the case-ending remains also quiescent. 

The case-ending -i seems to be of recent development. 
In middle Assamese (of the prose chronicles) , the characteris- 
tic affix is -c even after nouns ending in -a. 
Examples are : kanya-e ; maharaja-e, etc. 

647. The case-ending is invariably dropped when the 
subject is related to an instransitive verb except when 
special emphasis is laid upon it. But the subject of a tran- 
Jitive verb must always take on the characteristic inflexional 
ending. In establishing this -c a| the characteristic affix used 
to denote the nominative, there was the influence of the -e, 
-e affix of the instrumental, so that -e may be regarded as 
the instr. -nom. case-ending. In passive construction, the 


instrumental -e is invariably used both in early and modern 
Assamese ; e.g. Rdghabe dibdrd astra, the weapon given 
by Raghava ; dpuni nirmila sdstra, the scripture composed by 
yourself; Gopdle likhd cithi, the letter written by Gopala: 
hate bowd kdpor, the cloth woven by hand, etc. 

648. The constant use of instrumental -e in the passive 
construction of transitive verbs might have influenced the 
habitual use of -e with the subjects of transitive verbs ; e.g. 
mdnuh mare, man dies ; but rndnuhe mare, a man beats. 
Moreover, as the dative-accusative post-position -Jca is 
never used except when special emphasis is laid upon the 
accusative, the nominative case-affix is absolutely necessary 
in the subjects of transitive verbs to remove confusion bet- 
ween the subject and the accusative, e.g. mdnuh puire, man 
dies : mdnuh mdre, beats a man ; but rndnuhe mare, a man 

The nominative case-ending in -e is shared also by 
Bengali and Oriya. 

The Instrumental. 

649. The characteristic instrumental inflexional ending 
in Assamese is -e. It represents O.LA. instr. Singr. -em ; 
M.I. A. -ena, -em ; Ap. -e. 

The use of -e in passive constructions has been noticed 
above. It is used also to form adverbs from nouns and 
adjectives and to indicate accompaniment, e.g. bege, rapidly; 
andydse, with ease : Idhe lahc, slowly ; Rdme sqite, with 
Rama. In expressions like the following, -e has an ablative 
force : e.g. tdr mukhe sunilo, heard from his lips ; tdr hfite 
pdlo, received from his hand. 

650. But when the instrument or means by which 
something is accomplished is meant, the instrumental 
-e is added to the pleonastic -er-, and -ere suggests the instru- 
ment or the agent ; e.g. lidtert, with hand, by means of hand ; 
baferey by the way. In Chittagong dialect, genitive -4r- is 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


used with instrumental -d? ; put-ar-di, with the son. (L.S.I, 
V. I, p. 293) . 

In early Assamese, the use of -ker-e, -ere to suggest 
accompaniment is very common ; e.g. hena sisupdla-kere 
m&i dibo biyd, I shall give (her) in marriage with Sisupala 
of such merits (Sankara Deva : Rukmini Havana) ; jcimm-ere, 
with my son-in-law ; tumi-ere, with you ; Krsna-ere also 
Kr$ne-ere, with Krishna. 

The instrumental -e, -e is found also in the Magadhan 
dialects; Maith-Mag. ghore, by a horse; Bhoj. ghore. The 
characteristic instrumental ending in Bengali is -e. 

651. The sense of instrument is conveyed also by the 
instrumental -e followed by the conjunctive participle di, 
giving, or by the conj. part, alone ; e.g. hatedu with the hand; 
batedi, by the way. 

The instrumental di (did) is noticeable in St. Bengali 
and also in some East Bengal dialects ; e.g. dari did bdnia, 
having tied with a rope ; Chitlagong : putar-di, with the son 
(L.S.I. V. I. pp. 214,293). It occurs also in Oriya in the 
form dei. 

652. The post-positional word hatuwa-i (connected with 
hasta > M.I. A. hattha, > Mu) suggests the instrumentality 
of a person by or through whom something is accomplished ; 
e.g. tar hatuwa-i. by means of him. Cf. Rangpur dialect: 

The Locative. 

653. The characteristic locative affix in Assamese from 
early times is -fa. It seems to go back to O.I. A. secondary 
derivative in -tray M.I. A. * -tta > -fa. > -te. This -tra > 
* -tta > -ttf seems to have given Assamese derivative in -tit/fi 
i&gatiya, growing early ; schafujd. growing late, etc. (§. 513) 
having a local implication. There is another derivation sug- 
gested from antah, within. (O.D.B.L. §. 750) . But the loss 
of the nasal would remain unexplained in As 


654. The affix -ta has an ablative farce in expressions 
suggesting comparison; e.g. mot kai sdru, younger than I; 
gachat kqi okh, taller than the tree, etc. This use is noti- 
ceable also in early Bengali. 

In the ablative use of the locative, there seems to be the 
convergence of M.I.A. ablative affix -atto from O.I.A. abla- 
tive affix -at + tas ; cf. vacchatto, rukkhatto < vrksdt + tas : 
ruksdt+tas (Pischel § 365) . The locative -e survives in cer- 
tain repetitive phrases in Assamese ; e.g. dpade-bipade, in 
adversity and like circumstances ; sukhe-dukhe, in prosperity 
and in adversity ; ghare-ghare, house to house ; bate-bate, on 
every road, etc. (Cf. also §. 187) . 

The Genitive. 

655. The characteristic genitive affix in Assamese is -ra. 
Early Assamese used several imported forms like -Jcerd, -erd, 
-Jcard, -fed ; (e.g. bhdyakeri dukha ; brother's sorrows: t&kara 
guna ,* his merits ; ndmaka sari : the equal of (Lord's) 

name; dmdthera Krsiia : our Krishna, etc., (forms like 
dmdther. tumdther, etc., survive dialectically). These impor- 
ted forms did not catch on and -ra established itself as the 
characteristic post-position. 

This -ra post-position occurs also in Oriya and the dia- 
lects of North Bengal and Sylhet amongst the Magadhan 
dialects, and in MarwarT amongst the Western languages. 

656. The origin of the genitive post-positions in the vari- 
ous N.I.A. languages has been discussed very exhaustively 
(Grierson ; Hindustani : Encyc. Brit. : Chatterji : O.D.B.L. 
§. 503) . They are all related to the derivative formations of 
Vkr like kara, kdra, kdrya. krtya, already yielding adjecti- 
val affixes in M.I.A. amhdrd : mahdrd : amhakera ; parbkera; 
amheccaya : tumheccaya. There are extended applications of 
these affixes in M.I.A. literature, cf. mahaccia mane, in my 
mind ; mama-kera* vappa-kera, etc. 

Amongst N.I.A. languages, -rd, -rrd are the characteris- 
tic affixes of Assamese and Bengali respectively and -en of 
MSrfithi. while Sindhi -jo is a modern form related to kdrya > 
MJA kajja, > -ajja, -ja. The Magadhan languages have 


the gen. post-position in -fca. This seems to be a blend bet- 
ween M.I. A. -Jcoa < fcrta and the adjectival -fcfca which has 
also a genitival force. 

The Dative. 

657. The -fca genitive of the Magadhan dialects is used 
for the dative in Assamese and in North Bengal dialects. 
The use of the genitive for the dative is in conformity with 
O.I. A. uses. (Whitney. §. 297, a). 

€58. In the group -ka+lai (lagi) , -fca functions as a gen. 
to indicate direction, purpose, etc., e.g. Krsnara pdsdfcd lagi, to 
Krishna's side ; jatandka lagi for the purpose of punishment 
etc. (Cf. Bg. Ramer lagi). In modern Assamese, -fca is 
dropped before lai : ghara-lai, in the direction of home ; mo- 
lai maram, affection towards me, etc. 

€59. As a comprehensive source of the dative post-posi- 
tion in the N.I.A. languages and specially to account for early 
Eastern Hindi forms like halm, kaha, kahu, kahu and SindhI 
fche, Beames suggested O.I.A. kaksa, side, as the probable form 
from which N.I.A. affixes like Bg. -fce, 0. -ku, Br. -fcau, H. -fco 
etc. have sprung. Bengali kachc is no doubt related to fcafcsa 
but kache has never been regarded as an equivalent of Bg. 
dat. -fce. 

Bhanolarkar objects to this proposed derivation from 
kaksa. To be " the original of the dative case-affix in nearly 
all the languages, it is necessary that it should have been used 
extensively in Skt. or Pkt. or m the old literature of the 
modern languages." (Wilson Philological Lectures, p. 246). 
Moreover derivations from kaksa would not account for 0. 
•feu, Br. -kaii, H. -fco etc. It has been suggested that these 
ire all to be connected with an Apabhransa form for the 
ablative in *kakkhahu, *kakkhahu etc. (O.D.BX,. p. 761). 
But the ablative does not seem ever to have been used in a 
dative sense in O.I.A. 

In early Assamese specimens shewing influences of 
the Brajabuli style, we meet with both genitival and dative 


uses of kahu, kahb ; e.g. saba-kahu hrdaya, the heart of all ; 

Hari-kahb caratm, the feet of Hari ; also saba-kahu mart, 

killing all ; kuca-kahb dhari Hari, Hari touching the breast. 

These are also used after conjunctive participles ; e.g. iiini- 
kahb, having heard ; kheddi- ka/io, having driven away etc. 

The E. As. uses of -kahu, -kahb both as dative and 
genitive post-positions seem to be extensions of early Eastern 
Hindi use of -kaha, -kahu as only dative post-positions, e.g. 
janma hetu saba-kaha pitu radtd (Tulsidas); with reference 
to all, the father and the mother are the cause of birth: 
saba-kahu sukhada Rama abhiseku (ibid.), with reference to 
all, pleasing is the installation of Rama. 

660. The extension of the genitive to the dative is well 
attested by M.I.A., and that of an afhx of relationship (func- 
tioning as gen.) to the dative is warranted by N.I.A. ; but 
there is one category of forms observed by Sir G. A. Grierson 
which seems to point to the genitival origin of -kahu. "Through 
all the Indo-Aryan vernaculars the sign of the conjunctive 
participle is always related to one of the signs of the genitive 
(L.S.I. VI, p. 159) . In the early Assamese expressions quoted 
above, there are uses of -kahb both as dative and genitive 
post-positions, and also as a conjunctive participle. If -kahu, 
-kaha are genitival in origin, they can be explained as M.I.A. 
adjectival-genitival -kka -f gen. -ha, -hu< where the nasalisa- 
tion may be due to analogy with the loc. -hi which was fre- 
quently used to form the oblique base. cf. Old Awadhi kaha-l 
(without the nasal) ^kaha (Bagheli) (L.S.I. VI, pp. 22, 39). 

In Carya (35), appear the forms maku~mama, and 
mo-kakhu — mahyam, as the commentary explains. The -feu 
in rnaku may be short for *makahu, and -kakhu in the sentence 
Bdjule dila moha-kakhu may be related to kaksa- = Mod. Bg? 
k&ehe. The forms -ku and kakhu may not have a common 

In any case As. -fat, Bg. -ke, may be derived either 
from Jcrta or M.I.A. -kka without postulating kaksa as the 
root source. 


The Dative in -e. 

661. There are traces of a dative in -e in early As. 
Though this is common to both early As. & Bg. its use was 
restricted in As. to pronouns only, e.g. moke ibdr karwna kara, 
shew mercy towards me this time, uddhdrd more, save me 
(lit. as far as I am concerned). In the sentences samaste 
tyagila, gave up all ; dpuni sakale jdnd, yourself know all ; 
ekowe namane, does not regard anything, the termination -e 
seems to be emphatic ; ( < Skt. particle -hi) . 

This affix is held to be the same as the oblique in -ahi, 
-ahi of Eastern and Western Hindi (O.D.B.L. § 499) and it 
has been traced back to M.I. A. -ahi of the locative. (Grierson: 
Encycl Brit. Hindustani). This oblique in -hi, survives in 

Mod. As. pronominal derivatives aW hereof : ta'-r thereof 

(a'~ 5) etc. earlier airti, ahira (S. 711) 

The Ablative. 

662. Assamese like Bengali does not possess any organic 
affix for the ablative. In E. As. the ablative sense was con- 
veyed by various devices : (a) by the genitive in -r& with 
verbs implying removing, going away, descending etc.; (b) 
by placing the post-position para after the gen. ; (c) by sub- 
joining haute (earlier santc) to the bare nominal stem or to 
the genitive or locative of the stem. e.g. airci antara. remove 
from here ; garurard runni Hari, Hari, getting down from 

Garuda etc. The use of the gen. for the ablative with cer- 
tain classes of verbs is warranted by O.I.A. and M.I.A. tradi- 
tions (Whitney §. 297, d; Hema Chandra : iii, 134) . 

663. The post-position para (O.I.A. pare) , primarily mean- 
ing 'beyond', 'further/ 'subsequent' etc. has suffered an exten- 
sion of meaning in its use as an ablative indicating particle. 
Its primary significance is retained in certain contexts when 
sequence of events or procedure from a cause or occasion is 
indicated ; e.g., panir juddhar para aru juddha nah&l, after the 
water-fight, there was no more fighting (Buranji : K.A.S. 
p. 149) ; darab khowar para topani ahil, fell asleep after (by 


reason of) taking the medicine, para is the strengthened form 
6f par (O.I.A. pare > *pari, par) . 

The meaning of * from ' seems to have developed out 
of ' after \ The use of an ablative in the sense 'after' though 
rare, is not altogether absent in O.I.A. (Whitney § 291, b). 
Dialectical (Kamrupi) peren, pere, from, seems to be con- 
nected with Skt. parena, used with the ablative in the sense 
of " after. " 

664. hantc (earlier sante) is the locative absolute of 
present participle santa, (\as). The ablative sense seems 
to have developed out of the absolute. In certain constructions, 
the absolute and the ablative senses seem to be inseparable, 
e.g. bhdya santc nrpatira siharila gawa : from fear (fear over- 
coming) the (hairs of the) body of the king stood on end ; 
eta hante tana dui caranata dhan : such being the case, grasp- 
ing both his two feet. 

In such examples the absolute sense is unmistakable. In 
a border-line sentence, like Mantharata hante pdila jata dukha, 
from (by reason of) Manthara, all the sufferings (you) receiv- 
ed, an ablative sense seems to have developed out of the loca- 
tive absolute. Such transition in meaning is intelligible 
because in O.I.A. the ablative is used to express both removal 
and procedure as from a cause or occasion (Whitney §§ 290, 

hante occurs in Mid. Bg. as hante, honte, hate, hane, 
indicating the ablative with the base. It is found also in dia- 
lectical Bengali as hate (Kharia, Thar), hote (Maldah). 

hante corresponds to Mag. sati ; Bhoj. sante : from, by 
(L.S.I.V. II, pp. 38, 50). 

The uses of hanta- to express the plural and the condi- 
tional past have been noticed under respective sections. (§§ 
624, 786 ff). 


665. Except in the nominative, the pronoun in Assamese 
takes the same affixes and post-positions as the noun, but 
unlike the noun it has a definite oblique or common form 
(samanya-rupa) to which the affixes or post-positions are add- 
ed. This oblique form is generally the old genitive in M.I.A. 
In M.I.A. the genitive case-form could be substituted for all 
other cases except the nominative (Hema Chandra: hi. 134) 
and hence perhaps it came to be looked upon, when more dis- 
tinctive and individualized forms were thought necessary, as 
the base to which other case-endings could be easily added. 
Even in O.I.A. the genitive " often bears the aspect of being a 
substitute for other cases as dative, instrumental, ablative, 
locative" (Whitney §. 294, b). 

The Pronoun of the First Person. 

666. Like nouns in the instrumental-nominative -e, 
Assamese pronouns also are capable of both active and passive 
constructions with the past participles of transitive verbs ; e.g. 
mat karb, I do; mai hard Mm, the work done by me. So 
also tea hare, he does ; tcu hard ham, the work done by him 
etc. This leads to the supposition that the present-day pro- 
nominal nominatives of Assamese are cither the products of 
two confluent forms or they were originally instrumental 
later used as the nominatives. 

The pronoun of the 1st person Sg. is mat. It affiliates it- 
self to M.I.A. instr. mac, mai % (Ap ) mai and not to MIA 
nom. Sg. aham, hark : hage, haggc, or (Ap.) hau. 

The Car yds illustrate the passive construction of mai with 
the past or future (in -il- ; -tb-) of a transitive verb e.g. 
eta-kala hau acchile sva-mohe 
ebe mat bujhila sadguru-bohe. 

"Tot such a long tint* I ww in ray own ignortnoe- 
Now by me it has been understood through the good 
masters instruction." (quoted from O.D.BJL, p 
Hiere was a confusion between the active and passive 
constructions and in Prdkrta pi^gala (I 5) the active con- 
struction with instr. tai, thou. (O.I.A. taya : M.I.A. toe, tax) 
occurs : 

arere vahahi Kanha mva choti 
daga-maga leugati na dehi ; 
tai itlri nadilu saiara dei 
jo cahasi so lehi. 
" Row on, Kanu, this small boat unsteady, and put me 
not into distress ; 
You ferrying (me) across this river, take whatsoever 
you desire (from me) v . 
It appears that in late M.I.A. there was a free use of mdz, 
tai etc. both in the active and the passive constructions. 

The dialectical Bihari forms are mai, moe, moi : dialec- 
tical Bg. and As. mui. The nasalisation in i, e is inherited 
from the AP. and seems due to the influence of the instru- 
mental affix -ena. of the nominative : -mai moe < as if *may J 
ena. In moe. moi, the instrumental -e -i (< i.) has been 
extended to the oblique base mo- 

The As. and Bg. dialectical mui is from moi. the change 
of -o- to -u- being due to vowel harmony. 

667. The oblique base mo- to which post-positions are 
added with the value of different case-endings (mo-k ; mo-r ; 
mo-t) is derived from the genitive mama, which serves as the 
oblique base in M.I.A. (ace. mama-m : abl. mam-ao ; gen. 
mama; loc. mama-mmi) ; mjima > *mawa t mau> m5, mo. A 
dialectical form in ma- also occurs derived from mama > 
*mawa-, ma-, ma~. In the early Assamese oblique base moho, 
the ~ha (-ho) is an extension of the Mg. gen. affix -ha (AP. 
-fco) of nouns (cf. puttaha, puttaho) . 

668. The 1st person PI. is ami, we. It goes back to O.I.A. 
(Vedic) asme> we > M.I.A. amhe > *am?ii, &mi. 


In AP« PL amha\, the 4 seems to be an extension of the 
instrumental -i to the M.I.A. oblique base amha-. 

There is also a regular instrumental PL in amhehl 
This seems to establish the instrumental origin of the nom. 

In forms like As. and Bg. ami, 0. ambhe, dmhe, the -i, -e 
seem to be the result of the fusion of M.I.A. -e, Mg. -e and the 
instrumental -e, -e. 

669. The oblique base rimd- represents O.I.A. asma, 
M.I.A. oblique base amha- strengthened by an -d < -aha, of 
the genitive suffix of the noun. " In M.B. there Is a frequent 
use of the base amJia without the genitival -ra for the geni- 
tive." (O.D.B.L. p. 812). Cf. also Assamese dmd-lolc, we. 

The Pronoun of the Second Person. 

670. The nominative Sg. is tai (inferior ; orig. Sg.) ; 
tumi (superior ; orig. PL) . 

The inferior tai is a parallel form to mai and derived 
from M.I.A. instr. tae, tai, (Ap.) tai. The active construction 
with tai in late M.I.A. has been noted above. 

The oblique base to- (dialectical Id-) represents O.I A. gen. 

The formation of the E. As. oblique base toho~, corres- 
ponds to that of moho- 

The superior turnip you, represents O.I.A. yusme, M.I.A. 
tumhe (a blend of tva -\- yusmc) and is a fusion of M.I.A. 
nominative and instr. -e. 

The instrumental use occurs in the Caryas : tumhe jdiba 
(O.D.B.L. § 550). 

The oblique base tomd- is derived from M.I.A. oblique 
base tumha- plus -d < genitival -aha. 

E. As. honorific genitive tuiva, tdju, (loans from Braja- 
buli) are connected with M.I.A. genitive tuva, tuha* strength- 
ened by -d, and tujjho : tujjha > *tujjo, *tuja, > tdju (by 
vowel transposition) . 


671. There are dialectical (Kamrup) PL forms tuhun, 
tohn&i, tahndi, you. Oblique forms are tu-, to-, ta-. 

The origin of -hun and -ten as PL suffixes has been al- 
ready discussed (§§ 634, 636) . 

672. In early Assamese there are oblique bases amdsd-, 
tomasa-, in the 1st and 2nd person PL Their sources have 
been already discussed. (§ 626). 

The Pronoun of the Third Person. 

673. The nominative singular for the 3rd person (masc.) 
is si corresponding to M.I.A. so ; Mg. ±e ; O.I.A. sah. In all 
probability the Mg. Ap. form was *si and Assamese si seems 
to have been an inheritance from the Mg. AP. form. The 
pronoun occurs in Bg. and 0. as sc. Both in si, and se, the 
vowels -e and -i, seem to represent a fusion as in ami, tumi etc. 
of the nom. and instr. -e (-*) . 

, 674. The oblique base td- is connected with Mg. gen. Sg. 
tdha > *tda- > N.I.A. td-. The oblique in taha- is a strength- 
ened form of the original genitive tdha. 

The dialectical PL forms are tdhun, tahndi, tehndi ; oblique 
bases being td-, to- ; the PL -hun, -ten having been 
added to the bases (§§ 634-636). 

In E. As. forms td/id^ka, tdt t ka ; tdtenta, tdnta etc. the 
oblique base in -dhdtj-, -dten- } seems to be connected with gen. 
PL affix -cham > *-dhdm ; aLso shortened into -dm. 

675. The honorific Sg. is teb ; early Assamese tehe, tewe; 
tehoy tehb ; PL tehente, tente. All these forms can be equated 
to AP. Hehd. (O.I.A. tesdm > tesam, tesa,teha) cf. §. 176. 

Corresponding to masculine si, there is also a feminine 
tat in Assamese which may be traced to M.I.A. instrumental 
tfie (Pischel §425). 

The honorific genitives tana, tdtena are the M.I.A. gen. 
PL t&na, and gen. Sg. tdha plus PL ana (-ana) . 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


E. As. honorific PL tehente = tente is made up of te-hante 
(§ 624). 

The Proximate or Near Demonstrative. 

676. The near demonstrative is masculine i (this man); 
fern, ei (this woman). Both the forms can be traced back 
to the stem eta- ; ei being connected with M.I.A. instrumental 
ete, of feminine stem el— O.I. A. * etu (Pischel §. 426). The 
masc. i (E. As. e ; Bg. and 0. e) can be similarly traced back 
to some M.I.A. form like instr.-nom. *ete > *ete > *ee, e, 
>i. (O.I.A. etena). 

677. The oblique base is masc. iya-, fern. ei-. The forma- 
tion is parallel to that of id- (td/id-) and tai. 

678. The honorific eu (E. As. eho, ehb) parallel to ted 
(E. As. teho, te/io) of the demonstrative, may be connected 
with late M.I.A. (AP.) *eha (O.I.A. csam > *esam, *esa, 
*eha) (§ 176). 

679. The dialectical (Kamrup) PI. forms dhun, ahnai, 
chnai ; oblique bases d-, e-, are parallel to tahun, tdhndi etc. 
of the demonstrative ; and the base d- can be connected with 
late M.I.A. (AP.) stem da- (Hema Chandra : iv, 365). Cf. 

dena = anena ; daho — asya etc. (Pischel § 429). 
E. As. dfc, dr, di are connected with M.I.A. base da-. 
E. As. eh^ite, cnte are parallel formations to tehente, 

The Remote or Far Demonstrative. 

680. The far demonstrative o of Bengali, and o, u, of 
the Bih&ri languages do not exist in Assamese and Oriya. 

In both the languages the ordinary demonstrative se, 
,'tdfcd, t& serves the purjfose of the far demonstrative. In some 
Eastern Bengali dialects too, se, tar are frequently used in 
place of o, or. 


The Relative Pronoun. 

681. The relative pronoun in Assamese is ji, jone : the 
oblique form is jo- ; neuter jih ; dialectical jay. 

The source of this pronoun is the O.I.A. relative ya-. It 
is derived on the same principle as the demonstrative si. 

The formations jone, jay, jih, are parallel to hone, kay, 
kih of the interrogative (discussed below) . 

The form jay occurs also in the Rar/gpur dialect of Ben- 

The Interrogative Pronoun. 

682. The interrogative Jci, what ? (undefined) , obi. Jed-, 
is derived exactly on the same principle as si of the ordinary 
demonstrative, from the pronominal stem Jca-. It occurs as 
ke in other Magadhan dialects. 

The forms used to indicate sentient beings are kon, who, 
and (dialectical) kay. 

683. The pronoun kon (kaun, kawan of the Bihari dia- 
lects) can be affiliated to Western Ap. kavaiia- which has been 
traced to O.I.A. kah punar (Kellogg : § 285 ; Bhanclarkar : 
Wilson Philological Lectures, p. 206; Chatterji : §. 583). 
The suggested derivation seems to be supported by the fact 
" that kaun, kon is found only in the nominative in the 
Northern Indian languages, although the oblique use is found 
in Gujarat! and Marathi ". (O.D.B.L., p. 842). 

684. Dialectical kay, who, may be connected with M.I.A. 
base *kaa- (cf. km —kith, why, wherefore; H.C. iv, 367). It 
may be derived from instrumental *kaena > *Jcde, ♦Jcdt, 

685. The neuter base kih-, as in nom. kihe ; instr. 
kihere ; loc. kihat, etc. {EAs. kisa) ; Bg. kisa ; " goes back 
to early M.I.A. gen. kissa or fciiia (Mg.) = O.I.A. *kisya i 
(kasya). During the early M.I.A. period (his form extend- 
ed its sense to the ablative and became stereotyped into the 


neuter nominative as well, in the sense of what ". O.D.B.L. 

686. The ablative sense is preserved in E.As. kisa-ka 
(why, for what reason) ; kisaka kandaha, why do you weep? 
Cf . Mg. kisa kalanado = kasmat karanat. 

Modern Assamese adverbial kiya, kelqj (kiya+lai), 
why, wherefore, is connected with E.As. kisa ; M.I.A. kissa. 
{kisa>kiha>kiya, all forms being attested in E. As.), keiai, 
< kiya + lai {-iija > -e in As. § 239b.). 

The forms jay, tay, jih are built upon the analogy of 
/cat/, kih. 

The Indefinite Pronoun. 

687. The indefinite pronouns in Assamese are keo and 
kono. keo (E.As.) corresponds to Bg. keha, keho, keu. 
Dialectical khjo. They are all constructed with negative 
verbs and mean " no body. " 

" It is a nominative MagadhI form, coming from O.LA. 
kah api > *Mg. *kc'pi *> *ke\n > * ke-va > * ke-wa^ fce-o 
> keha, keho (with influence from the emphatic particle hu, 
ho)". (O.D.B.L.. §. 588). Oriya has kei. The Bihari 
dialects have (Maith) keo : (Mg.) keu : (Bhoj.) kehu, keu. 
Eastern Hindi has both kehu. kehi. Western Hindi has the 
proper Sajaraseni form koi (Kellogg : § 292) . 

In kono (Eastern Hindi, kannau ; Bhoj. kauno) " affix 
-api has been originally added to the compounded form kah 
-f punar ; the -api being reduced (as above) to au or o ". 
(Kellogg: §.292). 

688. The oblique form of keo is Jca(fw)-, or ha (ha) -f 
case affix or post-position ~f o ( < * awa, < * ava. < api) . 
Dr. Chatterji (§. 56?) connects this -o with the emphatic 
particle hu and ho. But the derivation from apt conveys the 
sense better. 


689. The affix -ba is often added to pronominal deriva- 
tives expressing manner or quality to suggest an indefinite 
sense; e.g. kene-ba, kono-ba, jene-ba, Jci-ba, etc. With -ba f 
the forms kono-, kftyo-, give an affirmative sense " some 
body ". It has been suggested that this ba is the same as the 
Skt. particle vd (cf. Bg. keba, keiba.) . 

690. The neuter indefinite kichu is found also in other 
Magadhan dialects. In Oriya it occurs as kichi. It repre- 
sents O.I. A. kim -]- cid. appearing as kimchi, kichi: kichi 
in the Central and Eastern inscriptions of Asoka and 
kimchi in the West. The aspiration has been explained as 
due to contamination with the masculine kascid > * kacchi. 
(O.D.B.L. §. 589). 

The final -u (in kichu, 0. kichi) seems due to addition of 
apt (cf. keo ; O. kei), as explained above. 

In negative constructions, there is also the indefinite eko, 
meaning "nothing'' added; < oka, ekka, eka. ek -f o. 
(§. 688) . 

The Reflexive and Honorific Pronoun. 

691. The reflexive pronoun in Assamese is apuni, by 
oneself. O.I. A. atman. .self, gave two forms in M.I. A. 
atta-, and appa- ; which are both preserved as noun substan- 
tives in As. ata, father, grandfather, atai, a revered person, 
dp, a revered person, apa, a boy, a son. 

Assamese adjectival -apon, one's own, is connected with 
M.I.A. appanaa- < *O.I.A. atmanaka-. 

The reflexive apuni is in the instrumental case*ending 
of the bare stem apon- (atmanah—appana-) . Both the forms, 
adjectival apon, and instrumental apuni, have been in use 
since early times ; e.g. 

"apuni apona bandhu, apuni apona satru, apuni dpona 
rakhe mare ; One is one's own friend, ope is one's own enemy; 
. one preserves and kills oneself." (Madhava Deva : N&ma 
Ghoqd) . In modern Assamese the reflexive apuni has the 
sense of " by one self ", " voluntarily " . 


692. As in Bengali, so in Assamese the extension of the 
sense from the reflexive to the honorific second personal 
pronoun is a recent phenomenon. Neither in early nor in 
middle Assamese (of the chronicles) is it found in this con- 

The ts. word nija, in the instrumental form nije, is also 
used reflexively in modern Assamese 

693. The other honorific pronouns in As. are ekhet, 
a't ; this person; tekhet, ta't ; that person. Originally 
locatives in form (cf. E. As. ahi-ta, qjtd ; tahi-ta, taita), 
at ta't are used as honorific pronouns of the third person 
(also of the second person in a highly honorific sense), and 
they are regularly declined in the singular in all the cases 
(except the accusative), the declensional base being a'-, ta'-; 
e.g. instr. a're ; gen. aW : loc. a'f . So also tare ; ta'r ; ta't. 
The transfer of the locative a't, tat to the nominative in an 
honorific sense takes place through semantic extension ; a't 
~ here, belonging here, the person belonging here, this 
presence. f 

694. ekhet, tekhet are similar in formation. In middle 
Assamese (of the chronicles) are found the forms ekhet, in 
this place ; ckher, of this place ; ekhelaj, to this place. 
(Purani Asavia Bwrarfji, K.A.S.). The extension of the 
locative ekhet to the honorific pronouns of the third and 
second persons took place in the beginning of the modern 
period. In Mod. As., ekhet is regularly declined both in the 
singular and in the plural in all the cases; the bases for 
the Singr. being ekhe-, ekhet-. In the PI. sakal is added to 
the stem ekhet; e.g. instr. ekhere, ekhetere ; gen. efcher, 
ekhet&r, etc. 

The use of tekhet, to indicate place, is not met with in 
E.As. It must have owed its origin to analogy with ekhet. 
This is also shewn by the fact that the declensional base of 
tekhet in the Singular* is tekhet, and not tekhe- also. 

Originally supposed to be locative, ekhet, tekhet shew 
double forms in the locative ; eJcfcet, ekhetat ; tekhet f tekhe- 


695. In the evolution of ekhet, this honoured person, 
(earlier, "in this place"), there is the influence of analogy 

with a't (here : this honoured person) . The -t (organic) 
in ekhet was confounded with the loc. in -t, and ekhet was 
construed as equivalent to "in this place". The back- 
formations ek/ie-r, of this place ; ekhe-lai, towards this place, 
etc., were made on that popular assumption. There is an- 
other line of development in modern times with ekhet- as 
the base. That explains double forms like ekhet, ekhetat ; 
ekher, ekhetar. 

ekhet thus looks back as origin to some form like etat- 

Demonstrative and Multiplicative Adjectives. 

696. The demonstrative adjectives are, ei, eiyd ; set, 
seiya : sou, sauwd. 

m The demonstrative adjectives ei, sci are the same as the 
demonstrative pronouns e, se as preserved in Bengali and 
other Magadhan dialects, plus the emphatic particle hi. Thus 
sei is parallel to O.I. A. solri, M.I. A. (Mg.) sehi ; sau, that 
yonder, < * sa -\-hu (O.I.A. sah -f khalu) . 

The extended forms seiya, sauwa, etc., are obtained by 
adding the definitive affix -d. 

697. The multiplicative adjectives are, kei, how many; 
keiba, many ; jet, as many . 

kei may be traced back to O.I.A. kati plus emphatic hi. 
So also jet is connected with yati. 

keiba, many, a certain number, is an indefinite form of 
kei. The affix -bd has been explained (§. 689) . 

698. Adjectives of manner or quality. 

These are ene, this-like ; tene, that-like ; kene, what- 
like; jene t which-like (E.As. enayd, eJinayd,hena#A, tenaffa 
jen&, etc.). 


These are related to Bg. Jiena, jena, tenia; Bin. (Maith.) 
e-hm, te-han, ke-han, etc. Dr. Chatter ji traces them 
(O.D.B.L. § 600) to Mag. Ap. sources like *aihaiia, *laihana 9 
* jaikana, * kaihana, which would represent earlier *aisam, 
*taisdna (Mag.) <M.I.A. aisa, taisa, etc., (preserved in 
E. As. § 703). The earlier forms in -saria are not traceable. 
The final -e in As. forms is due to emphatic hi > i. 

The extended forms in -kuwd (enehuwd, tenekuwa, etc.) 
are obtained by adding pleonastic -Jca + adjectival -uiud. 

The early Assamese forms kqichana, iqXchana may be 
traced back to O.I.A. forms in -drksa (lyddrJcsa, kidrksa, etc.) 
plus pleonastic -no. 

699. Forms in raata, mana are found in early Assamese 
only. They do not occur in modern Assamese. 

These have been traced back to O.I.A. -mant-, -vant- 
(O.D.B.L. §. 599). Derivatives in -vant-, if formed from 
pronominal stems, have the meaning of " resembling " in- 
stead of " possessing " ; thus 1-vanU, so great ; ki-vanu, how 
far etc. Macdonell. §. 235a). Early Assamese preserves 
stray instances of -vant- in the sense of resemblance ; (cf . 
Ramayam, p. 223 ; Madhava Kandali) : Balika dekhila gaiya, 
murchitera wate ache : going, saw Bali, (who was) lying like 
one fainting. 

In Bengali, -mat ; -man are living affixes. Oriya preserves 
it in the form -manta, 

The group -nt- changes to -U and also irregularly to -n- 
(§ 470). 

Pronominal Adjectives of Quantity and Number. 

700. These can be divided into the following groups : — 
(a), etek, tete/c, ketek, jetek. 

(b). ' eti% teti-, keti-, jeti-. 

(c). iman, timdn, kiman, jiman, sxmdn, 

(d). sakalo >Jceto-(bor), bhale- (man) . 

Hie corresponding Bengali forms are ato, tata, kata, 
j*ta ; and Oriya forms are ete, tete, Jcete, jete, sete. 


701. The sources of form-groups rit-, tdt-, et-, tet- t etc. have 
been fully discussed by Dr. Chatter ji (O.D.B.L. § 601). These 
form-groups are related to early M.I.A. (Pali) etta-Jca, kitta- 
ka ; second M.I.A. ettia, kettia, tettia etc. and are traceable 
to O.I.A. (Vedic) *ayattya, > *ayattiya ; *kayattya, > 
*kayattiya etc. (Pischel : § 153) made up of the pronominal 
base + the affix -yant (-yat) + an adjectival -tya, > -tiya> 
(ihatya, tatratya etc.), (ibid; and O.D.B.L. § 601). Thus 
ettaka > *ettaa, > *etta, eta-. Similarly ettia, kettia 
> *ettt, ketth > -eti-, keti-. 

The forms etd, ketd etc. take the plural suffix after them ; 
etd— bor ; keta-bor ; so many, how many etc. 

The forms eti-, keti- etc. are followed by ksana to indicate 
time ; eti-k§ana, teti-ksana ; this instant, that instant, etc. 

702. The forms in -man, indicating measure, quantity, 
are made up of pronominal base-fthc affix -yant (-yat)-\-ts. 
mdna (measure, quantity). Thus A njat+mana > * iyam> 
mana > * imd?ia, imtina, imaiu this much. The forms like 
timan, siman, etc., are built by analogy, bhaleindn, good 
many, a good quantity, < bahula- > * bhdala- > bhala-. 

sakdlo } all, is derived from ts. sakala^-hu < -kkhu < 

Adverbs of Time. 

703. These also can be divided into several groups : 

(a) etiyd ; tetiyd ; ketiyd ; jetiya. 

(b) athani ; tahdni ; kdhdni ; jdhdni. 

Dialectical : ethen ; tethen ; kethen ; jethen, 

Also : keihni ; jeihni ; teihni , etc. 

Early Assamese : aisani ; taisdni ; kaisdm ; jajjaani. 

(c) awe (ebho) ; jewe ; tewe. 

704. The first group etiyd, ketiyck etc., can be equated 
to M.I. A. form-groups ettia, Jcettia, etc., (explained abova) 
plus temporal affix -d. (Cf. also M.I. A. Jcatd, when, 
< * kayidd, < * kayd + da.) . 


705. The forms athani (ethen, eihon) , can be traced back 
to M.I.A. etiha ; O.I.A. atra > *itra, *etra, > ettha 
+ temporal affix -no- (cf . adhu-na, now ; Vedic o-d/id, 
then , Macdonell : Vedic Grammar for students, p. 212.) 
ettha -f- na > etfoen ; also variant ethon. So also athani < 
atra, > * attha + ti-. Though atra is a locative formation, it 
has also a temporal sense in the Vedic language. 

The forms kethen, tethen, etc., are connected with 
M.I.A. (Ap) hetthu, tctthu. etc., equated to O.I.A. kutra, tatra, 

706. Early Assamese aisdni, kaisani, etc., are derived 
from M.I.A. aisa, kaisa, etc., (Explained above) -f temporal 

707. The group tahani, kahdnu jahani may be said to be 
related to M.I.A. temporal locatives tdhe, ktihe, jahe (from 
earlier locative feminine * tdse, jase : Pischel. §. 425) and 
early Assamese taisani, kaisanU jaisani. A form like tdhdni 
seems to point to * tase > * tdsi, * tds + -d (strengthened) 
+ nx. 

708. The Western Assam dialectical keinhi, keihni ; 
jeinhU jeihni : keinhd, keihnd : jeinhd, jeihivd ; represent for- 
mations from two sources. There is the M.I.A. (Mg.) 
inhim. enhirh, now, (the affix -him being related to locative 
-smin > Mg. ssim > sim > Mg. (Ap.) -him) (Pischel. §§. 313 ; 
429) ; enhim > enhi, enhi extended analogically to demonstra- 
tive pronominal adjectives, ei, kei, jei, give eirihi, eihni ; 
keinhi, keihni, etc. 

The other set of forms, keihnd, keinhd, etc., goes back to 
E.As. kaisdni > * kesdni, * kehdni > keihnd, keinhd (by 

709. There is another early Assamese set of forms, ewe, 
ebho ; jewe } tewe. The formation ewe corresponds to M.I-A. 
(Ap.) e^vahim, now, e^vdhi > *ere, ewe. 

So also f rom M . I *A . (Ap.) je~~ va.te~va (yathd\ tathd) 
etc. xf- temporal -hi, we obtain jebe, tebe, etc. 

ebfoo, now, < *eva -f hit < evam +khalu. (Cf. H. ob, 
abhu } abho) . 


710. RAs. jdtoe, t&we, awe, are related to M.I.A. (Ap.) 
jdrnahi, tamaht=O.I.A. yavadbhih, tdvadbhih, etc. (Pischel. 

§. 261) ; jdmaHi > *jdvai > five, jdioe. 

Adverbs of Place, Direction, etc. 

711. Adverbs of place ka% ja%ta't, a'tare related to early 
Assamese kahi-ta, kaita ; ja/ii-td, jaitd ; tahi-td, taita ; 
dhi-t&, aitd. 

All these forms go back to M.I.A. (Ap.) kahi, jahi, tahi, 
etc. (O.I. A. kasmin ; yasmin ; tasmin, etc. Pischel. §§. 75, 
313, 427) + Assamese locative -ta, = kahi + ta > *fcditd, 
> fcaitd, ka't. E.As. tdyd, there, is related to M.I.A. tdha 
<taitha< O.I. A. tatra. 

712. There are dialectical forms like kahe } jahk, 
sahe, tdhe, ahe : also kahai. jahai, etc. 

These forms go back to M.I.A. (Ap.) kaha, jaha, taha 
(O.I. A. kutra, yatra, tatra: Pischel. §. 107) and Mg. abla- 
tive forms kamha, kahft : jamha jaha (Pischel. § 425, et seq.) . 
Thus Jcaha-(-locative l > kahe ; kahft-\-\oc. i, -i > kahai, 

713. Adverbs of direction jeni, tent, keni may be derived 
* from O.I. A. instrumental yena. tena, etc. (also used adver- 
bially) ; *kenena > *kene. kene, keni. Early Assamese has 
kene in the sense of ' why ' . 

The forms Jc5lai, jUai, thlai are compounds of kahi, jahi, 
tahi plus lai < lagi. 

714. Adverbial tehe, (E.As. tewese) , ' and then \ ' such 
having been the case ' and teo, even then, notwithstanding ; 
correspond to old Bg. tee, tee ; Ap. teva, teva, (O.I.A. tatW-) ; 
and early Bg. teu (Ap. teva+hu<khalu) ; tehe, tewese are 
equivalent to O.I.A. * tatha sati > C M.I.A. *teva sai> 
* tevese, tewese, tehe. The nasal in early Bg. tht is due to 
the alternative nasalised M.I.A. (Ap.) form tevft. 

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715. The sources of N.I.A. roots have been discussed in 
extenso in standard works on the subject (cf. Hoernle, pp. 161 
et seq. ; Chatterji, pp. 870 et seq. ; Grierson ; Prakrita dhatvd- 
desa ; Introduction etc.) . From the Assamese standpoint there 
is hardly anything new to be added to the conclusions already 
established. In the following pages, the principal Assamese 
roots are arranged according to the scheme of classification 
drawn up by Dr. Chatterji for the grouping of N.I.A. roots. 

Assamese roots may be broadly classified into two groups: 
(1) Primary roots; (2) Secondary roots. They fall again into 
the following sub-groups : 

Primary roots inherited from 
O.I.A (tbhs.): 

(a) Simple roots, 

(b) Prefixed roots. 
Primary roots from causatives in 

Primary roots reintroduced from 

Skt. (tss. and stss.) 
Primary roots of doubtful (desi) 

and non-Aryan origin. 

(1) Primary roots 

(2) Secondary roots 

Causatives in -d- ; 

/-native (tbh.) 
Denominatives — ,1 -ts. 

\ -foreign. 
Compounded and suffixed. 
v Doubtful. 


(I). Primary Roots. 

716. Below is appended a list of some of the primary 
roots in Assamese. Denominatives derived from M.I.A. are 
classed amongst primary roots, since they have been inherited 
as roots by Assamese and behave exactly like primitive roots 
derived from O.I.A. (Cf. As. tare, pitches a curtain or a tent, 
M.I.A. tadai=01.A. *tatati, \/tan ; As. kdrhe, draws, M.I.A. 
haddhaiz=z0.l.A. *krstati. etc). Roots like these might have 
been regarded as denominatives in M.I.A. but the nouns and 
adjectives from which they are derived are in many cases 
obsolete in Assamese. 

717. Many of the roots can be traced back to O.I.A. 
sources and some only to M.I.A. sources where they were 
regarded as adcsas or substitutes for O.I.A. roots owing to 
phonetic irregularities, alterations in meaning, or obscurity of 

718. Apart from phonetic modification and decay and the 
analogical tendency which brought about a general unifor- 
mity in conjugation, there are certain other modifications 
through which M.I.A. roots have passed. In M.I.A. the bases 
of active roots are frequently derived not from the active form 
in O.I.A. but rather from the passive, and in some cases appa- 
rently from the future, rather than from the present. Causa- 
tive bases of O.I.A. also supplied the simple root forms of 
M.I.A. and N.I.A. ♦ 

719. The cause of the confusion between the active and 
the passive seems to be due to the great likeness between the 
active forms of the Skt. div- class and the passive. Even in 
O.I.A. these forms could be distinguished only by the accent 
which in the div- class is thrown on the radical and in the 
passive on the suffixal vowel. (Hoernle : p. 170) . Moreover, 
with the disappearance of the atmanep&da voice, the personal 
terminations came to be identical both in the active and the 
passive, e.g. O.LA. active yudhyati and passive yudhyate 
would alike > M.IA. jujjJiai. 


720. Passive-active constructions were not unknown to 
parent Sanskrit itself. " By their form, mriya\e, dies ; dhri- 
yate, maintains itself, are passives from the roots \/mr and 
Vdhr, although neither is used in a proper passive sense and 
\/mr is not even transitive. With these may be compared the 
stems adriya-, heed ; and ayriya-, be busy, which are perhaps 
peculiar adaptations ef meaning of the passive from the roots 
\/dr, pierce, and \/pr f fill, (Whitney § 770) . Active endings are 
also occasionally taken by forms properly passive, Cf. adhmd- 
yati, bhuyati etc. In the epics, active endings are by no means 
infrequently taken by the passive, cf. sakyati, sruyanti, etc., 
(Ibid § 774). There was moreover, a greater vogue of the 
passive construction of sentences in later Sanskrit literature 
and the third person singular passive was freely made both 
from the Iransitive as well as intransitive verbs (Ibid § 999a) . 

721. M.I.A. verbal formations like callai, laggai phuttai 
etc. were derived from the passive. 

Some very common Assamese verbs like niye, takes ; diye, 
gives; ruce, is agreeable ; raje, is suitable ; cohe, sucks up; 
game, ponders over, etc. are derivable only from the passive 
forms riiyate, diyate, racy ate, rajyate, cusyate, gamyate etc. 
The corresponding Bengali forms ney, takes ; dey, gives, are 
connected with the active forms nayati, *dayati 


722. The following is a list of some of the common pri- 
mary roots. They include some roots illustrating the incor- 
poration of O.I.A. class-signs. 

&c, draft, make an outline of; (cf. M.I.A. one, draw a line 

or figure) . 
dch, is, (M.I.A. acchai ; O.I.A. *acchati, O.D.B.L. p. 1035) . 
kap, tremble, (fcamp). 
Jcdc, fasten tightly (kacyate) . 
fcand, cry, (krand). 
hah, cough, (kas). 
kac, cut up into pieces, (kaiicai, kaccai, hrtyate). 


hoc, attire, (krtyate). 

k&r, husk paddy, (kan4) • 

kin, buy, (krindti) . 

Jcud, romp about, (*fcund, *Jcudd, kurd) . 

kut, chop, (fcutt). 

k&c, shrink, (kunc). 

khap, pass as a night, (ksapyate). 

khan ) ,. /7 , x , 

khel, play, (kfcel, /end) . 

khund, pound, (M.I.A. khundadi, O.I.A. ksunatti). 

khbt, peck with the bill, (M.I.A. khutt). 

gan i count, (gan). 

gam, think over, (gamyate). 

garh, fashion, make ; (M.I.A. gadhai, ghatate) . 

gat, melt, (gal) . 

gdj„ roar, (garj) . 

gath, string, tie, (ganthai, granth). 

gil, swallow, (gtf, gir, gr) . 

goih, string as a garland, (gunthai) . 

gun, ponder, (gun) . 

guc, be off, pass away ( ? gluhc) . 

gfiof, stir up, churn, (M.I.A. ghoflai) , 

cd, look at, (cay) . 

cdJc, taste, (cakkhai) . 

cac, smooth with an adze, (tvak? > *tyak$). 

car, let go, release, (M.I.A. choanal, chard) . 

cop, He in wait, (cupyate, \/cup, to move stealthily). 

co t touch, (chuv, chup) . 

chir, be torn, (M.I.A. chindai, chinatti). 

jah, decompose, (jas) . 

jin, be victorious, (jindti) . 

jor, aim at, (jwjiyate) . 

jor, clear jungles etc. (M.I.A. jJtotf) . 

j&Jc, be annoyed, (M.I A. jhamkhai) . 

jar, ooze out, ( jhar, k$ar) . • 

dhdfc, cover, (M.I.A. ifhakkai). 

ih&k, remain, (thakkai). 


di, give, (diyate) . 

deo, cross striding, (favvai, \/#) . 

dho, wash, (M.I.A. dhovvai, connected with O.I.A. dhauta), 

ni, take away, (rugate) . 

pih, rub, pound, (pis) . 

per, squeeze out, (padyate). 

phand, throb, (spand). 

phir, return, (M.I.A. phirai). 

phur, walk about, (sphur). 

b&, weave, (vayati). 

bale, babble, (valk) . 

bal, blow as wind, (val) . 

bac, live, (vane) . 

bhul, forget, (M.I.A. bhullai). 

bhok,. bark, (M.I.A. bhukkai). 

bhir. bend, (bhr) . 

ma], be softened as a fruit, (majjati) . 

ma?, wipe as tears, (malax, mradate). 

mar, kneed as flour, (maddai, *mardati) . 

ra, stay, (M.I.A. rahai). 

renga, be inconsistent with, (cf. O.I.A. rii]g). 

lor, gather as fuel, (lunth). 

suj, repay, (sudhyate). 

si, sew, (sivvai, sivyati) . 

so, sleep, (svap). 

sun, smell, (Cf. sb]gh). 

s&war, remember, (sumarai, smarati). 

723. The examples of prefixed roots are : 

duf, smelt, (a-vrt) ; d-uj, recline, (d-vrj) ; a-gur f defend, 

(d-gruntf) . 
dc5, wash after eating, (d-cam) ; dchdr, throw off with 

force, (a+chard). 
dr, deposit, pledge^ (d-dfid) ; ukal, pass over as time, (ut- 

ujar, get frightened, (ut-jfiaf) ; ur, fly, (ut-#) . 
urah, be scorched, (ut-dani) . 


upha, be increased, (ut-sphay); ok&l, eject from the 

mouth, (utkalayati) . 
opaj, be born, (uUpadyate) . 
ophand, be puffed up, (ut-spand). 
ophar, bound off, (ut-sphar) . 
obhaU turn back, (?M.I.A. ovatt ; apa-vrt). 
omal, sport, frolic, (un-\/mrad) . 
olat, turn back, (M.I.A. ullattai). 
olam, be suspended, (ava-lamb) . 

numa, be extinguished, (M.I.A. numai ; O.I.A. ni-y/vi) . 
neoc, contemn, (ni-anc) . 
pam, melt, wither, (pra-mlai) . 
poch, wipe, (pra-imch). 
pahar, forget, (pra-smr). 
samar, keep carefully, (sam-bhr) . 
sbcar, pass from one to another as disease, (sam-car) , etc. 


Primary roots of causative origin. 

724. Certain O.I.A. causative roots have become primary 
roots in Assamese. The old causal sense has been lost and 
they are ranked as ordinary transitive verbs. New causative 
formations can be built up by adding causal affixes, -d, -ltd, 
-ottfd; e.g. mare, he dies ; mare, he kills, (marayati) ; new 
causative maray, he causes to kill. The old causative in mare 
has acquired a mere transitive force. 

725. The following are some of the examples of this class 
of verbs : 

itpdr, dig up, (ut-patayati) ; ughdl root up, (ud-ghdta- 

yati) . 
ubhaU to root out. (ud-bharayati) . 
uc&h heave, (ut-calayati) . 
hat, cut, (kartayati). , 

odl, sift, (cdkyati). 

car, look over cows grazing, (carayati). 
ch&, cover with thatch, (ch&dayati) . 
cfce, cut into pieces, (chedayaH) . 


tiyht moisten, soak, (*timapayati) . 

pan, pull, (*tanayati). 

ta, blow fire with a bellows, (tdpayati). 

tha, place, (sthapayati) . 

da, reap, (ddpayati) . 

dotud, bend, (damctyati). 

7ioiyd, anoint before ceremonial bath, (sndpayati). 

pac, send forth on an errand, (prdncayati) . 

pfidl, split, (M.I.A. phdlei; sphdldyati) . 

bd, row, plough, (vahayati). 

bat, pound, (vartayati). 
sts. map, measure, (mdpayati). 

riira, weed out, (nir-ddpayati) . 

ro, plant, (ropayati) ; Tidn, pierce, (*hdnayati) . 

stiijgor, yoke together, (sarii-ghatayati) . 
sts. sodh, enquire, (sodhayati) ; sts. sdd/i, accomplish (sddha- 
yati) . 

(2) . Secondary or Derivative Roots. 
(A) . Causatives. 

726. The most characteristic of this class are the causa- 
tives. In Assamese (early as well as modern) , causatives are 
formed by adding -d to the primary verb root; e.g. Jcare, he 
does; kardy, he causes to do. There are also two extended 
forms of -d in -owa, -uwd, e.g. karoway, he causes to do ; parhu- 
wdy, he causes to read, i.e. teaches. 

The suffixes in other Magadhan dialects are; Bg. -d, 
0. -a, Maith. -db, Mag. -d, Bhoj. -aw. 

727. The source of this -d is M.I.A. -dva from O.I.A. -dpo 
which was primarily restricted in application to roots ending 
in the vowel -d, though aberrations are also noticeable. The 
other O.I.A. causative suffix -aya which became -e in M.LA. 
was largely superseded by -dva which in the main gave to the 
N.I.A. languages their* distinctive causal affixes. 

728. Assamese -oiod, -uwd are double causatives in 
fonn, though not in sense. They are composed of -Hva plus 



-d > *-dva > -am > -ait?d > -owa. In respect of double 
forms, Assamese may be compared with the Bihar! and 
western dialects which also possess double causative suffixes 
both in form and meaning ; e.g. W. Hindi milana, to meet, 
milawd, to cause to meet ; milawdrui, to cause to mix ; Maith. 
dekhab, to see ; dekhdeb, to show ; dekhabaeb, to cause to 
show. Bhoj. dekhal, dekhdwal, dekhawdwal, etc. 

Most Assamese roots form their causatives optionally with 
-a, -owd or -uwa. Primary and secondary roots ending in -d 
always form the causative in -owa. There are, however, cer- 
tain roots ending in consonants that form their causatives ex- 
clusively with -uwa ; e.g. dekhuwa, \/dekh; other roots are V 
hand, to cry, \/lar, to move; \/bah, to sit; \/hag, to void stools, 

The causatives form their past participle in -owa. Those 
in -uwa have the past participle in -uwa. 

(B) . Denominatives. 

729. A denominative conjugation is one that has for its 
basis a noun-stem. (Whitney § 1053). Judged by this stand- 
ard, a large percentage of N.I.A. Assamese roots should be 
characterised as denominatives. They are formed from nouns 
and participles being treated exactly like roots. 

730. The denominative affix in As. is hx (the same as 
the causative -a) < O.I.A. -dya. In M.I.A. there was a mix- 
up between the denominative affix -dya and the causative 
affix -apaya (Pischel § 559) . The form in -di/a was more pro- 
minently used, and -aya > -da, and -apaya > -due, -dv, con- 
verge and yield the same form in -d in N.I.A.; and the distinc- 
tion between the causative and the denominative is practic- 
ally lost in N.I.A., it being preserved only in the Bihari dia- 
lects (Cf. O.D.B.L. p. 1034). 

731. The practice of using some n6uns as verb-roots goes 
back to O.I.A. , and even amongst the recognised O.I.A. 
roots, there are many which are really denominative in 
origin (Whitney, 1053a). In M.I.A. this practice had a still 


greater vogue and a large number of M.I. A. roots are formed 
from O.I. A. past participles; e.g. 

pallattai (paryasta-) ; pittai (pista-) ; 
tadai (tata-) ; kaddhai (krsta-), etc. 

732. Denominative roots that have come down from 
M.I. A. are treated as primary roots in Assamese and these 
do not take on the characteristic denominative affix -a ; but 
the denominatives that have been created in the Assamese 
period take on the suffixal -d ; e.g. M.I.A. denominative 
form pittai (ptita-) is Assamese p\te, thrashes, and V pit is 
regarded in Assamese as a primary root. Similarly M.I.A. 
denom. jammai, is born, (janma-) , kammai, shaves, (karma-) 
might have given the expected forms *jdme, * kame. But 
Assamese formed new denominatives V jowa, to plant seeds 
in a nursery, \/kama, io shave, from the bases jamma-, 
kamvia- ; and these take on the characteristic denom. ending 
-d. Thus denominative roots in Assamese without -d may 
be regarded as earlier formations. 

733. A selected list of denominative roots. 

akowal, embrace, (a^kapala-) . 

aguwu, go in advance, (agra -f- uka-) . 

amuwa, satiate, (amlapaya-, Dr. Bloch). 

uga, relapse, (ut -f- gata) . 

ukha, boil slightly, (ukhya) . 

uthaijga, praise one up, (Cf. M.I.A. uttha\\ghai) . 

ubh, to erect, (ubbha, iirdhva) . 

lima, brood on ; hatch, (usma) . 

okat, turn up, tear asunder, (apa -\- krsta) . 

ukhah, swell as a boil or w r ound, (ut + khasa) . 

kaha, tinge, colour as clothes, (kasaya) . 

ka, speak, (katha) . 

karh, snatch away, (kaddhai < krsta) . 

khajuwd, scratch? lightly, (kharju-) . 

khtra, milk, (Jcsira) . 

gfomd, be cloudy, overcast, (gulma) . 

gofa, collect, (gotra, an assembly) , 


ghal, discomfit, abuse, (ghdta + la). 

ghumd, sleep, (* ghurma, V ghur, snore). 

ctn, recognise, (cihna). 

chan, spread over, cover, (channa) . 

chdnd, lie in wait for opportunity, (chandas) . 

jura, cool, refresh (•?). 

jar, cleanse, exorcise , (jhdta, cleaning sores) . Cf. Bg. 
jharu, broom-stick, duster (D. jhdddvana) . 

jowa, cast seeds to germinate, (janma) . 
sts. thag, deceive, (sthaga) . 

dar, punish, (danda) . 

tar, pitch a curtain or tent, (M.I.A. tadai < ? tata) . 

tit, be wet, (*tinta\/tim) . 

thdy, be within depth, (staglia) . 

nikatd, peel off, (niskrsta-) . 

nath, tie together like a post beam, (nastd). 

nikd, cleanse, (D. nikka, pure, clean), 

pdlat, turn back, (pallaua- < paryasta) . ' ' 

pindh, put on, (pinaddha) . 

pit, thrash, (pista) . 

bind, moan in distress, (Cf. M LA. uvvinna, distressed). 

bik, sell, (vi-kraya). 

bold, colour, (? varna) . 

bhdg, break, {bhagna) . 

math, smooth, (mrsta) . 

mat, call, (mantra) . 

mud, close, (mudrd) . 
sts. sepia, khepiyd, to grope, feel with the hand, (ksepa). 

sondd, make sweet-smelling, (saugandha-) . 

hoc, to sneeze, (hanji) . 

hdmi, yawn, (harman) . 


Compounded and Suffixed Roots. 

734. Compounded roots are "made up of either two 
roots combined, or a root preceded by a noun or adverb, or. 
in the majority of cases, of a root primary or denom. modified 
by a suffix (O.D.B.L. §. 628) . The first type seems to be 

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absent in Assamese, and of the second type, the only examples 
are ^/nowar, is unable (na + paraya-) , and V nah, is not, 
(na + V as > * \/ah ? \/ ha) . 

735. The large majority of the secondary and compound- 
ed roots in Assamese as in other N.I.A. languages are 
suffixed. The principal suffixes are -k, -c, -t, -r (<d), -I, 
*h ( < -s) . " They modify the meaning of the original root 
or denom. base in various ways as an intensive or continua- 
tive, frequentative or approximate affix " (O.D.B.L. §. 629) . 

736. These roots may in a sense be looked upon as 
denominatives from the nouns subjoined to the several affixes; 
only in certain instances the corresponding nominal forms are 
absent in Assamese ; Cf. thamak, stop, is both a noun and 
a verb, but talak, reflect upon, is only a verb. Also the 
characteristic denom. affix -a is not added and the personal 
endings are attached directly to the root. 

737. The N.I.A. denominative suffixed roots may be 
connected with certain O.I. A. suffixed verbal formations with 
causal values like pdlaya-, prinaya, dhunaya, bhisaya-, etc. 
where " the causative is palpably the denominative of a derived 
noun." (Whitney, §. 1042 m.) 

In first M.I. A. (Pah) also occur forms like upakkama- 
latiy to make diligence ; santarati, to act well or handsomely 
(santa-) , jotalati, to make shine ( dyotayati) (Duroiselle : 
Pali Grammar, pp. 214, 215 ; &astrl ; Pali Prakdsa, p. 63) . 
Dr. Bloch points out that these three formations do not 
occur in the Pali Text Society Dictionary, and though santa- 
# ratt occurs, it has a different etymology and meaning in the 

Prof. Sastri has referred me in a note to the Pali Dic- 
tionary of Childers, 1909. On Pali jotalati (dyotayati) 
upakkamalati, Childers has quoted ft An introduction to Kac- 
cayana's Grammar of the Pali language by James D'Alwis, 
Colombo, 1863 ; and " Kaccayanappa karana " edited by 


Emile Senait, Journal Asiatique, Mars-Avril, 1871, and Mai- 
Juin, 1871. 

santarati could not be traced. 

In second M.I. A. there are suffixed roots functioning as 
causals, Cf. bhamadai, tamadai, (* bhramatati, * tamatati) . 
The only difference between causative formations like 
palaya-, blusaya-, etc., and confessedly denominative forma- 
tions in O.I. A. is in the causative accent -ay a, the denom. 
having the accent on the suffix -yd. 

738. The O.I. A and M.I. A. traditions of forming the 
causal from suffixed roots are maintained in Western lang- 
ages like Hindi, GujratI, SindhI, e.g. H. dhona, to wash ; 
dhnland, to cause to wash ; khana, to cat ; khilana^. cause to 
eat ; G. lagavu, adhere; hgadavu, cause tr> adhere ; S. sikhana, 
learn; sikharanu. teach. 

In the Eastern languages, esp. Bengali and Assamese, 
suffixed roots are used as simple verbal bases without any 
causal implication. 

739. Roots in -k- ; 

atak, be confined, fastened, (afta, rice-gruel) . 

khalak, be agitated. (\' khal, tremble). 

garak. trample, tread, (M.I.A. godda) . 

corok, clear with a hoe, (\ 7 ksur, to scratch) . 

chitik, be sprinkled, (D. chtita-) . 

tdlak, reflect upon, (\/ tval) . 

thamak, stop, (stambha) . 

pitik, shampoo, (pista) . 

potak, be dinted, (puttayati, become small or diminish) 

polak, slip off, (?) cf. pola, a bundle of reeds, etc. 

phicik, whisper. ) . .. 

, , „ > onomatopoetic. 

phocak, effervesce ) 

b&nak, decorate with a cover of pigment (varna, colour, 

Dr. Bloch) . 

mocak, be sprained (?) 

sdrdk, pass through, (srta) . 

8uruk, steal in, cf. Bg. sur-sur, creep stealthily. 


Bemek, be moist, (sita -f karma-) . 
soldJc, be untied, (M.I. A. soMa) . 

, , ' > scoop out, (M.I. A. hulai, scour) . 

hohak, recede, (?) . 

The suffix -7c- " indicates suddenness of the action or its 
continuity. It is intensive " . (O.D.B.L. §. 630) . 

740. Roots in -c- ; 

karac, gnaw, {\/kad, to tear) . 
bee, sell, (vyaya + -) • 

khamoc, to grasp, (Cf . Khas. V khdm, close the fist) . 
takaca, put off with promises, (Cf . tarka-) . 
teijguciya, limp, (y/ta^g, to limp). 
thekec, crush down, (Cf. V sta/c) . 
mdldc, to rub off, ( \/ mrad + ti/a) . 
The affix -c- is the same as the derivative in -c- and 
indicates resemblance. 

741. Roots in -t- ; 

ghokai, stir with a stick, (Cf. As. ghbk) . 

cikat, pinch, (cikka -f rrtfa) . 

japatiya, entwine, (Cf. M.I. A. j/iampia, entangled). 

neoth, separate from the seed, as cotton, (connected with 

asthi, a seed, kernel). 
pakatiyd y turn round and round, (Cf. pdka in vipaka, a 

bad turn) . 
The affix -1- indicates continuity of action. (O.D.B.L. 
§. 631) . 


742. Roots in -r- ; < -d- : 

ajor, bend, twist (\Zanc, to twist). 

JcJi5cdr, turn up as earth with a rod (M.I. A. \/khanc) . 

gSjar, growl, (V f orj, to rumble) . 

gothora, look displeased, scowl, (grasta) . 

cdpar, bend oneself, (M.I. A. y/cappa, to press down). 

cScdr, move by dragging, (y/canc, to move, shake) . 


sts. jamar, subside as a swelling, (k$ama). 

bfigdr, to roll about, (Cf. varga-) 

mocar, to wrench, (Cf. mucuti ; a fist; snapping the 
fingers) . 

mohdr, to crush, (V mrs, to rub, stroke) . 

sotar, be shrivelled. (V sunth, to dry) . 

Several suffixes discussed under derivatives have con- 
verged into this -r-. It comprises M.I. A. -da and -ra. 

743. Roots in -i- : 

ondola, darken, (andha + la) . 

Jcacdl, shake this way and that as a peg in order to drive 

it deeper (? \/ kaiic) . 
kuhuliyd, to deceive, (kuha -j- la-) . 
Jcfiejdl, jeer, mock, (khidyate \'khid). 
tdhal, to move about in a leisurely manner (\Ztrakh, T.) . 

' ( smack the lips after tasting (?). 

tapal, \ 

mokala, to loosen, (M.I. A. mukka, D. mukkala) . 

ramaliyd, to caw, (rava J r karma-) . 

lerel, be withered, lessened (lista \/lis, become small) . 

744. Roots in -Ji- . < -s- : 
cdrdh, suck, (casta, \/cas). 
demeh, be about to mature, (?) . 
thereh, be stiff, (sthavira) . 

The affix -ha- < -sa- indicates resemblance. 

Onomatopoetic Roots. 

745. These can be divided into two groups ; (a) onomato- 
poetics proper used singly or duplicated, (b) roots reduplicated 
or repeated to produce a jingle. 

Both these two types are founfl in the earlier langu- 
ages (Vedic, Sanskrit and the Prakrit) ; e.g. single as in Sans- 
krit nouns : jhan-kara, gunjana, kujana ; reduplicated as in 
Skt. verbs: capcapayate, khafkhafdy ate, pharphar&yate, etc. 


In Skt. the onomatopoetics are treated as denom. in -fiya, but 
in M.IA we have the direct use of the stem as a root (cf. 
thardhara-, ccujtaphadanta,'-) . In Assamese, onomatopoetics 
take on the denom. affix -a. 

746. Examples of onomatopoetic verbs in Assamese: 
Onomatopoetics proper : single and duplicated : 

phuka, be just born, breathe into life. 

phekur, sob. 

siyar, mimic. 

phbpd, pant, (as after running). 

phhp, prove efficacious (as medicine) . 

Dr. Turner connects phap with M.I.A. phavvihai, is 
successful in getting. 

goya, groan with a muffled voice. 
dedd, roar. 

bebd, bleat as a cow or a goat. 
kekd, groan as in bodily pain, etc. 

747. Roots repeated : The same root may be completely 
repeated, or another root of similar sound and import to 
echo the sense of the previous root may be added ; e.g. 

dap-dapd, burst out in anger, (\/drp). 

tan-tana, sense of binding pain, (tan— tan). 

jaUjaldy be shining, (jval) . 

dal-dapa, have a shaky and wavy motion, (Cf. \fdul). 

tal-bala, be shaky and moving, (tal, bal < Skt. val) . 

dhar-phard, feel restless and unsteady, (dhar < dhata, a 
balance ; p/iar=p/mr < Skt. sphur) . 

kel-mela, noisy chattering, (kel < Skt. kil ; mel f Skt. 
melaka). etc. 

For verbal roots of non-Aryan origin, cf . lists under non- 
Aryan loan-words (§§ 57 ff). 



748. In Assamese as elsewhere only two of the O.I.A. 
and M.I.A. tenses have survived in the finite verb : the simple 
present and the imperative. The past and the future are 
formed by adding personal affixes to the old past participle in 
-ilia, and the O.I.A. gerundive in -tavya, -itavya, respectively. 

749. There is only one periphrastic tense which functions 
both as present progressive and present perfect with reference 
to the setting in which it is placed. The periphrastic in Assam- 
ese is formed with the O.I.A. verbal noun in -i+ *ka, and 
not with the participle. 

750. Assamese has also a complete negative conjugation 
for all verbs made by prefixing the negative particle na 
which is assimilated to the vowel of the first syllable of the 
conjugated root. (§275). 

The Passive. 

751. The passive in O.I.A. was formed by adding -ya to 
the verbal root. This -ya occurs as -ya, -ii/a, -iyya, ~iya in 
first M.I.A. and as -ijja or -xa in second or third M.I.A. 
In N.I.A. languages both -*jja > -tja, and -ia y -ia are 
found as inherited from the Apabhransa, but they have not 
been preserved in all N.I.A. languages. The analytical mode 
of forming the passive supervened and the old inflected passive 
fell into disuse. The languages of the West have preserved the 
inflected passive but those of the Midland, South and the 
East have either entirely lost it or have only retained it as an 
obsolete or archaic form (O.D.B.L. § 65J). 

The inflected passive has been retained in Sindhi and 
is found optionally also in Marwarl, Nepali and Pafijabl It 
is formed by adding the following suffixes to the root ; S. 4j; 


Mw. -tj; Nep. -iya ; P. -i ; e.g. S. dije, lije, etc., let it be 
given, drunk, taken etc. N. Parhiye ; P. parhie ; Mw. parhijcri 
etc., (Hoernle: §§480, 481). 

All other N.I.A. languages form the passive analytic- 
ally with the verb \/ya, to go, (Hoernle § 480) . 

Relics of the old inflected passive in early and Mid. 
Bengali have been fully examined by Dr. Chatterji (O.D.B.L. 
§§ 655, et seq.) . 

752. There are relics of the old inflected passive in -lya in 
E. Assamese also. They occur vs -r, -iya, 4yd. The passive in 
-ijja does not seem to have left any traces in E. As. e.g. 

prabala purusa same bibdda na kari; A quarrel should not 

be struck with a powerful man. 
nubuji tom&ra lila: your J'dd is not comprehended. 
Harira namese jana samsdraka tari; Know that the world 

is overcome through Hari's name. 
bujiyd dharma adharma; What is duty, what is not, should 

be understood. 
candrdbati rajanl dekhiya bahu dura. In this moonlit 

night, a great distance is seen. 
Rabanara mdtr tdibidiyd Naikasl; She is Ravana's mother 

called Naikasl. 

In Modern Assamese the inflected passive is obsolete, but 
it is retained in a few idiomatic expressions; e.g. 

batah cakure nedekhi: the air is not seen by eyes. 

sitdr karane Himdlaya-lai jaba nowdri; owing to cold, going 
to the Himalaya is impossible (lit. cannot be per- 
formed) . 

amto bhal lage ; the mango tastes well. 

jvar hale gd nodhowe; the body is not washed when there 
is fever. 

753. E. As. preserves an imperative formation in -to, 
-ioka, which corresponds to E. Bg. -iu (O.D.B.L. §659). It is 
passive in origin and goes back to M.I.A. -ladu, (O.I.A. -yatam). 
It conveys the sense of a respectful and emphatic request; e.g, 


Harirh ndmarb §unio mahimd; Do please listen to the glory 
of Hari's name (lit. should be listened). 

mdka upadesa diyo ; Do please give (lit. may be given) 
advice with reference to me. 

djnd karioka moka; Do please give command (lit. may 
command be given) to me; etc. 

(A) The Analytical Formation of the Passive. 

754. As mentioned above, the inflected passive survives 
only as relics. The living method as in Bengali is analytical 
and periphrastic. In all N.I.A. languages except the ones 
noted above, the passive is grammatically formed by adding 
to the past participle of the active verb, the auxiliary verb 
■\/ja, to go. But the passive sense is often more idiomatically 
expressed by means of verbal compounds ; e.g. si mar khale, 
he was beaten; si mard paril. he is lost (ruined); etc. (Cf. 
Hoernle § 479) . 

The passive with \/jd occurs in the following con- 
structions in Assamese; e.g. mok dekhd jay, I am seen. 

megh dile suruj dekhd nejdy: The sun is not seen when it 

is cloudy. 
bhakti karile Uvarak powd jay : through devotion God is 

accessible (lit. is reached) etc. 
In the case of intelligent beings the nominative is always 
put in the dative. 

755. The origin of this jd- passive has been attributed to 
the influence of M.I.A. passive in -ijja. (Hoernle, § 481; 
Beames, III, pp. 73, 74; O.D.B.L. § 663). It has been said 
that old forms like parhtjai, karijaj, began to be looked upon 
as compounds of the past participles parhi, kari— 
(Pkt. parhia, karia r= Skt. pathita, krta) and the verb 
jqi (contracted for jay, Pkt. jdi Skt. ydti) . But consi- 
dering that no -ijja forms are found in the relics of 
the inflected passive in Bg. and other Mg. dialects (O.D.BX. 
p. 924) it is likely that the passive in \/j& might have come 
from some other source . Moreover, there does not seem to be 


any reason as to why -i- of -ijja should be dropped in the Mg. 
dialects while the -i- of -iya persists in the relics quoted above. 
In O.I.A. are noticed forms like the following: te surah pard- 
jitd yanto dydvdprthivi updsrayan, those asuras getting beaten 
took refuge with Heaven and Earth" (Whitney § 1075, a). 
An O.I.A. expression like *"dhautam yati " may perhaps be 
equated to an As. expression like " dhowd jde," gets washed 
i.e. is washed. A source like this would, of course, be an 
eastern novelty. 

(B). The Passive in -d-. 

756. The passive in -d- seems to be a distinctive feature 
of Bengali. (O.D.B.L. § 677) . In Assamese there are a few 
idiomatic expressions. Early Assamese does not seem to shew 
any trace" of it. Mod. As. examples are : 

kathato bhdl nusunay, the word does not sound well. 
kapor khane nusuwdy ; the cloth does not suit well. 
kdn bindhdy; the ear is bored. 

This d- passive has been characterised as an extension 
of the denominative -aya- of O.I.A. (O.D.B.L. p. 929) . 

(C) . The Passive-Active Constructions. 

757. Assamese like Bengali (O.D.B.L. § 658) shews cer- 
tain examples of impersonal constructions which seem to 
have been originally extensions of the inflected passive in -yet; 
e.g., kapor chire, the cloth gets torn; bah bhdrjge, the bamboo 
gets broken ; epdt tale ketiyao nebdje, one piece of cymbal 
never emits sound; kdlcih bhare. the jar gets filled. Here 
cTiire, bhdyjge, bdje, bhare etc. have been explained as passive 
forms derived from earlier, fuller, *bhariai > bharie; chindiai 
> chindie, *bajjiai > *bdjie : *bhai]giai > *bhar\gie etc. 
(O.D.B.L. §658). 

(D). The Passive in General. 

758. Barring these special constructions, the passive sense 
is commonly suggested with the help of the conjugated form 
ha&, of the verb root \A<*. The subject of the active voice is 


put in the dative and a verbal noun functions as the subject; 

mok diya hae; I am given ; lit. with reference to me, 

given i.e., giving takes place. 
puthi(k) parka habd; book will be read; lit. with refer- 
ence to the book, read, i.e. reading will take place. 
ham (a) (k) hard hbl : work has been done ; lit. with refer- 
ence to the work etc. 

The (h) represents the dative post-position. It is uni- 
formly dropped after neuter nouns. It appears after nouns 
indicating living beings in a definitive sense, e.g. rowd bhdt 
ganik d'nja hae: with reference to the cows (and none else), 
surplus rice is given. 

759. The passive construction is, however, very general 
in phrases indicating relationship between the doer and the 
thing done. The subject is put in the instrumental-nbm. in 
-e, or the gen. in -ra ; and the verb is put in the past participle 
in -d; e.g. 

Rdme or Ramar kard kdm ; the work done by Ram. 
Gopdle likhd cithi or Gopdlar likhd cithi; the letter writ- 
ten by Gopal. 
The construction with the instr. in -e is regarded as more 


(I). The Radical Tenses. 

The Present Indicative. 

The First Person. 

760. The suffix of the 1st P. is -o ; (dialectical) -u. E. As. 
suffixes were : - a 5 ; -ahu ; -ahb ;-ohb; -hab (e.g. dchad; kahab] 
jahao; karahu ; lairahb; mdgoho: karb\ karu). 

The corresponding O.I.A. form Sg. is -ami; M.I.A. -ami; 
-ami ; ~imi ; AP. -au ; (jandmi ; lihami ; karimi ; fca^ahd ; 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


In common with many northern languages, Assamese -5 
points to AR -m as its origin (cf. E.H. -o; W. H. -u ; Br. 
-au). The forms in -u, -o are found in North Bengali also 
(L.S.I. Vol. I, p. 87). 

The extended forms -ahu, -ahb, -oho, common to both early 
Bengali and early Assamese, have been identified with the 1st 
personal pronoun hau (<*hakam, <*ahaham) agglutinated 
to a basic form of the root in -a. (O.D.B.L. p. 934) . But con- 
sidering the presence of -h- in the 2nd personal affixes (-aha \ 
-aha ; -ihhi ; -ibihi ; -ildha ; -ibdha) , it may be questioned 
whether the presence of -h- in -oho is not due to analogy and 
added to cause a musical prolongation of the articulation. 

761. This derivation of -ahu, (<*/iafcam) does not ex- 
plain 1st personal PL affix -ahu, -hu found in the Caryas; e.g. 
ahme dehu, we give; ambhe na jdnahu, we know not (Caryas, 
12, 22)% Unless the plural use of -aim is regarded as due to 
confusion between the singular and the plural, which does 
not seem likely, the -ahu of the Caryas may be traced back 
to AP. PI. personal affix -ahu (cf. vattahu—vartamahe). The 
origin of -ahu is obscure but some sort of connection with 
-dmahe is suspected. 

The Second Person. 

762. With the introduction of the second person comes 
in an element of differentiation between the injerior second 
person corresponding to English " thou, " and the honorific 
second person corresponding to English * v you." It has been 
found (§ 670) that the inferior and honorific forms of the 
second person correspond respectively to the singular and 
plural forms of the pronouns in O.I.A. The same distinction 
is observed in the conjugated forms of verbs also, originally 
Sg. and PL forms accommodating themselves to the inferior 
and the honorific second persons respectively. 

But the inferior second person affix of Assamese seems 
to be the same as the honorific second person affix of Bg. e.g. 

As. (inf.) : tax kard ; (hon.) tumi kard. 

gg tVB, ttOKPBQtJOGt 

Bg. (inf.) : tut karis ; (hon.) : tumi IcarL 

Bg. -d obviously goes back to O.I.A. PL -t/ia > M.I.A. -fta 
> N.I.A. -a. In E. As. the inferior second person affixes are 
-sa ; -isa (rare) ; -ha ; -d (e.g. jdsa ; karisa ; bakhanaha; jdnd) . 
The corresponding O.I.A. form is -si > M.I.A.-si ; AP. -hi. 
The early Assamese -so., -ha may be affiliated to M.I.A. si, 
-hi, and -d may be said to represent the weakening of -ha 
(AP. -hi). Thus O.I.A. -si > M.I.A. -si, -hi > N.I.A. -sa, -ha, 
-d would converge towards O.I.A. -tha > M.I.A. -ha > N.I.A. 
-ha, -d. 

If, however, Assamese -d (inf.) were to be equated to 
Bg. -d (hon.) , then this would be the only instance where an 
originally PL form functions as a singular. 

For derivation of inf. -is (/cam, calis), a form like Mg. 
AP. *calisi<*calisi<*calasi has been postulated. But the 
personal suffix -is may perhaps be looked upon as representing 
a confluence of the present -si>-sa and the future -is '(O.LA. 
-isyasi > M.I.A. -ihisi > N.I.A. -Is, -is). Many Pros, indic- 
verbal forms in M.I.A. are only O.I.A. future forms, e.g. 
*drksyati > *dikkhai > dekhe, he sees ; dahksyati > *dank- 
khai > <£&ke, he bites. 

763. The honorific affix -d is the same in all moods and 
tenses in Assamese, e.g. kard (indie. /imp.) karila (past) ; 
karibd (future); harichd (periphras); karila hetcn (past con- 
ditional) . The E. As. forms are -aha ; -dhd ; -a. (phurdhd ; 
boldhd ; kard) . 

The -d functions as an honorific affix also with the encli- 
tics (§ 619). It seems to go back to M.I.A. (Mg.) nominal PL 
in -dhd (ibid.). Considering the uniform use of -d as an 
honorific affix in all moods and tenses, it seems likely that 
it is an extension of the honorific -d of enclitic derivatives to 
conjugated verbal forms. (Cf. also § 786 c). 

The Third Person. 

764. The affix for the 3rd person both inferior and 
superior, is -e. In E. As. there was also an hon. -ttfo, -ftt*> 
(achanta; karanta; jdnti; ujdnti, etc.). 


the corresponding O.LA. fonn is -ti, -ati > M.LA. -cti ; 
also -e. The PL is -nti. 

The Sg. form in -e, is the same in all N.I.A. languages 
except in E.H. and Braj. where it appears as -ai. In O. it 
occurs also as -ai (an early form) . The PL in 0. is -nti and 
in Bg. -en (hon.) where -n represents the gen. PL used as a 
PL verbal affix. 

The Imperative, 
The First Person. 

765. The affix of the 1st person is an extension of that 
of the Pres. indicative. 

The Second Person. 

766. Hie 2nd personal affixes are : inf. -A ; hon. -d. E. 
As. forms are : inf. -d; -sa ; hon. -d; -aha ; -aha ; (pard ; 
opajd ; kdhd ; marasa ; bold ; tinaha ; jaruiha ; cdha) . 

The corresponding O.I.A. forms are : Sg. -d, -hi ; PL -to ; 
M.I.A. affixes are Sg. -a, -asu, -esu, -ahi- -ehi; AP. -aJii; -u; 
(viramasu, anem, bhanahi, bhana, vdhehi, jdlehU pekkhu). 

PL -ha } -dha, -edha ; AP. -ahu, -ehu. (Same as 2nd person 
indie. PL). 

767. O.I.A. -a continues down through M.I.A. to E. As. 
-a. It is quiescent in modern As. A. The hon. -a is an exten- 
sion of the Pres. indie, so also E. As. inf. -sd. 

The M.LA. PL affixes are also occasionally found in E. 
As. (hmtihd ; karahd ; bolahu ; bhajahu ; smarahu) . 

The Bg. and 0. PL -d represents the contraction of the 
sound group in M.I.A. -aha (0 J.A. -atha) . 

The Third Person. 

768. The Mod. *As. Sg. form is -die ; E. As. form is -o ; 
-ofca ; (dcfio ; asoka ; miloka etc.) . E. As. PL forms are -nto, 



The corresponding M.I.A. form is -u (O.I.A. -tu). It 
appears unaltered in 0. -ti (karu). In Bg and As. there is 
a pleonastic -ka following, making the affix appear as Bg. -uk 
(karuk) , As. -ok > -iik (with medial -o- changing to -a-) . 

The PL form -nto, -ntoka (0. -ntu) represents O.I.A. -nttt. 
In As. and Bg. the Sg. and the PL are used without any dis- 

(2) . The Past Base in -1-. 

769. The evolution of the Z-past has been fully examined 
by Dr. Chaltcrji (O.D.B.L. pp. 937 ff) . The past base in -it 
in Bg. As. and 0. ; in -al in the Biharl speeches, and in -il> -al, 
in Marathi, and similar -I- forms in the other N.I.A. languages 
originated from the O.I.A. -ta, -ita plus the O.I.A. diminutive 
or adjectival suffix -Za-, in the extended forms -ila, -ala > -ilia 
i-Ula), -alia. (O.D.B.L. § 682). The 4- affix is established 

for the past tense in Bg. and other Magadhan speeches, (ibid. 

The participial nature of -I- forms persisted in E. Bg. and 
E. As. side by side with the passive participle in -d; but in 
modern Bg. and As. the non-J- iorm is employed as the adjec- 
tive and the -I- form has been restricted to the predicate. 
Personal affixes were added later. 

The First Person. 

770. The adjectival sense must have continued for a long 
time even when -I- forms came to be regarded as verbal bases 
for the past. In E. As. and E. Bg. there are examples of sim- 
ple -I- forms without personal affixes in all persons. In E. As. 
the 1st person had the following forms ; -iia (without any 
affix); -ilao; -ilo ; -ilo ; -ilohb : (UihJiila ; karila ; bujila; 
marilab ; pujilo ; suniloho ; karilohb etc.). In all these ex- 
amples we find instances of the use of both the bare base 
and also of the addition of personal affixes which are exten- 
sions of the endings for the Pres. indie. ( These fluctuations of 
forms point to an unsettled state of the idiom before the addi- 
tion of personal affixes was fully established. 

.In O. also the personal affixes -i (singular) and -& (PL) 
are extensions of the Pres. indie ' 


771. The Bg. form -dm belongs to a new order. It is 
shared in common by the Z-past, the it-habituated past, and 
the dialectical form of the ib-future, (karil-dm ; karit-dm ; 
karib-dm) . It has been suggested that Bg. -dm is equivalent to 
Bg. pronoun ami, I (we) , affixed to the past base. It would 
seem more likely, however, that Bg. -dm is affiliated to smdh ; 
calitah smdh > *calia + ilia + mha. The affix -dm must have 
been first used with the past base and then extended to the 
future. Although in its fully developed form -dm is a 
modern Bg. affix its earlier forms can be detected in E. 
Bg. terminations in -am ; -om : -dij (past habitual) ; (O.D.B.L. 
pp. 960, 975) . 

The Second Person. 

772. The 2nd personal affixes are; inf. -iZi ; hon. -iZd. 
E. As. inf. -Ha : -Hi ; -He : -ilihi (napaila : bhajli : dile; ihailihi). 
Hon. ,iZe; -ila -ildha ; -ilphd (dile : karild ; dsildha ; dekhildhd). 

The PI. form (used without any plural implication) is 

773. Here also ?reat fluctuation is noticeable before the 
characteristic suffixes were definitely established. The forms 
for the 2nd person have not been successfully traced. But 
the coincidence of the forms for the b- future furnishes a clue 
about their origin. The forms for both these tenses may be 
set forth thus : 


{ karili. C karild. 

} Hon. < 

( karibi. ( karibd. 

C karili. C 

I Hon. < 

( karibi. (. 

Bg. C karili. ( karile. 



O. Sg. karilu ; karibu, 

774. In As. and Bg. the future has also an imperative- 
precative force, and it is likely that the O.I.A. imperative- 
optative had something to do with the evolution of these end- 


ings. Hema Chandra enjoined -i, -c, -u as the AP. termina- 
tions for the O.I.A. imperative Sg. -hi (IV. 387). Pischel • 
(§ 461) traces -i, -e to the O.I. A. optative Sg.; M.I. A. kari, 
kare=01.A. *kareh (=kuryydt) ; cari=careh. Thus im- 
perative in origin these suffixes were added first to the future 
and then extended to the past in the N.I.A. form in -i. 

The characteristic suffix in 0. is -u in all tenses and trace- 
able to M.I.A. imp. -u. 

Though Dr. Chatterji considers -i as of obscure origin 
(O.D.B.L. p. 978), he has referred dialectical Bg. -u, of 
Oriya affinity, to the imperative in -u ; thus indirectly sup- 
porting the imperative origin of the -i affix. 

775. There are extended forms -ilihi. -ibihi (thailihi, 
dekhibihi) in the past and the future in E. As They are 
contemptuous in sense and were originally Sg. They seem to 
correspond to -ills in E. Bg. (O.D.B.L* § 708). From the use 
of -ihi both in the past and the future, it seems likely that 
it is future in origin and traceable to O.I.A. -isyasi > M.I.A. 
-ihisi > N.I.A. -is,-i$>-isi (by extension of the basic form) 
> -ihi. 

The As. Hon. -a, -ahh -aha are the same as those of the 
Pres. indie. 

776. The Bg. hon. -e (earlier -ehe, -e) is perhaps the 
same as the Magadhan -e (M.I.A. imp. Sg. -e + nominal PI. 
-ha to shew the plural) . Thus *eha > -ehe (by extension of 
the vowel) > -e, -e : (in this respect the addition of the gen. 
PI. -na to Bg. verbs may be compared ; karilen, kariben) . (Cf . 
§ 785 et seq.) 

Dr. Chatterji suggests the possibility of deriving Bg. -c 
by vowel harmony from -ila, -iba ; and also from E. Bg. ehl ; 
but considers -ehe itself as of obscure origin (O.D.BJL § 712). 

The Third Person. 

777. The affixes of the 3rd. person are different with 
the intrans. and trans, verbs ; being -il (with intrans. verbs) 


and Ale (with trans, verbs) ; dialectical -ild, -iWc with trans, 

E. As. forms are : -ila ; -ila ; -ileka ; -He. In E. As. -ilek 
is used indiscriminately both after trans, and intrans. verbs; 
e.g. Trans, (kahila ; mania ; dila ; jvalila ; jogaila; carila ; eri- 
leka ; sahileka ; cintile) . Intrans. (dsileka ; parileka ; gajleka 

The PI. form is -ilanta. 

778. Here also the bare base is used along with -6, -efc, 
-e, as 3rd personal endings. In modern As. and Bg. a dis- 
tinction in the 3rd personal affixes has sprung up according as 
they are added to a trans, or intrans. verb, (si maril, he died; 
but si marile, he beat). In the case of an intrans. verb, the 
base itself is used without affixation of any personal ending. 
This peculiarity is shared also by Kurmali Thar (Biharl). 
Jn the case of trans, verbs, the characteristic ending is -ok 
(delak ; guchaolak) . After intrans. verbs all terminations 
are dropped (gel). 

779. The observations of Dr. S. K. Chatterji on this phe- 
nomenon seem exactly to the point. The intrans. past is in 
its origin a verbal adjective qualifying the subject; here no 
special verbal suffix was necessary, for the adjectival nature 
remained long with intrans. verbs. Hence the simple -ila > 
-il was enough for it. But the trans, past was not like that 
and its nature developed into that of a proper verb with an 
object and an affix came to be attached (O.D.B.L. pp. 983, 
984) . Dr. Chatterji takes this affix -e to be the same as the -e 
of the radical present extended to the past transitive base 

(O.D.B.L. p. 984) and the pleonastic -ka was added first 
to trans, verbs and later extended to the intrans. forms 

(O.D.B.L. p. 992). 

Thus the affix -il satisfying the needs of the active con- 
struction of intrans. Verbs, -ilek, -He, came to be regarded as 
suffixes marked out only for active construction with the 
transitive. But both in Bg. and As. there are certain intransi- 


tive verbs that take on -e in the past tense; cf. Bg. nacle, he 
danced; kUdle, he wept; khdtle, he laboured etc. (O.D.B.L. 
p. 985) ; As. kahile, he coughed; larilc, he ran ; side, he slept. 
In all these the cognate object is understood. 

The PI. -lanta (also rarely, -laMi) is the extension of the 
Pres. PI. -anti > -anta, to the past. 

(3) The Future Base in -b-. 

780. The characteristic suffix for the future base in Bg. 
As. and 0. is -?b- — -ah- of Biharl and of Eastern Hindi. It 
comes from the O.I.A. future Pass, participle (gerundive) in 
-tavya or -itav>ya>M.I.A. -avva, -abba, -ebba and other forms 
(Pischel. § 570). This suffix carries a vaeue mandatory sense 
with an express future implication, and in N.I. A. the simple 
future notion evolved gradually. 

The Eastern languages have thc # verbal noun in -ah-, 
•ib-> as well as -ab-, -ib- as the base of the future tense with 
personal terminations added (O.D.B.L. § 697). 

The First Person. 

781. The future suffixes are in a line with those of the 
past and the origin of the common affixes has been discussed 
above. The affixes of the 1st. person are Mod. As. -m; E. As. 
-ibd; -ibab; -ibu : -ibo : ibnho ; (jaiba: karibab dekhibab: 
dibb: maribo ; kariboho) . 

782. Mod. As. personal ending -m is shared also by 
some dialects of Bihari (cf. Kurmall Thar : pai/am, kaham, 
I shall get, I shall say) and North Bengali (cf. Rangpur and 
Dinajpur forms: pam, balim, dim, etc.). This -m is 
merely a phonetic change, a softening of -b- in connection 
with the nasal to —to-, -m-. (O.D.B.L., pp. 967 and 531- 

The Second Person. 

783. The endings for the 2nd person are: inf. -iM; 
hon, 4bd. E. As. inf. -iba ; -ibe ; -ibi ; -ibihi ; (cfiiba ; ftuibe ; 


maribi; dekhibihi) ; hon. -a; ibafid ; (kariba; thakibaha). 
Both the sets are the same as in the past. 

The Third Person. 

784. The bare base -iba is used without any personal 
ending (kariba; jdbd). E. As. -iba; -iba; -ibeka ; -ibc. 
(kariba; badhiba ; chedibd ; kahibeka ; palaibeka ; cintibe ; 
karibe etc.). 

These affixes are also in a line with those in the past. 
Mod. As. does not add -e after future -ib- as it does after 
the past trans. Mod. Bg. however, adds -e after both the trans, 
and intrans. verbs in the future tense. 


(1) Nominal-verbal Post-positions. 

785. The following personal affixes have been isolated 
for a separate treatment as they seem to constitute an eastern 
novelty and as, moreover, so far as Assamese is concerned, 
they are optional, i.e. they may or may not be added on to 
conjugated verbal forms according to the option of the 
writer. They are added mostly to convey the sense of an 
emphatic affirmation corresponding to English constructions 
like " we do go ", " you do go " . Thus, tumi jowd, j'ou go ; 
but lomalok jowa-hak, you do go. ami jdd, we go ; but ami 
jdo-Kak, we do go. 

786. The Eastern languages, notably Assamese, Bengali, 
and the Magadhan languages present a spectacle of the trans- 
fer of plural suffixes from nouns to verbs. The suffixes that 
lend themselves to such shiftings are mostly connected with 
the M.I. A. genitive plural endings. 

With the increasing sense of the loss of number in verbs, 
such transfer was often called for to emphasise the plural 
in verbs. Moreover, with the development of honorific 
nouns and pronouns in N.I. A. languages, corresponding 
verbal forms with plural affixes to shew respect were much 
in demand. 

(a) -na- ( < -na) . It has been examined as a suffix 
forming the plural with pronouns. It is used also 
with Bengali verbs in the third person to shew res- 
pect (originally, the plural) ; e.g. tini fcarc-n, he 
(hon.) does. 

(b) -ha-; used in early Bengali to shew respect or to 
form the plural in the 2nd personal verbs. ELBg. nil* 
ehe (M) . The use of -ha- to form thrf plural 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


with pronouns has been discussed under the section 
on pronouns. (§§. 675, 678) . 

(c) -hak , -hok ; (-ha, -ho -f- pleon. -ka) ; these have not 
been traced as plural suffixes in any one of the 
Magadhan dialects. In Assamese, early as well as 
modern, they are used after plural verbs in the 
first and second persons ; e.g. hhdb-hak, we eat ; 
galo-hak, we went ; karim-hak, we shall do. The 
form in -hbk (-hok) is found only in middle Assam- 
ese (of the chronicles) . 

(d) -hat ; discussed above (J. 624) as a nominal plural 
suffix. It is used also after plural verbs in the 
first and second persons, e.g. khalb-hat, we have 

, eaten ; jaba-hat, you will go. 

(e) -har, -hor ; these are used in the Western languages 
as plural suffixes (L . S . I . , IX, II, p. 55 ; and Turn- 
bull : Nepali Grammar ; p. 12) . They appeared in 
middle Assamese (of the chronicles) as plural 
verbal suffixes in the first and second persons, e.g. 
dim-/idr ; we shall give ; pdtilo-hor, we have esta- 

(f) -hun; discussed (§. 635) as a pronominal plural 
affix in Eastern Hindi and Assamese. It obtains as 
a verbal suffix in the second person honorific (PI.) 
in Mag. dekhala-hun, you saw; dekhaba-hun, you 
will see, (L.S.I., V. II, p. 39). 

(A) . The Conditional Past in -heten. 

787. Assamese is the only N.I. A. language which has 
no form for the habitual past. There is a conditional past 
tense but it is formed on a different principle from that of 
other N.I.A. languages. The base of the past conditional in 
other N.I. A. languages is the present participle or some 
analogous formation to which are added the different per- 
sonal affixes. In As. however, from the earliest period the 
past conditional sense is conveyed by the post-position of the 
locative absolute hante (earlier sante) of the Pres. participle 


of O.I. A. \/as, after the inflected past in 41. The Pres, 
participle of O.I. A. V*s>M.I.A. santa > N.I.A. santa, 
hanta. In loc. absolute it is sante, hante > Mid. As. hate. 
In modern Assamese h eten, which is also derived from hante> 
the final -n is pleonastic and hanteyhete- owing to the influ- 
ence of the nasal which reduces a preceding -a- to -e-. A few 
illustrative sentences will make the whole phenomenon clear ; 

jadi aji gharata achila hante svami, 
tebe ani tomdka rdkhilo hante ami : 

(Daityari : Sarikara Carita) . 

If my husband had been at home to-day, I would have 
taken you in and kept you. 

Satrajitaka dhari dniba parilo hate, 
kinta mitrar karanehe nowarilo : 

I could have got hold of Sat raj it and brought him, but 
I could not do (so) for the sake of (his being) a friend* 
si aha heten mai tar lagatei gain heten, 
Had he come, I would have gone with him. 

Thus, " in a conditional sentence, the word heten is added 
to the past tense in the apodosis. In the protasis either the 
same form is used with the conjunction jadu if, or else heten 
is sub-joined to the past participle (in -a) without jadi". 
(L.S.I. V. p. 403). In the protasis heten may often be 
substituted by the conjunctive in -He : cf. tumi kale si dhil 
heten, had you said, he would have come. 

788. Mid. As. prose (of the chronicles) developed a 
present subjunctive with hate, but that did not catch on; 
e.g. mok ajrui kare hate khuci mciriba pdrb (Buranji, p. 64), 
if (he) commands me, I may pierce (him) to death. hate ji bastu kai ahak. ami difio, if necessary, what- 
ever thing is asked for, we (shall) give. 

Bihar! (Kurmall, Thar: L.S.I. V. II. p. 151) preserves 
the use of hate as a locative absolute without any subjunctive 
sense ; takare hate ; ekarc hate, that being the case ; this 
being the case.. 


789. In Western Assamese, hay > hoi, (§. 470) is used 
for heten. In E.As. there are stray instances of the use of 
hay in a similar sense ; prdnaka tejilo hayd tomdrd santape, 
(Rdmdyana : Madhava Kandali) , we would have given up 
lives for sorrow for you. 

790. The Cachar dialect forms the past conditional by 
adding ane to the past tense ; e.g. bhdla pdila ane, would 
have found it good (L.S.I. V. I. p. 234). This ane is 
perhaps a highly decayed form of haute > * hande > 

* hanne, * anne, ane (§. 470) . 

(2) The Participles. 
(A) . The Present Participle. 

791. The present participle in As. is -bte, E. As. -ante. 
Occurring always in the locative it implies " while doing 
a particular deed". In the strengthened form -bid, E.As. 
-antu (with the definitive -a), it gives attributive adjectives 
and nouns of pgency ; e.g. karbta, karantd, a doer ; rdkhbtd, 
E. As. rdkhantd, a preserver, etc. 

792. The strictly participial sense is preserved only by 
the locative form; e.g. phurante rajanl gaila ksaya, 
(Sankara Deva) , while wandering about, the night wore off ; 
jdhantd jena ndcante (ibid), walks as though dancing; cat 
thdkote nohowd hdl, while looking on, it disappeared. 

793. In an unaffixed form, the Pres. participle hardly 
exists except in a few stereotyped expressions, e.g. fiyat mach> 
fresh fish; aphuranta bh&rdt, inexhaustible treasure. In 
the form -anta, it is regarded as archaic. 

The Pres. participle in Oriya is -anta-, and both the As. 
and 0. forms go back to O.I. A. and M.I. A. active participle 
in -anU. 


(B). The Past Participle. 

794. There are three types of past participle in 
Assamese: (a) -d; (b) -ila, -ild; (c) -ibd (-iba). Of these 


the type in -d is the only living form and the last two are 
preserved only in some sporadic examples in E.As. The form 
in -d comes from O.I.A. Past part, in -(i)ta > M.I.A. -a, to 
which the definitive -a has been added (discussed under 
Formative affixes) . 

795. The form in -ila, 4\a is the same as the base for 
the -I- past. It preserves the participial sense and use in 
some stray expressions in E . and Mod .As. It seems to have 
been profusely used in early Bengali (O.D.B.L. §. 692). 

Some examples as preserved in E. As. literature are as 
follows : 

Raghabe pattella Jambabantaka pdilanta, received 
Jambabanta, sent by Raghaba. (Rama y ana, M. Kandali) ; 

birdila bdghini same kara panhdsa, thou jestest with a 
tigress just delivered of a calf. (ibid.). 

bdchildto bdehila dchila jala ghord, all the horses that 
were the choicest amongst the chosen ; (Candra Bharati : 
Kumar Havana) ; gaila katte, things past ; cf. also ghdilt 
wounded; phutilt puwd, morning just dawned; dpuni nirmila 
sastra, toko parte huyd ctetra (Sankara Deva), becoming a 
student, you read the scriptures composed by yourself. 

(C) . The Past Participle in -ib-. 

796. There is no instance of the use of the 6- past part, 
in Mod. As. There are some traces of it only in early Assam- 
ese. Cf. Jame dibd sara astre Rdbane tenila, Rabana wound- 
ed him with a weapon in the form of an arrow given by 
Jama ; Indrajite mdnbdra sabe send jila, all the fighters killed 
by Indrajit revived ; jdhdra prasdde hardibdra raja pailo, 
through whose favour I have received a lost kingdom ; Honu- 
manta acetane paribdra dekhi, seeing Hanumanta fallen un- 

Agasti dibara dhanu tuliyd lailanta, took up the bow given 
by Agasti 

Bti8abe dib&ra astro, gunata caraila, placed on the strings 
the weapon given by Basaba. 

THE t>AftTICIPtJg 841 

p&khi gajibara dekhi hailanta ullasi, became jubilant on 
seeing the (lost) feathers grown. 

Brahmara dibdra astra juribaka cahe, wished to fit up the 
weapon given by Brahma. 

sandibdra sara jata hdnanta apdra, endlessly hurled all the 
whetted arrows. 

guni-gana maje jdhaka likhibd, who was counted (as one) 
amongst the meritorious. 

All these examples are from the Rdmdyana of Madhava 
Kandali. As only five cantos of his translation have been 
recovered till now, it can not be ascertained how many times 
similar uses occurred in his work. Similar uses are notice- 
able also in other writers of the pre-Vaishnavite period. The 
following examples are from the Mahabhdrata of Rudra 

dunai dhanu chedibara bege je larild, a second time the 
bow having broken, swiftly he ran away. 

tini sare bhedibara dtdseka dild, three arrows having 
pierced, he gave out a cry. 

prajd mdribdra phale jdibci idhogati, he will go down as 
a result of having killed the subject people. 

The following is from Hema Saraswati of the same period. 
puribdra prabhdbe adhika jcile kdnti, (his) beauty shines 
out more owing to (his) having been burnt. 

No example of the b- past has so far been noticed in any 
writer later than the Pre-Vaishnavite period. 

797. Amongst other N.I.A. languages, Oriya, the Halabi 
dialect of Marathi and the Haijong sub-dialect of Bengali seem 
to be the only ones that preserve uses of the b- past. In 
Halabi, there are examples of both b- past and b- future; e.g. 
max karabe'Se, I have done ; ham mdraba, we will strike ; 
marabo, dead (L.S.I. VII. p. 335) . The b- past has been sup- 
posed to be originally a future participle (ibid) . In Oriya 
the b- past is used in idiomatic constructions with the verbal 
pihrase -thib- to express the past-future conditional, e.g. dekhi- 
tfcibi, I may have seen. It (-thib-) occurs also as a relative 
participle, e.g. mu-dei-thibd faqM, the rupee which I gave.. 

(L.S.I. V. II p. 381). There are past-future constructions of 
-b- forms in Bg. and As. also, with the verb root \/tha (cf. 
As. tomaLoke suni thakiba, you may have heard) . 

798. But in the Haijong and early Assamese -bd with 
suggestions of a definite past, there seems to be a confluence 
of Aryan -b- and non-Aryan (Boclo Past Participial) -bd. All 
the Boclo dialects form their past tense and often the past 
participle with the affix -bd (L.S.I II. pp. 51, 58, 63, 105) and 
from similarity of sound with the Aryan form, the influence 
of the Boclo -bd, may easily be imagined. 

799. Its presence in the Haijong dialect need perhaps 
cause no surprise. The Haijong.s are a Tibeto-Burman clan 
settled at the foot of the Garo Hills. And even though they 
have long abandoned their tribal speech, Tibeto-Burman 
idioms linger on here and there in certain formations. Thus 
the full form in -bd-, is retained in the past e.g. mariba-r, 
mariba-n, killed ; thakibar. thakibdn. remained; but the Aryan 
future survives in -ba ; e.g. mariba, will die (L.S.I.V. p. 215) . 

800. Boclo influence may also be assumed in the case of 
the As. forms. All the three poets quoted above have men- 
tioned as their patrons some Hinduised Boclo kings. The influ- 
ence of the court as a passing phase on contemporary idioms 
will perhaps explain the E. As. forms. 

In another respect Bodo -bd seems to have left a deeper 
impress. The Bodo -bd has also other functions. It is the 
suffix of the present and the past conditional, e.g. nu-bd, if I 
see or if I had seen. In its implications as a present or past 
subjunctive, it survives in certain Assamese idiomatic con- 
structions; e.g. 

Assamese: (present subjunctive) : 

tumi jadi m^kuniba, kak no Jcdm, if t you do not hear (lit. 
will not hear) , to whom shall I speak ? 
Assamese : (past subjunctive) : 

tumi jadi &hibd f ene nahal heten, if you had come (lit 
Will come) , such would not have been (the case) . 


Having once been surreptitious]^ admitted, it was easily 
confused with the Aryan -ab } 4b and was furnished with the 
necessary connecting vowels. 

(D). Gerundive or Future Passive Participle. 

801. There is no gerundive proper in As. In As. there 
are relics of the O.I.A. gerundive in -(i) tavya>4ba, -aba; 
e.g. tomara krodhata io svami mariba/tebe kona jasa pdiba 
(Ramayana: Kandali), this husband also (of mine) may die 
due to your anger/what credit then will be got by you ? 
biralira jadi dosaka dhariya f n\teh.i handt pelaiba (ibid) , if a 
cat is found fault with (i.e. considered impure), the cooking 
vessel is to be every day thrown away. 

802. This kind of use no longer obtains. But an idiom 
conveying the gerundive sense has been developed in Mod. 
As. by subjoining lagiyd to a verbal noun in -ba, 4ba ; e.g. 
khdba lagiyd, to be eaten; kariba lagvja, to be done, etc. lagiyd 
is a secondary formation <lag (cf. As. \/lag, be necessary, 
connected with O.I.A. lagyate). 

(3) The Conjunctives or Gerunds. 

803. There are three indeclinable conjunctives or gerunds 
in As. in (a) 4 ; (b) 4lc ; (c) 4lat. The i- conjunctive is con- 
sequential in meaning and the other two (verbal nouns with 
loc. endings) indicate a completed act. (§§ 806, 807) . 

The conjunctive 4 is derived from M.I.A. -ia < O.I.A. 
-ya. In Bg. it appears in the strengthened form 4yd. In E. 
As. both the forms in -i, 4xjd are found. * 

In Mod. As. the i- conjunctive is used with finite verbs in 
all tenses ; e.g. mai ahi karo, karilo, karim, coming I do, did, 
shall do. 

(4)» The Verbal Nouns. 

804. The verbal nouns in As. are represented by the 
following forms : 


(a) Nouns in -an with extensions in -ana, -ani. -am (dis- 

cussed under Formative Affixes § 514) . 

(b) Nouns in -A which is quiescent but traceable in roots 

ending in a consonant ; e.g. mut-bol ; mar-dhbr ; 
pdk etc. 

(c) Nouns in -d from passive participles in -ta (§ 524) 

e.g. aha-jowa ; khowa etc. 

(d) Nouns in -il- from the pass, participle in -ila. They 

persist in Mod. As. with loc. endings -e, -ta, in a 
gerundial sense. E. As. preserves a few examples 
with other case affixes, e.g. (intake asi dharileka 
para, from death coming and seizing you (Sankara 
Deva : Kirtan). 

antake pdileka para, /Rama. Rama, buli tdra, from 
death overtaking you, be saved by calling on 
Rama (ibid). 

805. Modern As. has developed a distinction between 
the uses of -ite, and -Hat (both loc. in form) , though no such 
distinction is recognised in E. As. 

806. The -He conjunctive (locative in -e of past partici- 
ple in -il-) is used with finite verbs in the future, e.g. mai 
ahile tumi jabd, on my coming, you will go. Cf. E. As. ex bird 
parileka sabaro sastha haya, on this hero falling, everybody 
will be at ease. 

807. The conjunctive in -Hat, (also locative inM), is used 
with preterite verbs, e.g. mai ahilat teb gdl, on my coming 
(having come) , he went away. But in E.As. *ilat is used in 
connection with both the past and the future verbs; Cf. fimi 
erilata bhumi/ajtd nathakiba tumi, on my having left the 
earth, do not stay on here, (Sankara Deva : Kirtan) ; tumi 
erilata mora/milibe iantdpa ghora, on your having left, a 
great sorrow will come upon me (Sanka/a Deva : Kirtan) ; ei 
bulilat gohani boreo kapar ek jorA dile, on (his) having said 
this, the ministers also gave him a pair of clothings. (Burafyi 
K.A.S. p. 163). 


808. Sometimes the double locative form in -ilet, -Hate is 
also found in E. As. tumi erileta mai soka duhkha pdibo, 
(Ramayam, Kandali) on your having left, I shall get pains 
and sorrows; smnilate sahasra janmara papa nasa (RamayaTia: % 
Kandali) , on bathing, the sins of a thousand births are purged 
away, cintilate milibe sakala, everything will be gained at the 
very thought. 

Nouns in -i (discussed under Formative Affixes) (§ 537) 
e.g. mart; bari; pari; gali; hahi etc. 

(5) . The Infinitives. 

809. The infinitives in Mod. As. are -iba and the ex- 
tended form -ibalaj. In E. As. the infinitives are represented 
by the forms in (1) -ibe, -ibak (to which lagi is often sub- 
joined) ; (2) -ita, -ite. e.g. prthibika eribe amara ache matt, 
(Sankara Deva : Kirtan) I have a desire to leave the world. 
sabe $ampattika ehi muthi dibe pare, (Sankara Deva: ibid), 
this handful can bestow (on you) all prosperity, khandibaka 
lagi prthiblra mahdbhdra (Sankara) , to remove the great bur- 
den of the world. 

810. The infinitive in -ib- is common to other Magadhan 
dialects and the Western languages. It is much used in 
North Bengali. It occurs also in Oriya, Bihar! and in 
Western languages like Rajasthani. 

In Biharl (Khontai) we find it in the inflected form -ibe; 
e.g. cumma khdbe lagalai, began to kiss. (L.S.I. V. II, 
p. 182). 

811. The infinitive base in -ib- is the same as the verbal 
noun in -ib-, inflected in the various cases ; -ibe is the loca- 
tive and -ibak is the dative-accusative form of the verbal 
noun. Often they are followed by the post-position lagi and 
sometimes they go without it. e.g. etxksane ami mrga mdri- 
baka jdiba, just now I shall go out to hunt a deer. In the 
Rangpur dialect of J3g. the strengthened form in -iba side 
by side with its inflected forms in the various cases is used 
as the infinitives ; e.g. karibd, karibdk } karibdr, pdrb ; I am 
able to do. 



812. Mod. As. expresses the simple infinitive sense with 
the base -iba and the gerundial implication is conveyed 
with the help of the post-position sub-joined to the base. 

For the use of the infinitives with varied case-endings 
in O.I A. (Vedic) cf. (Macdonell: Vedic Grammar, 
§§. 583-586). In M.I.A. the base . form, alone and 
also with case-endings, is used in the infinitive; cf. -ana; 
gen. PL -aTiaJta; loc. Sg. -anaJii; (Pischel : § 597). 

(A) . The Infinitive in -itd, -ite. 

813. The infinitive in -it- is found in E. As. but its 
use does not seem to be very popular : 

jaisdni khujita moka aild Hanumante, when Hanumanta 
came to seek after me. 

mohoka badhita Idgi utapati b/iatfa, you were born with 
a view to kill me. 

Jcona kona biragana, amaka jujite dse, who are the heroes, 
who come to fight me ? 

baikuntha jdite bhqila kacha para, became ready to go 
to heaven, etc. 

The infinitive in -ita, could not establish itself as a lite- 
rary favourite nor did it catch on in popular use. It became 
ihe infinitive proper in Bg. in the locative -ite. 

The East Bengal dialects form the inf. in -it; -itdm; 
cf. (L.S.I. V. I. pp. 210, 240) ; barat, to fill; kaitam, to 

814. Dr. Chatterji explains -ite as the verbal noun in 
-i plus the locative affix -te and finds in it a recent forma- 
tion in Bengali (O.D.B.L. p. 1014) ; but it is as old as the 
one in -ibe as attested by E.As. Its appearance in Bg. might 
have been late. Moreover the formative in -i seems to have 
a different function in As. cf . § 817. 


Dr. Bloch is of opinion that the -t- in -it- is of participial 
origin and the -t- is due to the mix-up of -a- (in -ant*) and 
causative -e- (-eni-) . 

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(6) The Periphrastic or Compound Tenses. 

815. Properly speaking there is but one periphrastic 
tense in Assamese. While the other languages of the Maga- 
dhan group have, each one of them, a progressive and a 
perfect compound tense, there is but one tense-form of the 
type that functions for both and the implication of the pro- 
gressive or the perfect sense has to be understood with 
reference to the setting in which it is placed. 

In Bg. and the Biharl languages the present progressive 
is indicated by subjoining the verb substantive to the Pres. 
participle. Thus Bg. dekhite-chi ; Maith. dekhait-chi ; Mag. 
dekhait- (-at, -it), -hi; Bhoj. dekhaUbani, also dekhatdni, 
I am seeing. The Oriya formation is different, being dekhu- 

The perfect in all these languages is constructed on a 
different principle. It is formed by adding the verb substan- 
tive to the past, participle in -al in the Bihar! dialects, being 
Maith. dekhal achi ; Mag. dckhalu hat ; Bhoj. dekhale bdnl. 
In Bg. it is dekhiya-chi ; 0. dekhi-chi. 

816. For both these types As. has only dekhi-chb. In 
its perfect implication, the As. form is parallel to the Oriya 
form. There are instances of its occurrence in E.Bg. 
(O.D.B.L. §. 755) but it has dropped out of use in 
Mod. Bengali. 

817^ Dr. Chatterji traces Oriya -it to O.I. A. derivative 
in -uka, hiving the meaning and construction of a present 
participle (Whitney. §. 1180; O.D.B.L. pp. 678, 1026). 
He connects also the Assamese periphrastic form in -i with the 
past participle in -ita, (ibid. p. 1024). But while the past 
part, in -ta lives in Mod. As. as past part, in -a, the past 
participle in -ita does not seem to have left any trace in any 
Assamese formative. The periphrastic form in -t may be 
better connected with O.I. A. primary derivative in 4, 
yielding adjectives and agent-nouns (Whitney. §. 1155) and 
forming in the strengthened form -i + * fca, verbal adjectives 
In modern Assamese (Cf. Formative Affixes § 537), Tiis 


derivation is supported by Sir G. A. Grierson's general 
observation that the periphrastic tenses are formed with 
verbal nouns in O.I. A. and not with participles. (Eric. 
Brit. 11th edition ; Bengali Language) . 

The -iya type passing for the perfect compound in Bg, 
is also met with in E.As. in the forms in -iyd ) -i ( < 'iya) 
followed by the undipped verb substantive tick, e.g. jono 
aniyache Krsna sandesa, may hap, has brought messages about 
Krishna . The form in -i ( < 4yd) -f \/ ach, has come down 
to modern Assamese. But the meaning has changed. 
From the present perfect it has acquired the sense of perfect 
progressive; e.g. kari dchb, have been doing. 



(I) The Conjunctives. 

818. The Magadhan dialects present the strange pheno- 
menon of using conjunctive participles as pleonastic suffixes 
after fully inflected verbal forms to add a certain emphasis. 
Let us begin with the easternmost Bengali dialects. The 
conjunctive participles giya, gai from the defective root y/ga, 
to go, "is often added to other verbs to make them more 
forcible". (L.S.I. V. I. p. 293). The conjunctive sense 
having been lost, the participle is added to inflected verbs in 
all tenses and moods as an emphatic particle ; e.g. durai 
bidesh gechil giyo,, went away to a distant country ; Kachar 
dialect (L.S.F. V. I. p. 234); led gece gai, took away; 
Tippera dialect (L.S.I. V. I. p. 244) ; gelam gai y I went 
away ; deo gai, give away ; Chittagong : (ibid. p. 294) ; durqi 
mulluke gel gai, went away to a far country ; kari gai, let us 
make ; Noakhili : (ibid. pp. 309, 313) . 

The use of gai in this sense is a highly characteristic 
feature of middle Assamese prose of the chronicles. The 
following forms are taken at random from Purani Asam 
Buranji, published by the Kamrup Anusandhan Samiti. 

dharile gai, caught him up (p. 104) . 

rdhil gaiy he stayed there (p. 160) . 

thakil gai, he remained there (p. 107) . 

bhetile gai, he did meet him (p. 109) . 

diye gai, he does give, etc. 

This use of gai persists in Mod. As. It is used in narra- 
tive prose to give a certain swing and a sense of finality to 
an expression. • 

In standard Bengali, ge < giyd, " added to the imperative 
expresses the imperative in the immediate future with a 
slight precative sense". (O.D.B.L. p. 908); e.g. drot 


karige ; tumi kirtge. " With th<f simple past and the futm, 
it has the force of " though ", "nevertheless", "however", 
"even now", " immediately " (O.D.B.L. p. 909); e.g. se 
korle ge, and then he cud ; tumi k&rbe ge, and you will do. 

In middle and modern Assamese there is a similar use 
o! the conjunctive dhi (coming: V ah, to come) > hi e.g. 
Phukanat baril hi, took shelter in Phukan ; garh dilehi, con- 
structed a fort ; Pdvdu palehi, reached Pan^u, etc. 

This use of hi continues in Mod. As. There is just the 
difference between * going 1 and 'coming' in the uses of gai 
and hi. The former is used to indicate the consummation of 
the action of the verb further away from the speaker, while 
the latter denotes the contrary, i.e. towards the direction of 
the speaker; e.g. pale gai, reached, going ; pdle hi, reached, 

Some East Bengali dialects illustrate a similar use with 
hari (§ 823), kariydri, e.g. giya Mri, having gone; Sylhet 
(L.S.I. V. I, p. 231) ; where hari is not pleonastic but continues 
the conjunctive sense of the preceding verb. The more charac- 
teristic illustration is from the Tippera dialect (ibid p. 244) ; 
bdper bdri geldm dri, went to the house of the father. 

819. The standard Bengali pleonastic affix khan, Jchun, 
met with in expressions like jdbo'khan, I shall go ; dilum* 
khun, we gave ; habe-khun, it will be (O.D.B.L. pp. 997, 998), 
though connected by Dr. Chatterji with O.I.A. k$ana, instant, 
is in reality a conjunctive participle occurring in tte forms 
kaha% kohon % khan, Jchft in the Bihar! dialects. (For deriva- 
tion see below § 823). Cf. P5ch Paragania (L.S.I. V. 11). 

khdy-kahan, eating. 

dhair-kahan, catching (p. 171). 

uifh-kohan, vtih-kahan, having risen (p. 167). 

Nagpuria (ibid. p. 298) ; ai-kohon, coming. 

Sadri Kol : serfii-kJian, having completed ; k&m&Uchan 

having earned (ibid. pp. 159, 16ft). 
Bhojpuri dialect : dwat-khh, coming in (ibid. p. 206) . Cr. 

also E. Hindi. -Jean, -khan, -kehen (L.S.I. VI, pp. 1W, 

178, 225). 


Aa Sadri Kol where the exact form khan is registered 
is an Eastern Magadhan dialect and just in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Bengali, the migration of khan is easily 
imaginable and a postulate for a separate origin of Bg. khan 
is uncalled for. The following expressions from the Gospel 
of St. Mark in Magadhi (quoted in O.D.B.L. p. 998) only 
illustrate the pleonastic use of the conjunctive participle khan 
in Magadhi; kariai-khan, I do, I shall do ; ailqi-khan, came ; 
kahal kay-khan, said etc. 

(2) The Conjunctives in -no-. 

820. Bg. -ne, (debo-ne, I shall give; jaba-ne, you will 
go) and the dialectical Assamese (Kamrup) -ni (khavm-ni, 
do eat; jawa-ni, do go) are conjunctive endings used pleo- 

The origin of the conjunctive participles in -na in the 
various dialects and sub-dialects of N.I.A. may be briefly indi- 
cated here. 

The forms in the Bihari dialects as above noted are ; 
kahan, kohon, khan, khh. 

The Nepali form is -kan (shortened for ke-ne). 

In Bengali sub-dialects (L.S.I. V. I) Chakma: -inai ; jei- 
nai, having gone. 

Kharia Thar (Manbhum) : -?id; hena, being ; ana, taking. 

Mai Paharia : -henak ; gutiai-henak, having collected 

Jalpai-guri : hdne ; jayti-hdne, having gone. 

In Bajasthani dialects: (L.S.I. IX. II.). 

Marwari : -nai, -fcnat. 

Malvi : -ne, une. 

821. The -TV- in all these formations seems related to 
O.I.A. -na in -tvana which persists through M.I.A. -ttdna, 
•cofina, -yana (Pischel § 592) . 

822. Bihari kahpi; Nep. kan (<ke-ne); Bengali henak) 
h&ne, are double conjunctives. In the Bihari dialects the 
termination of the conjunctive participle may be either kai 
or ke (shortened for kari>ka(r)i) . In this use kai or ke lost 


all traces of the verbal significance and became a mere con- 
junctive suffix subjoined to the conjunctive form of the princi- 
pal verb. The Raj. dialects preserve an affix in -nai, -ne 
parallel to -kai, -Jce. 

823. The several groups kehen, kahan, kohon etc are 
the results of the blending of kai+hai+na > kehen. The 
forms kahan, kohon, khan, kha, etc. are dialectical variants. 
So also hari is a blend of hoi ~\- *kari. 


824. con. A pleonastic suffix found in modern As. It 
is used after nouns, pronouns and also after verbal forms. 
After imperative verbs, it softens the sense of command and 
expresses the meaning of English " would please " etc. dhibd- 
con, you will please come; jab-con, let me just go. 

After indicative verbs it expresses a mild sense of sur- 
prise, a little unexpectedness, the sense of English " after all"; 
e.g. marilei-con } (contrary to expectation) died, died after 
all ; gaichili-con, you went after all. 


825. de ; dekhon. Corresponding to the two shades of 
meaning of con, that of mild command, asking to do some- 
thing that is only too natural, and that of surprise, there are 
the verbal formations de, dekhon (also written dekhb), the 
former expressing a mild request and the latter expressing 
surprise at something contrary to what is said or expected; 
e.g. ahiba de, you would please come (the party asked being 
already willing to come); bahibd dc, do please sit down; si 
dekhon ahil, (contrary to expectation) he has come; darab 
khowdto topani nahil dekhon, even after taking medicine 
there was no sleep (as was expected) etc. 

These formations (con, de, dekhon) arc conjunctive parti- 
ciples ; de is shortened for *diyd and dekhon seems to be a 
compound of de + khon, parallel to Bihari di-kohon, kamai* 
khan etc. 

con, also written c&, seems obscure. 


Disguised Conjunctive formations as Pleonastic affixes. 

826. The above discussions will throw light upon the 
origin of certain affixes tagged on to inflected verbal forms 
and so long regarded as pleonastic without any assignable 
reasons. It will be found that they are highly worn out con- 
junctive participles added on to emphasise the meaning of the 
principal verb. The following are the affixed verbal forms : 
Noakhali dialect (L.S.I. V. I, p. 307). 

mari- (y) er ; I am dying. 

/can- (y) er ; I do. 

Cf. E. H. (Baigani) : maraiha-na, I am dying ; jdtJie-nd, he 

Chittagong dialect (ibid. p. 293). 

kari-r; also kari, I do. 

kara-r; also karas, thou dost. 

kare-r; also* Jcare, he does. 

khd-er f also klidr, he eats. 
Haijong of Mymensingh (ibid p. 2l5) . 

marib-dr; mdrib-dn, he struck. 

t/takib-dr : thakib-an, he remained. 
Sylhet (ibid. p. 226). 

jdi-yar, -\ 

yai-r-am, v I am going. 

jdtt-r-dm, ) 

Early Bg. (Krsna Kirtan). 

dchera, he has ; berhile-ra ; surrounded. 
dibo-ra ; shall give; hajbe-ra; shall be. 
geii-rd, passed. 

In all these examples, -ra, era have no clearly definable 
meaning. They are all used in a vague sense of emphasis and 
obligatoriness associated with English auxiliary verbs like 
4 do\ W, 'shall', 'should' etc., and conveying the same shades 
of meaning as the conjunctive participles examined in the 
previous sections. 


827. In reality they are only decayed conjunctive parti- 
ciples. In Biharl, there is also the conjunctive formation 
kar (L.S.I. V. II p. 39) side by side with fcai, he. In the 
Western languages kar often appears as -ar. There is also the 
Nepali conjunctive in - (y) er, Eastern Hindi, -Jeer (Turnbull : 
Nepali Grammar p. Ill ; L.S.I. VI. p. 159). 

We have already met with expressions in East Bg. with 
pleonastic use of hdri, ari<i*kdri (gelam dri) , and a Chittagong 
form like khai-r may be regarded as equivalent to *khdi 
kar (i) , I do eat. Similarly, Noakhali mari-yer may be equat- 
ed to * mari ker (i) , I am dying (The Mai Paharia dialect 
has a verbal root -\Jkcr; cf. anand kerib ; hasi-moja kerib ; 
L.S.I. V. I, p. 102). 

Dr. Chatterji regards this -r- as a contracted form of 
kar and a verbal auxiliary added on to the root (O.D.B.L. 
p. 996) . But he has left the history and function of this -r- un- 

(6) Inverted Conjunctives. 

828. There are certain analogous formations in early Bg. 
(Krsna Kirtan) and in early As. (Ramayana : M. Kandali) 
in which the position of the characteristic conjunctive ending 
has been inverted. The principal verb takes on the conjunc- 
tive termination, and what in similar contexts pass on as con- 
junctive participles have personal affixes added on to them. 
The following are the examples; 

r di-ara, do give; anv-ara, do bring. 
E. Bg. } kahi-dra, do speak; kha-dra, do eat. 

' kahi-drb, I do speak, 

r kari-erd, do thou do ; tdri-erd; mdri-erb ; do 
K As. ^ save; kill etc. 

( luJcdi-er5, I shall have concealed. 

gwedi-erb, I shall have removed. 
hsdni-ere, he does strike .etc. 

829. Here -drd, -era are clearly related to fcard, kerb, 
and the formations di*ard, idri-era may be equated to ex- 
pressions like *di& hard ; *t&ri feera=giving, do ; saving, do;=s 


do give ; do save. In this respect they may be regarded as 
compound verbs with the principal verbs put in the con- 
junctive forms, dnmrd may be regarded as equivalent to 
Mod. Bg. dniyd vhelci ; bring off. This use of -dm, -era may 
be due to the fact that though originally conjunctive in sense, 
they were used without the characteristic conjunctive termi- 
nations and were perhaps mistaken for finite verbs in the 
imperative. This notion once established, personal affixes of 
the other persons also were added on to them. Cf. Western 
Assam (Kamriip) dialectical forms: khd-n-i, do thou eat; 
JcJm-n-a, do you eat , hhn-n-o, ht me eat : where -n- is a 
conjunctive particle. 

Dr. Chatterji connects -id with the verbal noun in -ita 
(O.D.B.L. § 996). But the explanation suggested does not 
seem to be quite satisfactory 

. (7). The Pleonastic -fca. 

830. The use of -ka as a pleonastic affix after verb-form 
is so well established and it has 'been so fully discussed 
(O.D.B.L. pp. 989-994) that a fresh discussion seems unneces- 
sary. A few examples will be enough to shew the extent of 
its pleonastic uses, in N.I.A. languages : 

After Pres. indie, early Bg. pore-k, burns ; 
„ imperative Sing (3rd P.): As. dekhd-k : Bg. 
dekhu-k . 0. dekhu. 

„ imperative PI. (3rd P.) : E.As. mdratito: pdlanto-k\ 

0. dekhantu. 
„ passive imp. E As. suniyo ; suniyo-ka. 

„ conjunctive in -ilc E. As. parile-ka, on his having 

„ infinitive in -u (O.IA. -tu) ; (HalabI) jdvk, to 

go; puchuk, to ask. 
„ imp. Sing. (2nd P.); mdre-k ; m&r, strike 

(Haijong) (L.S.I. V. I, p. 215). 


(8) The Pleonastic -la-. 

831. Corresponding to the -ga affix, there is an affix -la- 
in the Western languages (Rajasthani and Mara^hl) and in 
some Magadhan languages like Bengali and Bhojpurl. Its 
grammatical function is to some extent like that of -ga-. It 
forms the future in Western languages, and the present definite 
(also used in the future) in Bhojpurl; it is pleonastic in 
Bengali ; and in the solitary instance haba-la, where it happens 
to occur, in Assamese. 

Early Bengali (Krma Kntan) has a suffix -i? added to 
the future imp. 

kariha-li; dihd-li : cahha-h, you will do ; give; go. 

In dialectical Bengali the suffix occurs in -lo; e.g. Jcara-lo; 
aiche-lo (Maimansing Gitika) ; kaha-lo. 

Here 4- is pleonastic, it does not function as a tense- 
forming affix. It is added to the inflected verbal forms. 

832. Assamese preserves the use of -Id with the word 
haba {habala), perhaps, may be; e.g. dhil habala: may be, he 
has come. Cf. Rajasthani ; il ghorai cadhyo hvaila, he must 
have mounted his horse (Kellogg, p 213) . 

(9) The Pleonastic -td ; -to. 

833. In the Mayang dialect there is the pleonastic suffix 
-ta ; e.g. eil-ta, he came ; eila-ta< they came ; peilaijg-ta, I 
got, etc. (L.S.I. V. I pp. 419 ct sea.). 

This affix seems to correspond to Assamese-Bengali -to ; 
e.g. khowd-to, do eat ; dhard-to, do hold ; dhiUto, he has come ; 
jaba-to, he will go. So also in Bengali; jdeche-to, he is going; 
geh'to, he has gone. 

It is used to express a mild assertion or to soften a com- 
mand or an injunction. It is often used after nouns and pro- 
nouns also. * 

Dr. Chatterji affiliates -td with the enclitic definitive -ffl 
(cerebral). Dr. Bloch suggests connection with t&vat (Hindi 
io < tau) . 

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The Extent of Probable non-Aryan Influences. 

834. The essay is now brought to a close. As the fore- 
going pages shew, it is a study in details of sound-changes 
and of grammatical forms in Assamese. Starting from O.I.A. 
sounds and forms, these changes have, as far as practicable, 
been traced through M.IA. periods to N.I.A. Assamese. 

835. By origin an Indo-Aryan vernacular, Assamese is 
surrounded on all sides by non-Aryan speeches. It may even 
be said that Assamese is a small island in a sea of diverse 
non-Aryan languages, and as such Assamese may be regarded 
as being more open to non-Aryan influences than other N.I.A. 
vernaculars. But the extent of non-Aryan influences does 
not appear to be as great as it might have been expected to 
be. This seems due to two outstanding historical facts. It has 
been noticed in the introduction (§§ 46, 47) that Assam lay 
on the high way for emigrants from all parts of India to the 
Far East, and this kept Assam in constant contact with the rest 
of Aryan-speaking India, and checked non-Aryan tendencies 
from making any radical changes in the structure of Assam- 
ese. Then there was the rise of a varied popular literature 
in the early part of the sixteenth century in connection with 
the Vaishnavite movement of 6ankara Deva. Songs, poems and 
dramas were composed in large numbers and they are as 
popular even now amongst Assamese-speaking people as the 
dohds of Tulsidas amongst Hindi speaking population. 

This rise of a standard literature exercised a stabilizing 
influence upon the Speech and resisted the inroads of non- 
Aryan idioms to a considerable extent. But still as pointed 
out in the body of the text, non-Aryan influences have been 
large and varied. For convenience of reference, thev aw» 


* Phonological. 

836. Bodo influence in imparting alveolar sounds to 
O.I.A. cerebrals and dentals in Assamese has already been 
referred to (§ 429) . 

837. The same influence has been postulated in fronting 
O.I.A. palatals to dentals in Assamese. (O.D.B.L. p. 79). 

838. A certain amount of non-Aryan influence is sus- 
pected in causing vowel-mutation and vowel-harmony (§§ 
249ff) . But to what definite extent the influence might have 
operated is not known. 

839. Non-Aryan influence has been postulated to ex- 
plain the phenomenon of spontaneous nasalisation by Sir G. A. 
Grierson (§ 293). 

840. A certain amount of non-Aryan influence is sus- 
pected in the matter of aspiration of O.TA. stops (initial and 
medial) (S§ 366, 375). 


841. Reduplication of a word to produce a jingle. The 
whole root or its first elements can be doubled and in this 
way the meaning is intensified in many ways. This has been 
noted as a characteristic of the Kolarian and the Dravidian 
(Sten Konow: L.S.I. Vol. IV, p. 23) . There is a lavish use of 
reduplicating phrases in the Khasi language. Reduplication 
and repetition, regular and with variants, have been noted as 
frequent modes of word-formation in the aboriginal Malayan 
dialects. This is now a pan-Indian phenomenon and its origin 
is extra-Aryan. 


842. The origin of the enclitic numeratives is also extra- 
Aryan. They constitute a characteristic both of the Austric 
and the Tibeto- Burman languages with some differences in 


use. " The aboriginal dialects of the (Malay) Peninsula often 
annex to their numerals certain words which roughly express 
the genius or some general characteristic of the things enu- 
merated. The numeral and this numerical co-efficient then 
go closely together and form an inseparable word-group which 
may either follow or precede the substantive that represents 
the things enumerated (Blagden: Vol. II p. 775). 

In the Tibeto-Burman languages, generic prefixes are com- 
monly used with numerals which follow the nouns. They are 
many and various according as they qualify "flat" or "globular" 
things, "things standing as trees," "persons/" "animals," "parts 
of body " etc. (L.S.I. Vol. Ill, Part II, p. 385) . In the Austric 
the co-efficient jollows the numerals and in the Tibeto-Burman 
the co-efficient is prefixed to the numerals. In Assamese the 
definitive is annexed not prefixed (§§. 577 ff). 

'843. Extra-Aryan influence seems responsible for the 
use of persona) affixes to nouns of relationship. In this res- 
pect also contrariness is noticed between the Austric and the 
Tibeto-Burman. In the Tibeto-Burman, the personal defini- 
tive is prefixed, but in the Austria, it is suffixed. In Assam- 
ese the personal definitive is suffixed (§§ 599 ff). 

844. Non-Aryan influence is noticed also in the use of 
different words to express distinct aspects of relationship ac- 
cording to the age of the person with whom relationship is 
conveyed. This is characteristic of the Austric. In Assamese, 
of the two words used to denote a senior or a junior, one is 
often of Austric or unknown origin and the other Aryan: e.g. 
kaktii, elder brother ; but bhdi, younger brother ; bdi, elder 
sister, but bharii, younger sister. Sometimes both the words 
are of Aryan origin but artificial distinction is drawn in their 
uses; e.g. bhinihi, elder sister's husband; but boinfti, younger 
sister's husband. (§§ 595-598). 


845. Non-Aryan origin is suspected of the PI. suffixes 
-bilafc, -pit*-, -qttf, -g&, -la, (§§ 623, 642). 


846. Ab/j^^ya/J ^^n A« iww #w«c»rtS«/ €• iAe *w. 

vatives in -cd, -m& and of the past participle in -ib& (§§ 79 t 80, 
816). There may be convergence of Aryan and non-Aryan 
sounds in the establishment of derivatives in -)/-, -a>)& -d^ (§§ 

847. Prefixing the negative to the verb-root. Amongst 
the Eastern languages, Assamese stands isolated in prefixing 
the negative as an integral part of the conjugated verb-root. 
In Oriya, the verb-substantive only shews a negative conju- 
gation. But a negative conjugation is a characteristic feature 
of Assamese from the earliest times. As in the case of the b- 
past, a fully developed practice in Assamese is found only 
as an idiom in Oriya. 

Amongst the Tibeto-Burman languages of Assam, there 
is a two-fold use of the negative. In some, the negative fol- 
lows the root of the word it qualifies, while in others it 'pre- 
cedes the root. In Kachari (Bodo) which may be said to 
have influenced Assamese most, the negative follows the root 
of the verb, but the imperative negative precedes the root 
(L.S.1. Vol. III. part II. p. 198) . But for Oriya, an extra-Aryan 
influence could have been assumed. As it is, nothing more 
than confluence of Aryan and non-Aryan practices can be 

848. In the establishment of the prothetic a-, there is 
room for suspicion of the convergence of non-Aryan influ- 
ence with O.I.A. forms (§ 286). 

849. In vocabulary similarities between Assamese and 
non- Aryan words have been noted. 


The 1 words are arranged in order of the letters of the 
Sanskrit alphabet. 

The figures refer to sections. 


ain, 287. 

akan, 285. 

akai, 116, 210, 298. 

akdfi (dkdji), 143, 199. 

akumari, 285. 

akham, 107. 

akhaj, 427. 

agarhi, (dgarlu) , 199. 

aghdit, 528. 

a^a/i,' 457. 

aiatariya, 518. • 

a't, 693. 

aihai, "501. 

atfiar, 285. 

athani, 298, 705. 

(etTien, et/io?i), 
aih&uni, (athauni) , 143, 199. 
athdntar, (dthantar) , 199. 
anajale, 144. 
atidthiti^ 144. 
ana-bate, 144. 
and-meghe, 144. 
— ane, 790. 
apogan^a, 285. 
apfmranto, 793. 
abator (abator) , 199. 
abihane, 285. 
abTta^g, 292. 
abJidb, 285. 
amiyd, 279. 
amuttaJc, 285. 
arikayd, 284. 
aidgf, (dldgi), 143, 199. 
Aadro, (Asdm,.Asdm, Acdm), 


A. -46 

akin, 286. 
afield, 286. 


di, 72, 414. 

di-Jcan, 597. 

aita, 613. 

dile, 772. 

duj, 723. 

dut, 723. 

dul, 238. 

aus?, (duhi) , 151, 296, 380. 

460, 462. 
dntdilefca, 293. 
aokkale, 144. I 

do-bdt, 143. 
do-maran, 143. 
aJc, 292. ' 
akau, 116. 

dfcani 150, 161, 237, 392. 
h-kar, 73, 

hkuhi, 193, 228, 392. 
dJcuht, 265. 
dJco-gojd, 67. 
afcou'dl, 733. 
dkhai, 236, 285. 
dkJial, 575. 

dkhuti, (aokhuti), 199, 301. 
d/chudt, 216, 265, 358. 
dg, 299, 404. 
d-gac, 76. 
dgatiyd. 513, 653. 
agar, 182. 
dgali, 535 (a). 
agur. 723. 
dgutod, 733. 



dgowdl, 536. 

agrahan mdsd, 525. 

aghan, 151, 223, 226. 

aghon, dghbn, 271, 407. 

dn-mard, 81. 

drjd, 460. 

dtjgafhi, 228. 

digram, 571. 

drjgdmuri, 223, 264. 

drjgdr, 273. 

drjguthi, 437. 

dtjuli, (d?/guli), 292. 

d^Tii, 460. 

drjgul, 178. 

ac, 722. 

heal, 161, 292, 419. 

dcaTiuwd, 419. 

actndi (ftjindi) , 149, 300, 378. 

dcu-sutd, 73. 

dco, 296, 462, 723. 

deh, 721. 

dchab, 760. 

dcJianta, 764. 

deter, 723. 

dcM, 768. 

ajani, 292. 

hjali, 292. 

dji, 186. 

djo-, 427. 

ajor, 742. 

fif, 67. 

dpk, 739. 

dpantiydr, 511, 539. 

djdi, 526. 

djdl, 273, 434. 

dfah, 161, 273, 434. 

dfti, 542. 

dJom-foJcdri, 66. 

dffcd, (efhd), 117. 

ifhi, 437. 

8f fcu, 437. 

fifhkuriyd, 67. 

&, 193, 292, 440. 

tear, 22A. 


dfd, 72, 73, 440, 448. 

dtdi (dtai), 152, 527. 

dtlidntar, 442, 

dthe-bethe, 442. 

dda/i, 444, 576. 

add (edd), 117, 273,444. 

dd/i, 446. 

ddhd, (edhd), 117. 

ddhatiyd, 512. 

ddharuwd, 520, 553. 

ddhali, 575. 

ddhiydr, 539. 

d?i, 292, 469. 

an, (dnd/i) , 237, 291. 

dndhd, 766. 

dniydche, 817. 

dndfc (an), 292. 

dpaitd, 484. 

dpd, 450. 

dpit?ii, 264, 691. 

dpon, 129, 271, 448, 450,' 691. 

dphdle, 452. • 

dbu, 72. 

dbrd, 77. 

dm, 201, 292, 472. 

dmath, 567. 

dmathi, (dmathu) , 437. 

dma7ii, 237, 516. 

dmard, 480. 

dmaJw, 229, 237. 

amd-, 669. 

dmdsd-, tomdsd-, 672. 

dmuwd, 733. 

ami, 185, 668. 

dmai, 72, 527. 

ir, 237, 463, 480. 

dr, 723. 

-dr, (dmi-dr), 632. 

drafcd, 525. 

drati, 165. 

ardl, (erdl) , 480. 

dri, 200, 482. 

driyd, 66, 480. 

dru, 199, 299, 487. 

drcci, 419. 



drhi, 504, 538. 

drhai, 482. 

al, 449, 490. 

aid, 490. 

dlan, 73. 

alafiya, 512. 

dlom, 199, 472. 

&lai (dlqi), 526. 

dla7id?iti, 167. 

dld-bddu, 67. 

dld^, (eZdh), 117, 273. 

alt, 200. 

ou?ar, 462. 

asilahh, 772. 

dsilefco, 777. 

asat, 236. 

dsoka, 768. 

», 140, 182, 193, 292, 504. 

Shat, 224, 294, 440. 

hhl-, 136. 

ahiba, 800. 

dJiibd-con, 824. 

dhibd-de, 825. 

ahile, 806. 

dJitZ-to, 833. 

ahil-dekhon, 825. 

oJttyd (fttftd), 237, 296. 462. 

dJiuJcdl, 143, 199. 

dhudi, 444. 

dJmn, 617. 

d-Jmn (fcahun), 593. 

dhun, (dhndt, e/inaz), 679. 

Ahbm, 2, 3. 


i, 676. 

tkattfc, 204. 

i-jcn, (t-jont), 585. 

W, 204, 362, 434. 

itor, 440. 

ilflt, 203, 576. 

itfh 577. 


uicirirjgd, 207. 
uJcol, 392, 723. 
uJcofc, 150, 207, 230, 298, 392. 
ukahu, 576. 
ukd, 207, 392. 
ukiyd (ok), 73. 
ukfcar, 301, 397, 401. 
ukhard, 206. 
ufcWi, 733. 
ukhd, 733. 
uJcfii, 77. 
ugd, 733. 
ugdr, 404. 

ugul, 207, 404, 490. 
ughal, 725. 

ughdle, (ughle), 154, 407, 

ucarjgd, 298. 

ucald, 419. 

ttcdl, 725. 

ucirjgard, 419. 

uccat, 511. 

uchargd, 424. 

tijant, 150, 515. 

tijar, 723. 

wjald, (uco!d), 427, 575. 

itjdnti, 764. 

ttju, 280, 301, 411. 

uf, 66, 73. 

ut, 362, 434. 

ut/i, 437. 

wtJiarjgd, 733. 

uthdy, (utTio?/), 154. 

wtfoi-rojd, 537. 

titaqgutwi, 66. 

wtonuiod, 207. 

ud, 207, 444. 

uda?/, 207, 461, 521. 

wdai/ft, 461. 

ttdhdn, 446. 

updr, 725. 

updrc, 132. 
uphd, 723. 



uph&k, (uphoi), 156. 
uburiyfi, 66. w 
ubh, 456, 733. 
ubhdl, 725. 
ubhale, 132. 
urn, 292, 472. 
uma, 733. 
urat, 511. 
ur, 723. 
uran, 514. 

urantekTyd, 561. 

ural, 128, 136, 228, 480, 490. 

urah, 207, 290, 480, 504. 

urah y 723. 

uri, 264. 

urui^d, 521 (a). 

ure, 480. 

ulafc, 140, 161, 490. 

vlu, 167, 206. 

wiod/i, 502. 

uioai-kath. 73. 


e-,|ek), 386. 

ei, 676. 

ei, eiyd, 696. 

€5, 290, 618, 678. 

ek, 392. 

ekuti, 569. 

ekaii, 110, 392. 

ekokhan-Jiat, 591. 

ekoti-hat, 591. 

ekJiet, 693. 

e-garaki, 582. 

egdrd, 163, 237, 378, 502, 507. 

e-jan, 168, 585. 

c-jant, 585. 

e#i, (yatd, ydtd. aid, atti), 

eti, 265, 266. 
et&, 302. 
cdfi, 273. 
edM, 273. 
enaya (e/inayd, /ienaya),698. 

en*, 698. 

ene, (tene, jene), 238. 

ene, (fcene, jetif), 502. 

enet, 61. 

enekuwd, 698. 

endur (indur), 36. 

endur, 212, 292. 

endhar, 291, 292. 

ephera-lon, 590. 

era, 66, 208, 223, 480, 484. 

eribe, 809. 

erilatd, 807. 

erileka. 111. 

-ere, 650. 

eifiJi, 273. 504. 

eu?a, 460. 

(?-sa?ito. 591. 


okat, 733. 

okdw. 136. 217, 228, 298, 392. 

oka?, 723. 

okdle. 217. 

okh. 217. 303, 361, 401. 

ocar, 411. 

ojd, 164, 219, 427. 

ojdli, 535 (a). 

oth, 294, 303. 

otharti, 197, 303. 

cmdy, 219, 303. 

-otc< 791. 

odd. 197, 303. 

odul, 217, 444. 

o?ido!d, 272, 743. 

opai)ge, 217. 

oyxice, 450. 

opaj, 723. 

opdje, 142, 450. 

oipar&nci, 564. 

opJiand, 452, 723. 

ophande, 292. 

opfcar, 452, 723. 

obhat, 723. 

omal, 490, 723. 



omale (umle),156. 

or, 215, 219, 480. 

ol, 214. 

okt> 723. 

olam, 723. 

olame, (alme), 142, 156. 

owari, 219. 

o$ud, (ahudi) } 147. 

ofolr, 161, 219, 303. 

au, 236. 


kd, 733. 

kakat, 194, 225, 292, 392. 

kakdi, 72. 

kakdi (kakd), 597. 

kak/tyd, 401. 

kdc, 412, 722. 

kacdt, 743. 

kacKari 278. 

kajald, 427. 

Jcdtana, 159. 273. 

katari. 194, 239 

katdl, 73. 

katkdl, 223. ^ 

kathuiod, 437. 

kand, 273, 298. 523. 

hM, 73, 490. 

kath, kah, (koxmth), 391 

kadam, 292. 

kadu, 66. 

kandk (kan). 292. 

kandk, 237. 

kanya-khani. 577, 579. 

kap, 722. 

kapani, 450. 

-kaporfi, 392, 

kapfifc, 194. 225. 450. 

kapdht, 543. 

kapwi, 73. 

ka'ptn, 132 

kopqu, 560. 

Jcapcgt (-mak, -pHuI) 73. 

kamo}, 170. 

kamd, 61, 732. 

kamdr, 194. 

kamdranl, 172. 

kar, 161, 237, 298, 391, 619. 

kard, 163, 762. 

karaygan, 391, 571. 

karac, 740. 

karac (karacali), 192. 

karani, 298. 

karat, 237. 

karati, 272. 

karatoiyd. 85. 

karanta, 764. 

karahu, 760. 

karako, 760. 

kard. 619, 762, 763. 

kardi, 526. 

frardi/, 725. 

kardhi (hare), 156. 

kari. 117 : 165, 181, 237, 480, 

karm. 292. 

kari-achb, 817. 

kan-crd, 24, 828. 

karloka. 753. 

karichd. 763. 

kariha. 157, 784. 

kari ban. 781. 

karibd, 763, 773, 783. 

karibi. 189. 773. 

karibiJii. 775. 

karihe. 784. 

kanboJio. 781. 

karild, 619, 763. 770, 772, 

karili, 189, 619, 773. 

karilek. 395. 

karilohb, 770. 

kartsa, 762. 

karu, 760. 

kare, 180. 
karah/d, 557. 
kar5. 17 ; 760. 
kar5k. 184. 
karhta, 272, 303, 440. 



kar&ta (kartt) , 509. 

karbte, 303. 

karowdj 559. 

karovxly, 725. 

kal, 174, 237. 

kalagrdha, 391. 

kalaci, 108, 420. 

kalamau, 560. 

Jcalah, 192. 

kdhao, 760. 

Jca'ld (JcoZd), 254. 

kalay, 225. 

kaZijd, 415, 427. 

kawari, 391. 

Jcata, 733. 

Jcafodr, 531. 

kahi-dra, 24. 

JcahiZa, 777. 

kahibeka. 784. 

-kafcu (-fcaho), 659. 

kahur, 504, 552. 

ka?ie (Jca/idi), 290. 

kay, 236, 501. 

Hi, 463. 


fcait, 287, 434. 

Jcattd, 523. 

Jcdilat, 485. 

fcaurd, 553. 

kauri, 552, 614. 

Jcdon, 150, 237. 

kbkai, 193, 292, 392. 

kakhtali, 570. 

JcdJcTi-pild, 73. 

kakh'lati, 66. 

Jcac (Jcoc), 216. 

Jcftc, 294, 410, 722. 

fcfic, 722. 

kid, 391. 

Mri, 419. 

kace, 278, 294, 419. 

fcfichd, 163, 237, 424, 507. 

fcffcfcttfi, 265, 424. 

Jctfj, 427. 


kafan, 514. 

Jcdth, 201. 

kath&m, 530. 

Jcatfri, 437. 

k&th-cata, 584. 

toth-dai, 588. 

Jbati, 165, 440. 

Jcdnddn, 363. 

Jean," 73, 299, 467. 

kan (kandh), 291. 

Jcdni, 73. 

tend, 722. 

Jcdndurd, 550. 

kande, 391. 

Jcdndon, 129, 291, 292. 

kandh, 358, 391. 

Hr?dh (kan), 292. 

JcdpSr, 129, 137, 271, 480. 

kdpor (kapur), 36. 

kapor-khan, 577. 

kdbqit (Jcdbo) , 36, 61. 

kairC 472. • 

tern (kayem), 73. 

kamata, (comillfi) , 84. 

fcdmarupa. 83. 

JramaFi, 224. 239. 

kamakhya (fcdmdfrst), 82. 

kdmt, 391. 

kdmild, 541. 

fcdmor, 73. 

Mr, 193, 203, 292, 480, 722. 

kdren, 81. 

fcalari. 544, 573, 614. 

kali, 186. 

kalerii 269. 

/cdlcd, 80. 

Jcdwat, 73, 198, 236. 

Jcd*,l07, 397, 496. 

ka$ar, 573. 

Jcah, 504. 

kaK 200, 504, 722. 

fcdhani, 187. 

kahl 2&, 543. 

Jcafcile, 779. 

k&hurt, 550. 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 



fcSy, 682, 684. 

k&rk 733. 

kdtham, 515(a). 

Jcfirfia, 482. 

kafhe, 279, 716. 

fci, 682. 

kin-khap, 61. 

Jcicfiu, 690. 

kin, 722. 

fcinc, 391. 

kirn, 284. 

Jcirtfi, 284. 

kil&'kuti (kild - hani, hla- 

kani), 73. 
kisaka, 686. 
kill, 685. 
kiya, 508, 686. 
kuki, 207, 392. 
kukur-neciya, 73. 
kukum, 157, 228. 
kukute, 207, 392. 
Jcuciya, 248, 419! 
kucuni, 572. 
kuj, 294. 
kujfi, 427. 
kuj, 722. 
kutum, 133, 301. 
kufula, 554. 
kufe, 434. 
fcufhi, 264. 
kud, 722. • 
kundJiac, 564. 
him, 472. 
kumfir, 292, 531. 
kwn&rant, 572. 
•ktlr, 480. 
kuriftd, 576. 
kuruc, 284. 
kurutnd, 206. 
kurm&, 480. 
kurutod, 138, 274. 
Hfh, 292, 482. 
ktOd, 490. 
ktttaji, 15. 

kuicali, 150, 177, 229, 245, 

298, 463, 499, 538. 
kuwa, 245, 391, 463. 
kuwan, 73. 

kuhi, 230, 264, 294, 538. 
kuhiyar, 391. 
ku/ium, 292, 472. 
kuhuliya, 743. 
krsna, 171. 
kei, keiba, 697. 
keuild, 289. 
keo, 687, 688. 
keot, 211. 
kekd 746. 

kekord, 258, 271, 294, 392. 
keen, 167, 212, 267, 292. 
kecerd, 419. 
ketdr, 212, 434. 
keti, 73. 

ketha, 258, 292, 442. 
keTid, 414, 466. 
kena, 391. 
keni, 187. 
kene, 698. 

kerd, 208. 

kerani, 391. 

kerdhi (kerd), 576(a). 

-kere, 650. 

kereciyd, 80. 

fcerketmod, 73. 

kereli, 490. 

kd-meld, 747. 

kelci, 73. 

kdebdn (fcelehuwd), 73. 

kclai, 239, 686. 

kelqu-kecqu, 73. 

kewaliyd (keuzla), 36. 

ketocri, 208. 

kcte, 294. 

kehetd, 565. 

-kai,' 484. 

kaichanai 698. 

kokohd, 272. 

korjga (kerjgd), 73, 381 

k5c, 217, 722. 


k&ce, 416. 

kocte, 217, 391, 424. 

kbfa, 294. 

kopha, 272. 

kbth, 215, 294, 384, 437. 

ktt, 179. 

kodal, 217, 303, 444. 

kodo, 73. 

kon, 683. 

kono, 687. 

korok (kuruki), 73. 

korokd, 157, 272. 

kol, 490. 

koiatK 437. 

komord, (kumra) . 157, 217 

fcou-ar, 147, 226, 2%. 
kowa, 247, 256. 
kowath, 223. 

kowdri, 225, 247, 256, 303. 
koh, 214. 504. 


kfodk, 45. 
khan, 61, 73, 81. 
khaccd, 45. 
khajuli, 427, 554. 
khajuioati, 510. 
khajuwa, 733. 
k/umta-cor, 45. 
khan (khani), 292. 
k/ian (khen), 469. 
khanta, 227. 
k/iantek, 469. 
khantekti/d, 561. 
khap, 722. 
khamald, 77. 
khar, 192. 
kharaciya, 80. 
kfcardi;, 522. 
kfcardli, 535 (a) . 
kharahi, 576 (a), 
fcfcaraiii/d, 368. 
kharikd, 561. 

kJtartcd, 564. 
kJial, 148. 
khalak, 739. 
k/ialap, 368, 400. 
k/iald, 523. 
k/iai?7iai, 556. 
khahata, 565. 
khahu, 556. 
k/idi, 200, 236, 400. 
khaiche, (khaichi), 36. 
khdun, 519. 
k/iamnl, 289. 
khaer, 128, 136. 
k/idSfc, 238. 
khab-hak. 786. 
kluiQari. 400, 404. 
khal 434. 
khata, 400. 
khate, 434. 
khanclibaka, 809.- 
kJidu (klmnd), 722. * 
khd-n-d, 829. 
kkd-n-i, 829. 
kMnik, 561. 
fcJid-n-5, 829. 
khdndc, 444. 
k/idp, 45. 
khdpar-pdi, 589. 
k/idpan. 369, 400. 
kfidbtd, 454. 
kli/ibham. 45. 
khdfjhcnu (jabakd), 38. 
k/idra!i, 575. 
Jc hdm, 292. 
kham'bandh, 76. 
khdmoc, 61, 740. 
khar, 400. 
khdri, 73. 

kkdru, 369, 400, 480. 
kHAl (khal), 149. 
khdlai. 400, 556. 
kMVb, (khalu), 36. 
kfidlo-fidt, 786. 
khawai. 556. 



kh&wqic, 564. 

khdwmyd, 557. 

kh&wan, 514. 

khawariya, 519. 

kh&w&-ni t 820, 

JcJidi, 236. 

khic, 204, 400. 

JcTurd, 733. 

khil, 203. 

fcfeiZa, 203, 369, 400. 

khln, 203. 

JcTiujitd, 813. 

khutd, 363, 400. 

-JcJmfi, 378, 401. 

khupira, 61. 

fcfctid, 207, 400, 444. 

khund, 722. 

JchundaTui, 514 (a) 

khurti, 480. 

Jc/tui-sal, 490. 

kheb, 168,208,^236, 400. 

khejal, 743. 

khejur, 270, 427. 

Jchet, 209. 

khetiyak, 508. 

-JcTten, 631. 

khepiyd, 733. 

JcJier, 161, 208, 400. 

khel, 722. 

khela, 400. 

kheluwai, 558. 

fc^oH 77. 

kfcftcar, 742. 

fchdcare, 400. 

kfcoj, 217, 400, 427. 

k/wjantyfi, 517. 

kfcojguri, 563. 

feWj, 400, 722. 

kfcoroiy, khororjg, 368, 400, 

kMpfi, 217, 400, 450. 
fefeoftf, 214, 523. ' 
kHold, 214, 400. 
khow&, 247, 256, 833. 


gd, 237, 499. 

fifa, (gdh) , 403. 

gakafa, 77. 

gacafc, 76, 393. 

gacJi, 195, 403, 506. 

gachd, 299, 424, 523. 

gachowdi, 558. 

gajan, 514, 

gajaliya, 545. 

gajakoh, 228. 

gajibdrd, 796. 

gdthd, 442. 

gan, 722. 

garia, 620. 

gdrd, 403. 

gatd, 171. 

gadaha, 576. 

gadJiuli (god/iu!i), 132. 

gap, 384. 

gapdl, 535. 

gabd-mdr, 76. 

gabhdit, 528. 

gab/iitrd, 553. 

gam, 722. 

gam, 76. 

gamdn, 194, 225, 292. 

game, 721. 

gar } 195. 

gar, 405. 

garh, 722. 

garak. 298, 739. 

gard, 480. 

gard Jri. 561. 

gard!, 535. 

gardJi, 170, 284. 

garild, 541. 

gdrifiand, 284, 300. 

ga'ru, 167. 

ga'ru (g5m), 132. 

garai, 192, 236, 556. 

garKiU 172. 

ga% 542. 

gd, 722. 


WORD mm 

pl& (9de)> 36. 
g<M 558 (b). 
ga&h&k, 786. 
gahand, 403. 
gahariy 73. 
gafctn, 504, 571. 
ga (g«),164. 
gai, 238. 
ga5, 403, 462. 

gd5-burd, 45. 

gagai, 224, 404. 

9WI> WW, 174, 292. 

gdj, 427, 722. 

pdjani, 239, 427. 

gaji, 405. 

gat/i, 722. 

gathi, 178, 437. 

gat, 193, 294. 

gddi, 405 

gddfid, 129, 130, 223, 237, 
376, 446, 507. 

gab, 67, 454. 

gabharu, 456, 553. 

gdbhtn, 178, 456. 

gar (gar) , 42. 

gari, 193, 292. 

gari, 405. 

gdru, 193. 

garha, 172. 

gal, 193, 490. 

gait, 490, 537. 

gdJiaJo, 403. 

gahari, 73, 573. 

gay an, 514. 

gid, 73. 

git, 171. 

gttd, 171. 

giri-Jiat, 592. 

0% 722. 

-gild (-gitdJc, -gildn), 640. 

-gildJc, 73. 

gOe, 203. 

gui, 177, 264, 538. 

guc, 722. 

gucfii-erS, 24. 

puj-Miii, 427. 
pitf i, 206. 
gtiji-diyefc, 594. 
gun, 122. 
gune, 147. 
guphiya, 545. 

gur, 480. 

gur-pherd, 590. 

gurd, 403, 480. 

guri, 538. 

giirit/dl, 536. 

gurutar, 170. 

gunda, 554. 

guu?d, 133, 164, 206, 299. 

guwdl (gowdl), 536. 

gedrd, 66. 

gerehd (gcreJcawt), 73. 

gemma, 211. 

geiodri, 73. 

gaic, 564. 

gaichili-con, 824. • 

gaila, 795. ' 

gaileka, 777. 

go?/d, 746. 

gofjgord, 67. 

gojar, 742. 

got, 215. 

gojfcd, 733. 

gotdi, 526. 

gbthe, 403. 

gcmd, 571. 

gbih, 722. 

gothord, 742. 

c/od/nUtJcd, 525. 

gondii, 197, 291. 303. 

gbph, 217, 292, 361, 403, 452. 

gobar, 403. 

gomd, 733. 

gvmotha, 217, 567. 

gord, 255. 

gora, 73, 76. 

gordli, 535 (a). 

gbru, 553. 

g5ru (ga'ru), 128. 
• g5ru-Jo, 586. 



goroM, 576. 
goafti, 462. 
goUi, 504. 
gohdri, 67. 


gkar-p, 586. 
gharaciyd, 419, 564. 
-gham, 406. 
gfiard-ghar?. (qhar-qhar), 

gfoari, 192. 
ghant/dl, 535. 
ghare-ghare, 654. 
gKahe, 294. 
ghti, 200. 
gfcdi, 406. 
gJwUJ, 238, 795 
ghaute, 288. 
ghd6, 164. 
ghagar, 358. 404. 
gfcdt, 406, 434. 
ghatuwai, 558. 
ghdfotfld!, 536. 
ghif, 278. 
gfcdm, 193, 472. 
gUmacis 237, 412. 419. 
ghal 733. 
gfcafi, 294. 
gJim, 278. 
ghin, 174, 279. 
»gJm£-muf, 67. 
ghumati, 406, T65. 
gJitwrtfi, 733. 
ghuli, 406, 490. 
gWcult, 209, 228. 267. 
ghen&y, 406. 
ghene, 281. 
gfieku, 406. 
gft&fcu (ghahu), 132. 
gJw*nI, 484. 
glQnf-garttfci, 582. 
gh&kaf, 741. 

gWf, 217, 722. 

ghop, 406. 
9WW, 294. 
ghol, 219, 490. 
-?pifl, 640. 
-rjgldn, 640. 


cakald, 273, 575. 

caka, 15, 159, 273. 

cakiyal, 536. 

caku, 360, 392. 

cakuwa, 546 (a). 

cofcoioc, 130, 152, 247, 256. 

cata, 418. 

ca'tha, 437. 

ca't, 298. 

catiyana. 248, 418. 

caturdli, 535 (a) . 

candra, 171. 

capardni. 516. 

camata, 566. 

caradr, 194, 237, 531. 

camu, 167, 418, 496. 

camuwa, 3. 

cambfcdte, 43, 418, 496. 

car, 73. 

car, 229, 237. 

card (-caul), 73. 

carah, 744. 

carahe, 272. 

carat, 223. 

cardl, 194, 292. 

carild, 777. 

carile, 15. 

cariya, 418, 538 (a). 

cariya, 192. 

care, 487. 

calath, 567. 

calasa, 181. 

caidy, 132, 155, 238. 

calit, 172. 

caliM, 576. 

caltya, 538(a). 



calu, 316. 

cole, 238, 302. 

cal5, 238, 462. 

calbk, (calak) 238. 

caULti, 510. 

cdh, 418, 504. 

cahal, 67. 

cahd, 766. 

cayd, 620. 

ca, 722, 725. 

caita, 484. 

odiba, 783. 

caul, 418. 

cdfc, 722. 

cdJci, 538. 

cdku, 73. 

cake, 360. 

carjgari, 573. 

carjgeri, 267. 

cac, 722. 

cfce, 294, 418, 419. 

can, 77. 

cdneki, 269, 291. 

cdndd, 292, 418. 

capar, 418, 450, 742. 

capar (xaphar), 73. 

odpart, 192. 

cdpd, 480. 

cam, 193, 292. 

camuc, 223, 301. 

car, 722, 725. 

card, 418. 

cdri, 178. 

cdl, 725. 

caidn, 529. 

odlant-khan, 579 

c&hi, 17. 

c&Kb, 17. 

eikan (ciJcSn), 137. 

ctkard, 66. 

cffcd, 392, 418. 

ctica, 204. 

cifctm, 268. 

cOcop, 741. 

cittty, 128. 

ctrjgarti, 480. 

cicd, 294, 418. 

cital, 139, 223. 

citd, 440, 490. 

tin, 292, 469, 733. 

cinaki, 393, 561, 

cintilate, 808. 

cintibe, 784. 
cintile, 777. 

cirai, 203. 

cira, 239. 

ciriJcd, 418. 

cukaniya, 517. 

cuJcanu/dr, 517 (a). 

cukd, 207, 392. 

cut, 61. 

cuti, 418. 

eim, 469. 

cupah? (cupi), 576 (a). 

cupi, 418. 

curuTU, 264. 

culi, 206, 538". 

culi-ttir, 587. 

cuu;d-pdta7ti, 516. 

ceun, 612. 

cen, 81. 

ceil, 258. 

ceJc, 258. 

cekur, 76. 

cekurd, 552. 

cekure, 562. 

cerigd, 73. 

cecd, 73. 

cecu, 270, 546. 

cecuk, 267. 

cet, 73. 

cenefc, 284, 302. 

cep, 76. 

cepefd, 73, 418. 

cebd, 76. 

-cereJc, 239. 

cererjga, t 77. 

cereffc, 567. 

cel&r) (celet)), 521. 
tceld, 212,418. 



cel&uri, 555. 
celu, 270. 
ceZek, 76. 
celerjg, 208. 
caidhya, 252. 
co, 722. 
cob, 73. 
c5Jc, 255, 360. 
cokd, 215. 
cofcord, 61. 
co»?0d, 66. 
coc, 214, 418. 

cocar, 742. 

cot, (ca't), 254. 

cMl, 128. 

cotiLl, 13, 158, 197, 303, 440. 

cUU, 255, 374. 

cop, 722. 

cobd, 197, 454, 476. 

cbra, 255. 

cordr), 522. • 

corok, 739. 

corohd, 272. 

col, (calu), 418. 

cold, 214. 

c5ioar, 296. 

cohe, 721. 

cauJcd, 236, 392. 

caupds, 251. 

cqum»/gt, 418. 

. cJwu, 179, 236, 423 
chafc, 496. 
cfwifc, 392. 
chafa t 273. 
cftan, 423, 469. 
chaUhi, 576 (a) . 
cha& 423. 
cWl, 177, 294, 463 
cWlt, 384, 423. 
cfcdS, 164, 496. 
cUgoXx, 544, 575. 

chafe, 193, 434. 

chdti, 440, 544. 

chatiyan, 469. 

chdn, 733. 

chdn (chand), 291. 

chdnd, 571. 

chdnd, 292, 733. 

chdpd (cfcdpd, c/iepd), 117. 

chdbbis, 454. 

cfcdl, 193, 490. 

cJidli, 423. 

chawa, 200, 423. 

cfiidllis, 300. 

chita, 423. 

chitik, 739. 

c/iip, 423, 450. 

chire, 757. 

china, 423. 

cTiutd, 423. 

cTiun, 206. 423. 

che. 725. 

chei, 60. 21?. 296, 423, 464. 

cheo, 168, 208, 236, 423. 

cheg, 384. 

chediba, 784. 

chedibdra, 796. 

cfcend, 241, 514 (a). 

chep (sep), 73. 

chepem, 514 (a), 
chir, 722. 
chelu, 240. 546. 
cheipanttvd. 208, 378. 
chb, 238. 423. 
chopd, 217, 423. 


jd, 237. 
jd, 73. 

join, 287, 469. 
jou, 183. 
jfic, 722. 
jakara, 45. 
iafcara (pattd), 38. 
jakh, 195. 



jakhala, 77. 

jarjli, 460. 

jajd, 410, 426. 

janjal, 61, 67. 

jafiya, 545. 

jatharfi, 521 (a). 

jatan, 284, 298. 

jatar, 284. 

jam, 150, 226, 237. 

jan-cerefc, 594. 

japatiya, 426, 741. 

japana, 514(a). 

japd, 61, 426. 

jamafija, 293. 

jame, 426. 

jar, 426, 722. 

jari, 426. 

jari-khar, 580. 

jarim, 192, 426. 

jare, 426. 

jalakiya, 561. 

jalarjga (jolo^d), 521 (a). 

jal-jald, 747. 

jalam, 79. 

jalahu, 576. 

jote, 273. 


jale, 426. 

jaUrti, 510. 

juioali, 460, 

jaJi, 722. 

jaha, 61. 

jaha-mdl, 73. 

jafie (jahdi) , 290. 

jdtte, 813. 

jaiba, 781. 

jdtir, jduri, 555. 

j85, 200. 

j»o, 426, 462. 

Wk, 184. 

jffi'Con, 824. 

jfifca, 620. 

jSkatiyd, 513. 


j4h4m, 530. 

jdjfit, 437. 
j&t, 440. 
jdt-pat, 178. 
jdn, 81. 
jdnd, 762. 
jdnani„, 515 (a). 
jandha, 766. 
jdnti, 764. 
jdbar, 426. 
jaba-to, 833. 
jdbd-Tiat, 786. 
jam, 182. 
jdwxire. 426. 
jdmir, 292, 472. 
jarmi, 292. 
jdmu(dflf) 193. 
jamar< 742. 
jar, 426, 480, 733. 
jdrc, 426. 
'jalowa, 558. 
jdanfe, 15. 
jrluxm?, 820. 
jftivc (jowdi), 147. 
jdsa, 762. 
jdhao, 760. 
jat/. 681. 
jdiy. 236, 754. 
jt. 185, 681. 
jiJcd. 426. 
jikdrw, 534. 
jit,. 73, 440. 
jin, 81, 722. 
jin, 204. 

fip, 203, 384, 426. 
jibhd, 456. 
jirani, 515. 
jird, 76. 
jtfu, 73, 
jtTi-, 681. 
jiyaniya, 517. 
jtt/d, 524. 
jit/at, 15Q, 793. 
jtydtu, 203. 
jtydrt, 533. 
» jui, 206, 426. 



jugamiyd, 79. 

jugut, 63, 73, 284. 

jujariyd, 519. 

jujdr, 531. 

jujaru, 534. 

jujite, 813. 

juji, 66. 

juti, 440. 

jund, 66. 

jupuri, 544. 

jurani, 515. 

jura, 733. 

junyd, 264. 

juruld, 480, 554. 

jure, 426. 

Jul, 73. 

juliya, 264. 

juwari, 426, 531. 

jei, 697. 

jen, 73. 

jeii-jen, 61. • 

jejuJcd, 270. 

jefJi, 211. 

jethd, 426. 

jej/ityai, 527. 

jej/iot, w 569. 

jend, 698. 

jeni, 187. 

jene, 698. 

jelufcd, 270. 

jaichana, 698. 

j&, 236. 

jo, H9. 

jori, 77. 

jdfed, 426. 

jdkar, 219, 303, 426. 

jokhe, 426. 

jogfiilfi, 777. 

joganij/a, 517. 

joganiydr, 517(a) 

jogdn, 529. 

jojonff, 128, 138, 27^ 

j3t, 215, 294, 440. 

jonalc, 393, 426, 469, 561. 

jtmSli, 535 (a). 

jone, 681. 
jop, 73. 
jopd, 426. 
jor, 426, 722. 
jord, 214. 
joloygd, 426 
jotoa, 464, 732. 
jbwdi (*jdwdi), 132. 
jbwdi (jawe), 156. 
jbwdi, 165. 
joiodr, 426, 555. 
jfcdntc, 293. 


tan, 81. 

tak, 73. 

takacd, 433, 740. 

takand, 61. 

tafcar, 433. 

tafcald, 433. 

taJcdi, 743. 

pdkdli, 81. 

takon, (td^ou), 73, 521. 

tagambari, 433. 

ta>/g (ta>/gi), 433. 

ta qguwd, 433. 

tatastha, 433. 

.tani, 433. 

tan-tarn, 747. 

tapd (topd), 67. 

tapd (fopold), 73. 

rapdl, 743. 

tabfcak (tabJiai/), 433, 521. 

jtalafc, 736, 739. 

tale, 433. 

ial-bald, 747. 

tahal, 433, 743. 

Jai, 433, 536. 

tdhuri, 433, 573. 

tdj?gi, 239, 433. 

tdrjgon, 61. 

idti, 433. 

tan, 725. 

tab, 433, 



t&man, 433. 
fori, 61. 

paru, 433, 480. 

Ji*?Sf, 73. 

Jfle, 73. 

timafc, 433. 

ttya, 73. 

tild, 73. 

tukura, 73. 

jtixtc, 433, 434. 

tupi, 433. 

tupuro, 66. 

tefci, (Jek-tekiyri), 73. 

tekeld, 433. 

tcijpd, 433. 

terjguciyd, 433. 

tetan (Jeton), 137. 

teku, 434.' 

tetSn, 128. 

tepd, 433. 

temi, 538. 

Jemund, 571. 

femurd, 552. 

terd, 302, 433 

jteiekd, 73. 

tok, 73. 

pikaniyar, 359. 

tokdri, 433. 

tokond, 433. . 

totord (tatOjga), 433. 

Jem, 433. 

torn, 433. 

-fha (dmdthcra, tomathera 

etc), 637." 
jfwkar, 435, ' 
thag, 435, 733. 
ffuigi, 435. 

thararigd, 435, 521 (a) . 
fhalara, 435. 
Jtafcur, 435. 
thfy, 435. 
ffant, 435. 
jthdnuiod, 435. 
f fatoar, 435. 

Jftirtfy, 522. 
Jfiild, 135, 435. 
.the?;, 258, 368, 435. 
fhei}guli, 554. 
fhetuwai, 66. 
tJienu, 270, 302, 546. 
theru, 270. 
theJiuld, 267, 554. 
thokona (thoipna), 521. 
Jhot, 178, 294, 368, 435. 
thold, 435. 


fcuk, 77, 228. 

tfakdit, 528. 

daxhd, ; 4 ' 9 - 

dar, 479, 506, 733. 

iaid, 479. 

(Mk, 67, 392. 

ddkur (<;Ie»|iir), S21. 

fake, 479. 762. 

(judg-ghar^ 405. 

<ldb, 454, 476, 479 

ddl, 479. 

ddlim, 479. 

ddtoar, 479. 

dah, 479. 

4t//fifd, 61. 

4imd, 204, 479. 

dirdt, 479. 

dubi, 538. 

tfubari, 479. 

dumaru, 134, 137. 

fcukd, 212, 393, 479, 561. 

tfeun, 208, 265, 479. 

deo, 476. 

dekeri, 479, 614. 

de(^ } 746. 

detfduri, 555. 

tfemeh, 744. 

4m&l> 479. 

dobold, 67, 575. 

4ol, 303, 479. 

tfollgacfc, 581 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 




4Kak, 67, 481. 
jh&ra (dJtord), 216. 
4hale, 481. 
$Mk s 722. 
4Mkanl t 515(a). 
dh&ke, 481. 
dJidMtfJidr-) , 481. 
4Mri t 481. 
dfidri-Jchafl, 579. 
4UI, 481. 
tfh4ie, 481. 
afti?, 67. 
dhimd, 481. 
«ftiiA, 191. 
dhukd, 481. 
4?mJci, 481. 
dJtute, 481. 
dhekiya-pathja , 73. 
^heJcer, 481'. 
dhepcd, 80. 
<WiereJcaTtf, 481. 
dheta, 213. 302, 431 
dfiokd, 481. 
dhop, 67. 
tf/idra, 128, 481. 
#i5ra-, 368. 
ame, 481, 504. 
dhau, 481, 560. 


tat, 439, 670. 
taT)4i, 460. 
taju, 670, 
to't, 694. 
tat, 568. 

tadhd, 358/439, 446. 
tojwifi (tapM), 439. 
%, 501. 

tar, 298, 480, 733. , 
tart, 273, 298. 
ta»% 522. 
tori, $52. 


tare, 192, 716. 

tarowal, 130, 178, 247, 256, 

talafiyd, 513. 
taliyari, 518. 
tawal, 298, 439, 460. 
td-, 502, 674. 
ta } 725. 
iai, 675. 
tab, 164. 
tdi|gara?i, 45. 
tat, 440. 

tana, (ta/idna), 675. 
tdm, 201, 472. 
tami, 543 

lamol (tamul), 36, 228, 292. 
tar, 439. 

ford, (tard), 117. 
tan-era, 828. 
idu/ai, 72, 527. 
tah&)\ka, (ttiijka), 674. 
idhuni, 187. 
m/tdnta (knUa), 674. 
idhwn, 617. 

tdhun (td/i?idi, /e/i?idi), 674. 
nci, 43, 108, 191, 420. 
fit, 733. 
tita, 439. 
nn'/a, 393, 561. 
iiiw, 178, 439. 
linita, 586. 
tinita-man, 594. 
ftni-hanta, 591, 625. 
uya, 725. 
rm, 284,613.' 
rintta, 268. 
tirota, 511, 613. 
firoid-ja?iT, 585. 
fiJc/td, 204, 401. 
tiyd, 239, 415. 
tutiyd, 248, 440. 
fumi, 185, 670. 
turante, 301, 439. 
tutod, 670. 
tuhun (tofindi, tdJwdi), 671. 



try, 112. 

teic, 43, 213. 

teti, 110. 

teur, 463. 

teb, 176, 290, 502, 618, 675. 

tebj, 239, 257, 279, 427. 

teriguciya, 740. 

tekhet, 694. 

tej, 412. 

tejdl, 535. 

teje, 413. 

tej-piya, 67. 

teteii, 178, 212, 274. 

tenay, 698. 

tene, 698. 

tene Jcuiod, 698. 

teni, 187. 

tente, 675. 

terd, 213, 439. 

tel, 211, 302. 

telani, 529(a). 

teKyd, 545. 

teUeliyd, 73. 

teha, 176. 

tehe (teii?e, tefio, tcho), 675, 

tehente, 675. 

toild, 172. 

to-, 670. 

t5t, 179. 

torn, 439. 

tomd-, 670. 

tole (title), 36. 


tlw, 725. 
thaUyd, 441, 490. 
thdJcibd, 797. 
thakibdU, 783. 
thfifcii-gai, 813. 
tfcamafc, w 393, 736, 739. 
thay, 147. 
thar, 128, 136, 441. 
|fcdklmwri\/wwi^ 76. 

tfidi (Jsdi), 3. 
thai, 435. 
thauni, 265. 
ttefc, 722. 
thake, 441. 
thdkbk, 184. 
tfcdp, 81, 441. 
tJtam, 292, 472. 
tkay, 441, 733. 
t/iali, 441, 490. 
thinkani, 441. 
thufed, 81. 
thukuc, 441. 
l/mlan, 441. 
tfiut-Jcuri, 563. 
thupi; 264 
theJcec, 740. 
t/icteld, 441. 
thcrd, 441. 
thcrch, 744. 
thailifti. 772, 773 * 
thoic, 219. ' 
thokd. 441. * 

fhotd, 441. 
t/iopd, 441. 
thor, 238. 
tfiord, 42, 128. 
thol-gol, 441. 

dak, 401. 

dagar, 443. 

dagadfid, 284. 

dar/guim, 66. 

da't, 440 

(ttt, 294. 

dand, 443. 

dandurd, 551. 

dap-dapd, 747. 

dam, 443. 

(toward. 273, 573, 612. 

dara/c, 443. 

darab, 284. 

daraban, 281 


dartei, 278, 482. 
• daUdapa, 747. 
da'l, 73. 
dalat), 73. 
dali, 210. 
dalai, 236. 
dahX 538. 
daho-Jcuri, 563. 
daydf, 182. 
da, 724. 
ddJch, 107. 
danti-, 378. 

ddduri, 166, 193, 228, 538. 
danah, 246. 
ddpon, 129, 137, 193 271 

ddbt, 537. 
dabca, 454, 564 
dam, 443. 
ddmuri, 265. 
ddrrmri-ka^, 578. 
dar, 292, 443. . 
dalim, 227, 490. 
ddtcam, 515(a). 
dafc, 292, 504. 
dd?ian, (-5n), 137, 246. 
d&hurd, 551. 
daJieJayd, 73, 269. 
dafieriyd, 80, 269. 
di, 722. 
di-drd, 24. 
dtfJc, 239. 
dik-chau, 407. 
dt^gt, 73. 
difhak, 178, 279. 393, 437. 

dibdrd, 24, 796. 
dibe, 809. 
dib5, 781.. 
dip-lip, 450. 
dim-^wtr, 786. 
dtfc, 239. 
dtyafc, 395. 
diy&, 248, 524. 
diy^ialfit, 239. 


diye, 721. 
diye-gqi, 818. 
-diyek" -cerek, 630. 
diyo, 753. 
digfral, 407, 575. 
dighi, 407, 544. 
dui, 443. 

dui-hanta, 591, 625. 
du-garaki, 882. 
dujd, 240. 
dutd, 586. 

duten-pateti, 269, 518. 
dudari, 518. 
dud/i, 446. 
dimd, 301. 
dttndi, 205, 240. 
dupar, 205. 
dubari, 150, 454, 476. 
dubala, 207, 454. 
dtimunr, 572. 
dura, 480. 
duli, 264. 
dtuodr, 284. 
durat, 556, 558(b). 
deur 267. 
deuri, 241, 519. 
dco, 722. 
dckhak, 830. 
defcfcanij/dr, 539. 
dekhu 15. 
deJch?c7io, 816. 
dekfabao, 781. 
dekhibihi, 783. 
defc/izldhd, 772. 
dekhiya, 752. 
deJc/tuwd. 725. 
deil. 543. 
dewali. 248, 257. 
deya, 172. 
dal 236, 443, 501. 
d5, 219, 2%. 
dokhar, 77. 
dbt (da't), 254. 
don, 61, 443. 
domdca, 61. 



dotruiht, 543. 
d&wa, 725. 
dbway, 296. 


dhain, 300. 

dhaj, 445. 

dhand (dhena) , 445. 

dhaniya, 284. 

dhani, 549. 

d/iaram, 515(a). 

dhara-to, 833. 

d/tari, 165. 

dJiarileJca, 804. 

dhar-phar, 747. 

dJiariie-gai, 818. 

dharmd, 177. 

dfcarutod, 159, 273. 545(a) . 

dhal, 237. 

dhcAe, 445, 504. 

dhauti, 511. 

dhdo, 200. 

dhddaJii, 576(a). 

dhaneL, 506. 

dfrdntftaft, 570. 

dhdnani, 516. 

dJidr, 174. 

dhiyae, 413. 

dhuti, 265, 440, 445. 

dhun, 445, 469. 

dJiund, 444. 

dhupal, 445. 

dfoupdle, 445. 

dhuhunx, 264. 

dJwmd, 67. 

dfcumuJid, 138, 274, 301. 445. 

dhuwa, 445. 

dhutura, 358, 440. 

dJmnd, 240, 445. 

cDiulfi, 128. 

dJifilii/ari, 518. 

dhen, 208, 445. 

dhenn, 270. 

dh&nu, 267. 

dJiemdli, 445. 
dho, 722. 
dJioiDd, 524. 
dfiowd, 245, 296, 445. 
dhowe, 476. 

(71) • 

nai, 179. 
nakare, 275. 
Tiagd, 404. 
natuwa, 546(a). 
nata, 171. 
?iodan-badan, 444. 
nanad, 147. 
nad&i, 527. 
nam, 139, 165. 
napaila, 772. 
?iarani, 237, 380, 516. 
nam, 480, 523. 
nariyd, 4G8. 
7iare (nowdre), 147. 
iwro, 189. 
rial. 490. 
naid, 273. 
naharu, 379. 
ruzho, 18. 
mii-khja, 561. 
?ido, 164. 
7idoJc/ian, 579. 
Tidord, 573. 
ivak, 193. 392. 
nageri, 269, 302. 
72d?;ath, 294, 567. 
ndc, 268, 419. 
mean (-on), 137. 
ndcara, 515(a). 
nacaniyar, 517(a). 
mcante, 792. 
ndce, 142. 
ndc5n, 129. 
ndjdno, 18. 
najay (nejay) , 117. 
ndtt, 279, 440. 
natini, 572. 



n&th, 437. 

n&th, 733. 

nathani, 193 

n&dor, 73. 

nana, (nanari), 73. 

napitanx, 572. 

n&mati, 511. 

TiaTnani, 515. 

nari, 480. 

TWrifcal, 150, 229. 

n&h, 734. 

nd/iar, 150, 229, 237. 298. 

nahi, 468, 504. 

ni, 722. 

niSJc, 239. 

niJcd, 392, 733. 

nikata, 733. 

niJca'/ii, 132. 204. 358 392 

nigani, 378, 402 
nichald, 468. 
nije, 692. 
nitau, 238, 560 
nit-nit, 187. 
niTidd, 293. 
niboJcd, 460 
ntm, 472. 
ntmile, 275. 

niyar, 147, 203 226. 298. 
niyah, 502. 
ntj/c, 721. 
niydy, 480. 
nivannabbai. 488. 
nirfimuhi. 268. 
ntrmtla, 795. 
ntrd, 725. 
nilu, 546. 
nil5, 189. 
TU5ani, 5?8. 
nticit, 171. 
nthani, 504. 
nifc-Jcarmd. 246 
ntfcat, 246, 300, 490* 
mJidii, 468, 538. 
nih, 246. 

nujujhima, 27. 

nubuji, 752. 

nubuje, 275. 

nurnd, 723. 

numdy, 205, 301. 

nu-suniba, 800. 

nusuway, 756. 

neuZ, 270. 

Tieoc, 239, 257, 723. 

nebca, 468. 

?ieotfi, 741. 

nebta, 239, 248, 257, 440. 

negur, 270, 404, 468, 487. 

nej, 468. 

nejd/, 535. 

nejdy, 273, 754. 

netara, 284. 

nedekhi, 752. 

7iepde, 275. 

nebaje v 757. 

nemare, 273. 

?iemu, 212. 

ndu, 240, 270, 302, 546. 

newall 177, 213, 302. 

nqi, 236. 

nai-khan, 579. 

?7 odoJcd. 61. 

??od/ioi^r. 752. 

riohole, 275. 

710771. 468. 

7io7Tial, 73. 384. 
nowd, 468, 725. 
nowani, 515. 
7iou>dr, 734. 
noware. 155, 247, 256. 
nouvire. (7idre), 158. 


pak, 148. 
pak*, 506. 
pa/cd, 392. 
pakatn/d, 741. 
pakatiyd, 512. 
pakfc, 195. 


pakha, 15, 401. 

paktele, (pdJcfile), 132, 154. 

pafe|iild, 575. 

pagaU, 73. 

pagM, 223, 376, 407, 449. 

pachim, 424. 

pachowa, 139. 

pata, 273, 523. 

pciti, 195. 

pajte, 188. 

patiuod, 546(a). 

pat-catd, 584. 

pathdy (pathay), 154, 437. 

pattella. 795. 

patafid, 576. 

patdn, 529(b). 

patio/art, 300. 

patite, 300, 449. 

pathdn, 139, 223. 237, 35G. 

patter, 132. 158, 194. 442 
patHdli, 442. 
padakiyd, 561. 

padum, 284, 301. 

paduli. 264, 378. 444. 

panaru, 469. 

panfyd, 159, 273, 545. 

paniyal, 237. 

pancdit, 528. 

pam, 723. 

pame, 142. 

par, 237. 

parahi, (parakti) , 186. 449, 
504, 538 

para, 663. 

paribara, 796. 

partydl, 130 t 225. 

parilcka, 806, 830. 

paruiod, 480. 

pare, 480. 

pal, 73. 

paid, 237, 507. 

pahm, 192, 449. 

palariya, 519. 

paia*, 73. 

paldibeka, 784. 

paViuri, 519. 

palde, (palai), 156. 

pas, 107, 397, 496. 

pasek, 561, 594. 

pahdri, 223. 

par ante, 15. 

parhuwaij 558(c). 

parhe, 238, 482. 

paiba. 801. 

pdileka, 804. 

pao, 164. 

pd?i, 81. 

pdJcari, 392. 

pakait, 528. 

pdk/7a7ida. 397, 401. 

pag. 405. 

pdc/iil. 405. 

paqha. 129, 130. 

pdcan. 161. 378. 419, 449. 

pac, 725. 

pa jar, 292. 427. 

paji, 427. 

pat, 434. 

pdtani, 515. 

pdti, 449 

patilb'hor. 786. 

pat?, 440. 

pathar, 442. 

pad, 444. 

pd;i, 469. 

pdni, 13 (i), 166. 

panai. 134, 137. 

pabr449, 454. 476. 

pabhati. 566. 

pdrd, 150, 163, 237, 449, 507. 

para, 523. 

pari. 487, 537, 808. 

pdro, 190. 

pdlat, 435, 490, 733. 

palantoka, 830. 

paid, 490. 

pdtenfl, ^258, 490. 

p&lehi, 818. 

pdTiar, 67, 723. 

word index: 

pahare, (pd/ire), 142, 156 

449, 504. 
pdhi, 538. 
p&huwdl, 547. 
pay, 236. 
pik, 147. 
pick, 424. 
pichal, 227. 
pit, 733. 
pitiJc, 739. 
piite, 434, 732. 
pitha, 134, 356. 
pithi, 279. 
pit, 204, 440. 
pitali, 543. 
pi»idh, 733. 
pi?id/ie, 191. 
pipard, 227, 450, 187. 
pipali, 450. 
pimpard, 293. 
pirn, (pird,), 204, 291', 482 
pin, 482, 544. • 
pirika, 203, 227. 
pifi, 294, 722. 
pi^an, 514. 
piyah, 140, 174. 248. 
pum y 287, 300. 
pun, 81. 

pukhuri, 274, 301, 356, 401. 
puijgd, 449. 
pujtJtt, 264. 437. 
piijilo, 770. 
ptift 292, 427. 
putal, 440. 
putfci, 361, 442. 
punt, 196, 265. 301. 
jwran, (puran), 147. 
purani, 226. 
puribdra, . 796. 
pwrurfXi, 535(a). 
put«, 480. 
puli, 449. 

pmod, 196, 301, 5<ft. 
patDtti, (-tij/d), 512. 
pulian, 139, 237. 


pui, 177, 206, 449, 538. 
pdj, 415, 427, 475. 
pub, 476. 
pureLti, 510. 
purath, 567. 
puriyd, 538(a). 
puraA, 556. 
■puraiydy 557. 
pe^gd, 182. 
po, 169, 242. 
pofcar, 73. 
pokhd, 81. 
poc?t, 292, 723. 
poc/ie, 217, 282. 
poche, 424. 
potafc, 739. 
pon, 196, 238, 303. 
pot, 73. 
pond, 214. 
]X)nd?tara, 446. 
po/afc, 739. 

pold, 214, 303. 

poloijd, 521(a). 

poiod, 247, 256. 

powa, 603. 

powdli-kan, 578. 

powdtl, 528. 

powhrdj 603. 

po/uz, 196, 449. 

pohar, 449. 

pohdr, 139. 

pefc, 258. 

pekJiam, 79, 401. 

pe^gfd, 258. 

pe?/gatd, 565. 

perjgurdn 270. 

peed, 410. 

pencd, 293. 

pefu (petuld), 267. 

petuld, 554. 

per, 722. 

pere, 212, 480. 

pere, 663. 

peren, 663. 

pel, 73, 208. 



pelaiba, 801. 
pelu, 212. 
pehd, 212. 
peya, 172. 
painat, 484. 


phatuwai, 558(a). 
pha,ni, 451. 
pJumtd, 227, 451. 
phand, 122. 
phandiyak, 508. 
phandiydr, 539. 
phande, 451. 
p/iar, 451. 

pharirjg, 147, 451, 480. 
phalan, 514. 
phala, 451. 
phalay (phdlaj), 155. 
pJialikdr, 457. 
phahiyd, 451. 
phaik, 451. 
pfodu, 81. 
phdn, 81. 
pMUci, 294, 451. 
phaku, 294, 392. 
phdgun, 404. 
phar\g, 451. 
pfodtt (ph«7id), 291. 
pji&p, 746. 
ptel, 725. 
phdleqgi, 269. 
phah, 451. 
phifce, 451. 
phiriga, 451. 
pfiicifc, 739. 
pfticTid, 204, 368, 451. 
phitahi, 576(a). 
phw, 722. 

pfctriffgati, 451, 565. 
phukanani, 572. 
phvkallyd, 545. 
pfctiB, 746. 
phujil, 542, 795. 

phutiydr, 539. 
phutukd, 561. 
pfrur, 722. . 
phurani, 206. 
phurante, 792. 
phurahfr, 763. 
phure, 451. 
pfculati, 440, 511. 
phuiani, 516. 
phulari, 518. 
phutdm, 530. 
pfcoca/c, 739. 
phopold, 451. 
phor, 451, 480. 
phord, 451,480. 
phbpdy 746. 
p?iopaitri, 555. 
phbhd, 246. 
p/iekur, 746. 
phe/atre, 562. 
phecd, 294, 368, 451. 
phec-kuri, 368, 563. 
p?ietd, 81. 
pheti, 266. 
pheruiod, 451. 
phehu, 451. 


bd, 722 . 
bau, 183. 
bak, 722. 

bakhan, 132, 202, 401. 
bakJidnafca, 762. 
hakhala, 401. 
bafc/ialtyd, 76. 
bagali, 378, 404. 453. 
bagalt, 545, 575. 
bagd, 73. 
bogod, 80. 
barjgah, 284, 457. 
bac/iar, 4^4. 
bacharek, 594. 
bajand, 514(a). 
bajan, 529(b). 

Word nfofcx 


bap, 725. 

bapiya, 538(a). 

bapiya-gach, 581. 

bape, 148. 

ba'pha, 437. 

banijdr, 531. 

batard (bdtari), 159, 273, 

ba#/292, 434. 
batab, 273. 
bdt/ia^ 134. 
badiyar, 539. 
badiyar, 539. 
badttiwi, (bhodd), 73. 
bad/iibd, 784. 
budhila, 813. 
bdnd/c, 739. 
banani, 516. 
banariya, 518. 
barufri, 518. 
banij, 427. • 
bandy, 469. 
banuwa, 546(a). 
banti, 294, 453. 
banduli, 363, 444. 
bapd, 15. 
bapura, 552. 
bar, 161, 278, 298, 480. 
baragant, (baraj/gani), 45, 

294, 571. 
barati, 434, 453. 
boron, 284, 298. 
barai, 490. 

barold, 273, 292, 480, 575. 
harafun, 149, 170, 284. 
barahi, 136, 227, 453, 480. 
bard, 164. 
barai, 526. 
baVafli, (bo-), 132. 
bartfii, (bdlti), 157, 225. 
barU-fci, 818. 
bariyani, 516. 
borutrdni, 572. 
batjtt, 172. 

baladh, 227, 237. 

bahatiya, 513. 

ba'hdg, 132. 

bahibd-de, 825. 

bahi-rajd, 537. 

bahukd, 548. 

ba/ie, 134. 

bay, 499. 

bd, 725. 

-bd (kono-ba etc.), 689. 

bdi, 72, 414, 597. 

baik, 171, 287. 

baic, 43, 496. 

bdicd (baicd), 564. 

bdi-di, 73. 

bailat], 521. 

bdii, 110, 453. 

bdu, 73, 183. 

baul, 238. 

boo, 164, 200, 299. 

bdfc, 73. 

bakya, 171. 

bdgar, 193, 404, 742. 

bagiyar, 539. 

bdg-b/idhik, 407. 

bdg/i, 201, 407, 453. 

bagh-, (bdgh-jari), 129, 134, 

376, 407. 
baghini, 572. 
bac, 722. 
bdc/id, 424. 
bdchila, 795. 
bddtur, 553. 
bdc/ie, 278, 424. 
baj, 174. 
bajd, 427. 
b^t, 278, 434. 
bdtatd, 15. 
bataruwd, 520. 
bdtaiu, 434. 
bdtedi, 651. 
bdltari, 440, 544, 614. 
baduli, 378, 444. 
ban, 174, 292, 469. 
bdnac, 514. 



bdnatiyd, 512. 

bandar, 444. 

bdridh, 291. 

bdndhd, 453. 

bdndhbn, 129, 137. 

bdn-bdji, 292. 

bdpd, 450. 

bdpatiiyd, 513. 

bapd-han (-Turn), 593. 

bdpdhun, 617. 

bapu, 546. 

bdpefc, 561, 601. 

bdper, 603, 619. 

bdperd, 619. 

babarit 454. 

bdmi, 453. 

bdmuw, 223, 292, 301, 453, 

bar, 73. 

bard, 163, 453, 501. 
baratd, 566. 
bah, 177, 537. 
bar% 453. 
bdri$d, 284, 300. 
bareti, 511. 
bald, 128. 
bdli, 177. 
bah, 292. 
bdht, 453. 
bah-ca£d, 584. 
bah^fal, 588. 
bdJird, 379. 

barhai, (barhai), 179, 482. 
bdrhZti, 510. 
bdrfuwii, 482. 
bdrham, 515(a). 
barhani-pdr, 587. 
bdyar\, 521. 
bayan, 514. 
bdyaihy 414. 
iwfiliii, 300. 
We, 733. 
biJcarutod, 520. 
bikfc, 107. 
bi^fhd, 407. 

bicani, 300, 378, 419. 

bichd, 128, 297, 424. 

bichand, 424. 

bicfiofr, 424'. 

bijaluwd, 77. 

bijdtanwd, 518. 

bitar], 521. 

bitopan, 128, 137, 271. 

bidheyd, 172. 

biruic, 108, 226, 420. 

bind j 733. 

bi?idh, 133. 

bindhana, 514(a). 

bindlidy, 756. 

biipak, (bipd)j), 521. 

bibah, 173. 

bibhach, 424. 

btbTid, 456. 

bibJiol, 128, 456. 

birdila, 795. 

bzrdci, 488. 

bir-di, 76. 

blrat, 568. 

birdnnabbai, 488. 

biri>;g, 274. 

biri^gd, 203. 

birind, 138, 203, 274, 300. 

bild, 66, 73. 

bildi, (bilai), 526. 

-bildk, 73, w 623. 

bilarayd, 517 

bistara, 620. 

bth, 504. 

bih-lai]ganu 227. 

bifid, 295, 453. 

bihdn, 133, 203, 300, 504. 

biyarii, 178. 

bi^dl, 248. 

biyaii, 150, 226. 

biyd, 164, 456. 

buk, 392, 453. 

buc, 67. 

bujani, 51'5. 

bujiyd, 181, 752. 

bupal, 73. 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 



bufi, 73. 

budhiyak, 508. 

bundamtir, 223, 299, 280. 

buran, 514. 

buranji, 81. 

burante, 15. 

biirha, 280, 301, 482.' 

bulla, 181, 752. 

bulilat, 807. 

brs, 172. 

bed, 239, 453. 
beJcd, 258, 392. 
berjg, 239. 
bei/gatii/d, 512. 

bee, 740. 
becowdi, 558. 
bej, 211, 302, 427. 
bej-bej (bej-kaeu), 73. 
bejdli, 535(a). 

beji, 45, 427. 

beii, 73, 266. 

betu, 212, 546/ 

bet, 73. 

bet, 209, 294. 

betfcd, 239, 442. 

bepar, 239, 302. 

beperuwd, 520. 

bebd, 746. 

beratt, 566. 

bena, 480. 

bel, 212, 302, 490. 

belegatft/d, 513. 

befcdr, 150, 226, 237. 

beM, 223, 239, 302, 453. 

beheruxod, 520. 

bef^ (berd), 209, 482. 

bat, 453. 

baWi, 453, 597, 598. 

b5fcd\ 67,. 73, 196, 378, 392. 

boyll, 196, 427. 
bojai, 526. 
bSfd, 282. 
WtfcUpfiJ, 589. 

bopdi, 72, 527. 
-bor, 499. 
-borybordJc, 622. 
bol, 490. 
bolahu, 767. 
bold, 733, 766. 
-boldfc, 622. 
bolaha, 763. 
bole, 453. 
bowdn, 533. 
bbMg, 378, 402. 
bau, 72, 236, 501. 


bhaira, 229, 300, 455. 

bhakh, (bhok), 216. 

bhagan, 514. 

bhaganii/dr, 517(a). 

bhagdy 404. 

bhacahit, 455, 576. 

bhatara, 440. 

b/?at?jd, 427, 475. 

bhatuwa, 273, 546(a). 

bhadtyd, 545. 

bhanl 128, 136, 178, 597. 

bhaban, 170. 

bhara/c, 455. 

b/iardl, 15, 202, 292, 490. 

bharall 532. 

bhareiti, 510. 

bhare, 757. 

bhale, 456. 

b^i, 165, 455, 597. 

bfcdo, 164, 200. 

bhdg, 733. 

bhagar, 193, 404, 455. 

bkagariya, 518. 

bfoagawati (bhdgati), 543. 

bhagiyar, 539. 

bJidi/, 292. 

bhd//g, 193, 455. 

bharjganiyar, 517(a). 

bMygurt, 551, 614. 

bhdyge, 756. 



bhaj, 455. 

bhajaniyar, 539. 

bhata, 358. 

bteti, 434. 

bhcLfi-bela, 525. 

bhatau, 560. 

bh€tt, w 440. 

bhdthi, 442. 

bfiddd, 129, 130, 163, 237, 

bhada^mahtij 525. 
bhadar, 284. 
bfcop, 450, 455. 
bhabari, 376, 455. 
bhdbuki, 549. 
bhal, 490. 
bhdlari, 518. 
bhale-mdn, 702. 
bhiJcahu, 358. 
bhtj, 455. 
bhije, 191, 295. 
bhitar, 191, 295, 455. 
bhitaruwal, 547. 
bhin, 467. 

bhtntht, 385, 597, 598. 
bhir, 122. 
bHira, 67. 
bhul, 206, 296. 

bhitcu??, 521. 

bhut'kwra, 67. 

bfiur, 61. 

bhurd, 61. 

bhuruka, 455. 

bfiul, 456, 722. 

bhu&i, 365, 455. 

bJiufiurd, 555. 

bhuya, 462. 

bkSJcur, 76. 

bhekure, 562. 

bfcekuli, 265, 544. 

bhekoU, (bhekid), 157, 271. 

bfce^gurd, 270. 

bhep-cakuwd, 73. 

bWjfl, 434, 445. 

bhipi, 212, 294. 302. 434, 456. 

bJieJile-gai, 818. 

bhedibdra, 716. 

bhebuwa, 455. 

bJieran (bfier5n), 137. 

bherd, 209, 480. 

bJierehd, 576. 

bherori, 271. 

bJiel, 140, 161, 455. 

-bhella, 455, 639. 

bheleka, (bhelei]ga) , 521, 

bhes(s), 365, 455. 
bhaili, 772. 

bhok, 174, 358, 392, 722. 
bhoke, 392, 455. 
b/iogdii, 535(a). 
bhojaniyar, 539. 
bhotd, (bh5da), 67, 456. 
bhomora, 272. 455. 
-bfcor, 622. 


?7idi, 666. 

7Tiakand, 392. 

makartij 392. 

makdl, 392. 

viakuwa, 546(a). 

makhana, 136, 228, 401, 469. 

makha, 306, 401. 

maaantyd, 517. 

maganiyar, 517(a). 

magar, 378. 

mai]gahy 284. 

macur, 108. 

maj, 722. 

majd, 427. 

majaltyd, 545. 

mapyd, 538(a). 

-mata, 128. 

math, 471. 

mathiyd, 471. 

manivd (tnunii/a), 196. 

mat 171. 

fndta, 699. 


mata, 612. 
mathani, 515(a). 
mathd, 216, 2§8, 442. 
maihduri, 555. 
mathariy 442. 
rriaddr, 194, 444. 
maw, 506. 
mand, 699. 

maniCy (munih), 228. 
TUdiruit, 568. 
mo'ra, (mora), 250. 
mar*, 506. 
mararj, 521. 
mar am, 284. 
maramiydl, 540. 
marai, 195. 
marah, 73. 
mardy, 132. 
mardy (marai), 15b. 
mari-(Jcalaq)7 537. 
maribi, 783. 
maribo, 781. . 
moril, 778. 
marilad, 770. 
marilei-con, 824. 

marutod, 273, 546(a). 

mal, 490, 722. 

malac, 740. 

ma% 136. 

mafr, 504. 

maharjga, 294, 358. 

maJiat, 568. 

mafcari, 380, 500. 

mahd, 273. 

mate, 216, 298. 

malic, 188. 

mayand, 192. 

mdt (mdiJa). 66, 177, 238. 

mSiUkan, 597. 

mdikfi, 613. 

mdifcS, 73, 561, 612. 

m&i~hcth % 77. 

m&ukh t 287, 

mdut, 440. 

m&uTj 287. 

mqyird, 289. 
mdkari-ghild, 73. 
mdfcai, 471. 
makhiyafi, 511. 
mdfcJiundz, 444. 
magur, 404. 
mage, 404. 
mdgofio, 760. 
maciya, 471. 
vndch, 424. 
mach-rbkd, 271, 
machatiydr, 572. 
mdj, 427. 
mdjatti/d, 513. 
majaniya, 529(b). 
mdju (majiu), 546. 
nidjult, 554. 

Tndti, 177, 278, 434, 544. 
math, 733. 
mathe, 278. 
mdnik, 392. 
mat, 733., 612. 
mate, 440. 

mdthb (mdfJion), 129, 137, 
271, 297, 442. 

madal, 444. 

maduli, 265, 538. 

?nddai, 151, 236. 

madaj, (made), 188. 

-md?^ 702. 

mane, 621. 

manuh, (munih), 504. 

mdnuh-garaki, 582. 

mdnufo-got, 583. 

manuh-jan, 585. 

mdnuh-ja7u, 585. 

manuh-to, 565, 585. 

manti, 510. 

map, 725. 

mdmt, 544. 

mar, 292. 

mar, 722. 

mdruk, 548, 



maranto, 830. 
mdrdsd, 766. 
rrfiiri, 537, 808, 814. 
mari-erd, 828. 
maribaka, 811. 
mdribdra, 24, 796. 
mdrile, 778. 
mare, 480. 
marat, 558(b). 
mdliJid, 471. 
mdJuttali, 570. 
mdHant, 516. 
maJiili, 541. 
mdheJc, 561, 594. 
mdheJayd, 302, 545. 
mdJio, 190. 
michjoL, 424. 
mite, 434, 471. 
mithd, 361, 437. 
mif/idi (mithat), 526. 
mitini, 572. 
mitratoati, 511. 
mitht, 300. 
minati, 469. 
miiofcd, 768. 
mifiali, 504. 
mui, 666. 
mukali, 392. 
mukuta, 284. 
muJchdl, 535. 
miigf, 404. 
muganlya, 529(b). 
muga, 66. 
muje, 427. 
mujh, 140, 178. 
muthan, 66. 
mud, 733. 
mude, 444. 
mudh, 446. 
muni$ai, 526. 
munifc, 268. 
murfi, 480. 
murd, 480. 
murukh, 171, 284. 
muruli, 274. 

-muiod, 501. 

muJiudi, 139, 223, 380, 444. 

muturdy 550. 

murkha, 171. 

murha, 172. 

mrgfd, 172. 

mebri, 562. 

mekhela, 128, 138, 274. 

meed, 73. 

meet, 266. 

mej, 427. 

mejt, 209, 427. 

mej-mej, 73. 

methani, 384, 437. 

methon, 61. 

mend; 77. 

mem, 266. 

mer. 482. 

merha, 66. 

meld (meleka), 620. 

melahi, 576(a). 

meleki, 561. 

melee (melech), 284, 302. 

meluiDdi (meluwai), 558(c). 

mehun, 469, 471.^ 

mai, 236. 

7naiddm, 73. 

mi, 667. 

mokola, 743. 

mokord, 272. 

moeak, 739. 

mocd, 214. 

mocar, 742. 

mocfi, 424, 471. 

mocJie, 471. 

momdi, 527. 

m5rd. 255. 

mol, 217, 490. 

mH, 255. 

mot (mul) t 36. 

m6ldn, 282. 

mflfi, (mp'h), 254 

motor, 742. 

mound, 172. 

mauri, 236. 




rd, 722. 
rar^ghar, 81. 
rarjg&, 292, 523. 
rarjgil, 541. 
rarjgiydl, 540. 
raryguwal, 547. 
raja, 273, 298. 
rajd-jand, 585, 614. 
rajc, 721. 
ranuwa, 546(a). 
raian, 284. 
ra'd, 298, 444. 
ramaliya, 743. 
raraiyd, 486. 

rahtdaj, 188. 

raJiil-gai, 818. 

rahe, 188. 

rd, (rdo), 164. 

rdij, 287. . 

rditd, 288. 

rauci, 486, 564. 

wi^cd, 80. 

ran~kukur, 73. 

ndJcJiottxU, 536. 

rdptydi, 535. 

r&gha, 486. 

rajahuwa, 486. 

raja (rdjd), 117. 

rdjo, 190. 

rani, 467. 

rtini-jattd, 585. 

rfiti, 178. 

r&tvl, 440. 

ttfTuWiani, 515. 

randhanl, 515(a). 

rihak, 178. 

ruce, 721. . 

rufM, 437. • 

rtij>-l)dn, 81. 

rupafc, 576. 

regta, 208, 378, 407*. 

rer^d, 258, 722. 

refr, 174, 302, 504. 
rehd, 506. 
ro, 725. 
rok, 486. 

rofc/i, (rok), 401. 
rod, 255. 
rondd, 197, 363. 
rol, 486. 
rowati, 511. 
roiuani, 515(a). 
rowdy, (ruwai), 155. 
rou, 128. 


k/cacd (iakadyd), 80. 
[akaci, 489. 
iagd, 404, 489. 
laganiyd, 517. 
lagari, 518. 
(agariyd, 518. 
-laglya, 802. 
iaguri, 237, 301. 
Zagun, 284. 
laginwi, 489. 
laghbn, 137, 271, 407. 
ia»j, 237, 292. 
hthcDjga, 521(a). 
lathard, 574. 
lata-makari, 73. 
[dtd-p/iutuki, 73. 
lanl 469. 
lap/id, 77. 
!dr, 77. 
lar, 237. 
/arile, 779. 
lahaw, 521(a). 
lav, 236, 489, 501. 
Id, (Idhd), 504. 
Mi. 412, 489. 
lau, 134, 183. 
Jdo-khola, 77. 
Ido-pdnt, 73. 
Idij, 81. 
lakhuth 198, 401. 


lagatiya (-iydl), 512. 

lAgf, 752. 

la,r\gi, 77. 

Idj, 174, 427. 

laj-kuriya, 563. 

[djukd, 549. 

Idjetf (nildjt) , 38, 511. 

Ifljum, 66. 

IdjtJitwod, 437. 

lata, 440. 

Idd (lodd), 489. 

IdpK, 452. 

Idmafch, 77. 

Idru, 480, 489. 

Ifil, 174. 

Idlati (leldutt), 565. 


idhati, 440, 511. 

ffliari, 518. 

Id/io, 190. 

Ukka, 204, 401. 

iifchdru, 534. 

liJcJiibd, 796. 

iitikdi, 434, 489. 

lin (linda-gara) , 73. 

luit (lohita) , 85, 264. 

luJcmd, 66. 

lukdi-erb, 828. 

htfe, 434. 

lumyd, 264, 545. 

lurd (nurd), 468. 

lurumd, 79. 

Zeo, 208, 236. 

lek-sek, 73. 

-leJcfuyd, 66. 

lerya, 67, 73, 81, 258. 

lectori, 42A, 489. 

lej, 258, 302, 427. 

leju } 270, 489. 

Up, (ie*i-ld),73. 

lefhema (lothoma, lodhoma) , 

lephetn, 66. 
lent, 213, 302. 
Iq» (celepu), 73. 

lepetd-JcdrJi, 73. 

leruu>d, 482. 

lerel, 743. . 

lehukd, 270, 504. 

lehem, 79. 

-Iai, 658. 

Io7l69, 242. 

-lok (dmd-lo/c, tomd-lolc) , 

Be, 424. 

Ian, 219, 303, 467. 
lon-pJierd, 590. 
lor, 217. 
lor, 722. 

16m, (la'rd), 254. 
lord-Jean, 578. 
lofc, 246. 
lohora, 274, 380, 500. 


id, 163, 237, 497. 
sakat, 73. 
sakdli, 535(a). 
sagun, 378, 404. 
satha-milra, 223, 299. 
sandibdrd, 796. 
sar-pat, 589. * 
iar, 237, 462. 
sarai, 192. 
iald, 133, 177, 299. 
salakhd, 401. 
saldg, 284, 404. 
ialdl, 490. 
soli, 192. 
sali-ddl, 588. 
iahd, 504. 
sahur, 497. 
ad5, 200, 497. 
soon, 497. 
idfcani, 516. 
idfcantyd,, 529(b). 
idle, 357, 392. 
Wch, 292. 
idJcHinl, 227. 



taqguri, 519. 
iacatiya, 512. 
kht, 440. 

samuk, 228, 292. " 
teraiiga, 284. 
salika (sdiJcd), 157, 227. 
Sal-man, 61. 
sdh, 504. 
idJiu, 504. 
sikar, 300. 
itkal, 279. 
iikali, 295, 357, 392. 
sika, (sikiya), 392. 
sikar, 174, 392. 
siJcdru, 534. 
sike, 357. 
iikharalai, 15. 
sitjg, 2977 

iirigari, 150, 226, 290. 
sita, 356, 434. 
sitin, 139,. 223, 356, 440. 
siya, 357, 450:- 
sipini, 450. 
iimaiu, 204, 472. 
iil, 140, 174, 490. 
silikha, 77. 
siha, 504. 
sihu, 167, 504. 
%ar, 501. 
Hydr, 573. 
iiyal, 248, 300. 
Hh, 504. 
iuiffir, 73. 
iufca^t, 207. 

itdodn, 392, 356,. 529(b). 
iufeula, 284. 
iu,*l, 497. 
iu^hd, 292. 
Mfhi t 374, 437. 
ittdfi, 207, 357, 444. 
iunatt, 272. 
iwiaHa, 767. 

itinio (iunioka), 239, 754, 
' A.-J0 

suniloho, 770. 

sune, 280. 

sunotd, 272, 440. 

sunowd, 247, 539. 

sitr, 209. 

sule, 779. 

suicaru, 515(a). 

smueni, 269. 

setjgun, 212, 236, 292, 301, 

set-bhedali, 444. 
seta, 497. 
setuwa, 270. 
seteli, 213, 302. 
sen, 497. 
sel, 490. 
seluk, 270. 
sehwuai, 558(a). 
ieiodl, 497. 
sewali, 177, 211, 501. 
sehatiya, 513. 
saild, 172. 
«o, 722. 

sbtar, 357, 742. 
sod/i, 725. 

sodhay (sadhai), 155. 
sol, 161, 238, 251, 303, 497. 
solak, 284, 303. 
sowa, 214. 
sowe, 476. 


sei-Jcaparfl, 107, 398, 496. 
sola, 490. 


-s-, (dmd-s-dr, tamfi^s-dr) , 

sait, 171. 
safcalo, 238, 702. 
sakhiyafi, 511. 
saijfcaTnata, 15. 
sacd, 419. 



saj, 411, 

sajina, 216, 298, 300. 

sajuli, 554. 

sailed, 293. 

sarijdt (sajdt), 61. 

satiyari, 511. 

sattar, 178. 

satya, 171. 

sadau, 560. 

sapon, 271, 284, 303. 

sap/iurd, 228, 292, 452. 

sab, 148, 476. 

-saba, 620, 628. 

saman (samdn), 147. 

samandh, 292. 

samaniyd, 518. 

samal, 195, 292, 472. 

samayanti, 511. 

samar, 237, 497. 

samiiTia, 620. 

samba, 293, 628. 

sarak, 739. 

Sarah, 576. 

sariyafi, 284, 379. 

sarah, 480. 

saru, 192. 

sarbati, (-Jcdi), 511. 

said (sold), 216. 

sasara, 15. 

sahileka, 111. 

sayantari, 518 

sdu, 183. 

a&wd, 287, 357, 744. 

salco, 392. 

t&rig&r, 129, 137, 271. 

aarjguri, 272. 

9dr\gor, 497, 725. 

ringore, 292, 357. 

sac, 193, 419. 

sBcatn/ar, 512, 517(a). 

sacaniyd, 517. 



saj, 292, 427. 

sftjo, 190. 

sdjfian, 374, 437. 

sat, 440. 

s&tar, 440., 

satam-purusa, 223. 

shtbr, 129, 137. 

sddh, Z25. 

san, 291. 

sdndi, 357. 

sap, 450. 

sap-khar, 583. 

sdmar, 723. 

sdruwa, 273, 546(a). 

sdJi. 380, 500. 

sahbn, 128, 137. 271. 

sahan, 128, 137, 271. 

sdhn/dl, 540. 

si, 185, 673, 722. 

si-jan, 619. 

siju, 73. 

si-dind, 525. 

silan, 284. 

stjydr, 746. 

siye, 476. 

sth, 504. 

strain, 203. 

sun, 722. 

stikn/d. 301. 

surje. 292. 

sucak, 411. 

suj, 722. 

suti, 264, 301. 

sutJtil, 374. 

suni, 15. 

surufc, 739. 

suruy\ga, 274. 

surnj, 171. 

sutfldg, 132, 404 501. 

suta, 207, 440. 

sun/yd, 171. 

set, 696. 

seiyd, 696. 

se5id, 24^ 257, 440, 462. 

sefed, 392. 

se#, 427. 

sendur (tindur), 292, SBt 



*sep, 357, 450. 

-hak, 786. 

sepiya, 733. . 
sebait, 528. 
semek, 393, 739. 

Jiafa^d, 521(a). 

-hat, (-hanta r santa) 62^. 

-hot, 148, 440, 503. 

sereka (sere^d), 66, 521. 

-hate, 19. 

seruwa, 212, 482, 497. 

Jiatuiodi, 652. 

sewat, 150, 237, 241, 497. 
sete, 73. 
saitari, 518. 

han {hanera), 414, 466. 
harli, (hane, haiiera), 606. 
hante (sante) , 664. 

s5, 219, 296, 303. 
sdcar, 723. 

Mphalu, 77. 
Tidbd, 831. 

sbcare, 197, 303. 

fodbdld, 831. 

sofa, 66. 

haraibara, 796. 

son, 161, 218, 467. 

harind, 523. 

sonari, 531. 

Jiaris, 284. 

sortdli, 535(a). 

h^TTxppesuara, 84. 

s5t, 497. 

harb, 189. 

sotard, 197. 

fialau, 560. 

sodhdru, 534. 

-Kay (hai), 789. 

sonant, 237. 

fcoy, 5037 758. 

sondhd, (sonda), 218, 292, 

fidi, 81. 

357, 444, 753. 

Jiditdl, 484. 

sola/c, 393. 

haula, 288. 

sola, 73, 215, 393, 739. 

hno-p/ido, 77. 

solen, 60, 258. 

hafc, 392. 

soiled, 284, 303, 497. 

kakal-bikal, 503. 

sbwar, 722. 

Jidgurd, 550. 

sdtraran, 284. 

hoc, 733. 

sou, 696. 

haci, 378, 419, 503. 

sauted, 696. 

haciyafi, 511. 

sn&nilate* 808. 

hdjo. 88. 

acSc, (xac), 42. 

hdtarutod, 520. 

aflfc, (xdh, xdic) , 42. 

hdf-fcuri, 563. 

xekh, 111. 

hdt, 440, 503. 

xcK, 111. 

hatani, 529(a). 

2%J, 603. 

hdtind, 571. 

^V/lrfi, 603. 

katf'pati, 67. 

rfyM, 614. 

Jidfiydr, 539. 

*!, 614. . 

Jidturt, 552. 


fcdte, 168. 

fifitedi, 651. 


Jidddm, 77. 

-ten, 470, 636. 

haite, 19. 

han, 725. 


hdni-ere, 24, 828. 




Mban, 73. 

habi, 73. 

hdbtydh, 454, 485. 

hdbiids, 227, 503. 

hdmdhi, 77. 

Jidmi, 472, 503, 733. 

ham-kuri, (-Jchuri), 563. 

-hamra, -hamla, 638. 

Mr, 480, 503. 

h&ri, 480, 503. 

harita, 15. 

Kdiodhi, 198, 490. 

Mlaca (halica), 564. 

hdluk, 549. 

fidluiod (hquld), 36. 

hdlotod, 558. 

halowai (haluwai), 152. 

h«i, 504. 

hdht, 537, 814. 

himsa-kuriya, 563. 

hikati, 565. 

hii\, 182. 

hiyd, 162, 248, 279. 300, 503. 

huibe, 783. 

hukari, 66. 

hvfa (\/hut-huta) , 66. 

-hun, 635. 

hurufc, 739. 

huluJc, 739. 

hul, 73. 

heJeuti, 212, 265. 

hex\gar, 77. . 

heiigul, 212. 

het, 191. 

hetd, 358. 

-heten, 440. 

-heten *(hate r hante) , 787. 

heten (hate, hante), 13. 

he?io, 61. 

hendol, 212. 

hepd (hapd), 73. 

herd, herau, 605. 

herd, 605. 

heri, 605. 

herei, 605. 

herai, 605. 

-hok } 786. 

hojd, 77. 

hoi (ha I) , 252. 

hold, 73. 

holovga, 73, 77, 521(a). 

howd, 2A1. 

hohaJc, 739. 

ksirafi, 511. 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


Anderson, J. D. 


Apte, V. S. 
Bagchi, P. C. 

Barua, G. C. 

Barua, H. C. 
Beames, J. 

Bhaduri, M. B. 

Bhandarkar, R. G. 
Bloch, J. 

Bronson, M. 
Caldwell, R 

Campbell, A. 
Chatterji, S. K. 

Accent and Prosody 
(J.R.A.S. 1913) 

Stress and Pitch in Indian Langu- 
ages, (J.R.A.S. 1913). 

A Manual of the Bengali Language, 

Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 1890. 

Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in 
India, 1929. 

Ahom-English Dictionary, 1920. 
Ahom Buranji (with parallel Eng- 
lish translation) . 1930 ; (Assam 
Government Publication). 
An Assamese-English Dictionary, 

A Comparative Grammar of the 
Modern Aryan Languages of 
India, 1872. 

Mundari-English Dictionary, 1931. 

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La Formation de la Langue Marathe, 

L'Indo-Aryen, 1934. 

Assamese-English Dictionary, 1867. 

A Comparative Grammar of the % 
Dravidian Languages, 1913. 

Santali-English Dictionary, 1933. 

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ceedings of the Seventh All India 


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Dundas, W. C. M. 

Duroiselle, C. 

Geiger, W. 

Grierson, G. A. 

Grundy, R. J. 
Hema Chandra. 

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Lai, R. N. 
Macdonell, A. A. 

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age, 1908. * 

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Language, 1921. 
Pali Literatur und Sprache, 1916. 

Hindi Grammar, 1921. 
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das, 1922. 

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A Manual of Kashmiri Language, 

Modern Indo- Aryan • Vernaculars, 
Supplement to Indian Antiquary, 
June, 1931 to December 1933). 

Prakrita Dhatvadesha, 1924 (Asia- 
tic Society, Calcutta.) 

Spontaneous Nasalisation in Indo- 
Aryan Languages, (J.R.A.S. 

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Desi Namamala, (Calcutta Univer- 
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Gautfian Languages, 1880. 

Grammar of the Hindi Language, 

Hindi-English Dictionary, 1921. 

Vedic Grammar, 1910. 

Vedic Grammar for students, 1916. 

A History of the Bengali Language, 
1920. * 

Monier-Williams, M. . . 

Pischd, R. 

Platts, J. T. 
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(Sir Ashutosh Memorial Vol Patna; 


Certain irregularities that have crept in due to oversight 
are corrected below : 












tO -71 


















































• 27 



















or ~io- 









Initially r- 









d. (576a) to 




be deleted 













bistara or some 



-him, -Hi. 




mai, moe 















-fifl-, -fld- 



dtje, lijt 










Government of Assam 

Bepartment of Distortcal an& Hnttquarlau 



The Department has published several old historical 
masterpieces in English and in Assamese, edited on most up- 
to-date lines. Each Assamese chronicle is furnished with 
Preface and Introduction in English and Assamese, and 
Marginalia gainst each paragraph. The Asamar Padya- 
Burarfji, the Kachari Buranji, the Jayantia Buran)i and the 
Assam Buranji (1648-1681 A.D.), have elaborate Synopses in 
English. Publication No. 6, Tungkhungia Buranji, is the first 
systematic English translation of an Assamese chronicle. In 
tile paucity of written and authentic records about Cachar 
and Jayantia, our publications, Kachari Buranji and Jayantia 
Buranji, will serve as valuable sources of information to all 
interested in the history, of the two kingdoms. The Persian 
chronicle Bahar'istan-i-Ghaybi, the only extant manuscript of 
which is in the Bibliotheque Natkmale of Paris, is already well- 
known to scholars in India. The complete English transla- 
tion of this chrdnicle, published for the first time, will be a 
valuable mine of information to students of Mughal history. 


X ASSAM BURANJI.— A history of Ahom rule in Assam, 
1228-1826 A.D. An enlarged version of Kasinath 
Tamuli-Pnukan's chronicle by Harakanta Barua. 
Pp. xii-f 152. Cloth, Rs. 2-8 ; Paper cover, Re. 1. 

4 KAMRUPAR BURANJI.— A idetailed history of the 
Ahom-Mughal conflicts, with chapters on ancient 


Kamarupa. Pp. xvii+152. Cloth, Rs. 2-8; Paper 
cover, Re. 1. 

3.* DEODHAI ASAM BURANJI.-A collection of old 
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neighbouring tribes, Ahom custqms, etc. Pp. lxx-f 
222, Cloth, Rs. 3. 

4. ASAMAR PADYA-BURANJi.-Two metrical chroni- 

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and Bisweswar Vaidyadhipa respectively. Pp. lv-f 
278 ; Synopsis in English, pp. 279-308. Cloth Rs. 3. 

5. TUNGKHUNGiA BURANJI.-A history of Assam from 

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7. KACHARI BURANJI,— A history of Cachar irom the 

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* This book can be had of the Publishers, Oxford University Pre* 
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9. BAHARISTAJS-i-GHAYBL-A history of the conflicts 
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Translated from the original Persian by Dr. M. I. 
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10 TRli'URA BURAAJi or Lwpura Oesar Katiw.-A his- 
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• lwo Assamese ambassadors ot King Rudra Singha 

16*1741 A.D. From tne original manuscript in the 
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British Museum, London 
King Rudra Sinjjna reci 
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11 RiHTEriN No l.-With an Introduction by His 
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1937. Pp. xu+<6. R e - !• 

,. «h 1 FTiN No 3 -Containing U> the Speech of H» 
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■ the Opening Ceremony rfthejj" * ^ 

tor's Speech ; (3) Acc ^\° nc T * n . (5) Extracts 

from the D.H.A.s. ruu Bahadur 

H* fccceD-tty Sir Michael K«*e Sjr 

Radhakanta Handique, Mrs. Narayaiu 


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+67 ; Synopsis in English, pp. 69-84. Re. 1. 

16. ANK1A NAT.— Containing the extant dramas of San- 

kardeva, Madhabdeva and Gopaldeva. Edited with 
an Introduction in English, together with a Synopsis 
of the dramas in English. Published in 1940. Pp. xxvi 
+269. Rs. 3. 

17. BULLETIN No. 4.— A souvenir of the Unveiling Cere- 

mony of the portrait of the late Mrs. Narayani Handi- 
qui held on February 7, 1940. Containing (1) The 
Hon'ble Miss Mavis Dunn's Speech, (2) Honorary 
Provincial Director's Speech, (3) Honorary Assistant 
Director's Speech, etc. With portraits of Mrs. Nara- 
yani Handiqui ; Narayani Handiqui Historical Insti- 
tute ; Hon ble Miss Mavis Dunn ; His Excellency Sir 
Michael Keane and Rai Bahadur Radhakanta Handi- 
qui. Pp. iii + 46. Re. 1. 


MENT.— A scientific treatise on the history and philo- 
logy of the Assamese language, being a thesis approv- 
ed for the Ph.D. degree of the Calcutta University 
in 1935, by Dr. Banikanta Kakati, M.A., Ph.D., Pro- 
lessor, Cotton College, Gauhati. Pp. xxxv + 410. 
Cloth, Rs. 10. * • 

19. NnT-LATANKUR.-~ A treatise on politics and warfare 

compiled by Bagish Sarma at the instance of Duara- 

A-PDF Merger DEMO : Purchase from to remove the wat 


Phukan, an Ahom military official of the reign of 
King-Siva Slngha (1714 . m4 AD) ^ ^ 

S C Goswami, B.A., B.T., I.S.O., Inspector of 
Schools, Assam Valley Circle. In the Press. 

N.B. Of the aoove books. 

DV N0S \] I U J ave been ^ited by Rai Bahadur Dr. S. K. 
Bhuyan M.A., B.L., (Cal.), Ph.D. (Lond.), Honorary Pro- 
vincial Director ; 

No.l5byMr.S:K.Dutta,B.A., (Cal.),B.Sc, (Lond.), 
Barrister-at-Law, Honorary Deputy Director and 

No. ,46 by Srijut Birinchi Kumar Barooah, M.A., B.L., 
Honorary Assistant Director of the Department of Historical 
and Antiquarian Studies, Assam. 

In addition to the above, the following books published 
by the Assam Government Press, Shillong, have been stocked 
by us for sale^,— 

MANUSCRIPTS. -Contains description of several 
representative ancient Assamese and Sanskrit manus- 
cripts, compiled by the late Pandit Hemchandra 
Goswami . With Preface and " A Note on Assamese 
Manuscripts" by Rai Bahadur Dr. S. K. Bhuyan, 
Pp. xxxvi-f256, and Index, pp. 257-274. Cloth, 
Rs. 5. 

2. AHOM BURANJI.— A history of Assam from the 

earliest times to the end of Ahom rule, in Ahom 
character, with parallel English translation. Edited 
and translated by the late Rai Sahib Golap Chandra 
• Barua. Pp. xi-f 388. Cloth, Rs. 6. 

3. ASSAM BURANJI.—A history of Assam from 1228 to 

1833 A.D., by Kasinath Tamuli-Phukan. Pp. 1+136, 
Cloth, Rs..2-8. 

4. GHORA N3DAN.— A hand-book on the diseases of the 
• # horse and their remedies: Assamese text with parallel 

English translation. Edited by the late Srijut Tarini 


Charah Bhattacharjee. With an Introduction by Rai 
Bahadur Dr. S. K. Bhuyan. Pp. viii + 91, and 
Glossary, pp. 93-108. Cloth, Re. 1-6. 

5. -KAMARATNA TANTRA.— A book dealing with 
Tantrika-shat-karma, etc. E3ited with parallel 
English translation by the late Pandit Hemchandra 
Goswami. Pp. v-f-110. With various mystical 
diagrams appended to the same. Cloth, Re. 1-8. 
(Sale restricted). 

To be had or : 

Office of the Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 
Narayani Handiqui Historical Institute, 

In Europe— Our publications are stocked for sale" by 
Arthur Probsthain, 
Oriental Bookseller and Publisher, 
41, Great Russell Street, LONDON, W.C. 1.