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Coptbioht, 1928, 

Set up and printed. 
Published October, 1928. 





"History is the record of the mitigation and decline of 
war, though the slow decline. For ages the human race has 
gone on under the tyranny of this first brutish form of their 
effort to be men, for ages showed so much of the nature of 
the lower animals , the tiger and the shark. But the eternal 
germination of the better has unfolded new powers, new 
instincts. The sublime question has startled one and 
another happy soul in different quarters of the globe — Can- 
not love be, as well as hate? Cannot peace be, as well as 
war? This thought has now become so distinct as to be a 
social thought. This having come, much more will follow. 
Revolutions go not backward. 

"So it is not a great matter how long men refuse to 
believe the advent of peace; war is on its last legs; and a 
universal peace is as sure as is the prevalence of civilization 
over barbarism, of liberal governments over feudal forms. 
The question for us is only, how soon?" — Emerson. 


The peace movement is a worldwide movement, effec- 
tively organized in many countries. In each it has its 
special problems and special methods of work. This 
handbook is an attempt to collect suggestions and mate- 
rial which will be of use to American peace workers, par- 
ticularly to those who are out of touch with national or- 
ganizations and in communities where research work is 
difficult. No one can be more keenly aware than the com- 
piler of such a book of its incompleteness and of the op- 
portunities for error in it. But only by an attempt at a 
general survey can an idea be given of the scope and re- 
sources of the peace movement, of the many opportuni- 
ties for participation in it, and of the number and com- 
plexity of the problems involved in establishing peace 
with the consequent pressing need for intensive work and 
for effective organization. 

Indebtedness to publishers, organizations and authors 
is so obvious that acknowledgment seems almost superflu- 
ous, but gratitude for favors granted by many individu- 
als must be expressed. Special thanks are due Miss Lucy 
Swanton for her help in connection with the chapter on 
Young People and World Peace; to Miss Sybil Jane 
Moore, Mr. Joseph H. Baird, and Mr. Mark Eccles for 
special research, and to Mr. Joseph Hutchinson Smith 
for work on the bibliographies. The book as a whole has 
been made possible because of the information and mate- 
rial on the peace movement which, through the co- 
operation of people in all parts of the country, has stead- 
ily accumulated in the offices of the National Council for 
Prevention of War during the seven years of its existence. 

• • 



Foreword vii 




I. Focusing the Demand for Peace .... 3 


II. Education and Peace 15 

III. The Church and Peace 71 

IV. Women and Peace 106 

V. Commerce and Peace 124 

VI. Labor and Peace 143 

VII. Farmers and Peace 157 

VIII. War Veterans and Peace 166 

IX. Young People and Peace 183 



X. The League of Nations and International 

Labor Organization 197 

XI. The World Court 217 

XII. The Outlawry of War and the Kellogg 

Treaty 231 

XIII. Arbitration of International Disputes . . 241 

XHV. International Law 265 




XV. International Cooperation 277 

XVI. International Reduction of Armaments . 286 

XVII. Pacifism and the Absolute Pacifist Position 299 

XVIII. The Military Policy of the United States 

Past and Present 309 

XIX. The Monroe Doctrine 334 

XX. Imperialism 342 

XXI. World Population and the Immigration 

Policy of the United States .... 358 

XXII. The War-making Power in the United 

States Government 373 

XXIII. War Debts and Reparations 380 

XXIV. What War Is 391 

XXV. What War Costs 401 



XXVI. What You Can Do for Peace 415 

List of Organizations Working for Peace . 509 

Bibliography 514 

Covenant of the League of Nations . . 557 
Text of the Multilateral Treaty for the 
Renunciation of War 574 

Index 575 




The peace movement has apparently escaped from the 
red-herring theory that human nature is what needs to 
be changed and has definitely turned its attention upon 
governments as the agency responsible for war. In 
monarchical days it was well understood that it was 
kings who made the wars, and early pleas for peace were 
addressed directly to them. Under democracy it has been 
hard to place responsibility for war upon the government 
as something apart from the people. The World War, 
however, clearly revealed that there is a distinction be- 
tween those who control the government and the people 
as a whole — a distinction which has, perhaps, never been 
more definitely stated than by Alanson B. Houghton, 
United States Ambassador to Great Britain, in a speech 
which he made before the Harvard Alumni in June, 1927 : 

"War does not originate from time to time simply in a sud- 
den and uncontrollable impulse on the part of one great 
national mass to go out and slaughter another. War is pos- 
sible, no doubt, because these masses are willing, under 
conditions, to fight, but these conditions are themselves an 
integral part of the problem. Before a war is conceivable 
there must be an issue. And that issue, broadly speaking, is 
the outcome of a series of maneuvers by which the masses 
concerned are brought into positions of opposition. Obviously, 
this maneuvering is not done by the masses themselves. 



Collectively and as individuals they have little, if anything, 
to do with the subtle and gradual shifting of international 
relationships. Their interests are directed to the more humble 
and prosaic task of earning a living. The maneuvering is 
done by little groups of men called governments. These 
little groups seek constantly and naturally to gain supposed 
advantages of one sort and another for their own nationals. 
Out of their efforts to enlarge or to strengthen or to main- 
tain the interests entrusted to their charge, the masses they 
represent are gradually maneuvered into positions which, to 
say the least, cannot easily be surrendered. If the process 
continues, sooner or later a situation arises in which an agree- 
ment between these small groups becomes impossible. Then, 
on the ground that their lives and families and property are 
somehow involved and endangered, these great masses of men 
and women, roused by every power of organized appeal and 
propaganda, are ordered under arms, and war follows. The 
entire process is in control of the smaller groups. They make 
the issue. They declare the war. . . . And the very men 
through whose instrumentality, consciously or unconsciously, 
this dreadful catastrophe has been brought about, explain it 
on the ground that, human nature being what it is, any other 
determination was impossible." 

Once it is recognized that governments are the deter- 
mining agency in issues of peace and war, it becomes 
obvious that the peace movement can achieve results 
only through political action. It has been slow to act 
politically not alone for the reason suggested above, but 
because, so far as support of a plan for the prevention of 
war goes, it has not been a united movement. Work in 
many different directions is needed to organize the world 
on a peace basis, and there are various methods for the 
peaceful settlement of international disputes, applicable 
to different situations. This being true, the peace 
movement can never have sufficient unity for effective 
political action if it conceives its function to be the pro- 



posal of a single peace plan. But it begins to conceive 
the part which it is to play in the establishment of peaoe 
rather differently. Social and economic forces quite 
outside the peace movement, which have been developing 
through the centuries, are converging to eliminate war. 
Peace is inevitable. The function of the peace movement 
is to protect the immediate future against war, to save 
the world the sacrifice of another generation to an out- 
grown custom, by building up a public opinion which 
will hasten this development by requiring governments 
to concentrate their attention upon the peace problem 
before all others. 

Activities during the last year, notably the negotiation 
of a treaty renouncing war, indicate that governments 
are becoming increasingly aware of the demand of the 
people for peace. Public opinion should support every 
effort put forth looking toward peace, should make each 
such effort an opportunity for greater concentration of 
public attention upon the problem in general, should use 
each gain as a point of leverage for further advance, and 
should seek to close the gap between the principles to 
which governments give verbal adherence and their daily 
practice in the conduct of international affairs. 

Already the peace forces in England and the United 
States, and in other countries as well, have learned to 
unite in times of crisis to demand as international disputes 
arise that governments find some way other than war to 
adjust them. In England they averted war with Russia 
and later with China. In this country measures that 
carried the threat of war have been successfully opposed, 
for example, in the modification of the governments 
policy toward Mexico and in the defeat of the big navy 
program which encouraged naval competition. United 
action in emergencies, however, is not enough, for issues 
of peace and war are determined by gradually developed 


policies. Ways must be found to focus the common de- 
mand for peace, day in and day out, upon men in con- 
trol of government policies in order that as every signifi- 
cant decision is made, its effect upon the vitally impor- 
tant problem of the protection of the nation against the 
waste and interruption of war shall be taken into con- 

"Most governments," according to Sir Arthur Salter, British 
economic expert, "will temper their action by considering any 
imminent risk of war which it may involve. What is neces- 
sary — and this is much more difficult — is that they shall delib- 
erately guide their policy by considering whether it is likely 
ultimately to increase or diminish the world tendencies that 
make for peace." 

Collier's in its issue of September 8, 1923, stated the 
situation bluntly: 

"War is purely and entirely a governmental industry. . . . 
Peace also is a governmental product. The fact to get into 
your head is that every government day by day is either 
manufacturing peace or else manufacturing war." 

To urge consideration of all questions from the point 
of view of peace is not to make it the chief end of govern- 
ment. Peace is merely the minimum. Only if interna- 
tional peace is established can the pressing problems of 
modern national life be solved. Woodrow Wilson once 

"I call you to witness that our civilization is not satisfac- 
tory. It is an industrial civilization, and at the heart of it 
is an antagonism between those who labor with their hands 
and those who direct labor. You cannot compose those dif- 
ferences in the midst of war, and you cannot advance civiliza- 
tion unless you have a peace of which you make the fullest 
use in bringing these elements of civilization together into a 


common partnership. We have got to have leisure and free- 
dom of mind to settle these things." 

A statement in the Japan Chronicle may be taken as a 
further sign of the thought of responsible leaders on this 
question. Meeting an argument that the renunciation of 
war at present would mean the establishment of a status 
quo very favorable to the Anglo-Saxon races, it said : 

"It is doubtful, even if we succeeded in destroying the status 
quo by force, whether the world re-created in that way would 
make a society more agreeable to the sense of justice. The 
fact is that peace and justice are very delicately interlocked. 
... In order to establish order based on justice in interna- 
tional society, it is essential to have security for peace as 
foundation work. International justice can be made sure only 
on the basis of consolidated order and in a society where 
brute force does not stalk about as the final arbiter but social 
relations are regulated by human wisdom and virtue. Even 
the development of domestic law has been a perpetual rational 
war for justice on peaceful foundations. International law 
and order must also develop in the same way." 

The peace movement has, therefore, a second purpose. 
It must look beyond the abolition of war and prepare 
for the utilization of the opportunities a world at peace 
will offer for increased justice and happiness among men 
and for increased power through increased cooperation. 
Except as an opportunity, peace is meaningless. 

No single government can establish peace; interna- 
tional action is required. But besides controlling its own 
policies in the interest of peace, an individual government 
can initiate international action for peace. The founders 
of the government of the United States looked to it to 
do exactly this. Samuel Adams, writing for the General 
Assembly of Massachusetts, sent a letter to the delegates 
of that state in the first Congress in which he said: 


"You are hereby instructed and urged to move the United 
States in Congress assembled to take into their deep and 
most serious consideration whether any measures can by them 
be used, through their influence with such of the nations in 
Europe with whom they are united by treaties of amity or 
commerce, that national differences may be settled and de- 
termined without the necessity of war, in which the world has 
too. long been deluged, to the destruction of human happiness 
and the disgrace of human reason and government." 

Franklin sent a copy of the Constitution of the 
United States to friends in Europe with this message, "I 
send you enclos'd the propose new Federal Constitution 
for these States. If it succeeds, I do not see why you 
might not in Europe carry the Project of good Henry the 
4th into Execution, by forming a Federal Union and One 
Grand Republick of all its different States & Kingdoms ; 
by means of a like Convention ; for we had many Inter- 
ests to reconcile. ,, Washington told the first United 
States commission sent abroad to negotiate treaties of 
commerce that his "first wish" was to see "war banished 
from the earth," and he was responsible as President for 
the first arbitration treaty in modern history. 

The form of government set up in the United States, 
"a cooperative sovereignty," with a court representing 
this joint sovereignty, set an example for the peaceful 
organization of the world. This country continued to 
lead in the development of arbitration ; in its early years 
it took the initiative in the establishment of the first 
unarmed boundary, between Canada and the United 
States; later it laid before the other nations plans for an 
international court which resulted in the Hague Tribunal; 
it established new precedents in international relations 
by returning the Chinese Boxer Indemnity and by with- 
drawing from Cuba; more recently it has been largely 
responsible for the establishment of the League of Na- 


tions and for the organization of the World Court, and it 
was the first to make official proposals for the outlawry 
of war. 

It is obvious that in calling upon their government to 
bend its energies to establishing peace, until the whole 
complicated problem is solved and international peace 
assured, Americans today are not asking it to take up a 
new idea or to support a principle foreign to its traditions. 
No more are they asking it to do something which other 
governments are not being called upon to do. In England 
the Liberal Party has issued a manifesto expressing its 
support of arbitration treaties, reduction of armaments 
and the codification of international law. The position 
of the British Labor Party is w r ell known, and the follow r - 
ing amendment w T hich it recently proposed to the Air 
Estimate Bill received 116 votes in Parliament: 

"In view of the peril to civilization in air warfare, this 
House regrets that His Majesty's Government did not advo- 
cate bolder proposals for aerial disarmament at the meeting 
of the Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Confer- 
ence at Geneva, and urges them to take the initiative in 
putting forward a programme containing the abolition of 
militarv and naval air forces and the establishment of the 
international control of civil aviation." 

In the treaties of Locarno, France and Germany by 
mutual concession have made one of the greatest contri- 
butions possible to the peace of the world. In every 
important country today an organized peace movement 
is demanding a solution of the peace problem and is be- 
ginning to judge government officials according to their 
efforts in this direction. 

The chart which accompanies this chapter indicates 
the channels through which a public opinion sufficiently 
well informed to be articulate can be built up, and the 


channels through which that opinion can be effectively 
focused upon the men who control government policies. 
But all charts are too simple. Public opinion not only- 
leads to government action, but government action, if by- 
no more than the expression of official opinion, should 
be called upon to play its part in forming public opinion. 
In its issue of October 6, 1923, the Saturday Evening 
Post printed this remarkable editorial: 

"Perhaps war is inevitable. It is rapidly being made so, 
but only because those whose duty it is to make it impossible 
are leading the world towards it through the stupidity of 
their policies. To cover insensate ambition, or greed, or blun- 
dering it is always possible, temporarily at least, to inflame 
the minds of the people, to make them believe that their lands 
and lives are in danger from a nation that they have been 
taught to hate; and then to lead them on to violent action. 
But it would be just as easy by the same methods to teach 
tolerance and goodwill for a neighbor. Then when disputes 
arose the people could be led to an international court instead 
of to a battlefield. 

". . . What then shall we say of those leaders who play 
on the emotions of their people to their undoing? If they 
would iterate, and the parrots would reiterate, that war is 
unthinkable; that international as well as national differences 
can be settled without bloodshed, we should be in a fair way 
to get rid of all this stuff and nonsense about the 'inevitabil- 
ity of war.' " 

• When governments accept the secure establishment of 
peace as their first duty and undertake it wholeheartedly 
instead of with the hesitancy they now show in peace pro- 
posals, they will be quick to exercise their power to create 
a supporting public opinion. In the meantime, public 
opinion must precede government action. The only basis 
on which to build up an active and enduring public opin- 
ion is facts. The chief facts of the modern world call for 




la England 40 organizations 

art working for peace 
In France 26 
In Germany 23 
In Japan 18 


43 gov'ts have adopted 88 
treaties admitting all kinds of 
disputes to arbitration. 27 
nations have given the World 
Court compulsory jurisdiction 
over legal disputes. 


of the 





Throuqh the Press 

Through Public Meetings 

Through Celebration of Peace Days 

By Individuals ) Letter* 

l Interviews 
I Telegrams 
DV GrOUDS i Resolutions 

( Deputations 











peace. These must be made known, and made known 
not in general terms but in terms which will bring them 
home to every group of citizens as something closely af- 
fecting their special interests. The public to be reached 
must be individualized. 

Under democratic government public opinion cannot 
fail ultimately to result in government action, but that 
it may so result without unnecessary delay, it must be 
directed and focused upon the controlling points 
in the political organization, not only upon government 
officials, but upon candidates for office, upon party con- 
ventions, and upon the men who determine party plat- 

One advantage has already been gained when govern- 
ments are substituted for human nature as the agency 
responsible for war; no one doubts the possibility of 
changing government policies. A free country is one in 
which "public opinion can be easily translated into gov- 
ernment action." 





The difficulty with which educators today find them- 
selves confronted might be compared to that of men and 
womeji who have grown up in a pioneer community and 
who, as it ceases to be the frontier and becomes an organ- 
ized town, are called upon to train their young for a 
kind of life they themselves have not experienced. Man- 
kind's pioneer days of exploring the earth and settling 
it are over. An organized world community is rapidly 
developing. The question is, Can the present generation 
train the one that is growing up for the kind of world 
that lies ahead of it? 

The problem is not one of "education for peace," but 
of education for a way of life in harmony with new con- 
ditions. The individual's environment reaches today 
around the earth. Science has brought all parts of the 
world within his easy reach, and so interwoven its rela- 
tionships that nothing anywhere is wholly remote or 
foreign to him. 

What facts does he need to know and with what atti- 
tude ought he to approach life if he is to live success- 
fully in such an environment? How is he to be given a 
knowledge of the facts and helped to acquire the attitude 
he needs? In every nation educators are trying to answer 

these questions. 

The account in this chapter of what is already being 
accomplished has been made detailed and concrete in 



order that, although much of it may not be of interest 
to the general reader, its practical value to the teacher 
may be as great as possible. For the same reason, the 
chapter has been divided into sections dealing with inter- 
national and national educational organizations, with 
schools of an international character, with the training 
of teachers, with academic and extra academic work in 
the universities, and with work in the elementary schools. 
It is encouraging to remember that the activities 
described in this outline are merely examples of many 
methods for cultivating international understanding and 
goodwill that are being tried out today in the schools 
and colleges of the country. Clearly there exists an 
enlightened determination to win the race between edu- 
cation and catastrophe in which, according to H. G. 
Wells, we are engaged. 

Studies in Attitude 

In order that it may be known what attitude toward 
world problems is being cultivated in students by the 
present methods of education, several illuminating "stud- 
ies in attitudes" have been made. One of these, "A 
Study of International Attitudes of High School Stu- 
dents" by Dr. George Bradford Neumann, was published 
in 1926 by Teachers College of Columbia University. 
Tests were given to 110 high school students nearing 
graduation. Among the twelve subjects on which the 
tests were based were racialism, nationalism, imperialism, 
militarism and humanitarianism. The responses of the 
students showed a strong tendency toward nationalism, 
fear for the welfare of their own nation and suspicion of 
other nations ; a tendency away from imperialism with a 
conviction in favor of self-determination for weaker na- 
tions; and a general tendency in favor of military pre- 
paredness which, however, it was held should not be al- 


lowed to interfere with the ideals of the nation. Although 
the students showed strong humanitarian tendencies, 
when they faced a conflict between their concern for hu- 
manity and for their nation, their nationalism tended to 
lower their humanitarian impulses to within the area of 

Dr. Neumann says of the data resulting from his study: 

". . . it raises the serious question as to whether or not 
the international attitudes now being developed belong to a 
generation past or rapidly passing rather than to the genera- 
tion to which the students belong. . . . 

"But what are right attitudes? Certainly one answer is 
that they must be based upon facts so far as facts can be 
known rather than upon prejudices contrary to facts. The 
data resulting from this study show certain tendencies which 
appear to be based upon prejudices and therefore call for 
correction. . . . 

"The tendency of each generation is to impose its own 
values on the succeeding generation, but if the new genera- 
tion's needs differ from the old, can the old values adequately 
meet the new needs of the new generation? In international 
relations is the present generation right in inculcating atti- 
tudes based upon the old values of the present generation? 
Is there not rather a demand that the new generation be 
helped to discover ways and means of determining its own 
values to meet its own needs?" 

An investigation of "Student Opinion on War" was 
carried on in 1925 and 1926 by Mr. Elliot Porter in con- 
nection with postgraduate work in the University of Chi- 
cago. One hundred and fifty statements about war and 
peace to be marked "certainly right," "probably right," 
"doubtful," "probably wrong," "certainly wrong," were 
sent to over a thousand students in eighteen colleges. 
The results showed in general that students "recognize 
the economic roots of war, vote fairly pacifist on abstract 


statements regarding preparedness, and have largely re- 
vised their ideas regarding responsibility for the recent 
war. . . . Most students agreed with all but the most 
extreme statements regarding the results of war. Scarcely 
any revealed a consistently romantic attitude toward it. 
Save a few pessimists, students voted in favor of all but 
the most extreme proposals to eliminate war. Surpris- 
ingly little pronounced nationalism appeared." A vote 
on the statement "My country right or wrong" was "cer- 
tainly right," 186; "probably right," 128; "doubtful," 
151; "probably wrong," 148; "certainly wrong," 387. 
Over 92% preferred the version "My country when right 
to be kept right, when wrong to be put right." 

"The Measurement of Fair-Mindedness," by Professor 
Goodwin B. Watson, was published by Teachers College 
in 1925. Professor Watson has worked out methods of 
testing a student's "fair-open-scientific-mindedness." Of 
the need of such tests he says: 

"There seems to be clear evidence that there is a need and 
demand for a type of education which shall bring about prog- 
ress towards fair-mindedness. Such progress is at best uncer- 
tain until some instrument can be constructed which will 
measure the degree to which fair-mindedness, or freedom from 
bias, has been achieved." 

The earliest study made in this field was conducted 
by James C. Manry at the University of Iowa in 1923 
and published under the title "World Citizenship" in 
1927. Through a series of carefully tested question- 
naires submitted to freshman, sophomore, junior and 
senior classes of representative colleges and universities 
an attempt was made to answer two questions: To what 
extent are our institutions of higher learning bringing 
their students into effective contact with world affairs? 
What are the most practical lines of further advance in 


the development of world citizenship? The genera] 
conclusions drawn from the study as briefly stated by 
the author are: that colleges vary greatly in the degree 
to which they are promoting world-mindedness; orienta- 
tion courses and travel are shown to be important fac- 
tors influencing ability to score well on the test; the ex- 
change of teachers and the migration of students should 
be encouraged; an initiatory course for the purpose of 
enabling students to orientate themselves with reference 
to a world point of view should be offered in the early 
part of all college courses. Although the test revealed 
astonishing ignorance on the part of students it did not 
show any deep-seated prejudices or antipathies, and the 
author concludes: 

"Among American college students education does not have 
to combat age-old racial hatreds and animosities. The most 
common errors bear eloquent testimony that sheer ignorance, 
together with the democratic impulse to entertain opinions 
notwithstanding, is responsible for the most part for the purely 
emotional and verbal thinking about international affairs. 
This situation gives real ground for the hope that our col- 
leges and universities can do much if they will in the develop- 
ment of world citizenship." 

In the Journal of Educational Psychology for May, 
1928, a report is published of an "Experimental Investi- 
gation of the Reaction of the School Children of Poland 
to Enemy Occupation During the World War, Designed 
to Determine Why Children Hate." The investigation, 
unique of its kind, was made by Dr. Francisca Baumgar- 
ten, Polish psychologist, in the schools of her country dur- 
ing 1918. It was necessary at the time to bury the papers 
embodying the results of this investigation, and they 
have only recently been recovered and not yet fully pub- 
lished. In the article describing them, written by Dr. 


Daniel A. Prescott of Harvard University, the results of 
the investigation are declared to indicate that interna- 
tional or interracial hatred, so often said to be instinctive, 
a part of "human nature," and therefore impossible to 
change, is due rather to war experiences which teach hate 
and which, if not personal, are a part of social heredity 
and not of biological heredity. 

Studies of Textbooks 

A different approach to this problem of discovering 
what is actually being taught in the schools is to be seen 
in the various studies that are being made of school text- 

The most comprehensive study of history texts is that 
of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 
which includes a detailed study of the textbooks of 
France, England, Germany, Belgium, Italy and Bulgaria. 
In it an attempt was made to answer these questions: 
"In what spirit do school histories present to their young 
readers the events of the five tragic years of the World 
War? What lesson is learned from the manner in which 
they recount the facts and comment upon them? Will 
the generation which is growing up in the schools learn 
from these books the horror of war, a sense of justice, a 
belief that a new era has begun for humanity, bought 
by the very excess of its faults and sufferings, or will 
these histories prolong the reactions of the war and give 
the impression that men will never cease to prey upon 
each other, and so, without hope, must continue to pre- 
pare themselves for more terrible conflicts ?" The results 
of this study have so far been published only in French. 
They occupy two volumes and can be obtained through 
the Carnegie Endowment offices in New York City. 

The American Historical Association has appointed a 
committee, of which Prof. A. C. Krey of the University 


of Minnesota is chairman, to carry on a five-year study 
of the teaching of history and social studies in the schools 
of America. 

The Department of Political Science of the University 
of Chicago is conducting "a somewhat comprehensive 
study of comparative civic training — that is, of the meth- 
ods by which citizens are produced in a number of foreign 

The American Association of University Women is 
now making, through its state associations, a detailed 
survey of history textbooks used in the United States. 

The World Federation of Education Associations, 
through an international committee, plans a worldwide 
investigation of the present teaching of history and of 
history textbooks from the standpoint of international 
amity. According to the program adopted, the textbooks 
of each country will be examined by local committees 
and later compared in order to discover differences of 
statement and inaccuracies. The committee of the Amer- 
ican Association of University Women, referred to above, 
has been made a joint committee with the local com- 
mittee for the United States. 

The Association for Peace Education of Chicago has 
published a careful study made by educational experts, 
of history textbooks, under the title, "The War Emphasis 
in the Histories in our Elementary Schools, and its Im- 
press upon the Mind of the Child." 

A briefer study of the thirty textbooks most widely 
used in the schools of the United States in 1923 was pub- 
lished under the title, "War and Peace in U. S. History 
Textbooks" by the National Council for Prevention of 
War. This revealed that no one of the texts recognized 
the significance of the efforts in the history of this coun- 
try to promote peace. Discussions of William Penn's 
colony ignored its importance as an experiment in gov- 


eminent based not on force but on justice and goodwill. 
Eight of the texts did not mention the effort of the United 
States to promote arbitration. Less than one-half of 
the books gave any account of the Hague Conferences 
and none gave more than a few paragraphs to them. 
Nineteen of the histories made no mention of the Pan 
American Conferences, and only two gave any account 
of the Bryan Conciliation Treaties. While the labor 
movement and woman's movement were treated at least 
briefly in practically all the histories, only six took any 
cognizance of the peace movement and several of these 
disposed of it in a phrase or sentence. 

The International Committee on Intellectual Coop- 
eration of the League of Nations adopted in July, 1925, 
what is known as the Casares proposal, providing for a 
method of correcting misstatements in textbooks. The 
plan which is to be carried out through the National 
Committees on Intellectual Cooperation is as follows: 

(a) When a National Committee thinks it desirable that 
a foreign text concerning its country and intended for use in 
schools should be amended for the reasons indicated in the 
present resolution, it shall make a request to this effect to the 
National Committee of the country where the text is in use, 
at the same time submitting, if necessary, a draft emendation 
on the desired lines, together with a brief statement of the 

(b) National Committees on receiving a request of this 
kind, shall decide in the first instance whether the request 
should be accepted and shall then determine what representa- 
tions of a friendly and private nature, if any, should be made 
to the authors or publishers with a view to the proposed 

(c) All the National Committees will at the same time be 
requested to specify the publications most suitable for giving 
foreigners a knowledge of the history, civilization and present 
position of their country. 


What International Educational Organizations Are 


The extent of the interest of educators in the question 
of training their pupils as world citizens, as well as citi- 
zens of the country in w T hich they live, is strikingly evi- 
dent in the number and activities of the international 
organizations of teachers formed in most instances since 
the World War. 

Shortly following the close of the War, the National 
Education Association of the United States proposed an 
international conference of teachers which was held in 
San Francisco in 1923 and resulted in the formation of 
the World Federation of Education Associations. The 
purposes of the Federation, as stated in its articles of in- 
corporation, are: 

"to promote the cause of education and to elevate the char- 
acter of teaching throughout the world; to secure interna- 
tional cooperation in educational enterprises; to foster the 
dissemination of information concerning the progress of edu- 
cation in all its forms among nations and peoples; to advise 
and promote suitable and effective means to bring into closer 
coordination the various agencies in every civilized country 
which have to do with education; to cultivate international 
goodwill, and to promote the interests of worldwide peace." 

The Federation is under the management of a board of 
directors, the members of which are geographically dis- 
tributed, and of a board of trustees of from 15 to 21 per- 
sons, who direct the financial administration. Its presi- 
dent is Dr. Augustus 0. Thomas, Commissioner of 
Education for Maine. The conferences of the Federation 
are biennial. The first was held in Edinburgh in 1925, 
the second in Toronto in 1927, and the third will be held 
in Geneva in 1929, at the invitation of the International 
Bureau of Education. 


Full membership in the Federation is open to interna- 
tional and national educational organizations or associa- 
tions of persons directly connected with education, and 
organizations of educators in a country not possessing a 
nationwide organization ; also to delegates chosen by the 
associate representatives from individual universities and 
recognized institutions of higher learning of any country, 
who have the right to elect from among their number one 
delegate or more as may be provided in the by-laws ; and 
to the associate representatives from the individual edu- 
cation authorities of any country, who have the right to 
elect one delegate from among their number. Associate 
membership is open to individual institutions or associa- 
tions whose chief function is education, but which are in- 
eligible to full membership. Associate members have 
full right of discussion in open assembly, but have no 
right to vote in the delegate assembly. 

The organization of the World Federation, led Mr. 
Raphael Herman of Washington, D. C, to offer in 1923 
a prize of $25,000 for the best educational plan calcu- 
lated to promote world peace. Dr. David Starr Jordan, 
Chancellor Emeritus of Leland Stanford, Jr., University, 
was the author of the plan which received the award and 
which has been adopted by the World Federation as a 
program of work. Five "Herman-Jordan" Committees 
have been appointed to carry it out. They are in brief: 

Committee No. 1. A world committee on education for 
international understanding and peace to coordinate the work 
of educational groups in this field and cooperate with organi- 
zations working along similar lines in all parts of the world. 

Committee No. 2. A committee to investigate the present 
teaching of history and history textbooks, stressing the need 
that history, whether elementary or advanced, should be just 
and true so far as it goes; that it should not be perverted in 
the supposed interest of national honor or partisanship, and 


should promote patriotism built upon love of country rather 
than upon hatred of any people. 

Committee No. S. A committee to consider plans for pro- 
moting international understanding among students, espe- 
cially through international athletic sports, and games involv- 
ing cooperative action or team play as distinguished from 
individual competition; international correspondence among 
school children; the study of international civics; essay and 
oratorical contests; and exchange of students. 

Committee No. 4- A committee to investigate the current 
arguments for war as a cosmic necessity, and both sides of 
the question of military training in school and college. 

Committee No. 5. A committee to study the Hague Court 
and the present Permanent Court of International Justice, and 
the relation of these to world education; to determine, if pos- 
sible, what international activities of this nature should fur- 
nish material for instruction within the schools, and how to 
approach the subject in a fair-minded and open manner. 

At the first biennial meeting of the World Federation, 
which was held in Edinburgh in 1925, resolutions were 
adopted urging: 

The universal celebration of Goodwill Day; 

The teaching of "geography, history and training in citizen- 
ship, not only from a national point of view, but also from a 
modern sociological and international point of view;" 

The encouragement of "movements and committees which 
establish international contacts among school children through 
correspondence, exchange of school work and interchange of 

The preparation of "textbooks for elementary schools de- 
scriptive of child life in all lands and setting forth in brief 
and simple form the best each nation has achieved;" 

Special courses in teacher-training institutions and uni- 
versities to develop an international outlook; 

The development of plans for foreign travel and inter- 
change of teachers. 


At the second conference twenty-one associations were 
represented as full members, and twelve as associate 
members. Among the national organizations were the 
National Union of Teachers of England and Wales, the 
Japanese Education Association and the Bund Entschied- 
ener Schulreformer of Germany. The chief emphasis of 
the meeting was upon the development of international 
understanding. The Federation has recently begun the 
publication of a monthly bulletin through the office of the 
Secretary, Mr. Charles Williams, at Columbia, Missouri. 

The International Bureau of Education, which has 
headquarters in Geneva, was founded by the Jean Jacques 
Rousseau Institute in 1926 "to develop international rela- 
tions in the teaching profession by establishing a link be- 
tween teachers of all nations, and thus to assist in the 
advancement of education in general." The activities of 
the Bureau, which is under the direction of Professor 
Pierre Bovet ; fall under three heads: information, scien- 
tific research, and coordination of organization activities. 
The Bureau, which is managed by a Council consisting 
of seventeen members representing nine nationalities, co- 
operates in the organization of international conferences 
on education, and was responsible for the international 
conference held at Prague in April, 1927, on "What the 
Schools Can Do for Peace." The resolutions adopted at 
this conference included recommendations for the devel- 
opment of contacts between students of all nations 
through correspondence, voyages and international 
camps, and for the development in all branches of edu- 
cation of better international understanding. The Inter- 
national Bureau, which has recently taken over the work 
of the Bureau of Moral Education of which the headquar- 
ters were at The Hague, is affiliated with the World Fed- 
eration of Education Associations. It issues a quarterly 
bulletin and valuable reports, bibliographies and other 


publications. Individuals may belong to the Bureau and 
receive its publications by paying an annual fee of $5.00. 

The International Federation of Associations of Teach- 
ers also was formed in 1926 when representatives of the 
General Association of German Teachers, with a member- 
ship of 150,000, met with representatives of the National 
Association of French Teachers, which has 78,000 mem- 
bers, and agreed to unite for two purposes: collaboration 
in the solution of professional problems and cooperation 
in the promotion of peace. A few months later, the Na- 
tional Union of Teachers in England with 121,000 mem- 
bers and similar organizations in Holland, Bulgaria, Swe- 
den, Czechoslovakia, Switzerland and Latvia joined the 

The International Federation differs from the World 
Federation of Education Associations in that it admits to 
membership only teachers and aims to limit its program 
somewhat more definitely in order to become immediately 
"a center of action." It affirms in the statement of its 
program that the necessary fundamental condition of a 
durable peace is an education for the children of all coun- 
tries designed to create mutual understanding. It has 
established headquarters at the International Institute 
of Intellectual Cooperation at Paris. It is collecting in- 
formation concerning the schools of all countries; devel- 
oping a system of exchange of teachers, of pupils and of 
publications, and arranges international tours and ex- 
change visits. It has begun the publication of a periodi- 
cal in German, English and French, through which it 
hopes to coordinate activities carried on simultaneously 
in the various countries for the promotion of interna- 
tional goodwill. 

The New Education Fellowship was established in 
1921. Its fourth international conference in Locarno in 
August, 1927, was attended by 1,200 educational leaders 


from 42 countries, including 130 delegates from the 
United States. The Fellowship opposes "the old spirit 
of rule by force, of competition, of fear — engendering 
hate and war — and promotes the new spirit of coopera- 
tion, unity, psychological freedom, engendering love and 
a brotherhood of nations." Membership in the Fellow- 
ship may be held by individuals, and entitles them to in- 
formation and advice as well as to the three official 
magazines published, one in England, one in France, and 
one in Germany. The address of the organization is 11 
Tavistock Square, London, W. C. 1, England. 

The Progressive Education Association, which was or- 
ganized in 1919, has members in thirty-five countries. Its 
educational principles are similar to those of the New 
Education Fellowship. It seeks the promotion of the 
spirit of goodwill and cooperation between individuals, 
groups and nations as part of its educational program. 
The headquarters are in Washington, D. C. 

The International Federation of Teachers Federations 
has recently been completed by the International Feder- 
ation of Trade Unions at Amsterdam. 

The International Kindergarten Union, with headquar- 
ters in Washington, carries on work for better interna- 
tional understanding through a committee on interna- 
tional relations. 

In 1927, an International Federation of Home and 
School was formed to carry on internationally such work 
as is now being done by the National Congress of Par- 
ents and Teachers, and unites men and women of many 
nations in a common program for the welfare of children. 

Governments Interested in International Education 

In addition to what educational organizations are doing 
to create international understanding through the schools, 
governments acting individually and through the League 


of Nations are encouraging the adoption of educational 
programs of goodwill. 

The new constitution of Germany calls for education 
"in the spirit of German national culture and of interna- 
tional conciliation." 

In Japan chapters on recent developments in interna- 
tional cooperation have been introduced into all history- 
textbooks, and an effort has been made not only to elim- 
inate all unfriendly references to other countries, but to 
include in textbooks an account of the great men of all 
nations. A textbook on morals used in a majority of 
the secondary schools of Japan, and written by the pro- 
fessor of ethics of the Tokyo Higher Normal College, in- 
cludes chapters on the preservation of world peace, inter- 
nationalism, the League of Nations and international 
morality. A Japanese Association for International Edu- 
cation was organized in 1922 "to promote mutual under- 
standing and justice between nations, to advance the 
cause of world culture and to work for the realization of 
enduring peace." It has joined the National Peace Coun- 
cil of Japan, w T hich includes some ten national organiza- 
tions, and is closely associated with the Imperial Educa- 
tion Association. The two organizations reach 200,000 
teachers in the common schools. 

In France following the suggestion of the Ministry of 
Education, French teachers adopted the following reso- 

"The 78,000 French teachers of both sexes, grouped in their 
national union, realizing their duties as educators and being 
convinced that the reconciliation and cooperation of the 
peoples who fought against each other during the war must be 
hastened by education at school, decide to make every effort 
to lead the younger generation to the knowledge and under- 
standing of other peoples in order that it may thus contribute 
towards the organization of peace. They undertake to abstain 


in their teaching from any word which might be injurious to 
international understanding and to eschew all school books 
which advocate war and thus represent a danger for the 
organization of peace." 

In England conferences of teachers and government 
officials have worked out programs of instruction and 
plans for textbooks designed to give children a knowledge 
of the League of Nations, and teach them the principles 
of international peace. 

In Mexico the graduating classes of the primary schools 
are required to keep a moral score card under eleven main 
heads, self-control, health, kindness, sportsmanship, self- 
confidence, duty, good faith, truth, good workmanship, 
cooperation, and loyalty — to family, to school, to city, 
state, and country, to humanity and civilization. Ac- 
cording to William English Walling in "Mexican Life," 
intolerance is sharply criticized by the teachers, on the 
ground that "any intolerance whatever disturbs the col- 
lective life." 

In the Czechoslovakian schools ten commandments are 
taught of which the last two are : 

Do not call anyone a patriot who hates other nations or 
despises them or desires war; war is a relic of barbarism. 

Love your country and your nation, but work to the end 
that all men may one day live together as brethren in happi- 
ness and peace, and that no nation need be afraid of being 
attacked by another. 

An idea of what is being done in the schools of the 
United States and by the educational organizations of 
this country may be gathered from the following pages. 
It is an interesting fact that in the constitution of at least 
one state, Massachusetts, there is a statute which im- 
poses upon teachers the obligation of teaching the princi- 


pies of "love of country, humanity and universal benevo- 

The League of Nations and Intellectual 


The League of Nations, believing that it was its task 
"to accelerate the exchange of ideas between nations," 
as well as to improve the exchange of material products, 
undertook in 1920 a consideration of what "practicable 
steps might be of aid in the international organization 
of intellectual work." The result was the appointment 
in 1922 of the International Committee on Intellectual 
Cooperation composed of men and women of different 
nations, individually best qualified to deal with matters 
of education and science. The members included such 
international figures as Henri Bergson, Mme. Curie, 
Albert Einstein and Gilbert Murray. In 1925, the Inter- 
national Institute of Intellectual Cooperation, to act as 
an executive body for the Committee, was created. 
Funds for the support of the Institute are appropriated 
by individual governments, the largest amount being 
contributed by France. 

National committees cooperating with the Interna- 
tional Committee have now been formed in thirty-two 
countries, including the United States. The American 
National Committee on International Intellectual Coop- 
eration was organized in 1926 with headquarters in the 
building of the National Academy of Science in Wash- 
ington. The Chairman is Dr. Robert A. Millikan and the 
Executive Secretary, Mr. J. David Thompson. 

The fundamental object of the Committee has been 
said to be to accustom men's minds to cooperate. It seeks 
to bring about friendlier international relations and to 
improve the conditions of intellectual work by increas- 
ing cooperation and assistance among intellectual work- 


ers in different countries. In general the Committee acts 
as a clearing house of information ; it coordinates activi- 
ties in the various fields of intellectual endeavor; it 
provides headquarters for international associations and 
assists them in arranging conferences ; it carries on inves- 
tigations ; it develops plans for the protection of intellec- 
tual property rights; it coordinates international biblio- 
graphical material; it studies the possibilities for the 
exchange of professors and students and for a system of 
mutual recognition of scholastic degrees; it encourages 
international student travel by inducing governments to 
grant special passport and visa privileges and in some 
instances to reduce rates on government-controlled rail- 
roads; it develops plans for the instruction of young 
people in the aims and purposes of the League of Nations 
and the ideals of international cooperation. 

Among the investigations which the Committee is car- 
rying on is one regarding the possibility of post-graduate 
scholarships and the assembling of post-graduate schol- 
ars in cooperative research centers according to their spe- 
cial subjects. Another question which it is studying is 
that of securing a wider translation of important works. 
It is also attempting to coordinate national centers of 
advanced international studies by inducing the interested 
institutions to establish contacts, exchange teachers 
and pupils and bring their programs as far as possible 
into line. 

A carefully worked out plan for the instruction of 
youth in international relations, which is quoted below, 
has been submitted by the Committee to all governments 
belonging to the League of Nations and brought to the 
attention of the school authorities. Interesting reports 
on what is being done to carry it out in the different 
schools are being received by the Committee. 

The publications of the Committee, which may be ob- 


tained in the United States from the World Peace Foun- 
dation of Boston, include a quarterly International Bul- 
letin of Universal Relations; an International Bulletin 
of Scientific Relations; the Mouseion dealing with inter- 
national topics of interest to museums; an annual list 
of notable books published in different countries; and a 
monthly bulletin of information. 

The detailed work of the Committee is carried on 
through six sections : a University Relations Section con- 
cerned with the exchange of professorships and students 
and equivalence of degrees; an Artistic Relations Section 
which is arranging a Congress of Popular Arts; a Scien- 
tific Relations Section; a Literary Relations Section; a 
Section of Information and Reference ; and a Legal Serv- 
ice Section which deals with questions of copyright and 
scientific property. 

A Liaison or Coordination Committee of the Major 
International Associations has been formed by the Inter- 
national Committee on Intellectual Cooperation to co- 
ordinate work of peace organizations interested in the 
education and training of youth. 

At the Sixth Pan American Conference a proposal was 
adopted to establish the Intra-American Institute of In- 
tellectual Cooperation. The plan for the institute is to 
be formulated by the Pan American Union and submit- 
ted to a conference of university administrators and 
others interested in education who will be officially ap- 
pointed by their governments. 

National Organizations 

Besides these international organizations, national 
groups within each country are working for the same pur- 
poses. The trend of thought among educational leaders 
in the United States is indicated in these statements: 


Dr. Augustus 0. Thomas, President of the World Fed- 
eration of Education Associations, said of citizenship at 
the World Conference on Education in San Francisco in 

"Citizenship today must be broader than nationalism. 
There must be an international consciousness; there must be 
an 'international heart/ and a 'world mind. , This 'world 
mind' is largely an attitude or habit of thinking in the larger 
units of the world and the habit of regarding the nations as 
cooperating parts of the great whole. It is learning to meas- 
ure other peoples by their own standards and getting their 
point of view. The question now is, Has the world progressed 
to such a point or will it ever come to such a point in the 
fundamental principles of morality that the nations can live 
together as sharers of the world's civilization?" 

In a bulletin of the Federal Bureau of Education on 
"The Social Studies in Secondary Education" the "world 
community" is discussed and the following statements 
made concerning its relation to national life: 

"Humanity is bigger than any of its divisions. The social 
studies should cultivate a sense of membership in the world 
community, with all the sympathies and sense of justice that 
this involves as among the different divisions of human 
society. The first step, however, toward a true 'neighborli- 
ness' among nations must be a realization of national ideals, 
national efficiency, national loyalty, national self-respect. . . . 
Nations are becoming more and more closely dependent upon 
each other. Common world' interests need emphasis, world 
sympathies need cultivation. Such study should be concrete 
and based .upon current events and problems. It offers a 
socially important line of development, and every available 
opportunity to this end should be seized upon." 

As Commissioner of Education, Dr. J. J. Tigert, re- 
cently called attention to a report of the Commission on 


the Reorganization of Secondary Education made in 1918 
to the National Education Association : 

"Civics education should consider other nations also. As a 
people we should try to understand their aspirations and ideals 
that we may deal more sympathetically and intelligently with 
the immigrant coming to our shores, and have a basis for a 
wiser and more sympathetic approach to international prob- 
lems. Our pupils should learn that each nation, at least 
potentially, has something of worth to contribute to civiliza- 
tion and humanity would be incomplete without that contri- 
bution. Such a study of dissimilar contributions in the light 
of the ideal of human brotherhood should help to establish a 
genuine internationalism, free from sentimentality, founded 
on fact, and actually operative in the affairs of nations." 

Dr. Tigert has said further: 

"We have here in the United States both the opportunities 
and the equipment for giving students intimate and correct 
knowledge of the peoples of other countries. We have now to 
determine as well as we can whether we are using them in the 
best way possible and what more we can do through education 
to promote friendly international relations." 

A brief account of a few of the organizations working 
in this field suggests the extent of the effort devoted to a 
solution of the problems involved. 

The Institute of International Education was founded 
in 1919 to develop international goodwill by means of 
educational agencies. It is directed by Dr. Stephen P. 
Duggan and has headquarters at 522 Fifth Avenue, New 
York City. The Institute which has recently taken over 
the activities of the Division of International Relations 
of the American Council of Education, and directs the 
work of the American University Union, acts as a clear- 
ing house of information between the educational insti- 
tutions of Europe and America. It promotes the inter- 


change of professors and of students between this and 
other countries. It administers a large number of inter- 
national fellowships and is working toward the standard- 
ization of degrees. It arranges lecture tours for visiting 
professors and public men from other countries. Its 
publications deal with activities in international educa- 
tion and offer information of great value to foreign stu- 
dents in the United States, and to American students 
planning courses of study abroad, including very com- 
plete lists of fellowships for American students abroad 
and for foreign students in the United States. 

The National Education Association cooperates through 
its Committee on International Relations with the World 
Federation of Education Associations, and encourages the 
teaching of international goodwill through its monthly 
publication, The Journal of the National Education Asso- 
ciation, and through discussions at its annual conferences. 
Its offices are in Washington. At its 1927 convention, 
the Association passed the following resolution on world 
understanding : 

"The Association reaffirms its oft-repeated pronouncement 
in favor of every legitimate means for promoting world peace 
and understanding among the peoples of the earth." 

The American Federation of Teachers, which has of- 
fices at 327 S. La Salle St., Chicago, and is affiliated with 
the American Federation of Labor, opposes compulsory 
military training in schools and colleges, and at its annual 
convention in 1927 created a committee for the purpose 
of promoting international goodwill, adopting at the 
same time a platform which includes the following state- 
ments : 

11 . . War not only militates against the development of 
the highest type of socially minded citizens, but is also 


destructive of all that is best in mankind. War makes for 
the survival of the biologically unfit, for economic disorgani- 
zation, for misery, and engenders hatreds." (The teachers of 
the world should tell.) 

"tell the truth about war, — its cold-blooded butchery, 
its elimination of the biologically fit, its economic chaos, 
its debts, starvation, misery, and disease. Glorify the heroes 
of peace as symbolized by the physician who risks all to 
discover a cure for leprosy, or the idealist who holds fast 
to minority views which make man's progress possible. 

"We should support measures which seek to prevent the use 
of Government funds for the support of compulsory military 
training in public schools and colleges. 

The National Association of Secondary School Prin- 
cipals has adopted as its Eighth Objective: 

"The development of a generation of young people who 
may seriously enter upon the program of the proposed devel- 
opment of international understanding, and of amity and 
goodwill between economic groups, races, and religions — in 
fact, in all realms of social intercourse, through a study of 
problems of worldwide significance." 

Commenting upon this objective, the author, Mr. L. W. 
Brooks, principal of the high school in Wichita, Kansas, 
and formerly President of the National Association, said: 

"This Eighth Objective should promote an understanding 
of problems of world import; a desire among students to 
understand racial, political, economic and social situations in 
various lands, to follow the true statesmen of the world in 
their efforts to bring about international understanding and 
ultimate peace; to build up into the consciousness of the 
nations a belief that the abolition of war is not only possible 
but necessary. It should ask that the horrors of war, 
unadorned by any gloss of romance or glory, be taught hon- 
estly to our boys and girls; that students be instructed in 
tolerance instead of hate, goodwill instead of suspicion, and 
international understanding." 


Schools and Colleges of an International Character 

Since the World War there has been a notable develop- 
ment in international schools and colleges. At Geneva, 
Switzerland, several schools of an international character 
offer summer courses, which w r ere attended in 1926 by 
over 30,000 students. 

The Geneva School of International Studies, originated 
Dr. Alfred Zimmern as director, aims to train leaders 
in international affairs, and to promote an enlightened 
public opinion. It offers summer courses designed for 
those preparing for a teacher's career, for foreign service, 
for work in research institutes, or for positions on metro- 
politan newspapers, and for men in public life interested 
in foreign politics. 

Professor Zimmern states in his book, "Learning and 
Leadership," that the final stage of education, after the 
student has been thoroughly grounded in national insti- 
tutions, should consist in "a first-hand experience of 
foreign countries acquired under conditions which pro- 
mote true international understanding." He maintains 
that for this purpose "schools of international contacts 
need to be developed — institutes at which university stu- 
dents in the later stages of their academic course are 
brought together from many countries to meet one an- 
other and a distinguished and equally international group 
of university teachers." He believes that this sort of 
school can be organized during the summer months. 

In the winter the School continues its work by means 
of traveling secretaries who visit the universities and aid 
student groups in the discussion of international prob- 
lems. A complete outline of courses and other informa- 
tion in regard to the School may be obtained from the 
New York Office, 366 Madison Avenue, New York City. 

The Geneva Institute of International Relations is de- 


signed more especially to acquaint students and the gen- 
eral public with the purpose and methods of the League 
of Nations and with the historic development of interna- 
tional government which has made the League possible. 
It arranges an intensive course of one week during the 
summer, and its offices are open throughout the season 
to offer intelligent guidance to visitors to the League. 

The University Institute of Higher International Stud- 
ies in Geneva was organized in 1927 for postgraduate 
work in juridical, political, economic and social interna- 
tional problems of the present day but also admits under- 
graduates. Annual and half-yearly courses, seminars and 
discussion classes are conducted. Statesmen and men of 
science from many countries give lectures and short 
courses. The Institute cooperates closely with the Uni- 
versity of Geneva, which offers summer courses on cur- 
rent international problems, and there are special op- 
portunities for the study of international documents and 
for contacts with men immediately concerned with inter- 
national affairs. 

The International Committee on Intellectual Cooper- 
ation is developing a plan for the coordination of exist- 
ing national institutions for higher political studies, which 
it is hoped will enable students to pursue their studies in 
one national center after another, and in this way have 
the benefit of observation of foreign political systems 
as well as of special educational advantages. Thus there 
will be developed, not an international university, but 
"an organism dispersed in different institutions through- 
out the world serving the needs of an international pro- 
fession." Ultimately there may be a final course arranged 
at Geneva which would tend to coordinate and appraise 
the experience gained in the foreign capitals. 

In addition to these schools of international affairs in 
Geneva, there is The International Peoples College, estab- 


lished in Denmark in 1921 by Dr. Peter Manniche. It is 
designed to bring men and women of all nations together 
for study and discussion under the leadership of trained 
scholars to prepare them to work actively for interna- 
tional peace. The school aims to reach across both na- 
tional and class barriers and to sow the seeds of universal 
understanding and goodwill. The hope of the founders is 
that similar colleges will be established in other countries. 
Information may be obtained from Dr. S. A. Mathiasen, 
Pocono Peoples College, Henryville, Pennsylvania. 

In America the experiment of traveling universities is 
being tried. The College Cruise Around the World for 
boys and young men (it is hoped later to establish one for 
women students) is described by its sponsors as a new 
method of education, the coordination of travel and study, 
Its educational director is Dr. James E. Lough, former 
dean of New York University. The cruise is arranged by 
the University Travel Association, 285 Madison Ave., 
New York City. 

The University Afloat, under the direction of Mr. A. J. 
Mcintosh, offers men and women students an around- 
the-world study cruise occupying eight months. Full 
information may be obtained from International Univer- 
sity Cruise, Inc., 11 Broadway, New York City. 

Teachers and World Peace 

No complete account of what is being done in teacher- 
training institutions to develop an international outlook 
among teachers has been compiled. The work in indi- 
vidual institutions described in this chapter indicates a 
growing interest in this field, yet in "A Social Study" 
recently published by Teachers College, on the social be- 
liefs and attitudes of American educators, it is stated 
that "with rare exceptions, American educators have done 
but little thinking on the more fundamental and perva- 


sive phases of our more important social problems." 
Responsibility for this fact apparently rests on the train- 
ing schools, since the author of the study, Dr. Manley H. 
Harper, proved by retesting certain groups that excep- 
tionally stimulating graduate courses of six semester 
hours produce "a measure of growth in liberalism and in 
correlative qualities of reflective thinking equal to five 
times the growth in this direction produced in a year of 
thirty semester hours by the usual higher education of 
the country." 

In 1923 the International Institute of Teachers Col- 
lege was established at Columbia University to give 
special attention to the needs of foreign students of edu- 
cation. The Institute promotes special educational inves- 
tigations in foreign countries, and has established a 
unique library of textbooks and educational literature 
from all parts of the world. An Educational Yearbook 
makes a part of this information quickly available. 
Courses are offered dealing with foreign school systems 
and philosophical problems arising from their major dif- 
ferences. The Institute has also organized discussion 
groups for its foreign and American students, which have 
become a clearing house of educational problems and re- 
sulted in mutual understanding and good fellowship. Be- 
hind the Institute, a member of its staff states, lies the 

"That a better international understanding may result; 
that both foreign and native students of Teachers College 
may return to their respective tasks with a clear purpose and 
a firm resolution to serve mankind in the true spirit of inter- 
national goodwill." 

The Foreign Education Section of the United States 
Bureau of Education, besides assisting educational insti- 
tutions in evaluating the credentials of foreign students 


and aiding in the orientation of foreign students in this 
country, gathers and translates information about all 
phases of education in foreign countries and makes it 
available to teachers and any other persons for whom 
it may have interest or value. Mr. J. F. Abel, Chief of 
the Section, stated recently: 

"Both the work of the Section and its opportunities for 
service have been greatly increased in recent years by the 
widened public knowledge and desire for knowledge of inter- 
national affairs. This has been reflected in the field of edu- 
cation in the formation of international educational organiza- 
tions, a growing exchange between countries of students and 
teachers, the frequent visits of foreign educators to the United 
States . . . and the relatively large number of students of 
education from this country that are making investigations 

In an article in the Educational Review for March, 
1921, William Heard Kilpatrick, of Teachers College, sug- 
gests certain facts to which the attention of teachers 
should be called. After emphasizing the point that prop- 
agandism is out of place in public schools, Mr. Kilpatrick 
goes on to say : 

"If the teacher does not get the right point of view, does 
not see the social processes involved, we can have but little 
hope that the schools will play any part in abolishing war. 
What point of view may we expect our teachers to get as a 
result of impartial study? 

"First, that wars are not inevitable. Rivalry is inherent, 
but not warfare. 

"Next, I would have our teachers know more about social 
integration, and understand how it must inevitably increase 
if civilization shall but continue. . . . Men are brought 
together in ever greater and greater aggregates by a process 
which at the same time increases the number of respects in 


which each is dependent upon others. . . . Let the integra- 
tion continue, and sooner or later the ties that bind will out- 
grow the forces that separate. . . . 

"From this point of view it will come to be seen that the 
notion of a final absolute and exclusive national sovereignty 
is unworkable, manifesting itself in fact as truly a nuisance 
in the world of practical affairs as it is vicious in the moral 

"We should further wish our teachers to see the utter fal- 
lacy and fatuity of competitive armaments. . . . 

"We wish our school people, teachers and officials, to place 
at its right valuation military training in secondary schools; 
to understand that physically it is probably inferior to other 
types of exercise, that morally the military type of discipline 
is more likely to be bad than good, and that we cannot expect 
such virtues as respect for law to be developed by such obe- 
dience as the military man is likely to demand. 

"A most important part of the teacher's equipment in the 
coming years will be to understand the Great War. How 
its deeper causes lay in a vicious world policy ; how much the 
war cost, in treasure, in men, in misery, then and now and 
hereafter; how America was stirred and sustained by unselfish 
idealism; how we hoped and planned to stop wars. It is no 
warped or one-sided treatment that we ask, only the full 
facts, the really significant facts. Granted this, we believe 
that our teachers and leaders will burn, as America did at its 
best, to abolish war." 

The World Federation of Education Associations 
adopted resolutions in 1925 and in 1927, urging courses 
in normal schools to give teachers the information and 
the point of view necessary to develop among children a 
spirit of international goodwill. At the meeting of the 
Federation in 1927 many concrete suggestions for such 
courses were made, among the most useful those prepared 
by Dr. H. L. Smith of Indiana University, which can be 
obtained from him in full in mimeographed form. 


Briefly, the courses, materials and methods suggested 
by Dr. Smith were these: 

1. Teachers should have a knowledge of the nature, work 
and publications of the various organizations for the promo- 
tion of international friendship. 

2. A course in international relationships and social psy- 
chology should be offered in normal schools to develop a better 
understanding of world problems. The course in international 
relationships should stress international interdependence 
"and give a realizing sense of the horror of modern war 
and an understanding of the psychic and economic causes 
of war." 

3. Teachers should become acquainted with racial back- 
grounds of school children in order that their pupils may 
learn to disregard such differences as those of dress, language 
and complexion and to find the essential human qualities. 

4. Teachers should be trained in the use of newspapers, 
magazines and bulletins in order that they may judge the 
value of news stories and current articles. 

5. International contacts among teachers should be devel- 
oped through international correspondence and through for- 
eign travel and study, for which there should be additional 
scholarships provided. 

6. Cosmopolitan and world affairs clubs should be organized 
in teacher-training institutions. 

7. Teachers should be encouraged to attend institutes of 
politics during the summer months. 

8. Such attitudes and ideals should be cultivated among 
teachers as will lead to an understanding of the fact that 
education is the only sure and permanent method of change; 
that international friendship must be based on mutual knowl- 
edge; that, if children are to have freedom for self-develop- 
ment, prejudices in their minds must be broken down and they 
must be given in their place a passion for truth. 

9. Teachers must themselves know, in order that their 
pupils may know, that love for one's own country no longer 
involves hatred of other countries; that, on the contrary, in 


the world today disloyalty to the whole involves disloyalty 
to every part. 

10. American teachers should know that teachers in other 
countries are striving to instill ideas of international goodwill 
in the minds of the children. 

In line with the suggestions of the World Federation 
of Education Associations, individual normal schools are 
working out concrete plans for the teaching of peace. A 
summer course on the literature of international good- 
wall has been inaugurated at the Michigan State Normal 
School by Miss Estelle Downing. The Teacher-Train- 
ing Department of the Olivia, Minnesota, High School, 
under the direction of Mrs. Vesta Armstrong, presents 
at the graduation exercises each year a program setting 
forth the history and achievements of some foreign coun- 
try, with pageantry, tableaux, and music. Interest among 
normal school students in international affairs is also stim- 
ulated by the annual World Essay Contest held under the 
auspices of the American School Citizenship League. 
The prizes for this contest are donated by Miss Mary 
and Miss Helen Seabury. The subject of the essay dur- 
ing the last year was "The Teacher, an Agent in Inter- 
national Goodwill." 

Foreign travel for teachers is particularly recommended 
in the resolutions of all recent conferences on the subject 
of education for world peace. It has even been suggested 
that a year's residence or travel abroad should be required 
on the part of primary teachers during the first ten years 
of their teaching experience. In the summer of 1926 the 
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace invited 50 
teachers of international relations in American colleges 
to be its guests at a European conference, in order 
to study the problems of international cooperation and 
to form direct contacts with the leading personalities 
engaged in the work of international cooperation. 


The International Bureau for Educational Travel, the 
American representative of which is the Open Road, 
Inc., arranges European tours for teachers. The Travel 
Bureau of the National Union of Teachers of England, 
which is represented in the United States by Miss Lang- 
ley Spence, 520 Lexington Avenue, New York City, assists 
teachers in making educational contacts in other countries 
and to travel at a materially lowered cost. Several 
European countries offer reduced rates to teachers on 
state railroads. Information on this subject can be 
obtained from the International Institute of Intellectual 
Cooperation, Paris. 

Information as to the possibilities for an exchange of 
teaching posts can be obtained from the Institute of In- 
ternational Education, 522 Fifth Ave., the English Speak- 
ing Union, 19 West 44th St., New York City, and the 
Pan American Union, Washington, D. C. Through Po- 
mona College exchanges of teachers with Mexico are 
arranged. The World Federation of Education Associa- 
tions and the International Committee on Intellectual 
Cooperation are preparing complete reports on this sub- 

In the Universities 

In past centuries a few great universities were meeting 
places for men of all nations. Today each nation has its 
universities which are "centers of international knowl- 
edge," and through w r hich the great body of human 
knowledge is revealed as the common product as well as 
the common heritage of all races and countries. An ex- 
change of professors and students increases their inter- 
national character. In "Europa," the Year-Book of 
Europe, for 1927, M. Luchaire, Director of the Institute 
of Intellectual Cooperation, makes this interesting state- 
ment in regard to European universities: 


"Moreover the spirit of the universities is being slowly 

transformed to meet the intellectual needs of the modern 
world. ... A determined effort is being made to provide 
future politicians, internationalists and diplomats with a 
training more thorough and more rational than has hitherto 
been given in the fields of history, law and geography. . . . 
The movement of students across the various frontiers is 
growing, and would be considerable if economic difficulties 
did not bar the way for so many. Exchanges of professors 
between the universities of various countries is becoming 
more and more common. Permanent educational missions 
and national institutes in foreign countries are growing from 
year to year. Finally, the entry of Germany into the League 
of Nations and the quite recent steps taken in various coun- 
tries by important intellectuals in the Union of Russian Re- 
publics seem to warrant the hope that in a little time, at least 
as far as higher education is concerned, Europe will have no 
more watertight compartments, and will tend to establish 
one great organised unit for this end." 

The neglect of an important aspect of the contribu- 
tion which universities can make to the solution of 
modern world problems is indicated in a recent study 
made by Professor Frederic Ogg for the American Council 
of Learned Societies, under the title, "Research in the 
Humanistic and Social Sciences." Professor Ogg calls 
attention to the fact that crises in the future will have to 
do with problems of human conduct rather than the con- 
trol of physical things, and that when these crises come 
our scholars in human relations will have to be better 
prepared to meet them than they were in 1917. The 
public has, however, he says, little appreciation of this 
fact and men of means are only beginning to perceive 
that economic and sociological investigations may be 
equally worthy of support with physical and biological. 
James Harvey Robinson is quoted as saying that the 
progress of men in scientific knowledge and regulation of 


human affairs has remained almost stationary for over 
two thousand years, and Raymond B. Fosdick is further 
quoted on this point to the effect that the well-being, if 
not the survival, of the race is conditioned on the rapid 
upbuilding of man's knowledge of his own motivations, 
interests, reactions, and relationships: 

"With the allegiance of our age and generation so com- 
pletely committed to the natural sciences we must face the 
fact that the social mechanism can be kept from cracking 
under the strain only as we develop the sciences that relate 
to man. Unless we can marshal behind such studies as 
economics, political science, and sociology the same enthusi- 
asm, the same approach, and something of the same technique 
that characterize our treatment of physics and chemistry; 
unless the results of this research can be applied to human 
life as freely and boldly as we apply the natural sciences 
to modify our methods of living; unless we can free ourselves 
of prejudice and stale custom and harness intelligence to the 
task of straightening out the relations of man with his fellow- 
men and promoting an intercourse of harmony and fairness — 
unless, in brief, in our generation we can make some appre- 
ciable progress toward this goal of social control, the chances 
of our keeping the train on the track are exceedingly slight." 

Johns Hopkins University proposes to establish a 
graduate school to be known as the Walter Hines Page 
School of International Relations for research and train- 
ing in this field. It will endeavor to throw light upon the 
problem of "how the nations and the peoples of the world 
may better live together in prosperity and peace." 

The courses offered will probably provide for some 
study and investigation abroad, and the results of the 
researches conducted will be published from time to time 
for the use 'of the public. Enlarging upon the idea that 
the school will do in its field what postgraduate schools 
have done for medicine and law — that is, provide a more 


systematic science of international relations and better 
trained men in the fields of education and public service 
— Mr. Owen D. Young, President of the Board of Trus- 
tees, said in 1925: 

"We have what one might call an industry of foreign rela- 
tions, but we have no art. We have a trade, but we have no 
science. . . . We have a desire for peace, but we have not 
established an agency whose exclusive duty it is to study how 
to get it. . . . We must supply a science, a systematic body 
of things known, if we desire to make our aspirations for 
peace effective. But someone will inquire whether research 
or science in the sense in which I am using them can be advan- 
tageously applied to this field. My answer is that facts can 
be applied in any field. Our curse is ignorance. Facts are 
our scarcest raw material. ..." 

A Bureau of International Research has already been 
established at Harvard University and Radclifife College 
for "the development of research of an international char- 
acter in the social sciences," and is endowed by the Laura 
Spellman Rockefeller Memorial for a period of years. At 
Columbia University, a professor of international rela- 
tions has been appointed, and at Yale, an associate in 
international relations. 

The number and variety of university courses in inter- 
national relations is steadily increasing. Several institu- 
tions have received endowments for work in this field 
ranging from $100 a year for special lectures or books 
on international problems, to $1,500,000 given by James 
H. Causey to Denver University as an "endowment for 
goodwill." Fifteen years ago a member of the Board of 
Trustees of Northwestern University gave a fund 
amounting to $25,000 to the university, the income of 
which was to be used for the furtherance of "interna- 
tional peace and interdenominational comity." A Chair 


of Peace has recently been endowed at Kiel University, 

The following courses in world affairs introduced 
recently in Pacific coast universities illustrate in general 
the new tendencies in this field. 

In connection with the University of Southern Cali- 
fornia, there has been created an affiliated University 
of International Relations which offers courses in the 
various fields of foreign service. The cooperation of 
many foreign teachers is enlisted and special methods, 
including contacts made outside of the college under the 
direction of members of the faculty, are being developed 
to assist students in understanding the psychology of 
the people of the country in which they plan to work. 

The University of Washington in 1927 announced a 
course on international relations in which the depart- 
ments of anthropology, economics, history, philosophy, 
political science, psychology and sociology and the schools 
of law, journalism and business administration are co- 
operating. The aim of the University in offering this 
course is "to make its measure of contribution to the 
general movement of international cooperation." Eleven 
of 45 history courses relate directly to international 
affairs. Because of its situation on the Pacific Coast it 
has 17 courses in Oriental studies, 15 of them with a 
distinctly international bearing. Moreover, 10 of its 
courses in economics, 8 of those in political science, and 
5 of those in sociology are devoted to world aspects of 
the subjects treated. 

The University of California is offering through twelve 
of its departments fifty courses promoting international 
understanding with special emphasis on the problems of 
nations bordering on the Pacific. 

Professor Parker Thomas Moon, Assistant Professor of 
History in Columbia University, has prepared at the re- 


quest of the Institute of International Education, a very 
clear and comprehensive "Syllabus of International Rela- 
tions" designed primarily for the use of college teachers 
desiring to give a one year course covering the history, as 
well as the economic, geographic and sociological aspects 
of international relations. 

Besides such courses on general international relations, 
a number of colleges are introducing special courses in 
Latin American and Pan American problems. Professor 
William Whatley Pierson, Jr., of the University of North 
Carolina, has published in book form under the title 
"Hispanic American History" a comprehensive syllabus 
covering all aspects of Hispanic American life especially 
designed for classroom use. The Pan American Union, 
through its Division of Education, is also developing 
courses on "continental fraternity." 

In addition to courses on international relations, a new 
type of course designed to create a new attitude of mind 
on international problems is being introduced in various 

Professor Hornell Hart of Bryn Mawr College offers a 
comprehensive course on the "Science of Social Rela- 
tions/' which has been published in book form and 
adopted by many college classes and adult study groups. 

Two unusual and stimulating courses are given by 
Professor E. L. Clarke of Minnesota University, one on 
"Prejudice/' and its control, and the other on the "So- 
ciology of Conflict.'' Outlines of these courses may be 
obtained from the National Council for Prevention of 

At Oberlin College, Professor Oscar Jaszi, of the Depart- 
ment of Political Science, offers a course entitled "Prob- 
lems of Constructive Peace," in which he gives "a sys- 
tematic survey of those economic, moral and intellectual 
realities which determine international relations, and 


stresses proposals and plans for the elimination of war 
and the history of pacific thought." 

At Syracuse University during the summer session of 
1927 the Political Science Department offered courses on 
international relations in which there was a discussion of 
"policies which result in the clash of national interests 
and of methods by which these clashes can be avoided 
and peace preserved." 

At Wesleyan University the students have made a 
report to the president asking for an elective course on 
"War, Its Cause and Cure." The poll showed 63% of the 
students in favor of such a course, the object of which 
would be: 

"To give a background of facts on the subject of war as a 
method of settling international disputes, so that educated 
men would be capable of recognizing the various factors 
making for conflict when they appear on the horizon of cur- 
rent events, and could more confidently take steps to eliminate 

Extension Courses 

In the extension work and correspondence courses of 
universities the study of international relations is begin- 
ning to be emphasized. At the University of Wisconsin 
a very interesting and thorough course is offered in the 
extension division by Professor Pitman B. Potter, called 
"American Diplomacy." The extension departments of 
many British universities offer courses of lectures on the 
historic background of international relations and present 
international organization. 

Junior Year Abroad 

Another plan recently initiated by certain of the col- 
leges for the development of international understanding 
is known as "Junior Year Abroad." This experiment was 


begun by the University of Delaware in 1923 when it 
sent under the guidance of a member of its faculty, and 
after careful preliminary arrangements with French edu- 
cational authorities, selected members of its junior class, 
ranking among the first one-third of their class in aca- 
demic standing, for one year's study at the Sorbonne in 
Paris, in lieu of the regular work of the junior year. Pre- 
liminary to the scholastic year the students devoted three 
months in France to the intensive study of the French 
language. The University has since accepted among its 
group students from other institutions. Following much 
the same plan, Smith College in 1925 sent abroad a care- 
fully selected group of 40 juniors. So valuable does this 
junior year abroad seem to the Institute of International 
Education that it recommends the establishment of fel- 
lowships, and offers to place its resources of information 
and advice at the disposal of colleges that wish to inves- 
tigate the plan. 

The College of William and Mary, in 1924, organized 
summer schools to afford American students an oppor- 
tunity to travel and study in foreign countries. One 
school is located in Europe, the other in Mexico. The 
University of Toulouse and the National University of 
Mexico cooperate. 

New York University, through its extension division, 
arranges, in cooperation with a group of European uni- 
versities, residential travel tours during the summer 
months. The tours include a residence period of from 
three to four weeks in a university of the country selec- 


Several hundred fellowships are available to American 
students who wish to study abroad, and to foreign stu- 
dents desiring to come to this country. The number in- 


creases every year. The Institute of International Edu- 
cation provides full information in regard to these 
opportunities for foreign study in its two publications, 
"Fellowships and Scholarships Open to American Stu- 
dents for Study in Foreign Countries" and "Fellowships 
and Scholarships Open to Foreign Students for Study in 
the United States." 

One college, and it is possible that others will adopt 
the same plan, has recently sent a student as an envoy of 
friendship for a year's study in a foreign university. In 
September 1927, Earlham College in order that it might 
show not only its friendly feeling but its desire to learn 
from the Eastern world, sent a member of the Junior 
Class, Wilfred Jones, for a year's work in the universities 
of Japan. 

Foreign Tours 

The National Student Federation of America and the 
International Student Hospitality Association cooperate 
through the Open Road, Inc., their official travel repre- 
sentative, in arranging "sojourns in Europe" for American 
students. The offices of the Open Road are at 2 West 
46th St., New York City. The National Student Feder- 
ation is a member of the Confederation Internationale des 
Etudiants, which is an association of national student 
organizations founded in 1919 and represented in 28 coun- 
tries. The Hospitality Association is a small group of 
Americans and Europeans interested in student inter- 
national relations. From its headquarters in Paris it 
makes arrangements for American students to meet 
young people of the other nations and be entertained by 
them. A student in each country visited travels with 
the American group as guide and host. The National 
Student Federation publishes a "Handbook of Student 


Travel through Europe" and a "Handbook of Foreign 

International Debates 

The growing custom of holding international debates 
in the colleges, which was initiated by the Institute of 
International Education, has proved an excellent means 
of bringing students of different nations into profitable 
contact. Arrangements for such debates are now made 
through the National Student Federation of America. 

Foreign Students in America 

American and foreign students are also finding within 
this. country many opportunities for international friend- 
ships. International House at 500 Riverside Drive, New 
York City, which is under the direction of Mr. and Mrs. 
Harry E. Edmonds, is the home of five hundred men and 
women students of different nations. These young peo- 
ple, and as many more who are connected with it, are 
developing mutual understanding through international 
debates, representations of the art of their native coun- 
tries, and constant friendly association. The National 
Committee on Friendly Relations among Foreign Stu- 
dents, which has its headquarters at 347 Madison Avenue, 
New York City, is another outgrowth of the desire to 
utilize every opportunity to bring about a friendly under- 
standing among the coming leaders in all nations. 

International Clubs 

The study of international questions has been greatly 
stimulated in the colleges by the formation of Inter- 
national Relations Clubs which now exist in one hundred 
and twenty-six colleges in thirty-four states. They are 
intellectually and financially aided by the Carnegie 


Endowment for International Peace, which publishes an 
"International Relations Club Handbook" fully describ- 
ing their organization and activities. In fifty univer- 
sities, branches of the Corda Fratres Association Cosmo- 
politan Clubs exist through which world friendships are 
made possible. 

At certain of the larger universities, the students them- 
selves are forming international clubs not only for study 
but for definite work in the promotion of international 

At Harvard University an International Council has 
been formed with a membership of thirty students each 
representing a different nationality. The Council meets 
once a month, announcing in advance some international 
question for study and discussion. A vote is taken at 
the end of each meeting to register the decision of the 
group. At the State University of Montana an Inter- 
national Club has been formed. An International Coun- 
cil has been organized by the students of the State Uni- 
versity of Iowa "to find out the attitude of students from 
other lands towards the foreign policies of the United 
States, to understand the difficulties of other countries, 
to create the international mind and work towards world 
peace." Meetings are open to students, faculty and pub- 
lic. At Stanford University an International Club of 
men of different races and nations has taken a house in 
order that the members may live together and know each 
other intimately. At Earlham College the students have 
organized peace teams and worked out a schedule for 
speeches before organizations and church bodies in the 

Model Assemblies of the League of Nations 

Among the other methods devised for increasing an 
interest in international affairs are the "Model Assem- 


blies" of the League of Nations which are being held by 
many colleges and in some instances by several colleges 
acting together. The New England colleges joined in 
holding a model assembly of 169 delegates at Amherst. 
A report of the organization of such an assembly can be 
obtained from Syracuse University where one of the first 
was organized, and full information can also be obtained 
from the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 
6 East 39th Street, New York City. 

What Schools Are Doing 

Activity in the lower schools is fully as. great as in the 
colleges. The variety of methods which are being devel- 
oped by individual faculties and teachers is reflected in 
the following brief accounts of some recent experiments. 

Mrs. Alice Wilson, a member of the faculty of the 
Girls High School of San Francisco, California, has re- 
cently published a plan for "International Education 
in High Schools/' by which the efforts of various institu- 
tions to give young people a truer knowledge of other 
countries can be organized into a single system for inter- 
national education directed by the schools. This outline 
follows in full: 

"1. To organize in each high school in every country a 
group of juniors and seniors with a background of history 
and preferably a modern language, who show a strong interest 
in foreign countries and modern international questions. 

" (a) To establish correspondence among these vari- 
ous groups — correspondence touching any possible 
subject — art, music, history, economics, science — 
according to- the special inclination of individual 
students or groups of students. 

"(b) To make an intensive study of those countries 
through reading, lectures, etc. 

"2. To select those students who have shown special ability 


in grasping and assimilating international ideas, and encour- 
age them — helping them through scholarships if neces- 
sary — to continue this field of work in college or the univer- 

"3. To urge each government to employ the best of these 
students in its department of foreign affairs, in the field best 
suited to their special abilities, in order that they might gain 
a practical knowledge of the international policies of their 
own countries. 

"4. To send abroad these young men and women, in con- 
nection with embassies and consulates, to study in universities, 
to live and work among the people in order to understand 
their needs and ideals, their ways and customs. Here they 
would meet on common ground a group of men and women 
from all countries with whom they would be already 
acquainted through their clubs, and with whom they would 
work toward a common aim, mutual understanding. These 
men and women should form the Diplomatic Corps of every 

"Thus through a careful process of selection, the best of our 
students would eventually lead the nation in its international 
relations. The others, in business or professions, would have 
gained a better understanding of the people with whom they 
deal, and, as voters, would have an enlightened knowledge and 
world-wide tolerance." 

The success of the club in San Francisco has led to the 
creation of the World League of International Education 
Associations with Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur as its presi- 
dent. Besides the schools in all parts of the United States 
which are joining it, the League has secured some coop- 
eration from educational organizations in England, 
France, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Greece, the Scandinavian 
countries, Austria, Germany, Canada, New Zealand, 
Japan and Latin American countries. The bond among 
the various clubs is a loose one, for the League "is based 
upon the principle of absolute freedom for each organi- 



zation." A central office for communications has been 
opened in the Phelan Building, San Francisco. 

A School World Friendship League has been originated 
and incorporated by Mrs. Helen S. Evans of Brawley, 
California. Its object is to promote true patriotism, in- 
ternational justice and world brotherhood by making each 
school class a unit of the League, providing for daily 
lessons on world friendship correlated with some regular 
study, semi-monthly appreciation lessons on foreign 
countries, and monthly programs of world friendship. 

In the Woodbury High School, Woodbury, N. J., 
special programs in "Education for World Mindedness ,, 
have been presented by the students in the morning 
assembly periods on two or three days a week during the 
school years of 1926-27, and 1927-28. All teachers and 
classes in the school have cooperated in these programs 
under the direction of the "teacher in charge," Mrs. 
Rachel Davis-DuBois. 

The main theme of the first year's program was the 
"contribution of various racial elements to our complex 
American life." The nation to be presented during any 
month was determined so far as possible according to the 
special day falling in that month, such as Columbus Day 
in October for Italy, Lincoln's Birthday in February 
for the negro, and December for Germany because of 
the German Christmas songs. 

The theme chosen for the program for 1927-28 was 
"World Unity Through Education." Each Department 
was made responsible for one month's program, that of 
the first month, for instance, was "w r orld unity through 
language," the general plan being to "divide the subject 
into four parts, show the origins of that subject, its 
present-day status, and how in the future that subject 
can help bring world unity, with a special speaker each 
month on the subject, if possible." The complete pro- 


grams for both of the years have been printed by the 
New Jersey Branch of the Women's International League 
for Peace and Freedom, and may be obtained from that 
organization at 79 Halsey St., Newark, N. J., or from 
the National Council for Prevention of War. 

A new social studies course has been introduced in the 
junior high schools of Cleveland, Ohio. It contains 
between thirty and forty units of study. The major 
unit in each semester has something to do with important 
problems in social cooperation. The first semester deals 
with sectionalism in the United States, the second with 
religious toleration, the third with race toleration, the 
fourth with capital and labor, the fifth with town and 
country, and the sixth with international relations. 
These units do not consume all of the time available, but 
are considered the important units. 

The South Philadelphia High School for Girls, under 
the leadership of the principal, Miss Lucy L. W. Wilson, 
undertook a project in world peace which occupied an 
entire year and in which the departments of History, 
Science and English cooperated. An account of the 
project and outline of study can be obtained from the 
school or from the National Council for the Prevention 
of War. 

The Commencement exercises of the high schools of 
Pasadena, California, were utilized in 1928 to direct the 
attention of the students to the world movement toward 
universal brotherhood and the opportunity which it offers 
young men and women for careers of adventure and dar- 
ing. In a pageant, "America's Opportunity," this coun- 
try was shown as the melting pot of the nations where, as 
nowhere else, the brotherhood of man could find expres- 
sion. The members of the graduating class pledged them- 
selves "to press forward to the goal of world peace." 

The Principia, St. Louis, Missouri, an educational 


institution for the children of Christian Scientists, has 
appointed a committee on international relations repre- 
senting every branch of the school work in order that the 
school may act as a unit in developing sympathetic 
understanding of other nations. Lecturers and artists 
from foreign countries are brought to the school, and one 
lecture a week is given by a member of the faculty on a 
foreign country or on some problem existing between 
this country and another. The subject matter of the 
lectures is used as a basis for composition work. Special 
attention is paid to cultivating speaking ability in foreign 
languages. The school has gradually collected an inter- 
national museum of pictures, objects of art, costume 
dolls representing all nations, and other material showing 
the achievements and customs of foreign nations. An 
anonymous gift known as the School of Nations Fund 
has been received by the school to enable it to develop 
its international program and assist students to spend a 
year abroad, and teachers to travel abroad during their 

The Platoon Schools of Calais, Maine, have worked 
out a year's program for teaching the social sciences from 
the first to the sixth grade, one of the objects of which 
is to bring about better understanding among the people 
of the world. The program ends with a goodwill pageant. 
A full account can be obtained from Mr. W. H. Phinney, 
superintendent of schools. 

The schools of Oregon have adopted a very forward- 
looking course in world history for the ninth grade which 
includes these aims: knowledge leading to understanding 
of recent and present world problems; attitude of seeing 
institutions as changing rather than as permanent; 
knowledge of social movements and tendencies; evalua- 
tion of opposing forces in the progress of civilization, 
for example, the conservative and the radical; intelligent 


view of the struggle for democracy and of the forces 
opposing it; significance of strong leaders; perception 
that no nation is isolated, and that world cooperation 
would lead to permanent peace; desire to incorporate 
into our own civilization the spiritual and cultural 
values of other peoples. 

Junior high-school geography in West Virginia is 
designed to develop in the children the disposition and 
ability to understand the contribution which the indus- 
tries of the United States make to the world, what other 
nations produce and with which nations we can trade 
most satisfactorily ; the characteristics and customs of the 
people with whom we must trade ; and that no nation can 
live alone but that a nation's destiny will depend upon its 
attitude and methods in dealing with other nations. 

School Correspondence 

The importance which educators put upon the inter- 
change of correspondence between school children is evi- 
denced in the appeal of the Conference on "What the 
Schools Can Do for Peace" to the League of Nations to 
recommend to all governments that they facilitate the 
interchange of correspondence, and its further appeal to 
the International Bureau of Education to make applica- 
tion to the International Postal Union for special 
facilities for such correspondence. The extent to which 
international friendship is already being promoted among 
children by this means can be realized from the reports 
of the American Junior Red Cross and other organiza- 
tions. Hundreds of thousands of boys and girls either 
directly, or indirectly through their school classes, are 
in this way making contacts in all parts of the world. 

An exchange of vacation visits between school children 
has recently become very popular in European countries, 
and, in an increasing number of instances, children in 


their early teens are being exchanged for the school year. 
It has been suggested that such visits could be arranged 
between students in the United States and Canada, and 
the United States and Latin American countries. Such 
an experiment has already been begun in this country 
by Dr. Sven V. Knudsen, a government supervisor of 
the schools of Denmark, who, in 1927 and 1928, arranged 
for one hundred American boys to be entertained during 
their vacations in Danish, Swedish and Norwegian homes. 
Dr. Knudsen's account of the visits which can be 
obtained from him at 248 Boylston St., Boston, indicates 
the great value of such expressions of international 

In so far as agreement has been reached among the 
educators who are experimenting in this field of training 
young people to live in an integrated world community, 
the importance is emphasized of cultivating three things, 
world-mindedness, a sense of the unity of the world, and 
independence of thought. 

Cultivating World-Mindedness 

The various methods for cultivating world-mindedness 
and a sense of world unity are completely and authorita- 
tively presented in the Recommendations of the Inter- 
national Committee on Intellectual Cooperation of the 
League of Nations on "How to Make the League of Na- 
tions Known and to Develop the Spirit of International 
Cooperation." These have been submitted to all nations 
members of the League and are being gradually adopted 
in the schools. Among the recommendations, which may 
be obtained in full from the World Peace Foundation, 
Boston, are these: 

"Civilization in all its principal manifestations is a record 
of cooperative effort from the family, the village and the 


workshop to the vastly more complex institutions of today. 
To imbue the child with a deep and lasting affection for its 
family and country remains today, as in former times, the 
first principle of sound education. But a true patriotism 
understands the patriotism of others; and a recognition of 
the necessity and omnipresence of cooperation, both within 
and without the State, must be emphasized in any education 
that is to fit young persons for modern life. 

"The following methods of promoting indirect contact — 
mainly during school terms — should be employed where cir- 
cumstances and the age of the young persons, render them 

"Children's games, the exhibition of suitable pictures and 
films, lectures, displays of foreign handicrafts, visits to his- 
torical and artistic museums. 

"Fetes and pageants, performances of music; in fact, all 
appeals to the artistic sense that will encourage a mutual 
knowledge of different civilizations and peoples. 

"Translation of suitable foreign masterpieces, including 
national folk-tales and their publication in juvenile period- 

"Juvenile periodicals. Valuable results might be obtained at 
a conference where editors of the more important of these 
periodicals could discuss the possibilities of encouraging these 

"Studies of different civilizations and the scientific and 
comparative study of present-day events. 

"The following methods of encouraging direct contacts 
between young people would be valuable: 

"Interchange of individual children between families. 

"International camps for children and international holiday 

"Group excursions under competent leaders. 

"Congresses and other gatherings, as may be appropriate. 

"Interchange of pupils between schools of different coun- 

"Vacation courses. 


"Government and voluntary associations should apply 
themselves to the task of promoting direct contacts for the 
benefit of the student, young teacher and professor. These 
contacts might take the form of travel abroad, of attendance 
at vacation courses, residence at foreign universities or special 
institutions designed to provide training for international 
careers, or actual teaching work in other countries. 

"Governments should be approached with a view to ob- 
taining all possible travelling facilities, passports, reduced 
fares, and to ensuring that those concerned derive the utmost 
benefit from their visit to foreign countries. The different 
means of subsidizing these visits and exchanges should be 

Behind the cooperation of nations and men, science 
is revealing more and more clearly the fundamental 
unity of the universe. If a picture of the universe as 
modern science sees it — a universe in which there is no 
beginning or end, which is composed of the same ele- 
ments throughout, in which all things are but variations 
of an identical force and in which nothing is unaffected 
by what affects any other thing — could be given children 
as a background for their thinking, world unity and 
brotherhood would not seem to be artificial ideals super- 
imposed upon humanity, but natural expressions in hu- 
man relations of universal law r s. 

Nationalism and Internationalism 

Undoubtedly the most serious obstacle to developing 
a content and spirit of education along lines of world 
unity is a mistaken expression of the spirit of nationality 
which pervades many textbooks and some teaching. It 
w r as unfortunate that the rise of popular education and 
of the spirit of extreme nationalism should have been 
coincident. Self-conscious nations in the modern sense 
did not arise according to most interpreters of history 


until the late 18th century. The partitioning of Poland, 
the French Revolution, Napoleon's later attempt to com- 
bine a whole continent under one rule, the development 
of democratic theories of- government were all factors in 
creating self-conscious nationalism. In so far as nation- 
alism means love of country, pride in its achievements 
and a sense of responsibility for its progress, in so far as 
it encourages groups of people to preserve and develop 
their special gifts and experience, it is good and deserves 
to be cultivated in any system of education. A spirit of 
nationalism does harm only when it leads to a misrepre- 
sentation of fact or is based on ignorance of fact. In its 
false form it tends to create an idea of nations as separate 
entities, to give a nation a personified reality apart from 
the individuals who compose it, and maintains a theory 
of unlimited sovereignty, an assertion of the right, as 
Professor Harold J. Laski defines it, "to will acts of uni- 
versal reference without being called to account for 

Nations are not separate entities considered historically 
or in terms of their present activities. History should 
make clear, as Professor Ernest Barker in his book, "Na- 
tional Character," points out, that . . . "there lives, 
moves, and has its being among us, the past, which is 
not only the past of ourselves, but also that of other peo- 
ples." So far as the present relations of nations are con- 
cerned the interests of their people are no longer sep- 
arated by their boundary lines, and the extent to which 
nations have developed forms of cooperation to meet this 
fact, accepting limitation of their sovereignty in the in- 
terest of their own citizens, should be taught. 

Personification of a nation growing out of a false na- 
tionalism leads to failure to discriminate between the ac- 
tions of small groups of individuals temporarily in con- 
trol of a government and the character and intent of the 


people as a whole. Such confusion obscures the common 
humanity of the people of different nations and leads to 
an acceptance, on the ground that they are in the inter- 
est of something beyond the individual, of activities that, 
if admittedly carried on in the interest of individuals, 
could not be justified. The falseness of this conception 
can be offset in the teaching of history, if, instead of the 
repeated assertion that "France," "Spain" or "Italy" did 
so and so, the distinction between the officials who acted 
and the people at large is brought out. 

In all this the question is not one of teaching interna- 
tionalism as opposed to nationalism. The two things 
are not opposed but complementary. In an interde- 
pendent cooperative world, national loyalty and loyalty 
to humanity are in harmony. If patriotism is to be 
taught the basic fact of that teaching must be that "love 
for one's own country no longer involves the hatred of 
other countries, but on the contrary, disloyalty to the 
whole now involves disloyalty to every part." Dr. Harry 
Emerson Fosdick states vividly the relationship between 
nationalism and internationalism: 

"No other nation can mean to us what our nation means. 
Here are the roots of our heritage, and here our central loyal- 
ties belong. But, just because we feel so deeply about our own 
land, we understand how other people feel about their lands, 
and, using our patriotism to interpret theirs, we grow, not in 
bitterness but in understanding and sympathy. So all fine 
internationalism must be rooted back in the noble signifi- 
cances of nationalism." 

How to Teach Independence of Thought 

For the development of independence of thought the 
following definite methods and plans have been suggested 
by various educational authorities: 

In their study of foreign countries, encourage students 


•to use more than one book and to compare the state- 
ments; to consider, also, in connection with each book 
the date of its publication, the author's other books, con- 
nections, and so on. 

Teach pupils to distinguish between statements that 
are based on facts that can be ascertained and statements 
that are based on individual opinion; and do not insist 
that they accept those based on opinion. 

Train students to read newspapers and magazines with 
intelligent discrimination, comparing the headlines with 
the body of an article, considering the source of informa- 
tion, considering whether it is based on ascertained fact 
or rumor, and noting items for future reference and 

Insist upon a distinction between the individual and 
the group in all general statements. 

Train students to protect themselves against their own 
prejudices, which limit their power of intelligent observa- 

Have questions discussed rather than debated, in order 
that the object of intellectual intercourse may always be 
to arrive at truth. 

Cultivate the ability to enter into other people's points 
of view: among young children by asking them, when 
they have quarreled, to play that they are each other and 
reverse the parts; among older pupils by having them im- 
personate people of foreign nationalities in the commu- 
nity and write letters "home." In an article, "Forming 
First Habits for Internationalism," published in Pro- 
gressive Education in the spring quarter of 1925, Dr. 
Harry A. Overstreet said : 

"Trying to understand the other party unquestionably is 
one of the most broadening of human experiences. Trying 
sincerely to make an adjustment between one's own views and 
views that are divergent is perhaps the most civilizing of 


human experiences. Internationalism stands or falls with 
our wish and our ability to do those two things. Hitherto 
our educational schemes — as likewise our political techniques 
— have made little provision for training along these lines. 
Even history has been studied not so much for the purpose of 
understanding other peoples as for the purpose of learning 
information about more or less external events in their lives." 

Give students a knowledge of the fact that new ideas 
are always opposed, by describing the opposition to inno- 
vations such as artificial lighting of the streets which was 
attacked as "contrary to nature," the introduction of 
bathtubs, the use of baby carriages which it was said 
would "take women out of the home," and so on. 

Point out that the majority is not always right, that 
no idea when it is new has the support of the majority. 

"A few generations ago there were in America many old 
women who were accused of casting spells on their neighbors 
and bringing them bad luck and even death. These old women 
were called witches, and the vast majority believed that it 
was God's will to burn them at the stake; and thousands of 
them were put to death in that way. ... A few decades ago 
slavery was a well-established institution in this country. 
. . . The majority long believed that slavery was justified." 

Those handicapped by prejudices will not be able to 
solve the problems of a new age, nor will those who are 
without a belief in progress. In The Historical Outlook 
for October, 1923, Jessie C. Evans of the Simon Gratz 
High School, Philadelphia, says of this phase of edu- 
cation : 

"Above all things, we must teach the meaning of progress, 
both for national and for world citizenship. An appreciation 
of the growth of ideas is the best preparation for an accept- 
ance of growth and change in contemporary society. If we 
could only train up a generation who were expectant of change 


and who welcomed it when it is for the betterment of man- 
kind, it would not matter what particular ideas we tried to 
inculcate. In their day, which will not be ours, world prob- 
lems may have developed in a way entirely unforeseen by us. 
The important thing is that they should have open and sym- 
pathetic minds and should have acquired the habit of think- 
ing internationally." 

To sum up these many opinions, it is clear that edu- 
cators realize the truth of Emerson's statement, "Good- 
will makes intelligence/' and are convinced that the end 
of education must be today "not life or living but living 
together." * 

♦Suggestions as to programs, sources of material and in regard to 
teaching individual subjects will be found in Chapter XXVI under the 
section, "Through the Schools." 



As the suffering and helplessness of the peoples was 
prolonged by the World War, individuals everywhere 
sought eagerly for some source, outside of the conflict 
and chaos, to which they could turn for help. Their 
disappointment in the Christian Church, which in so 
many instances allowed itself to become a part of the 
war machine, found widespread expression. It was 
charged that the churches had declared a "moratorium on 
Christianity;" and it was frankly said that if they allowed 
another war to develop, "they had better close their 
doors." Since the war, the churches have taken up this 
challenge and are rapidly organizing in support of peace. 
The Christian Century, one of the leading church papers, 
has gone so far as to say: 

"The very fact of war shouts the failure of Christianity; 
. . . the Church cannot bless war without surrendering its 
character as Christian. The Church's clear duty, therefore, 
is to excommunicate war, deliberately and solemnly to say, 
and so to inform the State, that the State may never again 
expect to receive the resources of the Church ... as aids of 
any war in which it might ask its citizens to engage." 

In the first two centuries after Christ, individual 
Christians took the position that they could not as 
Christians participate in war. Men and officers in the 
Roman army, when converted to Christianity, laid down 



their arms and refused further service, giving as their 
only reason, "I am a Christian." A church order issued 
early in the third century called upon magistrates and 
soldiers to abandon their calling before baptism, and 
excommunicated those who joined the army. 

In "The Early Christian Attitude to War," C. J. 
Cadoux reports these facts and explains them: 

"The early Christians took Jesus at his word, and under- 
stood his inculcations of gentleness and non-resistance in their 
literal sense. They closely identified their religion with peace; 
they strongly condemned war for the bloodshed which it 
involved ; they appropriated to themselves the Old Testament 
prophecy which foretold the transformation of the weapons 
of war into the implements of agriculture; they declared that 
it was their policy to return good for evil and to conquer evil 
with good. With one or two possible exceptions no soldier 
joined the Church and remained a soldier until the time of 
Marcus Aurelius (161-180 a.d.). . . . While a general dis- 
trust of ambition and a horror of contamination by idolatry 
entered largely into the Christian aversion to military service, 
the sense of the utter contradiction between the work of im- 
prisoning, torturing, wounding, and killing, on the one hand, 
and the Master.'s teaching on the other, constituted an equally 
fatal and conclusive objection." 

The testimony of the early Church Fathers makes it 
clear that to them war was inconsistent with Christianity. 
Justin Martyr in his first "Apology" said: 

"That these things have come to pass you may be readily 
convinced; for twelve men, destitute both of instruction and 
of eloquence, went forth from Jerusalem into the world and 
by the power of God gave evidence to every description of 
persons that they were sent by Christ to teach all men the 
divine word; and we, who were once slayers of one another, 
do not fight against our enemies." 


Irenaeus declared: 

"The followers of Jesus have abandoned the weapons of war 
and no longer know how to fight." 

Tertullian answered a question with a question: 

"You inquire whether a believer may enter the military- 
service and whether soldiers are to be admitted into the 
Church? How will a Christian man war without a sword, 
which the Lord has taken away? In disarming Peter he 
unbelted every soldier." 

In "De Corona" he said further: 

"When Jesus said, 'He who uses the sword shall perish by 
the sword/ He made it unlawful for a Christian to use the 
sword at all; if a Christian cannot go to law, much less can 
he, as a son of peace, go to battle; if he is not allowed to 
avenge injuries done to himself, he cannot consistently take 
part in imprisoning or torturing or punishing his fellow- 

Lactantius wrote, in the time of the persecution of 
Diocletian : 

"To engage in war cannot be lawful for the righteous man, 
whose warfare is that of righteousness itself." 

Eusebius gives numerous instances which prove that 
this was the position taken by the early church and that 
many of the early Christians sacrificed their fortunes and 
their lives in loyalty to it. In Numidia, as late as 295 
a.d., the recruiting officer brought before the Proconsul a 
young man named Maximilian. As he was about to be 
measured, he said, "I cannot engage in military service; I 
am a Christian." He persisted, saying, "I am a Christian ; 
I cannot fight." When they found it impossible to per- 
suade him, he was put to death. 


When Marcellus, a centurion in the Legion called 
Trajans, became a Christian, he declared that he could 
serve no longer. He was thrown into prison, but he still 
persisted, saying, "It is not lawful for a Christian to bear 
arms for any earthly considerations." 

The religious orders of the Middle Ages, such as the 
Franciscans and Dominicans, likewise refused to 'ike 
part in war. 

Various reasons for the failure of the Church to live 
up to these early teachings are indicated in a recent study 
of "The Christian and War," made by a group of 
Canadian ministers, published as an appeal to all fol- 
lowers of Christ. When the Roman state became the pro- 
tector of the Church, the Church tended to become the 
defender of the policies of the state. The struggle between 
the two theories can be traced through the Church writ- 
ings of the early centuries. In the "Canons of Hippoly- 
tus," credited to the end of the fourth century, voluntary 
enlistment was forbidden and conscripted soldiers were 
not permitted to take their place at the Lord's table until 
they had done penance. But when the wars of Rome 
became defensive wars of a Christian state against bar- 
barians, the Church rallied, with scarcely a dissenting 
voice, to its support, and the Church leaders began to go 
back to the teachings of the Old Testament in justifica- 
tion of participation in war. The conversion by force of 
barbarian tribes who adopted the new religion with 
mental reservations did not strengthen its peaceful char- 
acter. It is said that the Saxons when they were bap- 
tized in a deep river held their right arms, with sword 
uplifted, out of the water! 

During the Middle Ages the Church sought to restrain 
the custom of petty wars between feudal lords. It 
declared what was known as the "Truce of God," which 
prohibited fighting from Wednesday night to Monday 


morning, and which required that such necessary pursuits 
as those of agriculture be protected against the destruc- 
tion of war. Through these centuries the Pope frequently 
acted as arbitrator in disputes, and courts of arbitration 
were set up at the instigation of the Church by the 
bishops and the feudal lords. 

The Humanists of the 16th century proclaimed the in- 
consistency of war and Christianity. Erasmus persist- 
ently worked for peace. In one of his essays against war, 
"The Complaint of Peace," he wrote: 

"Fvery page of the Christian Scriptures speaks of little else 
but peace and concord; and yet the whole life of the greater 
portion of Christians is employed in nothing so much as the 
concerns of war. ... It were best to lay aside the name of 
Christian at once, or else to give proof of the teaching of 
Christ by its only criterion, brotherly love. . . . 'Dare you* 
(he challenges the priests) 'describe Christ as a Reconciler, a 
Prince of Peace, and yet palliate or commend war with the 
same tongue? That in truth is nothing less than to sound 
the trumpet for Christ and Satan at the same time. Do you 
presume, reverend sir, in your hood and surplice, to- stimulate 
the simple, inoffensive people to war, when they come to 
church expecting to hear from your mouth the Gospel of 
peace? . . .' " 

The early Protestant sects did not make a stand against 
war because they felt that they needed the support of the 
state in order to survive. So they tended, as had the 
Church under Rome, to support the state in exchange for 
its protection. The theory of the divine right of kings, 
the idea that the established authorities were so estab- 
lished by the will of God naturally strongly affected the 
attitude of the Church toward the state. To quote from 
the "Christian and War" referred to above: 

"Submission to the royal will was conceived to be a religious 
duty, and the Articles of Religion specified that 'It is lawful 


for Christian men, at the command of the Magistrate, to bear 
weapons, and serve in the wars.' 

"The history of Protestantism, since those first generations 
when it was itself a revolt against authority, discloses a grow- 
ing disposition to support existing authorities. As in England, 
through all the long Stuart tyranny, democracy was hampered 
by episcopal support of the 'divine right of kings,' so in Amer- 
ica slavery was prolonged by religious support. So powerful 
was the support of slavery by the Church that William Lloyd 
Garrison declared 'American Christianity is the main pillar 
of American slavery'; and, looking back upon the bitter 
struggle, Parker Pillsbury said: 'We had almost to abolish 
the Church before we could reach the dreadful thing at all.' 
Social conservatism is a besetting sin of Protestantism. For 
very few great social advances has she, corporately, provided 
leadership. Political democracy has come without her, almost 
in spite of her. Social and industrial democracy, and the 
emancipation of women, have come in the same way. Is it 
to be so of international peace?" 

But however great or small a part the organized 
Church may be thought to have played, institutions have 
gradually been modified in harmony with the principles 
of Christianity, so that those institutions which do not 
conform stand out in ever greater contrast and con- 

As to the lesson to be drawn from the Scriptures on the 
subject of war the same study asserts: 

"Christianity is not a nomistic religion, but a religion of the 
spirit. The most diligent search therefore will not disclose 
a set of rules covering all human situations; it will disclose 
only a spirit in which all situations are to be faced, principles 
by which all conduct must be determined. . . . 

"Most Christians have never made clear to themselves what 
loyalty to the Scriptures requires of them. There is to them 
no progress in the Scriptures, no development in their truth 
and spiritual authority. They have not understood the word, 


"The law and the prophets were until John 7 but thenceforth 
'the gospel of the kingdom of God is preached.' 

"Our Lord sets His own spiritual authority definitely above 
that of the ancient Scriptures. . . . 

"Because Christian society has never finally distinguished 
between what is Christian and what is not Christian in the 
Scriptures, it is unable either to think clearly or to achieve 
Christian unanimity in the face of the deadliest danger." 

Certain passages in the records of the teachings of 
Christ himself are sometimes used in an attempt to prove 
that he sanctioned w r ar. Wilbur K. Thomas, Secretarv 
of # the American Friends Service Committee, 20 South 
12th St., Philadelphia, has published a full discussion of 
these texts in a pamphlet which can be obtained from 
the committee. Of the text, "Think not that I came to 
send peace on earth; I came not to send peace, but a 
sword," Mr. Thomas says, "Those who use this passage 
to prove that war is right do not read it in its context, 
for in the following verses Jesus says, Tor I came to set 
a man at variance against his father, and the daughter 
against her mother/ Does this mean that a man must 
prove his love for Jesus by killing father or mother if 
put to the test? Yet, that is w T hat it means if the sword 
in verse 34 means a sword of steel. The sword referred 
to is not a sword of steel, but a sharp dividing line 
between good and evil." 

Kirby Page in "International Relations in the Light 
of the Religion of Jesus" discusses the scene in the Temple 
when Jesus drove out the money changers, by moral, 
he insists, not physical force. He cites the reading of the 
passage in the American Revised Version, which is 

"and he made a scourge of cords, and cast all out of the 
temple, both the sheep and the oxen, and he poured out the 
changers' money, and overthrew their tables." 


Moffat's Translation, which Mr. Page also cites, reads: 

"Making a scourge of cords, he drove them all, sheep and 
cattle together, out of the temple, scattered the coins of the 
brokers and upset their tables." 

The early Christian ideal of peace has been preserved 
through recent centuries by such sects as the Society of 
Friends, the Mennonites and the Dunkards which have 
cherished the ideal of individual responsibility and whose 
tenets are discussed in a later chapter on "Pacifism." 

The extent to which the question of war or peace is 
occupying the attention and efforts of the churches at 
present will be* indicated by the following official state- 
ments of the organizations and denominations themselves. 

In 1930, a Universal Religious Peace Conference, the 
first conference in history of all religious faiths, will be 
held to consider how the forces of religion of all nations 
can be mobilized in concerted action against war and 
that spirit and those things that make for war. This 
Conference is being arranged by the World Alliance for 
International Friendship Through the Churches. An 
effort will be made to secure agreement on these points: 

u . . . that emphasis on human brotherhood is essential to all 
religions, that world peace can be established only through the 
recognition of universal brotherhood, and that the religions 
of the world can cooperate by each working in its own sphere 
for the attainment of these ideals; and the adoption of gen- 
eral plans looking toward such cooperation." 

That the great religions may in fact consistently unite 
on this principle of world brotherhood is brought out in 
an article by Alfred W. Martin of the Society for Ethical 
Culture, in World Unity for October, 1927. Each of the 
seven great religions urges, he says, the practice of the 


Golden Rule, and he gives the Rule as it is variously- 
expressed in them : 

The Christian: "All things whatsoever ye would that men 
should do unto you, do ye so to them." 

The Jewish: "Whatsoever you do not wish your neighbor 
to do to you, do not unto him." 

The Hindu: "The true rule is to guard and do by the things 
of others as you do by your own." 

The Buddhist: "One should seek for others the happiness 
one desires for oneself." 

The Zoroastrian: "Do as you would be done by." 

The Confucian: "What you do not wish done to yourself, 
do not to others." 

The Mohammedan: "Let none of you treat your brother 
in a way he himself would dislike to be treated." 

These strikingly similar texts inculcating goodwill are 
quoted in a preliminary announcement of the Universal 
Religious Peace Conference: 

Christianity: "Blessed are the peace-makers, for they shall 
be called children of God." 

Hinduism: "To you I declare this holy mystery: There is 
nothing nobler than humanity." 

Buddhism: "Let one cultivate goodwill towards all the 
world, — a mind illimitable, unobstructed, without hatred, 
without enmity. This mode of living is the supreme good." 

Confucianism: "Within the four seas all are brothers." 

Islam : "To God belong the East and the West. Therefore 
whithersoever ye turn, is the face of God. Verily, God is 
all-pervading, all-knowing." 

Jainism: "Establish the religion of the law which benefits 
all living beings in the whole universe! It will bring supreme 
benefit to all living beings in all the world!" 

Judaism: "And they shall beat their swords into plowshares 
and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift 
up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any 




Shintoism : "I will halt here today, and, having purified my- 
self, will go forth tomorrow ; and worship at the temple of the 

Taoism: "Weapons, even though successful, are unblessed 
implements, detestable to every creature. Therefore, he who 
has the Eternal, will not employ them." 

Sikhism: "Churches, teachers, teachings, half a dozen! The 
Teacher of teachers is One; His forms, many. The sun is one; 
the seasons many. Innumerable are the manifestations of 
the Creator." 

Zoroastrianism: "May we ourselves be they who help to 
make this world progress!" 

The Federal Council of Churches 

As early as 1911, an interdenominational peace com- 
mittee was organised by the Federal Council of Churches 
of Christ in America, which represents the following 
Christian Protestant denominations : 

Baptist Churches, North 
Free Baptist Church 
National Baptist Convention 
Christian Church 
Churches of God in N. A. 

(General Eldership) 
Congregational Churches 
Disciples of Christ 
Evangelical Church 
Evangelical Synod of N. A. 

Methodist Episcopal Church 
Methodist Episcopal Church, 

Methodist Protestant Church 
Colored M. E. Church in 

African M. E. Church 

African M. E. Zion Church 
Moravian Church 
National Council of the Prot- 
estant Episcopal Church 
(Cooperating Agency) 
Presbyterian Church in the 

U. S. A. 
Presbyterian Church in the 

U. S. (South) 
Primitive Methodist Church 
Reformed Church in America 
Reformed Church in the U. S. 
Reformed Episcopal Church 
Seventh Day Baptist Church 
United Brethren Church 
United Lutheran Church 

United Presbyterian Church 


The peace committee, which is now known as the Com- 
mission on International Justice and Goodwill of the 
Federal Council, is "committed to unremitting activity 
until a peace system takes the place of competitive arma- 
ments and recurring war." 

An important joint message to the churches was issued 
in 1925 by representatives of twenty-eight denominations 
meeting in a National Study Conference of the Churches 
on World Peace, held under the auspices of the Federal 
Council. This message set forth the "Ideals and Atti- 
tudes of the Christian Church in Regard to War" as 
follows : 

"The teachings and spirit of Jesus clearly show that the 
effective force for the safeguarding of human rights, the har- 
monizing of differences and the overcoming of evil is the spirit 
of goodwill. 

"The Church, the body of Christ all-inclusive — transcend- 
ing race and national divisions, should henceforth oppose war, 
as a method of settling disputes, between nations and groups 
as contrary to the spirit and principles of Jesus Christ, and 
should declare that it will not as a Church sanction war. 

"The Church should not only labor for the coming of the 
Kingdom of God in the hearts of men, but should give itself 
to constructive policies and measures for world justice and 
peace. It should fearlessly declare its distinctive message of 
goodwill. It should proclaim this message regardless of fluctu- 
ating opinion and political exigencies. 

"The Church should teach patriotic support of the State, 
but should never become the agent of the Government in any 
activity alien to the spirit of Christ. The Church should look 
to the responsible statesmen of a Christian country to conduct 
the public business along those lines of justice and reason 
which will not lead to war. 

"The Church should recognize the right and the duty of 
each individual to follow the guidance of his own conscience 
as to whether or not he shall participate in war." 


In January, 1928, the Executive Committee of the 
Federal Council adopted and issued a declaration of prin- 
ciples the far-reaching character of which is shown in the 
following extracts: 

"With startling clearness we now see that war, in its spirit 
and modern practice, is the negation of everything to which 
the gospel of Jesus bears witness. What, then, shall the 
Church of Christ do with this institution which degrades 
human personality, sets brother against brother and rejects 
the constructive power of love? The Church can be satisfied 
with nothing less than the complete abolition of war. The 
Federal Council of the Churches commits itself with utmost 
earnestness to this task. . . . 

"We pledge our ardent support to President Coolidge and 
Secretary Kellogg in any efforts, consonant with a proper con- 
sideration of the mutual interests of all the nations concerned, 
to negotiate treaties which will secure the abolition of war by 
the nations and assure the peaceful settlement of all inter- 
national disputes. . . . 

"The effect on world peace of America's unprecedented eco- 
nomic expansion calls for thoughtful study. . . . The wide- 
spread assumption that military forces are to be called into 
action whenever and wherever foreign investments are placed 
in jeopardy through internal political turmoil tends to perpet- 
uate the maintenance of vast armaments and increases the 
likelihood of war. 

"We regret that the United States is not a member of the 
Permanent Court of International Justice. We believe that 
it is yet possible for the representatives of our own country 
and of the nations signatory to the Court Protocol to arrive 
at a basis of agreement that would result in making the United 
States a full member of that judicial body. 

"The United States, we believe, should be brought into a 
relationship of more effective cooperation with the rest of the 
world. We therefore express our gratification with the 
increasing number of the Committees and Commissions of 


the League of Nations on which the United States has full, 
active membership. 

"The disestablishment of war and the maintenance of peace 
depend, in the last analysis, on the development of the spirit 
of goodwill, brotherhood and cooperation between nations and 
races. Misunderstanding and fears must be removed. Hatred 
must be banished. There must be created the w T ill to peace. 
This is peculiarly the province of the church, which has 
always regarded it as its mission to nourish more Christlike 
motives and attitudes in the hearts of men. 

"We deprecate a great naval building program, not pri- 
marily because of the vast sums involved, grave as this objec- 
tion is, but because it moves in the direction of international 
distrust rather than of international agreement. . . . We urge 
our Government to give its best energies to working out, in 
cooperation w f ith other nations, a plan of universal and pro- 
gressive reduction of armaments. 

"We rejoice to know that 36 communions now have commis- 
sions on international relations and that 57 state and citv 
councils of churches and other local inter-communion bodies 
have similar committees. We urge these communions and 
local church councils greatly to strengthen their educational 
program for peace and to provide their commissions and com- 
mittees with budgets sufficient to enable them to operate more 
effectively. The Church must ever cherish the age-old and 
inalienable liberty of the prophets to interpret public poli- 
cies and the institutions of the day in the light of the Christian 
gospel. . . . Efforts being made by a few individuals and 
groups to cast aspersions on the character and honesty of 
purpose of many of our ablest Christian leaders, falsely charg- 
ing them with being consciously or unconsciously agents of 
subversive influences, should be outspokenly condemned." 

The Church Peace Union 

In 1914, the Church Peace Union was organized to 
unite the Protestant, Catholic, Jewish and Greek Ortho- 
dox Churches in work for peace. The Union was endowed 


by Andrew Carnegie with a sum of $2,000,000. It imme- 
diately formed the World Alliance for International 
Friendship through the Churches to carry out its program. 
There are branches of the World Alliance in thirty 
nations. It was responsible in 1919 for the first inter- 
national conference of the churches to be held after 
the World War, and international goodwill congresses are 
being held now annually. The World Alliance takes the 
position that "war should no longer be used for the settle- 
ment of controversies between nations" and "that the 
time has come to make a combined and frontal attack 
for the overthrow of the institution of war by outlawing 
it and making war a crime under the law of nations": 

"We recognize that the approaches to a warless world are 
varied. We are still in the process of finding the most feasible 
paths to peace. We do not desire to be dogmatic as to details 
of policy, but the danger of drifting into war situations is so 
obvious, the silent forces which lead to international crises 
are so subtle, the delay of constructive action is so disheart- 
ening that we summon the proponents of peace to a sympa- 
thetic understanding of differing programs and to a united 
advance on certain great essentials. 

"We believe that the churches and other religious organiza- 
tions have in the Peace Movement a most searching test of 
their own foundations and the most challenging opportunity 
of their history. Religious groups must translate their ideals 
of a warless world into effective action through intelligent 
understanding of the political, social and economic problems 
facing the nations, and through support of practical measures 
to ensure international cooperation and justice." 

The American Branch of the Alliance welcomes the 
cooperation of all faiths, all political affiliations, all shades 
of opinion in making 

"America 100% effective in cooperation with other nations 


in preserving peace throughout the world and in developing 
permanent methods of international goodwill and security. 

"The entire program is based upon the conviction that the 
greatest need of the present time is an aroused public senti- 
ment, in view of the ominous threatenings of more wars as a 
result of continued national, sectional and racial hatred and 
misunderstandings, and of the reasonable possibilities of pre- 
serving peace." 

The Catholic Association for International Peace 

During the World War the responsibility felt by the 
Catholic Church for world peace was several times given 
expression in messages from the Pope, and in his repeated 
effort to bring about a cessation of hostilities. One of the 
notable pronouncements was this of Pius XI in his First 
Encyclical : 

"The nations of to-day live in a state of armed peace which 
is scarcely better than war itself, a condition which tends to 
exhaust national finances, to waste the flower of youth, to 
muddy and poison the very fountain heads of life, physical, 
intellectual, religious and moral." 

"The Church is the teacher and example of world goodwill, 
for she is able to inculcate and develop in mankind the 'true 
spirit of brotherly love/ " 

"The Peace of Christ in the Kingdom of Christ. . . . With 
might and main we shall ever strive to bring about this peace. 
. . . We ask that all assist and cooperate with us in this Our 


To further the objects and purposes of world peace "in 
accord with the teachings of the Church," several con- 
ferences of members of the Catholic Church were held 
following the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago in 1926, 
and led to the formation in April, 1927, of the Catholic 
Association for International Peace. 

The constitution of the Association declares its objects 
and purposes to be, "to study, disseminate, and apply the 


principles of natural law and Christian charity to inter- 
national problems of the day; to consider the moral and 
legal aspects of any action which may be proposed or 
advocated in the international sphere; to examine and 
consider issues which bear upon international goodwill; 
to encourage the formation of conferences, lectures and 
study circles; to issue reports on questions of internar 
tional importance; and to further, in cooperation with 
similar Catholic organizations in other countries, in 
accord with the teachings of the Church, the object and 
purposes of world peace and happiness." The Associa- 
tion brings together in committees persons acquainted 
with particular problems concerning peace. These com- 
mittees prepare reports which are discussed in meet- 
ings of the organization, revised and made public. In 
February, 1928, a "Report on International Ethics — 
War, Intervention, Peace Treaties, Means of Avoiding 
War" was issued. * 

The Hebrew Congregations 

Both the Central Conference of the American Rabbis 
and the Union of American Hebrew Congregations have 
been active in organized peace work since the war. The 
29th Council of the Union of American Hebrew Congre- 
gations, held in 1926, adopted the following resolutions: 

"Whereas, It is coming more and more to be realized that 
the best way of preventing war is by promoting international 
understanding through education and by creating concrete 
instrumentalities for peace; now therefore be it 

"Resolved, That the Union of American Hebrew Congre- 
gations join with other religious denominations of our country 
in petitioning the United States Government to . . . adhere 
to the World Court; and in petitioning the President of the 
United States to take steps toward inviting international 
cooperation in a drastic reduction of armaments and control 
of traffic in arms; and be it further 


"Resolved, That it is the sense of this convention that, in 
order actually and permanently to prevent war, the nations 
of the World must resolve to look upon war as a crime against 
humanity and against International Law, and we therefore 
petition our Government to take counsel with other nations 
on ways and means of bringing about the outlawry of war; 
and finally be it 

"Resolved, That we recommend to the various congrega- 
tions w T hich we represent that special instruction be given to 
the children of our religious schools on the causes of inter- 
national friction, and also of those principles of life and con- 
duct, both personal and national, taught by the sages and 
prophets of Israel, that emphasize our common humanity and 
make for peace and understanding; and we further recom- 
mend the appointment by each of our congregations of a 
Standing Committee on International Justice and Peace, 
whose function it shall be to assist in the creation and 
strengthening of a public opinion in behalf of peace and to 
represent the congregation in all community efforts for the 
promotion of peace." 

The Central Conference of American Rabbis in 1924 
adopted a resolution on peace which included the follow- 
ing statements: 

"Together with our brothers of other creeds we are eager 
to give whatever we can of our strength and devotion, in order 
that the curse of war shall be lifted from the world. . . . 

"We urge upon our fellow-citizens and upon those who 
guide the destinies of our land that, being true to themselves, 
they adopt an uncompromising opposition to war. We believe 
that war is morally indefensible. War that crushes the young, 
that brutalizes and degrades, that destroys all that is most 
precious, must not be honored and glorified. It must be rec- 
ognized for what it is and this must be taught to our children. 

"In conclusion w r e would repeat the words of our prayer- 
book: 'Grant us peace, Thy most precious gift, Thou Eter- 
nal Source of Peace, and enable Israel to be a messenger of 


peace unto the peoples of the earth.' Bless our country that 
it may ever be a stronghold of peace and its advocate in the 
council of nations." 

By action of its Executive Board in 1927 the Central 
Conference, referring to the threat of war with Mexico, 
adopted the following resolution : 

"We hold that where there is the will, every international 
issue can be adjusted without resort to armed force. 

"We hold the sanctity of human life to be paramount to 
all considerations of the rights of property. 

"We hold that these two principles are an integral part of 
historic American idealism, as reaffirmed by President 
Coolidge in his Omaha address in these words: 'Our Country 
has definitely relinquished the old standards of dealing with 
other countries by terror and force, and is definitely com- 
mitted to the new standard of dealing with them through 
friendship and understanding. . . .' In the Mexican situa- 
tion, we have a crucial issue in which these principles are 
being put to test. Therefore, we urge upon the Government 
of the United States of America to apply to the Mexican situ- 
ation the principles of arbitration and conciliation, and to 
settle this international dispute without resorting to armed 

In 1926 at Geneva an International Committee of 
Anti-Militarist Clergymen was founded by individual 
clergymen from Holland, Germany, Switzerland and 
America. Its purposes are stated to be: 

"To unite the anti-militarist ministers of all churches and 
of all denominations and of all countries and if possible to 
create new groups and to prepare the way for an international 
congress to be held in Holland in 1928; 

"To study thoroughly the question of war from the theo- 
logical and philosophical standpoint; 

"To demonstrate without delay, by word and deed in and 


outside the churches, against war and the preparations for 

Resolutions on World Peace 

Resolutions adopted since the war by the various 
Protestant denominations have in many instances gone 
even further in renunciation of war than those passed by 
inter-denominational bodies. Striking extracts only can 
be included in this chapter. The resolutions in full can 
be obtained from the church bodies or from the National 
Council for Prevention of War. 

The Advent Christians General Conference of America 

"In view of the fact that war does not settle problems, but 
often increases them, that it is un-Christian in spirit, and 
must be much more inhuman and cruel in time to come, this 
Conference takes its stand as unalterably opposed to war." 

If these resolutions meant that every church member 
was living up to them war would undoubtedly be already 
abolished; they do mean, however, that the w r ay has been 
opened and made easy for every individual member and 
local church to throw their energies into w T ork for peace. 

The Baptist World Alliance (1923): 

"This Congress, representing millions of citizens belonging 
to different Governments, appeals to the Governments of the 
world to make the maintenance of peace their first aim, for 
the sake of each nation and people, and for the sake of the 
happiness and well-being of mankind. . . . 

"The Congress urges the members of all churches through- 
out the world to pray for peace, to counter-work everything 
that is likely to provoke Governments to act against each 
other, to cleanse the educational books of all nations of all 
racial and national antagonisms." 


The Northern Baptist Convention (1924): 

"Whereas: The Christian conscience of the world is coming 
to recognize that war is neither inevitable nor necessary; 
that it is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Jesus Christ; 
that it is the most colossal and ruinous social sin that afflicts 
humanity today ; that under modern conditions war has now 
become not only futile but suicidal; and that the recognition 
of this fact is necessary to the continuance of civilization; 
therefore be it 

"Resolved, That the Northern Baptist Convention again 
declares its conviction that war is a wrong method of settling 
international disputes, and that because it is wrong, the church 
must not only condemn war and the things which make for 
war, but must take an active part in discovering and promot- 
ing the things which make for peace." 

The resolution adopted in 1927 read: 

"Resolved, That we reaffirm the conviction that a primary 
Christian interest is the advancement of peace on earth, good- 
will to men, and as means to that end: 

"First, we most heartily favor the idea expressed by the 
terms 'the outlawry of war'; 

"Second, we endorse all efforts looking toward the reduction 
of armaments; 

"Third, we proclaim adherence to the ideal of fellowship 
among the nations, and commend as complete cooperation as 
may be in the work of the World Court and the League of 

The Southern Baptist Convention (1926) : 

"War is the colossal crime of the ages. War must be ban- 
ished. If it is banished, it must be banished by the active 
influence and effort of the great Christian bodies of the world. 
... It is the high privilege and duty of Christian men and 
of Christian bodies in the spirit of Christ to cultivate the 
spirit of peace and to do all within their power for the ban- 
ishment of war." 


The National Council of Congregational Churches 

"Whereas compulsory military training in our schools and 
colleges fosters a general attitude of mind conducive to mili- 
tarism and sole reliance on force, and gives ground for other 
nations to question the peaceful purposes of the United States, 
therefore be it 

''Resolved, That the National Council of Congregational 
Churches assembled in Omaha condemn both in theory and 
practice any compulsory military training in public schools, 
or in tax supported or land grant institutions of higher 

"Resolved, That we protest the giving of high school or any 
other academic credit for attendance at the Citizen's Military 
Training Camps, and be it further 

"Resolved, That we urge congressional action to release all 
instructors in courses in military science from the direct con- 
trol of the War Department to the regularly constituted local 
academic authorities, thus effectually freeing our educational 
system from the control or influence of the War Department." 

The Commission on International Justice of the 
National Council of Congregational Churches has drawn 
up the following principles for adoption by the churches 
of this denomination : 

"That the churches in all their departments endeavor to 
inculcate in the minds of their constituents, and especially 
the youth, a knowledge of the folly and inhumanity of war 
and to foster and extend the will to peace based upon the 
doctrine of equal rights and just treatment for all nations; 
and that Christian homes throughout our congregations be 
open to the foreign students within our gates, that they may 
return to their respective countries with an exalted sense of 
the power of Christianity in the home and a new conception of 
Christian fraternity; 

"That the denomination stand for the new diplomacy which 


repudiates threats and violence as a means of settling inter- 
national difficulties and advocates instead resort to confer- 
ences, courts and arbitration; 

"That the denomination condemn as vicious and unchristian 
all propaganda of hate, and stand against the employment of 
the churches for the support of war." 

The General Convention of the Christian Church 

"A false and foolish patriotism may be the very germ of 
another and a hundred times worse world war than the one 
we have passed through. The Christian Church should speak 
in no uncertain way for the outlawry of war, and all lands 
should come to understand that the Church of Christ brands 
international strife and bloodshed with all its accompanying 
hatred and destruction as crime between the nations, as mur- 
der is crime between man and man. 

"The church and the world should have learned its lesson 
by this time, but there still arises a demand for militarism, 
under the guise of patriotism and national defense, which 
seeks to make military service practically compulsory in our 
schools. The church should stand unalterably opposed to such 
a movement and should be on guard in every local community 
and in the national counsels of the nation to raise its voice 
and to give its influence against such a perilous step toward 

The International Convention of the Disciples of 
Christ in 1926 adopted resolutions calling for the cele- 
bration of Armistice Day and for the enactment of a law 
designating that day as Peace Day. It opposed military 
training in the following resolution: 

"Whereas, our people are committed to the principle of no 
conscription in times of peace, 

"Be it resolved, That we oppose all compulsory military 
training in the colleges, universities and high schools of this 


The General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church (1925): 

"We believe that a warless world is a possibility; that life 
based on the spirit and principles of the Prince of Peace, so 
far from being visionary, contains the only practical method 
of security for the future. We regard this work not only as 
a corporate responsibility of the whole Church, but as the 
individual duty of every Christian citizen. The American 
Ambassador to England, himself a communicant of this 
Church, said in one of his first public utterances, 'The Foreign 
Office of the United States is in the American home.' In this 
true and striking statement he reminds every one of us of the 
part each must play in this work which transcends all others 
in importance. 

"We reaffirm the conviction stated by the General Conven- 
tion of 1922 that the nations of the world must adopt a peace 
system. It is fundamental to such a system that it be built 
on the conviction that war is unchristian in principle and 
suicidal in practice." 


The Evangelical Synod of North America (1925) : 

"We declare our conviction that international warfare is 
incompatible with the Gospel of love and brotherhood which 
we profess to believe. The methods used and the passions 
aroused by war both outrage Christ's conception of a Kingdom 
of God in which men shall trust, love and forgive one another. 
We therefore pledge ourselves to support every movement 
which looks toward an organization of the nations for the 
elimination and outlawry of war; and to use every means 
to create the spirit of international goodwill among our people. 
We furthermore declare that we will not, as a Christian 
Church, ever bless or sanction war. We make this declaration 
of abstention as a Christian communion and do not intend it 
to bind individuals unless and until they accept it personally. 
We do mean it to commit our Church to the fundamental 
proposition that to support war is to deny the Gospel we 
profess to believe." 


The United Lutheran Church in America (1924): 

"We believe that the time has come when it is necessary 
to stress the fact that nationalism and internationalism are 
not mutually exclusive terms, that patriotism and the love 
of other nations and races are complementary, that the proc- 
esses employed by and within the nation to secure justice, 
peace and stability must be employed in an ever-increasing 
measure in the intercourse between nations, that the arbitra- 
ment of arms must yield in an ever larger degree to the 
arbitrament of reason, of law and of Christian love, and that 
to this end Christian citizens are pledged as such to exert 
every effort, through the establishment of some effective 
agency, to further justice and goodwill in their own country 
and in the commonwealth of nations. We believe that the 
Lutheran World Convention can contribute materially to the 
furtherance of world peace and petition it to consider this 

"Holding these fundamental principles we recognize the fact 
that sin is still in the world and that nations might be unwar- 
rantably incited to attack and invade our nation and therefore 
we believe that in accordance with the teaching of Article XVI 
of the Augsburg Confession and Article I of the Constitution 
of the United States, Christians may engage in just war and 
act as soldiers." 

The New York and New England Synod of the United 
Lutheran Church in America (1924) : 

"The record of human progress reveals that we arrive at 
certain stages when the Christian conscience, enlightened by 
the Word of God, demands the sloughing off of evils which 
can be endured no longer. That hour, we believe, has arrived 
for the horrible practice of war. . . . 

"If the existing desire for peace is expressed and spread still 
further and intensified, it will become a dominant issue in our 
political life and a determined citizejiry will substitute law 
for military force. Governments will find a way to accom- 
plish what the people demand. 


"We petition the United Lutheran Church to recommend 
to the next Lutheran World Conference to adopt a program 
of education and action so that the 80,000,000 Lutherans 
throughout the world may be enlisted and led in a campaign 
against war." 

The General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church (1928): 

"Whereas, the Honorable Frank B. Kellogg, Secretary of 
State of the United States, has taken a heroic, earnest and un- 
precedented stand in favor of the outlawry of war, and is per- 
sistently endeavoring to bring the same to pass; 

"Therefore, Be It Resolved, that we instruct the Secretary 
of this General Conference to express to Secretary Kellogg 
our appreciation of his efforts and to assure him that the Gen- 
eral Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in session 
at Kansas City wishes to cooperate with him in every possible 

"We rejoice in the efforts now being made by the United 
States and other governments to enter into compacts with 
other nations for the outlawry of war. We are convinced that 
war has become the supreme enemy of mankind. Its continu- 
ance is the suicide of civilization. We would utterly repudiate 
our professed faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, the Prince of 
Peace, if we held that war is inevitable. War is not inevitable. 
Disputes between nations, like disputes between individuals, 
may be settled by judicial processes. We believe, therefore, 
that war should be made a public crime under the law of 

"We recognize the need of an army and navy sufficient to 
serve as a police power for the protection of life and property 
on land and sea. But as a Christian body we 'renounce war 
as an instrument of national policy/ and set ourselves to 
create the will to peace. The agencies of our Church shall not 
be used in preparation for war. They shall be used in prep- 
aration for peace. We must do our full share to mould the 


present youth of all races into a peace-loving generation. To 
this end we recommend that the Board of Bishops appoint a 
commission on peace and world fellowship, consisting of seven 
ministers and eight laymen, and that this commission be em- 
powered to employ an executive secretary and to secure from 
the General Conference Expense Fund a sufficient sum to 
finance its operation. 

"Preparation for war leads to war. We therefore urge the 
President of the United States to prepare for another Confep- 
ence of Nations to secure a more drastic reduction of arma- 
ments of every kind. We adhere to the principle that diplo- 
macy should be used instead of military intervention in our 
relations with other nations. The rights of the smallest nation 
must be held as sacred as those of the strongest. 

"We call upon our members as citizens to exert themselves 
to the utmost to secure the participation of their respective 
governments in a World Court which shall have affirmative 
jurisdiction over all international disputes, and shall develop 
and administer international law upon the basic principle that 
war is a crime. We urge upon our members their duty as 
citizens to secure the participation of their respective govern- 
ments in an effective association of nations which shall under- 
take to remove the causes of war and to lead the world into 

the ways of peace. 

• • • • 

"We record our appreciation of the efforts being made by 
the government of the United States of America looking to- 
ward world peace. There are, however, certain policies now 
in vogue which tend to weaken these efforts, and against which 
we protest. 

"We are opposed to compulsory military training in high 
schools, colleges and universities. 

"We are opposed to the advertising of military training 
camps by government postmarks on mail matter, the distribu- 
tion of which in this and foreign countries tends to create a 
wrong impression regarding the attitude of the United States 
toward the spirit of universal peace. 


"In accord with the desire for world peace by understanding 
as often expressed by the Methodist Episcopal Church, be it 
Resolved, That we' as a General Conference request the Con- 
gress and the President of the United States to withhold their 
support of the naval bill now before the Senate looking to the 
laying down of more cruisers beyond the fiscal year ending 
June, 1929, and to any clause in such a bill which would re- 
strict the President in his power to suspend construction of 
cruisers authorized in the event of the calling of an interna- 
tional conference for further reduction of naval armaments. 

"The secretary is instructed to wire this petition to the Pres- 
ident and to the Senate of the United States." 

The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church 

"The Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. pledges all its 
energies to the outlawry of war and to the hastening of the 
day when nations shall learn war no more. We refuse to 
believe that the wholesale slaughter of human beings upon the 
battlefield is morally necessary to man's highest development 
any more than is killing by individuals. We see in war's 
cruelties, made more terrible by modern invention, not only 
a menace to civilization but also a definite challenge to the 
followers of the Prince of Peace." 

The Eastern Synod of the Reformed Church in the 
United States of America (1924) : 

"We avow our sincere patriotism and our unquestioned 
loyalty to the nation that we love, but we claim for ourselves 
the right and the liberty to speak at any time contrary to 
those who may temporarily be in control of the government, 
if loyalty to the Spirit of Jesus Christ, as we apprehend it, 
demands such action. 

"Recognizing the moral and spiritual attainments of the 
race to be what they are, we do not cherish the illusion that 
a nation attacked would refuse to defend itself. We, there- 
fore, believe that international agencies and instrumentalities 


must be created that will insure justice and protection to all 
nations, great and small, strong and weak. 

"We refuse to believe that such agencies cannot be created 
but are of the firm conviction that if the government would 
set itself aggressively to the pursuit of peace, and would 
expend the equivalent of time, thought, energy and money in 
devising peaceful means for the settlement of disputes that 
it now spends in preparing for war, the peace of the world 
would be more assured than it is at this time. 

"But we are likewise convinced that no organization of 
government and no international agencies can in themselves 
be depended on to insure the peace of the world and we, there- 
fore, call on all our pastors and churches to be instant in 
season and out of season to create the spirit of goodwill and 
brotherliness in all human relationships and to bring the life 
of Christ and the powers of the gospel to bear on the spirit 
of the age." 

The General Conference of the Seventh Day Baptist 
Church (1926): 

"War is un-Christian. For twenty centuries, two diametri- 
cally opposed systems of philosophy have grown up together 
in this world. One is based upon love and goodwill toward 
God and fellow man. It exalts the value of the individual 
life and soul. The other is based on hate and organized 
slaughter. It exalts the value of force and counts life as 
nothing except as it contributes to the military strength of 
the State. . . . The time is here when we must decide w r hich 
of these traditions shall prevail — whether the Cross or the 
sword shall be our symbol; whether we will worship Christ 
or Mars, for both cannot prevail together." 

The Universalist General Convention (1925): 

"Whereas, a cardinal principle of the Universalist church 
is that of allegiance to 'the Spiritual Authority and Leader- 
ship of Jesus/ to be interpreted by its members as their con- 
science may direct; and whereas, there are those among its 


members who interpret this authority as a complete con- 
demnation and renunciation of violence between nations as 
well as between individuals, operative even in time of war 

"Therefore, be it resolved that the fifty-fifth convention of 
the Universalist church recognizes as being in accord with our 
fundamental principles the right of members of this church 
to refuse on conscientious grounds to participate in any 

The Universalist General Convention (1927) sent a 
memorial to the President and Senate of the United 
States urging acceptance of the Briand proposal for a 
treaty renouncing war and declaring: 

"That war ^hould never again be resorted to by civilized 
nations as the means for settling disputes or enforcing claims. 

"That war should be declared by the nations to be an inter- 
national crime. 

"That the renunciation of war by treaties and solemn 
engagements should be undertaken between all the principal 

"And that the settlement of every threatening dispute, 
whatever its nature, should be sought only by pacific means." 

The American Unitarian Association in 1925 pledged 
itself to support all efforts to bring about better under- 
standing among nations and to organize the nations on a 
basis of international cooperation and law. 

The religious groups w r hich have from the beginning 
made non-participation in war a fundamental part of 
their faith — the Brethren, the Moravians, the Mennonites 
and the Quakers — pass few resolutions on this subject, 
although there is an occasional reiteration of their posi- 

The Church of the Brethren in 1928 adopted a resolu- 
tion as follows: 


Be it resolved: 

That we believe the Church of Christ is a holy institution, 
founded on love, peace and brotherhood, and therefore cannot 
bless warfare, or endorse the killing of our fellowman. 

That every effort be made to foster the altruistic spirit 
among the nations and peoples of the world; that all propa- 
ganda tending to mislead peoples and create prejudice and 
misunderstanding be discouraged; that selfish economic im- 
perialism by individuals or corporations be condemned as un- 
righteous and out of harmony with the Christian spirit which 
has been a cardinal principle of our American life ; that mili- 
tary armament and preparations for war be abolished by the 
outlawry of war through peace treaties, and that only such 
forces be maintained as may be needed for police protection; 
that we advocate the settlement of all international differences 
by peace conferences and arbitration; that compulsory mili- 
tary training in universities, colleges and high schools, being 
un-American and un-Christian, be discontinued. 

The Eastern District Conference of Mennonites in 
1927 stated: 

"The Mennonite Church has for more than four centuries 
held the Bible as the one valid and true rule of life. One of 
the Biblical principles emphasized by our forefathers, which 
we sincerely believe to be essential for the highest type of 
life, is that which directs us to affirm that international differ- 
ences should be settled by arbitration and not by armies, 
according to the New Testament teaching concerning peace. 
We therefore reaffirm our solemn conviction that peace ought 
to be striven for in the lives of individuals and the lives of 

The Mennonite General Conference in 1917 issued a 
statement which said: 

"As a Christian people we have always endeavored to sup- 
port the government under which we lived in every capacity 


consistent with the teaching of the Gospel as we understand 
it, and will continue to do so; but according to this teaching 
we cannot participate in war in any form; that is, to aid or 
abet war, whether in combatant or non-combatant capacity." 

At the Conference of All Friends held in England in 
1920, a new statement of the Quaker position on war was 
adopted, in the foreword of which the following para- 
graphs are found: 

"The whole redemptive process, which reveals the nature of 
God intimately bound up with a true experience of the life of 
God, has at the same time made clear, as nothing else ever has, 
the infinite worth of personal life seen in the light of that 
love that suffers long and is kind. Love is no accident of a 
creation struggling to survive and to propagate life; it is the 
expression of the deepest nature of things; it is the energy 
by which the spiritual world is formed and built. 

"It is because in some real sense we see the truth of the 
nature of God and man that we cannot have any part in 
the way and method and spirit of war, either for the settle- 
ment of international differences or as a solution of the social 
and industrial problems which beset our age. It belongs to 
the very essence and fiber of our religious faith to take Christ's 
way of life as a program to be practiced and to regard His 
estimate of the worth of man as the true one. We have no 
illusion as to the cost and the difficulty of such a venture. 
But we cannot do otherwise. We know of no other way to 
preserve our loyalty to the highest or to bring in the Kingdom 
for which Christ lived and died." 

The Moravian Church adopted through its Provincial 
Synod in June, 1925, a resolution which said in part: 

"Whereas, The Moravian Church, in view of its history and 
ideals, should be among the foremost of those who carry on 
this 'war against war* .... 

"Resolved, That it is our conviction, that when such vast 


sums are being spent in preparation for possible war, the 
Government should stand ready to spend liberal sums in the 
cultivation of peace, in the holding of Disarmament Confer- 
ences, in the maintenance of a World Court and in the prose- 
cution of other enterprises having the same end in view." 

In some instances church groups have not made it 
their practice to pass resolutions. Nevertheless, the pro- 
motion of peace is a fundamental part of their belief. 

The Corresponding Secretary of the Christian Science 
Board of Directors recently made the following state- 

"The Discoverer and Founder of Christian Science, Mary 
Baker Eddy, was a lifelong advocate of conciliation, arbitra- 
tion, and peace. In a letter to an editor, she said 'I am 
absolutely and religiously opposed to war' ("The First Church 
of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany," page 284). One of the 
By-Laws which she wrote for the Church she founded reads 
in part as follows: 'It shall be the duty of the members of 
The Mother Church and of its branches to promote peace on 
earth and goodwill toward men' ("Church Manual," page 45). 
Accordingly, all Christian Scientists are actively interested in 
practical measures for the prevention of war. The inter- 
national character of our Church contributes to goodwill 
between nations, but much of what is being done by Christian 
Scientists for the abolition of war is being done through our 
international newspaper, The Christian Science Monitor. One 
of the aims of this newspaper is to be an active and vigilant 
agency for international peace." 

In the Baha'i faith the unity of mankind and world 
peace are basic principles. The writings of 'Abdu'l-Baha 
are filled with teachings and prophecies in regard to peace. 
The following statement occurs in the Discourses of 
'Abdu'1-Baha, delivered during his visit to the United 
States in 1912, which have been published in two volumes 
under the title, "The Promulgation of Universal Peace" : 


"All the divine manifestations have proclaimed the oneness 
of God and. the unity of mankind. They have taught that 
men should love and mutually help each other in order that 
they might progress. Now if this conception of religion be 
true, its essential principle is the oneness of humanity. The 
fundamental truth of the manifestations is peace. This under- 
lies all religion, all justice." 

The Theosophical Society carries on active educational 
work for peace through an International Order of Service 
with a director of peace work in each city where the Order 
exists. One of the objects of this Order of Service is to 
develop a World Prayer Week from November 4th to 
November 11th. In the belief that "fine thoughts and 
prayers are energies that stream forth from the mind" 
it seeks to have as many people as possible in all parts 
of the world during the two minutes of the Great Silence 
observed at noon on November 11th, unite in prayer for 
peace. It urges also that at noon each day throughout 
the year individuals everywhere think peace and pray for 

The desire of the churches to promote world peace is 
by nothing better attested than by the recent change in 
the attitude of various denominations toward the work 
of missionaries. The underlying theory of foreign mis- 
sion work is changing from one of carrying salvation to 
the heathen to one of conducting a joint search with the 
men and women of other nations for the principle of 
divine goodness. This line of development is even lead- 
ing to missionaries working under the native Christian 
churches rather than their home church. Of more imme- 
diate bearing upon issues of war and peace are recent pro- 
nouncements in regard to the military protection of mis- 
sions by the home government. 

The following cablegram was sent in May, 1927, to all 
missionaries appointed by the Baptist board: 


"Please inform our own missionaries and Chinese Christian 
leaders that the policy of the board is as follows: Equal and 
reciprocal treaties with China as soon as possible, the United 
States negotiating independently if necessary. No armed 
intervention by foreign powers. We support the United 
States Government in its policy of lion-intervention. We are 
in favor of the rapid tranfer of administrative responsibili- 
ties- to Chinese Christians and the reoccupation as soon as 
practicable of stations by missionaries urgently needed and 
desired, who understand that no call must be made for 
protection by foreign armed forces and that there must be 
no personal participation in Chinese political movements. 
The United States Government recognizes that the final 
decision concerning missionaries leaving their station rests 
with the missionaries themselves. We are notifying the 
United States Government of our position." 

The China Inland Mission on October 28, 1925, made 
the following official statement : 

"As an international organization having home centres in 
Great Britain, North America, Australasia, and the Continent 
of Europe, the China Inland Mission in London, without 
the delay for consultation, which would be necessary if a new 
declaration were to be made, is glad to reaffirm that from 
the Mission's foundation, its principles and practice have 
been not to rely upon Government protection, not to make 
demands for rights or restitution, but rather to accept as a 
privilege what may be offered by its own and the Chinese 
Government, to avoid appeals to Consuls and Chinese officials, 
to show honour to all in authority whether Chinese or their 
own Government officials, as required by the Word of God, 
and to recognize practically that the weapons of its warfare 
are spiritual and moral, not carnal." 

The International Missionary Council, meeting in 1928 
in Jerusalem, placed on record its "conviction that the 
protection of missionaries should only be by such meth- 


ods as will promote goodwill in personal and official rela- 
tions," and urged upon all missionary societies that they 
make "no claim on their governments for the armed de- 
fense of their missionaries or their property/' 

Here and there fear has been expressed that the 
churches are taking too active a part in political life and 
should devote themselves to the spiritual life of the in- 
dividual. A different point of view is taken by Dr. Rein- 
hold Niebuhr, member of the Executive Board of the 
Federal Council of Churches, who agrees that the 
churches may be "too politically minded," but holds that 
they are not taking an active enough part in influencing 
the policies of states : 

"Is it not true that in everything that the Church has been 
doing since it has achieved an interest in politics it has been 
too politically-minded? Not that the Church should have less 
interest in politics. It should have more, but we cannot afford 
to be politically-minded when we are settling political ques- 
tions. We must be prophetic. If we cannot stand for some 
principle that is higher than that politicians are willing to 
accept, we show that we have not sufficient moral vision to 
guide our nation spiritually. If all we can do is to make a 
pronouncement that sounds like the platform of a political 
party, where is the uniqueness of our ethical insight? . . . 
As a Church we must challenge the nations to a mutual trust, 
to the building up of a new kind of international system. We 
must go far beyond anything the nations are willing to do 
todav. As Christians we must divest ourselves a little bit of 
'statesmanship/ with its compromises — become more pro- 
phetic. We are still being dragged at the chariot wheels 
of the state. We will have to be more heroic." 


Fifty years ago the only women's organizations work- 
ing for peace were a dozen groups in Europe called "Olive 
Leaf Circles" which had been organized by men as 
Ladies' Auxiliaries to the Universal Brotherhood of Man. 
Today women's organizations having a total membership 
of several millions have undertaken to study the problem 
of how war can be abolished and to work for its abolition. 

When the first peace organizations were formed early 
in the 19th century, women were not allowed to speak at 
their meetings. Julia Ward Howe was denied permission 
to speak at a national convention of the English Peace 
Society as late as 1878 on the ground that women never 
had spoken at these meetings. In the same year she went 
as a delegate to an international peace congress in Paris, 
but when she asked permission to speak, she was told she 
might talk with the officers of the Society when the pub- 
lic meeting had adjourned. 

The peculiar antagonism of women to war and their 
special responsibility for peace have nevertheless always 
been taken for granted. Among certain primitive tribes 
it was left to the judgment of the women to decide when 
fighting had gone on long enough and to command the 
chiefs to make peace, which the chiefs then did without 
loss of their reputation for bravery. In the literature of 
the Greeks there are two famous dramas, written by men, 
expressing women's antipathy to war, "The Trojan 
Women," which voices their lament, and "Lysistrata," 



which depicts their rebellion. To Virgil, war was that 
which is "hateful-to-mothers." 

In modern as well as ancient literature, the dramatic 
conflict between the creative impulses of women and the 
destructive nature of war finds repeated expression, most 
vivid, perhaps, in a modern French romance, also written 
by a man, which pictures the women of Paris stopping 
the outbreak of another conflict by breaking through the 
guards at the stations where troops are entraining, and 
throwing themselves with the wild passion of a mob 
against the locomotives, so that the trains can proceed 
only over their bodies. 

Modern psychologists show this conviction that women 
are by nature enemies of war to be well founded. They 
declare further that it is only through the expression of 
women's instinctive opposition to war that war will be 
abolished. Among the points they make are these, which 
were emphasized in the address of Dr. Beatrice Hinkle 
before the Conference on the Cause and Cure of War in 

"War is the product of the irrational (that is to say, un- 
rational) impulses of men toward self-assertion and power; 
reason is not yet strong enough to control such impulses; 
they can be controlled only by other and stronger irrational 
impulses; the impulses of women are toward creation and 
preservation of life; and because they have been less sup- 
pressed and modified than those of men, they are stronger 
and will be able to overcome them if given full play." 

Benjamin Kidd in his "Science and Power" declares 
that civilization depends upon the control of the present 
in the interest of the future; that men are led by the 
impulse of the fight to seek power in the present; but 
that to women the future is greater than the present and 
the race greater than the individual. It is upon women, 


therefore, that the carrying forward of civilization 

If this claim of the psychologists, that the overthrow 
of war depends upon the expression of the special im- 
pulses of women is true, the organized, voting women of 
today face this problem : How can they express their im- 
pulse for peace in practical political terms, that is, use 
for its expression the methods and the tools of men, with- 
out destroying the vital force of the impulse itself? 

Dr. Hinkle indicates the necessary conditions for suc- 
cess. Women must learn to accept themselves and to 
value themselves "as beings possessing a worth at least 
equal to that of men"; they must not unthinkingly ac- 
cept standards based on masculine psychology ; they must 
realize that their own development does not "involve 
imitation of men or repudiation of their own instincts." 
To quote Dr. Hinkle directly: 

"If women can be emotionally aroused to the danger knock- 
ing at their door, and, with minds firmly set to 'War shall not 
be/ will act true to their own instincts, giving them free play 
without argument or reason, one generation will be sufficient 
to banish the mass crime of humanity and force men to find 
new ways and means of solving the problems of civilization." 

Ellen Key writes in "War, Peace and the Future": 

"But if we wish to create a new world without continuing 
in the old circle where women bear and bring up children to 
be destroyed on the field of battle, women must arise and hold 
together in the will to make an end of this state of affairs 
that has for century after century made the goal of their 
mother love and mother labors so meaningless. It is madness 
to try, in times of peace, to produce a more and more virile 
race only to let it be buried in the graves of the battle- 
fields. . . . 

"The characteristics that are now scornfully called femi- 


ninef — as the apostles of might are ashamed to call them 
Christian in the same breath that they denounce them — were 
in the springtime of Christianity active in the suppression of 
violence. If these assets are again to hold violence at bay, it 
will be only through the power of women to make them 
living again, living not only iii the souls of men but in the 
growth and intergrowth of the communities. . . . 
. "Until the majority of women in the world can say with 
our Selma Lagerlof: 

" 'As long as my tongue can utter a word, 
As long as blood flows in my veins, 
I shall work for the sake of peace, 
Though it cost me my life and happiness/ 
humanity is still far from peace." 

The first attempt in modern times to give practical ex- 
pression to women's will to peace was made by Julia 
Ward Howe. Roused by the suffering caused by the 
American Civil War and by the Franco-Prussian War 
which closely followed it, she determined to organize a 
"women's peace crusade." She says in her "Reminis- 
cences" that the question forced itself upon her: "Why 
do not the mothers of mankind interfere in these matters 
to prevent the waste of that human life of w r hich they 
alone bear and know the cost?" The "august dignity of 
motherhood and its terrible responsibility" appeared to 
her in a new aspect, and she immediately drew up an 
appeal to the w r omanhood of the w r orld, w r hich she had 
translated into all the European languages and distributed 
far and wide. Although Mrs. Howe succeeded in ar- 
ranging a large public meeting in London, she was not 
able to rouse women to the crusade she had hoped. She 
continued, however, to work for peace herself through- 
out the rest of her life, and to do everything she could 
to increase women's public and political power, in the 
belief that they would use this power for peace. 


During the World War another American woman, Mrs. 
Clara Guthrie d'Arcis, living in Geneva, again attempted 
to unite all women upon the "common basis of womanly 
compassion" in an attack on war, and established the 
World Union of Women for International Concord. In 
a speech before the members of this World Union of 
Women, the appeal to women's emotions against waf 
was put very vividly by the President of the Interna- 
tional Council of Women, the Marchioness of Aberdeen 
and Temair: 

"If the wild deer knows how to protect its young against 
the eagle hovering around, by sheltering it under an over- 
shadowing rock — if a savage mother knows how to hide her 
babe from the vendetta of a rival tribe, cannot the mothers of 
today devise plans for an international understanding among 
themselves, whereby, inspired by an all-conquering love and 
strong in the faith which removes mountains, they will be 
able to protect the children of the human race from the calam- 
ities which threaten their very existence?" 

But in general, organized women today are approach- 
ing the problem of establishing world peace from the 
scientific and intellectual rather than from the emotional 
point of view, and with the obvious intent of bringing 
their new political power to bear upon it. 

Before the World War and before their attainment of 
political power, there were no national or international 
women's groups organized solely for the promotion of 
peace. The International Council of Women, however, 
as early as 1888, at the instigation of Mrs. May Wright 
Sewall, whose life was devoted to peace work, included 
world peace among its objectives and called an Interna- 
tional Conference of Women which met in this country 
at the time of the World's Fair. At about the same 
period other women's organizations, formed for various 


purposes, notably the Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union under the leadership of Frances E. Willard, cre- 
ated special committees to work for world peace, while 
frequent international conferences of women and the 
formation of the International Woman Suffrage Alli- 
ance tended to bring to consciousness the fact that 
women in their needs and purposes are united across bor- 
der lines. During the last quarter of the last century, 
individual women in practically every country of the 
world were to be found working for peace. Many of the 
suffrage pioneers worked also for peace, among them 
Lucretia Mott, who is said to have been the first to urge 
upon President Lincoln that the "Alabama" dispute be 
submitted to arbitration. The best known of the women 
peace workers was Baroness Bertha von Suttner of Aus- 
tria, who inspired Alfred Nobel to include in his world 
prizes one for those who had promoted peace. She was 
herself awarded this prize in 1905 for her book, "Lay 
Down Your Arms," and is the only woman ever to have 
received it. 

In 1915, stirred by the suffering of the nations at war, 
Jane Addams and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt issued a 
call for a convention of women, out of which grew the 
first national organization of women designed solely to 
promote peace, the Woman's Peace Party. This same 
year saw the creation of a Women's International Com- 
mittee for Permanent Peace, as the result of an interna- 
tional congress of women called at The Hague by Dutch, 
British, German, and Belgian women. The Woman's 
Peace Party sent 47 delegates to this congress, and its 
president, Jane Addams, presided. Twelve countries 
were represented. The Congress appointed committees 
of women to visit the governments of all neutral and 
belligerent nations in an attempt to secure the formation 
and acceptance of a neutral international body which 


should be empowered to carry on continuous mediation. 
These committees were received by the highest govern- 
ment officials and their plan listened to with attention 
and expressions of approval. 

Nothing could indicate more clearly the peculiar rela- 
tion of women to war than this congress held in the 
midst of war, at which women from enemy nations sat 
side by side on a platform dedicated to "a passionate 
human sympathy not inconsistent with patriotism but 
transcending it." Not only did the delegates to this 
congress, who braved ridicule, ostracism, and imprison- 
ment to attend it, prove that women are capable of put- 
ting humanity above any single nation, but they showed 
that it is possible for women to play a part in the serv- 
ice of peace which it would be quite impossible under 
present conditions for men to undertake. 

After America entered the war, the activities of 
women's organizations interested in peace practically 
ceased. A very large proportion of their members took 
up some form of war work. The Woman's Peace Party 
held its fourth annual meeting in the Friends Meeting 
House in Philadelphia in 1917. Several of the members 
reported that they were making speeches on such sub- 
jects as "After the War, What?" and "The New Pre- 
paredness," designed to promote a peace that should be 
permanent. Others were lecturing on the conservation 
of food, including Miss Addams, who has since stated 
that she felt at the time that the effort to ward off 
starvation united women the world over in their own 
ancient task of feeding humanity. In one or two 
instances state branches continued to carry on educa- 
tional work for permanent world peace, as independent 
organizations, notably the League for Permanent Peace, 
in Massachusetts, of which Mrs. J. Malcolm Forbes was 


Following the announcement of the Armistice, a second 
international congress of women, agreed upon at the 
Hague conference, was called to meet simultaneously 
with the Peace Conference. This meeting of women pro- 
tested against the Treaty of Versailles as violating the 
principles upon which alone a just and lasting peace 
could be based, and was instrumental in securing in the 
provisions of the League of Nations a clause declaring all 
positions under the League open to women as well as to 
men. The name of the organization was at this time 
changed to the Women's International League for Peace 
and Freedom. This remains the only international or- 
ganization of women working exclusively for peace. It 
now has branches in 24 countries and connections in 12 

Work for peace was not undertaken by other women's 
organizations to any great extent in the years immedi- 
ately following the war, but in 1921 at a national conven- 
tion of the League of Women Voters, Mrs. Carrie Chap- 
man Catt, throwing aside a speech on other subjects, 
roused the women by a magnificent outcry against war, 
appealing to them to prevent another war and ending 
with the challenge, "The women in this room can do this 
thing! The women in this room can do this thing!" 
This speech may be considered the starting point of a 
campaign of organized women for peace, in which the 
greatest women's organizations in the country are partici- 

Shortly before Mrs. Catt's speech, a group of women 
m Washington had formed the Women's Committee for 
World Disarmament in the hope of reviving interest in 
a proposal made by Senator Borah for an international 
disarmament conference at Washington. Mrs. Catt's 
speech and the mass meeting arranged by this Women's 
Committee, at which Senator Borah renewed his demand 


that this government call a disarmament conference, were 
recognized as effective forces, along with the work of the 
organized churches, in securing the actual calling of the 
Washington Conference. 

Preceding the opening of the Disarmament Confer- 
ence, a joint committee of the outstanding women's or- 
ganizations in Washington arranged a second large mass 
meeting which gave effective expression to the public de- 
sire that the Conference should be thoroughgoing and 
that it should not end without definite results. 

Discussion caused by the Disarmament Conference 
further stimulated peace work in women's organizations. 
Today there are committees on peace or international 
relations in the National League of Women Voters, the 
American Association of University Women, the General 
Federation of Women's Clubs, the National Council of 
Jewish Women, the Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union, the National Council of Women, the Woman's 
Missionary Union of Friends in America, the National 
Women's Trade Union League. Other organizations sup- 
port work for peace by study groups, by resolutions, or 
by promoting, through their international membership, 
understanding and friendship. Among these organiza- 
tions are the Council of Women for Home Missions, the 
Y. W. C. A., the National Federation of Temple Sister- 
hoods, and the International Federation of Soroptimists 

In addition to the American section of the Women's 
International League for Peace and Freedom, there are 
in the United States two other national women's organi- 
zations which are devoted solely to work for world 
peace — the Women's Peace Union and the Women's 
Peace Society. These two women's organizations cour- 
ageously occupy the extreme left wing of the peace 
movement, standing against all participation in war on 


the ground that human life should be held sacred and 
inviolable under all circumstances. The Women's Peace 
Union has secured the introduction in Congress of an 
amendment to the Constitution making it illegal to pre- 
pare for, declare, or carry on war. 

The two most effective activities for peace which or- 
ganizations of women, not primarily formed for peace 
work, have undertaken since the Disarmament Confer- 
ence, are the legislative campaign of the Women's 
World Court Committee and the calling of three national 
Conferences on the Cause and Cure of War. 

Seventeen organizations were represented on the 
Women's World Court Committee : the American Associ- 
ation of University Women, American Federation of 
Teachers, American Home Economics Association, Ameri- 
can Nurses' Association, Council of Women for Home Mis- 
sions, General Federation of Women's Clubs, National 
Board of Young Women's Christian Associations, Na- 
tional Congress of Parents and Teachers, National Coun- 
cil of Friendly Societies in America, National Council of 
Jewish Women, National Council of Women, National 
Education Association, National Federation of Colored 
Women, National League of Women Voters, National 
Service Star Legion, National Woman's Christian Tem- 
perance Union, Medical Women's National Association. 
This committee of women was the only organized group 
working constantly at the Capitol for the two years pre- 
ceding the passage of the World Court resolution, and 
it is given credit by members of the Senate for the pas- 
sage of that resolution. 

Under the leadership of Mrs. Catt, the first Conference 
on the Cause and Cure of War was called in December, 
1925, the second in December, 1926, and the third in Jan- 
uary, 1928. Nine organizations participated, the Ameri- 
can Association of University Women, the Council of 


Women for Home Missions, the Federation of Woman's 
Boards of Foreign Missions of North America, the Gen- 
eral Federation of Women's Clubs, the National Board of 
the Young Women's Christian Associations, the National 
Council of Jewish Women, the National League of 
Women Voters, the National Woman's Christian Tem- 
perance Union, and the National Women's Trade Union 

The reasons for calling the Conferences were declared 
to be these: 

"The futility of war as a means of settling difficulties 
between nations becomes increasingly apparent as science is 
demonstrating the danger of destroying our civilization by 
the character of modern warfare. 

"The women's organizations of this country which have 
been working, through their respective programs, for an 
ordered human society, feel deeply their responsibility in this 
realm of war and peace. They believe it is time for their 
organizations to unite in taking steps to study the causes and 
cures of war." 

In opening the first Conference Mrs. Catt made this 
statement : 

"Men have been taught that physical courage is man's chief 
virtue. Every man hates to be called a coward, and when a 
man pleads that physical conflict is no longer an effective 
institution in our time, someone is sure to call him a coward. 
We women have no such obstacle in our way. If we fail, it 
will be because we lack moral courage." 

The Third Conference on the Cause and Cure of War 
agreed to support the renunciation of war as an instru- 
ment of national policy ; the use of existing and the crea- 
tion of needed international machinery to care for the 
common concerns of nations and for the peaceful settle- 
ment of international disputes; the development of a 


foreign policy by the United States which shall promote 
peace and mutual goodwill; Secretary Kellogg's proposals 
for the negotiation of treaties to renounce war as an in- 
strument of national policy; efforts to clear up the diffi- 
culties which are now hindering our adherence to the 
World Court; the Burton resolution (or similar resolu- 
tions) prohibiting the shipment of arms to any nation at 
war; the movement to keep our current navy building 
program within such bounds as shall be consonant with 
our efforts and those of other countries to promote the 
use of peaceful methods for the settlement of interna- 
tional disputes; and revision of the "unequal treaties" 
between the United States and China. The Conference 
decided upon a continuous study of the relations of the 
United States with the Latin American countries "to the 
end that an intelligent public opinion may encourage our 
government in such policies as will carry a maximum of 
inter-American support." It further agreed to confer 
with those groups of women who question the efficacy 
or wisdom of the peace program, with a view to promot- 
ing common understanding of the problems of peace and 
war, and of differing methods of work. In conclusion 
it recognized that women of other countries are deeply 
concerned in the building of world peace, and resolved: 

"That the National Committee on the Cause and Cure 
of War communicate with the leading women's groups in 
other countries, particularly those enumerated in the pro- 
posal of the State Department, informing them of our pur- 
pose; and further, that we express our hope that together we 
may be a strong influence in the development of international 
public opinion for support of the use of peaceful methods as 
a substitute for force which mav enable all civilized nations 
to renounce war as an instrument of their national policy; 
and in addition we ask their continued support of concrete 
methods for the peaceful settlement of international disputes." 


Such Conferences as these and the study programs of 
their organizations, show a thoroughgoing effort on the 
part of women to understand world problems and to learn 
how to use their political power to secure such a solution 
of those problems as will promote peace. But if women 
are to influence the conduct of international affairs, it is 
important to recognize the fact that in world affairs 
women are still exerting only an "influence," even though 
it is an influence expressed in votes. They are not play- 
ing a direct part ; decisions involving issues of peace and 
war are made by men, not women, and once a decision 
is made, opposition to it is looked upon as an "attack on 
the government. ,, This situation is being made the most 
of by militaristic organizations to make women feel that 
anything they do or advocate for the promotion of peace 
which goes beyond the announced policies of the men 
who form the existing administration is disloyal. Here 
and there, there have been indications that women realize 
that the answer is to vote for candidates on the basis of 
their position on problems affecting peace and war, that 
is to take the advice of William James and "put peace 
men in power," while at the same time they seek for 
themselves equal power with men in the responsible 
direction of international affairs. 

The International Woman Suffrage Alliance, now called 
the International Alliance of Women for Suffrage and 
Equal Citizenship, which for many years has sought 
greater political power for the women of all countries, in 
1926 created a special committee to work directly for 
world peace. This International Committee for Peace 
and the League of Nations held the first of a proposed 
series of study conferences on peace problems at Amster- 
dam in 1927, at which Mrs. Corbett Ashby, of England, 
speaking to the conference as President of the Alliance, 
urged the delegates to take up the question of peace "not 


sentimentally, but as voting citizens" prepared to develop 
public opinion in their countries and to use their votes 
"to take the next practical step toward peace." 

Organized women appeared this year before the na- 
tional conventions of political parties in this country, to 
urge inclusion in their platforms of planks promoting 
world peace. It is perhaps even more significant that 
they are beginning to send questionnaires to candidates 
for Congress asking their position on measures affecting 
the establishment of world peace. 

The National League of Women Voters appeared 
before the platform committees of the 1928 conventions 
and proposed the adoption of the following plank on 
"International Cooperation" : 

We endorse the effort to secure by one uniform agreement 
with many nations the renunciation of war as between them- 
selves, and we support the substitution of arbitration for war 
as an instrument of public policy in the settlement of inter- 
national differences. We further reiterate our support of the 
entry of the United States into the Permanent Court of Inter- 
national Justice. 

The Women's International League for Peace and 
Freedom proposed to the 1928 conventions planks sup- 
porting the outlawry of war, opposing intervention as 
unethical in principle and ultimately unsound in prac- 
tice, recommending the demilitarization of the Mexican 
border under a treaty similar to that between the United 
States and Canada, declaring in favor of the greatest 
possible reduction of naval armaments by international 
agreement and the abandonment of any program for the 
increase of the naval establishment of this country. The 
questions which this organization is putting to candi- 
dates for elective political offices in the 1928 campaign 
ask their position in regard to the entry of the United 


States into the World Court, the ratification of the treaty 
renouncing war, the abandonment of a program for an 
increase in the naval establishment, the reduction of arms 
by international agreement, the establishment of an 
international claims commission to deal with property 
rights of citizens abroad, the demilitarization of the 
Mexican border, the independence of the Philippines, 
and the appropriation of funds for military training in 
schools and colleges. 

It is obvious that the peace movement and the woman's 
movement are closely interwoven ; fundamentally, indeed, 
they are the same, for both protest against rule by force 
and assert the value of the individual. It has even been 
claimed that the reason American women enjoy so large 
a degree of power and freedom is due to the fact that the 
military tradition has never been strong in this country. 
The abolition of war when women have won an equal 
share in the control of government was prophesied by 
Olive Schreiner in "Woman and Labor": 

"War will pass when intellectual culture and activity have 
made possible to the female an equal share in the control 
and governance of modern national life; it will probably not 
pass away much sooner; its extinction will not be delayed 
much longer." 

It is easy, therefore, to see how it happens that the 
one-time bitter opponents of woman suffrage are found 
today among the most bitter opponents of the peace 

One old argument of the military-minded against suf- 
frage, which was that women took no part in war and 
therefore had no right to vote, cannot, however, be used 
in the attempt to keep women from using their votes to 
promote peace. Women were shown in the last war to 
be indispensable to the successful prosecution of war un- 


der modern conditions, and in the next war it is an ac- 
cepted fact that munition workers and those engaged in 
the production and distribution of food to say nothing of 
civilians in general will be subject to as deadly attack as 
the armies in the field. The effort of the military authori- 
ties to introduce rifle practice and military drill into 
women's schools and colleges, the proposal of citizen train- 
ing camps for women to be conducted under the War De- 
partment, and official recognition in one form or another 
of the older women leaders of the various groups serve 
two purposes : to prepare women for participation in war 
activities and to break down their psychological opposi- 
tion to war. 

The New York Federation of Progressive Women ad- 
mits in one of its publications: 

"It is not to the credit of women's intelligence that, with 
less excuse, they have been almost as completely deceived 
as men by the propaganda of warmakers. They have fallen 
victims to popular opinion, to the incredible vanity of want- 
ing a vicarious hero in the family, and have permitted them- 
selves to be proud of the abandonment of their first duty, 
the protection of the younger generation from the passions 
and jealousies of their elders." 

H. G. Wells has recently emphasized, in a bitter attack 
on the superficiality of women's effort to abolish war, the 
dangers involved in the new relationship of women to the 
war machine : 

"For most women and girls war is as good as a richly 
sentimental film that moves them to tears and pity. While it 
converts great multitudes of men into a muddy mixture of 
rags of flesh and uniform, it greatly enhances the economic 
importance of women and their value as nurses, war-wives, 
and the inspirers of heroic sacrifices." 


Is there a possibility that such influences as these will 
make women deny their own natures and fail to do what 
they can to ward off war? If such a possibility does exist, 
it is because women do not realize what war is. Not long 
ago a soldier wrote this letter to "those who have never 
been in a battle," that is to say, to all women: 

"You, who have never seen a man disappear, literally blown 
to atoms, on being struck by a shell; who have never heard 
the shrieks of wounded human beings; who have never heard 
the hysterical laughter of a man as he gazes at the stump 
where his hand was a moment ago; who have never heard 
the cries, the groans, the swearing, the praying of men with 
festering wounds, lying in a first-aid station, waiting too 
long and in vain for ambulances; who have never witnessed 
the terror of those men when the station is gassed and there 
are no gas masks ; who have never seen convalescents, totally 
blind and with both hands amputated above the wrists; can 
you say that we should stop at anything in order to prevent 
this frightfulness, this savagery, this horror from occurring 

Dr. Charles R. Jefferson points to the same truth : 

"Nobody knows what war is unless he has been in it. 
Nobody can tell you what it is. You cannot catch the sound 
of pain in books. You cannot hear the sighing of a boy whose 
life is ebbing away, and who keeps on saying, 'Mother, 
Mother/ until his heart stops beating. You cannot hear the 
groan of a man whose legs have been blown off, or the shriek 
of a man whose every breath is an agony. You cannot hear 
the death rattle in a single throat, much less in a thousand 
throats. These things are not to be found in books. Nor 
can you get the sights of war in books. You cannot see the 
twitching of a nerve, the spasm of a muscle, the contortion 
of a body twisted into terrible shapes by a torture that can- 
not be expressed. Nobody knows what war is who has not 
been in war." 


If women, who today have no longer the excuse 
that they are compelled to accept passively the acts of 
government, knew war in its brutality and agony, it is 
incredible that they would listen with complacence to 
statesmen and generals who praise them for their vicari- 
ous "heroism" in sending their sons, not only to endure, 
but to inflict that agony. 

Here and there a woman who has realized what war is, 
is calling upon women to rise against it. Kathleen Norris 
in a widely syndicated article asks, "You mothers of sons, 
where are you, that we do not hear your voices?" The 
Woman's Home Companion in an editorial in its issue 
for November, 1927, makes the same plea, "Will mothers 
keep on doing nothing to save their sons?" 

Organization resolutions, conferences of leaders are not 
enough. There must be behind these the determined de- 
mand and action of individual women everywhere. 


In a widely published advertisement of an international 
investment company of New York and Chicago, one line 
reads : 

"Capital recognizes war as its arch enemy and de- 

The truth of that assertion has been well supported 
by the declaration of the International Chamber of Com- 
merce that "the chief responsibility of government is to 
find a better means than yet exists for promoting security 
and removing fear of war." The reiteration of this con- 
viction in the resolutions of business conferences shows 
that it is beginning to be generally recognized that under 
modern conditions of economic interdependence, war and 
the threat of war are obstacles to normal business devel- 
opment and prosperity. 

The extent of international economic interdependence 
under modern industrial conditions is indicated by the im- 
ports of the United States which, it is well known, is of 
all nations the most nearly self-sufficient. Bass and 
Moult-on in their book, "America and the Balance Sheet 
of Europe," quote a report of the Guaranty Trust Com- 
pany of New York as follows: 

"We must obtain manganese for our steel mills from 
Russia and South America. Our automobile tire industry 
must obtain crude rubber from Brazil; our machine shops, 



rail mills, armored-plate works, and wire-rope factories must 
have nickel from Canada and New Caledonia; our tinplate 
manufacturers must import their tin from the Malay Straits 
and from Bolivia; our silk factories must get their raw prod- 
uct from China and Japan; our clothing wools must be 
imported from Australia and Argentina; our manufacturers 
of twines, canvas, linens and laces must get their flax from 
Russia and Belgium; our burlap makers must get their jute 
from India; the sisal which is used to make our binder twine, 
which is so essential in the harvesting of our crops, must 
come from Yucatan. We must also import large quantities 
of cocoanut oil and other vegetable oils from the Dutch East 
Indies and from the Pacific Isles; coffee from Brazil; tea from 
China, India, Japan and Java; cocoa from Venezuela; sugar 
from Cuba; rice from the Far East; spices from the East 
Indies; platinum from Colombia; and vanadium from Peru." 

Former Secretary of Commerce Redfield says in his 
book, "Dependent America/' that: 

"If we excluded imported goods we should have to abandon 
all or part of many things in constant use, such as telephones, 
electric light, radio, phonographs, carpets, linoleum, news- 
papers, railways, automobiles, brushes, bagging linen, woolen 
and silk clothing, shoes, and the doormats on which our shoes 
are wiped. These things and many more are made by secur- 
ing from other countries essential elements that we either 
are unable to supply or cannot supply in sufficient quantity 
or proper quality. . . . 

"It is an interesting speculation to think what would happen 
to one of our fellow citizens if each element of his clothing 
and of the articles commonly used by him at home were given 
a voice and spoke in its native dialect. The result would be 
such as is written of the Tower of Babel. His hat would talk 
in several tongues, his shoes would break out in polyglot 
speech, and his clothing w r ould unite the languages of Europe 
to that of our own land, all languages bearing witness to the 
common interests of men, and to the fact that we are engaged 


in a common task, a mutual labor, save when it is ruptured 
to the hurt of all by the brutal hand of war." 

Commerce is today dependent also on an interchange 
of goods, for rapid transportation has led to greater and 
greater specialization in production, which means pro- 
duction in excess of domestic demand along certain lines, 
making the maintenance of markets as important as the 
securing of raw materials for production. 

On this point, Bass and Moulton in "America and the 
Balance Sheet of Europe" say: 

"If the power of European nations to produce commodities 
required by the United States is seriously impaired, this will 
carry with it not merely a reduction in European ability to 
buy goods from us, but it will in many cases seriously hamper 
American industries as well. Run back over the list of com- 
modities that must be imported by the United States, and you 
will find that the maintenance of imports is quite as essential 
to American prosperity as the maintenance of exports. The 
maintenance of trade, whereby the modern system of spe- 
cialized production is made possible, is the vitally important 
requirement. . . . The modern world is an economic unit, 
and no part of it can prosper when other important portions 
are in decadence." 

Foreign markets and the free flow of trade are ob- 
structed not only by war, but by the nationalistic policies 
which are encouraged by the war system, while the nor- 
mal development of specialized industries is definitely ob- 
structed by preparation for war. The need, because of 
the possibility of war, to be self-sustaining, causes nations 
to carry on industries for which they are not suited or 
are less well suited than other countries. This means 
that the volume of goods produced of the kind which 
the country is best fitted to produce is less than it should 
be. Both facts tend to raise prices and restrict trade. 


A leader in one of the small European governments, re- 
gretting the necessity, because of the threat of war, for 
an uneconomic industrial development, said recently: 

"We could succeed if we could make full use of our own 
opportunities, which are chiefly those of agriculture. We have 
the population, the land, and the right climatic conditions. 
If we could confine our major efforts to agriculture we could 
export a large surplus, could stabilize our money, pay our 
debts, and become prosperous." 

Industrial prosperity demands more than the avoid- 
ance of war, it requires active cooperation among nations, 
and national policies based upon a consideration of the 
interests of all the countries concerned. It has been con- 
vincingly demonstrated in post-war years that business 
depression in one part of the world affects all other parts. 
The inability of the people of Russia to buy tea depresses 
the tea industry in India, with the result that the people 
of India have less money with which to buy the cotton 
goods produced in England, and this in turn means great 
unemployment in the cotton-manufacturing centers of 
England and a falling off in the demand for the cotton 
raised in the United States with a consequent decrease in 
the prosperity of the cotton growers of this country. 
Studies made in preparation for the World Economic 
Conference held under the auspices of the League. of Na- 
tions in 1927, emphasized the fact that prosperity, if it is 
to exist at all, must be general: 

"During the great war, the nations were driven temporarily 
to live to a quite abnormal extent on their own resources, but 
this condition of self-sufficiency — incomplete though it was — 
was only attained at the cost of hardships which tended rap- 
idly to become almost intolerable. The attempts after the 
war to seek prosperity by a policy of economic isolation have, 
after an experience of nearly nine years, proved a failure. The 


opinion of the world is beginning to understand that prosperity 
is not something which can be enjoyed in small compart- 

In the "Great Illusion" Norman Angell sets forth the 
actual situation: 

"When the prosperity of an average German factory is 
distributed pretty evenly over some such factors as these: 
the capacity of a peasant in Provenge who sells his olives in 
New York to subscribe to a South American loan, in order 
that a dock might be built on the Amazon to enable the manu- 
facturer in Manchester to sell furniture in Baku to a mer- 
chant whose wealth is due to the development of petrol con- 
sumption in an automobile trade created in Paris, — in a world 
where business is done under such conditions as these, we 
are told that the limits of commercial or industrial activitv 
are determined by the limits of political influence, and that 
there exists some direct relation between political power 
and economic advantage! And we are still told it even when 
the prosperity of lesser states with no political power give it 
daily the lie. The whole thing is one vast mystification, the 
most colossal illusion of the modern world." 

Another phase of the interest which the people of one 
country have today in the prosperity of other countries 
is represented in the large number of small foreign in- 
vestments. According to a statement of Jerome D. 
Greene of Lee, Higginson and Company, made at the 
Institute of Pacific Relations Conference July 28, 1927, 
there were before the war less than half a million buyers 
of foreign securities in the United States and the average 
individual sale was more than $10,000; while today the 
number of investors reaches into the millions and the 
average subscription is about $3,000. Between 1914 and 
1927 the foreign investments of American citizens in- 
creased from $2,500,000,000 to $14,500,000,000. 


In an effort to bring about the cooperation which 
modern economic conditions call for, the business leaders 
of Europe and America in 1921 organized the Interna- 
tional Chamber of Commerce, of which the United States 
Chamber of Commerce is a member. Permanent head- 
quarters were established in Paris with a resident admin- 
istrative commissioner for each country. The first pur- 
pose of the International Chamber of Commerce is to 
promote "peace and progress." The importance it places 
on the maintenance of peace is shown in the following 
resolution in which it declares that the chief responsibil- 
ity of governments is to maintain peace: 

"Business men may do their part to promote better under- 
standing and increase goodwill. It remains for governments, 
however, representing the authority of the people, to find 
better means than yet exist for promoting security and remov- 
ing fear of war. The chief responsibility of government is the 
solution of this problem." 

One of the significant features of the International 
Chamber is its own Court of Arbitration, which for the 
first time places at the disposal of business men a 
universal procedure for the settlement of commercial 
differences through arbitration rather than through litiga- 
tion. The acceptance of the decisions of the representa- 
tives is obligatory. If one party refuses to present his 
case an award by default may be made. If a party re- 
fuses to accept a decision, the local chamber of commerce 
to which the member belongs is called upon to take dis- 
ciplinary measures and the name of the defaulting mem- 
ber, with the facts in the case, is published. This pub- 
licity feature is declared to be effective in bringing about 
the acceptance of arbitral awards. 

Business men are also attempting to meet the fact of 
a world market by the organization of international car- 
tels through which, by combining to regulate production, 


markets and prices, in the light of the world situation, 
they hope to counteract the effects of the war upon 
commerce and trade and to supply remedies where gov- 
ernments have failed to do so. Cartels existed before the 
World War but their operations have been increased and 
their numbers greatly expanded since 'the war. Besides 
certain basic products such as zinc, white lead, sulphur, 
the commodities involved in these cartels include cement, 
copper, dye stuffs, electric lamps, enamel ware, glass 
bottles, matches, oleomargerine, paper, pipes, rayon and 
steel rails. The recently formed cartels control a larger 
proportion of the world's trade than the pre-war cartels, 
as, for instance, the copper cartel which controls 90% of 
the output and the rayon cartel which controls four-fifths. 
The ultimate effect of these international combinations 
of producers is uncertain, but they are an unmistakable 
indication of the fact that national boundaries are no 
longer economic realities. 

In 1925 the Assembly of the League of Nations adopted 
a resolution for a World Economic Conference, which 
should approach the problem of the inter-relation of peace 
and commerce from the point of view of the responsibility 
of business leaders to modify their policies in the interest 
of world peace, rather than from the point of view that 
governments should maintain peace in the interest of 
business prosperity. The resolution read : 

"The Assembly, firmly resolved to seek all possible means 
of establishing peace throughout the world; convinced that 
economic peace will largely contribute to security among the 
nations; persuaded of the necessity of investigating the eco- 
nomic difficulties which stand in the way of the revival of 
general prosperity and of ascertaining the best means of 
overcoming these difficulties and of preventing disputes; 
invites the Council to consider at the earliest possible moment 
the expediency of constituting on a wide basis a preparatory 


committee which, with the assistance of the technical organi- 
zations of the League and the International Labor Office, will 
prepare the work for an international economic conference. ,, 

The conference proposed in this resolution was held in 
1927. Its discussions recognized the interdependence of 
the problems of commerce with labor and agriculture. 
The International Chamber of Commerce, the Interna- 
tional Labor Organization, and the International Insti- 
tute of Agriculture cooperated closely in its work. Al- 
though unofficial in its character, the importance of this 
conference was widely recognized. Of the value of such 
international business cooperation as it represented the 
Baltimore Sun said editorially: 

"International business cooperation, w T hich on analysis is 
what this conference sought, can in many ways give pointers 
to those who seek the more difficult end of harmonious political 
relations between nations. That the nationalistic passion of 
post-war years has injured the prosperity of many who have 
indulged most fiercely in forwarding the 'each for himself 
doctrine is no longer open to question. That all the leading 
powers should have agreed to consider the doctrine of mutu- 
ality instead is a real advance, even though no overnight 
change results." 

Among the general resolutions adopted by the confer- 
ence were the following: 

"Recognizing that the maintenance of world peace depends 
largely upon the principles on which the economic policies of 
nations are framed and executed, the Conference 

"Recommends that the governments and peoples of the 
countries here represented should together give continuous 
attention to this aspect of the economic problem and look 
forward to the establishment of recognized principles designed 
to eliminate those economic difficulties which cause friction 
and misunderstanding in a world which has everything to 
gain from peace and harmonious progress. 


"Whereas the world as a whole still devotes considerable 
sums to armaments and to preparations for war, which reduce 
the savings available for the development of industry, com- 
merce and agriculture, and are a heavy burden upon the 
finances of the different States, entailing heavy taxation which 
reacts upon their whole economic life and lowers their stand- 
ard of living, the Conference 

"Expresses the earnest hope that all efforts to effect, by 
agreements between States, limitation and reduction of arma- 
ments, and particularly those under the auspices of the League 
of Nations, will have successful results and thus alleviate the 
burdens described above." 

The outstanding action taken by the World Economic 
Conference was on the subject of tariffs, the conclusion 
reached being summarized in the final report as follows: 

"The essential conclusion which emerges from the discussion 
in this field is that the Conference declares that 'the time has 
come to put an end to the increase in tariffs and to move in 
the opposite direction. 1 

"A fact that may be taken as marking a considerable step 
in the evolution of ideas in customs tariffs is that this question, 
notwithstanding its fundamental importance in the economy 
of each State, has now come to be considered as no longer 
being exclusively within the domain of national sovereignty 
but as falling within the scope of problems for which parallel 
or concerted action among the different nations is possible and 
desirable. Each nation will then know that the concession it 
is asked to make will be balanced by corresponding sacrifices 
on the part of the other nations." 

In order that the cooperation begun by the conference 
might be continued, the Assembly of the League voted 
at its 1927 meeting to set up an Economic Organization, 
which is composed of a committee dealing particularly 
with the economic relations between states and their in- 
ternational economic policies; subcommittees of experts 


for the study of the various phases of problems involved ; 
and an advisory committee on which specially qualified 
individuals from any nation may serve as members. 
Two places are reserved for nationals from the United 

At the fourth biennial session of the International 
Chamber of Commerce, which met shortly after the 
World Economic Conference, the problem of tariff bar- 
riers again occupied a large part of the discussion. Among 
the resolutions adopted on this point was the following: 

"The Congress wishes most particularly to affirm the em- 
phatic adhesion of the business world to the declarations of 
the Geneva Conference regarding those tariff walls and poli- 
cies which are unduly hampering trade directly or indirectly. 
It especially associates itself with this statement: 

" 'The Conference declares that the time has come to put 
an end to the increase in tariffs and to move in the opposite 
direction/ " 

In the introduction to its resolution on trade barriers, 
the Congress included, at the suggestion of the American 
group, the following statement: 

"Trade is not an end in itself. It is only a means to an end. 
The general economic welfare is its goal. It is in such a sense, 
and with a view to the welfare of all sections of the com- 
munity in all countries thpt the Congress desires its conclu- 
sions to be interpreted." 

Owen D. Young, chairman of the American delegation, 
enlarged upon this statement as to the importance of gen- 
eral economic welfare as follows: 

"The most significant pronouncement of the Congress was its 
declaration that the object to be sought was the largest and 
most economical production and distribution of goods and 


services to all peoples — that trade was not an end in itself, 
but only a means to enable people to produce more and buy- 
more, and thereby raise their standards of living. All bar- 
riers to trade are to be examined in the light of this principle. 
The test is not whether they are a bar to the trader, but 
whether they restrict unnecessarily economic development. 
International business at last places itself squarely on the 
foundation that in the long run its own best interest is served 
through improved economic conditions rather than by an 
attempt to obtain, here or there, temporary advantages for 
the trader himself." 

This emphasis on the need for tariff reform is directly 
traceable to the post-war policies of European nations 
which sought unsuccessfully to recover a part of the eco- 
nomic loss of the war years by the imposition of high 
duties. As early as 1926 the bankers of 16 nations, in- 
cluding the United States, which was represented by 
various financiers, among them J. Pierpont Morgan, is- 
sued a manifesto appealing for lowered tariff barriers. 
The manifesto contained these paragraphs : 

"Too many states in pursuit of false ideals of national inter- 
est, have imperiled their own welfare and lost sight of the 
common interests of the world by basing their commercial 
relations on the economic folly which treats all trading as a 
form of war. 

"Happily there are signs that opinion in all countries is 
awakening at last to the dangers ahead. The League of 
Nations and the International Chamber of Commerce have 
been laboring to reduce to a minimum all formalities, prohi- 
bitions and restrictions, to remove inequalities of treatment 
in other matters than tariffs, to facilitate the transport of 
passengers and goods. In some countries powerful voices are 
pleading for the suspension of tariffs altogether. Others have 
suggested the conclusion for long periods of commercial agree- 
ments embodying in every case the most-favored-nation clause. 

"On the valuable political results which might flow from 


such a policy, of the substitution of goodwill for ill will, of 
cooperation for exclusiveness, we will not dwell. But we wish 
to place on record our conviction that the establishment of 
economic freedom is the best hope of restoring the commerce 
and the credit of the world." 

Immediately upon the issuance of this Bankers' Mani- 
festo, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Mellon, issued 
a statement that the Manifesto was concerned only with 
Europe. President Coolidge on several occasions also em- 
phasized this point. It is, nevertheless, the policy which 
the United States has followed within its own boundaries 
that business leaders are urging Europe to imitate, for 
when the United States was founded, it broke entirely 
with the economic policy of the mercantilists, under which 
high protective tariffs had been developed during the 17th 
and 18th centuries, and established free trade among the 
states of the Union. 

Besides the obstacle of high import tariffs, the normal 
flow of trade has been interfered with in recent years by 
attempted governmental control of the export of raw 
materials. Dr. E. Dana Durand, Chief of the Division of 
Statistical Research in the Bureau of Foreign and Domes- 
tic Commerce of the Department of Commerce, says of 
this practice: 

"Government control of raw materials is likely to lead to 
very serious abuses and injustices. . . . No doubt most of 
those favoring such plans have contemplated at the outset 
only such a moderate advance in prices as would prevent loss. 
But once such a policy is entered upon and some success 
achieved in advancing prices, producers and government 
authorities are all too likely to become greedy and to push 
the limitation of output and the advance in prices to wholly 
inordinate lengths. 

"There is grave danger that further extension of the recent 
tendency toward the establishment of government control of 


exportation of raw materials will go contrary to all the hopes 
and aims of those who are seeking world peace, economic and 
political. Discriminatory measures breed retaliation, and 
interferences with the normal laws of economics tend, once 
started, to pile up like a rolling snowball and to pile up at 
the same time international ill will." 

In spite of the widespread recognition on the part of 
business leaders that war is no longer compatible with 
prosperity, the question remains whether a large enough 
portion of the financial interests of the world and of the 
governments which come under their influence, have 
reached the point where they are willing to pay the price 
of assured peace by the modification of certain current 
economic policies. Perhaps nothing illustrates more 
clearly the fact that we are at a turning point in civiliza- 
tion than this conflict between the recognition of business 
leaders that prosperity demands peace and the continua- 
tion of certain customary methods of business which tend 
toward war. 

Besides the danger involved in excessive tariff barriers, 
the various policies grouped under the term imperialism, 
in which financial and political interests are closely asso- 
ciated, are recognized as a constant threat to world peace. 
It is also true that, although business interests in gen- 
eral suffer severely from war and the maintenance of the 
war system, manufacturers of munitions and of other 
supplies, needed in large quantity by an army, directly 
profit from war and w r ar scares. 

By its policy of "mobilizing" industry, that is, placing 
contracts ready to go into effect upon the declaration of 
war in the hands of manufacturers, the War Department 
necessarily calls attention to a possibility of profit in 
war. Although it is incredible that many business men 
would be willing to encourage war for the sake of personal 
gain, there is little doubt that individuals in this group 


have exerted an influence against the passage of legisla- 
tive measures designed for the restriction or abolition of 
war, and have encouraged war talk and war "prepared- 
ness" programs. 

Professor Raymond Leslie Buell, in "International Re- 
lations," says of the pro-war influence of munitions man- 
ufacturers : 

"As the size of the armaments depends upon the fear that 
war is imminent, unscrupulous men may go so far as to stimu- 
late international animosity. If the armament interests 
worked in the open, their purpose would be defeated. Con- 
sequently they frequently make use of 'patriotic' organizations 
and support 'preparedness* campaigns, really in the interest 
of business profits. Before the World War, the executive 
committee of the British National Service League was com- 
posed of nine men who were at the same time officers in 
armament firms. 

"Armament firms may also make use of distorted informa- 
tion to create war scares. The Dreadnaught panic of 1909 
in England was caused by the false report that the German 
fleet would outdistance the British fleet in 1912 by 9 dread- 
naughts. This information was innocently given to Parlia- 
ment bv Lord Balfour from a 'secret' source which later 
proved to be an armament firm. Although the information 
was false, this fact was not established until Parliament had 
passed the desired appropriations." 

In 1913, a member of the German Reichstag disclosed, 
in a speech before that body, practices of certain private 
German munition firms in whose behalf on the plea 
that their productiveness must be maintained in the in- 
terest of war organization, the government was restricting 
production by state-owned plants. Conclusive evidence 
was produced to show that orders for arms were being 
stimulated by such methods as securing the publication 
in a French paper of the statement that France intended 


to double her orders for machine guns. The following 
letter, sent by the Waffen-Und-Munitions-Fabrik to its 
agent in Paris, was among the documents discovered: 

"We should like to have inserted in the most widely read 
French newspaper, if possible in the Figaro, an article con- 
taining the following passage: The French War Office has 
decided considerably to hasten the re-arming of the army 
with machine guns, and to order twice the number that was at 
first intended/ 

"We request you to take all steps to have an article of the 
kind indicated accepted." 

Commenting on these revelations, the Evening Post of 
New York said, on April 21, 1913: 

"Well, these Berlin revelations will help a little. . . . They 
ought to open the eyes of many who have been blinded here- 
tofore by the familiar cant and humbuggery of the imperialist 
— manifest destiny, race entity, preserving peace by arming 
for war, paying merely insurance on a nation's welfare, etc. 
All these and other stereotyped phrases have befuddled the 
taxpayers. But the time is coming when the people will insist 
that their Prime Ministers and Presidents are hired primarily 
to insure peace by their conduct of national affairs, and will 
decline to dance further to the tune of the gun-making piper. 
There is really no adequate penalty for such offences against 
the peace of the nation as are now revealed in Germany." 

On December 15, 1915, in the House of Representatives 
of the United States, the Hon. Clyde H. Tavenner of Il- 
linois, in a long and carefully documented speech, de- 
clared the identity in some instances and close associa- 
tions in others, of the founders of the Navy League which 
had been conducting an agitation for an increased pre- 
paredness program and the great munition manufactur- 
ers of this country. Mr. Tavenner said in the course of 
his speech: 


"I have carefully compiled a list of the directors of the 
Navy League for every year from the day it was organized 
down to date. Always a predominant number on the board 
of directors are war traffickers or persons connected, through 
interlocking directorates, with the war-trust manufacturers. 
The interests that are back of the Navy League are exactly 
the same interests that are back of the war-trafficking firms." 

The profits of the firms whose officers were on the 
board of directors of the Navy League were listed by Mr. 
Tavenner and their increase in business in time of war. 
He also gave the figures showing that had the armor 
plate which had been purchased from these firms been 
manufactured in a government factory some $35,000,000 
would have been saved. Cooperation among the arma- 
ment interests of different nations was likewise disclosed 
— a situation to which attention had been previously 
called by Josephus Daniels, as Secretary of the Navy, 
who stated before a congressional committee in 1914: 

"When we came to the armor we rejected all the bids, and 
were then absolutely in a situation from which it appeared 
there was no relief. Though you can not establish it in black 
and white, there is no doubt of an Armor Plate Trust all over 
the world. That is to say, the people abroad who make armor 
plate will not come here and submit bids, because they know 
if they do our manufacturers will go abroad and submit bids. 
They have divided the world, like Gaul, into three parts." 

Two types of legislation have been proposed to remove 
the danger of agitation for war on the part of individual 
manufacturers, first, government manufacture of muni- 
tions, and, secondly, various plans for the conscription of 
capital and labor. The plans so far proposed to achieve 
this last object have been unsatisfactory because of 
their unfairness to labor and their ineffectiveness so far 
as controlling capital was concerned. 


It is, perhaps, not too much to hope that the growing 
recognition of the disastrous effects of war today upon 
business in general may in the future lead the rank and 
file of business men to curb any militaristic activities of 
the few who profit by war and war propaganda. The 
Nation's Business, in its issue for October 1921, published 
an article by Pierre du Pont on "War — a Disaster Even 
to the Maker of Munitions," which shows these manu- 
facturers already on the defensive. 

The attitude of the general run of business men and 
business interests is perhaps best reflected in the pro- 
nouncements of Rotary International, which in 1927 had 
a membership of 2,627 clubs in 40 countries. As its Sixth 
Object, Rotary International has undertaken: 

"To encourage and foster the advancement of understand- 
ing, goodwill and international peace through a world fellow- 
ship of business and professional men united in the ideal of 

At the 18th annual convention of Rotary International, 
meeting at Ostend in 1927, there was constant reference 
to the responsibility and power of Rotary International 
for world peace, while in a Rotary Club publication, de- 
signed to promote the Sixth Object, there occurs this 

"The world has become one close community with special- 
ized production and a universal market. . . . Both industry 
and commerce are built upon interdependence and cooperation. 
The greatest need of the age, then, is goodwill, confidence and 
peace. . . . Peace will not be brought about by mere wish- 
ing or dreaming. Peace must be a direct object of our civili- 
zation, not a by-product. If our civilization is to endure, a 
definite, positive, immediate program of education for peace 
must be inaugurated." 

One of the encouraging signs of the times is the fact 
that the principles of economic internationalism calcu- 


lated to prevent international friction are gradually being 
developed in commercial treaties negotiated between in- 
dividual states. These treaties include provisions for 
most-favored-nation treatment, which means that no 
discrimination will be practised against the trade of one 
foreign nation in favor of that of another; the principle 
of "national treatment," which means there shall be no 
discrimination between foreigners and citizens; the prin- 
ciple of "freedom of transit," which means freedom to 
ship goods across one country to a third. Recent com- 
mercial treaties also embody the principle of free access 
to the sea and freedom of navigation on important rivers 
and canals. Under its Covenant the governments belong- 
ing to the League of Nations agree "to secure and main- 
tain freedom of communications and of transit and 
equitable treatment for the commerce of all Members 
of the League." 

In the early days of this country when lack of political 
organization interfered with economic development, busi- 
ness interests demanded the unification of the colonies 
which made possible the country's later development and 
prosperity. Today, business faces much the same condi- 
tions in the world as a whole. 

Professor Charles Hodges recently called attention to 
this analogy: 

"If the American financier, trader, or captain of industry 
would recall his history, he would remember how like the 
contentious nations of Europe the thirteen separate and indi- 
vidual states of America were when the Revolutionary War 
closed. By the Treaty of 1783 Britain recognized the sover- 
eign existence not of the United States but of each individual 
state. During the critical years under the Confederation, the 
forebears of present leaders of American business carried on a 
precarious life, the states in which they lived being as thirteen 
independent countries engaging in trade restrictions, com- 


mercial discriminations, and retaliatory legislation directed 
against their neighbors. The policy of New York, endeavor- 
ing to build herself up through hostile activities threatening 
the economic life of the adjacent states, almost provoked 
hostilities with New Jersey and Connecticut." 

From the economic point of view, war between nations 
today would be as much civil war as a war would have 
been between the original thirteen American states. 


There is a current impression that organized American 
labor profited by the World War. It is even charged 
that labor was a "war profiteer." All the facts assembled 
go to prove these statements false. A thoroughgoing 
research into the effect of the war on labor as a whole 
would be a valuable contribution to the cause of labor and 
to the cause of peace. 

It is true that the prestige of labor unions was tem- 
porarily increased during the war because their leaders 
were taken into close association by high government 
officials and shown the most careful consideration so long 
as hostilities lasted. The general recognition of an eight- 
hour standard, also counted as a war gain, was prob- 
ably at most only accelerated by the war. Of the sup- 
posedly large wartime increases in wages, Hanna and 
Lauck in their book, "Wages and War/' say: 

"There was an increase in money wages in all branches 
though no uniformity in the degree of increase. The great 
advances have taken place in those lines of industry for the 
products of which war has created a special demand, e.g., iron 
and steel industry, coal mining, and ship building. In some 
industries, such as printing, the war made no special demand; 
in still others, such as building, the war had a depressing 

Paul H. Douglas states of wages in relation to purchas- 
ing power: 



"It is probable that labor gained ground upon the cost of 
living in 1919 and the early part of 1920. . . . Whether this 
was sufficient to bring it back to the pre-war basis is not 
certain. . . . All the evidence seems to indicate that at the ter- 
mination of the great war the return in commodities which the 
American workers received for an equal length of time worked 
(one hour) was less than it was before 1915. American labor, 
as a whole, therefore, can not legitimately be charged with 
having profiteered during the war." 

Erville B. Woods in the Annals of the American Acad- 
emy for May, 1920, declares that organized workers were 
able merely to hold their own under war conditions : 

"Wages have advanced throughout the field of employment. 
Occupations which felt least the impulse of war prosperity 
have lagged behind while other occupations or industries which 
were urgently needed to arm and equip our military forces 
prospered out of proportion to the rising cost of living. By 
the fall of 1919, weekly earnings overtook the retail price of 
food. At the beginning of 1920 real wages appear on the 
average to have risen to their 1914 level. In conclusion, 
it may be said that American labor has prospered during the 
past five years in a negative sense, in that, in spite of high 
prices, it emerged at the end of 1919 no worse off on the 
average than in 1914." 

The railway employees in particular were supposed to 
have received noteworthy advances, but hearings before 
the United States Railroad Labor Board show that the 
increase in their pay was based upon living costs in 1917, 
that these costs continued to rise and that demands in 
1919 for wage increases to meet this rise were not granted, 
the President urging the employees to refrain from press- 
ing their demands pending a better opportunity to esti- 
mate the permanence of high living costs. The United 
States Railroad Labor Board later found that in this 
country under wartime government control, railway wages 


were in general below the pre-war standard of living of 
the employees. 

In maintaining labor standards and protective labor 
laws, labor was even less successful than in maintaining 
its standard of wages. There was a general movement 
in all warring countries in 1914 to set aside laws and reg- 
ulations protecting labor, on the assumption that produc- 
tion would thereby be increased. In the British munition 
factories the trade unions agreed to the suspension of 
their regulations with the result that hours were length- 
ened, Sunday rest abolished, child labor standards broken 
down and health regulations abolished. These facts led 
to the appointment of a committee for the protection of 
the health of the munition workers, which stated in its 
report : 

"Taking the country as a whole the Committee are bound 
to record their impressions that the munition workers in 
general have been allowed to reach a state of reduced 
efficiency and lowered health which might have been avoided, 
without the reduction of output, by attention to details of 
daily and weekly rest. Conditions have been accepted with- 
out question which will be ultimately disastrous to health. 
It is for the nation to safeguard the devotion of its workers 
lest irreparable harm be done to body and mind both in this 
generation and the next." 

Having followed the results of the setting aside of pro- 
tective regulations in Europe, American labor was in a 
somewhat better position to check the tendency. In 
spite of this, various states, Vermont, Minnesota, New 
Hampshire, and Connecticut, enacted laws empowering 
the governor to suspend labor laws. Other states consid- 
ered such legislation. New York passed a drastic bill 
along these lines which the Governor vetoed. On June 
4, 1917, President Wilson found it necessary to issue a 


statement, made originally in a letter to Governor Brum- 
baugh of Pennsylvania, that it would be most unfortunate 
to relax protective labor laws and that there was no neces- 
sity for doing so. Standards in regard to child labor were 
seriously affected. Boys and girls left school in greatly 
increased numbers as soon as they reached 14, and had 
little difficulty in obtaining work papers at an earlier age. 

These results reveal clearly the fact that war and the 
toleration of the war system, by their cheapening of hu- 
man life, contradict in principle everything for which 
labor contends. The most direct step toward the 
fulfillment of labor's own program would be successful 
opposition to war. 

Aside from this contradiction in principle, war and 
preparation for war limit the resources and waste the ef- 
fort which should be devoted to the social improvements 
which labor more than any group needs. The Saturday 
Evening Post pointed this moral in its issue of Febru- 
ary 26, 1921 : 

"Until we stop producing so much, for war and begin to 
produce more for peace there can be no peace, no real pros- 
perity. Workmen all around the world are marching and 
countermarching endlessly, producing nothing, wasting much; 
other armies are toiling ceaselessly at prodigious tasks — build- 
ing battleships, guns, forts, and heaping up vast stores to be 
wasted and destroyed. Until they are demobilized they must 
be carried on the backs, supported out of the savings of those 
engaged in useful industry. Then, too, past and half-for- 
gotten wars still hold the world in mortmain; this century is 
still paying the war bills of long-dead kings and states- 
men. ..." 

The French labor leader, Jouhaux, proclaimed, "The 
social transformation desired by the workers can only be 
realized when the peace of the world is assured." Nor- 


man Angell in "War and the Workers" elaborates the 
facts behind this statement: 

"If during the last fifty years we had been training some- 
thing like five millions of our young men, annually, to equip 
themselves for the real battle of life, and if every man in 
Europe had been practically trained to know and deal with 
the real problems of civilization; if $400,000,000 annually 
were devoted to the systematic struggle with poverty, desti- 
tution, preventable disease; if national service meant for our 
wealthy young men not going into the Guards, but systematic 
and scientific help in the improvement of the people; if the 
main object of governments had been a cordial cooperation 
one with the other for these purposes; if all the interest and 
emotion that has gone into our wars had been devoted to this 
other war with poverty, ignorance and wild nature — if in 
short, these lives, this time, money and emotion had gone to 
improving the world instead of preparing for the destruction 
of the people living in it, do you really think that such rudi- 
mentary things as finding actual food and clothing and hous- 
ing for millions would still be unsolved?" 

The need of labor is for more than peace, it is for 
international cooperation and action in the adoption of 
uniform labor standards. No nation wishes to adopt 
protective labor legislation in advance of that of other 
nations because of the fear of handicapping national 
industries. Labor had begun to recognize its common 
interests and to unite across national boundaries before 
the war, and the plight to which the war reduced 
the working people in all European countries greatly 
strengthened this tendency to international organization. 

The significance of the establishment of the Interna- 
tional Labor Organization in connection with the League 
of Nations has hardly begun to be appreciated. The pro- 
vision of the treaty of Versailles under which it was 
created emphasizes the importance of improving the con- 


ditions of labor throughout the world and of making them 
uniform, as factors in bringing about international peace. 
American labor leaders were influential in securing the 
establishment of the International Labor Organization, 
but although nations which are not members of the 
League of Nations may participate in the work of the 
Labor Organization, there has been no sustained effort on 
the part of American labor to secure such participation 
by the United States. 

The International Federation of Trade Unions with 
headquarters at Amsterdam which has reached since the 
war a membership of over 20,000,000, devotes a large part 
of its activity to educational and legislative efforts 
against war. In 1922, the International Federation called 
a peace conference of labor and peace organizations at 
which 600 delegates representing 24 nations were present. 
In summoning the workers to a war for peace, the Secre- 
tary of the International Federation said: 

"The trade unions regard the struggle for world peace and 
war against war as one of their most sacred tasks. . . . 
War is a crime against humanity. It does not merely take 
its ghastly toll of life; it also destroys completely at one blow 
all the achievements gained by labor at great sacrifices 
through years of strenuous fighting. . . . The working 
classes take very seriously their campaign* against war and 
militarism. . . . An appeal to their international solidarity 
in the interests of the whole of mankind will only meet with 
whole-hearted response when the working classes are not 
merely filled with a horror of war but have realized clearly 
that every war is bound to bring ruin upon them, when they 
feel cooperation in all war to be as despicable as black-legging 
in a strike. . . . Workers are now aware that in every pre- 
ceding war they have been duped and led out to murder each 
other, not in order to defend civilization but in order that the 
capitalist groups of their respective countries might acquire 


greater economic power. . . . No war but this war for peace 
is worthy of honor." 

The American Federation of Labor has so far not be- 
come affiliated with the International Federation at Am- 

That labor may exert a decisive influence on issues 
of war and peace has more than once been clearly demon- 
strated. On August 9, 1920, when British participation 
in the war between Russia and Poland was threatened, a 
joint conference representing the various labor groups 
of England notified the Government "that the whole 
industrial power of the organized workers will be used 
to defeat this war," and that they had agreed "that the 
Executive Committee of affiliated organizations be sum- 
moned to hold themselves ready to proceed immediately 
to London for a National Conference; that they be ad- 
vised to instruct their members to 'down tools' on instruc- 
tions from that National Conference; and that a Council 
of Action be immediately constituted to take such steps 
as may be necessary to carry the above decisions into 

In September, 1922, when war again threatened — this 
time in the Near East — British Labor sent a deputation 
to the Prime Minister, and "stop-the-war" demonstra- 
tions were held in London, Manchester and other cities in 
England. A manifesto was issued stating that if hostili- 
ties increased, the British Government would bear the 
greatest part of the responsibility and that if the League 
of Nations could not be used, a conference should be 
called, including representatives of Russia, Bulgaria and 
Germany. The Municipal Employees Association, in Na- 
tional Convention, September 18, 1922, protested against 
sending troops to Constantinople and pledged, as far as 
they were concerned, "not a man or ship or ammunition 


shall leave England in support of that war." The Trades 
and Labor Congress of Canada adopted a declaration at 
this time: 

"The Government's decision to obtain the sanction of Par- 
liament before committing Canada to a policy of war is one 
in which organized labor fully concurs. The time has passed 
when this country should be swept into war on the declaration 
of a single individual or the Cabinet, without full investigation 
and approval of Parliament." 

The All-Australian Trade Union Congress also estab- 
lished a Council of Action to resist this threatened war 
in 1922. In a manifesto, the Council pointed out that 

"60,000 Australians have sacrificed their lives, 166,000 suf- 
fered mutilation, and 330,000 risked life and limb, under the 
solemn promise that the recent European war was the last that 
would afflict mankind." 

In 1925 the Miners' Federation of Great Britain passed 
unanimously the following resolution: 

"Believing wars are the result of the present system in 
its mad rush for new markets, and that the workers are used 
as pawns in the game, this Conference calls upon the Federa- 
tion to give a mandate to the Miners' International to declare 
a strike in the mines of the world in the event of a situation 
arising whereby any of the nations may become involved in 


When the British Labor Party came into power in 
1924, its Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald, devoted 
his chief effort to bringing about a more friendly under- 
standing with France, thereby making possible a resump- 
tion of friendlier relations throughout Europe. In his 
victory speech, January 8, 1924, he said: 

"The first great duty we put our hands to is to establish 
peace and create the conditions of peace. ... It would be a 


great thing today . . . to establish with ... all peoples 
of the nations, an understanding not of rival military forces, 
but an understanding of human men and women who have 
no cause for war, no cause for enmity." 

In his first letter to Premier Poincare, discussing public 
opinion in France and England, he wrote: 

"The security which we want is security against war." 

When difficulty again threatened between England and 
Russia and between England and China in 1926 and 1927, 
the attitude of British labor was likewise a strong influ- 
ence for peace. 

Perhaps the most definite contribution of American 
labor to the cause of world peace since the war is the 
organization of the Pan American Federation of Labor 
on November 16, 1918. Its influence was emphatically 
and courageously brought to bear during the dispute 
between the United States and Mexico in 1926 and 1927 
and was undoubtedly an influential factor in bringing 
about a peaceful adjustment. 

When President Green of the American Federation ac- 
cepted the chairmanship of the Pan American Federation 
at its 1927 convention, he said: 

"I cannot believe that there can be resort to the sword in 
the settlement of any disputes that arise between the Latin 
American countries and the United States so long as we main- 
tain this economic force strong and powerful. . . . Our 
motto should be that there should never be any war between 
the Latin American republics and the United States of 

A resolution passed at this convention of the Pan 
American Federation of Labor in regard to the activities 
of the United States marines in Nicaragua was note- 
worthy, although not effective in modifying the policy of 
the United States: 


"Resolved, That the Executive Committee of the Pan- 
American Federation of Labor address the government of the 
United States, expressing regret for the events having occurred 
recently in Nicaragua; that it likewise address a respectful 
but emphatic petition to withdraw immediately the United 
States forces on land and sea and air in Nicaragua, and to 
terminate its intervention in the interest of that nation so that 
the people of Nicaragua may fully and freely work out their 
own problems, both for the present as well as in the coming 
election of a President for Nicaragua, and without any inter- 
ference on the part of a foreign nation, it being the opinion 
of this congress that interference on the part of a foreign 
nation will only make more difficult the solution of Nica- 
ragua's problem." 

The official resolutions of the American Federation of 
Labor, which, though not including all organized groups, 
represents a cross section of labor groups in this country, 
have from the beginning been vigorous in their support 
of peace measures and afford ground for an active peace 
program on the part of local labor organizations. At the 
first convention in 1887, this resolution was adopted: 

"The demands of the working people will never be fully 
heard in all their strength and nobility of aspiration until the 
nations of the world mutually agree to refrain from the fratri- 
cidal strife that has so often brought misery and desolation 
into many millions of happy homes. The working class, the 
class that always has to bear the brunt of war, has the most 
profound interest in the establishment and maintenance of 

In the conventions of 1904, 1905 and 1908 the same 
ideas were reiterated. The following resolutions, adopted 
by the 1912 and 1914 conventions, represent the trend of 
labor sentiment throughout this period: 

"Organized labor recognizes the identity of the interests of 
the wage workers and the brotherhood of man over all the 


world, and realizes the duty which devolves upon the organized 
labor movement of all civilized countries to carry on an educa- 
tional propaganda having for its purpose the awakening of the 
hearts and consciences of all mankind to the enormous waste 
and cruelty of war; therefore be it 

''Resolved, That the American Federation of Labor emphat- 
ically reaffirms its previous declaration for the settlement of 
all international differences through arbitration, looking 
toward the final establishment of universal international peace 
among the peoples of the civilized world." — Adopted by 1912 

"Militarism and competitive armament must be abolished 
and tribunals for awarding justice and agencies for enforcing 
decisions must be instituted. International interests and issues 
exist. Political institutions should be established correspond- 
ing to political developments. 

"Those most interested should lead in the demands for 
world federation and the rule of reason between nations. The 
working people of all lands bear the brunt of war. They do 
the fighting, pay the war taxes, suffer most from the dis- 
organization of industry and commerce which results from 

"The national labor movements can promote the cause of 
international peace by two complementary lines of action: by 
creating and stimulating within their own nations a public 
sentiment that will not tolerate waste of human life, and by 
establishing international relations, understanding and agen- 
cies that will constitute an impassable barrier to policies of 
force and destruction." — Adopted by 1914 Convention. 

The Federation strongly supported the Hague Con- 
ferences, all efforts to develop arbitration, and more re- 
cently the Washington Conference on the Limitation of 
Armaments. In regard to the League of Nations its reso- 
lution in 1918 was: 

"We are of the opinion that no permanent peace can be 
made nor should be made until democracy supplants autoc- 


racy and until a league of nations is established for the pur- 
pose of maintaining a just peace and for the protection of 
small nations." 

In 1919 and 1920 the League was again endorsed, but 
following the Senate's vote against America's participa- 
tion in the League the Federation dropped it from its 
platform. It continued until 1925 to support the World 
Court but has since refused to take any stand, always 
referring the question to its Executive Council. 

The Federation recognized the danger of the develop- 
ment of a spirit of militarism following the war, and has 
reiterated its opposition to military training, adopting 
a resolution in 1926, recommending: 

"Greatest vigilance to prevent the passage of legislation 
providing for compulsory military training. Labor is unalter- 
ably opposed to both the principle of compulsion and to 

At the 1927 Convention the committee on legislation 
recommended continued opposition by the Federation 
to what the Council considered "obnoxious measures," 
among 1 them the Capper-Johnson bill for conscription of 
labor and fixation of wages and prices in time of war. 

. "One of the forms of 'preparedness' propaganda that is the 
aftermath of the late war are legislative proposals to author- 
ize plans for future mobilization of materials and men in 
event of other wars. Your committee recommends that we 
commend the Executive Council for its opposition to the 
Capper-Johnson Bill. 

"Your committee believes that such measures involve seri- 
ous dangers in that they would provide machinery that could 
be diverted to purposes of repression and recommends that 
the Executive Council continue its opposition to all such meas- 
ures embracing the dangers herein indicated." 


The concluding paragraph of the report of the Federa- 
tion's foreign relations committee in 1927 contained this 
statement on the subject of military protection of Amer- 
ican citizens and interests in foreign countries: 

"As to the general subject of foreign relations, we express 
the hope that the United States will again adopt the policy 
which in the main it adhered to during the first century of 
our national life, a policy based upon the proposition that 
Americans and so-called American interests in foreign coun- 
tries must abide by and accept the consequences of the laws of 
such countries just as foreigners and foreign interests within 
our borders must abide by and accept the consequences of 
American law." 

From the point of view of labor, whose interests de- 
mand both the protection of high standards of living and 
the development of international goodwill for the main- 
tenance of world peace, a solution of the immigration 
problem to meet both these requirements is one of the 
most important phases of the complicated peace problem. 
Organized labor's own position in regard to immigration 
has so far been vigorous advocacy of restrictive legisla- 
tion, including reiterated insistence upon the Japanese 
Exclusion Act. 

The resolutions cited above leave no doubt that the 
leaders of American labor understand the vital impor- 
tance of the abolition of war. The thing that seems to 
be necessary is a program to educate the rank and file 
of the labor movement as to the basic importance of act- 
ing upon these resolutions. President Green in a recent 
speech discussed at length the importance of individual 
action for peace. 

"Safety against war," he said, "must rest with the indi- 
vidual. He must think in terms of peace. His desire for peace 
must approximate a passion for peace. He must be so well 


grounded and firmly settled in his thinking about peace and 
his desire for peace that at no time will he be swept away 
by a warlike spirit or feelings of revenge and hatred toward 
any nation or any people throughout the world. 

"The thoughts and general attitude of the individual stand- 
ing alone might not affect governments or those in authority, 
but the mobilized thoughts and attitude of the individuals 
who make up the governments will prevent war and preserve 
peace. There can be no war if the people, individually and 
collectively, resolve in favor of peace and the peaceful settle- 
ment of disputes between nations." 


Each year since the World War the number of inter- 
national meetings of agricultural leaders has increased. 
This tendency on the part of those engaged in agricul- 
tural pursuits to think and act internationally is one of 
the notable developments of recent years and can be 
traced directly to the effect of the World War upon 
agricultural interests. 

The war made it clear to all those who grow staple 
farm products that their prosperity depends upon two 
conditions, which can be assured only in times of peace: 
access to the markets of the world, and a steady demand 
for their products since these products cannot be increased 
or decreased over night. When the war broke out, 
American farmers as a whole were better off than they 
had ever been for any extended period in the history of 
this country. Everything indicated that the United 
States was approaching an agricultural-industrial balance 
with supplies abundant enough to make a prosperous in- 
dustry and trade, and farm prices high enough to make a 
prosperous agriculture. The cotton growers, who as a 
group have long recognized their dependence on interna- 
tional trade, as their support of low tariffs indicated, were 
the first to feel the disastrous effects of the interruption 
of trade. 

With the outbreak of the war, Europe greatly de- 
creased its production of all farm products. Other sources 
of supply were more remote, and a large part of the Euro- 



pean demand came upon the farmers of this country with 
the result that they tended more and more to turn their 
attention from general farming to the production of a 
few important staples, the prices for which were abnor- 
mally high, for, in five years, farm prices as a whole 
advanced 108%. 

As the war went on, food became scarcer. The farmers 
were urged to cultivate more and more land. They went 
heavily in debt to buy land and the machinery for farm- 
ing it, the prices of both being high, with the result that 
the total farm debt of 1920 was estimated at $13,000,000,- 
000, the largest part of it having been incurred during 
war years. 

At the end of the war there inevitably followed a period 
of great deflation, and it has become an axiom in econ- 
omics, according to Senator Capper of Kansas, that 
"farmers always suffer more from the post-war deflation 
than any other class." The surplus of agricultural prod- 
ucts, the restriction of domestic demand as a result of in- 
dustrial depression, the renewal of competition from other 
countries, broke prices to a disastrously low level. 

The average income of the American farm family 
dropped after the war from $1,774 to $917, of which $420 
was required to meet interest charges and taxes. In 1923 
the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis reported that 
17.7% of the farmers of Montana had gone into bank- 
ruptcy; 10.5% in North Dakota; 7.3% in South Dakota; 
and 3.7% in Minnesota. Because of the abandonment of 
farm life, the farm population was reduced by 3.6% dur- 
ing the years immediately preceding 1922, and it was 
estimated that a million people left the farms in '1923. 
The farmers also recovered from post-war deflation more 
slowly than any other group. In 1927 the farmer's dollar 
was still worth only eighty-five cents as compared with 
the five-year period preceding the war. 


The report of the World Economic Conference, which 
met in Geneva in 1927, stated that the documents and 
facts gathered in preparation for the conference showed 
that agricultural prices were low, not because of an ab- 
normal increase in the production of food-stuffs, but be- 
cause of a decrease in demand due to the post-war pov- 
erty of the manufacturing communities of Europe. 

If this was the effect of the last war, that of any war in 
the future will be even more disastrous, for according to 
Will Irwin, in "The Next War" : 

"... the bill wil^ probably show a larger item for destroyed 
fields — agricultural wealth. The struggle just finished was 
the first in history where any considerable area of land was 
ruined for cultivation. Now it is a property of the new 
poison gas that it sterilizes — not only kills cells but prevents 
the growth of cells. Concerning one successor of Lewisite 
gas an expert has said: 'You burst a container carrying a 
minute quantity of the substance which makes the gas, at 
the foot of a tree. You do not see the fumes rise ; it is invis- 
ible. But within a few seconds you can see the leaves begin 
to shrivel. While we are not quite certain, we estimate that 
land on which this gas has fallen will grow nothing for about 
seven years.' In the next war, unless we discover meantime 
some still more effective method of killing — clouds of such gas 
will sweep over hundreds of square miles, not only eliminat- 
ing all unprotected life, animal and vegetable, but sterilizing 
the soil — 'for about seven years.' What were farms, orchards 
and gardens will become in a breath deserts. The power of 
its soil to produce food is the first, vital item in the wealth 
of a nation." 

The failure of farmers after the war to secure adequate 
aid from the government made clear that not only war 
but the preparation for war costs them dearly. When 
more than 80% of the national income goes to pay war 
costs, appropriations for agricultural purposes, and for 


such public works as irrigation, drainage, development of 
water transport, scientific experimentation, are difficult 
to obtain. Farmers have also had an opportunity since 
the war to realize that the preservation of the goodwill 
of other nations is a matter in which they have a close 
interest, for as Mr. Wilbur Carr, of the Department of 
State, observes: 

"The prices of our farmers' crops are fixed not alone by 
the conditions in this country over which we have control, 
but by events thousands of miles away in foreign lands. Mis- 
information about the United States and its policies may 
almost overnight give rise to conditions »esulting in the loss 
of a market worth many millions of dollars." 

Aside from the effects of war, the nature of the farm- 
ers' calling, which requires steady uninterrupted labor 
over long periods and settled life in one locality, has 
tended through the centuries to make farmers less pre- 
disposed to war than any other group. In a statement 
issued by the Cosmos Newspaper Syndicate, January 2, 
1927, Senator Capper said: 

"Out of all the classes of people who make up the popula- 
tion of the United States, it seems to me that peace is dearer 
to the rural folks than any other group. Dealing, as they are, 
day by day with the physical forces of life, they perhaps 
come to appreciate, better than the men and women in most 
other lines at least, the importance of making these forces 
function for the benefit of humanity, rather than for its 

The largest of the farm organizations in the United 
States, the National Grange, which was organized shortly 
after the Civil War by a northern farmer who recognized 
the need of cooperation among the farmers of the whole 
country, has from the beginning, constantly empha- 
sized the importance of substituting arbitration for war. 


In a declaration of principles adopted in 1921, "after 
long and careful consideration," the Grange stated: 

"As so often reiterated in The Grange, the Order does now 
and always has stood for the principle of arbitration in 
American affairs, and in those which affect both American 
and foreign countries. ... 

"We are opposed to militarism, universal military training 
and a large standing army. We deplore any effort to develop 
in America a caste of authority which has its sole excuse in 
a shoulder-strap, and any tendency in thought which would 
substitute armed force for moral ideals. The invincible 
character of a citizen army when equipped with justice and 
Americanism has again been demonstrated. We favor the 
preparedness of right, rather than the preparedness of might." 

The 1927 annual session of the Grange included in its 
legislative program the following resolution: 

"Resolved, That the National Grange believes in outlawing 
war and that we favor the United States Government taking 
the lead in the movement which will place war outside and 
beyond the protection of law." 

It is an interesting fact that in Canada, where farmers 
have come into political power, they are using that power 
to oppose war. The United Farmers of Alberta have 
made a fundamental attack upon the problem and called 
upon their Provincial government to teach children in the 
schools the truth about war. After the resolution given 
below had been received by the government it was an- 
nounced that an effort would be made to have the courses 
of study revised and textbooks used in which less atten- 
tion would be paid to war, and the ideal of peace held 
before the minds of the children: 

"Whereas, there seems to be evident in the minds of the 
young more or less glory in the mention of, and the teachings 
of war, in our schools, and 


"Whereas, it has been proven and demonstrated that war is 
degrading and uncivilized, and a great loss to life and prop- 

"Therefore be it resolved, that we, the United Farmers of 
Alberta in convention assembled do hereby request, instruct 
and demand our farmers' government to enact legislation 
necessary to have a textbook placed in our public schools that 
will explain the horrors, of war past, present and future, as 
well as the loss of lives and property and influence of legal- 
ized murder on the human mind." 

The need of the farmer today is not only for the aboli- 
tion of war, but for the development of active interna- 
tional cooperation. As long ago as 1905, David Lubin, an 
American farmer, realized the need for a world organiza- 
tion to guide the farmer in the production and marketing 
of his crops, and, with the aid of the King of Italy, who 
saw more clearly than any other ruler the far-reaching 
effects of his proposal, established the International In- 
stitute of Agriculture with headquarters at Rome. Al- 
though the diplomats who controlled the international 
conference at which the Institute was established, failed 
to give it the administrative powers which Lubin had 
planned for it, and restricted it largely to an agency for 
the collection and distribution of information, farmers 
may point to it with pride as a forerunner of the inter- 
national bodies which are now being formed. It collects, 
studies and publishes information concerning farming; 
provides protection against the spread of plant diseases ; 
studies questions of agricultural cooperation, insurance 
and credit, and suggests measures for the protection of 
the common interests of farmers and the improvement of 
their condition. The strength of the mutual interests 
and the desire to cooperate in goodwill among the farming 
interests was shown by the fact that three months after 
the outbreak of the World War, the Permanent Commit- 


tee of the Institute held a meeting in Rome. It was at- 
tended by representatives of thirty-six nations, including 
the Allied Nations and the enemy countries, Germany 
and Hungary. The president of the committee said on 
this occasion: 

"Nothing could be more contrary to the purposes of our 
International Institute (than the World War), but we shall 
have from now on a noble and a difficult task — that of aiding 
the nations to replace, when the war is over, the wealth which 
has been destroyed by the war. . . . This is the first time 
that official representatives of so many nations engaged in a 
war have met with the representatives of neutral states dur- 
ing hostilities to carry on a piece of work of an entirely civil 
character. This fact testifies to the solidarity of mankind, 
even while events which strike the mind with horror seem to 
deny its existence." 

Immediately following the war in 1919 the World Ag- 
ricultural Society was created and now represents 50 
countries. It is an informal fellowship of individuals 
and organizations who believe that a sympathetic under- 
standing between the peoples of the world, and between 
town and country dwellers is essential both for solving 
the food and fibre problems of the world and for perma- 
nent world peace. As president of the World Agriculture 
Society, Dr. Kenyon L. Butterfield, in discussing the need 
for a new education of rural youth, has said: 

"We are entering upon an era when racial conflicts and 
national competitions, more particularly in the economic field, 
are more serious than ever before, largely because communica- 
tion has crowded races and nations together and revealed all 
sorts of prejudices and competing ambitions. The only way 
out of this sharpened conflict is cooperation. Unquestionably, 
the farmers of America will be obliged to organize more effec- 
tively and may even be compelled to maintain a political farm 
bloc, which is often deprecated, yet may be necessary for class 


protection. But it would be a pitiful situation if that were 
the end. The apparent antagonism between labor and agri- 
culture, between consumers and producers, between urban 
and rural, must melt into deeper understanding and closer 
affiliation. It is vital that rural youth be wisely and fairly 
taught with respect to such problems as the economic adjust- 
ments between classes and nations, the proper relationships 
between rural and urban interests, and the terms on which 
people can better live together in a crowded world. All 
depends upon attitude, spirit, point of view, and these can be 
imparted to rural youth." 

In 1927, ten international meetings of agricultural 
leaders were held. In addition to the organizations al- 
ready mentioned, the agricultural interests of twenty-six 
nations are united in the International Commission of 
Agriculture, which is studying the problem of a world 
market for cereals, meat and milk. An International 
Council of Agricultural Organizations also meets annually. 

How important international organization is to the 
progress and prosperity of farmers is emphasized by Dr. 
Paul Reinsch, who says in "Public International Unions" : 

"Agriculture is by no means an activity that can be fully 
protected upon a national basis. International protection is 
demanded against the importation of plant and animal 
diseases. In order that agricultural operations may be effec- 
tively adjusted to atmospheric and climatic conditions, the 
meteorological service ought to be organized upon an inter- 
national basis. To determine accurately the status of the 
market for agricultural products, world-wide determinations 
of the conditions of supply and demand are necessary: and 
agricultural labor, in fully as great a measure as that em- 
ployed in the industries, is dominated by international condi- 
tions and population movements." 

In the World Economic Conference which met at 
Geneva in 1927 under the auspices of the League of Na- 
tions, and at which the United States and Russia, as 


well as the members of the League, were represented, one 
of the three main committees was devoted to interna- 
tional problems affecting agriculture. The Agricultural 
Committee in its final report laid special emphasis on 
developing all forms of cooperation, including trade be- 
tween Consumers' Cooperative Societies "both within 
and across national frontiers." 

The Consumers' Cooperative Societies, it should be 
noted, numbering hundreds of thousands of members and 
organized internationally, which are in themselves a 
strong influence for world peace, find their greatest sup- 
port in the United States among the farmers. 

The Pan American Union, to promote cooperation in 
the study of the agricultural problems of the American 
continents, has recently undertaken the publication of a 
special series of monthly pamphlets on the subject, which 
will be widely distributed among those interested in agri- 
culture in the different countries belonging to the Union. 

In order that American farmers might share more 
fully in the international contacts which are being de- 
veloped, the American Farm Bureau Federation in the 
summer of 1927 arranged for five hundred American 
farmers to visit Europe and travel in small groups from 
country to country and from farm to farm. Such direct 
consultation and personal acquaintance must lead to a 
recognition of common problems and common interests 
which will prove a strong influence against international 

Through international association it will become clear 
that the farm interests of no country can be protected 
against the disruption of world trade and world markets 
which inevitably accompanies war, except by the aboli- 
tion of war. The old prophecy, "swords shall be turned 
into plowshares/' expresses an antagonism that is funda- 
mental between war and the work of the farmer. 


At its convention in 1925, the American Legion adopted 
a peace program which closes with this paragraph: 

"In conclusion, we urge that each recurring Armistice Day 
should be used as an occasion for reckoning the progress made 
by America in the promotion of world peace as the great 
objective of the World War." 

That the men of the American army fought the World 
War in the belief they were fighting a war to end war, 
and came back to this country expecting the job to be 
carried through to completion, is asserted repeatedly in 
widely representative statements made by officers of the 
army and by Legion conventions and spokesmen. 

In the American Legion Weekly of November 24, 1922, 
Major General John F. O'Ryan, who held a higher rank 
than any other member of the National Guard in the 
war, said: 

"As I estimated the point of view of the average soldier 
of our war army — and I had an intimate acquaintance with 
the habits and thoughts of many of them — I came to believe 
that he recognized the inconsistency of Christians doing the 
things that war impels men to do, but that he justified his 
participation in the war because of the conviction that the 
success of the Allies was a step toward the realization of the 
fundamental teaching of Christianity. By the fundamental 
teachings of Christianity is meant, of course, those general 
rules of proper human relations that are subscribed to alike 



by the teachers of all religions. The general idea was 
expressed in the phrase so often heard, 'A war to end war.' " 

On another occasion, speaking before the Southern 
Commercial Congress at Chicago, November, 1922, Major 
General O'Ryan said: 

"When the combat divisions of the American army returned 
home, I think many of the officers who had seen something of 
the cruelty and waste of war were surprised at the apparent 
apathy of our own people in relation to the possibility of a 
recurrence of war. Not that the people did not continue to 
express their aversion for war, not that there was lacking the 
hope that war would not recur, but it seemed that they were 
reconciled to let the future rest upon the insecure foundation 
of hope. It seemed astonishing that a people so practical as 
ourselves, so gifted and experienced in the field of organized 
effort, should not translate their hopes and their goodwill 
into something practical. It seemed remarkable that the high 
state of exaltation which held the people when we left them to 
go across, — a spirit of unselfishness and of determination to 
meet any sacrifice for the common good that was quite with- 
out precedent, — should have largely disappeared, and that in 
its place there had developed a reaction so marked that most 
men and women seemed concerned only with their own 

On Armistice Day, 1923, John R. Quinn, as National 
Commander of the American Legion, issued the following 
message : 

"Five years ago the war ended — officially. However, it has 
not really ended, nor can it end until the principles for which 
our soldiers fought have been fulfilled to the utmost. 

"To do your part today in this repledging to principle, 
pause for a moment and recall the principles for which our 
men went willingly to the chance of death — many to die. 

"You remember the phrase on their lips and in their hearts: 
'a war to end war. 7 Yet wars are not ended. They went be- 


yond the seas into a hell of death and destruction that their 
sons and daughters might be spared a like horror. Yet today 
there is no guaranty, no certainty that another war will not be 
forced upon this nation, or any nation. 

"The American Legion pledged itself at its last annual con- 
vention to strive unceasingly for peace. This does not mean 
that we have joined the ranks of those so-called pacifists of 
war-time memory. Far from it. As long as conditions make 
war necessary to protect our nation from aggression or oppres- 
sion, we stand ready, nay anxious, to answer the call to arms. 

"But we strive toward an era when our nation and all na- 
tions may live and fulfill their destinies without injustice, 
oppression or the necessity to protect themselves from such by 

"The American Legion pledged itself to no one plan to end 
war. Neither does it ask that you do so. 

"But we do ask that you, upon this Armistice Day, take 
solemn resolve that you will leave no act undone or word 
unsaid that may advance, even in the smallest degree, the era 
of perpetual peace. You may not have the opportunity of 
speaking from a platform, but this does not excuse you. If 
you have one neighbor, one friend, whom you can convert to 
the cause of peace and fail to do so, then you have not kept 
faith with those who 'sleep in Flanders fields/ 

"I ask that now you solemnly enlist in this greatest cause 
of all time, the ending of war. Thus, and thus only, can you 
keep faith with those who kept faith with you in the time of 
your greatest need." 

In 1920, the soldiers of the allied armies formed, for 
the promotion of world peace, an interallied federation of 
veterans, popularly known as "Fidac" from the ini- 
tial letters of its name, "Federation Interalliee des An- 
ciens Combattants." The American Legion is the 
American branch of this group, which now numbers more 
than 6,000,000 veterans from 32 associations in ten 


At its meeting in the United States in 1922, Fidac 
adopted a declaration of principles, which was unani- 
mously approved by the American Legion representatives 
and which included a resolution that: 

"An international court be established to outlaw war and 
when the decrees of such court become operative (except for 
machinery necessary to maintain them and the minimum 
police forces) to entirely disarm and disband our land, sea 
and air forces and destroy the implements of warfare." 

In 1926 Fidac invited the veterans of the ex- 
enemy countries to meet with the allied veterans in an 
international conference, "in order to discover the best 
means of collaboration in the interests of world peace." 

The international conference was held in Luxembourg 
on July 10, 1927, with 4,500,000 German and Austrian 
ex-service men belonging to eight different associations 
represented. In opening the Conference, the President 
of Fidac, Marcel Heraud, said: 

"What force our action will take if you say together with 
us, in the face of the world, that in so far as it depends on 
us, we do not want the sufferings our generation has gone 
through, to be again borne by our children." 

In answering this speech, the German representative 
replied : 

"The sacrifices of the war can only have a meaning if its 
result is to kill all future wars and to give victory to the idea 
of peace. ..." 

The resolutions as finally adopted read as follows: 

"Convinced that the task of war veterans is to make clear 
to all people the horrors of war and to aid in preventing a 
return of these horrors by all the means in their power, the 
International Congress of War Veterans meeting at Luxem- 


bourg on the 9th and 10th of July, and including the veteran 
associations of countries which were at war from 1914 to 
1918 — associations equally loyal to their countries and having 
nothing to do with politics — 

"Declare that international relations must be founded upon 
respect for treaties and condemn all attempts to employ 
arms for aggressive purposes. 

"Considering the fact that in the course of committee dis- 
cussions the most delicate questions have been examined 
by former enemies without friction because these questions 
have been approached with frankness and debated with pre- 
cision, this Congress is thoroughly convinced that if methods 
of frankness and mutual understanding were always prac- 
ticed in international relations, sentiments of hatred would 
disappear and many disasters be avoided. 

"In consequence, it urges the veteran associations which 
hold the same opinion to keep in close touch, in order to 
inform themselves directly about incidents which may dis- 
turb public opinion, and to make sure that they have the 
facts concerning events which may prove the cause of armed 

"The Congress invites war veterans, who have never failed 
to give proof of their patriotism and of their loyalty, to teach 
young people that whoever loves his country must apply him- 
self to the task of maintaining peace among all nations — a 
peace in harmony with the self-respect of all." 

At this 1927 Congress two minority groups of veterans' 
associations of Germany and Austria were not repre- 
sented. Extreme nationalist associations refused to par- 
ticipate so long as the Treaty of Versailles, putting the 
entire responsibility for the World War upon Germany 
and its allies, remained unaltered, and certain communist 
associations were not invited because of their attitude 
toward class war. 

The results of this first meeting of veterans who had 
been enemies led to plans for a second similar conference 


scheduled to assemble at Luxembourg in September, 1928. 
An international mixed commission of ex-service men re- 
presenting 56 organizations in 14 countries met in Paris 
the 31st of March to organize this second congress. A 
dispatch from the Paris bureau of the New York World 
dated April 7, 1928, in discussing this conference cited 
two important instances in which already Fidac has lived 
up to its resolution to keep the people on both sides 
of an international boundary informed of the actual facts 
in any given controversy. The dispatch says: 

"The first was at the time of the Communist riots in 
Vienna last summer. Into Vienna, tense with excitement, 
came a shower of false rumors. One that made a deep im- 
pression and almost threw Austria into a panic was that the 
Italians were rushing troops into the Tyrol and were about to 
seize all upper Austria. One of the war veteran associations 
of Vienna wired to another in Germany to learn the truth. 
The latter wired Paris — the headquarters of their association, 
which got in touch with the chief of the biggest war veteran 
association in Italy. This man went directly to Premier 
Mussolini, who gave him a message of reassurance that was 
sent to Vienna. All Austria, including the government, was 

"The other delicate situation concerned Italy and Jugo- 
slavia. Worried by the friction between their Governments, 
the heads of the war veteran associations of the two coun- 
tries, who were personally acquainted, got into correspondence 
and decided between them that there was no occasion for, 
and would not be, any hostile acts. 

"These men can talk to each other because they in many 
cases fought each other in the trenches and the peace they 
have made is a real one. Not one of them has the slightest 
intention of breaking it." 

The American Legion, in addition to its participation 
in the work of Fidac, authorized in 1924 the creation 


of a special world peace committee. The resolution cre- 
ating this committee follows: 

'That the national commander be authorized and directed 
to appoint an American Legion world peace committee, com- 
posed of ten members, which committee shall report to the 
national convention of the Legion in 1925 the most practical 
plan whereby the influence and power of the Legion may be 
most effectively utilized for securing permanent world peace." 

The Committee's report to the 1925 Convention, as 
amended and adopted by the Convention, spoke of the 
duty which Legion members owe not only to their chil- 
dren, but "to those who died in the belief which America 
pledged to them that our war was to end war, and not 
otherwise may we keep faith with them," and reads in 

"A better method than war must be found for settling 
international disputes. 

"Such disputes are of two general classes: 

"1. Controversies legal in character, and, therefore, prop- 
erly justiciable, and 

"2. Contested claims having political aspects which require 
for solution at least quasi-legislative processes. 

'Tor the first class, judicial tribunals or courts, properly 
constituted and regulated by law, should be available, to 
which disputants should be encouraged to resort, while for 
the second class some further means are required to bring 
to bear the forces of world opinion upon those tempted to 
break its peace. 

"General declarations of purposes and principles, however 
high, fall short of the present need. 

"International cooperation to prevent war must displace 
international competition in war itself. 

"Your committee, therefore, recommends to the Legion the 
adoption of the following peace program: 


"1. The maintenance of adequate forces for internal and 
external national defense. 

"2. The prompt enactment into law of the principle of the 
universal draft. 

"3. The immediate adherence by the United States to a 
permanent court of international justice. 

"This should be the chief objective of Legion peace activi- 
ties, and every influence and power of the Legion should be 
exerted to press the matter to a favorable vote in the United 
States Senate at the earliest practicable date. 

"4. The committee makes no recommendations for or 
against the entry by the United States into the League of 
Nations. We do, however, recommend that our nation con- 
tinue its cooperation in such of the activities of the League as 
may, from time to time, be approved by our government. We 
further recommend the maintenance of an official observer 
at the seat of the League without uniting in its covenants. 
Full publicity should be given to the reports of the observer 
as to its sessions, conferences and activities. 

"5. The endorsement of the holding of international con- 
ferences to promote world security, disarmament, the codi- 
fication of international law and the arbitral settlement of 
disputes, with the respectful suggestion to the President of the 
United States to secure the inclusion in the agenda of the next 
such conference to be called by or to be attended by the United 
States, the consideration of the problem of effectively outlaw- 
ing a nation waging a war of aggression. 

"6. The maintenance and strengthening of the fraternal 
bonds between The American Legion and the Fidac, in the 
common cause of promoting a better understanding among 
the nations of the earth, and close cooperation with the Fidac 
in carrying out its educational program adopted at its recent 
convention in Rome for the purpose of educating the youths 
of the nation to understand, sympathize and cooperate with 
those of other countries. 

"7. We urge writers and teachers of the youth of our land 
to inculcate in their pupils an appreciation, not only of our 
own national virtues, but also of those of other nations and 


races, and an understanding with and sympathy for their 
glories and ideals. We advocate an exchange, on a large scale, 
of pupils and teachers with foreign countries in our schools 
and universities. International sports should be encouraged. 
We advocate the truthful exposition of the facts of history 
to the end that the causes of wars may be recognized and 
determined. Those charged with the responsibility of teach- 
ing the young are urged and requested to study how best to 
educate mankind in international goodwill. The national 
commander is urged to refer to the proper committee of the 
Legion the study of the same problem, with instructions to 
report at the 1926 convention. 

"News-gathering and disseminating agencies are urged to 
guard against the dissemination of inflammatory dispatches 
from and to foreign countries which represent the sentiments 
of only a small minority of a country's citizens. Attention is 
called to the Walter Hines Page School of International Re- 
lations at Johns Hopkins University, the first school of its 
kind in America or Europe. 

"8. We recommend that the work of this committee and 
of the permanent foreign relations commission shall be merged 
and carried on hereafter by that commission; that the name 
of that commission should be changed to the commission on 
world peace and foreign relations, and that three more per- 
sons shall be added to the commission, who shall, together 
with such other members of the commission as the com- 
mander may designate, constitute a sub-committee charged 
with the consideration of questions affecting world peace. 
The commission, during the coming year, shall study the 
question of the proper relation of the United States to the 
League of Nations, and shall report to the 1926 convention. 
We suggest to departments and posts that this question shall 
constitute a special order of the coming year. We further 
suggest to departments and posts the advisability of their 
appointing w r orld peace committees. 

"In conclusion, we urge that each recurring Armistice Day 
should be used as an occasion for reckoning the progress 


made by America in the promotion of world peace as the 
great objective of the World War." 

At the 1926 convention which was held in Philadel- 
phia, the Legion ignored its program of work for peace 
and concentrated its attention on a program of national 
defense, which supported "the fundamental principles" 
of the National Defense Act of 1920, called for an in- 
crease in the National Guard to 250,000 men by 1936, a 
regular army of 12,000 officers and 125,000 enlisted men, 
endorsed military training in the high schools, colleges 
and universities and condemned those who endeavor to 
stop such training. The resolutions in support of the 
Reserve Officers' Training Corps and the Citizens' Mili- 
tary Training Camps were as follows: 

"Whereas, propagandists have organized and disseminated 
reports discouraging and opposing Military Training in high 
schools, colleges and universities; and 

"Whereas, This seems to be one of the most desirable 
agencies to assist in making young men physically fit and 
educationally qualified to defend our country in case of war; 

"Therefore Be It Resolved, By the Eighth National 
American Legion Convention assembled, that we not 
only use our efforts for the continuation of the C.M.T.C. and 
the R.O.T.C. in high schools, colleges and universities, but that 
we also condemn as unwise and un-American the propaganda 
spread against this training." 

These two sets of Legion resolutions, on peace and on 
preparedness for war, indicate the conflict in policy which 
the present effort to change the organization of the world 
from a w r ar to a peace basis involves. It is a conflict 
which is reflected, not alone in Legion opinion, but in such 
inconsistency of governmental policy as was evident in 
the contradictory efforts of the State Department and 


the War and Navy Departments for and against ratifica- 
tion of the poison gas protocol in 1927. Conflict is inev- 
itable since there is involved the replacement of old in- 
stitutions by new, and farsighted national leadership is 
needed in order that the common purpose, rather than 
the divergent theories as to how it is to be achieved, 
shall be kept uppermost. 

The professional military men who say that the mili- 
tary organization must be maintained because we have 
not yet devised methods for preventing war, and who at 
the same time, on the ground that they interfere with the 
maintenance of military forces, oppose all efforts to or- 
ganize the world for peace, contribute little to a solution 
of the world's chief problem. The peace forces would 
contribute little more if they concentrated on an attack 
upon the military establishment instead of building up 
agencies of peace. 

The American Legion, whose members are citizens with 
an experience of war, would seem to be the group best 
fitted to bring about understanding between the forces 
preparing for war and the forces preparing for peace. So 
far the Legion has devoted a large part of its activity 
to the promotion of its military preparedness resolutions, 
and very little to its preparedness for peace resolutions. 
In repeated instances, its members and a few posts have 
attacked men and women and organizations representing 
thousands of American citizens who were seeking to carry 
out the principles of the Legion's own resolutions. But 
these attacks upon peace workers have not had the sup- 
port of the Legion as a whole. Writing on this point 
in The Nation of September 7, 1927, Sylvanus Cook, who 
describes himself as a friend of leaders in the Legion, 

"... There was almost as much indignation in the Legion 
over the action of General Fries in attacking Professor Flury 


[whom he sought to have removed from the school system of 
Washington because of a definition of Socialism which he 
had written in a magazine contest] as there was among the 
readers of The Nation. The General just missed a public 

"It is natural to inquire why the temperate element in the 
Legion permits itself to be advertised by die-hard extremists 
of the Fries-Watkins type without objecting. The reason is 
twofold. First, temperateness is seldom controversial. The 
temperate Legionnaire may feel totally out of sympathy with 
an act or pronouncement masquerading under Legion author- 
ity, but because he is temperate he will say nothing about it 
save to his more intimate associates. Second, absurd as it 
may seem, the Legion as a w r hole is rather fearful of its 
swashbuckling minority ... for the minority presents a 
unified front while the temperate or liberal majority is no 
support whatsoever. . . ." 

One explanation of the hesitancy of the Legion actively 
to promote its peace program is offered in the following 
statement contained in a letter from a Legion member, 
Joseph P. Milgram, published in The Nation of Septem- 
ber 28, 1927: 

"Ninety per cent of the Legion, I judge, believe in adequate 
preparedness — but not in over-preparedness. . . . The Legion 
has among its members nearly every army officer w r ho served 
in the w r ar. These officers are men of experience and it is not 
strange that their opinions often prevail over those of other 
Legionnaires who have not the military mind. In the large 
cities the Legion often avails itself of the hospitality of com- 
manders of armories for meetings and social affairs. As a 
result, w T hen favors are sought by army or navy officers, they 
are difficult of refusal. As long as the Legion accepts favors 
from professional army and navy boosters, it will be criticised 
for its militarism. As a whole, the Legion has no love for 
conflict, having tasted of it in the raw." 

That the Legion is coming to recognize its own special 


and independent position in the struggle between the 
die-hards of the old order and the new activities of peace, 
is indicated by the publication in the July, 1927, issue of 
the American Legion Monthly of an article by Rupert 
Hughes condemning vigorously repressive measures. 
After making it clear that he is "as bitter against pacifism 
as anybody" and that he believes the "next war" is 
inevitable and "abhors" many doctrines advocated by 
peace speakers, Mr. Hughes says: 

"In the meanwhile, we have peace— or what we call peace. 
One of the most striking things about the peace is that great 
numbers of our fellow-citizens have made war on speakers 
whose doctrines they disapprove of; they have invaded halls 
and driven out the audiences; they have prevented auditori- 
ums from being rented to speakers. . . . 

"The institutions of our nation are magnificent in their 
ideas and ideals. It is proper to defend them from foreign 
attack or internal rebellion. But it is horrible to punish men 
for expressing their honest opinions or suggesting changes. 

"If this nation is never to grow, never to be allowed to 
improve itself, and advance to newer and greater heights of 
liberty, it is dead already. And the people who have killed 
it are those who are loudest in its defense. 

"The duty of organized American veterandom is plain. The 
opportunity superb. Let no patriotic organization longer be 
turned into an instrument of tyranny and the oppression and 
the suppression of free speech, by a few of its zealots. Let 
it fight in peace the fight it fought in war, for the same 
American ideal, freedom and equality. Let it stand always 
and more and more for absolute liberty. . . . 

"There is only one liberty that deserves the name, and 
that is the liberty that grants even to its enemies every 
privilege it claims for itself. So long as we hold to that 
creed we cannot fear time or eternity. No other Americanism 
is American." 

Aside from seeing to it that peace work is not inter- 


fered with, the soldiers who fought in the last war have 
one contribution to make to the peace movement which 
no one else can make. They and they alone can make 
known the truth about war as it is fought today. Fidac 
has repeatedly urged the importance of telling young 
people th^ truth about war and has pointed out among 
the inherent advantages which members of Fidac 
possess in carrying on peace education their "first-hand 
knowledge of the tragedy of war." 

There seem to be two reasons why soldiers have not 
oftener spoken out. One is that non-combatants do not 
understand the soldiers' point of view. The other is the 
desire of the soldier to forget. 

Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, in a sermon preached at 
the First Presbyterian Church, New York, on June 5, 
1921, told this incident: 

"One of our young men came back from France and like 
many others, would not talk. One day his father took him 
apart and rebuked him for his silence. 'Just one thing I will 
tell you/ he answered. 'One night I was on patrol in No 
Man's Land and suddenly I came face to face with a German 
boy about my own age. It was a question of his life or mine. 
We fought like wild beasts. When I came back that night, 
I was covered from head to foot with the blood and brains of 
that young German boy. We had nothing personally against 
§ach other. He did not want to kill me any more than I 
wanted to kill him. That is war. I did my duty in it, but 
for God's sake do not ask me to talk about it. I want to 
forget it.' " 

The unwillingness of the soldier who fought to make 
known the truth about war as he saw it is the theme of 
a book, "The Inexcusable Lie," by Harold R. Peat, who 
entered the war as a volunteer and was decorated with 
the Victoria Cross. For several years after his return 
home, Mr. Peat refused to speak of his experiences. One 


day, however, he was sitting in a public square which 
was ornamented with a statue of a famous soldier. A 
group of little children began marching around it, playing 
war, waving flags and shouting. He was overcome, he 
says, by a sense of guilt when he realized how false 
a picture of war was in these children's min^s. From 
that day he began to write and to lecture on war as he 
knew it. 

"If a war started tomorrow," he asks, "would we of 1914 
be as enthusiastic in going again? I know we wouldn't be, 
we couldn't be. It isn't the danger, it isn't that war is lacking 
in adventure, but because we now know that it isn't glorious. 

We were told in school it was. 


"We know now that for every Victoria Cross won, there 
must be 10,000 wooden crosses won — we were not told so much 
about the wooden cross at school. We know that men excel 
themselves in war — but now we also know that to excel is to 
kill. In 1914, we saw and knew statues of heroes of our 
glorious tradition, but now as fathers of our boys, we, the 
super-patriots of 1914, pray our governments of England, 
France, Germany, Russia, America and humanity, that our 
sons be told and taught the truth of war. A little more of 
the wooden cross and a little less of the glory cross. Teach 
them young, so that as statesmen they may know that war 
is too filthy a way for civilized men to settle their differences. 
War is filth 1" 

The soldier feels,. too, that his experiences would not be 
understood. A young officer quoted by Kirby Page in his 
book, "The Sword or the Cross," adds this picture to the 
truth about war: 

"It is hideously exasperating to hear people talk the glib 
commonplaces about the war and distribute cheap sympathy 
to its victims. Perhaps you are tempted to give them a pic- 
ture of a leprous earth, scattered with the swollen and black- 
ening corpses of hundreds of young men. The appalling 


stench of rotting carrion, mingled with the sickening smell 
of exploded lyddite and ammonal. Mud like porridge, 
trenches like shallow and sloping cracks in the porridge — 
porridge that stinks in the sun. Swarms of flies and blue- 
bottles clustering on pits of offal. Wounded men lying in the 
shell holes among the decaying corpses, helpless under the 
scorching sun and bitter nights, under repeated shelling. Men 
with bowels dropped out, lungs shot away, with blinded, 
smashed faces, or limbs blown into space. Men screaming 
and gibbering, wounded men hanging in agony on the barbed 
wire, until a friendly spout of liquid fire shrivels them up like 
a fly in the candle." 

The plays, the books, the moving pictures which the 
men who fought the war have been producing in the last 
few years indicate that many of them are overcoming the 
desire to forget and are facing the past again for the 
sake of the future. 

The Boston Herald printed the lines below in its edi- 
torial column, June 19, 1927, with the following note: 
"We have received on brown paper from a man who signs 
himself R. W. Stewart, and describes himself as a private 
in the United States Army, some verses which he begs us 
to 'put some place/ and not on any account to 'tear it up.' 
He asked that we print them under the heading, 'Remem- 
ber Again ! ' " 


Rain in the blackness. Stabs of flame in the blackness. 
Whines and groans in the blackness. 

Remember again. 

Rockets at dawn. Shells, come and gone. 

Mists in the dawn. 
Cheers in the dawn. 


Remember again. 


Stillness at noon. Curses in the stillness of noon. 
Writhing bodies at noon. Still bodies at noon. 

Remember again. 

Flashing shovels at twilight. Prayers at twilight. 
Dry-eyed men at twilight. Soul-twisted men at twilight. 

Remember again. 

Time will pass. Crises will rise. 

Remember again. 

There is every reason to believe that the great majority 
of the men who actually fought in the American army in 
the World War agree with the statement of the president 
of Fidac : 

"In so far as it depends on us, we do not want the sufferings 
our generation has gone through to be again borne by our 


Young people — the phrase means officially those "un- 
der thirty" — are forming independent groups in every 
country to discuss the problems of modern life and to 
arrive at their own conclusions as to what ought to be 
done about them. 

A breaking away of the younger generation from the 
older was bound to occur at a time of such tremendous 
change as the present. It had begun before the war ; the 
war made the break a conscious determined movement. 
It was the accepted sign that there was no time to be lost 
in working out a new scheme of life to meet new world 
conditions and that the older generation could not be 
entrusted with doing it. "If there's one way that's been 
proved wrong, it's your way! If we live exactly as you 
lived, it will all happen over again. ,, Those are the 
words in which Youth in a modern drama condemns its 

If there had been no World War, young people deter- 
mined to express life in terms of today might have seen 
as clearly as they do that there is no longer a place for 
war in the world. But as it is, war and the results of war 
are not something that they merely speculate about. 
Thousands actually fought in the war. Thousands of 
others lived through the war as cold and hungry children. 
It is not to be wondered at that in group after group and 



in conference after conference young people of today in- 
sist that war be abolished. 

In order to unite their efforts in the promotion of 
peace, five hundred young men and women from Europe, 
America, Africa and Asia, representing every kind of 
young people's organization, are meeting in Eerde, Hol- 
land, from August 17 to 26, 1928, to hold the first World 
Youth Peace Congress and to form a World Federation 
of Youth for Peace. The announcement of the confer- 
ence explained why young people feel they must work 
together for peace independently of the older generation. 

'The Twenty-fifth International Peace Congress, held at 
Geneva at the beginning of September (1926) and represent- 
ing the official Peace societies of many countries, was as 
strong evidence as could well have been asked for the neces- 
sity of a vigorous Youth Peace Movement. It represented 
almost entirely the older generation, people who, we readily 
admit, rendered yeoman service to the International Peace 
Movement of last century and the beginning of this century 
but who seemed incapable of adapting themselves to the very 
different conditions of these post-war years. Hesitant of 
passing resolutions which might be thought extreme in gov- 
ernmental circles or of making recommendations which states- 
men would not be willing almost immediately to carry out, 
they failed utterly to give a lead to the peace thought of 
the world or to suggest a vigorous constructive policy. Peace 
needs courage and the spirit of adventure quite as much as 
does war." 

The same idea is expressed in this letter from a young 
German who fought in the war: 

"We must build up a new world, a new temple. Every step 
that brings us nearer to the completion of this temple is 
illuminated by the flame of life which sprang from the eyes 
and lips of our dying comrades into our souls in the war. 
It is impossible that all the anguish they endured should 


have been in vain. Let us set out on the journey that will 
lead us to the fulfillment of the visions we had in those 
trenches in France. Else our life would be useless." 

In England, Sir James Barrie, in a speech before the 
students of Edinburgh University, spoke for Youth 
rather than to Youth when he urged work for peace in 
memory of the young men killed in the war: 

"They want to know if you have learned from what befell 
them; if you have, they will be braced in the feeling that they 
did not die in vain. Some of them think they did. They 
won't take our word for it that they didn't. . . . They call 
to you to find out in time the truth about this great game, 
which your elders play for stakes and youth for life. . . . 

"You have more in common with the youth of other lands 
than Youth and Age can ever have with each other. You 
ought to have a League of Youth as your practical beginning." 

The main purposes of the World Youth Peace Con- 
gress, which may lead to the fulfillment of Barrie's hope 
for a World League of Youth, are: 

"To stimulate and promote the study of the basic causes of 
war and their elimination. 

"To focus the enthusiasm and power of the Youth of the 
world upon the development of methods and agencies for 
dealing with the problem of war." 

The helplessness of youth in the World War, the fact 
that they had had no part in bringing about the condi- 
tions which led to the war and had none in determining 
the policies by which it was conducted, but were, never- 
theless, depended on to carry it to victory, increased 
youth's self-consciousness. The sense which many young 
people had of having been led into the war without 
knowing what it was all about or having any control 
over it, is dramatically expressed in an open letter to Dr. 


David Starr Jordan written in December, 1926, by Carter 
Osborn, Jr., who led an antipeace riot in Baltimore 
shortly before America's entrance into the war and 
broke up a meeting which was being addressed by Dr. 
Jordan : 

"On the first Sunday in April, 1917, you were standing on 
the stage of the Academy of Music in Baltimore, Maryland, 
making — before the Baltimore Open Forum — a protest against 
the impending participation of this country in the European 
War. You were interrupted and the meeting broken up by 
the sudden violent entrance of a mob which had burst 
through the cordon of police outside the theatre. I was the 
leader of this mob which succeeded in rendering your appeal 

"This event took place nearly ten years ago. I was at that 
time twenty years old. I have tried to recall what motivated 
my action on this occasion. At twenty, one is mature and 
presumably motivated by reason. 

"Much has happened during those ten years. I spent part 
of them overseas and saw something of the actuality of war. 
And now I find it impossible to recall my definite thought 
which motivated me in leading that excited horde through 
the police and down the aisle of the Academy of Music. 

"With the best possible will to reconstruct the episode I can 
recall no reasoned conviction individually held by me. . . . 

"I acted after the fashion of an animal. The propaganda 
surrounding me on every side had affected me precisely as 
the tom-tom beating of a tribe in an African jungle affects 
the youths whom their chiefs and medicine men desire to stir 
to battle. 

"I see now with what little use of his intelligence a man 
can go from birth to death through modern civilization — his 
way made always easy for him by the forces profiting by 
using him as a pawn. 

"You were not successful in your appeal. Seventy thousand 
youths were killed in the struggle which came despite your 
endeavors. I saw many of those youths die. By sea and on 


land I saw their agonies, their miseries, their racked and 
mangled bodies. I happened to escape their fate. 

"One learns much and quickly when the veneer of class 
and city and state and nation are ruthlessly torn away and 
the stark reality of life and war are seen without glamour or 
illusion. I learned that before I am any particular kind of 
man, I am first of all a man with sympathies* which should 
embrace all mankind; an ephemeral cell in the social organ- 
ism of humanity as a continuing whole. I learned that the 
essential characteristic of man is intelligence and that the 
greatest treason of which a man can be guilty is to fail to 
use this essential characteristic, to surrender his will to any- 
thing whatever outside himself and to let himself be made 
as I was made, the unreasoning tool of folkway passion. 

"In a democratic nation assuredly argument should always 
be met with argument. Argument should never be stifled by 
force. It would, at least, have been possible for those differ- 
ing from you to meet your arguments with more convincing 
arguments on the other side. They chose instead to use me 
and similar befuddled youths to prevent you from being 
heard. . . . 

"I do not apologize to you, Sir. No apology is possible 
for such an act. I assure you only, that experience and 
maturity have brought me the poignant realization that on 
that Sunday evening so long ago, you were motivated by the 
principles of civilization, while I was motivated by the pas- 
sions of barbarism." 

The effect of the war was, of course, much more 
severely felt by the youth of Europe than by the youth 
of America. The suffering and poverty among students, 
particularly in the Central European countries, led to an 
International Student Aid movement which did much to 
bring young people into close touch. Immediately after 
the war, a young woman, Ruth Rouse, traveling as a 
secretary of the World Christian Student Federation, was 


so shocked by the suffering that she saw among students 
that she appealed to the young people of the nations 
where the suffering was less severe to form the European 
Student Relief Organization. The gifts of students to 
students in the first ten years equalled nearly $2,500,000. 
When there was no longer need for relief, the students 
were unwilling to give up their friendships and contacts, 
and the European Student Relief became the Interna- 
tional Student Service. Three international conferences 
have been held. The nations that received help have 
begun to repay their debts, so that the money may be 
used to carry abroad the work of the International Stu- 
dent Service, and the spirit of its declaration of faith 
which says: 

"We believe that the task of spreading fellowship is essen- 
tially spiritual; that it is an expression of the real nature of 
the world and of that power which, without distinction of 
creed, we believe to be working for the fulfillment of the 
destiny of mankind. . . . We seek a world partnership of fully 
developed communities in which every individual is able to 
achieve his highest development in the fellowship and service 
of mankind. We do not seek uniformity. We seek a unity 
which is expressed in many different ways." 

From one of these international student conferences a 
young Canadian delegate wrote home: 

'Tor the first time in my life I met students from lands 
which had until then been but 'colored spots on a map.' And 
I discovered that, in spite of differences of color, language and 
environment, these foreign students were much like myself, 
with similar aspirations and ideals. No longer can I think 
of their countries as inhabited by strange 'foreign' beings 
whom I know by group-names, German, Hungarian, Russian 
or Czech. These 'colored spots' on the map of the world are 
now the homes of my friends." 


Because the conditions of life which they had to meet 
were a severer challenge, the young people of. Europe are 
also more definitely organized and articulate than the 
young people of America. Yet even in Europe where 
international meetings are held with considerable regu- 
larity there is little formality, for organization contradicts 
the spirit of experiment in which young people are carry- 
ing on their new world adventure. After a spring and 
summer spent abroad a young American, James Water- 
man Wise, in The Century Magazine for January, 1928, 
says this of what he saw and felt : 

"Of primary importance is what I would term the 'youth 
consciousness' existing abroad. ... It takes many forms and 
finds diverse outlets, but it grows out of one almost universally 
accepted insight. That insight is of the inability of the older 
generation, the war generation, to maintain or to create an 
order of life that shall be secure and stable, let alone just and 
righteous altogether. . . . 

"Out of that insight and that realization grow the more 
positive feeling that youth must consciously as youth take 
upon itself much of the task and shoulder a large part of the 
responsibility of creating a new world; that youth cannot 
allow the heavy burden of maintaining civilization to devolve 
upon it so gradually that ultimately it will go on in the old 
ineffective bungling way, but that now, while it is still hopeful 
and young and strong, it must consciously prepare to meet 
the dark and danger-fraught years ahead. 

"This consciousness is not always articulate, nor is it well 
ordered, nor of a piece. There is no apparent unity to give 
it force, nor clear direction to point its purpose. Yet it is 
in some ways the most important outcome of the war, a new 
and vital factor in the socio-political complex of European 

Of the internationalism which he found among the 
young people of Europe, Mr. Wise says : 


"The new internationalism of the younger generation stands 
out perhaps as the surest sign of the consciousness of youth 
of its own power and responsibility, and of the ability to 
organize and develop that power. . . . 

"It is ... so intense in its earnestness that it must be 
reckoned with as a serious factor in international relationship. 
Another great war will find bitter and powerful opponents in 
great numbers of young people in all lands. And statesmen 
and governments are beginning to take note of the fact." 

In the United States an organized effort for peace was 
begun among college students in 1921, when a confer- 
ence of 40 eastern colleges met at Princeton University 
in support of the Washington Conference for the Limi- 
tations of Armaments. The following resolution was 
adopted : 

"Whereas, the recent World War has demonstrated that 
future war would be a calamity whose consequences are 
beyond all calculation; and 

"Whereas, the costs of vast armaments prevent the divert- 
ing into constructive channels of money and energy, sorely 
needed for the solution of the problems of peace; and . . . 

"Whereas, the college men who speak have proved their 
devotion and loyalty in the past war and whereas the present 
generations would in all probability bear the brunt of a 
future war; therefore 

"Be It Resolved, That we, the representatives of 40 colleges 
and universities in conference assembled, do hereby express 
to the Government of the United States our unqualified 
approval of the course it has taken in summoning the Wash- 
ington Conference and our entire sympathy with the purpose 
of the conference, pledging our faithful support to the United 
States delegates in their efforts to alleviate the burden of 
war and preparation for war, through mutual understanding 
and through world reduction and limitation of armaments ; and 
that we do hereby urge upon all delegates that their effort 
shall not cease until some solution be found whereby the 


possibility of war may be minimized, and whereby at least a 
considerable portion of the vast amount of energy and money 
expended by the nations for armament may be released for 
the development rather than the destruction of civilization and 
the human race." 

A second conference was held in Princeton in 1925 in 
the interest of the World Court. Two hundred and fifty 
colleges and universities were represented. Following 
this conference the National Student Federation of 
America was formed by the students of 175 colleges and 
universities. The Federation does everything possible 
to increase first-hand contacts among the younger genera^- 
tion in different countries through travel tours and in the 
United States through association with foreign students. 

But it is not only in academic groups that the interest 
of young people in peace is evident; in religious organi- 
zations also they are turning their attention chiefly to this 
problem and more than this are urging the churches to 
be more active in the movement to end war. In 1925 
an interdenominational conference of 900 young people 
was held at Evanston, Illinois, to consider the position of 
the churches in regard to world problems. Since then 
the young people of various denominations, including the 
Methodists, Baptists, Congregationalists and Friends, 
have urged more definite work for peace on the part of 
their churches. Student missionary groups also, at their 
1926 convention attended by 7,000 delegates, made world 
peace the chief topic of discussion. The National Council 
of Christian Associations at its convention in 1927 took 
a formal vote on the question of participation in war. 
Three hundred and twenty-seven declared that they 
would not support any war; 740 said they were ready to 
support some wars, but not others; 95 said they would 
support any war which their government entered upon; 
and 356 did not vote. The World Student Christian 


Federation in which 23 national Christian student move- 
ments are represented, at its last international meeting 
declared : 

"We, representing Christian students from all parts of the 
world, believe in the fundamental equality of all the races and 
nations of mankind and consider it as part of our Christian 
vocation to express this reality in all our relationships. 

"We consider it our absolute duty to' do all in our power 
to fight the causes leading to war, and war itself as a means 
of settling international disputes. 

"As a result of our discussion at the Peking Conference we 
declare frankly that we have not succeeded in reaching an 
agreement as to what our individual attitude ought to be in 
the event of war. Some are convinced that under no circum- 
stances can they as Christians engage in war; others, that 
under certain circumstances they ought to take their share 
in the struggle." 

In these verses, quoted recently by the Chief of Chap- 
plains in the course of a sermon, there is reflected the ef- 
fort youth is making to bring religion and life into unity : 

'/My father prayed as he drew a bead on the greycoats 
Back in those blazing years when the house was divided. 
Bless his old heart 1 There never was truer or kinder, 
Yet he prayed and hoped that the ball from his clumsy old 

Would thud to the body of some hot-eyed young Southerner 
And tumble him limp in the mud of the Vicksburg trenches. 
Could I put my prayers behind a slim Springfield bullet? 
Hardly . . . except to mutter: 'Jesus, we part here I 
Do you see those humans herded and driven against me? 
Turn away, Jesus! — I've got to kill them.' 
My father could mix his prayers and his shooting, 
And he was a rare, true man in his generation. 
Yet if I should pray as he did, I'd spoil it by laughing. 
What is the matter?" 


In the United States young people who have definitely- 
renounced war have organized the Fellowship of Youth 
for Peace as the Youth Section of the Fellowship of 
Reconciliation. The members make no definite pledge 
in regard to participation in war. The statement of pur- 
pose says: 

"To our generation comes the challenge to abolish war. In 
rising to meet this challenge young men and women the world 
over are finding common ground. 

"The Fellowship of Youth for Peace is a part of the world- 
wide movement of the youth of all classes, nations, and races 
who recognize the unity of the human family and wish to live 
in this spirit of friendship." 

The fact that Youth feels it necessary to separate itself 
from the older generation in its struggle to abolish war 
and to build a world in which men and women can turn 
their energies to enriching life instead of destroying it, 
is, of course, a heavy indictment of the older generation. 
Yet it is true that a growing number of older people de- 
sire "to help Youth fulfill its will" along these lines. The 
hope with which the older generation looks to the younger 
is well expressed in a New Year's greeting to Youth which 
appeared in the New York Times in 1924: 

"It is upon such a new age that the doors of this new year 
open for youth. It is the young men of our day — millions 
of them — who by the heroic adventure of their lives were 
largely responsible for saving the world from something worse 
than it is, and it will be those who are left of that vast com- 
pany of youth, who can alone make it much better than it is. 
Age has its wisdoms, but it has antipathies, hatreds, fears 
which it cannot easily overcome and memories which uncon- 
sciously color its counsels for the future. By the international 
commingling which is now increasingly possible, through the 
intellectual exchanges which are multiplying, by the aid of 


moving pictures which are bringing the hidden parts of the 
earth and its strange peoples to the sight and acquaintance 
of everybody, by the voices which are heard across continents 
and seas, and by all the forces that are bringing the ends of 
the earth together and making the world an economic inter- 
dependent unit, the youth of the world will find increasingly 
that they have more and more in common. 

"American youth, with a further reach for their voices, with 
mightier facilities for locomotion at their feet, with greater 
power at their elbows, with more wealth at their command, 
ought to take the lead in trying to bring the youth of all 
nations into an understanding which will overcome the stupid- 
ness and jealousies that may even now, as Barrie said, be 
leading us 'doddering down some brimstone path/ The earth 
needs the charity of youth to heal it, the ardor of youth to 
stir it, the faith of youth to lead it on. . . . " 




(Chapters X to XVII) 

(Chapters XVIII to XXIII) 

(Chapters XXIV to XXV) 



Each year an increasing number of well-informed 
Americans are among the distinguished men and women 
from all parts of the world who attend the meeting of the 
Assembly of the League of Nations, yet to a majority 
of the people in this country the League of Nations re- 
mains a phrase on paper, with a blurred picture behind 
it, and holding little suggestion of activity. 

This is remarkable since in more than one respect the 
League is the kind of undertaking that traditionally in- 
terests the American mind. It is new, it is an experiment, 
it is one of those things that "can't be done." It is a 
tremendous undertaking, reaching out across the world, 
and far ahead into the future, and requiring for its suc- 
cessful operation great organizing ability. 

From the time of Dante, who urged the necessity for a 
world state governed by a uniform system of law, intel- 
lectual leaders, century by century, have attempted the 
task of working out a plan of world organization. Gradu- 
ally their ideas have influenced men's thinking and are 
finding expression in fact. As early as 1306 a French- 
man, Pierre Dubois, proposed a plan which included a 
council of nations and an arbitration tribunal very simi- 
lar to the tribunal finally established at The Hague at the 
end of the 19th century. In the fourteen hundreds an 
international parliament of nations was proposed by 



Podiebrad, King of Bohemia. Erasmus devoted much of 
his life to urging the substitution of arbitration for war. 
In 1625, Emeric Cruce, of France, published the first de- 
tailed plan for an international organization of both 
Christian and non-Christian nations, which included a 
permanent court of arbitration whose decisions were to 
be enforced by public opinion. 

In 1635 the "Grand Design" of Henry IV of France, 
published by his minister Sully, advocated a general 
council of nations in continuous session with minor coun- 
cils meeting in various cities, and the control of the mili- 
tary forces of the member nations by the central council. 
In 1682, William Penn laid before the various govern- 
ments a plan for a general parliament of Europe to meet 
every three years, which should settle all differences 
between states. His suggestion that the parliament meet 
in a round room with a separate door for each nation so 
that no question of precedence might arise, calls atten- 
tion to one of the difficulties which stood in the way of 
world organization. 

In 1710 a proposal was made by another Quaker, John 
Bellers, for a parliament supported by an international 
army. Europe was to be divided into one hundred 
provinces, each province to send one representative for 
every one thousand soldiers raised. In 1712 Saint Pierre, 
a statesman of France, published a "Plan for Perpetual 
Peace," which included compulsory arbitration and an in- 
ternational army. Saint Pierre was persecuted for his 
peace proposal, expelled from the French Academy, and 
narrowly escaped the Bastille. 

By the group of philosophers who preceded the Ameri- 
can and French revolutions, it was clearly seen that war 
and monarchical government go hand in hand, and that 
peace and democratic government are allied in principle. 
Immanuel Kant declared that world federation must be 


based upon republican principles, that the federation 
must be voluntary and the states composing it must have 
a representative form of government. 

In the organization of the United States of America 
many of the problems which early statesmen had encoun- 
tered in their schemes for world organization were faced 
and solved. 

Four principles applicable to the development of inter- 
national government were illustrated in the Constitution. 
It created a new type of double citizenship by which 
Americans are both Pennsylvanians or Texans, and 
Americans; it made the central government dependent 
upon the individual citizens instead of the States; it for- 
bade the individual States to keep armies or navies; and 
it created a Supreme Court for settling disputes between 
the sovereign States. 

But the century when new continents were being set- 
tled, and new nations developing, was obviously not the 
time for the organization of a union of nations. And 
though the establishment of democratic government was 
the greatest single step toward the organization of the 
world on a basis of reason rather than force, there were 
other developments that had to be worked out before a 
league of nations, planned through so many centuries, 
could actually be set up. 

One of these, the development of arbitration as a means 
of settling international disputes, was promptly inaugu- 
rated by the new democracy when in 1794, John Jay, as 
special representative of President Washington, negoti- 
ated with England the first modern treaty of arbitration. 

A second event, in the 19th century, preparing the way 
for international organization was the creation of the 
Hague Court of Arbitration. 

A third development making easier the way of a league 
of nations was the growth in international cooperation 


evidenced in international unions and commissions for 
the joint administration of such international undertak- 
ings as the postal, telegraph and cable services; and for 
the joint control of world conditions such as those af- 
fecting health. 

By the time of the World War, close-knit economic 
relations had made world organization imperative, and 
there arose in the European countries and in the 
United States a new demand and new plans for a 
league of nations. Plans were outlined not only in the 
United States but in England, France and Germany, and 
urgent support for the idea came from all neutral coun- 
tries, but that the League of Nations actually emerged 
at this time from theory into fact was finally due to the 
perseverance and prestige of Woodrow Wilson, as Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

The opening statement of the Covenant or constitu- 
tion of the League of Nations as it was created by the 
Allied nations at the Peace Conference declared the rea- 
sons for establishing it to be 

"To promote international cooperation and to achieve in- 
ternational peace and security." 

It was proposed to do these two things 

"By the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war, 

"By the prescription of open, just and honorable relations 
between nations, 

"By the firm establishment of the understandings of inter- 
national law as the actual rule of conduct among Govern- 
ments, and 

"By the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for 
all treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples 
with one another." 

It was agreed that the League should consist of a large 
body, known as the Assembly, in which every nation 


should have one vote and which should control the 
finances; a small body, known as the Council, in which 
the larger nations should have permanent seats, and 
which should serve as the executive branch; and a per- 
manent secretarial staff or secretariat under a Secretary- 
General appointed by the Council. 

The amount of intellectual effort that has gone into 
the making of the League as it is today can best 
be appreciated from a knowledge of the early days of its 
organization, after the plan for it had been worked out on 
paper, and it became necessary to decide how it should 
do the things it had been created to do. The Peace Con- 
ference appointed Sir Eric Drummond to act as Secretary 
General of the League, and named a committee to assist 
him. One of the men chosen by Sir Eric to act as under- 
secretary-general was an American, Raymond B. Fosdick. 
Mr. Fosdick's account of how this preliminary group set 
to work to meet the problem that faced them, is quoted 
by Burr Price in "The World Talks It Over": 

"In June, 1919, three of us — representing the first three 
officials of the League — met together to decide how we would 
organize. There were Sir Eric Drummond, an Englishman, 
Jean Monet, a Frenchman, and myself. We had no program, 
no personnel, and no money. There were no precedents of 
any kind to guide us. It was all an untrodden wilderness 
without paths or sign-posts. The Covenant spoke of certain 
duties and we wrote them down on a sheet of paper as repre- 
senting probable sections of the new organization. 

"Little by little, too, the questions of personnel were settled. 
Mantoux, a Frenchman, was made Director of the Political 
Section; Van Hamell, a Dutchman, Director of the Legal 
Section; George Beers, an American, Director of the Mandate 
Section; and Sir Arthur Salter, an Englishman, Director of 
the Economic and Financial Section. ... At first we had 
no money with which even to pay any salaries and we paid 
the stenographic force out of our own pockets. The out- 


standing problem that caused us infinite worry was when and 
where the first Assembly should meet and what it should do." 

Such was the beginning of the first organized attempt 
to consider world problems as a whole, and in relation to 
each other, and to direct and control them from a world 
point of view. The Secretary General and his staff 
opened temporary offices in London in July, 1919, and 
permanent offices in Geneva, the city agreed upon for 
the headquarters of the League, in November of that 
year. The first meeting of the Council, called according 
to agreement by President Wilson, was held in Paris on 
January 16, 1920. The first meeting of the Assembly, 
also called by President Wilson, was held in Geneva 
November 15, 1920, with delegates from 41 nations 
present. In the meantime the Secretariat had decided 
"what the Assembly should do" by sending a ques- 
tionnaire to all the nations belonging to the League ask- 
ing them what they thought the Assembly ought to do, 
and working out an agenda on the basis of the answers. 

Today the League and its activities have made of 
Geneva an international city, a common meeting ground 
for men who control the destinies of nations. From the 
three puzzled men who met in London in 1919 and paid 
their stenographers out of their own pockets, the secre- 
tarial staff has grown to include nearly 500 men and 
women from more than 40 nations, financed by all the 
nations belonging to the League. Day in and day out, 
this staff works at Geneva collecting facts on which na- 
tional policies may be based and in the light of which 
international problems may be met. For the first time 
there is thus being created a body of common knowledge 
available to all nations alike, knowledge which it would 
be impractical, for financial reasons if for no other, for 
a single nation to gather. For the first time there is an 


official body whose members have "a definite profes- 
sional interest in getting disputes settled, to whom it is 
a disgrace if a dispute goes on, and a triumph if they can 
get it settled." 

Five times a year the Council, which is now composed 
of representatives of fourteen states, five from the larger 
nations having permanent seats, and nine from the 
smaller nations elected for brief terms, holds regular 
meetings in Geneva. It may meet more frequently and 
at any convenient point in case of an international 
emergency. Representatives of nations other than those 
elected to the Council, even of nations not members of 
the League, may sit with the Council when questions in 
which they have special interest are up for discussion. 

The Council is in general the executive organ of the 
League. It is competent under the Covenant to "deal 
with any matter within the sphere of action of the League 
or affecting the peace of the world." All reports of dis- 
putes are laid before the Council, and through com- 
mittees and the secretariat it provides for carrying out in 
detail the work outlined by the Assembly. Action must 
be by unanimous vote. To assist it in carrying on the 
different kinds of work for which it is responsible, and 
some of which are of a very technical nature, the Coun- 
cil calls in experts from all over the world to form per- 
manent and temporary advisory and technical commit- 
tees, known in general as auxiliary committees. The 
permanent advisory committees deal with the suppres- 
sion of traffic in opium and dangerous drugs, with the 
protection of children and young people, with problems 
of intellectual cooperation and with questions concerning 
the mandated territories. Under the mandates system 
created by Article 22 of the Covenant of the League, 
which recognizes that "the well-being and development" 
of backward peoples form "a sacred trust" of civilization, 


"advanced" nations are entrusted with the tutelage of the 
colonies and territories taken from Germany and Turkey 
which are inhabited by peoples "not yet able to stand by 
themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern 
world." The protection of religious and racial minority 
groups within various nations is a responsibility of mem- 
bers of the League assumed under certain treaties of 
which the League stands as guarantor, and any problems 
arising in this connection are handled directly by the 
Council. The principal technical committees, known as 
technical organizations, deal with problems of communi- 
cations and transit, with economic and financial prob- 
lems, and with problems of health. 

In addition to the auxiliary committees, international 
conferences are arranged by the League, at which nations 
other than the members of the League are represented, 
in order to discuss and promote the solution of problems 
affecting the peace of the world. Representative men and 
women from the United States and other countries not 
belonging to the League of Nations serve on many of the 
special conference committees, and also attend the con- 
ferences as official or unofficial representatives appointed 
by their governments. Through the League's committees 
of experts, mankind is pooling its knowledge for the solu- 
tion of the world problems upon which its progress and 
its. welfare depend. In 1927 thirteen official delegates 
from the United States, in some instances with large staffs 
of advisers, participated in seven major conferences and 
committees, and twenty-nine unofficial delegates were 
sent by this government to represent it in lesser under- 

At "stated intervals" — according to the present custom, 
once a year — the members of the Assembly of the League 
meet in Geneva to hear the report of the work accom- 
plished during the preceding year and to outline new 


work for the year ahead. Like the Council, the Assembly 
is empowered to "deal with any matter within the sphere 
of action of the League or affecting the peace of the 
world." The fact that identical authority is given both 
bodies leaves to the future the decision as to whether 
either w T ill become supreme. A certain control of League 
activities is however in the hands of the Assembly, which 
controls the finances of the League and to which the 
Council must report. The Assembly also controls the 
admission of new members to the League, and has power 
to amend the Covenant by a majority vote, provided 
that the majority includes the votes of all the members 
of the Council represented at the meeting and that the 
amendments are ratified by the corresponding national 
legislative bodies. Action on other matters must be by 
unanimous vote, except on matters of procedure when 
a majority is sufficient, and for the admission of new 
members when a two-thirds vote is required. Although 
each nation has only one vote in the Assembly it is en- 
titled to send three delegates. Among these delegates are 
a steadily increasing number of prime ministers and 
foreign ministers, demonstrating by their presence the 
importance and value of the League's work. One such 
official recently declared he "could do more business at 
Geneva in a day than he could do at home in a month." 
When the Assembly meets, Geneva becomes the polit- 
ical center of the world, in which policies may be devel- 
oped and from which influences may radiate which will 
affect all future history. There is, consequently, about 
even a routine Assembly meeting a noticeable dramatic 
tension, which is keenly felt by the hundreds of journalists 
who join for the occasion the large corps of newspaper 
men regularly stationed at the League headquarters. 
The sessions of the Assembly are open to the public and 
the galleries are crowded with visitors and students and 


representatives of national and international organiza- 
tions from every country and of all races. 

In the Assembly meetings, delegates sit at long desks 
marked with the names of the countries in alphabetical 
order. The President of the Council presides at the open- 
ing meeting of the Assembly. As the roll of the nations 
is called the delegates one by one walk to the platform 
and, exchanging greetings with the Secretary General, 
cast a ballot for the President of the Assembly. The 
Council's report of the past year's work is already in the 
hands of the delegates, having been sent in advance to 
the various nations. The delegates are therefore ready 
with speeches of criticism or agreement, or of suggestions 
for the future. Every nation has an equal opportunity 
to make known its point of view. 

The Assembly aims to conclude its work within a 
period of three weeks and promptly divides into six com- 
mittees, which recommend action to the Assembly. On 
each committee every nation has one representative. 
These committees deal with legal questions and questions 
concerning the Constitution; with the work of the tech- 
nical organizations in connection with transit, health, and 
economic and financial questions; with the reduction of 
armaments; with questions of the budget and internal 
administration; with humanitarian and social questions; 
and with political questions. 

To get a true picture of the League it is necessary to 
see it against a background of the world situation which 
conditions its activities. The facts of international life, 
of which the League of Nations must take account, are, 
as outlined by Professor C. Delisle Burns, of the Univer- 
sity of London, such as the following: 

(a) Political. There are about seventy "sovereign" Gov- 
ernments, each with jurisdiction over very different numbers 
of diverse peoples. The States so formed are all armed. 


(b) Economic. Nearly all peoples are dependent for food 
and clothing upon other peoples living under alien Govern- 
ments. Roughly, there is a distinction between agricultural 
and industrial peoples. 

(c) Cultural. The world today is united by a common 
knowledge (History and Science) and a common intellectual 
attitude among educated men and women, comparable to the 
common religious attitude of the Middle Ages in Europe. 
There are about three powerful international religions — 
Christianity, Mohammedanism and Buddhism — and two chief 
types of culture — "Western" and "Eastern." 

The League is not something outside and apart from 
these varied and conflicting elements indicated in this 
picture. It is rather, as has been said, a "method of pro- 
moting agreement," "a new way of doing business" made 
necessary by new conditions of life. It provides an oppor- 
tunity for personal acquaintance, for periodic meetings 
and for continuous conference among the statesmen of 
the world. 

In carrying out both parts of its purpose — the promo- 
tion of international cooperation and the achievement of 
international peace and security — the new method of 
doing business which the League is developing is of pri- 
mary importance. The continuous conference which is 
carried on through the advisory committees of the League 
and in connection with the w r ork of the Secretariat, and 
the joint action which results from committee recommen- 
dations and from the findings of the international con- 
ferences are leading to a recognition of international co- 
operation as "the normal method of conducting world 

The provisions of the Covenant under which the 
League carries on its w f ork for world peace put special 
emphasis on the value of conference and of publicity. 
Under Article 18 publicity for all treaties is secured by 


the provision that no treaty is binding until registered 
with the League Secretariat by which it must be pub- 

Under Article 11, when war or any threat of war arises 
in any part of the world, whether it affects members of 
the League or not, the League is to take any action which 
it deems wise and effectual for safeguarding the peace of 
the world. It is declared to be the friendly right of any 
member of the League to bring to its attention any cir- 
cumstance affecting international relations which threat- 
ens to disturb international peace. 

Under Articles 12, 13 and 15, members of the League 
agree to submit any dispute whatever, which is likely to 
lead to war, to arbitration or judicial settlement, or to 
the Council for mediation, and not to resort to war for 
three months after the conclusion of these proceedings. 
If a dispute which is recognized as suitable for arbitration 
or judicial decision arises between them, the.members of 
the League agree to seek its settlement through these 
methods. Any member of the League involved in a dis- 
pute, not submitted to arbitration or judicial settlement, 
may secure its investigation by the Council by calling it 
to the attention of the Secretary General. Under Article 
17, when a dispute arises between a member of the 
League and a nation which is not a member, the latter 
is to be invited to accept temporary membership in the 
League for the time such dispute is under discussion. 
If the nations involved in the dispute refuse to submit 
it to the procedure of the League for settlement, the 
Council may take whatever measures will prevent hos- 
tilities and result in a settlement. 

If in regard to a dispute between members of the 
League, the Council fails to reach unanimous agreement 
except for one or more of the parties to the dispute, or if 
the Assembly, to which the Council may refer the dispute, 


fails to agree upon a report concurred in by all the states 
members of the Council and a majority of the rest, exclu- 
sive of the parties to the dispute, the members of the 
League have the right to take such action as they consider 
"necessary for the maintenance of right and justice." If 
a unanimous agreement is reached, an attack upon a 
nation abiding by the decision constitutes an act of war 
against all the members of the League. In case a dis- 
pute between members of the League arises out of a 
matter agreed to be within the domestic jurisdiction 
of one of the nations involved, the Council has no power 
to make a recommendation as to its settlement. Three 
months after a report by the Council has been made, the 
disputants may go to war without violating the Covenant. 

It is these provisions which leave open what has come 
to be known as "the gap" in the protection which the 
League affords against war. Although consideration is 
constantly being given by League members to the prob- 
lem of closing this gap, certain groups, such as the sup- 
porters of the outlawry of war plan and some extreme 
pacifists, have refused to support the League on the 
ground that it fails to disestablish the war system. The 
Kellogg treaty for the "renunciation of war as an instru- 
ment of national policy," it is anticipated, will help to 
remedy this weakness. 

Under Article 19, the Assembly is given power to ad- 
vise the members of the League to reconsider any treaty 
and to give consideration to any international condition 
which it believes may endanger the peace of the world. 

It is a question whether the obligation to use force to 
compel observance of the provisions of the covenant — 
in carrying out, that is, the so-called "sanctions" — is defi- 
nite enough to be binding, but the right to use force is 
proclaimed in Articles 10, 15 and 16. Under these arti- 
cles, members of the League undertake to respect and pre- 


serve the territorial integrity and political independence 
of all members, and the Council is given power to advise 
what means shall be used to carry out this obligation. If 
any member of the League resorts to war in disregard of 
its agreement under the Covenant of the League, it is to 
be held to have committed an act of war against all the 
members, and the Council is to recommend what armed 
forces, in addition to the severance of economic relations, 
the members of the League are to contribute for the pro- 
tection of the League Covenant. 

In its efforts to carry out the provisions of the Cove- 
nant for the reduction of armaments, the application of 
methods of arbitration and the establishment of national 
security, the League has found that the three questions, 
arbitration, security and disarmament, are closely linked 
together. By some nations — England, for example — it is 
held that disarmament must be a preliminary step to- 
ward security and the outlawry of war. By others, such 
as France, the establishment of security is held to be 
necessary before plans for disarmament can be under- 
taken. The danger that plans for peace may be caught 
in a closed circle is evident. The treaties of Locarno, de- 
scribed in the chapter on Arbitration, are so far the out- 
standing answer which the League has found to this 
difficulty. In the technical provisions and machinery of 
the League there is no complete safeguard against war, 
but the existence of the League and the habit of continu- 
ous conference and of cooperation on international prob- 
lems, which it is building up, may be found to provide 
one. Dr. Stresemann, German Foreign Minister and 
President of the Council of the League in 1927, said in an 
interview appearing in the New York Times for March 
10, 1927: 

"The great importance lies in the possibility of taking great 
questions from the atmosphere of written notes and bringing 


them into the realm of personal contacts. If before the war 
there had been reunions of Foreign Ministers such as have 
been realized by the League — if these personal contacts had 
existed — perhaps it would have been possible to avoid the 
misunderstandings which came to trouble the reality of 

A handicap upon the League's power to bring about 
world peace is also found in the Treaty of Versailles. 
The Treaty, drawn up as it was while sen- 
timent was at its height, is calculated to create ill 
will rather than goodwill. It was signed by Germany 
under protest, due not only to the terms of the treaty, 
but to the fact that Germany had been excluded from 
all deliberations leading to its formulation, and there is 
a prevalent feeling in that country that its terms are 
not in accordance with the armistice or with the prin- 
ciples of the League of Nations. It contains provisions 
designed as punitive measures, which have since been 
recognized as unjust and as damaging to the victors as 
well as the vanquished. One such provision, which has, 
of course, an important bearing on the question of rep- 
arations, is the enforced assumption by Germany of ex- 
clusive responsibility for the outbreak of the war. The 
territorial arrangements under the treaty likewise have 
led to great dissatisfaction and constitute an unstable 
factor in international relations. As a result, those na- 
tions which wish to preserve the status quo, insist upon 
the maintenance of large military forces and seek to en- 
list the influence of the League. But the entrance of 
Germany into the League and her policy as a member 
have done much to allay the fears of those who regarded 
the Versailles Treaty as an insurmountable obstacle to 
the establishment of peace. 

Many who originally refused their support to the 
League have now withdrawn their opposition because 


they recognize that the Treaty is steadily being modified 
by such agreements as the Dawes Plan and the treaties 
of Locarno. 

Under the provisions of the Covenant referred to above, 
the League of Nations has taken part in the settlement 
of some twenty-eight political disputes between nations, 
notably disputes between Poland and Lithuania, be- 
tween Albania and Czechoslovakia, and between Greece 
and Bulgaria, which carried a threat of immediate war. 
The League also took effective, if indirect, action in con- 
nection with the Corfu incident between Italy and 
Greece. This incident afforded an opportunity to wit- 
ness the effect of adverse criticism publicly expressed in 
the League Assembly, of the policy of any one nation; 
it was found, in this instance at least, that the represen- 
tatives of a nation subjected to such criticism were quick 
to use their influence to change the policy of their 

The fact has been emphasized that in bringing about 
settlements of disputes between the smaller nations, the 
League may well have prevented another world war. 
Had it been in existence in 1914, it would have been 
called into action when Austria presented its ultimatum 
to Serbia; if it had then brought about a settlement of 
the differences between those countries, it would to all 
appearances have prevented merely another Balkan dis- 
turbance. Elihu Root has declared that "The League in 
the political field and the Court in the judicial field have 
been rendering the best service in the cause of peace 
known to the history of civilization; incomparably the 

It is further pointed out by supporters of the League 
that whether or not it is as yet able to prevent the out- 
break of hostilities between the larger nations, it is 
steadily educating public opinion to the fact that war is 


an activity in which the world as a whole can no longer 
afford to permit individual nations to engage. It is 
unquestionably true that men and women in Europe 
who are working for peace, especially the younger men 
and women, look toward Geneva and to the steps for 
peace which the existence of the League of Nations 
makes possible, as the chief hope of future protection 
against war. 

International Labor Organization 

The International Labor Organization, although it has 
not effected great changes in law, embodies a principle, 
a new method of international action, and an opportunity 
for the education of public opinion, that are most sig- 

The Organization is an integral part of the League of 
Nations, since membership in the League includes mem- 
bership in the Labor Organization and the League con- 
trols its finances, but it is nevertheless an autonomous 
body. It was created by a separate provision of the 
Treaty of Versailles, entirely distinct from the Covenant 
of the League. Nations not belonging to the League 
may belong to the Labor Organization. The reasons for 
its creation are set forth in the following paragraphs of 
the Treaty: 

"Whereas, the League of Nations has for its object the 
establishment of universal peace, and such a peace can be 
established only if it is based upon social justice; 

"And, whereas, conditions of labor exist involving such injus- 
tice, hardship and privation to large numbers of people as 
to produce unrest so great that the peace and harmony of the 
world are imperiled; and an improvement of those conditions 
is urgently required; as, for example, by the regulation of 
the hours of work, including the establishment of a maximum 
working day and week, the regulation of the labor supply, 


the prevention of unemployment, the provision of an adequate 
living wage, the protection of the worker against sickness, 
disease and injury arising out of his employment, the pro- 
tection of children, young persons and women, provision for 
old age and injury, protection of the interests of workers 
when employed in countries other than their own, recognition 
of the principle of freedom of association, the organization 
of vocational and technical education and other measures; 

"Whereas, also, the failure of any nation to adopt humane 
conditions of labor is an obstacle in the way of other nations 
which* desire to improve the conditions in their own countries; 

"The High Contracting Parties, moved by sentiments of 
justice and humanity as well as by the desire to secure the 
permanent peace of the world, agree to the following: . . ." 

The two reasons given for setting up the Labor Organ- 
ization are both noteworthy. The first, based on the diffi- 
culty of raising the standards of labor in one country 
unless they are raised simultaneously in others, recog- 
nizes the economic, industrial and social interdependence 
of the modern world. The second points to human wel- 
fare as the object of government, and the importance 
of social and international peace in achieving it. 

The machinery of the Labor Organization consists of 
a General Conference, to which some thirty million work- 
ers send representatives, which is required to meet at 
least once -a year; a governing body of twenty-four mem- 
bers ; and a Labor Office or secretarial staff, consisting of 
350 men and women, one of the important duties of 
which is to act as an international research body. 

The most striking feature in connection with the Or- 
ganization is its method of representation. Every nation 
belonging to the League appoints four delegates, one 
representing the workers' group, one the employment 
group, and two the government. These delegates do not 
vote by nations but according to the points of view they 


represent. To this extent, the International Labor Or- 
ganization is what many desire the League of Nations 
to become — a "League of Peoples." 

The Labor Organization drafts conventions, or inter- 
national treaties, covering measures which it desires to 
have embodied in national laws. The member govern- 
ments are under agreement to bring before their national 
legislative bodies within a year any draft convention 
adopted by a two-thirds majority of the General Con- 
ference. Although governments need not press the adop- 
tion of the conventions, neither can they pigeonhole 
them, and whether adopted or not, they serve the pur- 
pose of educating public opinion. The interest of every 
nation in the labor standards of all other nations is 
further emphasized by the provision that when a con- 
vention is adopted, annual reports on the measures taken 
to secure its enforcement must be made each year to the 
General Conference. 

The ratification of the draft conventions has so far 
proceeded more slowly than it was hoped, although at 
the 1927 conference 229 ratification^ by different coun- 
tries of the various conventions were reported. The value 
of the work of the Labor Organization in furthering mu- 
tual understanding of national industrial problems and 
cooperation in their just solution reaches far beyond the 
enactment of these legislative measures. To be fully ap- 
preciated it needs to be followed in the current reports 
and publications which can be secured from the organi- 
zations indicated at the beginning of this chapter. 

The preceding chapter deals briefly with certain points of 
view and facts regarding the League of Nations that are of 
especial interest to Amencan readers. Complete information 
in regard to the organization and activities of the League can 
readily be obtained from the League of Nations Non-Partisan 
Association, 6 East 39th St., New York City. All publications 


issued by the League of Nations, by the International Labor 
Organization and by the Committee on Intellectual Coopera- 
tion are distributed in the United States through the World 
Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. Detailed 
reports of the work of the Committee on Intellectual Coopera- 
tion of the League of Nations may be secured from Mr. J. 
David Thompson, Secretary of the American National Com- 
mittee on Intellectual Cooperation, 2101 B Street, N. W., 
Washington, D. C. The International Labor Organization 
has an American office for the distribution of information at 
15th and L Sts., Washington, D. C, of which the director is 
Mr. Leifur Magnusson. 


In 1922 it became possible, following the establishment 
of the League of Nations, to overcome certain obstacles 
which had previously prevented the organization of a 
permanent judicial court for the settlement of interna- 
tional disputes, and the Permanent Court of International 
Justice was established at The Hague. Although closely 
associated with the League of Nations, the Court is, so 
far as its judgments are concerned, an independent body. 
It was created by the nations acting as individual units. 
The judges of the Court represent no nation, and are 
completely free in rendering their opinions % and subject 
to removal only by their colleagues. 

The Court has had its own separate and distinct his- 
torical development which can be traced back through 
centuries. In international as in individual affairs, as 
is pointed out in the writings of Dr. James Brown Scott, 
arbitration has preceded judicial settlement and, while 
itself persisting as a method of settlement, has led to 
the creation of courts of justice. Arbitration, perhaps 
growing out of the friendly intervention of a third person, 
very early replaced personal combat as the recognized 
method of settling individual disputes. The contestants 
at first chose special arbiters, private individuals, for 
each dispute; later the state appointed a panel of 
arbiters from among whom the contestants made their 
choice. The next step was the selection of the arbiters 



by the state, and the enforcement of their judgment by 
the state. The arbiter then became a judge, the state 
took charge of the administration of justice, and courts 
were established. 

In the history of the United States, a fact to which 
Dr. Scott calls attention, methods of arbitration preceded 
judicial settlements. Under the Articles of Confedera- 
tion, the Colonies agreed to submit their controversies to 
the arbitration of a body in which all of the Colonies 
were represented. At the time of the adoption of the 
Constitution the question as to whether disputes between 
the States should be settled by arbitration or by judicial 
proceedings was debated, but decided in favor of the 
establishment of the Supreme Court. 

Today the process of development from arbitration 
to judicial settlement may be observed in the interna- 
tional field, and the United States may justly claim that 
in this development it has pointed and led the way. Dur- 
ing the 19th century proposals were made, as they had 
been earlier by statesmen and philosophers of various 
nations, for an international court. One of these, put 
forth by William Ladd of Massachusetts in 1840 in "An 
Essay on a Congress of Nations," was distributed by its 
author "to the crowned heads and leading men of Chris- 
tendom," and influenced later developments in this field. 
It proposed a Congress composed of one ambassador from 
each nation "to settle the principles of international 
law," and a court composed of the most able civilians 
"to arbitrate or judge such cases as should be brought 
before it by the mutual consent of two or more contend- 
ing nations." This idea was vigorously advocated for 
half a century by peace associations, church and women's 
societies, and by the members of the bar. 

When the first Peace Conference was called to meet at 
The Hague in 1899, "with the purpose of preventing 


armed conflicts between nations," the United States in- 
structed its delegates to suggest the establishment of a 
permanent international court, organized along lines of 
judicial procedure, and the court as outlined was very 
similar to that suggested by Ladd. No agreement could 
be reached at the time for the creation of what so nearly 
approximated a court of law, and the proposals of the 
American delegation were modified to form what came 
to be known as the Permanent Court of Arbitration, 
which consisted in reality of a panel of jurists from among 
whom arbitrators could be chosen for each dispute. This 
Court has continued in existence to the present time and 
has not been superceded, as is sometimes supposed, by 
the World Court. 

At the second Hague Peace Conference in 1907, the 
American delegates were again instructed to urge the es- 
tablishment of a court of law. The chief obstacle to the 
creation of the court in 1907 was the inability of the 
large and small nations to agree as to how the judges 
should be chosen. 

Later in the same year an International Court of Law, 
such as had been proposed at The Hague, was actually 
created by the Central American Peace Conference which 
was held in Washington under the auspices of Mexico 
and the United States. The Court, known as the Central 
American Court of Justice, was composed of one judge 
from each of the five member states, Costa Rica, Guate- 
mala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Salvador. These mem- 
ber nations agreed to submit to the Court 

"All controversies or questions which may arise among 
them, of whatsoever nature and no matter what their origin 
may be, in case the respective departments of foreign affairs 
should not have been able to reach an understanding." 

In 1913 Costa Rica and Salvador brought cases before 


the Court, complaining that Nicaragua, in granting the 
United States exclusive right to the Nicaragua Canal 
route, had violated their rights. The Court decided in 
1917 that the claims were just. The United States, how- 
ever, made no effort to adjust the matter with the Cen- 
tral American states. This fact was held to have de- 
stroyed the prestige of the Court and it was permitted to 
expire in 1918 at the end of ten years. 

In 1910, following the failure of the Second Hague 
Conference to establish a court of justice, France, Great 
Britain and the United States agreed to establish a per- 
manent court of a limited number of powers, which could 
be used by other powers. In 1914 these nations were 
joined by Japan, Germany, Italy, Russia, Austria-Hun- 
gary and the Netherlands in a similar proposal. In both 
cases each of the contracting powers was to appoint a 
judge, and controversies between any two of the powers 
would be submitted to judges chosen by the seven disin- 
terested members of the court. Any outside powers 
submitting disputes to the court were permitted to ap- 
point temporary judges — a suggestion which was utilized 
later in the formation of the World Court. Although 
neither of these plans went into effect, they are interest- 
ing in connection with the general development of inter- 
national courts. 

The various steps by which the present World Court 
or Permanent Court of International of Justice came into 
actual existence in the years following the World War, 
were these: 

The Peace Conference, in Article 14 of the Covenant 
of the League of Nations, called upon the Council to sub- 
mit a plan to the members of the League for the estab- 
lishment of a permanent court of international justice; 
and declared that the court should be competent to 
decide any international dispute submitted to it, and 


to give an advisory opinion on any question which 
the Council or the Assembly of the League referred 
to it. 

At its second session in February, 1920, the Council 
discussed the problem of organizing such a court and in- 
vited an international committee of jurists to draw up a 
plan. Elihu Root was the American representative on 
this committee. The other principles of an international 
court having been largely worked out in the Hague 
Peace Conference in 1907, the chief difficulty before the 
committee of jurists proved to be the old one of devising 
a method satisfactory to both the small and large nations 
for the election of judges. Upon the proposal of Mr. 
Root it was agreed that the members of the court should 
be nominated by the national groups in the Hague Tribu- 
nal, or in the case of nations not represented in that Trib- 
unal, by groups similarly chosen; and that they should 
be elected by majority votes of the members of the Coun- 
cil and of the Assembly of the League, which, in fulfill- 
ing this function, act independently of one another, not 
as bodies representing the League of Nations but as rep- 
resentative groups, in one of which the great powers pre- 
dominate and in the other the lesser powers. 

The plan of the Committee of Jurists, in the form of 
a Statute or law for the Court, was submitted to the 
Council and to the first meeting of the Assembly of the 
League in November, 1920. After minor modifications, 
the Assembly transmitted it to the members of the 
League for ratification. A Protocol, or agreement, ex- 
pressing acceptance of the terms of the Statute, was at- 
tached to it for the signatures of the representatives of 
the nations desiring to join. When a majority of the na- 
tions which were members of the League had signed, the 
judges were duly elected and the Court opened in 1922, 
a quarter of a century after the American- Government 


had first proposed such a court to the nations assembled 
at The Hague. 

The Court consists of fifteen members, eleven judges 
and four deputy- judges, nominated by the national 
groups hi the Hague Tribunal "regardless of their na- 
tionality from among persons of high moral character, 
who possess the qualifications required in their respective 
countries for appointment to the highest judicial offices, 
or are jurisconsults of recognized competence in interna- 
tional law." In making their nominations the national 
groups may propose four persons, "not more than two of 
whom shall be of their own nationality" ; and it is stipu- 
lated that in every election it shall be borne in mind that 
"not only should all the persons appointed as members 
of the Court possess the qualifications required, but the 
whole body also should represent the main forms of civil- 
ization and the principal legal systems of the world." 
The members of the Court are elected for nine years and 
may be re-elected. A member of the Court cannot be 
dismissed "unless in the unanimous opinion of the other 
members he has ceased to fulfill required conditions." 

The Court is required to meet at least once a year and 
may hold as many special sessions as necessary. Its ses- 
sions are held in the Peace Palace at The Hague. Any 
nation, whether or not it is a member of the Court, may 
bring a case before it, but cases can be brought only by 

According to the statute, the decisions of the Court 
are by majority vote and the reasons upon which a 
decision is based must be made public. Since there is, 
at present, no code of international law, the Court is 
guided by treaties, conventions, international customs, 
and general principles of law recognized by civilized na- 
tions. The fact that the judges form an independent and 
continuing body, not only safeguards the impartiality of 


the decisions of the Court but makes it possible to build 
up a body of international law and opinion. During the 
first six years of its existence, the Court has handed down 
eleven judgments and fourteen advisory opinions. 

No means of enforcing the decisions of the Court 
other than through public opinion are provided. It is 
interesting to recall in this connection that, although the 
Supreme Court of the United States has decided that its 
judgment can be enforced by Congress, at the time the 
Court was created no provision was made for the en- 
forcement of its decisions as between States of the 
Union, on the ground that force cannot be used against 
a State without inflicting punishment upon the innocent 
as well as the guilty. 

Provision is made for the nations belonging to the 
Court to sign separately what is known as the "optional 
clause." By signing this clause nations agree in advance 
to submit to the Court all disputes of a legal nature, 
which, by definition, means those concerning the inter- 
pretation of a treaty, any point of international law, 
the existence of any fact which if established would con- 
stitute a breach of international obligation, and the na- 
ture and extent of the reparation to be made for such a 
breach. During the first five years of the Court's exist- 
ence, twenty-six nations signed the optional clause, — 
twenty-seven with France, which signed with a condition 
that has not yet been met. Germany signed it in 1927, 
the first of the great powers to do so unconditionally. 

It is generally admitted that if the World Court is to 
meet the full requirements .of a court of law, a code of 
international law must be developed, and that ultimately 
the Court must- be given affirmative jurisdiction, that is, 
power to summon a nation before it. 

The Committee of Jurists, in the plan for the estab- 
lishment of the World Court, recommended that the 


League of Nations call an international conference to 
supply the Court with a definite body of law. In 1924, 
the Council of the League appointed an international 
committee of jurists to take preliminary steps toward the 
creation of an international code of law. The work of 
this committee is described in the chapter on Interna- 
tional Law. 

The United States is not at present a member of the 
World Court, since it has not as yet reached an agree- 
ment with the member nations in regard to the condi- 
tions upon which it voted to adhere. The following 
facts seem clearly to indicate, however, that such an 
agreement may be arrived at. 

On February 24, 1923, President Harding sent a mes- 
sage to the Senate urging favorable action on member- 
ship in the Court, and the question was immediately re- 
ferred under Senate procedure to the Foreign Relations 
Committee. This Committee delayed holding public 
hearings for over a year. In December, 1924, President 
Coolidge in a message to Congress again recommended 
favorable action. In the meantime both political party 
platforms had endorsed adherence. The House of Rep- 
resentatives, on March 3, 1925, approved American mem- 
bership in the Court, by a vote of 301 to 28. On Janu- 
ary 27, 1926, the Senate voted to join the Court by a 
vote of 76 to 17, provided that these five reservations 
were accepted by the member nations acting individu- 

"1. That such adherence shall not be taken to involve any 
legal relation on the part of the United States to the League 
of Nations or the assumption- of any obligations by the United 
States under the Treaty of Versailles. 

"2. That the United States shall be permitted to participate 
through representatives designated for the purpose and upon 
an equality with the other states, members, respectively, of 


the Council and Assembly of the League of Nations in any 
and all proceedings of either the Council or the Assembly for 
the election of judges or deputy judges of the Permanent Court 
of International Justice or for the filling of vacancies. 

"3. That the United States will pay a fair share of the 
expenses of the Court as determined and appropriated from 
time to time by the Congress of the United States. 

"4. That the United States may at any time withdraw its 
adherence to the said Protocol, and that the Statute for 
the Permanent Court of International Justice adjoined 
to the Protocol shall not be amended without the consent of 
the United States. 

"5. That the Court shall not render any advisory opinion 
except publicly after due notice to all states adhering to the 
Court and to all interested states and after public hearing 
or opportunity for hearing given to any state concerned; nor 
shall it, without the consent of the United States, enter- 
tain any request for an advisory opinion touching any dis- 
pute or question in which the United States has or claims an 

"The signature of the United States to the said Protocol 
shall not be affixed until the powers signatory to such Pro- 
tocol shall have indicated through an exchange of notes, their 
acceptance of the foregoing reservations and understandings 
as a part and a condition of adherence by the United States 
to the said Protocol. 

"Resolved further, As a part of this act of ratification that 
the United States approve the Protocol and Statute herein- 
above mentioned, with the understanding that recourse to the 
Permanent Court of International Justice for the settlement 
of differences between the United States and any other state 
or states can be had only by agreement thereto through 
general or special treaties concluded between the parties in 
dispute; and — Resolved further, That adherence to the said 
Protocol and Statute hereby approved shall not be so construed 
as to require the United States to depart from its traditional 
policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling 
itself in the political questions of policy or internal adminis- 


tration of any foreign state; nor shall adherence to the said 
Protocol and Statute be construed to imply a relinquishment 
by the United States of its traditional attitude toward purely 
American questions. 

The first three reservations protecting the United 
States against any responsibility in connection with the 
Treaty of Versailles or with the League of Nations, and 
arranging for its participation in the election and pay- 
ment of judges, were readily accepted. The fourth and 
fifth reservations gave rise to certain questions which 
the members of the Court felt must be discussed and 
settled before the reservations could be accepted. They 
made it clear that they were perfectly willing that the 
United States should stand in the same relation to the 
Court as members of the League, but they wished to 
accomplish this result without injury to the effectiveness 
and usefulness of the Court. 

In September, 1926, the nations belonging to the Court 
held a conference in Geneva for the purpose of discussing 
the Senate's reservations. They invited the United 
States to send a representative to this conference, but it 
refused to do so, saying that the reservations spoke for 
themselves and that the executive branch of this gov- 
ernment could not interpret resolutions passed by the 
Senate. The following discussion of the points brought 
out at this conference in connection with the fourth and 
fifth reservations is taken from a statement by the 
American Foundation: 

"The Court Statute contains no provision for withdrawal. 
The question is whether the signatories of a treaty which is 
for an indefinite term and which contains no provision for 
denunciation may simply denounce it at any time. Very 
contradictory opinions on this point were expressed at the 
Conference. The final result, however, was to accept uncon- 


ditionally our demand to be allowed to withdraw at any 
time. . . . 

"The Conference hesitated on the second part of the fourth 
reservation (providing that the Statute of the Court shall not 
be amended without the consent of the United States). 

"The Court Statute has never yet been amended and the 
point as to how it may be amended has not come up. There 
is no provision covering this in the Statute. Some of the 
delegates to the Conference took the view that an amendment 
of the Court Statute, as of any treaty, requires the consent 
of all the signatory powers. If this view is taken, then this 
second part of the fourth reservation claims for the United 
States only the right automatically possessed by every 

"But if the Statute can be amended by a three-quarters or 
a two-thirds vote, or anything less than a unanimous vote, then 
the United States reservation is asking a special power or 
privilege for the United States. 

"Finally the Conference evidently inclined to the view that 
a unanimous vote should be necessary for amending, and was 
willing to accept this second part of the fourth reservation 
if the same right were assured to all the signatories. . . . 

"So far as the first part of the fifth reservation is con- 
cerned, requiring that advisory opinions shall be rendered 
publicly after hearings, etc., the Conference suggested includ- 
ing in the special agreement between the signatory nations 
and the United States the following article: 

" 'The Court shall render advisory opinions in 
public session.' 

"It seems to meet in full the requirements of the American 

"The real trouble-maker among the reservations is the 
second part of the fifth, asking for the United States the 
right to veto any request for an advisory opinion touching 
any question in which the United States 'has or claims' an 
interest. . . . 

"The Conference readily agreed that if the United States 


were a party to a dispute, it should have a right to veto 
the rendering of an advisory opinion upon that dispute. It 
further pointed out that the Court, not explicitly in any 
document but implicitly in its operation to date, has recog- 
nized the right of either of the nations party to a dispute to 
prevent the giving of an advisory opinion. 

"But suppose the United States, though not a party to a 
dispute, 'claims' an interest in it, and demands the right to 
veto the giving of an advisory opinion upon it. Does this 
right of veto secure a privileged position for the United 

"That depends upon an unsettled point — i.e., whether -a 
majority vote or a unanimous vote is necessary in the Coun- 
cil or the Assembly of the League, in voting to request an 
advisory opinion. . . . 

"The Conference saw a further source of grave difficulty in 
the lack of certain knowledge as to just what the procedure 
would be for applying the second part of the fifth reserva- 
tion. . . . The Conference did not know whether, under the 
Constitution of the United States, it would be the duty of 
the Executive to state whether the United States had or 
claimed an interest in a dispute, and agreed to or objected 
to the giving of an advisory opinion, or whether such action 
could be taken by the Executive only by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate; if the latter, and if Congress were 
not in session, what could be done? Under the wording of 
the reservation, the Court cannot even 'entertain a request* 
for an advisory opinion in such a case; and since the real 
use of the advisory function is to give an opinion on a specific 
point of law in an actually existing controversy, the delay 
in waiting for an expression of opinion from the United States 
might make it impossible to obtain the opinion in time to 
prevent the controversy from becoming acute. . . . 

"The Conference made it repeatedly clear that it wished on 
every point to assure the United States an equal vote, but 
on no point a determining power of veto not possessed by the 
other signatories. . . . 

"If the position of the United States is that it desires entire 


equality, and if the position of the other powers is that they 
desire to accord to the United States entire equality, these 
two positions are certainly not far apart. 
"They are reconcilable." 

The importance of the power of the World Court to 
render advisory opinions is explained in the following 
statement by Hon. George W. Wickersham: 

"The most important power confided to courts and judges 
is the power to investigate and decide disputes. The principal 
objections to the practice of a court rendering an opinion at 
the instance of the executive or legislative branch of a gov- 
ernment always has been that in effect it was a decision of 
an unargued case. The World Court, very wisely at the 
outset, adopted rules to the effect that when an application 
was made to it for an opinion, it would give notice to all 
states members of the League or mentioned in the Annex to 
the Covenant, and to all other bodies w r hich seemed to have 
an interest in the question, of the request and that the Court 
would hear argument at the bar by any one of those parties 
claiming to be interested in the subject and render a decision 
only after the fullest argument pro and con. This in effect 
has turned the procedure of the application for an opinion 
into what, in modern practice, is know T n as an application 
for a declaratory judgment. It has enabled the Court to 
settle principles of law after full consideration of all sides 
of the question; and by settling the rules of law applicable 
to the controversy, in more than one instance, it has made 
possible the adjustment of an international complication which 
might otherwise have been incapable of peaceful solution." 

It is obvious that the United States must make the 
next move. So far it has failed to answer either the com- 
munications sent it embodying the results of the confer- 
ence of the member states, or the letters received from 
various individual member nations regarding the reserva- 


On February 6, 1928, Representative Gillett of Massa- 
chusetts introduced the following resolution: 

"Whereas the Senate on January 27, 1926, by a vote of 
seventy-six to seventeen gave its advice and consent to the 
adherence of the United States to the Permanent Court of 
International Justice, upon certain conditions and with certain 
reservations; and 

"Whereas the signatory States in transmitting their replies 
referred to 'such further exchange of views as the Government 
of the United States may think useful' : Therefore be it 

"Resolved, That the Senate of the United States respectfully 
suggests to the President the advisability of a further exchange 
of views with the signatory States in order to establish whether 
the differences between the United States and the signatory 
States can be satisfactorily adjusted." 

The Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate to 
which this resolution was referred, on May 23 voted in 
executive session to defer action on it until December 
when the short session of Congress opens. The passage 
of the Gillett Resolution would effectively break the dead- 
lock in which the United States and the members of the 
World Court, contrary apparently to the desires of both, 
now find themselves. 

Detailed information in regard to the World Court can be 
secured from the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 
6 East 39th St.; the American Foundation, 565 Fifth Ave.; 
the Foreign Policy Association, 18 East 41st St., New York 
City. Official publications and documents in regard to the 
World Court are distributed in the United States by the 
World Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 




The most boldly conceived of modern proposals for the 
prevention of war is the plan to "outlaw" war. This 
plan, originated by Mr. Salmon 0. Levinson, a Chicago 
lawyer of wide repute, and elaborated into a complete 
scheme for the maintenance of world peace, is before the 
Senate of the United States in the form of a resolution, 
first introduced by Senator Borah in 1923, and since re- 
introduced at each session. 

The plan in brief outline is this: The nations of the 
w r orld are to meet in conference and declare war out- 
lawed, delegalized, deprived of its protection as a recog- 
nized institution, a crime under the law of nations. This 
international conference will provide for a meeting of the 
leading jurists of the world and other competent persons 
to draw up a code of the international laws of peace, at 
the same time providing for an international court of 
law w r hose jurisdiction will be defined by the code. The 
scope of the court's jurisdiction and the laws determining 
its decisions will thus be known in advance to any nation 
accepting its authority. The code will be referred to the 
governments for ratification by the legislature or by a 
popular referendum. The decisions of the court, which 
is to be an absolutely independent institution and to 
have no power to render advisory opinions, are to rest 
for their enforcement entirely upon public opinion, which, 



strengthened by the treaty declaration of the nations 
that they will not resort to war, will, it is held, be suffi- 
cient guarantee that they will be accepted. 

All disputes lying outside the jurisdiction of the Court 
would be settled out of court by the good offices of the 
other nations or by any conciliatory process, or left for 
time and for changed conditions to adjust. 

The only force provided for in the outlawry plan, is 
the force to be employed by a nation against individual 
citizens who foment war in violation of the treaty. In 
his authoritative book, "The Outlawry of War," Dr. 
Charles Clayton Morrison says on this point: 

"The outlawry proposal rests its whole structure on the 
foundation of the honor and good faith of the peoples of 
the world. . . . The outlawrist says that the philosophy of 
peace by force is fallacious, and that a world organized for 
peace can rest only upon the plighted word of the nations. 
He speaks not as a pacifist but as a pragmatist, not as a 
perfectionist but as a practical realist." 

One of the great values of this plan is held to be that, 
when war is no longer recognized as a legitimate activity 
of governments, it will be possible to combine national 
loyalty with a "full and abundant release" of the desire 
to build up friendship and cooperation among nations. 
Professor John Dewey has said of this aspect of the plan : 

"Nothing is more serious than conditions which compel 
masses of men to split into two antagonistic parts their moral 
beliefs and allegiances. There are a few persons who solve 
the difficulty by standing out against war on moral or religious 
grounds under all circumstances whatever. I have no word 
of reproach for them. But the masses of men never have 
been, and in my judgment, going by experience, never will 
be of this mould. We are nourished in the bosom of our own 
country ; we owe to it indirectly if not directly our protection, 
security and opportunities for development. It is no easy 


matter in time of war to break ties and to put ourselves in 
opposition to the expressed will of one's mother country. For 
these reasons millions of persons who live in the spirit of 
peace in the time of peace feel bound to support their own 
country in time of war. Law is on one side, domestic law 
and international law, and that law sanctions war and 
demands some degree of active participation in war; ordinary 
everyday conscience is against war, against organized killing 
and organized hatred. This dualism reaches deep and extends 
far and wide. There is one obvious remedy. Place law on 
the side of conscience. At present the lover of peace becomes 
the criminal, the outlaw, in time of war if he ventures to 
hold out for peace. Outlaw war, and the law is on the side 
of peace and moral conviction. The criminal, the man who 
sets himself in opposition to the law of his country and of 
nations will then be the man who foments and instigates war." 

Although the method of procedure proposed in this 
plan has failed to receive wide support, the idea upon 
which it is based of "outlawing" war has undoubtedly 
caught the imagination of the world and has exerted 
a powerful influence on the development of peace plans. 
The Geneva Protocol, resolutions passed at the Sixth Pan. 
American Conference in 1928 and at the Eighth Assembly 
of the League of Nations, show its influence. It re- 
mained, however, for the United States to take the ini- 
tiative in officially proposing in the Multilateral Treaty 
for the Renunciation of War, a general treaty which is a 
direct outgrowth of the outlawry idea. 

In April, 1927, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
M. Briand, made a public statement that France would 
be willing to subscribe to any mutual agreement with the 
United States tending to outlaw war, — "to use an Ameri- 
can expression" — as between the two countries, and 
later submitted to the United States a draft treaty em- 
bodying this proposal. The diplomatic notes exchanged, 
as a result of this action by France, between the United 


States and other powers have been published by the 
State Department and form not only an extremely inter- 
esting document but one which offers an opportunity to 
gain an insight into the complexity of international prob- 
lems and the instability of present international rela- 
tions. 1 

These notes show that the United States, after consid- 
ering the French proposal for six months, suggested that, 
instead of a bilateral declaration, France and the United 
States attempt to obtain the adherence of all the prin- 
cipal powers of the world to a declaration renouncing war 
as an instrument of national policy. 

France in reply limited the application of the treaty to 
wars of aggression on the ground, as was brought out in 
later diplomatic exchanges, .that if not so limited, the 
treaty would interfere with previous commitments under 
the League Covenant and the Locarno and other treaties 
providing for military action against an "aggressor" na- 
tion. The United States refused to accept this limitation, 
expressed itself as "reluctant to believe that the provi- 
sions of the Covenant of the League of Nations really 
stand in the way of the cooperation of the United States 
and members of the League of Nations in common efforts 
to abolish the institution of war/' and suggested that the 
correspondence in regard to the treaty be submitted to 
the British, Italian, German and Japanese Governments 
for their consideration and comment. The French Gov- 
ernment agreed to this plan, demanding at the same time 
the participation in the treaty of all other governments, 
since "the treaty contemplated could not operate in re- 
spect to one power which is a party thereto unless the 
other states exposed to the possibility of grave contro- 

1 The publication is called "Notes Exchanged between the United 
States and Other Powers on the Subject of a Multilateral Treaty for 
the Renunciation of War" and may be purchased from the Government 
Printing Office, Washington, for 10c. 


versies with that party were also signatories thereof." 
The French Government in its reply also emphasized the 
point that if the treaty were violated by one nation the 
other signatories should be released from their engage- 
ment with respect to the offending state, and further that 
the treaty "would not deprive the signatories of the right 
of legitimate defense." 

The idea underlying what came to be commonly known 
as the Kellogg outlawry of war treaty was received with 
unexpected enthusiasm by the people of Europe, notably 
the liberal groups. The suggestion, originally put for- 
ward by Senator Borah, that if a treaty is broken by one 
party all of the others are released from its terms and 
recover their freedom of action, proved helpful in over- 
coming objections on the ground of interference with 
treaties providing for military support of nations at- 
tacked. The opinion, in fact, became prevalent that the 
proposed treaty by fortifying the efforts of the League of 
Nations to establish world peace would strengthen the 
League, and that, furthermore, if a nation violated trea- 
ties under the League it would thereby violate the out- 
lawry of war treaty and the United States would not, in 
such a case, lend support to the offending nation. Sen- 
ator Borah in an interview with Kirby Page, as pub- 
lished in the New York Times, March 25, 1928, empha- 
sizing the fact that the United States must always decide 
for itself whether or not the treaty had been violated 
and what coercive measures it should take, stated: 

"Another important result of such a treaty would be to 
enlist the support of the United States in cooperative action 
against any nation which is guilty of a flagrant violation of 
this outlawry agreement. Of course, the Government of the 
United States must reserve the right to decide, in the first 
place, whether or not the treaty has been violated, and second, 
what coercive measures it feels obliged to take. But it is 


quite inconceivable that this country would stand idly by in 
case of a grave breach of a multilateral treaty to which it is 
a party." 

Mr. Kellogg discussed the proposed treaty for the re- 
nunciation of war before the Council on Foreign Rela- 
tions in New York on March 15, 1928. Among the im- 
portant statements which he made in this speech were 
these : 

"I concluded my note (to France) with the unequivocal 
statement that the Government of the United States desires 
to see the institution of war abolished and stands ready to 
conclude with the French, British, Italian, German and Japa- 
nese Governments a single multilateral treaty open to subse- 
quent adhesion by any and all other governments binding the 
parties thereto not to resort to war with one another. This 
is the position of the Government of the United States, and 
this is the object which we are seeking to attain. 

"I cannot believe that such a treaty would violate the terms 
of the League Covenant or conflict with the obligations of the 
members of the League. Even Article 10 of the Covenant has 
been construed to mean that League members are not ines- 
capably bound thereby to employ their military forces. Ac- 
cording to a recent statement by the British Government, 
many members of the League accept as a proper interpreta- 
tion of Article 10 a resolution submitted to the Fourth As- 
sembly but not formally adopted owing to one adverse vote. 
That resolution states explicitly: 

'It is for the constitutional authorities of each member 
to decide, in reference to the obligation of preserving the 
independence and the integrity of the territory of mem- 
bers, in what degree the member is bound to assure the 
execution of this obligation by employment of its military 

"Since, however, the purpose of the United States is so far 
as possible to eliminate war as a factor in international rela- 
tions, I cannot state too emphatically that it will not become 


a party to any agreement which directly or indirectly, ex- 
pressly or by implication, is a military alliance. The United 
States cannot obligate itself in advance to use its armed forces 
against any other nation of the world. It does not believe that 
the peace of the world or of Europe depends upon or can be 
assured by treaties of military alliance. The futility of such 
as guarantors of peace is repeatedly demonstrated in the 
pages of history. . . . 

"I am not so blind as to believe that the millennium has 
arrived, but I do believe that the world is making great strides 
toward the pacific adjustment of international disputes and 
that the common people are of one mind in their desire to see 
the abolition of war as an institution. Certainly the United 
States should not be backward in promoting this new move- 
ment for world peace, and both personally and officially as 
Secretary of State, I shall always support and advocate the 
conclusion of appropriate treaties for arbitration, for concilia- 
tion, and for the renunciation of war." 

Except in the case of Great Britain, the replies received 
from the various governments while emphasizing the im- 
portance of recognizing that the treaty would not affect 
the right of self-defense and that its violation by one 
nation w r ould release other signatories from obligations 
assumed under it, made no other suggestions in regard 
to its terms or interpretation. The reply from Great 
Britain contained, however, this statement: 

". . . there are certain regions of the world the welfare and 
integrity of which constitute a special and vital interest for 
our peace and safety. His Majesty's Government have been 
at pains to make it clear in the past that interference with 
these regions cannot be suffered. Their protection against 
attack is to the British Empire a measure of self-defense. It 
must be clearly understood that His Majesty's Government 
in Great Britain accept the new treaty upon the distinct under- 
standing that it does not prejudice their freedom of action in 
this respect. The Government of the United States have com- 


parable interests any disregard of which by a foreign power 
they have declared that they would regard as an unfriendly 
act. His Majesty's Government believe, therefore, that in 
defining their position they are expressing the intention and 
meaning of the United States Government." 

On the 23rd of June, the United States Government 
submitted a revised treaty to fourteen governments, in- 
cluding the signatories to the Locarno treaties, with a 
note explaining the construction placed by the United 
States upon the treaty in regard to the various points 
raised, by quoting from a speech made by the Secretary 
of State, on April 28th, before the American Society of 
International Law. The statement as to the relation of 
the treaty to the League Covenant followed the lines of 
the earlier speech by the Secretary of State quoted above. 
The comment in regard to the right of self-defense was as 

"There is nothing in the American draft of an antiwar treaty 
which restricts or impairs in any way the right of self-defense. 
That right is inherent in every sovereign state and is implicit 
in every treaty. Every nation is free at all times and regard- 
less of treaty provisions to defend its territory from attack 
or invasion and it alone is competent to decide whether circum- 
stances require recourse to war in self-defense. If it has a 
good case, the world w r ill applaud and not condemn its action." 

In regard to the relations of the signatories with a 
treaty-breaking state it was stated: 

". . . there can be no question as a matter of law that viola- 
tion of a multilateral antiwar treaty through resort to war by 
one party thereto would automatically release the other parties 
from their obligations to the treaty-breaking state." 

This idea was embodied in the revised preamble. The 
treaty itself was not altered, nc>r was any reference made 


to the British reservation in regard to "certain regions 
of the world," or any opinion expressed as to the possible 
effect of the treaty upon the Monroe Doctrine. 

The vital articles of the treaty, which is given in full 
in the appendix, are these: 

"The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare in the 
names of their respective peoples that they condemn recourse 
to war for the solution of international controversies, and 
renounce it as an instrument of national policy in their rela- 
tions with one another. 

"The High Contracting Parties agree that the settlement or 
solution of all disputes or conflicts of whatever nature or of 
whatever origin they may be, which may arise among them, 
shall never be sought except by pacific means." 

On August 27th, the following fifteen nations affixed 
their signatures: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Czecho- 
slovakia, France, Germany, Great Britain, India, the 
Irish Free State, Italy, Japan, New Zealand, Poland, 
South Africa and the United States. The treaty is now 
subject to ratification by these governments, and is open 
for adherence "by all the other powers of the world." 

The treaty will, according to its terms, come into ef- 
fect upon its ratification by the fifteen signatory nations 
which in addition to the powers originally consulted by 
the United States included the Dominions of the British 
Commonwealth and nations which had signed earlier 
treaties with France. The indefinite delay which would 
have resulted had the French proposal that ratification 
by all nations be required, been accepted, is thus avoided. 

The Multilateral Treaty, while not in complete accord 
with the outlawry idea, is looked upon by the adherents 
of the outlawry plan as a first step of vital importance. 
By one group, the Committee on Educational Publicity, 
of which Samuel Colcord is chairman and George Gordon 
Battle secretary, the proposal has been made that a treaty 


now be negotiated to make the prohibition of war a basic 
principle of international law, thus insuring permanency 
to the idea, for an international law cannot be annulled 
by the action of one nation. 

The Multilateral Treaty implies a fundamental frontal 
attack upon the war system. It establishes the fact that 
the problem is not one of eliminating conflicts of interests 
between nations, or the so-called "causes" of war, but of 
abandoning war as a method of dealing with these con- 
flicts. By recognizing that war has been an "instrument 
of policy," it brings it clearly within the control of gov- 
ernments, and it bases opposition to war upon the ra- 
tional ground of failure to obtain the ends that govern- 
ments seek. 

The fact that the treaty leaves many points undeter- 
mined — What shall it be decided constitutes war? What 
action will now be possible toward the international re- 
duction of armaments? — gives large discretionary power 
to future governments and therefore decisive influence 
and responsibility to public opinion. In connection with 
the ratification of the treaty, there will be opportunity 
for the people of the world to give overwhelming expres- 
sion to their demand that they be freed from war. Fol- 
lowing ratification, it will remain for public opinion to 
give content to the new treaty by demanding that inter- 
national policies and practices be made consistent with 
its terms and with its spirit. 

Information in regard to the plan for the Outlawry of 
War can be obtained from the American Committee for the 
Outlawry of War, 134 South LaSalle St., Chicago, 111. 


From even a superficial survey of the history of arbi- 
tration an impression can be gained of the process by 
which a steadily developing peace system is crowding 
war out of the world picture and creating a new basis 
for international life. Two detailed studies of the devel- 
opment of arbitration in modern times have recently 
been published. One, "Arbitration in the United States/' 
by Denys P. Myers, is issued by the World Peace Founda- 
tion, and the other, "The United States and Treaties for 
the Avoidance of War," by Philip C. Jessup, by the Car- 
negie Endowment for International Peace. This chapter 
does no more than touch upon the rapid extension in the 
last century of the method of arbitration, essentially a 
legal process, and the simultaneous development of con- 
ciliation, conference and other methods of pacific settle- 
ment, and the part which the United States is playing in 
this effort toward the development of a peace system. 

The obligation of civilized states to submit disputes 
to arbitration was recognized in ancient as well as modern 
times. In "Greek Life and Thought/' Sir John P. 
Mahaffy says: 

"Arbitration was an old fashion among the Greek states, 
so much so that it was considered decent when threatening 
war to offer a settlement by referring the dispute to a neutral 

As early as 1291, the principle of compulsory arbitration 
was recognized in the Letters of Union adopted by the 
Swiss Federation. Yet, as Benjamin F. Trueblood in his 



studies of the question points out, no real development 
in arbitration was possible in modern times until nations 
had become quite definitely established, and efforts to- 
ward the conquest and subjection of other peoples had 
been curbed, for arbitration x "implies independent and 
mutually respecting parties standing over against each 
other . . . ; it further implies confidence in the fairness 
of one's fellow men." 

With the establishment of democratic governments 
in the Western Hemisphere, a definite effort, never since 
abandoned, was begun to devise methods and machinery 
for the peaceful settlement of the differences bound to 
arise between states. 

The first modern arbitration treaty, the Jay Treaty, was 
negotiated in 1794 during Washington's administration, 
by the United States and England. It provided for the 
adjustment of boundary claims and questions of debts 
and neutral rights. In 1814, the Treaty of Ghent be- 
tween the same countries set up three commissions for 
the arbitration of various boundary questions. In both 

1 Arbitration is a general term used to cover an increasing variety 
of procedures, besides the ordinary one of diplomatic negotiations, for 
the settlement of international disputes. In the Convention for Pacific 
Settlements adopted by the Hague Conference of 1907 the following 
methods are defined: 

Arbitration has for its object "the settlement of disputes be- 
tween states by judges of their own choice and on the basis of 
respect for law." Recourse to arbitration implies an undertak- 
ing to submit in good faith to the award. 

Conciliation by inquiry is to "facilitate the solution of dis- 
putes by elucidating the facts by means of an impartial and 
conscientious investigation." 

Mediation is "reconciling the opposing claims and appeasing 
the feelings of resentment which may have arisen between 
states at variance." The opinion rendered is not of binding 
force but only in the form of advice. 

Good offices are the friendly and unofficial proceedings 
whereby a third power gives suggestions or advice for the ami- 
cable settlement of a difficulty. And beyond these methods of 
pacific settlement there are the further possibilities of direct 
conference, and of leaving disputes which cannot be adjusted 
by any method, to time to settle. 


of these cases arbitration was accepted for the settlement 
of disputes which had already arisen. 

An important step in advance was made by the Repub- 
lics of South America, under the leadership of Bolivar, 
who, like the founders of the Government of the United 
States, constantly urged the substitution of peaceful set- 
tlement for war. In treaties between Argentina and Brazil 
in 1828 which provided for mediation before any declara- 
tion of war, and in treaties signed by Colombia and Peru 
in 1829, and by Colombia and Venezuela in 1842, pacific 
methods of adjustment were accepted in advance for any 
future disputes which might arise. In 1848 the United 
States and Mexico signed the Treaty of Guadelupe Hi- 
dalgo, a general treaty of peace and friendship, calling 
for "pacific negotiations" in the event of any disagree- 
ment. It attracted a great deal of attention at the time 
and is still in force. 

During the first quarter of the nineteenth century a 
strong public demand arose in this country for action by 
the government to promote arbitration, which found ex- 
pression as early as 1815 in the organization of local and 
state peace societies, and in 1828 in the formation of the 
first national body, the American Peace Society. It was 
officially voiced in resolutions of state legislatures and of 
Congress. In 1832, the Senate of Massachusetts adopted 
a resolution expressing the opinion that "some mode 
should be established for the amicable and final adjust- 
ment of international disputes, instead of resort to war." 
Five years later, both bodies of the Massachusetts Legis- 
lature adopted a resolution to the effect "that a congress 
of nations for the purpose of forming a code of interna- 
tional law and establishing a high court of arbitration 
. . . is a scheme worthy the careful attention of all en- 
lightened governments." In 1844, the Legislature of Ver- 
mont also commended this suggestion. 


The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in 1851 
reported out a resolution that "in the judgment of this 
body it would be proper and desirable for the Govern- 
ment of these United States whenever practicable to se- 
cure in its treaties with other nations a provision for 
referring to the decision of umpires all future misunder- 
standings that cannot be satisfactorily adjusted by ami- 
cable negotiation in the first instance, before a resort to 
hostilities shall be had." 

Two years later in 1853 the same committee reported 
a resolution of advice to the President suggesting a stipu- 
lation in all treaties "hereafter entered into with other 
nations referring the adjustment of misunderstandings 
or controversy to the decision of disinterested and impar- 
tial arbitrators to be mutually chosen." Speeches made 
in connection with the introduction of these resolutions 
contained statements emphasizing the special responsi- 
bility of the United States for the establishment of world 
peace. The preamble to the resolution of 1851 declared: 

". . . more especially the genius of our own government, 
the habits of our people, and the highest prosperity of our 
Republic . . . require the adoption of every feasible measure 
to prevent war." 

The committee report submitting this resolution 

". . . the United States, of all others, is the proper country 
to propose this policy to the nations of the earth. We have 
shown in our past history a capacity for war. The love of 
military glory is a passion as strong with us as any other 
people, if not stronger. . . . Our young men rush to battle 
with the full assurance that the highest civil honors often 
reward the toils and dangers of the triumphant soldier. Our 
institutions, therefore, tend to make us a military people. 
We are rapidly growing in power. Our progress is without 
a parallel. Under such circumstances, in proposing a policy 


of peace, it cannot be supposed that we are influenced by 
any other motives than those which spring from the purest 
philanthropy. The policy proposed is adverse to aggression. 
It respects the rights of all nations." 

The settlement by arbitration in 1872 of the conflict 
between the United States and England over the claims 
resulting from the activities of the warship "Alabama" 
greatly strengthened the sentiment for arbitration. The 
"Alabama" had been built and fitted out in England and 
manned by Confederate officers and crew for preying on 
the commerce of the United States during the Civil War. 
The British Government long persisted in refusing to 
arbitrate, declaring it could not admit that it had acted 
with bad faith in regard to the neutrality it professed. 
The United States persisted in demanding arbitration 
and finally, after a change of ministry in England, a 
treaty was signed on May 8, 1871, which provided for the 
arbitration of the questions at issue by a tribunal of five 
arbitrators. The persistence of the United States gov- 
ernment and its final success in having the "Alabama" 
claims case arbitrated led to greatly increased interest in 
arbitration. According to the pamphlet on "Arbitration 
and the United States" referred to above, 

"There was no popular movement in favor of pacific settle- 
ment in continental Europe until the 'Alabama' claims arbi- 
tration in 1872. All governments were seriously impressed 
by the spectacle of the submission of the important questions 
involved in the 'Alabama* claims to the Geneva tribunal and 
the prompt acceptance of the award by Great Britain." 

As a result of the successful outcome of this case both 
houses of Congress passed resolutions in 1874, expressive 
of sentiment — but without the force of law — in favor of 
arbitration. The House of Representatives adopted the 
following resolution: 


"That the people of the United States, being devoted to the 
policy of peace with all mankind, enjoying its blessings and 
hoping for its permanence and its universal adoption, hereby 
through their representatives in Congress recommend arbitra- 
tion as a rational substitute for war, and they further recom- 
mend to the treaty-making power * of the Government to 
provide if practicable that hereafter in treaties made between 
the United States and foreign powers war shall not be 
declared by either of the contracting parties against the other 
until efforts shall have been made to adjust all alleged causes 
of difference by impartial arbitration." 

The Senate at this time adopted a resolution as fol- 

"That the United States, having at heart the cause of peace 
everywhere, and hoping to help its permanent establishment 
between nations, hereby recommend the adoption of arbitra- 
tion as a just and practical method for the determination 
of international differences, to be maintained sincerely and 
in good faith, so that war may cease to be regarded as a 
proper form of trial between nations." 

Toward the end of the century Congress took the ini- 
tiative in a new effort to secure treaties for the arbitration 
of "any dispute." Yet the Senate refused to ratify the 
first such treaty submitted to it. 

In 1890 both the Senate and House adopted a resolu- 
tion calling upon the President "to invite, from time to 
time as fit occasions may arise, negotiations with any 
Government with which the United States has or may 
have diplomatic relations, to the end that any differences 

1 The treaty-making power of the United States Government rests 
in the President and the Senate. Under the Constitution treaties are 
to be negotiated by the Executive with the advice and consent of the 
Senate. The usual plan is for the executive branch of the Govern- 
ment to carry on treaty negotiations with foreign countries, and when 
an agreement has been reached, to submit the proposal to the Senate 
for approval. A two-thirds vote of the Senate is required for ratifica- 


or disputes arising between the two Governments which 
cannot be adjusted by diplomatic agency may be referred 
to arbitration, and be peaceably adjusted by such means." 

The English House of Commons responded in a reso- 
lution expressing the hope that her Majesty's Govern- 
ment would cooperate with the Government of the United 
States in its proposal. The French Chamber of Deputies 
unanimously invited the Government "to negotiate, as 
soon as possible, a permanent treaty of arbitration be- 
tween the French Republic and the Republic of the 
United States of America." 

In 1895 the Governments of England and the United 
States began the negotiation of a general arbitration 
treaty, but in 1897, after prolonged debates and amend- 
ments which excluded many questions from its provi- 
sions, the United States Senate rejected the treaty. 

The greatest advance during this period toward de- 
velopment of a general system of arbitration was made 
by the Hague Conferences. The First Conference, called 
in 1899 by the Czar of Russia and attended by 126 dele- 
gates from 26 nations including all of the first-class 
powers, was originally designed to consider the reduction 
of military forces, but devoted the greater part of its 
attention to a discussion of pacific methods for the set- 
tlement of international disputes. The American dele- 
gates were instructed by the State Department to 
propose the establishment of a permanent international 
tribunal. In his remarkable "Instructions" to the dele- 
gates John Hay, Secretary of State, said: 

"The duty of sovereign states to promote international 
justice by all wise and effective means is only secondary to 
the fundamental necessity of preserving their own existence. 
Next in importance to their independence is the great fact 
of their interdependence. Nothing can secure for human gov- 
ernment and for the authority of law which it represents so 


deep a respect and so firm a loyalty as the spectacle of 
sovereign and independent states, whose duty it is to prescribe 
the rules of justice and impose penalties upon the lawless, 
bowing with reverence before the august supremacy of those 
principles of right which give to law its eternal foundation." 

Considerably modified, this so-called "American Plan" 
became the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The court 
is in reality a panel of arbiters to which each nation ap- 
points four representatives, chosen for a period of six 
years. From this panel states desiring to submit dis- 
putes to arbitration select five judges, only one of whom 
can be a citizen of either of the contending nations. 

Under Roosevelt's administration an attempt was 
made by John Hay as Secretary of State to extend the 
system of arbitration by the negotiation of treaties sub- 
mitting all disputes of a "legal nature," not including 
questions involving "national honor" or "vital interests," 
to the Hague Tribunal. In 1905 an arbitration treaty 
with France was submitted to the Senate as the first of a 
series. The treaty was ratified by the Senate but with 
an amendment which called in each case for the negotia- 
tion of a treaty subject to the approval of the Senate, in- 
stead of the usual foreign office agreement, defining the 
matter in dispute before its submission to arbitration. 
Because of this amendment, President Roosevelt failed 
to press for ratification of the other treaties. In a letter 
to Senator Lodge he said : 

"I think this amendment makes the treaties shams, and my 
present impression is that we had better abandon the whole 
business rather than give the impression of trickiness and 
. insincerity which would be produced by solemnly promulgat- 
ing a sham. The amendment, in effect, is to make any one 
of these so-called arbitration treaties solemnly enact that 
there shall be another arbitration treaty whenever the two 
governments decide that there shall be one." 


In 1908, twenty-five similar arbitration treaties em- 
bodying the Senate's amendment to the treaty with 
France were negotiated by Elihu Root, then Secretary of 
State. Twenty-two of these treaties were ratified for 
periods of five years. 

In 1910, President Taft attempted to secure arbitration 
treaties of a wider scope, which should include all jus- 
ticiable disputes, even those involving "vital interests" 
and "national honor." The effort met with approval in 
France and Great Britain and treaties were signed with 
these countries in 1911, which provided that either coun- 
try before the submission of a dispute to an arbitral trib- 
unal could request the formation of a joint high com- 
mission to investigate facts and make recommendations; 
the formation of this commission was, if either nation 
so desired, to be delayed one year after the request for it 
was made, in order to allow for an effort at adjustment 
through diplomatic discussions. In regard to these 
treaties President Taft said : 

"If now we can negotiate and put through private agree- 
ments with some other nation to abide the adjudication of 
International Arbitration Courts in every issue which cannot 
be settled by negotiation, no matter what it involves, whether 
honor, territory or money, we shall have made a long step 
forward by demonstrating that it is possible for two nations 
at least to establish between them the same system which, 
through the process of law, has existed between individuals 
under government." 

The Taft treaties were drawn in conformity with the 
previous Senate requirements by providing that the ques- 
tion in dispute in each case, previous to its submission 
to arbitration, should be formulated "by and with the 
consent of the Senate." The Senate, however, refused 
to accept a provision included in the treaties that the 
question of whether or not the subject matter of a dis- 


pute was justiciable should be decided by a commission of 
inquiry. It further excluded as subjects suitable for ar- 
bitration, questions concerning 

"the admission of aliens into the United States or the admis- 
sion of aliens to the educational institutions of the several 
states, or the territorial integrity of the several states, or of 
the United States, or concerning the question of the alleged 
indebtedness or monied obligation of any states of the United 
States, or any question which depends upon or involves the 
maintenance of the traditional attitude of the United States 
concerning American questions, commonly described as the 
Monroe Doctrine, or other purely governmental policy." 

Because of the restrictions made by the Senate the 
treaties were never signed by President Taft. 

The reasons given by the Senate for its amendments 
to these pre-war treaties are of interest and importance 
since they continue to affect seriously the ratification of 
arbitration treaties at the present time. 

The more fundamental reasons have to do with the 
constitutional power of the Senate, and with the Monroe 
Doctrine. A third, which it is hard to believe can remain 
an insuperable obstacle to the acceptance by the United 
States of a general system of arbitration, concerns the 
repudiated debts of certain States of the United States. 

The Senate's insistence upon its constitutional power 
was expressed vigorously in a minority report to the Sen- 
ate in connection with the Roosevelt treaties: 

"The firm grasp upon our relations with foreign govern- 
ments, placed in the hands of a minority of one-third of the 
Senate by the Constitution, whereby entangling alliances and 
wars have been often prevented, is being relaxed and the 
people are losing that power of self-protection. It is silently 
passing from the hands of their representatives . . . into the 
sole and exclusive power of the President. 

"Such is the effect that must result from the conventions 


now before the Senate and, so far as can be seen, that is one 
of the real intents and purposes intended to be accomplished 
by their ratification. . . . 

"This fatal door in these conventions, through which the 
rightful powers of the Senate will pass into the hands of the 
Executive, should be closed so that a mere diplomatic agree- 
ment concluded by the President cannot bind the Government 
of the United States and all the states and all the people to 
obey it as the supreme law of the United States. Our Gov- 
ernment will become a true autocracy when the President is 
invested with this power." 

The power of an opposition minority in the Senate to 
defeat any treaty negotiated by the Executive, and the 
difficulty of securing harmonious action between the two 
branches of the treaty-making power when they are in 
the control of opposing parties, are giving rise to serious 
consideration of the possibility of some new adjustment, 
guarding against obstructionist tactics in the Senate or 
providing for an earlier expression of opinion by that 

As to the Monroe Doctrine, which is briefly considered 
in a later chapter, the United States Government main- 
tains that this is a unilateral doctrine, and it has so far 
consistently refused to discuss with any foreign power 
questions concerning either its interpretation or applica- 

The difficulties growing out of the repudiated debts of 
certain States involve several important points in con- 
nection with the relation of the States to the Federal gov- 
ernment. Because a two-thirds majority is required for 
the ratification of treaties, Senators representing these 
States are able effectively to oppose and delay ratifica- 
tion, and it is important that the situation be understood 
and met. 

John Hay, on the day following the Senate's amend- 


ments to the treaties which as Secretary of State he had 
negotiated, made an entry in his diary which places side 
by side with the question of the Senate's constitutional 
prerogative the part played by the question of the repu- 
diated debts. 

"The Southerners felt their repudiated debts could not 
trouble them if the amendments were carried. There was a 
loud clamor that the rights of the Senate were invaded — but 
every individual Senator felt that his precious privilege of 
casting two votes in opposition to every treaty must be safe- 

The total debt, with accrued interest, owed in large 
part to British bond holders, amounts to approximately 
$250,000,000. A small number of repudiated bonds are 
held by the Government of the United States. The 
States which have repudiated certain debts are 
Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Missis- 
sippi, North Carolina and South Carolina. In nearly all 
cases the indebtedness arose out of responsibility assumed 
by the States for bank, railroad, and other development 
bonds. The following statement of the causes of repudia- 
tion and of remedies proposed for the situation is con- 
densed from an analysis in "Editorial Research Reports/' 
dated, Washington, May 22, 1925: 

"The legal reasons given for repudiation fall under three 

Certain of the bonds were not authorized by law. 
Certain of the bonds were authorized by legislative 
enactments which conflicted with state constitutions. 
In the issue of other bonds the provisions of the 
laws by which they were authorized were not strictly 
complied with. 
"Back of the legal reasons for repudiation were economic 
conditions which explain, if they do not justify, the action 
of the repudiating states. 


"The taxable basis of the repudiating states was greatly 
reduced by the Civil War and their debts were largely 
increased under 'carpet bagger* rule during the period of 
reconstruction. The per cent of decrease reached as high as 
64% and averaged over 50%. 

"The overburdened taxpayers, saddled with an increasing 
bonded indebtedness by the extravagance and dishonesty of 
'carpet baggers/ seized upon any expedient having the color 
of legality to lighten their load. Furthermore the Fourteenth 
Amendment x forced the Southern states to repudiate the debts 
contracted in what they regarded as a righteous struggle, 
brought upon them through no fault of their own, and it was 
not easy for them to distinguish between these and their other 
debts. It was, on the whole, easier for them to repudiate the 
latter than the former, since some of the non-war debts were 
owed to Northern capitalists, and the desire for revenge upon 
the North was strong. 

"The Constitution as originally adopted contained a clause 
whereunder a defaulting state could be brought before the 
bar of the Supreme Court by a defaulted creditor. But the 
Eleventh Amendment provides that 'The judicial power of the 
United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit 
in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the 
United States by citizens of another state, or by citizens or 
subjects of any foreign state.' 

"In 1883 a resolution was offered in the House by Rep- 
resentative Moore of Tennessee to repeal the Eleventh Amend- 
ment and to grant Congress power 'to provide by appropriate 
legislation for the legal enforcement of contracts entered into, 
by any of the states of the Union.' No action was ever taken 
by Congress on this proposal. 

"Following repudiation by Mississippi, it was proposed that 
the defaulting states be deprived of their representation in 

"The assumption by the federal government of the debts 

1 ". . . Neither the United States nor any state shall assume or pay 
any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against 
the United States: but all such debts . . . shall be held illegal or 


of the states was proposed in 1843, following an announce- 
ment by President Tyler that negotiations for a small loan 
to the federal government had failed because of the damage 
to the nation's credit resulting from the defaults of the states. 
"The principal arguments against this proposed remedy 
were (1) The assumption of the state debts would bring no 
benefit to the non-indebted states, but would rather injure 
them by making them bear a portion of the debts of the 
others; (2) States intrusted with federal bonds for this pur- 
pose might apply them to other uses; (3) If the States were 
relieved of their current difficulties, they would speedily 
become indebted again; (4) Assumption of state debts would 
embarrass the federal government." 

Until some final agreement can be reached as to the 
proper disposition of these debts they will continue to 
interfere with this country's acceptance of any form of 
compulsory arbitration. 

William Jennings Bryan as Secretary of State in 1913 
made a new approach to the problem of pacific settle- 
ment of disputes through the negotiation of treaties in- 
volving processes of investigation and delay. These 
treaties call for a permanent commission of five mem- 
bers to which "all disputes of every nature whatsoever 
which diplomacy shall fail to adjust shall be submitted 
for investigation and report." The report must be made 
within one year, and the parties to the treaties agree 
"not to declare war or begin hostilities during in- 
vestigation and report," but "retain the right to act 
individually on the subject matter of the dispute after 
the report of the commission shall have been submitted." 

Twenty-one of the Bryan treaties were signed with 
the following countries: Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, China, 
Costa Rica, Denmark, Ecuador, France, Great Britain, 
Guatemala, Honduras, Italy, Norway, Paraguay, Peru, 
Portugal, Russia, Spain, Sweden, Uruguay, Venezuela. 


They mark an important advance for, for the first time, 
a method of procedure for pacific settlement was proposed 
which was applicable to any dispute whatsoever. 

In 1916, Congress, in connection with the adoption of 
the naval appropriation bill, declared it "to be the policy 
of the United States to adjust and settle its international 
disputes through mediation or arbitration, to the end 
that war may be honorably avoided." This government, 
nevertheless, continued until the renewal of the Root 
treaties in 1928 to demand the exclusion from arbitration 
treaties of questions affecting "vital interests, independ- 
ence or national honor." In the new Root treaties the 
several questions which this earlier clause was designed to 
exclude from arbitration were somewhat more clearly de- 
fined as those involving "the Monroe Doctrine, domestic 
issues or a third nation." The new treaties likewise in- 
cluded a provision borrowed from the Bryan treaties for 
the submission of all disputes to a process of conciliation. 
In commenting upon these treaties Secretary Kellogg 
stated before the Council on Foreign Relations: 

"In my opinion any government can well afford to submit 
to inquiry any question which may threaten to involve it in 
the horrors of war, particularly when, as in the Bryan treaties, 
the findings of the Commission have no binding force and to 
be effective must be voluntarily accepted." 

In the agreement reached with the Latin American 
Republics at the Sixth Pan American Congress, this Gov- 
ernment has gone one step further, at least in its impli- 
cations as to the future. Following the action of the Con- 
ference condemning war as an instrument of national 
policy, an agreement was reached : 

"That the Republics of America will meet in Washington 
within a period of one year in a conference of conciliation 
and arbitration to draw up a convention for the realization 


of this principle, with the minimum exceptions which they 
consider indispensable to safeguard the independence and the 
sovereignty of the states, as well as its exercise in matters 
within their domestic jurisdiction, and also excluding matters 
involving the interests or relating to the action of a state not 
a party to the convention. 

"That the convention or conventions of conciliation and 
arbitration which they succeed in drawing up should leave 
open a protocol of progressive arbitration which will permit 
the development of this beneficial institution to the greatest 
possible extent." 

This proposed arbitration conference, which is now 
scheduled to meet in December, 1928, is a part of a long 
effort in the development of methods of pacific settlement 
between the American Republics. In 1889 an Interna- 
tional American Conference met in Washington at the 
invitation of the Government of the United States. Five 
conferences of the American states have since 
been held, and at all but one of them action has 
been taken in support of arbitration. At the Second 
Conference, in 1902, a treaty of arbitration for pecuniary 
claims was adopted, and a compulsory arbitration treaty 
was signed by nine Latin American states. In 1907 a 
Central American Court of Justice was set up to which 
the member states agreed to submit "all controversies of 
whatsoever nature." Because of the attitude of the 
United States, which ignored a decision of this court, it 
was allowed to expire at the end of ten years. In 1923 a 
Central American Tribunal was created to take its place, 
which consists of a panel of jurists, and to which all dis- 
putes not involving "national honor and independence" 
are to be submitted. At the Fifth Pan American Con- 
ference in 1923, the Santiago treaty, calling for a com- 
mission of inquiry in the case of any dispute not settled 
through diplomatic channels or by arbitration, was 


adopted and has already been ratified by the United 
States and several other nations. 

Throughout this period Latin America has made its 
own contribution to arbitration. Of 33 treaties in force 
in 1913 which provided for unlimited arbitration all were 
Latin American, Spain being the other party to seven. Of 
the four constitutions in. the world which provide for ar- 
bitration before appeal to arms, three are those of South 
American republics: the Brazilian constitution of Febru- 
ary 4, 1891, which authorizes a declaration of war only 
"when arbitration has failed or cannot take place"; the 
Dominican constitution of June 13, 1924, which provides 
that "the powers instituted by this Constitution shall not 
declare war without first proposing arbitration" ; and the 
Venezuelan constitution of April 27, 1904, calling for the 
insertion of the clause in all international treaties that 
"all differences between the contracting parties shall be 
decided by arbitration without appeal to war." The 
Portuguese constitution of 1911 requires an effort to ar- 
bitrate before a declaration of war. 

The International Joint Commission 
As between the United States and Canada a different 
and so far unique instrument for the adjustment of con- 
troversies has been created, the success of which has 
recently led to a consideration of its wider adoption. 

In 1896 the Government of Canada took up the ques- 
tion of the establishment of an international commission 
with the Government of the United States primarily to 
prevent and settle disputes regarding the use of boundary 
waters. This government, however, delayed acting until 
1902, at which time the International Waterways Com- 
mission was created. This was purely an investigating 
body, but in its recommendations it urged the creation 
of a Joint Commission having power to decide disputes, 


and in 1909 the International Joint Commission was 
set up. 

The Commission is composed of six members, three 
from each country, appointed by the President of the 
United States and by the King of Great Britain on the 
recommendation of the Governor of Canada. It holds 
regular sessions each year at Washington and Ottawa 
and special meetings at whatever place in the United 
States or Canada affords the best opportunity for col- 
lecting all the evidence in any given case. The Commis- 
sion sits as one judicial body and the members are pledged 
to use the utmost impartiality in the settlement of the 
questions that come before them. At the organization 
meeting of the commission the following statement was 
quoted by one of the Commissioners, in illustration of 
the attitude with which he took up his work: 

"Although I am a citizen of but one nation, I am consti- 
tuted a judge for both. Each nation has the same, and no 
greater right to demand of me fidelity and diligence in the 
examination, exactness, and justice of the decision." 

Questions are brought before the Commission by either 
one or both of the governments and through their respec- 
tive governments by private and corporate interests in 
either country. Its decisions are final and binding. In 
the twenty and more cases so far decided, which have 
affected the interests of millions of people and involved 
the expenditure of millions of dollars, the decisions of 
the Commission have without exception been unanimous. 

"Its jurisdiction is not altogether that of a court of law, 
nor of an umpire, nor of an investigatory body, but it com- 
bines some of the characteristics and a good deal of the spirit 
of all three. It is a final court of appeal for certain classes 
of cases involving the use or diversion of boundary waters. 
Subject to certain constitutional limitations, it may be used 
by the two countries for the final settlement of any matter at 


issue between them. And it is also available to investigate 
and report upon matters affecting the two nations whose final 
settlement is left to their Governments." 

Arbitration Since the World War 

The establishment of the League of Nations and the 
Permanent Court of International Justice following the 
World War greatly advanced the general development of 
methods for the pacific settlement of international dis- 
putes. The Covenant of the League provides for judicial 
settlement, arbitration, inquiry and mediation. In Arti- 
cles 12, 13 and 15 of the Covenant, the members agree 
to submit to arbitration, to judicial settlement or to inves- 
tigation by the Council, all differences and controversies 
arising between them, and agree in no case to resort to 
war until three months after the decision is known. This 
latter provision introduces the principle of delay for 
which the Bryan treaties were responsible. 

One of the most important contributions of the League 
of Nations in this field has been the development of the 
new method of periodic conference by which responsible 
statesmen have frequent and easy opportunity for face 
to face discussion of their common problems. Differences 
that have seemed incapable of solution, such as those 
between France and Germany, have been reduced to 
manageable proportions by this method. The more for- 
mal conference has also under the League come to be an 
important method for the gradual solution of interna- 
tional problems w T hich threaten the progress or security 
of international life. The working out of a technique of 
conference is declared by Dr. James T. Shotwell, a recog- 
nized authority in this field, to be a pressing problem of 
modern statesmanship. 

There has likewise been evolved under the encourage- 
ment of the League a new procedure of conciliation. The 


early suggestions made by the different governments in 
regard to the method of procedure to be followed under 
the League for the settlement of disputes, included a 
proposal made by the Scandinavian countries for an In- 
ternational Council to serve as a central agency of 
investigation. The Norwegian government in 1920 sug- 
gested an amendment to the Covenant by which per- 
manent commissions of arbitration and conciliation, one 
for every state, for the examination of the differences 
between that state and any other should be set up. Dis- 
cussion of these proposals led to the adoption by the As- 
sembly of the League, in 1922, of the following resolu- 

"With a view to promoting the development of the procedure 
of conciliation in the case of international disputes, in accord- 
ance with the spirit of the Covenant, the Assembly recom- 
mends the Members of the League, subject to the rights and 
obligations mentioned in Article 15 of the Covenant, to con- 
clude conventions with the object of laying their disputes 
before Conciliation Commissions formed by themselves." 

This resolution led to the rapid development of a sys- 
tem of treaties and bilateral conventions of conciliation 
between groups of states. In certain of the European- 
treaties of this period conciliation was proposed not only 
for questions not suitable for submission to arbitration, 
but as a preliminary approach to the settlement of any 
question, preceding resort to arbitration or submission to 
a court. The conciliation procedure thus tends to assume 
a more important part than arbitration since it is ac- 
cepted as capable of being applied to all disputes and 
as obligatory. 

Of the importance of combining arbitration with con- 
ciliation and occasionally with judicial decision, Mr. 
Myers in his study on "Arbitration and the United 
States" says: 


"A limited arbitration treaty together with a conciliation 
treaty may have the effect of affording a neutral forum for 
all disputes that may arise." 

All efforts since the war to develop an effective system 
of treaties for the pacific settlement of disputes have en- 
countered the problem of providing at the same time for 
security which in turn has been held by certain powers 
to depend upon disarmament. There has come to be in 
Europe a general agreement that the development of any 
one of these three must depend upon the development of 
the other two, but one group led by England emphasizes 
disarmament as the first necessity, while France, on the 
other hand, desires that before the adoption of disarma- 
ment plans, security, based on military guarantees, be 

In 1925 the League of Nations drew up a Protocol of 
Pacific Settlement known as the Geneva Protocol which 
was the first attempt to solve these interdependent prob- 
lems. It declared aggressive war a "crime" in that it is 
a violation of the recognized solidarity of the interna- 
tional community. It provided for the submission of 
every dispute to arbitration or to the World Court, and 
for the acceptance of the decisions arrived at. It granted 
the Council of the League power to decide w r hen a nation 
was guilty of aggression and what measures should be 
taken against it. It undertook to define what should be 
regarded as constituting aggression, and declared a state 
which refused to submit a dispute to the procedure for 
pacific settlement as agreed, or to comply with a judicial 
decision or arbitral award, to be an "aggressor." * 

The provisions of the Protocol were to take effect only 
after a disarmament conference had adopted some prac- 

1 The definition of an aggressor nation has since been simplified to 
read "one which, having agreed to submit international differences to 
conciliation, arbitration or judicial settlement, begins hostilities without 
having done so." 


tical plan for the general reduction of armaments; thus 
arbitration, security and disarmament were linked to- 
gether as three interdependent factors of a peace system. 
The Geneva Protocol was not, however, accepted by a 
sufficient number of states to be put into effect. Follow- 
ing its rejection, regional treaties affecting the states of 
Central Europe and making similar provisions for com- 
pulsory arbitration and mutual guarantees were signed at 
Locarno. In accordance with these treaties Great Britain 
and Italy in case of conflict between Germany and France, 
or Germany and Belgium, are pledged to take up arms 
against the aggressor, and France agrees to come to the 
aid of Poland or Czechoslovakia should Germany, con- 
trary to her arbitration treaties with these countries, 
make an armed attack upon them. In connection with 
these treaties an agreement was reached that Germany 
should join the League and be given a permanent seat 
on the Council. 

The Locarno Treaties of Arbitration provide that all 
justiciable questions which cannot be settled by diplo- 
matic procedure may be referred to the Permanent Com- 
mission of Conciliation provided for in each treaty, and, 
failing settlement by that, to an arbitral tribunal or to 
the Court of International Justice. If the parties cannot 
agree to the terms of the question to be submitted, either 
one may bring the dispute before the Permanent Court of 
International Justice. This latter provision is a distinct 
step in advance, since heretofore treaties have commonly 
called for preliminary agreement upon the terms of the 
questions to be submitted — an agreement technically 
known as a compromis. 

The Eighth Assembly of the League, meeting in 1927, 
created an Arbitration and Security Commission to work 
in connection with the Preparatory Committee for a Dis- 
armament Conference, plans for which the Assembly 


urged should be hastened. In response to a demand that 
the principles underlying the Geneva Protocol be re- 
considered, the Assembly declared: 

"That all wars of aggression are and shall always be pro- 
hibited; that every pacific means must be employed to settle 
disputes of every description which may arise between states." 

There are now in existence 88 treaties, which admit 
all questions whatsoever to one method or another of 
pacific settlement. The signatories to these treaties in- 
clude forty-three nations, among them France, Germany, 
Italy, and Great Britain. 

A general summary of progress in pacific settlement 
as shown in this succession of treaties is givfen in a Pan 
American Union compilation of arbitration treaties. It 
indicates the general lines of development in this way : 

"Combinations, every day better thought out, of methods 
of conciliation, arbitration and recourse to judicial proceed- 
ings, tend to include under their provisions for peaceful settle- 
ments, all differences which might cause conflicts, and to close 
other avenues of procedure, so as to ultimately permit none 
but peaceful settlements. . . . The multiple variations in, and 
combinations of, reservations, such as those involving points 
of honor, independence, sovereignty, and vital interests, com- 
mon in the older arbitration treaties, have disappeared from 
the modern type of arbitration and conciliation treaty. . . . 

"The progress made indicates plainly a radical transforma- 
tion in the bases, the structure and the objects of the present 
methods for the organization of peace. The significance of 
these changes becomes clearer when the system followed in 
the conventions of the two Hague Conferences is compared 
with the system which has developed from 1920 to 1927. 
The Conference of 1907 added little to what had been achieved 
in 1899, and the sum total of results of the two seem todav 
meagre and mediocre when compared with the generous con- 
ception of international justice, with the deep and intense 
study, the sacrifice of national prejudices, and the amplitudp 


of the field for peaceful action, which had their beginnings 
in 1919 and culminated in the treaties of Locarno in 1924 
and 1925, and which are still developing, gaining in organic 
perfection, meriting the adhesion of governments and winning 
prestige and power in the minds of peoples." 

Even this brief and superficial review of the steady ad- 
vance in the practice of pacific settlement points con- 
vincingly to the ultimate acceptance, as a matter of 
course, of one form or another of rational adjustment of 
all disputes. The question remains to what degree this 
development can be accelerated by public interest, un- 
derstanding and insistence. 



The codification of international law — or the clear 
statement of the rules of conduct accepted by nations 
in so far as their activities affect other nations — is recog- 
nized as an essential part of the organization of the 
world for peace. The importance of codification has long 
been stressed by statesmen of this country. President 
Coolidge in his second annual message to Congress said: 

"Our country should support efforts which are being made 
toward codification of international law. . . . Expert pro- 
fessional studies are going on in certain quarters and should 
have our constant encouragement and approval." 

As to Row codification is to be achieved there is a 
difference of opinion. Some jurists urge that an inter- 
national conference be called to draw up a code of laws 
which nations shall agree to follow in the interest of peace 
and justice. It is proposed by one group that such a 
code be based on the outlawry of war, and it is maintained 
that if the situation is simplified by thus delegalizing 
war, a statement of the laws of peace could be drawn up 
in one or two years. 

To the majority of jurists, codification involves an en- 
tirely different process. It means a careful statement, 
upon which there can be general agreement, of the rules 
of conduct which have gradually evolved in the inter- 
course of states, and which governments now recognize. 

An approach to codification in this latter sense is being 



made under the auspices of the League of Nations. The 
governments of North and South America, through the 
Pan American Conferences, are also attempting to codify 
international law as it affects the countries of this hemi- 
sphere. In addition, there are at present before Congress 
two proposals looking toward codification. Both have 
been introduced by Senator Borah of Idaho. The first is 
for an international conference to prepare an ideal code 
of law based on the outlawry of war. The second is for a 
restatement of maritime law. The importance of the 
second proposal lies in the fact that the present assertion 
of the right of belligerents to interfere with neutral ship- 
ping in time of war, a claim which has always been com- 
batted by the United States, is an obstacle to the reduc- 
tion of naval armaments. The Borah resolution, which 
was especially designed to facilitate action by the second 
meeting of the League of Nations Disarmament Confer- 
ence, reads in part: 

"Whereas the present chaotic state of maritime law — leaving 
the seas subject to no definite rules save that of force, and 
commerce to- no ultimate protection save that of battle fleets 
— constitutes an incentive for great naval armaments; 

"Resolved, That the Senate of the United States believes: 

"First: That there should be a restatement and recodifica- 
tion of the rules of law governing the conduct of belligerents 
and neutrals in war at sea. 

"Second: That the leading maritime powers of the world 
owe it to the cause of the limitation of armaments and of 
peace to bring about such restatement and recodification of 
maritime law." 

Although long study and research are necessary for 
more than a very superficial understanding of the subject 
of international law, it is important that the average 
person should have some comprehension of what it im- 
plies, in order that its development, which depends at 


various points upon political action, may not be delayed 
or obstructed. 

International law is divided into public and private 
law. Private international law has to do with the con- 
flicts that occur when a citizen of one country is involved 
in a legal difficulty in another country, and the laws of 
the two countries do not agree. Private international 
law is important from the point of view of international 
peace for, if there is doubt as to whether the nationals 
of one country have received justice in the courts of an- 
other, it may result in ill feeling, protest or intervention. 

Public international law has to do with the practice of 
states in their conduct toward each other. It has not 
been enacted by any law-making body, as has the statu- 
tory law of the various nations, nor has it, like English 
common law, grown up out of the decisions of judges. It 
consists of rules of conduct resting upon common prac- 
tice, or agreed to in treaties, in international congresses 
which are sometimes described as quasi-legislative bodies, 
in conventions establishing international administrative 
unions, such as the Postal Union, and in other interna- 
tional agreements. Recently decisions of the World 
Court and the Conventions of the League of Nations and 
of the International Labor Organization, in so far as they 
have been ratified, have increased the body of interna- 
tional law. The principles embodied in a treaty between 
two nations are international law as between them, but 
are generally considered international law only when 
agreed to by a number of nations (some states claim 
unanimity is necessary), or when it is recognized that 
their general observance can be enforced. Principles 
and lines of conduct which have been followed and en- 
forced by the more powerful states are frequently re- 
garded as international law. 

Mr. Dwight W. Morrow, in his book, "The Society of 


Free States/ 9 defines international law as "those rules of 
conduct which regulate the dealings of civilized states 
and which depend for their sanction upon the general 
approval of mankind. These rules are found in the 
solemn conventions and declarations made by civilized 
states in their separate treaties and at international 
conferences, in the works of great textwriters, and, what 
is most important of all, in that actual usage which fur- 
nishes the confirmation of written rules and agreements." 
A primary distinction between international and na- 
tional law is that there is no common agency for the en- 
forcement of international law. Its enforcement depends 
upon the power of a nation or nations to compel its ob- 
servance, or upon the existence of a public opinion so 
strong that no nation wishes to defy it. In a speech 
before the American Society of International Law in 
1925, the opinion was advanced by Charles Evans Hughes 

"It may not be regarded as a defect or a misfortune that 
we escape the notion of the imposition of force in the field 
of international law. It makes for peace because it is accepted 
and is farthest removed from arbitrariness. Its gradual 
extension marks a gain that is not merely temporary or 
illusory, but genuine progress, and hence the effort to promote 
the reign of law, as accepted, not imposed, may be after all 
the most important contribution to permanent peace." 

Codification, or a clear statement of what the law is, 
should enable public opinion to be more effective in se- 
curing its observance and in initiating changes. The 
right of intervention is now considered a part of inter- 
national law as the right to secure territory by conquest 
was once so considered. A change in public opinion, 
leading to a change in the practice of nations, means a 
change in international law. In the speech referred to, 
Mr. Hughes said further: 


"Close attention to the reports of the conscience of nations, 
the effort to record its judgments, the endeavor to secure 
discussion of the principles and rules demanded by the sense 
of justice in the international sphere, may well be the sort 
of training which the world needs most. . . . 

"Would it not be helpful, not merely in the interest of clari- 
fication and formal arrangement, but in educating peoples, 
now under prevalent democratic institutions more largely 
interested in foreign relations, with respect to the extent of 
their reciprocal obligations, and in cultivating the sense of 
responsibility, if the representatives of the nations could 
assemble and reassert the principles and rules of the law 
considered to be binding . . . ?" 

Various efforts to determine the law of nations have 
been made, beginning with the "Laws of Peace and War," 
published by Hugo Grotius in 1625. Grotius held that 
dealings between nations should be regulated by the same 
principles that regulated the dealings between men, and 
made this first attempt to compile a body of rules based 
upon the usages of nations because he saw 

" . . . prevailing throughout the Christian world a license 
in making war of which even barbarous nations would have 
been ashamed. Recourse was had to arms for slight reasons 
or no reasons; and when arms were once taken up, all rever- 
ence for divine and human law was thrown away, just as if 
men were henceforth authorized to commit all crimes without 

During the Civil War "Instructions for the Govern- 
ment of the Armies of the United States in the Field" 
were drawn up by Francis Lieber at the request of Presi- 
dent Lincoln. These instructions were translated into 
German, and published in 1878 by Bluntschli under the 
title, "Modern International Law of Civilized States." 

Lieber later worked over a plan by which an authori- 
tative statement on international law might be drawn up 


by an international group of jurists. His proposals led 
to a meeting of jurists in Ghent in 1873 at which the In- 
stitute of International Law was created as "an organ 
for the legal consciousness of the civilized world/' Its 
principal purpose was "to be able by the free action of a 
limited group of eminent jurists to state in as precise 
a manner as possible the juridical opinion of the civilized 
world and to give to this opinion an expression so clear 
and so exact as to have it accepted by the various states 
as a rule of conduct for their foreign relations." 

In 1893 The Netherlands invited all European govern- 
ments to a conference to draw up conventions affecting 
private international law, and this first conference has 
been followed at regular intervals by others. 

The First Hague Peace Conference in 1899 drafted 
three conventions, one dealing with pacific settlement 
of international disputes, the other two with rules of 
warfare. The conventions of the Second Hague Confer- 
ence in 1907 dealt largely with the laws of war. At the 
Second Conference, a third was proposed for 1914 which, 
it was anticipated, would add to the formulated "prin- 
ciples of equity and right on which are based the security 
of states and the welfare of peoples." The plans for this 
third conference were interrupted by the World War. 
Following the War a proposal for international confer- 
ences similar to the Hague Conferences but called for 
the sole purpose of codifying international law w r as laid 
before the League of Nations by the Committee of 
Jurists which drew up the plans for the Permanent 
Court of International Justice. The suggestion origi- 
nated with Elihu Root, the American member of the 

This proposal was not accepted by the League of Na- 
tions. It was rejected on the ground that at the time 
there was not sufficient calmness of the public mind to 


undertake such a step without "very serious results to the 
future of international law." Commenting on the 
League's decision not to undertake codification at that 
time, Dr. Manley 0. Hudson, Bemis Professor of Inter- 
national Law at Harvard University, has said: 

"Any attempt at that time to restate the laws of war or 
to formulate the modifications made necessary by the World 
War, must almost certainly have tended to vindicate the views 
then prevailing among the governments of those countries 
which considered themselves victors in the war. It would 
have been difficult at that time to have had any collaboration 
from Germany or Russia or Turkey, and without the collab- 
oration of Germany, at any rate, a restatement of the laws 
of war would probably have produced few desirable results. 
... In addition, the uncertainty of international relations 
in 1920, the precarious stage of the new experiment in inter- 
national organization, and the extreme difficulty of effecting 
the necessary reconciliation between various states, rendered 
the time most inopportune for such an attempt as the Advis- 
ory Committee envisaged." 

In 1924, the Assembly of the League of Nations, owing 
in part to the development of a large number of agree- 
ments which its member states had entered into during 
the post-war period, reconsidered the question of codifi- 
cation. The result was the appointment by the Council 
of the League of an international Committee of Experts 
for the Progressive Codification of International Law. 
The Committee consists of seventeen jurists, represent- 
ing the various legal systems of the world. Mr. George 
W. Wickersham is the American member. After inten- 
sive study by sub-committees, consultation with authori- 
tative bodies, and the submission of questionnaires to 
various governments, including the United States, -the 
Committee of Experts in 1927 recommended seven topics 
to the Assembly of the League as "sufficiently ripe" for 


consideration by an international conference. The seven 
topics were these: 

The conflict of laws regarding nationality; 

Problems connected with territorial waters including juris- 
diction of a State over foreign commercial vessels; 

Diplomatic privileges and immunities; 

Responsibility of States for damage done in their territory 
to the person or property of foreigners; 

Piracy ; 

The procedure of international conferences and procedure 
of conclusion and drafting of treaties; 

Exploitation of the products of the sea. 

Consideration of the questions of the nationality of 
commercial corporations and of the recognition of the 
legal personality of foreign commercial corporations, 
would have been included in this list except for the fact 
that they were to be considered at the next Hague Con- 
ference on Private International Law. 

The Assembly agreed upon the calling of a conference 
to be held, it is now planned, in 1929, and selected the 
first, second and fourth topics for consideration. The 
fourth topic, perhaps the most far-reaching, as stated in 
full is: 

"Whether, and in what cases, a state may be liable for 
injury on its territory to the person or property of foreigners; 
and whether, if such liability exists, it would be possible to 
consider an international convention providing a method of 
ascertaining the facts that might involve liability on the part 
of the state, and forbidding the use of measures of coercion 
before means of pacific settlement have been exhausted." 

In the desire to contribute to the success of the con- 
ference in 1929, and in the belief that independent co- 
operative research by American scholars and jurists 
might aid in the advancement of sound codification of 


international law, the Faculty of the Harvard Law 
School has organized a group of men actively working 
in this field to carry on research work, on the three topics 
to be discussed. An advisory Committee of 34 members 
has been formed with Mr. George W. Wickersham as 
Chairman and Dr. Manley 0. Hudson as Director of 

Separate codification of international law for the 
American continents, suggested as early as 1826 by the 
Congress of Panama, has been recommended repeatedly 
by the Pan American Conferences. Charles Evans 
Hughes said in regard to this proposal in a speech before 
the Pan American Union in 1925: 

"It is natural that the law to be applied by the American 
Republics should, in addition to the law universal, contain 
not a few rules o£ American origin and adapted to American 
exigencies, and that the old and the new taken together should 
constitute what may be called American international law." 

Resolutions were adopted by the Conferences of 1902 
and 1906 for the appointment of a Commission of Jurists 
to prepare codes of public international law and of pri- 
vate international law. The actual formation of this 
Commission was delayed until the Conference of 1923. 
Following this conference a Commission composed of two 
representatives from each country was created. The 
American Institute of International Law, which was 
founded in 1912 and is composed of five members from 
each of the American republics, was requested by the 
Pan American Union to prepare a series of projects for 
the consideration of this Commission of Jurists. Indi- 
vidual jurists of several of the Latin American states 
also drafted projects for laws on special subjects. Thirty 
projects were accepted for consideration by the Commis- 
sion. An additional one on the recognition of belliger- 


ency was rejected on the ground that war should not be 
encouraged by conventions on this subject. 

The Commission adopted twelve projects of public 
international law and a code of private international law 
consisting of some 439 articles. The twelve projects of 
public international law dealt with the fundamental 
bases of international law; states, their existence, equal- 
ity and recognition; status of aliens; treaties; exchange 
of publications; interchange of professors and students; 
diplomatic agents; consuls; maritime neutrality; the 
right of asylum; duties of states in case of civil war; 
pacific solution of international conflicts. 

At the Sixth Pan American Conference to which these 
projects were submitted those dealing with the pacific 
solution of international conflicts, with maritime neu- 
trality, with the status of aliens, with the right of asy- 
lum, with the duties of states in case of civil war, and 
with the rights and duties of neutrals were, in amended 
form, embodied in treaties and accepted for submission 
to the various governments. The United States entered 
a reservation to the clause of the Convention on Mari- 
time Neutrality forbidding the arming of merchant men 
for defense in the time of war. On the subject of pacific 
solution of international conflicts, a resolution was 
adopted condemning war as an instrument of national 
policy and calling a conference to meet in Washington 
within a year to draft treaties for obligatory arbitration 
and conciliation. For the further consideration of the 
codification of international law for the American con- 
tinents, a Permanent Committee was authorized, to 
which the Governments will appoint members chosen 
from the national Societies of International Law in each 
country. Projects drawn up by this Committee will be 
submitted to the International Commission of Jurists 


which will put them in final form and in turn submit 
them to the Seventh Pan American Conference. 

The subject of the fundamental bases of international 
law, that is, of the rights and duties of nations, w T hich 
it was asserted must be considered together, was referred 
to the Seventh Conference. In connection with it and 
in all probability in connection with the conference on 
obligatory arbitration, the project on intervention, which 
aroused heated discussion at the Sixth Conference but 
about which because of the insistence of the United 
States no action was taken, will again come up. 

These attempts to achieve a separate codification of 
international law for the Americas are severely criticized 
by certain jurists for reasons indicated in the following 
statement by Dr. Manley 0. Hudson: 

"The day has passed," Dr. Hudson declares, "when inter- 
national law can be continentalized in any part of the world, 
and with the currents of international trade and politics 
crossing all oceans as they do today, it would seem a very 
backward step to attempt to confine them in any way to a 
single hemisphere. ... I fear that only unfortunate con- 
sequences would flow from an attempt to localize the law of 

The importance of making "the statement of our law 
of nations," as Dr. Hudson has said, "conform to the facts 
of our present-day world," is, however, stressed by 
jurists, statesmen and those interested primarily in world 
peace. The French jurist, M. de Laveleye, notes that 
although men of today are "infinitely less inclined than 
their ancestors to make war, on the other hand, their 
relations are more intimate and more constant and can 
lead more frequently to conflicts if they are not regu- 
lated by international law." 

Dr. James Brown Scott, Director of the Division of 


International Law of the Carnegie Endowment for Inter- 
national Peace, and long active in support of efforts 
toward codification, is very hopeful of present tendencies 
and declares that "It is evident that the codification of 
international law is in full blast. . . . The seed scat- 
tered to the wind by Lieber is bearing ample fruit in 
the old world of his birth, and in the new world of his 

The contribution which the general public can make 
is to recognize the necessity for persistent effort in this 
field and to support any government action encourag- 
ing it. 


The present extent of organized cooperation among 
governments and the success of international adminis- 
trative undertakings bear out the statement that "inter- 
national cooperation must be regarded not as a rare 
exception, but as the normal method for the present 
conduct of the business of the world." In his compre- 
hensive study, "Public International Unions/' Dr. Paul 
S. Reinsch declares that "The most important fact of 
which we have become conscious in our generation is 
that the unity of the world is real." 

In this chapter only cooperative undertakings outside 
of the League of Nations are considered, but it must be 
remembered that through the League fifty-five nations 
are now in constant conference and cooperating in finan- 
cial, educational, health, labor, economic and social wel- 
fare projects. The International Labor Organization is 
discussed in a preceding chapter. 

During the nineteenth century, the development of 
rapid communication among all nations gave rise to prob- 
lems which could not be solved and to activities which 
could not be administered by individual governments. 
The interests of individuals came to be less and less 
determined by national boundaries and had to be pro- 
vided for by some form of international public or private 

Within the last half-century, about forty public and 
five hundred private international organizations have 
been established. In some cases, organizations originally 



formed by private individuals have developed into gov- 
ernment agencies. In others, governments have asso- 
ciated themselves with private undertakings through rep- 
resentatives, but in many instances the initiative has 
been taken by the governments themselves. 

Dr. C. DeUsle Burns, in "A Short History of Inter- 
national Intercourse," calls attention also to a present 
tendency toward conference for exchange of experience 
between similar departments of different states, finance 
ministries, education departments, agricultural, and labor 
departments. "The tendency," he says, "points to an 
elaborate international contact of states, not unifying 
states, nor forming a world state, but federalising some 
of the functions of sovereign governments." 

In the Interparliamentary Union, which was founded 
in 1904 and which held its twenty-fifth conference in Ber- 
lin in August, 1928, an opportunity is offered for consul- 
tation among another division of government officials. 
Its members are representatives in national parliaments, 
and the legislative chambers of the various governments 
are opened for its conferences. An effort is made to bring 
the members into agreement upon policies affecting inter- 
national relations. 

Joint regulation has been found necessary in connec- 
tion with, among other things, systems of communication, 
the protection of certain forms of property including 
patents, health measures designed to control the spread 
of disease, and for the collection and distribution over 
wide areas of scientific information. In some cases the 
international organizations set up for the exercise of joint 
control consist of little more than information centers; 
in other instances, international commissions are empow- 
ered to propose measures for adoption by the national 
governments. In a few cases, the international body has 
administrative powers which amount to a considerable 


limitation of the sovereign powers of individual govern- 

The Universal Postal Union is an example of the last 
type. In 1863, the cost of a letter from point to point var- 
ied from a few cents to more than a dollar, according to 
how it was routed. In sending a letter, it was thus nec- 
essary to indicate the route which it was to travel. If 
it happened to miss, the vessel or train on which it was 
to begin its journey, it could not be sent by another route, 
but must wait sometimes many weeks. To improve this 
condition, upon the proposal of the United States, the 
representatives of fifteen nations met and agreed upon 
certain principles as a basis for future international 
postal agreements, but did not attempt to produce defi- 
nite treaty regulations. The conference at which the 
Universal Postal Union was actually founded was called 
by the government of Switzerland in response to a sug- 
gestion from the German government, and met in 1874 
with twenty-two countries participating. Many compli- 
cated questions had to be faced and the reluctance of 
a few nations to incur the immediate financial loss 
involved, and to submit to international regulation, was 
overcome only through the pressure of public opinion 
and of business interests. 

The Universal Postal Union has continued in success- 
ful operation ever since, with modifications from time to 
time of the convention which established it. The Union 
is governed by a congress which meets every five years 
and in which each state has one vote, although it may 
have more than one delegate. The representatives of 
the United States are appointed by the Postmaster Gen- 
eral. Decisions are made by a majority vote and are 
theoretically subject to ratification by the signatory state. 
In practice, they are final. In some instances, individual 
governments have strongly opposed certain changes in 


postal rates, but the proposed change adopted by major- 
ity vote has been put into effect, and no government can 
give up the incalculable advantage to its citizens of mem- 
bership in the Union. 

The Universal Postal Union proves that, in spite of 
conflicting interests, methods of procedure for inter- 
national governmental control can be successfully worked 
out when individual governments recognize that, acting 
alone, they can no longer provide adequately for certain 
interests of their citizens. The degree to which national 
sovereignty has been surrendered in this field in order 
to secure national benefits is emphasized by Dr. Leonard 
S. Woolf in "International Government ,, : 

"In fact, so far has the* surrender of independence to Inter- 
national Government gone in the Union, that the theoretical 
right of the State to refuse ratification to the Convention and 
Reglement as voted at a congress in practice hardly exists. The 
Administrations, adhering to the Union, never wait for formal 
ratification before putting the new regulations into opera- 
tion, and the decisions of a Postal Congress are acted upon 
whether they are ratified or not. 

"The result is* that the nations of the whole world have for 
everything connected with the international exchange of let- 
ters and other postal matter submitted to International 
Government. Each national Administration can no longer 
determine the rates it will charge, the matter which it will or 
will not receive, or the methods on which it will conduct the 
foreign postal service. On all these subjects the national 
Administration is in practice bound to accept the decision of 
the majority of the Administrations adhering to the Union. 
In other words, the administration of postal communication 
between States has been internationalized. . . ." 

The international bodies which have been granted the 
greatest power over national governments have been the 
International Sugar Commission and the International 
River Commissions. The International Sugar Commis- 


sion was established for a limited period in order to put 
an end to the system of granting national bounties to 
sugar growers, a system which no nation acting sepa- 
rately could control. The Commission had the power 
to control by majority vote the tariff policies of member 
states so far as they affected the sugar industry. There 
was no appeal from its decisions to any higher body. 

The International River Commissions afford another 
example of the ability of states to forego a certain degree 
of their sovereign power in order to achieve the benefits 
of cooperation. The Danube Commission, composed of 
representatives of ten states, has complete control over 
the conditions affecting the navigability of the lower 
Danube. The Commission imposes a tax on shipping to 
defray its own expenses; it acts under a guarantee of 
neutrality and has the right to use its own distinctive 

The International Institute of Agriculture, and the In- 
ternational Geodetic Union, are examples of a joint 
international effort to collect and distribute scientific 
information. The Union for the Protection of Industrial 
Property, the Sugar Commission and the Union for 
the Publication of Customs Tariffs illustrate the pos- 
sibility of joint action in economic matters. The inter- 
national organizations concerned with humanitarian re- 
forms, which include the Opium Commissions, the Prison 
Congress, the Union for the Repression of the White Slave 
Traffic and the International Labor Organization, function 
with increasing effectiveness. International cooperation 
to protect health, particularly through the control of epi- 
demics, which is carried on by the International Office 
of Public Hygiene in Paris, by the League of Nations, 
by the International Health Board in New York City, 
and by the Pan American Sanitary Bureau, is one of 
the most successful and interesting of these undertakings. 


So long as European governments attempted to protect 
their people against epidemics of cholera by independent 
quarantines, they obstructed trade but not the spread of 
the disease. Reluctance to relinquish national rights, 
prevented common action until after the epidemic of 
1892. The International Sanitary Convention and the 
Dresden Convention were then agreed upon, and there 
have been no more cholera epidemics. 

In the Pan American Union a much more general 
form of international cooperation has been developed 
among the governments of the American continents. In 
1889, the first of a series of Pan American Conferences 
was held in Washington. Preceding the calling of the 
conference, which was originally proposed by Secretary 
of State Blaine as a peace conference, Congress adopted 
a plan for cooperation among the American governments. 
As set forth in the call to the conference this plan pro- 
vided for the consideration of "measures that shall tend 
to preserve the peace and promote the prosperity of the 
several American States. 9 ' 

This first conference created the International Bureau 
of American Republics in Washington under the direc- 
tion of the Secretary of State of the United States, for 
the sole purpose of collecting and distributing commer- 
cial information. At the third Pan American Conference 
in 1906, the Bureau was reorganized and virtually made 
the executive organ of the Pan American Conferences. 
As finally reorganized in 1910, under the name of the 
Pan American Union, it now assists in securing the rati- 
fication of the resolutions and conventions adopted by 
the conferences, and promotes, in a variety of ways, the 
development of closer cultural, commercial and financial 

The governing board of the Pan American Union con- 
sisted until 1928 of all the Latin American diplomatic 


representatives accredited in Washington, with the 
American Secretary of State as president. At the Sixth 
Pan American Conference, in response to a criticism that 
the influence of the United States too greatly predomi- 
nated, it was agreed that the states could appoint any 
representatives they desired, not necessarily the diplo- 
mats accredited to the United States who must be persona 
grata to it. The Union is supported by contributions, 
regulated according to their population, from the member 

The United States has sought to limit action at the 
Pan American Conferences to economic matters. Among 
the conventions and treaties which the conferences have 
adopted are conventions protecting copyrights, patents 
and trade marks; a convention for the arbitration of 
pecuniary claims; a convention setting up a commission 
for the formulation of a code of international law ; a con- 
vention on commercial aviation. At the Fifth Confer- 
ence a treaty to prevent conflicts between the American 
states was adopted, and at the Sixth Conference an 
agreement was reached to hold in Washington within 
a year a special conference for the promotion of arbitra- 
tion. Attempts to discuss such questions as tariff restric- 
tions and the right of intervention have so far been 
fruitful only in calling attention to the need of arriving 
at agreements in these matters of mutual concern. In 
recent years an increasing number of Pan American Con- 
ferences representing special interests have been held with 
the cooperation of the Pan American Union, including 
those dealing with scientific, press, labor, commercial and 
health questions. 

A proposal for a Pan European Union which was 
initiated as recently as 1923 by the publication of the 
book, "Pan Europe," by Count Richard N. Coudenhove- 
Kalergi, has grown with great rapidity and has received 


the endorsement of many European statesmen. The idea 
is to form an organization similar to the Pan American 
Union. The plan of the Union looks toward friendly 
cooperation with the League of Nations, as well as with 
other continents representing political units and rejects 
all intervention in questions of internal politics. It 
includes a system of commercial treaties, the formation 
of customs unions and of international cartels in certain 
industries. Speaking before the Chamber of Commerce 
of the United States, Thomas W. Lamont said of the 
plan for a Pan European Union: 

"Such a development may take a long time in coming; on 
the other hand, it may move much more swiftly than we 
imagine. If it does, we shall be able within a short span of 
years to witness a Europe restored, industrious, stable, peace- 
ful, far stronger in every way than it has ever been in the 
past, with armaments vastly reduced, with swords beaten into 
plowshares, and with a future bright with promise." 

Two unofficial organizations for the development of 
better understanding and closer cooperation among the 
Pacific countries have been formed: the Pan Pacific 
Union, which has for a number of years arranged semi- 
official Pan Pacific Conferences of special groups, such 
as educators, scientists, business men and journalists; and 
the Institute of Pacific Relations, which held its first 
meeting at Honolulu in 1925. The Institute is unofficial; 
it takes no action, passes no resolutions, and reaches no 
conclusions. Its sole aim is to arrive at a better mutual 
understanding through a wider knowledge of facts. In 
order to achieve the greatest possible freedom of expres- 
sion, its work is carried on chiefly through round-table 
discussions, which are not reported in the press. 

The program of' work of the Institute includes: the 
maintenance of central offices in Honolulu and com- 


mittees of experts in each nation for the collection of 
data, and the dissemination of information. Biennially 
these national committees meet in a general conference 
to consider common problems and to develop an inter- 
national understanding which will aid in their solution. 
The Institute considers one of its major functions to be 
the giving of wide and impartial publicity to facts bear- 
ing upon the problems of the Pacific peoples through 
periodicals, interchange of lecturers, study groups, and 
national and regional conferences. Its second biennial 
conference, lasting two weeks, was held in 1927, and was 
attended by 136 delegates, representing nine national 
groups. Among the difficult problems discussed were the 
rise of Chinese nationalism, the expansion of Japanese 
population, the American-Japanese Exclusion Act and 
naval power in the Pacific. 

The number of group interests organized internation- 
ally increases daily. The League of Nations "Handbook" 
of international organizations for 1926 lists 398 organi- 
zations representing practically every human activity. 
Fifty-three international conferences to be held in 1928 
are listed in a leaflet published early in the year by the 
Institute of International Education. Through these or- 
ganizations, and conferences, there is a constant exchange 
of sentiments and ideas and a growing realization of 
common interests and of the possibility of cooperation. 
In "Public International Unions," Dr. Reinsch says: 

"Millions are working together quietly, in the pursuit of 
their various living interests, toward the organization of world 
unity. It is not a thing imposed from above by force, or 
dictated only by a higher rationalism but it is the almost 
instinctive work of active men building wider and wider 
spheres of affiliation." 

Civilization itself has been defined as a "capacity for 


Two experiments in basing security upon goodwill and 
common interest rather than force of arms have been 
successfully carried out in America. 

William Penn's unarmed colony in Pennsylvania lived 
unattacked among savage tribes for seventy years, and 
only when Penn's principles of friendship and justice 
were no longer followed was a white man killed. 

The second experiment was in a wholly different field. 
When the War of 1812 ended, the United States and 
Canada had each some forty-six forts on the shores of 
the Great Lakes and many shipyards employing hundreds 
of men. Word was received in this country of orders 
having been issued by the British Government to increase 
its naval force on the Great Lakes, and American officers 
urged Congress to increase appropriations for border 
defense. At this point Richard Rush, an official in the 
State Department, who shortly afterward became Attor- 
ney General, is credited with having suggested that, in- 
stead of a competitive building program, the Lakes be 
disarmed. The British Ambassador in this country, 
Charles Bagot, favored the proposal. On November 16, 
1815, the Secretary of State, James Monroe, sent the fol- 
lowing letter to our ambassador to England, John 
Quincy Adams: 

"The information you give of orders having been issued by 
the British Government to increase its naval force on the 
Lakes is confirmed by intelligence from that quarter, of 



measures having been actually adopted for the purpose. It 
is evident, if each party augments its force there, with a view 
to obtain the ascendancy over the other, that vast expense 
will be incurred and the danger of collision augmented in like 
degree. The President is sincerely desirous to prevent an 
evil which it is presumed is equally to be deprecated by both 
Governments. He therefore authorizes you to propose to the 
British Government such an arrangement respecting the naval 
force to be kept on the Lakes by both Governments as will 
demonstrate their pacific policy and secure their peace. He 
is willing to confine it, on each side, to a certain moderate 
number of armed vessels, and the smaller the number the more 
agreeable to him; or to abstain altogether from an armed 
force beyond that used for revenue. You will bring this 
subject under the consideration of the British Government 
immediately after the receipt of this letter." 

On January 31, 1816, Mr. Adams wrote Mr. Monroe 
in part, as follows: 

"I can only now state in a summary manner that I think 
the proposal for mutually disarming on the Lakes of Canada, 
which I made conformably with your instructions will not 
be accepted. . . . Although Lord Castlereagh promised to 
submit the proposal to the Cabinet, his disinclination to 
accede to it was so strongly marked that I cannot flatter 
myself it will be accepted." 

Two months later he wrote again: 

"You may, however, consider as certain that the proposal 
to disarm upon the Lakes will not be accepted. In all the 
debates in Parliament upon what they call their military and 
naval peace establishment, the prospect of a new w r ar with 
the United States has been distinctly held up by the ministers 
and admitted by the opposition as a solid reason for enormous 
and unparalleled expenditure and preparation in Canada and 
Nova Scotia." 

In answer to this reluctance on the part of England, 
America did not turn its attention to a big navy program 


for the Lakes, but continued to press its plan. After 
a year and a half, in 1817, the Rush-Bagot Treaty was 
signed, stopping work on nearly one hundred fortifications 
and causing the immediate disarmament of more than 
a hundred warships. The persistence of American states- 
men at this time contributed to the establishment of 
a period of peace which has lasted more than a century 
and which is now accepted so much as a matter of course 
that its significance is not appreciated. 

Other efforts toward reduction in armaments have been 
effective chiefly in reducing the cost of war preparations, 
and in accustoming public opinion to the idea. Through- 
out the nineteenth century there was talk of restricting 
armaments. Proposals were made by various sovereigns 
and by such leaders as Garibaldi and Richard Cobden. 
The general discussion culminated in 1898 in the proposal 
of the Czar of Russia for an international conference to 
examine "the question of ending progressive development 
of existing armaments" in order to assure "to all nations 
the benefits of a real and lasting peace." The First Hague 
Conference in 1899, however, achieved nothing toward 
the actual reduction of armaments or military budgets. 
At the Second Conference in 1907 the subject was not 
included in the program, but the United States insisted 
upon its discussion and resolutions were adopted calling 
for a study of the problem. 

Shortly after this, in 1910, the Congress of the United 
States passed a resolution requesting the President to 
appoint a commission of five members "to consider the 
expediency of utilizing the existing international agencies 
for the purpose of limiting the armaments of the nations 
of the world by international agreement, and of consti- 
tuting the combined navies of the world an international 
force for the preservation of universal peace, and to con- 
sider and report upon any other means to diminish the 


expenditures of governments for military purposes and 
to lessen the probability of war." 

In 1916, in connection with the naval building pro- 
gram, Congress adopted a "Declaration of Policy" which 
declared among other things that the United States 
looked "with apprehension and disfavor upon a general 
increase of armament thVoughout the world," but realized 
that "no single nation can disarm." In the light of these 
facts it requested the President to invite all the great gov- 
ernments to attend a conference which should formulate 
a plan for an international court and "consider the ques- 
tion of disarmament." It further provided that the 
navy building program might be suspended by order of 
the President, if an international tribunal competent to 
secure peaceful determinations of all disputes should 
"render unnecessary the maintenance of competitive 

The reduction of national armaments "to the lowest 
point consistent with domestic safety" was next urged 
as one of the Fourteen Points set forth by President 
Wilson as a basis for the peace negotiations following 
the World War. The Covenant of the League of Nations 
provided for the reduction of armaments in Article 8, 
which reads in part: 

"The members of the League recognize that the maintenance 
of peace requires the reduction of national armaments to the 
lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforce- 
ment by common action of international obligations. 

"The Council, taking account of the geographical situation 
and circumstances of each State, shall formulate plans for 
such reduction for the consideration and action of the several 

"Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration and revision 
at least every 10 years." 

The Treaty of Versailles in the Preamble to Part Five, 


which provided for the disarmament of Germany, declared 
that such disarmament was imposed 

"In order to render possible the initiation of a general 
limitation of the armaments of all nations. . . ." 

On July 16, 1919, M. Clemenceau wrote to the German 
Government in the name of the Allies: 

'The Allied and Associated Powers wish to make it clear 
that their requirements in regard to German armaments were 
not solely with the object of rendering it impossible for 
Germany to resume her policy of military aggression. They 
are also the first steps toward that general reduction and 
limitation of armaments which they seek to bring about as 
one of the most fruitful preventives of war, and which it will 
be one of the first duties of the League of Nations to promote." 

The terms of the disarmament of Germany included 
the reduction of its army to 100,000 men to be recruited 
by voluntary long-term enlistment, and the limitation 
of its navy to a few small boats for coast patrol, with 
no submarines and no fighting planes. 

In 1921, at the invitation of the United States Gov- 
ernment, nine countries met in Washington for discussion 
of limitation of armaments, and of Pacific and Far East- 
ern questions. The nations represented were, besides the 
United States, Belgium, Great Britain, China, France, 
Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal. 

The Washington Naval Treaty, resulting from the con- 
ference, set a limit for the battleships and airplane 
carriers of the United States, Great Britain and Japan 
in the ratio of 5-5-3, with a lower figure of 1.67 for 
France and Italy. The original American proposal was 
intended to apply to cruisers, destroyers, submarines and 
other naval auxiliaries as well as to capital ships, but it 
proved impossible to carry out the proposal as regarding 


the auxiliary vessels. The treaty as negotiated and rati- 
fied involved the actual destruction of a large number of 
battleships built and building. Those destroyed totalled 
for the United States 842,380 tons, for Great Britain 447,- 
750 tons, and for Japan 354,709 tons. 

The treaty remains in force until December 1936, and 
can be terminated at that time or thereafter upon two 
years notice. According to its terms, the United States 
is to arrange, "in view of possible technical and scientific 
developments" for a conference of all the signatory 
powers eight years from the time of the treaty, that is in 
August, 1931. Preliminary plans for this conference have 
already been begun. 

Meanwhile, in May, 1920, the Council of the League 
of Nations had formed a Permanent Advisory Commis- 
sion on Military, Naval, and Air Questions, the members 
of which are representatives of their governments. In the 
same year the Assembly, believing that the Permanent 
Commission was limited too narrowly in its composition 
and its relation to the governments represented, asked 
the Council: 

"To instruct a temporary commission, composed of persons 
possessing the requisite competence in matters of a political, 
social and economic nature, to prepare for submission to the 
Council in the near future, reports and proposals for the 
reduction of armaments as provided for by Article 8 of 
the Covenant." 

This Temporary Mixed Commission on Armaments, in 
order that it might be more widely representative, was 
later reorganized as the Coordination Committee. 

At every meeting of the Assembly of the League there 
was discussion of disarmament based upon the reports 
of these committees, but a prevailing feeling of insecurity 
prevented any agreement. It was seen from the discus- 


sions and reports of the Temporary Mixed Commission 
to be necessary to provide for security before progress 
could be made, and security, it was decided, must be 
based upon a system of compulsory arbitration. In 1924, 
in the Geneva Protocol, or the Protocol for Pacific Settle- 
ment, a plan was elaborated in which arbitration, security 
and disarmament were linked together in a general sys- 
tem for maintaining peace. Although the plan was not 
accepted it has influenced later negotiations, notably the 
Treaties of Locarno, regional security pacts which were 
negotiated shortly afterward. The Locarno treaties were 
in fact followed by a reduction in the French army. In 
this connection Denys P. Myers makes the following 
comment : 

"The scale of armament indicates a state's conception of 
its lack of security. In the prewar period armament increased 
simultaneously with the increase of both the policy and prac- 
tice of pacific settlement. The situation was logically con- 
tradictory. . . . The explanation, however, is obvious. The 
most important states, with the widest range of disputatious 
questions . . . were precisely those which reserved from the 
procedure of pacific settlement questions which might cause a 
war. As a consequence the developm.ent of pacific settlement 
did not have a direct effect on armament standards, which 
formed a nucleus for the breeding of suspicion. The proper 
relationship is beginning to exist, illustrated by French reduc- 
tion of the army on the entrance into force of the Locarno 

In 1925 the Sixth Assembly requested the Council to 
make a preparatory study with a view to a Conference 
for the Reduction and Limitation of Armaments. 

A Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Con- 
ference was formed to submit a preliminary draft for a 
disarmament agreement to the official Disarmament 
Conference. The Committee on which both the United 


States and Russia are now represented, has considered 
seven questions: 

"What is to be understood by armaments? 

"Is it practicable to limit the ultimate war strength of a 
country, or must any measures of disarmament be confined 
to the peace strength? 

"By what standards is it possible to measure the armaments 
of one country, against the armaments of another, e.g., num- 
bers, equipment, expenditures, etc.? 

"Can there be said to be offensive and defensive armaments? 

"On what principles will it be possible to draw up a scale of 
armaments permissible to the various countries? 

"Is there any device by which civil and military aircraft can 
be distinguished for purposes of disarmament? If this is not 
practicable, how can the value of civil aircraft be computed in 
estimating the air strength of any country? 

"Admitting that disarmament depends on security, to what 
extent is regional disarmament possible in return for regional 
security? Or is any scheme of disarmament impracticable 
unless it is general? If regional disarmament is practicable, 
would it promote or lead up to general disarmament?" 

At the meetings of the Preparatory Commission there 
developed radically divergent views on the part of the 
different states, which amounted to two distinct schools 
of thought, one invariably supported by France, with 
Poland and the Little Entente and varying additional 
adherents, and the other by the United States with the 
adherence of Great Britain and occasionally of other 

France contended that in comparing armaments the 
resources and strategical position of the countries must 
be considered. The United States and Great Britain 
maintained that the military forces and material only 
should be taken into account. The French have held 
that land, sea and air forces are interdependent and a 
reduction must consider all three; the United States 


maintains the contrary. The French insisted, — and their 
views were adopted by a majority, — that in considering 
regional disarmament a region should be defined as a 
continent plus those states having liberty of action at 
sea, that is to say the whole world. The French also 
maintained that any system of regional agreements for 
limitation must depend upon a system of treaties of 
mutual alliance in case of aggression. The Americans, 
on the other hand, insisted that limitation would lead 
to security and that regional disarmament is a logical 
and practical forerunner of general disarmament. In 
general the French contended that security must be guar- 
anteed by some form of military assistance against aggres- 
sion as a necessary condition precedent to the reduction 
and limitation of armaments. The United States dele- 
gation held that the cause of security would be promoted 
through the reduction and limitation of armaments and 
the elimination of ill will and suspicion which may be 
expected to follow. 

The discussions of the Preparatory Commission led to 
the creation, in 1927, of a Sub-Committee on Arbitration 
and Security, to consider measures capable of giving all 
states guarantees of arbitration and security necessary 
to enable them to fix the level of their armaments at 
the lowest possible figures. The United States, although 
invited, is not represented on this committee. 

On February 10, 1927, the President of the United 
States announced that he had invited France, Great 
Britain, Italy, and Japan to empower their delegates to 
the next meeting of the Preparatory Commission on Dis- 
armament to negotiate agreements for the further limi- 
tation of naval armaments, including classes of vessels 
not covered by the Washington Naval Treaty. This invi- 
tation was declined by France and Italy and accepted 
by England and Japan. 


The Conference was held in the summer of 1927 but 
adjourned without agreement. Behind the difficulty of 
arriving at agreements on naval disarmaments lay the 
whole question of the freedom of the seas. Senator Borah 
has introduced a resolution in the United States Senate 
calling for a re-statement of international law on this 
point. An English naval expert, writing in Headway for 
December, 1927, declares: 

"There is only one way out of this difficulty. Not to stick 
rigidly, as a private belligerent, to such claims as we were 
making in 1918. Not to go back to the old American Freedom 
of the Seas, immunity of private property from capture. But 
to go forward to the new Freedom of the Seas such as Presi- 
dent Wilson indicated in the second of his Fourteen Points. 
The se§s should only be closed, in peace or in war, by inter- 
national agreement for the enforcement of international 

The failure of the Conference led also to a general 
questioning of the practical wisdom of the appointment 
of naval officers to conferences designed to reduce the 
power and prestige of navies. It was recognized that such 
appointments in reality demanded of the same man the 
performance of two contradictory tasks. 

The Eighth Assembly of the League of Nations, meet- 
ing on September 26, 1927, urged continued action in 
regard to disarmament and the convening of a conference 
on limitation and reduction of armaments as soon as 
possible, and recommended "the progressive extension of 
arbitration by means of special or collective agreements, 
including agreements between States Members and non- 
Members of the League of Nations, so as to extend to 
all countries the mutual confidence essential to the com- 
plete success of the Conference on the Limitation and 
Reduction of Armaments." 

Although no actual reduction of armaments has been 


obtained through the work of disarmament conferences, 
since the Washington Conference in 1921, they have 
served to hold the attention of statesmen upon the prob- 
lem of maintaining peace and have educated public 
opinion to understand both the complexity of the prob- 
lems involved and the necessity of finding a solution for 
them. To recognize the progress that is being made, it is 
only necessary to recall the fact that in 1907 it was 
impossible to place the subject of disarmament upon the 
agenda of the Second Hague Conference, while at the 
meeting of the Preparatory Commission in 1928 a thor- 
oughgoing plan for complete world disarmament was pre- 
sented by Russia and discussed. The Russian plan called 
for the disbanding of military personnel over a period 
of four years; the destruction of land, sea and air arma- 
ments ; disarmed war vessels and military airplanes would 
be preserved for civil purposes. An international com- 
mission of control would be established with committees 
in each state. Each power would, within one year, enact 
legislation providing "that a breach of any of the stipu- 
lations of the convention shall be regarded as a grave 
offense against the state." A somewhat similar disarma- 
ment plan was presented to the League of Nations by 
Norway in 1922. 

In the meantime certain closely related questions con- 
cerning the manufacture and sale of munitions are receiv- 
ing attention. The United States in addition to its par- 
ticipation in the work of the Preparatory Commission 
has joined in three other movements under the auspices 
of the League of Nations which are closely connected 
with disarmament. These are the control of the traffic 
in arms, the control of the private manufacture of arms 
and the control of the use of poison gas in warfare. 

With regard to the international traffic in arms, Article 
23 of the Covenant of the League of Nations provides 


in part that "the members of the League will entrust 
the League with the general supervision of the traffic 
in arms and ammunition with the countries in which the 
control of this traffic is necessary in the common interest." 
As one result of the provisions of this article, the Con- 
vention of St. Germain to prevent the exportation of 
arms to certain defined areas inhabited by backward 
peoples was drawn up and signed by 23 states. The 
United States signed in September, 1919, but has not 
ratified. The United States participated in a further 
Conference for the Control of the International Trade 
in Arms, Munitions, and Implements of War which met 
at Geneva from May 4 to June 17, 1925. This Con- 
ference drew up a convention which was signed at the 
time by eighteen nations, and which is still before 
the Foreign Relations Committee of the United States 

The Covenant of the League of Nations declares the 
"manufacture by private enterprise of munitions and 
implements of war is open to grave objections, " and 
stipulates that: 

"The Council shall advise how the evil effects attendant 
upon such manufacture can be prevented, due regard being 
had to the necessities of those Members of the League which 
are not able to manufacture the munitions and implements of 
war necessary for their safety." 

A conference was held on this subject in the spring of 
1927, but was without result. Upon the demand of the 
Assembly of the League for continued effort, conferences 
were resumed in August, 1928, at which the United States 
demanded full publicity for both government and private 
manufacture of arms. It was anticipated at the opening 
of the conference that a convention would be drafted and 
submitted to the 1928 Assembly. 

In the United States various efforts have been made 


to secure legislation "to take the profit out of war," but 
these bills have so far not been favorably received, in 
part because they have included conscription of labor 
without effectively providing for eliminating financial 

In December, 1927, Representative Theodore Burton 
introduced in the lower House of Congress a joint reso- 
lution to prohibit the exportation of arms, munitions, or 
implements of war to belligerent nations. No action was 
taken on this resolution. 

Efforts to abolish certain forms of armaments have 
been made since the Washington Conference. Upon the 
initiative of the United States a treaty was negotiated 
with Great Britain, Japan, France and Italy for the pro- 
hibition of poison gas in warfare, but due to non-ratifica- 
tion by France it did not go into effect. At the Inter- 
national Conference on Traffic in Arms in 1925 the 
United States delegation attempted to extend the prin- 
ciples of this treaty to the whole world. In consequence, 
the Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of 
Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, commonly 
known as the Geneva Gas Protocol, was drawn up at 
Geneva in June, 1925. The United States Senate, 
although it ratified the Washington Treaty of 1922, has 
failed to ratify the Geneva Gas Protocol. 

Recently, perhaps, the most hopeful sign has been the 
reaction of the people of the United States to the disap- 
pointing failure of the Coolidge Disarmament Conference 
in 1927, expressed in active opposition to the adoption, 
as a result of this failure, of any big navy program. A 
general demand also arose in all countries, following the 
negotiation of the Multilateral Treaty renouncing war, 
for a renewed attack upon the disarmament problem. 




Pacifism in a general sense is used to refer to the peace 
movement as a whole and in that sense is the theme of 
this entire book. In its stricter sense it is applied to 
the doctrine of those who refuse to participate in war, 
primarily for reasons of individual conscience but also 
in the belief that such refusal is an effective method for 
bringing about the abolition of war. In this more limited 
meaning, pacifism calls for special discussion, since the 
principles behind it are often not clearly understood 
either by those outside of the peace movement or by those 
within the peace movement who advocate other methods 
of attacking war. 

One of the clearest statements of the pacifist theory of 
life in contrast with the militarist theory of life has 
been given by Frederick J. Libby, Executive Secretary 
of the National Council for Prevention of War: 

"Militarism in the past two decades has come to mean, not 
love of war, but reliance, solely or mainly, upon military force 
for the achievement of a nation's security, peace, and economic 
and political well being. Pacifism contrariwise means some- 
thing much deeper than mere refusal to bear arms. It sig- 
nifies reliance, solely or mainly, on spiritual forces such as 
goodwill, public opinion and the sense of justice on which 
all enduring governments rest, for the attainment of the same 
ends of security, peace, and economic and political well being; 
and it seeks these goods not for one nation at the expense of 
others, nor even singly, but for all together." 



By Dr. Charles E. Jefferson pacifism is described as 
"one of the mightiest movements of our day." 

"When you sneer at pacifism and pacifists," he says, "you 
are showing that you are belated — you do not know what is 
going on — you do not know in what direction the deepest 
currents of human life are flowing. Pacifism is a philosophy, 
a spirit, and a program. It is the philosophy of life which 
places the major emphasis on moral influence rather than on 
physical force. It is the spirit of goodwill, aiming to attain 
its objects not by violence, but by gentleness. It is a program 
in which the combatants in a dispute appeal to conscience and 
reason and not to guns." 

The theory that love is the strongest of the forces 
available to man is very old. Prof. Clarence Marsh Case 
in his recent book "Non- Violent Coercion," a very 
valuable study of pacifism and to which this chapter is 
much indebted, quotes the teachings of philosophers 
before Christ. The founder of Taoism living in China 
in the sixth century before Christ asserted the power of 
meekness to conquer: 

"He who excels as a warrior is not warlike. 
He who excels as a fighter is not wrathful. 
He who excels in conquering the enemy does not strive. 
This is called the virtue of not-striving. This is called 
utilizing men's ability. This is called complying with 
heaven, — since olden times the high test." 

The founder of Buddhism said: 

"The whole world dreads violence. By love alone can we 
conquer evil. Say no harsh words to thy neighbor; he will 
reply to them in the same tone." 

Marcus Aurelius, representing the Stoic philosophy, 
urged men to "reflect that kindness is invincible provided 
only it be genuine; that meekness and gentleness are more 


human and manly, and it is he who possesses these that 
has strength, nerve, and bravery." 

But these earlier teachers had in mind personal, rather 
than group relationships. They did not carry their theory 
through into state action, and their teachings never 
resulted in any formal sect organized around the doctrine 
of pacifism. 

Christ emphasized, more than any other teacher, the 
irresistible power of love and the duty of loving one's 
enemies but neither is there in His teachings any clear 
statement of the implications of this theory in the rela- 
tion of the individual to the state. Jesus devoted him- 
self, according to Doctor Case, "to opening up in the per- 
sonal experience of men streams of motive which it was 
assumed would reform social institutions by regenerating 
the individual life. . . . Jesus and the writers of the 
New Testament left not a doctrine to circumscribe but an 
ideal to leaven the moral and social life of mankind." 
Nevertheless, one by one the social institutions not com- 
patible with the ideals of the Christian doctrine have been 
discarded by society — slavery, autocratic government, the 
bondage of women; and though he made no pronounce- 
ment on the subject of war, Christians in the very early 
days refused to, participate in war, and endured martyr- 
dom rather than bear arms against their fellow men. 
The chapter on the "Church and Peace" shows the early 
church for more than two centuries condemning war. 

In the 14th century, there developed a conscious effort 
to extend the teachings of Christ from the dealings of 
man with man to all social relationships. Its beginnings 
can be traced in the activities of the Bohemian Brethren 
and later among the Anabaptists, Mennonites and Dun- 
kers. Among these groups, however, the general rule was 
non-participation in all state affairs. The Mennonites 
did not permit their members to accept even civil offices 


which involved in their duties a violation of the principle 
of nonresistance. It remained for the Quakers to bring 
the effort to apply Christian teachings to state practices 
to full expression in William Penn's "Holy Experiment" 
in peaceful government in Pennsylvania. The Quaker 
demand was that Christians live, and that Christian states 
conduct their affairs in harmony with Christ's teach- 
ings. If this were done, the occasion for wars, they held, 
would be done away with. In "Quakerism and Politics/' 
Isaac Sharpless asserts that the Quakers stopped at war 
because they believed that "the hatred, the killing, the 
stealing and all the immoralities which cluster around 
war were wrong in themselves, and could not be justified 
by the results gained, or the supposed inadequacy of 
right means to meet the situation." 

But it was not until the World War that there were 
non-religious groups organized on the basis of refusal to 
participate in war. In this country there are now three 
groups outside the churches which refuse to take any 
part in war. They are the Women's Peace Union, the 
Women's Peace Society, and the Fellowship of Recon- 
ciliation. The first two are the only groups which 
require a membership pledge, never "to aid in or sanc- 
tion war, offensive or defensive, international or civil, in 
any way." 

The Women's Peace Union is attempting to secure the 
adoption of the following constitutional amendment : 

"War for any purpose shall be illegal, and neither the United 
States nor any State, Territory, association, or person subject 
to its jurisdiction shall prepare for, declare, engage in, or 
carry on war or other armed conflict, expedition, invasion, or 
undertaking within or without the United States, nor shall any 
funds be raised, appropriated, or expended for such purpose." 

The underlying principle of the Women's Peace Society 
is "A belief in the sacredness and inviolability of human 


life under all circumstances." It carries at the top of its 
letterhead a statement from William Lloyd Garrison: 

"Non-resistance is not a state of passivity. On the con- 
trary, it is a state of activity, ever fighting the good fight of 
faith, ever foremost to assail unjust power, ever struggling 
for liberty, equality, fraternity, in no national sense, but in 
a world-wide spirit. It is passive only in this sense, — that it 
will not return evil for evil, nor give blow for blow, nor resort 
to murderous weapons for protection or defense." 

The Fellowship of Reconciliation, though not sectarian, 
is a religious organization. It requires no pledge of its 
members, but a statement of purpose, and its program is 
wider than opposition to war. It is 

"A world-wide group of people of many races who feel called 
to seek with others such fundamental changes in the spirit of 
men and in the structure of the social order as shall make 
possible the full expression of love (as rendered in the teach- 
ings of Jesus) in personal, social, industrial, national and 
international life." 

In England the number of men and women who have 
announced their refusal to take any part in war is much 
larger than in the United States. One hyndred and 
twenty-eight thousand have signed what is known as the 
"Peace Letter" written and distributed by a member of 
Parliament, Arthur Ponsonby, and addressed to the Prime 
Minister. The letter reads : 

"We, the undersigned, convinced that all disputes between 
nations are capable of settlement either by diplomatic nego- 
tiation or by some form of international arbitration, hereby 
solemnly declare that we shall refuse to support or render war 
service to any Government which resorts to arms." 

The fact that opposition to war has received vigorous 
expression in England may be due in part to the tradi- 


tional refusal of the Englishman to submit to government 
dictation, but it is more likely due, as Mr. Ponsonby 
maintains, to the clear evidence which all living English- 
men have had of the futility of war. Mr. Ponsonby, who 
is not himself a pacifist in the sense that he would refuse 
under any condition to take human life, bases his appeal 
for opposition to war upon its futility in the modern 
world, and quotes the phrase of the French peasant 
woman as she looked over her patch of field torn up in 
shell holes, "Comme c'est bete, la guerre!" 

A peace letter campaign in the western part of Ger- 
many secured in three months one hundred and thirty- 
seven thousand signatures to a letter similar to the one 
circulated in England. 

In France and Germany active branches of the "No 
More War" or "War Resisters" groups have been influ- 
ential in bringing about friendlier relations between those 
two countries. 

Certain of the absolute pacifist organizations have 
united in forming the War Resisters International, which 
now announces affiliated branches in 19 countries and 
meets in annual conferences. Behind all of these organi- 
zations is a sustaining moral conviction, which during 
the War enabled many of their members to endure per- 
secution and extreme suffering, that war is wrong. By 
others war is attacked on economic and rational grounds, 
but by the absolute pacifist it is condemned on moral 
grounds as well. 

Pacifist sects in the past and pacifist organizations 
today have made it clear that their refusal to participate 
in war is not incompatible with other service to the state. 
Such excellent citizens were the Mennonites that gov- 
ernments offered them inducements to come and settle 
in their territory. The attitude of the Quakers toward 
the state is shown in this statement in a report of a 


Conference of All Friends quoted in "Non- Violent 
Coercion" : 

"We feel that the state in giving true service may well 
demand a loyal response, which the individual will gladly 
render. There may come, however, a point beyond which the 
claims of the state do not carry, where the enlightened con- 
science cannot bow to its commands, and where the individual 
gives the best service to the state by refusing to obey that 
which violates the august authority of conscience. This does 
not imply disregard of the state or free us from the obligation 
of service to it. This obligation we gladly and freely recog- 
nize, and it is of the greatest importance that we should make 
our policy positive, practical and helpful, not merely obstruc- 
tive and negative." 

This theory of a limitation to the authority of the state, 
and of what an individual's most valuable contribution 
to the state is, is upheld by Professor Harold J. Lasky in 
his book, "Authority in the Modern State" : 

"The only way the state can truly prosper is by sweeping 
into itself the active assistance of mind and conscience; and 
it will succeed in that effort only in so far as it respects them. 
Whatever, therefore, concerns the conscience of man, whatever 
brings its activity into operation, must, for the state, be 
sacred ground. . . . 

"We dare not, in brief, surrender the individual conscience. 
Only upon its continuous exercise can our state be securely 

In asking for signatures of Englishmen to the letter 
referred to above, Mr. Ponsonby said: 

"Men and women who sign the Peace Letter are simply 
declaring that for the good of their country and for the well- 
being of their fellowmen all the world over and for the pro- 
tection of civilization they refuse to take any part in attempt- 
ing to settle a dispute with another nation by means of 
massacre and devastation." 


Lord Robert Cecil, as a member of the British Govern- 
ment, considering the relation of pacifism and patriot- 
ism, declared that it is 

"Essential to create in the breasts of patriots a new purpose 
of patriotism, namely, to excel in the work of peace and in 
the prosperity of their own nation through the prosperity of 
humanity at large." 

The right of the individual to follow the dictates of his 
religion, if not of his conscience, was recognized by the 
United States Government in the draft law, which 
exempted members of well-recognized religious sects 
whose creeds forbade their members to participate in 

The National Defense Act, in so far as combatant 
service goes, makes exemptions on the ground of religious 
belief rather than membership in a religious sect, but 
exempts no one on either ground from such service as 
the President shall declare to be non-combatant. 

The following letter from the Department of State, 
written since the war, October 22, 1926, to Roger N. 
Baldwin, director of the American Civil Liberties Union, 
seems to go somewhat further than either of these laws in 
the recognition of a citizen's right not to violate his 
conscience in the matter of bearing arms and the kind 
of service he performs for his country, without bringing 
his loyalty into question: 

"The Department acknowledges the receipt of your letter 
of October 4, 1926, in which you state that you are wholly 
opposed to bearing arms for any purpose and that before 
making application for a passport you desire to be advised 
whether the words "support and defend the Constitution" 
means the bearing of arms or the supporting of war. . . . 

"You are informed in reply that the Department does not 
construe an oath or affirmation of allegiance prescribed by the 
passport regulations as necessarily involving physical defense 


of the Constitution and consequently does not perceive any 
good reason why non-resistants should decline to accept it, 
especially as it is administered to women and to children old 
enough to understand its nature. However, if you have con- 
scientious scruples against taking the oath as it stands, the 
Department will consider the matter of issuing a passport to 
you if you will file formal application for such a document 
supported by an oath or affirmation of allegiance to the Con- 
stitution in the following form: 

"Further, I do solemnly affirm that I will support the 
Constitution of the United States and will, so far as my 
conscience will allow, defend it against all enemies, foreign 
and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance 
to the same; and that I take this obligation freely with- 
out any mental reservations or purpose of evasion. So 
help me God." 

Non-participation in war is the phase of the absolute 
pacifist doctrine which has received chief emphasis in 
public discussion. Recently, however, there has been 
criticism in some instances by absolute pacifists them- 
selves of exclusive emphasis on conscientious objection 
as the important part of the pacifist program. Harold C. 
Goddard declares that "to rely on the absence of armed 
force is just as materialistic as to rely on its presence. 
The things to rely on are national goodwill, national 
imagination, national self-control. The things to fear 
are national greed, national ignorance, . and national 

In the May, 1928, issue of the ''Messenger of Peace," 
published by the Peace Association of Friends in America, 
Richard R. Wood urges the pacifist to do more than 
refuse to participate in war, and says that for the solution 
of the problems of peace the conscientious objector is 
likely to be inadequate because "absorbed in considering 
what his attitude is to be in case of another war. . . ." 


"In the present generation the one supreme task is the pre- 
vention of war. The alternative is destruction. To waste 
time and energy in arguing about what to do in case war 
comes seems almost criminal in its futility. For this reason 
the policies and plans for action that cluster around the 
initials 'CO.' are inadequate. 

"The problem is two-fold. As Erasmus said, "Where God is 
not, Peace cannot come; where Peace is not, God cannot 
come. , The philosophy and program of conscientious objec- 
tion is at most only one-half of the whole." 

The great value of pacifism in the effort to abolish 
war may yet be found to lie in something other than its 
efficacy as a direct instrument. It is above all else an ex- 
pression of the conviction — a conviction which is daily 
strengthened by a growing knowledge of the nature of 
the universe and of time, and by a closer insight into the 
teachings of philosophy and of religion — that the end can 
never justify the means.' In the light of that convic- 
tion, war cannot persist. 




The full significance of the present military policy of 
the United States can be properly understood only in 
connection with the history of our military establishment. 
The men who founded the United States of America 
definitely placed the military under the control of civilian 
authority. The Articles of the Constitution and the com- 
ments of early leaders leave no doubt of the importance 
to them of this arrangement. 

In Article I of the Constitution, Congress alone was 
given power to declare war. The constitutional provision 
in Article II that the President should be Commander- 
in-Chief of the Army and Navy was designed as a 
fundamental check to the control of the government by 
any autocratic military party. The further constitutional 
provision that 

"The Congress shall have power to raise and support armies, 
but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a 
longer term than two years," 

was repeatedly cited in the early days to prove that even 
Congress did not have power to establish a permanent 
standing army. It gave the people frequent opportunity 
through their control of the membership of Congress to 
prevent the creation of a strong military machine by a 
group in temporary control of the government. 

In giving Congress the power to call forth the militia 



the Constitution specified the purposes for which it 
should be called forth, "to execute the laws of the Union, 
to suppress insurrection and to repel invasions. ,, In 
another connection, Abraham Lincoln said of this con- 
stitutional caution in regard to the war-making power, 
in a letter to William H. Herndon, dated February 18, 

'The provision of the Constitution giving the general war- 
making power to Congress was dictated, as I understand it, 
by the following reasons: Kings had always been involving 
and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally, 
if not always, that the good of the people was the object. 
This our convention understood to be the most oppressive of 
all kingly oppressions, and they resolved to so frame the Con- 
stitution that no man should hold the power of bringing this 
oppression to us. ..." 

The traditional close association of military power with 
autocratic forms of government led to steady opposition, 
in the early Congresses, to any suggestion for the estab- 
lishment of a standing army and even to the appointment 
of a Secretary of War in times of peace. 

When in 1783 a motion was made in the Continental 
Congress to create a land establishment of a few hundred 
men, it is stated by McMaster in his "History of the 
People of the United States," that 

"The opponents of the measure, waiving all question of the 
need of troops, vehemently dpnied the right of Congress to 
levy them. No one, it was said, pretended to deny that the 
delegates of the States in Congress assembled had the right 
to raise troops in time of war. But it* was far from clear that 
this authority could be construed into a right to make requisi- 
tions on the States for a land-force in times of peace. To say 
that the number was small, only eight hundred and ninety-six 
men, and the time limited to three years, was no defence. If 
the law could be interpreted to justify a requisition for a small 


number of men for a short time, what was there in it to forbid 
a requisition for a great number of men for an unlimited time? 
This was simply taking away the power of the States to delib- 
erate on the matter and leaving them but the duty of obeying. 
. . . The history of Greece, the history of Rome, and the 
history of England were then ransacked for examples of the 
ills of a standing army, and the conclusion reached that noth- 
ing but sophistry or Toryism could reconcile any army in time 
of peace with republican principles. . . . 

"Such was the persistency with which these objections were 
urged that Congress was soon as divided in opinion as the 
people. Motion after motion was brought forward to create a 
land force, and as often lost. ... A week later, the few troops 
in the service of Congress were disbanded. Eighty men, were, 
however, retained. . . . The army having no longer any exist- 
ence, the office of Secretary of War was left vacant." 

Madison, in defence of the constitutional provisions 
"to raise and support armies," said in the Federalist: 

"No less true is it, that the liberties of Rome proved the 
final victim to her military triumphs; and that the liberties 
of Europe, so far as they ever existed, have, with few excep- 
tions, been the price of the military establishments. A standing 
force, therefore, is a dangerous, at the same time that it may 
be a necessary, provision. On the smallest scale it has its 
inconveniences. On an extensive scale its consequences may 
be fatal. On any scale it is an object of laudable circumspec- 
tion and precaution. A wise nation will combine all these 
considerations; and whilst it does not rashly preclude itself 
from any resource which may become essential to its safety, 
will exert all its prudence in diminishing both the necessity 
and the danger of resorting to one which may be inauspicious 
to its liberties. . . . 

"Next to the effectual establishment of the Union the best 
possible precaution against danger from standing armies is a 
limitation of the terms for which revenue may be appropriated 
for their support. This precaution the Constitution has pru- 
dently added." 


The "Journals" of William McClay which, according to 
Professor Charles A. Beard who has edited them, are one 
of the few documents reflecting the political events of 
the years 1789-91, contain illuminating comments on the 
early effort to subordinate the military power in the 
organization of this government. Their author was # a 
Senator from Pennsylvania in the first Congress and is 
recognized as the forerunner in Congress of the Jefferson 
party. The closeness of the votes on the measures 
which McClay opposed during this formative period, 
indicates that the point of view expressed in these ex- 
tracts from his "Journal" was not merely personal: 

"March 30th, 1790. ... The bill for the military establish- 
ment took up the rest of the day in desultory debate, and was 
finally committed to seven members. This bill seems laying 
the foundation of a standing army. The justifiable reasons 
for using force seem to be the enforcing of laws, quelling insur- 
rections, and repelling invasions. The Constitution directs 
all these to be done by militia. Should the United States, 
unfortunately, be involved in war, an army for the annoyance 
of an enemy in their own .country (as the most effective mode 
of keeping the calamity at a distance and enforcing an 
adversary to terms) will be necessary. This seems the mean- 
ing of the Constitution, and that no troops should be kept up 
in peace. This bill certainly aims at different objects. The 
first error seems to have been the appointing of a Secretary 
of War when we were at peace, and now we must find troops 
lest his office should run out of employment. 

"April 15th, 1790. ... I have opposed this bill hitherto as 
often as it has been before the House as the foundation, the 
corner-stone of a standing army. The troops are augmented 
one-half. The reasons hitherto given have been the distressed 
state of Georgia. Butler has blazed away on this subject at a 
great rate; declared over and over that Georgia would seek 
protection elsewhere if troops were not sent to support her, 
etc., etc., and said fifty Indians had penetrated into that State, 


of which he had authentic information, etc. . . . This brought 
up Colonel Gunn. He declared he knew nothing of fifty 
Indians making any inroads into Georgia. He was just from 
there, and had the latest accounts. There existed no cause 
in Georgia for augmenting the troops ; and since that was the 
reason assigned for it, he should vote against it. 

"April 16th, 1790. . . * New phantoms for the day must be 
created. Now a dangerous and dreadful conspirator is dis- 
covered to be carrying on between the people of Kentucky 
and the Spaniards. . . . 

"February 4th, 1791, Friday. . . . This day we had a large 
report from the Secretary of State transmitted to us from the 
House of Representatives respecting the fisheries of New 
England. The great object seems to be the making of them a 
nursery for seamen, that we, like all the nations of the earth, 
may have a navy. We hear every day distant hints of such 
things as these; in fact, it seems we must soon forego our 
republican innocence, and, like all other nations, set apart a 
portion of our citizens for the purpose of inflicting misery on 
our fellow-mortals. This practice is felony to posterity. The 
men so devoted are not only cut off, but a proportionate share 
of women remain unmatched. Had the sums expended in war 
been laid out in meliorating the kingdom of England, or any 
other modern Government, what delightful abodes might they 
have been made; whereas war only leaves traces of desolation." 

Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, Hamilton, all alike 
bore testimony to this feeling of the people that large 
armies were antagonistic to the principles of democratic 
government. To Franklin they were "expensive machines 
to be maintained for the pomp of princes and the wealth 
of ancient states." Washington believed that "Over- 
grown military establishments are, under any form of 
government, inauspicious to liberty, and are to be 
regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty." 
Jefferson said: "I am not for a standing army in time of 
peace, which may overawe the public sentiment, the good 


sense of the people will always be found to be the best 
army"; and again, "The spirit of this country is totally 
adverse to a large military force." Hamilton, arguing 
for the adoption of the Constitution, wrote in the 
Federalist: "The smallness of the army renders the 
national strength of the community an over-match for it; 
and the citizens, not habituated to look up to the mili- 
tary power for protection, or to submit to its oppressions, 
neither love nor fear the soldiery ; they view them with a 
spirit of jealous acquiescence as a necessary evil, and 
stand ready to resist a power which they suppose may 
be exerted to the prejudice of their rights." 

The traditional opposition to all things military was a 
controlling influence in the development of our govern- 
ment policy until the Civil War, and, in large part 
because of the attitude of Lincoln, held through that 
period and without serious impairment up to the World 
War. Before the Civil War the size of the army ranged 
from 5,000 to 17,000; between the Civil War and the 
Spanish- American War it averaged about 27,000; in the 
years following the Spanish-American War it grew to 
70,000. In the "Military Policy of the United States," 
published as late as 1912 by the Government Printing 
Office, Major General Emory Upton refers to "the Anglo- 
Saxon prejudice" against "standing armies as a dan- 
gerous menace to liberty," and says: 

"Whether we may be willing to admit it or not, in 
the conduct of war, we have rejected the practice of European 
nations and, with little variation, have thus far pursued the 
policy of China." 

Francis Lieber, author of General Order No. 100, issued 
for the conduct of the armies in 1863, wrote: 

"Standing armies are not only dangerous to civil liberty 
because directly depending upon the executive. They have 


the additional evil effect that they infuse into the whole 
nation — especially when they are national armies, so that the 
old soldiers return continually to the people — a spirit directly 
opposed to that of a free people devoted to self-government. 
A nation of freemen stand in need of a pervading spirit of 
obedience to the laws; an army teaches and must teach a 
spirit of prompt obedience to orders. Habits of obedience 
and of contempt for the citizen are produced, and a view of 
government is induced which is contrary to liberty, self- 
reliance, self-government. Command ought to rule in an 
army; self-development of law and self-sustaining order 
ought to pervade a free people." 

During and since the World War, owing in part to the 
military interpretation of the events of the war and to the 
influence of the European military systems with which 
many of our military men for the first time came in direct 
contact, there has been a fairly constant effort to secure 
legislation reversing this traditional policy, and to bring 
about instead the adoption of compulsory military serv- 

The adoption in 1916 and the amendment in 1920 of 
the National Defense Act, regarded by the military offi- 
cials as the next best thing to universal compulsory mili- 
tary service, changed the military establishment of the 
United States in several fundamental respects. The 
amendments adopted in 1920 included the provision 
under which military training is being introduced into 
our educational institutions. The vote on this amend- 
ment to the act in the House of Representatives was 
237 for, 107 against and 83 not voting. There was no 
record vote taken in the Senate. 

A persistent campaign during this same period for a 
big navy met with strong opposition from Congressional 
leaders, and when the 1916 program was adopted, it was 
accompanied by this declaration: 


"It is hereby declared to be the policy of the United States 
to adjust and settle its international disputes through media- 
tion or arbitration, to the end that war may be honorably 
avoided. It looks with apprehension and disfavor upon a 
general increase of armament throughout the world, but it 
realizes that no single nation can disarm, and that without a 
common agreement upon the subject every considerable power 
must maintain a relative standing in military strength. . . . 

"If at any time before the construction authorized by this 
Act shall have been contracted for there shall have been estab- 
lished, with the cooperation of the United States of America, 
an international tribunal or tribunals competent to secure 
peaceful determinations of all international disputes, and 
which shall render unnecessary the maintenance of competi- 
tive armaments, then and in that case such naval expenditures 
as may be inconsistent with the engagements made in the 
establishment of such tribunal or tribunals may be suspended, 
when so ordered by the President of the United States. . . ." 

The vigorous support of the limitation of arms con- 
ference in 1921 and the public veto put upon the "big 
navy" program proposed to Congress in the spring of 
1928, demonstrated the opposition on the part of the 
people of the United States to the initiation of a naval 
race with any other nation. An increased naval program 
does not, however, carry with it the same power to influ- 
ence the psychology of the nation as does a program for 
general military training. The danger of a big navy is 
rather in its effect on other nations and in the temptation 
it offers a government to adopt a policy of aggression. 
These dangers are also more readily recognized than are 
those of a steadily growing military-training program and 
consequently more easily met. 

The early determination to keep the United States a 
non-military nation in the interest of establishing a 
republican form of government should be borne in mind 
in considering the following facts of the country's present 


military establishment as it is developing under the 
National Defense Act. 

The National Defense Act authorizes a regular army of 
19,100 officers and 280,000 enlisted men. The actual 
strength of the army is, however, under the Constitution, 
controlled by Congress through appropriations for two 
years. On October 31, 1927, the regular army was com- 
posed of 118,597 enlisted men and 11,784 commissioned 

Speaking before the House of Representatives on Feb- 
ruary 3, 1928, on the Army Appropriation Bill, Repre- 
sentative Ross Collins of Mississippi called the attention 
of the House to the fact that the actual strength of the 
army was far in excess of these figures. Including the 
highly efficient National Guard, with the Organized Re- 
serves and R. O. T. C. and the large numbers trained in 
the Citizens' Military Training Camps, Mr. Collins as- 
serted "we are face to face with the fact that we have a 
military establishment of over 600,000 men and its gain 
over 1927 will be in excess of 22,000 officers and men." 
He continued, commenting on these numbers: 

"I hope members of Congress will carefully consider these 
statements. I think it is necessary that they do so; otherwise 
a military sentiment will soon grow up in our Republic, whose 
power and influence will be too large to cope with, a sentiment 
not in keeping with American traditions and ideals." 

The state militia is brought by the National Defense 
Act more closely than ever before under federal control. 
Under its terms the "militia" is divided into the "organ- 
ized militia/ 9 now known as the National Guard, and the 
"unorganized militia/' consisting of all the male popula- 
tion between the ages of 18 and 45. The country is 
divided on a basis of military population into corps areas, 
each containing at least one division of the National 


Guard. The members of the National Guard who were 
previously paid from state funds, as members of the state 
militia, are now paid by the War Department, which also 
supplies them with armament, equipment and uniforms. 
The instruction of the National Guard is prescribed by 
the Secretary of War and its discipline is made to conform 
with that of the regular army. The Adjutant General in 
each state and territory is appointed by the governor sub- 
ject to the approval of the Secretary of War and he 
reports to the Secretary of War. 

By providing that the President may "draft into the 
military service of the United States" any or all members 
of the National Guard whenever Congress authorizes the 
use of armed forces in excess of the regular army, the 
National Defense Act, in contrast to earlier limitation of 
the purposes for which the militia could be employed, 
places the members of the militia on the same footing 
as the regular national forces. 

The- Act authorizes a National Guard strength of 
435,000. The appropriation bill passed in 1928 allowed 
for 188,000 men. Army officers have already announced 
that in 1929 the program will be for 190,000 and that 
immediately after that they will seek to increase the num- 
ber to 210,521. Forty-eight drills a year are provided 
for these troops and fifteen days of intensive training in 
camp. The per capita cost of members of the guard to 
the Federal government is given at $175.53 but actually, 
according to calculations of members of the Military Af- 
fairs Committee of the House, if the pay of army officers 
detailed to National Guard work and the supplies issued 
are included, it is nearer $500 for each man. 

In order that there may be trained officers ready to take 
command of the militia, the National Defense Act estab- 
lishes 'an Officers' Reserve Corps, and that there may be a 
source of supply for the Officers' Reserve Corps, provides 


for a Reserve Officers' Training Corps, commonly known 
as the R. 0. T. C. and for Citizens' Military Training 
Camps, or C. M. T. C. In order to secure the necessary 
supplies as well as man power for the army, the National 
Defense Act provides also for the mobilization of indus- 
try under an Assistant Secretary of War. The develop- 
ment of the R. 0. T. C. and the mobilization of industry 
campaign are not under such direct control by Congress, 
as are the size of the Regular Army and the National 
Guard, for appropriations made for these activities can 
be supplemented by the Department from its other funds 
and no stipulation is made as to the number of officers 
assigned to this branch of the service or as to the supplies 
and equipment distributed. 

Before the introduction of R. 0. T. C. units, the only 
courses in military training, except those in military 
schools, were the courses offered in the so-called Land 
Grant Colleges. Under the law covering the Land Grant 
Colleges, known as the Morrill Land Grant Act, which 
was passed in 1862, military training courses must be pro- 
vided by such colleges, though they need not be com- 
pulsory. The States received for the establishment and 
maintenance of these institutions an allotment of land 
from the Federal government. The original Morrill Land 
Grant bill granting this educational aid to the States, 
which passed both houses of Congress in 1859, contained 
no provision for military training. This first bill was, 
however, vetoed by President Buchanan, for reasons of 
economy and on the question of the constitutional right 
of Congress to dispose of public lands for educational 
purposes. The veto had nothing to do with the question 
of military training in the colleges. In 1862, a war year, 
the bill was reintroduced and the clause, "including mili- 
tary tactics," was inserted parenthetically by the Senate. 
The act provides in brief for the 


"Maintenance of at least one college where the object shall 
be, without excluding scientific and classical studies, and 
including military tactics, to teach such branches of learning 
as are related to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in such 
manner as the legislatures of the states may respectively pre- 
scribe, in order to promote the liberal and practical education 
of the industrial classes in the several pursuits % and professions 
in life." 

In 1923 the act was officially interpreted to mean that 
the courses need not be compulsory. This decision was 
rendered when the War Department protested against the 
action of the University of Wisconsin, a Land Grant insti- 
tution, in changing its military training from a com- 
pulsory to an elective course. The Secretary of the 
Interior, whose responsibility it is to see that the Land 
Grant Colleges live up to the obligations of the Morrill 
Act, replied to the protest: 

". . . . According to the Act approved July 2nd, 1862 (the 
Morrill Land Grant Act), it is clear that the branches of 
instruction, which include military tactics, are to be taught 
'in such manner as the legislatures of the States may respec- 
tively prescribe. . . J 

"Instruction in military tactics is obviously a requirement 
on the States as are the other branches which are mentioned. 
It does not appear, however, from the Federal legislation that 
instruction in military tactics is any more obligatory on the 
individual student than is instruction in agriculture or 
mechanic arts." 

In a letter to Mr. Walter C. Longstreth, May 14, 1927, 
the Secretary of the Interior further said: 

"A Land-Grant College, by changing its course in military 
training from a compulsory to an elective course, would not 
suffer any diminution in the appropriations that it now 
receives from the United States Government under any of the 
Acts of Congress providing aid for such institutions. . . ." 


The creation of the R. 0. T. C. greatly extended mili- 
tary training in universities and colleges and introduced 
it for the first time into the public high schools of the 
United States. The junior branch of the R. 0. T. C. is 
organized in high schools and similar educational institu- 
tions and gives to boys of fourteen or over who are 
"physically fit" a three-year course in military drill and 

The importance from the military man's point of 
view of the Junior R. 0. T. C. is indicated in this state- 
ment by Major William Faller Edwards in the Infantry 
Journal for October, 1924: "The high school boy in his 
sophomore year is in his most plastic and enthusiastic 
stage. He is at the age of hero worship and idealism, 
unblighted by the cynicism of later youth. Once fairly 
launched upon enthusiasm for the R. 0. T. C, he will 
most certainly continue it, either at college or elsewhere." 

The senior branch of the R. 0. T. C. is organized in 
colleges and includes two courses, the basic course cover- 
ing the first two years and an advanced course covering 
the last two years. The classes may be in infantry, 
artillery, cavalry, medical or other army corps work. 
Naval R. 0. T. C. units were authorized by Congress in 
1925 and have been established in some of the large 
universities. Air units also are now organized at a few 
of the larger institutions. 

No institution other than the Land Grant Colleges is 
compelled to introduce any military course, and any insti- 
tution which does introduce such a course may make it 
elective or compulsory as it sees fit. To secure the intro- 
duction of R. 0. T. C. courses and to secure attendance 
at the C. M. T. C's., the War Department is therefore 
confronted with the necessity of popularizing military 

In November, 1922, the Secretary of War summoned a 


group of college and school officials and leaders of boys' 
activities to meet in Washington for a conference with 
army officers. The reason for calling such a conference 
was indicated by the Secretary of War in his opening and 
closing addresses, in which he said: 

"The War Department finds itself in a peculiar dilemma. 
While the Federal government is responsible for national 
defense, for the raising and maintenance of armies and a navy, 
the physical, moral and mental education of our youth is 
reserved to the States and to the people. The Federal gov- 
ernment finds itself with a large responsibility, but with no 
jurisdiction over the fundamental factors upon which success 
ultimately depends. . . ." 

• • • • 

"If the War Department had the appropriations available 
for the purpose (promoting a military training program) and 
were to undertake to do this by itself, criticism would at once 
be raised that we were doing it entirely for military purposes. 
Hence, it is necessary for you and others who may be drawn 
into this matter to work and even to take the lead in making 
examinations and reports on which future action must be 
based. We must be practical in this world." 

As an inducement to introduce military training 
courses, the War Department is able to offer a school or 
college a notable increase in its equipment and its faculty, 
at the expense of the Federal government. The equip- 
ment occasionally reaches a value of as much as half a 
million dollars. All students receive uniforms, and those 
in the advanced course of the senior branch covering the 
last two college years are granted a cash allotment as 
commutation of subsistence amounting on an average to 
$200 for the two years. In addition, students receive 
mileage and advanced students approximately 75 cents a 
day for attendance at summer camps, or for participation 
in naval cruises. These opportunities to earn and to save 


money as well as other attractive features, such as the 
free use of polo ponies, state rifle matches, and camping 
expeditions, are advertised by the colleges in their 

The colleges on their part agree that their students shall 
devote to these courses a minimum of three academic 
hours a week for the first two years and five academic 
hours a week for the last two years; that the courses shall 
be two-year courses and such as are prescribed by the 
Secretary of War; that for students entering either of 
these courses their completion will be necessary for 
graduation. The advanced course counts toward credit 
for graduation, the amount of credits to be determined 
by the college authorities. Students having had military 
training in a high school R. 0. T. C. are not excused from 
the basic course in college. Boys taking military training 
in high school and college therefore have a seven-year 
course in it. The president of a college binds himself 
in the contract "to promote and further the object for 
which the training corps is organized," an agreement 
easily interpreted by officers of the R. 0. T. C. to justify 
protests against any member of the faculty whose teach- 
ings are not in complete harmony with the R. 0. T. C. 

The character of the courses given in the various 
R. 0. T. C. units is determined by the Secretary of War, 
who is authorized by the National Defense Act "to pre- 
scribe standard courses in theoretical and practical mili- 
tary training. ,, The claim is frequently made for the 
courses that they train students for citizenship, but from 
the above provision in the act it is apparent that such 
training can be given only in so far as courses in 
theoretical and practical military training supply it. The 
Secretary of War in 1921 explained that "the Reserve 
Officers' Training Corps has a more definite mission than 


was anticipated at the time of its inception. It was pro- 
posed then to prepare young men for an undefined service 
in the event of an emergency. It is proposed now, under 
the new law, to prepare young men to be officers in a 
definitely organized Citizen Army." The object of the 
course is variously stated. The students themselves in 
R. 0. T. C. manuals are told that "success in battle, 
whether attack or defense, is the aim of all military train- 
ing. Everything that you have studied in this course, and 
everything that you will study in your further course of 
military training, has that great end in view — success in 
battle, or victory." In a manual addressed to fathers and 
mothers the purpose is stated to be "Not to make soldiers 
out of your boys, but to develop them physically, morally 
and mentally into the best type of citizens, capable of 
defending our flag should an emergency arise." 

Graduates of R. O. T. C. courses are available for com- 
missions in the Reserve Officers' Corps and practically all 
graduates receive commissions. The total enrollment in 
military training courses in schools and colleges for the 
school year 1926-27 was 108,957. Of this number 70,809 
students were in colleges and 38,148 in high schools and 
military schools. The number of educational institutions 
offering courses was 223, the schools of a given city being 
counted as one. 

Attendance at a Citizens' Military Training Camp for 
four seasons also makes a man eligible for a commission 
in the Reserve Officers' Corps. A link is created between 
military training camps and educational institutions by 
scholarships and credits. The Military Training Camp 
Association in 1925 sent a letter to the presidents of col- 
leges and universities urging them to offer scholarships 
to the foremost young men at the nearest camps. The 
same letter called attention to the fact that "many State 
Boards of Education have already authorized high school 


credit for attendance at a Citizens' Military Training 

In 1927, 38,597 men and boys were trained at these 
camps. According to the testimony of officers in charge 
of this branch of the service, it is hoped ultimately to 
provide for training 100,000, and to reach 60,000 by 1930 
or 1931. 

Citizens are also given a training useful to the army 
and brought into sympathetic touch with military affairs, 
through the civilian clubs of the National Rifle Associa- 
tion and the national rifle matches held each two years. 
In the speech of Representative Collins in the Lower 
House referred to above, the cost of these rifle matches is 
put at a million dollars. In the 1927 report of the Secre- 
tary of War the following statement appears in regard to 
this particular activity of the army: 

"Assistance to the National Rifle Association, civilian rifle 
clubs, and schools was continued during the year. Every ef- 
fort is being made to encourage organizations interested in 
rifle shooting and to withdraw assistance from those not mak- 
ing proper use of the facilities furnished by the War Depart- 

The War Department is finding an opportunity for 
popularizing the Reserve Officers' Corps among the mem- 
bers of boys' organizations. Army officers are encouraged 
to act as scout masters in the Boy Scout troops as a means 
of interesting the civilian population in the military 
establishment. Scout troops are entertained at army 
camps and are reviewed by high ranking officers. The 
practice has also been started of having American Legion 
posts adopt Boy Scout troops. 

Arguments against military training in schools and 
colleges are compiled at length in the publications of the 
Committee on Militarism in Education and other groups. 


In 1926 Winthrop D. Lane published a study of the 
present extent and effect of military training in schools 
and colleges of the United States, which was presented 
to the public by a notable group of men and women, 
among them Dr. John Dewey, Senator William E. Borah, 
Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, Dr. 
Francis E. Clark, Zona Gale, Dr. Henry M. McCracken, 
Dr. Mary E. Woolley, Dr. Charles Clayton Morrison, 
George Foster Peabody, and Francis B. Sayre. These 
sponsors of the pamphlet urged not only thoughtful 
consideration of its statements but "action to secure to 
American youth such educational influences as will make 
unequivocally for peace." 

Military training from the point of view of its effect 
upon the individual student is condemned by many edu- 
cators and by students themselves. In March, 1926, 
1,783 students at Cornell, out of the student body of 
2,074, signed a petition that military training be made 
optional. A vote among the students of Ohio University 
showed 1,330 against military training and 465 for it. In 
compliance with the desires of the students the Univer- 
sity of Wisconsin, Pomona College, Boston University, 
and The College of the City of New York have been 
added to the forty some universities in which courses in 
military training are optional. Columbia University and 
the University of North Carolina have abolished military 

Aside from the fact that only students "physically fit" 
are admitted to military training courses and therefore 
these courses cannot benefit those most in need, the claim 
that military training is physically beneficial to students 
is denied by experts in physical education and by army 
men themselves. Lieut. Colonel Herman J. Koehler, who 
was in charge of the physical training of officers' training 
camps during the war, says: 


"The use of the musket as a means of physical development 
for any one, be he man or boy, is more than worthless. It is, 
in my opinion, positively injurious. I deny absolutely that 
military drill contains one worthy feature which cannot be 
duplicated in every well-regulated gymnasium in the country 
today. A thorough physical training develops all the neces- 
sary soldierly qualities to the greatest degree and does it 
without injury. If we have athletes, we shall never be 
without soldiers." 

Military training as far as the development of character 
goes is also condemned by educators as tending to con- 
tradict the whole modern theory of education for self- 
discipline and self-government. 

Winfred Ernest Garrison, Professor in the University 
of Chicago, enlarged upon this point in an article in the 
Christian Century: 

"Military discipline for boys, just in the proportion in 
which it succeeds in accomplishing the only thing that it can 
be reasonably expected to accomplish, conceals its deeper 
failure. Highly specialized 'obedience, promptness, and 
orderliness' under highly artificial conditions make a beautiful 
impression — while those conditions last. The boy learns the 
proper reaction to the military stimuli which cover his day 
from reveille to taps. How can anyone tell what he is thinking 
about inside? How can one judge of his possession or lack of 
the qualities which will make him an acceptable member of 
normal society? The teacher-officer is in the position of a 
physician trying to make a diagnosis of a patient encased in 
armor. . . . 

"The development of the character of a boy is no such 
simple matter. Military training has no part or place in it. 
Military training has just one use — preparation for military 

Sterling G. Brinkley of Emory University has said: 

"Blind, unquestioning obedience to orders and authority 
which the individual has had no voice in deciding and setting 


up is a quality we do not want. Neither do we want the 
attitude on 'the part of our leaders of expecting such 

Speaking before the House Military Affairs Committee, 
Professor William Bradley Otis from The College of the 
City of .New York, who was sent to France by the Gov- 
ernment in 1919 to lecture to the members of the expedi- 
tionary force on the terms of the treaty of peace, 
characterized military training as "utterly foreign to 
American ideas, utterly counter to American traditions," 
and said: 

"Never before, gentlemen, in American history has the free- 
dom of our higher educational institutions been thus threat- 
ened by an Army bureaucracy. It is an insidious influence 
and has gained headway largely because the American people 
have not been aware of what is going on." 

Supplementing its methods for enlisting the man 
power of the nation, the War Department is organizing 
a far-reaching plan for securing supplies for the army. 
The War Department Business Council, composed of 
fifteen men representing large business concerns, and an 
Industrial Preparedness Committee of the National Asso- 
ciation of Manufacturers have been formed. The United 
States has been divided into procurement areas on the 
basis of the kind of supplies each district can provide, and 
district headquarters are maintained, the heads of which 
are usually civilians. Army officers act as executive 
assistants, and each has a staff of key men, most of whom 
are executives in manufacturing organizations. Contracts 
to go into effect upon a declaration of war have been 
tentatively given, it is stated, to 14,000 plants. In carry- 
ing out this program, the army claims it is seriously 
handicapped by the provision of the National Defense 
Act which restricts the manufacture of reserve supplies 


to Government-owned arsenals and factories "unless they 
can be produced on a more economical basis elsewhere," 
and it is now seeking authorization to distribute what 
are called "educational orders" to private firms. 

In order to have officers trained in procuring supplies 
for the army, a plan has recently been worked out, 
although funds have not yet been provided, for the 
organization in educational institutions of "munitions 
battalions" in accordance with which college seniors will 
be enlisted in the army for 18 months. For three months 
before and 6 months after their senior year they will be 
given an intensive course in soldiering and in procure- 
ment problems. During their final college year they will 
be free from military duties, will not be in uniform and 
will receive their tuition free and the regular allowance 
of enlisted men when away from troops. It is believed 
that when men who have had such training enter industry 
they "will always think of industry in relation to the 
army's problems." 

Obviously to keep up such activities as these it is neces- 
sary to have not only widespread interest and sup- 
port, but steadily increasing appropriations. There- 
fore the army makes every effort to have its point 
of view presented to the public as frequently as 
possible in the press and before social and business organi- 
zations and at the same time seeks to prevent the 
expression of any criticism likely to discourage appro- 
priations. What army officials cannot do themselves 
along these lines members of the Reserve Officers' Corps 
frequently do through their membership and influence in 
a great variety of civilian organizations. How great this 
influence of the Reserve Officers' Corps may be and to 
what extent it is being utilized to promote the military 
program is indicated by the two statements that follow. 

The Chairman of the Sub-Committee on Military Ap- 

.1 — 4i41r»> 


propriations of the House Committee on Military Affairs, 
said to the president of the Reserve Officers' Association 
when he appeared before the committee in 1927 to ask 
for larger appropriations: 

"I very strenuously object to the system which is appar- 
ently in vogue of, year after year, bringing outside pressure to 
bear on this committee for the purpose of increasing the 
appropriations for those items. We are glad to have you 
appear in your official capacity to give us any information or 
to make any statement that you care to make to us but as a 
member of the committee, I do object to the systematic 
pressure that is brought upon this committee and upon Mem- 
bers of Congress year after year for this purpose. I think 
it sets a very bad precedent, and one that is liable to grow 
into a very vicious system if it is permitted to continue." 

The Sub-Committee on Appropriations for the Navy, 
in its report to the House of Representatives in the 
spring of 1927, said: 

"The committee believes that the attention of the House 
should be called to the reserve situation generally. That the 
reserves have a necessary and important place in our scheme 
of national defense there is no question. That there should 
be a limit, however, there should be no question. To keep it 
within the proper limits under existing laws seems to fall to 
the lot of this committee, which should not be. Unless it is 
watched and closely watched it will expand to the point where 
we will have accomplished by indirection what we have always 
striven to avoid directly, and that is the establishment of a 
large force in this countiy possessing military views and ten- 
dencies which will outnumber and outweigh in voice our 
regular establishments. This is not believed to be an over- 
statement of what may be reasonably expected if we should 
fail to watch the situation closely." 

The Army and Navy Register of November 10, 1923, 
carried several suggestions from an army officer to army 


officers, indicating how the army enlists the support of 
reserve officers and civilians: 

"Become personally acquainted with every reserve officer 
assigned to the regiment, — know them, their business relations 
and their personal interests. 

"Promote your acquaintance with the leading professional 
and business men of the community — make as many personal 
friends as possible. One of the means open for this is through 
the Chamber of Commerce and the leading business clubs. 

"Become a member of business clubs which have weekly 
luncheons — Rotary and Kiwanis. After a while you may be 
able to have a regular military committee included in their 
organization. In any event whenever things of a military 
nature come up for discussion you are pretty sure to be 

"Enter into the social life of the community and become an 
active member of the Country Club. A reasonable amount 
of time spent on the golf links is not wasted. Many oppor- 
tunities will here be found to talk national defense to influen- 
tial men at a time when they will listen. 

"Take an active part in the community Boy Scout move- 
ment. If there are no Boy Scouts, do what you can to get 
the movement under wav. 

"Cultivate the press. Furnish news items of a personal and 
local nature built around the name and address of members 
of the regiment. This is always news and will generally get 
by. Occasionally you will have an opportunity to prepare an 
editorial and here is where you can explain the principles of 
national defense." 

In its system of Civilian Aides who are appointed for 
each State, but who report directly to the Secretary of 
War, the War Department has established a further close 
connection with civilian life. There have also recently 
been indications that the army is cooperating directly 
with the moving picture industry, by supplying "supers" 
from the troops, and tanks and other armaments, and in 


return having military activities widely advertised. Mr. 
Will Hays, president of the largest moving picture organi- 
zation in the country, has been made a colonel in the 
Reserve Officers' Corps, under the Adjutant General's 

The War Department has also very successfully 
enlisted the assistance of other departments of the Gov- 
ernment in promoting its campaigns, as for instance the 
Post Office Department which has authorized a can- 
cellation stamp carrying the slogan, "Let's go ! Military 
Training Camps/' which has attracted attention in 
foreign countries and led to protests from many American 
citizens who desire to see this country build up inter- 
national goodwill, and feel that such a slogan misrepre- 
sents to other nations its true spirit. 

A consideration of the above statements and extracts, 
which give a partial picture of the wholesale preparation 
which modern warfare calls for, should make it clear that, 
first, if states propose to continue to carry on wars they 
must be prepared to be completely absorbed in that 
undertaking; second, in the present contest between the 
old idea of organization for war and the new idea of 
organization for peace, the forces working for peace need 
on their side a government department officially and 
persistently presenting, with the prestige and power of 
the government behind it, the fact that under present 
conditions peace is a national and world necessity. 

The dangers apprehended from the present policy and 
program of the military establishment of the country 
have to do first with their effect on the development of 
the individual young men undergoing military training, 
and second with their effect upon the traditional gov- 
ernmental policies of this country. A warning against 
the danger to the fundamental principles of democratic 


government in a program which leads to military influence 
in civilian fields of activity, was voiced by President 
Coolidge in an address to the American Legion in 1925: 

"Whenever military powers start to dictate to civil authori- 
ties, by whatsoever means adopted, the liberties of the country 
are beginning to end." 

An impressive protest against the influence of military 
men appeared in an editorial in the Advocate of Peace for 
December, 1927, which concluded, "The welfare of States 
is best promoted under civilian control. It is not the 
business of our military experts to fix, to criticize, or to 
direct through the public press or other agency of 
propaganda the course of our public policy." The argu- 
ment that increased military preparedness is the way to 
protect the country against foreign foes was suc- 
cinctly answered by President Coolidge in a speech at 
the graduation exercises of the United States Naval 
Academy in June, 1925, when he said: 

"I am not unfamiliar with the claim that if only we had a 
sufficient military establishment no one would ever molest 
us. I know of no nation in history that has ever been able to 
attain that position. I see no reason to expect that we could 
be the exception." 

The facts and statements cited in this chapter lead 
inevitably to the question, Is it possible to be "prepared" 
for war and at the same time maintain the democratic in- 
stitutions of this nation? The fundamental issue is not 
whether certain army officers are attempting to militarize 
the nation ; the fundamental issue is the incompatibility 
of the demands of the war system with the needs and 
traditions of democratic government. 


The conviction of both Latin Americans and many 
citizens of this country that the policies of recent adminis- 
trations have extended and distorted the original purpose 
of the Monroe Doctrine, coupled with the insistence of 
the United States, as expressed in the Covenant of the 
League of Nations and in the World Court reservations, 
that no question concerning the doctrine shall be sub- 
mitted for decision to any international body or to any 
other nation, is creating a persistent demand for a clear 
definition by the Government of the United States of its 
meaning and application. Uncertainty as to the implica- 
tions of the Monroe Doctrine leads undoubtedly to the 
acceptance of policies toward Latin American states 
which would otherwise be more carefully considered by 
the citizens of this country. 

The original* declaration of the doctrine came as the 
direct result of a threat of European intervention to 
restore to Spain her revolted colonies in the Western 
Hemisphere. An effort to restore them was in line with 
the accepted policy of Europe at that time, which was to 
put down revolution, wherever it occurred, in the interests 
of all established monarchical governments. A change of 
government within a state was considered not a domestic 
but an international affair. The United States had recog- 
nized the independence of the revolted Spanish colonies 
immediately after the ratification of the treaty with Spain 
for the transfer of the Floridas. Great Britain, because 



of trade relations which she had developed with the 
newly independent states, was opposed to their restora- 
tion to Spain, although she had not recognized their 
independence, and approached the United States with 
the idea of arriving at an understanding with regard to 
the Spanish-American colonies and then making a clear 
statement to the rest of the world of the principles agreed 

At about this time Russian traders coming south from 
Alaska had established a fort in what is now California. 
John Quincy Adams, as Secretary of State, on July 17, 
1823, informed the Russian Minister that "we would con- 
test the right of Russia to any territorial establishment on 
this continent and that we should assume distinctly the 
principle that the American continents are no longer 
subjects for any European colonial establishments." On 
December 2, 1823, President Monroe, in his annual 
nessage to Congress, described the Russian situation, stat- 
ing that the matter was being handled successfully in the 
ordinary diplomatic way, and adding: 

"The occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a 
principle in which the rights and interests of the United States 
are involved, that the American continents, by the free and 
independent condition which they have assumed and main- 
tain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future 
colonization by any European powers." 

Joined with this statement of the non-colonization prin- 
ciple was a definition of the attitude the United States 
would assume in case of an attempt to restore the revolt- 
ing American colonies to the Spanish Crown : 

"We should consider any attempt on their part to extend 
their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous 
to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or 
dependencies of any European power we have not interfered 
and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have 


declared their independence and have maintained it, and whose 
independence we have on great consideration and on just 
principles acknowledged, we could not view any interposition 
for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any other 
manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other 
light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition 
toward the United States." 

At the time, the power of this declaration, although it 
was made by the United States alone and included the 
non-colonization principle which had not been suggested 
by Great Britain and which was contrary to its views, 
rested in large part upon the known attitude of Great 
Britain toward a restoration of the Spanish colonies. 

In 1870 the doctrine was further defined when Presi- 
dent Grant in urging the annexation of Santo Domingo 
gave expression to a corollary which had for some time 
been recognized: 

"The doctrine promulgated by President Monroe has been 
adhered to by all political parties, and I now deem it proper 
to assert the equally important principle that hereafter no 
territory on this continent shall be regarded as subject to 
transfer to a European power." 

During the 19th century all applications of the Monroe 
Doctrine had to do with the protection of the American 
continents against European invasion, or contact. 

As late as 1901 Theodore Roosevelt, as President, said 
of the Monroe Doctrine in a message to Congress : 

"This doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial rela- 
tions of any American power, save that it in truth allows each 
of them to form such as it desires. In other words, it is really* 
a guarantee of the commercial independence of the Americas. 
We do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive com- 
mercial dealings with any other American state. We do not 
guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts 


itself, provided that punishment does not take the form of the 
acquisition of territory by any non-American power." 

In 1902, in connection with the situation which devel- 
oped out of the foreign indebtedness of Venezuela and 
involved the threatened intervention of the powers, Dr. 
Luis Drago, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina, 
announced what has since been known as the Drago 

"The public debt of an American state cannot occasion 
armed intervention or even the actual occupation of the terri- 
tory of American nations by a European Power." 

Secretary of State John Hay replied to this pronounce- 
ment by quoting Roosevelt's statement that the United 
States did not guarantee any state against punishment 
for misconduct provided that punishment did not take the 
form of the acquisition of territory by a non-American 
Power. In 1904, however, President Roosevelt stated in 
discussing the problem arising out of the foreign debts 
of Santo Domingo: 

"Chronic wrongdoing or an impotence which results in the 
general loosening of the ties of civilized society may in 
America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some 
civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence 
of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the 
United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of wrong- 
doing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police 

From this time to the present — a period during which 
the investments of American citizens in Latin America 
have grown to enormous proportions — Latin American 
states claim that the United States government has 
distorted the Monroe Doctrine to suit its own purposes. 
Felipe Barreda, Professor of Pan American History in 
San Marcos University, Lima, Peru, analyzes recent 


applications of the doctrine in Current History for 
March, 1927: 

"A study of the various cases of the modern interpretation 
and application of the doctrine in the last twenty years makes 
it clear that it has been employed in the following ways, typi- 
cal of the new conception which has superseded Monroe's own 
formulation of his ideas: 

(1) In cases of internal political strife or revolution in 
Latin American countries the Government of the United 
States assumes the right to declare which is the constitu- 
tional party to be supported by the military and naval 
power of the United States. (First intervention in 
Nicaragua, 1912.) 

(2) When the conclusion is reached that a Latin 
American country is not able to maintain an independent 
and competent government to keep order and discharge 
its international obligations, the United States assumes 
the right to take political and economic control of such 
country. (Intervention in Haiti, 1915.) 

(3) The United States assumes the right to intervene 
in the political government and economic administration 
of a debtor nation in Latin America to enforce and secure 
the cancellation of public debts. (Santo Domingo, 

(4) The United States Government assumes the right 
to intervene in the internal affairs of the Latin American 
countries, when, in its opinion, political or economic 
ideas may endanger the private interests of Amer- 
ican citizens. (The controversy with Nicaragua and 

Dr. Samuel Guy Inman in the same issue of Current 
History suggests a further reason for Latin American 
suspicion of the policies of this country in the extension 
of the "practice of non-recognition of Latin American 
Governments, announced by President Wilson as apply- 
ing to governments obtaining power through revolution, 


to non-recognition when a government enforces laws 
regarded as unfavorable to the citizens of the United 
States." The strong feeling of Latin Americans against 
the fixed attitude of the United States that the definition, 
interpretation and application of the Monroe Doctrine 
are its exclusive concern, is also expressed by Professor 
Barreda. This attitude was first definitely proclaimed 
by the demand of the United States for the insertion in 
the Covenant of the League of Nations of Article 21 : 

"Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the 
validity of international agreements, such as treaties of 
arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe Doc- 
trine, for securing the maintenance of peace." 

In 1923, the centennial year of the Monroe Doctrine, 
in an address before the American Bar Association on 
August 30, and later in an address in Philadelphia under 
the auspices of the American Academy of Political and 
Social Science, on November 30, Secretary of State 
Hughes recognized the suspicion with which the Monroe 
Doctrine is at present regarded in many Central and 
South American states and attempted to correct mis- 
understandings as to the scope and purpose of the 

"The policy of the Monroe Doctrine," he said, "does not 
infringe upon the independence and sovereignty of other 
American states. Misconception upon this point is the only 
disturbing influence in our relations with Latin American 
states. • • . 

The definition of the Monroe Doctrine, as given by Mr. 
Hughes in identical language in both addresses, was the 
following : 

"Properly understood, it is opposed (1) to any non- 
American action encroaching upon the political independence 
of American states under any guise, and (2) to the acquisition 


in any manner of the control of additional territory in this 
hemisphere by any non-American power." 

In both addresses he insisted with emphasis that "the 
Monroe Doctrine is not a policy of aggression; it is a 
policy of self-defense/' that it does not infringe upon the 
sovereignty of other American states, and "does not 
attempt to establish a protectorate" over them; and 
that, as it is "distinctively the policy of the United 
States, the Government of the United States reserves to 
itself its definition, interpretation and application." In 
regard to the Caribbean region he said further: 

"So far as the region of the Caribbean Sea is concerned, it 
may be said that if we had no Monroe Doctrine we should 
have to create one. . . . What has taken place of late years 
in the region of the Carribbean has given rise to much con- 
fusion of thought and misapprehension of purpose. As I have 
said, the Monroe Doctrine as a particular declaration in no 
way exhausts American right or policy; the United States has 
rights and obligations which that doctrine does not define. 
And in the unsettled condition of certain countries in the 
region of the Caribbean it has been necessary to assert these 
rights and obligations as well as the limited principles of the 
Monroe Doctrine. . . . 

"We have established a waterway between the Atlantic and 
Pacific Oceans — the Panama Canal. Apart from obvious com- 
mercial considerations the adequate protection of this canal — 
its complete immunity from any adverse control — is essential 
to our peace and security. We could not afford to take any 
different position with respect to any other waterway that 
may be built between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Dis- 
turbances in the Caribbean region are therefore of special 
interest to us not for the purpose of seeking control over 
others, but of being assured that our own safety is free from 
menace. . . ." 

The most definite effort on the part of Latin American 
states to combat recent developments in the Latin- 


American policies of the United States, was made at the 
Sixth Pan American Conference in Havana, when certain 
Latin American delegates attempted to secure the adop- 
tion of the principle of non-intervention. The United 
States delegation succeeded in postponing any far- 
reaching discussion of this subject until the next Pan 
American Congress which will not meet until 1933. But, 
as the Sun of Baltimore, from which the following edi- 
torial is quoted, points out, consideration of the right of 
intervention is bound to take place at the Pan American 
Conference on Conciliation and Arbitration agreed upon 
at Havana and scheduled to meet in Washington in De- 
cember, 1928: 

"For the purpose of the scheduled conference (of concilia- 
tion and arbitration) is to reduce to systematic form, pre- 
liminary to embodiment in treaties, such matters as the 
American republics are willing to arbitrate with each other. 
In the case of the weaker Latin American nations this will 
probably mean virtually every cause of international dispute, 
for they have everything to lose by resisting the impartial 
judgment of a neutral tribunal. In the case of the United 
States, however, every issue submitted to arbitration vis-a-vis 
a country like Haiti will be a concession from our previous 
position, which in the case of our smaller neighbors has come 
to be one of virtual dictation. Whether these concessions can 
be of real practical value without severely limiting our inter- 
vention policy as recently practiced remains to be seen. 

"Viewed in this light ... it will be realized that we have 
practically declared for a new Latin American policy and a 
more liberal definition of the Monroe Doctrine. We avoid 
any pledge never to intervene, which might open the road for 
other nations to land their troops in Central America. But 
we also tacitly abandon the irritating thesis that we are of 
divine right the policeman of the New World." 


The ill-defined term imperialism is used to describe a 
group of policies by which "backward" countries are 
brought under the control of the technically more 
advanced nations. 

The reasons for the establishment of such control have 
been the desire, chiefly on the part of industrialized 
nations, for access to raw materials necessary to industry 
and to national defense, such as oil, coal and iron; for 
markets for manufactured products ; for opportunities for 
the profitable investment of surplus capital; for outlets 
for possible surplus population; for coaling stations for 
merchant ships and warships ; and for political prestige. 

To achieve these objects, ten nations of the world have 
brought under their domination more than one-half of 
the total land surface of the earth and more than one 
billion alien people. The nations exercising this control 
over the destinies of the human race are, in the order of 
the geographical extent of the countries they dominate, 
Great Britain, Russia, France, Portugal, Belgium, the 
United States, Holland, Italy, Spain, and Japan. If this 
list were arranged according to the population of the 
territories controlled, the United States would stand 
seventh in the list; if according to the amount of com- 
merce carried on, the United States would stand fifth. 

The figures given above are from "Imperialism and 
World Politics/' by Professor Parker T. Moon of Colum- 
bia University, the most comprehensive recent study of 
the problem of imperialism. 



In the 70's and 80's of the 19th century, because of the 
general adoption of factory production which resulted in 
many nations' having a surplus of manufactured articles 
to be disposed of abroad, and the erection of tariff bar- 
riers against competitors, colpnial markets which could 
be controlled by export and import duties for the benefit 
of the home country became necessary. At the same 
time the development of rapid communication made 
economic penetration and military control of remote 
backward countries possible. The accumulation in the 
more developed and industrialized nations of surplus 
capital led to a demand. for opportunities for investment 
in countries where capital was scarcer and development 
more profitable, and this in turn to the demand that 
stable governments be maintained in these regions. The 
further fact that tropical products have become necessary 
in the manufacture of many modern necessities and that 
the native population of tropical countries does not 
ordinarily supply either a stable government or efficient 
workers, have served as further reasons for the assump- 
tion by a few nations of control throughout large terri- 

There is obviously no easy solution to the problem to 
which imperialism has so far been the answer. The re- 
sources of the undeveloped countries are needed and to 
fail to bring them into use is to delay economic and social 
progress. If, however, in the present economically inter- 
dependent world, peace is the first requisite for prosperity, 
some other method must be found for their development. 
Imperialism carries a double threat of war. Exploiting, 
or at best imposing alien control and alien modes of liv- 
ing upon increasing areas of the earth rouses the resent- 
ment and ill will of millions of people; among other 
things defeating the purpose of imperialism by prevent- 
ing full development cf international trade. The more 


immediate war danger lies in the rivalry of imperialistic 
powers. By many in every country the rivalry of the 
great powers for control of the economic resources of the 
earth is held to make war inevitable. The financial inter- 
ests of England and the United States are declared to be 
engaged in a struggle for world mastery, and the deter- 
mined efforts of both to obtain control of the earth's sup- 
ply of oil, it is frequently stated, can have but one out- 
come, — war. If allowed to pursue its customary course to 
its conclusion, such rivalry certainly would end in war. 
But new considerations have entered into the situation. 
An economic advantage cannot today be won by means of 
war. Prosperity is primarily dependent upon peace. 
Recognition of war as an assault upon the stability of 
civilization makes it incumbent upon governments to seek 
some modification of policies that imply war and some 
method of rational adjustment of the economic interests 
of their citizens. 

In the United States imperialistic policies have met 
with an opposition which they have not encountered in 
other countries, because they have been generally felt to 
be contrary to the principles upon which this government 
was founded. It is true that all through the history of 
the United States there have been certain groups 
ambitious to extend its territory, and it is also true that 
in the methods by which this has been accomplished, par- 
ticularly in the case of the Mexican War, there is much 
that is morally indefensible. Nevertheless, the United 
States has recognized in theory and repeatedly insisted 
upon the right of every nation to self-determination, so 
that it has never entered wholeheartedly or unchecked 
by the dissent of its own citizens upon imperialistic 
adventures. Washington and Franklin alike protested 
against such policies as Europe had pursued in acquiring 
territory and increasing trade. Washington urged "timely 


provisions, to guard against those acts of our own citizens 
which might tend to disturb peace with other- nations, 
and to put ourselves in a condition to give that satisfac- 
tion to foreign nations which we may sometimes have 
occasion to require of them." He "particularly recom- 
mended" prevention of "those aggressions by our citizens 
on the territory of other nations, which, furnishing just 
subject of complaint, might endanger our peace with 
them. . . . Peace with all the world is my sincere wish. 
I am sure it is our true policy." 

To Franklin it seemed "that neither the obtaining nor 
retaining of any trade, how valuable soever, is an object 
for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that 
the true and sure means of extending and securing com- 
merce is the goodness and cheapness of commodities; and 
that the profit of no trade can ever be equal to the 
expense of compelling it, and of holding it by fleets and 
armies. ... If statesmen had a little more arithmetic or 
were more accustomed to calculation, wars would be much 
less frequent." 

Recently, however, the charge of imperialism is per- 
sistently made against the United States. It is based 
chiefly on the relations of this government with the 
countries of the Caribbean area, on its delay in granting 
promised independence to the Philippine Islands, on the 
method pursued in the annexation of Hawaii, and on the 
government's policies, generally covered by the Monroe 
Doctrine, in regard to the countries of South America. 

Criticism of the Latin American policies of the United 
States is voiced not only by laymen but sometimes by 
our own government officials. In general, Democrats 
criticize "imperialistic" activities carried out by Repub- 
lican administrations and the Republicans similar poli- 
cies of the Democrats. Former Secretary of State 
Hughes, in an address at Amherst in 1924, declared the 


criticism of this government's occupation of Santo Do- 
mingo "just," and added that it was the belief of many 
that the occupation would never have occurred "had 
President Wilson had the opportunity or time ... to 
become fully cognizant of the situation existing in the 
Dominican Republic." In a campaign speech before his 
election President Harding, speaking of Haiti, said, 

"I will not empower an Assistant Secretary of the Navy to 
draft a constitution for helpless neighbors in the West Indies 
and jam it down their throats at the points of bayonets borne 
by United States Marines, nor will I misuse the power of 
the Executive to cover with a veil of secrecy repeated acts of 
unwarranted interference in the domestic affairs of the little 
republics of the Western Hemisphere, such as in the last few 
years have not only made enemies of those who should be 
our friends, but have rightfully discredited our country as 
their trusted neighbor." 

President Cleveland publicly condemned the prelim- 
inary steps leading to this country's annexation of 
Hawaii, and the House of Representatives passed a reso- 
lution condemning the diplomatic representative of this 
country for "illegally aiding in overthrowing the con- 
stitutional government of the Hawaiian islands." 

Neither the extent of United States control over other 
countries nor the methods by which it exercises that 
control are generally known to the citizens of this country. 
The whole situation came in for fuller and more open 
discussion in the press in connection with the Sixth Pan 
American Conference, at Havana, in 1928, than it ever 
had before. The following extracts from a syndicated 
dispatch from Paris to American papers at the opening 
of the Havana Conference indicated the general line of 
criticism : 

"The attention of European statesmen is now centered on 
Havana. The issue is believed here to be whether or not the 


Latin American states will be able to resist encroachments of 
'United States imperialism/ The matter is conceived to be 
one of world equilibrium. Asia also is concerned for Latin 
America is thought to sympathize with Asia on the race issue." 

Professor Moon gives the following table indicating the 
regions over which today the control of the United States 
extends : 


(Square Miles) Population Commerce 

Outlying Territories 

Alaska 590,884 60,000 $ 88,905,000 

Hawaii 6,449 307,000 188,541,000 


Philippine Islands ... 115,026 11,076,000 243356.000 

Porto Rico 3,435 1,347.000 172.478.000 

Virgin Islands 132 26,000 2,559,000 

Samoa 58 8,000 294,000 

Guam 210 13,000 967,000 

Wake and Midway Is. 29 

Leased Territory 

Panama Canal Zone 

Guantanamo, Fonseca 

Bay, Corn Island 527 27,000 

Total Possessions 716,750 12,864,000 $ 697,100,000 

Nominally Independent Dependencies 

Cuba 44,164 3,369,000 $ 724,595,000 

Haiti 11,072 2,045,000 28,872,000 

Dominican Republic. 19,325 897,000 51343,000 

Panama 33.667 443,000 16,250,000 

Nicaragua 49,200 638,000 21,797,000 

Liberia 36,834 1,500,000 2,528,000 

Total nominally inde- 
pendent dependencies. 194,262 8,892,000 $ 845385,000 

Grand total 911,012 21,756,000 $1,542,985,000 

The belief on the part of many Americans that the 
policies of recent administrations toward Latin America 
are contrary to the democratic principles and traditions 
of this country; the resentment on the part of Latin 


American countries toward these policies, affecting not 
only political but commercial relations; and the distrust 
to which they are giving rise in Europe, make it impera- 
tive for citizens of the United States to give diligent con- 
sideration to the whole situation. A fair understanding 
of what this government has done and is trying to do, 
of the good and the evil results of its domination of other 
countries, can be gotten only from a study in each in- 
stance of a detailed statement of facts. Books which 
afford a basis for such study are listed in the bibliog- 

Conflicting claims are made as to the purposes for 
which United States control of neighboring countries has 
been established. On the one hand, the purpose of the 
United States is declared to have been to maintain stable 
governments and make development possible, largely for 
the sake of their own people, and to provide protection 
for the lives and property of foreigners which European 
governments would otherwise take steps to provide. By 
others, the purpose of the control is believed to be the 
economic advantage of small groups of citizens of the 
United States, while by an increasing number of well- 
informed students of the Caribbean situation political and 
military purposes are held to play a greater part than 
"dollar diplomacy." Protection of the Panama Canal 
probably mainly accounts for the insistence of this gov- 
ernment upon a general control of conditions in the Car- 
ibbean area. 

The methods by which the United States has estab- 
lished its control vary in the different countries. 

When Cuba, over which a protectorate was secured ask 
a result of the Spanish American War, was granted 
political independence, a considerable degree of control 
was kept under the provisions of the Piatt Amendment. 
This "amendment. " so called because it was originally 




adopted in 1901 as a rider on the Army Appropriation 
Bill, is incorporated in the Cuban constitution and in a 
permanent treaty with the United States. Under it 

"The government of Cuba consents that the United States 
may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of 
Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government ade- 
quate for the protection of life, property, and individual 
liberty. . . ." 

In addition, Cuba is prohibited from incurring any 
debts which her current revenues cannot meet, and grants 
the United States land necessary for coaling and naval 

In the case of Haiti, Santo Domingo and Nicaragua, 
United States control has been secured through actual 
military occupation by marines, whose officers have gone 
so far as to bring about the dissolution of a national 
assembly which refused to grant certain investment privi- 
leges desired by foreign citizens. 

In other cases threats of force, such as the mere 
presence of warships in nearby waters, have been enough 
to secure the carrying out of policies favored by the 
United States. In still others, notably in the case of 
Mexico, refusal of recognition to governments whose 
policies were not in accord with those of the United 
States has served the same purpose. 

Several countries are subject to the indirect control of 
the United States under the terms of loans made in this 
country. If a country in which the government is subject 
to frequent change and in which the financial policies are 
somewhat erratic, desires to negotiate a loan, it is neces- 
sary for it to grant the interests making the loan direct 
control of some part of its financial assets. For one of 
the less well-established Latin American countries, there- 
fore, to negotiate a loan in a European country would 


lead to a situation which under the Monroe Doctrine the 
United States will not tolerate. This government conse- 
quently encourages loans by American banks, and 
political and financial interests are led into close co- 
operation in maintaining security and encouraging poli- 
cies in conformity with those of the United States. 

Financial control is exercised in various ways. In some 
instances "commissions of three," two of the commis- 
sioners being citizens of the United States chosen by the 
banking interests, are appointed for the general control of 
the borrowing country's economic policy. Several Latin 
American governments employ citizens of the United 
States as financial advisers. In other cases representa- 
tives of the interests making the loan are put in charge 
of the collection of customs. Only in cases of actual 
occupation by the military forces of the United States 
are these officials appointed directly by the government 
of the United States. 

In the case of Salvador, under the terms of a loan made 
by a banking firm of the United States, any dispute 
regarding the payment of the loan, for which 70% of the 
country's custom revenues were pledged to the United 
States creditors, was to be referred to the Chief Justice 
of the Supreme Court of the United States. The inter- 
pretation put upon this provision by banking interests is 
indicated in the following statement from an advertising 
circular which was issued by a firm of investment 
bankers : 

"It is simply not thinkable that, after a Federal Judge has 
decided any question or dispute between the bond holders 
and the. Salvador Government, the United States Government 
should not* take the- necessary steps to sustain such decision. 
There is a precedent in a dispute between Costa Rica and 
Panama, in which a warship was sent to carry out the verdict 
of the arbitrators." 


The State Department vigorously objected to the issu- 
ance of the above statement. 

In March, 1922, the State Department issued a circular 
to American bankers expressing the hope that in view of 
the possible international interests involved, "American 
bankers will inform the Department of State of contem- 
plated loan transactions, so that an opportunity may be 
afforded to express an objection." The circular stresses 
the fact that the Department of State "will not pass upon 
the merits of foreign loans as business propositions, nor 
assume any responsibility whatever in connection with 
loan transactions." Yet the failure of the State Depart- 
ment to object to a loan has been looked upon in many 
instances as in a measure committing this government to 
protect investors, and the question has been raised as to 
whether this policy may not increase seriously the 
dangers from foreign investments. The policy has also 
been severely criticized as an illegal assumption of power 
on the part of the State Department, and as an attempt 
to use the financial power of this country for carrying out 
political purposes. Former Secretary of the Treasury 
Carter Glass of Virginia, in a statement quoted in the New 
York Times of October 14, 1927, said: "Private business 
has no right to ask or to receive the imprimatur of the 
Government on its credit transactions, nor should foreign 
governments be required to get the permission of our 
State Department to engage in the ordinary commerce of 
credits or commodities with American business concerns. 
Such concerns should be left to conduct their business on 
their own responsibility and at their own risk." 

The constant danger of war involved in a close relation 
between financial and political interests is obvious. In 
an attempt to do away with this threat to peace and for 
the protection of weaker nations, the Brazilian jurist, 
Calvo, formulated a theory in which he maintained that 


investors in foreign countries had no right to expect their 
governments to intervene with either military force or 
diplomatic action which must sooner or later lead to 
military force, but that foreigners should have the same 
status as citizens and have the same legal protection for 
life and property. In 1890, at the first Pan American 
Conference, the Latin American countries voted for a 
resolution endorsing this doctrine. The delegates from 
the United States opposed it. Their' objection was that 
foreigners do not have the political power to protect their 
interests which citizens have, and that if they could not 
look to their own. government for protection they would 
inevitably seek by illegal means to interfere in local poli- 
tics. In several Latin American countries contracts now 
include a clause by which a foreign investor "renounces 
all right to prefer a diplomatic claim in regard to obliga- 
tions derived from the contract/' The United States has 
insisted, however, upon the doctrine laid down by Secre- 
tary of State Bayard in 1888: 

"This Government cannot admit that its citizens can, 
merely by making contracts with foreign powers, or by other 
methods, not amounting to an act of expatriation, or a 
deliberate abandonment of 'American citizenship, destroy their 
dependence upon it or its obligations to protect them in case 
of a denial of justice." 

There is no doubt that the time has come for a recon- 
sideration of this entire question. Former Secretary of 
Commerce Hoover is quoted by Norman Hapgood in 
his News Letter as having said, "The time for making 
war to protect foreign investments has passed." The 
reaction of the press and the public to the threat of war 
with Mexico in the winter of 1926 and 1927 over that 
country's oil-land laws, indicated the strength of public 
feeling on this subject. 

The present United States Ambassador to Mexico, Mr. 


Dwight W. Morrow, in the New York Evening Post of 
September 27, 1927, is quoted as saying: 

"Differences of opinion between states are the incidents of 
international life. The acknowledgment of the possibility of 
such differences is the effective way of preventing serious 
consequences arising therefrom. . . . 

"Entirely apart from the immorality of putting human lives 
to the hazard of modern war where the sole issue is a 
pecuniary claim, there is a conclusive practical reason against 
such a course, in that war, in the great majority of cases, 
does not and cannot accomplish the desired result." 

Even among investors themselves there is apparently 
an increased number who do not feel they are entitled 
to ask soldiers, enlisted for the defense of the nation, to 
risk their lives in order to protect the economic interests 
of individual citizens. William Kent of California gave 
expression to this point of view in a letter to President 
Taft when war threatened with Mexico in 1912: 

"As one interested in Mexican investments, I wish to com- 
mend in the highest terms your policy of non-interference. 
Every American dollar and every American life in Mexico is 
there subject to the risk of the possessor. If I would not 
myself go to Mexico to risk my life in defense of my property 
interests, I" would be no less than a murderer to ask that the 
men in our army assume such a risk." 

In 1985 the Women's International League for Peace 
and Freedom secured the introduction in Congress of a 
resolution, since reintroduced at each session, calling 
upon the President to direct the various departments of 
the Government to refrain, without authorization from 
Congress, from engaging the responsibility of the Gov- 
ernment to supervise the fulfillment of financial arrange- 
mentsf between citizens of the United States and foreign 
governments or committing the Government to any 


form of military intervention to compel the observance of 
alleged obligations on the part of foreign governments. 
Various other proposals have recently been made to pre- 
vent governments from becoming involved in military 
action through the activities of foreign investors. 
William Culbertson, former member of the Tariff Com- 
mission, in his book, "International Economic Policies/' 
has suggested that international judicial machinery be 
established through which investors may as individuals, 
not as representatives of any special country, secure 
adjustment of any discriminatory treatment. 

Another proposal suggests an international commerce 
commission somewhat like the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission, with international boards of reference, which 
shall have the power to pass on concessions when orig- 
inally proposed in order to protect the interests of 
backward peoples and to insure fair competition and 
cooperation between the different national groups con- 

Several tendencies can be pointed to as indicating 
effort on the part of governments to solve the problems 
which have given rise to the dangers of imperialism. Sii 
Arthur Salter, Director of the Economic and Financial 
Section of the League of Nations, in an article in the 
Yale Review for July, 1925, calls attention in this con- 
nection to the fact that under the Covenant of the 
League of Nations countries entrusted with the admin- 
istration of mandated areas are to "secure equal oppor- 
tunities for the trade and commerce of other members 
of the League ... a very significant limitation of the 
power of sovereignty in the sphere of economic competi- 

With special regard to American problems, Mr 
Hughes, when Secretary of State, in a speech before the 
Canadian Bar Association in 1923, urged the possibility 


of arranging for commissions of inquiry to advise legis- 
lative bodies as to the interests of other states affected 
by their legislation. He said: 

"In relation to domestic questions which have an inter- 
national bearing, it would be quite possible to make more 
frequent use of this method, not to decide but to inform, not 
to arbitrate but to investigate, to find the facts and to report 
to the governments of the states represented the effect of 
measures and where injury would lie." 

He went on to recommend a permanent commission to 
which would automatically be referred 

"for examination and report as to the facts, questions arising 
as to the bearing of action by either government upon the 
interests of the other, to the end that each reasonably protect- 
ing its own interests would be so advised that it would avoid 
action inflicting unnecessary injury upon its neighbor." 

Prof. Charles Cheney Hyde of Columbia University, 
referring to this proposal of Mr. Hughes in an article in 
T-he Annals of the American Academy of Political and 
Social Science, for July, 1927, suggests the development 
of this proposed plan to meet the needs of Mexico and 
the United States. 

"It is believed that there exists what may roughly be termed 
an American-Mexican interest — a certain solidarity of 
economic interest derived from geographical propinquity, 
interchange of population and financial investment. Both 
nations may well give fresh thought to the extent and reality 
of the community of interest by which they are bound, and to 
the harm which each must sustain from any conduct detri- 
mental to that interest. . . . Above all, both need to consider 
whether the present situation does not justify and possibly 
demand the employment of a joint high commission conse- 
crated to the task of safeguarding their community of interest, 
and alert to warn both governments whenever the conduct of 
either threatens to weaken it." 


Other suggestions for the solution of the problems aris- 
ing out of the relationships between the states of the 
American continents are made by Professor Moon. 
Among them, the substitution of a mutual guarantee for 
the Monroe Doctrine; the substitution of Pan American 
intervention for United States intervention; and of in- 
ternational receiverships for United States financial pro- 

Many students of American life agree that the United 
States has drifted into imperialism scarcely realizing the 
implications of its policies. On the whole its policy has 
been, it is said, "an unconscious, an absentminded sort of 

Professor John W. Dewey, in an article in Mexican 
Life, for September, 1927, points out the danger of this 
very unconsciousness on the part of the public of the 
growth of imperialistic policies in the government : 

"Given, on one hand, a nation that has capital and technical 
skill, engineering and financial, to export, plus manufacturers 
in need of raw material, especially iron and oil, and, on the 
other hand, an industrially backward country with large 
natural resources . . . and it does not require intention or 
desire to involve the first nation in imperialistic policies. . . . 

"Imperialism is a result, not a purpose or plan. It can be 
prevented only by regulating the conditions out of which it 
proceeds. And one of the things which most stands in the 
way of taking regulatory measures is precisely the conscious- 
ness on the part of the public that it is innocent of imperialistic 
desires. . . ." 

Recent discussions in the press indicate a growing 
awareness on the part of the public of the discrepancy 
between theory and fact in the government's foreign 
policy. It is also encouraging to realize that whatever 
the practice of this country, its avowed opposition to the 
principles of imperialism and the energetic repudiation 


by its responsible statesmen of any imperialistic pur- 
poses have strengthened the forces which will ultimately 
compel the abandonment of policies that involve ex- 
ploitation, unfair domination, and international rivalry 
threatening the peace of the world. General recognition 
of the futility of war as a means of assuring economic 
progress will hasten the abandonment of economic poli- 
cies based upon it. The public must at the same time be 
ready to accept a modification of shortsighted national 
aspirations in the interest of true national welfare, and 
also the development of international agencies of adjust- 



The direct bearing of population problems upon inter- 
national relations is leading to an organized attempt to 
find out what the facts of world population are. 

The International Labor Organization, in accordance 
with a provision in the preamble of the Treaty of Ver- 
sailles which gives it supervision over the interests of 
immigrants, is steadily collecting at its Geneva office in- 
formation on this subject which may facilitate under- 
standing and general discussion. 

The first World Population Conference ever held took 
place in Geneva from August 30 to September 3, 1927. 
The Conference, which was purely scientific in its nature, 
revealed the extreme complexity of the population ques- 
tion and the need for further study. A permanent Inter- 
national Union of Population was therefore organized. 
The committee of scientists chosen to draw up a plan 
of work included from the United States Dr. William 
Welch, Dr. E. M. East and Dr. Raymond Pearl. The 
subjects discussed at the conference indicate the nature 
of the general problem. They were biology of population 
growth, optimum population, population and food sup- 
ply, effects on race of differential birth rate, fertility and 
sterility in relation to population, migration and its con- 
trol. In connection with the last subject two important 
questions arose: Have peoples a natural right to repro- 
duce beyond their economic resources and then demand 



the soil of others? Have peoples a natural right to con- 
serve soil of which they are not making use and from 
which they cannot produce the maximum? 

Recent figures and estimates on world population are 
to be found in an article by Dr. Imre Ferenczi in the 
Review of Nations for October, 1927, which are taken, 
in part, from the Annuaire de I'Institut Internationale de 
Statistique, and in "Christianity and the Race Problem," 
by Dr. J. H. Oldham. 

The population of the world is estimated to be 
1,894,874,000. If the earth's surface were utilized in the 
most efficient manner as regards production and trans- 
port, 7,869 million people instead of the present 1,900 
million, it is believed, could be supported without any 
further technical improvement. 

The number and density of the population per kilo- 
metre of the various continents in 1910 and 1924 were 
as follows: 

Population Density 

Europe 1910 447,480,000 45.7 

1924 462,227,000 48.2 

America 1910 180,397,000 4.1 

1924 227,133,000 5.2 

Africa 1910 126354,000 4.4 

1924 137361,000 4.8 

Asia 1910 858,497,000 20.7 

1924 1,060,238,000 24.3 

Oceania 1910 6,866,000 0.8 

1924 7,915,000 0.9 

The figures indicate an increase in the world's popula- 
tion during the last 200 years of 900 millions. It is 
pointed out by Dr. Ferenczi that this increase coincides 
with the rapid expansion of the white race in non-Euro- 
pean countries, population both native and foreign hav- 
ing increased wherever Europeans have established their 
institutions and influence. During the eighteenth and 
nineteenth centuries emigration from Europe grew from 


3 million to from 35 to 40 million. Only where European 
civilization has not yet penetrated, as in China and cen- 
tral Africa, has the population remained stationary or 

The fact that as yet sufficient effort has not been made 
to collect reliable figures in this field on which to base 
government policies, is indicated by the wide discrepancy 
in the figures, quoted by Dr. Oldham, from "The Rising 
Tide of Color/' by Lothrop Stoddard, and from "Mankind 
at the Crossroads/' by Edward W. East. Dr. Oldham 
maintains in comparing the figures that it needs to be 
borne in mind that Dr. Stoddard sets out to prove a 
theory, and that Dr. East has no theory to prove. Pro- 
fessor East's figures are for 1916 and Dr. Stoddard's are 
for 1914. 

Whites Yellows Browns Blacks 

East (1916) 710,000,000 510,000,000 420,000,000 110,000,000 

Stoddard (1914) 550,000,000 500,000,000 450,000,000 150,000,000 

As to the rate of increase Dr. Stoddard asserts that 
whites tend to double in number in 80 years, yellows and 
browns in 60 and blacks in 40. Professor East arrives 
at the conclusion that at present rates of increase whites 
may be expected to double in 58 years, browns in 278, 
yellows in 232 and blacks in 139. If Professor East's 
calculations are correct the white race will within a quar- 
ter of a century actually outnumber all other races 

As to the relation of war to population Dr. Oldham 

"The temptation, which now exists, to encourage the growth 
of population for reasons of national defence would be removed 
(if war were abolished). The energies and resources at 
present required for defence against war would be available 
for dealing with the problems of population and food supply 
by scientific research and popular education. Experience 


seems to show that those whose livelihood is precarious and 
whose sense of responsibility is thus weakened tend to multiply 
more rapidly than other classes in the community; and that 
the motives which lead to restriction of numbers in a family 
operate most strongly when a certain standard of comfort has 
been reached. A general improvement in the standard of 
living might therefore prove to be the most effective of all 
means of limiting the growth of population." 

The three possibilities open to governments with a 
surplus population are (1) to secure the economic advan- 
tage of their citizens at the risk of denationalization in 
oversea countries, (2) to employ their surplus population 
as far as possible within the country or to settle it by 
home colonization; (3) to endeavor to obtain the assign- 
ment of colonial territory for group settlements of their 
nationals, with self-government and such rights of sov- 
ereignty as will secure certain economic and financial 
interests of the mother-country. The Japanese Govern- 
ment is attempting home colonization and has prepared 
a plan by which six million persons will in the course of 
twenty years be settled with government assistance on 
the Island of Hokkaido. 

Dr. Ferenczi sees in the need of industrialized nations 
for markets, that is for buying power among large por- 
tions of the earth's population, hope for beneficial ad- 
justment and believes it may lead nations which rule 
over excessively large territories to open a portion of 
those territories for settlement by over-populated 

Seen against this world background, the immigration 
policy of the United States takes on increased impor- 
tance and interest. 

From the Revolutionary War to the Civil War, the 
dominant idea behind our immigration policy was to 
offer an asylum to the oppressed peoples of Europe and 


to build up the population of a wide and undeveloped 
country. During the period from 1820 to 1860, 2,000,000 
immigrants were admitted. 

The Civil War was followed by a period of industrial 
expansion, when great numbers of both skilled and un- 
skilled laborers were needed to build the transcontinen- 
tal railroads and man the rapidly developing factories. 
Between 1866 and 1914, the total number of immigrants 
was 27,312,726. 

From 1820 to 1883, 90% of the total arrivals were 
from Great Britain, Germany, Scandinavia, Belgium, the 
Netherlands, France, and Switzerland. The movement 
from these countries is generally referred to as the "old" 
immigration. After 1883, Italy and Austria, and in gen- 
eral, the countries of southern and eastern Europe, be- 
came the principal sources of immigration. 

The first attempt to regulate immigration was made 
with respect to immigration from China. Chinese immi- 
gration on the Pacific Coast began about 1840 as a result 
of severe economic depression in China and of exagger- 
ated advertising in that country by American shipping 
companies of the California gold fields. In 1868, the Bur- 
lingame Treaty was concluded regulating conditions af- 
fecting immigration. Its terms were conciliatory and did 
little or nothing to restrict the number of immigrants. 
In 1880, a treaty was negotiated which gave the United 
States the right to limit, regulate, or suspend Chinese 
immigration, but not to prohibit it. In 1882, at the 
instigation of California, a law was passed excluding Chi- 
nese laborers for ten years. The passage of this law is 
credited by political students to the fact that in 1882 
California was a doubtful State and both parties were 
eager to win the approval of the California Workmen's 
Partv which advocated Chinese labor exclusion. The 
law was extended in 1892 and 1902, and exclusion made 


permanent by a law passed in 1904, in contravention of 
the 1880 treaty. A test case was brought under this law 
in 1898 in the belief that the Supreme Court would de- 
clare laws that contravene treaties unconstitutional. The 
judgment of the court was as follows: 

"It must be conceded that the Act of 1882 is in contraven- 
tion of the treaty of 1868 and of the supplemental treaty of 
1880, but it is not on that account invalid. ... It (a treaty) 
can be deemed . . . only the equivalent of a legislative act, 
to be repealed or modified at the pleasure of Congress. ... It 
is the last expression of sovereign will and must control. 
"The question whether our government was justified in dis- 
regarding its engagements with another nation is not one for 
the determination of the courts. . . . This court is not a 
censor of the morals of the other departments of the govern- 

Justice Field said of this decision: 

"This made it clear that a treaty is not the 'supreme law of 
the land' except as Congress makes it so. Congress can, 
without violation of the Constitution, repeal or amend any 
part of a treaty even without securing the consent of the other 
party to the treaty, and even without conference." 

A law affecting immigration in general was passed in 
1882, which barred criminals, lunatics, and those likely 
to become public charges. The immigration of contract 
labor was prohibited by law in 1885. 

In 1907, immigration from Japan was restricted by 
means of what is known as the "gentleman's agreement" 
between that country and this, by which Japan agreed 
to refuse passports to America to its nationals of the 
laboring classes and also agreed, in order to prevent cir- 
cuitous entry, to include in the prohibition, territories 
contiguous to the United States. 

To reduce immigration in general, measures imposing 
a literacy test were passed by Congress during the admin- 


istrations of Cleveland, Taft and Wilson, but were vetoed 
on the ground that it was contrary to the tradi- 
tional custom of America to bar an immigrant because 
he failed to meet educational qualifications. 

During the war, immigration was, of course, greatly 
reduced, but it was anticipated there would be an over- 
whelming increase following the war. In 1917, because 
of the belief that there would be a flood of immigration 
from India, the Asiatic barred zone was created, includ- 
ing India, China, part of Afghanistan, a section of the 
country between the Caspian Sea and China, and islands 
adjacent to the continent of Asia. 

During the post-war years, investigations were con- 
ducted resulting in the conclusion that immigration could 
not be considered exclusively as an economic problem, 
and that the number of immigrants arriving was too 
large to be properly assimilated. It was also made clear 
by these investigations that a change in the character 
of immigration was taking place. 

In 1921, a law was passed by Congress as a temporary 
measure, which for the first time attempted to apply a 
principle of selection according to the degree of supposed 
assimilability of the various nationalities. The desire 
was to force the immigration current back to its earlier 
sources. The numbers of aliens admissible under this 
law in any year was limited to 3% of the number of 
foreign-born persons of that nationality in the United 
States as determined by the census of 1910. The total 
number admissible from all countries under the act was 
fixed at 367,000 a year. 

The immigration law of 1921 caused great hardships 
to immigrants who came to this country only to be 
turned back because the quotas were already full. Ellis 
Island was so crowded during the early months of the 
year that it was practically impossible to maintain proper 


conditions of health and comfort. Foreign governments 
protested to the government of the United States and 
the ill feeling engendered among the immigrants and 
carried back to their own countries might well have 
developed serious international ill will. 

In 1924 the second selective immigration law was en- 
acted, which included three important changes: 

(1) The number of aliens admissible was changed from 
3% of the number included in the 1910 census to 2°/o of the 
number of each nationality according to the 1890 census. 
Countries of the Western Hemisphere were exempted from the 
quota reservations. The total number admissible in any one 
year was set at 165,000. The change from the census of 
1910 to that of 1890 was made in the belief that it would 
increase the proportion of immigration from northern Euro- 
pean countries. This basis of determining the quota was to 
be followed until July 1, 1927, when what is known as the 
"national origin" system of determining the quotas was to be 
put into effect. By this system, the total number to be 
admitted each year, 150,000, would be allocated to the differ- 
ent nationalities upon the basis of proportionate numerical 
strength in the total population of the United States, as 
recorded in the census of 1920. 

The date for inaugurating the "national origin" system was 
later postponed until July 1, 1929. One reason for the delay 
was the fact that it was found that the national origin system 
would reduce immigration from the Scandinavian countries 
and from Ireland and Germany. 

(2) The 1924 act, by providing for the inspection of immi- 
grants at the port of embarkation and for the control of the 
quota by American consuls in foreign ports rather than after 
arrival, greatly improved the conditions of immigration and 
thereby removed causes of international friction. 

(3) The 1924 act excluded as immigrants all aliens not 
eligible to citizenship. Certain classes, including scholars, 
professional people and tourists coming into the country for 
temporary travel or residence, were excepted. 


To understand why this last provision affected only 
Japanese, a little history is necessary. The first 
naturalization law of 1790 provided for the naturali- 
zation of "any alien being a free white person." In 
1870, this law was amended and citizenship declared 
open to aliens who were "free white persons and to those 
of African nativity or to persons of African descent." In 
1882 by act of Congress Chinese were excluded from the 
privileges of naturalization. According to careful stu- 
dents of this question, the original naturalization law of 
1790 had as its aim the maintenance of liberty and de- 
mocracy and sought only to deny citizenship to slaves. 
It is claimed, further, that until 1906, the naturalization 
laws of 1870 were understood to admit to naturalization 
all the races from the extreme white to the extreme black, 
except the Chinese, who had been specifically excluded. 
In 1906, the naturalization bureau on its own initiative 
adopted a more rigid interpretation of the law and ex- 
cluded Japanese, but Hindus, Mexicans and others were 
still regarded as eligible for naturalization. In 1922, the 
Supreme Court declared that the term "free white per- 
son" did not include the Japanese, but only the races 
commonly called white or Caucasian. Hindus continued, 
as Caucasians, to be naturalized under this decision until 
1923 when a ruling by the Supreme Court deprived them 
of eligibility. Justice Sutherland who rendered the opin- 
ion, stated: 

"What we now. hold is that the words 'free white persons' 
are words of common speech, to be interpreted in accordance 
with the understanding of the common man. . . ." 

By this interpretation, Hindus were excluded from 
citizenship. The law disastrously affected from 3,000 to 
5,000 Hindus, most of them farmers on the Pacific Coast 
who had already established themselves in this country, 
depriving them of the right to hold land, and also depriv- 


ing many who had already become citizens, of their citi- 

Since all other nationalities which might have been af- 
fected were thus excluded by the law of 1917, the 
exclusion provision of the 1924 immigration act was 
obviously aimed at the Japanese, and was the culmina- 
tion of a series of anti-Japanese laws that had been 
passed by Pacific coast States, beginning in 1893. In this 
act, Congress abruptly abrogated the "gentleman's 
agreement" which the United States Government admit- 
ted had been scrupulously observed by Japan. Japan's 
proposal for a conference was refused. 

When the 1924 act was pending in Congress, Secretary 
of State Hughes wrote the Chairman of the Immigration 
Committee, who was Congressman Johnson of Washing- 
ton, protesting against the Japanese exclusion provision 
as inconsistent with the existing treaty between the 
United States and Japan. His letter contained the fol- 
lowing paragraphs: 

"The practical effect of Section 12 (b) is to single out 
Japanese immigrants for exclusion. The Japanese are a sensi- 
tive people, and unquestionably would regard such a legisla- 
tive enactment as fixing a stigma upon them. . . . 

"The question is thus presented whether it is worthwhile 
thus to affront a friendly nation with whom we have estab- 
lished most cordial relations and what gain there would be 
from such action. Permit me to suggest that the legislation 
would seem to be quite unnecessary even for the purpose for 
which it is devised. It is to be noted that if the provision of 
subdivision (b) of Section 12 were eliminated and the quota 
provided in Section 10 of the proposed measure were to be 
applied to Japan, there»would be a total of only 246 Japanese 
immigrants entitled to enter under the quota as thus deter- 
mined. . . . We now have an understanding with the Japanese 
Government whereby Japan undertakes to prevent the immi- 
gration of laborers from Japan to the United States except 


the parents, wives and children of those already resident here. 
Furthermore, the Japanese Government, incidentally to this 
undertaking, now regulates immigration to territory contiguous 
to the United States with the object of preventing the depar- 
ture from Japan of persons who are likely to obtain surrepti- 
tious entry into this country. 

"If the provision of Section 12 (b) were to be deleted and 
the provision in regard to certificates for immigrants to this 
country were to become applicable to Japan, we should with 
the present understanding with the Japanese Government be 
in a position to obtain active cooperation by the Japanese 
authorities in the granting of passports and immigration 
certificates. We could in addition be assured that the 
Japanese Government would give its assistance in scrutinizing 
and regulating immigration from Japan to American territory 
contiguous to the United States. It is believed that such an 
arrangement involving a double control over the Japanese 
quota of less than 250 a year would accomplish a much more 
effective regulation of unassimilable and undesirable classes 
of Japanese immigrants than it would be practicable for us, 
with our long land frontier lines on both North and South to 
accomplish by attempting to establish a general bar against 
Japanese subjects, to the loss of cooperation with the Japanese 
Government in controlling the movement of their people to 
the United States and adjacent territories." 

The passage of the Japanese exclusion provision of 
the 1924 act, contrary to the recommendations of the 
Secretary of State, led to very wide-spread protests in 
Japan, and among such groups in this country as the 
Federal Council of Churches, the National Committee 
for Constructive Immigration, and the Friends General 
Conference. July 1, the day the act went into effect, was 
observed throughout Japan as "Humiliation Day." 

In presenting the matter to the Japanese Diet the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs made the following declara- 


"Until our just contentions have been given satisfaction 
we shall maintain our protests and shall continue our best 
possible endeavors to seek an amicable adjustment of the 
question and to ensure forever the traditional friendship 
between the two nations." 

Hon. Cyrus E. Woods, American Ambassador to Japan, 
when the act was passed said: 

"The Japanese Exclusion Act was, in my judgment, an 
international disaster of the first magnitude, — a disaster to 
American diplomacy in the Far East, a disaster to American 
business, a disaster to religion and to the effective work of 
our American churches in Japan." 

The following statement was made at the Institute of 
Pacific Relations, by Yusuke Tsurumi, prominent Japa- 
nese publicist, who since then has been elected to the 
Japanese Parliament: 

"I have sounded America throughout, and I know that, in 
spite of the immigration laws, her heart is right. I have gone 
home and told this to the Japanese people, as they came in 
thousands to my lectures to hear eagerly about America. And 
I want to tell America in return that the heart of Japan, too, 
is right. We understand America's difficulties, we recognize 
her right to legislate for herself, and while we deplore the 
manner of the legislation, I want America to know that the 
Japanese people will wait with patienco and with dignity and 
confidence until again the American tradition of fair play 
comes into its own." 

The passage of the act was supported by the American 
Federation of Labor, and at its 1926 convention the Fed- 
eration adopted this resolution: 

"Whereas, the American Federation of Labor has for years 
demanded from Congress, and with cooperation of other 
organizations and interests finally secured passage of a law 
excluding aliens ineligible to citizenship as a measure of 


protection to American citizens, and as a logical condition of 
the national policy of restricted immigration. . . . 

"Resolved, that we again direct the Executive Council to 
forcibly present to Congress and the proper committees of 
both houses organized labor's vigorous and emphatic protest 
against any modification of the Federal law excluding aliens 
ineligible to citizenship. . . ." 

In a message to the American people on Japan from 
the American Friends Service Committee arguments in 
opposition to the admission of Japanese are answered 

"They are said to drive out American labor by accepting 
low wages and bad living conditions. As a matter of fact, 
they have largely replaced Chinese labor, and the labor they 
compete with is largely Mexican or South European; while in 
their special agricultural work no white man wishes to take 
their place. The low wages which they accepted were a 
menace to American standards before the Gentlemen's Agree- 
ment took effect, but since 1907 Japanese immigrants have 
gone through the same history as most other immigrant 
groups; their living conditions have improved and their wages 
are now generally equal to those paid to white workers. They 
now own and operate some of the most prosperous small farms 
in the West. Many of them have* gone into the professions. 
Those born in this country are more American than Japanese ; 
they are so completely assimilated that they have lost all 
touch with Japan, and often even with their Japanese parents 
who could not learn English. 

"Until recently there was a law in Japan which created a 
form of dual citizenship; but recently that law has been 
abolished; and Japan no longer claims such rights over those 
who have left her country and have become citizens of another 
nation. To the latter only they owe allegiance." 

So far immigration from Canada and Latin America 
has been unrestricted. The immigration act of 1924 


exempts native-born citizens of countries of the Western 
Hemisphere from the quota provisions. The Commis- 
sioner General of Immigration advocated in his report 
for the fiscal year of 1926 the extension of the quota sys- 
tem to these countries. 

The opponents of the proposal to restrict Canadian 
and Latin American immigration claim that freedom 
of movement across the Canadian border is traditional, 
and that the Canadians make good citizens; that immi- 
gration from Spanish American countries, other than 
Mexico, is inconsiderable and that the movement from 
Mexico is necessary to supply labor for the development 
of the Southwest. 

In 1926, the number of immigrants from the West 
Indies and Central and South America was less than 
8,000, but during the last few years, Canada and Mex- 
ico have contributed almost as many annually as has 
Europe. Immigration from Mexico was very small be- 
fore the World War, but during the war years, the Ameri- 
can demand for labor, aided by disturbed conditions in 
their home country, led to a considerable movement of 
Mexicans into the United States. It is estimated that 
whereas in 1900 Mexicans formed only 1% of our foreign- 
born population, they now form nearly 10%. The Mexi- 
can government does not favor the loss of its nationals 
and the Mexican Federation of Labor is attempting a 
restriction of emigration. 

It will be evident from this brief survey of past and 
present immigration policies that the problem is closely 
bound up with questions of international goodwill. From 
this point of view, there are three elementary considera- 
tions which could, it would seem, be taken into account 
in any immigration policy adopted, however drastic: 

First: avoidance of arbitrary discrimination against indi- 
vidual nations. 


Second: avoidance of methods of enforcing our immigration 
policies which are unnecessarily irritating to other nations. 

Third: fair and honorable treatment of the citizens of other 
countries who become residents of this one, in order that the 
impressions they carry back to their home countries may be 
such as to increase the number of our friends. 

The ordinarily accepted theory that "immigration is a 
matter of purely domestic concern ,, was reiterated at the 
Sixth Pan American Congress by the United States dele- 
gates in the form of a reservation to the immigration 

Whether, however, the claim that each government has 
the right to absolute control over the extent and charac- 
ter of immigration continues to be upheld, or whether 
these questions, as the tendency seems to be at present, 
are recognized as a phase of international politics, they 
must finally be determined in the light of world facts. 
The question presses for consideration because the move- 
ment of population, which before the World War was 
largely individualistic, has since the war through the re- 
striction of immigration and emigration been subjected 
to the interference and control of governments. 

At the invitation of the Italian government, an Inter- 
national Conference on Emigration and Immigration met 
in Rome, May 1924, at which 57 countries, the League 
of Nations and International Labor Office were officially 
represented. The discussions dealt with questions of pro- 
tection and welfare of immigrants and with "general 
principles which should be adopted in treaties of immi- 
gration and emigration. ,, A second International Con- 
ference met in March 1928 at Havana. Whether or not 
these conferences result in definite modification of the 
legislative policies of any nation, they at least indicate 
an attempt to regard the problem of emigration and im- 
migration as a common problem and to study it from the 
world point of view. 




In an article on "The Executive Assumption of the 
War-Making Power," published in the National Univer- 
sity Law Review for May, 1927, Albert H. Putney, Pro- 
fessor of Constitutional Law in the National University, 
calls attention to "the gradual passing of the war-making 
power, at least in so far as war can be made with the 
military and naval forces already authorized, from the 
hands of the Legislative Department of the Government 
into those of the Executive." 

The granting of the war-making power to Congress 
by the Constitution, Prof. Putney declares, was one of 
the greatest innovations in the direction of greater hu- 
man liberty and justice made by the Constitution, and 
presented a striking contrast to the rule previously fol- 
lowed in European monarchies. He asserts that one of 
the most important questions confronting the citizens of 
the United States today is whether an assumption of this 
war-making power by the Executive is to be acquiesced 
in. The following brief discussion is summarized from 
Professor Putney's article referred to above. 

The Constitution of the United States provides in 
Article I that "The Congress shall have power ... to 
declare war." This power of Congress has been declared 
by the Supreme Court of the United States to be an ex- 
clusive one: 

"By the Constitution, Congress alone has the power to 
declare a national or foreign war. . . . The Constitution con- 



fers on the President the whole executive power. . . . He is 
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United 
States. . . . He has no power to initiate or declare a war either 
against a foreign nation or a domestic state." — The Prize 
Cases, 2 Black, 635, 668, 17 L. Ed., 459, 477. 

The Supreme Court has also interpreted the term 
"war" to embrace all attempts by a country to maintain 
its rights by the employment of force: 

"Every contention by force between two nations, in external 
matters, under the authority of their respective governments, 
is not only war, but public war." — Bas. v. Tingy, 4 Dallas, 
37, 40, 1 L. Ed., 731, 732-3. 

The historical background of the war-making provi- 
sion of the Constitution is described in this paragraph 
from a speech made by Senator Sumner of Massachu- 
setts : 

"By the Constitution it is solemnly announced that to Con- 
gress is given the power 'to declare war.' This allotment of 
power was made only after much consideration and in obedi- 
ence to those popular rights consecrated by the American 
Revolution. In England and in all other monarchies at the 
time, this power was the exclusive prerogative of the Crown, 
so that war was justly called the last reason of kings. The 
framers of our Constitution naturally refused to vest this 
kingly prerogative in the President. Kings were rejected in 
substance as in name. The One-Man Power was set aside 
and this kingly prerogative placed under the safeguard 
of the people, as represented in that highest form of national 
life, an Act of Congress. No other provision in the Constitu- 
tion is more distinctive or more worthy of veneration. I do 
not go too far when I call it an essential element of Republican 
institutions, happily discovered by our fathers." 

Professor Putney traces through the various adminis- 
trations the acts of the Executive Branch of the Gov- 


eminent and the statements of Presidents and Secre- 
taries of State which bear upon this question, showing 
that until the end of the nineteenth century the war- 
making power was jealously guarded by Congress and 
acknowledged by every President. Among the striking 
statements which he quotes are these: 

President Jackson in connection with the question of 
the recognition of Texas referred the question to Con- 
gress as one "probably leading to war" and therefore a 
proper subject for "a previous understanding with that 
body by whom war can alone be declared and by whom 
all the provisions for sustaining its perils must be fur- 

Again, when difficulties threatened war with Spain, 
President Jackson hurried instructions to our minister 
to discuss the matter with the Spanish Government, in 
order that before its adjournment the matter might be 
laid before Congress, "the constitutional judges of what 
is proper to be done when negotiations for redress of in- 
jury fail." 

In connection with the rendering of military assistance 
to Texas before its annexation, the Secretary of State of 
the United States had occasion to write the American 
Minister to Texas: "The employment of the Army or 
Navy against a foreign power with which the United 
States are at peace is not within the competency of the 

President Buchanan, in his Annual Message in 1858, 

"The executive government of this country in its intercourse 
with foreign nations is limited to the employment of diplo- 
macy alone. When this fails it can proceed no further. It 
cannot legitimately resort to force without the direct author- 
ity of Congress, except in resisting and repelling hostile 


Again in his Annual Message of 1859 this President 
stated : 

"Congress possesses the sole and exclusive power under the 
Constitution 'to declare war.' They alone can 'raise and sup- 
port armies' and 'provide and maintain a navy.' But after 
Congress shall have declared war and provided the force neces- 
sary to carry it on, the President as Commander-in-Chief of 
the Army and Navy, can alone employ this force in making 
war against the enemy. This is the plain language and his- 
tory proves that it was the well-known intention of the 
framers of the Constitution. It will not be denied that the 
general 'power to declare war' is without limitation and em- 
braces within itself not only what writers on the law of nations 
term a public or perfect war, but also an imperfect war, and, 
in short, every species of hostility, however confined or lim- 
ited. Without the authority of Congress the President cannot 
fire a hostile gun in any case except to repel the attack of an 

President Harrison in connection with an attack upon 
sailors of the United States when on shore leave in Val- 
paraiso, and President Cleveland in connection with a 
boundary dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela, 
both made it clear that they claimed no authority to use 
force without the express authorization of Congress. 

Professor Putney cites the action of President Roose- 
velt in connection with the revolution in Panama in 
1903 as the first exercise of the war-making power by a 
President without the consent of Congress but calls at- 
tention to the fact that President Roosevelt 

"Adopted for his own administration, and urged upon others, 
a principle which, if followed by his successors, would have 
almost entirely eliminated the practical evils which have 
resulted from later interventions based upon the precedent 
which he created. 

"The principle referred to was that against the use of force 
for the recovery of contract claims against a foreign country. 


In his Fifth Annual Message, dated December 5, 1905, in dis- 
cussing the troubles in Santo Domingo and the foreign claims 
against that country, he said: 'Our own Government has 
always refused to enforce such contractual relations on behalf 
of its citizens by an appeal to arms. It is much to be wished 
that all foreign governments would take the same view/ " 

"The latest chapter in the history of the gradual usur- 
pation of the war-making powers by the Executive," ac- 
cording to Professor Putney, "is a short one. It com- 
prises merely the sending of marines into Nicaragua to 
support the tottering rule of the revolutionary president, 
Adolfo Diaz, and the President's argument in support 
of this action in his Message of January 10, 1927, which 
concluded : 

tt r 

It has always been and remains the policy of the United 
States in such circumstances to take steps that may be neces- 
sary for the preservation and protection of the lives, the prop- 
erty, and the interests of its citizens and of this Government 
itself. In this respect I propose to follow the path of my 

" 'Consequently, I have deemed it my duty to use the powers 
committed to me to insure the adequate protection of all 
American interests in Nicaragua, whether they be endangered 
by internal strife or by outside interference in the affairs of 
that Republic. 1 " 

This statement as to what the policy of the United 
States has always been is contradicted by citations from 
the messages of Jefferson and Madison and Daniel Web- 
ster when Secretary of State. In his first Annual Mes- 
sage Jefferson recounted the sending of an American 
squadron to Gibraltar when Tripolitan cruisers were 
blockading United States commerce in the Mediter- 
ranean. One of the cruisers engaged a small American 
schooner and was captured, but since the American naval 
forces were "unauthorized by the Constitution without 


the sanction of Congress to go beyond the line of de- 
fense, the vessel being disabled from committing further 
hostilities was liberated with its crew. ,, "The Legisla- 
ture," Jefferson continues, "will doubtless consider 
whether by authorizing measures of offense also they will 
place our force on equal footing with that of its ad- 
Commenting on this message Professor Putney says: 

"President Jefferson clearly recognized and stated the dis- 
tinction between those cases where the use of force abroad for 
the protection of American lives and property is really defen- 
sive and where, therefore, it may be authorized by the Presi- 
dent without the consent of Congress, and those cases where 
it is offensive in its character and, therefore, only permissible 
when authorized by Congress. In the case of actual physical 
attacks upon American citizens or their property, or the imme- 
diate danger of such attacks, the forces of the United States 
may be used for strictly protective purposes without the 
consent of Congress, which it is manifestly impossible to 
obtain in such cases. When, however, any attempt is made 
to take over the control of territory, to use force for the col- 
lection of claims due to American citizens, to interfere with 
the military operation of foreign troops, or above all to inter- 
fere between two governments each claiming to be the legal 
government of the country, war (perhaps only partial war, 
but still war) is waged, and this can only be constitutionally 
done under the authorization of Congress. There is here no 
question of any surrender of American rights, or any failure 
to protect American interests, it is merely a question as to 
which department of the government has been granted the 
power of deciding upon the question of the necessity of war. 
The framers of the Constitution felt that this was too great a 
power to be safely placed in the hands of any one man, and 
expressly granted it to Congress. For more than a century 
the Presidents of the United States acquiesced in this decision." 

The message of President Coolidge quoted above, Pro- 


fessor Putney declares, "in effect asserts that the Presi- 
dent of the United States has the power to wage an 
offensive war, upon his own authority, against any coun- 
try, and for any reason which in his opinion appears to 
affect 'the lives, the property and the interests of its 
citizens and of this Government itself/ If this claim is 
correct it would only be necessary to appeal to Congress 
if an increase in the numbers of the land and naval forces 
were required." 

The Power of Congress to Outlaw War 

Another interesting point in regard to the war-making 
power in the United States Government, which has re- 
cently come up in connection with outlawry of war 
treaties, is the claim that it would be unconstitutional 
for the treaty-making power of the United States, the 
President and the Senate, to negotiate outlawry of war 
treaties, because by the Constitution the war-making 
power belongs to Congress. This claim is, however, con- 
tradicted by Professor J. P. Chamberlain of Columbia 
University, in the following statement: 

"Important treaties have been made by the United States 
to limit the exercise of other powers vested in Congress and 
vital to the national defense. 

"Article I, Section 8, also grants to Congress power 'to 
provide and maintain a navy/ This power is also unlimited; 
but the treaty-making power, with the approval of the nation, 
signed and ratified the convention of Washington, February 
6, 1922, of which Section 1 reads: 'The contracting powers 
agree to limit their respective naval armament as provided 
in the present treaty.' 

"The treaties of arbitration of 1908 and 1909 known as the 
Root treaties, and the treaties of investigation and conciliation 
of Mr. Bryan in 1913 and 1914 also constitute international 
obligations morally limiting the right to declare war." 


The war debts owed to the United States by Euro- 
pean nations present a problem which has not yet been 
satisfactorily settled and which will call for further ex- 
pression of opinion on the part of American citizens. 
Although the whole subject, as in the case of many others 
connected with world peace, is of so technical a nature 
that it can be understood only through detailed study, the 
public should be familiar with its broad outlines in 
order that popular prejudice may not influence future 
decisions in regard to it. In answer to criticism of the 
present settlements as not sufficiently generous on the 
part of this country it has been stated by Secretary 
Mellon that "neither the people nor the press nor Con- 
gress" expressed any such opinion as would have war- 
ranted cancelling any amount of the indebtedness which 
it was feasible to collect. 

The facts in regard to the present agreements for the 
settlement of the debts are these: the obligations given 
by the Allies during the war were demand obligations. 
Because it was necessary that these be funded into* long- 
term obligations, Congress in 1922 created the World 
War Foreign Debt Commission. It provided that the 
Commission should have no power to extend the time of 
maturity of any obligations beyond 1987, or to fix the 
rate of interest at less than the rate borne by outstanding 
liberty bonds. The act which contemplated payment in 
full further required that each agreement be approved 




by Congress before going into effect. It was found by 
the Debt Commission that it was impossible to enforce 
the provisions of this act, and Congress agreed to the 
arrangements entered into by the Commission. 

The basis of the negotiations carried on by the Debt 
Commission was the foreign nation's "capacity to pay," 
and it was explicitly and repeatedly stated by the Ameri- 
can negotiators that the debt payments must be consid- 
ered independently of reparation payments to be received 
by the debtors from Germany. The amounts of indebt- 
edness and the total payments required under the exist- 
ing agreements, and the rates of interest applying, are 
shown in the following table. The time of payment 
allowed is, in all instances, sixty-two years: 


Country Ami. Advanced To be made Int. Rates 

Armenia $11,959,918 $16,655,179 Not funded 

Austria 24,055,709 33,437,435 

Belgium 379,087,200 727330,500 1.790% 

Cuba 10,000,000 Paid 

Czechoslovakia 91379,671 312,811,433 3.327% 

Esthonia 13,999,146 33,331,140 3.306% 

Finland 8,281,926 21,695,055 3.306% 

France 3,404,818,945* 6,847,674,104 1.640% 

Great Britain 4,277,000,000 11,105,965,000 3.306% 

Greece 15,000,000 19,125,000 Not funded 

Hungary 1,685,836 4,693,240 3.306% 

Italy 1,648,034,051 2,407,677,500 .405% 

Latvia 5,132,287 13,958,635 3.306% 

Liberia 26,000 Paid 

Lithuania 4,981,628 14,531,940 3.306% 

Nicaragua 166,604 298,818 Not funded 

Poland 159,666,972 435,687,550 3.306% 

Rumania 37,922,675 122,506,260 3.321% 

Russia 192,601 ,297 275,504,668 Not funded 

Yugoslavia 51,758,487 95,177,635 1.030% 

Totals $10,338,058,352 $22,488,561 ,093 

♦French agreement not yet ratified by French Parliament or Con- 
gress of the United States. 


According to Treasury estimates, these settlements — 
on the basis of their "present worth" — represent a can- 
cellation by the United States of over $5,489,000,000 of 

The two schools of thought in the United States, on 
the subject of debt payments, are most clearly set forth 
in a statement issued early in 1927 by members of the 
faculty of political science of Columbia University, and 
later endorsed by members of the faculty of Princeton 
University, and in the reply of Secretary of the Treasury 
Mellon to this statement. These documents may be 
obtained in full in International Conciliation for May, 
1927, published by the Carnegie Endowment for In- 
ternational Peace. Summarized briefly, the Columbia 
University statement urges the complete reconsideration 
of the debt settlements in the light of present knowledge. 
It does not recommend cancellation. It maintains: 

That war debt settlements have produced distrust and mis- 
understanding, and that when in Europe century-old political 
enmities are yielding to common sense, an international finan- 
cial problem of recent origin, whatever its magnitude, should 
not be allowed to threaten the foremost gain in international 
relations since European nations began. 

That our money advances to the Allies during the war were 
regarded by Congress as "a joint contribution to a common 
cause." Many statements made in Congress and by public 
men at the time the loans were made are quoted in support of 
this contention. March 25, 1926, on the floor of the Senate, 
Senator Smoot said, as a member of the World War Foreign 
Debt Commission: 

"Those of us who were here in 1917-18 know how we 
felt then. There was no thought of commercial loans or 
of investment of our resources in the bonds of the Allies. 
We were bound together in a common cause; money was 
all we had to give and we gave it freely. It was, of course, 
expected that if we won the war some day in some way 


all obligations of foreign governments which we received 
for the sums advanced would be honored and adjusted." 

That the loans were for different purposes, and that the 
debt settlements did not take this fact sufficiently into account. 
(Of the total sum advanced, $7,000,000,000 was advanced 
before the Armistice. A large part of this money was, by 
agreement, spent in the United States for war and other sup- 
plies; a part was used for the purchase of supplies later sold 
to the citizens of the debtor nations. England borrowed in 
part in order to loan to her allies and has agreed to cancel 
her debt to them in so far as her indebtedness to the United 
States is cancelled.) 

That to the minds of our debtors, the core of the contro- 
versy is the question of what equivalent, moral or material, 
was rendered by them for the sums advanced. In other words, 
that while we loaned money toward winning the war, the 
Allies sacrificed lives. 

That a nation's capacity to pay cannot be determined. 

That the wide discrepancy in liberality of the settlements is 

That our debt settlements are part and parcel of a whole 
network of settlements between other powers, and should be 
considered in an international conference in which our nego- 
tiators should be given the power to come to an agreement 
calculated to promote the future peace and prosperity of the 

The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Mellon, in answer 
to this statement, asserts: 

That Congress, from the wording of the Liberty Loan acts, 
clearly intended the sums advanced to the Allies to be loans, 
and not subsidies. 

That the advances made after the Armistice cannot be 
considered as a contribution pending effective entry into battle 
or as saving American lives, and that large amounts of the 
sums agreed upon in the debt settlements are taken up in 
the payment of these post-war advances. 

That the reparation payments due European nations from 


Germany under the Dawes plan are in the case of all our 
principal debtors, except Great Britain, larger than the 
amounts due us. 

That neither the people nor the press nor Congress expressed 
any such opinion as would have warranted the governments 
officials who were acting as trustees for the American people 
in cancelling any amount of the debt which it was feasible to 

That a recognition of their external obligations by the 
European nations and an undertaking bravely to meet 
them within their capacity, such as each country has accepted, 
is a moral force of great service to permanent prosperity in 
the world. 

Aside from the feasibility of obtaining payment, and 
aside from any theory of generosity, the question is 
raised by many economists whether it would be to the 
financial advantage of the United States to accept pay- 
ment of the war debts in full or in large part. Secretary 
Mellon is quoted in the annual reports of the World 
War Foreign Debt Commission as having said before 
the funding negotiations that : 

"The entire foreign debt is not worth as much to the Amer- 
ican people in dollars and cents as a prosperous Europe as a 
customer. A business man would prefer making $100 in his 
business than being repaid $5 of a debt. The farmer or the 
laboring man would rather have a market for our surplus in 
Europe than save a dollar of Federal taxes." 

In this connection it should be noted that the pay- 
ments which the United States receives under the agree- 
ments amount to less than one- third of 1% of our an- 
nual national income at present, and will never exceed 
one-half of 1% of the probable national income. If they 
were applied in full to a reduction in the personal in- 
come tax rate, they would make a difference of only $2 
a year to a taxpayer with a net income of more than 


$5,000. To the 90% of the people who pay taxes on an 
income of less than $5,000 the reduction would be even 

The argument was made in Congress, however, that 
whatever the value to the United States of the pay- 
ment of the debt, full payment should be exacted be- 
cause the debtor nations are spending larger sums for 
armaments than they are called upon to pay the United 
States, and that any relaxation in the debt settlements 
w r ould merely increase the amounts expended for mili- 
tary purposes. The answer made to this is that the re- 
duction in armaments depends upon the creation of in- 
ternational goodwill, and that the present settlements 
tend to add to the ill will and distrust in the world. 

The extent of the ill will engendered may be seen in 
the statement quoted below from a representative 
of the nation which has raised less objection than any 
other to the debt-collection policy of the United States. 
A. G. Gardiner, English author, in an article, "Prospects 
of Anglo-American Friendship," in Foreign Affairs for 
October, 1926, says: 

"The chief cause of estrangement is the debt settlement. 
. . . The British taxpayer, burdened as he is with a weight 
of taxation unprecedented in history, would be more than 
human if he did not feel some mortification at the fact that 
for every pound sterling he earns, he has to pay 9d. to a 
creditor whose economic position he has come to regard as 
being in almost every respect vastly more comfortable and 
happy than his own. 

"But there is more in it than that. The resentment which 
really counts is based on less ignoble feelings. In the main 
your Englishman, though like other men he hates parting with 
his money, is too much of a business man to harbor malice 
at having to meet an obligation which he has contracted in 
the course of straight business. He will dislike losing the 
money, but he will consider himself under a moral obligation 


to pay, and though he may envy his creditor, he will not like 
him any the less for it. But the whole point is that, in this 
case of the war debt, he does not feel that at bottom there 
does exist the same moral obligation. . He cannot persuade 
himself that it was contracted in the normal course of busi- 
ness. He cannot agree that war debt and debts contracted 
in ordinary business are on the same footing. He regards 
the expenditure on the war as being expenditure incurred for 
a common object, and he cannot bring himself to believe that 
the mere bookkeeping entries of such expenditure have the 
same binding force as they have in the more material relations 
of commerce. 

"On an impartial view of the matter, he has some justifica- 
tion for this attitude. If we did wage a common war — and I 
have yet to hear the man who denies it — is it really possible 
to allocate the burden on purely commercial principles? No 
one has attempted to apply such principles to the sacrifice in 
men. Is there any more justification for applying them to 
materials? If America sent a detachment of machine-gunners 
plus equipment for the reinforcement of our defenses, no in- 
debtedness of this strictly computable nature was incurred. 
The sacrifices she made were agreed to be invaluable. But if 
she sent equipment only, apparently the sacrifice was to be 
assessed on quite a different basis. . . . 

"It is notorious that if America had not insisted upon a 
'business settlement/ England would have been quite ready, 
in the common interest, to cancel all debts due to her." 

The New Republic of May 23, 1928, takes vigorous 
exception to the tendency in England to demand reduc- 
tion on moral grounds, and puts the need for revision 
entirely on economic grounds. Just as the Allies have 
learned that the cost of war cannot be recovered from 
the vanquished, the United States has need to learn that 
it is impossible to collect large sums loaned for war pur- 
poses: "Tribute exacted for defeat in war tends to throw 
out of balance the economic integration of the world ; and 
no less a disturbance is likely to arise from insistence on 


full repayment of loans advanced for destructive pur- 

The Dawes Plan 

Although the United States has insisted that the war 
debts and German reparations should be considered sep- 
arately, the two things have necessarily been closely in- 
terwoven in European thought. The inability of Ger- 
many to continue to meet reparation payments would 
undoubtedly lead to a demand for a reconsideration of 
the debt-funding agreements with the United States. 

During the war and during the Peace Conference the 
peoples of the Allied nations of Europe were for political 
reasons led to believe that a defeated Germany could be 
made to pay fabulous sums to the victors. Having put 
this idea into the minds of the people it became exceed- 
ingly dangerous for any government to attempt to disil- 
lusion them. The fact that Germany could not pay the 
amounts expected was recognized by economists and 
statesmen long before any effort was made to educate the 
public to the fact. The Reparation Commission which 
was established by the Treaty of Versailles, and on which 
the United States, since it asked for no reparations, was 
not represented, made little or no effort to remove the 
question of reparations from the political to the eco- 
nomic field. 

In October, 1922, the Secretary of State of the United 
States proposed the appointment of a committee of ex- 
perts to attempt a solution of the reparation problems. 
France refused to agree to this proposal. On December 
29, 1922, Secretary of State Hughes repeated the sugges- 
tion in a public address before the American Historical 
Association. Mr. Hughes in this speech declared the 
question of reparations was an economic problem which 
should be taken out of politics. He expressed the belief 


that the committee of experts should be free "from any 
responsibility to foreign offices and from any duty to 
obey political instruction" and hoped that the way might 
be found "for a frank discussion and determination of 
what is essentially an economic problem. ,, 

European governments still paid no attention to this 
plan of the Secretary of State of the United States and 
continued to stand by their political promises of huge 
reparations. Early in 1923 the French government sent 
an army into Germany and occupied the Ruhr. By this 
attempt to enforce a demand which could not be met the 
whole situation was brought to a crisis, and when some 
ten months later the President of the United States de- 
clared the State Department proposal was still open for 
acceptance, the government of England began corre- 
spondence with the United States as to ways and means 
of putting the plan into effect. 

It was finally agreed, with the concurrence of France, 
that the Reparation Commission should appoint a com- 
mittee of experts to study means of balancing the Ger- 
man budget and -stabilizing German currency. The 
United States, invited to participate in these commit- 
tees, declined, but stated that it viewed with favor the 
acceptance by American experts of invitations to partici- 
pate. How hard it was to clear the air of the political 
aspects of the reparation problem was indicated by the 
vigorous objections which the French government made 
in a press campaign to an alternative proposal for an 
international conference on reparations, at the same time 
it was quietly accepting the proposal for a committee of 

The report of the Committee of Experts, of which 
Charles G. Dawes served as Chairman, was made to the 
Reparation Commission on April 9, 1924, and with the 
agreement of Germany the plan recommended was put 


into operation on September 1, 1924. The Dawes Plan 
has been clearly explained for the average reader by J. 
Henry Scattergood of Philadelphia. Mr. Scattergood 
uses a tank by way of illustration: the filling of the 
tank is the payment by Germany, the emptying of the 
tank is the receipt of the payments by the Allies. 
The tank is to be filled from three sources, from taxation, 
from earnings of the railways of Germany and from a 
mortgage secured by all German businesses except agri- 
culture. It is in the method of emptying the tank that 
a difficult problem, known as the transfer problem, 
arises. Mr. Scattergood points out that the payment put 
into the tank by Germany cannot be taken out in the 
form of gold since Germany has no gold, nor in the form 
of paper money since this would have to be sold for 
francs or sterling or dollars and unless Germany were to 
have a balance of exports over imports, the transaction 
would soon drive down the value of the mark. It would 
then soon be worthless and the fund in the tank would 
accordingly melt away in the hands of the Agent Gen- 
eral for reparation payments. The only way to make 
payments (aside from the temporary expedient of for- 
eign loans) is, therefore, in goods or services, that is, 
Germany must export more than she imports and thus 
establish a trade balance in an amount sufficient to meet 
the payments. But no nation wants to receive abnor- 
mally large quantities of Germany's goods. America's 
answer is a high tariff ; France on her part has never been 
willing to accept free German material or to permit 
German labor to come into the devastated regions and 
work freely, because of the effect on her own industrial 
and labor market. 

The first four annual payments under the Dawes Plan 
have been promptly met by Germany, but the amount 
to be paid increases by more than one-third beginning 


with 1928-1929. Also the payments so far have been 
made possible by the negotiation of a loan from Ameri- 
can and other investors which in turn has first claim on 
German resources. The test of the plan is recognized 
as still in the future and the necessity of some modifica- 
tion, as, for instance, agreement upon the total amount to 
be paid, which the Reparation Commission had no au- 
thority to fix, has been indicated by the American Agent 
General for Reparations, Mr. Seymour Parker Gilbert. 
Another unsettled issue to which Dr. Moulton calls 
attention is the inter-relation between the reparation 
and the inter- Allied debt problems. 

"If," he says, "the Allies — particularly those countries hav- 
ing the largest share in the reparation claim — are to be 
expected to accept greatly reduced reparation sums, the inter- 
Allied debt problem must also be conceived in different terms. 
No one has ever succeeded in doing anything but delude him- 
self by assuming that the reparation settlement and the inter- 
Allied debts constitute two separate and distinct problems. 
The fact that they originated differently is of mere technical 
interest. There will never be any final solution of the repara- 
tion problem until a comprehensive adjustment of both the 
international debt and reparation problems is worked out." 

Whatever truth lies behind the statement that when 
the original war debt funding negotiations were being 
conducted, "the public" would not tolerate any consid- 
erable reduction in the claims of the United States, 
when the situation is reconsidered, as it apparently must 
be within the next few years, there should be a suffi- 
ciently widespread realization of the inter-relation of 
financial problems involved, and of the interdependence 
of the economic prosperity of all nations, to prevent any 
obstruction of later efforts at reasonable adjustment. 


There are only a few hundred men in the world who 
know in detail what plans are being made for another 
war, and only a handful of them are giving out so much 
as an occasional hint. With very few exceptions, the 
members of legislatures and government officials who 
are daily deciding issues in a way which leads toward 
or away from war, are not among those who know the 
present meaning of the word war. 

Thousands of men know intimately what the last 
war was like, but they are eager to forget, and do not 
pass their knowledge op. There are pictures from which 
some of the truth about the last war could be learned, 
but they are not shown. Only once have the men, who 
carry in their persons evidence of what war is, gathered 
together and marched before a public accustomed to 
seeing soldiers on dress parade. In Paris, on Armistice 
Day, 1924, after a brilliant ceremony over the tomb of 
the Unknown Soldier, at which the picked troops of the 
French army had been reviewed, another army, this time 
of the Mutiles, gathered at the Arc de Triomphe and 
marched through the streets. The Universal News Serv- 
ice sent this dispatch to its papers: 

"First came the seriously wounded in wheel chairs and on 
stretchers, a few carried by relatives. Then came hundreds 
of blind men, led by children born when Verdun's guns were 
booming. Following that division came the men with' one leg, 
men with one arm, and then "smashed mugs." There were 



men with noses off, men with no chins, and men with only 
half heads. Never has there been such a tremendous spec- 
tacle since wars began . . . and over all was an overwhelm- 
ing silence — the silence of the wrecks who marched, and the 
silence of the horrified multitude who watched." 

Yet the last war is admitted to have been only a pre- 
liminary experiment in the use of modern weapons. In 
considering a next war mankind is confronted by an en- 
tirely new situation, which calls for new judgments based 
on present facts. 

To illustrate the difference between the last war and 
the next it needs only to be remembered that at the be- 
ginning of the last war there was no airplane carrying 
a gun, that for some time air men fought with rifles, 
that the greatest weight of bombs dropped in any one 
month was 12 tons, while today it is possible with the 
airplanes of France alone to drop 120 tons in one raid. 
Chemists had hardly begun to experiment with poison 
gases. Today gas warfare is worked out to so fine a 
point that it- is planned to fill the air with a deadly gas 
and then to let loose an irritating gas which will compel 
men to tear off their gas masks. The Chicago Daily 
News of September 8, 1924, cites a report made to the 
League of Nations by a special committee on chemical 
warfare as authority for the statement that there is no 
conceivable limit to the power, efficacy and variety of 
chemical warfare. The principal chemicals which are 
already used are "tear gas, which blinds temporarily; 
sneeze gas, which causes uncontrollable sneezing, intol- 
erable headaches and fits of suffocation; mustard gas, 
which blisters the skin, eats away the mucous mem- 
branes, and penetrates the clothing and the earth and is 
dangerous for days; asphyxiating gas, which kills by 
hemorrhage of the lungs, and syncopetoxic gas, which 
kills by instant paralysis. Furthermore the possibility is 


seriously considered of dropping disease germs in glass 
globes on cities, and of ravaging harvests by similarly 
scattering parasites." 

It is sometimes asserted that the evils of chemical and 
aircraft warfare are greatly exaggerated, that it is pleas- 
anter to be gassed than shot, and that cities can be pro- 
tected against aircraft.- The statements of the men in a 
position to be best informed contradict these claims. 
General Pershing has said: 

"Chemical warfare should be abolished among nations as 
abhorrent to civilization. It is a cruel, unfair and improper 
use of science. It is fraught with the gravest danger to non- 
combatants and demoralizes the better instincts of humanity. 
. . . Scientific research may discover a gas so deadly that 
it will produce instant death. To sanction the use of gas 
in any form would be to open the way for the use of the 
most deadly gases and the possible poisoning of whole 
populations of noncombatant men, women, and children. The 
contemplation of such a result is shocking to the senses. It 
is unthinkable that civilization should deliberately decide 
upon such a course." 

Major-General Mason M. Patrick, U. S. A., retired 
chief of the United States air corps during the War, in 
an address before the Michigan Branch of the League of 
Nations Non-Partisan Association at Detroit, January 
31, 1928, said: 

"We are just at the beginning of the era of air transporta- 
tion. Every one knows that aircraft will play a most impor- 
tant part in any future war, and that the aircraft of the future 
will be vastly more powerful machines, more effective weap- 
ons, than those of today. Flying at great heights, travelling 
at great speed, carrying huge bombs filled with explosives, or 
with noxious gases, (for gas will be used in war, international 
agreements to the contrary notwithstanding), they can rain 
down death and destruction, and it can be readily imagined 


what would be the effect of such an air attack upon this or 
any other of our large cities. It is repeated, we should surely 
avail ourselves of .any means which will render less likely the 
necessity of our engaging in so sanguinary a conflict." 

As for the protection of cities against aircraft, Briga- 
dier-General Groves, Director of Air Operations of the 
British Air Forces in 1918, made the following state- 
ment, in an address given before the Royal Institute of 
International Affairs in London on March 29, 1927: 

"The consensus of opinion in -aviation circles is that local 
defence is of negligible value; that no adequate means of 
protection against aircraft attack are yet in view; that the 
best defence against such an attack is the aerial counter- 
offensive; and that the only effective deterrent to aerial 
aggression is the threat of reprisals in kind." 

Referring to the experience of the last war, he said 
further : 

"It may be argued that it will be possible to protect the 
big cities by means of anti-aircraft defences. The following 
considerations will show that that view is fallacious. In 
1918 the London anti-aircraft defences consisted of 11 spe- 
cially trained night-flying squadrons of aeroplanes, 180 guns 
on the ground, in addition to a number of guns mounted 
upon motor vehicles, 10 balloon aprons, and a large number of 
searchlights. The number of aircraft was nearly 300, and the 
total number of men employed some 30,000 — i.e., the equiva- 
lent of two divisions of infantry. In addition, there were a 
number of specially prepared night landing grounds, exten- 
sive telephone installations, and a large headquarters staff 
to co-ordinate and direct the whole defensive organization. 
Great as was the scale of these defences, London was bom- 
barded, although the largest number of aeroplanes in any 
single raid was only 36. Obviously, it would be impossible to 
maintain defences on the above scale for every city and other 
nerve centres in a state; but even if it were possible, such 


defence would be useless against aerial attack delivered by 
thousands or even by hundreds of aircraft." 

The English officer, Commander J. M. Kenworthy, in 
his recent book, "Peace or War," one of the most startling 
revelations of what war today means, points out that, 
although guns and projectiles have been improved and 
there are gas shells capable of producing a gas barrage 
in the air, 

"It is exceedingly difficult to gauge the height, speed and 
course of attacking aircraft at night, and it is difficult to 
make these barrages effective. The improvement in artillery 
has not kept pace with the improvement in aeroplane engines 
and aeroplane design; aircraft can now fly much higher, at 
greater speed, and therefore with greater immunity from 
attack from the ground. Three hundred miles an hour is a 
practical speed for aeroplanes." 

He calls attention also to the great areas that must be 
protected and to the difficulty that the defending air- 
planes have in finding the enemy planes at night, and in 
distinguishing friend from foe, and to the many casual- 
ties resulting from the falling shrapnel and shells of de- 
fense guns. He refers to Brigadier-General Lord Thom- 
son as saying that the most effective form of defense 
against air attack is confined to bombing squadrons — 
that is, to reprisals. 

Marshal Foch has stated: 

"The carrying power of the airplane is increasing. Im- 
provements are almost daily enabling greater and greater 
weights to be carried. These developments introduce an 
entirely new method for the large-scale use of poison gas. 
By the use of bombs, which are becoming increasingly efficient 
and of greater capacity, not only have armies become more 
vulnerable, but the centers of population situated in the rear 
and whole regions inhabited by civilians will be threatened. 


Chemical warfare thus acquires the power to produce more 
terrible effects over much larger areas." 

On another occasion Marshal Foch declared that in 
another war not only men but women and children 
would be combatants, that the fighting would not be 
localized in any sense, and that the w T hole world would 
be involved. 

Brigadier-General Groves, following maneuvers of the 
Royal Air Force in 1927, admitted that: 

"During the next war large areas of the country will prob- 
ably be submerged in a sea of gas spread by enemy airplanes. 

"How to protect civilians from the perils of gas attack, 
and how to move them in time of need from the town to 
safe quarters, above and below the ground, are problems 
which are now occupying some of the best technical brains in 
the country." 

The discussion at a recent meeting of the Red Cross 
in Brussels, reported in the New York Times May 27, 
1928, gives a sense of immediate reality to these warn- 

"Assuming that in future wars large populations will be 
sprayed with poisonous gases . . . the Red Cross recently 
assembled experts on the subject in an international confer- 
ence. . . . The meeting adopted various suggestions, which 
will be submitted to the international committee of the Red 

"As conceived by these experts, the next war will be one in 
which the gas-besieged civilian will be in much the same 
predicament as a passenger in one of the lower cabins of a 
sinking ship. He may have some chance to survive, but not 
much. For the clouds of chemicals that will envelop his city 
will settle upon reservoirs, poisoning the water supply; will 
penetrate warehouses and shops, making food inedible; will 
hunt him out in his house or cellar, as well as in subterranean 
shelters, penetrating every crevice and cutting off all sources 


of fresh air except that which may be artificially produced 
within hermetically sealed enclosures. And if such enclosures 
existed, only a very small proportion of the population could 
utilize them. 

"If the civilian is provided with an effective gas mask . . . 
and can get it on and make a dash for an entirely air-and- 
gas-proof cellar, and if he has an artificial supply of oxygen 
readily at hand, and if the gas cloud lifts before long and is 
not renewed, he may escape and live. . . . The careful citi- 
zen may have to purchase many masks, getting a new one 
each time an improved brand appears. The present ones cost 
about $4 each; 

"If the recommendations of the experts were fully carried 
out, cities would have to be almost entirely rebuilt. The 
expense of even a moderate number of gas-proof caverns, gas- 
proof buildings and masks would, of course, be enormous. 
Some of the experts at the conference expressed the view 
that no reliable means of immunization existed, even assum- 
ing that a nation was prepared to pay the price of the 
elaborate construction conceived by the technicians." 

H. G. Wells, in his introduction to Commander Ken- 
worthy's book, recounts the fact that when the question 
of teaching the use of gas masks to children in the infant 
schools was raised in a debate on the Air Estimates Bill 
in the House of Commons in 1927, it was greeted with 
laughter by the members present. He goes on to say 
that "nothing could better illustrate the happy careless- 
ness with which we move towards the next catastrophe. 
. . . Today the huge majority of people in the world 
think no more about the prevention of war than a war- 
ren of rabbits thinks about the suppression of shotguns 
and ferrets. They just don't want to be bothered about 
it. It is amazing how they accept the things that will 
presently slaughter them. . . . " 

As a matter of fact even those who know most about 
present war plans know only with what weapons and 


devices another war would be begun. "The late w r ar 
brought surprises, the next would add to them." Two 
things, only, seem reasonably certain: It will be fought 
from the air with gas and flame, and carried on against 
whole populations. 

The dispatch from the Chicago Daily News mentioned 
above refers to the report of the special committee on 
chemical warfare of the League of Nations as saying that 
the next war will treat civilians the same as soldiers, that 
it will strike at great cities by long-range guns and air- 
craft and that protection of combatants against gases 
will be difficult, and protection of civilians almost impos- 

Attacks will be directed against centers of industry, 
against sources of food supply and lines of communica- 
tion. Breaking down the morale of the enemy people 
will be one of the chief objectives. 

The Right Honorable Winston S. Churchill, formerly 
First Lord of the Admiralty, Minister of Munitions, 
Secretary of State for War and Secretary of State for 
Air, in an article which was published in Nash's Pall 
Mall Magazine, September 24, 1924, under the title 
''Shall We Commit Suicide?" pointed out the lines along 
which the plans for another war are being made: 

"It is established that henceforth whole populations will 
take part in war, all doing their utmost, all subjected to the 
fury of the enemy. . . . Mankind has never been in this 
position before. Without having improved appreciably in 
virtue or enjoying wiser guidance, it has got into its hands 
for the first time the tools by which it can unfailingly accom- 
plish its own extermination. . . . 

"As for Poison Gas and Chemical Warfare in all its forms, 
only the first chapter has been written of a terrible book. . . . 
A study of disease — of pestilences methodically prepared and 
deliberately launched upon man and beast — is certainly being 


pursued in the laboratories of more than one great country. 
Blight to destroy crops, anthrax to slay horses and cattle, 
plague to poison not armies only but whole districts — such are 
the lines along which military science is remorselessly ad- 

In an article, "War — Man's Greatest Industry," pub- 
lished in the New York Times for March 13, 1922, 
Charles M. Lincoln after long research and investigation 
makes this statement: 

"The British Army Council foresees the use of chemicals on 
the offense in these ways: From cylinders along the ground, 
in clouds, by shell or projectile bombardment, by bursting 
grenades, and by projectiles and containers dropped from 

"Instruction of troops in the discharge of liquid fire is begin- 
ning, each soldier to carry on his back two tanks of volatile oil 
which high pressure will enable him to shoot 150 feet through 
a hose. • 

"Great progress is being made by all the nations in the 
wireless control of pilotless planes. The possibilities of radio 
are being developed by all the nations. ... In a few coun- 
tries consideration of the use of bacteria as a war weapon 
has accompanied the research in chemicals. But no nation 
has thus far had the hardihood to openly include bacteria 
in its category of weapons, as gases and chemicals have been 
included. But, at that, another great war might bring the use 

of disease germs They are cheap, can be produced in 

abundance, and might prove quite effective." 

The tremendous property losses of war conducted ac- 
cording to modern methods are indicated by Will Irwin 
in "The Next War": 

' "Perhaps a better way of breaking up the 'resistance of 
the rear* would be to exterminate not the human Paris but the 
physical Paris. That could be done in one gigantic confla- 
gration started by inextinguishable chemicals dropped from a 


few aircraft. The method is practicable even now, in the 
infancy of chemical warfare; and the military ctiemists of 
Europe are experimenting further alone these lines. Such a 
campaign would of course not be confined to Paris, it would 
be aimed also at the great ports, at a hundred little cities 
which do their part in making munitions. . . . Such a cam- 
paign could in a few weeks nearly equal the property losses 
of the Great War." 

General Lincoln C. Andrews, as Chief of the New York 
Bureau of Military Training, declares that to him it is 
incredible when he hears men talk about the next war 
in a matter-of-fact way. "It cannot be/' he says, "that 
they have any conception of what the next war will be 
like. It will be so hideous in its devastation that it will 
matter little which side wins, for both will be ruined." 

One of the things which Dr. William P. Merrill, Pres- 
ident of the World Alliance, says the individual man or 
woman can do to help mobilize for peace is to know and 
keep making known the facts about what war today is: 

"Nothing," he says, "should stop us in'this work. One grave 
danger threatening mankind is that a new generation' will 
come up trained and accustomed to look back on war from 
a distance, as a glorious and wonderful affair. We must not 
let the sense of the hideous gruesomeness of the horrible 
business of fighting fade out. The best of our fighting men 
came back with their lips sealed. They would not talk about 
war. Can we wonder? Yet they ought to talk. They ought 
never to let anyone forget what war is, as waged today. We 
ought to read and pass on and keep in circulation such books 
as Will Irwin and Philip Gibbs and others have been writing. 
Strong influences are at work to suppress or set aside such 
discussions of the nature of war. . . . Every lover of peace 
should put thought and energy into the task of keeping 
unveiled the grim horror of this business of war," 



It is possible after a fashion to estimate the number of 
dollars that the World War cost; it is even possible to 
estimate in round numbers the loss of life which it en- 
tailed. But it is not possible to compute the whole cost 
of the war for it would have to be added up in the 
unknown terms of the future. This fact, and the fact also 
that the cost will be borne by victor and vanquished alike 
are revealed in a very striking statement made by Dr. Ales 
Hrdlicka of the Smithsonian Institution, which is quoted 
by Dr. David Starr Jordan in his book, "War and the 

"Armies in the past have had little heavy artillery, with 
none of the powerful modern high explosives, and other con- 
ditions of warfare were such that deep mental and nervous 
shocks must have been far less frequent. 

"But it is not only the direct injuries to the brain or nervous 
system which come into consideration. Perhaps even greater 
harm, both in the way of resulting defective personalities 
and following defective progeny, will result from the extreme 
and prolonged tension that must be sustained in many cases 
by the soldier in the trenches, for days and often weeks at a 
time, from the infectious diseases, and from the disease of 
the various important organs contracted through overstrain, 
exposure or direct injuries. All such conditions will leave 
lasting marks on the organism. They will produce a large 
class of invalids, and these invalids, at best, will not be able 
to give the proper care to their progeny; but in many cases 
they will, doubtless, not be able any more to transmit to 
their progeny a 'healthy mind and a healthy body/ 

"Viewed in this light, modern warfare becomes a great 
enemy of the human race. It not only kills many of the 

• 401 


most healthy and competent but it will create and perpetuate 
on a larger scale many serious organic defects, which, like the 
proverbial sins, will plague humanity for generations. The 
victor and the vanquished will suffer alike." 

On the monetary cost of war comprehensive studies 
have been made by Professor Ernest L. Bogart, which 
have been published by the Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace, under the title, "Direct and Indirect 
Costs of the Great World War" : 

Summary of the Direct Costs of the War 


Gross to Allies Net Cost 

United States $ 32,080,266,968 $ 9,455,014,125 $ 22.625,252,843 

Great Britain 44.029,01 1 ,808 8,695,000,000 35.334 ,011 ,868 

Rest of British Empire 4.493.813,072 flfo3.813.072 

France 25,812,782,800 1,547,200,000 24,265,582,800 

Russia 22,593.950,000 22,593,950,000 

Italy 12,313,998,000 12,313,998,000 

Other Entente Allies. . 3,963,867,914 3,963,867,914 

Total $145,287,690,622 $19,697,214,125 $125,590,476,497 

Germany $ 40,150,000,000 $ 2,375,000,000 $ 37,775,000,000 

Austria-Hungary .... 20,622,690,600 20.622,960,600 

Turkey and Bulgaria . . 2,245,200,000 2 .245,200,000 

Total $ 63.018,160,600 $ 2,375,000,000 $ 60,643,160,600 

Grand Total $208,305,851,222 $22,072,214,125 $186,233,637,097 

Summary of Indirect Cost of the War 

Capitalized value of lives lost: 

Soldiers $ 33,551,276,280 

Civilians 33,551,276,280 

Property losses: 

On land 29,960,000,000 

Shipping and cargo 6,800,000,000 

Loss of production 45.000,000,000 

War relief 1,000,000,000 

Loss to neutrals 1,750,000,000 

Total indirect costs $151,612,552,560 

Total direct costs, net 186,233,637,097 

Grand total costs of the war $337346,189,657 


The average daily cost of the war was more than 
$215,000,000 or $9,000,000 per hour. Dr. Frank Crane 
visualizes this amount of money in these comparisons: 

"If the money which the war cost were brought together 
in silver dollars and these dollars were placed edge to edge 
they would lap around the world 236 times; they would belt 
the earth at the equator with a silver girdle 29 feet wide ; piled 
on one another would reach 1% times the distance to the 
moon; rolled into rails they would make a railroad twice 
around the equator; divided equally among the entire popu- 
lation of the globe they would allow each human being about 

There are no records from which the cost of the war 
in lives can be more than roughly estimated. The war 
records of the various countries show the number of 
known dead to have been as follows: 

Country Soldiers Killed 

United States 107,284 

Great Britain 807,451 

France 1,427,800 

Russia 2,762,064 

Italy 507,160 

Belgium 267.000 

Serbia 707,343 

Rumania 339,117 

Greece 15,000 

Portugal 4,000 

Japan 300 

Total 6,938,519 

Country Soldiers Killed 

Germany 1,611,104 

Austria-Huncary 911,000 

Turkey 436,924 

Bulgaria 101,224 

Total 3,060,252 

Grand total 9,998,771 

The loss of life from the decline in the birth rate and 
the increase in the death rate is estimated by the Danish 


Research Society in a study on the "Social Results of the 
War" to have been: 

Decline in Increase of 
Birth' Rate Death Rate 

Germany 3,600,000 2,700,000 

Austria-Hungary 3,800,000 2,000,000 

Great 'Britain, Ireland 850,000 1,000.000 

France 1,500,000 1,840,000 

Belgium 175,000 400,000 

Italy 1,400,000 880,000 

Bulgaria 155.000 130,000 

Rumania 150,000 360,000 

Serbia 320,000 1,330,000 

To all this should be added the public loss in construc- 
tive power and the private cost in suffering and misery 
which these figures indicate: 

20,297,551 wounded 

5,983,600 prisoners 
10,000,000 refugees 

9,000,000 war orphans 

5,000,000 war widows. 

When it comes to the cost of war to the race, it is, as 
Dr. Hrdlicka's statement suggests, impossible to do more 
than indicate that the cost is heavy. In "War and the 
Breed," Dr. David Starr Jordan assembles the opinions 
of many biologists and students of questions of race 
inheritance to the effect that far from insuring the "sur- 
vival of the fittest," war kills off or disables the»best, leav- 
ing the physically unfit as fathers of the race. 

Dr. Caleb Williams Saleeby, discussing "The Long 
Cost of War," says: 

"We all find reasons for the fall of the Roman Empire 
according to our creeds, instincts and prejudices. But some 
of the reasons advanced actually have reason in them. The 
incessant drain of the right kind of military stuff from the 
population of Rome, led in the long run to the production of 
that degenerate people who wished only for bread and 


circuses. The recruiting officer rejected the halt and blind, 
feeble-kneed, the easily fatigued, saying, though he did not 
know it: 'You are not good enough to be a Roman soldier; 
stay at home and be a Roman father.' The future was 
ruthlessly sacrificed by militarism to the present. ,, 

Professor Vernon Kellogg states: 

"War to the biologist seems, above all else, stupid. It is 
racially dangerous. It flies in the face of all that makes for 
human evolutionary advance, and is utterly without shadow 
of serious scientific reason for its maintenance. It is not 
natural selection in- Man, nor in any way the counterpart 
of it. 

"France has kept for over a century an interesting set of 
official records (of conscripted youths) which offers most 
valuable data for the scrutiny of the biological student of 
war . . . 

"From the recruiting statistics as officially recorded, it may 
be stated with confidence that the average height of the men 
of France began notably to decrease with the coming of age, 
in 1813 and on, of the young men born in the years of the 
Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802), and that it continued to 
decrease in the following years with the coming of age of 
youths born during the Wars of the Empire. 

"Running nearly parallel with the fluctuation in number of 
exemptions for undersize is the fluctuation in number of 
exemptions for infirmities. These exemptions increased by 
one-third in twenty years. Exemptions for undersize and 
infirmities together nearly doubled in number. But the les- 
sening again of the figure of exemptions for infirmities was 
not so easily accomplished as was that of the figure for under- 
size. The influence of the Napoleonic Wars was felt by the 
nation, and revealed by its recruiting statistics, for a far longer 
time in its aspect of producing a racial deterioration as to 
vigor than in its aspect of producing a lessening stature." 

So far from considering war a cause of progress, as is 
often claimed, Darwin wrote in the "Origin of Species": 


"In every country in which a large standing army is kept 
up, the finest young men are taken by conscription or enlisted. 
They are thus exposed to early death during war, are often 
tempted into vice, and are prevented from marrying during 
the prime of life. On the other hand, the shorter and feebler 
men, with poor constitutions, are left at home, and conse- 
quently have a much better chance of marrying." 

Following any future wars the cost to the race would 
be much heavier, for as Will Irwin says in "The Next 

"So far, wars in general have struck at the strength of the 
male strain alone. However much the women have been mas- 
sacred, there has been no scientific selection in the choice of 
victims. The strength of woman has been left to war-depleted 
nations to renew their blood. Already, the general staffs of 
Europe are saying that the recruiting of women in the late 
war w r as irregular, hit-and-miss, wasteful. ... It would be 
far more efficient and economical to mobilize them all and 
select the war-workers by scientific methods. . . . We shall 
take the young unmarried women, and choose from them by 
scientific test the strongest and most brilliant, rejecting the 
weakest and most stupid. That process was begun in the late 
war. The best managed munitions works gave no woman a 
job until medical and psychological tests proved that she had 
the body and brains for the work. Just as with the men, we* 
shall send the culls back to. civilian life, free to pour their 
inferior blood into the veins of the new generation. ... In 
the next war, munitions works and services of the rear will be 
special objects of attack. There, as at the front, we shall 
kill by wholesale not by retail, and we shall kill our selected 
female breeding stock. So to the anti-social effects of the 
next war we must add one never accomplished before in 
human history: the sapping of the feminine strength in the 
human race." 

But besides the drag upon the future the indirect 


costs of war in terms of human welfare are very heavy. 
Immediately following the war, Homer Folks traveled 
through Europe to make a survey in the interest of the 
work of the Red Cross of the "Net Results of the War 
upon Human Welfare." He has published the results of 
his survey in "The Human Costs of War." The increase 
in loss of life by sickness due to the war, he points out, 
is one of the things that cannot be estimated for the bills 
"come later." But the facts he cites in regard to tuber- 
culosis are indicative of what the cost was: 

"The anti-tuberculosis movement was local, state, national 
and international, voluntary and governmental, medical and 
lay; the best organized effort to stamp out a widespread 
disease yet known. Progress was slow. In a period of twenty 
or thirty years the disease might be reduced by 50 per cent. 
But everywhere it was being reduced. Now comes the 
war. This decrease in tuberculosis is immediately arrested 
and in two or three years the hard-won gains of twenty are 

"In Italy there was an increase of 16 per cent in two years; 
in the cities of Italy, an increase ranging from 30 to 50 per 
cent. In England there was an actual increase in 1917 of 
16 per cent over 1913 and of 30 per cent over what probably 
would have been the rate in 1917 had there been no war. 
Even in America, far removed as we were from the seat of 
war and late as we entered it, the rate of decrease in the 
tuberculosis death-rate, which had been fairly continuous for 
many years, was abruptly reduced." 

Beyond these things there is still the cost in character 
which must be included in the total against war. The 
old idea that war develops heroism and desirable traits 
of character is repeatedly contradicted by those who 
have had an opportunity to see its effect on men. Major 
General O'Ryan has declared on more than one occasion: 


"We soldiers are not ashamed of the way we fought, but 
those of us who know anything know that fighting is not 
glorious. No matter how righteous the cause, the experience 
of a soldier at the front tends to lower his finer sensibilities. 
If any soldier came out' of this war a better man than when 
he entered, it is in spite of and not because of his battle 
experience. War is the denial of Christianity, and of all the 
most sacred things in life. It exalts force. It thrives on lies. 
It is the product of hate and fear and cannot by any stretch 
of the imagination be waged humanely." 

Ellen Key, as a citizen of a neutral country, watched 
the effect of war on European families from the woman's 
point of view. She says in her book, "War, Peace and 
the Future": 

"Even in those cases where women regain their loved ones 
without any great physical or mental hurt, they often find 
them so changed in character that the mother or wife has 
the feeling that she is confronted with a different man to the 
one who left her; a sad man instead of a merry, a hard man 
instead of a sensitive, a brutal man instead of a refined man." 

And even yet the total is not all summed up. There 
is the constructive work that war delays or makes impos- 

The following paragraph from Francis Delaisi suggests 
the human power for production which war usurps: 

"Imagine a gigantic workyard where fifteen million hands, 
provided with formidable machinery, are busily employed 
day and night. Behind them, fifty-five million men are 
exclusively occupied in manufacturing and transporting all 
that is necessary for their upkeep, their equipment, their sup- 
plies and the renewing of their plant. And behind them the 
inhabitants of twenty-nine nations reducing their consumption 
to a minimum (sometimes, even below) and devoting their 


privations and their savings to feeding this gigantic gang 
of workers. All the resources of the universe were trans- 
ported to this workyard where fifteen million men were 
employed not in production, but exclusively in the destruction 
of everything they could lay their hands on, and of them- 

It has been estimated that the labor and raw material 
consumed every month during the last year of the war 
by the ordnance department of the United States Army 
alone, was equal to the cost of the Panama Canal. So 
much for what the war cost, — what we got out of it, ac- 
cording to Mr. Bruce Barton who quotes Eugene Debs as 
"the man who was most right about the last war" was 
" 'influenza and the income tax/ " 

In "The Next War" Will Irwin considers a few of the 
productive undertakings w r hich release from war would 
make possible: 

"In our government are a number of bureaus concerned with 
increasing production, fighting disease, supervising the agen- 
cies which conserve life and increase production. ... Go into 
any of these Washington bureaus and some specialist, some 
practical dreamer, struggling along at a salary running from 
fifteen hundred dollars to three thousand dollars a year, will 
tell you what 'his people* could do to multiply production and 
improve human conditions, to lengthen and fortify life, to in- 
crease the beauty and usefulness of the world 'if we only had 
the money. ' But they haven't the money. For these activi- 
ties, the Government grants less than one per cent of the 
National revenue. In 1920, the existing army and navy ab- 
sorbed thirty-eight per cent; and the whole war bill, was 
ninety-three per cent." 

It is an analysis of the taxes that tells this story most 
vividly. The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury for 
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1927, shows 82 cents of 


every tax dollar going to pay the bills of past wars and 
of preparation for future wars. The report contains 
these statements: 

". . . in modern times the Federal tax burden of one 
generation is largely determined by the military activities 
of the preceding one. In the fiscal year 1927 expenditures 
for interest on the public debt exceeded by over $140,000,000 
the aggregate amount of ordinary civil expenditures, while 
military expenditures were almost twice civil expendi- 

"When the average citizen grumbles over the size of hia 
income tax payment he often visualizes his hard-earned money 
being spent by the Government to compile reports on business 
or agricultural conditions, or to erect public buildings, send 
diplomats abroad, carry on scientific investigations, or make 
and enforce laws. As a matter of fact, a small part of the 
taxpayer's dollar goes into work of this sort, only about one- 
sixth being used for all the multitudinous types of ordi- 
nary civil functions added together. One-half of each tax 
dollar is used for the service of the public debt (due except 
for a fraction of one per cent to wars). The remaining 
one-third of the taxpayer's dollar is spent on military 
expenditures for national defense or payments to military 

The total appropriation for present national defense 
and past wars is estimated at 82 per cent of the budget 
for 1927, or $2,511,141,563, as follows: 

Pension Office, Interior Department $199,015,000 

Veterans' Bureau, including bonus, Army and Navy 

insurance, etc 405,500,000 

War Department, for military parks, Soldiers' 
Home, etc., included in so-called non-military 

activities 10,606,805 

Interest on public debt 830,000,000 

Public debt retirements 484,766,130 

Army and Navy, military activities 581,253,628 

Total $2,511,141,563 



The following tables from this report show the expendi- 
tures for national defense in pre-war and in post-war 

Per Cent 














. $ 92,142,000 

$ 97,866,000 





. 103,436,000 





1909. . . 

. 121,871,000 






. 122,572,000 






. 122.294,000 






. 108.676,000 






. 113,816,000 






. $784,807,000 

$848,148,000 $1,632,955,000 $4,731,281,000 


Per Cent 














1921 . . 










































Totals $2,089,477,000 $2,757,633,000 $4,847,110,000 $22,350,072,000 21.68 

The Sun of Baltimore published these tables with this 
comment : 

"Probably the best way to compare expenditures of one 
group of years with the other, in the opinion of statisticians 
here, would be to reduce the dollars to a common basis by 
using the 1913 index of the retail cost of living . . . 

"Employing this figure and averaging it for each group of 
years, it is found that the $1,632,955,000 which national de- 
fense cost from 1907 to 1913, is equivalent to $1,694,975,000 
of the 1913 value and that the $4,847,110,000 cost of national 


defense from 1921 to 1927 is equivalent to $3,231,406,000 of 
the 1913 value. 

"In other words, in actual dollars the cost of defense trebled, 
while in dollars converted to a common basis of value, the cost 
just about doubled. 7 y 

And after all the material costs of actual warfare have 
been met, there is yet another — the cost of the toleration 
of war. Upon every effort toward freedom and human 
welfare, upon the labor movement, the woman's move- 
ment, the child welfare movement, upon democracy, the 
toleration of war is a heavy drag. It contradicts in 
principle each one of these, by denying the value of 
human life and the worth and dignity of the individual. 
As Dr. Charles C. Morrison has said in "The Outlawry 
of War," because the establishment of peace "has been 
supposed to depend upon the realization of the brother- 
hood of man," men "have failed to see that so long as 
war remains, all dreams of a higher social order are in 





A rough survey, such as the preceding chapters con- 
tain, of the forces making for world peace and of opposing 
influences, leads to two convictions: the first is that the 
peace movement today is strong enough to have a chance 
of success not in the remote future, but now ; the second 
is that to achieve success it must find expression in every 
community big and little. No single effort of any group 
or any individual can be spared, nor is it possible to 
foresee what effort may open the way for the universal 
demand for peace which lies just beneath the political 
surface, to break through and compel action. The fate 
of the "big navy" program, which the militarists at- 
tempted to put through Congress in the spring of 1928, 
left no doubt of the extent of peace sentiment nor of the 
power of peace forces when their strength is focused. It 
was at first taken for granted in Congressional circles 
that the "big navy" program of seventy-one ships would 
be adopted. Leaders in Congress who were opposed to it 
believed that it would pass because there had been so 
little expression of opinion against it. At that point a 
few of the national peace organizations sent out detailed 
statements of what was happening. Almost overnight 
the churches, the women's groups, hastily created emer- 

1 The addresses of peace organizations mentioned in this chapter 
will be found at the end of the chapter, those of other organizations 
are included in the text. 



gency committees, and scattered individuals everywhere 
sent in such a protest as Congress had not received on 
any issue in years. The navy program was reduced in 
committee from seventy-one ships to sixteen. More 
than this, peace sentiment was recognized as a political 
force to be carefully considered. 

Forming a Committee 

It is not necessary to wait for a committee or organ- 
ization to be formed in a community in order to work 
for world peace. There is much that an individual or 
group of individuals consulting together informally, can 
do. But the most effective work can be accomplished 
if a large committee of active, well-informed citizens is 
gathered together and divided into sub-committees each 
of which can devote its energy to some one phase of 
the work. 

A committee may sometimes be more easily formed in 
the first place for some specific activity, such as a mass 
meeting for a prominent speaker, or an open forum for 
the discussion of some current problem or important 
measure before Congress. Armistice Day and Goodwill 
Day offer opportunities to organize for community 

The work of a permanent committee can be divided in 
various ways. One effective way is to have a sub-com- 
mittee for each different group to be reached so that the 
peace problem can be studied and presented from the 
special point of view of that group. The member chosen 
to interest the local labor groups, for instance, should not 
only understand the effect of war upon labor but should 
know what labor organizations have done to promote 
peace, so that local unions can be made to realize that 
in taking up peace work they are joining in an activity 
of their own group. 


Meeting Opposition 

The organizers of a peace committee must be prepared 
for a certain amount of opposition. It is inevitable that 
a movement seeking to bring about so profound a change 
as the elimination of war, affecting as it does long-estab- 
lished institutions, should be attacked. One method 
which has been employed to obstruct efforts toward peace 
has been, not to charge local groups with deliberately evil 
intent, but to assert that they are the dupes, either indi- 
rectly, through national peace organizations, or directly 
of "red" and "foreign" and "socialistic" influences. Local 
committees should know that the attacks upon national 
peace organizations and their officers have been fully 
answered and demonstrated to be without foundation, 
and that these answers are available. They should know 
also that there has been vigorous remonstrance and 
division within the ranks of such organizations as the 
American Legion and the D. A. R., officers of which have 
been instrumental in preventing speeches and public 
meetings designed to promote peace. Unquestionably 
in so difficult a problem as the organization of world 
peace, there is room for honest difference of opinion as 
to the methods that should be pursued, and the peace 
movement, knowing the facts and the future are on its 
side, should be willing in all instances to meet honest 
opposition with reason and without resentment. Even 
in the case of attacks rising consciously or unconsciously 
out of interested motives, the peace movement has no 
energy to spare for counterattacks. But peace workers 
need to be informed as to the source and motives of 
any charges made in order that they may be properly 
discounted and impotent to check the progress of the 

Among the publications from which information on 
these points can be obtained are: "Professional Patriots," 


by Norman Hapgood, published by Albert and Charles 
Boni; "The Blue Menace," by Elizabeth McCausland, 
published by The Springfield Republican, Springfield, 
Massachusetts, 10 cents a copy; the articles by Mrs. 
Carrie Chapman Catt which appeared in the Woman 
Citizen for June and July, 1927; an article in the Amer- 
ican Legion Monthly for July, 1927, "There's Only One 
Kind of Americanism," by Rupert Hughes; and "Our 
Threatened Heritage," a letter of protest to the Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution by members objecting 
to the methods employed by the officers of the organ- 
ization in combating the work of peace organizations, 
copies of which can be ordered from the D. A. R. Com- 
mittee of Protest, 371 Broadway, Cambridge, Massachu- 

There is an old saying, "When you wish to start a 
fire, put your match to the dry end of the stick." The 
organization of a community for peace work should be 
begun, therefore, where success promises to be quickest, 
for each step gained helps in taking the next, and energy 
is not tied up in a long struggle. 

Through Libraries 

The library as a center of information offers a logical 
point at which to begin. Many libraries will be found 
willing to arrange a special table or shelf of books and 
magazines dealing with international affairs. If neces- 
sary a committee can undertake to raise money to pur- 
chase them. 

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has 
established "International Mind Alcoves" in over 150 
libraries, the majority in small communities. These 
alcoves are designed "to stimulate the international mind 
— to assist readers to gain a wider knowledge of the peo- 


pies of the world and thereby a larger interest in them." 
The books number about 100, and are chosen from the 
most recent publications. They are presented to the 
library a few at a time. Any library may apply to the 
Endowment for such a collection. There is, however, a 
waiting list, so that requests cannot be immediately filled. 
A report on "International Mind Alcoves," very helpful 
in any work with libraries, can be obtained by writing 
the New York offices of the Endowment, at 405 West 
117th St. If a selection of books on Latin America is 
to be started, the Pan American Union, Washington, 
D. C, can give valuable suggestions and material. 

Through consultation with the State Library Commis- 
sions, it will often be found possible to arrange for the 
inclusion of books on international affairs in their 
traveling libraries and extension work. State library 
organizations in ten States are already receiving the 
books included in the International Mind Alcoves. 

If a special collection of books on international affairs 
is arranged in the library, publicity should be given it 
by a notice and, if possible, editorials in the local papers. 
When a foreign country, or a special problem affecting 
world peace is prominent in the news, a bibliography on 
the subject can be prepared, preferably by the local 
librarian, to be posted on the library bulletin board and 
for publication in the papers. 

In a number of instances the city libraries have 
cooperated with local clubs in preparing and printing 
bibliographies on international affairs, among others the 
Public Library of Newark, New Jersey, and the St. Louis 
Public Library. The Public Library of Newark in col- 
laboration with the Newark Museum also arranges 
exhibits on foreign countries in connection with which it 
issues bibliographies for children and adults on various 
phases of the life of the people and their relations with 


the United States. Helpful suggestions Li arranging 
similar projects can be obtained by writing the Director 
of the Library, John Cotton Dana. 

The children's room in the library should be supplied 
with books and pictures about the children of other 
nations, and such others as will give children a sense of 
the unity of mankind and the interdependence of nations. 
International Mind Alcoves for children to interest them 
in "their friends of other lands" have recently been 
started by the Carnegie Endowment, and are proving 
popular. An attractive feature can be made of children's 
books of other nations by arranging them to suggest a 
trip around the world, for instance, by putting them 
around a small globe of the earth standing at the center 
of a table, or around the edge of a world map; or a map 
can be hung on the wall behind the table of books, with 
the names of the books about each country printed in 
the margin. 

Through Public Discussion 

Public meetings are particularly important in emer- 
gencies when legislation is pending which needs to be 
supported or opposed. For large meetings and for meet- 
ings on technical problems, out-of-town speakers and 
authorities on the subject are desirable from every point 
of view, including that of publicity, through which a 
message can be carried to many more people than will 
attend the meeting. A mass meeting which has aroused 
general interest may be followed by smaller meetings in 
the city and vicinity addressed by local speakers who 
can report on the larger meeting and lead a discussion. 

As a part of a year-round program, speeches should 
be arranged before regular meetings of all organizations. 
At any such meeting the peace speaker should secure 
the adoption of a resolution on the need for persistent 


government effort toward peace, which can be sent to 
state and national legislative representatives and political 
leaders, and should arrange for the formation of a peace 
committee. From the Pennsylvania Branch of the 
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 
1525 Locust St., Philadelphia, a sample form can be 
obtained which will be found useful in building up a list 
of speakers for local meetings. 

In addition to routine meetings a series of open forums, 
if possible periodic open forum luncheons, can be held. 
Forum luncheons at which both sides of a problem are 
presented with time allowed for discussion, were 
inaugurated immediately after the war by the Foreign 
Policy Association in New York and have continued in 
that city and been extended to many others. Suggestions 
as to how to proceed can be obtained from the Foreign 
Policy Association. Where out-of-town speakers are not 
available for such luncheons, local representatives of 
various groups can be asked to discuss peace as the neces- 
sity of the modern world, from their particular points of 
view. At one, a local editor may tell what the press is 
doing to promote peace, at another a clergyman may 
describe the work of the churches, and at others repre- 
sentatives of teachers, of women's clubs, of business 
men, of labor and farm organizations and of young 
people may be the speakers. Such a series has been 
tried out with success by a committee of Friends in 

Suggestions for conferences on the general topic, "The 
Cause and Cure of War," carrying out the idea of the 
successful conferences held by women's organizations in 
Washington for the last three years, can be obtained from 
the National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War. 
Regional, state, county, city, town, village and rural con- 
ferences are planned by this committee, during the fall 


and winter of 1928, in support of the Kellogg treaty re- 
nouncing war, and special programs on this subject are 
available. General suggestions for organized joint con- 
ferences based on material originally prepared by the 
Y. W. C. A. may be obtained from the National Council 
for Prevention of War. Two programs for state con- 
ferences are described below. 

The Indiana Council on International Relations 
arranged an all-day state-wide conference on "A Con- 
structive Program for World Peace — Indiana's Respon- 
sibility." In addition to special speakers local men and 
women were asked to assist in the discussion period and 
their names were included on the program. Churches 
of all denominations cooperated in a mass meeting and 
a public luncheon gave the people who could not attend 
the sessions an opportunity to hear part of the dis- 
cussion. At a similar conference arranged by the Con- 
necticut Council on International Relations, separate 
luncheons were given for the men's and women's groups 
with speakers on subjects of special interest to each; the 
afternoon was devoted to round table discussions so 
arranged that delegates might attend more than one, 
and an evening dinner was held in a hall with a gallery 
so that the general speeches could be heard by a large 

Public discussion on foreign affairs has been greatly 
stimulated during recent years by the summer institutes 
arranged under the auspices of a rapidly increasing num- 
ber of universities. The first of these institutes, organized 
at "Williams College in 1921, known as the Williamstown 
Institute of Politics, has been addressed by leading states- 
men and thinkers from all sections of the world. Similar 
institutes on public and international affairs are held at 
the University of Virginia, the University of Georgia, 
the University of Chicago, the University of Porto Rico, 


the University of New Hampshire, the University of 
Washington and the University of California. A confer- 
ence of a little different character is held annually at 
Eliot, Maine, under the auspices of World Unity. It is 
known as Green Acre Institute and its purpose is to make 
available to the general public "those findings of modern 
science and philosophy which tend to supply a new basis 
for faith in the possibility of human brotherhood and 
world cooperation." 

A number of brief summer schools for the discussion 
of peace problems have been held during the last few 
years. Among the organizations which regularly hold 
such schools and from which information can be secured 
as to how to arrange others, are the Fellowship of 
Reconciliation and the Women's International League 
for Peace and Freedom. 

Peace committees might find it profitable to follow the 
example of universities which send students abroad for 
study, and send a representative to attend a conference 
or summer school or one of the many institutes on inter- 
national relations, who would be able to bring a report 
and something of the inspiration of the meeting back to 
the community. 

During political campaigns public meetings at which 
congressional candidates can be asked to state their own 
opinion and their party's position on peace questions 
are particularly important. 

The value of public meetings, large or small, can be 
greatly increased by the distribution of inexpensive 
fliers setting forth salient facts in connection with the 
subject under discussion, or giving a list of books for 
further study, or a list of suggestions as to what an 
individual can do. Suggestions for fliers and samples of 
those already printed can be obtained from the National 
Council for Prevention of War. 


Through the Churches 

Armistice Sunday has come to be almost universally 
observed in the churches by special services and sermons. 
A community peace service is usual. It may be preceded 
by a series of evening sermons in preparation for the day. 
Special programs are issued annually by the Federal 
Council of Churches. A Goodwill Service for Armistice 
Sunday is published by Dr. Lincoln Wirt, Western 
Secretary of the National Council for Prevention of 
War; an "International Church Service" by the League 
of Nations Non-Partisan Association and an Interna- 
tional Vesper Service, the price of which is ten for 30c, 
published by the Y. W. C. A. The Y. M. C. A. and 
Y. W. C. A. issue special programs for services of inter- 
national friendship in connection with the Week of 
Prayer and World Fellowship, celebrated throughout the 
world by these organizations each autumn. The Board 
of Religious Education of the United Church of Canada, 
at Toronto, is publishing a service of "Peace and Good- 
will" for Rally Day, 1928. 

The Sundays nearest Christmas and Goodwill Day 
also offer an opportunity for special church programs. 
Material helpful in building up a church peace service 
will be found in the peace sermons and articles by reli- 
gious leaders which are issued by the American Institute 
of Sacred Literature, Hyde Park, Chicago, by the World 
Alliance for International Friendship through the 
Churches. Reprints of sermons and a leaflet of "Songs 
of Fellowship," published by the Fellowship of Recon- 
ciliation, can be obtained from the National Council 
for Prevention of War. A comprehensive collection of 
peace hymns has been made by Dr. George H. Don- 
aldson of Cliff side, New Jersey, but has not yet been 


Sunday Schools and Vacation Bible Schools 

In the Sunday Schools and Vacation Bible Schools a 
steadily increasing effort is being made to teach the ideals 
of peace. The International Council of Religious Edu- 
cation at its 1928 meeting recommended world peace as 
one of the three subjects to be emphasized in the Sunday 
Schools. Sunday School courses are being revised not 
only with the idea of including special peace lessons but 
with that of considering the whole course from the point 
of view of its effect on the fundamental peace teaching 
of the Christian religion and Sunday Schools should 
make use of these new editions. A study of "The God 
of the Old Testament in Relation to War," by Marion J. 
Benedict, recently published by Teachers College, 
Columbia University, will be found very useful in the 
preparation of a Sunday School course, as is likewise a 
scholarly pamphlet, "The Words of Christ Quoted for or 
Against War," which has been prepared by the New York 
Presbytery and may be obtained from Mr. Harold A. 
Hatch, 70 Leonard St., New York City. 

The General Sunday School Association of the Uni- 
versalist Church, 176 Newbury St., Boston, Mass., issues 
a peace program particularly appropriate for Goodwill 
Day or for any patriotic holiday. In addition this associa- 
tion sends out special goodwill programs including hymns, 
scripture readings, prayers and general suggestions, six 
weeks in advance of Goodwill Day, Armistice Sunday 
and other appropriate occasions, as a part of a loose-leaf 
notebook service with which it supplies all superin- 
tendents of its Sunday Schools. 

For adult classes the courses on Christianity and Peace 
listed in a later section of this chapter are appropriate, 
notably "Christian Fellowship Among the Nations," by 
Dr. Jerome Davis and Dr. Roy B. Chamberlin. 

For the younger classes, "Peace Lessons for Sunday 


Schools," by Anna FitzGerald Van Loan, graded for 
pupils from six to sixteen years of age, is among the 
recent non-denominational publications of special value. 
It is published by Fleming H. Revell, New York, in three 
volumes at $1.00 a volume. "Projects in World Friend- 
ship," by John Leslie Lobingier, arranged for primary, 
junior and high school departments, is published by the 
University of Chicago Press for $1.85. "Programs of 
World Service for Primary Children," also by Mr. 
Lobingier, is being issued by the Committee on Mission- 
ary Education of the Congregational Churches, 14 Beacon 
St., Boston. In "Peace Crusaders — Adventures in Good- 
will," by Anna Bassett Griscom, published by Lippincott 
and available from the American Friends Service Com- 
mittee for $1.50, there is much material that will be 
found of interest and value in Sunday School work. 

Helpful suggestions can be obtained from the Mission- 
ary Education Movement, 150 Fifth Ave., New York 
City, the Federal Council of Churches and the World 
Alliance. Lists of additional Sunday School material, 
including Christmas plays and Armistice Day programs, 
can be obtained from the National Council for Prevention 
of War. 

Missionary Societies 

The relation of the work of missionary societies to 
world peace is receiving wide attention. In several 
instances Missionary Boards have taken the position that 
no call must be made for protection by armed forces, and, 
equally fundamental, a new attitude is being adopted, 
expressed in this statement by the executive secretary 
of the Institute of Social and Religious Research: 

'That some radical changes in policy and emphasis in the 
missionary movement in order to make it more completely 


conducive to world-mindedness are demanded must be obvious 
to everyone who has thought deeply on the situation. 

"Should not missions be rebased on the principle of mutu- 
ality, of reciprocity, that is, of the interchange among all 
countries, whether so-called Christian or so-called non-Chris- 
tian, of the best ideas and personalities? The sending nations 
must recognize that they, too, are non-Christian when seen 
under the white light of Christ himself." 

Material of special interest to missionary groups will 
be found in the reports of the 1926 convention of the 
Religious Education Association published in its Journal. 
Abstracts of the speeches delivered on this occasion as 
well as church resolutions on this subject and a state- 
ment on "Missionaries and Armed Forces," issued by the 
Society of Friends, in England, are obtainable from the 
National Council for Prevention of War. The publica- 
tions of the Missionary Education Movement, notably its 
books by Basil Mathews, are of particular value in this 

For work with young people's societies excellent sug- 
gestions can be secured from the World Christian 
Endeavor Society which has recently entered upon a 
"Crusade for Peace" in w r hich other Christian young 
people's organizations are joining. The Epworth League 
and the Girls' Friendly Society have also undertaken to 
promote international goodwill. The Committee on 
World Friendship among Young People of the Federal 
Council of Churches has. issued valuable material, includ- 
ing "International Friendship Projects" in which are 
many practical suggestions. The interest of young people 
of high-school age in the churches of Ohio has been 
aroused through Peace Declamation Contests. Full in- 
formation and a book of selections suitable for declama- 
tions can be obtained from the Ohio Council of Churches 
in Columbus. 


Dr. Sidney L. Gulick, Secretary of the Commission on 
International Justice and Goodwill of the Federal Coun- 
cil, makes these suggestions as to how the individual 
can begin work within his own church: 

"Talk to. your pastor. Urge him to start study classes in 
the Sunday School. The various adult groups of men and 
women can give time to the study of these questions. Sug- 
gest the formation of a Church Committee on International 
Goodwill. The Committee may be asked to be responsible 
for finding the best books on the problem and placing them 
in the Sunday School library. It may arrange for pageants 
and concerts and lectures dealing with these questions. When 
several churches have such committees they may join in 
holding big public rallies on world questions once or twice a 
year. This committee will be the connecting link between the 
local church and the* national agencies of the churches. 

"One wide-awake, consecrated, intelligent, resourceful indi- 
vidual in each church can accomplish wonders if he has faith 
and will really do what he can." 

If they are not already receiving them, the bulletins 
and publications of the Federal Council of Churches and 
the World Alliance for International Friendship through 
the Churches should be sent not only to ministers but 
to Sunday School officers and church leaders in the 

Through Women's Clubs 

By resolutions, at least, practically all national 
women's organizations are exerting an influence on the 
side of world peace, but many local branches are not 
actively carrying out the line of work suggested by the 
resolutions or the programs of the national bodies. 
Where they are not, a member may be asked to bring 
the matter up at a meeting and if possible have a special 
committee on international relations appointed to 


arrange a study course, cooperate with other clubs in a 
general program, or carry on an independent project in 
connection with the library, schools or churches. A pro- 
gram for a special club meeting may be suggested, based 
on the outlines at the end of this chapter. Reports of 
peace work in the club bulletins are important in creat- 
ing and sustaining interest. 

A plan for interesting women's groups which could 
well be imitated in other communities has been worked 
out by the Adams County Y. W. C. A. at Hastings, 
Nebraska. The Association has organized a Women's 
Council on International Relations including the presi- 
dents of all the local women's organizations in the com- 
munity. Monthly meetings are held from which each 
member takes books, information and peace material 
back to her organization. Round-table discussions are 
arranged to which other women are invited and speakers 
sent out to the meetings of other organizations. 

Where it is a question of coordinating various active 
women's groups consultation with the Women's Council 
for the Promotion of Peace, Hippodrome Annex, Cleve- 
land, Ohio, through which 115 organizations have very 
successfully carried out an active program, will prove 

A list of the national women's organizations taking 
part in the effort to establish peace will be found in the 
chapter on Women and Peace. The latest resolutions of 
these organizations can be obtained from their national 
offices or from the National Council for Prevention of 

Through Young People's Groups 
The national bodies of young people's organizations 
have nearly all adopted some plan for increasing inter- 
national goodwill and understanding of international 


problems. Whether or not a local group carries out this 
part of the program depends largely on the local leader, 
who may be glad to put additional emphasis on the 
peace work if interest is expressed in it. 

The Y. M. C. A., which is organized in 56 different 
countries, offers various opportunities for boys of dif- 
ferent nations to become acquainted with each other. 
Besides the "World-Y" tours and borderline camps 
which it arranges, it publishes two magazines, World 
Youth and Foreign Flashes, which tell stories and show 
pictures of what boys of other nations are doing. It 
sends out exhibits of foreign photographs and objects 
to be used as a basis for talks and for study. It awards 
a World Brotherhood Charter to boys' groups which take 
part in its international program. At its international 
camps a dramatic ceremony is Held around the last camp- 
fire. A line of boys, each draped in the flag of his coun- 
try, marches out of the darkness into the light of the 
fire. Stepping forward one by one each says in his own 
language, "The boys of my country desire to join hands 
with young people everywhere," at the same time light- 
ing a peace torch at the fire, to signify that he carries 
the flame of peace into all parts of the world. This 
ceremony can be used also at local camps, the American 
boys all joining hands and repeating the pledge of the 
Campfire together. Complete information as to how 
local branches can take part in the organization's inter- 
national work can be obtained from the national head- 
quarters. A special program for Y. M. C. A. camps is 
issued by the National Council for Prevention of War. 

The Y. W. C. A. publishes many suggestions for 
pageants, plays and special programs, as well as for study 
groups on international questions, which can be ordered 
from the national headquarters. The Week of Prayer 
arranged by the World Committee of the Y. W. C. A. 


each November is in some cities called World Fellowship 
Week and provides an excellent opportunity for peace 
programs. The September issue of the Womans Press 
is devoted to material useful in promoting international 

The Boy Scout and Girl Scout organizations and the 
Campfire Girls all provide channels, including interna- 
tional correspondence departments in their magazines, 
through which the young people of different nations can 
be brought into touch with each other. Their national 
resolutions and programs not only authorize but call 
for work in promotion of world peace and goodwill. The 
fact that those interested in popularizing military train- 
ing in this country are seeking to encourage it through 
such organizations as the Scouts, makes it all the more 
important to be sure that local groups understand and 
are carrying out the fundamental "aims and ideals" of 
their organizations. The Boy Scout International Con- 
ference recently declared its aims to be "directed toward 
the development of a spirit of harmony and goodwill 
between individuals and between nations." In the 1927 
Handbook of the Boy Scouts, war is vigorously con- 
demned : 

"War is one of the tragedies of the life of the world. In 
its wake stalk sorrow, poverty, disease, moral let down, 
debt, hatreds, fears. . . . 

"The insane thing about war is that, after killing and 
destroying, then folks must gather around the table — find 
what the points at issue are and adjust them finally. In a 
sane world this would be done first. It is not conflict but 
conference that settles — therefore have it first. . . . 

"The Boy Scout Movement around the world is creating 
world friendships, making community of interest among 
nations, and should help prevent future wars. 

"What individuals and cities and states have learned fairly 


well, namely, to settle their differences before impartial judges, 
may yet be realized between nations. 

"Why not? And the Scout who lives goodwill and fair- 
ness and peace is helping the world recover from the disease 
of war." 

The Girl Scouts, in order that there might be no mis- 
understanding of their purposes, in 1928 authorized a 
change in the Scout uniform from khaki cloth, cut in a 
somewhat military style, to green, made in a more typical 
sports fashion. 

The ideals of international goodwill are likewise 
encouraged by the following organizations of which 
local branches can be formed if none already exists: 
the Knighthood of Youth, which is being promoted by 
the National Child Welfare Association, 70 Fifth Ave., 
New York City, with Dr. Frank Astor as managing 
director, and is designed for children from seven to 
twelve years of age; the Hi-Y Clubs, which are organ- 
ized in high schools in connection with Y. M. C. A. 
work ; the Sportsmanship Brotherhood, which was organ- 
ized by a group of men interested in promoting inter- 
national goodwill through sports, and about which full 
information can be secured from the Executive Secretary, 
Daniel Chase, 342 Madison Ave., New York City; and 
the Woodcraft League of America, 70 East 45th St., New 
York City, organized by Ernest Thompson Seton. 

Besides the opportunity which many of these organi- 
zations offered their members for correspondence w r ith 
young people of other countries, a direct exchange of 
letters with selected young people abroad can be arranged 
for American boys and girls through the National 
Bureau of International Correspondence, which has its 
headquarters at Peabody College, Nashville, Tennessee, 
and is a branch of the Musee Pedagogique, which is 
under the direction of the French Minister of Public 


Instruction; or through Miss Mary N. Chase, Proctor 
Academy, Andover, New Hampshire. For boys, Dr. 
Sven V. Knudsen has developed a very interesting plan 
for direct correspondence, under the title "My Friend 
Abroad," which is carried out through the Open Road 
magazine, 248 Boylston St., Boston. Dr. Knudsen is 
publishing a directory of a thousand names of boys in 
different countries who want to exchange letters. At the 
end of the first year the American boys had written an 
average of twenty-six letters and already received an 
average of fourteen replies. One boy had written 
seventy-nine letters to twenty-three countries- and had 
thirty-six replies from fifteen countries. Prizes are 
offered for the largest number of letters and for the 

A Youth Peace Contest, a declamation contest for 
boys and girls from nine to fifteen years of age, has been 
arranged by the American Friends Service Committee. 
Any community may take part. Silver, gold and dia- 
mond medals are awarded. Complete directions may be 
obtained from the Committee. 

Summer Camps 

Young people can also be reached at their summer 
camps. A practical and varied collection of camp pro- 
grams is published by the League of Nations Non- 
partisan Association. Through routine life out of doors 
it is possible to make clear the part which cooperation 
played in man's development and to bring about a 
realization of how men wherever they live are occupied 
with the same tasks of finding food, clothing, shelter, 
and rest. The saying, "We are citizens of the earth 
together," can be given a new meaning. A camp program 
developing this idea is issued by the National Council 
for Prevention of War. 


Goodwill Teams and Peace Caravans 

Any young people's group might organize an Interna- 
tional Goodwill Team following the plan originated by 
the Y. M. C. A., or a Caravan for Peace such as those 
sent out by the American Friends Service Committee. 
Members of a Goodwill Team inform themselves on 
international topics, subscribing to appropriate magazines 
and always making it a point to read at least one book on 
international affairs a week. A team meets once a week 
to discuss current events, rehearse programs and plan 
methods of carrying its ideas afield. Two members spend 
their time making engagements, two others take charge 
of collecting pamphlets and posters suitable for dis- 
tribution, and songs, magazines, maps and charts that 
can be used with different groups or clubs. Members of 
the club then speak or give other programs in churches, 
schools, clubs — "anywhere that people meet to hear pro- 
grams in the city or surrounding country." Bibliogra- 
phies on topics discussed are distributed at meetings. 

In the Caravans for Peace, men or women college stu- 
dents travel in automobiles supplied with banners and 
literature for distribution and speak outdoors or indoors 
to any audience, and wherever* possible arrange for local 
committees to be formed to continue the peace work. 
The Caravaners are given a week's training before start- 
ing out. Letters from the Caravaners of 1928 telling 
their remarkable adventures and showing how much 
they have need to be in earnest and well fortified with 
facts, have been issued in mimeographed form by the 
American Friends Service Committee. 

Service Civile 

In Europe young men and women have organized 
what is known in Switzerland as the service civile in 
which they give their services for the summer months 


in constructive work for their country. In Switzerland 
these volunteers have repaired the damages done in a 
little Alpine town by an avalanche, rebuilt the parts of 
another town damaged by a landslide, and graded and 
levelled Alpine pasturages which the people of the 
neighborhoods could not handle by themselves. The 
government has reduced the railway fare to these young 
workers, army supply depots issue army blankets and 
other equipment, and the villagers supply their simple 
food. International teams are also being formed to go 
wherever they are needed. 

This plan seems to carry out the suggestions of Wil- 
liam James in his "Moral Equivalent of War": 

"If now — and this is my idea — there were, instead of mili- 
tary conscription, a conscription of the whole youthful popu- 
lation to form for a certain number of years a part of the 
army enlisted against Nature . . . the military ideals of 
hardihood and discipline would be wrought into the growing 
fiber of the people; no one would remain blind, as the luxurious 
classes now are blind, to man's real relations to the globe 
he lives on, and to the permanently sour and hard foundations 
of his higher life. * 

"Such a conscription, with the state of public opinion that 
would have required it, and the many moral fruits it would 
bear, would preserve in the midst of a pacific civilization the 
manly virtues which the military party is so afraid of seeing 
disappear in peace. We should get toughness without callous- 
ness, authority with as little criminal cruelty as possible, and 
painful work done cheerily because the duty is temporary, 
and threatens not, as now, to degrade the whole remainder of 
one's life. . . . The only thing needed henceforth is to 
inflame the civic temper as past history has inflamed the 
military temper. . . ." 

It is entirely possible that were enough requests 
received Congress might arrange for the Department of 
the Interior and the Department of Agriculture during 


the summer months to give groups of young people some 
insight into and some training in the constructive and 
often heroic work carried on for the benefit of the country 
by many of their branches. 

Through Rural Groups 

To reach people in outlying districts is a special 
problem. Talks over the radio, if they can be arranged, 
offer one opportunity, and articles in the country papers 
offer another. Special speakers can be sent to meetings 
and picnics of farm organizations, and to county and 
state conventions of ministers and teachers, where a 
large proportion of those who attend are usually leaders 
in country districts. In addition to the speeches that are 
made, literature should be distributed, resolutions pro- 
posed and permanent committees formed. 

A calendar of county fairs should be kept by a local 
committee, and speakers, literature, and, if possible, a 
peace exhibit sent from one fair to another. A booth 
decorated with posters and stocked with books and maga- 
zines, where people may sit and rest, makes an ideal 
center for the distribution of literature and for an 
occasional talk. An adjoining sand pile where children 
may be left to play under supervision would be a valu- 
able addition to the booth. A register should be kept of 
visitors, with notes, when possible, of what questions they 
were particularly interested in and of ways in which they 
would be willing to help with peace work in their com- 
munities. Individuals may be found willing to start a 
circulating library of books in their homes — the books to 
be provided by a group of people, by the State Library 
Commission or a nearby city library. Others may be 
willing to urge action for peace at local or national meet- 
ing of farm organizations. An excellent plan of work 
with county fairs has been carried out by the Yearly 


Meeting of Friends in Philadelphia for several years. 
An automobile delivery wagon in which a machine for 
showing moving pictures by daylight and a phonograph 
are installed, travels from fair to fair. From it speeches 
are delivered and literature distributed in paper shopping 
bags on which are printed the words, "War ruins both 
winner and loser. What we need is security against war." 
The younger members of farm organizations can often 
be interested in arranging international pageants and pro- 
grams for local meetings and fairs. 

Through the Press 

When a peace committee is being organized in a com- 
munity, the editors of the papers should be among, the 
first persons consulted and informed. It is important 
that they should understand exactly what the purpose 
of the committee is and the program of work it proposes 
to carry out. The first story announcing the formation 
of the committee is likely to be the best news story that 
the committee will have to offer for some time and the 
success of the work may depend upon the impression it 
makes. An account of the organization meeting, includ- 
ing a statement, preferably by the chairman of the 
committee, as to its purposes and plans, should be taken 
by some member of the committee to the editors in 
order that there may be an opportunity for conference 
with them and any questions they have may be answered. 
A page of "facts" should be prepared for the coAvenience 
and guidance of reporters, including the list of officers, 
the date of organization, statement of purpose, program 
of work, dates of meetings, and, if there is to be affiliation 
with a national group, a statement of the officers and 
purpose of the national group. A paragraph on the 
international character, extent and strength of the peace 
movement may well be appended. 


Editors should be consulted about the kind of material 
they can use, and copies of the information bulletins 
issued by peace societies shown them so that they may 
choose those they wish to receive regularly. 

A prize may be offered through a paper for the best 
article suggesting how an individual working in his own 
community can further international goodwill. The pub- 
lication of a special feature or page on Armistice Day 
or Goodwill Day may be suggested and an offer made to 
help in collecting material. One way not only to reach 
the public through the press but to attract the attention 
of the press itself is to run half or full page advertise- 
ments on appropriate days setting forth startling facts 
and arguments for peace. The advertisements should 
be signed by those who pay for them. This idea has 
been tried in several cities with notable success. Mer- 
chants may be persuaded on Goodwill Day and Armistice 
Day or at Christmas to carry a line of goodwill across 
their large advertisements. At Christmas, the line might 
read simply, "Peace on Earth, Goodwill to Men." On 
Armistice Day it might be "We can end war in our time 
if we get on the job" — Major-General John F. O'Ryan; 
on Goodwill Day, "Science has made us Neighbors; Let 
Goodwill make us Friends." 

The country papers are fully as important as the city 
papers. By consultation with the editors, the publica- 
tion of feature articles with a local angle, news notes of 
local activities, book reviews or letters from men and 
women of influence in rural life may often be arranged. 

It is important that those who interview editors have 
in mind a correct idea of the relation of the press to the 
development of better international understanding. The 
press as a whole is confronted today with the tremendous 
task of collecting news from every corner of the earth 
and of distributing it to the front door of the world 


twice in every twenty-four hours. To meet the technical 
difficulties and responsibilities of that task, it is steadily 
increasing its international organization and contacts. 
In 1924 the Press Congress of the World was organized 
at the suggestion of American editors. In 1926 it held 
its third conference in Geneva. Twenty-four countries 
were represented, with eighty-four delegates from the 
United States. The Congress declared its prime purpose 
to be "to bring about the utmost cooperation through 
the press in preventing wars, and to forward the attain- 
ment of permanent world peace through the better 
understanding of all peoples by means of a free, cour- 
ageous, and responsible press." The Council of the 
League of Nations in 1926 called a Conference pf Press 
Experts, attended by 120 delegates, including an 
influential group from the United States, which met in 
Geneva, August 24 to 28, 1927. The preamble of the 
resolutions adopted speaks of "the work of the press in 
its great and responsible mission of accurately and con- 
scientiously informing world public opinion and hence 
contributing directly to peace and the advancement of 
civilization." A Pan American Congress of Journalists 
met in Washington in April, 1926, for the purpose of 
creating bonds of sympathy and closer understanding 
through the newspapers of North and South America, by 
securing a fuller interchange of news and by guarding 
against the misrepresentation of the peoples concerned. 
The Congress declared that its constituent members 
should neglect "no endeavor to give their readers the 
important, constructive, educational news of all coun- 
tries, limiting as far as possible that which is merely 
sensational, trivial or likely to create antagonisms or 
jealousies. ,, 

Two facts are pointed out by editors as militating 
against constructive international news in the daily 


papers. The importance of speed in the gathering and 
writing of news leads to selecting salient news which 
is oftener than not destructive. In the second place, 
lack of knowledge of foreign conditions and foreign 
politics on the part of the reading public stands in the 
way of constructive foreign news dispatches, for a com- 
plete explanatory story cannot be printed with each new 
development from day to day. Sensational, personal 
foreign news is easily understood. In several cities news- 
papers, with the cooperation of a member of a local col- 
lege faculty or other authority, are printing courses on 
current topics including international relations — an idea 
that should be imitated in as many cities as possible. 
Information in regard to carrying out such a plan can be 
gotten by writing to the editor of the News-Leader of 
Richmond, Virginia. 

The relationship between governments and the press 
in some instances also tends away from full accurate 
news reports. In the United States the World War 
brought about far-reaching changes in the relationship 
of the government and the press. The cessation of 
criticism of the government and the cooperation between 
the press and the government at that period has led, 
according to one journalist, to the news reporter's think- 
ing of himself as "an ambassador abroad and a statesman 
at home/' whose business it is to carry out government 
policies. Public insistence on freedom of the press can 
help this situation. 

The creation of travel fellowships for journalists, in 
some instances by governments themselves, as in 
Czechoslovakia, Latvia and Jugoslavia, and in others by 
federations of journalists, as in Denmark, Esthonia and 
Norway, and in others through private funds, as in the 
case of the English-speaking Union, which each year 
sends an American to England and two British jour- 


nalists to the United States, indicates a realization of the 
importance of journalists' being well informed on foreign 
affairs. The Carnegie Endowment for International 
Peace arranged a European tour for a large number of 
American editors in 1927. Local peace organizations 
might well offer, when possible, travel fellowships for 
local members of the press. 

To stimulate a discussion by the press itself of what 
it can do to aid the present world-wide effort to develop 
better international relations, would probably do more 
than any other one thing to increase its conscious activity 
in this direction. The charge of a member of the press 
itself, Mr. Bruce Bliven, editor of the New Republic, 
that editors in general show an "inveterate bellicosity" 
might serve as the needed stimulus to such discussion. 
Mr. Bliven gave eight reasons for his condemnation of 
the attitude of editors, in a speech which he made before 
the first Conference on the Cause and Cure of War. 
He holds the press bellicose, 

"For permitting hostilities to develop between governments 
without giving the public warning (e.g., the chief chancellories 
of the world knew that the late war was impending, but the 
press gave no advance information concerning the situation) ; 
because it encourages a belligerent attitude on the part of its 
own government, editors in general exhibiting an inveterate 
bellicosity ; because it tells lies at the behest of secret interests 
or of the government (Reuter's Agency, for example, admits 
having been turned over to the British Government during 
the war) ; because it continues to foster hate after war is 
over, producing 'a frame of mind incompatible with justice 
and reason'; . . . because it fails to tell the truth about for- 
eign countries and foreign peoples; fails to encourage govern- 
ment officials in the effort to lay a foundation for better 
international relations; fails to tell the truth about modern 
warfare — does so inadequately in peace time and not at all in 
war; and fails to support movements for peace; specifically, 


the press has never given the League of Nations a fair 

A form of advertising useful in supplementing news- 
paper publicity, that of billboards, is rapidly gaining 
popularity. At Flushing, Long Island, sixty organiza- 
tions are cooperating in erecting an anti-war signboard 
fifty feet long and four feet high at a crossroads where it 
will be passed by thousands of motorists daily. A special 
meeting was planned for its dedication. Details of the 
plan can be obtained by writing Mr. Morris L. Beard, 
Flushing, Long Island, New York. 

Through Motion" Pictures 

The organization of the motion picture business makes 
it difficult for the public to exert an immediate influence 
upon the character of pictures being shown. Protests 
against pictures which tend to glorify war or to create 
ill will, may, however, influence the choice of later sub- 
jects. Protests should be sent to the local manager, to 
the office of the producing company, and to the President 
and Secretary of the Motion Picture Producers and Dis- 
tributors of America, 469 Fifth Avenue, New York City. 

The number of war pictures has recently increased, 
and since, even when such pictures do not glorify war 
they cannot accurately represent it, and lead to war's 
being accepted as a normal part of life, protests against 
them are being made both in England and the United 
States. In England the War and Navy Departments 
are officially cooperating with the motion picture pro- 
ducers by permitting the use of soldiers, ships and arma- 
ment. In the United States similar cooperation is 
extensive. In an article recently published, a "dis- 
tinguished film critic of England" insists that no film can 
give an honest picture of the suffering and horror and 


filth and stench of war, and declares that the real menace 
of the war film is : 

"... not its bitterness, its social distortion, nor its incite- 
ment to hatred, but its half-deference to the honour of 
the battlefield, its half-suggestion of the comradeship of 
slaughter. . . . 

"I feel, as each of these showy, sentimental war films comes 
marching along, a fierce desire to stand up and cry out that 
the whole thing is an abomination, a dishonour to our country, 
and to the men who now plaster their faces with studio mud 
and blood and mimic their own agony." 

Commander J. M. Kenworthy of England in his book, 
"Peace or War" warns the public that: 

"Films that glorify war and enhance its romance will have 
a cumulative effect on the mind of humanity. And if ever 
we tackle this question (of war) at the root, we shall ban 
such films from the screen for all time." 

Besides their possible use in glorifying war, motion 
pictures are a powerful influence for the development of 
international goodwill or ill will. This phase of their 
influence should be closely watched by the citizens of 
the United States since, according to reports, the film 
producers in this country are faced with the necessity of 
expanding through greater sales in foreign countries or 
with becoming stagnant. It has been suggested that if 
the State Department finds it necessary to supervise 
foreign investments in the interest of international 
goodwill, it should also oversee the production of films 
for foreign distribution in order that the character and 
sentiment of the people of this country may not be mis- 
represented to the people of other nations. 

An International Cinema Congress, held in 1926 at the 
suggestion of the International Committee on Intel- 
lectual Cooperation of the League of Nations, and 


attended by 450 representatives of different nations, 
voted for an international bureau to maintain a catalogue 
of educational films and adopted these resolutions: 

"The International Motion Picture Congress recommends 
authors, scenario-writers, publishers, and, in general, all per- 
sons interested in the artistic and industrial aspects of film 

"(a) To avoid carefully scenarios liable to arouse a spirit 
of animosity between nations and tending to perpetuate the 
idea of war; 

"(b) To avoid presenting foreign nations or races in a 
degrading or ridiculous light on the screen; 

"(c) To show the characteristics and qualities of a for- 
eign people in such a way as to arouse sentiments of interest 
and sympathy in their favour, ahd to utilise the resources of 
the cinema to the fullest possible extent to bring about inter- 
national peace and universal progress." 

Mr. Will Hays, President of the Motion Picture Pro- 
ducers and Distributors of America, writing in the 
August, 1927, number of Pan Pacific Progress, declared 
the motion picture industry to be intent upon bringing 
about better international understanding: 

"The motion picture knows no barrier of distance. We 
are apt to look upon the distant group or nation as some- 
thing different from ourselves and therefore inimical. The 
motion picture knows no barrier of language. We are apt to 
regard those who do not speak our own tongue as different 
and inimical. But a few thousand feet of celluloid film in a 
metal container can be sent to the ends of the earth. . . . 
Our own government is cooperating closely, and we are our- 
selves determined that at every opportunity a true portrayal 
of American life and ideals shall be given to the world and 
that to the nationals of all countries shall go a true messagte 
of the lives of the nationals of all others." 

In speeches before the World Federation of Education 
Associations in 1927, Mr. W. W. Black, Assistant Director 


of the Education Department of the Pathe Exchange, 
35 West 45th St., New York City, and Mr. Carl E. 
Milliken, Secretary of the Motion Picture Producers and 
Distributors of America, indicated a growing sense of 
responsibility among motion picture producers in regard 
to the international influence of motion pictures. 

Mr. Black urged the formation of a centrally con- 
trolled clearing house through which authentic pictorial 
records of the different nations could be obtained. 

Mr. Milliken said: 

"It is the purpose of the motion picture industry, moreover, 
to develop relations of peace and amity with all nations of 
the world in every way possible." 

Expressing the hope that pictures may be made reveal- 
ing the backgrounds, ideals, customs and hopes of dif- 
ferent people, he said further: 

"Such pictures, exhibited in times of strained relations when 
misunderstanding has drawn taut the line that holds nations 
at peace, might be the cause of averting an international 
disaster. It might be the means of preserving peace when 
war seems inevitable." 

These statements may be of help in persuading directors 
of local motion picture theaters to use their influence 
for international goodwill. 

The Paramount Company, according to the announce- 
ment of Jesse L. Lasky, first vice-president, has recently 
appointed a counsellor of foreign affairs whose duty it is 
to see that pictures of foreign countries are technically 
correct and that there is nothing in them to offend other 

In the United States several groups have been formed 
for the promotion of educational motion pictures. The 
National Board of Review of Motion Pictures, 70 Fifth 
Ave., New York City, furnishes information about films 


available on different subjects; the Federal Council of 
Churches has created a committee on motion pictures; 
the Religious Motion Picture Foundation, 105 East 22nd 
St., New York City, has recently been established, and 
although so far it has not produced films dealing with the 
peace teachings of Christianity, it may do so if the 
demand for them becomes evident. 

Films showing life in foreign countries can be secured, 
not only from several commercial houses, but from the 
following organizations: The Junior Red Cross, the Pan 
American Union and the Bureau of Commercial 
Economics, all in Washington, D. C. In many instances 
lectures are supplied with the films. 

On special occasions, such as Armistice Day and Good- 
will Day, it. may be possible to arrange with the managers 
of moving picture theaters to have special films or slides 
shown, or to have a speaker between shows. Further 
suggestions are included in the programs for these days 
given below. 

Through the Radio 

In connection with Armistice Day or Goodwill Day 
it is often possible to arrange special radio programs. 
An effort should be made to have the speeches at any 
large peace meeting broadcast. 

In 1925 the principal radio organizations of Europe 
formed an International Union of Broadcasting Organi- 
zations. It is expected that the radio companies of other 
nations will later become members of this group. Accord- 
ing to a statement of the Secretary General of the Union, 
the members "have mutually pledged one another not to 
employ their stations for the radiation of material likely 
to give offense to neighboring countries; they have passed 
a resolution advising their members to assist in forward- 


ing the League of Nations ideal and to broadcast when- 
ever possible the speeches of great statesmen in favor 
of better international relations; they are arranging a 
series of national nights upon which each station broad- 
casts a program of some one nation's music and litera- 
ture." The League of Nations Association of Japan 
inaugurated last year what may be termed a radio 
"chair" on international affairs in cooperation with the 
Atago Broadcasting Station. Besides talks on the League 
of Nations and discussions of current international 
affairs, the lectures included the subjects, "War and 
Peace," "Armistice Anniversary," and "World Peace from 
an Economic Point of View." These facts may be of 
interest to the officials of local broadcasting stations in 
connection with any request for goodwill programs. 

The practicality of arranging radio programs was 
proved by the publicity department of the Women's 
International League for Peace and Freedom, under the 
direction of Mrs. Carrie S. Weyl of Philadelphia. During 
the World Court campaign arrangements were success- 
full made for broadcasting three forums, and from the 
spring of 1926 to the spring of 1927 a series of forums 
was broadcast on such subjects as the French debt, immi- 
gration laws, our Latin American relations, the problems 
of disarmament, Mexico and China. 

The League of Women Voters has arranged a radio 
"Voters' Service" which is broadcast from Washington. 
The discussions by well-known men and women in public 
life include many international topics. When it is pos- 
sible to arrange for afternoon radio talks on world affairs, 
their value can be increased by holding "radio teas" 
during the time of the talk, as is done in Los Angeles by 
the Council of International Relations. 


Through Art Galleries and Museums 

Because the creative art impulse of men is essentially 
one with their longing for unity and demands peace, and 
because art is a universal language through which all 
men may understand each other, artists must come to 
play an increasing part in building up a world at peace. 
Professor Frank Jewett Mather, Jr., of Princeton Uni- 
versity, enlarged upon this theme in the February, 1912, 
issue of International Conciliation: 

"Whenever the predilection for peace is established it will 
consist of a complex of motives. . . . And among the most 
valuable motives available should be and may be the love of 
beauty, the respect for the creator of it, — the artist, and the 
artist's own passionate preference for a social adjustment that 
excludes disorder, violence, ugliness. Among art-loving nations 
in the past the artist enjoyed amid wars an ambassadorial 
immunity. This fact E. H. Blashfield, the well-known mural 
painter, has recalled eloquently in a recent address before the 
American Academy of Arts and Letters. 'The artist/ he said, 
'so far as his personal security was concerned, carried the 
truce of God with him. Through the fourteenth century Italy 
was a battle-field, but Giotto and his painters, Giovanni 
Pisano and his sculptors, Arnolfo and his architects, went up 
and down the battle-field unharmed, and entered through the 
breached walls of cities to paint allegorical pictures of the 
blessings of peace in the town halls.' . . . Devoid of the 
bitterness of industrial competition, perforce an exemplar of 
orderliness and disciplined enthusiasms, the artist is in the 
nature of things the friend of peace, and whoever enlarges the 
demand for art in the world and thereby increases the influence 
of the artist is measurably furthering the peace of the world." 

The larger art galleries may be interested in arrang- 
ing exhibits showing the influence of the art of one 
nation on another, or of prints of famous paintings show- 
ing artists' conceptions of the horror of war, and others 


celebrating peace; great portraits of famous men who 
have worked for peace might be included. 

Museums are frequently able to arrange temporary 
exhibits of material showing the life of the people of 
other nations, the exchange of products, and the con- 
tribution of different nations and ages to the develop- 
ment of objects in common use today, illustrating the 
unity of the world and of civilization. From Mrs. Theo- 
dora Rhoades, 333 East 41st St., New York City, who 
has had much experience in arranging international 
exhibits, valuable suggestions for making such an exhibit 
a success can be obtained. 

Through the Schools 

In any work with the schools it must be made clear in 
the beginning that the question is not one of "propa- 
ganda." The interest of peace workers in education is 
to see to it that certain new facts are not omitted from 
those which children are taught, among them the facts 
that today all nations are interdependent; that nations 
are already acting together in many fields and organiz- 
ing internationally; that arbitration is being more and 
more widely accepted; that modern war in the modern 
world presents a new problem; that there is a world- 
wide effort to abolish war; and that there is no mis- 
representation of fact or perpetuation of outgrown con- 
ceptions in regard to the world situation and international 

Where military training has been introduced in the 
high schools of a community and there is a desire to do 
away with it, consultation with the Committee on Mili- 
tarism in Education and with school authorities in cities, 
such as Cleveland, Ohio, where military training has been 
abolished, will prove helpful in deciding upon the best 
methods to be pursued. 


What is being done by international and national 
educational organizations and by individual schools and 
teachers to promote international goodwill, a partial 
account of which is given in the chapter on "Education 
and Peace/' should be known to all teachers and school 
officials so that no school may find itself left out of this 
movement. In many schools peace projects are now car- 
ried on throughout the school year, and individual 
teachers of various school subjects have worked out ways 
of increasing international understanding and friendliness. 
Suggestions along these lines which may be discussed 
with teachers are given below. 

In addition to such plans as these, which may be carried 
out by peace committees to stimulate interest in schools 
and colleges, the programs of national organizations work- 
ing with the schools can be promoted locally. 

The American School Citizenship League, of which 
Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews has been the Executive Secre- 
tary since its organization in 1908, prepares and distrib- 
utes material and information to aid teachers in training 
children in the ideals of world friendship. It has pub- 
lished a comprehensive graded course edited by educa- 
tional authorities for use from the first to the eighth 
grade under the title "An American Citizenship Course 
in United States History." 

The American Junior Red Cross with headquarters in 
Washington, D. C, arranges for the exchange of letters 
and illustrated portfolios between the schools of different 
nations. The portfolios are prepared by the children as 
a part of their classroom work. In 43 countries- nine 
million school boys and girls are now taking part in this 
exchange and so coming into friendly contact with boys 
and girls of their own age in other countries. An illus- 
trated booklet called "International School Correspond- 
ence/' describing the fascinating portfolios exchanged and 


the pleasure the children take in preparing as well as in 
receiving them, and instruction as to how to proceed in 
introducing the plan in a school, may be obtained from 
the headquarters of the organization. 

The Federal Council of Churches through its Commit- 
tee on World Friendship Among Children, publishes 
material for teachers, and has for two years carried out 
interesting projects in connection with the schools. In 
1927, 13,000 doll messengers of friendship were sent to the 
children of Japan to take part in their doll festival. To 
show their delight and appreciation the Japanese children 
sent a return gift of 200 beautiful dolls which were taken 
on a tour to visit the school children in this country. 
In 1928, school friendship bags are being sent to the 
children in Mexico. They contain articles to use in school 
and to play with, and carry the message, "Friendship and 
goodwill have been packed into this bag and we hope 
you will be happy to receive it. A true friendship 
must continue to grow between the children of our two 

The League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, the 
National Child Welfare Association, the Missionary 
Education Movement and the National Council for Pre- 
vention of War are constantly publishing material for 

A list of books, pamphlets, programs, pageants, songs, 
bibliographies, maps and posters available for school 
work will be sent upon request by the National Council 
for Prevention of War. 

A particularly interesting plan for a school exhibit 
which might be called to the attention of. teachers is that 
originated by Miss Estelle Downing, Chairman of the 
International Relations Committee of the National 
Council of Teachers of English, and member of the faculty 
of the Michigan State Normal College, at Ypsilanti. 


Miss Downing has prepared an "international hope chest" 
containing posters, scrap-books, flags, songs, outline pro- 
grams, bibliographies, and other goodwill material. This 
chest is shipped to teachers, who may keep it for three 
days and make it the center of interest for a school pro- 
gram on international goodwill and peace. 

If there is a normal school in the vicinity, the plan 
followed each year by the Committee on Peace and 
Service of the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of Friends, 
of sending ^literature on world peace to the graduates of 
normal schools, can be imitated. 

The Cincinnati Peace League, 2215 Upland Place, 
offers a fellowship to enable a student in a local univer- 
sity to attend the Geneva School of International Studies 
for a summer course, awarding the fellowship by pref- 
erence to a member of the junior class so that the 
inspiration of the experience may be brought back to the 
other students. The Riverside Council in California 
offers $100 each year for the best school essay on "How 
the United States Can Aid in Preventing War in the 

Prize Contests 

National prize contests arranged annually or occa- 
sionally by national organizations also offer an opportun- 
ity to stimulate interest in internationl questions among 
teachers and students. 

Complete information in regard to participation in 
annual peace essay contests in normal, high, and secon- 
dary schools, for which Miss Mary and Miss Helen Sea- 
bury offer prizes, will be sent by the American School 
Citizen League. The Intercollegiate Peace Association, 
which has its offices at Antioch College, Yellowsprings, 
Ohio, is in charge of annual oratorical contests in which 
college students compete for the Seabury prizes. In 1927, 


542 orations and essays were written in 100 colleges in 
17 states. 

The Brooks-Bright Endowment, formerly called the 
Brooks-Bryce, offers an annual prize in the secondary 
schools for pupils between 12 and 20 years of age, through- 
out the English-speaking world, for essays on the main- 
tenance of friendly relations between Great Britain and 
the United States. The first prize in America is a return 
trip ticket to Great Britain and a letter of credit for $500. 
The endowment was established in 1923, with an office at 
19 West 31st Street, New York City. 

The League of Nations Non-Partisan Association has 
for two years awarded a prize of a trip to Europe to the 
high school student winning first place in a national essay 
contest on the League. In 1928, 1604 students in 802 
high schools participated. 

Prize contests that have been carried out under the 
auspices of the National Council for Prevention of War 
indicate the great value which such projects may have in 
promoting interest in the development of international 
goodwill and world unity. In 1928, $1200 was offered in 
prizes for the twelve best essays on world heroes. The 
contest was an international one open to students in high 
schools and schools of comparable grade throughout the 
world. Each school participating in the contest sent to 
the Committee of Award a list of twelve names of the 
men and women whom its pupils considered most worthy 
to be remembered for heroic service to humanity of a 
permanent character. The school was allowed also to 
submit one essay on each of the heroes chosen. Nearly 
1,000 schools and half a million students participated in 
some way, either in the selection of heroes or in the writ- 
ing of the essays. Essays from 563 schools, 195 in the 
United States and 368 in other countries, were admitted 
as eligible. 


In 1927 a competition was arranged by a group of 
prominent educators, authors and editors for the best 
translation of the speech made by M. Aristide Briand 
upon the occasion of the entry of Germany into the 
League of Nations. The Briand speech competition, it 
has been estimated by Mr. Arthur Charles Watkins, who 
acted as Secretary of the Committee in Charge, with 
Dr. Henry Grattan Doyle of George Washington Uni- 
versity as Chairman, brought to the attention of more 
than 100,000 students the eloquent plea of the French 
Premier for amicable methods of settling the disputes of 
nations. More than 2,500 translations were submitted 
and from these a very interesting composite translation 
was made which has been published, along with the plan 
and results of the competition by the Committee in 
Charge, which can be addressed at 532-17th St., N. W., 
Washington, D. C. 

The following suggestions for promoting a knowledge 
of world unity and of international interdependence 
through the different subjects in the curriculum have been 
gathered from many sources. 


In the introduction to a scheme for "A First Course in 
General History," prepared by teachers in the schools 
of Wales, there occurs this statement: 

"The Peace, by ending an historical period (1815-1918), 
caused us to take a general survey of the century, and it 
became obvious that its most outstanding feature was the 
improvement of communications — railway, steamship, air- 
plane, telegraph, telephone, wireless — whereby every part of 
the globe had become economically dependent on every other. 
Henceforth it is clear that history will be world history. All 
the tributary histories have joined a single stream. But, since 
the value of history is to explain the present as a result of 


the past, this implies that past history as well as future his- 
tory has become one. The pasts of all countries now form one 
history, because their effects are today all cooperating." 

The theme of history teaching, it is reiterated by 
teachers, should be the "unity of civilization." "The 
aim of history teaching must be to show mankind its 
common heritage in the past and its common hopes for 
the future. . . . Consciousness of a common history is 
one of the most unifying agents." The story of man's 
life on earth should be told as one story. Professor G. P. 
Gooch of England, who has perhaps written more on this 
subject than any other teacher, explains the phrase, 
"unity of civilization," as meaning that "civilization is a 
collective achievement, a common heritage, and a joint 

Among the specific suggestions which have been made 
for teaching history from this point of view are these: 

Tell the story of world development and the story of national 
development as a part of it. 

Create a clear realization of development from age to age 
and of the contributions made by successive generations, dis- 
cussing the future as well as the past and what this genera- 
tion may contribute to it. The use of time charts to show 
change from century to century, is recommended in this con- 
nection. A booklet on time charts is published by the His- 
torical Association, 22 Russell Square, London. 

Show in the past and in the present the cooperation of men 
of different nations in creating civilization, in the sciences, 
the arts, and industry. "History in general is too much in- 
clined to show people meeting only on the battlefield, as if 
their only contact were in war." 

Trace the development of organized living together in 
tribes, cities, provinces, states, empires and federations of 
states, to the present League of Nations and world organiza- 

Trace the developments which have led to closer inter- 


course among men; the conquests of the Roman Empire; the 
organization of the Church; the development of trade and 
travel routes during the Middle Ages; the contact between 
the East and West following the Crusades ; the establishment 
of trade routes across the seas ; and finally the era of constant 
communication between all parts of the earth. 

Teach history around great personalities, marking its peri- 
ods not by the names of rulers but by the changes that ideas 
have wrought in the life and the thought of the world, as, 
in the case of Galileo, Copernicus, Newton, Socrates, Plato, 

In the schools of countries belonging to the League of 
Nations, the question of the history of international co- 
operation centers naturally around the League and very 
interesting programs have been worked out to give chil- 
dren a conception of its aims, activities and significance. 
In the schools of the United States the same emphasis 
does not naturally fall upon the work of the League, but 
its growing importance means that it must be discussed 
fully as a fact of international life and must be included 
in any course dealing with history, civics or international 
relations. Complete and varied material can be obtained 
from the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 
6 East 39th St., New York City. 

In teaching the history of war periods, the following 
points are recommended for emphasis: 

To the scattering of the nations over the earth, war made a 
contribution at however great expense, but interdependence, 
and the invention of weapons of wholesale destruction, have 
made the problem of war a new problem. 

War has not "always been." Cooperation is older than 
combat. The natural "struggle for existence" among ani- 
mals and men is with their environment, or, in the case of 
animals, with creatures other than their own kind. Coopera- 
tion is a factor of survival and of intellectual development. 
"Man did not make society — society made man." 


In dealing with specific wars, consideration should be 
given to these points: 

There are historical, economic, scientific, and geographic 
causes for the point of view of both parties in past wars. If 
this is understood, animosity will be directed toward conditions 
rather than people. 

The cost of a war should be estimated in terms of the 
daily lives of the people, and should include the constructive 
work which expenditures for war make impossible. 

How could the war have been avoided? Have similar dis- 
putes been settled by other means? 

The history of the effort toward peace, which can be 
followed through the centuries, deserves adequate atten- 
tion in all history courses. At present there is scarcely 
a line in history texts to indicate that the statesmen of 
the world have ever made an effort to abolish war, or that 
the people of the world have ever organized to secure 
peace. In connection with United States history the 
omission is particularly glaring. 

The relations of the United States with Latin Ameri- 
can republics is another neglected phase of its history. 
To enable teachers to include courses in Latin Ameri- 
can history without further crowding their program, the 
History Teacher's Magazine in June, 1918, published an 
"Outline for Incidental Study of Latin American His- 
tory," by Mary Wilhelmine Williams. 


Respect, sympathy, understanding — these, according to 
Professor J. Russell Smith of Columbia University, are 
the three great spiritual possibilities of the geography 

If children are to have respect for other nations, Pro- 
fessor Smith points out, they must be taught that there is 
a reason for the difference between nations; that it grows 


out of different environmental conditions, and does not 
mean inferiority or superiority. They must appreciate 
the skill of foreign peoples in terms of their adaptation 
to their environment; the skill of the Eskimo who makes 
a boat that nothing we have can rival; the skill displayed 
in the boomerang made by the Bushman of Australia. 
Professor George Cons has said on this point: 

"Our presentation of the personal habits of primitive people 
should be related to the demands of their environment; the 
contrast to civilized habits should not be stressed; habits of 
primitive people, often objectionable to our civilized sensi- 
tivity, generally are the personal response to secure economy 
of effort made necessary by their type of life." 

In order that children may have sympathy they need 
to be taught to look upon the people of other countries 
as engaged in the same jobs that they are. "All the 
world is a great group of fellow craftsmen, who are en- 
gaged upon the endless task of feeding themselves. . . . 
The farmer with his reaper is engaged in the same task 
as is the Hindu or the Chinese or the Japanese or the 
Filipino who wades about his rice paddy." 

To give a child understanding, he must be made to see 
that foreigners who do not behave exactly as we do are 
not doing "foolish things but natural things; that they 
are doing very much what we should do under the same 
circumstances." He should be led to see also the value 
of differences and how all nations contribute to a com- 
mon civilization. The National Foreign Trade Council 
in a publication entitled "Our Imports and Who Use 
Them," tells these interesting facts of how other nations 
contribute to make our daily lives what they are. 

"As soon as you get up in the morning, the genii of foreign 
trade begin to minister to your needs and conveniences. The 
East Indies have contributed their vegetable oils to your bath 


soap and shaving cream ; your sponge is either a plant growth 
from the tropical waters of the Caribbean, or the modern 
imitation made of rubber from Sumatra and Brazil. You 
brush your teeth with fine bristles from the Far East, and 
smooth your hair w*ith long vigorous bristles from China and 
England. Imported materials are essential to the making 
of the porcelain equipment of your bathroom. Imported tin 
is in the tubes that hold your shaving cream or tooth paste. 
Your comb may be made of imported rubber. Before you 
even get your clothes on, many widely separated parts of the 
world have been of service to you. 

"Proceeding to dress, you call upon all parts of the world 
for your personal adornment. Silk worms in Japan and China 
may have contributed to your hosiery, shirt and tie; imported 
w r ool enters into much of your outer clothing; your shoes are 
built up of material from all parts of the globe; your garters 
and suspenders owe their elasticity to the rubber plantation 
of Sumatra; w r hile your white linen collar and your linen 
handkerchief are made of flax from Ireland, Canada, Belgium 
and the Netherlands. 

"Hurrying down to breakfast, you find either coffee from 
Brazil, tea from the Far East, or cocoa from tropical coun- 
tries. To sweeten these beverages you use sugar from Cuba 
and the tropics. Your breakfast china contains English 
clay, the glasses are wrought from foreign substances, and 
the knives, forks and spoons may contain imported aluminum 
and tin. You may start the meal with a banana from Hon- 
duras or a grape fruit from Cuba. 

"Leaving your house, you walk over asphalt from Trinidad 
and take a train, the safety of which depends on air-brake 
hosing made of imported rubber. You may be lightening 
your travels by walking on rubber heels, and if the day is wet, 
wearing rubber overshoes and a rain coat. 

"You reach your office and sit down at a desk of mahogany. 
On the desk are to be found pencils, the lead of which is 
made of graphite from Mexico, Ceylon, Chosen, Canada and 
Madagascar. On the end of the pencil is an eraser of im- 
ported rubber set in a cap of imported tin. The finger grip 


of your pen is of cork from Spain or of rubber. The telephone 
and the dictaphone use imported asphalt, carbon, flax, mica, 
platinum, nickel, rubber, shellac, silk and tin in their con- 
struction. The typewriter in the office, and other pieces of 
office machinery, contain many kinds of alloy steels, often 
coated with nickel. 

"At the end of the day you pick up your hat, which is 
made either of straw braid from the Far East, or of fur from 
all parts of the world." 

In some class rooms parallel columns are kept on the 
blackboard in which from time to time, at the suggestion 
of the children, items which they use are listed with the 
country from which they come in whole or in part. Pic- 
tures from newspapers and magazines showing the gath- 
ering of raw materials or the manufacture of goods in 
other nations can be combined with such a list to lead 
the children to think of foreign people as contemporaries. 
The exports of the pupil's country, too, should be traced 
to the people who use them, and the contribution of their 
own nation to the wealth of the world made clear. 

In teaching the geography of the Pacific region the 
close relationships and future possibilities for interna- 
tional cooperation among the countries bordering on that 
ocean should be discussed. Theodore Roosevelt once 
pointed out that "the Mediterranean era died with the 
discovery of America. The Atlantic era has reached the 
height of its development. The Pacific era, destined to be 
the greatest, is just at the dawn." A Japanese educator, 
Baron Matsui, has said of the close relations among 
Pacific peoples: 

"There is no East and there is no West today. Commerce 
and communication have broken down the barriers. The 
world is coming together. It is not growing apart. The 
world is one. The Occident and the Orient must stand or 
fall together. The white man and the yellow man must join 


hands and march together into a greater and more glorious 
future, or else go down to doom together. There is no other 

Pan American relations deserve far greater attention 
than they usually receive. Interesting materials, includ- 
ing illustrated booklets and lantern slides, are sent out by 
the Pan American Union for use in geography classes. 


In the study of art trfe attempt to create beauty is 
seen to be a common human impulse shared by men of 
all times and all places, while the influence of races and 
peoples upon one another can be traced in the art of all 
modern nations. 

In Japan the Government has organized an Interna- 
tional Fine Arts Society for the furtherance of interna- 
tional understanding and the development of the fine 
arts. Commenting on it, the Japan Advertiser points 

"Fine art objects cannot be created independently of the 
trend of the times and the force of environment, but their 
influence upon us rises above time and environment. . . . 
This is because the fine arts not only delineate the individual 
elements of a nation, but also give expression to sentiments 
common to all human beings and true through all ages and 
places. The comprehension of these sentiments broadens our 
minds and deepens our sympathy." 


The need for carrying the spirit of sportsmanship into 
all of the relationships of life, including the international 
relationships, is increasingly recognized. John Gals- 
worthy has declared that the spirit of sport is the great 
hope of the world : 


"Sport, which still keeps the flag of idealism flying, is 
perhaps the most saving grace in the world at the moment, 
with its spirit of rules kept, and regard for the adversary, 
whether the fight is going for or against. When, if ever, the 
fair-play spirit of sport reigns over international affairs, the 
cat force which rules there now will slink away and human life 
emerge for the first time from the jungle." 

Athletics offers an opportunity for learning the games 
and sports of other nations. A group of five or six may 
study a game and teach the re^J; of the class how to play 
it, telling as much as possible about its origin, and the 
people who play it. In The American Schoolmaster, for 
December, 1927, it is emphasized that goodwill and ill 
will are to a large extent habitual attitudes of mind; that 
these habitual attitudes are largely formed by experience 
in dealing with others with whom we have conflicting 
interests; that one of the most effective ways to develop 
the spirit of goodwill is in competitive sports and games 
in which the organization is carefully controlled and fair 
play carefully and uniformly assured. The publications 
of the Sportsmanship Brotherhood, 342 Madison Ave., 
New York City, contain excellent material on the possible 
contribution to the movement for world peace, notably a 
booklet, "Sportsmanship, a Bridge of Understanding 
between the Nations of the World," to which Dr. John 
H. Finley contributes an introduction. 


Through the study of biographies in connection with 
English or history work, pupils can be given an under- 
standing of other peoples; an appreciation of the fact 
that races and nations have made different contributions 
to the intellectual and spiritual progress of humanity as 
well as to material civilization; and a knowledge that 
scientists, artists and men of learning have world power 


and influence. The study of famous men and women 
leads also to a discussion of what heroism is. Its three 
principles have been defined as nobility of character, fear- 
less and self-sacrificing devotion to a great cause, and con- 
structive work for humanity of a permanent character. In 
an International World Hero Contest, conducted by the 
National Council for Prevention of War, in which 
these qualities were used as a basis of judgment, the fol- 
lowing were selected by the school children: Louis Pas- 
teur, Abraham Lincoln, Christopher Columbus, George 
Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Woodrow Wilson, Flor- 
ence Nightingale, Joan of Arc, Socrates, Johann Guten- 
berg, David Livingstone, and George Stephenson. A 
portfolio with portraits and the prize-winning essays has 
been published. 

As the culmination of a study of the men and women 
who have led humanity in its struggle for freedom and 
for the recognition of the worth of the individual, there 
should be a discussion of those who have tried to win it 
freedom from war. Through the centuries the great 
statesmen and philosophers have labored for world peace, 
among them Dante, Erasmus, Groflus, Kant, Fox, Penn, 
FYanklin, Tolstoi. As a short project in this connection a 
brief account of the winners of the Nobel Peace Award 
might be compiled. 

The study of biography leads naturally also to the 
study of heroism today. Instances of men and women 
who are making great contributions to the progress of 
humanity and of those who display heroism in the daily 
routine of life, can be gathered from the newspapers and 
magazines by the students. William James's "Moral 
Equivalent of War" should be read in this connection. 


Many of our garden flowers come to us from foreign 


countries, particularly from the Orient, and suggest the 
beauty of the East. The tea and rambler roses, the 
parents of the modern rose, were brought to England 
from China. Chrysanthemums, camelias, peonies, prim- 
roses and azaleas also came from China. 

"All the old-fashioned garden favorites," according to "The 
Aristocrat of the Garden" came from the Far Eastern countries. 
"Rosa alba, the musk rose, cinnamon, moss, sweet briar and 
damask roses came from wild species of Persia, Asia Minor 
and Europe, or from their garden forms." 

The study of plants and flowers — their dependence 
upon insects for pollenization and the dependence of 
animal life upon them — brings out clearly the fact of 
the inter-relation of all forms of life and shows the prin- 
ciple of cooperation to be a universal law. 


New textbooks on civics clearly reflect a new concep- 
tion of this study. In "Community Civics," the author, 
Arthur W. Dunn, former director of the American 
Junior Red Cross, emphasizes government as a means of 
cooperation. In "International Civics," the authors, Pit- 
man B. Potter and Roscoe L. West, discuss existing means 
of cooperation among national governments and how 
they must be developed to meet the conditions of modern 
life. Statements by American educators in the chapter 
on "Education and Peace" stress the importance of the 
international aspects of this study. 

Current Events 

Aside from the interest in international affairs which 
their subject matter develops, current event courses offer 
an opportunity to train students to read the newspapers 
and current periodicals with discrimination. They should 


be made to realize the difficulty which newspapers face 
in securing unprejudiced reporters to collect daily full and 
accurate facts about important events in all parts of the 
world. Reports of an important event in one paper 
should, whenever possible, be checked up by comparison 
with accounts of the same occurrence in other papers. 
The habit should be formed of noting the source of all 
news reports and of reading them carefully to determine 
whether definite statements are made and authorities 
cited or whether they purport to be no more than general 
impressions. In the case of signed articles as much as 
possible should be learned about the writer. 

The general reliability of a publication can be gauged 
by keeping notes of its statements on important questions 
and checking them by later developments. 

Domestic Science 

In the domestic science courses there is opportunity to 
teach the inter-relation of all countries through a study 
of the sources of foods, of the raw materials used in the 
making of fabrics, and the foreign origin of many kinds 
of fabrics brought to the West originally by early traders. 
Some schools have also utilized these courses as an oppor- 
tunity for children to take part themselves in developing 
world friendship by making garments for foreign children 
who are in need. 


Study of the English language shows it to have been 
created and influenced by many civilizations. Its words 
come from the Greek and Roman civilizations and many 
new words to meet new ideas come from Germany, 
France, Spain, and Italy. Advanced study brings out 
the common source and close relationship of all European 
languages. The history of the alphabet leads back 


through the Phoenicians and Egyptians to the pictorial 
writings of early man everywhere. "The child who has 
learned that the language it is using every day has come 
to it by all of these wonderful routes will have a different 
conception of its own and its country's relation to other 
countries." Dr. Otto F. Ege of the Cleveland School of 
Art has put the fascinating story of the alphabet into 
two books which are listed in the bibliography. 

Accurate use of words and their definition, so import- 
ant for arriving at mutual understanding, can be made 
the basis of discussions which will help individuals to 
escape from the limitations of prejudices and develop 
independence of thought. One teacher, at the beginning 
of the school year, without discussion, asks her high-school 
class to define words like the following: Internationalism, 
trade unionism, socialism, religious. The papers are 
graded so that the answers will not be haphazard or care- 
less. There is no direct discussion based on the answers 
but, from time to time, as the words occur in class work 
there is some consideration of the ideas they represent. 
The middle of the year, the same test is given the class 
and a measurement thus made of the students' progress 
in accurate thinking and careful use of terms. 

In the study of English literature children may be 
led to enter sympathetically into the life of other peoples. 
In The American Schoolmaster for December, 1927, the 
following suggestions are made for building international 
goodwill by the careful choice of the things that children 

"If reading is to function in the lives of boys and girls, the 
gaining of factual information must become merely a second- 
ary aim. Social attitudes and values that express themselves 
in living experiences are the ends to be sought. These ends 
can be most successfully achieved through emotionalized 
experiences. Because of its dual appeal, to the intellect and 


to the emotions, literature is one of the most effective means 
of encouraging desirable attitudes and developing a sense of 
worth while values. In proportion as it is vivid and stirring, 
it will succeed in overcoming our provincialisms and giving to 
the world beyond our horizons the greatest possible reality. 
Thus the parish mind will be made capable of living in ever 
larger units. Thus through literature we shall be transformed 
into world citizens." 

Because great thinkers throughout the history of the 
world have urged peace it is possible in connection with 
many of the authors studied to select readings on this 
theme. In Emerson, Longfellow, Tennyson, Whittier, 
Lowell and Whitman there are excellent selections. In 
Hawthorne's "Tanglewood Tales," "The Golden Fleece" 
points the folly of war. In Burke's "Speech on Concilia- 
tion" an opportunity is given for discussion of the use 
of force in international relations. An interesting project 
in English classes is for the students to find what the 
authors they are studying have said on peace and war, 
or to collect the peace poems of American writers. 


There have recently been two interesting develop- 
ments in debate work: the increasing number of inter- 
national debates held in the larger universities which 
emphasize the fact that there are common problems to 
be solved by the joint effort of leaders in different 
nations; and the growing realization that w r e must modify 
methods of debating so that the result will be an effort 
to arrive at truth rather than an effort to make one opin- 
ion prevail over another. In an article in Progressive Ed- 
ucation for the second quarter of 1925, Dr. Harry A. 
Overstreet points out that if we are to cultivate open- 
mindedness — the "will to see farther" — which is the first 
essential of the international mind, there must be sub- 


stituted for the technique of debate the technique of 
social exploration and discussion. In the course of a 
debate the student does not try to learn something nor 
to incorporate something of which he has been previously 
ignorant, and which, when incorporated, will modify his 
conclusions. His one object is to win. To the truly 
broad-minded person, however, the only victory worth 
while is that of truth over error. "Group cooperation in 
the pursuit of . . . truth" should be the object of dis- 
cussions. Each side should aim to bring out the best 
possible arguments on that side in order to arrive at 
correct conclusions. The spirit in which the debate is 
conducted should never lead to antagonism for it is 
important to acquire the habit of not confusing differ- 
ences and antagonisms. In "The New State" Mary P. 
Follett voices a warning against permitting diversity to 
arouse hostility: 

"Suppose a friend says something with which I do not agree. 
It may be that instantly I feel antagonistic, feel as if we were 
on opposite sides, and my emotions are at once tinged with 
some of the enmity which being on opposite sides usually 
brings. Our relations become slightly strained, we change the 
subject as soon as possible, etc. But suppose we were really 
civilized beings, then we should think, 'How interesting this 
is; this idea has evidently a larger content than I realized; 
if my friend and I can unify this material we shall separate 
with a larger idea than either of us had before V " 

There is also an opportunity in debating to cultivate in 
students the habit recommended by John Dewey, of 
"discriminating tested beliefs from mere assertions, 
guesses and opinions; and to develop a lively, sincere 
and open-minded preference for conclusions that are 
properly grounded." 

Following a debate, the members of the two teams 
might continue friendly conversations on the basis of 


all the material gathered on both sides and stage a second 
contest in which the award should go to the student 
giving the best reasons for the final opinion of the dis- 
cussion group as a whole or of a majority of its members. 
At one point in the debates of the Constitutional Con- 
vention of 1787 when the delegates had reached such a 
deadlock that certain groups were threatening to with- 
draw, Benjamin Franklin secured an adjournment for 
three days and gave the delegates this advice: 

"Spend the time of this recess not in associating with your 
own party and devising new arguments to fortify yourselves 
in your old opinions, but mix with members of opposite senti- 
ments, lend a patient ear to their reasonings, and candidly 
allow them all the weight to which they may be entitled." 

Foreign Languages 

The reading of current periodicals and newspapers 
from the countries the languages of which are being 
studied, as well as masterpieces of literature, can do much 
to promote better international understanding. 

The study of a common auxiliary language, such as 
Esperanto or Ido, is being given renewed consideration 
because of the development of the international radio. 
It has been suggested that if an auxiliary language were 
called the "Radio" language it would promote its 

The International Auxiliary Language Association of 
America has recently been organized and endowed for 
research study of all questions involved in the establish- 
ment of one synthetic language secondary to all national 
languages which may be taught in educational systems 
throughout the world. 

Classes in Esperanto have already been introduced in 
the public schools of Lithopolis, Ohio. They are not 
compulsory but are reported to be very popular. The 


courses have been endowed by Mr. and Mrs. R. J. Jones, 
of Northport, L. I., N. Y., who hope later to establish 
an Esperanto College for adults in Lithopolis. 


The fight to control disease has produced great heroes 
and thrilling tales of adventure. The stories of Pasteur, 
of Lister, of Walter Reed, of Grenfell, of Trudeau, may- 
well be told in any class where the problems of health 
are discussed. The Metropolitan Life Insurance Com- 
pany has published for teachers a series of small books 
on "Health Heroes." 

A discussion of the problems of health gives an inter- 
esting opportunity to point out the necessity for inter- 
national cooperation. As early as 1851 there was an 
international congress to consider w r ays of dealing with 
cholera, the plague and yellow fever. In 1903 an inter- 
national commission was set up at Suez to act as a barrier 
to protect Europe and America against the epidemics 
coming from the East, and at this time it was agreed that 
governments should assist one another by issuing infor- 
mation as to epidemic diseases in their territories. Under 
the League of Nations a health organization has been 
created which has not only the direct support of the 
nations in the League, but of the International Health 
Board in the United States. 


The history of the development of mathematical 
science and of the sciences that have grown out of it is 
another chapter in the story of interdependence among 
the ages and the nations. Our system of notation leads 
back to the Arabs and to the natives of India. Several 
mimeographed pages of examples selected from "Prob- 
lems About War for Classes in Arithmetic; Suggestions 


for Makers of Textbooks and for Use in Schools," by 
D. E. Smith, published by the Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace, but now out of print, can be obtained 
from the National Council for Prevention of War. 


Wherever or however they live, people sing their chil- 
dren to sleep, sing to express their joy and sorrow, and 
in teaching music it is possible to make children realize 
that it is a language all the world shares. Much of our 
music, of course, comes from other nations. Many of 
our common songs had their origin abroad. The air of 
"The Star Spangled Banner" is taken from an old English 
drinking song. The music to which "America" is sung 
is also the music to the national songs of Great Britain, 
Germany and Switzerland. 

In an article on "World Brotherhood Through Music" 
in the Journal of the National Education Association, 
for May, 1926, Frances Elliott Clark says: 

"Everywhere we now sing 'Santa Lucia/ 'All Through the 
Night/ Traise Ye the Father/ 'Silent Night/ and ' Auld Lang 
Syne/ and cease to remeniber that we owe them to Italy, 
Wales, Netherlands, Tyrol, and Scotland. . . . We sing the 
beautiful hymn, 'My Saviour As Thou Wilt/ and care not 
at all that it was written into the overture of an opera by 
the German, von Weber. 'Won't Go Home Until Morning' 
or 'He's a Jolly Good Fellow' is the old French 'Malbrook/ 
and it in turn was brought from the Crusades. We sing to our 
babies 'Rock-a-Bye Baby/ (English), 'There is a Happy 
Land' (Hindustan), Brahms' 'Lullaby' (German), 'Slumber, 
Baby, My Little Brother' (French), 'Sweet and Low' (Eng- 
lish), and 'Hey Baloo' (Scotch)." 

In singing the songs of other lands, many of them made 
familiar here by people who have left their own coun- 


tries to live and work with us, an appreciation of the 
foreign groups in America can be cultivated. 


Science knows no national boundaries, and in it all 
ages are united. To the perfection of every great inven- 
tion men of many nations and many centuries have con- 
tributed. The great scientists are thought of as belonging 
to the whole world, not to any nation, for they have 
served the world. The achievement, for instance, of 
Charles Lindbergh in flying across the Atlantic was made 
possible by the combined work of the scientists of the 
world, many wholly unknown. It was suggested, indeed, 
by Alfred Korzybski, author of the "-Manhood of 
Humanity" that it would have been appropriate had 
there been a monument to the "unknown scientist" as 
well as to the unknown soldier upon which Lindbergh 
might have laid a wreath. 

It is science which by its discoveries and inventions 
has brought the nations of the world into their present 
close relationship. James Bryce in "International Rela- 
tions" makes the interesting comment that "electricity 
is the most potent of the unifying forces for the pur- 
poses of knowledge and interchange of thought, as steam 
has been for commerce." Today men make use of these 
inventions of science without understanding the funda- 
mental laws, the discovery of which have made them 
possible. A more profound study and more general 
knowledge of science may give an insight into universal 
laws, which will mean intellectual "control" over the 
machine age which at present tends to dominate mankind. 

The cultivation of the scientific attitude of mind — 
insuring patience, willingness to investigate and to test 
and to be corrected, unwillingness to dogmatize, and 
acceptance of facts regardless of their effect upon earlier 


beliefs — and its application to the study of social and 
international relations is probably the most important 
contribution that can be made to the solution of these 

In The American Schoolmaster for December, 1927, 
methods of teaching science so that it will contribute to 
broader international sympathies are pointed out: 

"In the first place, the emphasis in science should be placed 
on the service it can render mankind. Science can be so 
taught as to make service the dominating passion of those 
who are to recruit the ranks of scientific men of the future. 

"The important study of the biographies of great scientists 
breeds international respect. . . . An impartial survey of 
the facts will reveal that other nations have made quite as 
notable contributions as our own in the field of applied 

The adventurous work of scientists in connection with 
irrigation and other constructive projects carried on by 
the Department of the Interior, and with the work of 
the Forestry Service needs to be better known. Excellent 
illustrative material can be gotten from both depart- 
ments. In these undertakings there is 

"Not yesterday's obsolete war, that of Man against Man, 
but rather a new life, dispensing War for Man's mastery over 
the earth and its forces, an ever-youthful war, of which we 
have probably not fought out yet a millionth part." 

On Pasteur's seventieth birthday, when delegates from 
learned societies of all nations met in Paris to do him 
honor, he said to them: 

"And you, delegates from other nations, bring me the deep- 
est joy that can be felt by a man whose invincible belief is 
that Science and Peace will triumph over Ignorance and War 
— that nations will unite, not to destroy, but to build, and 
that the future will belong to those who have done the most 
for suffering humanity." 


Programs for Special Days 

Although Armistice Day and Goodwill Day are the two 
occasions during the school year when special programs 
can be entirely devoted to world peace, other holidays 
also offer an opportunity for emphasizing the facts and 
attitudes of mind which make for peace. Detailed graded 
programs for Goodwill Day, and Armistice Day, can be 
obtained from the National Council for Prevention of 
War. Excellent programs and program material can be 
obtained from Miss E. Estelle Downing, Chairman of 
International Relations Committee of the National Coun- 
cil of Teachers of English, Michigan State Normal Col- 
lege, Ypsilanti, Michigan ; from the Auxiliary Committee 
on World Friendship of the Los Angeles Public Schools, 
which has published a'book entitled, "World Friendship," 
by Miss Evaline Dowling, the price of which is 50 cents; 
from the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 
6 East 39 Street, New York City, which publishes an /n- 
ternational Guide to Material Descriptive of Many Lands 
and Peoples, price 10 cents; and the American School 
Citizenship League, Boston. The American Junior 
Red Cross News devoted its issue for May, 1928, to sug- 
gestions for Goodwill Day. 

Whenever possible Armistice Day and Goodwill Day 
should be made the occasion for undertaking some 
class project which will give the children a definite part 
in the worldwide peace movement — as, for instance, send- 
ing letters or broadcasting a message of goodwill to 
children in other lands. 

School Projects in World Friendship 

A Trip Around the World. — A conductor of the tour is 
elected by the senior class. One or two members from 
each class, who act as guides for each country, are chosen 
to make the tour. Groups are selected to represent the" 


people of the various nations visited. These, in appro- 
priate costume, act out a scene or give a series of tableaux 
illustrating the life of the country which they represent 
— incidents in its history, the work, the recreation, and 
the art of the people. 

Trips Abroad. — A very much simpler travel program 
can be carried out by forming various groups of from 
three to five students. Excused from the auditorium 
periods or from certain of their classes for a few days in 
order that they may visit, by means of the library, some 
chosen country, they "return" and tell about their 
journey. At the end of the reports, a vote can be taken 
as to which the students have given the most vivid pic- 
ture of the country they visited. 

Make a Chart showing the decrease in the earths size 
measured in time of travel from point to point during the 
last one hundred years. 

World Peace, Month by Month. — On the last day of 
each month, a member of the senior class reports on the 
most notable event affecting peace during that month. 
Members of the other classes make reports, based on 
material gathered by their class as a whole, of news items 
and editorials which have appeared during the month 
injurious to the cause of w r orld peace or tending to 
promote it. 

A Bulletin Board for Foreign News. — A bulletin board, 
on which newspaper articles about foreign countries or 
international relations can be posted, will lead not only to 
interest in foreign affairs, but to a more careful reading 
of the daily papers. The articles should be discussed in 
class from the point of view of their accuracy and checked 
up with later items in the same or other papers. Such a 
bulletin board for little children can be carried out in 

The World as Shopkeeper. — Representatives are chosen 


for each country, who study the products of that country, 
what it has to sell to the rest of the world and what it 
must secure from other countries. When the groups have 
completed their studies, an afternoon can be devoted to 
an international shopping tour. On tables labeled with 
the names of the various nations, there are objects or 
printed cards indicating what that nation produces for 
export. In turn, the nations go from one stand to 
another, securing what they need and do not produce 

The World Market — The fact that the world is an 
economic unit and that war is no longer compatible with 
modern industrial life can be made clear by having pupils 
collect from newspapers and magazines advertisements 
that show that manufacturers think in terms of the world 
and find their markets in the four corners of the earth. 

World Unity. — By cooperation among the teachers of 
special subjects, an interesting survey of the extent of 
world unity as revealed in science, history, economics, and 
art, can be made. Reports by different groups on these 
subjects could form the program for a special day, such 
as Armistice Day or Goodwill Day. 

Monuments to Peace. — An interesting essay or talk 
illustrated with lantern slides could be based on the peace 
monuments which have been erected on international 
border lines or in commemoration of peace agreements 
and acts of goodwill. Among these peace monuments are 
The Christ of the Andes between Chile and the Argentine 
Republic; the Peace Portal in Blaine, Washington; the 
International Bridge across the Niagara River at Buffalo, 
which was dedicated with ceremonies of friendship in 
August, 1927; the Granite Arch at Che Foo, China, on 
which there is this inscription, "Erected in honor of the 
citizens of America, our friends across the sea. May there 
be eternal peace between the two peoples"; and the 


"Alabama" Room in the City Hall of Geneva, Switzer- 
land. It was in the "Alabama" Room that the "Alabama" 
claims case between England and the United States was 
settled in 1871-72. The conclusion of this case marked 
the beginning in Europe of a popular movement in favor 
of the pacific settlement of disputes. In the room is a 
plowshare made from the swords of officers in the Civil 
War who at a peace meeting in Philadelphia in 1876 gave 
them for this symbolic purpose. The story of the "Ala- 
bama" Room has been written by Mr. George Hunting- 
ton Donaldson and is distributed by the National Council 
for Prevention of War. 

Model Assemblies of the League of Nations. — As a 
means of teaching the present extent of international 
cooperation and organization, the staging of "Model 
Assemblies" has become popular not only in colleges but 
in high schools. Full information will be supplied by the 
League of Nations Non-Partisan Association. 

A Book of Peace. — The preparation of a book of peace, 
such as the low eighth grade of the Durant School of 
Oakland, California, compiled and bound under the title 
"The Dawn of Peace" and which contained poems, quo- 
tations, original essays and comments, cartoons and 
reproductions of paintings depicting scenes of war or 
peace, affords an interesting project for classes of any age. 

A Scrap Book of Peace-Time Heroes. — Accounts of 
people performing self-sacrificing services for others, or 
carrying on constructive work for the benefit of humanity, 
which appear in the daily press or in current periodicals, 
may be brought in and voted upon for inclusion in a peace 
hero scrap book. 

An International Museum. — A school "museum" can be 
started of articles from foreign countries to which brief 
accounts of the country can be attached. 

A World Peace Edition of the school paper can be 


arranged to appear on Armistice or Goodwill Day. Such 
an edition was printed by the High School of Bell, 

Teaching Little Children 

From certain points of view, what little children are 
not taught is even more important than w T hat they are. 
Parents today have been fairly well trained to avoid 
saying or doing anything which will make their children 
afraid of the dark or of animals or of strangers. It is 
recognized that such fears limit a child's powers. It 
should be realized as clearly that all prejudices shut 
some door of knowledge or of opportunity for wider 
experience, and every effort should be made to guard 
children against acquiring them. 

The teaching of world-mindedness and the develop- 
ment of independence of thought can be begun very 
early. Nearly all children are interested in knowing 
how things came to be as they are. Through this interest 
in beginnings, a child can be given very early a con- 
ception of progress from generation to generation, of the 
fact that people in every age have contributed to give 
us what w T e have today. In this connection, it is not 
hard to make a child understand that the different races 
and nations, living in all parts of the earth — some where 
it is hot, some in the mountains, some by the sea — have 
learned different ways of doing things, so that today each 
one has something to teach the others. 

A sense of progress from century to century makes it 
seem natural that ways of life should change. Children 
should feel the wonder of the fact that they are living 
today at a turning point in history, that new adventures 
lie ahead, and that no one can be sure that anything is 
impossible — to prove it, tell them how often people used 
to say to each other, "You can no more do that than fly!" 


Since, as someone has said, the whole earth is every 
child's treasure chest and workshop and playroom, chil- 
dren should think of the earth as a whole and be familiar 
with its| various parts. A globe and a little later a map 
should be part of the furnishings of every child's room. 
The countries to which things made in his own country 
are sent and the ones from which come the things he uses 
every day can be pointed out to him, or bright-colored 
threads used to follow the lines of the voyages. An 
around-the-world frieze of pictures of the children of 
different nations can be arranged on the walls of a young 
child's room, and later, photographs of places of special 
interest or of the products of different countries put in 
their place. Newspaper pictures make it a simple matter 
for a child to begin an "Around the World" scrap book, 
to which he can add for many years. 

Through music and through art children can learn that 
all nations are alike in their love of beauty, that they 
influence one another, and that each makes its contribu- 
tion. Reproductions of great paintings can be obtained 
now in excellent and inexpensive prints, which will help 
to give a child a love of beauty and a sense of the unity 
inherent in beauty, as well as a knowledge of the art 
of different nations. A list of prints for children can be 
ordered from the Woman's Home Companion. 

There are several paintings by great masters from 
which a love of peace can be more directly inspired. 
Among them is "A Knight of Rhodes/' by Pinturicchio, 
which shows a member of this order of knights who were 
not warriors but were healers of men. "An Angel before 
the Walled City," by Lippi, offers an imaginative sugges- 
tion of the conflict between material and spiritual forces. 
Among the portraits of men who have labored in the 
cause of peace are "Dante and His Book," by di Miche- 
lino; "Erasmus," by Holbein, — Erasmus was the first 


man to be known as a citizen of the world: and "St. 
Francis Preaching to the Birds," by Giotto. 

An ambitious and well-informed teacher or mother may 
arrange "other nation" days, perhaps one a month, when 
a child pretends he is a child of another nation, dresses 
as the other child does or wears at least some part of 
his dress, eating as nearly as possible the same kind of 
food, playing the games, and learning as much as possible 
about the other's country, and possibly some phrase of his 
language. If such a plan is too elaborate, at least the 
games of other children can be played. The fact that 
all children play such games as hide and seek, blind 
man's buff, and London Bridge, and the little differences 
that there are in the way other children play them, can 
be pointed out. Books of such games are listed in the 
bibliography. The National Council for Prevention of 
War issues descriptions of games in mimeographed form. 

To develop independence of thought in little children, 
it is well to permit them to discriminate between the 
facts older people tell them that can be demonstrated, 
and the opinions they express. Another method is to 
teach them to test their own opinions by continued 
observation, and not to be troubled at finding an earlier 
opinion wrong but to see that it is a matter of growth. 

Psychologists point out the necessity of bringing chil- 
dren up without fear if they are to be without hate, since 
the two are closely associated, and of giving them some 
constructive skill through which their will-to-power can 
be satisfied. 

It is also important, of course, to "disarm" nurseries, 
but toy soldiers and B. B. guns are bound to be encoun- 
tered. The best protection against bad effects from them 
is to give children as true a picture as possible of what 
war is, so that it may not be confused in their minds with 
marching down a sunny street to gay music. 


Through the Celebration of Special Days 

Armistice Day and Goodwill Day are the outstanding 
peace days, but other holidays afford appropriate oppor- 
tunities to call attention to the world effort to secure 
peace. Material helpful in arranging international and 
goodwill programs is published by an increasing number 
of organizations. The National Young Women's Chris- 
tian Association and the National Missionary Education 
Movement publish large collections of pageants, plays, 
folk-songs and dances. Descriptive lists of material with 
information as to where it can be obtained are supplied 
by the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association and 
by the National Council for Prevention of War, both of 
which organizations also publish plays, pageants, and 
dramatic readings. Sources from which school programs 
can be gotten are mentioned in the section, "Through 
Schools." Information in regard to motion picture 
films is given in the section on that subject. Lantern 
slides showing life in other nations can be obtained from 
the Pan American Union, the Young Men's Christian 
Association, and among the commercial firms from the 
Keystone View Company of Meadville, Pennsylvania, 
and Williams, Brown and Earle, 918 Chestnut St., Phila- 
delphia. Lantern slides showing actual war scenes can 
be obtained from the Keystone View Company or from 
Radiguet and Massiot, 15 Boulevard des Filles-du- 
Calvaire, Paris. A collection of such slides can also be 
rented from the National Council for Prevention of War. 
Flags of all nations, needed in many programs, can be 
ordered from the Westminster Press, Philadelphia, in a 
set of 42, size 11 x 16 inches, for $4.25, or in practically 
any size from Annin and Company, Fifth Ave. and 16th 
St., New York City. Colored plates from which flags 
can be made were published in the National Geographic 
Magazine for October. 1917. 


Armistice Day, November 11 

Much program material is suitable for either Armistice 
Day or Goodwill Day, but the important thing on 
Armistice Day is to remember — to remember the two 
things that were uppermost in men's minds on the first 
Armistice Day, when the world that knew war went mad 
with joy because war was ended. The first thing is, the 
full horror, and cost, and waste, and suffering, and inter- 
ruption of war. The second is that hundreds of thou- 
sands of men died in the belief that they were fighting to 
end war and that the only true honor therefore that we 
can do them is to carry their work to completion. In a 
letter to the Commander of the American Legion, Presi- 
dent Coolidge said of the purposes of the day : 

"Armistice Day ought to be celebrated not simply by think- 
ing of the war and the men who died in the war but by 
dedicating all to the cause of perennial peace and the outlawry 
of war." 

The Sunday nearest Armistice Day should be observed 
in all churches and is very generally. Suggestions for 
church programs will be found in the section, "Through 
the Churches." There should also be a community cele- 
bration on Armistice Day itself. A public luncheon, 
dinner or evening meeting to discuss what the community 
is doing to carry out the purpose for which the war was 
fought, is one appropriate form of celebration. A com- 
munity international children's party is also an inspiring 
way to celebrate. 

In Carson City, Michigan, a celebration of Armistice 
Day in which the people of the town and surrounding 
country took part, was arranged by the First Congrega- 
tional Church. An all-day program held on Armistice 
Day itself included morning and afternoon services at 
which well-known ministers of the nearby towns gave 


addresses. All business houses closed at 10:30. The 
superintendent of schools, accompanied by members of 
his faculty and a large group of students, marched to the 
morning services, preceded by a flag bearer and bugler. 
A quarter-page advertisement was carried in the local 
papers with the names of the local men who had been 
killed in. the war, and below them these sentences: 

"We invite every patriotic citizen, and every Christian 
man, woman and child in our community to make this 
Armistice Service a memorial for our honored dead. Let us 
•keep in mind the ideals for which they gave themselves. In 
the World War they died to make that the last war. Let us 
dedicate ourselves to finish their task." 

Extra copies of the advertisement were run off and dis- 
tributed widely through the nearby towns. Information 
as to the details of such a program can be obtained from 
the minister of the Carson City Congregational Church, 
Dr. W. S. Shelly. 

The Committee for World Friendship of Plainfield, 
New Jersey, has made it a practice to conduct poster 
campaigns during Armistice week, and in 1928 arranged 
with the managers of moving picture houses to show a 
trailer at every performance during the week. Among 
the sentences carried on the slides were these: 

"Fighting for peace is the truest way to honor those that 
died in a 'War to end War/ " 

What You Can Do To Prevent War 

"Try to understand other nations. 
"Teach your children to practice tolerance. 
"Ask your minister to preach against war. 
"Elect Congressmen who advocate: 

Open Diplomacy; 

Universal Reduction of Armaments; 

Compulsory Arbitration. 


"The American people can end war in our time if they get 
on the job. — Let us wage peace! — I should be a traitor to my 
country if I did not do everything in my power to abolish 
war." — Major General John F. O'Ryan, Commander of the 
27th Division. 

Figures on the cost of war in lives and in dollars can be 
dramatically shown on such movie slides or on posters. 

In Ottawa the League of Nations Union secured a 
shop window for Armistice week and arranged a minia- 
ture scene showing the desolation and destruction 
wrought by modern war. On either side w r ere placards- 
bearing the words, "War Wastes/' "Unless we end war, 
w r ar will end us," "Peace Pays," "What do you know 
about the League of Nations?" This idea can be enlarged 
upon by a general display of cost of war posters or of 
the "pie chart" showing the percentage of the taxes paid 
by the people which go to pay the cost of wars past 
and future. In the smaller cities a parade can be held 
in which the salient facts of the cost and nature of 
modern war are carried on banners, and in which all the 
organizations which are in any w r ay furthering peace 
work can be represented. It should be followed by an 
indoor or outdoor meeting where the facts displayed on 
the banners may be explained and an account given of 
what is being done for peace. 

One of the simplest ways of celebrating the day is for 
the peace groups of a city at the beginning of the school 
year to offer a prize for the best essay on some such 
topic as, "The Difference Between War Yesterday and 
Today," and to award these prizes and have the essays 
read on Armistice Day; or a prize to be announced on 
Armistice Day can be offered through the local news- 
paper for the best article on, "How This Community Can 
Help Free the World From War." 


Lincoln's Birthday, February 12. 

In no man has the spirit of human brotherhood been 
more clearly portrayed than in Lincoln. His policy of 
conciliation following the Civil War is one of the great 
contributions to the realization of peace. The spirit of 
Lincoln inspires a poem by Vachel Lindsay, "Abraham 
Lincoln Walks at Midnight/' of which this is one of the 
stanzas : 

He cannot rest until a spirit-dawn 
Shall come: the shining hope of Europe free; 

The league of sober folk, the Worker's Earth 
Bringing long peace to Cornland, Alp and Sea. 

Washington's Birthday, February 22. 

The whole story of Washington's life is not told if 
his work for world peace receives no mention. When he 
was President, the first commission of Americans was 
sent to Europe to negotiate treaties of commerce with 
other nations and he wrote to its secretary: 

"My first wish is to see this plague to mankind (war) ban- 
ished from the earth and the sons and daughters of this world 
employed in more pleasing and innocent amusements than in 
preparing implements and exercising them for the destruction 
of mankind." 

The revival in modern history of arbitration as a 
method of settling international disputes was due to 
Washington. When many men in this country were 
demanding another war with England, President Wash- 
ington sent as a special ambassador his Chief Justice, 
John Jay, to London, and the treaty which was arranged 
began the long list of arbitration treaties which the 
nations of the world have signed during the last century. 
When a memorandum suggesting this arbitration treaty 
with England was given to him, he wrote across it "and 


with all other nations." His birthday is a fitting time for 
Americans to stop and consider just what they have done 
to carry out Washington's "first wish" and how near they 
are to banishing the plague of war from the earth. 

Goodwill Day, May 18. 

Goodwill Day is the anniversary of the opening of the 
First Hague Peace Conference in 1899. Its observance 
was proposed in 1900 by European members of the Inter- 
national Council of Women and promoted by that organi- 
zation, by the American Peace Society, and by the 
American School Citizenship League. Since the war the 
World Federation of Education Associations has urged 
that this day be made "a significant landmark in the 
movement for international friendship." 

Although celebrated chiefly in the schools, the day 
lends itself also to community programs and offers an 
opportunity to do two things, to cultivate a spirit of 
goodwill and to undertake projects that will give evi- 
dence of goodwill. The origin of the day makes it appro- 
priate to observe it with meetings on the subject of 
arbitration and the steadily increasing acceptance of 
peaceful methods of settling international disputes. 
Material on this subject can be secured from the 
World Peace Foundation, the American Peace Soci- 
ety, the National Council for Prevention of War, the 
Foreign Policy Association, and the American Founda- 

The special object of the day should be to increase 
knowledge and sympathetic understanding of other 
nations. In cities with a cosmopolitan population it can 
be made the occasion for an international program which 
will lead to permanent cooperation among the different 
local groups. An international luncheon or dinner can 
be arranged by a committee representing the different 


national groups in a community, or can be given by 
older citizens each one of whom invites a foreigner as a 
guest. An interesting decoration for such a dinner is a 
large map of the world in outline with the countries 
represented in the community filled in in color. Any 
international gathering of this sort can be appropriately 
concluded with the impressive candle-lighting ceremony 
in which representatives of the different nations stand 
in a circle, each holding a candle. One candle is lighted 
by the presiding officer and from it the next and so on 
around the circle, each one repeating as he lights his 
candle the name of his country and in his own language 
the words, "As light begets light so goodwill kindled in 
these meetings shall never die out." 

In Rock Springs, Wyoming, the Lions Club arranges 
an annual international night which is attended by the 
Governor and prominent citizens. National groups give 
songs and dances and conclude with the candle-lighting 
ceremony described above. In St. Paul a Cosmopolitan 
Club has been formed in which thirty-eight groups are 
represented, each having one member on the Board. An 
account of the activities of the club can be obtained from 
the President, Mr. Henry W. Libby. In Baltimore an 
International Folk Festival included a handicraft exhibit 
which was kept open for a week. In Cleveland one of 
the daily papers, The Press, arranged a dance of nations 
which enlisted the enthusiastic cooperation of the whole 
community. For cities where it is possible to stage an 
elaborate spectacle, a "Festival of the Nations," an epic 
of world relationships, in four colorful scenes in which 
several hundred people participate, has been arranged 
by Mr. Chalmers Brooks Fithian, Dean of the National 
Pageant Association. Information about the successful 
staging of this festival in Southern California can be 
secured from the Council of International Relations of 


Southern California, Chamber of Commerce Building, 
Los Angeles. 

"Reconciliation trips," inaugurated in New York City 
by Clarence V. Howell and Ida Oatley Howell, are being 
imitated in other large cities. The program for one 
month in New York included trips to the Japanese, Latin 
American, Chinese, Negro and Russian communities 
where special facilities had been arranged for meeting 
the people and understanding their point of view. In 
the summer of 1928, the first world "reconciliation tour" 
is being conducted on which a group of Americans will 
visit several European nations and have special oppor- 
tunities for meeting the people. 

In cities where the population is less cosmopolitan, the 
idea of world unity can be emphasized in several ways. 
A public dinner or evening meeting can be held for the 
discussion of world unity from their special points of 
view by a scientist, an artist, a minister of the gospel and 
a business man, all of whom should have interesting 
things to say on this theme. 

The economic interdependence of all nations can be 
called to the attention of the public in a series of posters, 
or in window displays built up around articles manu- 
factured by local firms, showing the countries in which 
the materials used in the articles are produced, and the 
countries to which the articles are sent. A simultaneous 
display of this kind by- manufacturers and merchants 
for a week would attract wide attention and could be 
utilized by the schools. Suggestions for such a display 
will be found in the chapter on "Commerce and Peace" 
and in the preceding section, "Through the Schools." 

An international evening can be provided by showing 
moving pictures or lantern slides of other countries. The 
sources from which they can be obtained are listed above. 

An entire community where there is a broadcasting 


station may be interested in having its children join those 
of other nations in broadcasting a message of goodwill, 
such as the following one which the children of Wales 
have sent out for several years and which on Goodwill 
Day in 1927 was repeated from powerful stations not only 
in Europe but in Canada: 

"We boys and girls of the principality of Wales and of 
Monmouthshire, greet with a cheer the boys and girls of every 
other country under the sun. Will you, millions of you, join 
in our prayer that God will bless the efforts of the good men 
and women of every race and people who are doing their best 
to settle the old quarrels without fighting? Then there will 
be no need for any of us, as we grow older, to show our pride 
for the country in which we were born by going out to hate 
and to kill one another. Long live the League of Nations — 
the friend of every Mother, the protector of every Home, and 
the guardian angel of the Youth of the world." 

Memorial Day, May SO 

Several cities are now honoring on Memorial Day not 
only the soldiers who have given their lives in battle, but 
men and women who have been "heroes of social con- 
struction/' Programs for carrying out such a celebration 
on Memorial Day can be gotten by writing the Peace 
Heroes Memorial Society, 3431 Larona Avenue, Cincin- 
nati, Ohio. Something of the spirit of the celebration 
can be gathered from the following paragraphs of the 
invitation issued to citizens to take part in it: 

"Miners, railroaders, builders, electricians, mechanics, fire- 
men, policemen, explorers, physicians, nurses, mothers and 
others upon whose risks and sufferings life depends, form an 
army larger than any fighting force of which history has 
record. It is an army serving without intermission and know- 
ing no armistice, an army that endures both pain and pri- 
vation. It numbers its losses of life by the tens of thousands 


every year and its other casualties by the hundreds of thou- 
sands. It goes to its hard perilous battles without decorations 
and without honors. . . . Yet it is the army of our real 
national defense against hunger, cold, sickness, exposure, dis- 
order, exhaustion, extinction; ultimately perhaps our true 
defense against foreign foes. . . . 

"Shall not we who honor the army that slays . . . honor 
the army that heals and preserves? We acclaim the heroism 
of the fighter. Shall we not acclaim the heroism of the worker, 
the investigator, the mother?" 

Independence Day, July 4 

July fourth is the natural occasion for the expression 
of pride in America and for a renewal of the spirit and 
ideals which inspired the men who founded it. This day 
has been made the occasion in several cities for cere- 
monies welcoming people of foreign birth to citizenship. 
In pageants, processions, international dinners, there can 
be shown the contributions which many nations have 
made to the development of the United States in the 
days of exploration and settlement and through the years 
of its industrial growth to the present period. 

Two editorials on July 4, 1927, one in the New York 
Herald Tribune and one in the New York Times, sug- 
gest new interpretations of the spirit of this day. The 
New York Herald Tribune said: 

"Of all our wars and victories deserving of commemoration 
on Independence Day few are more stirring to the imagination 
than the victory, won by a devoted handful of American 
officers and men, which freed the world from the terrible men- 
ace of yellow fever. . . . Their heroism had the rare reward 
of a complete success. The war against yellow fever, waged 
with the knowledge gained by the experiments to which 
they submitted themselves, has gone on, until the disease 
which year after year through centuries had been taking its 
hundreds of thousands of lives has been driven from the 


homes of men. Few armies have won a victory of that mag- 

The New York Times editorial read: 

" 'Are and of right ought to be free and independent' was 
written one hundred and fifty-one years ago. It was the pre- 
amble and the peroration of an announcement that the United 
Colonies were absolved from allegiance to the British Crown 
and that all political connection between them and Great 
Britain ought to be dissolved. ... To infer from this a 
lack of responsibility to the rest of the world, a refusal to 
adhere to a society of nations to promote the peace of man- 
kind, or the assumption of political, social or economic self- 
sufficiency, would be to misinterpret this historic utter- 
ance. . . . 

"With the raising of the standards of living the wants of 
man cannot be satisfied locally. As he ascends to a higher 
range of existence, whether in mere creature comforts or in 
intellectual commerce, the wider does the horizon of his 
needs become and the more insistently do they call for the 
removal of artificial barriers. Freedom the world around 
urges not only respect for the independence of the individual 
nation but also — and more and more strongly — the recogni- 
tion of the interdependence of all nations." 

A poster, "America First," based on a sermon by Bishop 
G. Ashton Oldham in which he covets for America the 
leadership toward a time when "war shall be no more," 
printed in black and red in various sizes, is issued by the 
National Council for Prevention of War and will be found 
very appropriate for Independence Day programs. The 
poster reads: 

America First 

Not merely in matters material, but in things of the spirit. 
Not merely in science, inventions, motors, and skyscrapers, 
but also in ideals, principles, character. 


Not merely in the calm assertion of rights, but in the glad 
assumption of duties. 

Not flaunting her strength as a giant, but bending in help- 
fulness over a sick and wounded world like a Good 

Not in splendid isolation, but in courageous cooperation. 

Not in pride, arrogance, and disdain of other races and 
peoples, but in sympathy, love, and understanding. 

Not in treading again the old, worn, bloody pathway which 
ends inevitably in chaos and disaster, but in blazing a 
new trail, along which, please God, other nations will 
follow, into the new Jerusalem where wars shall be no 

Some day some nation must take that path — unless we are 
to lapse once again into utter barbarism — and that honor 
I covet for my beloved America. 

And so, in that spirit and with these hopes, I say with all mv 
heart and soul, "AMERICA FIRST." 

International Flag Day, July 2 

A first International Flag Day, calling attention to 
the unarmed boundary between the United States and 
Canada and to their hundred years of peace, was organ- 
ized in 1927 with impressive ceremonies attended by 
Canadian and American officials, held at the Peace Por- 
tal in the State of Washington. The celebration falls 
between America's Independence Day and Canada's 
Dominion Day and it is hoped will extend all along the 
border line. The Peace Portal standing near the western 
end of the line was built to commemorate the one hun- 
dred years of peace that have existed between America 
and Great Britain. It is near the city of Blaine, and 
rests half on British soil and half on American. On one 
side is the flag of Great Britain and on the other that of 
the United States. On the American side are the words, 
"Children of a Common Mother"; on the Canadian, 


"Brethren Dwelling Together in Unity." Below one of 
the doors is inscribed, "Open for One Hundred Years"; 
and below the other, "May These Doors Never Be 

Near the eastern end of the boundary is the Bridge of 
Goodwill and Peace between Buffalo and Fort Erie. The 
piers of this bridge mark the places where once stood 
American and British forts, and where, over a hundred 
years ago, during the War of 1812, there had been des- 
perate fighting. Cities wishing to take part in the cele- 
bration of International Flag Day may secure further 
information from Mr. G. A. Miller, of Bellingham, 

Columbus Day, October 12th 

Through the Journal of the National Education Asso- 
ciation, Dr. Leo S. Rowe, Director of the Pan American 
Union, has made the suggestion that Columbus Day be 
celebrated as a Pan American Friendship Day. Dr. 
Rowe points out that it is the "one date that has equal 
significance for all the republics of the Western Hemi- 
sphere." He goes on to say: 

"To the vision, courage, and leadership of the great admiral 
we all alike owe the beginnings of European civilization on 
this continent. 

"It is well that we of the United States should stop to 
realize to what extent we are indebted to Spanish explorers 
and missionaries for the taming of our great wilderness. 

"While during colonial days North and South America had 
few contacts, with the beginning of the struggles for inde- 
pendence there began an era of sympathetic interest which 
has continued to the present time. South American patriots 
drew their inspiration from the American and French revolu- 
tions and their efforts toward liberty awakened the intense 
sympathy of such Americans as Henry Clay, some of whose 


most passionately eloquent utterances were devoted to the 
cause of South American independence." 

Interesting material for Latin-American programs, 
including lantern slides, can be obtained from the Pan 
American Union. 

Christmas Day 

Christmas offers a natural occasion for an expression 
of goodwill and of the desire for peace. A community 
Christmas tree celebration emphasizing world unity and 
goodwill, and including songs such as Whittier's "Christ- 
mas Carmen" set to music by Daniel Batehellor, is pub- 
lished by the National Council for Prevention of War. 
Plays and programs for Sunday Schools may be obtained 
from the Federal Council of Churches, the Missionary 
Education Movement, the League of Nations Non-Parti- 
san Association and the National Council for Prevention 
of War. 

Through Discussion Programs 

It leads to greater interest in the peace movement if 
members of an organization have an opportunity to 
carry on discussions themselves, as well as to hear special 
speakers. Many of the discussions suggested below 
may be impromptu. 

An Afternoon of Prejudices. — The course on Prejudice 
by Professor Edwin L. Clarke, described in Chapter II, 
lends itself to group discussion. A memeographed copy 
of one of Dr. Clarke's lectures can be ordered from the 
National Council for Prevention of War. Professor 
Clarke says in the outline of his course: 

"A person who desires to have intellectual power should 
carefully consider each important subject with which he has 
to deal, to see if he is prejudiced. If such is the case, he 
must try to determine the source of his bias. Once recog- 


nized, it can be fought. . . . This means that he must read 
literature presenting both sides. . . . He must get acquainted 
with intelligent and educated persons who hold the point of 
view which he dislikes, and must try to comprehend the rea- 
sons for the stand they take. . . . The acquisition of open- 
mindedness in regard to any single subject tends to make 
easier open-mindedness in others." 

A Group Intelligence Test. — The object is not to find 
out what individuals know, but what the group as a 
whole know r s of current world affairs. Questions can be 
based on the current news. Committees should be 
appointed to secure information and report back on the 
questions which cannot be answered. 

Taking an Inventory. — Both in starting peace work 
and at regular periods while a program is being carried 
out, take stock of exactly what influences for peace are 
at work in the community. The discussion can be based 
upon the chart shown in Chapter I. Interest is increased 
by noting on a blackboard or similar surface what is 
being done. A similar inventory can be taken of influ- 
ences in the community making for unfriendly relations, 
followed by suggestions as to how they can be met. 

"Ask Me Another/' questions and answers on interna- 
tional affairs issued by the Department of International 
Cooperation to Prevent War of the National League of 
Women Voters, and arranged in eight sets. Full instruc- 
tions for conducting meetings based upon them accom- 
pany the sets; price 10c. 

"Is the United States Cooperating to Build Permanent 
Peace?" A questionnaire prepared by The Inquiry, the 
Y. M. C. A. and a member of the faculty of New York 

"Thinking Peace, A Quiz." Published by the Women's 
Missionary Society of the Reformed Church in the U. S., 
1505 Race Street, Philadelphia; price 10c. 


"Is America Blocking the Way to World Peace — How 
Can the Average Citizen Work for the Cause of Perma- 
nent Peace?" A detailed outline for discussion with help- 
ful suggestions for leaders, published by the New York 
League of Women Voters, 420 Lexington Avenue, New 
York City ; price 25c. 

"Arbitration the Only Substitute for War," 150 ques- 
tions and answers on this subject, published by the Com- 
mittee on the Cause and Cure of War; price 15c. 

"What Do You Mean by 100% American?" A stimu- 
lating discussion published by the Young Women's 
Christian Association as a part of a pamphlet, "Program 
Help on International Relationships" ; price 30c. 

"Our Foreign Policy," a discussion in the form of ques- 
tions and answers, published by the New York Federa- 
tion of Progressive Women, 15 E. 40th Street, New York 
City; free. 

"A World Outlook," a discussion course for young 
people including the following topics: The World Neigh- 
borhood, Tolerance, The Fight Against War and the 
Development of Organized Government. It is issued by 
Glenn D. Adams, Young Men's Christian Association of 
Chicago, 19 South La Salle St., 15 cents each in quan- 
tities of ten or more. 

"What To Do With Goodwill," the first of a series of 
one-day discussion programs for women's clubs, with ref- 
erence material free, which is being issued by the League 
of Nations Non-Partisan Association. 

Through Study Courses 

Three types of study courses designed to bring about 
a better understanding of world problems are available: 

Courses calculated to develop what may best be 
described as a scientific attitude of mind. 


Courses on the general background problems of war 
and peace. 

Courses on special problems involved in the establish- 
ment of peace. 

Attitude Courses 

The most carefully worked-out courses along these lines 
are those prepared by The Inquiry, under the following 
titles : 

"What Makes Up My Mind On International Ques- 
tions?" Price $1.00 in cloth, 75c in paper. 

"Cooperative Technique for Conflict" ; price 20c. 

"Creative Discussion," Contrasted with debate; price 

"And Who Is My Neighbor?" On race relations in 
America; price 75c. 

General Background Courses 

Under the title, "Information for Study Groups," the 
International Relations office of the American Association 
of University Women issues helpful suggestions for 
organizing and conducting courses; free. It also has in 
preparation a handbook for Leaders. Among the sugges- 
tions offered, are these: 

"Where a controversial subject is under consideration, the 
various aspects of the points of conflict may be presented 
by different members. When this is followed care should be 
taken to prevent the discussion from becoming a formal 

"In the face of the bewildering mass of articles and books 
that confront the student of international affairs, the most 
efficient way of studying a particular problem is to read first 
a general account and to take notes in outline form on that 
account. With the striking phases of the situation in mind, 


further material may be chosen to elucidate obscure points 
and to explain points of view. It is also essential to be aware 
of the identity of the authors whose materials are studied — 
to know something of their standing and the factors which 
may give them a bias in their writing." 

"Syllabus on International Relations." — By far the 
most comprehensive and authoritative course on inter- 
national relations, by Parker Thomas Moon, Ph. D., of 
Columbia University, issued by the Institute of Inter- 
national Education and published by the Macmillan 
Company. Its main divisions are as follows: Introduc- 
tory Discussion of International Relations ; Nationalism, 
Territorial Conflicts and War; Imperialism and World 
Politics; Militarism and Armaments; History of Inter- 
national Relations to 1914; History of International 
Relations Since 1914; Summary Review of Policies of 
Great Powers; Economic Problems of International 
Relations; Problems of Diplomacy; International Or- 
organization, the League and the World Court. The price 

IS $0.t)U. 

"Syllabus of a Course of Twelve Lectures on the His- 
tory of International Relations and the League 'of 
Nations," by C. Delisle Burns, published by the League 
of Nations Union 15 Grosvenor Crescent, London, 
S. W. 1; price 15c. This is an excellent outline of the 
study of the general peace problem. 

"Adventuring in World Cooperation," by Jerome Davis 
and Daniel A. Poling, published by the United Society of 
Christian Endeavor; price 25c. The course which 
includes many interesting quotations and helpful out- 
lines for discussion, is divided into four parts: Our World 
Contacts; Our Misunderstandings; Our Conflicts; and 
Friendship as an Instrument. 

"The Science of Social Relations," by Hornell Hart, 
published by Henry Holt & Co., is particularly valuable 


because it is both comprehensive and direct in its method 
of approach. It includes written assignments based on 
each chapter. The price is $4.50. 

"Patriotism/' three discussion outlines for young peo- 
ple, for social workers, and for church people, published 
in one of the Occasional Papers issued by The Inquiry, 
under date of May, 1928. 

"Conflict or Cooperation," a study outline with bibli- 
ographies, is prepared by the American Committee of the 
World Youth Peace Congress, 104 East 9th Street, New 
York City; price 25c. 

"On Earth Peace," by Rhoda E. McCulloch and Mar- 
garet E. Burton, is published by the Federation of 
Women's Foreign Mission Boards of North America and 
the Council of Women for Home Missions. The chapter 
headings are: Christian Missions and World Peace; In- 
ter-Racial Cooperation and World Peace; Causes of 
War ; the Cure for War ; The Christian Way of Life ; and 
Programs and Suggestions; price 30c. 

"World Peace Primer/' a series of 21 simple lessons 
by Mrs. E. K. Bowman, Helena, Montana, price 25c. 

"A Study Course on World Peace," in connection with 
which the material in the various chapters of this book 
would be found useful, is issued in outline form with lists 
of books and pamphlet material by the National Council 
for Prevention of War under the following heads: War 
in Relation to the Modern World; What Is Being Done 
to Protect the World Against War; Policies, Practices 
and Beliefs Which Endanger World Peace ; Foreign Rela- 
tions of the United States; and The Unique Position of 
the United States in Relation to World Peace. 

Courses on Special Topics 

The courses in this section are listed according to sub- 
jects in the following order: General, Arbitration, Chris- 


tianity and Peace, Foreign Policy, Latin America, the 
League of Nations and World Court, the National 
Defense Act, the Problems of the Pacific, Racial Ques- 
tions, the United States Government. 

"Guidance Material for Study Groups" is issued by the 
American Association of University Women on these 
topics: European Diplomacy; The Evolution of Inter- 
national Organization; Fuel and Raw Materials in 
International Politics; Establishing the New World 
Order; Pan American Policies and Problems; The For- 
eign Policy of the United States; Problems of the Pacific; 
International Economics ; and Mexico. The price of each 
is 20c. 

"Arbitration." Material for study of this topic can be 
secured from the World Peace Foundation, the Federal 
Council of Churches; the American Foundation; the 
Foreign Policy Association; the National Committee on 
the Cause and Cure of War; the National League of 
Women Voters ; and the National Council for Prevention 
of War. 

"Christian Fellowship Among the Nations," by Jerome 
Davis and Roy B. Chamberlin, published by the Pilgrim 
Press, Boston, price 25c. 

"The Churches and World Peace," a syllabus published 
by the Federal Council of Churches at 25c a copy, or ten 
for $1.00. 

"International Problems and the Christian Way of 
Life," by Rhoda E. McCulloch, published by the Associa- 
tion Press, 347 Madison Avenue, New York City, 30c 
a copy. 

"Testing Modern Life by Jesus' Way of Living," by 
Gerald Birney Smith, published by the American Insti- 
tute of Sacred Literature, Hyde Park, Chicago, as one of 
its series of Outline Bible Study Courses. 


"Working for World Peace Through Organized Justice 
and Goodwill," a six weeks' discussion course, published 
by the Commission on International Relations of the 
National Council of the Congregational Churches, 287 
Fourth Ave., New York City, price 10c. 

"The Search for Peace," "What Contribution Has 
Christianity to Make in the Promotion of Peace?", by 
Laura F. Boyer, published by the National Council of 
the Protestant Episcopal Church, 281 Fourth Avenue, 
New York City, price 25c. 

"The Message of Jesus to Our Modern Life," by Shailer 
Mathews, published by the American Institute of Sacred 
Literature, Hyde Park, Chicago, price 75c. 

"Christ and the Nations," issued by the American 
Baptist Publishing Society, Philadelphia, price 25c. 

"The Words of Christ Commonly Quoted for or 
Against War," a compendium prepared for study groups 
by a committee of the New York Presbytery, distrib- 
uted by Harold A. Hatch, 70 Leonard St., New York 
City. ^ 

"Thinking It Through," a discussion on world peace, 
by Evelyn Riley Nicholson, approved by the Board of 
Education of the Methodist Episcopal Church, pub- 
lished by the Methodist Book Concern, New York City ; 
price 40c. 

"Missions and World Problems," a comprehensive sylla- 
bus with bibliography, published by The Inquiry; 
price 75c. 

"Know Your Own Foreign Policy," questions and an- 
swers prepared by the National League of Women Voters 
on the following subjects: the League of Nations; the 
World Court; the State Department; the Powers and 
Responsibility of the President for International Af- 
fairs; the Monroe Doctrine; Current Questions on the 


Disarmament Conference; the price is 20c each. Orders 
should be sent to New York office. 

"What Should Be the Foreign Policy of the United 
States Regarding Neutrality and Neutral Rights — What 
Policy Will Contribute Most Toward World Peace?" An 
outline of a 7-weeks' course for group study, with ref- 
erences; issued by the Peace Committee of the Philadel- 
phia Yearly Meeting of Friends. 

"International Relations of the United States/' a series 
of brief summaries for busy men and women issued by 
the Federal Council of Churches; price $1 a hundred. 

Information on questions related to the foreign policy 
of the United States, prepared in such form as to serve 
readily as the basis for a study course, can be obtained 
from the Foreign Policy Association. The pamphlets 
available are listed in the Association's index of publica- 
tions, which will be supplied upon request. 

"Hispanic American History," a syllabus of 169 pages 
by Professor William Whatley Pierson, published by the 
University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, North 
Carolina. A comprehensive outline with bibliographies; 
price $1.50. 

"Ventures in Inter-American Friendship," the trend of 
thought on social, political and religious problems in 
Latin America. Written by Samuel Guy Inman and 
published by the Missionary Education Movement of the 
United States and Canada, New York City. Price 50c. 

The Pan American Union supplies outlines and inter- 
esting material for study groups, <?n Pan American 

"A Study Course on the League of Nations, the World 

Court, and the International Labor Organization," a very 

interesting, complete and well-organized course issued by 

the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association; price 


10c. It includes bibliographies and references to docu- 
ments with suggestions for discussions under each topic. 

"The National Defense Act," a summary and series 
of questions and answers issued by the National League 
of Women Voters; price 15c. Order from the New York 

"Primer on Outlawry of War," questions and answers, 
published by the National League of Women Voters, 
price 2c. Order from the New York office. 

"Problems of the Pacific," an analyzed and annotated 
bibliography by Raymond Leslie Buell, published by the 
World Peace Foundation, which could readily be fol- 
lowed as a study course on Pacific problems. The price 
is 5c. 

The reports and publications of the Institute of Pacific 
Relations, Honolulu, will be found useful in studying 
Pacific questions. 

"All Colors," a study outline on woman's part in racial 
relations prepared by The Inquiry and distributed by the 
Woman's Press. 153 pages with bibliographies and sug- 
gestions for discussion leaders; price $1.00. 

"Toward Friendship with China," issued by the Fed- 
eration of Women's Boards of Foreign Missions of North 

"Of One Blood," a short study of the Race Problem by 
Robert E. Speer, published by the Council of Women for 
Home Missions and the Missionary Education Move- 
ment of the United States and Canada, New York City; 
price 75c. 

"The Outline of Government in the United States," 
for reference or study, published by the National League 
of Women Voters; price 50c. 


Through Reading Courses 

Study Courses Under the Auspices of the National 
Committee on the Cause and Cure of War. — These 
courses are based on a carefully selected list of readings 
which may be followed by an individual or by a group. 
The main topics recommended for 1927-28 were: the 
Causes of War and the Agencies That Deal with Them ; 
the Cures of War and the Agencies That Deal with 
Them; Foreign Policy; Arbitration; Asiatic Problems 
Emphasizing China, Japan, and the Philippines; Prob- 
lems of the Americas: United States and Mexico; Euro- 
pean Problems, Emphasizing International Debts. 

"World Unity Reading List of Current Books," pub- 
lished by the World Unity League, 22 East 34th Street, 
New York City ; price 10c. 

The Foreign Relations of the United States, by Paul 
Scott Mowrer, published by the American Library Asso- 
ciation, 86 East Randolph Street, Chicago; price 15c. 
In many cities it can be obtained from the local library. 

What an Individual Can Do 

The fact that the movement for world peace can be 
furthered by individuals as well as organizations has 
many striking illustrations, from those who have given 
millions of dollars to the promotion of the cause, to the 
men and women who supply their local libraries with 
the publication of some peace organization or a magazine 
on international affairs. Among the notable gifts to the 
peace movement have been the Carnegie Endowment 
for International Peace, organized by Andrew Carnegie 
with a fund of $10,000,000, and his creation of the Church 
Peace Union with an endowment of $2,000,000; the 
endowment of $1,000,000 given by Edwin Ginn to the 
World Peace Foundation; Mr. James H. Causey's gift 


of $1,500,000 to the University of Denver for the estab- 
lishment of a chair to promote international goodwill; 
and Alfred Nobel's endowment of the annual peace 
award. Small endowments have been made to colleges 
for the purchase of books or for special lectures on inter- 
national topics, and for essays on peace subjects. 

Other individuals have given large sums of money in 
prizes for peace plans or ideas tending to promote inter- 
national understanding. Mr. Edward. Bok's gift of 
$50,000 for the best plan to promote world peace, which 
was won by Charles H. Levermore in 1924, was followed 
by the offer of similar prizes by Mr. Edward A. Filene 
to the citizens of European countries. A prize of $25,000 
was offered by Raphael Herman for the best plan for 
peace education, and awarded to David Starr Jordan in 
1924. The Misses Seabury of New Bedford, Massachu- 
setts, have for many years offered annual prizes in both 
high schools and normal schools for the best essays on 
questions affecting world peace. 

A contribution of a different kind, but comparable in 
value and influence, is the work of men and women who 
have devoted their lives to writing and speaking for 
peace. The influence of the writings of a man like David 
Starr Jordan, who has published more than 450 books 
and articles on questions of peace, and of Dr. and 
Mrs. Edwin D. Mead of Boston, has reached around the 

What one person can do without large means is 
nowhere better illustrated than by Mrs. E. K. Bowman 
of Helena, Montana, who because of her unique peace 
work was entered by the Director of the North Pacific 
Section of the American University Women as a candi- 
date for the Pictorial Review Achievement Award in 
1927. Mrs. Bowman, who has done her own housework 


and raised a family of five children, has found time with- 
out financial help and without office equipment to write 
and distribute several editions of a "World Peace 
Primer ,, ; she has arranged essay contests in the schools 
of her State, sending 300 package libraries of material to 
teachers; she has developed a system of letters which are 
sent to a large mailing list as often as funds for postage 
can be gotten; she has prepared a lecture with lantern 
slides, which is circulated, and has given over a hundred 
lectures herself; she has persuaded the Bar Association, 
the Federation of Labor, and the American Legion of her 
State, to allow her to send speakers to their annual con- 
ventions; and she has organized a speakers' bureau with 
key men in various towns who keep themselves informed 
on international affairs and on opportunities for speeches. 

If this seems too ambitious a program for imitation, 
there are other simpler things that can be done to help 
hold the attention of the public on the problem of peace. 
Letters to newspapers and magazines here, there, every- 
where, answering articles, commenting on editorials, 
praising those which stand for peace, have a cumulative 
influence. One person working in this way who should 
have helpful suggestions to offer as to how to proceed, is 
Miss Lydia G. Wentworth of Brookline, Massachusetts. 
Another excellent plan carried out by many men and 
women is to buy a good book on international affairs as 
often as possible, even one a year is well worth while, 
and keep it in circulation among friends. 

The methods of Mr. C. W. Johnson of Springfield, 
Massachusetts, could be imitated by many others. 
Among other devices for promoting peace, he has printed 
on the front of envelopes the words, "Build Friendships, 
not Warships, for National Defense," and on the back 
this quotation, 


"The world has tried war with force and has utterly failed. 
The only hope of success lies in peace with justice." Presi- 
dent Calvin Coolidge, Cambridge, Mass., July 3, 1925. 

Packages of such envelopes can be obtained from Mr. 
Johnson at 128 Orleans Street. 

Goodwill Day, May 18th, offers one of the best oppor- 
tunities for an individual to interest a community in 
peace work. In San Jose, California, Mr. J. W. Wells, 
an "anti-war Civil War veteran" has encouraged the 
observance of the day in the schools in many ways, 
#mong others by making pennants with the names of 
different nations on them and a large placard with the 
words, "Greetings of Goodwill to all Nations." The 
students assemble, display the pennants and placard, 
and photographs taken of them are widely published 
and sent to schools abroad. Pennants displayed around 
the placard in an auditorium or entrance hall would 
lead to interesting discussion. 

The Detroit News of April 4, 1928, in an editorial, 
"Put Punch Into All Your Peace Promotion," suggests 
a further way in which any individual anywhere can 
help to undermine the institutionalized habit of war; 

"There is nothing that the world needs more than a gen- 
eral campaign to induce positive thinking in behalf of peace. 
When world public opinion favors peace there will be no 
more war. We approach that state. Nowhere any longer is 
there willingness to say a good word for war, but there remain 
the fearful. . . . 

"It is the duty of individuals to talk peace positively; to 
stop repeating rumors of war; to refuse to credit malice to 
people of other races and nationalities, and to insist to the 
limit of their influence on banishing those acts and words that 
may be mistaken for threats." 

Fliers carrying sixteen useful suggestions for the indi- 


vidual volunteer peace worker, compiled by Mrs. J. 
Malcolm Forbes, may be obtained from the National 
Council for Prevention of War. 

Because publications dealing with current questions go very rapidly 
out of date, organizations do not make it a policy to keep such material 
in print for any great length of time, and the date of the publication 
of this book should be noted before ordering material listed in the 
preceding chapter. It is frequently better to ask for material on a 
given subject rather than for a special pamphlet. Where a publication 
found to be out of print is particularly desired, if it is referred to in 
this book, the National Council for Prevention of War will make an 
effort to supply a copy at least for temporary use. 


The following organizations offer an opportunity for 
cooperation in their programs and serve as sources of in- 
formation and material. The list is not complete, but 
includes the larger organizations formed primarily for 
peace work, and others whose addresses are needed in 
connection with programs of work outlined in Chapter 
XXVI. Under the title, "Organizations in the United 
States That Promote Better International Understanding 
and World Peace," the National Council for Prevention 
of War publishes a list of more than one hundred and 
fifty organizations with the names of officers and state- 
ments of purpose and activities. The same organization 
is also able to supply copies of the Peace Year Book pub- 
lished in England, and mimeographed lists of organiza- 
tions in many of the countries of Europe, Asia, and Latin 
America. A Peace Year Book containing a great deal of 
interesting general material is published in Germany by 
the Friedensgesellschaft, but is not translated. Informa- 
tion in regard to foreign peace societies can also be 
obtained through the International Peace Bureau, rue 
Charles Bonnet, 8, Geneva, Switzerland. 

American Association of University Women, 

1634 Eye St., N. W., Washington, D. C. 
American Committee for the Outlawry of War, 

134 South La Salle St., Chicago, 111. 
American Federation of Labor, 

Massachusetts Ave., and Ninth St., Washington, D. C. 



American Foundation, 

565 Fifth Ave., New York City. 
American Friends Service Committee, 

20 South 12th St., Philadelphia, Pa. 
American Peace Society, 

Colorado Bldg., Washington, D. C. 
American School Citizenship League, 

405 Marlborough St., Boston, Mass. 
Association for Peace Education, 

5733 Blackstone Ave., Chicago, 111. 
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 

2 Jackson PL, Washington, D. C. 
Church Peace Union (See World Alliance) 

Committee on Militarism in Education, 

387 Bible House, Astor PL, New York City. 
Committee on Peace and Sendee, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting 
of Friends, 

15th and Race Sts., Philadelphia. 
The Epworth League, 

740 Rush St., Chicago, 111. 
Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America, 

105 East 22nd St., New York City. 
Fellowship of Reconciliation, 

383 Bible House, Astor PL, New York City. 
Foreign Policy Association, 

18 East 41st St., New York City. 
The Inquiry, 

129 East 52d St., New York City. 
League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 

6 East 39th St., New York City. 
Mennonite Church, Peace Problems Committee, Akron, Pa. 
National Board of the Young Women's Christian Associations, 

600 Lexington Ave., New York City. 
National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War, 

1010 Grand Central Terminal Bldg., New York City. 
National Council for Prevention of War, 

532 17th St., N. W., Washington, D. C. 

and 205 Sheldon Bldg., San Francisco, Calif. 


National Council of the Young Men's Christian Associations, 

347 Madison Ave., New York City. 
National Grange, 

630 Louisiana Ave., N. W. Washington, D. C. 
National League of Women Voters, 

532 17th St., Washington, D. C. 

Department of International Cooperation to Prevent War, 

1010 Grand Central Terminal Bldg., New York City. 
National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 

1730 Chicago Ave., Evanston, Illinois. 

Director, National Department of Peace, 
Mrs. May Bell Harper, Unionville, Connecticut. 
Peace Association of Friends in America, 

Richmond, Indiana. 
Peace Committee of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of Friends, 

304 Arch St., Philadelphia. 
Rotary International, 

221 East Cullerton St., Chicago, 111. 
United Society of Christian Endeavor, 

41 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 

522 17th St., N. W., Washington, D. C. 
Women's Peace Society, 

20 Vesey St., New York City. 
Women's Peace Union, 

39 Pearl St., New York City. 

World Alliance for International Friendship Through the 
70 Fifth Ave., New York City. 
World Peace Foundation, 

40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 
World's Student Christian Federation, 

347 Madison Ave., New York City. 


A unique Library on international affairs and the peace 
movement is maintained by the Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace at its headquarters in Washington, 
under the direction of Miss M. Alice Matthews. The 
Library contains over 37,000 catalogued volumes and 
pamphlets including valuable special collections of docu- 
ments relating to foreign affairs and receives over 200 
periodicals and newspapers. Comprehensive reading lists 
on various phases of the peace problem are issued at fre- 
quent intervals and may be obtained free of charge by 
addressing the Library at 2 Jackson Place, Washington, 
D. C. 

The reading lists issued by the Division of Bibliog- 
raphy of the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. 
under the direction of Mr. William A. Slade, Chief Bibli- 
ographer, include many titles of interest to students of 
international relations and world peace; they will be 
sent on request to any library. 

The World Peace Foundation issues at intervals a pub- 
lication "International Book News" which it distributes 
free of charge upon request. 

In the following list of bibliographies, the abbreviation 
"LCar," is used for the Library of the Carnegie Endow- 
ment for International Peace, and "LC" for the Library 
of Congress. 



Aids to International Understanding, a booklet with notes; 
compiled by the Newark Public Library. Published by 
the New Jersey Federation of Women's Clubs, Miss Mar- 
garet Buttenheim, Chairman, Committee on International 
Relations, 44 Crescent Road, Madison, New Jersey, 10c. 

War and Peace. St. Louis Public Library. 

Recommended Books. League of Nations Non-Partisan 
Association, New York. 


International Arbitration. LCar. 

Taft, Root and Bryan Treaties. Women's International 
League for Peace and Freedom, Washington, D. C. 


Limitation of Armaments. LC. 

Disarmament, special reference to naval limitation. LC. 

Traffic in Arms and Munitions of War. LCar. 

Disarmament and Substitutes for War. Public Library of 
the City of Boston. 

Conscientious Objectors. LCar. 


Education and Internationalism. Friends' Book Centre, 
Euston Road, London, N. W. 1, 2s. 
Education and International Peace. LCar. 
History in School Text Books. LCar. 

* Where there is only one bibliography title forms topical subject. 



A Bibliography for School Teachers of History, Eileen 
Power. Methuen, London, Is. 6d. 


European Diplomacy. American Association of University 
Women, Washington, D. C, 20c. 

The Europe of Our Day, Herbert Adams Gibbons. Amer- 
ican Library Association Reading Course. (Obtainable 
at most libraries.) 


American Immigration. LC. 

Japanese in America. LC. 

Foreign Language Groups Handbook — Bibliography. Mis- 
sionary Education Movement, N. Y., $125. 

Racial and Nationality Backgrounds. Woman's Press, 
600 Lexington Ave., N. Y., 50c. 

Americans from Abroad, John Palmer Gavit. American 
Library Association Reading Course. (Obtainable from 
most libraries.) 

International Law 

International Law, Codification of, LC. 

Recognition in International Law, with Special Reference 
to Russia. LCar. 

International Organization 

International Communication. LC. 

International Status of Panama Canal and Similar Water- 
ways, LC. 

International Relations 

Recent Publications on International Relations. LCar. 

Democratic Control of Foreign Affairs. LC. 

Ways of Learning, brief reading list of authoritative 
sources of material on international affairs, American 
Foundation, N. Y., or LC. 



American Investments in Foreign Countries. LC. 
Intervention with Special Reference to Protection of For- 
eign Loans and Investments. LCar. 
Fuel and Raw Materials in International Politics. Ameri- 
can Association of University Women, Washington, D. C. 

Training for Foreign Service. United States Commissioner 
of Education, Washington, D. C. (With bibliography 
for advanced study on questions of foreign trade.) 10c. 

Foreign Relations of the United States 

Foreign Relations of the United States (List of government 
publications). Superintendent of Documents, Washing- 
ton, D. C. Ten cents. 

The Foreign Relations of the United States, Paul Scott 
Mowrer, American Library Association Reading Course. 
(Obtainable at most libraries). 

The Foreign Policy of the United States. American Asso- 
ciation of University Women, Washington, D. C, 20c. 

Labor and Peace 

Labor and World Peace. LCar. 

International Labor Organization — 1919-1926. Interna- 
tional Labor Office, Geneva. Pamphlet, 50c. May be 
obtained from the Washington Branch of the International 
Labor Office, Lenox Bldg. 

Latin American Topics 

Comprehensive reading lists on Latin American nations 
and on a wide range of subjects bearing upon Latin Ameri- 
can relations and affairs may be obtained from the Pan 
American Union, Washington, D. C. 

The United States and Latin America. LC. 

Economic and cultural relations between the United States 

and Latin America. LCar. 


League of Nations 

Current Reading Lists. League of Nations Non-Partisan 
Association, N. Y. 

League of Nations. LC. 

League of Nations Covenant. LCar. 

Locarno Treaties. LCar. 

Mexico, Present Situation. LC. 

Military Training. LC. 


Nicaragua, with Special Reference to her Relations with 
the United States. LC. 

Outlawry of War 

Outlawry of War. LC. 
Outlawry of War. LCar. 

Pacific Problems, Raymond Leslie Buell. World Peace 
Foundation, Boston, 5c. 

Peace and the Peace Movement. LCar. 

Philippine Independence. LC. 

Population. Its decrease and increase with economic results. 

Reparations Problem. LC. 

Tariff Question Pro and Con. LC. 

United States Government 

Constitution of the United States. LC. 

The Founders of the Republic, Claude G. Bowers. Amer- 
ican Library Association Reading Course. (Obtainable 
at most libraries.) 

The United States in Recent Times y Frederick L. Paxon. 
American Library Association Reading Course. (Obtain- 
at most libraries.) 


Conflicts in American Public Opinion, William Allen 
White and Walter E. Myers. American Library Associa- 
tion Reading Course. (Obtainable at most libraries.) 


Causes of War, LCar. 

Conscription of men, material resources and money in time 
of war. LCar. 

Cost of War. LCar. 

Cost of European War. LC. 

War and the Race. Bibliography of Eugenics. University 
of California Press, Berkeley, Cal. 
War and Religion. LCar. 

Referendum on War. LCar. 

War Debts 

Cancellation of Allied Debt. LC. 
War Debt Problems. LCar. 

World Court 

Permanent Court of International Justice. LC. 
Permanent Court of International Justice. LCar. 

World Unity 

Reading List of Current Books. World Unity Publishing 
Co., 4 East 12th St., N. Y. 10c. 

Youth Movement. LCar. 



Descriptive leaflets or tables of contents of the books 
listed below may be obtained from the publishers. A 
few books that are out of print have been included, most 
of which can be found in city libraries. Pamphlets and 


magazine articles are listed when books covering the same 
points are not available. In the case of related subjects, 
such as imperialism and nationalism, books dealing with 
either should be looked for under both heads. Under 
each heading books suited to serve as a general introduc- 
tion to that subject are starred. 

I. Background Material 

A. The Unity of the Universe. 

Allee, W. C, and others, The Nature of the World and 
Man. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1927, $5.00. 

Shapley, Harlow, Starlight. Doran, N. Y., 1926, $1.00. 

# Shapley, Harlow (editor), The Universe of the Stars. 
Radio talks. Harvard Observatory, Cambridge, Mass., 
1926, $2.00. 

B. The Unity of Civilization 

Bury, J. B., History of the Freedom of Thought. Holt, 
N. Y., 1913, $1.00. 

Follett, M. P., The New State. Longmans, Green, N. Y., 
1918, $3.00. 

*Parsons, Geoffrey, The Stream of History. Scribner, N. Y., 
1928, $5.00. 

Perry, W. F., The Growth of Civilization. Dutton, N. Y., 
1923, $2.50. 

Randall, J. H., The Making of the Modern Mind. Hough- 
ton Mifflin, Boston, 1926, $3.50. 

Wells, H. G., Outline of History. Macmillan, N. Y., 1926, 

C. The State. 

Burns, Cecil Delisle, The World of States. Stokes, N. Y., 
1918, $1.00. 

*Brown, Philip M., International Society — Its Nature and 
Interest. Macmillan, N. Y., 1923, $1.50. 

Hocking, William Ernest, Man and the State. Yale Uni- 
versity Press, New Haven, Conn., 1926, $4.00. 


D. Economic Interdependence. 

Angell, Norman, The Great Illusion. Putnam, N. Y., 1913, 

Bosanquet, Helen, Free Trade and Peace in the Nine' 
teenth Century. Putnam, N. Y., 1924, $4.20. 

Culbertson, W. S., International Economic Policies. Apple- 
ton, N. Y., 1925, $3.50. 

Delaisi, Francis, Political Myths and Economic Realities. 
The Viking Press, N. Y., 1927, $4.00. 

Fraser, H. F., Foreign Trade and World Politics. Knopf, 
N. Y., 1926, $3.25. 

Notz, William F., The International Cartel Movement. 
Editorial Research Reports, Washington, D. C, 1928, 

*Redfield, William C, Dependent America. Houghton 
Mifflin, Boston, 1926, $2.50. 

Taussig, Frank W., Selected Readings in International 
Trade and Tariff Problems. Ginn, Boston, 1921, $3.00. 

Warbasse, James Peter, Cooperative Democracy. (An 
account of Cooperative Associations and their international 
development.) Macmillan, N. Y., 1927, $3.00 

E. Public Opinion. 

Angell, Norman, The Public Mind. Dutton, N. Y., 1927, 

Dewey, John, The Public and Its Problems. Holt, N. Y., 
1927, $2.50. 

Lasswell, Harold D., Propaganda Technique in the World 
War. Knopf, N. Y., 1927, $5.00. 

Lippmann, Walter, Public Opinion. Harcourt, Brace, 
N. Y., 1922, $3.00. 

Ponsonby, Arthur, Falsehood in War-Time. Allen & Un- 
win, London, 1928, 2s. 6d. 

*Scott, Jonathan French, Five Weeks: The Surge of Public 
Opinion on the Eve of the Great War. John Day Co., 
N. Y., 1927, $2.50. 


Sisson, Edward O., Educating for Freedom. Macmil- 
lan, N. Y., 1925, $1.40. 

II. International Relations 

Bryce, James, International Relations. Macmillan, N. Y., 
1922, $2.50. 

Buell, Raymond Leslie, International Relations. Holt, 
N. Y., 1925, $5.00. 

*Burns, C. Delisle, A Short History of International Inter- 
course. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1924, $1.75. 

III. International Organization 

A. General 

Brailsford, Henry N., Olives of Endless Age. Harper, 
N. Y., 1928, $3.50. 

Coudenhove-Kalergi, R. N., Pan-Europe. Knopf, N. Y., 
1926, $2.00. 
*Hughan, Jessie W., A Study of International Government. 
Crowell, N. Y., 1923, $2.75. 

Lawrence, Thomas J., The Society of Nations: Its Past, 
Present and Possible Future. Oxford University Press, 
N. Y., 1919, $1.50. 

Morrow, Dwight Whitney, The Society of Free States. 
Harper, N. Y., 1919, $1.25. 

Potter, Pitman B., Introduction to the Study of Interna- 
tional Organization. Century, N. Y., 1928, $4.00. 

B. The League of Nations 

All official publications of the League of Nations are dis- 
tributed in the United States by the World Peace Founda- 
tion, 40 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston, Mass. 

Bassett, John Spencer, The League of Nations — A Chapter 
in World Politics. Longmans, Green, N. Y., 1928, $3.50. 

Duggan, Stephen P. and others, The League of Nations: 
The Principle and the Practice. Atlantic Press, N. Y, 
1919, $2.50. 


Hudson, Manley 0., American Cooperation with Other 
Nations through the' League of Nations. World Peace 
Foundation, Boston, 1926, 5c. 

*Price, Burr, The World Talks It Over. Henkle, N. Y., 
1927, $1.75. 

Rappard, William E., International Relations as Viewed 
from Geneva. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn., 
1925, $2.50. 

Rappard, William E., and Patterson, Caleb Perry, The 
League of Nations. "International Conciliation/' (pam- 
phlet, June, 1927) Carnegie Endowment for International 
Peace, 1927, 5c. 

Williams, Bruce, State Security and the League of Nations. 
Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md., 1927, $2.75. 
Wilson, Florence, Origins of the League Covenant. 
Hogarth Press, London, 1928. 

C. Permanent Court of International Justice 

All official publications are distributed in the United States 
by the World Peace Foundation, Boston, Mass. 

Bustamente, A. S., de, The World Court. Macmillan, 
N. Y., 1925, $3.00. 

Hudson, Manley 0., The Permanent Court of Interna" 
tional Justice. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 
Mass., 1925, $4.00. 

•Hudson, Manley 0., The World Court 1922-1928. (Pam- 
phlet.) World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1928, 30c. 

*Johnsen, Julia E., The Permanent Court of International 
Justice. H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1923, 90c. 

Wiekersham, G. W., World Court. (Pamphlet.) Workers 
Education Bureau Press, N. Y., 1927, 25c. 

D. International Labor Organization 

All official publications are to be had from the World 
Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. 

*Barnes, George N., History of the International Labor 


Office. Williams and Norgate, London, 1926, $1.00. (In- 
ternational Labor Office, Washington, D. C.) 

Perigord, Paul, International Labor Organization. Apple- 
ton, N. Y., 1926, $3.50. 

E. International Law, Its Development and Codification 

Hudson, Manley 0., Progressive Codification of Interna- 
tional Law. In the American Journal of International 
Law, October, 1926. 

Hughes, Charles Evans, The Development of International 
Law. Reprinted from the Advocate of Peace y June, 1925, 
by the American Peace Society, Washington, D. C, 10c. 

•Nippold, Otfried, Development of International Law after 
the World War. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1925, 

Oppenheim, Lassa F. L., The Future of International Law. 
Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1921, out of print. 

*Read, Elizabeth, International Law and International Re- 
lations. American Foundation, N. Y., 1927, $1.00. 

Scott, James Brown, The Gradual and Progressive Codifi- 
cation of International Law. In the American Journal of 
International Law, July, 1927. 

The Codification of American International Law. Pan 
American Union, Washington, free. 

F. International Administrative Cooperation 

•Hudson, Manley 0., Current International Cooperation. 
Calcutta University Press, Calcutta, 1927. (May be pur- 
chased from Harvard Cooperative Society, Inc., Cam- 
bridge, Mass., $1.50.) 

Reinsch, Paul S., Public International Unions. World 
Peace Foundation, Boston, 1916, $1.65. 
Sayre, Francis Bowes, Experiments in International Ad- 
ministration. Harper, N. Y., 1918, $1.50. 

*Woolf, Leonard S., International Government. Brentano's, 
N. Y., 1916, $2.00. 


IV. The Government and Policies of the United States 

A. General 

•Baker, Crothers H., and Hudnut, R. A., Problems of Citi- 
zenship. (College textbook.) Holt, N. Y., 1924. (Immi- 
gration, International Relations, War and Peace, Means of 
Preventing War, The Hague, The League.) $2.75. 
Beck, James M., The Constitution of the United States. 
Doran, N. Y., 1924, $2.50. 

Becker, Carl L., Our Great Experiment in Democracy. 
Harper, N. Y., 1927, $3.00. 

Call, Arthur Deerin, Our Country and World Peace. 
American Peace Society, Washington, D. C, 1926, $1.25. 

Hamlin, C. H., The War Myth in United States History. 
Vanguard Press, N. Y., 1927, 50c. 

Jordan, David Starr, Democracy and World Relations. 
World Book Co., Yonkers, N. Y., 1918, $1.60. 

Mead, Edwin D., Washington, Jefferson and Franklin on 
War, Old South Association, Boston, 10c. 

Moley, Raymond and Rocca, Helen M., The Outline of 
Government in the United States. (Includes the Constitu- 
tion.) National League of Women Voters, Washington, 
D. C, 50c. 

*Tufts, James H., Our Democracy. Holt, N. Y., 1917, $1.50. 

The Federal Convention. American Peace Society, Wash- 
ington, D. C, 1924, 25c. 

B. Foreign Relations of the United States 

1. General 

Blakeslee, G. H., Recent Foreign Policy of the United 
States. Abingdon Press, N. Y., 1925, $2.00. 

Corwin, Edward S., The President's Control of Foreign 
Relations. Princeton University Press, Princeton, N. J., 
1917, $1.50. 

*Dealey, J. Q., Foreign Policies of the United States. Ginn, 
Boston, 1926, $2.80. 


Foreign Policy Association, Open Diplomacy and Ameri- 
can Foreign Relations. (Pamphlet.) N. Y., 1926, 35c. 

Jessup, Philip C, American Neutrality and International 
Police. World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1928, $1.25. 

Latane, J. EL, History of American Foreign Policy. 
Doubleday, Page, N. Y., 1927, $4.00. 

Potter, Pitman B., The Myth of American Isolation. (Pam- 
phlet.) World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1921, 5c. 

Putney, Albert H., Executive Assumption of the War Mak- 
ing Power. In National University Law Review, May, 
1927, Washington, D. C, 75c. 

Wright, Quincy, The Future of Neutrality. Carnegie En- 
dowment, N. Y., 1928, 5c. 

2. Latin American Relations and the Monroe Doctrine 

A Brief History of the Relations between the United States 
and Nicaragua, 1909-1928. Documents assembled by the 
State Department, U. S. Government Printing Office, 
Washington, 1928, 15c. 

Alvarez, Alejandro, The Monroe Doctrine. Oxford Uni- 
versity Press, N. Y., 1924, $3.00. 

*Balch, Emily Greene (editor), Occupied Haiti. The 
Writers Publishing Co., N. Y., 1927, $2.00. 

*Beman, L. T., United States Intervention in Latin America. 
H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1924, $2.40. 

Chapman, C. E., A History of the Cuban Republic: A 
Study in Hispanic American Politics. Macmillan, N. Y., 
1927, $5.00. 

Cox, Isaac Joslin, Nicaragua and the United States 1909- 
1927. World Peace Foundation Boston, 1927, 30c. 

Haring, Clarence H., South America Looks at the United 
States. Macmillan, N. Y., 1928, $2.50. 

Hughes, Charles Evans, Pathway of Peace. Harper, N. Y., 
1925, $4.00. 

Inman, Samuel Guy, Problems of Pan Americanism. 
Doran, N. Y., 1925, $2.00. 


Knight, Melvin M., The American in Santo Domingo. 
Vanguard Press, N. Y., 1928, $1.00. 

*Page, Kirby, The Monroe Doctrine and World Peace. 
Doubleday, Doran, N. Y., 1928. (Pamphlet.) 10c. 

*Rippy, J. Fred, Latin America in World Politics. Knopf, 
N. Y., 1928, $3.50. 

*Rodo, Jose Enrique, Ariel. Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 
1922, $1.25. 

Stimson, Henry L., American Policy in Nicaragua, Scrib- 
ner, N. Y., 1927, $1.25. 

Thomas, David Y., One Hundred Years of the Monroe 
Doctrine, 1823-1923. Macmillan, N. Y., 1923, $4.00. 

Walling, William English, The Mexican Question. Robins 
Press, N. Y., 1927, $2.00. 

3. Pacific Problems 

A. General 

Condliffe, J. B. (editor), Problems of the Pacific. Pro- 
ceedings of Second Conference of the Institute of Pacific 
Relations, 1927. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 
1928, $3.00. 

*Morley, Felix, Our Far Eastern Assignment. Doubleday, 
Page, N. Y., 1926, $2.00. 

B. Special 

Ball, E., Independence for the Philippines. (Compilation.) 
H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1927, 90c. 

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Diplomatic 
Relations Between the United States and Japan, 1908- 
1924. N. Y., 1925, 25c. ("International Conciliation" 

Gulick, Sidney L., Reestablishing Right Relations with 
Japan. Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America, 
N. Y., 1925, 25c. 

Johnsen, Julia E., Selected Articles on China Yesterday 
and Today. H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1928, $2.40. 


Lew, T. T., and others, China Through Chinese Eyes. 2 
vols. Committee on Reference and Counsel, 419 4th Ave., 
N. Y., $1.50. 

•McKensie, R. D., Oriental Exclusion. University of Chi- 
cago Press, Chicago, 1928, $2.00. 

Monroe, Paul, China — A Nation in Evolution. Macmillan, 
N. Y., 1928, $3.50. 

Soyejima, Michimasa, Oriental Interpretations of the Far 
Eastern Problems. Chicago University Press, Chicago, 
1925, $2.00. 

Storey, Moorfield, The Philippines and the United States. 
Doran, N. Y., pamphlet, 10c. 

C. Immigration 

Buell, Raymond L., Japanese Immigration. (Pamphlet.) 
World Peace Foundation, Boston, 10c. 

Fairchild, H. P., Immigrant Backgrounds. John Wiley & 
Sons, N. Y., 1927, $2.75. 

Jenks, J. W. and Lauck, W. J., The Immigration Problem. 
Funk & Wagnalls, N. Y., 1913, $1.75. 

Johnsen, Julia E., Japanese Exclusion. (Compilation.) 
H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 90c. 

Panunzio, Constantine, Immigration Crossroads. Macmil- 
lan, N. Y., 1927, $2.50. 

•Stephenson, G. M., A History of American Immigration. 
Ginn, Boston, 1926, $2.40. 

D. War Debts and Reparations 

Bass, J. F., and Moulton, H. G., America and the Balance 
Sheet of Europe. Ronald Press Co., N. Y., 1921, $3.00. 

Bergmann, Carl, The History of Reparations. Ernest 
Benn, Ltd., London, 1927, 21s. 

•Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, The Inter- 
Allied Debts: Statements as to the Desirability of an Early 
Revision of Existing Arrangements. N. Y., 1927, 5c. 
("International Conciliation" pamphlet.) 


•Gerould, J. T. and Turnbull, L. T., Inter-Allied Debts and 
Revision of the Debt Settlements. H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 
1928, $2.40. 

Moulton, Harold G., and McGuire, C. E., Germany's 
Capacity to Pay. McGraw-Hill Book Co., N. Y., 1923, 

Moulton, Harold G., and Pasvolsky, Leo, World War Debt 
Settlements. Macmillan, N. Y., 1926, $2.00. 

E. Foreign Trade and Investments 

Dunn, Robert W., American Foreign Investments. Viking 
Press, N. Y., 1926, $5.00. 

•Winkler, Max, America, the World's Banker. Foreign 
Policy Association, N. Y., 1927, 50c. 

F. National Defense 

Beman, L. T., Military Training. (Compilation.) H. W. 
Wilson, N. Y., 1926, 90c. 

Bywater, Hector C, Navies and Nations. Houghton Mif- 
flin, Boston, 1927, $4.00. 

*Johnsen, J. E., National Defense. (Debaters Handbook 
Series.) H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1928, $2.40. 

*Palmer, John McAuley, Statesmanship or War. Double- 
day, Page, N. Y., 1927, $2.50. 

V. Problems of War and Peace 

A. General 

Bakeless, John, The Origin of the Next War. Viking Press, 
N. Y., 1926, $2.50. 

Bakeless, John, Economic Causes of Modern War. Moffat, 
1921, $4.00. 

Barnes, Harry Elmer, History and Social Intelligence. 
Knopf, N. Y., 1926, $5.00. 

Dickinson, G. L., War: Its Nature, Cause and Cure. Mac- 
millan, N. Y. ; 1923, $1.50. 


Fisher, Herbert Wescott, Alias Uncle Shylock. Albert & 
Charles Boni, N. Y., 1927, $2.50. 

Glasgow, George, From Dawes to Locarno. Harper, N. Y. f 

1926, $2.50. 

James, William, The Moral Equivalent of War. ("Interna- 
tional Conciliation" pamphlet.) Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace, N. Y., 1910, 5c. 

*Johnsen, Julia E., War — Cause and Cure. (Collection of 
articles.) H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1926, $2.40. 

*Kenworthy, J. M., Peace or War. Boni & Liveright, N. Y., 

1927, $2.50. (Vivid chapters on the "next war.") 

Kenworthy, J. M., and Young George, The Freedom of the 
Seas. Hutchinson, London, 1928, 18s. 

MeDougall, William, Janus: The Conquest of War. Dut- 
ton, N. Y., 1927, $1.00. 

*Page, Kirby, War: Its Causes, Consequences and Cure. 
Doran, N. Y., 1923, $1.50. (Pamphlet 15c.) 

Pollard, Francis E., War and Human Values. Peace Com- 
mittee of the Society of Friends, Euston Road, London, 
1927, 2s. 

Ponsonby, Arthur, Now Is the Time. Independent Labor 

Party, London, 1925, 2s. 

Russell, Bertrand, Why Men Fight. Century, N. Y., 1917, 


The Peace of the World, Union of Democratic Control, 
London. Distributed by American Friends Service Com- 
mittee, 20 South 12th St., Philadelphia, 15c. 

The Problems of Peace. Lectures delivered at the Geneva 
Institute of International Relations, August, 1926. Vol. I, 
1927, Vol. II, 1928, Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1927 
and 1928, $4.25, each. 

Reports of the Conference on the Cause and Cure of War. 
National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War, 1010 
Grand Central Terminal Bldg., N. Y., 3 vols., 50c each. 


B. Arbitration 

Adams, Mildred, A Review of Arbitration. National 
League of Women Voters, N. Y., 1927, 10c. 

Field, Noel H., Banishing War through Arbitration. Na- 
tional Council for Prevention of War, 1926, 10c. 

Jessup, P. C, The United States and Treaties for the 
Avoidance of War. Carnegie Endowment, N. Y., 1928, 5c. 

Myers, Denys P., Arbitration and the United States. 
World Peace Foundation, 1926, 10c. 

*Scott, James Brown, The Judicial Settlement of Interna- 
tional Disputes. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1927, 

Scott, James Brown, Instructions to the American Dele- 
gates to the Hague Peace Conferences and their Official 
Reports. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1916, $1.50. 

Trueblood, Benjamin F. International Arbitration at the 
Opening of the Twentieth Century. American Peace Soci- 
ety, Washington, D. C, 5c. 

Development of Methods for the Pacific Settlement of In- 
ternational Disputes, Pan American Union. (Mimeographed 
pamphlet.) Supply exhausted. Copy may be borrowed 
from the National Council for Prevention of War. 

The Multilateral Treaty Notes Exchanged Between the 
United States and Other Powers on the subject of a Multi- 
lateral Treaty for the Renunciation of War. U. S. Govern- 
ment Printing Office, Washington, 1928, 10c. 

Page, Kirby, The Renunciation of War. Doubleday, 
Doran, N. Y., 1928, 10c. 

The Multilateral Treaty. Department of International 
Cooperation to Prevent War of the National League of 
Women Voters, N. Y., 1928, 5c. 

C. The Outlawry of War 

•Morrison, C. C, The Outlawry of War; A Constructive 

Policy for World Peace. Willett, Clark & Colby, Chicago, 
1927, $3.00. 


D. Problems of Imperialism 

Denny, Ludwell, We Fight for Oil. Knopf, N. Y., 1928, 

Gilchrist, Huntington, Imperialism and the Mandates 
System. (Pamphlet.) League of Nations Non-Partisan 
Association, N. Y. 

Hopkins, J. A. H., and Alexander, M., Machine-Gun 
Diplomacy. Copeland, N. Y., 1928, $2.50. 
# Moon, Parker T., Imperialism and World Politics. Mac- 
millan, N. Y., 1926, $3.50. 

Page, Kirby, Dollars and World Peace. Doran, N. Y, 
1927, $1.50; pamphlet, 15c. 

Page, Kirby, Imperialism and Nationalism. (Pamphlet.) 
Doran, N. Y., 1926, 15c. 

Peffer, Nathaniel, The White Man's Dilemma. John Day 
Co., N. Y., 1927, $2.50. 

Smith, George Otis, and others, Raw Materials and Their 
Effect upon International Relations. ("International Con- 
ciliation" pamphlet.) Carnegie Endowment for Inter- 
national Peace, N. Y., 5c. 

Tramerye, Pierre de la, The World Struggle for Oil. Knopf, 
N. Y., 1923, $2.75. 

Viallate, Achille, Economic Imperialism and International 
Relations During the Last Fifty Years. Macmillan, N. Y., 
1923, $2.00. 

Woolf, Leonard S., Imperialism and Civilization. Har- 
court, Brace, N. Y., 1928, $2.00. 

E. Problems of Nationalism 

Barker, Ernest, National Character. Harper, N. Y., 1927, 

*Hayes, C. J. H., Essays on Nationalism. Macmillan, N. Y., 
1926, $3.00. 

F. Racial Problems 

Hankins, F. H., The Racial Basis of Civilization. Knopf, 
N. Y., 1926, $2.75. 


Mathews, Basil, The Clash of Color. Doran, N. Y., 1924, 
$1.25, pamphlet, 75c. 

*Miller, H. A., Races, Nations and Classes. Lippincott, 
Philadelphia, 1924, $2.00. 

Oldham, J. H., Christianity and the Race Problem. Doran, 
N. Y., $1.00. 

*Speer, Robert E., Of One Blood. Missionary Education 
Movement, N. Y., 1924, 50c. 

G. The Problem of Armaments 

Baker, Philip, J. N., Disarmament. Harcourt, Brace, 
N. Y., 1926, $4.00. 

Bullard, Arthur, A B C's of Disarmament and the Pacific 
Problems. Macmillan, N. Y., 1921, $1.25. 

*Enock, A. G., The Problem of Armaments. Macmillan, 
N. Y., 1923, $1.50. 

Levermore, Charles H., Disarmament on the Great Lakes. 
World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1914, 5c. 

*Myers, Denys P., The Staggering Burden of Armament. 
(Pamphlet.) World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1921, 10c. 

Reely, M. K., Disarmament. (Debaters Handbook Series.) 
H. W. Wilson, N. Y., 1921, $2.25. 

•Smith, Rennie, General Disarmament or War? National 
Council for Prevention of War, London, 1927. Can be 
obtained from the National Council for Prevention of 
War, Washington, D. C, 25c. 

H. World War Guilt 

•Barnes, Harry Elmer, Genesis of the World War. Knopf, 
N. Y., 1927, $5.00. 

*Gooch, A. P., Recent Revelations of European Diplomacy. 
Longmans, Green, N. Y., 1927, $3.00. 

Morel, E. D., Truth and the War. National Labour Press, 
London, 1918, 2s. 


VI. War 

A. War and Human Nature 

Carter, John, Man Is War. Bobbs Merrill, Indianapolis, 
1926, $3.50. 

Ellis, Havelock, Essays in Wartime. Constable, London, 
1916, 5s. 

Ellwood, Charles Abram, Cultural Evolution: A Study of 
Social Origins and Development. Century, N. Y., 1927, 

♦Kropotkin, P., Mutual Aid. Knopf, N. Y., 1919, $1.75. 

Nasmyth, George, Social Progress and the Darwinian 
Theory. Putnam, N. Y., 1916. (Out of print.) 

Nicolai, G. F., The Biology of War. Century, N. Y., 1918, 

Trotter, W., Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War. 
Macmillan, N. Y., 1919, $2.50. 

B. What War Is Today 

Friedrich, Ernst, The War in Pictures. International Fed- 
eration of Trade Unions, Amsterdam, Holland or Com- 
mittee on Militarism, N. Y., $1.50. 

Gibbs, P. H., Now It Can Be Told. Harper, N. Y., 1920, 

Gibbs, P. H., More That Must Be Told. Harper, N. Y., 
1921, $2.50. 

Hart, B. H. Liddell, Paris or the Future of War. Dutton, * 
N. Y., 1925, $1.00. 

*Irwin, Will, The Next War. Dutton, N. Y., 1921, $1.50. 

Peat, Harold R., The Inexcusable Lie. Barse & Hopkins, 
N. Y., 1923, $1.50. 

A Manual of the Medical Aspects of Chemical Warfare. 
War Office, London, England. 

C. The Cost of War 

Bodart, G., Losses of Life in Modern War, Military Selec- 


Hon and Race Deterioration. Oxford University Press, 
N. Y., 1923, $2.00. 

*Bogart, Ernest L., Direct and Indirect Costs of the Great 
World War. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1919, $1.00. 

Folks, Homer, Human Costs of the War. Harper, N. Y., 
1920. (Out of print.) 

Jordan, David Starr, War and the Breed. Beacon Press, 
Boston, Mass., 1915, $1.50. 

VII. The Peace Movement 

A. General 

Call, Arthur Deerin, The Will to End War. (Pamphlet.) 
American Peace Society, Washington, D. C, 1920, 15c. 

*Ernst, Richard, God's Path to Peace: The Evolution of 
Forces Converging toward Peace. Abingdon Press, N. Y., 
1914, 75c. 

Lape, Esther Everett, Ways to Peace. Scribner, N. Y., 
1924, $3.00. (Plans submitted for Bok Peace Award.) 

Marvin, F. S., The Evolution of World Peace. Oxford Uni- 
sity Press, N. Y., 1921, $4.75. 

Mead, Lucia Ames, Swords and Ploughshares. Putnam, 
N. Y., 1912, $1.50. 

Moritzen, Julius, The Peace Movement of America. Put- 
nam, N. Y., 1912, $3.00. 

Perris, G. H., Short History of War and Peace. Holt, 
N. Y., 1911, 90c. 

Shotwell, James T., Plans and Protocols to End War: 
Historical Outline and Guide. Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace, N. Y., 1925, 5c. 

Whitney, Edson L., The American Peace Society, A Cen- 
tennial History. American Peace Society, Washington, 
D. C, 1928, $3.00. 

^Building International Goodwill, by various authors. Mac- 
millan, N. Y., 1927, $1.50. 


B. The Church and Peace 

*Cadoux, C. J., The Early Christian Attitude to War. 
Swarthmore Press, London, 1919, $2.00. 

# Fosdick, Harry Emerson, Christianity's Supreme Rival. 
Park Avenue Baptist Church, N. Y., 10c. 

Gulick, Sidney L., Christian Crusade for a Warless World. 
Macmillan, N. Y., 1922, $1.00. 

Holmes, John Haynes, Patriotism Is Not Enough. Green- 
berg, 112 East 19th St., N. Y., 1926, $2.00. 

Jefferson, Charles E., Christianity and International 
Peace. Crowell, N. Y., 1915, $1.25. 

Lynch, Frederick Henry, Mobilising for Peace. Revell, 
N. Y., 1924, $2.00. 

*McCutcheon, M. F., and others, The Christian and War; 
An Appeal. McClelland & Stewart, Toronto, 1926, $2.00. 

Mygatt, Tracy D. and Witherspoon, Frances, The Glorious 
Company. Harcourt, Brace, N. Y., 1928, $3.00. 

Oxnam, G. Brownley, Youth and the New America. 

Page, Kirby, The Sword or the Cross. Doran, N. Y., 1922, 

C. Education and Peace 

(Note: A large part of the literature on this subject is in 
the form of magazine articles, a reading list of which can 
be secured from the Library of the Carnegie Endowment 
for International Peace, Washington, D. C. The following 
magazines have devoted special issues to the teaching of 
international goodwill: The Journal of the Progressive 
Education Association, April-May-June, 1925, Washing- 
ton, 50c; The American Schoolmaster, December, 1927, 
Ypsilanti, Mich., 20c; The Advocate of Peace, September, 
1928, Washington, is devoted to the report of the Commis- 
sion on the International Implications of Education which 
met as a part of the World Conference on International 


Justice held in celebration of the centennial of the American 
Peace Society, 30c. 

Dewey, John, Democracy and Education. Macmillan, 
N. Y., 1922, $2.50. 

Kilpatrick, William Heard, Education for a Changing 
Civilization. Macmillan, N. Y., 1927, $1.00. 

Knapp, Forrest L., An Experimental Measurement of the 
Value of Certain Instructional Materials for Peace Educa- 
tion. To be published by the Religious Education Asso- 
ciation, Chicago. 

Neumann, George B., A Study of International Attitudes 
of High School Students. Teachers College, Columbia 
University, N. Y., 1926, $1.50. 

Pierce, Bessie L., Public Opinion and the Teaching of His- 
tory in the United States. Knopf, N. Y., 1926, $3.25. 

Power, Eileen, The Teaching of History and World Peace. 
Chap. XI. in The Evolution of World Peace by F. S. 
Marvin. Oxford University Press, N. Y., 1921, $4.75. 

*Scott, Jonathan F., The Menace of Nationalism in Edu- 
cation. Macmillan, N. Y., 1926, $1.10. 

Taft, Donald R., Historical Textbooks and International 
Differences. Association for Peace Education, Chicago, 
1925, 5c. 

Tigert, John J., A Practical Program of Education for the 
Promotion of International Goodwill. U. S. Department 
of the Interior, Bureau of Education, Circular No. 9, free. 

Tuell, Harriet E., The Study of Nations. Houghton Mif- 
flin, Boston, 1920, $1.00. 

Walsh, Walter, Moral Damage of War to the School 
Child. American Peace Society, Washington, D. C, 1911, 

Watson, Goodwin B., The Measurement of Fair-Minded- 
ness. Teachers College, Columbia University, N. Y., 1925, 


Woellner, Frederic P., Education for Citizenship in a 
Democracy. Scribner, N. Y., 1923, $1.60. 

# Zimmern, Alfred, Learning and Leadership. League of 
Nations, 1927. World Peace Foundation, Boston, 50c. 

Proceedings of the Conferences of the World Federation 
of Education Associations. 2 vols. To be ordered from 
the Federation. 

Proceedings of. the First Pan Pacific Conference on Educa- 
tion. U. S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D. C, 
1927, $1.00. 

Report of Conference on the Teaching of History. Asso- 
ciation for Peace Education, Chicago, 1925, 25c. 

Training the Emotions Controlling Fear. Report issued by 
the Boston Public Schools, 1928, 25c. 

D. Labor and Peace 

American Federation of Labor, Disarmament. Official rec- 
ord of support of disarmament and peace. Pamphlet. 
American Federation of Labor, Washington. 

Angell, Norman, War and the Workers. National Labour 
Press, London, 1916. 2s. 

Johnson, A. S., "War and the Interests of Labor," Atlantic 
Monthly, March, 1914; reprinted as "International Con- 
ciliation" pamphlet, Carnegie Endowment for International 
Peace, N. Y.,- 5c. 

Muste, A. J., "American Labor and Peace." World To- 
morrow, N. Y., Feb., 1924. 

Neill, C. P., "The Interest of the Wage-Earner, in the Pres- 
ent Status of the Peace Movement." "International Con- 
ciliation" pamphlet, Carnegie Endowment for International 
Peace, N. Y., 5c. 

Sharp, Evelyn, "British Labor's Recent Work for Peace." 
World Tomorrow, N. Y., Jan. 1922. 

E. The Press and Peace 

*Bliven, Bruce, Address at the Conference on the Cause 
and Cure of War, 1925. Report published by Committee 


on the Cause and Cure of War, 1010 Grand Central Ter- 
minal Bldg., N. Y., 50c. 

Deming, William C, Opportunity and Duty of the Press 
in Relation to World Peace. ("International Conciliation" 
pamphlet.) Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 
N. Y., 1913, 5c. 

Lippmann, Walter, Liberty and the News. Harcourt, 
Brace, N. Y., 1920, $1.00. 

Yost, Casper S., The Principles of Journalism. Appleton, 
N. Y., 1924, $1.50. 

F. Women and Peace 

Addams, Jane, Peace and Bread in Time of War. Mac- 
millan, N. Y., 1922, $1.75. 

Addams, Jane and others, Women at The Hague. Mac- 
millan, N. Y., 1915, 75c. 

Boyle, Ruth, Let Us Have No More War. Good House- 
keeping, N. Y., April, 1928, 25c. 

*Key, Ellen, War, Peace and the Future. Putnam, N. Y., 
1916, $1.50. 

Langdon-Davies, John, A Short History of Women. 
Viking Press, N. Y., 1917, $3.00. 

•Norris, Kathleen, What Price Peace. Doubleday, Doran, 
N. Y., 1928, 75c. 

Royden, Maude, Women at the World's Crossroads. 
Woman's Press, N. Y., 1922, $1.25. 

Schreiner, Olive, Woman and War. Stokes, N. Y., 1914 
(from Woman and Labor), out of print. 

G. Young People and World Peace 

Eddy, Sherwood, Youth and World Problems. Doran, 
N. Y., 1923, 10c. 

*High, Stanley, The Revolt of Youth. Missionary Educa- 
tion Movement, N. Y., 1922, 75c. 

Stewart, Continental Youth Movements. Association 
Press, N. Y., 1926, 35c. 


*Wise, James Waterman, Youth and the Old World. 
Century Magazine, January, 1928, 50c. 

H. Pacifism 

*Case, C. M., Non-Violent Coercion. Century, N. Y., 1923, 

Graham, John William, Conscription and Conscience. Al- 
len & Unwin, London, 1922, $3.25. 

Thomas, Norman, Is Conscience a Crime? Vanguard Press, 
N. Y., 1927, 50c. 

VIII. Famous Peace Documents 

The Universal Empire, 1315, Dante. Passages from the 
first book of De Monarchia. Old South Association, Bos- 
ton, 10c. 

The Complaint of Peace (Querela Pacis), Erasmus (1467- 
1536). Open Court Publishing Co., Chicago, 50c. 

Le Nouveau Cynee, 1623, Emeric Cruce. Allen, Lane & 
Scott, Philadelphia, $4.00. 

The Rights of War and Peace, 1625, Hugo Grotius (1583- 
1645) . Old South Leaflets, Boston, 10c. 

The Grand Design of Henry IV, 1635. Grotius Society 
Publications, Sweet & Maxwell, London, 50c. 

An Essay Toward the Present and Future Peace of Europe, 
1693-94, William Penn. American Peace Society, Wash- 
ington, D. C, 10c. 

A Project for Perpetual Peace, 1712, Abbe St. Pierre. Gro- 
tius Society Texts, Sweet & Maxwell, London, 50c. 

Project of Universal Peace, Pierre Andre Gargaz. Origi- 
nally published by Benjamin Franklin; G. S. Eddy, 2 
Rector St., N. Y., $7.50. 

Perpetual Peace, 1795, Immanuel Kant. American Peace 
Society, Washington, D. C, 20c. 

A Solemn Review of the Custom of War, 1814, Noah 
Worcester. American Peace Society, Washington, D. C, 


A Congress of Nations, 1837, William Ladd, founder of the 
first national peace society. Oxford University Press, 
N. Y., $2.00. 

The Future of War, 1860, Jean de Bloch. World Peace 
Foundation, Boston, 65c. (One of the influences which led 
the Czar of Russia to call the First Hague Peace Confer- 

War Inconsistent with the Religion of Jesus, David L. 
Dodge, founder in 1815 of the first peace society. World 
Peace Foundation, Boston, 50c. 

The True Grandeur of Nations, 1845, Charles Sumner. 
Ginn, Boston, 60c. 

Solferino, 1859, Henri Dunant. John C. Winston, Phila- 
delphia, $1.00. (As a result of a suggestion in this essay, 
the Red Cross Society was organized.) 

VIII. Fiction on Peace and War 

Austin, F. Britten, When the War God Walks Again. 
Doubleday, Page, N. Y., 1926, $2.00. 

Barbusse, Henri, Under Fire. Dutton, N. Y., 1917, $1.50. 

Boyd, Thomas A., Through the Wheat. Scribner, N. Y., 
1927, $3.00. 

Boyd, James, Marching On. Scribner, N. Y., 1927, $2.50. 

Brophy, John, The Bitter End. Dutton, N. Y., 1928, 


Caine, Hall, The Woman of Knockaloe. Dodd, Mead, 

N. Y., 1923, $1.75. 

Cholmondeley, Alice, Christine. Grosset & Dunlap, N. Y., 

1918, 75c. 

Cobb, Irwin, Paths of Glory. Grosset & Dunlap, N. Y., 

1918, 75c. 

Copley, Frank Barkley, The Impeachment of President 
Israels. Macmillan, N. Y., 1913, out of print. 

Dos Passos, John, Three Soldiers. Doran, N. Y., 1921, 


Erckmann-Chatrian, The Conscript. Macmillan, N. Y., 
1910, $1.50. 

Frenssen, Gustav, Peter Moore's Journey to Southwest 
Africa. Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1908, $1.25. 

Gibbs, A. Hamilton, Labels. Little, Brown, Boston, 1926, 

Gibbs, Sir Philip, The Middle of the Road. Grosset & 
Dunlap, N. Y., 1925, 75c. 

Hamilton, Cicely, Lest Ye Die. Scribner, N. Y., 1928, 

Lawrence, D. H., Kangaroo. Thomas Seltzer, N. Y., 1923, 

Nason, Leonard H., Chevrons. Doran, N. Y., 1926, $2.00. 

Noyes, Pierrepont B., The Pallid Giant. Revell, N. Y., 
1927, $2.00. 

Palmer, Frederick, The Last Shot. Scribner, N. Y., 1914, 

Stallings, Laurence, Plumes. Grosset & Dunlap, N. Y., 
1926, 75c. 

Suttner, Bertha von, Lay Down Your Arms. Longmans, 
Green, N. Y., 1913, 75c. (American Peace Society, Wash- 
ington, D. C, 50c.) 

Thompson, Edward, These Men, Thy Friends. Harcourt, 
Brace, N. Y., 1928, $2.50. 

Tolstoi, Leo, War and Peace. John Lane Co., N. Y., 1911, 

Unruh, Fritz von, Way of Sacrifice. Knopf, N. Y., 1928, 

Walsh, Richard J., When the Earth Trembled. Carnegie 
Endowment for International Peace, N. Y., if International 
Conciliation" pamphlet, November, 1926, 5c. (First pub- 
lished in Woman's Home Companion, October and No- 
vember, 1926.) 

Wells, H. G., In the Days of the Comet. Doran, N. Y., 
1920, $1.90. 


IX. Poems of War and Peace (Collections) 

Gibbs, Jessie Wiseman, Peace Sonnets. Friends' Book- 
store, 302 Arch Street, Philadelphia, 35c. 

Glasier, J. Bruce (editor) , The Ministrelsy of Peace. Na- 
tional Labor Press, London, 1920, 5s. 

Leonard, Sterling A., Poems of the War and the Peace. 
Harcourt, Brace, N. Y., 1921, $1.35. 

Leonard, R. M. (editor), The Poetry of Peace. Oxford 
University Press, N. Y., 1919, $1.60. 

Sassoon, Siegfried, The War Poems of Siegfried Sassoon. 
William Heinemann, London, 1919, 3s. 6d. 

Slade, William Adam, Stardust — Sonnets. Preston & 
Rounds, Providence, R. I., 1928, $1.00. 

Smith, Elva S. (editor), Peace and Patriotism. Lothrop, 
Lee & Shepard, Boston, 1919, $1.50. 

X. Drama 

(These plays are listed with the idea that they will be 
read rather than as suggestions for amateur acting.) 

Anderson, Maxwell, and Stallings, Laurence, What Price 
Glory. Harcourt, Brace, N. Y., 1926, $2.50. 

Bowskill, Henry, Which? Daniel, London, 1924, 3s. 6d. 

Brooks, George, and Lister, Walter, Spread Eagle. Scrib- 
ner, N. Y., 1927, $1.75. 

Drinkwater, John, Abraham Lincoln. Houghton Mifflin, 
Boston, 1919, $1.25. 

Drinkwater, John, X = or A Night of the Trojan War 
in The Pawns. Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1920, $1.50. 

Euripedes, The Trojan Women. Oxford University Press, 
N. Y., 90c. 

Glaspell, Susan, Inheritors. Small, Maynard, Boston, 
1921, $1.50. 

Kennedy, Charles Rann, The Terrible Week. Harper, 
N. Y., 1912, $1.00. 


Millay, Edna St. Vincent, Aria da Capo. Harper, N. Y. f 
1920, $2.00. 

Munroe, C. K., The Rumour. Knopf, N. Y., 1924, $2.00. 

Mygatt, Tracy D., The Sword of the Samurai. Century, 
N. Y., 1926, 25c. 

Noyes, Alfred, Rada. Stokes, N. Y., 1914, 60c. 

Pollock, Channing, The Enemy. Brentano's, N. Y., 1925, 

Shaw, Bernard, Heartbreak House. Brentano's, N. Y., 
1919, $1.75. 

Stevens, Henry Bailey, A Cry Out of the Dark. Four 
Seas Co., Boston, 1919, $1.25. 

Trask, Katrina, In the Vanguard. Macmillan, N. Y., 
1913, 75c. 

Wentworth, Marion Craig, War Brides. Century, N. Y., 
1915, 75c. 

Zangwill, Israel, The War God. Macmillan, N. Y., 1912, 

XL Pageants and Plays 

Descriptive lists of pageants and plays suitable for ama- 
teur performance can be obtained from the National 
Council for Prevention of War, Washington, D. C, and 
from- the League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 
New York. In writing for suggestions the number of 
performers and their age should be stated. 

XII. Dramatic Readings 

The collections of poems listed above, the dramas and sev- 
eral of the books of fiction, notably The Impeachment of 
President Israels, afford material for dramatic readings. 
Additional suggestions and short selections can be ob- 
tained from the National Council for Prevention of War, 
Washington, D. C. 


XIII. Recitations and Declamations 

Prince of Peace Declamation Contests. (Selections for 
the annual declamation contests.) Ohio Council of 
Churches, Columbus, Ohio. 2 vols., 15c each. 

Peace Crusaders — Adventures in Goodwill, Anna B. Gris- 
com. American Friends Service Committee, Philadelphia, 

XIV. Quotations on War and Peace 

Selected Quotations on Peace and War. Federal Council 
of Churches of Christ in America, N. Y., 1915, $1.00. 

Education for Peace. Foreign Missions Conference of 
North America, 25 Madison Ave., N. Y., 1927, 50c. 

Symposium on War. John Horsch. Mennonite Publishing 
House, Scottdale, Penna., 1927, 10c. 

The Cry for Justice. Upton Sinclair, Pasadena, Cal., 
1921, $1.00, paper; $1.50, cloth. (Part XI, War.) 

XV. Books of Songs 

Cantate Domino. The World's Student Christian Fed- 
eration, 347 Madison Ave., N. Y., 85c. 

Folk Songs of Many Peoples. Woman's Press, 600 Lex- 
ington Ave., N. Y., vol. I, $2.75; vol. II, $3.50. Sections 
printed separately as follows, Christmas and New Year's 
Songs, 50c; Songs of China and Japan, of Latin America, 
of Poland, 75c each; Sing Around the World Songs (words 
only), 15c. 

Laudcmus. The World's Y. M. C. A. Hymnal. Y. M. C. A., 
347 Madison Ave., X. Y., 50c. 

Songs of Loyalty and Fraternity, Charles H. Levermore. 
Ginn, Boston, 50c. 


The following magazines are among those which are 
concerned primarily with problems of world peace or 
with the promotion of a better understanding of inter- 


national relations. Articles of importance in this field 
appear in many other monthly and weekly publications. 
A Monthly Bibliography of International Affairs, com- 
piled by Mary Phillips Webster from fifty leading maga- 
zines, may be obtained from the National Council for 
Prevention of War, Washington, D. C. Mimeographed, 
$1.00 a year. 

Advocate of Peace, monthly except September. The 
American Peace Society, Colorado Bldg., Washington, 
D..C., $3.00 a year. 

Arbitrator, monthly. 114 E. 31st St., N. Y., 60c a year. 

Asia, monthly. 461 Eighth Ave., N. Y., $400 a year. 

Current History, monthly. New York Times Co., N. Y., 
$3.00 a year. 

Foreign Affairs, quarterly. 25 W. 43rd St., N. Y., $5.00 
a year. 

Foreign Affairs, monthly (English). Union of Democratic 
Control, 34 Victoria St., London, S. W. 1, $2.00 a year. 

The Herald of Peace, monthly. 210 Heinlen St., Lemoore, 
Calif., $2.00 a year. 

The Living Age, monthly. Boston, $5.00 a year. 

The Messenger of Peace, monthly. Richmond, Ind., 50c a 

Mexican Life, monthly. Av. Uruguay, No. 3, Mexico 
City, $5.00 a year. 

The Nation, weekly. 20 Vesey St., N. Y., $5.00 a year. 

The National Graphic Magazine, monthly. Washington, 
D. C, $3.50 a year. 

The New Era, quarterly. (Educational.) 11 Tavistock 
Square, London, W. C. 

The New Republic, weekly. 421 West 21st St., N. Y., 
$5.00 a year. 

The New Student, 2929 Broadway, N. Y., $1.50 a year. 


Pan American Union, monthly. Washington, D. C, $2.50 
a year. 

Pan Pacific Progress, monthly. Los Angeles, Cal., $2.50 a 

The Review of Nations, monthly. Felix Valyi, Geneva, 
Switzerland, $10.00 a year. 

Unity, weekly. Oakwood Bldg., Chicago, $3.00 a year. 

The World Tomorrow, monthly. 52 Vanderbilt Ave., 
N. Y., $2.00 a year. 

The World's Youth, monthly. Y. M. C. A., N. Y., $1.00 
a year. 

World Unity, monthly. 122 East 34th St., N. Y., $3.50 
a year. 

Youth, monthly. 421 Sentinel House, Southampton Row, 
London W. C. 1, 75c a year. 


An annotated list, arranged by subjects, of the publi- 
cations of organizations interested in international rela- 
tions and world peace has been compiled and published 
by the World Peace Foundation, under the title Interna- 
tional Relations Publications. It may be obtained from 
the World Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon Street, Bos- 
ton, for 15c. Current lists of the publications of such 
organizations as the following will be supplied upon 
request and will be found very helpful: The Carnegie 
Endowment for International Peace; The Missionary 
Education Movement ; the Y.W.C.A. and the Y.M.C.A. ; 
the Foreign Policy Association, and the League of 
Nations Non-Partisan Association. 

Among the important organization periodicals devoted 
chiefly to the promotion of world peace.are the following : 

American Foundation, N. Y. Foreign Relations Bulletins, 
occasional, free. 

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, N. Y. In- 


ternational Conciliation, monthly, except July and August, 
25c a year. 

Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America, N. Y. 
Bulletin, monthly, $1.00 a year. Bi-weekly news sheet, 
International Goodwill. 

Fellowship of Reconciliation, N. Y. News Bulletin, occa- 

Foreign Policy Association, N. Y. Bi-weekly Information 
Service, $5.00 a year. News Bulletin, weekly, $1.00 a 

The Inquiry, 129 East 52nd St., N. Y. The Inquiry, occa- 
sional papers, free. 

Institute of Pacific Relations, Honolulu. Pacific Affairs, 

League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, N. Y. 
League of Nations News, including a digest of interna- 
tional affairs, monthly, $1.00 a year. 

National Council for Prevention of War, Washington, 
D. C. News Bulletin, monthly, 25c a year. 

Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 
Washington, D. C. Pax International, monthly, 50c a 

World Alliance for International Friendship through the 
Churches, N. Y. News Letter, monthly. 

World Peace Foundation, Boston. World Peace Founda- 
tion Pamphlets, 6 issues a year. 

League of Nations periodical publications distributed in 
the United States by the World Peace Foundation, Boston. 
Monthly Summary of the League of Nations, $1.00 a year. 
International Labor Review, monthly, $6.00 a year. Bul- 
letins of the International Institute of Intellectual Co- 
operation, University Section, 6, $2.00 a year; Scientific 
Section, quarterly, $2.00 a year. 



The Europa Year Book, including a survey of economic 
and social conditions and a directory of international or- 
ganizations. Europa Publishing Co., Adelphia, W. C. 2, 
London, 21s. 

International Peace Year Book, edited by F. E. Pollard. 
National Council for Prevention of War, 39 Victoria St., 
London, S. W., 25c. 

The following are publications of the League of Nations, 
Armaments Year Book, $5.00; Handbook of International 
Organizations, issued annually, $1.00; An International 
Statistical Year Book, $2.00; Year Book of the League of 
Nations, 25c. These, like other League publications, may 
be ordered from the World Peace Foundation. 

I. Bibliographies Available 

People of Many Lands, a list of recreational books for 
young people from 14 to 18 years of age. Women's 
Council for Promotion of Peace, Cleveland, Ohio, 1927. 

Children of Many Lands, for children from 5 to 9 years 
old. Women's Council for Promotion of Peace, Cleve- 
land, Ohio. 

Bibliography for Children of the second, third and fourth 
grades. Friends' Peace Committee, 304 Arch St., Philadel- 

International Friendship Through Children's Books, Clara 
W. Hunt. League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 
N. Y. 

A Child's Bookshelf, Miss Lilian Stevenson. Student 
Christian Movement, 32 Russell Square, London, W.C. 1, 

Books to Read under the headings, "Story of Man's Life 
on Earth"; "How People Live in Other Countries"; 
"Heroes of Peace Times"; "The Quest for Peace and Its 


Heroes." National Council for Prevention of War, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

A Trip Around the World. Books of other nations ar- 
ranged in the order in which they would be visited on a 
trip around the world, designed to be used in a school 
room or children's room in a library in connection with a 
map or globe. National Council for Prevention of War. 
Washington, D. C. 

A World Library for Children, a collection of famous 
stories of all nations in illustrated paper booklets, edited 
by Helene Scheu-Riesz, can be ordered from the New 
Education Fellowship, 11 Tavistock Square, London. 34 
vols., $3.75. ' 

II. Books That Show the Unity of Mankind 

(The story of man's life on earth is one story and in it 
men everywhere are seen to have been busy trying to 
work out the same problems of getting food and shelter 
and knowledge of the earth and of themselves, and so far 
as these problems have been solved men of every age and 
every nation have helped to find the answer.) 

The Child's Story of the Human Race, Ramon Coffman. 
Dodd, Mead, N. Y., $3.50. 

Prc-Alphabet Days and The Story of the Alphabet, Otto 
F. Edge. Munder, Baltimore, $1.25 and $1.00. 

The Adventure of Man, F. Crossfield Happold. Har- 
court, Brace, N. Y., $2.00. 

First Days of History, Frederic A. Kummer. Doran, 
N. Y., $2.00. 

First Days of Knowledge, Frederic A. Kummer. Doran, 
N. Y., $2.00. 

First Days of Man, Frederic A. Kummer. Doran, N. Y., 

The Young Folks' Book of Discovery, T. C. Bridges. 
Little, Brown, Boston, $2.00. 


The Story of Light, Jeanette Eaton. Harper, N. Y., 

The Story of Transportation, Jeanette Eaton. Harper, 
N. Y., $1.25. 

The Young Folks' Book of Discovery, T. C. Bridges, 
tie, Brown, Boston, $2.00. 

A Popular History of American Invention, W. B. Kaerapf- 
fert (Scribner, N. Y., $10.00) is a thrilling stoy of inven- 
tion for those of high school age or to be read by older 
people and adapted for children. 

III. Books That Tell of Adventures in Times of Peace 

Makers of Freedom, Sherwood Eddy and Kirby Page. 
Doran, N. Y., 50c. 

Heroes of the Wilds, Chelsea Fraser. Crowell, N. Y., $1.75. 

Work-A-Day Heroes, Chelsea Fraser. Crowell, N. Y., 

More Than Conquerors, Ariadne Gilbert. Century, N. Y., 

Stories of People Worth While, Kitty Parsons. Revell, 
N. Y., $1.25. 

Hero Tales from History, Burnham Smith. John C. 
Winston, Philadelphia, 78c. 

IV. Books of World Peace and Its Heroes 

Never Again, Margaret Applegarth. Everyland Publish- 
ing Co., West Medford, Mass., $1.50. 

Books of Goodwill, Florence Brewer Boeckel. National 
Council for Prevention of War, Washington, D. C. 2 vols., 

The Boy Who Wanted to Fly, Arthur Bunce. Harr Wag- 
ner, 'San Francisco, $2.00. 

Friends of Ours, Elizabeth Colson. Missionary Educa- 
tion Movement of the United States and Canada, N. Y. 
Saturday's Children, Helen Coale Crew. Friends' Book- 
store, 302 Arch St., Philadelphia, $2.00. 


Heroes of Peace, F. J. Gould. Harper, N. Y., 90c. 
Victors of Peace, F. J. Gould. Harper, N. Y., 90c. 

Peace Crusaders 9 Adventures in Goodwill, Anna Bassett 
Griscom. Lippincott, Philadelphia, $1.50. 

Heroes in Friendship, Basil Mathews. Missionary Educa- 
tion Movement, N. Y., 85c. 

Peaceway Series, short stories by various authors. Friends 
Book Shop, London; National Council for Prevention of 
War, Washington, D. C. Five booklets, $1.50. 

Paths of Peace, Ross and Binyon. 2 vols. Oxford Uni- 
versity Press, N. Y., $1.05. 

The Fight for Peace (stories of the work of the League 
of Nations), Hebe Spaull. G. Bell & Sons, Ltd., London, 

Children's Story Garden, by various authors. Lippincott, 
Philadelphia, $1.50. 

V. Books for Little Children About Other Nations 

Airplane Visits of World Children, Alexander. S. S. Board 
of Southern Baptist Convention, Nashville, Tenn., 25c. 

Child Life in Many Lands, Blaisdell. Macmillan, N. Y, 

Around the World with the Children, Frank C. Carpenter. 
American Book Co., N. Y., 72c. 

Little Folks of Many Lands, M. O. Chance. Ginn, Bos- 
ton, 64c. 

Jogging Around the World, Dunham. Stokes, N. Y., $1.50. 

The Books of Other Babies, Mary Entwistle. Mission- 
ary Education Movement, N. Y., 40c each. 

Everyland Children, Lucy W. Peabody. A series con- 
taining so far three volumes, Just Like You, Tcuro and 
Ume, and David and Susi. Central Committee on the 
United Study of Foreign Missions, North Cambridge, 
Mass., 25c each. 


Child Life in Other Lands, H. A. Perdue. Rand McNally, 
Chicago, 85c. 

Big People and Little People of Other Lands, Edward R. 
Shaw. American Book Co., N. Y., 52c. 

George Washington Lincoln Goes 'Round the World, Mar- 
garet Loring Thomas. Thomas Nelson, N. Y., $1.50. 

The World in a Barn, Gertrude C. Warner. Friendship 
Press, 150 Fifth Ave., N. Y., $1.25. 

Little People Everywhere Series, McDonald and Dal- 
rymple. Little, Brown, Boston, $1.00. 

Yule-Tide in Many Lands, Pringle. Lothrop Lee, $1.50. 

VI. Books of Songs and Games 

Popular Folk Games and Dances. Eldridge Entertain- 
ment House, Denver, Col., 75c. (American, Danish, Eng- 
lish, Hungarian, Italian, Lithuanian, Norwegian, Polish, 
Russian, Spanish, Swedish, Swiss, Welsh.) 

Children at Play in Many Lands, Katharine Stanley Hall. 
Missionary Education Movement, N. Y., 75c. 

Every Child y s Folk Songs and Games. Milton Bradley Co., 
Springfield, Mass., *$2.00 (Danish, English, French, Ger- 
man, Irish, Italian, Scottish, Sicilian, Swedish, Welsh.) 

Folk Dances and Singing Games. G. Schirmer, N. Y., 
$1.50. (Bohemian, Danish, English, Hungarian, Irish, 
Italian, Norwegian, Russian, Scotish, Swedish.) 

VII. Magazines for Children 

Everyman, monthly. North Cambridge, Mass., $1.00 a 


Junior Red Cross News, monthly (September to May). 

Washington, D. C, 50c a year. 

The Open Road Magazine, monthly. 248 Boylston St., 
Boston, Mass., $1.00 a year. 

Round the World with the League of Nations, monthly. 
League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 6 East 39th 
St., N. Y., free. 


With amendments in force September 1, 1928 

The High Contracting Parties 

In order to promote international co-operation and to 
achieve international peace and security 

by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war, 

by the prescription of open, just and honorable relations 
between nations, 

by the firm establishment of the understandings of inter- 
national law as the actual rule of conduct among Govern- 
ments, and 

by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for 
all treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples 
with one another, Agree to this Covenant of the League 
of Nations. 

Article 1 

Membership and Withdrawal 

1. The original Members of the League of Nations shall 
be those of the Signatories which are named in the Annex to 
this Covenant, and also such of those other States named in 
the Annex as shall accede without reservation to this Cove- 
nant. Such accessions shall be effected by a declaration de- 
posited with the Secretariat within two months of the coming 
into force of the Covenant. Notice thereof shall be sent to all 
other Members of the League. 

2. Any fully self-governing State, Dominion or Colony not 
named in the Annex may become a Member of the League if 
its admission is agreed to by two-thirds of the Assembly, pro- 
vided that it shall give effective guaranties of its sincere in- 
tention to observe its international obligations, and shall accept 



such regulations as may be prescribed by the League in regard 
to its military, naval and air forces and armaments. 

3. Any Member of the League may, after two years' notice 
of its intention so to do, withdraw from the League, provided 
that all its international obligations and all its obligations 
under this Covenant shall have been fulfilled at the time of its 

Article 2 

Executive Organs 

The action of the League under this Covenant shall be ef- 
fected through the instrumentality of an Assembly and of a 
Council, with a permanent Secretariat. 

Article 3 


1. The Assembly shall consist of representatives of the 
Members of the League. 

2. The Assembly shall meet at stated intervals and from 
time to time, as occasion may require, at the Seat of the 
League, or at such other place as may be decided upon. 

3. The Assembly may deal at itsjneetings with any matter 
within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the 
peace of the world. 

4. At meetings of the Assembly each Member of the 
League shall have one vote and may have not more than 
three Representatives. 

Article 4 


1. The Council shall consist of representatives of the Prin- 
cipal Allied and Associated Powers [United States of 
America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan], to- 
gether with Representatives of four x other Members of the 

1 The number of Members of the Council selected by the Assembly, 
by application of the second clause of Art. 4, par. 2, was increased 
from four to six on September 25, 1922, and from six to nine on Sep- 
tember 8, 1926. 


League. These four x Members of the League shall be selected 
by the Assembly from time to time in its discretion. Until 
the appointment of the Representatives of the four Members 
of the League first selected by the Assembly, Representatives 
of Belgium, Brazil, Greece and Spain shall be Members of 
the Council. 

2. With the approval of the majority of the Assembly, the 
Council may name additional Members of the League, whose 
Representatives shall always be Members of the Council; a 
the Council with like approval may increase the number of 
Members of the League to be selected by the Assembly a for 
representation on the Council. 1 

2 bis. 8 The Assembly shall fix by a two-thirds majority the 
rules dealing tvith the election of the non-permanent Members 
of the Council, and particularly such regulations as relate to 
their term of office and the conditions of re-eligibility. 

3. The Council shall meet from time to time as occa- 
sion may require, and at least once a year, at the Seat 
of the League, or at such other place as may be decided 

4. The Council may deal at its meetings with any matter 
within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the 
peace of the world. 

5. Any Member of the League not represented on the 
Council shall be invited to send a Representative to sit as a 
Member at any meeting of the Council during the considera- 
tion of matters specially affecting the interests of that Mem- 
ber of the League. 

6. At meetings of the Council, each Member of the League 
represented on the Council shall have one vote, and may have 
not more than one Representative. 

1 See footnote on preceding page. 

' By application of this clause Germany was designated as a perma- 
nent Member of the Council on September 8, 1926, the appropriate 
action of the Council having been taken on September 4. 

a This paragraph came into force on July 29, 1926, in accordance with 
Art. 26. The regulations were adopted by the Assembly on September 


Article 5 
Voting and Procedure 

1. Except where otherwise expressly provided in this Cove- 
nant, or by the terms of the present Treaty, decisions at any 
meeting of the Assembly or of the Council shall require the 
agreement of all the Members of the League represented at 
the meeting. 

2. All matters of procedure at meetings of the Assembly 
or of the Council, including the appointment of Commit- 
tees to investigate particular matters, shall be regulated 
by the Assembly or by the Council and may be decided by a 
majority of the Members of the League represented at the 

3. The first meeting of the Assembly and the first meeting 
of the Council shall be summoned by the President of the 
United States of America. 

Article 6 
Secretariat and Expenses 

1. The permanent Secretariat shall be established at the 
Seat of the League. The Secretariat shall comprise a Secre- 
tary-General and such secretaries and staff as may be re- 

2. The first Secretary-General shall be the person named 
in the Annex; thereafter the Secretary-General shall be ap- 
pointed by the Council with the approval of the majority of 
the Assembly. 

3. The secretaries and the staff of the Secretariat shall be 
appointed by the Secretary-General with the approval of the 

4. The Secretary-General shall act in that capacity at all 
meetings of the Assembly and of the Council. 

5. The expenses of the League shall be borne by the Mem- 
bers of the League in the proportion decided by the Assembly. 1 

1 This paragraph came into force as an amendment on August 13, 
1924, in accordance with Art. 26. 


Article 7 
Seat, Qualifications of Officials, Immunities 

1. The Seat of the League is established at Geneva. 

2. The Council may at any time decide that the Seat of 
the League shall be established elsewhere. 

3. All positions under or in connection with the League, 
including the Secretariat, shall be open equally to men and 

4. Representatives of the Members of the League and 
officials of the League when engaged on the business 
of the League shall enjoy diplomatic privileges and immuni- 

5. The buildings and other property occupied by the 
League or its officials or by Representatives attending its 
meetings shall be inviolable. 

Article 8 
Reduction of Armaments 

1. The Members of the League recognize that the mainte- 
nance of peace requires the reduction of national armaments 
to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the 
enforcement by common action of