Between war and peace: a handbook for peace workers

BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

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TORONTO

BETWEEN
WAR AND PEACE

A HANDBOOK FOR PEACE WORKERS

BY

FLORENCE BREWER BOECKEL

EDUCATION DIRECTOR OF TJ*E
NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR PREVENTION OF WAR

jReto gGrft

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

1928

All rights reserved

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Coptbioht, 1928,
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.

Set up and printed.
Published October, 1928.

SET UP BT BROWN BROTHERS UNOTYPERS

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA

BY THE CORNWALL PRESS

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"History is the record of the mitigation and decline of
war, though the slow decline. For ages the human race has
gone on under the tyranny of this first brutish form of their
effort to be men, for ages showed so much of the nature of
the lower animals , the tiger and the shark. But the eternal
germination of the better has unfolded new powers, new
instincts. The sublime question has startled one and
another happy soul in different quarters of the globe — Can-
not love be, as well as hate? Cannot peace be, as well as
war? This thought has now become so distinct as to be a
social thought. This having come, much more will follow.
Revolutions go not backward.

"So it is not a great matter how long men refuse to
believe the advent of peace; war is on its last legs; and a
universal peace is as sure as is the prevalence of civilization
over barbarism, of liberal governments over feudal forms.
The question for us is only, how soon?" — Emerson.

FOREWORD

The peace movement is a worldwide movement, effec-
tively organized in many countries. In each it has its
special problems and special methods of work. This
handbook is an attempt to collect suggestions and mate-
rial which will be of use to American peace workers, par-
ticularly to those who are out of touch with national or-
ganizations and in communities where research work is
difficult. No one can be more keenly aware than the com-
piler of such a book of its incompleteness and of the op-
portunities for error in it. But only by an attempt at a
general survey can an idea be given of the scope and re-
sources of the peace movement, of the many opportuni-
ties for participation in it, and of the number and com-
plexity of the problems involved in establishing peace
with the consequent pressing need for intensive work and
for effective organization.

Indebtedness to publishers, organizations and authors
is so obvious that acknowledgment seems almost superflu-
ous, but gratitude for favors granted by many individu-
als must be expressed. Special thanks are due Miss Lucy
Swanton for her help in connection with the chapter on
Young People and World Peace; to Miss Sybil Jane
Moore, Mr. Joseph H. Baird, and Mr. Mark Eccles for
special research, and to Mr. Joseph Hutchinson Smith
for work on the bibliographies. The book as a whole has
been made possible because of the information and mate-
rial on the peace movement which, through the co-
operation of people in all parts of the country, has stead-
ily accumulated in the offices of the National Council for
Prevention of War during the seven years of its existence.

• •
Vll

CONTENTS

PAGE

Foreword vii

PART I

™ .~„ INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER

I. Focusing the Demand for Peace .... 3

PART II
MATERIAL OF INTEREST TO SPECIAL GROUPS

II. Education and Peace 15

III. The Church and Peace 71

IV. Women and Peace 106

V. Commerce and Peace 124

VI. Labor and Peace 143

VII. Farmers and Peace 157

VIII. War Veterans and Peace 166

IX. Young People and Peace 183

PART III

INTRODUCTION TO FURTHER STUDY OF INFLU-
ENCES FOR AND AGAINST WORLD PEACE

X. The League of Nations and International

Labor Organization 197

XI. The World Court 217

XII. The Outlawry of War and the Kellogg

Treaty 231

XIII. Arbitration of International Disputes . . 241

XHV. International Law 265

ix

x CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

XV. International Cooperation 277

XVI. International Reduction of Armaments . 286

XVII. Pacifism and the Absolute Pacifist Position 299

XVIII. The Military Policy of the United States

Past and Present 309

XIX. The Monroe Doctrine 334

XX. Imperialism 342

XXI. World Population and the Immigration

Policy of the United States .... 358

XXII. The War-making Power in the United

States Government 373

XXIII. War Debts and Reparations 380

XXIV. What War Is 391

XXV. What War Costs 401

PART IV

MATERIALS FOR A WORKING PROGRAM

XXVI. What You Can Do for Peace 415

List of Organizations Working for Peace . 509

Bibliography 514

Appendix:
Covenant of the League of Nations . . 557
Text of the Multilateral Treaty for the
Renunciation of War 574

Index 575

PART I
INTRODUCTION

BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

CHAPTER I
FOCUSING THE DEMAND FOR PEACE

The peace movement has apparently escaped from the
red-herring theory that human nature is what needs to
be changed and has definitely turned its attention upon
governments as the agency responsible for war. In
monarchical days it was well understood that it was
kings who made the wars, and early pleas for peace were
addressed directly to them. Under democracy it has been
hard to place responsibility for war upon the government
as something apart from the people. The World War,
however, clearly revealed that there is a distinction be-
tween those who control the government and the people
as a whole — a distinction which has, perhaps, never been
more definitely stated than by Alanson B. Houghton,
United States Ambassador to Great Britain, in a speech
which he made before the Harvard Alumni in June, 1927 :

"War does not originate from time to time simply in a sud-
den and uncontrollable impulse on the part of one great
national mass to go out and slaughter another. War is pos-
sible, no doubt, because these masses are willing, under
conditions, to fight, but these conditions are themselves an
integral part of the problem. Before a war is conceivable
there must be an issue. And that issue, broadly speaking, is
the outcome of a series of maneuvers by which the masses
concerned are brought into positions of opposition. Obviously,
this maneuvering is not done by the masses themselves.

3

4 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Collectively and as individuals they have little, if anything,
to do with the subtle and gradual shifting of international
relationships. Their interests are directed to the more humble
and prosaic task of earning a living. The maneuvering is
done by little groups of men called governments. These
little groups seek constantly and naturally to gain supposed
advantages of one sort and another for their own nationals.
Out of their efforts to enlarge or to strengthen or to main-
tain the interests entrusted to their charge, the masses they
represent are gradually maneuvered into positions which, to
say the least, cannot easily be surrendered. If the process
continues, sooner or later a situation arises in which an agree-
ment between these small groups becomes impossible. Then,
on the ground that their lives and families and property are
somehow involved and endangered, these great masses of men
and women, roused by every power of organized appeal and
propaganda, are ordered under arms, and war follows. The
entire process is in control of the smaller groups. They make
the issue. They declare the war. . . . And the very men
through whose instrumentality, consciously or unconsciously,
this dreadful catastrophe has been brought about, explain it
on the ground that, human nature being what it is, any other
determination was impossible."

Once it is recognized that governments are the deter-
mining agency in issues of peace and war, it becomes
obvious that the peace movement can achieve results
only through political action. It has been slow to act
politically not alone for the reason suggested above, but
because, so far as support of a plan for the prevention of
war goes, it has not been a united movement. Work in
many different directions is needed to organize the world
on a peace basis, and there are various methods for the
peaceful settlement of international disputes, applicable
to different situations. This being true, the peace
movement can never have sufficient unity for effective
political action if it conceives its function to be the pro-

\

FOCUSING THE DEMAND FOR PEACE 5

posal of a single peace plan. But it begins to conceive
the part which it is to play in the establishment of peaoe
rather differently. Social and economic forces quite
outside the peace movement, which have been developing
through the centuries, are converging to eliminate war.
Peace is inevitable. The function of the peace movement
is to protect the immediate future against war, to save
the world the sacrifice of another generation to an out-
grown custom, by building up a public opinion which
will hasten this development by requiring governments
to concentrate their attention upon the peace problem
before all others.

Activities during the last year, notably the negotiation
of a treaty renouncing war, indicate that governments
are becoming increasingly aware of the demand of the
people for peace. Public opinion should support every
effort put forth looking toward peace, should make each
such effort an opportunity for greater concentration of
public attention upon the problem in general, should use
each gain as a point of leverage for further advance, and
should seek to close the gap between the principles to
which governments give verbal adherence and their daily
practice in the conduct of international affairs.

Already the peace forces in England and the United
States, and in other countries as well, have learned to
unite in times of crisis to demand as international disputes
arise that governments find some way other than war to
adjust them. In England they averted war with Russia
and later with China. In this country measures that
carried the threat of war have been successfully opposed,
for example, in the modification of the governments
policy toward Mexico and in the defeat of the big navy
program which encouraged naval competition. United
action in emergencies, however, is not enough, for issues
of peace and war are determined by gradually developed

6 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

policies. Ways must be found to focus the common de-
mand for peace, day in and day out, upon men in con-
trol of government policies in order that as every signifi-
cant decision is made, its effect upon the vitally impor-
tant problem of the protection of the nation against the
waste and interruption of war shall be taken into con-
sideration.

"Most governments," according to Sir Arthur Salter, British
economic expert, "will temper their action by considering any
imminent risk of war which it may involve. What is neces-
sary— and this is much more difficult — is that they shall delib-
erately guide their policy by considering whether it is likely
ultimately to increase or diminish the world tendencies that
make for peace."

Collier's in its issue of September 8, 1923, stated the
situation bluntly:

"War is purely and entirely a governmental industry. . . .
Peace also is a governmental product. The fact to get into
your head is that every government day by day is either
manufacturing peace or else manufacturing war."

To urge consideration of all questions from the point
of view of peace is not to make it the chief end of govern-
ment. Peace is merely the minimum. Only if interna-
tional peace is established can the pressing problems of
modern national life be solved. Woodrow Wilson once
said:

"I call you to witness that our civilization is not satisfac-
tory. It is an industrial civilization, and at the heart of it
is an antagonism between those who labor with their hands
and those who direct labor. You cannot compose those dif-
ferences in the midst of war, and you cannot advance civiliza-
tion unless you have a peace of which you make the fullest
use in bringing these elements of civilization together into a

FOCUSING THE DEMAND FOR PEACE 7

common partnership. We have got to have leisure and free-
dom of mind to settle these things."

A statement in the Japan Chronicle may be taken as a
further sign of the thought of responsible leaders on this
question. Meeting an argument that the renunciation of
war at present would mean the establishment of a status
quo very favorable to the Anglo-Saxon races, it said :

"It is doubtful, even if we succeeded in destroying the status
quo by force, whether the world re-created in that way would
make a society more agreeable to the sense of justice. The
fact is that peace and justice are very delicately interlocked.
... In order to establish order based on justice in interna-
tional society, it is essential to have security for peace as
foundation work. International justice can be made sure only
on the basis of consolidated order and in a society where
brute force does not stalk about as the final arbiter but social
relations are regulated by human wisdom and virtue. Even
the development of domestic law has been a perpetual rational
war for justice on peaceful foundations. International law
and order must also develop in the same way."

The peace movement has, therefore, a second purpose.
It must look beyond the abolition of war and prepare
for the utilization of the opportunities a world at peace
will offer for increased justice and happiness among men
and for increased power through increased cooperation.
Except as an opportunity, peace is meaningless.

No single government can establish peace; interna-
tional action is required. But besides controlling its own
policies in the interest of peace, an individual government
can initiate international action for peace. The founders
of the government of the United States looked to it to
do exactly this. Samuel Adams, writing for the General
Assembly of Massachusetts, sent a letter to the delegates
of that state in the first Congress in which he said:

8 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"You are hereby instructed and urged to move the United
States in Congress assembled to take into their deep and
most serious consideration whether any measures can by them
be used, through their influence with such of the nations in
Europe with whom they are united by treaties of amity or
commerce, that national differences may be settled and de-
termined without the necessity of war, in which the world has
too. long been deluged, to the destruction of human happiness
and the disgrace of human reason and government."

Franklin sent a copy of the Constitution of the
United States to friends in Europe with this message, "I
send you enclos'd the propose new Federal Constitution
for these States. If it succeeds, I do not see why you
might not in Europe carry the Project of good Henry the
4th into Execution, by forming a Federal Union and One
Grand Republick of all its different States & Kingdoms ;
by means of a like Convention ; for we had many Inter-
ests to reconcile.,, Washington told the first United
States commission sent abroad to negotiate treaties of
commerce that his "first wish" was to see "war banished
from the earth," and he was responsible as President for
the first arbitration treaty in modern history.

The form of government set up in the United States,
"a cooperative sovereignty," with a court representing
this joint sovereignty, set an example for the peaceful
organization of the world. This country continued to
lead in the development of arbitration ; in its early years
it took the initiative in the establishment of the first
unarmed boundary, between Canada and the United
States; later it laid before the other nations plans for an
international court which resulted in the Hague Tribunal;
it established new precedents in international relations
by returning the Chinese Boxer Indemnity and by with-
drawing from Cuba; more recently it has been largely
responsible for the establishment of the League of Na-

FOCUSING THE DEMAND FOR PEACE 9

tions and for the organization of the World Court, and it
was the first to make official proposals for the outlawry
of war.

It is obvious that in calling upon their government to
bend its energies to establishing peace, until the whole
complicated problem is solved and international peace
assured, Americans today are not asking it to take up a
new idea or to support a principle foreign to its traditions.
No more are they asking it to do something which other
governments are not being called upon to do. In England
the Liberal Party has issued a manifesto expressing its
support of arbitration treaties, reduction of armaments
and the codification of international law. The position
of the British Labor Party is wrell known, and the followr-
ing amendment wThich it recently proposed to the Air
Estimate Bill received 116 votes in Parliament:

"In view of the peril to civilization in air warfare, this
House regrets that His Majesty's Government did not advo-
cate bolder proposals for aerial disarmament at the meeting
of the Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Confer-
ence at Geneva, and urges them to take the initiative in
putting forward a programme containing the abolition of
militarv and naval air forces and the establishment of the
international control of civil aviation."

In the treaties of Locarno, France and Germany by
mutual concession have made one of the greatest contri-
butions possible to the peace of the world. In every
important country today an organized peace movement
is demanding a solution of the peace problem and is be-
ginning to judge government officials according to their
efforts in this direction.

The chart which accompanies this chapter indicates
the channels through which a public opinion sufficiently
well informed to be articulate can be built up, and the

10 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

channels through which that opinion can be effectively
focused upon the men who control government policies.
But all charts are too simple. Public opinion not only-
leads to government action, but government action, if by-
no more than the expression of official opinion, should
be called upon to play its part in forming public opinion.
In its issue of October 6, 1923, the Saturday Evening
Post printed this remarkable editorial:

"Perhaps war is inevitable. It is rapidly being made so,
but only because those whose duty it is to make it impossible
are leading the world towards it through the stupidity of
their policies. To cover insensate ambition, or greed, or blun-
dering it is always possible, temporarily at least, to inflame
the minds of the people, to make them believe that their lands
and lives are in danger from a nation that they have been
taught to hate; and then to lead them on to violent action.
But it would be just as easy by the same methods to teach
tolerance and goodwill for a neighbor. Then when disputes
arose the people could be led to an international court instead
of to a battlefield.

". . . What then shall we say of those leaders who play
on the emotions of their people to their undoing? If they
would iterate, and the parrots would reiterate, that war is
unthinkable; that international as well as national differences
can be settled without bloodshed, we should be in a fair way
to get rid of all this stuff and nonsense about the 'inevitabil-
ity of war.' "

• When governments accept the secure establishment of
peace as their first duty and undertake it wholeheartedly
instead of with the hesitancy they now show in peace pro-
posals, they will be quick to exercise their power to create
a supporting public opinion. In the meantime, public
opinion must precede government action. The only basis
on which to build up an active and enduring public opin-
ion is facts. The chief facts of the modern world call for

FOCUSING THE DEMAND FOR PEACE

11

WORLD PEACE

ACTION BY OTHER 60VTS
la England 40 organizations

art working for peace
In France 26
In Germany 23
In Japan 18

U. S. GOVERNMENT
ACTION

ACTION BY OTHER GOV'TS
43 gov'ts have adopted 88
treaties admitting all kinds of
disputes to arbitration. 27
nations have given the World
Court compulsory jurisdiction
over legal disputes.

Members

of the

Administration

Party
Leaders

Members

of
Congress

Throuqh the Press

Through Public Meetings

Through Celebration of Peace Days

By Individuals ) Letter*

l Interviews
I Telegrams
DV GrOUDS i Resolutions

( Deputations

EXPRESSION OF

PUBLIC

OPINION

PUBLIC OPINION

Press

Churches

Public
Meetings'

INDIVIDUAL WORKERS

AND
PEACE ORGANIZATIONS

12 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

peace. These must be made known, and made known
not in general terms but in terms which will bring them
home to every group of citizens as something closely af-
fecting their special interests. The public to be reached
must be individualized.

Under democratic government public opinion cannot
fail ultimately to result in government action, but that
it may so result without unnecessary delay, it must be
directed and focused upon the controlling points
in the political organization, not only upon government
officials, but upon candidates for office, upon party con-
ventions, and upon the men who determine party plat-
forms.

One advantage has already been gained when govern-
ments are substituted for human nature as the agency
responsible for war; no one doubts the possibility of
changing government policies. A free country is one in
which "public opinion can be easily translated into gov-
ernment action."

PART II

MATERIAL OF INTEREST TO SPECIAL

GROUPS

CHAPTER II
EDUCATION AND PEACE

The difficulty with which educators today find them-
selves confronted might be compared to that of men and
womeji who have grown up in a pioneer community and
who, as it ceases to be the frontier and becomes an organ-
ized town, are called upon to train their young for a
kind of life they themselves have not experienced. Man-
kind's pioneer days of exploring the earth and settling
it are over. An organized world community is rapidly
developing. The question is, Can the present generation
train the one that is growing up for the kind of world
that lies ahead of it?

The problem is not one of "education for peace," but
of education for a way of life in harmony with new con-
ditions. The individual's environment reaches today
around the earth. Science has brought all parts of the
world within his easy reach, and so interwoven its rela-
tionships that nothing anywhere is wholly remote or
foreign to him.

What facts does he need to know and with what atti-
tude ought he to approach life if he is to live success-
fully in such an environment? How is he to be given a
knowledge of the facts and helped to acquire the attitude
he needs? In every nation educators are trying to answer

these questions.

The account in this chapter of what is already being
accomplished has been made detailed and concrete in

15

16 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

order that, although much of it may not be of interest
to the general reader, its practical value to the teacher
may be as great as possible. For the same reason, the
chapter has been divided into sections dealing with inter-
national and national educational organizations, with
schools of an international character, with the training
of teachers, with academic and extra academic work in
the universities, and with work in the elementary schools.
It is encouraging to remember that the activities
described in this outline are merely examples of many
methods for cultivating international understanding and
goodwill that are being tried out today in the schools
and colleges of the country. Clearly there exists an
enlightened determination to win the race between edu-
cation and catastrophe in which, according to H. G.
Wells, we are engaged.

Studies in Attitude

In order that it may be known what attitude toward
world problems is being cultivated in students by the
present methods of education, several illuminating "stud-
ies in attitudes" have been made. One of these, "A
Study of International Attitudes of High School Stu-
dents" by Dr. George Bradford Neumann, was published
in 1926 by Teachers College of Columbia University.
Tests were given to 110 high school students nearing
graduation. Among the twelve subjects on which the
tests were based were racialism, nationalism, imperialism,
militarism and humanitarianism. The responses of the
students showed a strong tendency toward nationalism,
fear for the welfare of their own nation and suspicion of
other nations ; a tendency away from imperialism with a
conviction in favor of self-determination for weaker na-
tions; and a general tendency in favor of military pre-
paredness which, however, it was held should not be al-

EDUCATION AND PEACE 17

lowed to interfere with the ideals of the nation. Although
the students showed strong humanitarian tendencies,
when they faced a conflict between their concern for hu-
manity and for their nation, their nationalism tended to
lower their humanitarian impulses to within the area of
indecision.

Dr. Neumann says of the data resulting from his study:

". . . it raises the serious question as to whether or not
the international attitudes now being developed belong to a
generation past or rapidly passing rather than to the genera-
tion to which the students belong. . . .

"But what are right attitudes? Certainly one answer is
that they must be based upon facts so far as facts can be
known rather than upon prejudices contrary to facts. The
data resulting from this study show certain tendencies which
appear to be based upon prejudices and therefore call for
correction. . . .

"The tendency of each generation is to impose its own
values on the succeeding generation, but if the new genera-
tion's needs differ from the old, can the old values adequately
meet the new needs of the new generation? In international
relations is the present generation right in inculcating atti-
tudes based upon the old values of the present generation?
Is there not rather a demand that the new generation be
helped to discover ways and means of determining its own
values to meet its own needs?"

An investigation of "Student Opinion on War" was
carried on in 1925 and 1926 by Mr. Elliot Porter in con-
nection with postgraduate work in the University of Chi-
cago. One hundred and fifty statements about war and
peace to be marked "certainly right," "probably right,"
"doubtful," "probably wrong," "certainly wrong," were
sent to over a thousand students in eighteen colleges.
The results showed in general that students "recognize
the economic roots of war, vote fairly pacifist on abstract

18 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

statements regarding preparedness, and have largely re-
vised their ideas regarding responsibility for the recent
war. . . . Most students agreed with all but the most
extreme statements regarding the results of war. Scarcely
any revealed a consistently romantic attitude toward it.
Save a few pessimists, students voted in favor of all but
the most extreme proposals to eliminate war. Surpris-
ingly little pronounced nationalism appeared." A vote
on the statement "My country right or wrong" was "cer-
tainly right," 186; "probably right," 128; "doubtful,"
151; "probably wrong," 148; "certainly wrong," 387.
Over 92% preferred the version "My country when right
to be kept right, when wrong to be put right."

"The Measurement of Fair-Mindedness," by Professor
Goodwin B. Watson, was published by Teachers College
in 1925. Professor Watson has worked out methods of
testing a student's "fair-open-scientific-mindedness." Of
the need of such tests he says:

"There seems to be clear evidence that there is a need and
demand for a type of education which shall bring about prog-
ress towards fair-mindedness. Such progress is at best uncer-
tain until some instrument can be constructed which will
measure the degree to which fair-mindedness, or freedom from
bias, has been achieved."

The earliest study made in this field was conducted
by James C. Manry at the University of Iowa in 1923
and published under the title "World Citizenship" in
1927. Through a series of carefully tested question-
naires submitted to freshman, sophomore, junior and
senior classes of representative colleges and universities
an attempt was made to answer two questions: To what
extent are our institutions of higher learning bringing
their students into effective contact with world affairs?
What are the most practical lines of further advance in

EDUCATION AND PEACE 19

the development of world citizenship? The genera]
conclusions drawn from the study as briefly stated by
the author are: that colleges vary greatly in the degree
to which they are promoting world-mindedness; orienta-
tion courses and travel are shown to be important fac-
tors influencing ability to score well on the test; the ex-
change of teachers and the migration of students should
be encouraged; an initiatory course for the purpose of
enabling students to orientate themselves with reference
to a world point of view should be offered in the early
part of all college courses. Although the test revealed
astonishing ignorance on the part of students it did not
show any deep-seated prejudices or antipathies, and the
author concludes:

"Among American college students education does not have
to combat age-old racial hatreds and animosities. The most
common errors bear eloquent testimony that sheer ignorance,
together with the democratic impulse to entertain opinions
notwithstanding, is responsible for the most part for the purely
emotional and verbal thinking about international affairs.
This situation gives real ground for the hope that our col-
leges and universities can do much if they will in the develop-
ment of world citizenship."

In the Journal of Educational Psychology for May,
1928, a report is published of an "Experimental Investi-
gation of the Reaction of the School Children of Poland
to Enemy Occupation During the World War, Designed
to Determine Why Children Hate." The investigation,
unique of its kind, was made by Dr. Francisca Baumgar-
ten, Polish psychologist, in the schools of her country dur-
ing 1918. It was necessary at the time to bury the papers
embodying the results of this investigation, and they
have only recently been recovered and not yet fully pub-
lished. In the article describing them, written by Dr.

20 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Daniel A. Prescott of Harvard University, the results of
the investigation are declared to indicate that interna-
tional or interracial hatred, so often said to be instinctive,
a part of "human nature," and therefore impossible to
change, is due rather to war experiences which teach hate
and which, if not personal, are a part of social heredity
and not of biological heredity.

Studies of Textbooks

A different approach to this problem of discovering
what is actually being taught in the schools is to be seen
in the various studies that are being made of school text-
books.

The most comprehensive study of history texts is that
of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
which includes a detailed study of the textbooks of
France, England, Germany, Belgium, Italy and Bulgaria.
In it an attempt was made to answer these questions:
"In what spirit do school histories present to their young
readers the events of the five tragic years of the World
War? What lesson is learned from the manner in which
they recount the facts and comment upon them? Will
the generation which is growing up in the schools learn
from these books the horror of war, a sense of justice, a
belief that a new era has begun for humanity, bought
by the very excess of its faults and sufferings, or will
these histories prolong the reactions of the war and give
the impression that men will never cease to prey upon
each other, and so, without hope, must continue to pre-
pare themselves for more terrible conflicts ?" The results
of this study have so far been published only in French.
They occupy two volumes and can be obtained through
the Carnegie Endowment offices in New York City.

The American Historical Association has appointed a
committee, of which Prof. A. C. Krey of the University

EDUCATION AND PEACE 21

of Minnesota is chairman, to carry on a five-year study
of the teaching of history and social studies in the schools
of America.

The Department of Political Science of the University
of Chicago is conducting "a somewhat comprehensive
study of comparative civic training — that is, of the meth-
ods by which citizens are produced in a number of foreign
countries."

The American Association of University Women is
now making, through its state associations, a detailed
survey of history textbooks used in the United States.

The World Federation of Education Associations,
through an international committee, plans a worldwide
investigation of the present teaching of history and of
history textbooks from the standpoint of international
amity. According to the program adopted, the textbooks
of each country will be examined by local committees
and later compared in order to discover differences of
statement and inaccuracies. The committee of the Amer-
ican Association of University Women, referred to above,
has been made a joint committee with the local com-
mittee for the United States.

The Association for Peace Education of Chicago has
published a careful study made by educational experts,
of history textbooks, under the title, "The War Emphasis
in the Histories in our Elementary Schools, and its Im-
press upon the Mind of the Child."

A briefer study of the thirty textbooks most widely
used in the schools of the United States in 1923 was pub-
lished under the title, "War and Peace in U. S. History
Textbooks" by the National Council for Prevention of
War. This revealed that no one of the texts recognized
the significance of the efforts in the history of this coun-
try to promote peace. Discussions of William Penn's
colony ignored its importance as an experiment in gov-

22 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

eminent based not on force but on justice and goodwill.
Eight of the texts did not mention the effort of the United
States to promote arbitration. Less than one-half of
the books gave any account of the Hague Conferences
and none gave more than a few paragraphs to them.
Nineteen of the histories made no mention of the Pan
American Conferences, and only two gave any account
of the Bryan Conciliation Treaties. While the labor
movement and woman's movement were treated at least
briefly in practically all the histories, only six took any
cognizance of the peace movement and several of these
disposed of it in a phrase or sentence.

The International Committee on Intellectual Coop-
eration of the League of Nations adopted in July, 1925,
what is known as the Casares proposal, providing for a
method of correcting misstatements in textbooks. The
plan which is to be carried out through the National
Committees on Intellectual Cooperation is as follows:

(a) When a National Committee thinks it desirable that
a foreign text concerning its country and intended for use in
schools should be amended for the reasons indicated in the
present resolution, it shall make a request to this effect to the
National Committee of the country where the text is in use,
at the same time submitting, if necessary, a draft emendation
on the desired lines, together with a brief statement of the
reasons.

(b) National Committees on receiving a request of this
kind, shall decide in the first instance whether the request
should be accepted and shall then determine what representa-
tions of a friendly and private nature, if any, should be made
to the authors or publishers with a view to the proposed
emendation.

(c) All the National Committees will at the same time be
requested to specify the publications most suitable for giving
foreigners a knowledge of the history, civilization and present
position of their country.

EDUCATION AND PEACE 23

What International Educational Organizations Are

Doing

The extent of the interest of educators in the question
of training their pupils as world citizens, as well as citi-
zens of the country in wThich they live, is strikingly evi-
dent in the number and activities of the international
organizations of teachers formed in most instances since
the World War.

Shortly following the close of the War, the National
Education Association of the United States proposed an
international conference of teachers which was held in
San Francisco in 1923 and resulted in the formation of
the World Federation of Education Associations. The
purposes of the Federation, as stated in its articles of in-
corporation, are:

"to promote the cause of education and to elevate the char-
acter of teaching throughout the world; to secure interna-
tional cooperation in educational enterprises; to foster the
dissemination of information concerning the progress of edu-
cation in all its forms among nations and peoples; to advise
and promote suitable and effective means to bring into closer
coordination the various agencies in every civilized country
which have to do with education; to cultivate international
goodwill, and to promote the interests of worldwide peace."

The Federation is under the management of a board of
directors, the members of which are geographically dis-
tributed, and of a board of trustees of from 15 to 21 per-
sons, who direct the financial administration. Its presi-
dent is Dr. Augustus 0. Thomas, Commissioner of
Education for Maine. The conferences of the Federation
are biennial. The first was held in Edinburgh in 1925,
the second in Toronto in 1927, and the third will be held
in Geneva in 1929, at the invitation of the International
Bureau of Education.

24 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Full membership in the Federation is open to interna-
tional and national educational organizations or associa-
tions of persons directly connected with education, and
organizations of educators in a country not possessing a
nationwide organization ; also to delegates chosen by the
associate representatives from individual universities and
recognized institutions of higher learning of any country,
who have the right to elect from among their number one
delegate or more as may be provided in the by-laws ; and
to the associate representatives from the individual edu-
cation authorities of any country, who have the right to
elect one delegate from among their number. Associate
membership is open to individual institutions or associa-
tions whose chief function is education, but which are in-
eligible to full membership. Associate members have
full right of discussion in open assembly, but have no
right to vote in the delegate assembly.

The organization of the World Federation, led Mr.
Raphael Herman of Washington, D. C, to offer in 1923
a prize of $25,000 for the best educational plan calcu-
lated to promote world peace. Dr. David Starr Jordan,
Chancellor Emeritus of Leland Stanford, Jr., University,
was the author of the plan which received the award and
which has been adopted by the World Federation as a
program of work. Five "Herman-Jordan" Committees
have been appointed to carry it out. They are in brief:

Committee No. 1. A world committee on education for
international understanding and peace to coordinate the work
of educational groups in this field and cooperate with organi-
zations working along similar lines in all parts of the world.

Committee No. 2. A committee to investigate the present
teaching of history and history textbooks, stressing the need
that history, whether elementary or advanced, should be just
and true so far as it goes; that it should not be perverted in
the supposed interest of national honor or partisanship, and

EDUCATION AND PEACE 25

should promote patriotism built upon love of country rather
than upon hatred of any people.

Committee No. S. A committee to consider plans for pro-
moting international understanding among students, espe-
cially through international athletic sports, and games involv-
ing cooperative action or team play as distinguished from
individual competition; international correspondence among
school children; the study of international civics; essay and
oratorical contests; and exchange of students.

Committee No. 4- A committee to investigate the current
arguments for war as a cosmic necessity, and both sides of
the question of military training in school and college.

Committee No. 5. A committee to study the Hague Court
and the present Permanent Court of International Justice, and
the relation of these to world education; to determine, if pos-
sible, what international activities of this nature should fur-
nish material for instruction within the schools, and how to
approach the subject in a fair-minded and open manner.

At the first biennial meeting of the World Federation,
which was held in Edinburgh in 1925, resolutions were
adopted urging:

The universal celebration of Goodwill Day;

The teaching of "geography, history and training in citizen-
ship, not only from a national point of view, but also from a
modern sociological and international point of view;"

The encouragement of "movements and committees which
establish international contacts among school children through
correspondence, exchange of school work and interchange of
pupils;"

The preparation of "textbooks for elementary schools de-
scriptive of child life in all lands and setting forth in brief
and simple form the best each nation has achieved;"

Special courses in teacher-training institutions and uni-
versities to develop an international outlook;

The development of plans for foreign travel and inter-
change of teachers.

26 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

At the second conference twenty-one associations were
represented as full members, and twelve as associate
members. Among the national organizations were the
National Union of Teachers of England and Wales, the
Japanese Education Association and the Bund Entschied-
ener Schulreformer of Germany. The chief emphasis of
the meeting was upon the development of international
understanding. The Federation has recently begun the
publication of a monthly bulletin through the office of the
Secretary, Mr. Charles Williams, at Columbia, Missouri.

The International Bureau of Education, which has
headquarters in Geneva, was founded by the Jean Jacques
Rousseau Institute in 1926 "to develop international rela-
tions in the teaching profession by establishing a link be-
tween teachers of all nations, and thus to assist in the
advancement of education in general." The activities of
the Bureau, which is under the direction of Professor
Pierre Bovet; fall under three heads: information, scien-
tific research, and coordination of organization activities.
The Bureau, which is managed by a Council consisting
of seventeen members representing nine nationalities, co-
operates in the organization of international conferences
on education, and was responsible for the international
conference held at Prague in April, 1927, on "What the
Schools Can Do for Peace." The resolutions adopted at
this conference included recommendations for the devel-
opment of contacts between students of all nations
through correspondence, voyages and international
camps, and for the development in all branches of edu-
cation of better international understanding. The Inter-
national Bureau, which has recently taken over the work
of the Bureau of Moral Education of which the headquar-
ters were at The Hague, is affiliated with the World Fed-
eration of Education Associations. It issues a quarterly
bulletin and valuable reports, bibliographies and other

EDUCATION AND PEACE 27

publications. Individuals may belong to the Bureau and
receive its publications by paying an annual fee of $5.00.

The International Federation of Associations of Teach-
ers also was formed in 1926 when representatives of the
General Association of German Teachers, with a member-
ship of 150,000, met with representatives of the National
Association of French Teachers, which has 78,000 mem-
bers, and agreed to unite for two purposes: collaboration
in the solution of professional problems and cooperation
in the promotion of peace. A few months later, the Na-
tional Union of Teachers in England with 121,000 mem-
bers and similar organizations in Holland, Bulgaria, Swe-
den, Czechoslovakia, Switzerland and Latvia joined the
Federation.

The International Federation differs from the World
Federation of Education Associations in that it admits to
membership only teachers and aims to limit its program
somewhat more definitely in order to become immediately
"a center of action." It affirms in the statement of its
program that the necessary fundamental condition of a
durable peace is an education for the children of all coun-
tries designed to create mutual understanding. It has
established headquarters at the International Institute
of Intellectual Cooperation at Paris. It is collecting in-
formation concerning the schools of all countries; devel-
oping a system of exchange of teachers, of pupils and of
publications, and arranges international tours and ex-
change visits. It has begun the publication of a periodi-
cal in German, English and French, through which it
hopes to coordinate activities carried on simultaneously
in the various countries for the promotion of interna-
tional goodwill.

The New Education Fellowship was established in
1921. Its fourth international conference in Locarno in
August, 1927, was attended by 1,200 educational leaders

28 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

from 42 countries, including 130 delegates from the
United States. The Fellowship opposes "the old spirit
of rule by force, of competition, of fear — engendering
hate and war — and promotes the new spirit of coopera-
tion, unity, psychological freedom, engendering love and
a brotherhood of nations." Membership in the Fellow-
ship may be held by individuals, and entitles them to in-
formation and advice as well as to the three official
magazines published, one in England, one in France, and
one in Germany. The address of the organization is 11
Tavistock Square, London, W. C. 1, England.

The Progressive Education Association, which was or-
ganized in 1919, has members in thirty-five countries. Its
educational principles are similar to those of the New
Education Fellowship. It seeks the promotion of the
spirit of goodwill and cooperation between individuals,
groups and nations as part of its educational program.
The headquarters are in Washington, D. C.

The International Federation of Teachers Federations
has recently been completed by the International Feder-
ation of Trade Unions at Amsterdam.

The International Kindergarten Union, with headquar-
ters in Washington, carries on work for better interna-
tional understanding through a committee on interna-
tional relations.

In 1927, an International Federation of Home and
School was formed to carry on internationally such work
as is now being done by the National Congress of Par-
ents and Teachers, and unites men and women of many
nations in a common program for the welfare of children.

Governments Interested in International Education

In addition to what educational organizations are doing
to create international understanding through the schools,
governments acting individually and through the League

EDUCATION AND PEACE 29

of Nations are encouraging the adoption of educational
programs of goodwill.

The new constitution of Germany calls for education
"in the spirit of German national culture and of interna-
tional conciliation."

In Japan chapters on recent developments in interna-
tional cooperation have been introduced into all history-
textbooks, and an effort has been made not only to elim-
inate all unfriendly references to other countries, but to
include in textbooks an account of the great men of all
nations. A textbook on morals used in a majority of
the secondary schools of Japan, and written by the pro-
fessor of ethics of the Tokyo Higher Normal College, in-
cludes chapters on the preservation of world peace, inter-
nationalism, the League of Nations and international
morality. A Japanese Association for International Edu-
cation was organized in 1922 "to promote mutual under-
standing and justice between nations, to advance the
cause of world culture and to work for the realization of
enduring peace." It has joined the National Peace Coun-
cil of Japan, wThich includes some ten national organiza-
tions, and is closely associated with the Imperial Educa-
tion Association. The two organizations reach 200,000
teachers in the common schools.

In France following the suggestion of the Ministry of
Education, French teachers adopted the following reso-
lution:

"The 78,000 French teachers of both sexes, grouped in their
national union, realizing their duties as educators and being
convinced that the reconciliation and cooperation of the
peoples who fought against each other during the war must be
hastened by education at school, decide to make every effort
to lead the younger generation to the knowledge and under-
standing of other peoples in order that it may thus contribute
towards the organization of peace. They undertake to abstain

30 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

in their teaching from any word which might be injurious to
international understanding and to eschew all school books
which advocate war and thus represent a danger for the
organization of peace."

In England conferences of teachers and government
officials have worked out programs of instruction and
plans for textbooks designed to give children a knowledge
of the League of Nations, and teach them the principles
of international peace.

In Mexico the graduating classes of the primary schools
are required to keep a moral score card under eleven main
heads, self-control, health, kindness, sportsmanship, self-
confidence, duty, good faith, truth, good workmanship,
cooperation, and loyalty — to family, to school, to city,
state, and country, to humanity and civilization. Ac-
cording to William English Walling in "Mexican Life,"
intolerance is sharply criticized by the teachers, on the
ground that "any intolerance whatever disturbs the col-
lective life."

In the Czechoslovakian schools ten commandments are
taught of which the last two are :

Do not call anyone a patriot who hates other nations or
despises them or desires war; war is a relic of barbarism.

Love your country and your nation, but work to the end
that all men may one day live together as brethren in happi-
ness and peace, and that no nation need be afraid of being
attacked by another.

An idea of what is being done in the schools of the
United States and by the educational organizations of
this country may be gathered from the following pages.
It is an interesting fact that in the constitution of at least
one state, Massachusetts, there is a statute which im-
poses upon teachers the obligation of teaching the princi-

EDUCATION AND PEACE 31

pies of "love of country, humanity and universal benevo-
lence."

The League of Nations and Intellectual

Cooperation

The League of Nations, believing that it was its task
"to accelerate the exchange of ideas between nations,"
as well as to improve the exchange of material products,
undertook in 1920 a consideration of what "practicable
steps might be of aid in the international organization
of intellectual work." The result was the appointment
in 1922 of the International Committee on Intellectual
Cooperation composed of men and women of different
nations, individually best qualified to deal with matters
of education and science. The members included such
international figures as Henri Bergson, Mme. Curie,
Albert Einstein and Gilbert Murray. In 1925, the Inter-
national Institute of Intellectual Cooperation, to act as
an executive body for the Committee, was created.
Funds for the support of the Institute are appropriated
by individual governments, the largest amount being
contributed by France.

National committees cooperating with the Interna-
tional Committee have now been formed in thirty-two
countries, including the United States. The American
National Committee on International Intellectual Coop-
eration was organized in 1926 with headquarters in the
building of the National Academy of Science in Wash-
ington. The Chairman is Dr. Robert A. Millikan and the
Executive Secretary, Mr. J. David Thompson.

The fundamental object of the Committee has been
said to be to accustom men's minds to cooperate. It seeks
to bring about friendlier international relations and to
improve the conditions of intellectual work by increas-
ing cooperation and assistance among intellectual work-

32 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

ers in different countries. In general the Committee acts
as a clearing house of information ; it coordinates activi-
ties in the various fields of intellectual endeavor; it
provides headquarters for international associations and
assists them in arranging conferences ; it carries on inves-
tigations ; it develops plans for the protection of intellec-
tual property rights; it coordinates international biblio-
graphical material; it studies the possibilities for the
exchange of professors and students and for a system of
mutual recognition of scholastic degrees; it encourages
international student travel by inducing governments to
grant special passport and visa privileges and in some
instances to reduce rates on government-controlled rail-
roads; it develops plans for the instruction of young
people in the aims and purposes of the League of Nations
and the ideals of international cooperation.

Among the investigations which the Committee is car-
rying on is one regarding the possibility of post-graduate
scholarships and the assembling of post-graduate schol-
ars in cooperative research centers according to their spe-
cial subjects. Another question which it is studying is
that of securing a wider translation of important works.
It is also attempting to coordinate national centers of
advanced international studies by inducing the interested
institutions to establish contacts, exchange teachers
and pupils and bring their programs as far as possible
into line.

A carefully worked out plan for the instruction of
youth in international relations, which is quoted below,
has been submitted by the Committee to all governments
belonging to the League of Nations and brought to the
attention of the school authorities. Interesting reports
on what is being done to carry it out in the different
schools are being received by the Committee.

The publications of the Committee, which may be ob-

EDUCATION AND PEACE 33

tained in the United States from the World Peace Foun-
dation of Boston, include a quarterly International Bul-
letin of Universal Relations; an International Bulletin
of Scientific Relations; the Mouseion dealing with inter-
national topics of interest to museums; an annual list
of notable books published in different countries; and a
monthly bulletin of information.

The detailed work of the Committee is carried on
through six sections : a University Relations Section con-
cerned with the exchange of professorships and students
and equivalence of degrees; an Artistic Relations Section
which is arranging a Congress of Popular Arts; a Scien-
tific Relations Section; a Literary Relations Section; a
Section of Information and Reference ; and a Legal Serv-
ice Section which deals with questions of copyright and
scientific property.

A Liaison or Coordination Committee of the Major
International Associations has been formed by the Inter-
national Committee on Intellectual Cooperation to co-
ordinate work of peace organizations interested in the
education and training of youth.

At the Sixth Pan American Conference a proposal was
adopted to establish the Intra-American Institute of In-
tellectual Cooperation. The plan for the institute is to
be formulated by the Pan American Union and submit-
ted to a conference of university administrators and
others interested in education who will be officially ap-
pointed by their governments.

National Organizations

Besides these international organizations, national
groups within each country are working for the same pur-
poses. The trend of thought among educational leaders
in the United States is indicated in these statements:

34 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Dr. Augustus 0. Thomas, President of the World Fed-
eration of Education Associations, said of citizenship at
the World Conference on Education in San Francisco in
1923:

"Citizenship today must be broader than nationalism.
There must be an international consciousness; there must be
an 'international heart/ and a 'world mind., This 'world
mind' is largely an attitude or habit of thinking in the larger
units of the world and the habit of regarding the nations as
cooperating parts of the great whole. It is learning to meas-
ure other peoples by their own standards and getting their
point of view. The question now is, Has the world progressed
to such a point or will it ever come to such a point in the
fundamental principles of morality that the nations can live
together as sharers of the world's civilization?"

In a bulletin of the Federal Bureau of Education on
"The Social Studies in Secondary Education" the "world
community" is discussed and the following statements
made concerning its relation to national life:

"Humanity is bigger than any of its divisions. The social
studies should cultivate a sense of membership in the world
community, with all the sympathies and sense of justice that
this involves as among the different divisions of human
society. The first step, however, toward a true 'neighborli-
ness' among nations must be a realization of national ideals,
national efficiency, national loyalty, national self-respect. . . .
Nations are becoming more and more closely dependent upon
each other. Common world' interests need emphasis, world
sympathies need cultivation. Such study should be concrete
and based .upon current events and problems. It offers a
socially important line of development, and every available
opportunity to this end should be seized upon."

As Commissioner of Education, Dr. J. J. Tigert, re-
cently called attention to a report of the Commission on

EDUCATION AND PEACE 35

the Reorganization of Secondary Education made in 1918
to the National Education Association :

"Civics education should consider other nations also. As a
people we should try to understand their aspirations and ideals
that we may deal more sympathetically and intelligently with
the immigrant coming to our shores, and have a basis for a
wiser and more sympathetic approach to international prob-
lems. Our pupils should learn that each nation, at least
potentially, has something of worth to contribute to civiliza-
tion and humanity would be incomplete without that contri-
bution. Such a study of dissimilar contributions in the light
of the ideal of human brotherhood should help to establish a
genuine internationalism, free from sentimentality, founded
on fact, and actually operative in the affairs of nations."

Dr. Tigert has said further:

"We have here in the United States both the opportunities
and the equipment for giving students intimate and correct
knowledge of the peoples of other countries. We have now to
determine as well as we can whether we are using them in the
best way possible and what more we can do through education
to promote friendly international relations."

A brief account of a few of the organizations working
in this field suggests the extent of the effort devoted to a
solution of the problems involved.

The Institute of International Education was founded
in 1919 to develop international goodwill by means of
educational agencies. It is directed by Dr. Stephen P.
Duggan and has headquarters at 522 Fifth Avenue, New
York City. The Institute which has recently taken over
the activities of the Division of International Relations
of the American Council of Education, and directs the
work of the American University Union, acts as a clear-
ing house of information between the educational insti-
tutions of Europe and America. It promotes the inter-

36 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

change of professors and of students between this and
other countries. It administers a large number of inter-
national fellowships and is working toward the standard-
ization of degrees. It arranges lecture tours for visiting
professors and public men from other countries. Its
publications deal with activities in international educa-
tion and offer information of great value to foreign stu-
dents in the United States, and to American students
planning courses of study abroad, including very com-
plete lists of fellowships for American students abroad
and for foreign students in the United States.

The National Education Association cooperates through
its Committee on International Relations with the World
Federation of Education Associations, and encourages the
teaching of international goodwill through its monthly
publication, The Journal of the National Education Asso-
ciation, and through discussions at its annual conferences.
Its offices are in Washington. At its 1927 convention,
the Association passed the following resolution on world
understanding :

"The Association reaffirms its oft-repeated pronouncement
in favor of every legitimate means for promoting world peace
and understanding among the peoples of the earth."

The American Federation of Teachers, which has of-
fices at 327 S. La Salle St., Chicago, and is affiliated with
the American Federation of Labor, opposes compulsory
military training in schools and colleges, and at its annual
convention in 1927 created a committee for the purpose
of promoting international goodwill, adopting at the
same time a platform which includes the following state-
ments :

11 . . War not only militates against the development of
the highest type of socially minded citizens, but is also

EDUCATION AND PEACE 37

destructive of all that is best in mankind. War makes for
the survival of the biologically unfit, for economic disorgani-
zation, for misery, and engenders hatreds." (The teachers of
the world should tell.)

"tell the truth about war, — its cold-blooded butchery,
its elimination of the biologically fit, its economic chaos,
its debts, starvation, misery, and disease. Glorify the heroes
of peace as symbolized by the physician who risks all to
discover a cure for leprosy, or the idealist who holds fast
to minority views which make man's progress possible.

"We should support measures which seek to prevent the use
of Government funds for the support of compulsory military
training in public schools and colleges.

The National Association of Secondary School Prin-
cipals has adopted as its Eighth Objective:

"The development of a generation of young people who
may seriously enter upon the program of the proposed devel-
opment of international understanding, and of amity and
goodwill between economic groups, races, and religions — in
fact, in all realms of social intercourse, through a study of
problems of worldwide significance."

Commenting upon this objective, the author, Mr. L. W.
Brooks, principal of the high school in Wichita, Kansas,
and formerly President of the National Association, said:

"This Eighth Objective should promote an understanding
of problems of world import; a desire among students to
understand racial, political, economic and social situations in
various lands, to follow the true statesmen of the world in
their efforts to bring about international understanding and
ultimate peace; to build up into the consciousness of the
nations a belief that the abolition of war is not only possible
but necessary. It should ask that the horrors of war,
unadorned by any gloss of romance or glory, be taught hon-
estly to our boys and girls; that students be instructed in
tolerance instead of hate, goodwill instead of suspicion, and
international understanding."

38 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Schools and Colleges of an International Character

Since the World War there has been a notable develop-
ment in international schools and colleges. At Geneva,
Switzerland, several schools of an international character
offer summer courses, which wrere attended in 1926 by
over 30,000 students.

The Geneva School of International Studies, originated
Dr. Alfred Zimmern as director, aims to train leaders
in international affairs, and to promote an enlightened
public opinion. It offers summer courses designed for
those preparing for a teacher's career, for foreign service,
for work in research institutes, or for positions on metro-
politan newspapers, and for men in public life interested
in foreign politics.

Professor Zimmern states in his book, "Learning and
Leadership," that the final stage of education, after the
student has been thoroughly grounded in national insti-
tutions, should consist in "a first-hand experience of
foreign countries acquired under conditions which pro-
mote true international understanding." He maintains
that for this purpose "schools of international contacts
need to be developed — institutes at which university stu-
dents in the later stages of their academic course are
brought together from many countries to meet one an-
other and a distinguished and equally international group
of university teachers." He believes that this sort of
school can be organized during the summer months.

In the winter the School continues its work by means
of traveling secretaries who visit the universities and aid
student groups in the discussion of international prob-
lems. A complete outline of courses and other informa-
tion in regard to the School may be obtained from the
New York Office, 366 Madison Avenue, New York City.

The Geneva Institute of International Relations is de-

EDUCATION AND PEACE 39

signed more especially to acquaint students and the gen-
eral public with the purpose and methods of the League
of Nations and with the historic development of interna-
tional government which has made the League possible.
It arranges an intensive course of one week during the
summer, and its offices are open throughout the season
to offer intelligent guidance to visitors to the League.

The University Institute of Higher International Stud-
ies in Geneva was organized in 1927 for postgraduate
work in juridical, political, economic and social interna-
tional problems of the present day but also admits under-
graduates. Annual and half-yearly courses, seminars and
discussion classes are conducted. Statesmen and men of
science from many countries give lectures and short
courses. The Institute cooperates closely with the Uni-
versity of Geneva, which offers summer courses on cur-
rent international problems, and there are special op-
portunities for the study of international documents and
for contacts with men immediately concerned with inter-
national affairs.

The International Committee on Intellectual Cooper-
ation is developing a plan for the coordination of exist-
ing national institutions for higher political studies, which
it is hoped will enable students to pursue their studies in
one national center after another, and in this way have
the benefit of observation of foreign political systems
as well as of special educational advantages. Thus there
will be developed, not an international university, but
"an organism dispersed in different institutions through-
out the world serving the needs of an international pro-
fession." Ultimately there may be a final course arranged
at Geneva which would tend to coordinate and appraise
the experience gained in the foreign capitals.

In addition to these schools of international affairs in
Geneva, there is The International Peoples College, estab-

40 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

lished in Denmark in 1921 by Dr. Peter Manniche. It is
designed to bring men and women of all nations together
for study and discussion under the leadership of trained
scholars to prepare them to work actively for interna-
tional peace. The school aims to reach across both na-
tional and class barriers and to sow the seeds of universal
understanding and goodwill. The hope of the founders is
that similar colleges will be established in other countries.
Information may be obtained from Dr. S. A. Mathiasen,
Pocono Peoples College, Henryville, Pennsylvania.

In America the experiment of traveling universities is
being tried. The College Cruise Around the World for
boys and young men (it is hoped later to establish one for
women students) is described by its sponsors as a new
method of education, the coordination of travel and study,
Its educational director is Dr. James E. Lough, former
dean of New York University. The cruise is arranged by
the University Travel Association, 285 Madison Ave.,
New York City.

The University Afloat, under the direction of Mr. A. J.
Mcintosh, offers men and women students an around-
the-world study cruise occupying eight months. Full
information may be obtained from International Univer-
sity Cruise, Inc., 11 Broadway, New York City.

Teachers and World Peace

No complete account of what is being done in teacher-
training institutions to develop an international outlook
among teachers has been compiled. The work in indi-
vidual institutions described in this chapter indicates a
growing interest in this field, yet in "A Social Study"
recently published by Teachers College, on the social be-
liefs and attitudes of American educators, it is stated
that "with rare exceptions, American educators have done
but little thinking on the more fundamental and perva-

EDUCATION AND PEACE 41

sive phases of our more important social problems."
Responsibility for this fact apparently rests on the train-
ing schools, since the author of the study, Dr. Manley H.
Harper, proved by retesting certain groups that excep-
tionally stimulating graduate courses of six semester
hours produce "a measure of growth in liberalism and in
correlative qualities of reflective thinking equal to five
times the growth in this direction produced in a year of
thirty semester hours by the usual higher education of
the country."

In 1923 the International Institute of Teachers Col-
lege was established at Columbia University to give
special attention to the needs of foreign students of edu-
cation. The Institute promotes special educational inves-
tigations in foreign countries, and has established a
unique library of textbooks and educational literature
from all parts of the world. An Educational Yearbook
makes a part of this information quickly available.
Courses are offered dealing with foreign school systems
and philosophical problems arising from their major dif-
ferences. The Institute has also organized discussion
groups for its foreign and American students, which have
become a clearing house of educational problems and re-
sulted in mutual understanding and good fellowship. Be-
hind the Institute, a member of its staff states, lies the
hope

"That a better international understanding may result;
that both foreign and native students of Teachers College
may return to their respective tasks with a clear purpose and
a firm resolution to serve mankind in the true spirit of inter-
national goodwill."

The Foreign Education Section of the United States
Bureau of Education, besides assisting educational insti-
tutions in evaluating the credentials of foreign students

42 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

and aiding in the orientation of foreign students in this
country, gathers and translates information about all
phases of education in foreign countries and makes it
available to teachers and any other persons for whom
it may have interest or value. Mr. J. F. Abel, Chief of
the Section, stated recently:

"Both the work of the Section and its opportunities for
service have been greatly increased in recent years by the
widened public knowledge and desire for knowledge of inter-
national affairs. This has been reflected in the field of edu-
cation in the formation of international educational organiza-
tions, a growing exchange between countries of students and
teachers, the frequent visits of foreign educators to the United
States . . . and the relatively large number of students of
education from this country that are making investigations
abroad."

In an article in the Educational Review for March,
1921, William Heard Kilpatrick, of Teachers College, sug-
gests certain facts to which the attention of teachers
should be called. After emphasizing the point that prop-
agandism is out of place in public schools, Mr. Kilpatrick
goes on to say :

"If the teacher does not get the right point of view, does
not see the social processes involved, we can have but little
hope that the schools will play any part in abolishing war.
What point of view may we expect our teachers to get as a
result of impartial study?

"First, that wars are not inevitable. Rivalry is inherent,
but not warfare.

"Next, I would have our teachers know more about social
integration, and understand how it must inevitably increase
if civilization shall but continue. . . . Men are brought
together in ever greater and greater aggregates by a process
which at the same time increases the number of respects in

EDUCATION AND PEACE 43

which each is dependent upon others. . . . Let the integra-
tion continue, and sooner or later the ties that bind will out-
grow the forces that separate. . . .

"From this point of view it will come to be seen that the
notion of a final absolute and exclusive national sovereignty
is unworkable, manifesting itself in fact as truly a nuisance
in the world of practical affairs as it is vicious in the moral
world.

"We should further wish our teachers to see the utter fal-
lacy and fatuity of competitive armaments. . . .

"We wish our school people, teachers and officials, to place
at its right valuation military training in secondary schools;
to understand that physically it is probably inferior to other
types of exercise, that morally the military type of discipline
is more likely to be bad than good, and that we cannot expect
such virtues as respect for law to be developed by such obe-
dience as the military man is likely to demand.

"A most important part of the teacher's equipment in the
coming years will be to understand the Great War. How
its deeper causes lay in a vicious world policy ; how much the
war cost, in treasure, in men, in misery, then and now and
hereafter; how America was stirred and sustained by unselfish
idealism; how we hoped and planned to stop wars. It is no
warped or one-sided treatment that we ask, only the full
facts, the really significant facts. Granted this, we believe
that our teachers and leaders will burn, as America did at its
best, to abolish war."

The World Federation of Education Associations
adopted resolutions in 1925 and in 1927, urging courses
in normal schools to give teachers the information and
the point of view necessary to develop among children a
spirit of international goodwill. At the meeting of the
Federation in 1927 many concrete suggestions for such
courses were made, among the most useful those prepared
by Dr. H. L. Smith of Indiana University, which can be
obtained from him in full in mimeographed form.

44 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Briefly, the courses, materials and methods suggested
by Dr. Smith were these:

1. Teachers should have a knowledge of the nature, work
and publications of the various organizations for the promo-
tion of international friendship.

2. A course in international relationships and social psy-
chology should be offered in normal schools to develop a better
understanding of world problems. The course in international
relationships should stress international interdependence
"and give a realizing sense of the horror of modern war
and an understanding of the psychic and economic causes
of war."

3. Teachers should become acquainted with racial back-
grounds of school children in order that their pupils may
learn to disregard such differences as those of dress, language
and complexion and to find the essential human qualities.

4. Teachers should be trained in the use of newspapers,
magazines and bulletins in order that they may judge the
value of news stories and current articles.

5. International contacts among teachers should be devel-
oped through international correspondence and through for-
eign travel and study, for which there should be additional
scholarships provided.

6. Cosmopolitan and world affairs clubs should be organized
in teacher-training institutions.

7. Teachers should be encouraged to attend institutes of
politics during the summer months.

8. Such attitudes and ideals should be cultivated among
teachers as will lead to an understanding of the fact that
education is the only sure and permanent method of change;
that international friendship must be based on mutual knowl-
edge; that, if children are to have freedom for self-develop-
ment, prejudices in their minds must be broken down and they
must be given in their place a passion for truth.

9. Teachers must themselves know, in order that their
pupils may know, that love for one's own country no longer
involves hatred of other countries; that, on the contrary, in

EDUCATION AND PEACE 45

the world today disloyalty to the whole involves disloyalty
to every part.

10. American teachers should know that teachers in other
countries are striving to instill ideas of international goodwill
in the minds of the children.

In line with the suggestions of the World Federation
of Education Associations, individual normal schools are
working out concrete plans for the teaching of peace. A
summer course on the literature of international good-
wall has been inaugurated at the Michigan State Normal
School by Miss Estelle Downing. The Teacher-Train-
ing Department of the Olivia, Minnesota, High School,
under the direction of Mrs. Vesta Armstrong, presents
at the graduation exercises each year a program setting
forth the history and achievements of some foreign coun-
try, with pageantry, tableaux, and music. Interest among
normal school students in international affairs is also stim-
ulated by the annual World Essay Contest held under the
auspices of the American School Citizenship League.
The prizes for this contest are donated by Miss Mary
and Miss Helen Seabury. The subject of the essay dur-
ing the last year was "The Teacher, an Agent in Inter-
national Goodwill."

Foreign travel for teachers is particularly recommended
in the resolutions of all recent conferences on the subject
of education for world peace. It has even been suggested
that a year's residence or travel abroad should be required
on the part of primary teachers during the first ten years
of their teaching experience. In the summer of 1926 the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace invited 50
teachers of international relations in American colleges
to be its guests at a European conference, in order
to study the problems of international cooperation and
to form direct contacts with the leading personalities
engaged in the work of international cooperation.

46 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

The International Bureau for Educational Travel, the
American representative of which is the Open Road,
Inc., arranges European tours for teachers. The Travel
Bureau of the National Union of Teachers of England,
which is represented in the United States by Miss Lang-
ley Spence, 520 Lexington Avenue, New York City, assists
teachers in making educational contacts in other countries
and to travel at a materially lowered cost. Several
European countries offer reduced rates to teachers on
state railroads. Information on this subject can be
obtained from the International Institute of Intellectual
Cooperation, Paris.

Information as to the possibilities for an exchange of
teaching posts can be obtained from the Institute of In-
ternational Education, 522 Fifth Ave., the English Speak-
ing Union, 19 West 44th St., New York City, and the
Pan American Union, Washington, D. C. Through Po-
mona College exchanges of teachers with Mexico are
arranged. The World Federation of Education Associa-
tions and the International Committee on Intellectual
Cooperation are preparing complete reports on this sub-
ject.

In the Universities

In past centuries a few great universities were meeting
places for men of all nations. Today each nation has its
universities which are "centers of international knowl-
edge," and through wrhich the great body of human
knowledge is revealed as the common product as well as
the common heritage of all races and countries. An ex-
change of professors and students increases their inter-
national character. In "Europa," the Year-Book of
Europe, for 1927, M. Luchaire, Director of the Institute
of Intellectual Cooperation, makes this interesting state-
ment in regard to European universities:

EDUCATION AND PEACE 47

i
"Moreover the spirit of the universities is being slowly

transformed to meet the intellectual needs of the modern
world. ... A determined effort is being made to provide
future politicians, internationalists and diplomats with a
training more thorough and more rational than has hitherto
been given in the fields of history, law and geography. . . .
The movement of students across the various frontiers is
growing, and would be considerable if economic difficulties
did not bar the way for so many. Exchanges of professors
between the universities of various countries is becoming
more and more common. Permanent educational missions
and national institutes in foreign countries are growing from
year to year. Finally, the entry of Germany into the League
of Nations and the quite recent steps taken in various coun-
tries by important intellectuals in the Union of Russian Re-
publics seem to warrant the hope that in a little time, at least
as far as higher education is concerned, Europe will have no
more watertight compartments, and will tend to establish
one great organised unit for this end."

The neglect of an important aspect of the contribu-
tion which universities can make to the solution of
modern world problems is indicated in a recent study
made by Professor Frederic Ogg for the American Council
of Learned Societies, under the title, "Research in the
Humanistic and Social Sciences." Professor Ogg calls
attention to the fact that crises in the future will have to
do with problems of human conduct rather than the con-
trol of physical things, and that when these crises come
our scholars in human relations will have to be better
prepared to meet them than they were in 1917. The
public has, however, he says, little appreciation of this
fact and men of means are only beginning to perceive
that economic and sociological investigations may be
equally worthy of support with physical and biological.
James Harvey Robinson is quoted as saying that the
progress of men in scientific knowledge and regulation of

48 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

human affairs has remained almost stationary for over
two thousand years, and Raymond B. Fosdick is further
quoted on this point to the effect that the well-being, if
not the survival, of the race is conditioned on the rapid
upbuilding of man's knowledge of his own motivations,
interests, reactions, and relationships:

"With the allegiance of our age and generation so com-
pletely committed to the natural sciences we must face the
fact that the social mechanism can be kept from cracking
under the strain only as we develop the sciences that relate
to man. Unless we can marshal behind such studies as
economics, political science, and sociology the same enthusi-
asm, the same approach, and something of the same technique
that characterize our treatment of physics and chemistry;
unless the results of this research can be applied to human
life as freely and boldly as we apply the natural sciences
to modify our methods of living; unless we can free ourselves
of prejudice and stale custom and harness intelligence to the
task of straightening out the relations of man with his fellow-
men and promoting an intercourse of harmony and fairness —
unless, in brief, in our generation we can make some appre-
ciable progress toward this goal of social control, the chances
of our keeping the train on the track are exceedingly slight."

Johns Hopkins University proposes to establish a
graduate school to be known as the Walter Hines Page
School of International Relations for research and train-
ing in this field. It will endeavor to throw light upon the
problem of "how the nations and the peoples of the world
may better live together in prosperity and peace."

The courses offered will probably provide for some
study and investigation abroad, and the results of the
researches conducted will be published from time to time
for the use 'of the public. Enlarging upon the idea that
the school will do in its field what postgraduate schools
have done for medicine and law — that is, provide a more

EDUCATION AND PEACE 49

systematic science of international relations and better
trained men in the fields of education and public service
— Mr. Owen D. Young, President of the Board of Trus-
tees, said in 1925:

"We have what one might call an industry of foreign rela-
tions, but we have no art. We have a trade, but we have no
science. . . . We have a desire for peace, but we have not
established an agency whose exclusive duty it is to study how
to get it. . . . We must supply a science, a systematic body
of things known, if we desire to make our aspirations for
peace effective. But someone will inquire whether research
or science in the sense in which I am using them can be advan-
tageously applied to this field. My answer is that facts can
be applied in any field. Our curse is ignorance. Facts are
our scarcest raw material. ..."

A Bureau of International Research has already been
established at Harvard University and Radclifife College
for "the development of research of an international char-
acter in the social sciences," and is endowed by the Laura
Spellman Rockefeller Memorial for a period of years. At
Columbia University, a professor of international rela-
tions has been appointed, and at Yale, an associate in
international relations.

The number and variety of university courses in inter-
national relations is steadily increasing. Several institu-
tions have received endowments for work in this field
ranging from $100 a year for special lectures or books
on international problems, to $1,500,000 given by James
H. Causey to Denver University as an "endowment for
goodwill." Fifteen years ago a member of the Board of
Trustees of Northwestern University gave a fund
amounting to $25,000 to the university, the income of
which was to be used for the furtherance of "interna-
tional peace and interdenominational comity." A Chair

50 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

of Peace has recently been endowed at Kiel University,
Germany.

The following courses in world affairs introduced
recently in Pacific coast universities illustrate in general
the new tendencies in this field.

In connection with the University of Southern Cali-
fornia, there has been created an affiliated University
of International Relations which offers courses in the
various fields of foreign service. The cooperation of
many foreign teachers is enlisted and special methods,
including contacts made outside of the college under the
direction of members of the faculty, are being developed
to assist students in understanding the psychology of
the people of the country in which they plan to work.

The University of Washington in 1927 announced a
course on international relations in which the depart-
ments of anthropology, economics, history, philosophy,
political science, psychology and sociology and the schools
of law, journalism and business administration are co-
operating. The aim of the University in offering this
course is "to make its measure of contribution to the
general movement of international cooperation." Eleven
of 45 history courses relate directly to international
affairs. Because of its situation on the Pacific Coast it
has 17 courses in Oriental studies, 15 of them with a
distinctly international bearing. Moreover, 10 of its
courses in economics, 8 of those in political science, and
5 of those in sociology are devoted to world aspects of
the subjects treated.

The University of California is offering through twelve
of its departments fifty courses promoting international
understanding with special emphasis on the problems of
nations bordering on the Pacific.

Professor Parker Thomas Moon, Assistant Professor of
History in Columbia University, has prepared at the re-

EDUCATION AND PEACE 51

quest of the Institute of International Education, a very
clear and comprehensive "Syllabus of International Rela-
tions" designed primarily for the use of college teachers
desiring to give a one year course covering the history, as
well as the economic, geographic and sociological aspects
of international relations.

Besides such courses on general international relations,
a number of colleges are introducing special courses in
Latin American and Pan American problems. Professor
William Whatley Pierson, Jr., of the University of North
Carolina, has published in book form under the title
"Hispanic American History" a comprehensive syllabus
covering all aspects of Hispanic American life especially
designed for classroom use. The Pan American Union,
through its Division of Education, is also developing
courses on "continental fraternity."

In addition to courses on international relations, a new
type of course designed to create a new attitude of mind
on international problems is being introduced in various
colleges.

Professor Hornell Hart of Bryn Mawr College offers a
comprehensive course on the "Science of Social Rela-
tions/' which has been published in book form and
adopted by many college classes and adult study groups.

Two unusual and stimulating courses are given by
Professor E. L. Clarke of Minnesota University, one on
"Prejudice/' and its control, and the other on the "So-
ciology of Conflict.'' Outlines of these courses may be
obtained from the National Council for Prevention of
War.

At Oberlin College, Professor Oscar Jaszi, of the Depart-
ment of Political Science, offers a course entitled "Prob-
lems of Constructive Peace," in which he gives "a sys-
tematic survey of those economic, moral and intellectual
realities which determine international relations, and

52 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

stresses proposals and plans for the elimination of war
and the history of pacific thought."

At Syracuse University during the summer session of
1927 the Political Science Department offered courses on
international relations in which there was a discussion of
"policies which result in the clash of national interests
and of methods by which these clashes can be avoided
and peace preserved."

At Wesleyan University the students have made a
report to the president asking for an elective course on
"War, Its Cause and Cure." The poll showed 63% of the
students in favor of such a course, the object of which
would be:

"To give a background of facts on the subject of war as a
method of settling international disputes, so that educated
men would be capable of recognizing the various factors
making for conflict when they appear on the horizon of cur-
rent events, and could more confidently take steps to eliminate
them."

Extension Courses

In the extension work and correspondence courses of
universities the study of international relations is begin-
ning to be emphasized. At the University of Wisconsin
a very interesting and thorough course is offered in the
extension division by Professor Pitman B. Potter, called
"American Diplomacy." The extension departments of
many British universities offer courses of lectures on the
historic background of international relations and present
international organization.

Junior Year Abroad

Another plan recently initiated by certain of the col-
leges for the development of international understanding
is known as "Junior Year Abroad." This experiment was

EDUCATION AND PEACE 53

begun by the University of Delaware in 1923 when it
sent under the guidance of a member of its faculty, and
after careful preliminary arrangements with French edu-
cational authorities, selected members of its junior class,
ranking among the first one-third of their class in aca-
demic standing, for one year's study at the Sorbonne in
Paris, in lieu of the regular work of the junior year. Pre-
liminary to the scholastic year the students devoted three
months in France to the intensive study of the French
language. The University has since accepted among its
group students from other institutions. Following much
the same plan, Smith College in 1925 sent abroad a care-
fully selected group of 40 juniors. So valuable does this
junior year abroad seem to the Institute of International
Education that it recommends the establishment of fel-
lowships, and offers to place its resources of information
and advice at the disposal of colleges that wish to inves-
tigate the plan.

The College of William and Mary, in 1924, organized
summer schools to afford American students an oppor-
tunity to travel and study in foreign countries. One
school is located in Europe, the other in Mexico. The
University of Toulouse and the National University of
Mexico cooperate.

New York University, through its extension division,
arranges, in cooperation with a group of European uni-
versities, residential travel tours during the summer
months. The tours include a residence period of from
three to four weeks in a university of the country selec-
ted.

Fellowships

Several hundred fellowships are available to American
students who wish to study abroad, and to foreign stu-
dents desiring to come to this country. The number in-

54 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

creases every year. The Institute of International Edu-
cation provides full information in regard to these
opportunities for foreign study in its two publications,
"Fellowships and Scholarships Open to American Stu-
dents for Study in Foreign Countries" and "Fellowships
and Scholarships Open to Foreign Students for Study in
the United States."

One college, and it is possible that others will adopt
the same plan, has recently sent a student as an envoy of
friendship for a year's study in a foreign university. In
September 1927, Earlham College in order that it might
show not only its friendly feeling but its desire to learn
from the Eastern world, sent a member of the Junior
Class, Wilfred Jones, for a year's work in the universities
of Japan.

Foreign Tours

The National Student Federation of America and the
International Student Hospitality Association cooperate
through the Open Road, Inc., their official travel repre-
sentative, in arranging "sojourns in Europe" for American
students. The offices of the Open Road are at 2 West
46th St., New York City. The National Student Feder-
ation is a member of the Confederation Internationale des
Etudiants, which is an association of national student
organizations founded in 1919 and represented in 28 coun-
tries. The Hospitality Association is a small group of
Americans and Europeans interested in student inter-
national relations. From its headquarters in Paris it
makes arrangements for American students to meet
young people of the other nations and be entertained by
them. A student in each country visited travels with
the American group as guide and host. The National
Student Federation publishes a "Handbook of Student

EDUCATION AND PEACE 55

Travel through Europe" and a "Handbook of Foreign
Study."

International Debates

The growing custom of holding international debates
in the colleges, which was initiated by the Institute of
International Education, has proved an excellent means
of bringing students of different nations into profitable
contact. Arrangements for such debates are now made
through the National Student Federation of America.

Foreign Students in America

American and foreign students are also finding within
this. country many opportunities for international friend-
ships. International House at 500 Riverside Drive, New
York City, which is under the direction of Mr. and Mrs.
Harry E. Edmonds, is the home of five hundred men and
women students of different nations. These young peo-
ple, and as many more who are connected with it, are
developing mutual understanding through international
debates, representations of the art of their native coun-
tries, and constant friendly association. The National
Committee on Friendly Relations among Foreign Stu-
dents, which has its headquarters at 347 Madison Avenue,
New York City, is another outgrowth of the desire to
utilize every opportunity to bring about a friendly under-
standing among the coming leaders in all nations.

International Clubs

The study of international questions has been greatly
stimulated in the colleges by the formation of Inter-
national Relations Clubs which now exist in one hundred
and twenty-six colleges in thirty-four states. They are
intellectually and financially aided by the Carnegie

56 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Endowment for International Peace, which publishes an
"International Relations Club Handbook" fully describ-
ing their organization and activities. In fifty univer-
sities, branches of the Corda Fratres Association Cosmo-
politan Clubs exist through which world friendships are
made possible.

At certain of the larger universities, the students them-
selves are forming international clubs not only for study
but for definite work in the promotion of international
goodwill.

At Harvard University an International Council has
been formed with a membership of thirty students each
representing a different nationality. The Council meets
once a month, announcing in advance some international
question for study and discussion. A vote is taken at
the end of each meeting to register the decision of the
group. At the State University of Montana an Inter-
national Club has been formed. An International Coun-
cil has been organized by the students of the State Uni-
versity of Iowa "to find out the attitude of students from
other lands towards the foreign policies of the United
States, to understand the difficulties of other countries,
to create the international mind and work towards world
peace." Meetings are open to students, faculty and pub-
lic. At Stanford University an International Club of
men of different races and nations has taken a house in
order that the members may live together and know each
other intimately. At Earlham College the students have
organized peace teams and worked out a schedule for
speeches before organizations and church bodies in the
vicinity.

Model Assemblies of the League of Nations

Among the other methods devised for increasing an
interest in international affairs are the "Model Assem-

EDUCATION AND PEACE 57

blies" of the League of Nations which are being held by
many colleges and in some instances by several colleges
acting together. The New England colleges joined in
holding a model assembly of 169 delegates at Amherst.
A report of the organization of such an assembly can be
obtained from Syracuse University where one of the first
was organized, and full information can also be obtained
from the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association,
6 East 39th Street, New York City.

What Schools Are Doing

Activity in the lower schools is fully as. great as in the
colleges. The variety of methods which are being devel-
oped by individual faculties and teachers is reflected in
the following brief accounts of some recent experiments.

Mrs. Alice Wilson, a member of the faculty of the
Girls High School of San Francisco, California, has re-
cently published a plan for "International Education
in High Schools/' by which the efforts of various institu-
tions to give young people a truer knowledge of other
countries can be organized into a single system for inter-
national education directed by the schools. This outline
follows in full:

"1. To organize in each high school in every country a
group of juniors and seniors with a background of history
and preferably a modern language, who show a strong interest
in foreign countries and modern international questions.

" (a) To establish correspondence among these vari-
ous groups — correspondence touching any possible
subject — art, music, history, economics, science —
according to- the special inclination of individual
students or groups of students.

"(b) To make an intensive study of those countries
through reading, lectures, etc.

"2. To select those students who have shown special ability

58 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

in grasping and assimilating international ideas, and encour-
age them — helping them through scholarships if neces-
sary— to continue this field of work in college or the univer-
sity.

"3. To urge each government to employ the best of these
students in its department of foreign affairs, in the field best
suited to their special abilities, in order that they might gain
a practical knowledge of the international policies of their
own countries.

"4. To send abroad these young men and women, in con-
nection with embassies and consulates, to study in universities,
to live and work among the people in order to understand
their needs and ideals, their ways and customs. Here they
would meet on common ground a group of men and women
from all countries with whom they would be already
acquainted through their clubs, and with whom they would
work toward a common aim, mutual understanding. These
men and women should form the Diplomatic Corps of every
nation.

"Thus through a careful process of selection, the best of our
students would eventually lead the nation in its international
relations. The others, in business or professions, would have
gained a better understanding of the people with whom they
deal, and, as voters, would have an enlightened knowledge and
world-wide tolerance."

The success of the club in San Francisco has led to the
creation of the World League of International Education
Associations with Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur as its presi-
dent. Besides the schools in all parts of the United States
which are joining it, the League has secured some coop-
eration from educational organizations in England,
France, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Greece, the Scandinavian
countries, Austria, Germany, Canada, New Zealand,
Japan and Latin American countries. The bond among
the various clubs is a loose one, for the League "is based
upon the principle of absolute freedom for each organi-

EDUCATION AND PEACE 59

1

zation." A central office for communications has been
opened in the Phelan Building, San Francisco.

A School World Friendship League has been originated
and incorporated by Mrs. Helen S. Evans of Brawley,
California. Its object is to promote true patriotism, in-
ternational justice and world brotherhood by making each
school class a unit of the League, providing for daily
lessons on world friendship correlated with some regular
study, semi-monthly appreciation lessons on foreign
countries, and monthly programs of world friendship.

In the Woodbury High School, Woodbury, N. J.,
special programs in "Education for World Mindedness,,
have been presented by the students in the morning
assembly periods on two or three days a week during the
school years of 1926-27, and 1927-28. All teachers and
classes in the school have cooperated in these programs
under the direction of the "teacher in charge," Mrs.
Rachel Davis-DuBois.

The main theme of the first year's program was the
"contribution of various racial elements to our complex
American life." The nation to be presented during any
month was determined so far as possible according to the
special day falling in that month, such as Columbus Day
in October for Italy, Lincoln's Birthday in February
for the negro, and December for Germany because of
the German Christmas songs.

The theme chosen for the program for 1927-28 was
"World Unity Through Education." Each Department
was made responsible for one month's program, that of
the first month, for instance, was "wrorld unity through
language," the general plan being to "divide the subject
into four parts, show the origins of that subject, its
present-day status, and how in the future that subject
can help bring world unity, with a special speaker each
month on the subject, if possible." The complete pro-

60 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

grams for both of the years have been printed by the
New Jersey Branch of the Women's International League
for Peace and Freedom, and may be obtained from that
organization at 79 Halsey St., Newark, N. J., or from
the National Council for Prevention of War.

A new social studies course has been introduced in the
junior high schools of Cleveland, Ohio. It contains
between thirty and forty units of study. The major
unit in each semester has something to do with important
problems in social cooperation. The first semester deals
with sectionalism in the United States, the second with
religious toleration, the third with race toleration, the
fourth with capital and labor, the fifth with town and
country, and the sixth with international relations.
These units do not consume all of the time available, but
are considered the important units.

The South Philadelphia High School for Girls, under
the leadership of the principal, Miss Lucy L. W. Wilson,
undertook a project in world peace which occupied an
entire year and in which the departments of History,
Science and English cooperated. An account of the
project and outline of study can be obtained from the
school or from the National Council for the Prevention
of War.

The Commencement exercises of the high schools of
Pasadena, California, were utilized in 1928 to direct the
attention of the students to the world movement toward
universal brotherhood and the opportunity which it offers
young men and women for careers of adventure and dar-
ing. In a pageant, "America's Opportunity," this coun-
try was shown as the melting pot of the nations where, as
nowhere else, the brotherhood of man could find expres-
sion. The members of the graduating class pledged them-
selves "to press forward to the goal of world peace."

The Principia, St. Louis, Missouri, an educational

EDUCATION AND PEACE 61

institution for the children of Christian Scientists, has
appointed a committee on international relations repre-
senting every branch of the school work in order that the
school may act as a unit in developing sympathetic
understanding of other nations. Lecturers and artists
from foreign countries are brought to the school, and one
lecture a week is given by a member of the faculty on a
foreign country or on some problem existing between
this country and another. The subject matter of the
lectures is used as a basis for composition work. Special
attention is paid to cultivating speaking ability in foreign
languages. The school has gradually collected an inter-
national museum of pictures, objects of art, costume
dolls representing all nations, and other material showing
the achievements and customs of foreign nations. An
anonymous gift known as the School of Nations Fund
has been received by the school to enable it to develop
its international program and assist students to spend a
year abroad, and teachers to travel abroad during their
vacations.

The Platoon Schools of Calais, Maine, have worked
out a year's program for teaching the social sciences from
the first to the sixth grade, one of the objects of which
is to bring about better understanding among the people
of the world. The program ends with a goodwill pageant.
A full account can be obtained from Mr. W. H. Phinney,
superintendent of schools.

The schools of Oregon have adopted a very forward-
looking course in world history for the ninth grade which
includes these aims: knowledge leading to understanding
of recent and present world problems; attitude of seeing
institutions as changing rather than as permanent;
knowledge of social movements and tendencies; evalua-
tion of opposing forces in the progress of civilization,
for example, the conservative and the radical; intelligent

62 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

view of the struggle for democracy and of the forces
opposing it; significance of strong leaders; perception
that no nation is isolated, and that world cooperation
would lead to permanent peace; desire to incorporate
into our own civilization the spiritual and cultural
values of other peoples.

Junior high-school geography in West Virginia is
designed to develop in the children the disposition and
ability to understand the contribution which the indus-
tries of the United States make to the world, what other
nations produce and with which nations we can trade
most satisfactorily ; the characteristics and customs of the
people with whom we must trade ; and that no nation can
live alone but that a nation's destiny will depend upon its
attitude and methods in dealing with other nations.

School Correspondence

The importance which educators put upon the inter-
change of correspondence between school children is evi-
denced in the appeal of the Conference on "What the
Schools Can Do for Peace" to the League of Nations to
recommend to all governments that they facilitate the
interchange of correspondence, and its further appeal to
the International Bureau of Education to make applica-
tion to the International Postal Union for special
facilities for such correspondence. The extent to which
international friendship is already being promoted among
children by this means can be realized from the reports
of the American Junior Red Cross and other organiza-
tions. Hundreds of thousands of boys and girls either
directly, or indirectly through their school classes, are
in this way making contacts in all parts of the world.

An exchange of vacation visits between school children
has recently become very popular in European countries,
and, in an increasing number of instances, children in

EDUCATION AND PEACE 63

their early teens are being exchanged for the school year.
It has been suggested that such visits could be arranged
between students in the United States and Canada, and
the United States and Latin American countries. Such
an experiment has already been begun in this country
by Dr. Sven V. Knudsen, a government supervisor of
the schools of Denmark, who, in 1927 and 1928, arranged
for one hundred American boys to be entertained during
their vacations in Danish, Swedish and Norwegian homes.
Dr. Knudsen's account of the visits which can be
obtained from him at 248 Boylston St., Boston, indicates
the great value of such expressions of international
hospitality.

In so far as agreement has been reached among the
educators who are experimenting in this field of training
young people to live in an integrated world community,
the importance is emphasized of cultivating three things,
world-mindedness, a sense of the unity of the world, and
independence of thought.

Cultivating World-Mindedness

The various methods for cultivating world-mindedness
and a sense of world unity are completely and authorita-
tively presented in the Recommendations of the Inter-
national Committee on Intellectual Cooperation of the
League of Nations on "How to Make the League of Na-
tions Known and to Develop the Spirit of International
Cooperation." These have been submitted to all nations
members of the League and are being gradually adopted
in the schools. Among the recommendations, which may
be obtained in full from the World Peace Foundation,
Boston, are these:

"Civilization in all its principal manifestations is a record
of cooperative effort from the family, the village and the

64 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

workshop to the vastly more complex institutions of today.
To imbue the child with a deep and lasting affection for its
family and country remains today, as in former times, the
first principle of sound education. But a true patriotism
understands the patriotism of others; and a recognition of
the necessity and omnipresence of cooperation, both within
and without the State, must be emphasized in any education
that is to fit young persons for modern life.

"The following methods of promoting indirect contact —
mainly during school terms — should be employed where cir-
cumstances and the age of the young persons, render them
suitable:

"Children's games, the exhibition of suitable pictures and
films, lectures, displays of foreign handicrafts, visits to his-
torical and artistic museums.

"Fetes and pageants, performances of music; in fact, all
appeals to the artistic sense that will encourage a mutual
knowledge of different civilizations and peoples.

"Translation of suitable foreign masterpieces, including
national folk-tales and their publication in juvenile period-
icals.

"Juvenile periodicals. Valuable results might be obtained at
a conference where editors of the more important of these
periodicals could discuss the possibilities of encouraging these
contacts.

"Studies of different civilizations and the scientific and
comparative study of present-day events.

"The following methods of encouraging direct contacts
between young people would be valuable:

"Interchange of individual children between families.

"International camps for children and international holiday
colonies.

"Group excursions under competent leaders.

"Congresses and other gatherings, as may be appropriate.

"Interchange of pupils between schools of different coun-
tries.

"Vacation courses.

EDUCATION AND PEACE 65

"Government and voluntary associations should apply
themselves to the task of promoting direct contacts for the
benefit of the student, young teacher and professor. These
contacts might take the form of travel abroad, of attendance
at vacation courses, residence at foreign universities or special
institutions designed to provide training for international
careers, or actual teaching work in other countries.

"Governments should be approached with a view to ob-
taining all possible travelling facilities, passports, reduced
fares, and to ensuring that those concerned derive the utmost
benefit from their visit to foreign countries. The different
means of subsidizing these visits and exchanges should be
studied."

Behind the cooperation of nations and men, science
is revealing more and more clearly the fundamental
unity of the universe. If a picture of the universe as
modern science sees it — a universe in which there is no
beginning or end, which is composed of the same ele-
ments throughout, in which all things are but variations
of an identical force and in which nothing is unaffected
by what affects any other thing — could be given children
as a background for their thinking, world unity and
brotherhood would not seem to be artificial ideals super-
imposed upon humanity, but natural expressions in hu-
man relations of universal lawrs.

Nationalism and Internationalism

Undoubtedly the most serious obstacle to developing
a content and spirit of education along lines of world
unity is a mistaken expression of the spirit of nationality
which pervades many textbooks and some teaching. It
wras unfortunate that the rise of popular education and
of the spirit of extreme nationalism should have been
coincident. Self-conscious nations in the modern sense
did not arise according to most interpreters of history

66 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

until the late 18th century. The partitioning of Poland,
the French Revolution, Napoleon's later attempt to com-
bine a whole continent under one rule, the development
of democratic theories of- government were all factors in
creating self-conscious nationalism. In so far as nation-
alism means love of country, pride in its achievements
and a sense of responsibility for its progress, in so far as
it encourages groups of people to preserve and develop
their special gifts and experience, it is good and deserves
to be cultivated in any system of education. A spirit of
nationalism does harm only when it leads to a misrepre-
sentation of fact or is based on ignorance of fact. In its
false form it tends to create an idea of nations as separate
entities, to give a nation a personified reality apart from
the individuals who compose it, and maintains a theory
of unlimited sovereignty, an assertion of the right, as
Professor Harold J. Laski defines it, "to will acts of uni-
versal reference without being called to account for
them."

Nations are not separate entities considered historically
or in terms of their present activities. History should
make clear, as Professor Ernest Barker in his book, "Na-
tional Character," points out, that . . . "there lives,
moves, and has its being among us, the past, which is
not only the past of ourselves, but also that of other peo-
ples." So far as the present relations of nations are con-
cerned the interests of their people are no longer sep-
arated by their boundary lines, and the extent to which
nations have developed forms of cooperation to meet this
fact, accepting limitation of their sovereignty in the in-
terest of their own citizens, should be taught.

Personification of a nation growing out of a false na-
tionalism leads to failure to discriminate between the ac-
tions of small groups of individuals temporarily in con-
trol of a government and the character and intent of the

EDUCATION AND PEACE 67

people as a whole. Such confusion obscures the common
humanity of the people of different nations and leads to
an acceptance, on the ground that they are in the inter-
est of something beyond the individual, of activities that,
if admittedly carried on in the interest of individuals,
could not be justified. The falseness of this conception
can be offset in the teaching of history, if, instead of the
repeated assertion that "France," "Spain" or "Italy" did
so and so, the distinction between the officials who acted
and the people at large is brought out.

In all this the question is not one of teaching interna-
tionalism as opposed to nationalism. The two things
are not opposed but complementary. In an interde-
pendent cooperative world, national loyalty and loyalty
to humanity are in harmony. If patriotism is to be
taught the basic fact of that teaching must be that "love
for one's own country no longer involves the hatred of
other countries, but on the contrary, disloyalty to the
whole now involves disloyalty to every part." Dr. Harry
Emerson Fosdick states vividly the relationship between
nationalism and internationalism:

"No other nation can mean to us what our nation means.
Here are the roots of our heritage, and here our central loyal-
ties belong. But, just because we feel so deeply about our own
land, we understand how other people feel about their lands,
and, using our patriotism to interpret theirs, we grow, not in
bitterness but in understanding and sympathy. So all fine
internationalism must be rooted back in the noble signifi-
cances of nationalism."

How to Teach Independence of Thought

For the development of independence of thought the
following definite methods and plans have been suggested
by various educational authorities:

In their study of foreign countries, encourage students

68 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

•to use more than one book and to compare the state-
ments; to consider, also, in connection with each book
the date of its publication, the author's other books, con-
nections, and so on.

Teach pupils to distinguish between statements that
are based on facts that can be ascertained and statements
that are based on individual opinion; and do not insist
that they accept those based on opinion.

Train students to read newspapers and magazines with
intelligent discrimination, comparing the headlines with
the body of an article, considering the source of informa-
tion, considering whether it is based on ascertained fact
or rumor, and noting items for future reference and
verification.

Insist upon a distinction between the individual and
the group in all general statements.

Train students to protect themselves against their own
prejudices, which limit their power of intelligent observa-
tion.

Have questions discussed rather than debated, in order
that the object of intellectual intercourse may always be
to arrive at truth.

Cultivate the ability to enter into other people's points
of view: among young children by asking them, when
they have quarreled, to play that they are each other and
reverse the parts; among older pupils by having them im-
personate people of foreign nationalities in the commu-
nity and write letters "home." In an article, "Forming
First Habits for Internationalism," published in Pro-
gressive Education in the spring quarter of 1925, Dr.
Harry A. Overstreet said :

"Trying to understand the other party unquestionably is
one of the most broadening of human experiences. Trying
sincerely to make an adjustment between one's own views and
views that are divergent is perhaps the most civilizing of

EDUCATION AND PEACE 69

human experiences. Internationalism stands or falls with
our wish and our ability to do those two things. Hitherto
our educational schemes — as likewise our political techniques
— have made little provision for training along these lines.
Even history has been studied not so much for the purpose of
understanding other peoples as for the purpose of learning
information about more or less external events in their lives."

Give students a knowledge of the fact that new ideas
are always opposed, by describing the opposition to inno-
vations such as artificial lighting of the streets which was
attacked as "contrary to nature," the introduction of
bathtubs, the use of baby carriages which it was said
would "take women out of the home," and so on.

Point out that the majority is not always right, that
no idea when it is new has the support of the majority.

"A few generations ago there were in America many old
women who were accused of casting spells on their neighbors
and bringing them bad luck and even death. These old women
were called witches, and the vast majority believed that it
was God's will to burn them at the stake; and thousands of
them were put to death in that way. ... A few decades ago
slavery was a well-established institution in this country.
. . . The majority long believed that slavery was justified."

Those handicapped by prejudices will not be able to
solve the problems of a new age, nor will those who are
without a belief in progress. In The Historical Outlook
for October, 1923, Jessie C. Evans of the Simon Gratz
High School, Philadelphia, says of this phase of edu-
cation :

"Above all things, we must teach the meaning of progress,
both for national and for world citizenship. An appreciation
of the growth of ideas is the best preparation for an accept-
ance of growth and change in contemporary society. If we
could only train up a generation who were expectant of change

70 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

and who welcomed it when it is for the betterment of man-
kind, it would not matter what particular ideas we tried to
inculcate. In their day, which will not be ours, world prob-
lems may have developed in a way entirely unforeseen by us.
The important thing is that they should have open and sym-
pathetic minds and should have acquired the habit of think-
ing internationally."

To sum up these many opinions, it is clear that edu-
cators realize the truth of Emerson's statement, "Good-
will makes intelligence/' and are convinced that the end
of education must be today "not life or living but living
together." *

♦Suggestions as to programs, sources of material and in regard to
teaching individual subjects will be found in Chapter XXVI under the
section, "Through the Schools."

CHAPTER III

THE CHURCH AND PEACE

As the suffering and helplessness of the peoples was
prolonged by the World War, individuals everywhere
sought eagerly for some source, outside of the conflict
and chaos, to which they could turn for help. Their
disappointment in the Christian Church, which in so
many instances allowed itself to become a part of the
war machine, found widespread expression. It was
charged that the churches had declared a "moratorium on
Christianity;" and it was frankly said that if they allowed
another war to develop, "they had better close their
doors." Since the war, the churches have taken up this
challenge and are rapidly organizing in support of peace.
The Christian Century, one of the leading church papers,
has gone so far as to say:

"The very fact of war shouts the failure of Christianity;
. . . the Church cannot bless war without surrendering its
character as Christian. The Church's clear duty, therefore,
is to excommunicate war, deliberately and solemnly to say,
and so to inform the State, that the State may never again
expect to receive the resources of the Church ... as aids of
any war in which it might ask its citizens to engage."

In the first two centuries after Christ, individual
Christians took the position that they could not as
Christians participate in war. Men and officers in the
Roman army, when converted to Christianity, laid down

71

72 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

their arms and refused further service, giving as their
only reason, "I am a Christian." A church order issued
early in the third century called upon magistrates and
soldiers to abandon their calling before baptism, and
excommunicated those who joined the army.

In "The Early Christian Attitude to War," C. J.
Cadoux reports these facts and explains them:

"The early Christians took Jesus at his word, and under-
stood his inculcations of gentleness and non-resistance in their
literal sense. They closely identified their religion with peace;
they strongly condemned war for the bloodshed which it
involved ; they appropriated to themselves the Old Testament
prophecy which foretold the transformation of the weapons
of war into the implements of agriculture; they declared that
it was their policy to return good for evil and to conquer evil
with good. With one or two possible exceptions no soldier
joined the Church and remained a soldier until the time of
Marcus Aurelius (161-180 a.d.). . . . While a general dis-
trust of ambition and a horror of contamination by idolatry
entered largely into the Christian aversion to military service,
the sense of the utter contradiction between the work of im-
prisoning, torturing, wounding, and killing, on the one hand,
and the Master.'s teaching on the other, constituted an equally
fatal and conclusive objection."

The testimony of the early Church Fathers makes it
clear that to them war was inconsistent with Christianity.
Justin Martyr in his first "Apology" said:

"That these things have come to pass you may be readily
convinced; for twelve men, destitute both of instruction and
of eloquence, went forth from Jerusalem into the world and
by the power of God gave evidence to every description of
persons that they were sent by Christ to teach all men the
divine word; and we, who were once slayers of one another,
do not fight against our enemies."

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 73

Irenaeus declared:

"The followers of Jesus have abandoned the weapons of war
and no longer know how to fight."

Tertullian answered a question with a question:

"You inquire whether a believer may enter the military-
service and whether soldiers are to be admitted into the
Church? How will a Christian man war without a sword,
which the Lord has taken away? In disarming Peter he
unbelted every soldier."

In "De Corona" he said further:

"When Jesus said, 'He who uses the sword shall perish by
the sword/ He made it unlawful for a Christian to use the
sword at all; if a Christian cannot go to law, much less can
he, as a son of peace, go to battle; if he is not allowed to
avenge injuries done to himself, he cannot consistently take
part in imprisoning or torturing or punishing his fellow-
creatures."

Lactantius wrote, in the time of the persecution of
Diocletian :

"To engage in war cannot be lawful for the righteous man,
whose warfare is that of righteousness itself."

Eusebius gives numerous instances which prove that
this was the position taken by the early church and that
many of the early Christians sacrificed their fortunes and
their lives in loyalty to it. In Numidia, as late as 295
a.d., the recruiting officer brought before the Proconsul a
young man named Maximilian. As he was about to be
measured, he said, "I cannot engage in military service; I
am a Christian." He persisted, saying, "I am a Christian ;
I cannot fight." When they found it impossible to per-
suade him, he was put to death.

74 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

When Marcellus, a centurion in the Legion called
Trajans, became a Christian, he declared that he could
serve no longer. He was thrown into prison, but he still
persisted, saying, "It is not lawful for a Christian to bear
arms for any earthly considerations."

The religious orders of the Middle Ages, such as the
Franciscans and Dominicans, likewise refused to 'ike
part in war.

Various reasons for the failure of the Church to live
up to these early teachings are indicated in a recent study
of "The Christian and War," made by a group of
Canadian ministers, published as an appeal to all fol-
lowers of Christ. When the Roman state became the pro-
tector of the Church, the Church tended to become the
defender of the policies of the state. The struggle between
the two theories can be traced through the Church writ-
ings of the early centuries. In the "Canons of Hippoly-
tus," credited to the end of the fourth century, voluntary
enlistment was forbidden and conscripted soldiers were
not permitted to take their place at the Lord's table until
they had done penance. But when the wars of Rome
became defensive wars of a Christian state against bar-
barians, the Church rallied, with scarcely a dissenting
voice, to its support, and the Church leaders began to go
back to the teachings of the Old Testament in justifica-
tion of participation in war. The conversion by force of
barbarian tribes who adopted the new religion with
mental reservations did not strengthen its peaceful char-
acter. It is said that the Saxons when they were bap-
tized in a deep river held their right arms, with sword
uplifted, out of the water!

During the Middle Ages the Church sought to restrain
the custom of petty wars between feudal lords. It
declared what was known as the "Truce of God," which
prohibited fighting from Wednesday night to Monday

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 75

morning, and which required that such necessary pursuits
as those of agriculture be protected against the destruc-
tion of war. Through these centuries the Pope frequently
acted as arbitrator in disputes, and courts of arbitration
were set up at the instigation of the Church by the
bishops and the feudal lords.

The Humanists of the 16th century proclaimed the in-
consistency of war and Christianity. Erasmus persist-
ently worked for peace. In one of his essays against war,
"The Complaint of Peace," he wrote:

"Fvery page of the Christian Scriptures speaks of little else
but peace and concord; and yet the whole life of the greater
portion of Christians is employed in nothing so much as the
concerns of war. ... It were best to lay aside the name of
Christian at once, or else to give proof of the teaching of
Christ by its only criterion, brotherly love. . . . 'Dare you*
(he challenges the priests) 'describe Christ as a Reconciler, a
Prince of Peace, and yet palliate or commend war with the
same tongue? That in truth is nothing less than to sound
the trumpet for Christ and Satan at the same time. Do you
presume, reverend sir, in your hood and surplice, to- stimulate
the simple, inoffensive people to war, when they come to
church expecting to hear from your mouth the Gospel of
peace? . . .' "

The early Protestant sects did not make a stand against
war because they felt that they needed the support of the
state in order to survive. So they tended, as had the
Church under Rome, to support the state in exchange for
its protection. The theory of the divine right of kings,
the idea that the established authorities were so estab-
lished by the will of God naturally strongly affected the
attitude of the Church toward the state. To quote from
the "Christian and War" referred to above:

"Submission to the royal will was conceived to be a religious
duty, and the Articles of Religion specified that 'It is lawful

76 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

for Christian men, at the command of the Magistrate, to bear
weapons, and serve in the wars.'

"The history of Protestantism, since those first generations
when it was itself a revolt against authority, discloses a grow-
ing disposition to support existing authorities. As in England,
through all the long Stuart tyranny, democracy was hampered
by episcopal support of the 'divine right of kings,' so in Amer-
ica slavery was prolonged by religious support. So powerful
was the support of slavery by the Church that William Lloyd
Garrison declared 'American Christianity is the main pillar
of American slavery'; and, looking back upon the bitter
struggle, Parker Pillsbury said: 'We had almost to abolish
the Church before we could reach the dreadful thing at all.'
Social conservatism is a besetting sin of Protestantism. For
very few great social advances has she, corporately, provided
leadership. Political democracy has come without her, almost
in spite of her. Social and industrial democracy, and the
emancipation of women, have come in the same way. Is it
to be so of international peace?"

But however great or small a part the organized
Church may be thought to have played, institutions have
gradually been modified in harmony with the principles
of Christianity, so that those institutions which do not
conform stand out in ever greater contrast and con-
tradiction.

As to the lesson to be drawn from the Scriptures on the
subject of war the same study asserts:

"Christianity is not a nomistic religion, but a religion of the
spirit. The most diligent search therefore will not disclose
a set of rules covering all human situations; it will disclose
only a spirit in which all situations are to be faced, principles
by which all conduct must be determined. . . .

"Most Christians have never made clear to themselves what
loyalty to the Scriptures requires of them. There is to them
no progress in the Scriptures, no development in their truth
and spiritual authority. They have not understood the word,

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 77

"The law and the prophets were until John7 but thenceforth
'the gospel of the kingdom of God is preached.'

"Our Lord sets His own spiritual authority definitely above
that of the ancient Scriptures. . . .

"Because Christian society has never finally distinguished
between what is Christian and what is not Christian in the
Scriptures, it is unable either to think clearly or to achieve
Christian unanimity in the face of the deadliest danger."

Certain passages in the records of the teachings of
Christ himself are sometimes used in an attempt to prove
that he sanctioned wrar. Wilbur K. Thomas, Secretarv
of #the American Friends Service Committee, 20 South
12th St., Philadelphia, has published a full discussion of
these texts in a pamphlet which can be obtained from
the committee. Of the text, "Think not that I came to
send peace on earth; I came not to send peace, but a
sword," Mr. Thomas says, "Those who use this passage
to prove that war is right do not read it in its context,
for in the following verses Jesus says, Tor I came to set
a man at variance against his father, and the daughter
against her mother/ Does this mean that a man must
prove his love for Jesus by killing father or mother if
put to the test? Yet, that is wThat it means if the sword
in verse 34 means a sword of steel. The sword referred
to is not a sword of steel, but a sharp dividing line
between good and evil."

Kirby Page in "International Relations in the Light
of the Religion of Jesus" discusses the scene in the Temple
when Jesus drove out the money changers, by moral,
he insists, not physical force. He cites the reading of the
passage in the American Revised Version, which is

"and he made a scourge of cords, and cast all out of the
temple, both the sheep and the oxen, and he poured out the
changers' money, and overthrew their tables."

78 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Moffat's Translation, which Mr. Page also cites, reads:

"Making a scourge of cords, he drove them all, sheep and
cattle together, out of the temple, scattered the coins of the
brokers and upset their tables."

The early Christian ideal of peace has been preserved
through recent centuries by such sects as the Society of
Friends, the Mennonites and the Dunkards which have
cherished the ideal of individual responsibility and whose
tenets are discussed in a later chapter on "Pacifism."

The extent to which the question of war or peace is
occupying the attention and efforts of the churches at
present will be* indicated by the following official state-
ments of the organizations and denominations themselves.

In 1930, a Universal Religious Peace Conference, the
first conference in history of all religious faiths, will be
held to consider how the forces of religion of all nations
can be mobilized in concerted action against war and
that spirit and those things that make for war. This
Conference is being arranged by the World Alliance for
International Friendship Through the Churches. An
effort will be made to secure agreement on these points:

u. . . that emphasis on human brotherhood is essential to all
religions, that world peace can be established only through the
recognition of universal brotherhood, and that the religions
of the world can cooperate by each working in its own sphere
for the attainment of these ideals; and the adoption of gen-
eral plans looking toward such cooperation."

That the great religions may in fact consistently unite
on this principle of world brotherhood is brought out in
an article by Alfred W. Martin of the Society for Ethical
Culture, in World Unity for October, 1927. Each of the
seven great religions urges, he says, the practice of the

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 79

Golden Rule, and he gives the Rule as it is variously-
expressed in them :

The Christian: "All things whatsoever ye would that men
should do unto you, do ye so to them."

The Jewish: "Whatsoever you do not wish your neighbor
to do to you, do not unto him."

The Hindu: "The true rule is to guard and do by the things
of others as you do by your own."

The Buddhist: "One should seek for others the happiness
one desires for oneself."

The Zoroastrian: "Do as you would be done by."

The Confucian: "What you do not wish done to yourself,
do not to others."

The Mohammedan: "Let none of you treat your brother
in a way he himself would dislike to be treated."

These strikingly similar texts inculcating goodwill are
quoted in a preliminary announcement of the Universal
Religious Peace Conference:

Christianity: "Blessed are the peace-makers, for they shall
be called children of God."

Hinduism: "To you I declare this holy mystery: There is
nothing nobler than humanity."

Buddhism: "Let one cultivate goodwill towards all the
world, — a mind illimitable, unobstructed, without hatred,
without enmity. This mode of living is the supreme good."

Confucianism: "Within the four seas all are brothers."

Islam : "To God belong the East and the West. Therefore
whithersoever ye turn, is the face of God. Verily, God is
all-pervading, all-knowing."

Jainism: "Establish the religion of the law which benefits
all living beings in the whole universe! It will bring supreme
benefit to all living beings in all the world!"

Judaism: "And they shall beat their swords into plowshares
and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift
up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any

more."

80

BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Shintoism : "I will halt here today, and, having purified my-
self, will go forth tomorrow ; and worship at the temple of the
Deity."

Taoism: "Weapons, even though successful, are unblessed
implements, detestable to every creature. Therefore, he who
has the Eternal, will not employ them."

Sikhism: "Churches, teachers, teachings, half a dozen! The
Teacher of teachers is One; His forms, many. The sun is one;
the seasons many. Innumerable are the manifestations of
the Creator."

Zoroastrianism: "May we ourselves be they who help to
make this world progress!"

The Federal Council of Churches

As early as 1911, an interdenominational peace com-
mittee was organised by the Federal Council of Churches
of Christ in America, which represents the following
Christian Protestant denominations :

Baptist Churches, North
Free Baptist Church
National Baptist Convention
Christian Church
Churches of God in N. A.

(General Eldership)
Congregational Churches
Disciples of Christ
Evangelical Church
Evangelical Synod of N. A.
Friends

Methodist Episcopal Church
Methodist Episcopal Church,

South
Methodist Protestant Church
Colored M. E. Church in

America
African M. E. Church

African M. E. Zion Church
Moravian Church
National Council of the Prot-
estant Episcopal Church
(Cooperating Agency)
Presbyterian Church in the

U. S. A.
Presbyterian Church in the

U. S. (South)
Primitive Methodist Church
Reformed Church in America
Reformed Church in the U. S.
Reformed Episcopal Church
Seventh Day Baptist Church
United Brethren Church
United Lutheran Church

(Consultative)
United Presbyterian Church

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 81

The peace committee, which is now known as the Com-
mission on International Justice and Goodwill of the
Federal Council, is "committed to unremitting activity
until a peace system takes the place of competitive arma-
ments and recurring war."

An important joint message to the churches was issued
in 1925 by representatives of twenty-eight denominations
meeting in a National Study Conference of the Churches
on World Peace, held under the auspices of the Federal
Council. This message set forth the "Ideals and Atti-
tudes of the Christian Church in Regard to War" as
follows :

"The teachings and spirit of Jesus clearly show that the
effective force for the safeguarding of human rights, the har-
monizing of differences and the overcoming of evil is the spirit
of goodwill.

"The Church, the body of Christ all-inclusive — transcend-
ing race and national divisions, should henceforth oppose war,
as a method of settling disputes, between nations and groups
as contrary to the spirit and principles of Jesus Christ, and
should declare that it will not as a Church sanction war.

"The Church should not only labor for the coming of the
Kingdom of God in the hearts of men, but should give itself
to constructive policies and measures for world justice and
peace. It should fearlessly declare its distinctive message of
goodwill. It should proclaim this message regardless of fluctu-
ating opinion and political exigencies.

"The Church should teach patriotic support of the State,
but should never become the agent of the Government in any
activity alien to the spirit of Christ. The Church should look
to the responsible statesmen of a Christian country to conduct
the public business along those lines of justice and reason
which will not lead to war.

"The Church should recognize the right and the duty of
each individual to follow the guidance of his own conscience
as to whether or not he shall participate in war."

82 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

In January, 1928, the Executive Committee of the
Federal Council adopted and issued a declaration of prin-
ciples the far-reaching character of which is shown in the
following extracts:

"With startling clearness we now see that war, in its spirit
and modern practice, is the negation of everything to which
the gospel of Jesus bears witness. What, then, shall the
Church of Christ do with this institution which degrades
human personality, sets brother against brother and rejects
the constructive power of love? The Church can be satisfied
with nothing less than the complete abolition of war. The
Federal Council of the Churches commits itself with utmost
earnestness to this task. . . .

"We pledge our ardent support to President Coolidge and
Secretary Kellogg in any efforts, consonant with a proper con-
sideration of the mutual interests of all the nations concerned,
to negotiate treaties which will secure the abolition of war by
the nations and assure the peaceful settlement of all inter-
national disputes. . . .

"The effect on world peace of America's unprecedented eco-
nomic expansion calls for thoughtful study. . . . The wide-
spread assumption that military forces are to be called into
action whenever and wherever foreign investments are placed
in jeopardy through internal political turmoil tends to perpet-
uate the maintenance of vast armaments and increases the
likelihood of war.

"We regret that the United States is not a member of the
Permanent Court of International Justice. We believe that
it is yet possible for the representatives of our own country
and of the nations signatory to the Court Protocol to arrive
at a basis of agreement that would result in making the United
States a full member of that judicial body.

"The United States, we believe, should be brought into a
relationship of more effective cooperation with the rest of the
world. We therefore express our gratification with the
increasing number of the Committees and Commissions of

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 83

the League of Nations on which the United States has full,
active membership.

"The disestablishment of war and the maintenance of peace
depend, in the last analysis, on the development of the spirit
of goodwill, brotherhood and cooperation between nations and
races. Misunderstanding and fears must be removed. Hatred
must be banished. There must be created the wTill to peace.
This is peculiarly the province of the church, which has
always regarded it as its mission to nourish more Christlike
motives and attitudes in the hearts of men.

"We deprecate a great naval building program, not pri-
marily because of the vast sums involved, grave as this objec-
tion is, but because it moves in the direction of international
distrust rather than of international agreement. . . . We urge
our Government to give its best energies to working out, in
cooperation wfith other nations, a plan of universal and pro-
gressive reduction of armaments.

"We rejoice to know that 36 communions now have commis-
sions on international relations and that 57 state and citv
councils of churches and other local inter-communion bodies
have similar committees. We urge these communions and
local church councils greatly to strengthen their educational
program for peace and to provide their commissions and com-
mittees with budgets sufficient to enable them to operate more
effectively. The Church must ever cherish the age-old and
inalienable liberty of the prophets to interpret public poli-
cies and the institutions of the day in the light of the Christian
gospel. . . . Efforts being made by a few individuals and
groups to cast aspersions on the character and honesty of
purpose of many of our ablest Christian leaders, falsely charg-
ing them with being consciously or unconsciously agents of
subversive influences, should be outspokenly condemned."

The Church Peace Union

In 1914, the Church Peace Union was organized to
unite the Protestant, Catholic, Jewish and Greek Ortho-
dox Churches in work for peace. The Union was endowed

84 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

by Andrew Carnegie with a sum of $2,000,000. It imme-
diately formed the World Alliance for International
Friendship through the Churches to carry out its program.
There are branches of the World Alliance in thirty
nations. It was responsible in 1919 for the first inter-
national conference of the churches to be held after
the World War, and international goodwill congresses are
being held now annually. The World Alliance takes the
position that "war should no longer be used for the settle-
ment of controversies between nations" and "that the
time has come to make a combined and frontal attack
for the overthrow of the institution of war by outlawing
it and making war a crime under the law of nations":

"We recognize that the approaches to a warless world are
varied. We are still in the process of finding the most feasible
paths to peace. We do not desire to be dogmatic as to details
of policy, but the danger of drifting into war situations is so
obvious, the silent forces which lead to international crises
are so subtle, the delay of constructive action is so disheart-
ening that we summon the proponents of peace to a sympa-
thetic understanding of differing programs and to a united
advance on certain great essentials.

"We believe that the churches and other religious organiza-
tions have in the Peace Movement a most searching test of
their own foundations and the most challenging opportunity
of their history. Religious groups must translate their ideals
of a warless world into effective action through intelligent
understanding of the political, social and economic problems
facing the nations, and through support of practical measures
to ensure international cooperation and justice."

The American Branch of the Alliance welcomes the
cooperation of all faiths, all political affiliations, all shades
of opinion in making

"America 100% effective in cooperation with other nations

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 86

in preserving peace throughout the world and in developing
permanent methods of international goodwill and security.

"The entire program is based upon the conviction that the
greatest need of the present time is an aroused public senti-
ment, in view of the ominous threatenings of more wars as a
result of continued national, sectional and racial hatred and
misunderstandings, and of the reasonable possibilities of pre-
serving peace."

The Catholic Association for International Peace

During the World War the responsibility felt by the
Catholic Church for world peace was several times given
expression in messages from the Pope, and in his repeated
effort to bring about a cessation of hostilities. One of the
notable pronouncements was this of Pius XI in his First
Encyclical :

"The nations of to-day live in a state of armed peace which
is scarcely better than war itself, a condition which tends to
exhaust national finances, to waste the flower of youth, to
muddy and poison the very fountain heads of life, physical,
intellectual, religious and moral."

"The Church is the teacher and example of world goodwill,
for she is able to inculcate and develop in mankind the 'true
spirit of brotherly love/ "

"The Peace of Christ in the Kingdom of Christ. . . . With
might and main we shall ever strive to bring about this peace.
. . . We ask that all assist and cooperate with us in this Our

mission."

To further the objects and purposes of world peace "in
accord with the teachings of the Church," several con-
ferences of members of the Catholic Church were held
following the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago in 1926,
and led to the formation in April, 1927, of the Catholic
Association for International Peace.

The constitution of the Association declares its objects
and purposes to be, "to study, disseminate, and apply the

86 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

principles of natural law and Christian charity to inter-
national problems of the day; to consider the moral and
legal aspects of any action which may be proposed or
advocated in the international sphere; to examine and
consider issues which bear upon international goodwill;
to encourage the formation of conferences, lectures and
study circles; to issue reports on questions of internar
tional importance; and to further, in cooperation with
similar Catholic organizations in other countries, in
accord with the teachings of the Church, the object and
purposes of world peace and happiness." The Associa-
tion brings together in committees persons acquainted
with particular problems concerning peace. These com-
mittees prepare reports which are discussed in meet-
ings of the organization, revised and made public. In
February, 1928, a "Report on International Ethics —
War, Intervention, Peace Treaties, Means of Avoiding
War" was issued. *

The Hebrew Congregations

Both the Central Conference of the American Rabbis
and the Union of American Hebrew Congregations have
been active in organized peace work since the war. The
29th Council of the Union of American Hebrew Congre-
gations, held in 1926, adopted the following resolutions:

"Whereas, It is coming more and more to be realized that
the best way of preventing war is by promoting international
understanding through education and by creating concrete
instrumentalities for peace; now therefore be it

"Resolved, That the Union of American Hebrew Congre-
gations join with other religious denominations of our country
in petitioning the United States Government to . . . adhere
to the World Court; and in petitioning the President of the
United States to take steps toward inviting international
cooperation in a drastic reduction of armaments and control
of traffic in arms; and be it further

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 87

"Resolved, That it is the sense of this convention that, in
order actually and permanently to prevent war, the nations
of the World must resolve to look upon war as a crime against
humanity and against International Law, and we therefore
petition our Government to take counsel with other nations
on ways and means of bringing about the outlawry of war;
and finally be it

"Resolved, That we recommend to the various congrega-
tions wThich we represent that special instruction be given to
the children of our religious schools on the causes of inter-
national friction, and also of those principles of life and con-
duct, both personal and national, taught by the sages and
prophets of Israel, that emphasize our common humanity and
make for peace and understanding; and we further recom-
mend the appointment by each of our congregations of a
Standing Committee on International Justice and Peace,
whose function it shall be to assist in the creation and
strengthening of a public opinion in behalf of peace and to
represent the congregation in all community efforts for the
promotion of peace."

The Central Conference of American Rabbis in 1924
adopted a resolution on peace which included the follow-
ing statements:

"Together with our brothers of other creeds we are eager
to give whatever we can of our strength and devotion, in order
that the curse of war shall be lifted from the world. . . .

"We urge upon our fellow-citizens and upon those who
guide the destinies of our land that, being true to themselves,
they adopt an uncompromising opposition to war. We believe
that war is morally indefensible. War that crushes the young,
that brutalizes and degrades, that destroys all that is most
precious, must not be honored and glorified. It must be rec-
ognized for what it is and this must be taught to our children.

"In conclusion wre would repeat the words of our prayer-
book: 'Grant us peace, Thy most precious gift, 0 Thou Eter-
nal Source of Peace, and enable Israel to be a messenger of

88 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

peace unto the peoples of the earth.' Bless our country that
it may ever be a stronghold of peace and its advocate in the
council of nations."

By action of its Executive Board in 1927 the Central
Conference, referring to the threat of war with Mexico,
adopted the following resolution :

"We hold that where there is the will, every international
issue can be adjusted without resort to armed force.

"We hold the sanctity of human life to be paramount to
all considerations of the rights of property.

"We hold that these two principles are an integral part of
historic American idealism, as reaffirmed by President
Coolidge in his Omaha address in these words: 'Our Country
has definitely relinquished the old standards of dealing with
other countries by terror and force, and is definitely com-
mitted to the new standard of dealing with them through
friendship and understanding. . . .' In the Mexican situa-
tion, we have a crucial issue in which these principles are
being put to test. Therefore, we urge upon the Government
of the United States of America to apply to the Mexican situ-
ation the principles of arbitration and conciliation, and to
settle this international dispute without resorting to armed
force."

In 1926 at Geneva an International Committee of
Anti-Militarist Clergymen was founded by individual
clergymen from Holland, Germany, Switzerland and
America. Its purposes are stated to be:

"To unite the anti-militarist ministers of all churches and
of all denominations and of all countries and if possible to
create new groups and to prepare the way for an international
congress to be held in Holland in 1928;

"To study thoroughly the question of war from the theo-
logical and philosophical standpoint;

"To demonstrate without delay, by word and deed in and

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 89

outside the churches, against war and the preparations for
war."

Resolutions on World Peace

Resolutions adopted since the war by the various
Protestant denominations have in many instances gone
even further in renunciation of war than those passed by
inter-denominational bodies. Striking extracts only can
be included in this chapter. The resolutions in full can
be obtained from the church bodies or from the National
Council for Prevention of War.

The Advent Christians General Conference of America
(1924):

"In view of the fact that war does not settle problems, but
often increases them, that it is un-Christian in spirit, and
must be much more inhuman and cruel in time to come, this
Conference takes its stand as unalterably opposed to war."

If these resolutions meant that every church member
was living up to them war would undoubtedly be already
abolished; they do mean, however, that the wray has been
opened and made easy for every individual member and
local church to throw their energies into wTork for peace.

The Baptist World Alliance (1923):

"This Congress, representing millions of citizens belonging
to different Governments, appeals to the Governments of the
world to make the maintenance of peace their first aim, for
the sake of each nation and people, and for the sake of the
happiness and well-being of mankind. . . .

"The Congress urges the members of all churches through-
out the world to pray for peace, to counter-work everything
that is likely to provoke Governments to act against each
other, to cleanse the educational books of all nations of all
racial and national antagonisms."

90 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

The Northern Baptist Convention (1924):

"Whereas: The Christian conscience of the world is coming
to recognize that war is neither inevitable nor necessary;
that it is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Jesus Christ;
that it is the most colossal and ruinous social sin that afflicts
humanity today ; that under modern conditions war has now
become not only futile but suicidal; and that the recognition
of this fact is necessary to the continuance of civilization;
therefore be it

"Resolved, That the Northern Baptist Convention again
declares its conviction that war is a wrong method of settling
international disputes, and that because it is wrong, the church
must not only condemn war and the things which make for
war, but must take an active part in discovering and promot-
ing the things which make for peace."

The resolution adopted in 1927 read:

"Resolved, That we reaffirm the conviction that a primary
Christian interest is the advancement of peace on earth, good-
will to men, and as means to that end:

"First, we most heartily favor the idea expressed by the
terms 'the outlawry of war';

"Second, we endorse all efforts looking toward the reduction
of armaments;

"Third, we proclaim adherence to the ideal of fellowship
among the nations, and commend as complete cooperation as
may be in the work of the World Court and the League of
Nations."

The Southern Baptist Convention (1926) :

"War is the colossal crime of the ages. War must be ban-
ished. If it is banished, it must be banished by the active
influence and effort of the great Christian bodies of the world.
... It is the high privilege and duty of Christian men and
of Christian bodies in the spirit of Christ to cultivate the
spirit of peace and to do all within their power for the ban-
ishment of war."

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 91

The National Council of Congregational Churches
(1927):

"Whereas compulsory military training in our schools and
colleges fosters a general attitude of mind conducive to mili-
tarism and sole reliance on force, and gives ground for other
nations to question the peaceful purposes of the United States,
therefore be it

''Resolved, That the National Council of Congregational
Churches assembled in Omaha condemn both in theory and
practice any compulsory military training in public schools,
or in tax supported or land grant institutions of higher
learning.

"Resolved, That we protest the giving of high school or any
other academic credit for attendance at the Citizen's Military
Training Camps, and be it further

"Resolved, That we urge congressional action to release all
instructors in courses in military science from the direct con-
trol of the War Department to the regularly constituted local
academic authorities, thus effectually freeing our educational
system from the control or influence of the War Department."

The Commission on International Justice of the
National Council of Congregational Churches has drawn
up the following principles for adoption by the churches
of this denomination :

"That the churches in all their departments endeavor to
inculcate in the minds of their constituents, and especially
the youth, a knowledge of the folly and inhumanity of war
and to foster and extend the will to peace based upon the
doctrine of equal rights and just treatment for all nations;
and that Christian homes throughout our congregations be
open to the foreign students within our gates, that they may
return to their respective countries with an exalted sense of
the power of Christianity in the home and a new conception of
Christian fraternity;

"That the denomination stand for the new diplomacy which

92 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

repudiates threats and violence as a means of settling inter-
national difficulties and advocates instead resort to confer-
ences, courts and arbitration;

"That the denomination condemn as vicious and unchristian
all propaganda of hate, and stand against the employment of
the churches for the support of war."

The General Convention of the Christian Church
(1926):

"A false and foolish patriotism may be the very germ of
another and a hundred times worse world war than the one
we have passed through. The Christian Church should speak
in no uncertain way for the outlawry of war, and all lands
should come to understand that the Church of Christ brands
international strife and bloodshed with all its accompanying
hatred and destruction as crime between the nations, as mur-
der is crime between man and man.

"The church and the world should have learned its lesson
by this time, but there still arises a demand for militarism,
under the guise of patriotism and national defense, which
seeks to make military service practically compulsory in our
schools. The church should stand unalterably opposed to such
a movement and should be on guard in every local community
and in the national counsels of the nation to raise its voice
and to give its influence against such a perilous step toward
militarism."

The International Convention of the Disciples of
Christ in 1926 adopted resolutions calling for the cele-
bration of Armistice Day and for the enactment of a law
designating that day as Peace Day. It opposed military
training in the following resolution:

"Whereas, our people are committed to the principle of no
conscription in times of peace,

"Be it resolved, That we oppose all compulsory military
training in the colleges, universities and high schools of this
country."

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 93

The General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal
Church (1925):

"We believe that a warless world is a possibility; that life
based on the spirit and principles of the Prince of Peace, so
far from being visionary, contains the only practical method
of security for the future. We regard this work not only as
a corporate responsibility of the whole Church, but as the
individual duty of every Christian citizen. The American
Ambassador to England, himself a communicant of this
Church, said in one of his first public utterances, 'The Foreign
Office of the United States is in the American home.' In this
true and striking statement he reminds every one of us of the
part each must play in this work which transcends all others
in importance.

"We reaffirm the conviction stated by the General Conven-
tion of 1922 that the nations of the world must adopt a peace
system. It is fundamental to such a system that it be built
on the conviction that war is unchristian in principle and
suicidal in practice."

i

The Evangelical Synod of North America (1925) :

"We declare our conviction that international warfare is
incompatible with the Gospel of love and brotherhood which
we profess to believe. The methods used and the passions
aroused by war both outrage Christ's conception of a Kingdom
of God in which men shall trust, love and forgive one another.
We therefore pledge ourselves to support every movement
which looks toward an organization of the nations for the
elimination and outlawry of war; and to use every means
to create the spirit of international goodwill among our people.
We furthermore declare that we will not, as a Christian
Church, ever bless or sanction war. We make this declaration
of abstention as a Christian communion and do not intend it
to bind individuals unless and until they accept it personally.
We do mean it to commit our Church to the fundamental
proposition that to support war is to deny the Gospel we
profess to believe."

94 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

The United Lutheran Church in America (1924):

"We believe that the time has come when it is necessary
to stress the fact that nationalism and internationalism are
not mutually exclusive terms, that patriotism and the love
of other nations and races are complementary, that the proc-
esses employed by and within the nation to secure justice,
peace and stability must be employed in an ever-increasing
measure in the intercourse between nations, that the arbitra-
ment of arms must yield in an ever larger degree to the
arbitrament of reason, of law and of Christian love, and that
to this end Christian citizens are pledged as such to exert
every effort, through the establishment of some effective
agency, to further justice and goodwill in their own country
and in the commonwealth of nations. We believe that the
Lutheran World Convention can contribute materially to the
furtherance of world peace and petition it to consider this
problem.

"Holding these fundamental principles we recognize the fact
that sin is still in the world and that nations might be unwar-
rantably incited to attack and invade our nation and therefore
we believe that in accordance with the teaching of Article XVI
of the Augsburg Confession and Article I of the Constitution
of the United States, Christians may engage in just war and
act as soldiers."

The New York and New England Synod of the United
Lutheran Church in America (1924) :

"The record of human progress reveals that we arrive at
certain stages when the Christian conscience, enlightened by
the Word of God, demands the sloughing off of evils which
can be endured no longer. That hour, we believe, has arrived
for the horrible practice of war. . . .

"If the existing desire for peace is expressed and spread still
further and intensified, it will become a dominant issue in our
political life and a determined citizejiry will substitute law
for military force. Governments will find a way to accom-
plish what the people demand.

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 95

"We petition the United Lutheran Church to recommend
to the next Lutheran World Conference to adopt a program
of education and action so that the 80,000,000 Lutherans
throughout the world may be enlisted and led in a campaign
against war."

The General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal
Church (1928):

"Whereas, the Honorable Frank B. Kellogg, Secretary of
State of the United States, has taken a heroic, earnest and un-
precedented stand in favor of the outlawry of war, and is per-
sistently endeavoring to bring the same to pass;

"Therefore, Be It Resolved, that we instruct the Secretary
of this General Conference to express to Secretary Kellogg
our appreciation of his efforts and to assure him that the Gen-
eral Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in session
at Kansas City wishes to cooperate with him in every possible
way.

"We rejoice in the efforts now being made by the United
States and other governments to enter into compacts with
other nations for the outlawry of war. We are convinced that
war has become the supreme enemy of mankind. Its continu-
ance is the suicide of civilization. We would utterly repudiate
our professed faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, the Prince of
Peace, if we held that war is inevitable. War is not inevitable.
Disputes between nations, like disputes between individuals,
may be settled by judicial processes. We believe, therefore,
that war should be made a public crime under the law of
nations.

"We recognize the need of an army and navy sufficient to
serve as a police power for the protection of life and property
on land and sea. But as a Christian body we 'renounce war
as an instrument of national policy/ and set ourselves to
create the will to peace. The agencies of our Church shall not
be used in preparation for war. They shall be used in prep-
aration for peace. We must do our full share to mould the

96 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

present youth of all races into a peace-loving generation. To
this end we recommend that the Board of Bishops appoint a
commission on peace and world fellowship, consisting of seven
ministers and eight laymen, and that this commission be em-
powered to employ an executive secretary and to secure from
the General Conference Expense Fund a sufficient sum to
finance its operation.

"Preparation for war leads to war. We therefore urge the
President of the United States to prepare for another Confep-
ence of Nations to secure a more drastic reduction of arma-
ments of every kind. We adhere to the principle that diplo-
macy should be used instead of military intervention in our
relations with other nations. The rights of the smallest nation
must be held as sacred as those of the strongest.

"We call upon our members as citizens to exert themselves
to the utmost to secure the participation of their respective
governments in a World Court which shall have affirmative
jurisdiction over all international disputes, and shall develop
and administer international law upon the basic principle that
war is a crime. We urge upon our members their duty as
citizens to secure the participation of their respective govern-
ments in an effective association of nations which shall under-
take to remove the causes of war and to lead the world into

the ways of peace.

• • • •

"We record our appreciation of the efforts being made by
the government of the United States of America looking to-
ward world peace. There are, however, certain policies now
in vogue which tend to weaken these efforts, and against which
we protest.

"We are opposed to compulsory military training in high
schools, colleges and universities.

"We are opposed to the advertising of military training
camps by government postmarks on mail matter, the distribu-
tion of which in this and foreign countries tends to create a
wrong impression regarding the attitude of the United States
toward the spirit of universal peace.

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 97

"In accord with the desire for world peace by understanding
as often expressed by the Methodist Episcopal Church, be it
Resolved, That we' as a General Conference request the Con-
gress and the President of the United States to withhold their
support of the naval bill now before the Senate looking to the
laying down of more cruisers beyond the fiscal year ending
June, 1929, and to any clause in such a bill which would re-
strict the President in his power to suspend construction of
cruisers authorized in the event of the calling of an interna-
tional conference for further reduction of naval armaments.

"The secretary is instructed to wire this petition to the Pres-
ident and to the Senate of the United States."

The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church
(1924):

"The Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. pledges all its
energies to the outlawry of war and to the hastening of the
day when nations shall learn war no more. We refuse to
believe that the wholesale slaughter of human beings upon the
battlefield is morally necessary to man's highest development
any more than is killing by individuals. We see in war's
cruelties, made more terrible by modern invention, not only
a menace to civilization but also a definite challenge to the
followers of the Prince of Peace."

The Eastern Synod of the Reformed Church in the
United States of America (1924) :

"We avow our sincere patriotism and our unquestioned
loyalty to the nation that we love, but we claim for ourselves
the right and the liberty to speak at any time contrary to
those who may temporarily be in control of the government,
if loyalty to the Spirit of Jesus Christ, as we apprehend it,
demands such action.

"Recognizing the moral and spiritual attainments of the
race to be what they are, we do not cherish the illusion that
a nation attacked would refuse to defend itself. We, there-
fore, believe that international agencies and instrumentalities

98 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

must be created that will insure justice and protection to all
nations, great and small, strong and weak.

"We refuse to believe that such agencies cannot be created
but are of the firm conviction that if the government would
set itself aggressively to the pursuit of peace, and would
expend the equivalent of time, thought, energy and money in
devising peaceful means for the settlement of disputes that
it now spends in preparing for war, the peace of the world
would be more assured than it is at this time.

"But we are likewise convinced that no organization of
government and no international agencies can in themselves
be depended on to insure the peace of the world and we, there-
fore, call on all our pastors and churches to be instant in
season and out of season to create the spirit of goodwill and
brotherliness in all human relationships and to bring the life
of Christ and the powers of the gospel to bear on the spirit
of the age."

The General Conference of the Seventh Day Baptist
Church (1926):

"War is un-Christian. For twenty centuries, two diametri-
cally opposed systems of philosophy have grown up together
in this world. One is based upon love and goodwill toward
God and fellow man. It exalts the value of the individual
life and soul. The other is based on hate and organized
slaughter. It exalts the value of force and counts life as
nothing except as it contributes to the military strength of
the State. . . . The time is here when we must decide wrhich
of these traditions shall prevail — whether the Cross or the
sword shall be our symbol; whether we will worship Christ
or Mars, for both cannot prevail together."

The Universalist General Convention (1925):

"Whereas, a cardinal principle of the Universalist church
is that of allegiance to 'the Spiritual Authority and Leader-
ship of Jesus/ to be interpreted by its members as their con-
science may direct; and whereas, there are those among its

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 99

members who interpret this authority as a complete con-
demnation and renunciation of violence between nations as
well as between individuals, operative even in time of war
itself.

"Therefore, be it resolved that the fifty-fifth convention of
the Universalist church recognizes as being in accord with our
fundamental principles the right of members of this church
to refuse on conscientious grounds to participate in any
warfare."

The Universalist General Convention (1927) sent a
memorial to the President and Senate of the United
States urging acceptance of the Briand proposal for a
treaty renouncing war and declaring:

"That war ^hould never again be resorted to by civilized
nations as the means for settling disputes or enforcing claims.

"That war should be declared by the nations to be an inter-
national crime.

"That the renunciation of war by treaties and solemn
engagements should be undertaken between all the principal
nations.

"And that the settlement of every threatening dispute,
whatever its nature, should be sought only by pacific means."

The American Unitarian Association in 1925 pledged
itself to support all efforts to bring about better under-
standing among nations and to organize the nations on a
basis of international cooperation and law.

The religious groups wrhich have from the beginning
made non-participation in war a fundamental part of
their faith — the Brethren, the Moravians, the Mennonites
and the Quakers — pass few resolutions on this subject,
although there is an occasional reiteration of their posi-
tion.

The Church of the Brethren in 1928 adopted a resolu-
tion as follows:

100 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Be it resolved:

That we believe the Church of Christ is a holy institution,
founded on love, peace and brotherhood, and therefore cannot
bless warfare, or endorse the killing of our fellowman.

That every effort be made to foster the altruistic spirit
among the nations and peoples of the world; that all propa-
ganda tending to mislead peoples and create prejudice and
misunderstanding be discouraged; that selfish economic im-
perialism by individuals or corporations be condemned as un-
righteous and out of harmony with the Christian spirit which
has been a cardinal principle of our American life ; that mili-
tary armament and preparations for war be abolished by the
outlawry of war through peace treaties, and that only such
forces be maintained as may be needed for police protection;
that we advocate the settlement of all international differences
by peace conferences and arbitration; that compulsory mili-
tary training in universities, colleges and high schools, being
un-American and un-Christian, be discontinued.

The Eastern District Conference of Mennonites in
1927 stated:

"The Mennonite Church has for more than four centuries
held the Bible as the one valid and true rule of life. One of
the Biblical principles emphasized by our forefathers, which
we sincerely believe to be essential for the highest type of
life, is that which directs us to affirm that international differ-
ences should be settled by arbitration and not by armies,
according to the New Testament teaching concerning peace.
We therefore reaffirm our solemn conviction that peace ought
to be striven for in the lives of individuals and the lives of
nations."

The Mennonite General Conference in 1917 issued a
statement which said:

"As a Christian people we have always endeavored to sup-
port the government under which we lived in every capacity

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 101

consistent with the teaching of the Gospel as we understand
it, and will continue to do so; but according to this teaching
we cannot participate in war in any form; that is, to aid or
abet war, whether in combatant or non-combatant capacity."

At the Conference of All Friends held in England in
1920, a new statement of the Quaker position on war was
adopted, in the foreword of which the following para-
graphs are found:

"The whole redemptive process, which reveals the nature of
God intimately bound up with a true experience of the life of
God, has at the same time made clear, as nothing else ever has,
the infinite worth of personal life seen in the light of that
love that suffers long and is kind. Love is no accident of a
creation struggling to survive and to propagate life; it is the
expression of the deepest nature of things; it is the energy
by which the spiritual world is formed and built.

"It is because in some real sense we see the truth of the
nature of God and man that we cannot have any part in
the way and method and spirit of war, either for the settle-
ment of international differences or as a solution of the social
and industrial problems which beset our age. It belongs to
the very essence and fiber of our religious faith to take Christ's
way of life as a program to be practiced and to regard His
estimate of the worth of man as the true one. We have no
illusion as to the cost and the difficulty of such a venture.
But we cannot do otherwise. We know of no other way to
preserve our loyalty to the highest or to bring in the Kingdom
for which Christ lived and died."

The Moravian Church adopted through its Provincial
Synod in June, 1925, a resolution which said in part:

"Whereas, The Moravian Church, in view of its history and
ideals, should be among the foremost of those who carry on
this 'war against war* ....

"Resolved, That it is our conviction, that when such vast

102 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

sums are being spent in preparation for possible war, the
Government should stand ready to spend liberal sums in the
cultivation of peace, in the holding of Disarmament Confer-
ences, in the maintenance of a World Court and in the prose-
cution of other enterprises having the same end in view."

In some instances church groups have not made it
their practice to pass resolutions. Nevertheless, the pro-
motion of peace is a fundamental part of their belief.

The Corresponding Secretary of the Christian Science
Board of Directors recently made the following state-
ment:

"The Discoverer and Founder of Christian Science, Mary
Baker Eddy, was a lifelong advocate of conciliation, arbitra-
tion, and peace. In a letter to an editor, she said 'I am
absolutely and religiously opposed to war' ("The First Church
of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany," page 284). One of the
By-Laws which she wrote for the Church she founded reads
in part as follows: 'It shall be the duty of the members of
The Mother Church and of its branches to promote peace on
earth and goodwill toward men' ("Church Manual," page 45).
Accordingly, all Christian Scientists are actively interested in
practical measures for the prevention of war. The inter-
national character of our Church contributes to goodwill
between nations, but much of what is being done by Christian
Scientists for the abolition of war is being done through our
international newspaper, The Christian Science Monitor. One
of the aims of this newspaper is to be an active and vigilant
agency for international peace."

In the Baha'i faith the unity of mankind and world
peace are basic principles. The writings of 'Abdu'l-Baha
are filled with teachings and prophecies in regard to peace.
The following statement occurs in the Discourses of
'Abdu'1-Baha, delivered during his visit to the United
States in 1912, which have been published in two volumes
under the title, "The Promulgation of Universal Peace" :

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 103

"All the divine manifestations have proclaimed the oneness
of God and. the unity of mankind. They have taught that
men should love and mutually help each other in order that
they might progress. Now if this conception of religion be
true, its essential principle is the oneness of humanity. The
fundamental truth of the manifestations is peace. This under-
lies all religion, all justice."

The Theosophical Society carries on active educational
work for peace through an International Order of Service
with a director of peace work in each city where the Order
exists. One of the objects of this Order of Service is to
develop a World Prayer Week from November 4th to
November 11th. In the belief that "fine thoughts and
prayers are energies that stream forth from the mind"
it seeks to have as many people as possible in all parts
of the world during the two minutes of the Great Silence
observed at noon on November 11th, unite in prayer for
peace. It urges also that at noon each day throughout
the year individuals everywhere think peace and pray for
peace.

The desire of the churches to promote world peace is
by nothing better attested than by the recent change in
the attitude of various denominations toward the work
of missionaries. The underlying theory of foreign mis-
sion work is changing from one of carrying salvation to
the heathen to one of conducting a joint search with the
men and women of other nations for the principle of
divine goodness. This line of development is even lead-
ing to missionaries working under the native Christian
churches rather than their home church. Of more imme-
diate bearing upon issues of war and peace are recent pro-
nouncements in regard to the military protection of mis-
sions by the home government.

The following cablegram was sent in May, 1927, to all
missionaries appointed by the Baptist board:

104 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"Please inform our own missionaries and Chinese Christian
leaders that the policy of the board is as follows: Equal and
reciprocal treaties with China as soon as possible, the United
States negotiating independently if necessary. No armed
intervention by foreign powers. We support the United
States Government in its policy of lion-intervention. We are
in favor of the rapid tranfer of administrative responsibili-
ties- to Chinese Christians and the reoccupation as soon as
practicable of stations by missionaries urgently needed and
desired, who understand that no call must be made for
protection by foreign armed forces and that there must be
no personal participation in Chinese political movements.
The United States Government recognizes that the final
decision concerning missionaries leaving their station rests
with the missionaries themselves. We are notifying the
United States Government of our position."

The China Inland Mission on October 28, 1925, made
the following official statement :

"As an international organization having home centres in
Great Britain, North America, Australasia, and the Continent
of Europe, the China Inland Mission in London, without
the delay for consultation, which would be necessary if a new
declaration were to be made, is glad to reaffirm that from
the Mission's foundation, its principles and practice have
been not to rely upon Government protection, not to make
demands for rights or restitution, but rather to accept as a
privilege what may be offered by its own and the Chinese
Government, to avoid appeals to Consuls and Chinese officials,
to show honour to all in authority whether Chinese or their
own Government officials, as required by the Word of God,
and to recognize practically that the weapons of its warfare
are spiritual and moral, not carnal."

The International Missionary Council, meeting in 1928
in Jerusalem, placed on record its "conviction that the
protection of missionaries should only be by such meth-

THE CHURCH AND PEACE 105

ods as will promote goodwill in personal and official rela-
tions," and urged upon all missionary societies that they
make "no claim on their governments for the armed de-
fense of their missionaries or their property/'

Here and there fear has been expressed that the
churches are taking too active a part in political life and
should devote themselves to the spiritual life of the in-
dividual. A different point of view is taken by Dr. Rein-
hold Niebuhr, member of the Executive Board of the
Federal Council of Churches, who agrees that the
churches may be "too politically minded," but holds that
they are not taking an active enough part in influencing
the policies of states :

"Is it not true that in everything that the Church has been
doing since it has achieved an interest in politics it has been
too politically-minded? Not that the Church should have less
interest in politics. It should have more, but we cannot afford
to be politically-minded when we are settling political ques-
tions. We must be prophetic. If we cannot stand for some
principle that is higher than that politicians are willing to
accept, we show that we have not sufficient moral vision to
guide our nation spiritually. If all we can do is to make a
pronouncement that sounds like the platform of a political
party, where is the uniqueness of our ethical insight? . . .
As a Church we must challenge the nations to a mutual trust,
to the building up of a new kind of international system. We
must go far beyond anything the nations are willing to do
todav. As Christians we must divest ourselves a little bit of
'statesmanship/ with its compromises — become more pro-
phetic. We are still being dragged at the chariot wheels
of the state. We will have to be more heroic."

CHAPTER IV
WOMEN AND PEACE

Fifty years ago the only women's organizations work-
ing for peace were a dozen groups in Europe called "Olive
Leaf Circles" which had been organized by men as
Ladies' Auxiliaries to the Universal Brotherhood of Man.
Today women's organizations having a total membership
of several millions have undertaken to study the problem
of how war can be abolished and to work for its abolition.

When the first peace organizations were formed early
in the 19th century, women were not allowed to speak at
their meetings. Julia Ward Howe was denied permission
to speak at a national convention of the English Peace
Society as late as 1878 on the ground that women never
had spoken at these meetings. In the same year she went
as a delegate to an international peace congress in Paris,
but when she asked permission to speak, she was told she
might talk with the officers of the Society when the pub-
lic meeting had adjourned.

The peculiar antagonism of women to war and their
special responsibility for peace have nevertheless always
been taken for granted. Among certain primitive tribes
it was left to the judgment of the women to decide when
fighting had gone on long enough and to command the
chiefs to make peace, which the chiefs then did without
loss of their reputation for bravery. In the literature of
the Greeks there are two famous dramas, written by men,
expressing women's antipathy to war, "The Trojan
Women," which voices their lament, and "Lysistrata,"

106

WOMEN AND PEACE 107

which depicts their rebellion. To Virgil, war was that
which is "hateful-to-mothers."

In modern as well as ancient literature, the dramatic
conflict between the creative impulses of women and the
destructive nature of war finds repeated expression, most
vivid, perhaps, in a modern French romance, also written
by a man, which pictures the women of Paris stopping
the outbreak of another conflict by breaking through the
guards at the stations where troops are entraining, and
throwing themselves with the wild passion of a mob
against the locomotives, so that the trains can proceed
only over their bodies.

Modern psychologists show this conviction that women
are by nature enemies of war to be well founded. They
declare further that it is only through the expression of
women's instinctive opposition to war that war will be
abolished. Among the points they make are these, which
were emphasized in the address of Dr. Beatrice Hinkle
before the Conference on the Cause and Cure of War in
1925:

"War is the product of the irrational (that is to say, un-
rational) impulses of men toward self-assertion and power;
reason is not yet strong enough to control such impulses;
they can be controlled only by other and stronger irrational
impulses; the impulses of women are toward creation and
preservation of life; and because they have been less sup-
pressed and modified than those of men, they are stronger
and will be able to overcome them if given full play."

Benjamin Kidd in his "Science and Power" declares
that civilization depends upon the control of the present
in the interest of the future; that men are led by the
impulse of the fight to seek power in the present; but
that to women the future is greater than the present and
the race greater than the individual. It is upon women,

108 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

therefore, that the carrying forward of civilization
depends.

If this claim of the psychologists, that the overthrow
of war depends upon the expression of the special im-
pulses of women is true, the organized, voting women of
today face this problem : How can they express their im-
pulse for peace in practical political terms, that is, use
for its expression the methods and the tools of men, with-
out destroying the vital force of the impulse itself?

Dr. Hinkle indicates the necessary conditions for suc-
cess. Women must learn to accept themselves and to
value themselves "as beings possessing a worth at least
equal to that of men"; they must not unthinkingly ac-
cept standards based on masculine psychology ; they must
realize that their own development does not "involve
imitation of men or repudiation of their own instincts."
To quote Dr. Hinkle directly:

"If women can be emotionally aroused to the danger knock-
ing at their door, and, with minds firmly set to 'War shall not
be/ will act true to their own instincts, giving them free play
without argument or reason, one generation will be sufficient
to banish the mass crime of humanity and force men to find
new ways and means of solving the problems of civilization."

Ellen Key writes in "War, Peace and the Future":

"But if we wish to create a new world without continuing
in the old circle where women bear and bring up children to
be destroyed on the field of battle, women must arise and hold
together in the will to make an end of this state of affairs
that has for century after century made the goal of their
mother love and mother labors so meaningless. It is madness
to try, in times of peace, to produce a more and more virile
race only to let it be buried in the graves of the battle-
fields. . . .

"The characteristics that are now scornfully called femi-

WOMEN AND PEACE 109

ninef — as the apostles of might are ashamed to call them
Christian in the same breath that they denounce them — were
in the springtime of Christianity active in the suppression of
violence. If these assets are again to hold violence at bay, it
will be only through the power of women to make them
living again, living not only iii the souls of men but in the
growth and intergrowth of the communities. . . .
. "Until the majority of women in the world can say with
our Selma Lagerlof:

" 'As long as my tongue can utter a word,
As long as blood flows in my veins,
I shall work for the sake of peace,
Though it cost me my life and happiness/
humanity is still far from peace."

The first attempt in modern times to give practical ex-
pression to women's will to peace was made by Julia
Ward Howe. Roused by the suffering caused by the
American Civil War and by the Franco-Prussian War
which closely followed it, she determined to organize a
"women's peace crusade." She says in her "Reminis-
cences" that the question forced itself upon her: "Why
do not the mothers of mankind interfere in these matters
to prevent the waste of that human life of wrhich they
alone bear and know the cost?" The "august dignity of
motherhood and its terrible responsibility" appeared to
her in a new aspect, and she immediately drew up an
appeal to the wromanhood of the wrorld, wrhich she had
translated into all the European languages and distributed
far and wide. Although Mrs. Howe succeeded in ar-
ranging a large public meeting in London, she was not
able to rouse women to the crusade she had hoped. She
continued, however, to work for peace herself through-
out the rest of her life, and to do everything she could
to increase women's public and political power, in the
belief that they would use this power for peace.

110 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

During the World War another American woman, Mrs.
Clara Guthrie d'Arcis, living in Geneva, again attempted
to unite all women upon the "common basis of womanly
compassion" in an attack on war, and established the
World Union of Women for International Concord. In
a speech before the members of this World Union of
Women, the appeal to women's emotions against waf
was put very vividly by the President of the Interna-
tional Council of Women, the Marchioness of Aberdeen
and Temair:

"If the wild deer knows how to protect its young against
the eagle hovering around, by sheltering it under an over-
shadowing rock — if a savage mother knows how to hide her
babe from the vendetta of a rival tribe, cannot the mothers of
today devise plans for an international understanding among
themselves, whereby, inspired by an all-conquering love and
strong in the faith which removes mountains, they will be
able to protect the children of the human race from the calam-
ities which threaten their very existence?"

But in general, organized women today are approach-
ing the problem of establishing world peace from the
scientific and intellectual rather than from the emotional
point of view, and with the obvious intent of bringing
their new political power to bear upon it.

Before the World War and before their attainment of
political power, there were no national or international
women's groups organized solely for the promotion of
peace. The International Council of Women, however,
as early as 1888, at the instigation of Mrs. May Wright
Sewall, whose life was devoted to peace work, included
world peace among its objectives and called an Interna-
tional Conference of Women which met in this country
at the time of the World's Fair. At about the same
period other women's organizations, formed for various

WOMEN AND PEACE 111

purposes, notably the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union under the leadership of Frances E. Willard, cre-
ated special committees to work for world peace, while
frequent international conferences of women and the
formation of the International Woman Suffrage Alli-
ance tended to bring to consciousness the fact that
women in their needs and purposes are united across bor-
der lines. During the last quarter of the last century,
individual women in practically every country of the
world were to be found working for peace. Many of the
suffrage pioneers worked also for peace, among them
Lucretia Mott, who is said to have been the first to urge
upon President Lincoln that the "Alabama" dispute be
submitted to arbitration. The best known of the women
peace workers was Baroness Bertha von Suttner of Aus-
tria, who inspired Alfred Nobel to include in his world
prizes one for those who had promoted peace. She was
herself awarded this prize in 1905 for her book, "Lay
Down Your Arms," and is the only woman ever to have
received it.

In 1915, stirred by the suffering of the nations at war,
Jane Addams and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt issued a
call for a convention of women, out of which grew the
first national organization of women designed solely to
promote peace, the Woman's Peace Party. This same
year saw the creation of a Women's International Com-
mittee for Permanent Peace, as the result of an interna-
tional congress of women called at The Hague by Dutch,
British, German, and Belgian women. The Woman's
Peace Party sent 47 delegates to this congress, and its
president, Jane Addams, presided. Twelve countries
were represented. The Congress appointed committees
of women to visit the governments of all neutral and
belligerent nations in an attempt to secure the formation
and acceptance of a neutral international body which

112 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

should be empowered to carry on continuous mediation.
These committees were received by the highest govern-
ment officials and their plan listened to with attention
and expressions of approval.

Nothing could indicate more clearly the peculiar rela-
tion of women to war than this congress held in the
midst of war, at which women from enemy nations sat
side by side on a platform dedicated to "a passionate
human sympathy not inconsistent with patriotism but
transcending it." Not only did the delegates to this
congress, who braved ridicule, ostracism, and imprison-
ment to attend it, prove that women are capable of put-
ting humanity above any single nation, but they showed
that it is possible for women to play a part in the serv-
ice of peace which it would be quite impossible under
present conditions for men to undertake.

After America entered the war, the activities of
women's organizations interested in peace practically
ceased. A very large proportion of their members took
up some form of war work. The Woman's Peace Party
held its fourth annual meeting in the Friends Meeting
House in Philadelphia in 1917. Several of the members
reported that they were making speeches on such sub-
jects as "After the War, What?" and "The New Pre-
paredness," designed to promote a peace that should be
permanent. Others were lecturing on the conservation
of food, including Miss Addams, who has since stated
that she felt at the time that the effort to ward off
starvation united women the world over in their own
ancient task of feeding humanity. In one or two
instances state branches continued to carry on educa-
tional work for permanent world peace, as independent
organizations, notably the League for Permanent Peace,
in Massachusetts, of which Mrs. J. Malcolm Forbes was
president.

WOMEN AND PEACE 113

Following the announcement of the Armistice, a second
international congress of women, agreed upon at the
Hague conference, was called to meet simultaneously
with the Peace Conference. This meeting of women pro-
tested against the Treaty of Versailles as violating the
principles upon which alone a just and lasting peace
could be based, and was instrumental in securing in the
provisions of the League of Nations a clause declaring all
positions under the League open to women as well as to
men. The name of the organization was at this time
changed to the Women's International League for Peace
and Freedom. This remains the only international or-
ganization of women working exclusively for peace. It
now has branches in 24 countries and connections in 12
others.

Work for peace was not undertaken by other women's
organizations to any great extent in the years immedi-
ately following the war, but in 1921 at a national conven-
tion of the League of Women Voters, Mrs. Carrie Chap-
man Catt, throwing aside a speech on other subjects,
roused the women by a magnificent outcry against war,
appealing to them to prevent another war and ending
with the challenge, "The women in this room can do this
thing! The women in this room can do this thing!"
This speech may be considered the starting point of a
campaign of organized women for peace, in which the
greatest women's organizations in the country are partici-
pating.

Shortly before Mrs. Catt's speech, a group of women
m Washington had formed the Women's Committee for
World Disarmament in the hope of reviving interest in
a proposal made by Senator Borah for an international
disarmament conference at Washington. Mrs. Catt's
speech and the mass meeting arranged by this Women's
Committee, at which Senator Borah renewed his demand

114 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

that this government call a disarmament conference, were
recognized as effective forces, along with the work of the
organized churches, in securing the actual calling of the
Washington Conference.

Preceding the opening of the Disarmament Confer-
ence, a joint committee of the outstanding women's or-
ganizations in Washington arranged a second large mass
meeting which gave effective expression to the public de-
sire that the Conference should be thoroughgoing and
that it should not end without definite results.

Discussion caused by the Disarmament Conference
further stimulated peace work in women's organizations.
Today there are committees on peace or international
relations in the National League of Women Voters, the
American Association of University Women, the General
Federation of Women's Clubs, the National Council of
Jewish Women, the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, the National Council of Women, the Woman's
Missionary Union of Friends in America, the National
Women's Trade Union League. Other organizations sup-
port work for peace by study groups, by resolutions, or
by promoting, through their international membership,
understanding and friendship. Among these organiza-
tions are the Council of Women for Home Missions, the
Y. W. C. A., the National Federation of Temple Sister-
hoods, and the International Federation of Soroptimists
Clubs.

In addition to the American section of the Women's
International League for Peace and Freedom, there are
in the United States two other national women's organi-
zations which are devoted solely to work for world
peace — the Women's Peace Union and the Women's
Peace Society. These two women's organizations cour-
ageously occupy the extreme left wing of the peace
movement, standing against all participation in war on

WOMEN AND PEACE 115

the ground that human life should be held sacred and
inviolable under all circumstances. The Women's Peace
Union has secured the introduction in Congress of an
amendment to the Constitution making it illegal to pre-
pare for, declare, or carry on war.

The two most effective activities for peace which or-
ganizations of women, not primarily formed for peace
work, have undertaken since the Disarmament Confer-
ence, are the legislative campaign of the Women's
World Court Committee and the calling of three national
Conferences on the Cause and Cure of War.

Seventeen organizations were represented on the
Women's World Court Committee : the American Associ-
ation of University Women, American Federation of
Teachers, American Home Economics Association, Ameri-
can Nurses' Association, Council of Women for Home Mis-
sions, General Federation of Women's Clubs, National
Board of Young Women's Christian Associations, Na-
tional Congress of Parents and Teachers, National Coun-
cil of Friendly Societies in America, National Council of
Jewish Women, National Council of Women, National
Education Association, National Federation of Colored
Women, National League of Women Voters, National
Service Star Legion, National Woman's Christian Tem-
perance Union, Medical Women's National Association.
This committee of women was the only organized group
working constantly at the Capitol for the two years pre-
ceding the passage of the World Court resolution, and
it is given credit by members of the Senate for the pas-
sage of that resolution.

Under the leadership of Mrs. Catt, the first Conference
on the Cause and Cure of War was called in December,
1925, the second in December, 1926, and the third in Jan-
uary, 1928. Nine organizations participated, the Ameri-
can Association of University Women, the Council of

116 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Women for Home Missions, the Federation of Woman's
Boards of Foreign Missions of North America, the Gen-
eral Federation of Women's Clubs, the National Board of
the Young Women's Christian Associations, the National
Council of Jewish Women, the National League of
Women Voters, the National Woman's Christian Tem-
perance Union, and the National Women's Trade Union
League,

The reasons for calling the Conferences were declared
to be these:

"The futility of war as a means of settling difficulties
between nations becomes increasingly apparent as science is
demonstrating the danger of destroying our civilization by
the character of modern warfare.

"The women's organizations of this country which have
been working, through their respective programs, for an
ordered human society, feel deeply their responsibility in this
realm of war and peace. They believe it is time for their
organizations to unite in taking steps to study the causes and
cures of war."

In opening the first Conference Mrs. Catt made this
statement :

"Men have been taught that physical courage is man's chief
virtue. Every man hates to be called a coward, and when a
man pleads that physical conflict is no longer an effective
institution in our time, someone is sure to call him a coward.
We women have no such obstacle in our way. If we fail, it
will be because we lack moral courage."

The Third Conference on the Cause and Cure of War
agreed to support the renunciation of war as an instru-
ment of national policy ; the use of existing and the crea-
tion of needed international machinery to care for the
common concerns of nations and for the peaceful settle-
ment of international disputes; the development of a

WOMEN AND PEACE 117

foreign policy by the United States which shall promote
peace and mutual goodwill; Secretary Kellogg's proposals
for the negotiation of treaties to renounce war as an in-
strument of national policy; efforts to clear up the diffi-
culties which are now hindering our adherence to the
World Court; the Burton resolution (or similar resolu-
tions) prohibiting the shipment of arms to any nation at
war; the movement to keep our current navy building
program within such bounds as shall be consonant with
our efforts and those of other countries to promote the
use of peaceful methods for the settlement of interna-
tional disputes; and revision of the "unequal treaties"
between the United States and China. The Conference
decided upon a continuous study of the relations of the
United States with the Latin American countries "to the
end that an intelligent public opinion may encourage our
government in such policies as will carry a maximum of
inter-American support." It further agreed to confer
with those groups of women who question the efficacy
or wisdom of the peace program, with a view to promot-
ing common understanding of the problems of peace and
war, and of differing methods of work. In conclusion
it recognized that women of other countries are deeply
concerned in the building of world peace, and resolved:

"That the National Committee on the Cause and Cure
of War communicate with the leading women's groups in
other countries, particularly those enumerated in the pro-
posal of the State Department, informing them of our pur-
pose; and further, that we express our hope that together we
may be a strong influence in the development of international
public opinion for support of the use of peaceful methods as
a substitute for force which mav enable all civilized nations
to renounce war as an instrument of their national policy;
and in addition we ask their continued support of concrete
methods for the peaceful settlement of international disputes."

118 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Such Conferences as these and the study programs of
their organizations, show a thoroughgoing effort on the
part of women to understand world problems and to learn
how to use their political power to secure such a solution
of those problems as will promote peace. But if women
are to influence the conduct of international affairs, it is
important to recognize the fact that in world affairs
women are still exerting only an "influence," even though
it is an influence expressed in votes. They are not play-
ing a direct part ; decisions involving issues of peace and
war are made by men, not women, and once a decision
is made, opposition to it is looked upon as an "attack on
the government.,, This situation is being made the most
of by militaristic organizations to make women feel that
anything they do or advocate for the promotion of peace
which goes beyond the announced policies of the men
who form the existing administration is disloyal. Here
and there, there have been indications that women realize
that the answer is to vote for candidates on the basis of
their position on problems affecting peace and war, that
is to take the advice of William James and "put peace
men in power," while at the same time they seek for
themselves equal power with men in the responsible
direction of international affairs.

The International Woman Suffrage Alliance, now called
the International Alliance of Women for Suffrage and
Equal Citizenship, which for many years has sought
greater political power for the women of all countries, in
1926 created a special committee to work directly for
world peace. This International Committee for Peace
and the League of Nations held the first of a proposed
series of study conferences on peace problems at Amster-
dam in 1927, at which Mrs. Corbett Ashby, of England,
speaking to the conference as President of the Alliance,
urged the delegates to take up the question of peace "not

WOMEN AND PEACE 119

sentimentally, but as voting citizens" prepared to develop
public opinion in their countries and to use their votes
"to take the next practical step toward peace."

Organized women appeared this year before the na-
tional conventions of political parties in this country, to
urge inclusion in their platforms of planks promoting
world peace. It is perhaps even more significant that
they are beginning to send questionnaires to candidates
for Congress asking their position on measures affecting
the establishment of world peace.

The National League of Women Voters appeared
before the platform committees of the 1928 conventions
and proposed the adoption of the following plank on
"International Cooperation" :

We endorse the effort to secure by one uniform agreement
with many nations the renunciation of war as between them-
selves, and we support the substitution of arbitration for war
as an instrument of public policy in the settlement of inter-
national differences. We further reiterate our support of the
entry of the United States into the Permanent Court of Inter-
national Justice.

The Women's International League for Peace and
Freedom proposed to the 1928 conventions planks sup-
porting the outlawry of war, opposing intervention as
unethical in principle and ultimately unsound in prac-
tice, recommending the demilitarization of the Mexican
border under a treaty similar to that between the United
States and Canada, declaring in favor of the greatest
possible reduction of naval armaments by international
agreement and the abandonment of any program for the
increase of the naval establishment of this country. The
questions which this organization is putting to candi-
dates for elective political offices in the 1928 campaign
ask their position in regard to the entry of the United

120 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

States into the World Court, the ratification of the treaty
renouncing war, the abandonment of a program for an
increase in the naval establishment, the reduction of arms
by international agreement, the establishment of an
international claims commission to deal with property
rights of citizens abroad, the demilitarization of the
Mexican border, the independence of the Philippines,
and the appropriation of funds for military training in
schools and colleges.

It is obvious that the peace movement and the woman's
movement are closely interwoven ; fundamentally, indeed,
they are the same, for both protest against rule by force
and assert the value of the individual. It has even been
claimed that the reason American women enjoy so large
a degree of power and freedom is due to the fact that the
military tradition has never been strong in this country.
The abolition of war when women have won an equal
share in the control of government was prophesied by
Olive Schreiner in "Woman and Labor":

"War will pass when intellectual culture and activity have
made possible to the female an equal share in the control
and governance of modern national life; it will probably not
pass away much sooner; its extinction will not be delayed
much longer."

It is easy, therefore, to see how it happens that the
one-time bitter opponents of woman suffrage are found
today among the most bitter opponents of the peace
movement.

One old argument of the military-minded against suf-
frage, which was that women took no part in war and
therefore had no right to vote, cannot, however, be used
in the attempt to keep women from using their votes to
promote peace. Women were shown in the last war to
be indispensable to the successful prosecution of war un-

WOMEN AND PEACE 121

der modern conditions, and in the next war it is an ac-
cepted fact that munition workers and those engaged in
the production and distribution of food to say nothing of
civilians in general will be subject to as deadly attack as
the armies in the field. The effort of the military authori-
ties to introduce rifle practice and military drill into
women's schools and colleges, the proposal of citizen train-
ing camps for women to be conducted under the War De-
partment, and official recognition in one form or another
of the older women leaders of the various groups serve
two purposes : to prepare women for participation in war
activities and to break down their psychological opposi-
tion to war.

The New York Federation of Progressive Women ad-
mits in one of its publications:

"It is not to the credit of women's intelligence that, with
less excuse, they have been almost as completely deceived
as men by the propaganda of warmakers. They have fallen
victims to popular opinion, to the incredible vanity of want-
ing a vicarious hero in the family, and have permitted them-
selves to be proud of the abandonment of their first duty,
the protection of the younger generation from the passions
and jealousies of their elders."

H. G. Wells has recently emphasized, in a bitter attack
on the superficiality of women's effort to abolish war, the
dangers involved in the new relationship of women to the
war machine :

"For most women and girls war is as good as a richly
sentimental film that moves them to tears and pity. While it
converts great multitudes of men into a muddy mixture of
rags of flesh and uniform, it greatly enhances the economic
importance of women and their value as nurses, war-wives,
and the inspirers of heroic sacrifices."

122 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Is there a possibility that such influences as these will
make women deny their own natures and fail to do what
they can to ward off war? If such a possibility does exist,
it is because women do not realize what war is. Not long
ago a soldier wrote this letter to "those who have never
been in a battle," that is to say, to all women:

"You, who have never seen a man disappear, literally blown
to atoms, on being struck by a shell; who have never heard
the shrieks of wounded human beings; who have never heard
the hysterical laughter of a man as he gazes at the stump
where his hand was a moment ago; who have never heard
the cries, the groans, the swearing, the praying of men with
festering wounds, lying in a first-aid station, waiting too
long and in vain for ambulances; who have never witnessed
the terror of those men when the station is gassed and there
are no gas masks ; who have never seen convalescents, totally
blind and with both hands amputated above the wrists; can
you say that we should stop at anything in order to prevent
this frightfulness, this savagery, this horror from occurring
again?"

Dr. Charles R. Jefferson points to the same truth :

"Nobody knows what war is unless he has been in it.
Nobody can tell you what it is. You cannot catch the sound
of pain in books. You cannot hear the sighing of a boy whose
life is ebbing away, and who keeps on saying, 'Mother,
Mother/ until his heart stops beating. You cannot hear the
groan of a man whose legs have been blown off, or the shriek
of a man whose every breath is an agony. You cannot hear
the death rattle in a single throat, much less in a thousand
throats. These things are not to be found in books. Nor
can you get the sights of war in books. You cannot see the
twitching of a nerve, the spasm of a muscle, the contortion
of a body twisted into terrible shapes by a torture that can-
not be expressed. Nobody knows what war is who has not
been in war."

WOMEN AND PEACE 123

If women, who today have no longer the excuse
that they are compelled to accept passively the acts of
government, knew war in its brutality and agony, it is
incredible that they would listen with complacence to
statesmen and generals who praise them for their vicari-
ous "heroism" in sending their sons, not only to endure,
but to inflict that agony.

Here and there a woman who has realized what war is,
is calling upon women to rise against it. Kathleen Norris
in a widely syndicated article asks, "You mothers of sons,
where are you, that we do not hear your voices?" The
Woman's Home Companion in an editorial in its issue
for November, 1927, makes the same plea, "Will mothers
keep on doing nothing to save their sons?"

Organization resolutions, conferences of leaders are not
enough. There must be behind these the determined de-
mand and action of individual women everywhere.

CHAPTER V
COMMERCE AND PEACE

In a widely published advertisement of an international
investment company of New York and Chicago, one line
reads :

"Capital recognizes war as its arch enemy and de-
stroyer."

The truth of that assertion has been well supported
by the declaration of the International Chamber of Com-
merce that "the chief responsibility of government is to
find a better means than yet exists for promoting security
and removing fear of war." The reiteration of this con-
viction in the resolutions of business conferences shows
that it is beginning to be generally recognized that under
modern conditions of economic interdependence, war and
the threat of war are obstacles to normal business devel-
opment and prosperity.

The extent of international economic interdependence
under modern industrial conditions is indicated by the im-
ports of the United States which, it is well known, is of
all nations the most nearly self-sufficient. Bass and
Moult-on in their book, "America and the Balance Sheet
of Europe," quote a report of the Guaranty Trust Com-
pany of New York as follows:

"We must obtain manganese for our steel mills from
Russia and South America. Our automobile tire industry
must obtain crude rubber from Brazil; our machine shops,

124

COMMERCE AND PEACE 125

rail mills, armored-plate works, and wire-rope factories must
have nickel from Canada and New Caledonia; our tinplate
manufacturers must import their tin from the Malay Straits
and from Bolivia; our silk factories must get their raw prod-
uct from China and Japan; our clothing wools must be
imported from Australia and Argentina; our manufacturers
of twines, canvas, linens and laces must get their flax from
Russia and Belgium; our burlap makers must get their jute
from India; the sisal which is used to make our binder twine,
which is so essential in the harvesting of our crops, must
come from Yucatan. We must also import large quantities
of cocoanut oil and other vegetable oils from the Dutch East
Indies and from the Pacific Isles; coffee from Brazil; tea from
China, India, Japan and Java; cocoa from Venezuela; sugar
from Cuba; rice from the Far East; spices from the East
Indies; platinum from Colombia; and vanadium from Peru."

Former Secretary of Commerce Redfield says in his
book, "Dependent America/' that:

"If we excluded imported goods we should have to abandon
all or part of many things in constant use, such as telephones,
electric light, radio, phonographs, carpets, linoleum, news-
papers, railways, automobiles, brushes, bagging linen, woolen
and silk clothing, shoes, and the doormats on which our shoes
are wiped. These things and many more are made by secur-
ing from other countries essential elements that we either
are unable to supply or cannot supply in sufficient quantity
or proper quality. . . .

"It is an interesting speculation to think what would happen
to one of our fellow citizens if each element of his clothing
and of the articles commonly used by him at home were given
a voice and spoke in its native dialect. The result would be
such as is written of the Tower of Babel. His hat would talk
in several tongues, his shoes would break out in polyglot
speech, and his clothing wrould unite the languages of Europe
to that of our own land, all languages bearing witness to the
common interests of men, and to the fact that we are engaged

126 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

in a common task, a mutual labor, save when it is ruptured
to the hurt of all by the brutal hand of war."

Commerce is today dependent also on an interchange
of goods, for rapid transportation has led to greater and
greater specialization in production, which means pro-
duction in excess of domestic demand along certain lines,
making the maintenance of markets as important as the
securing of raw materials for production.

On this point, Bass and Moulton in "America and the
Balance Sheet of Europe" say:

"If the power of European nations to produce commodities
required by the United States is seriously impaired, this will
carry with it not merely a reduction in European ability to
buy goods from us, but it will in many cases seriously hamper
American industries as well. Run back over the list of com-
modities that must be imported by the United States, and you
will find that the maintenance of imports is quite as essential
to American prosperity as the maintenance of exports. The
maintenance of trade, whereby the modern system of spe-
cialized production is made possible, is the vitally important
requirement. . . . The modern world is an economic unit,
and no part of it can prosper when other important portions
are in decadence."

Foreign markets and the free flow of trade are ob-
structed not only by war, but by the nationalistic policies
which are encouraged by the war system, while the nor-
mal development of specialized industries is definitely ob-
structed by preparation for war. The need, because of
the possibility of war, to be self-sustaining, causes nations
to carry on industries for which they are not suited or
are less well suited than other countries. This means
that the volume of goods produced of the kind which
the country is best fitted to produce is less than it should
be. Both facts tend to raise prices and restrict trade.

COMMERCE AND PEACE 127

A leader in one of the small European governments, re-
gretting the necessity, because of the threat of war, for
an uneconomic industrial development, said recently:

"We could succeed if we could make full use of our own
opportunities, which are chiefly those of agriculture. We have
the population, the land, and the right climatic conditions.
If we could confine our major efforts to agriculture we could
export a large surplus, could stabilize our money, pay our
debts, and become prosperous."

Industrial prosperity demands more than the avoid-
ance of war, it requires active cooperation among nations,
and national policies based upon a consideration of the
interests of all the countries concerned. It has been con-
vincingly demonstrated in post-war years that business
depression in one part of the world affects all other parts.
The inability of the people of Russia to buy tea depresses
the tea industry in India, with the result that the people
of India have less money with which to buy the cotton
goods produced in England, and this in turn means great
unemployment in the cotton-manufacturing centers of
England and a falling off in the demand for the cotton
raised in the United States with a consequent decrease in
the prosperity of the cotton growers of this country.
Studies made in preparation for the World Economic
Conference held under the auspices of the League. of Na-
tions in 1927, emphasized the fact that prosperity, if it is
to exist at all, must be general:

"During the great war, the nations were driven temporarily
to live to a quite abnormal extent on their own resources, but
this condition of self-sufficiency — incomplete though it was —
was only attained at the cost of hardships which tended rap-
idly to become almost intolerable. The attempts after the
war to seek prosperity by a policy of economic isolation have,
after an experience of nearly nine years, proved a failure. The

128 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

opinion of the world is beginning to understand that prosperity
is not something which can be enjoyed in small compart-
ments."

In the "Great Illusion" Norman Angell sets forth the
actual situation:

"When the prosperity of an average German factory is
distributed pretty evenly over some such factors as these:
the capacity of a peasant in Provenge who sells his olives in
New York to subscribe to a South American loan, in order
that a dock might be built on the Amazon to enable the manu-
facturer in Manchester to sell furniture in Baku to a mer-
chant whose wealth is due to the development of petrol con-
sumption in an automobile trade created in Paris, — in a world
where business is done under such conditions as these, we
are told that the limits of commercial or industrial activitv
are determined by the limits of political influence, and that
there exists some direct relation between political power
and economic advantage! And we are still told it even when
the prosperity of lesser states with no political power give it
daily the lie. The whole thing is one vast mystification, the
most colossal illusion of the modern world."

Another phase of the interest which the people of one
country have today in the prosperity of other countries
is represented in the large number of small foreign in-
vestments. According to a statement of Jerome D.
Greene of Lee, Higginson and Company, made at the
Institute of Pacific Relations Conference July 28, 1927,
there were before the war less than half a million buyers
of foreign securities in the United States and the average
individual sale was more than $10,000; while today the
number of investors reaches into the millions and the
average subscription is about $3,000. Between 1914 and
1927 the foreign investments of American citizens in-
creased from $2,500,000,000 to $14,500,000,000.

COMMERCE AND PEACE 129

In an effort to bring about the cooperation which
modern economic conditions call for, the business leaders
of Europe and America in 1921 organized the Interna-
tional Chamber of Commerce, of which the United States
Chamber of Commerce is a member. Permanent head-
quarters were established in Paris with a resident admin-
istrative commissioner for each country. The first pur-
pose of the International Chamber of Commerce is to
promote "peace and progress." The importance it places
on the maintenance of peace is shown in the following
resolution in which it declares that the chief responsibil-
ity of governments is to maintain peace:

"Business men may do their part to promote better under-
standing and increase goodwill. It remains for governments,
however, representing the authority of the people, to find
better means than yet exist for promoting security and remov-
ing fear of war. The chief responsibility of government is the
solution of this problem."

One of the significant features of the International
Chamber is its own Court of Arbitration, which for the
first time places at the disposal of business men a
universal procedure for the settlement of commercial
differences through arbitration rather than through litiga-
tion. The acceptance of the decisions of the representa-
tives is obligatory. If one party refuses to present his
case an award by default may be made. If a party re-
fuses to accept a decision, the local chamber of commerce
to which the member belongs is called upon to take dis-
ciplinary measures and the name of the defaulting mem-
ber, with the facts in the case, is published. This pub-
licity feature is declared to be effective in bringing about
the acceptance of arbitral awards.

Business men are also attempting to meet the fact of
a world market by the organization of international car-
tels through which, by combining to regulate production,

130 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

markets and prices, in the light of the world situation,
they hope to counteract the effects of the war upon
commerce and trade and to supply remedies where gov-
ernments have failed to do so. Cartels existed before the
World War but their operations have been increased and
their numbers greatly expanded since 'the war. Besides
certain basic products such as zinc, white lead, sulphur,
the commodities involved in these cartels include cement,
copper, dye stuffs, electric lamps, enamel ware, glass
bottles, matches, oleomargerine, paper, pipes, rayon and
steel rails. The recently formed cartels control a larger
proportion of the world's trade than the pre-war cartels,
as, for instance, the copper cartel which controls 90% of
the output and the rayon cartel which controls four-fifths.
The ultimate effect of these international combinations
of producers is uncertain, but they are an unmistakable
indication of the fact that national boundaries are no
longer economic realities.

In 1925 the Assembly of the League of Nations adopted
a resolution for a World Economic Conference, which
should approach the problem of the inter-relation of peace
and commerce from the point of view of the responsibility
of business leaders to modify their policies in the interest
of world peace, rather than from the point of view that
governments should maintain peace in the interest of
business prosperity. The resolution read :

"The Assembly, firmly resolved to seek all possible means
of establishing peace throughout the world; convinced that
economic peace will largely contribute to security among the
nations; persuaded of the necessity of investigating the eco-
nomic difficulties which stand in the way of the revival of
general prosperity and of ascertaining the best means of
overcoming these difficulties and of preventing disputes;
invites the Council to consider at the earliest possible moment
the expediency of constituting on a wide basis a preparatory

COMMERCE AND PEACE 131

committee which, with the assistance of the technical organi-
zations of the League and the International Labor Office, will
prepare the work for an international economic conference.,,

The conference proposed in this resolution was held in
1927. Its discussions recognized the interdependence of
the problems of commerce with labor and agriculture.
The International Chamber of Commerce, the Interna-
tional Labor Organization, and the International Insti-
tute of Agriculture cooperated closely in its work. Al-
though unofficial in its character, the importance of this
conference was widely recognized. Of the value of such
international business cooperation as it represented the
Baltimore Sun said editorially:

"International business cooperation, wThich on analysis is
what this conference sought, can in many ways give pointers
to those who seek the more difficult end of harmonious political
relations between nations. That the nationalistic passion of
post-war years has injured the prosperity of many who have
indulged most fiercely in forwarding the 'each for himself
doctrine is no longer open to question. That all the leading
powers should have agreed to consider the doctrine of mutu-
ality instead is a real advance, even though no overnight
change results."

Among the general resolutions adopted by the confer-
ence were the following:

"Recognizing that the maintenance of world peace depends
largely upon the principles on which the economic policies of
nations are framed and executed, the Conference

"Recommends that the governments and peoples of the
countries here represented should together give continuous
attention to this aspect of the economic problem and look
forward to the establishment of recognized principles designed
to eliminate those economic difficulties which cause friction
and misunderstanding in a world which has everything to
gain from peace and harmonious progress.

132 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"Whereas the world as a whole still devotes considerable
sums to armaments and to preparations for war, which reduce
the savings available for the development of industry, com-
merce and agriculture, and are a heavy burden upon the
finances of the different States, entailing heavy taxation which
reacts upon their whole economic life and lowers their stand-
ard of living, the Conference

"Expresses the earnest hope that all efforts to effect, by
agreements between States, limitation and reduction of arma-
ments, and particularly those under the auspices of the League
of Nations, will have successful results and thus alleviate the
burdens described above."

The outstanding action taken by the World Economic
Conference was on the subject of tariffs, the conclusion
reached being summarized in the final report as follows:

"The essential conclusion which emerges from the discussion
in this field is that the Conference declares that 'the time has
come to put an end to the increase in tariffs and to move in
the opposite direction.1

"A fact that may be taken as marking a considerable step
in the evolution of ideas in customs tariffs is that this question,
notwithstanding its fundamental importance in the economy
of each State, has now come to be considered as no longer
being exclusively within the domain of national sovereignty
but as falling within the scope of problems for which parallel
or concerted action among the different nations is possible and
desirable. Each nation will then know that the concession it
is asked to make will be balanced by corresponding sacrifices
on the part of the other nations."

In order that the cooperation begun by the conference
might be continued, the Assembly of the League voted
at its 1927 meeting to set up an Economic Organization,
which is composed of a committee dealing particularly
with the economic relations between states and their in-
ternational economic policies; subcommittees of experts

COMMERCE AND PEACE 133

for the study of the various phases of problems involved ;
and an advisory committee on which specially qualified
individuals from any nation may serve as members.
Two places are reserved for nationals from the United
States.

At the fourth biennial session of the International
Chamber of Commerce, which met shortly after the
World Economic Conference, the problem of tariff bar-
riers again occupied a large part of the discussion. Among
the resolutions adopted on this point was the following:

"The Congress wishes most particularly to affirm the em-
phatic adhesion of the business world to the declarations of
the Geneva Conference regarding those tariff walls and poli-
cies which are unduly hampering trade directly or indirectly.
It especially associates itself with this statement:

" 'The Conference declares that the time has come to put
an end to the increase in tariffs and to move in the opposite
direction/ "

In the introduction to its resolution on trade barriers,
the Congress included, at the suggestion of the American
group, the following statement:

"Trade is not an end in itself. It is only a means to an end.
The general economic welfare is its goal. It is in such a sense,
and with a view to the welfare of all sections of the com-
munity in all countries thpt the Congress desires its conclu-
sions to be interpreted."

Owen D. Young, chairman of the American delegation,
enlarged upon this statement as to the importance of gen-
eral economic welfare as follows:

"The most significant pronouncement of the Congress was its
declaration that the object to be sought was the largest and
most economical production and distribution of goods and

134 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

services to all peoples — that trade was not an end in itself,
but only a means to enable people to produce more and buy-
more, and thereby raise their standards of living. All bar-
riers to trade are to be examined in the light of this principle.
The test is not whether they are a bar to the trader, but
whether they restrict unnecessarily economic development.
International business at last places itself squarely on the
foundation that in the long run its own best interest is served
through improved economic conditions rather than by an
attempt to obtain, here or there, temporary advantages for
the trader himself."

This emphasis on the need for tariff reform is directly
traceable to the post-war policies of European nations
which sought unsuccessfully to recover a part of the eco-
nomic loss of the war years by the imposition of high
duties. As early as 1926 the bankers of 16 nations, in-
cluding the United States, which was represented by
various financiers, among them J. Pierpont Morgan, is-
sued a manifesto appealing for lowered tariff barriers.
The manifesto contained these paragraphs :

"Too many states in pursuit of false ideals of national inter-
est, have imperiled their own welfare and lost sight of the
common interests of the world by basing their commercial
relations on the economic folly which treats all trading as a
form of war.

"Happily there are signs that opinion in all countries is
awakening at last to the dangers ahead. The League of
Nations and the International Chamber of Commerce have
been laboring to reduce to a minimum all formalities, prohi-
bitions and restrictions, to remove inequalities of treatment
in other matters than tariffs, to facilitate the transport of
passengers and goods. In some countries powerful voices are
pleading for the suspension of tariffs altogether. Others have
suggested the conclusion for long periods of commercial agree-
ments embodying in every case the most-favored-nation clause.

"On the valuable political results which might flow from

COMMERCE AND PEACE 135

such a policy, of the substitution of goodwill for ill will, of
cooperation for exclusiveness, we will not dwell. But we wish
to place on record our conviction that the establishment of
economic freedom is the best hope of restoring the commerce
and the credit of the world."

Immediately upon the issuance of this Bankers' Mani-
festo, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Mellon, issued
a statement that the Manifesto was concerned only with
Europe. President Coolidge on several occasions also em-
phasized this point. It is, nevertheless, the policy which
the United States has followed within its own boundaries
that business leaders are urging Europe to imitate, for
when the United States was founded, it broke entirely
with the economic policy of the mercantilists, under which
high protective tariffs had been developed during the 17th
and 18th centuries, and established free trade among the
states of the Union.

Besides the obstacle of high import tariffs, the normal
flow of trade has been interfered with in recent years by
attempted governmental control of the export of raw
materials. Dr. E. Dana Durand, Chief of the Division of
Statistical Research in the Bureau of Foreign and Domes-
tic Commerce of the Department of Commerce, says of
this practice:

"Government control of raw materials is likely to lead to
very serious abuses and injustices. . . . No doubt most of
those favoring such plans have contemplated at the outset
only such a moderate advance in prices as would prevent loss.
But once such a policy is entered upon and some success
achieved in advancing prices, producers and government
authorities are all too likely to become greedy and to push
the limitation of output and the advance in prices to wholly
inordinate lengths.

"There is grave danger that further extension of the recent
tendency toward the establishment of government control of

136 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

exportation of raw materials will go contrary to all the hopes
and aims of those who are seeking world peace, economic and
political. Discriminatory measures breed retaliation, and
interferences with the normal laws of economics tend, once
started, to pile up like a rolling snowball and to pile up at
the same time international ill will."

In spite of the widespread recognition on the part of
business leaders that war is no longer compatible with
prosperity, the question remains whether a large enough
portion of the financial interests of the world and of the
governments which come under their influence, have
reached the point where they are willing to pay the price
of assured peace by the modification of certain current
economic policies. Perhaps nothing illustrates more
clearly the fact that we are at a turning point in civiliza-
tion than this conflict between the recognition of business
leaders that prosperity demands peace and the continua-
tion of certain customary methods of business which tend
toward war.

Besides the danger involved in excessive tariff barriers,
the various policies grouped under the term imperialism,
in which financial and political interests are closely asso-
ciated, are recognized as a constant threat to world peace.
It is also true that, although business interests in gen-
eral suffer severely from war and the maintenance of the
war system, manufacturers of munitions and of other
supplies, needed in large quantity by an army, directly
profit from war and wrar scares.

By its policy of "mobilizing" industry, that is, placing
contracts ready to go into effect upon the declaration of
war in the hands of manufacturers, the War Department
necessarily calls attention to a possibility of profit in
war. Although it is incredible that many business men
would be willing to encourage war for the sake of personal
gain, there is little doubt that individuals in this group

COMMERCE AND PEACE 137

have exerted an influence against the passage of legisla-
tive measures designed for the restriction or abolition of
war, and have encouraged war talk and war "prepared-
ness" programs.

Professor Raymond Leslie Buell, in "International Re-
lations," says of the pro-war influence of munitions man-
ufacturers :

"As the size of the armaments depends upon the fear that
war is imminent, unscrupulous men may go so far as to stimu-
late international animosity. If the armament interests
worked in the open, their purpose would be defeated. Con-
sequently they frequently make use of 'patriotic' organizations
and support 'preparedness* campaigns, really in the interest
of business profits. Before the World War, the executive
committee of the British National Service League was com-
posed of nine men who were at the same time officers in
armament firms.

"Armament firms may also make use of distorted informa-
tion to create war scares. The Dreadnaught panic of 1909
in England was caused by the false report that the German
fleet would outdistance the British fleet in 1912 by 9 dread-
naughts. This information was innocently given to Parlia-
ment bv Lord Balfour from a 'secret' source which later
proved to be an armament firm. Although the information
was false, this fact was not established until Parliament had
passed the desired appropriations."

In 1913, a member of the German Reichstag disclosed,
in a speech before that body, practices of certain private
German munition firms in whose behalf on the plea
that their productiveness must be maintained in the in-
terest of war organization, the government was restricting
production by state-owned plants. Conclusive evidence
was produced to show that orders for arms were being
stimulated by such methods as securing the publication
in a French paper of the statement that France intended

138 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

to double her orders for machine guns. The following
letter, sent by the Waffen-Und-Munitions-Fabrik to its
agent in Paris, was among the documents discovered:

"We should like to have inserted in the most widely read
French newspaper, if possible in the Figaro, an article con-
taining the following passage: The French War Office has
decided considerably to hasten the re-arming of the army
with machine guns, and to order twice the number that was at
first intended/

"We request you to take all steps to have an article of the
kind indicated accepted."

Commenting on these revelations, the Evening Post of
New York said, on April 21, 1913:

"Well, these Berlin revelations will help a little. . . . They
ought to open the eyes of many who have been blinded here-
tofore by the familiar cant and humbuggery of the imperialist
— manifest destiny, race entity, preserving peace by arming
for war, paying merely insurance on a nation's welfare, etc.
All these and other stereotyped phrases have befuddled the
taxpayers. But the time is coming when the people will insist
that their Prime Ministers and Presidents are hired primarily
to insure peace by their conduct of national affairs, and will
decline to dance further to the tune of the gun-making piper.
There is really no adequate penalty for such offences against
the peace of the nation as are now revealed in Germany."

On December 15, 1915, in the House of Representatives
of the United States, the Hon. Clyde H. Tavenner of Il-
linois, in a long and carefully documented speech, de-
clared the identity in some instances and close associa-
tions in others, of the founders of the Navy League which
had been conducting an agitation for an increased pre-
paredness program and the great munition manufactur-
ers of this country. Mr. Tavenner said in the course of
his speech:

COMMERCE AND PEACE 139

"I have carefully compiled a list of the directors of the
Navy League for every year from the day it was organized
down to date. Always a predominant number on the board
of directors are war traffickers or persons connected, through
interlocking directorates, with the war-trust manufacturers.
The interests that are back of the Navy League are exactly
the same interests that are back of the war-trafficking firms."

The profits of the firms whose officers were on the
board of directors of the Navy League were listed by Mr.
Tavenner and their increase in business in time of war.
He also gave the figures showing that had the armor
plate which had been purchased from these firms been
manufactured in a government factory some $35,000,000
would have been saved. Cooperation among the arma-
ment interests of different nations was likewise disclosed
— a situation to which attention had been previously
called by Josephus Daniels, as Secretary of the Navy,
who stated before a congressional committee in 1914:

"When we came to the armor we rejected all the bids, and
were then absolutely in a situation from which it appeared
there was no relief. Though you can not establish it in black
and white, there is no doubt of an Armor Plate Trust all over
the world. That is to say, the people abroad who make armor
plate will not come here and submit bids, because they know
if they do our manufacturers will go abroad and submit bids.
They have divided the world, like Gaul, into three parts."

Two types of legislation have been proposed to remove
the danger of agitation for war on the part of individual
manufacturers, first, government manufacture of muni-
tions, and, secondly, various plans for the conscription of
capital and labor. The plans so far proposed to achieve
this last object have been unsatisfactory because of
their unfairness to labor and their ineffectiveness so far
as controlling capital was concerned.

140 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

It is, perhaps, not too much to hope that the growing
recognition of the disastrous effects of war today upon
business in general may in the future lead the rank and
file of business men to curb any militaristic activities of
the few who profit by war and war propaganda. The
Nation's Business, in its issue for October 1921, published
an article by Pierre du Pont on "War — a Disaster Even
to the Maker of Munitions," which shows these manu-
facturers already on the defensive.

The attitude of the general run of business men and
business interests is perhaps best reflected in the pro-
nouncements of Rotary International, which in 1927 had
a membership of 2,627 clubs in 40 countries. As its Sixth
Object, Rotary International has undertaken:

"To encourage and foster the advancement of understand-
ing, goodwill and international peace through a world fellow-
ship of business and professional men united in the ideal of
service."

At the 18th annual convention of Rotary International,
meeting at Ostend in 1927, there was constant reference
to the responsibility and power of Rotary International
for world peace, while in a Rotary Club publication, de-
signed to promote the Sixth Object, there occurs this
statement:

"The world has become one close community with special-
ized production and a universal market. . . . Both industry
and commerce are built upon interdependence and cooperation.
The greatest need of the age, then, is goodwill, confidence and
peace. . . . Peace will not be brought about by mere wish-
ing or dreaming. Peace must be a direct object of our civili-
zation, not a by-product. If our civilization is to endure, a
definite, positive, immediate program of education for peace
must be inaugurated."

One of the encouraging signs of the times is the fact
that the principles of economic internationalism calcu-

COMMERCE AND PEACE 141

lated to prevent international friction are gradually being
developed in commercial treaties negotiated between in-
dividual states. These treaties include provisions for
most-favored-nation treatment, which means that no
discrimination will be practised against the trade of one
foreign nation in favor of that of another; the principle
of "national treatment," which means there shall be no
discrimination between foreigners and citizens; the prin-
ciple of "freedom of transit," which means freedom to
ship goods across one country to a third. Recent com-
mercial treaties also embody the principle of free access
to the sea and freedom of navigation on important rivers
and canals. Under its Covenant the governments belong-
ing to the League of Nations agree "to secure and main-
tain freedom of communications and of transit and
equitable treatment for the commerce of all Members
of the League."

In the early days of this country when lack of political
organization interfered with economic development, busi-
ness interests demanded the unification of the colonies
which made possible the country's later development and
prosperity. Today, business faces much the same condi-
tions in the world as a whole.

Professor Charles Hodges recently called attention to
this analogy:

"If the American financier, trader, or captain of industry
would recall his history, he would remember how like the
contentious nations of Europe the thirteen separate and indi-
vidual states of America were when the Revolutionary War
closed. By the Treaty of 1783 Britain recognized the sover-
eign existence not of the United States but of each individual
state. During the critical years under the Confederation, the
forebears of present leaders of American business carried on a
precarious life, the states in which they lived being as thirteen
independent countries engaging in trade restrictions, com-

142 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

mercial discriminations, and retaliatory legislation directed
against their neighbors. The policy of New York, endeavor-
ing to build herself up through hostile activities threatening
the economic life of the adjacent states, almost provoked
hostilities with New Jersey and Connecticut."

From the economic point of view, war between nations
today would be as much civil war as a war would have
been between the original thirteen American states.

CHAPTER VI
LABOR AND PEACE

There is a current impression that organized American
labor profited by the World War. It is even charged
that labor was a "war profiteer." All the facts assembled
go to prove these statements false. A thoroughgoing
research into the effect of the war on labor as a whole
would be a valuable contribution to the cause of labor and
to the cause of peace.

It is true that the prestige of labor unions was tem-
porarily increased during the war because their leaders
were taken into close association by high government
officials and shown the most careful consideration so long
as hostilities lasted. The general recognition of an eight-
hour standard, also counted as a war gain, was prob-
ably at most only accelerated by the war. Of the sup-
posedly large wartime increases in wages, Hanna and
Lauck in their book, "Wages and War/' say:

"There was an increase in money wages in all branches
though no uniformity in the degree of increase. The great
advances have taken place in those lines of industry for the
products of which war has created a special demand, e.g., iron
and steel industry, coal mining, and ship building. In some
industries, such as printing, the war made no special demand;
in still others, such as building, the war had a depressing
effect."

Paul H. Douglas states of wages in relation to purchas-
ing power:

143

144 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"It is probable that labor gained ground upon the cost of
living in 1919 and the early part of 1920. . . . Whether this
was sufficient to bring it back to the pre-war basis is not
certain. . . . All the evidence seems to indicate that at the ter-
mination of the great war the return in commodities which the
American workers received for an equal length of time worked
(one hour) was less than it was before 1915. American labor,
as a whole, therefore, can not legitimately be charged with
having profiteered during the war."

Erville B. Woods in the Annals of the American Acad-
emy for May, 1920, declares that organized workers were
able merely to hold their own under war conditions :

"Wages have advanced throughout the field of employment.
Occupations which felt least the impulse of war prosperity
have lagged behind while other occupations or industries which
were urgently needed to arm and equip our military forces
prospered out of proportion to the rising cost of living. By
the fall of 1919, weekly earnings overtook the retail price of
food. At the beginning of 1920 real wages appear on the
average to have risen to their 1914 level. In conclusion,
it may be said that American labor has prospered during the
past five years in a negative sense, in that, in spite of high
prices, it emerged at the end of 1919 no worse off on the
average than in 1914."

The railway employees in particular were supposed to
have received noteworthy advances, but hearings before
the United States Railroad Labor Board show that the
increase in their pay was based upon living costs in 1917,
that these costs continued to rise and that demands in
1919 for wage increases to meet this rise were not granted,
the President urging the employees to refrain from press-
ing their demands pending a better opportunity to esti-
mate the permanence of high living costs. The United
States Railroad Labor Board later found that in this
country under wartime government control, railway wages

LABOR AND PEACE 145

were in general below the pre-war standard of living of
the employees.

In maintaining labor standards and protective labor
laws, labor was even less successful than in maintaining
its standard of wages. There was a general movement
in all warring countries in 1914 to set aside laws and reg-
ulations protecting labor, on the assumption that produc-
tion would thereby be increased. In the British munition
factories the trade unions agreed to the suspension of
their regulations with the result that hours were length-
ened, Sunday rest abolished, child labor standards broken
down and health regulations abolished. These facts led
to the appointment of a committee for the protection of
the health of the munition workers, which stated in its
report :

"Taking the country as a whole the Committee are bound
to record their impressions that the munition workers in
general have been allowed to reach a state of reduced
efficiency and lowered health which might have been avoided,
without the reduction of output, by attention to details of
daily and weekly rest. Conditions have been accepted with-
out question which will be ultimately disastrous to health.
It is for the nation to safeguard the devotion of its workers
lest irreparable harm be done to body and mind both in this
generation and the next."

Having followed the results of the setting aside of pro-
tective regulations in Europe, American labor was in a
somewhat better position to check the tendency. In
spite of this, various states, Vermont, Minnesota, New
Hampshire, and Connecticut, enacted laws empowering
the governor to suspend labor laws. Other states consid-
ered such legislation. New York passed a drastic bill
along these lines which the Governor vetoed. On June
4, 1917, President Wilson found it necessary to issue a

146 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

statement, made originally in a letter to Governor Brum-
baugh of Pennsylvania, that it would be most unfortunate
to relax protective labor laws and that there was no neces-
sity for doing so. Standards in regard to child labor were
seriously affected. Boys and girls left school in greatly
increased numbers as soon as they reached 14, and had
little difficulty in obtaining work papers at an earlier age.

These results reveal clearly the fact that war and the
toleration of the war system, by their cheapening of hu-
man life, contradict in principle everything for which
labor contends. The most direct step toward the
fulfillment of labor's own program would be successful
opposition to war.

Aside from this contradiction in principle, war and
preparation for war limit the resources and waste the ef-
fort which should be devoted to the social improvements
which labor more than any group needs. The Saturday
Evening Post pointed this moral in its issue of Febru-
ary 26, 1921 :

"Until we stop producing so much, for war and begin to
produce more for peace there can be no peace, no real pros-
perity. Workmen all around the world are marching and
countermarching endlessly, producing nothing, wasting much;
other armies are toiling ceaselessly at prodigious tasks — build-
ing battleships, guns, forts, and heaping up vast stores to be
wasted and destroyed. Until they are demobilized they must
be carried on the backs, supported out of the savings of those
engaged in useful industry. Then, too, past and half-for-
gotten wars still hold the world in mortmain; this century is
still paying the war bills of long-dead kings and states-
men. ..."

The French labor leader, Jouhaux, proclaimed, "The
social transformation desired by the workers can only be
realized when the peace of the world is assured." Nor-

LABOR AND PEACE 147

man Angell in "War and the Workers" elaborates the
facts behind this statement:

"If during the last fifty years we had been training some-
thing like five millions of our young men, annually, to equip
themselves for the real battle of life, and if every man in
Europe had been practically trained to know and deal with
the real problems of civilization; if $400,000,000 annually
were devoted to the systematic struggle with poverty, desti-
tution, preventable disease; if national service meant for our
wealthy young men not going into the Guards, but systematic
and scientific help in the improvement of the people; if the
main object of governments had been a cordial cooperation
one with the other for these purposes; if all the interest and
emotion that has gone into our wars had been devoted to this
other war with poverty, ignorance and wild nature — if in
short, these lives, this time, money and emotion had gone to
improving the world instead of preparing for the destruction
of the people living in it, do you really think that such rudi-
mentary things as finding actual food and clothing and hous-
ing for millions would still be unsolved?"

The need of labor is for more than peace, it is for
international cooperation and action in the adoption of
uniform labor standards. No nation wishes to adopt
protective labor legislation in advance of that of other
nations because of the fear of handicapping national
industries. Labor had begun to recognize its common
interests and to unite across national boundaries before
the war, and the plight to which the war reduced
the working people in all European countries greatly
strengthened this tendency to international organization.

The significance of the establishment of the Interna-
tional Labor Organization in connection with the League
of Nations has hardly begun to be appreciated. The pro-
vision of the treaty of Versailles under which it was
created emphasizes the importance of improving the con-

148 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

ditions of labor throughout the world and of making them
uniform, as factors in bringing about international peace.
American labor leaders were influential in securing the
establishment of the International Labor Organization,
but although nations which are not members of the
League of Nations may participate in the work of the
Labor Organization, there has been no sustained effort on
the part of American labor to secure such participation
by the United States.

The International Federation of Trade Unions with
headquarters at Amsterdam which has reached since the
war a membership of over 20,000,000, devotes a large part
of its activity to educational and legislative efforts
against war. In 1922, the International Federation called
a peace conference of labor and peace organizations at
which 600 delegates representing 24 nations were present.
In summoning the workers to a war for peace, the Secre-
tary of the International Federation said:

"The trade unions regard the struggle for world peace and
war against war as one of their most sacred tasks. . . .
War is a crime against humanity. It does not merely take
its ghastly toll of life; it also destroys completely at one blow
all the achievements gained by labor at great sacrifices
through years of strenuous fighting. . . . The working
classes take very seriously their campaign* against war and
militarism. . . . An appeal to their international solidarity
in the interests of the whole of mankind will only meet with
whole-hearted response when the working classes are not
merely filled with a horror of war but have realized clearly
that every war is bound to bring ruin upon them, when they
feel cooperation in all war to be as despicable as black-legging
in a strike. . . . Workers are now aware that in every pre-
ceding war they have been duped and led out to murder each
other, not in order to defend civilization but in order that the
capitalist groups of their respective countries might acquire

LABOR AND PEACE 149

greater economic power. . . . No war but this war for peace
is worthy of honor."

The American Federation of Labor has so far not be-
come affiliated with the International Federation at Am-
sterdam.

That labor may exert a decisive influence on issues
of war and peace has more than once been clearly demon-
strated. On August 9, 1920, when British participation
in the war between Russia and Poland was threatened, a
joint conference representing the various labor groups
of England notified the Government "that the whole
industrial power of the organized workers will be used
to defeat this war," and that they had agreed "that the
Executive Committee of affiliated organizations be sum-
moned to hold themselves ready to proceed immediately
to London for a National Conference; that they be ad-
vised to instruct their members to 'down tools' on instruc-
tions from that National Conference; and that a Council
of Action be immediately constituted to take such steps
as may be necessary to carry the above decisions into
effect."

In September, 1922, when war again threatened — this
time in the Near East — British Labor sent a deputation
to the Prime Minister, and "stop-the-war" demonstra-
tions were held in London, Manchester and other cities in
England. A manifesto was issued stating that if hostili-
ties increased, the British Government would bear the
greatest part of the responsibility and that if the League
of Nations could not be used, a conference should be
called, including representatives of Russia, Bulgaria and
Germany. The Municipal Employees Association, in Na-
tional Convention, September 18, 1922, protested against
sending troops to Constantinople and pledged, as far as
they were concerned, "not a man or ship or ammunition

150 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

shall leave England in support of that war." The Trades
and Labor Congress of Canada adopted a declaration at
this time:

"The Government's decision to obtain the sanction of Par-
liament before committing Canada to a policy of war is one
in which organized labor fully concurs. The time has passed
when this country should be swept into war on the declaration
of a single individual or the Cabinet, without full investigation
and approval of Parliament."

The All-Australian Trade Union Congress also estab-
lished a Council of Action to resist this threatened war
in 1922. In a manifesto, the Council pointed out that

"60,000 Australians have sacrificed their lives, 166,000 suf-
fered mutilation, and 330,000 risked life and limb, under the
solemn promise that the recent European war was the last that
would afflict mankind."

In 1925 the Miners' Federation of Great Britain passed
unanimously the following resolution:

"Believing wars are the result of the present system in
its mad rush for new markets, and that the workers are used
as pawns in the game, this Conference calls upon the Federa-
tion to give a mandate to the Miners' International to declare
a strike in the mines of the world in the event of a situation
arising whereby any of the nations may become involved in

war."

When the British Labor Party came into power in
1924, its Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald, devoted
his chief effort to bringing about a more friendly under-
standing with France, thereby making possible a resump-
tion of friendlier relations throughout Europe. In his
victory speech, January 8, 1924, he said:

"The first great duty we put our hands to is to establish
peace and create the conditions of peace. ... It would be a

LABOR AND PEACE 151

great thing today . . . to establish with ... all peoples
of the nations, an understanding not of rival military forces,
but an understanding of human men and women who have
no cause for war, no cause for enmity."

In his first letter to Premier Poincare, discussing public
opinion in France and England, he wrote:

"The security which we want is security against war."

When difficulty again threatened between England and
Russia and between England and China in 1926 and 1927,
the attitude of British labor was likewise a strong influ-
ence for peace.

Perhaps the most definite contribution of American
labor to the cause of world peace since the war is the
organization of the Pan American Federation of Labor
on November 16, 1918. Its influence was emphatically
and courageously brought to bear during the dispute
between the United States and Mexico in 1926 and 1927
and was undoubtedly an influential factor in bringing
about a peaceful adjustment.

When President Green of the American Federation ac-
cepted the chairmanship of the Pan American Federation
at its 1927 convention, he said:

"I cannot believe that there can be resort to the sword in
the settlement of any disputes that arise between the Latin
American countries and the United States so long as we main-
tain this economic force strong and powerful. . . . Our
motto should be that there should never be any war between
the Latin American republics and the United States of
America."

A resolution passed at this convention of the Pan
American Federation of Labor in regard to the activities
of the United States marines in Nicaragua was note-
worthy, although not effective in modifying the policy of
the United States:

152 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"Resolved, That the Executive Committee of the Pan-
American Federation of Labor address the government of the
United States, expressing regret for the events having occurred
recently in Nicaragua; that it likewise address a respectful
but emphatic petition to withdraw immediately the United
States forces on land and sea and air in Nicaragua, and to
terminate its intervention in the interest of that nation so that
the people of Nicaragua may fully and freely work out their
own problems, both for the present as well as in the coming
election of a President for Nicaragua, and without any inter-
ference on the part of a foreign nation, it being the opinion
of this congress that interference on the part of a foreign
nation will only make more difficult the solution of Nica-
ragua's problem."

The official resolutions of the American Federation of
Labor, which, though not including all organized groups,
represents a cross section of labor groups in this country,
have from the beginning been vigorous in their support
of peace measures and afford ground for an active peace
program on the part of local labor organizations. At the
first convention in 1887, this resolution was adopted:

"The demands of the working people will never be fully
heard in all their strength and nobility of aspiration until the
nations of the world mutually agree to refrain from the fratri-
cidal strife that has so often brought misery and desolation
into many millions of happy homes. The working class, the
class that always has to bear the brunt of war, has the most
profound interest in the establishment and maintenance of
peace."

In the conventions of 1904, 1905 and 1908 the same
ideas were reiterated. The following resolutions, adopted
by the 1912 and 1914 conventions, represent the trend of
labor sentiment throughout this period:

"Organized labor recognizes the identity of the interests of
the wage workers and the brotherhood of man over all the

LABOR AND PEACE 153

world, and realizes the duty which devolves upon the organized
labor movement of all civilized countries to carry on an educa-
tional propaganda having for its purpose the awakening of the
hearts and consciences of all mankind to the enormous waste
and cruelty of war; therefore be it

''Resolved, That the American Federation of Labor emphat-
ically reaffirms its previous declaration for the settlement of
all international differences through arbitration, looking
toward the final establishment of universal international peace
among the peoples of the civilized world." — Adopted by 1912
Convention.

"Militarism and competitive armament must be abolished
and tribunals for awarding justice and agencies for enforcing
decisions must be instituted. International interests and issues
exist. Political institutions should be established correspond-
ing to political developments.

"Those most interested should lead in the demands for
world federation and the rule of reason between nations. The
working people of all lands bear the brunt of war. They do
the fighting, pay the war taxes, suffer most from the dis-
organization of industry and commerce which results from
war.

"The national labor movements can promote the cause of
international peace by two complementary lines of action: by
creating and stimulating within their own nations a public
sentiment that will not tolerate waste of human life, and by
establishing international relations, understanding and agen-
cies that will constitute an impassable barrier to policies of
force and destruction." — Adopted by 1914 Convention.

The Federation strongly supported the Hague Con-
ferences, all efforts to develop arbitration, and more re-
cently the Washington Conference on the Limitation of
Armaments. In regard to the League of Nations its reso-
lution in 1918 was:

"We are of the opinion that no permanent peace can be
made nor should be made until democracy supplants autoc-

154 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

racy and until a league of nations is established for the pur-
pose of maintaining a just peace and for the protection of
small nations."

In 1919 and 1920 the League was again endorsed, but
following the Senate's vote against America's participa-
tion in the League the Federation dropped it from its
platform. It continued until 1925 to support the World
Court but has since refused to take any stand, always
referring the question to its Executive Council.

The Federation recognized the danger of the develop-
ment of a spirit of militarism following the war, and has
reiterated its opposition to military training, adopting
a resolution in 1926, recommending:

"Greatest vigilance to prevent the passage of legislation
providing for compulsory military training. Labor is unalter-
ably opposed to both the principle of compulsion and to
militarism."

At the 1927 Convention the committee on legislation
recommended continued opposition by the Federation
to what the Council considered "obnoxious measures,"
among1 them the Capper-Johnson bill for conscription of
labor and fixation of wages and prices in time of war.

. "One of the forms of 'preparedness' propaganda that is the
aftermath of the late war are legislative proposals to author-
ize plans for future mobilization of materials and men in
event of other wars. Your committee recommends that we
commend the Executive Council for its opposition to the
Capper-Johnson Bill.

"Your committee believes that such measures involve seri-
ous dangers in that they would provide machinery that could
be diverted to purposes of repression and recommends that
the Executive Council continue its opposition to all such meas-
ures embracing the dangers herein indicated."

LABOR AND PEACE 155

The concluding paragraph of the report of the Federa-
tion's foreign relations committee in 1927 contained this
statement on the subject of military protection of Amer-
ican citizens and interests in foreign countries:

"As to the general subject of foreign relations, we express
the hope that the United States will again adopt the policy
which in the main it adhered to during the first century of
our national life, a policy based upon the proposition that
Americans and so-called American interests in foreign coun-
tries must abide by and accept the consequences of the laws of
such countries just as foreigners and foreign interests within
our borders must abide by and accept the consequences of
American law."

From the point of view of labor, whose interests de-
mand both the protection of high standards of living and
the development of international goodwill for the main-
tenance of world peace, a solution of the immigration
problem to meet both these requirements is one of the
most important phases of the complicated peace problem.
Organized labor's own position in regard to immigration
has so far been vigorous advocacy of restrictive legisla-
tion, including reiterated insistence upon the Japanese
Exclusion Act.

The resolutions cited above leave no doubt that the
leaders of American labor understand the vital impor-
tance of the abolition of war. The thing that seems to
be necessary is a program to educate the rank and file
of the labor movement as to the basic importance of act-
ing upon these resolutions. President Green in a recent
speech discussed at length the importance of individual
action for peace.

"Safety against war," he said, "must rest with the indi-
vidual. He must think in terms of peace. His desire for peace
must approximate a passion for peace. He must be so well

156 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

grounded and firmly settled in his thinking about peace and
his desire for peace that at no time will he be swept away
by a warlike spirit or feelings of revenge and hatred toward
any nation or any people throughout the world.

"The thoughts and general attitude of the individual stand-
ing alone might not affect governments or those in authority,
but the mobilized thoughts and attitude of the individuals
who make up the governments will prevent war and preserve
peace. There can be no war if the people, individually and
collectively, resolve in favor of peace and the peaceful settle-
ment of disputes between nations."

CHAPTER VII
FARMERS AND PEACE

Each year since the World War the number of inter-
national meetings of agricultural leaders has increased.
This tendency on the part of those engaged in agricul-
tural pursuits to think and act internationally is one of
the notable developments of recent years and can be
traced directly to the effect of the World War upon
agricultural interests.

The war made it clear to all those who grow staple
farm products that their prosperity depends upon two
conditions, which can be assured only in times of peace:
access to the markets of the world, and a steady demand
for their products since these products cannot be increased
or decreased over night. When the war broke out,
American farmers as a whole were better off than they
had ever been for any extended period in the history of
this country. Everything indicated that the United
States was approaching an agricultural-industrial balance
with supplies abundant enough to make a prosperous in-
dustry and trade, and farm prices high enough to make a
prosperous agriculture. The cotton growers, who as a
group have long recognized their dependence on interna-
tional trade, as their support of low tariffs indicated, were
the first to feel the disastrous effects of the interruption
of trade.

With the outbreak of the war, Europe greatly de-
creased its production of all farm products. Other sources
of supply were more remote, and a large part of the Euro-

157

158 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

pean demand came upon the farmers of this country with
the result that they tended more and more to turn their
attention from general farming to the production of a
few important staples, the prices for which were abnor-
mally high, for, in five years, farm prices as a whole
advanced 108%.

As the war went on, food became scarcer. The farmers
were urged to cultivate more and more land. They went
heavily in debt to buy land and the machinery for farm-
ing it, the prices of both being high, with the result that
the total farm debt of 1920 was estimated at $13,000,000,-
000, the largest part of it having been incurred during
war years.

At the end of the war there inevitably followed a period
of great deflation, and it has become an axiom in econ-
omics, according to Senator Capper of Kansas, that
"farmers always suffer more from the post-war deflation
than any other class." The surplus of agricultural prod-
ucts, the restriction of domestic demand as a result of in-
dustrial depression, the renewal of competition from other
countries, broke prices to a disastrously low level.

The average income of the American farm family
dropped after the war from $1,774 to $917, of which $420
was required to meet interest charges and taxes. In 1923
the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis reported that
17.7% of the farmers of Montana had gone into bank-
ruptcy; 10.5% in North Dakota; 7.3% in South Dakota;
and 3.7% in Minnesota. Because of the abandonment of
farm life, the farm population was reduced by 3.6% dur-
ing the years immediately preceding 1922, and it was
estimated that a million people left the farms in '1923.
The farmers also recovered from post-war deflation more
slowly than any other group. In 1927 the farmer's dollar
was still worth only eighty-five cents as compared with
the five-year period preceding the war.

FARMERS AND PEACE 159

The report of the World Economic Conference, which
met in Geneva in 1927, stated that the documents and
facts gathered in preparation for the conference showed
that agricultural prices were low, not because of an ab-
normal increase in the production of food-stuffs, but be-
cause of a decrease in demand due to the post-war pov-
erty of the manufacturing communities of Europe.

If this was the effect of the last war, that of any war in
the future will be even more disastrous, for according to
Will Irwin, in "The Next War" :

"... the bill wil^ probably show a larger item for destroyed
fields — agricultural wealth. The struggle just finished was
the first in history where any considerable area of land was
ruined for cultivation. Now it is a property of the new
poison gas that it sterilizes — not only kills cells but prevents
the growth of cells. Concerning one successor of Lewisite
gas an expert has said: 'You burst a container carrying a
minute quantity of the substance which makes the gas, at
the foot of a tree. You do not see the fumes rise ; it is invis-
ible. But within a few seconds you can see the leaves begin
to shrivel. While we are not quite certain, we estimate that
land on which this gas has fallen will grow nothing for about
seven years.' In the next war, unless we discover meantime
some still more effective method of killing — clouds of such gas
will sweep over hundreds of square miles, not only eliminat-
ing all unprotected life, animal and vegetable, but sterilizing
the soil — 'for about seven years.' What were farms, orchards
and gardens will become in a breath deserts. The power of
its soil to produce food is the first, vital item in the wealth
of a nation."

The failure of farmers after the war to secure adequate
aid from the government made clear that not only war
but the preparation for war costs them dearly. When
more than 80% of the national income goes to pay war
costs, appropriations for agricultural purposes, and for

160 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

such public works as irrigation, drainage, development of
water transport, scientific experimentation, are difficult
to obtain. Farmers have also had an opportunity since
the war to realize that the preservation of the goodwill
of other nations is a matter in which they have a close
interest, for as Mr. Wilbur Carr, of the Department of
State, observes:

"The prices of our farmers' crops are fixed not alone by
the conditions in this country over which we have control,
but by events thousands of miles away in foreign lands. Mis-
information about the United States and its policies may
almost overnight give rise to conditions »esulting in the loss
of a market worth many millions of dollars."

Aside from the effects of war, the nature of the farm-
ers' calling, which requires steady uninterrupted labor
over long periods and settled life in one locality, has
tended through the centuries to make farmers less pre-
disposed to war than any other group. In a statement
issued by the Cosmos Newspaper Syndicate, January 2,
1927, Senator Capper said:

"Out of all the classes of people who make up the popula-
tion of the United States, it seems to me that peace is dearer
to the rural folks than any other group. Dealing, as they are,
day by day with the physical forces of life, they perhaps
come to appreciate, better than the men and women in most
other lines at least, the importance of making these forces
function for the benefit of humanity, rather than for its
destruction."

The largest of the farm organizations in the United
States, the National Grange, which was organized shortly
after the Civil War by a northern farmer who recognized
the need of cooperation among the farmers of the whole
country, has from the beginning, constantly empha-
sized the importance of substituting arbitration for war.

FARMERS AND PEACE 161

In a declaration of principles adopted in 1921, "after
long and careful consideration," the Grange stated:

"As so often reiterated in The Grange, the Order does now
and always has stood for the principle of arbitration in
American affairs, and in those which affect both American
and foreign countries. ...

"We are opposed to militarism, universal military training
and a large standing army. We deplore any effort to develop
in America a caste of authority which has its sole excuse in
a shoulder-strap, and any tendency in thought which would
substitute armed force for moral ideals. The invincible
character of a citizen army when equipped with justice and
Americanism has again been demonstrated. We favor the
preparedness of right, rather than the preparedness of might."

The 1927 annual session of the Grange included in its
legislative program the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the National Grange believes in outlawing
war and that we favor the United States Government taking
the lead in the movement which will place war outside and
beyond the protection of law."

It is an interesting fact that in Canada, where farmers
have come into political power, they are using that power
to oppose war. The United Farmers of Alberta have
made a fundamental attack upon the problem and called
upon their Provincial government to teach children in the
schools the truth about war. After the resolution given
below had been received by the government it was an-
nounced that an effort would be made to have the courses
of study revised and textbooks used in which less atten-
tion would be paid to war, and the ideal of peace held
before the minds of the children:

"Whereas, there seems to be evident in the minds of the
young more or less glory in the mention of, and the teachings
of war, in our schools, and

162 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"Whereas, it has been proven and demonstrated that war is
degrading and uncivilized, and a great loss to life and prop-
erty,

"Therefore be it resolved, that we, the United Farmers of
Alberta in convention assembled do hereby request, instruct
and demand our farmers' government to enact legislation
necessary to have a textbook placed in our public schools that
will explain the horrors, of war past, present and future, as
well as the loss of lives and property and influence of legal-
ized murder on the human mind."

The need of the farmer today is not only for the aboli-
tion of war, but for the development of active interna-
tional cooperation. As long ago as 1905, David Lubin, an
American farmer, realized the need for a world organiza-
tion to guide the farmer in the production and marketing
of his crops, and, with the aid of the King of Italy, who
saw more clearly than any other ruler the far-reaching
effects of his proposal, established the International In-
stitute of Agriculture with headquarters at Rome. Al-
though the diplomats who controlled the international
conference at which the Institute was established, failed
to give it the administrative powers which Lubin had
planned for it, and restricted it largely to an agency for
the collection and distribution of information, farmers
may point to it with pride as a forerunner of the inter-
national bodies which are now being formed. It collects,
studies and publishes information concerning farming;
provides protection against the spread of plant diseases ;
studies questions of agricultural cooperation, insurance
and credit, and suggests measures for the protection of
the common interests of farmers and the improvement of
their condition. The strength of the mutual interests
and the desire to cooperate in goodwill among the farming
interests was shown by the fact that three months after
the outbreak of the World War, the Permanent Commit-

FARMERS AND PEACE 163

tee of the Institute held a meeting in Rome. It was at-
tended by representatives of thirty-six nations, including
the Allied Nations and the enemy countries, Germany
and Hungary. The president of the committee said on
this occasion:

"Nothing could be more contrary to the purposes of our
International Institute (than the World War), but we shall
have from now on a noble and a difficult task — that of aiding
the nations to replace, when the war is over, the wealth which
has been destroyed by the war. . . . This is the first time
that official representatives of so many nations engaged in a
war have met with the representatives of neutral states dur-
ing hostilities to carry on a piece of work of an entirely civil
character. This fact testifies to the solidarity of mankind,
even while events which strike the mind with horror seem to
deny its existence."

Immediately following the war in 1919 the World Ag-
ricultural Society was created and now represents 50
countries. It is an informal fellowship of individuals
and organizations who believe that a sympathetic under-
standing between the peoples of the world, and between
town and country dwellers is essential both for solving
the food and fibre problems of the world and for perma-
nent world peace. As president of the World Agriculture
Society, Dr. Kenyon L. Butterfield, in discussing the need
for a new education of rural youth, has said:

"We are entering upon an era when racial conflicts and
national competitions, more particularly in the economic field,
are more serious than ever before, largely because communica-
tion has crowded races and nations together and revealed all
sorts of prejudices and competing ambitions. The only way
out of this sharpened conflict is cooperation. Unquestionably,
the farmers of America will be obliged to organize more effec-
tively and may even be compelled to maintain a political farm
bloc, which is often deprecated, yet may be necessary for class

164 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

protection. But it would be a pitiful situation if that were
the end. The apparent antagonism between labor and agri-
culture, between consumers and producers, between urban
and rural, must melt into deeper understanding and closer
affiliation. It is vital that rural youth be wisely and fairly
taught with respect to such problems as the economic adjust-
ments between classes and nations, the proper relationships
between rural and urban interests, and the terms on which
people can better live together in a crowded world. All
depends upon attitude, spirit, point of view, and these can be
imparted to rural youth."

In 1927, ten international meetings of agricultural
leaders were held. In addition to the organizations al-
ready mentioned, the agricultural interests of twenty-six
nations are united in the International Commission of
Agriculture, which is studying the problem of a world
market for cereals, meat and milk. An International
Council of Agricultural Organizations also meets annually.

How important international organization is to the
progress and prosperity of farmers is emphasized by Dr.
Paul Reinsch, who says in "Public International Unions" :

"Agriculture is by no means an activity that can be fully
protected upon a national basis. International protection is
demanded against the importation of plant and animal
diseases. In order that agricultural operations may be effec-
tively adjusted to atmospheric and climatic conditions, the
meteorological service ought to be organized upon an inter-
national basis. To determine accurately the status of the
market for agricultural products, world-wide determinations
of the conditions of supply and demand are necessary: and
agricultural labor, in fully as great a measure as that em-
ployed in the industries, is dominated by international condi-
tions and population movements."

In the World Economic Conference which met at
Geneva in 1927 under the auspices of the League of Na-
tions, and at which the United States and Russia, as

FARMERS AND PEACE 165

well as the members of the League, were represented, one
of the three main committees was devoted to interna-
tional problems affecting agriculture. The Agricultural
Committee in its final report laid special emphasis on
developing all forms of cooperation, including trade be-
tween Consumers' Cooperative Societies "both within
and across national frontiers."

The Consumers' Cooperative Societies, it should be
noted, numbering hundreds of thousands of members and
organized internationally, which are in themselves a
strong influence for world peace, find their greatest sup-
port in the United States among the farmers.

The Pan American Union, to promote cooperation in
the study of the agricultural problems of the American
continents, has recently undertaken the publication of a
special series of monthly pamphlets on the subject, which
will be widely distributed among those interested in agri-
culture in the different countries belonging to the Union.

In order that American farmers might share more
fully in the international contacts which are being de-
veloped, the American Farm Bureau Federation in the
summer of 1927 arranged for five hundred American
farmers to visit Europe and travel in small groups from
country to country and from farm to farm. Such direct
consultation and personal acquaintance must lead to a
recognition of common problems and common interests
which will prove a strong influence against international
conflict.

Through international association it will become clear
that the farm interests of no country can be protected
against the disruption of world trade and world markets
which inevitably accompanies war, except by the aboli-
tion of war. The old prophecy, "swords shall be turned
into plowshares/' expresses an antagonism that is funda-
mental between war and the work of the farmer.

CHAPTER VIII
WAR VETERANS AND WORLD PEACE

At its convention in 1925, the American Legion adopted
a peace program which closes with this paragraph:

"In conclusion, we urge that each recurring Armistice Day
should be used as an occasion for reckoning the progress made
by America in the promotion of world peace as the great
objective of the World War."

That the men of the American army fought the World
War in the belief they were fighting a war to end war,
and came back to this country expecting the job to be
carried through to completion, is asserted repeatedly in
widely representative statements made by officers of the
army and by Legion conventions and spokesmen.

In the American Legion Weekly of November 24, 1922,
Major General John F. O'Ryan, who held a higher rank
than any other member of the National Guard in the
war, said:

"As I estimated the point of view of the average soldier
of our war army — and I had an intimate acquaintance with
the habits and thoughts of many of them — I came to believe
that he recognized the inconsistency of Christians doing the
things that war impels men to do, but that he justified his
participation in the war because of the conviction that the
success of the Allies was a step toward the realization of the
fundamental teaching of Christianity. By the fundamental
teachings of Christianity is meant, of course, those general
rules of proper human relations that are subscribed to alike

166

WAR VETERANS AND PEACE 167

by the teachers of all religions. The general idea was
expressed in the phrase so often heard, 'A war to end war.' "

On another occasion, speaking before the Southern
Commercial Congress at Chicago, November, 1922, Major
General O'Ryan said:

"When the combat divisions of the American army returned
home, I think many of the officers who had seen something of
the cruelty and waste of war were surprised at the apparent
apathy of our own people in relation to the possibility of a
recurrence of war. Not that the people did not continue to
express their aversion for war, not that there was lacking the
hope that war would not recur, but it seemed that they were
reconciled to let the future rest upon the insecure foundation
of hope. It seemed astonishing that a people so practical as
ourselves, so gifted and experienced in the field of organized
effort, should not translate their hopes and their goodwill
into something practical. It seemed remarkable that the high
state of exaltation which held the people when we left them to
go across, — a spirit of unselfishness and of determination to
meet any sacrifice for the common good that was quite with-
out precedent, — should have largely disappeared, and that in
its place there had developed a reaction so marked that most
men and women seemed concerned only with their own
affairs."

On Armistice Day, 1923, John R. Quinn, as National
Commander of the American Legion, issued the following
message :

"Five years ago the war ended — officially. However, it has
not really ended, nor can it end until the principles for which
our soldiers fought have been fulfilled to the utmost.

"To do your part today in this repledging to principle,
pause for a moment and recall the principles for which our
men went willingly to the chance of death — many to die.

"You remember the phrase on their lips and in their hearts:
'a war to end war.7 Yet wars are not ended. They went be-

168 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

yond the seas into a hell of death and destruction that their
sons and daughters might be spared a like horror. Yet today
there is no guaranty, no certainty that another war will not be
forced upon this nation, or any nation.

"The American Legion pledged itself at its last annual con-
vention to strive unceasingly for peace. This does not mean
that we have joined the ranks of those so-called pacifists of
war-time memory. Far from it. As long as conditions make
war necessary to protect our nation from aggression or oppres-
sion, we stand ready, nay anxious, to answer the call to arms.

"But we strive toward an era when our nation and all na-
tions may live and fulfill their destinies without injustice,
oppression or the necessity to protect themselves from such by
force.

"The American Legion pledged itself to no one plan to end
war. Neither does it ask that you do so.

"But we do ask that you, upon this Armistice Day, take
solemn resolve that you will leave no act undone or word
unsaid that may advance, even in the smallest degree, the era
of perpetual peace. You may not have the opportunity of
speaking from a platform, but this does not excuse you. If
you have one neighbor, one friend, whom you can convert to
the cause of peace and fail to do so, then you have not kept
faith with those who 'sleep in Flanders fields/

"I ask that now you solemnly enlist in this greatest cause
of all time, the ending of war. Thus, and thus only, can you
keep faith with those who kept faith with you in the time of
your greatest need."

In 1920, the soldiers of the allied armies formed, for
the promotion of world peace, an interallied federation of
veterans, popularly known as "Fidac" from the ini-
tial letters of its name, "Federation Interalliee des An-
ciens Combattants." The American Legion is the
American branch of this group, which now numbers more
than 6,000,000 veterans from 32 associations in ten
countries.

WAR VETERANS AND PEACE 169

At its meeting in the United States in 1922, Fidac
adopted a declaration of principles, which was unani-
mously approved by the American Legion representatives
and which included a resolution that:

"An international court be established to outlaw war and
when the decrees of such court become operative (except for
machinery necessary to maintain them and the minimum
police forces) to entirely disarm and disband our land, sea
and air forces and destroy the implements of warfare."

In 1926 Fidac invited the veterans of the ex-
enemy countries to meet with the allied veterans in an
international conference, "in order to discover the best
means of collaboration in the interests of world peace."

The international conference was held in Luxembourg
on July 10, 1927, with 4,500,000 German and Austrian
ex-service men belonging to eight different associations
represented. In opening the Conference, the President
of Fidac, Marcel Heraud, said:

"What force our action will take if you say together with
us, in the face of the world, that in so far as it depends on
us, we do not want the sufferings our generation has gone
through, to be again borne by our children."

In answering this speech, the German representative
replied :

"The sacrifices of the war can only have a meaning if its
result is to kill all future wars and to give victory to the idea
of peace. ..."

The resolutions as finally adopted read as follows:

"Convinced that the task of war veterans is to make clear
to all people the horrors of war and to aid in preventing a
return of these horrors by all the means in their power, the
International Congress of War Veterans meeting at Luxem-

170 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

bourg on the 9th and 10th of July, and including the veteran
associations of countries which were at war from 1914 to
1918 — associations equally loyal to their countries and having
nothing to do with politics —

"Declare that international relations must be founded upon
respect for treaties and condemn all attempts to employ
arms for aggressive purposes.

"Considering the fact that in the course of committee dis-
cussions the most delicate questions have been examined
by former enemies without friction because these questions
have been approached with frankness and debated with pre-
cision, this Congress is thoroughly convinced that if methods
of frankness and mutual understanding were always prac-
ticed in international relations, sentiments of hatred would
disappear and many disasters be avoided.

"In consequence, it urges the veteran associations which
hold the same opinion to keep in close touch, in order to
inform themselves directly about incidents which may dis-
turb public opinion, and to make sure that they have the
facts concerning events which may prove the cause of armed
conflict.

"The Congress invites war veterans, who have never failed
to give proof of their patriotism and of their loyalty, to teach
young people that whoever loves his country must apply him-
self to the task of maintaining peace among all nations — a
peace in harmony with the self-respect of all."

At this 1927 Congress two minority groups of veterans'
associations of Germany and Austria were not repre-
sented. Extreme nationalist associations refused to par-
ticipate so long as the Treaty of Versailles, putting the
entire responsibility for the World War upon Germany
and its allies, remained unaltered, and certain communist
associations were not invited because of their attitude
toward class war.

The results of this first meeting of veterans who had
been enemies led to plans for a second similar conference

WAR VETERANS AND PEACE 171

scheduled to assemble at Luxembourg in September, 1928.
An international mixed commission of ex-service men re-
presenting 56 organizations in 14 countries met in Paris
the 31st of March to organize this second congress. A
dispatch from the Paris bureau of the New York World
dated April 7, 1928, in discussing this conference cited
two important instances in which already Fidac has lived
up to its resolution to keep the people on both sides
of an international boundary informed of the actual facts
in any given controversy. The dispatch says:

"The first was at the time of the Communist riots in
Vienna last summer. Into Vienna, tense with excitement,
came a shower of false rumors. One that made a deep im-
pression and almost threw Austria into a panic was that the
Italians were rushing troops into the Tyrol and were about to
seize all upper Austria. One of the war veteran associations
of Vienna wired to another in Germany to learn the truth.
The latter wired Paris — the headquarters of their association,
which got in touch with the chief of the biggest war veteran
association in Italy. This man went directly to Premier
Mussolini, who gave him a message of reassurance that was
sent to Vienna. All Austria, including the government, was
calmed.

"The other delicate situation concerned Italy and Jugo-
slavia. Worried by the friction between their Governments,
the heads of the war veteran associations of the two coun-
tries, who were personally acquainted, got into correspondence
and decided between them that there was no occasion for,
and would not be, any hostile acts.

"These men can talk to each other because they in many
cases fought each other in the trenches and the peace they
have made is a real one. Not one of them has the slightest
intention of breaking it."

The American Legion, in addition to its participation
in the work of Fidac, authorized in 1924 the creation

172 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

of a special world peace committee. The resolution cre-
ating this committee follows:

'That the national commander be authorized and directed
to appoint an American Legion world peace committee, com-
posed of ten members, which committee shall report to the
national convention of the Legion in 1925 the most practical
plan whereby the influence and power of the Legion may be
most effectively utilized for securing permanent world peace."

The Committee's report to the 1925 Convention, as
amended and adopted by the Convention, spoke of the
duty which Legion members owe not only to their chil-
dren, but "to those who died in the belief which America
pledged to them that our war was to end war, and not
otherwise may we keep faith with them," and reads in
part:

"A better method than war must be found for settling
international disputes.

"Such disputes are of two general classes:

"1. Controversies legal in character, and, therefore, prop-
erly justiciable, and

"2. Contested claims having political aspects which require
for solution at least quasi-legislative processes.

'Tor the first class, judicial tribunals or courts, properly
constituted and regulated by law, should be available, to
which disputants should be encouraged to resort, while for
the second class some further means are required to bring
to bear the forces of world opinion upon those tempted to
break its peace.

"General declarations of purposes and principles, however
high, fall short of the present need.

"International cooperation to prevent war must displace
international competition in war itself.

"Your committee, therefore, recommends to the Legion the
adoption of the following peace program:

WAR VETERANS AND PEACE 173

"1. The maintenance of adequate forces for internal and
external national defense.

"2. The prompt enactment into law of the principle of the
universal draft.

"3. The immediate adherence by the United States to a
permanent court of international justice.

"This should be the chief objective of Legion peace activi-
ties, and every influence and power of the Legion should be
exerted to press the matter to a favorable vote in the United
States Senate at the earliest practicable date.

"4. The committee makes no recommendations for or
against the entry by the United States into the League of
Nations. We do, however, recommend that our nation con-
tinue its cooperation in such of the activities of the League as
may, from time to time, be approved by our government. We
further recommend the maintenance of an official observer
at the seat of the League without uniting in its covenants.
Full publicity should be given to the reports of the observer
as to its sessions, conferences and activities.

"5. The endorsement of the holding of international con-
ferences to promote world security, disarmament, the codi-
fication of international law and the arbitral settlement of
disputes, with the respectful suggestion to the President of the
United States to secure the inclusion in the agenda of the next
such conference to be called by or to be attended by the United
States, the consideration of the problem of effectively outlaw-
ing a nation waging a war of aggression.

"6. The maintenance and strengthening of the fraternal
bonds between The American Legion and the Fidac, in the
common cause of promoting a better understanding among
the nations of the earth, and close cooperation with the Fidac
in carrying out its educational program adopted at its recent
convention in Rome for the purpose of educating the youths
of the nation to understand, sympathize and cooperate with
those of other countries.

"7. We urge writers and teachers of the youth of our land
to inculcate in their pupils an appreciation, not only of our
own national virtues, but also of those of other nations and

174 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

races, and an understanding with and sympathy for their
glories and ideals. We advocate an exchange, on a large scale,
of pupils and teachers with foreign countries in our schools
and universities. International sports should be encouraged.
We advocate the truthful exposition of the facts of history
to the end that the causes of wars may be recognized and
determined. Those charged with the responsibility of teach-
ing the young are urged and requested to study how best to
educate mankind in international goodwill. The national
commander is urged to refer to the proper committee of the
Legion the study of the same problem, with instructions to
report at the 1926 convention.

"News-gathering and disseminating agencies are urged to
guard against the dissemination of inflammatory dispatches
from and to foreign countries which represent the sentiments
of only a small minority of a country's citizens. Attention is
called to the Walter Hines Page School of International Re-
lations at Johns Hopkins University, the first school of its
kind in America or Europe.

"8. We recommend that the work of this committee and
of the permanent foreign relations commission shall be merged
and carried on hereafter by that commission; that the name
of that commission should be changed to the commission on
world peace and foreign relations, and that three more per-
sons shall be added to the commission, who shall, together
with such other members of the commission as the com-
mander may designate, constitute a sub-committee charged
with the consideration of questions affecting world peace.
The commission, during the coming year, shall study the
question of the proper relation of the United States to the
League of Nations, and shall report to the 1926 convention.
We suggest to departments and posts that this question shall
constitute a special order of the coming year. We further
suggest to departments and posts the advisability of their
appointing wrorld peace committees.

"In conclusion, we urge that each recurring Armistice Day
should be used as an occasion for reckoning the progress

WAR VETERANS AND PEACE 175

made by America in the promotion of world peace as the
great objective of the World War."

At the 1926 convention which was held in Philadel-
phia, the Legion ignored its program of work for peace
and concentrated its attention on a program of national
defense, which supported "the fundamental principles"
of the National Defense Act of 1920, called for an in-
crease in the National Guard to 250,000 men by 1936, a
regular army of 12,000 officers and 125,000 enlisted men,
endorsed military training in the high schools, colleges
and universities and condemned those who endeavor to
stop such training. The resolutions in support of the
Reserve Officers' Training Corps and the Citizens' Mili-
tary Training Camps were as follows:

"Whereas, propagandists have organized and disseminated
reports discouraging and opposing Military Training in high
schools, colleges and universities; and

"Whereas, This seems to be one of the most desirable
agencies to assist in making young men physically fit and
educationally qualified to defend our country in case of war;

"Therefore Be It Resolved, By the Eighth National
American Legion Convention assembled, that we not
only use our efforts for the continuation of the C.M.T.C. and
the R.O.T.C. in high schools, colleges and universities, but that
we also condemn as unwise and un-American the propaganda
spread against this training."

These two sets of Legion resolutions, on peace and on
preparedness for war, indicate the conflict in policy which
the present effort to change the organization of the world
from a wrar to a peace basis involves. It is a conflict
which is reflected, not alone in Legion opinion, but in such
inconsistency of governmental policy as was evident in
the contradictory efforts of the State Department and

176 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the War and Navy Departments for and against ratifica-
tion of the poison gas protocol in 1927. Conflict is inev-
itable since there is involved the replacement of old in-
stitutions by new, and farsighted national leadership is
needed in order that the common purpose, rather than
the divergent theories as to how it is to be achieved,
shall be kept uppermost.

The professional military men who say that the mili-
tary organization must be maintained because we have
not yet devised methods for preventing war, and who at
the same time, on the ground that they interfere with the
maintenance of military forces, oppose all efforts to or-
ganize the world for peace, contribute little to a solution
of the world's chief problem. The peace forces would
contribute little more if they concentrated on an attack
upon the military establishment instead of building up
agencies of peace.

The American Legion, whose members are citizens with
an experience of war, would seem to be the group best
fitted to bring about understanding between the forces
preparing for war and the forces preparing for peace. So
far the Legion has devoted a large part of its activity
to the promotion of its military preparedness resolutions,
and very little to its preparedness for peace resolutions.
In repeated instances, its members and a few posts have
attacked men and women and organizations representing
thousands of American citizens who were seeking to carry
out the principles of the Legion's own resolutions. But
these attacks upon peace workers have not had the sup-
port of the Legion as a whole. Writing on this point
in The Nation of September 7, 1927, Sylvanus Cook, who
describes himself as a friend of leaders in the Legion,
says:

"... There was almost as much indignation in the Legion
over the action of General Fries in attacking Professor Flury

WAR VETERANS AND PEACE 177

[whom he sought to have removed from the school system of
Washington because of a definition of Socialism which he
had written in a magazine contest] as there was among the
readers of The Nation. The General just missed a public
reprimand.

"It is natural to inquire why the temperate element in the
Legion permits itself to be advertised by die-hard extremists
of the Fries-Watkins type without objecting. The reason is
twofold. First, temperateness is seldom controversial. The
temperate Legionnaire may feel totally out of sympathy with
an act or pronouncement masquerading under Legion author-
ity, but because he is temperate he will say nothing about it
save to his more intimate associates. Second, absurd as it
may seem, the Legion as a wrhole is rather fearful of its
swashbuckling minority ... for the minority presents a
unified front while the temperate or liberal majority is no
support whatsoever. . . ."

One explanation of the hesitancy of the Legion actively
to promote its peace program is offered in the following
statement contained in a letter from a Legion member,
Joseph P. Milgram, published in The Nation of Septem-
ber 28, 1927:

"Ninety per cent of the Legion, I judge, believe in adequate
preparedness — but not in over-preparedness. . . . The Legion
has among its members nearly every army officer wrho served
in the wrar. These officers are men of experience and it is not
strange that their opinions often prevail over those of other
Legionnaires who have not the military mind. In the large
cities the Legion often avails itself of the hospitality of com-
manders of armories for meetings and social affairs. As a
result, wThen favors are sought by army or navy officers, they
are difficult of refusal. As long as the Legion accepts favors
from professional army and navy boosters, it will be criticised
for its militarism. As a whole, the Legion has no love for
conflict, having tasted of it in the raw."

That the Legion is coming to recognize its own special

178 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

and independent position in the struggle between the
die-hards of the old order and the new activities of peace,
is indicated by the publication in the July, 1927, issue of
the American Legion Monthly of an article by Rupert
Hughes condemning vigorously repressive measures.
After making it clear that he is "as bitter against pacifism
as anybody" and that he believes the "next war" is
inevitable and "abhors" many doctrines advocated by
peace speakers, Mr. Hughes says:

"In the meanwhile, we have peace— or what we call peace.
One of the most striking things about the peace is that great
numbers of our fellow-citizens have made war on speakers
whose doctrines they disapprove of; they have invaded halls
and driven out the audiences; they have prevented auditori-
ums from being rented to speakers. . . .

"The institutions of our nation are magnificent in their
ideas and ideals. It is proper to defend them from foreign
attack or internal rebellion. But it is horrible to punish men
for expressing their honest opinions or suggesting changes.

"If this nation is never to grow, never to be allowed to
improve itself, and advance to newer and greater heights of
liberty, it is dead already. And the people who have killed
it are those who are loudest in its defense.

"The duty of organized American veterandom is plain. The
opportunity superb. Let no patriotic organization longer be
turned into an instrument of tyranny and the oppression and
the suppression of free speech, by a few of its zealots. Let
it fight in peace the fight it fought in war, for the same
American ideal, freedom and equality. Let it stand always
and more and more for absolute liberty. . . .

"There is only one liberty that deserves the name, and
that is the liberty that grants even to its enemies every
privilege it claims for itself. So long as we hold to that
creed we cannot fear time or eternity. No other Americanism
is American."

Aside from seeing to it that peace work is not inter-

WAR VETERANS AND PEACE 179

fered with, the soldiers who fought in the last war have
one contribution to make to the peace movement which
no one else can make. They and they alone can make
known the truth about war as it is fought today. Fidac
has repeatedly urged the importance of telling young
people th^ truth about war and has pointed out among
the inherent advantages which members of Fidac
possess in carrying on peace education their "first-hand
knowledge of the tragedy of war."

There seem to be two reasons why soldiers have not
oftener spoken out. One is that non-combatants do not
understand the soldiers' point of view. The other is the
desire of the soldier to forget.

Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, in a sermon preached at
the First Presbyterian Church, New York, on June 5,
1921, told this incident:

"One of our young men came back from France and like
many others, would not talk. One day his father took him
apart and rebuked him for his silence. 'Just one thing I will
tell you/ he answered. 'One night I was on patrol in No
Man's Land and suddenly I came face to face with a German
boy about my own age. It was a question of his life or mine.
We fought like wild beasts. When I came back that night,
I was covered from head to foot with the blood and brains of
that young German boy. We had nothing personally against
§ach other. He did not want to kill me any more than I
wanted to kill him. That is war. I did my duty in it, but
for God's sake do not ask me to talk about it. I want to
forget it.' "

The unwillingness of the soldier who fought to make
known the truth about war as he saw it is the theme of
a book, "The Inexcusable Lie," by Harold R. Peat, who
entered the war as a volunteer and was decorated with
the Victoria Cross. For several years after his return
home, Mr. Peat refused to speak of his experiences. One

180 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

day, however, he was sitting in a public square which
was ornamented with a statue of a famous soldier. A
group of little children began marching around it, playing
war, waving flags and shouting. He was overcome, he
says, by a sense of guilt when he realized how false
a picture of war was in these children's min^s. From
that day he began to write and to lecture on war as he
knew it.

"If a war started tomorrow," he asks, "would we of 1914
be as enthusiastic in going again? I know we wouldn't be,
we couldn't be. It isn't the danger, it isn't that war is lacking
in adventure, but because we now know that it isn't glorious.

We were told in school it was.

#

"We know now that for every Victoria Cross won, there
must be 10,000 wooden crosses won — we were not told so much
about the wooden cross at school. We know that men excel
themselves in war — but now we also know that to excel is to
kill. In 1914, we saw and knew statues of heroes of our
glorious tradition, but now as fathers of our boys, we, the
super-patriots of 1914, pray our governments of England,
France, Germany, Russia, America and humanity, that our
sons be told and taught the truth of war. A little more of
the wooden cross and a little less of the glory cross. Teach
them young, so that as statesmen they may know that war
is too filthy a way for civilized men to settle their differences.
War is filth 1"

The soldier feels,. too, that his experiences would not be
understood. A young officer quoted by Kirby Page in his
book, "The Sword or the Cross," adds this picture to the
truth about war:

"It is hideously exasperating to hear people talk the glib
commonplaces about the war and distribute cheap sympathy
to its victims. Perhaps you are tempted to give them a pic-
ture of a leprous earth, scattered with the swollen and black-
ening corpses of hundreds of young men. The appalling

WAR VETERANS AND PEACE 181

stench of rotting carrion, mingled with the sickening smell
of exploded lyddite and ammonal. Mud like porridge,
trenches like shallow and sloping cracks in the porridge —
porridge that stinks in the sun. Swarms of flies and blue-
bottles clustering on pits of offal. Wounded men lying in the
shell holes among the decaying corpses, helpless under the
scorching sun and bitter nights, under repeated shelling. Men
with bowels dropped out, lungs shot away, with blinded,
smashed faces, or limbs blown into space. Men screaming
and gibbering, wounded men hanging in agony on the barbed
wire, until a friendly spout of liquid fire shrivels them up like
a fly in the candle."

The plays, the books, the moving pictures which the
men who fought the war have been producing in the last
few years indicate that many of them are overcoming the
desire to forget and are facing the past again for the
sake of the future.

The Boston Herald printed the lines below in its edi-
torial column, June 19, 1927, with the following note:
"We have received on brown paper from a man who signs
himself R. W. Stewart, and describes himself as a private
in the United States Army, some verses which he begs us
to 'put some place/ and not on any account to 'tear it up.'
He asked that we print them under the heading, 'Remem-
ber Again ! ' "

REMEMBER AGAIN

Rain in the blackness. Stabs of flame in the blackness.
Whines and groans in the blackness.
Remember?

Remember again.

Rockets at dawn. Shells, come and gone.

Mists in the dawn.
Cheers in the dawn.

Remember?

Remember again.

182 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Stillness at noon. Curses in the stillness of noon.
Writhing bodies at noon. Still bodies at noon.
Remember?

Remember again.

Flashing shovels at twilight. Prayers at twilight.
Dry-eyed men at twilight. Soul-twisted men at twilight.
Remember?

Remember again.

Time will pass. Crises will rise.
Remember?

Remember again.

There is every reason to believe that the great majority
of the men who actually fought in the American army in
the World War agree with the statement of the president
of Fidac :

"In so far as it depends on us, we do not want the sufferings
our generation has gone through to be again borne by our
children."

CHAPTER IX
YOUNG PEOPLE AND WORLD PEACE

Young people — the phrase means officially those "un-
der thirty" — are forming independent groups in every
country to discuss the problems of modern life and to
arrive at their own conclusions as to what ought to be
done about them.

A breaking away of the younger generation from the
older was bound to occur at a time of such tremendous
change as the present. It had begun before the war ; the
war made the break a conscious determined movement.
It was the accepted sign that there was no time to be lost
in working out a new scheme of life to meet new world
conditions and that the older generation could not be
entrusted with doing it. "If there's one way that's been
proved wrong, it's your way! If we live exactly as you
lived, it will all happen over again.,, Those are the
words in which Youth in a modern drama condemns its
elders.

If there had been no World War, young people deter-
mined to express life in terms of today might have seen
as clearly as they do that there is no longer a place for
war in the world. But as it is, war and the results of war
are not something that they merely speculate about.
Thousands actually fought in the war. Thousands of
others lived through the war as cold and hungry children.
It is not to be wondered at that in group after group and

183

184 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

in conference after conference young people of today in-
sist that war be abolished.

In order to unite their efforts in the promotion of
peace, five hundred young men and women from Europe,
America, Africa and Asia, representing every kind of
young people's organization, are meeting in Eerde, Hol-
land, from August 17 to 26, 1928, to hold the first World
Youth Peace Congress and to form a World Federation
of Youth for Peace. The announcement of the confer-
ence explained why young people feel they must work
together for peace independently of the older generation.

'The Twenty-fifth International Peace Congress, held at
Geneva at the beginning of September (1926) and represent-
ing the official Peace societies of many countries, was as
strong evidence as could well have been asked for the neces-
sity of a vigorous Youth Peace Movement. It represented
almost entirely the older generation, people who, we readily
admit, rendered yeoman service to the International Peace
Movement of last century and the beginning of this century
but who seemed incapable of adapting themselves to the very
different conditions of these post-war years. Hesitant of
passing resolutions which might be thought extreme in gov-
ernmental circles or of making recommendations which states-
men would not be willing almost immediately to carry out,
they failed utterly to give a lead to the peace thought of
the world or to suggest a vigorous constructive policy. Peace
needs courage and the spirit of adventure quite as much as
does war."

The same idea is expressed in this letter from a young
German who fought in the war:

"We must build up a new world, a new temple. Every step
that brings us nearer to the completion of this temple is
illuminated by the flame of life which sprang from the eyes
and lips of our dying comrades into our souls in the war.
It is impossible that all the anguish they endured should

YOUNG PEOPLE AND PEACE 185

have been in vain. Let us set out on the journey that will
lead us to the fulfillment of the visions we had in those
trenches in France. Else our life would be useless."

In England, Sir James Barrie, in a speech before the
students of Edinburgh University, spoke for Youth
rather than to Youth when he urged work for peace in
memory of the young men killed in the war:

"They want to know if you have learned from what befell
them; if you have, they will be braced in the feeling that they
did not die in vain. Some of them think they did. They
won't take our word for it that they didn't. . . . They call
to you to find out in time the truth about this great game,
which your elders play for stakes and youth for life. . . .

"You have more in common with the youth of other lands
than Youth and Age can ever have with each other. You
ought to have a League of Youth as your practical beginning."

The main purposes of the World Youth Peace Con-
gress, which may lead to the fulfillment of Barrie's hope
for a World League of Youth, are:

"To stimulate and promote the study of the basic causes of
war and their elimination.

"To focus the enthusiasm and power of the Youth of the
world upon the development of methods and agencies for
dealing with the problem of war."

The helplessness of youth in the World War, the fact
that they had had no part in bringing about the condi-
tions which led to the war and had none in determining
the policies by which it was conducted, but were, never-
theless, depended on to carry it to victory, increased
youth's self-consciousness. The sense which many young
people had of having been led into the war without
knowing what it was all about or having any control
over it, is dramatically expressed in an open letter to Dr.

186 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

David Starr Jordan written in December, 1926, by Carter
Osborn, Jr., who led an antipeace riot in Baltimore
shortly before America's entrance into the war and
broke up a meeting which was being addressed by Dr.
Jordan :

"On the first Sunday in April, 1917, you were standing on
the stage of the Academy of Music in Baltimore, Maryland,
making — before the Baltimore Open Forum — a protest against
the impending participation of this country in the European
War. You were interrupted and the meeting broken up by
the sudden violent entrance of a mob which had burst
through the cordon of police outside the theatre. I was the
leader of this mob which succeeded in rendering your appeal
unavailing.

"This event took place nearly ten years ago. I was at that
time twenty years old. I have tried to recall what motivated
my action on this occasion. At twenty, one is mature and
presumably motivated by reason.

"Much has happened during those ten years. I spent part
of them overseas and saw something of the actuality of war.
And now I find it impossible to recall my definite thought
which motivated me in leading that excited horde through
the police and down the aisle of the Academy of Music.

"With the best possible will to reconstruct the episode I can
recall no reasoned conviction individually held by me. . . .

"I acted after the fashion of an animal. The propaganda
surrounding me on every side had affected me precisely as
the tom-tom beating of a tribe in an African jungle affects
the youths whom their chiefs and medicine men desire to stir
to battle.

"I see now with what little use of his intelligence a man
can go from birth to death through modern civilization — his
way made always easy for him by the forces profiting by
using him as a pawn.

"You were not successful in your appeal. Seventy thousand
youths were killed in the struggle which came despite your
endeavors. I saw many of those youths die. By sea and on

YOUNG PEOPLE AND PEACE 187

land I saw their agonies, their miseries, their racked and
mangled bodies. I happened to escape their fate.

"One learns much and quickly when the veneer of class
and city and state and nation are ruthlessly torn away and
the stark reality of life and war are seen without glamour or
illusion. I learned that before I am any particular kind of
man, I am first of all a man with sympathies* which should
embrace all mankind; an ephemeral cell in the social organ-
ism of humanity as a continuing whole. I learned that the
essential characteristic of man is intelligence and that the
greatest treason of which a man can be guilty is to fail to
use this essential characteristic, to surrender his will to any-
thing whatever outside himself and to let himself be made
as I was made, the unreasoning tool of folkway passion.

"In a democratic nation assuredly argument should always
be met with argument. Argument should never be stifled by
force. It would, at least, have been possible for those differ-
ing from you to meet your arguments with more convincing
arguments on the other side. They chose instead to use me
and similar befuddled youths to prevent you from being
heard. . . .

"I do not apologize to you, Sir. No apology is possible
for such an act. I assure you only, that experience and
maturity have brought me the poignant realization that on
that Sunday evening so long ago, you were motivated by the
principles of civilization, while I was motivated by the pas-
sions of barbarism."

The effect of the war was, of course, much more
severely felt by the youth of Europe than by the youth
of America. The suffering and poverty among students,
particularly in the Central European countries, led to an
International Student Aid movement which did much to
bring young people into close touch. Immediately after
the war, a young woman, Ruth Rouse, traveling as a
secretary of the World Christian Student Federation, was

188 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

so shocked by the suffering that she saw among students
that she appealed to the young people of the nations
where the suffering was less severe to form the European
Student Relief Organization. The gifts of students to
students in the first ten years equalled nearly $2,500,000.
When there was no longer need for relief, the students
were unwilling to give up their friendships and contacts,
and the European Student Relief became the Interna-
tional Student Service. Three international conferences
have been held. The nations that received help have
begun to repay their debts, so that the money may be
used to carry abroad the work of the International Stu-
dent Service, and the spirit of its declaration of faith
which says:

"We believe that the task of spreading fellowship is essen-
tially spiritual; that it is an expression of the real nature of
the world and of that power which, without distinction of
creed, we believe to be working for the fulfillment of the
destiny of mankind. . . . We seek a world partnership of fully
developed communities in which every individual is able to
achieve his highest development in the fellowship and service
of mankind. We do not seek uniformity. We seek a unity
which is expressed in many different ways."

From one of these international student conferences a
young Canadian delegate wrote home:

'Tor the first time in my life I met students from lands
which had until then been but 'colored spots on a map.' And
I discovered that, in spite of differences of color, language and
environment, these foreign students were much like myself,
with similar aspirations and ideals. No longer can I think
of their countries as inhabited by strange 'foreign' beings
whom I know by group-names, German, Hungarian, Russian
or Czech. These 'colored spots' on the map of the world are
now the homes of my friends."

YOUNG PEOPLE AND PEACE 189

Because the conditions of life which they had to meet
were a severer challenge, the young people of. Europe are
also more definitely organized and articulate than the
young people of America. Yet even in Europe where
international meetings are held with considerable regu-
larity there is little formality, for organization contradicts
the spirit of experiment in which young people are carry-
ing on their new world adventure. After a spring and
summer spent abroad a young American, James Water-
man Wise, in The Century Magazine for January, 1928,
says this of what he saw and felt :

"Of primary importance is what I would term the 'youth
consciousness' existing abroad. ... It takes many forms and
finds diverse outlets, but it grows out of one almost universally
accepted insight. That insight is of the inability of the older
generation, the war generation, to maintain or to create an
order of life that shall be secure and stable, let alone just and
righteous altogether. . . .

"Out of that insight and that realization grow the more
positive feeling that youth must consciously as youth take
upon itself much of the task and shoulder a large part of the
responsibility of creating a new world; that youth cannot
allow the heavy burden of maintaining civilization to devolve
upon it so gradually that ultimately it will go on in the old
ineffective bungling way, but that now, while it is still hopeful
and young and strong, it must consciously prepare to meet
the dark and danger-fraught years ahead.

"This consciousness is not always articulate, nor is it well
ordered, nor of a piece. There is no apparent unity to give
it force, nor clear direction to point its purpose. Yet it is
in some ways the most important outcome of the war, a new
and vital factor in the socio-political complex of European
life."

Of the internationalism which he found among the
young people of Europe, Mr. Wise says :

190 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"The new internationalism of the younger generation stands
out perhaps as the surest sign of the consciousness of youth
of its own power and responsibility, and of the ability to
organize and develop that power. . . .

"It is ... so intense in its earnestness that it must be
reckoned with as a serious factor in international relationship.
Another great war will find bitter and powerful opponents in
great numbers of young people in all lands. And statesmen
and governments are beginning to take note of the fact."

In the United States an organized effort for peace was
begun among college students in 1921, when a confer-
ence of 40 eastern colleges met at Princeton University
in support of the Washington Conference for the Limi-
tations of Armaments. The following resolution was
adopted :

"Whereas, the recent World War has demonstrated that
future war would be a calamity whose consequences are
beyond all calculation; and

"Whereas, the costs of vast armaments prevent the divert-
ing into constructive channels of money and energy, sorely
needed for the solution of the problems of peace; and . . .

"Whereas, the college men who speak have proved their
devotion and loyalty in the past war and whereas the present
generations would in all probability bear the brunt of a
future war; therefore

"Be It Resolved, That we, the representatives of 40 colleges
and universities in conference assembled, do hereby express
to the Government of the United States our unqualified
approval of the course it has taken in summoning the Wash-
ington Conference and our entire sympathy with the purpose
of the conference, pledging our faithful support to the United
States delegates in their efforts to alleviate the burden of
war and preparation for war, through mutual understanding
and through world reduction and limitation of armaments ; and
that we do hereby urge upon all delegates that their effort
shall not cease until some solution be found whereby the

YOUNG PEOPLE AND PEACE 191

possibility of war may be minimized, and whereby at least a
considerable portion of the vast amount of energy and money
expended by the nations for armament may be released for
the development rather than the destruction of civilization and
the human race."

A second conference was held in Princeton in 1925 in
the interest of the World Court. Two hundred and fifty
colleges and universities were represented. Following
this conference the National Student Federation of
America was formed by the students of 175 colleges and
universities. The Federation does everything possible
to increase first-hand contacts among the younger genera^-
tion in different countries through travel tours and in the
United States through association with foreign students.

But it is not only in academic groups that the interest
of young people in peace is evident; in religious organi-
zations also they are turning their attention chiefly to this
problem and more than this are urging the churches to
be more active in the movement to end war. In 1925
an interdenominational conference of 900 young people
was held at Evanston, Illinois, to consider the position of
the churches in regard to world problems. Since then
the young people of various denominations, including the
Methodists, Baptists, Congregationalists and Friends,
have urged more definite work for peace on the part of
their churches. Student missionary groups also, at their
1926 convention attended by 7,000 delegates, made world
peace the chief topic of discussion. The National Council
of Christian Associations at its convention in 1927 took
a formal vote on the question of participation in war.
Three hundred and twenty-seven declared that they
would not support any war; 740 said they were ready to
support some wars, but not others; 95 said they would
support any war which their government entered upon;
and 356 did not vote. The World Student Christian

192 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Federation in which 23 national Christian student move-
ments are represented, at its last international meeting
declared :

"We, representing Christian students from all parts of the
world, believe in the fundamental equality of all the races and
nations of mankind and consider it as part of our Christian
vocation to express this reality in all our relationships.

"We consider it our absolute duty to' do all in our power
to fight the causes leading to war, and war itself as a means
of settling international disputes.

"As a result of our discussion at the Peking Conference we
declare frankly that we have not succeeded in reaching an
agreement as to what our individual attitude ought to be in
the event of war. Some are convinced that under no circum-
stances can they as Christians engage in war; others, that
under certain circumstances they ought to take their share
in the struggle."

In these verses, quoted recently by the Chief of Chap-
plains in the course of a sermon, there is reflected the ef-
fort youth is making to bring religion and life into unity :

'/My father prayed as he drew a bead on the greycoats
Back in those blazing years when the house was divided.
Bless his old heart 1 There never was truer or kinder,
Yet he prayed and hoped that the ball from his clumsy old

musket
Would thud to the body of some hot-eyed young Southerner
And tumble him limp in the mud of the Vicksburg trenches.
Could I put my prayers behind a slim Springfield bullet?
Hardly . . . except to mutter: 'Jesus, we part here I
Do you see those humans herded and driven against me?
Turn away, Jesus! — I've got to kill them.'
My father could mix his prayers and his shooting,
And he was a rare, true man in his generation.
Yet if I should pray as he did, I'd spoil it by laughing.
What is the matter?"

YOUNG PEOPLE AND PEACE 193

In the United States young people who have definitely-
renounced war have organized the Fellowship of Youth
for Peace as the Youth Section of the Fellowship of
Reconciliation. The members make no definite pledge
in regard to participation in war. The statement of pur-
pose says:

"To our generation comes the challenge to abolish war. In
rising to meet this challenge young men and women the world
over are finding common ground.

"The Fellowship of Youth for Peace is a part of the world-
wide movement of the youth of all classes, nations, and races
who recognize the unity of the human family and wish to live
in this spirit of friendship."

The fact that Youth feels it necessary to separate itself
from the older generation in its struggle to abolish war
and to build a world in which men and women can turn
their energies to enriching life instead of destroying it,
is, of course, a heavy indictment of the older generation.
Yet it is true that a growing number of older people de-
sire "to help Youth fulfill its will" along these lines. The
hope with which the older generation looks to the younger
is well expressed in a New Year's greeting to Youth which
appeared in the New York Times in 1924:

"It is upon such a new age that the doors of this new year
open for youth. It is the young men of our day — millions
of them — who by the heroic adventure of their lives were
largely responsible for saving the world from something worse
than it is, and it will be those who are left of that vast com-
pany of youth, who can alone make it much better than it is.
Age has its wisdoms, but it has antipathies, hatreds, fears
which it cannot easily overcome and memories which uncon-
sciously color its counsels for the future. By the international
commingling which is now increasingly possible, through the
intellectual exchanges which are multiplying, by the aid of

194 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

moving pictures which are bringing the hidden parts of the
earth and its strange peoples to the sight and acquaintance
of everybody, by the voices which are heard across continents
and seas, and by all the forces that are bringing the ends of
the earth together and making the world an economic inter-
dependent unit, the youth of the world will find increasingly
that they have more and more in common.

"American youth, with a further reach for their voices, with
mightier facilities for locomotion at their feet, with greater
power at their elbows, with more wealth at their command,
ought to take the lead in trying to bring the youth of all
nations into an understanding which will overcome the stupid-
ness and jealousies that may even now, as Barrie said, be
leading us 'doddering down some brimstone path/ The earth
needs the charity of youth to heal it, the ardor of youth to
stir it, the faith of youth to lead it on. . . . "

PART III

INTRODUCTION TO FURTHER STUDY
OF INFLUENCES FOR AND AGAINST

WORLD PEACE

ORGANIZING THE WORLD FOR PEACE
(Chapters X to XVII)

NATIONAL POLICIES AFFECTING PEACE
(Chapters XVIII to XXIII)

WAR TODAY
(Chapters XXIV to XXV)

CHAPTER X

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND THE INTER-
NATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION

Each year an increasing number of well-informed
Americans are among the distinguished men and women
from all parts of the world who attend the meeting of the
Assembly of the League of Nations, yet to a majority
of the people in this country the League of Nations re-
mains a phrase on paper, with a blurred picture behind
it, and holding little suggestion of activity.

This is remarkable since in more than one respect the
League is the kind of undertaking that traditionally in-
terests the American mind. It is new, it is an experiment,
it is one of those things that "can't be done." It is a
tremendous undertaking, reaching out across the world,
and far ahead into the future, and requiring for its suc-
cessful operation great organizing ability.

From the time of Dante, who urged the necessity for a
world state governed by a uniform system of law, intel-
lectual leaders, century by century, have attempted the
task of working out a plan of world organization. Gradu-
ally their ideas have influenced men's thinking and are
finding expression in fact. As early as 1306 a French-
man, Pierre Dubois, proposed a plan which included a
council of nations and an arbitration tribunal very simi-
lar to the tribunal finally established at The Hague at the
end of the 19th century. In the fourteen hundreds an
international parliament of nations was proposed by

197

198 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Podiebrad, King of Bohemia. Erasmus devoted much of
his life to urging the substitution of arbitration for war.
In 1625, Emeric Cruce, of France, published the first de-
tailed plan for an international organization of both
Christian and non-Christian nations, which included a
permanent court of arbitration whose decisions were to
be enforced by public opinion.

In 1635 the "Grand Design" of Henry IV of France,
published by his minister Sully, advocated a general
council of nations in continuous session with minor coun-
cils meeting in various cities, and the control of the mili-
tary forces of the member nations by the central council.
In 1682, William Penn laid before the various govern-
ments a plan for a general parliament of Europe to meet
every three years, which should settle all differences
between states. His suggestion that the parliament meet
in a round room with a separate door for each nation so
that no question of precedence might arise, calls atten-
tion to one of the difficulties which stood in the way of
world organization.

In 1710 a proposal was made by another Quaker, John
Bellers, for a parliament supported by an international
army. Europe was to be divided into one hundred
provinces, each province to send one representative for
every one thousand soldiers raised. In 1712 Saint Pierre,
a statesman of France, published a "Plan for Perpetual
Peace," which included compulsory arbitration and an in-
ternational army. Saint Pierre was persecuted for his
peace proposal, expelled from the French Academy, and
narrowly escaped the Bastille.

By the group of philosophers who preceded the Ameri-
can and French revolutions, it was clearly seen that war
and monarchical government go hand in hand, and that
peace and democratic government are allied in principle.
Immanuel Kant declared that world federation must be

LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND LABOR 199

based upon republican principles, that the federation
must be voluntary and the states composing it must have
a representative form of government.

In the organization of the United States of America
many of the problems which early statesmen had encoun-
tered in their schemes for world organization were faced
and solved.

Four principles applicable to the development of inter-
national government were illustrated in the Constitution.
It created a new type of double citizenship by which
Americans are both Pennsylvanians or Texans, and
Americans; it made the central government dependent
upon the individual citizens instead of the States; it for-
bade the individual States to keep armies or navies; and
it created a Supreme Court for settling disputes between
the sovereign States.

But the century when new continents were being set-
tled, and new nations developing, was obviously not the
time for the organization of a union of nations. And
though the establishment of democratic government was
the greatest single step toward the organization of the
world on a basis of reason rather than force, there were
other developments that had to be worked out before a
league of nations, planned through so many centuries,
could actually be set up.

One of these, the development of arbitration as a means
of settling international disputes, was promptly inaugu-
rated by the new democracy when in 1794, John Jay, as
special representative of President Washington, negoti-
ated with England the first modern treaty of arbitration.

A second event, in the 19th century, preparing the way
for international organization was the creation of the
Hague Court of Arbitration.

A third development making easier the way of a league
of nations was the growth in international cooperation

200 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

evidenced in international unions and commissions for
the joint administration of such international undertak-
ings as the postal, telegraph and cable services; and for
the joint control of world conditions such as those af-
fecting health.

By the time of the World War, close-knit economic
relations had made world organization imperative, and
there arose in the European countries and in the
United States a new demand and new plans for a
league of nations. Plans were outlined not only in the
United States but in England, France and Germany, and
urgent support for the idea came from all neutral coun-
tries, but that the League of Nations actually emerged
at this time from theory into fact was finally due to the
perseverance and prestige of Woodrow Wilson, as Presi-
dent of the United States.

The opening statement of the Covenant or constitu-
tion of the League of Nations as it was created by the
Allied nations at the Peace Conference declared the rea-
sons for establishing it to be

"To promote international cooperation and to achieve in-
ternational peace and security."

It was proposed to do these two things

"By the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war,

"By the prescription of open, just and honorable relations
between nations,

"By the firm establishment of the understandings of inter-
national law as the actual rule of conduct among Govern-
ments, and

"By the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for
all treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples
with one another."

It was agreed that the League should consist of a large
body, known as the Assembly, in which every nation

LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND LABOR 201

should have one vote and which should control the
finances; a small body, known as the Council, in which
the larger nations should have permanent seats, and
which should serve as the executive branch; and a per-
manent secretarial staff or secretariat under a Secretary-
General appointed by the Council.

The amount of intellectual effort that has gone into
the making of the League as it is today can best
be appreciated from a knowledge of the early days of its
organization, after the plan for it had been worked out on
paper, and it became necessary to decide how it should
do the things it had been created to do. The Peace Con-
ference appointed Sir Eric Drummond to act as Secretary
General of the League, and named a committee to assist
him. One of the men chosen by Sir Eric to act as under-
secretary-general was an American, Raymond B. Fosdick.
Mr. Fosdick's account of how this preliminary group set
to work to meet the problem that faced them, is quoted
by Burr Price in "The World Talks It Over":

"In June, 1919, three of us — representing the first three
officials of the League — met together to decide how we would
organize. There were Sir Eric Drummond, an Englishman,
Jean Monet, a Frenchman, and myself. We had no program,
no personnel, and no money. There were no precedents of
any kind to guide us. It was all an untrodden wilderness
without paths or sign-posts. The Covenant spoke of certain
duties and we wrote them down on a sheet of paper as repre-
senting probable sections of the new organization.

"Little by little, too, the questions of personnel were settled.
Mantoux, a Frenchman, was made Director of the Political
Section; Van Hamell, a Dutchman, Director of the Legal
Section; George Beers, an American, Director of the Mandate
Section; and Sir Arthur Salter, an Englishman, Director of
the Economic and Financial Section. ... At first we had
no money with which even to pay any salaries and we paid
the stenographic force out of our own pockets. The out-

202 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

standing problem that caused us infinite worry was when and
where the first Assembly should meet and what it should do."

Such was the beginning of the first organized attempt
to consider world problems as a whole, and in relation to
each other, and to direct and control them from a world
point of view. The Secretary General and his staff
opened temporary offices in London in July, 1919, and
permanent offices in Geneva, the city agreed upon for
the headquarters of the League, in November of that
year. The first meeting of the Council, called according
to agreement by President Wilson, was held in Paris on
January 16, 1920. The first meeting of the Assembly,
also called by President Wilson, was held in Geneva
November 15, 1920, with delegates from 41 nations
present. In the meantime the Secretariat had decided
"what the Assembly should do" by sending a ques-
tionnaire to all the nations belonging to the League ask-
ing them what they thought the Assembly ought to do,
and working out an agenda on the basis of the answers.

Today the League and its activities have made of
Geneva an international city, a common meeting ground
for men who control the destinies of nations. From the
three puzzled men who met in London in 1919 and paid
their stenographers out of their own pockets, the secre-
tarial staff has grown to include nearly 500 men and
women from more than 40 nations, financed by all the
nations belonging to the League. Day in and day out,
this staff works at Geneva collecting facts on which na-
tional policies may be based and in the light of which
international problems may be met. For the first time
there is thus being created a body of common knowledge
available to all nations alike, knowledge which it would
be impractical, for financial reasons if for no other, for
a single nation to gather. For the first time there is an

LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND LABOR 203

official body whose members have "a definite profes-
sional interest in getting disputes settled, to whom it is
a disgrace if a dispute goes on, and a triumph if they can
get it settled."

Five times a year the Council, which is now composed
of representatives of fourteen states, five from the larger
nations having permanent seats, and nine from the
smaller nations elected for brief terms, holds regular
meetings in Geneva. It may meet more frequently and
at any convenient point in case of an international
emergency. Representatives of nations other than those
elected to the Council, even of nations not members of
the League, may sit with the Council when questions in
which they have special interest are up for discussion.

The Council is in general the executive organ of the
League. It is competent under the Covenant to "deal
with any matter within the sphere of action of the League
or affecting the peace of the world." All reports of dis-
putes are laid before the Council, and through com-
mittees and the secretariat it provides for carrying out in
detail the work outlined by the Assembly. Action must
be by unanimous vote. To assist it in carrying on the
different kinds of work for which it is responsible, and
some of which are of a very technical nature, the Coun-
cil calls in experts from all over the world to form per-
manent and temporary advisory and technical commit-
tees, known in general as auxiliary committees. The
permanent advisory committees deal with the suppres-
sion of traffic in opium and dangerous drugs, with the
protection of children and young people, with problems
of intellectual cooperation and with questions concerning
the mandated territories. Under the mandates system
created by Article 22 of the Covenant of the League,
which recognizes that "the well-being and development"
of backward peoples form "a sacred trust" of civilization,

204 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"advanced" nations are entrusted with the tutelage of the
colonies and territories taken from Germany and Turkey
which are inhabited by peoples "not yet able to stand by
themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern
world." The protection of religious and racial minority
groups within various nations is a responsibility of mem-
bers of the League assumed under certain treaties of
which the League stands as guarantor, and any problems
arising in this connection are handled directly by the
Council. The principal technical committees, known as
technical organizations, deal with problems of communi-
cations and transit, with economic and financial prob-
lems, and with problems of health.

In addition to the auxiliary committees, international
conferences are arranged by the League, at which nations
other than the members of the League are represented,
in order to discuss and promote the solution of problems
affecting the peace of the world. Representative men and
women from the United States and other countries not
belonging to the League of Nations serve on many of the
special conference committees, and also attend the con-
ferences as official or unofficial representatives appointed
by their governments. Through the League's committees
of experts, mankind is pooling its knowledge for the solu-
tion of the world problems upon which its progress and
its. welfare depend. In 1927 thirteen official delegates
from the United States, in some instances with large staffs
of advisers, participated in seven major conferences and
committees, and twenty-nine unofficial delegates were
sent by this government to represent it in lesser under-
takings.

At "stated intervals" — according to the present custom,
once a year — the members of the Assembly of the League
meet in Geneva to hear the report of the work accom-
plished during the preceding year and to outline new

LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND LABOR 205

work for the year ahead. Like the Council, the Assembly
is empowered to "deal with any matter within the sphere
of action of the League or affecting the peace of the
world." The fact that identical authority is given both
bodies leaves to the future the decision as to whether
either wTill become supreme. A certain control of League
activities is however in the hands of the Assembly, which
controls the finances of the League and to which the
Council must report. The Assembly also controls the
admission of new members to the League, and has power
to amend the Covenant by a majority vote, provided
that the majority includes the votes of all the members
of the Council represented at the meeting and that the
amendments are ratified by the corresponding national
legislative bodies. Action on other matters must be by
unanimous vote, except on matters of procedure when
a majority is sufficient, and for the admission of new
members when a two-thirds vote is required. Although
each nation has only one vote in the Assembly it is en-
titled to send three delegates. Among these delegates are
a steadily increasing number of prime ministers and
foreign ministers, demonstrating by their presence the
importance and value of the League's work. One such
official recently declared he "could do more business at
Geneva in a day than he could do at home in a month."
When the Assembly meets, Geneva becomes the polit-
ical center of the world, in which policies may be devel-
oped and from which influences may radiate which will
affect all future history. There is, consequently, about
even a routine Assembly meeting a noticeable dramatic
tension, which is keenly felt by the hundreds of journalists
who join for the occasion the large corps of newspaper
men regularly stationed at the League headquarters.
The sessions of the Assembly are open to the public and
the galleries are crowded with visitors and students and

206 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

representatives of national and international organiza-
tions from every country and of all races.

In the Assembly meetings, delegates sit at long desks
marked with the names of the countries in alphabetical
order. The President of the Council presides at the open-
ing meeting of the Assembly. As the roll of the nations
is called the delegates one by one walk to the platform
and, exchanging greetings with the Secretary General,
cast a ballot for the President of the Assembly. The
Council's report of the past year's work is already in the
hands of the delegates, having been sent in advance to
the various nations. The delegates are therefore ready
with speeches of criticism or agreement, or of suggestions
for the future. Every nation has an equal opportunity
to make known its point of view.

The Assembly aims to conclude its work within a
period of three weeks and promptly divides into six com-
mittees, which recommend action to the Assembly. On
each committee every nation has one representative.
These committees deal with legal questions and questions
concerning the Constitution; with the work of the tech-
nical organizations in connection with transit, health, and
economic and financial questions; with the reduction of
armaments; with questions of the budget and internal
administration; with humanitarian and social questions;
and with political questions.

To get a true picture of the League it is necessary to
see it against a background of the world situation which
conditions its activities. The facts of international life,
of which the League of Nations must take account, are,
as outlined by Professor C. Delisle Burns, of the Univer-
sity of London, such as the following:

(a) Political. There are about seventy "sovereign" Gov-
ernments, each with jurisdiction over very different numbers
of diverse peoples. The States so formed are all armed.

LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND LABOR 207

(b) Economic. Nearly all peoples are dependent for food
and clothing upon other peoples living under alien Govern-
ments. Roughly, there is a distinction between agricultural
and industrial peoples.

(c) Cultural. The world today is united by a common
knowledge (History and Science) and a common intellectual
attitude among educated men and women, comparable to the
common religious attitude of the Middle Ages in Europe.
There are about three powerful international religions —
Christianity, Mohammedanism and Buddhism — and two chief
types of culture — "Western" and "Eastern."

The League is not something outside and apart from
these varied and conflicting elements indicated in this
picture. It is rather, as has been said, a "method of pro-
moting agreement," "a new way of doing business" made
necessary by new conditions of life. It provides an oppor-
tunity for personal acquaintance, for periodic meetings
and for continuous conference among the statesmen of
the world.

In carrying out both parts of its purpose — the promo-
tion of international cooperation and the achievement of
international peace and security — the new method of
doing business which the League is developing is of pri-
mary importance. The continuous conference which is
carried on through the advisory committees of the League
and in connection with the wrork of the Secretariat, and
the joint action which results from committee recommen-
dations and from the findings of the international con-
ferences are leading to a recognition of international co-
operation as "the normal method of conducting world
affairs."

The provisions of the Covenant under which the
League carries on its wfork for world peace put special
emphasis on the value of conference and of publicity.
Under Article 18 publicity for all treaties is secured by

208 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the provision that no treaty is binding until registered
with the League Secretariat by which it must be pub-
lished.

Under Article 11, when war or any threat of war arises
in any part of the world, whether it affects members of
the League or not, the League is to take any action which
it deems wise and effectual for safeguarding the peace of
the world. It is declared to be the friendly right of any
member of the League to bring to its attention any cir-
cumstance affecting international relations which threat-
ens to disturb international peace.

Under Articles 12, 13 and 15, members of the League
agree to submit any dispute whatever, which is likely to
lead to war, to arbitration or judicial settlement, or to
the Council for mediation, and not to resort to war for
three months after the conclusion of these proceedings.
If a dispute which is recognized as suitable for arbitration
or judicial decision arises between them, the.members of
the League agree to seek its settlement through these
methods. Any member of the League involved in a dis-
pute, not submitted to arbitration or judicial settlement,
may secure its investigation by the Council by calling it
to the attention of the Secretary General. Under Article
17, when a dispute arises between a member of the
League and a nation which is not a member, the latter
is to be invited to accept temporary membership in the
League for the time such dispute is under discussion.
If the nations involved in the dispute refuse to submit
it to the procedure of the League for settlement, the
Council may take whatever measures will prevent hos-
tilities and result in a settlement.

If in regard to a dispute between members of the
League, the Council fails to reach unanimous agreement
except for one or more of the parties to the dispute, or if
the Assembly, to which the Council may refer the dispute,

LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND LABOR 209

fails to agree upon a report concurred in by all the states
members of the Council and a majority of the rest, exclu-
sive of the parties to the dispute, the members of the
League have the right to take such action as they consider
"necessary for the maintenance of right and justice." If
a unanimous agreement is reached, an attack upon a
nation abiding by the decision constitutes an act of war
against all the members of the League. In case a dis-
pute between members of the League arises out of a
matter agreed to be within the domestic jurisdiction
of one of the nations involved, the Council has no power
to make a recommendation as to its settlement. Three
months after a report by the Council has been made, the
disputants may go to war without violating the Covenant.

It is these provisions which leave open what has come
to be known as "the gap" in the protection which the
League affords against war. Although consideration is
constantly being given by League members to the prob-
lem of closing this gap, certain groups, such as the sup-
porters of the outlawry of war plan and some extreme
pacifists, have refused to support the League on the
ground that it fails to disestablish the war system. The
Kellogg treaty for the "renunciation of war as an instru-
ment of national policy," it is anticipated, will help to
remedy this weakness.

Under Article 19, the Assembly is given power to ad-
vise the members of the League to reconsider any treaty
and to give consideration to any international condition
which it believes may endanger the peace of the world.

It is a question whether the obligation to use force to
compel observance of the provisions of the covenant —
in carrying out, that is, the so-called "sanctions" — is defi-
nite enough to be binding, but the right to use force is
proclaimed in Articles 10, 15 and 16. Under these arti-
cles, members of the League undertake to respect and pre-

210 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

serve the territorial integrity and political independence
of all members, and the Council is given power to advise
what means shall be used to carry out this obligation. If
any member of the League resorts to war in disregard of
its agreement under the Covenant of the League, it is to
be held to have committed an act of war against all the
members, and the Council is to recommend what armed
forces, in addition to the severance of economic relations,
the members of the League are to contribute for the pro-
tection of the League Covenant.

In its efforts to carry out the provisions of the Cove-
nant for the reduction of armaments, the application of
methods of arbitration and the establishment of national
security, the League has found that the three questions,
arbitration, security and disarmament, are closely linked
together. By some nations — England, for example — it is
held that disarmament must be a preliminary step to-
ward security and the outlawry of war. By others, such
as France, the establishment of security is held to be
necessary before plans for disarmament can be under-
taken. The danger that plans for peace may be caught
in a closed circle is evident. The treaties of Locarno, de-
scribed in the chapter on Arbitration, are so far the out-
standing answer which the League has found to this
difficulty. In the technical provisions and machinery of
the League there is no complete safeguard against war,
but the existence of the League and the habit of continu-
ous conference and of cooperation on international prob-
lems, which it is building up, may be found to provide
one. Dr. Stresemann, German Foreign Minister and
President of the Council of the League in 1927, said in an
interview appearing in the New York Times for March
10, 1927:

"The great importance lies in the possibility of taking great
questions from the atmosphere of written notes and bringing

LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND LABOR 211

them into the realm of personal contacts. If before the war
there had been reunions of Foreign Ministers such as have
been realized by the League — if these personal contacts had
existed — perhaps it would have been possible to avoid the
misunderstandings which came to trouble the reality of
things."

A handicap upon the League's power to bring about
world peace is also found in the Treaty of Versailles.
The Treaty, drawn up as it was while w.ar sen-
timent was at its height, is calculated to create ill
will rather than goodwill. It was signed by Germany
under protest, due not only to the terms of the treaty,
but to the fact that Germany had been excluded from
all deliberations leading to its formulation, and there is
a prevalent feeling in that country that its terms are
not in accordance with the armistice or with the prin-
ciples of the League of Nations. It contains provisions
designed as punitive measures, which have since been
recognized as unjust and as damaging to the victors as
well as the vanquished. One such provision, which has,
of course, an important bearing on the question of rep-
arations, is the enforced assumption by Germany of ex-
clusive responsibility for the outbreak of the war. The
territorial arrangements under the treaty likewise have
led to great dissatisfaction and constitute an unstable
factor in international relations. As a result, those na-
tions which wish to preserve the status quo, insist upon
the maintenance of large military forces and seek to en-
list the influence of the League. But the entrance of
Germany into the League and her policy as a member
have done much to allay the fears of those who regarded
the Versailles Treaty as an insurmountable obstacle to
the establishment of peace.

Many who originally refused their support to the
League have now withdrawn their opposition because

212 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

they recognize that the Treaty is steadily being modified
by such agreements as the Dawes Plan and the treaties
of Locarno.

Under the provisions of the Covenant referred to above,
the League of Nations has taken part in the settlement
of some twenty-eight political disputes between nations,
notably disputes between Poland and Lithuania, be-
tween Albania and Czechoslovakia, and between Greece
and Bulgaria, which carried a threat of immediate war.
The League also took effective, if indirect, action in con-
nection with the Corfu incident between Italy and
Greece. This incident afforded an opportunity to wit-
ness the effect of adverse criticism publicly expressed in
the League Assembly, of the policy of any one nation;
it was found, in this instance at least, that the represen-
tatives of a nation subjected to such criticism were quick
to use their influence to change the policy of their
country.

The fact has been emphasized that in bringing about
settlements of disputes between the smaller nations, the
League may well have prevented another world war.
Had it been in existence in 1914, it would have been
called into action when Austria presented its ultimatum
to Serbia; if it had then brought about a settlement of
the differences between those countries, it would to all
appearances have prevented merely another Balkan dis-
turbance. Elihu Root has declared that "The League in
the political field and the Court in the judicial field have
been rendering the best service in the cause of peace
known to the history of civilization; incomparably the
best."

It is further pointed out by supporters of the League
that whether or not it is as yet able to prevent the out-
break of hostilities between the larger nations, it is
steadily educating public opinion to the fact that war is

LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND LABOR 213

an activity in which the world as a whole can no longer
afford to permit individual nations to engage. It is
unquestionably true that men and women in Europe
who are working for peace, especially the younger men
and women, look toward Geneva and to the steps for
peace which the existence of the League of Nations
makes possible, as the chief hope of future protection
against war.

International Labor Organization

The International Labor Organization, although it has
not effected great changes in law, embodies a principle,
a new method of international action, and an opportunity
for the education of public opinion, that are most sig-
nificant.

The Organization is an integral part of the League of
Nations, since membership in the League includes mem-
bership in the Labor Organization and the League con-
trols its finances, but it is nevertheless an autonomous
body. It was created by a separate provision of the
Treaty of Versailles, entirely distinct from the Covenant
of the League. Nations not belonging to the League
may belong to the Labor Organization. The reasons for
its creation are set forth in the following paragraphs of
the Treaty:

"Whereas, the League of Nations has for its object the
establishment of universal peace, and such a peace can be
established only if it is based upon social justice;

"And, whereas, conditions of labor exist involving such injus-
tice, hardship and privation to large numbers of people as
to produce unrest so great that the peace and harmony of the
world are imperiled; and an improvement of those conditions
is urgently required; as, for example, by the regulation of
the hours of work, including the establishment of a maximum
working day and week, the regulation of the labor supply,

214 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the prevention of unemployment, the provision of an adequate
living wage, the protection of the worker against sickness,
disease and injury arising out of his employment, the pro-
tection of children, young persons and women, provision for
old age and injury, protection of the interests of workers
when employed in countries other than their own, recognition
of the principle of freedom of association, the organization
of vocational and technical education and other measures;

"Whereas, also, the failure of any nation to adopt humane
conditions of labor is an obstacle in the way of other nations
which* desire to improve the conditions in their own countries;

"The High Contracting Parties, moved by sentiments of
justice and humanity as well as by the desire to secure the
permanent peace of the world, agree to the following: . . ."

The two reasons given for setting up the Labor Organ-
ization are both noteworthy. The first, based on the diffi-
culty of raising the standards of labor in one country
unless they are raised simultaneously in others, recog-
nizes the economic, industrial and social interdependence
of the modern world. The second points to human wel-
fare as the object of government, and the importance
of social and international peace in achieving it.

The machinery of the Labor Organization consists of
a General Conference, to which some thirty million work-
ers send representatives, which is required to meet at
least once -a year; a governing body of twenty-four mem-
bers ; and a Labor Office or secretarial staff, consisting of
350 men and women, one of the important duties of
which is to act as an international research body.

The most striking feature in connection with the Or-
ganization is its method of representation. Every nation
belonging to the League appoints four delegates, one
representing the workers' group, one the employment
group, and two the government. These delegates do not
vote by nations but according to the points of view they

LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND LABOR 215

represent. To this extent, the International Labor Or-
ganization is what many desire the League of Nations
to become — a "League of Peoples."

The Labor Organization drafts conventions, or inter-
national treaties, covering measures which it desires to
have embodied in national laws. The member govern-
ments are under agreement to bring before their national
legislative bodies within a year any draft convention
adopted by a two-thirds majority of the General Con-
ference. Although governments need not press the adop-
tion of the conventions, neither can they pigeonhole
them, and whether adopted or not, they serve the pur-
pose of educating public opinion. The interest of every
nation in the labor standards of all other nations is
further emphasized by the provision that when a con-
vention is adopted, annual reports on the measures taken
to secure its enforcement must be made each year to the
General Conference.

The ratification of the draft conventions has so far
proceeded more slowly than it was hoped, although at
the 1927 conference 229 ratification^ by different coun-
tries of the various conventions were reported. The value
of the work of the Labor Organization in furthering mu-
tual understanding of national industrial problems and
cooperation in their just solution reaches far beyond the
enactment of these legislative measures. To be fully ap-
preciated it needs to be followed in the current reports
and publications which can be secured from the organi-
zations indicated at the beginning of this chapter.

The preceding chapter deals briefly with certain points of
view and facts regarding the League of Nations that are of
especial interest to Amencan readers. Complete information
in regard to the organization and activities of the League can
readily be obtained from the League of Nations Non-Partisan
Association, 6 East 39th St., New York City. All publications

216 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

issued by the League of Nations, by the International Labor
Organization and by the Committee on Intellectual Coopera-
tion are distributed in the United States through the World
Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. Detailed
reports of the work of the Committee on Intellectual Coopera-
tion of the League of Nations may be secured from Mr. J.
David Thompson, Secretary of the American National Com-
mittee on Intellectual Cooperation, 2101 B Street, N. W.,
Washington, D. C. The International Labor Organization
has an American office for the distribution of information at
15th and L Sts., Washington, D. C, of which the director is
Mr. Leifur Magnusson.

CHAPTER XI
THE WORLD COURT

In 1922 it became possible, following the establishment
of the League of Nations, to overcome certain obstacles
which had previously prevented the organization of a
permanent judicial court for the settlement of interna-
tional disputes, and the Permanent Court of International
Justice was established at The Hague. Although closely
associated with the League of Nations, the Court is, so
far as its judgments are concerned, an independent body.
It was created by the nations acting as individual units.
The judges of the Court represent no nation, and are
completely free in rendering their opinions %and subject
to removal only by their colleagues.

The Court has had its own separate and distinct his-
torical development which can be traced back through
centuries. In international as in individual affairs, as
is pointed out in the writings of Dr. James Brown Scott,
arbitration has preceded judicial settlement and, while
itself persisting as a method of settlement, has led to
the creation of courts of justice. Arbitration, perhaps
growing out of the friendly intervention of a third person,
very early replaced personal combat as the recognized
method of settling individual disputes. The contestants
at first chose special arbiters, private individuals, for
each dispute; later the state appointed a panel of
arbiters from among whom the contestants made their
choice. The next step was the selection of the arbiters

217

218 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

by the state, and the enforcement of their judgment by
the state. The arbiter then became a judge, the state
took charge of the administration of justice, and courts
were established.

In the history of the United States, a fact to which
Dr. Scott calls attention, methods of arbitration preceded
judicial settlements. Under the Articles of Confedera-
tion, the Colonies agreed to submit their controversies to
the arbitration of a body in which all of the Colonies
were represented. At the time of the adoption of the
Constitution the question as to whether disputes between
the States should be settled by arbitration or by judicial
proceedings was debated, but decided in favor of the
establishment of the Supreme Court.

Today the process of development from arbitration
to judicial settlement may be observed in the interna-
tional field, and the United States may justly claim that
in this development it has pointed and led the way. Dur-
ing the 19th century proposals were made, as they had
been earlier by statesmen and philosophers of various
nations, for an international court. One of these, put
forth by William Ladd of Massachusetts in 1840 in "An
Essay on a Congress of Nations," was distributed by its
author "to the crowned heads and leading men of Chris-
tendom," and influenced later developments in this field.
It proposed a Congress composed of one ambassador from
each nation "to settle the principles of international
law," and a court composed of the most able civilians
"to arbitrate or judge such cases as should be brought
before it by the mutual consent of two or more contend-
ing nations." This idea was vigorously advocated for
half a century by peace associations, church and women's
societies, and by the members of the bar.

When the first Peace Conference was called to meet at
The Hague in 1899, "with the purpose of preventing

THE WORLD COURT 219

armed conflicts between nations," the United States in-
structed its delegates to suggest the establishment of a
permanent international court, organized along lines of
judicial procedure, and the court as outlined was very
similar to that suggested by Ladd. No agreement could
be reached at the time for the creation of what so nearly
approximated a court of law, and the proposals of the
American delegation were modified to form what came
to be known as the Permanent Court of Arbitration,
which consisted in reality of a panel of jurists from among
whom arbitrators could be chosen for each dispute. This
Court has continued in existence to the present time and
has not been superceded, as is sometimes supposed, by
the World Court.

At the second Hague Peace Conference in 1907, the
American delegates were again instructed to urge the es-
tablishment of a court of law. The chief obstacle to the
creation of the court in 1907 was the inability of the
large and small nations to agree as to how the judges
should be chosen.

Later in the same year an International Court of Law,
such as had been proposed at The Hague, was actually
created by the Central American Peace Conference which
was held in Washington under the auspices of Mexico
and the United States. The Court, known as the Central
American Court of Justice, was composed of one judge
from each of the five member states, Costa Rica, Guate-
mala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Salvador. These mem-
ber nations agreed to submit to the Court

"All controversies or questions which may arise among
them, of whatsoever nature and no matter what their origin
may be, in case the respective departments of foreign affairs
should not have been able to reach an understanding."

In 1913 Costa Rica and Salvador brought cases before

220 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the Court, complaining that Nicaragua, in granting the
United States exclusive right to the Nicaragua Canal
route, had violated their rights. The Court decided in
1917 that the claims were just. The United States, how-
ever, made no effort to adjust the matter with the Cen-
tral American states. This fact was held to have de-
stroyed the prestige of the Court and it was permitted to
expire in 1918 at the end of ten years.

In 1910, following the failure of the Second Hague
Conference to establish a court of justice, France, Great
Britain and the United States agreed to establish a per-
manent court of a limited number of powers, which could
be used by other powers. In 1914 these nations were
joined by Japan, Germany, Italy, Russia, Austria-Hun-
gary and the Netherlands in a similar proposal. In both
cases each of the contracting powers was to appoint a
judge, and controversies between any two of the powers
would be submitted to judges chosen by the seven disin-
terested members of the court. Any outside powers
submitting disputes to the court were permitted to ap-
point temporary judges — a suggestion which was utilized
later in the formation of the World Court. Although
neither of these plans went into effect, they are interest-
ing in connection with the general development of inter-
national courts.

The various steps by which the present World Court
or Permanent Court of International of Justice came into
actual existence in the years following the World War,
were these:

The Peace Conference, in Article 14 of the Covenant
of the League of Nations, called upon the Council to sub-
mit a plan to the members of the League for the estab-
lishment of a permanent court of international justice;
and declared that the court should be competent to
decide any international dispute submitted to it, and

THE WORLD COURT 221

to give an advisory opinion on any question which
the Council or the Assembly of the League referred
to it.

At its second session in February, 1920, the Council
discussed the problem of organizing such a court and in-
vited an international committee of jurists to draw up a
plan. Elihu Root was the American representative on
this committee. The other principles of an international
court having been largely worked out in the Hague
Peace Conference in 1907, the chief difficulty before the
committee of jurists proved to be the old one of devising
a method satisfactory to both the small and large nations
for the election of judges. Upon the proposal of Mr.
Root it was agreed that the members of the court should
be nominated by the national groups in the Hague Tribu-
nal, or in the case of nations not represented in that Trib-
unal, by groups similarly chosen; and that they should
be elected by majority votes of the members of the Coun-
cil and of the Assembly of the League, which, in fulfill-
ing this function, act independently of one another, not
as bodies representing the League of Nations but as rep-
resentative groups, in one of which the great powers pre-
dominate and in the other the lesser powers.

The plan of the Committee of Jurists, in the form of
a Statute or law for the Court, was submitted to the
Council and to the first meeting of the Assembly of the
League in November, 1920. After minor modifications,
the Assembly transmitted it to the members of the
League for ratification. A Protocol, or agreement, ex-
pressing acceptance of the terms of the Statute, was at-
tached to it for the signatures of the representatives of
the nations desiring to join. When a majority of the na-
tions which were members of the League had signed, the
judges were duly elected and the Court opened in 1922,
a quarter of a century after the American- Government

222 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

had first proposed such a court to the nations assembled
at The Hague.

The Court consists of fifteen members, eleven judges
and four deputy- judges, nominated by the national
groups hi the Hague Tribunal "regardless of their na-
tionality from among persons of high moral character,
who possess the qualifications required in their respective
countries for appointment to the highest judicial offices,
or are jurisconsults of recognized competence in interna-
tional law." In making their nominations the national
groups may propose four persons, "not more than two of
whom shall be of their own nationality" ; and it is stipu-
lated that in every election it shall be borne in mind that
"not only should all the persons appointed as members
of the Court possess the qualifications required, but the
whole body also should represent the main forms of civil-
ization and the principal legal systems of the world."
The members of the Court are elected for nine years and
may be re-elected. A member of the Court cannot be
dismissed "unless in the unanimous opinion of the other
members he has ceased to fulfill required conditions."

The Court is required to meet at least once a year and
may hold as many special sessions as necessary. Its ses-
sions are held in the Peace Palace at The Hague. Any
nation, whether or not it is a member of the Court, may
bring a case before it, but cases can be brought only by
governments.

According to the statute, the decisions of the Court
are by majority vote and the reasons upon which a
decision is based must be made public. Since there is,
at present, no code of international law, the Court is
guided by treaties, conventions, international customs,
and general principles of law recognized by civilized na-
tions. The fact that the judges form an independent and
continuing body, not only safeguards the impartiality of

THE WORLD COURT 223

the decisions of the Court but makes it possible to build
up a body of international law and opinion. During the
first six years of its existence, the Court has handed down
eleven judgments and fourteen advisory opinions.

No means of enforcing the decisions of the Court
other than through public opinion are provided. It is
interesting to recall in this connection that, although the
Supreme Court of the United States has decided that its
judgment can be enforced by Congress, at the time the
Court was created no provision was made for the en-
forcement of its decisions as between States of the
Union, on the ground that force cannot be used against
a State without inflicting punishment upon the innocent
as well as the guilty.

Provision is made for the nations belonging to the
Court to sign separately what is known as the "optional
clause." By signing this clause nations agree in advance
to submit to the Court all disputes of a legal nature,
which, by definition, means those concerning the inter-
pretation of a treaty, any point of international law,
the existence of any fact which if established would con-
stitute a breach of international obligation, and the na-
ture and extent of the reparation to be made for such a
breach. During the first five years of the Court's exist-
ence, twenty-six nations signed the optional clause, —
twenty-seven with France, which signed with a condition
that has not yet been met. Germany signed it in 1927,
the first of the great powers to do so unconditionally.

It is generally admitted that if the World Court is to
meet the full requirements .of a court of law, a code of
international law must be developed, and that ultimately
the Court must- be given affirmative jurisdiction, that is,
power to summon a nation before it.

The Committee of Jurists, in the plan for the estab-
lishment of the World Court, recommended that the

224 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

League of Nations call an international conference to
supply the Court with a definite body of law. In 1924,
the Council of the League appointed an international
committee of jurists to take preliminary steps toward the
creation of an international code of law. The work of
this committee is described in the chapter on Interna-
tional Law.

The United States is not at present a member of the
World Court, since it has not as yet reached an agree-
ment with the member nations in regard to the condi-
tions upon which it voted to adhere. The following
facts seem clearly to indicate, however, that such an
agreement may be arrived at.

On February 24, 1923, President Harding sent a mes-
sage to the Senate urging favorable action on member-
ship in the Court, and the question was immediately re-
ferred under Senate procedure to the Foreign Relations
Committee. This Committee delayed holding public
hearings for over a year. In December, 1924, President
Coolidge in a message to Congress again recommended
favorable action. In the meantime both political party
platforms had endorsed adherence. The House of Rep-
resentatives, on March 3, 1925, approved American mem-
bership in the Court, by a vote of 301 to 28. On Janu-
ary 27, 1926, the Senate voted to join the Court by a
vote of 76 to 17, provided that these five reservations
were accepted by the member nations acting individu-
ally:

"1. That such adherence shall not be taken to involve any
legal relation on the part of the United States to the League
of Nations or the assumption- of any obligations by the United
States under the Treaty of Versailles.

"2. That the United States shall be permitted to participate
through representatives designated for the purpose and upon
an equality with the other states, members, respectively, of

THE WORLD COURT 225

the Council and Assembly of the League of Nations in any
and all proceedings of either the Council or the Assembly for
the election of judges or deputy judges of the Permanent Court
of International Justice or for the filling of vacancies.

"3. That the United States will pay a fair share of the
expenses of the Court as determined and appropriated from
time to time by the Congress of the United States.

"4. That the United States may at any time withdraw its
adherence to the said Protocol, and that the Statute for
the Permanent Court of International Justice adjoined
to the Protocol shall not be amended without the consent of
the United States.

"5. That the Court shall not render any advisory opinion
except publicly after due notice to all states adhering to the
Court and to all interested states and after public hearing
or opportunity for hearing given to any state concerned; nor
shall it, without the consent of the United States, enter-
tain any request for an advisory opinion touching any dis-
pute or question in which the United States has or claims an
interest.

"The signature of the United States to the said Protocol
shall not be affixed until the powers signatory to such Pro-
tocol shall have indicated through an exchange of notes, their
acceptance of the foregoing reservations and understandings
as a part and a condition of adherence by the United States
to the said Protocol.

"Resolved further, As a part of this act of ratification that
the United States approve the Protocol and Statute herein-
above mentioned, with the understanding that recourse to the
Permanent Court of International Justice for the settlement
of differences between the United States and any other state
or states can be had only by agreement thereto through
general or special treaties concluded between the parties in
dispute; and — Resolved further, That adherence to the said
Protocol and Statute hereby approved shall not be so construed
as to require the United States to depart from its traditional
policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling
itself in the political questions of policy or internal adminis-

226 EETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

tration of any foreign state; nor shall adherence to the said
Protocol and Statute be construed to imply a relinquishment
by the United States of its traditional attitude toward purely
American questions.

The first three reservations protecting the United
States against any responsibility in connection with the
Treaty of Versailles or with the League of Nations, and
arranging for its participation in the election and pay-
ment of judges, were readily accepted. The fourth and
fifth reservations gave rise to certain questions which
the members of the Court felt must be discussed and
settled before the reservations could be accepted. They
made it clear that they were perfectly willing that the
United States should stand in the same relation to the
Court as members of the League, but they wished to
accomplish this result without injury to the effectiveness
and usefulness of the Court.

In September, 1926, the nations belonging to the Court
held a conference in Geneva for the purpose of discussing
the Senate's reservations. They invited the United
States to send a representative to this conference, but it
refused to do so, saying that the reservations spoke for
themselves and that the executive branch of this gov-
ernment could not interpret resolutions passed by the
Senate. The following discussion of the points brought
out at this conference in connection with the fourth and
fifth reservations is taken from a statement by the
American Foundation:

"The Court Statute contains no provision for withdrawal.
The question is whether the signatories of a treaty which is
for an indefinite term and which contains no provision for
denunciation may simply denounce it at any time. Very
contradictory opinions on this point were expressed at the
Conference. The final result, however, was to accept uncon-

THE WORLD COURT 227

ditionally our demand to be allowed to withdraw at any
time. . . .

"The Conference hesitated on the second part of the fourth
reservation (providing that the Statute of the Court shall not
be amended without the consent of the United States).

"The Court Statute has never yet been amended and the
point as to how it may be amended has not come up. There
is no provision covering this in the Statute. Some of the
delegates to the Conference took the view that an amendment
of the Court Statute, as of any treaty, requires the consent
of all the signatory powers. If this view is taken, then this
second part of the fourth reservation claims for the United
States only the right automatically possessed by every
signatory.

"But if the Statute can be amended by a three-quarters or
a two-thirds vote, or anything less than a unanimous vote, then
the United States reservation is asking a special power or
privilege for the United States.

"Finally the Conference evidently inclined to the view that
a unanimous vote should be necessary for amending, and was
willing to accept this second part of the fourth reservation
if the same right were assured to all the signatories. . . .

"So far as the first part of the fifth reservation is con-
cerned, requiring that advisory opinions shall be rendered
publicly after hearings, etc., the Conference suggested includ-
ing in the special agreement between the signatory nations
and the United States the following article:

" 'The Court shall render advisory opinions in
public session.'

"It seems to meet in full the requirements of the American
reservation.

"The real trouble-maker among the reservations is the
second part of the fifth, asking for the United States the
right to veto any request for an advisory opinion touching
any question in which the United States 'has or claims' an
interest. . . .

"The Conference readily agreed that if the United States

228 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

were a party to a dispute, it should have a right to veto
the rendering of an advisory opinion upon that dispute. It
further pointed out that the Court, not explicitly in any
document but implicitly in its operation to date, has recog-
nized the right of either of the nations party to a dispute to
prevent the giving of an advisory opinion.

"But suppose the United States, though not a party to a
dispute, 'claims' an interest in it, and demands the right to
veto the giving of an advisory opinion upon it. Does this
right of veto secure a privileged position for the United
States?

"That depends upon an unsettled point — i.e., whether -a
majority vote or a unanimous vote is necessary in the Coun-
cil or the Assembly of the League, in voting to request an
advisory opinion. . . .

"The Conference saw a further source of grave difficulty in
the lack of certain knowledge as to just what the procedure
would be for applying the second part of the fifth reserva-
tion. . . . The Conference did not know whether, under the
Constitution of the United States, it would be the duty of
the Executive to state whether the United States had or
claimed an interest in a dispute, and agreed to or objected
to the giving of an advisory opinion, or whether such action
could be taken by the Executive only by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate; if the latter, and if Congress were
not in session, what could be done? Under the wording of
the reservation, the Court cannot even 'entertain a request*
for an advisory opinion in such a case; and since the real
use of the advisory function is to give an opinion on a specific
point of law in an actually existing controversy, the delay
in waiting for an expression of opinion from the United States
might make it impossible to obtain the opinion in time to
prevent the controversy from becoming acute. . . .

"The Conference made it repeatedly clear that it wished on
every point to assure the United States an equal vote, but
on no point a determining power of veto not possessed by the
other signatories. . . .

"If the position of the United States is that it desires entire

THE WORLD COURT 229

equality, and if the position of the other powers is that they
desire to accord to the United States entire equality, these
two positions are certainly not far apart.
"They are reconcilable."

The importance of the power of the World Court to
render advisory opinions is explained in the following
statement by Hon. George W. Wickersham:

"The most important power confided to courts and judges
is the power to investigate and decide disputes. The principal
objections to the practice of a court rendering an opinion at
the instance of the executive or legislative branch of a gov-
ernment always has been that in effect it was a decision of
an unargued case. The World Court, very wisely at the
outset, adopted rules to the effect that when an application
was made to it for an opinion, it would give notice to all
states members of the League or mentioned in the Annex to
the Covenant, and to all other bodies wrhich seemed to have
an interest in the question, of the request and that the Court
would hear argument at the bar by any one of those parties
claiming to be interested in the subject and render a decision
only after the fullest argument pro and con. This in effect
has turned the procedure of the application for an opinion
into what, in modern practice, is knowTn as an application
for a declaratory judgment. It has enabled the Court to
settle principles of law after full consideration of all sides
of the question; and by settling the rules of law applicable
to the controversy, in more than one instance, it has made
possible the adjustment of an international complication which
might otherwise have been incapable of peaceful solution."

It is obvious that the United States must make the
next move. So far it has failed to answer either the com-
munications sent it embodying the results of the confer-
ence of the member states, or the letters received from
various individual member nations regarding the reserva-
tions.

230 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

On February 6, 1928, Representative Gillett of Massa-
chusetts introduced the following resolution:

"Whereas the Senate on January 27, 1926, by a vote of
seventy-six to seventeen gave its advice and consent to the
adherence of the United States to the Permanent Court of
International Justice, upon certain conditions and with certain
reservations; and

"Whereas the signatory States in transmitting their replies
referred to 'such further exchange of views as the Government
of the United States may think useful' : Therefore be it

"Resolved, That the Senate of the United States respectfully
suggests to the President the advisability of a further exchange
of views with the signatory States in order to establish whether
the differences between the United States and the signatory
States can be satisfactorily adjusted."

The Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate to
which this resolution was referred, on May 23 voted in
executive session to defer action on it until December
when the short session of Congress opens. The passage
of the Gillett Resolution would effectively break the dead-
lock in which the United States and the members of the
World Court, contrary apparently to the desires of both,
now find themselves.

Detailed information in regard to the World Court can be
secured from the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association,
6 East 39th St.; the American Foundation, 565 Fifth Ave.;
the Foreign Policy Association, 18 East 41st St., New York
City. Official publications and documents in regard to the
World Court are distributed in the United States by the
World Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass.

CHAPTER XII

THE OUTLAWRY OF WAR AND THE KELLOGG

TREATY

The most boldly conceived of modern proposals for the
prevention of war is the plan to "outlaw" war. This
plan, originated by Mr. Salmon 0. Levinson, a Chicago
lawyer of wide repute, and elaborated into a complete
scheme for the maintenance of world peace, is before the
Senate of the United States in the form of a resolution,
first introduced by Senator Borah in 1923, and since re-
introduced at each session.

The plan in brief outline is this: The nations of the
wrorld are to meet in conference and declare war out-
lawed, delegalized, deprived of its protection as a recog-
nized institution, a crime under the law of nations. This
international conference will provide for a meeting of the
leading jurists of the world and other competent persons
to draw up a code of the international laws of peace, at
the same time providing for an international court of
law wrhose jurisdiction will be defined by the code. The
scope of the court's jurisdiction and the laws determining
its decisions will thus be known in advance to any nation
accepting its authority. The code will be referred to the
governments for ratification by the legislature or by a
popular referendum. The decisions of the court, which
is to be an absolutely independent institution and to
have no power to render advisory opinions, are to rest
for their enforcement entirely upon public opinion, which,

231

232 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

strengthened by the treaty declaration of the nations
that they will not resort to war, will, it is held, be suffi-
cient guarantee that they will be accepted.

All disputes lying outside the jurisdiction of the Court
would be settled out of court by the good offices of the
other nations or by any conciliatory process, or left for
time and for changed conditions to adjust.

The only force provided for in the outlawry plan, is
the force to be employed by a nation against individual
citizens who foment war in violation of the treaty. In
his authoritative book, "The Outlawry of War," Dr.
Charles Clayton Morrison says on this point:

"The outlawry proposal rests its whole structure on the
foundation of the honor and good faith of the peoples of
the world. . . . The outlawrist says that the philosophy of
peace by force is fallacious, and that a world organized for
peace can rest only upon the plighted word of the nations.
He speaks not as a pacifist but as a pragmatist, not as a
perfectionist but as a practical realist."

One of the great values of this plan is held to be that,
when war is no longer recognized as a legitimate activity
of governments, it will be possible to combine national
loyalty with a "full and abundant release" of the desire
to build up friendship and cooperation among nations.
Professor John Dewey has said of this aspect of the plan :

"Nothing is more serious than conditions which compel
masses of men to split into two antagonistic parts their moral
beliefs and allegiances. There are a few persons who solve
the difficulty by standing out against war on moral or religious
grounds under all circumstances whatever. I have no word
of reproach for them. But the masses of men never have
been, and in my judgment, going by experience, never will
be of this mould. We are nourished in the bosom of our own
country ; we owe to it indirectly if not directly our protection,
security and opportunities for development. It is no easy

THE OUTLAWRY OF WAR 233

matter in time of war to break ties and to put ourselves in
opposition to the expressed will of one's mother country. For
these reasons millions of persons who live in the spirit of
peace in the time of peace feel bound to support their own
country in time of war. Law is on one side, domestic law
and international law, and that law sanctions war and
demands some degree of active participation in war; ordinary
everyday conscience is against war, against organized killing
and organized hatred. This dualism reaches deep and extends
far and wide. There is one obvious remedy. Place law on
the side of conscience. At present the lover of peace becomes
the criminal, the outlaw, in time of war if he ventures to
hold out for peace. Outlaw war, and the law is on the side
of peace and moral conviction. The criminal, the man who
sets himself in opposition to the law of his country and of
nations will then be the man who foments and instigates war."

Although the method of procedure proposed in this
plan has failed to receive wide support, the idea upon
which it is based of "outlawing" war has undoubtedly
caught the imagination of the world and has exerted
a powerful influence on the development of peace plans.
The Geneva Protocol, resolutions passed at the Sixth Pan.
American Conference in 1928 and at the Eighth Assembly
of the League of Nations, show its influence. It re-
mained, however, for the United States to take the ini-
tiative in officially proposing in the Multilateral Treaty
for the Renunciation of War, a general treaty which is a
direct outgrowth of the outlawry idea.

In April, 1927, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs,
M. Briand, made a public statement that France would
be willing to subscribe to any mutual agreement with the
United States tending to outlaw war, — "to use an Ameri-
can expression" — as between the two countries, and
later submitted to the United States a draft treaty em-
bodying this proposal. The diplomatic notes exchanged,
as a result of this action by France, between the United

234 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

States and other powers have been published by the
State Department and form not only an extremely inter-
esting document but one which offers an opportunity to
gain an insight into the complexity of international prob-
lems and the instability of present international rela-
tions.1

These notes show that the United States, after consid-
ering the French proposal for six months, suggested that,
instead of a bilateral declaration, France and the United
States attempt to obtain the adherence of all the prin-
cipal powers of the world to a declaration renouncing war
as an instrument of national policy.

France in reply limited the application of the treaty to
wars of aggression on the ground, as was brought out in
later diplomatic exchanges, .that if not so limited, the
treaty would interfere with previous commitments under
the League Covenant and the Locarno and other treaties
providing for military action against an "aggressor" na-
tion. The United States refused to accept this limitation,
expressed itself as "reluctant to believe that the provi-
sions of the Covenant of the League of Nations really
stand in the way of the cooperation of the United States
and members of the League of Nations in common efforts
to abolish the institution of war/' and suggested that the
correspondence in regard to the treaty be submitted to
the British, Italian, German and Japanese Governments
for their consideration and comment. The French Gov-
ernment agreed to this plan, demanding at the same time
the participation in the treaty of all other governments,
since "the treaty contemplated could not operate in re-
spect to one power which is a party thereto unless the
other states exposed to the possibility of grave contro-

1 The publication is called "Notes Exchanged between the United
States and Other Powers on the Subject of a Multilateral Treaty for
the Renunciation of War" and may be purchased from the Government
Printing Office, Washington, for 10c.

THE OUTLAWRY OF WAR 235

versies with that party were also signatories thereof."
The French Government in its reply also emphasized the
point that if the treaty were violated by one nation the
other signatories should be released from their engage-
ment with respect to the offending state, and further that
the treaty "would not deprive the signatories of the right
of legitimate defense."

The idea underlying what came to be commonly known
as the Kellogg outlawry of war treaty was received with
unexpected enthusiasm by the people of Europe, notably
the liberal groups. The suggestion, originally put for-
ward by Senator Borah, that if a treaty is broken by one
party all of the others are released from its terms and
recover their freedom of action, proved helpful in over-
coming objections on the ground of interference with
treaties providing for military support of nations at-
tacked. The opinion, in fact, became prevalent that the
proposed treaty by fortifying the efforts of the League of
Nations to establish world peace would strengthen the
League, and that, furthermore, if a nation violated trea-
ties under the League it would thereby violate the out-
lawry of war treaty and the United States would not, in
such a case, lend support to the offending nation. Sen-
ator Borah in an interview with Kirby Page, as pub-
lished in the New York Times, March 25, 1928, empha-
sizing the fact that the United States must always decide
for itself whether or not the treaty had been violated
and what coercive measures it should take, stated:

"Another important result of such a treaty would be to
enlist the support of the United States in cooperative action
against any nation which is guilty of a flagrant violation of
this outlawry agreement. Of course, the Government of the
United States must reserve the right to decide, in the first
place, whether or not the treaty has been violated, and second,
what coercive measures it feels obliged to take. But it is

236 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

quite inconceivable that this country would stand idly by in
case of a grave breach of a multilateral treaty to which it is
a party."

Mr. Kellogg discussed the proposed treaty for the re-
nunciation of war before the Council on Foreign Rela-
tions in New York on March 15, 1928. Among the im-
portant statements which he made in this speech were
these :

"I concluded my note (to France) with the unequivocal
statement that the Government of the United States desires
to see the institution of war abolished and stands ready to
conclude with the French, British, Italian, German and Japa-
nese Governments a single multilateral treaty open to subse-
quent adhesion by any and all other governments binding the
parties thereto not to resort to war with one another. This
is the position of the Government of the United States, and
this is the object which we are seeking to attain.

"I cannot believe that such a treaty would violate the terms
of the League Covenant or conflict with the obligations of the
members of the League. Even Article 10 of the Covenant has
been construed to mean that League members are not ines-
capably bound thereby to employ their military forces. Ac-
cording to a recent statement by the British Government,
many members of the League accept as a proper interpreta-
tion of Article 10 a resolution submitted to the Fourth As-
sembly but not formally adopted owing to one adverse vote.
That resolution states explicitly:

'It is for the constitutional authorities of each member
to decide, in reference to the obligation of preserving the
independence and the integrity of the territory of mem-
bers, in what degree the member is bound to assure the
execution of this obligation by employment of its military
forces.'

"Since, however, the purpose of the United States is so far
as possible to eliminate war as a factor in international rela-
tions, I cannot state too emphatically that it will not become

THE OUTLAWRY OF WAR 237

a party to any agreement which directly or indirectly, ex-
pressly or by implication, is a military alliance. The United
States cannot obligate itself in advance to use its armed forces
against any other nation of the world. It does not believe that
the peace of the world or of Europe depends upon or can be
assured by treaties of military alliance. The futility of such
as guarantors of peace is repeatedly demonstrated in the
pages of history. . . .

"I am not so blind as to believe that the millennium has
arrived, but I do believe that the world is making great strides
toward the pacific adjustment of international disputes and
that the common people are of one mind in their desire to see
the abolition of war as an institution. Certainly the United
States should not be backward in promoting this new move-
ment for world peace, and both personally and officially as
Secretary of State, I shall always support and advocate the
conclusion of appropriate treaties for arbitration, for concilia-
tion, and for the renunciation of war."

Except in the case of Great Britain, the replies received
from the various governments while emphasizing the im-
portance of recognizing that the treaty would not affect
the right of self-defense and that its violation by one
nation wrould release other signatories from obligations
assumed under it, made no other suggestions in regard
to its terms or interpretation. The reply from Great
Britain contained, however, this statement:

". . . there are certain regions of the world the welfare and
integrity of which constitute a special and vital interest for
our peace and safety. His Majesty's Government have been
at pains to make it clear in the past that interference with
these regions cannot be suffered. Their protection against
attack is to the British Empire a measure of self-defense. It
must be clearly understood that His Majesty's Government
in Great Britain accept the new treaty upon the distinct under-
standing that it does not prejudice their freedom of action in
this respect. The Government of the United States have com-

238 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

parable interests any disregard of which by a foreign power
they have declared that they would regard as an unfriendly
act. His Majesty's Government believe, therefore, that in
defining their position they are expressing the intention and
meaning of the United States Government."

On the 23rd of June, the United States Government
submitted a revised treaty to fourteen governments, in-
cluding the signatories to the Locarno treaties, with a
note explaining the construction placed by the United
States upon the treaty in regard to the various points
raised, by quoting from a speech made by the Secretary
of State, on April 28th, before the American Society of
International Law. The statement as to the relation of
the treaty to the League Covenant followed the lines of
the earlier speech by the Secretary of State quoted above.
The comment in regard to the right of self-defense was as
follows:

"There is nothing in the American draft of an antiwar treaty
which restricts or impairs in any way the right of self-defense.
That right is inherent in every sovereign state and is implicit
in every treaty. Every nation is free at all times and regard-
less of treaty provisions to defend its territory from attack
or invasion and it alone is competent to decide whether circum-
stances require recourse to war in self-defense. If it has a
good case, the world wrill applaud and not condemn its action."

In regard to the relations of the signatories with a
treaty-breaking state it was stated:

". . . there can be no question as a matter of law that viola-
tion of a multilateral antiwar treaty through resort to war by
one party thereto would automatically release the other parties
from their obligations to the treaty-breaking state."

This idea was embodied in the revised preamble. The
treaty itself was not altered, nc>r was any reference made

THE OUTLAWRY OF WAR 239

to the British reservation in regard to "certain regions
of the world," or any opinion expressed as to the possible
effect of the treaty upon the Monroe Doctrine.

The vital articles of the treaty, which is given in full
in the appendix, are these:

"The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare in the
names of their respective peoples that they condemn recourse
to war for the solution of international controversies, and
renounce it as an instrument of national policy in their rela-
tions with one another.

"The High Contracting Parties agree that the settlement or
solution of all disputes or conflicts of whatever nature or of
whatever origin they may be, which may arise among them,
shall never be sought except by pacific means."

On August 27th, the following fifteen nations affixed
their signatures: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Czecho-
slovakia, France, Germany, Great Britain, India, the
Irish Free State, Italy, Japan, New Zealand, Poland,
South Africa and the United States. The treaty is now
subject to ratification by these governments, and is open
for adherence "by all the other powers of the world."

The treaty will, according to its terms, come into ef-
fect upon its ratification by the fifteen signatory nations
which in addition to the powers originally consulted by
the United States included the Dominions of the British
Commonwealth and nations which had signed earlier
treaties with France. The indefinite delay which would
have resulted had the French proposal that ratification
by all nations be required, been accepted, is thus avoided.

The Multilateral Treaty, while not in complete accord
with the outlawry idea, is looked upon by the adherents
of the outlawry plan as a first step of vital importance.
By one group, the Committee on Educational Publicity,
of which Samuel Colcord is chairman and George Gordon
Battle secretary, the proposal has been made that a treaty

240 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

now be negotiated to make the prohibition of war a basic
principle of international law, thus insuring permanency
to the idea, for an international law cannot be annulled
by the action of one nation.

The Multilateral Treaty implies a fundamental frontal
attack upon the war system. It establishes the fact that
the problem is not one of eliminating conflicts of interests
between nations, or the so-called "causes" of war, but of
abandoning war as a method of dealing with these con-
flicts. By recognizing that war has been an "instrument
of policy," it brings it clearly within the control of gov-
ernments, and it bases opposition to war upon the ra-
tional ground of failure to obtain the ends that govern-
ments seek.

The fact that the treaty leaves many points undeter-
mined— What shall it be decided constitutes war? What
action will now be possible toward the international re-
duction of armaments? — gives large discretionary power
to future governments and therefore decisive influence
and responsibility to public opinion. In connection with
the ratification of the treaty, there will be opportunity
for the people of the world to give overwhelming expres-
sion to their demand that they be freed from war. Fol-
lowing ratification, it will remain for public opinion to
give content to the new treaty by demanding that inter-
national policies and practices be made consistent with
its terms and with its spirit.

Information in regard to the plan for the Outlawry of
War can be obtained from the American Committee for the
Outlawry of War, 134 South LaSalle St., Chicago, 111.

CHAPTER XIII
THE ARBITRATION OF INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES

From even a superficial survey of the history of arbi-
tration an impression can be gained of the process by
which a steadily developing peace system is crowding
war out of the world picture and creating a new basis
for international life. Two detailed studies of the devel-
opment of arbitration in modern times have recently
been published. One, "Arbitration in the United States/'
by Denys P. Myers, is issued by the World Peace Founda-
tion, and the other, "The United States and Treaties for
the Avoidance of War," by Philip C. Jessup, by the Car-
negie Endowment for International Peace. This chapter
does no more than touch upon the rapid extension in the
last century of the method of arbitration, essentially a
legal process, and the simultaneous development of con-
ciliation, conference and other methods of pacific settle-
ment, and the part which the United States is playing in
this effort toward the development of a peace system.

The obligation of civilized states to submit disputes
to arbitration was recognized in ancient as well as modern
times. In "Greek Life and Thought/' Sir John P.
Mahaffy says:

"Arbitration was an old fashion among the Greek states,
so much so that it was considered decent when threatening
war to offer a settlement by referring the dispute to a neutral
power."

As early as 1291, the principle of compulsory arbitration
was recognized in the Letters of Union adopted by the
Swiss Federation. Yet, as Benjamin F. Trueblood in his

241

242 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

studies of the question points out, no real development
in arbitration was possible in modern times until nations
had become quite definitely established, and efforts to-
ward the conquest and subjection of other peoples had
been curbed, for arbitration x "implies independent and
mutually respecting parties standing over against each
other . . . ; it further implies confidence in the fairness
of one's fellow men."

With the establishment of democratic governments
in the Western Hemisphere, a definite effort, never since
abandoned, was begun to devise methods and machinery
for the peaceful settlement of the differences bound to
arise between states.

The first modern arbitration treaty, the Jay Treaty, was
negotiated in 1794 during Washington's administration,
by the United States and England. It provided for the
adjustment of boundary claims and questions of debts
and neutral rights. In 1814, the Treaty of Ghent be-
tween the same countries set up three commissions for
the arbitration of various boundary questions. In both

1 Arbitration is a general term used to cover an increasing variety
of procedures, besides the ordinary one of diplomatic negotiations, for
the settlement of international disputes. In the Convention for Pacific
Settlements adopted by the Hague Conference of 1907 the following
methods are defined:

Arbitration has for its object "the settlement of disputes be-
tween states by judges of their own choice and on the basis of
respect for law." Recourse to arbitration implies an undertak-
ing to submit in good faith to the award.

Conciliation by inquiry is to "facilitate the solution of dis-
putes by elucidating the facts by means of an impartial and
conscientious investigation."

Mediation is "reconciling the opposing claims and appeasing
the feelings of resentment which may have arisen between
states at variance." The opinion rendered is not of binding
force but only in the form of advice.

Good offices are the friendly and unofficial proceedings
whereby a third power gives suggestions or advice for the ami-
cable settlement of a difficulty. And beyond these methods of
pacific settlement there are the further possibilities of direct
conference, and of leaving disputes which cannot be adjusted
by any method, to time to settle.

ARBITRATION 243

of these cases arbitration was accepted for the settlement
of disputes which had already arisen.

An important step in advance was made by the Repub-
lics of South America, under the leadership of Bolivar,
who, like the founders of the Government of the United
States, constantly urged the substitution of peaceful set-
tlement for war. In treaties between Argentina and Brazil
in 1828 which provided for mediation before any declara-
tion of war, and in treaties signed by Colombia and Peru
in 1829, and by Colombia and Venezuela in 1842, pacific
methods of adjustment were accepted in advance for any
future disputes which might arise. In 1848 the United
States and Mexico signed the Treaty of Guadelupe Hi-
dalgo, a general treaty of peace and friendship, calling
for "pacific negotiations" in the event of any disagree-
ment. It attracted a great deal of attention at the time
and is still in force.

During the first quarter of the nineteenth century a
strong public demand arose in this country for action by
the government to promote arbitration, which found ex-
pression as early as 1815 in the organization of local and
state peace societies, and in 1828 in the formation of the
first national body, the American Peace Society. It was
officially voiced in resolutions of state legislatures and of
Congress. In 1832, the Senate of Massachusetts adopted
a resolution expressing the opinion that "some mode
should be established for the amicable and final adjust-
ment of international disputes, instead of resort to war."
Five years later, both bodies of the Massachusetts Legis-
lature adopted a resolution to the effect "that a congress
of nations for the purpose of forming a code of interna-
tional law and establishing a high court of arbitration
. . . is a scheme worthy the careful attention of all en-
lightened governments." In 1844, the Legislature of Ver-
mont also commended this suggestion.

244 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in 1851
reported out a resolution that "in the judgment of this
body it would be proper and desirable for the Govern-
ment of these United States whenever practicable to se-
cure in its treaties with other nations a provision for
referring to the decision of umpires all future misunder-
standings that cannot be satisfactorily adjusted by ami-
cable negotiation in the first instance, before a resort to
hostilities shall be had."

Two years later in 1853 the same committee reported
a resolution of advice to the President suggesting a stipu-
lation in all treaties "hereafter entered into with other
nations referring the adjustment of misunderstandings
or controversy to the decision of disinterested and impar-
tial arbitrators to be mutually chosen." Speeches made
in connection with the introduction of these resolutions
contained statements emphasizing the special responsi-
bility of the United States for the establishment of world
peace. The preamble to the resolution of 1851 declared:

". . . more especially the genius of our own government,
the habits of our people, and the highest prosperity of our
Republic . . . require the adoption of every feasible measure
to prevent war."

The committee report submitting this resolution
said:

". . . the United States, of all others, is the proper country
to propose this policy to the nations of the earth. We have
shown in our past history a capacity for war. The love of
military glory is a passion as strong with us as any other
people, if not stronger. . . . Our young men rush to battle
with the full assurance that the highest civil honors often
reward the toils and dangers of the triumphant soldier. Our
institutions, therefore, tend to make us a military people.
We are rapidly growing in power. Our progress is without
a parallel. Under such circumstances, in proposing a policy

ARBITRATION 245

of peace, it cannot be supposed that we are influenced by
any other motives than those which spring from the purest
philanthropy. The policy proposed is adverse to aggression.
It respects the rights of all nations."

The settlement by arbitration in 1872 of the conflict
between the United States and England over the claims
resulting from the activities of the warship "Alabama"
greatly strengthened the sentiment for arbitration. The
"Alabama" had been built and fitted out in England and
manned by Confederate officers and crew for preying on
the commerce of the United States during the Civil War.
The British Government long persisted in refusing to
arbitrate, declaring it could not admit that it had acted
with bad faith in regard to the neutrality it professed.
The United States persisted in demanding arbitration
and finally, after a change of ministry in England, a
treaty was signed on May 8, 1871, which provided for the
arbitration of the questions at issue by a tribunal of five
arbitrators. The persistence of the United States gov-
ernment and its final success in having the "Alabama"
claims case arbitrated led to greatly increased interest in
arbitration. According to the pamphlet on "Arbitration
and the United States" referred to above,

"There was no popular movement in favor of pacific settle-
ment in continental Europe until the 'Alabama' claims arbi-
tration in 1872. All governments were seriously impressed
by the spectacle of the submission of the important questions
involved in the 'Alabama* claims to the Geneva tribunal and
the prompt acceptance of the award by Great Britain."

As a result of the successful outcome of this case both
houses of Congress passed resolutions in 1874, expressive
of sentiment — but without the force of law — in favor of
arbitration. The House of Representatives adopted the
following resolution:

246 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"That the people of the United States, being devoted to the
policy of peace with all mankind, enjoying its blessings and
hoping for its permanence and its universal adoption, hereby
through their representatives in Congress recommend arbitra-
tion as a rational substitute for war, and they further recom-
mend to the treaty-making power * of the Government to
provide if practicable that hereafter in treaties made between
the United States and foreign powers war shall not be
declared by either of the contracting parties against the other
until efforts shall have been made to adjust all alleged causes
of difference by impartial arbitration."

The Senate at this time adopted a resolution as fol-
lows:

"That the United States, having at heart the cause of peace
everywhere, and hoping to help its permanent establishment
between nations, hereby recommend the adoption of arbitra-
tion as a just and practical method for the determination
of international differences, to be maintained sincerely and
in good faith, so that war may cease to be regarded as a
proper form of trial between nations."

Toward the end of the century Congress took the ini-
tiative in a new effort to secure treaties for the arbitration
of "any dispute." Yet the Senate refused to ratify the
first such treaty submitted to it.

In 1890 both the Senate and House adopted a resolu-
tion calling upon the President "to invite, from time to
time as fit occasions may arise, negotiations with any
Government with which the United States has or may
have diplomatic relations, to the end that any differences

1 The treaty-making power of the United States Government rests
in the President and the Senate. Under the Constitution treaties are
to be negotiated by the Executive with the advice and consent of the
Senate. The usual plan is for the executive branch of the Govern-
ment to carry on treaty negotiations with foreign countries, and when
an agreement has been reached, to submit the proposal to the Senate
for approval. A two-thirds vote of the Senate is required for ratifica-
tion.

ARBITRATION 247

or disputes arising between the two Governments which
cannot be adjusted by diplomatic agency may be referred
to arbitration, and be peaceably adjusted by such means."

The English House of Commons responded in a reso-
lution expressing the hope that her Majesty's Govern-
ment would cooperate with the Government of the United
States in its proposal. The French Chamber of Deputies
unanimously invited the Government "to negotiate, as
soon as possible, a permanent treaty of arbitration be-
tween the French Republic and the Republic of the
United States of America."

In 1895 the Governments of England and the United
States began the negotiation of a general arbitration
treaty, but in 1897, after prolonged debates and amend-
ments which excluded many questions from its provi-
sions, the United States Senate rejected the treaty.

The greatest advance during this period toward de-
velopment of a general system of arbitration was made
by the Hague Conferences. The First Conference, called
in 1899 by the Czar of Russia and attended by 126 dele-
gates from 26 nations including all of the first-class
powers, was originally designed to consider the reduction
of military forces, but devoted the greater part of its
attention to a discussion of pacific methods for the set-
tlement of international disputes. The American dele-
gates were instructed by the State Department to
propose the establishment of a permanent international
tribunal. In his remarkable "Instructions" to the dele-
gates John Hay, Secretary of State, said:

"The duty of sovereign states to promote international
justice by all wise and effective means is only secondary to
the fundamental necessity of preserving their own existence.
Next in importance to their independence is the great fact
of their interdependence. Nothing can secure for human gov-
ernment and for the authority of law which it represents so

248 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

deep a respect and so firm a loyalty as the spectacle of
sovereign and independent states, whose duty it is to prescribe
the rules of justice and impose penalties upon the lawless,
bowing with reverence before the august supremacy of those
principles of right which give to law its eternal foundation."

Considerably modified, this so-called "American Plan"
became the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The court
is in reality a panel of arbiters to which each nation ap-
points four representatives, chosen for a period of six
years. From this panel states desiring to submit dis-
putes to arbitration select five judges, only one of whom
can be a citizen of either of the contending nations.

Under Roosevelt's administration an attempt was
made by John Hay as Secretary of State to extend the
system of arbitration by the negotiation of treaties sub-
mitting all disputes of a "legal nature," not including
questions involving "national honor" or "vital interests,"
to the Hague Tribunal. In 1905 an arbitration treaty
with France was submitted to the Senate as the first of a
series. The treaty was ratified by the Senate but with
an amendment which called in each case for the negotia-
tion of a treaty subject to the approval of the Senate, in-
stead of the usual foreign office agreement, defining the
matter in dispute before its submission to arbitration.
Because of this amendment, President Roosevelt failed
to press for ratification of the other treaties. In a letter
to Senator Lodge he said :

"I think this amendment makes the treaties shams, and my
present impression is that we had better abandon the whole
business rather than give the impression of trickiness and
. insincerity which would be produced by solemnly promulgat-
ing a sham. The amendment, in effect, is to make any one
of these so-called arbitration treaties solemnly enact that
there shall be another arbitration treaty whenever the two
governments decide that there shall be one."

ARBITRATION 249

In 1908, twenty-five similar arbitration treaties em-
bodying the Senate's amendment to the treaty with
France were negotiated by Elihu Root, then Secretary of
State. Twenty-two of these treaties were ratified for
periods of five years.

In 1910, President Taft attempted to secure arbitration
treaties of a wider scope, which should include all jus-
ticiable disputes, even those involving "vital interests"
and "national honor." The effort met with approval in
France and Great Britain and treaties were signed with
these countries in 1911, which provided that either coun-
try before the submission of a dispute to an arbitral trib-
unal could request the formation of a joint high com-
mission to investigate facts and make recommendations;
the formation of this commission was, if either nation
so desired, to be delayed one year after the request for it
was made, in order to allow for an effort at adjustment
through diplomatic discussions. In regard to these
treaties President Taft said :

"If now we can negotiate and put through private agree-
ments with some other nation to abide the adjudication of
International Arbitration Courts in every issue which cannot
be settled by negotiation, no matter what it involves, whether
honor, territory or money, we shall have made a long step
forward by demonstrating that it is possible for two nations
at least to establish between them the same system which,
through the process of law, has existed between individuals
under government."

The Taft treaties were drawn in conformity with the
previous Senate requirements by providing that the ques-
tion in dispute in each case, previous to its submission
to arbitration, should be formulated "by and with the
consent of the Senate." The Senate, however, refused
to accept a provision included in the treaties that the
question of whether or not the subject matter of a dis-

250 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

pute was justiciable should be decided by a commission of
inquiry. It further excluded as subjects suitable for ar-
bitration, questions concerning

"the admission of aliens into the United States or the admis-
sion of aliens to the educational institutions of the several
states, or the territorial integrity of the several states, or of
the United States, or concerning the question of the alleged
indebtedness or monied obligation of any states of the United
States, or any question which depends upon or involves the
maintenance of the traditional attitude of the United States
concerning American questions, commonly described as the
Monroe Doctrine, or other purely governmental policy."

Because of the restrictions made by the Senate the
treaties were never signed by President Taft.

The reasons given by the Senate for its amendments
to these pre-war treaties are of interest and importance
since they continue to affect seriously the ratification of
arbitration treaties at the present time.

The more fundamental reasons have to do with the
constitutional power of the Senate, and with the Monroe
Doctrine. A third, which it is hard to believe can remain
an insuperable obstacle to the acceptance by the United
States of a general system of arbitration, concerns the
repudiated debts of certain States of the United States.

The Senate's insistence upon its constitutional power
was expressed vigorously in a minority report to the Sen-
ate in connection with the Roosevelt treaties:

"The firm grasp upon our relations with foreign govern-
ments, placed in the hands of a minority of one-third of the
Senate by the Constitution, whereby entangling alliances and
wars have been often prevented, is being relaxed and the
people are losing that power of self-protection. It is silently
passing from the hands of their representatives . . . into the
sole and exclusive power of the President.

"Such is the effect that must result from the conventions

ARBITRATION 251

now before the Senate and, so far as can be seen, that is one
of the real intents and purposes intended to be accomplished
by their ratification. . . .

"This fatal door in these conventions, through which the
rightful powers of the Senate will pass into the hands of the
Executive, should be closed so that a mere diplomatic agree-
ment concluded by the President cannot bind the Government
of the United States and all the states and all the people to
obey it as the supreme law of the United States. Our Gov-
ernment will become a true autocracy when the President is
invested with this power."

The power of an opposition minority in the Senate to
defeat any treaty negotiated by the Executive, and the
difficulty of securing harmonious action between the two
branches of the treaty-making power when they are in
the control of opposing parties, are giving rise to serious
consideration of the possibility of some new adjustment,
guarding against obstructionist tactics in the Senate or
providing for an earlier expression of opinion by that
body.

As to the Monroe Doctrine, which is briefly considered
in a later chapter, the United States Government main-
tains that this is a unilateral doctrine, and it has so far
consistently refused to discuss with any foreign power
questions concerning either its interpretation or applica-
tion.

The difficulties growing out of the repudiated debts of
certain States involve several important points in con-
nection with the relation of the States to the Federal gov-
ernment. Because a two-thirds majority is required for
the ratification of treaties, Senators representing these
States are able effectively to oppose and delay ratifica-
tion, and it is important that the situation be understood
and met.

John Hay, on the day following the Senate's amend-

252 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

ments to the treaties which as Secretary of State he had
negotiated, made an entry in his diary which places side
by side with the question of the Senate's constitutional
prerogative the part played by the question of the repu-
diated debts.

"The Southerners felt their repudiated debts could not
trouble them if the amendments were carried. There was a
loud clamor that the rights of the Senate were invaded — but
every individual Senator felt that his precious privilege of
casting two votes in opposition to every treaty must be safe-
guarded."

The total debt, with accrued interest, owed in large
part to British bond holders, amounts to approximately
$250,000,000. A small number of repudiated bonds are
held by the Government of the United States. The
States which have repudiated certain debts are
Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Missis-
sippi, North Carolina and South Carolina. In nearly all
cases the indebtedness arose out of responsibility assumed
by the States for bank, railroad, and other development
bonds. The following statement of the causes of repudia-
tion and of remedies proposed for the situation is con-
densed from an analysis in "Editorial Research Reports/'
dated, Washington, May 22, 1925:

"The legal reasons given for repudiation fall under three
heads:

Certain of the bonds were not authorized by law.
Certain of the bonds were authorized by legislative
enactments which conflicted with state constitutions.
In the issue of other bonds the provisions of the
laws by which they were authorized were not strictly
complied with.
"Back of the legal reasons for repudiation were economic
conditions which explain, if they do not justify, the action
of the repudiating states.

ARBITRATION 253

"The taxable basis of the repudiating states was greatly
reduced by the Civil War and their debts were largely
increased under 'carpet bagger* rule during the period of
reconstruction. The per cent of decrease reached as high as
64% and averaged over 50%.

"The overburdened taxpayers, saddled with an increasing
bonded indebtedness by the extravagance and dishonesty of
'carpet baggers/ seized upon any expedient having the color
of legality to lighten their load. Furthermore the Fourteenth
Amendment x forced the Southern states to repudiate the debts
contracted in what they regarded as a righteous struggle,
brought upon them through no fault of their own, and it was
not easy for them to distinguish between these and their other
debts. It was, on the whole, easier for them to repudiate the
latter than the former, since some of the non-war debts were
owed to Northern capitalists, and the desire for revenge upon
the North was strong.

"The Constitution as originally adopted contained a clause
whereunder a defaulting state could be brought before the
bar of the Supreme Court by a defaulted creditor. But the
Eleventh Amendment provides that 'The judicial power of the
United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit
in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the
United States by citizens of another state, or by citizens or
subjects of any foreign state.'

"In 1883 a resolution was offered in the House by Rep-
resentative Moore of Tennessee to repeal the Eleventh Amend-
ment and to grant Congress power 'to provide by appropriate
legislation for the legal enforcement of contracts entered into,
by any of the states of the Union.' No action was ever taken
by Congress on this proposal.

"Following repudiation by Mississippi, it was proposed that
the defaulting states be deprived of their representation in
Congress.

"The assumption by the federal government of the debts

1 ". . . Neither the United States nor any state shall assume or pay
any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against
the United States: but all such debts . . . shall be held illegal or
void."

254 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

of the states was proposed in 1843, following an announce-
ment by President Tyler that negotiations for a small loan
to the federal government had failed because of the damage
to the nation's credit resulting from the defaults of the states.
"The principal arguments against this proposed remedy
were (1) The assumption of the state debts would bring no
benefit to the non-indebted states, but would rather injure
them by making them bear a portion of the debts of the
others; (2) States intrusted with federal bonds for this pur-
pose might apply them to other uses; (3) If the States were
relieved of their current difficulties, they would speedily
become indebted again; (4) Assumption of state debts would
embarrass the federal government."

Until some final agreement can be reached as to the
proper disposition of these debts they will continue to
interfere with this country's acceptance of any form of
compulsory arbitration.

William Jennings Bryan as Secretary of State in 1913
made a new approach to the problem of pacific settle-
ment of disputes through the negotiation of treaties in-
volving processes of investigation and delay. These
treaties call for a permanent commission of five mem-
bers to which "all disputes of every nature whatsoever
which diplomacy shall fail to adjust shall be submitted
for investigation and report." The report must be made
within one year, and the parties to the treaties agree
"not to declare war or begin hostilities during in-
vestigation and report," but "retain the right to act
individually on the subject matter of the dispute after
the report of the commission shall have been submitted."

Twenty-one of the Bryan treaties were signed with
the following countries: Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, China,
Costa Rica, Denmark, Ecuador, France, Great Britain,
Guatemala, Honduras, Italy, Norway, Paraguay, Peru,
Portugal, Russia, Spain, Sweden, Uruguay, Venezuela.

ARBITRATION 255

They mark an important advance for, for the first time,
a method of procedure for pacific settlement was proposed
which was applicable to any dispute whatsoever.

In 1916, Congress, in connection with the adoption of
the naval appropriation bill, declared it "to be the policy
of the United States to adjust and settle its international
disputes through mediation or arbitration, to the end
that war may be honorably avoided." This government,
nevertheless, continued until the renewal of the Root
treaties in 1928 to demand the exclusion from arbitration
treaties of questions affecting "vital interests, independ-
ence or national honor." In the new Root treaties the
several questions which this earlier clause was designed to
exclude from arbitration were somewhat more clearly de-
fined as those involving "the Monroe Doctrine, domestic
issues or a third nation." The new treaties likewise in-
cluded a provision borrowed from the Bryan treaties for
the submission of all disputes to a process of conciliation.
In commenting upon these treaties Secretary Kellogg
stated before the Council on Foreign Relations:

"In my opinion any government can well afford to submit
to inquiry any question which may threaten to involve it in
the horrors of war, particularly when, as in the Bryan treaties,
the findings of the Commission have no binding force and to
be effective must be voluntarily accepted."

In the agreement reached with the Latin American
Republics at the Sixth Pan American Congress, this Gov-
ernment has gone one step further, at least in its impli-
cations as to the future. Following the action of the Con-
ference condemning war as an instrument of national
policy, an agreement was reached :

"That the Republics of America will meet in Washington
within a period of one year in a conference of conciliation
and arbitration to draw up a convention for the realization

256 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

of this principle, with the minimum exceptions which they
consider indispensable to safeguard the independence and the
sovereignty of the states, as well as its exercise in matters
within their domestic jurisdiction, and also excluding matters
involving the interests or relating to the action of a state not
a party to the convention.

"That the convention or conventions of conciliation and
arbitration which they succeed in drawing up should leave
open a protocol of progressive arbitration which will permit
the development of this beneficial institution to the greatest
possible extent."

This proposed arbitration conference, which is now
scheduled to meet in December, 1928, is a part of a long
effort in the development of methods of pacific settlement
between the American Republics. In 1889 an Interna-
tional American Conference met in Washington at the
invitation of the Government of the United States. Five
conferences of the American states have since
been held, and at all but one of them action has
been taken in support of arbitration. At the Second
Conference, in 1902, a treaty of arbitration for pecuniary
claims was adopted, and a compulsory arbitration treaty
was signed by nine Latin American states. In 1907 a
Central American Court of Justice was set up to which
the member states agreed to submit "all controversies of
whatsoever nature." Because of the attitude of the
United States, which ignored a decision of this court, it
was allowed to expire at the end of ten years. In 1923 a
Central American Tribunal was created to take its place,
which consists of a panel of jurists, and to which all dis-
putes not involving "national honor and independence"
are to be submitted. At the Fifth Pan American Con-
ference in 1923, the Santiago treaty, calling for a com-
mission of inquiry in the case of any dispute not settled
through diplomatic channels or by arbitration, was

ARBITRATION 257

adopted and has already been ratified by the United
States and several other nations.

Throughout this period Latin America has made its
own contribution to arbitration. Of 33 treaties in force
in 1913 which provided for unlimited arbitration all were
Latin American, Spain being the other party to seven. Of
the four constitutions in. the world which provide for ar-
bitration before appeal to arms, three are those of South
American republics: the Brazilian constitution of Febru-
ary 4, 1891, which authorizes a declaration of war only
"when arbitration has failed or cannot take place"; the
Dominican constitution of June 13, 1924, which provides
that "the powers instituted by this Constitution shall not
declare war without first proposing arbitration" ; and the
Venezuelan constitution of April 27, 1904, calling for the
insertion of the clause in all international treaties that
"all differences between the contracting parties shall be
decided by arbitration without appeal to war." The
Portuguese constitution of 1911 requires an effort to ar-
bitrate before a declaration of war.

The International Joint Commission
As between the United States and Canada a different
and so far unique instrument for the adjustment of con-
troversies has been created, the success of which has
recently led to a consideration of its wider adoption.

In 1896 the Government of Canada took up the ques-
tion of the establishment of an international commission
with the Government of the United States primarily to
prevent and settle disputes regarding the use of boundary
waters. This government, however, delayed acting until
1902, at which time the International Waterways Com-
mission was created. This was purely an investigating
body, but in its recommendations it urged the creation
of a Joint Commission having power to decide disputes,

258 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

and in 1909 the International Joint Commission was
set up.

The Commission is composed of six members, three
from each country, appointed by the President of the
United States and by the King of Great Britain on the
recommendation of the Governor of Canada. It holds
regular sessions each year at Washington and Ottawa
and special meetings at whatever place in the United
States or Canada affords the best opportunity for col-
lecting all the evidence in any given case. The Commis-
sion sits as one judicial body and the members are pledged
to use the utmost impartiality in the settlement of the
questions that come before them. At the organization
meeting of the commission the following statement was
quoted by one of the Commissioners, in illustration of
the attitude with which he took up his work:

"Although I am a citizen of but one nation, I am consti-
tuted a judge for both. Each nation has the same, and no
greater right to demand of me fidelity and diligence in the
examination, exactness, and justice of the decision."

Questions are brought before the Commission by either
one or both of the governments and through their respec-
tive governments by private and corporate interests in
either country. Its decisions are final and binding. In
the twenty and more cases so far decided, which have
affected the interests of millions of people and involved
the expenditure of millions of dollars, the decisions of
the Commission have without exception been unanimous.

"Its jurisdiction is not altogether that of a court of law,
nor of an umpire, nor of an investigatory body, but it com-
bines some of the characteristics and a good deal of the spirit
of all three. It is a final court of appeal for certain classes
of cases involving the use or diversion of boundary waters.
Subject to certain constitutional limitations, it may be used
by the two countries for the final settlement of any matter at

ARBITRATION 259

issue between them. And it is also available to investigate
and report upon matters affecting the two nations whose final
settlement is left to their Governments."

Arbitration Since the World War

The establishment of the League of Nations and the
Permanent Court of International Justice following the
World War greatly advanced the general development of
methods for the pacific settlement of international dis-
putes. The Covenant of the League provides for judicial
settlement, arbitration, inquiry and mediation. In Arti-
cles 12, 13 and 15 of the Covenant, the members agree
to submit to arbitration, to judicial settlement or to inves-
tigation by the Council, all differences and controversies
arising between them, and agree in no case to resort to
war until three months after the decision is known. This
latter provision introduces the principle of delay for
which the Bryan treaties were responsible.

One of the most important contributions of the League
of Nations in this field has been the development of the
new method of periodic conference by which responsible
statesmen have frequent and easy opportunity for face
to face discussion of their common problems. Differences
that have seemed incapable of solution, such as those
between France and Germany, have been reduced to
manageable proportions by this method. The more for-
mal conference has also under the League come to be an
important method for the gradual solution of interna-
tional problems wThich threaten the progress or security
of international life. The working out of a technique of
conference is declared by Dr. James T. Shotwell, a recog-
nized authority in this field, to be a pressing problem of
modern statesmanship.

There has likewise been evolved under the encourage-
ment of the League a new procedure of conciliation. The

260 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

early suggestions made by the different governments in
regard to the method of procedure to be followed under
the League for the settlement of disputes, included a
proposal made by the Scandinavian countries for an In-
ternational Council to serve as a central agency of
investigation. The Norwegian government in 1920 sug-
gested an amendment to the Covenant by which per-
manent commissions of arbitration and conciliation, one
for every state, for the examination of the differences
between that state and any other should be set up. Dis-
cussion of these proposals led to the adoption by the As-
sembly of the League, in 1922, of the following resolu-
tion:

"With a view to promoting the development of the procedure
of conciliation in the case of international disputes, in accord-
ance with the spirit of the Covenant, the Assembly recom-
mends the Members of the League, subject to the rights and
obligations mentioned in Article 15 of the Covenant, to con-
clude conventions with the object of laying their disputes
before Conciliation Commissions formed by themselves."

This resolution led to the rapid development of a sys-
tem of treaties and bilateral conventions of conciliation
between groups of states. In certain of the European-
treaties of this period conciliation was proposed not only
for questions not suitable for submission to arbitration,
but as a preliminary approach to the settlement of any
question, preceding resort to arbitration or submission to
a court. The conciliation procedure thus tends to assume
a more important part than arbitration since it is ac-
cepted as capable of being applied to all disputes and
as obligatory.

Of the importance of combining arbitration with con-
ciliation and occasionally with judicial decision, Mr.
Myers in his study on "Arbitration and the United
States" says:

ARBITRATION 261

"A limited arbitration treaty together with a conciliation
treaty may have the effect of affording a neutral forum for
all disputes that may arise."

All efforts since the war to develop an effective system
of treaties for the pacific settlement of disputes have en-
countered the problem of providing at the same time for
security which in turn has been held by certain powers
to depend upon disarmament. There has come to be in
Europe a general agreement that the development of any
one of these three must depend upon the development of
the other two, but one group led by England emphasizes
disarmament as the first necessity, while France, on the
other hand, desires that before the adoption of disarma-
ment plans, security, based on military guarantees, be
assured.

In 1925 the League of Nations drew up a Protocol of
Pacific Settlement known as the Geneva Protocol which
was the first attempt to solve these interdependent prob-
lems. It declared aggressive war a "crime" in that it is
a violation of the recognized solidarity of the interna-
tional community. It provided for the submission of
every dispute to arbitration or to the World Court, and
for the acceptance of the decisions arrived at. It granted
the Council of the League power to decide wrhen a nation
was guilty of aggression and what measures should be
taken against it. It undertook to define what should be
regarded as constituting aggression, and declared a state
which refused to submit a dispute to the procedure for
pacific settlement as agreed, or to comply with a judicial
decision or arbitral award, to be an "aggressor." *

The provisions of the Protocol were to take effect only
after a disarmament conference had adopted some prac-

1 The definition of an aggressor nation has since been simplified to
read "one which, having agreed to submit international differences to
conciliation, arbitration or judicial settlement, begins hostilities without
having done so."

262 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

tical plan for the general reduction of armaments; thus
arbitration, security and disarmament were linked to-
gether as three interdependent factors of a peace system.
The Geneva Protocol was not, however, accepted by a
sufficient number of states to be put into effect. Follow-
ing its rejection, regional treaties affecting the states of
Central Europe and making similar provisions for com-
pulsory arbitration and mutual guarantees were signed at
Locarno. In accordance with these treaties Great Britain
and Italy in case of conflict between Germany and France,
or Germany and Belgium, are pledged to take up arms
against the aggressor, and France agrees to come to the
aid of Poland or Czechoslovakia should Germany, con-
trary to her arbitration treaties with these countries,
make an armed attack upon them. In connection with
these treaties an agreement was reached that Germany
should join the League and be given a permanent seat
on the Council.

The Locarno Treaties of Arbitration provide that all
justiciable questions which cannot be settled by diplo-
matic procedure may be referred to the Permanent Com-
mission of Conciliation provided for in each treaty, and,
failing settlement by that, to an arbitral tribunal or to
the Court of International Justice. If the parties cannot
agree to the terms of the question to be submitted, either
one may bring the dispute before the Permanent Court of
International Justice. This latter provision is a distinct
step in advance, since heretofore treaties have commonly
called for preliminary agreement upon the terms of the
questions to be submitted — an agreement technically
known as a compromis.

The Eighth Assembly of the League, meeting in 1927,
created an Arbitration and Security Commission to work
in connection with the Preparatory Committee for a Dis-
armament Conference, plans for which the Assembly

ARBITRATION 263

urged should be hastened. In response to a demand that
the principles underlying the Geneva Protocol be re-
considered, the Assembly declared:

"That all wars of aggression are and shall always be pro-
hibited; that every pacific means must be employed to settle
disputes of every description which may arise between states."

There are now in existence 88 treaties, which admit
all questions whatsoever to one method or another of
pacific settlement. The signatories to these treaties in-
clude forty-three nations, among them France, Germany,
Italy, and Great Britain.

A general summary of progress in pacific settlement
as shown in this succession of treaties is givfen in a Pan
American Union compilation of arbitration treaties. It
indicates the general lines of development in this way :

"Combinations, every day better thought out, of methods
of conciliation, arbitration and recourse to judicial proceed-
ings, tend to include under their provisions for peaceful settle-
ments, all differences which might cause conflicts, and to close
other avenues of procedure, so as to ultimately permit none
but peaceful settlements. . . . The multiple variations in, and
combinations of, reservations, such as those involving points
of honor, independence, sovereignty, and vital interests, com-
mon in the older arbitration treaties, have disappeared from
the modern type of arbitration and conciliation treaty. . . .

"The progress made indicates plainly a radical transforma-
tion in the bases, the structure and the objects of the present
methods for the organization of peace. The significance of
these changes becomes clearer when the system followed in
the conventions of the two Hague Conferences is compared
with the system which has developed from 1920 to 1927.
The Conference of 1907 added little to what had been achieved
in 1899, and the sum total of results of the two seem todav
meagre and mediocre when compared with the generous con-
ception of international justice, with the deep and intense
study, the sacrifice of national prejudices, and the amplitudp

264 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

of the field for peaceful action, which had their beginnings
in 1919 and culminated in the treaties of Locarno in 1924
and 1925, and which are still developing, gaining in organic
perfection, meriting the adhesion of governments and winning
prestige and power in the minds of peoples."

Even this brief and superficial review of the steady ad-
vance in the practice of pacific settlement points con-
vincingly to the ultimate acceptance, as a matter of
course, of one form or another of rational adjustment of
all disputes. The question remains to what degree this
development can be accelerated by public interest, un-
derstanding and insistence.

CHAPTER XIV

INTERNATIONAL LAW

The codification of international law — or the clear
statement of the rules of conduct accepted by nations
in so far as their activities affect other nations — is recog-
nized as an essential part of the organization of the
world for peace. The importance of codification has long
been stressed by statesmen of this country. President
Coolidge in his second annual message to Congress said:

"Our country should support efforts which are being made
toward codification of international law. . . . Expert pro-
fessional studies are going on in certain quarters and should
have our constant encouragement and approval."

As to Row codification is to be achieved there is a
difference of opinion. Some jurists urge that an inter-
national conference be called to draw up a code of laws
which nations shall agree to follow in the interest of peace
and justice. It is proposed by one group that such a
code be based on the outlawry of war, and it is maintained
that if the situation is simplified by thus delegalizing
war, a statement of the laws of peace could be drawn up
in one or two years.

To the majority of jurists, codification involves an en-
tirely different process. It means a careful statement,
upon which there can be general agreement, of the rules
of conduct which have gradually evolved in the inter-
course of states, and which governments now recognize.

An approach to codification in this latter sense is being

265

266 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

made under the auspices of the League of Nations. The
governments of North and South America, through the
Pan American Conferences, are also attempting to codify
international law as it affects the countries of this hemi-
sphere. In addition, there are at present before Congress
two proposals looking toward codification. Both have
been introduced by Senator Borah of Idaho. The first is
for an international conference to prepare an ideal code
of law based on the outlawry of war. The second is for a
restatement of maritime law. The importance of the
second proposal lies in the fact that the present assertion
of the right of belligerents to interfere with neutral ship-
ping in time of war, a claim which has always been com-
batted by the United States, is an obstacle to the reduc-
tion of naval armaments. The Borah resolution, which
was especially designed to facilitate action by the second
meeting of the League of Nations Disarmament Confer-
ence, reads in part:

"Whereas the present chaotic state of maritime law — leaving
the seas subject to no definite rules save that of force, and
commerce to- no ultimate protection save that of battle fleets
— constitutes an incentive for great naval armaments;

"Resolved, That the Senate of the United States believes:

"First: That there should be a restatement and recodifica-
tion of the rules of law governing the conduct of belligerents
and neutrals in war at sea.

"Second: That the leading maritime powers of the world
owe it to the cause of the limitation of armaments and of
peace to bring about such restatement and recodification of
maritime law."

Although long study and research are necessary for
more than a very superficial understanding of the subject
of international law, it is important that the average
person should have some comprehension of what it im-
plies, in order that its development, which depends at

INTERNATIONAL LAW 267

various points upon political action, may not be delayed
or obstructed.

International law is divided into public and private
law. Private international law has to do with the con-
flicts that occur when a citizen of one country is involved
in a legal difficulty in another country, and the laws of
the two countries do not agree. Private international
law is important from the point of view of international
peace for, if there is doubt as to whether the nationals
of one country have received justice in the courts of an-
other, it may result in ill feeling, protest or intervention.

Public international law has to do with the practice of
states in their conduct toward each other. It has not
been enacted by any law-making body, as has the statu-
tory law of the various nations, nor has it, like English
common law, grown up out of the decisions of judges. It
consists of rules of conduct resting upon common prac-
tice, or agreed to in treaties, in international congresses
which are sometimes described as quasi-legislative bodies,
in conventions establishing international administrative
unions, such as the Postal Union, and in other interna-
tional agreements. Recently decisions of the World
Court and the Conventions of the League of Nations and
of the International Labor Organization, in so far as they
have been ratified, have increased the body of interna-
tional law. The principles embodied in a treaty between
two nations are international law as between them, but
are generally considered international law only when
agreed to by a number of nations (some states claim
unanimity is necessary), or when it is recognized that
their general observance can be enforced. Principles
and lines of conduct which have been followed and en-
forced by the more powerful states are frequently re-
garded as international law.

Mr. Dwight W. Morrow, in his book, "The Society of

268 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Free States/9 defines international law as "those rules of
conduct which regulate the dealings of civilized states
and which depend for their sanction upon the general
approval of mankind. These rules are found in the
solemn conventions and declarations made by civilized
states in their separate treaties and at international
conferences, in the works of great textwriters, and, what
is most important of all, in that actual usage which fur-
nishes the confirmation of written rules and agreements."
A primary distinction between international and na-
tional law is that there is no common agency for the en-
forcement of international law. Its enforcement depends
upon the power of a nation or nations to compel its ob-
servance, or upon the existence of a public opinion so
strong that no nation wishes to defy it. In a speech
before the American Society of International Law in
1925, the opinion was advanced by Charles Evans Hughes
that

"It may not be regarded as a defect or a misfortune that
we escape the notion of the imposition of force in the field
of international law. It makes for peace because it is accepted
and is farthest removed from arbitrariness. Its gradual
extension marks a gain that is not merely temporary or
illusory, but genuine progress, and hence the effort to promote
the reign of law, as accepted, not imposed, may be after all
the most important contribution to permanent peace."

Codification, or a clear statement of what the law is,
should enable public opinion to be more effective in se-
curing its observance and in initiating changes. The
right of intervention is now considered a part of inter-
national law as the right to secure territory by conquest
was once so considered. A change in public opinion,
leading to a change in the practice of nations, means a
change in international law. In the speech referred to,
Mr. Hughes said further:

INTERNATIONAL LAW 269

"Close attention to the reports of the conscience of nations,
the effort to record its judgments, the endeavor to secure
discussion of the principles and rules demanded by the sense
of justice in the international sphere, may well be the sort
of training which the world needs most. . . .

"Would it not be helpful, not merely in the interest of clari-
fication and formal arrangement, but in educating peoples,
now under prevalent democratic institutions more largely
interested in foreign relations, with respect to the extent of
their reciprocal obligations, and in cultivating the sense of
responsibility, if the representatives of the nations could
assemble and reassert the principles and rules of the law
considered to be binding . . . ?"

Various efforts to determine the law of nations have
been made, beginning with the "Laws of Peace and War,"
published by Hugo Grotius in 1625. Grotius held that
dealings between nations should be regulated by the same
principles that regulated the dealings between men, and
made this first attempt to compile a body of rules based
upon the usages of nations because he saw

" . . . prevailing throughout the Christian world a license
in making war of which even barbarous nations would have
been ashamed. Recourse was had to arms for slight reasons
or no reasons; and when arms were once taken up, all rever-
ence for divine and human law was thrown away, just as if
men were henceforth authorized to commit all crimes without
restraint."

During the Civil War "Instructions for the Govern-
ment of the Armies of the United States in the Field"
were drawn up by Francis Lieber at the request of Presi-
dent Lincoln. These instructions were translated into
German, and published in 1878 by Bluntschli under the
title, "Modern International Law of Civilized States."

Lieber later worked over a plan by which an authori-
tative statement on international law might be drawn up

270 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

by an international group of jurists. His proposals led
to a meeting of jurists in Ghent in 1873 at which the In-
stitute of International Law was created as "an organ
for the legal consciousness of the civilized world/' Its
principal purpose was "to be able by the free action of a
limited group of eminent jurists to state in as precise
a manner as possible the juridical opinion of the civilized
world and to give to this opinion an expression so clear
and so exact as to have it accepted by the various states
as a rule of conduct for their foreign relations."

In 1893 The Netherlands invited all European govern-
ments to a conference to draw up conventions affecting
private international law, and this first conference has
been followed at regular intervals by others.

The First Hague Peace Conference in 1899 drafted
three conventions, one dealing with pacific settlement
of international disputes, the other two with rules of
warfare. The conventions of the Second Hague Confer-
ence in 1907 dealt largely with the laws of war. At the
Second Conference, a third was proposed for 1914 which,
it was anticipated, would add to the formulated "prin-
ciples of equity and right on which are based the security
of states and the welfare of peoples." The plans for this
third conference were interrupted by the World War.
Following the War a proposal for international confer-
ences similar to the Hague Conferences but called for
the sole purpose of codifying international law wras laid
before the League of Nations by the Committee of
Jurists which drew up the plans for the Permanent
Court of International Justice. The suggestion origi-
nated with Elihu Root, the American member of the
Committee.

This proposal was not accepted by the League of Na-
tions. It was rejected on the ground that at the time
there was not sufficient calmness of the public mind to

INTERNATIONAL LAW 271

undertake such a step without "very serious results to the
future of international law." Commenting on the
League's decision not to undertake codification at that
time, Dr. Manley 0. Hudson, Bemis Professor of Inter-
national Law at Harvard University, has said:

"Any attempt at that time to restate the laws of war or
to formulate the modifications made necessary by the World
War, must almost certainly have tended to vindicate the views
then prevailing among the governments of those countries
which considered themselves victors in the war. It would
have been difficult at that time to have had any collaboration
from Germany or Russia or Turkey, and without the collab-
oration of Germany, at any rate, a restatement of the laws
of war would probably have produced few desirable results.
... In addition, the uncertainty of international relations
in 1920, the precarious stage of the new experiment in inter-
national organization, and the extreme difficulty of effecting
the necessary reconciliation between various states, rendered
the time most inopportune for such an attempt as the Advis-
ory Committee envisaged."

In 1924, the Assembly of the League of Nations, owing
in part to the development of a large number of agree-
ments which its member states had entered into during
the post-war period, reconsidered the question of codifi-
cation. The result was the appointment by the Council
of the League of an international Committee of Experts
for the Progressive Codification of International Law.
The Committee consists of seventeen jurists, represent-
ing the various legal systems of the world. Mr. George
W. Wickersham is the American member. After inten-
sive study by sub-committees, consultation with authori-
tative bodies, and the submission of questionnaires to
various governments, including the United States, -the
Committee of Experts in 1927 recommended seven topics
to the Assembly of the League as "sufficiently ripe" for

272 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

consideration by an international conference. The seven
topics were these:

The conflict of laws regarding nationality;

Problems connected with territorial waters including juris-
diction of a State over foreign commercial vessels;

Diplomatic privileges and immunities;

Responsibility of States for damage done in their territory
to the person or property of foreigners;

Piracy ;

The procedure of international conferences and procedure
of conclusion and drafting of treaties;

Exploitation of the products of the sea.

Consideration of the questions of the nationality of
commercial corporations and of the recognition of the
legal personality of foreign commercial corporations,
would have been included in this list except for the fact
that they were to be considered at the next Hague Con-
ference on Private International Law.

The Assembly agreed upon the calling of a conference
to be held, it is now planned, in 1929, and selected the
first, second and fourth topics for consideration. The
fourth topic, perhaps the most far-reaching, as stated in
full is:

"Whether, and in what cases, a state may be liable for
injury on its territory to the person or property of foreigners;
and whether, if such liability exists, it would be possible to
consider an international convention providing a method of
ascertaining the facts that might involve liability on the part
of the state, and forbidding the use of measures of coercion
before means of pacific settlement have been exhausted."

In the desire to contribute to the success of the con-
ference in 1929, and in the belief that independent co-
operative research by American scholars and jurists
might aid in the advancement of sound codification of

INTERNATIONAL LAW 273

international law, the Faculty of the Harvard Law
School has organized a group of men actively working
in this field to carry on research work, on the three topics
to be discussed. An advisory Committee of 34 members
has been formed with Mr. George W. Wickersham as
Chairman and Dr. Manley 0. Hudson as Director of
research.

Separate codification of international law for the
American continents, suggested as early as 1826 by the
Congress of Panama, has been recommended repeatedly
by the Pan American Conferences. Charles Evans
Hughes said in regard to this proposal in a speech before
the Pan American Union in 1925:

"It is natural that the law to be applied by the American
Republics should, in addition to the law universal, contain
not a few rules o£ American origin and adapted to American
exigencies, and that the old and the new taken together should
constitute what may be called American international law."

Resolutions were adopted by the Conferences of 1902
and 1906 for the appointment of a Commission of Jurists
to prepare codes of public international law and of pri-
vate international law. The actual formation of this
Commission was delayed until the Conference of 1923.
Following this conference a Commission composed of two
representatives from each country was created. The
American Institute of International Law, which was
founded in 1912 and is composed of five members from
each of the American republics, was requested by the
Pan American Union to prepare a series of projects for
the consideration of this Commission of Jurists. Indi-
vidual jurists of several of the Latin American states
also drafted projects for laws on special subjects. Thirty
projects were accepted for consideration by the Commis-
sion. An additional one on the recognition of belliger-

274 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

ency was rejected on the ground that war should not be
encouraged by conventions on this subject.

The Commission adopted twelve projects of public
international law and a code of private international law
consisting of some 439 articles. The twelve projects of
public international law dealt with the fundamental
bases of international law; states, their existence, equal-
ity and recognition; status of aliens; treaties; exchange
of publications; interchange of professors and students;
diplomatic agents; consuls; maritime neutrality; the
right of asylum; duties of states in case of civil war;
pacific solution of international conflicts.

At the Sixth Pan American Conference to which these
projects were submitted those dealing with the pacific
solution of international conflicts, with maritime neu-
trality, with the status of aliens, with the right of asy-
lum, with the duties of states in case of civil war, and
with the rights and duties of neutrals were, in amended
form, embodied in treaties and accepted for submission
to the various governments. The United States entered
a reservation to the clause of the Convention on Mari-
time Neutrality forbidding the arming of merchant men
for defense in the time of war. On the subject of pacific
solution of international conflicts, a resolution was
adopted condemning war as an instrument of national
policy and calling a conference to meet in Washington
within a year to draft treaties for obligatory arbitration
and conciliation. For the further consideration of the
codification of international law for the American con-
tinents, a Permanent Committee was authorized, to
which the Governments will appoint members chosen
from the national Societies of International Law in each
country. Projects drawn up by this Committee will be
submitted to the International Commission of Jurists

INTERNATIONAL LAW 275

which will put them in final form and in turn submit
them to the Seventh Pan American Conference.

The subject of the fundamental bases of international
law, that is, of the rights and duties of nations, wThich
it was asserted must be considered together, was referred
to the Seventh Conference. In connection with it and
in all probability in connection with the conference on
obligatory arbitration, the project on intervention, which
aroused heated discussion at the Sixth Conference but
about which because of the insistence of the United
States no action was taken, will again come up.

These attempts to achieve a separate codification of
international law for the Americas are severely criticized
by certain jurists for reasons indicated in the following
statement by Dr. Manley 0. Hudson:

"The day has passed," Dr. Hudson declares, "when inter-
national law can be continentalized in any part of the world,
and with the currents of international trade and politics
crossing all oceans as they do today, it would seem a very
backward step to attempt to confine them in any way to a
single hemisphere. ... I fear that only unfortunate con-
sequences would flow from an attempt to localize the law of
nations."

The importance of making "the statement of our law
of nations," as Dr. Hudson has said, "conform to the facts
of our present-day world," is, however, stressed by
jurists, statesmen and those interested primarily in world
peace. The French jurist, M. de Laveleye, notes that
although men of today are "infinitely less inclined than
their ancestors to make war, on the other hand, their
relations are more intimate and more constant and can
lead more frequently to conflicts if they are not regu-
lated by international law."

Dr. James Brown Scott, Director of the Division of

276 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

International Law of the Carnegie Endowment for Inter-
national Peace, and long active in support of efforts
toward codification, is very hopeful of present tendencies
and declares that "It is evident that the codification of
international law is in full blast. . . . The seed scat-
tered to the wind by Lieber is bearing ample fruit in
the old world of his birth, and in the new world of his
choice."

The contribution which the general public can make
is to recognize the necessity for persistent effort in this
field and to support any government action encourag-
ing it.

CHAPTER XV
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION

The present extent of organized cooperation among
governments and the success of international adminis-
trative undertakings bear out the statement that "inter-
national cooperation must be regarded not as a rare
exception, but as the normal method for the present
conduct of the business of the world." In his compre-
hensive study, "Public International Unions/' Dr. Paul
S. Reinsch declares that "The most important fact of
which we have become conscious in our generation is
that the unity of the world is real."

In this chapter only cooperative undertakings outside
of the League of Nations are considered, but it must be
remembered that through the League fifty-five nations
are now in constant conference and cooperating in finan-
cial, educational, health, labor, economic and social wel-
fare projects. The International Labor Organization is
discussed in a preceding chapter.

During the nineteenth century, the development of
rapid communication among all nations gave rise to prob-
lems which could not be solved and to activities which
could not be administered by individual governments.
The interests of individuals came to be less and less
determined by national boundaries and had to be pro-
vided for by some form of international public or private
organization.

Within the last half-century, about forty public and
five hundred private international organizations have
been established. In some cases, organizations originally

277

278 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

formed by private individuals have developed into gov-
ernment agencies. In others, governments have asso-
ciated themselves with private undertakings through rep-
resentatives, but in many instances the initiative has
been taken by the governments themselves.

Dr. C. DeUsle Burns, in "A Short History of Inter-
national Intercourse," calls attention also to a present
tendency toward conference for exchange of experience
between similar departments of different states, finance
ministries, education departments, agricultural, and labor
departments. "The tendency," he says, "points to an
elaborate international contact of states, not unifying
states, nor forming a world state, but federalising some
of the functions of sovereign governments."

In the Interparliamentary Union, which was founded
in 1904 and which held its twenty-fifth conference in Ber-
lin in August, 1928, an opportunity is offered for consul-
tation among another division of government officials.
Its members are representatives in national parliaments,
and the legislative chambers of the various governments
are opened for its conferences. An effort is made to bring
the members into agreement upon policies affecting inter-
national relations.

Joint regulation has been found necessary in connec-
tion with, among other things, systems of communication,
the protection of certain forms of property including
patents, health measures designed to control the spread
of disease, and for the collection and distribution over
wide areas of scientific information. In some cases the
international organizations set up for the exercise of joint
control consist of little more than information centers;
in other instances, international commissions are empow-
ered to propose measures for adoption by the national
governments. In a few cases, the international body has
administrative powers which amount to a considerable

INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 279

limitation of the sovereign powers of individual govern-
ments.

The Universal Postal Union is an example of the last
type. In 1863, the cost of a letter from point to point var-
ied from a few cents to more than a dollar, according to
how it was routed. In sending a letter, it was thus nec-
essary to indicate the route which it was to travel. If
it happened to miss, the vessel or train on which it was
to begin its journey, it could not be sent by another route,
but must wait sometimes many weeks. To improve this
condition, upon the proposal of the United States, the
representatives of fifteen nations met and agreed upon
certain principles as a basis for future international
postal agreements, but did not attempt to produce defi-
nite treaty regulations. The conference at which the
Universal Postal Union was actually founded was called
by the government of Switzerland in response to a sug-
gestion from the German government, and met in 1874
with twenty-two countries participating. Many compli-
cated questions had to be faced and the reluctance of
a few nations to incur the immediate financial loss
involved, and to submit to international regulation, was
overcome only through the pressure of public opinion
and of business interests.

The Universal Postal Union has continued in success-
ful operation ever since, with modifications from time to
time of the convention which established it. The Union
is governed by a congress which meets every five years
and in which each state has one vote, although it may
have more than one delegate. The representatives of
the United States are appointed by the Postmaster Gen-
eral. Decisions are made by a majority vote and are
theoretically subject to ratification by the signatory state.
In practice, they are final. In some instances, individual
governments have strongly opposed certain changes in

280 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

postal rates, but the proposed change adopted by major-
ity vote has been put into effect, and no government can
give up the incalculable advantage to its citizens of mem-
bership in the Union.

The Universal Postal Union proves that, in spite of
conflicting interests, methods of procedure for inter-
national governmental control can be successfully worked
out when individual governments recognize that, acting
alone, they can no longer provide adequately for certain
interests of their citizens. The degree to which national
sovereignty has been surrendered in this field in order
to secure national benefits is emphasized by Dr. Leonard
S. Woolf in "International Government,, :

"In fact, so far has the* surrender of independence to Inter-
national Government gone in the Union, that the theoretical
right of the State to refuse ratification to the Convention and
Reglement as voted at a congress in practice hardly exists. The
Administrations, adhering to the Union, never wait for formal
ratification before putting the new regulations into opera-
tion, and the decisions of a Postal Congress are acted upon
whether they are ratified or not.

"The result is* that the nations of the whole world have for
everything connected with the international exchange of let-
ters and other postal matter submitted to International
Government. Each national Administration can no longer
determine the rates it will charge, the matter which it will or
will not receive, or the methods on which it will conduct the
foreign postal service. On all these subjects the national
Administration is in practice bound to accept the decision of
the majority of the Administrations adhering to the Union.
In other words, the administration of postal communication
between States has been internationalized. . . ."

The international bodies which have been granted the
greatest power over national governments have been the
International Sugar Commission and the International
River Commissions. The International Sugar Commis-

INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 281

sion was established for a limited period in order to put
an end to the system of granting national bounties to
sugar growers, a system which no nation acting sepa-
rately could control. The Commission had the power
to control by majority vote the tariff policies of member
states so far as they affected the sugar industry. There
was no appeal from its decisions to any higher body.

The International River Commissions afford another
example of the ability of states to forego a certain degree
of their sovereign power in order to achieve the benefits
of cooperation. The Danube Commission, composed of
representatives of ten states, has complete control over
the conditions affecting the navigability of the lower
Danube. The Commission imposes a tax on shipping to
defray its own expenses; it acts under a guarantee of
neutrality and has the right to use its own distinctive
flag.

The International Institute of Agriculture, and the In-
ternational Geodetic Union, are examples of a joint
international effort to collect and distribute scientific
information. The Union for the Protection of Industrial
Property, the Sugar Commission and the Union for
the Publication of Customs Tariffs illustrate the pos-
sibility of joint action in economic matters. The inter-
national organizations concerned with humanitarian re-
forms, which include the Opium Commissions, the Prison
Congress, the Union for the Repression of the White Slave
Traffic and the International Labor Organization, function
with increasing effectiveness. International cooperation
to protect health, particularly through the control of epi-
demics, which is carried on by the International Office
of Public Hygiene in Paris, by the League of Nations,
by the International Health Board in New York City,
and by the Pan American Sanitary Bureau, is one of
the most successful and interesting of these undertakings.

282 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

So long as European governments attempted to protect
their people against epidemics of cholera by independent
quarantines, they obstructed trade but not the spread of
the disease. Reluctance to relinquish national rights,
prevented common action until after the epidemic of
1892. The International Sanitary Convention and the
Dresden Convention were then agreed upon, and there
have been no more cholera epidemics.

In the Pan American Union a much more general
form of international cooperation has been developed
among the governments of the American continents. In
1889, the first of a series of Pan American Conferences
was held in Washington. Preceding the calling of the
conference, which was originally proposed by Secretary
of State Blaine as a peace conference, Congress adopted
a plan for cooperation among the American governments.
As set forth in the call to the conference this plan pro-
vided for the consideration of "measures that shall tend
to preserve the peace and promote the prosperity of the
several American States.9'

This first conference created the International Bureau
of American Republics in Washington under the direc-
tion of the Secretary of State of the United States, for
the sole purpose of collecting and distributing commer-
cial information. At the third Pan American Conference
in 1906, the Bureau was reorganized and virtually made
the executive organ of the Pan American Conferences.
As finally reorganized in 1910, under the name of the
Pan American Union, it now assists in securing the rati-
fication of the resolutions and conventions adopted by
the conferences, and promotes, in a variety of ways, the
development of closer cultural, commercial and financial
relations.

The governing board of the Pan American Union con-
sisted until 1928 of all the Latin American diplomatic

INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 283

representatives accredited in Washington, with the
American Secretary of State as president. At the Sixth
Pan American Conference, in response to a criticism that
the influence of the United States too greatly predomi-
nated, it was agreed that the states could appoint any
representatives they desired, not necessarily the diplo-
mats accredited to the United States who must be persona
grata to it. The Union is supported by contributions,
regulated according to their population, from the member
states.

The United States has sought to limit action at the
Pan American Conferences to economic matters. Among
the conventions and treaties which the conferences have
adopted are conventions protecting copyrights, patents
and trade marks; a convention for the arbitration of
pecuniary claims; a convention setting up a commission
for the formulation of a code of international law ; a con-
vention on commercial aviation. At the Fifth Confer-
ence a treaty to prevent conflicts between the American
states was adopted, and at the Sixth Conference an
agreement was reached to hold in Washington within
a year a special conference for the promotion of arbitra-
tion. Attempts to discuss such questions as tariff restric-
tions and the right of intervention have so far been
fruitful only in calling attention to the need of arriving
at agreements in these matters of mutual concern. In
recent years an increasing number of Pan American Con-
ferences representing special interests have been held with
the cooperation of the Pan American Union, including
those dealing with scientific, press, labor, commercial and
health questions.

A proposal for a Pan European Union which was
initiated as recently as 1923 by the publication of the
book, "Pan Europe," by Count Richard N. Coudenhove-
Kalergi, has grown with great rapidity and has received

284 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the endorsement of many European statesmen. The idea
is to form an organization similar to the Pan American
Union. The plan of the Union looks toward friendly
cooperation with the League of Nations, as well as with
other continents representing political units and rejects
all intervention in questions of internal politics. It
includes a system of commercial treaties, the formation
of customs unions and of international cartels in certain
industries. Speaking before the Chamber of Commerce
of the United States, Thomas W. Lamont said of the
plan for a Pan European Union:

"Such a development may take a long time in coming; on
the other hand, it may move much more swiftly than we
imagine. If it does, we shall be able within a short span of
years to witness a Europe restored, industrious, stable, peace-
ful, far stronger in every way than it has ever been in the
past, with armaments vastly reduced, with swords beaten into
plowshares, and with a future bright with promise."

Two unofficial organizations for the development of
better understanding and closer cooperation among the
Pacific countries have been formed: the Pan Pacific
Union, which has for a number of years arranged semi-
official Pan Pacific Conferences of special groups, such
as educators, scientists, business men and journalists; and
the Institute of Pacific Relations, which held its first
meeting at Honolulu in 1925. The Institute is unofficial;
it takes no action, passes no resolutions, and reaches no
conclusions. Its sole aim is to arrive at a better mutual
understanding through a wider knowledge of facts. In
order to achieve the greatest possible freedom of expres-
sion, its work is carried on chiefly through round-table
discussions, which are not reported in the press.

The program of' work of the Institute includes: the
maintenance of central offices in Honolulu and com-

INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 285

mittees of experts in each nation for the collection of
data, and the dissemination of information. Biennially
these national committees meet in a general conference
to consider common problems and to develop an inter-
national understanding which will aid in their solution.
The Institute considers one of its major functions to be
the giving of wide and impartial publicity to facts bear-
ing upon the problems of the Pacific peoples through
periodicals, interchange of lecturers, study groups, and
national and regional conferences. Its second biennial
conference, lasting two weeks, was held in 1927, and was
attended by 136 delegates, representing nine national
groups. Among the difficult problems discussed were the
rise of Chinese nationalism, the expansion of Japanese
population, the American-Japanese Exclusion Act and
naval power in the Pacific.

The number of group interests organized internation-
ally increases daily. The League of Nations "Handbook"
of international organizations for 1926 lists 398 organi-
zations representing practically every human activity.
Fifty-three international conferences to be held in 1928
are listed in a leaflet published early in the year by the
Institute of International Education. Through these or-
ganizations, and conferences, there is a constant exchange
of sentiments and ideas and a growing realization of
common interests and of the possibility of cooperation.
In "Public International Unions," Dr. Reinsch says:

"Millions are working together quietly, in the pursuit of
their various living interests, toward the organization of world
unity. It is not a thing imposed from above by force, or
dictated only by a higher rationalism but it is the almost
instinctive work of active men building wider and wider
spheres of affiliation."

Civilization itself has been defined as a "capacity for
cooperation."

CHAPTER XVI
INTERNATIONAL REDUCTION OF ARMAMENTS

Two experiments in basing security upon goodwill and
common interest rather than force of arms have been
successfully carried out in America.

William Penn's unarmed colony in Pennsylvania lived
unattacked among savage tribes for seventy years, and
only when Penn's principles of friendship and justice
were no longer followed was a white man killed.

The second experiment was in a wholly different field.
When the War of 1812 ended, the United States and
Canada had each some forty-six forts on the shores of
the Great Lakes and many shipyards employing hundreds
of men. Word was received in this country of orders
having been issued by the British Government to increase
its naval force on the Great Lakes, and American officers
urged Congress to increase appropriations for border
defense. At this point Richard Rush, an official in the
State Department, who shortly afterward became Attor-
ney General, is credited with having suggested that, in-
stead of a competitive building program, the Lakes be
disarmed. The British Ambassador in this country,
Charles Bagot, favored the proposal. On November 16,
1815, the Secretary of State, James Monroe, sent the fol-
lowing letter to our ambassador to England, John
Quincy Adams:

"The information you give of orders having been issued by
the British Government to increase its naval force on the
Lakes is confirmed by intelligence from that quarter, of

286

REDUCTION OF ARMAMENTS 287

measures having been actually adopted for the purpose. It
is evident, if each party augments its force there, with a view
to obtain the ascendancy over the other, that vast expense
will be incurred and the danger of collision augmented in like
degree. The President is sincerely desirous to prevent an
evil which it is presumed is equally to be deprecated by both
Governments. He therefore authorizes you to propose to the
British Government such an arrangement respecting the naval
force to be kept on the Lakes by both Governments as will
demonstrate their pacific policy and secure their peace. He
is willing to confine it, on each side, to a certain moderate
number of armed vessels, and the smaller the number the more
agreeable to him; or to abstain altogether from an armed
force beyond that used for revenue. You will bring this
subject under the consideration of the British Government
immediately after the receipt of this letter."

On January 31, 1816, Mr. Adams wrote Mr. Monroe
in part, as follows:

"I can only now state in a summary manner that I think
the proposal for mutually disarming on the Lakes of Canada,
which I made conformably with your instructions will not
be accepted. . . . Although Lord Castlereagh promised to
submit the proposal to the Cabinet, his disinclination to
accede to it was so strongly marked that I cannot flatter
myself it will be accepted."

Two months later he wrote again:

"You may, however, consider as certain that the proposal
to disarm upon the Lakes will not be accepted. In all the
debates in Parliament upon what they call their military and
naval peace establishment, the prospect of a new wrar with
the United States has been distinctly held up by the ministers
and admitted by the opposition as a solid reason for enormous
and unparalleled expenditure and preparation in Canada and
Nova Scotia."

In answer to this reluctance on the part of England,
America did not turn its attention to a big navy program

288 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

for the Lakes, but continued to press its plan. After
a year and a half, in 1817, the Rush-Bagot Treaty was
signed, stopping work on nearly one hundred fortifications
and causing the immediate disarmament of more than
a hundred warships. The persistence of American states-
men at this time contributed to the establishment of
a period of peace which has lasted more than a century
and which is now accepted so much as a matter of course
that its significance is not appreciated.

Other efforts toward reduction in armaments have been
effective chiefly in reducing the cost of war preparations,
and in accustoming public opinion to the idea. Through-
out the nineteenth century there was talk of restricting
armaments. Proposals were made by various sovereigns
and by such leaders as Garibaldi and Richard Cobden.
The general discussion culminated in 1898 in the proposal
of the Czar of Russia for an international conference to
examine "the question of ending progressive development
of existing armaments" in order to assure "to all nations
the benefits of a real and lasting peace." The First Hague
Conference in 1899, however, achieved nothing toward
the actual reduction of armaments or military budgets.
At the Second Conference in 1907 the subject was not
included in the program, but the United States insisted
upon its discussion and resolutions were adopted calling
for a study of the problem.

Shortly after this, in 1910, the Congress of the United
States passed a resolution requesting the President to
appoint a commission of five members "to consider the
expediency of utilizing the existing international agencies
for the purpose of limiting the armaments of the nations
of the world by international agreement, and of consti-
tuting the combined navies of the world an international
force for the preservation of universal peace, and to con-
sider and report upon any other means to diminish the

REDUCTION OF ARMAMENTS 289

expenditures of governments for military purposes and
to lessen the probability of war."

In 1916, in connection with the naval building pro-
gram, Congress adopted a "Declaration of Policy" which
declared among other things that the United States
looked "with apprehension and disfavor upon a general
increase of armament thVoughout the world," but realized
that "no single nation can disarm." In the light of these
facts it requested the President to invite all the great gov-
ernments to attend a conference which should formulate
a plan for an international court and "consider the ques-
tion of disarmament." It further provided that the
navy building program might be suspended by order of
the President, if an international tribunal competent to
secure peaceful determinations of all disputes should
"render unnecessary the maintenance of competitive
armaments."

The reduction of national armaments "to the lowest
point consistent with domestic safety" was next urged
as one of the Fourteen Points set forth by President
Wilson as a basis for the peace negotiations following
the World War. The Covenant of the League of Nations
provided for the reduction of armaments in Article 8,
which reads in part:

"The members of the League recognize that the maintenance
of peace requires the reduction of national armaments to the
lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforce-
ment by common action of international obligations.

"The Council, taking account of the geographical situation
and circumstances of each State, shall formulate plans for
such reduction for the consideration and action of the several
Governments.

"Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration and revision
at least every 10 years."

The Treaty of Versailles in the Preamble to Part Five,

290 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

which provided for the disarmament of Germany, declared
that such disarmament was imposed

"In order to render possible the initiation of a general
limitation of the armaments of all nations. . . ."

On July 16, 1919, M. Clemenceau wrote to the German
Government in the name of the Allies:

'The Allied and Associated Powers wish to make it clear
that their requirements in regard to German armaments were
not solely with the object of rendering it impossible for
Germany to resume her policy of military aggression. They
are also the first steps toward that general reduction and
limitation of armaments which they seek to bring about as
one of the most fruitful preventives of war, and which it will
be one of the first duties of the League of Nations to promote."

The terms of the disarmament of Germany included
the reduction of its army to 100,000 men to be recruited
by voluntary long-term enlistment, and the limitation
of its navy to a few small boats for coast patrol, with
no submarines and no fighting planes.

In 1921, at the invitation of the United States Gov-
ernment, nine countries met in Washington for discussion
of limitation of armaments, and of Pacific and Far East-
ern questions. The nations represented were, besides the
United States, Belgium, Great Britain, China, France,
Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal.

The Washington Naval Treaty, resulting from the con-
ference, set a limit for the battleships and airplane
carriers of the United States, Great Britain and Japan
in the ratio of 5-5-3, with a lower figure of 1.67 for
France and Italy. The original American proposal was
intended to apply to cruisers, destroyers, submarines and
other naval auxiliaries as well as to capital ships, but it
proved impossible to carry out the proposal as regarding

REDUCTION OF ARMAMENTS 291

the auxiliary vessels. The treaty as negotiated and rati-
fied involved the actual destruction of a large number of
battleships built and building. Those destroyed totalled
for the United States 842,380 tons, for Great Britain 447,-
750 tons, and for Japan 354,709 tons.

The treaty remains in force until December 1936, and
can be terminated at that time or thereafter upon two
years notice. According to its terms, the United States
is to arrange, "in view of possible technical and scientific
developments" for a conference of all the signatory
powers eight years from the time of the treaty, that is in
August, 1931. Preliminary plans for this conference have
already been begun.

Meanwhile, in May, 1920, the Council of the League
of Nations had formed a Permanent Advisory Commis-
sion on Military, Naval, and Air Questions, the members
of which are representatives of their governments. In the
same year the Assembly, believing that the Permanent
Commission was limited too narrowly in its composition
and its relation to the governments represented, asked
the Council:

"To instruct a temporary commission, composed of persons
possessing the requisite competence in matters of a political,
social and economic nature, to prepare for submission to the
Council in the near future, reports and proposals for the
reduction of armaments as provided for by Article 8 of
the Covenant."

This Temporary Mixed Commission on Armaments, in
order that it might be more widely representative, was
later reorganized as the Coordination Committee.

At every meeting of the Assembly of the League there
was discussion of disarmament based upon the reports
of these committees, but a prevailing feeling of insecurity
prevented any agreement. It was seen from the discus-

292 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

sions and reports of the Temporary Mixed Commission
to be necessary to provide for security before progress
could be made, and security, it was decided, must be
based upon a system of compulsory arbitration. In 1924,
in the Geneva Protocol, or the Protocol for Pacific Settle-
ment, a plan was elaborated in which arbitration, security
and disarmament were linked together in a general sys-
tem for maintaining peace. Although the plan was not
accepted it has influenced later negotiations, notably the
Treaties of Locarno, regional security pacts which were
negotiated shortly afterward. The Locarno treaties were
in fact followed by a reduction in the French army. In
this connection Denys P. Myers makes the following
comment :

"The scale of armament indicates a state's conception of
its lack of security. In the prewar period armament increased
simultaneously with the increase of both the policy and prac-
tice of pacific settlement. The situation was logically con-
tradictory. . . . The explanation, however, is obvious. The
most important states, with the widest range of disputatious
questions . . . were precisely those which reserved from the
procedure of pacific settlement questions which might cause a
war. As a consequence the developm.ent of pacific settlement
did not have a direct effect on armament standards, which
formed a nucleus for the breeding of suspicion. The proper
relationship is beginning to exist, illustrated by French reduc-
tion of the army on the entrance into force of the Locarno
treaties."

In 1925 the Sixth Assembly requested the Council to
make a preparatory study with a view to a Conference
for the Reduction and Limitation of Armaments.

A Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Con-
ference was formed to submit a preliminary draft for a
disarmament agreement to the official Disarmament
Conference. The Committee on which both the United

REDUCTION OF ARMAMENTS 293

States and Russia are now represented, has considered
seven questions:

"What is to be understood by armaments?

"Is it practicable to limit the ultimate war strength of a
country, or must any measures of disarmament be confined
to the peace strength?

"By what standards is it possible to measure the armaments
of one country, against the armaments of another, e.g., num-
bers, equipment, expenditures, etc.?

"Can there be said to be offensive and defensive armaments?

"On what principles will it be possible to draw up a scale of
armaments permissible to the various countries?

"Is there any device by which civil and military aircraft can
be distinguished for purposes of disarmament? If this is not
practicable, how can the value of civil aircraft be computed in
estimating the air strength of any country?

"Admitting that disarmament depends on security, to what
extent is regional disarmament possible in return for regional
security? Or is any scheme of disarmament impracticable
unless it is general? If regional disarmament is practicable,
would it promote or lead up to general disarmament?"

At the meetings of the Preparatory Commission there
developed radically divergent views on the part of the
different states, which amounted to two distinct schools
of thought, one invariably supported by France, with
Poland and the Little Entente and varying additional
adherents, and the other by the United States with the
adherence of Great Britain and occasionally of other
states.

France contended that in comparing armaments the
resources and strategical position of the countries must
be considered. The United States and Great Britain
maintained that the military forces and material only
should be taken into account. The French have held
that land, sea and air forces are interdependent and a
reduction must consider all three; the United States

294 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

maintains the contrary. The French insisted, — and their
views were adopted by a majority, — that in considering
regional disarmament a region should be defined as a
continent plus those states having liberty of action at
sea, that is to say the whole world. The French also
maintained that any system of regional agreements for
limitation must depend upon a system of treaties of
mutual alliance in case of aggression. The Americans,
on the other hand, insisted that limitation would lead
to security and that regional disarmament is a logical
and practical forerunner of general disarmament. In
general the French contended that security must be guar-
anteed by some form of military assistance against aggres-
sion as a necessary condition precedent to the reduction
and limitation of armaments. The United States dele-
gation held that the cause of security would be promoted
through the reduction and limitation of armaments and
the elimination of ill will and suspicion which may be
expected to follow.

The discussions of the Preparatory Commission led to
the creation, in 1927, of a Sub-Committee on Arbitration
and Security, to consider measures capable of giving all
states guarantees of arbitration and security necessary
to enable them to fix the level of their armaments at
the lowest possible figures. The United States, although
invited, is not represented on this committee.

On February 10, 1927, the President of the United
States announced that he had invited France, Great
Britain, Italy, and Japan to empower their delegates to
the next meeting of the Preparatory Commission on Dis-
armament to negotiate agreements for the further limi-
tation of naval armaments, including classes of vessels
not covered by the Washington Naval Treaty. This invi-
tation was declined by France and Italy and accepted
by England and Japan.

REDUCTION OF ARMAMENTS 295

The Conference was held in the summer of 1927 but
adjourned without agreement. Behind the difficulty of
arriving at agreements on naval disarmaments lay the
whole question of the freedom of the seas. Senator Borah
has introduced a resolution in the United States Senate
calling for a re-statement of international law on this
point. An English naval expert, writing in Headway for
December, 1927, declares:

"There is only one way out of this difficulty. Not to stick
rigidly, as a private belligerent, to such claims as we were
making in 1918. Not to go back to the old American Freedom
of the Seas, immunity of private property from capture. But
to go forward to the new Freedom of the Seas such as Presi-
dent Wilson indicated in the second of his Fourteen Points.
The se§s should only be closed, in peace or in war, by inter-
national agreement for the enforcement of international
covenants."

The failure of the Conference led also to a general
questioning of the practical wisdom of the appointment
of naval officers to conferences designed to reduce the
power and prestige of navies. It was recognized that such
appointments in reality demanded of the same man the
performance of two contradictory tasks.

The Eighth Assembly of the League of Nations, meet-
ing on September 26, 1927, urged continued action in
regard to disarmament and the convening of a conference
on limitation and reduction of armaments as soon as
possible, and recommended "the progressive extension of
arbitration by means of special or collective agreements,
including agreements between States Members and non-
Members of the League of Nations, so as to extend to
all countries the mutual confidence essential to the com-
plete success of the Conference on the Limitation and
Reduction of Armaments."

Although no actual reduction of armaments has been

296 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

obtained through the work of disarmament conferences,
since the Washington Conference in 1921, they have
served to hold the attention of statesmen upon the prob-
lem of maintaining peace and have educated public
opinion to understand both the complexity of the prob-
lems involved and the necessity of finding a solution for
them. To recognize the progress that is being made, it is
only necessary to recall the fact that in 1907 it was
impossible to place the subject of disarmament upon the
agenda of the Second Hague Conference, while at the
meeting of the Preparatory Commission in 1928 a thor-
oughgoing plan for complete world disarmament was pre-
sented by Russia and discussed. The Russian plan called
for the disbanding of military personnel over a period
of four years; the destruction of land, sea and air arma-
ments ; disarmed war vessels and military airplanes would
be preserved for civil purposes. An international com-
mission of control would be established with committees
in each state. Each power would, within one year, enact
legislation providing "that a breach of any of the stipu-
lations of the convention shall be regarded as a grave
offense against the state." A somewhat similar disarma-
ment plan was presented to the League of Nations by
Norway in 1922.

In the meantime certain closely related questions con-
cerning the manufacture and sale of munitions are receiv-
ing attention. The United States in addition to its par-
ticipation in the work of the Preparatory Commission
has joined in three other movements under the auspices
of the League of Nations which are closely connected
with disarmament. These are the control of the traffic
in arms, the control of the private manufacture of arms
and the control of the use of poison gas in warfare.

With regard to the international traffic in arms, Article
23 of the Covenant of the League of Nations provides

REDUCTION OF ARMAMENTS 297

in part that "the members of the League will entrust
the League with the general supervision of the traffic
in arms and ammunition with the countries in which the
control of this traffic is necessary in the common interest."
As one result of the provisions of this article, the Con-
vention of St. Germain to prevent the exportation of
arms to certain defined areas inhabited by backward
peoples was drawn up and signed by 23 states. The
United States signed in September, 1919, but has not
ratified. The United States participated in a further
Conference for the Control of the International Trade
in Arms, Munitions, and Implements of War which met
at Geneva from May 4 to June 17, 1925. This Con-
ference drew up a convention which was signed at the
time by eighteen nations, and which is still before
the Foreign Relations Committee of the United States
Senate.

The Covenant of the League of Nations declares the
"manufacture by private enterprise of munitions and
implements of war is open to grave objections, " and
stipulates that:

"The Council shall advise how the evil effects attendant
upon such manufacture can be prevented, due regard being
had to the necessities of those Members of the League which
are not able to manufacture the munitions and implements of
war necessary for their safety."

A conference was held on this subject in the spring of
1927, but was without result. Upon the demand of the
Assembly of the League for continued effort, conferences
were resumed in August, 1928, at which the United States
demanded full publicity for both government and private
manufacture of arms. It was anticipated at the opening
of the conference that a convention would be drafted and
submitted to the 1928 Assembly.

In the United States various efforts have been made

298 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

to secure legislation "to take the profit out of war," but
these bills have so far not been favorably received, in
part because they have included conscription of labor
without effectively providing for eliminating financial
profits.

In December, 1927, Representative Theodore Burton
introduced in the lower House of Congress a joint reso-
lution to prohibit the exportation of arms, munitions, or
implements of war to belligerent nations. No action was
taken on this resolution.

Efforts to abolish certain forms of armaments have
been made since the Washington Conference. Upon the
initiative of the United States a treaty was negotiated
with Great Britain, Japan, France and Italy for the pro-
hibition of poison gas in warfare, but due to non-ratifica-
tion by France it did not go into effect. At the Inter-
national Conference on Traffic in Arms in 1925 the
United States delegation attempted to extend the prin-
ciples of this treaty to the whole world. In consequence,
the Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of
Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, commonly
known as the Geneva Gas Protocol, was drawn up at
Geneva in June, 1925. The United States Senate,
although it ratified the Washington Treaty of 1922, has
failed to ratify the Geneva Gas Protocol.

Recently, perhaps, the most hopeful sign has been the
reaction of the people of the United States to the disap-
pointing failure of the Coolidge Disarmament Conference
in 1927, expressed in active opposition to the adoption,
as a result of this failure, of any big navy program. A
general demand also arose in all countries, following the
negotiation of the Multilateral Treaty renouncing war,
for a renewed attack upon the disarmament problem.

CHAPTER XVII

PACIFISM AND THE ABSOLUTE PACIFIST

POSITION

Pacifism in a general sense is used to refer to the peace
movement as a whole and in that sense is the theme of
this entire book. In its stricter sense it is applied to
the doctrine of those who refuse to participate in war,
primarily for reasons of individual conscience but also
in the belief that such refusal is an effective method for
bringing about the abolition of war. In this more limited
meaning, pacifism calls for special discussion, since the
principles behind it are often not clearly understood
either by those outside of the peace movement or by those
within the peace movement who advocate other methods
of attacking war.

One of the clearest statements of the pacifist theory of
life in contrast with the militarist theory of life has
been given by Frederick J. Libby, Executive Secretary
of the National Council for Prevention of War:

"Militarism in the past two decades has come to mean, not
love of war, but reliance, solely or mainly, upon military force
for the achievement of a nation's security, peace, and economic
and political well being. Pacifism contrariwise means some-
thing much deeper than mere refusal to bear arms. It sig-
nifies reliance, solely or mainly, on spiritual forces such as
goodwill, public opinion and the sense of justice on which
all enduring governments rest, for the attainment of the same
ends of security, peace, and economic and political well being;
and it seeks these goods not for one nation at the expense of
others, nor even singly, but for all together."

299

300 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

By Dr. Charles E. Jefferson pacifism is described as
"one of the mightiest movements of our day."

"When you sneer at pacifism and pacifists," he says, "you
are showing that you are belated — you do not know what is
going on — you do not know in what direction the deepest
currents of human life are flowing. Pacifism is a philosophy,
a spirit, and a program. It is the philosophy of life which
places the major emphasis on moral influence rather than on
physical force. It is the spirit of goodwill, aiming to attain
its objects not by violence, but by gentleness. It is a program
in which the combatants in a dispute appeal to conscience and
reason and not to guns."

The theory that love is the strongest of the forces
available to man is very old. Prof. Clarence Marsh Case
in his recent book "Non- Violent Coercion," a very
valuable study of pacifism and to which this chapter is
much indebted, quotes the teachings of philosophers
before Christ. The founder of Taoism living in China
in the sixth century before Christ asserted the power of
meekness to conquer:

"He who excels as a warrior is not warlike.
He who excels as a fighter is not wrathful.
He who excels in conquering the enemy does not strive.
This is called the virtue of not-striving. This is called
utilizing men's ability. This is called complying with
heaven, — since olden times the high test."

The founder of Buddhism said:

"The whole world dreads violence. By love alone can we
conquer evil. Say no harsh words to thy neighbor; he will
reply to them in the same tone."

Marcus Aurelius, representing the Stoic philosophy,
urged men to "reflect that kindness is invincible provided
only it be genuine; that meekness and gentleness are more

PACIFISM 301

human and manly, and it is he who possesses these that
has strength, nerve, and bravery."

But these earlier teachers had in mind personal, rather
than group relationships. They did not carry their theory
through into state action, and their teachings never
resulted in any formal sect organized around the doctrine
of pacifism.

Christ emphasized, more than any other teacher, the
irresistible power of love and the duty of loving one's
enemies but neither is there in His teachings any clear
statement of the implications of this theory in the rela-
tion of the individual to the state. Jesus devoted him-
self, according to Doctor Case, "to opening up in the per-
sonal experience of men streams of motive which it was
assumed would reform social institutions by regenerating
the individual life. . . . Jesus and the writers of the
New Testament left not a doctrine to circumscribe but an
ideal to leaven the moral and social life of mankind."
Nevertheless, one by one the social institutions not com-
patible with the ideals of the Christian doctrine have been
discarded by society — slavery, autocratic government, the
bondage of women; and though he made no pronounce-
ment on the subject of war, Christians in the very early
days refused to, participate in war, and endured martyr-
dom rather than bear arms against their fellow men.
The chapter on the "Church and Peace" shows the early
church for more than two centuries condemning war.

In the 14th century, there developed a conscious effort
to extend the teachings of Christ from the dealings of
man with man to all social relationships. Its beginnings
can be traced in the activities of the Bohemian Brethren
and later among the Anabaptists, Mennonites and Dun-
kers. Among these groups, however, the general rule was
non-participation in all state affairs. The Mennonites
did not permit their members to accept even civil offices

302 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

which involved in their duties a violation of the principle
of nonresistance. It remained for the Quakers to bring
the effort to apply Christian teachings to state practices
to full expression in William Penn's "Holy Experiment"
in peaceful government in Pennsylvania. The Quaker
demand was that Christians live, and that Christian states
conduct their affairs in harmony with Christ's teach-
ings. If this were done, the occasion for wars, they held,
would be done away with. In "Quakerism and Politics/'
Isaac Sharpless asserts that the Quakers stopped at war
because they believed that "the hatred, the killing, the
stealing and all the immoralities which cluster around
war were wrong in themselves, and could not be justified
by the results gained, or the supposed inadequacy of
right means to meet the situation."

But it was not until the World War that there were
non-religious groups organized on the basis of refusal to
participate in war. In this country there are now three
groups outside the churches which refuse to take any
part in war. They are the Women's Peace Union, the
Women's Peace Society, and the Fellowship of Recon-
ciliation. The first two are the only groups which
require a membership pledge, never "to aid in or sanc-
tion war, offensive or defensive, international or civil, in
any way."

The Women's Peace Union is attempting to secure the
adoption of the following constitutional amendment :

"War for any purpose shall be illegal, and neither the United
States nor any State, Territory, association, or person subject
to its jurisdiction shall prepare for, declare, engage in, or
carry on war or other armed conflict, expedition, invasion, or
undertaking within or without the United States, nor shall any
funds be raised, appropriated, or expended for such purpose."

The underlying principle of the Women's Peace Society
is "A belief in the sacredness and inviolability of human

PACIFISM 303

life under all circumstances." It carries at the top of its
letterhead a statement from William Lloyd Garrison:

"Non-resistance is not a state of passivity. On the con-
trary, it is a state of activity, ever fighting the good fight of
faith, ever foremost to assail unjust power, ever struggling
for liberty, equality, fraternity, in no national sense, but in
a world-wide spirit. It is passive only in this sense, — that it
will not return evil for evil, nor give blow for blow, nor resort
to murderous weapons for protection or defense."

The Fellowship of Reconciliation, though not sectarian,
is a religious organization. It requires no pledge of its
members, but a statement of purpose, and its program is
wider than opposition to war. It is

"A world-wide group of people of many races who feel called
to seek with others such fundamental changes in the spirit of
men and in the structure of the social order as shall make
possible the full expression of love (as rendered in the teach-
ings of Jesus) in personal, social, industrial, national and
international life."

In England the number of men and women who have
announced their refusal to take any part in war is much
larger than in the United States. One hyndred and
twenty-eight thousand have signed what is known as the
"Peace Letter" written and distributed by a member of
Parliament, Arthur Ponsonby, and addressed to the Prime
Minister. The letter reads :

"We, the undersigned, convinced that all disputes between
nations are capable of settlement either by diplomatic nego-
tiation or by some form of international arbitration, hereby
solemnly declare that we shall refuse to support or render war
service to any Government which resorts to arms."

The fact that opposition to war has received vigorous
expression in England may be due in part to the tradi-

304 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

tional refusal of the Englishman to submit to government
dictation, but it is more likely due, as Mr. Ponsonby
maintains, to the clear evidence which all living English-
men have had of the futility of war. Mr. Ponsonby, who
is not himself a pacifist in the sense that he would refuse
under any condition to take human life, bases his appeal
for opposition to war upon its futility in the modern
world, and quotes the phrase of the French peasant
woman as she looked over her patch of field torn up in
shell holes, "Comme c'est bete, la guerre!"

A peace letter campaign in the western part of Ger-
many secured in three months one hundred and thirty-
seven thousand signatures to a letter similar to the one
circulated in England.

In France and Germany active branches of the "No
More War" or "War Resisters" groups have been influ-
ential in bringing about friendlier relations between those
two countries.

Certain of the absolute pacifist organizations have
united in forming the War Resisters International, which
now announces affiliated branches in 19 countries and
meets in annual conferences. Behind all of these organi-
zations is a sustaining moral conviction, which during
the War enabled many of their members to endure per-
secution and extreme suffering, that war is wrong. By
others war is attacked on economic and rational grounds,
but by the absolute pacifist it is condemned on moral
grounds as well.

Pacifist sects in the past and pacifist organizations
today have made it clear that their refusal to participate
in war is not incompatible with other service to the state.
Such excellent citizens were the Mennonites that gov-
ernments offered them inducements to come and settle
in their territory. The attitude of the Quakers toward
the state is shown in this statement in a report of a

PACIFISM 305

Conference of All Friends quoted in "Non- Violent
Coercion" :

"We feel that the state in giving true service may well
demand a loyal response, which the individual will gladly
render. There may come, however, a point beyond which the
claims of the state do not carry, where the enlightened con-
science cannot bow to its commands, and where the individual
gives the best service to the state by refusing to obey that
which violates the august authority of conscience. This does
not imply disregard of the state or free us from the obligation
of service to it. This obligation we gladly and freely recog-
nize, and it is of the greatest importance that we should make
our policy positive, practical and helpful, not merely obstruc-
tive and negative."

This theory of a limitation to the authority of the state,
and of what an individual's most valuable contribution
to the state is, is upheld by Professor Harold J. Lasky in
his book, "Authority in the Modern State" :

"The only way the state can truly prosper is by sweeping
into itself the active assistance of mind and conscience; and
it will succeed in that effort only in so far as it respects them.
Whatever, therefore, concerns the conscience of man, whatever
brings its activity into operation, must, for the state, be
sacred ground. . . .

"We dare not, in brief, surrender the individual conscience.
Only upon its continuous exercise can our state be securely
founded."

In asking for signatures of Englishmen to the letter
referred to above, Mr. Ponsonby said:

"Men and women who sign the Peace Letter are simply
declaring that for the good of their country and for the well-
being of their fellowmen all the world over and for the pro-
tection of civilization they refuse to take any part in attempt-
ing to settle a dispute with another nation by means of
massacre and devastation."

306 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Lord Robert Cecil, as a member of the British Govern-
ment, considering the relation of pacifism and patriot-
ism, declared that it is

"Essential to create in the breasts of patriots a new purpose
of patriotism, namely, to excel in the work of peace and in
the prosperity of their own nation through the prosperity of
humanity at large."

The right of the individual to follow the dictates of his
religion, if not of his conscience, was recognized by the
United States Government in the draft law, which
exempted members of well-recognized religious sects
whose creeds forbade their members to participate in
war.

The National Defense Act, in so far as combatant
service goes, makes exemptions on the ground of religious
belief rather than membership in a religious sect, but
exempts no one on either ground from such service as
the President shall declare to be non-combatant.

The following letter from the Department of State,
written since the war, October 22, 1926, to Roger N.
Baldwin, director of the American Civil Liberties Union,
seems to go somewhat further than either of these laws in
the recognition of a citizen's right not to violate his
conscience in the matter of bearing arms and the kind
of service he performs for his country, without bringing
his loyalty into question:

"The Department acknowledges the receipt of your letter
of October 4, 1926, in which you state that you are wholly
opposed to bearing arms for any purpose and that before
making application for a passport you desire to be advised
whether the words "support and defend the Constitution"
means the bearing of arms or the supporting of war. . . .

"You are informed in reply that the Department does not
construe an oath or affirmation of allegiance prescribed by the
passport regulations as necessarily involving physical defense

PACIFISM 307

of the Constitution and consequently does not perceive any
good reason why non-resistants should decline to accept it,
especially as it is administered to women and to children old
enough to understand its nature. However, if you have con-
scientious scruples against taking the oath as it stands, the
Department will consider the matter of issuing a passport to
you if you will file formal application for such a document
supported by an oath or affirmation of allegiance to the Con-
stitution in the following form:

"Further, I do solemnly affirm that I will support the
Constitution of the United States and will, so far as my
conscience will allow, defend it against all enemies, foreign
and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance
to the same; and that I take this obligation freely with-
out any mental reservations or purpose of evasion. So
help me God."

Non-participation in war is the phase of the absolute
pacifist doctrine which has received chief emphasis in
public discussion. Recently, however, there has been
criticism in some instances by absolute pacifists them-
selves of exclusive emphasis on conscientious objection
as the important part of the pacifist program. Harold C.
Goddard declares that "to rely on the absence of armed
force is just as materialistic as to rely on its presence.
The things to rely on are national goodwill, national
imagination, national self-control. The things to fear
are national greed, national ignorance, . and national
passion."

In the May, 1928, issue of the ''Messenger of Peace,"
published by the Peace Association of Friends in America,
Richard R. Wood urges the pacifist to do more than
refuse to participate in war, and says that for the solution
of the problems of peace the conscientious objector is
likely to be inadequate because "absorbed in considering
what his attitude is to be in case of another war. . . ."

308 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"In the present generation the one supreme task is the pre-
vention of war. The alternative is destruction. To waste
time and energy in arguing about what to do in case war
comes seems almost criminal in its futility. For this reason
the policies and plans for action that cluster around the
initials 'CO.' are inadequate.

"The problem is two-fold. As Erasmus said, "Where God is
not, Peace cannot come; where Peace is not, God cannot
come., The philosophy and program of conscientious objec-
tion is at most only one-half of the whole."

The great value of pacifism in the effort to abolish
war may yet be found to lie in something other than its
efficacy as a direct instrument. It is above all else an ex-
pression of the conviction — a conviction which is daily
strengthened by a growing knowledge of the nature of
the universe and of time, and by a closer insight into the
teachings of philosophy and of religion — that the end can
never justify the means.' In the light of that convic-
tion, war cannot persist.

CHAPTER XVIII

THE MILITARY POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES

PAST AND PRESENT

The full significance of the present military policy of
the United States can be properly understood only in
connection with the history of our military establishment.
The men who founded the United States of America
definitely placed the military under the control of civilian
authority. The Articles of the Constitution and the com-
ments of early leaders leave no doubt of the importance
to them of this arrangement.

In Article I of the Constitution, Congress alone was
given power to declare war. The constitutional provision
in Article II that the President should be Commander-
in-Chief of the Army and Navy was designed as a
fundamental check to the control of the government by
any autocratic military party. The further constitutional
provision that

"The Congress shall have power to raise and support armies,
but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a
longer term than two years,"

was repeatedly cited in the early days to prove that even
Congress did not have power to establish a permanent
standing army. It gave the people frequent opportunity
through their control of the membership of Congress to
prevent the creation of a strong military machine by a
group in temporary control of the government.

In giving Congress the power to call forth the militia

309

310 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the Constitution specified the purposes for which it
should be called forth, "to execute the laws of the Union,
to suppress insurrection and to repel invasions.,, In
another connection, Abraham Lincoln said of this con-
stitutional caution in regard to the war-making power,
in a letter to William H. Herndon, dated February 18,
1846:

'The provision of the Constitution giving the general war-
making power to Congress was dictated, as I understand it,
by the following reasons: Kings had always been involving
and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally,
if not always, that the good of the people was the object.
This our convention understood to be the most oppressive of
all kingly oppressions, and they resolved to so frame the Con-
stitution that no man should hold the power of bringing this
oppression to us. ..."

The traditional close association of military power with
autocratic forms of government led to steady opposition,
in the early Congresses, to any suggestion for the estab-
lishment of a standing army and even to the appointment
of a Secretary of War in times of peace.

When in 1783 a motion was made in the Continental
Congress to create a land establishment of a few hundred
men, it is stated by McMaster in his "History of the
People of the United States," that

"The opponents of the measure, waiving all question of the
need of troops, vehemently dpnied the right of Congress to
levy them. No one, it was said, pretended to deny that the
delegates of the States in Congress assembled had the right
to raise troops in time of war. But it* was far from clear that
this authority could be construed into a right to make requisi-
tions on the States for a land-force in times of peace. To say
that the number was small, only eight hundred and ninety-six
men, and the time limited to three years, was no defence. If
the law could be interpreted to justify a requisition for a small

MILITARY POLICY 311

number of men for a short time, what was there in it to forbid
a requisition for a great number of men for an unlimited time?
This was simply taking away the power of the States to delib-
erate on the matter and leaving them but the duty of obeying.
. . . The history of Greece, the history of Rome, and the
history of England were then ransacked for examples of the
ills of a standing army, and the conclusion reached that noth-
ing but sophistry or Toryism could reconcile any army in time
of peace with republican principles. . . .

"Such was the persistency with which these objections were
urged that Congress was soon as divided in opinion as the
people. Motion after motion was brought forward to create a
land force, and as often lost. ... A week later, the few troops
in the service of Congress were disbanded. Eighty men, were,
however, retained. . . . The army having no longer any exist-
ence, the office of Secretary of War was left vacant."

Madison, in defence of the constitutional provisions
"to raise and support armies," said in the Federalist:

"No less true is it, that the liberties of Rome proved the
final victim to her military triumphs; and that the liberties
of Europe, so far as they ever existed, have, with few excep-
tions, been the price of the military establishments. A standing
force, therefore, is a dangerous, at the same time that it may
be a necessary, provision. On the smallest scale it has its
inconveniences. On an extensive scale its consequences may
be fatal. On any scale it is an object of laudable circumspec-
tion and precaution. A wise nation will combine all these
considerations; and whilst it does not rashly preclude itself
from any resource which may become essential to its safety,
will exert all its prudence in diminishing both the necessity
and the danger of resorting to one which may be inauspicious
to its liberties. . . .

"Next to the effectual establishment of the Union the best
possible precaution against danger from standing armies is a
limitation of the terms for which revenue may be appropriated
for their support. This precaution the Constitution has pru-
dently added."

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The "Journals" of William McClay which, according to
Professor Charles A. Beard who has edited them, are one
of the few documents reflecting the political events of
the years 1789-91, contain illuminating comments on the
early effort to subordinate the military power in the
organization of this government. Their author was#a
Senator from Pennsylvania in the first Congress and is
recognized as the forerunner in Congress of the Jefferson
party. The closeness of the votes on the measures
which McClay opposed during this formative period,
indicates that the point of view expressed in these ex-
tracts from his "Journal" was not merely personal:

"March 30th, 1790. ... The bill for the military establish-
ment took up the rest of the day in desultory debate, and was
finally committed to seven members. This bill seems laying
the foundation of a standing army. The justifiable reasons
for using force seem to be the enforcing of laws, quelling insur-
rections, and repelling invasions. The Constitution directs
all these to be done by militia. Should the United States,
unfortunately, be involved in war, an army for the annoyance
of an enemy in their own .country (as the most effective mode
of keeping the calamity at a distance and enforcing an
adversary to terms) will be necessary. This seems the mean-
ing of the Constitution, and that no troops should be kept up
in peace. This bill certainly aims at different objects. The
first error seems to have been the appointing of a Secretary
of War when we were at peace, and now we must find troops
lest his office should run out of employment.

"April 15th, 1790. ... I have opposed this bill hitherto as
often as it has been before the House as the foundation, the
corner-stone of a standing army. The troops are augmented
one-half. The reasons hitherto given have been the distressed
state of Georgia. Butler has blazed away on this subject at a
great rate; declared over and over that Georgia would seek
protection elsewhere if troops were not sent to support her,
etc., etc., and said fifty Indians had penetrated into that State,

MILITARY POLICY 313

of which he had authentic information, etc. . . . This brought
up Colonel Gunn. He declared he knew nothing of fifty
Indians making any inroads into Georgia. He was just from
there, and had the latest accounts. There existed no cause
in Georgia for augmenting the troops ; and since that was the
reason assigned for it, he should vote against it.

"April 16th, 1790. . . * New phantoms for the day must be
created. Now a dangerous and dreadful conspirator is dis-
covered to be carrying on between the people of Kentucky
and the Spaniards. . . .

"February 4th, 1791, Friday. . . . This day we had a large
report from the Secretary of State transmitted to us from the
House of Representatives respecting the fisheries of New
England. The great object seems to be the making of them a
nursery for seamen, that we, like all the nations of the earth,
may have a navy. We hear every day distant hints of such
things as these; in fact, it seems we must soon forego our
republican innocence, and, like all other nations, set apart a
portion of our citizens for the purpose of inflicting misery on
our fellow-mortals. This practice is felony to posterity. The
men so devoted are not only cut off, but a proportionate share
of women remain unmatched. Had the sums expended in war
been laid out in meliorating the kingdom of England, or any
other modern Government, what delightful abodes might they
have been made; whereas war only leaves traces of desolation."

Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, Hamilton, all alike
bore testimony to this feeling of the people that large
armies were antagonistic to the principles of democratic
government. To Franklin they were "expensive machines
to be maintained for the pomp of princes and the wealth
of ancient states." Washington believed that "Over-
grown military establishments are, under any form of
government, inauspicious to liberty, and are to be
regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty."
Jefferson said: "I am not for a standing army in time of
peace, which may overawe the public sentiment, the good

314 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

sense of the people will always be found to be the best
army"; and again, "The spirit of this country is totally
adverse to a large military force." Hamilton, arguing
for the adoption of the Constitution, wrote in the
Federalist: "The smallness of the army renders the
national strength of the community an over-match for it;
and the citizens, not habituated to look up to the mili-
tary power for protection, or to submit to its oppressions,
neither love nor fear the soldiery ; they view them with a
spirit of jealous acquiescence as a necessary evil, and
stand ready to resist a power which they suppose may
be exerted to the prejudice of their rights."

The traditional opposition to all things military was a
controlling influence in the development of our govern-
ment policy until the Civil War, and, in large part
because of the attitude of Lincoln, held through that
period and without serious impairment up to the World
War. Before the Civil War the size of the army ranged
from 5,000 to 17,000; between the Civil War and the
Spanish- American War it averaged about 27,000; in the
years following the Spanish-American War it grew to
70,000. In the "Military Policy of the United States,"
published as late as 1912 by the Government Printing
Office, Major General Emory Upton refers to "the Anglo-
Saxon prejudice" against "standing armies as a dan-
gerous menace to liberty," and says:

"Whether we may be willing to admit it or not, in
the conduct of war, we have rejected the practice of European
nations and, with little variation, have thus far pursued the
policy of China."

Francis Lieber, author of General Order No. 100, issued
for the conduct of the armies in 1863, wrote:

"Standing armies are not only dangerous to civil liberty
because directly depending upon the executive. They have

MILITARY POLICY 315

the additional evil effect that they infuse into the whole
nation — especially when they are national armies, so that the
old soldiers return continually to the people — a spirit directly
opposed to that of a free people devoted to self-government.
A nation of freemen stand in need of a pervading spirit of
obedience to the laws; an army teaches and must teach a
spirit of prompt obedience to orders. Habits of obedience
and of contempt for the citizen are produced, and a view of
government is induced which is contrary to liberty, self-
reliance, self-government. Command ought to rule in an
army; self-development of law and self-sustaining order
ought to pervade a free people."

During and since the World War, owing in part to the
military interpretation of the events of the war and to the
influence of the European military systems with which
many of our military men for the first time came in direct
contact, there has been a fairly constant effort to secure
legislation reversing this traditional policy, and to bring
about instead the adoption of compulsory military serv-
ice.

The adoption in 1916 and the amendment in 1920 of
the National Defense Act, regarded by the military offi-
cials as the next best thing to universal compulsory mili-
tary service, changed the military establishment of the
United States in several fundamental respects. The
amendments adopted in 1920 included the provision
under which military training is being introduced into
our educational institutions. The vote on this amend-
ment to the act in the House of Representatives was
237 for, 107 against and 83 not voting. There was no
record vote taken in the Senate.

A persistent campaign during this same period for a
big navy met with strong opposition from Congressional
leaders, and when the 1916 program was adopted, it was
accompanied by this declaration:

316 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"It is hereby declared to be the policy of the United States
to adjust and settle its international disputes through media-
tion or arbitration, to the end that war may be honorably
avoided. It looks with apprehension and disfavor upon a
general increase of armament throughout the world, but it
realizes that no single nation can disarm, and that without a
common agreement upon the subject every considerable power
must maintain a relative standing in military strength. . . .

"If at any time before the construction authorized by this
Act shall have been contracted for there shall have been estab-
lished, with the cooperation of the United States of America,
an international tribunal or tribunals competent to secure
peaceful determinations of all international disputes, and
which shall render unnecessary the maintenance of competi-
tive armaments, then and in that case such naval expenditures
as may be inconsistent with the engagements made in the
establishment of such tribunal or tribunals may be suspended,
when so ordered by the President of the United States. . . ."

The vigorous support of the limitation of arms con-
ference in 1921 and the public veto put upon the "big
navy" program proposed to Congress in the spring of
1928, demonstrated the opposition on the part of the
people of the United States to the initiation of a naval
race with any other nation. An increased naval program
does not, however, carry with it the same power to influ-
ence the psychology of the nation as does a program for
general military training. The danger of a big navy is
rather in its effect on other nations and in the temptation
it offers a government to adopt a policy of aggression.
These dangers are also more readily recognized than are
those of a steadily growing military-training program and
consequently more easily met.

The early determination to keep the United States a
non-military nation in the interest of establishing a
republican form of government should be borne in mind
in considering the following facts of the country's present

MILITARY POLICY 317

military establishment as it is developing under the
National Defense Act.

The National Defense Act authorizes a regular army of
19,100 officers and 280,000 enlisted men. The actual
strength of the army is, however, under the Constitution,
controlled by Congress through appropriations for two
years. On October 31, 1927, the regular army was com-
posed of 118,597 enlisted men and 11,784 commissioned
officers.

Speaking before the House of Representatives on Feb-
ruary 3, 1928, on the Army Appropriation Bill, Repre-
sentative Ross Collins of Mississippi called the attention
of the House to the fact that the actual strength of the
army was far in excess of these figures. Including the
highly efficient National Guard, with the Organized Re-
serves and R. O. T. C. and the large numbers trained in
the Citizens' Military Training Camps, Mr. Collins as-
serted "we are face to face with the fact that we have a
military establishment of over 600,000 men and its gain
over 1927 will be in excess of 22,000 officers and men."
He continued, commenting on these numbers:

"I hope members of Congress will carefully consider these
statements. I think it is necessary that they do so; otherwise
a military sentiment will soon grow up in our Republic, whose
power and influence will be too large to cope with, a sentiment
not in keeping with American traditions and ideals."

The state militia is brought by the National Defense
Act more closely than ever before under federal control.
Under its terms the "militia" is divided into the "organ-
ized militia/9 now known as the National Guard, and the
"unorganized militia/' consisting of all the male popula-
tion between the ages of 18 and 45. The country is
divided on a basis of military population into corps areas,
each containing at least one division of the National

318 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Guard. The members of the National Guard who were
previously paid from state funds, as members of the state
militia, are now paid by the War Department, which also
supplies them with armament, equipment and uniforms.
The instruction of the National Guard is prescribed by
the Secretary of War and its discipline is made to conform
with that of the regular army. The Adjutant General in
each state and territory is appointed by the governor sub-
ject to the approval of the Secretary of War and he
reports to the Secretary of War.

By providing that the President may "draft into the
military service of the United States" any or all members
of the National Guard whenever Congress authorizes the
use of armed forces in excess of the regular army, the
National Defense Act, in contrast to earlier limitation of
the purposes for which the militia could be employed,
places the members of the militia on the same footing
as the regular national forces.

The- Act authorizes a National Guard strength of
435,000. The appropriation bill passed in 1928 allowed
for 188,000 men. Army officers have already announced
that in 1929 the program will be for 190,000 and that
immediately after that they will seek to increase the num-
ber to 210,521. Forty-eight drills a year are provided
for these troops and fifteen days of intensive training in
camp. The per capita cost of members of the guard to
the Federal government is given at $175.53 but actually,
according to calculations of members of the Military Af-
fairs Committee of the House, if the pay of army officers
detailed to National Guard work and the supplies issued
are included, it is nearer $500 for each man.

In order that there may be trained officers ready to take
command of the militia, the National Defense Act estab-
lishes'an Officers' Reserve Corps, and that there may be a
source of supply for the Officers' Reserve Corps, provides

MILITARY POLICY 319

for a Reserve Officers' Training Corps, commonly known
as the R. 0. T. C. and for Citizens' Military Training
Camps, or C. M. T. C. In order to secure the necessary
supplies as well as man power for the army, the National
Defense Act provides also for the mobilization of indus-
try under an Assistant Secretary of War. The develop-
ment of the R. 0. T. C. and the mobilization of industry
campaign are not under such direct control by Congress,
as are the size of the Regular Army and the National
Guard, for appropriations made for these activities can
be supplemented by the Department from its other funds
and no stipulation is made as to the number of officers
assigned to this branch of the service or as to the supplies
and equipment distributed.

Before the introduction of R. 0. T. C. units, the only
courses in military training, except those in military
schools, were the courses offered in the so-called Land
Grant Colleges. Under the law covering the Land Grant
Colleges, known as the Morrill Land Grant Act, which
was passed in 1862, military training courses must be pro-
vided by such colleges, though they need not be com-
pulsory. The States received for the establishment and
maintenance of these institutions an allotment of land
from the Federal government. The original Morrill Land
Grant bill granting this educational aid to the States,
which passed both houses of Congress in 1859, contained
no provision for military training. This first bill was,
however, vetoed by President Buchanan, for reasons of
economy and on the question of the constitutional right
of Congress to dispose of public lands for educational
purposes. The veto had nothing to do with the question
of military training in the colleges. In 1862, a war year,
the bill was reintroduced and the clause, "including mili-
tary tactics," was inserted parenthetically by the Senate.
The act provides in brief for the

320 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"Maintenance of at least one college where the object shall
be, without excluding scientific and classical studies, and
including military tactics, to teach such branches of learning
as are related to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in such
manner as the legislatures of the states may respectively pre-
scribe, in order to promote the liberal and practical education
of the industrial classes in the several pursuits%and professions
in life."

In 1923 the act was officially interpreted to mean that
the courses need not be compulsory. This decision was
rendered when the War Department protested against the
action of the University of Wisconsin, a Land Grant insti-
tution, in changing its military training from a com-
pulsory to an elective course. The Secretary of the
Interior, whose responsibility it is to see that the Land
Grant Colleges live up to the obligations of the Morrill
Act, replied to the protest:

". . . . According to the Act approved July 2nd, 1862 (the
Morrill Land Grant Act), it is clear that the branches of
instruction, which include military tactics, are to be taught
'in such manner as the legislatures of the States may respec-
tively prescribe. . . J

"Instruction in military tactics is obviously a requirement
on the States as are the other branches which are mentioned.
It does not appear, however, from the Federal legislation that
instruction in military tactics is any more obligatory on the
individual student than is instruction in agriculture or
mechanic arts."

In a letter to Mr. Walter C. Longstreth, May 14, 1927,
the Secretary of the Interior further said:

"A Land-Grant College, by changing its course in military
training from a compulsory to an elective course, would not
suffer any diminution in the appropriations that it now
receives from the United States Government under any of the
Acts of Congress providing aid for such institutions. . . ."

MILITARY POLICY 321

The creation of the R. 0. T. C. greatly extended mili-
tary training in universities and colleges and introduced
it for the first time into the public high schools of the
United States. The junior branch of the R. 0. T. C. is
organized in high schools and similar educational institu-
tions and gives to boys of fourteen or over who are
"physically fit" a three-year course in military drill and
tactics.

The importance from the military man's point of
view of the Junior R. 0. T. C. is indicated in this state-
ment by Major William Faller Edwards in the Infantry
Journal for October, 1924: "The high school boy in his
sophomore year is in his most plastic and enthusiastic
stage. He is at the age of hero worship and idealism,
unblighted by the cynicism of later youth. Once fairly
launched upon enthusiasm for the R. 0. T. C, he will
most certainly continue it, either at college or elsewhere."

The senior branch of the R. 0. T. C. is organized in
colleges and includes two courses, the basic course cover-
ing the first two years and an advanced course covering
the last two years. The classes may be in infantry,
artillery, cavalry, medical or other army corps work.
Naval R. 0. T. C. units were authorized by Congress in
1925 and have been established in some of the large
universities. Air units also are now organized at a few
of the larger institutions.

No institution other than the Land Grant Colleges is
compelled to introduce any military course, and any insti-
tution which does introduce such a course may make it
elective or compulsory as it sees fit. To secure the intro-
duction of R. 0. T. C. courses and to secure attendance
at the C. M. T. C's., the War Department is therefore
confronted with the necessity of popularizing military
training.

In November, 1922, the Secretary of War summoned a

322 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

group of college and school officials and leaders of boys'
activities to meet in Washington for a conference with
army officers. The reason for calling such a conference
was indicated by the Secretary of War in his opening and
closing addresses, in which he said:

"The War Department finds itself in a peculiar dilemma.
While the Federal government is responsible for national
defense, for the raising and maintenance of armies and a navy,
the physical, moral and mental education of our youth is
reserved to the States and to the people. The Federal gov-
ernment finds itself with a large responsibility, but with no
jurisdiction over the fundamental factors upon which success
ultimately depends. . . ."

• • • •

"If the War Department had the appropriations available
for the purpose (promoting a military training program) and
were to undertake to do this by itself, criticism would at once
be raised that we were doing it entirely for military purposes.
Hence, it is necessary for you and others who may be drawn
into this matter to work and even to take the lead in making
examinations and reports on which future action must be
based. We must be practical in this world."

As an inducement to introduce military training
courses, the War Department is able to offer a school or
college a notable increase in its equipment and its faculty,
at the expense of the Federal government. The equip-
ment occasionally reaches a value of as much as half a
million dollars. All students receive uniforms, and those
in the advanced course of the senior branch covering the
last two college years are granted a cash allotment as
commutation of subsistence amounting on an average to
$200 for the two years. In addition, students receive
mileage and advanced students approximately 75 cents a
day for attendance at summer camps, or for participation
in naval cruises. These opportunities to earn and to save

MILITARY POLICY 323

money as well as other attractive features, such as the
free use of polo ponies, state rifle matches, and camping
expeditions, are advertised by the colleges in their
catalogues.

The colleges on their part agree that their students shall
devote to these courses a minimum of three academic
hours a week for the first two years and five academic
hours a week for the last two years; that the courses shall
be two-year courses and such as are prescribed by the
Secretary of War; that for students entering either of
these courses their completion will be necessary for
graduation. The advanced course counts toward credit
for graduation, the amount of credits to be determined
by the college authorities. Students having had military
training in a high school R. 0. T. C. are not excused from
the basic course in college. Boys taking military training
in high school and college therefore have a seven-year
course in it. The president of a college binds himself
in the contract "to promote and further the object for
which the training corps is organized," an agreement
easily interpreted by officers of the R. 0. T. C. to justify
protests against any member of the faculty whose teach-
ings are not in complete harmony with the R. 0. T. C.
program.

The character of the courses given in the various
R. 0. T. C. units is determined by the Secretary of War,
who is authorized by the National Defense Act "to pre-
scribe standard courses in theoretical and practical mili-
tary training.,, The claim is frequently made for the
courses that they train students for citizenship, but from
the above provision in the act it is apparent that such
training can be given only in so far as courses in
theoretical and practical military training supply it. The
Secretary of War in 1921 explained that "the Reserve
Officers' Training Corps has a more definite mission than

324 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

was anticipated at the time of its inception. It was pro-
posed then to prepare young men for an undefined service
in the event of an emergency. It is proposed now, under
the new law, to prepare young men to be officers in a
definitely organized Citizen Army." The object of the
course is variously stated. The students themselves in
R. 0. T. C. manuals are told that "success in battle,
whether attack or defense, is the aim of all military train-
ing. Everything that you have studied in this course, and
everything that you will study in your further course of
military training, has that great end in view — success in
battle, or victory." In a manual addressed to fathers and
mothers the purpose is stated to be "Not to make soldiers
out of your boys, but to develop them physically, morally
and mentally into the best type of citizens, capable of
defending our flag should an emergency arise."

Graduates of R. O. T. C. courses are available for com-
missions in the Reserve Officers' Corps and practically all
graduates receive commissions. The total enrollment in
military training courses in schools and colleges for the
school year 1926-27 was 108,957. Of this number 70,809
students were in colleges and 38,148 in high schools and
military schools. The number of educational institutions
offering courses was 223, the schools of a given city being
counted as one.

Attendance at a Citizens' Military Training Camp for
four seasons also makes a man eligible for a commission
in the Reserve Officers' Corps. A link is created between
military training camps and educational institutions by
scholarships and credits. The Military Training Camp
Association in 1925 sent a letter to the presidents of col-
leges and universities urging them to offer scholarships
to the foremost young men at the nearest camps. The
same letter called attention to the fact that "many State
Boards of Education have already authorized high school

MILITARY POLICY 325

credit for attendance at a Citizens' Military Training
Camp."

In 1927, 38,597 men and boys were trained at these
camps. According to the testimony of officers in charge
of this branch of the service, it is hoped ultimately to
provide for training 100,000, and to reach 60,000 by 1930
or 1931.

Citizens are also given a training useful to the army
and brought into sympathetic touch with military affairs,
through the civilian clubs of the National Rifle Associa-
tion and the national rifle matches held each two years.
In the speech of Representative Collins in the Lower
House referred to above, the cost of these rifle matches is
put at a million dollars. In the 1927 report of the Secre-
tary of War the following statement appears in regard to
this particular activity of the army:

"Assistance to the National Rifle Association, civilian rifle
clubs, and schools was continued during the year. Every ef-
fort is being made to encourage organizations interested in
rifle shooting and to withdraw assistance from those not mak-
ing proper use of the facilities furnished by the War Depart-
ment."

The War Department is finding an opportunity for
popularizing the Reserve Officers' Corps among the mem-
bers of boys' organizations. Army officers are encouraged
to act as scout masters in the Boy Scout troops as a means
of interesting the civilian population in the military
establishment. Scout troops are entertained at army
camps and are reviewed by high ranking officers. The
practice has also been started of having American Legion
posts adopt Boy Scout troops.

Arguments against military training in schools and
colleges are compiled at length in the publications of the
Committee on Militarism in Education and other groups.

326 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

In 1926 Winthrop D. Lane published a study of the
present extent and effect of military training in schools
and colleges of the United States, which was presented
to the public by a notable group of men and women,
among them Dr. John Dewey, Senator William E. Borah,
Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, Dr.
Francis E. Clark, Zona Gale, Dr. Henry M. McCracken,
Dr. Mary E. Woolley, Dr. Charles Clayton Morrison,
George Foster Peabody, and Francis B. Sayre. These
sponsors of the pamphlet urged not only thoughtful
consideration of its statements but "action to secure to
American youth such educational influences as will make
unequivocally for peace."

Military training from the point of view of its effect
upon the individual student is condemned by many edu-
cators and by students themselves. In March, 1926,
1,783 students at Cornell, out of the student body of
2,074, signed a petition that military training be made
optional. A vote among the students of Ohio University
showed 1,330 against military training and 465 for it. In
compliance with the desires of the students the Univer-
sity of Wisconsin, Pomona College, Boston University,
and The College of the City of New York have been
added to the forty some universities in which courses in
military training are optional. Columbia University and
the University of North Carolina have abolished military
training.

Aside from the fact that only students "physically fit"
are admitted to military training courses and therefore
these courses cannot benefit those most in need, the claim
that military training is physically beneficial to students
is denied by experts in physical education and by army
men themselves. Lieut. Colonel Herman J. Koehler, who
was in charge of the physical training of officers' training
camps during the war, says:

MILITARY POLICY 327

"The use of the musket as a means of physical development
for any one, be he man or boy, is more than worthless. It is,
in my opinion, positively injurious. I deny absolutely that
military drill contains one worthy feature which cannot be
duplicated in every well-regulated gymnasium in the country
today. A thorough physical training develops all the neces-
sary soldierly qualities to the greatest degree and does it
without injury. If we have athletes, we shall never be
without soldiers."

Military training as far as the development of character
goes is also condemned by educators as tending to con-
tradict the whole modern theory of education for self-
discipline and self-government.

Winfred Ernest Garrison, Professor in the University
of Chicago, enlarged upon this point in an article in the
Christian Century:

"Military discipline for boys, just in the proportion in
which it succeeds in accomplishing the only thing that it can
be reasonably expected to accomplish, conceals its deeper
failure. Highly specialized 'obedience, promptness, and
orderliness' under highly artificial conditions make a beautiful
impression — while those conditions last. The boy learns the
proper reaction to the military stimuli which cover his day
from reveille to taps. How can anyone tell what he is thinking
about inside? How can one judge of his possession or lack of
the qualities which will make him an acceptable member of
normal society? The teacher-officer is in the position of a
physician trying to make a diagnosis of a patient encased in
armor. . . .

"The development of the character of a boy is no such
simple matter. Military training has no part or place in it.
Military training has just one use — preparation for military
service."

Sterling G. Brinkley of Emory University has said:

"Blind, unquestioning obedience to orders and authority
which the individual has had no voice in deciding and setting

328 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

up is a quality we do not want. Neither do we want the
attitude on 'the part of our leaders of expecting such
obedience."

Speaking before the House Military Affairs Committee,
Professor William Bradley Otis from The College of the
City of .New York, who was sent to France by the Gov-
ernment in 1919 to lecture to the members of the expedi-
tionary force on the terms of the treaty of peace,
characterized military training as "utterly foreign to
American ideas, utterly counter to American traditions,"
and said:

"Never before, gentlemen, in American history has the free-
dom of our higher educational institutions been thus threat-
ened by an Army bureaucracy. It is an insidious influence
and has gained headway largely because the American people
have not been aware of what is going on."

Supplementing its methods for enlisting the man
power of the nation, the War Department is organizing
a far-reaching plan for securing supplies for the army.
The War Department Business Council, composed of
fifteen men representing large business concerns, and an
Industrial Preparedness Committee of the National Asso-
ciation of Manufacturers have been formed. The United
States has been divided into procurement areas on the
basis of the kind of supplies each district can provide, and
district headquarters are maintained, the heads of which
are usually civilians. Army officers act as executive
assistants, and each has a staff of key men, most of whom
are executives in manufacturing organizations. Contracts
to go into effect upon a declaration of war have been
tentatively given, it is stated, to 14,000 plants. In carry-
ing out this program, the army claims it is seriously
handicapped by the provision of the National Defense
Act which restricts the manufacture of reserve supplies

MILITARY POLICY 329

to Government-owned arsenals and factories "unless they
can be produced on a more economical basis elsewhere,"
and it is now seeking authorization to distribute what
are called "educational orders" to private firms.

In order to have officers trained in procuring supplies
for the army, a plan has recently been worked out,
although funds have not yet been provided, for the
organization in educational institutions of "munitions
battalions" in accordance with which college seniors will
be enlisted in the army for 18 months. For three months
before and 6 months after their senior year they will be
given an intensive course in soldiering and in procure-
ment problems. During their final college year they will
be free from military duties, will not be in uniform and
will receive their tuition free and the regular allowance
of enlisted men when away from troops. It is believed
that when men who have had such training enter industry
they "will always think of industry in relation to the
army's problems."

Obviously to keep up such activities as these it is neces-
sary to have not only widespread interest and sup-
port, but steadily increasing appropriations. There-
fore the army makes every effort to have its point
of view presented to the public as frequently as
possible in the press and before social and business organi-
zations and at the same time seeks to prevent the
expression of any criticism likely to discourage appro-
priations. What army officials cannot do themselves
along these lines members of the Reserve Officers' Corps
frequently do through their membership and influence in
a great variety of civilian organizations. How great this
influence of the Reserve Officers' Corps may be and to
what extent it is being utilized to promote the military
program is indicated by the two statements that follow.

The Chairman of the Sub-Committee on Military Ap-

.1 — 4i41r»>

330 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

propriations of the House Committee on Military Affairs,
said to the president of the Reserve Officers' Association
when he appeared before the committee in 1927 to ask
for larger appropriations:

"I very strenuously object to the system which is appar-
ently in vogue of, year after year, bringing outside pressure to
bear on this committee for the purpose of increasing the
appropriations for those items. We are glad to have you
appear in your official capacity to give us any information or
to make any statement that you care to make to us but as a
member of the committee, I do object to the systematic
pressure that is brought upon this committee and upon Mem-
bers of Congress year after year for this purpose. I think
it sets a very bad precedent, and one that is liable to grow
into a very vicious system if it is permitted to continue."

The Sub-Committee on Appropriations for the Navy,
in its report to the House of Representatives in the
spring of 1927, said:

"The committee believes that the attention of the House
should be called to the reserve situation generally. That the
reserves have a necessary and important place in our scheme
of national defense there is no question. That there should
be a limit, however, there should be no question. To keep it
within the proper limits under existing laws seems to fall to
the lot of this committee, which should not be. Unless it is
watched and closely watched it will expand to the point where
we will have accomplished by indirection what we have always
striven to avoid directly, and that is the establishment of a
large force in this countiy possessing military views and ten-
dencies which will outnumber and outweigh in voice our
regular establishments. This is not believed to be an over-
statement of what may be reasonably expected if we should
fail to watch the situation closely."

The Army and Navy Register of November 10, 1923,
carried several suggestions from an army officer to army

MILITARY POLICY 331

officers, indicating how the army enlists the support of
reserve officers and civilians:

"Become personally acquainted with every reserve officer
assigned to the regiment, — know them, their business relations
and their personal interests.

"Promote your acquaintance with the leading professional
and business men of the community — make as many personal
friends as possible. One of the means open for this is through
the Chamber of Commerce and the leading business clubs.

"Become a member of business clubs which have weekly
luncheons — Rotary and Kiwanis. After a while you may be
able to have a regular military committee included in their
organization. In any event whenever things of a military
nature come up for discussion you are pretty sure to be
consulted.

"Enter into the social life of the community and become an
active member of the Country Club. A reasonable amount
of time spent on the golf links is not wasted. Many oppor-
tunities will here be found to talk national defense to influen-
tial men at a time when they will listen.

"Take an active part in the community Boy Scout move-
ment. If there are no Boy Scouts, do what you can to get
the movement under wav.

"Cultivate the press. Furnish news items of a personal and
local nature built around the name and address of members
of the regiment. This is always news and will generally get
by. Occasionally you will have an opportunity to prepare an
editorial and here is where you can explain the principles of
national defense."

In its system of Civilian Aides who are appointed for
each State, but who report directly to the Secretary of
War, the War Department has established a further close
connection with civilian life. There have also recently
been indications that the army is cooperating directly
with the moving picture industry, by supplying "supers"
from the troops, and tanks and other armaments, and in

332 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

return having military activities widely advertised. Mr.
Will Hays, president of the largest moving picture organi-
zation in the country, has been made a colonel in the
Reserve Officers' Corps, under the Adjutant General's
office.

The War Department has also very successfully
enlisted the assistance of other departments of the Gov-
ernment in promoting its campaigns, as for instance the
Post Office Department which has authorized a can-
cellation stamp carrying the slogan, "Let's go ! Military
Training Camps/' which has attracted attention in
foreign countries and led to protests from many American
citizens who desire to see this country build up inter-
national goodwill, and feel that such a slogan misrepre-
sents to other nations its true spirit.

A consideration of the above statements and extracts,
which give a partial picture of the wholesale preparation
which modern warfare calls for, should make it clear that,
first, if states propose to continue to carry on wars they
must be prepared to be completely absorbed in that
undertaking; second, in the present contest between the
old idea of organization for war and the new idea of
organization for peace, the forces working for peace need
on their side a government department officially and
persistently presenting, with the prestige and power of
the government behind it, the fact that under present
conditions peace is a national and world necessity.

The dangers apprehended from the present policy and
program of the military establishment of the country
have to do first with their effect on the development of
the individual young men undergoing military training,
and second with their effect upon the traditional gov-
ernmental policies of this country. A warning against
the danger to the fundamental principles of democratic

MILITARY POLICY 333

government in a program which leads to military influence
in civilian fields of activity, was voiced by President
Coolidge in an address to the American Legion in 1925:

"Whenever military powers start to dictate to civil authori-
ties, by whatsoever means adopted, the liberties of the country
are beginning to end."

An impressive protest against the influence of military
men appeared in an editorial in the Advocate of Peace for
December, 1927, which concluded, "The welfare of States
is best promoted under civilian control. It is not the
business of our military experts to fix, to criticize, or to
direct through the public press or other agency of
propaganda the course of our public policy." The argu-
ment that increased military preparedness is the way to
protect the country against foreign foes was suc-
cinctly answered by President Coolidge in a speech at
the graduation exercises of the United States Naval
Academy in June, 1925, when he said:

"I am not unfamiliar with the claim that if only we had a
sufficient military establishment no one would ever molest
us. I know of no nation in history that has ever been able to
attain that position. I see no reason to expect that we could
be the exception."

The facts and statements cited in this chapter lead
inevitably to the question, Is it possible to be "prepared"
for war and at the same time maintain the democratic in-
stitutions of this nation? The fundamental issue is not
whether certain army officers are attempting to militarize
the nation ; the fundamental issue is the incompatibility
of the demands of the war system with the needs and
traditions of democratic government.

CHAPTER XIX
THE MONROE DOCTRINE

The conviction of both Latin Americans and many
citizens of this country that the policies of recent adminis-
trations have extended and distorted the original purpose
of the Monroe Doctrine, coupled with the insistence of
the United States, as expressed in the Covenant of the
League of Nations and in the World Court reservations,
that no question concerning the doctrine shall be sub-
mitted for decision to any international body or to any
other nation, is creating a persistent demand for a clear
definition by the Government of the United States of its
meaning and application. Uncertainty as to the implica-
tions of the Monroe Doctrine leads undoubtedly to the
acceptance of policies toward Latin American states
which would otherwise be more carefully considered by
the citizens of this country.

The original* declaration of the doctrine came as the
direct result of a threat of European intervention to
restore to Spain her revolted colonies in the Western
Hemisphere. An effort to restore them was in line with
the accepted policy of Europe at that time, which was to
put down revolution, wherever it occurred, in the interests
of all established monarchical governments. A change of
government within a state was considered not a domestic
but an international affair. The United States had recog-
nized the independence of the revolted Spanish colonies
immediately after the ratification of the treaty with Spain
for the transfer of the Floridas. Great Britain, because

334

THE MONROE DOCTRINE 335

of trade relations which she had developed with the
newly independent states, was opposed to their restora-
tion to Spain, although she had not recognized their
independence, and approached the United States with
the idea of arriving at an understanding with regard to
the Spanish-American colonies and then making a clear
statement to the rest of the world of the principles agreed
upon.

At about this time Russian traders coming south from
Alaska had established a fort in what is now California.
John Quincy Adams, as Secretary of State, on July 17,
1823, informed the Russian Minister that "we would con-
test the right of Russia to any territorial establishment on
this continent and that we should assume distinctly the
principle that the American continents are no longer
subjects for any European colonial establishments." On
December 2, 1823, President Monroe, in his annual
nessage to Congress, described the Russian situation, stat-
ing that the matter was being handled successfully in the
ordinary diplomatic way, and adding:

"The occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a
principle in which the rights and interests of the United States
are involved, that the American continents, by the free and
independent condition which they have assumed and main-
tain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future
colonization by any European powers."

Joined with this statement of the non-colonization prin-
ciple was a definition of the attitude the United States
would assume in case of an attempt to restore the revolt-
ing American colonies to the Spanish Crown :

"We should consider any attempt on their part to extend
their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous
to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or
dependencies of any European power we have not interfered
and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have

336 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

declared their independence and have maintained it, and whose
independence we have on great consideration and on just
principles acknowledged, we could not view any interposition
for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any other
manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other
light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition
toward the United States."

At the time, the power of this declaration, although it
was made by the United States alone and included the
non-colonization principle which had not been suggested
by Great Britain and which was contrary to its views,
rested in large part upon the known attitude of Great
Britain toward a restoration of the Spanish colonies.

In 1870 the doctrine was further defined when Presi-
dent Grant in urging the annexation of Santo Domingo
gave expression to a corollary which had for some time
been recognized:

"The doctrine promulgated by President Monroe has been
adhered to by all political parties, and I now deem it proper
to assert the equally important principle that hereafter no
territory on this continent shall be regarded as subject to
transfer to a European power."

During the 19th century all applications of the Monroe
Doctrine had to do with the protection of the American
continents against European invasion, or contact.

As late as 1901 Theodore Roosevelt, as President, said
of the Monroe Doctrine in a message to Congress :

"This doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial rela-
tions of any American power, save that it in truth allows each
of them to form such as it desires. In other words, it is really*
a guarantee of the commercial independence of the Americas.
We do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive com-
mercial dealings with any other American state. We do not
guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts

THE MONROE DOCTRINE 337

itself, provided that punishment does not take the form of the
acquisition of territory by any non-American power."

In 1902, in connection with the situation which devel-
oped out of the foreign indebtedness of Venezuela and
involved the threatened intervention of the powers, Dr.
Luis Drago, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina,
announced what has since been known as the Drago
Doctrine:

"The public debt of an American state cannot occasion
armed intervention or even the actual occupation of the terri-
tory of American nations by a European Power."

Secretary of State John Hay replied to this pronounce-
ment by quoting Roosevelt's statement that the United
States did not guarantee any state against punishment
for misconduct provided that punishment did not take the
form of the acquisition of territory by a non-American
Power. In 1904, however, President Roosevelt stated in
discussing the problem arising out of the foreign debts
of Santo Domingo:

"Chronic wrongdoing or an impotence which results in the
general loosening of the ties of civilized society may in
America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some
civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence
of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the
United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of wrong-
doing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police
power."

From this time to the present — a period during which
the investments of American citizens in Latin America
have grown to enormous proportions — Latin American
states claim that the United States government has
distorted the Monroe Doctrine to suit its own purposes.
Felipe Barreda, Professor of Pan American History in
San Marcos University, Lima, Peru, analyzes recent

338 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

applications of the doctrine in Current History for
March, 1927:

"A study of the various cases of the modern interpretation
and application of the doctrine in the last twenty years makes
it clear that it has been employed in the following ways, typi-
cal of the new conception which has superseded Monroe's own
formulation of his ideas:

(1) In cases of internal political strife or revolution in
Latin American countries the Government of the United
States assumes the right to declare which is the constitu-
tional party to be supported by the military and naval
power of the United States. (First intervention in
Nicaragua, 1912.)

(2) When the conclusion is reached that a Latin
American country is not able to maintain an independent
and competent government to keep order and discharge
its international obligations, the United States assumes
the right to take political and economic control of such
country. (Intervention in Haiti, 1915.)

(3) The United States assumes the right to intervene
in the political government and economic administration
of a debtor nation in Latin America to enforce and secure
the cancellation of public debts. (Santo Domingo,
1916.)

(4) The United States Government assumes the right
to intervene in the internal affairs of the Latin American
countries, when, in its opinion, political or economic
ideas may endanger the private interests of Amer-
ican citizens. (The controversy with Nicaragua and
Mexico.)

Dr. Samuel Guy Inman in the same issue of Current
History suggests a further reason for Latin American
suspicion of the policies of this country in the extension
of the "practice of non-recognition of Latin American
Governments, announced by President Wilson as apply-
ing to governments obtaining power through revolution,

THE MONROE DOCTRINE 339

to non-recognition when a government enforces laws
regarded as unfavorable to the citizens of the United
States." The strong feeling of Latin Americans against
the fixed attitude of the United States that the definition,
interpretation and application of the Monroe Doctrine
are its exclusive concern, is also expressed by Professor
Barreda. This attitude was first definitely proclaimed
by the demand of the United States for the insertion in
the Covenant of the League of Nations of Article 21 :

"Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the
validity of international agreements, such as treaties of
arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe Doc-
trine, for securing the maintenance of peace."

In 1923, the centennial year of the Monroe Doctrine,
in an address before the American Bar Association on
August 30, and later in an address in Philadelphia under
the auspices of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, on November 30, Secretary of State
Hughes recognized the suspicion with which the Monroe
Doctrine is at present regarded in many Central and
South American states and attempted to correct mis-
understandings as to the scope and purpose of the
doctrine.

"The policy of the Monroe Doctrine," he said, "does not
infringe upon the independence and sovereignty of other
American states. Misconception upon this point is the only
disturbing influence in our relations with Latin American
states. • • .

The definition of the Monroe Doctrine, as given by Mr.
Hughes in identical language in both addresses, was the
following :

"Properly understood, it is opposed (1) to any non-
American action encroaching upon the political independence
of American states under any guise, and (2) to the acquisition

340 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

in any manner of the control of additional territory in this
hemisphere by any non-American power."

In both addresses he insisted with emphasis that "the
Monroe Doctrine is not a policy of aggression; it is a
policy of self-defense/' that it does not infringe upon the
sovereignty of other American states, and "does not
attempt to establish a protectorate" over them; and
that, as it is "distinctively the policy of the United
States, the Government of the United States reserves to
itself its definition, interpretation and application." In
regard to the Caribbean region he said further:

"So far as the region of the Caribbean Sea is concerned, it
may be said that if we had no Monroe Doctrine we should
have to create one. . . . What has taken place of late years
in the region of the Carribbean has given rise to much con-
fusion of thought and misapprehension of purpose. As I have
said, the Monroe Doctrine as a particular declaration in no
way exhausts American right or policy; the United States has
rights and obligations which that doctrine does not define.
And in the unsettled condition of certain countries in the
region of the Caribbean it has been necessary to assert these
rights and obligations as well as the limited principles of the
Monroe Doctrine. . . .

"We have established a waterway between the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans — the Panama Canal. Apart from obvious com-
mercial considerations the adequate protection of this canal —
its complete immunity from any adverse control — is essential
to our peace and security. We could not afford to take any
different position with respect to any other waterway that
may be built between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Dis-
turbances in the Caribbean region are therefore of special
interest to us not for the purpose of seeking control over
others, but of being assured that our own safety is free from
menace. . . ."

The most definite effort on the part of Latin American
states to combat recent developments in the Latin-

THE MONROE DOCTRINE 341

American policies of the United States, was made at the
Sixth Pan American Conference in Havana, when certain
Latin American delegates attempted to secure the adop-
tion of the principle of non-intervention. The United
States delegation succeeded in postponing any far-
reaching discussion of this subject until the next Pan
American Congress which will not meet until 1933. But,
as the Sun of Baltimore, from which the following edi-
torial is quoted, points out, consideration of the right of
intervention is bound to take place at the Pan American
Conference on Conciliation and Arbitration agreed upon
at Havana and scheduled to meet in Washington in De-
cember, 1928:

"For the purpose of the scheduled conference (of concilia-
tion and arbitration) is to reduce to systematic form, pre-
liminary to embodiment in treaties, such matters as the
American republics are willing to arbitrate with each other.
In the case of the weaker Latin American nations this will
probably mean virtually every cause of international dispute,
for they have everything to lose by resisting the impartial
judgment of a neutral tribunal. In the case of the United
States, however, every issue submitted to arbitration vis-a-vis
a country like Haiti will be a concession from our previous
position, which in the case of our smaller neighbors has come
to be one of virtual dictation. Whether these concessions can
be of real practical value without severely limiting our inter-
vention policy as recently practiced remains to be seen.

"Viewed in this light ... it will be realized that we have
practically declared for a new Latin American policy and a
more liberal definition of the Monroe Doctrine. We avoid
any pledge never to intervene, which might open the road for
other nations to land their troops in Central America. But
we also tacitly abandon the irritating thesis that we are of
divine right the policeman of the New World."

CHAPTER XX
IMPERIALISM

The ill-defined term imperialism is used to describe a
group of policies by which "backward" countries are
brought under the control of the technically more
advanced nations.

The reasons for the establishment of such control have
been the desire, chiefly on the part of industrialized
nations, for access to raw materials necessary to industry
and to national defense, such as oil, coal and iron; for
markets for manufactured products ; for opportunities for
the profitable investment of surplus capital; for outlets
for possible surplus population; for coaling stations for
merchant ships and warships ; and for political prestige.

To achieve these objects, ten nations of the world have
brought under their domination more than one-half of
the total land surface of the earth and more than one
billion alien people. The nations exercising this control
over the destinies of the human race are, in the order of
the geographical extent of the countries they dominate,
Great Britain, Russia, France, Portugal, Belgium, the
United States, Holland, Italy, Spain, and Japan. If this
list were arranged according to the population of the
territories controlled, the United States would stand
seventh in the list; if according to the amount of com-
merce carried on, the United States would stand fifth.

The figures given above are from "Imperialism and
World Politics/' by Professor Parker T. Moon of Colum-
bia University, the most comprehensive recent study of
the problem of imperialism.

3:2

IMPERIALISM 343

In the 70's and 80's of the 19th century, because of the
general adoption of factory production which resulted in
many nations' having a surplus of manufactured articles
to be disposed of abroad, and the erection of tariff bar-
riers against competitors, colpnial markets which could
be controlled by export and import duties for the benefit
of the home country became necessary. At the same
time the development of rapid communication made
economic penetration and military control of remote
backward countries possible. The accumulation in the
more developed and industrialized nations of surplus
capital led to a demand. for opportunities for investment
in countries where capital was scarcer and development
more profitable, and this in turn to the demand that
stable governments be maintained in these regions. The
further fact that tropical products have become necessary
in the manufacture of many modern necessities and that
the native population of tropical countries does not
ordinarily supply either a stable government or efficient
workers, have served as further reasons for the assump-
tion by a few nations of control throughout large terri-
tories.

There is obviously no easy solution to the problem to
which imperialism has so far been the answer. The re-
sources of the undeveloped countries are needed and to
fail to bring them into use is to delay economic and social
progress. If, however, in the present economically inter-
dependent world, peace is the first requisite for prosperity,
some other method must be found for their development.
Imperialism carries a double threat of war. Exploiting,
or at best imposing alien control and alien modes of liv-
ing upon increasing areas of the earth rouses the resent-
ment and ill will of millions of people; among other
things defeating the purpose of imperialism by prevent-
ing full development cf international trade. The more

344 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

immediate war danger lies in the rivalry of imperialistic
powers. By many in every country the rivalry of the
great powers for control of the economic resources of the
earth is held to make war inevitable. The financial inter-
ests of England and the United States are declared to be
engaged in a struggle for world mastery, and the deter-
mined efforts of both to obtain control of the earth's sup-
ply of oil, it is frequently stated, can have but one out-
come,— war. If allowed to pursue its customary course to
its conclusion, such rivalry certainly would end in war.
But new considerations have entered into the situation.
An economic advantage cannot today be won by means of
war. Prosperity is primarily dependent upon peace.
Recognition of war as an assault upon the stability of
civilization makes it incumbent upon governments to seek
some modification of policies that imply war and some
method of rational adjustment of the economic interests
of their citizens.

In the United States imperialistic policies have met
with an opposition which they have not encountered in
other countries, because they have been generally felt to
be contrary to the principles upon which this government
was founded. It is true that all through the history of
the United States there have been certain groups
ambitious to extend its territory, and it is also true that
in the methods by which this has been accomplished, par-
ticularly in the case of the Mexican War, there is much
that is morally indefensible. Nevertheless, the United
States has recognized in theory and repeatedly insisted
upon the right of every nation to self-determination, so
that it has never entered wholeheartedly or unchecked
by the dissent of its own citizens upon imperialistic
adventures. Washington and Franklin alike protested
against such policies as Europe had pursued in acquiring
territory and increasing trade. Washington urged "timely

IMPERIALISM 345

provisions, to guard against those acts of our own citizens
which might tend to disturb peace with other- nations,
and to put ourselves in a condition to give that satisfac-
tion to foreign nations which we may sometimes have
occasion to require of them." He "particularly recom-
mended" prevention of "those aggressions by our citizens
on the territory of other nations, which, furnishing just
subject of complaint, might endanger our peace with
them. . . . Peace with all the world is my sincere wish.
I am sure it is our true policy."

To Franklin it seemed "that neither the obtaining nor
retaining of any trade, how valuable soever, is an object
for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that
the true and sure means of extending and securing com-
merce is the goodness and cheapness of commodities; and
that the profit of no trade can ever be equal to the
expense of compelling it, and of holding it by fleets and
armies. ... If statesmen had a little more arithmetic or
were more accustomed to calculation, wars would be much
less frequent."

Recently, however, the charge of imperialism is per-
sistently made against the United States. It is based
chiefly on the relations of this government with the
countries of the Caribbean area, on its delay in granting
promised independence to the Philippine Islands, on the
method pursued in the annexation of Hawaii, and on the
government's policies, generally covered by the Monroe
Doctrine, in regard to the countries of South America.

Criticism of the Latin American policies of the United
States is voiced not only by laymen but sometimes by
our own government officials. In general, Democrats
criticize "imperialistic" activities carried out by Repub-
lican administrations and the Republicans similar poli-
cies of the Democrats. Former Secretary of State
Hughes, in an address at Amherst in 1924, declared the

346 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

criticism of this government's occupation of Santo Do-
mingo "just," and added that it was the belief of many
that the occupation would never have occurred "had
President Wilson had the opportunity or time ... to
become fully cognizant of the situation existing in the
Dominican Republic." In a campaign speech before his
election President Harding, speaking of Haiti, said,

"I will not empower an Assistant Secretary of the Navy to
draft a constitution for helpless neighbors in the West Indies
and jam it down their throats at the points of bayonets borne
by United States Marines, nor will I misuse the power of
the Executive to cover with a veil of secrecy repeated acts of
unwarranted interference in the domestic affairs of the little
republics of the Western Hemisphere, such as in the last few
years have not only made enemies of those who should be
our friends, but have rightfully discredited our country as
their trusted neighbor."

President Cleveland publicly condemned the prelim-
inary steps leading to this country's annexation of
Hawaii, and the House of Representatives passed a reso-
lution condemning the diplomatic representative of this
country for "illegally aiding in overthrowing the con-
stitutional government of the Hawaiian islands."

Neither the extent of United States control over other
countries nor the methods by which it exercises that
control are generally known to the citizens of this country.
The whole situation came in for fuller and more open
discussion in the press in connection with the Sixth Pan
American Conference, at Havana, in 1928, than it ever
had before. The following extracts from a syndicated
dispatch from Paris to American papers at the opening
of the Havana Conference indicated the general line of
criticism :

"The attention of European statesmen is now centered on
Havana. The issue is believed here to be whether or not the

IMPERIALISM 347

Latin American states will be able to resist encroachments of
'United States imperialism/ The matter is conceived to be
one of world equilibrium. Asia also is concerned for Latin
America is thought to sympathize with Asia on the race issue."

Professor Moon gives the following table indicating the
regions over which today the control of the United States
extends :

Area

(Square Miles) Population Commerce

Outlying Territories

Alaska 590,884 60,000 $ 88,905,000

Hawaii 6,449 307,000 188,541,000

Dependencies

Philippine Islands ... 115,026 11,076,000 243356.000

Porto Rico 3,435 1,347.000 172.478.000

Virgin Islands 132 26,000 2,559,000

Samoa 58 8,000 294,000

Guam 210 13,000 967,000

Wake and Midway Is. 29

Leased Territory

Panama Canal Zone

Guantanamo, Fonseca

Bay, Corn Island 527 27,000

Total Possessions 716,750 12,864,000 $ 697,100,000

Nominally Independent Dependencies

Cuba 44,164 3,369,000 $ 724,595,000

Haiti 11,072 2,045,000 28,872,000

Dominican Republic. 19,325 897,000 51343,000

Panama 33.667 443,000 16,250,000

Nicaragua 49,200 638,000 21,797,000

Liberia 36,834 1,500,000 2,528,000

Total nominally inde-
pendent dependencies. 194,262 8,892,000 $ 845385,000

Grand total 911,012 21,756,000 $1,542,985,000

The belief on the part of many Americans that the
policies of recent administrations toward Latin America
are contrary to the democratic principles and traditions
of this country; the resentment on the part of Latin

348 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

American countries toward these policies, affecting not
only political but commercial relations; and the distrust
to which they are giving rise in Europe, make it impera-
tive for citizens of the United States to give diligent con-
sideration to the whole situation. A fair understanding
of what this government has done and is trying to do,
of the good and the evil results of its domination of other
countries, can be gotten only from a study in each in-
stance of a detailed statement of facts. Books which
afford a basis for such study are listed in the bibliog-
raphy.

Conflicting claims are made as to the purposes for
which United States control of neighboring countries has
been established. On the one hand, the purpose of the
United States is declared to have been to maintain stable
governments and make development possible, largely for
the sake of their own people, and to provide protection
for the lives and property of foreigners which European
governments would otherwise take steps to provide. By
others, the purpose of the control is believed to be the
economic advantage of small groups of citizens of the
United States, while by an increasing number of well-
informed students of the Caribbean situation political and
military purposes are held to play a greater part than
"dollar diplomacy." Protection of the Panama Canal
probably mainly accounts for the insistence of this gov-
ernment upon a general control of conditions in the Car-
ibbean area.

The methods by which the United States has estab-
lished its control vary in the different countries.

When Cuba, over which a protectorate was secured ask
a result of the Spanish American War, was granted
political independence, a considerable degree of control
was kept under the provisions of the Piatt Amendment.
This "amendment. " so called because it was originally

N.

s

IMPERIALISM 349

adopted in 1901 as a rider on the Army Appropriation
Bill, is incorporated in the Cuban constitution and in a
permanent treaty with the United States. Under it

"The government of Cuba consents that the United States
may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of
Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government ade-
quate for the protection of life, property, and individual
liberty. . . ."

In addition, Cuba is prohibited from incurring any
debts which her current revenues cannot meet, and grants
the United States land necessary for coaling and naval
stations.

In the case of Haiti, Santo Domingo and Nicaragua,
United States control has been secured through actual
military occupation by marines, whose officers have gone
so far as to bring about the dissolution of a national
assembly which refused to grant certain investment privi-
leges desired by foreign citizens.

In other cases threats of force, such as the mere
presence of warships in nearby waters, have been enough
to secure the carrying out of policies favored by the
United States. In still others, notably in the case of
Mexico, refusal of recognition to governments whose
policies were not in accord with those of the United
States has served the same purpose.

Several countries are subject to the indirect control of
the United States under the terms of loans made in this
country. If a country in which the government is subject
to frequent change and in which the financial policies are
somewhat erratic, desires to negotiate a loan, it is neces-
sary for it to grant the interests making the loan direct
control of some part of its financial assets. For one of
the less well-established Latin American countries, there-
fore, to negotiate a loan in a European country would

350 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

lead to a situation which under the Monroe Doctrine the
United States will not tolerate. This government conse-
quently encourages loans by American banks, and
political and financial interests are led into close co-
operation in maintaining security and encouraging poli-
cies in conformity with those of the United States.

Financial control is exercised in various ways. In some
instances "commissions of three," two of the commis-
sioners being citizens of the United States chosen by the
banking interests, are appointed for the general control of
the borrowing country's economic policy. Several Latin
American governments employ citizens of the United
States as financial advisers. In other cases representa-
tives of the interests making the loan are put in charge
of the collection of customs. Only in cases of actual
occupation by the military forces of the United States
are these officials appointed directly by the government
of the United States.

In the case of Salvador, under the terms of a loan made
by a banking firm of the United States, any dispute
regarding the payment of the loan, for which 70% of the
country's custom revenues were pledged to the United
States creditors, was to be referred to the Chief Justice
of the Supreme Court of the United States. The inter-
pretation put upon this provision by banking interests is
indicated in the following statement from an advertising
circular which was issued by a firm of investment
bankers :

"It is simply not thinkable that, after a Federal Judge has
decided any question or dispute between the bond holders
and the. Salvador Government, the United States Government
should not* take the- necessary steps to sustain such decision.
There is a precedent in a dispute between Costa Rica and
Panama, in which a warship was sent to carry out the verdict
of the arbitrators."

IMPERIALISM 351

The State Department vigorously objected to the issu-
ance of the above statement.

In March, 1922, the State Department issued a circular
to American bankers expressing the hope that in view of
the possible international interests involved, "American
bankers will inform the Department of State of contem-
plated loan transactions, so that an opportunity may be
afforded to express an objection." The circular stresses
the fact that the Department of State "will not pass upon
the merits of foreign loans as business propositions, nor
assume any responsibility whatever in connection with
loan transactions." Yet the failure of the State Depart-
ment to object to a loan has been looked upon in many
instances as in a measure committing this government to
protect investors, and the question has been raised as to
whether this policy may not increase seriously the
dangers from foreign investments. The policy has also
been severely criticized as an illegal assumption of power
on the part of the State Department, and as an attempt
to use the financial power of this country for carrying out
political purposes. Former Secretary of the Treasury
Carter Glass of Virginia, in a statement quoted in the New
York Times of October 14, 1927, said: "Private business
has no right to ask or to receive the imprimatur of the
Government on its credit transactions, nor should foreign
governments be required to get the permission of our
State Department to engage in the ordinary commerce of
credits or commodities with American business concerns.
Such concerns should be left to conduct their business on
their own responsibility and at their own risk."

The constant danger of war involved in a close relation
between financial and political interests is obvious. In
an attempt to do away with this threat to peace and for
the protection of weaker nations, the Brazilian jurist,
Calvo, formulated a theory in which he maintained that

352 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

investors in foreign countries had no right to expect their
governments to intervene with either military force or
diplomatic action which must sooner or later lead to
military force, but that foreigners should have the same
status as citizens and have the same legal protection for
life and property. In 1890, at the first Pan American
Conference, the Latin American countries voted for a
resolution endorsing this doctrine. The delegates from
the United States opposed it. Their' objection was that
foreigners do not have the political power to protect their
interests which citizens have, and that if they could not
look to their own. government for protection they would
inevitably seek by illegal means to interfere in local poli-
tics. In several Latin American countries contracts now
include a clause by which a foreign investor "renounces
all right to prefer a diplomatic claim in regard to obliga-
tions derived from the contract/' The United States has
insisted, however, upon the doctrine laid down by Secre-
tary of State Bayard in 1888:

"This Government cannot admit that its citizens can,
merely by making contracts with foreign powers, or by other
methods, not amounting to an act of expatriation, or a
deliberate abandonment of 'American citizenship, destroy their
dependence upon it or its obligations to protect them in case
of a denial of justice."

There is no doubt that the time has come for a recon-
sideration of this entire question. Former Secretary of
Commerce Hoover is quoted by Norman Hapgood in
his News Letter as having said, "The time for making
war to protect foreign investments has passed." The
reaction of the press and the public to the threat of war
with Mexico in the winter of 1926 and 1927 over that
country's oil-land laws, indicated the strength of public
feeling on this subject.

The present United States Ambassador to Mexico, Mr.

IMPERIALISM 353

Dwight W. Morrow, in the New York Evening Post of
September 27, 1927, is quoted as saying:

"Differences of opinion between states are the incidents of
international life. The acknowledgment of the possibility of
such differences is the effective way of preventing serious
consequences arising therefrom. . . .

"Entirely apart from the immorality of putting human lives
to the hazard of modern war where the sole issue is a
pecuniary claim, there is a conclusive practical reason against
such a course, in that war, in the great majority of cases,
does not and cannot accomplish the desired result."

Even among investors themselves there is apparently
an increased number who do not feel they are entitled
to ask soldiers, enlisted for the defense of the nation, to
risk their lives in order to protect the economic interests
of individual citizens. William Kent of California gave
expression to this point of view in a letter to President
Taft when war threatened with Mexico in 1912:

"As one interested in Mexican investments, I wish to com-
mend in the highest terms your policy of non-interference.
Every American dollar and every American life in Mexico is
there subject to the risk of the possessor. If I would not
myself go to Mexico to risk my life in defense of my property
interests, I" would be no less than a murderer to ask that the
men in our army assume such a risk."

In 1985 the Women's International League for Peace
and Freedom secured the introduction in Congress of a
resolution, since reintroduced at each session, calling
upon the President to direct the various departments of
the Government to refrain, without authorization from
Congress, from engaging the responsibility of the Gov-
ernment to supervise the fulfillment of financial arrange-
mentsf between citizens of the United States and foreign
governments or committing the Government to any

354 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

form of military intervention to compel the observance of
alleged obligations on the part of foreign governments.
Various other proposals have recently been made to pre-
vent governments from becoming involved in military
action through the activities of foreign investors.
William Culbertson, former member of the Tariff Com-
mission, in his book, "International Economic Policies/'
has suggested that international judicial machinery be
established through which investors may as individuals,
not as representatives of any special country, secure
adjustment of any discriminatory treatment.

Another proposal suggests an international commerce
commission somewhat like the Interstate Commerce Com-
mission, with international boards of reference, which
shall have the power to pass on concessions when orig-
inally proposed in order to protect the interests of
backward peoples and to insure fair competition and
cooperation between the different national groups con-
cerned.

Several tendencies can be pointed to as indicating
effort on the part of governments to solve the problems
which have given rise to the dangers of imperialism. Sii
Arthur Salter, Director of the Economic and Financial
Section of the League of Nations, in an article in the
Yale Review for July, 1925, calls attention in this con-
nection to the fact that under the Covenant of the
League of Nations countries entrusted with the admin-
istration of mandated areas are to "secure equal oppor-
tunities for the trade and commerce of other members
of the League ... a very significant limitation of the
power of sovereignty in the sphere of economic competi-
tion."

With special regard to American problems, Mr
Hughes, when Secretary of State, in a speech before the
Canadian Bar Association in 1923, urged the possibility

IMPERIALISM 355

of arranging for commissions of inquiry to advise legis-
lative bodies as to the interests of other states affected
by their legislation. He said:

"In relation to domestic questions which have an inter-
national bearing, it would be quite possible to make more
frequent use of this method, not to decide but to inform, not
to arbitrate but to investigate, to find the facts and to report
to the governments of the states represented the effect of
measures and where injury would lie."

He went on to recommend a permanent commission to
which would automatically be referred

"for examination and report as to the facts, questions arising
as to the bearing of action by either government upon the
interests of the other, to the end that each reasonably protect-
ing its own interests would be so advised that it would avoid
action inflicting unnecessary injury upon its neighbor."

Prof. Charles Cheney Hyde of Columbia University,
referring to this proposal of Mr. Hughes in an article in
T-he Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, for July, 1927, suggests the development
of this proposed plan to meet the needs of Mexico and
the United States.

"It is believed that there exists what may roughly be termed
an American-Mexican interest — a certain solidarity of
economic interest derived from geographical propinquity,
interchange of population and financial investment. Both
nations may well give fresh thought to the extent and reality
of the community of interest by which they are bound, and to
the harm which each must sustain from any conduct detri-
mental to that interest. . . . Above all, both need to consider
whether the present situation does not justify and possibly
demand the employment of a joint high commission conse-
crated to the task of safeguarding their community of interest,
and alert to warn both governments whenever the conduct of
either threatens to weaken it."

356 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Other suggestions for the solution of the problems aris-
ing out of the relationships between the states of the
American continents are made by Professor Moon.
Among them, the substitution of a mutual guarantee for
the Monroe Doctrine; the substitution of Pan American
intervention for United States intervention; and of in-
ternational receiverships for United States financial pro-
tectorates.

Many students of American life agree that the United
States has drifted into imperialism scarcely realizing the
implications of its policies. On the whole its policy has
been, it is said, "an unconscious, an absentminded sort of
imperialism."

Professor John W. Dewey, in an article in Mexican
Life, for September, 1927, points out the danger of this
very unconsciousness on the part of the public of the
growth of imperialistic policies in the government :

"Given, on one hand, a nation that has capital and technical
skill, engineering and financial, to export, plus manufacturers
in need of raw material, especially iron and oil, and, on the
other hand, an industrially backward country with large
natural resources . . . and it does not require intention or
desire to involve the first nation in imperialistic policies. . . .

"Imperialism is a result, not a purpose or plan. It can be
prevented only by regulating the conditions out of which it
proceeds. And one of the things which most stands in the
way of taking regulatory measures is precisely the conscious-
ness on the part of the public that it is innocent of imperialistic
desires. . . ."

Recent discussions in the press indicate a growing
awareness on the part of the public of the discrepancy
between theory and fact in the government's foreign
policy. It is also encouraging to realize that whatever
the practice of this country, its avowed opposition to the
principles of imperialism and the energetic repudiation

IMPERIALISM 357

by its responsible statesmen of any imperialistic pur-
poses have strengthened the forces which will ultimately
compel the abandonment of policies that involve ex-
ploitation, unfair domination, and international rivalry
threatening the peace of the world. General recognition
of the futility of war as a means of assuring economic
progress will hasten the abandonment of economic poli-
cies based upon it. The public must at the same time be
ready to accept a modification of shortsighted national
aspirations in the interest of true national welfare, and
also the development of international agencies of adjust-
ment.

CHAPTER XXI

WORLD POPULATION AND THE IMMIGRATION
POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES

The direct bearing of population problems upon inter-
national relations is leading to an organized attempt to
find out what the facts of world population are.

The International Labor Organization, in accordance
with a provision in the preamble of the Treaty of Ver-
sailles which gives it supervision over the interests of
immigrants, is steadily collecting at its Geneva office in-
formation on this subject which may facilitate under-
standing and general discussion.

The first World Population Conference ever held took
place in Geneva from August 30 to September 3, 1927.
The Conference, which was purely scientific in its nature,
revealed the extreme complexity of the population ques-
tion and the need for further study. A permanent Inter-
national Union of Population was therefore organized.
The committee of scientists chosen to draw up a plan
of work included from the United States Dr. William
Welch, Dr. E. M. East and Dr. Raymond Pearl. The
subjects discussed at the conference indicate the nature
of the general problem. They were biology of population
growth, optimum population, population and food sup-
ply, effects on race of differential birth rate, fertility and
sterility in relation to population, migration and its con-
trol. In connection with the last subject two important
questions arose: Have peoples a natural right to repro-
duce beyond their economic resources and then demand

358

WORLD POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION 359

the soil of others? Have peoples a natural right to con-
serve soil of which they are not making use and from
which they cannot produce the maximum?

Recent figures and estimates on world population are
to be found in an article by Dr. Imre Ferenczi in the
Review of Nations for October, 1927, which are taken,
in part, from the Annuaire de I'Institut Internationale de
Statistique, and in "Christianity and the Race Problem,"
by Dr. J. H. Oldham.

The population of the world is estimated to be
1,894,874,000. If the earth's surface were utilized in the
most efficient manner as regards production and trans-
port, 7,869 million people instead of the present 1,900
million, it is believed, could be supported without any
further technical improvement.

The number and density of the population per kilo-
metre of the various continents in 1910 and 1924 were
as follows:

Population Density

Europe 1910 447,480,000 45.7

1924 462,227,000 48.2

America 1910 180,397,000 4.1

1924 227,133,000 5.2

Africa 1910 126354,000 4.4

1924 137361,000 4.8

Asia 1910 858,497,000 20.7

1924 1,060,238,000 24.3

Oceania 1910 6,866,000 0.8

1924 7,915,000 0.9

The figures indicate an increase in the world's popula-
tion during the last 200 years of 900 millions. It is
pointed out by Dr. Ferenczi that this increase coincides
with the rapid expansion of the white race in non-Euro-
pean countries, population both native and foreign hav-
ing increased wherever Europeans have established their
institutions and influence. During the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries emigration from Europe grew from

360 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

3 million to from 35 to 40 million. Only where European
civilization has not yet penetrated, as in China and cen-
tral Africa, has the population remained stationary or
declined.

The fact that as yet sufficient effort has not been made
to collect reliable figures in this field on which to base
government policies, is indicated by the wide discrepancy
in the figures, quoted by Dr. Oldham, from "The Rising
Tide of Color/' by Lothrop Stoddard, and from "Mankind
at the Crossroads/' by Edward W. East. Dr. Oldham
maintains in comparing the figures that it needs to be
borne in mind that Dr. Stoddard sets out to prove a
theory, and that Dr. East has no theory to prove. Pro-
fessor East's figures are for 1916 and Dr. Stoddard's are
for 1914.

Whites Yellows Browns Blacks

East (1916) 710,000,000 510,000,000 420,000,000 110,000,000

Stoddard (1914) 550,000,000 500,000,000 450,000,000 150,000,000

As to the rate of increase Dr. Stoddard asserts that
whites tend to double in number in 80 years, yellows and
browns in 60 and blacks in 40. Professor East arrives
at the conclusion that at present rates of increase whites
may be expected to double in 58 years, browns in 278,
yellows in 232 and blacks in 139. If Professor East's
calculations are correct the white race will within a quar-
ter of a century actually outnumber all other races
combined.

As to the relation of war to population Dr. Oldham
says:

"The temptation, which now exists, to encourage the growth
of population for reasons of national defence would be removed
(if war were abolished). The energies and resources at
present required for defence against war would be available
for dealing with the problems of population and food supply
by scientific research and popular education. Experience

WORLD POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION 361

seems to show that those whose livelihood is precarious and
whose sense of responsibility is thus weakened tend to multiply
more rapidly than other classes in the community; and that
the motives which lead to restriction of numbers in a family
operate most strongly when a certain standard of comfort has
been reached. A general improvement in the standard of
living might therefore prove to be the most effective of all
means of limiting the growth of population."

The three possibilities open to governments with a
surplus population are (1) to secure the economic advan-
tage of their citizens at the risk of denationalization in
oversea countries, (2) to employ their surplus population
as far as possible within the country or to settle it by
home colonization; (3) to endeavor to obtain the assign-
ment of colonial territory for group settlements of their
nationals, with self-government and such rights of sov-
ereignty as will secure certain economic and financial
interests of the mother-country. The Japanese Govern-
ment is attempting home colonization and has prepared
a plan by which six million persons will in the course of
twenty years be settled with government assistance on
the Island of Hokkaido.

Dr. Ferenczi sees in the need of industrialized nations
for markets, that is for buying power among large por-
tions of the earth's population, hope for beneficial ad-
justment and believes it may lead nations which rule
over excessively large territories to open a portion of
those territories for settlement by over-populated
nations.

Seen against this world background, the immigration
policy of the United States takes on increased impor-
tance and interest.

From the Revolutionary War to the Civil War, the
dominant idea behind our immigration policy was to
offer an asylum to the oppressed peoples of Europe and

362 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

to build up the population of a wide and undeveloped
country. During the period from 1820 to 1860, 2,000,000
immigrants were admitted.

The Civil War was followed by a period of industrial
expansion, when great numbers of both skilled and un-
skilled laborers were needed to build the transcontinen-
tal railroads and man the rapidly developing factories.
Between 1866 and 1914, the total number of immigrants
was 27,312,726.

From 1820 to 1883, 90% of the total arrivals were
from Great Britain, Germany, Scandinavia, Belgium, the
Netherlands, France, and Switzerland. The movement
from these countries is generally referred to as the "old"
immigration. After 1883, Italy and Austria, and in gen-
eral, the countries of southern and eastern Europe, be-
came the principal sources of immigration.

The first attempt to regulate immigration was made
with respect to immigration from China. Chinese immi-
gration on the Pacific Coast began about 1840 as a result
of severe economic depression in China and of exagger-
ated advertising in that country by American shipping
companies of the California gold fields. In 1868, the Bur-
lingame Treaty was concluded regulating conditions af-
fecting immigration. Its terms were conciliatory and did
little or nothing to restrict the number of immigrants.
In 1880, a treaty was negotiated which gave the United
States the right to limit, regulate, or suspend Chinese
immigration, but not to prohibit it. In 1882, at the
instigation of California, a law was passed excluding Chi-
nese laborers for ten years. The passage of this law is
credited by political students to the fact that in 1882
California was a doubtful State and both parties were
eager to win the approval of the California Workmen's
Partv which advocated Chinese labor exclusion. The
law was extended in 1892 and 1902, and exclusion made

WORLD POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION 363

permanent by a law passed in 1904, in contravention of
the 1880 treaty. A test case was brought under this law
in 1898 in the belief that the Supreme Court would de-
clare laws that contravene treaties unconstitutional. The
judgment of the court was as follows:

"It must be conceded that the Act of 1882 is in contraven-
tion of the treaty of 1868 and of the supplemental treaty of
1880, but it is not on that account invalid. ... It (a treaty)
can be deemed . . . only the equivalent of a legislative act,
to be repealed or modified at the pleasure of Congress. ... It
is the last expression of sovereign will and must control.
"The question whether our government was justified in dis-
regarding its engagements with another nation is not one for
the determination of the courts. . . . This court is not a
censor of the morals of the other departments of the govern-
ment."

Justice Field said of this decision:

"This made it clear that a treaty is not the 'supreme law of
the land' except as Congress makes it so. Congress can,
without violation of the Constitution, repeal or amend any
part of a treaty even without securing the consent of the other
party to the treaty, and even without conference."

A law affecting immigration in general was passed in
1882, which barred criminals, lunatics, and those likely
to become public charges. The immigration of contract
labor was prohibited by law in 1885.

In 1907, immigration from Japan was restricted by
means of what is known as the "gentleman's agreement"
between that country and this, by which Japan agreed
to refuse passports to America to its nationals of the
laboring classes and also agreed, in order to prevent cir-
cuitous entry, to include in the prohibition, territories
contiguous to the United States.

To reduce immigration in general, measures imposing
a literacy test were passed by Congress during the admin-

364 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

istrations of Cleveland, Taft and Wilson, but were vetoed
on the ground that it was contrary to the tradi-
tional custom of America to bar an immigrant because
he failed to meet educational qualifications.

During the war, immigration was, of course, greatly
reduced, but it was anticipated there would be an over-
whelming increase following the war. In 1917, because
of the belief that there would be a flood of immigration
from India, the Asiatic barred zone was created, includ-
ing India, China, part of Afghanistan, a section of the
country between the Caspian Sea and China, and islands
adjacent to the continent of Asia.

During the post-war years, investigations were con-
ducted resulting in the conclusion that immigration could
not be considered exclusively as an economic problem,
and that the number of immigrants arriving was too
large to be properly assimilated. It was also made clear
by these investigations that a change in the character
of immigration was taking place.

In 1921, a law was passed by Congress as a temporary
measure, which for the first time attempted to apply a
principle of selection according to the degree of supposed
assimilability of the various nationalities. The desire
was to force the immigration current back to its earlier
sources. The numbers of aliens admissible under this
law in any year was limited to 3% of the number of
foreign-born persons of that nationality in the United
States as determined by the census of 1910. The total
number admissible from all countries under the act was
fixed at 367,000 a year.

The immigration law of 1921 caused great hardships
to immigrants who came to this country only to be
turned back because the quotas were already full. Ellis
Island was so crowded during the early months of the
year that it was practically impossible to maintain proper

WORLD POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION 365

conditions of health and comfort. Foreign governments
protested to the government of the United States and
the ill feeling engendered among the immigrants and
carried back to their own countries might well have
developed serious international ill will.

In 1924 the second selective immigration law was en-
acted, which included three important changes:

(1) The number of aliens admissible was changed from
3% of the number included in the 1910 census to 2°/o of the
number of each nationality according to the 1890 census.
Countries of the Western Hemisphere were exempted from the
quota reservations. The total number admissible in any one
year was set at 165,000. The change from the census of
1910 to that of 1890 was made in the belief that it would
increase the proportion of immigration from northern Euro-
pean countries. This basis of determining the quota was to
be followed until July 1, 1927, when what is known as the
"national origin" system of determining the quotas was to be
put into effect. By this system, the total number to be
admitted each year, 150,000, would be allocated to the differ-
ent nationalities upon the basis of proportionate numerical
strength in the total population of the United States, as
recorded in the census of 1920.

The date for inaugurating the "national origin" system was
later postponed until July 1, 1929. One reason for the delay
was the fact that it was found that the national origin system
would reduce immigration from the Scandinavian countries
and from Ireland and Germany.

(2) The 1924 act, by providing for the inspection of immi-
grants at the port of embarkation and for the control of the
quota by American consuls in foreign ports rather than after
arrival, greatly improved the conditions of immigration and
thereby removed causes of international friction.

(3) The 1924 act excluded as immigrants all aliens not
eligible to citizenship. Certain classes, including scholars,
professional people and tourists coming into the country for
temporary travel or residence, were excepted.

366 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

To understand why this last provision affected only
Japanese, a little history is necessary. The first
naturalization law of 1790 provided for the naturali-
zation of "any alien being a free white person." In
1870, this law was amended and citizenship declared
open to aliens who were "free white persons and to those
of African nativity or to persons of African descent." In
1882 by act of Congress Chinese were excluded from the
privileges of naturalization. According to careful stu-
dents of this question, the original naturalization law of
1790 had as its aim the maintenance of liberty and de-
mocracy and sought only to deny citizenship to slaves.
It is claimed, further, that until 1906, the naturalization
laws of 1870 were understood to admit to naturalization
all the races from the extreme white to the extreme black,
except the Chinese, who had been specifically excluded.
In 1906, the naturalization bureau on its own initiative
adopted a more rigid interpretation of the law and ex-
cluded Japanese, but Hindus, Mexicans and others were
still regarded as eligible for naturalization. In 1922, the
Supreme Court declared that the term "free white per-
son" did not include the Japanese, but only the races
commonly called white or Caucasian. Hindus continued,
as Caucasians, to be naturalized under this decision until
1923 when a ruling by the Supreme Court deprived them
of eligibility. Justice Sutherland who rendered the opin-
ion, stated:

"What we now. hold is that the words 'free white persons'
are words of common speech, to be interpreted in accordance
with the understanding of the common man. . . ."

By this interpretation, Hindus were excluded from
citizenship. The law disastrously affected from 3,000 to
5,000 Hindus, most of them farmers on the Pacific Coast
who had already established themselves in this country,
depriving them of the right to hold land, and also depriv-

WORLD POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION 367

ing many who had already become citizens, of their citi-
zenship.

Since all other nationalities which might have been af-
fected were thus excluded by the law of 1917, the
exclusion provision of the 1924 immigration act was
obviously aimed at the Japanese, and was the culmina-
tion of a series of anti-Japanese laws that had been
passed by Pacific coast States, beginning in 1893. In this
act, Congress abruptly abrogated the "gentleman's
agreement" which the United States Government admit-
ted had been scrupulously observed by Japan. Japan's
proposal for a conference was refused.

When the 1924 act was pending in Congress, Secretary
of State Hughes wrote the Chairman of the Immigration
Committee, who was Congressman Johnson of Washing-
ton, protesting against the Japanese exclusion provision
as inconsistent with the existing treaty between the
United States and Japan. His letter contained the fol-
lowing paragraphs:

"The practical effect of Section 12 (b) is to single out
Japanese immigrants for exclusion. The Japanese are a sensi-
tive people, and unquestionably would regard such a legisla-
tive enactment as fixing a stigma upon them. . . .

"The question is thus presented whether it is worthwhile
thus to affront a friendly nation with whom we have estab-
lished most cordial relations and what gain there would be
from such action. Permit me to suggest that the legislation
would seem to be quite unnecessary even for the purpose for
which it is devised. It is to be noted that if the provision of
subdivision (b) of Section 12 were eliminated and the quota
provided in Section 10 of the proposed measure were to be
applied to Japan, there»would be a total of only 246 Japanese
immigrants entitled to enter under the quota as thus deter-
mined. . . . We now have an understanding with the Japanese
Government whereby Japan undertakes to prevent the immi-
gration of laborers from Japan to the United States except

368 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the parents, wives and children of those already resident here.
Furthermore, the Japanese Government, incidentally to this
undertaking, now regulates immigration to territory contiguous
to the United States with the object of preventing the depar-
ture from Japan of persons who are likely to obtain surrepti-
tious entry into this country.

"If the provision of Section 12 (b) were to be deleted and
the provision in regard to certificates for immigrants to this
country were to become applicable to Japan, we should with
the present understanding with the Japanese Government be
in a position to obtain active cooperation by the Japanese
authorities in the granting of passports and immigration
certificates. We could in addition be assured that the
Japanese Government would give its assistance in scrutinizing
and regulating immigration from Japan to American territory
contiguous to the United States. It is believed that such an
arrangement involving a double control over the Japanese
quota of less than 250 a year would accomplish a much more
effective regulation of unassimilable and undesirable classes
of Japanese immigrants than it would be practicable for us,
with our long land frontier lines on both North and South to
accomplish by attempting to establish a general bar against
Japanese subjects, to the loss of cooperation with the Japanese
Government in controlling the movement of their people to
the United States and adjacent territories."

The passage of the Japanese exclusion provision of
the 1924 act, contrary to the recommendations of the
Secretary of State, led to very wide-spread protests in
Japan, and among such groups in this country as the
Federal Council of Churches, the National Committee
for Constructive Immigration, and the Friends General
Conference. July 1, the day the act went into effect, was
observed throughout Japan as "Humiliation Day."

In presenting the matter to the Japanese Diet the
Minister of Foreign Affairs made the following declara-
tion:

WORLD POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION 369

"Until our just contentions have been given satisfaction
we shall maintain our protests and shall continue our best
possible endeavors to seek an amicable adjustment of the
question and to ensure forever the traditional friendship
between the two nations."

Hon. Cyrus E. Woods, American Ambassador to Japan,
when the act was passed said:

"The Japanese Exclusion Act was, in my judgment, an
international disaster of the first magnitude, — a disaster to
American diplomacy in the Far East, a disaster to American
business, a disaster to religion and to the effective work of
our American churches in Japan."

The following statement was made at the Institute of
Pacific Relations, by Yusuke Tsurumi, prominent Japa-
nese publicist, who since then has been elected to the
Japanese Parliament:

"I have sounded America throughout, and I know that, in
spite of the immigration laws, her heart is right. I have gone
home and told this to the Japanese people, as they came in
thousands to my lectures to hear eagerly about America. And
I want to tell America in return that the heart of Japan, too,
is right. We understand America's difficulties, we recognize
her right to legislate for herself, and while we deplore the
manner of the legislation, I want America to know that the
Japanese people will wait with patienco and with dignity and
confidence until again the American tradition of fair play
comes into its own."

The passage of the act was supported by the American
Federation of Labor, and at its 1926 convention the Fed-
eration adopted this resolution:

"Whereas, the American Federation of Labor has for years
demanded from Congress, and with cooperation of other
organizations and interests finally secured passage of a law
excluding aliens ineligible to citizenship as a measure of

370 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

protection to American citizens, and as a logical condition of
the national policy of restricted immigration. . . .

"Resolved, that we again direct the Executive Council to
forcibly present to Congress and the proper committees of
both houses organized labor's vigorous and emphatic protest
against any modification of the Federal law excluding aliens
ineligible to citizenship. . . ."

In a message to the American people on Japan from
the American Friends Service Committee arguments in
opposition to the admission of Japanese are answered
factually:

"They are said to drive out American labor by accepting
low wages and bad living conditions. As a matter of fact,
they have largely replaced Chinese labor, and the labor they
compete with is largely Mexican or South European; while in
their special agricultural work no white man wishes to take
their place. The low wages which they accepted were a
menace to American standards before the Gentlemen's Agree-
ment took effect, but since 1907 Japanese immigrants have
gone through the same history as most other immigrant
groups; their living conditions have improved and their wages
are now generally equal to those paid to white workers. They
now own and operate some of the most prosperous small farms
in the West. Many of them have* gone into the professions.
Those born in this country are more American than Japanese ;
they are so completely assimilated that they have lost all
touch with Japan, and often even with their Japanese parents
who could not learn English.

"Until recently there was a law in Japan which created a
form of dual citizenship; but recently that law has been
abolished; and Japan no longer claims such rights over those
who have left her country and have become citizens of another
nation. To the latter only they owe allegiance."

So far immigration from Canada and Latin America
has been unrestricted. The immigration act of 1924

WORLD POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION 371

exempts native-born citizens of countries of the Western
Hemisphere from the quota provisions. The Commis-
sioner General of Immigration advocated in his report
for the fiscal year of 1926 the extension of the quota sys-
tem to these countries.

The opponents of the proposal to restrict Canadian
and Latin American immigration claim that freedom
of movement across the Canadian border is traditional,
and that the Canadians make good citizens; that immi-
gration from Spanish American countries, other than
Mexico, is inconsiderable and that the movement from
Mexico is necessary to supply labor for the development
of the Southwest.

In 1926, the number of immigrants from the West
Indies and Central and South America was less than
8,000, but during the last few years, Canada and Mex-
ico have contributed almost as many annually as has
Europe. Immigration from Mexico was very small be-
fore the World War, but during the war years, the Ameri-
can demand for labor, aided by disturbed conditions in
their home country, led to a considerable movement of
Mexicans into the United States. It is estimated that
whereas in 1900 Mexicans formed only 1% of our foreign-
born population, they now form nearly 10%. The Mexi-
can government does not favor the loss of its nationals
and the Mexican Federation of Labor is attempting a
restriction of emigration.

It will be evident from this brief survey of past and
present immigration policies that the problem is closely
bound up with questions of international goodwill. From
this point of view, there are three elementary considera-
tions which could, it would seem, be taken into account
in any immigration policy adopted, however drastic:

First: avoidance of arbitrary discrimination against indi-
vidual nations.

372 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Second: avoidance of methods of enforcing our immigration
policies which are unnecessarily irritating to other nations.

Third: fair and honorable treatment of the citizens of other
countries who become residents of this one, in order that the
impressions they carry back to their home countries may be
such as to increase the number of our friends.

The ordinarily accepted theory that "immigration is a
matter of purely domestic concern,, was reiterated at the
Sixth Pan American Congress by the United States dele-
gates in the form of a reservation to the immigration
resolution.

Whether, however, the claim that each government has
the right to absolute control over the extent and charac-
ter of immigration continues to be upheld, or whether
these questions, as the tendency seems to be at present,
are recognized as a phase of international politics, they
must finally be determined in the light of world facts.
The question presses for consideration because the move-
ment of population, which before the World War was
largely individualistic, has since the war through the re-
striction of immigration and emigration been subjected
to the interference and control of governments.

At the invitation of the Italian government, an Inter-
national Conference on Emigration and Immigration met
in Rome, May 1924, at which 57 countries, the League
of Nations and International Labor Office were officially
represented. The discussions dealt with questions of pro-
tection and welfare of immigrants and with "general
principles which should be adopted in treaties of immi-
gration and emigration.,, A second International Con-
ference met in March 1928 at Havana. Whether or not
these conferences result in definite modification of the
legislative policies of any nation, they at least indicate
an attempt to regard the problem of emigration and im-
migration as a common problem and to study it from the
world point of view.

CHAPTER XXII

THE WAR-MAKING POWER IX THE UNITED STATES

GOVERNMENT

In an article on "The Executive Assumption of the
War-Making Power," published in the National Univer-
sity Law Review for May, 1927, Albert H. Putney, Pro-
fessor of Constitutional Law in the National University,
calls attention to "the gradual passing of the war-making
power, at least in so far as war can be made with the
military and naval forces already authorized, from the
hands of the Legislative Department of the Government
into those of the Executive."

The granting of the war-making power to Congress
by the Constitution, Prof. Putney declares, was one of
the greatest innovations in the direction of greater hu-
man liberty and justice made by the Constitution, and
presented a striking contrast to the rule previously fol-
lowed in European monarchies. He asserts that one of
the most important questions confronting the citizens of
the United States today is whether an assumption of this
war-making power by the Executive is to be acquiesced
in. The following brief discussion is summarized from
Professor Putney's article referred to above.

The Constitution of the United States provides in
Article I that "The Congress shall have power ... to
declare war." This power of Congress has been declared
by the Supreme Court of the United States to be an ex-
clusive one:

"By the Constitution, Congress alone has the power to
declare a national or foreign war. . . . The Constitution con-

373

374 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

fers on the President the whole executive power. . . . He is
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United
States. . . . He has no power to initiate or declare a war either
against a foreign nation or a domestic state." — The Prize
Cases, 2 Black, 635, 668, 17 L. Ed., 459, 477.

The Supreme Court has also interpreted the term
"war" to embrace all attempts by a country to maintain
its rights by the employment of force:

"Every contention by force between two nations, in external
matters, under the authority of their respective governments,
is not only war, but public war." — Bas. v. Tingy, 4 Dallas,
37, 40, 1 L. Ed., 731, 732-3.

The historical background of the war-making provi-
sion of the Constitution is described in this paragraph
from a speech made by Senator Sumner of Massachu-
setts :

"By the Constitution it is solemnly announced that to Con-
gress is given the power 'to declare war.' This allotment of
power was made only after much consideration and in obedi-
ence to those popular rights consecrated by the American
Revolution. In England and in all other monarchies at the
time, this power was the exclusive prerogative of the Crown,
so that war was justly called the last reason of kings. The
framers of our Constitution naturally refused to vest this
kingly prerogative in the President. Kings were rejected in
substance as in name. The One-Man Power was set aside
and this kingly prerogative placed under the safeguard
of the people, as represented in that highest form of national
life, an Act of Congress. No other provision in the Constitu-
tion is more distinctive or more worthy of veneration. I do
not go too far when I call it an essential element of Republican
institutions, happily discovered by our fathers."

Professor Putney traces through the various adminis-
trations the acts of the Executive Branch of the Gov-

WAR-MAKING POWER 375

eminent and the statements of Presidents and Secre-
taries of State which bear upon this question, showing
that until the end of the nineteenth century the war-
making power was jealously guarded by Congress and
acknowledged by every President. Among the striking
statements which he quotes are these:

President Jackson in connection with the question of
the recognition of Texas referred the question to Con-
gress as one "probably leading to war" and therefore a
proper subject for "a previous understanding with that
body by whom war can alone be declared and by whom
all the provisions for sustaining its perils must be fur-
nished."

Again, when difficulties threatened war with Spain,
President Jackson hurried instructions to our minister
to discuss the matter with the Spanish Government, in
order that before its adjournment the matter might be
laid before Congress, "the constitutional judges of what
is proper to be done when negotiations for redress of in-
jury fail."

In connection with the rendering of military assistance
to Texas before its annexation, the Secretary of State of
the United States had occasion to write the American
Minister to Texas: "The employment of the Army or
Navy against a foreign power with which the United
States are at peace is not within the competency of the
President."

President Buchanan, in his Annual Message in 1858,
said:

"The executive government of this country in its intercourse
with foreign nations is limited to the employment of diplo-
macy alone. When this fails it can proceed no further. It
cannot legitimately resort to force without the direct author-
ity of Congress, except in resisting and repelling hostile
attacks."

376 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Again in his Annual Message of 1859 this President
stated :

"Congress possesses the sole and exclusive power under the
Constitution 'to declare war.' They alone can 'raise and sup-
port armies' and 'provide and maintain a navy.' But after
Congress shall have declared war and provided the force neces-
sary to carry it on, the President as Commander-in-Chief of
the Army and Navy, can alone employ this force in making
war against the enemy. This is the plain language and his-
tory proves that it was the well-known intention of the
framers of the Constitution. It will not be denied that the
general 'power to declare war' is without limitation and em-
braces within itself not only what writers on the law of nations
term a public or perfect war, but also an imperfect war, and,
in short, every species of hostility, however confined or lim-
ited. Without the authority of Congress the President cannot
fire a hostile gun in any case except to repel the attack of an
enemy."

President Harrison in connection with an attack upon
sailors of the United States when on shore leave in Val-
paraiso, and President Cleveland in connection with a
boundary dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela,
both made it clear that they claimed no authority to use
force without the express authorization of Congress.

Professor Putney cites the action of President Roose-
velt in connection with the revolution in Panama in
1903 as the first exercise of the war-making power by a
President without the consent of Congress but calls at-
tention to the fact that President Roosevelt

"Adopted for his own administration, and urged upon others,
a principle which, if followed by his successors, would have
almost entirely eliminated the practical evils which have
resulted from later interventions based upon the precedent
which he created.

"The principle referred to was that against the use of force
for the recovery of contract claims against a foreign country.

WAR-MAKING POWER 377

In his Fifth Annual Message, dated December 5, 1905, in dis-
cussing the troubles in Santo Domingo and the foreign claims
against that country, he said: 'Our own Government has
always refused to enforce such contractual relations on behalf
of its citizens by an appeal to arms. It is much to be wished
that all foreign governments would take the same view/ "

"The latest chapter in the history of the gradual usur-
pation of the war-making powers by the Executive," ac-
cording to Professor Putney, "is a short one. It com-
prises merely the sending of marines into Nicaragua to
support the tottering rule of the revolutionary president,
Adolfo Diaz, and the President's argument in support
of this action in his Message of January 10, 1927, which
concluded :

tt r

It has always been and remains the policy of the United
States in such circumstances to take steps that may be neces-
sary for the preservation and protection of the lives, the prop-
erty, and the interests of its citizens and of this Government
itself. In this respect I propose to follow the path of my
predecessors.

" 'Consequently, I have deemed it my duty to use the powers
committed to me to insure the adequate protection of all
American interests in Nicaragua, whether they be endangered
by internal strife or by outside interference in the affairs of
that Republic.1 "

This statement as to what the policy of the United
States has always been is contradicted by citations from
the messages of Jefferson and Madison and Daniel Web-
ster when Secretary of State. In his first Annual Mes-
sage Jefferson recounted the sending of an American
squadron to Gibraltar when Tripolitan cruisers were
blockading United States commerce in the Mediter-
ranean. One of the cruisers engaged a small American
schooner and was captured, but since the American naval
forces were "unauthorized by the Constitution without

378 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the sanction of Congress to go beyond the line of de-
fense, the vessel being disabled from committing further
hostilities was liberated with its crew.,, "The Legisla-
ture," Jefferson continues, "will doubtless consider
whether by authorizing measures of offense also they will
place our force on equal footing with that of its ad-
versaries."
Commenting on this message Professor Putney says:

"President Jefferson clearly recognized and stated the dis-
tinction between those cases where the use of force abroad for
the protection of American lives and property is really defen-
sive and where, therefore, it may be authorized by the Presi-
dent without the consent of Congress, and those cases where
it is offensive in its character and, therefore, only permissible
when authorized by Congress. In the case of actual physical
attacks upon American citizens or their property, or the imme-
diate danger of such attacks, the forces of the United States
may be used for strictly protective purposes without the
consent of Congress, which it is manifestly impossible to
obtain in such cases. When, however, any attempt is made
to take over the control of territory, to use force for the col-
lection of claims due to American citizens, to interfere with
the military operation of foreign troops, or above all to inter-
fere between two governments each claiming to be the legal
government of the country, war (perhaps only partial war,
but still war) is waged, and this can only be constitutionally
done under the authorization of Congress. There is here no
question of any surrender of American rights, or any failure
to protect American interests, it is merely a question as to
which department of the government has been granted the
power of deciding upon the question of the necessity of war.
The framers of the Constitution felt that this was too great a
power to be safely placed in the hands of any one man, and
expressly granted it to Congress. For more than a century
the Presidents of the United States acquiesced in this decision."

The message of President Coolidge quoted above, Pro-

WAR-MAKING POWER 379

fessor Putney declares, "in effect asserts that the Presi-
dent of the United States has the power to wage an
offensive war, upon his own authority, against any coun-
try, and for any reason which in his opinion appears to
affect 'the lives, the property and the interests of its
citizens and of this Government itself/ If this claim is
correct it would only be necessary to appeal to Congress
if an increase in the numbers of the land and naval forces
were required."

The Power of Congress to Outlaw War

Another interesting point in regard to the war-making
power in the United States Government, which has re-
cently come up in connection with outlawry of war
treaties, is the claim that it would be unconstitutional
for the treaty-making power of the United States, the
President and the Senate, to negotiate outlawry of war
treaties, because by the Constitution the war-making
power belongs to Congress. This claim is, however, con-
tradicted by Professor J. P. Chamberlain of Columbia
University, in the following statement:

"Important treaties have been made by the United States
to limit the exercise of other powers vested in Congress and
vital to the national defense.

"Article I, Section 8, also grants to Congress power 'to
provide and maintain a navy/ This power is also unlimited;
but the treaty-making power, with the approval of the nation,
signed and ratified the convention of Washington, February
6, 1922, of which Section 1 reads: 'The contracting powers
agree to limit their respective naval armament as provided
in the present treaty.'

"The treaties of arbitration of 1908 and 1909 known as the
Root treaties, and the treaties of investigation and conciliation
of Mr. Bryan in 1913 and 1914 also constitute international
obligations morally limiting the right to declare war."

CHAPTER XXIII
WAR DEBTS AND REPARATIONS

The war debts owed to the United States by Euro-
pean nations present a problem which has not yet been
satisfactorily settled and which will call for further ex-
pression of opinion on the part of American citizens.
Although the whole subject, as in the case of many others
connected with world peace, is of so technical a nature
that it can be understood only through detailed study, the
public should be familiar with its broad outlines in
order that popular prejudice may not influence future
decisions in regard to it. In answer to criticism of the
present settlements as not sufficiently generous on the
part of this country it has been stated by Secretary
Mellon that "neither the people nor the press nor Con-
gress" expressed any such opinion as would have war-
ranted cancelling any amount of the indebtedness which
it was feasible to collect.

The facts in regard to the present agreements for the
settlement of the debts are these: the obligations given
by the Allies during the war were demand obligations.
Because it was necessary that these be funded into* long-
term obligations, Congress in 1922 created the World
War Foreign Debt Commission. It provided that the
Commission should have no power to extend the time of
maturity of any obligations beyond 1987, or to fix the
rate of interest at less than the rate borne by outstanding
liberty bonds. The act which contemplated payment in
full further required that each agreement be approved

380

WAR DEBTS AND REPARATIONS

381

by Congress before going into effect. It was found by
the Debt Commission that it was impossible to enforce
the provisions of this act, and Congress agreed to the
arrangements entered into by the Commission.

The basis of the negotiations carried on by the Debt
Commission was the foreign nation's "capacity to pay,"
and it was explicitly and repeatedly stated by the Ameri-
can negotiators that the debt payments must be consid-
ered independently of reparation payments to be received
by the debtors from Germany. The amounts of indebt-
edness and the total payments required under the exist-
ing agreements, and the rates of interest applying, are
shown in the following table. The time of payment
allowed is, in all instances, sixty-two years:

Payments

Country Ami. Advanced To be made Int. Rates

Armenia $11,959,918 $16,655,179 Not funded

Austria 24,055,709 33,437,435

Belgium 379,087,200 727330,500 1.790%

Cuba 10,000,000 Paid

Czechoslovakia 91379,671 312,811,433 3.327%

Esthonia 13,999,146 33,331,140 3.306%

Finland 8,281,926 21,695,055 3.306%

France 3,404,818,945* 6,847,674,104 1.640%

Great Britain 4,277,000,000 11,105,965,000 3.306%

Greece 15,000,000 19,125,000 Not funded

Hungary 1,685,836 4,693,240 3.306%

Italy 1,648,034,051 2,407,677,500 .405%

Latvia 5,132,287 13,958,635 3.306%

Liberia 26,000 Paid

Lithuania 4,981,628 14,531,940 3.306%

Nicaragua 166,604 298,818 Not funded

Poland 159,666,972 435,687,550 3.306%

Rumania 37,922,675 122,506,260 3.321%

Russia 192,601 ,297 275,504,668 Not funded

Yugoslavia 51,758,487 95,177,635 1.030%

Totals $10,338,058,352 $22,488,561 ,093

♦French agreement not yet ratified by French Parliament or Con-
gress of the United States.

382 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

According to Treasury estimates, these settlements —
on the basis of their "present worth" — represent a can-
cellation by the United States of over $5,489,000,000 of
indebtedness.

The two schools of thought in the United States, on
the subject of debt payments, are most clearly set forth
in a statement issued early in 1927 by members of the
faculty of political science of Columbia University, and
later endorsed by members of the faculty of Princeton
University, and in the reply of Secretary of the Treasury
Mellon to this statement. These documents may be
obtained in full in International Conciliation for May,
1927, published by the Carnegie Endowment for In-
ternational Peace. Summarized briefly, the Columbia
University statement urges the complete reconsideration
of the debt settlements in the light of present knowledge.
It does not recommend cancellation. It maintains:

That war debt settlements have produced distrust and mis-
understanding, and that when in Europe century-old political
enmities are yielding to common sense, an international finan-
cial problem of recent origin, whatever its magnitude, should
not be allowed to threaten the foremost gain in international
relations since European nations began.

That our money advances to the Allies during the war were
regarded by Congress as "a joint contribution to a common
cause." Many statements made in Congress and by public
men at the time the loans were made are quoted in support of
this contention. March 25, 1926, on the floor of the Senate,
Senator Smoot said, as a member of the World War Foreign
Debt Commission:

"Those of us who were here in 1917-18 know how we
felt then. There was no thought of commercial loans or
of investment of our resources in the bonds of the Allies.
We were bound together in a common cause; money was
all we had to give and we gave it freely. It was, of course,
expected that if we won the war some day in some way

WAR DEBTS AND REPARATIONS 383

all obligations of foreign governments which we received
for the sums advanced would be honored and adjusted."

That the loans were for different purposes, and that the
debt settlements did not take this fact sufficiently into account.
(Of the total sum advanced, $7,000,000,000 was advanced
before the Armistice. A large part of this money was, by
agreement, spent in the United States for war and other sup-
plies; a part was used for the purchase of supplies later sold
to the citizens of the debtor nations. England borrowed in
part in order to loan to her allies and has agreed to cancel
her debt to them in so far as her indebtedness to the United
States is cancelled.)

That to the minds of our debtors, the core of the contro-
versy is the question of what equivalent, moral or material,
was rendered by them for the sums advanced. In other words,
that while we loaned money toward winning the war, the
Allies sacrificed lives.

That a nation's capacity to pay cannot be determined.

That the wide discrepancy in liberality of the settlements is
unjust.

That our debt settlements are part and parcel of a whole
network of settlements between other powers, and should be
considered in an international conference in which our nego-
tiators should be given the power to come to an agreement
calculated to promote the future peace and prosperity of the
world.

The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Mellon, in answer
to this statement, asserts:

That Congress, from the wording of the Liberty Loan acts,
clearly intended the sums advanced to the Allies to be loans,
and not subsidies.

That the advances made after the Armistice cannot be
considered as a contribution pending effective entry into battle
or as saving American lives, and that large amounts of the
sums agreed upon in the debt settlements are taken up in
the payment of these post-war advances.

That the reparation payments due European nations from

384 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Germany under the Dawes plan are in the case of all our
principal debtors, except Great Britain, larger than the
amounts due us.

That neither the people nor the press nor Congress expressed
any such opinion as would have warranted the governments
officials who were acting as trustees for the American people
in cancelling any amount of the debt which it was feasible to
collect.

That a recognition of their external obligations by the
European nations and an undertaking bravely to meet
them within their capacity, such as each country has accepted,
is a moral force of great service to permanent prosperity in
the world.

Aside from the feasibility of obtaining payment, and
aside from any theory of generosity, the question is
raised by many economists whether it would be to the
financial advantage of the United States to accept pay-
ment of the war debts in full or in large part. Secretary
Mellon is quoted in the annual reports of the World
War Foreign Debt Commission as having said before
the funding negotiations that :

"The entire foreign debt is not worth as much to the Amer-
ican people in dollars and cents as a prosperous Europe as a
customer. A business man would prefer making $100 in his
business than being repaid $5 of a debt. The farmer or the
laboring man would rather have a market for our surplus in
Europe than save a dollar of Federal taxes."

In this connection it should be noted that the pay-
ments which the United States receives under the agree-
ments amount to less than one- third of 1% of our an-
nual national income at present, and will never exceed
one-half of 1% of the probable national income. If they
were applied in full to a reduction in the personal in-
come tax rate, they would make a difference of only $2
a year to a taxpayer with a net income of more than

WAR DEBTS AND REPARATIONS 385

$5,000. To the 90% of the people who pay taxes on an
income of less than $5,000 the reduction would be even
less.

The argument was made in Congress, however, that
whatever the value to the United States of the pay-
ment of the debt, full payment should be exacted be-
cause the debtor nations are spending larger sums for
armaments than they are called upon to pay the United
States, and that any relaxation in the debt settlements
wrould merely increase the amounts expended for mili-
tary purposes. The answer made to this is that the re-
duction in armaments depends upon the creation of in-
ternational goodwill, and that the present settlements
tend to add to the ill will and distrust in the world.

The extent of the ill will engendered may be seen in
the statement quoted below from a representative
of the nation which has raised less objection than any
other to the debt-collection policy of the United States.
A. G. Gardiner, English author, in an article, "Prospects
of Anglo-American Friendship," in Foreign Affairs for
October, 1926, says:

"The chief cause of estrangement is the debt settlement.
. . . The British taxpayer, burdened as he is with a weight
of taxation unprecedented in history, would be more than
human if he did not feel some mortification at the fact that
for every pound sterling he earns, he has to pay 9d. to a
creditor whose economic position he has come to regard as
being in almost every respect vastly more comfortable and
happy than his own.

"But there is more in it than that. The resentment which
really counts is based on less ignoble feelings. In the main
your Englishman, though like other men he hates parting with
his money, is too much of a business man to harbor malice
at having to meet an obligation which he has contracted in
the course of straight business. He will dislike losing the
money, but he will consider himself under a moral obligation

386 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

to pay, and though he may envy his creditor, he will not like
him any the less for it. But the whole point is that, in this
case of the war debt, he does not feel that at bottom there
does exist the same moral obligation. . He cannot persuade
himself that it was contracted in the normal course of busi-
ness. He cannot agree that war debt and debts contracted
in ordinary business are on the same footing. He regards
the expenditure on the war as being expenditure incurred for
a common object, and he cannot bring himself to believe that
the mere bookkeeping entries of such expenditure have the
same binding force as they have in the more material relations
of commerce.

"On an impartial view of the matter, he has some justifica-
tion for this attitude. If we did wage a common war — and I
have yet to hear the man who denies it — is it really possible
to allocate the burden on purely commercial principles? No
one has attempted to apply such principles to the sacrifice in
men. Is there any more justification for applying them to
materials? If America sent a detachment of machine-gunners
plus equipment for the reinforcement of our defenses, no in-
debtedness of this strictly computable nature was incurred.
The sacrifices she made were agreed to be invaluable. But if
she sent equipment only, apparently the sacrifice was to be
assessed on quite a different basis. . . .

"It is notorious that if America had not insisted upon a
'business settlement/ England would have been quite ready,
in the common interest, to cancel all debts due to her."

The New Republic of May 23, 1928, takes vigorous
exception to the tendency in England to demand reduc-
tion on moral grounds, and puts the need for revision
entirely on economic grounds. Just as the Allies have
learned that the cost of war cannot be recovered from
the vanquished, the United States has need to learn that
it is impossible to collect large sums loaned for war pur-
poses: "Tribute exacted for defeat in war tends to throw
out of balance the economic integration of the world ; and
no less a disturbance is likely to arise from insistence on

WAR DEBTS AND REPARATIONS 387

full repayment of loans advanced for destructive pur-
poses."

The Dawes Plan

Although the United States has insisted that the war
debts and German reparations should be considered sep-
arately, the two things have necessarily been closely in-
terwoven in European thought. The inability of Ger-
many to continue to meet reparation payments would
undoubtedly lead to a demand for a reconsideration of
the debt-funding agreements with the United States.

During the war and during the Peace Conference the
peoples of the Allied nations of Europe were for political
reasons led to believe that a defeated Germany could be
made to pay fabulous sums to the victors. Having put
this idea into the minds of the people it became exceed-
ingly dangerous for any government to attempt to disil-
lusion them. The fact that Germany could not pay the
amounts expected was recognized by economists and
statesmen long before any effort was made to educate the
public to the fact. The Reparation Commission which
was established by the Treaty of Versailles, and on which
the United States, since it asked for no reparations, was
not represented, made little or no effort to remove the
question of reparations from the political to the eco-
nomic field.

In October, 1922, the Secretary of State of the United
States proposed the appointment of a committee of ex-
perts to attempt a solution of the reparation problems.
France refused to agree to this proposal. On December
29, 1922, Secretary of State Hughes repeated the sugges-
tion in a public address before the American Historical
Association. Mr. Hughes in this speech declared the
question of reparations was an economic problem which
should be taken out of politics. He expressed the belief

388 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

that the committee of experts should be free "from any
responsibility to foreign offices and from any duty to
obey political instruction" and hoped that the way might
be found "for a frank discussion and determination of
what is essentially an economic problem.,,

European governments still paid no attention to this
plan of the Secretary of State of the United States and
continued to stand by their political promises of huge
reparations. Early in 1923 the French government sent
an army into Germany and occupied the Ruhr. By this
attempt to enforce a demand which could not be met the
whole situation was brought to a crisis, and when some
ten months later the President of the United States de-
clared the State Department proposal was still open for
acceptance, the government of England began corre-
spondence with the United States as to ways and means
of putting the plan into effect.

It was finally agreed, with the concurrence of France,
that the Reparation Commission should appoint a com-
mittee of experts to study means of balancing the Ger-
man budget and -stabilizing German currency. The
United States, invited to participate in these commit-
tees, declined, but stated that it viewed with favor the
acceptance by American experts of invitations to partici-
pate. How hard it was to clear the air of the political
aspects of the reparation problem was indicated by the
vigorous objections which the French government made
in a press campaign to an alternative proposal for an
international conference on reparations, at the same time
it was quietly accepting the proposal for a committee of
experts.

The report of the Committee of Experts, of which
Charles G. Dawes served as Chairman, was made to the
Reparation Commission on April 9, 1924, and with the
agreement of Germany the plan recommended was put

WAR DEBTS AND REPARATIONS 389

into operation on September 1, 1924. The Dawes Plan
has been clearly explained for the average reader by J.
Henry Scattergood of Philadelphia. Mr. Scattergood
uses a tank by way of illustration: the filling of the
tank is the payment by Germany, the emptying of the
tank is the receipt of the payments by the Allies.
The tank is to be filled from three sources, from taxation,
from earnings of the railways of Germany and from a
mortgage secured by all German businesses except agri-
culture. It is in the method of emptying the tank that
a difficult problem, known as the transfer problem,
arises. Mr. Scattergood points out that the payment put
into the tank by Germany cannot be taken out in the
form of gold since Germany has no gold, nor in the form
of paper money since this would have to be sold for
francs or sterling or dollars and unless Germany were to
have a balance of exports over imports, the transaction
would soon drive down the value of the mark. It would
then soon be worthless and the fund in the tank would
accordingly melt away in the hands of the Agent Gen-
eral for reparation payments. The only way to make
payments (aside from the temporary expedient of for-
eign loans) is, therefore, in goods or services, that is,
Germany must export more than she imports and thus
establish a trade balance in an amount sufficient to meet
the payments. But no nation wants to receive abnor-
mally large quantities of Germany's goods. America's
answer is a high tariff ; France on her part has never been
willing to accept free German material or to permit
German labor to come into the devastated regions and
work freely, because of the effect on her own industrial
and labor market.

The first four annual payments under the Dawes Plan
have been promptly met by Germany, but the amount
to be paid increases by more than one-third beginning

390 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

with 1928-1929. Also the payments so far have been
made possible by the negotiation of a loan from Ameri-
can and other investors which in turn has first claim on
German resources. The test of the plan is recognized
as still in the future and the necessity of some modifica-
tion, as, for instance, agreement upon the total amount to
be paid, which the Reparation Commission had no au-
thority to fix, has been indicated by the American Agent
General for Reparations, Mr. Seymour Parker Gilbert.
Another unsettled issue to which Dr. Moulton calls
attention is the inter-relation between the reparation
and the inter- Allied debt problems.

"If," he says, "the Allies — particularly those countries hav-
ing the largest share in the reparation claim — are to be
expected to accept greatly reduced reparation sums, the inter-
Allied debt problem must also be conceived in different terms.
No one has ever succeeded in doing anything but delude him-
self by assuming that the reparation settlement and the inter-
Allied debts constitute two separate and distinct problems.
The fact that they originated differently is of mere technical
interest. There will never be any final solution of the repara-
tion problem until a comprehensive adjustment of both the
international debt and reparation problems is worked out."

Whatever truth lies behind the statement that when
the original war debt funding negotiations were being
conducted, "the public" would not tolerate any consid-
erable reduction in the claims of the United States,
when the situation is reconsidered, as it apparently must
be within the next few years, there should be a suffi-
ciently widespread realization of the inter-relation of
financial problems involved, and of the interdependence
of the economic prosperity of all nations, to prevent any
obstruction of later efforts at reasonable adjustment.

CHAPTER XXIV
WHAT WAR IS

There are only a few hundred men in the world who
know in detail what plans are being made for another
war, and only a handful of them are giving out so much
as an occasional hint. With very few exceptions, the
members of legislatures and government officials who
are daily deciding issues in a way which leads toward
or away from war, are not among those who know the
present meaning of the word war.

Thousands of men know intimately what the last
war was like, but they are eager to forget, and do not
pass their knowledge op. There are pictures from which
some of the truth about the last war could be learned,
but they are not shown. Only once have the men, who
carry in their persons evidence of what war is, gathered
together and marched before a public accustomed to
seeing soldiers on dress parade. In Paris, on Armistice
Day, 1924, after a brilliant ceremony over the tomb of
the Unknown Soldier, at which the picked troops of the
French army had been reviewed, another army, this time
of the Mutiles, gathered at the Arc de Triomphe and
marched through the streets. The Universal News Serv-
ice sent this dispatch to its papers:

"First came the seriously wounded in wheel chairs and on
stretchers, a few carried by relatives. Then came hundreds
of blind men, led by children born when Verdun's guns were
booming. Following that division came the men with' one leg,
men with one arm, and then "smashed mugs." There were

391

392 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

men with noses off, men with no chins, and men with only
half heads. Never has there been such a tremendous spec-
tacle since wars began . . . and over all was an overwhelm-
ing silence — the silence of the wrecks who marched, and the
silence of the horrified multitude who watched."

Yet the last war is admitted to have been only a pre-
liminary experiment in the use of modern weapons. In
considering a next war mankind is confronted by an en-
tirely new situation, which calls for new judgments based
on present facts.

To illustrate the difference between the last war and
the next it needs only to be remembered that at the be-
ginning of the last war there was no airplane carrying
a gun, that for some time air men fought with rifles,
that the greatest weight of bombs dropped in any one
month was 12 tons, while today it is possible with the
airplanes of France alone to drop 120 tons in one raid.
Chemists had hardly begun to experiment with poison
gases. Today gas warfare is worked out to so fine a
point that it- is planned to fill the air with a deadly gas
and then to let loose an irritating gas which will compel
men to tear off their gas masks. The Chicago Daily
News of September 8, 1924, cites a report made to the
League of Nations by a special committee on chemical
warfare as authority for the statement that there is no
conceivable limit to the power, efficacy and variety of
chemical warfare. The principal chemicals which are
already used are "tear gas, which blinds temporarily;
sneeze gas, which causes uncontrollable sneezing, intol-
erable headaches and fits of suffocation; mustard gas,
which blisters the skin, eats away the mucous mem-
branes, and penetrates the clothing and the earth and is
dangerous for days; asphyxiating gas, which kills by
hemorrhage of the lungs, and syncopetoxic gas, which
kills by instant paralysis. Furthermore the possibility is

WHAT WAR IS 393

seriously considered of dropping disease germs in glass
globes on cities, and of ravaging harvests by similarly
scattering parasites."

It is sometimes asserted that the evils of chemical and
aircraft warfare are greatly exaggerated, that it is pleas-
anter to be gassed than shot, and that cities can be pro-
tected against aircraft.- The statements of the men in a
position to be best informed contradict these claims.
General Pershing has said:

"Chemical warfare should be abolished among nations as
abhorrent to civilization. It is a cruel, unfair and improper
use of science. It is fraught with the gravest danger to non-
combatants and demoralizes the better instincts of humanity.
. . . Scientific research may discover a gas so deadly that
it will produce instant death. To sanction the use of gas
in any form would be to open the way for the use of the
most deadly gases and the possible poisoning of whole
populations of noncombatant men, women, and children. The
contemplation of such a result is shocking to the senses. It
is unthinkable that civilization should deliberately decide
upon such a course."

Major-General Mason M. Patrick, U. S. A., retired
chief of the United States air corps during the War, in
an address before the Michigan Branch of the League of
Nations Non-Partisan Association at Detroit, January
31, 1928, said:

"We are just at the beginning of the era of air transporta-
tion. Every one knows that aircraft will play a most impor-
tant part in any future war, and that the aircraft of the future
will be vastly more powerful machines, more effective weap-
ons, than those of today. Flying at great heights, travelling
at great speed, carrying huge bombs filled with explosives, or
with noxious gases, (for gas will be used in war, international
agreements to the contrary notwithstanding), they can rain
down death and destruction, and it can be readily imagined

394 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

what would be the effect of such an air attack upon this or
any other of our large cities. It is repeated, we should surely
avail ourselves of .any means which will render less likely the
necessity of our engaging in so sanguinary a conflict."

As for the protection of cities against aircraft, Briga-
dier-General Groves, Director of Air Operations of the
British Air Forces in 1918, made the following state-
ment, in an address given before the Royal Institute of
International Affairs in London on March 29, 1927:

"The consensus of opinion in -aviation circles is that local
defence is of negligible value; that no adequate means of
protection against aircraft attack are yet in view; that the
best defence against such an attack is the aerial counter-
offensive; and that the only effective deterrent to aerial
aggression is the threat of reprisals in kind."

Referring to the experience of the last war, he said
further :

"It may be argued that it will be possible to protect the
big cities by means of anti-aircraft defences. The following
considerations will show that that view is fallacious. In
1918 the London anti-aircraft defences consisted of 11 spe-
cially trained night-flying squadrons of aeroplanes, 180 guns
on the ground, in addition to a number of guns mounted
upon motor vehicles, 10 balloon aprons, and a large number of
searchlights. The number of aircraft was nearly 300, and the
total number of men employed some 30,000 — i.e., the equiva-
lent of two divisions of infantry. In addition, there were a
number of specially prepared night landing grounds, exten-
sive telephone installations, and a large headquarters staff
to co-ordinate and direct the whole defensive organization.
Great as was the scale of these defences, London was bom-
barded, although the largest number of aeroplanes in any
single raid was only 36. Obviously, it would be impossible to
maintain defences on the above scale for every city and other
nerve centres in a state; but even if it were possible, such

WHAT WAR IS 395

defence would be useless against aerial attack delivered by
thousands or even by hundreds of aircraft."

The English officer, Commander J. M. Kenworthy, in
his recent book, "Peace or War," one of the most startling
revelations of what war today means, points out that,
although guns and projectiles have been improved and
there are gas shells capable of producing a gas barrage
in the air,

"It is exceedingly difficult to gauge the height, speed and
course of attacking aircraft at night, and it is difficult to
make these barrages effective. The improvement in artillery
has not kept pace with the improvement in aeroplane engines
and aeroplane design; aircraft can now fly much higher, at
greater speed, and therefore with greater immunity from
attack from the ground. Three hundred miles an hour is a
practical speed for aeroplanes."

He calls attention also to the great areas that must be
protected and to the difficulty that the defending air-
planes have in finding the enemy planes at night, and in
distinguishing friend from foe, and to the many casual-
ties resulting from the falling shrapnel and shells of de-
fense guns. He refers to Brigadier-General Lord Thom-
son as saying that the most effective form of defense
against air attack is confined to bombing squadrons —
that is, to reprisals.

Marshal Foch has stated:

"The carrying power of the airplane is increasing. Im-
provements are almost daily enabling greater and greater
weights to be carried. These developments introduce an
entirely new method for the large-scale use of poison gas.
By the use of bombs, which are becoming increasingly efficient
and of greater capacity, not only have armies become more
vulnerable, but the centers of population situated in the rear
and whole regions inhabited by civilians will be threatened.

396 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Chemical warfare thus acquires the power to produce more
terrible effects over much larger areas."

On another occasion Marshal Foch declared that in
another war not only men but women and children
would be combatants, that the fighting would not be
localized in any sense, and that the wThole world would
be involved.

Brigadier-General Groves, following maneuvers of the
Royal Air Force in 1927, admitted that:

"During the next war large areas of the country will prob-
ably be submerged in a sea of gas spread by enemy airplanes.

"How to protect civilians from the perils of gas attack,
and how to move them in time of need from the town to
safe quarters, above and below the ground, are problems
which are now occupying some of the best technical brains in
the country."

The discussion at a recent meeting of the Red Cross
in Brussels, reported in the New York Times May 27,
1928, gives a sense of immediate reality to these warn-
ings:

"Assuming that in future wars large populations will be
sprayed with poisonous gases . . . the Red Cross recently
assembled experts on the subject in an international confer-
ence. . . . The meeting adopted various suggestions, which
will be submitted to the international committee of the Red
Cross.

"As conceived by these experts, the next war will be one in
which the gas-besieged civilian will be in much the same
predicament as a passenger in one of the lower cabins of a
sinking ship. He may have some chance to survive, but not
much. For the clouds of chemicals that will envelop his city
will settle upon reservoirs, poisoning the water supply; will
penetrate warehouses and shops, making food inedible; will
hunt him out in his house or cellar, as well as in subterranean
shelters, penetrating every crevice and cutting off all sources

WHAT WAR IS 397

of fresh air except that which may be artificially produced
within hermetically sealed enclosures. And if such enclosures
existed, only a very small proportion of the population could
utilize them.

"If the civilian is provided with an effective gas mask . . .
and can get it on and make a dash for an entirely air-and-
gas-proof cellar, and if he has an artificial supply of oxygen
readily at hand, and if the gas cloud lifts before long and is
not renewed, he may escape and live. . . . The careful citi-
zen may have to purchase many masks, getting a new one
each time an improved brand appears. The present ones cost
about $4 each;

"If the recommendations of the experts were fully carried
out, cities would have to be almost entirely rebuilt. The
expense of even a moderate number of gas-proof caverns, gas-
proof buildings and masks would, of course, be enormous.
Some of the experts at the conference expressed the view
that no reliable means of immunization existed, even assum-
ing that a nation was prepared to pay the price of the
elaborate construction conceived by the technicians."

H. G. Wells, in his introduction to Commander Ken-
worthy's book, recounts the fact that when the question
of teaching the use of gas masks to children in the infant
schools was raised in a debate on the Air Estimates Bill
in the House of Commons in 1927, it was greeted with
laughter by the members present. He goes on to say
that "nothing could better illustrate the happy careless-
ness with which we move towards the next catastrophe.
. . . Today the huge majority of people in the world
think no more about the prevention of war than a war-
ren of rabbits thinks about the suppression of shotguns
and ferrets. They just don't want to be bothered about
it. It is amazing how they accept the things that will
presently slaughter them. . . . "

As a matter of fact even those who know most about
present war plans know only with what weapons and

398 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

devices another war would be begun. "The late wrar
brought surprises, the next would add to them." Two
things, only, seem reasonably certain: It will be fought
from the air with gas and flame, and carried on against
whole populations.

The dispatch from the Chicago Daily News mentioned
above refers to the report of the special committee on
chemical warfare of the League of Nations as saying that
the next war will treat civilians the same as soldiers, that
it will strike at great cities by long-range guns and air-
craft and that protection of combatants against gases
will be difficult, and protection of civilians almost impos-
sible.

Attacks will be directed against centers of industry,
against sources of food supply and lines of communica-
tion. Breaking down the morale of the enemy people
will be one of the chief objectives.

The Right Honorable Winston S. Churchill, formerly
First Lord of the Admiralty, Minister of Munitions,
Secretary of State for War and Secretary of State for
Air, in an article which was published in Nash's Pall
Mall Magazine, September 24, 1924, under the title
''Shall We Commit Suicide?" pointed out the lines along
which the plans for another war are being made:

"It is established that henceforth whole populations will
take part in war, all doing their utmost, all subjected to the
fury of the enemy. . . . Mankind has never been in this
position before. Without having improved appreciably in
virtue or enjoying wiser guidance, it has got into its hands
for the first time the tools by which it can unfailingly accom-
plish its own extermination. . . .

"As for Poison Gas and Chemical Warfare in all its forms,
only the first chapter has been written of a terrible book. . . .
A study of disease — of pestilences methodically prepared and
deliberately launched upon man and beast — is certainly being

WHAT WAR IS 399

pursued in the laboratories of more than one great country.
Blight to destroy crops, anthrax to slay horses and cattle,
plague to poison not armies only but whole districts — such are
the lines along which military science is remorselessly ad-
vancing."

In an article, "War — Man's Greatest Industry," pub-
lished in the New York Times for March 13, 1922,
Charles M. Lincoln after long research and investigation
makes this statement:

"The British Army Council foresees the use of chemicals on
the offense in these ways: From cylinders along the ground,
in clouds, by shell or projectile bombardment, by bursting
grenades, and by projectiles and containers dropped from
airships.

"Instruction of troops in the discharge of liquid fire is begin-
ning, each soldier to carry on his back two tanks of volatile oil
which high pressure will enable him to shoot 150 feet through
a hose. •

"Great progress is being made by all the nations in the
wireless control of pilotless planes. The possibilities of radio
are being developed by all the nations. ... In a few coun-
tries consideration of the use of bacteria as a war weapon
has accompanied the research in chemicals. But no nation
has thus far had the hardihood to openly include bacteria
in its category of weapons, as gases and chemicals have been
included. But, at that, another great war might bring the use

of disease germs They are cheap, can be produced in

abundance, and might prove quite effective."

The tremendous property losses of war conducted ac-
cording to modern methods are indicated by Will Irwin
in "The Next War":

' "Perhaps a better way of breaking up the 'resistance of
the rear* would be to exterminate not the human Paris but the
physical Paris. That could be done in one gigantic confla-
gration started by inextinguishable chemicals dropped from a

400 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

few aircraft. The method is practicable even now, in the
infancy of chemical warfare; and the military ctiemists of
Europe are experimenting further alone these lines. Such a
campaign would of course not be confined to Paris, it would
be aimed also at the great ports, at a hundred little cities
which do their part in making munitions. . . . Such a cam-
paign could in a few weeks nearly equal the property losses
of the Great War."

General Lincoln C. Andrews, as Chief of the New York
Bureau of Military Training, declares that to him it is
incredible when he hears men talk about the next war
in a matter-of-fact way. "It cannot be/' he says, "that
they have any conception of what the next war will be
like. It will be so hideous in its devastation that it will
matter little which side wins, for both will be ruined."

One of the things which Dr. William P. Merrill, Pres-
ident of the World Alliance, says the individual man or
woman can do to help mobilize for peace is to know and
keep making known the facts about what war today is:

"Nothing," he says, "should stop us in'this work. One grave
danger threatening mankind is that a new generation' will
come up trained and accustomed to look back on war from
a distance, as a glorious and wonderful affair. We must not
let the sense of the hideous gruesomeness of the horrible
business of fighting fade out. The best of our fighting men
came back with their lips sealed. They would not talk about
war. Can we wonder? Yet they ought to talk. They ought
never to let anyone forget what war is, as waged today. We
ought to read and pass on and keep in circulation such books
as Will Irwin and Philip Gibbs and others have been writing.
Strong influences are at work to suppress or set aside such
discussions of the nature of war. . . . Every lover of peace
should put thought and energy into the task of keeping
unveiled the grim horror of this business of war,"

CHAPTER XXV

WHAT WAR COSTS

It is possible after a fashion to estimate the number of
dollars that the World War cost; it is even possible to
estimate in round numbers the loss of life which it en-
tailed. But it is not possible to compute the whole cost
of the war for it would have to be added up in the
unknown terms of the future. This fact, and the fact also
that the cost will be borne by victor and vanquished alike
are revealed in a very striking statement made by Dr. Ales
Hrdlicka of the Smithsonian Institution, which is quoted
by Dr. David Starr Jordan in his book, "War and the
Breed":

"Armies in the past have had little heavy artillery, with
none of the powerful modern high explosives, and other con-
ditions of warfare were such that deep mental and nervous
shocks must have been far less frequent.

"But it is not only the direct injuries to the brain or nervous
system which come into consideration. Perhaps even greater
harm, both in the way of resulting defective personalities
and following defective progeny, will result from the extreme
and prolonged tension that must be sustained in many cases
by the soldier in the trenches, for days and often weeks at a
time, from the infectious diseases, and from the disease of
the various important organs contracted through overstrain,
exposure or direct injuries. All such conditions will leave
lasting marks on the organism. They will produce a large
class of invalids, and these invalids, at best, will not be able
to give the proper care to their progeny; but in many cases
they will, doubtless, not be able any more to transmit to
their progeny a 'healthy mind and a healthy body/

"Viewed in this light, modern warfare becomes a great
enemy of the human race. It not only kills many of the

• 401

402 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

most healthy and competent but it will create and perpetuate
on a larger scale many serious organic defects, which, like the
proverbial sins, will plague humanity for generations. The
victor and the vanquished will suffer alike."

On the monetary cost of war comprehensive studies
have been made by Professor Ernest L. Bogart, which
have been published by the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, under the title, "Direct and Indirect
Costs of the Great World War" :

Summary of the Direct Costs of the War

Advance

Gross to Allies Net Cost

United States $ 32,080,266,968 $ 9,455,014,125 $ 22.625,252,843

Great Britain 44.029,01 1 ,808 8,695,000,000 35.334 ,011 ,868

Rest of British Empire 4.493.813,072 flfo3.813.072

France 25,812,782,800 1,547,200,000 24,265,582,800

Russia 22,593.950,000 22,593,950,000

Italy 12,313,998,000 12,313,998,000

Other Entente Allies. . 3,963,867,914 3,963,867,914

Total $145,287,690,622 $19,697,214,125 $125,590,476,497

Germany $ 40,150,000,000 $ 2,375,000,000 $ 37,775,000,000

Austria-Hungary .... 20,622,690,600 20.622,960,600

Turkey and Bulgaria . . 2,245,200,000 2 .245,200,000

Total $ 63.018,160,600 $ 2,375,000,000 $ 60,643,160,600

Grand Total $208,305,851,222 $22,072,214,125 $186,233,637,097

Summary of Indirect Cost of the War

Capitalized value of lives lost:

Soldiers $ 33,551,276,280

Civilians 33,551,276,280

Property losses:

On land 29,960,000,000

Shipping and cargo 6,800,000,000

Loss of production 45.000,000,000

War relief 1,000,000,000

Loss to neutrals 1,750,000,000

Total indirect costs $151,612,552,560

Total direct costs, net 186,233,637,097

Grand total costs of the war $337346,189,657

WHAT WAR COSTS 403

The average daily cost of the war was more than
$215,000,000 or $9,000,000 per hour. Dr. Frank Crane
visualizes this amount of money in these comparisons:

"If the money which the war cost were brought together
in silver dollars and these dollars were placed edge to edge
they would lap around the world 236 times; they would belt
the earth at the equator with a silver girdle 29 feet wide ; piled
on one another would reach 1% times the distance to the
moon; rolled into rails they would make a railroad twice
around the equator; divided equally among the entire popu-
lation of the globe they would allow each human being about
$170."

There are no records from which the cost of the war
in lives can be more than roughly estimated. The war
records of the various countries show the number of
known dead to have been as follows:

Country Soldiers Killed

United States 107,284

Great Britain 807,451

France 1,427,800

Russia 2,762,064

Italy 507,160

Belgium 267.000

Serbia 707,343

Rumania 339,117

Greece 15,000

Portugal 4,000

Japan 300

Total 6,938,519

Country Soldiers Killed

Germany 1,611,104

Austria-Huncary 911,000

Turkey 436,924

Bulgaria 101,224

Total 3,060,252

Grand total 9,998,771

The loss of life from the decline in the birth rate and
the increase in the death rate is estimated by the Danish

404 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Research Society in a study on the "Social Results of the
War" to have been:

Decline in Increase of
Birth' Rate Death Rate

Germany 3,600,000 2,700,000

Austria-Hungary 3,800,000 2,000,000

Great 'Britain, Ireland 850,000 1,000.000

France 1,500,000 1,840,000

Belgium 175,000 400,000

Italy 1,400,000 880,000

Bulgaria 155.000 130,000

Rumania 150,000 360,000

Serbia 320,000 1,330,000

To all this should be added the public loss in construc-
tive power and the private cost in suffering and misery
which these figures indicate:

20,297,551 wounded

5,983,600 prisoners
10,000,000 refugees

9,000,000 war orphans

5,000,000 war widows.

When it comes to the cost of war to the race, it is, as
Dr. Hrdlicka's statement suggests, impossible to do more
than indicate that the cost is heavy. In "War and the
Breed," Dr. David Starr Jordan assembles the opinions
of many biologists and students of questions of race
inheritance to the effect that far from insuring the "sur-
vival of the fittest," war kills off or disables the»best, leav-
ing the physically unfit as fathers of the race.

Dr. Caleb Williams Saleeby, discussing "The Long
Cost of War," says:

"We all find reasons for the fall of the Roman Empire
according to our creeds, instincts and prejudices. But some
of the reasons advanced actually have reason in them. The
incessant drain of the right kind of military stuff from the
population of Rome, led in the long run to the production of
that degenerate people who wished only for bread and

WHAT WAR COSTS 405

circuses. The recruiting officer rejected the halt and blind,
feeble-kneed, the easily fatigued, saying, though he did not
know it: 'You are not good enough to be a Roman soldier;
stay at home and be a Roman father.' The future was
ruthlessly sacrificed by militarism to the present.,,

Professor Vernon Kellogg states:

"War to the biologist seems, above all else, stupid. It is
racially dangerous. It flies in the face of all that makes for
human evolutionary advance, and is utterly without shadow
of serious scientific reason for its maintenance. It is not
natural selection in- Man, nor in any way the counterpart
of it.

"France has kept for over a century an interesting set of
official records (of conscripted youths) which offers most
valuable data for the scrutiny of the biological student of
war . . .

"From the recruiting statistics as officially recorded, it may
be stated with confidence that the average height of the men
of France began notably to decrease with the coming of age,
in 1813 and on, of the young men born in the years of the
Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802), and that it continued to
decrease in the following years with the coming of age of
youths born during the Wars of the Empire.

"Running nearly parallel with the fluctuation in number of
exemptions for undersize is the fluctuation in number of
exemptions for infirmities. These exemptions increased by
one-third in twenty years. Exemptions for undersize and
infirmities together nearly doubled in number. But the les-
sening again of the figure of exemptions for infirmities was
not so easily accomplished as was that of the figure for under-
size. The influence of the Napoleonic Wars was felt by the
nation, and revealed by its recruiting statistics, for a far longer
time in its aspect of producing a racial deterioration as to
vigor than in its aspect of producing a lessening stature."

So far from considering war a cause of progress, as is
often claimed, Darwin wrote in the "Origin of Species":

406 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"In every country in which a large standing army is kept
up, the finest young men are taken by conscription or enlisted.
They are thus exposed to early death during war, are often
tempted into vice, and are prevented from marrying during
the prime of life. On the other hand, the shorter and feebler
men, with poor constitutions, are left at home, and conse-
quently have a much better chance of marrying."

Following any future wars the cost to the race would
be much heavier, for as Will Irwin says in "The Next
War":

"So far, wars in general have struck at the strength of the
male strain alone. However much the women have been mas-
sacred, there has been no scientific selection in the choice of
victims. The strength of woman has been left to war-depleted
nations to renew their blood. Already, the general staffs of
Europe are saying that the recruiting of women in the late
war wras irregular, hit-and-miss, wasteful. ... It would be
far more efficient and economical to mobilize them all and
select the war-workers by scientific methods. . . . We shall
take the young unmarried women, and choose from them by
scientific test the strongest and most brilliant, rejecting the
weakest and most stupid. That process was begun in the late
war. The best managed munitions works gave no woman a
job until medical and psychological tests proved that she had
the body and brains for the work. Just as with the men, we*
shall send the culls back to. civilian life, free to pour their
inferior blood into the veins of the new generation. ... In
the next war, munitions works and services of the rear will be
special objects of attack. There, as at the front, we shall
kill by wholesale not by retail, and we shall kill our selected
female breeding stock. So to the anti-social effects of the
next war we must add one never accomplished before in
human history: the sapping of the feminine strength in the
human race."

But besides the drag upon the future the indirect

WHAT WAR COSTS 407

costs of war in terms of human welfare are very heavy.
Immediately following the war, Homer Folks traveled
through Europe to make a survey in the interest of the
work of the Red Cross of the "Net Results of the War
upon Human Welfare." He has published the results of
his survey in "The Human Costs of War." The increase
in loss of life by sickness due to the war, he points out,
is one of the things that cannot be estimated for the bills
"come later." But the facts he cites in regard to tuber-
culosis are indicative of what the cost was:

"The anti-tuberculosis movement was local, state, national
and international, voluntary and governmental, medical and
lay; the best organized effort to stamp out a widespread
disease yet known. Progress was slow. In a period of twenty
or thirty years the disease might be reduced by 50 per cent.
But everywhere it was being reduced. Now comes the
war. This decrease in tuberculosis is immediately arrested
and in two or three years the hard-won gains of twenty are
lost.

"In Italy there was an increase of 16 per cent in two years;
in the cities of Italy, an increase ranging from 30 to 50 per
cent. In England there was an actual increase in 1917 of
16 per cent over 1913 and of 30 per cent over what probably
would have been the rate in 1917 had there been no war.
Even in America, far removed as we were from the seat of
war and late as we entered it, the rate of decrease in the
tuberculosis death-rate, which had been fairly continuous for
many years, was abruptly reduced."

Beyond these things there is still the cost in character
which must be included in the total against war. The
old idea that war develops heroism and desirable traits
of character is repeatedly contradicted by those who
have had an opportunity to see its effect on men. Major
General O'Ryan has declared on more than one occasion:

408 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"We soldiers are not ashamed of the way we fought, but
those of us who know anything know that fighting is not
glorious. No matter how righteous the cause, the experience
of a soldier at the front tends to lower his finer sensibilities.
If any soldier came out' of this war a better man than when
he entered, it is in spite of and not because of his battle
experience. War is the denial of Christianity, and of all the
most sacred things in life. It exalts force. It thrives on lies.
It is the product of hate and fear and cannot by any stretch
of the imagination be waged humanely."

Ellen Key, as a citizen of a neutral country, watched
the effect of war on European families from the woman's
point of view. She says in her book, "War, Peace and
the Future":

"Even in those cases where women regain their loved ones
without any great physical or mental hurt, they often find
them so changed in character that the mother or wife has
the feeling that she is confronted with a different man to the
one who left her; a sad man instead of a merry, a hard man
instead of a sensitive, a brutal man instead of a refined man."

And even yet the total is not all summed up. There
is the constructive work that war delays or makes impos-
sible.

The following paragraph from Francis Delaisi suggests
the human power for production which war usurps:

"Imagine a gigantic workyard where fifteen million hands,
provided with formidable machinery, are busily employed
day and night. Behind them, fifty-five million men are
exclusively occupied in manufacturing and transporting all
that is necessary for their upkeep, their equipment, their sup-
plies and the renewing of their plant. And behind them the
inhabitants of twenty-nine nations reducing their consumption
to a minimum (sometimes, even below) and devoting their

•WHAT WAR COSTS 409

privations and their savings to feeding this gigantic gang
of workers. All the resources of the universe were trans-
ported to this workyard where fifteen million men were
employed not in production, but exclusively in the destruction
of everything they could lay their hands on, and of them-
selves."

It has been estimated that the labor and raw material
consumed every month during the last year of the war
by the ordnance department of the United States Army
alone, was equal to the cost of the Panama Canal. So
much for what the war cost, — what we got out of it, ac-
cording to Mr. Bruce Barton who quotes Eugene Debs as
"the man who was most right about the last war" was
" 'influenza and the income tax/ "

In "The Next War" Will Irwin considers a few of the
productive undertakings wrhich release from war would
make possible:

"In our government are a number of bureaus concerned with
increasing production, fighting disease, supervising the agen-
cies which conserve life and increase production. ... Go into
any of these Washington bureaus and some specialist, some
practical dreamer, struggling along at a salary running from
fifteen hundred dollars to three thousand dollars a year, will
tell you what 'his people* could do to multiply production and
improve human conditions, to lengthen and fortify life, to in-
crease the beauty and usefulness of the world 'if we only had
the money. ' But they haven't the money. For these activi-
ties, the Government grants less than one per cent of the
National revenue. In 1920, the existing army and navy ab-
sorbed thirty-eight per cent; and the whole war bill, was
ninety-three per cent."

It is an analysis of the taxes that tells this story most
vividly. The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury for
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1927, shows 82 cents of

410 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

every tax dollar going to pay the bills of past wars and
of preparation for future wars. The report contains
these statements:

". . . in modern times the Federal tax burden of one
generation is largely determined by the military activities
of the preceding one. In the fiscal year 1927 expenditures
for interest on the public debt exceeded by over $140,000,000
the aggregate amount of ordinary civil expenditures, while
military expenditures were almost twice civil expendi-
tures.

"When the average citizen grumbles over the size of hia
income tax payment he often visualizes his hard-earned money
being spent by the Government to compile reports on business
or agricultural conditions, or to erect public buildings, send
diplomats abroad, carry on scientific investigations, or make
and enforce laws. As a matter of fact, a small part of the
taxpayer's dollar goes into work of this sort, only about one-
sixth being used for all the multitudinous types of ordi-
nary civil functions added together. One-half of each tax
dollar is used for the service of the public debt (due except
for a fraction of one per cent to wars). The remaining
one-third of the taxpayer's dollar is spent on military
expenditures for national defense or payments to military
veterans."

The total appropriation for present national defense
and past wars is estimated at 82 per cent of the budget
for 1927, or $2,511,141,563, as follows:

Pension Office, Interior Department $199,015,000

Veterans' Bureau, including bonus, Army and Navy

insurance, etc 405,500,000

War Department, for military parks, Soldiers'
Home, etc., included in so-called non-military

activities 10,606,805

Interest on public debt 830,000,000

Public debt retirements 484,766,130

Army and Navy, military activities 581,253,628

Total $2,511,141,563

WHAT WAR COSTS

411

The following tables from this report show the expendi-
tures for national defense in pre-war and in post-war
years:

Per Cent

Total

Total

Total

National

Expen-

Expen-

Year

Army

Navy

Defense

ditures

ditures

1907...

. $ 92,142,000

$ 97,866,000

$190,008,000

$579,129,000

32.87

1908...

. 103,436,000

118,780,000

222,216,000

659,196,000

33.71

1909. . .

. 121,871,000

116,316,000

238,187,000

693,744,000

34.19

1910...

. 122,572,000

123,974,000

246,546,000

693,617,000

35.54

1911...

. 122.294,000

120,729,000

243,023,000

691,202,000

35.16

1912...

. 108.676,000

136,390,000

245,066.000

689.881,000

35.52

1913...

. 113,816,000

134,093,000

247,909,000

724,512,000

34.21

Totals.

. $784,807,000

$848,148,000 $1,632,955,000 $4,731,281,000

34.51

Per Cent

Total

Total

"J

Total

National

Expen-

Expen-

Year

Army

Navy

Defense

ditures

ditures

1921 . .

$472,161,000

$650,717,000

$1,122,878,000

$4,468,713,000

25.12

1922..

318,440,000

476,348,000

794,788,000

3,195,685,000

24.86

1923..

273,629,000

323,218,000

596,847,000

3244.717,000

18.39

1924..

242,490,000

331,095,000

573,585,000

2.946,401,000

19.47

1925..

244,688,000

344,603,000

589^91,000

2,464,169,000

24.29

1926..

267,260,000

312,743,000

580,003,000

3,030,387,000

19.13

1927..

270,809,000

318,909,000

589,718,000

3,000,000,000

19.66

Totals $2,089,477,000 $2,757,633,000 $4,847,110,000 $22,350,072,000 21.68

The Sun of Baltimore published these tables with this
comment :

"Probably the best way to compare expenditures of one
group of years with the other, in the opinion of statisticians
here, would be to reduce the dollars to a common basis by
using the 1913 index of the retail cost of living . . .

"Employing this figure and averaging it for each group of
years, it is found that the $1,632,955,000 which national de-
fense cost from 1907 to 1913, is equivalent to $1,694,975,000
of the 1913 value and that the $4,847,110,000 cost of national

412 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

defense from 1921 to 1927 is equivalent to $3,231,406,000 of
the 1913 value.

"In other words, in actual dollars the cost of defense trebled,
while in dollars converted to a common basis of value, the cost
just about doubled.7 y

And after all the material costs of actual warfare have
been met, there is yet another — the cost of the toleration
of war. Upon every effort toward freedom and human
welfare, upon the labor movement, the woman's move-
ment, the child welfare movement, upon democracy, the
toleration of war is a heavy drag. It contradicts in
principle each one of these, by denying the value of
human life and the worth and dignity of the individual.
As Dr. Charles C. Morrison has said in "The Outlawry
of War," because the establishment of peace "has been
supposed to depend upon the realization of the brother-
hood of man," men "have failed to see that so long as
war remains, all dreams of a higher social order are in
vain."

PART IV

MATERIALS FOR A WORKING

PROGRAM

CHAPTER XXVI
WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE *

A rough survey, such as the preceding chapters con-
tain, of the forces making for world peace and of opposing
influences, leads to two convictions: the first is that the
peace movement today is strong enough to have a chance
of success not in the remote future, but now ; the second
is that to achieve success it must find expression in every
community big and little. No single effort of any group
or any individual can be spared, nor is it possible to
foresee what effort may open the way for the universal
demand for peace which lies just beneath the political
surface, to break through and compel action. The fate
of the "big navy" program, which the militarists at-
tempted to put through Congress in the spring of 1928,
left no doubt of the extent of peace sentiment nor of the
power of peace forces when their strength is focused. It
was at first taken for granted in Congressional circles
that the "big navy" program of seventy-one ships would
be adopted. Leaders in Congress who were opposed to it
believed that it would pass because there had been so
little expression of opinion against it. At that point a
few of the national peace organizations sent out detailed
statements of what was happening. Almost overnight
the churches, the women's groups, hastily created emer-

1 The addresses of peace organizations mentioned in this chapter
will be found at the end of the chapter, those of other organizations
are included in the text.

415

416 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

gency committees, and scattered individuals everywhere
sent in such a protest as Congress had not received on
any issue in years. The navy program was reduced in
committee from seventy-one ships to sixteen. More
than this, peace sentiment was recognized as a political
force to be carefully considered.

Forming a Committee

It is not necessary to wait for a committee or organ-
ization to be formed in a community in order to work
for world peace. There is much that an individual or
group of individuals consulting together informally, can
do. But the most effective work can be accomplished
if a large committee of active, well-informed citizens is
gathered together and divided into sub-committees each
of which can devote its energy to some one phase of
the work.

A committee may sometimes be more easily formed in
the first place for some specific activity, such as a mass
meeting for a prominent speaker, or an open forum for
the discussion of some current problem or important
measure before Congress. Armistice Day and Goodwill
Day offer opportunities to organize for community
action.

The work of a permanent committee can be divided in
various ways. One effective way is to have a sub-com-
mittee for each different group to be reached so that the
peace problem can be studied and presented from the
special point of view of that group. The member chosen
to interest the local labor groups, for instance, should not
only understand the effect of war upon labor but should
know what labor organizations have done to promote
peace, so that local unions can be made to realize that
in taking up peace work they are joining in an activity
of their own group.

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 417

Meeting Opposition

The organizers of a peace committee must be prepared
for a certain amount of opposition. It is inevitable that
a movement seeking to bring about so profound a change
as the elimination of war, affecting as it does long-estab-
lished institutions, should be attacked. One method
which has been employed to obstruct efforts toward peace
has been, not to charge local groups with deliberately evil
intent, but to assert that they are the dupes, either indi-
rectly, through national peace organizations, or directly
of "red" and "foreign" and "socialistic" influences. Local
committees should know that the attacks upon national
peace organizations and their officers have been fully
answered and demonstrated to be without foundation,
and that these answers are available. They should know
also that there has been vigorous remonstrance and
division within the ranks of such organizations as the
American Legion and the D. A. R., officers of which have
been instrumental in preventing speeches and public
meetings designed to promote peace. Unquestionably
in so difficult a problem as the organization of world
peace, there is room for honest difference of opinion as
to the methods that should be pursued, and the peace
movement, knowing the facts and the future are on its
side, should be willing in all instances to meet honest
opposition with reason and without resentment. Even
in the case of attacks rising consciously or unconsciously
out of interested motives, the peace movement has no
energy to spare for counterattacks. But peace workers
need to be informed as to the source and motives of
any charges made in order that they may be properly
discounted and impotent to check the progress of the
movement.

Among the publications from which information on
these points can be obtained are: "Professional Patriots,"

418 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

by Norman Hapgood, published by Albert and Charles
Boni; "The Blue Menace," by Elizabeth McCausland,
published by The Springfield Republican, Springfield,
Massachusetts, 10 cents a copy; the articles by Mrs.
Carrie Chapman Catt which appeared in the Woman
Citizen for June and July, 1927; an article in the Amer-
ican Legion Monthly for July, 1927, "There's Only One
Kind of Americanism," by Rupert Hughes; and "Our
Threatened Heritage," a letter of protest to the Daugh-
ters of the American Revolution by members objecting
to the methods employed by the officers of the organ-
ization in combating the work of peace organizations,
copies of which can be ordered from the D. A. R. Com-
mittee of Protest, 371 Broadway, Cambridge, Massachu-
setts.

There is an old saying, "When you wish to start a
fire, put your match to the dry end of the stick." The
organization of a community for peace work should be
begun, therefore, where success promises to be quickest,
for each step gained helps in taking the next, and energy
is not tied up in a long struggle.

Through Libraries

The library as a center of information offers a logical
point at which to begin. Many libraries will be found
willing to arrange a special table or shelf of books and
magazines dealing with international affairs. If neces-
sary a committee can undertake to raise money to pur-
chase them.

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has
established "International Mind Alcoves" in over 150
libraries, the majority in small communities. These
alcoves are designed "to stimulate the international mind
— to assist readers to gain a wider knowledge of the peo-

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 419

pies of the world and thereby a larger interest in them."
The books number about 100, and are chosen from the
most recent publications. They are presented to the
library a few at a time. Any library may apply to the
Endowment for such a collection. There is, however, a
waiting list, so that requests cannot be immediately filled.
A report on "International Mind Alcoves," very helpful
in any work with libraries, can be obtained by writing
the New York offices of the Endowment, at 405 West
117th St. If a selection of books on Latin America is
to be started, the Pan American Union, Washington,
D. C, can give valuable suggestions and material.

Through consultation with the State Library Commis-
sions, it will often be found possible to arrange for the
inclusion of books on international affairs in their
traveling libraries and extension work. State library
organizations in ten States are already receiving the
books included in the International Mind Alcoves.

If a special collection of books on international affairs
is arranged in the library, publicity should be given it
by a notice and, if possible, editorials in the local papers.
When a foreign country, or a special problem affecting
world peace is prominent in the news, a bibliography on
the subject can be prepared, preferably by the local
librarian, to be posted on the library bulletin board and
for publication in the papers.

In a number of instances the city libraries have
cooperated with local clubs in preparing and printing
bibliographies on international affairs, among others the
Public Library of Newark, New Jersey, and the St. Louis
Public Library. The Public Library of Newark in col-
laboration with the Newark Museum also arranges
exhibits on foreign countries in connection with which it
issues bibliographies for children and adults on various
phases of the life of the people and their relations with

420 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the United States. Helpful suggestions Li arranging
similar projects can be obtained by writing the Director
of the Library, John Cotton Dana.

The children's room in the library should be supplied
with books and pictures about the children of other
nations, and such others as will give children a sense of
the unity of mankind and the interdependence of nations.
International Mind Alcoves for children to interest them
in "their friends of other lands" have recently been
started by the Carnegie Endowment, and are proving
popular. An attractive feature can be made of children's
books of other nations by arranging them to suggest a
trip around the world, for instance, by putting them
around a small globe of the earth standing at the center
of a table, or around the edge of a world map; or a map
can be hung on the wall behind the table of books, with
the names of the books about each country printed in
the margin.

Through Public Discussion

Public meetings are particularly important in emer-
gencies when legislation is pending which needs to be
supported or opposed. For large meetings and for meet-
ings on technical problems, out-of-town speakers and
authorities on the subject are desirable from every point
of view, including that of publicity, through which a
message can be carried to many more people than will
attend the meeting. A mass meeting which has aroused
general interest may be followed by smaller meetings in
the city and vicinity addressed by local speakers who
can report on the larger meeting and lead a discussion.

As a part of a year-round program, speeches should
be arranged before regular meetings of all organizations.
At any such meeting the peace speaker should secure
the adoption of a resolution on the need for persistent

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 421

government effort toward peace, which can be sent to
state and national legislative representatives and political
leaders, and should arrange for the formation of a peace
committee. From the Pennsylvania Branch of the
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom,
1525 Locust St., Philadelphia, a sample form can be
obtained which will be found useful in building up a list
of speakers for local meetings.

In addition to routine meetings a series of open forums,
if possible periodic open forum luncheons, can be held.
Forum luncheons at which both sides of a problem are
presented with time allowed for discussion, were
inaugurated immediately after the war by the Foreign
Policy Association in New York and have continued in
that city and been extended to many others. Suggestions
as to how to proceed can be obtained from the Foreign
Policy Association. Where out-of-town speakers are not
available for such luncheons, local representatives of
various groups can be asked to discuss peace as the neces-
sity of the modern world, from their particular points of
view. At one, a local editor may tell what the press is
doing to promote peace, at another a clergyman may
describe the work of the churches, and at others repre-
sentatives of teachers, of women's clubs, of business
men, of labor and farm organizations and of young
people may be the speakers. Such a series has been
tried out with success by a committee of Friends in
England.

Suggestions for conferences on the general topic, "The
Cause and Cure of War," carrying out the idea of the
successful conferences held by women's organizations in
Washington for the last three years, can be obtained from
the National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War.
Regional, state, county, city, town, village and rural con-
ferences are planned by this committee, during the fall

422 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

and winter of 1928, in support of the Kellogg treaty re-
nouncing war, and special programs on this subject are
available. General suggestions for organized joint con-
ferences based on material originally prepared by the
Y. W. C. A. may be obtained from the National Council
for Prevention of War. Two programs for state con-
ferences are described below.

The Indiana Council on International Relations
arranged an all-day state-wide conference on "A Con-
structive Program for World Peace — Indiana's Respon-
sibility." In addition to special speakers local men and
women were asked to assist in the discussion period and
their names were included on the program. Churches
of all denominations cooperated in a mass meeting and
a public luncheon gave the people who could not attend
the sessions an opportunity to hear part of the dis-
cussion. At a similar conference arranged by the Con-
necticut Council on International Relations, separate
luncheons were given for the men's and women's groups
with speakers on subjects of special interest to each; the
afternoon was devoted to round table discussions so
arranged that delegates might attend more than one,
and an evening dinner was held in a hall with a gallery
so that the general speeches could be heard by a large
audience.

Public discussion on foreign affairs has been greatly
stimulated during recent years by the summer institutes
arranged under the auspices of a rapidly increasing num-
ber of universities. The first of these institutes, organized
at "Williams College in 1921, known as the Williamstown
Institute of Politics, has been addressed by leading states-
men and thinkers from all sections of the world. Similar
institutes on public and international affairs are held at
the University of Virginia, the University of Georgia,
the University of Chicago, the University of Porto Rico,

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 423

the University of New Hampshire, the University of
Washington and the University of California. A confer-
ence of a little different character is held annually at
Eliot, Maine, under the auspices of World Unity. It is
known as Green Acre Institute and its purpose is to make
available to the general public "those findings of modern
science and philosophy which tend to supply a new basis
for faith in the possibility of human brotherhood and
world cooperation."

A number of brief summer schools for the discussion
of peace problems have been held during the last few
years. Among the organizations which regularly hold
such schools and from which information can be secured
as to how to arrange others, are the Fellowship of
Reconciliation and the Women's International League
for Peace and Freedom.

Peace committees might find it profitable to follow the
example of universities which send students abroad for
study, and send a representative to attend a conference
or summer school or one of the many institutes on inter-
national relations, who would be able to bring a report
and something of the inspiration of the meeting back to
the community.

During political campaigns public meetings at which
congressional candidates can be asked to state their own
opinion and their party's position on peace questions
are particularly important.

The value of public meetings, large or small, can be
greatly increased by the distribution of inexpensive
fliers setting forth salient facts in connection with the
subject under discussion, or giving a list of books for
further study, or a list of suggestions as to what an
individual can do. Suggestions for fliers and samples of
those already printed can be obtained from the National
Council for Prevention of War.

424 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Through the Churches

Armistice Sunday has come to be almost universally
observed in the churches by special services and sermons.
A community peace service is usual. It may be preceded
by a series of evening sermons in preparation for the day.
Special programs are issued annually by the Federal
Council of Churches. A Goodwill Service for Armistice
Sunday is published by Dr. Lincoln Wirt, Western
Secretary of the National Council for Prevention of
War; an "International Church Service" by the League
of Nations Non-Partisan Association and an Interna-
tional Vesper Service, the price of which is ten for 30c,
published by the Y. W. C. A. The Y. M. C. A. and
Y. W. C. A. issue special programs for services of inter-
national friendship in connection with the Week of
Prayer and World Fellowship, celebrated throughout the
world by these organizations each autumn. The Board
of Religious Education of the United Church of Canada,
at Toronto, is publishing a service of "Peace and Good-
will" for Rally Day, 1928.

The Sundays nearest Christmas and Goodwill Day
also offer an opportunity for special church programs.
Material helpful in building up a church peace service
will be found in the peace sermons and articles by reli-
gious leaders which are issued by the American Institute
of Sacred Literature, Hyde Park, Chicago, by the World
Alliance for International Friendship through the
Churches. Reprints of sermons and a leaflet of "Songs
of Fellowship," published by the Fellowship of Recon-
ciliation, can be obtained from the National Council
for Prevention of War. A comprehensive collection of
peace hymns has been made by Dr. George H. Don-
aldson of Cliff side, New Jersey, but has not yet been
published.

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 425

Sunday Schools and Vacation Bible Schools

In the Sunday Schools and Vacation Bible Schools a
steadily increasing effort is being made to teach the ideals
of peace. The International Council of Religious Edu-
cation at its 1928 meeting recommended world peace as
one of the three subjects to be emphasized in the Sunday
Schools. Sunday School courses are being revised not
only with the idea of including special peace lessons but
with that of considering the whole course from the point
of view of its effect on the fundamental peace teaching
of the Christian religion and Sunday Schools should
make use of these new editions. A study of "The God
of the Old Testament in Relation to War," by Marion J.
Benedict, recently published by Teachers College,
Columbia University, will be found very useful in the
preparation of a Sunday School course, as is likewise a
scholarly pamphlet, "The Words of Christ Quoted for or
Against War," which has been prepared by the New York
Presbytery and may be obtained from Mr. Harold A.
Hatch, 70 Leonard St., New York City.

The General Sunday School Association of the Uni-
versalist Church, 176 Newbury St., Boston, Mass., issues
a peace program particularly appropriate for Goodwill
Day or for any patriotic holiday. In addition this associa-
tion sends out special goodwill programs including hymns,
scripture readings, prayers and general suggestions, six
weeks in advance of Goodwill Day, Armistice Sunday
and other appropriate occasions, as a part of a loose-leaf
notebook service with which it supplies all superin-
tendents of its Sunday Schools.

For adult classes the courses on Christianity and Peace
listed in a later section of this chapter are appropriate,
notably "Christian Fellowship Among the Nations," by
Dr. Jerome Davis and Dr. Roy B. Chamberlin.

For the younger classes, "Peace Lessons for Sunday

426 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Schools," by Anna FitzGerald Van Loan, graded for
pupils from six to sixteen years of age, is among the
recent non-denominational publications of special value.
It is published by Fleming H. Revell, New York, in three
volumes at $1.00 a volume. "Projects in World Friend-
ship," by John Leslie Lobingier, arranged for primary,
junior and high school departments, is published by the
University of Chicago Press for $1.85. "Programs of
World Service for Primary Children," also by Mr.
Lobingier, is being issued by the Committee on Mission-
ary Education of the Congregational Churches, 14 Beacon
St., Boston. In "Peace Crusaders — Adventures in Good-
will," by Anna Bassett Griscom, published by Lippincott
and available from the American Friends Service Com-
mittee for $1.50, there is much material that will be
found of interest and value in Sunday School work.

Helpful suggestions can be obtained from the Mission-
ary Education Movement, 150 Fifth Ave., New York
City, the Federal Council of Churches and the World
Alliance. Lists of additional Sunday School material,
including Christmas plays and Armistice Day programs,
can be obtained from the National Council for Prevention
of War.

Missionary Societies

The relation of the work of missionary societies to
world peace is receiving wide attention. In several
instances Missionary Boards have taken the position that
no call must be made for protection by armed forces, and,
equally fundamental, a new attitude is being adopted,
expressed in this statement by the executive secretary
of the Institute of Social and Religious Research:

'That some radical changes in policy and emphasis in the
missionary movement in order to make it more completely

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 427

conducive to world-mindedness are demanded must be obvious
to everyone who has thought deeply on the situation.

"Should not missions be rebased on the principle of mutu-
ality, of reciprocity, that is, of the interchange among all
countries, whether so-called Christian or so-called non-Chris-
tian, of the best ideas and personalities? The sending nations
must recognize that they, too, are non-Christian when seen
under the white light of Christ himself."

Material of special interest to missionary groups will
be found in the reports of the 1926 convention of the
Religious Education Association published in its Journal.
Abstracts of the speeches delivered on this occasion as
well as church resolutions on this subject and a state-
ment on "Missionaries and Armed Forces," issued by the
Society of Friends, in England, are obtainable from the
National Council for Prevention of War. The publica-
tions of the Missionary Education Movement, notably its
books by Basil Mathews, are of particular value in this
field.

For work with young people's societies excellent sug-
gestions can be secured from the World Christian
Endeavor Society which has recently entered upon a
"Crusade for Peace" in wrhich other Christian young
people's organizations are joining. The Epworth League
and the Girls' Friendly Society have also undertaken to
promote international goodwill. The Committee on
World Friendship among Young People of the Federal
Council of Churches has. issued valuable material, includ-
ing "International Friendship Projects" in which are
many practical suggestions. The interest of young people
of high-school age in the churches of Ohio has been
aroused through Peace Declamation Contests. Full in-
formation and a book of selections suitable for declama-
tions can be obtained from the Ohio Council of Churches
in Columbus.

428 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Dr. Sidney L. Gulick, Secretary of the Commission on
International Justice and Goodwill of the Federal Coun-
cil, makes these suggestions as to how the individual
can begin work within his own church:

"Talk to. your pastor. Urge him to start study classes in
the Sunday School. The various adult groups of men and
women can give time to the study of these questions. Sug-
gest the formation of a Church Committee on International
Goodwill. The Committee may be asked to be responsible
for finding the best books on the problem and placing them
in the Sunday School library. It may arrange for pageants
and concerts and lectures dealing with these questions. When
several churches have such committees they may join in
holding big public rallies on world questions once or twice a
year. This committee will be the connecting link between the
local church and the* national agencies of the churches.

"One wide-awake, consecrated, intelligent, resourceful indi-
vidual in each church can accomplish wonders if he has faith
and will really do what he can."

If they are not already receiving them, the bulletins
and publications of the Federal Council of Churches and
the World Alliance for International Friendship through
the Churches should be sent not only to ministers but
to Sunday School officers and church leaders in the
community.

Through Women's Clubs

By resolutions, at least, practically all national
women's organizations are exerting an influence on the
side of world peace, but many local branches are not
actively carrying out the line of work suggested by the
resolutions or the programs of the national bodies.
Where they are not, a member may be asked to bring
the matter up at a meeting and if possible have a special
committee on international relations appointed to

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 429

arrange a study course, cooperate with other clubs in a
general program, or carry on an independent project in
connection with the library, schools or churches. A pro-
gram for a special club meeting may be suggested, based
on the outlines at the end of this chapter. Reports of
peace work in the club bulletins are important in creat-
ing and sustaining interest.

A plan for interesting women's groups which could
well be imitated in other communities has been worked
out by the Adams County Y. W. C. A. at Hastings,
Nebraska. The Association has organized a Women's
Council on International Relations including the presi-
dents of all the local women's organizations in the com-
munity. Monthly meetings are held from which each
member takes books, information and peace material
back to her organization. Round-table discussions are
arranged to which other women are invited and speakers
sent out to the meetings of other organizations.

Where it is a question of coordinating various active
women's groups consultation with the Women's Council
for the Promotion of Peace, Hippodrome Annex, Cleve-
land, Ohio, through which 115 organizations have very
successfully carried out an active program, will prove
helpful.

A list of the national women's organizations taking
part in the effort to establish peace will be found in the
chapter on Women and Peace. The latest resolutions of
these organizations can be obtained from their national
offices or from the National Council for Prevention of
War.

Through Young People's Groups
The national bodies of young people's organizations
have nearly all adopted some plan for increasing inter-
national goodwill and understanding of international

430 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

problems. Whether or not a local group carries out this
part of the program depends largely on the local leader,
who may be glad to put additional emphasis on the
peace work if interest is expressed in it.

The Y. M. C. A., which is organized in 56 different
countries, offers various opportunities for boys of dif-
ferent nations to become acquainted with each other.
Besides the "World-Y" tours and borderline camps
which it arranges, it publishes two magazines, World
Youth and Foreign Flashes, which tell stories and show
pictures of what boys of other nations are doing. It
sends out exhibits of foreign photographs and objects
to be used as a basis for talks and for study. It awards
a World Brotherhood Charter to boys' groups which take
part in its international program. At its international
camps a dramatic ceremony is Held around the last camp-
fire. A line of boys, each draped in the flag of his coun-
try, marches out of the darkness into the light of the
fire. Stepping forward one by one each says in his own
language, "The boys of my country desire to join hands
with young people everywhere," at the same time light-
ing a peace torch at the fire, to signify that he carries
the flame of peace into all parts of the world. This
ceremony can be used also at local camps, the American
boys all joining hands and repeating the pledge of the
Campfire together. Complete information as to how
local branches can take part in the organization's inter-
national work can be obtained from the national head-
quarters. A special program for Y. M. C. A. camps is
issued by the National Council for Prevention of War.

The Y. W. C. A. publishes many suggestions for
pageants, plays and special programs, as well as for study
groups on international questions, which can be ordered
from the national headquarters. The Week of Prayer
arranged by the World Committee of the Y. W. C. A.

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 431

each November is in some cities called World Fellowship
Week and provides an excellent opportunity for peace
programs. The September issue of the Womans Press
is devoted to material useful in promoting international
goodwill.

The Boy Scout and Girl Scout organizations and the
Campfire Girls all provide channels, including interna-
tional correspondence departments in their magazines,
through which the young people of different nations can
be brought into touch with each other. Their national
resolutions and programs not only authorize but call
for work in promotion of world peace and goodwill. The
fact that those interested in popularizing military train-
ing in this country are seeking to encourage it through
such organizations as the Scouts, makes it all the more
important to be sure that local groups understand and
are carrying out the fundamental "aims and ideals" of
their organizations. The Boy Scout International Con-
ference recently declared its aims to be "directed toward
the development of a spirit of harmony and goodwill
between individuals and between nations." In the 1927
Handbook of the Boy Scouts, war is vigorously con-
demned :

"War is one of the tragedies of the life of the world. In
its wake stalk sorrow, poverty, disease, moral let down,
debt, hatreds, fears. . . .

"The insane thing about war is that, after killing and
destroying, then folks must gather around the table — find
what the points at issue are and adjust them finally. In a
sane world this would be done first. It is not conflict but
conference that settles — therefore have it first. . . .

"The Boy Scout Movement around the world is creating
world friendships, making community of interest among
nations, and should help prevent future wars.

"What individuals and cities and states have learned fairly

432 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

well, namely, to settle their differences before impartial judges,
may yet be realized between nations.

"Why not? And the Scout who lives goodwill and fair-
ness and peace is helping the world recover from the disease
of war."

The Girl Scouts, in order that there might be no mis-
understanding of their purposes, in 1928 authorized a
change in the Scout uniform from khaki cloth, cut in a
somewhat military style, to green, made in a more typical
sports fashion.

The ideals of international goodwill are likewise
encouraged by the following organizations of which
local branches can be formed if none already exists:
the Knighthood of Youth, which is being promoted by
the National Child Welfare Association, 70 Fifth Ave.,
New York City, with Dr. Frank Astor as managing
director, and is designed for children from seven to
twelve years of age; the Hi-Y Clubs, which are organ-
ized in high schools in connection with Y. M. C. A.
work ; the Sportsmanship Brotherhood, which was organ-
ized by a group of men interested in promoting inter-
national goodwill through sports, and about which full
information can be secured from the Executive Secretary,
Daniel Chase, 342 Madison Ave., New York City; and
the Woodcraft League of America, 70 East 45th St., New
York City, organized by Ernest Thompson Seton.

Besides the opportunity which many of these organi-
zations offered their members for correspondence writh
young people of other countries, a direct exchange of
letters with selected young people abroad can be arranged
for American boys and girls through the National
Bureau of International Correspondence, which has its
headquarters at Peabody College, Nashville, Tennessee,
and is a branch of the Musee Pedagogique, which is
under the direction of the French Minister of Public

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 433

Instruction; or through Miss Mary N. Chase, Proctor
Academy, Andover, New Hampshire. For boys, Dr.
Sven V. Knudsen has developed a very interesting plan
for direct correspondence, under the title "My Friend
Abroad," which is carried out through the Open Road
magazine, 248 Boylston St., Boston. Dr. Knudsen is
publishing a directory of a thousand names of boys in
different countries who want to exchange letters. At the
end of the first year the American boys had written an
average of twenty-six letters and already received an
average of fourteen replies. One boy had written
seventy-nine letters to twenty-three countries- and had
thirty-six replies from fifteen countries. Prizes are
offered for the largest number of letters and for the
best.

A Youth Peace Contest, a declamation contest for
boys and girls from nine to fifteen years of age, has been
arranged by the American Friends Service Committee.
Any community may take part. Silver, gold and dia-
mond medals are awarded. Complete directions may be
obtained from the Committee.

Summer Camps

Young people can also be reached at their summer
camps. A practical and varied collection of camp pro-
grams is published by the League of Nations Non-
partisan Association. Through routine life out of doors
it is possible to make clear the part which cooperation
played in man's development and to bring about a
realization of how men wherever they live are occupied
with the same tasks of finding food, clothing, shelter,
and rest. The saying, "We are citizens of the earth
together," can be given a new meaning. A camp program
developing this idea is issued by the National Council
for Prevention of War.

434 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Goodwill Teams and Peace Caravans

Any young people's group might organize an Interna-
tional Goodwill Team following the plan originated by
the Y. M. C. A., or a Caravan for Peace such as those
sent out by the American Friends Service Committee.
Members of a Goodwill Team inform themselves on
international topics, subscribing to appropriate magazines
and always making it a point to read at least one book on
international affairs a week. A team meets once a week
to discuss current events, rehearse programs and plan
methods of carrying its ideas afield. Two members spend
their time making engagements, two others take charge
of collecting pamphlets and posters suitable for dis-
tribution, and songs, magazines, maps and charts that
can be used with different groups or clubs. Members of
the club then speak or give other programs in churches,
schools, clubs — "anywhere that people meet to hear pro-
grams in the city or surrounding country." Bibliogra-
phies on topics discussed are distributed at meetings.

In the Caravans for Peace, men or women college stu-
dents travel in automobiles supplied with banners and
literature for distribution and speak outdoors or indoors
to any audience, and wherever* possible arrange for local
committees to be formed to continue the peace work.
The Caravaners are given a week's training before start-
ing out. Letters from the Caravaners of 1928 telling
their remarkable adventures and showing how much
they have need to be in earnest and well fortified with
facts, have been issued in mimeographed form by the
American Friends Service Committee.

Service Civile

In Europe young men and women have organized
what is known in Switzerland as the service civile in
which they give their services for the summer months

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 435

in constructive work for their country. In Switzerland
these volunteers have repaired the damages done in a
little Alpine town by an avalanche, rebuilt the parts of
another town damaged by a landslide, and graded and
levelled Alpine pasturages which the people of the
neighborhoods could not handle by themselves. The
government has reduced the railway fare to these young
workers, army supply depots issue army blankets and
other equipment, and the villagers supply their simple
food. International teams are also being formed to go
wherever they are needed.

This plan seems to carry out the suggestions of Wil-
liam James in his "Moral Equivalent of War":

"If now — and this is my idea — there were, instead of mili-
tary conscription, a conscription of the whole youthful popu-
lation to form for a certain number of years a part of the
army enlisted against Nature . . . the military ideals of
hardihood and discipline would be wrought into the growing
fiber of the people; no one would remain blind, as the luxurious
classes now are blind, to man's real relations to the globe
he lives on, and to the permanently sour and hard foundations
of his higher life. *

"Such a conscription, with the state of public opinion that
would have required it, and the many moral fruits it would
bear, would preserve in the midst of a pacific civilization the
manly virtues which the military party is so afraid of seeing
disappear in peace. We should get toughness without callous-
ness, authority with as little criminal cruelty as possible, and
painful work done cheerily because the duty is temporary,
and threatens not, as now, to degrade the whole remainder of
one's life. . . . The only thing needed henceforth is to
inflame the civic temper as past history has inflamed the
military temper. . . ."

It is entirely possible that were enough requests
received Congress might arrange for the Department of
the Interior and the Department of Agriculture during

436 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the summer months to give groups of young people some
insight into and some training in the constructive and
often heroic work carried on for the benefit of the country
by many of their branches.

Through Rural Groups

To reach people in outlying districts is a special
problem. Talks over the radio, if they can be arranged,
offer one opportunity, and articles in the country papers
offer another. Special speakers can be sent to meetings
and picnics of farm organizations, and to county and
state conventions of ministers and teachers, where a
large proportion of those who attend are usually leaders
in country districts. In addition to the speeches that are
made, literature should be distributed, resolutions pro-
posed and permanent committees formed.

A calendar of county fairs should be kept by a local
committee, and speakers, literature, and, if possible, a
peace exhibit sent from one fair to another. A booth
decorated with posters and stocked with books and maga-
zines, where people may sit and rest, makes an ideal
center for the distribution of literature and for an
occasional talk. An adjoining sand pile where children
may be left to play under supervision would be a valu-
able addition to the booth. A register should be kept of
visitors, with notes, when possible, of what questions they
were particularly interested in and of ways in which they
would be willing to help with peace work in their com-
munities. Individuals may be found willing to start a
circulating library of books in their homes — the books to
be provided by a group of people, by the State Library
Commission or a nearby city library. Others may be
willing to urge action for peace at local or national meet-
ing of farm organizations. An excellent plan of work
with county fairs has been carried out by the Yearly

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 437

Meeting of Friends in Philadelphia for several years.
An automobile delivery wagon in which a machine for
showing moving pictures by daylight and a phonograph
are installed, travels from fair to fair. From it speeches
are delivered and literature distributed in paper shopping
bags on which are printed the words, "War ruins both
winner and loser. What we need is security against war."
The younger members of farm organizations can often
be interested in arranging international pageants and pro-
grams for local meetings and fairs.

Through the Press

When a peace committee is being organized in a com-
munity, the editors of the papers should be among, the
first persons consulted and informed. It is important
that they should understand exactly what the purpose
of the committee is and the program of work it proposes
to carry out. The first story announcing the formation
of the committee is likely to be the best news story that
the committee will have to offer for some time and the
success of the work may depend upon the impression it
makes. An account of the organization meeting, includ-
ing a statement, preferably by the chairman of the
committee, as to its purposes and plans, should be taken
by some member of the committee to the editors in
order that there may be an opportunity for conference
with them and any questions they have may be answered.
A page of "facts" should be prepared for the coAvenience
and guidance of reporters, including the list of officers,
the date of organization, statement of purpose, program
of work, dates of meetings, and, if there is to be affiliation
with a national group, a statement of the officers and
purpose of the national group. A paragraph on the
international character, extent and strength of the peace
movement may well be appended.

438 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Editors should be consulted about the kind of material
they can use, and copies of the information bulletins
issued by peace societies shown them so that they may
choose those they wish to receive regularly.

A prize may be offered through a paper for the best
article suggesting how an individual working in his own
community can further international goodwill. The pub-
lication of a special feature or page on Armistice Day
or Goodwill Day may be suggested and an offer made to
help in collecting material. One way not only to reach
the public through the press but to attract the attention
of the press itself is to run half or full page advertise-
ments on appropriate days setting forth startling facts
and arguments for peace. The advertisements should
be signed by those who pay for them. This idea has
been tried in several cities with notable success. Mer-
chants may be persuaded on Goodwill Day and Armistice
Day or at Christmas to carry a line of goodwill across
their large advertisements. At Christmas, the line might
read simply, "Peace on Earth, Goodwill to Men." On
Armistice Day it might be "We can end war in our time
if we get on the job" — Major-General John F. O'Ryan;
on Goodwill Day, "Science has made us Neighbors; Let
Goodwill make us Friends."

The country papers are fully as important as the city
papers. By consultation with the editors, the publica-
tion of feature articles with a local angle, news notes of
local activities, book reviews or letters from men and
women of influence in rural life may often be arranged.

It is important that those who interview editors have
in mind a correct idea of the relation of the press to the
development of better international understanding. The
press as a whole is confronted today with the tremendous
task of collecting news from every corner of the earth
and of distributing it to the front door of the world

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 439

twice in every twenty-four hours. To meet the technical
difficulties and responsibilities of that task, it is steadily
increasing its international organization and contacts.
In 1924 the Press Congress of the World was organized
at the suggestion of American editors. In 1926 it held
its third conference in Geneva. Twenty-four countries
were represented, with eighty-four delegates from the
United States. The Congress declared its prime purpose
to be "to bring about the utmost cooperation through
the press in preventing wars, and to forward the attain-
ment of permanent world peace through the better
understanding of all peoples by means of a free, cour-
ageous, and responsible press." The Council of the
League of Nations in 1926 called a Conference pf Press
Experts, attended by 120 delegates, including an
influential group from the United States, which met in
Geneva, August 24 to 28, 1927. The preamble of the
resolutions adopted speaks of "the work of the press in
its great and responsible mission of accurately and con-
scientiously informing world public opinion and hence
contributing directly to peace and the advancement of
civilization." A Pan American Congress of Journalists
met in Washington in April, 1926, for the purpose of
creating bonds of sympathy and closer understanding
through the newspapers of North and South America, by
securing a fuller interchange of news and by guarding
against the misrepresentation of the peoples concerned.
The Congress declared that its constituent members
should neglect "no endeavor to give their readers the
important, constructive, educational news of all coun-
tries, limiting as far as possible that which is merely
sensational, trivial or likely to create antagonisms or
jealousies.,,

Two facts are pointed out by editors as militating
against constructive international news in the daily

440 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

papers. The importance of speed in the gathering and
writing of news leads to selecting salient news which
is oftener than not destructive. In the second place,
lack of knowledge of foreign conditions and foreign
politics on the part of the reading public stands in the
way of constructive foreign news dispatches, for a com-
plete explanatory story cannot be printed with each new
development from day to day. Sensational, personal
foreign news is easily understood. In several cities news-
papers, with the cooperation of a member of a local col-
lege faculty or other authority, are printing courses on
current topics including international relations — an idea
that should be imitated in as many cities as possible.
Information in regard to carrying out such a plan can be
gotten by writing to the editor of the News-Leader of
Richmond, Virginia.

The relationship between governments and the press
in some instances also tends away from full accurate
news reports. In the United States the World War
brought about far-reaching changes in the relationship
of the government and the press. The cessation of
criticism of the government and the cooperation between
the press and the government at that period has led,
according to one journalist, to the news reporter's think-
ing of himself as "an ambassador abroad and a statesman
at home/' whose business it is to carry out government
policies. Public insistence on freedom of the press can
help this situation.

The creation of travel fellowships for journalists, in
some instances by governments themselves, as in
Czechoslovakia, Latvia and Jugoslavia, and in others by
federations of journalists, as in Denmark, Esthonia and
Norway, and in others through private funds, as in the
case of the English-speaking Union, which each year
sends an American to England and two British jour-

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 441

nalists to the United States, indicates a realization of the
importance of journalists' being well informed on foreign
affairs. The Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace arranged a European tour for a large number of
American editors in 1927. Local peace organizations
might well offer, when possible, travel fellowships for
local members of the press.

To stimulate a discussion by the press itself of what
it can do to aid the present world-wide effort to develop
better international relations, would probably do more
than any other one thing to increase its conscious activity
in this direction. The charge of a member of the press
itself, Mr. Bruce Bliven, editor of the New Republic,
that editors in general show an "inveterate bellicosity"
might serve as the needed stimulus to such discussion.
Mr. Bliven gave eight reasons for his condemnation of
the attitude of editors, in a speech which he made before
the first Conference on the Cause and Cure of War.
He holds the press bellicose,

"For permitting hostilities to develop between governments
without giving the public warning (e.g., the chief chancellories
of the world knew that the late war was impending, but the
press gave no advance information concerning the situation) ;
because it encourages a belligerent attitude on the part of its
own government, editors in general exhibiting an inveterate
bellicosity ; because it tells lies at the behest of secret interests
or of the government (Reuter's Agency, for example, admits
having been turned over to the British Government during
the war) ; because it continues to foster hate after war is
over, producing 'a frame of mind incompatible with justice
and reason'; . . . because it fails to tell the truth about for-
eign countries and foreign peoples; fails to encourage govern-
ment officials in the effort to lay a foundation for better
international relations; fails to tell the truth about modern
warfare — does so inadequately in peace time and not at all in
war; and fails to support movements for peace; specifically,

442 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the press has never given the League of Nations a fair
deal."

A form of advertising useful in supplementing news-
paper publicity, that of billboards, is rapidly gaining
popularity. At Flushing, Long Island, sixty organiza-
tions are cooperating in erecting an anti-war signboard
fifty feet long and four feet high at a crossroads where it
will be passed by thousands of motorists daily. A special
meeting was planned for its dedication. Details of the
plan can be obtained by writing Mr. Morris L. Beard,
Flushing, Long Island, New York.

Through Motion" Pictures

The organization of the motion picture business makes
it difficult for the public to exert an immediate influence
upon the character of pictures being shown. Protests
against pictures which tend to glorify war or to create
ill will, may, however, influence the choice of later sub-
jects. Protests should be sent to the local manager, to
the office of the producing company, and to the President
and Secretary of the Motion Picture Producers and Dis-
tributors of America, 469 Fifth Avenue, New York City.

The number of war pictures has recently increased,
and since, even when such pictures do not glorify war
they cannot accurately represent it, and lead to war's
being accepted as a normal part of life, protests against
them are being made both in England and the United
States. In England the War and Navy Departments
are officially cooperating with the motion picture pro-
ducers by permitting the use of soldiers, ships and arma-
ment. In the United States similar cooperation is
extensive. In an article recently published, a "dis-
tinguished film critic of England" insists that no film can
give an honest picture of the suffering and horror and

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 443

filth and stench of war, and declares that the real menace
of the war film is :

"... not its bitterness, its social distortion, nor its incite-
ment to hatred, but its half-deference to the honour of
the battlefield, its half-suggestion of the comradeship of
slaughter. . . .

"I feel, as each of these showy, sentimental war films comes
marching along, a fierce desire to stand up and cry out that
the whole thing is an abomination, a dishonour to our country,
and to the men who now plaster their faces with studio mud
and blood and mimic their own agony."

Commander J. M. Kenworthy of England in his book,
"Peace or War" warns the public that:

"Films that glorify war and enhance its romance will have
a cumulative effect on the mind of humanity. And if ever
we tackle this question (of war) at the root, we shall ban
such films from the screen for all time."

Besides their possible use in glorifying war, motion
pictures are a powerful influence for the development of
international goodwill or ill will. This phase of their
influence should be closely watched by the citizens of
the United States since, according to reports, the film
producers in this country are faced with the necessity of
expanding through greater sales in foreign countries or
with becoming stagnant. It has been suggested that if
the State Department finds it necessary to supervise
foreign investments in the interest of international
goodwill, it should also oversee the production of films
for foreign distribution in order that the character and
sentiment of the people of this country may not be mis-
represented to the people of other nations.

An International Cinema Congress, held in 1926 at the
suggestion of the International Committee on Intel-
lectual Cooperation of the League of Nations, and

444 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

attended by 450 representatives of different nations,
voted for an international bureau to maintain a catalogue
of educational films and adopted these resolutions:

"The International Motion Picture Congress recommends
authors, scenario-writers, publishers, and, in general, all per-
sons interested in the artistic and industrial aspects of film
production:

"(a) To avoid carefully scenarios liable to arouse a spirit
of animosity between nations and tending to perpetuate the
idea of war;

"(b) To avoid presenting foreign nations or races in a
degrading or ridiculous light on the screen;

"(c) To show the characteristics and qualities of a for-
eign people in such a way as to arouse sentiments of interest
and sympathy in their favour, ahd to utilise the resources of
the cinema to the fullest possible extent to bring about inter-
national peace and universal progress."

Mr. Will Hays, President of the Motion Picture Pro-
ducers and Distributors of America, writing in the
August, 1927, number of Pan Pacific Progress, declared
the motion picture industry to be intent upon bringing
about better international understanding:

"The motion picture knows no barrier of distance. We
are apt to look upon the distant group or nation as some-
thing different from ourselves and therefore inimical. The
motion picture knows no barrier of language. We are apt to
regard those who do not speak our own tongue as different
and inimical. But a few thousand feet of celluloid film in a
metal container can be sent to the ends of the earth. . . .
Our own government is cooperating closely, and we are our-
selves determined that at every opportunity a true portrayal
of American life and ideals shall be given to the world and
that to the nationals of all countries shall go a true messagte
of the lives of the nationals of all others."

In speeches before the World Federation of Education
Associations in 1927, Mr. W. W. Black, Assistant Director

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 445

of the Education Department of the Pathe Exchange,
35 West 45th St., New York City, and Mr. Carl E.
Milliken, Secretary of the Motion Picture Producers and
Distributors of America, indicated a growing sense of
responsibility among motion picture producers in regard
to the international influence of motion pictures.

Mr. Black urged the formation of a centrally con-
trolled clearing house through which authentic pictorial
records of the different nations could be obtained.

Mr. Milliken said:

"It is the purpose of the motion picture industry, moreover,
to develop relations of peace and amity with all nations of
the world in every way possible."

Expressing the hope that pictures may be made reveal-
ing the backgrounds, ideals, customs and hopes of dif-
ferent people, he said further:

"Such pictures, exhibited in times of strained relations when
misunderstanding has drawn taut the line that holds nations
at peace, might be the cause of averting an international
disaster. It might be the means of preserving peace when
war seems inevitable."

These statements may be of help in persuading directors
of local motion picture theaters to use their influence
for international goodwill.

The Paramount Company, according to the announce-
ment of Jesse L. Lasky, first vice-president, has recently
appointed a counsellor of foreign affairs whose duty it is
to see that pictures of foreign countries are technically
correct and that there is nothing in them to offend other
countries.

In the United States several groups have been formed
for the promotion of educational motion pictures. The
National Board of Review of Motion Pictures, 70 Fifth
Ave., New York City, furnishes information about films

446 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

available on different subjects; the Federal Council of
Churches has created a committee on motion pictures;
the Religious Motion Picture Foundation, 105 East 22nd
St., New York City, has recently been established, and
although so far it has not produced films dealing with the
peace teachings of Christianity, it may do so if the
demand for them becomes evident.

Films showing life in foreign countries can be secured,
not only from several commercial houses, but from the
following organizations: The Junior Red Cross, the Pan
American Union and the Bureau of Commercial
Economics, all in Washington, D. C. In many instances
lectures are supplied with the films.

On special occasions, such as Armistice Day and Good-
will Day, it. may be possible to arrange with the managers
of moving picture theaters to have special films or slides
shown, or to have a speaker between shows. Further
suggestions are included in the programs for these days
given below.

Through the Radio

In connection with Armistice Day or Goodwill Day
it is often possible to arrange special radio programs.
An effort should be made to have the speeches at any
large peace meeting broadcast.

In 1925 the principal radio organizations of Europe
formed an International Union of Broadcasting Organi-
zations. It is expected that the radio companies of other
nations will later become members of this group. Accord-
ing to a statement of the Secretary General of the Union,
the members "have mutually pledged one another not to
employ their stations for the radiation of material likely
to give offense to neighboring countries; they have passed
a resolution advising their members to assist in forward-

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 447

ing the League of Nations ideal and to broadcast when-
ever possible the speeches of great statesmen in favor
of better international relations; they are arranging a
series of national nights upon which each station broad-
casts a program of some one nation's music and litera-
ture." The League of Nations Association of Japan
inaugurated last year what may be termed a radio
"chair" on international affairs in cooperation with the
Atago Broadcasting Station. Besides talks on the League
of Nations and discussions of current international
affairs, the lectures included the subjects, "War and
Peace," "Armistice Anniversary," and "World Peace from
an Economic Point of View." These facts may be of
interest to the officials of local broadcasting stations in
connection with any request for goodwill programs.

The practicality of arranging radio programs was
proved by the publicity department of the Women's
International League for Peace and Freedom, under the
direction of Mrs. Carrie S. Weyl of Philadelphia. During
the World Court campaign arrangements were success-
full made for broadcasting three forums, and from the
spring of 1926 to the spring of 1927 a series of forums
was broadcast on such subjects as the French debt, immi-
gration laws, our Latin American relations, the problems
of disarmament, Mexico and China.

The League of Women Voters has arranged a radio
"Voters' Service" which is broadcast from Washington.
The discussions by well-known men and women in public
life include many international topics. When it is pos-
sible to arrange for afternoon radio talks on world affairs,
their value can be increased by holding "radio teas"
during the time of the talk, as is done in Los Angeles by
the Council of International Relations.

448 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Through Art Galleries and Museums

Because the creative art impulse of men is essentially
one with their longing for unity and demands peace, and
because art is a universal language through which all
men may understand each other, artists must come to
play an increasing part in building up a world at peace.
Professor Frank Jewett Mather, Jr., of Princeton Uni-
versity, enlarged upon this theme in the February, 1912,
issue of International Conciliation:

"Whenever the predilection for peace is established it will
consist of a complex of motives. . . . And among the most
valuable motives available should be and may be the love of
beauty, the respect for the creator of it, — the artist, and the
artist's own passionate preference for a social adjustment that
excludes disorder, violence, ugliness. Among art-loving nations
in the past the artist enjoyed amid wars an ambassadorial
immunity. This fact E. H. Blashfield, the well-known mural
painter, has recalled eloquently in a recent address before the
American Academy of Arts and Letters. 'The artist/ he said,
'so far as his personal security was concerned, carried the
truce of God with him. Through the fourteenth century Italy
was a battle-field, but Giotto and his painters, Giovanni
Pisano and his sculptors, Arnolfo and his architects, went up
and down the battle-field unharmed, and entered through the
breached walls of cities to paint allegorical pictures of the
blessings of peace in the town halls.' . . . Devoid of the
bitterness of industrial competition, perforce an exemplar of
orderliness and disciplined enthusiasms, the artist is in the
nature of things the friend of peace, and whoever enlarges the
demand for art in the world and thereby increases the influence
of the artist is measurably furthering the peace of the world."

The larger art galleries may be interested in arrang-
ing exhibits showing the influence of the art of one
nation on another, or of prints of famous paintings show-
ing artists' conceptions of the horror of war, and others

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 449

celebrating peace; great portraits of famous men who
have worked for peace might be included.

Museums are frequently able to arrange temporary
exhibits of material showing the life of the people of
other nations, the exchange of products, and the con-
tribution of different nations and ages to the develop-
ment of objects in common use today, illustrating the
unity of the world and of civilization. From Mrs. Theo-
dora Rhoades, 333 East 41st St., New York City, who
has had much experience in arranging international
exhibits, valuable suggestions for making such an exhibit
a success can be obtained.

Through the Schools

In any work with the schools it must be made clear in
the beginning that the question is not one of "propa-
ganda." The interest of peace workers in education is
to see to it that certain new facts are not omitted from
those which children are taught, among them the facts
that today all nations are interdependent; that nations
are already acting together in many fields and organiz-
ing internationally; that arbitration is being more and
more widely accepted; that modern war in the modern
world presents a new problem; that there is a world-
wide effort to abolish war; and that there is no mis-
representation of fact or perpetuation of outgrown con-
ceptions in regard to the world situation and international
relations.

Where military training has been introduced in the
high schools of a community and there is a desire to do
away with it, consultation with the Committee on Mili-
tarism in Education and with school authorities in cities,
such as Cleveland, Ohio, where military training has been
abolished, will prove helpful in deciding upon the best
methods to be pursued.

450 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

What is being done by international and national
educational organizations and by individual schools and
teachers to promote international goodwill, a partial
account of which is given in the chapter on "Education
and Peace/' should be known to all teachers and school
officials so that no school may find itself left out of this
movement. In many schools peace projects are now car-
ried on throughout the school year, and individual
teachers of various school subjects have worked out ways
of increasing international understanding and friendliness.
Suggestions along these lines which may be discussed
with teachers are given below.

In addition to such plans as these, which may be carried
out by peace committees to stimulate interest in schools
and colleges, the programs of national organizations work-
ing with the schools can be promoted locally.

The American School Citizenship League, of which
Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews has been the Executive Secre-
tary since its organization in 1908, prepares and distrib-
utes material and information to aid teachers in training
children in the ideals of world friendship. It has pub-
lished a comprehensive graded course edited by educa-
tional authorities for use from the first to the eighth
grade under the title "An American Citizenship Course
in United States History."

The American Junior Red Cross with headquarters in
Washington, D. C, arranges for the exchange of letters
and illustrated portfolios between the schools of different
nations. The portfolios are prepared by the children as
a part of their classroom work. In 43 countries- nine
million school boys and girls are now taking part in this
exchange and so coming into friendly contact with boys
and girls of their own age in other countries. An illus-
trated booklet called "International School Correspond-
ence/' describing the fascinating portfolios exchanged and

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 451

the pleasure the children take in preparing as well as in
receiving them, and instruction as to how to proceed in
introducing the plan in a school, may be obtained from
the headquarters of the organization.

The Federal Council of Churches through its Commit-
tee on World Friendship Among Children, publishes
material for teachers, and has for two years carried out
interesting projects in connection with the schools. In
1927, 13,000 doll messengers of friendship were sent to the
children of Japan to take part in their doll festival. To
show their delight and appreciation the Japanese children
sent a return gift of 200 beautiful dolls which were taken
on a tour to visit the school children in this country.
In 1928, school friendship bags are being sent to the
children in Mexico. They contain articles to use in school
and to play with, and carry the message, "Friendship and
goodwill have been packed into this bag and we hope
you will be happy to receive it. A true friendship
must continue to grow between the children of our two
countries."

The League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, the
National Child Welfare Association, the Missionary
Education Movement and the National Council for Pre-
vention of War are constantly publishing material for
teachers.

A list of books, pamphlets, programs, pageants, songs,
bibliographies, maps and posters available for school
work will be sent upon request by the National Council
for Prevention of War.

A particularly interesting plan for a school exhibit
which might be called to the attention of. teachers is that
originated by Miss Estelle Downing, Chairman of the
International Relations Committee of the National
Council of Teachers of English, and member of the faculty
of the Michigan State Normal College, at Ypsilanti.

452 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Miss Downing has prepared an "international hope chest"
containing posters, scrap-books, flags, songs, outline pro-
grams, bibliographies, and other goodwill material. This
chest is shipped to teachers, who may keep it for three
days and make it the center of interest for a school pro-
gram on international goodwill and peace.

If there is a normal school in the vicinity, the plan
followed each year by the Committee on Peace and
Service of the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of Friends,
of sending ^literature on world peace to the graduates of
normal schools, can be imitated.

The Cincinnati Peace League, 2215 Upland Place,
offers a fellowship to enable a student in a local univer-
sity to attend the Geneva School of International Studies
for a summer course, awarding the fellowship by pref-
erence to a member of the junior class so that the
inspiration of the experience may be brought back to the
other students. The Riverside Council in California
offers $100 each year for the best school essay on "How
the United States Can Aid in Preventing War in the
World."

Prize Contests

National prize contests arranged annually or occa-
sionally by national organizations also offer an opportun-
ity to stimulate interest in internationl questions among
teachers and students.

Complete information in regard to participation in
annual peace essay contests in normal, high, and secon-
dary schools, for which Miss Mary and Miss Helen Sea-
bury offer prizes, will be sent by the American School
Citizen League. The Intercollegiate Peace Association,
which has its offices at Antioch College, Yellowsprings,
Ohio, is in charge of annual oratorical contests in which
college students compete for the Seabury prizes. In 1927,

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 453

542 orations and essays were written in 100 colleges in
17 states.

The Brooks-Bright Endowment, formerly called the
Brooks-Bryce, offers an annual prize in the secondary
schools for pupils between 12 and 20 years of age, through-
out the English-speaking world, for essays on the main-
tenance of friendly relations between Great Britain and
the United States. The first prize in America is a return
trip ticket to Great Britain and a letter of credit for $500.
The endowment was established in 1923, with an office at
19 West 31st Street, New York City.

The League of Nations Non-Partisan Association has
for two years awarded a prize of a trip to Europe to the
high school student winning first place in a national essay
contest on the League. In 1928, 1604 students in 802
high schools participated.

Prize contests that have been carried out under the
auspices of the National Council for Prevention of War
indicate the great value which such projects may have in
promoting interest in the development of international
goodwill and world unity. In 1928, $1200 was offered in
prizes for the twelve best essays on world heroes. The
contest was an international one open to students in high
schools and schools of comparable grade throughout the
world. Each school participating in the contest sent to
the Committee of Award a list of twelve names of the
men and women whom its pupils considered most worthy
to be remembered for heroic service to humanity of a
permanent character. The school was allowed also to
submit one essay on each of the heroes chosen. Nearly
1,000 schools and half a million students participated in
some way, either in the selection of heroes or in the writ-
ing of the essays. Essays from 563 schools, 195 in the
United States and 368 in other countries, were admitted
as eligible.

454 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

In 1927 a competition was arranged by a group of
prominent educators, authors and editors for the best
translation of the speech made by M. Aristide Briand
upon the occasion of the entry of Germany into the
League of Nations. The Briand speech competition, it
has been estimated by Mr. Arthur Charles Watkins, who
acted as Secretary of the Committee in Charge, with
Dr. Henry Grattan Doyle of George Washington Uni-
versity as Chairman, brought to the attention of more
than 100,000 students the eloquent plea of the French
Premier for amicable methods of settling the disputes of
nations. More than 2,500 translations were submitted
and from these a very interesting composite translation
was made which has been published, along with the plan
and results of the competition by the Committee in
Charge, which can be addressed at 532-17th St., N. W.,
Washington, D. C.

The following suggestions for promoting a knowledge
of world unity and of international interdependence
through the different subjects in the curriculum have been
gathered from many sources.

History

In the introduction to a scheme for "A First Course in
General History," prepared by teachers in the schools
of Wales, there occurs this statement:

"The Peace, by ending an historical period (1815-1918),
caused us to take a general survey of the century, and it
became obvious that its most outstanding feature was the
improvement of communications — railway, steamship, air-
plane, telegraph, telephone, wireless — whereby every part of
the globe had become economically dependent on every other.
Henceforth it is clear that history will be world history. All
the tributary histories have joined a single stream. But, since
the value of history is to explain the present as a result of

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 455

the past, this implies that past history as well as future his-
tory has become one. The pasts of all countries now form one
history, because their effects are today all cooperating."

The theme of history teaching, it is reiterated by
teachers, should be the "unity of civilization." "The
aim of history teaching must be to show mankind its
common heritage in the past and its common hopes for
the future. . . . Consciousness of a common history is
one of the most unifying agents." The story of man's
life on earth should be told as one story. Professor G. P.
Gooch of England, who has perhaps written more on this
subject than any other teacher, explains the phrase,
"unity of civilization," as meaning that "civilization is a
collective achievement, a common heritage, and a joint
responsibility."

Among the specific suggestions which have been made
for teaching history from this point of view are these:

Tell the story of world development and the story of national
development as a part of it.

Create a clear realization of development from age to age
and of the contributions made by successive generations, dis-
cussing the future as well as the past and what this genera-
tion may contribute to it. The use of time charts to show
change from century to century, is recommended in this con-
nection. A booklet on time charts is published by the His-
torical Association, 22 Russell Square, London.

Show in the past and in the present the cooperation of men
of different nations in creating civilization, in the sciences,
the arts, and industry. "History in general is too much in-
clined to show people meeting only on the battlefield, as if
their only contact were in war."

Trace the development of organized living together in
tribes, cities, provinces, states, empires and federations of
states, to the present League of Nations and world organiza-
tion.

Trace the developments which have led to closer inter-

456 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

course among men; the conquests of the Roman Empire; the
organization of the Church; the development of trade and
travel routes during the Middle Ages; the contact between
the East and West following the Crusades ; the establishment
of trade routes across the seas ; and finally the era of constant
communication between all parts of the earth.

Teach history around great personalities, marking its peri-
ods not by the names of rulers but by the changes that ideas
have wrought in the life and the thought of the world, as,
in the case of Galileo, Copernicus, Newton, Socrates, Plato,
Kant.

In the schools of countries belonging to the League of
Nations, the question of the history of international co-
operation centers naturally around the League and very
interesting programs have been worked out to give chil-
dren a conception of its aims, activities and significance.
In the schools of the United States the same emphasis
does not naturally fall upon the work of the League, but
its growing importance means that it must be discussed
fully as a fact of international life and must be included
in any course dealing with history, civics or international
relations. Complete and varied material can be obtained
from the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association,
6 East 39th St., New York City.

In teaching the history of war periods, the following
points are recommended for emphasis:

To the scattering of the nations over the earth, war made a
contribution at however great expense, but interdependence,
and the invention of weapons of wholesale destruction, have
made the problem of war a new problem.

War has not "always been." Cooperation is older than
combat. The natural "struggle for existence" among ani-
mals and men is with their environment, or, in the case of
animals, with creatures other than their own kind. Coopera-
tion is a factor of survival and of intellectual development.
"Man did not make society — society made man."

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 457

In dealing with specific wars, consideration should be
given to these points:

There are historical, economic, scientific, and geographic
causes for the point of view of both parties in past wars. If
this is understood, animosity will be directed toward conditions
rather than people.

The cost of a war should be estimated in terms of the
daily lives of the people, and should include the constructive
work which expenditures for war make impossible.

How could the war have been avoided? Have similar dis-
putes been settled by other means?

The history of the effort toward peace, which can be
followed through the centuries, deserves adequate atten-
tion in all history courses. At present there is scarcely
a line in history texts to indicate that the statesmen of
the world have ever made an effort to abolish war, or that
the people of the world have ever organized to secure
peace. In connection with United States history the
omission is particularly glaring.

The relations of the United States with Latin Ameri-
can republics is another neglected phase of its history.
To enable teachers to include courses in Latin Ameri-
can history without further crowding their program, the
History Teacher's Magazine in June, 1918, published an
"Outline for Incidental Study of Latin American His-
tory," by Mary Wilhelmine Williams.

Geography

Respect, sympathy, understanding — these, according to
Professor J. Russell Smith of Columbia University, are
the three great spiritual possibilities of the geography
class.

If children are to have respect for other nations, Pro-
fessor Smith points out, they must be taught that there is
a reason for the difference between nations; that it grows

458 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

out of different environmental conditions, and does not
mean inferiority or superiority. They must appreciate
the skill of foreign peoples in terms of their adaptation
to their environment; the skill of the Eskimo who makes
a boat that nothing we have can rival; the skill displayed
in the boomerang made by the Bushman of Australia.
Professor George Cons has said on this point:

"Our presentation of the personal habits of primitive people
should be related to the demands of their environment; the
contrast to civilized habits should not be stressed; habits of
primitive people, often objectionable to our civilized sensi-
tivity, generally are the personal response to secure economy
of effort made necessary by their type of life."

In order that children may have sympathy they need
to be taught to look upon the people of other countries
as engaged in the same jobs that they are. "All the
world is a great group of fellow craftsmen, who are en-
gaged upon the endless task of feeding themselves. . . .
The farmer with his reaper is engaged in the same task
as is the Hindu or the Chinese or the Japanese or the
Filipino who wades about his rice paddy."

To give a child understanding, he must be made to see
that foreigners who do not behave exactly as we do are
not doing "foolish things but natural things; that they
are doing very much what we should do under the same
circumstances." He should be led to see also the value
of differences and how all nations contribute to a com-
mon civilization. The National Foreign Trade Council
in a publication entitled "Our Imports and Who Use
Them," tells these interesting facts of how other nations
contribute to make our daily lives what they are.

"As soon as you get up in the morning, the genii of foreign
trade begin to minister to your needs and conveniences. The
East Indies have contributed their vegetable oils to your bath

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 459

soap and shaving cream ; your sponge is either a plant growth
from the tropical waters of the Caribbean, or the modern
imitation made of rubber from Sumatra and Brazil. You
brush your teeth with fine bristles from the Far East, and
smooth your hair w*ith long vigorous bristles from China and
England. Imported materials are essential to the making
of the porcelain equipment of your bathroom. Imported tin
is in the tubes that hold your shaving cream or tooth paste.
Your comb may be made of imported rubber. Before you
even get your clothes on, many widely separated parts of the
world have been of service to you.

"Proceeding to dress, you call upon all parts of the world
for your personal adornment. Silk worms in Japan and China
may have contributed to your hosiery, shirt and tie; imported
wrool enters into much of your outer clothing; your shoes are
built up of material from all parts of the globe; your garters
and suspenders owe their elasticity to the rubber plantation
of Sumatra; wrhile your white linen collar and your linen
handkerchief are made of flax from Ireland, Canada, Belgium
and the Netherlands.

"Hurrying down to breakfast, you find either coffee from
Brazil, tea from the Far East, or cocoa from tropical coun-
tries. To sweeten these beverages you use sugar from Cuba
and the tropics. Your breakfast china contains English
clay, the glasses are wrought from foreign substances, and
the knives, forks and spoons may contain imported aluminum
and tin. You may start the meal with a banana from Hon-
duras or a grape fruit from Cuba.

"Leaving your house, you walk over asphalt from Trinidad
and take a train, the safety of which depends on air-brake
hosing made of imported rubber. You may be lightening
your travels by walking on rubber heels, and if the day is wet,
wearing rubber overshoes and a rain coat.

"You reach your office and sit down at a desk of mahogany.
On the desk are to be found pencils, the lead of which is
made of graphite from Mexico, Ceylon, Chosen, Canada and
Madagascar. On the end of the pencil is an eraser of im-
ported rubber set in a cap of imported tin. The finger grip

460 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

of your pen is of cork from Spain or of rubber. The telephone
and the dictaphone use imported asphalt, carbon, flax, mica,
platinum, nickel, rubber, shellac, silk and tin in their con-
struction. The typewriter in the office, and other pieces of
office machinery, contain many kinds of alloy steels, often
coated with nickel.

"At the end of the day you pick up your hat, which is
made either of straw braid from the Far East, or of fur from
all parts of the world."

In some class rooms parallel columns are kept on the
blackboard in which from time to time, at the suggestion
of the children, items which they use are listed with the
country from which they come in whole or in part. Pic-
tures from newspapers and magazines showing the gath-
ering of raw materials or the manufacture of goods in
other nations can be combined with such a list to lead
the children to think of foreign people as contemporaries.
The exports of the pupil's country, too, should be traced
to the people who use them, and the contribution of their
own nation to the wealth of the world made clear.

In teaching the geography of the Pacific region the
close relationships and future possibilities for interna-
tional cooperation among the countries bordering on that
ocean should be discussed. Theodore Roosevelt once
pointed out that "the Mediterranean era died with the
discovery of America. The Atlantic era has reached the
height of its development. The Pacific era, destined to be
the greatest, is just at the dawn." A Japanese educator,
Baron Matsui, has said of the close relations among
Pacific peoples:

"There is no East and there is no West today. Commerce
and communication have broken down the barriers. The
world is coming together. It is not growing apart. The
world is one. The Occident and the Orient must stand or
fall together. The white man and the yellow man must join

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 461

hands and march together into a greater and more glorious
future, or else go down to doom together. There is no other
choice."

Pan American relations deserve far greater attention
than they usually receive. Interesting materials, includ-
ing illustrated booklets and lantern slides, are sent out by
the Pan American Union for use in geography classes.

Art

In the study of art trfe attempt to create beauty is
seen to be a common human impulse shared by men of
all times and all places, while the influence of races and
peoples upon one another can be traced in the art of all
modern nations.

In Japan the Government has organized an Interna-
tional Fine Arts Society for the furtherance of interna-
tional understanding and the development of the fine
arts. Commenting on it, the Japan Advertiser points
out:

"Fine art objects cannot be created independently of the
trend of the times and the force of environment, but their
influence upon us rises above time and environment. . . .
This is because the fine arts not only delineate the individual
elements of a nation, but also give expression to sentiments
common to all human beings and true through all ages and
places. The comprehension of these sentiments broadens our
minds and deepens our sympathy."

Athletics

The need for carrying the spirit of sportsmanship into
all of the relationships of life, including the international
relationships, is increasingly recognized. John Gals-
worthy has declared that the spirit of sport is the great
hope of the world :

462 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"Sport, which still keeps the flag of idealism flying, is
perhaps the most saving grace in the world at the moment,
with its spirit of rules kept, and regard for the adversary,
whether the fight is going for or against. When, if ever, the
fair-play spirit of sport reigns over international affairs, the
cat force which rules there now will slink away and human life
emerge for the first time from the jungle."

Athletics offers an opportunity for learning the games
and sports of other nations. A group of five or six may
study a game and teach the re^J; of the class how to play
it, telling as much as possible about its origin, and the
people who play it. In The American Schoolmaster, for
December, 1927, it is emphasized that goodwill and ill
will are to a large extent habitual attitudes of mind; that
these habitual attitudes are largely formed by experience
in dealing with others with whom we have conflicting
interests; that one of the most effective ways to develop
the spirit of goodwill is in competitive sports and games
in which the organization is carefully controlled and fair
play carefully and uniformly assured. The publications
of the Sportsmanship Brotherhood, 342 Madison Ave.,
New York City, contain excellent material on the possible
contribution to the movement for world peace, notably a
booklet, "Sportsmanship, a Bridge of Understanding
between the Nations of the World," to which Dr. John
H. Finley contributes an introduction.

Biography

Through the study of biographies in connection with
English or history work, pupils can be given an under-
standing of other peoples; an appreciation of the fact
that races and nations have made different contributions
to the intellectual and spiritual progress of humanity as
well as to material civilization; and a knowledge that
scientists, artists and men of learning have world power

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 463

and influence. The study of famous men and women
leads also to a discussion of what heroism is. Its three
principles have been defined as nobility of character, fear-
less and self-sacrificing devotion to a great cause, and con-
structive work for humanity of a permanent character. In
an International World Hero Contest, conducted by the
National Council for Prevention of War, in which
these qualities were used as a basis of judgment, the fol-
lowing were selected by the school children: Louis Pas-
teur, Abraham Lincoln, Christopher Columbus, George
Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Woodrow Wilson, Flor-
ence Nightingale, Joan of Arc, Socrates, Johann Guten-
berg, David Livingstone, and George Stephenson. A
portfolio with portraits and the prize-winning essays has
been published.

As the culmination of a study of the men and women
who have led humanity in its struggle for freedom and
for the recognition of the worth of the individual, there
should be a discussion of those who have tried to win it
freedom from war. Through the centuries the great
statesmen and philosophers have labored for world peace,
among them Dante, Erasmus, Groflus, Kant, Fox, Penn,
FYanklin, Tolstoi. As a short project in this connection a
brief account of the winners of the Nobel Peace Award
might be compiled.

The study of biography leads naturally also to the
study of heroism today. Instances of men and women
who are making great contributions to the progress of
humanity and of those who display heroism in the daily
routine of life, can be gathered from the newspapers and
magazines by the students. William James's "Moral
Equivalent of War" should be read in this connection.

Botany

Many of our garden flowers come to us from foreign

464 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

countries, particularly from the Orient, and suggest the
beauty of the East. The tea and rambler roses, the
parents of the modern rose, were brought to England
from China. Chrysanthemums, camelias, peonies, prim-
roses and azaleas also came from China.

"All the old-fashioned garden favorites," according to "The
Aristocrat of the Garden" came from the Far Eastern countries.
"Rosa alba, the musk rose, cinnamon, moss, sweet briar and
damask roses came from wild species of Persia, Asia Minor
and Europe, or from their garden forms."

The study of plants and flowers — their dependence
upon insects for pollenization and the dependence of
animal life upon them — brings out clearly the fact of
the inter-relation of all forms of life and shows the prin-
ciple of cooperation to be a universal law.

Civics

New textbooks on civics clearly reflect a new concep-
tion of this study. In "Community Civics," the author,
Arthur W. Dunn, former director of the American
Junior Red Cross, emphasizes government as a means of
cooperation. In "International Civics," the authors, Pit-
man B. Potter and Roscoe L. West, discuss existing means
of cooperation among national governments and how
they must be developed to meet the conditions of modern
life. Statements by American educators in the chapter
on "Education and Peace" stress the importance of the
international aspects of this study.

Current Events

Aside from the interest in international affairs which
their subject matter develops, current event courses offer
an opportunity to train students to read the newspapers
and current periodicals with discrimination. They should

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 465

be made to realize the difficulty which newspapers face
in securing unprejudiced reporters to collect daily full and
accurate facts about important events in all parts of the
world. Reports of an important event in one paper
should, whenever possible, be checked up by comparison
with accounts of the same occurrence in other papers.
The habit should be formed of noting the source of all
news reports and of reading them carefully to determine
whether definite statements are made and authorities
cited or whether they purport to be no more than general
impressions. In the case of signed articles as much as
possible should be learned about the writer.

The general reliability of a publication can be gauged
by keeping notes of its statements on important questions
and checking them by later developments.

Domestic Science

In the domestic science courses there is opportunity to
teach the inter-relation of all countries through a study
of the sources of foods, of the raw materials used in the
making of fabrics, and the foreign origin of many kinds
of fabrics brought to the West originally by early traders.
Some schools have also utilized these courses as an oppor-
tunity for children to take part themselves in developing
world friendship by making garments for foreign children
who are in need.

English

Study of the English language shows it to have been
created and influenced by many civilizations. Its words
come from the Greek and Roman civilizations and many
new words to meet new ideas come from Germany,
France, Spain, and Italy. Advanced study brings out
the common source and close relationship of all European
languages. The history of the alphabet leads back

466 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

through the Phoenicians and Egyptians to the pictorial
writings of early man everywhere. "The child who has
learned that the language it is using every day has come
to it by all of these wonderful routes will have a different
conception of its own and its country's relation to other
countries." Dr. Otto F. Ege of the Cleveland School of
Art has put the fascinating story of the alphabet into
two books which are listed in the bibliography.

Accurate use of words and their definition, so import-
ant for arriving at mutual understanding, can be made
the basis of discussions which will help individuals to
escape from the limitations of prejudices and develop
independence of thought. One teacher, at the beginning
of the school year, without discussion, asks her high-school
class to define words like the following: Internationalism,
trade unionism, socialism, religious. The papers are
graded so that the answers will not be haphazard or care-
less. There is no direct discussion based on the answers
but, from time to time, as the words occur in class work
there is some consideration of the ideas they represent.
The middle of the year, the same test is given the class
and a measurement thus made of the students' progress
in accurate thinking and careful use of terms.

In the study of English literature children may be
led to enter sympathetically into the life of other peoples.
In The American Schoolmaster for December, 1927, the
following suggestions are made for building international
goodwill by the careful choice of the things that children
read:

"If reading is to function in the lives of boys and girls, the
gaining of factual information must become merely a second-
ary aim. Social attitudes and values that express themselves
in living experiences are the ends to be sought. These ends
can be most successfully achieved through emotionalized
experiences. Because of its dual appeal, to the intellect and

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 467

to the emotions, literature is one of the most effective means
of encouraging desirable attitudes and developing a sense of
worth while values. In proportion as it is vivid and stirring,
it will succeed in overcoming our provincialisms and giving to
the world beyond our horizons the greatest possible reality.
Thus the parish mind will be made capable of living in ever
larger units. Thus through literature we shall be transformed
into world citizens."

Because great thinkers throughout the history of the
world have urged peace it is possible in connection with
many of the authors studied to select readings on this
theme. In Emerson, Longfellow, Tennyson, Whittier,
Lowell and Whitman there are excellent selections. In
Hawthorne's "Tanglewood Tales," "The Golden Fleece"
points the folly of war. In Burke's "Speech on Concilia-
tion" an opportunity is given for discussion of the use
of force in international relations. An interesting project
in English classes is for the students to find what the
authors they are studying have said on peace and war,
or to collect the peace poems of American writers.

Debates

There have recently been two interesting develop-
ments in debate work: the increasing number of inter-
national debates held in the larger universities which
emphasize the fact that there are common problems to
be solved by the joint effort of leaders in different
nations; and the growing realization that wre must modify
methods of debating so that the result will be an effort
to arrive at truth rather than an effort to make one opin-
ion prevail over another. In an article in Progressive Ed-
ucation for the second quarter of 1925, Dr. Harry A.
Overstreet points out that if we are to cultivate open-
mindedness — the "will to see farther" — which is the first
essential of the international mind, there must be sub-

468 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

stituted for the technique of debate the technique of
social exploration and discussion. In the course of a
debate the student does not try to learn something nor
to incorporate something of which he has been previously
ignorant, and which, when incorporated, will modify his
conclusions. His one object is to win. To the truly
broad-minded person, however, the only victory worth
while is that of truth over error. "Group cooperation in
the pursuit of . . . truth" should be the object of dis-
cussions. Each side should aim to bring out the best
possible arguments on that side in order to arrive at
correct conclusions. The spirit in which the debate is
conducted should never lead to antagonism for it is
important to acquire the habit of not confusing differ-
ences and antagonisms. In "The New State" Mary P.
Follett voices a warning against permitting diversity to
arouse hostility:

"Suppose a friend says something with which I do not agree.
It may be that instantly I feel antagonistic, feel as if we were
on opposite sides, and my emotions are at once tinged with
some of the enmity which being on opposite sides usually
brings. Our relations become slightly strained, we change the
subject as soon as possible, etc. But suppose we were really
civilized beings, then we should think, 'How interesting this
is; this idea has evidently a larger content than I realized;
if my friend and I can unify this material we shall separate
with a larger idea than either of us had before V "

There is also an opportunity in debating to cultivate in
students the habit recommended by John Dewey, of
"discriminating tested beliefs from mere assertions,
guesses and opinions; and to develop a lively, sincere
and open-minded preference for conclusions that are
properly grounded."

Following a debate, the members of the two teams
might continue friendly conversations on the basis of

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 469

all the material gathered on both sides and stage a second
contest in which the award should go to the student
giving the best reasons for the final opinion of the dis-
cussion group as a whole or of a majority of its members.
At one point in the debates of the Constitutional Con-
vention of 1787 when the delegates had reached such a
deadlock that certain groups were threatening to with-
draw, Benjamin Franklin secured an adjournment for
three days and gave the delegates this advice:

"Spend the time of this recess not in associating with your
own party and devising new arguments to fortify yourselves
in your old opinions, but mix with members of opposite senti-
ments, lend a patient ear to their reasonings, and candidly
allow them all the weight to which they may be entitled."

Foreign Languages

The reading of current periodicals and newspapers
from the countries the languages of which are being
studied, as well as masterpieces of literature, can do much
to promote better international understanding.

The study of a common auxiliary language, such as
Esperanto or Ido, is being given renewed consideration
because of the development of the international radio.
It has been suggested that if an auxiliary language were
called the "Radio" language it would promote its
popularity.

The International Auxiliary Language Association of
America has recently been organized and endowed for
research study of all questions involved in the establish-
ment of one synthetic language secondary to all national
languages which may be taught in educational systems
throughout the world.

Classes in Esperanto have already been introduced in
the public schools of Lithopolis, Ohio. They are not
compulsory but are reported to be very popular. The

470 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

courses have been endowed by Mr. and Mrs. R. J. Jones,
of Northport, L. I., N. Y., who hope later to establish
an Esperanto College for adults in Lithopolis.

Hygiene

The fight to control disease has produced great heroes
and thrilling tales of adventure. The stories of Pasteur,
of Lister, of Walter Reed, of Grenfell, of Trudeau, may-
well be told in any class where the problems of health
are discussed. The Metropolitan Life Insurance Com-
pany has published for teachers a series of small books
on "Health Heroes."

A discussion of the problems of health gives an inter-
esting opportunity to point out the necessity for inter-
national cooperation. As early as 1851 there was an
international congress to consider wrays of dealing with
cholera, the plague and yellow fever. In 1903 an inter-
national commission was set up at Suez to act as a barrier
to protect Europe and America against the epidemics
coming from the East, and at this time it was agreed that
governments should assist one another by issuing infor-
mation as to epidemic diseases in their territories. Under
the League of Nations a health organization has been
created which has not only the direct support of the
nations in the League, but of the International Health
Board in the United States.

Mathematics

The history of the development of mathematical
science and of the sciences that have grown out of it is
another chapter in the story of interdependence among
the ages and the nations. Our system of notation leads
back to the Arabs and to the natives of India. Several
mimeographed pages of examples selected from "Prob-
lems About War for Classes in Arithmetic; Suggestions

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 471

for Makers of Textbooks and for Use in Schools," by
D. E. Smith, published by the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, but now out of print, can be obtained
from the National Council for Prevention of War.

Music

Wherever or however they live, people sing their chil-
dren to sleep, sing to express their joy and sorrow, and
in teaching music it is possible to make children realize
that it is a language all the world shares. Much of our
music, of course, comes from other nations. Many of
our common songs had their origin abroad. The air of
"The Star Spangled Banner" is taken from an old English
drinking song. The music to which "America" is sung
is also the music to the national songs of Great Britain,
Germany and Switzerland.

In an article on "World Brotherhood Through Music"
in the Journal of the National Education Association,
for May, 1926, Frances Elliott Clark says:

"Everywhere we now sing 'Santa Lucia/ 'All Through the
Night/ Traise Ye the Father/ 'Silent Night/ and ' Auld Lang
Syne/ and cease to remeniber that we owe them to Italy,
Wales, Netherlands, Tyrol, and Scotland. . . . We sing the
beautiful hymn, 'My Saviour As Thou Wilt/ and care not
at all that it was written into the overture of an opera by
the German, von Weber. 'Won't Go Home Until Morning'
or 'He's a Jolly Good Fellow' is the old French 'Malbrook/
and it in turn was brought from the Crusades. We sing to our
babies 'Rock-a-Bye Baby/ (English), 'There is a Happy
Land' (Hindustan), Brahms' 'Lullaby' (German), 'Slumber,
Baby, My Little Brother' (French), 'Sweet and Low' (Eng-
lish), and 'Hey Baloo' (Scotch)."

In singing the songs of other lands, many of them made
familiar here by people who have left their own coun-

472 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

tries to live and work with us, an appreciation of the
foreign groups in America can be cultivated.

Science

Science knows no national boundaries, and in it all
ages are united. To the perfection of every great inven-
tion men of many nations and many centuries have con-
tributed. The great scientists are thought of as belonging
to the whole world, not to any nation, for they have
served the world. The achievement, for instance, of
Charles Lindbergh in flying across the Atlantic was made
possible by the combined work of the scientists of the
world, many wholly unknown. It was suggested, indeed,
by Alfred Korzybski, author of the "-Manhood of
Humanity" that it would have been appropriate had
there been a monument to the "unknown scientist" as
well as to the unknown soldier upon which Lindbergh
might have laid a wreath.

It is science which by its discoveries and inventions
has brought the nations of the world into their present
close relationship. James Bryce in "International Rela-
tions" makes the interesting comment that "electricity
is the most potent of the unifying forces for the pur-
poses of knowledge and interchange of thought, as steam
has been for commerce." Today men make use of these
inventions of science without understanding the funda-
mental laws, the discovery of which have made them
possible. A more profound study and more general
knowledge of science may give an insight into universal
laws, which will mean intellectual "control" over the
machine age which at present tends to dominate mankind.

The cultivation of the scientific attitude of mind —
insuring patience, willingness to investigate and to test
and to be corrected, unwillingness to dogmatize, and
acceptance of facts regardless of their effect upon earlier

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 473

beliefs — and its application to the study of social and
international relations is probably the most important
contribution that can be made to the solution of these
questions.

In The American Schoolmaster for December, 1927,
methods of teaching science so that it will contribute to
broader international sympathies are pointed out:

"In the first place, the emphasis in science should be placed
on the service it can render mankind. Science can be so
taught as to make service the dominating passion of those
who are to recruit the ranks of scientific men of the future.

"The important study of the biographies of great scientists
breeds international respect. . . . An impartial survey of
the facts will reveal that other nations have made quite as
notable contributions as our own in the field of applied
science."

The adventurous work of scientists in connection with
irrigation and other constructive projects carried on by
the Department of the Interior, and with the work of
the Forestry Service needs to be better known. Excellent
illustrative material can be gotten from both depart-
ments. In these undertakings there is

"Not yesterday's obsolete war, that of Man against Man,
but rather a new life, dispensing War for Man's mastery over
the earth and its forces, an ever-youthful war, of which we
have probably not fought out yet a millionth part."

On Pasteur's seventieth birthday, when delegates from
learned societies of all nations met in Paris to do him
honor, he said to them:

"And you, delegates from other nations, bring me the deep-
est joy that can be felt by a man whose invincible belief is
that Science and Peace will triumph over Ignorance and War
— that nations will unite, not to destroy, but to build, and
that the future will belong to those who have done the most
for suffering humanity."

474 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Programs for Special Days

Although Armistice Day and Goodwill Day are the two
occasions during the school year when special programs
can be entirely devoted to world peace, other holidays
also offer an opportunity for emphasizing the facts and
attitudes of mind which make for peace. Detailed graded
programs for Goodwill Day, and Armistice Day, can be
obtained from the National Council for Prevention of
War. Excellent programs and program material can be
obtained from Miss E. Estelle Downing, Chairman of
International Relations Committee of the National Coun-
cil of Teachers of English, Michigan State Normal Col-
lege, Ypsilanti, Michigan ; from the Auxiliary Committee
on World Friendship of the Los Angeles Public Schools,
which has published a'book entitled, "World Friendship,"
by Miss Evaline Dowling, the price of which is 50 cents;
from the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association,
6 East 39 Street, New York City, which publishes an /n-
ternational Guide to Material Descriptive of Many Lands
and Peoples, price 10 cents; and the American School
Citizenship League, Boston. The American Junior
Red Cross News devoted its issue for May, 1928, to sug-
gestions for Goodwill Day.

Whenever possible Armistice Day and Goodwill Day
should be made the occasion for undertaking some
class project which will give the children a definite part
in the worldwide peace movement — as, for instance, send-
ing letters or broadcasting a message of goodwill to
children in other lands.

School Projects in World Friendship

A Trip Around the World. — A conductor of the tour is
elected by the senior class. One or two members from
each class, who act as guides for each country, are chosen
to make the tour. Groups are selected to represent the"

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 475

people of the various nations visited. These, in appro-
priate costume, act out a scene or give a series of tableaux
illustrating the life of the country which they represent
— incidents in its history, the work, the recreation, and
the art of the people.

Trips Abroad. — A very much simpler travel program
can be carried out by forming various groups of from
three to five students. Excused from the auditorium
periods or from certain of their classes for a few days in
order that they may visit, by means of the library, some
chosen country, they "return" and tell about their
journey. At the end of the reports, a vote can be taken
as to which the students have given the most vivid pic-
ture of the country they visited.

Make a Chart showing the decrease in the earths size
measured in time of travel from point to point during the
last one hundred years.

World Peace, Month by Month. — On the last day of
each month, a member of the senior class reports on the
most notable event affecting peace during that month.
Members of the other classes make reports, based on
material gathered by their class as a whole, of news items
and editorials which have appeared during the month
injurious to the cause of wrorld peace or tending to
promote it.

A Bulletin Board for Foreign News. — A bulletin board,
on which newspaper articles about foreign countries or
international relations can be posted, will lead not only to
interest in foreign affairs, but to a more careful reading
of the daily papers. The articles should be discussed in
class from the point of view of their accuracy and checked
up with later items in the same or other papers. Such a
bulletin board for little children can be carried out in
pictures.

The World as Shopkeeper. — Representatives are chosen

476 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

for each country, who study the products of that country,
what it has to sell to the rest of the world and what it
must secure from other countries. When the groups have
completed their studies, an afternoon can be devoted to
an international shopping tour. On tables labeled with
the names of the various nations, there are objects or
printed cards indicating what that nation produces for
export. In turn, the nations go from one stand to
another, securing what they need and do not produce
themselves.

The World Market — The fact that the world is an
economic unit and that war is no longer compatible with
modern industrial life can be made clear by having pupils
collect from newspapers and magazines advertisements
that show that manufacturers think in terms of the world
and find their markets in the four corners of the earth.

World Unity. — By cooperation among the teachers of
special subjects, an interesting survey of the extent of
world unity as revealed in science, history, economics, and
art, can be made. Reports by different groups on these
subjects could form the program for a special day, such
as Armistice Day or Goodwill Day.

Monuments to Peace. — An interesting essay or talk
illustrated with lantern slides could be based on the peace
monuments which have been erected on international
border lines or in commemoration of peace agreements
and acts of goodwill. Among these peace monuments are
The Christ of the Andes between Chile and the Argentine
Republic; the Peace Portal in Blaine, Washington; the
International Bridge across the Niagara River at Buffalo,
which was dedicated with ceremonies of friendship in
August, 1927; the Granite Arch at Che Foo, China, on
which there is this inscription, "Erected in honor of the
citizens of America, our friends across the sea. May there
be eternal peace between the two peoples"; and the

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 477

"Alabama" Room in the City Hall of Geneva, Switzer-
land. It was in the "Alabama" Room that the "Alabama"
claims case between England and the United States was
settled in 1871-72. The conclusion of this case marked
the beginning in Europe of a popular movement in favor
of the pacific settlement of disputes. In the room is a
plowshare made from the swords of officers in the Civil
War who at a peace meeting in Philadelphia in 1876 gave
them for this symbolic purpose. The story of the "Ala-
bama" Room has been written by Mr. George Hunting-
ton Donaldson and is distributed by the National Council
for Prevention of War.

Model Assemblies of the League of Nations. — As a
means of teaching the present extent of international
cooperation and organization, the staging of "Model
Assemblies" has become popular not only in colleges but
in high schools. Full information will be supplied by the
League of Nations Non-Partisan Association.

A Book of Peace. — The preparation of a book of peace,
such as the low eighth grade of the Durant School of
Oakland, California, compiled and bound under the title
"The Dawn of Peace" and which contained poems, quo-
tations, original essays and comments, cartoons and
reproductions of paintings depicting scenes of war or
peace, affords an interesting project for classes of any age.

A Scrap Book of Peace-Time Heroes. — Accounts of
people performing self-sacrificing services for others, or
carrying on constructive work for the benefit of humanity,
which appear in the daily press or in current periodicals,
may be brought in and voted upon for inclusion in a peace
hero scrap book.

An International Museum. — A school "museum" can be
started of articles from foreign countries to which brief
accounts of the country can be attached.

A World Peace Edition of the school paper can be

478 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

arranged to appear on Armistice or Goodwill Day. Such
an edition was printed by the High School of Bell,
California.

Teaching Little Children

From certain points of view, what little children are
not taught is even more important than wThat they are.
Parents today have been fairly well trained to avoid
saying or doing anything which will make their children
afraid of the dark or of animals or of strangers. It is
recognized that such fears limit a child's powers. It
should be realized as clearly that all prejudices shut
some door of knowledge or of opportunity for wider
experience, and every effort should be made to guard
children against acquiring them.

The teaching of world-mindedness and the develop-
ment of independence of thought can be begun very
early. Nearly all children are interested in knowing
how things came to be as they are. Through this interest
in beginnings, a child can be given very early a con-
ception of progress from generation to generation, of the
fact that people in every age have contributed to give
us what wTe have today. In this connection, it is not
hard to make a child understand that the different races
and nations, living in all parts of the earth — some where
it is hot, some in the mountains, some by the sea — have
learned different ways of doing things, so that today each
one has something to teach the others.

A sense of progress from century to century makes it
seem natural that ways of life should change. Children
should feel the wonder of the fact that they are living
today at a turning point in history, that new adventures
lie ahead, and that no one can be sure that anything is
impossible — to prove it, tell them how often people used
to say to each other, "You can no more do that than fly!"

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 479

Since, as someone has said, the whole earth is every
child's treasure chest and workshop and playroom, chil-
dren should think of the earth as a whole and be familiar
with its| various parts. A globe and a little later a map
should be part of the furnishings of every child's room.
The countries to which things made in his own country
are sent and the ones from which come the things he uses
every day can be pointed out to him, or bright-colored
threads used to follow the lines of the voyages. An
around-the-world frieze of pictures of the children of
different nations can be arranged on the walls of a young
child's room, and later, photographs of places of special
interest or of the products of different countries put in
their place. Newspaper pictures make it a simple matter
for a child to begin an "Around the World" scrap book,
to which he can add for many years.

Through music and through art children can learn that
all nations are alike in their love of beauty, that they
influence one another, and that each makes its contribu-
tion. Reproductions of great paintings can be obtained
now in excellent and inexpensive prints, which will help
to give a child a love of beauty and a sense of the unity
inherent in beauty, as well as a knowledge of the art
of different nations. A list of prints for children can be
ordered from the Woman's Home Companion.

There are several paintings by great masters from
which a love of peace can be more directly inspired.
Among them is "A Knight of Rhodes/' by Pinturicchio,
which shows a member of this order of knights who were
not warriors but were healers of men. "An Angel before
the Walled City," by Lippi, offers an imaginative sugges-
tion of the conflict between material and spiritual forces.
Among the portraits of men who have labored in the
cause of peace are "Dante and His Book," by di Miche-
lino; "Erasmus," by Holbein, — Erasmus was the first

480 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

man to be known as a citizen of the world: and "St.
Francis Preaching to the Birds," by Giotto.

An ambitious and well-informed teacher or mother may
arrange "other nation" days, perhaps one a month, when
a child pretends he is a child of another nation, dresses
as the other child does or wears at least some part of
his dress, eating as nearly as possible the same kind of
food, playing the games, and learning as much as possible
about the other's country, and possibly some phrase of his
language. If such a plan is too elaborate, at least the
games of other children can be played. The fact that
all children play such games as hide and seek, blind
man's buff, and London Bridge, and the little differences
that there are in the way other children play them, can
be pointed out. Books of such games are listed in the
bibliography. The National Council for Prevention of
War issues descriptions of games in mimeographed form.

To develop independence of thought in little children,
it is well to permit them to discriminate between the
facts older people tell them that can be demonstrated,
and the opinions they express. Another method is to
teach them to test their own opinions by continued
observation, and not to be troubled at finding an earlier
opinion wrong but to see that it is a matter of growth.

Psychologists point out the necessity of bringing chil-
dren up without fear if they are to be without hate, since
the two are closely associated, and of giving them some
constructive skill through which their will-to-power can
be satisfied.

It is also important, of course, to "disarm" nurseries,
but toy soldiers and B. B. guns are bound to be encoun-
tered. The best protection against bad effects from them
is to give children as true a picture as possible of what
war is, so that it may not be confused in their minds with
marching down a sunny street to gay music.

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 481

Through the Celebration of Special Days

Armistice Day and Goodwill Day are the outstanding
peace days, but other holidays afford appropriate oppor-
tunities to call attention to the world effort to secure
peace. Material helpful in arranging international and
goodwill programs is published by an increasing number
of organizations. The National Young Women's Chris-
tian Association and the National Missionary Education
Movement publish large collections of pageants, plays,
folk-songs and dances. Descriptive lists of material with
information as to where it can be obtained are supplied
by the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association and
by the National Council for Prevention of War, both of
which organizations also publish plays, pageants, and
dramatic readings. Sources from which school programs
can be gotten are mentioned in the section, "Through
Schools." Information in regard to motion picture
films is given in the section on that subject. Lantern
slides showing life in other nations can be obtained from
the Pan American Union, the Young Men's Christian
Association, and among the commercial firms from the
Keystone View Company of Meadville, Pennsylvania,
and Williams, Brown and Earle, 918 Chestnut St., Phila-
delphia. Lantern slides showing actual war scenes can
be obtained from the Keystone View Company or from
Radiguet and Massiot, 15 Boulevard des Filles-du-
Calvaire, Paris. A collection of such slides can also be
rented from the National Council for Prevention of War.
Flags of all nations, needed in many programs, can be
ordered from the Westminster Press, Philadelphia, in a
set of 42, size 11 x 16 inches, for $4.25, or in practically
any size from Annin and Company, Fifth Ave. and 16th
St., New York City. Colored plates from which flags
can be made were published in the National Geographic
Magazine for October. 1917.

482 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Armistice Day, November 11

Much program material is suitable for either Armistice
Day or Goodwill Day, but the important thing on
Armistice Day is to remember — to remember the two
things that were uppermost in men's minds on the first
Armistice Day, when the world that knew war went mad
with joy because war was ended. The first thing is, the
full horror, and cost, and waste, and suffering, and inter-
ruption of war. The second is that hundreds of thou-
sands of men died in the belief that they were fighting to
end war and that the only true honor therefore that we
can do them is to carry their work to completion. In a
letter to the Commander of the American Legion, Presi-
dent Coolidge said of the purposes of the day :

"Armistice Day ought to be celebrated not simply by think-
ing of the war and the men who died in the war but by
dedicating all to the cause of perennial peace and the outlawry
of war."

The Sunday nearest Armistice Day should be observed
in all churches and is very generally. Suggestions for
church programs will be found in the section, "Through
the Churches." There should also be a community cele-
bration on Armistice Day itself. A public luncheon,
dinner or evening meeting to discuss what the community
is doing to carry out the purpose for which the war was
fought, is one appropriate form of celebration. A com-
munity international children's party is also an inspiring
way to celebrate.

In Carson City, Michigan, a celebration of Armistice
Day in which the people of the town and surrounding
country took part, was arranged by the First Congrega-
tional Church. An all-day program held on Armistice
Day itself included morning and afternoon services at
which well-known ministers of the nearby towns gave

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 483

addresses. All business houses closed at 10:30. The
superintendent of schools, accompanied by members of
his faculty and a large group of students, marched to the
morning services, preceded by a flag bearer and bugler.
A quarter-page advertisement was carried in the local
papers with the names of the local men who had been
killed in. the war, and below them these sentences:

"We invite every patriotic citizen, and every Christian
man, woman and child in our community to make this
Armistice Service a memorial for our honored dead. Let us
•keep in mind the ideals for which they gave themselves. In
the World War they died to make that the last war. Let us
dedicate ourselves to finish their task."

Extra copies of the advertisement were run off and dis-
tributed widely through the nearby towns. Information
as to the details of such a program can be obtained from
the minister of the Carson City Congregational Church,
Dr. W. S. Shelly.

The Committee for World Friendship of Plainfield,
New Jersey, has made it a practice to conduct poster
campaigns during Armistice week, and in 1928 arranged
with the managers of moving picture houses to show a
trailer at every performance during the week. Among
the sentences carried on the slides were these:

"Fighting for peace is the truest way to honor those that
died in a 'War to end War/ "

What You Can Do To Prevent War

"Try to understand other nations.
"Teach your children to practice tolerance.
"Ask your minister to preach against war.
"Elect Congressmen who advocate:

Open Diplomacy;

Universal Reduction of Armaments;

Compulsory Arbitration.

484 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"The American people can end war in our time if they get
on the job. — Let us wage peace! — I should be a traitor to my
country if I did not do everything in my power to abolish
war." — Major General John F. O'Ryan, Commander of the
27th Division.

Figures on the cost of war in lives and in dollars can be
dramatically shown on such movie slides or on posters.

In Ottawa the League of Nations Union secured a
shop window for Armistice week and arranged a minia-
ture scene showing the desolation and destruction
wrought by modern war. On either side wrere placards-
bearing the words, "War Wastes/' "Unless we end war,
wrar will end us," "Peace Pays," "What do you know
about the League of Nations?" This idea can be enlarged
upon by a general display of cost of war posters or of
the "pie chart" showing the percentage of the taxes paid
by the people which go to pay the cost of wars past
and future. In the smaller cities a parade can be held
in which the salient facts of the cost and nature of
modern war are carried on banners, and in which all the
organizations which are in any wray furthering peace
work can be represented. It should be followed by an
indoor or outdoor meeting where the facts displayed on
the banners may be explained and an account given of
what is being done for peace.

One of the simplest ways of celebrating the day is for
the peace groups of a city at the beginning of the school
year to offer a prize for the best essay on some such
topic as, "The Difference Between War Yesterday and
Today," and to award these prizes and have the essays
read on Armistice Day; or a prize to be announced on
Armistice Day can be offered through the local news-
paper for the best article on, "How This Community Can
Help Free the World From War."

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 485

Lincoln's Birthday, February 12.

In no man has the spirit of human brotherhood been
more clearly portrayed than in Lincoln. His policy of
conciliation following the Civil War is one of the great
contributions to the realization of peace. The spirit of
Lincoln inspires a poem by Vachel Lindsay, "Abraham
Lincoln Walks at Midnight/' of which this is one of the
stanzas :

He cannot rest until a spirit-dawn
Shall come: the shining hope of Europe free;

The league of sober folk, the Worker's Earth
Bringing long peace to Cornland, Alp and Sea.

Washington's Birthday, February 22.

The whole story of Washington's life is not told if
his work for world peace receives no mention. When he
was President, the first commission of Americans was
sent to Europe to negotiate treaties of commerce with
other nations and he wrote to its secretary:

"My first wish is to see this plague to mankind (war) ban-
ished from the earth and the sons and daughters of this world
employed in more pleasing and innocent amusements than in
preparing implements and exercising them for the destruction
of mankind."

The revival in modern history of arbitration as a
method of settling international disputes was due to
Washington. When many men in this country were
demanding another war with England, President Wash-
ington sent as a special ambassador his Chief Justice,
John Jay, to London, and the treaty which was arranged
began the long list of arbitration treaties which the
nations of the world have signed during the last century.
When a memorandum suggesting this arbitration treaty
with England was given to him, he wrote across it "and

486 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

with all other nations." His birthday is a fitting time for
Americans to stop and consider just what they have done
to carry out Washington's "first wish" and how near they
are to banishing the plague of war from the earth.

Goodwill Day, May 18.

Goodwill Day is the anniversary of the opening of the
First Hague Peace Conference in 1899. Its observance
was proposed in 1900 by European members of the Inter-
national Council of Women and promoted by that organi-
zation, by the American Peace Society, and by the
American School Citizenship League. Since the war the
World Federation of Education Associations has urged
that this day be made "a significant landmark in the
movement for international friendship."

Although celebrated chiefly in the schools, the day
lends itself also to community programs and offers an
opportunity to do two things, to cultivate a spirit of
goodwill and to undertake projects that will give evi-
dence of goodwill. The origin of the day makes it appro-
priate to observe it with meetings on the subject of
arbitration and the steadily increasing acceptance of
peaceful methods of settling international disputes.
Material on this subject can be secured from the
World Peace Foundation, the American Peace Soci-
ety, the National Council for Prevention of War, the
Foreign Policy Association, and the American Founda-
tion.

The special object of the day should be to increase
knowledge and sympathetic understanding of other
nations. In cities with a cosmopolitan population it can
be made the occasion for an international program which
will lead to permanent cooperation among the different
local groups. An international luncheon or dinner can
be arranged by a committee representing the different

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 487

national groups in a community, or can be given by
older citizens each one of whom invites a foreigner as a
guest. An interesting decoration for such a dinner is a
large map of the world in outline with the countries
represented in the community filled in in color. Any
international gathering of this sort can be appropriately
concluded with the impressive candle-lighting ceremony
in which representatives of the different nations stand
in a circle, each holding a candle. One candle is lighted
by the presiding officer and from it the next and so on
around the circle, each one repeating as he lights his
candle the name of his country and in his own language
the words, "As light begets light so goodwill kindled in
these meetings shall never die out."

In Rock Springs, Wyoming, the Lions Club arranges
an annual international night which is attended by the
Governor and prominent citizens. National groups give
songs and dances and conclude with the candle-lighting
ceremony described above. In St. Paul a Cosmopolitan
Club has been formed in which thirty-eight groups are
represented, each having one member on the Board. An
account of the activities of the club can be obtained from
the President, Mr. Henry W. Libby. In Baltimore an
International Folk Festival included a handicraft exhibit
which was kept open for a week. In Cleveland one of
the daily papers, The Press, arranged a dance of nations
which enlisted the enthusiastic cooperation of the whole
community. For cities where it is possible to stage an
elaborate spectacle, a "Festival of the Nations," an epic
of world relationships, in four colorful scenes in which
several hundred people participate, has been arranged
by Mr. Chalmers Brooks Fithian, Dean of the National
Pageant Association. Information about the successful
staging of this festival in Southern California can be
secured from the Council of International Relations of

488 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Southern California, Chamber of Commerce Building,
Los Angeles.

"Reconciliation trips," inaugurated in New York City
by Clarence V. Howell and Ida Oatley Howell, are being
imitated in other large cities. The program for one
month in New York included trips to the Japanese, Latin
American, Chinese, Negro and Russian communities
where special facilities had been arranged for meeting
the people and understanding their point of view. In
the summer of 1928, the first world "reconciliation tour"
is being conducted on which a group of Americans will
visit several European nations and have special oppor-
tunities for meeting the people.

In cities where the population is less cosmopolitan, the
idea of world unity can be emphasized in several ways.
A public dinner or evening meeting can be held for the
discussion of world unity from their special points of
view by a scientist, an artist, a minister of the gospel and
a business man, all of whom should have interesting
things to say on this theme.

The economic interdependence of all nations can be
called to the attention of the public in a series of posters,
or in window displays built up around articles manu-
factured by local firms, showing the countries in which
the materials used in the articles are produced, and the
countries to which the articles are sent. A simultaneous
display of this kind by- manufacturers and merchants
for a week would attract wide attention and could be
utilized by the schools. Suggestions for such a display
will be found in the chapter on "Commerce and Peace"
and in the preceding section, "Through the Schools."

An international evening can be provided by showing
moving pictures or lantern slides of other countries. The
sources from which they can be obtained are listed above.

An entire community where there is a broadcasting

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 489

station may be interested in having its children join those
of other nations in broadcasting a message of goodwill,
such as the following one which the children of Wales
have sent out for several years and which on Goodwill
Day in 1927 was repeated from powerful stations not only
in Europe but in Canada:

"We boys and girls of the principality of Wales and of
Monmouthshire, greet with a cheer the boys and girls of every
other country under the sun. Will you, millions of you, join
in our prayer that God will bless the efforts of the good men
and women of every race and people who are doing their best
to settle the old quarrels without fighting? Then there will
be no need for any of us, as we grow older, to show our pride
for the country in which we were born by going out to hate
and to kill one another. Long live the League of Nations —
the friend of every Mother, the protector of every Home, and
the guardian angel of the Youth of the world."

Memorial Day, May SO

Several cities are now honoring on Memorial Day not
only the soldiers who have given their lives in battle, but
men and women who have been "heroes of social con-
struction/' Programs for carrying out such a celebration
on Memorial Day can be gotten by writing the Peace
Heroes Memorial Society, 3431 Larona Avenue, Cincin-
nati, Ohio. Something of the spirit of the celebration
can be gathered from the following paragraphs of the
invitation issued to citizens to take part in it:

"Miners, railroaders, builders, electricians, mechanics, fire-
men, policemen, explorers, physicians, nurses, mothers and
others upon whose risks and sufferings life depends, form an
army larger than any fighting force of which history has
record. It is an army serving without intermission and know-
ing no armistice, an army that endures both pain and pri-
vation. It numbers its losses of life by the tens of thousands

490 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

every year and its other casualties by the hundreds of thou-
sands. It goes to its hard perilous battles without decorations
and without honors. . . . Yet it is the army of our real
national defense against hunger, cold, sickness, exposure, dis-
order, exhaustion, extinction; ultimately perhaps our true
defense against foreign foes. . . .

"Shall not we who honor the army that slays . . . honor
the army that heals and preserves? We acclaim the heroism
of the fighter. Shall we not acclaim the heroism of the worker,
the investigator, the mother?"

Independence Day, July 4

July fourth is the natural occasion for the expression
of pride in America and for a renewal of the spirit and
ideals which inspired the men who founded it. This day
has been made the occasion in several cities for cere-
monies welcoming people of foreign birth to citizenship.
In pageants, processions, international dinners, there can
be shown the contributions which many nations have
made to the development of the United States in the
days of exploration and settlement and through the years
of its industrial growth to the present period.

Two editorials on July 4, 1927, one in the New York
Herald Tribune and one in the New York Times, sug-
gest new interpretations of the spirit of this day. The
New York Herald Tribune said:

"Of all our wars and victories deserving of commemoration
on Independence Day few are more stirring to the imagination
than the victory, won by a devoted handful of American
officers and men, which freed the world from the terrible men-
ace of yellow fever. . . . Their heroism had the rare reward
of a complete success. The war against yellow fever, waged
with the knowledge gained by the experiments to which
they submitted themselves, has gone on, until the disease
which year after year through centuries had been taking its
hundreds of thousands of lives has been driven from the

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 491

homes of men. Few armies have won a victory of that mag-
nitude."

The New York Times editorial read:

" 'Are and of right ought to be free and independent' was
written one hundred and fifty-one years ago. It was the pre-
amble and the peroration of an announcement that the United
Colonies were absolved from allegiance to the British Crown
and that all political connection between them and Great
Britain ought to be dissolved. ... To infer from this a
lack of responsibility to the rest of the world, a refusal to
adhere to a society of nations to promote the peace of man-
kind, or the assumption of political, social or economic self-
sufficiency, would be to misinterpret this historic utter-
ance. . . .

"With the raising of the standards of living the wants of
man cannot be satisfied locally. As he ascends to a higher
range of existence, whether in mere creature comforts or in
intellectual commerce, the wider does the horizon of his
needs become and the more insistently do they call for the
removal of artificial barriers. Freedom the world around
urges not only respect for the independence of the individual
nation but also — and more and more strongly — the recogni-
tion of the interdependence of all nations."

A poster, "America First," based on a sermon by Bishop
G. Ashton Oldham in which he covets for America the
leadership toward a time when "war shall be no more,"
printed in black and red in various sizes, is issued by the
National Council for Prevention of War and will be found
very appropriate for Independence Day programs. The
poster reads:

America First

Not merely in matters material, but in things of the spirit.
Not merely in science, inventions, motors, and skyscrapers,
but also in ideals, principles, character.

492 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Not merely in the calm assertion of rights, but in the glad
assumption of duties.

Not flaunting her strength as a giant, but bending in help-
fulness over a sick and wounded world like a Good
Samaritan.

Not in splendid isolation, but in courageous cooperation.

Not in pride, arrogance, and disdain of other races and
peoples, but in sympathy, love, and understanding.

Not in treading again the old, worn, bloody pathway which
ends inevitably in chaos and disaster, but in blazing a
new trail, along which, please God, other nations will
follow, into the new Jerusalem where wars shall be no
more.

Some day some nation must take that path — unless we are
to lapse once again into utter barbarism — and that honor
I covet for my beloved America.

And so, in that spirit and with these hopes, I say with all mv
heart and soul, "AMERICA FIRST."

International Flag Day, July 2

A first International Flag Day, calling attention to
the unarmed boundary between the United States and
Canada and to their hundred years of peace, was organ-
ized in 1927 with impressive ceremonies attended by
Canadian and American officials, held at the Peace Por-
tal in the State of Washington. The celebration falls
between America's Independence Day and Canada's
Dominion Day and it is hoped will extend all along the
border line. The Peace Portal standing near the western
end of the line was built to commemorate the one hun-
dred years of peace that have existed between America
and Great Britain. It is near the city of Blaine, and
rests half on British soil and half on American. On one
side is the flag of Great Britain and on the other that of
the United States. On the American side are the words,
"Children of a Common Mother"; on the Canadian,

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 493

"Brethren Dwelling Together in Unity." Below one of
the doors is inscribed, "Open for One Hundred Years";
and below the other, "May These Doors Never Be
Closed."

Near the eastern end of the boundary is the Bridge of
Goodwill and Peace between Buffalo and Fort Erie. The
piers of this bridge mark the places where once stood
American and British forts, and where, over a hundred
years ago, during the War of 1812, there had been des-
perate fighting. Cities wishing to take part in the cele-
bration of International Flag Day may secure further
information from Mr. G. A. Miller, of Bellingham,
Washington.

Columbus Day, October 12th

Through the Journal of the National Education Asso-
ciation, Dr. Leo S. Rowe, Director of the Pan American
Union, has made the suggestion that Columbus Day be
celebrated as a Pan American Friendship Day. Dr.
Rowe points out that it is the "one date that has equal
significance for all the republics of the Western Hemi-
sphere." He goes on to say:

"To the vision, courage, and leadership of the great admiral
we all alike owe the beginnings of European civilization on
this continent.

"It is well that we of the United States should stop to
realize to what extent we are indebted to Spanish explorers
and missionaries for the taming of our great wilderness.

"While during colonial days North and South America had
few contacts, with the beginning of the struggles for inde-
pendence there began an era of sympathetic interest which
has continued to the present time. South American patriots
drew their inspiration from the American and French revolu-
tions and their efforts toward liberty awakened the intense
sympathy of such Americans as Henry Clay, some of whose

494 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

most passionately eloquent utterances were devoted to the
cause of South American independence."

Interesting material for Latin-American programs,
including lantern slides, can be obtained from the Pan
American Union.

Christmas Day

Christmas offers a natural occasion for an expression
of goodwill and of the desire for peace. A community
Christmas tree celebration emphasizing world unity and
goodwill, and including songs such as Whittier's "Christ-
mas Carmen" set to music by Daniel Batehellor, is pub-
lished by the National Council for Prevention of War.
Plays and programs for Sunday Schools may be obtained
from the Federal Council of Churches, the Missionary
Education Movement, the League of Nations Non-Parti-
san Association and the National Council for Prevention
of War.

Through Discussion Programs

It leads to greater interest in the peace movement if
members of an organization have an opportunity to
carry on discussions themselves, as well as to hear special
speakers. Many of the discussions suggested below
may be impromptu.

An Afternoon of Prejudices. — The course on Prejudice
by Professor Edwin L. Clarke, described in Chapter II,
lends itself to group discussion. A memeographed copy
of one of Dr. Clarke's lectures can be ordered from the
National Council for Prevention of War. Professor
Clarke says in the outline of his course:

"A person who desires to have intellectual power should
carefully consider each important subject with which he has
to deal, to see if he is prejudiced. If such is the case, he
must try to determine the source of his bias. Once recog-

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 495

nized, it can be fought. . . . This means that he must read
literature presenting both sides. . . . He must get acquainted
with intelligent and educated persons who hold the point of
view which he dislikes, and must try to comprehend the rea-
sons for the stand they take. . . . The acquisition of open-
mindedness in regard to any single subject tends to make
easier open-mindedness in others."

A Group Intelligence Test. — The object is not to find
out what individuals know, but what the group as a
whole knowrs of current world affairs. Questions can be
based on the current news. Committees should be
appointed to secure information and report back on the
questions which cannot be answered.

Taking an Inventory. — Both in starting peace work
and at regular periods while a program is being carried
out, take stock of exactly what influences for peace are
at work in the community. The discussion can be based
upon the chart shown in Chapter I. Interest is increased
by noting on a blackboard or similar surface what is
being done. A similar inventory can be taken of influ-
ences in the community making for unfriendly relations,
followed by suggestions as to how they can be met.

"Ask Me Another/' questions and answers on interna-
tional affairs issued by the Department of International
Cooperation to Prevent War of the National League of
Women Voters, and arranged in eight sets. Full instruc-
tions for conducting meetings based upon them accom-
pany the sets; price 10c.

"Is the United States Cooperating to Build Permanent
Peace?" A questionnaire prepared by The Inquiry, the
Y. M. C. A. and a member of the faculty of New York
University.

"Thinking Peace, A Quiz." Published by the Women's
Missionary Society of the Reformed Church in the U. S.,
1505 Race Street, Philadelphia; price 10c.

496 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

"Is America Blocking the Way to World Peace — How
Can the Average Citizen Work for the Cause of Perma-
nent Peace?" A detailed outline for discussion with help-
ful suggestions for leaders, published by the New York
League of Women Voters, 420 Lexington Avenue, New
York City ; price 25c.

"Arbitration the Only Substitute for War," 150 ques-
tions and answers on this subject, published by the Com-
mittee on the Cause and Cure of War; price 15c.

"What Do You Mean by 100% American?" A stimu-
lating discussion published by the Young Women's
Christian Association as a part of a pamphlet, "Program
Help on International Relationships" ; price 30c.

"Our Foreign Policy," a discussion in the form of ques-
tions and answers, published by the New York Federa-
tion of Progressive Women, 15 E. 40th Street, New York
City; free.

"A World Outlook," a discussion course for young
people including the following topics: The World Neigh-
borhood, Tolerance, The Fight Against War and the
Development of Organized Government. It is issued by
Glenn D. Adams, Young Men's Christian Association of
Chicago, 19 South La Salle St., 15 cents each in quan-
tities of ten or more.

"What To Do With Goodwill," the first of a series of
one-day discussion programs for women's clubs, with ref-
erence material free, which is being issued by the League
of Nations Non-Partisan Association.

Through Study Courses

Three types of study courses designed to bring about
a better understanding of world problems are available:

Courses calculated to develop what may best be
described as a scientific attitude of mind.

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 497

Courses on the general background problems of war
and peace.

Courses on special problems involved in the establish-
ment of peace.

Attitude Courses

The most carefully worked-out courses along these lines
are those prepared by The Inquiry, under the following
titles :

"What Makes Up My Mind On International Ques-
tions?" Price $1.00 in cloth, 75c in paper.

"Cooperative Technique for Conflict" ; price 20c.

"Creative Discussion," Contrasted with debate; price
35c.

"And Who Is My Neighbor?" On race relations in
America; price 75c.

General Background Courses

Under the title, "Information for Study Groups," the
International Relations office of the American Association
of University Women issues helpful suggestions for
organizing and conducting courses; free. It also has in
preparation a handbook for Leaders. Among the sugges-
tions offered, are these:

"Where a controversial subject is under consideration, the
various aspects of the points of conflict may be presented
by different members. When this is followed care should be
taken to prevent the discussion from becoming a formal
debate.

"In the face of the bewildering mass of articles and books
that confront the student of international affairs, the most
efficient way of studying a particular problem is to read first
a general account and to take notes in outline form on that
account. With the striking phases of the situation in mind,

498 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

further material may be chosen to elucidate obscure points
and to explain points of view. It is also essential to be aware
of the identity of the authors whose materials are studied —
to know something of their standing and the factors which
may give them a bias in their writing."

"Syllabus on International Relations." — By far the
most comprehensive and authoritative course on inter-
national relations, by Parker Thomas Moon, Ph. D., of
Columbia University, issued by the Institute of Inter-
national Education and published by the Macmillan
Company. Its main divisions are as follows: Introduc-
tory Discussion of International Relations ; Nationalism,
Territorial Conflicts and War; Imperialism and World
Politics; Militarism and Armaments; History of Inter-
national Relations to 1914; History of International
Relations Since 1914; Summary Review of Policies of
Great Powers; Economic Problems of International
Relations; Problems of Diplomacy; International Or-
organization, the League and the World Court. The price

IS $0.t)U.

"Syllabus of a Course of Twelve Lectures on the His-
tory of International Relations and the League 'of
Nations," by C. Delisle Burns, published by the League
of Nations Union 15 Grosvenor Crescent, London,
S. W. 1; price 15c. This is an excellent outline of the
study of the general peace problem.

"Adventuring in World Cooperation," by Jerome Davis
and Daniel A. Poling, published by the United Society of
Christian Endeavor; price 25c. The course which
includes many interesting quotations and helpful out-
lines for discussion, is divided into four parts: Our World
Contacts; Our Misunderstandings; Our Conflicts; and
Friendship as an Instrument.

"The Science of Social Relations," by Hornell Hart,
published by Henry Holt & Co., is particularly valuable

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 499

because it is both comprehensive and direct in its method
of approach. It includes written assignments based on
each chapter. The price is $4.50.

"Patriotism/' three discussion outlines for young peo-
ple, for social workers, and for church people, published
in one of the Occasional Papers issued by The Inquiry,
under date of May, 1928.

"Conflict or Cooperation," a study outline with bibli-
ographies, is prepared by the American Committee of the
World Youth Peace Congress, 104 East 9th Street, New
York City; price 25c.

"On Earth Peace," by Rhoda E. McCulloch and Mar-
garet E. Burton, is published by the Federation of
Women's Foreign Mission Boards of North America and
the Council of Women for Home Missions. The chapter
headings are: Christian Missions and World Peace; In-
ter-Racial Cooperation and World Peace; Causes of
War ; the Cure for War ; The Christian Way of Life ; and
Programs and Suggestions; price 30c.

"World Peace Primer/' a series of 21 simple lessons
by Mrs. E. K. Bowman, Helena, Montana, price 25c.

"A Study Course on World Peace," in connection with
which the material in the various chapters of this book
would be found useful, is issued in outline form with lists
of books and pamphlet material by the National Council
for Prevention of War under the following heads: War
in Relation to the Modern World; What Is Being Done
to Protect the World Against War; Policies, Practices
and Beliefs Which Endanger World Peace ; Foreign Rela-
tions of the United States; and The Unique Position of
the United States in Relation to World Peace.

Courses on Special Topics

The courses in this section are listed according to sub-
jects in the following order: General, Arbitration, Chris-

500 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

tianity and Peace, Foreign Policy, Latin America, the
League of Nations and World Court, the National
Defense Act, the Problems of the Pacific, Racial Ques-
tions, the United States Government.

"Guidance Material for Study Groups" is issued by the
American Association of University Women on these
topics: European Diplomacy; The Evolution of Inter-
national Organization; Fuel and Raw Materials in
International Politics; Establishing the New World
Order; Pan American Policies and Problems; The For-
eign Policy of the United States; Problems of the Pacific;
International Economics ; and Mexico. The price of each
is 20c.

"Arbitration." Material for study of this topic can be
secured from the World Peace Foundation, the Federal
Council of Churches; the American Foundation; the
Foreign Policy Association; the National Committee on
the Cause and Cure of War; the National League of
Women Voters ; and the National Council for Prevention
of War.

"Christian Fellowship Among the Nations," by Jerome
Davis and Roy B. Chamberlin, published by the Pilgrim
Press, Boston, price 25c.

"The Churches and World Peace," a syllabus published
by the Federal Council of Churches at 25c a copy, or ten
for $1.00.

"International Problems and the Christian Way of
Life," by Rhoda E. McCulloch, published by the Associa-
tion Press, 347 Madison Avenue, New York City, 30c
a copy.

"Testing Modern Life by Jesus' Way of Living," by
Gerald Birney Smith, published by the American Insti-
tute of Sacred Literature, Hyde Park, Chicago, as one of
its series of Outline Bible Study Courses.

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 501

"Working for World Peace Through Organized Justice
and Goodwill," a six weeks' discussion course, published
by the Commission on International Relations of the
National Council of the Congregational Churches, 287
Fourth Ave., New York City, price 10c.

"The Search for Peace," "What Contribution Has
Christianity to Make in the Promotion of Peace?", by
Laura F. Boyer, published by the National Council of
the Protestant Episcopal Church, 281 Fourth Avenue,
New York City, price 25c.

"The Message of Jesus to Our Modern Life," by Shailer
Mathews, published by the American Institute of Sacred
Literature, Hyde Park, Chicago, price 75c.

"Christ and the Nations," issued by the American
Baptist Publishing Society, Philadelphia, price 25c.

"The Words of Christ Commonly Quoted for or
Against War," a compendium prepared for study groups
by a committee of the New York Presbytery, distrib-
uted by Harold A. Hatch, 70 Leonard St., New York
City. ^

"Thinking It Through," a discussion on world peace,
by Evelyn Riley Nicholson, approved by the Board of
Education of the Methodist Episcopal Church, pub-
lished by the Methodist Book Concern, New York City ;
price 40c.

"Missions and World Problems," a comprehensive sylla-
bus with bibliography, published by The Inquiry;
price 75c.

"Know Your Own Foreign Policy," questions and an-
swers prepared by the National League of Women Voters
on the following subjects: the League of Nations; the
World Court; the State Department; the Powers and
Responsibility of the President for International Af-
fairs; the Monroe Doctrine; Current Questions on the

502 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Disarmament Conference; the price is 20c each. Orders
should be sent to New York office.

"What Should Be the Foreign Policy of the United
States Regarding Neutrality and Neutral Rights — What
Policy Will Contribute Most Toward World Peace?" An
outline of a 7-weeks' course for group study, with ref-
erences; issued by the Peace Committee of the Philadel-
phia Yearly Meeting of Friends.

"International Relations of the United States/' a series
of brief summaries for busy men and women issued by
the Federal Council of Churches; price $1 a hundred.

Information on questions related to the foreign policy
of the United States, prepared in such form as to serve
readily as the basis for a study course, can be obtained
from the Foreign Policy Association. The pamphlets
available are listed in the Association's index of publica-
tions, which will be supplied upon request.

"Hispanic American History," a syllabus of 169 pages
by Professor William Whatley Pierson, published by the
University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, North
Carolina. A comprehensive outline with bibliographies;
price $1.50.

"Ventures in Inter-American Friendship," the trend of
thought on social, political and religious problems in
Latin America. Written by Samuel Guy Inman and
published by the Missionary Education Movement of the
United States and Canada, New York City. Price 50c.

The Pan American Union supplies outlines and inter-
esting material for study groups, <?n Pan American
problems.

"A Study Course on the League of Nations, the World

Court, and the International Labor Organization," a very

interesting, complete and well-organized course issued by

the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association; price

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 503

10c. It includes bibliographies and references to docu-
ments with suggestions for discussions under each topic.

"The National Defense Act," a summary and series
of questions and answers issued by the National League
of Women Voters; price 15c. Order from the New York
office.

"Primer on Outlawry of War," questions and answers,
published by the National League of Women Voters,
price 2c. Order from the New York office.

"Problems of the Pacific," an analyzed and annotated
bibliography by Raymond Leslie Buell, published by the
World Peace Foundation, which could readily be fol-
lowed as a study course on Pacific problems. The price
is 5c.

The reports and publications of the Institute of Pacific
Relations, Honolulu, will be found useful in studying
Pacific questions.

"All Colors," a study outline on woman's part in racial
relations prepared by The Inquiry and distributed by the
Woman's Press. 153 pages with bibliographies and sug-
gestions for discussion leaders; price $1.00.

"Toward Friendship with China," issued by the Fed-
eration of Women's Boards of Foreign Missions of North
America.

"Of One Blood," a short study of the Race Problem by
Robert E. Speer, published by the Council of Women for
Home Missions and the Missionary Education Move-
ment of the United States and Canada, New York City;
price 75c.

"The Outline of Government in the United States,"
for reference or study, published by the National League
of Women Voters; price 50c.

504 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Through Reading Courses

Study Courses Under the Auspices of the National
Committee on the Cause and Cure of War. — These
courses are based on a carefully selected list of readings
which may be followed by an individual or by a group.
The main topics recommended for 1927-28 were: the
Causes of War and the Agencies That Deal with Them ;
the Cures of War and the Agencies That Deal with
Them; Foreign Policy; Arbitration; Asiatic Problems
Emphasizing China, Japan, and the Philippines; Prob-
lems of the Americas: United States and Mexico; Euro-
pean Problems, Emphasizing International Debts.

"World Unity Reading List of Current Books," pub-
lished by the World Unity League, 22 East 34th Street,
New York City ; price 10c.

The Foreign Relations of the United States, by Paul
Scott Mowrer, published by the American Library Asso-
ciation, 86 East Randolph Street, Chicago; price 15c.
In many cities it can be obtained from the local library.

What an Individual Can Do

The fact that the movement for world peace can be
furthered by individuals as well as organizations has
many striking illustrations, from those who have given
millions of dollars to the promotion of the cause, to the
men and women who supply their local libraries with
the publication of some peace organization or a magazine
on international affairs. Among the notable gifts to the
peace movement have been the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace, organized by Andrew Carnegie
with a fund of $10,000,000, and his creation of the Church
Peace Union with an endowment of $2,000,000; the
endowment of $1,000,000 given by Edwin Ginn to the
World Peace Foundation; Mr. James H. Causey's gift

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 505

of $1,500,000 to the University of Denver for the estab-
lishment of a chair to promote international goodwill;
and Alfred Nobel's endowment of the annual peace
award. Small endowments have been made to colleges
for the purchase of books or for special lectures on inter-
national topics, and for essays on peace subjects.

Other individuals have given large sums of money in
prizes for peace plans or ideas tending to promote inter-
national understanding. Mr. Edward. Bok's gift of
$50,000 for the best plan to promote world peace, which
was won by Charles H. Levermore in 1924, was followed
by the offer of similar prizes by Mr. Edward A. Filene
to the citizens of European countries. A prize of $25,000
was offered by Raphael Herman for the best plan for
peace education, and awarded to David Starr Jordan in
1924. The Misses Seabury of New Bedford, Massachu-
setts, have for many years offered annual prizes in both
high schools and normal schools for the best essays on
questions affecting world peace.

A contribution of a different kind, but comparable in
value and influence, is the work of men and women who
have devoted their lives to writing and speaking for
peace. The influence of the writings of a man like David
Starr Jordan, who has published more than 450 books
and articles on questions of peace, and of Dr. and
Mrs. Edwin D. Mead of Boston, has reached around the
world.

What one person can do without large means is
nowhere better illustrated than by Mrs. E. K. Bowman
of Helena, Montana, who because of her unique peace
work was entered by the Director of the North Pacific
Section of the American University Women as a candi-
date for the Pictorial Review Achievement Award in
1927. Mrs. Bowman, who has done her own housework

506 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

and raised a family of five children, has found time with-
out financial help and without office equipment to write
and distribute several editions of a "World Peace
Primer,,; she has arranged essay contests in the schools
of her State, sending 300 package libraries of material to
teachers; she has developed a system of letters which are
sent to a large mailing list as often as funds for postage
can be gotten; she has prepared a lecture with lantern
slides, which is circulated, and has given over a hundred
lectures herself; she has persuaded the Bar Association,
the Federation of Labor, and the American Legion of her
State, to allow her to send speakers to their annual con-
ventions; and she has organized a speakers' bureau with
key men in various towns who keep themselves informed
on international affairs and on opportunities for speeches.

If this seems too ambitious a program for imitation,
there are other simpler things that can be done to help
hold the attention of the public on the problem of peace.
Letters to newspapers and magazines here, there, every-
where, answering articles, commenting on editorials,
praising those which stand for peace, have a cumulative
influence. One person working in this way who should
have helpful suggestions to offer as to how to proceed, is
Miss Lydia G. Wentworth of Brookline, Massachusetts.
Another excellent plan carried out by many men and
women is to buy a good book on international affairs as
often as possible, even one a year is well worth while,
and keep it in circulation among friends.

The methods of Mr. C. W. Johnson of Springfield,
Massachusetts, could be imitated by many others.
Among other devices for promoting peace, he has printed
on the front of envelopes the words, "Build Friendships,
not Warships, for National Defense," and on the back
this quotation,

WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR PEACE 507

"The world has tried war with force and has utterly failed.
The only hope of success lies in peace with justice." Presi-
dent Calvin Coolidge, Cambridge, Mass., July 3, 1925.

Packages of such envelopes can be obtained from Mr.
Johnson at 128 Orleans Street.

Goodwill Day, May 18th, offers one of the best oppor-
tunities for an individual to interest a community in
peace work. In San Jose, California, Mr. J. W. Wells,
an "anti-war Civil War veteran" has encouraged the
observance of the day in the schools in many ways,
#mong others by making pennants with the names of
different nations on them and a large placard with the
words, "Greetings of Goodwill to all Nations." The
students assemble, display the pennants and placard,
and photographs taken of them are widely published
and sent to schools abroad. Pennants displayed around
the placard in an auditorium or entrance hall would
lead to interesting discussion.

The Detroit News of April 4, 1928, in an editorial,
"Put Punch Into All Your Peace Promotion," suggests
a further way in which any individual anywhere can
help to undermine the institutionalized habit of war;

"There is nothing that the world needs more than a gen-
eral campaign to induce positive thinking in behalf of peace.
When world public opinion favors peace there will be no
more war. We approach that state. Nowhere any longer is
there willingness to say a good word for war, but there remain
the fearful. . . .

"It is the duty of individuals to talk peace positively; to
stop repeating rumors of war; to refuse to credit malice to
people of other races and nationalities, and to insist to the
limit of their influence on banishing those acts and words that
may be mistaken for threats."

Fliers carrying sixteen useful suggestions for the indi-

508 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

vidual volunteer peace worker, compiled by Mrs. J.
Malcolm Forbes, may be obtained from the National
Council for Prevention of War.

Because publications dealing with current questions go very rapidly
out of date, organizations do not make it a policy to keep such material
in print for any great length of time, and the date of the publication
of this book should be noted before ordering material listed in the
preceding chapter. It is frequently better to ask for material on a
given subject rather than for a special pamphlet. Where a publication
found to be out of print is particularly desired, if it is referred to in
this book, the National Council for Prevention of War will make an
effort to supply a copy at least for temporary use.

ORGANIZATIONS WORKING FOR PEACE

The following organizations offer an opportunity for
cooperation in their programs and serve as sources of in-
formation and material. The list is not complete, but
includes the larger organizations formed primarily for
peace work, and others whose addresses are needed in
connection with programs of work outlined in Chapter
XXVI. Under the title, "Organizations in the United
States That Promote Better International Understanding
and World Peace," the National Council for Prevention
of War publishes a list of more than one hundred and
fifty organizations with the names of officers and state-
ments of purpose and activities. The same organization
is also able to supply copies of the Peace Year Book pub-
lished in England, and mimeographed lists of organiza-
tions in many of the countries of Europe, Asia, and Latin
America. A Peace Year Book containing a great deal of
interesting general material is published in Germany by
the Friedensgesellschaft, but is not translated. Informa-
tion in regard to foreign peace societies can also be
obtained through the International Peace Bureau, rue
Charles Bonnet, 8, Geneva, Switzerland.

American Association of University Women,

1634 Eye St., N. W., Washington, D. C.
American Committee for the Outlawry of War,

134 South La Salle St., Chicago, 111.
American Federation of Labor,

Massachusetts Ave., and Ninth St., Washington, D. C.

509

510 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

American Foundation,

565 Fifth Ave., New York City.
American Friends Service Committee,

20 South 12th St., Philadelphia, Pa.
American Peace Society,

Colorado Bldg., Washington, D. C.
American School Citizenship League,

405 Marlborough St., Boston, Mass.
Association for Peace Education,

5733 Blackstone Ave., Chicago, 111.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,

2 Jackson PL, Washington, D. C.
Church Peace Union (See World Alliance)

Committee on Militarism in Education,

387 Bible House, Astor PL, New York City.
Committee on Peace and Sendee, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting
of Friends,

15th and Race Sts., Philadelphia.
The Epworth League,

740 Rush St., Chicago, 111.
Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America,

105 East 22nd St., New York City.
Fellowship of Reconciliation,

383 Bible House, Astor PL, New York City.
Foreign Policy Association,

18 East 41st St., New York City.
The Inquiry,

129 East 52d St., New York City.
League of Nations Non-Partisan Association,

6 East 39th St., New York City.
Mennonite Church, Peace Problems Committee, Akron, Pa.
National Board of the Young Women's Christian Associations,

600 Lexington Ave., New York City.
National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War,

1010 Grand Central Terminal Bldg., New York City.
National Council for Prevention of War,

532 17th St., N. W., Washington, D. C.

and 205 Sheldon Bldg., San Francisco, Calif.

ORGANIZATIONS WORKING FOR PEACE 511

National Council of the Young Men's Christian Associations,

347 Madison Ave., New York City.
National Grange,

630 Louisiana Ave., N. W. Washington, D. C.
National League of Women Voters,

532 17th St., Washington, D. C.

Department of International Cooperation to Prevent War,

1010 Grand Central Terminal Bldg., New York City.
National Woman's Christian Temperance Union,

1730 Chicago Ave., Evanston, Illinois.

Director, National Department of Peace,
Mrs. May Bell Harper, Unionville, Connecticut.
Peace Association of Friends in America,

Richmond, Indiana.
Peace Committee of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of Friends,

304 Arch St., Philadelphia.
Rotary International,

221 East Cullerton St., Chicago, 111.
United Society of Christian Endeavor,

41 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass.
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom,

522 17th St., N. W., Washington, D. C.
Women's Peace Society,

20 Vesey St., New York City.
Women's Peace Union,

39 Pearl St., New York City.

World Alliance for International Friendship Through the
Churches,
70 Fifth Ave., New York City.
World Peace Foundation,

40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass.
World's Student Christian Federation,

347 Madison Ave., New York City.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A unique Library on international affairs and the peace
movement is maintained by the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace at its headquarters in Washington,
under the direction of Miss M. Alice Matthews. The
Library contains over 37,000 catalogued volumes and
pamphlets including valuable special collections of docu-
ments relating to foreign affairs and receives over 200
periodicals and newspapers. Comprehensive reading lists
on various phases of the peace problem are issued at fre-
quent intervals and may be obtained free of charge by
addressing the Library at 2 Jackson Place, Washington,
D. C.

The reading lists issued by the Division of Bibliog-
raphy of the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
under the direction of Mr. William A. Slade, Chief Bibli-
ographer, include many titles of interest to students of
international relations and world peace; they will be
sent on request to any library.

The World Peace Foundation issues at intervals a pub-
lication "International Book News" which it distributes
free of charge upon request.

In the following list of bibliographies, the abbreviation
"LCar," is used for the Library of the Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace, and "LC" for the Library
of Congress.

COMPREHENSIVE BIBLIOGRAPHIES
ON SPECIAL SUBJECTS*

General

Aids to International Understanding, a booklet with notes;
compiled by the Newark Public Library. Published by
the New Jersey Federation of Women's Clubs, Miss Mar-
garet Buttenheim, Chairman, Committee on International
Relations, 44 Crescent Road, Madison, New Jersey, 10c.

War and Peace. St. Louis Public Library.

Recommended Books. League of Nations Non-Partisan
Association, New York.

Arbitration

International Arbitration. LCar.

Taft, Root and Bryan Treaties. Women's International
League for Peace and Freedom, Washington, D. C.

Armaments

Limitation of Armaments. LC.

Disarmament, special reference to naval limitation. LC.

Traffic in Arms and Munitions of War. LCar.

Disarmament and Substitutes for War. Public Library of
the City of Boston.

Conscientious Objectors. LCar.

Education

Education and Internationalism. Friends' Book Centre,
Euston Road, London, N. W. 1, 2s.
Education and International Peace. LCar.
History in School Text Books. LCar.

* Where there is only one bibliography title forms topical subject.

515

516 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

A Bibliography for School Teachers of History, Eileen
Power. Methuen, London, Is. 6d.

Europe

European Diplomacy. American Association of University
Women, Washington, D. C, 20c.

The Europe of Our Day, Herbert Adams Gibbons. Amer-
ican Library Association Reading Course. (Obtainable
at most libraries.)

Immigration

American Immigration. LC.

Japanese in America. LC.

Foreign Language Groups Handbook — Bibliography. Mis-
sionary Education Movement, N. Y., $125.

Racial and Nationality Backgrounds. Woman's Press,
600 Lexington Ave., N. Y., 50c.

Americans from Abroad, John Palmer Gavit. American
Library Association Reading Course. (Obtainable from
most libraries.)

International Law

International Law, Codification of, LC.

Recognition in International Law, with Special Reference
to Russia. LCar.

International Organization

International Communication. LC.

International Status of Panama Canal and Similar Water-
ways, LC.

International Relations
General

Recent Publications on International Relations. LCar.

Democratic Control of Foreign Affairs. LC.

Ways of Learning, brief reading list of authoritative
sources of material on international affairs, American
Foundation, N. Y., or LC.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 517

Economic

American Investments in Foreign Countries. LC.
Intervention with Special Reference to Protection of For-
eign Loans and Investments. LCar.
Fuel and Raw Materials in International Politics. Ameri-
can Association of University Women, Washington, D. C.

Training for Foreign Service. United States Commissioner
of Education, Washington, D. C. (With bibliography
for advanced study on questions of foreign trade.) 10c.

Foreign Relations of the United States

Foreign Relations of the United States (List of government
publications). Superintendent of Documents, Washing-
ton, D. C. Ten cents.

The Foreign Relations of the United States, Paul Scott
Mowrer, American Library Association Reading Course.
(Obtainable at most libraries).

The Foreign Policy of the United States. American Asso-
ciation of University Women, Washington, D. C, 20c.

Labor and Peace

Labor and World Peace. LCar.

International Labor Organization — 1919-1926. Interna-
tional Labor Office, Geneva. Pamphlet, 50c. May be
obtained from the Washington Branch of the International
Labor Office, Lenox Bldg.

Latin American Topics

Comprehensive reading lists on Latin American nations
and on a wide range of subjects bearing upon Latin Ameri-
can relations and affairs may be obtained from the Pan
American Union, Washington, D. C.

The United States and Latin America. LC.

Economic and cultural relations between the United States

and Latin America. LCar.

518 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

League of Nations

Current Reading Lists. League of Nations Non-Partisan
Association, N. Y.

League of Nations. LC.

League of Nations Covenant. LCar.

Locarno Treaties. LCar.

Mexico, Present Situation. LC.

Military Training. LC.

Nicaragua

Nicaragua, with Special Reference to her Relations with
the United States. LC.

Outlawry of War

Outlawry of War. LC.
Outlawry of War. LCar.

Pacific Problems, Raymond Leslie Buell. World Peace
Foundation, Boston, 5c.

Peace and the Peace Movement. LCar.

Philippine Independence. LC.

Population. Its decrease and increase with economic results.
LC.

Reparations Problem. LC.

Tariff Question Pro and Con. LC.

United States Government

Constitution of the United States. LC.

The Founders of the Republic, Claude G. Bowers. Amer-
ican Library Association Reading Course. (Obtainable
at most libraries.)

The United States in Recent Timesy Frederick L. Paxon.
American Library Association Reading Course. (Obtain-
at most libraries.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY 519

Conflicts in American Public Opinion, William Allen
White and Walter E. Myers. American Library Associa-
tion Reading Course. (Obtainable at most libraries.)

War

Causes of War, LCar.

Conscription of men, material resources and money in time
of war. LCar.

Cost of War. LCar.

Cost of European War. LC.

War and the Race. Bibliography of Eugenics. University
of California Press, Berkeley, Cal.
War and Religion. LCar.

Referendum on War. LCar.

War Debts

Cancellation of Allied Debt. LC.
War Debt Problems. LCar.

World Court

Permanent Court of International Justice. LC.
Permanent Court of International Justice. LCar.

World Unity

Reading List of Current Books. World Unity Publishing
Co., 4 East 12th St., N. Y. 10c.

Youth Movement. LCar.

BOOKS FOR THE GENERAL READER CLASSI-
FIED ACCORDING TO VARIOUS PHASES OF THE

PEACE MOVEMENT

Descriptive leaflets or tables of contents of the books
listed below may be obtained from the publishers. A
few books that are out of print have been included, most
of which can be found in city libraries. Pamphlets and

520 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

magazine articles are listed when books covering the same
points are not available. In the case of related subjects,
such as imperialism and nationalism, books dealing with
either should be looked for under both heads. Under
each heading books suited to serve as a general introduc-
tion to that subject are starred.

I. Background Material

A. The Unity of the Universe.

Allee, W. C, and others, The Nature of the World and
Man. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1927, $5.00.

Shapley, Harlow, Starlight. Doran, N. Y., 1926, $1.00.

#Shapley, Harlow (editor), The Universe of the Stars.
Radio talks. Harvard Observatory, Cambridge, Mass.,
1926, $2.00.

B. The Unity of Civilization

Bury, J. B., History of the Freedom of Thought. Holt,
N. Y., 1913, $1.00.

Follett, M. P., The New State. Longmans, Green, N. Y.,
1918, $3.00.

*Parsons, Geoffrey, The Stream of History. Scribner, N. Y.,
1928, $5.00.

Perry, W. F., The Growth of Civilization. Dutton, N. Y.,
1923, $2.50.

Randall, J. H., The Making of the Modern Mind. Hough-
ton Mifflin, Boston, 1926, $3.50.

Wells, H. G., Outline of History. Macmillan, N. Y., 1926,
$5.00.

C. The State.

Burns, Cecil Delisle, The World of States. Stokes, N. Y.,
1918, $1.00.

*Brown, Philip M., International Society — Its Nature and
Interest. Macmillan, N. Y., 1923, $1.50.

Hocking, William Ernest, Man and the State. Yale Uni-
versity Press, New Haven, Conn., 1926, $4.00.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 521

D. Economic Interdependence.

Angell, Norman, The Great Illusion. Putnam, N. Y., 1913,
$1.50.

Bosanquet, Helen, Free Trade and Peace in the Nine'
teenth Century. Putnam, N. Y., 1924, $4.20.

Culbertson, W. S., International Economic Policies. Apple-
ton, N. Y., 1925, $3.50.

Delaisi, Francis, Political Myths and Economic Realities.
The Viking Press, N. Y., 1927, $4.00.

Fraser, H. F., Foreign Trade and World Politics. Knopf,
N. Y., 1926, $3.25.

Notz, William F., The International Cartel Movement.
Editorial Research Reports, Washington, D. C, 1928,
$1.00.

*Redfield, William C, Dependent America. Houghton
Mifflin, Boston, 1926, $2.50.

Taussig, Frank W., Selected Readings in International
Trade and Tariff Problems. Ginn, Boston, 1921, $3.00.

Warbasse, James Peter, Cooperative Democracy. (An
account of Cooperative Associations and their international
development.) Macmillan, N. Y., 1927, $3.00

E. Public Opinion.

Angell, Norman, The Public Mind. Dutton, N. Y., 1927,
$3.00.

Dewey, John, The Public and Its Problems. Holt, N. Y.,
1927, $2.50.

Lasswell, Harold D., Propaganda Technique in the World
War. Knopf, N. Y., 1927, $5.00.

Lippmann, Walter, Public Opinion. Harcourt, Brace,
N. Y., 1922, $3.00.

Ponsonby, Arthur, Falsehood in War-Time. Allen & Un-
win, London, 1928, 2s. 6d.

*Scott, Jonathan French, Five Weeks: The Surge of Public
Opinion on the Eve of the Great War. John Day Co.,
N. Y., 1927, $2.50.

522 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Sisson, Edward O., Educating for Freedom. Macmil-
lan, N. Y., 1925, $1.40.

II. International Relations

Bryce, James, International Relations. Macmillan, N. Y.,
1922, $2.50.

Buell, Raymond Leslie, International Relations. Holt,
N. Y., 1925, $5.00.

*Burns, C. Delisle, A Short History of International Inter-
course. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1924, $1.75.

III. International Organization

A. General

Brailsford, Henry N., Olives of Endless Age. Harper,
N. Y., 1928, $3.50.

Coudenhove-Kalergi, R. N., Pan-Europe. Knopf, N. Y.,
1926, $2.00.
*Hughan, Jessie W., A Study of International Government.
Crowell, N. Y., 1923, $2.75.

Lawrence, Thomas J., The Society of Nations: Its Past,
Present and Possible Future. Oxford University Press,
N. Y., 1919, $1.50.

Morrow, Dwight Whitney, The Society of Free States.
Harper, N. Y., 1919, $1.25.

Potter, Pitman B., Introduction to the Study of Interna-
tional Organization. Century, N. Y., 1928, $4.00.

B. The League of Nations

All official publications of the League of Nations are dis-
tributed in the United States by the World Peace Founda-
tion, 40 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston, Mass.

Bassett, John Spencer, The League of Nations — A Chapter
in World Politics. Longmans, Green, N. Y., 1928, $3.50.

Duggan, Stephen P. and others, The League of Nations:
The Principle and the Practice. Atlantic Press, N. Y,
1919, $2.50.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 523

Hudson, Manley 0., American Cooperation with Other
Nations through the' League of Nations. World Peace
Foundation, Boston, 1926, 5c.

*Price, Burr, The World Talks It Over. Henkle, N. Y.,
1927, $1.75.

Rappard, William E., International Relations as Viewed
from Geneva. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn.,
1925, $2.50.

Rappard, William E., and Patterson, Caleb Perry, The
League of Nations. "International Conciliation/' (pam-
phlet, June, 1927) Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, 1927, 5c.

Williams, Bruce, State Security and the League of Nations.
Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md., 1927, $2.75.
Wilson, Florence, Origins of the League Covenant.
Hogarth Press, London, 1928.

C. Permanent Court of International Justice

All official publications are distributed in the United States
by the World Peace Foundation, Boston, Mass.

Bustamente, A. S., de, The World Court. Macmillan,
N. Y., 1925, $3.00.

Hudson, Manley 0., The Permanent Court of Interna"
tional Justice. Harvard University Press, Cambridge,
Mass., 1925, $4.00.

•Hudson, Manley 0., The World Court 1922-1928. (Pam-
phlet.) World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1928, 30c.

*Johnsen, Julia E., The Permanent Court of International
Justice. H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1923, 90c.

Wiekersham, G. W., World Court. (Pamphlet.) Workers
Education Bureau Press, N. Y., 1927, 25c.

D. International Labor Organization

All official publications are to be had from the World
Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass.

*Barnes, George N., History of the International Labor

524 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Office. Williams and Norgate, London, 1926, $1.00. (In-
ternational Labor Office, Washington, D. C.)

Perigord, Paul, International Labor Organization. Apple-
ton, N. Y., 1926, $3.50.

E. International Law, Its Development and Codification

Hudson, Manley 0., Progressive Codification of Interna-
tional Law. In the American Journal of International
Law, October, 1926.

Hughes, Charles Evans, The Development of International
Law. Reprinted from the Advocate of Peacey June, 1925,
by the American Peace Society, Washington, D. C, 10c.

•Nippold, Otfried, Development of International Law after
the World War. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1925,
$2.50.

Oppenheim, Lassa F. L., The Future of International Law.
Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1921, out of print.

*Read, Elizabeth, International Law and International Re-
lations. American Foundation, N. Y., 1927, $1.00.

Scott, James Brown, The Gradual and Progressive Codifi-
cation of International Law. In the American Journal of
International Law, July, 1927.

The Codification of American International Law. Pan
American Union, Washington, free.

F. International Administrative Cooperation

•Hudson, Manley 0., Current International Cooperation.
Calcutta University Press, Calcutta, 1927. (May be pur-
chased from Harvard Cooperative Society, Inc., Cam-
bridge, Mass., $1.50.)

Reinsch, Paul S., Public International Unions. World
Peace Foundation, Boston, 1916, $1.65.
Sayre, Francis Bowes, Experiments in International Ad-
ministration. Harper, N. Y., 1918, $1.50.

*Woolf, Leonard S., International Government. Brentano's,
N. Y., 1916, $2.00.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 525

IV. The Government and Policies of the United States

A. General

•Baker, Crothers H., and Hudnut, R. A., Problems of Citi-
zenship. (College textbook.) Holt, N. Y., 1924. (Immi-
gration, International Relations, War and Peace, Means of
Preventing War, The Hague, The League.) $2.75.
Beck, James M., The Constitution of the United States.
Doran, N. Y., 1924, $2.50.

Becker, Carl L., Our Great Experiment in Democracy.
Harper, N. Y., 1927, $3.00.

Call, Arthur Deerin, Our Country and World Peace.
American Peace Society, Washington, D. C, 1926, $1.25.

Hamlin, C. H., The War Myth in United States History.
Vanguard Press, N. Y., 1927, 50c.

Jordan, David Starr, Democracy and World Relations.
World Book Co., Yonkers, N. Y., 1918, $1.60.

Mead, Edwin D., Washington, Jefferson and Franklin on
War, Old South Association, Boston, 10c.

Moley, Raymond and Rocca, Helen M., The Outline of
Government in the United States. (Includes the Constitu-
tion.) National League of Women Voters, Washington,
D. C, 50c.

*Tufts, James H., Our Democracy. Holt, N. Y., 1917, $1.50.

The Federal Convention. American Peace Society, Wash-
ington, D. C, 1924, 25c.

B. Foreign Relations of the United States

1. General

Blakeslee, G. H., Recent Foreign Policy of the United
States. Abingdon Press, N. Y., 1925, $2.00.

Corwin, Edward S., The President's Control of Foreign
Relations. Princeton University Press, Princeton, N. J.,
1917, $1.50.

*Dealey, J. Q., Foreign Policies of the United States. Ginn,
Boston, 1926, $2.80.

526 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Foreign Policy Association, Open Diplomacy and Ameri-
can Foreign Relations. (Pamphlet.) N. Y., 1926, 35c.

Jessup, Philip C, American Neutrality and International
Police. World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1928, $1.25.

Latane, J. EL, History of American Foreign Policy.
Doubleday, Page, N. Y., 1927, $4.00.

Potter, Pitman B., The Myth of American Isolation. (Pam-
phlet.) World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1921, 5c.

Putney, Albert H., Executive Assumption of the War Mak-
ing Power. In National University Law Review, May,
1927, Washington, D. C, 75c.

Wright, Quincy, The Future of Neutrality. Carnegie En-
dowment, N. Y., 1928, 5c.

2. Latin American Relations and the Monroe Doctrine

A Brief History of the Relations between the United States
and Nicaragua, 1909-1928. Documents assembled by the
State Department, U. S. Government Printing Office,
Washington, 1928, 15c.

Alvarez, Alejandro, The Monroe Doctrine. Oxford Uni-
versity Press, N. Y., 1924, $3.00.

*Balch, Emily Greene (editor), Occupied Haiti. The
Writers Publishing Co., N. Y., 1927, $2.00.

*Beman, L. T., United States Intervention in Latin America.
H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1924, $2.40.

Chapman, C. E., A History of the Cuban Republic: A
Study in Hispanic American Politics. Macmillan, N. Y.,
1927, $5.00.

Cox, Isaac Joslin, Nicaragua and the United States 1909-
1927. World Peace Foundation Boston, 1927, 30c.

Haring, Clarence H., South America Looks at the United
States. Macmillan, N. Y., 1928, $2.50.

Hughes, Charles Evans, Pathway of Peace. Harper, N. Y.,
1925, $4.00.

Inman, Samuel Guy, Problems of Pan Americanism.
Doran, N. Y., 1925, $2.00.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 527

Knight, Melvin M., The American in Santo Domingo.
Vanguard Press, N. Y., 1928, $1.00.

*Page, Kirby, The Monroe Doctrine and World Peace.
Doubleday, Doran, N. Y., 1928. (Pamphlet.) 10c.

*Rippy, J. Fred, Latin America in World Politics. Knopf,
N. Y., 1928, $3.50.

*Rodo, Jose Enrique, Ariel. Houghton Mifflin, Boston,
1922, $1.25.

Stimson, Henry L., American Policy in Nicaragua, Scrib-
ner, N. Y., 1927, $1.25.

Thomas, David Y., One Hundred Years of the Monroe
Doctrine, 1823-1923. Macmillan, N. Y., 1923, $4.00.

Walling, William English, The Mexican Question. Robins
Press, N. Y., 1927, $2.00.

3. Pacific Problems

A. General

Condliffe, J. B. (editor), Problems of the Pacific. Pro-
ceedings of Second Conference of the Institute of Pacific
Relations, 1927. University of Chicago Press, Chicago,
1928, $3.00.

*Morley, Felix, Our Far Eastern Assignment. Doubleday,
Page, N. Y., 1926, $2.00.

B. Special

Ball, E., Independence for the Philippines. (Compilation.)
H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1927, 90c.

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Diplomatic
Relations Between the United States and Japan, 1908-
1924. N. Y., 1925, 25c. ("International Conciliation"
pamphlet.

Gulick, Sidney L., Reestablishing Right Relations with
Japan. Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America,
N. Y., 1925, 25c.

Johnsen, Julia E., Selected Articles on China Yesterday
and Today. H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1928, $2.40.

528 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Lew, T. T., and others, China Through Chinese Eyes. 2
vols. Committee on Reference and Counsel, 419 4th Ave.,
N. Y., $1.50.

•McKensie, R. D., Oriental Exclusion. University of Chi-
cago Press, Chicago, 1928, $2.00.

Monroe, Paul, China — A Nation in Evolution. Macmillan,
N. Y., 1928, $3.50.

Soyejima, Michimasa, Oriental Interpretations of the Far
Eastern Problems. Chicago University Press, Chicago,
1925, $2.00.

Storey, Moorfield, The Philippines and the United States.
Doran, N. Y., pamphlet, 10c.

C. Immigration

Buell, Raymond L., Japanese Immigration. (Pamphlet.)
World Peace Foundation, Boston, 10c.

Fairchild, H. P., Immigrant Backgrounds. John Wiley &
Sons, N. Y., 1927, $2.75.

Jenks, J. W. and Lauck, W. J., The Immigration Problem.
Funk & Wagnalls, N. Y., 1913, $1.75.

Johnsen, Julia E., Japanese Exclusion. (Compilation.)
H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 90c.

Panunzio, Constantine, Immigration Crossroads. Macmil-
lan, N. Y., 1927, $2.50.

•Stephenson, G. M., A History of American Immigration.
Ginn, Boston, 1926, $2.40.

D. War Debts and Reparations

Bass, J. F., and Moulton, H. G., America and the Balance
Sheet of Europe. Ronald Press Co., N. Y., 1921, $3.00.

Bergmann, Carl, The History of Reparations. Ernest
Benn, Ltd., London, 1927, 21s.

•Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, The Inter-
Allied Debts: Statements as to the Desirability of an Early
Revision of Existing Arrangements. N. Y., 1927, 5c.
("International Conciliation" pamphlet.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY 529

•Gerould, J. T. and Turnbull, L. T., Inter-Allied Debts and
Revision of the Debt Settlements. H. W. Wilson, N. Y.,
1928, $2.40.

Moulton, Harold G., and McGuire, C. E., Germany's
Capacity to Pay. McGraw-Hill Book Co., N. Y., 1923,
$2.50.

Moulton, Harold G., and Pasvolsky, Leo, World War Debt
Settlements. Macmillan, N. Y., 1926, $2.00.

E. Foreign Trade and Investments

Dunn, Robert W., American Foreign Investments. Viking
Press, N. Y., 1926, $5.00.

•Winkler, Max, America, the World's Banker. Foreign
Policy Association, N. Y., 1927, 50c.

F. National Defense

Beman, L. T., Military Training. (Compilation.) H. W.
Wilson, N. Y., 1926, 90c.

Bywater, Hector C, Navies and Nations. Houghton Mif-
flin, Boston, 1927, $4.00.

*Johnsen, J. E., National Defense. (Debaters Handbook
Series.) H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1928, $2.40.

*Palmer, John McAuley, Statesmanship or War. Double-
day, Page, N. Y., 1927, $2.50.

V. Problems of War and Peace

A. General

Bakeless, John, The Origin of the Next War. Viking Press,
N. Y., 1926, $2.50.

Bakeless, John, Economic Causes of Modern War. Moffat,
1921, $4.00.

Barnes, Harry Elmer, History and Social Intelligence.
Knopf, N. Y., 1926, $5.00.

Dickinson, G. L., War: Its Nature, Cause and Cure. Mac-
millan, N. Y.; 1923, $1.50.

530 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Fisher, Herbert Wescott, Alias Uncle Shylock. Albert &
Charles Boni, N. Y., 1927, $2.50.

Glasgow, George, From Dawes to Locarno. Harper, N. Y.f

1926, $2.50.

James, William, The Moral Equivalent of War. ("Interna-
tional Conciliation" pamphlet.) Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, N. Y., 1910, 5c.

*Johnsen, Julia E., War — Cause and Cure. (Collection of
articles.) H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1926, $2.40.

*Kenworthy, J. M., Peace or War. Boni & Liveright, N. Y.,

1927, $2.50. (Vivid chapters on the "next war.")

Kenworthy, J. M., and Young George, The Freedom of the
Seas. Hutchinson, London, 1928, 18s.

MeDougall, William, Janus: The Conquest of War. Dut-
ton, N. Y., 1927, $1.00.

*Page, Kirby, War: Its Causes, Consequences and Cure.
Doran, N. Y., 1923, $1.50. (Pamphlet 15c.)

Pollard, Francis E., War and Human Values. Peace Com-
mittee of the Society of Friends, Euston Road, London,
1927, 2s.

Ponsonby, Arthur, Now Is the Time. Independent Labor

Party, London, 1925, 2s.

Russell, Bertrand, Why Men Fight. Century, N. Y., 1917,

$1.50.

The Peace of the World, Union of Democratic Control,
London. Distributed by American Friends Service Com-
mittee, 20 South 12th St., Philadelphia, 15c.

The Problems of Peace. Lectures delivered at the Geneva
Institute of International Relations, August, 1926. Vol. I,
1927, Vol. II, 1928, Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1927
and 1928, $4.25, each.

Reports of the Conference on the Cause and Cure of War.
National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War, 1010
Grand Central Terminal Bldg., N. Y., 3 vols., 50c each.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 531

B. Arbitration

Adams, Mildred, A Review of Arbitration. National
League of Women Voters, N. Y., 1927, 10c.

Field, Noel H., Banishing War through Arbitration. Na-
tional Council for Prevention of War, 1926, 10c.

Jessup, P. C, The United States and Treaties for the
Avoidance of War. Carnegie Endowment, N. Y., 1928, 5c.

Myers, Denys P., Arbitration and the United States.
World Peace Foundation, 1926, 10c.

*Scott, James Brown, The Judicial Settlement of Interna-
tional Disputes. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1927,
$1.50.

Scott, James Brown, Instructions to the American Dele-
gates to the Hague Peace Conferences and their Official
Reports. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1916, $1.50.

Trueblood, Benjamin F. International Arbitration at the
Opening of the Twentieth Century. American Peace Soci-
ety, Washington, D. C, 5c.

Development of Methods for the Pacific Settlement of In-
ternational Disputes, Pan American Union. (Mimeographed
pamphlet.) Supply exhausted. Copy may be borrowed
from the National Council for Prevention of War.

The Multilateral Treaty Notes Exchanged Between the
United States and Other Powers on the subject of a Multi-
lateral Treaty for the Renunciation of War. U. S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, Washington, 1928, 10c.

Page, Kirby, The Renunciation of War. Doubleday,
Doran, N. Y., 1928, 10c.

The Multilateral Treaty. Department of International
Cooperation to Prevent War of the National League of
Women Voters, N. Y., 1928, 5c.

C. The Outlawry of War

•Morrison, C. C, The Outlawry of War; A Constructive

Policy for World Peace. Willett, Clark & Colby, Chicago,
1927, $3.00.

632 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

D. Problems of Imperialism

Denny, Ludwell, We Fight for Oil. Knopf, N. Y., 1928,
$3.50.

Gilchrist, Huntington, Imperialism and the Mandates
System. (Pamphlet.) League of Nations Non-Partisan
Association, N. Y.

Hopkins, J. A. H., and Alexander, M., Machine-Gun
Diplomacy. Copeland, N. Y., 1928, $2.50.
#Moon, Parker T., Imperialism and World Politics. Mac-
millan, N. Y., 1926, $3.50.

Page, Kirby, Dollars and World Peace. Doran, N. Y,
1927, $1.50; pamphlet, 15c.

Page, Kirby, Imperialism and Nationalism. (Pamphlet.)
Doran, N. Y., 1926, 15c.

Peffer, Nathaniel, The White Man's Dilemma. John Day
Co., N. Y., 1927, $2.50.

Smith, George Otis, and others, Raw Materials and Their
Effect upon International Relations. ("International Con-
ciliation" pamphlet.) Carnegie Endowment for Inter-
national Peace, N. Y., 5c.

Tramerye, Pierre de la, The World Struggle for Oil. Knopf,
N. Y., 1923, $2.75.

Viallate, Achille, Economic Imperialism and International
Relations During the Last Fifty Years. Macmillan, N. Y.,
1923, $2.00.

Woolf, Leonard S., Imperialism and Civilization. Har-
court, Brace, N. Y., 1928, $2.00.

E. Problems of Nationalism

Barker, Ernest, National Character. Harper, N. Y., 1927,
$3.50.

*Hayes, C. J. H., Essays on Nationalism. Macmillan, N. Y.,
1926, $3.00.

F. Racial Problems

Hankins, F. H., The Racial Basis of Civilization. Knopf,
N. Y., 1926, $2.75.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 533

Mathews, Basil, The Clash of Color. Doran, N. Y., 1924,
$1.25, pamphlet, 75c.

*Miller, H. A., Races, Nations and Classes. Lippincott,
Philadelphia, 1924, $2.00.

Oldham, J. H., Christianity and the Race Problem. Doran,
N. Y., $1.00.

*Speer, Robert E., Of One Blood. Missionary Education
Movement, N. Y., 1924, 50c.

G. The Problem of Armaments

Baker, Philip, J. N., Disarmament. Harcourt, Brace,
N. Y., 1926, $4.00.

Bullard, Arthur, A B C's of Disarmament and the Pacific
Problems. Macmillan, N. Y., 1921, $1.25.

*Enock, A. G., The Problem of Armaments. Macmillan,
N. Y., 1923, $1.50.

Levermore, Charles H., Disarmament on the Great Lakes.
World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1914, 5c.

*Myers, Denys P., The Staggering Burden of Armament.
(Pamphlet.) World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1921, 10c.

Reely, M. K., Disarmament. (Debaters Handbook Series.)
H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1921, $2.25.

•Smith, Rennie, General Disarmament or War? National
Council for Prevention of War, London, 1927. Can be
obtained from the National Council for Prevention of
War, Washington, D. C, 25c.

H. World War Guilt

•Barnes, Harry Elmer, Genesis of the World War. Knopf,
N. Y., 1927, $5.00.

*Gooch, A. P., Recent Revelations of European Diplomacy.
Longmans, Green, N. Y., 1927, $3.00.

Morel, E. D., Truth and the War. National Labour Press,
London, 1918, 2s.

534 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

VI. War

A. War and Human Nature

Carter, John, Man Is War. Bobbs Merrill, Indianapolis,
1926, $3.50.

Ellis, Havelock, Essays in Wartime. Constable, London,
1916, 5s.

Ellwood, Charles Abram, Cultural Evolution: A Study of
Social Origins and Development. Century, N. Y., 1927,
$2.50.

♦Kropotkin, P., Mutual Aid. Knopf, N. Y., 1919, $1.75.

Nasmyth, George, Social Progress and the Darwinian
Theory. Putnam, N. Y., 1916. (Out of print.)

Nicolai, G. F., The Biology of War. Century, N. Y., 1918,
$3.50.

Trotter, W., Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War.
Macmillan, N. Y., 1919, $2.50.

B. What War Is Today

Friedrich, Ernst, The War in Pictures. International Fed-
eration of Trade Unions, Amsterdam, Holland or Com-
mittee on Militarism, N. Y., $1.50.

Gibbs, P. H., Now It Can Be Told. Harper, N. Y., 1920,
$3.00.

Gibbs, P. H., More That Must Be Told. Harper, N. Y.,
1921, $2.50.

Hart, B. H. Liddell, Paris or the Future of War. Dutton, *
N. Y., 1925, $1.00.

*Irwin, Will, The Next War. Dutton, N. Y., 1921, $1.50.

Peat, Harold R., The Inexcusable Lie. Barse & Hopkins,
N. Y., 1923, $1.50.

A Manual of the Medical Aspects of Chemical Warfare.
War Office, London, England.

C. The Cost of War

Bodart, G., Losses of Life in Modern War, Military Selec-

BIBLIOGRAPHY 535

Hon and Race Deterioration. Oxford University Press,
N. Y., 1923, $2.00.

*Bogart, Ernest L., Direct and Indirect Costs of the Great
World War. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1919, $1.00.

Folks, Homer, Human Costs of the War. Harper, N. Y.,
1920. (Out of print.)

Jordan, David Starr, War and the Breed. Beacon Press,
Boston, Mass., 1915, $1.50.

VII. The Peace Movement

A. General

Call, Arthur Deerin, The Will to End War. (Pamphlet.)
American Peace Society, Washington, D. C, 1920, 15c.

*Ernst, Richard, God's Path to Peace: The Evolution of
Forces Converging toward Peace. Abingdon Press, N. Y.,
1914, 75c.

Lape, Esther Everett, Ways to Peace. Scribner, N. Y.,
1924, $3.00. (Plans submitted for Bok Peace Award.)

Marvin, F. S., The Evolution of World Peace. Oxford Uni-
sity Press, N. Y., 1921, $4.75.

Mead, Lucia Ames, Swords and Ploughshares. Putnam,
N. Y., 1912, $1.50.

Moritzen, Julius, The Peace Movement of America. Put-
nam, N. Y., 1912, $3.00.

Perris, G. H., Short History of War and Peace. Holt,
N. Y., 1911, 90c.

Shotwell, James T., Plans and Protocols to End War:
Historical Outline and Guide. Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, N. Y., 1925, 5c.

Whitney, Edson L., The American Peace Society, A Cen-
tennial History. American Peace Society, Washington,
D. C, 1928, $3.00.

^Building International Goodwill, by various authors. Mac-
millan, N. Y., 1927, $1.50.

636 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

B. The Church and Peace

*Cadoux, C. J., The Early Christian Attitude to War.
Swarthmore Press, London, 1919, $2.00.

#Fosdick, Harry Emerson, Christianity's Supreme Rival.
Park Avenue Baptist Church, N. Y., 10c.

Gulick, Sidney L., Christian Crusade for a Warless World.
Macmillan, N. Y., 1922, $1.00.

Holmes, John Haynes, Patriotism Is Not Enough. Green-
berg, 112 East 19th St., N. Y., 1926, $2.00.

Jefferson, Charles E., Christianity and International
Peace. Crowell, N. Y., 1915, $1.25.

Lynch, Frederick Henry, Mobilising for Peace. Revell,
N. Y., 1924, $2.00.

*McCutcheon, M. F., and others, The Christian and War;
An Appeal. McClelland & Stewart, Toronto, 1926, $2.00.

Mygatt, Tracy D. and Witherspoon, Frances, The Glorious
Company. Harcourt, Brace, N. Y., 1928, $3.00.

Oxnam, G. Brownley, Youth and the New America.

Page, Kirby, The Sword or the Cross. Doran, N. Y., 1922,
15c.

C. Education and Peace

(Note: A large part of the literature on this subject is in
the form of magazine articles, a reading list of which can
be secured from the Library of the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace, Washington, D. C. The following
magazines have devoted special issues to the teaching of
international goodwill: The Journal of the Progressive
Education Association, April-May-June, 1925, Washing-
ton, 50c; The American Schoolmaster, December, 1927,
Ypsilanti, Mich., 20c; The Advocate of Peace, September,
1928, Washington, is devoted to the report of the Commis-
sion on the International Implications of Education which
met as a part of the World Conference on International

BIBLIOGRAPHY 537

Justice held in celebration of the centennial of the American
Peace Society, 30c.

Dewey, John, Democracy and Education. Macmillan,
N. Y., 1922, $2.50.

Kilpatrick, William Heard, Education for a Changing
Civilization. Macmillan, N. Y., 1927, $1.00.

Knapp, Forrest L., An Experimental Measurement of the
Value of Certain Instructional Materials for Peace Educa-
tion. To be published by the Religious Education Asso-
ciation, Chicago.

Neumann, George B., A Study of International Attitudes
of High School Students. Teachers College, Columbia
University, N. Y., 1926, $1.50.

Pierce, Bessie L., Public Opinion and the Teaching of His-
tory in the United States. Knopf, N. Y., 1926, $3.25.

Power, Eileen, The Teaching of History and World Peace.
Chap. XI. in The Evolution of World Peace by F. S.
Marvin. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1921, $4.75.

*Scott, Jonathan F., The Menace of Nationalism in Edu-
cation. Macmillan, N. Y., 1926, $1.10.

Taft, Donald R., Historical Textbooks and International
Differences. Association for Peace Education, Chicago,
1925, 5c.

Tigert, John J., A Practical Program of Education for the
Promotion of International Goodwill. U. S. Department
of the Interior, Bureau of Education, Circular No. 9, free.

Tuell, Harriet E., The Study of Nations. Houghton Mif-
flin, Boston, 1920, $1.00.

Walsh, Walter, Moral Damage of War to the School
Child. American Peace Society, Washington, D. C, 1911,
5c.

Watson, Goodwin B., The Measurement of Fair-Minded-
ness. Teachers College, Columbia University, N. Y., 1925,
$1.50.

538 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Woellner, Frederic P., Education for Citizenship in a
Democracy. Scribner, N. Y., 1923, $1.60.

#Zimmern, Alfred, Learning and Leadership. League of
Nations, 1927. World Peace Foundation, Boston, 50c.

Proceedings of the Conferences of the World Federation
of Education Associations. 2 vols. To be ordered from
the Federation.

Proceedings of. the First Pan Pacific Conference on Educa-
tion. U. S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D. C,
1927, $1.00.

Report of Conference on the Teaching of History. Asso-
ciation for Peace Education, Chicago, 1925, 25c.

Training the Emotions Controlling Fear. Report issued by
the Boston Public Schools, 1928, 25c.

D. Labor and Peace

American Federation of Labor, Disarmament. Official rec-
ord of support of disarmament and peace. Pamphlet.
American Federation of Labor, Washington.

Angell, Norman, War and the Workers. National Labour
Press, London, 1916. 2s.

Johnson, A. S., "War and the Interests of Labor," Atlantic
Monthly, March, 1914; reprinted as "International Con-
ciliation" pamphlet, Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, N. Y.,- 5c.

Muste, A. J., "American Labor and Peace." World To-
morrow, N. Y., Feb., 1924.

Neill, C. P., "The Interest of the Wage-Earner, in the Pres-
ent Status of the Peace Movement." "International Con-
ciliation" pamphlet, Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, N. Y., 5c.

Sharp, Evelyn, "British Labor's Recent Work for Peace."
World Tomorrow, N. Y., Jan. 1922.

E. The Press and Peace

*Bliven, Bruce, Address at the Conference on the Cause
and Cure of War, 1925. Report published by Committee

BIBLIOGRAPHY 539

on the Cause and Cure of War, 1010 Grand Central Ter-
minal Bldg., N. Y., 50c.

Deming, William C, Opportunity and Duty of the Press
in Relation to World Peace. ("International Conciliation"
pamphlet.) Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
N. Y., 1913, 5c.

Lippmann, Walter, Liberty and the News. Harcourt,
Brace, N. Y., 1920, $1.00.

Yost, Casper S., The Principles of Journalism. Appleton,
N. Y., 1924, $1.50.

F. Women and Peace

Addams, Jane, Peace and Bread in Time of War. Mac-
millan, N. Y., 1922, $1.75.

Addams, Jane and others, Women at The Hague. Mac-
millan, N. Y., 1915, 75c.

Boyle, Ruth, Let Us Have No More War. Good House-
keeping, N. Y., April, 1928, 25c.

*Key, Ellen, War, Peace and the Future. Putnam, N. Y.,
1916, $1.50.

Langdon-Davies, John, A Short History of Women.
Viking Press, N. Y., 1917, $3.00.

•Norris, Kathleen, What Price Peace. Doubleday, Doran,
N. Y., 1928, 75c.

Royden, Maude, Women at the World's Crossroads.
Woman's Press, N. Y., 1922, $1.25.

Schreiner, Olive, Woman and War. Stokes, N. Y., 1914
(from Woman and Labor), out of print.

G. Young People and World Peace

Eddy, Sherwood, Youth and World Problems. Doran,
N. Y., 1923, 10c.

*High, Stanley, The Revolt of Youth. Missionary Educa-
tion Movement, N. Y., 1922, 75c.

Stewart, Continental Youth Movements. Association
Press, N. Y., 1926, 35c.

540 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

*Wise, James Waterman, Youth and the Old World.
Century Magazine, January, 1928, 50c.

H. Pacifism

*Case, C. M., Non-Violent Coercion. Century, N. Y., 1923,
$3.00.

Graham, John William, Conscription and Conscience. Al-
len & Unwin, London, 1922, $3.25.

Thomas, Norman, Is Conscience a Crime? Vanguard Press,
N. Y., 1927, 50c.

VIII. Famous Peace Documents

The Universal Empire, 1315, Dante. Passages from the
first book of De Monarchia. Old South Association, Bos-
ton, 10c.

The Complaint of Peace (Querela Pacis), Erasmus (1467-
1536). Open Court Publishing Co., Chicago, 50c.

Le Nouveau Cynee, 1623, Emeric Cruce. Allen, Lane &
Scott, Philadelphia, $4.00.

The Rights of War and Peace, 1625, Hugo Grotius (1583-
1645) . Old South Leaflets, Boston, 10c.

The Grand Design of Henry IV, 1635. Grotius Society
Publications, Sweet & Maxwell, London, 50c.

An Essay Toward the Present and Future Peace of Europe,
1693-94, William Penn. American Peace Society, Wash-
ington, D. C, 10c.

A Project for Perpetual Peace, 1712, Abbe St. Pierre. Gro-
tius Society Texts, Sweet & Maxwell, London, 50c.

Project of Universal Peace, Pierre Andre Gargaz. Origi-
nally published by Benjamin Franklin; G. S. Eddy, 2
Rector St., N. Y., $7.50.

Perpetual Peace, 1795, Immanuel Kant. American Peace
Society, Washington, D. C, 20c.

A Solemn Review of the Custom of War, 1814, Noah
Worcester. American Peace Society, Washington, D. C,
10c.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 541

A Congress of Nations, 1837, William Ladd, founder of the
first national peace society. Oxford University Press,
N. Y., $2.00.

The Future of War, 1860, Jean de Bloch. World Peace
Foundation, Boston, 65c. (One of the influences which led
the Czar of Russia to call the First Hague Peace Confer-
ence.)

War Inconsistent with the Religion of Jesus, David L.
Dodge, founder in 1815 of the first peace society. World
Peace Foundation, Boston, 50c.

The True Grandeur of Nations, 1845, Charles Sumner.
Ginn, Boston, 60c.

Solferino, 1859, Henri Dunant. John C. Winston, Phila-
delphia, $1.00. (As a result of a suggestion in this essay,
the Red Cross Society was organized.)

VIII. Fiction on Peace and War

Austin, F. Britten, When the War God Walks Again.
Doubleday, Page, N. Y., 1926, $2.00.

Barbusse, Henri, Under Fire. Dutton, N. Y., 1917, $1.50.

Boyd, Thomas A., Through the Wheat. Scribner, N. Y.,
1927, $3.00.

Boyd, James, Marching On. Scribner, N. Y., 1927, $2.50.

Brophy, John, The Bitter End. Dutton, N. Y., 1928,

$2.50.

Caine, Hall, The Woman of Knockaloe. Dodd, Mead,

N. Y., 1923, $1.75.

Cholmondeley, Alice, Christine. Grosset & Dunlap, N. Y.,

1918, 75c.

Cobb, Irwin, Paths of Glory. Grosset & Dunlap, N. Y.,

1918, 75c.

Copley, Frank Barkley, The Impeachment of President
Israels. Macmillan, N. Y., 1913, out of print.

Dos Passos, John, Three Soldiers. Doran, N. Y., 1921,
$2.00.

542 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Erckmann-Chatrian, The Conscript. Macmillan, N. Y.,
1910, $1.50.

Frenssen, Gustav, Peter Moore's Journey to Southwest
Africa. Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1908, $1.25.

Gibbs, A. Hamilton, Labels. Little, Brown, Boston, 1926,
$2.00.

Gibbs, Sir Philip, The Middle of the Road. Grosset &
Dunlap, N. Y., 1925, 75c.

Hamilton, Cicely, Lest Ye Die. Scribner, N. Y., 1928,
$2.00.

Lawrence, D. H., Kangaroo. Thomas Seltzer, N. Y., 1923,
$1.75.

Nason, Leonard H., Chevrons. Doran, N. Y., 1926, $2.00.

Noyes, Pierrepont B., The Pallid Giant. Revell, N. Y.,
1927, $2.00.

Palmer, Frederick, The Last Shot. Scribner, N. Y., 1914,
$1.50.

Stallings, Laurence, Plumes. Grosset & Dunlap, N. Y.,
1926, 75c.

Suttner, Bertha von, Lay Down Your Arms. Longmans,
Green, N. Y., 1913, 75c. (American Peace Society, Wash-
ington, D. C, 50c.)

Thompson, Edward, These Men, Thy Friends. Harcourt,
Brace, N. Y., 1928, $2.50.

Tolstoi, Leo, War and Peace. John Lane Co., N. Y., 1911,
$1.25.

Unruh, Fritz von, Way of Sacrifice. Knopf, N. Y., 1928,
$2.50.

Walsh, Richard J., When the Earth Trembled. Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, N. Y., if International
Conciliation" pamphlet, November, 1926, 5c. (First pub-
lished in Woman's Home Companion, October and No-
vember, 1926.)

Wells, H. G., In the Days of the Comet. Doran, N. Y.,
1920, $1.90.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 543

IX. Poems of War and Peace (Collections)

Gibbs, Jessie Wiseman, Peace Sonnets. Friends' Book-
store, 302 Arch Street, Philadelphia, 35c.

Glasier, J. Bruce (editor) , The Ministrelsy of Peace. Na-
tional Labor Press, London, 1920, 5s.

Leonard, Sterling A., Poems of the War and the Peace.
Harcourt, Brace, N. Y., 1921, $1.35.

Leonard, R. M. (editor), The Poetry of Peace. Oxford
University Press, N. Y., 1919, $1.60.

Sassoon, Siegfried, The War Poems of Siegfried Sassoon.
William Heinemann, London, 1919, 3s. 6d.

Slade, William Adam, Stardust — Sonnets. Preston &
Rounds, Providence, R. I., 1928, $1.00.

Smith, Elva S. (editor), Peace and Patriotism. Lothrop,
Lee & Shepard, Boston, 1919, $1.50.

X. Drama

(These plays are listed with the idea that they will be
read rather than as suggestions for amateur acting.)

Anderson, Maxwell, and Stallings, Laurence, What Price
Glory. Harcourt, Brace, N. Y., 1926, $2.50.

Bowskill, Henry, Which? Daniel, London, 1924, 3s. 6d.

Brooks, George, and Lister, Walter, Spread Eagle. Scrib-
ner, N. Y., 1927, $1.75.

Drinkwater, John, Abraham Lincoln. Houghton Mifflin,
Boston, 1919, $1.25.

Drinkwater, John, X = 0 or A Night of the Trojan War
in The Pawns. Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1920, $1.50.

Euripedes, The Trojan Women. Oxford University Press,
N. Y., 90c.

Glaspell, Susan, Inheritors. Small, Maynard, Boston,
1921, $1.50.

Kennedy, Charles Rann, The Terrible Week. Harper,
N. Y., 1912, $1.00.

544 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Millay, Edna St. Vincent, Aria da Capo. Harper, N. Y.f
1920, $2.00.

Munroe, C. K., The Rumour. Knopf, N. Y., 1924, $2.00.

Mygatt, Tracy D., The Sword of the Samurai. Century,
N. Y., 1926, 25c.

Noyes, Alfred, Rada. Stokes, N. Y., 1914, 60c.

Pollock, Channing, The Enemy. Brentano's, N. Y., 1925,
$1.50.

Shaw, Bernard, Heartbreak House. Brentano's, N. Y.,
1919, $1.75.

Stevens, Henry Bailey, A Cry Out of the Dark. Four
Seas Co., Boston, 1919, $1.25.

Trask, Katrina, In the Vanguard. Macmillan, N. Y.,
1913, 75c.

Wentworth, Marion Craig, War Brides. Century, N. Y.,
1915, 75c.

Zangwill, Israel, The War God. Macmillan, N. Y., 1912,
$1.25.

XL Pageants and Plays

Descriptive lists of pageants and plays suitable for ama-
teur performance can be obtained from the National
Council for Prevention of War, Washington, D. C, and
from- the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association,
New York. In writing for suggestions the number of
performers and their age should be stated.

XII. Dramatic Readings

The collections of poems listed above, the dramas and sev-
eral of the books of fiction, notably The Impeachment of
President Israels, afford material for dramatic readings.
Additional suggestions and short selections can be ob-
tained from the National Council for Prevention of War,
Washington, D. C.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 545

XIII. Recitations and Declamations

Prince of Peace Declamation Contests. (Selections for
the annual declamation contests.) Ohio Council of
Churches, Columbus, Ohio. 2 vols., 15c each.

Peace Crusaders — Adventures in Goodwill, Anna B. Gris-
com. American Friends Service Committee, Philadelphia,
$1.50.

XIV. Quotations on War and Peace

Selected Quotations on Peace and War. Federal Council
of Churches of Christ in America, N. Y., 1915, $1.00.

Education for Peace. Foreign Missions Conference of
North America, 25 Madison Ave., N. Y., 1927, 50c.

Symposium on War. John Horsch. Mennonite Publishing
House, Scottdale, Penna., 1927, 10c.

The Cry for Justice. Upton Sinclair, Pasadena, Cal.,
1921, $1.00, paper; $1.50, cloth. (Part XI, War.)

XV. Books of Songs

Cantate Domino. The World's Student Christian Fed-
eration, 347 Madison Ave., N. Y., 85c.

Folk Songs of Many Peoples. Woman's Press, 600 Lex-
ington Ave., N. Y., vol. I, $2.75; vol. II, $3.50. Sections
printed separately as follows, Christmas and New Year's
Songs, 50c; Songs of China and Japan, of Latin America,
of Poland, 75c each; Sing Around the World Songs (words
only), 15c.

Laudcmus. The World's Y. M. C. A. Hymnal. Y. M. C. A.,
347 Madison Ave., X. Y., 50c.

Songs of Loyalty and Fraternity, Charles H. Levermore.
Ginn, Boston, 50c.

PERIODICALS

The following magazines are among those which are
concerned primarily with problems of world peace or
with the promotion of a better understanding of inter-

646 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

national relations. Articles of importance in this field
appear in many other monthly and weekly publications.
A Monthly Bibliography of International Affairs, com-
piled by Mary Phillips Webster from fifty leading maga-
zines, may be obtained from the National Council for
Prevention of War, Washington, D. C. Mimeographed,
$1.00 a year.

Advocate of Peace, monthly except September. The
American Peace Society, Colorado Bldg., Washington,
D..C., $3.00 a year.

Arbitrator, monthly. 114 E. 31st St., N. Y., 60c a year.

Asia, monthly. 461 Eighth Ave., N. Y., $400 a year.

Current History, monthly. New York Times Co., N. Y.,
$3.00 a year.

Foreign Affairs, quarterly. 25 W. 43rd St., N. Y., $5.00
a year.

Foreign Affairs, monthly (English). Union of Democratic
Control, 34 Victoria St., London, S. W. 1, $2.00 a year.

The Herald of Peace, monthly. 210 Heinlen St., Lemoore,
Calif., $2.00 a year.

The Living Age, monthly. Boston, $5.00 a year.

The Messenger of Peace, monthly. Richmond, Ind., 50c a
year.

Mexican Life, monthly. Av. Uruguay, No. 3, Mexico
City, $5.00 a year.

The Nation, weekly. 20 Vesey St., N. Y., $5.00 a year.

The National Graphic Magazine, monthly. Washington,
D. C, $3.50 a year.

The New Era, quarterly. (Educational.) 11 Tavistock
Square, London, W. C.

The New Republic, weekly. 421 West 21st St., N. Y.,
$5.00 a year.

The New Student, 2929 Broadway, N. Y., $1.50 a year.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 547

Pan American Union, monthly. Washington, D. C, $2.50
a year.

Pan Pacific Progress, monthly. Los Angeles, Cal., $2.50 a
year.

The Review of Nations, monthly. Felix Valyi, Geneva,
Switzerland, $10.00 a year.

Unity, weekly. Oakwood Bldg., Chicago, $3.00 a year.

The World Tomorrow, monthly. 52 Vanderbilt Ave.,
N. Y., $2.00 a year.

The World's Youth, monthly. Y. M. C. A., N. Y., $1.00
a year.

World Unity, monthly. 122 East 34th St., N. Y., $3.50
a year.

Youth, monthly. 421 Sentinel House, Southampton Row,
London W. C. 1, 75c a year.

PUBLICATIONS OF ORGANIZATIONS

An annotated list, arranged by subjects, of the publi-
cations of organizations interested in international rela-
tions and world peace has been compiled and published
by the World Peace Foundation, under the title Interna-
tional Relations Publications. It may be obtained from
the World Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon Street, Bos-
ton, for 15c. Current lists of the publications of such
organizations as the following will be supplied upon
request and will be found very helpful: The Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace; The Missionary
Education Movement ; the Y.W.C.A. and the Y.M.C.A. ;
the Foreign Policy Association, and the League of
Nations Non-Partisan Association.

Among the important organization periodicals devoted
chiefly to the promotion of world peace.are the following :

American Foundation, N. Y. Foreign Relations Bulletins,
occasional, free.

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, N. Y. In-

648 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

ternational Conciliation, monthly, except July and August,
25c a year.

Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America, N. Y.
Bulletin, monthly, $1.00 a year. Bi-weekly news sheet,
International Goodwill.

Fellowship of Reconciliation, N. Y. News Bulletin, occa-
sional.

Foreign Policy Association, N. Y. Bi-weekly Information
Service, $5.00 a year. News Bulletin, weekly, $1.00 a
year.

The Inquiry, 129 East 52nd St., N. Y. The Inquiry, occa-
sional papers, free.

Institute of Pacific Relations, Honolulu. Pacific Affairs,
monthly.

League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, N. Y.
League of Nations News, including a digest of interna-
tional affairs, monthly, $1.00 a year.

National Council for Prevention of War, Washington,
D. C. News Bulletin, monthly, 25c a year.

Women's International League for Peace and Freedom,
Washington, D. C. Pax International, monthly, 50c a
year.

World Alliance for International Friendship through the
Churches, N. Y. News Letter, monthly.

World Peace Foundation, Boston. World Peace Founda-
tion Pamphlets, 6 issues a year.

League of Nations periodical publications distributed in
the United States by the World Peace Foundation, Boston.
Monthly Summary of the League of Nations, $1.00 a year.
International Labor Review, monthly, $6.00 a year. Bul-
letins of the International Institute of Intellectual Co-
operation, University Section, 6, $2.00 a year; Scientific
Section, quarterly, $2.00 a year.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 549

YEAR BOOKS

The Europa Year Book, including a survey of economic
and social conditions and a directory of international or-
ganizations. Europa Publishing Co., Adelphia, W. C. 2,
London, 21s.

International Peace Year Book, edited by F. E. Pollard.
National Council for Prevention of War, 39 Victoria St.,
London, S. W., 25c.

The following are publications of the League of Nations,
Armaments Year Book, $5.00; Handbook of International
Organizations, issued annually, $1.00; An International
Statistical Year Book, $2.00; Year Book of the League of
Nations, 25c. These, like other League publications, may
be ordered from the World Peace Foundation.

CHILDREN'S BOOKS
I. Bibliographies Available

People of Many Lands, a list of recreational books for
young people from 14 to 18 years of age. Women's
Council for Promotion of Peace, Cleveland, Ohio, 1927.

Children of Many Lands, for children from 5 to 9 years
old. Women's Council for Promotion of Peace, Cleve-
land, Ohio.

Bibliography for Children of the second, third and fourth
grades. Friends' Peace Committee, 304 Arch St., Philadel-
phia.

International Friendship Through Children's Books, Clara
W. Hunt. League of Nations Non-Partisan Association,
N. Y.

A Child's Bookshelf, Miss Lilian Stevenson. Student
Christian Movement, 32 Russell Square, London, W.C. 1,
3s.

Books to Read under the headings, "Story of Man's Life
on Earth"; "How People Live in Other Countries";
"Heroes of Peace Times"; "The Quest for Peace and Its

550 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Heroes." National Council for Prevention of War, Wash-
ington, D. C.

A Trip Around the World. Books of other nations ar-
ranged in the order in which they would be visited on a
trip around the world, designed to be used in a school
room or children's room in a library in connection with a
map or globe. National Council for Prevention of War.
Washington, D. C.

A World Library for Children, a collection of famous
stories of all nations in illustrated paper booklets, edited
by Helene Scheu-Riesz, can be ordered from the New
Education Fellowship, 11 Tavistock Square, London. 34
vols., $3.75. '

II. Books That Show the Unity of Mankind

(The story of man's life on earth is one story and in it
men everywhere are seen to have been busy trying to
work out the same problems of getting food and shelter
and knowledge of the earth and of themselves, and so far
as these problems have been solved men of every age and
every nation have helped to find the answer.)

The Child's Story of the Human Race, Ramon Coffman.
Dodd, Mead, N. Y., $3.50.

Prc-Alphabet Days and The Story of the Alphabet, Otto
F. Edge. Munder, Baltimore, $1.25 and $1.00.

The Adventure of Man, F. Crossfield Happold. Har-
court, Brace, N. Y., $2.00.

First Days of History, Frederic A. Kummer. Doran,
N. Y., $2.00.

First Days of Knowledge, Frederic A. Kummer. Doran,
N. Y., $2.00.

First Days of Man, Frederic A. Kummer. Doran, N. Y.,
$2.00.

The Young Folks' Book of Discovery, T. C. Bridges.
Little, Brown, Boston, $2.00.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 551

The Story of Light, Jeanette Eaton. Harper, N. Y.,
$1.25.

The Story of Transportation, Jeanette Eaton. Harper,
N. Y., $1.25.

The Young Folks' Book of Discovery, T. C. Bridges,
tie, Brown, Boston, $2.00.

A Popular History of American Invention, W. B. Kaerapf-
fert (Scribner, N. Y., $10.00) is a thrilling stoy of inven-
tion for those of high school age or to be read by older
people and adapted for children.

III. Books That Tell of Adventures in Times of Peace

Makers of Freedom, Sherwood Eddy and Kirby Page.
Doran, N. Y., 50c.

Heroes of the Wilds, Chelsea Fraser. Crowell, N. Y., $1.75.

Work-A-Day Heroes, Chelsea Fraser. Crowell, N. Y.,
$1.60.

More Than Conquerors, Ariadne Gilbert. Century, N. Y.,
$2.00.

Stories of People Worth While, Kitty Parsons. Revell,
N. Y., $1.25.

Hero Tales from History, Burnham Smith. John C.
Winston, Philadelphia, 78c.

IV. Books of World Peace and Its Heroes

Never Again, Margaret Applegarth. Everyland Publish-
ing Co., West Medford, Mass., $1.50.

Books of Goodwill, Florence Brewer Boeckel. National
Council for Prevention of War, Washington, D. C. 2 vols.,
$1.00.

The Boy Who Wanted to Fly, Arthur Bunce. Harr Wag-
ner,'San Francisco, $2.00.

Friends of Ours, Elizabeth Colson. Missionary Educa-
tion Movement of the United States and Canada, N. Y.
Saturday's Children, Helen Coale Crew. Friends' Book-
store, 302 Arch St., Philadelphia, $2.00.

652 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Heroes of Peace, F. J. Gould. Harper, N. Y., 90c.
Victors of Peace, F. J. Gould. Harper, N. Y., 90c.

Peace Crusaders9 Adventures in Goodwill, Anna Bassett
Griscom. Lippincott, Philadelphia, $1.50.

Heroes in Friendship, Basil Mathews. Missionary Educa-
tion Movement, N. Y., 85c.

Peaceway Series, short stories by various authors. Friends
Book Shop, London; National Council for Prevention of
War, Washington, D. C. Five booklets, $1.50.

Paths of Peace, Ross and Binyon. 2 vols. Oxford Uni-
versity Press, N. Y., $1.05.

The Fight for Peace (stories of the work of the League
of Nations), Hebe Spaull. G. Bell & Sons, Ltd., London,
75c.

Children's Story Garden, by various authors. Lippincott,
Philadelphia, $1.50.

V. Books for Little Children About Other Nations

Airplane Visits of World Children, Alexander. S. S. Board
of Southern Baptist Convention, Nashville, Tenn., 25c.

Child Life in Many Lands, Blaisdell. Macmillan, N. Y,
72c.

Around the World with the Children, Frank C. Carpenter.
American Book Co., N. Y., 72c.

Little Folks of Many Lands, M. O. Chance. Ginn, Bos-
ton, 64c.

Jogging Around the World, Dunham. Stokes, N. Y., $1.50.

The Books of Other Babies, Mary Entwistle. Mission-
ary Education Movement, N. Y., 40c each.

Everyland Children, Lucy W. Peabody. A series con-
taining so far three volumes, Just Like You, Tcuro and
Ume, and David and Susi. Central Committee on the
United Study of Foreign Missions, North Cambridge,
Mass., 25c each.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 553

Child Life in Other Lands, H. A. Perdue. Rand McNally,
Chicago, 85c.

Big People and Little People of Other Lands, Edward R.
Shaw. American Book Co., N. Y., 52c.

George Washington Lincoln Goes 'Round the World, Mar-
garet Loring Thomas. Thomas Nelson, N. Y., $1.50.

The World in a Barn, Gertrude C. Warner. Friendship
Press, 150 Fifth Ave., N. Y., $1.25.

Little People Everywhere Series, McDonald and Dal-
rymple. Little, Brown, Boston, $1.00.

Yule-Tide in Many Lands, Pringle. Lothrop Lee, $1.50.

VI. Books of Songs and Games

Popular Folk Games and Dances. Eldridge Entertain-
ment House, Denver, Col., 75c. (American, Danish, Eng-
lish, Hungarian, Italian, Lithuanian, Norwegian, Polish,
Russian, Spanish, Swedish, Swiss, Welsh.)

Children at Play in Many Lands, Katharine Stanley Hall.
Missionary Education Movement, N. Y., 75c.

Every Childys Folk Songs and Games. Milton Bradley Co.,
Springfield, Mass., *$2.00 (Danish, English, French, Ger-
man, Irish, Italian, Scottish, Sicilian, Swedish, Welsh.)

Folk Dances and Singing Games. G. Schirmer, N. Y.,
$1.50. (Bohemian, Danish, English, Hungarian, Irish,
Italian, Norwegian, Russian, Scotish, Swedish.)

VII. Magazines for Children

Everyman, monthly. North Cambridge, Mass., $1.00 a

year.

Junior Red Cross News, monthly (September to May).

Washington, D. C, 50c a year.

The Open Road Magazine, monthly. 248 Boylston St.,
Boston, Mass., $1.00 a year.

Round the World with the League of Nations, monthly.
League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 6 East 39th
St., N. Y., free.

APPENDIX

COVENANT OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
With amendments in force September 1, 1928

The High Contracting Parties

In order to promote international co-operation and to
achieve international peace and security

by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war,

by the prescription of open, just and honorable relations
between nations,

by the firm establishment of the understandings of inter-
national law as the actual rule of conduct among Govern-
ments, and

by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for
all treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples
with one another, Agree to this Covenant of the League
of Nations.

Article 1

Membership and Withdrawal

1. The original Members of the League of Nations shall
be those of the Signatories which are named in the Annex to
this Covenant, and also such of those other States named in
the Annex as shall accede without reservation to this Cove-
nant. Such accessions shall be effected by a declaration de-
posited with the Secretariat within two months of the coming
into force of the Covenant. Notice thereof shall be sent to all
other Members of the League.

2. Any fully self-governing State, Dominion or Colony not
named in the Annex may become a Member of the League if
its admission is agreed to by two-thirds of the Assembly, pro-
vided that it shall give effective guaranties of its sincere in-
tention to observe its international obligations, and shall accept

557

668 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

such regulations as may be prescribed by the League in regard
to its military, naval and air forces and armaments.

3. Any Member of the League may, after two years' notice
of its intention so to do, withdraw from the League, provided
that all its international obligations and all its obligations
under this Covenant shall have been fulfilled at the time of its
withdrawal.

Article 2

Executive Organs

The action of the League under this Covenant shall be ef-
fected through the instrumentality of an Assembly and of a
Council, with a permanent Secretariat.

Article 3

Assembly

1. The Assembly shall consist of representatives of the
Members of the League.

2. The Assembly shall meet at stated intervals and from
time to time, as occasion may require, at the Seat of the
League, or at such other place as may be decided upon.

3. The Assembly may deal at itsjneetings with any matter
within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the
peace of the world.

4. At meetings of the Assembly each Member of the
League shall have one vote and may have not more than
three Representatives.

Article 4

Council

1. The Council shall consist of representatives of the Prin-
cipal Allied and Associated Powers [United States of
America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan], to-
gether with Representatives of four x other Members of the

1 The number of Members of the Council selected by the Assembly,
by application of the second clause of Art. 4, par. 2, was increased
from four to six on September 25, 1922, and from six to nine on Sep-
tember 8, 1926.

APPENDIX 559

League. These four x Members of the League shall be selected
by the Assembly from time to time in its discretion. Until
the appointment of the Representatives of the four Members
of the League first selected by the Assembly, Representatives
of Belgium, Brazil, Greece and Spain shall be Members of
the Council.

2. With the approval of the majority of the Assembly, the
Council may name additional Members of the League, whose
Representatives shall always be Members of the Council; a
the Council with like approval may increase the number of
Members of the League to be selected by the Assembly a for
representation on the Council.1

2 bis.8 The Assembly shall fix by a two-thirds majority the
rules dealing tvith the election of the non-permanent Members
of the Council, and particularly such regulations as relate to
their term of office and the conditions of re-eligibility.

3. The Council shall meet from time to time as occa-
sion may require, and at least once a year, at the Seat
of the League, or at such other place as may be decided
upon.

4. The Council may deal at its meetings with any matter
within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the
peace of the world.

5. Any Member of the League not represented on the
Council shall be invited to send a Representative to sit as a
Member at any meeting of the Council during the considera-
tion of matters specially affecting the interests of that Mem-
ber of the League.

6. At meetings of the Council, each Member of the League
represented on the Council shall have one vote, and may have
not more than one Representative.

1 See footnote on preceding page.

' By application of this clause Germany was designated as a perma-
nent Member of the Council on September 8, 1926, the appropriate
action of the Council having been taken on September 4.

a This paragraph came into force on July 29, 1926, in accordance with
Art. 26. The regulations were adopted by the Assembly on September
15.

560 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Article 5
Voting and Procedure

1. Except where otherwise expressly provided in this Cove-
nant, or by the terms of the present Treaty, decisions at any
meeting of the Assembly or of the Council shall require the
agreement of all the Members of the League represented at
the meeting.

2. All matters of procedure at meetings of the Assembly
or of the Council, including the appointment of Commit-
tees to investigate particular matters, shall be regulated
by the Assembly or by the Council and may be decided by a
majority of the Members of the League represented at the
meeting.

3. The first meeting of the Assembly and the first meeting
of the Council shall be summoned by the President of the
United States of America.

Article 6
Secretariat and Expenses

1. The permanent Secretariat shall be established at the
Seat of the League. The Secretariat shall comprise a Secre-
tary-General and such secretaries and staff as may be re-
quired.

2. The first Secretary-General shall be the person named
in the Annex; thereafter the Secretary-General shall be ap-
pointed by the Council with the approval of the majority of
the Assembly.

3. The secretaries and the staff of the Secretariat shall be
appointed by the Secretary-General with the approval of the
Council.

4. The Secretary-General shall act in that capacity at all
meetings of the Assembly and of the Council.

5. The expenses of the League shall be borne by the Mem-
bers of the League in the proportion decided by the Assembly.1

1 This paragraph came into force as an amendment on August 13,
1924, in accordance with Art. 26.

APPENDIX 561

Article 7
Seat, Qualifications of Officials, Immunities

1. The Seat of the League is established at Geneva.

2. The Council may at any time decide that the Seat of
the League shall be established elsewhere.

3. All positions under or in connection with the League,
including the Secretariat, shall be open equally to men and
women.

4. Representatives of the Members of the League and
officials of the League when engaged on the business
of the League shall enjoy diplomatic privileges and immuni-
ties.

5. The buildings and other property occupied by the
League or its officials or by Representatives attending its
meetings shall be inviolable.

Article 8
Reduction of Armaments

1. The Members of the League recognize that the mainte-
nance of peace requires the reduction of national armaments
to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the
enforcement by common action of international obligations.

2. The Council, taking account of the geographical situa-
tion and circumstances of each State, shall formulate plans
for such reduction for the consideration and action of the
several Governments.

3. Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration and re-
vision at least every 10 years.

4. After these plans shall have been adopted by the several
Governments, the limits of armaments therein fixed shall not
be exceeded without the concurrence of the Council.

5. The Members of the League agree that the manufacture
by private enterprise of munitions and implements of war is
open to grave objections. The Council shall advise how the
evil effects attendant upon such manufacture can be prevented,
due regard being had to the necessities of those Members of

562 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

the League which are not able to manufacture the munitions
and implements of war necessary for their safety.

6. The Members of the League undertake to interchange
full and frank information as to the scale of their armaments,
their military, naval and air programs, and the condition of
such of their industries as are adaptable to warlike purposes.

Article 9

Permanent Military, Naval and Air Commission

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to advise the
Council on the execution of the provisions of Articles 1 and 8
and on military, naval and air questions generally.

Article 10

Guaranties Against Aggression

The Members of the League undertake to respect and pre-
serve as against external aggression the territorial integrity
and existing political independence of all Members of the
League. In case of any such aggression or in case of any
threat or danger of such aggression, the Council shall advise
upon the means by wrhich this obligation shall be fulfilled.

Article 11
Action in Case of War or Threat of War

1. Any war or threat of wrar, whether immediately affecting
any of the Members of the League or not, is hereby declared
a matter of concern to the whole League, and the League shall
take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to
safeguard the peace of nations. In case any such emergency
should arise, the Secretary-General shall, on the request of
any Member of the League, forthwith summon a meeting of
the Council.

2. It is also declared to be the friendly right of each Mem-
ber of the League to bring to the attention of the Assembly or
of the Council any circumstance whatever affecting interna-

APPENDIX 563

tional relations which threatens to disturb international peace
or the good understanding between nations upon which peace
depends.

Article 12 *

1. The Members of the League agree that, if there should
arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a rupture
they will submit the matter either to arbitration or judicial
settlement or to inquiry by the Council and they agree in no
case to resort to war until three months after the award by
the arbitrators or the judicial decision, or the report by the
Council.

2. In any case under this Article, the award of the arbi-
trators or the judicial decision shall be made within a reason-
able time, and the report of the Council shall be made within
six months after the submission of the dispute.

Article 13 *

Arbitration or Judicial Settlement

1. The Members of the League agree that, whenever any
dispute shall arise between them which they recognize to be
suitable for submission to arbitration or judicial settlement,
and which cannot be satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they
will submit the whole subject-matter to arbitration or judicial
settlement,

2. Disputes as to the interpretation of a treaty, as to any
question of international law, as to the existence of any fact
which, if established, would constitute a breach of any inter-
national obligation, or as to the extent and nature of the rep-
aration to be made for any such breach, are declared to be
among those which are generally suitable for submission to
arbitration or judicial settlement.

3. For the consideration of any such dispute, the court to
which the case is referred shall be the Permanent Court of

1 The text as printed came into force as an amendment on Septem-
ber 26, 1924, in accordance with Art. 26.

664 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

International Justice, established in accordance with Article
14, or any tribunal agreed on by the parties to the dispute or
stipulated in any convention existing between them.

4. The Members of the League agree that they will carry
out in full good faith any award or decision that may be ren-
dered, and that they will not resort to war against a Member
of the League which complies therewith. In the event of any
failure to carry out such an award or decision, the Council
shall propose what steps should be taken to give effect thereto.

Article 14
Permanent Court of International Justice

The Council shall formulate and submit to the Members of
the League for adoption plans for the establishment of a Per-
manent Court of International Justice. The Court shall be
competent to hear and determine any dispute of an interna-
tional character which the parties thereto submit to it. The
Court may also give an advisory opinion upon any dispute
or question referred to it by the Council or by the Assembly.

Article 15
Disputes Not Submitted to Arbitration or Judicial Settlement

l.x If there should arise between Members of the League
any dispute likely to lead to a rupture, which is not submit-
ted to arbitration or judicial settlement in accordance with
Article 13, the Members of the League agree that they will
submit the matter to the Council. Any party to the dispute
may effect such submission by giving notice of the existence
of the dispute to the Secretary-General, who will make all
necessary arrangements for a full investigation and consid-
eration thereof.

2. For this purpose the parties to the dispute will commu-
nicate to the Secretary-General, as promptly as possible,
statements of their case, with all the relevant facts and papers,

1 The text of the first paragraph as printed came into force as an
amendment on September 26, 1924, in accordance with Art. 26.

APPENDIX 565

and the Council may forthwith direct the publication
thereof.

3. The Council shall endeavor to effect a settlement of the
dispute and, if such efforts are successful, a statement shall
be made public giving such facts and explanations regarding
the dispute and the terms of settlement thereof as the Coun-
cil may deem appropriate.

4. If the dispute is not thus settled, the Council, either
unanimously or by a majority vote, shall make and publish
a report containing a statement of the facts of the dispute
and the recommendations which are deemed just and proper
in regard thereto.

5. Any Member of the League represented on the Council
may make public a statement of the facts of the dispute and
of its conclusions regarding the same.

6. If a report by the Council is unanimously agreed to by
the Members thereof other than the Representatives of one
or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the
League agree that they will not go to war with any party to
the dispute which complies with the recommendations of the
report.

7. If the Council fails to reach a report which is unani-
mously agreed to by the members thereof, other than the
Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute,
the Members of the League reserve to themselves the right to
take such action as they shall consider necessary for the
maintenance of right and justice.

8. If the dispute between the parties is claimed by one of
them, and is found by the Council, to arise out of a matter
which by international law is solely within the domestic juris-
diction of that party, the Council shall so report, and shall
make no recommendations as to its settlement.

9. The Council may in any case under this Article refer
the dispute to the Assembly. The dispute shall be so referred
at the request of either party to the dispute, provided that
such request be made within 14 days after the submission of
the dispute to the Council.

10. In any case referred to the Assembly, all the provisions

666 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

of this Article and of Article 12 relating to the action and
powers of the Council shall apply to the action and powers of
the Assembly, provided that a report made by the Assembly,
if concurred in by the Representatives of those Members of
the League represented on the Council and of a majority of
the other Members of the League, exclusive in each case of the
Representatives of the parties to the dispute, shall have the
same force as a report by the Council concurred in by all the
members thereof other than the Representatives of one or
more of the parties to the dispute.

Article 16
"Sanctions"
l.1 Should any Member of the League resort to war in dis-

1 The Assembly has voted in favor of the foPowing amendments to
Art. 16, to replace paragraph one, and the Members are now deciding
upon their ratification:

Should any Member of the League resort to war in disregard of its
covenants under Articles 12, 13 or 15, it shall ipso facto be deemed to
have committed an act of war against all other Members of the
League, which hereby undertake immediately to subject it to the
severance of all trade or financial relations and to prohibit all inter'
course at least between persons resident within their territories and
persons resident within the territory of the covenant-breaking State
and, if they deem it expedient, also between their nationals and the
nationals of the covenant-breaking State, and to prevent alt financial,
commercial or personal intercourse at least between persons resident
within the territory of that State and persons resident within the terri-
tory of any other State, whether a Member of the League or not, and,
if they deem it expedient, also between the nationals of that State and
the nationals of any other Slate whether a Member of the League
or not.

It is for the Council to give an opinion whether or not a breach of
the Covenant has taken place. In deliberations on this question in the
Council, the votes of Members of the League alleged to have resorted
to war and of Members against whom such action was directed shall
not be counted.

The Council will notify to all Members of the League the date
which it recommends for the application of the economic pressure
under this Article.

Nevertheless, the Council may, in the case of particular Members,

APPENDIX 567

regard of its covenants under Articles 12, 13 or 15, it shall
ipso facto be deemed to have committed an act of war against
all other Members of the League, which hereby undertake
immediately to subject it to the severance of all trade or
financial relations, the prohibition of all intercourse between
their nationals and the nationals of the covenant-breaking
State, and the prevention of all financial, commercial or per-
sonal intercourse between the nationals of the covenant-
breaking State and the nationals of any other State, whether
a Member of the League or not.

2. It shall be the duty of the Council in such case * to
recommend to the several Governments concerned what effec-
tive military, naval or air force the Members of the League
shall severally contribute to the armed forces to be used to
protect the covenants of the League.

3. The Members of the League agree, further, that they
will mutually support one another in the financial and eco-
nomic measures which are taken under this Article, in order
to minimize the loss and inconvenience resulting from the
above measures, and that they will mutually support one
another in resisting any special measures aimed at one of
their number by the covenant-breaking State, and that they
will take the necessary steps to afford passage through
their territory to the forces of any of the Members of the
League which are cooperating to protect the covenants of the
League.

4. Any Member of the League which has violated any
covenant of the League may be declared to be no longer a
Member of the League by a vote of the Council concurred in
by the Representatives of all the other Members of the League
represented thereon.

postpone the coming into force of any of these measures for a specified
period where it is satisfied that such a postponement will facilitate the
attainment of the object of the measures referred to in the preceding
paragraph, or that it is necessary in order to minimize the loss and
inconvenience which will be caused to such Members.

1 The Assembly on September 21, 1925, adopted a resolution provid-
ing that the words "in such case" shall be deleted. The amendment
has been submitted to Member states for ratification.

568 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Article 17
Disputes Involving Nonmembers

1. In the event of a dispute between a Member of the
League and a State which is not a Member of the League,
or between States not Members of the League, the State or
States not Members of the League shall be invited to accept
the obligations of Membership in the League for the purposes
of such dispute, upon such conditions as the Council may deem
just. If such invitation is accepted, the provisions of Articles
12 to 16, inclusive, shall be applied with such modifications
as may be deemed necessary by the Council.

2. Upon such invitation being given, the Council shall im-
mediately institute an inquiry into the circumstances of the
dispute and recommend such action as may seem best and
most effectual in the circumstances.

3. If a State so invited shall refuse to accept the obliga-
tions of Membership in the League for the purposes of such
dispute, and shall resort to war against a Member of the
League, the provisions of Article 16 shall be applicable as
against the State taking such action.

4. If both parties to the dispute, when so invited, refuse
to accept the obligations of Membership in the League for
the purposes of such dispute, the Council may take such
measures and make such recommendations as wTill prevent
hostilities and will result in the settlement of the dispute.

Article 18

Registration and Publication of Treaties

Every treaty or international engagement entered into here-
after by any Member of the League shall be forthwith regis-
tered with the Secretariat and shall as soon as possible be
published by it. No such treaty or international engagement
shall be binding until so registered.

Article 19

Review of Treaties

The Assembly may from time to time advise the reconsid-
eration by Members of the League of treaties which have be-

APPENDIX 569

come inapplicable, and the consideration of international con-
ditions whose continuance might endanger the peace of the
world.

Article 20
Abrogation of Inconsistent Obligations

1. The Members of the League severally agree that this
Covenant is accepted as abrogating all obligations or under-
standings inter se which are inconsistent with the terms thereof,
and solemnly undertake that they will not hereafter enter
into any engagements inconsistent with the terms thereof.

2. In case any Member of the League shall, before becom-
ing a Member of the League, have undertaken any obligation
inconsistent with the terms of this Covenant, it shall be the
duty of such Member to take immediate steps to procure its
release from such obligations.

Article 21

Engagements that Remain Valid

Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the
validity of international engagements, such as treaties of ar-
bitration or regional understandings like the Monroe doctrine,
for securing the maintenance of peace.

Article 22
Mandatory System

1. To those colonies and territories which as a consequence
of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of
the States which formerly governed them and which are in-
habited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under
the strenuous conditions of the modern world, there should be
applied the principle that the well-being and development of
such peoples form a sacred trust of civilization and that se-
curities for the performance of this trust should be embodied
in this Covenant.

2. The best method of giving practical effect to this prin-
ciple is that the tutelage of such peoples should be intrusted

570 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

to advanced nations who, by reason of their resources, their
experience or their geographical position, can best undertake
this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and that
this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on
behalf of the League.

3. The character of the mandate must differ according to
the stage of the development of the people, the geographical
situation of the territory, its economic conditions and other
similar circumstances.

4. Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish
Empire have reached a stage of development where their
existence as independent nations can be provisionally recog-
nized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and
assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to
stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a
principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory.

5. Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are
at such a stage that the Mandatory must be responsible for
the administration of the territory under conditions which
will guarantee freedom of conscience and religion, subject only
to the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition
of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic and the
liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of for-
tifications or military and naval bases and of military train-
ing of the natives for other than police purposes and the de-
fense of territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for
the trade and commerce of other Members of the League.

6. There are territories, such as Southwest Africa and cer-
tain of the South Pacific islands, which, owing to the sparse-
ness of their population or their small size, or their remote-
ness from the centers of civilization, or their geographical
contiguity to the territory of the Mandatory, and other cir-
cumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the
Mandatory as integral portions of its territory, subject to the
safeguards above mentioned in the interests of the indigenous
population.

7. In every case of mandate, the Mandatory shall render
to the Council an annual report in reference to the territory
committed to its charge.

APPENDIX 571

8. * The degree of authority, control or administration to
be exercised by the Mandatory shall, if not previously agreed
upon by the Members of the League, be explicitly defined in
each case by the Council.

9. A permanent Commission shall be constituted to receive
and examine the annual reports of the Mandatories, and to
advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance
of the mandates.

Article 23

Social and Other Activities

Subject to and in accordance with the provisions of interna-
tional conventions existing or hereafter to be agreed upon, the
Members of the League:

(a) will endeavor to secure and maintain fair and humane
conditions of labor for men, women, and children, both in
their own countries and in all countries to which their com-
mercial and industrial relations extend, and for that pur-
pose will establish and maintain the necessary international
organizations;

(b) undertake to secure just treatment of the native in-
habitants of territories under their control;

(c) will intrust the League with the general supervision
over the execution of agreements with regard to the traffic
in women and children and the traffic in opium and other
dangerous drugs;

(d) will intrust the League with the general supervision of
the trade in arms and ammunition with the countries in
which the control of this traffic is necessary in the common
interest;

(e) will make provision to secure and maintain freedom
of communications and of transit and equitable treatment
for the commerce of all Members of the League. In this
connection, the special necessities of the regions devastated
during the war of 1914-1918 shall be borne in mind;

(/) will endeavor to take steps in matters of international
concern for the prevention and control of disease.

572 BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE

Article 24
International Bureaus

1. There shall be placed under the direction of the League
all international bureaus already established by general
treaties, if the parties to such treaties consent. All such inter-
national bureaus and all commissions for the regulation of
matters of international interest hereafter constituted shall
be placed under the direction of the League.

2. In all matters of international interest which are regu-
lated by general conventions but which are not placed under
the control of international bureaus or commissions, the Sec-
retariat of the League shall, subject to the consent of the
Council and if desired by the parties, collect and distribute
all relevant information and shall render any other assistance
which may be necessary or desirable.

3. The Council may include as part of the expenses of the
Secretariat the expenses of any bureau or commission which
is placed under the direction of the League.

Article 25

Promotion of Red Cross and Health

The Members of the League agree to encourage and pro-
mote the establishment and co-operation of duly authorized
voluntary national Red Cross organizations having as purposes
the improvement of health, the prevention of disease and the
mitigation of suffering throughout the world.

Article 26 *
Amendments

1. Amendments to this Covenant will take effect when
ratified by the Members of the League whose Representatives

1 The Assembly voted in favor of the following amendments to re-
place Art. 26, in 1921, and the Members are now deciding upon its
ratification :

"Amendment* to the present Covenant the text of which shall have
been voted by the Assembly on a three-fourths majority, in which

APPENDIX 573

compose the Council and by a majority of the Members of
the League whose Representatives compose the Assembly.

2. No such amendment shall bind any Member of the
League which signifies its dissent therefrom, but in that case
it shall cease to be a Member of the League.

there shall be included the votes of all the Members of the Council
represented at the meeting, will take effect when ratified by the Mem-
bers of the League whose Representatives composed the Council when
the vote was taken and by the majority of those whose Representa-
tives form the Assembly.

"If the required number of ratifications shall not have been obtained
within twenty-two months after the vote of the Assembly, the proposed
amendment shall remain without effect.

"The Secretary-General shall inform the Members of the taking of
an amendment.

"Any Member of the League which has not at that time ratified the
amendment is free to notify the Secretary-General within a year of its
refusal to accept it, but in that case it shall cease to be a Member of
the League"

TEXT OF THE MULTILATERAL TREATY FOR THE

RENUNCIATION OF WAR

The President of the United States of America,

The President of the French Republic,

His Majesty the King of the Belgians,

The President of the Czechoslovak Republic,

His Majesty the King of Great Britain, Ireland and the
British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India,

The President of the German Reich,

His Majesty the King of Italy,

His Majesty the Emperor of Japan,

The President of the Republic of Poland,

Deeply sensible of their solemn duty to promote the wel-
fare of mankind;

Persuaded that the time has come when a frank renuncia-
tion of war as an instrument of national policy should be
made to the end that the peaceful and friendly relations now
existing between their peoples may be perpetuated;

Convinced that all changes in their relations with one
another should be sought only by pacific means and be the
result of a peaceful and orderly process, and that any signa-
tory Power which shall hereafter seek to promote its national
interests by resort to war should be denied the benefits fur-
nished by this treaty;

Hopeful that, encouraged by their example, all the other
nations of the world will join in this humane endeavor and
by adhering to the present treaty as soon as it comes into
force bring their peoples within the scope of its beneficent
provisions, thus uniting the civilized nations of the world in
a common renunciation of war as an instrument of their
national policy;

Have decided to conclude a treaty and for that purpose
have appointed as their respective Plenipotentiaries: . . .
who, having communicated to one another their full powers
found in good and due form have agreed upon the following
articles:

574

APPENDIX 575

Article I
The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare in the
names of their respective peoples that they condemn recourse
to war for the solution of international controversies, and
renounce it as an instrument of national policy in their rela-
tions with one another.

Article II

The High Contracting Parties agree that the settlement or
solution of all disputes or conflicts of whatever nature or of
whatever origin they may be, which may arise among them,
shall never be sought except by pacific means.

Article III

The present treaty shall be ratified by the High Contract-
ing Parties named in the Preamble in accordance with their
respective constitutional requirements, and shall take effect as
between them as soon as all their several instruments of rati-
fication shall have been deposited at

This treaty shall, when it has come into effect as prescribed
in the preceding paragraph, remain open as long as may be
necessary for adherence by all the other Powers of the world.
Every instrument evidencing the adherence of a Power shall

be deposited at , and the treaty shall

immediately upon such deposit become effective as between
the Power thus adhering and the other Powers parties hereto.

It shall be the duty of the Government of

to furnish each Government named in the Preamble and every
Government subsequently adhering to this treaty with a cer-
tified copy of the treaty and of every instrument of ratifica-
tion or adherence. It shall also be the duty of the Govern-
ment of telegraphically to notify such

Governments immediately upon the deposit with it of each
instrument of ratification or adherence.

In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have
signed this treaty in the French and English languages both
texts having equal force, and hereunto affix their seals.

INDEX

There are no citations in this Index to organizations, in so far as
they are referred to in the text merely as sources of material; references
are to the items of material.

Abel, J. F., quoted, 42.

Adams County Y. W. C. A., 429.

Adams, John Quincy, 286 f.

Adams, Samuel, letter to Con-
gress, 7.

Addams, Jane, 111 ff.

Advent Christians General Con-
ference of America, 89.

Advocate of Peace, quoted, 333.

"Aggressor" nation, 261.

Agriculture, Department of, 435,
473.

Airplanes in war, 393 ff.; protec-
tion of cities against, 394.

"Alabama" claims case, 111, 245;
Room, 477.

A 11- Australian Trade Union Con-
gress, 150.

"America First" poster, 491.

American Association of Univer-
sity Women, 21, 114, 115, 499.

American Council of Learned So-
cieties, 47.

American Farm Bureau Federa-
tion, 165.

American Federation of Labor,
resolutions, 152-155, 369.

American Federation of Teachers,
36-37, 115. #

American Friends Service Com-
mittee, 370, 433, 434.

American Historical Association,
20.

American Home Economics Asso-
ciation, 115.

American Institute of Interna-
tional Law, 273.

American Institute of Sacred Lit-
erature, 424.

American Junior Red Cross, 446,
474.

American Legion, 166, 171-175,
176-178, 417.

American Nurses' Association,
115.

American Peace Society, 243.

"American Plan," 248.

American Schoolmaster, 462, 466,
473.

American School Citizenship
League, 450, 452.

American Unitarian Association,
99.

Andrews, Mrs. Fannie Fern, 450,
474.

Andrews, Gen. Lincoln C, quoted,
400.

Angell, Norman, quoted, 128, 147.

Anglo-American relations, 385.

Anti-militarist Clergymen, Inter-
national Committee of, 88.

Arbitration, 217 f., 241-264; de-
fined, footnote, 242; resolutions
of State legislatures on, 243;
Congressional resolutions on,
244ff:; in Latin America, 243,
257; "Alabama" case, 245; Con-
ference 1928, 255 ; League of Na-
tions and, 259; development of,
263 f. ; bibliographies on, 515;
books on, 531.

Armaments, international reduc-
tion of, 132, 210, 286-298; Con-
gressional resolutions, 288; in
League Covenant, 289 ; in Treaty
of Versailles, 289; Washington
Conference, 290; Russia's pro-
posal, 296; bibliographies on,

577

578

INDEX

515; books on, 533 (see Muni-
tions),

Armistice Day, 424, 438, 474, 481,
482.

Artj galleries, 448 f.; study of, 461.

Artists, relation to peace, 448.

Ashby, Mrs. Corbett, quoted, 118.

Association for Peace Education
of Chicago, 21.

Athletics, 461.

Auxiliary language, 469.

Baha'i Church, 102 f .

Baldwin, Roger N., 306.

Bankers' Manifesto, 134 f.

Baptist Convention, Northern, 90.

Baptist Convention, Southern, 90.

Baptist World Alliance, 89.

Barker, Ernest, quoted, 66.

Barrie, Sir James, quoted, 185.

Bell High School, 478.

Bellers, John, 198.

Biblical texts, 77 f.

Billboard publicity, 442.

Biography, 462.

Black, W. W., quoted, 444.

Bliven, Bruce, quoted, 441.

Bogart, Ernest L., "Direct and In-
direct Costs of the Great War,"
quoted, 402.

Bok, Edward, 505.

Bolivar, 243.

Borah, Senator William E., 113,
231, 235, 266; quoted, 235 f.

Botany, 463.

Bowman, Mrs. E. K., 505.

Boy Scouts, 431 f .

Brazil, Constitution of, 257.

Briand, 233.

Briand Speech Competition, 454.

British Labor Party, 150-151.

Broadcasting Organizations, Inter-
national Union of, 446.

Brooks-Bright Endowment, 453.

Brooks, L. W., quoted, 37.

Bryan, William Jennings, 254.

Bryan Treaties, 254 f.

Buell, Raymond Leslie, quoted,
137.

Burns, C. Delisle, quoted, 206-207,
278.

Burton Resolution, 117, 298.

Butterfield, Dr. Kenyon L., quoted,
163 f.

Cadoux, C. J., quoted, 72.

California, University of, 50.

Caivo, Doctrine of, 351.

Canada and the U. S., 77, 286 ff.

Cancellation stamp, 332.

Candle-lighting ceremony, 487.

Capper, Senator, quoted, 158, 160.

Capper-Johnson Bill, 154.

Caravans for Peace, 434.

Carnegie Endowment for Inter-
national Peace, 20, 45, 56, 441.
504.

Caribbean area, 340, 345, 348.

Carr, Wilbur, quoted, 160.

Cartels, 129.

Casares* proposal, 22.

Case, Clarence Marsh, quoted, 300.

Catholic Association for Interna-
tional Peace, 85 f.

Catt, Mrs. Carrie Chapman, 111 ff.,
326; quoted, 113, 116.

Causey, James H., 49, 504.

Cecil, Lord Robert, quoted, 306.

Central Conference of American
Rabbis, 87 f .

Central American Court of Justice,
219 f ., 256.

Central American Peace Confer-
ence, 219.

Central American Tribunal, 256.

Chamberlain, J. P., quoted, 379.

Chase, Mary N., 433.

Chemical Warfare, 392 ff.; Special
Committee on Chemical Warfare
of League of Nations, 392-395;
books on, 534.

Chicago University, 21.

Children, 478; books for, 549.

China Inland Mission, 104.

Christian Century, quoted, 71.

Christian Church, General Con-
vention of the, 92.

Christian Science, quoted, 102.

Christianity and peace, 72 f., 77 f.,
301 f . ; courses on, 500 f . (See also
Church and Peace.)

Christmas programs, 424, 438, 494.

Church and peace, 71-105; Church
Fathers, testimony of, 72; reso-

INDEX

579

lutions on, 89-103; foreign mis-
sions, 104 f.; work through, 424;
study courses on, 500 f.; books
on, 536.

Church of the Brethren, 99 f.

Church Peace Union, 83-85, 504.

Churchill, Winston S., quoted, 388.

Cincinnati Peace League, 452.

Cinema Congress, International,
443 f.

Citizens' Military Training Camps,
319 f.

Civics, 464.

Clarke, E. L., courses, 51.

Clemenceau, letter to Germany,
289.

Cleveland, Ohio, schools of, 60.

Clubs, international, 487.

Codification of international law
(see International Law).

College courses, 46 ff.

College Cruise Around the World,
40.

Collins, Ross, quoted, 317.

Columbia University, statement
on foreign debt, 382.

Columbus Day, 493.

Commerce and Peace, 124-142;
World Economic Conference,
130; International Chamber of
Commerce, 129 f., 133; war prof-
its, 137 ff.; treaties, commercial,
140; bibliographies on, 517;
books on, 521 (see Industry,
Economic Interdependence, Im-
perialism).

Committee, how to form, 416.

Committee on the Cause and Cure
of War, National, 421.

Compromis, 262.

Conciliation (see Treaties), de-
fined, footnote, 242.

Conferences, programs for, 421 ff.

Conference, technique of, 259.

Conference for the Control of
Traffic in Arms, 297.

Conferences on the Cause and
Cure of War, 115.

Congregational Churches, National
Council of, 91.

Congress, power to outlaw war,
379.

Connecticut Council of Interna-
tional Relations, 422.

Consumers' cooperative societies,
165.

Contests, 45, 452 ff.

Convention of St. Germain, 297.

Coolidge, President, quoted, 265,
333, 482, 507.

Coolidge Naval Disarmament Con-
ference, 294 f., 298.

Cooperation (see International) .

Corda Fratres Association of Cos-
mopolitan Clubs, 56.

Cosmopolitan Club, 487.

Coudenhove-Kalergi, Count Rich-
ard N., 283.

Council of Women for Home Mis-
sions, 114 f.

County fairs, 436.

Crane, Frank, quoted, 403.

Cuba, Piatt Amendment, 348;
books on, 526.

Culbertson, William, 354.

Current events, 464.

Czechoslovakia, Peace education
in, 30.

Daniels, Josephus, quoted, 139.

Darwin, quoted, 405.

Daughters of American Revolu-
tion, 417.

Davis-DuBois, Rachel, 59.

Dawes Plan, 387 f . ; books on, 528.

Debates, 467; international, 55.

Declaration of Policy of U. S.,
315-316.

Delaware, University of, 52.

Democracy and peace, 198, 242,
310 ff., 332 f.

Denver University, 49.

Dewey, John, quoted, 232, 356, 468.

Disarmament (see Armaments, in-
ternational, reduction of).

Disciples of Christ, International
Convention of, 92.

Discussion Courses (see Study
courses), 494.

Domestic science, 465.

Dominican Republic, Constitution
of, 257.

Douglas, Paul H., quoted, 143 f.

Dowling, Evaline, 474.

580

INDEX

Downing, £. Estelle, 45, 451, 474.
Drago Doctrine, 337.
Dubois, Pierre, 197.
Dunkards, 78.
Durant School, 477.

Earlham College, 54, 56.

Economic interdependence, 124-
128, 343, 458 ff., 488; bibliogra-
phies on, 517; books on, 521.

Education and peace, 15-70, 449-
480; present tendencies of edu-
cation, 16; studies of textbooks,
20 ff. ; international organiza-
tions, 23 ff.; government encour-
agement of, 28; League of Na-
tions and, 31 ff. ; organizations in
the United States, 33 ff.; inter-
national schools and colleges,
38 ff.; teacher training institu-
tions, 40 ff; foreign travel for
teachers, 45; exchange of teach-
ing posts, 46; university courses
and activities, 46 ff.; fellowships,
53; student tours, 54; school
courses and activities, 57 ff.; in-
ternational correspondence, 62 ;
principles agreed upon, 63 ff.;
cultivating world-mindedness, 63 ;
nationalism in education, 65 ff.;
teaching independence of thought,
67; bibliographies on, 515 f. ;
books on, 536 (see Schools).

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, quoted, 70.

England, Labor Party and disar-
mament, 9; Liberal Party and
peace, 9; peace education in, 26,
30; labor in war time, 145, 149-
151 ; ; peace letter campaign,
301 ; peace organizations in, 509.

English, 465.

English Speaking Union, 46.

Epworth League, 427.

Erasmus, quoted, 75, 308.

Esperanto, 469.

European Student Relief Organi-
zation, 188.

Evans, Jessie C, quoted, 69,

Exchange of teaching posts, 46.

Extension Courses, 52.

Evangelical Synod of North Amer-
ica, 93.

Farmers and peace, 157-165; effect
of war on income, 158; on prices,
158 f . ; destruction of farm prop-
erty in next war, 159; post-war
deflation, 158, 160; National
Grange, 161; United Farmers of
Alberta, 161 f. ; international or-
ganizations, 162 ff.

Federal Council of the Churches
of Christ in America, 80-83. 424,
427, 446, 451.

Fellowships, 53 f.

Fellowship of Reconciliation, 193,
303, 424.

Fellowship of Youth for Peace,
193.

Fiction, on peace and war, 541.

Fidac, 168-171, 179, 182.

Filene, Edward A., 505.

Financial control of foreign gov-
ernments, 349 ff.

Fithian, Charles Brooks, 487.

Flags, where to obtain, 481.

Foch, Marshal, quoted, 395.

Folks, Homer, quoted, 407.

Follett, Mary P., quoted, 468.

Forbes, Mrs. J. Malcolm, 112,
508.

Foreign debt, World War, Com-
mission on, 380; amount of, 381 ;
Columbia University statement.
382; statement of Secretary of
the Treasury, 383; reparations
and, 390; bibliographies on, 519;
books on, 528 f .

Foreign investments, 128, 351 ff.;
books on, 529.

Foreign languages, 469.

Foreign loans, State Department
supervision of, 351.

Foreign Policy, courses on, 496,
501 f. ; bibliographies on, 517;
books on, 525.

Foreign students in America, 55.

Foreign travel, for teachers, 46;
for students, 52-54 ; for boys, 63.

Fosdick, Harry Emerson, quoted.
179.

Fosdick, Raymond B., quoted, 48,
66, 67, 201.

Franklin, Benjamin, quoted, 8, 313,
345, 469.

INDEX

581

Freedom of the seas, 266, 295;

books on, 526.
Friends, Society of, 78; conference

of all, 101.

Games, 480; books of, 553.

Gardiner, A. G., quoted, 385.

General Federation of Women's
Clubs, 114, 115, 116.

Geneva Institute of International
Relations, 38.

Geneva Gas Protocol, 298.

Geneva Protocol, 261, 263, 292.

Geneva School of International
Studies, 38.

Germany, education for peace, 29 ;
entry into League of Nations,
211, 262; Treaty of Versailles
and, 170, 211; World Court, op-
tional clause signed, 223; Lo-
carno Treaties, 262; disarma-
ment of, 289, 290; peace letter
campaign, 304; peace organiza-
tions of, 509; books on revised
version of responsibility for war,
533.

Ghent, Treaty of, 242.

Girl Scouts, 431 f .

Girls' Friendly Society, 427.

Goddard, Harold C, quoted, 307.

Golden Rule, in all religions, 79.

Good Offices, defined, footnote,
242.

Goodwill Day, 429, 438, 474, 481,
486.

Goodwill teams, 434.

Green, President, of A. F. of L.f
quoted, 151, 155 f.

Green Acre Institute, 423.

Grotius, Hugo, 269.

Groves, Brigadier-General, 394,
396.

Guadalupe Hidalgo, Treaty of,
243.

Gulick, Sidney L., quoted, 428.

Hague Peace Conferences, The,
218 f., 270, 288; books on, 531.

Haiti, 346; books on, 526.

Hamilton, Alexander, quoted, 313,
314.

Hart, Hornell, course by, 51.

Harvard University, 49, 56.

Hawaii, 346.

Hay, John, Secretary of State,

quoted, 247, 251.
Hay treaties, 248.
Hays, Will, quoted, 444.
Heraud, Marcel, quoted, 169.
Herman, Raphael, 24, 505.
Heroes of peace, 453, 463, 477, 489;

books on, 551-552.
Hi-Y Clubs, 432.
Hinkle, Dr. Beatrice, quoted, 107,

108.
History, studies of textbooks, 20ff.;

teaching of, 454 ft.
Hodges, Charles, quoted, 141.
Howe, Julia Ward, quoted, 106 ff.
Hrdlicka, Ales, quoted, 404.
Hudson, Manley O., quoted, 271,

273, 275.
Hughes, Charles Evans, quoted,

268, 273, 354.
Hughes, Rupert, quoted, 178.
Houghton, Alanson B., quoted, 3.
Hyde, Charles Cheney, 355.
Hygiene, 470.
Hymns, 424; books of, 545.

Ido, 469.

Immigration, 361-372; Chinese,
362; Asiatic barred zone, 364;
Hindu, 366; Japanese, 363,
366 ff.; Mexican, 371; Canadian,
371 ; selective laws, 364 f . ; bib-
liographies on, 516; books on,
528.

Imperialism, 342-357; books on,
532 (see Nationalism).

Independence Day, 490.

Independence of thought, 67-69,
480.

Indiana Council on International
Relations, 422.

Individual work for peace, 155,
416, 428, 504 ff .

Industry and peace (see chapter
on ''Commerce and Peace" 124-
142) ; and preparedness for war,
328-332 ; "educational orders,"
329 ; Industrial Preparedness
Committee, 328; mobilization of,
136, 328 f.; War Department

582

INDEX

Business Council, 328; muni-
tions battalions, 329.

Institute,, 422.

Institute of International Educa-
tion, 35, 36, 46, 51, 55.

Institute of Pacific Relations, 284 f .

Intellectual Cooperation, Interna-
tional Committee on, 22, 31-33,
39, 46; recommendations of,
63-65,443.

Intercollegiate Peace Association,
452.

Interdependence (see Economic).

Interior, Department of, 435, 473.

International American Confer-
ence, 256.

International Bridge, 476, 493.

International Bureau of Educa-
tion, 26, 27, 62.

International Chamber of Com-
merce, 124 129, 133, 134.

International Commerce Commis-
sion, 354.

International Commission of Agri-
culture, 164.

International Conference on Immi-
gration, 372.

International Cooperation, 277-
285; books on, 524.

International Correspondence, 62,
432 f .

International Council of Agricul-
tural Organizations, 164.

International Council of Religious
Education, 425.

International Council of Women,
110.

International Court, of Law, 219.

International Federation of Home
and School, 28.

International Federation of Trade
Unions, 148.

International Flag Day, 492.

International House, 55.

International Institute of Agricul-
ture, 131, 132, 162 f.

International Institute of Teachers
College, 41.

International Joint Commission,
257-259.

International Kindergarten Union,
28.

International Labor Office, 214.

International Labor Organization,
131, 132, 213 ff., 147, 358; bibli-
ography on, 517; books on, 523.

International law, 265-276; codifi-
cation defined, 265; private, 267,
270; public, 267; codification by
League of Nations, 270-273 ; cod-
ification by Pan American Con-
ference, 273-275; bibliographies
on, 516; books on, 524.

International Mind Alcoves, 418.

International organizations (see
International Cooperation) ; pri-
vate, 285; bibliographies on,
516; books on, 522.

International Peoples College, 39.

International Relations Clubs, 55.

International River Commissions,
281.

International Student Hospitality
Association, 54.

International Student Service, 188.

International Sugar Commission,
280.

International Union of American
Republics (see Pan American
Union).

International Woman Suffrage Al-
liance, HI, 118.

Interparliamentary Union. 278.

Intervention, 274, 337, 340 f., 351 ff.;
books on, 526 (see chapter on
"War-making Power in United
States Government").

Intra-American Institute of Intel-
lectual Cooperation, 33.

Iowa, University of, 56.

Irwin, Will, "The Next War,"
quoted, 159, 399, 406, 409.

James, William, "Moral Equiva-
lent of War," quoted, 435.

Japan, peace education in, 26, 29
home colonization plan of, 361
"Gentlemen's Agreement," 363
radio "chair" on international
relations, 447; doll messengers
to, 451 ; International Fine Arts
Society, 461; books on, 527.

Japan Chronicle, quoted, 7.

Jaszi, Oscar, course by, 51.

INDEX

583

Jay Treaty 242.

Jefferson, Charles E,, quoted, 122,
300.

Jefferson, Thomas, quoted, 313,
314.

Johns Hopkins University, 48.

Johnson, C. W., 506.

Jordan, Dr. David Starr, 24, 505;
letters to, 186.

Jouhaux, quoted, 146.

July Fourth, 490.

Junior Red Cross, American, 446,
474.

Junior Year Abroad, 52.

Jurists, Commission of, 273; In-
ternational Committee of, 221.

Kant, Immanuel, 198, 199.
Kellogg, Secretary of State, quoted,

234 ff., 236 f., 255.
Kellogg, Vernon, quoted, 405.
Kellogg Treaty (see Multilateral

Treaty).
Kent, William, quoted, 353.
Kenworthy, J. M., quoted, 395,

443.
Key, Ellen, quoted, 108, 408.
Kidd, Benjamin, quoted, 107.
Kilpatrick, William Heard, quoted,

42 f.
Knighthood of Youth, 432.
Knudsen, Sven V., 63, 433.

Labor and peace, 143-156; British
Labor Party, 9, 149-151; effect
of war on standards of, 145 f. ;
need for international organiza-
tion, 147 f.; influence against
war, 149-150; A. F. of L. reso-
lutions, 152 ff.; bibliographies on,
517; books on, 538.

Ladd, William, 218.

Lagerlof, Selma, quoted, 109.

Lamont, Thomas W., quoted, 284.

Land Grant Colleges, 319.

Lantern slides, 481.

Laski, Harold J., quoted, 66, 305.

Latin America, labor resolutions
dealing with, 151; relations of
United States with, 345 ff . ; press
of, 439; courses on, 51, 502;
teaching history of, 457; bibli-

ographies on, 517; books on,
526 f . ; (see chapters on "Monroe
Doctrine" "Imperialism," and
"War-making Power in United
States Government").

League for Permanent Peace, 112.

League of Nations, 197-216; intel-
lectual cooperation, 31; eco-
nomic relations, 127, 130-133,
141; United States cooperation
with, 204; mandates system, 203,
354, 569; methods of preserving
peace, 207-213; sanctions, 209,
236, 566; "gap" in Covenant,
209; treaties for pacific settle-
ment, 259 f.; codification of in-
ternational law, 270 ff.; interna-
tional cooperation, 277; arma-
ments, 291 ff. ; traffic in arms,
296 f.; private manufacture of
munitions, 296 f.; teaching in
history classes, 456; study
courses on, 502; bibliographies
on, 518; books on, 522 f.; Cov-
enant of, 557-573.

League of Nations Non-Partisan
Association, essay contest, 453.

Levermore, Charles H., 505.

Le vinson, Salmon O., 231.

Libby, Frederick J., quoted, 299.

Libraries, work for peace through,
418 ff.; children's rooms, 420;
extension work, 419.

Lieber, Francis, 269; quoted, 314.

Lincoln, Abraham, quoted, 310.

Lincoln's birthday, 485.

Lincoln, Charles M., quoted, 399.

Locarno, Treaties of, 262, 292.

Longstreth, Walter C., 320.

Lubin, David, 162.

Luchaire, J., quoted, 46.

Lutheran Church in America,
United, 94; New York and New
England Synod of, 94.

Madison, James, quoted, 311.
Mahaffy, Sir John P., quoted, 241.
Manry, James C, 18.
Maritime law, 266, 274.
Martin, Alfred W., quoted, 78.
Massachusetts, peace education in
Constitution of, 30.

584

INDEX

Massachusetts Legislature, resolu-
tion, 243.

Mathematics, 470.

Mather, Frank Jewett, quoted, 448.

McClay, William, quoted, 312.

MacDonald, Ramsay, quoted, 150 f.

McMaster, ''History of the People
of the United States," quoted,
310.

Mead, Dr. and Mrs. Edwin D.,
505.

Mediation, defined, footnote, 242.

Medical Women's National Asso-
ciation, 115.

Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury,
quoted, 283, 384.

Memorial Day, 489.

Mennonites, 304; Eastern District
Conference of, 78; General Con-
ference of, 100.

Merrill, William P., quoted, 400.

Methodist Episcopal Church, Gen-
eral Conference of, 95.

Mexico, education in, 30; treaty
with United States, 243; com-
mission with United States pro-
posed, 355; immigration from,
371; school friendship bags to,
451 ; study courses on, 500, 502 ;
bibliography on, 518; books on,
526, 527 (see chapter on "Mon-
roe Doctrine").

Michigan State Normal School,
45.

Milgram, Joseph P., quoted, 177.

Militarism in Education, Commit-
tee on, 449.

Military policy of U. S., 309-333.

Military training, 319-323, 325-328,
449; bibliography on, 518.

Militia, 310, 317.

Miller, G. A., 493.

Milliken, Carl E., quoted, 445.

Minnesota, University of, 51.

Missionaries, 104, 105.

Missionary societies, 426.

Mobilization of industry (see /n-
du8try).

"Model Assemblies," of League of
Nations, 56, 477.

Monroe Doctrine, 334-341 ; and
Multilateral Treaty, 238; and

Arbitration Treaties, 250 f.; an-
nounced, 335; Grant on, 336;
Roosevelt on, 336, 337; denned
by Hughes, 339, 340; Latin
American attitude toward, 338;
reference to, in Covenant of
League of Nations, 339; Balti-
more Sun quoted on, 341 ; study
courses on, 500, 502; books on,
526.

Monroe, James, 286 f.

Montana, University of, 56.

Monuments, peace, 476.

Moon, Parker Thomas, 50, 356.

"Moral Equivalent of War,"
quoted, 435.

Moravian Church, 101.

Morrill Land Grant Act, 319.

Morrison, Charles Clayton, quoted,
232, 412.

Morrow, Dwight W., quoted, 267,
353.

Motion pictures, work for peace
through, 442-446; war films,
442 f.; educational films, 445 f.;
for programs, 481.

Mott, Lucretia, 111.

Moulton, Harold G., quoted, 390.

Multilateral Treaty, 233 fif.; French
reservations, 234 f.; British res-
ervations, 237 f.; U. S. interpre-
tation of, 238; open to adher-
ence, 239; signatory states, 239;
text of, 574 fif.

Munitions, private manufacture of,
297; manufacturers of, 137 fif.
(see Armament s) .

Musee P6dagogique, 432.

Museums, work for peace through,
449, 477.

Music, 471.

Mutiles, march of, 391.

"My Friend Abroad," 433.

Myers, Denys P., quoted, 241, 260,
292.

National Association of Secondary
School Principals, 37.

National Bureau of International
Correspondence, 432.

National Child Welfare Associa-
tion, 432.

INDEX

585

National Committee of Friendly
Relations among Students, 55.

National Congress of Parents and
Teachers, 115.

National Council of Christian As-
sociations, 191.

National Council of Friendly So-
cieties in America, 115.

National Council of Jewish
Women, 114, 115, 116.

National Council of Women, 114,
115.

National Council of Teachers of
English, 451. 474.

National Defense, appropriation
for, 410 ff.; books on, 529 (see
chapters on "War Veterans and
Peace," and "The Military Pol-
icy of the United States").

National Defense Act, 306, 315,
317.

National Education Association,
36, 115.

National Federation of Colored
Women, 115.

National Federation of Temple
Sisterhoods, 114.

National Grange, 160 f.

National Guard, 318.

National League of Women
Voters, 113, 114, 115, 116, 119,
447.

National Service Star Legion, 115.

National Student Federation of
America, 54, 55, 191.

National Study Conference of the
Churches, 81.

National Woman's Christian Tem-
perance Union, 114, 115, 116.

National Women's Trade Union
League, 114, 116.

Nationalism, 16-18, 65; books on,
532 (see Imperialism).

Naturalization, 366.

Navy, program for increased, 5,
298, 315, 316, 415 f.

Navy League, 139.

Neumann, George Bradford, 16.

Neutrality, 266; course on, 502;
books on, 626.

New Education Fellowship, 27.

New Republic, quoted, 386.

New York Federation of Progres-
sive Women, 121.

New York Herald Tribune, quoted,
490.

New York Times, quoted, 193-194,
491.

New York University, 53.

Nicaragua, resolution of American
Federation of Labor on, 152;
member of Central American
Court of Jutice, 219 f.; statis-
tics on, 347 ; United States policy
toward, 349, 377; bibliography
on, 518; books on, 526.

Niebuhr, Reinhold, quoted, 105.

Nobel, Alfred, 111, 505; awards,
463.

Normal Schools, 40 ff., 452.

Norris, Kathleen, quoted, 123.

North Carolina, University of, 51.

Northwestern University, 49.

Oberlin College, 51.

Ogg, Frederic, quoted, 47.

Ohio Council of Churches, 427.

Oil, 344; books on, 532.

Open Road, Inc., 54.

Open Road Magazine, 433.

Oratorical contests, 433, 452.

Oregon, schools of, 61.

Organizations working for peace,
in the United States, 509 ; in for-
eign countries, 509.

Organization publications, 547.

O'Ryan, Major General John F.,
quoted, 166, 167, 407 f., 484.

Osborn, Carter, Jr., letter to David
Starr Jordan, 186.

Ottawa League of Nations Union,
484.

Outlawry of war, outline of plan,
231-240; power of Congress to
outlaw war, 379; study courses
on, 503; bibliographies on, 518;
books on, 531.

Outlawry of War Treaty (see Mul-
tilateral Treaty for the Renun-
ciation of War).

Overstreet, Harry A., quoted, 68,
467.

Pacific relations, College courses

586

INDEX

on, 50; Pan Pacific Union, 284;
Institute of, 284 ff.; in geogra-
phy courses, 460; courses on.
500, 503, 504; bibliography on,
518; books on, 528 (see chapter
on "World Population and Im-
migration").

Pacifism, 299-308; Christianity and,
71 ff.; bibliographies on, 515;
books on, 540; absolute pacifists,
conscientious objectors, 307; bib-
liography on conscientious ob-
jectors, 515.

Page, Kirby, quoted, 77, 180.

Pageants and Plays, 481, 543 f.

Pan American Conferences. 266,
273 ff. ; codification of interna-
tional law, 266, 273 ff; history of,
282 f.; and arbitration, 255 f.,
341 ; and intervention, 275, 340 f .

Pan American Congress of Jour-
nalists, 439.

Pan American Federation of La-
bor, resolutions of, 1927, 151 f .

Pan American Union, 46, 51, 65,
256. 282 f .

Pan European Union, 283.

Pan Pacific Union, 284.

Panama Canal, 340, 348.

Panama, Congress of, 273.

Pasadena high schools, 60.

Pasteur, quoted, 473.

Peace classics ("famous peace doc-
uments"), 540.

Patrick, Major-General Mason M.,
393.

Patriotism, 44, 66, 67; study
course on, 499.

Peabody, George Foster, 326.

Peace Declamation Contests, 427,
433.

Peace Heroes Memorial Society,
489.

Peace Letter Campaign, in Eng-
land, 301 f . ; in Germany, 304.

Peace Movement, organized, — and
political action, 4ff. ; function
of, 5f.; attack on, 417 f.; organi-
zations in United States and
other countries, 509; bibliogra-
phy on, 518; books on, 535.

Peace Portal, at Blaine, 476, 492.

Peat, Harold R., quoted, 179 f.

Penn, William, 21; plan for gen-
eral parliament of Europe, 198;
colony in Pennsylvania, 286;
"Holy Experiment," 302.

Periodicals, on world peace and
international relations, 545.

Permanent Court of Arbitration.
219, 248.

Permanent Court of International
Justice (see World Court).

Pershing, General, quoted, 393.

Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of
Friends, 437.

Pictures, suggesting peace ideals,
479.

Pierson, William Whatley, Jr., 51.

Platoon Schools of Calais, Maine,
261.

Plays (see Pageants).

Podiebard, 198.

Poems, list of, 543.

Poison gas, treaty, 175 f.; prohi-
bition of, 298; in modern war,
392 ff. (see Chemical warfare).

Polish school children, 19.

Political action for peace, 4, 9, 11 ;
by women, 119; by labor, 150;
in campaigns, 423.

Pomona College, 46.

Ponsonby, Arthur, quoted, 303,
305.

Population of world. 359 f. ; rela-
tion of, to war, 360; bibliogra-
phy on, 518.

Porter, Elliot, test by, 17.

Portugal, Constitution of, 257.

Poster campaigns, 483.

Potter, Pitman B., course by, 52,
464.

Prejudices, danger of and how to
overcome, 51, 68, 467 ff., 478, 494 ;
study courses, 497.

Preparedness for war, power to
undertake, under constitution,
309; in early history of country,
312 ff.; before and since World
War, 314 f. ; change in program
under National Defense Act,
317 ff.; military training as part
of program, 318 ff.; industry's
part in, 328 f.; obtaining public

INDEX

587

support for, 329 f.; part played
by motion pictures, 331 ; enlist-
ment of women's interest, 131 ;
effect of, on traditions of demo-
cratic government, 332; possibil-
ity of obtaining security through
enlarged preparedness program,
333; plans for use of chemigtls,
flame, and disease germs' in
"next" war, 392 ff.; books on,
529 (see industry, and military
training).

Presbyterian Church, General As-
sembly of, 97.

Press, 437-441 ; work for peace
through, 437 f.; publicity mate-
rial, 437 ; prizes offered, 438 ; ad-
vertisements for peace, 438;
country papers, 438; relation of,
to development of better inter-
national understanding, 438-441 ;
travel fellowships for journalists,
440 f.; charged with bellicosity,
441 ; books on, 538 f .

Press Congress of the World, 439.

Press Experts, Conference of, 439.

Principia, school, 61.

Prizes, 45, 484, 505.

Programs, school, 57 ff., 474 f.;
church, 424; Sunday schools,
425 f.; women's clubs, 428 f. ;
young people's, 429 f. ; Armistice
Day, 424, 482; Lincoln's Birth-
day, 485; Washington's Birth-
day, 485 f.; Goodwill Day, 424,
486 ff.; Memorial Day, 489 f.;
Independence Day, 490 ff.; In-
ternational Flag Day, 492 f.;
Columbus Day, 493 f.; Christ-
mas, 424, 494 ; flags for, 481 ; lan-
tern slides for, 481 ; candle-
lighting ceremony, 487.

Progressive Education Association,
28.

Projects, for school classes, 475.

Protestant Episcopal Church, Con-
vention of the, 93.

Protocol for Pacific Settlement,
261, 263.

Public International Unions (see
chapter "International Coopera-
tion," 277-285).

Public meetings, 420 ff.; fliers, for,

423.
Public opinion and the peace

movement, 5, 10, 11, 12, 206.

231 f ., 240, 267, 276 ; books on,

521.
Putney, Albert H., 373 ff.

Quaker principles, 101, 302, 305

(see Friends).
Quinn, John R., quoted, 167 f .
Quotations, books of, 545.

Racial problems, 358 ff.; race sta-
tistics, 360; courses on, 457 f.,
497, 503; books on, 532 (see
chapter on "World Population
and Immigration").

Radio, international organization,
446; work for peace through,
446; programs, 447; radio teas,
447.

Raw materials, government con-
trol of, 135-136 (see Economic
interdependence, and chapter on
"Imperialism") .

Recitations, books of, 545.

"Reconciliation Trips," 488.

Red Cross, American, preparations
for protection against gas at-
tacks, 396 (see Junior).

Redfield, William C, quoted, 125.

Reformed Church in the United
States of America, Eastern
Synod of, 97.

Reinsch, Paul, "Public Interna-
tional Unions," quoted, 164, 277,
285.

Religious Education Association,
427.

"Remember Again" (poem), 181.

Reparations, 387-390, 211; bibli-
ographies on, 518; books on,
528.

Repudiated state debts, 251.

Reserve Officers' Association, 330 f.

Reserve Officers' Training Corps,
318 ff.

R. O. T. C, 321-324.

Revisionist theory, books on. 533.

Rhoades, Mrs. Theodora, 449.

588

INDEX

Riverside Council, California, 452.

Robinson, James Harvey, quoted,
47.

Rock Springs Lyons Club, 487.

Roosevelt, Theodore, quoted on,
arbitration treaties, 248, 250 f.;
Monroe Doctrine, 336. 337; in-
tervention, 376; Pacific region,
460.

Root, Elihu, 221, 270; quoted,
212.

Root Treaties, 249.

Rotary International, 140 f.

Rowe, Leo S., quoted, 493.

Rural groups, work for peace
through, 436.

Rush, Richard, 286.

Rush-Bagot Treaty, 288.

Saint Pierre, 198.

Saleeby, Caleb W., quoted, 404.

Salter, Sir Arthur, quoted, 6.

Salvador, 350.

Santiago, Treaty of, 256.

Santo Domingo, 336, 346, 377;
books on, 527.

Saturday Evening Post, quoted,
10, 146.

Sayre, Francis B., 326.

Senate, resolutions supporting
methods of pacific settlement,
244, 246; reservations to arbi-
tration treaties, 249 ff.; insist-
ence upon constitutional power,
250; reservations to World
Court, 224 ff.

Schools, what schools are doing,
57-63; work for peace through,
449-478; suggestions for class-
work in history, geography, art,
athletics, botany, civics, current
events, domestic science, Eng-
lish, debates, foreign languages,
hygiene, mathematics, music, sci-
ence, 454-472; projects, 473;
school programs, 474; material
for teachers, where to obtain,
451 (see Education and Peace).

School World Friendship League,
59.

Schreiner, Olive, quoted, 120.

Science, 472.

Scientific attitude of mind, 472.

Scott, James Brown, quoted, 217 f .,
275.

Seabury, prizes, 45, 452, 505.

Security, 233, 261, 299.

Service Civile. 434.

Seventh Day Baptist Church, Gen-
eral Conference of, 98.

SeWall, Mrs. May Wright, 110.

Shotwell, James T., 259.

Smith College, 53.

Smith, H. L., suggestions for
teachers, 43.

Smith, J. Russell, 457.

Social Research, 47.

Social Studies, 34 (see civics, his-
tory, etc.).

Soldiers and Peace (see War vet-
erans and peace).

Songs, 471 ; books of, 545, 553.

South Philadelphia High School
for Girls, 60.

Southern California, University of,
50.

Sportsmanship Brotherhood, 432.

Stanford University, International
Club, 56.

Stresemann, quoted, 210 f.

Student Conference on Limitation
of Armaments, 190.

Study courses, 496 (see also dis-
cussion courses, 494; and read-
ing courses, 504).

Summer camps, 430, 433.

Summer schools, 423.

Sunday schools, 425, 426.

Suttner, Baroness Bertha von, 111.

Syracuse University, 52, 57.

Taft, quoted, 249.

Taf t Treaties, 249 f .

Tariffs, action on, by World Eco-
nomic Conference, 132 ff.; action
on by International Chamber of
Commerce, 133; United States
attitude toward, 133 f.; bankers'
manifesto, 134; free trade be-
tween states of United States,
135 f.; bibliographies on, 518;
books on, 521.

Tavenner, Clyde H., quoted, 138-
139.

INDEX

589

Tests of attitudes on international
problems, 16 ff .

Textbooks, studies of, 20 ff . ; World
Federation of Education Asso-
ciations Committee on, 248; res-
olution on, 25; in Japan, 29;
resolution by French teachers,
29 f.; in England, 30; resolution
on by United Farmers of Al-
berta, 161 f.; resolutions by
American Legion, 174.

Theosophical Society, 103.

Thomas, Dr. Augustus 0., 23;
quoted, 34, 77.

Tigert, John J., quoted, 34, 35.

Trades and Labor Congress of
Canada, 150.

Traffic in arms, 296 f.

Treaties, Kellogg Multilateral
Treaty for the Renunciation of
War, 234 ff.; Jay Treaty, 242;
of Ghent, 242; treaty-making
power of U. S. Government,
footnote, 246; Root, 249; Taft,
249; Bryan, 254 f.; of concilia-
tion, 259 f. ; arbitration, concili-
ation and disarmament, 261 ; Lo-
carno, 262; for pacific settlement,
261, 263; not "supreme law,"
363.

"Truce of God," 74.

Trueblood, Benjamin F., 241 f.

Union of American Hebrew Con-
gregations, 86-87.

LTnited Farmers of Alberta, 161.

United States Bureau of Educa-
tion, 34, 41.

United States and World Peace,
efforts of Founders to promote,
7ff., 199 ff., 242 ff.; education
and peace, 33 ff.; World Court
proposals, 218 ff.; outlawry of
war proposal, 239; promotion of
arbitration, 242 ff.; with Latin
America, 257; with Canada, 282,
286; Washington Conference on
Limitation of Armaments, 290;
policy of, 314, 315 f.; study
courses on, 495, 499; books on,
525, 535.

Universal Postal Union, 279 f.

Universal Religious Peace Confer-
ence, 78.

Universalist General Convention,
98.

University Afloat, 40.

University Institute of Higher In-
ternational Studies in Geneva,
39.

Vacation Bible Schools, 425.

Venezuela, Constitution of, 257.

Vermont, legislature, resolution of,
243.

Versailles, Treaty of, protest of
women against, 113; attitude of
Germans toward, 170, 211; and
League of Nations, 211; provi-
sions for disarmament of Ger-
many, 289.

Wales, radio message of children
of, 489; course in history, 45.

Walter Hines Page School of In-
ternational Relations, 48.

War, profits, 298; character of
modern, 122, 180, 181, 391-400
property losses in next, 399
cost of, 401-412; in money, 402
in lives, 403; to the race, 404 f.
in health, 407; in character
407 f . ; in constructive work, 408
in taxes, 409; in social progress
412; and human nature, 3, 4
19 f ., 456, 534 ; not always ex-
isted, 456; teaching history of,
456 ff.; bibliographies on, 519;
books on, 529, 530, 534.

Wrar Debts (see Foreign Debt,
World War).

War-making Power in the U. S.
Government, 309; executive as-
sumption of, 373-379; books on,
525, 526.
War to end war," 166-168.

War Veterans and Peace, 166-182;
purpose in World War, 166 ff.;
international organization for
peace, 168 ff.; peace resolutions
of American Legion, 172 ff.; res-
olution on education, 173; reso-
lution on press, 174; resolution

u

590

INDEX

on military training, 175; re-
sponsibility of American Legion
in present effort to abolish war,
176; soldiers' special contribu-
tion to peace movement, 179.

Washington Conference on the
Limitation of Armaments, 113,
190, 290 ff.

Washington, George, quoted, 8,
313, 344; programs for Birth-
day, 485.

Washington Naval Treaty, 290.

Washington, University of, 50.

Watkins, Arthur Charles, 454.

Watson, Goodwin B., tests by, 18.

Wells, H. G., quoted, 121, 397, 507.

Wentworth, Lydia G., 506.

Wesleyan University, 52.

West, Roscoe L., 464.

West Virginia, schools, 62.

Weyl, Mrs. Carrie S., 447.

Wickersham, George W., 271, 273;
quoted, 229.

Willard, Frances E., 111.

William and Mary, College of, 53.

Williams, Mary WiUielmine, 457.

Williamstown Institute of Politics,
422.

Wilson, Mrs. Alice, 57.

Wilson, Woodrow, 200, 202; quoted,
on necessity for peace, 6; on
labor standards, 145 f . ; reduction
of armaments called for in Four-
teen Points, 289.

Wirt, Lincoln, 424.

Wisconsin, University of, 52, 320.

Wise, James Waterman, quoted,
189, 190.

Wise, Stephen S., 326.

Woman's Boards of Foreign Mis-
sions of North America, Federa-
tion of, 116.

Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, National, 111.

Woman's Home Companion,
quoted, 123.

Woman's Missionary Union of
Friends in America, 114.

Woman's Peace Party, lllff.

Women, and Peace, 106-123; state-
ments of psychologists, 107 ff.;
organized effort for peace, 110 ff.;

political activities for peace.
119 f. ; peace movement and
woman's movement, 120 ff.; ef-
fect of war propaganda on, 121;
in a "next" war, 120, 406.

Women's Clubs, work for peace
through, 428 f.

Women's Committee for World
Disarmament, 113.

Women's Council for Promotion
of Peace, 429.

Women's International League for
Peace and Freedom, 112-113,
114, 119-120, 353, 423; Pennsyl-
vania Branch, 421.

Women's Peace Society, 114, 302.

Women's Peace Union, 114; con-
stitutional amendment to pre-
vent war, 115, 302.

Women's World Court Committee,
115.

Wood, Richard R., quoted, 307.

Woodbury High School, program,

5U.

Woodcraft League of America,
432.

Woods, Erville B., quoted, 144.

Woolf, Leonard S., quoted, 280.

Woolley, Mary E., 326.

World Agricultural Society, 163.

World Alliance for International
Friendship Through the
Churches, 78, 84-85.

World Christian Endeavor Society,
427.

World Court, 217-230; organisation
of, 220 ff.; protocol of, 221; Stat-
ute of, 221; decisions of, 222 f.;
method of electing judges, 222;
sessions, 222; optional clause,
223 ; reservations to U. S. resolu-
tion of adherence, 224 ff.; ad-
visory opinions, 229; Gillett
Resolution, 230; study courses
on, 502; bibliographies on, 519;
books on, 523.

World Economic Conference, 127,
130-133, 159, 164.

World Federation of Education
Associations, 21, 23-26, 43, 46.

World League of International
Education Associations, 58.

INDEX

591

World Population, 358 ff.

World Population Conference,
358.

World Student Christian Federa-
tion, 187, 191-192.

World Union of Women, 110.

World Unity, quoted, 78.

World Unity, 65, 455; bibliogra-
phies on, 519; books on, 520.

World War Foreign Debt Com-
mission, 380.

World War Guilt, 170, 211; books
on, 533.

World-Y tours, 430.

World Youth Peace Congress, 184.

Young, Owen D., quoted, 49, 133.
Young Men's Christian Associa-
tion, 430, 432.
Young Women's Christian Asso-

ciation, National Board of, 115,
116; activities of, 424, 430.

Youth Peace Contest, 433.

Young People's Societies, 427.

Young people and peace, 183-194;
attitude on international prob-
lems, 16 ff. ; experience in war,
183, 185 f. ; international organi-
zation, 184; effect on European
youth, 188-190; in American
Universities, 190 f.; religious
groups, 191 f . ; hope of older
generation in, 193 f. ; peace work
in organizations of young people,
429-436; vote on participation in
war, 191 f . ; study courses on,
496; bibliographies on, 519;
books on, 539.

Zimmern, Alfred E., quoted, 38.