AUTHORITY, LEADERSHIP, AND PEACEMAKING:
THE ROLE OF THE DIASPORAS
A Pilot Study of a Group Relations Conference
A DISSERTATION
Submitted by
TRACY WALLACH
In partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
LESLEY UNIVERSITY
November 24, 2010
LESLEY
UNIVERSITY
Let's wake up the wortd!
Fh,D, Program in Educational Studies
DISSERTATION APPROVAL FORM
Student's Name: Tracy Wallach
Dissertation Title: Authority,, Leadership, and Peacemaking: The Role of the
Diasporas A Pilot Study of a Group Relations Conference
School: Lesley University, School of Education
Degree for which Dissertation is submitted: Ph. D. in Educational Studies
Approvals
In the judgment of the following signatories, this Dissertation meets the academic standards
that have been established for the Doctor of Philosophy degree.
Dissertation Committee Chair.
Dissertation Committee Memb
Dissertation Committee Member
(signatfere) (date)
Coordinator of the Ph. D. Program (jiu-filMtf^ vh&hC U I f 7 HO
(signature) (date) , I '
Dean, School of Education f^^^u^—' ~~7^ ^}fi&&Y
(signature) (date)
ABSTRACT
Research suggests that conflicts are much more likely to re-ignite in societies
which have large Diaspora communities in the United States. This study examines the
role of American Jewish, Arab, and other Middle Eastern Diaspora communities in the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and addresses the generally neglected role of trauma and
emotions in perpetuating conflict.
The project employed group relations conference methodology to conduct the
inquiry. A group relations lens allows one to look at the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at
multiple levels: on the psychological level (looking at issues of trauma, identity,
collective narrative, emotions and unconscious processes); on the social level (looking at
inter-group relations); and on the political level (examining the role of leadership,
authority and power dynamics). A pilot conference, Authority, Leadership, and
Peacemaking: The Role of the Diasporas was convened April 16-18, 2010. Surveys and
interviews were administered before and after the conference in order to examine the
impact of the conference on participants. The conference evaluation addressed the
following questions: what did participants in the conference learn about the conflict?
How did conference participants perceive their individual roles and the collective roles of
their respective Diasporas in perpetuating the conflict there? What part might these
conferences play in helping participants, as members of their respective Diaspora
communities to contribute to the peace process? What processes/variables are at work
during the conferences and afterwards that contribute to participant learning and action?
The dissertation describes the particular innovations and adaptations made to the
group relations conference model; the ways in which the pre-conference and conference
dynamics mirrored the dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; research design and
preliminary findings up to three months post conference. Recommendations for future
conferences on the topic are made and implications of the findings for group relations are
discussed.
In loving memory
Jacques Burton Wallach
(1926-2010)
Acknowledgements
A project such as this cannot happen without the support of many people, whom I would
gratefully like to acknowledge here:
Earl T. Braxton, my mentor, colleague and friend, who believed in me before I believed
in myself. With almost no notice, he generously offered his organization, Innovative
Cultural Education and Training Institute, Inc. (ICETI) to serve as fiscal agent for the
project.
My doctoral committee: Arlene Dallalfar, my senior advisor, who provided me with
unwavering support along the way, even as she made me learn things I didn't wish to
know. Along with Eleanor Roffman, she helped me to open my eyes to aspects of the
conflict that I was blind to. Finally, though she may not remember it, Mary McRae was
one of the earliest supporters of this project, before it became the reason for me to return
to school.
Zachary Green and Rene Molenkamp of Group Relations International were early
supporters of the project. Zachary Green offered invaluable emotional and consultative
support to the project. Both he and Earl Braxton encouraged me to take up my authority
around the project and act as primary sponsor at a time when it seemed as if it would all
fall apart.
My doctoral cohort (in alphabetical order): especially Celia Bianconi, Laura Douglass,
Jan Wall, Nancy Young, who provided lots of support and laughter throughout and who
made returning to school at such an advanced age fun. This was one of the healthiest
working groups I have ever belonged to!
Ruth Duek, who back in 1997 first introduced me to the work of Besod Siach, and who
facilitated my introduction to the organization when she invited me to staff a conference
she directed in 2002.
Anat Sarel, Ada Mayer, Nimer Said, and Shay Ben Yosef, who took up my invitation to
present at the AK Rice Institute's 2003 Scientific Meeting, when initial plans for this
project were made.
Tal Alon, the board and members of Besod Siach, who first dared to use these methods in
the midst of a real conflict, and who were behind me and the project from the start.
Special thanks to the conference directors, Peter Shapiro and Nimer Said, who took a risk
in taking on the project, and hung in there through all the uncertainties, and through our
conflicts. They did a brilliant job and rolled with the punches. Many thanks are due also
to the staff that had the willingness and the flexibility to shift to the member role. I am
grateful to all members of the conference, who took the risk to come and who worked
hard to make the conference a meaningful learning experience.
I am grateful to Virginia Reiber, my dear friend, who spent countless hours reading, re-
reading and editing this document, above and beyond the call of duty. Kim Wallach also
read through and edited drafts of several chapters.
Thanks to my family: my mother, Doris F. Wallach, who taught me my first lessons on
human and civil rights; my sisters, Lisa (Wallach) Auteri, and Kim Wallach; my brother-
in-law Anthony Auteri; and nephews and niece (in chronological order): Gabriel, Jonah
and Zachary Auteri, and Ariel Temple. Much love to you all.
Hilary Rantisi and Yamila Hussein provided encouragement, honesty, and challenging
questions.
The conference had six organizational sponsors (in alphabetical order), who I wish to
acknowledge here:
The A. K. Rice Institute for the Study of Social Systems (AKRI) is a national
educational institution that advances the study of social systems and group relations. It
has eight affiliate organizations around the US and over 240 associates and friends. The
Institute seeks to deepen the understanding and the analysis of complex systemic
psychodynamic and covert processes which give rise to non-rational behavior in
individuals, groups, organizations, communities and nations. Using experiential and
participatory theories and methodologies that derive from the Tavistock tradition, the
Institute sponsors group relations conferences, research and publications, professional
meetings, and training and application events.
Besod Siach (Israel): Since 1991, Besod Siach, an Organization for the Promotion of
Dialogue between Conflict Groups in Israeli Society, has been on the cutting edge of
promoting dialogue and innovating methodology for dialogue processes between various
conflict groups in Israeli society. Its mission is to transform the antagonistic and
intolerant climate within which religious, political, social and ethnic-cultural differences
are dealt with in Israel; to promote a pluralistic and democratic value system; and to help
leaders from all sides find better solutions to the challenges of mutual co-existence in an
evolving Israeli culture.
Group Relations International: GRI promotes consciousness for a just world. Our
purpose is to increases awareness, access and applicability of group relations learning on
authority, identity, and leadership to wider populations. We do so by supporting the
creation of experiences in personal and organizational transformation that serve as a
catalyst for social justice action.
Innovative Cultural Education and Training Institute, Inc. (ICETI): The mission of
ICETI is to develop, implement, and promote events which increase cultural awareness,
serve to bridge the diversity amongst us and strengthen the humanity in each of us.
ICETI works to promote the following goals: to create and promote alternative
cultural/historical programs and workshops for children and families; to develop and
promote multi-cultural books and materials for children and families; to create and
provide workshops for parents and professionals focused on cultural awareness; to
network with organizations and groups with similar missions; to evaluate and document
the models utilized.
Middle East Non-Violence and Democracy (MEND, Palestine): Middle East
Nonviolence and Democracy (MEND) promotes active nonviolence and encourages
alternatives to violence among youth and adults throughout Palestine. MEND employs
innovative methods, especially with the media, and is widely respected for working with
authenticity, professionalism and courage.
MEND is registered in three locations: England (since July 2005) - launched Nov. 14
2005 at the London School of Economics; The West Bank/PA areas (since August 2004);
Israel (as an "amuta' - since February 1998). MEND has no political affiliations and its
sole political goal is to promote peace in the Middle East.
Philadelphia Center for Organizational Dynamics: The Philadelphia Center for
Organizational Dynamics (PCOD) is both an independent group relations organization
and an affiliate of the A. K. Rice Institute for the Study of Social Systems. It is PCOD's
mission to advance the understanding of groups and organizations through the study of
their psychodynamic processes. This work is undertaken through research, educational,
experiential and consulting activities. PCOD members have experience in a variety of
fields, including psychology, business, organizational consulting, and education.
The Northeast Society for Group Psychotherapy and Lesley University provided
research grants for the project.
The following individuals generously offered financial support to the project:
Louise Adler
Ayman Ashour
Lisa and Tony Auteri
Carol Delia Croce
Ruth Duek
Bonnie Scott Jelinek
Virginia Reiber
Peter Shapiro
Ruth Wachspress
Jan Wall
Lee Anne Wallach Saltzman and Bill Saltzman
Nancy Young
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION 12
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW 20
Introduction 20
Jewish and Palestinian Identities and Collective Narratives 22
Large Group Identity and the Role of Collective Narratives 22
Nationalist Narratives 24
The Zionist Narrative 26
Palestinian Narratives 37
The Role of the Diasporas 48
The Formation of Diasporas 48
The American Jewish Diaspora, Zionism, and Israel 52
The Palestinian and Arab Diasporas in the US 58
The Hegemony of the Zionist Narrative 61
The Role of Trauma 62
Identity, Peacemaking, and the Diasporas 65
Dialogic Approaches to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict 68
Introduction 68
Approaches to Working with Conflict 70
Evaluation of Models and Methods 75
Summary 80
A Group Relations Approach to Conflict 82
Introduction 82
Emotions in Groups 82
Work Groups 84
Basic Assumption Groups 82
Splitting and Projective Identification in an Inter-Group Context 89
Group Relations Conference Methods 92
Group Relations Conference Research 97
Summary 100
CHAPTER 3
METHODS 101
Introduction 101
Pre-Conference Activities 101
Project Partners: Roles and Responsibilities 101
Conference Brochure and Marketing 102
Budgeting 103
Conference Staff and Staff Work 104
Pre-Conference Data Collection 1066
The Conference 106
Conference Task 106
Conference Design 107
Participant Demographics 110
Conference Data Collection: Reflexivity, Subjectivity and Participant Observation. Ill
Post-Conference Data Collection 110
Surveys 115
Interviews 118
Summary 121
CHAPTER 4
PRE-CONFERENCE AND CONFERENCE DYNAMICS 122
Introduction 122
Data Analysis 122
Pre-Conference Dynamics 124
Conflict, Anxiety and Parallel Process 128
Conference Themes and Dynamics 130
Gendered Roles and the Role of Gender 131
Conflict and Differentiation vs. Avoidance/Disengagement 136
"Twinning" vs. Trinity 141
Peacemaking vs. Conflict or the Terror of Peacemaking 145
Conference Theme vs. Conference Process ("Double Task" of the conference) 146
The Complexity of Identity 147
Diaspora vs. Exile 148
Truth vs. Lies 149
Researcher vs. Conference Creator 149
Summary 150
CHAPTER 5
PARTICIPANT LEARNING 152
Introduction 152
Participant Experience and Learning Goals 153
Conference and Post-Conference Learning 157
Personal Learning 162
Learning about Leadership and Authority 163
Role of the Diasporas 164
Identity 166
Learning about the Other 168
Learning about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict 169
Group Relations Learning 172
Peacemaking/universality of human condition 175
Three Month Follow-Up 175
Learning about the Other and Personal Bias 178
Learning about the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict 180
The Role of the Diasporas 182
Leadership and Authority 183
Applications of Conference Learning 184
Participant Recommendations 185
Recruitment 190
Summary 195
CHAPTER SIX
DISCUSSION 196
The Conference and the Conflict: A Parallel Process 196
Learning During and After the Conference 200
Recommendations for Future Conferences on the Topic 201
Strengths and Limitations of Group Relations Methods 204
Implications for Group Relations: Innovation and Adaptation 205
Implications for Group Relations Research 207
REFERENCES
210
APPENDICES
Appendix A: Chronological Timeline of Select Events 243
Appendix B: Israeli and Palestinian Narratives of Select Events 204
Appendix C: Partial Listing of American Jewish Peace Organizations 205
Appendix D: Partial Listing of Arab American Organizations 207
Appendix E: Partial Listing of Palestinian Rights Groups/Organizations 265
Appendix F: Dialogic Models 204
Appendix G: Roles and Responsibilities of Project Partners 205
Appendix H: Conference Brochure Text 207
Appendix I: Pre-Conference Survey 279
Appendix J: Schedule and Conference Events 204
Appendix K: Conference Opening 205
Appendix L: Disclosure Form Conference Research and Evaluation 207
Appendix M: Institutional Event Opening 287
Appendix N: Post-Conference Evaluation Form 204
Appendix O: Three Month Follow-Up Survey 205
Appendix P: Letter of Consent 296
Appendix Q: Member Interview: Immediately Post Conference 297
Appendix R: Director Interview: Immediately Post Conference 298
Appendix S: Three Month Follow-Up Interview Protocol 299
Introduction 12
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
The project described here stems from longstanding personal and professional
interests. On a personal level, it is connected to the development of my Jewish identity in
relation to Israel and Zionism. On a professional level, it is connected to my ongoing
interest in group relations theory and its applications 1 . The study takes an inter-
disciplinary approach to understanding and working with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
While it considers the socio-political history of Israel/Palestine, it also takes into account
the crucial relationship between the region and its Diaspora communities.
This dissertation reports on a pilot study of a group relations conference that took
place April 16-18, 2010. The task of Authority, Leadership, and Peacemaking: The Role
of the Diasporas was to bring together members of Jewish and Arab Diaspora
communities in the US to examine their personal and collective roles in contributing to
the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the potential role they might take in peacemaking.
The project also aimed to contribute to the field of conflict resolution by illuminating
some of the Diaspora-homeland dynamics in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and by
addressing the generally neglected role of trauma and emotions in perpetuating conflict.
A group relations lens allows one to look at the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at multiple
levels:
1 This method of learning is sometimes referred to as the Tavistock model or approach, as it derives from
the work of Wilfred Bion, A. Kenneth Rice, and others at the Tavistock Institute after World War II. It has
been adapted by Besod Siach, one of the project partners, to facilitate dialogue between communities in
conflict in Israel.
Introduction 13
• Psychological level: issues of trauma, identity, collective narrative,
emotions and unconscious processes
• Social level: inter-group relations
• Political level: the role of leadership, authority and power dynamics.
Collective identity and narrative are where the personal and the political intersect.
As the youngest child of a Jewish father and Lutheran mother, I was raised to be devoutly
secular and to distrust organized religious institutions. I was also raised with the idea that
anti-Semitism was everywhere and Jews faced discrimination in all aspects of life. While
my family was not overtly Zionist, I became one after my first trip to Israel (with my
family) in 1973, and spent two subsequent summers in Israel with a Zionist youth group.
I recall being made acutely aware of the fragility of the state, the only democracy
surrounded by Arab nations, who "wanted to throw us all into the sea." The Arabs and
Muslims have many nations where they can belong, I learned, while the Jews have but
one. I don't even fully recall where or how I learned these things: I just knew they were
true.
While I have always considered my experience and relationship to Israel as
somewhat unique, I have come to see it as a manifestation of a narrative much larger than
myself. My story very much reflects and parallels the historical relationship between the
American Jewish Diaspora, Zionism, and Israel. Rogers (2006) notes that traumatic
memories that are actively resisted become "unsayable," but may be spoken through
"unconscious re-enactments" (p. 72). Traumas such as war and genocide, which affect
whole societies, are beyond words. Such trauma inevitably repeats and may be
transmitted to later generations (Rogers, 2006; Volkan, 2001). The trauma gets translated
Introduction 14
into a victim mentality. In my mind, this victim mentality seemed somehow inseparable
from my Jewish identity.
The time I spent living in Israel cemented the notion that Judaism and victimhood
were somehow intertwined, and that Zionism and Israel were the solution. This idea is
embedded in the dominant discourse in the Jewish community, which lives on in
everyday discussion. It is a discourse that many Jews in this country implicitly recognize
and understand without necessarily having to think about it. The discourse includes the
following "talking points":
• Israel is the only place where Jewish people can be truly safe.
• The Arabs and the Muslims have many countries, but Jews have only this tiny
sliver of land.
• There is no partner for peace: Israel wants peace, but the Palestinians consistently
choose war.
• The Palestinians "never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity," 2 evidenced,
for example, by their refusal to accept the "very generous" proposals offered by
Israel under Prime Minister Ehud Barak.
• Palestinians are not interested in peace and only want to "throw us into the sea."
There are variations on these themes, but the core elements of victimhood and
being under siege and surrounded by dangerous enemies are astonishingly consistent.
They are cogently expressed by AIPAC, the American Jewish Committee, the Anti-
Defamation League, as well as many Jewish congregations, in the US and elsewhere.
They are echoed in non-Jewish Zionist groups, the American media and halls of
2 Famously quoted by Abba Ebban
Introduction 15
Congress, evidenced by a three billion dollar annual military aid package to Israel, which
boasts the world's fourth largest military.
Participation in group relations conferences has been a major force in my own
internal transformation of my relationship to my Jewish identity, Zionism, and Israel.
This internal work has helped me to recognize the stubborn clinging to the victim
narrative in the larger Jewish community. Israel, born in the shadow of the Holocaust
evokes the trauma of it repeatedly. The trauma provides rationale for government policies
of discrimination against Palestinians within Israel and collective punishment of
Palestinians in the occupied territories. At the same time, there is a striking lack of
awareness about the traumatic impact of these policies and actions on Palestinians. In the
Zionist and Jewish narrative, the aggression is located in "Palestinian terrorists." Jewish
victimhood becomes transformed into a sense of entitlement and not being bound by
rules. The victim has now become the bully, justifying its actions by laying claim to its
victimhood.
Group relations conferences provide a unique structure in which the inter-
relatedness of the personal and the political can be examined. I was first introduced to
group relations work in 1990 as part of my clinical training to be a group therapist. Over
the course of the last three decades, I have participated in numerous group relations
conferences, in member and staff roles. Since 1995, group relations work has been central
to my professional life, informing both my teaching and consulting work. I served on the
boards of both the national group relations organization and the local Boston affiliate
(serving as president of the latter). My experiences with group relations conferences and
organizations have been rewarding, challenging, and frustrating. Over the years, I have
Introduction 16
developed some very clear notions about what I think is effective and problematic in
group relations culture.
All conferences share some common elements:
• Participants examine their behavior as it occurs in the "here and now" of
the group: group dynamics are not discussed on a theoretical level, they
are directly experienced.
• The focus on the conscious and unconscious processes: consultants offer
working hypotheses or interpretations of what they see and think might be
going on in the group beneath the surface. Aside from these interventions
and the tight boundaries around time and conference task, consultants
offer no direction to participants about what should be done.
• The unit of analysis is the group-as-a- whole (as opposed to a particular
individual or inter-personal interaction): when individual behavior is
highlighted, it is in terms of the role that individual is taking up on the
group 's behalf. Paradoxically, focus on the group-as-a- whole can free the
individual to explore personal questions and behaviors, without becoming
defensive.
My experiences convinced me that group relations theory and conferences, with
their focus on authority relations, leadership, and the non-rational processes in groups,
could illuminate processes underlying our often dysfunctional political and societal
systems. Given the pivotal role that group relations conferences have played in my own
personal, professional and political transformation, I wondered whether these methods
3 The processes of projection and projective identification by which this occurs are discussed in the next
chapter.
Introduction 17
might also play a role in transforming the discourse in the US around the conflict which
is rigidly polarized, often toxic, and marked by ever hardening positions.
Authority, Leadership, and Peacemaking was inspired by the work of Besod
Siach, an Israel-based group relations organization, which has been using the group
relations model for almost 20 years to facilitate dialogue between conflict groups in
Israel. I first discussed the project with colleagues in Besod Siach in February of 2002,
when I was invited to consult at a Besod Siach conference in Israel. They were
enthusiastic about being part of a project in the United States which would look at the
role of the Diasporas in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
In order to introduce their work to the A.K. Rice Institute (AKRI), I arranged for
Besod Siach to give a presentation at AKRI's Scientific Meeting in Boston in 2003. It
was at this meeting that I received authorization from AKRI to begin planning and
fundraising for this conference. Neither AKRI nor Besod Siach had the funds to mount
such a conference, so available funds would depend entirely on my own fundraising
efforts. My original intent was to turn over the sponsorship and planning of the
conference to AKRI once the funds were raised, so that I could serve in a staff consulting
role. Over time, I became increasingly invested in the project and in doing the research
myself. The project then became a reason for me return to school to obtain a doctorate.
The project also evolved from the idea of simply replicating the Besod Siach model to
building on it (and addressing some of its weaknesses).
The research addresses the following questions: what do participants in the
conference learn about the conflict? How do conference participants perceive their
individual roles and the collective roles of their respective Diasporas in perpetuating the
Introduction 18
conflict there? What part might these conferences play in helping participants, as
members of their respective Diaspora communities to contribute to the peace process?
What processes/variables are at work during the conferences and afterwards that
contribute to participant learning and action? The research tools (survey and interview
protocols) used in this study were piloted at two separate group relations conferences.
The survey tools were piloted at a group relations conference convened in January 2008,
and the interview protocols were piloted at an international conference held in September
2008. Both tools were revised for use in this conference.
Chapter Two reviews the literature in four areas: first I define large group identity
and collective national narratives in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I provide
an overview of the development of both national identities and narratives that includes
counter-narratives for each group. The second area explores the Jewish American and
Arab American Diaspora communities and the inter-relationship between these groups
and their respective homelands, and includes their role vis-a-vis the conflict. The
hegemony of the Zionist narrative in the United States, and problems associated with it
are also discussed. The third section surveys the conflict resolution literature pertaining
to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular. It looks at various models of dialogic
interventions that have been used both in Israel/Palestine and with Diaspora communities
in the US, and evaluations of the models. Finally, I provide an overview of group
relations theory and the conference model, and how it may be applied to the
understanding of conflict. I also discuss previous group relations research.
Chapter Three documents the planning, implementation, and data collection
activities engaged in by the researcher, project partners, conference directors and staff
Introduction 19
before, during, and after the conference. It describes innovations to the group relations
conference model devised for this project, and the complications of taking on multiple
roles in the project. This chapter also describes the survey and interview tools used for
this study. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role of reflexivity and
participant observation in psycho-social research.
Chapters Four and Five report on data collected before, during, and after the
conference. Chapter Four discusses the planning process and pre-conference dynamics.
Conference dynamics and salient themes are also explored, particularly in relation to the
ways that they mirrored dynamics of the conflict.
Chapter Five reports findings on participant learning, gleaned from interviews and
surveys immediately post-conference, and again three months following the conference.
Chapter Six discusses the findings and considers the implications of this study: for
group relations theory and conference work; for dialogue/conflict resolution work in
general; and for the Israeli Palestinian conflict in particular. I offer my thoughts on future
directions for continuing this work.
20
Literature Review
Chapter 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
For many decades the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has preoccupied and confounded
politicians, conflict resolution scholars and practitioners, not to mention the members of
each group, both in the Middle East and in the Diasporas 4 . Rooted in the political Zionist
movement at the end of the 19 th century and the Arab nationalist movements of the 19 th
and 20 th centuries, it involves both sociopolitical and socio-psychological elements
(Dowty, 2006; Salomon, 2004). The sociopolitical element concerns land, governance,
independence, military might, water resources, civil rights, economic, political and
cultural dominance, etc. The socio-psychological element concerns "a community's sense
of identity, the way it perceives itself, the story it tells about itself, its history, the way it
portrays its role in the conflict, and its views of its adversary — in short, its collective
narrative " (Salomon, 2004, p. p. 273). In response to each other and to external events,
each side has developed its own narrative discourse defining the conflict, which has
evolved over the decades (Adwan & Bar-On, 2003; D. Bar Tal, 1998; Gur-Ze'ev &
Pappe, 2003; Kelman, 1999b; Rouhana & Bar Tal, 1998; Salomon, 2004). Miall (2007)
notes that it began:
4 The word Diaspora means dispersion: it derives from the Greek diaspeirein to scatter, from dia- +
speirein to sow. Merriam-Webster online dictionary defines the word as follows: 1 capitalized a: the
settling of scattered colonies of Jews outside Palestine after the Babylonian exile b: the area outside
Palestine settled by Jews c: the Jews living outside Palestine or modern Israel 2 a: the movement,
migration, or scattering of a people away from an established or ancestral homeland <the black diaspora to
northern cities> b: people settled far from their ancestral homelands <African diaspora> c: the place where
these people live Retrieved March 3, 2008 from: http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/Diaspora
In this paper, I use the term to describe Jews, Palestinians and other Arabs from other Middle Eastern
countries who are living outside of Israel/Palestine. The notion that the Jewish Diaspora refers to all Jews
living outside of Israel has been challenged by Shohat (1988).
21
Literature Review
... as a nationalist programme on the part of Zionists and resistance to it on the
part of Arabs who lived in Palestine. It then developed into a communal conflict,
then after the establishment of Israel it became an international conflict linked to
an internal conflict, and subsequently it spawned important internal conflicts
among the Israelis and between different groups of Palestinians and other Arabs.
Arab and Israeli nationalisms have defined themselves in relation to each other; in
other words, actors and structure defined each other. The conflict has undergone
drastic transformations and will no doubt undergo more before the conflict
formation is dissolved (pp. 175-176) 5 .
With the evolution of the conflict over the past century and the accompanying
politicization of individual and collective identity, the sociopolitical and socio-
psychological elements have become very much intertwined (Moghadam, 1994; Shiran,
1993; Yuval-Davis, 1994). Thus, in order to make any headway in the resolution of the
conflict, both the political and psychological elements must be addressed.
This chapter is divided into four sections. The first reviews the literature related to
the development of Jewish and Palestinian national identities and collective narratives.
Narratives serve to define the discourse, providing the emotional fuel that perpetuates it.
They are also, in turn, shaped by the conflict. I begin this section by defining the concepts
of large group identity and collective narrative in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. Next, I provide an overview of the development of both the Zionist and
Palestinian national identities and narratives, including counter-narratives in each group.
In the second section, I discuss the Jewish American and Arab American Diaspora
5 Miall does not discuss the power asymmetry between Israel, which has achieved statehood through
occupation of Palestinian land, and Palestinians, who have yet to achieve statehood.
22
Literature Review
communities and the inter-relationship between these groups and their respective
homelands, including their potential role in the conflict. The hegemony of the Zionist
narrative in the United States, and problems associated with it will also be discussed.
The third section explores conflict resolution literature pertaining to the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict in particular. Specifically, I look at various models of dialogic
interventions that have been used both in Israel/Palestine and with Diaspora communities
in the US. I describe problems with the various models, and with the intervention
research. I conclude the chapter with an overview of group relations theory, conference
methods, and research: the approach taken in this study.
Jewish and Palestinian Identities and Collective Narratives
Large Group Identity and the Role of Collective Narratives
Collective narratives, embedded as they are in everyday culture, national and
religious holidays, the media, and school textbooks, play an essential role in the
development of an individual's social identity, as well as in the creation of a shared group
identity (Adwan and Bar-On, 2003; Bar Tal 1998; Rouhana and Bar Tal, 1998).
Volkan (2001) defines large group identity — "whether it refers to religion,
nationality or ethnicity— as the subjective experience of thousands or millions of people
who are linked by a persistent sense of sameness while also sharing numerous
characteristics with others in foreign groups" (p. 81). Individuals hold both a personal
identity and large group identity. However, in times of collective stress, such as economic
crisis, drastic political change, social upheaval or war, it is the large group identity that
takes precedence (Volkan, 2001). Internal differences in the group are minimized in
23
Literature Review
relation to the external "other" and each group tends to view the other group
monolithic ally.
In the context of intractable conflict, collective narratives serve a number of
functions. They:
• Illuminate the conflict situation
• Justify the acts of the in-group toward the enemy, including violence and
destruction
• Create a sense of differentiation and superiority
• Inspire mobilization and action
• Affect political events by ascribing particular meanings to them
• Contribute to the formation, maintenance and strengthening of social
identity (Daniel Bar Tal & Salomon, 2006)
Collective narratives encompass the societal beliefs 6 that enable the group to develop the
psychological coping mechanisms necessary to manage in an environment ridden by
conflict. Such beliefs include: beliefs in one's positive self-image, the justness of one's
cause, patriotism, unity, and hopes for peace, along with beliefs about the illegitimacy of
the other's goals; about being victimized by the other, and about security. Societal beliefs
may serve as social defenses 7 against the intolerable feelings that would arise if the
group faced difficult truths about itself. They form a kind of ideology which helps society
develop the solidarity, determination, readiness for sacrifice, persistence, and courage
6 "Societal beliefs are the cognitions shared by society members on topics and issues that are of special
concern for the particular society and which contribute to the sense of uniqueness of the society's
members" (Bar Tal, 1998, p. 4).
7 Social defenses, originally described by Menzies Lyth (1997), are psychological defense mechanisms
which manifest on a collective level. They may be evidenced in projective processes, structures, or rituals
that serve to protect a group from intolerable anxiety.
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necessary to endure long-term conflict (Bar Tal, 1998). All societal institutions (cultural,
educational, legal, military, etc.) work in conjunction to support these beliefs. At the
same time, through rationalization of the conflict and de-legitimization of the enemy,
they stir up fear, anxiety, and hatred, which serve to further fuel the conflict. Societal
beliefs and their accompanying emotions may color each group's perception and
interpretation of historical events (Salomon, 2004; Rouhana and Bar Tal, 1998).
Nationalist Narratives
Jewish and Palestinian national identities developed in parallel to each other and
continue to develop in relation to the other. Israeli life, while always centered upon the
military, is increasingly militarized to combat real and perceived threats, and the
Palestinian experience is defined and increasingly limited by Israeli occupation, which
determined borders, and checkpoints. Both national identities are determined by
geographical boundaries that are fairly recent, yet based on elements that go much further
back in history. Both groups had begun to assert a national identity before either had the
trappings of an independent state. Only one (Israel) has achieved statehood. Each
narrative has within it an element of victimization and triumph over oppression and
impossible odds, although it is expressed differently by each (Khalidi, 1997). While there
have been numerous challenges to Zionist ideology, the narrative remains coherent and
retains a strong hold on Jewish communities in Israel and in the Diasporas. In contrast,
Palestinian narratives have been much more fragmented. Three reasons are cited for the
failure of Arabs/Palestinians to create a coherent Arab narrative:
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1. The Arab narrative is fragmented not only across national lines, but also within
them, on class and sectoral (e.g., military vs. civilian) lines, varying with changes
in Arab political doctrines and strategies.
2. Arab historians failed to disentangle themselves from the Israeli
narrative/paradigm.
3. Arab historians have lacked access to documentary and archival material, from
which historical scholarship is drawn. Israeli military forces systematically
destroyed libraries, municipal buildings containing archival documents and
personal diaries. Material not destroyed was taken and stored in Israeli archives,
to which Palestinian or Arab historians do not have access. Arab historians have
also faced censorship in Arab countries (Jawad, 2006; Khalidi, 2006).
The complex history of the Zionist and Palestinian Liberation movements and the
conflict between them has been explored at length elsewhere 8 . A chronological timeline
of some of the significant events in the history of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict can be
found in Appendix A. Not all parties necessarily agree that particular events occurred, or
they may view specific events in entirely different ways. This is demonstrated in
Appendix B, which depicts narrative differences of select events from the Israeli and
Palestinian perspectives. I begin with a discussion of Zionism, providing a brief historical
overview of the movement before outlining the Zionist narrative and accompanying
societal beliefs.
8 See, for example, Abdo & Lentin (2002); BeitHallahmi (1993); Khalidi (1997, 2006); Pappe (2007); and
Segev (1991, 2000)
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The Zionist Narrative
Zionism was born in 1897 at the first World Zionist Congress in Basel,
Switzerland. It developed in Eastern and Central Europe as an outgrowth of continuing
anti-Semitism there and with the inspiration of other European nationalist movements of
the 19 th century. Zion refers to Jerusalem, and by extension, the whole "Land of Israel"
(Eretz Yisrael). According to Jewish theology, the Land of Israel was promised to the
Jewish people as part of God's covenant with them. Following the destruction of the
second temple in 70 C.E., the Jews were forced into exile. In "the end of days," spoken of
by the Hebrew prophets, God will redeem the children of Israel and return them to Zion
("the in-gathering of the exiles"). While initially a predominantly secular movement,
Zionism alludes to this messianic vision, which has been used to legitimize the territorial
claim to the Land of Israel (Klug, 2006). The notion of what Jewish nationhood entails,
as well as the link between Zionism and the Jewish religion has been a matter of
considerable dispute within the Jewish community 9 .
Within the Zionist movement itself, there has historically been a range of opinion:
the Revisionists (followers of Ze-ev Jabotinsky) promoted an expansionist Jewish state
encompassing "Greater Israel"; while the Labor Zionists (led by David Ben Gurion)
advocated a pioneering "return to the land" in a secular socialist state for the Jews. Other
groups envisioned a Jewish enclave in Palestine or another territory 10 , without statehood,
or a bi-national state in Palestine. The leftist MAP AM party in Israel supported a bi-
9 Beit Hallahmi (1993) notes that the Jewish nation lacked two essential components of any national
liberation movement: territory and population.
10 Uganda, Argentina, and Australia were options that were considered (Rouhana, 2006).
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national socialist state until it finally gave up the idea following the 1948 war (Beit-
Hallahmi, 1993).
In the European Diaspora, Zionism was but one of a number of Jewish
movements competing for Jewish support. Jewish ideologies were aimed at either
preservation of Jewish identity or at integration and assimilation into the surrounding
culture. Movements aimed at preserving Jewish identity provided two alternatives:
religious Orthodoxy, or cultural autonomy (with full individual rights and separate
cultural identity), within their existing societies. A few efforts were made to combine
socialism and Jewish nationalism, the most important of which was the Bund. Bundism
directly challenged the socialist credentials of the Zionist movement as counter to
universalist socialist ideology. According to this view, Jewish self-determination should
be achieved in Europe, where they were obligated to overturn the class relations in their
own societies. Anti-Semitism, considered to be a function of the petty-bourgeoisie, would
end with the rise of the proletariat as a political force. While Zionism reviled the weak
Diaspora Jew, Bundism promoted secular Yiddish culture. Liberal intellectual Jews
advocated complete assimilation (indeed, this was the position of Theodore Herzl, one of
the founding fathers of the Zionist movement, prior to his conversion to political
Zionism), while others viewed participation in revolutionary movements as an alternative
to Zionism (Beit-Hallahmi, 1993; Kovel, 2007).
While Zionists used religious discourse and symbolism to legitimize its claims for
a state in Palestine, Orthodox and Ultra- Orthodox (Haredim or "God fearing") Jews in
Palestine and in the Diasporas were staunchly opposed to it (Tress, 1994). Only after the
establishment of the state and the first elections in 1948 did the National Religious Party
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(NRP) join the government (the elected labor party, Mapai, rather than forming a
coalition with right wing revisionist parties chose instead to invite the NRP to join the
government). The 1967 war and the conquest of the West Bank and Gaza, and especially
East Jerusalem served to further facilitate the fusion of religious and national identity.
Since then, the Ultra- Orthodox have become increasingly Zionist as they have used the
Israeli state to gain institutional resources and impose religious practices on Israeli Jewish
society (Yuval-Davis, 2001). Religious Zionists (such as Gush Emmunim — Block of the
Faithful) currently play an important role in the settler movement 11 .
The foundational myths upon which the Zionist narrative was built encompass the
following societal beliefs:
• The Land of Israel is the historical homeland of the Jews: Jews were
forced into exile and have yearned to return for 2000 years
• The Jewish people comprise a nation, and Zionism is the national
liberation movement of the Jewish nation
• Since their exile, Jews have been subject to anti-Semitism, which has
taken the form of discrimination, isolation, pograms, culminating with the
Holocaust
11 The movement has been involved in building settlements in the West Bank and Gaza, territories
conquered and occupied by Israel since 1967. Gorenberg (2006) characterizes the settlement activity in the
years following the conquest of the territories as a series of accidents, resulting from the lack of any
coherent policy or strategy on Israel's part in regard to the territories. At the same time, the international
community did not put any pressure on Israel to withdraw to the Armistice lines. The modus operandi of
militant Zionist groups, beginning in the mid 1970s, was to start settlements, get evicted by the Israeli
Defense Forces, only to return. The cycle would continue to repeat itself until the government allowed the
settlers to stay. In this way, settlements have been allowed to multiply in the occupied territories without
regard to international law (and in many cases, also against Israeli law) (Gorenberg, 2006; Tress, 1994).
The creation of the network of roads and settlements that leave Palestinian towns and villages increasingly
isolated from each other, and the building up of the "Greater Jerusalem" area challenges the notion that
settlement activity has been "accidental" (Halper, 2006; Mukdasi, 2009).
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• Living in the Diaspora has created an "abnormal" and "parasitic" Jewish
existence, with Jews cut off from nature, the land, physical labor, etc.
• The root of the "Jewish Problem" in Europe is in this abnormal life
created in the Diaspora
• To be redeemed, and become a "normal" nation, Jews must be returned to
the land of Israel: the "ingathering of the exiles"
• The Jewish people can find safe haven only in a Jewish state
• The Land of Israel was essentially un-occupied — "a land without a people
for a people without a land." The Zionists arrived in this desolate land and
"made the desert bloom."
• While a small indigenous population lived in the land, there was no
particular Palestinian culture or civilization in the territory prior to the
arrival of the Jews. Golda Meir, a former Prime Minister of Israel has been
famously quoted to say "there is no such thing as a Palestinian" (Daniel
Bar Tal & Salomon, 2006; Beit-Hallahmi, 1993; Finkelstein, 2008; Segev,
2000; Warschawski, 2005)
The collective narrative serves to maintain internal coherence in a pluralistic
culture, with significant intra-group differences of race, ethnicity, culture, religion 12 and
class, while maximizing differences with the other (Salomon, 2004). The "other" (i.e., the
Palestinians) becomes the receptacle for the intolerable split off 1 3 elements of the in-
12 from secular to ultra-orthodox
13 In psychoanalytic terms, splitting is a defensive process in which internal conflicts are contained by
dividing them into all good or all bad parts. Holding both the good and the bad elements creates a paradox,
which threatens internal coherence and creates anxiety. Projection is the process by which the split-off,
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group. Israeli identity has been constructed in direct opposition to both East European
Diaspora culture and to the indigenous Arab culture (Beit-Hallahmi, 1993; Rabinowitz,
2002; Warschawski, 2005).
Societal Beliefs in Israel Today
There is a wide spectrum of political positions within Israeli society today vis a
vis the Palestinians: the political right, continuing the tradition of the pre-state
Revisionists, advocates for state expansion to encompass all of "greater Israel" (including
the Palestinian territories) requiring "transfer" of the Palestinians. At the far political left
of the spectrum is the anti -Zionist perspective, which advocates a bi-national state with
full civil rights for all its citizens (this comprises a very small percentage of the Israeli
Jewish population, though for many years was the predominant choice for the
Palestinians); with the "two-state solution" somewhere in the center 14 . Despite the wide
range of political opinion, the following societal beliefs continue to dominate the Israeli
(Jewish) narrative, particularly the public face presented to the global community:
• Israel is the only democracy in the Middle East
• The people of Israel long for peace, yet are surrounded by Arab countries
that are intent on her destruction: "They want to throw us into the sea"
intolerable elements are dis-owned and deposited onto the other. Defense mechanisms can be mobilized on
an intra-psychic, inter -personal, group or inter-group level (Wallach, 2006).
l4 With the exponential increase of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, that continued throughout the peace
process, under the leadership of the left wing Labor Party, many scholars have concluded that the two state
solution is no longer a viable one. Indeed, some suggest it was neither viable nor the intent of the Israeli
government to fulfill (Abunimah, 2009; Aruri, 2009; Barghouti, 2009; Benvenisti, 2009; Ghanem, 2009;
Pappe, 2009a, 2009b). During the 2009 war on Gaza, Israeli public opinion polls showed that the majority
of Jewish Israelis were in favor of the actions taken. This fact, in conjunction with the installation of a far
right wing government in 2009, demonstrates that an increasing proportion of the Israeli population has
moved to the political right (Murray, 2009; Pappe, 2009a, 2009b). Surprisingly, some in the settler
movement on the political right, are now beginning to advocate for a one state solution, granting citizenship
to Palestinian residents. What that citizenship would entail, is not entirely clear.
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• Israel's military actions are entirely for self-defense and aimed at
protecting her from terrorist attack. The IDF (Israel Defense Forces) is the
"most moral army in the world."
• Arabs/Palestinians only understand the language of force (Rouhana,
2006).
• The Palestinians have many Arab/Muslim countries where they can go.
The Jews have but one state to call their own.
• "The Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity."
Israel has offered the Palestinians, as well as the surrounding Arab states
many opportunities to make peace, and each time they have chosen war.
The most recent example, at the July 2000 Camp David Summit, was
Arafat's refusal of Prime Minister Ehud Barak's "very generous offer" to
the Palestinians as brokered by President Clinton in his last days in office
(Finkelstein, 2008).
These societal beliefs have informed and colored the collective narrative, in which
the conflict has become a central part of Israeli Jews' self-definition. Convinced that the
Arabs are intent on destroying the Jewish state, "indeed, that its own destruction is
inherent in the other's ideology (Kelman, 1999, p. 589)," the narrative accentuates Israeli
victimization 15 . At the same time, the Zionist narrative minimizes Israel's contribution to
Palestinian suffering. Paradoxically, despite the central role of the victim mentality
within Israeli historiography and public discourse, "weakness" has been viewed with
contempt in Israeli culture. In Zionist discourse, the weak Diaspora Jew would be
15 A variation of the victim theme can be seen in the Palestinian narrative, discussed later in this chapter.
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transformed into a new Israeli — strong, masculine, even Aryan 16 (Saposnik, 2003;
Warschawski, 2005). The revisionist faction of the Zionist movement was greatly
influenced and inspired by European fascism (before the Holocaust), with its masculine
ideals of toughness, militarism, and order (Beit-Hallahmi, 1993).
Historical events have become interwoven with and are framed (and re-framed)
by the collective narrative and societal beliefs that inform Jewish identity. For example,
Israel's military history is framed in terms of the danger to Israel's survival and Israel's
victimization by stronger, more powerful enemies. The dominant Israeli discourse about
the War of Independence depicts a fledgling young state that is attacked on all fronts by
more powerful, aggressive neighbors. The David vs. Goliath scenario has been
challenged by new historians who note that despite the public discourse about the danger
of a "second Holocaust," the Zionist leadership was aware that the Arab armies were no
match for their superior forces (Pappe, 2007). The 1967 war is framed in similar terms,
even though it was Israel that struck preemptively and quickly overwhelmed its enemies.
Internal Dissent
Since the founding of the State of Israel, dissident viewpoints have been largely
silenced or marginalized 17 (Motzafi-Haller, 2005). Challenges to the dominant Zionist
narrative have come from the "new historians", Palestinian scholars, and most recently
16 The derogatory "savonette" (bar of soap) has been used in Israel to describe people who weren't "tough
enough": the term references what Nazis did with the fat of Jews massacred at death camps (Warschawski,
2005).
17 There have been an increasing number of crackdowns on Israeli Jewish dissenters as well as Palestinians.
In May 2009, Yisrael Beitenu (Israel Our Homeland), the far right wing party led by Israeli foreign minister
Avigdor Leiberman proposed a bill in the Knesset that would prohibit Nakba commemorations. He has
previously called for Palestinian Israelis to take loyalty oaths to the state of Israel (Reuters, 2009).
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from Mizrahi feminist scholars 18 . The notion of Diaspora or exile as an abnormal
condition for the Jews has been challenged on a number of fronts. Beit Hallahmi (1993)
notes, that contrary to the dominant narrative, the Diaspora has been part of Jewish
history long before the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 C.E. A Jewish Diaspora
thrived in Mesopotamia and Egypt as early as the 6 th Century B.C.E. Others note that
historically, Jews have been most successful (and safest) in pluralistic societies or in
Muslim countries. That the Jewish population in Israel continues to fear for its survival,
and that Diaspora communities particularly in North America continue to thrive,
contradicts the notion that world Jewry can only find a "safe haven" in a Jewish state
(Beit-Hallahmi, 1993).
Zionism is being re-defined as a settler-colonialist movement rather than, or in
addition to its characterization as a national liberation movement (Abarjel & Lavie, 2009;
Said, 1979/2000; Warschawski, 2005). New historians have uncovered the role of Israel's
founding fathers in the deliberate and systematic expulsion of Palestinians from their
homes, and in the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, before and after the Israel's War of
Independence 19 . This contrasts to the Zionist narrative that the "tragic" Palestinian
displacement was an unintended outcome of the War of Independence, fought only when
18 For examples of new historians, see Segev (2000); Gorenberg (2006); Pappe (2007). Palestinian scholars
include Said (1978, 2000), and Khalidi (1997, 2006). Mizrahi and feminist criticism can be found in Abdo
and Lentin (2002); Behar (2008); Lavie(2008); Motzafi-Haller (1998, 2000, 2001, 2005); Shohat (1988,
2001, 2002, 2003, 2006); Yosef (2006).
Mizrahi refers to Jews who have originally come from Arab and North African countries. Mizrahi Jews are
also sometimes referred to as Sephardim (from the Hebrew word for Spain) to describe Jews who lived in
the Iberian Peninsula, until their expulsion in 1492. Ashkenazi (from the Hebrew word for Germany) refers
to Jews who have come from Central and East European countries, where the Zionist movement originated.
It has been suggested that Ashkenazi Jews are descendants of Khazars who were converts to Judaism,
rather than the twelve tribes, and therefore had no legitimate claim to the land of Israel.
http://www.apfn.org/thewinds/library/khazars 2.html
1 ' Referred to as the "Nakba" or catastrophe, by Palestinians
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the beleaguered nation was attacked on all sides by surrounding Arab nations (Beit-
Hallahmi, 1993; Pappe, 2007; Segev, 2000).
Feminist and Mizrahi Challenges to Zionism
Feminist critical analysis challenges masculinist notions of the state and of
citizenship which accompany militarization (Joseph, 2000; Mohanty, 2003, 2006). These
analyses have asserted that nationalist projects and narratives have used women (as
biological reproducers of ethnic national collectivities) to propagate patriarchal societal
ideals (including the proper role and behavior of women). In such societies, women's
roles as wives and mothers may become "fetishized." That is, the "proper" role and
behavior of women is elevated to be a matter of community interest and scrutiny: women
come to symbolize the community (Moghadam, 1994; Papanek, 1994; Stasiulis, 1999).
Sered (2000) illustrates how patriarchal institutions in Israeli Jewish society (the religious
establishment, the medical establishment, and the state) collude and compete for control
over women's bodies 20 . Collective responsibility as cultural reproducers of "the nation" is
attributed to women, while men hold collective authority. Having responsibility without
authority is, according to Sered, what makes women sick 2 ' .
Beginning in the 1970s, feminist scholars began to address gender inequalities
within Israel, though often from an Ashkenazi perspective exhibiting orientalist 22 bias
20 Sered notes that each institution has its own vision of and agenda for women's bodies: for religious
establishment, it is purity and modesty; the state requires fertile women's bodies to bear and raise the next
generation of citizens; the medical establishment understands women's bodies to be especially prone to
disease and in need of expert management.
2I " Israeli women's poor health is rooted in the institutionalization of gender patterns that consistently and
programmatically deny women access to power, while at the same time holding them responsible for the
continuity and purity of the collective" (Sered, 2000, p. 169).
" Said (1978) defines "Orientalism" as a Western construct which defines Oriental or Eastern identity in
opposition to that of the West: "one is the absolute and systematic difference between the West, which is
rational, developed, humane, superior, and the Orient, which is aberrant, undeveloped, inferior" (p. 300).
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(Dallalfar, 2009; Motzafi-Haller, 2001; Raday, 2001; Roffman, 2009; Swirski, 1993;
Swirski & Safir, 1993). Israeli identity evolved in opposition to the notion of the weak
(feminized) Diaspora Jew (as well as the feminized Arab/Oriental culture), and the
society has become an increasingly masculinized and militarized. Feminist critique in
Israel challenges the veracity of the notion of egalitarianism that has infused the Zionist
socialist narrative. For Jewish women in the Israeli state, citizenship is constructed
primarily through their family roles as wives and mothers. Personal status issues and the
private lives of women fall under the jurisdiction of religious courts 23 . Religious courts
control marriage, divorce, and child custody issues (Swirski, 2000). In Israel, the
deference to religious courts (Jewish, Christian, and Muslim) has resulted in patriarchal
norms and values being enshrined into the law. When secular and religious laws come
into conflict, women may waive some of their civil rights (e.g., to property), because they
are dependent upon religious courts in matters regarding their personal status (Raday,
2001). Jewish religious courts are increasingly under the control of the Ultra-Orthodox
(Gorenberg, 2008).
Within the feminist discourse, Mizrahi feminist scholars have challenged the
hegemony of the Ashkenazi perspective that has dominated the Zionist narrative by
examining the experience of Mizrahi and Sephardi Jews in Israel. Between the 1940s and
1960s, there was a large influx of Jews from Arab countries. From 1949-1950, 49,000
Yemenite Jews were brought to Israel and 1 14,000 Iraqis immigrated to Israel in 1951.
Thus, Orientalism can be viewed as a projection of the West's unwanted elements. Oriental studies have
been used by the West to justify European occupation and colonization. Said suggests the relationship
between the colonizing West and the Orient was sexualized, as the Orient was often depicted in
feminine/feminized terms: "The Middle East is resistant, as any virgin would be, but the male scholar wins
the prize by bursting open, penetrating through the Gordian knot..." (p. 309)
23 Similarly, personal status issues for Muslims and Christians also fall under the jurisdiction of their
respective courts.
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Zionist historiography depicts the aliyah 24 of Arab Jews in orientalist terms: Arab Jews
needed to be rescued from oppressive and primitive conditions in their countries of
origin, and required modernization. The names given to the operations that brought in
these groups, such as "Operation Magic Carpet," or "Operation Moses" are further
indications of the paternalistic attitude of the Ashkenazi Zionist leadership towards the
Jewish Arab immigrants.
Mizrahi feminist scholars have brought to light the complexities of Arab Jewish
immigration to Israel, calling into question the amount of free will Arab Jews actually
exercised in coming to the country 25 . The failure of European immigration to Israel and
the wish for Jewish labor to replace Arab agricultural workers led to the decision to bring
in Sephardic and Mizrahi workers in large numbers. Zionist activists worked to promote
fear 26 amongst the Jewish population in Arab countries in order to encourage them to
emigrate, while secret agreements were made between Arab and Israeli leaders. The
dominant discourse, as propagated by the Ashkenazi leadership, viewed Arab-ness and
Jewish-ness as mutually exclusive. Absorption and acceptance into Israeli society (with
its European orientation) required denial and suppression of their Arab culture (Abarjel &
Lavie, 2009; Lavie, 2009; Motzafi-Haller, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2005; Shohat, 1988, 2001,
2002, 2003; Yosef, 2006).
The multiplicity and complexity of identities in Israel have sometimes put
feminist and nationalist discourses at odds with each other. Dominated by Ashkenazi
women, feminist groups have often not recognized or addressed particular concerns and
24 Immigration to Israel is referred to as aliyah — from the Hebrew word meaning to ascend, or to go up.
25 Indeed, in 1929, the Chief Rabbi of Iraq denounced Zionism and the Balfour Declaration.
26 This included the use of terror tactics to create panic and disorientation.
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inequalities faced by Mizrahi women. Mizrahi groups, who might find natural allies in
Palestinian groups, with whom there is a cultural affinity and shared experience of
discrimination in Israel, have split along lines of nationalist discourse. Conflicting
identity loyalties (i.e., to one's gender group vs. one's national group) have resulted in
fissures between respective liberation movements. There is a thin line between
'oppressed' and 'oppressor': groups that are 'oppressed' in the context of the larger
Israeli society, may become 'oppressors' vis-a-vis other 'oppressed' groups 27 . These
fissures have negatively impacted the capacities of these groups to more effectively
challenge the hegemonic Zionist discourse (Lavie, 2009; Shiran, 1993; Swirski, 1993).
Abarjel and Lavie (2009) cogently explore dilemmas faced by Mizrahim whose
"Arabness" has been denied or exoticized in Israeli society, while at the same time they
are co-opted into the Ashkenazi Zionist establishment. Mizrahi activists trying to forge
alliances with Palestinians face criticism and anti-Arab sentiment (and cries of "death to
the Arabs") within their own community.
Palestinian Narratives
Development of Palestinian Identity
From the beginning, Palestinians struggled for acceptance and legitimacy of their
national identity. Development of Palestinian national consciousness dates to the early
twentieth century, when the region was still under the rule of the Ottomans. Their
national consciousness developed in response to external threats, but was rooted in a
long-standing concern for Jerusalem and Palestine as sacred (Khalidi, 1997). At that time,
the emerging identity of Palestine was comprised of multiple loyalties: to religion, the
27 Ashkenazi women vis-a-vis Mizrahi women, Mizrahim vis-a-vis Palestinians, etc.
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Ottoman state, Arabic language, the emerging Arabism, as well as country, local, and
familial loyalties. With World War I and the fall of the Ottoman Empire, two elements of
that identity faded: Ottomanism and religious affiliation. Palestinian identity was further
shaped by Zionism, in opposition to the Jewish-Israeli narrative, and continues to unfold
and reconfigure itself in the context of historical events (Khalidi, 1997).
With communication advances (in the form of trains and the telegraph) in the
1800s, the Ottoman Empire was able to more firmly control its provinces. Until then,
Palestine had been under the control of local tribal, sectarian and feudal leaders. Ottoman
institutions in Palestine (educational, legal, etc.) were modernized and secularized.
Religious/Islamic learning was no longer privileged as it had been. Western influence and
literacy increased, leading to the formation of middle and professional classes. With the
pressure for modern education, private schools burgeoned, and different educational
systems developed throughout the Mandate. By the close of the Ottoman era, the terms
"Palestine" and "Palestinians" were used increasingly in the Arab press (Khalidi, 1997).
During the British Mandate period which followed, Palestine was the Middle East
territory seen as being the most ready for statehood, and its residents were issued
Palestinian passports (Akram, 2009).
The Palestinian narrative consists of foundational myths, as well as components
related to the Nakba (Jaw ad, 2006). Foundational myths consist of the following
elements:
• Palestinians are people with an ancient and deeply rooted history in the land
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• Palestine is a melting pot of nations, tribes and cultures over the centuries:
Canaanites, Jebusites, and Philastines are lineal ancestors of Palestine (Khalidi,
1997)
• Jewish presence on the land was marginal, even in biblical times, and absent for
2000 years.
• As part of the Arab world and civilization, Palestine has played an important role
in human progress
• Jews were part of this civilization and have always been treated with tolerance.
• Jerusalem is important in Muslim history and religious practice, playing a crucial
role in the early Islamic period (Jawad, 2006)
There is wide acceptance of the above elements, though there are some differences
between elite versus popular culture in the Arab world and in Palestinian society. There is
general agreement that responsibility for the refugee problem belonged to the Western
powers: especially Great Britain for establishing a Jewish state in an Arab land, and the
Zionists/Israelis who ethnically cleansed the Palestinians from their homes. There is
greater disagreement in the Arab world with regard to 1948 (referred to as al-Nakba, or
the Catastrophe). There is no consensus regarding the role of Arab armies (as a whole, as
well as particular states) in Palestinian displacement, or the relative strengths of military
and civilian authorities (Jawad, 2006). Khalidi (1997) notes that Palestinians aided the
Zionists through: selling land to them, failing to organize Palestinian society to overcome
differences to stop the sales, and failing to win concessions from the British. The
surrounding Arab states have been criticized for colluding with the Zionists on the one
hand and reacting to the actions of Zionists and the state of Israel with a "dogmatic brand
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of Arabism" where Israel was viewed as a tool of the West. Freedom of expression was
curtailed and reference to Israel in print was prohibited. Censorship led to a
consolidation of police states and human rights abuses were committed in the name of
fighting Zionist aggression (Said, 1979/2000).
From 1948 and through to the mid 1960s, outsiders saw few manifestations of
Palestinian nationalism. During that time, the hegemonic ideology throughout the Arab
world was pan- Arabism, that is, the notion that Arabs are a single people, with a single
language, history and culture, which have been divided by imperialism. Palestinians led
pan-Arab organizations that were aimed at liberating Palestine. The pan-Arabist
movement culminated with Nasser's rise to power in Egypt, but lost its appeal with
Palestinians as a result of the harassment of Palestinians in Gaza 28 by Egyptian
intelligence. Nasser's pro-Palestinian rhetoric was now viewed more cynically.
Nevertheless, seeds were being planted for the nascent Palestinian nationalist movement
(Khalidi, 1997).
In 1950, the Union of Palestinian Students was started at Cairo University by a
student who came to be known as Yasser Arafat. At around the same time, George
Habash formed a group at the American University of Beirut and other groups sprang up
in Gaza. By the mid 1950s, a network of grassroots groups had formed, though they were
small and often had their own agendas. After 1967, the Movement of Arab Nationalists
(MAN) transformed from being a pan- Arab organization to one of the main Palestinian
militant groups — the PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine). Its main rival
was Fatah. (Khalidi, 1997).
28 then under Egyptian rule
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Khalidi (1997) posits three stages in the development of Palestinian identity.
Prior to World War I, the new elite of urban, literate and educated middle classes, along
with traditional notables shared the notion that there existed a unique Palestinian identity.
Stage two began following the trauma of World War I. During the years of the British
Mandate between the world wars, a sense of having a shared fate broadened the numbers
of people exposed to the idea of Palestinian identity. These ideas were transmitted
through both the newly modernized educational system and the press. Stage three
commenced in 1948. The Nakba erased many gaps between previously fragmented
groups, diminishing the importance of many pre 1948 conflicts. The United Nations
Relief Works Agency (UNRWA) further leveled the playing field by providing education
in all refugee camps. Shared trauma, brought on by their new refugee status, along with
callous treatment by Israel and Arab host states further cemented Palestinian identity
(Khalidi, 1997).
The Palestinian narrative, like the Zionist one, is replete with stories of heroism
and survival against overwhelming odds, such as: the revolt of 1936-39 against the
British and the Zionists; and stories of Palestinian villagers ("the heroic peasant") holding
off overwhelming Jewish forces in 1948. One such case was the battle of al-Karama in
March of 1968: in response to guerilla incursions into Israel, several brigades of Israeli
troops attacked Fatah military bases in the abandoned Jordanian town of al-Karama. The
battle of al-Karama was "a case of failure against overwhelming odds brilliantly narrated
as heroic triumph" (Khalidi, 1997, p. 197). After a day of fighting, 28 Israeli soldiers
were killed (much more than expected) and the Jordanians captured several Israeli tanks.
While Israel achieved most of its military objectives, and Palestinians also incurred
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significant losses, the Palestinians nevertheless viewed the battle as a symbolic victory.
Yasser Arafat gained hero status. The narrative highlights martyrdom in battle while
downplaying the mistakes and overall disorganization and losses suffered by Palestinians.
After the battle, thousands of Arabs throughout the Middle East volunteered to join the
fight for liberation. Over the next decade, they were joined by young European leftists,
who had mobilized against the Vietnam War, and now took up the Palestinian cause and
violent methods in fighting for it (Khalidi, 1997; Tolan, 2006). Following an Israeli
crackdown on Palestinians in 1969, Abu Laila and others split off from the PFLP. Taking
a more moderated stance, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP)
advocated co-existence, and saw the battle as one against Zionism, not against Jews
(Tolan, 2006).
The narrative of "failure as triumph" (Khalidi, 1997) was further developed by
Palestinian nationalist organizations that later took over the PLO (Palestinian Liberation
Organization 29 ). In 1974, the PLO was recognized by the Arab League as the "sole
legitimate representative of the Palestinian people," and was granted observer status in
the United Nations ("Background briefings: Who represents the Palestinians officially
before the world community?," 2006-2007).
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the PLO and Palestinian nationalism suffered a
number of political and military setbacks, failing to examine or learn from its political
mistakes (Said, 1995/2000). In 1970, the PLFP committed a series of air hijackings,
leading to a few weeks of bloody battles in Palestinian refugee camps between the
Jordanian army and Palestinian factions (PLO, PLFP, DFLP). In September of that year
29 which had been formed by the Arab League in 1964
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(later known as "Black September"), the Jordanian army expelled the PLO from Jordan.
The PLO was also drawn into the war in Lebanon in 1975-6, provoking Syria, a former
PLO ally, to intervene against the PLO and its Lebanese supporters. Phalangist and allied
militias, backed by both Israel and Syria, invaded three Palestinian refugee camps near
Beirut massacring and expelling their inhabitants. Over the next few years there was a
series of intense clashes, many involving the PLO. This culminated in a massive Israeli
invasion of Lebanon and siege of the PLO in Beirut in the summer of 1982 30 . The PLO,
the Palestinian civilian population and the Lebanese suffered heavy casualties 3 ' . The end
result was the expulsion of Palestinian leaders and institutions to Tunisia, Yemen, Sudan,
Syria, Iraq, and Libya. The narrative of failure as triumph enabled the Palestinians "to
make sense of a troubled history which involved enormous efforts against great odds
simply for them to maintain their identity as a people" (Khalidi, 1997, p. 199).
Disillusionment with PLO leadership in the 1980s (particularly amongst
Palestinians in the Diaspora) resulted in the emergence of a counter-narrative. More
Palestinians questioned the choices made by their leaders and fewer felt loyal to the PLO
leadership in Tunis. In 1983 Syria supported a revolt within Fatah 32 . The popular uprising
("intifada" in Arabic), which began in December 1987 in the occupied territories caught
the PLO leadership off-guard, while boosting the flagging Palestinian national
movement. The PLO later joined in supporting the intifada, though Palestine, rather than
the Diaspora became the center of Palestinian politics once again (Khalidi, 1997).
30 Massacres at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps occurred in September.
31 estimated at 19,000 killed and 30,000 wounded (Khalidi, 1997)
32 The main faction within the PLO, headed by Yasser Arafat
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After the Oslo Peace Accords in 1993, the PLO was replaced (domestically) by
the Palestinian Authority (PA) 33 . As a result, the Palestinian elite returned from exile and
resettled in the West Bank and Gaza, causing further strain between Palestinians and their
leadership (Nabulsi, 2009). The PA, led by Yasser Arafat and the Fatah party, was
riddled with corruption (Aburish, 1993; Nusseibeh & David, 2007; Rabinowitz, 2000,
2005). Furthermore, the accords failed to slow Israeli settlement activity in the West
Bank, which burgeoned in the period following the signing of the accords. This further
eroded support for the PA and the accords (though Palestinians still favored peace)
(Rabinowitz, 2005; Said, 1995/2000, 2003). Arafat enjoyed a surge of popular support in
2002, when Israel re-invaded parts of the West Bank and laid siege to his compound in
Ramallah 34 . When he died in 2004, he was replaced by Mahmoud Abbas as head of
Fatah.
Corruption continued to plague Fatah, and in January 2006, the Palestinian
Legislative Council elections (which had been postponed from July 2005) resulted in the
victory of Hamas over Fatah 35 . Following this outcome, the US, European Union (EU),
Russia and UN (the "Quartet") demanded that the new Hamas government renounce
violence, recognize Israel's right to exist, and accept the terms of all previous
agreements. The Hamas government refused, instead offering a ten year ceasefire with
Israel. In response, the Quartet shut off aid (~ $2 billion) to the PA, and Israel clamped
33 The PLO retained responsibility for foreign affairs and is a signatory on all treaties (Becker, October
2007)
34 As with Israeli Jews, Palestinians too tend to unite when under attack from the outside. The outside
enemy distracts from internal conflict.
35 Hamas was established by Sheikh Ahmed Yassin and others following the eruption of the first intifada,
and has roots in the Muslim Brotherhood (a Sunni religious and political organization established in Egypt
in 1928). Israel initially supported the growth of Hamas as a counterweight to the PLO. Yassin was arrested
during the 1987 intifada and held until 1997. The Israelis assassinated him in 2004. (Becker, October 2007)
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down further on Palestinian freedom of movement, particularly in Gaza. Israel detained
64 Hamas officials, including Legislative Council members. After the kidnapping of
Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, Israel launched a new military campaign in Gaza. The United
States continued to pressure President Abbas to dissolve the Hamas government,
promising (but not following through on) an $86 million aid package to dismantle
terrorism and restore law and order (Murray, 2009; D. Rose, 2008; Shlaim, 2009).
In 2007, violence again broke out between the two Palestinian factions, with the
storming of Islamic University of Gaza by Fatah forces and Hamas retaliation. Under the
auspices of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, a power sharing deal was struck to establish
a National Unity government, where Ismail Haniya of Hamas remained Prime Minister,
and Fatah members would hold important posts. Nevertheless, tensions between the
groups continued, erupting with street battles in Gaza and resulting in the Hamas
takeover of Gaza while Fatah maintained control of the West Bank. Israel continued its
blockade of Gaza, (depriving its residents of basic needs such as electricity, water, and
medicine), bringing the strip to the brink of humanitarian disaster. Israel invaded Gaza in
January 2009 36 (Becker, October 2007; Murray, 2009; D. Rose, 2008; Shlaim, 2009).
Since 2008, several attempts have been made by the Free Gaza movement (see Appendix
E) to break the blockade. In May of 2010 Israeli forces attacked the "Gaza Flotilla" (a
group of ships organized to bring humanitarian aid to Gaza) killing nine Turkish activists
(one of whom was also a US citizen), and wounding dozens of others. The tragedy has
kept the plight of Gaza in the headlines, and brought unprecedented worldwide
36 1434 Palestinians were killed, including 960 civilians. Thirteen Israelis killed, including three civilians
and soldiers who died from "friendly fire", (retrieved April 16, 2009 from:
http://www.btselem.org/english/OTA/?WebbTopicNumber=30&image.x=8&image.y=8 )
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condemnation of Israel 37 . There has been equally strong pushback from Israel, and from
establishment Jewish organizations to the events, which continue to unfold 38 .
Societal Beliefs amongst Palestinians Today
Why haven't the Palestinians achieved statehood after all these years? Khalidi
(2006) attributes this failure to both external and internal factors. During the Mandate, the
British had already begun to construct an "iron cage." At the end of World War II,
Palestinian leaders were highly critical of both the British and Zionist colonial forces, but
themselves made a series of devastating errors, setting the stage for decades to come. In
the larger Arab world, the Arab street was sympathetic to the Palestinian plight, but their
governments often colluded with Israel in order to further their own domestic and inter
Arab political agendas. For their part, Palestinians learned to play the Arab regimes off
each other (Khalidi, 1997).
Palestinians today are split geographically into four groups: Palestinian citizens of
Israel; Palestinian refugees (including those living in camps in Lebanon and Jordan);
Palestinians living in the occupied territories — the West Bank and Gaza — who may
themselves be refugees from 1948; and the Palestinian Diaspora, living in the Arab states
and in the United States (Abunimah, 2009; Bisharat, 2009; Brown, 2006). Given the
geographical and political splits, it should not be surprising that today, there is little
consensus amongst Palestinians regarding resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or
what they envision for the future of their homeland. The vision each group espouses for
the future has largely depended on where they ended up: constituencies within Palestine
37 Increased Israeli aggression against Gaza also exacerbated the splits within the American Jewish
community.
38 Retrieved June 24, 2010 from http ://w w w. freegaza. org/en/home/pres s -releases .
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tend to be against the creation of a new bi-national state. Within Israel Palestinians favor
equal rights within the Israeli state, while the majority of Palestinians within the occupied
territories prefer a two-state option: many cannot conceive of continuing to live with their
oppressors. Refugees wishing to return to Palestine support de-facto a one state solution,
as that would be the result of their return (Karmi, 2009); in the Diaspora, the majority of
Palestinians want a single binational state. Formal messages from Palestine to the world
have been and continue to be contradictory, reflecting the internal fragmentation of
leadership 39 (Karmi, 2009).
Within Israel, a new generation of Arab/Palestinian political leaders is emerging,
with a proliferation of explicitly Arab political parties (both nationalist and Islamist) and
NGOs, representing a growing national consciousness. They also mirror the internal
fragmentation, a result not only of Israel's efforts to weaken new leaders, but also as a
result of continuing traditional structures, such as extended families, a culture of notables
(seen in the personalization of institutions), and patriarchy — especially the political
exclusion of women (Jamal, 2006). Nabulsi (2009) understands the fragmentation of the
Palestinian body politic as part of a de-democratization process that has been occurring
since the Oslo peace process. Palestine lost many of its democratic traditions through
both the design of its institutions and the processes and practices utilized. She posits that
elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council were themselves one of the biggest
causes of the de-democratization process. Scholars suggest that Palestinians have many
39 In 1974, the PLO promoted a clear political position in favor of a single secular, humanistic state for
Palestinians and Jews, it has since 1974, along with the Palestinian Authority (which replaced the PLO
following the Oslo accords) promoted de facto the two state option, while other groups speak of a one state
solution (Karmi, 2009).
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issues to address in order to develop a coherent national narrative and identity, including:
exploring what is meant by statehood; examining the values Palestinians should embrace,
including the place of human rights; and deciding how to address the presence of
Jews/Israelis in Palestine who wish to retain their Jewish/Israeli identity (Brown, 2006;
Farsakh, 2009).
The Role of the Diasporas
The Formation of Diasporas
In recent years as ethno-national Diasporas have increased in visibility and
political importance 'Diaspora Studies' has become a legitimate field of inquiry (Sheffer,
2006). The numbers of ethno-national Diasporas have grown significantly, and ethnic
minorities have gained greater legitimacy in Western democracies. This has been further
enhanced by the break-up of the Soviet Union. Diasporas form as a result of both
voluntary and imposed migration to one of many host countries. Diaspora communities
are frequently involved in acute conflicts not only in their homelands and host lands, but
also in third and fourth countries where their ethnic groups reside (Sheffer, 2006). While
ethno-national Diasporas 40 vary greatly, they share a number of features. Sheffer (2002)
constructed a profile of Diaspora communities, which concerns their decision to settle in
the host country; their level of integration and assimilation into the host society; the
establishment of organizations; and questions of divided loyalties.
The Decision to Settle
40 Large groups of migrants who later become the predominant group (e.g., the English in the US, Canada
and Australia) are not categorized as ethno-national Diasporas, even if they maintain a cultural affinity or
ties with the country of origin.
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The critical formative stage in the creation of a Diaspora occurs only after migrants
overcome the initial shock involved in leaving their homeland and settling in a new host
country. Most migrants decide only after arriving in their host country about whether to
permanently settle there and join an existing Diasporic entity or to help establish one.
These decisions are based on both emotional and rational considerations. Occasionally,
migrants stay only temporarily in the intended host country and may be forced to move to
another one due to restrictions on permanent settlement or because of economic, political
or social difficulties. Members of migrant groups must decide about the main strategy
they will pursue vis-a-vis their host society and government, homeland, and their
Diasporas elsewhere (Sheffer, 2002). Peteet (2007) argues that Palestinians don't fit the
classic profile of a Diaspora, lacking both a sense of hope and new beginnings as well as
the communal formations-elites and new institutions that define Diaspora.
Integration and assimilation vs. minority status and separation
How well migrants integrate and assimilate into their host societies and the level
of cohesion and solidarity of their group is dependent both on the migrants, as well as the
host country. Differences of generation, class, education, and ideology need to be
overcome to develop a cohesive community. Memories of being uprooted from the
homeland, the hardships of settlement in a new country, the welcome they received from
the host society, ties to the homeland, and decisions made about their future result in
increased solidarity among members of these groups. As minorities in their host countries
ethno -national diasporas may potentially be expelled, or face social, political and
economic hardships and alienation. Members of Diaspora communities may also fully
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assimilate into the host societies, resulting in demographic losses to the communities
(Sheffer, 2002).
Divided Loyalties
Diasporic communities may potentially feel (or be perceived as feeling) divided
loyalty between their homeland and host country. Occasionally, this real or perceived
dual loyalty may cause tensions with the host country, prompting homelands to intervene
on behalf of their Diasporas or likewise demand that "their" Diaspora express unswerving
loyalty to the homeland and render services to it. Elaborate intra-state and trans-state
networks may be developed in order to facilitate exchanges (such as the transfer of
resources) between the homeland and the Diaspora. They may also be conduits for illegal
and criminal activities, including terrorism, and to supply weapons and money transfers.
Thus, Diaspora communities are pre-disposed to become involved in conflicts with their
homelands, their host countries, and other international actors (Sheffer, 2002).
Organizing
The establishment of organizations is essential in the establishment, maintenance
and revival of Diaspora communities. Without them, Diasporas cannot survive or thrive.
Diasporic organizations function on many levels: at the local community level, looking
after the cultural, social, political and economic needs of the community; at the level of
host country's societies and governments, complementing services offered by the host
society; and on the trans- state level, extending aid to their homelands. Yet, only certain
core segments of the migrant groups become deeply involved in the operation of such
organizations (Sheffer, 2002).
Sheffer (2002) writes that state-linked Diasporas are interested in cooperating
with their host societies and governments, whereas members of stateless Diasporas tend
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to be more militant, adopt separatist strategies in regard to their homeland, and disregard
rules in their host countries. Most members of Middle East Diasporic communities try to
maintain their ethnic identity, pursue moderate policies and integrate into their host
economic and political systems, while still maintaining their own voluntary associations
and organizations, to complement those of the host nation (Sheffer, 2002).
In the US, both Jewish and Arab Diaspora communities share some of the
characteristics described above, but they differ greatly in terms of their level of
organization and cohesion, reflecting the dynamics in their homelands. As will be
discussed further below, the Jewish American community exhibits a high degree of
organization and cohesion (along with an organizing dissident group), with many
institutions promoting the Zionist perspective, and high degree of investment in Israel. In
contrast, the Palestinian and other Arab Diaspora communities have been much slower to
organize politically, though they have begun to mobilize in the last few years. The level
of financial investment in Palestine does not begin to approach that of the Jewish
community (Gillespie, Sayre, & Riddle, 2001). The Jewish community has been
described as a "classic Diaspora," while the term Diaspora poses problems for Palestinian
communities. Palestinian refugees may lose their legal status (and right of return) if they
become citizens of another country (Peteet, 2007). Below, I describe the characteristics of
each of these Diasporas in the United States. I attempt to delineate the dynamics within
each of them, as well as between the Diasporas and their respective homelands.
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The American Jewish Diaspora, Zionism, and Israel
With six million people, the American Jews make up the largest Jewish Diaspora
community in the world, and the most prosperous in history (Beit-Hallahmi, 1993) 41 . It is
also the oldest and best organized Diaspora connected to a Middle Eastern country, and
since 1948, to an independent state. The United States is Israel's strongest supporter, and
the American Jewish Diaspora has been very influential in shaping U.S. foreign policy
with regard to Israel. In this way, it has had a direct influence on the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. The relationship between the Jewish Diaspora in the United States and the state
of Israel has a long and complex history, about which much has been written. Israel
continues to have an enormous influence on American Jewish identity 42 (Saposnik, 2003;
Second thoughts about the promised land," September 21, 2007; Segev, 2000; Shain,
2000, 2002; Shain & Barth, 2003; Shain & Bristman, 2002; Sheffer, 2002).
Today, it is not possible to discuss American Jewish identity out of the context of
its relationship with Israel, or to examine Jewish identity in Israel without making
reference to its relationship to the American Jewish Diaspora. The two groups have
mutually influenced each other since the founding of the state of Israel in 1948, and
increasingly since the 1967 war. Such influence encompasses questions of religious
identity, which in turn helps to shape secular and nationalist identity and ultimately, the
direction of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Saposnik, 2003; Shain, 2000, 2002). While
many Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Jews, both in the U.S. and in Israel were anti-Zionist
41 Slightly outnumbering the number of Jews living in Israel. The number of Israelis living outside of Israel
is also increasing.
42 The American Jewish community has often been perceived as a homogeneous entity: usually as white,
Ashkenazi, financially well-off, and Zionist. In actuality, the Jewish community in the United States is very
diverse, in terms of race, ethnicity, culture, religious practice, and political affiliation (Dallalfar, 2009;
Kaye/Kantrowitz, 2007).
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in the early days of the Yishuv and statehood, many secular Jews embraced Zionism as a
substitute for religious observance and as a way of staying connected to their Jewish
identity and the larger Jewish community (Yuval-Davis, 2001).
Following the six-day war of 1967 and through the 1970's, American Jewish
identity became increasingly bound up with the state of Israel. Pro-Israeli organizations
were established nationwide, and traditional Jewish- American institutions placed greater
emphasis on Israel. Israel became the unifying force in an increasingly diverse and
pluralistic Jewish population in the United States. This has been attributed to a number of
factors: first, many Jews felt great pride at the Israeli victory as "a redemption from the
image of the weak Jew" (Shain, 2000, p. 180). Second, the Orthodox, viewing victory as
fulfilling a messianic prophecy, moved away from their previous opposition to Jewish
nationalism and increased their political activism. Finally, identity politics became a
greater factor in American society overall, as other liberation movements (women's
liberation, gay rights) growing out of the civil rights and anti-war movements, began to
take root in the US in the 1960s and 1970s (Gamson, 1991; Gamson & Meyer, 1996;
Moghadam, 1994). Changes in the relationship between Jews and their former civil rights
movement allies over differences concerning Israel as well as other issues also played a
role. Identification with Israel led to the transformation of Jewish education and religious
practice in the US: Israel took a prominent position in curricula of Jewish schools, and
Israeli flags were displayed and prayers for Israel said in worship services (Shain, 2000).
These practices have resulted in an increased blurring of boundaries between
Judaism (the religion), Zionism (the political movement) and the state of Israel. This has
manifested in confusion in the public discourse, where the three terms are often used
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inter-changeably. This occurs both within and outside the Jewish community. In the
2006 Annual Survey of American Jewish opinion sponsored by the American Jewish
Committee, 74% of respondents agreed with the statement that "caring about Israel is a
very important part of my being a Jew 43 ." Another poll noted that the majority of
American Jews pay very close (55%) or somewhat close (37%) attention to the situation
in the Middle East 44 . There is a growing minority within the American Jewish population
which is attempting to differentiate between Judaism and Zionism, and which is critical
of the Israeli state. Organizations representing this minority are listed in Appendix C.
American Diaspora support for Israel continued almost unchallenged through the
1980's. Even when there was disagreement, American Jewish groups were loathe to
criticize, much less intervene in Israeli policy 45 . This may be due, in part, to the
intervention of a number of well established elite Jewish organizations: the Jewish
Federation(s), American Jewish Committee (AJC), Anti-Defamation League (ADL),
Jewish Community Relations Council (JCRC), and AIPAC (American-Israel Public
Affairs Committee) are among the better known. These organizations are highly
organized and well funded. Together, they have quite successfully promoted the Zionist
narrative — both within the Jewish community and in foreign policy. AIPAC boasts that it
is among the most influential lobbying organizations in the United States 46 .
43 American Jewish Committee 2006 Annual Survey of American Jewish opinion, retrieved October 20,
2007 from: http://www.aic.org/site/apps/nl/content2.asp?c=ijITI2PHKoG&b=2 17443 l&ct=3 152893
44 Americans for Peace Now and the Arab American Institute Survey of Jewish American and Arab
American public opinion by Zogby International in 2007. Retrieved October 21, 2007 from
http://btvshalom.ore/resources/Poll 20070522 26 APN AAI Survey.pdf
45 As noted by Sheffer (2002), the home country may also demand unswerving loyalty from its Diaspora
community.
46 http://www.aipac.org/
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The blurring of boundaries between Jewish religion and Jewish nationalism has
been facilitated by Israeli leadership, since the founding of the state 47 . The conflation of
the two has become increasingly problematic, as opposition to, and outrage at Israeli
policies has been increasingly directed at Jewish communities outside the state of Israel.
Continuation of such policies may put Jewish communities around the globe at even
greater risk, contrary to the Zionist promise of a safe haven.
The American Jewish Diaspora community has played a vital role in perpetuating
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict 48 (Shain, 2002; Shain & Barth, 2003). Diaspora influence
in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has taken many forms: providing direct financial
support to Israel 49 (Sheffer, 2002), including direct support of illegal settlements and
outposts (Rutenberg, Mclntire, & Bronner, 2010); immigration to Israel 50 ; and funding
pro-Israel candidates for U.S. political offices through Political Action Committees
(Shain, 2000). The most influential Jewish lobby groups in the United States (e.g.,
AIPAC) have tended to align with the Israeli right wing (consistent with policies of
neoconservative groups in the US) and the Zionist narrative described earlier ("Second
thoughts about the promised land," September 21, 2007; Soros, 2007).
47 During the Oslo peace process, right wing Jewish groups aligned with conservative lawmakers to try to
get Congress to adopt initiatives to undermine Israeli-PLO negotiations. Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres
told American Jews to stay out. At this point, American Jewish organizations began to look inward at their
own identity and development. Jewish organizations have tended to get more involved with Israel when
Israel faced crises (Shain, 2000).
48 It has also made some contributions to the peace process, as in the pre-Oslo period when left-leaning
American Jews promoted contact with the Palestine Liberation Organization (Shain & Bristman, 2002).
49 The World Zionist Organization's Settlement Division provided the Israeli government with funding for
settlement activity in the occupied territories (Gorenberg, 2006). American Jewish philanthropic
organizations are also increasingly contributing to Palestinian NGOs in Israel (Haklai, 2007).
30 Many of the most zealous settlers in the West Bank come from the United States ("Second thoughts
about the promised land," September 21, 2007). Further, 80% of American immigrants to Israel are Ultra-
Orthodox, while only comprising 10% of the Jewish population in the U.S. (Shain, 2000)
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There is a diversity of political viewpoints within the American Jewish
community that reflects political differences in Israel. However, those who dissent from
the dominant Zionist narrative are not well tolerated 51 . Dissenters, both non- Jewish
(Carter, 2006) and Jewish (Finkelstein, 2001; Kovel, 2007; J. Rose, 2005; Rothchild,
2007) have faced charges of anti-Semitism or of being "self-hating Jews" 52 . Two
prominent Jewish American academics (Finkelstein and Kovel) have lost their academic
appointments or bid for tenure as a result of their anti-Zionist writing. The former was
banned from Israel for ten years when he tried to enter the country in 2008 53 (Bannoura,
2008).
The conflation of anti-Semitism with anti -Zionism is inextricably linked to
societal beliefs and collective narrative about Jewish victimization. Such beliefs are
intrinsic to the Jewish identity. The publication of Mearsheimer and Walt's (2006) article
and follow-up book (2007) on the Israel lobby created enormous controversy within the
Jewish community and in the general public. Mearsheimer and Walt argue that the Israel
lobby exerts enormous influence on U.S. foreign policy throughout the Middle East.
They assert that the consequences of these policies (one example being the Iraq war) are
damaging to U.S. national interests and to Israel's security. Plitnick and Toensing (2007)
take issue with Mearsheimer and Walt's contention that the Lobby was a deciding factor
51 i.e., those that are anti-Zionist, or even "pro-Israel" voices that are critical of the occupation or other
Israeli state policies
52 Coined in the literature as the "new anti-Semitism" (Beller, 2007; Brownfeld, 2007; Reinharz, 2007;
Rosenfeld, 2006)
33 Organizations such as CAMERA (Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America)
www.camera.org , Campus Watch http://www.campus-watch.org , and The David Project,
www.thedavidproiect.org promote the Zionist narrative on college campuses and in the media and attack
media outlets, professors and others who offer alternative views and criticize the State of Israel. The newly
minted Americans for Peace and Tolerance http://peaceandtolerance.org/ , is headed by Charles Jacobs,
who also co-founded CAMERA and the David Project.
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in the Iraq war (though its position is certainly aligned with Bush administration foreign
policy). Foreign policy decisions, they contend, are not rooted in a deep solidarity and
love of Israel. Rather, they assert that the U.S. has used Israel as a proxy in the cold war
and is now using Israel to neutralize Iran. Finkelstein (2001) asserts that historically, the
established "elite" Jewish community in the United States has always "acted in lockstep"
and colluded with (non- Jewish) right wing organizations against left wing Jews (e.g., the
McCarthy witch hunts), in order to assimilate and secure their position in American
society. The shift in attitude of American Jews towards Israel was, he contends, fully in
line with U.S. policy.
Peace activists and scholars have become increasingly vocal in speaking out
against Israeli policies vis-a-vis the Palestinians, U.S. policies that facilitate the
occupation, and the conflation of anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism (Lerner, 2007; Plitnick
& Toensing, 2007; Remnick, 2007; Soros, 2007). There is a growing peace movement
within the American Jewish community, which has been reported to represent the
majority of Jewish opinion (Plitnick, 2007a, 2007b, October 17, 2007). Nevertheless, it
still lags far behind established Jewish organizations and Jewish groups subscribing to
neo-conservative ideology in terms of organization, fundraising capacity, resources, and,
most importantly, political influence. Appendix C provides a partial listing of American
Jewish organizations engaged in peace advocacy work. They range from "pro-Israel"
groups, such as J Street advocating a two state solution to Palestinian solidarity groups,
such as Birthright Unplugged that challenge the Zionist notion of a Jewish right to return
to the State of Israel. A number of groups include Zionist, non-Zionist and anti-Zionist
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members that advocate an end to the occupation, but do not advocate any particular
political solution (one vs. two states).
The Palestinian and Arab Diasporas in the US
The Palestinian community is one of a number of Arab communities in the US.
There are approximately 250,000 Palestinian Americans, comprising about a quarter of
the Arab American population, and five percent of the Palestinian Diaspora worldwide.
Like the American Jewish community, the Arab Diaspora in the United States is
religiously (Christian and Muslim) and ethnically diverse. While there were Jewish
settlers in the US as far back as 1654, sizable numbers of Arab immigrants came to the
US only in the late 19 th century. Reasons for Arab immigration included: tensions over
economic and social transformation brought about by the end of the Ottoman Empire,
periodic famine, drought and blight, and the 1860 massacres of Druze and Maronites in
Lebanon. Arab immigrants came to the United States in three waves: the first wave came
from Syria and Lebanon between 1878 and 1924, was ninety percent Christian and
immigrated primarily for economic reasons. The second wave arrived from Palestine and
Jordan, between 1948 and 1966. This group was sixty percent Muslim and comprised of
generally well educated and wealthier immigrants trying to escape war and upheaval in
their homelands. The communities of these first two waves kept separate and distinct
from each other until the wars of 1967, 1973, and 1982. The third immigration wave from
1967 to the present included immigrants from several countries came in the context of
several wars in the region: the 1967 war and occupation of the West Bank and Gaza
Strip; wars in Lebanon, Iraqi wars with Iran and Kuwait, and US wars in Iraq (Orfalea,
2006).
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The Arab American community has been slow to organize politically, and Arab
American organizations have operated largely in the social arena. Organizations that had
been concerned with the Middle East tended to be short-lived and not well subscribed.
There are a number of reasons for this: reluctance of the immigrant community to stand
out in their host society; differential experiences in migration (e.g., whether they
immigrated voluntarily or were forced out of their home countries); and cultural
similarity or dissimilarity with American society. In addition, conflicts between regimes
in the immigrants' countries of origin may have made it difficult for Arab Americans to
find common ground on the issue of Middle East policy alone (Orfalea, 2006).
Earlier immigrant waves were primarily concerned with assimilation (Orfalea,
2006). Arab American Christians who descended from Lebanese-Syrian immigrants
missed the pan-Arabism movements of the 1950s were least likely to develop a
politicized ethnic identity and aimed first to achieve fuller integration (Wald, 2008). Later
immigrant waves were less easily absorbed. Muslims and those who were displaced by
Arab-Israeli wars and civil conflicts within Arab states (and who had a less benign
reception in the US, and were more culturally dissimilar) were more likely to organize
politically along ethnic lines (Wald, 2008). These two trends — towards assimilation and
submersion of ethnic identity on the one hand, or towards greater identification as a
separate group on the other — have continued 54 .
54 Part of the community advocated obtaining minority group status, in order to receive the "privileges" of
other minority groups. In 2000, the US Census form offered a voluntary ethnicity box for the first time, and
1.25 million Arab Americans checked it. It backfired in the atmosphere of fear following 9/11, when this
data was sent to the US Customs Service and the Department of Homeland Security (Orfalea, 2006).
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Organizations addressing their concerns as residents of the US tend to be Arab
based rather than Palestinian 55 . Even so, there have been only three national membership
groups that were sustained for more than two decades: AAUG, the National Association
of Arab University Graduates; the ADC, the Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee; and
NAAA, the National Association of Arab Americans. By 2003, only the ADC remained,
after merging with the NAAA 56 . The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon spurred
unprecedented Arab American activism, while the subsequent massacres at the Sabra and
Shatila refugee camps (committed by Arabs against other Arabs) resulted in a
precipitous decline (Orfalea, 2006).
Anti-Arab sentiment, already ingrained in American popular culture, has become
more prevalent and even acceptable in the US since 9/1 1 ("Reel bad Arabs: How
S 7
Hollywood villifies a people,") . However, surveillance of Arab Americans began long
before the 9/1 1 attacks on the World Trade Center. During the first Gulf War hate crimes
in the US against those of Arab origin (or believed to be Arabs) hit record highs 5 8 .
Workplace and home harassment continued with the passage of the USA Patriot Act in
October 2001 (Orfalea, 2006). This, along with the deterioration of conditions for
Palestinians in the Occupied Territories has spurred greater activism in the past few years
55 Palestinian communities in the United States formed village based associations, such as the Ramallah
federation or al-Bireh club. Aside from PLO, it has been difficult to find a cohesive and overarching
Palestinian organization in exile (Peteet, 2007).
56 A partial listing of Arab American organizations can be found in Appendix D.
37 Most Arab Americans believe that overwhelmingly pro-Israel US policies in the Middle East are directly
connected to the 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center (Orfalea, 2006).
38 Between 1979 and 1985, there were six violent incidents that were traceable to the JDL (Jewish Defense
League — an extreme right wing Jewish militant organization associated with the late Meir Kahane). There
were 39 documented hate crimes in 1990 (where there had been four prior to Iraqi invasion of Kuwait). In
1991 there were 1 19 hate crimes. Attacks on Arab Americans (or those believed to be Arab) increased after
the Oklahoma City bombings in 1995 and the 1996 an ti -terrorism act which followed. One hundred fifty
hate crimes were committed against Arab Americans in the aftermath of Oklahoma City. There were 700
violent incidents against Arab Americans in year after World Trade Center attacks — most of which
occurred in the first three months (Orfalea, 2006).
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(Murray, 2009). A partial listing of Palestinian solidarity organizations (whose
membership may also be open to non-Palestinians or non- Arabs) can be found in
Appendix E. Nevertheless, the Zionist narrative continues to retain its hegemony in both
public opinion and government policy.
The Hegemony of the Zionist Narrative
How has the Zionist narrative retained its hegemony in the discourse of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the United States? According to Palestinian American
scholar Edward Said, the West has denied Palestinians "permission to narrate" by 1)
labeling them as terrorist 2) labeling critics of Israeli policy as anti-Semitic and 3)
denying the historical and lived reality of the Palestinian homeland. The terrorist label
justifies everything the US and Israel does, while delegitimizing anything the Palestinians
do (Said, 1984/2000).
The hegemony of the Zionist discourse can be seen in the media which is
overwhelmingly "pro-Israel" in its perspective (Murray, 2009), and is also manifest in US
policy towards Israel. Since 1985, Israel has received nearly $3 billion dollars annually in
grants from the US, and is the largest cumulative recipient of US foreign aid since WWII
(Sharp, 2008). In contrast, US aid to the Palestinians averaged $75 million per year
during the 1990s. The average has increased since 2000, but has fluctuated with the
second intifada and with the growing role of Hamas in Palestinian politics (Zanotti,
2009).
There have been some noticeable shifts of late in the media discourse, particularly
since the Israeli invasion of Gaza in December 2008 to January 2009, and the attack on
the Gaza Flotilla in May 2010. A 60 Minutes report on the lives of Palestinians under
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occupation in Gaza (Simon, 2009), blogs, and op-ed pieces (R. Cohen, 2009a, 2009b,
2009c, 2009d; Kristof, 2010) showing the Palestinian perspective are increasing, though
they are still greatly outnumbered by the "pro-Israel" forces (Bennis, 2009; Hijab, 2009;
Lynk, 2009; Murray, 2009). Political activity has increased substantially among other
Arab Americans and Muslim Americans since 9/11, which may be attributed to the
continuing US occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, and accompanying increase in anti-
Arab sentiment and actions at home (Hijab, 2009). Israel's increasingly brutal military
occupation and the United States' continued pro-Israel policy has mobilized the
Palestinian community. The Gaza invasion has further buttressed political mobilization,
evidenced by protests and demonstrations in cities across the United States, and a
strengthened boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement (Murray, 2009).
Despite increased mobilization and subtle changes in the mainstream media's reporting
on Israel/Palestine, the Zionist narrative retains its hegemony vis-a-vis US foreign policy.
The Role of Trauma
Volkan (2001) contends that massive trauma involving dramatic "losses of life,
property, or prestige, and/or humiliation by another group" (p.l 1) can result in regression
in the whole society. Societal regression functions to protect or repair a sense of group
identity. It is characterized by, among other things, "the loss of individuality, extensive
use of projective mechanisms, leading to a sharp division of "us" and "them", and a sense
of entitlement to do anything in order to maintain its shared group identity" 59 (Volkan,
59 There are a number of examples of this in the last few years: in March of 2008, Qassam rockets fired
from Gaza were aimed at the Israeli town of Sderot. Longer range rockets landed as far as the town of
Ashkelon. Exercising its "right to self defense," Israel responded with a massive retaliatory strike, resulting
in the deaths of over 100 Palestinians, many of whom were children. ("Israel pulls troops out of Gaza,"
2008). The sense of entitlement rooted in trauma can be seen in a quote by Israeli foreign minister at that
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2001, p. 1 1). He further asserts that the failure to adequately work through the trauma and
mourn these losses can lead to the transmission of the trauma to later generations. The
trauma and stories around it become embedded in the collective narrative of each identity
group. This happens on both the individual and the collective level. The less contact there
is between the two communities, the more space there is for mutual projective processes.
The building of the "separation" wall has further cut off contact between Israelis and
Palestinians.
In Israel and the United States, the traumatic history of anti-Semitism and the
Holocaust continue to haunt and shape Jewish identity and narrative vis-a-vis other
groups in the global community. Paradoxically, the Holocaust only became such a
deciding factor in the American Jewish narrative after Israel's show of strength in the
1967 war, leading to the creation of what Finkelstein (2001) refers to as "the Holocaust
industry." Anxieties continue even with the enormous economic, social, and political
success of the American Jewish community overall. In Israel, terror attacks continue,
time, Tzipi Livni, who said: "I cannot accept condolences saying that there are victims on both sides. Well
yes, there are victims on both sides, but there is no moral equation between these terrorists who are looking
for civilians to kill and the Israeli soldiers who are looking for the terrorists." (quote from Jewish Peace
News, March 4, 2008). This perspective has also been prevalent throughout the British and American press.
The January 2009 Israeli invasion of Gaza resulted in the loss of 1434 Palestinians, most of whom were
civilians. On March 20, 2009, a small group of extreme right wing Israelis were allowed to march through
the Palestinian town of Um al Fahem, where, 3500 Israeli riot police used tear gas and bullets to control the
resident Palestinians who threw stones). A number of scholars warn that these actions signal a disturbing
escalation in Israeli violence that will result in an ethnic cleansing at the level of the 1948 Nakba
(Barghouti, 2009; Ghanem, 2009; Hijab, 2009; Murray, 2009; Pappe, 2009b). This has been born out: in
2010, the Israeli government has been cracking down on Palestinian non-violent activities, and even human
rights groups in Israel (such as B'Tselem) that are concerned with Palestinian civil rights. There had been
little mention of this in the American media until the May 31, 2010 Israeli attack on the Gaza Flotilla, a
group of several ships carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza (including food, medical, and building supplies).
The attacks, and demonstrations against the attacks across the US and Europe remained in the media
(unusually), even weeks after they occurred. Israeli officials have defended the attack by saying that their
soldiers were acting in "self defense" against the "terrorists" aboard the Turkish ship Mavi Mamara. By
labeling the activists as "terrorists," the government justifies its use of violence. As of this writing (in mid
June, 2010), nine activists are reported dead, and several remain missing. It remains difficult to verify the
narratives of either side, since the Israeli government confiscated all cameras and video equipment from the
activists.
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though they are greatly reduced. Every attack re-ignites fears of being "thrown into the
sea." The fact that the country maintains the strongest, most technologically advanced
armed forces in the region (and is, indeed, one of the most powerful in the world) does
not allay the fear. The fear serves as justification for increasingly brutal crackdowns on
Palestinians under the guise of self-defense. A majority of the Israeli population approved
of the Gaza war as necessary to Israeli self-defense (Luban, 2009; Murray, 2009). When
Palestinians respond to Israeli provocations with violence, they confirm Israeli fears that
they are terrorists. Each act of violence provides "proof of the correctness of the group's
narrative, creating a rationale for counter-attack, and thus perpetuating the cycle of
violence. Such beliefs are not subject to rational explication of the facts.
For Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Territories, the trauma is ongoing.
Palestinians within Israel were subject to military rule until 1967 and continue to face
ongoing discrimination at all levels of Israeli society today. A majority of those
Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza have never experienced life free from
military occupation, which has become increasingly brutal. Generations of Palestinians
have been traumatized by an increasingly militarized and militaristic Israel (Rabinowitz,
2005; Said, 1995/2000, 2003). The full extent of the trauma and its impact has yet to be
played out but will undoubtedly impact generations to come.
Memorials to Jewish victims of Palestinian attacks and to Palestinian martyrs who
died on behalf of Palestinian liberation dot the landscape of Israel and Palestine. While
state memorials can play an important role in helping individuals and societies to grieve
and move on, in Israel/Palestine, they serve as a daily reminder of each group's
victimization and the danger of the other, providing additional fuel to feed the conflict.
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Identity, Peacemaking, and the Diasporas
To develop a sustainable peace, conflict resolution and co-existence initiatives
need to target de-legitimization of the other and address the conflict between the two
narratives. Any peacemaking efforts or final political arrangements with regard to
drawing political boundaries must be accompanied by processes which address the
dominant societal beliefs, collective narratives and identities, impacted by massive
societal trauma. Perception of the other (particularly dehumanization and perceived
threat) can lead to public support of retaliatory aggressive policies, and public opinion
does influence government policy in conflict situations (Brandt, Colaresi, & Freeman,
2008; Maoz & McCauley, 2008).
Gur-Ze'ev and Pappe (2003) argue that the construction of one group's national
identity necessitates the destruction of the "collective memory of the other." Thus, Israeli
identity depends on the negation of Palestinian identity, and legitimizing the Palestinian
narrative would detract from Israel's own legitimacy. Israeli acceptance of the
Palestinian Nakbah would mean taking responsibility for its role as a perpetrator (not just
a victim) of violence. Salomon (2004) suggests that "accepting somebody else's narrative
need not mean either agreeing with it or abandoning one's own narrative. It means only
the acknowledgement of the narrative's "right to exist," accepting its validity on its own
terms" (p. 278). In today's polarized discourse, this will be exceptionally difficult, but is
a necessary first step towards reconciliation and healing.
Acknowledgement of the past implies that there are two (legitimate) narratives of
the conflict. This recognition is an important factor in reconciliation since the
collective memories of each party about its own past underpin the continuation of
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the conflict and obstruct peacemaking. Through the process of negotiation, in
which one's own past is critically revised and synchronized with that of the other
group, new narratives can emerge (Daniel Bar Tal & Salomon, 2006, p. 39).
Societal beliefs, collective narratives and identity issues cannot transform without
addressing the trauma and underlying emotions that permeate them.
The conflict is not symmetrical, as Israel's greater military power and greater
ability to produce victims indicates 60 . Nevertheless, both sides need to acknowledge the
pain of the other and own up to their own role in the conflict. Only mutual recognition of
wrongs will allow each side to acknowledge that it has been a victimizer as well as a
victim. In order for real peace and reconciliation to be achieved in Israel/Palestine, the
wrongs (even atrocities) that each has committed against the other need to be
acknowledged. (Beit-Hallahmi, 1993; Pappe, 2007; Warschawski, 2005; Wineman, 2003)
Warschawski (2005) notes:
...Peace and reconciliation are incompatible with amnesia; on the contrary, they
demand a truthful re-evaluation of one's own history and an honest self-
examination. Only a sincere and encompassing plea for forgiveness for the crimes
committed can create the conditions of real equality between those who
60 The Israeli human rights organization, B'Tselem reports that from the start of the second intifada on
September 29, 2000, through January 31, 2008 (until but not including fatalities from Operation Cast
Lead), 4791 Palestinians were killed by Israelis (most by Israeli security forces, and most in the occupied
territories. During the same time frame, 705 Israeli civilians (471 in Israel proper) and 326 Israeli security
forces were killed by Palestinians. Palestinians sustained over four times as many casualties as Israelis.
During Operation Cast Lead (the invasion of Gaza in 2008-09), 1397 Palestinians were killed (by Israeli
security forces in the occupied territories) while 5 Israeli security forces were killed by Palestinians. Since
Cast Lead, 78 Palestinians were killed by Israeli security forces, and a total of 6 Israelis were killed (2 of
them civilians). Retrieved June 26, 1010 from:
http://www.btselem.org/english/statistics/Casualties.asp?sD=19&sM=01&sY=2009&eD=31&eM=05&eY
=20 1 O&filterb y=event&oferet stat=after
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perpetrated the crimes and their victims. It is the essential condition for enabling
peace to become the starting point of a true reconciliation, (p. 207)
Political scientist Matt James (2006) names eight requirements for an authentic
political apology, which should: 1) be recorded officially in writing; 2) name the wrongs
in question; 3) accept responsibility; 4) state regret; 5) promise non-repetition; 6) not
demand forgiveness; 7) not be hypocritical or arbitrary; 8) undertake, through measures
of publicity, ceremony, and concrete reparation to both morally engage those in whose
name the apology is made and to assure the wronged group that it is sincere (quoted in
Corntassel & Holder, July/September 2008, p. 4).
Beit Hallahmi (1993) contends that Israel is haunted (and tainted) by the "original
sin" (of colonialism and actions against the Palestinians) in which it was born. Israel's
main problem, he contends, is
to ask for forgiveness, for admitting the injustice done to the Palestinians is so
terrifying that Israelis will try to avoid it at all costs. Their feeling is that if they
admit any guilt, they will be punished severely and mortally, as the magnitude of
their crime warrants. They are afraid of the natives' wish for revenge, (pp. 218-
219)
Israelis fear that to acknowledge that Zionism was a colonialist movement would destroy
the moral justification for the state, and Israelis would lose their rights to live there 61 . He
goes on to say that those born in Israel after 1950 have as much right to be there as
anyone else, and cannot be held responsible for the crimes of their predecessors.
61 Israeli insistence that Palestinians recognize their "right to exist" may be a function of this fear. It may
also be seen as a projection, given the resistance of Israeli governments to recognize Palestinian existence
as a people.
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However, he maintains, they must be held accountable for what continues to happen
today.
Peace efforts in the region must involve Diaspora communities, particularly the
American Jewish Diaspora. Having played a substantial role in fuelling the conflict, by
providing direct financial or material support, as well as contributing to the emotional
context in which militancy can be sustained, they must be a part of the peace process, if
peace is to be sustainable. A study by the World Bank concluded that after five years in
post-conflict situations,
...the risk of renewed conflict is around six times higher in the societies with the
largest diasporas in America than in those without American Diasporas.
Presumably, this effect works through the financial contributions of Diasporas to
rebel organizations. (Collier and Hoeffler, 2000, quoted in Shain and Barth, 2003,
p. 449)
While it is up to the parties in the region to negotiate final political agreements involving
the final boundaries of the state or states, it is essential that the Diasporas be included in
the psychological work of reconciliation and healing. The following section describes
reconciliation and coexistence models that have been used in Israel/Palestine and in their
respective Diaspora communities in the United States.
Dialogic Approaches to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Introduction
The Israeli Palestinian conflict exemplifies what has been defined in the conflict
resolution literature as a "deep-rooted" conflict (Burton, 1987), in that it involves deep
feelings, values, and needs, which cannot be negotiated or settled through force. Other
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theorists referred to such conflicts as "intractable" 62 or "identity conflicts." Mitchell
(1990) notes that conflicts may end in three possible ways: through truce, in which the
underlying issues are not dealt with; through settlements involving both compromise and
abandonment of goals, but in which there may be some hope for a new positive
relationship; and resolution, in which the underlying issues are addressed and a new
acceptable relationship is established. Traditional diplomacy 63 has had limited success in
resolving deep rooted conflicts, and multi-level, multi-track 64 diplomacy has increasingly
been considered essential for peacemaking efforts (Bland, Powell, & Ross, 2006; Fabick,
2006; Fitzduff, 2006; Volkan, 1988, 2006).
62 defined as protracted, irreconcilable, violent, zero -sum in nature, total (concerning values and needs
considered essential to survival), and central in the preoccupations of societal members (Bar Tal, 1998)
63 Prior to World War II, conflict resolution was the domain of international relations and rooted in political
realism. Political realism is based on the politics of power and the assumption that human beings are
biologically pre-disposed to aggression and competition. Because of the human pre-disposition to
aggression and self interest, conflict is viewed as a normal state of affairs in international relations. The
structure of the nation-state and statesmanship are aimed at controlling this side of human nature. Political
and societal interests are defined solely in terms of power and the state has a right to base its policies and
decisions on its national interest. Therefore, war is justified as necessary to preserve the vital security
interests of the state. In this view, it is appropriate to manage the inherent aggression or lawlessness of
states through multi-lateral constraints, such as international institutions with coercive power or the
employment of power -balancing and deterrent strategies by great powers (Donnelly, 1992; Morganthau,
1948). The realist approach is critiqued for its downplaying of the role of morality in international relations.
Burton revolutionized the field of international relations and conflict resolution with the introduction of the
basic human needs approach and introduction of track 2 diplomacy.
64 Track 1 refers to high level diplomacy between official state representatives; track 2 connotes diplomacy
facilitated by conflict resolution experts with mid-level leaders from representative groups; track 3 involves
leaders from the business communities of the groups; and track 4 involves meetings of grassroots
community leaders (Fabick, 2006).
Track 2 or multi -track diplomacy is rooted in the work of John Burton (1987), an Australian diplomat who
worked on conflicts in Malaysia, and who challenged the political realist notion that conflict could be
managed through the use of power and control. Basing his approach on Maslow's hierarchy of human
needs, he posited that conflict was an outcome of the thwarting of basic human needs. Basic human needs
included the need for identity, belonging, security, and recognition. The model has been critiqued along a
number of lines. Focusing on human needs may be conflict promoting, as well as conflict resolving. That
is, the need for security may manifest as dominance; the need for identity through creation of an outgroup
enemy; and the need for belonging or love as a need for admiration, status or success at the other's expense.
As a theoretical construct, the notion of "basic human needs" may be viewed differently by different
theorists. Basic human needs can be seen as dynamic: that is, when basic material needs are met,
individuals and groups may differ about what needs are essential (Mitchell, 1990). Approaches to conflict
based on human needs theory have been critiqued for failing to address emotional aspects of conflict, such
as underlying trauma (Hicks & Weisberg, 2002).
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In the context of intractable conflicts, track 2 conflict resolution has four goals:
accepting the other's narrative as legitimate, critically examining one's own group's acts
and contributions to conflict; feeling and showing empathy for others' suffering while
building a trust of the other; and finally, getting involved in nonviolent activities
(Gawerc, 2006). Well run peace education programs can serve as a barrier against the
deterioration of views and feelings in intractable conflicts (Biton & Salomon, 2006). In
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, there has been regular and ongoing contact between the
two sides over the years, including numerous peace and co-existence initiatives both in
Israel/Palestine, and the Diaspora. Such initiatives have taken place on all levels — from
official state-level diplomacy to grass roots initiatives. There are a number of studies
reporting on peace education programs in Israel. With the exception of Kelman's
(Kelman, 1998, 1999a) work on interactive problem- solving workshops, few peace and
coexistence initiatives between Arabs and Jews in the Diaspora have been formally
studied or evaluated (Gawerc, 2006). There are, however a number of informal reports
(Abramovich, 2005; Davis, 2002; Dessel, 2005; Dessel, Rogge, & Garlington, 2006;
Halpern, 2006; Sarsar, 2002; Stephan, Hertz-Lazarowitz, Zelniker, & Stephan, 2004).
Approaches to Working with Conflict
Approaches to working with conflict derive from practitioners' theoretical
understanding of the nature of conflict, its causes and effects. Encounter or dialogue
workshops vary in:
1 . Their goals for the encounter
2. Structure or design of the workshop
3. Number or types of participants involved (grass roots to high level
leadership to students)
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4. Methods used [training, experiential exercises, facilitated dialogue,
cooperative planning and problem solving (CPPS)]
5. Type of facilitation or consultation offered (teaching, confrontation,
interpretation, etc.).
Goals for these encounters may be prejudice reduction, healing and reconciliation, social
justice/anti-racism, diversity/multi-culturalism, democracy building, or conflict
management (Shapiro, 2006). Fisher (2006) situates the whole range of interventions
under the umbrella of ICR (interactive conflict resolution). He views ICR as an unofficial
approach meant to compliment, rather than replace official diplomatic activities.
Appendix F provides an overview of the purposes, underlying theories or
assumptions and activities of the models applied to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For
the purposes of simplicity, I have grouped the models into four categories according to
their primary aims: intercultural educational models; healing/therapeutic models; political
action models; and hybrids. Under the first heading I have grouped a range of models —
grassroots, contact, information, and meta- cognitive, as their primary aim appears to be
education and inter-cultural understanding. The reconciliation and transformation
(Bargal, 2004) and TRT (Albeck, Adwan, & Bar-On, 2002; Bar On, 2000; Steinberg,
2004; Steinberg & Bar-On, 2002; Steinberg & Bar On, 2007) models have healing and
"working through" of trauma as their primary aims. The interactive problem-solving and
School of Peace/Givat Haviva models are all geared towards political action; though they
are rooted in different theoretical traditions and are structured differently. The interactive
problem solving approach, developed by Herb Kelman (1998, 1999a) is rooted in
Burton's (1987) basic human needs approach and attempts to contribute to a more
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complex understanding of the issues on the political level by building bridges and
creating (non-binding) agreements to meet the needs and address the fears of all the
parties. Though it aims to address psychological needs, the approach works on a rational
level. The School of Peace/Givat Haviva models (Abu-Nimer, 2004; Halabi, 2004;
Halabi & Sonnenschein, 2004) are more confrontational in nature and explicitly aim to
empower the Palestinian minority, and to educate the Jewish majority. While a well run
encounter program may contain components from all of these categories, each tends to
emphasize one element over the others.
Hybrid approaches have been developed to address some of the critiques of other
models, and may use two or more specific methods (such as interactive problem solving
and TRT) within the same workshop (Babbitt & Steiner, 2006; Desivilya, 2004). They
may also use entirely new methodologies (Hicks, 2007, 2008) that have multiple goals
(such as education, healing, and political action).
The literature reports similar classification systems for Israeli-Palestinian
encounter programs, two of which are described by Suleiman (2004). The first
differentiates the kinds of encounters into three categories: workshops in the human
relations tradition, workshops emphasizing cross-cultural learning, and those based on the
conflict resolution approach. The second system of classification also describes three
different models: the contact model, the information model, and the psychodynamic
model. The contact model is based on the contact hypothesis, which suggests that inter-
group contact will reduce stereotypes and prejudice, if certain conditions are met in the
encounter situation. The information model is similar to the cross-cultural learning
approach and suggests that inter-group relations can be improved and inter-group
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prejudices reduced by providing information, either through media, education or
encounter programs. Prejudice is understood to result from lack of information about the
other (Ben-Ari, 2004), and stereotypes may be modified when participants can obtain
more accurate information in an encounter with the other. The psychodynamic model
views prejudice and stereotyping as a function of projective mechanisms. Psychological
defense mechanisms serve to relieve a group of its anxiety by projecting its unwanted
parts onto the out-group. The different theoretical traditions of these models inform the
goals and structure of the encounter.
Halabi and Sonnenschein (2004) describe a somewhat more complex
classification system, categorizing models of encounter between groups in conflict along
two axes. On one axis is the human relations- conflict resolution continuum: the former
emphasizes psychological aspects of the conflict and commonalities between participants,
while setting conflict issues aside. In contrast, the conflict resolution models start from
the assumption that there is a basis in reality for the conflict, and that the groups involved
need to find ways build bridges between the two groups. Emphasis is on participants'
roles as representatives of their groups, with less emphasis on individual psychologies or
inter-personal relationships. Under this category are interactive problem-solving
workshops (Cross & Rosenthal, 1999; Kelman, 1999a; Rouhana & Kelman, 1994;
Rouhana & Korper, 1997), which bring together "political influentials" to explore
solutions to problems that concern both parties. Participants are asked to describe the
fundamental needs that needed to be met in any agreement, and the fears that would need
to be allayed for the agreement to be acceptable in their communities. The method takes a
very rational approach to working with deep seated emotions and needs underlying
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conflict. It may speak to or about needs and emotions — fears, anxieties, etc. — underlying
the conflict, but does not work emotions in the context of the workshop.
Hicks and Weisberg (2002) suggest that the interactive problem solving model
needs to be expanded to address the multiple levels of conflict, including the pervasive
and unacknowledged trauma. Further, the parties need to address not only their own and
the others' underlying needs, but their own responsibility in perpetuating the conflict.
They also suggest that intra-party work needs to be done in order to address hostile
dynamics within each group that may serve to harden positions.
The second axis has the contact hypothesis approach at one end, and the inter-
group approach at the other. The contact hypothesis suggests that creating conditions for
interpersonal interaction between the two groups can reduce stereotypes and hatred. In
contrast, inter-group models suggest that such encounters are only useful when group
identity is emphasized and interactions are of a group nature. The focus is on
empowering the minority and helping the majority get insight into their power
orientation. Only then can the personal experience in the encounter be generalized to life
outside the group. The models used at Givat Haviva (Hansen, 2006) and the School of
Peace at Neve Shalom/Wahat al Salaam (Abu-Nimer, 2004; Halabi & Sonnenschein,
2004; Steinberg, 2004; Steinberg & Bar On, 2007) and Ben-Ari's (2004) meta-cognitive
model exemplify the focus on inter-group, rather than individual or inter-personal
relations. The axes are similar in that the emphasis moves on the continuum from an
intra-psychic or inter-personal focus, to an inter-group level focus (Halabi and
Sonnenschein, 2004). Many researchers conflate the human relations and contact
hypothesis models, and indeed, the authors reviewed here do not offer much description
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to distinguish between the two. In her evaluation of coexistence programs in Israel, Maoz
(2004) categorized programs along one continuum, with coexistence programs
emphasizing similarities between participants at one end, and confrontational programs,
emphasizing difference and conflict, at the other, with hybrid approaches in the middle.
Abu Nimer (2004) notes that coexistence programs in Israel have evolved from
the 1950's to 2001. From the 1950's -1970's, the young state and its institutions
employed a domination approach to co-existence, aimed at maintaining the status quo.
From the 1970's to early 1990's, Israeli governmental institutions and society
"discovered" Arab culture and encouraged participation in coexistence activities with a
particular focus on intercultural sensitivity and prejudice reduction. By the late 1980's,
several organizations began to employ a conflict approach, engaging participants in
conflict analysis. Since the Oslo accords of 1993, a number of programs have begun to
incorporate aspects of both conflict and intercultural approaches (Abu Nimer, 2004).
There has been little rigorous study of the numerous peace and coexistence
initiatives between Jews and Arabs or Jews and Muslims in the United States (Sarsar,
2002; Halpern, 2006; Abramovich, 2005), the majority of which have been (un-
facilitated) grass roots efforts 65 .
Evaluation of Models and Methods
Researchers disagree as to the importance of affective (psycho -cultural
perspective) vs. political engagement (structural perspective) in dialogue encounters. The
debate between the two approaches has implications for practice, as "structuralists focus
on issues of rights, justice, and political issues, while those taking more of a
65 Kelman's interactive problem-solving workshops, while convened at Harvard, invited political
influentials from Israel/Palestine, rather than working with Diaspora communities.
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psychocultural perspective have emphasized relationships and the need to work on
eliminating the ignorance, misperceptions, fears, and hostility between the groups, often
through cooperative activities and encounters" (Gawerc, 2006, pp. 437-438). Not
surprisingly, those enamored of conflict resolution and inter-group approaches tend to be
more critical of programs with a psychological focus, and vice versa.
Intercultural education programs (based on human relations or contact theories)
have been critiqued along a number of lines (Abu-Nimer, 2004; Davis, 2002; Hubbard,
1997; Maoz, 2001; Rouhana & Korper, 1997; Yablon, 2007). According to the Contact
Hypothesis, in which many of these approaches are rooted, many conditions need to be
met for the program to have a positive impact. These conditions may be difficult to
sustain, particularly in the volatile environment of the Middle East. One of the essential
conditions for program success is symmetry, both in terms of attendance as well as active
participation of equal numbers from both groups (Maoz, 2004, 2006). While contact
approaches attempt to achieve symmetry in numbers of program participants, they have
been critiqued for neglecting to address the structural realities of asymmetry in power and
resources between the Jewish and Arab Israeli population. In this way they are seen to
perpetuate the status quo (Abu-Nimer, 2004; Fitzduff, 2006; Rouhana & Fiske, 1995;
Rouhana & Kelman, 1994; Steinberg, 2004; Steinberg & Bar On, 2007; Tausch,
Ken worthy, & Hewstone, 2006). The asymmetry may be further reinforced when funding
is provided by the Israeli Ministry of Education or Jewish non-governmental
organizations unwittingly favoring the high power group (Suleiman, 2004).
While many studies suggest that intercultural education encounters can change
negative bias (Hurtado, 2005; Khuri, 2004; Maoz, 2003; Biren A. Nagda, 2006; Biran A.
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Nagda, Kim, & Truelove, 2004; Biren A. Nagda, Tropp, & Paluck, 2006; Biren A. Nagda
& Zuniga, 2003; Tausch, et al., 2006), there has been little correlation between personal
attitude change and a change in national attitudes (Tausch, et. al., 2006). There has been a
tendency for Jewish participants (higher power) to be more interested in discourse on the
inter-personal level, while Palestinians have been more interested in group level
discourse (Rouhana and Korper, 1997; Suleiman, 2004). Suleiman (2004) suggests that
this is connected to the greater importance of group identity for minority groups.
Encounter programs emphasizing similarities and shared humanity may limit the
groups' capacity to cope with conflict or negative emotions and have little long-term
impact as long as the external context remains the same (Steinberg, 2004; Suleiman,
2004; Abu Nimer, 2004). Few models actually work explicitly with strong affect, or do it
well. Thus, negative emotions in the contact situation may have a negative impact on
inter-group perceptions (Ben Ari, 2004). In her ethnographic study of an ongoing
leaderless Jewish Arab dialogue group in the US, Hubbard (1997, 1999) demonstrates
how the group's inability to work with emotions eventually led to conflict avoidance in
the group and hindered its work. Also criticized in encounter programs is the lack of
facilitator commitment, training, or theoretical grounding and preparation; lack of
opportunities for intra-group meetings within the encounter; poor selection process of
participants; and lack of follow up (Abu Nimer, 2004; Suleiman, 2004).
Many critics of the human relations/encounter approach point to the School of
Peace model as a positive example of encounter programs. However, political action
programs such as this one have also been criticized for their emphasis on conflict and
confrontation over personal relationships (Maoz, 2004). The inter-active problem solving
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model, with its rational approach to addressing the needs and fears of each group,
neglects the affective work that needs to accompany cognitive insight. The lack of
personal relations in the Givat Haviva and School of Peace encounters may prevent
participants from differentiating and moving beyond their rigid collective perspectives
(Steinberg, 2004). Further, these approaches promote one narrative over the other.
Neither of these models has incorporated large group work into their program design.
Given the particular emphasis on the larger societal context and on inter-group work, this
is quite striking. Indeed, whether focused on developing inter-personal relationships or
creating structural change in society, few programs work with more than 16-20
participants at a time.
Some hybrid approaches have been developed to attempt to bridge the gap
between inter-cultural education models and problem solving approaches. Babbitt and
Steiner (2006) have created a training model that has inter-active problem solving,
consensus building and narrative storytelling (TRT) modules, which may be delivered at
different phases of an intervention. Desivilya (2004) explores an integrated model that
attempts to link systems thinking with conflict resolution approaches. Without a full
description of the process and outcomes, it is difficult to evaluate the model.
The model developed by Besod Siach (Duek, 2001; Sarel, Said, Mayer, & Ben-
Yosef, 2003) shares with the Givat Haviva /School of Peace model some theoretical roots
in systems theories of Bion and Lewin, and in the work of Martin Buber. It also shares an
understanding of the system of the workshop or conference to be a microcosm of the
larger environment. In both, analysis is at the group and inter-group level. Yet, Besod
Siach and The School of Peace have fundamentally different philosophical approaches to
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the work. Where School of Peace/Neve Shalom/Wahat al Salaam's work is aimed at
empowering the Palestinian minority and helping the Jewish Israeli majority gain insight
into its power, Besod Siach does not subscribe to the zero sum perspective in which one
group's strength means the other's weakness. The model seeks to surface and address the
non-rational processes and often unconscious emotions that exacerbate and fuel conflict.
The aim of their work is not to resolve the disagreement over the two contradictory and
competing narratives, which are not seen as reconcilable, but rather to create a space to
hold both narratives. The assumption is that people come to Besod Siach conferences
with a strong link to their identity. Meeting the other provides clarity into one's own
identity. The aim is not change political opinions or beliefs (which is considered highly
unlikely), but to create a space where participants can understand their own and the
other's beliefs better. When space is created for these differences to co-exist, then
agreements can be made, even in the context of the contradictory narrative (personal
communication, Anat Ziff, 3/3/07). As with other models, the Besod Siach model
appears to have had limited impact on society as a whole, even though it has had a great
impact on individual participants 66 . The limited impact may be due in part to the fact that
the conferences are embedded in Israeli Jewish society and politics, with its
accompanying blind spots.
In one example from a Besod Siach conference: a settler encouraged a leftist
activist to continue to demonstrate against the occupation — "you are my conscience. . I
need you to continue to do what you are doing." At the same time, the leftist recognized
66 This is based on unpublished interview and survey research I conducted in June 2008 with Besod Siach
members and conference participants (n=15).
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that the settler was also holding some of his own paranoia and security concerns. Both
had the experience of being affirmed by the other (interview, Besod Siach conference
participant, June 2008). This vignette demonstrates important learning about the
projective process, and is an extremely important first step. However, it stops short of
allowing for change in either party's beliefs or behavior. For transformation to happen,
the projection would need to be taken back, and re-owned by the projector (Wells, 1995).
Only when the conflict is re-internalized, can the individual (or the group) actively
grapple with the internal conflict, and make choices with that awareness. As long as the
other holds the projection, there is no need to do anything differently.
Summary
Long-term and sustainable resolution of the Middle East conflict requires multiple
levels of intervention and dialogue that address both structural and emotional issues (S.
M. Cohen & Kelman, 2005; Wallach, 2004, 2006). Informal civic society dialogue can
serve as a complement to official political approaches. While the conflict is ongoing,
civic engagement at all levels can serve to prepare participants for peace. When the
conflict abates, working with emotions on the individual, group, and community levels
can help create an environment where conflict is less likely to recur (Fitzduff, 2006;
Fabick, 2006).
Despite the vast literature on the topic of coexistence and dialogue work between
Jews and Palestinians in Israel, there is a dearth of qualitative studies offering detailed
descriptions of the activities, intended effects, and final outcomes of interventions. Such
studies would allow researchers to see where the similarities and differences between the
models actually exist (Fisher, 2006; Tausch, et. al., 2006). In addition, similar methods
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may carry different labels, while the same label is applied to very different methods with
different objectives resulting in terminological confusion. The lack of documentation and
evaluation of interventions creates ongoing "confusion over what forms of intervention
are being carried out at what levels of society with what intended effects" (Fisher, 2006,
64). Evidence as to successful transfer effects from interventions to policy making is
primarily anecdotal. Finally, even recently published reports describe groups that were
conducted prior to 2002. More up-to-date research is needed.
In the United States, the research on inter-cultural coexistence work is primarily
focused on race relations. While there are numerous reports of the growing number of
grassroots Jewish Palestinian or Jewish-Muslim peace initiatives, there are no empirical
studies evaluating their outcomes, and few descriptive accounts of their processes and
activities. Further research in this area will contribute to better understanding of the short
and long term impact of these initiatives and will provide entry to further study of the
dynamics of relationships between these Diaspora communities to their homelands and to
each other.
The study described here aims to develop a better understanding of these
dynamics and address some of the gaps in the literature. First, it examines the role of
trauma and emotions in conflict on both individual and systemic levels of the conflict.
Unlike other models, this approach can work with groups of eighty or more participants
at a time. The project was inspired by Besod Siach's innovations in group relations
methods to understanding and working with conflict. It is intended to build upon, rather
than replicate their and other group relations organizations' work. The focus on the role
of Diaspora communities in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is unique. The theoretical
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underpinnings of group relations, and how conflict might be understood through a group
relations lens are described below. A description of conference methods is also provided.
A Group Relations Approach to Conflict
Introduction
Group relations refers to both an experiential method of learning about leadership
and authority, and to a theoretical orientation. The interdisciplinary field that is now
called group relations integrates psychoanalytic theory, systems theory, and political
science (with its attention to power and authority). Its early influences include
contributions by sociologists (Le Bon and McDougall), psychoanalysts (Freud, Klein and
Bion), social scientists (Lewin) and anthropologists (Rice and Miller) 67 . The work of
British psychoanalyst Wilfred Bion (1952, 1961) and his ideas about basic assumption
mentality and other aspects of unconscious functioning in groups forms the foundation
upon which the field is built. I have previously written about how group relations theory
can be applied to understand and work with conflict in and between groups (Wallach,
2004, 2006).
Emotions in Groups
Working at the Center for Applied Social Research in London's Tavistock
Institute of Human Relations, Bion explored the relationship between the individual and
the group. He believed that individual members enter groups with their own rational and
non-rational aims and needs, and employ psychosocial defenses 68 such as splitting 69 ,
67 For more about the history of the development of group relations as a field, see Fraher (2004b).
68 Defense mechanisms offer a way to manage internal conflict and the anxiety it arouses. Just as countries
develop various kinds of defenses and weaponry to protect themselves from perceived enemies, so, too, do
individuals try to protect themselves from perceived dangers. Defense mechanisms and how they manifest
on the individual and group level have been written about extensively in the psychoanalytic and group
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projection 70 , and projective identification 7 ' in order to tolerate the powerful tensions of
group life. The group and its leader serve as a container for the various projections of
individual group members and the group takes on a life of its own as a consequence of
these processes. As a result, individual group members act not only on their own behalf,
but also on behalf of the larger group or system. These processes make up the
unconscious of the group-as-a-whole. The group-as-a-whole becomes an entity much
greater than its individual members, with a character of its own (Hayden & Molenkamp,
2004). Just as individuals utilize defense mechanisms, such as splitting and projective
identification, so do groups, organizations, communities and nations mobilize social
defenses to protect themselves against unbearable feelings, unconscious anxieties, and
conflicts (Menzies, 1975; Menzies Lyth, 1997). Groups may also avoid anxiety and other
difficult feelings and decisions by substituting routines or rituals for direct engagement
with the painful problem.
relations literature. See, for example, (Bion, 1961; A. Freud, 1966; S. Freud, 1959a, 1959b; M. Klein, 1959;
Obholzer, 1994; Obholzer & Zagier Roberts, 1994b; Ogden, 1982).
69 Splitting is a defensive process in which we gain relief from internal conflicts by dividing emotions into
either "all good" or "all bad" parts. We split our emotions due to our difficulty in holding two paradoxical
experiences at the same time. Containing both the good and the bad parts of ourselves and seeing others as
containing both good and bad aspects presents an intolerable conflict. We split in order to protect ourselves
from the anxiety that the conflict arouses.
70 Projection is a defense in which an individual disowns, and, then offloads onto someone else the
disowned (split off) feelings s/he is experiencing. Whether the feelings are objectively 'good' or 'bad', the
individual experiences them as intolerable. Projection is often seen in conjunction with splitting, with the
split-off aspects of the self then projected onto another party because of the induced anxiety of holding onto
the feelings oneself. Splitting and projective processes allow an internal conflict to be externalized and
located outside the self (e.g., we are good, they are evil; we are rational, they are emotional; we are victims,
they are perpetrators; we are peace loving, they are aggressive; we are heroes, they are cowards, etc.). Thus,
the complex and ambiguous is made to seem simple and clear.
Projective identification is a collusive process between two or more parties. In this process, once the
projector has offloaded his intolerable feelings onto another, the recipient of the projection identifies with
and internalizes the projected feelings as his own. The target of the projection thus changes in response to
the projected feeling or impulse. The projector can manipulate or train an individual or group to act
according to his projections by himself behaving as if those projections are true. The "projector" needs to
stay in contact with the recipient in order to maintain a connection to the disowned, projected feelings
(Horwitz, 1983).
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Bion (1961)suggested that membership in any group is inherently conflictual. We
long to be a part of something bigger than ourselves, while at the same time, we fear the
loss of our individual identity in a group (Bion, 1961; McCollom, 1990). Conflict may
signify the normal ambivalences of individual and collective life and may also signify a
particular challenge that needs to be faced in the life of a group at a particular time (D. N.
Berg & Smith, 1987; Heifetz, 1994).
Work Groups
Groups tend to join together based on similarities and in order to pursue a
common task. The primary task of any group is what it must do in order to survive. To
accomplish a group's task, members must differentiate, by taking on different roles in
service of the larger group task. Often, differences in skill, viewpoint, or values are also
necessary to achieve a group's primary task. Boundaries are formed or created around a
group and its subsystems, task, and roles to define what belongs to the group and what is
to be excluded. Leadership is assigned to those most able to help a group achieve its
primary task (Miller, 1989; Miller & Rice, 1975; Zagier Roberts, 1994). Bion (1961)
referred to the above described overt and conscious level of group functioning as the
work group.
The concepts of task, role, boundary, leadership, and authority help us to
understand the overt and covert dynamics of groups and systems. When these structural
elements are agreed upon and in alignment with each other, groups and systems may
function relatively well. Conflict can arise when there is disagreement, spoken or
unspoken, or when task, role, boundaries, and authority are not in alignment. In groups,
conflict may manifest between individuals in the group, between subgroups, between the
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group as a whole and an individual, or between the group as a whole and a particular
subgroup.
Basic Assumption Groups
A group that is anxious about confronting a conflict directly may unconsciously
find covert ways of containing or managing the conflict. For example, groups may use
particular members or subgroups to contain a difficult emotion, thought, or point of view
on behalf of the group as a whole. That is, an individual group member, a pair, or a sub-
group may be compelled, through the processes of projective identification, to take up a
role to meet the unconscious needs of the group. The group as a whole can maintain its
equilibrium, as long as it can view "the problem" as located in one individual or
subgroup. Groups which operate largely unconsciously, and in seeming opposition to
their stated primary task are said to be operating under basic assumption mentality (Banet
& Hayden, 1977; Bion, 1961; Hayden & Molenkamp, 2004; Lawrence, Bain, & Gould,
1996; Miller, 1989; Rioch, 1975). Basic assumption groups assign leadership to those
most able to help the group meet its unconscious survival needs and contain its anxiety.
Basic assumption leaders collude with the group in avoiding reality, and may be extruded
or replaced if they break this unconscious agreement.
For example, a group with conflicts around dependency issues may find an
"identified patient" in the group who it can take care of. By loading the dependency into
one person or sub-group, the group-as-a- whole frees itself of the anxiety caused by the
intolerable dependency, while at the same time maintaining the connection with those
feelings in the person of the identified patient. Elements of the dependency assumption
can be seen in the "new Israeli" of the Zionist narrative, in which all vulnerability is split
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off and attached to the "weak Diaspora Jew". Israelis are good and strong, while Diaspora
Jews are viewed with contempt for their weakness (and walking like sheep to their own
extermination). Conversely, a group with anxieties related to competence may project all
of its competence into one member or the leader and then rely on that leader to take care
of the group 72 . The example of Judith and Holophernes in Apocrypha has been cited in
the group relations literature as an example of the dangers of extreme dependency upon a
leader. Judith cut off the head of the Assyrian leader, Holophernes, and then displayed it
to his army. Without their leader, or "head," the army acted as if they had "all lost their
own heads" (Obholzer & Zagier Roberts, 1994a), and were quickly defeated by the
Israelites.
A group that struggles with its own aggression may find a member or sub-group
onto whom it may project its own aggressive tendencies (or other characteristic that
contradicts the group's perception of itself). Through the processes of splitting and
projective identification, the group locates the intolerable characteristic in one individual
and can then scapegoat that individual for owning the characteristic 73 . In this way, the
group manages its anxiety around a particular problem or conflict. By locating the
intolerable feeling or point of view, group members may divest themselves of
responsibility, and can continue to deny their own contribution to the problem. By
scapegoating a particular individual, the group maintains a connection with the split off
aspects of itself, without having to actually take ownership of those parts, or to feel the
anxiety that such ownership would involve: "The deviancy is informing the group about
72 Bion (1952) referred to this dynamic as basic assumption dependency.
73 Bion (1952) referred to this dynamic as basic assumption fight/flight.
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aspects of its nature of which it would prefer to remain ignorant" (Smith and Berg, 1987,
p. 91).
Scapegoating allows a group to manage its anxiety about conflict or a particular
challenge it might be facing. Ultimately, it also interferes with a group's ability to
effectively face that challenge or conflict, or to adapt to its environment. Real change or
transformation can thus be avoided. In the Zionist narrative, Palestinians are the
scapegoats: by putting all of the aggression into Palestinians and labeling them as
"terrorists," Israeli Jews do not need to face their own aggression: with "the most moral
army in the world," Israel acts only in self defense. Heifetz (1994) maintains that the role
of the leader is to help the group face its adaptive challenges. If the group succeeds in
extruding the scapegoat from the group, it is likely that the problem or conflict that the
scapegoat represented will surface elsewhere in the system.
A group may also offer up a pair who gives voice to the conflict existing in the
group at a particular time. That is, the group may designate two of its members to fight
with each other, while the remainder of the group observes passively. Thus, rather than
the group as a whole engaging in a dialogue to reflect on the conflict, it may instead be
lodged in two individuals who give voice to the conflict on behalf of the larger system.
Pairs of members may also be asked to hold a sense of hope for the group 74 . This may
still be problematic, as the group-as-a- whole continues to avoid dealing with reality.
Much was made of the handshake between Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin at the
signing of the Oslo accords in 1993. There followed a period of great hope, and
74 Bion (1959) referred to this dynamic as basic assumption pairing. Basic assumption functioning is also
discussed in Rioch (1970), Miller (1989), Lawrence, Bain, and Gould (1996), Banet and Hayden (1977);
and Hayden and Molenkamp (2003).
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numerous peace and coexistence initiatives were introduced. At the same time, little
changed structurally that would allow a real peace to take place. Neither side addressed
the difficult realities or the adaptive challenges that needed to be faced within their own
constituencies, particularly the increase in Israeli settlement activity, and corruption and
internal conflict within the Palestinian Authority. Israel and Palestine may also be viewed
as a "fighting pair," in which they hold or contain the conflict on behalf of the entire
global community.
Groups can exert enormous pressure, both overt and covert, on an individual
member, pair, or subgroup to take up a particular role on behalf of the whole group.
Demographic characteristics, such as age, gender, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status,
and physical characteristics, may serve as the basis for which certain members are
ascribed particular roles (D. N. Berg & Smith, 1987; Horwitz, 1983; McRae & Short,
2010; Reed & Noumair, 2000). For example, women, based on cultural expectations,
may be asked to take on caretaking roles on behalf of the larger group, or to give voice to
emotions in the group. Sered's (2000) work, noted earlier, demonstrates this in her
discussion of the roles of Israeli Jewish women, and the particular ways that Israeli
patriarchal society uses them. Members of a particular ethnic group in a society may hold
certain characteristics, such as aggression or sexuality, deemed intolerable by another
ethnic group. Sometimes, these projections get translated into policy or law (Skolnick &
Green, 2006).
Basic assumption mentality, as described in the examples above, simplifies what
is complex, and allows a group to manage anxiety and internal conflict without actually
addressing the reality at hand. Groups that are invested in maintaining a particular view
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of themselves (their group identity) and of other groups can exert similar pressure on its
members to behave according to group norms/expectations as a way of keeping them "in
line." Speaking against predominating group norms may carry the risk of being
scapegoated. Those doing so may face sanction from their own group if they violate
group norms in attempting to reach out to the other. This can be seen, for example with
established organizations in the American Jewish community, which label criticism of
Israeli government policies as the "new anti-Semitism." Anwar Sadat and Yitzhak Rabin
were assassinated by members of their own constituencies for their attempts to make
peace with the other without adequately addressing the profound anxieties in their own
groups (Heifetz & Linsky, 2002).
Splitting and Projective Identification in an Inter-Group Context
Groups may attempt to avoid or deny their own internal conflicts by finding an
external group or enemy onto whom it can project its unacceptable, split-off parts. This is
the root of stereotyping, sexism, racism and other "isms". It is also the fuel that can fan
the flames of war. The less personal contact we have with other groups or individuals
who represent different group identities, the more they may serve as a blank screen onto
which we project our own unwanted images, ideas, desires, longings, anxieties, and
prejudices. The external groups may have a valence (propensity or predisposition) for the
characteristic that is being projected, and may also be compelled to take on those
characteristics by virtue of the behavior of the projecting group. The more we treat a
group as if they have a particular characteristic, the more we actually encourage, or even
create that behavior.
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The invocation of an external enemy sets into motion a vicious cycle of projective
identification, which serves to create internal unity while deflecting attention away from
internal conflicts or adaptive challenges that need to be faced. As Israelis and Palestinians
have less contact and younger generations have fewer opportunities to actually meet the
other, dehumanization and demonization of the other increases. The cycles of projection
and projective identification have boosted extremism and radicalization on both sides. In
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the aggression and violence are projected onto the
Palestinians, who then take up the role of "terrorists." Jewish Israelis can then remain in
the more familiar and comfortable role of victim. The more the group-as-a- whole takes
on the victim role and projects the aggression outward, the more likely it is (through
processes of projective identification) to draw that aggression onto itself, thereby creating
a self-fulfilling prophecy. This has also been referred to as inverse victimization
(Roffman, 2008). This is not to dismiss actual instances of victimization and oppression
of Jews throughout history. But, it is important to recognize the communal valences that
continue to draw "anti-Semitism" or other forms of violence towards Jews.
The larger socio-political context — global, regional, and intra-group — further
complicates the dynamics of the conflict. On the international level, the parties have been
viewed as proxies in the cold war (Plitnick & Toensing, 2007). On a regional level, Arab
countries have used the issue of Palestine to distract from their own internal difficulties,
while it is used by Israel to divert attention from its own internal conflicts (both with
Palestinian citizens of Israel, and between Jewish groups: left and right wing, secular and
religious, native Israelis and new immigrants, etc. Religion (and religious
fundamentalisms) is another important dimension in the larger socio-political
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environment. As the Holy Land for the three Abrahamic faiths, Israel/Palestine has long
been the repository of hopes, dreams, longings, and other projections from around the
globe. Religious beliefs and rituals (Jewish, Muslim, and Christian) have long been used
to justify violent policies and reactions on both sides 75 . A group relations lens allows one
to look at the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at multiple levels: at the psychological level of
trauma; at the social level of inter- group relations; and at the political level of
understanding the role of leadership, authority, and power. From this perspective, the
conflict is not just about two peoples, but also about what these two groups are enacting
on behalf of the global community, that is, why does the global community need these
two groups to be in conflict?
Many approaches to conflict resolution do not address the underlying anxieties
and fears that exacerbate and fuel conflict. In contrast, group relations conferences
engage participants on a deeply emotional as well as rational level; on an individual, as
well as systemic level. Learning about the processes of group projection, and increasing
awareness about how individuals participate in the projective process (that may manifest
as de-humanization of the other) can clear a path to better understanding and more
fruitful interactions within and between the groups, and may over time have an impact on
the general discourse of the conflict. Group relations conferences bring to the surface the
non-rational processes within and between groups. This is not to suggest that this
approach could or should replace political and structural interventions. Rather, they need
to accompany such processes.
75 The "Christian Zionist" movement in the United States is one example of non -Jewish and non-Arab
group's involvement in and impact on the conflict, in its alignment with the Israeli right wing.
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Group Relations Conference Methods
Group relations conferences offer a unique kind of experiential learning in which
participants can explore and learn about issues of power and leadership, and the
conscious and unconscious processes that influence the exercise of authority in groups.
Each group relations conference becomes a temporary institution, designed to reproduce
many of the psychodynamic and structural characteristics of organizational and
community life: task systems, structures of authority, boundaries of task, role, time and
territory. The temporary organization of the conference system provides the opportunity
to learn about authority, leadership and group dynamics experientially, as they unfold in
the "here and now" 76 . Working within this temporary organization, members learn how
it functions, how they function in it, and then examine how this experiential learning can
be applied to their work settings back-home 77 .
The Tavistock Institute held the first group relations conference at the University
of Leicester in the U.K. in 1957, and continues to run two-week conferences there on an
annual basis. Hence, conferences of this sort are often referred to as "Tavistock"
conferences. The first group relations conference in the U.S. took place in 1965, and was
directed by A. Kenneth Rice, after whom the U.S. -based group relations organization was
named. Group relations theory and conference methods continue to be developed at the
Tavistock Institute in the U.K, the A.K. Rice Institute in the U.S., and other group
relations organizations around the world.
76 A full description of the conference experience can be found in Rice (1963), Banet and Hayden (1977);
Hayden and Molenkamp (2003); and Miller (1989).
77 Information obtained from AKRI's website www.akriceinstitute.org
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The word "conference" can be misleading and evoke the image of traditional
academic or professional meeting in which expert faculty or speakers lecture or actively
facilitate sessions, while the audience passively takes in the information. In contrast, a
group relations conference is structured in a way that encourages participants to assert
authority by bringing in their own experience and knowledge. Both participants and staff
are "participant observers" who work together to make meaning of the temporary
organization/system that they are co-creating (Banet & Hayden, 1977; Hayden &
Molenkamp, 2004; Miller, 1989).
Group relations conferences may be residential or non-residential and may be as
short as a weekend, or as long as two weeks. Typically, they consist of five types of
events. Three of these, small study groups, large study groups and the institutional event
are "here and now" events. This means that the purpose is for participants (with the
assistance of one or more consultants) to study their own experience and behavior as it
occurs in the context of the group. A small study group (SSG) will consist of eight to
twelve members and one or two consultants. Traditionally, small study group
assignments are made by the staff prior to the conference, in order to create groups that
are heterogeneous with respect to gender, age, and race/ethnicity. The large study group
(LSG) consists of all of the conference participants and three to four consultants,
traditionally seated in some kind of spiral, double spiral, or concentric circle
configuration where participants cannot have face-to-face contact with everyone in the
room. In this kind of arrangement, crowd dynamics may be elicited and studied. In the
institutional event, members choose their own groups, whose task is to study not only
their own experience and behavior, but also the relations between the groups and the
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dynamics of the whole institution. Staff members may take up a variety of management
or consulting roles in these sessions (Banet & Hayden, 1977; Hayden & Molenkamp,
2004; Miller, 1989).
In addition to the "here and now" events described above, traditional group
relations conferences also have two kinds of reflective events: plenary sessions and
review and application groups (RAG — sometimes referred to as role analysis groups).
Plenary sessions include all of the members and staff and are designed to present and
discuss questions regarding the conference in general and its component parts.
Conferences generally begin and end with a plenary, as does the institutional event.
Review and application groups consist of four to eight participants to first examine the
roles they are taking and being given within the conference experience. Later on in the
conference these sessions move toward focusing on what is being learned and how it may
apply to their back-home roles and organizations (Banet & Hayden, 1977; Hayden &
Molenkamp, 2004; Miller, 1989).
The role of the staff is to encourage and support participant awareness, analysis,
reflection, and understanding of the emerging conference dynamics. Staff consultants
take an interpretive stance and attempt to offer hypotheses about conference dynamics in
the moment. They make use of their own and conference participants' observations,
thoughts, behaviors, associations, metaphors, fantasies, dreams, etc. as evidence to
support their hypotheses. Participants are free to work with these hypotheses, discard
them, or offer their own. Klein and Astrachan (1971) describe the consultant's task as
follows:
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The consultant's task is to make learning opportunities available to the members,
and he (sic) performs this task by staying in role. He does not define the activities
of others, plan for the group or organize resources. He does not motivate others to
attend to the group task, nor does he assess for the group how effectively it
approximates its goal. He leads by attending to his task, by commenting on group
dynamics, on relationships to him, on rivalries, and the like. (p. 668)
Because consultants do not behave in ways consistent with what is expected in a
group "leader," 78 group members are confronted immediately with conscious and
unconscious expectations and beliefs that they may hold with regard to leadership,
authority, and power. The consulting stance (an admittedly unusual way of interacting
with others) may provoke anxiety and/or aggression.
Conferences have a clear structure, with clear boundaries around time, task, and
roles. At the same time, there is no pre-determined outcome or action agenda, as this is
determined by conference participants and unfolds in the course of their work together.
The assumption is that the conference serves as a microcosm of the external environment,
so that by examining their behaviors and experiences within the "here and now"
experience of the conference setting, participants will gain insight into the dynamics of
the systems in which they work and live: at home, in the workplace and in their
communities (Banet & Hayden, 1977; Hayden & Molenkamp, 2004; Miller, 1989) 79 . The
dynamics that emerge within any particular group are influenced by the larger system and
environment within which the group is embedded. For instance, within an organizational
78 In the description and implementation of a group relations conference, we are careful to refer to staff not
as leaders, but as consultants .
79 This phenomenon has also been referred to as isomorphy (Agazarian & Philibossian, 1988).
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context, the process of a particular group tends to reflect the larger organizational culture:
its assumptions, values, and beliefs. The organizational culture, in turn, is influenced by
the culture of the larger community and nation. Individuals are members of multiple
groups in addition to their work groups. By virtue of their outside identity group
memberships, group members import assumptions, values and beliefs from the larger
environment (Berg and Smith, 1987). Examining the dynamics in the microcosm of the
conference can elucidate processes in the society at large (Alford, 2004). In the United
States, group relations conferences have been used to explore various themes related to
identity, including gender, race, ethnicity, etc. (Braxton, Hayden, McRae, & Monroe,
2008; McRae & Short, 2010).
Overseas, two organizations, Besod Siach (which was the original inspiration for
the project), and Partners for Confronting Collective Atrocities 80 (an ad hoc group which
includes group relations practitioners from Europe and Israel) have conducted
conferences (in Israel and Cyprus, respectively) with themes related to the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict. One Besod Siach conference was took place in a Palestinian village
in Israel and was directed by a Palestinian citizen of Israel 8 ' . The International Forum for
Social Innovation (IFSI), a group relations organization based in France co-sponsored a
conference with Al-Quds University in East Jerusalem in July of 1996. While this was
Partnership for Confronting Collective Atrocities has used the model to bring together descendants of
Nazis and descendants of Holocaust survivors in Germany and Israel on a biannual basis. The last two
conferences, convened in Cyprus in 2008 and 2010, have widened the focus to include Palestinians and
"others" (Erlich, 2006).
81 While this has not been written about in the literature, I learned about it in an interview with the
conference director in 2008. He described one incident in the conference where he had enacted a very
personal (and universal) story of displacement. This occurred during the Institutional Event, when he
realized that he had neglected to define a territory for the management team (which he headed) to work.
Unconsciously, he displaced himself, repeating in microcosm his experience of displacement as an expelled
Palestinian inside Israel (Besod Siach conference director, personal communication, 2008).
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planned to take place on a regular basis, the conference was canceled by Al Quds in 1997
(Gutmann, Pierre, Ternier David, & Verrier, 1997) 82 .
Group Relations Conference Research
Empirical studies of group relations conferences and their outcomes are few in
number. Early on, A. Kenneth Rice expressed resistance to doing research at conferences
due to its potential interference with the "here and now" experience of the conference. At
the same time, he suggested that such research might be more acceptable once the field
became more established (Lipgar, Bair, & Fichtner, 2004).
Group relations outcomes research has occurred primarily in a few university
settings: at Temple University, Northwestern, University of Chicago, New York
University (Silver, 2001) and more recently at the University of California in San Diego.
The research has attempted to measure various aspects of participant learning and factors
that appear to help or hinder conference learning. Such variables examined include those
related to individual member characteristics, and those that are related to characteristics
of the conference.
Conference research has been varied in both focus and method. Studies have been
aimed at understanding group process and functioning from a psychodynamic perspective
and at measuring individual member learning, including how individual and conference
characteristics impact on learning. Methods used have included systematic observation
82 The 1996 conference occurred after Rabin's assassination and Likud's rise into power). There were 36
participants, 28 Palestinian (1 originally European), six Israelis (three Jews and three Arab), two other
European. There were eight staff members of different nationalities, religions, and cultures: the two
Palestinians on staff held administrative roles. Consulting staff came from the US, France, India, and Israel.
The conference director was a French Jew. There was a high level of absenteeism, due to border/checkpoint
issues. The conference was characterized by many challenges to the boundaries, which were seen as a
barrier and to the non-Palestinian staff, not seen as trustworthy (Gutmann, et al., 1997).
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with or without audio and videotape recording and coding in order to understand more
about psychodynamic processes in groups. Researchers have also applied ethnographic
and psychometric techniques in order to study groups as social systems, and factors
affecting how individuals — both members and consulting staff — are impacted by the
conference experience (Lipgar, et al., 2004)
Research on individual member characteristics has looked at differences in
cultural identity (Walker, 1993) or member learning styles as variables (Lipgar, Bair, &
Fichtner, 2004). Conference variables studied include conference context (who sponsors
the conference and number of conferences sponsored), design (including duration,
number of events, and intensity — residential or non-residential), and linkages (that is the
social and authority ties between staff and members of a conference). Residential
conferences of greater intensity and complexity (that is longer residential conferences),
with strong sponsors (that is, those who are able to successfully recruit and finance
membership), and authority and social ties between members and staff were found to
increase the amount of learning reported by participants (E. B. Klein & Astrachan, 1975;
E. B. Klein, Correa, Howe, & Stone, 1983; E. B. Klein, Stone, Correa, Astrachan, &
Kossek, 1989). Characteristics of conference consulting staff, such as their orientation
toward or conceptualization of their roles (Lipgar, et al., 2004; McGarrigle, 1993), their
gender and level of authority (Correa, et al., 1988; Cytrynbaum & Belkin, 2004) and the
impact of those characteristics on conference dynamics and learning have also been
important areas of study.
Outcomes research for group relations conferences focuses on the group process
or participant learning measured during (Wheelan, et al., 1991) or immediately following
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a conference (Lipgar, et al., 2004; Lipgar & Struhl, 1993; McGarrigle, 1993). Longer
term follow up studies (at six weeks and three months post-conference) have confirmed
that conference participants increase their learning about authority, leadership,
follower ship, power dynamics in groups, the group effect on task performance and
interpersonal problems in the exercise of leadership (E. B. Klein & Astrachan, 1975; E.
B. Klein, et al., 1989). There has been little follow-up on these earlier studies.
Case studies have looked at the long-term impact of group relations conference
training on organizational functioning (when a majority of employees have attended
conferences) (Menninger, 1975, 1985) and on communities in conflict (Alevy, et al.,
1974; Doob & Foltz, 1973, 1974; E. B. Klein, 1985). These studies are also not current.
Hupkens (2006) recently conducted a small pilot study consisting of intensive interviews
of five people who attended between one and six group relations conferences. More such
follow-up studies, conducted systematically, would greatly enhance our understanding of
the processes at work during and after conferences; the variables that contribute to
participant learning; the ways participants make meaning of their experiences, and how
learning accumulates over time.
Over the past five decades, group relations organizations around the world have
sponsored numerous conferences, in which many have participated. The organizations
that sponsor these events, and the consultants that staff them, are committed to offering
this kind of experiential learning. Yet, the administration of conference evaluations,
interviews, or other outcome measures, either at the conclusion of the conferences or in
later follow-up, is not part of standard practice. The coming chapters describe a pilot
study, Authority, leadership, and peacemaking: The role of the Diasporas, which uses
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group relations theory and conference methods to bring together Jewish and Arab
Diaspora communities, as well as affected others, in the United States. It seeks to address
some of the gaps in the literature in regard to both group relations and conflict resolution.
The next chapter describes the specific innovations and adaptations to the group relations
model, and research methods used in this study. The remaining chapters report on
themes and dynamics in the conference and learning outcomes for participants.
Summary
This chapter has reviewed the literature in four areas of study: 1) Jewish and
Palestinian identities and collective narratives; 2) Diaspora communities; 3) conflict
resolution and dialogic interventions used with Jewish and Arab groups in Israel and in
the US and 4) group relations theory, practice, and research.
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Chapter 3
METHODS
Introduction
This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section discusses pre-
conference planning activities, and includes information about project partners, brochure
and marketing, budget, conference staff, and pre-conference data collection. The second
section examines the conference itself: it includes a description of the conference task
and design; participant demographics; and a discussion of reflexivity and participant
observation as the method of data collection. The chapter concludes with a description of
data collection in the post-conference stage, and includes a description of the survey and
interview protocols.
Pre-Conference Activities
Project Partners: Roles and Responsibilities
The conference had six sponsors: three in the US, and one each in the
Netherlands, Israel, and Palestine. The project partners were finalized in November 2009.
I wrote up a memorandum outlining my role and responsibilities, the roles and
responsibilities agreed to by each partner, and the roles and responsibilities of conference
directors and staff. This memo was forwarded to each of the sponsoring organizations.
Most of the partners offered help in marketing and fundraising for the event. This
included posting a link to our brochure and "fundraising widget 83 " on their websites; and
announcing the conference through their electronic listserves. One organization offered to
hold pre-or post-conference events to market the conference. One offered funds to pay for
83 through which individuals could contribute to the conference scholarship fund on line
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the travel expenses of one of the co-directors. Another was to serve solely in the role of
fiscal sponsor. The conference task, roles and responsibilities of conference directors and
staff were also stated in the memorandum. The conference tasks I defined were "to
promote dialogue between the Jewish, Palestinian, and Arab Diasporas and affected
others around the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to learn about unconscious processes and
group dynamics and how they affect the conflict; to explore identity issues in relation to
the other."
I communicated with the sponsors on a regular basis to inform them of progress
and changes regarding the project. The full text of the memorandum can be found in
Appendix G.
Conference Brochure and Marketing
The conference brochure was written over the summer and early fall of 2009. The
full text for it can be found in Appendix H. The design and writing the brochure is
typically the director's task. Because of the nature of the project, I took a larger role in
this than is usual in conference work. The two directors and I each worked on parts of the
brochure, although I had general oversight and did the final editing. The brochure stated
that the primary task of the conference would be:
... to learn - through experience - how groups function, how we exercise
leadership in groups, and how we can become more effective leaders within
the organizations and communities in which we live and work. Uniquely, we will
have the opportunity to focus on those elements of leadership that can often be
obscured from view - the hidden challenges.
This was somewhat different than the way I had originally defined the task for the
directors, and was worded along the lines of a traditional group relations conference, with
the emphasis on the exercise of leadership in groups (Hayden & Molenkamp, 2004;
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Miller, 1989). However, I approved the text because I thought the rest of the brochure
made clear that the focus would be on examining the dynamics of Jewish and Middle
Eastern Diaspora communities in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and to
explore possibilities for peacemaking. The brochure went online in November 2009. I
developed a database of approximately 600 organizations, groups, and individuals: these
included academic departments and institutions; activist groups; Arab American and
Jewish American organizations (mainstream and activist); religious congregations
(Muslim, Jewish, and Christian); mental health organizations and professional groups;
and organizations and departments concerned with conflict resolution in general and the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict in particular. E-mail flyers were sent out to this list three to
four times between January and April 2010.
Budgeting
In the budget prepared by one of the conference directors and me, all conference
costs (staff honoraria; travel; room and lodging expenses; advertising; and participant
room and board) would be covered by tuition costs for participants. Fees were set at
$1695.00 (including tuition, room, and board) for a four day residential conference. In
February 2010 (about two months before the conference was to begin), the directors and I
decided to shorten the conference by one day, and make residency optional. This would
substantially decrease the cost (fees were now $395.00, including tuition and food, with
lodging extra) and was aimed to encourage enrollment. The conference was funded
through small grants from Lesley University, the Northeast Society for Group
Psychotherapy Foundation and Group Relations International; individual online
donations made through a fundraising widget; tuition monies; and the researcher.
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Conference Staff and Staff Work
I hired two conference directors in April of 2009: a Christian Palestinian man
living in Israel, and a Jewish American man living in the US. The role of the directors
was to direct a conference within the parameters that I had defined, in regard to the
conference theme, primary task, conference title and the research portion of the
conference. The directors agreed to convene a conference with as many as 50
participants, and as few as eleven 84 .
Other elements of the directors' roles included developing the conference design,
preparing a conference budget, designing the conference brochure with a graphic
designer that I had chosen, and hiring staff. The conference directors and I scheduled
monthly meetings via Skype, and met more frequently as the dates of the conference
drew near.
The directors hired staff consultants whose cultural identities would reflect the
different groups who would be attending the conference: Arab, Middle Eastern, Jewish,
and "other." The consulting staff included: one Asian American, one Persian American,
one Palestinian American, one Jewish American, one Arab Jew living in Israel, and one
Christian Arab living in Europe 85 . An African American was hired to be conference
administrator. In total, the conference staff had five women and four men.
For all of the conference staff (except for the Palestinian co-director who had
consulted at Besod Siach conferences), this application of group relations methods was
84 The number eleven was chosen, because that was the smallest group relations conference that I had
knowledge of to date. Not coincidentally, it had been directed by the Jewish American co -director, and I
had served on staff.
85 The Arab consultant from Europe had to withdraw from role two weeks before the conference, for
medical reasons.
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completely new. All were interested in discovering what might be learned from this
particular adaptation of the group relations model, and in seeing what further innovations
might be developed. The directors in particular wanted to involve the consulting staff in
designing the conference. The staff met three times via conference call from December
2009 to March 2010. The purpose of these calls was 1) to get to know each other and
discuss their connectedness to the conference task (often called "joining work") 2)
discuss conference design and 3) discuss conference recruitment. They convened on the
conference site two nights before the conference was to begin.
About two months before the conference, the administrator had to withdraw for
medical reasons. When it became clear that enrollment would not be sufficient to support
all of the consultants, all of the staff expressed willingness to shift into member roles, if
that became necessary 86 . This shift was finalized in the work done between the
conference directors and staff the day before the conference was to begin. The directors
decided (and I concurred) to use the time already set aside for staff work as a transition
day 87 . The consulting staff did joining work in the morning, and discussed conference
design ideas in the afternoon. After this, they shifted into their member roles. In essence,
we were adding a "pre-conference" for the part of the group that had been hired to be on
staff.
In the conference itself, we would now have a two tiered system of
membership — a subgroup of members who were more privileged, and another set of
members who were paying to attend (though they too were being subsidized to some
Their travel and lodging expenses would still be covered by me.
87 A number of staff were coming from out of state or out of the country, and could not change tickets
without an additional fee.
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degree). We believed that if this difference were made transparent, and explored, then it
would provide additional opportunities for learning about a conflict in which the two
sides are unequal in terms of power and privilege.
Pre-Conference Data Collection
Pre-conference, I recorded notes during or just after all of my meetings with
directors and during staff meetings, and saved all correspondence pertaining to the
conference. The directors convened staff meetings, and I contributed to them when I
thought it appropriate. In addition to participant observation in pre-conference staff
meetings, I administered pre-conference surveys to the staff and people who had signed
up for the conference (see appendix I). The purpose of the pre-conference survey was to
elicit information about the participants' learning goals, hopes, concerns and expectations
for the conference, prior involvement in dialogue or coexistence work with the other
community; as well as previous encounters with experiential learning. Questions
regarding demographic background and how participants defined their religion and
ethnicity were also asked. Finally I asked respondents to define their political views vis-
a-vis the conflict, in order to have a baseline to compare with post-conference responses.
In addition to collecting data from conference participants, I also recorded my
observations at various meetings or lectures I attended in regard to the conflict, and my
own internal emotional experience while planning the conference.
The Conference
Conference Task
Authority, Leadership, and Peacemaking was different from a typical group
relations conference in a number of ways. Some of the changes to traditional ways of
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mounting conferences were deliberate and others were the result of environmental
exigencies, and might better be labeled as adaptations. Deliberate innovations concerned
the conference task and conference design, and the way in which the research was
integrated into the conference. All of the innovations and adaptations had repercussions
for conference dynamics, which will be discussed at greater length in the next chapter.
A major difference from the traditional conference model was the introduction of
a second task: to bring together Jewish, Arab, and other Middle Eastern Diaspora
communities to explore their role in contributing to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and
how they might contribute the peacemaking process. The "double task" model was
introduced by Harold Bridger, one of the founders of the Tavistock Institute, who later
founded the Bayswater Institute in the UK. This model puts equal emphasis on the
unconscious process and the work task (L. Klein, 2005). With Bridger' s departure, the
Tavistock and Bayswater models developed independently of each other. Group relations
organizations in the US are more closely allied with the Tavistock model. For this project
the group relations conference model would be the tool or method for dialogue (rather
than an end in itself), with a greater emphasis on the theme of the role of the Diasporas in
the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
Conference Design
The conference structure ultimately resembled that of a traditional group relations
conference, with traditional types of events, described in the literature review and below
(Hayden & Molenkamp, 2004). The final conference design included opening and
closing plenaries, study groups, an institutional event, review and application groups and
a conference discussion, held at the end of the second day and meant to serve as a kind of
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review session for all conference members. The conference events are described below,
and a full schedule may be found in Appendix J.
The conference opening and closing sessions bookmarked the conference. Their
task was to "provide an opportunity for members and staff to express their thoughts and
feelings on crossing the boundaries from the outside environment into the conference and
from within the conference to the outside environment" 88 . During these sessions, the
entire conference sat in the designated "plenary room." The two directors sat in front
facing all of the conference members, whose chairs were arranged in a straight line. I sat
on the same side of the room as the directors, though several feet off to the side and a few
steps behind. During the conference opening, the directors read an opening statement (see
appendix K for full text) explaining the primary task of the conference, describing their
roles, and talking about the conference theme, and the concepts of leadership and
authority. During this time, I was also asked to say something about the research. I spoke
very briefly, directing members to their conference folders, which contained the
disclosure form (see appendix L). During the closing plenary, I shared some of my
observations, as well as some of my experiences in the pre-conference planning, when I
felt it would elucidate some of the dynamics being discussed.
Study Groups (SG) met five times during the conference 89 : twice on the first and
second days, and once on the last day. Their purpose was "to study processes as they
occur - in the "here-and-now" — in this face-to-face group with special reference to the
The phrasing of the tasks for these events is from the conference directors, as written in the conference
packet.
89 There was some discussion about this during the pre-conference staff work. Staff considered having both
a large and a small study group, or eliminating one of them. Given the size of the membership, it made
sense to not differentiate between different types of study groups.
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exercise of authority and the emergence of leadership." This group met across the hall
from the plenary room. Twelve chairs were set up in a circle to accommodate all
conference members and the two directors. As the researcher, I sat outside the circle at
the back of the room.
There were six sessions plus a closing plenary for the Institutional Event (IE),
which took place during the second and third (last) day of the conference. In this event,
members were given the opportunity to form their own sub-systems, and negotiate their
mission in relation to the institution. The primary task was "to explore the relationship
between the sub-systems and the conference-as-a- whole in the 'here-and-now.'" The
management (i.e., the conference directors) met in a separate room on the second floor.
They did their work in public and members were free to observe or meet with them (with
the authorization of their respective groups). The text for the event opening (read by the
directors) can be found in Appendix M. The institutional event added the element of
inviting members to co-design the final institutional event plenary in consultation with
the directors. Members were informed of this opportunity in the fourth session of the
event. This innovation has been used increasingly in group relations conferences. During
the event, I observed the group formation process, and then split my time between the
two member groups and the management group 90 . One of the member groups refused to
allow me to observe during one of the last institutional event sessions, while they were
planning for the final plenary. Otherwise, both groups agreed to my requests to observe.
There were two Review and Application Group (RAG) sessions, whose task was
"to provide members the opportunity to examine and discuss unresolved conference
90 In this session, the three groups met simultaneously.
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issues, reflect upon experiences and learning during the various conference events, and
consider application of conference learning to home institutions." There were four or
five members in each RAG group, which met with one of the conference directors. The
groups met in smaller rooms or sections of the plenary and study group rooms. Seating
arrangements in these groups were less formal, but more or less in a circular
configuration. Since there were two different RAG groups, I split my time between them,
observing one the first night, and the other on the last day. I sat just outside the circle.
The Conference Discussion (CD) took place at the end of the second day. Its task
was "to provide the opportunity for all conference participants to reflect on conference
issues, experiences and learning during the various conference events." The event
included all conference members. Here the seating arrangement was somewhat similar to
the opening and closing plenaries, though reversed: the directors and members were now
sitting on opposite sides of the room from where they were in the opening 91 .
Participant Demographics 92
There were a total of twelve participants in the conference. The directorate
included myself (a Jewish female), and the two male conference directors (one Jewish
American and one Christian Palestinian). There were an additional five women and four
male participants. Of these, four were Jewish (three of Eastern European origin, one of
Arab background), two were Muslim (one Persian American and one Palestinian
American) and three were from Catholic backgrounds (two from Western European
origin, and one from Asian origin). All but two people (one Muslim, one Jewish)
91 The purpose of this was to differentiate the two events.
,2 To clarify the terminology: I use the word participants to include all who took part in the conference:
directors, members, and me. "Members" refers to those participants in the conference who did not serve in
a staff role, including those who began as staff, and later shifted into a membership role.
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described their religious practices as secular or eclectic. Table 1 below illustrates the
demographics of conference participants and staff according to gender and religious
background.
Table 1: Participant Demographics (Conference Members and Directors)
Religious
Background
Gender
Male
Female
Conference Directors
Conference Creator
Conference Members
Jewish
Christian
Jewish
Jewish
Christian
Muslim
Total
1
1
2
2
1
6
1
2
1
1
6
Conference Data Collection: Reflexivity, Subjectivity, and Participant Observation
While qualitative researchers have divergent opinions about the importance of
"objectivity" (B. L. Berg, 2007; Creswell, 1998; Glesne, 2006; Reinharz, 1992), psycho-
social researchers (Clarke, 2002; Clarke & Hoggett, 2009; Hollway & Jefferson, 2000)
take for granted the subjectivity of the researcher.
psycho-social research enhances the ethical dimension of knowledge production
by revealing the projective dynamics of the researcher-researched relationship and
utilizing it for the purpose of deeper understanding (Alexandrov, 2009, p. 38).
Psycho -social research (Clarke, 2002; Clarke & Hoggett, 2009; Hollway &
Jefferson, 2000) involves looking beneath the surface of what subjects say in order to
ascertain additional meaning. The method assumes unconscious processes are present
within and between both the researcher and the researched. Psycho-social research
emphasizes reflexivity, recognizing the emotional involvement (conscious and
unconscious) of the researcher in the project. Such reflexivity can aid in the
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understanding of transference and counter-transference dynamics in the research. An
awareness of the practitioner's own values, prejudices and identifications can help the
researcher delineate whether what is evoked belongs to the subject, is co-constructed, or
belongs to the researcher (Clarke, 2002; Clarke & Hoggett, 2009; Hollway & Jefferson,
2000). For that reason, I included a discussion of aspects of my own narrative relevant to
the conference in the introduction of this dissertation, and present my affective
experience of events before and during the conference as part of the data collected.
In group relations conferences, members and staff are "participant observers" who
try to make meaning of what they are experiencing together. Their observations,
thoughts, fantasies, and emotions are all considered data to be used in the pursuit of the
understanding of the conference process (Banet & Hayden, 1977; Hayden & Molenkamp,
2004; Miller, 1989; Wells, 1995). The conference setting is understood to be a
microcosm of the larger environment within which the conference is taking place.
Meaning is negotiated in the conference setting, as both staff and members offer
hypotheses about the meaning of conference events. Thus, attention is paid to what
happens within the conference setting, and to how participants think and feel about those
events, as a means of understanding the larger system. Thus, in this chapter and those that
follow, my experiences, observations and emotions are presented as additional data to aid
in the understanding of conference processes and dynamics.
Roles of the Researcher
Conference directors and staff were aware that research would be embedded into
this conference, and were aware that I would observe conference events and staff
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meetings. At the conference, and throughout all events, I sat outside of the group with my
laptop, and transcribed verbatim, as much as I was able, all that was said.
The conference directors and I negotiated that I would be a "researcher with
voice." This meant that I would be able to take up my authority to speak if I felt it
important to do so 93 . The title of "researcher with voice" carried enough ambiguity to be
both useful and problematic. In general, we agreed that I would not speak during the
Study Group sessions, which were here and now events. The "there and then" events:
plenary sessions, review and application groups and conference discussion, had reflective
tasks, which allowed me to speak from my researcher role, sharing my observations and
reflections, when I felt it would elucidate some of the dynamics being discussed. As
noted earlier, this way of working is grounded in group relations theory and practice
(Wells, 1995).
Formal conference events ended at 8:30 PM on Friday and 9 PM on Saturday,
after which members were free to do as they wished. Since only three of the members
commuted, most would remain at the conference site socializing until late in the evening.
While the directors were constrained by the boundaries of their roles in terms of
interacting with members, I was more or less free to move between the member and staff
groups. The directors often worked into the evenings, reviewing the day and preparing
for the next. I sat in and took notes during these work meetings, and contributed ideas
when asked, and/or when I felt it was important. On Thursday and Friday, these meetings
93 Various models of incorporating research and observer roles have been tried in group relations
conferences. One model is for the researcher to be on the staff, but completely silent, moving in and out of
various conference events at will. Another model has the researcher/observer be mostly silent, but asked to
speak and share observations at specified times. On occasion, the observer takes on the role of "consultant
to the system" of the conference, with a voice in management.
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went on until late. On Saturday evening, after the directors finished working, I spent time
with the members in the plenary room (with their permission) as they talked, laughed,
drank wine, and danced. During meal times I ate primarily with the directors, but once or
twice with the conference members. I did not take notes during the informal parts of the
conference. While my observations during formal conference events were deliberate and
planned, the decision to join informal events was spontaneous. I did not take notes at
these times, and participated on a social level.
In addition to being the conference researcher, I had several other conference
roles: conference creator, sponsor, project director, and pre-conference administrator.
These roles were made public on the conference website, and were openly discussed in
conference sessions. Juggling the multiple roles was complex for all. My responsibilities
included: negotiating partnerships, hiring the conference directors, fundraising, and
providing oversight and final approval for the budget and conference brochure.
As the conference creator who had been developing the project (over a period of seven
years, from conception to implementation), I had a strong stake in the process and
conference outcomes. My interest in both the theme and the methods is not purely
academic. I am interested in facilitating change in the discourse (and ultimately actions)
of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict on individual, group, and larger communal and societal
levels. I brought all of these personal, professional, and political views and biases with
me to the development and implementation of this conference. All of these affected what
I perceived and how I interpreted what I was seeing before, during, and after the
conference. I influenced and was influenced by the dynamics of the institution we were
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co-creating, as well as my own understanding and judgments about how group relations
conferences should work.
Post-Conference Data Collection
Following the conference, data was collected from surveys and in-depth
interviews. In order to try to gain a better understanding of the larger context, I also
interviewed two Palestinians who have been involved in Israel-Palestine education and
activist work. My aim was to better understand the meaning of the low number of
conference registrations, within the larger context of Arab-Jewish inter-group dialogue in
the United States.
Surveys
Two surveys were administered post conference: an end-of-conference
evaluation, and a three month follow-up survey. Survey protocols were largely adapted
from the work of Patton (2002) and aimed to gather quantitative and qualitative
information about what participants learned. All surveys were administered via Survey
Monkey, a web-based survey organization. Participants were notified via email about the
surveys, and were given one week to complete them. The deadline was extended to
increase the response rate, and reminder notices were sent out. All nine conference
members completed the end-of-conference evaluation. Eight completed the three-month
follow-up survey. The evaluation and follow-up survey may be found in Appendices N
and O respectively.
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Immediate Post-Conference Evaluation Survey
Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected. The post-conference
evaluation consisted of 22 Likert scale questions and eleven open-ended questions. Likert
scale questions included questions about:
• Goals and expectations: to what extent was the conference what you
expected it to be?
• Participant learning about group dynamics: to what extent did you learn
about the ways leadership and authority emerges and is taken up in
groups?
• Participant learning about the Israeli Palestinian conflict: how much have
you learned about the Israeli narrative of the Israeli Palestinian conflict?
How much have you learned about the Palestinian narrative?
• The degree to which participants' expectations and goals were met: To
what extent have you achieved your goals during the conference?
• The contributions of particular conference events to participant learning:
to what extent did each of the following events (study groups, institutional
event, review and application groups) contribute to your learning?
• Participants' views of conference staff effectiveness in assisting their
learning: How effective were the directors in terms of 1) illuminating the
dynamics of the various groups they participated in? 2) illuminating the
dynamics of conflict? 3) illuminating the dynamics of the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict? 4) helping participants to understand their identity
group's role in the conflict
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• The impact of the conference on participants' personal, professional, and
community lives: To what extent has participation in this conference
affected you personally? To what extent do you think participation in this
conference will affect your professional life? To what extent do you think
participation in this conference will affect your activities with your own
identity group? With the other identity group?
• The extent to which the conference was worthwhile and the likelihood of
recommending the conference to others.
Surveys also included open-ended questions intended to gather data that better
reflected dynamic complexities of the conference and participant learning. For example,
participants were asked to describe the most meaningful part of the conference for them,
the most important lesson they were taking from the conference, and what they would say
if someone asked them to describe the conference experience. Respondents were also free
to add comments to the Likert scale questions, and most did.
Three-Month Follow -Up Survey
Because the learning that participants take from group relations conferences is not
always immediately evident, follow-up surveys were also administered three months
following the conference 94 . The follow-up survey consisted of eight Likert scale
questions and one open ended question. As with the evaluation, respondents were also
free to comment upon their answers to the former. Several of the Likert questions were
repeats of those asked in the conference evaluation, in order to measure whether
participants learned more in the months following the conference. These included
94 Follow-up will continue at the six and twelve month marks as well. Those findings will be documented
in a later report.
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questions such as: to what extent has participation in the conference affected you
personally; and to what extent has participation in the conference affected you
professionally. Participants were also asked to rate their learning in the following areas:
• How I take up authority and leadership
• Understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• Covert or unconscious processes in groups
• Covert or unconscious processes in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• Identity issues
• Understanding of the role of the Diasporas in the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict
• Other
These questions had been modified based on responses to the conference evaluation and
first interviews to address shortcomings with the original evaluation: I had neglected to
ask participants to rate their learning in the above areas in the evaluation, but had instead
asked them to rate the effectiveness of the directors in illuminating the dynamics related
to particular areas of learning.
Interviews
The interviews were aimed at understanding how participants and staff
experienced and made meaning of the conference, what impact the conference had on
them, and how this may have changed over time. I also examined the processes at work
during and after the conference that facilitated or hindered learning. Participants were
interviewed twice: once immediately or shortly after the conference, and again three
months later. I audio-taped and transcribed all interviews. They were asked to sign a
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consent letter prior to the first interview. Interview protocols were adapted from designs
proposed by Patton (2002) and Seidman (1998). The consent letter can be found in
Appendix P, post-conference interview protocols for members in Appendix Q, for
directors in Appendix R and thee month follow up interviews in Appendix S.
Immediate Post-Conference Interview
Participants were emailed immediately after the conference to schedule a time for
an interview. I followed up one or more times with participants who did not immediately
respond. The first interviews took place between April 24 and May 18, 2010. Since the
majority of participants lived out of state or overseas, most interviews took place over the
phone or through Skype. Because of technical problems with Skype, the interviews with
the two participants who lived in Israel took place over two sessions. Three interviews
were face to face. I was able to interview all nine conference members and both
conference directors following the conference.
The first post-conference interviews were between one and one and a half hours
in length. The interview protocol differed slightly for conference members and directors.
The former consisted of sixteen open-ended questions while the latter consisted of twelve
open-ended questions. Questions addressed to both members and directors asked about
expectations/goals they had for the conference and the extent to which the conference
met those expectations; what had they been concerned about before the conference, and
which of those things occurred; what was the most meaningful part of the experience;
what did they wish they had done differently; and whether there was anything that I
hadn't asked about that I should have asked, or anything I should know. Some questions
were somewhat repetitive, though phrased slightly differently, and meant to delve deeper
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into participants' experiences. These questions included how the conference affected
participants personally and professionally; what they got out of the experience; and what
was the most important lesson they were taking from the experience. Members were
asked questions about the impact on them of the shift from staff to member roles; their
experience in the IE, and why they chose to be in the group they did; the impact of the
conference on their relatedness to their identity or to other identities; and what they
would say if they were asked by a community group whether they should sponsor a
conference like this.
Three-Month Follow -Up Interviews
The second round of interviews was conducted in July of 2010. For the sake of
simplicity, the director and member interviews were the same. I also streamlined the
protocol to seven questions, four of which also contained follow-up/probing questions.
Both directors and eight of the conference participants were interviewed at this time.
Second interviews ranged from 20 to 90 minutes in length. Participants were first asked
to describe anything that stood out for them about the conference (highlights or low
points). Like the first interview, they were then asked to speak about how the conference
affected them: personally, professionally, in terms of their community involvement; and
in terms of their understanding about or activities related to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. Participants were asked whether there were other ways that the conference
affected them and what experiences at the conference have carried over to their life since
the conference.
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Interviews with Palestinian Activists
After the conference (in May and June respectively), I interviewed two
Palestinian activists. The purpose of these interviews was to gain a better understanding
of the larger context and reasons for low conference turn-out. Interviews were very open-
ended and conversational. The core questions were: what has been your experience in
organizing or participating in Jewish- Arab inter-group work in the US? What have been
the challenges? What have you done to address those challenges?
All interviews were audio-taped. Participants were informed that they could go
off the record at any time. One participant did so at the end of the first interview. I typed
participants' responses into my computer during the interviews. After each interview I
transcribed all of the tapes. This took an additional one to three hours per interview.
Summary
This chapter documented the planning, implementation, and data collection
activities engaged in by the researcher, project partners, conference directors and staff
before, during, and after the conference. This chapter also described the psycho-social
research approach taken, which emphasizes reflexivity and the dynamic interaction
between researcher and researched. Chapters Four and Five report the research findings.
The details and the dynamics of the conference planning process are described in the next
chapter.
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Chapter 4
PRE-CONFERENCE AND CONFERENCE DYNAMICS
Introduction
The next two chapters report on findings from pre-conference and conference
observation, surveys, and interviews. The first chapter (Pre-Conference and Conference
Dynamics) provides a narrative account of processes and events before and during the
conference, describes pre-conference and conference dynamics, and explores conference
themes. It includes (1) a description of the approach taken here to data analysis (2) an
account of the pre-conference planning process; (3) a discussion of conflict, anxiety, and
parallel process; and (4) the salient themes and dynamics that arose within the
conference. I describe the themes in narrative form, and bring in post-conference
reflections of participants to triangulate that data. The second chapter (Participant
Learning) reports on participant learning using data collected from interviews and
surveys.
Data Analysis
Data collected from pre-conference and conference observation were analyzed
as a whole for thematic content, using processes described by Patton (2002). I read
through the transcripts of the conference observation several times. First, I looked at them
as a whole to look for general themes, which I tentatively labeled: 1) the complexity of
identity; 2) Diaspora vs. exile; 3) disengagement vs. dialogue; 4) conflict/differentiation
vs. avoidance/disengagement; 5) peace vs. conflict; 6) truth vs. lies; 7) trinity/triumvirate
vs. twinning; 8) gendered roles and the role of gender; 9) conference theme vs.
conference process; 10) researcher vs. conference creator. Most of these themes had been
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explicitly discussed during the conference and in post-conference interviews by the
directors and the members. I then reviewed each of the transcripts with the above themes
in mind and coded them. I merged the two themes dealing with disengagement vs.
dialogue and conflict/differentiation vs. avoidance/disengagement. I triangulated this data
with data collected from the surveys and interviews. Relevant quotes from post
conference interviews where participants reflected on conference themes are included
here.
Analysis was both inductive and deductive. I looked for themes that emerged
from the data of the conference. At the same time, group relations theory provided the
theoretical lens (of the directors and most participants, as well as the researcher) through
which conference events were interpreted. The unit of analysis in a group relations
conference is the group as a whole: thus, the emphasis is on what an individual or sub-
group may hold on behalf of the entire group through processes of projection and
projective identification (Hayden & Molenkamp, 2004; Wells, 1995). The method
assumes unconscious processes are present within and between both researcher and
subject. As a researcher, I benefited from the fact that all but two of my subjects had vast
experience working in group relations, and were quite familiar with the interpretive frame
being used. Throughout the conference, staff and members worked to make sense of
conference dynamics and their own contribution to them. They brought a similar
reflexivity to their interviews.
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Pre-Conference Dynamics
In the early planning phase, I met with many people in both Jewish and
Palestinian American communities in order to ascertain interest in the project and
explored co- sponsorship opportunities with several individuals at organizations in the
Boston area. These organizations included academic departments, co-existence groups
and organizations aligned with either the Jewish or Arab American communities. My
initial plan was to have several sponsoring organizations (in addition to the group
relations organizations on board) to support the project with recruitment and funding:
Arab, Jewish, and academic. The majority of people with whom I spoke were enthusiastic
about the project. However, finding organizational sponsors and securing the funds for
the conference were much more complex than anticipated.
Early on in this process, I inadvertently walked in to a political conflict
involving two of the individuals/organizations that I had approached. In one exchange,
the leadership at an established American Jewish organization asked me for information
about other organizations with which I was discussing co- sponsorship. At the mention of
one organization, the person balked, claiming that the person in charge of the
organization I had named was "anti-Semitic." 95 In a follow-up letter they wrote:
"...we could not possibly engage in dialogue with groups or individuals that
promote the demonization or de-legitimization of Israel or Zionism (as opposed to
legitimate criticism). If one party cannot acknowledge the basic right of the other
party to self-determination, such a position is a non-starter for community relations
work in general and dialogue in particular."
95
I am not clear whether or not the two ever met.
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This statement reflects a dynamic within established Jewish organizations in the US,
whereby criticism of Israeli policy is labeled as anti-Semitic (described in chapter 2) % . I
realized at this point that co-sponsorship with any partisan organizations would be a
minefield for a project that addressed an already a politically loaded issue. I would
continue to reach out to both Jewish and Arab American organizations, but decided that
my project could not be officially linked to them. 97
Boundaries around the conference were constantly shifting. There were two
postponements, three sets of directors, and several different configurations of sponsoring
organizations, which did not become finalized until about six months prior to the
scheduled dates of the conference 98 .
96 I received only two other negative responses to the conference. Two people, one Jewish and one
Palestinian both reacted very negatively to the same paragraph in the conference brochure, referring to the
"cycle of violence" in the Middle East. One wrote:
"Looks interesting. However, I find the phrase "ongoing cycle of violence" offensive. It implies an even
handedness that is not there. Israel has been consistently asking for peace and educating their children that
peace is the goal. The Palestinians and surrounding Arab States have been advocating the destruction of
Israel since its inception and train their children to die as martyrs and hate the Jews. There should be peace,
and there is room for compromise, but you have to have two sides willing to negotiate in good faith."
The next one wrote:
"The first sentence in your flyer makes me turn my back in dismay. "Cycle of Violence"??? Aren't we,
those truly working to bring peace, equality freedom and justice to that piece of land for all living there,
beyond that rhetoric by now? With the burning of the children of Gaza and the continued colonization of
the West Bank in day light, in defiance of the whole world, arrest of children on a daily basis, harassment
of human rights non violent actors in the West Bank, the ethnic cleansing of Jerusalem, Hebron, the
Apartheid Wall, house demolitions, razing and theft of land ...??? Need I say more? I refuse to work with
any group that does not acknowledge the reality of what we are dealing with. We are a people who have
been colonized, occupied and are living under what has been described as "worse than apartheid" by many
simply for the fact that we are dispensable, to be gotten rid of, ethnically cleansed!
And you start your flyer with "The Cycle of Violence"???"
The wording of the flier was problematic in other ways, and this will be discussed further in the final
chapter.
97 In fact, project partners included both a Jewish/Israeli and a Palestinian organization. Both organizations
were based in Israel/Palestine. With the BDS (boycott, divestment and sanctions) movement gaining steam,
this may have had some impact on conference recruitment.
,! The original organizational sponsor withdrew from the project after some miscommunication and/or
misunderstanding about our respective roles and authorization. The board wanted oversight and final
approval of conference directors and staff, the brochure, and the budget, which I found to be not entirely
reasonable since all legal and financial liability for the project rested with me . They re-joined the project
several months before the conference, after the new directors were hired.
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Staffing the conference was marked by misfortune, conflict, and tragedy. An
Israeli member of Besod Siach was hired early on as co-director of the conference, and
was able to recruit a very experienced Palestinian co-director. Unfortunately, the
Palestinian co-director died in 2007, after a long illness. Another Palestinian director was
hired in December of 2008. After a few conversations, it became clear that we had very
different visions for the project and how it should be managed. Both directors were
uncomfortable with a single individual serving as the primary sponsor, fearing it would
put too much power in the hands of one person. By March of 2009, both the Israeli and
Palestinian co-directors had withdrawn from their roles. I posit that my conflict with
these directors mirrored, in microcosm, a dynamic aspect of the conflict: with a Jewish
American perceived as exerting too much power over the Israeli and Palestinian partners.
Various dynamics of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict continued to play out throughout the
planning process and into the conference itself.
With the conference eight months away, time was short. After conversations with
several potential directors and a postponement of the event, I hired both a Jewish and
Palestinian director. Both of these directors were relatively or completely new to
directing, and were open to taking an innovative approach to group relations conference
work. Both directors were already acquainted with each other, and eager to work
together. Interestingly, both of them were men, while the original co-directors were both
women. The conference was postponed one more time (to April, 2010) to allow for time
to recruit staff.
The registration process for this conference was particularly turbulent. The
directors had previously agreed to direct a conference with as few as ten or twelve
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participants, and as many as fifty". We had a few dozen serious inquiries about the
conference, and several people applied. With only five applications in hand the week
before the conference was to begin, one of the directors suggested that we postpone the
conference yet again. We decided to proceed. In the final week before the conference,
four members dropped out (one who had just registered), and three subsequently joined,
the last one just one hour before the conference. Only one of the original five applicants
actually attended the conference. While it is not uncommon to have one or two last
minute cancellations, this level of turnover is highly unusual, and mirrors the larger
dynamic of disengagement that has characterized Israeli-Palestinian relations over the last
several years.
In the months prior to the conference conditions in Israel-Palestine continued to
deteriorate: the Israeli government had accelerated its crack down on Palestinian and
Israeli human rights groups, as regular non-violent demonstrations against home
demolitions and other anti-occupation activities increased 100 . In Europe and the US, the
BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions) movement (against Israel) was gaining
momentum. The Goldstone report (stating that Israel, as well as Hamas had engaged in
war crimes during the Israeli invasion of Gaza in 2008) was approved by the United
Nations in October 2009 (Clifton, 2010). The Report faced a good deal of opposition both
in Israel and from established Jewish organizations in the US. In March 2010, fissures in
the US Israeli relationship were in the headlines. During Vice President Joe Biden's trip
99 Typically (and preferably), conferences can accommodate 20 to 90 participants and are often canceled
with fewer than 20 participants. I once served on staff of a conference with a membership of 11. This tends
to be the exception, rather than the rule. Conferences require a lot of meeting space and staff, and so can be
an expensive undertaking.
100 On the other hand, the crackdown also signified the increasing success of non -violent, anti-occupation
activities.
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to Israel the Israeli interior minister announced that Israel would continue building in
occupied East Jerusalem. This was labeled by the media and the diplomatic community
as "a slap in the face" to the US. Special envoy George Mitchell was to mediate indirect
talks between the Palestinians and the Israelis: a big step backward after many years of
face-to-face talks between the two sides. Anxiety about the potential explosiveness and
despair about the current situation may also have played a role in the ambivalence of
conference sponsors to commit to the project, and for potential participants to apply.
Conflict, Anxiety and Parallel Process
My relationship with the two male co-directors was rife with conflict. In contrast,
their exchanges with each other were filled with warmth (calling each other "buddy," or
signing their emails "hugs"), and were seemingly devoid of conflict. The conflict was
expressed in ways that felt particularly gendered. I often felt shut out: the image in my
mind was of standing outside of a boys' clubhouse, plastered with a big sign reading "no
girls allowed." There were a number of behaviors such as non-responsiveness to my
emails, not showing up to meetings, or cancelling at the last minute that I experienced not
just as a challenge to my authority, but also as a show of disrespect.
I was more forgiving of the Palestinian director due to the numerous very real
medical and technological issues he was facing (swine flu, technological problems as a
result of computer hacking, and other family medical issues), and his regular reiteration
of his commitment to the project. When I challenged the Jewish director about his
commitment 101 , he often became exasperated with me. Once, he told me that my
questioning "feels like nagging." Another time he stated, "I don't know what it would
101 who was, he later acknowledged, ambivalent about the project for a number of reasons
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take to convince you," suggesting that I was the one with a problem. Group relations
literature speaks to the dilemmas faced by women in authority roles. Women may be
expected to behave in certain ways, as unconscious stereotypes collide with unconscious
expectations of leadership. They may be viewed as either too aggressive or too wishy-
washy (Kram & McCollom Hampton, 1998). I felt drawn into the role of a stereotypical
intrusive, demanding and hyper-critical Jewish mother to a misbehaving son. We did not
talk about or work through the conflict at all prior to the conference 102 . We had brief
skirmishes, followed by tense moments and periods of working together very
productively.
When the conflict between the Jewish director and me threatened to explode, the
Palestinian director would intervene with an interpretation linking our conflict to the
wider system. He was surprised at the role reversal: instead of Diaspora communities
offering assistance in mediating the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it was the Jewish
communities in the US that required assistance from the Palestinian. He interpreted the
conflict between the Jewish director and me as a reflection of the splits within the Jewish
community in the US. While these splits within the American Jewish Diaspora (discussed
in the review of the literature) are very real, my interpretation of our conflict was
different. My experience of the planning process and working with the directors was of
being isolated and without any real partners in the process, and of continually facing
broken promises and broken commitments. While I experienced periods of hope, these
were embedded in isolation and despair. These experiences seemed more a reflection of
102 1 told myself that it didn't matter whether or not they liked me, only that they be able to do a good job. I
told myself that it was more important that they have a good working relationship with each other, and that
my response to being shut out was petty. Nevertheless, I still felt frustrated and isolated by it. I hated being
so dependent on others to carry through a project in which I had such a vested interest.
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the Palestinian experience of the peace process, than of the splits within the American
Jewish community. In psychoanalytic and group relations work, the experience of affects
or emotions that are unusual or foreign (not part of one's usual valence) may be
indicative of projective identification (Halton, 1994; Obholzer & Zagier Roberts, 1994b;
Wallach, 2004). In this case, the level of rage and despair that I experienced was so
overwhelming and debilitating, that I had fantasies of destroying the whole project and
walking away (a metaphorical suicide bombing). Since the intensity of these emotions
was so foreign to me, I understood them to be a mirroring of the experience of
Palestinians who resorted to violence in the face of such hopelessness and despair.
Conference Themes and Dynamics
The conference was rich and dynamic. Discussions moved fluidly from topic to
topic, past to present, political to personal, and outside to inside; and so, these reflections
cannot do full justice to the conference experience. I describe salient conference themes
below, most of which were discussed explicitly by conference directors and participants
during and after the conference. While I present the themes separately and in linear
fashion, most of the themes are inter-related and dynamic. Thus, an entirely
chronological rendering of events here is not possible.
The conference opened on Friday afternoon in a plenary session. Two members
(those with no previous group relations experience) arrived several minutes late and
missed the opening comments read by the conference directors. A number of participants
had gotten lost on the way to the conference site. They mused about how the experience
of being lost might be a metaphor for Diaspora. They introduced themselves to each
other, shared the meanings of their names, and offered associations to their names and to
the conference theme. There was a warmth and intimacy to the opening session that is
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rarely seen in large conferences. The remainder of the chapter will discuss conference
events thematically.
Gendered Roles and the Role of Gender
Gender issues that had been present between the co-directors and me continued
to play out in the pre-conference staff transition work. In the first staff meeting at the
conference site, the women expressed apprehension about the lack of female consultants
on staff. While they recognized that I had a strong role as conference creator, and was
"the woman behind the men" with "the power to reimburse," they were still concerned
that my role would be mostly non-speaking 103 , and the impact the lack of a female
consulting voice would have on the dynamics of the conference.
In the first half of the conference, the male directors and I often perceived or
interpreted the same conference event entirely differently, in ways that were clearly
framed by gender. It was initially very frustrating for me not to be able to offer my
interpretation of this. For example, in one of the first small study groups, a number of
men were sharing their experiences, some disclosing traumas from childhood. The
disclosures had a practiced quality to them, and were not accompanied by much affect. I
could not help but notice that the women had been silent for most of the group. The
directors felt moved by the men's disclosure of sadness during the Study Group, while I
felt more attuned to what I perceived as the silencing of strong women's voices. When
women spoke more in the group, I thought the group came alive: whereas the directors
interpreted the same moments as an attack on them (the directors) or an inability to
103 Though as a "researcher with voice," I had the option to speak. As I noted in the previous chapter, the
role was ambiguous. During conference events, I sat slightly outside the circle, taking notes on my laptop.
Though I did not often speak, I remained a presence in the group.
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tolerate male sadness 104 . It seemed that it was intolerable for the group to see either
passionate/powerful women or depressed men.
Members were aware of and remarked on gendered patterns in their seating
configurations: in one study group, members noted they were seated in pairs of men and
pairs of women. In another, they were seated in a yin/yang pattern, with women on one
side and men on the other. During one study group session, there was a discussion about
the meaning of three women (Muslim, Jewish and Catholic) bringing in chairs from the
other work room, thus disrupting the circular configuration set up by the directors. The
group wondered: was this a series of individual acts by women (who found these smaller
chairs more comfortable); an attack on the conference directors; or an act of leadership?
One of the women challenged the directors: did they take into account that there were
short women in the conference, who might find the big chairs uncomfortable? Or were
they more concerned that the room look pretty? A male participant remarked, "Is this
how women take leadership in society? They change the whole social structure, and then
say 'I'm just cooking.'" The group tried to make sense of the fact that the conference was
created by a woman and directed by two men. Post-conference interviews revealed that
some women had greater difficulty finding their voices, and felt disempowered by not
having a female representative on the consulting staff:
The fact that there was a woman director not speaking but she was there. There
was a woman who owned the conference, who was paying for the salaries of
104 In another example from the study group, a few men explored fantasies of being a woman or of having
breasts. I understood the men's fantasies as an attempt to explore and understand their more feminine parts,
while the directors offered interpretations that sexualized the fantasy — from the desire to be a woman, to
the desire for a woman. A woman in the group responded to this discussion in a visceral way — and literally
felt nauseous, as if something had been ripped out from inside of her. Another woman responded by saying,
"I could never imagine wanting to have a dick. "A conference participant later offered another interpretation
of the event: "That was a very interesting communication. I could use it as an analogy, I could never
imagine to be a Jew or to be a Palestinian or to be a man or to be a woman. . . and it could go on."
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people, paying for it, and yet she didn't have a voice. What does that mean in
Israel? If the Israeli government listened to more women or the feminine side of
themselves, maybe we wouldn't be in so much trouble. . . The dynamic between
the directors and you was very obvious to all of us. Not that we saw the conflict
between you, but that here was this woman who had created this, who was silent.
And then there was all this about the women who were marginalizing
themselves. . .there were women who were silencing themselves. . . (Conference
member, three month follow-up interview)
. . . But I don't really think I could see the women in them (the directors). And I
don't think that that was necessarily available to us. I think softer emotions were
maybe. I don't think being a woman was, through them. I don't know how hard
we're supposed to try to push as members to have access to these things or
whether we should just have access to what gets represented to us. I do feel a little
bit like a woman should have been part of that thing, but that it would have
shifted things, and you (the researcher) were there, in a way, so originally, I
thought you're actually there and in a way you're really the puppeteer. . .But for a
talking person and to have someone make interpretations and who has the body of
the woman, it might have. (Conference member, immediate post-conference
interview)
In the study group sessions, two female conference members (a Palestinian
originally from the West Bank, and a Jew currently living in Israel) were particularly
quiet. Members linked the silence of women in the group to the disappearance of women
(specifically Hanan Ashrawri) on the political scene in Palestine following the
breakdown of the Oslo peace process. In this way, the group enacted a piece of the
gendered dynamic of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict within the group. One male
conference member linked it to the larger Palestinian-Israeli conflict in the following
way:
In different ways it (the gender issue) was showing itself. Like the first
(transition) day, when the staff was meeting — first four men talked, then women
talked, and during the conference there were groups of men and women going in
separate. So I thought probably what I can take from that, is there should be a
very different way in which women as a group, look at Middle East issues and
men as a group. And who is running the show, in terms of power relations? That
would be men. So (it) would be interesting, to imagine if women had the
authority, control about decision making and dialogue, how it would turn out to
be. (Conference member, immediate post-conference interview)
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In the Institutional Event (IE), gender once again played a role. In the event's
opening, members were tasked with breaking up into groups, for the purpose of studying
the relatedness between groups in the context of the Israeli Palestinian conflict. Members
suggested ideas for groups and themes they wanted to explore. A woman suggested a
group in which they could use creative means to express what was going on in the
conference. As the group began playing with names for a group, one suggestion — the
"Pap Smears 105 " — drew a good amount of feminine energy and laughter. One man
proposed forming a group called "Ghostbusters" to explore hidden meanings in the
conference. One woman was very put off by the name of the former, and decided to join
Ghostbusters, which had three men. The energy for the Pap Smears group dissipated. In
the end, two groups formed: one had three men and one woman, and the other had four
women and one man. The former group was Ghostbusters. The latter called itself
"Ognieh Orange" or song of the orange (the first word being Arabic for song).
Ghostbusters met on the sun porch, a small room, just off of a larger meeting
room (which was across the hall from the room where the plenary was held, and where
the other group was meeting). The door between the larger meeting room and the hallway
was left open, and the door to the sun porch was closed. The glass door afforded them a
view of the larger meeting room. As the group talked, members of the Ognieh Orange
group entered the larger meeting space adjacent to the sun porch. Two women played
"heart and soul" on the piano. Some danced around and then sang songs from Fiddler on
the Roof. While all this was happening in the next room, the Ghostbusters group
105 This related to an earlier discussion in the study group about whether there existed a "Palestinian-
American princess" or PAP (as a counterpart to a Jewish American princess, or JAP.
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continued to talk. They were clearly disturbed by the women 106 , but seemed at a loss as to
how to deal with them. Should they try to find another room in which to meet? Should
they ask the women to move or to be quiet? If they had left the door open, they reasoned,
they could have demonstrated their displeasure simply by closing it. "Maybe they'll
stop." They seemed to me to be terrified to directly face the women in the next room.
They resolved the dilemma by ignoring the women and continuing their discussion. The
dynamic reminded me of my relationship with the conference directors, who I sometimes
experienced as fearful and avoidant of me.
Both groups mirrored the management team: in that each contained
predominantly one gender, with a lone member of the opposite sex. In each group, the
minority member was also the least experienced in group relations work. Both groups
also dispatched these less experienced members to meet with the management team, with
little direction of what they were to do. Curiously, during the IE, while women missed
having a female consulting voice, no women joined the management team during the IE
session 107 . Two men joined the management team in the third and fourth sessions. In this
way, the groups (men and women) continued to collude to deprive women of having a
voice on the management team.
That gender themes were salient throughout the conference should not be a
surprise. The silencing of women's voices in the conference mirrored the loss of the
feminine voice in public life in Israel Palestine as a result of increased militarization and
masculinization of those societies (Abdo & Lentin, 2002; Joseph, 2000; Mohanty, 2003,
106 While there was one man in that group, it was the women that the Ghostbusters group talked about.
107 During the Institutional Event, individual participants had the option of joining the management team
for a session, if they were authorized by their groups to do so.
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2006; Peterson & Runyan, 1999; Sered, 2000). In group relations terms, this would be
seen as a splitting off and projection onto women of weakness and vulnerability, and
simultaneous splitting off and projection onto men of their strength and power. The
silencing of women's voices in the conference (and in Israeli and Palestinian society)
might be seen as a group level defense against the fear of women's power (by both men
and women who collude in the process). I realized later that I had also unconsciously
colluded with this dynamic in the planning process and in the conference itself, by hiring
two male co-directors, taking up a role of "researcher with voice," while muzzling my
voice at the same time.
Conflict and Differentiation vs. Avoidance/Disengagement
The conflict that had been brewing between the conference directors and me
finally hit a breaking point at the beginning of the second session of the IE. I had just
returned from observing the two groups in the IE, where the gender issues were
impossible to overlook. I felt strongly that the directors needed to address it. After I
entered the room, the directors continued to talk together, without acknowledging my
presence. They wondered (to each other) what was happening with the members (who I
had been observing until that point). I offered that I had some information that might be
pertinent, which they summarily dismissed. While their point about whether my sharing
my observations with them would be appropriate (e.g., whether conference members
would perceive my sharing observations of them as "spying") was well taken, the manner
in which I was dismissed brought back all of the anger and frustration of the preceding
year. My feeling of being muzzled by the conference directors appeared to parallel the
difficulty that women conference members had finding their voices. I thought that our
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difficulty facing our conflict was preventing the members from working conflicts
between themselves, and with us as a management group in the event. Fearing the
consequences of engaging the directors at that point with my anger, I left the
management room and called a trusted mentor for a consultation. I spent the remainder of
the session observing the other groups as they worked. During the break, clearly aware
that I was angry, the directors invited me to walk with them. At this time, I began to share
my pent up fury, which was aimed particularly at the Jewish director. We decided that it
was important for the work of the conference for us to continue this discussion during the
IE event (when the management group did its work publicly and could be observed). The
Palestinian director agreed to mediate. The discussion was, in fact, observed by the two
men who joined the management team, and thus the information was (presumably)
available to the membership. Once we were able to talk through the conflict, it seemed to
me that the directors were much more attuned to the women within the system.
Conflict avoidance in the membership manifested in a few ways. Many
conference members remarked during the conference that the two people who
represented the conflict — a Muslim Palestinian woman, and a Jewish woman living in
Israel were the most silent members of the study group. The Jewish woman felt shut
down, or silenced by the group. As she noted later:
. . .1 felt like I sort of kept being silenced, or silencing myself or something. In that
sense that I felt there was something dynamic about that. Not really jumping in
and actually dealing with it (specifically Israel/Palestine) in a more direct
way. . . some of the conflicts or the differences, or whatever. I think that's what I
wished I had done... I kept defaulting to silence. That felt dynamic — it felt I
couldn't quite overcome it. Normally I would be a lot more engaged in a
particular way. In this conference I was a bit more silent. That increased towards
the end of the conference, that sense of silence. (Conference member, immediate
post-conference interview)
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She and others hypothesized that the group might be conspiring to keep certain pairs
apart, such as the Palestinian and Jewish women, or men and women:
... I felt (the Palestinian woman) was a bit of a counterpart for me. . . I felt like the
two of us, there was something of a fear of actually having us really take each
other on. Not that I — I'm not sure what that would look like. It was not a personal
thing. .. (Conference member, immediate post-conference interview)
One participant reflected on the ways he avoided conflict during the conference, relating
it to inner conflicts about his Jewish identity:
My father growing up believing that no one could be counted on, and hanging out
with Jews was dangerous, even though it was so out of his awareness that he
couldn't even speak to it. To him safety was money and dis-identification. I'm
thinking is that part of why I wasn't so aggressive in this conference? Because I
somehow had this association with being a pushy, aggressive Jew. What I
probably would have been aggressive about — anti- Jewish things. When I think
about some of conflicts I avoided. There may have been this quality of — I don't
want to be like a settler. .. (Conference member, immediate post-conference
interview)
Another member also felt the group had:
. . . difficulty going to the Middle East or to go to some place of conflict that
looked like the Middle East. When we would get close to it, and the group would
retract. . . One example is the people who were from that region were more silent.
And the last session, the last minutes of the last session, there was some kind of
heated discussion between (the Palestinian woman and Orthodox Jewish man),
and there was some kind of spark. . . It stayed there. It would get to silence when it
was pursued. When conflict was pursued and silence would come and it would
shift to another thing. (Conference member, immediate post-conference
interview)
The Palestinian woman in question had a different perspective, feeling as if the group
was pushing her to fight:
... So people looking for these things (for tears, for sadness). I thought myself, no,
I'm looking for sun, I look for flower, I look for these things. But these people
(are) looking for tears — looking for sadness. And they want to see the part of me,
the conflict. Sorry, why you guys want me always to cry. Sorry, I get really tired
of that. You want to project all your stuff on me. You want the Palestinian people
to. . . What about you. This is your problem not my problem. I know my problem. I
know occupation. I don't need anyone to teach me about occupation. I live
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occupation. I grow up with it. And I know the solution — to get rid of occupation.
Period. Clear. You want me, you need to hear me. . . Give me my state let me feel
independent. That's my solution. People listen what they need to listen. Looking
for tears, looking for sadness, looking for conflict. Really, they want conflict.
Therefore I don't know if they saw conflict on my side. I have conflict. But way I
express it is different from them. I also have my own approach. I believe in peace,
I don't believe in conflict. I felt really very clear about these things at the
conference. (Conference member, immediate post-conference interview)
The group finally succeeded in getting her into a conflict. In the final minutes of the last
study group, in which there had been a fair amount of discussion about Israel Palestine,
the Orthodox Jewish man asked her what she was doing there (in Palestine). Her response
was loud and impassioned, beginning with "I BORN THERE! WHERE DO YOU
WANT ME TO GO?" and continuing on in this vein beyond the time boundaries of the
event (the directors left at the start of her response). This moment was referred to by a
number of participants as being particularly memorable. It was the most forceful way that
the Palestinian-Israeli conflict was brought into the here and now of the conference.
This member's experience of being pressured into talking about conflict, while
other women were feeling shut down, reflects the thinking in group relations literature
that particular ethnic groups, through processes of projection and projective identification
hold particular roles on behalf of society (D. N. Berg & Smith, 1987; Horwitz, 1983;
Reed & Noumair, 2000; Skolnick & Green, 2006). In the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it is
the Palestinians that are ascribed the role of "terrorist," while the Israelis are viewed as
the peace-seeking people. While her words were far from violent or terroristic, they were
powerful, loud, and impassioned, to the point that one of the directors felt it important to
"hang around" outside the room during the break as the discussion went on. This may
also be linked to a fear of women's aggression, which was also evident throughout the
conference.
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Two participants (below) suggested that the lack of political diversity within the
conference membership may have served to dampen conflicts:
I was concerned also a bit about the political diversity, that it would be not so
much, that it would be pretty much people who identified with the peace camp
and who would recognize that in each other, you can have people in the peace
camp who say I'm in the peace camp and you're not — to each other — but I
assumed it would be people who recognized that in each other, and it was. Insofar
as one can tell, we didn't talk about that stuff a whole lot. There was some stuff
that was said that didn't get challenged, and probably, if there were people who
had clearly different views than all of that, some of that stuff would have been
challenged. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
Since my expectation changed, I didn't get disappointed. If I had kept the
expectations, I would have been disappointed that this was not, that we didn't
have enough members. One thing that was disappointing, is that therefore, in US
we don't get people who are opposite, who are opposing opinions to come to one
place and interact as opposing poles. Those who believe the same go and interact
among themselves. We didn't have a member who was very adamantly pro-
occupation, for instance, or against Palestinians, or adamantly against Jews, even.
Therefore it was hard to have a debate in a way. (Conference participant,
immediate post-conference interview)
One member hypothesized that conflict was avoided out of fear of potential repercussions
if one were discovered to be in dialogue with the other:
Maybe how much. . .this conflict is very violent conflict, maybe we need also to
ask ourselves how much that violence and fear that is there, would affect people
in terms of way able to go there and examine the conflict. It would have an
important effect. People especially from the region, come over here, were very
conscious of what they would say, so it would not end up haunting them back in
the region. . .and I can tell you that I was in discussions between sessions, during
the break time, people had an easier time to go and discuss a little more details in
terms of facts of life over there, life over there, in smaller groups, trusting each
other and that would not be brought up in the conference sessions. And also
talking about it, to say, yes, I am afraid. Even other people, including myself,
expressed a fear. . . this conference was on the net, and anybody looking under my
name could see that I am going to some conference on this issue, and check the
names of others... So I could be, we could be persecuted in a way. . . that feeling of
fear that this one could be persecuted because he sat down with Palestinians and
wanted to be active, and do some social network, or one sat down with an
Israeli. . .We didn't explore it that much during the conference, how much that
affect our interaction. When we were in the large group, for example, there was
silence, we asked people from the region, we would like to know more. But they
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would not come forward to share more... Outside of conference session, people
would find each other, three or four people, that wouldn't get offended to talk
about certain things. So there we talk about it. So some gatherings would happen,
with a certain theme that would be easier get to into it deeper. (Conference
participant, three month follow-up interview)
The avoidance of conflict in the conference may be understood in a number of
ways. The anxiety attached to both inter-personal conflict and in relation to the
Palestinian Israeli conflict was present from the start of the planning process. The
inability of the directors and me to manage our anxiety and face the conflict directly was
likely communicating the impression, both consciously and unconsciously, that we were
ill-equipped to work with member conflicts. Once we were able to talk about our
conflicts, then conflict became more visible in the membership. The intimacy of the
conference may have further contributed to the difficulty addressing conflict. Finally, the
avoidance, or what was described at times to be "disengagement" may also reflect the
larger issue of disengagement from the conflict in Israel-Palestine 108 . The avoidance of
dialogue may be a defense against having to face painful truths about one's own group,
were one to truly engage with the other. The group stated its desire to hear from the
representatives from the conflict region. At the same time the group behaved in ways that
actually kept the parties from interacting. Finally, the avoidance of conflict may be
understood through the next theme.
"Twinning" vs. Trinity
The conference directorate consisted of three people (the two conference directors
and me). As reported earlier, the two conference directors maintained a very friendly
108 It was noted that the word "disengagement" refers to the name given by the Israelis to the dismantlement
of Jewish settlements in Gaza. The building of the separation barrier is another example of Israel's
increased level of disengagement from Palestinians.
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relationship, built upon previous group relations experiences, and often referred to
themselves as "brothers." From the opening session, 109 the conference membership did
not see the directors as being particularly differentiated from each other and often
referred to them as "twins." Some members felt that their closeness made it hard to
discuss conflict. As one remarked:
The conference felt that it stayed very safe. I wondered if something to do with a
co-director pair that they seemed to get along together so well. Somehow
everything seemed so correct and comfortable. On the whole, of course there were
uncomfortable moments. But I think I expected it to be more difficult, and I think
maybe it was size, or maybe it was contained. I don't think it was less rich
because of it. I just think that there was something that was containing, and
maybe that was a positive thing. . . I think the co-directors in a way made
everything about unity and peace. .. (Conference member, immediate post-
conference interview)
In addition to this pairing of the directors 1 10 , the number three took on significance
throughout the conference. One member made meaning of it in the following way:
... I noticed the significance of three — three as being the unit of democracy. This
is what came to me, and I hadn't thought of it before. . . When you have a two
party system, for example, it's not a democracy yet. You need at least three
components. It is like either/or. . . I noticed that a lot of people, more than just one
or two, they were speaking in threes. I also noticed three coming up. . . There is
something in this three. There were three of you. It ended up there were three,
When the IE happened, there were three subgroups, then we had when we were
sitting in the study group, I was seeing threes being enacted, in terms of sitting,
three chairs different from the other chairs. One time we had three pairs. And we
had discussions that started with the dove pin 1 ' ' -a Palestinian woman giving it to
Jewish woman who sold it to (the Orthodox Jew) had the three component to it.
So I kept seeing the three repeating itself. So I thought, the debate is either this or
that, so when the first conflict comes in even if you want a vote, you need at least
three people. Even when you want to do research, to have any meaningful result,
you need an "N" of three. So I thought, three is unit of democracy or unit of
109
when one conference member (who had shifted from a staff role) noted that the two directors could
exchange one of their shoes, and still have matching shoes
110 Pairing is one of the basic assumptions posited by Bion (1961) to describe aparticular form of non-
rational processes in groups. It is often accompanied by a sense of hope for the future, in a group that is
avoiding dealing with difficult realities at hand. This phenomenon was described in chapter 2.
1 ' ' During one study group, a Palestinian admired the pin of a dove worn by the Orthodox Jew. The pin was
made by a Palestinian woman, and given to a Jewish woman, who sold it to this conference member.
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complex way of thinking, so I'm not thinking either/or. . . for peacemaking. I kept
thinking throughout the conference, what does anything have to do with
peacemaking? And then I thought how does three have to do with peacemaking.
So this is how I put it together. . . (Conference member, immediate post-conference
interview)
During the IE, one group referred to the management team as the "Trinity": the
men were assigned the roles of father and son. I was named the Holy Spirit, as I was
perceived to have the capacity to waft in and out of the groups, permeating all the
boundaries. The theme of twinning vs. Trinity was enacted during the IE closing plenary.
Members were offered (and took up) the opportunity to organize the IE closing plenary,
in consultation with the management. It was agreed that each of the two groups, as well
as the management team would present (in skit form) their learning from the event. One
of the groups presented a skit in which the two directors, now represented by two women,
leaned in exactly the same way with exactly the same expression, and changing position
at exactly the same time. Behind them, the researcher, now represented by a man, sat
behind them typing on his laptop and whispering into their ears. As they did this, three
members, Catholic, Jewish, and Muslim, sang simultaneously in three different
languages: Turkish, Hebrew, and Arabic.
As a staff group, our skit was strikingly similar, in which the two male directors
walked in lock-step with each other, and gradually began moving in different directions,
becoming startled as they encountered the other. At first, they avoided me as I sat typing,
and our initial encounters were hostile. At the end of the skit they sat down next to me
(one on each side), as I held up a sign that read "BOO!" Our skit reflected the evolution
of our relationship: as the directors became more differentiated from each other, my
relationship with them became easier: that is, as long as they were twinning, the conflict
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played out between them and me. As they became more differentiated, I was more freed
from being the center or target of the conflict.
The significance of twinning and of the meaning of three may also be seen in the
larger context of the Israeli Palestinian conflict. While the conflict is often framed as a
two party one between two peoples — Israelis and Palestinians — there are in fact other
parties involved 112 , all of which are using this "fighting pair" for their own purposes. In a
follow-up interview, one of the conference directors spoke specifically about the role of
religion in this regard.
I think the Conference was about — the very design was around a conflict between
two peoples, when the actual conflict. . .may be expressed by two people but is
very much a broader conflict between east and west. . . Jerusalem isn't a city of
two religions, it's a city of three religions. So much of the conflict on the ground
has as much to do with Christianity and Christian countries as it does Palestinians
and Jews. Or Arabs and Israelis. So aren't we at some level — the whole design of
the conference was . . . built on this kind of scapegoating the used parties.
(Conference co-director, three month follow-up interview)
A conference member described the dynamic of Israelis and Palestinians as a fighting
pair in the following way:
I had strong feeling towards the conflict before and still have. My strong feelings
include pain, sadness, and anger. My attitude is towards uniting people of both
groups against their common enemy: Those who benefit from having Jews and
Palestinians hating and killing each other. The beneficiaries are like those who
gather around and enjoy betting on a cockfight. We know that to have a good
fight each group needs to support and cheer their animal. The fight is not even a
fair fight. The game is a corrupt game. What is most saddening for me is that the
mere corruption makes most people who are against corruption cheer the fight
anyway, just with more passion, hoping that the weak starved rooster would one
day win the fight. This continues to work well for those who bet on the stronger to
win. The more powerful corrupt section keeps the fight uneven and unjust, the
group opposing unfairness keep the game excited by cheering the victim
passionately and loud, which attracts millions of people to take side and
112
The United States government, as well as Diaspora communities of each group in the US; the Arab
world; Christian groups; European nations, etc. may each use the conflict and its parties to further their own
policy or imperialistic goals, as well as to distract from internal domestic conflicts.
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participate in betting, in turn the powerful better adds to excitement by special
effects of media technology and psychology, resulting to perpetuation of corrupt
dynamics and winning of the powerful exploiters and misery of both "roosters";
the stronger and the weaker roosters are both full of fear, and both fight for their
lives regardless of the fact that the stronger wins every time. (Conference
member, three month follow-up survey)
The United States government, as well as Diaspora communities of each group in the US;
the Arab world; Christian groups; European nations, etc. each use the conflict and its
parties to further their own policy or imperialistic goals, as well as to distract from
internal domestic conflicts.
Peacemaking vs. Conflict or the Terror of Peacemaking
Themes of death and mourning appeared throughout the conference. On the first
day, a participant referred to the room in which the study group met as "the wake room"
or the "mourning parlor." There were other references to suicide and suicide bombers (in
the opening session when one member noted that his/her name was the same as a
renowned suicide bomber). Some hypothesized that the conference was small because
people hesitated to come to a peacemaking conference where they might be forced to face
the losses they sustained and the resulting sadness. Conflict is easier than peacemaking:
with conflict comes passion and excitement, while peace brings sadness and mourning.
As one of the conference directors noted after the conference:
. . . , talking about peace or peacemaking is a very very hard thing to do. I don't
want to be very simplistic right now, but one of my impressions is that in order to
do peace or to make peace or peacemaking in general, there's a lot of things have
to be contained or (held). And one of it is that peacemaking is a very very sad
thing to do. And at the same time. . . if you don't deal with this choice, if you
don't deal with this content, the other choices will be more hazardous, and more
fatal, more harmful. So peacemaking is an uneasy — I'm not trying to be
simplistic, just something about sadness, depression, and to be in contact with the
very primitive emotional experiences. (Conference co-director, post-conference
interview)
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Pre-Conference and Conference Dynamics
Conference Theme vs. Conference Process ("Double Task" of the conference)
Many in the conference, particularly those with prior group relations
experience, struggled with how to integrate the double task of the conference: that is how
to incorporate the conference theme of trying to understand the role of Diaspora
communities in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with group relations methods. The former
implies "there and then" reflection and discussion of events outside of the conference
setting. Group relations methodology traditionally focuses on the "here and now" in the
temporary institution of the conference. Former staff members, in addition to bringing in
their wealth of experience and knowledge about group relations theory and practice, also
imported their experiences with group relations traditions and organizations 113 , and were
not entirely convinced that the method could be applied in this way. As previously noted,
this skepticism had considerable impact on pre-conference dynamics and recruitment.
The conference allowed them to see how the political manifests in the personal. As one
member described it after the conference, "I think you did something that was very very
powerful, relative to parallel process to the conflict of any nation. You took the
government, and you made them into citizens. That's what it felt like."
While experienced group relations conference members came to appreciate the
value of applying the method to larger political issues, there were times when it seemed
that the pre-occupation with the dynamics of the group relations world, as well as
assumptions about what "is supposed to happen" in group relations conferences,
interfered with the focus on the conference theme. One member, who had never attended
a group relations conference before noted:
113 many of which are currently struggling.
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Pre-Conference and Conference Dynamics
I learned (whether it's true or not) that people schooled in the Tavistock approach
too readily assume the presence of unconsciously active aggression, imputing it to
the group as a whole, without specifying anyone, or to individual members
without identifying any persuasive evidence of that aggression beyond their own
inclination to perceive it. This seems to me to be itself an act of both aggression
and projection. I heard a lot of plausible talk about parallel processes, but without
much apparent foundation beyond the expectation and speculation. Later addition,
on further reflection: I'm aware that as much as I value the attempt to "tune in" to
unconscious processes, I also tend to perceive it, at least as practiced at the
conference, as unfounded and usually ungenerous speculation that contradicts the
mitzvah of having a "good eye"; that is, seeing the actions of others in the best
possible light (i.e., attributing only positive motivations). (Conference member,
immediate post-conference evaluation)
As one of the directors noted, the double task could be used defensively: anxiety about
the personal could evoke a flight to the political, and anxiety about the political could
evoke a flight to the personal.
The Complexity of Identity
Conference membership was diverse in terms of religious, ethnic and
geographic representation. Members and staff of the conference had multiple identities 114
and sometimes ambivalent relationships to parts of their identity: e.g., a child of Asian
immigrants with little attachment to the parents' homeland; a Palestinian with Israeli
citizenship; a Jewish American ambivalent about the Jewish aspect of his identity; an
Arab Jew who grew up in Asia, and a Palestinian woman with "incomplete" identity
(manifested in the two-year "temporary" passports). Some Jewish participants expressed
anxiety about facing various aspects of their identity, or being put in the position of being
a "representative" of that particular identity group, and particularly feared being in the
role of "occupier."
114 The complexities of multiple identities and crossing the boundaries of identity have been cogently
described by Dallalfar (2009), Roffan (2009) and Farsakh (2009).
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Pre-Conference and Conference Dynamics
Throughout, it felt like a very heterogeneous sort of group — certainly in terms of
religious representation, but also, geographic — Israelis, Palestinian American, it
felt like everything was there — Palestinians living within Israel, then a Palestinian
from (the West Bank). Everything was represented: then I had to represent the
Jews from Israel. It felt something like that. . .1 think something about me being
(the) only person from Israel who was Jewish. I felt like that was the world I was
pulled into. I think that had there been more people, had it been a larger
conference, possibly, I might have been freer to be more fluid with other parts of
my identity. (Conference member, immediate post-conference interview)
Members pondered whether complex and conflicted identity was inherent to living in the
Diaspora.
Diaspora vs. Exile
Participants explored the meaning of Diaspora on a personal level: a Jewish man
viewed himself more as part of an Eastern European Diaspora, rather than of a Jewish
one dispersed from the Holy Land. A Palestinian citizen of Israel felt as though he lived
in the Diaspora, even while living in his homeland. A Persian American described the
conflict of living in Diaspora, and the guilt of living in the US when others could not.
Returning to the homeland was like being again in Diaspora. For the Arab Jewish woman
who lived in Asia, Europe, and the US, Diaspora is exile. She found pieces of her identity
in each of the places where she lived, and hasn't felt able to bring all of herself anywhere.
In one of the first study groups, a member was surprised to suddenly find herself feeling
overwhelmed by tears thinking about Jerusalem. Neither Jewish nor Arab, she wondered,
"What right do I have to stake a claim on Jerusalem?" Diaspora implies leaving — a land
or a people — and being an outsider. Members who had originally been hired to be in the
staff role discussed the experience of being exiled to the membership Diaspora of the
conference.
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Pre-Conference and Conference Dynamics
Truth vs. Lies
The theme of truth vs. lies arose in relation to two issues: 1) the number of
conference members and 2) the conference theme. Staff talked about whether participants
were made aware that the conference would be so small, and that some of the staff had
lied to their families about the number of participants. In pre-conference transition work,
the transitioning staff confronted the directors about truthfulness to themselves and new
members about the number of people who would take part in the conference. Did we lie
to potential participants about the size of the conference? Were the directors truthful
during the planning day with staff about how much of a say they would have in the
design? Who owns the truth in the Palestinian Israeli conflict?
Researcher vs. Conference Creator
As noted in the previous chapter, I carried multiple roles before and during the
conference. In addition, I had multiple professional and social connections to participants.
I had met all but two participants previously. None of the participants reported on the
research aspect of the conference in a negative light:
The question was brought up about what effect it has on us that Tracy is sitting
there typing away? But it wasn't explored much. (Conference member, three
month follow-up interview)
The presence of you in the room in a lot of the sessions pretty quickly became
pretty much in the background. I think it was a baseline presence that I don't think
brought a lot up. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
One participant thought that these multiple roles and connections I had to most
conference participants may have made it easier to integrate the research component into
the conference:
In fact being in conferences where there has been research. ... I think, that your
presence was I think some of it had to do with not just your identity, but that you
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Pre-Conference and Conference Dynamics
were just one person, and you were very personally involved, so it was sort of -
hard to project on you in the same way that I imagine was projected on a team of
people who looked like traditional consultants. . .Part of it was because we were
all very supportive of the task. If there were people who were less aware of the
history — who were less connected to you or staff members, I think it might have
been experienced very differently. There might have been a lot more paranoia
about it than there was. I think being the creator as well as researcher was a
different thing. I was imagining if it had not been you, if it had been someone
else, might have been a different thing as well. I think it helped in terms of not
reinforcing the paranoia and stuff. (Conference member, immediate post-
conference interview)
My multiple connections with participants may have pushed negative feelings
about both researcher and creator roles underground. As previously stated, I was the
"Holy Spirit" in the Trinity of the conference directorate. Not incidentally, it was the
predominantly male group in the IE that named itself "Ghostbusters," perhaps expressing
the resistance to/aggression towards the female authority figure/researcher in the system
that was lurking beneath the surface.
Summary
This chapter reported on the major themes and dynamics that played out in the
planning and implementation of the Authority, Leadership and Peacemaking conference.
These themes were concerned with gender, conflict and disengagement, peacemaking and
conflict, the complexity of identity, "twinning" vs. Trinity, Diaspora and exile, and truth
and lies, and not surprisingly, reflected some of the salient dynamics in the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict. Additional themes (conference theme vs. conference process, and
conference creator vs. conference researcher) reflected some of the dynamics in group
relations organizations in the US.
The ambivalence of the sponsoring organizations and directorate (as well as the
wider public, as evidenced by the low registration) reflects the anxiety of addressing the
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Pre-Conference and Conference Dynamics
topic of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the truths that might be revealed if it were
addressed head on. While the intimacy of the conference offered rich opportunities for
learning, it also precluded other opportunities (e.g., for studying large group dynamics
and conflict).
The next chapter explores participant learning. Some, but not all of the themes
described here were areas of learning for participants. While a few participants remarked
on gender as an issue in the conference, only one declared it to be an area of learning.
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Participant Learning
Chapter 5
PARTICIPANT LEARNING
Introduction
This chapter reports findings from participant surveys and interviews immediately
post-conference and three months after the conference, with a focus on participant
learning. The chapter is divided into two sections: the first section reports on 1) prior
experience of participants (with group relations or with Israeli-Palestinian dialogue) and
2) learning goals. The second reports on participant learning at and after the conference.
Since the purpose of the interviews and surveys was to evaluate the impact of the
conference on participant learning and action, survey and interview questions were
framed and data analyzed according to specific sensitizing concepts (Patton, 2002). I was
specifically looking for what participants learned about the conference theme of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the role of Diaspora communities in it, and about group
relations concepts of authority and leadership. Having conducted research at two previous
group relations conferences, I also looked to see whether there might be similar learning
patterns here (such as highly individual personal learning, vs. systemic learning). I first
looked at interview transcripts individually. Then I cut the data by question, examining
responses in aggregate and looking for themes. Finally I cut the data by theme. Survey
data was also aggregated by question and examined for thematic content. Some of the
learning themes (around identity, Diaspora and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict)
overlapped with conference themes outlined in the previous chapter, though others did
not.
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Participant Learning
Participant Experience and Learning Goals
Members came to the conference with a variety of goals and levels of experience,
in regard both to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and to group relations work. Of the nine
conference members, two had never attended a group relations conference, three had
attended one to three previously, and four had more extensive experience in member and
staff roles at group relations conferences 115 . Those with previous group relations
experience were especially enthusiastic about participating in a project using a new
application of the model. Only one of the directors had previous experience in Jewish-
Arab dialogue work. In the membership, only one participant had such experience.
Participants also reported different levels of knowledge and understanding of the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict in general and of each side's narrative in particular. At the same time,
the group was fairly homogeneous in terms of political orientation vis-a-vis the conflict.
All tended to be left of center and had some empathy toward the position of the
Palestinians. There were no participants who characterized themselves as "Zionist" or
"pro-occupation," though I had approached organizations from across the political
spectrum (staying away from extremes on both sides). The issue of recruitment will be
examined further later in this chapter and in the discussion.
Those surveyed had a wide range of response from little understanding of the
conflict to a very good understanding of the conflict. Four of the respondents felt they
had a good understanding of the conflict, and one reported having some understanding.
Similarly, participants also had a range of levels of familiarity with each side's narrative
115 For the sake of clarity, the word "member" is used to designate all conference participants not in a staff
role, and will include those on the staff who transitioned into the member role. The word "participants" will
be used to describe all who were present at the conference, including the conference directors, conference
members and me.
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Participant Learning
of the conflict. All had at least a little familiarity with each side's narrative. Participants
had somewhat more familiarity with the Israeli narrative than with the Palestinian
narrative: one was a little familiar, three were somewhat familiar, four were familiar, and
two were very familiar with the Israeli narrative. With the Palestinian narrative, two were
a little familiar, four were somewhat familiar, two were familiar and two were very
familiar. Higher levels of familiarity with the former may be due to the ubiquity of this
Israeli narrative in the American media.
The combined responses to the pre-conference survey questions of staff and
participants can be found in Table 1 below.
Table 1: Pre-Conference Survey Responses 116
How do you rate your knowledge/understanding of the Israeli Palestinian conflict? (N=7)
How familiar are you with the Israeli narrative of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? (N=10)
How familiar are you with the Palestinian narrative of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? (N=10)
1= no understanding/not at all familiar
2= a little understanding/a little familiar
3= some understanding/somewhat familiar
4= a good understanding/familiar
5= a very good understanding/very familiar
Participants were asked about their goals for themselves in the conference in pre and
post-conference surveys, and in interviews. A few did not report any particular goals
prior to coming to the conference, but when asked in interviews reported a general goal to
learn more about themselves. One said that experiential learning was like "an adventure
in self-discovery." A few wanted to learn more about group dynamics and managing
interpersonal conflict: "to understand the nature of misunderstanding between people."
3.71
.95
3.70
.95
3.40
1.07
116 Prior to the conference, questionnaires were sent to all those who were going to serve on staff. This
questionnaire was administered a few months prior to, and was slightly different from the pre-conference
survey distributed to members in the week before the conference. Therefore, only those who were
previously designated as staff are included in the results for the first question.
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Participant Learning
Several participants noted multiple goals that were personal, intellectual, professional,
and political:
I wanted to learn about Tavistock work, I wanted to learn what that work could
teach me about group relations, to see how group identity forms, to see if, to find
out if I could see something that looked to me like a group unconscious
developing. To see through what processes group become a group. . .to look at the
relationship between individuals and the group, what groups do through
individuals, and what individuals do with each other to constitute a group — what
those two things do to articulate with each other. I was hoping to meet people who
would be interested in ongoing Israel-Palestine work after sharing this experience,
but I wasn't necessarily expecting that. I wanted to look specifically at dynamics
around leadership and authority and power, and responsibility, how people do or
don't take those, how they respond to them, accept them or reject them, not just
how people do that, but how group does that. I also wanted to. . . part of thing
about diversity, I was looking forward to making closer connections than I
generally do, especially with Palestinians. (Conference Member, evaluation
survey response)
At the same time there was an interest in learning more about the Palestinian Israeli
conflict in particular:
I've always been kind of interested in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as I've
always been interested in any conflicts that seem unresolved-able like that, and
how that impacts people who live and try to thrive in that kind of environment,
how do they go about doing that, and what are the impediments to it, and I
probably as I think about of all had some question about my own ability to attach
to it, because that's thousands of miles away and I've never been there, and so I
don't really know it. Secondly, I just wondered if there was any similarity or
difference between other types of environments of abuse, are the words that I
would use, and how I handled it in my own life, and how they handled it, (they
being the Palestinians and Israelis) handle it in their lives. . . I was also very
interested in (and I don't know if the conference completely answered it for me),
the whole notion of coexistence in that kind of environment where there has been
so much abuse. You just wonder: what is the path to forgiveness for everyone?
How do you learn to live with it and move on? I don't think any one has any
answers. . . (Conference Member, Interview)
For directors and for most staff who transitioned to a member role, there was personal
interest in the topic, as well as specific interest in seeing how or whether a group relations
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Participant Learning
model could be applied to conflict resolution work in general, and to the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict in particular:
I wanted to feel successful. I wanted to accomplish. . .to have it be both a group
relations conference and something that addressed issues related to Israeli-
Palestinian conflict. . . so those were my first goals— to see if those two things
could happen in one. I wanted to have a larger membership, than we had, so my
goal was to have... I wanted to come away with some clarity around. . . how and if
group relations work could be applied to. . .issues related to conflict
resolution. .. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
For some that were actively involved in group relations organizations in the US, interest
in this conference was also connected to various struggles of group relations
organizations to survive, and to keep the work relevant:
. . .the idea that this conference needed to happen for reasons larger than your
dissertation, for reasons that were linked to group relations system in the US, and
to (the sponsoring organizations) — all those factors were sort of tied into goals.
(Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
Some participants were interested particularly in understanding more about the role of
Diasporas. As one noted:
I wanted to explore my experience as well as others' with living in Diaspora.
Also, group experiential learning makes me better understand the dynamics of
society at large in relation to question of occupation and ability of having open
dialogue about the issues such as ethnocentricity, power relations, human rights,
and citizenship when it comes to religion and state. Third, my goal was to be a
part of an ongoing group experiential learning about how people in Diaspora
could gain authority and esteem in direction of peace-making in Middle East and
the rest of the world, since the two are inter-related. (Conference Participant,
survey response)
Salient goals of participants prior to coming to the conference are noted in Table 2
below. The number of participants listing a particular goal is in the right hand column:
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Participant Learning
Table 2 Learning Goals
Learning Goals
Number 1
Get a better understanding of managing
interpersonal conflict
5
Palestinian-Israeli conflict and
peacemaking
4
Diaspora
3
Explore personal identity issues
2
Group relations and Tavistock methods
2
Learn more about self
2
Authority and leadership
2
Personal biases and prejudices
1
Meet and stay engaged with people
involved in I-P work
1
Obtain continuing education credits
1
Help out (conference creator and
conference co-director
1
Conference and Post-Conference Learning
Members' responses to the survey questions in the post-conference evaluation
were highly individualized and variable. Responses to questions on the post conference
evaluation are noted in table 3. There was a wide range of responses to Likert questions
regarding:
• What participants learned about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (including the
effectiveness of the directors in contributing to such learning)
• Changes in feelings or attitudes towards one's own or other identity group
• Contributions of the various conference events to learning
This is consistent with anecdotal reports, group relations literature (described in chapter
2), and with my own research of two conferences in 2008.
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Participant Learning
Table 3: Post Conference Evaluation Responses
To what extent did the conference provide learning opportunities
described in the brochure?
To what extent was the conference what you expected it to be?
To what extent have you achieved your learning goals during the
conference?
To what extent did you learn about the ways leadership and
authority emerges and is taken up in groups?
To what extent did each of the following events contribute to your
learning?
Study Group
Institutional Event
Review and Role Analysis Group*
Conference Discussion
How much have you learned about the Israeli Palestinian conflict?
How much have you learned about the Israeli narrative of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
How much have you learned about the Palestinian narrative of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
To what extent has participation in this conference affected you
personally?
To what extent do you think participation in this conference will
affect you professionally?
To what extent have your feelings/attitudes toward your own identity
group been affected by participation in the conference?
To what extent have your feelings/attitudes toward the other identity
group been affected by participation in the conference?
To what extent do you think participation in this conference will
affect your activities within your own community?
To what extent do you think participation in this conference will
affect your activities with the other identity group?
How effective did you find the conference directors/consulting staff
to be in:
Illuminating the dynamics of the various events you participated in?
33.3% (3) 66.6% (6)
3.67
11.1% (1)
11.1% (1)
22.2% (2)
11.1% (1)
11.1% (1)
22.2% (2)
33.3% (3)
22.2% (2)
22.2% (2)
22.2% (2)
44.4% (4)
11.1% (1)
11.1% (1)
44.4% (4)
33.3% (3)
44.4% (4)
33.3% (3)
55.5% (5)
22.2% (2)
33.3% (3)
33.3% (3)
22.2% (2)
11.1% (1)
11.1% (1)
4.11
3.89
3.78
3.33
3.11
2.67
22.2% (2)
22.2% (2)
55.6% (5)
3.11
11.1% (1)
11.1% (1)
33.3% (3)
44.4%
(4)
33.3% (3)
33.3% (3)
22.2% (2)
11.1% (1)
4.25
3.56
22.2% (2)
22.2% (2)
22.2% (2)
3.33
22.2% (2)
33.3% (3)
33.3% (3)
11.1% (1)
3.11
44.4% (4)
33.3% (3)
22.2% (2)
22.2% (2)
3.43
11.1% (1)
44.4% (4)
44.4% (4)
3.33
22.2% (2)
55.6%(5) 22.2% (2)
3.78
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Participant Learning
Illuminating the dynamics of conflict?
33.3% (3)
11.1% (1)
44.4% (4)
11.1% (1)
3.33
Illuminating the dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
11.1% (1)
22.2% (2)
22.2% (2)
33.3% (3)
11.1% (1)
3.11
Helping you to understand your community's role in the conflict?
11.1% (1)
22.2% (2)
55.6% (5)
11.1% (1)
2.67
Helping you to understand the relationship between your conference
11.1% (1)
22.2% (2)
33.3% (3)
22.2% (2)
3.63
roles and your external roles?
Relative to other kinds of experiential or learning or dialogue
100% (8)
5.00
frameworks you have experienced, how effective did you find this
conference to be?
To what extent was your overall experience of the conference
22.2% (2)
77.8% (7)
4.78
worthwhile?
N=9
4.32
1= very little or none/ not very or not at all effective
2= a little/a little effective
3= some/somewhat effective
4= a great deal/effective
5= a very great deal/very effective
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Participant Learning
It is notable that despite this variability in responses, members unanimously found
the conference to be very effective relative to other kinds of experiential learning or
dialogue frameworks they have experienced. In addition, members found their overall
experience of the conference to be worthwhile or very worthwhile. All but one of the
members would recommend the conference to others. One would recommend it "with
preparation." The member who said they would not recommend the conference noted:
However, I would participate in such a conference again, if I had certain
assurances about who would participate, and would then reconsider whether to
recommend it.
Later addition: The sense of enthusiasm I convey about the conference has grown
as I've spoken about it with a few people. (Conference Member, survey)
This suggests that the conference experience and learning is much greater than the sum of
its parts, and that conference learning does not stop at the conference boundary. Rather,
participants continued to think about and make meaning of their conference experiences
long after the conference ended. For some, there was a sense that something had shifted,
but it was more difficult to pinpoint. Learning is still percolating:
It's too soon to tell. I think that at least for some time, and maybe for a long time,
I'll have a different pair of shades to wear when I'm in a group. To watch and
perceive and think a little differently about what's going on and maybe as a result
act somewhat differently. But I don't know really. Most of what I learned from
the conference, I didn't learn at the conference, but afterward. Most of what I
learned at the conference was things I knew already as concepts, but that I had
very vivid experiences of. Since the conference I learned a thing or two that I
didn't know as before. So how that will change me as a person, I don't know. But
it's present to me, and wasn't before. (Conference participant, immediate post-
conference interview)
The unanimously positive response to the conference is unusual, and may be
due in part to the way that participants self selected. Typically, there will be participants
who love the experience and wish to return, and those who hate it. This kind of intensive
experiential learning isn't for everyone. The intimacy and the commitment of all
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Participant Learning
participants to this conference likely contributed to the sense of it as a worthwhile
endeavor.
What participants (directors and members) took from the conference was often
personal and highly variable. Eight participants reported that the most important learning
they took was of a personal nature. Related to this was learning about identity and
learning about leadership and authority (particularly how participants personally take up
authority). Participants also learned about Diaspora from both a personal and political
perspective. Some learned more about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Participants who
were deeply involved in group relations work gained a greater understanding of possible
new applications of the method, and the sense that the personal is political. Table 4 below
illustrates salient learning participants took from the conference. The left hand column
refers to the theme around which the learning took place. The right hand column refers to
the number of participants who reported learning in that area:
Table 4
Participant Learning (Themes)
Number of Participants
Personal Learning (greater confidence,
greater courage, more "grounded," different
view of childhood experience)
8
Identity
Diaspora
5
5
Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
5
Leadership and Authority
4
Group Relations (how it can be used for
peacemaking/conflict resolution/other
applications)
4
Personal is Political
2
The Role of "Others" (in learning about
personal identity)
2
Learning about the "other" and personal
bias
2
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Participant Learning
Personal Learning
Personal learning took many forms, including greater confidence, a sense of
feeling more "grounded," "reinvigorated," or having more courage. For some, the
learning felt transformational.
The most meaningful was the last closing session. When I was sitting in that room
and I was completely turned around. Literally for the first 15 minutes of that
closing session, I was really disoriented. Wait, what room is this? Where am I?
Was I in this room? Is this where we started? Where are we? I was totally turned
around. Which I think for me was a metaphor of how totally transformative that
experience was. Because everyone said — this is the same room we were in on
Friday afternoon. . . That was a very very very powerful moment for me. That my
whole perspective had shifted. .. (Conference participant, immediate post-
conference interview)
Another participant remarked on the same incident, while sharing his own experience of
transformation:
. . . what she said and how she said it was an incredibly (for me) accurate depiction
of the experience. So even all the questions you're asking me — I have some
content in them, There was something else that happened — I'm back to where I
started, but something shifted. It is the quality of the way this work is that
something on a fairly deep level can be moved that can take time to be aware of
or even be integrated, to hear her say that got, not just my marketing self, but that
got another part of me to pay attention. At the end I had some — a really strong
feeling about tenderness. About my experience of growing up with parents who
were good people, but weren't very tender. Maybe the fear in the conference that
it would be all fight and hate. Somehow, finding some place of tenderness seemed
extremely important. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference
interview)
At the same time, it may be difficult to hold on to that feeling over time, after returning
home:
This is the interesting thing. Because after the conference I was on this high. I
came to work and was telling my colleagues about it and I was feeling, my God, I
thought this was so great. And it was like oh God, this is the kind of work I want
to be doing — I was all fired up. Now I'm speaking to you and it's like two weeks,
three weeks after the fact. And it was like, oh yeah, the conference — it was really
good, hmmm. And I haven't really held on to the fire of inspiration. (Conference
participant, immediate post-conference interview)
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Participant Learning
I don't know. I think. . .it's a hard question. There's not a lot of time to dwell on it
for me. . .in that sense you have intense experiences and then you get plopped
back in your life. You know there's movement, but then that's it. (Conference
participant, immediate post-conference interview)
Learning from group relations conferences is cumulative. One of the major advantages of
this approach is that participants from a wide range of backgrounds, experiences and
knowledge can learn. It is possible to attend multiple conferences and to have completely
different experiences, or to deepen learning about oneself, leadership, and authority. One
participant, who served on staff of two other conferences in the few months prior to the
conference remarked on the ways that these experiences "flow into each other and inform
each other." This finding is consistent with group relations literature, and with
unpublished research I have conducted at two prior group relations conferences since
2008. One of the advantages of the conference structure is that participants from a wide
range of backgrounds, experience, and knowledge can have opportunities to learn.
Because each conference is different (due to the different make-up of participants and
different group dynamics), participants may attend multiple conferences, and continue to
learn about themselves in role, leadership, and authority.
Learning about Leadership and Authority
Some of the personal learning reported by members was linked to the ways they
take up (or don't take up) their own authority:
I guess that there are several things I've been thinking about recently, and I think
that in a way the conference brought several of them to the fore, issues that I
struggle with around claiming my authority or specifically, just the patterns of
behavior that I get into that somehow played itself out in the conference. In RAG
group I realized I was doing something that I tend to do (outside of conference
setting)... (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
I think it was just using my gut with total comfort and not being afraid to take any
risks at all. I just went with it. It gave me an incredible sense of self esteem
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Participant Learning
professionally. I felt very powerful. Don't usually feel that way in groups — that's
not totally true— more powerful than I ever felt in a group. I think really being
grounded in myself professionally, and feeling immense affection for the people
there. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
One participant was able to look at some childhood experiences with authority figures in
a new light as a result of the conference. This revelation came after the conference.
Group relations conferences are designed to provide opportunities to learn about
groups, organizations, and larger social systems. Consultant interventions are aimed at
the group as a whole, rather than at individuals or interpersonal interactions. The model
purposely does not legislate what one should learn in any given conference. The
assumption is that participants will take up their own authority to set their own learning
goals and to take whatever learning they need from the conference. The primary concern,
theoretically and methodologically, is with the whole system and with the exercise of
leadership and authority (Hayden & Molenkamp, 2004; Miller, 1989; Wells, 1995). This
is one of the great strengths of group relations conference methodology: people of widely
different backgrounds and levels of experience can take from it highly personal and
individualized learning. Participants' responses to the survey questions were highly
variable in terms of what and how much was learned. This is also consistent with
anecdotal reports and my own research of previous conferences.
Role of the Diasporas
Several participants reported learning something about Diaspora. One reported
learning more about the role of the Diasporas in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict:
One of my big learnings as well was something about the Diasporas claim to the
region. Suddenly I felt that this isn't about just Israelis and Palestinians and I
realized in the conference it's not. It is a much much much much wider thing. . I
was thinking about two things: one, that it's not just about Israelis and
Palestinians. It's also about Christians — people, with Jerusalem being such a
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Participant Learning
religious place, that other people having some sort of claim to Jerusalem as well.
Other people having a vested interest. . .1 think there is something about keeping
the conflict in the Middle East as it is. I think there is something about keeping it
going as a way to have the fight between the Israelis and Palestinians on behalf of
everyone else. Something like that. If there were no Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I
don't know what would be for the Diaspora. So by the same token the Diaspora
has a huge role in peacemaking or can play a large role in peacemaking.
(Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
For most, the learning about Diaspora was personal, rather than political:
On a personal level, it affected me in terms of my own understanding of Diaspora,
it affected me a lot in that I started to pay attention to it more on a personal level
more than, ok, groups of people migrate, and they are in Diaspora. So here I
personally was enriching. Not only in my own experience as a person in Diaspora
and understanding it better, exploring it. One way — it made so much sense — to
be moved from one place to another place, and then to return to place of origin, it
is not a returning, really, it is like going to a third place. So what moved, our
reason to move, in a way. And that was a very interesting realization for me. That
had sadness for me. and at the same time more humbling, also a humbling place.
This move can have a developmental effect on me. In with development, you
cannot go back to an previous stage. . . Another thing I found interesting was when
(a conference member) talked about her relationship to the Diaspora, she felt odd.
And I thought oh, that' s another outcome that gets transmitted to you. There is an
oddness to the experience of the Diaspora. I feel odd myself, and feel other people
will see things about me that are odd. When I look around me I think, it makes
sense that all of us who are there, feel some oddness about each one of us. .. So
these personally, I felt enriched and better and deeper understanding of what it
means to be in Diaspora and people who are in Diaspora, not just a group of
people like Jews and blacks who are moved from one country to another country.
(Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
After the conference, the Palestinian who experienced himself in the Diaspora despite
living in his homeland, made a decision to stay in Israel, rather than to emigrate:
For me personally, it was very personal for me in the very last session of the
conference when I cried and talked about the confiscation of my father's land. It
was so personal. The other thing I think is, I took with me a lot of things to think
about my personal issue of belonging — to whom I belong, to what I belong, and
yes it is, there was a bit of affect on me. (I made a decision) that I don't want to
be far away from my father. And it's very shitty here. But I cannot leave others to
deal. I want to deal with them. I think my real main homeland is my relationship
with my intimacy and others here. That is my real homeland. (Conference
participant, immediate post-conference interview)
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Participant Learning
At the same time, this participant missed the opportunity to understand the dynamics of
Diaspora on a more global level:
I had a deep understanding on a personal level about the Diaspora experience. I
think that what was not happening what was not occurring was the understanding
of Diaspora in the large sense — in a group sense, in the very large group sense.
The learning of the Diaspora issues. Diaspora was talked about a lot, in its very
deep and intimate relatedness. But as a very personal one to each one. But I
wanted to know more about that, about how it is netted and connected to the
larger sphere. In the large group, about the dynamics of the Diaspora content and
issues in large groups. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference
interview)
Larger conferences, with more members of various Middle East and Jewish Diaspora
communities may provide greater opportunities to look at the theme of Diaspora on a
more global and systemic level.
Identity
An important area of learning for several conference participants was around the
theme of identity. One participant remarked that she was able to look at aspects of her
identity in a different way:
Having a sense of re-visiting my Asian parts in a different way. Being more
accepting of the Asian bits that go against the culture here. . .Feeling more like
that's actually a part of something that goes beyond me. It's actually cultural and
familial. So it brings me closer to that.
One became aware of how having multiple identities impacts his/her behavior:
It's still not clear in my mind- something to do with my being in a situation, for
example, having so many components to my identity, and not really making a
choice about what I will commit to, so I sometimes stay out of things. I don't
engage fully, because I don't know what parts of myself I can bring to it, so I
don't really engage. (Conference member, immediate post-conference interview)
Three of the Jewish participants expressed ambivalence about elements of their Jewish
identity. This reflects some of the current splits within the American Jewish community.
As one remarked:
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Participant Learning
I think I am more tuned into my own internal conflict about my ambivalence
about being Jewish and like I said, my increased awareness of a desire for place
and home and kind of belonging, while at the same time being afraid of
belonging, not unlike the way in which the theory is about people's ambivalence
about joining groups. (Conference member, immediate post-conference interview)
Some had concerns about the kinds of projections they would attract because of their
identity:
The ambivalence really had to do with my own feeling about being Jewish. . . one
of my concerns, people were going to identify me about being Jewish, and it's not
something I felt particularly very happy about. So how was I going to be in a
place where I didn't particularly want to be... Would I feel my identity would be
oversimplified, and I would hold all the projections. Which I knew ahead of time,
but increasingly became aware of how implanted they are. . . (Conference
member, immediate post-conference interview)
One was able to accept his Jewish-ness in a different way:
I feel like I understand things around my own identity better — that I feel very
connected to my Jewish-ness, without feeling like it needs to be more or less. It's
a way of being ok with me defining my Jewish-ness. (Conference participant,
immediate post-conference interview)
The presence of "others" (that is, non-Jews and non-Palestinians) was seen by some to be
crucial in understanding one's own identity:
Microcosm — that it was a small sample or microcosm of people with very
different experiences, and I think that it will be a reminder of the differences that
aren't so apparent. I was also hearing about different people's experiences — . . I
think it was humbling in some ways, about the difficulties they've confronted that
I've never had to confront. It's humbling, I learned from it, can see parts of
myself in that, but in a different context. Helped me get in touch with some
struggles, that I don't feel entitled to. Because there is some privilege. I can talk
about my exile, but it is a more cultural exile, which is different from their
experience, which is much more violent. (Conference participant, immediate post-
conference interview)
Actually, first of all, when there's others, not only Palestinians and Jews in this
conference, how much it's helpful to be with others, like (conference participant)
and other identities that were there, and that help others also to negotiate identities
and the group and intergroup event. It was very meaningful in that. One specific
learning, was that in this conference was that otherness is also needed in order to
reach out my identities. That (the) other is needed. Actually to be in Diaspora is
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Participant Learning
not just Jews and Palestinians, also Palestinians and others — and others were
there — . . . in any direction you want, it is very helpful and enriching experience
and very framing the learning, it is a way that we want that to be with others, not
only by national or other identity. Coming to this conference only Palestinians
and Jews is not that helpful. Others (are) also needed to come for this conference.
It is not only for Jews and Palestinians in the US. It is fascinating to see how
others can play a very significant role. (Conference participant, immediate post-
conference interview)
As noted in the literature review, group relations conferences in the US have been used to
explore themes of identity, including gender, race, and ethnicity (Braxton, et al., 2008;
McRae & Short, 2010). This study is consistent with previous research, which suggests
that this method can be a powerful way of exploring identity issues.
Learning about the Other
For some, the opportunity to be with people different from oneself was
meaningful. Participants did not necessarily change their attitudes or beliefs toward the
other, though it served as an important reminder:
Well it increased my knowledge, no doubt, about dealing with others. If I disagree
with others. Acceptance, even if they are different. I have that before, but it
increase that. And increase also my giving, my toleration, give people more.
(Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
I think just being able to get close to these issues, and get close to someone like
(conference members) who I feel have such a different experience. I guess it was
meaningful I wouldn't call them other, I guess there was a sense of "other", it was
the opportunity to work with and be around people I would probably rarely
interact with in that way in my day to day life. I have Palestinian friends who I've
worked with them or whatever, but not in that way. . . I don't know if it' s actually
made a change in my attitudes and beliefs. . .1 think maybe not. . .maybe because
I've been around it a lot and thinking about all of this a lot so, it's not something
new to me, thinking about this conflict. (Conference participant, immediate post-
conference interview)
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Participant Learning
Learning about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict
For participants who had no intimate knowledge of the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict or people involved, the conference provided a valuable opportunity to learn about
it:
Wish I could say it brought peace and happiness to world, but maybe that would
have been too grand. . .to have a different perspective on this. This is not the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict to me anymore. I put people's faces to it now. I see
these people's those who I was in this conference with when I think about this at
that point. And I did not do that before I started this session on Friday. They
weren't human beings — they were some concept of who an Israeli was, some
concept of who a Palestinian was. And now they're people. . .It's made me
understand how intractable this entire situation is. And has given me great
empathy for the plight of the Palestinians, and how impossible their lives are, and
really makes me wonder, makes me want to understand more about this conflict
than I currently understand. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference
interview)
... I think I have more of a picture of a place that I've never been to — from the
way people described it and their experiences there. It makes it almost like a place
I am familiar with. I think that's pretty significant. . .1 have images of going from
Boston to Cambridge but having it look like it's a little more like it's in the
Mideast — and having roadblocks along the bridge, along the way. So there's just
these pictures of sun and lush ground, because (conference participant) said on the
drive there that's what her home looks like. So trying to think about that, but with
intense sun. And then market places. . . Just images. (Conference participant,
immediate post-conference interview)
For those who came to the conference with more familiarity with the conflict, the
conference provided an opportunity to learn more about the Palestinian narrative. These
opportunities came through the presence of the Palestinian co-director and the Palestinian
member. Participants often remarked on the moment in the study group when the
Palestinian member spoke passionately about her experience:
. . . I'm thinking, what justification do we as Jewish people have for treatment of
Palestinians. I just felt that question that I asked myself on my trip (to Israel), and
was voiced by (conference participant) was very cathartic for me. We're human
beings. It was just very powerful for me. I was very happy because I hadn't heard
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Participant Learning
(conference member's) voice before that... (Conference participant, immediate
post-conference interview)
Participants learned and found the experience meaningful. At the same time, they hoped
to have had (and to have in the future) the opportunity to learn more:
. . . and being outside of Israel in Diaspora in the States, I felt that I heard more of
(Palestinian participant's) voice. And I felt that I saw more of the pain. . .not that it
changed my attitudes. I saw the pain of the situation being Palestinian Christian
in Israel, and the loss around it. In that sense, that was something I didn't expect
at all. My goal was to understand some of the dynamics, and I guess I did
understand more. I think that I would have liked to have heard more from
(Palestinian member) within the boundaries of the conference. We spoke a lot
outside, but I would have liked to have learned more. . I probably would have
expected to hear more about that voice, not the voice which is Israeli Arab ... or
Palestinian within Israel. I would have liked to have heard more or understood
more from someone in (Palestinian member's) role. I think it might have helped
me learn more about mine or about some of the issues. . . (Conference participant,
immediate post-conference interview)
Because there were only two Palestinians in the conference (one director and one
member), and the overall conference membership was small, conference participants had
fewer opportunities to gain a more nuanced understanding of the conflict or of
possibilities for peacemaking (such as the differences within each group). One Palestinian
hoped to have (in future conferences) opportunities for intra-group work:
I'm relying on what I experienced in this conference. I think something about the
in-group — actually what I hold in mind for a long time — not just counting my
experience in this specific conference. There is something about in-group
conflicts that has to go deeper and be clarified. I think that if we had other
Palestinians in the conference more than (conference member) — we would have
opportunity to know more about that question and explore that more. But from the
fragments in the conference . . .you can see how fragmented is the idea of
Palestinian society — it is not that cohesed, and consolidated, meaning a lot of
conflicts and a lot of domestic issues have to be done between Palestinians
themselves. I think it is also an issue in the Palestinian Diaspora in the US —
there's a lot of parties, a lot of Palestinians that are not in dialogue within
themselves. And there's something about that that should be done. And I think
groups like that, or conferences like that can be a very good and rich atmosphere
for every group to do inside itself, to explore more about internal conflicts.
(Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
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Participant Learning
Had the conference membership been larger, the design would have included
opportunities to work within identity groups.
One Palestinian wanted the opportunity to speak with more Jews:
Myself, honestly, I wish there are other people in the conference for me to act
more and face more — I wish there are other people — more Jewish people.
Because these people I need them to listen to me. I like other people, but I like
Jews to be in conference like that. Since this touch Palestinian Israeli conflict,
needs to be like that. (I'd) like to see more religious people, not just Jewish, but
also Muslim. Would like to see more. . .Mizrahi, more Arab Jews. I'm just
searching, what's wrong in their mind? I have a lot of questions I need to have
answered. These people can answer me, if they can. Or we can help each other to
answer. . . Why they treat me like that. Like (conference participant), I told him? —
why do you want to kick me out? Why I pay the price of Holocaust? I'm not
responsible of that but they make me I am responsible for this. Are they aware of
what they doing there? I don't believe that they don't have feeling. I don't believe
that they don't thinking of what's going on. . .But what's going on with them with
what they do in the West Bank and in Gaza. So I look to mirror these things, to
understand. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
The low membership had different impact on participant learning. For some, it meant that
it would be impossible to hide or be anonymous:
I was nervous. As the day approached, I thought I'm gonna spend the whole
weekend with, I don't know however many strangers, who I didn't know. So I did
have a bit of apprehension. . . when I read the brochure, it said limited to 50. 1
thought great! Fifty people — I can hide. Then when you and I emailed you and
said how many people will be there and you said 10-15, and I thought oh my god!
So I thought oh God, you really can't hide. You really have to be in there. But I
think it worked out fine with the number of people you had. I'd be curious to do
another one with a larger amount of people to compare what the experience is
like. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
One participant felt that the intimacy of the conference made it possible to get a more
nuanced version of the conflict:
The thing that really struck me was that in some ways, with the small number, I
hadn't thought of it in comparison with conferences with more members, it was
almost like everybody had to hold a piece of what it was. That everybody had the
opportunity to really show up. I guess it's sort of like the dynamic of the small
group vs. the large group, so everybody's identity., Everybody had a leading role
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Participant Learning
in the process. No one could hide, in a way that sometimes happens if you have
more people. So the complexity of Everyone's identity was very much a part of
what we were looking at. It wasn't just that the Jews are over here, and the
Palestinians are over there and the Christians are there. It was sort of like Every
individual person had differentiating qualities that were very apparent. . .it sort of
checked the tendency to over simplify the conflict, or to characterize a group of
people in one particular. . . as being the same. It made it into a much more personal
dialogue rather than political dialogue about sort of two different abstract
positions. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
One participant found that the intimacy of the conference was containing:
. . . But I think I expected it to be more difficult, and I think maybe it was size, or
maybe it was contained. I don't think it was less rich because of it. I just think
that there was something that was containing, and maybe that was a positive
thing. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
The intensity of the conference, with participants living and working together
over three days, provided a context in which learning could happen. Moments that
provided participants with the opportunity to see the "other" differently than expected,
often happened during break times between sessions. Tight boundaries around time,
territory and the conference task provided containment for potentially explosive feelings.
By not actively facilitating or setting an agenda, the staff provided a space for
participants to take up their own authority. Participants in the study were clear in
speaking to the importance of the staff in containing the potentially explosive feelings of
the conference.
Group Relations Learning
For conference participants experienced in group relations work, this conference
represented a new application of the method, and offered new possibilities for the work
of group relations:
I think one thing is that making a political topic around a group relations
conference is really a good idea. It has a lot of merit. It feels more applicable. . . so
for instance, who knows if I've changed, but I have a feeling about a place
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Participant Learning
now. . . about a place that has a lot of meaning for people. I don't know — that
seems different. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
At the same time, some were anxious to see how and whether group relations methods
could be integrated into the conference theme. Group relations offered a way to link the
personal with the political:
. . .Well I, although I can't say I feel that much more, what's the word. . I can't say
that my opinion about Israel and what Israel is doing has shifted. I definitely, it
sort of opened some possibilities in my mind about how group relations work can
be used. . . This is important work and I believe in it. The relationship between the
personal and the political — it just comes back to me that the folly of looking at
politics without going pretty deep into the personal. And then thinking, ok, how
does that actually apply, other than getting everybody in Middle East to do
personal work in various ways. . . In some ways it's optimistic, and in some ways
it's pessimistic. Are people involved in these huge global conflicts in a position,
willing or interested or even capable of looking at the personal element to some
degree? (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
Historically, US based group relations organizations have been ambivalent at best
about using conference methods to understand and intervene in larger societal problems
(Fraher, 2004a). At its founding, the Tavistock Institute functioned as a social science
research organization focused on the "study and amelioration of wider social problems in
family, industry and community" (Fraher, 2004a, p. 125). In this way, it is considered
among the first to engage in action research.
For the conference co-director, who had been skeptical from the beginning, the
conference was a revelation:
. . .From moment it started it felt to me like we were working with issues around
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the role of the Diasporas. It felt like it was a
Diaspora conference done in group relations way. . . I think I am quite inspired by
what we did, and I was not expecting to be inspired by what we did. . . You came
to us with the title, so, I never really spent a lot of time thinking about the word
until we got to the conference. I spent a lot of time thinking about conflict
resolution, and now I feel like those are radically different things. It was
constructed in my head as group relations applied to conflict resolution. Seeing it
as group relations applied to peacemaking is very inspiring and I see all sorts
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Participant Learning
potential and future for it. . .if I think of peacemaking, if I flip the words around a
little bit — it's about making peace with things — and the things we have to make
peace with, within ourselves, in our context, about other people. I learned whole
lot about peacemaking if you define it that way. I believe that the Arab-Israeli
conflict — the only way to resolve that conflict is through peacemaking, is through
a whole lot of people making peace within themselves, and with the other and to
be clear about who the other is they need to make peace with. All that stuff is very
much alive in me. (Conference participant, immediate post-conference interview)
As noted in the previous chapter, one conference participant, who came with no prior
group relations experience questioned to what degree the more experienced members
were importing issues that weren't necessarily present in the conference. This was in line
with some of my observations during the conference:
The knowledge was in a sense not knowledge, it was a knowledge of what to
expect. That led to a re-enactment. . .1 talked about feeling ripped off from having
the experience of being thrown in with bunch of newbies. So the reenactment is
based on that expectation, that this is what's going to happen, so we know how to
do this. But they didn't know what was going to happen, except they made a
certain thing happen, by doing it. Who knows what may have happened
otherwise. . .They jumped quickly into free association process with a certain set
of assumptions that I think were shared by the management team. . . That has to do
with the psychoanalytic basis of the work. I talked earlier about the omission of
Eros. That is actually the flip side of this. This is about the over valorizing of
Thanatos. There was an expectation of conflict and aggression and hostility and
all that kind of stuff, and an assumption of it, of its presence in the room and in
the consciousness of members of the group and in the collective consciousness of
the group. The problem is not that it wasn't there, the problem is that it was
identified on the basis of the assumption and the expectation rather than on
perceiving it happening. One way that happened is by someone saying something
like, I'm sensing the presence of aggression in the room, without identifying any
locus or source or way that they're sensing it. (Conference participant, immediate
post-conference interview)
This speaks to one of the limitations of group relations work, which will be discussed
further in the next chapter. The intensity of group relations conference experiences is
very appealing to some. Members who come to conferences multiple times may
consciously or unconsciously re-create previous conference experiences by importing
dynamics from previous conferences.
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Participant Learning
Peacemaking/universality of human condition
One participant remarked on a greater sense of humanity after the conference:
What I got out of the experience was. ..What I can say is, that universality of
human condition. That diverse way of relating to Diaspora, like how (conference
participant) talked about how he got there, and the way he got there and
(conference participant), how he feels he lives in Diaspora, though in his
homeland. All these people, I get to see them in same place of human, so that's
what I get from — more humanness — more human as I am a part of them and they
are a part of me. I think that brings peace. When people think, I am part of them
and they are part of me. So, I got peace out of it too. (Conference participant,
immediate post-conference interview)
Three Month Follow-Up
Responses to questions on the three month follow-up survey are noted in table 5.
As with the evaluations administered immediately post conference, there was a wide
range of responses to Likert questions regarding:
• How much participants learned about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the role
of the Diasporas
• Personal and professional impact of the conference
• The impact of the conference on attitudes/feelings about and participation in
activities with their own and the other identity groups.
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Participant Learning
Table 5: Three-Month Follow-Up Survey Responses
KiTtHJTffff WM
3
4
5
N/Aor
don't
Mean
know
To what extent have you been in touch with other conference
50% (4)
25% (2)
25% (2)
1.75
participants?
To what extent has participation in the conference affected you
12.5% (1)
12.5% (1)
37.5% (3)
25% (2)
12.5% (1)
3.13
personally?
To what extent has participation in the conference affected you
25% (2)
37.5% (3)
25% (2)
12.5% (1)
3.00
professionally?
How would you rate your learning in the following areas?
How I take up authority and leadership
50% (4)
37.5% (3)
12.5% (1)
3.63
Understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
25% (2)
12.5% (1)
25% (2)
37.5% (3)
2.75
How the conflict impacts on me emotionally
12.5% (1)
12.5% (1)
37.5% (3)
25% (2)
12.5% (1)
3.13
Covert or unconscious processes in group and in the conflict
12.5% (1)
12.5% (1)
62.5% (5)
12.5% (1)
3.75
Identity issues
25% (2)
62.5% (5)
12.5% (1)
3.38
Understanding the role of the Diasporas in the Israeli-Palestinian
25% (2)
12.5% (1)
50% (4)
12.5% (1)
2.50
conflict
Other
12.5% (1)
12.5% (1)
25% (2)
50% (4)
3.50
To what extent has participation in the conference affected your
37.5% (3)
12.5% (1)
37.5% (3)
12.5% (1)
2.25
involvement toward your own community/identity group?
To what extent has participation in the conference affected your
37.5% (3)
25% (2)
12.5% (1)
25% (2)
2.25
involvement with the other community/identity group?
To what extent has participation in the conference affected your
25% (2)
12.5% (1)
25% (2)
37.5% (3)
2.75
attitudes/feelings towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
To what extent has participation in the conference affected your
25% (2)
25% (2)
25% (2)
25% (2)
2.50
involvement with activities related to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict?
How likely are you to recommend this conference to others?
25% (2)
25% (2)
50% (4)
3.75
N=15
1= very little or none/ 1 would never recommend this conference to anyone
2= a little/ 1 might recommend this conference, but very selectively
3= some/ 1 can think of one or two people that I would definitely recommend it to
4= a great deal/ 1 can think of several people who would enjoy this kind of conference
5= a very great deal/ 1 would recommend this conference without hesitation
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Participant Learning
After three months, there was some overlap of learning themes from the first interviews.
However, for most participants, conference learning evolved over time. The research
intervention may also have played some role in the evolution of participant learning,
providing an opportunity for participants to reflect further on the experience, and to keep
it in mind. A few participants specifically commented on the ways in which the
interviews helped them to further reflect on and learn from their conference experience:
I think the phone calls are helpful, because it kind of gets you back there — gets it
on the radar. If you weren't calling me and asking me, off it goes. (Conference
member, three month follow-up interview)
For some, learning that had previously been in the foreground (aspects of personal
learning in particular) now receded further to the background and vice versa.
What remains for me about the conference is the Palestinian-Israeli Diaspora
stuff, as opposed to traditional group relations authority relations stuff. What
seems to have got smaller is usual group relations stuff. The theme of the
conference remained with me. .. (Conference member, three month follow-up
interview)
One participant, who had described a powerful personal learning related to childhood
experience during the first interview, could not remember what it was by the second
interview.
I'm a little surprised, but not very, and a little disappointed, in how much it faded
for me now— that I didn't know before this interview. Especially that aftermath
stuff that was so powerful for me. The way that relates to your question is that I
wish I continued to experience more of a lasting effect from it. And again, I knew
right this away, it was only one experience and it was only a few days, and only a
handful of people, and a lot left to be mined there in that sort of process for me.
It's not like I feel I failed in some way, or that the process failed in some way. It
was just the first in that kind of experience.
Despite the disappointment, this participant would "absolutely" attend the conference
again:
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Participant Learning
The disappointment is my motivation, the disappointment is that I went in really
hungry to get a good chunk of learning of a new thing that I could kind of see the
contours of from reading about it and hearing from you a little about it. It looked
really interesting and valuable and intriguing and mysterious. Coming out of it, it
feels just about as mysterious as it did going in. maybe at least one new mystery.
And I just feel like I got the barest little base of exposure to that juicy looking
stuff that looked like it might be there. I could imagine, with more experience,
that if I have enough more experience, the result will be that I'll conclude that
there wasn't really anything that interesting there that I thought there might be.
That could happen. But right now, looks like there's a whole unstudied discipline
there that's of interest to me. And that's what my disappointment is -that I only
got to audit one class. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
Table 6 below notes the learning themes for participants at three months post
conference, compared to immediately after the conference.
Table 6
Participant Learning (Themes)
N
(immediately post
conference)
N
(three months post
conference)
Personal Learning (greater
confidence, greater courage,
more "grounded," different view
of childhood experience)
Identity
8
4
5
1
Diaspora
Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
5
5
3
4
Leadership and Authority
4
1
Group Relations (how it can be
used for peacemaking/conflict
resolution/other applications)
4
1
Personal is Political
2
1
The Role of "Others" (in
learning about personal identity)
2
Learning about the "other" and
personal bias
2
6
Gender
1
Learning about the Other and Personal Bias
Learning about the other and one's own biases came to the forefront of several
participants' minds at the three month mark:
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Participant Learning
I think it makes me a little more sensitive, I suppose, to the experience of an
identity group that is not mine. I think there's something about it becoming
personalized, rather than just theoretical, knowing that their experience in life is
difficult. Something about meeting with people and actually working with them
personalized it a bit more. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
However, this learning was not the same for all. For one, it was about seeing the other in
a more differentiated way:
. . . I've always felt extremely more sensitive to Palestinians living in Israel — or
Arabs living in Israel. I have to say, the one thing there's been this weird shift
around — I've been much more polarized in my view about Jews in Israel. I think
I'm differentiating— there's more gray area in relation to Palestinians than there is
around Jews. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
For a Muslim, it was about learning more about the conflict from the perspective of
religious Jews:
But meeting (an Orthodox Jew) and we had discussion from this conflict
especially from religion perspective. For me, the way how some religious people
think — it really made me think about it. Especially when he talk about
Jerusalem — it's only for particular people. I look to when I talk to him, but also,
for Muslims, it is mentioned in Koran. It is also in Torah. Also in Koran. So we
have boxes. So who's right who's wrong?
. . .Maybe we need to think about the boxes, the Holy books. . .And people need to
address these things. Why they afraid. Let's talk about it. Ok, I believe it's in your
Torah. You need to believe me. . . so I think people shouldn't hold things inside,
they need to talk about it. It was interesting I think. (Conference member, three
month follow-up interview)
For one, the learning was about personal bias towards the other:
I got out of it something I wanted — , which was to understand my own bigotry —
and I think that's what came out with (conference participant). I think it's
connected to a lack of empathy in some ways, a judgmentalism. I understood it.
I've always sort of understood it when it's happened to me, but I wanted to see if
it would come out with someone different from me. It came out because he's an
observant Jew — with the clothes and the beard. It's sort of like the reaction a lot
of westerners have to women wear the head covering, "what is that, why do they
have to dress like that, they're in the United States." And I was saying, why are
you so loud, why do you have to pray so loud, why do you need the candles. . .
(Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
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Participant Learning
The conference allowed one participant to be with others in a different way, beyond the
conference:
And I have a chance to speak more with people who are from other very faraway
places. I'm more apt to want to give more room to know more room for all the
things about them, that I don't know, that all my intuition, my guessing, my
instinct would not really be telling me. In a sense, being less sure of myself is
actually a good thing. Cause I really don't know. And I'm ok with that, I might
add. Probably another time in my life that I would not have been ok with
that. . .I'm probably more aware of gray right now than I was before the
conference. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
This finding is consistent with research suggesting that inter-group encounters (based on
the contact hypothesis) can result in prejudice reduction (Hurtado, 2005; Khuri, 2004;
Maoz, 2003; Biren A. Nagda, 2006; Biran A. Nagda, et al, 2004; Biren A. Nagda, et al.,
2006; Biren A. Nagda & Zuniga, 2003; Tausch, et al, 2006).
Learning about the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Several participants reported greater awareness of and curiosity about the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict than they had prior to the conference. Their greater interest
manifested in paying closer attention to news stories related to the conflict, as well as
having conversations about the conflict with others.
I think I feel more involved in the issue. . .but my attentiveness to the Middle East
conflict was heightened and my personal connection to it is much stronger. . . What
I would amplify is being more comfortable and competent with the issue. I think
that's the thing that stands out for me the most. I usually don't spend a lot of time
talking about issues like the Middle East conflict, but I have been over the last
few months. . . the first thing, is that I've been more attentive to it. What that
means is literally looking for it more in the paper, and when an article comes
along. . . I'll read the article. (Conference member, three month follow-up
interview)
And in fact, in some ways it sort of heightened my noticing certain things, when
articles are published in particular about what the nature of the Jewish community
is in the Diaspora, is it increasingly polarized or is the Orthodox community
taking control. Or even the issue that is going on in Israel right now between who
defines conversions, all those issues. I'm definitely noticing that more or
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Participant Learning
imagining the conversations more in my mind as a result of the conference
experience. . .In some ways I feel like I had more of a peek of how it must feel like
to be in Israel in the midst of these conversations. Up until then I felt like a
complete outsider that had all these opinions that weren't based on very much
experience in some ways — they were just my bias about certain things. In some
way I feel more of a direct experience even though it still seems quite distanced
from the actual place. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
For some, it was meaningful to be able to connect news about the conflict with
individuals they met at the conference:
It certainly makes me more curious when I hear something on the radio, or when I
read something in the paper. I think it's like anything when you have a personal
human connection to something. I probably have met in my life Palestinians. I
certainly have met in my life Israelis. But I don't really remember having met
them. Now Palestinians have a face for me. Now they have a voice for me. I see
this woman standing in front of me. I see a rabbi standing in front of me. I can
picture him, I can picture an Israeli ... I can picture theses people in front of me.
And in some sense, it becomes more personal. It's not something so ambiguous.
Palestinians, Israelis. Until you meet one. And then Israelis breathe speak and talk
and are thoughtful, etc. etc. In that sense it's had a lasting impression on me.
Even though I forget most of their names, I might add. There's a lot of that. I
don't know. I don't know why. By and large I don't remember the names of most
of the people who were there 117 . But in my mind's eye, I can still see their faces,
hear their voices, I can, even as I'm speaking to you now, see them moving or
most often, sitting around in the circle of the study group. So they're nonetheless
real. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
Greater attention to and awareness of the conflict has not necessarily resulted in a
change of attitude or understanding about the conflict:
I think mainly when I read stuff in the newspapers, about a different kind of
experience. I think about it in relation to the particular people I've met. Or when
I'm walking down the street— I've been spending all this time in East Jerusalem,
and somehow I think about peacemaking more, I think about Diaspora
communities outside of Israel or outside of Palestine. . I don't know that it's
changed my understanding. . .1 think my attitude globally, intellectually, I still
have similar attitudes. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
Though not all of the participants were part of Jewish or Middle Eastern Diaspora
communities or even very familiar with the conflict, the conference nevertheless became
117 Curiously, five participants had difficulty remembering the names of conference members.
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Participant Learning
a microcosm of the larger socio-political system. By studying the microcosm in the here
and now, participants learned about the dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Being able to connect news stories with individuals they had met at the conference was
an important aspect of this learning.
The Role of the Diasporas
Immediately after the conference, participants discussed their learning about
Diaspora on a personal level. At three month follow-up, Diaspora issues were discussed
at a more systemic or global level.
It all sort of coalesces these days around the word Diaspora, and it coalesces for
me around the number of people in the conference, who were so personally and
immediately affected by it. I do come away with it, I have to remind myself that it
is so prevalent in this world, because it doesn't really touch my world on a daily
basis. That's why I'm so glad I'm involved in this other project that's forcing me
to think about it more often, than I have before. Conference life is so immediate
and it's so real and so dynamic in the moment. Then we go back to the safety and
protection and sameness of our lives, that it's not as prevalent. For me, it's not in
the front of my mind. I always think about the conference whenever I'm at this
particular corporate site, which is about 2-3 days every other week, and we talk
about this stuff. . . And I never talked about it before the conference, and in fact I
didn't even know how to pronounce it. (Conference member, three month follow-
up interview)
The Palestinian co-director, who had mediated the conflict between the Jewish co-
director and I was pre-occupied with the Jewish Diaspora in the US:
Of the issues of Diaspora. Something must be continued afterwards. What pops
into my mind immediately, a little bit of, I'll say this, of worries about what's
going on inside the states. . .1 think there's something happening inside the Jewish
Diaspora in the States, but I'm not sure what's really happening, but I'm sure
there is some change taking place. Implicitly I can think there's something
changing, but explicitly I cannot describe it. I think something is moving, but I'm
not sure what direction it is moving. (Conference member, three month follow-up
interview)
This raises the question of whether a conference specifically focused on the
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Participant Learning
Jewish Diaspora or Jewish Diaspora organizations might be useful. Such a conference
would provide an opportunity to explore conflicts within the Jewish American
communities. At the same time, heterogeneous conferences can foster greater awareness
of intra-group issues through the presence of an "other." This was discussed earlier in this
chapter. Heterogeneous conferences could provide the opportunity for both intra-group
as well as inter-group work while addressing some of the issues discussed in the literature
regarding the power asymmetries between the groups (Halabi, 2004; Halabi &
Sonnenschein, 2004; Maoz, 2004, 2006).
Leadership and Authority
While four people discussed learning about leadership and authority in the first
interview, only two did so in the second interview. A few more mentioned it as an area of
learning in the surveys:
Anything that comes from me they will take in a different way, so I need to be
extremely careful. Because misunderstanding, judgment different way, so I also
need to be in right way, when I lead, when I talk. When I appear or represent
myself. I need to be really strong, not weak, as in the reality how people look to
me. I'm not. . .I'm not. . ., I'm weak, which is true, in reality it's true. So therefore i
don't want that. So I try to gather myself to understand all the game. So therefore
I take time. Compared to others. . .Even inside I was really not comfortable with
that. But this is destiny, this is the reality, I need to be patient with that. . .
. . .it opened my eyes to understand what's going on, with different role. When
you be in role as president, when you be in role as volunteer, when you be in role
as instructor. . . as director. I can tell that, how switching role, where is the power,
and where are you from that. In the conference also, how we take it. . . when you
get power, you feel more relaxed, and you feel really, more comfortable, and you
can. For me, it can be . . . more relaxed. But I think on some level you lose your
fighting. Sometimes it's better to have less power because you stand up and hear
what's going on, and you become a good fighter. But since I am a good fighter for
a long time. Now it's time for me to relax and have power. I have been fighting
for a long long while. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
As previously noted, those with prior group relations experience had greater learning
about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, whereas those with more knowledge about the
184
Participant Learning
conflict reported greater learning about leadership and authority, the traditional emphasis
of group relations conferences.
Applications of Conference Learning
While the conference raised awareness about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, this
awareness did not necessarily translate directly into action:
... it hasn't made me want to give up a work assignment to go and do relief work,
or to be more personally involved. But I am more personally aware. And maybe
that's the progression of things, from awareness to action. It will be interesting as
we continue to do these things. And also kind of interesting that as we talk about
it, it reminds me of it and these touch points along the way may be springboards
to doing something that I hadn't thought of doing. I've never been to Israel,
though I have on a couple of occasions in these last three months wondered what
it would be like to go there. And I've never had that thought before. (Conference
member, three month follow-up interview)
This has been one of the challenges of inter-group work documented in the conflict
resolution literature. While these kinds of interventions may be effective in changing
personal bias, these changes do not necessarily carry over to the societal level (Tausch, et
al., 2006). It remains to be seen whether a re- structuring of the event (to be described
further in the next chapter) may result in greater societal impact over time.
One conference member did become more politically active following the conference:
I mean it disturbed something in myself. I don't want to be the kind of person
who doesn't say the kind of thing I need to say when I need to say it. Especially
when it comes to my rights. I can always fight for the rights of others. But I have
to fight for the rights of myself as well. And that includes if so is doing a lot of
harsh judging in my presence — whether it be of me or another person. I have to
say, I don't like that. What else am I going to do about it? I don't know, working
on campaign, standing up for what I want. Following through on doing whatever I
committed myself to do. . .1 found myself saying it very early on in conference I
get depressed when I hear about Israel -Palestine and how they're destroying
themselves. How Israel is destroying self and Palestine. Such a helpless depressed
experience just watching it. So, what can I do about it? I can join Jewish Voice for
Peace even though I'm not a Jew — and try to keep electing American congress
people who have ethics, who can support the rest of government to do what it
needs to do. Keep writing letters to the white house and my senators, and tell
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Participant Learning
them what I think. That includes Israel. (Conference member, three month follow-
up interview)
One member decided to renew her clinical credentials as a result of the conference.
Another was considering getting more involved in peace or dialogue work, but had not
yet found a way to do so:
Not yet, but keep thinking that I would like to do something more, and I haven't
actually done anything. So it hasn't actually translated into my changing my
activities. (I'm) not sure (about the type of activity I want to do), but, some sort
of dialogue groups, getting involved in something more or volunteering to work.
(Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
One member became much more aware of gender dynamics and has been able to
apply that learning to her organizational work:
I observe that how much gender really affect things — especially with women. I
look to my organization, how the men try to dominate and control. So, I do not
allow that. And I observe it very fast. . . because the conference opened my eyes
about the gender stuff. I had that before, but it opened my eyes more. . .How much
women. . . she tries to lead that men really get threatened and try to take control. I
noticed that— in a deep way. Before I maybe not take it like that. But today, no. I
feel it now. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
One member was determined to continue the emotional work of bringing people
in conflict together:
It reminds me that things happen that are necessary. We still have a long way to
go. That we are few — those who are interested in peace are few. .. I'm more
patient, more humble, more determined too, in working on forgiveness and
reconciliation at the same time. (Conference member, three month follow-up
interview)
Participant Recommendations
Participants had several recommendations for the conference. These are noted
below, and will be discussed further in the next chapter.
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Participant Learning
Recruitment
While conference participants found the conference to be a rich learning
experience, all suggested that future conferences would benefit with a greater number of
participants:
I didn't feel that at the end (of the conference), but looking back I do wish it could
have been larger. It's about recruitment. Not sure what can be done differently to
make that happen. . . It felt like it was very powerful and I felt that the experience
was very rich as it was. Looking back, I wish it had reached more people, I think
it may have been richer if there had been more people. Maybe at the time also, I
was with other kinds of learning, more traditional group relations stuff. Now what
stays with me is learning about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I think that could
have been more interesting if there were more people to work with around that.
(Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
I'm not sure it would be that different, I think the difference would be in terms of
more positions, more energy, more complexity, as more and more people added. I
think part of what this showed me the complexity of this particular conversation,
and in some ways we had 30-40 members, I was sort of anxious about the
dynamics before it went for a lot of reasons. I think I feel more confident about
being able to manage the dynamics if there were 30 or 40 people, sort of multiple
positions in the conflict. . . It would put me in a better position to say exactly what
it is that people would be coming to. (Conference member, three month follow-up
interview)
A conference co-director felt that we had made a fundamental error by not explicitly
including (non-Arab) Christians in the conference task and brochure:
There's a way in which we were heavily replicating that by framing this
conference around the Arab-Israeli Diaspora community. And leaving out
Christians — I was thinking of that in terms of the replication of the space, the
crosses everywhere, maybe it was a way of the space telling us what we weren't
doing. Because the land of Israel/ Palestine is the land of, the roots of where the
Christian Diaspora came from too. This conflict is heavily heavily dominated,
influenced, directed, propagated by the western Christian world. (Conference co-
director, three month follow-up interview)
Convene Conferences on Regular Basis
Most participants also suggested that these conferences should be convened on a
regular basis, from every few months to every year. As one member remarked:
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Participant Learning
Kind of like a longitudinal study, but longitudinal conferences where dynamic
themes that cannot be answered in a 3,5,7,14 day period of time, but really need a
sustained effort, could be explored. It would also be really interesting to see how
any of us would have changed in relationship to each other over a year or two.
What would that dynamic be like, and how would that translate on an
interpersonal level? Is it simply that we need to be filled with more facts figures,
stories, and statistics about our lives, and the worlds we come from and the
cultures we come from, or is it that we need more interaction with each other?
What is change, or lasting change? How does it really occur? Where do we gain
that true profound, deep, understanding that lingers and stays with us?
(Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
Provide More Free Time
Two participants suggested that the conference be longer, but with more free time
during the days to reflect, and for observant Muslims and Jews, to pray. As one stated:
For me, what works better is to have more days, and have each day be a little bit
less jam packed. . . And for me that was a problem. That set me up there. There are
a million things that can set people up in that kind of situation. And that's grist for
the mill. So, it wasn't terrible. But it would certainly be smoother for me, if I
were able to do what I needed to do better without disrupting my own
participation in the conference. . .but my schedule is free enough that I can give it
extra days, and (that's) not true for most people. (Conference member, three
month follow-up interview)
Let people relax. I don't find any relaxation in the conference. I recommend it
very highly. When you give people a break, they bring in more energetic, and get
more with themselves. I don't know if this is purpose of the conference to keep
people under pressure. But even in reality, people have also relaxation. So it's
good to have in the conference, a couple of hours or one day, or V2 day, it's just
for relaxation. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
One participant missed the intimacy present in other experiential workshops attended,
and suggested more time and/or a change of structure to remedy that:
It's going to take more than two days to get to know people. That was my
impression, with this particular process. That's the effect it had on me. It made
me feel a little sad. If I compare it to a psychodynamic institute, where at the end
of two days, you know people in a different way. I don't know whether it's
because it's about conflict and authority, or the way it is structured. The boundary
between the management and the participants is very artificial. It's clear that they
are the ones in authority. But because there are all these structures, I think it
breaks the intimacy. . . There is something in the structure for me that impeded the
intimacy. I'm not sure now if it was because the staff were made into participants.
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Participant Learning
I remember the other group relations conference I was at. I felt a lot of attachment
to the other participants. This felt much less — I felt much less attached to the
other participants. (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
It should be noted that generally speaking, the primary task of group relations
conferences is not to foster intimacy, but rather to learn about the exercise of leadership
and authority in groups. The conference structure and behavior of consultants reflects
this, and can provoke anxiety or even rage. In my research and personal experiences in
over twenty years of conference attendance in member and staff roles, the capacity to
provoke anxiety and rage is not necessarily accompanied by the capacity to explore and
work through these intense emotions. This seems to be an area where group relations
practice could be improved 118 . This is also related to the following suggestion of a
conference participant.
More Clarity about Conference Tasks
One participant, who had no previous group relations conference experience
thought that some of the conference tasks might be presented with more clarity:
I wanted to have more clarity. For me I kind of lost it a little bit when we broke up
into groups (during the IE). Because I wasn't clear what was happening. Because
then it became, ok, we have to do a project. And for some reason, I had lost the
thread, maybe because it was kind of an overwhelming process to begin with. . .
then I was like, whoa whoa whoa what are we doing here now? I was just a little
confused. I got it eventually. I guess moving into that mode. Even if it was
something that was made clear from the beginning, I for whatever reason lost it.
(Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
Greater Clarity about Conference Purpose/Objectives
One participant suggested that the purpose of the conference should be made clearer:
I like group relations conferences. I think they are intense. Because they deal with
unconscious, they can do a lot of good work. But I think they need to have a
118 Yvonne Agazarian (1988) suggests interesting and effective ways to work with powerful affect in
groups focused on deep exploration, rather than avoidance of the feelings.
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Participant Learning
reason. I believe in this process. I believe the work, but, what is the objective of
the conference? (Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
This same participant also suggested expanding the focus of the conference to immigrant
populations in the US:
Have it be for immigrant populations — immigrants and Americans. Rather than
have it be the Israeli -Palestinian conflict, it's got to be immigrants and the conflict
that they evoke in American society. Cause I think it's happening right here.
(Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
One of the conference co-directors pondered why there was such low attendance, when
other (non-experiential) conferences convened in the area were filled to capacity (one
with over 200 people) 119 , and suggested the need to "politicize" the conference:
Why the experiential part of it is somehow not attended. People prefer to come to
conferences and just to talk and to debate and not be in the full experience of
these things. I'm thinking about that. I'm not sure what stands behind it, but I still
keep thinking about that. Maybe I'm just jumping to answer other questions. But
I'm quite sure that if we, somehow we need to politicize the group relations
experiences. I mean by that, it must be done, that we can show this kind of work
to political parties, to political leaders, not to just keep this clear, intermediate
way of being in conferences. We have to bring this conference into the awareness
of others. Even into the political territories. (Conference co-director, three month
follow-up interview)
The second conference director proposed that the next conference be constructed as an
organizational intervention for five to seven organizations at once, where each might
send five or more of their leaders to the conference.
Pre-Conference Staff Work
One member suggested that more than other group relations conferences, this type
of conference requires greater preparation on the part of the staff.
119 He was referring to a conference convened at University of Massachusetts Boston for two days in 2009.
The conference was academic and consisted of presentations over the course of the weekend, and was
attended by over 200 participants — academics and activists. It should be noted that this conference was also
free of charge.
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Participant Learning
Well the first thing that strikes me is the adaptation that we made in terms of
members and staff, in some ways realizing the kind of preparatory work that a
staff needs to do for a conference that has this kind of content is different than for
a traditional conference. . .the capacity to hold the space and do interpretations to
some degree is based on the ability to be a little bit out of the dynamic. . . my
identity issues showed up differently in this than they would normally do in a
conference, because it was so much about Jewish identity and my ambivalence
and my own struggles and my politics about that. . .which I don't find to be so
front and center in other conferences, even though those identity issues come up.
(Conference member, three month follow-up interview)
It may be that this particular conference served the purpose of preparing staff to do a
different type of conference work. The positive experiences of participants may also
serve to reduce organizational resistance (in group relations organizations) to this kind of
application of group relations methods.
Recruitment
Following the conference, I interviewed two Palestinian activists and educators
(in May and June 2010 respectively), in order to ascertain what might be some of the
underlying issues for the low attendance at this conference. Both activists had experience
over many years organizing, convening and participating in educational events (regarding
the Palestinian-Israeli conflict), including inter-group (Jewish-Palestinian) dialogue
groups, and were well connected in the Palestinian community. I initially contacted them
a few years ago about the project, and met with one periodically over time, and with the
other again prior to the conference. Both had been supportive of my efforts and suggested
other contacts within the Palestinian community. I had invited both of them to the
conference, though neither was able to attend. I asked each of them about their
experience organizing, convening, or participating in intergroup (Jewish- Arab-
Palestinian) events and the challenges of that. I also asked them to share with me their
reservations about this conference, and their thoughts about what might make attendance
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Participant Learning
at this conference more attractive to them and/or other Palestinians. One issue that came
up for each of them was the pain of participating in inter-group efforts:
I'll try to articulate this correctly. For one, just thinking of me personally — when
you first talked to me, four days feels like a lot of time and a very intensive
situation. For me it's very painful, the reality of what's happening. It's not just
political thing that I engage with — because this is something that is more part of
my core. Other people might be more able to. . . so for me, I was hesitant to put
myself in a situation that is painful -it goes on for a long time. If it's an hour or
two or whatever, then, maybe it's more realistic. But then for me to be in lock
down for like a day or two and come out of it and still be in pain. . .
I think the political space has changed a lot now. But when people disbelieve or
question things that are about who you are and are very basic about your
narrative, your identity, then it becomes really hard to do anything beyond that.
So I think, you know. . . since then, I've done different things and changed. . .but I
think I was fearful of that. Fearful of my narrative being denied. Me having to
prove myself over and over again and coming out with nothing as a result. So I
think, that's painful. I have had some interesting experiences where I've had
opportunities to engage and they've been rewarding. So I have to say, it hasn't all
been negative. . .but not knowing what, and it's the length of time, it was like, how
much can I do this for? (Palestinian activist, June 2009)
The second activist described her experience in a Jewish-Arab dialogue group several
years ago:
. . . there was a lot of pressure on me as representing the Palestinians. And in that
retreat, we're going back and forth with the usual arguments of the Holocaust
justifies everything, and the Arabs don't like the Palestinians, they're also . . .the
usual thing, and at some point (another member of the group) lost his temper,
banging on the table, and he said, "you're right. We are strong, you are weak. We
win, you lose." And I said thank you, now we can talk. For me, up until that point,
it was bullshit. Now we can talk — yeah, you are strong, we are weak, you won the
war, we lost it. Now let's talk. How do we move from here? At that point, my
request for withdrawal from the discussion groups was approved. I had requested
to be released from the discussions, and I said, they're bad for me — they're just
bad for my sense of health, for my heart, for my mind. Every time I go home from
these discussion groups I need two days to recover. I feel violated all over again.
I'm re-living my traumas all over again. (Palestinian activist, May 2009)
These responses reflect one of the conference themes of the pain involved in
peacemaking, described in the previous chapter. The current political situation in
Israel/Palestine, a result of two decades of broken promises and commitments made
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Participant Learning
throughout the Oslo "peace process" was also cited as a reason to avoid events
specifically focused on "dialogue." While many dialogue groups were convened during
the Oslo years, Palestinians are reluctant to participate in these groups without
acknowledgement of current realities on the ground. This is also consistent with the
literature about the problem of conducting dialogue when there are power asymmetries
between participants (Halabi, 2004; Halabi & Sonnenschein, 2004; Maoz, 2004, 2006):
The idea of dialogue — is dialogue effective? What's the use of dialogue, when
you don't recognize the power imbalances and the realities? And so that's an
element there. . .how Palestinians might perceive a dialogue is different than a
Jewish one or whatever. I don't know if it's about numbers, but it seems as
though -the Palestinians that I know who have engaged in dialogue, it seems that
a lot of them feel abused by it, because they are the tokens, and maybe there are
not that many of them around, and in the end, like, when I participated in the
dialogue with (a Jewish organization), I learned from it. But I think they, maybe
they heard things they didn't want to hear. In the end they could say, we were part
of a dialogue group. We engage with Palestinians all the time. We have dinners
together. So it gives them a certain thing that I don't want to give them. And why
should I? So that's another piece that comes out of previous bad experiences
when you talk about dialogue, what that really means. (Palestinian activist, June
2009)
There may be repercussions for Palestinians within their own community who participate
in dialogue groups:
In their mind, what I do, they perceive it as part of normalization, and they have a
very clear position, which I understood. I understand that position. I think that the
only way I feel comfortable engaging in projects that have this idea of people
from both sides, however you want to define the both sides, I'm only comfortable
doing it is as a teacher — that justifies in my mind, the compromises I make.
I do have a fear deep inside that once I go back home to Palestine, I'm going to
have difficulty finding jobs, because I think I have already been branded as a
person who does normalization projects. I don't know for sure, it's a feeling. . I
feel like I try to pretend that I haven't been branded, and I try to pretend that if
given the chance, I can explain that I also — that it's more nuanced — than either
yes or no. it's more nuanced. My anti -Zionist work does not necessarily mean that
I don't talk to Jewish Americans or Jewish Israelis. I'm not interested in the "let's
talk and feel good." I'm interested in let's talk and learn from each other and
have a deep rigorous academic discussions that situate the conflict in context of
colonization. Period. That I'd be interested in. (Palestinian activist, May 2009)
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Participant Learning
One activist was recently invited to join a dialogue group, and had the following
experience with its convener:
Because in that meeting what I said was tell me, what in your mind are the basic
premises for this dialogue. What is it that we're doing, and I need to understand
how you understand the conflict, because if we don't agree on that ... I need to
know that. (The convener) . . . sounded a bit vague, not complete enough as I
needed, so I took another way around and said let me tell you what I think about
this. I would participate in a dialogue group if there was space for us to talk about
it as this is an act of colonization. The state of Israel is the embodiment of the
extension of European white male heterosexual rich power that came up with a
colonizing project. And within that historical perspective we are talking about,
where do we go from here? I am not interested in any one single life lost. And
I'm not interested in any particular form of statehood. I don't care. I need that
acknowledged before I can even engage in a conversation and then share my
experience and listen to other people's experiences with an open mind. If we're
pretending that the conflict started in 1967 then I'm not interested. (Palestinian
activist, May 2009)
The importance of acknowledging the narrative of the other was discussed in the
literature review as an essential component to the process of healing and reconciliation
(Beit-Hallahmi, 1993; Gur-Ze'ev & Pappe, 2003; Pappe, 2006; Warschawski, 2005;
Wineman, 2003). The pain of the trauma is intensified when the perpetrator denies
responsibility. This is further exacerbated by the inherent power asymmetry of the
conflict, both in Israel/Palestine, and in the US. The Zionist narrative maintains
hegemony not only within the American Jewish community, but also in American media
and foreign policy.
The Palestinian conference member felt the conference offered opportunities to
understand the internal walls constructed by both Israelis and Palestinians. This
participant suggested that the Israeli separation barrier is an external manifestation of the
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Participant Learning
internal barrier. Palestinians also have internal walls constructed on gender, culture, and
religion, as well as the walls of occupation
120.
I think the peace process fail because people who try to find solution for both
side, I don't think that they know deeply what is going on, on internal level with
Jewish and Palestinian people, since both are traumatized in their life. I think
(it's) very important, I recommend this conference. . . we need conference like
(this) to break and demolish this wall. . .1 not feel give up. No. I get more serious
and curious. How can I deal with this wall? ... In daily life, we live with settler,
we deal with settler every day. So this is a reality. Therefore, you need to
experience that, but more secure. Because when you deal with settler there. You
threatened. You really could get killed. It's a risk to be with settler there. In this
conference give you tool how to deal with settler there. You not feel very direct.
Also the settler have something inside that is a human. You need to contact that. I
always look where is the positive in each person— I always search for that. All of
us we have negative, all of us we have weaknesses. I always look, where is the
light, where is the positive. (Conference member, three month follow-up
interview)
Palestinians and Jews have different needs and aims for inter-group work:
I think that for American Jews and Israelis who may not have as many
opportunities to engage with Palestinians, or it's new for them or they want to
engage because it's interesting and new, they are going to come out of it
differently than I am. Because I'm still going to come out of it being powerless — I
haven't changed anything. . .But I wasn't sure what the result was — it wasn't clear
and defined, you are going to come out of this, and this is what the result is. And
trepidation, that I don't know what's going to happen here, and I can't control it.
(Palestinian activist, June 2009)
This supports a recommendation of one of the conference members, and suggests the
importance of clarity about the conference task, both in the mind of the directors and
sponsors, and in the way it is framed for the public. This will be discussed further in the
next chapter.
Also it might be helpful. It can help with organizing. And there are issues. How
people can do things together or don't. I think it's different, because there's an
objective people can work on. Not like going to a conference and not knowing if
the person sitting next to you will be a settler, and would I be arguing with them
120 This has been referred to as internalized oppression in the literature (Batts, 1983).
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Participant Learning
the whole time. Maybe it was I just didn't want to engage, and it was a big time
commitment for me. . . (Palestinian activist, June 2009)
The Palestinian co-director of the conference wondered whether intra-group,
rather than inter-group work would be more helpful in the current situation:
On one hand I see many reasons of being very pessimistic. On the other hand, I
can deeply understand that the two parties need to be retreated, to retrieve itself,
to collect itself and to meet itself, and reflect inward, rather than to immediately
interact with the other party. There's a time of war, there's a time for ceasefire. I
think now, it's not that wrong to say this is a time of a cease of peace. It doesn't
mean immediately that I am calling for a war. I think it is a time for each of the
parties to contemplate what's going on. What he needs, what he wants from the
other, and the self. Because I do perceive that neither the Israelis nor the
Palestinians know right now what they want. I think ideologically, they know, but
practically, on a daily basis, and concretely, they are very troubled or puzzled, and
they don't know the road map. (Conference co-director, three month follow-up
interview)
Summary
Participants in Authority, Leadership and Peacemaking: The Role of the
Diasporas, were unanimous in their experience of the conference as worthwhile. They
found the experience rich with learning on emotional, cognitive, and political levels.
Learning encompassed several themes: identity, Diaspora, the Palestinian Israeli conflict,
authority and leadership, group relations, and the nature of the learning varied from
individual to individual. Learning continued beyond the boundaries of the conference and
evolved beyond the conference boundaries, and from the first to the second interview.
Interviews with two Palestinian activists offered some additional data about the difficulty
recruiting conference participants, and how such difficulties might be addressed in future
conferences. The next chapter will discuss these findings, as well as those reported in the
previous chapter in more detail.
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Discussion
Chapter 6
DISCUSSION
The purpose of this study was to pilot the use of group relations conference
methods to bring together members of Jewish and Palestinian/ Arab Diaspora
communities (and affected others) in the US to examine the Palestinian Israeli conflict
and the role of the Diasporas in the conflict. Preliminary findings from the study suggest
that group relations methods may offer rich opportunities for learning about the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict and the role of the Diasporas. In the area of group relations, it also
offers some evidence for the usefulness of adding a second task, or otherwise applying
the traditional model in new ways. In this chapter I will address what this conference
teaches us about the conflict and role of Diaspora communities; what it teaches us about
group relations methods and organizations; and what it teaches us about possible use of
this method for the examination of other social and political issues.
The chapter is divided into six sections. The first discusses the conference in
relation to the conflict and takes a group relations approach to analyzing the conflict.
Second I explore participant learning at and after the conference. This is followed by a
section with recommendations for future conference iterations on this topic. Then I
discuss the limitations of the group relations model. This is followed by a section on the
implications for innovation and adaptation in group relations work. I conclude the
chapter with a discussion of group relations research and its place in the work.
The Conference and the Conflict: A Parallel Process
Dialogue cannot take place in the absence of participants willing to engage with
each other. In the current political climate, there is less interest in a real engagement with
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Discussion
the other. This was evidenced first by the actual numbers of participants who made a
commitment to attend the conference, and kept that commitment.
The difficulty we had recruiting participants, and the themes that were expressed
in the conference, reflect a very real dynamic of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict:
"disengagement" on the political and civil society levels. Direct talks have been re-
started 121 and the current Obama administration insists on its commitment to "the peace
process." However, official statements from the White House, both before the attack on
the Gaza flotilla and since, ring hollow for many. As evidence of the reality on the
ground, we have only to observe the ongoing siege of Gaza, the increase in Israeli
settlements in the West Bank, the acceleration of Palestinian expulsions, and the
construction of roads for Jews only throughout the West Bank. All of these activities by
Israel continue to build a de-facto apartheid state.
The continued promotion of the two- state solution, without any acknowledgement
of these facts on the ground seems to be disengaged from reality. Thus, the parties are
behaving "as if they are engaging in a peace process, without actually really engaging
each other or changing behaviors. The disengagement is mirrored in US foreign policy
and in discourse of Diaspora communities, described in Chapter 2. One participant in the
conference hypothesized that the participants in this conference were "recruited on behalf
of society" to "play the conscience of the society":
Participation was so low that it was shocking to me. It felt as if the organizers had
been told by the rest of society that this was the organizers' issue and nobody
else'. It felt as if the society had decided to put its head in the snow and deny the
genocide that is happening, exactly like when other genocides happen. Every time
it is shocking to me how the society at large denies genocide as it is happening,
121 Though as of this writing they are on fragile ground as the government of Israel has refused to extend
the slowdown of settlement activity in the occupied West Bank.
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Discussion
only to wake up and scream bloody murder after it has happened. We were
recruited by the society to play the conscience of the society. I am glad I was a
part of it and sad to witness huge participation in rallies defending one team
against another, just for the sake of dividing into two fighting parties or teams,
and not participate in thinking how we as citizens or Diaspora have influence in
perpetuating genocide or preventing it. (Conference member, immediate post-
conference evaluation)
There is a basic assumption mentality at work. Basic assumption fight/flight is
evident in the lack of civil discourse on the topic of the conflict. Voices that are critical of
Israeli policy continue to be silenced 122 . Given that the Oslo "peace process" has made
little progress after nearly two decades, one can hypothesize that the primary task of the
"peace process" is not to actually make peace, but to perpetuate the conflict. As we
experienced in the conference, real peacemaking is terrifying. To make a real peace, it is
necessary to grieve and to mourn: to face the unbearable pain and loss that the conflict
has wrought. As long as the groups remain in conflict, the focus can remain on blaming
the other. Attention can then be diverted from facing the enormous destruction caused to
the land and to those who live there. It is also necessary to give up long and deeply held
beliefs about oneself, one's people, and the other. This loss of identity is truly terrifying:
with what do you replace the vision of your own identity? What would it mean for Jews
and Palestinians to give up their victim status? What would it mean for each to take
responsibility for perpetrating violence on the other?
A group relations perspective offers a different lens with which to view the
conflict, that takes non-rational processes into account, and attends to the whole system,
including the role that the two parties take up on behalf of the whole system. What are the
122 This has been described in Chapter 2 and is also vividly demonstrated in the video at this link:
https://salsa.democracyinaction.Org/o/30 l/t/10958/shop/custom.jsp?donate page KEY=6365
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roles of the other players: the US, UN, Russia, European Union (the "Quartet"), Arab
nations, Diaspora communities, Christian Zionists and others in perpetuating the conflict?
How are their rational and non-rational interests being served by perpetuating the
conflict? What are the Israelis and Palestinians holding — what do they represent — on
behalf of the rest of the world? How are the various stakeholders using the parties in
conflict, both consciously and unconsciously? How do Israelis and Palestinians collude
with this?
As described in the literature review, each of these groups may use the "fighting
pair" of Israel and Palestine to further their own imperial or domestic interests. The role
of the United States in perpetuating the conflict cannot be denied. As Israel's strongest
ally (and supplier of an annual three billion dollars in military aid), the US government
supports and finances the occupation. The American Jewish Diaspora community has
played a substantial role in fueling the conflict through direct financial or material
support, as well as by contributing to the emotional context in which militancy can be
sustained. Arab nations in the region can divert attention from their own domestic
struggles by focusing on the conflict, while doing little to ameliorate it (including
oppression of Palestinian populations in those countries). It is critical that we understand
the non-rational processes, including the roles of trauma, victimization and projection
that fuel the conflict. In the current politically polarized environment, dialogue seems less
and less possible. However, engaging with the realities of the conflict is essential for
learning, adaptation, and change. Diaspora communities (and the American Jewish
Diaspora in particular) must be part of this process.
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Discussion
Learning During and After the Conference
The purpose of this study was to understand the impact of the conference on
participants and the meaning they made of their experiences. The process of making
meaning is complex, and does not happen instantly, or in a vacuum (R. Behar, 1996;
Phillips & Hardy, 2002). Rather, it happens in relationship to others and over time.
While the conference was only three days long, learning continued beyond those
boundaries of time and space. For study participants, the interview process also served as
a forum to organize their thoughts and feelings about the conference.
Group relations conferences are designed to be "temporary organizations," with a
beginning and an end. That learning continues beyond conference boundaries suggests
that more formal follow-up experiences may be useful. The Center for the Study of
Groups and Social Systems, a Boston based group relations organization and affiliate of
the AK Rice Institute, routinely offers half day follow-up application groups for
conference members one to three months post-conference. Such structures offer
interested participants an additional outlet for understanding and making meaning of their
experiences. Running a series of conferences on the theme, (in the same way the
Nazareth conferences have done) may serve that purpose. As some participants noted,
learning in conferences is cumulative, and returning participants can build on their
learning from previous conferences.
The research is consistent with previous group relations research about the ability
of the method to facilitate powerful personal learning. The learning that each study
participant took was uniquely his or her own. Conference structure allows for many
levels of experience and understanding amongst the participants, and also allows
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Discussion
participants to return and build upon learning in previous conferences. Because
conference membership and staff is different each time, no conference is exactly the
same.
As described in the previous two chapters, the dynamics at play during the
planning process and throughout the conference, mirrored dynamics of the Palestinian-
Israeli conflict (around the role of gender, disengagement, complexity of identity, the role
of the Diasporas, etc.). Therefore, exploring those themes in the here and now of a
conference setting has the potential to help to illuminate the larger dynamics of the
conflict and offer opportunities for learning and transformation. In this conference, there
was great variability of learning about the conflict and the role of Diasporas in it. Those
with less intimate knowledge of the conflict reported a greater amount of learning in that
area. Those who spent time in the region or were actively engaged in the conflict reported
little or no learning about the conflict, although they reported more personal learning.
This raises the question of whether activists knowledgeable about the Palestinian Israeli
conflict might be able to develop new perspectives on the conflict if they were to
participate in such a conference with other activists and/or a more experienced staff.
Variability in learning may reflect flaws in the conference design, as well as the initial
ambivalence and skepticism of the sponsors and conference director about the feasibility
of integrating the double tasks of the conference. Despite the variability in learning, all
of the participants in this study found the experience worthwhile or very worthwhile.
Recommendations for Future Conferences on the Topic
Whether this form of learning can ultimately have an impact on the conflict itself
remains to be seen. Conference learning and meaning-making build over time, and are
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Discussion
not immediately evident. Participants in the conference will continue to be surveyed and
interviewed until one year post-conference, in order to assess how they integrate and
apply the learning over time. The original intent for this project was to pilot this method
and run a series of conferences on the theme over time (much like the way the Nazareth
series has run over the last 14 years). It would then be possible to measure the impact of
the conferences on individuals over time, as well as the impact on individuals of
attending multiple conferences.
As we stated in the conference brochure:
The primary task of the conference is to learn - through experience - how
groups function, how we exercise leadership in groups, and how we can
become more effective leaders within the organizations and communities in
which we live and work. Uniquely, we will have the opportunity to focus on those
elements of leadership that can often be obscured from view - the hidden
challenges.
The lack of clarity about how to integrate the double task was problematic in our
recruitment campaign. Future conferences need to be much clearer in framing the
primary task of the conference (to explore the role of Diaspora communities in the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and their potential in peacemaking). Historically, it
has been difficult to explain or "sell" group relations conferences in a succinct
and coherent way, while still communicating the richness and complexity of the
experience and the learning opportunities offered. In order to increase interest,
recruitment might be done on an organizational, rather than individual level.
Rather than mount free-standing conferences open to the public, they might
instead be framed as organizational interventions. That is, organizations that are
engaged with the conflict and with Diaspora communities might be approached to
consider sending five or more of their staff to attend the conference. In this way
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Discussion
they could bring learning about their internal organizational dynamics back to
their home organizations. The conference could also provide a space where
organizations might explore opportunities for collaboration. This might be part of
the inter-group event. Such an intervention might begin with Arab and Palestinian
organizations and the Jewish left, or within each community separately (as
suggested by one of the participants). This brings the intervention more overtly
into the action research realm. While we attempted to recruit a variety of
participants along the political spectrum for this conference, it is likely no
accident, that those who showed up were more allied with the peace camp.
Future conferences might more effectively integrate the theme into the
actual conference structure/design. For instance, the Institutional Event (IE) might
be re-designed so that members are assigned to their own identity groups
(including a group for "others"). From there, the task could be to examine the
inter-relatedness of the groups, as well as the intra-group dynamics (a standard
part of the IE task — see appendix R) in relation to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
The group assignments would bring issues regarding identity and conflict into the
here and now event. Alternatively, as originally planned, study groups might also
serve to better integrate the two tasks, by creating both heterogeneous (across
identity) and homogeneous (same identity) groups. This allows space for the
similarities to be seen in the differences, and the differences in the similarities
(Agazarian & Philibossian, 1988).
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Discussion
Limitations of Group Relations Methods
The research and my own conference experiences over the past 25 years have
raised questions for me about the limitations of the group relations conference model.
The dynamics of the group relations world were salient throughout the conference. While
this is a common occurrence in conferences, the dynamics were especially salient here
where over half of the members were actively working in group relations and only two
had no prior experience. One of the ongoing challenges that group relations organizations
in the US have faced over time has been the struggle around the issue of internal vs.
external focus — that is, the tendency to be self-referential and to operate as closed rather
than open systems engaged with the larger world. While sponsoring organizations may
not be able (or even desire) to avoid the importation of these dynamics, it is important to
remain cognizant of them and the ways they may skew interpretation of conference
dynamics.
While learning is variable across individuals and across conferences, there are
issues/themes that tend to show up in most conferences: themes dealing with sexuality,
aggression, power, authority and leadership. Part of this is rooted in psychoanalytic
theory upon which the method is based, and part may be due to the group relations
conference culture that develops. The danger for those who continually return to group
relations conferences is that expectations and assumptions about what is "supposed to
happen" at a conference may be imported by participants and unconsciously or
consciously re-enacted. This is why the dynamics of group relations conferences often
reflect the dynamics of their sponsoring organizations. Sponsoring organizations and
practitioners must beware of continuously re-producing themselves in conferences. While
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such a re-creation can enhance learning about the internal dynamics of the sponsoring
organizations (assuming that is the conference task), it may also create an "as-if ' kind of
environment that inhibits new learning. New learning can happen if consultants and
members alike can approach the work "without memory or desire" (Bion, 1988)
Implications for Group Relations: Innovation and Adaptation
Group relations conferences have the capacity to actively engage up to 100 or
more people in understanding the nature of authority, leadership, and folio wership. Many
current community and organizational engagement strategies 123 have their roots in the
work of the Tavistock Institute. As practiced, they neglect the role of the unconscious in
group, organizational and social behavior. This is something that group relations
organizations can bring to understanding and engaging citizens about larger social issues.
This conference has dealt specifically with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the
role of their respective Diaspora communities. I am interested in building on this pilot
project to see the impact of repeated interventions over time. Again, it should be noted
that in the US Diasporas, as in the region, there is tremendous power asymmetry between
the groups. However, this does not take away from the importance for both groups to
work through the impact of the conflict. Dialogue in the absence of political and
structural change will not resolve the conflict. At the same time, the conflict cannot be
fully resolved without addressing the psycho-social impact of trauma on both groups over
generations.
The method might be further adapted to work with other conflicts and their
respective Diaspora communities, or as a way to engage civil society to examine the
123 such as the Search Conference (Emery & Purser, 1996), Future Search (Emery & Purser, 1996;
Weisbord & Janoff, 2000) and Open Space Technology (Owen, 2008)
206
Discussion
various challenges and conflicts we face. Research has suggested that conflicts around
the world are more likely to re-ignite when the parties have Diaspora communities in the
United States. The role of gender in conflict may also be explored using these methods.
With an all female staff, and either an all female or mixed membership, a conference
might specifically explore the role and impact of gender on war-making and peace-
making.
Historically, members of group relations organizations in the US have been
conflicted about the application of these methods to the understanding of and intervention
in larger societal problems. This may be part of the problem now faced by group relations
centers across the US, many of which are struggling to survive 124 . They have become
closed systems that are no longer engaged with the outside environment. Despite attempts
to remake itself over the last decade, the survival of the national organization in the US is
precarious. Group relations organizations, with goals of understanding the rational and
non-rational processes in organizations, often get trapped in the web of their own non-
rational process. Wilfred Bion (1961) developed his ideas about unconscious group
processes and basic assumption groups in response to a larger societal crisis: the paucity
of medical care and personnel for increasing numbers of shell-shocked soldiers returning
from war. To stay relevant, group relations organizations in the US might do well to re-
think the way we do business, including how we define our primary task. Is it to continue
running free standing group relations conferences for their own sake? I assert that group
relations conferences might be better thought of as a tool, a means to an end, rather than
124 Indeed, one of the project's partner organizations decided to close this year.
207
Discussion
as an end in itself. To remain relevant, group relations conferences may best be used as a
tool to understand or intervene in particular group, organizational or social problems.
Group relations conference innovations are not just about how we structure
conferences, or what new elements we had. We must also attend to our expectations and
assumptions about what is "supposed" to happen in a conference setting. Without a
change in our assumptions and expectations about group processes, an "innovation in the
mind," structural change alone is unlikely to create an environment for innovation.
Implications for Group Relations Research
This study was an in depth qualitative case study of a group relations conference
and program evaluation of conference outcomes. The study is limited in a few ways.
First, my multiple roles plus my shared theoretical orientation (group relations) with the
staff group and sponsoring organizations provided the framework in which I viewed and
understood the data. Having this point of reference provides a structure for data
interpretation, but may also be a source of bias. Second, the study focused on a single
conference, and its small sample size does not allow for the findings to be generalized to
all group relations conferences. Future research may serve to fill in some of the gaps of
this study. Despite these limitations, the study does suggest areas for further inquiry and
action.
If group relations organizations are serious about continuing to hold and promote
conferences, then it is essential for them to systematize an evaluation process for all of
their conference offerings. The availability of online tools, which may be used to collect
and tabulate data makes this relatively simple to implement. An ongoing evaluation
process will provide further data to evaluate the effectiveness of these conferences over
time, and to look for the existence of particular patterns. Depending on budget, future
208
Discussion
evaluation research might use survey methods exclusively, or employ mixed methods
(interviews and surveys) such as in this study. Open-ended interviews of select
participants will enhance our understanding of the processes at work during and after the
conference that facilitate or hinder learning; discern some of the variables that contribute
to participant learning; and offer more insight into how members make meaning of their
conference experience over time. They might also suggest additional structures before,
during, or after the conference that might facilitate participants' ability to make use of
their conference learning. While I have limited the findings reported here to a three
month period after the conference, I will be following up with participants over the
course of one year post-conference. Those findings will be reported elsewhere.
Longitudinal studies will help elucidate how participants make sense of their
experience and how the meaning they make of their experiences changes over time. How
attendance at multiple conferences impacts participants is another important area of
inquiry. The combination of narrative reports with survey research can offer a broader
perspective of particular conferences and evaluate the effectiveness of group relations
conferences in facilitating learning and change. Such research may suggest conference
design innovations, including post conference activities, to promote participants' ability
to make sense of their conference learning. The dynamics of the larger organizational and
social context and how they may influence the evolution of conference dynamics over
time may also be studied.
In conclusion this research offers some evidence that group relations can be a
powerful tool for learning about and intervening in political and social issues and
conflicts. The conference structure creates a unique space for where personal, social and
209
Discussion
political learning can be integrated. Group relations organizations have been struggling in
recent years and have risked losing their relevancy as they remain internally focused. The
hope for future group relations work may rest with applications aimed at tackling real-
world problems and conflicts.
210
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243
Appendices
Appendix A: Chronological Timeline of Select Events in the History of the Israeli-
Palestinian Conflict
125
6 ,h Century B.C.E
Thriving Jewish Diaspora in Mesopotamia and Egypt
Palestine is melting pot of nations, tribes, and cultures: Canaanites,
Jebusites, Philistines, viewed as lineal ancestors of Palestinians.
70 C.E.
1780-
Destruction of Jewish Temple in Jerusalem
In Europe, Jewish modernization, enlightenment "Haskalah"
period. Moses Mendelssohn formulates idea of integrating Jewish
identity with modern values. Development of secular Jewish elite
in opposition to the culture of Rabbinical Judaism (Beit-Hallahmi,
1993)
1800s
1858
1878
1882-1903
Secularization and modernization trends continue. Jews actively
participate in radical revolutionary movements, (such as
communism), and are also involved in secular and religious Jewish
identity movements (e.g., Orthodoxy, Zionism, Bundism). Revival
of Hebrew language.
Ottoman land code deprives Palestinians of their right to live on
the land, cultivate it and pass it on to their heirs. The upper classes
had manipulated the legal process and registered large areas of
land as personal property (Khalidi, 1997).
First Zionist agricultural colony in Palestine (Petah Tikvah)
25,000 Jewish immigrants, mainly from Russia, begin to settle in
Palestine, known in Israeli historiography as the First Aliyah
' Unless otherwise noted, events from 1878-1948 are quoted from Pappe (2007, pp. 282-287), sometimes
verbatim. Information about the 1956 Sinai campaign and the settler movement, post 1967 mostly gleaned
from Gorenberg (2006). Statistics and other information about waves of immigration to Israel retrieved
March 8, 2008 from:
http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Facts%20About%20Israel/Historv/Facts%20About%20Israel-%20History
and http://en.wikipedia.Org/wiki/Aliyah#Middle Eastern Jews
Information about PLO retrieved March 8, 2008 from: http://imeu.net/news/article0046.shtml . Other
information gleaned from (Beit-Hallahmi, 1993; Gorenberg, 2006; Khalidi, 2006; D. Rose, 2008; Shain,
2000).
As further demonstrated in Appendix B, there is considerable dispute around how particular events are
named (or even whether or not they occurred). The websites noted above are aligned with the Israeli and
Palestinian perspectives, respectively, and some of the framing of particular events cited here may reflect
that.
244
Appendices
1885 Pittsburgh Platform: declares American reform Jews do not
consider themselves a nation and do not anticipate returning to
Palestine (Shain, 2000)
1886 Palestinian peasants attack settlement of Petah Tikvah. One settler
is killed and others are wounded before Ottoman troops intervene
(Khalidi, 1997).
1896 Der Judenstaat, advocating the establishment of a Jewish state, is
published by Austro-Hungarian Jewish writer Theodor Herzl.
Jewish Colonization Association (JCA), founded by German Baron
Maurice de Hirsch in 1881 to aid Zionist settlers begins operations
in Palestine
1897 First World Zionist Congress convenes in Basel, Switzerland. It
creates the World Zionist Organization (WZO), which calls for a
home for the Jewish people in Palestine.
1901 Jewish National Fund (JNF) set up to acquire land in Palestine for
the WZO; non-Palestinian absentee landlords sold land. Purchases
are opposed by rural and urban elite. The land is to be used and
worked solely by Jews (Khalidi, 1997).
1901-1904 Tensions between Zionists and Palestinian farmers in Tiberias
area. Arab labor is replaced by Jewish labor, leading to public
expression of anti-Zionism and a nascent sense of shared identity
by Palestinians (Khalidi, 1997).
1904-1914 40,000 Zionist immigrants arrive in Palestine, mainly from Russia
and Poland comprising 6% of population. Referred to as the
Second Ally ah
1 909 Establishment of first kibbutz
Founding of Tel Aviv, north of Arab town of Jaffa
1914 Beginning of World War I
1916 Sykes-Picot agreement: secret document between Britain and
France to divide the Middle East
1917 Balfour Declaration: British Secretary of State Lord Balfour writes
letter of support for "a Jewish national home in Palestine."
Ottoman forces in Jerusalem surrender to British General Allenby
1918 WWI ends and Ottoman rule in Palestine is over. Palestine is
occupied by the allies, under General Allenby
245
Appendices
1919 First Palestinian National Congress in Jerusalem rejects Balfour
declaration, demands independence.
Chaim Weizmann, of the Zionist Commission at the Paris Peace
Conference, calls for a Palestine "as Jewish as England is English,"
while other commissioners say "as many Arabs as possible should
be persuaded to emigrate." Winston Churchill wrote that "there
are Jews, whom we are pledged to introduce into Palestine, and
who take it for granted that the local population will be cleared out
to suit their convenience.
1917-1923 In Arab press, noted shift from Arab/Ottoman identity to
Palestinian/ Arab identity
1919-1923 35,000 Zionists immigrate to Palestine, with Jews now 12% of
population, and holding 3% of land. Known as the Third Aliyah,
mostly from Russia
1917-1923 In the Arab press, there is a noted shift from Arab/Ottoman identity
to Palestinian/Arab identity (Khalidi, 1997).
1920 Founding of Hagana, Zionist underground military organization
Britain assigned Palestinian Mandate by the Supreme Council of
San Remo Peace Conference
1921 Protests in Jaffa against large-scale Zionist immigration
1922 League of Nations Council approves Britain's Mandate for
Palestine
British census of Palestine: 78% Muslim, 11% Jewish, 9.6 %
Christian, total population 757,182
1923 British Mandate for Palestine officially comes into force
1924-1932 67,000 Zionist immigrants come to Palestine, half of whom are
from Poland. Known as the Fourth Aliyah. Jews now comprise
16% of population and own 4% of land
1925 Revisionist Party is founded in Paris, calling for Jewish state in
Palestine and Transjordan
1928 Muslim Brotherhood established in Egypt(Becker, October 2007)
1929 Riots in Palestine over Jewish claims to Wailing Wall in
Jerusalem, with 133 Jews and 116 Arabs killed, mainly by British
Chief Rabbi of Iraq denounces Zionism and Balfour declaration
246
Appendices
1931 The underground military organization, Etzel (also known as the
Irgun) founded to support more militancy against the Arabs.
Jewish community now 16.9% of total population of 1.03 million
British director of development for Palestine publishes report on
"landless Arabs" caused by Zionist colonization
1932 First regularly constituted Palestinian political party, the Istiliqlal
(Independence) Party founded
1933-1939 Wave of immigration from Germany, known as the Fifth Aliyah
1936 A conference of Palestinian National Committees demands "no
taxation without representation" (Pappe, 2007).
Beginning of Palestinian revolt (referred to as riots in Zionist
narrative), which lasts until 1939.
1937 Peel Commission recommends partition of Palestine, with 33% of
country to become Jewish state. Part of Palestinian population is to
be transferred from this state. British dissolve all Palestinian
political organizations, deport five leaders, establish military courts
against Palestinian rebellion
1939 White Paper is approved by British House of Commons, which
plans conditional independence of Palestine after 10 years and
immigration of 15,000 Jews into Palestine each year for next 5
years.
World War II begins
1940 Land Transfer Regulations come into force, protecting Palestinian
land against Zionist acquisition
1945 World War II ends
1947 Britain tells newly formed UN that it will withdraw from Palestine
UN forms Special Committee for Palestine (UNSCOP) which
recommends partition, offering Jews 56% of the land (after
Zionists had demanded 80%)
UN adopts Resolution 181 on partition of Palestine calling for 1)
creation of Jewish and Arab states with specified boundaries 2)
special international zone in Jerusalem 3) a constitution for the
Jewish state 4) creation of economic union for two states 5) no
expropriation of Arab land by Jewish state 6) residents become
citizens of the state in which they reside 7) Jaffa was to be an Arab
enclave in the Jewish state
247
Appendices
Zionists begin mass expulsion of Palestinians (Beit-Hallahmi,
1993)
1948 War breaks out between Jews and Arabs.
US delegate to UN announces that the role of the Security Council
is peacekeeping rather than enforcing partition
Israel declares independence in May
Israeli "War of Independence" is Palestinian "Nakba" or
catastrophe
Nearly 800,000 Palestinians dispossessed, 531 villages destroyed,
and 1 1 urban neighborhoods emptied (Pappe, 2007)
Mapai forms government with National Religious Party
December 11, 1948: UN resolution 194 establishes Conciliation
Commission, calling for, among other things, the return of refugees
wishing to live in peace with their neighbors or compensation.
(Laqueur & Rubin, 2008) .
1949 Separate armistice agreements signed with Egypt, Lebanon,
Jordan, and Syria
1948-1952 Mass immigration from Europe and Arab countries
"Operation Magic Carpet" brings entire (49,000) Yemenite
community to Israel in 1949-50. In 1951, 114,000 Iraqi Jews
immigrated.
1950 "Law of Return" one of the "Basic Laws" allows Jews from
anywhere in the world to immigrate to Israel and obtain Israeli
citizenship immediately.
Union of Palestinian Students founded at Cairo University by
engineering student later known as Yasser Arafat. George Habash
and others form another student group at American University of
Beirut. By mid-1950s, disparate groups formed a network, though
each organization was small and had its own agenda (Khalidi,
1997).
1956 President Nasser of Egypt nationalizes Suez Canal
Sinai Campaign: Israel, in collusion with Britain and France, seizes
the Sinai Peninsula. Immense pressure from US president
Eisenhower leads to Israeli withdrawal to 1947 Armistice lines.
1959 American-Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) is formed
1964 The Arab League founds Palestinian Liberation Organization
(PLO)
248
Appendices
1967 For Israel, the "Six-Day War", for Palestinians, the "June 5
Aggression."
Israel occupies the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem, the
Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights, later annexes East
Jerusalem. Unlike Sinai Campaign, Israel meets with little pressure
from the US to withdraw from the territories it occupied
(Gorenberg, 2006)
November 22: UN Security Council Resolution 242 calling for
"withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the
recent conflict", and "respect for and acknowledgement of the
sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of
every state in the area and their right to live in peace within secure
and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force"
("History of failed peace talks," 2007).
1968-1970 September: Nasser dies of a heart attack (Tolan, 2006)
Continued border conflicts with Egypt, known in Israel as the
"War of Attrition"
1970 "Black September" Jordanian army defeats PLO and expels it from
Jordan (Khalidi, 1997).
1972 Eight Palestinian gunmen from Black September (a splinter group
of Fatah, after civil war in Jordan) entered Olympic village at
Munich, holding hostage, and then killing Israeli athletes (Tolan,
2006)
1973 "Yom Kippur War" Coordinated attack on Israel by Egypt and
Syria. Element of surprise leaves Israelis very shaken
UN Resolution Resolution 338 called for a ceasefire in the war of
October 1973 and urged the implementation of 242 "in all its
parts".
1974 Arab League recognizes the PLO as the "sole legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people. PLO is granted observer
status in the United Nations ("Background briefings: Who
represents the Palestinians officially before the world
community?," 2006-2007)
1975 Gush Emunim (Block of the Faithful) confronts Rabin government
with demand to settle on the outskirts of Nablus in the West Bank,
marking a turning point in settler movement.
249
Appendices
1975-76 War in Lebanon: Syria intervenes against PLO. Three refugee
camps overrun by Phalangists (backed by Israel and Syria)
massacre and expulsion followed by series of clashes, many
involving PLO. Culminates in Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982
(Khalidi, 1997).
1977 Labor Party loses power to right wing Likud block, escalating
trends towards increased militancy and settlement activity
US Jewish Diaspora begins to assert its voice in Israeli policy,
though still hesitates to voice criticism of Israeli settlement policy
(Shain, 2000).
November, 1977: Anwar Sadat makes historic visit to Jerusalem
("History of failed peace talks," 2007)
1978 Camp David Accords include framework for comprehensive peace
in the Middle East and proposal for Palestinian self-government.
1979 Emigration of 70,000 Iranian Jews following revolution (though
most settled in the US).
1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon
Overall, 19,000 are killed, with 30,000 wounded since 1975.
Palestinian leaders and institutions are expelled to Tunisia, Yemen,
Sudan, Syria, Iraq, and Libya (Khalidi, 1997).
Massacres at Palestinian refugee camps Sabra and Shatila.
1987 First Palestinian Intifada (Uprising) or the "children's intifada"
begins. PLO leadership surprised by uprising, though later backed
it. Palestine, rather than Diaspora became the center of Palestinian
politics (Khalidi, 1997).
Beginning of mass immigration of Jews from former Soviet Union
(over 1 million in total).
Sheikh Ahmed Yassin and others establish Hamas (Harakat al-
Muqawama al-Islamiya: Islamic Resistance Movement)
1988 Pale stinian Declaration of Independence
1988 First Israeli Orthodox attempt to alter Israeli policy on "who is a
Jew," signaling a rise of diasporic intervention in Israeli domestic
and foreign policy (Shain, 2000).
1991 October- November 1991 Madrid Peace Conference, co-sponsored
by US and Soviet Union. Jordan, Lebanon and Syria invited with
Israel and Egypt. Palestinians invited as part of Jordanian
250
Appendices
delegation, not under the PLO ("History of failed peace talks,"
2007)
Direct talks begin between Israel and Syria
"Operation Solomon": immigration of Jews from Ethiopia
1980s- 1990s
1993 Oslo Accords involving Israel and the PLO recognizing each other.
Palestinians were to gain autonomy, first in the Gaza Strip and
Jericho, and later in larger parts of the West Bank for a 5 year
interim period, to be followed by a final peace agreement. Issues
related to the future of Jerusalem and the holy sites, Palestinian
refugees, settlements, and borders would be left for final-status
negotiations. In large pieces of the West Bank, Israel is responsible
for security, while the newly formed Palestinian Authority (PA) is
responsible for civil administration. Palestinian Authority would be
set up for five year transitional period, leading to a permanent
settlement based on resolutions 242 and 338 ("History of failed
peace talks," 2007).
The Israeli right sees the agreement as a mortal threat to their
vision of a Greater Israel. Hamas and other Palestinian groups did
not accept Oslo and launched suicide attacks on Israelis.
Accords are welcomed by majority of American Jews. Right wing
Jewish groups and Orthodox groups in the US are solidly opposed.
Oslo was only partially implemented.
First attack on World Trade Center in NYC
1994 Peace treaty between Jordan and Israel (stemming from 1991
Madrid conference)
1995 Oslo II accords at lay out Israel's withdrawal from the West
Bank's cities
Yitzhak Rabin assassinated by radical supporter of the Whole Land
movement, Yigal Amir, in November
1996 Passage of Anti-Terrorism and Death Penalty Act of 1996,
allowing for the arrest and deportation of non-US citizens without
due process under "guilt by association" standards (Orfalea, 2006).
1998 Wye River summit with President Bill Clinton, PM Netanyahu,
foreign minister Ariel Sharon and PA leader Yassir Arafat. Under
Clinton's pressure, Netanyahu signed agreement to continue
implementing Oslo accords by turning over an additional 13% of
West Bank land to the PA. Afterwards, Sharon urged settlers to
"grab more hills, expand the territory." (Gorenberg, 2006, p. 371)
251
Appendices
1999 Pittsburgh Convention of American reform movement moves away
from 1885 platform to encourage aliyah to Israel (Shain, 2000)
1991-2000 Continued settlement activity, land seizures, and the building of a
network of bypass roads encircling Palestinian population in West
Bank and Gaza. From 1993-2000, the population of Israeli
settlements in the West Bank and Gaza (excluding East Jerusalem)
increased to 198,000 from 116,000.
Israel begins building separation wall.
2000 Summer 2000 Camp David summit: attempt to address "final
status" issues, including borders, Jerusalem and refugees.
Second Palestinian or "Al-Aqsa" intifada breaks out, following
appearance of Ariel Sharon on the Temple Mount (a site holy to
Islam)
2001 Taba peace talks, differences narrowed but not overcome. Ariel
Sharon elected in February 2001. ("History of failed peace talks,"
2007).
9/1 1/01 attacks on World Trade Center Towers in NYC and
Pentagon in Washington DC
October: US invasion of Afghanistan
10/26/01 passage of USA Patriot Act, giving the US government
the power of search, seizure and wiretapping (Orfalea, 2006)
12/3/01 Ariel Sharon returns from meeting with George W. Bush
in Washington, and declares war on the Palestinian Authority.
Suicide bombings in Israel increase and Israel re-occupies the
Palestinian territories. Arafat's compound in Ramallah under siege,
and he surges in popularity (Tolan, 2006)
2002 Saudi Peace Plan, presented at Arab summit in Beirut. Israel would
withdraw to lines of June 1967, a Palestinian state would be set up
in the West Bank and Gaza, and there would be a "just solution" to
the refugee issue. In return, Arab countries would recognize Israel.
("History of failed peace talks," 2007).
Summer: Ariel Sharon intensifies policy of home demolitions of
relatives of suspected terrorists. Increase of suicide bombings in
Israel. Israel re-occupies West Bank (Tolan, 2006)
252
Appendices
2003 Roadmap for peace negotiated under auspices of the "quartet" (the
United States, European Union, United Nations and Russia),
proposing a phased timetable: I: statements in support of two state
solution from both sides, Palestinians would stop terror attacks,
draw constitution and hold elections; Israel would stop settlement
activities and act with military restraint. II: creation of a
Palestinian state with "provisional borders"; III: final agreement
talks (scheduled for 2005, but never happened)
US invades Iraq
Geneva Accord: informal agreement by Yossi Beilin (Israel) and
Yasser Abed Rabbo (Palestine). Main compromise was Palestine
giving up "right of return" in exchange for most of W. Bank,
including a major settlement. Other settlements closer to border
would be kept and swapped with land in Israel. No official status
("History of failed peace talks," 2007).
2004 PLO chair Yasir Arafat dies, replaced by Mahmoud Abbas as head
ofthePLO
2005 Mahmoud Abbas is elected president of PA. Legislative Council
elections, originally set for July are postponed until January 2006.
250,000 Israelis live in 125 officially recognized West Bank
settlements. Another 180,000 live in annexed areas of East
Jerusalem. 16,000 Israelis live in 32 settlements in the Golan
Heights, which was annexed in 1981. 9000 Israeli settlers resided
in 21 settlements in the Gaza strip until the "disengagement" in the
summer of 2005. In addition to religious and militant settlers, the
population also includes many who moved to the occupied
territories for a better quality of life (Gorenberg, 2006).
171 Palestinian civil society organizations call for boycott,
divestment, and sanctions (BDS) (Hijab, 2009).
2006 January: Palestinian Legislative Council elections result in victory
of Hamas over Fateh. US, European Union (EU), Russia and UN
(the "Quartet") demand that the new Hamas government renounce
violence, recognize Israel's right to exist, and accept terms of all
previous agreements. Hamas refuses, but offers 10 year ceasefire
with Israel. Quartet shuts off aid (~ $2 billion) to PA.
Israel clamps down on Palestinian freedom of movement,
particularly in Gaza and detains 64 Hamas officials, including
Legislative Council members. After kidnapping of Israeli soldier,
Israel launches military campaign in Gaza.
253
Appendices
US pressures Abbas to dissolve Hamas government. Promises but
does not follow through on $86 million aid package to dismantle
terrorism and restore law and order.
2007 Fatah forces storm Islamic University of Gaza, Hamas retaliates.
Power sharing deal is struck under auspices of King Abdullah of
Saudi Arabia to establish National Unity government, where Ismail
Haniya of Hamas remains Prime Minister, and Fatah members
hold important posts.
Israeli blockade of Gaza intensifies. (D. Rose, 2008)
2008 President George W. Bush vows to resume peace process and
reach agreement between Palestinians and Israelis by end of his
term of office.
Israeli elections result in slight edge of "centrist" Kadima party.
Party head Tzippi Livni unable to form a government. Benyamin
Netanyahu of Likud is asked to form government.
Violence intensifies: Hamas fires rockets into Israel; Israel
escalates military incursions into Gaza.
December 27: Israel begins sustained air assault on Gaza.
2009 January: Israeli ground invasion of Gaza.
January 19: Ceasefire declared in Gaza.
http://www.btselem.org/english/OT A/?WebbTopicNumber=30&i
mage.x=8&image.v=8
1434 Palestinians killed, including 960 civilians. Thirteen Israelis
killed, including three civilians and soldiers who died from
"friendly fire".
February: Hampshire College becomes first US college to divest
from corporations supporting Israel's military occupation.
March: Right wing Israeli government is formed including
extremist Avigdor Leiberman of Yisrael Beitenu (Israel Our
Homeland) party, who ran on platform of loyalty tests and
"transfer" of Palestinians (Murray, 2009).
September: The Goldstone report, formally known as the "Report
of the United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict,"
found that both Hamas and the Israeli military committed war
crimes during the 27 December 2008 to 18 January 2009 Gaza
assault (Clifton, 2010).
254
Appendices
November: Israel announces 10 month suspension of new building
in the West Bank, under intense US pressure.
http ://news .bbc .co .uk/2/hi/middle_east/8670726 . stm
2010 March: Indirect talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders
stopped when Palestinians pulled out of talks in March after Israeli
municipal authorities approved plans for new homes in the East
Jerusalem settlement of Ramat Shlomo. The announcement was
made during a visit to Israel by US Vice-President Joe Biden and
caused great strain in Israeli-US relations.
http://news.bbc.co.Uk/2/hi/middle_east/8670726.stm
May: Proximity talks scheduled to re- start, with US Middle East
envoy George Mitchell shuttling between the two sides.
http ://news .bbc .co .uk/2/hi/middle_east/8670726 . stm
May 31: Israel attacks flotilla of eight humanitarian aid ships en
route to Gaza. Ten activists are killed, and several dozen are
injured.
June: Israel announces a "relaxation" of the blockade on Gaza
July: Conversion law, which would make Orthodox Jewish law the
basis of conversion and place authority for conversion in the hands
of the chief rabbinate, passes a committee in Knesset. Prime
Minister Netanyahu postpones submission of bill until January
after American Jewish groups protest (fearing that their more
lenient conversion processes would be invalidated)
http://www.nvtimes.com/2010/07/24/world/middleeast/24israel.ht
ml?th&emc=th
September: Direct talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders
begin, but are halted when Israel fails to extend the slowdown of
building in Israeli settlements.
http://www.nvtimes.eom/2010/09/29/world/middleeast/29nations.h
tml?ref=middle_east_peace_process
Jewish boat with humanitarian aid sets sail for Gaza and is
intercepted in international waters.
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/29/world/middleeast/29eaza.htm
1? r=l&hp
255
Appendices
,126
Appendix B : Israeli and Palestinian Narratives of Select Events
Israeli Narrative
Palestinian Narrative
1. Zionism: "The national movement of the Jewish
people. Developed in Eastern and Central Europe as
a result of disappointment with the promise of
emancipation, continuation of anti-Semitism, the
inspiration of other national movements and the
continual connection between the people of Israel
and the Land of Israel" (p. 18).
1. Zionism: "A colonialist political movement
ascribing a national character and racial attributes to
Judaism ... Led to Jewish immigration to Palestine,
claiming historical and religious rights" (p. 16).
2. The Balfour Declaration: "The first time any
country expressed support for Zionism... expressed
the support of the British government for
establishing a national home for the Jewish people
in the Land of Israel" (p. 3).
2. The Balfour Declaration: "The unholy marriage
between Britain and the Zionist movement.. .this led
to usurping a homeland and making an entire people
homeless in an unprecedented manner" (p. 7-8).
3. The War of Independence: "On November 29,
1947, the United Nations approved by a large
majority the proposal for two independent states
alongside each other (Resolution 181). The Jewish
community celebrated that night with dancing in the
streets. However, the next morning acts of terror
began, carried out by the country's Arabs and
volunteers from Arab countries, who did not accept
the Partition Plan" (p. 20-22).
3. The Nakba (Catastrophe) of 1948: " On
1 1/29/1947, the UN General Assembly passed
Resolution 181 which calls for the partition of
Palestine into two states, Arab and Jewish. This
was the start of the countdown to the establishment
of the state of Israel, on May 15, 1948, and the 1948
Catastrophe which uprooted and dispersed the
Palestinian people, (p. 20)... the word "catastrophe"
(nakba) actually expresses what happened to this
nation, which was ...the assassination of rights,
murder of the land and uprooting of human beings.
Lhis did not occur by chance" (p. 25).
4. Palestinian refugees: "During the very first stages
of the war Arab residents began leaving their
communities in the land of Israel. The first were
those who were well off economically..." Later,
"Hagana forces began to deport Arabs. However,
not all Arabs were deported and there were no high
level political orders to do so, although military
commanders were given the freedom to act as they
saw fit. Thus the flight was due to deporting and
frightening the Arabs, and because of their own
fears without regard to Israeli actions. During the
course of the war about 370 Arab villages were
destroyed, (p. 25)
4. Palestinian refugees: "The destruction of 418
Palestinian villages inside the green line [pre-1967
border], concealing the landmarks of Palestinian life
and the massacres against the Palestinian people are
the best evidence for the brutality to which the
Palestinians were exposed. They were dispersed
throughout the world. ..The behavior of the Zionist
gangs was intended to sow terror and fear among
the Arabs to cause them to leave their villages,
especially after the massacre at Deir Yassin." (p.
25-26)
5. The Six-Day War June5-10, 1967): "During the
month that preceded the war Egypt stationed
armored units and troops in the Sinai Desert (in
violation of agreements) signed a mutual defense
pact with Syria Jordan and Iraq, while Egytian
President Jamal Abdul Nasser delivered inciting
speeches about going to war with Israel to destroy
the Zionist state... With no other choice and in order
to prevent being trapped, Israel delivered a
5. The June 1967 war: "The war that Israel started
against the Arab countries is known as the 'June 5
aggression' because Israel was the initiator of the
declaration of battle and opened an offensive."
(Kashti, 2007, April 9)
Passages are quoted from The Peace Research Institute in the Middle East (PRIME) project. Directed by
Adwan and Bar-On (2003) the project brought together Israeli and Palestinian teachers to develop a school
curriculum that would show both the Israeli and Palestinian historical narratives side by side.
256
Appendices
preemptive blow which came as a surprise to the
enemies. ..Israel achieved a brilliant victory which
changed the history of the land of Israel" (p. 37)
6. Israeli policy in the occupied territories: "Israel
instituted an occupation regime in Judea, Samaria
and Gaza, at first with a military administration, and
later with a civil administration. At first, the
Palestinian population welcomed the occupation as
a blessing; for the first time universities were
established, there was plenty of work, the economy
grew, quality of life improved, and there were
emotional encounters with Israeli Arabs. At the
same time, the members of the Greater Land of
Israel movement proceeded with settlement activity
in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza, with the ultimate goal
of remaining there forever" (p. 42).
6. Israeli policy in the occupied territories: "For the
first 5 years of occupation, the Israeli government
did not have a clear policy regarding the occupied
territories. Later on the occupation authorities
started confiscating land and building settlements.
Israel, whose only interest was security for the
Israeli army and the settlers, imposed direct martial
law in the occupied territories without taking into
consideration the needs of the Palestinians" (p. 38-
9).
8. The PLO: "In keeping with the PLO Charter,
during the 1970's-80's PLO organizations waged a
bitter war of terror and violence. Planes were
hijacked, passengers murdered; Israeli citizens were
murdered throughout the world, and Jewish
institutions and their workers were attacked. The
terrorists also murdered Israelis within the country's
borders" (p. 43)
8. The PLO: "The period after the catastrophe was
characterized by a political vacuum; there was no
Palestinian leadership to take charge of affairs,
organize the struggle, achieve demands for return,
self-determination and defense of people's rights.
This led to the blossoming of nationalism, which led
to the rise of the PLO as the sole and legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people in 1 964"
(p.31).
9. The first intifada: "On December 8, 1987, an
Israeli truck hit a Palestinian car in the Gaza Strip,
killing four of its passengers. The Palestinians
claimed it was a deliberate attack and described it as
cold-blooded murder" (p. 46)
9. The first intifada: "Just one day before the
intifada erupted on December 8, 1987, an Israeli
truck driver in Gaza deliberately crashed into an
Arab car. Those killed were the first Palestinian
martyrs of the Intifada. After the news spread, huge
demonstrations erupted all over the West Bank and
Gaza Strip" (p.41)
Methods
Appendix C: Partial Listing of American Jewish Peace Organizations
257
Name and Organizational Information
Mission
Activities/Focus
American Jews for a Just Peace
http://www.aijp.org/
American Jews for a Just Peace (AJJP)
was founded in Boston in September,
2008. It is an alliance of activists in the
United States working to ensure equal
rights, safety, and dignity for all the
people of historic Palestine. AJJP
operates as an alliance of autonomous
chapters and individual members across
the United States. AJJP is a grassroots,
membership -driven network with the goal
of coordinating our collective work under
a shared name and agreed statement of
Common Ground principles.
AJJP is committed to a peaceful and just resolution of the
Israeli/Palestinian conflict, a resolution that will provide justice, safety,
security and freedom for Jews, Palestinians, and all others living in the
region. We are not committed to a specific solution, but are strongly
committed to the principles of international law and human rights, and to
the conviction that every state must be a state of and for all its citizens.
We believe that the illegal occupation of the West Bank, Gaza and East
Jerusalem must end immediately, and that a just peace requires the
international community to honor the national aspirations and human
rights of the Palestinian people in the occupied Palestinian Territories,
within Israel, and in the Diaspora, as defined by international law and
recognized principles of human rights.
We recognize the powerful role of U.S. policy in the region and believe
that America's unconditional support of Israeli government policy is
profoundly harmful to the cause of peace with justice. We will work to
combat the myth of American Jewish consensus in support of Israeli
government policy. We will work to promote a U.S. policy that is
consistent with international law and human rights.
We therefore advocate for:
1 . The rights of Israelis and Palestinians to collective sovereignty
within a political entity or entities of their own choosing,
including full equality, civil rights and economic justice for all;
2. An immediate end to the Israeli government's military
occupation of and land expropriation in the West Bank, Gaza
and East Jerusalem, and an immediate end to preferential
treatment of Jews over Palestinians;
3. Removal of the wall Israel is erecting inside the West Bank and
East Jerusalem in violation of international law; # Removal of
settlements, and of the occupation infrastructure in the West
Bank and East Jerusalem which violate the Geneva
Conventions;
4. An immediate end to collective punishment (banned under
international law) and human rights violations, including
assassinations, military strikes on civilian areas, demolition of
homes, arbitrary arrests, torture, the closure and encirclement of
Members of American Jews for a Just Peace
(AJJP) are involved in many projects that are
focused on achieving a just peace in
Israel/Palestine. In most of these, we work
closely with other activists, both in the U.S.
and abroad.
Projects:
Trees of Reconciliation
Health and Human Rights Project
Anti-Apartheid Working Group
Gaza Working Group
ICAHD (Israeli Committee Against
Home Demolitions) Partnership
258
Appendices
villages and communities; and an end to travel restrictions, the
uprooting of trees, and denial of access to education and medical
care in the region;
5. Call for Israel to acknowledge its responsibility for the
displacement and dispossession of the Palestinian people and
their descendants since 1948, including those internally
displaced in Israel/Palestine, and to recognize the right of those
refugees to return to their homelands or be compensated for
their losses;
6. An end to the siege and blockade of Gaza;
7. A just and equitable solution to the question of Jerusalem, which
includes universal and unhampered access to all holy sites and
protects the political and economic rights of Israelis and
Palestinians;
8. A just and equitable resolution to the plight of Palestinian
refugees that recognizes the right of return as guaranteed by
international law and United Nations resolutions;
9. Freedom from violence for all people of the Middle East; we
condemn all acts of aggression, intimidation and violence
against civilians, whether perpetrated by governments, private
groups or individuals;
10. Just and equitable distribution of critical natural resources,
especially water;
11. Cessation of U.S. aid to Israel until Israel ends its occupation
and land expropriation of the West Bank, Gaza, and East
Jerusalem and achieves a just peace.
Americans for Peace Now
http://www.peacenow.org/
Americans for Peace Now [APN] was
founded in 1981 to support the activities
of Shalom Achshav (Peace Now in
Israel). APN is the leading United States
advocate for peace in the Middle East.
APN's mission is to help Israel and the
Shalom Achshav movement to achieve a
comprehensive political settlement of the
Arab-Israeli conflict consistent with
Israel's long-term security needs and its
Jewish and democratic values.
Has some regional offices around the
APN strives to meet the following goals in order to fulfill its mission:
1 . An American Jewish community and general American public
educated about the strategic and economic benefits of security through
peace in the Middle East.
2. Active White House and State Department engagement in the peace
process, especially Administration efforts to broker a new interim
understanding between Israelis and Palestinians, facilitate final status
arrangements that reconcile Israeli security with Palestinian statehood,
and encourage negotiations between Israel, Syria, and Lebanon.
3. Congressional support for the peace process through continued aid to
Israel, Egypt, Jordan, and the Palestinians.
4. Broad awareness in the United States of the benefits of Shalom
APN has a wide arrav of educational
programs that reach out to communities
around the country, and is a powerful force for
mobilizing grassroots support among U.S.
citizens. By demonstrating this support, and
by working directly with decision makers and
government officials, APN promotes U.S.
policies that further the peace process. Finally,
APN provides critical financial support to the
work of Shalom Achshav in Israel.
259
Appendices
country
Achshav programs in Israel.
5. A firm financial base for Shalom Achshav and APN activities.
Birthright Unplugged
http://www.birthrightunphiuged.org/
Founded in 2003 by an Iraqi American
woman of Jewish and Muslim descent,
and an American Jewish woman.
While this organization does not consider
itself part of the Jewish peace movement,
but rather of the Palestinian solidarity
movement, its trips are geared towards
(though not limited to) Jews.
Not a membership organization
We reject the notion of a "birthright," as embodied in Jewish-only fully-
funded trips to Israel. Israel has ignored the internationally recognized
right of return for refugees, but has created a "Law of Return" which
extends citizenship benefits to any person of Jewish heritage, excluding
millions of Palestinians born in the land that has become Israel.
Our programs attempt to address this injustice by facilitating access
typically denied to the communities with whom we work. Jewish people
often face obstacles of fear and lack of knowledge which can deter them
from pursuing this kind of experience on their own. Palestinian people
face movement restrictions and other human rights violations which limit
their ability to visit places we travel to during our trip.
Birthright Unplugged offers opportunities for
people to gain knowledge through first-hand
experiences and to use that knowledge to
make positive change in the world.
Brit Tzedek v'Shalom
http://btvshalom.org
Membership: Jewish Only
39 chapters around the country
Merged with J Street January 1, 2010
The mission of Brit Tzedek v'Shalom, the Jewish Alliance for Justice
and Peace is to educate and mobilize American Jews in support of a
negotiated two -state resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The organization engages in educational,
advocacy and lobbying activities
Israel Policy Forum
http://www.israelpolicyforum.org
Founded in 1993 in the wake of the Oslo
Accords, Israel Policy Forum (IPF) has
grown to become the most important
independent, mainstream organization
dedicated to mobilizing American Jews in
support of sustained U.S. diplomatic
efforts in the Middle East. IPF is
increasingly recognized as a central
clearinghouse for policymakers seeking
to more effectively engage the United
States in the resolution of the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict.
Not a membership organization
Israel Policy Forum (IPF) advocates for active and sustained American
diplomatic efforts, which are essential to achieving a comprehensive
settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Israel Policy Forum believes that through a two-state solution to the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as the
region as a whole, will become more secure, prosperous and stable. IPF
also sees such a resolution as critical to garnering the international
support necessary to effectively wage war on terror and to increase global
security. To achieve this goal - and strengthen its interests in the region -
the United States must remain a consistent and fully engaged partner in
the Middle East peace process. IPF is doing everything possible to
encourage and support America in this effort.
Education and advocacy of policy positions
Meetings and correspondence with U.S. and
foreign heads of state, policymakers and
opinion leaders;
o Community fact-finding missions to
the Middle East;
o Educational briefings throughout the
country with scholars and
policymakers from the Middle East
and United States
o Conference call briefings led by
IPF's national scholars featuring
scholars, journalists, and
policymakers from the region;
o IPF's weekly publications, IPF
Friday and IPF Focus, which are
widely distributed throughout the
U.S. and Mideast,and are read by
some of the key leaders on Capitol
Hill;
260
Appendices
Op-ed columns and commentary in
the national and Jewish press;
o Mobilizing the Jewish community in
support of active U.S. peacemaking
efforts in the region.
www.itisapartheid.org
ITISAPARTHEID.ORG is a grass roots
effort made up of activists, students,
academics, young people, older people,
Jews, Christians, Muslims, Palestinians
and Israelis. We have no budget to
speak of — we put money in the pot when
we need it. We invite you to join the
campaign, start a group in your town, or
put up a sign or banner.
The purpose of the ITISAPARTHEID.ORG web site is to use the tools
of the internet and our own ingenuity to spread the word about
apartheid in the Israeli Occupied Territories. This is sometimes referred
to as Viral Marketing or a Guerrilla Marketing campaign bv web savvv
people.
Our facts are meticulously researched and can be a tool for helping to
change how people think about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Since the
media by and large ignore or are afraid to print the truth, it is our job to
get the word out in other ways.
Instead of a big advertising budget we rely on
our own inventiveness, creativity, social
networking and public displays of the phrase
ITISAPARTHEID.ORG to spread the word
about the web site and apartheid in the Israeli
occupied territories.
When people see the phrase
ITISAPARTHEID.ORG multiple times, it
will start to challenge the way people think
about the conflict and some will come to the
web site for more information.
We want you to put the
phraseITISAPARTHEID.ORG
everywhere: put a bumper sticker on your
car, or hang it on a banner. Use the tools of
the internet to spread the word: blog about the
site, or link the site to your Facebook page.
Jewish Voices for Peace
http://www.iewishvoiceforpeace.org
JVP formed in September, 1996 by Julia
Caplan, Julie Iny, and Rachel Eisner in
response to the provocative opening by
the Netanyahu government of an
archaeological tunnel under Jerusalem's
Temple Mount that led to confrontations
in which 65 Palestinians and 14 Israelis
were killed.
Membership: Jewish only, with wide
spectrum of ideological diversity
Has chapters around the country
Jewish Voice for Peace is a diverse and democratic community of
activists inspired by Jewish tradition to work together for peace, social
justice, and human rights. We support the aspirations of Israelis and
Palestinians for security and self-determination. We seek:
• A U.S. foreign policy based on promoting peace, democracy,
human rights, and respect
for international law
• An end to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, the Gaza
Strip, and East Jerusalem
• A resolution of the Palestinian refugee problem consistent with
international law and equity
• An end to all violence against civilians
• Peace among the peoples of the Middle East
JVP supports peace activists in Palestine and
Israel, and works in broad coalition with other
Jewish, Arab -American, faith-based, peace
and social justice organizations.
J Street
http://www.istreet.org/
J Street was founded to promote
meaningful American leadership to end
J Street represents Americans, primarily but not exclusively Jewish, who
support Israel and its desire for security as the Jewish homeland, as well
as the right of the Palestinians to a sovereign state of their own - two
states living side-by-side in peace and security. We believe ending the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict is in the best interests of Israel, the United
J Street will advocate forcefully in the policy
process, in Congress, in the media, and in the
Jewish community to make sure public
officials and community leaders clearly see
the depth and breadth of support for our views
261
Appendices
the Arab -Israeli and Palestinian-Israel
conflicts peacefully and diplomatically.
We support a new direction for American
policy in the Middle East and a broad
public and policy debate about the U.S.
role in the region.
J Street is itself a 501(c)(4) organization
and is part of the J Street family of
organizations, which includes an
independent, legally unconnected
Political Action Committee, JStreetPAC.
States, the Palestinians, and the region as a whole.
J Street supports diplomatic solutions over military ones, including in
Iran; multilateral over unilateral approaches to conflict resolution; and
dialogue over confrontation with a wide range of countries and actors
when conflicts do arise.
on Middle East policy among voters and
supporters in their states and districts. We
seek to complement the work of existing
organizations and individuals that share our
agenda. In our lobbying and advocacy efforts,
we will enlist individual supporters of other
efforts as partners.
Tikkun/ Network for Spiritual
Progressives
www.tikkun.org
Although our organization will speak at
times in the name of the best in the
Jewish tradition, we will also honor all
major spiritual traditions represented in
our membership. We are a multi-ethnic,
multi-religious, multi-spiritual
community— and we believe that there are
many paths to spiritual truth, and we want
to honor all of those which are open to an
Emancipatory Spirituality as presented in
TIKKUN. So we draw upon the richness
of Christianity, Buddhism, Islam,
Hinduism, spiritual truths from
indigenous peoples and from the often
ignored spiritual wisdom of women.
Has chapters around the country
We are a community of people from many faiths and traditions, called
together by TIKKUN magazine and its vision of healing and
transforming our world. We include in this call both the outer
transformation needed to achieve social justice, ecological sanity, and
world peace, and the inner healing needed to foster loving relationships, a
generous attitude toward the world and toward others unimpeded by the
distortions of our egos. Our movement will encourage a habit of
generosity and trust, and the ability to respond to the grandeur of creation
with awe, wonder and radical amazement.
Based on the following principles:
1 . INTERDEPENDENCE AND ECOLOGICAL SANITY
2. A NEW BOTTOM LINE IN OUR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL
INSTITUTIONS
3 . SUPPORTING THE STRUGGLES FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE
AND PEACE
4. PEACE, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION FOR ISRAEL
AND PALESTINE
5 . A SPIRITUAL MOVEMENT
We especially encourage the creation and
strengthening of truly transnational grassroots
movements focused not only on resisting
corporate globalism but on creating a new
democratic "globalization" — a planetary
movement that is not controlled either by
national governments or by corporations. We
especially support efforts to require that
corporations serve the public good such as the
proposed Social Responsibility Amendment to
the U.S. Constitution.
Appendices
Appendix D: Partial Listing of Arab American Organizations
262
Name and Organizational information
Mission
Activities/Focus
Arab American Institute
http ://w ww.aaiusa.org/
Established in 1985 and based in Washington, DC,
the Arab American Institute (AAI) is a non-profit
nonpartisan national leadership organization. AAI
was created to nurture and encourage the direct
participation of Arab Americans in political and
civic life in the United States.
The Arab American Institute (AAI) represents the
policy and community interests of Arab Americans
throughout the United States and strives to promote
Arab American participation in the U.S. electoral
system. AAI focuses on two areas: campaigns and
elections and policy formation and research. The
Institute strives to serve as a central resource to
government officials, the media, political leaders
and community groups and a variety of public
policy issues that concern Arab Americans and U.S.
-Arab relations.
As the only national organization that promotes
Arab American participation in the U.S. electoral
system, AAI has developed a host of services, from
voter education to liaison with the national parties,
to support the community's activities. We are also
the leading policy and research organization on
domestic and policy concerns of Arab Americans.
Through ongoing meetings with members of the
Administration and Congress, a variety of
publications and issue briefs, media and direct
member mobilization, AAI maintains a strong
presence among policy makers who impact our
issues.
Arab American Action Network
http ://w ww.aaan.org/
(AAAN) is a nonprofit, grassroots, community-
based organization working to improve the social,
economic and political conditions of Arab
immigrants and Arab Americans in the Chicago
metropolitan area
The Arab American Action Network (AAAN)
strives to strengthen the Arab community in the
Chicago area by building its capacity to be an
active agent for positive social change.
Our vision is for a strong Arab American
community whose members have the power to
make decisions about actions and policies that
affect their lives and have access to a range of
social, political, cultural and economic
opportunities in a context of equity and social
justice.
As a grassroots nonprofit, our strategies
include community organizing, advocacy,
education, providing social services, leadership
development, cultural outreach and forging
productive relationships with other communities.
Program areas are:
Family empowerment and youth programs offering
a range of social, literacy and citizenship programs
Youth programs
Cultural outreach to raise awareness on issues
pertaining to the Arab world and Arab Americans
Community organizing and advocacy
Arab-American Anti-Discrimination Committee
http://www.adc.org/index.php?id=124
ADC is a grassroots civil rights organization which
welcomes people of all backgrounds, faiths and
ethnicities as members.
The ADC was founded in Washington, DC by
U.S. Senator Jim Abourezk in 1980
The American-Arab Anti-discrimination committee
(ADC) is a civil rights organization committed to
defending the rights of people of Arab descent and
promoting their rich cultural heritage.
Promotes cultural events and participates in
community activities, in order to correct anti-Arab
stereotypes and humanize the image of the Arab
people, coordinating closely with other civil rights
and human rights organizations on issues of
common concern.
Through its Department of Legal Services, ADC
offers counseling in cases of discrimination and
defamation and selected impact litigation in the
areas of immigration.
263
Appendices
To educate the public and maintain regular
communication with its members, the Media &
Publications Department issues a bi-monthly
newsletter, ADC Times, Issue Papers and Special
Reports, which study key issues of defamation and
discrimination; community studies, legal, media
and educational guides; and action alerts, which
call on members to act on issues necessitating
grassroots response.
In the Department of Educational Programs of
ADC, the Research Institute (ADCRI) publishes
information on issues of concern to Arab
Americans and sponsors ADC's Reaching the
Teachers campaign, which aims at ensuring an
accurate, objective and fair portrayal of Arab
history and culture in schools. ADCRI also
administers a year-round college internship
program for Arab American students and others.
National Council on US -Arab Relations
http://www.ncusar.org/about/about.html
Founded in 1983, the National Council on U.S.-
Arab Relations is an American non-profit, non-
governmental, educational organization dedicated
to improving American knowledge and
understanding of the Arab world.
The National Council's vision is a relationship
between the United States and its Arab partners,
friends, and allies that rests on as solid and
enduring a foundation as possible. Such a
foundation, viewed from both ends of the spectrum,
is one that would be characterized by strengthened
and expanded strategic, economic, political,
commercial, and defense cooperation ties; increased
joint ventures; a mutuality of benefit; reciprocal
respect for each other's heritage and values; and
overall acceptance of each other's legitimate needs,
concerns, interests, and objectives.
The National Council's mission is educational. It
seeks to enhance American awareness, knowledge,
and understanding of the Arab countries, the
Mideast, and the Islamic world.
Has programs for leadership development, people-
to-people exchanges, lectures, publications, an
annual Arab-U.S. policymakers conference, and the
participation of American students and faculty in
Arab world study experiences. As a public service,
the Council also serves as an information
clearinghouse and participant in national, state, and
local grassroots outreach to media, think tanks, and
select community, civic, educational, religious,
business, and professional associations. In these
ways the Council helps strengthen and expand the
overall Arab-U.S. relationship.
Middle East Studies Association (MESA)
http ://www.mesa.arizona.edu/
The Middle East Studies Association (MESA) is a
non-political association that fosters the study of
the Middle East, promotes high standards of
scholarship and teaching, and encourages public
understanding of the region and its peoples through
programs, publications and services that enhance
education, further intellectual exchange, recognize
professional distinction, and defend academic
The Middle East Studies Association (MESA) is a
private, non-profit, non-political learned society
that brings together scholars, educators and those
interested in the study of the region from all over
the world. As part of its goal to advance learning,
facilitate communication and promote cooperation,
MESA sponsors an annual meeting that is a leading
international forum for scholarship, intellectual
Appendices
freedom.
exchange and pedagogical innovation. It is
responsible for the International Journal of Middle
East Studies, the premiere journal on the region, the
MESA Bulletin and a quarterly newsletter. An
awards program recognizes scholarly achievement,
service to the profession and exemplary student
mentoring. MESA is governed by a nine-member
Board of Directors elected by the membership.
264
265
Appendices
Appendix E: Partial Listing of Palestinian Ri|
*hts Groups/Organizations
Name and Organizational information
Mission
Activities/Focus
American Task Force on Palestine
http ://w ww.americantaskforce.org/
The American Task Force on Palestine (ATFP) is a a
501(c)(3) non-profit, non-partisan organization based in
Washington, DC.
ATFP's President and Founder is Dr. Ziad J. Asali, a
retired physician with a long history of activism in
Palestinian and Arab-American organizations.
ATFP is strictly opposed to all acts of violence against
civilians no matter the cause and no matter who the
victims or perpetrators may be. The Task Force
advocates the development of a Palestinian state that is
democratic, pluralistic, non-militarized and neutral in
armed conflicts.
ATFP is dedicated to advocating that it is in the
American national interest to promote an end to
the conflict in the Middle East through a
negotiated agreement that provides for two states
- Israel and Palestine - living side by side in
peace and security. The Task Force was
established in 2003 to provide an independent
voice for Palestinian-Americans and their
supporters and to promote peace. AFTP's Board
of Directors is made up of a large group of noted
Palestinian-Americans who agree with these
principles.
ATFP works primarily in Washington, DC, and
seeks to build strong working relationships with
government departments and agencies, think
tanks and NGOs and the media. It has developed
lines of communication with the US, Palestinian,
Israeli and Jordanian governments in order to
pursue its policy advocacy goals. ATFP has also
engaged in humanitarian fundraising to support
health and education causes in the occupied
Palestinian territories.
Boston Coalition for Palestinian Rights
http://www.bcpr.net/
As people of conscience, working in solidarity
with the Palestinian people, we, the Boston
Coalition for Palestinian Rights (BCPR), are
united by the belief that peace will only be
possible when there is justice for the Palestinian
people. A true peace will begin only when there
is acknowledgement of the losses suffered by the
Palestinian people and a recognition of their
individual and collective rights. A just solution to
the Palestinian-Israeli conflict necessitates an end
to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, East
Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, including the
evacuation of all Israeli settlements; self-
determination for the Palestinian people; and the
application of international laws and UN
resolutions, including the Right of Return.
We sponsor rallies, teach-ins and media
campaigns throughout the Boston area to educate
people about the history of the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict and the current Intifada.
The Boston Coalition for Palestinian Rights has
been a home for groups that take on special
projects, such as the Boston to Palestine and the
BootCAT groups, and collaborates closely with
the American Arab Anti-Discrimination
Committee (ADC), Palestinian Right of Return
Coalition, Trans-Arab Research Institute (TARI),
Grassroots International, Friends of Sabeel,
Alliance for a Secular and Democratic South
Asia, Boston Committee on the Middle East
(BCOME), Jewish Women for Justice in
Israel/Palestine, as well as various other
individuals and organizations
The Electronic Intifada
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/articlel387.shtml
EI was launched on 23 February 200 1 by four writers
and activists: Ali Abunimah, Arjan El Fassed, Laurie
King-Irani, and Nigel Parry. Two of our founders, Ali
Abunimah and Arjan El Fassed, are Palestinians, Laurie
King-Irani is American and Nigel Parry is Scottish. All
four founders have lived in the Middle East for varying
The Electronic Intifada (EI) is a not-for-profit,
independent publication committed to
comprehensive public education on the question
of Palestine, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and
the economic, political, legal, and human
dimensions of Israel's 40-year occupation of
Palestinian territories. EI provides a needed
supplement to mainstream commercial media
representations of the Israeli -Palestinian conflict.
Launched 23 February 200 1 at
electronicIntifada.net as a pioneering online
resource for media analysis, criticism, and
activism, EI has progressively expanded its scope
into new arenas: reference materials, live
reporting, editorials, arts coverage, and satire,
with the aim of presenting an accessible, credible,
and responsible Palestinian narrative of
developments on the ground to the American
266
Appendices
periods of time — Palestine, Jordan, and Lebanon.
public and international community.
The Free Gaza Movement
http ://www.freegaza.org/
We are Italian, Irish, Canadian, Greek, Tunisian,
German, Australian, American, English, Scottish,
Danish, Israeli, and Palestinian. We are of all ages and
backgrounds. We have years of experience volunteering
in Gaza and the West Bank at the invitation of
Palestinians. But now, because of the increasing
stranglehold of Israel's illegal occupation of Palestine,
many of us find it almost impossible to enter Gaza, and
an increasing number have been refused entry to Israel
and the West Bank as well.
We want to break the siege of Gaza. We want to
raise international awareness about the prison-
like closure of the Gaza Strip and pressure the
international community to review its sanctions
policy and end its support for continued Israeli
occupation. We want to uphold Palestine's right
to welcome internationals as visitors, human
rights observers, humanitarian aid workers,
journalists, or otherwise.
We have not and will not ask for Israel's
permission. It is our intent to overcome this
brutal siege through civil resistance and non-
violent direct action, and establish a permanent
sea lane between Gaza and the rest of the world.
Since August 2008, the Free Gaza Movement has
sailed from Cyprus to the Gaza Strip on several
successful voyages, bringing in international
witnesses to see firsthand the devastating effects
of Israeli violence against the Palestinian people.
Ours are the first international boats to journey to
Gaza since 1967.
Points of Unity
All participants in the Free Gaza Movement
accept the following principles and practices:
1 . We respect the human rights of everyone,
regardless of race, tribe, religion, ethnicity,
nationality, citizenship or language.
2. The lawful inhabitants of all territories
occupied by Israel since June 5, 1967 must have
unimpeded access to international waters and air
space, in conformity with all UN resolutions and
international law.
3. The lawful inhabitants of all territories
occupied by Israel since June 5, 1967 have the
right to control all entry and exit to and from
those territories without Israeli interference.
4. Israel must withdraw its military presence from
all territories occupied since June 5, 1967 and
revoke all legislation, regulations, directives and
practices that apply differently to different
populations living in those territories.
5. Israel must demolish all barriers built to restrict
passage in all territories occupied by Israel since
June 5, 1967.
6. We recognize the right of all Palestinian
refugees and exiles and their heirs to return to
their homes in Israel and the occupied Palestinian
territories; to recover their properties, and to
receive compensation for damage, dispossession
267
Appendices
and unlawful use of such property. This is an
individual and not a collective right, and cannot
be negotiated except by the individual.
7. We stand in solidarity with the Palestinian
people, but support no particular political party or
organization, without exception.
8. We agree to adhere to the principles of
nonviolence and nonviolent resistance in word
and deed at all times.
Institute for Middle East Understanding
http://imeu.net/
The IMEU was founded in 2005 by a group of
concerned Americans who want to foster an increased
understanding among Americans about Palestine and the
Palestinians. The IMEU is an independent organization
and is not affiliated with any government or political
party. It is funded through individual donations and
foundations.
The Institute for Middle East Understanding
(IMEU) is an independent non-profit
organization that provides journalists with quick
access to information about Palestine and the
Palestinians, as well as expert sources, both in
the United States and in the Middle East. Both
through its website and its staff, the IMEU works
with journalists to increase the public's
understanding about the socio-economic,
political and cultural aspects of Palestine,
Palestinians and Palestinian Americans.
The IMEU assists journalists who are working on
stories about Palestine or the Palestinians by:
• Providing access to the latest news stories,
expert analysis, photographs and other
visuals
• Maintaining an updated panel of
credible experts and analysts who can
comment publicly on the news, life and
culture of Palestinians and Palestinian
Americans.
• Putting journalists in contact with
Palestinian women and men from all walks
of life - including artists, poets,
businesspeople, medical professionals,
policymakers and more - who are willing to
be interviewed.
• Compiling an extensive library of images,
maps, studies, reports and polls relating to
Palestine and the Palestinians
• Providing a comprehensive set of answers
to the most commonly asked questions
about Palestine and the Palestinians
• Supplying links to websites and other
online materials that offer journalists a
wide range of information on the
Palestinian experience. The IMEU provides
these links as a service to journalists but it
does not necessarily endorse the views or
opinions of the various sources.
US Campaign to End the Occupation
http://www.endtheoccupation.org/
The US Campaign to End the Israeli
Occupation is based on human rights
The US Campaign focuses on US government,
corporations, and other institutions that sustain
268
Appendices
The US Campaign to End the Israeli
Occupation is a diverse coalition
working for freedom from occupation
and equal rights for all by challenging
U.S. policy towards the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict.
and international law, providing a
non-sectarian framework for everyone
who supports its Call to Action.
Its strategy is to inform, educate, and
mobilize the public so as to change
the U.S. role in the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict to support peace, justice,
human rights, and international law.
Israel's domination of the Palestinian people and
denial of their human rights. These human rights
include an end to the occupation of Palestinian
land in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem,
full equality for Palestinian citizens of Israel, and
the right of return for Palestinian refugees.
US Palestinian Community Network
http://palestineconference.org/wp/
The US Palestinian Community Network is a
Palestinian community-based network that grew from
the Palestinian Popular Conference that took place in
Chicago on August 8-10, 2008, drawing 1000 members
of the Palestinian community in the US together to
empower our community, unify our voice, and affirm
the right of Palestinians in the Shatat (exile) to
participate fully in shaping our joint destiny.
To contact the USPCN, please email us at
conference@palestineconference.org.
The USPCN is anchored in the following
objectives:
• Self-determination and equality for the
Palestinian people
• The right of all Palestinian refugees to
return to their original homes, lands,
properties and villages (a natural right
supported by international law and UN
Resolution 194)
• Ending Zionist occupation and
colonization of Palestine
The USPCN is an arena where individuals and
organizations come together to coordinate and
refine strategies, link efforts, plan united actions,
and inform one another and the community about
their work on behalf of Palestine.
Alternative Media:
http://www.btselem.org/English/index.asp
http ://w ww.counterpunch.org/
http ://www.democracynow.org/
http ://e lectronicintifada.net/
http://english.aliazeera.net/
http ://www.haaretz.com/
http ://www.ifamericansknew.org/
http ://www.thenation.com/
http://www.therealnews.com/t2/index.php
269
Appendices
Appendix F: Dialogic Models
Intercultural Educational/Informational Models
Model
Participants
Goals of Encounter
Underlying
assumptions or
theories
Activities
Problems/Criticisms
Grassroots models, e.g.,
Only participants who
Inter-cultural awareness;
Leaderless;
Dialogue; writing consensus
Difficulties exploring or
MERC (Hubbard, 1997,
are amenable to
getting to know the "other";
theoretical
statements
working with emotions;
1999), Living room
dialogue are invited
socializing; limited activism in
backgrounds not
conflict avoidant
dialogues (Davis, 2002;
some groups
clear, though inter-
Sarsar, 2002; Halpern,
cultural model is
2006)
implicit
Contact Model (Khuri,
Often students in
Reduce bias; reduce prejudice
Contact Hypothesis
Weekly meetings over course
Disregards political
2004; Hurtado, 2005;
university settings;
and negative stereotyping;
of semester or part of
reality of asymmetric
Nag da, 2006; Nag da, Kim
often focused on race
promote social inclusion
semester; may include lecture,
power relations; little long
and Truelove, 2004; Nagda
relations;
dialogue, or both; may be
term impact, as long as
and Zuniga, 2003; Tropp
Small group work
facilitated by peers or by
external power structure
and Bianchi, 2006; Tausch,
teachers
remains; difficult to
Kenworthy, and Hewstone,
sustain conditions
2006)
necessary for optimal
contact; difficulty
managing conflict or
negative emotions; lack of
correlation between
personal and political/
national attitude change
Information/intercultural
Not specified
Reduce inter-group prejudices
Inter-cultural
Media or educational
Success requires
models (Ben Ari, 2004)
by providing information
perspective:
prejudice is result
of lack of
information
programs
participants to be
receptive to the new
information provided,
whether by contact or
other means
Meta-cognitive model (Ben
Can be implemented
Reduce prejudice through
Raising awareness
Training program involving
Impact of program is
Ari, 2004)
in each group
attaining "meta-cognitive
and teaching
verbal and audio-visual
dependent upon
separately
awareness" of cognitive
students how one's
material, exercises, analyses of
participants' motivation,
processes underlying
own and other
incidents, discussions and role
and pressure from social
interpersonal and inter-group
cognitive systems
playing; may serve as
context to invest the
perceptions of out-group, e.g.,
operate will reduce
preparation for information or
necessary energy.
categorization, differentiation,
prejudice;
contact training
in-group out-group
"thinking about
distinctions, and attribution
thinking"
Appendices
Healing/Therapeutic Models
270
Model
Participants
Goals of Encounter
Underlying
assumptions or
theories
Activities
Challenges
Reconciliation-
Youth, school settings
Reduce cognitive
Intra and inter-group
Sharing of
Expensive; lack of clarity about
Transformation
distortions, anger,
dynamics Unclear
feelings; self-
approach to larger societal structure
(Bargal, 2004)
hostility and fear
structure
therapeutic
disclosure of
trauma
experiences
TRT (To Reflect and to
Small groups, preferably
Healing; develop
Psychological
Sharing of feelings
Bottom up process needs to be
Trust) (Albeck, Adwan, and
equal numbers from both
relationships and
working through of
and personal
synchronized with top-down process;
Bar-On, 2002; Salomon,
sides of conflict
testing of stereotypic
traumatic event;
narratives
may be frustrating unless accompanied
2004; Bar-On, 2000;
views of the other;
therapeutic
by larger structural change
Steinberg, 2004; 2007)
develop empathy
and understanding of
the other
orientation
Inter-personal and
psychological focus
Emphasis on
commonalities
271
Appendices
Political/Action Models
Model
Participants
Goals of Encounter
Underlying
assumptions or
theories
Activities
Problems/Criticisms
Interactive Problem-Solving
Small groups of 3-6
Build bridges across
Theories of basic
Workshop of several
Does not address issues of trauma
(Kelman, 1999; Rouhana
participants, equal
differences; develop
human needs and
days' length in phases:
which impacts on the conflict.
and Korper, 1997; Rouhana
numbers from each side;
Insight into each
conflict resolution
1) meet in single group
Does not address responsibility each
and Kelman, 1994; Cross
plus 3-8 third party
party's needs, fears,
approaches (C-R);
2) both groups meet
party has in perpetuating the conflict
and Rosenthal, 1999(Hicks
members; participants are
and concerns; Joint
Non-official or non-
together and share their
& Weisberg, 2002))
representatives of their
thinking about how
binding nature may
communities needs and
groups; political
mutually to meet
serve to overcome
fears of not getting
influentials
these needs, fears,
political, emotional
needs met; listen
Meet in 2 l A day
and concerns;
and technical
actively to other side 3)
workshops
Humanizing of the
barriers faced by
parties can ask
enemy; transfer of
official negotiators
questions of each other
ideas into the
4) discuss broad shape
political discourse
to problem by options
that meets basic needs
and addresses fears of
both groups 5)identify
constraints 6) identify
ways to overcome
constraints 7) optional
action planning
Givat Haviva (Hansen,
14-16 participants;
Empower minority
Inter-group
Meet in uninational and
Lack of personal relations may
2006)
many programs for youth,
and help majority get
emphasis, systems
binational settings for
prevent participants from moving
School of Peace
ages 16-17
insight into their
theories (Lewin);
open dialogue; training
beyond rigid collective perspectives;
Neve Shalom
power orientation.
Martin Buber.
activities and games
promotes particular narrative and
Wahat al Salaam (Abu
Develop awareness
Group is microcosm
highlighting group
perspective over the other; Jewish
Nimer, 2004; Halabi, 2004;
of conflict and roles
of larger
identity, peace, and
participants tend to represent political
Halabi and Sonnenschein,
in it; enable
environment; while
conflict for youth
left (rather than entire political
2004)
participants to
explore and
construct their
identities through
interaction with the
"other."
there is inter-group
emphasis, it is
individual who
undergoes change.
spectrum)
272
Appendices
Hybrid Models
Model
Participants
Goals of Encounter
Underlying
assumptions or
theories
Activities
Problems/Criticisms
MACBE (Desivilya, 2004)
Small group of 20 adult
Improve inter -group
Hybrid approach:
Educational and
Need ample resources,
participants ideal; for
relationships through
attempt to link
experiential components
cooperation of local
educators, mental health
behavior and attitude
systems thinking with
such as exercises,
communities, and
professionals, community
change by 1) imparting
Conflict Resolution
simulations and role
patience of program
workers and HR managers;
knowledge about the
theories (e.g.,
plays; conflict resolution
initiators and participants
can be adapted for other
dynamics of the conflict
interactive problem
curriculum; cooperative
populations. Groups in
2) teaching constructive
solving approach)
learning and constructive
conflict may meet
conflict management
controversy; specialized
separately or together
skills and 3) preparing
participants to apply and
implement those skills in
their workplaces or
communities
programs like negotiation
and mediation training
TAMRA model(Babbitt and
20 adults
l)To train teams of
Hybrid approach: C-
3 four day sessions, which
Works with relatively
Steiner, 2006)
Jewish-Arab facilitators to
R interactive problem
may be used in modular
small groups of people;
work with community
solving + narrative
form:
method has not been
2) develop empathy
story-telling+
Consensus Building
Institute Model
1) problem solving
workshop; 2) teaching
facilitation and consensus
building skills (developed
by Susskind) 3) TRT
narrative sessions: sharing
personal experiences
evaluated
Dignity Model (Hicks, 2007,
Small groups up to 30.
Education; healing
Evolutionary
Educational (lecture about
Works with relatively
2008)
Has been used in various
psychology;
evolutionary psychology)
small groups of people;
age categories
underlying every
human interaction is
a "primal desire for
dignity"
and restorative/healing
method has not been
evaluated
Besod Siach (Duek, 2001;
Between 20-60 participants
Create a space where
Psychoanalytic and
Small group work in like
Conferences require a
Sard, et. al., 2003)
per conference; all levels of
differences can be held
open systems
identity and mixed
large number of staff;
leadership, formal and
and contained, and
theories; work of
groups; large group
method has not been
informal; equal
narratives can co -exist;
Wilfred Bion;
meetings; inter-group
evaluated
participation
learn about own identity
philosophy of Martin
event; application events;
through interaction with
Buber; Intra-and
examine covert and
the other
inter-group work
unconscious processes in
groups, as they occur
273
Appendices
APPENDIX G
Roles and Responsibilities of Project Partners
Project Details
• The primary task of Authority, Leadership and Peacemaking: The Role of the Diasporas
is to promote dialogue between the Jewish, Palestinian, and Arab Diasporas and affected
others around the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to learn about unconscious processes and
group dynamics and how they affect the conflict; explore identity issues in relation to the
other.
• The event will take place April 15-18, 2010 at the Connors Family Retreat Center in
Dover, MA (staff work begins April 13)
• The event will use group relations conference methodology, with innovations of Besod
Siach, and some added design elements, (e.g., that there be equal numbers of Jewish and
Palestinian/ Arab staff, and that we aim for that in the membership as well).
• This is a pilot project requiring flexibility in order to work with a changing context. We
will aim to pilot the conference with 20 participants and 6 staff. At the same time we
need to be prepared to grow if there is great interest (up to 50 members) and to design a
smaller project for as few as 1 1 members.
Tracy Wallach assumes the role of Conference Creator, Primary Sponsor and Principal
Investigator. This includes taking primary responsibility for:
Negotiating additional sponsorships
Hiring and authorizing the directors
Raising funds
Marketing and recruiting for the conference
Oversight and final approval of conference brochure
Oversight and final approval of the budget
Making final decisions (in consultation with conference director/s) about potential
cancelation.
Assuming all financial risk for this project, responsibility for making payments
Assuming all responsibility and liability for the research she conducts during and
after the conference.
Drafting reports for grantors
Making research results available to interested parties
Sharing information about use of fundraising widgets
Observing public events and staff work throughout the conference, as well as before
and after. This includes email staff work. Observe other conference events in
consultation with director (and permission of participants). Sharing of observations
with staff and/or members will be negotiated and agreed upon with conference
director/s
274
Appendices
Conference director/s commit to:
• Directing the conference within the parameters outlined above (theme, primary task, title,
research), and in accordance with established professional and ethical standards
• Hiring and authorizing consulting staff (with equal numbers Jewish and Arab/Palestinian
staff)
• Directing an event with as few as 1 1 and as many as 50 participants
• Develop conference design (Directors will strongly consider added design element of
single identity dialogue groups as well as mixed identity groups)
• Prepare a balanced budget priced reasonably for members and submit to project director
for final approval
• Developing and designing conference brochure and application for members in
conjunction with graphic designer Onix Marrero and submit to project director for final
approval
• Help with marketing and recruiting efforts (including forwarding fundraising widget to
contacts, and posting of link to conference website/widget on website)
• Assuming responsibility of accepting /declining any member's application to attend, and
determining how to distribute any financial aid / scholarship funds
• Complete surveys/and or interviews with Tracy Wallach following the conference
(a consent form will be provided for interviews)
Conference Staff commit to:
• Taking up consulting roles in accordance with established professional and ethical
standards
• Help with marketing and recruiting efforts (including forwarding fundraising widget to
contacts, and posting of link to conference website/widget on website)
• Complete confidential surveys/and or interviews with Tracy Wallach following the
conference (a consent form will be provided for interviews)
AKRI commits to:
• Use of its name and mission/description on marketing materials
• Helping to market the conference (including forwarding fundraising widget to contacts,
and posting of link to conference website/widget on website)
• Providing insurance coverage for the conference site
Besod Siach commits to:
• Use of Besod Siach' s innovations on group relations conference methodology
• Use of its name and mission/description on marketing materials
• Helping to market the conference (including forwarding fundraising widget to contacts,
and posting of link to conference website/widget on website)
Sponsor 3 commits to:
• Donating $1000 to be used towards plane ticket for (conference co-director)
275
Appendices
• Use of its name and mission/description on marketing materials
• Helping to market the conference (including forwarding fundraising widget to contacts,
and posting of link to conference website/widget on website)
Sponsor 4 will assume the role of fiscal sponsor. It will serve as the 501c3 organization in order
to collect grant monies. Any grant funding collected will be sent to ALP Project account, minus a
10% administrative fee.
Sponsor 5 commits to:
• Use of its name and mission/description on marketing materials
• Helping to market the conference (including forwarding fundraising widget to contacts,
and posting of link to conference website/widget on website)
Sponsor 6:
• use of PCOD's name and mission / description on marketing materials
• helping to market the conference (including forwarding fundraising widget to contacts,
and posting of link to conference website/widget on website)
• helping with local pre and/or post conference application events
• potentially helping with pre-conference logistics in other concrete ways, as specific
requests emerge.
276
Appendices
APPENDIX H: Brochure Text
Conference Purpose
Authority and Leadership
Working in groups of any size is rarely easy. Despite our best efforts to be focused, calm and
clear, we often find ourselves struggling with authority, and facing ambiguous tasks, disputed
roles, and unclear boundaries. These boundaries may be the personal space between two people
or a wall between two peoples. In large part, this is because so much of what happens in groups,
large and small, happens beneath the surface. In the workplace, in families, in communities, and
in nations, there are dynamics that we do not fully comprehend or sometimes even see. As a
result of these unspoken, misunderstood or hidden dynamics, groups can repeatedly stumble on
otherwise simple decisions and make problems seem intractable. The ability to understand and
then manage these dynamics is an indispensable aspect of effective leadership.
Israelis and Palestinians
The unresolved conflict between Israelis and Palestinians has plagued the Middle East region
and beyond for decades. Beginning with the Oslo peace process in the early nineties, oscillation
between hope and despair has become, unfortunately, one of the most compelling facts in the
minds of both collectives. The shadows of hope have faded in the face of extremism, enmity and
destruction. The second Lebanon war and the recent war in Gaza have demonstrated sharply and
painfully the fragility of the peace process. Many on both sides of the conflict feel that the
possibility of moving toward a mutual and accepted resolution has plunged to its lowest point.
Diaspora communities
Along with residents in the Middle East, people throughout Europe, Asia, and especially the US,
actively share interests and concerns regarding the conflict and the fledgling peace process.
While the nature and intensity of media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict varies
immensely between Europe, the Middle East and the US, the picture in the mind of many, if not
most, is that the "road map" of the peace process is leading to nowhere.
The emotional and physical traumas of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have an impact not only on
those living in the midst of the turmoil in the region, but also on Diaspora communities. These
traumas fuel the cycle of violence while reinforcing the anxieties and fears that each side has of
the other. Some of the most contentious issues — the right of return, the future of Jerusalem, the
separation wall, settlement activity and citizenship rights — are intensely debated within and
between both communities. Research suggests that Diaspora communities have played a role in
exacerbating the conflict, but may also play a role in peacemaking. In the United States, the role
of American Palestinians and American Jews has not been adequately explored, particularly in
relation to conflict resolution and peacemaking.
Primary Task
The primary task of the conference is to learn - through experience - how groups function,
how we exercise leadership in groups, and how we can become more effective leaders within
the organizations and communities in which we live and work. Uniquely, we will have the
opportunity to focus on those elements of leadership that can often be obscured from view - the
hidden challenges.
277
Appendices
A Systems Learning Model
While intellectual learning about the dynamics of conflict is available in many different forums,
this conference is a rare enterprise that gives its members the opportunity to learn from
experience.
The conference design is rooted in a unique experiential learning method known as a group
relations conference or the Tavistock method. It is a dynamic experiential learning laboratory. As
staff and participants, we co-create a temporary institution that allows for opportunities to study
the obvious and not-so-obvious dynamics of organizational and community life. By keeping
certain factors constant (task, role, time, and place) while observing others that emerge in the
"here and now," both staff and conference members become participant-observers. We are in the
process of co-creating an institution or community, at the same time that we are studying the
impact on our own and others' behavior as all of this is happening. Throughout the process,
consultants provide observations that promote awareness of emerging issues and themes
regarding leadership, authority, task, role and boundaries.
As members of different generational, ethnic and religious identity groups, staff and conference
members bring into the conference setting the range of perspectives, beliefs, values, and attitudes
of those identity groups towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In this way, the temporary
organization mirrors the patterns and relationships in our outside lives. By examining our beliefs,
perspectives and behaviors within the conference setting, we will gain insight into the broader
socio-political dynamics, and our own place in them.
In summary, through the conference experience, there will be an opportunity to:
Better understand how leadership and authority emerges and is taken up in groups.
Work across boundaries of identity and difference between individuals, groups, and
communities.
Better understand individual and collective roles in groups.
Develop an awareness of the more hidden or covert dynamics in groups in general, and in
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular.
Explore the emotional impact of the conflict on a personal and communal level.
Consider possibilities for contributing to the transformation of conflicts and the process
of peace-making,
The conference will be directed by XXXXX, a Palestinian citizen and resident of Israel and
XXXXX, a Jewish citizen and resident of the US. By itself, the co -directorship of the conference
reflects and represents the dynamics of authority, leadership, and peace-making.
Our Commitment
We will reflect on what is learned, make it more personal, and connect the experience to our
lives outside the conference. It is our desire that through this experience we will find new ways
to lead, and learn how to transform our corners of the world. It is also our explicit desire that this
278
Appendices
conference will provide an opportunity for personal and communal transformation in addressing
the conflict.
Continuing Education Credits for Social Workers
The program has been approved for 17.5 Approved Entity Continuing Education hours for
re-licensure, in accordance with 258 CMR. Collaborative of NASW and the Boston College
and Simmons Schools of Social Work Authorization numberD41604b.
Conference Structure
The conference has different kinds of small and large group events, each having a different task
and different vantage point for the examination of group and organizational dynamics that are
integrated by the continuing overall focus on the problems encountered in the exercise of
authority within and between groups
The conference will begin promptly at 2:00 PM on Friday, April 16, 2010 (registration begins at
1:00 PM) and will end at 4:30 PM on Sunday, April 18th. Working sessions will last well into
the evening on Friday and Saturday. Please plan accordingly. (All meals are provided on site).
Please note the change in the starting date!
Conference Research and Evaluation
All participants will be asked to complete a pre-conference survey, a post-conference evaluation
immediately following the conference, and surveys 1, 3, 6, and 12 months after the conference.
These online surveys are confidential and for the purpose of understanding:
• the impact of the conference on participants' learning about the conflict in the short and
longer term
• the role group relations conference work may play in facilitating dialogue between
Jewish and Arab Diaspora communities
A select number of participants will be invited to participate in a series of interviews to explore
how they make meaning of their conference experience.
Those who wish to participate in the interview portion of the research will be given a consent
form acknowledging their agreement to participate in the evaluation research of the conference.
Anyone who thinks they might be interested is kindly requested to check the appropriate box on
the registration form.
Your acceptance as a member of this conference will not be affected in any way by your
willingness or unwillingness to participate in any portion of the evaluation research. You may
withdraw your participation at any time.
279
Appendices
APPENDIX I
Pre-Conference Survey (for all participants)
Ethnicity:
Religion:
1 . How did you find out about this conference?
2. What are your goals in attending this conference?
3. What, if any, previous experiences have you had in group relations conferences?
4. What, if any, previous experiences have you had in Jewish/ Arab dialogue work?
5. How would you rate your knowledge/understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
12 3 4 5
6. How familiar are you with the Israeli narrative of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
1 2 3 ' 4 5
7. How familiar are you with the Palestinian narrative of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
1 2 3 ' 4 5
8. How would you define your (political) beliefs vis a vis the conflict?
9. What about the conference appealed to you?
10. What do you hope to get out of attending this conference?
1 1 . What are your concerns about attending this conference?
12. Please describe your involvement (social, professional, political) with (the other identity
group) before this conference?
13. Please describe your involvement (social, professional, political) with your own
community/identity group before this conference?
Appendices
APPENDIX J
280
Schedule
Friday
Saturday
Sunday
7:45-
8:45
Breakfast
7:45-
8:45
Breakfast
Study
Group
9:00-
10:15
Study Group
9:00-
10:15
10:15-
10:30
Break
10:15-
10:30
Break
10:30 -
12:30
Institutional
Event Opening
10:30 -
11:30
Institutional Event
12:30-
1:30
Lunch
11:30-
12:30
Institutional Event
Closing
1:30-
2:45
Institutional
Event
12:30-
1:15
Lunch
1:00-
2:00
Registration
2:45-
3:00
Break
1:15-
2:15
Review and
Application Group
2:00-
3:00
Opening
Plenary
3:00-
4:00
Study Group
2:15-
2:30
Break
3:00-
3:15
Break
4:00-
4:15
Break
2:30-
3:30
Closing Plenary
3:15-
4:30
Study Group
4:15-
5:30
Institutional
Event
4:30-
5:00
Break
5:30-
5:45
Break
5:00-
6:15
Study Group
5:45-
7:00
Institutional
Event
6:15-
7:30
Break/Dinner
7:00-
8:00
Dinner
7:30-
8:30
Review and
Application
Group
8:00-
9:00
Conference
Discussion
281
Appendices
Conference Events
The conference has different kinds of events, each having a different task and different vantage
points for the examination of individual, group and organizational dynamics. These different
events are integrated by the continuing overall focus on the problems encountered in the exercise
of authority and leadership within and between groups. The events are described below:
Conference Opening and Closing: These sessions provide an opportunity for members and
staff to express their thoughts and feelings on crossing the boundaries from the outside
environment into the conference and from within the conference to the outside environment.
Study Groups: The task is to study processes as they occur - in the "here-and-now" — in this
face-to-face group with special reference to the exercise of authority and the emergence of
leadership. The group is assigned two consultants to assist with its task.
Institutional Event: In this event, members will have the opportunity to form their own sub-
systems, and negotiate their mission in relation to the institution. The primary task is to explore
the relationship between the sub-systems and the conference-as-a-whole in the "here-and-now."
Review and Application Groups: The task of these events are to provide members the
opportunity to examine and discuss unresolved conference issues, reflect upon experiences and
learning during the various conference events, and consider application of conference learning to
home institutions.
Conference Discussion: The task of this event is to provide the opportunity for all conference
participants to reflect on conference issues, experiences and learning during the various
conference events.
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APPENDIX K
Conference Opening
Good afternoon. Welcome to the working conference Authority, Leadership, and Peace-
Making: The role of the Diasporas. I am (director 1) and seated next to me is (director 2). We are
the directors and consultants of this conference. We have been authorized in these roles by Tracy
Wallach, the project creator. Tracy served as pre-conference administrator and will also be
present in the role of researcher, which she will speak more about in a few minutes.
The primary task of this conference is to learn — through experience — how groups
function, how we exercise leadership and groups, and how we can become more effective leaders
within the organizations and communities in which we live and work. Uniquely, we will have the
opportunity to focus on those dynamics that can often be obscured or hidden from view. This
task is taken up in the context of working to understand the role of the US Jewish, Arab, and
Palestinian Diaspora communities in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
There have been many changes to the staff over the course of the development of the
conference. The administrator (name of administrator) and consultant (name of consultant) are
both unable to participate for medical reasons. In addition, the five other members of the
consulting staff have shifted roles, and are now here as members. It was the decision of the
management, with the concurrence of these consultants, who have been present and working
with us for the past two days, to hold the conference with this configuration. We believe that
these shifts in roles, the processes by which the decisions were made, and issues related to the
size and composition of the membership in general, deserve to be studied in relation to the theme
and primary task of the conference. As we mentioned earlier, Tracy Wallach will be in the role
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of researcher during the course of the conference. We will turn to Tracy to say a few words about
her research.
(I briefly spell out that the research is in relationship to my doctoral dissertation, that I will be
observing all events in the conference, and direct their attention to their folders, in which they
will find the disclosure form)
Thank you Tracy.
A few words on authority and leadership. . .our primary way of providing the opportunity
for you to learn at this conference is to provide opportunities to study your behavior, as
individuals, as a group, and as a whole system, in real time, what we call the "here-and-now,"
with special attention to the exercise of authority and the emergence of leadership.
Authority: When a person goes before those in formal authority, such as a judge, or a
local elected council, the configuration of the room and the comportment of the authority figures,
even the attire, are in part a way to place an emphasis on the role, the task, boundaries, and the
nature of authority.
The purpose of this conference design, our demeanor, and the differing room
configurations, now and to follow, are in part the same: too mirror, and even at times amplify
those concepts.
As staff, we gain our authority through contractual delegation from the sponsoring
institutions. You confer authority on us by agreeing to be members. In terms of authority
relations, so long as you remain present, you affirm our authority to conduct this conference
within the boundaries of the manner outlined in the materials you have received. This statement
is in no way an indication that you as members do not have authority. Quite the contrary. Each
individual present carries with him or her, personal authority. In the language of this experience,
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everyone has the right to work. Everyone can embrace opportunities to explore and learn what
happens when you seek, avoid, have thrust upon you or taken from you the formal and often
informal authority of the group.
Leadership: in this conference, we will also be examining leadership. And we see
leadership as a function of the group. Rather than thinking about leadership as a set of talents or
traits that a person possesses and can bring forth, in this approach, leadership emerges based on
the needs of the group. As a consequence, leadership is extremely fluid, and will change based
on the groups' perception of its needs.
Our collective work is to learn who emerges in leadership, when and how, and for what
purpose. How do our valences — the more typical ways we respond in groups — play into who
emerges in leadership? How do the perceived characteristics of identity — religious and ethnic,
yes, and also race, age, gender, sexual orientation, language, education, ability, etc., affect who
leads and who follows? To this end, we will also, at different times throughout the experience,
reflect with you on what is learned, and work with you to connect the experience to your lives
outside the conference.
Finally, I would remind you that this is an opportunity for learning. We, the staff are not
creating this institution for you. We are co-creating this institution with all that we bring. The
directorate, as consultants to the process, will give primary focus to the group. In the "here-and-
now" events, we will be directing our comments not as much to individual behavior, but to what
we believe the group is doing as the group is doing it. We recognize this experience may be quite
different from how you are accustomed to seeing instructors or consultants behave in learning
environments. It is our experience that this style of consultation allows for the group dynamics
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that are often present, just below the surface in any group, to emerge most clearly for our
collective study and learning.
Please also know that our focus on the group does not mean we do not recognize that
every person here is an individual bringing your own particular experiences to the process. We
simply wish to stress that our goal is to explore authority and leadership in groups.
This conference provides tremendous freedom for exploration.
Recognizing what we create here-and-now in this experience is our own doing, The only
real task of members is to learn. There is no prescribed agenda more than that. There is no
required outcome. Through study groups, plenaries, an institutional event, and reflection
sessions, there will be abundant opportunities to learn about groups and to learn about ourselves.
What may be most important is that you examine the choices you make in relation to
Authority, leadership, especially as it relates to peace-making and the role of the Diasporas.
Thank you. Who would like to start?
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APPENDIX L
Disclosure form
Conference Research and Evaluation
The conference will be evaluated by Tracy Wallach MSW, who has worked as a clinical social
worker and organizational and leadership consultant and is a doctoral candidate at Lesley
University. The purpose of the evaluation research is to understand:
• the impact of the conference on participants' learning about the conflict in the short and
longer term
• the role group relations conference work may play in facilitating dialogue between
Jewish and Arab Diaspora communities
Findings from the evaluation research will be submitted as part of Tracy Wallach' s doctoral
dissertation. It may also be published in professional or academic journals. Please note that this
is an evaluation of the program and not of any individual. No identifying information will be
included in any of these reports. The report of this study will be available for all participants,
upon request.
The research will be comprised of three parts: observation during the conference itself, surveys
and interviews. Tracy Wallach will be present during conference events and will be taking notes
on her observations on a laptop or by hand.
All participants will be asked to complete a pre-conference survey, a post-conference evaluation
immediately following the conference, and surveys 1, 3, 6, and 12 months after the conference.
A select number of participants will be invited to participate in a series of interviews to explore
how they make meaning of their conference experience.
Those who wish to participate in the interview portion of the research will be given a consent
form acknowledging their agreement to participate in the evaluation research of the conference.
Anyone who thinks they might be interested in being interviewed at 1, 3, 6, and 12 months
following the conference, is kindly requested to sign the form enclosed in this packet and
returning it to Tracy Wallach before the end of the conference.
Your participation in the survey and interview portion of the evaluation research is completely
voluntary. You may withdraw your participation at any time.
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APPENDIX M
Institutional Event Opening
Good Morning. This is the opening session of the Institutional Event. We are here in our
role as Directors of the conference and members of the management team of this event.
The Task of the IE is to provide an opportunity to experience and study relationships
between groups and to explore and discover the "character" of this emerging temporary
institution. It is also an opportunity to study how boundaries of time, territory, task and resources
are managed and used in order to better understand the processes and dynamics that are related to
authority, leadership and peace-making: the role of the diasporas - which is the theme of this
conference.
As far as we know, you as the members are currently one group, but you may choose to
break yourself up into more than one group to work on the task of this event.
We have designated four formal workspaces for you. The Main Parlor, the Dover Parlor,
and the sun room off the Dover Parlor are available for working groups. In addition, the
conference room at the top of the main stairs is available for inter-group work.
In addition to managing the event, we are also available to provide consultation. As
examples, you may think about a consultation to the formation of your particular group,
regarding the task of your group, your relationship to other groups, or to a relationship between
two or more groups, for example an intergroup event.
You can request consultation at the Management Room which is the Fireside Lounge on
the 2 nd floor of the main house.
One of the challenges of this event is for members of a group to differentiate.
Differentiated work roles and clear delegation of authority are necessary if a group is to have a
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voice that is coherent, both inside and outside the group. This event will provide the opportunity
to experience and reflect on problems involved in working in role, exercising authority on behalf
of others, and delegating to others: in short, problems of management, leadership and
representation.
The freedom that a representative has - to speak for and work on behalf of her or his
group depends on the scope of the delegations the representative has been given by the group.
The scope may be thought of as spanning a continuum from minimal to maximal authority. For
example are you authorized by your group to observe and gather information from these
observations? Or might you be authorized to deliver a message. Or perhaps you may be
authorized to ask a question and gather information. Maximal authority might be that you are to
negotiate on behalf of your group with other groups with full decision-making power.
For this event, we are offering a shared management model. In addition to the two
directors, we are making available a third seat on the management team. This will be a rotating
seat. The seat will be available to any member who is authorized by their group to take up the
role.
This seat is available to the first person who requests it. We are open to this request in the
Management room for the first five minutes of each session. The seat will be available for each
of the Saturday afternoon and evening IE sessions and no member may take up the management
role for more than one session. The third member of the management team may be available to
consult based on the collective decision of the management team.
As you engage in the task of the Institutional Event, the Management Team would
appreciate hearing what you discover in this process and we invite you to develop any working
assumptions about what is going on in the IE and to share those with us. Interactions like this
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will assist us in managing the event and may help you in getting additional insights into your
work.
As the Management staff, we have decided to do our work in public and you are welcome
to observe our work. Perhaps the observation can be of some assistance in informing your own
work. However, we prefer to have conversations with you — about your own experience, and
any working assumptions that you may form about your own group in relation to the emerging
institution.
A few words on the management of boundaries: During the IE in particular, you may
want to pay attention to how the management of the boundaries plays a role in aiding the task.
You will thus have an opportunity to study how boundaries, your own and those established by
others, are regulated and what happens if they are not.
A few final remarks concerning this event: Again, the primary task of this event is to
provide learning opportunities to study the emerging institution and relationships between groups
within it. I invite your thoughtful attention to the freedom and range of options open to you in
this event that were not open to you in the events you have already experienced. You may or
may not choose to exercise these options. But either way, your learning should be enhanced if
you pay attention to your choices.
Ultimately, you are free to do whatever you judge will be best to further your learning.
We are aware that we have given you lots of information for this event. After you have
organized yourselves into one or more groups, feel free to approach the Management Room and
request consultation if you feel that you have missed some information.
The event has now begun.
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Post-Conference Evaluation Form 127
APPENDIX N
Post-Conferent
How would you define your ethnicity?
How would you define your religion?
What were your goals in attending this conference?
What did you learn at this conference?
Please use the following 5-point rating scale: 1= very little or none 2 = a little 3 =
some 4 = a great deal 5 = a very great deal
1. To what extent did the conference provide the learning opportunities described in the brochure?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
2. To what extent was the conference what you expected it to be?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
3. To what extent have you achieved your goals during the conference?
1 2 3 4 5
Comments:
4.To what extent did you learn about the ways that leadership and authority emerges and is taken up in
groups? 12 3 4 5
5. To what extent did each of the following events contribute to your learning:
12 3 4 5
study groups
1 2 3 4 5
inter-group event
12 3 4 5
review and application (role analysis) sessions
12 3 4 5
Comments:
6. How much have you learned about the Israeli Palestinian conflict?
12 3 4 5
7. How much have you learned about the Israeli narrative of Israeli Palestinian conflict?
12 3 4 5
127 127 Adapted from Patton (2002)
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8. How much have you learned about the Palestinian narrative of Israeli Palestinian conflict?
1 2 3 4 5
9. To what extent was the learning format/structure of the event appropriate to your level of knowledge and
experience?
Not at all appropriate
Somewhat appropriate
Appropriate
Very appropriate
9. Was there something you wish you had spent more time doing?
10. To what degree has this conference changed your overall understanding of the
conflict? " 12 3 4 5
Comments:
1 1. To what extent do you think participation in this conference will affect you
professionally? 12 3 4 5
Comments:
12. To what extent has participation in this conference affected you personally?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
13. To what extent has participation in this conference affected your beliefs/attitudes
about the conflict? 12 3 4 5
Comments:
14. To what extent have your feelings/attitudes toward your own group been affected by
participation in this conference?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
15. To what extent have your feelings/attitudes toward the other group been affected by
participation in this conference?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
16. To what extent do you think participation in this conference will affect your activities
within your own community?
1 2 3 4 5 ~
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Comments:
17. To what extent do you think participation in this conference will affect your activities
with the other identity group?
1 2 3 4 5
Comments:
18. How effective did you find the conference directors to be in terms of the following:
Illuminating the dynamics of the various events you participated in
12 3 4 5
Illuminating the dynamics of conflict
12 3 4 5
Illuminating the dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
12 3 4 5
Helping you to understand your identity group's role in the conflict
1 2 3 4 5
Helping you to understand the relationship between your conference roles and your
external roles? 12 3 4 5
19. How effective was the administration of the conference in terms of the following:
Responsiveness to your questions about the conference
12 3 4 5
Pre-conference administration
12 3 4 5
Accommodations
12 3 4 5
Comments:
20. What other kinds of experiential learning or dialogue frameworks have you
experienced?
21. Relative to those, how effective did you find this conference to be?
1 2 3 4 5 N/A
18. To what extent was your overall experience of the conference worthwhile?
12 3 4 5
19. What was the most meaningful part of the conference for you? Please explain, if you
are willing:
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21. Would you recommend this conference to others?
1 2 3 4 5
Why or why not?
22. What, if anything, would you change about this conference?
12 3 4 5
23. Who, or what organization paid for your attendance here?
24. Were you a commuter or residential member?
Commuter
Residential
25. What is the most important lesson you are taking from this conference?
26. If someone asked you to briefly describe what this conference was about, what
would you say?
27. If you have other thoughts, comments, or reflections about the conference that you
would like to share, please note them here.
General comments:
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APPENDIX O
Three Month Follow-Up Surveys 128
It has been three months since you've attended Authority, Leadership, and Peacemaking:
The Role of the Diasporas. We appreciate your taking the time to think back on your
conference experience to share with us your experience of the impact of the conference
on you over time.
How would you define your ethnicity?
How would you define your religion?
1 . To what extent has participation in the conference affected you personally?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
2. To what extent has participation in the conference affected you professionally?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
3. How would you rate your learning in the following areas?
How I take up authority and leadership
12 3 4 5
Understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
12 3 4 5
Covert or unconscious processes in groups
1 2 3 4 5 ~
Covert or unconscious processes in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
12 3 4 5
Identity issues
12 3 4 5
Understanding the role of the Diasporas in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
12 3 4 5
Other
12 3 4 5
i:s
Adapted from Patton (2002)
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Comments:
4. To what extent has participation in the conference affected your involvement with your
own
Community/identity group?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
5. To what extent has participation in the conference affected your involvement with the
other community/identity group?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
6. To what extent has participation in the conference affected your attitudes/feelings
towards
the Palestinian-Israeli conflict?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
7. To what extent has participation in the conference affected your involvement with
activities related to the Israeli Palestinian conflict?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
8. How likely are you to recommend this conference to others?
12 3 4 5
Comments:
9. Please share with us any other thoughts, ideas, comments, or feelings you have had
since the conference about your conference experience that you feel comfortable
disclosing:
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APPENDIX P
Letter of Consent
Thank you for agreeing to participate in this study about how participants make meaning
of their experience in the conference Authority, Leadership and Peacemaking: The Role
of the Diasporas. The sole researcher is Tracy Wallach, MSW, who has worked as a
clinical social worker and organizational and leadership consultant and is a doctoral
candidate at Lesley University.
The purpose of this exploratory study is:
• To explore participants' experience of the conference
• To investigate the impact that the conference experience has had on participants
• To understand what meaning participants make of their conference experience
• To examine how participants make meaning of their experience
Findings from the study will be submitted in a report as part of Tracy Wallach' s doctoral
dissertation. It may also be published in professional or academic journals. No identifying
information will be included in any of these reports. The report of this study will be
available for all participants, upon request.
For the purpose of this study, Ms. Wallach would like to interview a selected number of
participants who attended the conference. Each volunteer will be interviewed four times,
for approximately 60- 90 minutes each time — once just following the conference, and
again 3,6, and 12 months later. Ms. Wallach will do all of the interviewing and analysis
of information. Interviews will be recorded and transcribed. Tapes and transcriptions of
the interviews will be stored in a locked file cabinet in Ms. Wallach' s home.
Your participation offers you the opportunity to talk about and reflect upon your
conference experience, and Ms. Wallach the opportunity to explore how conference
participants make meaning of their experience. Your participation is entirely voluntary,
and you may stop your participation at any time.
Thank you for your participation!
Sincerely yours:
Tracy Wallach
Your signature indicates your understanding of the above and agreement to participate in
the study as described.
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APPENDIX Q
Member Interview: immediately post-conference
1 . What were your expectations/goals for the conference?
2. To what extent was the conference what you expected it to be?
3. To what extent were the things you were concerned about before the conference
occur? Which things occurred, which didn't?
4. How has the conference affected you personally?
5. What changes in yourself do you see as a result of the conference?
6. What would you say you got out of the experience?
7. To what extent do you think this conference will affect you professionally?
8. What was the most meaningful part of the conference for you?
(e.g., What events at the conference had the most impact on you? Why? What was
the high point of the conference for you? What was the low point?)
9. What do you think made the conference have the effects that it did?
10. What is the most important lesson you are taking from the conference?
1 1 . Can you say something about the impact of the shift from staff to membership
role on you?
12. Can you say something about your experience in the IE — what group did you
choose to be in? why?
13. Say something about your relatedness to your own identity or other identities?
And impact of conference on that.
14. What, if anything, do you wish you had done differently?
15. Suppose you were being asked by a government or community/activist group
whether or not they should sponsor a conference like this, what would you say?
what arguments would you give to support your opinion?
16. Are there any questions I haven't asked that you think I should have? What do
you think I should know that I haven't asked you about?
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APPENDIX R
Director Interview: immediately post-conference
1 . What were your expectations/goals for the conference?
2. To what extent was the conference what you expected it to be? Likert 1-5 — 1 is
very little)
3. To what extent were the things you were concerned about before the conference
occur? Which things occurred, which didn't?
4. To what extent has the conference affected you personally? 1= very little, 5= a
very great deal
5. What changes in yourself do you see as a result of the conference?
6. What would you say you got out of the experience?
7. To what extent do you think this conference will affect you professionally? 1=
very little, 5= a very great deal
8. What was the most meaningful part of the conference for you?
(e.g., What events at the conference had the most impact on you? Why?; What
was the high point of the conference for you? What was the low point?)
9. What is the most important lesson you are taking from the conference?
10. How much have you learned about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? Israeli
narrative? Palestinian narrative?
11. What, if anything, do you wish you had done differently?
12. Are there any questions I haven't asked that you think I should have? What do
you think I should know that I haven't asked you about?
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APPENDIX S
Follow-Up Interview 129 (Three Months)
This interview is being conducted about three months after your Dialogue conference
experience to help us better understand what participants experienced so that we can
improve further conferences.
1. Looking back on your conference experience, I'd like to ask you to begin by
describing for me what stands out for you about this conference?
a. What do you remember as the highlight of the conference for you?
b. What was the low point?
2. How did the conference affect you?
a. What would you say you got out of the experience?
b. What changes in yourself do you see or feel as a result of the conference?
c. How has participation in the conference affected you professionally?
d. How has participation in the conference affected your involvement with
your community?
e. How has participation in the conference affected your involvement with
the other community?
3. How has the conference affected you vis-a-vis the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
a. How, if at all, has it changed your attitudes/understanding/feelings about
the conflict?
b. How, if at all, has it changed your involvement in activities related to the
conflict?
4. How do you think the conference has affected you that we haven't discussed?
Which of the things you experienced during the conference carry over to your life
since then? What plans have you made, or what actions, if any, have you taken as
a result of this conference?
5. What recommendations would you make to improve the conference?
6. Suppose you were being asked by an organization in your community whether or
not they should sponsor a conference like this. What would you say? Who
shouldn't participate in a conference like this?
7. Are there any questions I haven't asked that you think I should have? What do
you think I should know that I haven't asked you about?
129 Adapted from Patton (2002)
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