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DICTIONARY OP THE BIBLE
COVFBUINO ITS
ANTIQUITIES, BIOGEAPHY, GEOGRAPHY,
AND NATUEAL HISTORY,
EDITED BY
Sir WILLIAM SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D.,
A!tD
Rev. J. M. FULLER, M.A.
^ttonli (Pttttton.
IN THREE VOLUMES.— Vol. I., Part I.
AAEON— ELYMAS.
LONDON:
JOHN MUEEAY, ALBEMAELE STEEET.
1893.
S%e right of Trantlation i» rtftrrtd.
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ANDOVER-HAWAKD
Theological liBRAR^
OAMBRIOQS. MASS.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS. LmttlB.
(TAVFOID 8TBEET AXD CHIEIHO CWMI.
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LIST OF WRITERS OF NEW ARTICLES IN THE
SECOND EDITION.
IVITIAU. MAMK&
G. J. B. Rev. Ghables James Ball, M.A.,
Chaplain of Lincoln's Inn.
E. B. B. Bev. Edwabd Bdssell Bernabd, M.A.,
Canon of Salisbury; formerly Fellow of Magdalen College,
Oxford.
A. T. C. Rev. Abthue Thomas Chapman, M.A.,
Fellow, Assistant Tutor, and Hebrew Leotnrer of Emma-
ouel College, Cambridge.
C. B. C. Major Claude Bexinieb Gomdkb, B.E ; D.C.L., LL.D.
H. D. Rev. Henet Deanb, B.D.,
Prebendary of Winchester.
S. B. D. Rev. Samuel Rolles Driver, D.D.,
Begins Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ Church,
Oxford ; Examining Chaplain to the Bishop of Southwell ;
formerly Fellow of New College, Oxford.
G. K Professor Dr. GEOBa Ebers,
W. E. Bev. William Elwin, M.A.,
Vicar of St Andrew's, Worthing.
F. Bev. John Mee Fuller, M.A.,
Professor of Ecclesiastical History, King's College, London;
Examining Chaplain to the Arohbiuiop of Canterbuiy ;
Yicar of JSexley, B.D.; formerly Fellow of St. John's
College, Cambridge.
E. C. S. G- Bev. Edgab Chables Sumneb Gibson, M.A.,
Principal of Wells Theological College.
G. H. Bev. Charles Hole, M.A.,
Lecturer on Ecclesiastical History, King's College, London.
A. F. K- Bev. Alexandeb Francis Kjrkpatrick, D.D.,
Begins Professor of Hebrew, Cambridge; Canon of Ely;
Fellow of Trinity College, '.Cambridge; Examining
Chaplain to the Bishop of Bocheeter.
J. B. It. The late Right Bev. Joseph Barber LiaHTFOor, D.D.,
Bishop of Durham.
J. K. Ii. Bev. Joseph Bawson Lumby, D.D.,
Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, Cambridge; Ex-
amining Chaplain to the Archbishop of York.
a 2
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iv LIST OF WRITERS IN SECOND EDmON,
INITIALS. SAMES.
D. S. M. D. S. Margoliocth, M.A.,
Laudian Professor of Arabic in the University of Oxford.
E. N. ]6dooabd Naville.
J. W. N. Eev. John Wiluam Nutt, M.A.,
Beotor of Harpsdon; formerly Fellow of All Souls'
(College, Oxford.
T. G. P. Theophilus Goldiiige Pinches, M.R.A.S.,
Of the Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities,
British Museum.
A. P. Eev. Alfred Plummer, D.D.,
Master of University College, Durham.
A. E. Eev. Archibald Robertson, M.A.,
Principal of Hatfield Hall, Durham.
E., or Eev. Herbert Edward Eyle, B.D.,
H. E. E. Hulsean Professor of Divinity, Cambridge ; Examining
Chaplain to the Bishop of Eipon.
G. S. Eev. Geoeoe Salmon, D.D.,
Provost of Trinity College, Dublin.
W. S— y. Eev. William Sanday, D.D., LL.D.,
Dean Ireland's Professor of Exegesis, Oxford.
J. E. S. John Edwin Sandys, Litt. D.,
Fellow and Tutor of St. John's College, and Public Orator
in the University of Cambridge.
A. H. S. Eev. Archibald Henry Sayce, LL.D.,
Professor of Assyriology, Oxford ; Fellow of Queen's College,
Oxford.
V. H. S. Eev. Vincent Henry Stanton, M.A.,
Ely Professor of Divinity, Cambridge ; Fellow of Trinity
College, Cambridge; Examining Chaplain to the
Bishop of Ely.
A. W. S. Eev. Arthur William Stueane, M.A.,
Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
S. S.-Sy. The late Dr. S. Schiller-Szinessy,
of the University Library, Cambridge.
C. T. Eev. Charles Taylor, D.D.,
Master of St. John's College, Cambridge.
H. F. T. Eev. Henry Fanshawe Tozer, M.A.,
Fellow and Tutor of Exeter College, Oxford.
H. B. T. Eev. Heney Baker Tristram, D.D., F.L.S.,
Canon of Durham.
H. W. W. Yen. Henry Willlam Watkins, D.U.,
Archdeacon and Canon of Durham ; Examining Chaplain
to the Bishop of Durham.
B. F. W. Right Eev. Brooke Foss Westcott, D.D.,
Bishop of Durham.
W. Major-General Sir Charles William Wilson, E.E., K.C.B.,
K.C.M.G., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., Director-General of the
Ordnance Survey.
C. H.H.W. Eev. Charles Henry Hamilton Wright, D.D., Ph.D.,
Vicar of St. John's, Liverpool.
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PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
Thb Dictionary of the Bible was commenced on a more restricted
scale than was afterwards found to be consistent with the completion
of the undertaking in a scholarlike and satisfactory manner. Ac-
cordingly, as the Work proceeded, it expanded into three volumes
instead of two, as was originally intended, and an Appendix was added
to supply the omissions and deficiencies of the earlier letters. The
primary object of this new Edition was to insert these supplementary
articles in their proper places in the first volume ; but as this could
only be done by re-setting the type, the opportunity was taken to
revise the whole volume, and to re-write many of the more important
articles. So large have been the additions that the new first volume
exceeds the old, with the addition of the Appendix, by more than
550 pages ; and it has therefore been found necessary to issue
it in two parts. The second and third volumes, having been
composed on a more extended and comprehensive scale than
the earlier portion of the Dictionary, do not call for similar
revision; and there is therefore no present intention of bringing
out a new edition of them. Fortunately a large proportion of
those articles on which recent research and criticism have thrown
the strongest light, and concerning which the opinions of the best
Biblical scholars have undergone the most noted change since the
Dictionary was published, are contained in the first volume. We
need only mention such subjects as Jerusalem, Assyria, Babylonia,
Egypt, and the Hittites ; the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles ;
the Books of Genesis and Deuteronomy ; the Epistle to the Hebrews,
and the Crospel of St. John.
It remains only to explain briefly the alterations and improve-
ments which have been made in the present edition. First, the
articles on the Books of the Bible have been for the most part re-
written, on a much more extensive scale than before. For example,
the article on the " Acts of the Apostles," re-written by the late
Bishop Lightfoot, occupies eighteen pages, compared with a page and
a half in the former edition; that on the "Gospel of St John,"
re-written by Archdeacon Watkins, fills twenty-five pages, com-
pared with three in the former edition ; that on the " Epistle to
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vi PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
the Galatians," re-\mtten by Dr. Salmon, Provost of Trinity College,
Dublin, comprises fourteen pages, compared with a page and a half
in the former edition ; the " Epistle to the Hebrews," re-written by
Dr. Westcott, the present Bishop of Durham, fills fourteen pages,
compared with five in the former edition ; the article on " Deuter-
onomy," re-written by Professor Driver, occupies twenty-two pages,
compared with five in the former edition ; the article on the
" Apocrypha," re-written by Professor Eyle of Cambridge, fills thirty-
seven pages, compared with four in the former edition ; to the article
on the " Gospels " by the late Archbishop Thomson, a supplement
by Professor Sanday, containing twenty-six pages, has been added.
This list might easily be enlarged, but the instances named above will
serve to show the pains and labour bestowed upon the new articles
relating to the Books of the Bible.
Secondly, the revision of other articles has been entrusted to
writers recognized as specialists in their respective departments.
Thus, for example, the articles on Assyria and Babylonia have been
re- written by Mr. Pinches, of the department of Assyrian Antiquities
in the British Museum ; those on Egypt by the eminent Egyptologist,
M. Naville ; and those on Natural History by Canon Tristram. The
geographical articles by Sir George Grove, which were justly con-
sidered one of the most valuable portions of the original edition, have
been revised, at his request, by Sir Charles Wilson and, in a few
instances, by Major Conder. Sir Charles Wilson has also re-written
the article on the topography of Jerusalem, and has added separate
maps of the Tribes and of other countries, with fresh illustrations
of the sites of places.
It would be impossible within the limits of a Preface to specify
more partictilarly the assistance obtained in other departments. As
each writer is alone responsible for his own contributions, differences
of opinion must naturally occur, and the Editors could not take the
liberty of altering materially articles thus signed, nor would it have
been desirable, if it had been possible to do so. In the present state
of Biblical criticism, it is better that different schools should be
represented in the Dictionary than that strict uniformity should be
secured. In the case of articles which have been revised by other
writers, the initials of the original authors have been appended with
those of the revisers, but the latter are alone responsible for the
articles in their present form.
Few articles of any importance have been reprinted without
material alteration. The chief exceptions are, for obvious reasons,
those by the late Dean Stanley, and the present Bishop of Durham ;
though some of the articles by the latter writer have, at his request,
been revised by Professor Eyle of Cambridge.
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PBBFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. vii
The meanings of the names of persons and places have been
mostly given in accordance with the best authorities, but often with
a real sense of the precariousness of the explanation. In some
cases words of the Authorized Version now obsolete have been
explained, and the readings of the Eevised Version appended.
The Editors wish to acknowledge cordially the generous help
given them from various quarters. To Professor Driver and the
Bev. C. J. Ball they owe a careful revision of the Hebrew and other
Semitic words in a large number of the articles. They are also
indebted to the courtesy of Dr. Swete for sending them the early
sheets of his smaller edition of the Septuagint, from which the
readings are given in the present Work ; and to the Palestine
Exploration Fund for permission to use the surveys and drawings
from which Sir Charles Wilson has constructed many of the maps
and illustrations.
LoHSON, Mardi, 1893.
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LIST OF WRITERS IN THE FIRST EDITION.
INITIALS. KAHE8.
H. A. The late Very Rev, Hesry Auford, D.D.,
Dean of Canterbury,
H, B, Rev. Hknrt Bailey, D.D.,
Hon. Canon of Canterbury ; formerly Fellow of St. John's
College, Cambridge.
H. B. The late Rev. Horatids Bonar, D.D.
[Tbe geognpUcal articlea, aigned H. B., are wiiUen bjr Dr. Booar : those on other sutijecta,
signed H. B., are written by Mr. Bailey.]
A. B. Right Rev. Alfred Barry, B.D„
Canon of Windsor ; late Bishop of Sydney and Metropolitan
of Australia,
W. L. B, Rev. William Latham Betan, M,A.,
Canon of St. David's : Examining Chaplain to the Bishop
of St. David's ; Vicar of Hay, Brecknookahire.
J. AV. B. The late Very Rev. Joseph William Blakesley, B.D.,
Dean of Lincoln.
T. E. B. The late Rev. Thomas Edward Brown, M.A.,
Vice-Principal of King William's College, Isle of Man ;
formerly Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford.
R. W. B. A'en. Robert Wiluam Browne, M.A.,
Archdeacon of Bath ; Canon of Wells ; Rector of Weston-
super-Mare.
E. H. B. The late Right Rev. Edward Harold Browne, D.D.,
Bishop of Winchester.
W. T. B. The late Rev. Wiluam Thomas Bullock, M.A.,
Assistant Secretaiy of the Society for the Propagation of
the Gk)spel in Foreign Parts.
S. C. The late Rev. Samuel Claek, M.A.,
Vicar of Bredwardine with Brobury, Hertfordshire.
F. C. C. The late Rev. F. C. Cook, M.A.,
Canon of Exeter.
G. E. L. C, The late Right Rev, George Edward Lynch Cotton, D,D.,
Bishop of Calcutta and Metropolitan of India.
J, LI. D. Rev. John Llewelyn Davieb, M.A.,
Vicar of Kirkby Lonsdale; formerly Fellow of Trinity
College, Cambridge.
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LIST OP WRITERS IN FIRST EDITION. ix
I5TTUI& NAKES.
G. E. D. Bev. G. E. Day, D.D.,
Lane Seminaiy, Cincinnati, Ohio.
E. D. The late Emanukl Deotsch, M.B.A.S.
W. D. Bev. WiLUAM Drake, M.A.,
Chaplain to the Queen ; Hon. Canon of Worcester ; formerly
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.
£. P. K Bev. Edward Paroissien Eodrup, KAn
Prebendary of Salisbury ; Vicar of Bremhill.
C. J. E. Bight Eev. Charles James Ellicott, D.D.,
Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol.
F. W. F. Ven. Fredebick William Farrar, D.D., F.B.S.,
Archdeacon and Canon of Westminster ; formerly Fellow
of Trinity College, Cambridge.
J. F. The late James Ferousson, F.B.S., F.B.A.S.
E. S. Pf. Bev. Edmund Salusbory Ffoulkbs, B.D.,
Vicar of St. Mary the Virgin, Oxford.
W. F. Bight Bev. William Fitzgerald, D.D.,
Bishop of Eillaloe.
F. 6. The late Eev. Frascis Garden, M.A.,
Snbdean of Her Majesty's Chapels Boyal.
F. W. G. Bev. Frederick Wiluam Gotch, LL.D.,
President of the Baptist College, Bristol.
G. Sir George Grove, D.C.L.,
Director of the Boyal College of Music.
H. B. H. Bev. H. B. Hackett, D.D.,
Professor of Biblical Literature, Newton, Massachusetts.
E. H— s. The late Bev. Ernest Hawkins, B.D.,
Prebendary of St. Paul's ; Secretary of the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
H. B. Eev. Henry Hayman, D.D.,
Hon. Canon of Carlisle ; Eeotor of Aldingham.
A C. H. Bight Bev. Lord Arthur Charles Hervey, D.D.,
Bishop of Bath and Wells.
J. A. H. The late Ven. James Augustus Hessey, D.C.L.,
Archdeacon of Middlesex.
J. D. H. Sir Joseph D, Hooker, K.C.B., F.E.S.
J. J. H. The late Eev. James John Hornby, M.A.,
Fellow of Brasenoso Collej^e, Oxford ; Principal of Bishop
Cosin's Hall ; Tutor in the University of Durham.
W. H. Eev. Wiluam Houghton, M.A., F.L.S.,
Bector of Preston on the Weald Moors, Salop,
J. S. H. The late Very Eev. John Saul Howson, D.D.,
Dean of Chester.
£. H. Eev. Edoae Huxtable, M.A.,
Prebendary of Wells.
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X LIST OP WKITERS IN FIRST EDITION.
INITIALS. NAMES.
W. B, J. Eight Eev. William Basil Jones, D.D.,
Bishop of St David's.
A. H. L. Eight Hon. Austen Henbt Latabd, G.C.B., D.C.L.
S. L. Eev. Stanley Leathes, D.D.,
Professor of Hebrew, King's College, London ; Prebendary
of St. Paul's ; Beotor of Much Haddam.
J. B. L. The late Eight Eev. Joseph Babber Lightfoot, D.D.,
Bishop of Dnrham.
D. W. M. Eev. D. W. Marks,
Professor of Hebrew in University CJollege, London.
F. M. Eev. Frederick Meyrick, 1I.A.,
Prebendary of Lincoln ; Eeotor of Blickling ; formerly
Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford.
Oppert. Professor Oppert, of Paris.
E. E. 0. Eev. Edwabd Bedman Orqer, M.A.,
Vicar of Hoogham.
T. J. O. The late Ven. Thomas Johnson Ormerod, M.A.,
Archdeacon of Suffolk; formerly Fellow of Brasenose
College, Oxford.
J. J. S. P. Eight Kev. John Jambs Stewart Febowne, D.D.,
Bishop of Worcester.
T. T. p. Ven. Thomas Thomason Perowne, B.D.,
Archdeacon of Norwich ; Examining Chaplain to the Bishop
of Norwich ; Bector of Bedenhall.
H. W. P. Eev. Henry Wright Phillott, M.A.,
Canon of Hereford.
E. H. P. The late Very Eev. Edwabd Hayes Plomptbe, M.A.,
Dean of Wells.
E. S. P. The late Edward Stanley Poole, M.E.A.S.
B. S. P. Eeginald Stuart Poole, LL.D.,
Keeper of Coins, British Museum ; Professor of Arohseology
in University College, London ; Corresponding Member
of the Institute of France.
J. L. P. The late Eev. J. L. Porter, M.A.
C. P. Eev. Charles Pbitchabd, M.A., F.RS.,
Savilian Professor of Astronomy, Oxford ; Fellow of New
College, Oxford; formerly Fellow of St. John's College,
Cambridge.
C. E. Eev. George Bawunson, M.A.,
Canon of Canterbury ; Beotor of All Hallows, London.
H. j. B. The late Bev. Henby John Eose, B.D.,
Eector of Houghton Conquest, Bedfordshire; formerly
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.
W. S. The late Eev. Willlam Selwyn, D.D.,
Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, Cambridge; Canon
of Ely.
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LIST OP WRITEBS IN FIRST EDITION. xi
IKrlTALB. BAKES.
W. S. Sir WniiAM Smith, D.C.L., LL.D.,
Formerly Classical Examiner in the Uniyersity of London.
A. P. S. The late Very Eev. Arthur Penbhyn Stanley, D.D.,
Dean of Westminster.
C. E. S. Rev. Calvin E. Stowe, D.D.,
Professor of Sacred Literature, Andover, Massachusetts.
J. P. T. Kev. J. P. Thompson, D.D.,
New York.
W. T. The late Most Bev. William Thomson, D.D.,
Archbishop of York.
J. F. T. The late Rev. Joseph FiiANas Thrupp, M.A.,
Vicar of Barrington ; formerly Fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge.
The late S. P. Tkegklles, LL.D.
Sev. Henky Baker Tristram, D.D., F.L.S.,
Canon of Durham.
The late Hon. Edward T. B. Twisleton, M.A.
Sev. Edmund Yenables, M.A.,
Canon of Lincoln Cathedral.
Sight Eev. Brooke Foss Westcott, D.D.,
Bishop of Durham.
C. W. The late Bight Bev. Christopher Wordsworth, D.D.,
Bishop of Lincoln.
W. A. W. William Aldis Wright, M.A., ,
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
S.P.
T.
H.
. B.
T.
E.
T.
E.
V.
B.
F.
W
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PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
The present Work is designed to render the same service in the
study of the Bible as the Dictionaries of Greek and Eoman Anti-
quities, Biography, and Geography have done in the study of the
classical writers of antiquity. Within the last few years Biblical
studies have received a fresh impulse ; and the researches of modern
scholars, as well as the discoveries of modem travellers, have thrown
new and unexpected light upon the history and geography of the
East. It has, therefore, been thought that a new Dictionary of the
Bible, founded on a fresh examination of the original documents, and
embodying the results of the most recent researches and discoveries,
would prove a valuable addition to the literature of the country. It
has been the aim of the Editor and Contributors to present the infor-
mation in such a form as to meet the wants not only of theological
students, but also of that larger class of persons who, without pursuing
theology as a profession, are anxious to study the Bible with the aid
of the latest investigations of the best scholars. Accordingly, while
the requirements of the learned have always been kept in view,
quotations from the ancient languages have been sparingly intro-
duced, and generally in parentheses, so as not to interrupt the
continuous perusal of the Work. It is confidently believed that
the articles wUl be found both intelligible and interesting even to
those who have no knowledge of the learned languages; and that
such persons will experience no difficulty in reading the book
through from beginning to end.
The scope and object of the Work may be briefly defined. It is a
Dictionary of the Bible and not of Theology. It is intended to eluci-
date the antiquities, biography, geography, and natural history of the
Old Testament, New Testament, and Apocrypha ; but not to explain
systems of theology, or discuss points of controversial divinity. It
has seemed, however, necessary in a " Dictionary of the Bible " to give
a full account of the Book, both as a whole and in its separate parts.
Accordingly, articles are inserted not only upon the general subject,
such as « Bible," " Old Testament," " New Testament," "Apocrypha,"
and " Canon," and upon the ancient Versions, as " Septuagint " and
" Vulgate ; " but also upon each of the separate books. These articles
are naturally some of the most important in the Work, and occupy
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PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. xiii
considerable space, as will be seen by referring to " Gen&sis," " Isaiah,"
" Job," " Nehemiah," " Pentateuch," " Proverbs," and the Books of
" Samuel."
The Editor believes that the Work will be found, upon examina-
tion, to be far more complete in the subjects which it professes to treat
than any of its predecessors. No other Dictionary has yet attempted
to give a complete list of the proper names occurring in the Old and
New Testaments, to say nothing of those in the Apocrypha. The
present Work is intended to contain every name, and, in the case of
minor names, references to every passage in the Bible in which each
occurs. It is true that many of the names are those of com-
paratively obscure persons and places ; but this is no reason for their
omission. On the contrary, it is precisely for such articles that a
Dictionary is most needed. An account of the more important
persons and places occupies a prominent position in historical and
geographical works ; but of the less conspicuous names no inform-
ation can be obtained in ordinary books of reference. Accordingly
many names, which have been either entirely omitted or cursorily
treated in other Dictionaries, have had considerable space devotetl
to them ; the result being that much curious and sometimes impor-
tant knowledge has been elicited ^respecting subjects, of which little
or nothing was previously known. Instances may be seen by re-
ferring to the articles "Ishmael, son of Nethaniah," "Jaxeb,"
" Jedidiah," " Jehosheba."
In the alphabetical arrangement the orthography of the Authorized
Version has been invariably followed. Indeed the Work might be
described as a Dictionary of the Bible, aecording to the Authorized
Version. But at the commencement of each article devoted to a
proper name, the corresponding forms in the Hebrew, Greek, and
Vulgate are given, together with the variations in the two great
manuscripts of the Septuagint, which are often curious and well
worthy of notice. All inaccuracies in the Authorized Version are
likewise carefully noted.
In the composition and distribution of the articles three points
have been especially kept in view — the insertion of copious references
to the ancient writers and to the best modern authorities, as mucli
brevity as was consistent with the proper elucidation of the subjects,
and facility of reference. To attain the latter object an explanation
is given, even at the risk of some repetition, under every word to
which a reader is likely to refer, since it is one of the great drawbacks
in the use of a Dictionary to be referred constantly from one heading
to another, and frequently not to find at last the information that
is wanted.
Many names in the Bible occur also in the classical writers, and
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xiv PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
are therefore included in the Classical Dictionaries already published.
But they have in all cases been written anew for this work, and from
a Biblical point of view. No one would expect in a Dictionary of the
Bible a complete history of Alexandria or a detailed life of Alexander
the Great, simply because they are mentioned in a few passages of
the Sacred Writers. Such subjects properly belong to Dictionaries
of Classical Geography and Biography, and are only introduced here
80 far as they throw light upon Jewish history, and the Jewish cha-
racter and faith. The same remark applies to all similar articles,
which, far from being a repetition of those contained in the preceding
Dictionaries, are supplementary to them, affording the Biblical inform-
ation which they did not profess to give. In like manner it would
obviously be out of place to present such an accoimt of the plants
and animals mentioned in the Scriptures, as would be appropriate in
systematic treatises on Botany or Zoology. All that can be reason-
ably required, or indeed is of any real service, is to identify the plants
and animals with known species or varieties, to discuss the difficulties
which occur in each subject, and to explain all allusions to it by the
aid of modem Bcienc&
In a Work written by varioxis persons, each responsible for his
own contributions, differences of opinion must naturally occur. Such
differences, however, are both fewer and of less importance than
might have been expected from the nature of the subject ; and in
some difficult questions — such, for instance, as that of the " Brethren
of our Lord" — the Editor, instead of endeavouring to obtain uni-
formity, has considered it an advantage to the reader to have the
arguments stated from different points of view.
An attempt has been made to ensure, as far as practicable,
uniformity of reference to the most important books. In the case
of two works of constant occurrence in the geographical articles, it
may be convenient to mention that all references to Dr. Robinson's
BiUical Besearehes and to Professor Stanley's Sinai and Pales-
tine have been uniformly made to the second edition of the former
work (London, 1856, 3 vols.), and to the fourth edition of the latter
(London, 1857).
The Editor cannot conclude this brief explanation without
expressing his obligations to the Writers of the various articles.
Their names are a sufficient guarantee for the value of their
contributions ; but the warm interest they have taken in the book,
and the unwearied pains they have bestowed upon their separate
departments, demand from the Editor his grateful thanks. There
is, however, one Writer to whom he owes a more special acknow-
ledgment. Mr. G«orge Grove of Sydenham, besides contributing
the articles to which bis initial is attached, has rendered the Editor
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PBEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. xv
important assistance in writing the majority of the articles on the
more obscure names in the First Volume, in the correction of the
proofs, and in the revision of the whole book. The Editor has also
to express his obligations to Mr. William Aldis Wright, Librarian of
Trinity Collie, Cambridge, and to the Rev. Charles P. Phinn of
Chichester, for their valuable assistance in the correction of the
proofs, as well as to Mr. £. Stanley Poole for the revision of the
Arabic words. Mr. Aldis Wright has likewise written in the Second
and Third Yolomes the more obscure names to which no initials are
attached.
In consequence of the great importance of many of the subjects
contained in the latter half of the alphabet, — of which " Miracles,"
"Noah," "Palestine," "Pentateuch," "Prophecy," "Versions," and
"Vulgate" may be mentioned as specimens, — it has been found
necessary to extend the work to three volumes, instead of comprising
it in two, as originally intended. The usefulness of many Encyclo-
paedias and Dictionaries has been sacrificed by compressing into
narrow limits the later letters ; and it is believed that the extension
of the present work will add greatly to its value. It has also enabled
the Editor to give, at the end of the Third Volume, an Appendix to
Volume L, containing many important articles on Natural History
as well as some subjects omitted in the First Volume, such as
"Antichrist," « Baptism," and " Church."
It is intended to publish shortly an Atlas of Biblical Geography,
which, it is hoped, will form a valuable supplement to the
Dictionary.
WILLIAM SMITH.
LoKDOH, Ifovember, 1863.
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SOME ABBEEVIATIONS.
A. V. = Authorized Version ; R. V. = Revised Version.
LXX. = Greek Version of the Old Testament.
A. = Codex Alexandrinus.
B. = Codex Vatioanus.
K. = Codex Sinaiticus.
T.^ = 7th edition of Tischendorfs LXX.
PR, or PEF. Mem. or Qy. Stat. = Palestine Exploration Fund, Memoir, or
Quarterly IStatement.
KAT.* = 2nd edition of Schrader's Die Keilinschri/ien u. das AUe Testament.
OS.* = 2nd edition of Lagarde's Onomaslica Sacra.
HE. = Real-Encyclopadie.
KL. = Kirchen-Lexicon.
D. B. = Dictionary of the Bible.
MV."or MV."= 10th or 11th edition of Gesenius, Hehraisches u. Aramdisches
Handworterbuch iiber das Alte Testament, edited by Muhlati
and Volck. The 11th edition has H. D. Miiller's
additions. The new edition now in course of publica-
tion at the Clarendon Press has come too late for use
except in the last article of the volume.
BE J, = Revue des ifctudes Juives (Paris).
PSBA. or TSBA. = Proceedings or Transactions of the Society of Biblical
Archaeology (London).
HWB. = Handworterbuch.
ZDMO. =ZeitBchritt d. Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft (Leipzig).
QPB.* = 2nd edition of the Variorum edition of the Authorized edition
of the Bible published by the Queen's printers (Eyre &
Spottiswoode).
ZATW. = Zeitschrift fiir die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (Giessen).
ZA. = Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie (Berlin).
ZKF. = Zeitschrift fiir Eeilinschriftliche Forschung.
LOT. = Driver's Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament.
This book was not available earlier than the letter E.
N. S. = New Series.
HI. = History of Israel.
A number attached to a name or book, e.g. Delitzsch*, indicates the
edition of the work referred to.
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DICTIONAEY
OF
BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRi^PHY,
AND NATURAL HISTORY.
A and n. [Alf HA.]
A'ALAB. [Addas.]
AABON (I^nrwt; 'Ao()<tr ; ilaron [derivation
nibiowD ; connected fancifully by Rabbinic ety-
mology witii mn, his mother baring been preg-
nant with bim at the time of Pharaoh'a edict
(Ex. u 16); by Geaenias thought perhaps to
Bean mountaineer, aa though connected with ID;
by Sayce connected with the Assyrian aAaru,
to send]). He was the son of Amrara (Ei. vi.
30 [AuRAJf]), the son of Kohath and Jochebed
{Kohtth's sister) ; he was three years older than
Moses (Ex. Tii. 7), but younger than his sister
liiriaro (Nam. xxri. 59). He was a Leritc, and
a«the6rit-bom nrould naturally be the priest of
the honsehold, even before any special appoint-
nifnl by God. Of bis early history we know
nothing, although, by the way in which he is first
mentioned in Ex. ir. 14, as " Aaron the Lerite,"
it would seem as if he had been already to some
eilent a leader in his tribe. All that is definitely
recorded of him at this time is. that in the same
pasiage he is described as one " who could spealc
veil." Judging from the acts of his life, we
slionM luppoce him to hare been, like many
eloquent men, a man of impulsive and com-
paratively unstable character, leaning almost
wholly on his brother ; incapable of that endur-
ance of lonelinen and temptation which is an
element of real greatness ; but at the aame time
earnest in his devotion to God and man, and
therefore capable of sacrifice and of discipline
by trial.
His first office was to be the " Prophet," i.<r.
(according to the proper meaning of the word)
tke Interpreter and "Jlouth" (Ex. iv. 16) of
hit brother, who waa " slow of speech ; " and
iccoriiingly he was not only the organ of com-
monication with the Israelites and with Pharaoh
(Ex. iv. 30, Tii. 2), but also the actual instru-
ment of working most of the miracles of the
Ejodus (see Ex. vii. 19, &c.). Thus also on
the way to Mount Sinai, during the battle with
Amaiek, Aaron is mentioned with Hur, as staying
iji the weary hands of Hoses, when they were
lifted up for the victory of Israel (not in prayer,
as is sometimes explained, bat) to bear the rod
BIBU: CICT. — VOL. L
AARON
of God (see Ex. xvii. 9). Through all this period
he is only mentioned as dependent upon his
brother, and deriving all his authority from
him. The contrast between them is even more
strongly marked on the arrival at Sinai. Moses
at once acts as the mediator (Gal. iii. 19) for the
people, to come near to God for them, and to
speak His words to them. Aaron only approaches,
with Nadab and Abihu and the seventy elders
of, Israel, by special command, near enough to
see God's glory, but not so as to enter His im-
mediate presence. Left then, on Moses' departure,
to guide the people, he is tried for a moment on
his own responsibility, and he fails not from any
direct unbelief on his own part, but from a weak
inability to withstand the demand of the people
for visible " gods to go before them." Possibly
it seemed to him prudent to make an image of
Jehovah, in the well-known form of Egyptian
idolatry (Apis or MnevisX rather than to risk
the total alienation of the people to false gods ;
and bis weakness was rewarded by seeing a
" feast of the Lord " (Ex. xxxii. 5) degraded to
the lowest form of heathenish sensuality, and
knowing, from Moses' words and deeds, that the
covenant with the Lord was utterly broken.
There can hardly be a stronger contrast with
this weakness, and the self-convicted shame of
bis excuse, than the burning indignation of
Moses, and his stem decisive measures of ven-
geance; although beneath these there lay an
ardent affection, which went almost to the verge
of presumption in prayer for the people (Ex.
xxxii. 19-34), and gained forgiveness for Aaron
himself (Deut. ix. 20).
It is not a little remarkable, that immediately
after this great sin, and almost as though it had
not occurred, God's fore-ordained purposes were
carried out in Aaron's consecration to the new
office of the high-priesthood. Probably the fall
and the repentance from it may have made him
one " who conld have compassion on the ignorant
and them who are out of the way, as being him-
self also compassed with infirmity." The order
of God for the consecration is found in Ex. xxix.,
and the record of its execution in Lev. viii. ; and
the delegated character of the Aaronic priest-
hood is clearly seen by the fact that, in this
its inauguration, the priestly office is borne
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AAKON
ABADDON
by Moses, as God's truer representative (see
Heb. vii.).
The form of consecration resembled other
sacriticial ceremonies in containing, first, a sin-
oli'cring, the form of cleansing from sin and
reconciliation [Sin-ofFEKISo] ; a burnt-olTering,
the symbol of entire devotion to God of the
nature so purified [Buiurr-OFFERINO] ; and a
meat-offering, the thankful acltnowledgment
and sanctifying of Go<i's natural blessings
[Meat-offerisq]. It had, however, besides
these, the solemn assumption of the sacred robes
(the garb of righteousness), the anointing (the
symbol of God's grace), and the offering of the
ram of consecration, the blood of which was
sprinkled on Aaron and his sons, as upon the
altar and vessels of the ministry, in order to
sanctify them for the service of God. The former
ceremonies represented the blessings and duties
of the man ; the latter the special consecration
of the priest.*
The solemnity of the office, and its entire
de|>endence fur sanctity on the ordinance of
God, were vindicated by the death of Nadab and
Abihu, for "offering strange tire" on the altar,
and apparently (see Lev. x. 9, 10) for doing so
ID drunken recklessness. The checking of his
sorrow by Aaron, so as at least to refrain from
all outward signs of it, would be a severe trial
to an impulsive and weak character, and a proof
of his being lifted above himself by the office
which he held.
From this time the history of Aaron is almost
entirely that of the priesthood, and its chief
feature is the great rebellion of Korah and the
Levitcs against his sacerdotal dignity, united
with that of Dathan and Abiram and the
Keubenites against the temporal authority of
Moses [KoRAli]. The true vindication of the
reality of Aaron's priesthood was, not so much
the death of Korah by the fire of the Lord, as
the efficacy of his offering of incense to stay the
plague, by which he was seen to be .iccepted as
an Intercessor for the people. The blooming of
his rod which followed was a miraculous sign,
visible to all and capable of preservation, of
God's choice of him and his house.
The only occasion on which his individual cha-
racter is seen, is one of presumption, prompted
as before chiefly by another ; and, as before,
speedily repented of. The murmuring of Aaron
and Miriam against Moses, if partly directed
against the marriage of Moses with an Ethiopian,
clearly proceeded from their trust, the one in his
own priesthood, the other in her prophetic inspira-
tion, as equal commissions from God (Num. xii. 2).
It seems to have vanished at once before the de-
claration of Moses' exaltation above all prophecy
and priesthood, except that of One Who was to
come; and, if we may judge from the direction
of the punishment, to have originated mainly
with Miriam. On all other occasions Aaron is
spoken of as acting with Moses in the guidance
of the people. Leaning, as he seems to have
done, wholly on him, it is not strange that he
should have shared his sin at Meribah, and its
punishment [Moses] (Num. ix. 10-12). As
* U Is noticeable that the ceremonies of the restoration
of the leper to his place, as one of Qod's people, bear a
strong resemblance to those of consecration. See Ijcv.
xlr. 10-32.
that punishment seems to have purged out from
Moses the tendency to self-confidence which
tainted his character, so in Aaron it may have
destroyed that idolatry of a stronger mind, into
which a weaker one, once conquered, is apt to
fall. Aaron's death seems to have followed very
speedily. It took place on Mount Hor, after, the
transference of his robes and office to Eleazar,
who alone with Moses was present at his death,
and performed his burial (Num. xx. 28). This
mount is still called the " Mountain of Aaron."
[Hon.]
The wife of A.nron was Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23).
.She bare him four sons. Nadab and Abihu
predeceased him (see above). Two survived
him, Eleazar and Ithrjnar. The high-priesthood
descended to the foi mer and to his descendants
until the time of Eli, who, although of the house
of Ithamar, received the hi^h-priesthood (see
.loseph. Ant. v. 11, viii. 1, § .i), and transmitted
it to his children; with them it continued till
the accession of Solomon, who took it from Abi-
.ithar, and restored it to Zadok (of the house of
Eleazar), so fulfilling the propberv of 1 Sam.
ii. .30. ' [A. B.]
The I>abbinic view of Aaron is highly eulo-
gistic. It will be found snmmed up in Ham-
burger, Seai-Encydopiidic /. Bibel u. Talmud,*
s. n. Rabbinic teaching finds depicted in Mai.
ii. 0, the work and character of one who died
"by the kiss of God." [F.]
AAKONITES, THE (jnrtK ; B. 4 [A. oQ
'Aapdy; stirps Aaroti, Aatom'tiK). Descendants
of Aaron, and therefore priests, who, to tlie
number of 3700 fighting men, with Jehoiada the
father of Benaiah at their head, joined David at
Hebron (1 Ch. xii. 27). Later on In the history
(1 Cli. -xxvii. 17) we find their chief was Zadok,
who in the earlier narrative is distinguished as
" a young man mighty of valour." "They must
have been an imi>ortant family in the reign of
David to be reckoned among the tribes of
Israel. [AV. A. W.]
AB (3K, father}, an element in the composi-
tion of many proper names, sometimes a title of
God, sometimes not (see Nestle, Die Tsraelit,
Kijennamcn, p. 173, &c. Cp. Adia.) Abba is
the Ohaldaic form, the syllable affixed giving
the emphatic force of the definite article. The
conception of God as Ab forms one of the prin-
cipal doctrines common to Judaism and Chris-
tianity. [Abba.] [K.]
AB. [Months.]
AB'ACUC, 2 Esd. i. 40. [Habakkuk.]
ABAD'DON (I'naN, destnutum) in the
Hagiographa of the 0. T. the {wetical name for
the place of the dead (in Job xxri. and in
Prov. XV. 11 it is parallel with Sheol; in
Ps. Ixxxviii. 12 with the grave ; in Job xiviii.
22 with death), and personified in Job ixviii. 22
(cp. a similar personification of a place in the
(lersonification of the " heavens " in Dan. iv. 23).
In Rev. ix. 11 it is the name of "the angel of
the abyss" (R. V.), and the Greek equivalent
'AiroAAvaii' (Apollyon) is given in explanation
of this " king of the locusts upon the earth "
(Rev. ii. 3-11). The Rabbis gave the name
Abaddon to the lowest chamber of hell (see
Schiittgen, Hor. Hebr. in Rev. /. c), and the
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ABASIAS
Talnind personified " the angel of the abvM "
luier tiie title Dumah (Baxtorf, Ltx. Chaid. et
Mm. ; Hamburger, ££.' ». v.). [F.]
ABADI'AS (B. 'A/JaJtoi ; Abdiaa [t-. 38]).
OamuH, the son of Jehiel (1 £sd. viii. 30).
[W.A.W.] [F.]
ABAG'THA (Kn?3K ; Abgatha\ one of the
»ren ennachs in the Persian court of Ahasnenis
(£$tb. i. 10). In the LXX. the names of these
eunuchs are difiereat. The word contains the
same root which we find in the Persia D names
Bigtha (Esth. i. 10). Bigthan (Esth. ii. 21),
Bigihana (Esth. ri. 2), and Bagoat. The ety-
mologv of all these names is quite uncertain
(Kal,'aiid Oettli in Strack u. Ziickler's Kgf.
Kami, in loco). Bohlen explains it by bagaddta,
'' giren by fortune," from baga, fortune, the sun ;
Kvael-Bertheau {Kg/. Exeg. Hdb. z. A. T.,
• Kster ' p. 389) = god's gift. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABATJA (rU3K*; 'A0<wi; W. 'Ap$ayd
[snpeiscr. B"?, 'Arafiiwi, B»?nig]; A. Nof/Soyrf ;
.Ibam ; R. V. Abanah ; R. V. marg. Amanah),
nne of the " rivers (Tli^riJ) of Damascus " (2 K.
r. 13) Gesenios (J%«s. 116) supposes Abaoa
to be a commutation for AHANA by an inter-
change of the labials 3 and D : it may be a
dialectic or a prorincial difference. See also
Xeil's Bb. der KBnige, p. 368. Amana might
mean " constant " (comp. \0^, as said of water
is Is. uiiii 16 and Jer. ir. 18). The rivers of
Damascus are its one great abiding charm, and
every Damascene loves them passionately. Some
distance above Damascus the Barada (Xpv-
nf^ia of the Greeks) is split np into several
streams, which flow through the city under
tliSerent names, and which are supposed to be
of rariont degrees of excellence. The stream
Those water is most prized is the Nakr Abanias
(cp. the Amanoh of Schwai'z, p. 54), and this is
JonirtJess the Abana of the text (Dr. Wright,
in Leimn Hoar, 1874, p. 284). In the Arabic
Version of the passage — the date of which has
l>een fixed by RSdiger as the 11th cent. — .\bana
a rendered by Barda, lS^^, and one of the
'(reams flowing through the city is now called
Hakr Barada, Another of the seven principal
't'vams is the iCoAr Taiara, a name which is
nimd in the .\rabic Version of the Bible instead
«f Pharpar. Benjamin of Tudela {E. T. 90)
apparently identifies Pharpar with the same
stream. It'aaman's interrogation in 2 K. v. 12 :
' Are not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Dama-v
ctu, betUr than all the wsUrs of Israel ? " is
something more than pride of country ; for the
waters of the Abana (A'oAr Abaniat) are clear
^ sparkling, whilst those of the Jordan and
Kishon are tepid and turbid.
The Barada rises in the Antilibanns near Ze6-
iity, at about 23 miles from the city, and
1149 feet above it. In its course it passes the
■ite of the ancient Abila, and receives the waters
•f 'i« Fijek, one of the largest springs in Sjrria.
Taii w.\s long believed to be the real source of
the Barada, according to the popular usage of
tiw country, which regards the most copious
' Tbe Kerl. whh the Targom JoDathan and the Syrlac
^tnioa, has Amanah.
ABABIM 3
fountain, not the most distant head, as the
origin of a river. We meet with other instances
of the same mistake in the case of the Jordan
and the Orontes [Ain]; it is to Dr. Robinson
that we are indebted for its discovery in the
present case (Rob. iii. 477). After flowing
through Damascus the Barada runs across the
plain, leaving the remarkable Assyrian or
perhaps Hittite ruin Tell es-Salahiyeh on its left
bank, till it loses itself in the lake or marsh
Bahret el-KHtliyeh. Mr. Porter calculates that
14 villages and 150,000 souls are dependent on
this important river. For the course of the
Barada see Porter, vol. i. ch. v. ; Joum. of S.
lit., N. S. viii.; Rob. iii. 446-7. Lightfoot
{Cent. Chor. iv.) and Gesenins {TTiea. 116) quote
tlie name jI'D^p as applied in the Lexicon
Arich to the Amana; it is also found in the
Baba Bathra, 74 c ; Schwarr, p. 54. [G.] [W.]
ABA'RIM (Slilton accents Ab'arim), the
" mount," or " monntains of " (always with
the definite article, Dn3I!n in, or 'm >y\, tJ>
tpos rh 'APapift, &c., or iv r^ ripow t»u
'loptivov, = the mountains of the further parts,
or possibly, of the fords), a mountain or range
of highlands on the east of the Jordan, in the
land of Moab (Dent, xxxii. 49), facing Jericho,
and forming the eastern wall of the Jordan
valley at that part. Josephus {Ant. iv. 8, § 48)
has tir\ TV SfKiry 'Afiofu: Euseb. (OS.* p. 237,
4) 'A$apfi/i. Its most elevated spot was " the
Mount Nebo, 'head' of 'the' Pisgah," from
which Moses viewed the Promised ^nd before
his death. There is nothing to prove that the
Aberim were a range or tract of any length,
but the mention of Ije-Abarim ("heaps of A.")
in Num. xixiii. 44, on the south frontier of Moab,
seems to indicate that the name was applied to
the whole range of hills on the eastern side of
the Dead Sea ; it roust, too, be remembered that
a word derived from the same root as Abarim,
viz. 'Qfl. is the term commonly applied to the
whole of the country on the east of Jordan.
These mountains are mentioned in Num. xxvii.
12, xxxiii. 47, 48, and Deut. xxxii. 49; also-
probably in Jer. xxii. 20, where the word is
rendered in the A. V. "passages," in R. V.
" .\barim."
The mountains of Abarim have recently been
surveyed, and it is now possible to identify with
considerable accuracy the places mentioned in
connexion with them. Moses probably took
his view of the Promised Land from some point
on the ridge of J«6e' Xeba, which runs out west
from the Moabite plateau, sinking gradually, —
at first a broad brown field of arable land, then
a flat top crowned by a ruined cairn, then a
narrower ridge ending in the summit called
SiSghah, whence the slopes fall steeply on all
sides. Tlie name JV«6a (Nebo) applies to the
flat top with the cairn, which has an altitude
of 2644 feet ; and TaTat es-Sufa, which may
contain a reminiscence of the " field of Zophim "
(Num. xxiii. 14), to the ascent leading up to the
ridge from the north ; the word SiSghah,' too,
is possibly the modem form of "Seath," the
burial-place of Moses, which is substituted for
Nebo in the Targum of Onkelos (Num. xxxii. 3).
• MeiriU, however (,Siut qf Jordan, p. MS), does not
believe in the existence of the name 3i4aKah,
B 2
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4 ABBA
Aihdoth-pisgah is probably 'Ayun itiaa, " the
springs of Moses" [AsilDOTH-PlSOAU], and the
camp of the Israelites " in the mountains of
Abarira, before Nebo" (Num. xixiii. 47); the
top of Pisgah in Num. xzi. 20 may be placed
close to J^l Neia on the plain between Hedeba
and HesbboD. Capt. Conder (_Neth and Muab,
pp. 142^) has Identified " the top of Peor "
(Num. xxiii. 28) with a narrow spur which runs
out to Hinyeh, north of the Zeria M'ain, and " the
high places of Baal " (Num. xxii. 41) with the
ridge of UaalMyeh (p. 141). A good account
of this interesting district is given by Capt. Cou-
der (ffeM nnd ifoab, pp. 128-145X who found
some interesting groups of rude stone roonu*
ments, which he supiwses to have been connected
with the sacriBces of ISalaam and the idolatrous
worship of Moab. See also Merrill, £ast of
the Jordan, 240-252 ; Tristram, Land of Moab,
.'!25-330; Paine, American Pal. Exp. Soc., .3rd
Stat., January 1875. [0.] [W.]
AB'BA (NSK, Stat. cmpJi. ; 'APfid : see Ab).
The West-Aramaic equivalent of the Greek i
rarlip (Mk. xiv. 36; Rom. viii. 15; Gal. iv. 6);
perhaps a liturgical formula originating among
the Jews of Palestine after they had become ac-
quainted with the Greek language, and expressing
emphasis by repetition of the same idea. If
so, it illustrate* that fusion of Jew and Greek
which prepared the way for the preaching of the
Gospel to the heathen (Bp. Lightfoot on Oal.
1. c). [P.]
AB'DA (K''I3?, lerrant; or, as in Phoenician,
tervant of Him :' see Kenan, Des Xoma thtaphorei
apocopes, in ' Revue d. £tudes Juives,' v. p. 165.
1. Father of Adouiram (1 K. iv. 6 ; B. 'iippl,
A. 'A0a<i ; Abda). 2. Son of Shammua (Neh. xi,
17; B. 'l«W; K.' 'Affids), called Obadiah in
1 Ch. ii. 16 (B. 'APStia, A. 'O/SSfo ; (Mxba).
[W. A. W.] [P.]
AB-DEE'L (^^?'H3»; Abdeel), father of She-
lemiah (Jcr. xxxvl. 2J ; LxX. omits). [W. A. W.]
ABDI' C^Sl?, my tervant; or, terrxmt of
Him, Renan [Abda]. Olshausen [^Lehrh. p. 613]
prefers = n*^31^. 1. A Merarite of the time
of David and ancestor of Kthan the singer (1
Ch. vi. 44; B. 'Affitl, A. -(; Abdi). 2. The
father of Kiah. A Merarite of the time of
Hezekiah (2 Ch. xxix. 12). From a com-
parison of 2 with 1, it would seem that the
Levitical families repeated ancestral names, or
that such names became the names of families
and not of individualii. 3. One of the B«ne-
Elam in the time of Ezra, who had married
a " strange " (i.;. foreign) wife (Ezra x. 26 ;
B«. 'A/jaeui, A. -io> [W. A. W.] [P.]
ABDIAS. The prophet Obadiah (2 Fjd.
i. 39). [W. A. W.]
ABDI-EL (V«'"n3», aeroant of God; A.
'a/3Ma, B. 'AjSSt^A ;' 'Ab<Uel), son of Guni (1
Ch. v. 15). The name corresponds to the Arabic
Abdallah. Milton {Paradise Lost, v. 805, 89G)
applies it to " the Seraph faithful found among
the faithless, faithful only he." [W. A. W.] [FJ
AB'DON {^"^yO, tertUe ; B. 'A0S<iy, A. Aafi-
Sii/i; Abdon). 1. The eleventh out of the
twelve judges (Judg. xii. 1.3, 15). He judged
Israel eight years, and bad forty sons and thirty
ABEL
sons' sons, who rode, in token of their rank,
upon asses. He is not to be confounded with
Bedan, in 1 Sam. xii. 11. 2. Son of Shashak
(1 Ch. viii. 23; B. 'AfiaSif, A. 'AffSiir). 8.
First-born son of Jeiel, father of Gibeon (1 Ch.
viii. 30, B. 'A0a\ir ; iz. 36, BM. 3a$a»(it>, A.
3a$S<iv), i.e. the head of the house of Gibeon.
4. Son of Micah, a contem|)orary of Josiah
(2 Ch. xxxiv. 20 ; A. 'APSiir, B. 'APSoSiti), called
Achbor, son of Micaiab, in 2 K. xxii. 12.
[W.A.W.] [1-.]
AB'DOK (fn2V ; A. 'APSiy, B. Aa$0i>f in
Josh. {. c, 'Afiapir in 1 Ch. I. c. ; Abdon"), i.e.
sereile, a city in the tribe of Asher, given ti>
the Gershonites (Josh. xxi. SO ; 1 Ch. vi. 74).
No place of this name appears in the list of the
towns of Asher (Josh. xix. 24-31) ; but instead
we find (». 28) p3», " Hebron,"' which is I he-
same word, with the change freqnent in Hebrew
of T for ^. Indeed many MSS. have Abdon in
Josh. xix. 28 (Ges. p. 980 ; Winer, a. v.) ; but, ou
the other hand, all the ancient Versions retain
the r (e.g. Vulg. Abran') except B., which has
'Eh$(iy (A. 'Axpio; 17 MSS. have 'Efifxir).
Identified by Gu^rin {Oalilde, ii. S5, 36) with
'Abdeh, small ruins east of et-Zih (AchzibX on
a low bill overlooking the plain of Acre (P. F.
Mem. i, 170). There are also rnins called
'Abdun, close to Dor. The name occurs in
Arabia Petraea, and is written in the older
itineraries 'EpOa. [G.] [W.]
ABED-NEGO (^Jjnjl!, or [once in Dan. iii.
29] K^33 '0; 'APStyceyii ; Abdenago), l.e. set-cant
of Xego, a copyist's mistake for Nebo, the Baby-
lonian name of the planet Mercury, worshipped
as the scribe and interpreter of the gods (Gesen.
ITtes. : Duncker-Abbott, Hist, of Antiq. i. 268 :
Sayce, Hibbert Lectures, p. 115). A statue
of the god, found at Nimrnd, is in the British
Museum (see Hommel, Gesckichte liabyloniens-
Assyriens, p. 629). Abed-nebo occurs (B.C. 683)
in a " registry " tablet from the record oflBce of
the Assyrian kings, as the name of a witnesi to :i
deed of sale (see Speaker's Commentary on Daniel
[1881], p. 243.) Compounds with Abed arc not
infrequent in Babylonian names (see Schroder,
KAT.', p. 430). Aliednego (or -nebo) was the
Babylonian name given to Azariah (Dan. i. 7),
one of the three friends of Daniel, miraculously
saved from the burning fiery furnace (Dan. iii.).
[Azariah, No. 10.] [F.]
A'BEL (?3K = meadow, according to Go-
senjus,* who derives it from a root signifying
moisture like that of grass), the name of several
places in Palestine : —
1. A'BEl/-BETH-MA'ACnAH (HSVO 71*3 'N-
see below and Maachah ; 2 Sam. xx. 15, A.
'A0iA iv B-neimxi, B. *A/3iA tV Bai9^x<( ;
Abela et Bethmaacha: 1 K. xv. 20, A. 'AfllX
ovKov [sic] Waaxi, B. 'AttKiiiB; Abel domum-
Maacha: 2 K. xv. 29, B. ri/y 'AP^K icol r)|»
9aiuutxii, A. r. KoiSiA k. t. Bc/i/taaxif; Abel
domiaa-Maacha ; R. V. Abel-Mh-MaacaK), a town
• The Ai» Is here rendered bjr H. The H in the n'vll-
Known Hebron represents Ch. Usually Ain Is not
expressed in the Antboriied Version.
' The Cbsldec Targum frequently renders .\bel by
Mithor, a level rpot or plain generally. Cp Ltgarde,
Cebertitktab.d.imAram.,Arab.,u. Bibr. UN. BiMuttff
<*. .Vami'na , pp 46, 76.
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ABEL
ot somt unport&nce (wi\ts koI laftfiwokn, " a
L'itr Ui3 1 motlier in Israel," 2 Sam. ix. 1 9), in the
ettmiie N. of Palestine ; twice named with other
|iUea in the order from north to south ; once Ijon,
iMii, Abel, and all Cinneroth; and again Ijon,
Abel, Janoah, Kedesb, Hazor ; and as such falling
.ID early prey to the invading kings of Syria (IK.
ir. 20) and Assyria (2 K. xr. 29). In the parallel
parage, 2 Ch. xvi. 4, the name is changed
to .KbA Maim, Dn3 'K = "Abel on the waters."
Hfre Sheba was overtaken and besieged by
Joab (2 Sam. xx. 14, 15); and the city was
sared by the exercise on the part of one ot
its inhabitants of that sagacity for which it
was prorerbial (v. 18). In w. 14 and 18 it is
simply Abel, and in t. 14 is apparently distin-
fished from Beth-maacha : the full name may
iwuibly hare been Abel near Beth-maacha. It
V3S possibly a colony of, and derived its name
from, the small Aramean kingdom of Maacha.
•losephns {Ant. vii. 12, § 5) gives the form 'AfitK-
Xilr), and apparently places it near the northern
boundary of Israel. It is probably the modern
M, or Milet-Kiam/i, a small Christian village on
the left bank of the A'altr Bareigit, which Bows
from the 3ferj 'Ayin. The village is situated
on so isolated oval hill that rises above a plain
of rich basaltic soil which produces fine wheat,
•hence the name el-Kamh ; there are traces of
oM foundations and a spring (P. F. Mem. i. 85,
107). It possibly derives its name Abel Haim
from the stream that rashes past the western
slope of the mound, or from the neighbouring
Jfrr/ 'Ayin, which is rich in springs. Stanley
{S. and P. p. 390, note) places it to the south
in the marshy region of Lake Huleh ; Ensebius
sad Jerome between Paneas and Damascus.
a, A'BEl^HA'ai (D^ ^3K; A. 'AJJeA/iafv,
B. -^; Abebnaim). 2 Cb. xvi. 4. [ABEL, 1.]
a A'bel-miz'buu (Ui(zraim), W.'Vp U
according to the etymology of the text, the
moaniing of Egypt, viytot Atyirrov, Planctta
Aegypti (this meaning, however, requires a
diSerent pointing, ?3^ for ?3K): the name
liven W the Canaanites to the floor of Atad, at
which Joseph, his brothers, and the Egyptians
made their mourning for Jacob (Gen. 1. 11). It
was '^S, " beyond " Jordan, an expression used
fw either east or west of the river, according to
the position of the speaker. Jerome identifies
it with B«th-Hogla (now 'Ain Uajla), near the
river, on its vest bank. No authority is given
for this identification, which necessitates the
"=irriage of Jacob's body by a long circuitous
roate through Moab and round the north end of
the Dead St-a to Hebron. A more natural
position would be some station on the direct
larsvan road from Egypt to Hebron, possibly
near the territory of the Canaanite king Arad.
[Atad.]
4. .A'BEl^nrr'Tni (with the article 'R
a^yn, " the meadow of the acacias " [the Sam.
Cod. omits the article]; B. BcAo-a, A. BcA-
•••ttI^ F. -*lr; Abelaatim); in the "plains"
(ra'^V=the deserts) of Moab by Jordan- Jericho,
or in that portion of the Jordan valley which
WIS opposite Jericho and belonged to Hoab.
Mere — their last resting-place before crossing
tke Jordan — Israel " pitched from Beth-jesimoth
ABEL 5
unto Abel-shittim " (Num. izxiii. 49). The place
is most frequently mentioned by its shorter
name of Shittim. [Shittix.] In the days of
Josephua it was still known as Abila, — the town
embosomed in palms* (0irou vvy "wiKts itrrXv
'A/3iA4, ^aifunJ^vTOf 8* tarX rh xiifiov. Ant.
iv. 8, § Vy, 60 stadia from the river (v. 1, § 1).
It was taken by Placidus, with Julias Besimoth
and other villages near the Dead Sea (B. J. iv.
7, § 6). Jerome, in his commentary on the third
chapter of Joel, places it six Roman miles from
Livias. The Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds
give twelve miles as the distance between Abel-
shittim and Beth-joshimoth. Now probably
Kefrein, on a rocky slope east of Jordan, near
the northern margin of the fertile plain called
Seiteban. There is abundant water at Kefrein
and some shapeless ruins, including those of a
citadel on a small isolated rock. Near the
western edge of the plain there arc still many
acacia trees, " shittim " (Tristram, Laiid of
Israel, 523-525). , _
8. A'bel-ukiio'laii (Mec/iolah, rpinp 'tt.
"meadow of the dance."' In Judg. vii. 22
[Vulg. V. 23], B. 'APttiitovXd, A. BatrcA/teawXd ;
in 1 K. iv. 12, B. 'E/SeA^uwAd, A. 'AjSeA-
^laouXd ; in 1 K. xix. 16, B. 'E^aX/ioovXcC, A.
'A0t\puui\; Abel-Meuia, Abelmehula), named
with Bethshean (Scythopolis) and Jokneam (1 K.
iv. 12), and therefore in the N. part of the Jordan
valley (Euseb. iy ry AiMfi,03.' p. 243, 36). To
"the border (the 'lip' or 'brink*) of Abel-
meholah," and to Beth-shittali (the " house of the
acacia "), both places being evidently down in the
Jordan valley, the routed Bedouin host fled from
Gideon (Judg. vii. 22). Here Elisha was found at
his plough by Elijah returning up the valley from
Horeb (1 K. xix. 16-19). In Jerome's time the
name had dwindled to 'AjBcA/t^o. Probably at
'Ain el-ffelteeh, " sweet spring," at the southern
end of the Bethshean plain, where the western
hills approach the Jordan, and close to an ancient
road. There are ruins near the spring, and
the position agrees with that indicated by
Eusebius and Jerome (cp. P. F. Mem. ii. 231).
6. A'bei/-cera'iiui (Q^I? 'K ; B. *E3<X-
Xopja*'/') -A- 'A^A ifirtXavAy ; Abel gum eat
vineis con»ita\ in the A, V. rendered " the plain
(marg. ' Abel ') of the vineyards ; " R. V. Abel-
cheramim; R. V. ninrg. Me meadow of vine-
yards: a place eastward of Jordan, beyond
Aroer ; named as the point to which Jephthah's
pursuit of the Bene-.\mmon extended (Judg.
xi. 33). A Kififi iiiTfho^pos 'A$t\ is men-
tioned by Eusebius as t> (Jerome, 7) miles
beyond Philadelphia (Kabbah); and another,
olyo<f>6pos KoXoviiivri, more to the N. 12 miles £.
from Gadara, below the Hieromax. The site
of the former hns not yet been identified ; (he
latter, the modem Abil, is still found in the
same position (Ritter, Syiia, p. 1058). There is
another Kcfr Abil on the Roman road from Pella
to Genua, between the former place and Wady
Yibis. The passage (Judg. xi. 33) possibly
means that Jephthah drove the Ammonites out of
Gilead (comp. vv. 13, 22), in which case Aroer
• It was amoopt these palms, aooording to Jo-
sephus, that Deuteronomy was delivered by Moses.
See tbe passage above cited.
<■ If Mectaolah always Implies a rellgloni dance, Abel-
Hecbolah was probably a sanctuary.
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6
ABEL
ABIA
on the ArnoQ and Abel-ceramim (Abit) on the
Hieromax would be the limits of the district
freed. The position of Abel-ceramim depends
upon that of Miouith, which is still unknown ;
it is placed by Jerome (05.' p. 171,4) four miles
from Ueshbon on the road to Philadelphia. Oli-
phant {Land o/ GUead, p. 420) identifies it with
MinehfU station on the Haj rood north of KaTat
Zerka. There is also a Minkh south of Mount
Nebo. There were at least three places with the
name of Aroer on the further side of the Jordan.
[Aboer.]
7. rhnvxh"^. " The great ' Abel ' (»iar;,.
' stone ; ' Abel MagHWii) in the field of Joshua
the Bethshemite " (1 Sam. vi. 18). By com-
parisou with re. 14 and 13, it would seem that
for 73K should be read {SK = stone. So the
LXX., Targum, R. V., and most modern scholars.
The translators of A. V., by the insertion of
" stone of," seem to have taken a middle course.
The view that Abel was the name subsequently
given to the spot in reference to the "mourn-
ing " (l73Sn^) there (v. 19) has now no sup-
iwrters. In the Jewish traditions it was an altar
erected by Abraham. M. C Ganneau (/•. F.
Qy. Stat, 1877, pp. 154-6X reading Eben for
Abel, connects the spot with Eben-ezer (1 Sam.
iv. 1), where the Israelites encamped before the
disastrous battle in which the ark was lost.
This place he identifies with Vclr 'Abdn, two
miles east of 'Ain S/icms, " Bethshemesh," and
viose to the Roman road to Jerusalem. Eusebius
and Jerome (0S.» pp. 132, 20; 243, 15) place
Abenezer ('AfifrtCip) near Bethsames on the road
from £lia to Ascalon, a position which answers
well to that of Deir 'Abdn. [G.] [W.]
A'BEL (^35; 'A/3«A; 4bcl ; i.e. breath,
vapour, transitoriness), a name expressive gene-
rally (<i) of the transitoriness of man considered
by himself apart from God and God's promises ;
or (t) of the mother's recognition of the brevity
and fr.nilty of human life after the fall ; in
the latter case the child would have been so
named at his birth. Others consider Abel to
have been so chilled from the shortness of his
life (cp. Ps. xxxii. 6; Job vii. 16). He was the
second son of Adam, and was murdered by his
brother Cain (Gen. iv. 1-16). Jehovah showed
respect for Abel's oflering, but not for that of
Cain; because, according to Hebrews xi. 4, Abel
" by faith oflercd a more excellent sacrifice than
Cain." The expression " sin " (taken in the sense
of a sin-offering) " li<;th at the door " (Gen. iv. 7),
seems to imply that the need of sacrifices of
blood to obtain forgiveness was already revealed.
Others, questioning as anachronistic the inter-
pretation " sin-ofl'ering," take the sentence to
refer to the danger to which Cain was exposing
himself by his wrath. Sin, like a crouching
beast, was preparing to spring upon him
(see int. al. Delltzsch [1887], Harold Browne
[Speaker's Commentary'], Payne Smith [EUicott's
Commentan/], on Gen. iv. 7). On account of
Abel's faith, St. Augustine makes Abel the type
of the new regenerate man ; Cain that of the
natural man (<fo Civ. Dei, xv. 1). St. Chrysos-
tom observes that Abel offered the best of his
flock — Cain that which was most readily pro-
cured (Ilatii. in Gen. xviii. 5 : cp. the Midrash
Kabbah, Par. ixii. in Hamburger, HE. s. n.
Hebel, or in Wiinsche's Sammlung Alter Midra-
achim, 4" Lieferung, pp. 98, &c.). Jesus Christ
spoke of htm as the first " martyr " (Matt, xxiii.
35) ; so did the early Church subsequently. Kor
Christian traditions, see Iren. v. 67 ; Chrysost.
Horn, in Gen. xlx. ; Cedren. Jiist. 8 ; Wetzer u.
Welte's KL.* s. n. : for those of the Rabbins and
Mahommedans, see Kisenmenger, Entdeckt. JuJ.
i. 462, 832 ; Hamburger, op. cit. ; Uottinger,
Hist. Or. 24 ; Ersch and Gruber, Encyklop. s. v. ;
and the A'ur-an, ch. t. The place of his murder
and his grave are pointed out near Damascus
(Pococke, b. ii. 168); and the neighbouring
peasants tell a curious tradition respecting his
burial (Stanley, S. and P. p. 413).
In modern times the interpretation of Abel
hits been traced to the Assyrian Aa6aJ=sou, a
word not infrequent in proper names (f.g. Asur-
nusir-habal ; Nabu-habul-usur), and imported
from the Sumerian-Accadian (Schrader, KA T.',
p. 44) ; but such an interpretation, if suitable to
the first-born son of the first man, does not
seem appropriate to the younger brother (cp.
Uelitzsch). The fondness for the pastoral life,
in which — as distinguished from the agricul-
tural life — the Israelites delighted in the earlier
days of their existence, has been traced with
some probability to their .ittachment to the
memory and calling of Abel. To Christians,
.\bel the shepherd became a type of Christ, '■ the
just One," the "good Shepherd," "brought
like a lamb to the slaughter," and offering the
" blood of sprinkling that sjieaketh better than
tiMt of Abel " (Heb. xii. 24, R. V.). For the sect
of the Abelonii (or Abelito:) see s. e. in Dictionary
of Christian Biography. [R. W. B.] [F.]
A'BEZ (f^^, in pause fJK ; B. 'Pt04s, A.
'At/It ; Abes ; R. V. Ebet), a town in the posses-
sion of Issachar, named between Kishion and
Remeth, in Josh. xix. 20, only. Gescnius {Thes.)
mentions as a possible derivation of the name,
that the Chaldee for tin is t(V3M. Some
derive it and the name Ibzan from an unused
root (= to shine, hence to be high) applied to
high places and positions. Others connect it
with an Arabic root, to be white. Possibly,
however, if the boundary of Issachar may be
carried so far to the south, the word is a c<:>r-
ruption of }*3J5, Thebez, now Tibds, a town,
9 miles S.E. of Engannim, which otherwise ha.s
escaped mention in the list in Joshua. Condor
(,1/dblt. to Bible, 401) identifies it with A'A.
et-Beidha, on the plain of Esdraelon, between
Tell Keimun (Jokneam) and Beit La/an (Beth-
lehem), but this place must have been included
within the border of Zebulun. [G.] [W.]
ABI' (^3K, /<riA<r= progenitor ; "AjSou ; Abi),
wife of Ahaz, and mother of king Hezekiah
(2 K. xviii. 2). The name is written Abijaii
(No. 6, nj3K) in 2 Ch. xxii. 1. Her father'-
name was Zechariah. He was perhaps the
Zechariah mentioned by Isaiah (viii. 2).
[R. W. B.] [F.]
ABFA, ABI'AH, or ABI'JAH (nj3K=
ln*3K, my father [or a father] is Jah ; 'Affia ;
Abia). Many proper names are compounded of
'3S (father, or my father). The sense in
which this is to be understood is uncertain;
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ABI-AIiBON
ABIATHAB
perhaps in some ca<es it may be a title of
God (cp. Ewalil, Lekrb. p. 615 ; Mestic, Israelii.
Eujoaamm, p. 182 iq. ; Fr. Delitzsch, Protegg.
z. Ha.-Aram. Worterb. p. 200 tq.). 1. Son of
Becher, the son of BenjiimiD (1 Ch. vii. 8,
B. 'A^ioiiS, A. 'Afitov). 2. Wife of Hezron
(I Ch. ii. 24). 8. Second <oD of Samuel, whom
together vith hus eldest son Joel he made judges
in Beertheba (1 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Ch. vi. 28). The
corruptness of their administration wa* the
reason alleged bj the Israelites for their de-
manding a king. 4. Mother of king Uezekiah
[Abj]. S. Or Abijam, the son of Rehobuam
(1 Ch. iiL 10, B. 'ABfla; Matt. i. 7). 6. De-
scendant of Eleazar, and chief of the eighth of
the tneoty-foar courses of priesls (Luke i. 5).
Cp. Abuah (No. 4). For other persona of thia
name, see Abuah. [B. W. B.] [F.]
ABI-AL'BON. [Abiel.]
ABI-A'SAPH, otherwiae written EBI-
ASAPH («ip«»5K, Ex. Ti. 24, B. 'ABuurip,
F. •A$dra<t> ;' and ff^M in 1 Ch. vi. 8 [LXX.
and Volg. c. 23], B. ''Affmiiip, A. 'Afiiaaii^ ;
in 1 Ch. Ti. 22 [LXX. and Vulg. t. 37],
B. 'Afiioffip, A. 'A0uuri^; in 1 'Ch. ix. 19,
B. 'A^ioirsp; AbUuaph: according to Simonii
{bat improbably), " cujus patrem abstulit DeJis,"
with reference to the death of Korah, as related
in Nam. xri. ; but according to MV." my father
Sath ijathered ; compare ({DK, Asaph, 1 Ch. vi.
39). He was the head of one of the families
«f the Korbites (a house of the Kohathites),
hat his precise genealogy is somewhat uncer-
tain. In Ex. ri. 24, he appears at first sight
to be represented as one of the sons of Korah,
and as the brotbar of Assir and Elkanah. But
in 1 Ch. Ti. he appears as the son of El-
kanah, the son of Assir, the son of Korah.
The natural inference from this would be that
in Ex.tL 24 the expression " the sons of Korah "
merely means the families into which the house
of the Korhites was subdivided. But if so, the
Terse in Exodus must be a later insertion than
the time of Moses, as in Moses' lifetime the
^eat-grandson of Korah could not have been
the head of a family. And it is remarkable
that the verse is quite out of its place, and
appears improperly to separate ver. 25 and
ver. 23, which both relate to the house of Aaron.
If, however, this inference is not correct, then
the Ebiasaph of 1 Ch. vi. is a different person
from the Abiasaph of Ex. vi., viz. his great-
nephew. But this does not seem probable. It
appears from 1 Ch. ix. 19, that that branch of
the descendants of Abiasnph of which Shallum
was chief were porters, " keepers of the gates of
the tabernacle ; " and from ver. 31 that Matti-
thiah, " the first-bom of Shallum the Korahite,
had the set office over the things that were
made in the pans," apparently in the time of
Darid. From Xeh. xii. 25 we learn that
Abiasapb's family was not extinct in the days of
Kthemiah ; for the family of MeshuUam (which
is the same as Shallum), with Talmon and
Akkob, (till filled the office of porters, " keeping
the ward at the threshold of the gate." Other
remarkable descendants of Abiasaph, according
to the text of 1 Ch. vi 33-37, were Samuel the
prophet and Elkanah bis father (1 Sam. i. 1),
and Heman the singer ; but Ebinsaph seems to
be improperly inserted in t>. 37.* The posses-
sions of those Kohathites who were nut descended
from Aaron, consisting of ten cities, lay in the
tribe of Ephraim, the half-tribe of Uauasseh, and
the tribe of Dan (Josh. xxi. 20-26 ; 1 Ch. vi. 61).
The family of Elkanah the Kohatbite resided in
Mount Ephraim (1 Sam. i. 1). [A. C. H.]
ABI-ATHABO^',39 > 'Afiuaip; Abiathar;
but the version of Santes Pagninus has Ebiathar,
according to the Hebrew points. In Mark ii. 26,
it is 'A0ii8ttp. According to Gescnius = father of
excellence, or abundance ; according to Olshausen
\_Lehrb. p. 620] = my father excels. The exact
meaning is uncertain). Abiathar was that one of
all the sons of Ahimelech the high-priest who
escaped the slaughter inflicted upon his father's
house by Saul, at the instigation of Doeg the Edo-
mite (see title to Ps. lii, and the Psalm itself), in
revenge for his having inquired of the Lord for
David, and given him the shewbread to eat and
the sword of Goliath the Philistine, as is related
in 1 Sam. xxii. We are there told that when
Doeg slew in Nob on that day fourscore and five
persons that did wear a linen ephod, " one of the
sonsof Ahimelech the son of Ahitub, named Abia-
thar, escaped and fled after David;" and it is
added in 1 Sam. xxiii. 6, that when he did so " he
came down with an ephod in his hand," and was
thus enabled to inquire of the Lord for David (1
Sam. xxiii. 9, xxx. 7 ; 2 Sam. ii. I, v. 19, &c).
The fact of David having been the unwilling causa
of the death of all Abiathar's kindred, coupled
with his gratitude to his father Ahimelech for
his kindness to him, made him a firm and sted-
fast friend to Abiathar all his life. Abiathar on
his part was firmly attached to David. He
adhered to him in his wanderings while pursued
by Saul ; he was with him while he reigned in
Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 1-3), the city of the house
of Aaron (Josh. xxi. 10-13) ; he carried the ark
before him when David brought it up to Jeru-
salem (1 Ch. XV. 11 ; 1 K. ii. 26); he continued
faithful to him in Absalom's rebellion (2 Sam.
XV. 24, 29, 35, 36, xvii. 15-17, xlx. 11); and
" was aflSicted in all wherein David was
afflicted." He was also one of David's chief
counsellors (1 Ch. xxvii. 34). When, however,
Adonijah set himself up for David's successor on
the throne in opposition to Solomon, Abiathar,
either persuaded by Joab, or in rivalry to Zadok,
or under some influence which cannot now be
discovered, sided with him, and was one of his
chief partisans, while Zadok was on Solomon's
side. For this Abiathar was banished to his
native village, Anathoth, in the tribe of Ben-
jamin (Josh. xxi. 18), and narrowly escaped
with his life, which was spared by Solomon only
on the score of his long and faithful service
to David his father. He was no longer per-
mitted to perform the functions, or enjoy the
prerogatives, of the high-priesthood. For we
arc distinctly told that "Solomon thrust out
Abiathar from being priest to the Lord ; " and
that " Zadok the priest did the king put in the
room of Abiathar" (I K. ii. 27, 35). So that
we must understand the assertion in 1 K. iv. 4,
that in Solomon's reign " Zadok and Abiathar
were the priests," as simply stating the his-
torical fact that they were the priests at the
• See rAe Otnealogia of our Lord and Smiour Jenu
OirUt, by Lord Arthur Uervey, p. 210, and p. 21i, note-
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8
ABIATHAR
ABIEL
begioning of Solomon's reign. Ver. 2, which
tells us that " Atariah the son of Zadok " was
"the priest," — a declaration conKrmed by
1 Ch. vi. 10, — refers to the eleventh year of his
reign when the Temple was finished. It is pro-
bable that Abiathar did not long survive David.
He is not mentioned again, and he must have
been far advanced in years at Solomon's accession
to the throne.
There am one nr two other difficulties con-
nected with Abiathar, to which a brief reference
must be made before we conclude this article. (1.)
In 2 Sam. viii. 17*, and in the dnplicate passage
1 Ch. xviii. 16 (K* 'A3i<a0«», and in 1 Ch. xxir.
3, 6, 31, we have Ahimekch substituted for
Abiathai; and Ahimelech the son of Abiathar
instead of Abiathar the son of AhimeleJh. Whereas
in 2 Sam. ix. 25, and in every other passage in
the 0. T., we are uniformly told that it was
Abiathar who was priest with Zadok in David's
reign, and that he was the son of Ahimelech,
and that Ahimelech was the son of Ahitub.
The difficulty is increased by finding Abiathar
spoken of as the high-priest in whose time David
ate the shewbread (see Mark ii. 26, and Alford
in loc.). However, the evidence in favour of
David's friend being Abiathar the son of Ahime-
lech preponderates so strongly, and the impossi-
bility of any rational reconciliation is so clear,
that one can only suppose, with Procopius of
Gaza, an error here (cp. WcUhausen, d. Text d.
ISB. Sun. p. 177). The mention o( Abiathar by
our Lord, in Mark ii. 26, might perhaps be
accounted for, if Abiathar was the person
who persuaded his father to allow David to
have the bread, and if, ns is probable, the
loaves were Abiathar's (Lev. xxiv. 9), and
given by him with his own hand to David.
The expression i ipxtfpfis is the equivalent of
ttl^^t "the priest," applied to Ahimelech
thronghont 1 Sam. xxi. and xxii., and equally
applicable to Abiathar if he was the chief
officiating priest under his father.
(2.) Another difficulty concerning Abiathar is
to determine his position relatively to Zadok,
and to account for the double high-priesthood,
and for the advancement of the line of Ithamar
over that of Eleazar. A theory has been in-
vented that Abi-ithar was David's, and Zadok
Saul's high-priest, but it seems to rest on no
solid ground. The facts of the cose are these : —
Ahimelech, the sou of Ahitub, the son of
I'hiuehns, the son of Eli, was high-priest in the
reign of Saul. On his death his son Abiathar
became high-priest. The first mention of 2!adok
is in 1 Ch. xii. 28, where he is described as " a
young man mighty of valour," and is said to
have joined David while he reigned in Hebron,
in company with Jehoiada, " the leader of the
Aarunites." From this time we read, both in
the books of Samuel and Chronicles, of " Zadok
and Abiathar the priests," Zadok being always
» Klostemunn ^Kurzg^. Kommmtar lu A. u. S. T.,
old. Strtck u. Zuckler, 1881) supposes In loco that such
words as "inUN '30^ (cp- 1 Sam. Ul. 1, 11. 18) have
fmllen out of the text after D'JHD- Hackett (D. B.,
Amer. cd.) mentions tbe opinion that Ahimelech and
Ablslhar were hereditary names In the fomllv, and hence
that the father and son could have borne these names
reiipectivelj-, and this view I* accepted by most
modems. [F.]
named first. And yet we are told that Solomen
on his accession put Zadok in the room of
Abiathar. Perhaps the true state of the case
was, that Abiathar was the first and Zadok the
second priest ; but that from the superior
strength of the house of Eleazar (of which Zadok
was head), which enabled it to furnish sixteen oat
of the twenty-four courses (1 Ch. xxiv.), Zadok
acquired considerable influence with David ; and
that this, added to his being the heir of the elder
line, and perhaps also to some of the passages
being written alter tbe line of Zadok was esta-
blished in the high-priesthood, led to the pre-
cedence given him over Abiathar. We have
already suggested the possibility of jealousy of
Zadok being one of the motives which inclinetl
Abiathar to join Adonijah's faction. It is most
remarkable how, first, Saul's cruel slaughter of
the priests at Nob, and then the political error
of the wise Abiathar, led to the fulfilment of
God's denunciation against the house of Eli, as
the writer of 1 K. ii. 27 leads us to observe
when he says that " Solomon thrust out Abiathar
from being priest unto the Lord, that he might
fulfil the word of the Lord which He spake con-
cerning tl^ house of Eli in Shiloh." See alsa
Joseph. Ant. viii. 1, §§ 3, 4. [A. C. H.]
A'BIB. [MOSTIIS.]
ABI-OAH and ABI-OA (IH'^N, apparently
= my father knoiceth ; B. 'AfitiSi, A. -i- [in 1 Ch.
/. c.]; AD. 'A$ipi [in Gen. /. c] ; Abida), a son
of Midian and grandson of Abraham by Keturah
(Gen. XXV. 4 ; 1 Ch. i. 33). [E. S. P.]
ABI-DAN (JT5X, my father ie judge ; A.
'AjSiSiy, B. -«-; Abidan), chief of the tribo
of Benjamin at the time of the Exodus (Num. i.
11, ii. 22, vii. 60, 65, i. 24). [W. A. W.] [K.]
ABI-EL (^et'JK, my father [or, a fat/ier}
is Ood [or EQ ; A. 'Afit^X, B. -..- ; Abicl).
1. The father of Kish, and consequently grand-
father of Saol (1 Sam. ix. 1), as well as o^
Abner, Saul s commander-in-chief (1 Sam. xiv.
51, B. 'Afiti^p). In the genealogy in I Ch. viii.
33, ix. 39, Ner is made the father of Kish, and
the name of Abiel is omitted, but the correct
genealogy according to Samuel is :—
Abiel
I
Klsb Ner
I I
Saul Abner
a. 'AjSi^A. One of David's thirty "mightr
men " (1 Ch. xi. 32). The view that Abi-Alboo
(2 Sam. xxiii. 31) is an alternative for Abiel is
very improbable (Driver). The reading Abiel in
2 Sam. is supported by B. (at end of ch. xxiii., ed.
Swete, p. 666), FoJ o3 1 J| A i;»j = p^l/OX Wi'
and the Luc. Recension raAo-aSi^t. Holmes atii
Parsons give twelve MSS. with 'AJJi^A, and
eleven with 'Apii\. Klostermann's suggestion
here (note in loco in Strack u. ZSckler's JCgf.
Komm.) is to some not unreasonable. p3 in
\\27V ('Albon) may be a corruption of n*a, and
he would read ^ni*)^ n% ^*3K (instead
of 'T»ri |i3^»-»3K), Abiel of Betharaba (ep.
Josh. XV. 6, 61), called Arabah in Josh, xvrii.
18. [R. W. B.] [F.]
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ABIEZEB
ABI-E'ZEK CW »3K, father of help; in
Josh. /. c. A. *Axi<'C<p> B. 'U(*i ; in Num. /. c.
[L\X. t. 34], "Axi^C'p; A»i«*(T). 1. Eldest
><ii of Gilead, and descendant of Machir and
Manasseh, and apparently at one time the leading
familr of the tribe (Josh. xrii. 2 ; Num. xxvi.
.'!0, where the name is giren in the contracted
farm of TllPVi, Jezer), In the genealogies of
Chronicles, Abieier is, in the present state of
the teit, said to have sprang from the sister of
(iilesd (1 Cb. Tii. 18). Originally, therefore,
the fitmilj was with the rest of the house of
Gilead on the east of Jordan ; but when first
met with in the history, some part at least of
it had crossed the Jordan and established itself
at Ophrah, now probably Ferata, a village five
miles W.S.W. of Sbechem, and not far from the
borders of Ephraim, the old name of which was
Ophrah (Sua. Chron.). See V. /'. Mem. ii. 162.
Hen, when the fortunes of his family were at
the lowest — " my ' thousand ' is ' the poor one '
in Manasseh " (Judg. vi. 15) — was born the great
jadge Gideon, destined to raise bis own house
to almost royal dignity (Stanley, p. 229), and to
achicre for his country one of the most signal
deliTerances recorded in their whole history.
[Gioeok; Opbrah.]
i. One of Darid s " mighty men " (2 Sam.
uiiL 27, B. 'Kfittiiff, AB^ 'A^k'C'P ; 1 Cb. zi.
.■«, iiTii. 12, B. •A$U{(p). [G.] [W.]
ABI-EZ'BrrE (nwn »5K: B. warper r«S
'SaSftl in Jodg. ri. 11° [A. «. 'AjSi<0>Oi 24 [A.
r. T. !<(/>(]; B. 'A^ifffSfxl in Judg. Tiii. 32,
A. »p? 'A$it(p*i : pater familiae Etri [tL 1 1],
iamUia Etri [ri. 24, riii. 32]). The designation
is giren to Joash the father of Gideon, and is
descriptive of a descendant of Abiezer, or Jeezer,
the SOB of Gilead (Judg. vi. 11, 24; riii. 32),
aid thence also called Jeezerite (Nom. zxvi.
30; tee Abiezeb, No. 1). In Judg. vi. 24,
Tiii. 32, the A. V. and R. V. both use the plural
"Abiexiites" for the collective Hebrew singular.
The Peshito and Targum both regard th e fi rst part
of the word " Abi " as an appellative, " father of,"
as also the LXX. and Vulgate. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABIGAIL (^:i»3K, or S3»?N [Kethib,
'iMl MV." =fat'her'o/joy, Olshausen [X«Ar6.
f. 616] = my father ii joy ; 'AjSryaio, B. -«i- ;
Migait). 1. The beautiful wifeofNabal, a wealthy
owner of goatsnnd sheep inCarmel. When David's
messengers were slighted by Nal>al, Abigail took
the blame upon herself, supplied David and his
followers with provisions, and succeeded in ap-
peasing his anger. Ten days after this Nabal
<ti«d, and David sent for Abigail and made her
lis wife (1 Sam. xxv. 14 uq.). By her he
lad a son, called Chileab in 2 Sam. iii. 3, but
Uaaiel (6. Atyu't^A ; Daniel) in 1 Cb. iii. 1.
He may well have borne both names (Keil).
2. A sister of David, married to Jether the
Ithauutite, and mother, by him, of Amasa (1
Ch. ii. 17). In 2 Sam. xvii. 25 she {Abig(U) is
^iKribed as the daughter of Nahosh, sister to
Zeniiah, Joab's mother, and as marrying Ithra
(iBotiier form of Jether) an Itraelite. A. has
here IvitatiAtirris ( B. 'Iirp- ), a reading ac-
npted by Tbenius, Keil, and Wellhansen. There
nraU, it is tbonght, be no reason for re-
<^ing a marriage with nn Israelite; but the
wcBJnstance of David's sister marrying a
ABIJAU
9
heathen Ishmaelite deserved mention (Thenius,
Exeg. Handb. Sam. /. c). Lucian has the reading
6 'Uipav\lTris (= '^Knt»n), but there is no
place called hfU'W. [R. W. B.] [F.]
ABIHA'IL (^!n'3M, Ges. = father o/ might.
1. A. "A/SixofA, B. -«i-, F. 'Afiixala; Abihaiel.
Father of Zuriel, chief of the Levitical family of
Merari, a contemporary of Moses (Num. iii. 35).
2. Wife of Abishur (1 Ch. ii. 29).
8. A. 'APixala, B. -«- ; Abihail. Son of
Huri, of the tribe of Gad (1 Ch. v. 14).
4. Wife of Reboboam (2 Ch. zi. 18 ; AbihatC).
She is called the daughter, i.«. a descendant of
Cliab, the elder brother of David.
5. 'KiuiiaS6fi ; Abihail. Father of Esther and
uncle of ilordecai (Esth. ii. 15, iz. 29).
The names of Nos. 2 and 4 are written in some
MSS. ^'ri'JK (B. 'A/Jwxoio, A 'Aptyaia in 1 Ch.
ii. 29; B. Bafoy, B.*""^ 'Afieday, A. 'A/JioiiA.
in 2 Ch. xi. 18X which may be conjectured t»
be a mistake fur or variation of yn ^^M.
[R.W. b!] [F.]
ABIHU (Wn«3K, my Fatteris IIe';'A$toiti
AUti), the second son (Num. iii. 2) of Aaron by
Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23), who, with hia father and his.
elder brother Nadab and seventy elders of Israel,
accompanied Moses to the summit of Sinai (Ex.
xxiv. 1). Being together with Nadab guilty of
offering strange fire (Lev. x. 1) to the Lord, !>.
not the holy fire which burnt continually upoa
the altar of bumt-oflering (Lev. vi. 9, 12), they
were both consumed by fire from heaven, and
Aaron and his suriiving sons were forbidden to
mourn for them. The name also occurs iu Exod.
xxiv. 9, xxviii. 1 ; Num. iii. 4, zzvi. 60, 61 -y
1 Ch. vi. 3, xxiv. 1, 2. [B. W. B.] [F.]
ABIHUD (n-inUM, father of majesty, or
my father it majesty j'APioit] Abiud), son of
Bela and grandson of Benjamin (1 Ch. viii. 3).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
ABI'JAH or ABI'JAM. 1. in»3K. n»3K.
my father (or, a father) is Jah. D'^K according
to Ges. = father of the tea, \.e. a maritime man ;
according to Nestle (Die lar. Eigenn. p. 173 n.)
= Dl^aS, father of the people ; 'Afilas, Joseph. ;
Abiam, Abii, the son and successor of Rehoboam
on the throne of Judab (1 K. ziv. 31 ; 8 Cb.
xii. 16). He is called Abijah in Chronicles.
(nj3N; 'AOd; Abia), Abijam in Kings {'Afiioi;
Abiam) ; the latter name being probably an error
in the MSS., since the LXX.-lorm, 'APioi, seems
taken from Abijahu, which occors 2 Ch. xiii. 20,
21 CAjSui; Abia). Indeed Gesenius says that
some MSS. read Abijah in 1 K. xiv. 31. The
supposition, therefore, of Light foot (Harm. 0. T.,
p. 209, Pitman's edition), that the writer in
Kings, who takes a much worse view of Abijah'*
character than we find in Chronicles, altered
the last syllable to avoid introducing the holy
Jah into the name of a bad man, is unneces-
sary. But it is not fanciful or absurd, for
changes of the kind were not unusual : for
* Cf. tt^n*^. HtT\' ^*> appears to have been used
• V:
to denote God. Cp. OItb«usen, TAkrb., p. 615; Renao.
Dtt .Y<mu thAphora, In BBJ. v. IM. [F.]
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10
ABUAU
example, after the Samaritan schism the Jews
altered the name of Shechem into Sychar
(drunken), as we have it in John iv. 5 ; aud
Hosea (iv. 15) changes Beth-el, house of God,
into Beth-aven, house of naught (see Stanley,
3. ^ P. p. 222).
From the First Book of Kings we learn that
Abijah endeavoured to recover the kingdom of
the Ten Tribes, aud made war on Jeroboam. No
details are given, but we are also informed that
he walked in all the sins of Rehoboam (idolatry
and its attendant immoralities, 1 K. xir. 23, 24),
and that his heart " was not perfect before God,
as the heart of David his father." In the Second
Book of Chronicles his war against Jeroboam is
more minutely described, and he makes a speech
to the men of Israel, reproaching them for break-
ing their allegiance to the house of David, for
worshipping the golden calves, and substituting
unauthorized priests for the sons of Aaron and
the Invites. He was successful in battle against
Jeroboam, and took the cities of Bethel, Jeshauah,
and Ephrain, with their dependent villages. It
is also said (2 Ch. liii. 3, 17) that his army
consi;>ted of 400,000 men, and Jeroboam's of
800,000, of whom 500,000 fell in the action :
numbers which, if in themselves almost in-
credibly high and possibly incorrect, are yet iu
keeping with the systematic use of high figures
on the part of the Chronicler (see 1 Ch. zxi. 5 ;
cp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 9 : Rawlinson in the Speaker's
Commentary on Ch. /. c). Nothing is said by the
writer in Chronicles of the sins of Abijah, but we
are told that after his victory he " waxed mightv,
and married fourteen wives," whence we may
well infer that he was elated with prosperity,
and, like his grandfather Solomon, fell during
the last two years of his life into wickedness, as
described in Kings. Both records inform us that
he reigned but three years; and the Talmud
accounts his early death a punishment for his
non-fulfilment of the duties to which his own
speech had summoned the children of Israel
(2 Chron. xiii. 4-12). His mother was called
Maachah. In some places (I K. iv. 2 ; 2 Ch. xi.
20) she is said to be the daughter of Absalom
or Abisi)alom (the same name) ; in one (2 Ch.
xiii. 2 ; Heb. reads -liTS'l?, but the LXX. and
Syr. read DOBD, which is certainly right, and
is accepted by Bertheau and Keil) of Uriel of
Gibeah. It is, however, so common for the word
n3, daughter, to be used in the sense of grand-
daughter or descendant, that we need not hesitate
to assume that Uriel married Tamar, Absalom's
daughter, and that thus Maachah was daughter
of Uriel and granddaughter of Absalom. Abijah
therefore was descended from David, both on his
father's and mother's side. According to the old
chronology, the date of Abijah's accession was
variously placed between B.C 933 (Seyffarth)
and B.a 968 (Ewald) ; but, since the discovery
of the Assyrian Eponymous Canon, between n.c.
912 (Brandes) and ac. 921 (Riehm). See RBsch's
useful table in Herzog, SE.* xvii. p. 477, s. n.
Zeitrechnung. The 18th year of Jeroboam co-
incides with the Ist and 2nd of Abijah.
2. The second son of Samuel, called Abiah in
A. v., Abijah in R. V. [See Abia, No. 3.]
8. 'AiSi^ ; Abia. The son of Jeroboam I. king
of Israel, in whom alone, of all the house of
Jeroboam, was found " some good thing toward
ABILEXE
the Lord God of Israel," and who was therefore
the only one of his family who was suffered to go
down to the grave in peace. He died in bis
childhood, just after Jeroboam's wife had been
sent in disguise to seek help for him in hu
sickness from the prophet .\hijah, who gave her
the above answer. (1 K. xiv.)
4. 'Kfiid ; AIna. A descendant of Eleazar, who
gave his name to the eighth of the twenty-four
courses into which the priests were divided by
David (1 Ch. iiiv. 10 ; 2 Ch. viii. 14). Only
four of the courses returned from the Captivity,
and that of Abijah was not one (Ezra ii. 36-;A9;
Neh. vii. 39-42, xii. 1). But the four were
divided into the original number of twenty-four,
with the original names ; and hence it happened
that to the course of Abijah or Abia belonged
Zacharias the father of John the Baptist (Luke
i.5).
6. 'kfiii ; Ahia. A contemporary of Kcbe-
miah (Neh. i. 7).
6. The daughter of Zechariah (2 Ch. xxix. 1.
B. 'A.$$i, A. 'Afifiaeie, Abia), also called Abi
(B. 'ABoi, Abi, in 2 K. zviii. 2), wife of Ahaz, and
mother of HezekUh. [Abl] [G.E.LC.] [F.]
ABI'JAM. [Abijah, No. 1.]
A'BILA. [Abilene.]
ABILE'NE CA/3iA.i)Wi, Luke iii. 1), a te-
trarchy of which Abila was the capital. This
Abila must not be confounded with Abila in
Peraea, and other Syrian cities of the same
name, but was situated on the eastern slope of
Antilibanus, in a district fertilised by the river
Barada. It is distinctly associated with Lebanon
by Josephus (Ant. xviii. 6, § 10, xix. 5, § 1,
II. 7, § 1 ; B.J. ii. 11, § 5). Its name probably
arose from the green luxuriance of its situation,
" Abel " perhaps denoting " a grassy meadow "
[see s. r.]. The name, thus derived, is quite
sntBcient to account for the traditions of the
death of Abel, which are aasociated with the
spot, and which are localised by the tomb called
Neby Habit, on a height above the ruins of the
city. The position of the city is very clearly
designated by the Itineraries as 18 miles from
Damascus, and 38 (or 32) miles from Heliopolis
or Baalbec (/«n. Ant. and Tdb. Pent.).
It is impossible to fix the limits of the Abilene
which is mentioned by St. Luke as the totrarchv
of Lysanias. [Lysasias.] Like other districts
of the East, it doubtless underwent many changes
both of masters and of extent, before it was
finally absorbed in the province of Syria. Jose-
phus associates this neighbourhood with the
name of Lysanias both before and after the time
referred to by the Evangelist For the later
notices see the passages just cited. We there
find " Abila of Lysanias," and " the tetrarchy of
Lysanias," distinctly mentioned in the reigns of
Claudius and Caligula. We find also the phrase
'A/Ji'Ao Avtroflov in Ptolemy (v. 15, § 22). The
natural conclusion appears to be that this was
the Lysanias of St. Luke. It is true that a.
chieftain bearing the same name is mentioned
by Josephus in the time of Antony and Cleopatra,
as ruling in the same neighbourhood (Ant. xiv.
3, § 3, XV. 4, § 1 ; B. /. i. 13, § 1 ; also Dio
Cass. xlix. 32): and from the close connexion
of this man's father with Lebanon and Damascus
(Ant. xiii. 16, § 3, xiv. 7, § .4; B. J. i. 9, § 2)
it is probable that Abilene was part of his terri-
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ABIMAEL
ABIMELECH
11
torj, and that the Lysanias of St. Luke was the
s«o or gruuiwn of the former. K.vea if we
sistttae (as many writers too readily assume)
ihat the tetrarch mentioned in the time of
CUodins and Caligula is to be identified, not
with the Lysanias of St. Luke, bat with the
earlier Ly»nias (never called tetrarch and
Dtirer positively connected with Abila) in the
limes of Antony and Cleopatra, there is no
difficulty in believing that a prince bearing this
name ruled over a tetrarchy having Abila for
iU capital, in the 13th year of Tiberius (see
WicKler, C/tronologiache Synopae der vier Evcm-
piitn, pp. 174-183).
Tlie site of the c)>ief citv of Abilene has been
omlottbtcdly identified wLere the Itineraries
plice it ; and its remains have been described of
Ute years by many travellers. It stood in a
remarkable gorge called the Suk Wady Barada,
vhere the river breaks down through the moun-
tain towards the plain of Damascus. Among
the remains the inscriptions are most to our
purpose. One containing the words Amrcuilou
letfifxm is cited by Pococke, but has not been
seen by any subsequent traveller. Two Latin
inscriptions on the face of a rock above a frag-
ment of Roman road (first noticed in the
Qftarterly Seview for 1822, Ho. 52) were first
published by Letronne {JannuU del Savants,
1837), and afterwards by Orelli (/nscr. £at.
4997, 4998). One relates to some repairs of the
road at the expense of the Abiteni: the other
associates the 16th Legion with the place. See
Hogg, Tram, of t/te Hoy. Oeog. Soc. for 1851 ;
Porter, Joitm. of Sac. Lit. for July 1853, and esp.
iiis Damacut, i. 261-273 ; Robinson, iMttr Bib.
So. 478-484 ; Diet. G. and S. Geogr., art. " Abi-
lene ; " and Schamacher, " Abila of the Deca-
polis"(P£f., July 1889). [J. S. H.] [W.]
ABI-MA'EL (^{<0»?K ; A. 'Afii^K E.
'Afiiiukt^ ; Abimail), named as a descendant of
Joktaa (Gen. x. 28 ; 1 Ch. i. 22), and thus as
the progenitor of an Arab tribe. Bochart
(Phateg, ii. 24) conjectures that his name is
preserved in that of MdXi [Mo^i£\i], a place in
Arabia Aromatifera, mentioned by Theophraetus
(Hist. Plant, ix. 4), and thinks (with scant
probability) that the Malitae are the same as
Ptolemy's KainTiu (vi. 7, § 23), and that they
were a people of the Minaeans (for whom see
Arabia). D. H. Miiller (in MV.'" >. n.) com-
pares tlie name with the South-Arabian proper
name nnfiimaK, Abmi 'Athtar = a father is
Atitar (the Hebrew Ashtoreth, but in S. Arabia
a male divinity. See Baethgen, BeitrSge z.
■5nm(. Seiigionsgesch., p. 117 «{.). [E. S. P.] [F.]
ABI-MET.ECH C|^'3K ; if compounded of
the Phoenician deity Milk [or Moloch = king ;
Ke Baethgen, op. cit., p. 37 n.] = my father is
[the god] Mitk; 'APiftdXtx; Abimelech), the
Uffle of several Philistine kings. It is supposed
by many to hare been a common title of their
kiigs, like that of Pharaoh among the Egyptians,
sad that of Caesar and Augustus among the
Bomans. The name Father of the King, or
father King, corresponds to Padishah (Father
King), the title of the Persian kings, and Atilih
(Father, pr. patemitv), the title of the Khans of
Bucharia (Gesen. Thes.).
"L A Philistine, king of Gerar (Gen. xx., xxi.).
who, exercising the right claimed by Eastern
princes of collecting all the beautiful women i>t'
their dominions into their harem (Gen. xii. 15 ;
Esth. ii. 3), sent for and took Sarah. The
account given of Abraham's conduct on this
occasion is similar to that of his behaviour
towards Pharaoh [Abkaiiam]. A few years
later, Abimelech and Phicol, *' the chief captain
of his host," made au alliance of peace and
friendship with Abraham ; and the covenant was
established by a present to the king of seven
ewe lambs, made at " the well of the oath "
[Bkebsueba], which Abimelech's servants had
" violently taken away," but which was then
restored.
2. Another king of Gerar in the time of Isaac,
of whom a similar narrative is recorded in rela-
tion to Rebeknh (Gen. x.xvi. 1 se</.). Once more
there was n dispute about wells ; and once more
were these disputes allayed by peaceful alliances
between the king and the patriarch.
3. B. 'AfifiitiXtx- Son of the judge Gideon by
his Shechemite concubine (Judg. viii. 31). Here
the derivation of the name is not Phoenician.
The latter part of the name is not to be con-
nected with a heathen deity, but is another
name for Jehovah, = (The) King (Jehovah) is
(my) father, or father of him who bears the
name (see Baethgen, p. 146 S7.). After his
father's death he " hired vain and light fellows,"
and murdered all his brethren, seventy in
number, with the exception of Jotham thu
youngest, who concealed himself ; and he then
]>ersuaded the Shechemites, through the influence
of his mother's brethren, to elect him king. It is
evident from this narrative that Shechem then
became an independent state, and threw off the
yoke of the conquering Israelites (Ewald, Gescli.
ii. 444). When Jotham heard that Abimelech
was made king, he addressed to the Shechemites
his fable of the trees choosing a king (Judg. ix.
1 seq. : cf. Joseph. Ant. r. 7, § 2), which may be
compared with the well-known fable of Menenius
Agrippa (Liv. ii. 32). After he had reigned three
years, the citizens of Shechem rebelled under
Gaal, son of Ebed. He was absent at the time, but
he returned and quelled the insurrection. Gaal
was expelled by Zebul, the governor friendly to
Abimelech, and the city was taken by stratagem,
utterly destroyed, and the ground strewn with
salt. Thqse who had escap^ for safety to " the
hold of the house of El-Berith " were destroyed
by the setting of the hold on fire. Shortly after
he stormed and took Thebex, but was struck on
the head by a woman with the fragment of a
mill-stone (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 21); and lest it
should be said to his disgrace that he had died by
the hand of a woman (cp. Soph. 2VacA. 1064 ;
Sen. Here. Oet. 1176), he bade his armour-bearer
slay him. Thus the murder of his brethren was
avenged, and the curse of Jotham fulfilled.
4. Son of Abiathar, the high-priest in the
time of David (1 Ch. iviii. 16); but this is
evidently an error for the person called Abi-
melech OI^^'nK; •Ax<M^'>^«Xi B. 'AxsWAex;
Achimeltch) in 2 Sam. viii. 17 [Ahimelech]. The
reading Ahimelech is also adopted in 1 Ch. xviii.
16 by the LXX., Vulg., Syr., Targ., Arab., and by
twelve Heb. MSS. (De Rossi, Var. Lect. iv. 182).
5. Ps. xxiiv., title. [Auimixech, 2.]
[R. W. B.] [F.
]
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13
ABINADAB
ABI-NADAB (3nraK, Ges. = no6fe father,
MV.'« = my fatlter \l n^; A. "A/m-oSajS, B.
'A/Kciy-; Abinadab). 1. A native of Kirjatb-
jearim, in whose house " on a hill " the ark re-
mained 20 yean (1 Sam. vii. 1, 2 ; 2 Sam. ri.
3, 4 ; 1 Ch. xiii. 7, K. 'A/uy-). 2. Second son of
Jesse, who followed Saul to bis war against the
Philistines (1 Sam. xvi. 8. ivii. 13; 1 Ch. ii.
13). 8. A son of Saul, who was slain with his
brothers at the fatal battle on Mount Gilboa
(1 Sam. xxxi. 2, B. 'latvoSif/S ; 1 Ch. viii. 33,
ix. 39, I. 2, »A. •AfumtiP, B."^ 'Afup-).
4. Father of one of the twelve chief officers
of Solomon (1 K. ir. 11, A. 'ABtyafiP. B.
omit.). [R. W. B.] [F.]
ABI-NEB ("I3»3K. Ges. = father of a lamp,
MV." = my father ii a lamp ; B. 'A$tytrlip, A.
'Afffy^ip ; Abner), Marginal form of the name
Abner (1 Sam. xir. 50). Cp. Lagarde, Ueberticht
vb. d. i. Aram., Arab., «. Jiebr. Bildvmfi d.
Nomina, p. 75 n. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABI-NO'AM (Drj'5X. Ges. = father of
pleasantness, Olshausen and MV." = my father is
pleasantness ; B. 'Ai3<iW</t, A. 'AiSiv- ; Abinoem),
father of Barak (Judg. iv. 6, 12, A. 'lafiwitu ;
T. 1, 12). [R. W. B.] [F.]
ABI-BAM (QTaX.Ge.-;. = father of loftiness,
NV."=my father is lofty ; B. 'A0ftp<iv [A once
'Afiapii)], F. 'Ai9i- ; Abiron). 1. A Reubenite,
son of ETiab, who with Datban and On, men ot
the same tribe, and Korah a Levitc, organized a
conspiracy against Moses and Aaron (Num. xvi.).
[For details, see Ko&AH.]
2. B. 'AfftipAr ; Abiram. Eldest son of Hiel,
the Bethelite, who died when his father laid
the foundations of Jericho (1 K. xri. 34), and
thus accomplished the first part of the curse of
Joshua (Josh. -ri. 26). [E. W. B.] [F.]
ABI-BON CAfittpiii' ; Abiron). Abirxm
(Ecclus. xlv. 18; Vulg. v. 22). [W. A. W.]
ABI-SEl {Abisei). Abishua, the son of
Phinehas (3 Esd. i. 2). [W. A. W.]
ABI-8HAG (3B^3N. Ga. = father [i«.
author] of error, and so used of man or woman.
Olshausen, Lehrb. d. Hebr. Sprache, p. 620, notes
that the real meaning is very obscure. B.
'APftad, A. 'A0urdy ; Abisag), a beantiful
Shunammite, taken into David's harem to
comfort him in his extreme old age (1 K. i.
1-4). After David's death Adonijah induced
Bathsheba, the queen-mother, to ask Solomon
to give him Abisbag in marriage ; but this
imprudent petition cost Adonijah his life (1 K.
ii. 13 sej.). [Adonuah.] [R. W. B.] [F.]
ABI-SHAI 0E"5« ; in 2 Sam. x. 10, ♦B'SK.
Ges. = father of a gift, M V." my father is a gift :
Abisai). The eldest son of Zeruiah, David's
lister, and the brother of Joab and Asahel (1 Ch.
ii. 16, B. 'A$(icd [and usually], A. 'Afitaad).
A man of daring and devoted loyalty, he, more
than his brothers, bad won the conBdence of
David. He went with him to the sleeping camp
of Saul (1 Sara. xxvi. 6, &c., A 'A$'cat [nnd
usually]), and would have smitten the king
with bis spear, had not David's loyal respect
for " the Lord's anointed " prevented him.
Tbey took the king's spear and the cruse of
ABISHUA
: water which was at Saul's head ; and David,
presently denouncing the incompetency of the
guard kept over their master by Abner and his
soldiers, pointed to the king's preservation as an
illustration of his own good will towards hi*
person. A like indignation against the enemies
of his uncle animated .\bisbni when he eagerly
craved permission to slay Shimei, who cursed
David while fleeing before Absalom (2 Sam.
xvi. 9-14). In the successful battle which
quelled the rebellion of Absalom (2 Sam. iviii. 2,
A. 'A0uratt), Abishai was in command of one
of the three divisions of the royal army, and
in the absence of Amasa he headed the troops
commanded to pursue the rebel Sheba (2 Sam.
XX. 6, A. 'A/3i<r«l). Abishai could forgive no
wrong and brook no rival. Hence his name
is inseparably connected with two deeds of blood
wrought by, or in conjunction with, his brother
Joab : the second was the slaughter of Amasa,
whom David bad appointed captain of bis host
in the place of Joab after the murdei of Absalom
(2 Sam. xix. 13, xx. 10, A. 'A/3i<ra<0; the first
was the treacherous murder of Abner, who.
when fleeing after the fight of "the pool of
Gibeon," had slain Asahel (2 Sam. ii. 19, &e.,
iii. 30, B. 'Afittrad, A. 'Aval). His bravery and
generalship were undisputed. In the war of
retaliation against the Ammonites and Syrians,
in consequence of Hannn's outrageous treatment
of David's messengers, Joab assigned to Abishai
the command against the former, and together
they utterly discomfited the hosts united
against them (2 Sam. x. 1, &c., B. 'A$(urd, A.
'Afiural; 1 Ch. xix. 1, &c, B. r. 11, A. e. 15,
'Afittrad). Abishai took also his share in the
memorable victories won over the Edomites in
" the valley of salt " by David and Joab (2 Sam.
viii. 13 ; 1 Ch. xviii. 12, B. 'Afitaad, A. 'Afiurd ;
Ps. Ix., title). As acts of personal prowess,
it is recorded of him that in a war with the
Philistines he rescued his master David from
his peril at the hands of Ishbi-benob the giant
and slew bim (2 Sam. xxi. 17, B. 'Afitaad, A.
*AjBi<ra«0 i and in a single-handed contest with
three hundred men, his valour secured him the
title of Rosh ha-sheloshah (MC'^n \ffvh, al.
D'^^n "\\ » chief among the three " (al. " of
the thirty "), or, as some prefer, " chief or
captain of the warrior (or Shalish) class" (2 S.im.
xxiii. 18 ; 1 Ch. xL 20, A. 'Afitirrd'), the second
grade in the famous catalogue of David's mighty
men. There is much probability in the con-
jecture that these personal acts are to be referred
to the period of David's wandering among the
Philistines. There is no record of the end of
Abishai's life. [K.]
ABI-SHA'LOM (pSb&'2« ; 'A$t<r<ra\A^ ;
Abessalom, " father of peace "), father of Maachah,
who was the wife of Rehoboam, and mother oi'
Abijah (1 K. xv. 2, 10). He is called Absalom
(DiW3«) in 2 Ch. xi. 20, 21. This person
must be David's son (see B. [A. floiriXet], 2 Sam.
xiv, 27). The daughter of Absalom was doubt-
less called Maachah after her grandmother
(2 Sam. iii. 3). [W. A. W.]
ABI-SHU'A (Wt^^K, Ges. = father of leel-
fare, Olshausen and MV.'*=mi/ father is xctl fare;
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ABISHUB
AUsiie). 1. Son of Bcia, of the tribe of Ben-
jimia (1 Cb. riii. 4, B. 'A$fi<rdiias, A. 'KfUnovi,
T.' 'A^avovi). 2. Snn of Pbinehas, the son of
Eleusr, ant! father of Bukki, in the genealogy of
the hijh-priesta (1 Cb. vi. 4, 5, 50, B. 'Afittroi,
A. -t-; Exra vii. 5, T.' 'Afiarmf). According
to Josephns {Ant. riii. 1, § 3) he executed the
office of high-priest after hia father Phinehas,
and was succeeded by Eli ; hia descendaats, till
Zadok, falling into the rank of private persons
(ait>T(^is>T(t). His name is cormpted in
JoKphns into 'liaifKot. Nothing is known of
liim. [A. C. H.]
ABI-SHUB (-HE^3«. The meaning is nn-
certain ; Ge». ^father of a tcall, MV." = my father
II a mil; B. 'Afitiaoip, A. -v ; Abtsur"), son of
Shammai (1 CI. ii. 28> [W. A. W.j [F.]
ABI-SUM (B. 'Afiturevi, A. -•-; Abisue).
kutsBVA, the son of Phinehas (1 £sd. riii. 2
[LXX. and Vulg. Tii. 5]), called also Abisei ; one
of the ancestors of Ezra. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABI-TAL (^'3K, Gts.=/ather of dew, 01s-
han»n and MV.'* = 3fy father is the dew ; B.
'AfirriMt, A. -i ; Abitai), one of David's wires
(2 Sam. iii. 4; 1 Ch. iii. 3, B. iafitiriK).
[W.A. W.] [F.]
ABI-TCB (34e»3»?, Oes. = father of goodness.
a?.»= Jfy father is goodness ; BA. •Afiirifi, T.'
'A^rr^A; Abitdb), son of Shaharaim by Hushim
(lCh.TiiLll). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABITD CAiSwvS; AbiuS). Descendant of
Zorobabel, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ
(Matt. i. 13). Lord A. Herrey identifies him
with HooAiAH (1 Ch. iii. 24) and Juda (Luke
ill 26), and supposes him to hare been the grand-
ion of Zcmbbabel through his only daughter
mfntioned, Shelomith (1 Ch. iii. 19). NSsgen,
■nth less probability, considers him to hare been
the hnsband of Shelomith. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABLUTION. [PuRWiCATiojj.l
AB'NEB (IJaill, once n?.'aK, where see the
etymologies ; B. ' Afiem^p, A. 'Afitv^p or 'Afiaarlif ;
ilmir). 1. Son of Ner.who was the brother of
Kish (1 Ch. ix. 36), the father of Saul. Abner,
therefore, was Saul's first cousin, and was made
hy him commander-in-chief of his .army (1 Sam.
»i». 50). He was the person who conducted
Dirid into Saul's presence after the death of
Goliath (iTii. 57) ; and afterwards accompanied
fail master when he sought David's life at
Uaehilah (ixri. 3-14). From this time we
hear do more of him till after the death of
SiiU, when he rose into importance as the
naimtiy nf his family. It would seem that,
inmediately after the disastrous battle of Mount
Oilboa, Darid was proclaimed king of .Tudah in
Hebron, the old capital of that tribe, but that
the rKt of the country was altogether in the
haada of the Philistines, and that fire years
pMsed before any natire prince rentured to
oppose his claims to their supremacy. Dnring
that time the Israelites were gradually recorering
their territory, and at length Abner proclaimed
the weak aiid unfortunate Ishbosheth, Saul's
<w, as king of Israel in Mahanaim, beyond
Jonlan— at first no doubt as a place of security
Haiast the Philistines, though all serious appre-
ABNEB
13
hension of danger from them must hare soon
passed away — and Ishbosheth was generally re-
cognised except by Judah. This riew of the
order of events is necessary to reconcile 2 Sam.
ii. 10, where Ishbosheth is said to have reigned
over Israel for two years, with v. 1 1, in which
we read that Darid was king of Judah for
seven;* and it is confirmed by tw. 5, 6, 7, in
which David's message of thanks to the men of
Jabesh-gilead for bnrying Saul and his sons
implies that no prince of Saul's house had as ret
claimed the throne, but that David hoped that
his title would be soon acknowledged by all
Israel ; while the exhortation " to be valiant "
probably refers to the struggle with the
Philistines, who placed the only apparent im-
pediment in the way of his recognition. War
soon broke out between the two rival kings, and
a " very sore battle " was fought at Gibeon
between the men of Israel under Abner, and the
men of Judah under Joab, son of Zeraiah,
David's sister (1 Ch. ii. 16). When the army
of Ishbosheth was defeated, Joab's youngest
brother Asahel, who is said to have been " as
light of foot as a wild roe," pursued Abner, and
in spite of w.iming refused to leave him, so that
Abner in self-defence was forced to kill him.
After this the war continued, success inclining
more and more to the side of David, till at last
the imprudence of Ishbosheth deprived him of
the counsels and generalship of the hero, who
was in truth the only support of his tottering
throne. Abner had married Rizpah, Saul's
concubine, and this, according to the views of
Oriental courts, might be interpreted to imply n
design upon the throne. Thus we read of a cer-
tain Annals, who, while left viceroy of Egypt in
the absence of the king hia brother, " used
violence to the queen and concubines, and put on
the diadem, and set up to oppose hia brother "
(Manetho, quoted by Joseph, c. Apion. i. 15.
Cp. also 2 Sam. xri. 21, zx. 3, 1 K. ii. 13-25, and
the case of the Pseudo-Smerdis, Herod, iii. 68).
[Absalom; Adonijah.] Rightly or wrongly,
Ishbosheth so understood it, though Abner
might seem to hare given anfiicient proof of his
loyalty, and be ventured to reproach him with
it. Abner, incensed at his ingratitude, after an
indignant reply, opened negotiations with David,
who received him most favourably at Hebron,
and promised him the chief command of the
armies of the united kingdom. Abner then
undertook to procure his recognition throughout
Israel ; but after leaving his court for the
purpose was enticed back by Joab, and trea-
cherously murdered by him and his brother
.\bishai at the gate of the city, partly no doubt,
as Joab showed afterwards in the case of Amasa,
from fear lest so distinguished a convert to their
cause should gain too high a place in David's
favour (Joseph. Ant. vii. 1, § 5), but ostensibly
in retaliation for the death of Asahel. For this
there was indeed some pretext, inasmuch as it
was thought dishonourable even in battle to kill
a mere stripling like Asahel, and Joab and
-Ibishai were in this case the retengers of Uood
• In the opinion of many, the nnrnbers have been
tampered with. lahbosheth was more probably 24 or 14
years old than 40, and his reign lasted possibly six
years. See Sptaker't Cbniii. and Klostermann iKgf.
Komm. z. A. u. y. T., edd. Slrack n. Zuckler) In loco.
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14
ABOMINATION
(Kum. XMV. 10), but it is also plain that Abner
only killed the yonth to save hi* own lifer. This
murder caused the greatest sorrow and indig-
nation (cp. 1 Kings ii. 5) to David ; and as the
assassins were too powerful to be punished, he
contented himself with showing every public
token of respect to Abner's memory, by follow-
ing the bier and pouring forth a simple dirge
over the slain, which is thus translated by
theR. V.:—
Should Abner die as a fool dletb 1
Tby hands wero not bound, nor thy feet put Into
fetters:
Aa a nun falleth before the children of Iniquity, so
didst thou lUl.
),f. "Thou didst not fall as a prisoner taken
in battle, with hands and feet fettered, but by
>ccret assassination, such as one wicked man
meets at the hands of other wicked men " ('2 Sam.
iii. 33, 34). What specially excited the indig-
nation of David was the mode in which Abner
had met his death. See also Lowth, Lectures on
Hebrew Poetry, xxil [G. E. L. C] [K.]
2. Father of Jaa-siel, chief of the Benjamites
in David's reign (1 Ch. ixvii. 21); probably
the same as Abner No. 1. [W. A. W.]
ABOMINATION (iiajjin). The considera-
tion of this term may be conBned to two passages
(see Speaker's Commentary and Delitzsch, Oenetis
[1887], notes in loco), (a) Gen. xliii. 32, "The
li^gyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews,
for that is an abomination unto the Egyptians."
The Egyptians would not eat with foreigners.
National pride and superstition had combined in
establishing such usage (Herod, ii. 41 ; Died.
Sic. i. 67). They treated the Hebrew, the
Greek, and all outside themselves as foreigners.
A primary reason for this exclusiveness may
have consisted in the fact that the sacrifice of
the cow, so common among Hebrew, Greek, and
other nations, was forbidden among the Egyp-
tians, the cow being their sacred animal ; but,
generally speaking, the land of the " foreigners "
and its inhabitants belonged to Set (Typbon),
"the almighty destroyer and blighter." The
.lews themselves, at a later period of their ex-
istence, adopted the same habits of exclusiveness
(cp. John iv. 9 ; Acts x. 2S, xi. 3). (6) Gen.
xlvi. 34: "Every shepherd is an abomina-
tion nnto the Egyptians." Joseph describes his
brothers to Pharaoh as "shepherds, keepers
of cattle " ; and bids them describe themselves
as " keepers of cattle from our youth even until
now, both we and our btbers." Such description
will, he intimates, secure their ilwelling in the
land of Goshen rather than in the neart of
Egypt, becanae — he adds — "every shepherd,"
&c. If the advent of Joseph to Egypt be placed
(with Ebers and Lepsius) at the end of the Hyksos
period [Egtpt], the memory of the shepherd (i.e.
nomad) dynasty and its oppressiveness would be
still acute. " Foreigner " shepherds would all
be termed by an indiscriminating hatred,
" abomination." Otherwise the shepherd was
not, as was the swineherd (Herod, ii. 47),
especially abominable to the Egyptians, a people
who were great breeders and rearers of cattle of
all sorts (cp. Gen. xlvii. 6). They would only
have stamped with an offensive epithet men of
foreign nationality and religion (cp. Anahim;
ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION
Dillmann, Genesis,' in loco ; Dnncker-Abbott,
Hist, of Antiquity, i. p. 199). [F.]
ABOBIINATION OF DESOLATION (ri,
0Sf\vyfUi rfis dfiritiuattts. Matt. xxiv. 15), men-
tioned by our Saviour as a sign of the approach-
ing destruction of Jerusalem, and with reference
to Dan. ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. 11. The Hebrew
words in these passages are respectively, (a)
Djjj?? D'vw e;3| ht3, (6) Dt;^ pp^n.
and (c) DtSe' pi%': the LXX. translate the
first word uniformly /SScXiry/uz, and the second
ipriiiintni (ix. 27) and iprtiiitrtas (xi. 31, xii.
11): BA. however have li^ayianirar in xi. 31,
and AB." iwh i^arlanov in ix. 27. The mean-
ing of the first of these words is clear : )Mj3C'
often expresses religions abominations, and in
the singular (1 K. xi. 5, 7) — and especially in the
plural — number, iMs (2 K. xxiii. 24). Soidas
defines fiSiXvyiia m used by the Jews to express
iroi' elSwXoy koI irSv iieTinruiui laf$ftniov. It is
important to oliserve that the expression is not
used of idolatry in the abstract, but of idolatry
adopted by the Jews themselves (2 K. xxi. 2-7,
xxiii. 13). Hence we mast look for the fulfil-
ment of the prophecy in some act of apostasy on
their part; and so the Jews themselves appear
to have understood it, according to the traditional
feeling referred to by Josephu8(fi. J. iv. 6, § 3),
that the Temple would be destroyed iiai x"P*f
olK€7di ^pofuifuvt rh r4iityot. With regard to
the words DpCV and DpC*, the former is trans-
lated in ix. 27 by the A. V. "he shall make it
desolate," and by the R. V. "shall come one
that maketh desolate; " in xi. 31 and xii. 11 by
both A V. and R. V., " that maketh desolate.''
The Saviour probnbly referred to the latter of
these passages. What was the object referred
tp is a matter of doubt (see a summary of
opinions in the Speaker's Commentary, Daniel,*
pp. 364-5); it should be observed, however,
that in the passages in Daniel the setting up of
the abomination was to l>e consequent upon the
cessation of the sacrifice. The Jews considered
the prophecy to be fulfilled in the profanation
of the Temple under Antiochns Epiphanes, when
the Israelites themselves erected an idolatrous
altar (iSw/iiSs, Joseph. Ant. xii. 5, § 4) upon the
sacred Altar, and offered sacrifice thereon : this
altar is described as $S4\vyfia t^i i/niii^crfccs
(1 Mace. i. 54, yi. 7). The prophecy, however,
referred ultimately (as Josephns himself per-
ceived. Ant. X. 11, § 7) to the destruction of
Jerusalem by the Romans, and consequently the
ptiXvyina must describe some occurrence con-
nected with that event. But it is not easy to
find one which meets all the requirements of the
case: the introduction of the Roman standards
into the Temple would not be a fUSiKvyiia,
properly speaking, nnless it could be shown
that the Jews themselves participated in the
worship undoubtedly paid to them by the
Roman soldiers (Joseph. Bell. Jud. vi. 6, § 1 ;
Tertullian, Apoi. xvi.) ; moreover, this event, as
well as several others which have been proposed,
such OS the erection of the statue of Hadrian
(Nicephoms Callist. iii. 24), fails in regard to
the time of their occurrence, being subsequent
to the destruction of the city. It appears very
probable that the profanities of the Zealots con-
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ABRAHAM
ititatcd the abomination, trhich was the sign of
imixadiog rnia (Joseph. B. J. iv. 3, § 7. Cp.
jlaniel in Speakei's Commentary, Mutt. zxlr.
15, note, and Niiiigen on the same passage in
Strack B. ZSckler's Kgf. Komm. z. d. jV. T.).
If to, St Lake's paraphrase, explanatory fur the
Gtotiles (ixi. 20), " when ye shall see Jerusalem
c«ii{asse<i irith armies," dwells only upon the
latter part of the sign, the detoUition, the near-
nea of which would be intimated by the Roman
armies encircling Jemsalem. [W. L B.] [F.]
AB-BAHAM (On^SK. The significance of
tiiis name to the Hebrew is given in Gen. xvii. 5,
nil pOir^^ ^- ^- "*''* father of a multitude
cf nations," but its etymology is still a matter
of conjectOTS.* Dillmann and Delitzsch in loco
take Dill as an older and dialectic form of D1,
tiie final syllable Dil reflecting the 6rst syllable
of pan [see M v.", ». n.] ; 'Afipmin; Abraiiam:
criginally ABBAM, D'laK, the father is lofty
<r loftg father, 'Afipdii ; Abram ; which name is
amiiar in meaning to Abiraro [1 K. XTi. 34], the
AburaaH of the Assyrian inscriptions [Schrader,
KAT.' L L]), the son of Terah, and brother of
Xahor and Haran ; and the progenitor, not only
of the Hebrew nation, but of several cognate
tribes. His history is recorded to us with much
'letail in Scriptare, as the very type of a true
patriarchal life ; a life, that is, in which all
authority is paternal, derived ultimately from
<iod the Father of all, and religion, imperfect as
ret in revelation and ritual, is based entirely
00 that same Fatherly relation of God to man.
Tne natonl tendency of such a religion is to the
Tonhip of tutelary gods of the family or of the
tribe, traces of soch a tendency on the part of
the patriarchs being found in the Scriptural
History itself; and the declaration of God to
Hoses (in Ex. vi 3) plainly teaches that the full
Kose of the Unity and Eternity of Jehovah was
not vet nnfolded to them. But yet the revela-
tion' of the Lord as the " Almighty God " (Gen.
ini. 1, ixviiL 3, xsxv. 11) and " the Judge of
-Jl the earth " (Gen. xviii. 25), the knowledge
'<f Hit intercourse with kings of other tribes
(0«n. II. 3-7), and His judgment on Sodom and
Gomorrah (to say nothing of the promise which
titended to "all nations ") must have raised the
patriarchal religion far above this narrow idea
"f God, and given it the germs, at least, of
:']tnre eialtation. The character of Abraham is
that which is formed by such a religion and by
the influence of a nomad pastoral life ; free,
■imple, and manly ; full of hospitality and
iamilj affection; truthful towards all such as
w«e bound to him by ties, though not untainted
vith £astem craft towards those considered as
>I>«i ; ready for war, but not a professed warrior
or one who lived by plunder ; free and childlike
in religion, and gradually educated by God to a
offltinnally deepening seiLse of its all-absorbing
claims. His character stands remarkably con-
trajted with those of Isaac and Jacob.
The scriptural history of Abraham is mainly
linited, as usual, to the evolution of the Great
Ctrenaat in his life ; it is the history of the
nan himself rather than of the external events
of his life ; and, except in a few instances
ABS.VHAM
15
* C|>. also Lagirde, POertiAt S%. <i. (. Aram., Arab.,
t. Btbr. Mdimt d. .Voau'iKI, p. »3, *c.
(Gen. xii. 10-20, xiv., xx., ixi. 22-34), it does
not refer to his relation with the rest of the
world. To them he may only Have appeared a
chief of the hardier Chaldaean race, disdaining
the settled life of the more luxurious Canaanites,
and fit to be hired by plunder as n protector
against the invaders of the North (see Gen. xiv.
21-23). Nor is it unlikely, though we have no
historical evidence of it, that his passage into
Canaan may have been a sign or a cause of a
greater migration from Haran, and that he may
have been looked upon (e.g. by Abimelech, Gen.
xxi. 22-32) as one who, from his position as
well as his high character, would be able to
guide such a migration for evil or for good.
The traditions which Josephus adds to the
scriptural narrative, are merely such as, after
his manner and in accordance with the aim of
his writings, exalt the knowledge and wisdom
of Abraham, making him the teacher of mono-
theism to the Chaldaeans, and of astronomy and
mathematics to the Egyptians. He quotes,
however, Nicolaus of Damascus,' as ascribing to
him the conquest and government of Damascus
on his way to Canaan, and stating that the
tradition of his habitation was still preserved
there (Joseph. Ant, i. c. 7, § 2 ; see Gen. xv. a).
The Arab traditions are partly ante-Moham-
medan, relating mainly to the Kaabah (or sacred
house) of Mecca, which Abraham and his son
" Ismail " are said to have rebuilt for the fourth
time over the sacred black stone. Bnt, in great
measure, they are taken from the Koran (see
Sale's Koran, index s. n. ; Hughes, Diet, of
Islam, s. n.), which has itself borrowed from the
0. T. and from the Rabbinical traditions. Of
the latter the most remarkable is the story of
his having destroyed the idols (see Jud. v. 6-8)
which Terah not only worshipped (as declared in
Josh. xxiv. 2) but also manufactured, and of his
having been cast by Nimrod into a fiery furnace
(cp. Vulg. of Neh. [2 EsdJ ix. 7), which turned
into a pleasant meadow. 'The legend is generally
traced to the word Vr CWX), Abraham's birth-
place, which has also the sense of " light " or
" fire." The name of Abraham appears to be
commonly remembered in tradition through
a very large portion of Asia, and the title " el-
Khalil," " the Friend " (of God) (see 2 Ch. ix.
7 ; Is. xli. 8 ; Jas. ii. 23), is that by which be is
usually spoken of by the Arabs.
The scriptural history of Abraham, derived
mainly from three sources (KShler and Delitzsch,
Qerusia [1887], p. 241 S3.=J, E, Q), is divided
into various periods by the various and pro-
gressive revelations of God which he received : —
I. Gen. xii.-xiv. With his father Terah, his
wife Sarai, and nephew Lot, Abram left Ur (i.e.
El-Mugheir, on the W. side of the Euphrates).
Thence he migrated to Haran (Charran), in the
N. part of Mesopotamia, on the high road from
Babylonia and Assyria to Syria and Palestine.
Both cities were famous for the cult of the
Moon-god. This step was in obedience to a call
of God (cp. Acts vii. 2-4). Haran, apparently
the eldest brother — since Nahor married his
daughter, and Abram's position as first of the
three brothers is that of merit and fame rather
than of priority of birth — was de.id already ;
NIcolaas was a contemporary and bvourlte of Herod
the Great and Augustus. His Universal History Is said
to have contained 144 books.
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16
ABBAHAM
and Nshor remained behind (Gen. x'l. 31). In
Haran Terah died : and Abrnm, now the head
«f the family, receired a second call, and with it
the promise.* The promise was twofold, con-
taining both a temporal and spiritual blessing,
the one of which was the typo and earnest of
the other. The temporal pi'omisc was, that he
should become a great and prosperous " nation " ;
the spiritaal was, that iu him "should all
families of the earth be blessed " (Gen. sii. 2).
Abram appears to hare entered Canaan, as
Jacob afterwards did, along the valley of the
Jubbok ; for he crossed at once into the rich
|ilain of Moreh, near Sichem, and under Ebal
and Gerizim. There, in one of the most fertile
apots of the land, he received the first distinct
promise of his future inheritance (Gen. xii. 7),
and built his first altar t« God. " The
Canaanite " (it is noticed) " was then in the
land," and probably would view the strangers
of the warlike north with no friendly eyes.
Accordingly Abram made his second resting-
place in the strong mountain country, the key
of the rarioos passes, between Bethel and Ai.
There he would dwell securely, till famine
drove him into the richer and more cultivated
land of Egypt. It is still a matter of dispute in
what dynasty this took place. Cook (^Spaiier's
Commentary, i, p. 446) and Kawlinson place
Abram's entry into Egypt in the earlier part
of the 12th dynasty ; Ebers and Sayce place it
in the later or Hyksos period.
That his history is no ideal, mythical, or
heroic legend,* is very clearly shown, not merely
by the record of his deceit as to Sarni, practised
in Egypt and repeated afterwards, but much
more by the clear description of its utter
failure, and the humiliating position iu which it
placed him in comparison with Pharaoh, and
still more with Abimelcch. That he should
have felt afVaid of such a ciWlized and imposing
power as Egypt even at that time evidently
woi, is consistent enough with the Arab nature
as it is now: that he should have sought to
guard himself by deceit, especially of that kind,
which is trae in word and false in effect, is
unfortunately not at all incompatible with a
generally religious character; but that such a
story should have been framed in an ideal
description of a saint or hero is inconceivable.
The period of his stay in Egypt is not re-
corded, but it is from this time that his wealth
and power appear to hare begun (Gen. xiii. 2).
On his return, the very fact of this growing
wealth and importance caused the separation of
Lot and his portion of the tribe from Abram.
• It is expressly stated in the Acts (vli. 4) that
Abram quitted Haran after liis father's death. This Is
supposed to be loconslstcnt nith ihc statements that
Terah was TO yean «ld at the birth of Abram (Oen.
xl. a«); that be died at the age of 20S (Oen. xl. 33 ; in
Samar. text, I4S) ; and that Abram nu 75 jrears old when
he left Haran : from which It would seem to follow that
Abnm migrated fh>m Haran in his lather's llfetlnnc.
Varluus explanations have been given of ihia difficulty ;
«ne being that the statement In Oen. xl. 26, that Terah
was 70 years old when he begat his three children,
lapplles only to the eldest, Haran, and that the births of
ills two yonnger children belonged to a subsequent
period [CiiaoxoLooT]. Many adopt the Samar. nomber.
<■ See some of these views fkom Ooldzlbcr to Stade
•tated in DeUtisch, OatetU, pp. 217, 248 (1887); Dill-
aaan, Otnt$it,' p. 327, &c.
ABBAHAM
Lot's departure to the rich country of Sodom
implied a wish to quit the nomadic life, and
settle at once ; Abram, on the contrary, was
content still to " dwell in tenta " and wait for
the promised time (Ueb. xi. 9). Probably till
now he had looked on Lot as his heir, and his
separation from him was a providential pre-
paration for the future. From this time he
took up his third resting-place at Mamre, or
Hebron, the future capital of Judah, situated in
the direct line of communication with Egypt,
and opening down to the wilderness and pastorv
land of Bcersheba. This very position, so di9°ereDt
from the mountain-fastness of Ai, marks the
change in the numbers and powers of his tribe.
The hiatory uf his attack on Chedorlaomer
(see s. n. ; on the genuineness of the history, cp.
Delitzsch, pp. 262-3) which follows, gives us a
specimen of the view which would betaken of him
by the external world. By the way in which it
speaks of him as "Abram the Hebrew " (Gen. xiv.
13),* it would seem to be an older document, a
fragment of Oanaanitish history (as Ewald calls
it), preserved and sanctioned by Moses. The in-
vasion was clearly another northern immigratioD
or foray, for the chie& or kings were of Shinar
(? South Babylonia), Ellasar (Larsa), Elam
(Persia), &c That it was not the first, k
evident from the vassalage of the kings of the
cities of the plain; and it extended (see Gen.
xiv. 5-7) far to the sonth over a wide tract of
country. Abram appears here as the head of a
small confederacy of chiefs, powerful enough to
venture on a long pursuit to the head of th<-
valley of the Jordan, to attack with success a
large force, and not only to rescue Lot, but to
roll back for a time the stream of northern in-
vasion. His high position is seen in the
gratitude of the people, and the dignity witli
which he refuses the character of a hireling.
That it did not elate him above measure, is
evident from his reverence to Melchizedek, in
whom he recognised one whose call was eqn.il,
and consecrated rank superior, to his own [Mel-
chizedek].
II. Oen. XV., xvi. The second period of
Abram's life is marked by the fresh ravelation
which, without further unfolding the spiritual
promise, completes the temporal one, already in
course of fulfilment. It first announced to him
that a child of his own should inherit th<'
promise, and that his seed ahoold be as the
"stars of heaven." This promise, unlike the
other, appeared at his age contrary to natiu'e.
and therefore it is on this occasion that his faith
is specially noted, ss accepted and " counted for
righteousness." Accordingly, he now passed
into a new position, for not only is a fuller
revelation given as to the captivity of his seed
in Egypt, the time of their deliverance, and
their conquest of the land, " when the iniquity
of the Amorites was full," but after his soleniii
burnt-offering the visible appearance of God in
fire is vouchsafed to him as a sign, and he enters
into covenant with the Lord (Gen. xv. 18). This
• 'O trcpimt, LXX. ; one who had come fhnn the
other side of the Euphrates. If this sense of the word
be taken, it strengthens the supposition noticed. In
any case the name is that applied to the Israelites by
foreigners, or used by them of themselves only in
speaking of foreigners : see Hkbbew.
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ABRAHAM
mnnant, like the earlier one with Koah (Gen.
ii. 9-17), ii one of free promise from God, faith
oolj is tiut promise being required from man.
The immediate consequence was the taking of
Hagar, Sarai'a maid, to be a concubine of Abram
(as a means for the fulfilment of the promise of
aeed), and the conception of lahmael.
in. Gen. iTii.-xxi. For fourteen years no
more is recorded of Abnun, who seems during
all that period to have dwelt at Mamre. After
that time, in Abram's 99th year, the last step
in the rerelation of the promise ia made, by the
declaration that it should be given to a son of
Sarai, and at the same time the temporal and
spiritual elements are distinguished ; ishmael
cas share only the one, Isaac is to enjoy the
other. The oorenant, which before was only
for temporal inheritance (Gen. xt, 18), is now
made " ererlasting," and sealed by circumcision.
This new state is marked by the change of
Abram's name to "Abraham," and Sarai's to
''Sarah,"'and it was one of far greater acquaint-
ance and intercourse with God. For, imme-
diately after, we read (xviii. 1) of the Lord's
appearance to Abraham in human form, attended
by two Angels, the ministers of His wrath
against Sodom, of His announcement of the coming
jadgmeit to Abraham, and His acceptance
«f his intercession for the condemned cities,*
The whole record stands alone in Scripture for
the simple and familiar intercourse of God with
him, contrasting strongly with the vaguer and
more awful descriptions of previous appearances
(lee e^. xr. 12), and of those of later times
(Gen. xxTiU, 17, xxxii, 30; Ex. iiL 6, &c.).
And, corresponding with this, there is a perfect
ibsenoe of all fear on Abraham's part, and a
cordial and reverent joy, which, more than any*
thine else, recalls the time past when " the voice
of the Lord God was heard, walking in the
garden in the cool of the day."
Strangely unworthy of this exalted position
as the " friend " and intercessor with God, is the
repetition of the falsehood as to Sarah in the
laad of the Philistines (Gen. xx.). It was the
first time Abraham had come in contact with that
tiibe or collection of tribes which stretched along
ABRAHAM
17
' The original name **1{^ is uncertain in derivation
sad meaotsg. See tiie Lexicons of Oesentus, of MV.**,
•ad DUlmann on 0«n. xvU. 15. Oeaenlus tenders It
" noUUtj," from tbe same root as " Sarah ; " Ewald and
I^titBch by "quarrelsome" (from the root HIK*' 'n
■Daeof "to fight *> Tbe name Sarah, n'Vff, Is cer-
Uialr-priDoew."
I TnditkHi stiU points out the supposed site of this
■Ppearanee of the Lord to Abraham. About a mile
f^ao Hebron is a beaatlf ol and masfllve oak, which still
tesn Alirabam's name. Tbe residence of the patriarch
ns called -the oaks of Maa>re" (R. V.), erroneously
Oaashted In A. V. " the plain " of Mamre (Gen. xUi.
», xtUL I) ; bnt H Is doubtfhl whether this Is tbe
(Set spot, since the tradition In the time of Josephus
(B. J. W. •, } 7) was attached to a terebinth O^fpti
MIQD is rendered " terebinths of H." In R. V. maig.).
^istree no longer remains ; but there is no donbt that
H stood within the ancient enclosure, which Is still
oOtd "Abraham's Hooae." A fair was held beneath
it hk the time of Gonstantlne ; and It remained to the
limeotTbeodoslas, (Boblnsan.ii, 81, ed. 18S6; Stanley,
S*P.t.lt3.-)
BtBtE Mcr.— VOL, I.
the coast almost to the borders of Egypt ; a race
apparently of lords ruling over a conquered
population, and another example of that series
of immigrations which appear to have taken
place at this time. It seems, from Abraham's
excuse for his deceit on this occasion, as if there
had been the idea in his mind, that all arms
might be used against unbelievers, who, it is
assumed, have no " fear of God," or sense of
right. If so, the rebuke of Abimelech, by its
dignity and its clear recognition of a God of
justice, must have put him to manifest shame,
and taught him that others also were servants
of the Lord,
This period again, like that of the sojourn in
Egypt, was one of growth in power and wealth,
as the respect of Abimelech and his alarm for
the future, so natural in the chief of a race of
conquering invaders, very clearly shows, Abra-
ham's settlement at Beersheba, on the borders
of the desert, near the Anialekite plunderers,
shows both that he needed room and was able
to protect himself and his ilocks.
The birth of Isaac crowned his happiness, and
fulfilled the first great promise of God : and tbe
expulsion of Ishmael, painful as it was to him,
and vindictive as it seems to have been on
Sarah's part, was yet a step in the education
which was to teach him to give up all for the
one great object. The symbolical meaning of
the act (drawn out in Gal, iv. 21-31) could not
have been wholly nnfelt by the patriarch him-
self, so &r as it involved the sense of tbe
spiritnal nature of the promise, and carried out
the fore-ordained will of God,
IV, Geii,xxii,-xxT, 11, Again for a long period
(twenty-five years, Joseph. Ant. i. 13, § 2) the
history is silent : then comes the final trial and
perfection of the faith of Abrnham in the command
to ofi°er up tbe child of his affections and of God's
promise. The trial lay, first in the preciousness
of the sacrifice, and the perplexity in which the
command involved the fulfilment of the promise ;
secondly, in the strangeness of the command to
violate the human life, of which the sacredness
had been enforced by God's special command
(Gen. ix, 5, 6), as well as by the feelings of a
father. To these trials he rose superior by faith,
that " God was able to raise Isaac even from the
dead " (Heb, xi, 19), probably through the same
faith to which our Lord refers, that God had
promised to be the "God of Isaac" (Gen. xvii.
19), and that Ha was not "a God of the dead,
but of the living.""
It is remarkable that, in the blessing given
now to Abraham, the original spiritual promise
is repeated for the first time since his earliest
" The scene of the sacrifice Is, according to our present
text, and to Joaepbus, the hmd of " Morlab," or n*1^D>
T •
the meaning of which is unknown ; In Gen. xxlL there
seems to be a play upon It : comp. the name " Jehovah-
Jireh," xxU. U. Tbe Samaritan Pentateuch has
"Uoreh," il^lO; the LXX. renders the word here
by rfv v^Xiif, tbe phrase used for what la undoubtedly
"Moreh" In xll, «, whereas In 2 Ch. Ill, 1 "Morlah"
is rendered by B. 'A^opcw, A. -t-: they therefore pro-
bably read " Moreh " also. The distance — three days'
Jouniey from Beersheba — suits Moreh better (see
Stanley's S. * P. \>. 261) ; but other considerations
seem In tavonr of Morlah, the place where the Temple
was afterwards built. [Mobiah.]
C
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18
ABBAHAM'S BOSOM
call, and in the same words then used. But the
promise that " in his seed all nations should be
blessed" would also be now understood very
differently, and felt to be far above the temporal
promise, in which, perhaps, at first it seemed to
be absorbed. It can hardly be wrong to refer
pre-eminently to this epoch the declaration that
Abraham " saw the day of Christ and was glad "
(John viii. 56).
The history of Abraham is now all but over,
though his life was prolonged for nearly fifty
years. The only other incidents are the death
and burial of Sarah, the marriage of Isaac with
Rebekah, and th»t of Abraham with Keturah.
The death of Sarah took place at Kirjath-
arba, i.e. Hebron, so that Abraham must have
returned from Beersheba to his old and more
peaceful home. In the history of her burial,
the most notable points are the respect paid to
the power and character of Abraham, as a mighty
prince, and the exceeding modesty and courtesy
of his demeanour. It is sufficiently striking that
the only inheritance of his family in the land of
promise should be n tomb. The sepulchral cave
«f Machpelah is now said to be concealed under
the Mosque of Hebbon (see Stanley, 8. ^ P.
p. 101).
The marriage of Isaac, so far as Abraham is
concerned, marks his utter refusal to ally his son
with the polluted and condemned blood of the
Canaanites.
The marriage with Keturah is the strangest
and most unexpected event recorded in his life,
Abraham having long ago been spoken of as an
old man ; bnt his youth having been restored
before the birth of Isaac may have remained to
him ; and Isaac's marriage, having taken hie son
comparatively away, may have induced him to
seek a wife to be the support of his old age.
Keturah held a lower rank than Sarah, and her
children were sent away, lest they should dis-
pute the inheritance of Isaac, Abraham having
learnt to do voluntarily in their case what had
been forced upon him in the case of Ishmael.
Abraham died at the age of 175 years, and his
sons, the heir Isaac, and the outcast Ishmael,
united to lay him in the cave of Machpelah by
the side of Siarah.
His descend.-mts were (1) the Israelites ; (2) a
branch of the Arab tribes through Ishmael;
(3) the " children of the East," of whom the Mi-
dianites were the chief; (4) perhaps (as cognate
tribes) the nations of Ammon and Moab (see
these names) ; and through their various
branches his name is known all over Asia.
To English readers Stanley's Lecturts on the
Jewish (Sturch, Lectures i. and ii. (1883) ; Mil-
man's History of the Jews, i. ch. 1 ; H. G. Tomkins'
Abraham and his Times ; W. J. Deane's Abraham,
his Life and Tiines, will give much interesting
information. See also Vigouroui, La Bible et
les B^couvertes Mvdemes,* i. pp. 379-497. The
Jewish legends concerning Abraham will be
found in Beer, Ltien Abrahams n. Auffassung d.
jiidixAen Sage, 1859 ; and summarized in Ham-
burger, SE. /fir Bibel u. Talmud,* a. n. Cp.
Gaster, The Apocalypse of Abraham, from the
Roumanian (Trans, of Soc. of Bibl. Arch. ix.
p. 195 sq.y [A. B.] [F.]
ABBAHAM'S BOSOM. Cp. Luke xvi. 23.
During the Roman occupation of Jndaea at least
ABBONAH
the practice of reclining on couches at meali
was customary among the Jews. As each guest
leaned upon his left arm, his neighbour next
below him would naturally be described as lying
in his bosom ; and such a position with respect
to the master of the house was one of especial
honour, and only occupied by his nearest friends
(John i. 18, ziii. 23). To lie in Abraham's
bosom, then, was a metaphor in use among the
Jews (cp. 4 Mace. xiii. 16 and Grimm's note in
Fritzsche's Kgf. Handbuch nv d. Apokryphen d.
A. T. iv**. Lief. p. 347) to denote a condition
after death of perfect happiness and rest, and a
position of friendship and nearness to the great
founder of their race, when they should lie down
on his right hand at the banquet of Paradise,
"with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the
kingdom of heaven " (Matt. viii. 11). "That the
expression was in use among the Jews is shown
by Lightfoot {Hor. Hebr. in Luc. ivi. 22), who
quotes a passage from the Talmud {Kiddushia,
fol. 72), which, according to his interpretation,
represents Levi as saying in reference to the
death of Rabbi Judah, "to-day he dwelleth in
Abraham's bosom." The future blessedness of
the just was represented under the figure of a
banquet, " the Innquet of the garden of Eden or
Paradise." See Schoettgen, Sor. Sebr. in Malt.
viii. 11; Hamburger, £E. f. B. «. J", s. n.
" Abraham's Schooss." [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABBAM. [ABaAHAH.]
ABBECH. Gen. xli. 43 (A. V. and R. V.):
"They cried before him (Joseph), Bow the knee
(^IIM)." Of the many conjectt^ explanations
of this word, that which considers it Egyptian
is the most usual and natural. The LXX. and
Vulg. give no direct translation of it; the
Targum and Midrash make it a composite word
= " tender father " (11. 3K) or " fatherof the
king" (^T = rex! cp. Gen. xlv. 8). Fried.
Delitzsch, adopting the last-named signification,
identifies it with the Babyloninn-Awyrian abar-
akkit, the title of the principal minister (cp.
H^. Language viewed in the Iiight of Assyrim
Research, 1883, pp. 25-7).* An Assyrian word
in the mouth of the Egyptian was not, however,
BO likely as an Egyptian. Canon Cook's explana-
tion " Rejoice thou " (Speaker's Commentary, i.
note to Gen. xli. 43, and p. 482), if the most
perfect as regards sound and grammatical form,
hardly gives the real sense of the word Ab.
Moreover, the transcription db-rek does not
accurately represent the Egyptian pronunciation
of the original word, which would have been
abu-re-k. If, however, ^13K may be admitted
as standing for d6u-rv-4, the word may be taken
to signify "thy commandment is the object of
our desire," i.e. " w^ are at thy service " (sec
Renouf, PSBA. xi. p. 5, &c.). [F.]
ABBO'NAH (ny"13r= passage, from t^V, to
cross over), one of the halting-places of the
Israelites in the desert, immediately preceding
Ezion-geber ; and therefore, looking to the root.
• The intercourse between Egypt and Babylonia w«s
so great that this IdentificutioD cannot be called imp>«-
slble ; and the word maj thus have been one which, with
many other words of Semitic origin, found admisBloD
into the ancient Egyptian speech.
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ABBONAS
the name may possibly retain the trace of a
ford icrou the head of the tlanitic Gulf. In
the A. V. it is given as £bronah (R. V. Abronah ;
At. 'E^v^ ; B. ^fBpayi ; Bebronuh ; Num.
iiiiii. M, 35). [Xbronau.] If the wilderness of
the waaderings was in Arabia proper, Abronah
was possibly at Hail, l>etween which place and
'ikiah the mountains approach the sea so
clottly that only one camel can pass at a
time. [G.] [W.]
ABKO'NAS C'Afipvvi; K. Xt$p<iv; Mambre),
a torrent {x'iita^jms] apparently near Cilicia
(Jndith ii. 24, compared with 25) ; if so, it may
jfossibly be the Nahr Abraim, or Ibrahim, the
aocient Adonis, which rises in the Lebanon at
Afia, and falls into the sea at Jebeil (Byblos).
It has, howerer, been conjectured (Movers,
Bomur ZeiU. xiii. 38) that the word is a
cormption of TTUn ^3J^ = beyond the river
(Euphrates), which has jnst before been men-
tioned ; a corruption not more inconceivable than
many which actually exist in the LXX. The
A. V. has Abbonai (Judith ii. 24. See Sjjeaker's
CammaUary, note in loco). [G.] [W.]
AB'SALOM (Di^'aM, father of peace;
' AB*a<raA<iit ; Abiatom), third son of David by
Maacah, daughter of Talmai king of Geshur, a
.Syrian district adjoining the M.E. frontier of the
Holy Land near the Lake of Merom. He is
scarcely mentioned till after David had com-
mitted the great crime which by its conse-
quences embittered his old age ; and then appe»rs
as the instrument by whom was fulfilled God's
threat against the sinful king, that " evil should
be raised up against him out of his own house,
and that his neighbour should lie with his wires
ia the sight of the sun" (2 Sam. xii. 11). In
the latter part of David's reign, polygamy bore
its ordinary fruits. Not only is his sin in
the case of Bathsheba traceable to it, since it
naturally suggests the unlimited indulgence of
the passions, but it also brought about the pun-
ishment of that sin, by raising up jealousies and
ooflicting claims between the sons of different
mothen, each apparently living with a separate
boose and establishment (2 Sam. xiii. 8, xiv.
34 ; cf. 1 K. vii. 8, &c.). Absalom had a sister
Tsmar, who was violated by her half-brother
Amnon, David's eldest son by Ahinoam, the
Jcneelitess. The king, though indignant at so
great a crime, would not punish Aronon because
fee was his iirst bom (cp. the LXX. of 2 Sam.
siii. 21. The words are wanting in the Hebrew).
The natural avenger of such an outrage would
be Tamar's full brother Absalom, just as the
s<ns of Jacob took bloody vengeance for their
•ister Dinah (Gen. ixiiv.). He brooded over
the wrong for two years, and then invited
^ the princes to n sheep-shearing feast at his
estate in Baal-iiazor, possibly an old Canaani-
tish tanctuary, on the borders of Ephraim and
Beijamin. Here he ordered bis servants to
narder Amnon, and then fled for safety to his
>atber-iB-Uw's conrt at Geshnr, where he re-
aained for three years. David was overwhelmed
^ this accumulatioo of family sorrows, thus
ciimpleted by separation from bis favourite son,
wham he thought it impossible to pardon or
recalL But he was brought back by an artifice
of Juab, who sent a woman of Tekoah (after-
ABSALOM
19
wards known as the birthplace of the Prophet
Amos) to entreat the king's interference in a
supposititious case similar to Absalom's. Having
persuaded David to prevent the avenger of blood
from pursuing a young man who, she said, had
slain his brother, she adroitly applied his assent
to the recall of Absalom, and urged him, as
he had thus yielded the general principle, to
" fetch home bis banished. David did so, but
would not see Absalom for two more years,
though he allowed him to live in Jerusalem.
At last, the impetuous young man — wearied
with delay, perceiving that his triumph was
only half complete and that his exclusion from
court interfered with the ambitious schemes
which he was forming, and fancying that sutfi-
cient exertions were not made in his favour —
sent his servants to bum a field of com near
his own, belonging to Joab, thus doing as
Snmson had done (Judg, xv. 4, 5). Thereupon
Joab, probably dreading some further outrage
from his violence, brought him to his father,
from whom he received the kiss of recon-
ciliation. Absalom now began at once to pre-
pare for rebellion, urged to it partly by his
own restless wickedness, partly perhaps by the
fear lest Bathsheba's child should supplant him
in the succession, to which he would feel himself
entitled as of royal birth on his mother's side
as well as his father's, and as being now David's
eldest surviving son, since we may infer that
the second son Chileab was dead, from no men-
tion being made of him after 2 Sam. iii. 3. It is
bard to account for Absalom's temporary success,
and the imminent danger which befel so power-
ful a government as his father's. The sin with
Bathsheba had probably weakened David's moral
and religious hold upon the people : and as he
grew older he may have become less attentive
to individual complaints and to that personal
administration of justice which was one of an
Eastern king's chief duties. For Absalom tried
to supplant his father by courting popularity,
standing in the "gate" (or place of justice),
conversing with every suitor, lamenting the
difficulty which he would find in getting a
hearing, "putting forth his hand and kissing
any man who came nigh to do him obeisance "
(2 Sam. XV. 5). He also maintained a splendid
retinue (2 Sam. xv. 1), and was admired for
his personal beauty and the luxuriant growth
of his hair, on grounds similar to those which
had made Saul acceptable (1 Sam. x. 23). It
is also probable that the great tribe of Judah
had taken some offence at David's government,
perhaps from finding themselves completely
merged in one united Israel; and that they
hoped secretly for pre-eminence under the less
wise and liberal rule of his son. Thus Absalom
selected Hebron, the old capital of Judah (then
supplanted by Jerusalem), as the scene of
the outbreak ; Amasa, his chief captain, and
Ahitophel of Giloh, his principal counsellor,
were both of Judah, and after the rebellion was
crashed we see signs of ill-feeling between Judah
and the other tribes (2 Sam. xix. 41). But
whatever the causes may have been, Absalom
raised the standard of revolt at Hebron after
fort;/ years, as we read in 2 Sam. xv. 7, but
which it seems better to consider a false
reading (cp. Hervey, Speaker't Com., in loco:
Kleinert in Riehm's HWB. s. n. "Absalom")
C 3
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20
ABSALOM
for /our (the number actually giren by
Josephus, Lucian's Recension, and accepted by
nearly all modem critics — Ewald, Keil, Kirk-
patrick, VYellhansen), than to interpret of the
fortieth year of Dayid's reign. The revolt was
at first completely successful : David fled from
bis cajiital over the Jordan to Hahanaim in
Gilead, where Jacob had seen the " two Hosts "
of the Angelic vision, and where Abner had
rallied the Israelites round Saul's dynasty in
the person of the unfortunate Ishbosheth. Ab-
salom occupied Jerusalem, and by the advice
of Ahitophel, who saw that for such an un-
natural rebellion war to the knife was the best
security, took possession of David's harem, in
which bad been \e{t ten concubines. This was
considered to imply a formal assumption of all
his father's royal rights (cp. the conduct of
Adonijah, 1 K. ii. 13 S., and of Smerdis the
Magian, Herod, iii. 68), and was also a fulfil-
ment of Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam. xii. 11).
But David had left friends who watched over
his interests. The vigorous counsels of Ahito-
phel were afterwards rejected through the
crafty advice of Hushai, who insinuated himself
into Absalom's confidence to work his ruin ; and
Ahitophel himself, seeing his ambitious hopes
frustrated, and another preferred by the man
for whose sake he had turned traitor, went
home to Giloh and committed suicide. At fast
Absalom, after being solemnly anointed king at
Jerusalem (xii. 10), .inJ lingering there far
longer than was expedient, crossed the Jordan to
attack his father, who by this time had rallied
round him a considerable force ; whereas, had
Ahitophel's advice been followed, he would pro-
bably have been crushed at once. A decisive
battle was fought in Gilead, in the wood of
Epbraim (Lucian's Recension is unsupported
in its reading, " of Hahanaim : " EpuRiLiM) ;
*o called, according to Gerlach (^Comm. in loco),
from the great defeat of the Ephraimites (Judg.
xii. 4), or perhaps from the connexion of Ephraim
with the trans-Jordanic half-tribe of Manasseh
(Stanley, S. and P., p. 323). Here Absalom's
forces were totally defeated; and as he himself
was escaping, his long hair was entangled in the
branches of a terebinth, where he was left hanging
while the mule on which he was riding ran away
from under him. Here he was despatched by Joab
in spite of the prohibition of David, who, loving
him to the last, had desired that his life might
be spared ; and who, when he heard of his death,
lamented over him in the pathetic words, my
son Absalom! would Ood I had died for thee!
Absalom, my ton, my ton ! (2 Sam. xviii. 33).
He was buried in a great pit in the forest, and
the conquerors threw stones over his grave, in
proof of bitter hostility (cp. .losh. vii. 26. The
practice is still continuwl ; see Thomson's T%e
Land and the Book, ii. 234). The sacred his-
torian contrasts this dishonoured burial with the
tomb which Absalom had raised in the Kino's
diik (cp. Gen. xiv. 17) for the three sons whom
he had lost (cp. 2 Sam. xviii. 18 with xiv. 27),
and where be probably had intended that his
own remains should be laid. Josephus (Ant.
vii. 10, § 3) mentions the pillar of Absalom as
situate 2 stadia from Jerusalem. An existing
monument in the valley of Jehoshaphat just
outside Jerusalem bears the name of the Tomb
of Abtalom ; but the Ionic pillars which sur-
ACCAD
ronnd its base show that, if a tomb at all, it be<
longs to a much later period. [G. £. L. C] [F.^
The KM:ftUeil Tomb of AbMlon.
AB'SALOM (T.» 'A/9«<r<r<JA«.^oi, A. 'K^itM-
iu>x [and M in 1 Hacc. xiii. 11]; Absalom), the
father of Mattathias (1 Mace. xi. 70 ; B. ^oA^iw-
SJ)s) and Jonathan (1 Hacc. xiii. 11). [B. F. W.]
AB'SALON CAiB«r<ra;u2M: Abesalom), an
ambassador with John from the Jews to Lysias,
chief governor of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia
(2 Hacc. xi. 17). [W. A. W.]
ABU'BUS OA/SoviSifs; Abobus), father of
Ptolemaeus, the captain of the plain of Jericho,
and son-in-law to Simon Haccabaeus (1 Mace,
xvi. 11, 15). [W. A. W.]
ABYSS. The word is absent from the A. V.,
but is of frequent occurrence in the R. V. as a
translation of 4 Hfivirvos : and the use of this
Greek word, as a substantive, in the sense of the
unfathomable depth (&, 0u6is'), is confined to
Biblical and Ecclesiastical Greek. The LXX.
use ifivvtros (see Trommius, Concord, a. n.) to
denote three Hebrew words : (a) DiriFi in the
Pentateuch, poetical, and historical Books ; (6)
n^Vt? in Job xii. 23 (A. V. and R. V. v. 32,
« the deep "), and H^S in Is. iliv. 27 (A. V.
and R. V. "the deep"); (c) an"! in Job xiivi.
16 (A. V. and R. V. " a broad place "). In the
N. T. the word is contrasted with heaven, as i\
synonym with Hades, the abode of the dead
(Rom. X. 7), and with special application to the
place of woe and of the devils {e.g. Luke viii.
31 ; Rev. xvii. 8, xx. 3). Cremer points out
that the application of the term to Hades be-
comes less frequent in Ecclesiastical Greek (Bihl.-
theol. Wdrterb. d. NTlichcn GrScitat, s. n.). [F.]
AC'ATAN ('AKOTily; Eccetan). See Hak-
KATAN (1 Esd. viii. 38). [W. A. W.j
AC'CAD C1?S ; 'ApxiS; Archad; Babylonian
*- ^ y *~]^t »^' "' -^-iH "the city of
Akkad "), one of the chief cities of the land of
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ACCARON
Sbiiiir, mentioned (Gen. x. 10) with Babel,
£rwh, and Calneh, aa being the beginning of
Ximrod's liingdom. Thia city, which a supposed
to be the same aa the Agade (an earlier form) of
tie inscriptiona, lay near Sepharraim (Sippara,
DOW Abo-babbiUiX 1^ >»i'<» west of Baghdad,
aui waa probably the capital of the land of
Aikad ( ^ ^^y ^^^ . mit AUadCj, nearly
alwayi mentioned with Somer or Shinar. These
two important nations, the pioneers of early oiri-
iisstion, snppoaed to be of Turanian race, peopled
a great part of Ueaopotamia before the Semitic
Babylonian and Assyrian supremacy. They
spoke an agglutinative language, which seems
to lure died out aboqt 1200 B.O., giving place
to Semitic Babylonian, tbongh Akicadian and
Somerian were lued as sacred or literary tongues
to a very late date. The boundaries of the
conotrr are unknown, but it probably lay \x-
tween lat. 32" and 35", and long. 44" and 46".
The native uame of the country was Uri,
and the Assyrian and Babylonian kings gene-
rally called themselves " king of Snmer and
Akkad " (Aaayr. or Bab., iatr Sumiri u AJiiadi;
Akkadian, Lugal Kmgi -Vn(ki).) The group
^ ^=J<^p ^T^f was also used to designate
the Und of Armenia (Assyr. or Bab., Vr(A or
Crarfu (Ararat); Akkad., Jiffa). The close
<onnexion between the Semitic and Akkadian
inhabitanta of Mesopotamia is shown by the fact,
that even in the earliest times the kings bore
both an A kk adia n and a Semitic name, the one
being a translation of the other. The Akkadians
probably merged into the Babylonians about
1500 RC. [Babylomia.] [T. G. p.]
ACCABON. mrooN.] Accaron is the
form nsed by Saewolf for Acre (,E. T. 48). [W.]
AC'CHO (ySB, Get. derives the name from
(he Arabic, hot tand, a sense not contradictad by
snbaeqnent dtmatal or topographical changes;
'Ajix«, 'tuni, Strabo; Aocko; R. V. Acco ; the
Ptolehais of the Ifaccabees and N. T.), now
called 'AUia, or more nsnally by Europeans, Saint
Jean fAert, an important seaport town on the
Syrian coast, about 30 miles S. of Tyre. 'Akka
u situated at the northern extremity of the Bay
<^ .^cre, which terminates southwards in the bold
bioff of Carmel, and is the only inlet of import-
«>ee on the Syrian coast south of St. George's
Bay near BeinU. Inland the hills, which from
Tyre southwards press closely npon the seashore,
l^radndly recede, leaving in the immediate
ceighbonrhood of 'Akka a fertile plain, watered
fcy the small river iVaAr Ifamein (Belns), which
discharges itself into the sea a short distance
aoBth of the town. Its military importance,
«hich has led to its being called " the key of
Palestine," is due to its position, which enables
the Power that holds it to close the coast road
fnm Syria to Egypt, and to operate, from a con-
veaient base, against any hostile force attempt-
iag to cross the plain of Esdraelon ; it also has
lear at hand, at Haifa, a safe anchorage for
tliipping, and its own harbour was sufficient to
sfforid protection to the galleys and vessels used
ia the Middle Age*. The town itself is trian-
gular in form, the base facing the north and the
ajcx the south ; it is snrronnded on the land
ACCHO
21
side by double ramparts, flanked by towers and
bastions ; and there are remains of an outer and
inner port. Few traces of the old town are to
be found ; the original name has alone survived
all the changes to which the place has been
expoaed.
In the division of Canaan among the tribes
Accho was assigned to Asher, but it was never
conquered by the Israelites (Judg. i. 31). No
further mention is made of it in 0. T. history,
and it is always reckoned among the cities of
Phoenicia (Strab. xvi. 2, § 25 ; Plin. v. 17 ;
Ptol. V. 15). It is described by Josephus as a
maritime city of Galilee, situated in the great
plain (£. J. ii. 10, § 2). When Shalmaneser IV.
advanced against Tyre, which had revolted
against him, Accho, with Sidon, Palaetyrna, and
other cities joined the Assyrians and assisted
them with vessels and men {Ant. ix. 14, § 2).
It afterwarda revolted, bat was recaptured by
Sennacherib, and a little later was ceded by
£tarbaddon to the king of Tyre, in return for
service* which that monarch had rendered to
the Assyrians. It passed into the hands of the
Babylonians, and afterwards into those of the
Persians, who used it as a place of assembly for
their troops daring their expedition* against
Egypt (Strab. xvi. 2, § 25). According to the
first distribution of Alexander's kingdom, it wa*
assigned, with Phoenicia and Syria, to Ptolemy
Soter, from whom it probably derived its name
Ptolemais. During the wars between Syria and
Egypt it several times changed hands ; and it*
importance, as commanding the road down the
Syrian coast, probably dates from this period.
In 218 B.C. it was surrendered to Antiochus the
Great by the treachery of Philopator's lieu-
tenant, but was recovered by the Egyptians in
the following year, and remained in their bands
until it was finally incorporated in the kingdom
of Antiochus. In the reign of Antiochus Epi-
phanes, Simon Haccabaeus defeated a confedera-
tion of the people of Ptolemais, Tyre, and Sidon,
and drove his enemies back within the walls of
Ptolemais, but did not take the city (1 Mace
V. 22; Ant. xii. 8, § 2). It was teken by
Alexander Bala* (ilnt. xiii. 2, § 1), who wa*
married within it* walls to Cleopatra, danghter
of Ptolemy Philometor (^n(. xiii. 4, §§ 1, 2). It
afterwards came into the possession of Demetriu*
Nicator, who gave it, with its lands, to Jonathan
for the expenses of the Temple at Jerusalem (1
Mace X. 39); when, however, Jonathan went,
at the invitation of Tryphon, to take possession
of the city, he was treacherously seized and his
escort pnt to death {ArU. xiii. 6, § 2). Ptolemais
was besieged by Alexander Jannaeus, but the
siege was raised on the approach of Ptolemy
Lathyrus, who had landed from Cyprus with a
large force to assist the besieged. The people
having refused to admit Ptolemy, he, on his
arrival, took the place by force (Ant. xiii. 12,
§§ 2-6) ; but it was afterwards captured by Cleo-
patra, whom Alexander Jannaeus had summoned
to his assistance (Ant. xiii. 13, §§ 1, 2). It was
transferred by Cleopatra with her daughter
Cleopatra (Selene) to the Syrian monarchy, and
it was under her rule when attacked and taken
by Tigranes during his expedition against Syria
(Ant. xiii. 16, § 4 ; B. J. i. 5, § 3). It opened
it* gates to the Parthians under Pacorus, who
was advancing along the coast to the assistance
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22
AC008
ACELDAMA
of Antigonus (^n*. lir. 13, § 3 ; S. J. i. 13, § 1),
and ultimately passed into the bands of tlie
Romans, who raised it to the rank of a colony
under the title of Colonia Claudii Caesaris
Ptolemais (Plin. t. 19, § 19). The only notice
of it in the N. T. is in connexion with St. Paul's
passnge from Tyre to Caesarea (Acts xxi. 7).
Herod bnilt a gymnasium there (5. J. i. 21,
§ 11), but of this no trace has been found.
The post-biblical history of Accho will be found
in P. F. Mem. i. 160-167, and Guirin, Galilee,
i. 510-525. Accho is perhaps alluded to in
Ocina (Jud. ii. 28); its mediaeval names were
Accaron and Aeon ; and the last name snrvires,
where one would little expect it, in Lombard-
street, where the church of St. Nicholas Aeons
is the successor of the
church of St. Thomas of
Aeon, or Acres Hospital,
founded by a member of
the order of Augustine
it rf^^'^^^^fli monies after the capture
•-' ' -J^J^^*'*^' of Acre, under the pa-
tronage of St. Thomas
of Canterbury. Coins of
Acre exist in which the
(MnoTAixlio. city is represented as a
fi;;ure on a rock sur-
rounded by the sea. In the right hand she benrs
three ears of corn; at her feet is the image of
a river with open hands. [W.]
AC'COS CAk»<4i ; A. 'KKxit ; Jacob\ father
of John and grandfather of Eupolemus, the
ambassador from Judas Maccabaeus to Rome
(1 Mace. viii. 17). [W. A. W.]
ACCOZ. [Koz.]
ACELDAMA Q\Kt\iani. ; Lachmann and
Tischendorf [KB.], 'AKfXJo/iix ; Saceldama;
K. V. Aieldama ; xttpioy al/uirot, " the field of
blood ;" Chald. KD"'! ?i?n), the name given by
the Jews of Jerusalem to a "field" (xaalov) near
Jerusalem purchased by Judas with the money
which he received for the betrayal of Christ, and
so cnlled from his violent death therein(Acts i. 19).
This is, apparently, at variance with the account
of St. Matthew (xxvii. 8), according to which
the " field of blood " (ieffihs atitaros) was pur-
chased by the priests with the thirty pieces of
silver after they had been cast down by Judas,
as a burial-place for strangers, the locality
being well known at the time as '* the field of
the potter"* (rhy iyphy rod Ktpa)i4us). See
Alford's notes to Acts i. 19. And accordingly
ecclesiastical tradition appears, from 600 A.D.,
to have pointed out two distinct (though not
unvarying) spots as referred to in the two
accounts.
Bp. Jacobson {Speaker'$ Comm., note on Acts
i. 19) has pointed out that the variance is ima-
ginary. The money received by Judas as the
" reward of iniquity " was invested by others. A
similar use of language is to be noted when the
Jews (and not the Romans) are said to have
• The prophecy referred to by St. Matthew, Zecbariah
(not Jeremiah) xl. 12, 13, does not In tbe present state
of tbe Hebrew text agree with tbe qaotation of the
Kvangellst. Tbe Syriac Verrion omits tbe name alto-
gether. See ^xaktr's Omm. on Halt, xzvli. 9, addi-
tional note.
crucified Jesus Christ (Acts r. 30), Joseph of
Arimathaea to have hewn out the new tomb,
and Sanl to have offered sacrifice (1 Sam. ziii. 9).
Aceldama, now called Hakk ed-Dumm, is
shown at the east end of a broad terrace on the
southern slope of the modern valley of Hinnoni,
not far from the pool of Siloam ; and the name
is more p.irticularly applied to a large vaulted
chamber built against the thick bed (mah/ii) of
limestone in which most of the large tombs on
the right bank of the ravine have been exca-
vated. The chamber is deep, and its floor is
covered by a thick bed of bones and soil ; in the
face of the rock, within the building, there are
two sepulchral chambers, with "loculi," and
traces of the steps which led down to them are
still visible. Against the face of the rock arc
buttresses of nia.sonry which formed part of an
earlier building than the existing one (see 0. S.
planof Jerusalem, notes, and photo.). The cham-
ber is probably the same as that described by
Maundrell as "a square fabric twelve yards
high, built for a charnel-house ; " the corpses
were let down into it from tbe top, and appa-
rently left uncovered.
The tradition which fixes Aceldama npon this
spot reaches back to the time of Jerome, who
describes it as being "ad australem^ plagam
mentis Sion;" and it is mentioned by Anto-
ninus Martyr, Arculfus, Sacwulf, and almost
every traveller to the present day. Arculfus
distinguishes between Aceldama, then a small
field covered with a heap of stones, and the
spot, apparently, as at pre-sent, on the Hill of
Kvil Counsel, where Judas hanged himself on a
fig-tree,' The latter site was afterwards trans-
ferred to the vicinity of Absalom's pillar in the
Kedron valley, where Sir J. Maundeville found
the "elder tree "of Judas, and Maundrell was
shown "anotl)fr Aceldama." In La Cittt de
Jherusalem (p. 16) a stone arch, which gave its
name to a street within the city, is identified
with the place of the suicide of Judas. At a
later period the site was re-transferred to the
Hill of Evil Counsel, where, according to tradi-
tion, stood the country-house of Caiaphas in
which Judas made his bargain. In the 12th and
also in the 14th centuries, Aceldama belonged
to the Latins, and there was a small cbnrch
there ; but in the 17th century it was in the
hands of the Armenians, who sold the right of
interment at a high price. " Aceldama " was
the name popularly given to the estate pur-
chased by the infamous Judge Jefiries with the
money extorted by him during the "bloody
assize " (Mncaulay).
It was believed in the Middle Ages that the
soil of this place had the power of very rapidly
consuming bodies buried in it (Sandys, p. 187),
and, in consequence cither of this or of the
sanctity of the spot, great quantities of the earth
were taken away ; amongst others by the Pisan
Crusaders in a.d. 1218 for their Campo Scmto
at Pisa, and by the Empress Helena for that at
■> Euscblns, from whom Jerome translated, bas here
if popttotf. This may be a clerical error, or It may
add another to the many Instaoces existing of the
change of A traditional site to meet circamstances.
Antoninus Martyr however siys, '* De Oethsemane
fl.^cendimns ad portam Hlrrosolymae per gradus mnltos.
In dextera parte portae est oUvctnm et flcnlnea. In qoa
Judas laqueo se snspendlt " (ili'n. xvIL).
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ACHATA
Komc (Rob. i. 355 ; Baumer, p. 270). Besides the
cii>rDeI-hoa5e above meDtioned, there are several
large hollows in the gronnd in thia immediate
aeighbonrhood which may have been caused by
(uch eicavationa. KtuSI states (Tbp. Jer. 193)
that he saw people digginf; clay at Aceldama.
SchaltJ (Jer. 39) and Porter {Oiant Cities, 147)
speak of a bed of clay at that place. Clay is
still obtained from the hill above the valley of
Hinnom. [G.] [W.]
ACHA'IA CAX"*") signifies in the N. T. a
Ronixn province, which included the whole of
the Peloponnesos and the greater part of Hellas
proper with the adjacent islands. This province
with that of Macedonia comprehended the whole
of Greece : hence Achaia and Macedonia are fre-
qnently mentioned together in the K. T. to
nidicate all Greece (Acts xviii. 12, xii. 21 ;
Eom. IV. 26, svi. 5 [where Asia is the correct
reading]; 1 Cor. xvi. 15; 2 Cor. ii. 1, ii.
2, li. 10 ; 1 Thess. i. 7, 8). A narrow slip of
oountry upon the northern coast of Pelopon-
nHss was originally called Achaia, the cities of
which were confederated in an ancient League,
which was renewed in B.C. 280 for the purpose
of resisting the Macedonians. This League sub-
seqoently included several of the other Grecian
states, ukd became the most powerful political
My in Greece'; and hence it was natural for
the Romans to apply the name of Achaia to the
Peloponnesus and the sonth of Greece, when
they took Corinth and destroyed the League in
B.C. 146. {iia\ovcri 8e oIi'k 'ZWiSos 4\X'
'Axolat irrt^va ot 'Puiuuoi, ttSrri ix"?^*^""^'
*EA\ip>as Si* 'Axwi" T^re roS 'EWitruioS
rposonfmSrwr, Paus. vii. 16, §10.) Whether the
Roman province of Achaia was established im-
mediately after the conquest of the League, or
not till a later period, need not be discussed
here (see Diet, of Geogr. i. p. 17). In the
division of the provinces by Augustus between
the emperor and the senate in B.a 27, Achaia
was one of the provinces assigned to the senate,
and was governed by a proconsul (Strab. xvii.
p. 840; Dio Caas. liii. 12). Tiberius in the
SKond year of hia reign (a.d. 16) took it away
from the senate, and made it an imperial pro-
vince governed by a procurator (Tac. Ann. i.
76); bnt Claudius restored it to the senate
(Suet. Claud. 25). This was its condition
when Paul was brought before Gallio, who
is therefore (Acts rviii. 12) correctly called
(R. V.) the "proconsul" (is-tf^orot) of
Achaia, which is translated in the A. V. " de-
puty " of Achaia. [J. S. H.] [W.]
ACHA1CXJ8 Cf^xo^i' ; Achaiau), name of
a member of the Oiristian household of Stepha-
nas (1 Cor. iTi. 17). [G.]
A'CHAN (J3», written n3» [Achab] in
1 Ch. ii. 7 ; B. '^x<h, A. 'Axiv in Josh. ; ^cAan ;
BA. 'Axif in Chron. ; Achar), the son of Carmi,
u Israelite of the tribe of jndab, who, when
Jericho and all that it contained were accursed
and devoted to destruction (Josh. vi. 17-19),
Mcreted a portion of the spoil in his tent (Josh,
vii. 1-21). For this sin Jehovah punished
Israel by their defeat in their attack upon Ai.
Wben Achan confessed his guilt, and the booty
«>s discovered, he was stoned to death with his
whole family by the people in a valley situated
ACHUCHABUS
23
between Ai and Jericho, and their remains,
together with his property, were bnmt (Josh,
vii. 24, 25). From this event the valley received
the name of Achor (i.e. trouble) f Achob]. From
the similarity of the name Achan to Achar,
Joshua said to Achan, " Why hast thou troubled
us («n-13»)? the Lord shall trouble thee (^IS^)
this day " (ifosh. vii. 25). In order to account tor
the terrible punishment executed upon the family
of Achan, it is quite unnecessary to resort to the
hypothesis that they were his accomplices in an
act of military insubordination. The sangui-
nary severity of Oriental nations, from which
the Jewish people were by no means free, has in
all ages involved the children in the punishment
of the father ; but, independently of such con-
siderations, according to the Jewish apprehen-
sion of the second commandment, the sins of the
father were visited ^upon the children by a dis-
tinctly judicial medium. Achan was guilty of a
distinct breach of the covenant made by God
with His people, and his family were treated as
guilty of the father's sin (Josh. vii. 15 ; xxii. 20)
They were punished upon the ground of being
implicated in his sin (cp. Mozley's Lectures on
the Old Testament, pp. 115, 116). This is also
the view taken by the Talmud, which is prompt
to recognise that Achan's confession of his sin
(Josh. vii. 20) was accepted : ' He was punished
in this life (" The Lord shall trouble thee this
day," Josh. vii. 25); but he has part in the life
to come ' (Midr. Wafikra Sabba, § 9 [on Lev. vii.
11]. Hamburger, SE.' e. n. "Achan ; " Wiinsche,
BiU. Sabb. Lief. 22, p. 54). [R. W. B.] [F.]
ACHAB (see Achan), a variation of the
name Achan, which seems to have arisen from
the play upon it in 1 Ch. ii. 7 : " Achar, the
troubler (13^1/) of Israel, who committed a tres-
pass in the devoted thing " (R. V.). [W. A. W.]
A'CHAZ CAx«f ; .Achaz). Ahaz, king of
Judah (Matt. i. 9). [W. A. W.]
ACH'BOB (liasr, a mouse; BA. [usually]
'Axofi^p ; Achobor)'. 1, Father of Baal-hanan,
king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, D. Xofiiip; 1 Ch.
i. 49). 2. Son of Micaiah, n contemporary of
Josiah (2 K. xxii. 12, 14; Jer. xxvi. 22 [LXX.=
.Txxiii. omits], xxxvi. 12), called Abdon [No. 4]
in 2 Ch. xxxiv. 20. [A. C. H.] [F.]
ACHIACH'ABUS (Heb. and Chald. [ed.
Ncubauer] n|3'i?K ; "Ax'iX'P"' **• 'Ax«'x«pos,
R.' 'Ax'tixV' > i*"'** ■Achioharus. On the fanci-
ful reproduction of this name as =]nriK *nK,
see ^mAer's Comm. on Tobit, add. note' to i. 2i-
The supposition that the name = jiintt 'PIK —
Postremos is not less fanciful), the chief minister,
"cupbearer, and keeper of the signet, and
steward, and overseer of the acconnts " at the
court of Sarchedonus or Esarhaddon, king of
Nineveh, in the Apocryphal story of Tobit (Tob.
i. 21, 22; ii. 10; xiv. 10). He was nephew to
Tobit, being the son of his brother Anael, and
supported him in his blindness till he left Nine-
veh. From the occurrence of the name of Aman
in xiv. 10, it has been conjectured that Achia-
charus is but the Jewish name for Mordecai,
whose history suggested some points which the
author of the Book of Tobit worked up into his
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24
ACHIA8
narratire; bat there is no reason to have re-
course to such a supposition, as the discrepan-
cies are much more strongly marked than the
resemblances (see Speaker's Comm, note on Tob.
liv. 10). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ACHI'AS C^chias), son of Phinees; high-
priest and progenitor of Esdras (2 Esd. i. 2),
but omitted both in the genealogies of Ezra and
1 Esdras : perhaps confounded with Ahijah, the
son of Ahitub and grandson of Eli. [W. A. W.]
A'CHIM CAx«fM; -Achim, Matt. i. 14% son
of Sadoc, and father of Blind, in onr Lord's
genealogy ; the fifth in succession before Joseph
the husband of Mary. The Hebrew form of the
name would be yy, Jachin (Gen. xlvL 10, A.
'lax*ilh A.*"" "Axetft D. '\axtl», Jachin;
1 Ch. xxiv. 17, A. 'Iax«(vi B. Tofioik, Jacliin).
It is a short form of Jehoiachin, the Lord mil
establish. The name, perhaps, indicates him as
successor to Jehoiachin's throne, and expresses
his parents' faith that God would, in due time,
establish the kingdom of David, according to
the promise in Is. ix. 7 (r. 6 Heb.) and else-
where. [A. C. H.] [P.]
ACHI'OE CAXx^P. •■<'• T^K*riK, tt«irott«r of
light [comp. nin'nt<,Num. xxxjv. 27]; Achior;
confounded with 'Ax«'x<vx"> 1'o'>- ^'- 1^? Gk.),
a general of the Ammonites in the army of
Holofernes, who is afterwards represented as
becoming a proselyte to Judaism (Judith t. vii.
xiii. xiv.). [B. F. W.]
A'CHISH (B^3N; 'Ayxois; Achis),ti PhiUs-
tine king at Gath, son of Maoch (1 Sam. xxrii. 2),
called in the 34th Psalm (title) Abimelech
[No. 1], possibly the dynastic name of the
Philistine kings (cp. Gen. xz. 2), Achish being
his personal name. David twice found a refuge
with him when he fled from Saul. On the first
occasion, being recognised by the servants of
Achish as one celebrated for his victories over
the Philistines, he was alarmed for his safety,
and feigned madness (1 Sam. xxi. 10-1.3).
[David.] From Achish he fled to the cave of
AduUam. 2ndly, David fled to Achish with 600
men (1 Sam. xxrii. 2), and remained at Gath a
year and four months.
Whether the Achish, to whom Shimei went
in disobedience to the commands of Solomon
(1 K. ii. 39, 40), be the same person is uncer-
tain. Riehm {HWB. a. n.) thinks that he
was. [K. W. B.] [F.]
ACHITOB Ckxnifi, B. 'Ax«-; Achitob).
Ahitub, the high-priest in the genealogy of
Esdras (1 Esd. \\u. [ Vvlg. vii.] 2 ; 2 Esd. i. 1).
[W. A. W.]
ACH'METHA. [Ecbataxa.]
A'OHOK, VALLEY OF (yOO plj}?;
^ifayi 'Ax^p ; 'EiuKax^p ; Hos. Koikia 'Axtip ;
vallis Achor) = " valley of trouble," according
to the etymology of the text ; the spot at which
Achan, "the troubler of Israel," was stoned
(Josh. vii. 24, 26). On the N. boundary of
Judah (xv. 7 ; also Isa. Ixv. 10 ; Hos. ii. 15,
who alludes to the meaning of the name rather
than to the place). Jerome (OS' pp. 125, 31,
151. 14) describes it as north of Jericho ; but this
ACHZIB
is at variance with the coune of the boundary
in Joshna (Keil's Joshua, 131). It is now the
Wddy Kelt, which runs into the Jordan valley
to the south of Old Jericho and north of Roman
Jericho. [G.] [W.]
ACH'SA (naOV; B. 'Atrxd, A. 'Axai;
Achsa), daughter of Caleb, or Chelubai, the
son of Hezron (1 Ch. ii. 49). [Caleb.] In the
R. V. the name is more correctly given at
ACHSAH. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ACH'SAH (noar, Gea. ankkt ; 'Aax^;
Axa), daughter of daleb, the son of Jephunneh,
the Kenezite. Her father promised her in mar-
riage to whoever should take Debir, the ancient
name of which (according to the analogy of
Kisjath-Arba, the ancient name of Hebron)
was Kibjath-Sepbeb (or, as in Josh. xv. 49,
Kibjatu-Sanna), the city of the book. Othniel,
her father's younger brother, took the city, and
accordingly received the hand of Achsah as his
reward. Caleb, at his daughter's request, added
to her dowry the upper and lower springs, which
she had pleaded for as peculiarly suitable to her
inheritance in a south country (Josh. xv. 15—19.
See Stanley's S. and P. p. 161). [GuLLOTH.j
The story is given in Judg. i. 11-15. Achsah
is mentioned again, as being the daughter of
Caleb, in 1 Ch. ii. 49, which in the A. v. is in-
correctly given as Achsa. [Achsa.] But there
is much confnsion in the genealogy of Caleb
there given. [Caleb.] [A. C. H.]
ACH'SHAPH {^M, Ges. enchantment ;
Achsaph [Josh. xi. xii.], Axaph [Josh, xix.]),
a city within the territory of Asher, named
between Beten and Alammclech (Josh. xix. 25) ;
originally the seat of a Canoanite king (Josh,
xi. 1, xii. 20 [B., in both places, 'A{f((p, but
in xix. 25 K«i^; A. in xi. 1 'Ax<^ (F- 'Ax<<3)i
in xii. 20 *Ax<r<t^]). It is not yet identified.
The modern Kefr Tdsif, a small village, with
an ancient well, north-east of Acre (P. F. Stem.
i. 146, 153), does not suit (Dillmann on Josh. xi.
1). Others have suggested Haifa, a town which,
from its situation, must always have been too
important to have escaped mention in the history,
as it otherwise would have done. The identi-
fication with either Yasif at Haifa is, however,
philologically most questionable. [G.] [W.]
ACH'ZIB (y\M= falsehood; in Josh. /. c.
B. T/if(fi$; A. omits; Achzib). 1. A city of Judah,
in the Shefelah, named with Keilah and Mare-
shah (Josh. XV. 44; Mic. i. 14). The latter
passage contains a play on the name : " the
houses of Achzib (3M3K) shall be a lie " (3t3K •
LXX. (IS Ktyhr iyivorro ; Vulg. domus mendacii
in deceptionemi). It is probably the same with
Cbezib and Chozeba, which see. The name
may perhaps be retained in 'Ain Kezbeh, at
Beit Nettlf, 2i miles from 'AH el-Ma (Adullam).
2. In Josh. /. c. B. "ExofciiS ; A. 'Axfti^ [A.»
'A(ti^, A.' superscr. x] • Achtiba: in Judg. I. c,
B. 'AirxaC*i > A. 'Ao-xcfScf ; Achaeib. A town
belonging to Asher (Josh. xix. 29), from which
the Canaanites were not expelled (Judg. i. 31) ;
afterwards Ecdippa (Jos. B. J. i. 13, §4,*EkS(«--
vuy). Josephus also (_Ant. v. 1, § 22) gives the
name as 'Apit^ . . . ^ koI 'Aiernois. In /tin.
Bierosolym, Eodippa is placed 8 Roman miles from
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ACIFHA
FtoleoMu, on the road to Ty^re; by Jerome (OS.*
f. 134, 13) 9 Koman miles. Here was the Ca»alt
Btberti of the Cnuaders (Schuiz ; Ritter, Pal.
p. 782) ; and it a now ez-Zih, on the sea-ehore at
the month of Wady el-KOm ; a small Tillage on
an irtiiicial monnd, with aoimportant mios (P.
/. Mem. i. 148, 155, 193 ; and cp. Manndrell,
p. 427). Achzib is mentioned in the Assyrian
iaacriptions, ander the form Akzibi, as one of
the towns dependent on Sidon, which were
captnred by Sennacherib during his third cam-
paign (Schrader, AVI 7.' p. 170). Afler the return
trom Babylon it was considered by the Jews as
thg northernmost limit of the Holy Land; it
possessed a synagogue and was fortified. See
(he qootationi from the Oemara in Reland
(p. 544). [a] [W.]
ACITHA (B. 'Axt>0i ; A. 'Axi^ ; AgittaX
Haknpha (1 E«L r. 31). [W. A. W.] [F-]
ACrraO CT.' omiU] A. 'KkMv, probably
an error for 'Ax<rAp, the reading of M ; AcMtob,
i.e. a<B'rB(, brother of goodness), one of the
ancestors of Judith (Judith viii. 1 ; see Spcaket's
Coewi.). [B. F. W.]
ACBABATTINE. [Abadattine ; Ak-
RiSBIlI.]
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 1. The Title.
— ^The title of this Book, as given in the oldest
tathorities, is either " Acts " or " Acts of Apos-
tles." The former (wfi^cu) appears at the com-
mencement and in the headings of the pages in K ;
tbe latter (yfiita iewoariKm) in B D (but with
the itacism itfifys in D), and in the subscrip-
tion of K. Accordingly the Book is quoted
indiftrentlr br the early Fathers as " Acts,"
"The Acu'" (Orig. Op. i. p. 434, iv. pp. 6, 25 ;
fomp. Eoaeb. H. E. vi. 25 ; TertuU. c. Jfarc. v.
3, (fe Praetcr. 22, and elsewhere), or " Acts of
Apostles," "The AcU of the Apostle*" (Iren.
iii 13. 3; Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 12, p. 696:
TertolL e. ifbrc r. 1, 2, and elsewhere ; Orig.
(^. L p. 22, iL p. 538, &c). Longer titles,
siuh as "Acts of the Holy Apostles " («fH<(«r
Tar aylair JbroffT^Xw), found in the sabscription
ofEG H, may be dismissed at once from onr
touiileration. The anthor of the Mvratorian
Cmn (c ^.D. 180 ?) refers to the Book as con-
taining " acta omnium apoetolornm " (p. 18,
•d. Trtgelles) ; but he does not give this defi-
niltly as a title, and by inserting " omnium,"
«bich howerer is not a correct description, he
tbriouly desires to distinguish it from apocry-
I^ histories of indiridual Apostles, such as the
"Acta Petri," &c Whether we should con-
wlet the larger title a later eipansion of the
siorter, or whether on the other hand " Acts "
V an abridgement of " Acts of Apostles " for
noTenieoce, may be a matter of question. On
the whole, perhaps the latter yiew is the more
probable ; since the long and short forms are
itmi hi the same writers, and moreover, when-
erer the title of the Book is distinctly recorded
«s inch— for inatonce by Ensebins {H. E. iii. 25),
ky Athanasjus (Op. ii. p. 767), by Chrysostom
(Of. iii. p. 54), by Euthalius, and by Photius
(*KfUl. Qn. 123)— the word iMa<n6XMy is
aenr wanting. We gather also from the evi-
nce, that in the original form the definite
«rticl« were absent. Thus, for instance, Chry-
•atom (in the passage just referred to), having
ACTS OP THE APOSTLES 25
distinctly given the title without the articles
(to^i' Ix*' ▼V imypcup^y, npii*is iwo<rr6-
Aatr), nevertheless in the same context writes,
iri tSk vpdjf egy tuv dTotrrdAwv. This example
shows that no stress can be laid on the fact
that elsewhere the Book is quoted in early
writers as " The Acts of the Apostles." In
Wicliffe's Version, which was translated from
the Vulgate, it is headed " Deeds of Apostles " ;
but in the Authorised (1611) the heading is
"The Actes of the Apostles," as also in the
previous English Versions of the 16th century
generally, which were made from the Greek.
But, though it seems clear that the earlier
title was "Acts of Apostles" (itpi^tis iiro-
ariXmr) without the definite article, the value
of the fact in its bearing on the contents is
diminished by the consideration that in titles
and headings the omission of the article was
common in ancient times, as it is with ourselves.
Thus in Matt. i. 1 the words are "Book of
generation (or genealogy) of Jesus Christ"
(B/j3Xoi yfy4trftn k. t. A.). Moreover, we have
no ground for assuming that this title, whether
wpotfir iwo<rri\wr or rpdfut simply, was given
to the Book by the writer himself. In other
cases in the N. T. we find indications that the
earliest existing headings are somewhat later
than the writings themselves (Lightfoot, Colos-
sians, p. 16), The later word irpa{aTi!(rTa\at
is not a title of this individual Book ; but, being
compounded of irpd{<ir and iir6aroAos, desig-
nates lectionaries which contained lessons from
the Acts and Apostolic Epistles (Scrivener's
Introduction, pp. 71, 279, 301).
2. The Scope and Contents.— The Acts of the
Apostles, like the Third Gospel, is addressed to
one Theophilus. Was he an actual person, a
disciple or friend of the writer? or have we
here a fictitious name, a representative of the
Christian reader generally ? The former is the
view commonly taken by modem writers. He
has been made a native of Antioch, of Alex-
andria, of Rome, &c. by different critics, all
without any shadow of authority which deserves
consideration. If he were a real person, we
might with greater probability place him at
Philippi, for the writer of the Acts apparently
had close relations with this place. Yet the other
opinion is not to be hastily rejected ; for it is
at least consonant with the literary character of
St. Luke's two treatises, and more especially of
the prefaces. This view is thrown out as a
suggestion by Epiphanius {_Baer. li. 7, ttrovy
riri Btofik^ firt ypd^r . . . f) royr! lai9pAitif
9*hy iyawiyri). It seems also to be present to
the mind of Origen, though he does not express
himself very clearly (Horn, in Zuc. 1, Op. iii,
p. 933, Delarue). So also St. Ambrose, " Scrip-
turn est evangelium ad Theophilum, hoc est ad
eum quem Deus diligit" (Exp. Evang. Luc.
i. 12, Op. i. p. 1270, ed. Ben«l.). In modem
times it has found some rather lukewarm sup-
porters (e.g. Renan, L'J^lise ChrAienne, p. 256).
As the Greek equivalent to the Hebrew Jedidiah,
Theophilus is not uncommon as a Jewish name.
Thus It is borne by the Jewish high-priest (a.d.
37-41) the son of Annas (Jos. Ant. xviii. 5, § 3,
xix. 6, § 2), who has been identified — an extremely
improbable identification — with the person here
addressed by St, Luke, Again, we find two per-
sons so called in an inscription in a Jewish
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26
ACTS OP THE APOSTLES
cemetery at Home (Schiirer, Gemeindeverf. der
Juden in Som, p. 39). It was a freqaent
heathen name likewise (Pape, WSrttrb. Griech,
Eigennamen, a. v. ; Fabric. Bibl. Qraec. vii.
p. 106 SI]., ed. Harles ; comp. Tac ilnn. ii. 55).
Naturally also it was common among the Chris-
tian;, e.g. the apologist Tbeophilus, Bishop of
Antioch (c. A.D. 160). A reminiscence of this
later Tbeophilus, combined with the tradition
that St. Luke himself was an Antiochene, may
have given rise to the Clementine statement
that Tbeophilus was a person of importance in
Antioch {Jiecogn. x. 71, "Tbeophilus qui erat
cunctis potentibns in ciritate sublimior "),
who consecrated his boose as a basilica, where
the chair of St. Peter was established. .In
Apost. Const. tU. 46, a Tbeophilus is repre-
sented as the third Bishop of Csesarea of Pales-
tine, and appointed to the see by the Apostles
themselves, bis predecessors being Zacchaeus
and Cornelius. Probably our Tbeophilus is
meant, as it is the practice of this writer tu
find an episcopal see for every worthy whose
name is mentioned in the N. T. In the Armenian
Epistle of the Corinthians to St Paul (Aucher,
Armen. Oramm. p. 177) one Tbeophilus is repre-
sented as a joint writer of the letter.
The adoption of the name Tbeophilus or
Philotbeus, as a representative godly Christian,
has parallels in both ancient and modern times.
Thus the treatise of Hippolytus, de Antlchristo
(pp. 1, 36, Lagarde), is addressed to bis " beloved
brother Tbeophilus," evidently a fictitious name ;
and in the Symposium of Methodius (ii. I, p. 14,
.lahn) one of the divine maidens bears the name
Theophila. So likewise Law's Atonement is a
Dialogue betieeen EasiAiu) and Tbeophilus, and
Wordsworth's treatise on the Church is desig-
nated Theophiius Anglicanus ; while in Ken's
Manual of Prayer for the Winchester scholars he
addresses his reader as Philotbeus.
If this view be correct, this second treatise
is drawn up, like the first, for the instruc-
tion of the godly reader who seeks in-
formation respecting the foundation of the
Church (here addressed under the imaginary
name Theophiius). It is no abjection that he
is designated KpiTurrot (Luke i. 3), a title
given to those in high position (Acts xxiii. 26,
zziv. 3, ixvi. 25) ; for there is no reason why
the writer should not have wished to commend
the faith of Christ to persons of this class.
Its aim, purport, and contents are set forth in
the preface (i. 1-8). The first treatise is there
described as an account of "all things which
Jesus began both to do and to teach (ffpfaro i
'iTiaroSs TOKiK T« Kal SiSdffKfir), until the day
on which, having given commandment through
the Holy Ohost to the Apostles whom He had
chosen. He was taken up (into heaven)." This
language suggests (1) that, if the writer had
given ony title to the work, he might well have
styled it "Second Treatise" (Stircpos \6yos);
and (2) that he regards it as strictly a con-
tinuation of the first, for this is implied in
iipieero, "began." But here a question arises.
Is the " doer and teacher " the same person in
the second part as in the first ? In other words,
is Jesus Himself here regarded as continuing
in the history of the Church the work which
He began in His personal ministry? This is
Baumgarten's view, and it has been followed by
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
some later critics. In its favour are the facti,
(a) that the form of the sentence suggests the
same agent, and O) that our Lord is again and
again represented as interposing in person in the
course of the narrative. If so, the title Tpi^vi
iTotrriKoy is misleading, and obscures the
author's main conception. But this view is
not altogether free from the charge of arti-
ficiality. At all events we might expect that,
if this had been the writer's leading idea, he
would have emphasised it more plainly. It
seems on the whole therefore more probable that
the Apostles are repi-esented as continuing the
work which Jesus inaugurated in person. If so,
the common title of the Book is fairly adequate,
and Photius (^Amphil. 123, p. 716, Migne) is
right when he speaks of the Gospel as "com-
prising the Acts of the Lord " (rit SamnuAt
TfpUxouiTa T/id^cii). Similarly Irenaens (iii.
15. 1) describes the second treatise as "seqnens
testificatio ejus (Lucae), quam habet de
avtibus et doctrina apostolorum," with an
obvious reference to the "doing and teaching"
of our Lord as contained in the first. In this
case the ffptaro may be answered by ixpt {s
ilUfpas K. T. A., i.e. " the whole history of the
doings and teachings of Jesus from the begiitmg
till the final day of the Ascension"; as it is
taken by Chrysostom {Op. ix. p. 5, iv' ipxi^
fiixpf rdfious). This view also accords with
the fact that special stress is laid on tiie
selection of and charge to the Apostles, that
their names are given again (thongh previously
mentioned in the Gospel), and that the com-
pletion of their number is recorded. Bengel,
following Chrysos torn, describes the relation of
the two treatises somewhat differently, "non
tam Apostolorum quam Spiritus Sancti de-
scribens, sicut prior liber Acta Jesu Cbriiti
habet " ; but this is not the antithesis present
to the mind of the writer himself.
Thus the two treatises are regarded respec-
tively as the ministry of Jesus and the ministry
of the Apostles, or (if we take the other view)
the ministry of Jesus in His own person and the
ministry of Jesus through the Apostles. The
first has been given in full by St. Luke («fl
nimav k. t. A.); the second, not being yet
concluded, could not be so given. The contents
of the first have been directly described. This
description is expressed in such language (t&>
nir wpiror «t. t. A.) as to lead the reader to
expect an antithetical clause {{y Si r^ Stvr^pv
ti^Y4(ro/uu) describing the contents of the
second. But this antithetical clause never
appears, and in place of it the sentence runs oS
into a narrative of facts. In this narrative
of facts therefore we look for the explanation ;
and we are not disappointed. The Lord is
represented as conversing with the disciples
after the Resurrection and preparing them for
their mission. His words are prophetic of the
future, and thus implicitly involve a table of
contents :
" Yc shall reoelve power, when the Holy Ghost," *c.
(II. 1-13).
" And ye shall be witnesses onto Me,
(I.) Both In Jerusalem (II. u-vlll. 1),
(11.) And in all Judaea and Samaria (vlll. 3-
xi. 18).
(ill.) And to the nttennoet parts of the earth "
(zl. I»-xxvlll. 31).
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ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
TTie first two »ection» are complete; the
falrilnMnt of the third U giren not sctnallr,
bot pottntiallv'. Such an earnest of it is afforded
u to leave no donbt of its ultimate accomplish-
ment. St- Panl tiaveb to the far West; he
preache;! the faith in Rome withoat hindrance ;
and thus Christianity has obtained a firm foot-
ing in the metropolis of the hiimaQ race, the
stMnjhold of heathendom.
After this anticipatory abstract of the history
of the Christian Church, our thoughts are led
forwtrd to the great and terrible day, the
conjummation of all things, when this history
shall be wound up. But again this is effected,
not by his own words, but by the narrative of
the sayings and doings of others (i. 8-11). The
departure of Jesus by the Ascension is thus
linked with His return in the second Advent.
The n.irrative of the Acta spans over this interval
potentially.
These considerations will explain the close
of the Book. Whatever apparent abruptness
there may be in the ending, the writer was
clearly not interrupted so as to leave his work
unfinished. He closes with the event which
his aim required. The occupation of Rome, the
capital of the world, was the one eventful crisis
which closed an epoch. Xor did he contemplate
s "third treatise," as some have imagined.
There is indeed no conceivable plea for any
thiri treatise, if our view of his main design be
correct. Nor again can any chronological
9r|;nment be drawn from his stopping at this
particular point ; as for instance that he was
uDicquainted with St. Paul's visit to Spain or
with the martyrdom of the two Apostles. He
was not writing the biography of either Apostle.
It will be observed also that the close of the
second treatise is strictly analogous to the close
i>f the first:
rolflhnenl of I Luke xzlv. 44-49. Acts ixvili. 2S-M.
pTDfihedes. i
Jo^tiil tenal- Lake xxlv. S0-S3. Acta zxvUL 30, 31.
OltlOIL I
The following then is the table of contents : —
lyTRODUCTORT.
(V) Omnexton witb the prevlons
narrative . . 1. 1, 3.
(U.) Christ's tlnal commands and pro-
phecies respecting the King-
dom of God . .1. 3-8.
(ilL) The resurrection, and annoonce-
ment of the Second Advent . i. D-11.
(It.) The names and attitude of the
Apoetles .... 1. lJ-14.
(t.) The vaunt place In the apcsto-
late Uled .... I. \i-M.
TBE MAIS VASRAHTK
A The HAraic Period (ii.-v.).
(L) Consecration of the Apoetles and
firM dlsdples by the ont-
pouring of tile Holy Ohoet . II. 1-lS.
(U.) The ingathering of the flrst-
fmiu on tile day of Pentecost U. 14-4i.
(UL) The inner life and tlie extension
of the inbot Chntch . . il. 42-4T. I
Ov.) The first miracle (of mercy and |
restorsUon). The address of j
Peter and the conflict witb the |
Tillers consequent thereupon ill. 1-lv. 31.
(v.) Tlie unity «nd communion of
goods of the early Church . tv. 33-37. I
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 27
(vt.) The sin of Ananias and Sap-
pbira. The second miracle ,
(of retribution and Judg-
ment) .... v.«l-ll.
(viL) The mlracnlous working of the
Apostles. Their imprison-
ment, their appearance before
the priests and mlers, and
their dismissal ... v. 12-41.
This period doMS with a notice
of tlieir energetic and inces-
sant preaching of Jesus as
the Christ . . . . v. 42.
The Transitional Period (vi.-xii.).
n.) Appointment of a diaoonate
(chiefly or wholly Hellenist)
to meet complaints of Hellen-
ists as to the distribution of
alms vi. \-1.
(li.) The labours, apprehension,
speedi, and martyrdom of
Stephen .... vi. 8-vil.W.
(ill.) The consequences of the mar-
tyrdom:
(o) Scattering of the dis-
ciples in Judaea and
Samaria ;
(fi) AnUgonIsm of Saul . viil. 1-1
(iv.) Samaria evangelised through
Philip, whose work Is con-
firmed by ibe Apostles Peter
and John. First conflict with
a blse form of religion (out-
side Judaism) In the person
ofSlmon Magus . . . viiL B-M.
(v.) (^inversion of the Ethloplsn
eunuch, a proselyte . . viii. 26-40.
(vl.) Conversion of Saul and vision
of Ananias. Sant Is healed
and disputes with the Hel-
lenists at Jerusalem . . Ix. 1-30.
(vil.) Peace In the churches "through-
out the whole of Judaea and
Galilee and Samaria" . . ix. 3i.
(vill.) Peter's miracles at Lydda
(Aeneas) and at Joppa (Dor-
cas) U. 32-13.
(Ix.) Visions of Cornelius and of
Peter. Peter visits, converts,
and Baptises Cornelius and
his companions. Their Bap-
tism Is anticipated by an out-
pouring of the Holy Qhost . x. 1-48.
(x ) Peter reports the case to the
Church at Jerusalem and ol>-
talns its approval . . xl. 1-18.
(xl.) Disciples scattered at the per-
secution of Stephen preach In
Phoenicia, at Cyprus, and at
Anttoch, to the Greeks (v. 1.
Hellenists). Tbeir action
confirmed by the Apostles
through Barnabas . xl. It-M.
(ill.) Saul preaches at Antloch, where
the dladplea are first called
ChrlsUans .... xi. 29, 26.
(xlU.) The Christians of Jerusalem i ^^ ^_^
relieved by the QentileV^J jj
churches . . .1
(xlv.) Herod's persecution of the
Church. Martyrdom of James
and Imprisonment of Peter.
Relrsae of Peter, who goes
dttmhtre, and punishment of
Hfrod .... xll. l-2a
At the close la a notice of the
triumphant progress of the
Word of God . . . xll. 24.
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28 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
C. TTte OentUe PeriocHxm.-xxviu.).
I. Oaiuecntion of Bunabu and Saul to
the ipoetoUte .... xlll. 1-3.
II. FIrat miBsionvjr Journey of Paul
(acoompanted bj Barnabas):
(1.) Freacbing In CTpnu and con-
version of Serglns Panlus . xlU. «-U.
(11.) Journey through Pamphylla
(desertion of John Mark) . xlU. 13.
(lU.) Paul In the synagogue at An-
tlocb of Pisidia. Rejection
by the Jews and acceptance
by the Qentiles . . . xUl. 14-C2.
(It.) Preaching at Iconlum (stoning
of Paul) . . . . xlv. 1-7.
(t.) Healing of the Impotent nun
at Lystra .... xlv. 8-18.
(vl.) Subsequent preaching and re-
turn to Antloch .
<vU.) Apostolic Council at Jerusalem
(liberation of the Gentile
Christians from the obliga-
tion! of the Law). . ,
III. Second missionary Journey of Paul
(accompanied by Silas):
(L) Separation of Paul and Barnabas
(11.) Paul confirms the churches
already founded on the pre-
vious Journey^ and. after visit-
ing the district of Phrygla
and Qalatla, is summoned by
a vision Into Uacedonla
(iU.) Preaching at Pbiltppi. Im-
prisonment and release
<lv.) Preaching and persecution at
Tbessalonlca and Beroca
(v.) Paul at Athens preaches on the
Areopagus ....
(t1.) Bis long residence at Corinth
and appearance before Gallio
(vlL) He returns to Antloch, calling
at Ephesus and visiting Jeru-
salem on the way . . xvill. 18-23.
(vUl.) Apollos at Ephesna and Corinth, xvill. 34-28.
IV. Third mlaslonaiy Jonraey of Paul :
(i.) Three years' residence at Ephe-
suB, ending with the timinlt xU. 1-41.
(11.) Visit to MacedonU and to
Greece, whence he returns to
Palestine by way of Mace-
donia XX. 1-16.
(IU.) Address to the Epheslan elders
, at Miletus . . . . xx. 17-38.
(It.) Subsequent voyage, sqjoum at
Caesarea, and arrival at Je-
rusalem
xlv
19-38.
XV.
1-38.
XV.
38-38.
XV.
41)-
xvl
8.
xvl.
6-11.
xvl
12-40.
xvU. 1-16.
xvU
16-34
xvtU
. 1-17.
V. Two years' s<iJonm In Palestine :
(I.) Tumult in the Temple and de-
fence of Pan!
(11.) Address to the Sanhedrin
(Ui.) Journey to Gaesarea
(Iv.) Accusation of Tertullus and
defence of Paul before Felix.
Subsequent conduct of Felix,
(v.) Treatment of the prisoner by
Festns. Speech of Paul be-
fore Festus and Agrlppa
VL Journey to and sojourn in Rome :
(I.) Voyage and shipwreck .
(11.) Sojourn at MellU .
(111.) Subsequent Journey and arrival
at Rome ....
(Iv.) Conference with the chief Jews
ends unsatisfactorily, and he
turns to the Gentiles . . xxvlil. 17-2».
(v.) Snceeas of his preaching . ixvlii. 30, Jl.
xxl. 1-16.
1 xxl. 17-
/ xxU. 3».
( xxU. 30-
( xxlll. 10.
xxlil. 11-35.
xxlv. 1-37.
!xxv. 1-
xxvl. 33.
xxvll. l-U.
XXTlU. 1-10.
. xxvlii. 11-16.
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
The Book hod begun with the discounes of
Christ relating to the career of " the Kingdom
of God" (Ktyoty rii wtpl rflt fiaaiKttat tou
©soi;). These discourses elicit the question
from the disciples, "Dost thou at this time
restore the Kingdom (tV 0eun\tl<u>) to Israel?"
We are now told at the close that the chief
Apostle of the Gentiles " proclaims the Kingdom
qf God " (jaipiaativ r^v $a(ri\ttca> tou Btti) in
the chief citjr of the Gentiles. Here is the
indirect answer to the Apostles' question, so far
as any answer could be given. The subject of
the Book then is the history of the Kingdom
of God, with more special reference to the
relaxation of the terms of admission, the in-
gathering of the Gentiles, and the transference
of the centre of gravity of CHiristendom from
Jerusalem elsewhere.
This history comprises three periods. Oftheae
the second, the e^h of transition, is the most
instructive; and indeed the narrative of the
Acts hinges on it.- This period itself may be
divided into two parts; First (i.-vii.), thit
which deals with Hellenists, Samaritans, and
proselytes of the gate, persons of mixed natioo
or religion, neither wholly Hebraic nor wholly
Gentile; and secondly (viii.-xiv.), that which
treats of the extension of the Church among
(Entiles proper. At the end of each of these
two divisions, as if he had arrived at a fredi
landing-place, the author after his manner
inserts an encouraging notice of the progress of
the Gospel. Obviously he has paid special
attention to the transitional period, gathering
together every notice which seemed to illustrate
either the principles, the agents, or the recipients,
in this gradual enlargement of the bounds of
Christendom.
3. External Testimony. — The external autho-
rity in favour of this Book is full and unanimous.
Only at a comparatively late date do we find
any exception to the testimonies which assign it
to St. Luke, and even then its canonical authority
is not questioned. If we place ourselves in the
later decades of the 2nd century, we arc con-
fronted with witnesses from all parts of tht
Church, and tho evidence leaves nothing to be
desired. (1) Irenaeus, who represents three
Churches — Asia Minor, Rome, and Gaul-
quotes or refers to it between lifty and sixty
times. The quotations range over nearly the
whole Book. He gives St. Peter's speech at
Pentecost (ii. 22-36X St. Peter's speech at the
Beautiful Gate (iii. 12-26), St. Paul's speech on
the Areopagus (ivii. 24-31), and the speeches of
St. Peter and St. James at the apostolic council,
together with the apostolic letter (xv. 7-11,
13-21, 23-29) in full or nearly so (iii. 12. 3, 9.
14). As this third book was published during
the Roman episcopate of Eleutherus (a.i>. 175-
189), we know the latest possible date of the
testimony. He several times distinctly ascribes
it to St. Luke, and argues from this fact (i. 23.
1, iii. 13. 3, iii. 14. 1 «?., iv. 15. 1). He
attributes scriptural authority to it (f.g. iii.
12. 5, 9). He not only argues from its Lucan
authorship himself, but assumes this as com-
mon ground with his adversaries. In fact he
quotes it just as any strictly orthodox divine
would do in the present day. It is difficult there-
fore to understand the statement that "it is
imdeniable that no distinct and unequivocal
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ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
nferencc to tb« Acts of the Apostles, and to
Lake «s their author, ocean in the writings of
tlie Fathers before one by Irenaens about the
end of the 2Dd century " (^Sapematural Seligion,
iiL p. 3). (2) Clement of Alexandria (c. a.d.
190-200) represents more especially the Church
whose name he bears; but he roentions ob-
Ugstions to six diiferent teachers — in Greece,
m £gypt, in Palestine, Assyria, and the East —
who had received the " tradition handed down
direct from father to son from the holy Apostles
Peter and James, John and Paul " (Strom, i. 1,
f. 32i). He quotes the Acts repeatedly, and in
one passage {Slnm. v. 12, p. 696) gives the
uune of the writer Lnke. (3) The Muratorian
C<i»M probably represents Rome, and is gene-
nlly placed about A.D. 170-180 (since the
author speaks of the episcopate of Pius, c. A.D.
140-1S5, as " nnperrime temporibns nostris "),
hat may be a few years later. This writer (ed.
Tregelles, p. 18), in a passage which is some-
what corrupt, but of which the general tenor
•eems clear, after the four Gospels mentions
"Acta omnium apostolorum" as written by
Luke and addressed to Theophilos, adding that
he wrote down the events of which he had per-
wnal knowledge (" corprindit qnia [1. quae]
sub praesentia ejus singula gerebantur "), and
that evidently he was not an eye-witness of the
martyrdom of Peter and the journey of Paul to
Spain. (4) Tertnllian is the chief representa-
tive of the African Chnrch. His literary acti-
vity covers the last years of the 2nd and the
early years of the 3rd centuries. He quotes
the Acts many times. About 150 references or
quotations are given by RSnsch (Das Neve
Ttttament TertuUiara, p. 291 tq.), hut a certain
percentage of these may be doubtful. He
quotes it generally as Acta or Acta Apoitolorwn
and ascribes it to St. Luke (de Jtjtm. 10). He
cites it too as Scripture (see e. g. Fraescr. Haer.
22), and designates it Apostolicum Inatrumentum
(/Wis. 12) or Scriptura Apostolicorwn (i/arc.
T. 2). (5) Polycratea of Ephesua (a.d. 189-
198) represents Aaia Minor at the close of this
centnry. He lays great stress on the primitive
tradition, which be had inherited through
several relatives who were Bishops (Enseb. H. E.
V. 24). He quotes Acts T. 29 verbatim, though
not by name, in the words " They that are
pester than I have said. Hit right to serve God
mtlier Han men" (sreifapx*'*' ^'' ^*¥ mSXXoi'
t irtpwtois), a saying ascribed in the Acts to
" Peter and the Apostles."
We find then that in the last decades of the
ind century the Book is quoted profusely and
without any sign of misgiving as authoritative
!>criptnre and as the work of St. Luke. The
testimony comes from all quarters of the
Charch ; and the witnesses are persons who
were mixed up in various religious controversies
asd bad alliances far and wide, striking (in some
iiutances) deep into the post. There can be no
doubt therefore about the universal verdict of
tbe Church at this time. Thus at the earliest
moment when we have sufficient materials for a
judgment, the evidence in favour of the Book is
ererwhelming.
The earlier testimony is of the same kind as
ht most of those Canonical Books of which the
Mtheaticity has never been questioned. The
>!><«tolic Fathers do not directly quote Romans
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 29
or 2 Corinthians or Galatians, nor arc these
Epistles named by any Charch writer before
Irenaens. Of Acts xx. 35, "To remember
(jurtiiioytita') the words of the Lord Jesus, how
He said. It is blessed rather to give than to
receive (ji&Wov SiSSrat fi \aii$iivta>)," we have
reminiscences in Clemektof Rome, § 13, "espe-
cially remembering (jiffunniivoi) the words of
the Lord Jesus which He spake " (comp. § 46),
and § 2, " more gladly giving than receiving "
(ffiioy SiSdvTft il Kaiifiiroints), for in the
context of this latter passage the Corinthians
are praised for "giving heed to the words" of
Christ. Again in § 18, " What shall we say of
David, to whom witness is borne (r^ fitfioprv'
fitlliivif), unto whom God said, I have found a
man after My heart, David the son of Jesse,,
with oil," &c., Clement is compounding the ori-
ginal passage in the Psalms, fxxxviii. (Ixxxix.)
20, with the quotation in Acts xiii. 22, "To
whom also He said, bearing witness (jiaprv
p^aas), I have found David the son of Jesse a
roan after my heart, who will do," &c., where
the features borrowed from the Acts are (1)
the mention of the " witness " ; (2) the ad-
dition of "a man after my heart" (comp.
1 Sam. xiii. 14) ; and (3) the farther addition
of " the son of Jesse " — none of these being
found in the original passage of the Psalms.
This threefold coincidence is not easily explained
away. The coincidences in Iokatids are
somewhat less close, but not insignificnnt.
Magn. 5, "to go (xupety) to his own place,"
recals Acts i. 25, " to go (wo/MvDqytu) to his own
place." In Philad. 11 we have the phrase ivj^p
litiioprvfrniiivos, which occurs also in Acts vi. 3.
In Smyrn. 3, " After His Resurrection He ate
and drank with them (<rwt^arf*v amoii koI
mriitity)" there is an allusion to Acts x. 41,
rmt^irfOiuy koI ffvyfrlo/up cArf fLtrit rh
ivaarrivai k. r. K. In POLTCABP the coinci-
dences are of the same kind, but stronger.
§ 1, " Whom God raised {liytipti''), loosing the
pangs of Hades (A^<rat vit a^ot toS fSov),"
closely follows Acts ii. 24, " whom God raised up
(irdtmiirty), having loosed the pangs of death
(Kiras riis itSiyas roS OovcEtov)," where there i»
a V. 1. fSou, which is shown from the authori-
ties (D, e, Vulg., Memph., Iren.) to have been
current at least as early as the 2nd century.
Though the individual expressions (e.g. uS7y*s
fSov) may be found elsewhere, there is nothing
approaching to the parallelism throughout the
sentence, so that it cannot be regarded as acci-
dental. Again, in § 2 we nave the expression
"judge of quick and dead," as in Acts x. 42.
There are also other coincidences (§ 2 to xx. 35,
§ 6 to vii. 52, § 12 to viii. 21), on which how-
ever no stress can be laid. Of Papias (Euseb.
H, E. iii. 39) we can only say that his anecdotes:
deal with personages mentioned in the Acts,
Judas Barsabbas and the daughters of Philip (if
he be the same Philip), and that his story of
Judas the traitor is used by Apollinaris of
Laodicea in the 4th century to reconcile the
accounts of his death in St. Matthew and in the
Acts, and may have had some such reference ns
told by himself. In Hebmas, who gives not a
single quotation (strictly speaking) either from
the Old or from the New Testament, we stumble
on coincidences with the Acts, which however
would have no great value in themselves. Thas
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30 ACTS OP THE APOSTLES
Hermas (^Mand. ir. 3) uses the word inif)Sia'yi'w-
0TT)i, " heart-knower," of God, which occurs
twice in the Acta (i. 24, xy, 8), but is found
nowhere else in the LXX. or N. T. Again, be
speaks of being thought " worthy of bearing the
Name," and of being " healed " or " saved by
the Name " ( Via. ir. 2, Sim. ix. 28), expressions
which are close parallels to Acts ir. 12, t. 41.
In the Apologists there are similar coinci-
dences. Thus in JcsnN Maktyr we have in
two several passages (A'o/. 36, 76) a reference
to prophecy as announcing vaSrirbs [S] Xpurrds,
"the Messiah would be passible," as in Acts
xxvi. 23. Here the coincidence consists not in
the idea, but in the manner of expressing it, the
word iradqTit not occurring elsewhere in the
LXX. or N. T. So again the summary of events
after the Crucifixion in Apd. i. 50 seems to
be taken from Acts i. 8 sq. (comp. ii. 33), the
expression " to receive power " (^Kanfidytiy
Siyofur) being common to both, besides other
coincidences. Again, Dial, 68, " How saith
the Word unto David that God would take a
son for Himself from his loins (iarh rqs i<r<pios
airov) , . . and would seat (itafidrei) him on the
throne of His glory," is best explained as a
reminiscence of Acts ii. 30, " God sware onto
him by an oath that he would set (jcaBiaat) of
the fruit of his loins (t^> icr^tios o^oS) upon
his throne ;" for in both passages " loins "
(ia^os) is substituted for " body " (itoiKias),
and " set " {KoBlifUi) for " place " (rWeo-Soi) of
the LXX. of Psalm cxxxi. (cxxxii.) 1 1, though in
neither case does the Hebrew suggest such a
substitution. Again in Dial. 16 we read, " Ye
slew the Just One and before Him the prophets,"
which has a close parallel in Acta vii. 52 (comp.
Is. Ivii. xy. Again, the connexion of " common
or unclean things " with " refraining to eat " is
matched by Acts x. 14, 28, xi. 8 ; and there are
other coincidences likewise. It seems difficult,
with these facts before us, to resist the inference
that Justin was acquainted with the Acts. The
coincidences in the other Apologists are much
slighter. Thus Tatian {Orat. ad Oraec. 6)
writes, "Though yon consider us . . . babblers
(_ntpno\6yous)," the word used of St. Paul by
the Athenians in Acts xvii. 18. In Theophilus
again (ad Autol. ii. 1) there is the same play on
yiv<i<rKtw, ivayiviaKfO', which appears in Acts
viii. 30.
Of other writers in the 2ud century Dio-
NTSius OF Corinth is reported by Eusebins
(//. E. iv. 23) OS recording (J17X01) that " Diony-
sius the Areopagite, when turned (irporpaircls)
to the faith by the Apostle Paul in accordance
with the records (rit StSriKuixiya) in the Acts,
was the first to be entrusted with the bishopric
of the diocese (xapouciat) of Athens." From
this p.nssage indeed it does not necessarily
follow that Dionysius actually mentioned the
Acts ; but, if the language of Kusebius may
be interpreted strictly, Dionysius of Corinth
must have said that his early namesake was
«onverted by St. Paul (not 6 xporpairtls,
but nparpairtis), as therein stated. In the
EpIOTLE of VlENNE AND LYONS (Euseb. S. E.
V. 1) the last prayer of "Stephen the perfect
martyr" is given from Acts vii. 60, just as
elMwhere in this same document the language
used of Zacharias (the father of the Baptist) is
taken from Luke i. 6. These obligations to the
ACTS OP THE APOSTLES
two treatises of .St. Luke can only be evaded by
postulating doubles of both writings (see Super-
natural Seligioji, iii. p. 25), but this is an alter-
native which need not t>e seriously discussed.
It should be added also that in all the Ver-
{ 8ION8 of the 2nd century (the Syriac, Latin, and
Egyptian), so far as our information goes, this
Book formed a part.
Moreover the early Apocryphal Acts and
other historical romances show an acquaintance
with this work, to which they are frequently
indebted for their personal and geographical
notices, where they cross the historical path of
the canonical Acts. Such are the Acts of
Peter and Paul, and those of Paul and Thecla.
So too Cornelius (Horn. xx. 13) and others are
mentioned in the Clementine HomUiei, while
Theophilus also appears in the Rccognilions.
The Somiliea moreover contain several expres-
sions found in the Acts, such as " heart-knower,"
ffom, X. 13, wphs Kcif>SioyrmrTi)v 9tiy (comp.
Acts i. 24, XV. 8); "What purporteth this
to be ? " Horn. xiii. 6, xiv. 9, ti 0cXei tovto
«?»« (comp. Acts U. 12, xvii. 20) ; " What hin-
deretb me to be baptized ?" ffom. xiii. 5 (see also
xiii. 11 ; comp. Acts viii. 36). Similar resem-
blances also appear in the Secognitions.
It was indeed rejected by several Herettics
of the 2nd century, not however in a single
instance (so far as we can discover) because
they questioned its authorship, but in many
cases obviously on this very account. Those who,
like the Ebionites, denied the apostlesbip of St.
Paul, were forced to repudiate the authority of
his disciple. Those on the other hand who,
like the Marcionites, maintained a direct anta-
gonism between St. Paul and the Apostles uf
the circumcision, could not do otherwise than
reject a work which represented them as meeting
each other on friendly terms. For the Ebionites
see Iren. iii. 15. 1. Again, as regards the Mar-
cionites, Irenaeus argues with them throughout
on the hypothesis of its Lncan authorship, as if
this were common ground (iii. 12. 12, iii. 14.
1 iq.). When dealing with the Valentinians
and other Gnostics, he distinctly states that
they accept the Book as authoritative, but try
to get round it by false interpretations, or by a
distinction between an esoteric and exoteric doc-
trine (iii. 12. 12, iii. 14. 4, iii. 15. 1, 2). Thus
these Valentiniaus are valuable witnesses — all
the more valuable because the acceptance of the
Book involved them in great difficulty.
It should be added also that, as the Third
Gospel and the Acts were evidently the work of
one man — and the admission of this fact naay
now be regarded as practically universal — all
the evidence which testifies to the authorship
of the former is available also for the latter, and
conversely. But the testimony in favour of St.
Luke as the author of the Third Gospel is abso-
lutely unbroken, and no shadow of suspicion
overclouds it for nearly eighteen centuries.
The unanimity and directness of testimony
which we have observed at the close of the 2nd
century continue in the succeeding ages. At
the close of the 4th century however, we find
Chrysostom saying that he is induced to explain
the Book, because many are ignorant of its
existence and its authorship (Camm. in Act.
Apost. i. 1, Op. ix. p. 1). As it is freely
quoted without any suspicion cast on its author-
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ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
•kip hy >ll the great fathers of his own genera-
tiui, u well as before and after, this can only
fflein that it was more or less neglected by the
geoenl reader. This neglect may be accounted
for by the fact that it would not be read regu-
larly in churches like the Gospels or the
Apostolic Epistles, and copies would not be
msltipUed to the same extent as in the case of
these other Scriptures. As it did not bear its
SBthor'i name in the title (in this respect
(iifferiog from the other Books of the N. T.),
igsotsDce on this point becomes the more ex-
plicable.
Still more perplexing, and still less recon-
cilable with the facts, is a notice in Photins
(Ampliil. Qu. 123) at the close of the 9th cen-
tury : '' Some say that the author of the Acts
vu Clement of Rome, others Barnabas, and
ethers again Luke the Evangelist; but Luke
himself settles the question (4riKpb>ti)," &c. As
there is not the faintest trace of any difference
of opiaion in all the preceding eight centuries,
I am disposed to think that Photius is here
gnilty of a confiuion with the Epistle to the
Hebrews, these three persons being named by
ancient Fathers as claimants for the authorship
of this letter (Orig. in Enseb. H. E. vi. 25 ;
Tertull. de Pvdic. 20; Euseb. H. E. iU. 38;
Hieron. Vir. lU. 5).
4. The AuthorMp. — We have seen that the
ucirersal tradition of the first eight centuries
sicribes the Book with no faltering voice to St.
hake ; and that this evidence is fui-ther fortified
by a still greater mass of testimony — equally
onaoimous — which independently ascribes the
Third Qospel to this same person. How far is
this assumption supported by internal evidence ?
The first person plural " we " is used in ccr-
tam parts of the narrative, where the writer is
dcKiibiog the journeys of St. Paul. He there-
fore profeasea to be a companion of St. Paul.
This first person appears in the ordinary text
for the first time at Troaa (xvi. 10), during the
second miasionary journey (c. A.D. 51 or 52),
and continues to Philippi, where it is dropped
(ni 17) as suddenly as it had appeared. It is
taken up again after several years (a.d. 58)
dirisg the third missionary journey at this
uoifr place Philippi (xx. 5), and continues till
St Paul arrives at Jerusalem and confers with
Janies and the elders (xx. 18). When again he
Kts sail for Italy (xxvii. 1), it accompanies him
ud remains in his company during the voyage
sad shipwreck and until his arrival in Rome
(iiriii. 15, 16, for in ver. 16 the best supported
reading is tia4i^Baiur). Bat besides these occur-
races in the ordinary text, it is found likewise
>3 D at a much earlier point (xi. 28), where the
prophecy of Agabns is mentioned, at Antioch.
Tboagh the variations in D seem in many pas-
sages to give contemporary traditions, yet the
apricbnsness of this US. elsewhere forbids us
to rejarf"this aa the. original reading.
Who then is this writer who uses the first
?nwo? The obvious answer is that which
■jentifies him with the traditional author of the
Tisk, St. Luke. This person was certainly a
tnistT companion of the apostle (Col. iv. 14;
fliilem. 24; 2 Tim. iv. 11); and though the
aotices in St. Paul's Epistles refer to a some-
what later date, he might very well have been
vith the apostle at this time. Not a single
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 31
Epistle of St. Paul was written during the precise
periods covered by " we" in the Acts, and there-
fore the absence of Luke's name in the Epistles
prior to the Roman captivity is not even a prittid
facie objection. Moreover, Luke is described as
'•the beloved physician" (Col. iv. 14), and a
tendency to the use of medical terms has been
observed both in the Third Gospel and the Acts.
If many of the examples adduced must be set
aside as proving nothing, the residuum is quite
sufficient to establish the main point (see esp.
Hobart's Medical Language of St. Luke, Dublin,
1882).
But though the natural inference from the
use of the first person plural seems plain
enough, it has given rise to various opinions.
These may be divided into four classes : —
(i.) That which regards it as a mere literary
fiction to give an air of credibility to the narra-
tive. This view has been held by two or three
critics, of whom Schmder (^Der Apostel Paulua,
1836) may be taken as the type. As no one
now upholds this view, I need not take the
trouble to refute it.
(ii.) That which identifies it with St. Luke,
who is regarded as also the ultimate author of
the work. This is the vastly preponderating
opinion even in the present day, and until quite
recent times it was the sole possessor of the
field. Its consistency and verisimilitude have
been already shown.
(iii.) That which identifies it with St. Luke
as the original authority for this portion of
the narrative, but maintains that the Book, as
a whole, was compiled by some later person.
This is the view of Baur and Zeller, with
several subsequent critics, of whom the latest
is Holtzmann (Zeitach. f. Wiu. Theol. 1881,
p. 408 sq. ; £anj. p. 385, 1885).
(iv.) That which identifies it with some one
else besides St. Luke. The persons selected for
this distinction are: (a) Timothecs. This is
the view of Schleiermacher, De Wette, and
others, notably Bleek (see esp. Introd. to New
Teat. i. p. 355 sq., Engl, transl.). It appears to
have been first suggested by Kiinigsmann, De
FontSma Comm. Sacr. qui Lucae tumwn prae-
ferunt, &c., 1798. (jS) Silas. This hypothesis
is vigorously maintained by Schwanbeck ( Ueier
die Quellen der Schriften des Lukaa, i. p. 168 aq.,
265 aq.), though he was not the first to suggest
it. It is sometimes connected with the identifica-
tion of Silvanus (Silas) with Lucanns (Lucas),
as «.j. by Hennell (Unterauchung iiber den
Uraprung dea Chriatenthum, 1840). This identifi-
cation is put forward by Van Vloten (Zeitachr.
f. Wiaa. ThetA. 1867, p. 223 aq.\ comp. ib.
1871, p. 431 aq.y, as if he were the originator
of the theory. He is answered by Cropp (ib.
1868, p. 353 aq.). (7) T1TD8. This view
seems to have been suggested first by Horst
(Sur lea Sourcea de la deuxiime partie dea Actea,
&C., 1849; see Holtzmann, EM. p. 385), and
haa been adopted by Krenkel, Jacobsen, and
others, notably by Hooykaas {Bible for I'oung
People, V. 33 ; see Salmon, Introd. p. 312 aq.).
In connexion with this theory should be men-
tioned the identification of Titus with Silvanus
(or Silas), maintained by Zimmer (Zeitsclir. f.
kirchl. Wiaa. u. tirchl. Leben, 1881, 4, p. 169
aq.; Jahrb. f. Proteat. Theol. 1881, p. 721 aq.),
who supposes Silaa the prophet of Antioch to be
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32 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
.1 diflerent pergon from Titus Silas the companion
of St. Paul. His theory is discussed by Jiilicher
{Jahrh.f. Protest. Theol. 1882, p. 538 s}.).
The two solutions (j8), (7), may be quickly
dismissed. The identification of Silvanus with
Lucanus on the ground that silva and lucua are
synonymes is about as reasonable as would be
the identification of persons bearing the names
Wood and Forest and Grore, or Lea and Field
and Meadows, or Mountain and Hill, or Rock
and Cliffe and Stone. The objection to the other
identification is of a diSerent kind. Everything
points to the separation of Titus and Silvanus.
Thus the two are mentioned by their respective
names in one and the same Epistle by St. Paul
(2 Cor. i. 19, ii. 13, vii. 6, &c.). Moreover,
Titus was a Gentile (Gal. ii. 3), while Silaa
(Silvanus) was plainly a Jew (Acts xr. 22) ; for
it is altogether arbitrary to distinguish the
Silas of XT. 22, 27, 32 [34], from the Silas of
XV. 40, ic.
Having thus cleared the way, we may deal
generally with the hypotheses which belong to
the third and fourth classes.
Of the third we may remark : (1) That the
" we " sections are absolutely identical in style
with the rest of the Acts, and indeed with the
Third Gospel also, so that they can only have
been written by the ultimate compiler of both
nan-atives. (2) That accordingly these " we "
sections contain numerous cross references to
other parts of the narrative. (3) That the
ultimate compiler (whoever he was) shows not
only literary ability, but literary care. This
point is strongly insisted upon (among others)
by Renan, who speaks of the Third Gospel and
Acts as forming one work excellently put toge-
ther (tria bien ridig^, composed with reflection
.•»nd even with art, ic (£«> Apdtres, p. xi.).
But it is incredible that an author evincing this
literary capacity and aim should commit the
school-boy blunder of inserting paragraphs
written by another without even taking the
trouble to alter the personal pronouns. It is
not sufficient to point to such carelessness in
mediieval chroniclers as Schwanbeck does. The
examples are not parallel. We have in the
Acts "not one of those low organisations which
do not resent being pulled asunder," but "a
highly organised structure, showing evident
marks that the whole proceeded from a single
author" (Salmon, Introd. p. 316). (4) Lastly:
the hypotheses belonging to this class have not
a shadow of evidence in their favour. On what
grounds then should they claim to displace the
traditional view? Is the strongest historical
attestation to count for nothing?
It will be seen at once that some of these
objections apply equally to the fourth class.
But the individual hypotheses again, which
belong to this class, present additional difficulties
of their own. (o) The assignment to Timotheus
is irreconcilable with Acts xx. 5, 6, where the
writer, having mentioned him among others
who accompanied St. Paul, adds, "But these
(ovToi Si) had gone before and were waiting for
n.s (irfM»\9iJi<T(5 tutvov iipmi) in Troas ; " where
ovTot naturally refers to all those previously
mentioned, and the restriction to the two last,
Tychicns and Trophimus, is not justified by
the form of the sentence, (fi) The attribution
to Silas has nothing to recommend it. Silas
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
or Silvanus is a prominent figure during the
Apostle's second missionary journey in the Acts ;
and this prominence is borne out by the notices
in St. Paul's Epistles relating to this period
(1 Thess. i. 1 ; 2 Thess. L 1 ; 2 Cor. i. 19). On
the contrary, he nowhere appears during the
third missionary journey, either in the history
or in the letters, whereas the "we" occnr:!
frequently during this period, (y) The only
ground for suggesting Titus is the negative fict
that he is not mentioned by name in the
narrative,' though he is known to have been
with St. Paul during part of this period
(2 Cor. ii. 13, vii. 6 tq., xii. 18), and is a
prominent person among the Apostle's com-
panions. But what is the value of this negative
fact? What advantage has the Titus gness
over the Luke tradition? Unless indeed it be
" thought a disadvantage to an hypothesis that
it should have some amount of historical
testimony" (Salmon, p. 313). Moreover, of
these attributions generally we may remark
that the propriety in the change from the first
to the third person, and conversely, as pointed
out above (p. 31), ceases, and the use of the
pronouns, from being orderly and consistent,
becomes a chaos.
Nor is it easy to understand how St. Luke's
name should have thus been persistently assigned
to the work, if he had had nothing to do with it.
As Salmon has pointed out (p. 372X it is not
attached to this second treatise in any uncial
MS. But the Third Gospel had the name of
St. Luke prefixed, and the Acts bore evidence
on the face of it that it was written by the same
author. Hence the attribution. Indeed the
sequence of facts is a most powerful argument
in favour of the genuineness of the work. These
are as follows : (1) The Gospel bears the name
of Luke ; but Luke was a companion of St. Panl.
(2) When we examine the Gospel, we find not
only that it brings out into special prominence
certain points in Christ's teaching which illus-
trate the cardinal doctrines of St. Paul, the
universality and the freedom of the Gospel,
justification not by works of law but by faith,
and the like ; but also that, where St. Fanl
refers to incidents in our Lord's life, as for
instance to the Last Supper (1 Cor. xi. 23 tj. ;
comp. Luke xxii. 19 tq.) or to the appearances
after the Resurrection {e.g. 1 Cor. xv. 5, £^
Ki)^ : comp. Luke ixiv. 34, H^Bri Sf^iwi), his
references present striking resemblances to this
Gospel rather than to the others. Yet there is
not a word nor a hint of any connexion with or
• In Acts xvlll. 1 the reading Is most probably Tiruw
'lovoTov, though some read Ttrov 'lovorov, some Ttnw
simply, and some 'Iovvtov simply (the received reading).
At all events the alternative lies between the first and
the last, as the variation must have arisen from the
addition or omission of the same recurring letters
(ONOMATITITIOYIOYCTOY). Bat even if
" Titus " were read here, be could hardly be the same
person ; for be is mentioned bete as a Jewish proeelytf.
and his surname Justus Implies that he was an observer
of the Moealc law ; whereas the Apoetle's companion Tltoa
bad been converted to Christianity before this (Qal. U. 1)
and Is called a " Oentlle " without any qaallficatlon.
Moreover this Justus was a resident In Corinth, whereas
St. Paul, writing to the Corinthians (2 Cor. U. cc .),
mentions Titos in such a way as to preclude the suppo-
sition that he was one of themselves.
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ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
aay tnowledge of the Apostle. (3) The Acts
fniasei to be written by the same persoa as
the Third Gospel, of which it is a later
eoatisiuition ; and this profession is fully borne
out by its style and character. (4) We read
arer more than half this second treatise without
any indication that the writer wns a companion
of'Sl. Panl. (5) Then at length the tolien of
companionship occurs. Yet even now it is not
•Kstinctly stated, but the fact is inferred from
tile incidental occurrence of the first person
plaral, which makes its first appearance quite
aosiupiciausly. And not only so, but in its
^Iweqaent disappearance and re-appearance
it shows a congruity which cannot fail to
strike the mind. Who will be bold enough
to eiplaio these harmonies as a fortuitous
<»nconrse of pseudo-historical atoms? Yet it
would require greater hardihood still to ascribe
litem to a sustained and elaborate artifice.
Apart from the hypotheses which we have
hitherto considered, stands the view propounded
in H. H. Evans, St. Paul the Author of the Acts
y the Apo»tlts and of the Third Gospel (London,
ISM). The Pauline authorship is maintained
by this writer on the ground of certain
resemblances of diction. He does not attempt
to deal with the first person plural or to
grapple with the difficulties which beset his
theory on all sides.
5. Atithentkity and Genuinetiest. — In discuss-
in; the anthenticity of any work, two main
(iinsions of the subject present themselves: (t)
The intenuil characteristics, as indications of
Tsrisimilitnde or the contrary ; (2) The external
lests, XH evidences of veracity or the contrary.
(1.) In treating of the internal characteristics,
I most satisfy myself with pointing out a few
heads, giving here and there an example, but
without any attempt to do more than indicate
lines of investigation which the reader may
«iny out for himself.
(i.) There is first of all the change of moral
•"ut tpiritvat atmosphere. As we pass from the
>«gimiing to the end of the Book, we find that
the religious climate, so to speak, is quite
<^ged, and we are breathing a different air.
In short we have passed from the Hebraic to the
Ueilenic This change manifests itself through-
"St, in the speeches and in the actions, in the
aoda of feeling and in the local customs and
i>>titDtions. Yet the transition is not sudden.
It is a gradual growth, as the Church emanci-
iBtes itself, both locally and morally, from the
intelage of its Hebrew infancy. Between
the two extremes the intermediate Hellenistic
t«nit«ry is duly traversed. In short, the work,
"ganled from this point of view, betokens a
triter who either had witnessed the progressive
arter himself^ or made use of successive contem-
^irary documents ; but such a narrative would
^ quite impossible from one who some genera-
ti<«s later attempted to furnish a story of the
){«st«Iic doing*, trusting mainly or solely to
kit own &ciilty of invention.
(iL) Kot unconnected with this feature is the
sqseace and connexion (^ events. We may
••fa as an example the incidents which pre-
farei the way for the extension of the Church
t« the Gentiles. What conld be more natural,
•nd jet what more unlike the work of a forger
^'xa these fragmentary disconnected notices,
BIBtE MCr. — VOL. I.
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 33
which, as we see after the fact, must inevitablv
have led to the result, but which no one could
have foreseen or devised, and which require
careful piecing together before wo can trace
their bearing and direction. These are : (1) The
murmuring of the Hellenist widows, vi. 1 ; (2)
the creation of the diacouate, vi. 2 sq. ; (3) the
composition of this diaconate, comprising espe-
cially Stephen and Philip, vi. 6 sy. ; (4) Ste-
phen's disputations, speech, and martyrdom,
vi. 8-vii. 60 ; (5) Saul's appearance on the scene,
vii. 58, viii. 1 ; (6) the scattering abroad of the
disciples as the consequence of this persecution,
viii. 1 ; (7) the preaching of Philip in Samariu
and elsewhere, as the result of this scattering,
viii. 5-40 ; (8) the wider dissemination of the
word and the first preaching to the Gentiles
through the outlying members of this scattered
band (xi. 19, 20). A little reflection will show
that all this is inconcei\-able, except as an
account of facts which actually occurred.
(iii.) Another point is the disproportion ami
iaeqaality of the narrative. This argument is
strongly insisted upon by Kenan (p. xv.) among
others: "Ce qui distingue Thi-stoire compos^e
d'apr&i dea documents de I'histoire ^rite en
tout ou en partie d'original, i^est jtistement la
disproportion." A narrator who allows himself
carte blanche to invent will take care that the
different parts of his narrative bear some
proportion to each other. On the other hand,
a recorder of facts is limited by the historical
knowledge at his disposal. At some points he
has very ample information ; at others it entirely
fails him. Now nothing is more striking than
the want of proportion in the Acts. In some
parts the history of a few months occupies
several chapters ; in others the history of many
years is disposed of in two or three verses.
Sometimes we have a diary of a journey or
voyage ; elsewhere a bald statement of the main
fact is given. But nowhere is this disproportion
more striking than in some of the sfteeches,
notably in that of St. Stephen. This is by far
the longest record of a sfieech in the Book,
extending over 52 verses. Having all this
space at his disposal, a forger would have made
it both pertinent and complete. He would have
provided a well-reasoned defence against the two-
told crime with which Stephen is charged. But
here we have nothing of the kind. There is a
long and at first sight irrelevant account of the
early history of the Jewish peoi)le, which
occupies 49 verses, and the last three are taken
up in n denunciation of his accusers. Direct
answer to the charges there is none. Only
when we examine it more carefully, we discover
two things : first, that the incidents in the
long historical narrative illustrate the transitory
character of the present dispensation and of tin;
local sanctuary ; and secondly, that the latter
part of the speech (vii. 48-53) is interrupted
and hurried. Thus the whole speech, as we
have it, is a preamble, and the argumentative
application which should have formed the main
part of his defence does not appear at all, or at
least is confined to two or three short sentences,
doubtless because the clamours of the bystanders
bring the speaker prematurely to a close. But
until we discover the key to its meaning, this
rambling discourse is quite unintelligible under
the circumstances, and such as no forger would
D
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34 ACTS OP THE APOSTLES
or could hare invented. It is only conceivable
as a substantially true record of what was
actually said. Another instance of similar
disproportion is the speech on the Areop.igas
(xrii. 22-.31), where there is no distinctive
Christian teaching till the last verse, and here
only one point is touched upon. In this case
however the probable explanation is that it
was not so much the speech itself, as the report
of the speech accessible to the historian, which
was fuller at the commencement and hurried at
the end. But the bearing on the point at issue
— the truthfulness of the narrator — is the same.
(iv.) We have also another indication of
genuineness in the minor discrepancies and
errors, or what appear to be such in the
account. Thus we have three separate accounts
of St. Paul's conversion (ix. 3 »?., xxii. 6 sq.y
xxvi. 12 sg.). The divergences may not be irre-
concilable, but they do not reconcile them-
selves. The reasonable explanation is not that
the writer himself invented the three accounts,
but that he obtained them from difierent sources,
and reproduced them as he found them. Again
the inaccuracies in the references to Old Testa-
ment history in St. Stephen's speech arc probably
due to the strict reproduction of a report taken
under necessarily unfavourable circumstances.
In some cases at all events (r.^. vii, 43, the
substitution of " Babylon " for " Damascus ").
we seem to see that they are due to hurried
condensation.
(v.) The naturalness of the language, as indi-
cating direct knowletlge of the facts, should also
be noticed. The incidental appearance and dis-
appearance of the " we," to which attention has
been directed already, is a good illustration.
Another example appears in the order of the
names Barnabas and Paul (or Saul). Barnabas
is the earlier disciple (iv. 36), and the mediator
between Saul and the elder Apostles (ix. 27,
zi. 22-26). Accordingly, in the earlier part of
the history the order is always " Barnabas and
Saul " (xi. 30, xili. 2). But when their missionary
journeys commence, and they stand on Gentile
ground, St. Paul's supremacy of character asserts
itself, and the order is tacitly changed to " Paul
and Barnabas " (xiii. 43, 46, 50 ; xv. 2, 22, 35).
There are indeed exceptions in this latter part,
but they only "prove the rule." At the apo-
stolic council and in the apostolic letter, the
old sequence " Barnabas and Paul " is again
resumed (xv. 12, 25) ; and so too at Lystra,
where Barnabas is identiHcd with Zeus and
Paul with Hermes, the former naturally takes
the precedence for the moment (xiv. 14). As
inst.inccs of naturalness in the language repre-
sented to have been used by the speakers, we
m.iy allege the distortion of facts by Claudius
I.ysia'; (xiiii. 27) to save his own credit, or the
exaggerated compliments paid to Kelix by Ter-
tullus (xxlv. 2 »7.), which are explained but not
justiried by his career as governor.
Altogether, it may be affirmed that if there
had been no miraculous element in the narrative,
and if it had had no bearing on religious con-
troversy, the form and contents of this work
would have placed it beyond all suspicion, as
re^arls genuineness and authenticity.
(2.) From the consideration of the internal
characteristics we turn to the external tests, as
an evidence of truthfulness.
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
(i.) In the earlier part of the narrative we
hare rarely an opportunity of testing the inci-
dents by reference to other Christian documents ;
but the latter portion, giving the history of
St. Paul, may be compared with and checked by
the Apostle's own letters. This work has been
done admirably by Paley in his J7uro« Paulinae :
and the main result is conclusive. He has
elicited a mass of " undesigned coincidences,"
which renders the hypothesis of a fictitious
history impossible. The comparison of the four
greater Epistles, more especially (Romans, 1
Corinthians, 2 Corinthians, Galatians), belonging
to the years 57, 58, elicits striking examples.
Any reader, for instance, who will take the pains
to go carefully over Poley's discussion of the-
passages relating to the contributions for the
Christian poor at Jerusalem, observing how they
doretail into one another, may satisfy himself of
the validity of the argument. Vet it is plain
that the writer of the Acts was unacquainted
with these Epistles, or at all events that, if he
had ever seen them, he made no use of them
in compiling his history. Otherwise, we are
wholly unable to explain the omission of any
reference to the incidents and persons mentioned :
for example, in Rom. xv. 19, 28, xvi. 1 sq., 23 ;
1 Cor. i. 11 sq., xvi. 15 sj. ; 2 Cor. ii. 12, vii. 5,
xi. 24, xii. 3 sq. ; Gal. i. 17, ii. 11 sq. ; to
say nothing of the absence of any allnsion to
Titus in connexion with Corinth or of the
different aspects which the third visit to Jeru-
salem bears in the Acts (xv. 1 sq.') and in St.
Paul's Epistle (GaL ii. 1 sq.).
(ii.) Another point of comparison with ex-
ternal documents relates to the language ascribed
to the different Apostles in the Acts. St. James,
St. Peter, and St. Paul, all have speeches
assigned to them. Is their language such a»
might be expected from the writers of the
Epistles bearing their several names ? The very
few sentences ascribed to James do not aSbi^
much scope for comparison. Yet the sentiments
attributed to him are what might have been
expected from one who was the recognised head
of the Church of Jerusalem, as well as from the
writer of the Epistle which bears his name. It
has been observed also that of the canonical
writers James alone uses the common formula
Xalptiy as the heading of his Epistle (James i. 1),
which appears likewise at the beginning of the
apostolic letter, evidently represented in the
Acts as dictated by him. "The speeches and
sayings of St. Peter afford considerably more
material for comparison. In the diction, and
still more in the ideas, they exhibit such paral-
lels with the Epistles bearing the name of this
Apostle, as to suggest identity of authorship,
notwithstanding the alterations in form which
they hare necessarily undergone by trans-
mission. On this subject see Weiss, JVr
Petrinische Lehrhegriff, p. 6 sq. and passim ;
Kiihier, Die Seden des Petrus in der Apostel-
geschichte. Stud. u. Krit, 1873, p. 492 sq. ;
Salmon, Introd. p. 335 sq., ed. 2, as well as the
commentariei on this Book, esp. Nssgen, p. 47 317.
For St. Paul the material is much more ample,
and the result correspondingly more conclusive.
The speech at Miletus (.\cts xx. 18 sq.) more
especially has been cnrefuUy analysed, and
exhibits throughout both Pauline matter and
Pauline diction. Moreover, it is not fanciful to
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ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
tnce more spccid correspondences with the
UtUn belonging to the sereral periods at
which the speeches are represented as being
ilelirered. Thus the one Christian doctrine
which is mentioned in the speech on the Areo-
pagus (iTii 31) — the second Advent and the
Judgment — is the one prominent topic of the
Hpijtles to the Thessalonians, written at this
thne. Again, the speech at Miletus, already
mentioned, exhibits resemblances to the Epistles
of the third missionary journey which preceded
this epoch, and with the Epistles to the Philip-
pians and Ephesians which succeeded it.
(iii.) The geographical and historical tests
which the snbject-matter of the Acts invites us
to apply, are exceptionally wide and various.
If, for instance, we confine ourselves to geography,
we accompany the Apostle by land and by sea ;
we follow him about in Jerosalem, in Palestine
ind Syria, in Asia Minor, in Greece, in Italy.
The topographical details are scattered over this
wide expanse of continent, island, and ocean ;
ind they are both minute and incidental. Yet
the writer is never betrayed into an error. The
account of the .\postle's journey to Home (for
eitmple) is so accurate and consistent, that a
modem writer has been enabled almost to repio-
dnce a log-book of the voyage (James Smith's
Vcyagt amt Shiptcreck of St. Paul). The amount
of geographical and topographical illustration
which the narrative of the Acts admits may be
seen from such books as Conybeare and Howson's
Ufe and Epistles of St. Peail and Lewin's Life
aid EpisUet of St. Paul ; and these works will
sfford a measure of the strength of the argument
to be derived from such considerations.
When we turn from geography to history, the
tests are still more numerous, and lead to still
more decisive results. The laws, the institu-
tions, the manners, the religious rites, the
tnsgisterial records, of Syria and Palestine, of
Asia Minor, of Macedonia and Greece, all live in
the pages of this narrative. It will suffice to
mention one or two of the more striking facts.
When St. Paul first visits Europe, he sojourns
>t two important Macedonian cities in succession,
Philippi and Thessalonica. In neither case does
the political constitution follow the normal type
of I Greek city ; yet in both the local govern-
n)«iit b correctly and significantly indicated.
Philippi was a Roman colony (xvi. 12). Accord-
ingly here we find all the apparatus and colour-
'DJ of a colony, which was a miniature repro-
iaetion of Rome herself (see PhUippiaru, p. 51
*{')■ There are the local magistrates, the
ilaamrirs, who, alter the wont of such colonial
nagiutcs, arrogate to themselves the title of
praetors {<rrpajnyoi, xvi. 20, 22, 35, 36). Thero
>r; the attendant lictors (^affSovxpi, xvi. 35).
Dk majesty of Rome is appealed to again and
'tiin (xvi. 21, 37, 38). But when we turn from
I'lulippi to Thessalonica, all is changed. Thes-
silonica was a free city, with a magistracy of
its own. A collision occurs here, as at Philippi,
>ai the alleged oflenders are again brought before
th« magistrates. These magistrates are men-
ti'ined, though quite incidentally, as politarchs
(TtXtT<!^as, xvii. 6, 8). It so happens that
'his word (woXir^X^t) has not hitherto been
fomid anywhere in extant Greek literature,
though woXiTofixo; appears, in a general sense,
1 «n obscure passage of Aeneas Tacticus, c. 26
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 35
(p. 81, Schweigh.). From inscriptions however,
found at Thessalonica itself (Boeckh, C. I. 0.,
No. 1967 ; see Greek Inscriptions in the British
Museum, II. clxxi. p. 32, with the notes), we
learn that this was the local name of the chief
magistrates of Thessalonica, who were seven in
number. It should be added also that at Thes-
salonica mention is made (xvii. 5) of a popular
assembly (Sq/tot), which is likewise in keeping.
Again, at Corinth, the notice of the chief
magistrate is in strict accordance with history,
though the chances of error were very great.
The province of Achaia at this epoch was bandied
about between the senate and the emperor, being
transferred and retransferred from one to the
other, and was governed by a proconsul (&i/0v-
WttToi) or propraetor {iyrKTrpirriyos') accord-
ingly. At this moment (a.D. 52 or 53) it was
in the hands of the senate, and the designation
of the chief magistrate as ii'0i/iraT«^i' in the
Acts (xviii. 12) is therefore correct. But it had
only been retransferred to the senate a few-
years earlier (a.d. 44) by Claudius (Suet. Claud.
25 ; Dio Cass. Ix. 24), after being in the em-
peror's hands for some thirty years (since A.D.
15) ; and somewhat later under Nero (a.d. 67)
it ceased to be a Roman province (Plin. N. H,
iv. 6 ; Suet. Nero, 24, &c. : see Clinton, Fast.
Ram. i. p. 50), and remained autonomous till
Vespasian again restored the provincial govern-
ment. Moreover, the person represented as
holding the proconsulate at this time, Gallic, is
mentioned by his brother Seneca {Epist. 104,
§ 1) as residing in Achaia, though his office is
not named. In this passage however Seneca
mentions an illness and consequent sea-voyage ot
Gallic during his residence in Achaia, and Pliny
(iV. H. xxxi. 33) refers to this same incident in
Gallio's life as taking place post oonstilaium, but
without any mention of Achain. Thus the notice
in the Acts links together the statements of the
two profane writers, for the proconsulship of
Achaia would be a natural sequel to the consul-
ship. Moreover, the time harmonises ; for as
Seneca was not restored to favour till A.D. 49,
after eight years' banishment, his brother's
promotion to office would naturally take place
after that year, and probably not long after.
Gallia's character also, as here given, accords
with the description of him by his brother
Seneca {Quaest. Xat. iv. Praef.), and his friend
Statins {Site. ii. 7. 30 57.), who both use the
same epithet " dulcis." The easy-going magis-
trate was the amiable, sweet-tempered com-
panion. Similarly, the description of Sergius
Paulus, as procottsul of Crete, is confirmed by
notices and inscriptions, though here again any
one but a contemporary would be very liable to
error,owing to the transference and retransference
of the province (see Contemporary Seriew, May
1878, p. 290). Not only do the inscriptions
show that at this time it was governed by
proconsuls, but one discovered a few years ago
by Cesnola (^Cyprus, p. 425) mentions "the
proconsulship of Paulus" (€ni riAYAOY
[AN©]YnATOY). On the probobility that
this is the Sergius Paulus mentioned by Pliny,
see Contemp. Pev. 1. c.
.^mong other Greek cities which St. Paul is
represented as visiting, eomparatively full ac-
counts are given of his sojourns nt two especi-
ally, Athens and Ephesus. It is instructive to
D 2
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36 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
■tndy the narratives of his residence at these
two places, in themselves aad in comparison
one with another. Athens is the most Hellenic
of all cities, the heart and citadel of Greece ;
whereas at Ephesus there is a very strong inter-
mingling of the Oriental spirit and institutions
with the main stream of Hellenism. The di-
verse tone of these two typical cities of heathen-
dom appears to the life in the Apostle's conflicts
with his audiences on either occasion. The
one is inquisitive, philosophical, courteous, and
refined ; the other fanatical, superstitious, and
impulsive. Nor does the truthfulness of the
narrative manifest itself only in the moral and
religious atmosphere of the two places. It
descends even to the details. At Athens (Acts
xvii. 16 S7.) we are confronted with some nf
the main topographical features of the city — the
Areopagus and the agora. There are the repre-
sentatives of the two dominant philosophical
schools, the Stoics and Epicureans. There is the
predominnnt attitude uf inquiry in this metro-
polis of newsmongers, and here even the charao-
teristic Athenian term of abuse {inrtpiio\Syos)
finds its proper place. There is the large number of
foreign residents, which was al ways a distinguish-
ing feature of Athens. There is the reference
to the numerous images and temples which
thronged the city ; to the boastful pride of the
citizens in their religious devotion to the gods,
consistent as it was with no small amount of
theological scepticism ; to their jealousy of the
introduction of strange deities, as manifested in
the case of Socrates and at various points in
their history ; to their practice of propitiating
the offended powers after any plague or other
infection, by erecting an altar to " an unknown
god " or " unknown gods " ; to their custom of
deifying attributes of character, frames of mind,
and conditions of body, so that " Resurrection "
(.\nast.isis)'' would seem to them to be only
another addition to their pantheon, which al-
ready included "Pity," ".Modesty," "Rumour,"
"Persuasion," "Impulse," &c. (Pausan. i. 17).
Ijutly, there is nn appropriate allusion to rh
Octal', an expression which would commend
itself to his philosophical audience, but which
occurs nowhere else ic the New Testament ; and
an equally appropriate appeal to the sentiments
of the Stoic poets Aratus and Clcanthes (rwv
icafi* Ofias Taii)T»i'), who had proclaimed the uni-
versal fatherhood of Zeus. The amount of
illustration which has been gathered together
from classical sources by such writers ns Wet-
stein, Conybearc and Howson, and Reiian (not to
mention the numerous commentators on the
Acts), is sufficient evidence how true to local
colouring is this description of St. Paul's visit
to Atheus, even in the finest touches. When
we turn from Athens to Ephesus (xiz. 1 aq.),
the indication of the truthfulness of the narra-
tive is equally complete. Here however the
verification is found more in ancient inscriptions
•i Compare the account of the Russian revolt in 1826
(Alison's BUIory of JSurope, 11. p. 239) : ■■ Meanwhile the
leaders of the revolt, deeming their victory secure, began
to hoist their real colours. Cries of ' Constantfne and
the OmMtitution' broke from their ranks. *Wbat Is
that ?' said the men to each other. 'Do yon not know?'
said one; 'It la the ICmpress (Constltontda).' 'Not ot
all,' replied a third ; ' It Is the carrlatte In which the
emperor Is to drive at bis coronition.' "
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
than in extant literature. The recent excav.v
tions at Ephesus more especially have added
largely to our stores of illustrations. On this
subject see a paper by the writer of this article
in the Contemporary Reticr, May 1878, p. 29i
$q. We have mention, in St. Luke's account,
of the magical books, of which wc read else-
where under the name 'E^tiria ypifiiiam: of
the chief buildings of the city, not only th«
Temple of Artemis but the Great Theatre, with
which the recent excavations have made ns
familiar ; of the great oliiclals of the city ami
province — the proconsul as the chief imperial
magistrate, the town-clerk as the chief muni-
cipal authority, and the Asiarchs as the princi-
pal religious functionaries ; of the court days,
by implication divided into two, the regular and
the S|)ecial, as we know to have been the cose ;
above nil, of the prevailing cultus of the place.
" Artemis of the Ephesiaus " dominates every-
where. The characteristic religious phraseology
of her worshippers is reproduced — the city is
the " temple-sweeper," the verger, of the " great
goddess;" the silver models of her shrine which
were carried away as keepsakes by pilgrims t«
Ephesus, appear in the narrative ; the image
which " fell down from Zeus " has its place
there ; everything is strictly in keeping.
These instances of geographical and historical
propriety are taken from Greece and Asia
Minor, and the illustrations are drawn from
classical writers and inscriptions. But the
pictures relating to Jerusalem and Palestine are
found to be drawn with eqnal fidelity, where
we can test them. Of topographical accuracy
an example will be given presently in the
vivid description of a scene which takes place in
the Temple area (p. 38). The historical fidelity
of the narrative may be illustrated by the part
assigned to the Sadducees. It is not among
the high-priests and leaders of the hierarchy that
we should have expected to find a Sadducean pre-
dominance. Yet the author of the Acts boldly
represents the high-priestly circle as members of
this sect (iv. 1, v. 17); and this representation
is confirmed by the direct testimony of Josephus
(,Ant. XX. 9. 1). Moreover it has been more
than once observed that, whereas the Pharisees
are the chief opponents of Christ and Hi*
disciples in the Gospels, the Sadducees take the
lead in the Acts, and that this change is ex-
plained from the fact of the Apostles making
the Resurrection the foundation of their preach-
ing, and thus striking at the root of Sadducean
doctrine. From this point of view, it is notice-
able that in the Konrth Gospel, though the sect
of the Sadducees is not mentioned by name by
St. John, the most virulent opposition of the
high-priestly party led by Caiaphas begins fir»t
at the point where we should expect it to begin,
after the miracle of the raising of I^zarus
(John xi. 47 tq.'), and that it was a main object
with them to put Lazarus to death (John xii. 9~
11) and thus get rid of this evidence for a resur-
rection. Accordingly the course of events a<
related on a subsequent occasion, when St. Paul
pleads before the Sanhedrin at Jerusalem
(Acts xziii. 1 tq.), is perfectly consistent and evi-
dently historical. The Apostle had offended the
Sadducean high -priest Ananias, who presided;
and he recovered his position with his andience
by declaring that he and his forefathers were
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ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Plitm«e(, anil tb»t the main subject of his con-
KnlioD was the doctrine of the Resurrection,
nliich the Pharisee* held in common vith him,
thus dividing the assembly and securing (as it
»ould appear) the sup]wrt of the majority.
Wlitther this declaration was strictly defensible
(u it was certainly true), I need not stop to
inquire ; but it is what a sagacious man would
lutnrally do under the circumstances, and tho
I'act that it is frankly recorded is a token of the
Dsmtor's Teracity.
The evidence then in favour of the authenticity
cf the narrative is far fuller and more vnrie<l
than we had any right to eipect. But certain
dbjtctimi hare been taken, which it is necessary
t» remove.
(i.) Thus it is asserted that the dictim it
the tame throughout, and that therefore the
speeches ascribed to the principal characters
are nnhistoricnl. It is not Stephen or Peter
or Paal who sjieaks, bat Luke or pseudo-Luke
himself. Long li^ts of words and modes of
eipression have been drawn up, which are
regarded as charauteristic of the writer's style.
These eitend over the whole of the Gospel
u well as the Acta. There is frequently very
great exaggeration in these lists (e.g. Super-
Mtmd ReiigiiM, iii. pp. 72 tq., 146 >q., &c.).
imlerant expressions are included ; Septuagint
quotations are treated as if they were the
narrator's own language ; words used in wholly
ditferent senses {e.g. Rtiita, " footstep," and /SJ/io,
"tribunal") are treated as parallels; terms
whirb are necessitated by the subject-matter are
regarded as characteristic of the author ; the
cvmmonest words in the language are invested
with a special value. Thus an entirely false
impression is conveyed. But, after all these
iparioas examples are set axide, there is a
certain residuvin of resemblance in the diction
(<«e e.j. Lekebnsch, p. 35 sf.). Characteristic
words and phrases of the author appear in the
-peeehes, as well as in the narrative portion,
lint this was inevitable. It was impossible that
the speeches could be reported word for word.
Sometimes they must have been spoken in
inmaic; in other cases only shorthand and
'rajmenlary reports were in the author's
hois; in others again be may hare heard
thou by word of mouth; in all probably
they were much abridged. A certain infusion
of his own phraseology was a natural uon-
wqnence, and it does not aifect their substantial
xxaraer. It appears even in the example
iihich I have already given of an evidently
P'oliae utterance — the speech to the Ephesian
•Idtrs at Miletus. The measure of the extent
to which it would affect the language is seen
l>y the example of the Third Gospel. Here we
IK able to compare St. Luke's account with
<)>< parallel narratives of the two other
''raoptists ; and the historical character remains,
Mwithstanding the literary editing of the third
trugi^lut. There is no reason to suppose that
)h d«alt more freely with his materials in the
itts, where we have no such means of testing
Aea. Indeed, as he was nearer to the events
■Ji4 more familiar with the persons, we should
^iptct, if anything, a closer adherence to the
trm in which he received the reports.
C>i.) A second objection, or rather a second
(^ of objections, is based on the representation
ACTS OP THE APOSTLES
37
here given of the principal agents in the plant-
ing of the Church, more especially of the
relations between St. Peter and St. Paul ami
their respective followers. These objectioiii>
start from the assumption that there was nii
irreconcilable opposition between the Apostle^
of the Circumcision and the Apostle of the
Gentiles ; that their views of Christianity were
diametrically opposed ; and that the former
never emauci|>ated themselves from a strictly
Judaic and national conception of Christ's
Kingdom, whereas the idea of the latter was
cosmopolitan and universal. The author of the
Acts, it is assumed, living at a Inter date, was
desirous of iiiiding a meeting jioint for conflicting
imrties, and thus invented positions, words, and
actions for the chief Apostles, so as to bring
them into accord. His aim was conciliation, and
he twisted or forged history accordingly. This
is too wide a question fvr discussion here. The
objection indicated involves a petiiio piincipii.
Our chief authority for the relations existing
between the leading .Apostles is this very Book
itself We can only say that to ourselves such
passages as I Cor. i. 1'2 tq., 23 ; Gal. i. 18, ii.
6 tq., 14 tq., seem to indicate a substantial
harmony in principle between the two supposed
antagonists ; * that they are placed on the same
level by the two earliest of the apostolic
Fathers (Clem. Rom. 5 ; Ignat. £om. 4), and are
quoted as of equal authority by the third
(Polyc. Phil. 2, 5, 6, &c.) ; that the main stream
of Christian history betrays no evidence of this
fundamental antagonism as the substratum of
the Catholic Church ; and that the first distinct
mention of it occurs in an obviously fictitious
narrative, which cannot date betiire the second
half of the second century, though doubtless
even from the apostolic times there were some
extreme men who used the names of the two
A]>ostles as |>arty watchwords.
According to this conception of early Chris-
tianity, it would be impossible that St. Peter
should have seen the vision obliterating the
distinction of meats clean and unclean, which
led to the conversion of Cornelius, or that St.
Paul should have taken part in the Nazarite
vows, and so have been guilty of complicity
with Jewish customs, on his last visit to
Jerusiilem. Above all, the representation of
the attitudes of the respective leaders at the
so-called apostolic council is called in question,
both as impossible in itself and as irreconcilable
with the notices of what is apparently the same
occasion in Gal. ii. 1-10.
As regards the apostolic council, I may
)>erhaps tie allowed to refer to a full consideration
of the question in my Galatiant, p. 123 tq. The
subject is too long for discussion here. It has
been treated from various points of view, not
only in Introductions, Apostolic Histories, and
Commentaries, but also in separata articles
and monographs. Among the latter are Grimm,
Hud. «. Krit. 1880, Hft. 3 ; Hilgenfeld, Zeittchr.
r So f«r ta regards St. Peter's attitude towards tbe
Psnline doctrine of fa(th and grace, we can only say that
the Acts represents him as adopting It (xv. 9, 11), Just as
tbe Epistle bearing his name (1 Peter I. 6, 9, 13. &c.)
adopts it, though not giving it the same special promi-
nence, and as Indeed It is distinctly implied that be
adopted It In St. Paul's argument Gal. 11. 14.
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38 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
/. Wias. T/teol. 1858, p. 74 57.. p. 317 aq.;
Holsten, Zum Evangelium dcs PaiUus u. dcs
Petrua, 1868 ; Holtzmann, Zeitschr. f. Wiss.
TIteol. 1882, p. 436 sq., 1883, p. 129 sq. ; Keim,
Am dem Urchrislenthum, p. 64 sq. ; Lipsius in
Schenkcl's Bibellexikon, i. p. 194 sq. ; Pfleiderer,
■fahrb.f. Protest. Theol. 1883, p. 78 sq., p. 241 sq.\
\t.e\isi,Remude Thiologie, 1858, 1859; K. Schmidt
ill Herzog-Plitt, Reed Eiwykl. i. p. 575, 1877 ;
Schneckenbiirger, Stud. u. Krit. 1855, p. hhisq. ;
Volltmar, Theol. Zeitschr. aus d. Schiceiz, 1885,
p. 33 sq. ; Weizsacker, Jahrb. f. Deutsch. Theol.
1S73, p. 191 srj. ; Wittichen, Jahrb. f. Protest.
Theol. 1877, p. 653 sq. See also other references
in Holtzmann, /, c. p. 436 sq. The opinions of
Baur, Lcchler, Neander, Ritschl, Schwcglcr,
Zeller, and others, nil] be found in their several
works mentioned at the end of this article ; and
the question is discussed at length in some of
the Commentaries (e.g. Ovcrbeck and NBsgen).
But it so happens that at the very two points
in the narrative where St. Paul is represented as
making the largest concessions to the Judaic
Christians, and where therefore the author is
supposed to diverge most widely from historical
truth in order to gratify this assumed motive,
we find in the character of the context indica-
tions which, in any other case, would be
regarded as striking evidences of veracity in
an ancient narrator. These are the account of
the third visit to Jerusalem, including this
apostolic council in the 15th ch.npter, and the
conduct of the Apo.stle on his last visit to this
same place in the 21st chapter.
(1.) The account of the apostolic council is
preceded by one avowal of weakness in the fac-
tions and quarrels in the Church (xv. 1, 2 sq.),
and succeeded by another in the contention and
separation of Paul and Barnabas (xv. 36 sq.}.
These frank confessions at all events atTord a
strong presumption of truthfulness. The whole
narrative is essentially simple, straightforward,
and natural, as a record of events. The princi-
pal speakers, Peter and James, express opjnions
and use language, as we have seen, which at all
events present resemblances to the Epistles
extant in their names. The " apostolic decree "
bears such manifest traces of genuineness, and
would have been so impossible at a late date,
that few even of those who impugn the repre-
sentation of St. Paul's action have ventured to
question it. The relative positions of Peter and
James harmonise with the circumstances, the
official superiority of James at Jerusalem being
recognised. The relative positions of Paul and
Barnabas show still more subtle traces of
authenticity, as I have already pointed out.
Where the author is narrating in his own per-
son, the order " Paul and Barnabas," which
would be natural to him, is adopted (xv. 2, 22,
35); but where the Church of Jerusalem is
interested, as in the order of hearing accorded
to the two (xv. 12), and again in the apostolic
letter itself (xv. 25), tho order is reversed —
Barnabas being the older disciple, and better
known to the Christians in Jerusalem. As a
minor indication of truthfulness again, we may
mention that Peter here, and here only in the
Acts (in the speech of James), is called by his
Hebraic name in its Hebraic form "Symeon"
(comp. 2 Pet. i. 1). Indeed, the whole narra-
tive is such that no one would have hesitated to
accept it as a genuine record, if this preposses-
sion as to the mutual relations of the Apostles
at this crisis had not stood in the way.
(2.) The same is true of the later incident,
the concession of the Apostle to the Jewisii
Christians in the matter of the Nazarite vows,
on the occasion of his last visit to Jerusalem.
The account is preceded by a diary of the
voyage to Caesarea (xxi. 1-8) and the sojouni
in Caesarea (xxi. 9-14), which is singularly
plain, straightforward, and lifelike, which siitis-
ties every test of truthfulness, and which in tlie
purposelessness of the incidental touches is only
explicable as a narrative of an eye-witness. Thi»
is especially true likewise of the verse imme-
diately preceding the, visit (xxi. 16), which re-
cords the journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem,
" taking with us one Mnaaon of Cyprus, a primi-
tive disciple, with whom we were to lodge."
There is no reason for this mention of Mnason,
of whom we never hear again, except that tlio
fact struck the narrator. The whole accouut
again belongs to the " we " sections, and mani-
fests the life-like character which pervades
these sections. Moreover, it is allusive. It
omits to explain certain points to the reader,
because they were obvious to the writer. Such,
for instance, is the reference to " the seven
days" (xxi. 27), which has puzzled the com-
mentators. Again, the narrative of the tumult
in the Temple, which follows, is not only full 4>l
life, but (what is more important) instinct witli
local colouring. The alarm that the Apostle
had introduced the Gentile Trophimus, the
Ephesiau, into the Temple, is illustr.ited by M.
Ganneau's discovery (Palestine Kxploration Fund.
1871, pp. 132 sq., 172 sg.)of the inscription on
the stone barrier (Sp^cucTot) which divided olT
the Court of the Israelites, forbidding any
foreigner to pass it on pain of death, as cor-
rectly recorded by Josephus (Ant. xv. 11.5;
comp. Bell. Jud. v. 5. 2, vi. 2. 4); and hence
doubtless St. Paul drew his illustration of the
middle wall of partition (rh luairoixor toC'
<ppayiix>v) separating Jew and Gentile in
Ephes. ii. 14, not without a remembrance (ne
may well suppose) of this incident of Trophimus
the Ephesian, which was the beginning of hi>
captivity. Again, in the tumult which follows,
the same characteristics are still more promi-
nent. The "tribune," the "cohort," the
"descent" (r. 12), the "steps," the " fortress"
— wh.it is the meaning of all this? A minute
topographical knowledge underlies the narr.i-
tivc. The tower of Antonia, dominating the
Temple area and ascended thence by a long flight
of stairs, with the armed cohort stationed there
to keep order during the Festivals (Joseph. B. J.
ii. 12. 1, TTJs 'Ptt/toTKqi tnrflpas iwip ri/y roS Upov
ffToav i^fffrdffjis, KvoirKoi tc itfl rits iopras
irapaipvXdTToviri k.t.X.), are the facts familiar
to the writer which explain and vivify the inci-
dents. But they are assumed, not stated. Upon
this follows immediately the reference to the
Egyptian pretender, who, as we learn from
Josephus (Ant. 11. 8. 6; 5. J. ii. 13. 5), some
three years before this time had threatened
Jerusalem. He had disappeared, and nothing
more was heard of him. What more likely
than that the Roman captain should suppose
that he had started up again to disturb the
pe-tce ? The manner in which he is mentioned
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ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
here is altogether natural and unstudied. On
(lie other hand, it it at all probable that a writer
in the 2nd century would be capable of the very
subtle and ingenioni artifice which would be
ioTolred in thi> reference, if the narrative were
not gennine ? In fact the whole of thi» pasaage
txfoR and after the account of the Mazarite
TOWS hangs together ; and it is marked through-
oat with many and various tokens of authenticity.
Not unconnected with the objection based on
the conciliatory tendency of the Book, is the
supposed parallelism between the careers of the
two .Apostles in the former and latter parts of
the urrative respectively. Paul is miraculously
released from prison at Pbilippi (xvi. 26 sq.y,
^li Peter was at Jerusalem (xii. 6 tq."). Paul
strikes the sorcerer Elymas blind (xiii. 6 sq,),
as Peter struck the liars Ananias and Sapphira
dead (v. 1 aq.). Sick persons are healed by
handkerchiefs and aprons brought from the body
of Panl (xii. 11 */.), as they are healed by the
-shadow of Peter falling upon them (v. 15). And
so forth. When the incidents are extracted
from their contexts and marshalled in pairs,
thtr produce a great impression, and it is not
surprising that many able critics of different
schools have laid stress on this parallelism. On
Bearer examination, however, it is difficult to
tind any indication that this design was present
to the mind of the writer, though he could
hardly have concealed the fact, if he had enter-
tained it. Nor, except in the miraculous
release from prison, Is there any close corre-
spondence ; and in this case the eS'ect of the
parallelism, as an indication of any such pur-
pose, is destroyed by the fact that a third mira-
«nlaas release from prison, earlier than either,
it recorded (v. 19), in which "the Apostles"
generally are involved. But in fact parallelisms
far more close are common in bistor}'.
(iii.) But a -wholly different objection has
been nrged to the genuineness of the Book.
Several persons and incidents mentioned in the
Acts have a place likewise in Josephus. As the
two writers were treating of the history of the
same country daring the same period, we should
hardly have expected it to be otherwise.
But it is urged that the writer of the Acts
borrowed from Josephus, and therefore cannot
hare been St. Luke. This objection was started
by Holtxmann (Za'iscAr. /. Wia. Theot. xvi.
[1873], p. 83 tq.), and followed up by Krenkel
(ill. p. 441 sqS by the author of Supernatural
Beiijim {Forlnightty Review, 1877, p. 502 tq.\
aid by Keim (^Urchrittenthum, p. 1 sij., 1878).
Holtzmann was answered by Schiirer (^Zeitschr,
f. Wilt. Tneol. xii. [1876], p. 574 sy.), to whom
h« made a counter-reply (i>. xx. [1877], p. 535
«7.). As regards the narrative of facts, the
dircrgences between the two are a sufficient
answer to the charge of plagiarism. Indeed,
tbe genuineness of the narrative in the Acts has
been assailed on two wholly different and irre-
eoncilable grounds. On the one hand, its
eoincidences with Josephus are taken t<r prove
that it is the work of a late pretender ; on the
*ther hand, its divergences from this same his-
t"rian are regarded as evidence that the narra-
tive is inauthentic The attempt to reconcile
these two contradictory grounds of attack by
the supposition that when the author followed
Josephus, be trusted his memory and was
ACTS OP THE APOSTLES 39
betrayed by it, will hardly carry conviction to
any one. We may remark in passing that it is
an unproved assumption that, wherever there
are divergences between the two, Josephus is
right and St. Luke is wrong. Probabilities are
often the other way. When, for instance,
Josephus {B. J. ii. 13. 5) gives the number of
the sicarii who followed the Egyptian as 30,000,
and the author of the Acts as 4000, we can
have no hesitation in preferring the smaller
number to the larger. Moreover, Josephus is
not always consistent with himself in his dif-
ferent works, and is full of inaccuracies when
dealing with O. T. history (^Dict. of Christ.
Biogr. s. v. Josephus, iii. pp. 445, 455). As
regards resemblances of diction, no coincidences
have been alleged which make out even a prima
facie case of plagiarism. Thus, when Holtz-
mann compares Ant. ii. 5. 1 (^iSov riis
'lovtalas tretpmrfiomos) with Luke iii. 1
(jiytliovtvomot Xlmrlov niAdrov ri\s 'IomSoIoj),
or when Krenkel sets side by side Josephus'
account of his own boyhood ( Vit. 2) with St.
Luke's account of Christ's childhood (ii. 42 sq.\
laying stress on the occurrence of such words
as "intelligence" {ainaii) and "progress"
{■Kprnciirrtty), and on the fact that the one was
fourteen yean old (wwr tty irepl T«ir<rai>«vic(u-
Siieeeroy frot) and the other twelve (8tc iy4ytro
iruy SiiStKa . . . {nri/uiyty 'IriaoOt i ira<s), or
when the author of Supertutttiral Setigion calb
attention to the dedication of Josephus' treatise
Against Apion to Epaphroditus, whom he desig-
nates Kpirurrf iySpHy, as Theophilus is desig-
nated Kpirurrt by St. Luke, and then ransacks
the preface of Josephus, which extends over
several pages, to find words such as irapoicoAav-
0tiy, ainiiwryii, iucpiPis, ixix'ifno', we are able
to measure the value of this objection. To take
the last case. The epithet Kpirurrot is very
common as applied to persons in high position ;
it occurs many times, for instance, in the
inscriptions in Wood's Ephesua. In one single
inscription (Oreat Theatre, No. 17) it is found,
twice within six lines, applied to two different
persons (M<SSf(rra> i Koirurros, KopyriMf
TlptlirKif T$ KparloT^ aySmrir^') ; and in
another (City and Suburbs, No. 5), twice within
four lines, applied to four different persons,
three of them being women (IlfiSuiSoi r^s
Kparltrrtis irtenKfjt, Apixoyros itMriwiTpca
BtetylSos r&y Kpaalaruy). Again, in every
case the words used by both these writers in
common are the obvious words to express the
things signified, as any lexicon will show ; and
where two authors are dwelling on similar
topics (e.g. the authorities for contemporary or
nearly contemporary history), they cannot fail
to employ similar language; nor is it easy to
explain how any one who could write the Third
Gospel and the Acts should be driven to
Josephus to replenish his vocabulary with such
ordinary words as "attempt," "accurately,"
" eye-witness," " observe," and the like.
(iv.) Another objection to the genuineness
and authenticity of the narrative is the alleged
fact that it contains certain unhistorical state-
ments. For the most part however the errors
adduced do not affect the veracity of tbe his-
torian himself. Thus, for instance, it is af-
firmed that St. Stephen's speech, as tested by
tbe Old Testament, contains several inac-
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40
ACTS OF THE ArOSTLES
{■uracies. These would doubtless require con-
sideration, if we were discussing the nature and
limits of inspiration ; but for the question of the
veracity of the author they hare no value at
all. We bare no ground for supposing that he
was in any degree responsible for them. Nearly
all the alleged historical errors are of this
kind. The speakers are to blnme, not the
author who records their speeches. One or two
eiaroples, however, do not belong to this class.
The chief and most formidable of such historical
dillicultiesis connected withTheudas, thereligious
insurgent or pretender, whose name is mentioned
in the speech of Gamaliel (Acts ▼. 36) as having
been put to death " aforetime " (irpi roiriti riy
TlfLtpiy), and his followers, about four hundred
in number, dispersed. A person of this name
ap|iears likewise in Josephus (Ant, xx. 5. 1),
where he is described as a wizard (yirit)t *'^o
pretended that he was a prophet ; undertook to
divide the waters of the Jordan, so that it might
be traversed dryshod ; and was followed by the
great mass of the common people (rhv rKtitrrov
SxKoy). The procurator Kadus promptly sent
a detachment of cavalry after him. The leader
himself was beheaded, and of his followers some
were slain and others captured alive. It is
assumed that the Theudas of Josephus is the
same with the Theudas of St. Luke ; and if so,
there is an insuperable chronological discrepancy.
The procurator Fadus entered upon his office
A.D. 44, but the Theudas of St. Luke must be
placed long before this time : for (1) the speecli
of Gamaliel itself is supposed to be spoken some
years earlier, and (2) Gamaliel describes the
insurrection of Judas the Galilean, as subse-
quent to that of Theudas (ver. 37, /wri rovrovX
and the insurrection of Judas certainly took
place " in the days of the taxing," x,e. soon after
the birth of Christ (see Joseph. Ant. xviii. 1. 1,
XX. 5. 2 ; A J. ii. 17. 8). Though the narrative
of Josephus is disfigured by demonstrable errors
and inaccuracies, yet it is hardly possible that
he can have been mistaken here. We must
therefore suppose the Theudas of Gamaliel to be
a different person, as Origen does (c. CcU, i. 57,
SevSSt Tfib T^i •ftviamt '\riaov yiyovi rtt wapii
'lavtaiois). Beyond the name there is no close
resemblance ; and Theudas contracted from
Theodorus, Theodotus, Theodosios (frequently
written Theudorus, Theudotus, Theudosius),
as the Greek equivalent to several Hebrew
names — Jonathan, Mattaniah, Matthias, Ma-
thanoel, &c — would be commonly affected by
the Jews (on these names, Theodoras, &c.
among the Jews, see Zunz, Qesamm. Schriften, ii.
pp. 6, 7, 10, 22). Josephus himself mentions
four pretenders named Simon, and three named
Judns — these Inst all within ten years (see
Gloag, i. p. 197). The Theudas of Gamaliel,
therefore, will probably have been one of the
many pretenders of whom Josephus speaks as
troubling the peace of the nation about this
time (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 10. 8 ; B. J. ii. 4. 1),
without however giving their names. There
is something to be said for the solution of
Wieseler (^Synopsis, p. 90 $q., Eng. trans.), who,
on the ground of the name, would identify him
with Matthias the son of Margalothus, an
insurgent in the time of Herotl ; for this pei-son
has a prominent place in Josephus (^Ant. xvii.
6. 2 sj.). In connexion with this charge of
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
falsification the language respecting Judas of
Galilee, attributed to Gamaliel in the context,
deserves notice. He speaks of Judas' rebellion
as commg to nothing. This was luitural enough
on the lips of Gamaliel before the sequel had
i-evealed itself, but would be out of place at .t
later date; for two sons of this rebel Uader.
James and Simon, broke out in rebellion under
Claudius, and were crucified by the procnrator
Tiberias Alexander (Ant. xx. 5. 'J); while a third
son, Menahem, headed a formidable rebelUok
shortly before the commencement of the Jewish
war, and he too was put to death (£. J. ii. IT.
8 Sf. See Nosgen, p. 146 tg.).
6. The Time and Place of Writing. — What
was the date of the Acts ? To this we can give
no certain answer. It has been shown that tlie
conclusion of the history is intentional, thai
there is no abruptness in it, and that therefore
we cannot draw any inference from it, as tkoagb
the book were written at the point of timr
where the narrative closes (p. 27). This in-
dication of date having failed us, no clue remains.
The fancy of Hug and others that oCtt) irrlr
(fn^lios (" this is desert ") in viii. 26 refers t»
the destruction of Gaza immediately before the
fall of Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. ii. 18. 1), and
therefore points to a date not earlier than about
A.D. 80, is based on a misconception. The word*
are perhaps not the author's own, but the
Angel's, and they certainly refer not to the city,
but to the road. They would thus be an in-
struction to Philip to take this route, because it
passed through an uninhabited and unfrequented
country, where he would be unmolested in hia^
iuterview with the Ethiopian. The Book itself
contains no reference to any event later than
the close of the narrative itself. It must how-
ever have been written later than the Gospel,
and we are thus led to investigate the date of
this " former treatise." Here it is confidently
assumed that the turn given to our Lord's
predictions of the coming troubles (Luke xzL
20-24X as compared with the parallel passages
in the other Evangelists, shows that this Gospel
was written after the destruction of Jemsalcnt.
I am unable to see the force of this argument.
The destruction of Jernsnlem seems clearly to
be indicated in Christ's prophecies in the other-
Evangelists likewise, and the difference of lan-
guage does not seriously affect the case. Yet.
though the reason given may not be valid, the-
date so assigned is perhaps not far wrong. It
would at all events be a probable date for n
writer who was a younger disciple and a personal
follower of St. Paul. Not a few of those who
recognise St. Luke as the author of the work
have accepted this date as approximately correct.
The place of writing is altogether indeterr
minable. Something may be said in favour of
Philippi. At all events the writer seems t»
have spent some time there (see above, p. 35),
and the use of the first person at this point,
without any explanation, may suggest some
corresponding local knowledge on the |iart of
the recipient. Again Antioch is far from im-
probable, since St. Luke according to an old
tradition was born at Antioch, and some det&ils
connected with this city are given with ex-
ceptional particularity (vi. 5, xi. 26, liii. 1 sg,,
XV. 22 tq.). Again Rome has a certain claim
to be considered, since the writer accompanieil
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ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
SL Pinl «o the Tifiit with which the narrative
cloMS. Other places which have been suggested,
such u Aleiandria or Ephesus, hare nothing to
noommemi them.
7. Sourcet of Information, — ^The aiUfiorities
of which the writer made nse must remain a
matter of specalttion. It has been inferred
from the preface to the Gospel, that St. Lnke
diicanled all written sources of information,
such as anr memoirs of Christ's life and teaching
which others before him may hare published,
ud depended entirely on oral tradition, as
rKeired directly from eye-witnesses. It does
not teem to me that his language suggests this
sUkt limitation. The " tradition " of which he
there speaks might be written as well as oral.
Hot again, eren supposing that he had confined
himself t« the oral communications of eye-wit-
MiHs in the first treatise, are we justified in
ununing him to have acted in precisely the
ame way in composing the second. As a
i)u«stian uf probability, the life and words of
Christ, being the subject-matter of Christian
tesching, would form a more or less definite
bolj of oral tradition ; but the doings of the
Apostles had no snch importance that they
should assume this form. The question as
reguils the Acts resolves itself into one of
iolemil eridence and probability. So regarding
it, we are forced to the conclusion that, for some
puts at least (the speech of Stephen will serve
as an example), he must hare used written notes
talcen down at the time; for this speech is in-
ronotirable as a fiction, and almost equally so
as SB oral tradi tion. When we take into account
the common use of shorthand among the ancients,
there is no improbability in this supposition ;
liaoe the gravity and interest of the defence on
sQca a critical occasion must have impressed itself
on all, more especially on the disciples.
The materials then would be partly oral,
partly written. The written materials would be
here and there a document, such as the letter of
the apostolic council (xv. 23 sq.); here and there
Dotes of speeches taken down at the time or
immediately afterwards; and occasionally also
diaries or memoranda of facts. Besides these,
he would receive a large amount of oral in-
fonnation ; and for some portions of his narra-
tive he was himself an eye-witness. His chief
aathority would naturally be St. Paul, with
<hom at different epochs he spent large
portions of time. But he likewise lodged a
oatiderable time (iutifas vKtUvt) with Philip
Iht Evangelist (xzi. 10), and from him he may
have received written or oral information re-
iimtiBg the earliest history of the Church,
BSR especially the doings of the deacons, in
vUch Philip himself "pars magna fuit" (rili.
>-4<)). From this source also he might hare
'Mred bis information respecting the conversion
«f Cornelius, for Caesjirea seems to have been
l^ilip's permanent home before as well as after
this event (viit 40, xii. 8). For portions of
this earlier history also he may have been
indebted to John Mark, in whose company we
^ him at a later date (Col. iv. 10, 14 ; Ph'ilem.
H; ump. 2 Tim. iv. 11). For all that related
to Barnabas (Col. iv. 10) and to St. Peter (1 Pet.
'. 13), Mark would be a competent authority.
His isterroune with men like Timothy and
TycUcu also most have been considerable ; and |
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
41
they may have supplied information for the
latter part of his narrative, where St. Paul
failed him. How close may have been St. Luke's
intimacy with any of the Twelve, we cannot
say. ' To any such intimacy we find no reference
within the compass of his own narrative; but
an acquaintance with St. Peter afterwards, at
Rome, is consistent with the notices.
8. The Motite and Design of the TTor*.— The
motive and design of the work have been con-
sidered already, when its contents were under
discussion. Addressing one Theophilus, either
an actual person or an imaginary representative
of the Christian student, St. Luke merely pur-
poses to give for the edification of his readers a
history of the Christian Church from its founda-
tion to its establishment in the metropolis of
the world. If there were suiScieut grounds for
postulating a theological principle as the basis
of the narrative, it would be the continued
working and presence of Jesus, no longer in the
ilesh, but in the Church.
But n large number of recent critics hare
seen in this work a motive of a wholly different
kind. They have regarded it as written with
an apologetic or conciliatory purpose. In the
present case these two epithets come to the
same thing. For, if apologetic, it was intended
either to defend St. Paul from the charge of
hostility to the Jews, or St. Peter from the
charge of opposition to the free admission of the
Gentiles ; if cvnciliatori/, its motive was to bring
together and amalgamate two parties in the
Christian Church — the Judaic, which clung to
the name of St. Pttcr, and the Gentile, whose
watchword was the lil>eralism of St. Paul.
It will be seen at once, that such a view of
the purpose is consistent with a frank recogni-
tion of the genuineness of the work and of the
truthfulness of the narrative. Its aim would
then be the correction of prevailing misunder-
standings. Such was the position of Schneck-
enburger(1841), who was the first to emphasise
the real or supposed parallelism between St.
Peter and St. Paul, as showing the apologetic-
design of the author;'' but he himself herewith
maintains the substantial credibility of the ac-
count. This same idea however was adopted by
the critics of the Ttibingen school, who occupied
another platform, and to whom it was a con-
venient weapon for their destructive warfare.
Baur {Faulus, p. 1 ag., 1845), Scliwegler (Das
A'achapostolische Zeitalter, ii. p. 73 aq., 1846),
and Zeller (Die Apoatelgeachlchte, p. 316 tq.,
1854), all took this panillelism as the basis of
their theories, and regarded the Book as the
work of a Pauline Christian in the 2nd
century, whose object was to reconcile parties,
and who freely invented his story accoidingly.
Not very different is the |)asition of Hilgenfeld
(Einleitnng, p. 576 sq.), who takes it to repre-
sent " Unionist Paulinism " not earlier than the
close of the 1st century. Several other critics
also, without going to these extremes, have re-
garded the narrative as coloured by this " con-
ciliatory " motive. Thus Renan (Lea Apdtrea,
pp. xiii. aq., zxviii. aq.), though confidently
ascribing the work to a companion of St. Paul,
^ Baur had previously suggested the idea of this ** ten-
dency" In the TUbiitg. ZeilKhr. f. Thtal. iU. p. 38 tq,
183«.
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42 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
and therefore presumably to St. Luke, and em-
ploying its statements as generally credible, yet
holds that the representations of the chief
Apostles are highly coloured, so as to produce
an impression of harmony which was not justi-
tied by the facts. In answer to such allegations
it is sufficient to say that St. Paul's own prac-
tical maxim of "becoming all things to all
men," and therefore of " becoming a Jew to the
Jews," covers all the actions ascribed to him in
St. Luke's narrative ; that the very context, in
which these particular actions are related,
manifests, as I have already shown (p. 38), un-
mlstakeable tokens of authenticity ; that St.
Paul's language and conduct in dealing with
Oentile converts like the Galatians is no stan-
dard at all for measuring his intercourse with
the Church of Jerusalem ; and that generally
the tone and character of the narrative ought to
place it above the suspicion of any conscious
distortion of facts. For the rest, if any false
impressions were abroad about the relations of
the two chief Apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, it
is not unnatural that the writer should wish to
correct them.
9. The Chronology. — There are two fixed
points in the chronology of the Acts, as deter-
mined by contact with secular history. The
fii-st of these is St. Paul's second visit to Jeru-
salem (xi. 30, xii. 25), which is obviously syn-
chronous, or nearly so, with the death of Herod
Agrippa (xii. 23); but this latter event is
known to hare happened a.d. 44 (Joseph. Ant.
xix. 8. 2). The second is St. Paul's appearance
before Kestus and consequent voyage to Gome
(ixvi. 32, xxvii. 1). This occurred immediately
after Festus had arrived in the province. But
from various considerations it appears that the
<lepasition of Felix and the accession of Festus
most probably happened in a.d. 60, and must
certainly have happened close upon that year ;
see Wieseler, Chronol. p. 66 sq.
Besides these two fixc<l dates, there are other
references to events in secular history of which
the date indeed is not definitely determined,
but which serve as rough verifications. Such
are the great famine (xi. 28), the banishment of
the Jews from Rome (xviii, 2), the reign of
Aretas at Damascus (ix. 25, 2 Cor. xi. 32), the
proconsulship of Gallic in Achaia (xviii. 12).
Of the two fixed dates, the first — the death of
Herod Agrippa — is isolated, and rcndera no
Assistance in the general .scheme of chronology.
But the second is of the highest value. The
notices of the intervals of time in the Acts are
fairly continuous from the apostolic council
(c. xv) to the end of the Book. Thus by work-
ing backwards from the accession of Festus and
the journey to Rome (a.d. 60), we are able to
frame a skeleton of the chronology for the latter
half of the Book, and we arrive at about A.D. 51
for the apostolic council. From this point,
still working backwards, the chronological
notices in Gal. i. 18, ii. 1, enable us to fix some
of the early dates. The whole system is worked
ont most thoroughly by Wieseler. The results
will be found in any of the common books rel.nt-
ing to the a|>ostolic history or the life of St.
Paul. The special books on the chronology of
St. Paul and of the Acts are Anger, X>e tern-
ponan in Act. Apost. ratione (Lipsine, 1833), and
Wieseler, Chronoiogie <ks apostoliac/icn ZeU<iltcra
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
(Giittingen, 1848). Lewin's/'attiSucn' (London,
I860) is a useful work, and is not as well knovn
as it deserves to be.
10. The r*x(.— Accounts will be found of the
authorities for the text of the Acts in their
proper place in the well-known Introductions and
Prolegomena of Tregelles (1856), Scrivener (ed.
3, 1883), Tischendorf (ed. Gregory, 1884), and
Westcott and Hart. Special works relating t<i
this particular book are J. D. Michaelis, Curat
in Vcrsionem Si/riacam Actuwn, Apostuliconaii
(Goettiugae, 1755); Belsheim, Die Aposttlge-
schichte u. die Offer^xirung Johannis in einer altin
latciniachen Ueberaetzung (Christiania, 1879);
and F. A. Bornemann, Acta Apostolontm nd CW.
Cantabrigiensia fidem recenauit (Grossenh*ina«,
1848). In the last, as its title suggests, tlie
MS. D is taken as the standard of the text
— a conclusion which is not adopted by any
sound textual critic. But the text of D and ct
a few other authorities which coincide with it
in greater or less degrees, presents a difficult
problem. The variations from the normal teit
are greater than are found in any other portion
of the New Testament. They are of two kinds
— partly paraphrases and amplifications, and
partly insertions of additional incidents or par-
ticulars. As examples of this latter class mar
be mentioned such passages as xii. 10, where
the number of steps is given in the account of
St. Peter's release from prison, or xxviii. 16,
where the delivering of Paul and his fellow-
prisoners to the prefect of the praetorium is men-
tioned. In this latter passage, however, D is
wanting. Such additions belong to the sini«
class of which the pericope relating to tiu
women taken in adultery (John viii. 3 sq.) i>
the most prominent example. The editor or
transcriber seems to have had access to some
very early and genuine tradition ; and the fact
that the incident in the pericope in St. John
was related likewise by Papias (Euseb. N. E. iii.
39) suggests that the source of these traditions
is to be sought ultimately in the disciples who
gathered about St. John and his successors in
Asia Minor.
11. The Literature. — The literature which has
accumulated about the Acts is so vast that an
exhaustive catalogue is quite impracticable. In
the following list all works which are directlj
homilctic or are intended for school purposes
are omitted ; nor have I for the mo.«t (nrt
included monographs and articles which treat of
special point.s. Many of these have been noticed
already in their respective places. After these
deductions, the following books may be men-
tioned : —
A. General Co/nmentaries, including the whole
or a great part of the New Testament. Of the
older commentaries those of Calvin, Grotius, and
Bengel deserve to be specially named, Amon;
recent works Alford, Wordsworth, the Speaker's
Commentary (Cook and Jacobson), Ellicott's
New Testament Commentary for English Readers
(Plumptre), in England ; and Olshausen (ed.
4, 1862, re-edited by Ebrard), De Wette (ed. 4,
1870, re-edited by Overbeck), Meyer (ed. 5,
1880, re-edited by Wendt), Lechler (in Lange's
Sibelieerk, ed. 4, 1881), in Germany, may Ix:
mentioned.
B. General Introductions to the Keie Testament.
— Bleek (Eng. trans.), 1869 ; Davidson, vol. ii..
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ACUA
1842; Goi-ricke, 1868 (eJ. 3); Hilgenfeld,
1875; Holtzm»nn, 1885; Hug (Eng. trans.),
1827; Marsh's Michaclis, 1802 (ed. 2); Reuss,
J860; Salmon, 1S86 (ed. 2); Weiss, 1886.
C. Special Commentaries on the Acts. — The
Homilies of St. Chrysostoni are the only patristic
itjisnientary of real importance on this Book.
Passing to recent times, we have Baumgarten,
Braunschweig, 1852, 1854 (Eng. trans.); Gloag,
IMinlHirgh, 1870; Hackett, Boston, 1863 (new
«L); Hnmphrr, London, 1854 (ed. 2); NOsgen,
Leipdg, 1882. ' A complete list of commentaries,
special and jeneral, up to the date (1859), will
be found in Darling's C>/cl. Bibt. p.. 1167 sq.
]}. Special Wort-.s on the Acts. — Biscoe, Hist.
of tie Acts, ic confirmed from other Authors,
it 1742, reprinted, 1840 ; Klostermann, fi'ndi-
dae Lttcanae sire de Itinerarii in libro Acto-
nm astervatiavctore, 1866 ; Klostermann, Prch-
Ime im Aposteltexte, 1883 ; KSnig, Die Echtheit
Art Apostelgeschichte, 1867 ; Lekcbusch, Compo-
sHim ». Enstehung der A.-O., 1854 ; Lightfoot,
HAreic and Talmudioal £xercitations on the Acts
',f the Apostles ; Oertel, Paulus in der A.-G.,
1868 ; Palev, I/orae Pau/tnae (edited by J. Tate,
1840; by B'lrks, 1850); Schmidt, K., Die Apos-
telgeKhichte, Band i., 1883 ; Schneckenbnrger,
I'tier den Zaeck der A.-G., 1841 ; Schwanbeck,
Cdier die Qvellen dtr A.-G., 1847 ; Supemataral
Sfligim, Tol. iii., 1877; Stier, Die Seden der
.Iposlel (ed. 2), 1861 ; S. P. C. K., The Heathen
World and St. Paul (no date), Rawlinson,
Plumiitre. Daries, 5Ierirale; Teller, Die Apos-
t-l'jeschk/ite, 1854.
E. Apostolic Histories, Lites of St. Paul, tfc.
— Banr, Pavius, 1845 ; Conybeare and Howson,
Ufi and Epistles of St. Paul, 1856 (2nd ed.);
Kwald, Geschichte des apoatotischen Zeitalter,
IxriS (2Bd ed.), being toI. vi. of Geschichte des
V<Jies Israel; Farrar, Early Days of Christi-
•ukity, 1882 (1st ed.) ; Farrar, Life and Work of
■■•I. Paul, 1879 (1st ed.) ; Lechler, Das Apostol-
itde K. das Nachapostolische Zeitalter (1st ed.,
1857; 2nd ed., 1885); Lewin, Life and Epistles
of a. Paul, 1872 ; Neander, Pflanzung mul
Uitmg, 1862 (5th ed.) ; Pfleiderer, ITrchristen-
thm, 1887 ; Renan, Les Apdtres, 1866 (1st ed.) ;
fvnt Paul, 1869 (1st ed.); Ritschl, Die Entste-
hmj der altkatholischen Kirche, 1857 (1st ed.) ;
Sehaff, Hat. of the Christian Church — Apostolic
CMsUtmity, 1882 ; Schwegler, Das Nachapos-
i'iindie Zeitalter, 1846 ; Thiersch, Die Kirche im
■ipaaolischen Zeitalter, 1879 (3rd ed.); Weiz-
>iicker, Das apoatolische Zeitalter, 1886.
This list might be considerably increased, if
there were any object in increasing it. [J. B. L.]
ACU'A CAkovS ; Accub) or Akkub (1 Esd.
r. 30 ; cp. Ezra ii. 45), who with
A'CUB (B. 'AKoi<p, A. 'Aicovp ; Accusu) or
Bj«Kmnc(l hsd. T. 31 ; cp. Ezra ii. 51), servants of
the Temple, returned to Jerusalem. [W. A. W.")
ADA'DAH (mini?, according to Ges. from
*« Syr., festival; A.''A»aW, B. 'ApoviiK; Adada),
«<ie of the dtiet in the extreme south of Judah
mated with Dimonah and Kedesh (Josh. xr. 22).
Wellhansen and Dillmann * think that the reading
»ii probably miTU? (Arara), and that the place
U the same as IfflV (1 Sam. xxx. 28). Ruins
l>euing the name of Ar'ara are found S.E. of
teersheba (Rob. iii. 14, 180 sq.). [S. K. D.]
ADAM
43
A'DAH (pnV,omament,beattty. SeeBaethgeu,
Beitrage z. Sem. Seligionsgesch., p. 149. Cp.
Dillmann [Gen.^ 1. c] for other derivations ; 'AW ;
Ada).
1, The first of the two wives of Lamech, fifth
in descent from Cain, by whom were bom to
him Jabal and Jubal (Gen. iv. 19-23).
2. A Hittitess, daughter of Elon, one (pro-
bably the first) of the three wives of Esau,
mother of his first-bom son Eliphaz, and so the
ancestress of six (or seven) of the tribes of the
Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 4, 10 ff. 15 ff.). In Gen.
xxvi. 34 she is called Basiiehath. [F. W. G.]
ADA'IAH(nn», Ges. = Jah hath adorned;
B. 'IcSeui, A. 'IcSit^; Hadaia). 1. The maternal
grandfather of king Josiah, and native of Boscath
in the lowlands of Judah (2 K. xxii. 1).
2. B. 'Afeici ; Adaia. A Levite, of the Ger-
ahonite branch, and ancestor of Asaph (1 Ch.
vi. 41). In V. 21 he is called Iddo.
3. B. 'Kfiii, A. 'AAtUa; Adaia. A Benjamite,
son of Shimhi (1 Ch. viii. 21), who is apparently
the same as Shema in t>. 13.
4. B. 'ASaia, A. ImHos in 1 Ch. I. c; Adaias,
Adaia. A priest, son of Jeroham (1 Ch. ix. 12 ;
Neh. xi. 12, BN'. omits), who returned with 242
of his brethren from Babylon.
5. 'ASalas; Adaia. One of the descendants
of Bani, who had married a foreign wife after
the return from Babylon (Ezra i. 29). He is
called Jedeus in 1 Esd. ix. 30.
6. 'ASo/a; A. 'Aiafai; K. 'ASfui^; Adaias.
The descendant of another Bani, who had also
taken a foreign wife (Ezra i. 39).
7. A. 'Axoia; BK. AaXd; Adaia. A man of
Judah of the line of Pharez (Neh. li. 5).
a mnV: a. 'AloTa; B. 'Afeiit, B*. 'AStii;
Adaias. Ancestor of Maaseiah, one of the captains
who supported Jehoiada (2 Ch. xxiii. 1).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
ADAL'IA a^fn^,. The name in the Greek
texts corresponding to this is K. Bapti, B. BofWcE,
A. Bapi\ ; Adalia\ one of the sons of Haman,
massacred by the Jews at Shushan (Esth. ix.
7-10). Gesenius and Cassel (A B. Esther, p. 228)
consider the name Persian, but are not agreed
as to its etymology. [F.]
ADAM (D'lN; 'Ati/i; Adam), the name
which is given in Scripture to the first man.
The term apparently has reference to the ground
from which he was formed, which is called
Adamah (nonS, Gen. ii. 7). The idea of red-
ness of colour seems to be inherent in either
word (cf. DIK, Urn. iv. 7 ; th», red, Ch^'
Edom, Gen. xxv. 30 ; D"li{, o r«6y ; Arab. «,>V
colore fusco praeditus fuit, rubrum tinxit, be).
The conjecture of Fried. Delitzsch which asso-
ciates the term with the Assyr. admu and ren-
ders it " geschaffener " {Prolegg. tines neuen
Heb.-Aram. WSrterb. x. A. T. pp. 103-4) is not
universally accepted (see Franz Delitzsch, Genesis
[1887], p. 77) ; equally conjectural is the identi-
fication of Adam with the Egyptian Atum (see
Transactims of the Soc. of Biblical Archaotogn,
ix. 176). The generic term Adam, man, be-
comes, in the case of the first man, a denomi-
native. Supposing the Hebrew language to
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44
ADAM
represent accurately the primary ideas con-
nected with the formation of man, it would
seem that the appellation bestowed by God was
givea to keep alive in Adam the memory of his
earthly and mortal nature ; whereas the name
by which he preferred to designate himself was
/•A (E''K, « man of sui»lance or north. Gen. il.
'23). The creation of man was the work of the
liixth day. His formation was the ultimate
object of the Creator. It was with reference to
him that all things were designed. He was to
be the " roof and crown " of the whole fabric of
the world. In the first nine chapters of Genesis
there appear to be three distinct histories re-
lating more or less to the life of Adam. The
first extends from Gen. i. 1 to ii. 3, the second
from ii. 4 to iv. 26, the third from v. 1 to the
eni of ix. (see Riehm, HWB. s. n.). The word at
the commencement of the two latter narratives,
which is rendered there and elsewhere genera-
tions, may also be rendered hi$tori/. The style
of the second of these records differs very cou-
»idcrably from that of the first. In the first
the Deity is designated by the word Elohim ;
in the second He is generally spoken of as
Jehovah L'lohim. The object of the first of these
narratives is to record the creation; that of the
second to give an account of Paradise, the
original sin of man, and the immediate posterity
of Adam ; the third contains mainly the history
of Noah, referring it would seem to Adam and
his descendants, principally in relation to that
patriarch.
We should, however, not fail to observe that the
interdependence of these sections is complete, not-
withstanding their marked individuality. For
example, ii. 4 presupposes the previous section,
because it Is a summary of what has gone before
and not of what follows, inasmuch as there is
no mention in that of the creation of the heavens
and the earth. " These are the generations "
can, therefore, refer only to Gen. i. 1 — ii. 3. In
like manner v. 1 implies i. 27, and v. 29 implies
iii. 17; whereas on the other hand it is impos-
sible to conceive any consecutive narrative which
can have run on continuously from ii. 3 to v. 1
nr elsewhere, without the intermediate record.
The essential unity of the composition involves
the unity of the narrative. The work of the
compiler is conspicuous from whatever source
he may have gathered his materials, and these
materials can never have formed an independent
whole. We can only treat the narrative as one,
however composite it may be.
The Mosaic accounts furnish us with very
few materials from which to form any adequate
conception of the first man. He is said to have
been created in the image and likeness of God,
ami this is commonly interpreted to mean some
superexcellent and divine condition which was
lost at the Fall : apparently however without
sufficient reason, as the continuance of this con-
dition is implied in the time of Noah, subsequent
to the Flood (Gen. ii. €), and is asserted as
A fact by St. James (iii. 9) and by St. Paul
(1 Cor. li. 7). It more probably points to the
Divine pattern and archetype after which man's
intelligent natnre was fashioned ; reason, under-
standing, imagination, volition, &c. being attri-
butes of God ; and man alone of the animals of
the earth being jwssessed of a spiritual nature
which resembled God's nature. >Ian in short
ADAM
I was a spirit, created to reflect God's righteous-
ness and truth and love, and cajiable of holdioj;
direct intercourse and communion with Him.
As long as his will moved in harmony witli
God's will, he fulfilled the purpose of his Creator.
When he refused submission to God, he broke
the law of his existence and fell, introducing
confusion and disorder into the economy of his
nature. As much as this we may learn fron\
what St. Paul says of "the new man being
renewed in knowledge after the image of Hioi
that created him " (Col. iii, 10), the restoration
to such a condition being the very work of the
Holy Spirit of God. The name Adam was not
confined to the father of the human race, but
like homo was applicable to Koman as well as
man, so that we find it said in Gen. v. 1, 2,
"This is the book of the 'history' [A. V. anJ
R. V. 'generations'] of Adam. In the day thst
God created ' Adam, in the likeness of God made
He him ; male and female created He them, am!
called their name Adam in the day when they
were created."
The man Adam was placed in a garden which
the Lord God had planted " eastward in Eden "
(Gen. ii. 8), for the purjwse of dressing it and
keeping it. It is perhaps hopeless to attempt to
identify the situation of Kden with that of any
district familiar to modern geography. There
seems good ground for supposing it to have been
an actual locality, and modern investigations
have tended to show that this locality was not
improbably between the Mediterranean and
the Caspian seas. Two of the rivers which are
described as watering the Garden of Eden
can still be identified unmistakably with the
Euphrates and the Tigris. Thus the LXX. call
the Hiddekel, both in Gen. ii. 14 and in Dan. x. 4,
the Tigris. [Hiddekel.] The Pison and the
Gihon may likewise be traced in existing riversof
Mesopotamia, though it is difficult to understand
how they should have been united unle.ss indeed
the historian contemplates them as flowing
together like the Tigris and Euphrates as they
approach the sea, and then traces them baclt-
wards towards their source when they became
four distinct head streams.
Adam was permitted to eat of the fmit of
every tree in the garden but one, which was
called the " tree of the knowledge of good and
evil." What this was, it is also impossible to
say [see Speaker's Cotntn. and Delitzsch (1887)
in loco]. Its name would seem to indicate that
it had the power of bestowing the consciousness
of the difference between good and evil ; in the
ignorance of which man's innocence and happi-
ness consisted. The prohibition to taste the
frnit of this tree was enforced by the menace of
death. There was also another tree which was
called " the tree of life." Some have supposed
it to have acted as a kind of medicine, and that
by the continual use of it our first parents, not
created immortal, were preserved from death.
(Abp. Whately.) While Adam was in the
garden of Eden the beasts of the field and the
fowls of the air were brought to him to be
named, and whatsoever he called every living
creature that waa the name thereof. Tlins the
power of fitly designating objects of sense was
possessed by the first man, a faculty which is
generally considered as indicating mature and
extctuive intellectual resources. Upon the
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AUAM
fiiliire of a compaDion suitable fur Adam among
tile creatDres thus brought to him to be named,
the Lord God caused a deep sleep to fall upon
him, and took one of his ribs from him, which
He £ubianed into a woman and brought her to
the man. Prof. S. Lee supposed the narratire
of the creation of Ere to hare been revealed to
Ailam in his deep sleep (Lee's Jch, Introd., p. 16).
Thii ii agreeable with the analogy of similar
fiassages, as Acts x. 10, xi. 5, xxii. IT. At this
time they are both described as being naked
withoat the consciousness of shame.
Such is the Scripture account of Adam prior
to the Fall : there is no luirratire of any con-
dition saperhnman, or contrary to the ordinary
Isws of humanity. The first man is a true man,
«ith the powers of a man and the innocence of n
child. He is moreoTer spoken of by St. Paul as
being " the figure (jinros) of Him Who was to
oine,''the second Adam, Christ Jesus (Rom. t.
U). His human excellence therefore cannot
ijave been superior to that of the Son of Mary,
irho was Himself the Pattern and Perfect Man. |
Br the subtlety of the serpent, the woman who I
WIS giren to be with Adam was beguiled into a !
violation of the one command which bad been
imposed upon them. She took of the fruit of
the forbidden tree and gare it to her husband.
The propriety of its name was immediately
shovn in the results which followed : self-con-
scionsoess was the first-fruits of sin ; their eyes
»ere opened and they knew that they were
r;aked. The subsequent conduct of Adam would
ttm to militate against the notion that he was
i] himself tbe perfection of moral excellence,
liis cowardly attempt to clear himself by the
iaculpation of his helpless wife bears no marks
of s high moral nature, even though fallen ; it
ms conduct unworthy of his sons, and such as
inaay of them would have scorned to adopt.
Thongb the curse of Adam's rebellion of necessity
fell upon him, yet tbe very prohibition to eat of
the ti«e of life after his trangression was pro-
bably a manifestation of Dirine mercy, because
the greatest malediction of all would hare been
to have the gift of indestructible life superadded
to a state of wretchedness and sin. When
inoreovcr we find in Pror. iii. 18, that wisdom is
<j^lared to be a tree of life to them that lay
hold upon her, and in Rer. ii, 7, xxii. 2, 14, that
the lame expression is applied to the grace of
duist, we are led to conclude that this was
tnereJT a temjkor.iry prohiljition imjmsed till the
'wspel dispensation should be brought in. Upon
thij supposition the condition of Christians now
is as (aronrable as that of Adam before the Fall,
asd their spiritual state the same, with the
^gle exception of the consciousness of sin and
the knowledge of good and eril.
Till a recent period it has been generally
teliered that the Scriptural narrative supposes
the whole human nice to hare sprung from
<« pair. It is maintained that the 0. T.
vomes it in the reason assigned for the name
*hich Adam gave bis wife afler the Fall, viz.
"e, or Chawah, i.e. a living woman, " because
^he ns the mother of all living ; " and that St.
caal assuiacs it in his sermon at Athens when
k* (ieclares that God hath made of one blood all
tatiou of men; and in the Epistle to the
Knaaa and First Epistle to the Corinthians,
*i«» he opposes Christ as the representative of
ADAMANT
45
redeemed humanity to Adam as the represen-
tative of natural, fallen, and sinful humanity.
But the full consideration of this important
subject will come more appropriately under
the article Man.
In the Middle Ages discussions were raised as
to the period which Adam remained in Paradise
in a sinless state. Dante {Paradiso, xxri. 139-
142) did not suppose him to have been more than
seven hours in the earthly Paradise.
Adam is stated to have lived 930 years : so it
would seem that the death which resulted from
his sin was the spiritual death of alienation from
God. "In the day that thou eatest thereof thou
shall surely die " (Gen. ii. 17) : and accordingly
we find that this spiritual death began to work
immediately. The sons of Adam mentioned in
Scripture are Cain, Abel, and Seth : it is implied
however that he had others.* [S. L.]
ADAM (D*1K ; Adomi), a city on the Jordan
" beside (IVO) Zarthan," in the time of Joshua
(Josh. iii. 16. See Dillmann* in loco). It is not
elsewhere mentioned, nor is there any reference
to it in Josephus. The name is thought by some
to be preserved in the bridge and ford of ed-
Ddmieh, directly east of A'um Surtabeh ; but the
identification of Surtaheh and Zarthan involves
an improbable change of letters (Dillmann').
The A. V. in Josh. /. c. follows the Keri, which,
in the place of D*1t<9 = " by Adam," tbe reading in
the Hebrew textVrChethib, has DIKQ = " from
Adam," an alteration which is a questionable
improvement (Keil, 1. 1). The R. V. has " at
Adam." A more accurate rendering of the text
is " rose up upon a heap, very far off, by Adam,
the city that is beside Zarthan" (Stanley,
S. i- P. 304, note). The LXX. (B.) rendering,
fftp6tpa ff^oSpus itts /i4pous KoBieuatiy, arose
from the Keri with a different signification and
omission of part of the text ; eg. ^5{0 HKD HMD
imx (cp. HoUenberg, p. 17). [G.] [W.]
ADA'MAH (iionj? : B.•Af^Uit9, A. 'AJ<viI;
Edema), one of the " fenced cities " of Maphtali,
named between Chinnereth and ha-Ramah (Josh,
xix. 36). It is now probably the village ed-
Damieh, west of the Sea of Galilee (P. F. Mem.
i. 384). [G.] [W.]
ADAMANT (TO^^, ahdinir"; iSaiiiyrims ;
adamaa). The word ahdmir occurs as a common
noun eleven times in the O. T. In eight of
these passages, all of them in Isaiah, it
stands for a thorny tree, and is rendered
" briers " in A. V. In some instances it is
coupled with DJB', " thorns," and in one with
ySp, also "thorns" in A. V. and K. V. Its
Arabic equivalent ,yoU»», sarnvr, is applied
to this day by the Arabs of the district to
the Paliurm acvdeaUa, or "Christ's thorn,"
• Tbe comparison of the Biblical narrative relative to
Adam with parallel traditions (Auyrlan, Egyptian, &c.)
will be found in Lenormant, LtM Origina do I'JIUtoirf'
(ed. 1880), i. 37 »q., and VlgouTonx, La Bible <t ics M-
annxTta Modema,* I. p. 1*1 tq.
s > ^ 3 m^
' Arab. .yoUtf »»> \yJ^-
Cp. tbe Ouildee
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46
ADAMANT
ADAMANT
which grows in the Jordan valley and the
vranner parts of Palestine. In Galilee it
is given to Shammis palacsiina, the Palestine
buckthorn ; and in Arabia to various species of
Zixyphus or Sidra, In the three remaining
passages (Jer. xvii. 1 ; £zek. iii. 9 ; Zech. vii.
12), it is the representative of some stone of
excessive hardness, and is used in each of these
last instances raetaphoricallv. In Jer. xvii. 1,
Shamir = " diamond " in A. V. and R. V. " The
sin of Judah is written with a pen of iron
and with the point of a diamond," i,e. the
people's idolatry is indelibly fixed in their
affections, engraved as it were on the tablets of
their hearts. In Ezek. iii. 9, shdnur = "ada-
mant " (A. V. and R. V.) : " As an adamant
harder than flint have I made thy forehead : fear
them not." Here the word is intended to signify
that firmness of purpose with which the prophet
should resist the sin of the rebellious bouse of
Israel, In Zech. vii. 12, the Hebrew word =
" adamant-stone " (A. V. and R. V.) : " Ye»,
they made their hearts as an adamant-stone,
lest they should hear the law," and is used to
express the hardness of the hearts of the Jews
in resisting truth.
The LXX. affords ns but little clue whereby
to identify the mineral here spoken of, for in
Kzek. iii. 9 and in Zech. vii. 12 they have not
rendered the Hebrew word at all, while the
whole passage in Jer. xrii. 1-5 is altogether
omitted in the Vatican MS. ; the Alexandrine
MS., however, has the passage, and reads, with
the Versions of Aquila, Tbeodotion, and Symma-
chus, " with a nail of adamant." ' "Adamant "
occurs in the Apocrypha, in Ecclus. xvi. 16 (a
verse omitted in most Greek copies, but found
in the Syriac and Arabic).
Our luiglish " adamant " is derived from the
Greek,' and signifies "the unconquerable," in
allusion perhaps to the hard nature of the
subst.'\nce, or, according to Pliny (xxxvii. 15),
because it was supposed to be indestructible
by fire.* The Greek writers* generally apply
the word to some very hard metal, {lerhaps
steel, though they do also use it for a mineral.
Pliny, iu the chapter referred to above, enume-
rates six varieties of AJamas. Dana (5yst.
Mineral, art. Diamond) says that the word
" Adamns was applied by the ancients to several
minerals, differing much in their physical pro-
perties. A fev of these are qaariz, specular
iron ore, emery, and other substances of rather
high degrees of hardness, which cannot now be
identified." Nor does the English language
attach any one definite meaning to adamant :
sometimes indeed we understand the diamond'
by it, but it is often used vaguely to express
any substance of impenetrable hardness. Chau-
cer, Bacon, Shakspeare, use it in some instances
^ iy orvxi adoftoKriyy, LXX. A. ; ** In UDgue adunaii-
tino," Vulg.
' It 1b incorrect to suppose that even the diamond,
which fs only pure carbon crystallized, is *' Invincible "
by Are. It will bnra; and at a temperature of 14°
Wedgwood will t)e wholly consumed, producing car-
bonic acid gas.
• Comp. also Senec Bercul. Fur. 807 : " Adasunte
texto vindM."
' Oiu* English diamond is merely a corruption of
adamant Comp. the French dtaman<.
for the lode stone.* In modem mineralogy the
simple term adamant has no technical signifi-
cation, but adamantine spar is a mineral well
known, and is closely allied to that which we
hare good reason for identifying with the
shdmir or adamant of the Bible.
That some hard cutting stone is intended can
be shown from the passage in Jeremiah quoted
above. In Arabic and Aramaic there is a word
corresponding to the Hebrew slidmir,^ but in
all three languages the derivation is not ap-
parent. A sense of sharpness is implied by the
application of the original word to a brier or
thorn. Now since, iu the opinion of those who
have given much attention to the subject, the
Hebrews appear to have been unacquainted with
the true diamond,' it is very pi'obable, from
the expression iu Ezek. iii. 9, of "adamant
harder tlian fiint," *■ that by shdmir is intended
some variety of corundum^ a mineral inferior
ouly to the diamond in hardness. Of thU
mineral there are two junncipal groups : one is
crystalline, the other granular; to the crys-
talline varieties belong the indigo-blue sapphire,
the red oriental ruby, the yellow oriental topaz,
the green oriental emerald, the violet oriental
amethyst, the brown adamantine spar. But it
is to the granular or massive variety that the
shdmir may with most probability be assigned.
This is the modern emery, extensively nsed in
the arts for polishing and cutting gems and
other hard substances; it is found in Saxony,
Italy, Asia Minor, the East Indies, &c, aiid
"occurs in boulders or nodules in mica slate,
in talcose rock, or in granular limestone, asso-
ciated with oxide of iron ; the colour is smoke-
grey or bluish grey ; fracture imperfect. The
best kinds are those which have a blue tint ;
but many substances now sold under the name
of emery contain no corundum."' The Greek
name for the emery is smyris or smiris," and
< Chancer, Kowuxunt (ff Ike Rote, 1182; Shalcspesie,
Jfid. Night Dr. Act li. sc. 2, and TroH. and Creu.
Act iii. sc. 3 ; Bacon's Essay on Travel.
■■ Roediger In Oesenins, 3V*. sub. voc. TDK?, >. }.
10D. TDt?' Iwrruit, riguit. Ges. (teas.) canneda it
with 10D. 'he root (unused in Bibl. Hcb.) of "lt3DD-
a nail, vlience a point, liut the change of siMlaiit
Is opposed to both these views. [S. E. D.} In Arab.
somur. Is "an Egyptian thorn " (see Forakil.
a 3 ^
ft. .Xg. Ar. czxllL lit), and ^ \.^^ . adamat. Sec
Freytag, Ln. Arat^. s. v.
■ Dana says that the method of polishing diamonds
was Srst discovered in 1456 by Louis Bergnen, a dtlxn
of Bruges, previous to which time the diamond was only
known in its native imcut state. It is quite clear that
sKAmtr cannot mean diamond, tor If it did the word
would be mentioned with precious stones; but this is
not the case.
' l'^ pjri- That ^V. though It may sometimes
be applied to "rock " generally, yet sometimes :=Jtinl,
or some other variety of quarts, seems clear from Kx.
It. 25 ; " Then Zipporab took a sliarp stone " (*l'y,
Ttt'r). That flint knives were in common nse amongst
Eastern nations Is well known. Compare that very
interesting verse of the LXX., Josh. xxtv. 31.
> Ansted's Mineralogy, } 394.
" ir|iv(>it, or viiipit, (TiiifK est ofifiov tISos
(Ueeycbius); VftifHt Aiftx arrri (Dioscor. v. ie6).
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ADAMI
the Hebrew lexicographers derive this word
from the Hebrew iidimr. There seems to be
i» donbt whatever that the two words are
iJiOtical, and that by adamant we are to
noderstand the emery-stone,'' or the uncrystal-
line variety of the corundum.
The word Shamir occurs in the 0. T. three
t!in« .15 a proper name^-once as the name of a
mm* (1 Ch. xxiv. 24), and twice as the name
..f a town. The name of the town may have
referecce to the rocky nature of the situa-
tion, or to briers and thorns abundant in the
«i«hbourhood.» [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
ADAin C9"1K ; B. '\piii , A. 'Apfud ;
Aimi), a place oB the border of Naphtali,
named after Allon bezaanannim (Josh. xix. 33).
Br some it is taken in connexion with the next
name, ban-Kekeb (cp. R. V. Adami-nekeb), but
!<e Reland, p. 545. In the post-biblical times
Adami bore the name of Damin, probably £%.
AJaah, sonth-west of the Sea of Galilee, and
immediately north of W. el-Bireh ; so named
from the purple basaltic soil (Heb. DhK, " red ").
(P. P. item. ii. 89, 121.) [G.] [W.]
ADAH (accurately, as in R. V., Addar,
TW ; B. iapJiSa, A. 'AStofxi ; Addar), a place
no the south boundary of Palestine and of Judah
(Josh. XT. 3% which in the parallel list is called
lUzAR-ASDAR. P*robably some place in Jebel
Magrah, which forms the natural boundary of
the J(fyc4 or south country. [G.] [W.]
iiTDkR. [Mo:»THS.]
.UTASA ('ASoo-dl, LXX. ; rh. 'AScurd, Jos. ;
iiin-so, Adazer), a place in Judaen, a day's
j'>iiniey from Gazera, and 30 stadia from Beth-
horon (Jos. Ant. xiL 10, § 5). Here Judas
)Ia<:cibuus encamped before the battle in which
Nicanor was killed, Nicanor having pitched at
Beth-horon (1 Mace vii. 40,45). Eusebins (05.'
p. 240, 6) mentions it as near Guphna, and it is
WW possibly Kh. 'Adaaeh, 6J miles from Upper
&th-horon on the road to Jerusalem (P. F. Mem.
iii. 30, 105). The site is still connected with a
tradition of some great slaughter ; for the ruin
itaads above a valley called Wddjf ed-Dunun,
"the vallev of blood" (Conder, Handbook to
mi, f. 294). [G.] [W.]
AD'BEEL(^91K; A. Na/MeK -»• -«-;
ASxei; 'A^SfijAoj,' Joseph. Ant. i. 12, § 4 ; " per-
lufs 'mirade of God,' from (_^iS\, miracle,"
Ges. Tkes. s. r.), named as the third of the
Bi^ Aatements are correct; the one refers to the
pciBier, the otlier to tbe lUmc. The German Smirgel,
or Scimergel, is evidently allied to the Hebrew and
'i!sA icords. Boblen considers the Hebrew word to be
'.< bdUn origin, comparing amira, a stone which eats
>••; inn. Doubtless all these words have a common
' TUs is probably the same stone which Herodotos
;a 6S) says tbe Aethlopians In the army of Xerxes
•Kd luteid of iron to point their arrows with, and by
■»an» of which they engraved seals.
• la the Keii. Tbe Chetblb has "VIO^, «Aamur.
> It wiU be encagb merely to allude to the Rabbinical
'■tUt aboat Solomon, the Hoopoe (oi. tbe moorcock or
ikci^Xaod the worat Aamir. .See Bochart's f tero-
*>wn, loL iU. p. 843, ed. BoaenmOIler, and Bnxtorf,
lA Mmad. coL 2466.
ADOEB
47
twelve sons of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13 ; 1 Ch.
i. 29), and thtis presumably as the progenitor of
an AJrab tribe. No satisfactory identitication of
this name with that of any people or place
mentioned by the Greek geographers, or by the
Arabs themselves, ha* yet been discovered. The
latter have lost most of the names of Ishmael's
reputed descendants between that patriarch and
'Adnin (said to be of the twenty-first genera-
tion before Mohammad), and this could scarcely
have been the case if tribes, or places named
after them, existed in the times of Arabian
historians or relaters of traditions : it is there-
fore unlikely that these names are to he recovered
from native authors. But some they have taken,
and apparently corrupted, from the Bible ; and
among these is Adbeel, written (in the Mir-dt et-
Zem6n)^j^. C^. S. P.]
Cuneiform inscriptions mention an Arab tribe,
Jdiba'U, Idibm, as located S.W. of the Dead
Sea towards the borders of Egypt (Delitzsch,
Wo lag das Parodies, p. 301 ; Schrader, KA 7".',
p. 148) ; and D. H. Miiller has pointed out the
name 73nK in an inscription from Medain Silih
(.MV." s. n.). [F.]
AD'DANd'HK; •HJ<£i'; Adon), one of the
places from which some of the Captivity who
could not show their pedigree as Israelites re-
turned with Zerubbabel to Judaea (Ezra ii. 59).
In the parallel list of Nchemiah (vii. 61) the
name is Addon. In 1 Esd. v. 36 the names
Cherub, Addan, and Iinmer appear as " Chara-
ATHALAR leading them, and Aalar." [G.] [W.]
AD'DAR ("WK; B. 'AKtl, A. •hp4S; Addar),
son of Bela (1 Ch. riii. 3), called Ard in Num.
XXV.. 40. [W.A. W.] [F.]
ADDER. This word iu the text of the A. V.
is the representative of four distinct Hebrew
names, and in B. V. of three, mentioned below.
It occurs in Gen. xlii. 17 (margin, A. V. arrow-
snake, R. V. homed snake) ; Ps. Iviii. 4 (margin,
A. V. a^), xci. 13 (margin, A. V. asp) ; Prov.
xxiii. 32 (margin, A.V. cockatrice, R.V. basilisk) ;
and in Is. xi. 8, xiv. 29, lix. 5, the A. V. has
cockatrice, the R. V. basilisk, and the margin of
both has adder. Our English word adder is used
for any poisonous snake, and is applied in this
general sense by the translatora of the A. V.
and R. V.* They use in a similar way the synony-
mous term asp.
l.'AcshiU) (altjpP; iunrls; aspis) is found
only in Ps. cil. 3, "They have sharpened their
tongues like a serpent; adders' poison is under
their lips." The latter half of this verse is
quoted by St. Paul from the LXX. in Rom. iii.
13. The poison of venomous serpents is often
employed by the sacred writers in a figurative
sense, to express the evil tempers of ungodly
men; that malignity which, as Bishop Home
says, is "the venom and poison of the intel-
lectual world " (comp. Deut. xxxii. 33 ; Job xx.
14, 16).
It is not possible to say with any degree of
certainty what particular species of serpent is
intended by the Hebrew word; the ancient
« Adder, in systematic loology, Is generally applied
to those genera which form the family riperidM—Atp,
to the Ftpera Atpit of the Alps.
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48
ADDER
Versions do not help us at all, although uearl;'
all agree in some kind of serpent, with the
exception of the Chaldee paraphrase, which
understands a spUer by 'acshili, interpreting
this Hebrew word by one of somewhat similar
ibi-m." The etymology of the term is not
ascertained with sufficient precision to enable
us to refer the animal to any determinate
species, and no Arabic equivalent of the word
hiis been found. Gesenius derives it from two
Hebrew roots,' the combined meaning of which
is " rolled in a spire, and lying in ambush ;" a
desci'iption which would apply to almost any
kind of serpent.
TIp«m •aplintlOK. (British Uaieiini.}
Thirty-three species of Ophidia, the Serpent
tribe, arc known from Palestine, but only six
of these, belonging to five genera, are poisonous :
Xoja hajc, two vipers, Daboia xanthina. Cerastes
JJasselquisti, and Echia arcnicola. Seven Hebrew
words are employed to designate serpents, but
«ne of them, dllj (nacliasit), is undoubtedly
ijcneric. While it is unlikely tliat the two
vipers, which occur in different parts of the
<;onntry, were discriminated by the Jews, we
may rc.isonably presume tliat the Jews dis-
tinguished five species, which are very different
in appearance and habits. The prejudice against
all the serpent tribe was probably as strong
among the Jews as among the Arabs at the
present day, who kill all snakes when they have
the opiKirtunity, and believe many of the harm-
less s|)ecie8 to be poisonous, especially if they
happen not to be brightly coloured. But for
none of the harmless snakes have the Arabs
any distinctive name, nor do we find any in
the Hebrew. As there seems to be some reason
for assigning pethen, ahephiplUiii, and tsipMni to
•other species, we may fairly presume that the
cumuion ]xiisanous snake of the country, in the
pl.'tins Vipera euphratixt, in the higher grounds
Vipera ammodytea, is intended by 'ncslM. The
former species, a native of Mesopotamia, Persia,
Armenia, and the Caucasus, is very common
both in the Jordan valley and in the plains and
lower hills. The latter sjiecies is chiefly con-
•> E«33I?, 'accdM«».
« Uta. sub voc. :— C'JB, ntrortum le ftezit, and
3pl?. intidiatut at; but in lot. It Is taken as formed
apparentl7 from an Arab, root, to bend backward, by
the addition of 3. Cp. Delitncb on Ps. cxl. 4.
ADDEU
fined to Lebanon. Both of them are plainly
coloured, very dark bfown, with broad flat
heads and prominent jaws, and with suddenly
contracting tails.
2. PetAon (ing). [Asp."l
8. Taepha' or Taiph'onl (ITS^. 'jiTBV ; ixyon
lur-riSur, Ktpdanit; rcgulua) occurs five times
in the Hebrew Bible. In Pror. xxiii. 32 it is
translated adder in A. V. and R. V. ; and in the
three passages of Isainh quoted above, as well
as in Jer. riii. 17, it is rendered cockatrice in
A. V. and basiliall in R. V. The derivation
of the word from a root which means " to hiss"
does not help us at all to identify the animal.
From Jeremiah we learn that it was of a hostile
nature, and from the parallelism of Is. xi. 8 it
appears thitt the taiph'oni was considered even
more dreadful than the pethen. Bochart, in his
Hierozoicon (iii. 182, ed. Rosenmiiller), has
endeavoured to prove that the tsiph'dni is the
basiliah of the Greeks (whence Jerome in Vulg.
reads regulus), which was then supposed to
destroy life, bum np grass, and break stones by
the pernicious influence of its breath (comp.
Plin. H. K. viii. c. 33), but this is explaining an
" ignotum per ignotius."
The whole story of the basilisk is involved in
fable, and it is vain to attempt to discover the
animal to which the ancients attributed such
terrible power. It is curious to obserre, how-
ever, that Forsk&l (Descr, Animal, p. 15) speakt
of a kind of serpent (Coluber Hollei: a the name
he gives it) which, he says, produces irritation
on the s|H>t touched by its breath : he is quoting
no doubt the opinion of the Arabs. Is this a
relic of the baailiskan fable ? This ci-eature was
so called from a mark on its head, supposed to
resemble a kingly crown. Several serpents,
however, have peculiar markings on the hea<i —
the varieties of the Spectacle-Cobras of India,
for example — so that identification is impossible.
As the LXX. make use of the word basilisk
(I's. xc. 13 = xci. 13, A. V.) it was thought
desirable to say this much on the subject.*
The taiph'Snt may probably be the great yellow
viper, Daboia xanthina, a very beautifully marked
serpent, and the largest poisonous species found
in the Holy Land, as well as one of the most
dangerous, on account not only of its size, but
of its nocturnal habits, in which it differs from
the Cobra and the Cerastes. I once killed a
Daboia having in its stomach a leveret which
it had swallowed whole. On another occasion I
saw one spring on a quail which was feeding;
it missed its prey, the bird fluttered on a few
yards, and then fell in the agonies of death.
On taking it up, I found the viper had made
the slightest possible puncture in the tip of
one wing as it snapped at it. The Daboia is re-
markable as belonging to an exclusively Indian
family of serpents, and which has no representa-
tives in Africa, to which region or to Europe
all the other poisonous snakes of Palestine
belong. Dr. Harris, in his Natural Histori/ of
the Bibk, erroneously supposes the fsipA'dnf to
be identical with the Rajah zcphen of Forsk&l,
' The ha$ilUk of naturalists Is a most forbidding-
looking yet harmless It'card of the family Iguanidae,
order .Spuria. In using the term, therefore, care must
b? taken not to confound the mythical ssrpent with the
veritable Saurian.
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ADDEB
whieh, howcTfr, is a fi»h {Trigon zephen, Cuv.),
Uki iK)t a MTpeot.
ADDEB
49
Icbia knftlouU.
4. SliephtphmQ(tii&0; iyKaJM)iuvat ; cerastes)
occun only in Gen. xlix. 17, where it is used to
i-iiuscterise the tribe of Dan : " Dan shall be a
wrpent in the way, an adder (marg. or, horned
smke) in the path, that biteth the horse's heels,
w that his rider falleth backward " (R. V.).
Varicos are the readings of the old Versions in
the passage : the Samnritan interjirets sliephiphon
by •' lying in wait ; " the Targums of Onkclos, of
Jenualem, and of Ps.-Jonathan, with the Srriac,
"a basilislc."* Saadias aud the Arabic edited
l>y Erpenins have *' the homed snake ; " ' and so
the Vnlg. Certutes. The LXX., like the Sania-
ritan, mast hare connected the Hebrew term
vitb a word which expresses the idea of "sit-
ting in ambush." The original wor<l, according
to Gownius and Rikliger, comes from a root
proerred in Sjriac, and signifying "to glide."*
The Hebrew word shephiphin is no donbt
ideatical with the Arabic sif-un. If the
tniulation of this Arabic word by Golins be
(jmpared with the description of the Cerastes,
there vill appear good reason for identifying
the i/tephiphin of Genesis with the Cerastes of
nstatalists. " Siffun, 5eri)entis genus leve,
I'UBCtis macnltsque distinctum" — "a small
tiad of serpent marked with dots and spots"
(tiolins, Arab. Lex. s. v.). The Cerastes {Cerastes
il'mdijaisti), the well-known Horned Snake, is
> small serpent of a sandy colour, varying from
tv^Hifth to whitish buff, according to the character
if the soil where it is found, with pale brown or
sometimes blackish irregular spots, very roughly
* iDnin (iSroriBoii), derived by the Rabbis from
DTfV'ban," metapb. •• destruction." Rasbl on Oen.
ilii. 11 explains 'n as tpeeitt itrpentit, <ul eujui
Mrnm nulla at wiedicina . . . Omnia quat morsu suo
ftiU. frtiaX et excindat (Buxtorf. L-x. Ckald. s. n.
Til. |1^ Jja In tEls sense is common (see I'ayne
!«ilth, no. Syr. col. 1375>
»Lijj
< .»» The word Is derived by Scboltens from an
Anbic TDM to Mhicb be assign* the qnestioiutl^iC ciran-
a| rf •• to prick '■ a •• btte."
BIBLE DICT. — TOL. 1.
scaled, with broad flattened jaws and suddenly
tapering tail, seldom exceeding a foot, or at
most eighteen inches in length, well known in
the sandy and rocky deserts of Egypt, Abyssinia,
the Sahara, Arabia, and Syria. It e.itends
through Southern Judaea and Philistia. It can
be recognised at a glance by the peculiar horn-
like appendages just above the eyes, covered
with small scales, which are always developed in
the male, and sometimes, though to a less extent,
in the female.**
Another |>eculiarity of the Cerastes assists us
in identifying it with the shephiphin, viz. its
lying in ambush in the patli, and biting the
horses' heels. Its habit is usually to coil itself
on the sand, where it basks in the impress of a
camel's footprint, and thence suddenly to dart out
on any passing animal. So great is the terror
which its sight inspires in horses, that I have
known mine suddenly start and rear, trembling
and perspiring in every limb, and no persuasion
could induce him to proceed. I was quite
unable to account for his terror, till I noticed a
Cerastes coiled up in a depression two or three
paces in front of us, with its basilisk eyes
steadily fixed on us, and no doubt preparing for
a spring as the horse should pass. This species
is said to have been the Asp with which
Cleopatra killed herself. It is extremely venom-
ous, causing the certain death of a man in
half an hour, and is considered more vicious
even than the Cobra, as it will attack when
unprovoked. Its ordinary food consists of
jerboas and desert marmots. By comparing the
tribe of Dan to this wily serpent, the Patriarch
intimated that by stratagem, more than by open
bravery, they should avenge themselves of their
enemies and extend their conquests. This was
illustrated by the wily manner in which Samson,
a Danite, destroyed his Philistian foes. Bruce,
in his I'ratels in Abyssinia, has given a very
accurate and detailed account of these animals.
He observes that he found them in greatest
numbers in those parts which were frequented
by the jerboa, and that in the stomach of a
Cerastes he discovered the remains of a jerboa.
He ke|>t two of these snakes in a glass vessel
for two years without any food. Anothei
circumstance mentioned by Bruce throws some
light on the assertions of ancient authors as to
the movement of this snake. Aelian,' isidorus,
Al'tius, hare all recorded of the Cerastes that,
whereas other serpents creep along in a straight
direction, this one and the Uaemorrhons'^ (no
■> Hasielqnist (lliner. pp. 141. 365) has thus described
thorn: — "Tentacula duu, utrinque unum ad laters
vertlcls, tn margtne superlori orbltae ocull, erects, parte
aversa parum arcuata, eademque parte parum canali-
culata, sub.dura. membrana tenacl vestita, basi equamis
minimis, una serie erectis, cincta, brevia, orbltae ocu-
lurum dimldia longltudlne."
With tbia description tliat of Geoffroy St. Hlliilre may
be compared ; — " Au-dpssus des ycux nalt de ctiaque
CMte une petite eminence, ou comme on a cuutume de
la dire une petite coriie. longuc de deux uu trots llgnee,
pre^entant dans le sens de sa loneueur des sllluos et
dirigee en baut et un peu en an lere, d'otl le nom de
iVraste. \a nature des cornea du Ceraste est tr^s peu
connue. et leurs usages, si toutefois ollcs peuvent etrc do
qndque utilite pour ranimal. sont entt^rcment Ignores."
< Xoi'oy H oTfuw irp<i<uri>' (Aelian, dt Anim. xv. 13).
k Aoxfta £* <irt<rica^Mi' oAtyoy lifiai, ola «<pa^Ti)<
(NIcander, Theriac. 291).
F.
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50
ADDI
ADINO
doubt the sftme nnimal under another name)
more sideways, stumbling as it were on either
side (and comp. Bochart). Let this be compared
with what Bruce says: "The Cerastes mores
with great rapidity and in all directions, for-
The HotBfld Ct-ruloi. (BriUib Hoiellni.)
wards, backwards, sideways; when he inclines
to surprise any one who is too far from him, be
creeps with his side iotcards the person," &c. &c.
The words of Ibn Sina, or Aricenna, are to the
same effect. I hare noticed it more, when not
alarmed, with a peculiar sidelong wrig!;le. So
soon as it pcrceired itself obserred, it glided
along in n straight line. But this sidelong
morement is not peculiar to the Cerastes. It
belongs to the family Viperidae, order Ophidia)
[Sr.RPEST.]
From the root Shaphaph are possibly derired
the proper names of SllDraAU, whence the
familr of the Shuphamites, Shepiiuphax, and
SuuppiM." [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
ADDI CA««, 'htifi [Westcott and Hort],
Luke iii. 28), son of Cosam, and father of
Melchi, in our Lord's genealogy; the third
abore Salathiel. The etymology and Hebrew
form of the name are doubtful, as it does not
occur in the LXX., but it probably represents
the Hebrew ^V, an onuiment, and is a short
form of Adiel, or Adaiah. The latter name in
1 Ch. vi. 41 (26 in Heb. Bib.) is rendered in the
LXX. A. 'AJoid [B. 'Af«i<ii Adaia\ which is
rery close to Addi. [.\. C. H.]
AD'DO (A. 'MSii, B. 'ESStlv; Addin), Iddo,
the grandfather of the prophet Zechariah (1 Esd.
ri. 1). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ADDON (Neh. rii. CI; 'Hp^y; Addon), a
rariation in the orthography of Addan (jilK
and riN or H^)- [f •]
ADDUS ('AMoii; .4dtfiM). 1. The sons of
Addus are enumerated among the children of
Solomon's serrants who returned with Zorobabel
(1 Esd. r. 34); but the name does not occur in
the parallel lists of Ezra or Nehemiah,
2. A. 'loStois, B. 'laXiois; Addin. A priest,
whose descendants were unable to establish their
gcncilogy in the time of Ezra, and were remored
from their priesthood (1 Esd. r. 38). He is said
to hare married Augia, the daughter of Bcrzclns
' The celebrated John EUls seems to have been the
first EnglUbm&n who gave an accurate description ol
the Cerastes (sec Pkilosopk. Transact. 1760).
•> Doctaart (Hterot. ilL 209, Rosenm.) says that the
Babbins derive IQ^Bt!' f^"'" ^QC> daudicart, whererorc
11BB' to el<mdus. See, however. Levy, Chald. WSr-
(erb. 8. V.
or Barzillai. In Ezra ii. 61 and Nehemiah vii. 63
he is called by his adopted name Barzillai : it it
not clear whether Addus represents his oripnal
name or is a corruption. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ADEB CriV ; inpausc TIB, ajlock; B.'nJuJ:
A. 'ClStp ; Hedcr ; K. V. Eder), a Benjamite, son
of Beriab, chief of the iubabitants of Aijalon
(1 Ch. viii. 15). • [W. A. W.] [F.]
AD'IDA ('AStSd, K -«i- ; Joseph.'A88<Ja ; Ad-
dus [1 Mncc. xiii,], Adiada [1 Mace. lii.]), a tovn
on an eminence {Ant. xiii. 6, § 4) overlookin;
thi low country of Judah ('A. iy tj 2c^Af ),
fortified by Simon Maccabaeus in his ware with
Tryphon (1 Mace. jii. 38, liii. 13). Aleiandw
was here defeated by Aretas (^Ant. xiii. 15, §2);
and Vespasian used it as one of his outposts in
the siege of Jerusalem (B. J. W. 9, § 1). In
the OS.* (]). 128, 1) it is called Aditha, uJ
placed east of Diospolis (Lydda). Now Hadltheh,
a rillage with the remains of a considerable
town near the foot of the hills eastward of
Lydda (P. F. Mem. ii. 297, 322). Probably
identical with Hadid. [G.] [W.]
ADI'EL (^t?»"7», Furst = El is ormmnt.
MV'.'" = ornament of God: A. 'tirliK; B. has
a different reading : Adiel). 1. A prince of thf
tribe of Simeon, descended from the prosperous
family of Shimei (1 Ch. iv. 36). He took part
in the murderous raid made by his tribe upon
the peaceable Hamite shepherds in the rsllev of
Gedor, in the reign of Hezekiah. 2. 'AS4^:
Adiel. A priest, ancestor of Maasai (1 Ch. ii.
12, R. v.). 3. BA. 'nSi^X; Adiel. Ancestor
of Azmareth, Darid's treasurer (1 Ch. iirii.
25). [W. A. W.] p.]
ADIX (jn», litxuriom or delicate ; B. ■A^
<(y, A. -iy [in 'Ezra viii. 6 (LXX. r. 32X B.
•A8(i', A. 'AtSly in Ezra ii. 15] ; 'HJ(»' [in Neh.];
AJin in Ezra ii. 15, Adan in Ezra riii. 6).
Ancestor of a family who returned with Zenib-
babel to the number of 454 (Ezra ii. 15, 1 £«1'
V. 14 [B. 'ASti\los, A. 'ASaiis}), or 655, accord-
ing to the parallel list in Neh. rii. 20. Fiftj-
one more (or 251, according to A. V. of 1 Esd.
riii. 32) accompanied Ezra in the second carav.™
from Babylon (Ezra riii. 6). They joined with
Xehemiah in a corenant to separate themselves
from the heathen (Neh. x. 16). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ADI'NA (Wnr, lurttriotis, s-ift; 'Mfi
B. -«i- ; Adina). The son of Shiza, one of
Darid's captains bevond the Jordan, and chief
of the Rcubenites ('l Ch. li. 42). The A. V„
R. v., and the Syriac read respecting him, " anJ
thirtr with him." The expression is obscure
(Keil).* [W. A. W.] [F]
ADI'NO ("ung; B. 'A»eiw»K, A.'AJed-; Vol;.
paraphr.ises), the Eznite (2 Sam. ixiii. 8). See
Jasi:ouea». The clause in Samuel (/. e.) is
corrupt (see R. V. marg.). The true reading is
preserved in the parallel passage (1 Ch. li. H).
from which it is apparent that WIS is a cor-
ruption of "ni». [W. A. W.] [S. K. D.]
■ It does not necessarily mean that be was In com-
mand of these thirty, Reubenlte chiefs or not; nor doe«
the interpretation given to the LXX. (ed. S«eic\ ««i
fir' avTy TpiaKoyra, ** and over him were thirty, i.^.
superiors (those ennmerated in m. 36-41), appear jus-
tifled. Cp. the LXX-Ul usage In ill. 4, xxrtl. 6.
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ADINUS
ADONIJAH
51
ADINUS (A. 'laSivit, B. -«<-; Jaddimus).
Jxnis the Levite (1 £sd. ix. 48 : cp. Neh. viii. 7 ;
JmiH). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ADITHATM (D?nnr, Ges. = double booty ;
A. 'Atiaiatiti ; Adit/iaim), a town belonging to
Jndah, Ijing in the low coantry (Shefelah), and
earned, between Sharaim and hag-Gederah, in
Jo«h. IT. 36 only. It is entirely omitted by the
Vat. MS. of the UCX., and the site has not yet
l>«en identified (see Dillmana, /. c). For the dual
ttrmination, coinp. the two names occurring in
the same rerse; also EgLiim, Uoronaim, &c.
L-iDIDi.] [G.] [W.]
ADJURATION. [Exoecist.]
ADT.AI cVlff = iT^'1», Ges. = <A<! right-
fmaea of Jehmah ; BA. 'Aiat ; Adii). An-
itstor of Shaphat, the overseer of David's herds
which fed in the broad valleys (1 Ch. xxvii.
•29). [W. A.W.] [F.]
AD^IAH (mn» ; 'ASofii; Adatna^ one of
"the cities of the plain," always coupled with
j^boiim (B. V.X and destroyed with Sodom and
(Jomorrah (Gen. i. 19, xiv. 2, 8 ; Deut. xxix,
23; Hot. li. 8). It had a king of its own. [G.]
ADMATHA (KntJIN, MV.''» = untamed;
LXX. omits ; Admatlia), one of the seven princes
of Persia (Esth. i. 14). Rawlinson {Speaker's
dan., add. n. » loco), by manipulation of the
letters, makes the name=Artabanus, tlie uncle
<>rX<nes; and Cassel {Das Buck Esther, p. 33)
identifies him with Aspathines. The etymology is
quite oncertain (see Bertheau-Ryssel, /. c). [F.]
ADTiIA (lOnir.pfcaswre or»o/«n«ss; B. AlSawi
[B* E3-]. UrtSty^x ; Edna)- 1. One of the
timilj of Pahath-Moab who returned with Ezra,
aid married a foreign wife (Ezra x. 30).
2. T.' MamcEt, j{»-» ■»» i«f 'AJoFib; BK*A.
''■nit. A pried, descendant of Harim, in the
davi of Joiakim, SOD of Jeshua (Xeh. xii. 15).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
AD?f AH (nn» ; 'Ztri ; Ednas). 1. A Manas-
site, who deserted from Saul and joined the for-
Icnesof David on his road to Ziklag from the camp
"f the Philistines (1 Ch. xii. 20 [Heb. 21]). ^
S. rOTP, pleasure or softness ; BA. 'ESydat ;
JJinaa. 'The commander-in-chief of 300,000
uen of Jodah, who were in Jehoshnphat's army
(iC'h.iTiLU). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ADONI-BE'ZEK (PJI'^j'lX, lord of Bczek ;
'K{mtfk({K ; Adoaibezec), king of Bezek, a city
'' the Canaanites. [Bezek.J This chieftain
''a< Ttaquished by the tribe of Judah (Judg. i.
'-•), who cut off his thumbs and great toes, and
brought him prisoner to Jerusalem, where he
'M. He confened that he had inflicted the
■ane croelty upon 70 petty kings whom he had
"iiiqaered. " Dr. Hackett '(/). B., Amer. ed.),
IV'tiig Cassel in his note on Judg. (/. c),
marks that this form of mutilation was not
aMDmnion in ancient times, and was chosen in
■r4er to unfit men for warlike service (such as
the UK of the bow) and for active and rapid
"jovements. It is told of the Athenians that
^ nt off the thumbs of the Aeginetans whom
''"T cnnqaered (B.C. 456), in order to pre-
vent tlieir handling the spear. Adoni-bezek not
only mutilated but humbled his captives; they
"gathered their meat under his table." A
somewhat similar treatment of prisoners is re-
corded of the Parthian kings (Athen. Deipn. iv.
p.l52d). [R. W. B.] [F.]
ADONI'CAM, ADONl'CAN. [Adonikam.]
ADONI'JAH (njjhK. WJi^K, my Lord is
Jehovah ; 'Ktuviat, B. -«i- ; Adonias). 1. The
fourth son of David by Haggith, born at Hebron,
while his father was king of Judah (2 Sam.
ill. 4. The Greek text here, and the Lucianic Rc-
ccusion in 1 K. i. ii., reading T as 1, have B.
'OpvtlK, A. 'Opvlas, Luc. -la). After the death
of his three brothers, — Amnon, Chileab, and
Absalom, — he became eldest son ; and when his
father's strength was visibly declining, put
forward his pretensions to the crown, by
equipping himself in royal state, with chariots
and horsemen, and fifty men to run before him,
in imitation of Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 1), whom
he also resembled in personal beauty, and ap-
parently also in character, as indeed Josephus
says {Ant. rii. 14, § 4). For this reason he was
plainly unfit to be king, and David promised
Bathsheba that her son Solomon should inherit
the crown (1 K. i. 30), for there was no absolute
claim of primogeniture in these Eastern mon-
archies. Solomon's cause was espoused by the
best of David's counsellors : the illustrious
prophet Kathan ; Zadok, the descendant of
Eleazar, and representative of the elder line of
the priesthood; Benaiab, the captain of the king's
body-guard ; together with Shimci and Rei,
whom Ewald {Geschichte, iii. 266) conjectures
to be David's two surviving brothers, comparing
1 Ch. ii. 13, and identifying ♦IflDB' with nrOC
{Shimma in A. V., Shimea in R. V.), and 'UT with
m (A. V. Raddai).' From 1 K. ii. 8, it is unlikely
that the Shimei of 2 Sam. xvi. 5 could have
actively espoused Solomon'; cause. On the side
of Adonljah, who— when he made his attempt
on the kingdom — was about 35 years old (2 Snm.
V. 5), were Abiathar, the representative of Kli's
(i.e. the junior) line of the priesthood (descended
from Ithamar, Aaron's fourth son), and Joab, the
famous commander of David's army ; the latter
of whom, always audacious and self-willed, pro-
bably expected to find more congenial elements
in Adonijah's court than in Solomon's. Adonijah's
name and influence secured a large number of
followers among the captains of the royal army
belonging to the tribe of Judah (cp. 1 K. i. 9,
25); and these, together with all the princes
except Solomon, were entertained by Adonijah
at a great sacrificial feast held " by the stone
Zoheleth, which is by En-rogel." "The meaning
of the stone Zoheleth is very doubtful, being
translated rock of the tratch toner in the Chaldee ;
great rock, Syr. and Arab. ; and explained (but
improbably) rock of the stream of tcater by
R. Kimchi, and by Ge».=the stone of the serpent
[cp. Deut. xxxii. 24 Heb.], i>. the rock with its
image of the serpent. The rock upon which the
village of Silwin [Siloam] is built bears the name
Zahweile (seeGanneauin MV."j. n. DpriT). En-
• This seems preferable to the unsupported con-
jectures that the reading of 1 K. 1. 8 was 'NIJPI '^D?'
orv»ii rinVc'-r
E 2
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52
ADONIJAH
rogel is mentioned in Josh. xv. 7, Rs a spring on
the border of Judah and Benjamin, S. of Jerusalem,
and may be the same as that afterwards called the
Well of Job or Joab {'Ain Ay&h. Conder identi-
fies it with the spring now called 'Ain Ummed-
Peraj, and known to Christians as the Virgin's
Well). It is explained apritv} of the fuller by
the Chaldee Paraphrast, perhaps becanse he
trod the clothes with his feet (7J"1, see Gesen.
J. r.); but cp. Deut. xi. 10, ivhcre "watering
with the feet " refers to machines troddeu with
the foot, and such as were possibly fed by the
spring of Kogel. [Ks-uogel.] A meeting for a
religious purpose would be held near a spring,
just as in later times sites for wpanvxal were
chosen by the waterside (AcU xvi. 13).
Nathan and Bathsheba, now thoroughly
alarmed, apprised David of these proceedings,
who immediately gave orders that Solomon
should be conducted on the royal mule in solemn
procession to Gihon, a spring on the W. of
Jerusalem (2 Ch. xiiii. 30). [GiHON.] Here
he was anointed and proclaimed king by Zadok,
and joyfully recognised by the people. This
decisive measure struck terror into the opposite
party, and Adonijah fled to the sanctuary. He
was pardoned by Solomon on condition that he
should " shew himself a worthy man," and with
the threat that "if wickedness were found in
him he should die" (1 Kings i. 52).
The death of David quickly followed these
events ; and Adonijah begged Bathsheba, who as
" king's mother" would now have s|)ecial dignity
and influence [Asa], to procure Solomon's con-
sent to his marriage with Abishag, who had
been the wife of David in his old age (I K. i. 3).
This was regarded as equivalent to a fresh at-
tempt on the throne [Absaiom ; Abxer] ; and
therefore Solomon onlered him to be put to
death by Benaiah, in accoi-dance with the terms
of his previous pardon. Far from looking upon
this as " the most flagrant act of despotism since
Doeg massacred the priests at Saul's command "
(New^man, Hebrem Monarchy, ch. iv.), we must
consider that the clemency of Solomon in
sparing Adonijah, till he thus again revealed a
treasonable purpose, stands in remarkable con-
trast with the almost universal practice of
Eastern sovereigns. Any one of these, situated
like .Solomon, would probably have secured his
throne by putting all his brothers to death,
whereas we have no reason to think that any of
David's sons suficred except the open pretender
.\donijah, though all seem to have opposed
Solomon's claims; and if his execution be
thought an act of severity, we must remember
that we cannot expect to find the principles of
the Gospel acted upon a thousand years before
Christ came, and that it is hard for us, in this
nineteenth century, altogether to realize the
position of an Oriental king in that remote age.
The Midrasit Jiabba (§ 20 on Gen. iii. 15) applied
to Adonijah (and to others, e.g. Cain, Korah,
Balaam, Absalom, and Haman) tlie proverb,
" He that seeks what is not his, loses that which
is " (cp. Hambiirger, SE.^ s. n.).
2. B. 'ASuii/liu. A Levite in the reign of
Jehoahaphat (2 Ch. xvii. 8).
3. 'Mavla, A. 'AoviCa, K. 'Eiavla; Adonia.
One of the Jewish chiefs in the time of Nehemiah
(x. IG). He is called Adonikam (Dp'JlN;
ADOPTION
'MuvMiii, B. -Kof, Adonicam) jn Ezra ii. 13.
Cp. Ezra viii. 13 ; Neh. vii. 18. [G. E. L. C] [f.]
ADONI'KAM (DfffW. MV.» = my Jjtrd
uplifts himself [cp. o'lshaiisen, Lehrh. p. 620];
BA. 'hiayMiii [in 1 Esd. v. 14], B. -<m [la
Ezra ii. 13] ; Adonicam). The sons of Adonikam,
666 in number, were among those who re-
turned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Eir« ii.
13; Keh. vii. 18 [B. 'KUutiii, ».'KUvi*i^\,
1 Esd. V. 14, CAa/n). In the last two passages
the number is 667. The remainder of the family
returned with Ezra (Ezra viii. 13 [B. 'A8«»«-
Kd^]; 1 Esd. viii. 39 [&. ■' Kturianiii'W Toe
name is given as Adonuah in Neh. x. 16.
* [W. A.W.] [F.]
ADONI'BAM (m;)'lK, MV.>» = my XW
is exalted, 1 K. iv. 6, v. 14; by an unusual con-
traction, Adoram, n-h», 2 Sam. ix. 24 [Ai*-
mm], and 1 K. xii.'l8"'[B. 'Kpi^l•, AdurmC\;
also H ADORAM, Whn, 2 Ch. x. 18, A. 'M«fh,
Aduram ; usually ''AS-ripif^ B. -«<-; ^<>'^}-
ram). Chief receiver of the tribute duriag the
reigns of David (2 Sam. ix. 24), Solomon (1 h-
iv. 6), and Itehoboam (1 K. xii. 18). This list
monarch sent him to collect the tribute from
the rebellious Israelites, Iiy whom he was stoneJ
to death. • [K.W.B.] [?■]
ADONl-ZE'DEC (p-l^jhK, Ges. nmi
MV." = lord of righteousness; 'AStin$i("^-
Adonisedec), by some thought to be the ofBcial
title of the Jebusite king of Jerusalem wh"
organized a league with four other Amorite
princes against Joshua. The confederate ting*
having laid siege to Gibeon, Joshua marched to
the relief of his new allies and put the besiegers
to flight. The five kings took refuge in a cave
at Makkedah, whence they were taken and slain,
their bodies hung on trees, and then buriedjn
the place of their concealment (Josh. x. 1-27).
[JosiiOA.] [R. W. B.] [F-l
ADOPTION (vtoOterta), an expression meta-
phorically used by St. Paul in reference to the
present and prospective privileges of Christians
(Rom. viii. 15, 23 ; Gal. iv. o ; Eph. i. 5). He
probably alludes to the Roman custom of .iJ«l>-
tion, by which a person, not having children of
his own, might adopt as his son one born of other
parents. It was a formal act, effected either by
the process named adrogatio, when the person
to be adopted was independent of his parent, or
by adoptio, specifically so called, when in the
power of his parent. (See Diet, if dr. a*'
Rom. Ant., art. ADomo.) The cftcct of it was
that the adopted child was entitled to the name
and sacra privata of his new father, and ranked
as his heir-at-law : while the father on his part
was entitled to the property of the son, and ei-
ercised towards him all the rights and privilege*
of a father. In short the relatiouship was to
all intents and purposes the same as eiisteil
between a natural father and son. The selection
of a peraon to be adopted implied a decided pre-
ference and love on the part of the adopter : and
St. Paul aptly tran.sfers the well-known feelings
and customs connected with the act to illustrste
the position of the Christianized Jew or GcntiKj-
The Jews themselves were unacquainted wit"
the process of adoption : indeed it would have
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ADOBA
Imn inconsistent with the regaUtions of the
Mouic law aSecting the inheritance of property :
the initances occasionally adduced as referring
to tlie custom (Gen. it. 3, xri. 2, xxi. 5-9) are
f-ridtatly not cases of adoption proper. Our
"adoption as sons through Jesns Christ " is the
kry-oote of St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians (see
Speaker'! Comm., Introd. to the £p. to the Ephes.
§ ; and on the whole subject GiflTard's note on
(>om.TiiL 15 in the same work). [\V. L.B.] [F.]
ADO'BA or ADOB. [Adoraim.]
ADOBA'IM (D!'T^nX; B. 'Atupai; A.
'MmpaLii; Aduram), s fortified city built by
Ilcholjoam (2 Ch. xi. 9% in Judah (Jos.* Ant,
viii. |i}, § 1), apparently in or near the Shefelah,
met, although omitted from the lists in Josh.
ST., it is by Josephus (^Ant. xiii. 9, § 1, 15, § 4 ;
/;. /. i. 2, § 6, i. 8, § 4) almost uniformly
rnopled with Mareshah, which was certainly
Htoated there. For the dual termination com-
l«r< Adithairo, Gederothaim, &c. By Josephus
It is giren as 'ASopo, 'AS^ot ; and in Ant xiii.
'>, § 3, he calls it a " city of Idumaea," under
ivhich name was included, in the later times of
levish history, the southern part of Judaea
it^eIf (Reland, 48 ; Robinson, ii. 69). Adoraim
i< probably the same place as ASopa (1 Mace,
iiiL 20, Ador), unless that be Dor, on the sea-
cout below Carmel. It is generally identified
<rith Dirtx, a large village on the flat slope of a
Ull, west of Hebron. Near it is the celebrated
tomb of A'eiy Kith (Xoah). The village occu-
(lies an important position guarding an ancient
nsin line of communication with Philistia,
wliich runs through it (P. F. Mem. iii. 304,
.•JJS ; see Robinson, ii. 215). [G.] [VV.]
ADOUAM. [Adosieam.]
ADORATION. The acu and postores by
vhich the Hebrews expressed adoration, bear ■
ADRAMMELECH
53
ladeM ltn<i«a. (WOUiiaoa.)
^nst similarity to those still in use among
Oriental nations. To rise np and suddenly
l^nsttate the body, was the most simple method ;
tint, generally speaking, the prostration was
sotdacted in a more formal m.tnner, the person
falling upon the knee and then griidimlly
inclining the body, until the forehead touched
the ground. The various expressions in Hebrew
referring to this custom appear to have their
specific meaning : thus ?u] (ir(irr», LXX.)
describes the sudden full ; 17*13 (itcl^irTo, LXX.)
bending the knee; Tip (kvhtv, LXX.) thu
inclination of the head and body ; and lastly
nriB' (rpoo'ict'VcTi', LXX.) complete prostration.
The' term nJD (Is. iliv. 15, 17, 19; ilvi. 6) was
introduced at a late period as appropriate to the
worship paiil to idols by the Babylonians and
utlier Eii^tcrn nations (L):in. iii. 5, 0). }>uch
* Evra vithout this statement of Joaephos, It Is plain
btt •Judah and Benjamin," In 1 Ch. xl. 10, Is a form
•fesptoBloa for Ibe new ktogdom, and that none of tbe
«nj uBwd arc n t oe s s a rlly in the Umits of Benjamin
Adoniltuu. Uudoru EgyptUu. (L«lio.)
prostration waa usual in the worship of Jehovah
(Gen. ivii. 3; Ps. xcv. 6); but it was by no
means exclusively used for that pur|x>se ; it was
the formal mode of receiving visitors (Geu.
xviii. 2), of doing obeisance to one of su]>eriur
station (2 Sam. xiv. 4), and of showing respect
to equals (1 K. ii. 19). Occasionally it was
repeated three times (1 Sam. xx. 41), and even
seven times (Gen. xxxiii. 3), It was accom-
panied by such acts as a kiss (Ex. xviii. 7),
laying hold of the knees or feet of tbe person to
whom the adoration was paid (Matt, xxviii. 9),
and kissing the ground on which he stood
(Ps. Ixxii. 9 ; Mic vii. 17). Similar adoration
waa paid to idols (1 K, xix. 18); sometimes
however prostration was omitted, and the act
consisted simply in kissinp: the hand to the
object of reverence (Job xxxi. 27) in the manner
practised by the Romans (Plin. xxviii. 5 : see Vkt.
of Gr. and Jiom. Ant.,KTt. Adobatio), in kissing
the statue itself (Hos. xiii. 2> The same customs
prevailed at the time of our Saviour's ministry,
as appears not only from the numerous occa-
sions on which they were put in practice
towards Himself, but also from the parable of
the unmerciful servant (Matt, xviii. 2t>), and
from the reverence of Cornelius to St. Peter
(Acta X, 25), in which case the Apostle objected
to it, as implying a higher degree of superiority
than he waa entitled to, especially as coming
from a Roman, to whom prostration was not
usual. [W. L. B.]
ADRAMME'LECH n^t^T]*; h.'ASpaiii-
\tX, A. •<«; Adramelecit). 1.' A deity (2 K.
xvii. 31) worshipped by the colonists brought
into Samaria by Shalmaueser II., king of Assyria,
from Sepharvaim (Sipnr or Sippara, now Abu-
habbah). Both Adrammelech and Anammelech
were worshipped with rites similar to those of
Moloch, children being sacrificed to them. This
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ADEAMYTTIUM
name, according to Schrader, is equivalent to the
Assyrian Adarmalik, " Adar (or Ninip) is prince."
The reading of " Adar " for " Ninip " is, how-
ever, very doabtful ; and as the word Adara is
found OS a bjr-name of Hea, god of the sea and
of wisdom, it is very likely that the Assyrian
form of the name is Adaramilk, " Adar (lord
of) counsel." [Anammelecii.]
2. One of the sons of Sennacherib, king of
Assyria, who, with his brother Shareser, killed
their father whilst he was worshipping in the
temple of Nisrooh (2 K. xix. 37, B. -€«, A. -«x !
Is. x«vii. 38, K. 'AvSpa/ifX^x)- According to
the B.-)bylonian chronicle, this happened in
the eighth year of the reign of Sennacherib
in Babylon (B.C. 688). . This text differs from
the account in the Bible, in that it states that
Sennacherib was killed by only one son, and
that it happened in a revolt. This is probably
to be understood in this way : that both sons
took part in the revolt, but that only one
actually committed the crime, entering the
temple . where the king his father was wor-
shipping, whilst his brother, in command of the
rebel troops, surrounded the building to pre-
vent the escape of the king. Adrammelech may
probably be identified with the Aiiur-munik of
the Assyrians, He seems to have been the eldest
son of Sennacukrib, who built a small palace
for him at Nineveh. [T. G. P.]
ADRAMYTTIUM (occasionally Ateamtt-
TiUM. Some cursive MSS. have 'Arpo^vr^vfi,
instead of 'AS|^a^^vT^|y^ in Acts xxvii. 2), a
.seaport in the province of Asia [Asia], situated
in the district anciently called Aeolis, and also
Jlysia (see Acts xvi. 7). Adramyttium gave
and still gives its name to a deep gulf on this
toast, opposite to the o|>ening of which is the
island of Lesbos [Mitylene]. St. Paul was
never at Adramyttium, except perhaps during
his second missionary journey, on his way from
Galatia to Tro!\s (Acts xvi.), and it has no bibli-
cal interest, except as illustrating his voyage
from Caesarca in a ship belonging to this place
(Acts xxvii. 2). The reason is given in what
follows, viz. that the centurion ami his prisoners
would thus be brought to the coasts of Asia,
iind therefore some distance on their way to-
wards Rome, to places where some other ship
bound for the west would probably be found.
Ships of Adramyttium must have been frequent
uu this coast, for it was a place of considerable
traflic. It lay on the great Roman road between
Assos, Troas, and the Hellespont on one side,
and Pergamus, Ephesus, and Miletus on the
other, end was connected by simiKir roads with
the interior of the country. According to
tradition, Adramyttium was a settlement of the
Lydians in the time of Croesus; it was after-
wards an Athenian colony : under the kingdom
of Pergamus it became a seaport of some con-
sequence; and in the time of St. Paul Pliny
mentions it as a Roman assize-town. The
rooderii Edremid or Adraini/ti is a jwor village,
but there is still some trade, more especially in
timber. It is described in the travels of Pococke,
Turner, and Fellows. See Diet. Gr. and Horn,
Gcog., art. " Adramyttium." [J. S. H.] [W.]
ADEIA, more properlyA'DRIAS (i 'ASpias ;
Adria). It is important to fix the meaning of
this word as used in Acts xxvii. 27. The word
ADULLAM
seems to have been derive<l from the town of
Adria, near the Po ; and at tint it denoted that
part of the Gulf of Venice which is in that
neighbourhood. Afterwards the signitication oi
the name was extended, so as to embrace the
whole of that gulf. Subsequently it obtain^
a much wider extension, and in the apostolic
age denoted that natural division of the Uedi-
terranean which Humboldt names the Syrtic
basin (see .\cts xxvii. 17), and which had the
coasts of Sicily, Italy, Greece, and Africa for iti
boundaries. This definition is explicitly given
by almost a contemporary of St. Paul, the g<o-
grapher Ptolemy, who also says that Crete is
bounded on the west by Adrias. Later writers
state that Malta divides the Adriatic sea from
the Tyrrhenian sea ; and the isthmus of Corinth,
the Aegean from the Adriatic. Thus the shi|>
in which Josephus started fur Italy about the
time of St, Paul's voyage foundered in .Idrias
(Life, 3), and there he was picked up by a ship
from Cyrene and taken to Puteoli (we .^cts
xxviii. 13), It is through ignorance of these
facts, or through the want of attending to them,
that writers have drawn an argument from this
geographical term in favour of the false view
which places the Apostle's shipwreck in the
Gulf of Venice. [MELriA.] Cp. Smith's Voy.
and Shipwreck of St. Paul : Diss, on the Istml
ilclita. See Diet. Gr. and Rom. Geoij., art.
" Adriaticum Mare." [J. S, H.] [W.]
ADBI'EL (^etnni/, Ges.= flock of Gal:
'A8pi^A ; ffadriet), a son of Barzillai the Meho-
lathite, to whom Saul gave his daughter Merab,
although he had previously promised her to
David (1 Sam. xviii. 19 ; t;r. 17-19 are wantinj
in B, and the name fn A. is IqX, the usual
abbreviation for 'Iirpa^A). His five sons were
amongst the seven descendants of Saul whom
David surrendered to the Gibeonites (2 Sam.
xxi. 8 ; where in B. the name appears as itpt'if
in A. as 'EirSpO in satisfaction for the en-
deavours of Saul to extirpate them, althoagh
the Israelites had originally made a league with
them (Josh. ix. 15). In 2 Sam. ixi. 8 they are
called the sons of Michal ; but as Michal had no
children (2 Sam. vi. 23), the A. V., in order
to surmount the difficulty, translates m7
" brought up " instead of " bare," in accordance
with the opinion of the Targum and Jewish
authorities. The margin also gives " the sister
of Michal" for "Michal." The R. V. trans-
lates '^ " bare," and against the name Michal
attaches a marginal note : " In 1 Sam. xviii. 19
Merab" the reading here of LXX.-l.uc, the
Peshito, and certain codd. of Vulg. ; and a read-
ing also adopted by most modern scholars.
[a W. B.] P'.]
ADU'EL CASou^iA, U. h^'''}S_, MV."> = the
omaiiwnt of God, Fiirst = El it ornament, 1 Ch.
iv. 36 : 'leMA (abs. from B., A. 'ESi^A) ; ix. '-
('ASi^A). A Naphtaliie, .ancestor of Tobit
(Tob. i. 1 ; K. reads Nainj). [B. F. \V.] [F.]
ADULTiAM (D^ir. The meaning is un-
certain. Lagarde [ Ucbersicht 6b. die im Aram.,
Arab., u. Jlebr. Sbliche Bildvnj der Xomina, p. ■>♦,
1889] explains it plausibly as a retreat, from
the Arab. Jjp ['adula], "to turn aside;"
'OSoAAd^ ; Odollam, OdiUlam, AduUani), a dty of
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ADOLLAMIXE
Jadah in the lowland of the Sbefelah, Josh. xr.
6i (cp. Geo. xxiviii. 1, "Judah went down,"
ud llicah i. 15, where it is named with Mnre-
.>liah and Achzib) ; the seat of a Canaanite kinj;
(Joth. xii. 15), and evidently a place of great
latiqnity (Gen. luriiL 1, 12, 20). It was
fortified by Behoboam (2 Ch. xi. 7), was one
»f the towns re-occupied by the Jews after
their return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 30), and
WHS itill a city CO. vi\u) in the times of
the Maccabees (2 Mace. xil. 38). Josephus (^Art.
ri 12, § 3) girei the forms itiXis 'AhovKkinit
and 'QtoXXifi {Ant. Tiii. 10, § 1 ), where it is
named between Socho and Ipan. In Josh. xv.
•j it forma with Jarmuth, Socoh, and .^zekah
1 group apart amongst the fourteen cities
placed in the Shefelah, and the narratires
uf ^amnel and Chronicles imply that it was a
y\»n of strategic importance. iterid took
refuge in the cave of Adullam when no longer
able to rest at Gath, and his father and brethren
fnt dam to him there from Bethlehem (1 Sam.
iiii. 1); thence too three of the bravest of the
'iXborim passed through the lines of the Philis-
tines and brought to l3aTid from Bethlehem the
water for which he longed (2 Sam. xxiii. 13 ;
I Ch. XL 15). Judas JUaccabaeos and his army
lce|jt the Sabbath at Adullam after the defeat of
irorgias (2 Mace. xii. 38). In the 0&' (p. 128,
^tf) Jerome describes it as a vicua n»n juinm* ten
miles E. of Eleutheropolis ; in another passage
liusebios and Jerome, following apparently the
reading of the LXX. in Josh, x., confound
-Unllam with Egion : see that name. It has
been identified by M. Clermont-Ganueau with
the ruins of 'Aid el-Mii/eh, " feast of one hun-
Jnd," or 'Aid el-Ma, "feast of water." This
|>lac<, where there are two ancient wells and
^rersl cares, is seven miles north-east of Beit
■lihrin, and not far from S/tuvceikeh (Socoh) and
A'A. el- t'ttrmuH (Jarmuth). A very clear state-
ment of the arguments in favour of the above
>it« is given in J'FQi/. Slat. 1875, pp. 160-177 ;
«e also P. /". Mem. iii. pp. 311, 347, 361-7 ;
Oieikie, The Land and the Bible, p. 108. Van
'ie Velde and Stanley place it, doubtfully, at
Oeir DMan, 5 or 6 miles from Eleutheropolia.
Monastic tradition places the cave at Khireitun,
St the south end of the Wady Urtda, between
Bethlehem and the Dead Sea (Kobinson, i. 481).
William of Tyre speaks of the inhabitants of
7etii>i flying for refuge to the cave of Odolla in
1.0.1138. [G.] [W.]
ADUL'LAMITE CCH? = *• C»™«"y]
'OiaAAa^<n-q>, E. [in v. 12] 'O0aAAa^(Ti)s, [in
^ -0] 'OSoAAo^^ntr ; Odollatmtes). A native
i! Adullam : applied to Hirah, the friend (or
"•hepherd" as the Vulgate has it, reading
inph for liTTT) of Judah (Gen. iixviii. 1, 12,
% SeeA0tnXAM. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ADtXTEKY (D»e?BNJ. D'SKJ, LXX.
Ptxtln). The parties to this crime were a
married woman and a man who was not her
hiuband ; the toleration of polygamy render-
in; it nearly impossible to make criminal a
limilar offence committed by a married man
vith a woman not his wife. In the patriarchal
(eriod the sanctity of marriage is noticeable
tnm the history of .\braham, who fears, not
that his wife will be seduced from him, but that
ADULTEEY
55
he may be killed for her sake, and especially
from the scruples ascribed to Pharaoh and
Abimelech (Gen. xii. xx.). The woman's pun-
ishment was, as commonly amongst intern
nations, no doubt capital, and probably, as in
the case of Tamar's unchastity, death by fire
(xxxviii. 24). The Mosaic penalty was that
both the guilty parties should be stoned, and it
applied as well to the betrothed as to the married
woman, provided she were free (Oeut. ixii.
22-24). A bondwoman so offending was to be
scourged, and the man was to make a trespass
oflering (Lev. xix. 20-22).
The system of inheritances, on which the
polity of Moses was based, was threatened with
confusion by the doubtful oA'spring caused by
this crime, and this secured popular sympathy
on the side of morality until a far advanced
stage of corruption was reached. Yet from
stoning being made the penalty we may suppose
that the exclusion of private revenge was in-
tended. It is probable that, when that terri-
torial basis of ]H>lity passed away — as it did
after the Captivity — and when, owing to Gentile
example, the marriage tie became a looser bond
of union, public feeling in regard to adultery
changed, and the penalty of death was seldom
or never inflicted. Thus in the case of the
woman brought under our Lord's notice (John
viii.), it is likely that no one then thought of
stoning her in fact, but there remained the
written law ready for the purpose of the caviller.
It is likely also that a divorce in which the
adulteress lost her dower and rights of main-
tenance, &c. (Gemara Cltethvboth, cap. vii. 6),
was the usual remedy suggested by a wish to
avoid scandal and the excitement of commisera-
tion for crime. The word irapaiS<i-)>/uirf(rai
(Matt. i. 19) probably means to bring the case
before the local Sanhedrin, which was the usual
course, but which Joseph did not propose to
take, preferring repudiation (Buxtorf, de Spona.
et Dicort. iii. 1-4), because that could be man-
aged privately (AiiSpa).
Concerning the famous trial by the water
of jealousy (Num. v. 11-29), it has been ques-
tioned whether a husband was in certain cases
bound to adopt it. The more likely view is,
that it was meant «» a relief to the vehemence
of implacable jealousy to which Orientals appear
prone. The ancient strictness of that tie gave
room for a more intense feeling than was consis-
tent with the laxity which had set in, to a great
extent under Gentile influences, in the period of
the N. T. In that intensity probably arose this
strange custom, which no doubt Moses found
prevailing and deeply seated; and which is said
to be paralleled by a form of ordeal called the
"red water" in Western Africa (Kitto, Cyclop.
s. v.). The forms of Hebrew justice all tended
to limit the application of this test. 1. By
prescribing certain facts presumptive of guilt,
to be established on oath by two witnesses, or a
preponderating but not conclusive testimony to
the fact of the woman's adultery. 2. By tech-
nical rules of evidence which made proof of
those presumptive facts difficult {Sotah, vi. 2-5).
3. By exempting certain large classes of women
(all indeed except a pure Israelitess married to
a pure Israelite, and some even of them) from
the liability. 4. By providing that the trial
could only be before the great Sanhedrin (Sotah,
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ADULTEKV
ADUMMIH
i. 4). 5. By investing it nich a ceremonial at
once humiliating and intimidating, yet wliich
still harmonised with the spirit of the whole
ordeal as recorded in Nnm. r. But it was
above all discouraged by the conventional and
even mercenary light in which the nuptial con-
tract was latterly regarded.
When adultery ceased to be capital, as no
doubt it did, and divorce became a matter of
mere convenience, it would be absurd to suppose
that this trial was continued. And when adul-
tery became common, as the Jews themselven
confess, it would have been impious to eipect
the miracle which the trial implied. If ever
the Sanhedrin were driven by force of circum-
stances to adopt this trial, no doubt every effort
was used, nay was prescribed (^Sotah, i. 5, 6), to
overawe the culprit and induce confession. Kven
if she submitted to the trial and was really
guilty, some Rabbis held that the cifeot on her
might be suspended for years through the merit
of some good deed {Sotah, iii. 4-6). Besides,
however, the intimidation of the woman, the
hasband was likely to feel the public exposure
of his suspicions odious and repulsive. Divorce
was a ready and quiet remedy ; and the only
<|nestion was, whether the divorce should carry
the dowry, and the property which she had
brought; which was decided by the slight or
grave character of the suspicions against her
(Sotah, vi. 1 ; Gemara Chethuboth, vii. ; Ugol.
Uxor Heb. c. vii.). If the husband were inca-
pable through derangement, imprisonment, &c.,
of acting on his own behalf in the mutter, the
Sanhedrin proceeded in his name as concerned
the dowry, but not as concerned the trial by the
water of jealousy (^Sotah, iv. 6).
As regards the N. T. teaching on the subject
of adultery, the chief passages are those which
contemplate it in reference to divorce or separa-
tion, viz. Matt. V. 31, 32 ; lix. (> foil. ; Mark x.
11, 12; Luke xvi. 18; Rom. vii. 2, 3; 1 Cor.
vii. 10, 11, 39, 40. These open some grave
questions, on which great divines have ditfered
(see Dean Alford's note and Sjieaker's Cumment,
on the first of them), and even Augustine saw
reason in his Retractationea to doubt whether
he had satisfactorily solved them. The princip.il
one is, what is intended by Kiyos nofmlea in
Matt. V. 32, corresponding apparently to iw\
Topy*l^ in lix. 9? Most authorities seem to
take it of unchastity after marriage on tlie
part of the wife, i.e. adultery. Hereupon
various difficult questions open to which the
context gives no solution. The first (i.) is.
Must we in Matt. v. 32 carry on the exception,
"saving for the cause of fornication" (■>. of
adultery), to the latter clause, and make the
sense, "whoever shall marry a woman divorced
for any other cause than adultery, committeth
adultery." The next is (ii.), 'What would
be the case of him who marriei a woman
divorced for adultery? If this be judged an
adulterous union, the reading the condition
aforesaid into the clause is nugatory ; if a law-
ful union, a further question arises (iii.). Does
this then sanction the union of the paramours?
If yes, this seems to open a wide door to collu-
sive, as well as other, infidelity. If no, we
arrive at a privilegium excluding one person
only, and leaving the woman open to the same
temptation still which led her :utray before.
Then comes (iv.). Hay the injured husband, rid
of the adulteress wife, m.irry anew? If Ik
may, then the adultery of the wife has the
same eft'ect on their union as her natural death :
and a bar is placed in the way of forgiveness
and reconciliation on repentance. These con-
clusions seem opiiosed to the words of St. Paul
in Rom. vii. 2, 3, and 1 Cor. vii. 10, 11, 39, 40.
An interpretation which gives rise to surh
questions may suggest dunbts of its own sound-
ness, besidex another question as grave as any ol'
the former, how to reconcile it with the general
principle that God has made man and wife " one
tlesh," and that " whom He has joined together"
man, i.e. human law, is not to " put asunder."
Besides, if adultery had been, in such a contest
as Matt. v. 32, xix. 9, intended, we cannot
doubt that ^oix'to, the special word, and not
Topytia, the general one, would have been used.
Assume, on the contrary, that the Aoyos rtfniat
and iwl ropmif refer to unchastity before mar-
riage, and that marriage once made is, save for
that cause, indissoluble, and we harmonize the
statements of all the passages above referred to.
Such unchastity implies, besides incontinence, s
fraud to which Oriental races are specially sen-
sitive, and which may be held to vitiate that
consent on the part of the man which is of the
.essence of the marriage contract. Thus the true
view would be, th.it such a marriage, beiii;
defective in this vital point, never existed from
the first, bat was an union founded on fraud,
which the innocent party is entitled to dUclnini.
This is illustrated by the suspicious of Joseph
in Matt. i. 19. The weight of authority seenit
against retaining /taixe^o, as heading St. Paul's
catalogue of the " works of the flesh " in Gal.
V. 19. [H. H.]
ADUM'MIM, "THE aoiNO op to" or
"OF" (D»Q-IN n5?rD; B. rfiafiatrit "AJofi-
tuir, A. vpoaaydfiaats 'ASoit/jit; aKensio or
aicemus .^(fommim) = the " pass of the red;"
one of the landmarks of the boundary of
Benjamin, a rising ground or pass " over against
Gilgal," and " on the south side of the
'torrent ' " (Josh. xv. 7 ; xviii. 17), which is the
position still occupied by the road leading up from
Jericho and the Jordan valley to Jerusalem
(Rob. i. p. 558'), on the south face of the gorse
of the IVarfy Kelt. Jerome (0&' p. 127, 9, s.'n.
Atlommin') ascribes the name to the blood
shed there by the robbers who infested the
pass in his day, as they still (Stanley, pp. 314.
424 ; Martineau, p. 481 ; Stewart) continue tu
infest it, as they did in the Middle Ages when
the order of Knights Templars arose out of an
association for the guarding of this road, and as
they did in the days of our Lord, of whose
parable of the Good Samaritan this is the scene.
But the name is possibly of a date and signiti-
cance far more remote, and is (lerhaps derire<l
from some tribe of " red men " of the earliest
inhabitants of the country (Stanley, p. 424, note).
It is most probably TaPat ed-Dumm, " the a.<reDt
of blood," a mediaeval fortress, surrounded by a
rock-hewn ditch, which stands above K/iau
» Robinson's words, "On the south side .... above."
are the more remarkable, because the Identity of the
place with the Msaleh-Adnmmimdoes not seem to bave
occurred to Urn.
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ADVENT
H^itiriruA, and commaads the road from Jericho
to Jerusalem. There is a steady ascent from
Jericho to this point, but the road ouwards to
Jerusalem fiasses over undulating ground ;
beoce the "going up to Adummim" would be
that part of the road which lies between the
llkor suJ TaFat ed-Dimun, a name applied more
particalarly to the hill on which the fortress
was built. The limestone and marl are here
«f a ruddy coloar, like burnt brick : hence the
name. The fortress is probably the Castetltun
Militum mentioned in the Onomattiam as being
on the road from Jerusalem to Jericho, and the
Tonr SoHge built by the Templars to protect
pilgrims going down to Jericho and the Jordan
(P. F. Mati. iu. 172, 207-9). [G.J [W.]
ADVENT. [CoMiso.]
ADVOCATE. Tbfc rendering (A. V. and
fi. V.) in 1 John ii. 4 of Tt^>iK\rrTos. In other
f^usages of the writings of St. John (e.g. Gospel,
iir. 16, 2fi, IT. 26. xri. 7) wapdicKTiTOS is trans-
lated '• Comforter " (R. V. inserting iu the marg.
.idmoatc or Helper). This double rendering
of one and the same Greek word dates from
Wiclif, and is due to the influence of the Vulgate,
which has adcooatut in the Epistle and paracleius
in the Gospel. Dr. Westcott has pointed out
that the word " can properly mean only ' one
called to the side of another,' and that w^ith the
secondary notion of counselling, supporting, or
aidug him." In 1 John ii. 1 this sense of the
word is alone applicable. The argument is that
"Jesus Christ the righteous" as Advocate pleads
tbe cause of the Christian who has sought His
btip against the accu!>er. See Westcott's notes
in Sptaker'i Commentary on Gospel according to
Si. John (//. c.) and on 1 John ii. 1. [K.]
AEDI'AS (B. ■AqSffat [A. -«-]; ffrfiis),
1 Eal. ii. 27. Perh. a corruption of EuAn. [G.j
AE'GYPT. [Egvpt.]
AE'NEAS (Ai'War ; Aetuas), a Greek or
Hellenistic Jew of Lydda, healed of his palsy
by St. Peter (AcU i\. 33, 34> [G.]
AEIfOX (tui>if\ Aermon), a place "near
to Salim." John baptized "in Aenon (the
<)>riDg«) near to Salim, because there were many
waters (B^<rra»o^^i) there" (John lii. 23). This
>< isdicated by the name, which is merely a
Greek renion of the Chaldee \\yi3 =" springs."
It wu eridently west of the Jordan (cp. John
iu. ii with 26, and with i. 28), nnd apparently
«ne day's journey from Nazareth and two from
fethany (Stanley, S.^P.p. 311). Three different
!<<« hare been proposed for Aenon: 1. Eusebius
aid Jerome {OS.* pp. 134, 25; 246, 91) place
't 8 miles south of Scythopolis, " juxta Salim et
Jutilanem," and the latter states that the ruins
■^ Melchizedek's palace exiiited, in his day, at
'Uem. The» statements are so positive that
'key cannot lightly be set a.<ide. In the Jordan
'»lleT,abont 7 J miles from lieisdn (Scythopolis),
'k«re is a remarkable group of seven springs,
^1 lying within a radius of a quarter of a mile,
wkich answers well to the description " many
»u«rs." Close to the springs are the consider-
^ rains of Umm el-'Amddn, and aboat three-
iwiters of a mile to the north is Tell Ridhghah,
*a artificial mnond, on the top of which is the
•^b of Sheikh Salim. This is almost certainly
AGABU3 57
the spot indicated by Eusebius and Jerome, and
there is nothing remarkable in the disappearance
of the ruins when it is considered that such
important towns as Jericho and Antipatris have
entirely disappeared. 2. Major Conder {Tent
Work in Pal. i. 91-3) identifies Aenon with th.>
springs in Wudy Far'a/i, which lie between
Salim and 'Ainua : but these two places are
7 miles apart, and the springs themselves are
situated in a deep valley 4 miles from Salim,
and separated from that village by the hills of
Xeby Belan, 2,500 feet high. Such a place
could not possibly be described as being " near
to Salim," and the springs are in fact quite as
near to Nablua (Shechem), with which they arc
connected by the Roman road to Scythopolis.
There are no important springs at iS<!/im or
'Ainun. 3. Dr. Barclay (City of the Great King,
pp. 558-570) and Mr. Hepworth Dixon place
Aenon at the springs in Wady Far'ah, one of the
heads of W&ly Kelt, some miles from Jerusalem,
but the only ground for this identification is
the presence of copious springs and pools. See-
the curious speculations of Lightfoot (Cent.
Chorog. 1-4). [G.] [W.]
AERA. [Chronology.]
AETHIO'PIA. [Ethiopia.]
AETHIOPIC VERSION. [Versions.]
AFFINITY. [Marriage.]
AG' ABA (KKKofii, A. Vafii; Aggab), 1 Es<l.
v. 30. [Haoab.] [G.]
AG'ABUS CA7ei/Jot or "hfa^os; Agabus.
3)11, " a locust ; " cp. Hagab, Ezra ii. 46. But
the Syrinc favours the derivation from 3]^>
" to love "). A Christian prophet mentioned in
Acts li. 28 (notice the remarkable addition to
the text made by D.) and xxi. 10, 11. Iu
the first passage he is described as having
come from Jerusalem to Antioch; in the
second, from Judaea to Caesarea. His predic-
tion of a great famine over all the world was
delivered at Antioch, probably A.D. 44, during
the twelve months which St. Paul then spent
there. No universal famine is recorded in the
reign of Claudius, but frequently recurring
local famines [Claudius] justify the terms of
the prophecy. The accuracy of his prediction
respecting St. Paul (Acts xxi. 10) is also open to
criticism if pedantically examined. The " whole
world " cannot mean Judaea only, but the speedy
fulfilment of the prediction there was what con-
cerned the Christians most. This famine is that
mentioned by Josephns (Ant. xx. 2 § 6, and 5 § 2),
in which Helena of Adiabene gave generous
assistance. It is dated by Josephns in the time
of the Roman procurators Cuspius Fadus and
Tiberius Alexander, i.e. after the death of Herod
Agrippa I. An incidental notice of the same
famine (Ant. iii. 15, § 3) shows that it prevailed
in severity at the time of the Passover. That
there was no famine before Agrippa's death is
proved by the dependence of Tyre and Sidon at
that time for food supplies on the king's country'
(Acts xii. 20). Wieseler on these grounds fixes
the famine in a.d. 45, with the conjecture that
it may have gone on for some time afterwards
(see Wieseler, CAron. Ap.Zeit, pp. 156 ff.). The
other mention of Agabus (Acts xxi. 10, 11)
belongs to the last journey of St. Paul to Jem-
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58
AGAG
salem (probablj A.D. 58), He prophesies St.
Paul's arrest and delivenwce into the hands of
the Geutiles, therein repeating more circum-
stantially nn inspired warning already given by
some of the brethren at Tyre (ixi. 4). The
points to notice in Agabus are that in his case
the gift of Christian prophecy was not limited
to its usual function, the exposition of divine
truth [Prophet, Pbophets op the N. T.], but
extended to foreknowledge of events ; and,
secondly, tliat being a Jewish prophet he not
unnaturally used the symlwlic method of de-
livery habitual to Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and others
(cp. Jer. liii. 1-13> [E. R. B.]
A'GAO 03K, meaning quite uncertain , ac-
cording to Ges., from an Arabic root " to burn ; "
'Ayiy [in Sam. /. c] and Ttfry [in Num.] ; Agat)),
possibly the title of the kings of Amalek, like
Pharaoh of Egypt. The view of MIchaelis (see
(ies. Thea, s. n. JJS() that the name Ogyges was
identical with this name has been accepted by
KUrst, but is rejected by the best modem authori-
ties. One king of this name is mentioned in
.N'um. xxiv. 7, and another in 1 Sam. xv. 8, 9, 20,
32. The latter was the king of the Amalekites,
whom Saul spared together with the best of the
spoil, although it was the well-known will of
Jehovah that the Amalekites should be extir-
pated (Ex. xvii. 14; Dcut. XXV. 17). For this
act of disobedience Samuel was commissioned to
declare to Saul bis rejection, and he himself
sent for Agag and cut him in pieces, [Samuel.]
Haman is called the Aoaoite in Esther (Bob-
yeuos, iii. 1, 10, viii. 3, 5). The Jews consider
Haman a descendant of Agag, the Amalekitc, and
hence account for the hatred with which he pur-
sued their race (Jos. Ant. xi, 6, § 5,' See Specjter'a
Comm. on the Apocrypha, notes on " Additions to
Esther " xii. 6, xiii. 12> [li. W, B,] [F.]
AGAGI'TE. [AoAO.]
AG' APE. [Lord's Supper.]
A'GAR. [Haoar.]
AGABE'NES (uloX 'Kyof ; filU Agar), Bar.
iii. 23. [Haoab.]
AGATE (\2.V, thebi; nb")?, cadcid; 4x<J-
Ti)t; achates) is mentioned four times in the
text of the A. V. : viz. in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix.
12 (similarly rendered in R. V.); Is. liv. 12;
Kzek. xxvii. 16. In the two former passages,
where it is represented by the Hebrew word
shi'bo, it is spoken of as forming the second
stone in the third row of the high-priest's
brcnst-plate ; in each of the two latter places the
original word is caJcdd, by which no doubt is in-
tended a different stone (" rubies," R. V.). [RcBy.]
In Ezek. xxvii. 16, where the text has agate, the
margin has chrysoprase, whereas in the very
next chapter, Ezek. xxviii. 13, ckrysoprase occurs
in the margin instead of emerald, which is in the
text, as the translation of an entirely different
Hebrew word, nophec (^0) : this will show how
much our translators were perplexed as to the
meanings of the minerals and precious stones
mentioned in the sacred volume;* and this
uncertainty which belongs to the mineralogy of
• siee " Translators' Prettrc to the Reader," wbicb, if
found In Eyre and Spottiswoode's " Variorum " Bible,
is uot prluttd in all editions of the EngUsb' Bible— a
fact much to be regretted.
AGATE
the Bible, and indeed in numerous instances tu
its botany and zoology, is by no means a matter
of surprise when we consider how often there a
no collateral evidence of any kind that might
possibly help us, and that the derivations of the
Hebrew words have generally and necess»rilr a
very extensive signilication ; identification tben'-
fore in many cases becomes a dillicult and un-
certain matter.
Various definitions of the Hebrew word AAi
have been given by the learned, but notkiog
definite can be deduced from any one of tbrm.
Gesenius places the word under the root
ahab&h^ " to take prisoner," but allows that
nothing at all can be learned from such an
etymology.' Fried, Delitzsch (Profejj, o'ws
nexien Ilebr.-Aranu Wdrterbuch z. A, I', p. 8j)
identifies it with the Assyrian precious sUmt
called hihu. The su6tt appears to have been (Ai
precious stone (,par excellence), and the omani(Dt
of Istar, and evidently of singular brilliancy ;
probably, therefore, the diamond.
Again, we find curiously enough an interpre-
tation which derives it from another .\rabic
root, which has precisely the opposite meaning,
viz. "to be dull and obscure.'" .\DOther
derivation traces the word to the proper Dimr
Sheba, whence precious stones were exported ("T
the Tyrian merchants. Of these derivations it
is difficult to see any me.ining at all in the first,'
while a contrary one to what we should eiftci
is given to the third, for a dull-looking stone
is surely out of place amongst the glitterin;
gems which adorned the sacerdotal breastplate.
"The derivation adopted by Fried. Delitzsch is
perhaps the most plausible, even if his identib-
cation of it with the diamond be held in reserve.
That ahebo, however, does stand for some variety
of agate seems generally agreed upon by com-
mentators, for, as Rosenmiiller has observeJ
(Schol. in Exod. xxviii. 19), there is a wonderful
agreement amongst interpreters,' who all under-
stand an agate by the term.
Our English agate, or achat, derives its n-inie
from the Achates, the modern Dirillo, in the Val
di Noto, in Sicily, on the banks of whiclu ac-
cording to Theophrastus and Pliny, it was first
found ;< but as agatea are met with in almwt
every country, this stone was doubtless from the
earliest times known to the Orientals. It is a
silicious stone of the quartz family, and is met
with generally in rounded nodules, or in veins
in trap-rocks ; specimens are often found on the
sea-shore, and in the beds of streams, the rocb
in which they had been imbedded having been
■> njlC'i eaptioum fecit, Gcsen. Theaaur, s. v.
« Camp. Gollus, Arab. Lex. ^ ■■-■- ezartit.
1^\ (viU.
' 13B> ; cf. Freytag, Arab. Lci.
conj. of jju*»), obfcura, ambigua/uit rts alicui.
• " Sed liocc nibll factunt ad detcgendam ejus natunm."
— Braun. tU Vfst. Sacerd. Jlcbrator. II. c. iv. $ i.
' \2^f " «*«! achatem, sails probabile est, qunm
mtrus In boo laplde Interpretum sit consensus." Vlti-
Braun. V. S. 11. c. xv. i HI.
a KoAbf 6« \idoi Kol 6 '.\;);an)t o avb nv '.Vxatv'.'
mrafLOv tov iv 2cK<A(f kcu irtwAftrai Tt^un.— Thcopu.
». II. 31, ed. Schneider, and Plln. xxxvU. Mj LilMn-
graphie Sicilitnnf, Naples, 17T7, p. 16.
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AGE, OLD
jMomposed by the elements, when the agates |
lure dioppeJ out. Some of tlie principal
nirieties are called chalcedony, from Chalcedon
ia Asia Minor, where it is found; camelian,
dirtjsoprtm, an apple-green variety coloured by
uiide cf nickel ; Mocha-stoTKS, or mosa agate,
which owe their dendritic or tree-Iilie markings
to the imperfect crystallization o^ the colouring
salts of manganese or iron, onyx-itones, blood-
stones, &C. iipecimena of the art of engraving
on cialcedony are found in the tombs of Egypt,
Aayria, Etmria, &c* [W. H.] [H. W. T.]
AGE, OLD. In early stages of civilization,
when eiperience is the only aourcc of practical
knowledge, old age has its special value, and
consequently its special honours. The Spartans,
the Athenians, and the Romans were particular
in showing respect to the aged, and the Egyp-
tians had a regulation which has its exact
parallel in the Bible (Herod, ii. 80 ; Lev. xix. 32).
Cnder a patriarchal form of government such a
feeling was still more deeply implanted. A
farther motive was superadded in the case of
the Jew, who was taught to consider old age as
a reward for piety, and a signal token of God's
fsvoar (Gen. iv. 1 o). For these reasons the
agtd occupied a prominent place in the social
.ind political system of the Jews. In private
life they were looked up to as the depositaries
cf knowledge (Job xv. 10): by the law of
Moses the young were ordered to rise up in
their presence (Lev. lix. 32; cp. Is. iii. 5):
they allowed them to give their opinion first
(Job iiiii. 4) : they were taught to regard
grey hairs as a " crown of glory " and as the
"keautyof old men"(Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 29).
The wke old man was the representative on
«arth of " the ancient of days " (Dan. vii. 9,
'-•); his company and counse\ were to be
soaght and his example followed (Prov. xvi. 31,
uiii. 20; Dent, xxxii. 7; 1 K. xii. 13-19;
Ectlns. ii. 10, iii. 15, vi. 33). The attainment
of old age was regarded as a special blessing
(Job T. 26), not only on account of the pro-
longed enjoyment of life to the individual, but
ilso because it indicated peaceful and prosperous
times (Zech. viii. 4 ; 1 Mac xiv. 9 ; la. Ixv. 20).
la ptthlic aSsiirs age carried weight with it,
"ipecially in the infancy of the state : it formed
nnder Moses the main qualification of those
wlio acted as the representatives of the people in
^I matters of dUIiculty and deliberation. The
•M men or Elders thus became a class, and the
title gradually ceased to convey the notion of
>p, and was used in an 'official sense, like
Pttres, Senatores, and other similar terms.
[Eu>Kl!.s.] Still it would be but natural that
sach an office was generally held by men of
*iTMK»l age (1 K. xii. 8). [W. L B.]
In the American edition of this work, some
stiits it laid upon the distinction between irpccr-
8vn)s and wptirfiirrtpos. The former is always
>pplied to age (cp., in the case of Zerharias, Luke
i- 18X the latter generally to rank or office, if
«lso office Qsaally dependent upon age (Cremer,
BH.-Theol. WSrterb. s. v.). But the distinction
OB hardly be pressed into the question of deter-
' Compare «ith this Ex. xxxvlU. 23: "And with
Us> xn Aboliab, son of Ahisamacb, of the tribe of Dan, |
n engraver and a cunning workman ; " and cb. xxxlx. 8,
"Aid be made U>e breastplate of cunning work."
AGEICULTURE
59
mining the age of St. Paul (Philemon, v.
i>=-Tpf<r$vrris) so long as able critics (c.j. Bp.
Lightfoot) translate ''ambassador" instead of
" the aged " (A. V. and R. V. Uxt). In the
0. T. the Patriarch Jacob's reBections upon life
as he looked back upon it in his old age (Gen.
xlvli. 9), and in the N. T. the Saviour's descrip-
tion of what should mark the old age of St. Peter
(John xxi. 18), have always been recognised as
passages truthful and pathetic. The honour
paid by Pharaoh to Jacob is illustrated by the
Agadistic saying, " He who receives a greyhaired
man and seeks out the aged, has at the same time
sought out and received God " (Hambiirger, SE.-
s. V. " Alter," who gives many Talmudical expan-
sions of the Biblical texts referred to above);
while the refusal of this honour intimated in
the words of Christ is deepened ' iu pathos by
that saying which affirms that one of the marks
of the lost days would be found in the despising
the authority of the elders, in the mockery of
the greyhaired by children, and in the standing
up of the aged before the young (see Riehm,
B WB., s. n. " Alter "). [F.]
A'GEE (MJK, Ges. from the Arabic, /u^t'd'cr.
Fiirst compares the name *iyt\oi [2 Tim. i. 15] :
B. 'A<ri ; A. 'AtocE : Ape). A Hararite, father of
Shammah, one of David's three mightiest heroes
(2 Sam. xxiii. 11). In the Peshito he is called
"Ago of the king's mountain," the epithet being
given as explaining **nn, mountaineer. Cp.
Targ. " of the mountain." [W. A. W.] [F.]
AGGAE'XJS ('A77«wt ; Aggaeua), 1 Esd. vi.
1, vii. 3 ; 2 Esd. i. 40. [Haooai.] [F.]
AGRICULTURE. This, though prominent
in the scriptural narrative concerning Adam,
Cain, and Noah, was little cared for by the
Patriarchs; more so, however, by Isaac and
Jacob than by Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 12 ; xxxvii.
7), in whose time, probably, if we except the
lower Jordan valley (xiii. 10), there was little
regular culture in Canaan. Thus Gerar and
Shechem seem to have been cities where pastoral
wealth predominated. The herdmen strove with
Isaac about his wells; about his crop there was no
contention (xxvi. 14-22 ; cf. xxi. 25). In Joshua's
time, as shown by the story of the " Kshcol "
(Num. xiii. 23-4), Canaan was found in a much
more advanced agricultural state than Jacob had
led it (Deut. viii. 8), resulting probably from
the severe experience of famines, and the exam-
ple of Egypt, to whicli its people were thus led.
The pastoral life was the means of keeping the
sacred race, whilst yet a family, distinct from
mixture and locally unattached, especially whilst
in Egypt. When, grown into a nation, they
conquered their future seats, agriculture sup-
plied a similar check on the foreign intercourse
and speedy demoralization, especially as regards
idolatry, which commerce would have caused.
Thus agriculture became the basis of the Mosaic
commonwealth (Michaelis, xxxvii.-xli.). It
tended to check also the frcebooting and nomad
life, and made a numerous oS'spring profitable,
as it was already honourable by natural senti-
ment and by law. Thus, too, it indirectly dis-
couraged slavery, or, where it existed, made the
slave somewhat like a son, though it made the
son also somewhat of a slave. Taken in con-
nexion with the inalienable character of inherit-
ances, it gave each man and each family a
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CO
AGRICULTURE
AGRlCULTURIi
stake in the soil and nurtured a hardy patriutisni.
"The land ii Mine " (Lev. xxv. 23) wa« a dictum
which made agriculture likewise the basis of
the theocratic relation; so that it becomes a
charge against the apostate people, " Ye deKled
My land " (Jer. ii. 7). Thus every family felt
its own life with intense keenness, and had its
divine tenure which it was to guard from aliena-
tion. The prohibition of culture in the sabba-
tical year formed, under this aspect, a kind of
rent reserved by the Divine owner ; or rather
perhaps the soil reverted then to Him and to
the poor as His representatives. Landmarks
were de^;ned sacred (Deut. xix. 14), and the
inalienability of the heritage was ensured by its
reversion to the owner in the year of jubilee ;
«o that onlv so many years of occupancy could
be sold (Lev. xxv. 8-16, 23-35). The prophet
Isaiah (v. 8) denounces the contempt of such
restrictions by wealthy grandees who sought to
" add field to field," erasing families and depopu-
lating districts.
A change in the climate of Palestine, caused
by increase of population and the clearance of
trees, must have taken place before the period
of the N. T. A further change caused by the
decrease of skilled agricultural labour, e.g. in
irrigation and terrace-making, has since ensued.
Not only this, but the great variety of elevation
and local character in so small a compass of
country necessitates a partial and guarded ap-
plicntioo of general remarks (Robinson, i. 507,
553, 554, iii. 595 ; Stanley, S. 4 P. 119, 124-6).
Yet wherever industry is secure, the soil still
asserts its old fertility. The Haardn (Peraea)
is as fertile as Damascus, and its bread enjoys
the highest reputation. The black and fat, but
iight, soil about Gaza is said to hold so much
moisture as to be very fertile with little rain.
Here, as in the neighbourhood of Bcyrut, is a
vast olive-ground, ami the very sand of the shore
is said to be fertile if watered. Thus the " land
<if corn and wine, of bread and vineyards," is its
description (Is. xixvi. 17). The Israelites pro-
bably found in Canaan a fair proportion of
woodland, which their necessities, owing to the
<liscouragement of commerce, must have led
them to reduce (Josh. xvii. 18). But even in
«arly times timlwr seems to have been far less
used for building material than among Western
nations ; such parts as beams, rafters, doors, &c.
were, however, indis|iensably of timber (Cant. i.
17; viii. 9). In Solomon's time the Israelites
were not skilful hewers, and imported both the
timber and the workmen (1 K. r. 6, 8). No
store of wood-fuel seems to have been kept ;
ovens were heated with such things as dung and
liay (Ezek. iv. 12, 15; Mai. iv. 1, 3) [Dung];
thorns and stubble fully dry are often spoken of
as fuel, unless, as is possible, the allusion may
sometimes be to burning them to ashes to use as
manure (Is. xxxiii. 1 1 ; Joel ii. 5 ; Obad. 18 ;
Xah. i. lU) ; and in any case of sacrifice on an
emergency, some, as we should think, unusual
source of supply is constantly mentioned for the
wood (1 Sam. vi. 14 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22 ; 1 K. xix.
21 ; comp. Gen. xxii. .3, 6, 7). All this indicates
a non-abundance of timber. Against this may
lie set the poetical pictures derived from nature
in which magnificent timber-trees supply the
imagery, as to Ezekiel (xxxi. 14), for nations
nourishing in their pride. Such are called
'• trees by the waters." Such a ceJar ii the
Assyrian with " rivers rnnning round about his
plants," meaning perhaps mountain torrents of
the I^banon (ib. 4) ; an elevated sylvan region
which, with Carmel, &c., furnished prophnii;
ty|>es alike of national glory and of its decline
(Is. XXXV. 2 ; xxxiii. 9). Again, " the trees ot
the wood mifred by the wind " is the imsgt
used to describe unanimous iwpular feeling (Is.
vii. 2). The felling of timber, especially of thf
choicer kinds, finds a leading place amidst hos-
tile ravages (Is. vii. 24, xiv. 8, ixxvii. 24;
Jer. xxii. 7) ; while the culture of such trees,
assisted by special irrigation, is represented as a
pursuit of the royal voluptuary in Eccles. ii. li.
So " the forest and every tree " is called on lor
acclamations of joy (Is. iliv. 23 ; Iv. \1).
Forests on fire, perlia|)S by lightning or spon-
taneous combustion in excessive drought, are
also spoken of (Is. ix. 18; Jer. xxi. 14; fizA.
xix. 14, xx. 47 ; Joel i. 18-20). More especially
the olive-groves were liable to such accidentt
(Jer. xi. 16 ; cf. the well-known pa.ssage, Virg.
Georg. ii. 303 foil.). It seems likely also that
the prevalence of idolatry may have given en-
couragement to the planting and cherishing ol
timber, especially the nobler sorts, both as s
material for the idol, when felled, and a canocf.
for the altar while standing (Is. xliv. 14, pv
xl. 20; Jer. x. 3). Vet on the whole the allu-
sions suggest that trees were scarce and deemeil
a valuable property, and even catalogued as
such : see Is. x. 19, and compare the mention of
the " trees " in Abraham's purchase (Gen. xiiii.
17). The spontaneous outburst of the choicest
regetatioQ in the desert, and the displacement of
its rude and stunted growths by that means, is
a vivid image of spiritual revival (Is. xli. 19:
Iv. 13). The contrary process, viz. the laml
once tilled left to "briers and thorns" (Is. vii.
2.3-25), or reverting to pasturage of cattle (21,
22), marks the result of hostile ravages. To
such a thorny state the soil speedily relapscil
when neglected (Jer. iv. 3 ; Hos. x. 4) or left
fallow. Thus " thorns " imply by their presencr
slovenly husbandry, or total failure of ho|ieful
produce (Jer. xii. 13). The word which mostly
occurs in such contrasts is V^. The thorn
used for fences is D*|V or il^^DD (Job r. 5 ;
Prov. XV. 19; Mic. vii. 4); and' this, or the
occasional arming of a rude harrow, seenis
(besides fuel, Eccles. vii. 6) the only use for
them [Thorns and Thiotles]. The three
grades of Is. xxxii. 15, the wilderness, the fruit-
ful field, and the forest, rising from sparse t"
thick vegetation, are noteworthy ; also the
gradual return to culture after desolation by
the enemy in xxivii. 30. The image of exube-
rant fertility from barrenness (Is. ixxv. 1), "the
desert, . .shall blossom as the rose," is certainly
a mistranslation, though what plant the woril
n>^3n (like its Assyrian equivalent hcii(a)sil-
latn [cp. Fried. Delitzsch, JPrdegg. einet iKW»
ffebr.-Amm. WSrierbitchs z. A. T., p. 81, &c.])
actually represents seems at present uncertain.
Cp. R. V. marg. in Is. xxxv. 1 ; Cant. iL 1,
aiUitmn crocus.
Productiveness seems nearly measured by
abundance of moisture, the exuberance of which
as streams in the desert is a lively image of
prophecy, whereas that of destrnctire flo<ds is
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AGRICULTURE
c(nn|nn)tir«lT rare. The prccariousness «f tlio
sorfwe brooks from mountain snow is noticed
(Job ri. 15-18). Marshes and swamps were
howerer linown in the land of Uz, drier probably
than Palestine (Job riii. 11: cf. Is. xixr. 7;
E«k. ilrii. 1 1). " Sowing by the brooks " occurs
both as characteristic of tgypt (Is. xix. 7) and
(CtDenllj, and is perhaps alluded to in the figura-
tjn exhortation, "Cast thy bread upon the
waters "(Eccles. xi. 1). Its plenty of water from
natnnl sources made Canaan a contrast to rain-
less Egypt (Deut. viii. 7 ; xi. 10-1'J). Xor was
the peculiar Egyptian method alludinl to in
Ueut. xi. 10 nnknown. though less preraluut in
I'alutine. That peculiarity seems to have con-
.'^sted in making in the fields square shallow beds,
like our salt-pans, surrounded by a raised border
of earth to keep in the water, which was then
tomed from one square to another by pushing
aside the mad to open one and close the next
with the foot. A very similar method is appa-
rently described by Robinson as used, especially
for garden regetables, in Palestine. Trees,_
especially fruit trees, planted by the water-side,
bnt also willows (grown perhaps to protect the
stream itself by their shade, as well as for other
uses), are a common image. Irrigation (in-
cluding under the term all appliances for making
the water available) was as essential as drainage
ia this land ; and for this the large extent of
rocky surface, easily excavated for cisterns and
•Incts, was most useful. The spring-water
jopply varies greatly in different districts. In
Mme it abounds. Thus the Beisan (Bashan)
[ilain has over thirty good springs, and the
rtjion of Kablou* (Samaria) about seventy. The
■N'egeb extends round Beerahebo, and both in its
•-itent and in the meaning of the term ("dry
land") is nearly equivalent to the district of
l>aroma. Its " upper and nether springs "
(Jodg. i. lo) arise from the hnrd limestone for-
mation in the N.W. comer of the region ;
throaghout the rest of the Negeb area the water
it from cisterns. The number of these in the
•Irier regions of Palestine shows the dependence
tiien as now to have been on storing the rainfall,
while the geological structure forbids the sup-
position that springs once existing are now dried
up (Surrey of Western Palestine, S[>ecial Papers,
p. 198). Even the plain of Jericho is watered,
Dot by canals from the Jordan, since the river
lies below the land, but by rills converging from
the mountains. In these features of the country
lay its expansive resources to meet the wants
of a multiplying population. The lightness of
ngricnltural labour in the plains set free an
abaiid.ince of hands for the t-nsk of terracing and
watering; and the result gave the highest
ttimolus to industry. The ruins of the great
Uak at Ziza still remain to illustrate the whole
•ystem of irrigation (cp. Tristram, Land of
ifoA, p. 185). Dew is also to be set to the
»oioHat of water-supply [Dew]. It is some-
times a figure for bright young foliaijc, c.i/.
"Thy dew is as the dew of herbs " (Is. xxvi. 19).
The cereal crops of constant mention are
*heat and barley, and more rarely spelt and
I'llet. " Rye " appears to be an error of the
.*. V. [Rye and Fitches]. Of wheat and barley
■antion is made in the Book of Job, together
oith the vine, olive, and fig. the use of ii-rigation,
"» plough and the harrow (xv. 33 ; xxiv, 6 ;
AGRICULTURE Gl
xxix. 6 ; xxxi. 40 ; xxxix. 10). The " fitches " of
Is. xxviii. 25, 27, appejirs to be the black poppy ;
that of Ezek. iv. 9 to be spelt. This poppy, with
cummin and such {lodded plants as beans and
lentiles, may be named among the staple pro-
duce. To these, later writers add a great variety
of garden plants, e.g. kidney-beans, peas, lettuce,
endive, leek, garlic, onion, melon, cucumber,
cabbage, iic. (Mishna, Celaim. 1, 2). The term
"garden of herbs," lit. of verdure (Deut. xL
10, &c., and so " dinner of herbs," Prov. xv.
17), probably means a kitchen garden [Garden].
The word for herbs regularly domesticated for
man's use is 3^{^ (Ps. civ. 14). Wild esculents
analogous to them are rather niN (2 K. iv. 39 ;
Is. xxvi. 19). But the former stands for " herbs
of the mountains " in Prov. xivii. 25. For the
" bitter herbs " eaten with the Paschal Lamb, see
Passover, ii. 3 (c). All such growths depended
on a ready and copious water-supply (Deut. xi.
10; Is. Iviii. 11). The produce which formed
Jacob's present was of such kinds ns would keep,
and had kept during the famine (Gen. xliii. 11).
The Jewish calendar, as fixed by the three
great festivals, turned on the seasons of green,
ripe, and fully-gathered produce. Thus we see
traces of a natural calendar in Is. xviii. S,
" Afore the harvest, when the bud is perfect and
the sour grape is ripening in the flower ; " the
processes of growth marking the seasons which
develop them. Hence, if the season waa back-
ward, or, owing to the imperfections of a non-
astronomical reckoning, seemed to be so, a month
was intercalated. This rude system was fondly
retained long after mental progress and foreign
intercourse placed a correct calendar within their
power; to that notice of a Ve-<idar, i.e. second
or intercalated Adar, on account of the Iambs
being not yet of paschal size, and the barley not
forward enough for the Abib (green sheaf), was
sent to the Jews of Babylon and Egypt (Ugol.
de Re Jtust. v. 22) early in the season [Year].
The year, ordinarily consisting of twelve
months, was divided into six agricultural |)eriad»
as follows (7'os(i/)Ata Taanith, ch. 1): —
I. Sowixc Tiuc.
ibcginnfng about \
Tlsrl, latter hair ^ autumnal I
I equinox JEarly rain due.
Morchesvan I
Ka«leu, former half '
II. Ukbipe Time.
Ka»len, latter half.
Tebeth.
Sliebatb, former half.
III. CtoU) Season.
Sbebatb, latter half \
^,'!".", lutter rain due.
[\ e-adar] f
Klsan, former lialf j
IV. Harvest Tiiik.
f Beginning alMut
N-lsan. latter half l vernal equinox.
j Barley green.
I Passover.
IJar.
SIvan. former half (Wheat ripe.
t Pentecost.
V. SncvEit.
Slran, latter half.
Tamuz.
Ab, former half.
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AGRICULTURE
VI. ScLTUT Season.
All, Utter b»lf.
Elul.
Tisri, former half Ingitberlng of fraita.
Thus the six months from mid Tisri to mid
Nisan were mainly occupied with the process of
cultivation, nnd the rest with the gathering of
the fruits. Rain was commonly expected soon
after the autumnnl equinox or mid Tisri ; and if
by the first of Kasleu none had fallen, a fast
was proclaimed (Mishnn, Taanith, ch. 1). The
common scriptural expressions of the " early **
and the "latter rain" (Deut. xi. 14 ; Jer. v. 24;
Hos. vi. 3 ; Zech. x. 1 ; James v. 7) arc scarcely
confirmed by modem experience, the season of
rains being unbroken (Robinson, i. 41, 429 ;
iii. 96), nor did the Jews probably regard these
as separate rainy seasons. From the Mishna
(ybi sup.) the seasons at the d.ite of its being
compiled (about 200 A.D.) seem to have not per-
ceptibly differed from their course at the pre-
sent time ; when " rain, in an ordinarily good
year, falls first at the autumiuil equinox,
during November frequent thunderstorms occur,
and about Christmas the weather is generally
stormy. In January the heaviest rains fall, and
in February sometimes none at all, but the
weather is never settled until after the vernal
equinox, and the early April showers are past.
From May to September no rain falls except
generally one heavy shower in June or July"
(Survey of Western Palestine, Special Papers,
p. 196). ".\s a rule the seasons occur in a
cvcle, becoming yearly wetter and wetter for a
certain period, then growing drier and drier till
a year of drought arrives" (ib. p. 197). The
average rainfall may now be put at " about
2.5 in. a year " (ib.). The consternation caused
by the failure of the former rain is depicted
in Joel i. ii. ; and that Prophet seems to
promise that and the latter rain together " in
the first month," i.e. Nisan (ii. 23). Thus the
failure of rain "when there were yet three
months to the harvest " (Amos iv. 7) would be
equivalent to destroying the hopes of the crop.
The same Prophet, echoing Lev. xxvi. 5, says
(ix. 13), "The plowman shall overtake the
reaper, and the treader of grajies him that soweth
seed." The lost clause suggests that extremes
shall meet, but the LXX. has the first clause
otherwise,* yet not so as to reconcile it with the
second. Exuberant produce leaving a balance
over on the year is probably intended ; cp. " Ye
shall eat old store and bring forth the old
because of the new" (Lev. xxvi. 10). The
ancient Hebrews had little notion of green or
root-crops grown for fodder, nor was the long
summer drought suitable for them. Barley
supplied food both to man and beast, although
less esteemed for the former [Barlky] ; and the
plant, called in Ezek. iv. 9 " millet," }rn, Holcua
Jochna, Linn. (Gesenius), but by some identified
with the Sorgfnim vxUgare, modem dourrha
[Millet], was grazed white green, and its ripe
grain made into bread. lo the later period of
• KaroAiii^rrat o OMnrbt Ti>v 7fniyrir6v. koa WfpKwti
i) irro^Ai) Iv Tiji ffiripu, Is the LXX. (T.') here. '• The
• luster shall turn purple In the ■owlnK-time'* is the
otrict sense of the lost clause; which approximately
accords with the above, hut yet suggests a variation In
the Hebrew from which it came.
AGRICULTURE
more advanced irrigation the ]TUT\, "Fmu-
greek," occurs, also the T\1J^', a clover, nppa-
rently, given cut (Peak, v. 5). Mowing (tS.
Amos vii. 1 ; Ps. Ixxii. 6) and gatherini; har
[Hay] were familiar processes, but the i.itter
had no express word, unless CTC'n ("chaiT"io
A. V.) bo such ; TV", rendered " hay " in A. V.
(e.g. Is. XV. 6), being properly grass (R. V.).
The absence of any haymaking process is a
token of a hot climate, where the grass m.iy
become hay as it stands.
The produce of the land, besides fruit from
trees, was technically distinguished as DKISn,
including apparently all cereal plants, nVJCp
((juicqnid in sitiqtiis nascitur, Buxt. Lex.), nearly
equivalent to the Latin Icgutnen, and D'JUTIt or
rU'3 '31inT, semtna horlensia (since the former
word alone was used also generically (or all
seed, including all else which was liable to tithe,
for which purpose the distinction seems to
have existed). The plough was probably lite
the EgyptLin (see fig. 2), and the process of
ploughing mostly very light, like that called
ac'iriricatio by the Romans (" Syria tenui snlco
arat," Plin. xviii. 47), one yoke of oxen mostly
sufficing to draw it. Such is still used in Asia
Minor, nnd its parts are shown in the accom-
panying drawing : a is the pole to which the
tob^^
Ttg. 1.— Platuh, Ae., u aUn nwd In AiU nnor. (Prom F«QoWi
Jila Xiaor.)
cross beam with yokes (6) is attached ; c, the
share; d, the handle; e represents three modes
of arming the share, and / is a gond with a
scraper at the other end, probably for cleansing
the share. The following terms denote the tools
of Hebrew husbandry :— Plough-share, riK; the
verb to plough is ^hn,^ but there is no word for
the entire plough ; yoke, DTO. H^piO and ^
[Yoke]; mattock,' I^SO. ntpTO n??inDi
the last two akin to the above verb, and one,
perhaps, meaning " plough-share," or more pro-
bably the metallic beak which armed it, of
which three forms arc given (fig. 1, «) above : —
sickle, ViyVf in Deut., and 7jD in Jer. and
■> Also 2}\ but rare, found only tn lis pattldple
D'5JV. ploughmen (a K. xxv. 12 j Jer. 111. 16).
« In 2 Chron. xxxiv, 6, Joxlah Is said to have destroyed
all false altars, kc., in various places, '* with their mat-
tocks round about." The Hebrew text is doubtfoL
The Kerl is Dn'n3"in3i which may possibly denote
some sharp instmments akin to y\n, sword, or, if
otherwise pointed (Dcrtbeau, Kel), R. V.). •■ In their
ruins ; *' but the LXX. has ef roit r6mit aifriiv levKXtf,
following poesibly a different original fVom our Hebrew,
but alio possibly rendering the same looeely.
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AGEICULTUBE
.Icfl; go»d, J^l'l;* three-pronged fork, CvC'
p!;7(3*j axe, DTIj?; threshing sledge, 3110, as
aboTe; also f^m (Is. ili. 15), which is properly
;ui epithet of ynO (Gescn.), and appears as
pn (2 Sam. lii. 31 ; 1 Ch. xi. 3 ; " harrow,"
X v., Amo« i. 3) as a cruel instrument of
eiecation. To harrow' is TJ^, but no cor-
responding noun occurs ; for vine-dressers the
l>nuiing hook, n*1tpT9 > for the shovel and fan,
see fig. 15 and paragraph above it. Mountains
.ind steep places were worked with the mattock
<Is. Tii. 2j ; Maimon. ad J/tsAn. vi. 2 ; Robinson,
lii. 595, 602-3). The breaking np of new land
was performed, a< with the Romans, tere novo.
Such new ground and fallows, the use of which
Utter was familiar to the Jews (Jer. iv. 3;
AGEICULTUBE
63
Hos. X. 12), were cleared of stones and of thorns
(Is. V. 2 ; Gemara Jfierosol. ad loc.) early in the
year, sowing or gathering from " among thorns"
being a proverb for slovenly husbandry (Job v.
5 ; Prov. xxiv. 30, 31 ; Robinson, ii. 127).
Virgin land was ploughed a second time. The
proper words are "Vi. 11135, aperire, proscindcre,
and n^E', offringcre, i.e. iterare vt frangantur
glebae (by cross ploughing, used also of harrow-
ing), Varr. dc Ji. Ii. i. 32 ; both the latter are
distinctively used Is. xxviii. 24. We find in
1 K. xix. 19, twelve ploughs, apparently going
on the same ground, some of which may have
repeated the process of others and reduced the
ground to a fiuer' tilth, aresult especially needed
where the agency of frost in pulverizing the
soil cannot, by reason of climate, be relied upon.
The importance of the operation, on which all
fiff. t.— EfTpttanploacUiif ■Bdmrias. (WtOdvmm, Tombt tif Iku Kingt~-Thebm.)
sDbseqnent onei depend, called for the presence | li. 5). Land already tilled was plonghed before
nt' the master. Thus Elisha is actually present the rains, that the moisture might the better
" «ith the twelfth " plough, and so Saul comes
from the field after the plough-cattle (1 Sam.
penetrate (Maimon. ap. ITgoI. de He Rust. v. 11).
Rain, however, or irrigation (Is. xxxii. 20), prc-
Vt-t BiiHliiwllin tott«pmfai.wli«aiownlntb«mM, »n«rlh»w«Urhmnb«ld«d. (WDklsKn, Toala, seu- the Frnmldi.)
Tht Ucravlrpbic void «bora, ai or akat. il^flM " tillage." and U followed bj the demotutrative ilsii, a plough.
pwed the soil for the sowing (Ps. Ixv. 10, 11),
.!< may be inferred from the prohibition to
'iTigate till the gleaning was over, lest the poor
>l)oald suffer {Peah, v. 3) ; and sncb sowing
* Also TfrfyQ, Jadgea Ul. 31, the weapon of Shamgar.
T ; -
^.V« may ooi\Jecture this to have been longer as having
•fwtte Amctkm in goldlng(^D^) the cattle (cf. Wisd.
-T
Mrrlil. 2S), and therefore analogous to a spear. But
*^TI Is the more common word (1 Sam. xUl. 21 ; Eccles.
itt'll plnr. -.ep. Acta Ix. 5, xxvt. U).
• The text here is suspicious.
'In Hoa. I. 11 is a flguratlre passage, "I will put
F-T^ifauB in the wain, Judah shall plough, Jacob shall
'«™« fcr himself," where A. V. his wrongly, " I will
'!'«i« Epbrahs to ride" [B. V. "I wUl set a rider on
Ej*r»tii "]. The reference Is clearly to a beast fastened
"'theptmigh.
often took place without previous ploughing, the
seed, as in the parable of the sower, being
scattered broadcast, and ploughed in afterwards,
the roots of the late crop being so far decayed
as to serve for manure (Fellows, Asia Minor,
p. 72). The regulation declaring " any sowing
seed which is to be sown" clean, althongh a
carcase came in contact with it, refers to the
dryness of seed kept for that purpose; as is
plain from the context, declaring seed which has
been wetted to l>e, under the same circumstances,
" unclean " (Lev. xi. 37, 38). There may be a
reference here to the fact that wheat was sown
in wetted furrows (Jahn, Archaeol. i. p. 361 ;
cf. Ps. Ixv. 10). The soil was then brushed
over with a light harrow, often of thorn bushes.
In highly irrigated spots the seed was trampled
in by cattle (Is. xxxii. 20), as ih Egypt by
goats (see fig. 3). Sometimes, however, th*
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64
AGBICOLTUHE
sowing was hj patches only in well-manured
spots, a field so treated being called ISJD, der.
103, pardiu, from its spotted appearance, as
shown in the accompanjing drawing by Suren-
TiS' 4.— Com-gTOwliig la iMtchai.
(SnrenLniitu.)
hnsius to illustrate the )Iishna. Where the soil
was heavier, the ploughing was best done dry
("dum sicca tellure licet," Virg. Oeorg. i. 214) ;
and there, though not generally, the sarritio
(nni?, der. Tiy, to cleanse), and even the
liratio of Roman husbandry, performed with
tabulae affixed to the sides of the share, might
be useful. But the more formal routine of
heavy Western soils must not be made the
standard of such a naturally fine tilth as that of
Palestine generally. "Sunt enim regionuni
propria munera, sicut Aegypti ct Africae, in
<|uibus agricola post sementem ante messem
segetem non attingit ... in iis autem locis ubi
ilesideratur sarritio," &c. (Columella, ii. 2.) The
phrases " furrows of her plantation . , . furrows
where it grew " (Ezek. ivii. 7, 10) are mislead-
ing. nVlTl?, rendered here by A. V. " furrows,"
means either " raised beds," or, more probably
(Gesen. a. v.), " espaliers." During the rains,
if not too heavy, <or between their showers,
would be the best time for these operations;
thus seventy days before the Passover was the
time prescribed for sowing for the " wave-sheaf,"
and probably, therefore, for that of barley gene-
rally. The oxen were urged on by a goad like a
spear (see above, fig. 1 /, and note '). The
custom of watching ri|>ening crops and tbresh-
ing-fioors against theft or damage (Robinson, i.
490; ii. 18, 83, 99) is certainly ancient (Job
xxvii. 18; Is. i. 8) [Cuccmbers]. Thus the
besieging host are compared to the " keepers of
a field . . . round about " the citv to watch it
(Jer. iv. 17). The " cottage," the "" removal " of
which is a type of rajjid eflacement in Is. xxiv.
20, is probably a field-bed or hammock for such
a keeper (Delitzsch, in loco). Thus Boaz slept
in the floor "at the end of the heap of corn,"
riD]1V, made by depositing thereon the sheaves
or shocks from the harvest field (Ruth iii. 4, 7).
Barley ripened a week or two before wheat, and
as fine harvest weather was certain (Prov.
xxvi. 1; 1 Sam. xii. 17; Amos iv. 7), the crop
rhicfly varied with the quantity of timely rain.
The period of harvest must always have differed
according to elevation, aspect, &c. (Robinson, i.
4.10, 551). The proportion of harvest gathered
to seed sown was often vast : a hundred-fold is
mentioned, but in such a way as to signify that
it was a limit rarely attained (Gen. xxvi. 12;
JIatt. xiii. 8). These natural tendencic! were
counteracted by seasons of drought which utterly
prostrated for a while the energies of the jwople
[Famine]. These, with their results, are often
described in pathetic passages by the prophets
(Jer. xiv. 2M3, et al.). A withering effect is also
ascribed to the wind from the desert, or east
AGBICULTURE
wind (Gen. .\li. 6; Is. xxi. 1; Ezek. xii. 12;
Hos. xiii. 15). A variety of insect plagues,
some threatened in Dent, xxviii. 38, 39, ud
fully realised in the descriptions of subsequcDt
pra)ihets, caused at times such fearful ravages
OS to paralyse agriculture fur a time [Cati:b-
PILLAR ; LoCDST ; Palmgbworu]. Amos iv. 9
briefly touches this, but the locta classictis is
Joel i. ii. The fig-tree white and bare of bark,
the field wasted, the land mourning, the beasts
groaning, the thick cloud of insect swanu.-.
ilarkcning the sky, are some of his details.
Besides these, some more occult agency rots tlie
seed in tlic barns, withers the corn, and sears
the pastures with flame, thus completing tiie
picture of destruction from the Almighty, and
of human misery in consequence.
The rotation of crops, familiar to the Egyptians,
can hardly have been unknown to the Hebrew;.
Sowing a field with divers seeds was forbidden
(Dent. xxii. 9), and minute directions are given
by the Rabbis for arranging a seeded surface with
Fl(. 7.— Sowinf. (Snnnliiitfai.)
great variety, yet avoiding juxtaposition of
heterogenea. Such arrangements are shown ia
the annexed drawings. Three furrows* interval
was the prescribed margin (Celaim, ii. 6). The
blank spaces in fig. 5, a and i, represent such
margins, tapering to save ground. In a vine-
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AGBICULTUBE
jnrd wiJc spaces wore often left between the
vinM, for whose roots a radius of four cubits
irsi allowed, and the rest of the space cropped :
to herb-gardens stood in the midst of Tine/ards
AGBICULTUBE
65
llf. 9.~Bamiat. (SBnttbMlDf.)
(ftuA, T. 5> Fig. 9 shows a corn-field with olires
ihoot and amidst it. Such an arrangenient was
probably that of the Philistine field, into which
Simjon sent his " foies," which " burnt up both
■^^'^SESfSSSiSrSS
yif. 9.--Cafii4Wld with OUtM. (Snrobiulaa.)
tbe shocks and also the standmg com with the
Tintjsrds and oliTea " (Judg. it. 5).«
The wheat, &c., was reaped by the sickle,
or the ean merely were gathered by hand (so
(WlOdaaoo, TattrnfOit Ki»it—ru^.)
^rtapeth the ears with his arm," Is. irii. 5)
in the " Picenian " method (Job ixiv. 24 ; Varr.
''' Se Suit. i. 50) ; or the stalk was cut in our
^' H— ?tiXB7 QpUiB dooTA by Uie roou. {WUklDson, ii( *ii;'r>(
' neairariion " as a torch of fire in a sheaf (Zcch.
^' <) is perbaps an allusion to this, as an Image of
^MaOe hsToc; we Esod. x>U. e, where damages
•Wat mch migchief are decreed.
*ttU5 DKT. — VOL. I.
method, or the plant was pulled from the roots
(Peah, T. 10). Unless the first method was
followed, it was bound in sheaves — a process
prominent in Scripture, and described bv
peculiar words, D}>H and ipp, the sheaf itself
being TO^S (I's. cxxvi. 6) or I^V (Lev. ixiii.
10), and a shock or pile of such t5'n| (Job v. 26),
^smm
I \*,-''
^m
i\\^i
'«fl
Fi;;. 12.— Ik'spinp. (Sareiilmaioji.)
whereas the sUnding com is TVf\> (Ei. iiii. 5)
— or heaped, nW31p7, in the form of a helmet,
or niKDD137 of a turban (of which, how-
ever, see another explanation, Buxt. Zex. s. v.
niDDia), or n-nrh of a cake. Thus the
"heap" of "harvest" is a familiar image
(Is. xvii. 11). But the "heaps in the furrows
of the field" to which "altars" are compared
(Hos. lii. 11) are wholly different, being heaps
o( atones, and the point of the comparison their
frequency — they stand as thick about the
country as the stone-heaps, when stones are
gathered from the furrows. The sheaves or
heaps were carted (Amos ii. 13) to the floor a
f%. IS. — Ibmfaliirtfoor. Tbe gam diiTVD nmnd i
ooutnrj to Uw anal ooMam. (WUklnMn. 3V6«.)
circular spot of hard ground, probably, as now,
from 50 to 80 or 100 feet in diameter. Such
floors were probably permanent, and became
well-known spots (Gen. 1. 10, 11 ; 2 Sam. xxiv.
16, 18). On these the oxen, &c., forbidden to
be muzzled (Deut. xxv. 4), trampled out the
grain, as we find represented in the Egyptian
monuments. Lighter grains were threshed'*
with a flail or switch (Is. xxviii. 27), and ao
Gideon treated his wheat, being unable to resort
to the floor as usual for fear of hostile violence
(Judg. vi. 11); and so Ruth treated her barley
(Ruth ii. 17). At a later time, perhaps in the
agricultural progress under king Uzziah, who
loved husbandry (2 Ch. xxvi. 10), the Jews used
a threshing sledge called Morag (Is. xli. 15;
2 Sam. xxiv. 22 ; 1 Ch. xxi. 23), probably re-
<> The same word, D^Di l> o"ed for knocking frolt
off a tree (Dent. xxiv. 20 ; Is. xxvll. 12).
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66
AGEICULTUBE
sembling the nireg, still employed in Kgyjit
(Wilkinson, i. 408, ii. +21, 423>— a stage with
pig. l4._Tbrc«Iilng InitTument. (From Fellowm'i .Uia .Ifmii .)
three rollers ridged with iron, which, aided by
the driver's weight, crushed out, often injuring,
rijr. 16.— The Korcff, a machine uspd by the mMcra Efc'yj.tirtrM
for Ibrftthiag Cora.
the grain, as well as cut or tore the straw,
which thus became fit for fodder. It appears to
have been similar to the Roman tribuhiu aui\ the
AGKICULTURE
plosteUum Poenicum (Varr. dc R. P. i. 52). Tlie
])assage Is. iiviii. 24 fj. is worth noting. Tlie
Propliet's parable is couched in imagery so precise
as to instruct us in the facts. Intciligence work-
ing with a purpose, following a method andaroiil-
ing excess, is tlic lesson taught, and ascribeil to
a divine source. Tims sowiu<; is the end ol
ploughing, which opens the soil and l>realis its
clods. The .surface is levelled, and each seed
conies in order, the finer first, the heavier after,
wheat in rows, barley in tlie apjwinteil spot,
spelt in the border.' In tlireshiug a like dis-
cretion prevails. The heavy-armed sledge iml
waggon wheel' ami horses would crush the
lighter grains, and, if applied too long, would be
fatal to corn also. Tliis is the only instance of
the scriptural mention of •' horses "(■' horse-
men," A. v.; " horses," 1;. V.) in a purely agri-
cultural process. The wheeled carriage as used
for thresliing supplies an image in I'rciv. ss.'io,
" He brin<;eth the wheel over tliem." Barley was
sometimes soaked and then parched before tread-
ing out, which got rid of the pellicle of the graia
(see further the Antiijuitah-s Triturni; Ugolini,
vol. 29). The culture of fla.v for linen garments,
&c., was already familiar to the Israelites ifi
Egypt before the lixodn.s, and was a staple "!
Palestine at the time of their invading it. The
working the yarn, &c., was a jHiint of house-
wifery (K.K. i.v! .'.1 ; .los. ii. IJ ; I'rov. SJii. 13)-
The use of animal manure is proved frequent
by such recurring expressions as *'dung on t.ie
face of the earth, fielil," &c. (Ps. LvixiiL W;
2 K. ix. :)7; .ler. viii. 2, kc). [Dt'SG.] -^
rabbi limits the quantity to three heaps of ten
iiall-cors, or about :180 gallons to each nXO
of grain (= J of ephah, Oesen.), and wishes tii«
quantity in each heap, rather tli:in their nam-
Fig. 10.— TreaJliig oat tbo gnia bj oxen, aod irlDnowlofr. I. Baklssr ap the «uk to the oentrtr
Hitli ivoodeo bhoreli. (WUUiuon, IV6m.)
2. The ilrivw. 3. Wiimowuii:
ber, to be increased if the field be large
(Scheriothy cap. iii. 2). We learn also t'roni
Is. XXV. 10, H, the existence of a miilden with
a tanic tor liquid manure. Nor was tlie great
usel'utness of sheep to the soil unrecognised
{Sdur. ill. 4), though, owing to the general di.«-
tinctness of the pastoral life, there was less
scope for it. Vegetable ashes, burnt stubble, &c.
were also used ; and the regulation for com-
pensation in case of tire destroying a neighbour's
produce (Ex. xiii. B) probably has in view the
tiring a surface, to bum thorns and similar
refuse.
The "shovel" ami "fan" (HriT and rT^TO,
Is. xii. 24, the dilTcrence between which is pre-
I For the obscure words miC'- '""e ippUed to » licit,
T
and JOD3 'o barley, see Gesen. «. re. The latter cmwoI
gramnutlcall)r he «n epithet. Some have taken it f ■!
"millet"; but it Is perhaps l»st taken in mtverliil
apposition, " as apiwtnte*!," with reference to the spw
alhtttPd. See Cheyne, I. c.
•^ The pnjper word for a chariot wheel, as in Exod. xiv
25, is u-se'fl licre In c. '27 ; in r. 2S the more generi
word, used also for water-wbeels, &c.
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AGRICULTURE
iemi to the present day) indicate the process of
riimowin; — a conspicuons part of ancient hns-
btodrjr (Ps. xxxr. 5; Job xii. 18; Is. xrii. 13),
and important owing to the slovenly threshing.
Ereaing was the favourite time (Rath iii. 2)
irhen there was mostly a breeze. The " wind
I'reni the wilderness," i.e. dry, was favourable
to the same purpose ' (Jer. iv. 11). The Hltp
(rn|, to scatter) = nrvoy (Matt. iii. 12 ; Horn.
Iliad, iriiL 588), was the rai^rA or fork with
lii prongs; while the nni (akin to ITII?) was
the shore] which threw the grain up against the
■rind (see Wetzstein in Delitzsch,yesaui,' p. 707 S.
Cpiluiwerer on Om Uelitzsch,J«».*p.337,m>te).
The heap of produce rendered in rent was some-
times csstomariiy so large as to cover the Dri^
{Bata Jfebii, ix. 2). So the irriov was a
oin-measore in Cyprus, and the Sirrvov = i
i IttSilwot (Liddell and Scott, Lex. s. v.
tTMr) The last process was the shaking in a
eiere, i^^S, cribrum, to separate dirt and
nfnse (b. xix. 28 ; Amos ix. 9 ; cf. Luke
iJiL 31).
The wordf rendered "bam," "storehouse,"
" gamer " in A. V., sometimes denote structures
raised on the surface (Luke xii. 18), but very
oiW subterranean repositories excavated in the
rock, &c This gives great profundity to the
image of Ps. xxxiii. 7, " He layeth up the depth
in storehouses." Such is probably the expla-
ostion of Jer. ilL 8, where Ishmael's prisoners
vtn, " We have treasures in the field, of wheat,
<x." The same word occurs in Job iii. 21,
"who dig for it more than for hid treasures."
They were so hidden that without guidance
no stranger coold find them ; in short, a cac/ie
a ialended. Hence the prisoners virtually offer
to show them, and thus to ransom themselves.
In the Speaier'i Conuaentart/, "0 my moun-
tain in the field " is supposed to refer to
JerusaJeoi. Thus it is said of Babylon, " Open
lier storehouses, cast her up aa heaps," the
"heaps" of com (Hag. ii. 16) flung forth
'if snch receptacles supplying the image (Jer. 1.
26) Such were made in abundance by Hezekiah
('- Ch. ixxiL 28). Seed corn was so stored ;
cp. " Is the seed yet in the bam ? " (Hag. iL
U'Xtt unsown. In Joel I. 17, "The barns
we broken down," probably in the husband-
lEsn's d«pair at the complete havoc descrilied.
fiekfe and floors were not commonly enclosed ;
riteyards mostly were, with a tower and other
WHings(Num. ixii. 24; Ps. Ixxx. 12; Is. v. 5;
M»tt ni. .33; comp. Judg. vi. 11). Banks of
^ti from ditches were also used.
Fnit gardens, fruit trees, and orchards are
"^1 mentioned, but few kinds of fruits
«• named. Besides the fig, olive, and vine,
'tere occur apple-trees (so called, but see
Kma), pomegranates, palms (i.e. date palms ;
tt Bethany, " House of dates "), mulberries
(J Sam. V. 23, 24 ; 1 Mac. vi. 34), pistachio-
aot, wah>nt (Gen. iliii. 11; Cant. vi. 11), and
slaond; also melons in Egypt (Num. xi. 5),
aii rarions kinds of spices (Cant. iv. 13, 14).
"Gardens and orchards " are mentioned specially
AGRICULTURE
67
' Tbv the residuum of empty husks and ctiafT be-
°«« u image of vacant desolation ; and " tanners
vtidi sluU (m " are threatened against Babylon (Jer.
among royal delights (Eecles. ii. 51. We have
also summer fruits spoken of (Is. xvi. 9;
Amos viii. 2; Mic. vii. 1); but the precise
kinds intended by this general term are uh-
certain [Garden], In Is. xvii. 10 " plantations
of delights" (A. V. "plea-wnt plants;" R. V.
marg. " plantings of Adonis ") seem to corre-
spond to old English " pleasaunces," and pro-
pagation by slips seems intended by the con-
text. There is no mention of grafting in the
0. T., and the reference to it in Rom. xi. 17 aq.
is perhaps due to later influences.
With regard to occupancy, a tenant might pay
a fixed moneyed rent (Cant. viii. 11), in which
case he was called 10^, and was compellable to
keep the ground in good order ; or a stipulated
share of the fruits (2 Sam. ix. 10 ; Matt. ixi. 34),
often a half or a third : Joseph in Egypt ap-
pointed a fifth (Gen. ilvii. 24, 26) : but local cus-
tom was the only rule : in this case he was called
73pD, and was more protected, the owner
sharing the loss of a short or spoilt crop ; so, in
case of locusts, blight, &c., the year's rent w4s
to be abated; or he might receive such share
as a salary — an inferior position — when the
term which described him was 13in. It was
forbidden to sow flax during a short occupancy
(hence leases for terms of years would seem to
have been common), lest the soil should be un-
duly exhausted (comp. Virg. Georg. i. 77). A
passer-by might eat any quantity of corn or
grapes, but not reap or carry oft' fruit (Dent,
xxiii. 24, 25 ; Matt. xii. 1). The " burdens of
wheat," taken from the poor (Amos v. 11),
should be rendered " the tax of wheat." Tyre
was a large customer of Judah for wheat (Ezek.
xxvii. 17 ; Acts xii. 20) [Misnith]. There was
a com market of course in Jerusalem, and most
important cities, jic. (Amos viii, 5), and its
traidesmen's misdeeds are denounced ; see also
Meh. xiii. 15.
The rights of th« comer to be left, and of
gleaning [Corner; GLBAmNo], formed the
poor man's claim on the soil for support. For
his benefit, too, a sheaf forgotten in carrying to
the floor was to be left; so also with regard
to the vineyard and the olive-grove (Lev.
xix. 9, 10; Deut. xxiv. 19). Besides, there
seems a probability that every third year a
second tithe, besides the priests', was paid for
the poor (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12; Amos iv. 4;
Tob. i. 7 ; Jo-ieph. Ant. iv. 8). On this doubtful
point of the poor man's tithe (^yo "tiflKi) see a
teamed note by Surenhusius, ad Pcah, viii. 2.
These rights, in case two poor men were
partners in occupancy, might be conveyed by
each to the other for half the field, and thus be
retained between them (Maimon. ad I'eali, v. 5).
Sometimes a charitable owner declared his
ground common, when its fruits, as those of
the sabbatical year, went to the poor [Sabbath].
For three years the fruit of newly-planted trees
was deemed uncircumcised and forbidden ; in
the fourth it was holy, as first-fruits; in the
fifth it might be ordinarily eaten (Mishua, Arlah,
passim). Probably three years would mostly be
needed for the maturation of the tree to the
fruit-bearing point. The planter of a vineyard
would thus, accordmg to Deut. xx. 6, be for four
yean exempt from military service [VlNE-
yabd]. For the various classical analogies,
see Diet, of Or. and Horn. Antiq. s. v. [H. H.]
F 2
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68
AGEIPPA
AGBIPPA. [Hehod.]
A'GUR (IWK, UV."=(!ollector; LXX. om. ;
Congregant). The son of Jakeh, an unknown
Hebrew sage, who uttered or collected the
sayings of wisdom recorded in Prov. xxx. Ewald
attributes to him the authorship of Pror. xxx.
1-xxxi. 9, in consequence of the similarity of
style exhibited in the three sections therein con-
tained ; and assigns as hia date a period not
earlier than the end of the 7th or beginning of the
6th cent. B.C. Delitzsch assigns Pror. xix., xixi.
to the same person who made the great Hezekian
collection. The Rabbis, according to Gashi, and
Jerome after them, interpreted the name sym-
bolically of Solomon, who " collected understand-
ing " (from "MVi, agar, he gathered), and is else-
where called " Koheleth." Others render Pror.
xxx. 1 as follows : — " The words of Agur, the son
of Jakeh, of (the coantry of) Massa " (Delitzsch
= Mesh8,see Gen. x. 30). Hence Bunsen (Bibet-
tceri, i. p. clxxviii.) contended that Agur was
an inhabitant of Massa, and probably a descend-
ant of one of the 500 Simeonites, who, in the
reign of Hezekiah, drove out the Amalekites
from Mount Seir. Hitzig goes further, and
makes him the son of the queen of Massa (which
he places in N. Arabia, Miihlau in the Hauran)
and brother of Lemuel {Die SprUche Sal. p. 311,
«d. 1858). The names -\gur and Jakeh do not
occur elsewhere, and some have thought them
pseudonyms. In Castellus's Lex. Heptag. we find
the Syriac word ||Q..^, dgurd, defined as
signifying "one who applies himself to the
studies of wisdom," which may be better ren-
dered " the hireling of wisdom " (Payne Smith,
TA«s. Syr. col. 35), from the Syriac sense of
J^l, " a reward." Hence may have been de-
rived a traditional interpretation of the proper
Dame Agur. Much discussion on the questions
connected with this verse and section of the
Proverbs will be found in Miihlau, l)e prom.
Aguri et Lem. origine (1869); Delitzsch, art.
" Spriicbe Salomos," in Herzog, RE.', and Cheyne,
Job and S(Jomon, pp. 149, 170. [W. A. W.] [F.]
A'HAB (3NnK, MV.» = /atAer's brother,
comparison being made with a similar juxta-
position in Syriac names, e.j. OIQO|> pxl,
which Bar-Hebr. explains as due to great like-
ness to his father ; cp. Nestle, Die IsraelHiichen
Mgennamm, p. 187, n. 1 : 'KxtuiP; Achab), son
of Omri, seventh king of the separate kingdom
of Israel, and second of his dynasty. The great
lesson which we learn from his life is the depth of
wickedness into which a weak man may fall, even
though not devoid of good feelings and amiable
impulses, when he abandons himself to the
guidance of another person, resolute, unscru-
pulous, and depraved. The cause of bis ruin
was his marriage with Jezebel, daughter of
Ethbaal, or Ithobaal, king of Tyre, who had
been priest of Astarte, but had usurped the
throne of his brother Phalles (compare Joseph.
Ant. viii. 13, 2, with c. Apion. i. 18). If she
resembles the Lady Macbeth of our great
dramatist, Ahab has hardly Macbeth's energy
and determination, though he was prolwbly by
nature a better man. We have a comparatively
AHAB
full account of Ahab's reign, because it was dis-
tinguished by the ministry of the great prophet
Elijah, who was brought into direct collision
with Jezebel, when she ventured to introdas
into Israel the impure worship of Baal and hei
father's goddess Astarte. In obedience to bei
wishes, Ahab caused temples to be built to £ul
and " the Asherah " in Samaria itself (1 K. irl
32, 33, R. v.). With a fixed determinstica
to extirpate the true religion, Jezebel huattd
down and put to death God's prophets, sont
of whom were concealed in caves by Obadiai,
the governor of Ahab's house ; while the Pho^
nician rites were carried on with such spleadoiir,
that we read of 450 prophets of Baal and 400 ol
Asherah (see 1 K. iviii. 19, where the A. V.
follows the LXX. in erroneously snbstitntiiij
" the groves " for the proper name " the Ashe-
rah " [R. v.], as again in 2 K. xii. 7, iiiii. i\
where R. V. has in both places Ashenh).
[Asherah.] How the worship of God tru
restored, and the idolatrous priests tlsin, ii
consequence of " a sore famine in Samaria," <nli
be more properly related under the articl<
Elijah. But heathenism and j>ersecution wen
not the only crimes into which Jezebel led hn
yielding husband. One of his chief tastes «i>
for splendid architecture, which he showed t<
building an ii-ory house and several cities, saJ
also by ordering the restoration and fortilicatJM
of Jericho, which seems to have belonged u
Israel, and not to Judah, as it is said to hare
been rebuilt in the days of A?tab, rather than a
those of the contemporary king of Judah,
Jehoshaphat (1 K. xvi. 34). But the plact la
which he chiefiy indulged this passion was the
beautiful city of Jezreel (now Zerin), in the j
plain of Esdraelon, which he adorned with a ;
palace and park for his own residence, tliongh i
Samaria remained the capital of his kingdom,
Jezreel standing in the same relation to it as th< ,
Versailles of the old French monarchy to Paris i
(Stanley, S. ^ P. p. 244). Desiring to add to hb i
pleasure-grounds there the vineyard of hii
neighbour Naboth, he proposed to buy it or gin
land in exchange for it; and when this wh
refused by Naboth, in accordance with the
Mosaic law, on the ground that the vineTaid,
was "the inheritance of his fathers "(Lev. W-
23), a false accusation of blasphemy was bronght
against him, and not only was he himself stoned
to death, but his sons also, as we learn from
2 K. ix. 26. Elijah, already the great vindicator
of religion, now appeared as the assertor ot
morality, and declared that the entire eitirpi-
tion of Ahab's house was the penalty appointed
for his long course of wickedness, now crowned
by this atrocious crime. The execution, howenr,
of this sentence was delayed in consequence <a
Ahab's deep repentance. The remaining part of
the First Book of Kings is occupied by an account
of the Syrian wars, which some think was origin-
ally contained in the last two chapters. U ii
thought more natural to place the 20th chapter
after the 21st, and so bring the whole bLslorr ot
these wars together, than to interrupt the cam-
tive by interposing the story of Naboth betweea
the 20th and 22nd, especially as the beginning »(
the 22nd seems to follow naturally from the end
of the 20th. And this arrangement is found it
the LXX. [B.; A. follows the order of the Heb.]
and is confirmed by the narrative of Josephos.
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AHAB
We read of three campaigns whicli Ahab un-
dertgok against Bcnhadad II., king of Damascos,
two deletuire and one ofiensiTe. In the firat,
BoluiUd laid siege to Samaria, and Ahab,
ucosnged bjr the patriotic counsels of God's
prophets, who, next to the trae religion, valued
oBost deeply the independence of His chosen
people, made a sadden attack on him whilst
in the plenitade of arrogant confidence he was
laaqneting in his tent with his thirty-two
rasul kings. The Syrians were totally routed,
and lied to Damascus. Kext year Benhadad,
beUeriog that his failure was owing to some
peculiar power which the God of Israel exer-
ci«d srer the hills, inraded Israel by way of
Aphek, oD the £. of Jordan (Stanley, 3. ^ P.
App. § 6. See Aphek, 5). Ahab's fresh victory
«u 10 complete that Benhadad himself fell into
liis bsndi ; but was released (contrary to the
trill of God as annonnced by a prophet) on
condition of restoring all the cities of Israel
which he held, and making " streets " for Ahab
in DsmascDs (confirmed by the inscriptions ; see
Scfander, £i7.' p. 199} ; that is, admitting into
Us capital permanent Hebrew commissioners, in
so independent position, with special dwellings
for themseWes and their retinues, to watch over
the commercial and political interests of Ahab
sad his snbjects. This was apparently in retalia-
tion for a similar privilege exacted by fienhadad's
predecessor from Omri in respect to Samaria
(I K. XX. 34). After this great sncceis Ahab
enjoyed peace for thre« years, and it is difficult
to scconnt exactly for the third outbreak of
hostilities, which in Kings is briefly attributed
to u attack made by Ahab on Ramoth in Gilead
01 the east of Jordan, in conjunction with Jeho-
^hat king of Jodah, which town he claimed
a belonging to Israel. But if Kamoth was
one of the cities which Benhadad agreed to
ratoie, why did Ahab wait for three years to
enforce the fulBlment of the treaty? From
this difficolty, and the extreme bitterness shown
ly Benhadad against Ahab personally (1 K.
uii. 31), it seems probable that this was not
the ose (or at all events that the Syrians did
Cot so understand the treaty), bnt that Ahab,
•ow strengthened by Jehoshaphjit, who must
lure feit keenly the paramount importance of
erippUng the power of Syria, originated the war
^J sssanltittg Ramoth withont any immediate
pnrocation. In any case, God's blessing did
•ot rest on the expedition, and Ahab was told
^J the prophet Micaiah that it would fail, and
^ the prophets who advised it were hurrying
^ to his ruin. For giving this warning
Hicaiab was imprisoned ; but Ahab was so far
naaed by it as to take the precaution of dis-
S<istag himself, so as not to ofler a conspicuous
<wk to the archers of Benhadad. But he was
•toi by » " certain man who drew a bow at a
tWnre;" and, though stayed up in his chariot
w s time, he died towards evening, and his
uny dispersed. When he was brought to bt
wried in Samaria, the dogs licked np his blood
•• s serraat was washing his chariot (1 K. ixii.
3'. 38 : Me R. T.) ; a partial fulfilment of Elijah's
?«d>ction (I K. ixi. 19% which was more
IteisDy accomplished in the case of his son
V' K. ii. 26). Josephus, however, substitutes
Jontl for Samaria in the former passage {Ant.
'"a. U, 6). The date of Ahab's accession is,
AHABHEL
69
according to the old chronology. 919 B.c. ; of
his death, &c. 897. Schrader, Wellhausen, and
others, correcting the dates by the Assyrian
monuments, place his reign between B.C. 874-854.
These monuments supplement the Biblical nar-
rative by recording one very important event.
From an inscription engraved by Shalmaneser
(II.) on the rocks of Armenia, it would seem that
in the campaign of the sixth year (B.C. 854) of
this Assyrian monarch, a battle was fought at
Karkar against twelre (? eleven) allied kings.
Amongst the allies were Ahab of Israel and
Madadezer (Benhadad) of Damascus. Such an
alliance was a natural result of the covenant
between Syria and krael, followed by the three
years' peace (IK. ii. 34, xxii. 1). The inscription
records a complete defeat of the allies ; and, if the
numbers can be trusted, Benhadad's loss in men
and material was greater than Ahab's. Perhaps
this may not have been without its influence in
inducing Ahab to put an end to the alliance
and "entice " (2 Ch. xviii. 2 ; R. V. "move")
Jehoshaphat to join farces with him and make
an united attack on Ramoth-gilead. See Schrader,
KA T.' pp. 193-200 ; Zeit3c/ir. f. KeiUchri/ten, ii.
365-384 ; Sayce, Fresh Light from the Ancient
Monuments, p. 101, Ac; Seoordi of the Past,
iii. 99; Tiele, Bab.-Assyr. Qeschichte, p. 200;
Homrael, Gexh. Bab.-Assyr. p. 608; Hebraica,
iii. 2014. Klostermann (in Strack u. ZSckler's
Kgf. Komm. — 'Chronologic d. Kfinigsbiicher,'
p. 496) appears to be alone in denying that the
'Ahabbu mentioned in the Inscriptions as de-
feated at Karkar is the Ahab of Israel, and
places his reign in B.C. 910-889.
Some critics allow but little merit to some of
the Biblical records of Ahab's life, and by no
means accept the usual estimate of his character
or of Elijah's work (cp. Bleek-Wellhansen,
Einteitmg* in d. A. T. pp. 245, &c. ; Wellhausen,
Oeschichte Israels, I. pp. 302-6 ; Stade, Gesch.
d. Volkes Israel, i. p. 522, &c.). Thus, the
sections dealing with Elijah and Xaboth (chaps.
xvii.-xix. xxi.) are considered to be largely
affected by legends circulating about the prophet,
to he marked by strong partisanship against Ahab,
and to be reputed nnhistorical on account of the
miracles which they record. Further, the sections
dealing with Ahab and Benhadad (ch. xx.), and
with Ahab's death (ch. xxii.), are said to be
marked by interpolations ; though these are not
of a character to discredit the general trust-
worthiness of the narrative. Many of these
criticisms are met by Eilersheim, History of
Judah and Israel, v. 176, vi. 1-58.
The Rabbinical conceptions of Ahab, often
very curious, will be found summed up in Ham-
burger, SE.' a n.
2. 'K and SPM ; 'Ax(c(6; Achab. The son of
Kolaiah, and a lying prophet, who deceived the
Israelites in Babylon, and was burnt to death by
NebuchadnexzBr(Jer. xxix. 21). [G. E. L. C] [F.]
AH'ARAH (nnntj!, Ges. suggests n«nnK.
post fratrem ; MV.'* an abbreviation of Ahar-
HEL ; etym. is uncertain : A. 'AopcC, B. 'lo^o^X :
Ahara). The third son of Benjamin (1 Ch. viii.
1). See Aher, Ahirah. [W. A W.] [F.]
AHAB'HEL (^n"in«, Ges. = behind a for-
tress-vall [cp. Olshausen, Lehrb. p. 164]; i8eX^6s
'P<)X<I0; AAarehel). A name occurring in an
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70
AHASAI
obscure fragment of the genealogies of Jndah
(1 Ch. iv. 8). " The families of Aharhel " ap-
parently traced their descent through Coz to
Ashur, the posthumous son of Hezron. The
Targum of R. Joseph on Chronicles (/. c.) identic
Hes him with "Uur the iir&tbom of Miriam."
The LXX. (iSfX^ov 'Prixitfi) appear to have read
3m «nK, '• brother of Rechab." [\V. A. W.] [P.]
AHASA'I (nn«, MV.» an abbreviation for
nnriK ; om. in Lkx., «.• 'ACaxiis ; AImzi). A
priest, ancestor of Amashai (Neh. xi. 13), called
Jahzebah in 1 Ch. ii. 12. [W. A. W.j [F.]
AHAS'BAI CaOriK, of uncertain etym.;
MV." = contr. froiii"a»a n^H^, I u^l take
refuge in Jah: B. i 'Aff/Sffriit, A. i Kirou4x
Aadaf), the father of Eliphelet, one of David's
thirty-seven captains (2 Sam. zxiii. 34). The
name is suspicious, perhaps corrupt ; cp. Driver,
Jfotes on Samuel in loco ; and cp. the very different
names in 1 Ch. li. 35. The LXX. regarded the
name Ahasbai as denoting not the father but
the family of Eliphelet. [\V. A. W.] [F.]
AHASHVE'BOSH, mentioned in the margin
of Ezra iv. 6 (A. V. and K. V.) as the Hebrew
form of Ahasuerus. [F.]
AHASUE'EUS (B^ni^HK; 'Aamivpot,
LXX., but 'Aerinpos, Tob. xiv. 15, A. V. ; A»'
suerua, Vulg,), the name of one Median and two
Persian kings mentioned in the Old Testament.
It may be desirable to prefix to this article a
chronological table of the Medo-Persian liings
from Cyaxares to Artaxerxes Longimanus,
according to their ordinary classical names.
The Scriptural names conjectured to correspond
to them and Abtaxebxes are in some cases
added in italics.
1. Cyaxares, king of Media, son of Phrsortes,
grandson of Deioces and conqueror of Nineveh,
began to reign B.C. 634. A/iasuema.
2. Astyages his son, last king of Media,
B.C. 594.
3. Cyrus, son of his daughter Mandane and
Cambyses, a Persian noble, first king of Persia,
■559. Cyrus.
4. Cambyses his son, 529. Ahasuerut.
5. A Magian usurper, who personates Smer-
ilis, the younger son of Cyrus, 521. Artaxerxes.
6. Darius Uystaspis, raised to the throne on
the overthrow of the Hagi, 521. Darim,
7. Xerxes, his son, 485. Ahanierut.
8. Artaxerxes Longimanus (Macrocheir), his
son, 465-495. Artaxerxe$.
The name Ahasuerus or Achashverosfa is, ac-
cording to Schrader {KAT.' p. 375), written on
the Persian inscriptions Khiajirid,—^ name,
according to MV.", compounded from ithaja=
kingdom and arsAa=eye (Bumouf). Schrader
and MV." take A to be the Hebrew form of
the name Xerxes. It is written in Aramaic
V\tV'ttT\ (without M prosthetic, Schrader,
KAT.* p. 615), on the beautiful stele of Sak-
karah from Egypt, in his 4th year (see Fac-
simile$ of M3S. and Imcriptunu, PI. Ixiii. Palico-
graphical Soc., Oriental Series X Herod. ( vi.
98) explains Xerxes to mean ipifiot, a significa-
tion sufficiently near that of king.
1. In Dan. ix. 1, Ahasuerus is said to be the
father of Darius the Mede. With many Cyax-
ares is a form of Ahasuerus, grecised into
AUA8UEBUS
Axares with the prefix Cy- or Kai-, common t«
the Kaianian dynasty of kings (Haloobn'i
Pcriia, ch. iii.), with which may be oompiKd
Kai Khosroo, the Persian name of Cyms. The
son of this Cyaxares was Astyages, and it hiu
been conjectured that Darius the Mede «u
Astyages, set over Babylon as viceroy by liis
grandson Cyrus, and allowed to live there ii
royal state (see Kawlinson's Herodatut, vol. i
Essay iii. § 11). [Dabiiw.] On this supposi-
tion Ahasuerus is Cyaxares, the conqueror of
Mineveh. .\nd in accordance with this view,
we read in Tobit, xiv. 15, that Nineveh wu
taken by Nabuchodonosor (t.r. as crows-phiKe;
see Speaker's Commentary on Tob. xir. 4) ui
Assuerus, t.«. Cyaxares. This ideatification of
Ahasnerus is not, however, universally admitted
either in the passage of Dan. or of Tobit (tte
Schrader in Riehm's HWB. and Schnlti ii
Herzog's RE.^ s. n.), and in the opinion of maaf
it is wisest to wait for further discovery or
information.
S. In Ezra iv. 6, the enemios of the Jews,
after the death of Cyrus, desirous to frnitrste
the building of Jerusalem, send accntatioat
against them to Ahasuerus, king of Penis.
Ewald thought that this king was Cambyies,
argaing from v. 5 that the opposition to IIk
Jews continued from the time of Cyrus to thit
of Darins, and that the Ahasuerus and Arts-
xerxes mentioned in vc. 6, 7 were names of
Cambyses and the Pseudo-Smerdis, who reigw<l
between them. This ideatification is alto gene-
rally surrendered. Further, it is not necesssrr
to consider the section Ezra iv. 6-23 episodical,
or to preserve historical continuity by reaiiiii;
r. 24 immediately after c. 5 (see Sayce, I*trv
duction to Ezra, &c., p. 22> The existio;
arrangement may very well stand, if re. 6-£i
b« considered a summary statement of the prii-
cipal relations between the enemies of the Jevs
and the Persian kings during the period exteid-
ing beyond the days of Darius Uystaspis (cp.
Bertheau-Ryssel,' £sra, Nehemia, u. Ester, f.
62 ; Oettli in Strack n. ZSckler's Kgf. Komm.<»
Esra, p. 161). Ahasuerus is then identified with
Xerxes (No. 7. Cp. Schrader and Schultz,U. c).
and with the Ahasnerus next to be considered. ,
8. The third is the Ahasuerus of the Boeli of ■
Esther. It is needless to give more than tlie i
heads of the well-known story. Having divorced i
his queen Vashti for refusing to appear in poblic ,
at a banquet, he married four years afterwards .
the Jewess Esther, cousin and ward of Mordecsl
Five years after this, Haman, one of his eeoo-
sellers, having been slighted by Mordecai, pre-
vailed upon the king to order the destruction ot'
all the Jews in the empire. But before the dsr
appointed for the massacre, Esther and Mordecsi
overthrew the influence which Haman had exer-
cised, and so completely changed the king's feel-
ings in the matter, that they induced him to pot
Haman to death, and to give the Jews the right
of self-defence. This they used so vigorously
that they killed several thousands of their oppo-
nents. Now from the extent assigned to the
Persian empire (Esth. i, I), '* from India even
unto Ethiopia," it is proved that Darins Hystss-
pis is the earliest possible king to whom thii
history can apply, and it is hai^ly worth while
to consider the claims of any after Artaxerxes
Longimanus, But Ahasuerus cannot be identical
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AHAVA
will Dtriu, wkoM wires were th« daughters
tlCjns and Otanes, and who alike in name
iml diaracter differs from that foolish tyrant.
NeiUier can he be Artaxerxes Longimanus,
altlKngii,as Artajerxes is a compoand of Xerxes,
tbtre 19 less diflicnlty here as to the name. But
is the fint place the character of Artaxerxes,
u firen by Plutarch and by Diodoros (xi. 71),
is iso Tery nnlike that of Ahasuerus, Besides
tiiis, ia Ezra rii. 1-7, 11-26, Artaxerxes, in the
f^znti year of his reign, issue* a decree very
fsmoreble to the Jews, ami it ia therefore
nnlikely that in the tirel/th (Ksth. iii. 7) Uaman
onkl ipeak to him of them as if he knew
notliiiig about them, and persuade him to sen-
teoee them to an indiscriminate massacre. We
art tlieiefore led to the belief^ now generally
sntpted, that Abasnems is Xerxes (the names
being, as we hare seen, identical) : and . this
ugclnsian is fortified by the resemblance of
thsrscter (cp. Herod, vii. 3.5, 37, ix. 107 ; Justin,
ii. 12 ; Spiegel, Eranitchc Alterthurmkunck, ii.
^77, &c,), and by certain chronological indicn-
tioas. it Xerxes scourged the sea, and put to
death the engineers of his bridge, because their
Tork was injured by a storm, so Ahasuerns
Ttpodiated his qneeu Vashti because she would
not Tiolate the decorum of her sex, and ordered
the masucre of the whole Jewish people to
gntiiy the malice of Haman. In the third year
«f the reign of Xerxes was held an assembly to
smage the Greeiaa war (Herod, vii. 7 ff.) ; in
the turd year of Ahasuema was held a great
fast and assembly in Shnshan the palace (£sth.
i. 3). In the serenth year of his reign Xerxes
retomed defeated from Greece, and consoled
Wawlf by the pleasures of the harem (Herod.
ii. 108); in the serenth year of bis reign " fair
jvaz Tirgins were sought" for Ahasnerus,
Slid he replaced Vashti by marrying Esther.
The tribute he " laid upon the land and upon
the isles of the sea " (Esth. x. 1) may well have
been the result of the expenditure and ruin of
tbe Grecian expedition. Throughout the Book
cf Esther in the LXX. 'A(>Ta(^p{>)t is written for
Ahasnerus, bnt on this no argument of weight
ta be founded. [G. E. L. C] [K.]
ABAVA (KinK : in Exra [2 Esd.] viu. 15, B.
£M(/^ A zitl ; in tizra viii. 21, A. 'Aov^, B. eov4;
i» Ewa viu. 31, B. 'Aqyi, AB.*"* Bov* : Ahavd), a
pUce (£ir» viii, 15), or a river ("iru, viii. 25), on
the hanks of which Ezra collected the second ex-
(olrtion which returned with him from Babylon to
JeraJilem. Various have been the conjectures as
t< its locality : «.</. Adiaba (Ledero and Mannert);
AWh or Aveh (Havemick, see Winer); the
'mt Zab (Rosenmaller, £ib. Geogr.). But the
"iest researches are in favour of its being the
»Jeni m, on the Euphrates, due east of
^^'nasms, the name of which is known to have
^*<^ in the poat-biblical times ]hi, or Ibi da-
kiMCTalm. HTpi KTI'), "the spring of bitu-
Qm." See Rawlinson's Ilerodotia, i. 316, note.
h the apocryphal Esdras (1 Esd. viii. 41, 61)
tlie name ij given 9*pi.t [B. omits in v. 41];
n«. Josephus (^Ant. xi. 5, § 2) merely says
'viiriftrtavtiK^piTOV. [G.] [W.]
A'HAZ (THK, postessor ; perhaps an abridge-
"ot or alteration of Jehoahaz, the Jaubazi of the
woiptiona [Schrader, KA T* p. 263] :'B. 'Axif
«*l"Ax<U, A. -Axif"!"* 'Axorff ; Joseph. "Ax^ftt :
ATTAg:
71
Achat\ eleventh king of Judah and son of Jo-
tham, ascended the throne in the twentieth year
of his age, according to 2 K. xvi. 2. Bnt 'this
must be a transcriber's error for the twenty-fifth,
which number is found in one Hebrew MS., the
LXX. [Lucian ; BA. have 20], the Peshito, and
Arabic Version of 2 Ch. xiviii. 1 ; for otherwise
his son Hezekiah was bom when he was eleven
years old (so Clinton, Faati Hell., vol. i. p. 318).
At the time of his accession, Rezin, king of
Damascus, and Peknh, king of Israel, had recently
formed a league against Judah, and they pro-
ceeded to lay siege to Jerusalem, intending to
place on the throne Ben Tabeal, who was not a
prince of the royal family of Judah, but probably
a Syrian soldier of low origin (Gesenius). Upon
this the great prophet Isaiah, full of zeal for
God and patriotic loyalty to the house of David,
hastened to give advice and encouragement to
Ahaz, and it was probably owing to the spirit of
energy and religious devotion which he poured
into his counsels that the allies failed in their
attack on Jerusalem. Thus much, together with
anticipations of danger from the Assyrians, and
a general picture of weakness and unfaithfuluesa
both in the king and the people, we find in tbe
famous prophecies of the 7th, 8th, and 9th
chapters of Isniah, in which he seeks to animate
and support them by the promise of the Messiah,
From 2 Ch, xxviii. we learn that tbe allies took
a vast number of captives, who, however, were
restored in virtue of the remonstrances of the
prophet Oded; and from 2 K. xvi. that they
also inflicted a most severe injury on Judah by
the capture of Elath, a flourishing port on the
Bed Sea, in which, after expelling tbe Jews, they
re-established the Edomitca (according to Keri
of 2 K. xvi, 6, Onp^TK ['Woi./uuo. and Vulg.],
Further Ewald, Thenins, Stade, Edersheim, &c,
conjecture 0*1^^ for D^K?), who attacked and
wasted the east part of Judah, while the
Philistines invaded the west and south. The
weak-minded and helpless Ahaz sought deliver-
ance from these numerous troubles by appealing
to Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, who freed
him from his most formidable enemies by in-
vading Syria, taking Damascus, killing Rezin,
and depriving Israel of its Northern and Trans-
joitlanic districts, Bnt Ahaz had to pur-
chase this help at a costly price : he became
tributary to Tiglath-pileser (so the Inscriptions,
in which Ahaz =Jahunazi; see Schroder, KAT.*
p, 263), sent him all the treasures of the Temple
and of his own palace, and even appeared before
him in Damascus as a vassal. He also ventured
to seek for safety in heathen ceremonies (2 K.
xvi. 3, 4); making his son pnss through the
fire to Molocb, consulting wizards and necro-
mancers (Is, viii. 19), sacrificing to the Syrian
gods, introducing a foreign altar from Damascus,
and probably the worship of the heavenly bodies
from Assyria and Babylon, as he would seem to
have set up the horses of the sun mentioned in
2 K. xziii. II (cf. T«c. Ann. xii. 13); and "the
altars on the top (or roof) of the upper chamber
of Ahaz "(2 K. xxiii. 12) were connected with
the Assyrian adoration of the stars. We see
another and blameless resnlt of this intercourse
with an astronomical people in the "sundial of
Ahaz," Is, xxxviii, 8, He died after a reign of
sixteen yean, lasting according to some B,0<
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72
AHAZIAH
735-715, according to others B.C. 735 or 4-728.
See CuROSOiiOor ; Drirer, Itaiah, his Life and
Times, pp. 13, 14 ; Herzog, £E.' Zeitrechnung,
p. 477. [G. E.L.C.] [F.]
8. A (on of Micah, the grandson of Jonathan
through Heribbaal or Mephibosheth (1 €h. riii.
35, 36 [B. ZiK, A. XaiQ, ii. 42 [B. 'AxiC
A.X«<t6- [W.A.W.] [K.]
AHAZI'AH (n^'trWi- injtriK, whom Jeho-
vah susUiina ; B. 'dxoittat, A. -i- ; Ochotiai).
1. Son of Ahab and Jezebel, and eighth king ot'
Israel. After the battle of Kanioth in Gilead
[Ahab] the Syrians had the command of the
country along the east of Jordan, and they cut
off all commnnication between the Israelites and
Hoabites, so that Mesiia, the vassal king of
Jloab, refused his yearly tribute of 100,000
lambs and 100,000 rams with their wool (2 K.
iii. 4, 5 ; cp. Is. xri. 1), and " rebelled agninat
the king of Israel." [On the war between Israel
and Moab, and the supplement to the Biblical
account furnished by " the Moabite stone," see
Sayce, Fresh Light from the ATtcicnt Monwitcnts,
p. 76, &c.] Before Ahaziah could take measures
for enforcing his claim, he was seriously injured
by a Ml through a lattice in his palace at
Samaria. In his health he had worshipped his
mother's gods, and now he sent to inquire of the
oracle of Baalzebub in the Philistine city of
Ekron whether he should recover his health.
But Klijah, who now for the last time exercised
the prophetic office, rebuked him for this im-
piety, and announced to him his approaching
death. He reigned two years ; the date being
dependent upon that adopted for the death of
Ahab. The only other recorded transaction of
his reign, his endeavour to join the king of
Judah in trading to Ophir, is more fitly related
under jEHoeuAPBAT (1 K. ixii. 50 IT. ; 2 K. i. ;
2 Ch. IX. 35 ff.).
8. Fifth king of Judah, son of Jchoram and
Atbaliah, daughter of Ahab, and therefore
nephew of the preceding Ahaziah. He is called
Azariah (2 Ch. xxii. 6), probably by a copyist's
error, and Jehoahaz (2Ch. xxi. 17), which is the
same name as Ahaziah, the two words of which
they are compounded being reversed. Ewald
{Qeschiohte des V^olhes Israel, iii. p. 525) thinks
that his name was changed to Ahaziah on his
accession, but the LXX. read 'OxoC><u for Je-
hoahaz, and with this agree the Peshito, Chald.,
and Arabic So, too, while in 2 K. viii. 26 we
read that he was 22 years old at his accession,
we find in 2 Ob. xxii. 2 that his age at that
time was 42. The former number is certainly
right, as in 2 Ch. xxi. 5, 20, we see that his
father Jehoram was 40 when he died, which
would make him younger than his own son. The
LXX. of 2 Ch. xxii. 2 reads 20. Ahaziah was an
idolater, " walking in all the ways of the house of
Ahab," and he allied himself with his uncle Jeho-
ram, king of Israel, brother and successor of
the preceding Ahaziah, against Hazael, the new
king of Syria. The two kings were successful at
Ramoth (cp. 2 K. ix. 14), though Jehoram was so
severely wounded that he retired to his mother's
palace at Jezreel to be healed. The union be-
tween the uncle and nephew was so close that
there was great danger lest heathenism should
entirely overspread both the Hebrew kingdoms,
but this was prevented by the great revolution
AHIAM
carried out in Israel by Jehu under the gaidance
of Elisha, which involved the house of David io
calamities only less severe than those which
exterminated the house of Omri. It broke ont
while Ahaziah was visiting his uncle at Jezrtel.
As Jehu approached the town, Jehoram aad
Ahaziah went out to meet him, either from sot
suspecting his designs, or to prevent them.
Jehn's arrow pierced the heart of the former.
Ahaziah was pursued as far as the pass of Gnr,
near the city of Ibleam, and there mortally
wounded. He died when he reached Megiddo.
But in 2 Ch. xxii. 9 it is said that he was found
hidden in Samaria after the death of Jehoram,
brought to Jehu, and killed by his orders. At-
tempts to reconcile these accounts may be fouinl
in Pole's Synopsis; in Lightfoot's Harm. <f Oli
Test, (in loc); in Davidson's Text of the Old
Test., part ii. book ii. ch. xiv. ; in Edersheim,
Hist, of Jtidah and Israel, vi. 201, and itt the
American edition of this work, where Dr. Hacl[ett
considers the two accounts to be at once (ng-
mentary and supplementary. Ahaziah reignri
one year, B.C. 884 (Klostermann, 875 ; Hommel,
842), called the 12th of Jehoram, king of Isntl,
2 K. viii. 25 ; the lltb, 2 K. ix. 29. His father,
therefore, must have died before the 11th year
of Jehoram was concluded (Clinton, Fasti BtU.,
i. p. 324). [Q. E. L. C] [F.]
AH'BAN (pnK, meaning uncertain [Nestle,
Israelii. Eigetmanien, p. 187, n. 1], Ges.=broOitr
of the prudent ; B. 'Axa$ip, A. 'Oii ; AhoUm).
Sun of Abishur, by his wife Abihail (1 Ch. ii 29).
He was of the tribe of Judah. [ W. A. W.] [f .]
A'llEB (nOK, anoVicr; B. 'A«>, A. 'Aip;
Aher). Ancestor of Hushim, or rather "the
Hushim," as the plural form seems to indicate a
family rather than an individual. The niuiu
occurs in an obscure passage in the genealogr
of Benjamin (1 Ch. vii. 12). Some transistor*
consider it as not a proper name at all, toi
render it literally " another," because, as Rasbi
says, Ezra, who compiled the genealogy, was
uncertain whether the families belonged to th« j
tribe of Benjamin or not. It is not improbable J
that Ahtr and Ahiram (Num. xxvi. 38) are the ,
same ; unless the former belonged to the tribe
of Dan, whose genealogy is omitted in 1 Ch. vil :
Hushim being a Danite as jvell as a Benjamite
name. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHT OWi hrotlier; Ges. and Olshausen
\_Lehrb. p. 615] contracted from iVVHt [cp. Re-
nan, DesXomstheophores apocope in 'Revue des
Etudes Juives,' v, 169]). 1. .\ Gadite, chief
of a family who lived in Gilead in Basban (I Ch.
V. 15), in the days of Jotbam, king of Judah.
Some texts of the Greek Version and the Volgatc
did not consider the word a proper name. Heace
the reading iSt\^v, T.', fratres. A. takes the
last name of r. 14 (T)3) and the first name of
c. 15 (*nK) of the Heb. text, and makes the
name 'Ax'^o^C ^7 reversing the Heb. order. The
reading of B. Zafiottxilt >' not so readily ex-
plained. 8. B. 'Axiovii, A. 'Ax<«vp<' ; •^**- *
descendant of Shamer, of the tribe of Asher (1 Ch.
vii. 34). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHI'AH. [AuuAH.]
AHI'AM (DK^riK, meaning obscor*, OU-
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AHIAN
ItDsen, Lehrh. p. 620 ; Gesenina (2^«.) takes it
is i Sam. u a vrong rending for 3t^*nM, father')
bnHer : 'Afirir in 2 Sam. ; B. 'Axflfi, A. 'Axickft
ia 1 Ch. : AUam), <on of Sharer the Hararite (or
of Sacar, I Ch. xi. 35), one of DaTid's thirtv
mighty men (2 Sam. xiiii. 33). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHI'AN (pntt, Gei. = brotierly, comparing
Syr. !»• v^ ; B. 'laatlfi, A.'Aefy; Ahiti), a
Maaassite of the family of Shemida (1 Ch.
vii.19). [W.A. W.] [F.]
AHI'EZEB (1W«nK, brother of help, or my
hnther is kelp ; 'Kx'iC*f > Ahkzer). 1. Son of
.^mmishaddai, hereditary chieftain of the tribe
of Dan under the administration of Moses (Num.
1.12; ii. 25; rii. 66, 71; x. 25). 2. The Ben-
jamite chief of a body of archers at the time of
DaTid(lCh.xii.3). [R.W.B.] [F.]
AHI'HUD (y^TVtyA^brother of majesty, or
my brother is majesty ; B. 'Axuip, A. 'Ax«ij3 ;
JJUAwl). 1. The son of Shelomi, and prince
of the tribe of Asber, selected to a.ssist Joshua
and Eleazar in the division of the Promised Land
(Sum. Miir. 27). 8. in'riK, probably an
error for "Bn'nit, cp. Olshausen, Lehrb. p. 615,
MV." t n. ; B. 'loxetX'^A, A. 'loxiX<" ; Ahiud),
a chief of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Ch. viii.
7). [R. W. B.] [F.]
AHl'JAH, or AHI'AH (njriK and injntjt,
hnther of Jah [Ges.] or my brother is Jah [Ols-
bagseo, MV.^J. Cp. the Phoenician parallels in
N'estle, Israel. Eigennamen, p. 186; Schroeder,
PhoeMC. Gram. p. 87: 'Ax««; AcAiiis). 1. Son
of Ahitub, Ichabod'a brother, the son of Phi-
nehas, the son '>f Eli (1 Sam. xir. 3, 18). He
ns the Lord's priest in Sbiloh : the ark of God
was under his care, and he inquired of the Lord
by meant of it and the ephod (cp. 1 Ch. xlii. 3).
Thert is, however, great difHcalty in reconciling
the statement (1 Saui. xiv. 18) that the ark was
tK«i for inquiring by .\hijah at Saul's bidding,
and the statement that men inquired not at the
ark in the days of Saul, if the latter expression be
taken strictly. This difficulty is removed by the
reading of LXX. B. rb i^o{iS, in 1 Sam. xiv. 18,
instead of " the ark " ; aud most modern critics
(qL Speaker's Comm. 1. c.) accept this reading in
pR&rence to that of the Hebretr. Josephus also
notes that Saul bade the priest take (not the ark
Hat) " the garments of his priesthood " and pro-
phesy (Antiq. ri. 6, § 3). Others, however, still
prefer to meet the difficulty by applying the
eipreaaon ** the days of Sanl " only to all the
litter years of the reign of Saul, when the
priestly establishment was at Nob, and not at
iorjatb-jearim or Baale of Judah, where the ark
ni. On this supposition the narrative in 1 Sam.
UT. may be taken as favourable to the men-
tion of the ark. For it appears that Saul
ns at the time in Gibeah of Benjamin, and
Gibeah of Benjamin seems to have been the
pUc< where the house of Abinadab was situated
(2 Sam. ri. 3), being probably the Benjamite
qurter of Kirjath-jearim, which lay on the
nry borders of Judah and Benjamin (see
Josh. iriiL 14, 28). Whether it was the en-
'Xochmenta of the Philistines, or an incipient
Khitm between the tribes of Benjamin and
Jidah, or any other cause, which led to the dis-
AUUAH
73
use of the ark during the later years of Saul's
reign, is difficult to say. But probably the last
time that Ahijah inquired of the Lord before
the ark was on the occasion related 1 Sam. xiv.
36, when Saul marred bis victory over the
Philistines by his rash oath, which nearly cost
Jonathan his life. For we there read that when
Saul proposed a nigbt-pursuit of the Philistines,
the priest, Ahijah, said, " Let us draw near
hither unto God ; " for the purpose, namely, of
asking counsel of God. But God returned no
answer, in consequence, as it seems, of Saul's
rash curse. If, as is commonly thought, and as
seems most likely, Ahijah is the same person as
Ahimelech the son of .^hitub, this failure to
obtain an answer from the priest, followed as it
was by a rising of the jieople to save Jonathan
out of Saul's hands, may have led to an
estrangement between the king and the high-
priest, and predisposed him to suspect Ahime-
lech's loyalty, and to take that terrible revenge
upon him for his favour to David. Such changes
of name as Ahi-melech and .\hi-jah are not un-
common (see Genealogies, &c., pp. 115-118); or
it is not impossible that, as Gesenius supposes,
Ahimelech may have been brother to Ahijah.
a. B. 'Axe'a, A. 'Axfo ; Achia. Son of Bela
(1 Cb. viii. 7); thought to be the same as
Ahoab (1 Cb. viii. 4, B. 'Axti, A. omits).
a Son of Jerobmeel (I Ch. ii. 25; LXX.
iifK^s ttirrov ; Achid).
4. Ahia. One of David's mighty men, a
PeloniU (1 Ch. xi. 36).
6. LXX. iSt\^\ avTuy; Ahias. A Levite iu
David's reign who was over the treasures of the
house of God, and over the treasures of the
dedicated things (1 Ch. xxvi. 20).
6. Ahia. One of Solomon's princes, brother
of Elihoreph, and son of Shisha (1 K. iv. 3).
7. ^Aidj. A Prophet of Shiloh (1 K. xiv. 2),
hence called the Shilonite (xi. 29), in the days
of Solomon and of Jeroboam king of Israel, of
whom we have two remarkable prophecies
extant: the one in 1 K. xi. 31-39, addressed to
Jeroboam, announcing the rending of the ten
tribes from Solomon, in punishment of his
idolatries, and the transfer of the kingdom to
Jeroboam : a prophecy which, though delivered
privately, became known to Solomon, and ex-
cited his wrath against Jeroboam, who fled for
his life into Egypt, to Shishak, and remained
there till Solomon's death. The other prophecy,
in 1 K. xiv. 6-16, was delivered in the Prophet's
extreme old age to Jeroboam's wife, in which he
foretold the death of Abijah, the king's son,
who was sick, and to inquire concerning whom
the queen had come in disguise. He then went
on to denounce the destruction of Jeroboam's
house on account of the images which he bad
set up, and to foretell the Captivity of Israel
" beyond the river " Euphrates. These prophe-
cies give us a high idea of the faithfulness and
boldness of Ahijah, and of the eminent rank
which be attained as a Prophet. Jeroboam's
speech concerning him (1 K. xiv. 2, 3) shows
the estimation In which he held him for his
truthfulness and prophetic (wwers. In 2 Ch.
ix. 29 reference is made to a record of the events
of Solomon's reign contained in the " prophecy
of Ahijah the Shilonite," If there were a larger
work of Ahijah's, the passage in 1 K. xL may
be based upon it.
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AHIKAM
8. Ahia$. Father of Baashx, king of Israel,
the contemporarj of Asa. king of Jmlah. He
wai of the tribe of Issachar (1 K, xT. 27, 33,
«i. 22; 2K. is. 9). [A. C. H.l
9. HA. 'Ala, B. 'Afm; Echaia. One of the
heads of the people who sealed the covenant with
Nehemiah (Neh. X. 26). [W. A. W.] [K.]
AHITKAM (D|Tn«, MV." = my brother up-
lifts himself, or rises up ; cp. Olshausen, Lc/irb. p.
620 : 'Ax'xin, B. -ci- ; Ahicim), a son of Shaphan
the scribe, an influential officer at the conrt of
Josiab (2 K. xxii. 12) and of Jehoiakim his son
(Jcr. xxvi. 24). When Shaphan brought the book
of the Law to Josiah, which Hilkiah the high-
priest had found in the Temple, Ahikam was sent
hj the king, together with four other delegates,
to consult Uulilah the prophetess on the subject.
In the reign of Jehoiakim, when the priests and
prophets arraigned Jeremiah before the princes
of judah on account of his bold denunciations
of the national sins, Ahikam successfully used
his influence to protect the Prophet. His son
Gedaliah was m.ide goTemor of Judah by Nebu-
chadnezzar, the Chaldean king, and to his charge
Jeremiah was entrusted when released from
prison (Jer. xxxii. 14, xl. 5). [R. W. B.] [F.]
AHI'LUD O'^*"*?. meaning doubtful ; ac-
cording to Gesen. [ Thes.'] = brother of the bom.
The readings of the Greek texts are very varied.
In 2 Sam. viii. 16, B. 'Axt'i, A. 'Ax</»*^*Xi '"
2 Sam. IX. 24, "AxiCB -«i->oM ; in 1 K. iv. 3,
B. 'AxciAiiiS, A. 'Ax>j»<(; in 1 Ch. xviii. 15,
B. 'Ax<«^ A. 'Ax'Aoiit : Ahilud). 1. Father of
Jehoshaphat, the recorder or chronicler of the
kingdom in the reigns of David and Salomon.
2. B. 'Axu/Ux, A. 'EKovS. The father of
Baana, one of Solomon's twelve commissariat
officers (1 K. iv. 12). It is uncertain whether
he is the same as No. 1. [W. A. W.] [P.]
AHIIIAAZ OTO'riK, Ges., from the Arabic,
=brother of anger; A. 'Axitiia, B. 'Ax«>^t ;
Achimaas). 1. Father of Saul's wife, Ahinoam
(I Sam. xiv. 50).
2. B. 'Ax'ifflas, A. 'Ax<M<^'> Achimaas.
Son of Zadok, the priest in David's reign.
When David fled from Jerusalem on account
of Absalom's rebellion, Zadok and Abiathar,
accompanied by their sons, Ahimaaz and Jona-
than, and the Levites, carried the ark of God
forth, intending to accompany the king. But
at his bidding they returned to the city, as did
likewise Hushai the Archite (2 Sam. xv. 24, &c.).
It was then arranged that Hushai should feis^
himself to be a friend of Absalom, and should
tell Zadok and Abiathar whatever intelligence
he could obtain in the palace. They, on their
parts, were to forward the intelligence through
Ahimaaz and Jonathan. Accordingly Jonathan
and Ahimaaz stayed outside the walls of the
city at £n-rogel, on the road towards the plain
(2 Sam. xvii. 17). A message soon came to them
from Zadok and Abiathar through the maid-
servant, to say that Ahithophel had counselled
an immediate attack against David and his
followers, and that, consequently, the king
must cross the Jordan without the least delay.
They started at once on their errand, but not
without being suspected, for a lad seeing the
maid speak to them, and seeing them immedi-
ately run off quickly — and Ahimnaz, we know.
AHIMAAZ
was a practised mnner — went and told Abulom,
who ordered a hot pursuit. In the meantime,
however, they had ffot as far as Bahurim, the
very place where Shimei cursed David ('2 Soni.
xvi. 5), to the house of a steadfast partisan ot'
David. Here the woman of the house effec-
tually hid them in a well in the courtyard, and
covered the well's mouth with ground or
bruised corn. Absalom's servants coming up
searched for them in vain ; and as soon as they
had gone and returned on the road to Jem-
salem, Ahimaaz and Jonathan hasted on ti>
David, and told him Abithophel's oonnsel, aid
David with his whole company crossed the Jor-
dan that very night. Ahithophel was so morti-
fied at seeing the failure of his scheme, threugh
the unwise delay in executing it, that he west
home and hanged himself. This signal service
rendered to David, at the hazard of his lift, by
Ahimaaz, must have tended to ingratiate him
with the king. We have a proof how higlily
he was esteemed by him, as well as an honour-
able testimony to his character, in the sayine of
David recorded in 2 Sam. xviii. 27. For wmd
the watchman announced the approach of t
messenger, and added, that his running was lib
the running of Ahimaaz, the son of- Zadok, the
king said, " He is a good man, and cometh with
good tidings."
The same transaction gives us a very curioui
specimen of the manners of the times, and >
singular instance of Oriental or Jewish craft in
Ahimaaz. For we learn, first, that Ahimaai
was n professed runner — and a very swift one
too — which one would hardly have expected in
the son of the high-priest. It belongs, how-
ever, to a simple state of society that bodilr
powers of any kind should be highly valued,
and exercised by the possessor of them in the
most natural way. Ahimaaz was probably
naturally swift, and so became famous for his
running (2 Sam. xviii. 27). So we are told of
Asahel, Joab's brother, that " he was as light of
foot as a wild roe" (2 Sam. ii. 18). And that
quick running was not deemed inconsistent with
the utmost dignity and gravity of character
appears from what we read of Llijah the Tish-
bite, that " he girded up his loins and ran before
Ahab (who was in his chariot) to the entrance
of Jezreel " (1 K. xviii. 46). The kings of
Israel had running footmen to precede them
when they went in their chariots (2 Sara. xv. 1 ;
1 K. i. 5), and their guards were called 0"^
"runners." It appears by 2 Ch. xxx. 6, 10, thst
in Hezekiah's reign there was an establishment
of running messengers, who were also called
D^y^. The same name is given to the Persian
posts in Esth. iii. 13, 15; viii. 14: though it
appears from the latter passage that in the time
of Xerxes the service was performed with mules
and camels. The Greek name, borrowed from
the Persian, was ir/yofOi. As regards Ahimaaz's
craftiness we read that, when Absalom was
killed by Joab and his armour-bearers, Ahimaaz
was very urgent with Joab to be employed as
the messenger to run and carry the tidings to
David. The politic Joab, well knowing the
king's fond partiality for Absalom, and that the
news of bis death would be anything but good
news to him, and apparently having a friendly
feeling towai-ds Ahimaaz, would not allow him
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AUUIAK
to be tJw bearer of saeh tidings, bat employed
Ciulii ioitead. But after Ciuhi iud started,
AliiDtai was so urgent with Joab to be allowed
to ron too that at length he extorted his con-
aent Taking a shorter or an easier way by the
plain, he managed to outmn Coshi before he got
in tight of the watch-tower, and, arriving first,
he reported to the king the good news of the
rictory, soppressing his knowledge of Abaalom's
death, and leaving to Coshi the task of an-
Donncing it He had thus the merit of bring-
ing good tidings without the alloy of the disaster
of the death of the king's sen. This is the last
we hear of Ahimaaz, for the Ahimaaz of 1 K.
ir. 1&, who was Solomon's captain in Naphtali,
w« certainly n different person (3). There is no
eridoice, beyond the assertion oi' Josephos, that
Ahimaaz ever filled the olGce of high-priest ;
and Josephos may have concluded that he did,
merely because, in the genealogy of the high*
priests (1 Ch. vi. 8, 9), he intervenes between
Ztdok and Azariah. Judging only from 1 K.
ir. 2, compared with 1 Cb. vi. 10, we should
conclnde that Ahimaaz died before his father
Zadok, and that Zadok was succeeded by his
grtndson Atariah. Josephus's statement that
Zadoh was the first high-priest of Solomon's
Temple, seeing the Temple was not finished till
the eleventh year of his reign, is a highly im-
protaUe one in itself. The statement of the
Seder 01am, which makes Ahimaaz high-priest
in Rehoboam's reign, is still more so. It is
safer, therefore, to follow the indications of the
Script&re narrative, though somewhat obscured
by the apparently corrupted passages, 1 K. iv.
4 and 1 Ch. vi. 9, 10, and conclude that Ahi-
maaz died before he attained the high-priesthood,
leaving as his heir his son Azariah.
8. B. 'AxetC-^. -i-)ftd«. Solomon's officer in
Naphtali, charged with providing victuals for
the king and his honsehold for one month in the
year. Probably of the tribe of Naphtali, he
was the king's son-in-law, having married his
daaghter Basmath (1 K. iv. 7, 15). [A. C. H.]
AmilAN (IP^nK, of doubtful meaning;
perhaps [if Han be the name of a divinity] =
bntJur of Man: in Num. F. 'Kxiitir, B. "Ax*"-
/kU, a. "Axuid/i ; in Judg. B. 'Kxumi», B"-«.
'Ax<M<^, A. 'AxMUi^: Achiman). 1. One of
the three giant Anakim who inhabited Mount
Hebron (Num. ziii. 22, 23), seen by Caleb and
the spies. The whole race were cut off by
Joshua (Josh. xL 21), and the three brothers
were slain by the tribe of Judah (Jodg. i. 10).
[R. W. B.] [F.]
8. B. AifUii, A. Ai^utr; Ahimam. One of the
porters or gate-keepers, who had charge of the
king's gate for the " camps " of the sons of Levi
(1 Ch. iz. 17). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHIICELECH Ol^'rWt, brother of the
itsj; A. 'AxiM^AeK, B. 'A^d/ii^Aex ; Achimekch).
X. Son of Ahitub (1 Sam. xxii. 12), and high-
wiest at Nob in the days of Saul. He gave
band the shewbread and the sword of Goliath ;
•ad for so doing was, upon the accusation of Doeg
the Edomite, put to death with his whole house
by Sasl's order. Eighty-five priests wearing
•> ephod were thus cmelly slaughtered ; Abia-
thar alone escaped [Abiatuab]. The LXX.
teadi tkrte hundred and five taen, thus affording
Bother instance of the frequent clerical errors
AHIO
75
in transcribing numbers of which Ezra ii. com-
pared with Meh. vii. is a remarkable example.
The interchange of D^jb^, or nUbK*, with
0>\i;/ff and &7V, is very common. For the
question of Ahimelech's identity with Ahijah,
see Ahijah. For the confusion between Ahime-
lech and Abiathar in the First Book of Chronicles
(xziv. 3, 6, 31), see Abiathar.
3. One of David's companions while he was
persecuted by Saul, a Hittite ; called in the
ii. of 1 Sam. xxri. 6, 'A/3ci/u<Xcx> and A. 'A/3i-
(but B*. 'Ax<i-) ; which is perhaps the right
reading, after the analogy of Abimelech, king of
Gerar. In the title of Ps. xxxiv. IJ/^^^K seems
to be an error for l^3H, due possibly to a lapse
of memory [S. R. D.]. 'See 1 Sam. xxi. 13 (r. 12
in A. V. ; and Abihilech). [A. C. H.]
AHI'MOTH (nto'riN, brotlier of death;
B. 'AXu/M, A. 'OxiM^; Achimoth), a Levite
of the house of the Korhites, of the fumily of
the Kohathites, apparently in the time of David
(1 Ch. vi. 25 [LXX. r. 10]). In ver. 35, for
Ahimoth we find Mahath (DHD), B. H4e, A.
Mcuitf (as in Luke iii. 26). For a correction of
these genealogies, see Ocnealogiee of our Lord,
p. 214, note. [A. C. H.]
AHI'NADAB (a"J3»n«, Ge8.=noW<! brother,
MV." = my brother is noble ; B. 'Axewoct/S,
A. Ahatifi ; AhituMb), son of Iddo, one of
Solomon's twelve commissaries who supplied
provisions for the royal household. The district
entrusted to Ahioadab wns that of Mahanaim,
sitnated on the east of the Jordan (IK. iv-
U). [K. W. B.] [F.]
AHI'NOAM (D»3*nK, Gti.=brother of grace,
MV." = my brother it grace; B. 'Kxmoiix, A.
'Ax«>w^M; Aehinoam). 1. Daughter of Ahi
maaz and wife of Saul (1 Sam, xiv. 50).
2. B. 'Ax*iyd€u>(l Sam. xxv. 43X -o/i (1 Sam.
xxvii. 3; 1 Ch. iii. 1), -ytfo/t (1 Sam. xxx. 5;
2 Sara. iii. 2), 'Ax'vdo^ (2 Sam. ii. 2) ; A. usually
'AximtoM (in 2 Sam. ii. 2, same as B.) : Aehi-
noam. A woman of Jezreel. If the masculine
sense given to tho name (see Ges. above) be re-
tained, a similar use is found in Abigail, father
of joy. Ahinoam was married to David during
his wandering life (1 Sam. xxv. 43), lived with
him and his other wife Abigail at the court of
Achish (xxvii. 3), was taken prisoner with her
by the Amalekites when they plundered Ziklag
(xxx. 5), but was rescued by David (18). She
is again mentioned as living with him when
king of Judah in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 2), and
as the mother of his eldest son Amnon (iii. 2 ;
lCh.iii. 1). [G. E.L.C.] [F.]
AHI'O (^'riK; oj iSfXipol cunov: Ahio,
2 Sam. vi. 3, 4; f rater ejus, 1 Ch. xiii. 7). 1.
One of the two'sons of Abinadab who accom-
panied the ark when it was brought out of their
father's house at Gibeah.
a. ^^HK; B. iite\(phs ainoS, A. ol iStXipol
oirav; Ahio. A Benjamite, one of the sons of
Berioh, w'ho drove out the inhabitants of Oath
(1 Ch. viii. 14).
3. A Benjamite, son of Jehiel, father or
foonder of Gibeon (1 Ch. viii. 31, ix. 37). In
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AHIBA
both places B. has UtfK^is, and A. (supported in
the second by K) iSt\<t>oL [W. A. W.] [K.]
AHI'BA (Vy'n«,Ges.=brotherof evil, MV.'»
= my brother is evil ; AF. [nsually] 'Ax'p^,
B. -«-; ^Aira), chief of the tribe of Naphtali
when Moses toolc the census in the year after
the Exodus (Num. i. 15; ii. 29; vii. 78, 83;
X.27). [R. W. B.] [F.]
AHI'EAM (DTHK ; MV.» = my brother is
exalted [cp. Olshausen, Zehri. p. 620] ; B.
'lax'ip^, A. -1-, F. 'Ax«'»'; Ahiram), son of
Benjamin (Num. xxri. 38 [LXX. v. 42]X called
£hi in Gen. xlvi. 21, Abarah in 1 Cb. viii. 1,
perhaps the same as AllCB. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHI'RAMITES, THE (tpTriKPt; B.
'lax'tpcwtl, F. 'Axumti, A. 'Axifw; Ahira-
mitae). One of the branches of the tribe of
Benjamin, descendants of Ahiram (Num. xxvi.
38, LXX. V. i2). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHI'SAMACH (lOD'nK, MV.»=my bro-
ther tupporta ; 'Axurojiulx « Achiaamech). A
Danite, father of Aboliab, one of the architects
of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 6 ; xxxv. .34 [AF. -ox.
B. -o«]; xxxviil. 23 [LXX. xxxvii. 21, AF. -ax,
B.-«]). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHI'SHAHAB (y;lf>m,Gn. = brother of
the dawn, MV." and Olshausen = my brother is
the damn ; B. 'Axc«rii}ap, A. 'Axifiap i Ahiaa-
her). One of the sons of Bilhan, the grandson
ofBenjamin(lCh. vn. 10). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHI'TOPHEL (^^h'rW, of uncertain mean-
ing, apparently = brother of folly [Gea.] ; A.
'Ax'T^fX, B. -CI-, Joseph. 'Ax<T<f^<Ao> ; Achit-
ophel), a native of Giloh, in the hill-country of
Judah (Josh. xv. 51), and privy councillor of
David, whose wisdom was so highly esteemed
that his advice had the authority of a divine
oracle, though his name (according to Geseuius)
had an exactly opposite signification (2 Sam.
xvi. 23). He was the grandfather of Bath-
sheba (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 3 with xxiii. 34), and
it was her fall which influenced him to join
in the rebellion of Absalom. She is called
daughter of Ammiel in 1 Ch. iii. 5 ; but 7{{*I3V
is probably only the anagram of DIT?^ (see
Klostermann, Kgf. Komm. in 'i Sam. xi. 3).
Absalom as soon as he had revolted sent for him,
and, when David heard that Ahitophel had joined
the conspiracy, he prayed Jehovah to turn his
counsel to foolishness (xv. 31), alluding possibly
to the signification of his name. David's grief
at the treachery of his confidential friend found
expression in the Messianic prophecies (Ps. xli.
2 ; Iv. 12-14).
In order to show to the people that the breach
between Absalom and bis father was irreparable,
Ahitophel persuaded him to take possession of
the royal harem (2 Sam. xvi. ,21). David, in
order to counteract his counsel, sent Hushai to
Absalom. Ahitophel had recommended an imme-
diate pursuit of David ; but Hushai advised
delay, his object being to send intelligence to
David, and to give him time to collect his forces
for a decisive engagement. When Ahitophel
saw that Hushai's advice prevailed, he despaired
of success, and returning to bis own home " put
his honsehold in order and hung himself" (xyii.
AHLAB
1-23). This is the only case of suicide men-
tioned in the Old Testament (except in war), as
that of Judas is the only case in the New Testa-
ment. The Talmud ranks him and Balsam
together as instances of men whose " wisdom "
not being "the gift of heaven" led them to
destruction. (Hambiirger, RE., s. n.; Joseph.
Ant. vii. 9, § 8; Niemeyer, Charakt. iv. 454;
Ewald, Qetchich. ii. 652.) [R. W. B.] [F.]
AHI'TUB (31tD»rW, brother of goodnen; B.
'Ax<iT<iA A. -«- ; ^eAito6). 1. Father of Ahi-
melecb, or Ahijah, son of Phinebas, and elder
brother of Ichabod (1 Sam. xiv. 3 ; xxii. 9, 11), and
therefore of the house of Eli and the family of
Ithamar. There is no record of his high-priat-
hood, which, if he ever was high-priest, must
have coincided with the eai'ly days of Samuel's
judgeship.
2. B. 'Ax«T(a)3, A. -1-. Son of Amariah, and
father of Zadok the high-priest (1 Ch. vi. 7, 8;
2 Siim. viii. 17), of the house of Cleazar. From
1 Ch. ix. 11, where the genealogy of Azariali.
the head of one of the priestly families that
returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel, is
traced, through Zadok, to "Ahitub, the mlet
of the house of God," it appears tolerably certain
that Ahitub was high-priest. And so the LXX.
Version (B.) unequivocally renders it uiov 'Ax«i-
Ti>0 iiyoviityou oficov roi; 0<av. The expression
D»r6sn-n»3 TM is applied to Azariah the
high-priest in Hezekiah's reign, in 2 Ch. iixi.
13. The passage is repeated in Neh. xi. II
[where the name has in the Greek texts several
variant forms :— T.' AhiiS, BK. 'Air»/Wx,
A. AirwJS], but the LXX. have spoilt the sense
by rendering "IJJ ixiyayrt, as if it were IJJ;
If the line is correctly given in these two
passages, Ahitub was not the father, but the
grandfather of Zadok, his father being Meraiotb.
But in 1 Ch. vi. 8, and in Ezra vii. 2, Ahitub
is represented as Zadok's father. This uncer-
tainty makes it diificult to determine the
exact time of Ahitub's high-priesthood. If he
was father to Zadok, he must have been high-
priest with Ahimelech. But if he was grand-
father, his age would have coincided exactly
with the other Ahitub, the son of Phinehss.
Certainly a singular coincidence.
8. The genealogy of the high-priests in 1 Ch.
vi. 11, 12, introduces another Ahitub, son of
another Amariah, and father of another Zadok.
At p. 287 of the Genealajiea, &c., will be found
reasons for believing that the second Ahitub and
Zadok are spurious. [A. C. H.]
AHliAB (a^nK = fat, fertile place ; AaXi^ ;
Ach<J<A), a city ot Asher from which the Canaan-
ites were not driven out (Judg. i. 31). Its
omission from the list of the towns of Asher,
in Josh, xix., has led to the suggestion (Ber-
theau on Judg.) that the name is but a cor-
ruption of Achshaph; but this appears extrava-
gant. It is more probable that Ahlab re-
appears in later history as Gush Chaleb, CHS
zhn, or Giscala (Reland, 813, 817), a place
lately identified by Robinson under the abbre-
viated name of el-Jiah,' near Safed, in the hilly
• iSWisk, bowever, lies within the territory asalgned
toNaphtali.
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AHLAI
country to the N.W. of the Sea of Galilee (Rob.
E 446 ; iii. 73). Guh Chaleb was in Rabbini-
cal times famoos for ita oil (see the citations in
Relanil, 817), and the old olire-trees still remain
is the neighbourhood (Rob. iii. 72). From it
came the famous John, son of I^vi, the leader in
the siege of Jerusalem (Jos. Vit. § 10 ; B. J. ii.
21, § 1), and it had a legendary celebrity as the
birthplace of the parents of no less a person
than the apostle Paul (Jerome, quoted by
Reland,813). [G.] [W.]
AH'LAI ( vriK, of nncertain meaning ; Ges.
aid Obhansen, Lehrb. p. 610, preserve for it
the sense «<tiuun / it has in Ps, cxiz. 5 ; B.
'Axal> A. 'AoSof ; Ohotai), danghter of Sheshan,
whom he gave in marriage to his ^yptian
slare Jarha (1 Ch. ii. 31, 35). In consequence
of the Ciilare to Sheshan of male issue, Ahlai
became the fonndress of an important branch of
the family of the Jerahmeelites, and from her
were descended Zabad, one of David's mighty
men (1 Ch. xi. 41, B. 'Ax«i, A. 'OKI, K "Axei;
OAo/i), and Azariah, one of the captains of hun-
dreds in the reign of Joash (2 Ch. xiiii. 1 ; cp.
lCh.ii.38). [W. A.W.] [F.]
AHO'AH (n^DK, in 1 Ch. riii. 7 the name
is read rPHK, Ahij^ ; 'Axi^ [A. omits] ; Ahoe),
ton of Bela, the son of Benjamin (1 Ch. riii. 4).
The patronymic Ahohite (*nnt(, AKMUs) is
feond in 2 Sam. xxiii. 9 [T.' woT/iaS/A^u], 28 [B.
'AiM(Ti|f,A.'EA««initJ; 1 Ch. xi. 12 [B. 'Kpxtf
»ri, M "AxwmI, a. 'Ax*xQ. 29 [K' B. "Ax""'.
«• 'hmxttni, A. 'hxif]; xivii. 4 [T.' B. U-
X^A.'A«ef]. [Ehi.] [W. A.W.] [F.]
AHCyHITE. [Ahoah.]
A'HOLAH (f^nK, tent; T.' 'OoKi, B.
'OeAAi, A. 'O\}j!\bolla; R. V. Ohclah), a
harlot, osed by Ezekiel as the symbol of Samaria
(Eiek. xxiii. 4, 5, 36, 44). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHOLI'AB (3K*^nK, MV.««=te.<or/anitfy
<4 the Father; 'tJudfil '(Miab ; K. V. Oholiah),
a Danite of great skill as a weaver and em-
broiderer, whom Hoses appointed with Bezaleel
t« erect the tabernacle (Ex. xiii. 6, xxxv. 30-
35,iiivi.l,2, ixxviU.22,23). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHOLI'BAH (n3»^nK,MV.»=»A« m whom
it My tent, for ^3*; Fiint compares rl3*^VBI7'
SejAxSah : T.' '6oKi0i, A. 'OKtfii ; B. some-
times 'OX-, sometimes 'OoX- : OoISm ; B. V. Oho-
AnA), a harlot, used by Ezekiel as the symbol
of Jerusalem (Ezek. xxiii. 4, 11, 22, 36, 44>
[W. A. W.] [F.]
AH0LI-BA'MAH(nD3»^rW, MV.» = tent
of the high place; Ootibama; fi.'v. OholibaTna),
«ie (probably the second) of the three wives
of £uu. She was the daughter of Anah, a
descendant of Seir the Horite ( Gen. xxxvi. 2,
A. 'OAi^/ut, E. 'OAij3<u/i4iv; v. 25, £. '0\</3<C).
It is donbtless through this connexion of
£saa with the original inhabitants of Mount
Seir that we are to trace the subsequent occu-
pation of that territory by him and his de-
scendants, and it is remarkable that each of
his three sons by this wife is himself the head of
a tribe, whilst all the tribes of the Edomites
STirang &om his other two wives are founded by
AHUZZATH
77
his grandsons (Gen. xxxvi. 15-19 [v. 18, A.
'OKihiiuu and 'EXi-, D. 'O\i0imua and 'EAi-
fidfutt, G. [second time] 'OXiPtnaJ). In the earlier
narrative (Gen. ixvi. 34) Aholibamah is called
Jddith, daughter of Beeri, the Hittite. The
explanation of the change in the name of the
"roman seems to be that her proper personal
_ame was Judith, and that Aholibamah was the
name which she received as the wife of Esan
and foundress of three tribes of his descendants ;
she is therefore in the narrative called by the
first name, whilst in the genealogical table of the
Edomites she appears under the second (see
Delitzsch, Geneaii, p. 429 [1887]). This ex-
planation is confirmed by the recurrence of the
name Aholibamah in the concluding list of the
genealogical table (Gen. xxxvi. 40-43 [«. 41,
A. 'EAi^(/tai, /A" 'EXfi/So^Ss]), which, with
Hengstenberg (Die Authentic a. Pent. ii. 279 ;
Eng. trans, ii. 228), Tuch {Komm. Ob. d. Oen.
493), Knobel (Genea. p. 258), Dillmann and
Delitzsch, we must regard as a list of names of
places and not of persons, as indeed is expressly
said at the close of it : " These are the chiefs
(heads of tribes) of Esau, according to their
settlements in the land of their possession."
The district which received the name of Esau's
wife, or perhaps rather from which she received
her married name, was no doubt (as the name
itself indicates) situated in the heights of the
mountains of Edom, probably therefore in the
neighbourhood of Mount Hor and Petra, though
Knobel places it south of Petra, having been
misled by Burckhardt's name Htsma, which
however, according to Robinson (ii. 155), is " a
sandy tract with mountains around it . . . but
not itself a mountain, as reported by Burck-
hardt." It seems not unlikely that the three
tribes descended from Aholibamah, or at least
two of them, possessed this district, since there
are enumerated only eleven districts, whereas
the number of tribes is thirteen, exclusive of
that of Korah, whose name occurs twice, and
which we may further conjecture emigrated (in
part at least) from the district of Aholibamah,
and became associated with the tribes descended
from Eliphaz, Esau's first-bom son.
It is to be observed that each of the wives of
Esan is mentioned by a name in the genealogical
table different from that which occurs in the
history. See Basuemath. With respect to the
name and race of the father of Aholibamah, see
AUAH and Beeri. [F. W. G.] [F.]
AHU'MAI CIMrW ; B. 'Ax««/*«', A. 'AxW ;
Ahumat), son of Jahath, a descendant of Judah,
and head of one of the families of Zorathites
(1 Ch. iv. 2). [W. A. W.]
AHDZ'ZATH (J\Vr», poatession, but (?) a
Philistine name ; A. 'OxoC<'^i ^- -Cox C'" ^'^
zxri. 26] ; Ochozath), one of the friends of the
Philistine king Abimelech who accompanied
him at his interview with Isaac (Gen. xxri.
26). In the LXX. the epithet trWiO (R. V.
" his friend ") is rendered 6 mfi^eefttyhs ainoS
=pr<mulma, or bridesman (cp. Jud. xiv. 20, LXX.
A.), and his name is inserted in xxi. 22, 32.
St. Jerome {Qwust. in Gen.) and the Targum
render 'D 'N by " a company of friends," a sense
which 'K does not possess. For the termination
" -ath " to Philistine masc. names, cp. Goliath
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78
AI
•ath (the old fern.) is eommoa in Canaaniti>h,
Aramaic, and Arabic names, even of men: cp.
Genubath (1 K. xi. 20. See Driver, Hebr. Tmaes,'
p. 281 ; Eating, A*i6<rf. Inachriflen, pp. 73, 9(>-
92 ; e^. nmn = Aretas). [R. W. B.] [F.]
A'l CV = heap of ruitu, Ges.). 1. (always
with the def. article, ^VTI [see Gen. xii. 8, in
A. V.]; 'Ayyat [Gen. a'nd Is. i. 28], Ted [in
Josh.], 'Ala [in Ezra], T.' 'A(, KB. 'AA«(o [Neh.
vii. 32], K» 'A(» [Neh. xi. 31]; Jos. Ant. v. 1, 2,
'AiKo [Dind. 'Avya] : Hai), a royal city (cp.
Josh. riii. 23, 29 ; x. 1 ; xii. 9) of Canaan, already
existing in the time of Abraham (Gen. xii. 8)
[Uai]. It was east of and " beside " Bethel
(Gen. xii. 8 ; Josh. vii. 2, xii. 9) ; on the south
side of a valley (Josh. viii. 11) ; " beside " Bet haven
(Josh. vii. 2); a valley or place where 5,000 men
could be concealed lay between it .and Bethel
(Josh. viii. 9, 12), and it was apparently more
closely connected with Bethel than with Mich-
mash (Ezra ii. 28 ; Neh. vii. 32.) It was the
second city taken by Israel after their passage
of the Jordan, and was " utterly destroyed "
(Josh. vii. 3-5; viii. 1-3, 10-12, 14, 16-
18, 20, 21, 23-26, 28, 29; ix. 3; .x. 1, 2;
xii. 9: see Stanley, & ^ P. p. 202). However,
if Aiath be Ai — and from its mention with
Migron and Michmash, it is at least probable
that it was so — the name was still attached to
the locality at the time of Sennacherib's march
on Jerusalem (Is. x. 28). [Aiath.] At any
rate, the " men of Bethel and Ai," to the number
of two hundred and twenty-three, returned from
the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii, 28 ;
Neh. vii. 32, " one hundred and twenty-three "
only); and when the Benjamites again took
possession of their towns, " Michmash, Aija,
and Bethel, with their ' daughters,' " are among
the places named (Neh. xi. 31). [Aija.]
Eusebius remarks {OS.* p. 233, 59, AyjwO
that though Bethel remained, Ai was a Toir&f
tfntpMS, airrh fi6i'ot' ScttcvvTW : but even that can-
not now be said, and no attempt has yet succeeded
in definitely fixing the site of the city which
Joshua doomed to be a "heap and a desolation for
ever." It is now probably et- Tell, a conspicuous
mound, covered with heaps of stones and ruins,
13 miles E.S.E. of Bethel, on the south side of
W. Mahciain, " the valley of the fortifications."
Compare Josh. viii. 28, where the Hebrew has
73, " Tell," for heap, an unusual word which
only occurs in four other passages of the Bible.
Between Bcitin (Bethel) and et-Tell the ruins
of a church on the brow of a hill, whence there
is a commanding view of the Jordan valley
north of the Dead Sea, possibly mark the site
of the altar built by Abram (Gen. xii. 8. See
PFQy. Stat. 1869, pp. 123-6, and 1874, pp.62-t).
H. Ganneau and Major Conder identify Ai with
Kh. Ilaii/dn, near Veir Diicdn, 2| miles S.E. of
Bethel, but the position and topographical
features are not so closely in accordance with
the Bible narrative as those of et- Tell; see,
however. Major Conder in Tent Work in Pales-
tine, ii. 108-9. Ai has also been identified by
KraSl and Capt. Kitchener with KA. el-IIaiych,
" ruin of the snake," south-cast of MUkhmis
(Michmash), but this position is too remote from
Bethel ; and the some remark applies to Kh. Dir
Haiyeh to the south of W. Snvmut. An Ai
.UJALOX
occurs in the Geographical Lists of the Tempk
of Kamak in Upper Egypt, bnt this would appmi
to have been in Northern Palestine. It is the
opinion of some that the words Avim (0M9) io
Josh, xviii. 23, and Gaza (ilW) in 1 Ch. vii. 28,
are corruptions of \\. [A vim ; Azzah.]
a. »»; T.' rol, «A. Kai, B. omits; Hci. A
city of the Ammonites, apparently attached to
Heshbon(Jer.ilix.3,LXX.ixi.3). [G.] [W.]
AI'AH (njK, vulture; B. 'A/*, A. Aid;
Aia). 1. Son of Zibeon, a descendant of Seir,
and ancestor of one of the wives of Essa
(1 Ch. i. 40), called in Gen. xxxvi. 24 AlAR
[A. 'Alt, E. Na<(]. He probably died before his
father, as the succession fell to his brother .\SAH.
2. Father of Kizpah, the concubine of Saul
(2 Sam. iii. 7 ; xxi. 8, 10, 11). In 2 Sam. iiL 7
B. gives the name as 'IcU (B*. 'lai), A. as 'lik;
in 2 Sam. xxi. 8, B. reads 'Ad. [W. A. W.] [F.]
.AI'ATH (n»r, fem. of »», Ai; tls tV »<iAir
'Afyci; Aiath), a place named by Isaiah (i. 28)
with Migron and Michmash. Probably the same
as Ai. [Ai ; AUA.] [G.] [W.]
AI'JA (KW; om. «A., K"A(a>; nax),\\le
Aiath, probably a variation of the name AL
The name is mentioned with Michmash and
Bethel (Neh. xi. 31). [Al.] [G.] [W.]
AI'JALON C\h^, "place of deer' or
gazelles," MV." si a., Stanley, p. 208, note;
Ajalon). 1. A city of the Kohathites (Josh,
xxi. 24, B. AlKiiv, A. 'laKiy ; 1 Ch. vi. 69,
B. 'S.yKiii, A. 'HAcii': Helon), originally allotted
to the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 42, B. 'Aiiiuit,
A. 'laoAtf r ; A. V. " Ajalon "), which tribe, how-
ever, was unable to dispossess the Amorites ot
the place (Judg. i. ^5 [LXX. paraphrases]).
Aijalon was one of the towns fortified by Reho-
boam (2 Ch. xi. 10, B. 'AXiiiv, A. AioX^r)
during his conflicts with the new kingdom ot
Ephraim (1 K. xiv. 30), and the last we hear
of it is as being in the hands of the Philistines
(2 Ch. xxviii. 18, B. AiA<4, A. AlXJm, A. V.
" Ajalon ").
Being on the very frontier of the two king-
doms, we can understand how .\ijalon should be
spoken of sometimes (1 Ch. vi. 69, comp. with
t. 66) as in Ephraim.** and sometimes (2 Ch. xi.
10 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 31 [LXX. omits]) as in Jodah
and Benjamin.
The name is most familiar to us from its
mention in the celebrated speech of Joshua
during his pursuit of the Canaanites (Josh.
X. 12, AiK<iv, " valley (pQVf) of Aijalon ; " s«e
Stanley, p. 210). There is no doubt that the
town has been discovered by Dr. Robinson in
the modem Yalo,' a little to the N. of the
Jaffa road, about 14 miles out of Jertisalem.
It stands on the side of a long hill which forms
* The part of tiie country in wtalch AUalon was sits-
ated— ttie western elopes of the main central tableland
leading down to the plain of Sharon— must, if the de-
rivation of the names of ita towns Is to be trusted, have
abounded in animals. Besides Aijalon (deer), here lay
.Shaalbim (foxes or Jackals), and not far off the valley ol
Zeboim (hyaenas). See Stanley, p. 163, note.
>• Ferhqia this may suggest an explanation of the
allusion to the ■■ house of Joseph" in tlia dUScolt
passage, Judg. 1. 34. 35.
° 'loAu, In Eplphanlns ; see Reland, p. 563.
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AUELETH SHAHAB
iht (outhern boundary of a fine valley of com-
itiis, ThiehraUey now bears the nnme of the
May /An 'Amir, but which there aeema no
nu«n for doubting was the valley of Aijalon
vhich witnessed the defeat of the Canaanites
(FEob. ii. 253, iu. 145).
8. AtX^it ; A. KlXtlft. A place in Zebnlnn,
m«Dtioned as the burial-place of Elon (p7*((),'
uneof (he Judges (Judg. xii. 12). It may also
hare been his birthplace and originally called
ifter him. [Eu>N, 3.] It may possibly be Kh.
Min,E.o(.Kcn. [G.] [W.]
AIJELETH SHAHAB, or rather Ayydeth
Jliuahachar (Aurora*), stands in the Hebrew
text as part of the first, i.e. introductory, verse
«f Fs. uii. These two words being nowhere
dst found together in the Bible, are somewhat
(lifScalt to explain, both as regards their mean-
ing and their application. Whilst some of the
tnnslators are agreed as to the literal meaning
of these words, scarcely two commentators
ngrce as to their literary application. Rashi^
i«aves us the choice between Ayyeleth Haa-
liadar being either the name of a musical
io^mneot, or the allegorical name of the
OoniTTegation of Israel.* This latter application
ij taken from the Uidrash,' and is accepted by
Vimchi.' Ibo 'Ezra,' while justly rejecting this
meaning, takes Ayyeleth Jlaukaehar aa the com-
mennment of a poem, which, together with its
tone (though now l<»t), was so well known
(lefore and during the existence of the Temple),
that these mere two words were a sufBcient
indication to the leader of the music-band how
K> execute the whole Psalm. It is bnt just to
•»y that to this explanation Ibn '£zTa adheres
»lmi»t consistently throughout tlie whole
I'lalter, whenever the superscriptions thereof
are coocemed [Gittith]. This view of Ibn
'Ezra has been received with great favour by
most of the modern translators and commenta-
tors. It would, indeed, bn very acceptable
were it not lacking in one point — truth. More-
over, it is not only not true, but cannot be true,
as it rests on a gross anachronism. That such
is the case can be proved both negatively and
positively. In the first place, there is not the
AIJELETH SHAHAB
79
< It «m be obM>Tved that the two words ]^^>t( and
p7{( <UlI'er only in llwlr vowel-polnts.
* iQmker Tob (i.e. Midrssh TihUtin, or TWim), xxll. ;
MkiTMh (.'kaiiOia (on Cant, v). 10); Talmud Yem-
•Ulsal BenMutk, i. 1 ; rainm, til. 2.
^This greatest of mediaeval Rabbis flourished at
Tntfcs, OMmpagne, tnm 1040 to 1105. 8ee ScUller-
*l»e>»y, an. " Rashi," Sncifclopaedia Britannica,
nLjx.
' Batid'i sutement tbat the Habbis applied this Psalm
to Eitbcr Is given bf him without any further reoiark.
It is evident by bis silence tliat be docs not quite see the
agocr of this application.
* SIncktT Ib6, in loco.
* TTiis prince at anomentators was bom after 1155,
04 iBnl about 123S at Narbonne. See Schiller-Sitneasy,
nl " Klinhi," £ncj/clopaedut Britannica, vol. xiv.
' Abraham Ibn 'Kxra was bom at Toledo after 1090.
•ol died It Rome (?) after ties. He was veived In all
Ivuches of literature and science known in his time.
He wrote moat learnedly on phlloeophy and theology,
sad It ms)' nfely be said of him, mkO, tetigit quod non
wiwni; but be believed, alas! also In sstrvlogy, on
«hiti «e have several books by him.
slightest evidence that such a custom of giving
the first word or two for a whole poem and its
melody ever obtained in early Christian, not to
say in pre-Christian, times.' We know, more-
over, for a fact where this custom originated,
and approximately when. Singularly enough,
the man who has furnishe<I us with this piece of
information is Ibn 'Kzra himself. On Ps. vii. 1
(superscription) he tells us : " Set to Dibere
Khush. As the writers of Sepharcul (the Iberian
peninsula) at the top of the poems note down a
poem, the melody of which is (well) known"
(una' ptavsn mao »2ni3 panur ids
orD p- DTW] uoo even -iio n^nna rhmh
VWy Now, Ibn 'txra does not tell us whether
he means by " the writers of Sepharad "
simply Jewish poets, or Jewish liturgical
authors, or Christian or Mohammedan poets,
or, finally, mere copyists. We will give him,
hon'ever, the benefit of the doubt, and assume
that he meant either Jewish poets who had
learnt versilication from the Arabs of Spain,
or those Arabs themselves. The former sup-
position is the more probable one. Ibn 'Ezra
lived into the second half of the 12th cen-
tury ; and although born in .\rabic-speaking
Spain, had travelled much abroad, and seen
" the lands of many lords " (Italy, France,
Provence, England, &c.), where Christians, lay-
men as well as ecclesiastics, were in the habit
of writing poetry " set to " popular tunes. Had
he not me.int, therefore, by " the writers of
Sepharad," either the Jews who had learnt from
the Arabs, or those Arabs themselves, he would
scarcely have used that peculiar expression.
Now, the earliest Arabs of Spain who wrote
metrically lived at the very least full a
thousand years later than the time when the
latest Psalm received its superscription. Again,
when we look into the practice obtaining among'
later Jews of having a poem " set to " a well-
known melody, we find that neither the
Sephamdira nor the Ashkenazim employ for
that practice the word 'Al (?V). The former
use the terms Leno'ain (Dl?137) or Lec/teit (jn?),
whilst the latter employ the word Beniggun
(J1333). Ibn 'Ezra's theory, that 'Al Ayyeleth
Hasshachar signified " Set to the tune of a poem
beginning Ayyeleth llasthachar," must there-
fore be absolutely rejected as an anachronism.
But how came so keen-witted a scholar as
Ibn 'Ezra unquestionably was, to fall into such
a gross mistake ? This may be easily explained.
It has been clearly shown by Ewald,'' and by
s It Is true that some writers (Qesentus, FQrst, &c.)
have even gone so far as to maintain tbat a somewhat
similar instance is to bo found Iu the liible itself, and
that the word qathctk (DJ^p) In 2 Sam. I. 19 refers
to tbe word qaJtetk (nt^p), which Is to be found
In V. 22. With the same reason, and a much better
one, as the word qahetk (nt^p) there stands at tbe
beginning of a verse, we might say that It refers to
1 Sam. U. 4. But this, surely, wonld be a grots
absurdity. As regards the "proof" which Oesenius
brings fhim the Qoran, we can only say that it is worse
than a mere anachronism.
>• Die poetitchen BScher da Alten Bundet (QUUtngen,
1839, 8V0, 1, p. 175).
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80
AIJELETH SHAHAB
others both before ' and after ' him, though not
with sufficient consistency, that no word or
words signifying an instrument or instruments
can be preceded by 'Al, as the Hebrews did not
spealc of playing " upon " (,'Al), but " with " or
" by means of" \=Bc or = £i). Ewald and his
predecessor, however, were by no means the first
to find out this fact: it must hare been well
known to Ibn 'Ezra, who no doubt rejected, on
account of that fact, the "instrument-of-music "
theory, though he only did so silently. The
theory, that a word or words succeeding 'Al
in superscriptions signified a "music-band,"
applied practically by Rab Se'adyah Gaon to
Ps. viii. 1, was not only not rejected by Ibn 'Ezra,
but even received with some favour. He, no
doubt, would have consistently adhered to this
rational theory, had not the superscriptions of
Pss. liii. 1, Ixi. 1, and Uxxriii. 1 presented, as
it appeared to htm, an insuperable dilliculty. He
gives us an insight into his thoughts concerning
this matter in his commentary on Pss. \xi. 1 and
Ixxxviii. 1 (and silently also on Ps. liii. 1). He
tells us that the Pattach under the last
syllable of Neginath (ny;3) and Machalath
<np!JD) (being common nouns, as he believed)
pointed to a construct state (itatia coiiitructtu) ;
but since the genitive of this construction was
missing, this omission, in its turn, could only
point to one thing, viz. that this was the first
word of s poem, the tune of which was well
known at the time while the Temple stood.
Now, in reality, Ibn 'Ezra argues here in a circle
{circutus citiosus), as Uachatath need not be a
common, but may l)e a proper, noun ; in the
latter case it is found with a Pattach, without a
genitive following (cf. Gen. xxviii. 9 ; 2 Ch. xi.
18). If we may appeal to analogy, such is also
the case with Neginath, when a proper noun.
To resume : (1) The " instrument-of-music "
theory must be abandoned. That part of it
which identifies Atjyeleth JJaashachar with a
'" morning-flute " is so gross an absurdity that
it needs no further refutation. (2) The *' com-
menoement-of-a-poem " theory must also be
rejected, as resting not merely on an anachron-
ism, but also as originating in an argument
which moves in a circle.
What, then, is the meaning of Ayycleth Has-
shachar ? It is the name of a music-band, as the
learned Cnlmet,' in his commentary on this
Psalm (which with him, as with the Septuagint,
is Ps. xxi.), already suggests, although he was
not aware of all the reasons why it was so called.
Now, there can be littli; doubt that this band
had its seat in Agi/aloa (Aijalon or Ajalon), and
that it was its duty I/>vitically to assist in the
morning sacrifice and service. Hence Ayyeleth
HoMhachar. This theory fits in well with the
Targumic phrase "the perpetual morning
aacrifice" (KriS'TpT KTin P"l1p), which
expresses in part an old tradition. [S.-S.]
> The tete I. H. Kobn, Hebrew MssUr at the Imperial
Royal Normal School of Old Boda, whoae pnpU the
writer of this article wis In 1830-33.
» H. P. Rie, Fartchungen ilbtr die rAtnchriften itr
Pialwun (Leipzig, 1M6, sm. 8to, p. 3, n. 2tttqq.).
This UtUe book, If used wttli cantlon. will prove valu-
able In many respects.
■ Calmet was a French Benedictine of great distinction.
He Honriibed from 16T2 to 1767.
AIX
AIX Q\V), an eye, and also, in the simple bnt
vivid imagery of the East, a spring or natanl
burst of living water, always distinguishtd
from the well or tank of artificial formation,
which is designated by the words Bier (1^)
and Bor (*1{<3 and 1^3). Ain still retains iu
ancient and double meaning in Arabic, ujiS;
Such living springs abound in Palestine even
more than in other mountainous districts, and,
apart from their natural value in a hot climate,
form one of the most remarkable festnrts
of the country. Stanley (& and P. 147, 509)
has called attention to the accurate and per-
sistent osc of the word in the original text of
the Bible, and has well expressed the incon-
venience arising from the confusion in the A-V.
of words and things so radically distinct as Ain
and Beer. "The importance of distinguithin;
between the two is illustrated by Ex. xv. 27, is
which the word 'Ainoth (A. V. 'wells,' B. V.
' springs ') is used for the springs of (nak
water at Elim, although the rocky soil of that
place excludes the supposition of dug welk"
[FOONTAIN.]
Ain ofltenest occurs in combination with other
words, forming the names of definite localitiei:
these will be found under En, as £n-gedi, En-
gannim, &c. It occurs alone in two cases : —
1. With the def. article, {^rn. One of the
landmarks on the eastern boundary of Palestia*
as described by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 11), and ap-
parently mentioned, if the rendering of the A. V.
and R. V. be accurate, to define the position of
Riblah, viz. "on the *Bst side of ' the sprini;'"
(LXX. M miyis). By Jerome, in the Vulgste,
it is rendered oontra foniem Daphnini, meaniDj
the apring which rose in the celebrated grove of
Daphne, dedicated to Apollo and Diana at An-
tioch.* But Riblah having been lately, with
much probability, identified (Rob. iii. 543-6;
Porter, ii. 333) with a place of the same name on
the east bank of the Orontes between Ba'albek
.ind Horns, " the spring " of the text must ii
the present state of our knowledge be taken to
be 'Ain el-'Asy, the main source of the Orontes;
a spring remarkable, even among the springs of
Palestine, for its force and magnitude. The ob-
jections to this identification are the distance
from Sibleh — about 9 miles ; and the direction
— ^nearer N.E. than E. (see Rob. iii. 534 ; Porter,
ii. 335-6, 358). Not far from 'Ain el-'Asy i«
the remarkable monument of KamU'a el-IIermil,
perhaps the most conspicuous landmark in Syria,
und some distance to the south is the modem
village of e>/-'.ilin. [Riblah; Hamate.]
2. One of the southernmost cities of Judsh
(Josh. XV. 32, Aen), afterwards allotted to Simeon
(Josh. xix. 7, Ain; 1 Ch. iv. 32,» B. omits, A.
• That this, and not the spring Identified at DifnA,
near the source of the Jordan at Ml et-Xad) (Rob. lit
393; Bitter, Jorifan, 215), is the Daphne referred to Id
the Vulgste, Is clear from the quotations tram Jenxu
given In Reland {Pal., cap. xxv. p. ISO). In the T«r-
gums of Jerusalem and Ps.-Jonathan Riblah la rendcRd
by Daphne, and Ain by 'Invstha (XPIU'V)- Schwsn
(29) wonld place Ain >t '■ Kin-»1-Malcha " : to be con-
sistent with which, he U driven to assume that the
Daphne near Fanias bad also Ibe name of Riblah.
» Afler enumerating the " cliles " (D'"iy) of Simeon,
the text p^oceed^ " and 'their village* (DnnSp) «««
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AIK
Hr, A(h) and given to tlie priests (Josh. xxi.
16, & 'A<ra. A. 'A/r; Ain). In the litt of
prasU' cities in 1 Ch. vi. 59 ([Heb. r. 44], B.
'Atir, A. 'Arriii'; ilsan) Ashan {\t^V) takes the
place of Ain; ther were, however, different
|ilue$. ai they are mentioned together in Josh.
III. 7 and 1 'Ch. iv. 32. [ASHAJi.] The name
nurposibly be retained in the W. el-' Ain, which
riles in the heart of Jebd Magrdh at the southern
citremitT of Palestine.
In Xe'h. xi. 29 (T.' and Vulg. omit, H.* ir
P<fi^) Ain is joined to the name which in
the other passages usually follows it, and ap-
pears as En-rimmon. So the LXX. B. in Josh.
IT. 32 gives the name as 'ZfuijM (A. Vtmuir ;
in), and in Josh. xix. 7 as 'Eptufuiv (A. 'A(i>
mi P.; Ain). [Ek-RihmON.] (See Rob. ii.
•>M.) [G.] [W.]
AIR (Hf). In Eph. ii. 2 Satan is called
"the prince of the power of the air," "the
spirit that worketh in the sons of disobedience "
(R. V.X Whether or not " air " be taken, with
Mme critics, as equivalent to darkness, the sen-
tence expresses the popular belief of Jew and
■ientile that the air was peopled with spiritual
beings, and the lower strata especially or those
nearest to earth with spirits of evil. It was
the teaching of Pythagoras, of Plutarch, and of
-Xenocrates that the air bene.ith the ether and
the heaven was full of gods and demons ; it was
3 similar belief wliich made the Jew^s " all their
lifetime through fear of death subject to
bondage" (Heb. ii. IJ). Jewish theology (to
refer only to that) massed together these noxious
spirits nnder the head of Mataikin (Pp'fD).
Their leader was and is Satan, — restless, cruel,
and independent. As the "spirit of delusion"
ne first tempts and deceives man ; next as
" accuser " he brings charges .igainst him, and
then as the *' angel of death " he seeks to slay
him. In this conception, probably that current
in the time of St. Paul, there is an advance
apon the more reserved statements of the
I'anonical Scripture of the Old Testament. The
prologae to Job and Zechariah (ch. iii.) represents
the Satan as able to work ill only by God's
pi^rmission; and if the later writer of 1 Ch.
ui. 1 represents this prince-spirit as acting in
> more independent fashion, his conception falls
Jet very far short of the ifX"* T^t ilovalas
T» iifos. See Demokoloot, and consult on the
«hole subject Hamburger, RE. i. a. " Geister,"
Ml Speaker's Comm. on Tobit, pp. 176, &c. [K.]
AITIUS ("Wpoj; An). One of the "ser-
vants of the Temple," or Netbinim, whose de-
asndanU returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 31).
Perhaps the same as Reaiah. [W. A. W.]
A'JAH(n«!<; A. 'A«/, E. Noi^; Aia; R. V.
^»^4). Son of Zibeon (Gen. xxxvi. 24; called
'a 1 Ch. L 40 AiAH [B. "AW, A. 'A.'a; Aia\).
tAUH ; ASAH.] [F.]
A'JALOX (R. V. .Ujalon, Josh. i. 12, xix.
♦2 ; 2 Ch. ixviii. 18). The same place as AlJALON
^"^ Ala flTe dues" (D'TT). Keil and
^«'»nJoln Dnnxni to ». 31. Xbe difference he-
>»«B the nnmbers fire and four (Josb. all. t, J, to
*^ the passage In 1 Ch. refers) is snIBdently ei-
PWned ty Ixllnuim on Josh, t.c [S. B. D.]
eiBlE DlCr. — YOL. 1.
AKRABBIM
81
(1), which see. The Hebrew being the same in
both, there is no reason for the inconsistency in
the spelling of the name in the A. V. [G.] [W.]
AKA'K QpO. ; A. 'laivmi^, D. 'IttavKafi ; Acan),
a descendant of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 27), called
Jakan in 1 Ch. i. 42 (B. omits, A. 'lacutiy;
Jacan). [Bene-Jaakan.] [VV. A. W.] [F.]
AKEL'DAMA. [Aceldama.]
AKKU'B (31p», Ges. = cunning, cp. ipv^ ;
A. 'Akk»v3, B. 'loKoir ; Acmb). 1. A descend-
ant of Zerubbabel, and one of the seven sons of
Elioenai (1 Ch. iii. 24).
S. Accub. One at the porters or doorkeepers
at the east gate of the Temple. His descend-
ants succeeded to his office, and appear among
those who returned from Babylon (1 Ch. ix. 17
[B. "AkoiJm; a. "AKoiijS]; Ezra ii. 42 [AB.
'Akov^]; Neh. vii. 45 [J<AB(?). 'KKoiji], xi.
19 [T.' 'KKoiff], Iii. 25 [T.' omits, K.« "Aitoi;/}]).
Also called Dacodi (1 Esd. v. 28).
8. B. 'A«a/3<^0, A. 'KKoifi. One of the
Nethinim, whose family returned with Zerub-
babel (Ezra ii. 45). tlie name is omitted in
Keh. vii., but occurs in the form ACDB
(B. 'Akov^, a. 'A«aii^) in 1 Esd. v. 31 ; though
some prefer to consider ACUB as answering to
Bakbuk in Ezra ii. 51 (Boic/Sovk, B. BaxxovK),
and find in Acua iu 1 Esd. v. 30 (*AkovS) the
name of this member of the Netbinim.
4. Omitted in LXX. A I.evite who assisted
Ezra in expounding the Law (Neh. viii. 7).
Cilled Jaclbl'S in 1 Esd. ix. 48 (A. 'I^ovjSos,
B. 'loo-oiJ/Soot; .ilccuitM). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AEBAB'BIM, "the ascent of," and "the
aoiNO UP TO ; " also " Maaleii-acbabbim "
(D'3'li?U njyp = " the ascent of scorpions ; "
BA. usually, avifiaais 'AKpa$tiy, A. f in Josh.
'AKpaPBtt/iL ; Axcnsu* scorpionum). A pass
between the sonth end of the Dead Sea and
Zin, forming one of the landmarks on the south
boundary at once of Judah (Josh. iv. 3) and
of the Holy Land (Num. xxxiv. 4). Also the
north (?) boundary of the Amorites (Judg.
i. 36).
Judas Maccabaeus g-iined here a great victory
over the Edomites (1 Mncc. v. 3 * [AN.' 'Axpa-
/5oTTt|K^, K.' -arravi) ; Acrc^thwte'}, " Arabat-
tine," which see ; Jos. Ant. xii. 8, § 1).
De Saulcy (i. 77) would identify it with the
long and steep pass of the Wady es-Zuteeirah.
Scorpions he certainly found there in plenty,
but this wady is too much to the north to have
been Akrabbim, as the boundary went from
thence to Zin and Kadesh-Barnea, which wher-
ever situated were certainly many miles further
south. Robinson's conjecture is, that it is the
line of cliffs which cross the Ghor at right angles,
1 1 miles south of the Dead Sea, and form the
ascent of separation between the Ghor and the
Arabah (ii. 120). Akrabbim is possibly the
* The Alex. MS. In this place reads 'lovSai^ for
'Itovfuu'f , and Ewald {Oetch. Iv. 91, 35») endeavours to
show therefrom that the Acrabattlne there mentioned
was that hetweeo Samaria and Judaea, In support of his
opinion that a large part of Southern Palcstioc was then
In possession of the Edomites. Bnt this reading does
not agree with the context, and It Is at least ceruin that
Josephus had the text as It now stands. See .<^a<:er's
OmvutUarj), note on 1 Mace, v, 3.
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82
ALABASTER
steep pass es-SHfafi, by which the final step is
mode from the desert to the level of the actual
land of Palestine, or perhaps the ascent leading
up to Nagb Ibn Mar, a position more in accord-
ance with that usually assigned to Zin, the next
}ioint mentioned on the boundary. As to the
name, scorpions abound in the whole of this
district.
This place must not be confoundccl with
Akrabatene, 'A)t()afloT7|i^, or Akrnbatta, 'Kxpa-
fivrri, one of the eleven Toparchies into which
Judaea was divided, and named next to Gophna.
This place lay between Neapolis and Jericho,
and its name survives in the modern village
'Akraheh. [Arbattm.] [G.] [W.]
ALiVBASTEB {iXiPturrpos ; alabaatrum)
occnrs in the N. T. only, in the notice of the
alttliastcr-box of ointment which a woman brought
to our Lord when He sat at meat in the house
of Simon the leper at Bethany, the contents of
which she poured on the head of the Saviour.
(See Matt. xxvi. 7 ; Mark xiv. 3 ; Luke vii. 37.)
By the English word alabaster is to be understood
both that kind which is also known by the name
o( gypsum, and the Oriental alabaster which is so
much valued on account of its translucency,
and for its variety of coloured streakings, red,
yellow, gray, &e., which it owes for the most
part to the admixture of oxides of iron. The
latter is a fibrous carbonate of lime, of which
there arc many varieties, satin spar being one of
the most common. The former is a hydrous
sulphate of lime, and forms when calcined and
ground the well-known substance called plaster
of Paris. Both these kinds of alabaster, but
especially the latter, are and have been long
used for various ornamental purposes, such as
the fabrication of vases, boxes, &c. The ancients
considered alabaster (carbonate of lime) to be
the best material in which to preserve their
ointments (Pliny, II. jV. xiif. 3). Herodotus
(iii. 20) mentions an alabaster vessel of oint-
ment which Cambyses scut, amongst other thingsj
as a present to the Aethiopians. Hammond
(Annotat. ad Matt. xxvi. 7) quotes Plutarch,
Julius Pollux, and Athcnaeus, to show that ala-
baster was the material in which ointments
were wont to be kept.
In 2 K. xxi. 13, " I will wipe Jerusalem as a
man wijreth a dish" (rin?V), the Vat. and Alex.
versions of the LXX. use alabastron in the
rendering of the Hebrew words.* The reading
of the LXX. in this passage is thus literally
translated by Harmer (^Olaervations, iv. 473):
"I will unanoint Jerusalem as an. alabaster un-
anointed box is unanointed, and is turned down
on its face." Pliny' tells us that the usual form
of these alabaster vessels was long and slender
at the top, and round and full at the bottom.
He likens them to the long pearls, called elenchi,
which the Roman ladies suspended from their
* B. airaAct^M Tifi' 'IcpovvoXif^, koMk avaXtt^tnn o
oAo^affTpoc [A. jh oAajSoffTpov] awaXtu^iitfOi. icat
naraaTfi^mu [A. -tc] «iri Tf><i<ruiroi' aimv. The Com-
plntenslan Version and the Vulgate [diUbo Jeruulem,
ticut deUri tolenl tabulae (Lucian's recension, nticr);
et ddent vetUm, et duoam crebriut ityium titperfacietn
^us] understand the passage In a very different way.
"Et proceiioribus sna gratia est: elenchos appel-
lant fastlgata longltudlne, alabattnrum figura In
plenlorem orbcm dctiuentcs" (£r. N. Iz. &G}.
ALABABTEK
fingers or dangled from their ears. He compara
also the green pointed cone of a rose-bud to th«
form of an alabaster ointment-vessel (//. S.
xxi. 4). The onyx—{cp. Hot. Od. iv. 12, 17,
" Nardi parvus onyx ") — which Pliny tsys is
another name for alabastrites, mast not be con-
founded with the precious stone of that Damp,
which is a snb-species of the qvartt iamily ol
minerals, being a variety of agate. Perhaps tht
name of onyx was given to the pink-colouwi
variety of the calcareous alabaster, in alluios
to Its resembling the finger-nail (onyx) in
colour, or else because the calcareous alabaatei
bears some resemblance to the agate-ooyx in th'.
characteristic lunar-shaped inark of the last-'
named stone, which mark reminded the andenti
of the whitish semicircular spot at the base ot
the finger-nail.
The term atabastra, however, was by no meuu
exclusively applied to vessels made from thii
material. Theocritus ' speaks of golden alabas-
ters. That the passage in Theocritus iniplir$
that the alabasters were made of gold, and uit
simply gilt, as some have understood it, seem:
on the c«ntra Te«wl denotes the qnantitf it boU>.
clear from the words of Plutarch (in ^fejcondre.
p. 676), cited by Kypke on Mark xiv. 3, wher;
he speaks of alabasters "all skilfully itrougU "J
gold " (xpvirav liritriiidya vtpiTr&s). Alabasters,
then, may have been made of any inaten»l
suitable for keeping ointment in, — glass, silvor,
gold, &c. Precisely similar is the use of the
English word bojc ; and jwrhaps the Greek »»{«
and the Latin buxus are additional illnstr'-
tions. Sox is doubtless derived from the name
of the shrub, the wood of which is so well
adapted for taming boxes and such like object*.
The term, which originally was limited to bol«
made of the box-wood, eventually extended to
boxes generally; as we say, an iron box,i J*''
box, &e.
In Mark xiv. 3, the woman who brought " the
alabaster-box of ointment of spikenard " is saiJ
to break the box before pouring out the oint-
ment. Some have supposed that breaUtig '*•'
box implied merely breaking the seal which kept
• Svptw it luipm >;pvvet' oXo^otfrpa (i3. XV. II*)-
'* ftvpou xpvtrria.oAa^aoYpa Don sunt vaaa angneDtani
ex aiabastrite laplde eaque auro omata, sed simpUcHer
vasa ungoeutarla ex amo beta. Cf. Schleusn. I*i- ■^'•
T. s. V. ilMfiairrpBr" (KleilUng, ad Iheoer. I c.)
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ALAMETH
the essence of the {wrfurae from evaporating ;
clJiers take it more literally: the box was
Irotes u harin; no value apart from its use as
boldiaj the oiutnient.
Tlie town of Alabastron in Middle Egypt
receired its name from the alabaster quarries of
the adjacent hill, the modern Mount St. Anthony.
In this town was a manufactory of rases and
retseU for holding perfumes, &c. [W. H.]
ALATUETH (TlD^ff, Ges. = coterlng, Furst
=yoiitt/W»cM ; B. r</iec0, A. 'EA/i<0('ft; Al-
matt); better Alemetu. One of the sons of
Btciier, the son of Benjamin (1 Ch. rii. 8).
[W. A. W.T [F.]
ALAMMEXECH OI^^i'N, perhaps *iV»
oci ; B. 'tXtiitiktx ; ElmekcA), a place within the
limits of .\sher, named between Achshaph and
Amii (Josh. lix. 26, only). It has not yet been
iJfntifieil, but Schwarz (p. 191) suggests a con-
oeiion with the W. el-Metek, vhich falls into the
Kiihon near Haifa, and has a large forest of oaks
on its south side. [G.] [W.]
ALA'MOTH (ntejiy^ff) occurs only twice
in the Bible (Ps. xlvi.' l"and 1 Ch. iv. 20).
The translators and commentators are much
diridfj as reg.ir.ls the meaning of this phr<ise.
The Targomisf , taking advantage of the Sons of
<)orach occurring in the first, or introductory,
reise of the said Psalm, interprets 'Al-'Atmnoth
Midrashicallv bv, " When their father had been
rnnoTed from ' their sight " (»D3nNn 10T3
prUD pnUK); comp. Num. itvi. 33 ; ixvi. 11.
This eiplanation, if we may call it one, deserves,
of course, no further notice. Raslii gives 'Altimolh
as an instrument of mu^ic. This explanation,
from the construction of the word with 'Al
<7S\ etnnot be correct [Aijkletii Suahab].
Ibn 'Ezra gives it as the commencement of a
I-oem. This is an anachronism (see ul supra).
<^nKhi's explanation, being the same as Riishi's,
must be rejected on the same grounds. The
same is the case as regards the tr.insLition of it
by " Tie Virginal," Calmet's " L<i Ijawli- -lea
/•iUt miUK-icwirs " (on Ps. ix. 1) is hiattprioally
incorrect, since women* were not allowed, at
(oUic worship, to sing together with men.
The explanation of 'Alamoth by the German
"JvntrfrmteKjreiac" is a worse anachronism
•till than Ibn 'Kzra's. We are, then, at once
led to the only possible interpretation, which
i> strongly supported by the peculiar wording
cf 1 Ch. ir. 16. There only three instrn-
txiti are named ^Sebalim, Kitmurutit, and
Hebiltayim: see Hakp and CrMUAls); .ind
i^Mm t. 21 the last word (DXJ?) must refer
»!«» to the Ust word of r. 20 (DIdW Thus
« see that three men, Heman, Asaph, and
Ethan (v. 19), handled the cymbals to give
gaienl notice (JTOBTI?), while the eight men
* WliCD one finds the expression " and shiging-women "
JnTpQI) twice In the Bible iKirs il. 66 and Neh.
vH <T), H must lie explained, as the cununentAtors on
^ff* pussgea maintain, that these singers bnd nothtnfc
» *i »1th religions songs in the Temple or any other
I«Mo place of worship. Oompare Ps. cxlvlU. 13, and
aiA the <filterenca there between the expression Qj^
>"»4slso")aadDB("wlth"). CDasce.]
ALCIMUS
83
(t. 20) played on psalteries in order to direct
the music-corps called 'Alamoth, and the six
other men (r. 21) played on harps to direct th«
music-corps called JJasshetninith.^
There would, then, remain only one more
point that requires an explanation, viz. why
this music-corps was called 'Alamoth, This
will be, however, easily understood when the
following two facts are taken into consideration.
(1) According to the Mosaic economy (Num.
xviii. 2-6) there subsisted a very close con-
nexion between the priests and the Levites.
The latter were the companions ( 117*1 ), if
not the 8erv.int8 (Timt5''1X °f the former.
(2) 'Alletneth and 'Alinon {Baclturim) were not
identical but contiguous localities, and the
dwelling-places of some of the priests ; and
hence we may derive the nse of this woni
'Alamoth. This theory woald likewise account
for the plural number. As regards the feminine
gender of 'Alatiuith, we need only refer tn
1 Ch. xxiii. 6, Avherc the Levites are said to
have been divided into bands (^Machlcqoth,
nii9?nD ; which is fern. plur.). The names
of the bauds, therefore, with rare exceptions,
are given in that gender." [S.-S.]
AL'CIMUS CAXKi/Bor, taliant, a Greek
name, assumed, according to the prevailing
fashion, as representing Eliakim, D^jpy^, 'EAia-
«fft God setieth np) ; called also Jaceimus or
Jakiu (4 Kol 'loMi/ios alit. 'taimiitos, Joseph.
Ant. xii. 9, § 5, i.e, D*!?', of. Jud. iv. Starr, lectt. ;
'Ittxi/ioi, Joseph. Ant. xx. 10, 3), a Jewish priest
(1 Mace. vii. 14X who was attached to the Hel-
lenizing party (2 Mace. xiv. 3).* On the death
of Menelaus (162 B.C.), Alcimus seems to have
obtaine<l from .\ntiochus Eupatur, through th<!
influence of Lysins, the succession to the high-
priesthood, thereby excluding Oniiis, the nephew
and heir of Menelaus (Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, § 7 ;
2 Mace. xiv. 3). Though of the stock of Aaron
(1 Mace. vii. 14), he was probably not of the
high-priestly family (Joseph. /. c; xx. 10, § 3);
and, if not for that reason, yet at any rate for
his well-known Hellenizing views, his designa-
tion to office seems not to have been recognise<l
by his people. In the intcrA'al which elapsol
before the downfall of Antiochus and Lysins,
Judas in all probability exercised the functions
of high-priest (cp. Joseph, xii. 11, § 2, tV <>PX'-
ffmavnty irhs Tplrov K«ra<rx<^'')> Alcimus being
driven from the country. Of this first period
of the high-priesthood of Alcimus we are told
nothing in the First Book of Maccabees. It
is, however, directly asserted by Joseph us (^Ant,
xii. 9, § 7), and again implied by him when
he states that Jakim (i>. Alcimus) had at the
time of his death held the office for three years
(i ti 'Iduaitos, Ifrq rpla TJ)y apx"pf<'^'^'' tara-
i> It was, no doubt, called so from having been the
eighth music-corps when only eight such bands existed.
Later on there were twenty-four snch bands. .Sec Al-
T.\SCHITH.
' Tills explantiton we owe to Kohn [Ameleth Sua-
IIAB, note ■]. A somewhat similar one is given by Rce
[Ameleth SiiAHAn, note '].
■ According to a Jewish tradition iBerahitk It. 66),
he won ** sister's son of Jose ben Joescr." chief of the
tisnhcdrin (Rapball. nUt. <)fitm, 1. 246,303).
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84
ALCIJIU8
<rx^* <T«A«rfTi|ir«i', Ant. x\. 10, 3), or, as he
Bays in another place, for four years (ipx'^P"*
T*ia<it irt) riaaofcL, Ant. xii. 10, 6). When
Demetrius Soter obtained the kingdom of Syria,
Alcimus paid court to that monarch, and
represented the dangerous character of Judas
and his followers (1 Mace. vii. 6). Demetrius
therefore confirmed him in his office, and
through his general Bacchides [Baccuides]
established him at Jerusalem. At first a con-
siderable section of the nationalist party were
ready to put faith in Alcimus, because he was of
the stock of Aaron. But their confidence was
cruelly requited. By the order of Bacchides,
apparently with the consent of Alcimus, as
many as sixty were treacherously murdered ;
among them, according to Jewish tradition, the
uncle of Alcimus — Jose ben Jocscr, the illustrious
pupil of Antigonus of Socho. The cruelty of
the new high-[>riest, of which this deed may be
taken as an example, quickly undeceived those
who had hitherto remained doubtful, lu spite
of the force left in his command, he was unable
to withstand the opposition which he provoked.
The influence of Judas and the nationalist
party (see Assideans) frustrated .ill his schemes
of policy or revenge (1 Mace. vii. 9, 25) ; and
he was once more compelled to flee to Demetrius
at Antioch, who immediately took measures for
his restoration. The first expedition under
Xicanor proved unsuccessful. According to one
account, it terminated in an amicable arrange-
ment between Judas and Xicanor. This so
little suited the purpose of Alcimus, that he
applied again to Demetrius and charged Nicanor
with friendship towards tho king's worst foe.
Kicanor received a stern order from Demetrius
to bring Judas in chains to Antioch (2 Mace,
xiv. 2ti, 27). A second campaign ended in
Judas's great victory of Adarsa, near Bethhoron,
where Nicanor was killed and his forces utterly
routed (13th Adar=March, IGl). Upon this
Bacchides marched against Jerusalem with a
large army, routed Judas, who fell in the
battle of Kleasa (Xisan = April, 160 or 161 D.C.),
and reinstated Alcimus. After his restoration,
Alcimus seems to have attempted to modify the
ancient worship, and was engaged in pulling
down " the wall of the inner court of the sanc-
tuary " (i.e. which separated the court of the
Gentiles from it ; yet see Grimm, 1 Mace. ix. 54)
when he was " plagued " (by paralysis), and
" died at that time," — " in the second month,"
Ijar=May, 159 or 160 B.C. This "wall" was
in all probability the barrier or fence of treilis-
work (cf. the name KJniD, "sorlga"), from
three to four feet in height, which stood between
the inner and outer walls of the Temple. No
Gentile nor any person rendered unclean by con-
tact with a corpse might pass beyond it. [See
a facsimile of the inscription placed on the wall
in Stade, Gcsch. d. Volkea Israel, ii. p. 268.] The
great "outer court" was limited on its inner
side by this breastwork, which is described by
Josephus as it appeared in the Herodian Temple
(Spi^oKTos Xltivos rplwnxo^ f^^" !!<f'Oi> Ttivv Si
XapiiiTict Sifipycuriidyos, Bell. Jud. v. 5, 2).
By the Jews it was regarded with peculiar
reverence as the work of the prophets {Ipya
™k nfo^rrrir, 1 Mace. ix. 54 ; rh rttxoi toS
iiyUv, ty ToAai&r «cal KtmurKtuaanivov 6wh rity
iylcty Tpo^rrriiy, Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, 6). Ac-
ALEMETH
cordingly the attempt of Alcimus was regtrdcd
with special horror by pious Jews ; for it impliol
both the destruction of a sacred portion of their
Siinctuary, and the intention of granting t fr«
access to the Temple even to the Gentiles and the
unclean. The undertaking was stopped by the
sudden seizure and death of Alcimus, nhidi to
the Jews appeared as a heaven-sent punishDent
for his impiety (rXriyri tij aS^yitat h m
Btov, Joseph. /. c). The 23rd of Marcheiwan, U.
the second month of the civil year, = N'ovembeT,
was observed by the people as the day on whirh
Alcimus had begun the unholy work, which the
hand of God had prevented him from carrjrii;
into effect. (Cf. Mishna Middolh, 2, 3. See
Griitz, Gcsch. d, Jiul.' iii. pp. 12, 603.)
The character of Alcimus seems to have been
thoroughly contemptible. Greed and lore U
power prompted him to sue for the office of
high-priest. During the short period of hii
residence in Jerusalem he showed himself to be
both treacherous and cruel. The last art of
his life was prompted by his wish to curry
favour with the Hellenizers and the court of
Antioch, rather than by any ambition of nukin;
his religion universal.
His death is noticeable for another reison.
The court at Antioch nominated no succenor to
his office, and there ensued an iuterregnum ot
seven years in the list of the high-priesti,
during which the high-priestly functions veit
performed by a Stgan, the representative or
vice high-priest (cp. Buxtorf, snb rone [JD)
Cp. Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, § 5, xii. 10 ; 1 Mace. vii.
ix. cf. 2 Mace. xiv. xv. ; Ewald, Hist, of ftntl,
V. 319 seq. (Eng, trans.); Graetz, Gesch. df
Mid.' iii. pp. 11, 12, and his £xcursui o* ('<
Mcgillath Taanith, p. 597. [R.]
AL'EUA (iy 'A\4iuus, A. iy 'Axifuis; "
Alimis), a large and strong city in Gilead in the
time of the Maccabees (1 Slacc. v. 26). Its Dsme
does not occur again, nor have we yet any mesiu
of identifying it with certainty ; it may, how-
ever, be ICcfr el-Ma on the right bank of iVir
er-Rukhad in Jaulan (Schumacher, Acroo '*>"
Jonlan, 79-83). Grimm (m toe.) suggests th»t
it may represent BcER-iiLlM (Is. xv. 8 ; comi".
Kum. xii. 16). [G.] [W.]
ALE'METH (H^^r [meaning nncertsin:
see under Alameth], Fiirst = youthfulness ; J'«-
m.ith). A Benjamite, son of Jehoadan, or Jaisb.
and descended from Jonathan the son of Saul
(1 Ch. viii. 36 [B. XaXaifide, A. ToX*^], ii-
42 [B. TaiifKie, A. raX«^f9]). The form of the
name in Hebrew is different from that of the
town Alemeth, with which it has been con-
pared. [W A.W.] [F.]
ALE'METH (R. V. more accurately, ABf
mcth, nO>ir, B. raX.4iite, A. raKiiiit9; A<-
tnatli), the form under which Almon, the name
of a city of tho priests in Benjamin, appears i»
1 (;h. vi. 60 [4 J]. Under the very simiUr form
of 'Almit, it has been identified in the present
day at about a mile N.E. of 'Andta, the site ct
Aiiathoth ; first by Schwarz (p. 128) and then by
Mr. Finn (Rob. iii. 287). Among the genealogies
of Benjamin the name occurs in connexion vitii
Azmaveth, also the name of a town of that
tribe (1 Ch. viii. 36, ix. 42; compared vitk
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ALEXANDEB lU.
Em ii. 24). [AufON.] In the Targnm of
Jomtiun on 2 Sam. xri. 5, Bahurim is rendered
Almttb. [G.] [W.]
ALEXANDEE IIL, king of JUcedon, sur-
named THE Great ('AA({a>>>fwt, the Itclper of
itm ; Akvader ; Arab, the tico-homed, Golii Lex,
.imb. p. 1806), "the son of Philip " (1 Mace,
vi. 2) and Olj-mpiaj, was born at Pella B.C. 356.
ih hii mother'* side he claimed descent from
.Uliilles; and the Homeric legends were not
without influence upon his life. At an early
i^ he vas placed under the care of Aristotle ;
acd while still a jouth he turned the fortune of
iIk day at Chaeroneia (B.C. 338). On the mnr-
•ir of Philip (B.C. 336) Alexander put down
vith resolute energy the disatfection and hos-
tility by vhich his throne was menaced ; and in
two years he crossed the Hellespont (u.c. 334)
t« carry out the plans of his father, and execute
the mission of Greece to the civilised world.
Tile battle of the Graoicus was followed by the
iobjogatiun of Western Asia ; and in the follow
iaj year the fate of the East was decided at
Issoj (B.C. 333). Tyre and Gaja were the only
cities in Western Syria which uflered Alexnuder
iny resistance, and these were reduced and
treated with unusual severity (ii.c. 332). Egypt
aeit snbmitted to him; and in B.C. 331 he
Quoded .Alexandria, which remains to the pre-
sent day the most characteristic monument of
hi; life and work. In the same year he finally
defeated Darius at Gaugnmel.t ; and in n.c. 330
hi unhappy rival was mardered by Bessus,
sstxip of Bactrio. The next two years were
occupied by Alexander in the consolidation of
bit Persian conquests, and in the re<luction of
Bactria. In B.C. 327 he crossed the Indus, pene-
trated to the Hydaspes, and was there forced by
the discontent of his army to turn westward.
He teached Sosa B.C. 325, and proceeded to
Babylon B.C. 324, which he chose ns the capital
«f his empire. In the next year he died there
(B.C. 323) in the midst of his gigantic plans ;
wd those who inherited his conquests left his
ifesifTis unachieved and unattempted (cp. Dan.
'ii- 6, viiL 5, xi. 3>
The famous tradition of the visit of Alexander
t) Jenualem durin{e: his Phoenician campaign
('oieph. Ant. li. 8, § 1 sq.) has been a fruitful
worte of controversy. The Jews, it is said, had
JTOToked his anger by refusing to transfer their
allegiance to him when summoned to do so
■imnjr tlie siege of Tyre, and after the reduc-
tion of Tyre and Gaza (Joseph. /. c.) he turned
t"w»rd« Jerusalem. Jaddua (Jaddus) the high-
prittt (Keh. xii. 11, 22X who had been warned
"> a dream how to avert the king's anger,
<^aly awaited his approach; and when he drew
»ai went out to Sapha (more generally known
•sSeopus: cp. Joseph. Bell.Jad. v. 2, 3), within
' Tht of the city and Temple, clad in his robes
•rf hyacinth and gold, and accompanied by a
train of priests and citizens nrnyed in white.
•\.euikler was bo moved by the solemn spectacle
that he did reverence to the holy name inscribed
«p« the tiara of the high-priest ; and when
rameoio expressed surprise, he replied that " he
W leeti the GoJ Whom Jaddua represented
o a dream at Dium, encouraging him to cross
"«r into .Vsii, and promising him success."
After this it is said that he visited Jerusalem,
ALEXANDER III.
85
offered sacrifice there, heard the prophecies of
Daniel which foretold his victory, and conferred
important privileges upon the Jews, not only in
Judiiea but in Babylonia and Media, which they
enjoyed during the supremacy of his successors.
The narrative is repented iu the Talmud {Jmna,
p. 69 ; cp. Wiinsche, Der habyt. Talmud, i. 374 ;
the high-priest is there said to have been Simon
the Just, and the scene to have taken place near
Antipatris), in later Jewish writers ( Vo;'i*>-a Ji.
Par. 13 ; Joseph ben Gorion, ap, Ste. Croix,
p. 5.53), and in the chronicles of Abulfeda (Ste.
Croix, p. 555). The event was adapted by the
Samaritans to suit their own history with a
corresponding change of places and persons and
various embellishmenta (.\bulfeda, quoted by
Ste. Croix, pp. 209-212) ; and in due time Alex-
ander w.ns enrolle<l nmong the proselytes of
Judaism. On the other hand, no mention of the
event occurs in Arrian, Plutarch, Diodorus, or
Curtius ; and the connexion iu which it is
placed by Josephus is alike inconsistent with
Jewish history (twald. Hist. Jsr. vol. v. p. 214,
Eng. tr. ; Griitz, Gesch. d. Jud. HA. ii. pt. 2,
p. 221) and with the narrative of Arrian (iii. 1,
ifit6/i^ Vli4ptf iwh rrjs rd(iis i\aiyuv fiKtr is
niiKoinruw).
But admitting the incorrectness of the details
of the tradition as given by Josephus, there are
several points which conKrm the truth of the
main fact. Justin says that "many kings of
the East came to meet Alexander wearing
fillets" (lib. xi. 10); and after the capture of
Tyre, "Alexander himself visited some of the
cities which still refused to submit to him "
(Curt. iv. 5, 13). Even at n later time, accord-
ing to Curtius, he executed vengeance person-
ally on the Samaritans for the murder of his
governor Andromachus (Curt. iv. 8, 10). Be-
sides this, Jewish soldiers were enlisted in his
army (Hecat. ap. Joseph, c. Apion. i. 22) , and
Jews formed an important element in the popu-
lation of the city, which he founded shortly
after the supposed visit. Above all, the privi-
leges which he is said to have conferred upon
the Jews, including the remission cf tribute
every sabbatical year, existed in later times,
and imply some such relation between the Jews
and the great conqueror iis Josephus describes.
Internal evidence is decidedly in favour of tho
story even in its picturesque fulness. From
policy or conriction Alexander delighted to
represent himself as chosen by destiny for the
great act which he achieved. The siege of Tyro
arose professedly from a religions motive. 'I'he
battle of Issus was preceded by the visit to
Gordium ; the invasion of Persia by the pil-
grimage to the temple of Ammon. And if
it be impossible to determine the exact cir-
cumstances of the meeting of Alexander and
the Jewish envoys, the silence of the classical
historians, who notoriously disregarded (e.g.
the Maccabees) and misrepresented (Tac. Hat.
V. 8) the fortunes of the Jews, cannot be
held to be conclusive against the occurrenco
of an event which must have appeared to
them trivial or unintelligible (Jahn, Archaeol,
iii. 300 ff. ; Ste. Croix, Examcn cntique, &c.,
Paris, 1810; Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, vi.
206 f. ; and on the other side Ant. van Dale,
Dissert, sniper Aristca, Amstel. 1705, pp. 69 sq.).
The tradition, whether true or false, present4
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86
ALEXANDER III.
nn aspect of Alexander's character which has
been frequently lost sight of by his recent bio-
graphers. He was not simply a Greek, nor
must be be judged by a Greek standard. The
Orientalism, which was a .scandal to his fol-
lowers, was a necessary deduction from his
principles, and not the result of caprice or
vanity (conip. Arr. vii. 29). He approached the
idea of a universal monarchy from the side of
Greece, but his final object was to establish
something higher than the inmmount supremacy
of one people. His purpose was to combine and
equalize, not to annihilate: to wed the East
and West in a just anion — not to enslave Asia
to Greece (Plut. de Alex. Or. 1, § 6). The
time, indeed, was not yet come when this was
possible; but if he could not accomplish the
gre.it issue, he prepared the way for its accom-
plishment.
The first and most direct consequence of the
policy of Alexander was the weakening of na-
ticrnalities, the first condition necessary fur the
dissolution of the old religions. The swift
course of his victories, the constant incor|>ora-
tion of foreign elements in his armies, the fierce
wars and changing fortunes of his successors,
broke down the barriers by which kingdom had
been separated from kingdom, and ojiened the
road for larger conceptions of life and faith than
had hitherto been possible (cp. I'olyb. iii. 59).
The contact of the East and West brought out
into practical forms, thoughts and feelings which
had been confined to the schools. Paganism was
deprived of life as soon as it was transplanted
beyond the narrow limits in which it took its
shape. The spread of commerce followed the
progress of arms ; and the Greek language and
literature vindicated their claim to be considered
the most perfect expression of human thought
by becoming practically universal.
The Jews were at once most ex|)0sed to the
powerful influences thus brought to bear upon
the K.ist, and most able to support them. In
the arrangement of the Greek conquests, which
followed the battle of Ipsus D.C. 301, Judaea
was made the frontier land of the rival empires
nf Syria and Kgypt ; and though it was neces-
sarily subjected to the constant vicissitudes of
war, it was able to make advantageous terms
with the state to which it owed allegiance from
the important advantages which it otTered for
attack or defence [Antiochus, II.-VII.l. Inter-
nally also the people were prepared to withstand
the effects of the revolution which the Greek
dominion eflijcted. The constitution of Kzra
had obtained its full development. A powerful
hierarchy had succeeded in substituting the
idea of a Church fur that of a state; and, the
Jew was now able to wander over the world and
yet remain faithful to the God of his fathers
[The Dispersion]. The same constitutional
change had strengthened the intellectual and
religious position of the people. A rigid
" fence " of ritualism protected the course of
common life from the licence of Greek manners :
and the great doctrine of the unity of God, which
was now seen to be the divine centre of their
system, counteracted the attractions of a philo-
lophic pantheism [SiMON the Jujr]. Through
a long course of discipline, in which they had
been left unguided by prophetic teaching, the
Jews had realise<l the nature of their mission to
ALEXANDER UL
the world, and were waiting for the mcus of
fulfilling it. The conquest of Alexander far-
nished them with the occasion and the power.
But at the same time the example nf Greece
fostered pei*sonal as well as popular indepea*
dence. Judaism was speedily diviJed intu sects,
analogous to the typical forms «t Greek philo-
sophy. But even the rude analysis of the «U
I faith was productive of good. The freedui of
Greece was no less instnunental in forming tiie
Jews for their final work than the contempb-
tive spirit of Persia, or the civil organizstion
of i;.ims; for if th>- carO'T if "-^ ^'r.'-- —
rapid, its etli-ct^ were lasting, 't'lie citj wiiicb
lu- chose to bear his name [icrpctunted in titer
a^es the office which he proviiientiallv dis-
charged fur Judaism aiui niankiud ; and tbe
historian of Christianity must confirm thcjndj-
niont of Arrian, that Alexander, '■ who was like
uu other man. could not have been t;iven totbt
world without the sjx;cial design of Providence*
(efio Tou Beiou, Arr. vii. 30). .\nd Aleiudir
himself appreciated this design better even than
his great teacher; for it is said (Plut. dcifer.
Or. 1, § t.>) that wlien Aristotle urged him to
treat the Greelis as Ireemen and the OrientaliM
slaves, he found the true answer to this coubkI
iu the recognition of his *• divine mission t»
unite and reconcile the world (mivhs jiw
dio&fv ^pfioariis Kai SiaAAoKTT/y tuv mI0
TL-tradrachm (\tlic ulcnl) of LfsimMlitu, kiog of Thi«».
0\'\. ITewl of Ali-SRniler tljo (Ircat. 114 a ruling JujiUT Ammoa li>
rijil,!. Kov. B,V21AE£!i AVSIM.VXOY. Ii.Aii.ii»-
trtm UK) ^ fallaa ttUM u Mt, boltUne * VIcUiT.
In the prophetic visions of Daniel the in-
fluence of Alexander is necessjirily combineii
with that of his successors.* They representcJ
with partial exaggeration the several phases of
his character j ami to the Jews nationally the
policy of the Syrian kings wiis of greater im-
|>ortance than the original conquest of -isii.
But some traits of '"the first mighty king"
(Dan. viii. 21, xi. .3) are given with vigorous
distinctness. The emblem by which he is typi-
fied (TBV, a he-<jixit. fr. ISV, he teajA, «••*•
TAes. 5. v.) suggests the notions of strength anl
speed ; "> and the universal extent (Dan. viii. 5.
. . . fi-om the Kent on the face of the vh-lf
earth) and marvellous rapidity of his conquesu
(Dan. I. c. he touched not the iiround) are brought
forward as the characteristics of his |>ower,
which was directed by the strongest persoii.ii
• The attempt of Bertholdt to apply the description!
of the third munivrcliy to that of Alexander has lltik lo
recommend it [Hanikl].
<> There may Ik- al«o some Allusion In the word tL»
the leftcnd of Ciramis, tlic founder of the Arglve dynistv
In Macedonia, who was guided to vlcloiy by **a flxk of
goato " (Justin, 1. 1).
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ALEXANDEB BAJLAS
imprtaositj (Dm. viii. 6, in the fartj of his
poxtr). He ruled Trith great dominion, and did
twonling to his will (xi. 3); ''and there was
BOiK that could delirer . . . out of his hand "
(riii. 7). [B. F. W.] [R.]
ALEXANTJER BALAS (Joseph. Ant. xiii.
4. }t(, 'AX({art^s 6 BciAat Xtyifitvos; Strab.
lir. p. 751, Til- BtfAor 'AA<(a>'8fi«>' ; Just. x\XT.
1, '*Subomant pro eo Balam quendam . . . et. . .
nomeD ei Aleiandri inditur." Bains jxissibly
reproeats the Aram. iwD2, lord. He was, ac-
coriing to some, a (natural) son of Antiochus
IV. Epiphanes (Liv. I^. 50 ; Strab. xiii. ; Joseph.
.i»t. liii. 2, 1), but he was more generally
rcj^arded as an impostor who fal.tely assumed
tji« conneiinn (App. Syr. 67 ; Justin, /, c. ; cp.
Polrb. iiiiii. 16). In any case he seems to have
mnmed the title of his reputed father (cp.
'AAc{v}pot, 6 ToB 'Amiixov 6 'Eiri^tu^j, 1
Msec. X. 1, where there is so need to retul toD
'ETi^oivfi, as Grotius and Michaelis pro]>ose).
fie claimed the throne of Syria in B.C. 152 in
opposition to Demetrius Soter, who hod )>ro-
toktd the hostility of the neighbouring kings
and oliemted the affections of his subjects
(Joseph. I.e.). His pretensions were put for-
ward by Heraclides, formerly treasurer of Anti-
ochus Kpiphanea, who obtiiined the recognition
of his title at Rome by scandalous intrigues
(Polrb. Hiiii. 14, 16). After landing at Ptolc-
iiiais(l Mace. x. 1) Alexander gained the warm
support of Jonathan, who was now the leader of
the Jews (1 Mace ix. 73); and though his first
•forts were unsuccessful (Just. xxiv. 1, 10), in
fcc. 150 he comi)letely routed the forces of
Uemttrins, who himself fell in the retreat
(I Mace. I. 48-60 ; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 2, 4 ; Strab.
iTL p. 751). Aft«r this Alexander married
Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemaeus VI.
Philometor ; and in the arrangement of his
kisgdom appointed Jonathan governor (jitpiS-
ifXt't 1 Mace. X. 65) of a proriuce (Judca: cp.
I Uacc li 57). But his triumph was of short
duration. .A.fter obtaining power he gave him-
self ap to a life of indulgence (Liv. Ep. 50 ; cp.
-ithen. v. 211); and when Demetrius Xicator,
the son of Demetrius Soter, landed in Syria in
K.C 147, the new pretender found powerful
>i|^rt (1 Mace. x. 67 S.'). At first Jonathan
Jffeated and slew ApolloDitts the governor of
Coele-Syria, who had joined the party of Deme-
trius, for which exploit he received fresh
fiiTours from .Alexander (1 Mace. x. 69-89); but
tiortly afterwards (b.c. 146) Ptolemy entered
Syria with a large force, and after he had placed
issrrisons in the chief cities on the coast, which
JfrAvtA him according to the commands of
Alexander, suddenly pronounced himself in
isTcorof Demetrius (I Mace. xi. 1-11 ; Joseph.
iof.liiL §4, 5 iq.), alleginir, probably with truth,
the existence of a conspiracy against his life
(Joseph. /. c. cf. Diod. ap. Muller, Fraym. ii. 16).
.lleiaader, who had been forced to leave Antioch
(loseph. /. c), was in Cilicia when he heard of
IVilemy's defection (1 Mace xi. 14). He has-
tttti to meet him, but was defeated (1 Mace. xi.
I3; Just. XXIV. 3), and fled to Abae in Arabia
(Diod. (. c.\ where he was murdered B.C. 146
(I>i»L /. c. and 1 Mace. xi.. 17 differ as to the
Qsmier ; and Euseb. Chron, Arm. i. 349 represents
liim to have been slain in the battle). The
ALEXANDER
87
narrative in 1 Mace, and Joscphus shows clearly
the partiality which the Jews entertained for
Alexander " as the first that entreated of true
peace with them " (1 Mace. x. 47) ; and the same
TeUadrBrJim (PtolrnuUc taloot) of Aloxnndcr B*1m.
Olr». Bm* of Kins to rijhi. B«y. BASlAEflS A.\EHAN.
APOY. B«kI«. niWQ mtUcr. to Wt, and palm-bimnab. In fltld
tb« moiKicnun and tymbol of Tyro; dale PEP (ISS Aer. Salsa*
dd.). *:.
feeling was exhibited aflerwards in the zeal with
which thev supported the claims of his son
Antiochus." [ASTiOClilTB, VI.] [U. F. W.] [E.]
ALEXANDER ("AA^foi/Jpoi ; AU-xandiry.
Several iwrsons of this name are mentioned in
the X. T. The name was so common that
attempts at identification are most precarious.
In the following list 3 and 6 may be identical,
but 4 and 6 are probably diflereut )>ersons.
1. Son of Simon of Cyrcnc, who bore our
Lord's Cross (Mark xv. 21). On the probable
reason fur mentioning Simon's sons, see KuFUS.
2. One of the high-priostly family, and im-
jwrtaiit enough to bo mentioned by uaiiic in the
account given (.\cts iv. 6) of the ineetiug of the
Sanhedrin to examine Peter and Julm. It has
been conjectured that he may possibly be the
Alabarch Alexander I.ysimachus of Alexandria,
brother of Philo, and father of Tiberius Alex-
ander, procurator of Judaea (Jos. Ant. xviii. 8,
§ 1; xix. 5, § 1). He was the first man of his
time among the Jews of Alexandria (Ant. xx. 5,
§ 2). But this identification has no confirmatory
evidence.
8. A Jew of Ephesus, whom his countrymen
put forward during the tumult raised by Deme-
trius the silversmith (Acts xix. 33). Their
object was to dissociate theuiselvcs from the
Christians, and to avoid any further increase of
the habitual enmity of their Gentile fellow-citi-
zens. This was the subject of Alexander's
attempted defence. The verb used, which signi-
fies " instructed " (<rvyf$iPcurtw, so best authori-
ties), negatives the ex]>lanation that he was a
Christian whom the Jews put forward as a
victim.
4, A Christian who with Ilymenaeus had
made shipwreck concerning the faith, and had
been delivered to Satan by St. Paul (1 Tim. i.
19, 20). For the nature of the discipline in-
flicted, see HVMEN'AFCS.
6. A "coppersmith " (xaXjmSs), but see
Stephanns, ed. Hase, s. r., who proves the word
to mean simpiv a " smith." He is mentioned by
St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 14, lo) as " having done
him much evil," and " having greatly withstood
his words." The latter expression is not to
be connected with r. 16 and referred to oppo-
sition to St. Paul in his defence (iiiro\oyla)
at Rome (as Lewin, vol. ii.), but is to be under-
stood of former opposition to the Apostle s
teaching (cp. Acts xiii. 8, where the same
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88
ALEXANDRIA
verb is used, avOiffrofiai). Against a furensio
and technical sense of " shewed " (/ffSdjaTo),
see Alford's note ad loc. If the epistle (2 Tim.)
was addressed to Timothy at Ephesus, Alexander
was probably concerned in the persecutions to
which St. Paul was there exposed. [E. R. B.]
ALEXANTJEIA (^ ■AXtfii.'Speio, 3 Mace,
iii. 1; Mod., El-Jskenderceych; Kthn., 'AX«foi'-
t/itis, H Mace. ii. 30, iii. 21 ; Acts vi. 9, jtviii. 24),
the Hellenic, Roman, and Christian capital of
Kgypt, was founded by Alexander the (ireat B.C.
332, who himself traced the ground-plan of the
city which he designed to make the metropolis
of his western empire (Plut. Alex. 26). The
work thus begun was continued after the death
of Alexander by the Ptolemies; and the beauty
(Athen. i. p. 3) of Alexandria became proverbial.
Every natural advantage contributed to its
prosperity. The climate and site were singu-
larly healthy (Strab. p. 793). The hnrbours,
formed by the island of Pharos and the head-
land Lochias, were safe and commodious, alike
for commerce and for war; and the Lake Mareo-
tis was an inland haven for the merchandise of
Egypt and India (Strab. p. 798). Under the
despotism of the later Ptolemies the trade of
Alexandria declined, but its population (300,000
freemen, Died. xvii. 52 ; the free population of
Attica was about 130,000) and wealth (Strab.
p. 798) were enormous. After the victory of
Augustus it sutlered for its attachment to the
cause of Antony (Strab. p. 792); but its im-
portance as one of the chief corn-ports of Rome '
secured for it the general favour of the first em-
perors. In later times the seditious tumults
for which the Alexandrians lial always been
notorious desolated the city (a.c. 260 If. : Gibbon,
Decline ami Fall, c. x.), and religious feuds
aggravated tlie popular distress (Diony.s. Ales.
i>. iii., xii. ; Euseb. If. E. vi. 41 ff., vii. 22).
Yet even thus, though Alexandria suffered
greatly from constant dissensions and the weak-
ness of the Byzantine court, the splendour of
" the great city of the West " amazed Amrou,
its Arab conqueror (a.d. 640; Gibbon, c. Ii.);
and after centuries of Muslim misrule it pro-
mises once again to justify the wisdom of its
founder (.Stiab. xvii. 791-9; Fraij. ap. Joseph.
Ant. liv. 7, 2; Plut. Alcjc. 26; Arr. iii. 1;
Joseph. B. J. iv. 5. ALEXAxu;;it the Gukat).
The population of Alexandria was mixeil iVom
the first (comp. Curt. iv. 8, 5); and this fact
formed the groundwork of the Aleximdrinc
character. The three regions into which the
city was diviiled (^Regio Judacurnm, Ur iclicium,
/Maeoti's) corresponded to the three cliief classes
of its inhabitants, — Jews, Greeks, Egyptians ;'
• The Alexandrine corii-vctsels (Acts xxvil. 6,
xxvlll. 11) wt^re large (ActsxxTli. 37) and handsome
(Luc. Karig. p. C6», ed. BL-ned.); and even Veepasian
midi a voyage in one (Joseph. B. J. vlt. 2). They
generally sailed diroct lo Puteoll (WcocorcAia, Strab.
p. 793; >Scnec. £p. 77, l; cp. Suet. Aug. »s, Acts
xxvill. 13) ; but, from stresi of weather, often sailed
under the Asiatic coast (Acts xxvii. ; cp. Luc. I. c.
p. 870 sq. ; Smitb, Voyage of SI. PatU, pp. 70 «q.).
» Polybiua (xxxlv. 14 ; on. Strab. p. 797) spraka
of the population as consisting ot ** tliree races (rpta
•fitni), the nati%-e Egj-ptian . . ., the mercenary, . . . and
thi- Alexandrine ... of Greek descent." The Jews
mtgbt receive tlie title of ■•mercenaries," from the
service which they originally reudered to Alexander
ALEXANDBIA
but in addition to these principal races, repre-
sentatives of almost every nation were foand
there (Dio Chrys. Oral, xxxii.). According to
Josephus, Alexander himself assigned to the
Jews a place in his new city ; " and they ob-
tained," he adds, "equal privileges with the
Macedonians " (c. Ap. ii. 4), in consideration "of
their services against the Egyptians" (B. J. ii.
18, 7). Ptolemy I. imit.ited the jwlicy of Alci-
ander, and, after the capture of Jerusalem, he
removed a considerable number of its citizens to
Alexandria. Many others followed of their owd
accord ; and all received the full Macedoaiaa
franchise (Joseph. Ant. xii. 1 ; cf. c. Ap. i. 22),
as men of known and tried fidelity (Joseph.
c. Ap. ii. 4). Already on a former occasion the
Jews had sought a home in the land of their
bondage. More than two centuries and a half
before the foundation of Alexandria a large body
of them h.td taken refuge in Egypt, after the
murder of Gcdaliah ; but these, after a geaersl
apostasy, were carried captive to B.ibylon by
Nebuchadnezzar (2 K. ixv. 26; Jer. ilir.;
Joseph. Ant. x. 9, 7).
The fate of the later colony was far diiferent.
The numbers and importance of the Egjrptitn
Jews were rapidly increased under the Ptole-
mies by fresh immigrations and untiring in-
dustry. Philo estimates them in his time at
little less than 1,000,000 (m Place. § 6, p. 971);
and adds, that two of the five districts of Alei-
nndria were called " Jewish districts ;" and that
many Jews lived scattered in the remaining
three (id. § 8, p. 973). From a chance remark
of Josephus we should infer that " the Delta"
— by which name the fourth district in Alex-
andria was known — was more especially the
Jewish quarter (rh KoAoi/ttevay A4kTa- irvmf-
KIOTO yiif tKtt ri '\ovSaXK6y, Joseph. Bell. J'l-i
ii. 18, 8). Julius Caesar (Joseph. Ant. lit.
10, § 1) and Augustus confirmed to them
the privileges whicli they had enjoyed before,
and they retained them w^ith various inter-
ruptions, of which the most important, A.D.
39, is described by Philo (/. c), during the
tumults and persecutions of later reigns (Joseph.
c. Ap. ii. 4 ; B. J. xii. 3, 2). They were repre-
sented, at least for some time (from the time of
Cleopatra to the reign of Claudius ; Jost, Gfxk.
d. Jtidenth. 3.J3) by their own officer (^OrcfpxQS'
Strab. ap. Joseph! Ant. xiv. 7, 2 : aXa^x'l'-'
Joseph. Ant. xviii. 7, 3; 9, 1; xix. 5, 1; cp.
Rup. ad Juv. Sat. i. 130: ytrifxiis, Philo, t»
Flacc. § 10, p. 975), and Augustus appointed a
council {yf/MViria, i.e. Sanhedrin : Philo, /. c)
•' to supenntend the affairs of the Jews," ac-
cording to their own laws. The establishment
of Christianity altered the civil position of the
Jews, but they maintained their relative pros-
perity; and when Alexandria was tiiken by
Amrou, 40,000 tributary Jews were leckonwl
among the marvels of the city (Gibbon, c. Ii.).
For some time the Jewish Church in Alex-
andria was in close dependence on that of Jeru-
salem. Both were subject to the civil power of
the first Ptolemies, and both acknowledged the
high-i)ricst as their religious head. The perse-
cution of Ptolemy Philopator (u.c. 217) occa-
sioned the first political separation between the
(Josi-pli. B. J. 11. 18, 7) and the fint Ptolemies (Joseph.
e. Ap. 11. 4).
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AI-EXANDRIA
tro bodies From that time the Jews uf Pales-
tine attached themselves to the fortunes of
:>rm [ANTiocncs the Great] ; and the same
{loticr nrhicli alienated the Palestinian party
^re unity and decision to the Jews of Alex-
andria. The Septuagint translation, which
strengthened the barrier of language between
Palestine and Egypt, and the temple at Leonto-
polis (B.C. 161), which subjected the tgyptiau
Jews to the charge of achism, widened the
dreach which was thus opened. But the divi-
sion though marked was not complete. At the
beginning of the Christian era the Egyptian
Jews still paid the contributions to the Temple-
strrice (Kaphall, Hist, of Jews, ii. 72). Jeru-
salem, though its name was fashioned to a
(■reel: shape, was still the Holy City, the metro-
jjoUs not of a country but of a people ('UptiiroAis,
Philo, I'a ttacc. § 7 ; Leg. ad Cai. § 36), and the
Aleiandriaa'S had a synagogue there (Acts vi. 9).
The internal administration of the Alexandrine
I'hurch was independent of the Snuhedrin at
Jerusalem; but resiject survived submission.
There were, however, other onuses which
tended to produce at Alexandria a distinct form
<'f the Jewish character and faith. The religion
and philosophy of that restless city produced an
efect upon the people more powerful than the
inHueace of politics or commerce. Alexander
himself symbolised the spirit with whidi he
wished to animate his new capital by founding
a temple of Isis side by side with the temples of
the Grecian gods (Arr. iii. 1). The creeds of
the East and West were to coexist in friendly
union; and in after-times the mixed worship of
Senpis(comp. Gibbon, c. xxviii. ; Diet, of Qeogr.
I. p 98) was characteristic of the Greek king-
Jom of Egypt (August, de Civ. Iki, xviii. 5 ;
S.mixiKut Aegyptiorum deus). This catholicity
of worship was farther combined with the
spread of universal learning. The same mon-
archi who favoDred the worship of Serapis
<Clem. Al. Protr. iv. § 48) founded and embel-
liihed the Mnseam and library ; and part of the
Libmry was deposited in the Serapeum. The
new faith and the new literature led to a common
i-'Sne; and the Egyptian Jews necessarily im-
''ibed the spirit which prevailed around them.
The Jews were, indeed, peculiarly susceptible
of the influences to which they were exposed.
They presenteil from the first a capacity for
Eastern or Western development. To the faith
<ind conservatism of the Oriental they united
tbe activity and energy of the Greek. The
mere presence of Hellenic culture could not fail
(» call into play their powers of speculation,
which were hardly repressed by the traditional
leiplism of Palestine (comp. Jost, Geach. d.
Jidtidk. pp. 293 ft'.); and the unchanging
clement of divine revelation which they always
tetained, enabled them to harmonize new
tboDjht with old belief. But while the inter-
fomse of the Jew and Greek would have pro-
^wei the same general consequences in any
■^ue, Alexandria was ]ieculiarly adapted to
fosire their full effect. The result of the non-
■wt of Judaism with the many creeds which
»ete current there roust have been speedy and
I»»«rful. The earliest Greek fragment of
•'«wiih writing which has been preserved (about
I.C. 160) [Aristobulbs] contains large Orphic
qaotations, which had been already moulded
ALEXANDRIA
89
into a Jewish form (comp. Jost, Gesch. d.
Judenth. 370) ; and the attempt thus made to
connect the most ancient Hellenic traditions
with the law was often repeated afterwards.
Nor was this done in the spirit of bold forgery.
Orpheus, Musaeus, and the Sibyls appeared to
stand in some remote period anterior to the
corruptions of polytheism, as the witnesses of a
primeval revelation and of the teaching of
nature, and thus it seemed excusable to attribute
to them a knowledge of the Mosaic doctrines.
The third book of the Sibyllines (c. B.C. 150) is
the most valuable relic of this pseudo-Hellenic
literature, and shows how fur the conception of
Judaism was enlarged to meet the wider views
of the religious condition of heathendom which
was opened by a more intimate knowledge of
Greek thought ; though the later Apocalypse of
Ezra [EsORAS, IV.] exhibits a marked reaction
towards the extreme exclusiveness of former
times.
But the indirect influence of Greek literature
and philosophy produced still greater effects
upon the Alexandrine Jews than the open con-
Hict and combination ot religious dogmas. The
literary school of Alexandria was essentially
critical and not creative. For the first time
men laboured to collect, revise, and classify all
the records of the past. Poets trusted to their
learning rather than to their imagination.
Language became a study ; and the legends of
early mythology were transformed into philo-
sophic mysteries. The Jews took a vigorous
share in these new studies. The caution
against writing, which became a settled law in
I'alestine, found no favour in Egypt. Nume-
rous authors adapted the history of the Patri-
archs, of Moses, and of the Kings to classical
models (Euseb. Praep. Ev. ix. 17-39. Eupo-
lemus, Artapanus (?), Demetrius, Aristaeus,
CTeodemus or ilalchas, " a prophet "). A poem
which bears the name of Phocylides gives iu
verse various precepts of Leviticus (^Daniel sec.
LXX.,Apolog. p. 512 f.; Eomae, 1772); and
several large fragments of a " tragedy " in
which Ezekiel (c. B.C. 110) dramatized the
Exodus, have been preserved by Eusebius (/. c),
who also quotes numerous passages in heroic
verse from the elder Philo and Theodotus.
This classicalism of style was a symptom and a
cause of classicalism of thought. The same
Aristobulus who gave currency to the Judaeo-
Orphic verses endeavoured to show that the
Pentateuch was the real source of Greek philo-
sophy (Euseb. Praep. Ev. xiii. 12 ; Clem. Al.
Strom, vi. 98).
The proposition thus enunciated was tho-
roughly congenial to the Alexandrine character ;
and henceforth it was the chief object of Jewish
speculation to trace out the subtle analogies
which were supposed to exist between the
writings of Moses and the teaching of the
schools. The circumstances under which philo-
sophical studies first gained a footing at Alex-
andria favoured the attempt. For some time
the practical sciences reigned supreme ; and the
issue of these was scepticism (Matter, Hist, dc
rEcole d'Alex. iii. 162 if.). Then at length the
clear analysis and practical morality of the
Peripatetics found ready followers ; and in the
strength of the reaction men eagerly trusted to
those splendid ventures with which Plato taught
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ALEXANDBIA
them to b« content till they could gain a surer
knowledge {Phaed. p. 85). To the Jew this
surer knowledge seemed to be already given;
and the belief in the existence of a spiritual
meaning underlying the letter of Scripture was
the great principle on which all his investiga-
tions rested. The facts were supposed to be
essentially symbolic : the language the veil (or
sometimes the mask) which partly disguised
from common sight the truths which it en-
wrapjwd. In this way a twofold object was
gained. It became possible to withdraw the
Supreme Being (ri Sc, 6 So) from immediate
contact with the material world ; and to apply
the narmtives of the Bible to the phenomena of
the soul. It is impossible to determine the
process by which these results were embodied ;
but, as in parallel cases, they seem to have been
shaped gradually in the minds of the mass, and
not fashioned at onco by one great teacher.
Even in the LXX. there are traces of an
endeavour to interpret the anthropomorphic
imagery of the Hebrew text [Skptuaoist] ;
and there can be no doubt that the Commen-
taries of Aristobulus gave some form and con-
sistency to the allegoric system. In the time of
Philo (b.C. 20 — A.D. 50) the theological and
interpretative systems were evidently fixed even
in many of their details, and he appears in both
cases only to have collected and expressed the
popular opinions of his countrymen.
In each of these great forms of speculation—
the theological and the exegetical — Alei-
andriani.sm has an important bearing upon the
Apostolic writings. But the doctrines which
are characteristic of the Alexandrine school
were by no means peculiar to it. The same
causes which led to the formation of wider
views of Judaism in Egypt, acting under greater
restraint, produced corre8|»nding results in
Palestine. A doctrine of the Word (Memra)
and a system of mystical interpretation grew
up within the Rabbinic schools, which bear a
closer analogy to the language of St. John and
to the "allegories " of St. Paul than the specu-
lations of Philo.
But while the importance of this Rabbinic
element in connexion with the expression of
Apostolic truth is often overlooked, there can
be no doubt that the Alexandrine teaching was
more powerful in furthering its receptiott. Yet
even when the function of Alexandrianism with
regard to Christianity is thus limited, it is need-
ful to avoid exaggeration. The preparation
which it made was indirect and not immediate.
Philo's doctrine of the Word (Logos) led men to
accept the teaching of St. John, but not to
anticipate it ; just as his method of allegorizing
Atted them to enter into the arguments of the
Epistle to the Hebrews, though they could not
have foreseen their application.
llie first thing, indeed, which must strike
the reader of Philo in relation to St. John is the
similarity of phrase without a similarity of idea.
His treatment of the Logos is vague and incon-
sistent. He argues about tlie term and not
about the reality, and seems to delight in the
ambiguity which it involves. At one time he
rej)rescnts the Logos as the reason of God in
which the archetypal ideas of things exist (A^or
iySUifTos), at another time as the Word of
Qod by which He makes himself known to the
ALEXANDKLiV
outward world (\6yos wpi>4>opiK6>); bat he
nowhere realizes the notion of One Who k >t
once Revealer and the Revelation, which is the
essence of St. John's teaching. The idea of the
active Logos is suggested to him by the necessitj
of withdrawing the Infinite from the finite, God
from man, and not by the desire to bring God
to man. Not only is it impcasible to coaceiTe
that Philo could have written as St. John
writes, but even to suppose that he could htn
admitted the possibility of the Incamatioa of
the Logos, or of the personal unity of the Legos
and the Messiah. But while it is right to state
in its full breadth the opposition between the.
teaching of Philo and St. John,' it is impossible
not to feel the important office which the
mystic theosophy, of whicli Philo is the repre-
sentative, fulfilled in preparing for the appre-
hension of the highest Christian truth. Without
any distinct conception of the personality of the
Logos, the tendency of Philo's writings was to
lead men to regard the Logos, at least in some
of the senses of the term, as a person; and
while he maintained with devout earnestness
the indivisibility of the Divine nature, he de-
scribed the Logos as Divine. In this manner,
however unconsciously, he prepared the war for
the recognition of a twofold personality in the
Godhead, and performed a work without whicb
it may well appear that the language of
Christianity would have been unintelligible
(comp. Dorner, Die Lehrc von der Person Chriiti,
i.pp.23sq.).
The allegoric method stands in the sanie
relation to the spiritual interpretation of
Scripture as the mystic doctrine of the Word to
the teaching of St. John. It was a prepantioo
and not an anticipation of it. Unless men had
been familiarized in some such way with the
existence of an inner meaning in the Lawud
the Prophets, it is difficult to understand how
an Apolios "mighty in the Scriptures" (Acts
xviii. 24-28) could have convinced many, er
how the infant Church could have seen almost
unmoved the ritual of the Old Covenant swept
nway, strong in the conscious possession of its
spiritual antitypes. But that which is found in
Philo in isolated fragments combines in the
N. T. to form one great whole. In the former
the truth is affirmed in casual details, in the
latter it is laid down in its broad principles
which admit of infinite application ; and a com-
parison of patristic interpretations with those of
Philo will show how powerful an apostolic
example exercised in curbing the imagination of
later writers. Nor is this all. While Philo
regarded that which was pceitive in Judaism as
the mere symbol of abstract truths, in the
Epistle to the Hebrews it appears as the shadow
of blessings realized (Heb. ix. 11, ytyoftiitni) ia
the presence of a personal Saviour. History
in the one case is the enunciation of a riddle ;
in the other it is the record of a life.
The speculative doctrines which thus worked
for the general reception of Christian doctrine
were also embodied in a form of society which
was afterwards transferred to the Christian
Church. Numerous bodies of ascetics ( TUra-
• The closest antloKy to the teaching of Phil" un Ihe
Logus occurs In the Epistle to the Hebrews. Owipsi:
Heb. Iv. 13 with Philo, Quit rer. die. Aaerc*^ i M.
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ALEXANDKIA
pflriae), eipeciallj' on the borders of Lake
HuvotU, devoted theinselres to a life of cease-
leu diiM!]plme and study. Unlike the Essenes,
who present the corresponding phase in Pales-
tinian life, they abjare<l society and labour, and
often forgot, as it is said, the simplest wants of
itatare in the contemplation of the hidden
wisdom of the Scriptures (Philo, de \'it. Coa-
ttmpl. throughout). The description which
PhUo gires of their occupation and character
seemed to Eusebius to present so clear an image
of Christian Tirtue* tiiat he claimed them as
C'hrutians; and there can be do doubt that
some of the forms of monasticism were shaped
upon the model of the Therapentae (buseb.
U. E. ii. 16).
According to the common legend (Euseb. /. c.)
St. Mark drst "preached the Gospel in Egypt,
and founded the Hrst Church in Alexandria."
\t the beginning of the second century the
number of Chnstians at Alexandria must hare
b«en very large, and the great leaders of
Gnosticism who arose there (BasUides, Valen*
tinus) exhibit an eiageeration of the tendency
of the Quirch. But the later forms of Alex-
andrine speculation, the strange varieties of
Uoeaticisni, the progress of the catechetical
school, the derelopmeikt of Keo-Platonism, the
rarions phases of the .\rian controversy, belong
to the history of the Church and to the history
ot philosophy. To the last Alexandria fulfilled
its. mission; and we still owe much to the
spirit of it* great teachers, which in later ages
struggled, not without success, against the
sterner systems of the West.
[In the <ace of the general acceptance of
Alexandrine syncretism, a somewhat opposite
view is taken by lienouf (//i>6icr< £«cfuns, 1879,
pp. 246-248), who denies that Alexandria was
of any importance " as a medium of interchange
of ideas between the Eastern and Western
worlds." Alexandrine thous;ht, he maintains,
was free from Oriental influence ; .Mexandriue
philosophers were either ignorant or con-
temptuous of Oriental ideas, and of the
Egyptian language and literature. He quotes
M- AmpJre, " Alexandre fut tri« grecque, assez
juive et prtsque point igyptiennc " (^licvw des
Iteux Moadet, Sept. 184(>, p. 735), and sup-
ports bis view by pointing out that down to
the Roman times there had been no commercial
commnnicatioD between Alexandria and the
distant East, the Indian traffic passing through
the Galf of Akaba, and being conveyed to the
Mediterranean either by Palmyra and Antioch
or by Petra and Gaza (quoting Renaud, "Sur
Ic royanme de la llesine et de la Kharaaine,"
in the Mim. de VAcad. da Inter, t. xxiv. pt. 2,
fk 219 ; and Lnmbrox, Stcherchea mr C^cunomk
ytlitique de FBg^pU soul k$ Lagides, chap. vi.
oo Commerce). — R.]
The following works embody what is valuable
in the earlier literature on the subject, with
copious references to it: Matter, 1/istoirc dc
fEmU d'Alexandrie, 2nd edit., Paris, 1840;
A. F. Dahne, Geschichtliche Vanteltung dcr
JSdaeh-Alexandrmischen BeUjiona-Phihaophie,
Halle, 18.34 ; A. F. GfrSrer, PhOo und dit
Jwiiich-AUxandrinaclie TAeoaophie, Stuttgart,
1835. To these may be added H. Ewald, history
< Jsnul, ToL V. 22.3 sq.; J. M. Jost, Oesch. des
JvknOumt, Leipzig, 1857, i. 344 sq., 388 sq. ; i
ALGUM
91
A. Keander, History of Christian Churcli, vol. i.
tJ6 sq., Eng. tr., 1847 ; Prof. Jowett, PhUo and
St. Paul, St. Paui's Epistles to the Thessaloniiias,
&c., London, 1855, i. 363 fl'. And for the later
Christian history : H. F. Guericke, Pe Schold
Alexandritui Caicchetica, Halis, 1825; Hasel-
bach, De ScMa, quae Aiex. floruit, Catecheticd,
part i., Stettin, 1826 ; cf. Matter, //. de FEcola
d'Alex. 1820. For Alexandrian Gnosticism and
allegory, cf. Baur's Church Historij, vol. i. pt. iii.
chap, i., Eng. tr. (Williams and Norgate).
In recent literature the general subject has
been very fully discussed. S])coial mention may
here be made of Herzfeld's Oesch. des Voltes
Israel, B<1. iii. ; Griitz, Geach. der Jtiden, Bd.
iii. 3 ; Hausrath, SeutestaiacHtliclte Zeitgschte.
Bd. ii. 91-145; Stanley's Jewish Church, Lect.
xlvii. i Schtirer's Gesch. d. Jad, Bd. ii. 493 sq.
(1886).
For Alexandrine religious thought, see also
Zeller, Pie Philosophie der Griechen, &c., iii.
2, 338-418 (1881); Liiwius, Alexandr. Heli-
gionphilos., in Schenkel's Bibel Lexicon : and
specially for Philo's treatment of the Ixigos,
Heinze, Die Lehre torn Logos in der gricch.
Philos., 1872 ; Soulier, La doctrine du Logos
chez Philon d'Alexandrie, 1876; Lightfoot, St.
PanPs Epistle to the Colossians, note on i. 15;
Westcott, Gospel according to St. John, Introd.
xv.-xviii., and Introduction to (Ac Study of the
Gospels, chap. iii. ; Bigg, The Christian I'la-
tonists of Alexandria, p. 14, &c. ; Drnmmond's
Philo-Judaeus.' [B. F. W.] [R.]
ALEXANDRIANS, THE(o/ 'A\ti<irS(>t7t).
1. The Greek inhabitants of Alexandria (3 Mace,
ii. 30, iii. 21). 2. Alexandrini. The Jewish
colonists of that city, who were admitted to
the privileges of citizenship, and had a syna-
gogue at Jerusalem (.\cts vi. 9 . [Alexan-
dria.] [W A. W.]
ALGUM or ALMUG TREES (D»«?»J^N.
algummim; D'^p^N, almuggim; (vAAoreA.^-
Ktrra, A. f. weXefoirei, B. in 1 K. x. 11, 12; {.
rdKwa; ligna thi/ina, ligna jiinea). There can
be no question that these words are identical,
although, according to Celsius (^Hiercii. i. 178),
some doubted it. The same author ennmerates
no fewer than filteen dilTerent trees, each one of
which has been supposed to have a claim to
represent the algum or almug tree of Scripture.
Mention of the almug is made in 1 K. x. 11, 12
{algum in 2 Ch. ix. 10, 1 1) as having been brought
in great plenty from Ophir, together with gold
and precious stones, by the fleet of Hiram, for
Solomon's Temple and house, and for the con-
struction of musical instruments. "The king
made of the almug-trees pillars for the house of
the Lord, and for the king's house, harps also and
psalteries for singers ; there came no such
almug-trees, nor were seen unto this day " (1 K.
/. c). In 2 Ch. ii. 8 (though n.it in 1 K. v. 6),
Solomon — by an intelligible mistake on the
part of the Chronicler — is represented as
desiring Hiram to send him "cedar-trees, fir-
trees, and algum-trees out of Lebanon " (cp.
Speaker's Comm., note /. c). From the pass.nge
* Alexandria occurs In the Vulgate by »n error for
No- Amman [No-AuvonO. Jcr. xlvi. 2i ; £zek. xzx. 14,
lt,l«; Mah. ULS.
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ALGUM
ALLEGOKY
in Kings, it seems clear that almug-trees cntne
from Opliir, No ioformalion can be deduced
from the readings of the LXX., which explains
the Hebrew word by " hewn wood " (1 K.
X. 11, B.), "unhewn wood" {ibid. A.), and
" pine-wood " (2 €h. ii. 8, and ix. 10, 11). The
Vulg. in the passages of Kings and '1 Ch. ix,
read ligna thyina; but in 2 Ch. ii. 8 follows
the LXX., and has lii/na pinea.
Interpreters are greatly perplexed as to what
kind of tree is denoted by the words algummim
and almuggim. The Chaldee and the Arabic
interpretations, with Munster, A. Montanus,
Deodatus, NolJius, Tigurinus, retain the original
word, as do the A. V. and R. V. in all the three
passages. We may notice the conjectures of the
chief modern writers on the subject. Against
the first four given below, objections have been
raised. (1.) borne maintain that the thyina*
wood (^Thiii/a articulatd) is signified by algum.
This wood, as is well known, was highly prized
by the Romans, who used it for the doors of
temples, tables, and a variety of purposes ; for
the citron-wood of the ancients appears to be
identical with the thuya. (The word occurs in
Rev. xviii. 12.) Its value to the Romans ac-
counts for the reading of the Vulgate in the
passages quoted above. But the TAuya artkulata
is indigenous to the north of Africa, and is
not found in Asia ; and few geographers will
be found to identify the ancient Ophir with
any port on the N. African coast. [Ophir.]
(2.) Not more happy is the opinion of Dr. Kitto,
that the deodar is the tree probably designated
by the term almtig (Pirf. ISihl., note on 2 Ch.).
On this subject Sir J. Hooker, in a letter to the
writer, says, " The dfodar is out of the question.
It is no better than cedar, and never could have
been exported from Himalaya." (3.) The late
Dr. Royle, with more reason, is inclined to
decide on the white sandal-wood (Santaltan
otbmn ; see Cycl. Bib. Lit., art. " Algum "). This
tree is a native of India and the mountainous
parts of the coast of Malabar, and deliciously
fragrant in the parts near to the root. It is
much used in the manufacture of work-boxes,
cabinets, and other ornaments. (4.) The Rabbis *■
understand a wood commonly call brasil, in
Arabic albaccain, of a deep red colour, used in
dyeing." This appears to be the bukium {Caes-
alpina sappaii), a tree allied to the Brazil-wood
of modern commerce, and found . in India ; and
many of the Jewish doctors understand coral
(i.e. coral-wood) by the word almug, the name
no doubt having reference to the colour of the
* Thiija appears to be a corru|:tlon of Thya^ from
^w, ** 1 sacriflce," tbe wood having been used in
sacrifices. Tkuja <Kcidentali$ b the well-known ever-
green, "arbor vitae."
» R. Salomon Ben Meiek, 1 K. x. II, and R. Dav.
Kimcht, 2 Ch. it. f<. "Algummim est quod almygffim,
arbor rubris colorls dicta Arabum lingua albaccam,
vulgo bratUia." See Cflslus, who wonders ihot the
term " Brazil-wood " (,Lignum bratUitnte) should be
Domed by one who llvei 300 years before the discovery
of America ; but the word bratiU nlso = red colour.
Cf. Ro8<?nm. Bot. of BiU. p. 243, Morren's note.
* jfij, lignum arboris magnoe, foUls amygdallnl!<,
cujBs dccocto tlngitur color rublcundns sen pseudo-
purpureuB— lignum breslllum — r£tam, color ejus tine-
tnrom rcferens (Gollus, Arab. La. s. v. bakUam'i.
wood. (5.) But little reliance can be placed
on these rabbinical interpretations, and the
most probable of all the attempts to identify
the aimug is that first proposed by Celsius
{Uierch, i. 172), viz. that the red sandal-wood
(Pterocarpns santalintu) may be the kind denoted
by the Hebrew word. So also Rawlinson in
Speaier'a Comm. on 1 K. x. 11. Oetlli (in
Strack u. Ziickler, Ktjf. Komm. on 2 Ch. ii. 7)
indicates sandal-wood simply, without specifica-
tion of colour.
This tree, which belongs to the natural order
Leguminosae, and sub-order Papilionaceae, is a
native of India and Ceylon. The wood is very
heavy, hard, and fine-grained, and of a beantifnl
garnet colour, as any one may see who has
observed the medicinal preparation, tbe com-
pound tincture of lavender, which is coloured
by the wood of the red sandal-tree. Dr. Lee
(Lex. //e6. s. v. "Algummim"), identifying
Ophir with some seaport of Ceylon, followinj
Bochart (Chanaan, i, 46) herein, thinks that
there can be no doubt that the wood in question
must be either the Kalanji id of Ceylon or the
sandal-wood (Pterccarpua santalinus) of India.
The Kalanji wi, which apparently is some species
of PUrocarpus, was particularly esteemed and
sought after for the manufacture of lyres and
musical instruments, as Dr. Lee has proved by
quotations from Arabic and Persian works, la
fact he says that the Ga.stern lyre is termed the
id, perhaps because made of this sort of wood.
As to the derivation of the word, Hillei't
(Hierophyt.ot. i.p. 106)derivationfromtwowords
supposed to mean "drops of gum " is untenable.
Other etymologies that have been suggested
may be seen in Celsius, Hierob. i. 172 sq.\
Salmasius, llijl. latr. p. 120, b ; Castell. La.
ffept, s. T. DIlpK. The word is evidently
foreign. Gesenius connects it with the Sanskrit
mic'iitu (the Arab. art. prefixed), sandal-vmod,
but the Sanskrit word is of doubtful existence;
and uncertainty rests nlso, according to BSth-
lingk, upon another Sanskrit word, valgu, ral-
guka, with which Lassen compared it, giving
to it the meaning of amdal-Kuoii (see MV."
a. e. D^JDpK). Josephus, though not naming
the almug-tree (Ant. viii. 7, § 1), makes special
mention of a tree not unlike pine, which was
imported by Solomon, but which he is careful
to warn us not to confuse with the pine-trees
known to the merchants of bis time, "Those
we are speaking of," he says, " were in appear-
ance like the wood of the fig-tree, but were
whiter and more shining." This description is
too vague to allow us even to conjecture what
he means. On the whole, the arguments are
in favour of the red simdal-wnod being the
algum of the 0. T. [W, H.] [H. B. T.]
ALI'AH. [Alvah.]
ALI'AN. [Alvan.]
ALIEX. [STRAKGEn.]
ALLEGOBY, a figure of speech, which has
been defined by Bishop Marsh, in accordance
with its etymology, as " a representation of one
thing which is intended to excite the repre-
sentation of another thing ; " the first represen-
tation being consistent with itself, but requiring,
or being capable of admitting, a moral and
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ALLELUL*.
ipiritDul interpittation ov«r and above its
literal koh. An allegory has been incorrectly
masidered by some as a lengthened or sustained
metaphor, or a continuation ot' metaphors, as by
CSctro, thus standing in the same relation to
metiphor as jiarable to simile. Bnt the tno
figures are quite distinct ; no sustained meta-
phor, or succession of metaphors, can constitute
tD allegory, and the interpretation of allegory
iliffers from that of metaphor, in having to do
not with words but things. In every allegory
there is a twofold sense ; the immediate or his-
toric, which is understood from the words, and
the oltimate, which is concerned with the
thiags signified by the words. The allegorical
interpretation is not of the words, but of the
tilings dgniHed by them (cp. Luke viii. 11, &c. ;
" Sam. lii. 1-14) ; and not only mar, but
actually does, coexist with the literal interpre-
tation in every allegory, whether the narrative
in which it is conveyed be of things possible or
r«a]. An illustration of this may be seen in
Gal. ir. 24, where the Apostle gives an allegori-
•si interpretation to the historical narrative of
Hagsr and Sarah ; not treating that narrative
-H an allegory m itself, aa our A. V. would lead
iH to snppose, but drawing from it a deeper
sense than is conveyed by the immediate repre-
sentation, as " containing an allegory " (R. V.).
In pav allegory no direct reference is made
to the principal object. Of this kind the parable
of the prodigal son is an example (Luke xv.
11-32) In mixed allegory the allegorical nar-
ntire either contains some hint of its applica-
tion, as Ps. Ixxx., or the allegory and its inter-
pretation are combined, as in John xv. 1-8 ;
but this last passage is, stnctly speaking, an
example of a metaphor
The distinction between the parable and the
allegory is laid down by Dean Trench (On the
Par^iln, chap, i.) as one of form rather than of
essence. " In the allegory," he says, " there is
in interpretation of the thing signifying and
the thing signified, the qualities and properties
of the first being attributed to the last, and the
two tons blended together, instead of being kept
qnite distinct and placed side by side, as is the
case in the parable." According to this, there
is no such thing as pore allegory as above
defined. [W. A. W.]
Allegory (&XXo iiyoftifoi) has its position
snd history in Biblical Hermeneutics. This is
Inced, and may be followed with much profit,
in Hamboriier, RE.* Abth. ii. a. n. Allegorie ; in
Herzog. ££.* ; and Wetzer u. Welte's K. Lex.
:■ n. Hermeneutik, BSilische. Cp. also Farrar's
Bist. of Interpretation, Index, s. n. "Alle-
gory- [F.]
ALLELU'IA CAAAijAo^ra; Allcluii), so
written in Kev. lix. 7 foil., or more properly
Hallelcjah (rC wSl), " praise ye Jehovah,"
•TJ it is found in the margin of Ps. civ. 35, cv
♦5, cvi., cii. 1, cxii. 1, cxiii. I (cp. Ps. cxiii.
9, m. 18, cxvi. 19, cxvii. 2). The Psalms from
ciiii. to cxviii. were usually called by the Jews
the Hallel, though some have applied the name
hy preference to Psalms cxxxiv.-vii. These
lUms were sung on the first of the month, at
the feast of Dedication and the feast of Taber-
■wlei, the feast of Weeks and the feast of the
ALLIANCES
l»3
Passover. [Hosanxa.] In later times, New
Year's day and the d.ty of Atonement were ex-
cluded from their seasons in deference to the
grave character of these days as " days of judg-
ment " i and the same exclusion applied to the
feast of Purim. At the Passover Pss. cxiii. and
cxiv., according to the school of Uillel (the
former only according to the school of Sham-
mai), were sung before the feast, and the re-
mainder at its termination, after drinking the
last cup. The hymn (Matt. xxvi. 30) sung by
Christ and His disciples after the last snpper is
supposed to have been the great Hallel, which
seems to have varied according to the feast* (cp.
Hamburger, HE. fUr liibel «. Talmud, Abth. ii.
s. t>. " Hnllel "). The literal meaning of " Halle-
lujah " sufficiently indicates the character of
the Psalms in which it occurs, as hymns of
praise and thanksgiving, 'llioy arc all found in
the last book of the collection, and bear marks
of being intended for use in the Temple-service ;
the words " praise ye Jehovah " being taken up
by the full chorus of Levites. In the great
hymn of triumph in heaven over the destruc-
tion of Babylon, the Apostle in vision heard the
multitude in chorus like the voice of mighty
thunderings bur^t forth, " Alleluia, for the Lord
God omnipotent rcigneth," responding to the
voice which came out of the throne, saying,
" Praise our God, all ye His servants, and yo
that fear Him, both ^mall and great " (Rev. xix.
1-6). In this, as in the ofl'cring of incense
(Rev. viii.), there is allusion to the service of the
Temple, as the Apostle had often witnessed it in
its fading grandeur. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ALLIANCES. In the time of Abraham
alliances with fureignera were not forbidden.
At Mamre he had his "confederates" among
the chiefs of Canaan (Gen. xiv. 13); and his
alliance with Abimelech, king of Gerar (Gen.
XXI. 22), renewed by Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 26), is a
model of primitive simplicity and trustfulness.
Presently this permission was withdrawn, and
on the first establishment of the Israelites in
Palestine connexions between them and the
surrounding nations were forbidden (Lev. xviii.
3, 4 ; XX. 22, 23). The geographical position of
their country, the peculiarity of their institu-
tions, and the prohibitions against intercourse
with the idolatrous Caniianitesund other heathen
nations, alike tended to promote an exclusive
and isolated state. But with the extension of
their power under the kings, the Jews were
brought more into contact with foreigners, and
alliances became essential to the security of
their commerce. Solomon concluded two im-
portant treaties chiefly for commercial pur-
poses : the first was with Hiram, king of Tyre ;
and, if principally with the view of obtaining
* Historically the introduction of the Hatlcl Into the
sjoftgogat service is trmcnl, according to the Rabbinic
teachers of tlie 3rd and 4th cent, a.d., to the men of
the days of Mordecal and Esther, who Instituted its use
in commemoration of great deliverances from great
sufferings and sorrows. It was easy to go further and
base the Idea upon the " Hallel " of a Moses and Israel
after their passage tlirough the I!«l Sea. of a Joshua
and Israel after their battles with the kings of Canaan,
of a Deborah and Barak alter the victory over Slsera,
of on Ananias, MIsacl. and Aiarlas after their deUvo
ance tnuL the king of liabyion.
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94
ALLIANCES
materialii nnd workmen for the erection of the
Temple, «ud nftcrwaiils for the supply of ship-
builders and sailors (1 K. v. 2-l".J, ii. 27), it
was also a general league of amity (cp. the
rebuke to Tyre in Amos i. 9): tlie second was
with Pharaoh, king of £s;ypt, and was cemented
by his marriage with a princess of the royal
family (I K. iii. 1); by this he secured a
monopoly of the trade in horses nnd other pro-
ducU of that country (1 K. x. 28. 29). After
the division of the kingdom, political alliances
(as distinguished from the lamentable matri-
monial alliances, <■.</, 1 K. xi. 1-8, xvi. 31)
were of an oflen^ive and defensire nature : they
bad their origin partly iu the internal disputes
of the kingdoms of Judah nnd Israel, and partly
in the position which these countries held rela-
tively to Kgypt on the one side, and the great
Eastern monarchies of Assyria and Babylonia on
the otiier. The fresh light from the ancient
monuments cast u|>on the Jewish scant historical
records enables us to account for, and sometimes
correct, views upon the alliances and connter-
alliances formed between these |<eople3. Thus
the invasion of Suishak iu Kehoboam's reign —
directed as it was against the northern !Ui well
as the southern kingdom — can no longer b«
claimed as an alliance made with Jeroboam, who
had previously found an asylum in Egypt (1 K.
xi. 40, jcii. 2, xiv. 25). Each, however, of these
inonarchs sought a connexion with the neigh-
bouring kingdom of Syria, on which side Israel
was particularly assailable (1 K. iv. 19) : but As«
ultimately succeeded in securing the active co-
operation of Itenhadad against liaasha (IK. xr.
10-20). Another policy, induced probably by
the encroaching spirit of Syria, led to the forma-
tion of an alliance between the two kingdoms
under Ahab and Jehoshaphat, which was main-
tained until the end of -Vhab's dynasty : it
occasionally extended to commercial operations
(2 Oh. XX. oG). The alliance ceased in Jehu's
reign : war broke out shortly after between
.\maziah uiiti Jeroboam II. : each nation looked
for foreign aid, and a coalition was formed
lietween Kezin king of Syria and Pekah on the
one side, and Ahaz and Tiglath-pileser king of
.\ssyria on the other (2 K. xvi. 5-9). By this
means an openiug was atTurded to the n<lvances
ni the Assyrian power: and the kingdoms of
Israel and Judah, as they were successively
attacked, -wught the alliance of the Egyptians,
who were strongly interested iu maintaining
the independence of the Jews as a barrier against
the encroachments of the Assyrian power. Thus
Hoshea made a treaty with So (Sevechus, the
.Sh.ibak of the 25th Dynasty ), and rebelled
ai;ainst Shalmaueser (2 K. xvii. 4): Hezekiah
adopted the same policy in opposition to Sen-
nacherib (Is. XXX. 2). In neither case was the
alliani:c productive of much good : the Israelites
were abandoned by So: in Hezekinh's case, the
Egyptian troops were defeated at Altnka in the
earlier stages of the campaign of n.c. 701, Judah
was overrun by the Assyrian soldiery, and heavy
tribute exncteil. Later on, when a fresh move-
ment on the part of the Egyptians and a possible
junction of liis own forces with those of Tir-
hakah might have tempted Hezekiah to a fresh
alliance, he was taught by Isaiah to ally himself
to God OS the only defence against the Assyrian
(cp. Driver, tsaiah, ch. vii.). The weak condition
ALLLA.NCES
of Egypt at the beginning of the 26th Dynasty
left Judah entirely at the mercy of the .^ssyrianj,
who under Esarhaddon subdued the couotty,
and by a conciliatory policy secured the ailhesion
of Mnnasseh and his successors to his side agtiist
Egypt (2 Ch, xxxiii. 11-13). It was apparently
as an ally of the Babylonians that Josiah, niiwtT
years later, resisted the advance of Necho (2 Ch.
XXXV. 20). His defeat, however, and the check
to the Babylonian troops, made the Jews the
subjects of Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar's first ex-
pedition against Jerusalem was contemporaaeous
with, and probably fn consequence of, the ex-
pedition of Necho against the Babylonians (2 K.
xxiv. 1 ; Jer. xlvi. 2): and lastly Zedekiah's
rebellion was accompanied with a renewal of
the alliance with Egypt (Ezck. xvii. 13). A
temporary relief appears to have been afforded
by the .-idvancc of Hophrah (Jer. xixvii. 11),
but it was of no avail to prevent the extinctioa
of Jewish independence.
On the restoration of independence Jadss
Maccabaeus sought an alliance with the Romans
who were then gaining an ascendency in the
East, as a counterpoise to the neighbouring state
of Syria (1 Mace, viii.; Joseph. Ant. xii. lu,§6).
this alliance — the terms of which were graven
on brass and deposited in the Capitol at Rome-
was renewed by Jonathan (1 Maoc xii. 1 ; A»V
xiii. 5, §8) and by Simon (1 Mace. iv. I'j
Ant. xiii. 7, §3): on the latter occasion theio-
dependence of the Jews was recognised and for-
mally notitied to the neighbouring nations B.C. 140
(1 Mace. XV. 22, 23). Treaties of » friendly
nature were at the same )>erioJ concluded with
the Lacedaemonians under an itnpressioa tbtt
they came of a common stock (1 Mace. iii. 3,
xiv. 20; Ant. xii. 4, §10, xiii. 5, §8). The
Roman alliance wns again renewed by Hvrcsnns,
B.C. 128 (^Ant. xiii. 9, § 2), after his defeat by
Antiochns Sidetes, and the losses he had «u-
tnined were repaired. This alliance, however,
ultimately proved fatal to the independence of
the Jews : the rival claims of Myrcanus sad
Aristobulus having been referred to Poinpey,
n.c. 63, he availed himself of the opportunity of
placing the country under tribute (Ant. xiv 4,
§4). Finally, Herod was raised to the sove-
reignty by the Roman Senate, acting under the
advice of M. Antony (_Ant. xiv. 14, § 5).
The formation of an alliance was attended
with various religious rites: a victim wasslsin
and divided into two parts, between which the
contracting parties passed, invoking imprecations
of a similar destruction upon him who should
break the terms of the alliance (Gen. xv. 10;
cf Liv. i. 24); hence the expression JT'lS D^J
( = ipKta riiaifai, focdiis iccrc), to make (lit. to
cut) a treaty; hence also the use of the term
nPH (lit. imprecatitm) for a covenant. That
this custom was maintained to a late period
appears from Jer. xxxiv. 18-20. Generally
speaking, the oath alone is mentioned in the
contracting of alliances, either between nations
(Josh. ix. 15) or individuals (Gen. xxvi. 28,
iixi. M; 2 K. xi. 4; 1 Mace. iv. 17). The
event was celebrated by a feast (Gen. /. c.\
Ex. xxiv. 11 ; 2 Sam. iii. 12, 20> Salt, •»
symbolical of 6delity, was used on these oc-
casions ; it was applied to the sacrifices (Lev. ii.
13), and probably used, as among the Arabs, >t
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ALLOM
linpiuble entertainmenU ; hence the expreuion
"CDTenant of salt" (Num. xriii. 19 j 2 Ch.
xiil 5). OccasioDally a pillar or a heap of
(toMs waa set up as n memorial of the alliaace
(Gen. xxxi. o2), a castom prevalent among the
Aarrians also. Presents were also sent by the
party soliciting the alliance (1 K. xt. 18 ; Is.
XXI. 6, 1 Mace. XT 18> The fidelity of the
Jews to their engagements was eonspicoous at
all periods of their history (Josh, ix, 18), and
any breach of covenant was visited with very
severe ponishment (2 Sam. xxi. 1 ; Ezek. xvii.
16X [W. L.B.] [F.]
ALTiOM (B. 'AW^r, A. 'ASAii' , Malinon),
I Esd. r 34. The same as Ami or AuoN.
Cp. Ezra U. 57 ; Neh. vii. 59. [W. A. W.] [F.j
AL.XON (fhtt or fh^), a large strong tree
of some description, probably an oak (see Ges.
Tics. 51, 103 ; Stanley, App. § 76). The word
is foand in two names in the topography of
Palestine.
1. Allon, more accurately ElOS, Jv^jl*
<D^3J0^3; B. MwAi Kal B((r</iiciV, A. Mii\i»r
K. BtvfPOflii ; Elon), a place named among the
cities of NaphUli (Josh. xix. 33). Probably the
more correct construction is to take it with
the following word, uc. either (R. V.) " the oak
in Zaananniic," or — treating the 3 as part of
the word (K. V. marg.) — the oak (fit terebinth) of
Bezaemanmm. In the former case, the place
might possibly derive its name Zaanannim from
aome nomad tribe or wanderers (see the verb in
Is. xxxiii. 20). Such a tribe were the Kenites,
and ia connexion with them the place is again
iiaia«d in Judg. iv. ll,*" with the additional
definition of "by Kedesh " (of NaphUli). The
latter view (see Dillmann on Josh. xix. 33) is,
however, favoured by the absence of the article be-
fore p7K. In this case it would be better to read,
as in Judg. iv. 11 (Cethib), D»UfV3, ^B'annim.
The A. v., following the Vulgate, renders here
■" the plain of Zaanaim." [R. V. as above ; B. ia>s
tpvi>% (A. ir/>it tphir) ^tKtovtmoivTuy (thinking
of mta. to iecotctoKs).] [Elon.] (See Stanley,
p. 34b' noU.) [G.] [S. R. D.]
2. Alu).«i.ba'chdth (n«3 J^^«'; K. V.
Allon-Bacuth = " oak of weeping ; " and so
BJa^aros irtrtovs ; Querma jletua), the tree under
which Rebekah's nurse, Deborah, was buried
" beneath Bethel " (Gen. xxxv. 8). Ewald {Gesch.
iiL 29) believes the " oak of Tabor " (1 Sam. x. 3,
A. V. "plain of T.") to be the same as, or the
successor of, this tree ; " Tabor " being possibly
• ^r/^t^ Allan, U the mding of V. d. Hooght, and
ft Watton's Poljrglott ; but the best sathorltles hare as
above (De Rcwl, Far. LecU. Snpplem. p. 3S).
% Tbe Tsrgnm of Jonathan reoders this passage by
—a» plain (^2f^^) of tbe pools" (X'JJK). connecting
Brmttuannim with a late Heb. word D*rV3 {Bu'aim)
an aat ug tanks or pnols (see Klmcbl {. I. ; Levy, Chald.
WB. ». T. K33K> HBWB. s. v. D'BSa). upon which
■peralatioos respecting the character of the locality
have been bued (Ewald, JBW. U. 62). "Plain" is
ia accordanca wiib the usoal rendering of 'K in the
Taigtan (cp. '• tbe plains of Moreh "). [8. R. D.]
< Tbe Ssm. Version, according to its cnstonary
lendering of AUon, has here nn'33 ^1C'0. "the
ylsis of BakiUi.'' See this sol^ect more fully examined
Oder Eun.
ALMON-DIBLATHAIM
95
a merely dialectical change from "Deborah:"
he would further identify it with the " palm-tree
of Deborah " (Judg. iv. 5). See also Stanley,
pp. 143, 220. [G.] [W.]
AL'LON (li^«; B. 'K^Jty, A. 'AAAiiv;
AUoiC). A Simeonite, ancestor of Zirza, a prince
of that tribe in the reign of Uezekiah (1 Ch. iv.
37). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ALMO'DAD CIlto^N; 'T^v^iH; Elmo-
dad), named first, in order, among the descen-
dants of Joktan (Gen. x. 26 ; 1 Ch. i. 20 [B.
omits]), and thus as the progenitor of an Arab
tribe. His settlements must be looked for, in
common with those of the other descendants
of Joktan, in the Arabian peninsula; aud his
name appears to be preserved in that of MudSd
(or El-Mndad, the word being one of those
proper names that admit of the article being
prefixed), a famous personage in Arabian his-
tory, the reputed father of Ishmael's Arab wife,
and the chief of the Joktanite tribe Jurhum
(not to be confounded with the older, or first,
Jurhum), which, coming from the Yemen,
settled in the neighbourhood of Mekka, and
intermarried with the Ishmaelites. The name
of Mud^d was peculiar to Jurhum, and borne
by several of its chiefs (Caussin de Perceval,
Essai sw rUist. des Arabes, i. 33 scq., 168,
and 195 uq.). Gesenius (Lex., ed. Tregelles,
111 loc.) says, " If there were an ancient error
in reading (for HniD/X), we might compare
Murad, ^iy» or d\y» , jj, the name of a
tribe living In a mountainous region of Arabia
Felix, near Zabid." Dillmann (Gen. 1. c), D. H.
Miiller, and Ualevy take 7K to be the name of
God (as often in Sabaean names), and, deriving
TIO from "W, render God is One to he loted or Ooil
tocca (see MV." a, n.). Others have suggested
j-rtr«, but, apart from philological objections,
the well-known tribes of this stock are of
Ishmaelite descent. Bochart (Phaleii. ii. 16)
thinks that Almodad may be traced in the name
of the 'AAov^cwToi of Ptolemy (vi. 7, § 24), a
people of the interior of Arabia Felix, near the
sources of the river Lar [Ar.'^dia] ; but see
against this view ZDMG. xxii. 658. [E. S. P.]
ALTION (jtoV?; B. ra^aAo,* A. 'AA^n;
Alrmn), a city within the tribe of Benjamin,
with " suburbs " given to the priests (Josh. xxi.
18). Its name does not occur in the list of the
towns of Benjamin in Josh, xvili. In the parallel
list in 1 Ch. (vi. 60) it is found as Alemeth
[B. TaKiiJuei, A. -^- ; AlmatK] — probably a later
form, and that by which it would appear to
have descended to us. [Alemeth.] [G.] [W.]
AL'MON-DIBLATHAIM (accurately Dib-
lathaimah, nD^n^STjbbr ; TtXiiitv A«flAo9<{i/»;
Helmon-diblathaimj, one of the latest stations of
the Israelites, between Dibon-gad and the moun-
tains of Abarim (Num. xxxiii. 46, 47 [A. in
V, 47 AaiiSAoediv]). Dibon-gad is doubtless the
• This suggests that the Hebrew name of the Gamala
BO fiunoos In the Roman war In Galilee may have been
Almon.
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ALMOND
present Dkibun, just to the north of the Arnon ;
and there is thus every probability that Alnion-
diblathaim was identical with Beth-diblathnim,
a Moabite city mentioned by Jeremiah (ilviii.
22) in company with both Dibon and Nebo, and
that it* traces will be discovered on further
exploration. The name Beth-diblathaim occurs
on the Moabite stoue, and it has been identified,
doubtfully, by Major Conder with the ruins of
DeUiydt, south of the Zerka M'ain. [Beth-
DinLATHAIJJ.] [G.] [W.]
ALMOND OR"^. «^<2*e<' P''^. '»«]■ **«'V
Sa\oy, xipvov, Koptwos, Kopvari', amygdalus,
ami/gdala, in nuci's modam, instar nuat, rirga
vigilaM). This word is found in Gen. xliii. 11 ;
Ex. XXV. 33, 34, xixvii. 19, 20 ; Numb. r\-ii. 8 1
Eccles. xii. 5 ; Jer. i. 11, in the text of the A. V.
It is invariably represented by the same Hebrew
word (shdied), which sometimes stands for the
whole tree, sometimes for the fruit or nut • for
instance, in Gen. xliii. 1 1, Jacob commands his
sons to take as a present to Joseph " a little
honey, spices and myrrh, nuts and almonds , "
where the fruit is clearly meant. In the passages
out of the Book of Exodus the " bowls made like
unto almonds,"* which were to adorn the golden
candlestick, seem to allude to the nut also.''
Aaron's rod, that so miraculously budded,
yielded alnumd nuts. In the two passages from
Ecclesiastes and Jeremiah, slidlted is translated
almond tree, which from the context it certainly
represents. It is clearly then a mistake to
suppose, with some writers, that shdkid stands
exclusively for "almond-nuts," and that lux
signifies the " tree." • It appears more probable
that this tree, conspicuous as it was for its early
flowering and useful fruit, was known by these
two different names. The etymology ot the
Hebrew luz is uncertain ; and although tJie
word occurs only in Gen. xxx. 37, where it is
translated hazel in the text of the A. V., yet
there can be little or no doubt that it is
another word for the almond [so K. V. »'» loco'],
for in the Arabic this identical word, * Ji
liti, denotes the almond. [H-VZEl.] The early
appearance of the blossoms on the almond-tree
(Ami/gdalus communis') was no doubt i-egarded
by the Jews of old as a welcome harbinger
of spring, reminding them that the winter
was passing away — that the flowers would soon
appear on the earth — and that the time of
the smging of birds and the voice of the turtle
would soon be heard in the land ( Song of
Sel. ii. 11, 12). Shdied is derived from a root
* D'^pE'Di P"*' Por*- P'-> '""" denom. verb ipt^,
always used in Heb. text iu reference to the golden
candlestick; LXX. iicrmnnifuyQt KopvttrKovi, al. xa*
pvi(TKOtt ; AlUilo, cfjlfivyfiaAw/^'Kilf .
' IpC^, "est amjigdalM el amj/gilalum, arbor et
fructus ; hlc autpm fructus potius quam arboris forma
designarl vldetur" (Rownmail. Schol. in Ezod. xxv.
33). That thakM = tree and /rait, see also Ftlrat,
Concord. IpC', **amygd<Ua et amygdalum, de arbore
et fractu ; " and Bnxtorf, Lex. Chald. ^3B', " rigniflcat
arborcm et fructum." Mlcliaclls (S«pp(. s. v. y'J^)
understands the almond-shaped bowls to refer to the
llot$om. I.e. the calyx and the corolla.
• Harris, Diet. A'ot. B. Bitit. art. " Abnond," and
Dr. P.oyle in Kltto, art. -Shakfd."
ALMOND
which signifies "to be wakeful," "to hasten,"
for the almond-tree blossoms very early in th(
season, the flowers appearing before the leaves.
The word shdked, therefore, or the tree which
hastened to put forth its blossoms, was a rerr
beautiful and fitting synonym for the lii, or
almond-tree, in the language of a people bo food
of imagery and poetry as were the Jews. We
have in our own language instances of plants beia;
named from the season of the year when ther
are flowering — May for Haathom ; Pasqve Plorer
for Anemone; Lent Lily for Daffodii ; Winter
Cress for Hedge Mustard. But perhaps tbe best
and most exact illustration of the Hebrew shdied
is to be found in the English word Apricot, or
Apricock, as it was formerly and more correctly
called, which is derived from the Latin praeaypa,
praecocia ; this tree was so called by the Romans,
who considered it a kind of peach which ripened
earlier than the common one ; hence its name,
the precociovs tree (comp. Plin. iv. 11 ; Martial,
xiii. 46).
The almond-tree flowers early in Januaiv,
and continues to show a mantle of white bloom
suffused with a delicate blush, until Febraarr.
when the fniit begins to set. The knowledge of
this interesting fact will explain that otheririie
nnintelligible passage in Jeremiah (i. 11, l^X
" The word of the Lord came unto me, saying,
Jeremiah, what seest thou ? And I said, I sf
the rod of an almond-tree {shdked). Then said
the Lord unto me, Thou hast well seen, for I will
hasten (^shdked; R. V. " I watch over ") My word
to perform it."
In that well-known poetical representation of
old age in Eccles. xii. 5 it is said, " the almond-
tree shall flourish." This expression is generally
understood as emblematic of the hoary locks of
old age thinly scattered on the bald head, just
as the white blossoms appear on the yet leafiess
boughs of this tree. Gesenius, however, does
not allow such an interpretation, for be sayi
with some truth * that the almond flowers are
pink or rose-coloured, not white. This passage,
therefore, is rendered by him — " the almond is
rejected." ' Though a delicious fruit, yet the
old man, having no teeth, would be obliged t>
refuse it.« If, however, the reading of the .4. \ ■
' ^pC' (1) dtaOmit, (1) vigilavU^Ani). jjjui,
i>p* . injomni*. ITie Chaldee te JHJB'. p??'
HJB'iNnjB'i i and p being Interchuiged. Tbf
- : T ; •
Syriac word Is similar.
• The general colour of the almond blossom Is ptok.
but the flowers do vary fnm deep pink to nearly wMlf .
f -ipttj yxjV Qeseniua makes the verb yw J'"'*
Hlphll future, from ^KJ, to deride, to dapite: }T<J|
would then be after the Syriac form, instead of J*^]*
But all the old Versions afrrce with the translstkm ot
the A. V. [R. v. "blossom"], the verb being fonn»l
regularly ftom tbe root, |'M, /lorert. [Sse Wrifbi-
Rcletiattet, p. i68 n, who prefers ytjiy, " wiU ''
despised."] ,
• " When the grinders cease because they «re ft*
(Eccles. xll. 3). For some other cnrlous interprttsUoos
of this passage, see tbat of R. Salomon, quoted by SinK"
Pagnlnus In his rAetaurtu, sub voce pj, and VaUMo-S
Annofata ad Scctesiatten, xlL i (CV«. S»c. Ui. »S«)-
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ALMOND
is Klainal, th«n the allusion to the almond-tree
ii iot(ii(l«l to refer to the hastening of old age in
the case of him who remembereth not "his
Creator in the days of his youth." As the
almond-tree nshers in spring, so do the signs
mentioned in the context foretell the approach
of dU age and death. It has always been re-
garded by the Jews with reverence, and even to
this day the English Jews on their great feast-
ilsn carry a bongh of flowering almond to the
iroagogue, just as in old time they used to
present palm-branches in the Temple, to remind
them perhaps, as Lady Callcott has observed
(Scr^. Herfi. p. 10), that in the great famine in
the time of Joseph the almond did not fail them,
and that, as it " failed not to their patriarchs in
the days of dearth, it cometh to their hand in
this day of worse and more bitter privation, as
a token that God forgetteth not His people in
their distress, nor the children of Israel, though
>cattered in a foreign land, though their home
!s the prey of the spoiler, and their Temple is
l«conie an high place for the heathen."
The almond-tree, the scientiKc name of which
is Amnqdalat communis, belongs to the natural
'•rder Rosaceae and sab-order Amygdaleae. This
"nltr is a large and important one, for it con-
tains more than lOOO species, many of which
produce excellent fmit. Apricots, peaches,
nectarinet, plums, cherries, apples, pears,
strawberries, &c, are all included under this
iirder. It should be remembered, however, that
the seeds, flowers, bark, and leaves of many
fJants in the order Rosaceat contain a deadly
poison; namely, prussic or hydrocyanic acid.
The almond-tree is a native of Western Asia
and Korth Africa, but it is cultivated in the
milder parts of Enrope. It does not appear to
Hare been cultiv.ited in Egypt, since almonds
were among the presents taken down thither by
Jacob's sons. In Palestine it is indigenous.
There are many wild almond-trees on Mount
< 'armel, aad they abound in the lonely forests of
Oilead, and are among the few trees which
nliere the barrenness of the wilds of Moab.
"3 Jebel Attarus and Jebel Shihan are many
ALMS
97
*>Id almond-trees. I found them covered with
^^■vm 3000 feet above the sea in the beginning
<>'■ February, and in Southern Gilead I have
o^fa, in my rides, gathered wild almond nuts
»m1 611ed in March. Though the blossom of
l^e almond is not white, yet when, as in the
Mule dict. — vou i.
orchards about Nablons (Shechem), the peach-
and almond-trees are intermingled, the latter
look white by contrast. In early spring they
form a beautiful picture in the landscape there,
as the lower slopes of Gerizim, as well as the
valley, are studded with peaches and almonds
(the descendants, doubtless, of those which sup-
plied Jacob's sons with their gifts), in striking
contrast with the deep green foliage of the
orange-trees, and rivalling an apple orchard in
splendour of colour. Though not so thickly
massed, they are a not less beautiful feature in
the forest scenery of Gilead. In England the
almond is grown simply on acconnt of its beau-
tiful vernal flowers, for the fruit scarcely ever
comes to maturity. The height of the tree is
about 12 or 14 feet ; the flowers are arranged
for the most part in pairs ; the leaves are long,
ovate, with a serrated margin, and an acute
point. The covering of the fruit is downy and
succulent, enclosing the hard shell which con-
tains the kernel. The bitter almond is the nn-
grafted wild tree. Four species of Amygdalus
are indigenous in Palestine. The English almond,
Spanish almendra, the Provencal amandola, the
French amande, are all apparently derived from
the Greek iftvytdXri ; Latin amygdala. It
is curious to observe, in connexion with the
almond-bowls of the golden candlestick, that
pieces of rock-crystal used in adorning branch-
candlesticks are still termed by the lapidaries
"Almonds." [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
ALMS (Chald. np*IV)> beneficence towards
the poor, from Anglo-Sax. almesse, probably, as
well as from the Germ, almosen, from iKtnuo-
aiyj\ ; cicemosyna, Vulg. (but see Bosworth, A.-S.
Diet.). The word " alms " is not found in; the
A. V. of the canonical Books of the O. T., but it
occurs repeatedly in the N. T., and in the apo-
cryphal books of Tobit and Ecclesiasticus. The
Heb. npiy, righteousneaa, is rendered by the
LXX. in Deut. xxiv. 13, Dan. iv. 27, and else-
where, i\ti)iu>iivvii, instead of which the modem
Revised text reads in Matt. vi. 1, Sucaioirivii.
The duty of almsgiving, especially in kind,
consisting chiefly in portions to be left de-
signedly from produce of the field, the vineyard,
and the oliveyard (Lev. xii. 9, 10, xxiii. 22 ;
Deut. XV. 11, 14, xxiv. 19, 21, xxvi. 2-13;
Ruth ii. 2), is strictly enjoined by the Law.
After his entrance into the land of promise, the
Israelite was ordered to present yearly the first-
fruits of the land before the Lord, in a manner
significant of his own previously destitute con-
dition. Every third year also (Deut. xiv. 28)
each proprietor was directed to share the tithes
nf his produce with "the Levite, the stranger,
the fatherless, and the widow." The theological
estimate of almsgiving among the Jews is indi-
cated by the following passages : — Job ixxi. 17 ;
I'rov. I. 2, xi. 4 ; Jjth. ix. 22 ; Ps. cxii. 9 ;
Dan. iv. 27 ; Acts ix. 36, the case of Dorcas ;
X. 2, of Comelins : to which may be added,
Tob. iv. 10, 11, xiv. 10, 11 ; and Ecclus. iii. 30,
xl. 24. And the Talmudists went so far as to
interpret righteousness by almsgiving in such
passages as Gen. xviii. 19 ; Ps. xvii. 15 ; Is.
liv. 14.
In the Somen's court of the Temple there
were thirteen receptacles for voluntary offerings
(cp. Mark xii. 41), one of which was devoted to
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98
ALMUG-TBEE
iilras for education of poor children of good
family. Before the Captivity there is no trace
of permission of mendicancy, but it was evidently
allowed in later times (Matt. xx. 30 ; Mark x.
46 ; Acts iii. 2).
After the Captivity,-.but at what time can-
not be known certainly, a deKnite system of
almsgiving was introduced, and even enforced
under penalties. Besides the tithes mentioned
above, and the portions of produce set apart for
the poor in fields and vineyards, there were in
every city three collectors. The collections were
of two kinds: 1, of money for the poor of the
city only, made by two collectors, received in a
chest or box (DBIp) in the synagogue on the
Sabbath, and distributed by the three in the
evening ; 2, for the poor in general, of food and
money, collected every day from house to house,
received in a dish ('inOD) by the three collec-
tors, and distributed by them. The two col-
lections obtained the names respectively of" alms
of the chest " and " alms of the dish." Special
collections and distributions were also made on
fast-days.
The Pharisees were zealous in almsgiving,
but too ostentatious in their mode of perform-
ance (Matt. vi. 2). But there is no ground for
supposing that the expression ^<| <roA»/o7)i is
more than a mode of denouncing their display,
by a figure drawn from the frequent and well-
known use of trumpets in religious and other
celebrations, Jewish as well as heathen (Winer,
$. V. ; Otho, Lex Rabb. pp. 163-167 ; Carpzov.
Elcem. Jttd. § 32, p. 745; Vitringa, de Syn.
Vet. iii. 1, 13 ; Maimonides, de Jure Paupcna,
a treatise devoted to the subject (Prideaux) ;
Lightfoot, Ilorae Jiebr., on Matt. vi. 2, and Deacr.
Temfdi, 19 ; Dkt. of Antiq. s. v. " Tuba.") [See
Ofpeeinos; Poor; Tithes; Temple.]
The duty of relieving the poor was not
neglected by the Christians (Matt. vi. 1-4;
Luke xiv. 13 ; Acts xx. 35 ; Gal. it 10). Every
Christian was exhorted to lay by on the Sunday
in each week some portion of bis profits, to be
applied to the wants of the needy (Acts xi. 30 ;
Rom. XV. 25-27 ; 1 Cor. ivi. 1-4). It was alfo
considered a duty specially incumbent on widows
to devote themselves to such ministrittions
(1 Tim. V. 10). [H. W. P.]
ALMUG-TBEE. [Aloum.]
AL'NATHAN (A. 'E\meAy, B. 'ZyraTiiy,
Knaathan). Elnathan No. 2 (1 Esd. viii. 44
[LXX. V. 43] ; cp. Ezra viii. 16, B. -^).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
ALOES, LIGN ALOES (D*^rit«, Ahdlim,
ni^HK, AkdlM; OKrirai [in Num. xxiv. 6];
ffToin^ [in Ps. ilv. 8]; T.' i\<i9, H.i\o^|•,
Syra. euiiiana [in Cant. iv. 14] : tahemacula,
l/utta, tUoe: in N. T. 4a<1ij, aloe), the name
of some costly and sweet-smelling perfume
prepared from a tree mentioned in Ps. xlv.
8, "All thy garments smell of myrrh, and
aloes, and cassia;" in Prov. vii. 17, "I have
perfumed my bed with myrrh, aloes, and cin-
namon." In Cant. iv. 14, Solomon speaks of
" myrrh and aloes, with all the chief spices."
The word occurs once in the N. T. (John xix.
.39), where mention is made of Nicodemus bring-
ing " a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about an
hundred pound weight," for the purpose of
ALOES
anointing the body of our Lord. The tree it»l(
is spoken of in \umb. xxiv. 6, where Baltsm
compares the camps of Israel to " trees of Yiga
aloes which the Lord hath planted." Wnt«r<>
generally, following Celsius {Hierob. L 135),
who devotes thirty-five pages to this subject,
suppose that the AquUaria agaUockvm is the
AqnlUrlft ftgKllochiim.
tree in question. The trees which belong to
the natural order Aquilariaceae, apetaloos dico-
tyledonous flowering plants, are for the m«t
part natives of tropical Asia. The species ;tf
agallochvm, which supplies the aloes-wood oi
commerce, is much valued in India on accoast
of its aromatic qualities for fumigationi >I><1
incense. It was well known to the ArsVn
physicians. Ibn Sina ' (Avicenna), in the Lstiii
translation, speaks of this wood under the names
of Agallochmn, Xiflaloe, or Lignum-Aloes. la
the Arabic original a description is given of it
under the names of Aghlagoon, Aghalookhi, (W
(Dr. Royle, in Cyc. Bib. s. v. " Ahalim "> ^f-
Royle (llliat. of Himalai/an Botany, p. I'l)
mentions three varieties of this wood as beiuj
obtained in the bazaars of Northern India.
The AquUaria secundaria of China has the
character of being the most highly scented. But
it is a singular fact that this fragrancy does not
exist in any of this family of trees when in >
• Abdallah Ibn Sina, a celebrated Arabian fbytlaa
and natural philoeoplier, born a.». 9»0. The Je»i
abbre%iited the name Into Abenslni, whence the Cliifc-
tians called It Avicenna.
' j^» J\pV«Y«J^0X0''. .iquitttria mata, Spren-
gel, Bitt. Itei Heri. \. p. 261 tq. j Avicenna, UL p. l*
^^^\S-\' Id. (Frcytag, Lex. a. v.). ^^ Ugnw
Aloef. Kam. DJ. Avic. Can., III. p. Ml ; eft. Sprenpl,
fli»(. Rei Bfrb. 1. 1. p. »ri (Froytag. la. s. v.).
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ALOES
halthj and frowing condition ; it is only when
tlw tree it diseased tliat it has this aromatic
property. On this account the timber is often
iuied for a short time in the ground, which
tcoelerates the decar, when the utter, or fragrant
oil, i> secreted. The best aloe-wood is called
cakmiac, and is the prodnce of Aqttilaria agaU
ixkim, a native of Silhet, in Northern India.
This is a magnificent tree, and grows to the
iieiglit of 120 feet, being 12 feet in girth : "The
birk of the trsnk is smooth and ash-coloured ;
tlut of the branches grey and lightly striped
vitb brown. The wood is white, and very light
.ml soft. It is totally without smell ; and the
leivcs, bark, and flowers are equally inodoroos "
Script. Hoi. iSi). The Hxcaecaria agallochum,
with which some writers have confused the Aq.
itjdl., is an entirely different plant, being a
small crooked tree, containing an acrid milky
poison, is common with the rest of the Eaphor-
liKau. Penons hare lost their sight from this
juice getting into their eyes, whence the plant's
generic name, Excaecaria. It is difficult to
.icttiimt for the specific name of this plant, for
the agaiUehum is certainly not the produce of it.
There would be no difficulty in the identifi-
dlion olAhalan with the Oriental A. agallockum,
3i the three passages in which the perfume is
mentioned would imply that it was a foreign
I'rodnct, were it not for the expression in Balaam's
parable; for he speaks, as the paaaage would
imply, of a tree familiar to himself or his
besreit. But no species of Aquilaria is found
is Mesopotamia, and we can scarcely assume
that Balaam would take hia illustration from a
tree absolntely unknown. It seems much more
probable that in this case the name was applied
to some other but familiar tree, such as the
graceful Popuitu eupliratica, which in many
[arts is a conspicuous adornment of the banks
«f the Euphrates, and is pre.«minently the rirer-
side tree of Western Asia. The difficulty seems
to hare been recognised by the LXX., who
translate ncip'ai, as though the original had been
D'^iTK, 'ohalim, and in this they are followed by
t!* Vnlg., Syriac, Arabic, and other Versions.
Hot this reading destroys all the force and
|«rallelism of the context.
The passage in Ps. xIt. 8 has been sometimes
translated thus : " The myrrh, aloes, and cassia,
perftming all thy garments, brought from the
■voir jnUces of the Minni, shall make thee
^ad." The Minni, or Minaei, were inhabitants
•! spicy Arabia, and carried on a great trade in
t» exportation of spices and perfumes (Plin.
oi. 14, 16; Bochart, J'haleg, ii. 22, 135). As
'he ni/rrh and cassia are mentioned as coming
t^-tn the Jjinni, and were doubtless natural
[■t«diictions of their country, so it has been
iaSerred that aloes, being named with them, was
»a5 also a production of the same country. But
tie translation is impossible.' The aloe of
^ptnre has nothing to do with the modern
•In of medicine, procured from a species of
' -
* S(e RoeenmtUler's note on this passage {Sckol. in
•■ r- at Pi. iIt. »>, and Lee's Beb. Ux. (s. v. »jp).
^ ^- tnaslstes, " Out of irory palaces stringed instru-
laeoti have made tbee glad." See Speaker't Omm. In
l«n nui the onnmeDtarfes of Perowne, Delitzsch, Cheyne,
W- Sctilti, *c. In lw».
ALPHABET
99
American aloe. Aloe vera, which has become
naturalised in Palestine. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
A'LOTH (Jihv; B. iy if KaoKd, A. ^i-
Maa\iiT, Luc. recension iy t§ FaXadS ; Baloth ;
R. V. Bealoth), a place or district, forming with
Asherthe juri^iction of the ninth of Solomon's
commissariat officers (1 K. ir. 16). T.' and later
scholars read iy BooAcit, " (in) Bealoth," though
the A. V. ("in Aloth ") treaU the 3 as a
prefix. In the former case see Bealoth.
Josephus has tV wepl 'Apieiiy napaKtcw, 'Apxii
being the name which he elsewhere gives to
Ecdippa (Achzib) on the sea-coast in Asher.
Conder {Jidbk. to Bible, 402) identi6es Aloth
with Kh. 'Alia near Jlfo^ia ; but Gu^rin (fialilie,
ii. 62), with more probability, believes Kh. 'Alia
to be Hali (Josh. lii. 25). [G.] [W.]
AL'PHA, the first letter of the Greek alpha-
bet, as Omega is the last. Its significance is
plainly indicated in the context, " I am the
Alpha and the Omega, the first and the last, the
beginning and the end " (Rev. xxii. 13, R. V. ;
a passage explanatory of i. 8, xxi. 6 : cp. R. V.
in each case), which may be compared with Is.
xli. 4, xliv. 6, " I am the first and I am the last,
and beside Me there is no God." So Prudentiua
(Cathemer. hymn. ix. 11, quoted by Bp. Woi-ds-
worth in loco) explains it :
" Coide natus ex Parentis, ante mnndl exoidlnm
Alpha et cognomlnatus. Ipse fons et clansnla
Omnium quae sunt, foerunt, quseqne post fiitnra
sunt."
In Rev. xxii. 13, the speaker is oar Lord ; in i. 8,
xxi. 6, He is, according to most commentators,
God the Father. The appellation, taken in its
most general sense, is equivalent to " the Eternal
One," from Whom all things proceed and to Whom
they tend ; and, in the special sense of the Apo-
calypse, it is used of One Who will carry on to
its consummation the work which He has begun ;
" the kingdom of the world is become the king-
dom of our Lord and of His Christ " (Rev. xi.
15, R. v.). Illustrations of the expression " the
Alpha and the Omega " are adduced by Abbot
(/). B., Amer. ed.) from Josephus, c. Apibn. ii.
22; Ant. viii. 11, § 2; Plato, <fe Legg. iv.
7, p. 715 e; Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 5. The
expression "I am Alpha and Omega" is further
illustrated by the usage in Rabbinical writers of
Aleph and Tan, the first and last letters of the
Hebrew alphabet. Schoettgen (/for. Ilebr. i.
1086) quotes from Jalhit Bubeni, fol. 17, 4,
" Adam transgressed the whole law from K to
n," that is, from the beginning to the end. It
is not necessary to inquire whether in the latter
usage the meaning is so full aa in the Revelation :
that must be determined by separate considera-
tions. As an illustration merely, the reference
is valuable. Both Greeks and Hebrews em-
ployed the letters of the alphabet as numerals.
in the early times of the Christian Church the
letters A and tl were combined with the cross or
with the monogram of Christ (Maitland,CAuroA«»
the Catacombs, pp. 166-8). One of the oldest monu-
ments on which this occurs isa mnrbletablet found
in the catacombs at Melos, which belongs, if
not to the first centurv, to the first half of the
second (see Diet, of Christ. Antiq. " A and n,"
« Cross," i. pp. 495-7). [W. A. W.] [F.l
, ALPHABET. [Writino.]
H 2
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100
ALFHAEUS
ALPHAEUS ('AA^wuioi or 'A\<paios; Al-
phaeiis ; Aramaic, 'D^H).
1. Father of Levi the publican (Mark ii. U).
Notice the Western reading 'iditw/SoF (James) for
AtifiD (Levi), suggested by riy rod 'AA^atou
(the son of Alphaeus).
a. Father of James the Apostle, always
mentioned to distinguish his son from James
the son of Zebedee (Matt. i. 3; Mark iii. 18;
Luke Ti. 15 ; Acts i. 13). The identification of
this Alphaeus with Clopas (John xix. 25), and
perhaps with Cleopas (Luke xxiv. 18), is the
only point necessary to consider. The question
of the identity of the persons will be taken
first, and afterwards the independent question
of the identity of the names. The identity of
Alphaeus and Clopas depends on the supposition
that James the son of Alphaens is the same as
James " the Little " (R. V. marg., 4 /uKpit, Mark
XV. 40 ; R. V. in text as A V., " the lest" There
is no scriptural or early sanction for the title
James the Great being applied to James the son of
Zebedee). The mother of James the Little was
Mary, and, by a comparison of the accounts of the
Crucifixion, this Mary appears to be the same as
Mary of Clopas, i.e. probably the wife of Clopas
(John lii. 25). Clopas, according to Hegesippus
(Enseb. H. E. iii. H), was brother of Joseph, the
husband of the Blessed Virgin. Some have
supposed that Mary the wife of Clopas was the
Virgin's sister, on the ground of John xix. 25
(but see Westcott's note in Speaker's Commen-
tary'). Clopas being Joseph's brother, his son
Simeon was regarded (though of course not
accurately) as our Lord's cousin; and Simeon
was on this account chosen to succeed James as
Bishop of Jerusalem (Euseb. H. E. iv. 22). If
Clopas and Alphaeus are the same, then James
the son of Alphaeus is no more really related
to our Lord according to the flesh than Simeon
the son of Clopas, who is described as our
Lord's cousin (iix^iiis). For the bearing of
this point on the controversy about James the
Lord's brother, see Jahi::8. It will be evident
from what has been said that all inferences from
the passages quoted are precarious.
Admitting that Alphaeus and Clopas may be
two names for the same man, can it be admitted
that the names themselves are two Greek forms
of one Aramaic name, 'B/n (Chalphai) ? Clopas
cannot be connected with Alphaeus through
'S'jn, for an initial (1 is seldom if ever repre-
sented by k; the omission of a before A. in
KXtirat and the insertion of w after it are
unaccountable ; and the representation of D by
X is unlikely. Delitzsch* holds with great pro-
bability that KXiw is a contraction of
KXe^irtu, and KAetdrar an abbreviation of
KAcidraTpot (the masculine counterpart of
KAcoircCrpa), a name which actually occurs
(Plutarch, Vit. Ar. 40). The identity of the
man Alphaeus with the man Clopas may still be
admitted, as Jews often bore Greek in addition
to Aramaic names, and sometimes a man chose
a Greek name which sounded like his Aramaic
name, though not etjrmologically connected
• In his Heb. N. T. (1886), Delltisch renders Al-
phaens by »B^n. Clopas by DS^p. Cleopas by DDI'^i?-
ALTAR
with it. If Delitzsch's view is correct, Clopw
and Cleopas are the same name, and the Cleopis
of Luke xxiv. 18 may possibly be the same u
the Clopas of John xix. 25.
On the whole question, see Herxog, RedEmj.
art. Alphans; Expositor, Jan. 1885, sad
authorities there quoted ; Bishop lightfwt'g
Ga/a<i(in»,*The Brethren of the Lordji). 253 sq.,
especially p. 260, note 3. [E. B. B.]
AliTANE'US. Same as Mattesai (Em i.
33, KB. MaBewla; Mathania), one of the mis of
Hashnm (1 £sd. ix. 33, B. MaXraviMt, A.
•A\r.;Carianem). [W. A. W.] [K.]
ALTAB (ngn? ; «wffi«rr*p«oi', fixfiis; al-
tare). A. The 'iSrst altar of which we km
any account is that built by Noah when he left
the ark (Gen. vui. 20). The TsrgnmisU indeed
assert that Adam built an altar after hems
driven out of the garden of Eden, and th«t en
this Cain and Abel, and afterwards Noah inl
Abraham, offered sacrifice (Pseudo-Jonsth. Gen.
viii. 20 ; ixii. 9). According to the tradition,
the First Man was made upon an altar whick
God Himself had prepared for the purpose, sol
on the site of this altar were reared both thou
of the Patriarchs and that in the Temple of
Solomon. This tradition, if in no other «y
valuable, at least shows the great importance
which the Jews attached to the alter as the
central point of their religious worship (Bilir,
Symbol, ii. 350).
[n the early times altars were usually hnilt
in certain spots hallowed by religions sssodi-
tions, e.g. where God appeared (Gen. iii. ';
xiii. 18 ; xxvi. 25 ; xxiv. 1). Generally of
course they were erected for the offerinj; <*
sacrifice ; but iu some instances they appear lo
have been only memorial. Such was the star
built by Moses and called Jehovah Nissi, «s »
sign that the Lord would have war with Amsiek
from generation to generation (Ex. xviL 15, lo>
Such too was the altar which was built by the
Keubenites, Gadites, and half-tribe of Manssseh,
"in the borders of Jordan," and which »'»
erected " not for burnt-offering nor for sacrifice.
but that it might be "a witness" between
them and the rest of the tribes (Josh. «''■
10-29). Altars were most jirobably originsHr
made of earth. This was the commonest form
of altar in antiquity. Such were the altan «
the Greeks, Romans, and Carthaginian.^. Ter-
tullian {Apol. 25) speaks of altars of turf (*
ccspite altaria) as the earliest among t-te
Romans. The Law of Moses allowed them to be
made either of earth or of unhewn stones (u-
XX. 26): any iron tool would have profaned the
altar. But' this law was subsequently modifieo-
In later times altars were frequently built m
high places, especially in idolatrous worship
(Dent. xii. 2 ; for the pagan notions on this sub-
ject, see Tac. Ann. xiii. 57). The altars so erected
were themselves sometimes called " high places
(n^09, 2 K. xxiii. 8 ; 2 Ch. xiv. 3, &c.> Both
in the Levitical and Deuteronomic codes ill
altars were forbidden except those first in the
Tabernacle and afterwards in the Temple (U^-
xvii. 8, 9 ; Deut. xii. 13, &c.). This prohibiUoo,
however, was not strictly observed, at least till
after the building of the Temple, even by pio"*
Israelites. Thus Gideon built two altars (Jndg.
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ALTAB
Ti. 34, 26). The fint of these, which he called
Jeiotaishalom in memory of the Diviae niani-
fotitloo to him, mar have been only a menu-
BwDtil tltar, as it does not appeiir that he
tlttei ucrificet npon it. The second was
encted by the command of God. So likewise
did Samuel (1 Sam. Tii. 9, 10), David (2 Sam.
iiir. 26), and Solomon (1 K. iii. 4). Elijah also
reptind the altar of Jehorah on Mount Carmel,
aid himself oSered sacrifice thereon (1 K. xviii.
30-32). The sanctity attaching to the altar led
to its being regarded as a refuge or asylum
(£i. iii. 14 ; 1 K. i. 50). On the subject of this
article generally, cp. W. R. Smith, The Seligion
of tKe Semite*, L, index s. v, " altar."
B. The earliest prorision for the erection of
sa sitar is found in Ex. xx. 24, immediately after
the promulgation of the Decalogue. It is as
tollovi: "An altar of earth ahalt thou make
udUi Me, and shalt sacrifice thereon thy burnt-
oderings and thy peace-offerings, thy sheep and
tUae sien ; in erery place where 1 record My
name I will come unto thee and will bless
thee. And if thou make Me an altar of stone,
tiioa ihalt not build it of hewn stone*: for if
thoa lift up thy tool opon it, thou hast polluted
it Neither shalt thou go up by steps unto
Mine altar; that thy nakedness be not dis-
eoTtred thereon " (R. V.). This no doubt is
ttie original and simplest form of the Altar of
Bunit-ofiering. As regards material, it might
t« of earth, or of unhewn atone. It must not
be » elerated as to require an ascent to it, lest
the person of the sacrificer should be exposed.
Tfa« oSeriog of victims is not confined to the
priests. An altar of this kind might be erected
vhererer a Divine manifestation was made,
jabtequently more definite directions were
giren for two altars for the service of the
Tabernacle : I. the Altar of Burnt-offering ; and
IL the Altar of Incense. ,
I. The Altar of Bnrnt-offering (njwn nSTO).
called in £i. xxvii. 1 emphatically " Vie altar "
^'331955, sometimes "the brazen altar"
(TlBfnjri TQtO); in Mai. L 7, 12, "the Uble of
tke LorL" Throughout the Bible, wherever
•*t*^ altar" is spoken of, the Altar of Barnt-
«fftring is always meant, and where no confusion
caa arise the shorter expression is common.
Whe^^ however, it is necessary to distinguish
between this and the Altar of Incease, the full
phrase. Altar of Bumt-offeriuj; or Brazen Altar,
U employed. This differed in construction at
<iiffereDt' times. (I.) In the Tabernacle (Ex.
nrii. 1 sq.j xxxviii. 1 sq.) it was comparatively
null and portable. In shape it was square.
It was five cubits in length, the same in
**eadth, and three cubits high. It was made of
!>l»»k» of shittim (or acacia) wood overlaid
with brass (Joaephns says gold instead of brags,
Alt. iii. 6, § 8). The interior was hollow
WVP3133, Ex. xxvii. 8). But as nothing is
sulaloat a covering to the altar on which the
fittims might be placed, Koshi supposes that
viioever the Tabernacle for a time berame
>tati<mary, the hollow case of the altar was
£Ucd op with earth. In support of this view
be refers to Ex. xx. 24, where the command is
(iTen, " make me an altar of earth," &c., and
•iwtvea: "The altar of earth is the Brazen
Altar itself the hollow of which was filled up
ALTAB
101
with earth, whenever the camp was pitched."
This may have been done, bat it is obvious, aa
has been remarked, that there was a modifica-
tion of the earlier enactment.
At the four corners were four projections
called horns, made, like the altar itself, of
shittim-wood overlaid with brass. It is not
quite certain how the words in Ex. xxvii. 2,
VJJJTj? t\jnir\ »1|P, should be explained. Ac-
cording to Mendelssohn, they mean that these
horns were of one piece with the altar. So also
Knobel-Dillmann (_Comm. in loc). And this is
probably right. By others they are understood
to describe only the projection of the horns from
the altiir. These probably projected upwards ;
and some have supposed, referring tn Ps. cxriii.
27, that to them the victim was bound when
about to be sacrifice<l. But the proper rendering
of that passage is " even unto the horns of the
altar " (K. V.), and Ainsworth's explanation is
probably correct : " Unto the horns, that is all
the court over, until you come even to the
horns of the altar." There is no evidence that
the victims were ever bound to the horns of the
altar. On the occasion of the consecration of
the priests (Ex. xxix. 12) and the offering of the
sin-offering (Lev. iv. 7 ff.) the blood of the
victim was sprinkled on the horns of the altar
(see the symbolism explained by Baumgarten,
Commentar zttm Pentateuch, ii. 63; Jukes, The
Law of the Offerings, p. 153, &c.). Round the
altar midway between the top and bottom (oi,
ns others suppose, at the top) ran a projecting
ledge (3313, A. V. " compass," K. V. " ledge
round ; " Targ. K331D ; Gr. Ven. KiicXaita, «-
pttxii), on which perhaps the priests stood when
they o65ciated. No other probable use has been
suggested; and it is clear that in the case of
an altar three cubits high the priests could not
have discharged their duties except by standing
upon some part of the altar. To the outer edge
of this, again, a grating or network of brass
(ne'rU n^ ng*^ l???) was aflixed, and
reacheil to the bottom of the altar, which thus
presented the appearance of being larger below
than above.* Otiiers have supjiosed this grating
to adhere closely to the boards of which the
altar was composed, or even to have been sub-
stituted for them half-way up from the bottom.
At any rate there can be little doubt that the
grating was perpendicular, not horizontal, as
Jonathan supposes (Targum on Ex. xxvii. 5).
According to him, it was intended to catch
portions of the sacrifice or coals which fell from
the altar, and which might thus be easily
replaced. But It seems improbable that a net-
work or grating should have been constructed
for such a purpose (cp. Joseph. Ant. iii. 6, § 8).
At the four comers of the network were four
brazen rings into which were inserted the staves
by which the altar was carried. These staves
were of the same materials as the altar itself.
As the Law forbad any ascent to the altar by
steps (Ex. XX. 26), it has been conjectured that
an approach wa» provided by means of a slope
• Knobel's opinion that the object of the network was
to protect the altar from being injured by the feet and
knee* of the officiating priests, and that the 2iP3 ^"
merely an anument by way of finish, Is not accepted
by Dillmann (In loco).
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102
ALTAR
of earth which led gradually up to the 3^*13-
or ledge round the altar already described.
Thii must hare been either on the north or
south side ; for on the east was " the place of
the ashes " (Lev. i. 16), and on the west at no
great distance stood the larer of brass. Accord-
ing to the Jewish tradition, it was on the south
side. The place of the altar was at " the door
of the tabei-nacle of the tent of the congrega-
tion " (Ex. xl. 29). The various utensils for the
service of the altar CEi. ixvii. 3) were : (1)
n'n'P, pans wherewith to clear away the fat
O^^p) and ashes: elsewhere the word is used
of the pots in which the flesh of the sacrifices was
put to seethe (cp. Zech. xi v. 20, 21, and 2 Cb. xxxv.
13, with 1 Sam. ii. 14). (2.) D»»J, sAow/s,
Vulg. forctpes, Gesen. palae cineri removendo.
(3.) n^p*1Tp, baaoiis; LXX. ^m\ai, vessels in
which the blood of the victims was received, and
from which it was sprinkled (r. pit). (4.)
n jptp, flesh-hooks, LXX. Kptdypat, by means of
which the flesh was removed from the caldron
or pot (see 1 Sam. ii. 13, 14, where they are
described as having three prongs). (5.) nnr)t3>
fire-pans, or perhaps censers. These might
either be used for talcing coals from the fire on
the altar (Lev. xri. 12) ; or for burning incense
(Num. ivi. 6, 7). In Ex. xxv. 38 the English
Bible (A. V. and R. V.), following the Vulgate,
translates it "snuff-dishes" (cp. Dillmann in
loco). All these utensils were of brass.
(2.) In Solomon's Temple the altar was con-
siderably larger in its dimensions, as might
have been expected from the much greater size
of the building in which it was placed. Like
the former, it was square : but the length and
breadth were now twenty cubits, and the height
ten (2 Ch. iv. 1). It diflered, too, in the
material of which it was made, being entirely of
brass (1 K. viii. 64 ; 2 Ch. vii. 7). It had no
grating : and instead of a single gradual slope,
the ascent to it was probably made by three
successive platforms, to each of which it has
Altai of BnratOlfcrinr. (Vrom Snnntiiuliu' Vlatao.)
been supposed that steps led (Surcnhus. Mishna,
vol. ii. p. 261, as in the figure annexed).
Against this may be urged the fact that the
Law of Moses, as we have seen, positively for-
bad the use of steps (Ex. xi. 26), and the
assertion of Josephus that in Herod's Temple the
ascent was by an inclined plane. On the other
ALTAK
himd, steps are introduced in the ideal, or sym-
bolical. Temple of Ezekiel (xliii. 17), and the pro-
hibitioninEx. XX. has been interpreted as applyiLg
to a contimious flight of stairs and not to a broken
ascent. But it is very doubtful whether the
word ni?tfO can be confined to "stein:" it
would seem rather to cover any kind of ascent.
If so, the prohibition was not understood to be
of universal application. It must have bees
restricted to the case of worshippers who were
not priests, the object of the prohibition beia;
to guard against exposure of the person to the
altar. In the case of the Levitical priests this
danger was provided against in another way, b;
the use of linen breeches (Ex. iiviii. 42).
When it is said (Lev. ii. 22) that Aaron aux
down after oflering the sin-offering, &c., it is
implied that there was some elevated structire
upon which he had been standing. In the ca.^
of Ezekiel's altar, as has been said, steps are es-
pressly mentioned (xliii. 17). The only wsj ot
reconciling these apparent contradictioiu it br
supposing that the Law in Ex. xx. oontemplata
the case of laymen approaching in their ordinary
dress, whereas the Brazen Altar was "approscbed
by priests protected against exposure by their
special costume." " In fact, with a large aJtar,
the priest could not put the blood of a viclini on
the four horns without standing and walking m
the altar (Mishna, Zebachim, v.), which is clearly
against the spirit of Ex. ii., except on the
understanding that that law does not apply to
priests appropriately clad for the office " {Thf
Old Test, m the Jewish Church, by Prof. Kobert-
son Smith, Lect. xii. note 1). The prohibition
in Ex. XX. is general, " Thou shalt not go np.
not " the priests shall not go up." There is »>
evidence that by the first legislation priests only
were allowed to approach the altar. Asa, «'
read, renewed (C'llTI) Solomon's altar (2 Ch.
zv. 8). This may either mean that he rtpoM
it, or more probably perhaps that he recau'-
crated it after it had been polluted by idol wor-
ship {iwtKalyuTfV, LXX.). Subsequently Ahu
had it removed from its place to the north side
of the new altar which Urijah the priest hi'l
made in accordance with his direction (2 K. ivi-
14). It was " cleansed " by command of
Hezekiah (0"inp, 2Ch. xxix. 18),andMaMSKh.
after renouncing his idolatry, either rtpBrci
(Kethibh, p»1) or reiairt it (Keri, pM)- If^r
finally have been broken up and the bra--*
carried to Babylon, but thia is not mcntionrl
(Jer. lii. 17 sq.). According to the Kabbinicsl
tradition, this altar stood on the very spot vo
which man was originally created.
(3.) The Altar of Bumt-offering in the second
(Zerubbabel's) Temple. Of this no description is
given in the Bible. We are only told (Ezra iii.
2) that it was built before the foundations of the
Temple were laid. According to Josephus {A»i-
xi. 4, § 1), it was placed on the same spot on
which that of Solomon had originally stood. 1*
was constructed, as we may infer from 1 M.icc
iv. 47, of unhewn stones {KiBovs iXoitX^pew)-
Antiochus Kpiphanes desecrated it (^KoS<ifii|f°>'
PSiKvy/ia ipriiuifffas M rh tuvtaarriipiof. 1
Mace. i. 54) ; and, according to Josephus (.I'"'-
xii. 5, § 4), removed it altogether. In the
restoration by Judas Maccabaeus a new jlt.ir
Digitized by
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ALTAB
iras built of onhewn stone ia conformity with
tlie l»w (1 M»cc. iv. 47).
(4.) The altar erected by Herod, which is thus
dfscriW by Joaephju (iJ. J. r. 5, § 6):— "In
frost of the Temple stood the altar, 15 cubits
in height, and in breadth and length of equal
dimensiont, rii. 50 cubits: it was built four-
squue, with bom-like comers projecting from
it ; sod OS the south side a gentle acclivity led
op to it. Moreover it was made without any
iron tool, neither did iron ever touch it at any
time." Eu6n. has 40 cubits square instead of 50.
The dimensions given in the Mishna are different.
It is there said {Middoth, 3, 1) that the altar
was at the base 32 cubits square ; at the height
of a cnbit from the ground 30 cubits square ; at
5 cubits higher (where was the circuit, KSS^D)
it vu reduced to 28 cubits square, and at the
loms still farther to 36. A space of a cubit
each way was here allowed for the officiating
priests to walk, so that 24 cubits square were
l«ft for the fire on the altar (rDnVSn). This
description is not very clear. But the Rab-
binical and other interpreters consider the altar
from the K331D upwards to have been 28 cubits
sqoare, allowing at the top, however, a cubit
each way for the horns, and another cubit for
the passage of the priest*. Others, however
(as L'Empereur in fee.), suppose the ledge on
nbich the priests walked to hnre been 2 cnbits
lower than the surface of the altar on which the
lire was placed.
The Mishoa further states, in accordance with
Josephna (see above), and with reference to the
Lav already mentioned (Ei. xx. 25), that the
stones of which the altar was made were un-
bemi ; and that twice in the year, viz. at the
Feast of the Passover and the Feast of Taber-
nacles, they were whitewashed afresh. The
way up (BQ3) was on the south side, 32 cubits
long and 16 broad, constructed also of unhewn
stones. In connexion with the horn on the
sonth-west was a pipe intended to receive the
blood of the victims which was sprinkled on the
left side of the altar : the blood was afterwards
carried by means of a subterranean passage into
the brook Kidron. Under the altar was a cavity
into which the drink-offerings passed. It was
covered over with a slab of marble, and emptied
from time to time. On the north side of the
iltar were a number of brasen rings, to secure
the animals which were brought for sacrifice.
Lastlr, round the middle of the altar ran a
K»rlet thread (K"l?'? ^ tMH) to mark where
the blood was to be sprinkled, whether above or
Wow it.
According to Lev. vi. 12, 13, a perpetual fire
*» to be kept burning on the altar. This, as
^r (Symbol, ii. 350) remarks, was the symbol
lad token of the perpetual worship of Jehovah.
Fcr inasmuch as tnc whole religion of Israel was
onccntrated in the sacrifices which were offered,
the eitinguishing of the fire would have looked
like the extinguishing of the religion itself. It
VB therefore, as he observes, essentially different
fnm the perpetual fire of the Persians (Curt. iii.
3 ; -Vmrn. Marc iiiii. 6 ; Hyde, Bel. Vet. Pers.
'iii. p. 148), or the fire of Vesta to which it has
l^a compared. These were not sacrificial fires
>t all, but were symbols of the Deity, or were
ALTAK
103
connected with the belief which regarded fire as
one of the primal elements of the world. This
fire, according to the Jews, was the same as
that which came down from heaven (ytif oiiptwo-
wcre's), " and consumed upon the altar the burnt-
offering and the fat " (Lev. ii. 24). It couched
upon the altar, they say, like a lion; it was
bright as the sim ; the fiame thereof was solid
and pure ; it consumed things wet and dry
alike ; and, finally, it emitted no smoke. This
was one of the five things existing in the first
Temple which tradition declares to have been
wanting in the second (Tract. Joma, c. i. fol.
21 b; cp. Wiinsche, d. Babyl. Talm. i. 353).
The fire which consumed the sacrifices was
kindled from this : and besides these there was
the fire from which the coals were taken to burn
incense with (see Carpxov. Apparat. Hut. Crit.
Annot. p. 386).
II. The Altar of Incense (DTb^iT nStO and
r(J2\) ^Bj5D 'D, Ex. XXX. 1 ; emmarhpuii evfud-
fiaros, LXX.), called also the golden altar (HUTO
anjPI, Ex. ixiii. 38; Num. iv. 11; Bvir.
Xpvffovy, LXX.) to distinguish it from the Altar
of Burnt-offering, which was called the Brazen
Altar (Ex. xxxviii. 30).' Like the Altar of
Burnt-offering, it was called "holy of holies"
or " most holy " imto Jehovah (Ex. xxx. 10).
Probably this is meant by the " altar of wood "
spoken of Ezek. xli. 22, which is further described
as the " table that is before the Lord," precisely
the expression used of the Altar of Incense
(see Delitzsch, Brief an die Hebr. p. 678). The
name D^tp, "altar," was not strictly appro-
priate, 'as no sacrifices were offered upon it.
This, indeed, was expressly forbidden : " Ye shall
SuppoMd foim of tho Altar of Inceoae.
offer no strange incense thereon, nor burnt
sacrifice, nor meal-offering ; and ye shall pour no
drink-offering thereon " (Ex. xxx. 9, R. V.). But
once in the year, on the great Day of Atonement,
>> Wellhausen points out that the Altar of Incense
does not appear among the furniture of the inner
sanctuary In Ex. xxv.-xxlx., but only as an appendix
at the beginning of chap, xxx.; and very arbltrartl}-
Infers that the author of chaps, xxv.-xxvlll. knew
nothing of It. There may have been a good reason
for Its appearing where It does, though we may not
now be able to account for It.
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ALTAE
tho high-priest sprinkled upon the horns of it
" the blood of the sin-offering of atonement "
(Ej. XXX. 10).
(a.) That in the Tabernacle was made of
acacia-wood, overlaid with pure gold. lu shape
it was square, being a cubit in length and
breadth, and 2 ciibits in height. like the Altar
of Burnt-offering, it had boms at the four comers,
which were of one piece with the rest of the
altar. So Rabb. Levi ben Gersom : — " Discimus
inde quod nan conreniat facere cornua separatim,
et altari deinde apponere, sed quod comua
debeant esse ex corpore nltaris" (^Comment, in
Leg. fol. 109, col. 4).
It had also a top or roof (3] ; iaxfi, LXX.),
a flat surface like the roof of an Eastern house
(the Hebrew word is the same), on which the
incense was laid and lighted. Many, following
the interpretation of the Vulgate craticulam
ejus, bare supposed a kind of grating to be
meant ; but for this there is no authority.
Round the altar was a border or wreath (1,* ;
aTftm^ir im^iiniv j(pvariv, LXX.). Josephus
says : hniv iaxitpit xp""^"- ""'V oytcrrtSira,
fxouaa Korit yuvlan iKianiy ari^avov (-4iif. iii.
7). "Erat itaque cinctorium, ex solido con-
llatum auro, quod tecto ita adhaercbat, ut in
extreinitate illud cingeret, et prohibcrct, ne
quid facile ab altari in terram derolveretur "
(Carpzov. Appar. Hist. Crit. Annot. p. 273).
Below this were two golden rings which were
to be " for places for stares to bear it withal."
The staves were of acacia-nood overlaid with
gold. Its appearance may be illustrated by the
flgnre on the preceding page.
This Altar stood in the Holy Place, " ueiore
the veil that is by the ark of the testimony,
before the mercy-seat " (Ex. xxx. 6 ; xl. 5).
Philo too speaks of it as (ru tov uporifou xara-
vtriaitarot, and as standing between the cnnille-
stick and the table of shewbread. In apparent
contradiction to this, the author of the Epistle
to the Hebrews (ix. 4) enumerates it among the
objects which were within the second vail (/Mvi
rh Stirtpoy Karawiriurna), i.e. in the Holy of
Holies. It is true that by Sufuaxiiptoi' in this
passage may be meant " a censer," in accordance
with the usage of the LXX., but it is better
understood of the Altar of Incense, which by
Philo and other Hellenists is called Bviuariiptoy.
It is to be observed also that in 1 K. vi. 22, this
same Altar is said to belong to "the oracle"
(Ta-?^ nS'N najen, " the altar that belonged
to the oracle," R. V.) or most Holy Place.
This may perhaps be accounted for by tho great
typical and symbolical importance attached to
this Altar, so that it might be considered to
belong to the Sturtpa 7in)i^. On the great Day
of Atonement it, as well as the mercy-sent, was
sprinkled with the blood of the sin-offering
(Lev. xvi. 18) ; and incense itself was supposed
to have an atoning efficacy (T. B. Joma, f. 44 a ;
Num. xvi. 47). Bnt further, the writer of the
Epistle has the Day of Atonement in his mind ;
and on that day, when the high-priest lifted
the inner veil to go into the Most Holy Place,
the separation between the Holy Place and the
Most Holy Place seemed for the moment to
cease, and they might be regarded as one
sanctuary (see Prof. Milligan, ftMo Educator,
iii. 2S0). In like manner, in the vision of
ALTAK
Isaiah (vi. 1-6), the altar from which the Mnpli
takes the "live coal," or rather "hot stone,"
wherewith he touches the Prophet's U]», and
which clearly corresponds to the Altar of Incense
in the earthly Temple, is before the Lord, sesttJ
upon His throne. And similarly in the .Apo-
calypse (viii. 1-5) the Angel whom St. Joi)n
sees with a golden censer has much incense
given to him, that he may offer it upon tli«
golden altar which is before the throne {itt
BJeek on Heb. ix. 4, and Delitzsch I'a !«.).
Wellhausen has [loiuted out, that " the rile ol
the most solemn atoning sacrifice takes place in
Lev. iv. on the golden altar, but in Ex. iiii.
Lev. viii. ix., without its use " ; and that "a still
more striking circumstance is, that in pv<wgti
where the holiest incense-offering is itstll
spoken of, no trace can be discovered of the
corresponding altar. This is particularly the
case in Lev. xvi. To burn incense in the
sanctuary, Aaron t'ikes a censer, tillj it vith
coals from the altar of burnt-offering (rr. 12,
18-20), and lays the incense ujx>n them in the
adytum. Similarly in Lev. x., Ktm>. ivi. irii.,
incense is offered on censers of which each |iriesl
possesses one. The coals are taken from the .Mux
of Burnt-offering (Num. xvii. 1 1 ; A, V. xvi. 46),
which is plated with the censers of the Korahitr
Levites (xvii. .3, 4 ; A. \'. xvi. 38, 39) ; whoever
takes fire from any other source incurs the
penalty of death " {Hist, of Israel, Eng. trjuisl.
p. .i6).
(b.) The Altar in Solomon's Temple sas
similar (1 K. vii. 48 ; 1 Ch. Hxviii. 18). but «><
made of cedar overlaid with gold. ITie .\ltar
mentioned in Is. vi. 6 is clearly the Albr oi
Incense, not the Altar of Burnt-offering; mi
although, as has been said, it is the heavenly
Altar, not the earthly, that the Prophet ttn,
still no doubt the one was the pattern of the
other; and if so, it may be inferred from this
passage that heated stones (DBV*]) were isil
upon the Altar, by means of which the inceuc
was kindled.
(c.) The Altar of Incense is mentioned S'
having been removed from the Temple of Zerul-
babel by Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace i. 21).
Judas Mnccabaeus restored it, together with the
holy vessels, &c. (1 Mace. iv. 49). On the arch
of Titus no Altar of Incense appears. But
that it existed in the last Temple, and «u
richly overlaid, we learn from the Mishni
{Hagiga 'i, 8). Ezekiel in his ideal Temple
mentions an altar of wood before the sanctnary,
of which he says that it was three cubits in
height, two cubits in length and breadth, and it
had projecting cornera, and the frame (B. V.
text, " length ") and the walls thereof were ol
wood : " this is the table that is before the
Lord " (xli. 21, 22 ; cp. iliv. 16). According to
Wellhausen and 8meud, Ezekiel makes no dis-
tinction between the table of shew^bread and the
Altar of Incense. But " altar " and " Ubie " »re
here convertible terms, just ns they are in Mai. <.
7. 12, where they are applied indifferently to
the Altar of Burnt-offering.
From the circumstance that the sweet incense
was burnt upon it every day, morning ami
evening (Ex. xxx. 7, 8), as well as that the
blood of atonement was sprinkled upon it
(p. 10), this Altar had a special importance
attached to it. It is the onir -Mtar which
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ALTAB
appean in the heaven) r Temple (la, ri. 6;
Ibr. Tiii 3, 4>
C. Other altMS. (I.) Altars of brick, for-
bidden by the Law (Kx. xx. 24, '20). Some
comnientaton hare eeeo an allusion to auch
ig !«. Ixv. 3. The words are 70 D^'lISf)??
O'JJpn, "offering incense on the h-ickt,"
irUc& has been explained as referring to altars
made of this material, and situated perhaps
ia the " gardens " mentioned just before. Kosen-
niUIer suggests, however, that the allusion is
to some Babylonish custom of burning incense
on bncks covered over with magic formulae or
cuneiform inscriptions. This ia also the view of
Oesenius and Haurer. I>r. Cherne under-
stands by the "bricks," the tilings of the
houses (2 K. xxiii. 12; Zeph. i. 5; Jer. xix. 13),
and thinks this view, as implying that Palestine
is the locality, and not Babylonia or Egj'pt, to be
moK in harmony with the context. Uelitzscli,
on the other hand, observes that the expression
"transports us to Ribylon, the country of
axli laieres (laterculi). The Torah mentions
DV3p only with reference to Babylonian and
Egyptian bnildinga, it knows and allows only of
altars of earth, unhewn stones, and wooden
plaaks with brazen covering."
(2.) An altar with the inscription 'kyvAar^
e<f , Acts xvii. 32. St. Paul in hii speech on
the -Areopagus mentions having seen such an
sltar in ATHENS. The inscription, however, is
rapalle of two renderings, either (a) " to an
unknown goJ " (Rev. Vers.), or ((.) "to the
unknown god " (A- V.) ; for in inscriptions of
this kind Greek usage did not.alwnys require the
'Utrtion of the article, (a) If we understand
the inscription in the former sense, the altar
nu one erected in gratitude for some benefit
received, though the receiver did not know to
which of the many deities of heathenism the
oenefit was due. This interpretation falls in
AL-TASCHITH
lOi
VarioQi Altan.
1,1 i^nUu. tnio bM-nUaA. (BaasUisl.)
%. AiiTri&n, IDIXB^ «t KbomUd. (U^nl)
4. IMtjVm^lL, BOiliolkhliu Sattofkolt. (Lftjsrij
i. AsiTrhB. boB Kbmiatad. (I*pu<.)
rety well with what St. Panl had said as to
the " somewhat anperstitious " character of the
Athenians. It wonld be evidence of a scrupulous
*uiety lest any deity, even though unknown,
•hsnld not receive his meed of honour and grtiti-
tiide. Altars of this kind, Pausaniaa tells us,
l>e had seen in the harboar and streets of Athens,
He snvs (i. § 4), trrauia koI /3«/ioi Ofwc re
ifotiaiopiiyay irfniirTttv Ka\ ripiiav xal raiSuv
riv %iia»vt ical toX^poi/. And Phili>stratui<
(Kii. Apollon. vi. 3), att^fwiimpov rh wtpi
mmm itin tl Xiytir, koX ravra 'A$4irriro>, ou
Kol iyyu(rTa)V ioijiivity 0uiu>l ISpvrrcu. This,
as Winer observes, need not be interpreted as if
the several altars were dedicated to a number
of iyvaaroi Otoi, but rather that eac/t altar had
the inscription 'Ayt'ti<rr<ii Bey. It is not at all
probable that such inscriptiou referred to the
God of the Jews, as One Whose Name it was
unlawful to utter (as Wolf and others hare sup-
posed). Neauder quotes Diog. Laertius, who, iu
his Life of Epimenides, says that in the time of
a plague, when they knew not what god tu
propitiate in order to avert it, he caused black
and white sheep to be let loose from the Areo-
pagus, and, wherever they lay down, to be ofiereil
to the god to whom of right the victim be-
longed (r^ irpoiHiKoirri 0t^). S0ty, adds Dio-
genes, fri Kol •'ill' iariy fiptur icorct roiis
iiinovs riiy *A0. 0tifu>bs hntyiiuvs. On which
Xennder remarks that on this or similar occa-
sions altars might be dedicated to an unknown
god, since they knew not what eod was ofi'ende<l
and required to be ]>ropitiatca. But it is tu
be observed that, according to Diogenes, the
altars were left without .nny inscripliun. Kor
can we attach much im|>ortnnce to EichhornV
suggestion that these altars (/3«/iol Iw^mnoi)
might have been built before the nrt of writing
was known, and subsequently have been in-
scribed iyyiiar^ 9ey. A passage in the
I'hilopatris ascribed tu Lucian, in which one
of the s|>eakers swears " by the unknown god,"
has sometimes been quoted as confirming St.
Paul's statement ; but as the Dialogue is of tliu
3rd century after Christ, it may be intended
only as a sneer at the A|xistle's words. Jerome,
indeed (on Tit. i. 12), affirms that the inscription
ran: "To the gods of Asia and Europe ami
Africa, to unknown and strange gods." But
though Jerome may have seen such an inscrip-
tion, it is plainly not that to which St. Panl
refers. His statement is clear and definite.
(6.) If we adopt the rendering "to the un-
known god," then we must take the verbal
adjective in its extended signification, ns
meaning not only the unknown, but the un-
knowable. The inscription, &» Dr. Plumptru
observes, does not affirm Atheism, but simply
recognises the existence of a Power concerning
which man knows and can know nothing. He
finds a ])arallel to this inscription in that
which Plutarch (</« laid, et Oair.) records as
found on the veil of Isis : " I am all that liu^
been, and nil that is, and all that shall be ; ami
no mortal hath lifted my reil;" and a still
more striking parallel in the inscription on u
Mithraic altar found at Ostia, and now in the
Vatican, "signum Indeprehensibilis Dei."
" This," he remarks, " is the nearest equiraleut
that Latin can supply for 'the Unknown and
Unknowable God ' (tfiWc Commentary for En<i-
lith JSeadcra, in loco), [J. J. S. P.]
AL-TASCHITH (nne»n-'?N, more cor-
rectly, Al-Tashcheth) forms part of the first, or
introductory, verses of Psalms Ivii., Iviii., \ix.,
liiv. The Aramaic paraphrast and Bashi, both
of whom literally translate this phrase by
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106
AL-TA8CHITH
" Destroy not ! " are, though consistent, greatly
mistaken, because these Psalms do not merely
stand on the defensire " Destroy not ! " but
take the offensive " Destroy my enemies ! " So
is also Ibn 'Ezra with bis stereotyped phrase,
" Commencement of a welUknown poem to the
tune of which these Psalms were to be sung."
[AUBLETTH Shahab ; Alamoth.] But Ibn 'Ezra
also, apart from the anachi'onism on which
his theory rests, must be wrong, since it is im-
possible that all these four Psalms could have
been sung satisfactorily to one and the same
tune, seeing that they greatly difier not only in
sentiment but also in length of diction. Qimchi
(on Ivii.) actually believes that he has found
the very source from which the Al-Tiultc/icth
comes, viz. the Al-l'aahcliithehu used by David
when Abishai wished to kill Saul (1 Sam.
xxvi. 9). On such grounds one need not be
astonished to find a modem writer proposing
seriously that the source of this title was the
Al-Taihchitheku of Isaiah (Ixv. 8) ! Although
the explanations of the Targumist and Kashi
cannot be true for the reasons given above, they
have both at least some ground to stand upon,
inasmuch as the phrase AI-Tashc/icth literally
occurs in the Pentateuch (Dent. iz. 26), where
it is used by Moses in a prayer for Israel. But
what shall we say to the following explanation
propounded in all earnest by a German scholar,
that Al-Taahcheth meant "S'poil not !" and that
these words were addressed to a music-director
whose band had some time before spoiled a
Psalm by singing it or playing it out of tune.
If Ibn 'Ezra's theory were true, the band would
be certain to spoil the execution of one or the
other of these Psalms, and the reminder " Spoil
not 1" might find an application. Since, how-
ever, the Scripture gives us no indication of
this, what warrant is there that Al-Taslicheth
could have such a meaning? The fact is,
Al-Tathcheth is itself the name of a music-
corps, as the 'Al Q?V) virtually standing before
it clearly testifies. The 'Ai is only left out
on account of the Al following, as Al (7K)
after 'Al (?r) would be somewhat difficult
to pronounce.' (Such was evidently the
view taken by the R. V., which inserts in
italics the words, Set to.) Let nobody object
that we have 'Al-'Alamoth (Alauoth) ; for in
that case the second V cannot be pronounced by
itself at all, and absolutely depends upon the
7 following it (n'lD?!?). It might, however, be
legitimately asked : Why should a music-corps
be called by the apparently singular luime
Al-Tashchethl Tu this legitimate question a
legitimate answer may be given, which will
throw light on the names of the other music-
bands also. When there were only eight music-
bands (Talmud Babli Ta'anith, 27*X and these
hod no history worth speaking of, they were
simply numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. The proof
of this is the term Na$$hemimth = the Eighth.
When they were increased to twenty-four and
* The somewhat stinnar prununcistioo of ^ and J} ts
no uuchronlsm. It ts not merely testified to In Tal-
mndlc times (Yensbalmi BeralAoth, II. 4; Babli
Mfffiltah, 246), but Is presupposed In tbe Bible Itself
^ 1 Sam. 1. 10 ; Amos vl. 8, and veiy many other places).
AHALEK
began to have a history of their own, or one
partially relating to them, they received Mcenl
kinds of names. Some were named from tlieir
dwelling-places and functions, as Ayyelttk Has-
thachar (AlJELETU Shahab), 'Alamatk (ku.-
MOTH), Haggittitk (GnriTU), &c.; some ftom
their director, as i'eduthun; some from the
nature, character, and position of the instni-
ments on which they excelled, as Tamtii
Elem Bfdtoqun (Jos ATI! Elem Reciiokih);
some from historical occurrences, as JfsfA-
Zabben (see 1 Ch. xv. 2 and Qimchi on Ps. ii. l\
Of this last kind is, no doubt, this Al-Tashdntk,
which was probably given to one of tbe buuU
when Uzzah was struck down dead (2 Sam. vi.
8). David commemorated that event, it h
true, by calling tbe place where the catastnplie
had occurred Perez- Czzah; but as he cuoU
not give one of the music-bands such as ill-
omened name, he called it by tbe historicalW-
auspicious title Al-Tas/tcheth! [^••^i
A'LUSH (2^'PN, of uncertain etymologr;
Sam. Krhtt; AF. AlKois; B. Ai\tlii; Aba), ok
of the stations of the Israelites on their jounef
to Sinai, the lost before Rephidim (Num. iiiiiL
13, 14). Ko trace of it has yet been found (kf
conjectares in Dillmann on Exod. xvii. 1). In
the Seder 01am (Kitto, Cyc. s. v.) it is »t»ted
to have been 8 miles from Rephidim. Perhip
in W. Feirdn, near the mouth of W. er Sm-
mdneh. [G.] [W.]
ALT AH (jvhv. The real meaning of tie
Edomite and pre-Ldomite names is still unknewi;
raiX<i; AltxL\ a duke (=rfujr, Vnlg.) of. Edom
(Gen. ixxvi. 40), written Aliah (flvP) i"
ICh. i. 51.
2. Alvah is the name of a place as well ts ol
.1 chief. Dillmaim (Gen. I. c.) and Delitiscli,
Oeitesis, I, c. [1887], identify the name witk
Alvas. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AL'VAN {\'hy, see Alvah ; A. TmUnr, VL
-H ; Alton), a Uorite, son of Shobal (0««-
ixxvi. 23), written Allan i]hs) in 1 Ch. i. 40
(B. 2»A<I^ A. '\»\i(i ; Alian)'iv. A W.] [F.]
AM'AD (nwpr ; 'A/iriJA ; A. 'KtM ; AmMS),
an unknown place in Asher between Alammeltch
and Misheal (Josh. xix. 26 only). It is placed
by Major Condcr {Handbook to Bible, p. 402) tt
A'A. et 'Amid, close to ez-Zib, but this identifica-
tion seems doubtful. [W.]
AMADA'THA (Esth. xvi. 10, 17); sihl
AMADA'THUS (Esth. lii. 6). [Ha3UIEI>
ATHA.]
A'lLAL (^ ; B. 'A/iad ; AmcJ), a descend-
ant of Asher, the son of Jacob (1 Ch. vii. 35).
AM'ALEK (p!?Dl? ; 'A/*a\<(c; Aina/eiA), son
of Eliphoz by his concubine Timnah, grandson of
Esau, and one of the chieftains ("dukes." A. V.
and R. V.) of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 12, 16> His
mother came of the Horite race, whose territorv
the descendants of Esau had seized i and, although
Amalek himself is represented as of equal rank
with the other sons of Eliphaz, yet his posterity
appear to have shared the fate of the Horite
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AMALEKITES
pofniJatioii, a " reinnaiit " only being mentioned
>> Misting in Kdom in the time of Hezekiah,
wlitD they were dispersed by s band of the
tribe of Simeon (1 Ch. iv. 43). [W. L. B.]
AUALIXITES (p^V. »p^l? or ^phovn ■■
the abnormal pTOVp, 2 Sam. i. 1, is no doubt a
teitnal error: see Wellh. or Driver 1. 1.; 'A/ut^1)-
nroi ; AmaUcitae), a nomadic tribe which, pro-
bably abont the time of iioses, first occupied the
[wninsolt of Sinni and the wilderness intervening
between the southern hill-ranges of Palestine
ind the border of Egypt (Num. liii. 29 ; 1 Sam.
ir. 7, ixTii. 8). Arabian historians (to be read
«ith reserve : see NSldeke, Die Amatekiter, 1864)
repreaent them as originally dwelling on the
inheres of the Persian Gulf. Thence they were
pressed westwards by the growth of the Assyrian
empire, and spread over a portion of Arabia at
a period antecedent to its occupation by the
descendants of Joktan. This account of their
urigin harmonizes with Gen. xiv. 7, where the
" conutry " (" princes " according to the reading
adapted by the LXX.) of the Amalekites is
meationed several generations before the birth
of the Edomite Araalek (Gen. xxxvi. 12; cp.
Nmo. ixiv. 20) : it throws light on the traces
of a permanent occupation of Central Palestine
ii their passage westward, as indicated by the
AMAKIAH
107
\ (}Ka"de|!
Eziongeb
h^
umes Amalek and Mount of the Amalekites
(Jndg. V. 14, xii. 15) : and it accounts for the
aleiKe of Scripture as to any relationship be-
tveen the Amalekites on the one hand, and the
Uomites or the Israelites on the other. That
s miitare of the two former races occurred at
> later period, would in this case be the only
inference from Gen. xxxvi. 16, though many
niters have considered that passage to refer to
tke origin of the whole nation, explaining
Gea. liv. 7 as a case of protepsia (see, however,
Schallz, J. n. in Herzog, ££.»). The physical
cbsrarter of the district occupied by the Ama-
Ukites [.\babia] necessitated a nomadic life,
wbicb they adopted to its fullest extent, taking
their tamilies with them even on their military
apeditions (Judg. vi. S). Their wealth con-
sisted in flocks and herds. Mention is made of
a "town" (1 Sam. iv. 5), and Joseplius gives
an exaggerated account of the capture of several
towns by Saul (An(. vi. 7, §2); but the towns
could have been little more than stations, or
nomadic enclosures. The kings or chieftains
were perhaps distinguished by the hereditary
title AOAG (Num. xxiv. 7 ; 1 Sam. xv. 8). Two
important routes led through the Amalekite
district, viz. from Palestine to Egypt by the
Isthmus of Suez, and to Sonthern Asia and
Africa by the Aelanitic arm of the Red Sea. It
has been conjectured that the expedition of the
four kings (Gen. xiv.) had for its object the
opening of the latter route; and it is in con-
nexion with the former that the Amalekites
first came in contact with the Israelites, whose
progress they attempted to stop, adopting a
guerilla style of warfare (Deut. xxv. 18), but
were signally defeated at Rcphidim (Ex, xvii. 8,
&c.). The conduct of Amalek in this cruel attack
on a people " faint and weary " was never forgiven.
"The Lord will have war with Amalek from
generation to generation ; " " Thou shalt blot
out the remembrance of Amalek from under
heaven " (Ex. xvii. 16; Deut. xxv. 17-19). In
union with the Canaanites they were, however,
permitted to attack the disobedient Israelites on
the borders of Palestine, and to defeat them
near Hormah (Num. xiv, 4.5). Thenceforward
we hear of them only as a secondary power, at
one time in league with the iloabites (Judg. iii.
13), when they were defeated by Ehud near
Jericho; at another time in league with the
Midianites (Judg. vi. 3), when they penetrated
into the plain of Esdraelon, and were defeated by
Gideon. Saul undertook an expedition against
them, overrunning their whole district " from
Havilah to Shnr," and inflicting an immense
loss upon them (1 Sam. xv.). Their power was
thenceforward broken, and they degenerated into
a horde of banditti, whose style of warfare is
well expressed in the Hebrew term ^)*1} (Gesen.
Lex.y, frequently applied to them in the de-
scription of their contests with David in the
neighbourhood of Ziklag, when their destruction
was completed (1 Sam. xxvii., xxx. ; cp. Num.
xxiv. 20). [W. U B.] [F.]
AMA'M (DON B. 2V; A. 'Kiii-ii; Amam),
a city in the soutli of Judah, named with Shcma
and Moladah {el-ifilh) in Josh. xv. 26 only.
Nothing is known of it. [G.] [W.]
A'MAN (B. 'Atiii; lUla Nadab; Syr. Ahab).
Tob. xiv. 10. [Haman.] [F.]
AMA'NA (ilJOt^, i.e. constant), apparently
a mountain near Lebanon, and possibly a part
of Anti-Lebanon which overlooks the plain of
Damascus, — " from the head of Amana " (Cant,
iv. 8). It is commonly assumed that this is the
mountain in which the river Abana (2 K. v. 12 ;
Keri, Targum- Jonathan, and margin of A. V. and
R. V, " Amana ") has its source, and it may have
derived its name from that river. The LXX.
(BA.) translate Im' 4f>x3« ^iirrtm. [G.] [W.]
AMABI'AH (riry3» and innDt?, Amarias
usually ; whom God promised, Gesen., i. q. &fi-
^potrrot). 1. Father of Ahitnb, according
to 1 Ch. vi. 7 TLXX. v. 3:t, B. 'Aftaptui, A.
'Aliaplas], r. 52 [LXX. vi. 37, B. 'AXiaptul, A.
Digitized by
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108
AMARIAS
'Altapti], and son of Meraioth, io the line of
the high-priesU. In Josephns's Hist. (Ant. riii.
t, § 3) he is transformed into 'Apmpatot.
2. 'Afiapias. The high-priest in the reign of
Jebosbaphat (2 Ch. xix. 11). He was the son of
Azariah, and the fifth high-priest who succeeded
Zadok (1 Ch. v'l. 11). Nothing is known of
him beyond his name, but from the way in
which Jehoshaphat mentions him he seems to
have seconded that pioas king in his endeavours
to work a reformation in Iiirael and Judah (see
'2 Ch. xvii. xix.). JosepUus, who calls him
'A/uuriay rhf Ufia, " Amaziah the priest," un-
accountably says of him (as the text now
stands) that he, as well as Zebadiah, was of the
tribe of Judah. But if ixeeripovs is struck out,
this absurd statement will disappear (Ant, ix. 1,
§ 1). It is not easy to recognise him in the
wonderfully corrupt list of high-priests given
in the Ant. i. 8, § 6. But he seems to be con-
cealed under the strange form A3K1PAM02,
Axioramus. The syllable AE is corrupted from
A2, the termination of the preceding name,
Azarias, which has accidentally adhered to the
beginning of Amariah, as the final 2 has to the
very same name in the text of Nicephorus (ap.
Seld. de Swxxas. p. 103), producing the form
"XaiuLptat. The remaining 'Itipa/ws is not far
removed from 'AitapUa. The successor of Ama-
riah in the high-priesthood must have been
Jehoiada. In Josephus *i3^at, which is a cor-
ruption of 'Io>S/a>, follows Axioramus, There
is not the slightest support in the sacred history
for the names Ahitub and Zadok, who are made to
follow Amariah in the genealogy, I Ch. vi. 11, 1 2.
8. The head of a Leviticat house of the Ko-
hathitea in the time of David (1 Ch. xxiii. 19
[A. 'AfLopii, B. 'A/iotilE] ; xxiv. 23 [B. 'KiuAii,
A. 'KitafUoK).
4. The head of one of the twenty-fnur
courses of priests, which was named after him,
in the time of David, of Hezekiah, and of Xehe-
miah (1 Ch. xxiv. 14 rB.\. 'fy/iiip, Emmer,
hut in A. Heb. Vulg. the head of the 16th
course, in B. the head of the 15th course]; 2 Ch.
xixi. 15 [B. Vlapias] ; Neh. x. 3 ['Afuiput], xii.
2 [B. Wapui, M. Map«(a, M'-* 'Kitoftia, A. -id],
13 [B. Hoftl, «* 'Afrnfui, tC-* A. 'A/iapui]).
In the first passage the name is written *10X,
Immer, but it seems to be the same name-
Another form of the name is *^0K, /inri
(1 Ch. ix. 4 [B. 'Anptl, A. -I ; AmriH a man
of Judah, of the sons of Bani. Of the same
family we find,
6. Amariah in the time of Ezra (Ezra x. 42.
MB. Mapla, A. 'Aimpids), one of those who had
married a " strange " wife.
6. An ancestor of Zepbaniah the prophet
(Zeph. i. 1, T.' 'A/uiptot, A. -«i-, K. very cor-
rupt). [ACH.] [F.]
7. B. iaitaputl, A. -d, K. ^AfutpuL A de-
scendant of Pharez, son of Judah (Neh. xi. 4).
Probably the same as Imri (above Ko. 4).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
AHABr.\S (Ameria)i). An ancestor of Ezra
<1 Esd. viii. 2, B. 'Aiuxpe*lot,A. 'A/iapuis ; 2 E*l.
i. 2 [Gk. vii. 3, Xaiioptla]). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AHA'SA (KB»0», Ges. = o burden, Fiirst =
bto», a ieawjV. 'H. Muller [in MV."] con-
nects it with an Arabic word and prefers the
AMAZIAH
meaning of vceak-sighted, having weepiog eye :
Ani'aa). 1. Son of Ithra or Jether, by Abi-
gail, David's sister (2 Sam. xvii. 25, B. 'Apiu-
vtl, A. -ati). He joined Absalom ia his r(^■
i bellion, and was by him appointed conmMmitr-
in-chief in the place of Joab, by whom h<r
was totally defeated in the forest of Kphraim
(2 Sam. xxiii. 6). When Joab incurred the
displeasure of David for killing Absalom, Uiriil
forgave the treason of Amasa, recognised him as
his nephew, and appointed him Joab's successor
(xix. 13, \i. 'AfitiTirafi [and in xi. 10], A.
'A/iurvai). Joab afterwards, when they were
both in pursuit of the rebel Sheba, pretended to
salute AJnasa, and stabbed him with his sword
(xx. 10, A. 'A^wnwO) which be held concealed
in his, left hand. Amasa is probably iJentictl
with ^CDtf (Amasai No. 2), who is raeatiosed
among I)avid's commanders (I Ch. xii. 18, K.
'Aftairai, K. -<r«. Ewald, Gexh. Israel, ii. 544).
2. A prince of Ephraim, son of Hadlai, ia the
reign of Ahaz (2 Cb. zxviii. 12, B. 'A^uvfio,
A. -I-). [R. W. B.] [F.]
AMA'SAI CbO», Gea.=burdensome, Fiir»t
= DiDV[see Amasa]'; AiiMsai). 1. A Kohathitc,
father of Mahath and ancestor of Shemuel sad
Heman the singer (1 Ch. vi. 25 [LXX. vi. 10,
B. 'A^Le<ml, A. 'A/uurC], 35 [LXX. r. 20, B.
'Aiitt»tios, A. 'A^t]).
8. See Amasa No. 1. Chief of the captiiw
(Heb., LXX., and R. V. "thirty "), leader of the
men of Judah and Benjamin, who came to Dsrid
while an outlaw at Ziklag (I Ch. xii. 18). He
was probably the same as Amasa, David's nephew.
3. B. 'Aiuurai, K. 'A/uuri. One of the priest*
who blew trumpets before the .\rk, when l>ivid
brought it from the house of Ob«d-edom (1 Ch.
XV. 24).
4. B. Mao-i: cp. No. 1. Another Kohathite.
father of another Mahath, in the reign of
Hezekiah (2 Ch. xxix. 12), unless the name U
that of a family. [W. A. W.] [K.]
AMASH'AI (*De^r, according to Ges. >ii
incorrect reading sprung out of the forms KW
and ^DOI?; according to Olshausen [^Lekrb. |>.
625] an error for 'boi?; 'Apuurta, A. 'Aittcii:
Atnassai), properly " Amashsai." Son of Aia-
reel, a priest in the time of Nehemiah (N'eh. li.
13) ; apparently the same as Maasai (1 Ch. ii.
12). [W.A.W.] [F.]
AMASI'AH (n'DDi;, Jah ia bearer, cp. the
Phoen. aOViVrntJiahinun heareth, MV.»; B.
Mcuraiaa, A. Meurtdat ; Amaaiaa). Son of Zichri,
and captain of 200,000 warriors of Judah, in the
reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch. xvii. 16).
[w. AW.] m
A'MATH. [Hamatu.]
AM'ATHEIS (B. 'ZfuOtit, A. 'E^iofch;
Emeus). 1 Esd. ix. 29. [Athlai.]
[W.AV7.] [F.]
AM'ATHIS (in some copies Amathas), " the
LAND OP " (ti 'A/ioSiris x^^) i * district t»
the north of Palestine, in which Jonathu
Maccabaeus met the forces of Demetrius (1 Uacc.
xii. 25). From the context it is evidentW
Hamath. [G.] [W.]'
AMAZI'AH (n'VOK or W'SOK, Je/unh it
sti-ong; B. 'AMe<r<r«(at [usually], A. 'A/uirtas
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AMAy.TAH
[osiuIIt]; Am(uia$), Mn of Joasb, and eighth
king nf Judah, succeeded to the throne at the
age of 25 on the mnrder of his father, and
poiushed the iDniderers (2 K. zii. 21, xiv. 2, 5) ;
ipanng, however, their children, ia accordance
with Dent. uir. 16, as the Second Book of Kings
(lir. 6) expreatlj inforroi na, thereby implying
that the precept had not been generally obsei-Ted.
In order to restore his kingdom to the greatness
of Jehoshaphat's days, he made war on the
Edomites, defeated them in the valley of Salt,
sooth of the Dead Sea (the scene of a great
victory in David's time, 2 Sam. viii. 13 ; 1 Ch.
xviii. 12 ; Ps. Ix. title), and took their capital,
Sclah or Petra, to which he gave the name of
JoKTBEEL, which was also borne by one of his
own Jewish cities (Josh. xv. 38). We read in
2 Ch. xxT. 12-14, that the victorious Jews
threw 10,000 Edomites from the cliffs, and that
Amaziah performed religions ceremonies in
hoDonr of the gods of the country ; an exception
to the general character of bis reign (cf. 2 K.
lir. 3 with 2 Ch. xxv. 2). In consequence of
this he was overtaken by misfortune. Having
already offended the Hebrews of the northern
kingdom by sending back, in obedience to a
prophet's direction, some mercenary troops whom
he had hired 6rom it, he had the foolish arrogance
to challenge Joasb, king of Israel, to battle,
despising probably a sovereign whose strength
bad been exhausted by Syrian wan, and who
had not yet made himself respected by the great
sBcceiscs recorded in 2 K. xiii. 25. But Judah
was completely defeated, and Amaziah himself
was taken prisoner, and conveyed by Joash to
Jerusalem, which, according to Joscphus (^Ant.
ix. 9, § 3), opened its gates to the conqueror
under a threat that otherwise he would put
Amaziah to death. We do not know the his-
torian's anthority for this statement, but it
explains the fact that the city was taken ap-
parently without resistance ('2 K. xiv. 13). A
portion of the wall of Jerusalem on the side
towards the Israelitish frontier was broken
down, and treasures and hostages were carried
off to Samaria. Amaziah lived fifteen years after
the death of Joash ; and in the 29th year of his
reign was murdered by conspirators at Lachish,
whither he had retired for safety from Jeru-
salem. The chronicler seems to regard this as a
ponishment for his idolatry in Edom, though
hii language is not very clear on the point (2 Ch.
iiv. 27) ; and doubtless it is very probable that
the conspiracy was a consequence of the low state
to which Jndah must have been reduced in the
latter part of his reign, after the Kdomitish war
sal humiliation inflicted by Joash, king of
ItneL The chronology of this king's reign is
much disputed. Clinton (Fasti Nelletiici, i.
p. 325) gives the dates B.C. 837-809 ; and, pre-
vions to the comparison with Assyrian dates,
the beginning of the regnal years has been
variously placed between the limits B.C. 840
(Bengel) and B.C. 809 (Seyfarth. See the Uble
in Herzog, RE.* xvii. p. 477, j. n. Zeitrechnung).
Since the employment of Assyrian synchronistic
dates, the beginning of Amaziah's reign Is placed
ktween B.C. 798 and n.c. 796, and a joint reign
with his son Amariah (or Uzziah) is supposed to
have begun in B.C. 786. (See Chronoi-ooy.)
2. 'Aitaaias. Priest of the golden calf at
Bethel, who endesvonred to drive the prophet
AMBASSADOB
109
Amos from Israel into Jndah, and complained of
him to king Jeroboam II. (Amos vii. 10).
S. A descendant of Simeon (1 Ch. iv. 34,
B. 'A/Kwreut, B»A. -la).
4. A Levite (1 Ch. vi. 45, B. *AM«<r<rei<( : A.
has a longer reading, Matirirlavlov XtKx^ov vloi
'Afuarai). [G. E. L. C] [F.]
AMBASSADOB. Sometimes "Vf and some-
times '<|^/9 is thus rendered ; and the occur-
rence of both terms in the parallel clauses of
Prov. xiii. 17 seems to show that they approxi-
mate to synonyms. The word " messengers "
is probably equivalent to ambassadors in the
A. V. of Deut. ii. 2C ; Judg. xi. 12-19 ; 2 Sam.
V. 11 ; 1 Ch. xiv. 1, xix. 2; Is. xiv. 32, xviii. 2,
xxxili. 7, Ivii. 9 ; Jer. xxvii. 3 ; Ezek. ixi. 9 ;
Nab. ii. 13, as well as in many of the passages
cited below. The oflice, like its designation,
was not definite nor permanent, but pro re natd
merely. The precept given in Deut. xi. 10 seems
to imply some such agency ; rather, however,
that of a mere nuncio, often bearing a letter
(2 K. v. 5, xix. 14), than of a legate empowered
to treat. The inviolability of such an officer's
person may perhaps be inferred from the only
recorded infraction of it being followed with
unusual severities towards the vanquished,
probably designed as a condign chastisement
of that offence (2 Sam. x. 2-5 ; cf. xii. 26-31).
The earliest examples of ambassadors employed
occur in the cases of Edom, Moab, and the
Amorites (Num. xx. 14, xxi. 21; Judg. xi.
17-19), afterwards in that of the fraudulent
Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 4, &c.), of the king of
Ammon, and in the instances of civil strife
mentioned Judg. xi. 12 and xx. 12 (see Cunaeus,
de Rep. Jlebr. ii. 20, with notes by J. Nicholaus ;
Ugol. iii. 771-4). They are mentioned more
frequently during and after the contact of the
great adjacent moiuirchies of Syria, Babylon,
&c. (e.g. xvii. 14), with those of Judah and
Israel, e.g. in the invasion of Sennacherib.
They were usually men of high rank ; just
n» in that cose the chief captain, the chief
cupbearer, and chief of the eunuchs were
deputed, and were met by delegates of similar
dignity from Hezekiab (2 K. xviii. 17, 18; sec
also Is. XXX. 4). Ambassadors are found to
have been employed, not only on occasions of
hostile challenge or insolent menace (2 K. xiv. 8 ;
1 K. XX. 2, 6), but of friendly compliment, of
request for alliance or other aid, of submissive
deprecation, and of curious inquirj- (2 Iv. xvi. 7,
xviii. 14; 2 Ch. xxxii. 31). The dispatch of
ambassadors with urgent haste is introduced as
a token of national grandeur in the obscure
prophecy Is. xviii. 2. The |)olitical coniplica-
thns of the Jewish State in the Maecabean
period and subsequently, when they were
brought into contact with the Western republics,
as well as with the Eastern and Egyptian
monarchies, gave a wider range and greater
precision to the ambassadorial function. These
treaties with Rome and Sparta were negotiated
by Simon the Maccabee (1 Mac. xiv. 21 foil.).
The A. V. is rather arbitrary in its selection of
terms to designate the oflice. Thus "the
ambassador " of 1 Mac. xii. 8 is rhv irSpa riy
kmirraKiiivoif ; i6. 23, " ambassador " is under-
stood from the verb innrfyilKoiiriy. Thus
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110
AMBER
both vfiafitis and irptfrPtvral are in A. V.
"messengers" (1 Mac. xiii. 14, 21), whereas
"ambassadors" stands for the same words in
ix. 70, li. 9, xiv. 21, 40, xv. 17; 2 Mac.
xi. 34. On the other hand "ambassadors"
stands for i.yy4\ovs in Jud. iii. 1 ; and in I Mac,
i. 44, where the same word i.i rendered " messen-
gers," the ambassadorial function seems clearlj
intended. In 2 Mac. iv. 19,$(ttpoit, "special
-messengers" in A. V., is used for the envoys
sent by Jason, the Hellenizing high-priest, to
the festival of Heraltles. In the N. T. the only
mention of the office is >n parables or metaphor
<Luke xiv. 22 ; 2 Cor. v. 20). [H. H.]
AMBER (^Wn, clmshmal; jho^, chash-
malah ; 1i\titrpoy ; elcctrum ; R. V. margin,
" electrnm ") occurs only in Ezek. i. 4, 27, viii. 2.
In the first passage the Prophet compares it with
the brightness in which he beheld the heavenly
apparition who gave him the Divine commands.
In the third, " the glory of the God of Israel " is
represented as having, " from the appearance of
his loins even downward, fire ; and from his loins
even upward as the appearance of brightness, as
the colour of amber" [n<ipC'Pin }»p, words
which Orelli {Kgf. Komm. ed. Strack n. ZSckler)
retains, but which Comill (Das Buck dea Pro-
pheten EzKhiel, note in loco) would strike out as
a gloss]. It is by no means a matter of cer-
tainty, notwithstanding Bochart's dissertation
and the conclusion he comes to (ffieroz. iii. 876,
ed. Rosenraiill.), that the Hebrew word chashmal
denotes a metal, and not the fossil resin called
amber, although perhaps the probabilities are
more in favour of the metal, Dr, Harris
(Nat. Hist. Bib., art. "Amber") asserts that the
translators of the A. V. could not mean amber,
" for that, being a bituminous substance, be-
comes dim as soon as it feels the fire, and soon
dissolves and consumes." But this is founded
on a misconstruction of the words of the Prophet,
who does not s.ay that what he saw was iiniber,
but of the colour of amber {Pict. Bib. note on
Ezek. viii. 2). The context of the passages
referred to above is clearly as much in favour
of amber as of metal. Neither do the LXX.
and Vulg. atford any certain clue to identifica-
tion, for the word electron was used by the
Greeks to express both amber and a certain
metal, composed of gold and silver, and held in
very high estimation by the ancients (Pliny,
H. N. ixxiii. 4). It is a curious fact, that in
the context of all the passages where mention of
electron is mailc in the worlcs of Greek authors
(Horn, see below ; Hes. Sc. Here. 142 ; Soph.
Antiij. 1038; Aristoph. Eq. 532, jic), no evi-
dence is afforded to help us to determine what
the eleetrtm was. In the Odyssey (iv. 73) it is
mentioned as enriching Menclaus's palace, to-
gether with copper, gold, silver, and ivory. In
Od. XV. 460, xviii. 296, a necklace of gold is
said to be fitted with electron. Pliny, in the
chapter quoted above, understanils the electron
in Menelaus's palace to be the metal. But with
respect to the golden necklace, it is worthy of
note that amber necklaces have long been used,
as they were deemed an amulet against throat
diseases. They are still frequently worn in
Kngland by iwrsons liable to asthma, and are
believed to be efficacious for the purpose. Beads
AMEN
of amber are frequently found in British barrovt
with entire necklaces (Fosbroke, Antiq. 1.289).
Theophrastus (ii. 18, § 2 ; and /V. ii. 29, ed.
Schneider), it is certain, uses the term electrm
to denote amber, for he speaks of its attracting
properties. On the other hand, that tkctritt
was understood by the Greeks to denote a nwul
composed of one part of silver to every four of
gold, we have the testimony of Pliny to show :
but whether the early Greeks intended the
metal or the amber, or sometimes one and some-
times the other, it is im)x>98ible to detennioe
with certainty. Passow believes that the metal
was always denoted by electron in the writing*
of Homer and Hesiod, and that amber was not
known till its introduction by the Pboenicius :
to which circumstance, as he thinks, Herodotos
(iii. 115, who seems to speak of the resin, ind
not of the metal) refers. Others again, witii
Buttmann {MytluA. ii. p. 337), maiDtain that
the electron denoted amber, and they very
reasonably refer to the ancient myth of the
origin of anU>er. Pliny (If. A'. xxxviL 2) ridi-
cules the Greek writers for their crolulity
in the fabulous origin of this substance ; ud
especially finds fault with Sophocles, who, in
some lost play, appears to have believed in it
From these considerations it will be seen thit
it is not possible to identify the chashmai by the
help of the LXX., or to say whether we are to
understand the metal or the fosail resin by the
word. The derivation of the word is entirely
unknown, nor is there any plausible explana-
tion of it. Bochart (Hieror. iii. 885) con-
jectures that chashmal is compounded of two
Chaldee* words meaning copper — gold-ore, tn
which he refers the aurichalcmn. But ovn-
chalcum is in all probability only the Latin form
of the Greek onchalcon (mountain copper. See
Smith's Lat.'Engl. Dict.,t.y. " Orichalcum ").
Isidorus, however (Orii;. x\i. 19), sanctions the
etymology which Bochart adopts. But the
electron, according to Pliny, Paiuanias (v. 12,
§ 6), and the numerous anthorities quoted by
Bochart, was composed of gold and sileer, not
of gold and copper. The Hebrew word msv
denote either the metal electron or amber ; but it
must be left as a question which of the two snl>-
stances is really intended. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
A'MEN (JOK), literally "firm, true; "and
used as a substantive, " that which is true,'
" truth " (Is. Ixv. 16) ; a word used in strong
asseverations, fixing as it were the stamp ot
tmth upon the assertion which it accompanied,
and making it binding as an oath (cp. Num.
V. 22). In the LXX. of 1 Ch. xvi. 36, Neh.
V. 13, viii. 6, the word appears in the form
'A/i^v, which is used throughout the N. T.* In
other passages the Heb. is rendered by yiroero,
except in Is. Ixv. 16. The Vulgate adopts the
Hebrew word in all cases except in the Psalms,
where it is translated fiat. In Dent, ix vii. 1 5-26.
• Fried. Delltnch (Pref. to User's ed. of EzekirL
p. xU.) compares with it an Assyrian word, fhmaH,
which he conjectures, from the context of the pASMi^e
In which It occurs, m»y have meant some white m^'tsl.
>> The 'A^iii' of the Rec. text at the end of most of the
Books of the N. T. Is thought to be genuine only in
Homsns, Oalatians, Hebrews (?), and Jode (see West-
cott and Hort's ed. of the N. T. In Greek).
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AMETHYST
AMMI
111
the ptople were to sar " Amen," as the Lerites
prononoMd each of the curses upon Moant Gbal,
sigBifjiog bf this their assent to the conditions
Dvier which the cnrwa would be inflicted. In
accordance with this usage we find that among
the iiabbis "Amen " inrolres the ideas of swear*
tug, acceptance, and tmthfalness. The first two
senses are illustrated hj the passages already
quoted; the Ust by I K. i. 36 ; John iii. 3, 5, U
(A.y. "rerilf "X in which the assertions are
made with the solemnity of an oath, and then
ansgthened by the repetition of "Amen."
■'Amen" was the proper response of the person
lo whom an oath was administered (Neh. t. 13,
riJL 6 ; 1 Ch. xTi. 36 ; Jer. zi. 5, marg.) ; and
tilt Deity, to Whom appeal is made on such oc-
ctaoos, is called " the God of Amen " (Is. Izt. 16),
u being a witness to the sincerity of the implied
compact. With a similar significance Christ is
called " the Amen, the faithful and true witness "
(iter. iiL 14 ; comp. John i. 14, liv. 6 ; 2 Cor.
i. 20)l It is matter of tradition that in the
Temple the "Amen" was not uttered by the
people, but that instead, at the conclusion of the
priest's prayers, they responded, " Blessed be the
name of the glory of His kingdom for ever and
erer." Of this a trace is supposed to remain in
the conelading sentence of the Lard's Prayer
( cp. Rom. xi. 36 y. But in the synagogues
ud printe houses it was customary for the
people or members of the fiimily who were
praeat to say " Amen " to the prayers which
were offered by the minister or the master of
the boose, and the custom remained in the early
Christian Church (Matt. ri. 13; 1 Cor. liv. 16).
.\ad not only public prayers, but those offered
in prirate, and doxologies. were appropriately
widuded with " Amen " (Rom. ix. 5, xi. 36, xv.
33, XTi. 27 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 14, Ac.). [W. A. W.]
AJtETHTST (nO^HN, achl&ndh, deriva-
tion asjcnown. Ges. [i^x-] connects it with
DTn, /rem the idea, that it caused dreams to
those that wore it ; according to Fried. Delitzsch
traa AJUami, an Armenian district in which he
coojectnres that the stone may hare been found
[UA, Lang. p. 36^ ; i/itBurros ; ametAystus).
Mention is made ot' this precious stone, which
fumed the third in the third row of the high-
|iri«t's breastphtte, in Ex. xxriii. 19, xxxix. 12,
"And the third row a ligure, an agate, and
«i imethyst." It occurs also in the N. T.
(Rer. ixi. 20) as the twelfth stone which
Tuiuthed the fonndations of the wall of the
lesresly Jerusalem. Commentators generally
>re agreed that the amethyst is the stone
i»lieat«d by the Hebrew word, an opinion
Thick is abundantly supported by the ancient
^enioiu. The T.-irgum of Jerusalem indeed
"rTit smaragdin (tnuiragdua) \ those of Onkelos
»d Pi.-Jonathan hare two words which signify
~ cslfs-eye " (ocWus vihtli), which Braunius (de
^atii.Sooerd. Heb. ii. 711) conjectures may be
ileitical with the Beli oculus of the Assyrians
(PliiT, B. S. zxxrii. 55), the Cat't-eye Chalce-
^<*;, according to Ajasson and Desfontaines ;
'et, ts Braunius has observed, the word ach-
ItnuA according to the best and most ancient
•nthorities signifies amethyst.
Modem mineralogists usually understand by
"M term amethyst the amethystine variety of
■T'/'^i, which is crystalline and highly trans-
parent : it is sometimes called Rose quartz, and
contains alumina and oxide of manganese. There
is, however, another mineral to which the namp
of Oriental amethyst is usually applied, and
which is far more valuable than the quartz
kind. This is a crystalline variety of Cormdum,
being found more especially in the E. and W.
Indies. It is extremely hard and bright, and
generally of a purple colour, which, however, it
may readily be made to lose by subjecting it to
fire. In all probability the common Amethystine
quartz is the mineral denoted by achldmdh ; for
Pliny speaks of the amethyst being easily cut
(scalpturis facilis, H. N. xzxvii. 40), whereas the
Oriciital amethyst is inferior only to the diamond
in hardness, and is moreover a comparatively
rare gem.
The Greek word atn«tAtu(os, the origin of the
English amethyst, is usually derived from i,
" not," and fuSia, " to be intoxicated," this stone
having been believed to have the power of dis-
pelling drunkenness in those who wore it
(Dionys. Perieg. 1122; Anthol. Paiat. 9, 7T>2;
Martini, Escurs. 158). Pliny, however (//. X.
xxxvii. 9), traces the name of these stones " to
their peculiar tint, which, after approximating
to the colour of wine, shades off into a violet."
Theophrastus also alludes to its wine -like
colour.* [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
A'MI (*PM; 'tt/ul; Ami), name of one of
"Solomon's servants" (Ezra ii. 57); calleil
Amon (l^DM) in the parallel passage Neh. vii.
59 CH/t<(/( ; Amon), of which, according to Ges.,
it is a corruption. The transcriptional varia-
tions between the parallel lists are tabulated by
Smend, Die Listen d. BB. Esra «. Nehemin
(Basel, 1881> [W. A. W.] [F.]
AMIN'ADAB CA/uvaUP ; Aminadab). Am-
MlHiLDAB No. 1 (Matt. i. 4; Luke iii. 33).
[W. A. W.]
AMITTAI CrmH=true, faithful; B. 'Afuad,
A. -I ; Amatht), father of the prophet Jonah (2 K.
liv. 25 ; Jon. i. 1> [W. A. W.] [F.]
AM'MAH, the hill of (HSK TW3|; 6 0ouvis,
B. 'Afi/tiy, A. 'Aitfti; collis Aqtkieductus ), a
hill " facing " Giah by the way of the wilder-
ness of Gibeon, named as the point to which
Joab'a pursuit of Abner after the death of
Asahel extended (2 Sam. ii. 24). Josephus {Ant.
vii. ch. i. § 3), rinot ris, %y 'AmidToy Ka\ouai
(comp. Targ. Jon. ttFlDK). Both Symmachus
(rirti = (pi//!/)andTheodotion (itpaYvyiJt''), who
is followed by the Vulgate, find an allusion to
a watercourse here, possibly some place near
W. Kelt, on the road by which Abner fled to the
Jordan valley. Can this point to the " excavateil
fountain," " under the high rock," described as
near Gibeon (El-Jib) by Robinson (i. 455)?
[G.] [W.]
AM'MI CBff; Aorfi ftov; populus mens),
i.e. as explained in the margin of the A. V. and
• Tb i* aiU9vvw oiMMi^ tij XP^* (^* ^' ^^» ^'
Scbneld.)
>> In poet-Blbllcal Hebrew a« In Aramaic HIOK ac-
quired tbe meinini; of aqueduct. Had this sense, bow-
ever, been inten<led here, tbe word would natarallj have
been provided with tbe article. IS. R. D.]
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112
AHMIOOI
R. v., " My people ; " a fignratire name applied
to tbe kingdom of Israel in token of God's
reconciliation with them, and their position as
" sons of the living God," in contrast with the
vqually significant name Lo-ammi, giren by the
prophet Hosea to his second son by Gomer, the
daughter of Diblaim (Hos. ii. 1). In the same
manner Ruhamah contrasts with Lo-Ruhamah.
[W. A. W.]
AM'MIDOI, in the Geneva Version AMMI-
DIOI (B. 'A/iiiiStoi, A. 'A^touu; Vulg. has
different names), people who, together with the
men of Chadias, came up from l^bylon with Ze-
rubbabel (1 £sd. v. 20). If Chadias be identified
with Kedesh (Josh. xv. 23), the Ammidioi may
be (Fritzsche) the men of Humtah (nopn, Josh.
.tv. 54). If so, the tXX. A. xifP^ri (B. Ei/xd)
furnishes the connecting link with Ammidioi
or (replacing the guttural) Chammidioi (see
Lnpton, Spmker't Commentary, note on 1 Esd.
V. 20). [F.]
AMMl'EL ( VsP, MV." = peopfe of God.
Many Heb. names are compounded of Qlf, bat
the sense in which it is to be understood is un-
certain. See Nestle, Die Israel. Eigennamen, p.
187, n. a; Fried. Delitzsch, Pnlegg. p. 201, n. 3 ;
B. 'A/utfiX, AF. 'A/uliK ; Ammiel). 1. The spy
selected by Moses from the tribe of Dan (Num.
xiii. 12).
2. The father of Machir of Lodebar (2 Sam.
ix. 4 [B. 'A/taVi ■*• 'AfullX], V. 5 [B. 'A/<cr4x,
.\. -1-], ivii. 27 [h. 'A>Ki4^ A. 'Afuiip]; Ammi-
lict).
3. The father of Bathshaa, or Bathsheba,
the wife of David (1 Ch. iii. 5% called Eliau
(OItSm) in 2 Sam. xi. 3 ; the Hebrew letters,
which are the same in the two names, being
transposed. He was the son of Ahithophel,
David's prime minister.
4. B. 'Afiftiih, A. -I-. The sixth son of
Obed-edom (1 Ch. xxvi. 5), and one of the door-
Iteepers of the Temple. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AMMI'HUD O'f'Dir, MV.» = my people
is majesty ; 'E^oi>S in Num., 'A^ioiiS in 1 Ch. ;
Ammiud). 1. An Ephraimite, father of Eli-
shama, the chief of the tribe at the time of the
Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48 [F. 2«/uo*»,
and in x. 22], 53, x. 22), and through him
ancestor of Joshua (1 Ch. vii. 26 [B. 'Aiuovtli,
A. -ou«]).
2. B. 2cM«>^>;B*'EK.'E/uoiiS. ASimeonite,
father of Shemuel, chief of the tribe at the time
of the division of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 20).
3. AF. 'AntM, B. Beno/tcioiiS, Ti\-iu-. The
father of Pedahel, chief of the tribe of Naphtali
at the same time (Num. xxxiv. 28).
4. •y^tVip'O, Keri n^n^Btf; 'E/uoii». Ammi-
hud, or "Ammichur," as the written text- has
it, was the father of Talmai, king of Geshur
(2 Sam. xiiL 37).
6. A. 'Aiuoii, B. 'Saniuoi. A descendant of
Pbarez, son of Judah (1 Ch. ix. 4).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
AMMI'NADAB (3'13n^, Vl\'.^^ = my peo-
ple is noble: the passages Judg. v. 2, Ps. ex. 3
marg., seem however rather to suggest the sense
my people is Killing [tee v. 4] ; B. 'AiitanSifi,
AMMISHADDAI
AF. -II"- [usually ; in Ex. vi. 23, A. and in Num.
i. 7, F. 'A/umttc^t] ; Amtnadd)). 1. Son of Ram
or Aram, and father of Nahshon, or Naasson (a*
it is written. Matt. i. 4; Luke iii. 32; B. V.
Nahson in both places), who was the prince of
the tribe of Judah, at the first numbering of
Israel in the second year of the Exodns (Num. L
7, ii. 3 ; Ruth iv. 19, 20 ; 1 Ch. ii. 10). We
gather hence that Aiumlnadab died in Egypt
before the Exodus, which accords with the
mention of him in Ex. vi. 23, where we read
that "Aaron took him Elisheba daughter of
Amrainadab, sister of Nahshon, to wife, and she
bare him Nadab and Abihu, Eleazar and Itha-
mar." This also indicates that Amminadab
must have lived in the time of the most grierooa
oppression of the Israelites in Egypt. He i*
the fourth generation after Judah, the patriarch
of his tribe, and one of the ancestors of Jesus
Chuist. Nothing more is recorded of him ; but
the marriage of his daughter to Aaron may be
marked as the earliest instance of alliance-
between the royal line of Judah and the priestly
line of Aaron. And the name of his grandson
Nadab may be noted as probably given in honour
of Ammi-nadab his grandfather.
8. KA. 'AiuyaSdfi, B. -cii^. The chief of the
112 eons of Uzziel, n junior Levitical hooae of
the family of the Kohathites (Ex. vi. 18X in the
days of David, whom that king sent for, to-
gether with Uriel, Asaiah, Joel, Shemaiah, and
tlliel, other chief fathers of Leviticml hoosei,
and Zadok and Abiathar the priests, to bring
the ark of God to Jerusalem (1 Ch. xv. 10-12).
to tbe tent which he had pitched for it. The
pa.ssage last quoted is instructive as to the mode
of naming the houses; for besides the sons of
Kohath, 120 in v. 5, we have the sons of Cliza-
phan, 200 in v. 8, of Hebron, 80 in c. 9, and of
ITzziel, 112 in r. 10, all of them Kohathites
(Num. iii. 27, 30).
8. At 1 Ch. vi. 22 (r. 7, Heb.) Ixh«r, the
son of Kohath, and father of Korah, is called
Amminadab, and the LXX. has the some read-
ing (B. 'AiuaraSiP, A. 'Ivaadp). But it is
probably only a clerical error.
4. In Cant. vi. 12 it is uncertain whether we
ought to read 3'n3'Bl?, Amminadib, with tbe
A. v., or 3n3 'BB, my willinj people, as in the
margin [R. V. " my princely people "] and mo»t
moderns (Delitzsch, Oettii, &c). If Ammi-
nadib is a proper name, it is thought to be
either the name of some one famous for hU cwift
chariots, ni33'1D, or that there is an allnsioa
to Abiiladab, and to the new cart on which they
made to ride (nD'Sn^ the ark of God (2 Sam.
vi. 3). But this last, though perhaps intended
by the LXX. version of Cant., which has 'Afiir-
aSip, is very improbable. In vii. 2 (r. 1, A. V.)
the LXX. (T.') also renders anrOS, «0
prince's daughter," by tiyartf KaSifi ; A
reads Biyartp 'AiuyttSd$; Vulg. filia prin-
cipis. [A. C. H.] [F.]
AMMI'NADIB (Cant. vi. 12> [Ammisa.-
DAB No. 4.]
AMMI'SHADDAI C"^t3». MV.»= propfe
of the Almighty ; B. 'A^icraSaf, AF. -i<r- [except
in Num. ii. 25, where A. reads iaiuuraial, and io
I. 25, MtiraSeiQ ; Amitaddai, Ammisaddai'). Th*
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AUUIZABAD
fither of Abiezer, chief nf the tribe of Dan at
tie time of the tCxodus (Num. i. 12, ii. 25, rii.
66, Tl, I. 25). His name is one of the few
vhich we find at this period compounded with
tie ucient name of God, Sbaddai ; Zuri-shaddai,
ani posiiblf Shedenr, are the only other in-
stances: both belong to tbia earljr time.
[W. A. W.] [F.]
AMMI'ZABAD 03rp», MV.»=ifj/ peo-
Fit luti gnoUed{it) ; for the verb 1Z1 (ix. \ty.)
*« Gen. III. 20. 121 is common in proper
urno in the Palmyrene Inscriptions [cp. Enting,
Setit Phon. Inschriften, p. 15]; B. Aiu$a-
(i>, A. 'Aiupa(<iB; Amizcimd). The son of
iieniiali, who apparently acted as his father's
lieoteoant, and commanded the third dirision
(f DsTid's army, on duty for the third month
(1 Ch. iivii. 6). [W. A. W.] [S. R. D.]
AMTfON, AMTMONITES, CHILDEEN
OF AMMON • (jiDr. ■<iSw. n^iSm ; ]isr '^a ;
'Afiftir [B. sometimes 'A/i^y], 'A^^oyTrai,
LXX. in Pent. ; elsewhere 'kjiiuiv, vloX 'A/t/tiiv ;
Jo»ph. 'KniuatTcu ; Ammon, AmTnenitae), a
pwple desceaded from Beu-Ammi, the son of
Lot by hii younger daughter (Gen. x\x. 38;
tf. Pi. Uxiiii. 7, 8), as Moab was by the elder ;
and listing from the destruction of Sodom.
The near relation between the two peoples
indicated in the story of their origin continued
tlrongkont their existence : from their earliest
mention (Deut. ii.) to thrir disappearance from
the biblical history (Jud. v. 2) the brother-
tribes >i« named together (cp. Judg. x. 10;
i Cb. u. 1 ; Zeph. ii. 8, &c.). Indeed, so close
VIS their onion, and so near their identity, that
«3ch Toold appear to be occasionally spoken of
Buler the name of the other. Thus the " land
uf the children of Ammon " is said to hare been
giTcn to the "children of Lot," ue. to both
Ammon ind Hoab (Deut. ii. 19). They are
both said to hare hired Balaam to curse Israel
(Dent uiii. 4), whereas the detailed narratire
of that erent omits all mention of Ammon
{.Vom. ixii„ ixiii.). In the answer of Jephthah
to the king of Ammon the allusions are con-
tinually to Moab (Judg. xi. 15, 18, 25), while
Ckmcsh, the peculiar deity of Moab (Num. xxi.
■iSX i» called " thy god " (Judg. xi. 24). The
Uad from Amon to Jabbok, which the king of
Amnion calls "my land " (Judg. xi. 13X is else-
wliere distinctlr stated to hare once belonged to
» "ting of Moab " (Num. xxi. 26). Possibly on
1 later occasion also the name represents both
I«rt> of the nation of Lot (2 Cb. xxri. 8).
[aoiB.]
I'nlike Moab, the precise position of the terri-
tory «f the Ammonites is not clearly aacertain-
aUe. In the earliest mention of them (Deut. ii.
-•>) they are said to have destroyed those
Ktpbaim, or non-Semitic people, whom they
<aUel the Zamznmmim, and to hare occupied
ikrir eoimtry which lay north of Moab, between
AMMON
113
' TV expresilun moat commonly emplojed for this
^<*^ fi " Brae-Axnnwa ; " next In frequency cornea
" Anmoid ' or ■ Ammonim " (nanaUy In lata writers) ;
■d Inst oAen " Ammoo." The translators of the
'iJ'L Toiion have net^ected these minnte dlfferenan,
m ksn catpiojni tbe three terms— children of Amman,
^BBoailm Ammoo — indiscriminately.
*mK WCT. — YOU I.
the Amon and the Jabbok.** Shortly, howerer
before the .idrent of the Israelites in Palestine
the Amorites had dispossessed the Ammonites of
a portion of their territory and established a
kingdom under Sihon, whose seat was at Hesh-
bon (Num. xxi. 26). It was on this prior pos-
session that the Ammonite king appears to
hare grounded his claim in the time of Jephthah
(Judg. xi. 13); a claim |)erhaps admitted in
Josh. xiii. 25. The kingdom of Sihon was
dirided between Gad and Reuben, but the
Israelites were not permitted to occupy that
portion of the Ammonite territory which the
Amorites had failed to subdue. This indepen-
dent kingdom lay between the Amon and the
Jabbok, and its western boundary was conter-
minous with the limits of the tribe of Qad (see
Reland, 105, on Josh. xiii. 25), which included
the town of Aroer near Kabbah ; it consisted of
the eastern portion of the district now called
Belka, and its capital was Rabbab, or Rabbath,
the modern Amman [Rabdah]. " Land " or
" country " is, however, but rarely ascribed to
the Ammonites, nor is there any reference to
those habits and circumstances of civilisation —
the " plentiful 6elds," the " hay," the " sum-
mer-fruits," the " rineyards," the " presses,"
and the " songs of the grape-treaders " — which
so constantly recur in the allusions to Moab (Is.
XV., xvi. ; Jer. xlviii.) ; but, on the contrary,
we find everywhere traces of the fierce habits of
marauders in their incursions — thrusting out
the right eyes of whole cities (1 Sam. xi. 2),
ripping up the women with child (Amos i. 13),
and displaying a very high degree of craftv
cruelty (Jer. xli. 6, 7 ; Judg. vii. 11, 12) to
their enemies, as well as a suspicious discourtesy
to their allies, which on one occasion (2 Sam. x.
1-5) brought all but extermination on the tribe
(xii. 31). Nor is the contrast less observable
between the one city of Ammon, the fortified
hold of Kabbah (2 Sam. xi. 1 ; £zek. xxr. 5 ; Amos
i. 13), and the " streets," the " house-tops," and
the "high-places" of the numerous and busv
towns of the rich plains of Moab (Jer. xlriii. ;
Is. xr., xvi.). Taking the abore into account,
it is hard to aroid the conclusion that, while
Moab was the settled and civilised half of the
nation of Lot, the Bene-Ammon formed its pre-
datory and Bedouin section. The confirmation
of this opinion, once deduced (cp. 1st ed. of the
B. D.) from the Succoth of Amos r. 26 (cp.
LXX. ; Acts vii. 43), that the special deity of
the tribe was worshipped, in a booth or tent
deaignated by that word Succah which most
keenly expressed to the Israelites the contrast
between a nomadic and a settled life, is now
giren np, Cp. the R. V. of Amos, /. c.
On the west of Jordan they nerer obtained n
footing. Among the confusions of the times of
the Judges we find them twice passing orer ;
once with Moab and Amaiek seizing Jericho,
the " city of palm-trees " (Judg. iii. 13), and a
second time " to fight against Judah and Benja-
min, and the house of Ephraim " (Judg. z. 9) ;
but they quickly returned to the freer pastures
of Gileaid, tearing but one trace of their pre-
sence in the name of Chepliar ha-Ammonai,
" the hamlet of the Ammonites " (Josh, xriii.
* Joeephns sUtea (^n(. 1. 11, $ 6) that the Hoabitee
and Ammonites lived In Coele-^ri*.
I
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114
AMMON
24), situated in the portion of Benjamin some-
where at the head of the passes which lead up
from the Jordan valley, and form the natural
access to the table-land of the west country.
The hatred in which the Ammonites were
held by Israel, and which possibly was con-
nected with the story of their incestuous origin,
is stated to have arisen partly from their oppo-
sition, or, rather, their want of assistance (Deut.
zxiii. 4), to the Israelites on their approach to
Canaan. But it evidently sprang mainly from
their share in the aSair of Balaam (Deut. xxiii.
4; Neh. xiii. 1). At the period of Israel's first
approach to the south of Palestine the feeling
towards Ammon is one of regard. The com-
mand is then, " distress not the Moabites . . .
distress not the children of Ammon, nor meddle
with them" (Deut. ii. 9, 19; and cp. t. 37),
and it is only from the subsequent transaction
that we can account for the fact that Edom,
who bad also refused passage through his land
but had taken no part with Balaam, is punished
with the ban of exclusion from the congrega-
tion for three generations, while Moab and
Ammon are to be Isept out for ten generations
(Dent, zxiii. 2), a sentence which acquires
peculiar significance from its being the same
pronounced on " bastards " in the preceding
Terse, from its collocation amongst those pro-
nounced in reference to the most loathsome
physical deformities, and also from the emphatic
recapitulation (ver. 6), " Thou shalt not seek
their peace or their prosperity all thy days for
ever."
But whatever its origin it is certain that the
animosity continued in force to the latest date.
Subdued by Jephthah (Judg. xi. 33), and scat-
tered with great slaughter by Saul (1 Sam. xi.
11) — and that not once only, for he " vexed "
them " whithersoever he turned " (xiv. 47) —
they enjoyed under his successor a short respite,
probably the result of the connexion of Uoab
with David (1 Sam. xxii. 3) and David's town,
Bethlehem — where the memory of Ruth must
have been still fresh. But this was soon brought
to a close by the shameful treatment to which
their king subjected the friendly messengers
of David (2 Sam. x. 1 ; 1 Ch. xix. 1), and for
which David destroyed their city and inflicted on
them the severest blows (2 Sam. xii. ; 1 Ch. zx.).
[Kabbah.]
In the days of Jehoshaphat they made an in-
cursion into Judah with the Moabites and the
Maonites,' but were signally repubed, and so
many killed that three days were occupied in
spoiling the bodies (2 Ch. xx. 1-25). In Uz-
ziah's reign they made incursions and com-
mitted atrocities in Gilead (Amos i. 13); but
afterwards were his tributaries (2 Ch. zzvi. 8),
where perhaps the name represents both the
children of Lot (comp. Jos. Ant. ix. 10, § 3).
Jotham had wars with them, and exacted from
them a heavy tribute of " silver (comp. " jew-
els," 2 Ch. XX. 25X wheat, and barley " (2 Ch.
zxvii. 5). In the time of Jeremiah we find them
in possession of the cities of Gad from which the
Jews had been removed by Tiglath-pileser (^Jer.
* There can be no doubt tbat Instead of ** Ammon-
ites " In 2 Cb. XX. 1 we should rrad, with the LUC.,
"Maottltes" or "Hebunlm." The reasons for this
will be given under MxBDiiiK.
AMMON
xlix. 1-6) ; and other incursions are elsewhere
alluded to (Zeph. ii. 8, 9). At the time of the
Captivity many Jews took refoge amoag the
Ammonites from the Assyrians (Jer. il. IIX but
no better feeling appears to have arisen ; tnd on
the return from Babylon, Tobiah the Ammonite
and Sanballat a Mosbite (of Choronsim, Jer.
xlix.) were foremost among the opponents of
Nehemiah's restoration.
Among the wives of Solomon's harem are in-
cluded Ammonite women (1 K. xi. 1), one of
whom, Naamah,' was the mother of Rehoboam
(1 K. xiv. 31 ; 2 Ch. xii. 13), and henceforwwd
traces of the presence of Ammonite womei in
Judah are not wanting (2 Ch. xiiv. 26 ; Neh.
xiii. 23 ; Ezra ii. 1 ; see Oeiger, Ursdirift, ic,
pp. 47, 49, 299). These may have been either
bestowed during the intervals of actnsl wufue
or taken prisoners.
The last appearances of the Ammonites is the
biblical narrative are in the books of Judith (t.
vi. vii.) and of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 6, 3*-
43), where they are found (c. 39) in alliance with
the Arabs ; and where, as it has been alieulj
remarked, their chief characteristics — close slli-
auce with Moab, hatred of Israel, and cnsoinf
cruelty — are maintained to the end. By Justin
Martyr (Dial. Tryph.') they are spokes of u
still numerous (rDy voXfr rKr)$ot) ; but notwith-
standing this, they do not appear sgain, tad
Origen, about a century afterwards, sars (n
Jobum, lib. i.) that the term Ammonites hiil
become merged in that of Arabs.
The tribe was governed by a king (Jndg. li.
12, &c. ; 1 Sam. zii. 12 ; 2 Sam. i. 1 ; Jer. iL
14) and by « princes," ^"^ (2 Sam. x. 3 ; 1 a
xix. 3). It has been conjectured that Nahuh
(1 Sam. xi. 1 ; 2 Sam. x. 2) was the offidal title
of the king as Pharaoh was of the Egjptiu
monarchs ; bat this is without any clear
foundation.
The divinity of the tribe was Milcom-''tii«
abomination of the children of Ammon" (1 K.
zi. 5), a name only dialectically different hm
the Phoenician Milk (Molech ; Baethgen, Bd-
trSge z. Sem. ReligionsgeachichU, p. 15). h>
more than one passage under the word rendered
" their king " in the A. V. an allusion is in-
tended to this idol. [MoLECH.]
The Ammonite names preserved in the sacred
text are as follow. It is open to inqnii;
whether these words have reached us hi their
original form (certainly those In Greek h»«
not), or whether they have been altered in
transference to the Hebrew records.
Achior, 'Axi^f*. quasi T^K 'fit?, JrotJero/lij*'.
Jnd. V. 5, &c.
Baalis, DvVS (see s. n.), Jer. xl. 14.
Hanun, \^V\, treated graciously, 2 Sam. x. L
Molech, 1I?b, king.
Naamah, nO^], pleasant, 1 K. xiv. 31, &c
Nahash, E'rU, serpent, 1 Sam. xL 1, fcc:
NcuUrqt (Jos. Ant. vi. 5, 2).
Shobi, 'at? (the Nabatean ♦3B», if the name
< According to the LXX. [B. not A.} additions to 1 f-
xU. [v. 24 a, ed. Swete}, she was tbe daughter of Bsnnn
son of Nshash.
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AMMONITKSS
be tbe same, is probably to be vocalized Shabbai ;
Entmg, Nab. Inschr. pp. 57, 74), 2 Sam. ivii. 27.
Timotheua, Tiii69tos, 1 Mace. v. 6, &c.
Tobiali, n'^^, goodness of Jah, Neh. ii. 10, &c
Ztlek, p}"^, in post-biblical Heb. = a tear'
2 Sun. niii 37.
Ammoi appears in tbe caneiforin inscriptions
M Bit Ammana, Beth Ammon (comp. Beth
Humri, "hooae of Omri," for Samaria). A
ling Padniln, Puduel (cp. Pedabel, Kum. miv.
2J), is mtntioDed in the records of Sennacherib
sad Esarhaddon ; Saniba (Fried. Delitzsch =
Shiiab, Gen. lir. 2) in those of Tiglath-pileser ;
sod Bs-'-sa (cp. Baasha, 1 E. zt. 33) son of
Rochnb, in those of Shalmaneser U. ( Schrader,
KAT.' pp. 141, 613).
The same Zamzommim, applied by the Am-
monites to tbe Rephaim, a non-Semitic (possibly
Turanian) people whom they dispossessed,
should not be omitted. [G.] [W.J
AMMOXITESS (n'JbPri: B. 'AM/uu'emt,
Mmelimes with and sometimes without the
irtide ri; A. usually ij 'Aiuviris, sometimes
'*W-- ^nmanitis). A. woman of Ammonite
race. Snch were Naamah, the mother of Re-
hoboam, one of Solomon's foreign wives (1 K.
liv. 21, 31 ; 2 Ch. xii. 13^ and Shimeath, whose
son Zabad or Jozachar was one of the mur-
derers of king Joash (2 Ch. xiiv. 26). For
ailasions to these mixed marriages see 1 K. xi. 1
«>i Neb. xiiL 25. Where in the Hebrew the
vord hss the definite article, it should be
rendered "the Ammonitcss." [W. A. W.] [F.]
AMTION (jiJDK, Get.=faitAful, once ^VDK.
either a diminntire formation used contemptu-
««!ly [Wright, Arab. Or. i. § 269] or an error
[Wellhansen, i. I.'] ; 'A/u^£x; Amnon). 1. Eldest
»n of David by Ahinoam, the Jezreelitess, bom
in Hebrott while his father's royalty was only
Jckoowledged in Judah (2 Sam. iii. 2). He dis-
ionoared his half-sister Tamar, and was in con-
sequence murdered bv her brother (2 Sam. xiii.
1-39; 1 Ch. iii. 1). [ABMlOll.] [S. R. D.]
a Son of Shimon (1 Ch. ir. 20).
[G. E. L. C]
A'HOK (pIDD, deep; Amoc). A priest,
whose &niily returned with Zerubbabel, and
•ere represented by Eber in the days of
J'iakim (Neh. xii. 7 [A. ««•• -« ■•' 'AftoiK],
20 [««•••=• "»'A/io«a3e'8. B. omits almost the
whole of rr. 3-7, 14-21 ; AN* omit m. 14-21]).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
AMOTfUM. In the descriptive list of the
merchandise of Babylon (Rev. xviii. 13) the
tut shoald read «al Kirrdfuifuni «al i/ioiioi'.
L V. omiU the latter words ; R. V. translates
them "and spice." Lee {Speaker's Commentary
'•loco) describes ii as "a zingiberaceons plant,
^ith aromatic seeds, much employed under the
'^'e of cardamoms, grains of Paradise, tic,
»»! fonnd only in the hot parts of India and
^^nx." From the amomum the Romans pre-
I«r«l in oil or balsam for funeral rites (Pcrs. iii.
I«; Ovid. Pont. i. 9, 51), and unguenU for the
kar (Ovid. Her. xxi. 166; Mart. vlli. 28;
l-noiL x. 164 ff.). Abbot (Z). B. Amer. ed.)
•feis that modem botanists have found it
' Compare the Mubri^uet of " Le Balafre."
AMON
115
didiciilt to identify the plant with any known
species. [f.]
A'MON (;to^; 'Aau<Jv), the name of an
Egyptian god, the chief object of worship at
Thebes. It occurs as the second element in the
name of Thebes, in Heb. No-Amon ([iDK M,
Nah. iii. 8) ; in hieroglyphics, Nu-Amon, " the
city of Amon;" also called No, K3, "the city,"
hierog. Nu and Nu-aS, "the great city." If
with Brugsch (Diet. Gebgr. s. v.) we read Ni,
the equivalent to No may be the distinctive
name Ni-aS. The Assyrian form is Ni. Nu,
however, seems the preferable transliteration of
the Egyptian.
Amon is probably mentioned in Jer. xlvi. 25,
where we should rather render Kjp }iD^,
" Amon of No," as in the LXX. and the Coptic
Version, than " the multitude of No " (Vulg.
tumultum Alexandriae) : note the parallelism
of " Amon " with " their gods," and " Pharaoh "
with " their kings." In the parallel passage in
Ezek. XXX. 15, "the multitude of No," flV!J, the
equivalent of jiO^ as a Heb. word, is used
(Vulg. multittuHnem Alexandriae). It does not
appear venturesome to read the Egyptian name
as Hamon here also. Comp. also rw. 4, 10,
for the use of the latter word with reference to
Egypt. The destruction of the false gods of
Noph (Memphis, not Napata; NOPB) in v. 13
seems to support this parallel in the case of the
other great city. Thus the two forms Amon
and Hamon are no more unlikely than the Latin
Ammon and Hammon. If this explanation be
rejected, there is certainly a play on the name
•*™<»»- [R. S. P.]
Amon in Egyptian means "hidden," as in
Ament, « the hidden land," Hades. The worship
of Amon was not of very ancient origin in
^KTP*- His name does not occur in the Book
of the Dead, and Maspero has but once fonnd it,
as part of a proper name, in the inscriptions of
the first six dynasties (Hiit. anc. des Peuples de
rOrient,* p. 97).
Amon was at first the local god of Thebes,
and his worship appears with the 11th and 12th
dynasties, which
founded the great
temple of Amon.
Afterwards, in the
New Empire, when
Thebes biecame the
capital of Egypt, it
spread over other
parts of the land,
and the god him-
self took a rank
in the Egyptian
Pantheon which he
had never before
held. If we con-
sider all his attri-
butes, we find that
they are very much
the same as those
of the other gods,
and that some of
the hymns which
are dedicated to
him sum up all the characters which constitute
the Egyptian deity. The distinctive features of
I 2
The goA Amon. (Wilkinion.)
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116
AMON
the Egyptian gods, their rank in the Pantheon,
their pedigree, their history are generally not
well marked, and have been very much exag-
gerated by the fact of their names being trans-
lated in Greek, and reasoned on by the late Neo-
Platonists, who laboured hard to philosophise
Egyptian mythology. It would convey a very
wrong idea of the nature of Amon to consider
him as the equivalent of the Greek Zens.
In the time of the 18th, Idth, and 20th
dynasties, when the imperial power of Thebes
had raised the worship of Amon to its highest
importance, we generally lind him called Amon
Ra, " AmoD the sun," showing his identi-
fication with the solar god ; and having the
attribute of mten ncteru, king of the gods, out
of which the Greeks have made the word 'Aftoy-
pcurayBiip. His special character, as far as it is
possible to determine it, is indicated by this
sentence, Amon lia Ka mvt-f, " Amon Ka, the
bull or the husband of his mother ; " the never-
ceasing generative power, the hidden action of
nature which manifests itself through its two
principal agents, the sun and the water. This
idea may probably be traced in most of the texts
relating to Amon. It has been developed in
a rich and poetical style in a hymn contained in
a papyrusof theUoolakMuseumofTheban origin,
which has been tronslated by Gr^baut {Hytime a
Amman Sa, Paris, 1874), and in the inscrip-
tions which cover the temple of the Great
Oasis, and which belong to the time of Darius I.
(Brugsch, Reiae nach der Case ron £1 Khaargehy.
These two remarkable compositions, which
both bear a marked pantheistic character, are
not to be considered as giving the distinctive
features of Amon. They arc interesting as
showing how an Egyptian priest conceived his
god, bow he pictured his god to himself. Here
his god was Amon ; but if we take the hymn
to Osiris translated by Chabas, or even Enna's
hymn to the Nile, or any of the numerous prayers
which are addressed to Ra Harmachis, we find in
them most of the same attributes, which must
be considered as belonging to the deity in
general, but not to any particular god.
The history of the worship of Amon is in-
timately connected with that of the Theban
power. As the god of their capital, he was to
the conquering kings of TheUs, and particularly
to Kamses II., what Assur was to the Assyrians.
An interesting episode, where Amon assumes a
more personal character, is related by the poem
of Pentaur ; it is the intervention of the god in
the battle against the Chetas (Hittites), when
Kamses, surrounded by their chariots, calls on
him for help. Anion hears and comes to his
rescue ; the king hears his voice behind him,
which promises him victory
The dignity of high-priest of Amon must hare
been very high. We know the names of a
great number of those officials who seem to have
ranked next to the king. At the time of the
20th dynasty they were the great constructors
who enlarged the temple of Amon, now called
Kamak. They encroached more and more on
the power of the Ramesside kings ; and at last
put them aside and founded the 21st dynasty
(Naville, Imcr. de Pinot€m HI.). They were
superseded and expelled to Ethiopia by the
Bubastite house of Shishak, who, though very
likely of Libyan origin, still adhered to the
AMO\
worship of Amon at Thebes, and enlarged the
sanctuary of the god. When the exiles foundei a
kingdom at Napata (Gebel Barkal), this ciiy «i
the seat of the Theban worship. When, a little
before the fall of Samaria, the Ethiopian kin;
Pianchi reconquered Egypt, an intensely Theban
worship was the result; and the succeedii;
Ethiopians, who fill so large a space in the riev
of the Prophets, maintained their devotion lo
Amon. His position was not lost in the linal
decline of Thebes. His worship had alresdy
spread to the Oases, to find its way gradnslly to
the Cvrenaica and to Greece. His nuk in
Egypt led the Greeks to identify him vith 2<u9 :
thus he is called Zeus Ammon, the Latin Jupiter
Ammon.
The Theban triad was composed of ^mm, Jfaf.
and Khonsu, this last one being decidedir a
lunar god ; while here Mut may be considered
as being a representative of the sky. Mat m\
Khonsu had both their special temples at Thebei
in the vicinity of the sanctuary of Amon.
Amon is generally represented in honuu \
form, standing or sitting, painted blue, and weir-
ing a cap surmounted by tall plumes. We »i« i
see him in the shape of Khem, the genentiir
power ; or ram-headed, as he was in the Oasis of
Ammon, or even under the form of a ram wear-
ing a solar disk. This explains why Mveial
temples of Amon, at Thebes and in Nubia, art
preceded by long avenues lined on each aide by
criosphinxes, of which at Kamak there Dost
have been hundreds.
To the Hebrew Prophets, Amon seemed em-
phatically the national god of Egyptian and
Ethiopian alike. Hence probably the fact tb:
he alone is mentioned by name in their writing
except perhaps the bull Apis (Jer. ilvi US j
LXX.; Lagarde). [Hapu.] [E.S.J
A'MON (I^DK : B. 'A;i«ii, A. "AM^'io Kinp;
T.' 'Kii^y, B. ^'Kyiv^y, B'^A""'" 'kfAi '»
1 Ch.; BA. "AMiii in 2 Ch. and Jer.; AB.""
'A/tcit, M. 'Anfti/y in Zeph. ; 'A/ubs in Matt ;
Joseph. 'A/u«rot : Amon). 1. King of Judaii.
son and successor of Manasseh. The naof
would naturally mean arc/iitect, but perhaps it
is Egyptian, and connected with the Theban
god ; possibly it may have been given by Man-
asseh to his son in an idolatrous spirit. Fold-
ing his father's example, Amun devoted himself
wholly to the service of false gods, bot wa*
killed in a conspiracy after a reign of two
years. Probably by insolence or tyranny bi-
had alienated his own servants, and fell a victim
to their hostility, for the people avenged him
by putting all the conspirators to death, and
secured the succession to his son Josiah. Ti
Amon's reign we must refer the terrible picture
which the prophet Zephaniah gives of the mors'
and religious state of Jerusalem : idolatry sup-
ported by priests and prophets (i. 4, iii. 4), li"
poor ruthlessly oppressed (iii. 3), and shameleu
indifference to evil (iii. 11). According ti>
Usher, the date of his accession is B.C. 643, an!
of his death, B.a 641 (2 K. xxi. 19 ; 2 Ch. iiiiij-
20) ; according to Kamphausen, 640 and ti^^-
The name occurs in 2 K. xxi. 18-25 ; 1 Ch. iii-
14; 2 Ch. xxxiii. 20-25; Jer. i. 2, xxv. 3;
Zeph. i. 1 ; Uatt. i. 10.
2. (ibK, I^DK;B.S.M<p[Kings],'Mp[C>'l-
A. 'Anitir [Kings], Stju^^p C^h.]: -^'"^)
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AJIOBITE
Prince or ^manoT of Samaria in the reisn of
Abtb (I K. iiii. 26; 2 Ch. xviii. 25). What
vis the precise oatore of his office is not known.
Vtihtf the prophet Uieaiah iras entrusted to
his ore as captain of the citadel. The LXX.
B. Iits rir Bairi\4a (A. ipxarra) T^t niKtut
m 1 K., bat BA. ifxorra in 2 Ch. Josephns
{A»t. riil. 15, § 4) calls him 'Ax'lfun'.
3. See Ami. [G. E. L. C] L^O
AMOBITE, THE AM'ORITES ('Ib^.
''pijil [always in the singular], accurately
'■Uie£morite" — the dwellers on the summits
— uKnintaineen ; ^kftofficuot ; Amorrhaci), one
'1 tbe chief nations who possessed the land of
Cuun before its conquest by the Israelites.
Id the genealogical table of Gen. x. " the
Amorite " is given ns the fourth son of Canaan,
nith ■' Ziion, Heth [Hittite], the Jebuaite," &c.
The interpretation of the name as " monntain-
rtn" or " highlanders "— due to Simonis (see
hU Oiio)iKK<i(X>n), though commonlv ascribed to
Kmid — is qaite in accordance with the notices
of the teit, which, except in a few instances,
fftak of tlie Amorites as dwelling on the ele-
cted portions of the country. In this respect
thej are contrasted with the Canaanites, who
ven the dwellers in the lowlands ; and the two
ihos formed tbe main broad divisions of the
Holy Land. "The Hittite, and the Jebnsite,
int the Amorite dwell in the mountain [of
.Igdsh and Ephraim], and the Canaanite dwells
'T the HI [the lowlands of Philistia and Sharon]
i'i by the ' side ' of Jordan " [in the valley of
the Arabah], — was tbe report of the first Israel-
ites who entered the country (Num. liii. 29 ;
^ndiee Josh. v. I, x. 6, xi. 3; Deut. i. 6, 20:
"Uonstain of the A." 44). This we shall find
iorne ont by other notices. In the very earliest
times (Gen. xir. ly they are occupying the
barren heights west of the Dead Sea, at the
place which afterwards bore the name of £n-
2«<li; hills in whose fastnesses, the "rocks of
the wild goats," Darid afterwards took refuge
I'rom the pursuit of Saul (1 Sam. xxiii. 29,
rnr. 2). [Hazezon-Tamar.] From this point
they stretched west to Hebron, where Abram
•tis then dwelling under the " onk-grove " of
the three brothers, Acer, Kshcol, and Mamre
(<ViL liv. 13 ; comp. xiii. 18). At this period
they would appear to have formed part of the
yaX Hittite kingdom, or confederation; it is
Tool a Hittite that Abraham buys the cave of
Machpelah (Gen. xxiii. 8, 9), and tbe obsequious-
ness iown by the Patriarch to the " children of
Hnh " indicates that they and not the Amorites
'ei» the ruling people. This may perhaps also
le inferred from the lists of the early inha-
'itaata in which the Amorites are usually
uationed as secondary in importance to the
Hittites. The campaigns of Sethi I. and Ra-
i^MM II. against the Hittites, which occurred
lurigg the interval between the settlement of
Jwob in Egypt and the Exodus, would seem,
knvever, to have weakened their power and to
^Te been favonrable to the growth of inde-
J'^tint kingdoms in Southern Palestine. At
'hia later period the dominant people appear
t'l hate been the Amorites, who had established
i^iii^omii in the Jebnsite town of Jerusalem,
ipl at Hebron, Jarrouth, Lachish, and Eglon ;
ihey had also crossed the valley of the Jordan,
AMOHITE
117
tempted by the high table-lands on the east,
and founded the larger kingdoms over which
Sihon and Og then ruled. Sihon had taken
the rich pasture-land south of the Jabbok, and
had driven the Moabites, its former possessors,
across the wide chasm of the Arnon (Num. xxi.
13, 26), which thenceforward formed the bound-
ary between the two hostile peoples (Nnm. xxi.
13). [Sihon.] The Israelites apparently ap-
proached from the south-east, keeping " on the
other side " (that is on the east) of the upper part
of the Amon, which there bends southwards, so
as to form the eastern boundary of the country
of Moab. Their request to pass through his land
to the fords of Jordan was refused by Sihon
(Nam. xxi. 21 ; Deut. ii. 26) ; he " went out "
against them (xxi. 23 ; ii. 32), was killed with his
sons and his people (ii. 33), and his land, cattle,
and cities were taken possession of by Israel
(xxi. 24, 25, 31 ; ii. 34, 35). Josephns {Ant. iv.
5, § 2) odds some singular details to the Bible
narrative of this event, and sums up the charac-
ter of the Amorites as " neither wise in council
nor sagacious in war." This rich tract, bounded
by the Jabbok on the north, the Amon on the
south, Jordan on the west, and " the wilder-
ness" on the east (Judg. xi. 21, 22) — in the
words of Josephns " a land lying between three
rivers after the manner of an island " (Ant. iv.
5, § 2) — was perhaps, in the most special sense,
the "land of the Amorites" (Num. xxi. 31;
Josh. xii. 2, 3, xiii. 9; Judg. xi. 21, 22); but
their possessions are distinctly stated to have
extended to the very feet of Hermon (Deut. iii.
8, iv. 48X embracing "all Gilead and all
Bashan " (iii. 10), with the Jordan valley on
the east of the river (iv. 49), and funning to-
gether the land of the " two kings of the Amor-
ites," Sihon and Og (Deut. xxxi. 4 ; Josh. ii. 10,
ix. 10, xxiv. 12*). In the reign of Sethi I. the
Amorites appear to have had settlements north
of Herman, for Kadesh on the Orontes is said to
have formed i>art of the land of the Amorites
although it was under the jurisdiction of the
Kbits (Hittites). Later, in the reign of Kameses
III., the Egyptians defeated a combined force of
European maritime people, in the land of Taha,
a part of Palestine, apparently the south, in
which was comprised Amaur or the Amorites
{Birch, Egypt from the Earliest Ttmea, 116, 141).
After the passage of the Jordan we again meet
with Amorites disputing with Joshua the con-
quest of the west country. But although the
n.tme generally denotes the mountain-tribes of
the centre of the country, yet this definition is
not always strictly maintained, varying probably
with the author of the particular part of the
history, and the time at which it was written.
Nor ought we to expect that the Israelites could
have possessed very accurate knowledge of a set
of small tribes whom they were called upon to
exterminate — with whom they were forbidden
to hold any intercourse — and, moreover, of
whose general similarity to each other we have
one proof in the confusion in question.
Some of these differences are as follows: —
Hebron is " Amorite " in Gen. xiii. 18 (ep. xiv.
13), though "Hittite" in xxiii. and "Canaanite"
• Bat here the LXX. reads tMttta, not jvo ; and the
context shows that Wat Faleetine is probably referred
to (see DlUmann, and QPB.> in loco). [S. R. D.]
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118
AMORITE
AHOS
in Judg. i. 10. The "Hivites" of Gen. xiiiv. 2
are " Amorites " in xlviii. 22 ; and so alao in
lUp of the Oonntry of the Eeitern Amorites.
Josh. ix. 7, xi. 19, as compared with 2 Sam. xxi.
2. Jerusalem is " Amorite " in Josh. x. 5,' G ;
but in -w. 6.3, xviii. 28, Judg. i. 21, lix. 11,
2 Sam. V. 6, &c., it is "Jebusite." The
" Canaaiiites " of Num. xiv. 45 (comp. Judg. i.
17) are "Amorites" in Deut. i. 44. Jarmuth,
Lachish, and Eglou were in the low country of
the Shefclah (Josh. xv. 35, 39), but in Josh. i. 5,
ti, they are " Amorites (hat dwell in the moun-
tains ; " and it would appear as if tlie " Amor-
ites" who forced the l)anites into the moun-
tain (Judg. i. 34, 35) must have themselves
remained on the plain."
It appears plain that " Amorite " was a
descriptive title, and not the name of a dis-
tinct tribe. Tliis is confirmed by the follow-
ing facts : — (1) The wide area over which the
name was spread. (2) The want of connexion
between those on the east and those on the west
of Jordan — which is only once hinted at (Josh,
ii. 10). (3) The existence of kings like Sihon
and Og, whose territories were separate and
independent, who are yet called " the two kings
of the Amorites," a state of things quite at
t> The TiXX. lus here ritv 'Ufiovtraiuy.
• The clue to most. If not all, of these differences Is,
that In ptrttcaUr nriters (esp. the Heiucachal source E,
Deul., Amos Ii. 9, 10, 3 Sam. xxi. 2) Amorite is the
general name of the primitive population of Canaan
(cp. Wellbauseo, Camp. d. HtxtU. p. 341 sq. [1889];
nillmann on Gen. x. 16, Dent. I. 7, and p. 617 sq. ;
Dclitzach on Ocn. xlviii. 22). [.S. R. D.]
variance with the habits of Semitic tribes. (4)
Beyond the three confederates of Abram, sal
these two kings, no individual Amorites appar
in the history (unless Araunah or Ormu the
Jebusite be one). (5) There are no traces ol
any peculiar government, worship, or cuitomt,
different from those of the other "utiom ci
Canaan."
One word of the " Amorite " langnsge bu
survived — the name Senir (R. V., not "Shenir"
A. V.) for Mount Herman (Deut. iiL 9) ; but
may not this be the Canaanite name ss opp««l
to the Phoenician (Sirion) on the one side, oA
the Hebrew on the other ?
All mountaineers are warlike ; and, from the
three confederate brothers who at a monrat's
notice accompanied " Abram the Hebrew " ia bii
pursuit of the five kings, down to those who,
not depressed by the slaughter inflicted by
Joshua and the terror of the name of Isntl,
persisted in driving-the children of Daa into the
mountain, the Amorites fully maintained thii
character.
After the conquest of Canaan nothing is bcud
in the Bible of the Amoritea, except the oco-
sional mention of their name in the usosl fn-
mula for designating the early inhabitants of th;
country. [G.] [W.]
AMOS (Dtor, i.«. apparently the bearer of i
burden [^$<urrdiuy, Jerome, Pnf. to Jot(]-
'Afiiis ; Amos), a Prophet whose short bat impot-
tant Book stands third in the collection kootra
by us as the "Minor Prophets," bntbytheJe»i
called " the Twelve " (cp. Ecclus. xlii. 10).
I. Circunatancea of the life and age of iiKs-
— From the title to his Book (i. 1), we leini thit
he was " among the herdmen from Tekoa,"i.<.,«s
it would seem, one of a settlement of herdmeo vh"
had their home at Tekoa (cf. Jer. i. 1), sad *'>"'
as the word used implies, reared a special brwl
of shee)i, of small and stunted growth, but priied
on account of their wool. From vii. 14 **
learn further that he had under his charge heidi
of larger cattle as well; and that he »»>
employed besides in the cultivation of sycamm
trees. The attention which the cultivation "i
this tree demanded, and the artificial means by
which its fruit was rendered edible, are eipUiorl
under the article Sycamore. The Tekoa nan-
tioned has been commonly supposed to be lb*
well-known |>lnee of that name about nine mii"
south of Jerusalem ; and Amos has been re;aide<i
accordingly as a Judaean, who received a spetii-
commission to deliver his prophetic niesage i ■
the northern kingdom. Kimchi, however, ooDJec-
tured Tekoa to be a town in the tribe of Asher;
and recently internal grounds have been alleccJ
to show that the northern kingdom must have
been his home, and that the Tekoa in question i>
at lea.st not the Tekoa in Judah (Gratz, Gexh. dcr
Juden, ii. 1, 82; Oort, in the Theol. Tijdxhr'A
1880, pp. 123-7). Much weight will not indetJ
be attached to the argument drawn from hi-
familiarity with the life and scenery of Israrl
(which he might have acquired from penonsl
obsen-ation or by report, withoDt being actuilly
a native) ; but that derived from his uccupatiin
as sycamore-cultivator deserves greater atten-
tion. Sycamores, travellers are agreed (ci.
Tristram, Nat. Hist, of Bible, p. 398X are highly
susceptible of cold; and in Palestine "grof
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AMOS
onJf in tne mild climate of the maritime plain
ffid the hot Jordan valley." I< it probable,
therefore, it is aalced, that they could bare been
csltirated on the bare and elerated plateaa on
which Tekoa stands ? Jerome, who must hare
koovn the district, describes it as wild and
bama, and expressly mentions that no sycamores
were to be found there ; conjecturing indeed on
thii account that the word used by the prophet
dtnoted rather "brambles" {Pref. loAmos, and on
fii. 15). The difficulty is a real one ; for as the
temperature here ia due to elevation [Palestine,
Clioiate], a change of climate can hardly be
asamed to hare taken place since the days of
-Imos. On the whole, inasmuch as only one
Tekoa is known, it seems safest, pending further
mrestigation, to suppose that Amos, being a
satire of it, cairied on the cultivation of syca-
mores at some spot in the neighbourhood suited
t» their growth — or even in the lower part of
the Jordan valley itself. But, however this may
lie, ve must tliink of Amoa as busied with his
rural tasks when he became conscious of the
iiigher vocation reserved for him : " And Jehovah
took me from following the sheep, and said unto
me. Go, propheay to My people Israel " (vii. 15).
In co&nedon with the nature of prophecy, it ia
important to notice that Amos disclaims (v. 14)
txiag a Prophet by profession or education : he
a DO member of a prophetic guild ; his inspira-
tion is independent of any artificial training.
The date cannot be fixed with precision: for
*" the earthquake in the days of king Uzziah,"
though a sulHcient clue at the time when the
title was affixed, and though it lived for long in
the memory of the people (Zech. liv. 5), is not
mentioned in the Historical Books, and cannot
U assigned to any particular year of Uzziah's
reign. Internal evidence, however (vii. 10 f.),
agrees folly with the general limits specified in
the title, pointing pretty conclusively to the
latter part of the reign of Jeroboam 11.; i.e.
according to the chronology as corrected by
Assyrian data, c. 760-50 B.C. The reign of
Jeroboam U., though passed by briefiy in the
Historical Books (2 K. xiv. 23-29), was the cul-
minating point in the history of the northern
kingdom. A long series of successes abroad
aecwed prosperity at home, and the Book of
Amos shows us the nation reposing in opulence
and ease (e.g. vi. 1-5): the ritual of the calf-
worship at Beth-el, Gilgal and elsewhere (cp.,
a little later, Hos, iv. 15 ; x. 1, 5) was splendidly
and punctiliously maintained (Amos iv. 4 f. ;
v. 21-23 ; vii. 13 ; viii. 14) : general satisfaction
reigned: the proud citizen of Ephraim conld
?ay, "Have we not taken to us horns by our
own strength ? " (vi, 13.) Such was the condi-
tion asd temper of the people, when Amos was
sammoned to appear as a stranger amid the
throng assembled at the great national sanctuary
of Beth-el (vii. 10-17), and to interrupt the
rejoicings with his unwelcome words.
11. Contents and character of the Booh of
Amoi. — The Book falls naturally into three
{arts, each dominated by the same fundamental
tkoeghts, and the whole pervaded by a unity of
pha which leaves no reasonable doubt that the
wnngement is the author's own. We may sup-
fm that, having first delivered bis discourses
snllv, after his ejection from Beth-el he arranged
them at leisure in a literary form. Thtfint part.
AMOS
119
eh. i. ii., is introductory. After the fine exor-
dium (i. 2), so graphically descriptive of
Jehovah's power, he proceeds to take a survey
of the principal nations bordering on Israel, with
the object of showing that as none of these will
escape retribution for having broken the common
and universally recognised dictates of morality,
so Israel, for similar or greater sins (ii. C-9),
aggravated indeed in iu case by ingratitude
(vv. 9-12), will not be exempt from the same
law of righteous government : a disaster, darkly
hinted at (re. 13-16), will undo all the conquests
achieved by Jeroboam II. t The enumeration of
countries is evidently meant to lead up to Israel :
the mention of Judah may seem unneeded, but
the Israelite would listen with some satisfaction
to the prospect of Judah's humiliation (cp. what
had happened under Jeroboam's father, 2 K. xiv.
8-14) ; and by the " law of Jehovah," the
Prophet doubtless means primarily those moral
precepts the neglect of which, not unconnected
with superstition or idolatry (" lies "), so deeply
stirred Hosea (iv. If.; vi. 6, compared with viii.
1, 12). The tecond part (iii.-vi.) consists of
three discourses, each introduced by the emphatic
Hear ye this word (iii. 1 ; iv. 1 ; v. 1). Here the
indictment and sentence of ii. 6-16 are further
justified and expanded. Amos starts by disillu-
sioning the Israelites. The latter argued that
the fact of Jehovah's having chosen the nation
was a guarantee of its safety ; he replies : Yon
mistake the conditions of His choice ; for that
very reason He will punish you for your iniqui-
ties (iii. 2). Nor, he continues, does the Prophet
say this without a real power constraining him ;
for does any effect iu nature take place without
its due and adequate cause (cr. 3-8) ? Call the
heathen themselves to witness whether justice
rules in Samaria 1 (c. 9 f.) The toils will, ere
long, have closed around the land (rv. 11-15).
Ch. iv. begins by denouncing the cruelty and
frivolity of the women (tw. 1-3) ; the Prophet
next asks the Israelites ironically whether their
punctiliously performed ritual will save them
(v. 4 {.) : the fivefold warning has passed unheeded
(vv. 6-11) ; prepare thyself, then, for judgment !
(V. 12.) Ch. v.-vi. is a longer discourse, with two
clearly marked subdivisions at r. 18 and vi. 1,
each beginning Woe. Here the grounds of the
judgment are repeated with greater emphasis : the
infatuation of the people is exposed in desiring
the " Day of Jehovah," as though that could be
anything but an interposition in their favour;
a ritual unaccompanied by any sense of moral
obligation is indignantly rejected (v. 21-24);
the nature of the coming disaster is described
more distinctly (exile, v. 27), and the enemy
indicated, though not named (the Assyrians,
spoken of more familiarly in Hosea, and destined
soon to exercise an important influence on the
fortunes of both Israel and Judah), who should
"afilict" Israel over the entire limits of that
territory, which Jeroboam had not long before
recovered (vi. 14 ; see 2 K. xiv. 25). The third
part (vii.-ix.) consists of a series of visions, with
an historical interlude (vii. 10-17) and an epi-
logue (ix. 7-15). The visions, which are simple
and unartificial in structure, reinforce, under an
effective symbolism, the lesson which Amos
found so hard to impress (ix. 10): in the first
two (vii. 1-6), the threatened judgment is
interrupted at the Prophet's intercession ; the
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120
AMOS
third, which spoke without any concealment or
ambiguity (vii. 7-9), aroused the alarm and
opposition of Amaziah, the priest of the golden
calf at Beth-el, and is the occasion of the
historical notice, vii. 10-17. The fourth vision
is the text of a fresh and more detailed denun-
ciation of judgment (ch. viii.) : the fifth depicts
the desolation falling upon the people as they
arc assembled for worship in their own Temple,
and emphasizes the hopelessness of every effort
to escape (ix. 1-6). With ix. 7 the transition
to a brighter prospect begins : Israel, indeed, if
it sins, will be dealt with as any other nation ;
but it is only the sinners who will be thus
treated (ev. 7-10) ; and so the Prophet concludes
with a promise that the house of David (which
had probably not yet fully recovered from the
blow inflicted on it by Jehoash, 2 K. xir. 13 f.)
will be restored to its former splendour and
]>ower (o. 12 ; see 2 Sam. viii. 14; Ps. xviii. 43),
and the blessings of unity and prosperity shared
by the entire nation (13-15). From this analy-
sis, the unity of plan before spoken of will be
manifest : the main theme, gradually introduced
in the opening section of the Book, is developed
with increasing distinctness in the portions
which follow, till it gives place to the Messianic
outlook at the close. Amos, by his allusions to
contemporary life, gives us many a glimpse into
the social condition and religious life of the
northern kingdom under Jeroboam 11. : the pic-
ture drawn by him is not indeed so dark as that
which presented itself to Hosea (ch. iv.-xiv.) a
few years later, when the dynasty of Jehu had
fallen, and the spirit of anarchy and discord
reigned uncontrolled ; nevertheless the amend-
ment, which was still viewed by him (v. 14 f.)
as a possibility, never came; and a generation
had hardly passed away, when his forebodings of
invasion, disaster, and exile (ii. 13-16 ; iii. 1 1-1.^> ;
iv. 12 ; V. 2 f., 16 f. ; v. 27 ; vi. 14 ; vii. 9, 17 ;
viii. 2 f. ; ix. 1-4), were amply realised by
Tiglath-pileser, Shalmaneser, and Sargon (2 K,
XV. 29 ; ivii. 3 ff.). Judah is alluded to but
incidentally (ii. 4 f. ; iii. 1, " the tcAofe family ;"
vi. 1, and ix. 11).
The place of Amos in Hebrew literature can
only be properly estimated by an independent
study of his Book, and comparison of it with
other parts of the 0. T. We confine ourselves
to a few p.articulars, referring for a fuller treat-
ment to the works quoted below. 1. As the
earliest of the Prophets whose writings are
extant and of undisputed date, it is worth
noticing that his Book imiJies the existence of a
recognised phraseology, and of familiar ideas to
which he could appeal. The prophetic style,
which in his hands appears already fully matured,
had doubtless been formed gradually : among the
Prophets to whom he alludes (ii. 11; iii. 7)
may well have been some who were his literary
predecessors. Whether his language presup-
poses an acquaintance with the Pentateuch,
and, if so, to which of its component parts, is
disputed. The allusions which are most dis-
tinct appear to be to the injunctions contained
in the code Ex. xxi.-xxiii. (cp. ii. 8, v. 12,
with Ex. xxii. 26 f., xxiii. 6) : other phrases that
have been cited are met with elsewhere, so that
their occurrence in Amos is not a demonstration
th.it he borrowed them from the Pentateuuh.
Passages such as ii. 9, 10; iii. 2; iv. 11;
AMOS
ix. 15; and iv. 46, 5a; v. 126, 21, 22; viii. .%
show that he was familiar with erents aid
usages, related, or codified, in the Pentateuch:
it may be doubted whether, taken by themsclrw,
they are a sufficient proof that he was acquaintcil
with the written Pentateuch, as we know it.
Too much must not, however, be built ujxia
this admission : for the whole prophecy iiayYin
the existence of a body of establisheil ideas ainl
institutions, to the true meaning and import of
which he recalls the people. Amos both recog-
nises an authoritative Divine teaching (ii. 4;
iii. 7), and appeals to a tradition reaching back
to a remote past (cp. Smend's article, dttd
below). 2. As regards the influence of Amos
upon his successors, his younger contcmpomy
Hosea borrows from him (e.g. iv. 15 frern
Amos V. 5 [Heb.]; viii. 146 from ii. 5; L 4,
X. 8, cp. Amos vii. 9). Isaiah, in tone and style,
often recalls Amna(e.g. xiix. 21, cp. Amosr. 10;
ixx. 10, cp. ii. 12; xxxi. 2, cp. vii. 9; xxxii. 11,
cp. iv. 1, vi. 1) ; and his most characteriitic
doctrine may be considered as foreshadowed
in Amos v. 15 : cp. also Is. i. 25-28 vitli
Amos ix. 8-10 (the purification of the nation
by elimination of its guilty members). Tlu
example set by Amos (ch. i.) of noticing the
fortunes and deserts of the nations boiderin;
upon Palestine, especially in their bearing upoi
Israel, was also at'terwaixls followed by Isaiali,
Jeremiah, Ezekiel. Whether in his use of the
term " Day of Jehovah " (v. 18, 20) Amoi had
been preceded by Joel (ii. 2 if.), or not, nut
depend upon the date to which that Prophet is
assigned ; but in any case, he totally reversed
the popular application of the idea, and shoved
what it really implied (see W. R. Smith, Profbtif
of Israel, pp. 131, 397). 3. The special charac-
teristics of Amos appear most distinctly when
he is compared with Hosea. While both Prophet*
naturally share the same fundamental heliels,
their temper and attitude of mind are rer;
difierent. Hosea is the man of deep and sus-
ceptible religious emotion: Amos bums with
zeal on behalf of the moral law. The standard
by which he primarily judges Israel is thus the
common morality recognised as binding alike b;
it and other nations. Jehovah, it has been
remarked, is never termed by him the "God of
Israel ; " he is God of the whole earth, of other
nations not less than of Israel (ch. i. ; ii. 'tX
and will only be Israel's God in so far as thai
same morality is practised in their Imd^1.
Jehovah had been pleased to enter into a per-
sonal relation with Israel : this fact, to which
the common people pointed as their security
(v. 14 end), in the eyes of Amos only aggravates-
their guilt (iii. 2). " Wrong is wrong ever)*
where, even against Israel's bitterest foe " (ii. l)i
it is the first charge which he brings against
Israel itself (ii. 6-8) ; and his indignation against
it, in whatever fonn, is vehemently expressed
(cp. e.g. the outburst in viii. 4-8, against
deceit in commercial dealings; notice also the
oath t;. 7, iv. 2, vi. 8). The observances of re-
ligion are no substitute for honesty, and will not
be accepted by Jehovah in lieu of righteousness-
of heart (v. 21-24).
In vi. 66 ; ix. 10, we see the first traces of that
opposition to popular opinion, especially when
strengthened and directed by the leaders of the
nation, which in Isaiah and Jeremiah assnmed
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AMOS
a reil political importance. Amos only alludes
to the Assjritus darkly ; but it is plain that he
Ktlisei the crisli which their actiritT would
iinasioii, long before his coustr^'inen saw that
tii«re was aay cause for alarm ; and that by the
ittitsile which he assumed in face of them, he
prtpared the way for Isaiah, who saw yet more
distinctly, in the advance of the Assyrians, a
msifestation of Jehovah's justice.
111. The style of Amos. — " Imperitus sermone,
ltd Qos scientia," wrote Jerome (Pre/, to Amoa),
irgmng a priori (m the context suggests) from
tiK Prophet's antecedents; and hence it has
ifa sometime* the custom to speak of the
ludomed " rusticity " of his style, and to
Kirch for eiamples of homely imagery drawn
Ir him from the objects of country life. Recent
critics hare protested with justice against such
ccDcltuions ; and, indeed, a much sounder judg*
meat was expressed long ago by Bishop Lowth
(Led xiL), who rightly contended that the style
of Amos possesses great literary merit, and
only em when he describes it in terms which,
tsken strictly, would place it on an equality
Kith thtt of Isaiah. His language — with three
"T four exceptions, possibly due to copyists —
U pure, his syntax idiomatic, his sentences
tmwtbly constructed and clear. His literary
p>ta is shown in the regularity of structure
icfaich often characterises his periods, as i. 3-ii. 6,
iv. 6-11 (the fivefold refrain), and the visions
(rii. 1, 4, 7, viii. 1) ; in the fine climax, iii. 3-8 ;
IS the balanced clauses, the well-chosen images,
t!w effective contrasts, in such passages as iii. 15,
r. 2, T. 21-24, Ti. 11, viii. 10, ix. 2-4 ; as well
u in the ease with which he evidently writes,
ud the skill with which his theme (as shown
^bare) is unfolded and developed. If in Amos,
V compared with other Prophets, images de-
rived from rural life somewhat preponderate,
tkey are tlways applied by him worthily (e.g.
i. 2 ; iiL 4, 8 ; r. 8 [a shepherd's observation],
16, 17, 19 ; ii. 9X and never strike the reader
:-s occurring too frequently or as out of place.
At other times his language is particularly fine
C. 24, riii. 8, ix. 5 f.). It is plain that Amos was
Ko nscaltnred Sninit. His intelligence, of
csnne, was of the Eastern type. He was a jnan
utorally shrewd and observant : alike in his
-tmn of foreign nations (comp. also ri. 2, viii. 8,
ii. 7), and in his allusions to Israelitisb life and
oaatn, he leveals a width of knowledge and
rndsion of detail which are remarkable (comp.
^m-.th, p. 127 f.).
Tie Hassoretic text of Amos appears, with
^it few exceptions, to be free from corruption.
"^t best edition of it is that in S. Baer's Liber
^"oiecim Prophetanan (Lipsiae, 1878); compare,
«i»eTer, the criticism of Baer's methods by
Srsck m Schurer's Theot. IMteitg. 1879, No. «.
!>'. AnOumtidty of the Book of Amos.— This
'as never been disputed.* Only particular
jitsages have been thought by some to be later
losertioos. Thna Duhm (see below), p. 119,
>j«u iL 4 t, IT. 13, V. 8f., ix. 5f., partly
i' istermpting the connexion and partly as
a«taiiing ideas not so distinctly expressed till
AMOS
121
' '^ed exceptions as tbcee of £. Havet, Li CkrUtia-
^u^etla arltuKt, Ul. (1878), pp. 178 f., 1»8 f., 233 f.,
"** ot M. Venxs, La compotUion et Vorigine du DeuUro-
""t (IstT), p. 49, ue bardly worthy of mention.
later ; and he is followed by Wellbausen, Getch.
i. 59, 349, note (omitted, Prolegomena, p. 322),
Oort, p. 116 ff., who discusses them at length,
and Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 1887,
i. p. 371. As explained above, however, the
mention of Judah is relieved of suspicion ; and
all the passages are defended by Smith, p. 398 f.,
and shown to be in harmony with Amos' thought.
Oort is inclined further to doubt v. 13-15, vi. 14,
viii. 11 f. ; but his arguments to show that they
are out of place or break the connexion, are far
from convincing,
V. Literature. — ^The commentary of Jerome
(with much matter of interest); those of Kashi.
Ibn Ezra, and David Kimchi (printed in the
Rabbinical Bibles, and indispensable, as always,
for a complete acquaintance with the exegesis) ;
Le Alercier (Jo. Merceri Commentarii locupletia-
simi in Prophetat quinque priorea inter eoi qui
minores vocaniur ; no date, published post-
humously towards the end of the 16th century :
learned); Ewald, in Vie Propheten da Alien
fumjcs (translated, London, 1873: i. p. 143 ff.);
Hitiig (in Die Kleincn Propheten, 3rd ed., 1863 :
the 4th ed., by Steiner, 1881, contains but little
additional matter); Gustav Baur, I)er Proph.
Ainos erklirt, 1847 (the fullest monograph iu
modem times ; introduction specially useful) ;
E. B. Posey (in the Minor Prophet! ; learned and
valuable); C. F. Keil (in his ZwBlf Kl. Proph.
3rd ed. 1888); Otto SchmoUer (in Lange's
Bibelwerk, translated, Edinburgh, T. &T. Clark) ;
Oort, u. ». pp. 114-158 (often arbitrary); G.
Hoffmann, in Stade's Zeittchrift, 1883, pp. 87-
126 (chiefly lexical : to be followed with
caution); see also I'o. p. 278 f.; J. H. Gunning,
De Godspraken van Amoa vertaald en xcrklaard,
1885 ; Orelli in Strack u. ZSckler's Kgf. Komm.
On older commenbitors further information may
be found in Baur, pp. 151-162.
On the ancient vertiona of Amos, in addition
to the particulars given by Baur, p. 131 S., the
article of K. Vollers on the LXX. in Stade'»
Zeitachr. 1883, pp. 260-72, J. Z. Schunrmans
Stekhoven, De Alexandnjnsche Vertaling van
het Dodekaprophcton (Leiden, 1887), and M.
Sebiik, Die Syriache Udieractzung der xvrilf Kl.
Proph. (Breslau, 1887), should be consulted.
On the position of Amos in the history of theo-
logy, see Uuhm, Theologie der Propheten, 1875,
pp. 109-26, with the criticisms of Rud. Smend,
in the Studlen v. Kritiken, 1876, p. 599 ff. ;
Wellhausen, in the Encycl. Brit. (9th ed.), liii.
p. 410 f. ( = Iliat. of Israel, pp. 470-474) ; W. I!.
Smith, Prophets of Israel, 1882, Lecture III.,
with the notes, also pp. 163-5; Kuenen, Hib-
bcrt Lectures, 1882, pp. 178 ff., 317 (with the
references), &c. ; Castelli, La Profetia nelki
Bibbia, 1882, pp. 126-146 ; C. von ©relli, Alt-
testamentliche Wcisaagung, 1882 [translated
under the title Old Testament Prophecy], § 26 ;
W. H. Green, Mosea and the Prophets, 1883,
passim (see Index) ; C. A. Briggs, Messianic
Prophecy, 1886, pp. 160-3 ; A. B. Davidson, iiv
the Expositor, 1887, vol. v. pp. 161-179, vi.
161-173,
The passage v. 21-26 is dealt with most
thoroughly by Eugelhardt in the Zeittch. fir
Lnth. Theol. 1874, pp. 409-22, and Rud. Smend,
in Muses apud Proplietas, 187.% pp. 23-36 (comp.
also the article mentioned above, p. 659 f.).
See, besides, K. H. Graf in Men's .^rcAir, ii.
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122
AMOS
1871, pp. 93-6 (comp. i. p. 486); Oort, u. «.
p. 144 f. ; Smith, u. s. p. 399, with the refer-
eoces; Bredenkamp, Oesetz undProphetm, 1881,
pp. 83-90 ; F. E. Konig, Hauptprobleme dcr altitr.
Jiel.-Geach. 1884, p. 9 f. ; Baethgen, Beitrage
zur Semitischm Sel.-Geach. (1888), pp. 180-83.
To the present writer it appears that the refer-
ence in V. 26 is to the future. Amos says
nothing in palliation of the idolatrous service
rendered to JehoTah at Beth-el and the other
sanctoaries : but it is clear that what he feels
most strongly is the indiSereoce shown by
the people to Jehovah's moral demands (see
t'sp. ii. 6-8, viii. 4-8). The passage is addressed
then to those who observe ostentatiously an
external ceremonial, but are heedless of moral
duties ; and the argument is that of Isa. i.
11-15. Sacrifice, aa such, the Prophet says,
is not demanded by God (vv. 21, 22): it is de-
manded only as the expression of a righteous
heart (c. 23 f.). So far is it from being of
the essence of religion, that in the wilderness,
where circumstances were unfavourable to its
regular^ observance, it was dispensed with (e.
25). Yet you treat sacrifice as paramount ; you
neglect the moral demands of God, and trust to
that to indemnify you. The end of your neglect
will be exile (vr. 26, 27). An allusion in c. 25
to idolatry practised in the wilderness would be
out of place in the argument : ancrifioes, not fa
AMBAH
Me, has in the Hebrew the emphatic poeitioi]
' (cp. e.g. Isa. xxviii. 24) ; nor is there any.
thing in the verse to suggest an antithuis be-
tween Jehovah and other gods. There is a real
ambiguity in DJIttdl ; but treated as eipressiij
a future, it stands evidently upon the same footing
syntactically as 'Jl^jni in v. 27. The allusloiis
in V. 26 are still obscure : cp. Kuenen, Bdigion
of Israel, i. 265 f. ; Schrader, in bis Cmtiform
Inscriptions and the 0. T. ad loc, and mort
fully in the Stud. u. Krit. 1874, p. 324 S.
(where plausible grounds are adduced, from
Assyrian sources, for identifying Siccath [R. V.j
and Chiun with Ador and Saturn, respectively):
Smith, p. 400 f. [S. E. D.]
2. 'Afuis ; Amos. Son of Naum, in the geua-
logy of Jesus Christ (Luke Ui. 25). [W.A.W.]
ATIOZ (POK; 'A/uii; Amos), father of tbe
Prophet Isaiah (2 K. xix. 2, 20, ii. 1 ; 2 Ck.
xxvi. 22, xxxii. 20, 32 ; Is. i. 1, ii. 1, liii. 1.
IX. 2, ixivii. 2, 21, iiiviii. I). [G.]
AMPHIP'OHS CA/»"?''»<>A«), a city oi
Macedonia, through which Paul and Silas pissal
on their way from Philippi to Thessalonio
(Acts xvii. 1). It was distant 33 Roman mile
from Philippi (/tin. Anton, p. 320). It ns
called Amphi-polis, because the river StrrnxD
flowed almost round the town (Thnc ir. 103).
AjDphipDllf.
It stood upon an eminence on the left or eastern
bank of thia river, just below its egress from
the lake Cercinitis, and at the distance of about
three miles from the sea. It was a colony of
the Athenians, and was memorable in the Pelo-
ponnesian war for the battle fought under its
walls, in which both Brasidas and Cleon were
killed (Thuc. v. 6-11). At the spot where
St. Paul crossed the Strymon on his missionary
journey, there had Xerxes in his invasion of
Greece offered a sacrifice of white horses to the
river, and buried alive nine youths and maidens
(Herod, vii. 114). In Amphipolis, Paulus
Aemilins, after the battle of Pydna, publicly
proclaimed the Macedonians free ; and here
another Paul came to proclaim another liberty,
the service of perfect freedom. Its site is no»
occupied by a village called Seokhirio, in Turk-
ish Jeni-Keni, or " New-Town." See Conybeirt
and Howson, Life and Epp. of St. Paul, L ch. ii.
(ed. 4to), and Diet, of Geography, s. n. [F.]
AMTLIAS ('A/iirA/aj [Westcott and Hoit,
'A^ir\iaTos] ; Ampliatus), a Christian at Rom«.
saluted by St. Paul as bis " beloved in the Lord "
(Rom. xvi. 8). [F.]
AM'BAM. 1. (D101?, MV." = the p^il.
is exalted or exalted people; NSldeke [^ZDUO.
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AMBAIUTES
il 1«5] would derive it, like *iptf, from l/OV ;
i. nssall}' 'Afififdfi [in Ex. ri. 20, 1 Cb. v'u 3, -r,
aid ID Xnm. 'Aitpiii], AF. in Ex. 'K/ipifL, in
Kam. 'A/ifipiit, and A. elsewhere usually 'Aftpdn ;
Amraa). A Levite, father of Moses, Aaron,
lad iliriam (Ex. ri. 18, 20 ; Num. iii. 19, xxvi.
58, 59; 1 Ch. li. 2, 3, 18, xxiu. 12, 13, xxiv.
20> [R.W. B.] [F.]
3. |"ipn; B. 'Zntpir, A. 'AitaSi ; Hamram.
Properly Hamran or Chamran ; son of Dishon
ud descendant of Levi (1 Ch. i. 41) ; in Gen.
usri 26 called Heudan, and this is the read-
in; in 1 Ch. cf many of Kennicott's MSS. and
preferred by Ges. MV., though not by Dillmann.
aOTOP; 'A^Lpdfl, K. 'A/iflpdM, B. Moftl;
Arnvm. One cf the sons of Bani, in the time
of Eini, who had married a foreign wife (Ezra x.
34) ; called Omaebcts in 1 Eld. ix. 34 (B. Kitipos,
i.'lvitiiipos;Abramus). [W. A. \V.] [F.]
AM-BAMITES, THE (n?"npr ; Amramitae).
i biaach of the great Kohathite family of the
tribe of Leri (Num. iii 27, B. 'Aftpaiult, A.
•k/jfifaiit tXs, F. 'A^^jtt fTs; 1 Ch. ixvi. 23,
B. 'A/ififiii, A. 'AitfOfd) ; descended from Am-
raa, the father of Moses. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AMBATHEL ^^-pt^i'Aiuip^ Amar'
plat), the name of a' king of Shinar or
Sonthera Babylonia, who aided Chedorlaomer
agiiiut the kings of Sodom and Gomorrah and
the cifio of the plain (Gen. xiv.). The name of
tli] king lias not yet been found in the cunei-
Ivrm in^riptions. It seems, however, to be
^<cniitic, and is, perhaps, to be rendered in
Babylonian Amar-apla (Amar-psI), " I see a son,"
• r Amta-apla (Amra-p2il), "See, a son ! " Future
fictratioDs in Babylonia will probably shed
ii.oK light on the early history of Babylonia,
>nd the events of the period to which this ruler
Ulongs. [T. G. P.]
AMULETS (^uAovr^fHa) were ornaments,
paa, tcroUi, jtc, worn as preservatives against
tile power of enchantments, and generally in-
scribed with mystic forms or characters. As
nch they would come under the general de-
vmciation of heathen " abominations " specified
in Dent iviii. 10-12 (cp. Num. xxiii. 23). The
*• earrings" in Gen. hit. 4 (D'DJJ ; iniria;
itmret, but more properly nose-rings or fore-
k«id rings, Theod. Symm. imf^iytOy Gen. xxiv.
i' ; E/ek. xvi. 12) were obviously connected
cith idolatrous worship, and may have been
vnalets taken from the bodies of the slain
^liechemites. Nose-rings arc subsequently men-
tioned among the spoiU of Midian (Jndg. viii,
U), and perhaps their objectionable character
'u one reason why Gideon asked for them.
He golden calf in the wilderness (Ex. xxxii. 3),
» well as Gideon's " ephod," was made of these
Qtpty Again, in Hos. ii. 13, " decking herself
with earrings " is mentioned as one of the signs
of the " days of Baalim." Hence in Chaldee an
orriig is called ttt^'?^- ^ amulet worn in
tbe ear was supposed to avert the danger of
torsts, lie. Such earrings are denounced by St.
Ani^tine, Bp. 75.
But amulets were more often worn round the
•Kk, like the golden bulla or leather lonim of
tie Koman boys (Jur. S-it. v. 153: cp. Plut.
^fot. v. 7 ; Varro, de Ling. Lot. vi. 6). Some-
AMULET8
123
times they were precious stones, supposed to be
endowed with peculiar virtues. In the Mirror
of Stonet the strangest properties arc attri-
bnted to the amethyst, Kinocetus, Alektoria,
Keraunium, &c. ; and Pliny, talking of succi-
num, says, " Infantibus alligare amuleti ratione
prodest" (xxvii. § 50). He also speaks of
cyclamen (xxv. § 115X wild vine (xxiii. § 20),
jasper (xxxvii. § 118), saliva (xxxviii. §§35-39),
and bats (xxix. § 83) being used for the purpose
of amulets. Amulets were generally suspended
as the centre-piece of a necklace, and among
the Egyptians (Maspero, L' Archiologie Kiyp-
tienne, p. 235) often consisted of the emblems
of various deities, or the symbol of truth
and justice (" Thmei "). A gem of this kind,
formed of sapphires, was worn by the chief
judge of Egypt (Diod. i. 48, 75), and a similar
one is represented as worn by the youthful
deity Harpocrates (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, iii.
130, ed. 1878). The Arabs hang round their
children's necks the figure of an open hand ; ii
custom which, according to Shaw, arises from
the un/ucMn«ss of the number 5. This principle
is often found in the use of amulets. Thus the
basilisk is constantly engraved on the talismanic
scarabaei of Egypt, and the phallus was among
the sacred emblems of the Vestals {Diet, of Gk.
and Bom. Ant., art. Fascinmn). According to
Jahn (.drc*. BM. § 131, Engl, tr.), the U^V^JP
of Is. iii. 20 (A. V. " earrings," R. V. " amulets ">
were " figures of serpents rarried in the hand "
(more probably worn in the ears) " by Hebrew
women." SchrSder (de Vettitu, pp. 168, 170)
says that Arab women wore golden ser|>ents
between the breasts ; a practice forbidden by
Mohammed, because the serpent is an emblem
of the devil (see Gesenius, s. e. BTI?). The word
is derived from Vfn?, sibilavit, and means both
" enchantments " (cp. Is. iii. 3 ; A. V. " eloquent
orator," K. V. "skilful enchanter;" Aqu.
iTvytrhs ^liupurii^ ; Theodot. trvcer^j imtSf.
In Is. xxvi. 16 it is rendered " a prayer : " marg.
" secret speech ") and the magical gems and
formularies used to avert them (Gesea. a, v.).
Amulets were used by the Phoenicians. Thoso
that are found are Egyptian in type (see Perrot ct
Chipiez, I/iat. de CArt data VAntiquM, iii. 237).
The commonest amulets were sacred words
(the tetragrammaton, &c.) or sentences, written
in a peculiar manner, or inscribed in some
cabbalistic figure like the shield of David, and
Solomon's Seal (Bartolocci, BilA. Jiahbin. i. 576).
Another form of this figure is the pentangle (or
pentacle), which " consists of three triangles
intersected, and made of five lines, which may
be so set forth with the body of man as to
touch and point out the places where our
Saviour was wounded" (Sir T. Browne's Vtilg.
Errors, i. 10). Under the head of amulets fall
the 'E<piirut ypiiifurra (Acts xix. 19), and in later
times the Abraxic gems of the Basilidinns, and
the use of the word " Abracadabra," recom-
mended by the physician Serenus Samonicus as
a cure for the hemitritaeus. The same phy-
sician prescribes for quartan ague :
" Useontae Ukdos quartum suppone tlmcntl."
Charms " consisting of words written on
folds of papyrus tightly rolled up and sewed
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124
AJIULEXS
in linen," hare been found at Thebes (Wil-
kinson), and our English translators possibly
intended something uf the kind when they
rendered the curions phrase (in Is. iii. 20)
C'Bjri 'R3 (R. V. "perfume boxes") by
"tablets." But though many scholars hare
understood the phrase to mean amulets (Targ.
]*tfn5, "earrings "X SchrBder has proved that
it means " scent-boies " (dc Vest. i.). It was
the danger of idolatrous practices arising
from the abuse of amulets that probably
induced the sanction of the use of phylacteries
(Deut. vi. 8; xi. 18, n'lDljto). The modem
Arabs use scraps of the Koran (which they call
" telesmes " or " alakakirs ") in the same way.
Amulets are frequently alluded to in the
Talmud under the name DlinSp. Horses had
n fox's tail or a crimson ornament placed
between their eyes ; and cows and goats were
similarly protected {Shabbath, f. 53, 1). An
approved amulet is one which has effected three
cures ; and whether it consistedof written charac-
ters or of roots (see Jos. Ant. viii. 2, § 5), it was
considered so important that it might be worn
even on the Sabbath, provided it were attached
to a chain or ring, so as to look as if it were
meant for an ornament and not for a remedy
(Shabbath, f. 61, 1, 2). The disease cardiacus
could be cured by an amulet on which was
written the name of the demon which caused
the disease (Gittin. f. 67, 2). See Hamburger,
Talm. WSrieri, s. v. Kamea.
A very large class of amulets depended for
their value on their beinc constructed under
certain astronomical conditions. Their most
general use was to avert ill-luck, &c., especially
to nullify the effect of the o^oX/iii /Scio-Koros,
a belief in which is found among all nations.
(Mark vii. 22; Gal. iii. 1. See Divixation,
§ 7.) The Jews were particularly addicted to
them, and the only restriction placed by the
Kabbis on their use was, that none but approted
amulets were to be worn on the Sabbath
(Lightfoot's Ilor. HiAr. in Matt. xxiv. 4). It
was thought that they kept oflf the evil spirits
who caused disease. Some animal substances
were considered to possess a power of averting
demons, as we see from Tobit. Pliny (xxviii.
47) mentions a fox's tongue worn on an amulet
as a charm against blear eyes, and says (xxi. 15),
" Scarabaeorum cornua alligata amuleti natnram
obtinent ;" perhaps an Egyptian fancy. In the
same way one of the Koman emperors wore u
seal-skin as a charm against thunder. Among
plants, the white bryony and the Hypericon, or
Kuga Daemonnm, are mentioned as useful (Sir
T. Browne, Vvlg. Errori, i. 10. He attributes
the whole doctrine of amulets to the devil, but
still throws out a hint that they may work by
" imponderouB and invisible emissions ").
Since the use of amulets was thus common
among the Jews and the heathen, it is not
unnatural that it should have lingered on
among some Christians. Chrysostom (Bom.
Ixxii. in Matt., ed. Field, ii. p. 347) speaks of
many women who used the Gospels as amulets
(eioYT^Aia r&y rpaxh^MV i^ofriocu). Comp.
Isidor. Pelns. ii. Ep. cl., who also alludes to
these *bceyy4\ta fUKpi. Jerome (m Matt. iv. 24)
confe^es that he once used the Gospels in this
superstitious way. The Fathers denounce all
ANAH
amulets, and the use of them was fi>rbid<l<.'n 1>f
the Council of Laodieea.
Amulets are still common. On the Mod.
Egyptian " Hegib," see Lane, Mod. Egypt ell;
and on the African "pieces of medicine," s
belief in which constitutes half the religion of
the Africans, see Livingstone's Tratds, p. '.Si
et passim. [Teraphiu; Tausxan.]
Anakt (" Hegib "). (Vna Lum'i Moinm ^yi>fMt.'.)
The word " amulet " it derived from the
Arabic hamdlet, " a thing suspended." Tlie
Greek equivalent, ^AoKT^ptoy, does not occur
in the LXX. (but see Rosenmiiller's tclulia on
Ezek. xiii. 18), and in the N. T. only in Matt
xxiii. 5. On Roman, Greek, and Christian ok
of amulets, see the Dictt. of Orcck and Ranaf
and Cliriatian Antiquities, s. v. [Frostlets ;
PUVLACTEIUES.] [F. W. F.]
AM'ZI (*VP^, strong or valiant ; possibly u
abbreviation ot ii' VOK, Jah is strong ; B. 'A»i»-
ircia, A. Ma«rir(a; Amasat). 1. A Levite of llie
family of Merari, and ancestor of Ethas tke
minstrel (1 Ch. vi. 46).
2. B. 'AittuTfi, A. 'Aftaa-l, K. 'A^emrt! ; inn.
A priest, whose descendant Adaiah with his
brethren served the Temple in the time of
Nehemiah (Neh. li. 12). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ANA'B (2iV, perhaps, place of grapes, Gil.;
Anal), a town in the mountains of Judah (Jocb.
IV. 50, B. 'Avuv, A. 'Ar^fi), named, with Debir
and Hebron, as once belonging to the Au-
kim (Josh. xi. 21, AF. 'Aviv/S, Ii. 'AivM)- '^
has retained its ancient name, and lies among
the hills to the west of edh-Dhalieriyeh, Debir,
close to Shoco and Eshtemoa (Rob. i. 494; set
also P. F. Mem. iii. 393). The conjecture of
EusebiuB and Jerome (OS.' pp. 128. 12, 240. U)
is evidently inadmissible. [G.] [W.]
ANA'EL CAko^X; Chald. ^f); Heb.
7{<33n [ed. Neubauer]; Vulg. omitii). The
brother of Tobit (Tob. i. 21). [0.] [F.]
ANA'H (mV, meaning uncertain; 'Ari:
Ana). 1. The fourth son of Seir the Horite
and a "duke" (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 29) in the land
of Seir. He was the father of Abolibamah, the
wife of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 14).
2. AE. 'Ovit, D. 'AvtE. The grandson of Seir,
I.e. son of the " duke " Zibeon the Horite, the
third son of Seir (Gen. ixrri. 24). Of him
it is told (A. V.) that he " found the males
(D»C(^rrn^, R.V. "the hot springs ;" Vulg.
aquas calidas ; LXX-'la/itly) in the wilderness."
Modem scholars generally accept the render-
ing of the Vulgate, though the derivation is
uncertain, and identify the spot with the sul-
phur-springs of Calirrhoe (Lasha, Oen. r. 19)
on the east side of the Dead Sea (DelitxKh,
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ANAHARATH
Gentsii, |i. 431 [1887]). Anah's discovery of
tb«3« springs ''as he ted the asses of Zibeon his
fither" wss probabjjr bronght about by the
irinleriag habits of his herd, aad is compared
bj Riehm, Delitzsch, and others with the dis-
torfrj- of the waters of Carlsbad through the
bwliag of the hound which, pursuing the stag,
iitd fallen into some boiling springs.
Sach interpretations as— -(a) that of the Sam.
led Targ. of Onkelos, which identifies D^^ with
Q*P(( (Ueut. ii. 10, 11), the £mim or Sephaim,
the giant aborigines of the Sloabite border, and
vttoni Asah is here supposed to hare met and
enqncTed (KSO, as in I's. xxi. 9), or (6) the
Esbbinic translation of the word by mulea (as in
A. v.), whom Anah is supposed to have procured
C'foDnd") by the conjunction of horse and ass —
miT be said to find no support to-day.
Noi I and 2 are sometimes taiien to be the
nme person. Aholibamah is described as " the
Jaoghter of (DS) Anah, the daughter of (HS)
ZibeoD the Hivite " • (Gen. ixxvi. 2, 14). The
LXS., Samar., and Peshito Versions read " son
(■JB) of Zibeon ; " others read " (grand-)
(lugliter of Zibeon ; " but in either case identify
the Auh of r. 2 with the Anah of r. 24.
Others, however, talce the expression "daughter
uf Zil>eon " to be equivalent to " niece of Zil>eon,"
^ lieep the Anah of vv. 20, 25 distinct from
tlie Aath of r. 24. Robertson Smith (Joum. of
PIMogy, "Animal Worship and Animal Tribes,"
ii. p. 90) alleges the variations connected with
ktaii u indication* of no true genealogy, but of
a lyiteoutization of tribal facts. Adopting the
rtading " daughter of Zibeon," he deduces kin-
iUp through females among the Horites ; and
from the existence of a sub-clan, Anah, among
tke Zibeonites as well as among the Seirites, he
ctsadudes that there was "exogamy" or that
law which forbad the members of the Horite
clan to intermarry. This is admitted to be
probable only so far as the Edomites are concerned
(Jawta, Arckaolog. Review, iii. p. 153).
On the identification of Anah the Horite with
B«ri the HitUU, see Beeei. [F.]
AXA-HABATH (n"iroK; B. 'Ai-axap^*;
A. 'AffariS ; Anaharath'), a place within the
i»fder of Issachar, named with Shihon and Rab-
)>iUi (Josh. xii. 19). It is now probably the
'illap m-iTairaA, N.E. of Jezreel (A F. Mem.
'^H [G.] [W.]
ANAIAU (n^, Jah amicert; •Atmias, B.
■i; Ama). 1. Probably a priest ; one of those
"bo stood on Ezra's right hand as he read the
Uw to the people (Neh. viii. 4). He is called
Aiuug in 1 Esd. ii. 43.
8. B. 'kmaU, M*A. 'Ayif- 'AnU, K'-* 'Avdy •
'Aiwia; Amrio. One of the "heads" of the
l'»>ple,who signed the covenant with Nehemiah
(N«li. X. 22). [W.A. W.] [F.]
ASAK, [AXAKM.]
ANA'KIM (WpyO; A. 'Znucl^ B. ^ya ; Ena-
**X » race of giants or Rephaim (Deut. ii.
'(•X sad probably so called from their sta-
tw {longtcoUia), descendants of Arba (Josh.
ANAMIM
125
• Miiach iemetU, p. 438 [1881]), vtth most modenw,
«<« BMU p^rin) to be a mistake for fli>ri»« (nhfl)-
IV. 13, xxi. 11), dwelling after the time of
Abraham iu the southern part of Canaan, and
particularly at Hebron, which from their pro-
genitor received the name of I?3^K ri'"1i5, city
of Arba. Besides the general designation Ana-
kim, they are variously called pit! *j)3, sons of
Anak (Num. xiii. 33, LXX. raits ylyeanas),
piOn '•yh), descendants of Anak (Num. xiii. 22),
and'D'pjy '33, sons of Anakim* (Deut. i. 28,
LXX. viobs yiydyruy). The.se designations serve
to show that we must regard Anak as the name
of the race rather thnn that of an individual,
and this is confirmed by what is said of Arba,
their progenitor, that he " was a great man
among the Anakim " (Josh. xiv. 15). The race
appears to have been diA-ided into three tribes or
families, bearing the names Sheshai, Ahiman,
and Talmai. Though the warlike appearance
of the Anakim had struck the Israelites with
terror in the time of Moses (Num. xiii. 28 ;
Deut. ix. 2), they were nevertheless disjwssesscil
by Joshua, and utterly driven from the land,
except a small remnant that found refuge in the
Philistine cities, Gazn, Gath, and Ashdod (Josh,
xi. 21). Their chief city Hebron became the
possession of Caleb, who is said to have driven
out from it the three sons of Anak mentioned
above ; that is, the three families or tribes of the
Anakim (Josh. xv. 14 ; Judg. i. 20). After this
time they vanish from history. [F. W. G.] [F.]
ANA'MIM (Dn?3» ; A. •Enntruiy, B. A/w-
/itTulfi; Anamim), a Mizraite people or tribe
mentioned only in the Noachian list (Gen. x. 13 ;
1 Ch. i. 11 [A. 'Afofutlfi, B. omits]). Its
settlement is to be sought within the Mizraite
territory, Egypt, Libya, South-west Palestine,
and possibly the neighbouring islands of the
Mediterranean. [Mizraiu.]
Several identifications have been proposed in
the Egyptian inscriptions. De Rouei {Etudes
sttr lea six preTnierei Dynasties de itanithon, p. 6)
compares this name to the Anu, a population
which spread over a great part of the valley of
the Nile, which gave its name to Heliopolis and
Hermonthis, and which is found at last in Nubia,
between the Nile and the Red Sea. The difficulty
in this identification is that the sign with which
the name of the Ann begins is nearly always
transcribed by K. Ebers {Aegypten und die
Backer Moses, p. 98) translates " the wandering
Amu " (ShepherdsX and considers them as the
inhabitants of the eastern part of the Delta,
around what is now Lake Mcnznleh. The chief
objection is that the Amu of the sculptures are
decidedly a Semitic nation, with a Semitic type.
The most satisfactory identification has been
pointed out by Brugsch {Seise nach den grossen
Oase, p. 68), who, relying on the fact that the
hieroglyphical k or gh is sometimes transcribed
^7 ^ ci considers the Anamim as the in-
habitants of Kenem or Ghenem, the Great Oasis
of El Khargeh, in the Libyan desert. It is to
be observed that the Coptic Version has a variant
midiim, which has not been explained. Both
Josephus and St. Jerome confess their ignorance
• The A. V. "Anakims," which adds < to a plural
termination (cp. also Emims, cbemblms), is corrected la
B. V. to An
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12C
ANAMMELECU
of the meaning of the name of Anamim, which
was forgotten in their time. [£. N.]
ANAMME'LECH (11^133? ; B. *A«)/.«A.x,
A. 'A^i)- ; AnamelecK), a divinity worshipped by
the colonists brought into Samaria by Shalmane-
ser II., king of Assyria, from Sepharraim (Sipar
or Sippara). This deity is named (2 K. xvii.
,31) as the companion-god to Adrammelech.
Both of these deities were worshipped with rites
similar to those of Moloch, children being sacri-
ficed to them. According to Rawlinson, the first
part of the name is the same as Anunita, the
goddess Venus as the morning and evening star,
worshipped at Sippara of Anunitn. Schrader
connects the first part of the name with Ann,
and restores it as Ann-malik (" Anu is king ").
The principal gods, however, besides Anunitn,
worshipped at Sepharvaim, were Samas ; Aa,
the moon-goddess, his consort; and Bnnene,
and it is likely that Anammelech is only a by-
name of one of these. A very probable expla-
nation is that it is a name of the son-god
Samas, who was called also Amna (or Atma) ;
and if so, the Babylonian form would be Am-
namalik. Another and perhaps better expla-
nation is, that we have in Anammelech one of
the names of the goddess Anunitn or Venus,
worshipped at the less important of the two
Sipparas. This goddess also bore the name
»-i— >^ 2^ l^'flf ' '■>'<=•' ""y-
according to the syllabaries and bilingual lists,
be read Nin-malga or Ennin-Tmlga in Sumerian,
and iVin-mt/Au or Ennin-mSku in Semitic Baby-
lonian — forms which answer almost exactly to
the biblical Anammelech, especially in its Greek
form. Adapting this explanation, the probable
meaning is " Lady of counsel." [T. G. P.]
A'NAN ()3»; B. 'Hw(m, A. 'Hriy, K. ■Hrct;
Anom). 1. One of the " heads " of the people
who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh.
X. 26).
2. 'Krir; A. 'ArriEy; Anani. Haxax 4 (1
Esd. V. 30 ; cp. Ezra ii. 46). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ANA'NI OJJB, probably abbreviated for
iT]]V; A. 'AvovCb. Hartl; Anani), the 7th son
of tUioenai, descended through Zernbbabel from
the royal line of Judah (1 Ch. iii. 24).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
ANANI' AH (nyjl?; the meaning is un-
certain ; perhaps from the Arab., Jah meets ;
'hrarla; Ananicu). Probably a priest, the an-
cestor of Azariah, who assisted in rebuilding the
city wall after the return from Babylon (Neh.
iii. 23). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ANANI' AH (n'JJff ; Anama), a place named
between Nob and Hazor, in which the Benjamites
lived after their retnrn from captivity (Neh. xi.
32). The MSS. of the LXX. BK. omit all
mention of this and the accompanying names;
but A. has 'Kvaarla. It is now the village Beit
Hanlna, near A'efry SantKil (_P. F. Mem. iii. 8).
[G.] [W.]
ANANI'AS CAwu'du ; Ananias ; same name
as ri^JJn = Hananiah, which signifies "Jehovah
is gracious").
ANANUS
1. High-priest when Paul was biDoglit before
the Sanhedrin (Acta xxiii. 2 S. ; xxiv. 1) His
father's name was Nedebaeus, and he wu
nominated high-priest by Herod, king of Chilcis,
in place of Joseph, son of Camitbos, abost
A.D. 47 (Jos. Ant. XX. 5, § 2). A slaughter bj
the Samaritans of Galileans on their Vij to >
feast (cp. Luke ix. 53) had received no redrett
from Cumanus the procurator, and had therefoR
been fiercely avenged by a band of Jews isd
Galileans. Samaritan complaints broagkt io
Ummidius Quadratns, Legate of Syria, who Kit
his subordinate Cumanus to Rome for jadgmcDt,
and with him Ananias the high-priest and otbci
Jews (Jos. Ant. xx. G, §§ 1-3). The Jewish csuk
triumphed : Cumanus was exiled, and ve itt
left to. infer that Ananias returned t« enjoy hit
office, until he was superseded by Ismael, md of
Phabi, shortly before Felix left Judaea,' pn-
bably a.d. 60 (Jos. Ant. xx. 8, § 8). Amaias
would thus be high-priest at the time of Psal'i
arrest, which took place two years before tlie
date above mentioned. Ananias continued, hit
other deposed high-priests [Aknas], to RUia
and even increase his power. He was gnllty of
much violence, for which he obtained impaiutr
by bribes (Jos. Ant. xx. 9, § 2). At the ontbnsk
of the last revolt, A.D. 66, he was mnrdered br
the rebels as a leader of the Roman and ptci&
party ; a terrible fulfilment of the proph«T of
St. Paul, riwrtiy at ii4\Xti 6 Bfis, Acti iiiii.3
(Joseph. B. J. ii. 17, 9). In the Talmud Ansoiu
has the closely allied name of Johanan, mi i
charged with the most extravagant ghttosT
(Derenbonrg, Esmi tw Hitt. et Q4oij., xv., notes
i and 2). On Ananias generally, see Wiesrier,
Chron. Ap. Zcil.f.l<i,Ti0Ui1. [E. B. B.]
2. Ananias, husband of Sapphira. Tie
second and fuller acconnt of the common foai
of the Christians at Jerusalem (Acts ir. 33) is
followed by two fbstances of contributions nadt
to it : the one in good faith, by Barnabas, who ii
thus introduced to the reader (Acts iv. 36, 37);
and the other, frandnlently made, by Anaitiah
with the connivance of his wife. He kept lack
part of the price of a possession and offered tk
other part to the Apostles, as though it bad
been the whole, St. Peter, being enabled by tbt
power of the Spirit to see through the fnsd,
denounced him as having deliberately attempttd
to deceive the Holy Ghost resident in tbe
Apostles. On hearing St. Peter's words AnsaiB
fell down and died. Baur (^Apostei Pml, Pt i-
c. i.) is perfectly justified in insisting that tbo
deaths of both Ananias and Sapphira are rtpR-
sented as miraculously inflicted, against Neaodo
and Olshansen, who to a certain extent introdoco
naturalistic explanations. This punitive minck,
administered through St. Peter, finds no panllel
in the miracles of Christ (Trench, Miracles, Pwl.
Essay, ir.), but is to be compared on the one (id«
with Elisha's infliction of leprosy on Gehaxi, sul
on the other with the case of Elymas. There is
• Josephns (Ant. iU. 15, i 3) makes an Ismiel bicb-
priest in the reign of Claudius, i.e. before a.d. 64. Tbis
can hardly he Ismael, son of Phabt, successor of Aual'^
Wieseler (,Chnn. A. Z. p. 169) guesses this Ismul to be
Identical vlth Ellonaeus, an earlier high-pilest. TIk
matter is farther complicated by the mention of another
Ismael, son of Phsbl, successor of Annas (Jos. .^st
xvlii. 2, $ 2), whose date would be 16-18 A.i>., long befee
Claudius.
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ANANIAS
DO qoMtun u to the discretion of St. Peter;
tl« jtpwtle is but the organ and announcer of
the Dirine justice (Niemeyer, Characteriatik der
Bid, i. p. buy. It has been supposed that the
stnrity of the judgment was necessary to
pRTtnt persons from att«mpting to defraud the
common fund by establishing a claim to draw
apoi it, while they still retained private pro-
perty. But this view presumes a stricter
community of goods than actually existed, and
docs not harmonise with St. Peter's words.
Rererence for the Holy Spirit as God (v. 3, 4)
wu the principle in danger, and its stern viudi-
cition wss necessary at a time when the presence
aui work of the Spirit were so near and mani-
fest. Cp. our Lard's teaching on sin against the
Holy Ghost, Watt. lii. 31, and St. Peter's own
woiils to Simon Magus, Acts viii. 22. [£. R. B.]
8> A Christian Jew of Damascus (Acts ix. 10-
19). Xs in the cas« of Cornelius and Peter, so
hen two visioiu prepared Saul and Ananias for
their mterriew. The natural fear of Ananias
was overcome by a revelation of the work for
which Ssol was chosen by the counsel of God.
He went as directed, and the laying on of his
hands wss followed by Saul's recovery of sight
ind by his Baptism. We cannot safely infer
from the text thai the power of conferring the
gift of the Holy Ghost lay in Ananias, and there-
fort was not confined to the Apostles. The gift
is iideed said to have been one of the objects of
his mission, but may have been given without
his instrumentality. Two other accounts of
St Paul's conversion, with some further particu-
lars, are given by the Apostle himself (Acts xxii.
6-16, and xxvi. 12-18). In the former he
naturally conciliates his Jewish andience by
mentioning that Ananias was "a devout mon
according to the Law, well reported of by all
the Jews that dwelt there." God Who sent
Ananias was the " God of our fathers," and Jesus
"the Kighteons One." The second account
before Festos and A^ppa abbreviates the story,
Anaiias disappears altogether, and a part of the
message sent through him to Saul is directly
ittribnted to the Lord Himself. Tradition
represents Ananias as at this time already Bishop
of ftunascus by the appointment of St. Peter and
St. Andrew, as martyred luder Lucian the
F>vemor, and buried at Damascus {Mtnoi. Grace.
*»if. pp. 79, 80> [E. R. B.]
4 B. 'AsTcft, A. 'Aryfos ; Ananias. The sons
of Ananias to the number of 101 (Vnlg. 130) are
enmserated as having returned with Zorotiabel
(1 Esd. V. 16). No such name exists in the
puallel luts of Exra and Nehemiah.
6. 'Anurias; Vulg. omits. Uanaki No. 3
(1 Eld. ii. 21 ; cp. Ezra x. 20).
flL 'Aroflas ; Amamas. Hanadiah No. 9
(1 Isd. ii. 29 ; q>. Ezra x. 28).
7. 'Ani^ ; Ananiai. Anaiah No. 1 (1 Esd.
'»■ 43 ; cp. Neh. viii. 4).
& A. 'Arcurlas, B. 'Anrias ; Ananiat. Hakan
Xo. S (1 Esd. ix. 48 ; cp. Neh. viii. 7).
9. "The great," father of Azarias, who.se
suae was aasnmed by the Angel, Raphael (Tob.
'- 12, 13. In Chald. and Heb. [ed. Neubauer]
Hsnanel takes the place of Ananias ; In Itala,
intamas). Ananias is accepted by Tobit as one
»f bis "brethren."
10. JtA. 'Aravfoi, B. and T,' omit ; in the
Vnlg. the name corresponding to it in point of
ANATHEMA
127
order is Jamnor, Judith viii. 1. One of the
ancestors of Judith. [W. A. W.] [F.]
11. 'Avcwlas; Atuinias.. 'The Hebrew name
of Shadrach (Hananiak No. 7). Dan. iii. 88
(Theod., Vulg. ; e. 65, LXX.). [W. A. W.]
ANAN'IEL (^8Mn [ed. Neubaner], El h
gracious ; 'Avart^K ; Itala, Ananihel), forefather
of Tobias (Tob. i. 1). [F.]
ANA'TH (nW, connected with the name of
the Phoenician and Cnnaanite goddess 'Anlt
[_CIO. 95] whose worship passed also into Egypt
[^Baethgen, Beitrage z. Sem. Seligiomgesck.,
pp. 52, 141] ; Anath), father of Shamgar (Judg.
iii. 31 [B. Aeiff^x, A. 'AyiiS\, v. 6 [B. 'AriS,
A. K«K<(9]). [F.]
ANATH'EMA (irade/to, in LXX., the equi-
valent for D^n, a thing or person devoted: in
N. T. generally translated accursed). The more
usual form is iyiSri/ia (iyarlSrifu'), with the
sense of an offering suspended in a temple (Luke
xxi. 5; 2 Mace. ix. 16): the Alexandrine writers
preferred the short penultimate in this and
other kindred words (e.g. MStna, airOtiia):
but occasionally both forms occur in the
MSS., as in Jud. xvi. 19; 2 Mace. xiii. 15;
Luke xxi. 5 : no distinction therefore existed
originally in the mennings of the words, as
has been supposed by many early writers. The
Hebrew DIH is derived from a verb signifying
primarily to shvt up, and hence to (1) detote
(R. V. text or marg ), and (2) exterminate.
Any object so devoted to the Lord was irredeem-
able : if an inanimate object. It was to be given
to the priests (Num. xviii. 14) ; if a living
creature or even a man, it was to be slain (T.ev.
xxvii. 28, 29) ; hence the Idea of extermination
as connected with denoting. Generally speaking,
a vow of this description was taken only with
respect to the idolatrous nations who were
marked out for destruction by the special decree
of Jehovah, as in Num. xxi. 2 ; Josh. vi. 17.
Jehovah (Is. xxxlv. 2) was said to shut up, i.e.
place tmder a ban, which necessitated the de-
struction of the nation in order to prevent all
contact. The extermination being the result of
a positive command (Ex. xxii. 20), the idea of a
vow is excluded, although the instances referred
to show how a vow was occasionally superadded
to the command. Any breach with respect to
the " devoted " thing was punished with death
(Josh. vii. 25). It may be further noticed that
the degree to which the work of destruction was
carried out, varied (cp. Dillmann on Lev. xxvii.
28, 29). Thus it applied to the destruction of
(1) human life alone (Dent. II. 34); (2) all,
virgins excepted (Num. xxxi. 17 ; Judg. xxi.
1 1) ; (3) all living creatures (Deut. xx. 16 ;
1 Sam. XV. 3) ; the spoil in the former cases
was reserved for the use of the army (Deut. ii.
35, XX. 14; Josh. xxii. 8), instead of being
given over to the priesthood, as was the case
in the recorded vow of Joshua (Josh. vi. 19).
Occasionally the town itself was also utterly de-
stroyed, the site rendered desolate (Josh. vi.
26), and the name Hormah (_'Ard6*fia, LXX.)
applied to It (Num. xxi. 3; cp. Judg. 1. 17).
The herem was also resorted to by the Moabltes
(cp. the Mesha-Inscrlption, 1. 17 ; cp. also 2 Ch.
XX. 23), and the same term is used to express
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128
ANATHOTH
the nction of the Assyrians (2 K. xix. 11 ;
Is. xxivii. 1 1 ; 2 Ch. xxiii. 14). Cp. Riehm,
IIWB. "Bann"; Ewald, Antiquities, p. 75 sqq.
We pass on to the Rabbinical sense of D']|n as
referring to excommunication, premising that an
approximation to that sense is found in Ezra x.
8, where forfeiture of goods is coupled with
separation from the congregation (cp. Baxtorf.
Lex. Chald. on the words specified ; Weber, Sys-
tem d. Altsynag, Patast. Theologie, p. 138 ;
Schiirer, Gesch. d. Judischen Voltes am Zeitalter
Jesu ChristI,' II. Theil. pp. 362-3). Three kinds
of excommunication are enumerated (Levy, Chald.
WOrttrb. s. n. D^^ No. ii.) : — (1) *-1'I3, involving
various restrictions in civil and ecclesiastical
matters for the space of thirty days : to this it
is supposed that the terms iupopt^iiv (Luke vi. 22)
and iro<rvydyctyos (John ix. 22) refer. (2) A
repetition of the excommunication for another
thirty days (or even longer), with increased
penalties. (3) D"in, a more public and formal
sentence, accompanied with curses, and involving
severer restrictions for an indefinite period. The
term KFISE? is common to these three kinds.
T - -
Some expositors refer the terms irtiSl(tiy Kcd
ixfiiWtiy (Lulce vi. 22) to the second species,
but a comparison of John ix. 22 with «. 34 shows
that iKPaWtm is synonymous with irovuvi-
yajoy woittv, and there appears no reason for
supposing the latter to be of a severe character.
The phrase wap<iStS6viu rf Sorovf (1 Cor. v. 5 ;
1 Tim. i. 20) has been sometimes thought a re-
flexion of Jewish excommunication natural to the
Jew St. Paul ; but St. Paul's formula limiting
his sentence to " the destruction of the flesh " is
full of a " severe mercy of Divine discipline "
(Aug.) unknown to the Rabbis (see the notes in
the Speaker's Commentary, 1. c).
The word laii8*im frequently occurs in St.
Paul's writing, and many expositors have re-
garded his use of it as a technical term for
judicial excommunication. That the word wus
so used in the early Church, there can be no
■loubt (Bingham, Antiq. xvi. 2, § 16) : but nn
examination of the passages [in each consult the
Admirable notes of the Spea/ter'a Commentary'}
in which it occurs shows that, like the cognate
word lwatfiiar({u (Matt. xxvi. 74; Mark xiv. 71 ;
Acts xxiii. 12, 21), it had acquired a more
general sense as expressive either of strong
feeling (Rom. ix. 3 ; cp. Ex. xxxii. 32), or of
dislike and condemnation (I Cur. xii. 3, xvi. 22 ;
Gal. i. 9). [W. L.B.] [F.]
ANA'THOTH (nin», most probably the pi.
of the goddess-name 'Anit [Baethgen, p. 53 ;
see Anath]; 'AyaSiiS; Anathoth). 1. The
eighth son (in textual order) of Becher, the third
son of Benjamin (1 Ch. vii. 8), perhaps con-
nected with the place of the same name.
a. K. *ayae^, B. Na«<ifl (Neh. x. 19. See • ''"■"«"veeu we nrsi ana secona o. me «.r«
- - - I sets or four in which the twelve Apostles are
presented [Apostle]. On the one hand, he i«
included in the first four. In all the lists his
name follows St. Peter's, or is only separated
ANDBEW, BT.
I of njlf [Akath], by which name the place i>
I called in the Talmad Joma, 10; 'Amllii;Am-
I thoth), a city of Benjamin, omitted from the
I list in Josh, xviii., but a priests' city; with
" suburbs " (Josh. xxi. 18 ; 1 Ch. vi. 60). Hither,
to his " fieldis,'' Abiathar was banished liy Solo-
mon after the failure of his attempt to pat
Adonijah on the throne (1 K. ii. 26). This wu
the native place of Abiezer, one of David's thirtr
captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 27 ; 1 Ch. zi. 28, iiTii.
12), and of Jehu, another of the mighty mm
(1 Ch. xii. 3) ; and here, " of the priests tint
were in Anathoth," Jeremiah was bom (Jer. i.
1 ; xi. 21, 23: xxix. 27; xxxii. 7-9).
The "men" ('C3N, not '33, as in moitofth*
other cases ; compare, however, Netophah, Mich-
mash, &c.) of A. returned from the Csptirity
with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 23; Neh. vil 27;
1 Esd. V. 18).
Anathoth lay on or near the great rosd from
the north to Jerusalem (Is. z. 30) ; by Jase)^ui
{Ant. z. 7, § 3) it is placed at twenty stadia from
the city, by Eusebius at three miles (Oncm.). an!
by Jerome {turris Anathoth) at the same dis-
tance contra septentrionem Jerusalem (ad Jereni.
cap. i.). The traditional site at Kuryet et-'E»ii
does not fulfil these conditions, being ten mil«
distant from the city, and nearer W. than X.
But the real position has no doubt been dis-
covered by Robinson at 'Anata, on a broad ridp
2J miles N.N.E. from Jerusalem. The oultira-
tion of the priests survives in tilled fields ol
grain, with 6gs and olives. There an tht
remains of walls and strong foundations, and
the quarries still supply Jerusalem with Will-
ing stone (Rob. i. 437, 438 ; P. F. Mem. iil ",
82). [G.] [ff.l
ANCHOR. [Ship.]
ANDREW, ST. C^ySpdat ; Andreas). Tbt
name is Greek, and occurs first in Hdt. vi. 136.
It is borne by the physician of Ptolemy Phib-
delphus, quoted by Athenaeus (iii. p. 115), and
elsewhere. A Jew of Cyrene named Andreir i>
mentioned by Dio Cossiua (Irviii. 32) as Un]i$
in the time of Trajan. St. Andrew was of
Bgthsaida (John i. 44), defined as Bethsaidi
of Galilee (John zii. 21). He was brother to
Simon Peter (John i. 40), and dwelt in thf
same house with him (Mark i. 29) at Caper-
naum (Mark i. 21). He was a disciple of St
John the Baptist, and, accompanied by ao un-
named disciple, was the first to follow Jems
(John i. 35-40). Again, when the same fol-
lowers were called to a closer allegiance, be
with Peter received the first summons (Matt,
iv. 18; Mark i. 16). Hence arose his title of
irpttriKXtrros, not infrequent in Greek ecclesias-
tical writers (Stephanas, ed. Uase, s. v.). He is
a link between the first and second of the three
Swete's ed. of LXX., from which it will be seen
how such variations arose). One of the heads
of the people who signed the covenant in the
time of Nehemiah : unless the name stands
for the " men of Anathoth " mentioned in
Neh. vii. 27. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ANA'THOTH (rtnjP. nhj?,* probably plur.
' In A.V. there are Irregnlarlties in the orthography
or the gentile name *■ Anotbothlte," due to the tran*-
Iston bavlog reproduced certain modifications of form
peculiar to the Hebrew, via. Aneihothlte, 2 Sam. iilii.
21 ; Anetothite, 1 Ch. xxrll. 13 ; Aniotbitev 1 Cb. li. 2S
zlL 3 ; R.y. In each case " Anatbotblte." - Jenmlah
of A." (Jer. zzlz. 27) abonld be, as in B. T., -J. tbo
Anatbolhlte."
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ANDBEW, ST.
irm it bj those of St, James and St. John.
The solemn and private question as to the time
if tlie end, which in each of the Synoptists
leals to the great eschatological discourses, is
iKciding t« St. Mark the question of the fore-
Bcrt Apostles only, — SS. Peter, James, John,
and .Aodrev. On the other hand, St. Andrew
fc closely connected with the second qnater-
nioD of disciples through St. Philip, who is
i'.ms placed at its head, and therefore in two
lists (Mark iii. 18; Acts i. 13) immediately
r'ollom St. .\ndrew. There is the local connexion
ofthesameoriginal home, Bethsaida, although St.
Andrew had latterly lived at Capernaum. There
is the slight coincidence that both hare Greek
nimes. There is the evidence of two incidents,
the feeding of the 5,000 (John vi. 7, 8) and the
introdoction of the Greeks to Jesus (John lii.
i:'),inbothofwhich St. Andrew and St. Philip are
isj/iciated. In the latter instance Philip seems
to be unwilling to approach the Lord with an
unprecedented reqnest without the support of
one of the first four. Yet our theories of ac-
knowledged rank and priority in the college
must be modified by the reflection that Jesus
Himself gave no countenance to the assumption
cftiiem(Markix. 34).
In the Acts of the Apostles, St. Andrew, like
the majority of his colleagues, falls into the back-
gronnd, and is nerer mentioned after the list in
.Ms L The evidence as to his later history is
conflicting, Origen (quoted by Euseb. iii. 1)
ifsigniig Scythia as the scene of his labours,
*bence Rnssta claims him as her patron saint.
Tliis tradition seems to be followed in the
npocrrphal account of his sojourn among the
Anthropophagi (Acta Andrtae et ifatthiae:
lischendor^ Acta Apocrypha). On the other
land, there is the evidence of Jerome ^ad Mar-
(fllam, lii. ed. Migne) and Theodoret (ad Psalm.
civi.) in &vour of Achaia. At any rate, all
traditions agree in assigning Patrae in Achaia as
the fhcx of his martyrdom. Of his martyrdom
there are two acconnts deserving of notice, and
differing widely in character. (1.) The third
h«ik of the ffhtoria Apostolicn of Abdias
(Fabridus, Cod. Apocr. N. T.) contains the Acts
of St. Andrew. This history is said to have been
written in Ilebrew by Abdias, Bishop of Babylon,
contemporary of the Apostles, and translated
•nto Utin by Jnlitis Africanus. It is, however,
a forgery of the 6th or 7th century (see Her-
»;,££.*s.n. Abdias.) Its interestlies in the fact
tbtt it represents those earlier Acta Andreae
which Epiphanius (Haerea. xlvii. 1 ; lii. 1 ; liiii.
•) mentions as especially valued by the Encra-
titse, Apc(|olici, and Origeniani (cp. also Euseb.
B. E. iii. 25). It is probiably a Catholic adap-
txion in Latin from heretical Greek docamenU,
oppressing the evident heresy, bnt retaining in
• modified form much of the teaching which had
^ valued by the heretics, and now fell in
*i'h the ascetic tendencies of the age. The
l^ads related constantly turn upon sins of the
Oesh, and the relations of married persons.
^ference to the passages cited from Epiphanius
'siil (how the connexion between the topics
treated and the sects which are mentioned by
'"»• A crucial instance is afforded by the
■naFtytdom of St. Andrew, which is said in the
ff-toTM Apostoiica to have been in part oc-
osioned by his supposed interference between
WBLt blCT.— VOL. I.
ANDRONICUS
129
Aegeas, the Roman governor of Patrae, and his
wife Maiimilln. (2.) But in the document
which we have next to consider (Acta Andreae :
Tischendorf, Acta Apocrypha) the condemnation
of the Saint follows on his preaching the Cross ;
the doctrine of reserve to unbelievers comes
forward as a cause of the special anger of Aegens
or Aegeates, and a reminiscence of St. Andrew's
first sight of his Master comes back touchingly
in his repeated mention of the " Lamb without
blemish " (cp. John i. 36). These Acta Andreae
purport to be a letter from the Presbyters and
Deacons of the Churches of Achaia. It is
thronghout of a totally different character from
the work of the pseudo- Abdias ; it bears no
traces of heretical origin, and probably has some
historical value (see Tisch. Prolegg. in .<lc<a
Apocr. xl.-xlii.). A legend related in the Mura-
torian Fragment makes St. Andrew the recipient
of a revelation about the composition of St. John's
Gospel (see Tregelles' edit, note ad loc.). The
" crux decossata " (X-sbaped cross) assigned to
St. Andrew haa no early authority (Andrew,
Festival of. Diet. Chr. Antiq.) ; but all accounts
agree that he was bound, not nailed to the cross,
in order to prolong his sufferings. The date of
his martyrdom given in the Letter (Nov. 30)
has been observed in the day assigned to him
in the Calendar of the Church. Consult Lipsius,
Die Apohryphen Apottelgeschichten u. Apostel-
legenden, i. p. 543 tq. [E. R. B.]
ANDRONICUS (^Kvipivucos; Andronicus).
1. A Christian at Rome saluted by St. Paul
(Rom. xvi. 7X together with Junias. The two
are called his kinsmen {(rvfyfytts). The same
term is applied in tw. 11 and 21 to four other
persons, two of whom, Jason and Sosipater, may
probably be identified with Jason of Tbessti-
lonica and Sopater of Berea. It is improbable
that these persons belonging to other provinces
were all blood relations of St. Paul, and it is
better to understand " kinsmen " as simply
marking them out as Jews among the Gentiles
saluted with them. For this use of wyytyttt
cp. Rom. ix. 3, and Josephus, B. J. ii. 18, 4.
Also see Godet, note ad loc. Secondly, they are
called " my fellow-prisoners." Lightfoot (Phil.
Jntrod. p. 11, and Col. iv. 10, note) suggests that
the word (vvfaix/utAwrot, not avyS4ffitot) may
imply a spiritual captivity, — fellow-prisoners,
as together taken captive by Christ. If a meta-
phorical interpretation be adopted at all, the
foregoing explanation would be better than the
regarding the captivity as the previous bondage
of Judaism in which they had been shut up. A
literal interpretation would imply n reference
to an unrecorded imprisonment (JirraKit Scir^
^>op4aea, Clem, ad 1 Cor. v.). Thirdly, Andro-
nicus and Junias are "of note among the
Apostles" (see Apostle). Lastly, they were
believers before St. Paul's own conversion.
There is no tradition of any value respecting
them. Acta Sanctorum, May 17, gives scarcely
any additional circumstances. [E. R. B.]
2. An oflicer led as viceroy (8ia8cx4M<*v>i
2 Mace. iv. 31) in Antioch by Antiochus
Epiphanes during his absence (B.C. 171). Mene-
laus availed himself of the opportunity to secure
his good ofHces by offering him some golden
vessels which he had taken from the Temple.
When Onias (Onias III.) was certainly assured
a.
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130
ANEM
that the sacrilege had been committed, he sharply
reproved Menelaus for the crime, having (ire-
vioosly talcen refuge in the sanctuary of Apollo
and Artemis at Daphne. At the instigation of
Menelaus, Andronicus induced Onias to leave
the sanctuary, and immediately put him to
death in prison (? wafiixXfurtv, 2 Mace. iv. 34).
This murder eicited general indignation; and
on the return of Antiochns, Andronicus was
publicly degraded and executed (2 Mace. ir.
30-38). Josephus places the death of Onias
before the high-priesthood of Jason (Ant. xii.
5, § 1), and omits all mention of Andronicus ;
but there is not suiBcicnt reason to doubt the
truthfulness of the narrative, as Wemsdorf has
done (Dcfde libr. Mace. pp. 90 f.). [B. F. W.]
S. Another officer of Antiochus Epiphanes
n-ho was left by him on Garizim {tv Tap.
2 Mace. V. 23), probably in occupation of the
temple there. As the name was common, it
seems onreasonable to identify this general
with 2, and so to introduce a contradiction into
the history (Wemsdorf, /. c; Ewald, Gtsch. d.
1 olkea Isr. iv. 335 n. ; cp. Grimm and Speaker's
Comm. on 2 Mace. iv. 38). [B. F. W.]
A'NEM (DjT ; A. 'Avi/i, B. omits ; Anem),
a city of Issachar, with "suburbs," belonging
to the Gershonites, 1 Ch. vi. 73 (Heb. r. 58).
It is omitted in the lists in Josh. xix. 21 and
xxi. 29, and instead of it we find £n-gannim.
Ilobinson (Pal. iii. 385) identifies it with Genin.
Major Conder (P. F. Mem. ii. 44, 51) proposes
to identify it with 'Anin, a village 8} miles from
Jenln, in the hills near Vmmel-Fahm. [G.] [W.]
A'NER (tiV; B. 'Aitdp, A. 'Eviip; Aner),
a city of Manasseh, west of Jordan, with " sub-
urbs" given to the Kohathites (1 Ch. vi. 70).
Some comparing the passage with Josh. xxi. 25
consider the name a corrupt reading of Taanach
(IJl? for 131?n). Major Conder, however, sug-
gests its identity with 'EUir, a small village in
the hills S.W. of Esdraelon {P. F. Mem. ii.
154). [G.] [W.]
A'NER (Ijr; XD. Kbviv; Aner), one of
three Hcbronite chiefs who, as "confederates,"
aided Abraham in the pursuit after the four
invading kings (Gen. xiv. 13, 24).
[K. W. B.] [F.]
ANETHO'THITE, THE OnhSBn ; the Gk.
text has the name twice, (a) B. i 'KvuOflri\i,
A. ' KvaBieDtlrris ; (6) B. rov 'PiVuBtWov, A. to!!
' KaitOtlrov; de AnathotK), An appellative of
Abiezer, an inhabitant of Anathoth of the tribe
of Benjamin (2 Sam. xxiii. 27). Called also
Anetotuite and Antothite. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AKETO'THITE, THE Ortnsrn, same as
ASETHOTHITE, 1 Ch. xxvii. 12 ; B. J{ 'KyoBiB,
A. i 'A. ; Anaihothites). Called also Antothtte.
[W. A. W.] [F.]
ANGELS (D'3St^; of«yy«Ao<; often with
the addition of n\n^, or D'lT'S' '" some Books
[Job T. 1 ; Ps. .lixxi'i. 6, 8; I^. iv. 13, viii. 13]
the word O'CHp, ol Syioi, is used as an equi-
valent term). By the word "Angels" (i.«.
" messengers " of God) we ordinarily understand
a race of spiritnal beings, of a nature exalted far
ANGELS
' above that of man, although infinitely removed
from that of God, whose office is " to do Him
service in heaven, and by His appomtmeiit to
succour and defend men on earth." The object
of the present article is threefold : 1st, to nfcr
to any other Scriptural raa of this and similar
words ; 2ndly, to notice the revelations of tie
natnre of these spiritnal beings given in
Scripture ; and 3rdly, to derive from the same
source, a brief description of their ojia towsids
man. It is to be noticed that its scope is purely
Biblical, and that, in consequence, it does not
enter into any extra-scriptural specnUtioss on
this mysterious subject.
I. In the first place, there are many pasuges
in which the expression the " Angel of God,"
" the Angel of Jehovah," is certainly used for a
manifestation of God Himself. This is especitllji
the case in the earlier Books of the Old Testa-
ment, and may be seen at once, by a compariaon j
of Gen. xxii. 11 with v. 12, and of Ex. iii. 2 with
cf. 6, 14; where He, Who is called the "Anpl ;
of God " in one verse, is called " God " and eveii .
" Jehovah " in those which follow, and accepfe J
the worship due to God alone. Contrast Ber.
xix. 10, xxi. 9. See also Gen. iri. 7, 13, mi.
11, 13, xlviii. 15, 16; Num. xxii. 22, 32,35,
and comp. Is. Ixiii. 9 with Ex. xixiii. 14, &c !
The same mode of expression is used by St. Paul t
(see Acts xxvii. 23 as compared with xxiii. 11). '
It is to be observed also, that, side by side
with these expressions, we read of God being
manifested in the form of man ; as to Abrahin
at Mamre (Gen. xviii, 2, 22 ; ep. xix. 1). to
Jacob at Penuel (Gen. xxxii. 24, 30), to Joshua
at Gilgal (Josh. v. 13, 15), &c. It is hardly to
be doubted, that both sets of passages refer
to the same kind of manifestation of the Divine
Presence.
This being the case, since we know that "no
man hath seen God " (the Father) " at anv
time," and that " the only-begotten Son, Which
is in the bosom of the Father, hath revealel
Him " (John i. 18), the inevitable inference is
that by the "Angel of the Lord" in wrf"
passages is meant He Who is from the beginning
the " Word," i.*. the Manifester or Revealer of
God. These manifestations are evidently "fore-
shadowings of the Incarnation." By these (that
is) God the Son manifested Himself from time to
time in that human nature, which He united
to the Godhead for ever in the Virgin's womb.
This conclusion is corrobor.ited by the fad.
that the phrases used as equivalent to the word
"Angels" in Scripture, viz. the "sons of God"*
[D'r6KiT»J3, Job ii. 1, xixviii. 7 ; Dan. iii. 25],
or even in poetry, the " gods " (Elohim), the
" holy ones," &c., are names which in their full
and proper sense are applicable only to the
Lord Jesus Christ. As He is "«A« Son" of God,"
so also is He the " Angel," or " messenger " «l
the Lord. Accordingly it is to His Incarnation
that all angelic ministration is distinctly r^
ferred, as to a central truth, by which alone its
nature and meaning can be understood. ^<
John i. 51, comparing it with Gen. xxviii. ll-l"i
and especially with v. 13.
Besides this, which is the highest application
of the word " Angel," we find the phrase used
of any messengers of God, such as the PropheU
(Is. xlii. 19 ; Hag. i. 13; Mai. iii. 1), the priest*
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AliGELS
(Slal. ii. 7X and the rnlers of the Christian
Ckorciw (Ber. I 20); much as, even more
Kcjsrkably, the word " Elohim " is applied, in
fi. liuiL 6, to those who judge in God's
TICK onges of the word are not only
int«r«tiBg io themselres, bat will serve to
tliniir light oa the nature and the method
')f th« ministration of those whom we more
f'^wiallj term " the Angels."
11. Id passing on to consider what is revealed
in Scripture as to the angelic nature, we are led
it once to notice, that the Bible deals with this
md nih kindreid subjects exclnsiveljr in their
pnctlcal bearings, only so far (that is) as they
ciiminn to our knowledge of God and of our-
ielro, and more particalarly as they are
•dUMcted with the one great subject of all
^riptue, the Incarnation of the Son of God.
Little therefore is said of the nature of Angels
>s dutmct fiom their office.
Ther are termed "spirits " (as e.g. in Heb. i.
14), although this word is applied more com-
monly. Dot so much to themselves, as to their
fover dwdlmg in man («.</. 1 Sam. xviii. 10; Matt,
riii. IS, &C,). The word is the same as that
uxd of the soul of man, when separate from the
body («^. Katt. x^T. 26 ; Luke xxiv. 37, 39 ;
I Pet. iii. 19) ; but, since it properly expresses
only that snpersensuons and rational element of
null's nature, which is in him the image of God
(see John iv. 24), and by which he has com-
miDioD with God (Rom. viii. 16) ; and since also
re Me told that there is a " spiritnal body " as
well sj a " natural Q^n/x"^''} ^>°^7 " 0- Co'- ='''^-
44), it does not assert that the angelic nature is
incsiporeal. The contrary seems expressly im-
y'Jei by the words in which our Lord declares
that, after the Besurrectim, men shall be " like
the Angels" (laiyyf^oi, Loke xx. 36); be-
osose (as is elsewhere said, Phil. iii. 21) their
indies, as veil as their spirits, shall have been
made eiitiitly like His. It may also be noticed
that the glorious appearance ascribed to the
Angels in Scripture (as in Dan. x. 6) is the
nme as that which shone oat in our Lord's
Tnntfiguration, and in which St. John saw Him
ifctied in heaven (Rer. i. 14-16) ; and more-
<fer, that, whenever Angels have been made
nunifst to man, it has always been in human
lorm (as <.j. in Gen. zviii., xix. ; Luke xxiv. 4;
iet* i. 10, 4c). The very fact that the titles
*«»sof God " (Job i. 6, xxiviii. 7 ; Dan. iii. 25
coToparrt with e. 28*) and " gods " (Ps. viii. 5 ;
icni. 7), applied to them, are also given to men
(m Lake iiL 38; Ps. lixxii. 6, and cp. our
H^l's application of this last passage in John x.
'4-37)^ points in the same way to a difference
'»!r (rf degree, and an identity of kind, between
t^ human and the angelic nature.
Tie Angels are therefore revealed to as as
Itiags, such as man might be and will be when
^« {«Tf r of sin and death is removed, partak-
^ in their meaanre of the attributes of God,
Trutli, Purity, and Love, becanse always
bfWilhig His face (Hatt. xWU. 10), and. there-
l^rt being " made like Him " (1 John ui. 2).
'»is. of course, implies finiteneas, and therefore
ANGELS
131
' <kt. Tt 2 is omitted here and belor, as being a
"rtn^imti pwaage ; although manyUSS. of the LXX.
^^' •• «tY<Jwt Inatead of «t viot here.
(in' the strict sense) " imperfection " of nature
and constant progress, both moral and intel-
lectual, through all eternity. Such imperfec-
tion, contrasted with the infinity of God, is ex-
pressly ascribed to them in Job iv. 18; Matt,
xxiv. 36 ; 1 Pet. i. 12 : and it is this which
emphatically points them out to us as creatures,
fellow-servants of man, and therefore incapable
of usurping the place of gods.
This finiteness of nature implies capacity of
temptation (see Butler's Anal. Part i. c. 5);
and accordingly we hear of "fallen angels."
Of the nature of their temptation and the cir-
cumstances of their fall, we know absolutely
nothiqg. All that is certain is, that they "\eh
their first estate " (riiv javrAc ipx^'') • """1 fist
they are now " angels of the devil " (Matt. ixv.
41 ; Rev. iii. 7, 9), partaking therefore of the
falsehood, uncleanness, and hatred, which are
his peculiar characteristics (John viii. 44). All
that can be conjectured must be based on the
analogy of man's own temptation and &1I.
On the other hand, the title especially as-
signed to the Angels of God, that of the " holy
ones " (see e.g. Dan. iv. 13, 23, viii. 13; Matt.
XIV. 31), is precisely that which is given to
those men who are renewed in Christ's image,
but which belongs to them in actuality and in
perfection only hereafter (cp. Heb. ii, 10, v. 9,
xii. 23). Its use evidently implies that the
angelic probation is over, and their crown of
glory won.
Thus much then is revealed of the angelic
nature, as may make it to us an ideal of human
goodness (Matt. vi. lOX or a beacon of warning as
to the tendency of sin. It is obvious to remark
that in such revelation is found a partial satis-
faction of that craving for the knowledge of
creatures, higher than ourselves and yet fellow-
servants with us of God, which in its diseased
form becomes Polytheism.' Its full satisfaction
is to be sought in the Incarnation alone ; and it
is to be noticed, that after the Revelation of
God in the flesh, the angelic ministrations re-
corded are indeed fewer, bnt the references to the
Angels are far more freqiient — as though the
danger of Polytheistic idolatry had, compara-
tively speaking, passed away.
111. 'The most important subject, and that
on which we have the fullest revelation, is the
office of the Angels.
Of their office in heaven, we have, of coarse,
only vague prophetic glimpses (as in 1 E. xxii.
19; Is. vi. 1-3; Dan. vii. 9, 10; Rev. vi. 11,
tic), which show us nothing but a never-
ceasing adoration, proceeding from the vision of
God, through^ the " perfect love which castetb
out fear."
Their office towards man is far more fully
described to us. They are represented as being,
in the widest sense, agents of^ God's Providence,
natural and supernatural, to the body and to
the soul. Thus the operations of nature are
spoken of, as under angelic guidance fulfilling
>> The inordinate subjectivity of Oennan ptailoeophy
on this Bul^ct (see, e. g., Winer's Eealw.), of course,
hastens to the conclusion that the belief In Angels is a
mere consequence of this craving, never (it would seem)
so entering Into the analogy of Ood's Ftovldence as to
suppose It possible tbat this Inward craving should cor-
respond to some outward reality.
K 2
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132
ANGELS
the Will of God. It'ot only is this the case in
poetical passages, such as Ps. civ. 4 (com-
mented upon in Heb. i. 7), n-here the powers of
air and tire are referred to them, but in the
simplest prose history, as where the pestilences
which slew the firstborn (Ex. xii. 23 ; Heb. xi.
28), the disobedient people in the wilderness
(1 Cor. X. 10), the Israelites in the days of
David (2 Sam. xxiv. 16 ; 1 Ch. xxi. 16), and
the army of SeunacHcrib (2 K. lix. 35), as also
the plague which cat off Herod (Acts xii. 23),
are plainly spoken of as the work of the " Angel
of the Lord." Nor can the mysterious declara-
tions of the Apocalypse, by far the most nume-
rous of all, be resolved by honest interpretation
into mere poetical imagery (see especially Rev.
viii. and ix.). It is evident that angelic agency,
like that of man, does not exclude the action
of secondary, or (what are called) " natural "
causes, or interfere with the directness and uni-
versality of the Providence of God. The per-
sonifications of poetry and legends of mytho-
logy are obscure witnesses of its truth, which,
however, can rest only on the revelations of
Scripture itself.
More particularly, however, Angels arc
spoken of as ministers of what is commonly
called the "supernatural," or perhaps, more
correctly, the " spiritual " Providence of God ;
as agents in the great scheme of the spiritual
redemption and saactification of man, of which
the Bible is the record. The representations of
them are different in different Books of Scrip-
ture, in the Old Testament and in the New ; but
the reasons of the differences are to be found
in the differences of sco|)e attributable to the
Books themselves. As different parts of God's
Providence are brought out, so also arise dif-
ferent views of His angelic ministers.
In the Book of Job, which deals with "Na-
tural Religion," they are spoken of but vaguely,
as surrounding God's throne above, and rejoicing
m the completion of His creative work (Job i. 6 ;
ii. 1 ; xxxviii. 7). No direct and visible appear-
ance to man is even hinted at.
In the Book of Genesis, there is no notice of
angelic appearance till after the call of Abraham,
Then, as the Book is the history of the choam
family, so the Angels mingle with and watch
over its family life, entertained by Abraham
and by Lot (Gen. xviii., xix.), guiding Abra-
ham's servant to Padan-aram (xxiv. 7, 40), seen
by the fugitive Jacob at Bethel (xxviii. 12), and
welcoming his return at Mahanaim (xxxii. 1).
Their ministry hallows domestic life, in its trials
and its blessings alike, and is closer, more fami-
liar, and less awful than in after-times (contrast
Gen. xviii. with Judg. vi. 21, 22 j xiii. 16, 22).
In the subsequent history, that of a chosen
nation, the Angels are represented more as
ministers of wrath and mercy, messengers of a
King, rather than common children of the One
Father. It is, moreover, to be observed, that
the records of their appearance belong especially
to two periods, that of the Judges and that of
the Captivity, which were transition periods in
Israelitish history, the former one destitute of
direct revelation or prophetic guidance, the
latter one of special trial and unusu.al contact
with heathenism. During the lives of Moses
and Joshua there is no record of the appearance
of created Angels, and only obscure reference to
ANGELS
Angels at all. In the Book of Judges Aagds
appear at once to rebuke idolatry (iL 1-i), to
call Gideon (vi. 11, &c.), and consecrate Sanisoi
(xiii. 3, &c.) to the work of deliveraDce.
The prophetic office begins with Sunoel, ami
immediately angelic guidance is withheld, eicept
when needed by the prophets themselves (1 K.
xix. 5; 2 K. vi. IT). During the iirojihetic ind
kingly period. Angels are spoken of only (k
noticed above) as ministers of God in the open-
tions of nature. Bnt in the Captivity, vhcD the
Jews were in the presence of foreign natiooi,
each claiming its tutelary deity, then to the
Prophets Daniel and Zechariah, Angels >re re-
vealed in a fresh light, as w.itching. not ooly
over Jerus.ilem, but also over heathen king-
doms, under the Providence, and to work out
the designs, of the Lord (see Zech. piuin, I
and Dan. iv. 13, 23 ; x. 10, 13, 20, 21, 4c.). la '
the whole period, they, as traly as the Prophet" ;
and kings themselves, are seen as God's mini.'- ■
ters, watching over the national life of the sub-
jects of the Great King.
The Incarnation marks a new epoch of angelic
ministration. " The Angel of Jehovah," Ike
Lord of all created Angeb, having now dcscenJei
from heaven to earth, it was natural that Hl<
servants should continue to do Him senlce
there. Whether to predict and glorify His birtk
iUelf (Matt. i. 20 ; Luke I ii.), to minister t.
Him after His temptation and agonv (U>U.
iv. 11 ; Luke xxii. 43), or to declare His R««r-
rection and triumphant Ascension(Matt. isriii.-; ]
John XX. 12 ; Acts i. 10, 11)— they seem no» t« '
be indeed " ascending and descending on the Son <
of Man," almost as though transferring to earth i
the ministrations of heaven. It is clearly stea,
that whatever was done by them for men in
earlier days, was but typical of and flowing ffo ,
their ser^-ice to Him (see Ps. xci. 11 ; cp. M«U-
iv. 6).
The New Testament is the history of 'i^' ,
Church of Christ, every member of which i>
united to Him. Accordingly, the Angels «;
revealed now, as " ministering spirits " to eacii
in/litidual member of Christ for his spiritujl
guidance and aid (Heb. i. 14). The records rl
their visible appearance are but infrequent
(Acts V. 19; viii. 26; x. 3; xii. 7; iiviL2S).
but their presence imd their aid are referred t(
familiarly, almost as things of course, ever after
the Incarnation. They are spoken of as watch-
ing over Christ's little ones' (Matt, xviii I")-
as rejoicing over a penitent sinner (Luke iv. KO.
as present in the worship of Christians (1 Cot.
xi. 10)" and (perhaps) bringing their plaJe^
before God (Rev. viii. 3, 4X and as bearing tht
souls of the redeemed into Paradise (Luke J^;'
22). In one word they are Christ's ministers "f
grace now, as they shall be of judgment hen-
after (Matt. xiii. 39, 41, 49 ; xvi. 27 ; xxiv. 'il-
&c.). By what method they act we caiin"t
know of ourselves, nor are we told, perhaps le.^t
« The notion of special guardian Angels, witchl'f
over individuals, is consistent with this passage, bnt tmA
necessarily deduced from it. The belief of it among t!»
early Christians is shown by Acta xii. 15.
^ The difficulty of the piassge has led to its btiiK
questioned, but the wording of the original and tbr
nwge of the K. T. seem almost decisive on the pciut
Sec i^iKatcur'i Comm. in loco.
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ANGLING
ire shonlii n-onhip them, instead of Him, Whose
s«rraiit3 they aft (see Col. ii. 18 ; Rer. xxii. 9) ;
bet of course their agency, like that of human
niiaifters, depends for its efficacy on the aid of
tlie Holy Spirit.
Sach is the action of God's Angels on earth, as
ilisdosed to ns in the rarioas stages of Rerela-
tioo; that of the evil angels may be better
.'[oken of elsewhere [Satas] : here it is enough
to say that it is the direct opposite of their true
I'rijiial office, but permitted under God's orer-
roliog Providence to go on until the judgment
d»y.
That there are degrees of the angelic nature,
fillenud unfallen, and special titles and agencies
belonging to each, is clearly declared by St. Paul
(Kpb. I 21; Rom. viii. 38); bnt what their
genenl nature is, it is needless for ns to know,
ruid therefore useless to speculate. For what
little is known of this special nature see CuERU-
Bin, Seraphiii, Michael, Gabriel. [A. B.]
On the subject generally consult Oehler,
TSeohga of the Old Testament (index, s. n.) ;
:«hultx,Xr. Theologie* (index, s. n.); Cremer,
BM. theol. WSrterinicA d. N. T. Gradtat* s. v.
irfV^t (S. T. usage); Everling, Die Paulin-
isclu AHgeiologie u. Bainonologie ; ai-ticle "Angel"
in IM. of ChriatioH Antiqq., Diet, of Christian
Dh^raplig, and in Eitto's Cyclopedia'; "Engel "
in Eiehm's HWB. (Delitzsch), Herzog, BK*
(Kubtl), Hamburger, ££., Weber, System der
alUyMjogaUn Palastinischen Theologie (index,
'.«. The last two writers give also the Rabbinic
upinions) ; Wetzer u. Welte's Kirch. Lex. (which
jires the R. C. teaching) ; Martensen, Christian
Inpiatia, $$ 68-71 ( Clark's For. Theol. Lib.);
i3i the Excursus on AngeMogy in the Speaier's
'Momtary on Tobit, p. 171, &c (which brings
together the development of this subject in the
0. T., the Apocrypha, pseud-epigraphic writings,
liter Jewish writings, and Assyrian documents).
Consolt also the list of works in D. B., Amer.
edit. [K.]
AXGLKG. [Fbhino.]
ASI'AM (Dr^JK, Ges. = lamentation of the
I'-'Tfie ; A. 'Avut^ B. 'AXtoKtl/x ; Aniam"), name
'f 3 Manascite, and son of Shemidah (1 Ch. vii.
IS). [F.]
ATOM (D'31?, perhaps springs or foimUxins
^C:^'; A. 'Awi/i, B. \laiii; Anim), a city
■u the mountains of Jndah, named with Esbte-
"«li ia-Semi'a) and Goshen (Josh. xv. 50).
iwbius and Jerome (05.' pp. 129. 18, 240. 19,
AfMS Anim) mention a place of this name in j
"•nma, nine miles south of Hebron (cp. also
^ino, a V. Anab). It is now possibly Ohwcein,
•wot eleven miles south of Hebron and not far
•^m o-Sma'a (Knobel ; P. F. Mem. iii. 40,3 ;
^'^ Lands of the Bil>U,\.ZU). [G.] [W.]
ANISE [3 syll.] (S^jflor; cmethum). This
""(1 wears only in Matt, xxiii. 23, " Woe unto
f'H, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites ! for ye pay
'ith( of mint and anise and cummin." 't^vriBoy
'Joold probably be translated " dill " {Anethwn
•'■Twfew); io R. V. margin — a common gnrden
wb of the order Umbetliferae, which is found
^■«;i wild and cultiratsd in Palestine. Another
■ Though this would normally be r\\3^D-
ANISE
133
claimant is the Anise (Pimpinella anistmi), be-
longing to the same order, and also found in the
country wild, though not so generally cultivated.
They are inconspicuous plants, resembling the
caraway, and are much alikein external character;
the seeds of both, moreover, are and have been
long employed in medicine and cookery, as con-
diments and carminatives. Celsius (_Hierob. i.
494 sq.y quotes several passages from ancient
writers to show that the dill was commonly so
used. Pliny uses the term anisum to expres,i
the Pimpinella anisum, and anethum to represent
the common dill ; he enumerates as many as
sixty-one diseases that the anisvun is able to
PImptiMlU saiiam.
cure, and says that on this account it is some-
times called anicctum.'' The best anise, he adds,
comes from Crete ; and next to it that of Egypt
is preferred (Plin. If. X. xi. 17). Forskil
{Descript. Plant. 154) includes the anise
(Janlsun, Arabic*) in the Materia Medica ot
Egypt. Dr. Royle is decidedly in favour of the
dill* being the proper translation, and -says that
the anethum' is more especially a genus of
Eastern cultivation than the other plant. The
strongest argument in favour of the dill is the
fact that the Talmud (Tract Masaroth, c. iv.
^ From a, nott and ftxaw, to conquer. It should be
noted that Dtuscorldea usee iriiarrov, for dill, and not
anise.
W>-A^^.'
anisum, v. Ool. jlroJ. I«c. s. v.
* Bill, so called from the old >fo™e word, the nurse's
lullaby, (<i(ii7' o Kothe. Hence the name of the car-
uiinstivc plant. n<. dUling op toothing herb (Me Wedgw.
Did. Engl. Elijmnt.).
• ifteov: according to an ab^nid etymology, iro^ to
a«u $eit', fica rriv iv raxti ovfiraLc (Btym. Mag, ed.
Calsfurd).
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134
ANKLET
ANNA
§ 5) uses the word ahabdth to express the dill,
'* The seeds, the leares, and the stem of dill
are, according to Itabbi Eliezer, subject to
tithe ;" and in connexion with this it should be
Oonmon Dill (Atuthnm aravtalev).
stated, that Forsk&l several times alludes to the
Ancthum graveolem as growing both in a culti-
Tated and a wild state in Egypt, and he uses the
Arabic name for this plant, which is identical
with the Hebrew word, viz. Sjotbet, or Schiht
(Descr. Plant. 65, 109).
CeUius remarks upon the difference of opinion
amongst the old authors who have noticed this
plant, some maintaining that it has an agreeable
taste and odour, others quite the opposite ; the
solution of the difficulty is clearly that the
matter is simply one of opinion.
There is another plant very dissimilar in ex-
ternal character to the two named above, the
leaves and capsules of which are powerfully car-
minative. This is the aniaeed-tree (Illicium ani-
setiim), which belongs to the natural order
Maiinvllaccae. In China this is frequently used
for seasoning dishes, &c. ; but the species of this
genus are not natives of the Bible lands, and
must not be confused with the Umbelliferous
plants noticed in this article. [W.H.] [H.B.T.]
AXKLET (irtpurKf\l8fs, w4Scu irtpia^ipiot,
Clem. Alex.). This word only occurs in Is. iii.
18, D'D3i;, A. V. " tinkling ornaments," R. V.
" anklets " (and as a proper name, Josh. liii.
16); unless such ornaments are included in
n^yy^. Num. xixi. 50, which word etymo-
logically would mean rather an anklet than a
bracelet. Indeed, the same word is used in
is. iii. 20 (without the Aleph prosthetic) for
the " stepping-chains worn by Oriental women,
fastened to the ankle-band of each leg, so that
they were forced to walk elegantly with short
steps " (Gesen. s. t-.). They were as common as
bracelets and armlets, and made of much the
same materials; the pleasaut jingling and
tinkling which they made as they knocked
against each other, was no doubt one of the
reasons why they were admired (la. iii. 16, 1'*,
"the .bravery of their tinkling omaments").
To increase this pleasant sound pebbles utrr
sometimes enclosed in them (Calmet, s. r. Pci />■
celis and Bella). The Arabic name " klu.i-
khal " seems to be onomatopoesn, an I
Lane (^ifod. Egypt. App. A) quotes frcii'
a song, in allusion to the pleasure oiuse i
by their sound, "the ringing of thin*
anklets has deprived me of ressoo."
Hence Mohammed forbade them in \w-
lic : " Let them not make a noise <in
their feet, that their omameots whki
they hide may [thereby] be discovwod ■"
(Koran, xxiv. 31, quoted by Lane). Xo
doubt TertuUian discountenances thru:
for similar reasons : " Nescio an crui J;
periscelio in nervum se patiatur .ircuri.
. . . Pedes domi figite et pins quam in
auro placebunt " (3e cult, ft-rnin. ii. 13).
Clemens Alexandrinus further objects i ■
anklets because amatory inscriptioDs, ii.
were sometimes engraved on them (Pit '.
ii. 11).
They were sometimes of great vain:.
Lane speaks of them (although theTif"
getting uncommon) as "made of fiii
gold or silver" {Mod. E<j<iit. L c.); b-il
he says that the poorer village chiUM
wear them of iron. For their use am' r:;
the ancient Egyptians, sec Wilkinitn, ii.
339 (1878); and among the ancient Grefts
and Romans, Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 12, Did, or O'i
and Horn. Ant. art. Pmacelis. They Jo not, se
believe, occur in the Nineveh sculptures.
Modem Igrpdaa i nMrta i m e-fonrth of Uw reil da-
Livingstone writes of the favourite wife oisn
African chief, " She wore a profusion of iyoa
rings on her ankles, to which were .nttacie-l
little pieces of sheet iron to enable her to make
a tinkling as she walked in her miucing Afriou
style" (p. 273). On the weight and inwi-
venience of the copper rings worn by the chin*
themselves, and the odd walk it causes them t>'
adopt, see id. p. 276.
Consult Ges. Theaaur. s. v. D?l? : ScbroJer.ft
Vest. p. 1 27 ; Rosenmitller, Z>(« aUe u.h. .Vori^n".
iv. 212 ; id. Scluilia in lesaiaiii, iii. 16 ; Bynjeo:i
<fc Calceia Ilcbracontm, i, c. viii. [F. W. F]
AN'NA (nan, grace; 'Awo; Anm). The
name occurs in Punic as the sister of PiJ<'>
1. The mother of Samuel (I K. i. 2 sq.). [Has-
NAH.] 2. The wife of Tobit (Tob. i. 9 s^').
8. The wife of Raguel (Tob. vii. 2.5q.; n:!!:
Heb. and Chald. [ed. Neubauer] ; 'ESri ; Hal*,
Anna). 4. A " prophetess " in Jerusalem it the
time of our Lord's birth (Luke ii. 36). [B. F. W.]
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ANNAA8
AUTiAJiS (A. 3ardas, B. iaiui; Anaai),
1 £«d. r. 23. [Si2fAAH.]
AN'NAS. 1. 'Ayyas or 'Afros, shortened
rorm of the faller'Aywos employed by Josepha3 ;
Heb. 1^11, merdful, some name as Hanan.
He waa the son of Seth, and was appointed
Ugh-priest by Quirinios (Ctrenivs), a.d. 6
(Joieph. Ant. xriii. 2, 1). He was displaced by
Vilerias Gratiu at the beginning of the reign
ti nbentu, about A.O. 15, and Ismael, son of
Phabi, was appointed in his stead (Joseph. AnU
iriii. 2, 1). Daring this period the Romans ap-
pointed and removed the high-priests, either
ilinctly as was done by Qnirinius and Gratus, or
by delegation of their power to a native prince.
Annas was considered " very fortunate " in that
he bad lire sons, all * of whom filled the
hjgh-priestly office (Joseph. Ant, ix. 9, 1). They
vtit (1) Eleazar, A.O. 16-17; (2) Jonathan,
U). 36-37; (3) Theophilus, A.D. 37; (4)
Matthias, three or four years later ; and lastly,
(o) Anasas, A.D. 62, who only retained office for
three months. The office was also held by his
soD-u-Iav, Joseph Caiaphas, A.D. 18-36 (John
iviii. 13). The notices of Annas in the Mew
Testament by (1) St. Lake, (2) St. John, present
Mat difficulty. (1) St. Luke (Luke iii. 2, and
Acts iv. 6) gives him the title of high-priest
(ifXitftit) at periods both of which fall after his
mnonl from office ; and in the earlier passage
the year ii dated as that of his high-priesthood
ia conjunction with Caiaphas, though the
Illogical form of expression (^tI iLpx^'P^"^ 'Kyya
ui Kouifa) is such »s to give the notion that
there were two conflicting ideas in the writer's
mind ; namely, one actual officiating high-priest,
sad two men exercising conjointly the iuUuence
of the office. (3) St. John, though not quite
certainly describing Annas as high-priest (John
xriii. \i, 19), yet assigns to him the first exa-
minatioa of Christ after His arrest (John xriii.
13. On the place and division of the examina-
tions, see Westoott's Commentary, ad loc. ; and
for another view, Gdersheim's Life and Times of
the Meaiah, Bk. V. xiii.). The part aiisignod by
^ John to Annas is held by objectors (Keim,
Jetu of Sazard) to be inconsistent with the
historical fact of the high-priesthood of Caiaphas,
and with the narratives of the Synoptists which
omit Annas entirely. The difficnlties arising
Iran St Luke (the title of high-priest) and from
St John (the part taken by Annas) will be best
tnated separately. (1) The title ipx"P*^' —
oaly once (Lev. ir. 3) in LXX., excluding the
Apocrypha-— is ambiguous in Josephus. It may
■atao the acting high-priest, or it may mean
•»» of that body collectively called " the chief
priests" (ot ipx><p<<s) both in Josephus and
ihe X. T. passim (bat see especially Mark xiv.
•>■% where sing, and plur. occur in the same
Tene). It was a large body (woAAoitj twk
VxKp^v, Joseph. Vit. 'M), and rank was pro-
inWy taken in it by age {£. J. iv. 4, 3). Thus
JoMphns mentions together as " high-priests,"
ANOINT
135
* Tbe frequent changes may bare been partly due to
tW tKt tbat the office Inrolred tbe practice of austerities
vhicli rich and ariAtocratic persons did not caro to un-
<>en>ke far more than a year (see Derenbourg, St$ai
•>r etMairt el la aeoffrttphii de la Paltttint, zUl.
p.nt,ai)«e).
or rather " chief priests," one who had filled the
office (Jonathan), and was then an infiuentinl
member of " the chief priests," and Ananias, the
high-priest actually in office at the time (roui
ifx>*P"^ 'laydStiy ical 'Ayariay, B. J. ii. 12, 6).
He assigns the first place not to the actual high-
priest, but to the (probably) elder man. We
hare here an exact parallel to "Annas and
Caiaphas" (Luke iii. 2). Another probabli;
instance occurs (Joseph. Vit. 38). Annas is calleil
chief priest (ipx'ep*") ** o"* "f the chief priests
(&f>X'<P<^<)> ""^ "*>' simply as a past high-priest,
though that alone would be sufficient explana- '
tion. The qualifications for being reckoned one
of the iipxuptis cannot be discussed here, but
see Schilrer, Neatest. Zeitgeschichte, pp. 420-3 ;
id. Getck. d. JOdiachen Volket,^ ii. pp. 166-174.
(2) The part taken by Annas (John xviii.) in the
trial of Christ was due to his dominant influence
in the aristocratic (Jos. Ant. xx. 10) Jewish
constitution. This influence was not given him
by the advancement of his sons as described
above, but was the cause of their advancement.
Schiirer instances three other past high-priests
who continued after their removal to exercise an
influence like that of Annas ; namely, Jonathan,
Ananias, and Ananus (see hia reff. to Josephus).
Hence there is no occasion with Wieseler
(Herzog, £E,* a. v, Annas) to contend for a
president of the Sanhedrin other than the high-
priest, to assign this office to Annas, and to Iwse
on this his claim to the title of ipxuptis, and
to the first examination of Christ.
On the booths of the sons of Annas, their
situation, and their identification with the
Temple Market, see Edersheim, Life and Times
of the Messiah, Bk. 111. r. On the general
question, see Schiirer, Neutest. Zeitgeschichte,
§ 23, whose view has on the whole been adopted
above, and comp. art. CAlAPHAa. See for Wiese-
ler's view art. Annas in Herzog, RE.* [E. R. B.]
2. B. 'Ajviy, A. 'Avris ; Nuas. In the parallel
lists called Habim (1 £sd. ix. 32 ; cp. Ezra x. 31).
ANNU'US (B. [v. 47] omits, A.'Awowoj;
Amin [v. 49], 1 Esd. riii. 48). Probably a mis-
reading of ^FIK (A.V. "with him") in Ezra
viii. 19. The translator may hare read )3M-
[W.A. W.] [F.]
ANOINT (TV^, or "JfiO; xp'". iA«'^;
ungo). Of the two Hebrew words the former is
used chiefly, though not eiclusirely (e.g. Amos
vi. 6), of religious or official anointings, whereas
the latter appears to be confined to the ordinary
anointing of the body. The LXX. use xf^a and
&\«l^w as tbe rendering of both Hebrew words,
though they more frequently render fli^ by
Xpla and Ij^D by iXtlipa. In the N. T. xp'w
and its derivatives (xptirfia, xP'T^t) are used
exclnsirely in a metaphorical or spiritual sense,
iXel^o being reserred for material unction.
Once (Mark xir. 8) luipiia is used. In Ps. xxiii.
5, "Thou anointest my head with oil," the
Hebrew is BJ?''?, " Thou hast made fat ;" LXX.,
i\litatras; Vulg., impinguasti. In Ps. xcii. 10
(Heb. tj. 11) it U »rt;>3, lit. "I am drenched"
(Kay : R. V. " anointed ") ; the word being
elsewhere rendered " mingled " (Ler. ii. 4, 5 }
Num. rii. 13, 19).
The word " anoint " is used in Holy Scripture,
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136
ANOINT
I. Of a personal and social custom ; II. Of a re-
ligious or inaugural rite; and III. In a meta-
phorical or spiritual sense.
I. A personal and social custom. — Amongst
the Jews, as amongst other ancient nations, the
practice of anointing the body by rubbing in oil
or other unguents prevailed commonly (Deut.
xxviii. 40; Ruth iii. 3; Mic. vi. 15). Such
anointing appears to have been regarded, not
only as contributing to health and comfort, and
invigorating the body (comp. the use of oil in
the gymnasium by the Greelts, Thucyd. i. 6;
and the names t iXtbmis, the trainer, oi
a\ci^^jii«'oi, the gymnasts), but as conducing to
personal comeliness : " to maltc the face to shine
with oil " (Ps. civ. 15. Cp. Prov. xivii. 9).
1. Festal. — Hence the practice came to have
a festal character, and to talce its place among
the rites of hospitality. With the Egyptians,
though " it is probable that like the Greeks they
anointed themselves before they left home, yet
still it was customary for a servant to attend
every guest, as he seated himself, and to anoint
his head ; and this was one of the principal
toicens of welcome " (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyp-
tians, i. 77, 78 [1878], who adds that the
ointment was " sweet-scented," and " was con-
tained sometimes in an alabaster, sometimes in
an elegant porcelain vase "). In like manner
with the Jews, anointing the bead with oil or
ointment was a mark of respect and welcome
paid by a host to his guests (Ps. xxiii. 5 ;
Matt. xxvi. 7 ; John xi. 2, xii. 3). The de-
signed omission of this customary attention by
the Pharisee, whose guest He was, is noticed by
our Lord (Luke vii. 46), From this festal and
luxurious usage, to be anointed with oil came to
signify metaphorically to be in the enjoyment
of success or prosperity (Ps. xcii. 10[Heb. v. 11].
Op. Eccles. ix. 8 ; Wisd. ii. 7). On the other hand,
tlie festal character of anointing is shown by
the discontinuance of it being looked upon as
a sign of mourning (2 Sam. xii. 20, xiv. 2 ;
Dan. X. 3 ; Matt. vi. 17).
2. funereal. — ^The use of anointing as a mark
of honour and respect, together with the desire
to preserve the body from corruption, led to the
practice of anointing a corpse with ointment, as
well as to strewing with spices the folds of linen
in which the limbs were wound. Both these
)>rocesses are spoken of as " anointing " in con-
nexion with the burial of our Lord. When the
woman poured the precious ointment upon His
head. He said, " In that she poured this oint-
ment Mfon My body, she did it to prepare Me
fur burial " (Matt. xxvi. 12, R.V.). Of the holy
women who came to the sepulchre we read
that they "prepared spices and ointments"
(l.uke xxiii. .56), and that they '* bought spices
tliat they might come and anoint Him " (Mark
xvi. 1).
3. Medicinal. — The beneficial effect of anoint-
ing with oil or ointment was not restricted to
the body in health. Oil wi>s universally be-
lieved to have curative properties in disea.se or
sickness [Oil,]. And the Jews did not differ
from otiier nations in this particular. Thus
Isaiah speaks of wounds and sores which have
not been " mollified with oil " (i. 6), and the
Good Samaritan pours "oil and wine" (the
approved remedies of both Greek and Roman
physiciaas) into the wounds of him who had
ANOINT
fallen among robbers (Luke x. 34). There was
consequently a certain appropriateness, thongl
we cannot suppose that there v.-u any virtue,
inasmuch as the cure was entirely supernatural,
in the symbol chosen by our Lord and Hit
Apostles, when they anointed the blind villi
clay (John ii. 6, 1 1), or the sick with oil (Mark
vi. 13), and by St. James in his well-knowa
direction to the elders of the Church (r. U).
4. Anointing the shield. — Before going iuto
battle it was customary to rub oil or grease intn
the leather or hide which was stretched over
the framework of the shield, in order to mal:e it
supple, and that the strokes which fell upon it
might the more readily glide off. If the shield
were of metal, it was anointed to cleanse ami
furbish it. Op. Virg. Aen. vii. 626, 027 :
" Purs leves clypece et spicuU ludda tergunt
Arvtna plngui.'*
To this custom Isaiah refers, in describing tbe
sudden call to arms, in the midst of feasting,
when Babylon was taken : " Rise up, ye priaces,
anoint the shield " (xif. 5 ; LXX. 4T0i/iiircr<
Buptois ; Vulg., arripite ditpeum). -Wtlier
allusion to it is to b« found in 2 Sam. i. -1.
where the words " not anointed with oil " «e
taken by modem commentators to refer not t»
Saul but to his shield, which was '* east awsT,
not anointed with oil " [so R. V.], ue. left stained
and polluted with the blood of its owner (cp.
Speaker's Comm. or Keil), no longer polisliel
and ready to be worn, but lying neglected upon
the mountains.
II. Reliijious or inaugural. — The earliest es-
ample in the Bible of consecration by anointing
is when Jacob, awaking from his dream >t
Bethel, " took the stone that he had put for his
pillows, and set it up for a pillar, and poured
oil upon the top of it " (Gen. xsnii. 18. Cp.
ixxv. 14). "In all ages of primitive history,
such monuments are, if we may so call them,
the earliest ecclesiastical edifices. In Greece-
there were rude stones at Delphi, still visible in
the second century, anterior to any temple, and,
like the rock of Bethel, anointed (Pans. vii. 2'2,-
X. 24) with oil by the pilgrinns who came
thither. In Northern Africa, Arnobins, after
his conversion, describes the kind of fascination
which had drawn him towards one of those aged
stones, streaming and shining with the sacred oil
which had been poured upon it " (.^mcbius adr.
Gent. i. 39. Cp. Stanley, Jeicish Church, i. 60).
At the introduction of the Mosaic economy, the
Tabernacle and all its furniture were dedicated
to the service of Almiehty God by being
anointed with an " oil of holy ointment," for
the composition of which special directions were
given (Eiod. ixi. 22-29), and the employment
of which for any secular purpose was to be-
visited with the penalty of death (ep. 3 1-311).
No mention is made of any such anointing in
the case either of the first or second Temple:
but as the " atnointing oil " was reckoned a part
of the standing furniture of the Tatemacle
(Exod. xxxix. 38), and was given perpetually ia
charge to the high-priest; and as moreover it
was in the Tabernacle in the time of Solomon
(1 K. i. 39), and was " made " by '• some of the
sons of the priests " (1 Ch. ix. 30) after the
Captivity, it would seem probable that the cere-
mony was not omitted. It is, however, in the
official consecration of persons that the act of
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ANOINT
uMiotiiig atUins its highest eigoificance in the
4. T. foisting with oil was a rite of inauga-
ntioa into each of the three typical otiicea of
tile Jewish Commonwealth. As anointed, the
touts of thoK .offices were types of the
AajJDted One (H'^'^, xpuTrfi).
1. Pri«t».— The holy oil, which was specially
woponnded and used for the dedication of the
Tiknucle and its furnitare, was also employed
is the consecration of Aaron and his sons to the
printbood (Ciod. xix. 30). At the first insti-
tution of the office, all the priests were in some
SCUM anointed (Eiod. xxriii. 41, xl. 15; Num.
iii. 3), though, according to the best Hebrew
uthorities, the high-priest alone had the oil
paini on bis head (see Ler. ir. 3) ; and his sons
vtn only anointed with the oil applied by the
tinier m the forehead (see Reland, AtUig. ii.
1, ; SeUen, de Success. Pontif. ii. 2 ; Keil,
p. 56 ; Wordsworth on Lev. viii. 13). This dis-
tinction between the original anointing of Aaron
sod of his sons appears to be borne out by the
nimtite in Lev. riii., where the oil is said to
hire been poured upon the head of Aaron only
(f. 12), whereas in the second and different
miction of sprinkling it upon the person and the
ginnentt (c. 30) his sons are iucloded. That
«uh succeeding high-priest was anointed to his
vlfice is undonbted (Lev. xvi. 32), but it has
been questioned whether, after the first inaugu-
ntioo, the ceremony was repeated in the case of
ordissry priests. The title " the priest that is
minted " (ri'^iDn \ri3n ; LXX., i ifXUftis,
i nxpta/tfros), by which the high-priest is dis-
tinguished (l«T. iv. 3, 5, 16 ; vi. 22 [Heb. r. 15]),
vaj belong to him either as the sole anointed
priest, or (ss seems more probable from its
being osed at a time when we know that the
coanvm priests were anointed) in consequence
of the additional anointing which we have seen
that he received.
2. £n^. — We learn from Jotham's parable
that the Jews were familiar with the idea of
making a king by anointing, before the estab-
lisiment of their own monarchy (Jndg. ix. 8,
'•>! cp. 1 Sam. ii. 10). Their sojourn in
%ypt wonld have taught them, that in that
cniintrT, " one of the principal ceremonies con-
oectcd with the coronation was the anointing of
'.be kin;:, and his receiving the emblems of
BijestT from the gods." The sculptures repre-
•ent the gods themselves as anointing the king,
lint it was no doubt done by the high-priest,
clad in his official robe, a leopard skin, who thus
conferred upon the king the title of "The
uomted of the gods" (cp. "The anointed
'f Jehovah," 1 Sam. ixiv. 6. Wilkinson, j4nc.
^WX. i. 275 [1878]). The first king of Israel
ou anointed to his office by the express com-
^ of God (1 Sam. ix. 16; x. 1). On
l^vid, his immediate successor, the ceremony
*« thiice performed : first, privately by
' iiMixr point of contact with the Jewish ordinance
»l*b Wilkinson points ont is, that "as the Jewish law-
^^ inentioDS the ceremony of pouring oil upon the
l»«l of the hlgh-prlest, a/ttr he had put on bis entire
*"»• with the mitre and crown (Exod. xzlx. 6, 1), ao
t^ S^rptiAns r ep rese n t the anointing of their priests
■M uii(B o/ter they were attired in their (nil robes,
*1U the ctp and down npon their bead " (cp. 3 Kings
ANOINT
137
Samuel, before the death of Saul, by way
of conferring on him a right to the throne
(1 Sam. xvi. 1, 13); again, as king over JudaK
at Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 4) ; and finally, as king
over the whole nation (2 Sam. v. 3). Whether
anointing was practised on the accession of each
new king has been doubted. Besides Saul and
David, Solomon, Jehu, and Joash (1 K. i. 39 ;
2 K. ix. 6, xi. 12) are distinctly said to have
been anointed. But in these cases it is con-
tended that disputed title to the throne, or
change of dynasty, may account for the fact
(Jabn, Archacol. Sibl. 223). Even, however, if
we admit, in accordance with Jewish tradition,
that after the separation into two kingdoms
the kings of Israel were not ordinarily anointed,
for lack of the sacred oil which was kept in the
Temple at Jerusalem, it seems much more pro-
bable that the custom still obtained with the
kings of Judah. The designation of the king
as " The Lord's anointed," which began with the
institution of the monarchy (1 Sam. xii. 3, 5,
xvi. 6, xxiv. 6, 10; 2 Sam. i. 14, xix. 21), was
maintained, as it scarcely would have been it'
the practice of anointing had been discontinued,
even to the time of the Babylonian Captivitv
(Ps. lixiix. 38, 51; Lam. iv. 20). Besides
Jewish kings, Hazael was to be anointed king
over Syria (1 K. xix. 15), i.e. not necessarily by
performance of the outward rite, but by the
declared will of Jehovah (2 K. viii. 13). Simi-
larly, Cyrus is called the Lord's "anointed," ns
having been raised by God to the throne for the
special purpose of delivering the Jews out of
Captivity (Is. xlv. 1).
3. Prophets. — ^To the remaining typical order
among t)>e Jews, that of Prophets, admission by
anointing is not so clearly defined. Only one
instance, that of Elisha, occurs in which it i»
distinctly spoken of (1 K. xix. 16); and even
there the expression may perhaps be used meta-
phorically. Casting his mantle upon him
(i>. 19) is the only action which Elijah is stated
to have performed, in appointing Elisha to be
his successor. Elsewhere the phrase, "Mine
anointed," is found in the parallelism of Hebrew
poetry, as the equivalent of "My Prophets"
(Ps. cv. 15 ; 1 Ch. xvi. 22. Cp. Gen. xx. 7).
III. Metaphorical or aptritual sense. — A fit
emblem in itself of spiritual influences, both by
its invigorating and exhilarating effects, and by
its gentle and penetrating action, anointing with
oil became intimately associated with such
influences, through its constant and divinely
appointed use, as the symbol of consecration and
equipment for the service of God. Thus the
N. T. writers found the term ready to their
hand when they came to speak of the bestowal
of the Holy Spirit, either (1) upon Christ, or
(2) upon Christians.
1. As regards our Lord Himself, He was both
foretold (Dan. ix. 25, 26) and recognised (John
i. 41) as the Messiah, or Christ, or Anointed.
In many cases the 0. T. prophecy which so
describes Him is quoted and applied to Him by
the writers of the N. T. (cp. Ps. ii. 2 with Acts
iv. 26, 27 ; Ps. xlv. 7 [Heb. r. 8] with Heb. i.
9 ; Is. Ixi. 1 with Luke iv. 18). The historical
fact that the Holy Ghost came upon Him is
asserted (Matt. iii.'l6. Cp. John iii. 34), and is
interpreted to mean that God "anointed" Him
1 "with the Holy Ghost and with power" (Acts
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138
AKOS
1. 38). To prove that Jesus is Christ w«s a
chief aim of the first preachers of Christianity
when they dealt with Jews (Acts ix. 22; ivii.
2, 3; xviii. 5, 28). By His official name of
Christ or Anointed our Lord claimed for and
gathered up into Himself, as their rightful owner
and true exponent, all those typical oiBces of
the earlier dispensation to which their occupants
had been admitted by the ceremony of anointing.
2. To Christians the same spiritual anointing
descends from and is imparted by Him, the
Head. The Psalmist already anticipates the
truth, when he lilcens the spirit of unity among
brethren to " the precious oil upon the head,
that ran down upon the beard, even Aaron's
beard ; that came down upon the skirt of his gar-
ments " (Ps. cxxxiii. 2, R. V.). The followers of
Christ are said to be " anointed " by God (2 Cor.
i. 21), and to " have an unction," or " anointing,"
" from the Holy One " (xpl^fh 1 John ii. 2o,
27). With a reference to the medicinal proper-
ties of oil or ointment, those who lack spiritual
perception are exhorted to "anoint their eyes
with eye-salve " ^KoXAoiptor iy-Xftaai rohs
i^9a\iu)is, Rev. iii. 18). The actual use of
anointing with oil as a material symbol of
spiritual gifts, by the Christian Church at Bap-
tism, or confirmation, or in " extreme unction,"
does not fall within the scope of this article.
The reader is referred to the several articles in
the Diet, of Christ. Antiq. and to Bingham's
Origines Eccleaiast. [T. T. P.]
A'NOS ("Ayvt ; Jonat). One of the sons of
Maani, who had taken " strange wives," and put
them away (1 Esd. ix. 34). [Vahiah.] [F.]
ANT (n7DJ, nemdloA; ^p/ii){; formica''').
The ant is twice mentioned in the Book of
Proverbs. In one passage it is held forth as a
pattern of industry, in the other as a model of
wisdom. As a pattern of industry, " Go to the
ant, thou sluggard ; consider her ways, and be
wise : which having no guide, overseer, or ruler,
provideth her meat in the summer, and
gathereth her food in the harvest " (Prov. vi.
6-8). As a model of wisdom : " There be four
things which are little upon the earth, but they
are exceeding wise : the ants are a people not
strong, yet they prepare their meat in the
summer " (xxx. 24, 25). The natural interpre-
• From 7l5J. o!»cimiij (Simon. Lex. Beb. cd. Winer).
The derivation oftbe word Is nncertolQ. acacaius(rAcs.)
ktncUned to derive It from the Arabic I '>."con8cendit.
pec. prorcptando arborem reptandi vim babuisse vtde-
tnr, node obtrectandl potestas profecta est." Vid. Qol.
Arab. Lex. s. v. V. coqj. ** moti Inter sese pcrmisttquc
flicat formicarun reptantium more." Cf. Mlchoelis.
^j>. Lex. Beb. U. 1644, and Roeemnail. not. ad Bochart,
iU.4«0. Is It not probable that the name n<m<UdA(trom
75 J, •■ to cut ") was given to the ant from Its extreme
tenuity at the Junction of the thorax and abdomen ? If
the term insect Is applicable to any one living creature
more than to another. It certainly U to the ant. JVemiJ-
Idh Is the exact equivalent to itufct. Parkburst— i . v.
70 (Iv.)— gives a slmlUr derivation. Another may be
seen In Delltzsch on Prov. vl, 6. The English wonl ant
appears to be an abbreviation of the form tmmet (Sax.
aammet).
ANT
tation of both these passages is that the ut
proves her industry and wisdom by etonn; sp
in summer a supply for winter use. It is atil
known that not only the Jews, but the ancient
Greeks and Romans, were acquainted vitli the
habit of certain anta of storing up food, which it
collected in the summer, for the winter's con-
sumption.
The earliest classical writers speak of the
storing habits of the outs. Thus Uesiod (Z)a>s
1, 14) writes, Kre t" ISpij tripoy dfiaToi, " when
the provident collects its heap." Horace aUu(i«
to its foresight (Sat. i. 1, 33-35).' So Aewp, in
his familiar fable of the Ant and the Grasshopper.
Plautus {Triit. ii. 4) speaks of money vtuiihln^-
in a twinkling, like pappy-»eds throws to the
ants. Virgil, in a familiar passage (Aea. n.
402-407), compares the Trojaus hurrying their
departure to the busy trains of harvesting anii.
In fact, "As provident as an ant" was .is
familiar a proverb as with us ".U btuy as>
bee." Aelian, a writer on natural history in the
time of Hadrian, gives a very full and detailej
account of the habits of the ant (de Sat. iwH.
ii. 25, and vi. 43), describing, among other (U-
ticulars, two very curious examples of piondent
instinct, which have been verified by receni
observation, viz. the biting off the radicle "i
the root of the seed when it begins to gemi-
nate ; and also the fact of some of the ants,
when harvesting, climbing up the stalb anJ
nibbling off the seed capsules, which fall amnnf!
the workers below, who then detach the hoik
or chaff, before carrying off the grain an>l
storing it in their subterranean granaries.
But to the Bible student the most interesting
evidence of the observed habits of ants among
ancient writers is to be found in the Mishia,
compiled by Hillel, the Jewish Rabbi, aJKot
the time of our Saviour, and which is valnaUe
as a record of a multitude of very ancient
customs and observances, which, but for it,
would probably have been long ago forgotten.
The first section, called Zcraim, is occnpie'l
about seeds and crops. In the chapter "i<
Angulo " in the Latin Vei-sion, which trests ol
the comer of the fields bearing crops, which
should be set aside for the poor, and of the
rights of the gleaners, we are told that the
granaries of ants (formicaram cavemulae) which
may be found in the midst of a growing crop if
corn, shall belong to the owner of the crop;
but if these granaries are found aAer tit
reapers have passed, the upper part of wli
heap shall go to the poor, and the lower part t j
the owner. It is added that Rabbi Meir «a^ 'i'
opinion that the whole should go to the Y*>'-
because whenever any doubt arose about '>
question of gleaning, the decision should he in
favour of the gleaner. The reason for thi*
quaint piece of legislation seems to have be*"
this : If the stores were found among the sting-
ing corn or while the reapers were at work, the
owner might undoubtedly claim them ; but if
they were discovered after the reapers h*'
» " Parviila (nam cxempio est) magnl fonnlca Isborb
Ore trahlt quodcunque potest, stqne addlt aoecto
Quern fltruit, liaud Ignara ac non incauta fnttui"
Hot. Sol. L 1. 1
Cp. also Ovid, Met. vil. 6J4; Vlrg. Georg. 1. 186, i»- '•
402; PUn. xl. 30 ; Aelian, H. A. II. 2S. vi. 43, te.
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ANT
fustd, it was presnmable that the ants, who
hail oerer ceased their labours, might have
collected some grains of fallen com, which
vonld pertain of right to the gleaners. These
grains would be the last gathered, and there-
fore woald lie on the top of the store. The
regslation is not only interesting as an illnstra-
tiim of the microscopic habit of mind of those
who "tithed mint and anise and cummin," but
ti proring that the harvesting ants of Syria had
unwil a place among these lavrs by amassing
stores of sufficient size and so deposited as to
make them worth collecting.
Bit why has there been any difficulty on the
robject ? The language of the wise man is in
accordance not only with the universal belief of
li!i time, but with the accurately ascertained
futs of natural history. Much is due to the
lite Hr. J. T. Moggridge, who studied and
elucidated the habits of the harvesting ants in
his interesting volumes Harvesting Ants and
Trapdoor Spiers, London, 1873-4. Kirby and
Spenoe stated accurately enough that none of
the aofiitm European ants made any hoard or
nuguise of grmn for winter un. All the
English, French, and German naturalists have
repeated the statement without question, of all
European snts. Latreille, Huber, and others
sdded the weight of their authority, drawn only
from northern experiences; and subsequent
compilers like Blanchard, and commonplace
oi>)ectors to the accuracy of Holy Writ, have
caught it up and generalized upon it. The
resnlt of further investigation has shown with
vhst care the gmeraluatiom of even the ablest
oiiwrTers are to be received, and how often they
dogmatize from insufficient data, while, as has
often happened in other cases, the accuracy of
Scripture and of ancient authorities has been in
the end triumphantly vindicated. It is true
that of the 104 species known to inhabit Europe,
only three — Atta barbara, Atta structor, and
PieiMe megacephala — are known to lay up
stores for winter. How then, it may be asked,
does it come that the ancients were familiar
with the storing habits of the ant, while the
modenu remained in ignorance of them ? Simply
becsDse these species are commonest on the
Mediterranean shores, and have not been noticed
ia the north of Europe. The long trains of
hsrresten remain conspicuous in the fields in
the south for hours together, while Atta structor
is in the habit of frequenting the neighbourhood
ud even the interior of towns, and is a familiar
object to everyone on the Mediterranean coasts.
Contrary to their habits in colder climates, the
ants are not there dormant in winter, and among
the tamarisk trees by the Dead Sea they may i>e
Men in January actively engaged in collecting
i>(>'>ides and saccharine exudations, in long file
passing and repassing up and down the branches.
B<it it is said the ants are not graminivorous,
lat snimai feeders. True of the great family
Pirmca, with the species of which we are
Miliar here, but the most common species of
the Holy Land, Atta barbara and Atta structor,
sre (tiictly seed-feeders, and in summer lay up
IsTge stores of grain for winter use. Even
reesntly M. G. de St. Pierre (Ants and Spiders,
^ 29) mentions the depredations made among
the com crop* at Hyires by these ants. Col.
Sjkes (Trans. EtU. Soc. Land. ii. 103) records
ANT
139
the harvesting habits of an Indian species, Atta
providens, and gives a detailed account of his
observations, being, as be states, the more care-
ful in his notes, from the denial of this habit by
European naturalists. Dr. Jerdon, too, describes
(^Madras Jour. Lit. and Sci. 1851) similar storing
habits in Atta rafa and Oeoodoma diffusa. Mr.
C. Home (Science Gossip, 1872, p. 109) gives
similar details of another Indian species, and Dr.
Buchanan White corroborates Mr. Moggridge's
account of the Italian ants {Trans. Ent. Soc.
Land. 1872, p. b). The writer has been re-
peatedly an eye-witness of this habit in Syria.
Beyond the providence of the ant, modern
research has proved its wisdom and instinct to
be far in advance of that of any other known
insect, not even excepting the bee. Its skill in
architecture is wonderful nnd varied. Some
species build their labyrinths of pellets of
kneaded clay, arched and fitted like the most
skilful masonry; others employ rafters and
beams for their roofs, others cut leaves into neat
circular tiles and thatch their roofs with this
shingling (Bates, Amazon, 1-3), others excavate
the trunks of trees. They fortify their passages
against rain and enemies, closing them every
night and opening them in the morning. Like
the bees and wasps, their communities are com-
posed of males, females, and neuters, the latter
being both the workers and the rulers. These
receive the eggs, watch over them with un-
ceasing care, bring the larvae to enjoy the sun's
warmth, and in the evening carry them back to
their chambers. They gather food for them,
and supply them incessantly ; they tear the
cases away from the cocoons when the imago is
ready to emerge ; they spread and dry the
wings, which the males and females alone
possess ; they afterwards tend the females, feed
them, wash them, and keep continual guard.
They rear myriads of aphides or small plant
parasites from the egg to supply food fbr the
young, and keep them like cows. Some species,
as the Amazon ants, organise regular marauding
expeditions, attack the colonies of other ants,
and carry off the larvae to be their slaves. In fact,
had not the habits of the ants been verified by
the observations of the most careful and truth-
ful naturalists, they would have been incredible.
Truly, indeed, did Agur pronounce them to be
" exceeding wise."
Modern observers have recorded the extra-
ordinary habit of the harvesting ants, of
occasionally bringing their stores to the surface,
and then burying them again. Many ancient
writers have noticed this habit, Aelian, Plutarch,
Epiphanius, and others, as well as Arabic
authorities, quoted at length by Bochart
(iftn-OT. iii. 596). Whether this be to check
germination, or merely to dry and preserve the
seeds, is not yet ascertained. But it has been
proved that the seeds do not germinate in an
ant's granary ; although if the place be deserted
by the insects they will immediately begin to
sprout. The ants have been often noticed to
bite off the radicle of a sprouting seed. The
observations of Mr, Moggridge led him to con-
clude that the ants, by this treatment, and by
the exposure of the grain, actually malt it
before eating it ; waiting till the sprouting seed
is ready to grow and has developed the saccha-
rine matter so grateful to the tribe ; not merely
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140
ANTICHRIST
keeping it till the seed has become soft and more
accessible to their mandibles.
A small cricket, Grylhts myrmecophilus, in-
habits the nests of harvesting ants, who carry
it about with them in their migrations (Sari,
Jiibliot. Ital. tom. xv. p. 217).
.\nts are bymenopterous insects of the family
t'ormicariae, of which there are two great divi-
sions, formica, stingless, and Myrmica, armed
with a sting. Of each sub-family there are many
genera. Most of the European species belong to
J'onnica. Formica riifa affords the formic acid,
.1 peculiar secretion from the glands of the
nbdomen. Atta and Phe'ulole, to which genera
most of the harvesting ants belong, come under
the sub-family Myrmka.
The Arabians held the wisdom of the ant in
such estimation, that they used to place one of
these insects in the hands of a newlr-bom infant,
repeating these words, " May the boy turn out
clever and skilful." Hence in Arabic, with the
noun nemleh, " an ant," is connected the adjec-
tive nemil, "quick," " clever " (Bochart, Hieroz.
iii. 494). In Rajputana to this day, the Hindoos
scatter ceremonially dry rice and sugar for the
ants. The Talmudists, too, attributed great
wisdom to this insect. It was, tbey say, fVom
beholding the wonderful ways of the ant that
the following expression originated : " Thy jus-
tice, God, reaches to the heavens " {Chuiin, 63.
See a collection of Jewish sayings on the ant in
PSBA. iii. 68, &c.). [H. B. T.]
ANTELOPE, in R. V. (Deut. xiv. 5; Is.
li. 20) ; in A. V. " wild ox " (Deut.) and " wild
bull " (Is.). [See BCLL, Wild.]
ANTICHRIST (6 ayrlxpurros). The word
Antichrist is used by St. John in his first and
second Epistles, and by him alone. Elsewhere
it does not occur in Scripture. Nevertheless,
by general consent, the term has been applied to
the Man of Sin of whom St. Paul spe.iks in the
Second Epistle to the Thessalonians, to the Little
Horn and to the fierce-countenanced King of
whom Daniel prophesies, and to the two Beasts
of the Apocalypse, as well ns to the false Christs
whose appearance our Lord predicts in His pro-
phetic discour^ on the Mount of Olives. Before
we can arrive at any clear and intelligent view
of what Scripture teaches us on the subject of
Antichrist, we must decide whether this exten-
.sioD of the term is properly made; whether
the characteristics of the Antichrist are those
alone with which St. John makes us acquainted
in bis Epistles, or whether it is his portrait
which is drawn, darker, fuller, and larger, in
some or all of the other passages to which we
have referred.
(A.) The following are the passages in Scrip-
ture which ought to be carefully compared for
the elucidation of our subject : — I. Matt. ixiv.
3-31. II. 1 John ii. 18-23, iv. 1-3; 2 John
5, 7. in. 2 Thess. ii. 1-12; 1 Tim. iv. :-3;
2 Tim. iii. 1-13. IV. Dan. viii. 8-25; xi.
36-39. V. Dan. vii. 7-27. VI. Rev. xiii. 1-8 ;
xvij. 1-18. VII. Rev. xiii. 11-18; xix. 11-21.
The first of these passages contains the account
of the false Christs and false prophets predicted
by our Lord ; the second, of the Antichrist as
depicted by St. John ; the third, of the Adver-
sary of God as portrayed by St. Paul; the
fourth and fifth, of the fierce-countenanced
ANTICHRIST
King and of the Little Horn foretold by Duiel ;
the sixth and seventh, of the Beast ud the
False Prophet of the Revelation.
I. The False Christs and False Pnpliets o;
Matt. xiiv. — ^The purpose of our Lotd in Hit
prophetic discourse on the Mount of Olives vk
at once to predict to His disciples the ev«it<
which would take place before the oipturt uf
Jerusalem, and those which would pr««de thf
final destruction of the world, of n-liich the fall
of Jerusalem was the type and symbol. Accor-
dingly, His teaching on the point before us
amounts to this, that (1) in the latter days of
Jerusalem there sbonld be sore distrest, anl
that in the midst of it there should ariw im-
|K>stors who would claim to be the promiuJ
Messiah, and would lead away many of thrir
countrymen after them ; and that (2) in the Us!
days of the world there should be a ptU
tribulation and pcrsecutiou of the saints, aci
that there should arise at the same tine talsc
Christs and false prophets, with an nnpuaUeld!
power of leading astray. In type, therefore, mir
Lord predicted the rise of the several impost'it
who excited- the fanaticism of the Jews beij:e
their fall. In antitype He predicted the fatiut
rise of impostors in the last days, who should
beguile all but the elect into the belief of their
being God's prophets, or even His Christs. Wt
find no direct reference here to the .^ntichrisi
Our Lord is not speaking of any one in(iiTiJujl
(or polity), but rather of those forcrannen of
the Antichrist who are his servants and ictuat>l
by his spirit. They are ifxuSttxpiaroi, sJ"! "^
deceive almost the elect, but they are not
i iiinlxfurros ; they are i^fuSoirfW^qToi, and cm
show great signs and wonders, but they are not
i <fitvSaxpop4rnis (Rev. xvi. 14). Howerer
valuable, therefore, the prophecy on Mouit
Olivet is, as helping as to picture to ouraelre'
the events of the last days, it does not eincidstr
for ns the characteristics of the Antichrist, ul
must not be allowed to mislead us, as tboogh it
gave information which it doe* not profess to
give.
II. The Antichrist of St. John's Epistla.-
The first teaching with regard to the .Antichrist
and to the antagonist of God (whether these in
the same or different we leave as yet nncertsin)
was oral. " IV heard that the Antichrist
Cometh," says St. John (1 Ep. ii. 18, R. V.) ; ami
again,"Thisisthe8pirit of the Antichrist icA^raj
ye have heard that it should come " (1 Ep. i^-
3, R. v.). Similarly St. Paul, " Remember ye not
that when I was yet with you / ioid you tSe^
things 1 " (2 Thess. ii. 5, R. V.). We must not
therefore look for a full statement of the "doc-
trine of the Antichrist " in the Apostolic Epistle>
but rather for allusions to something already
known. The whole of the teaching of St. John's
Epistle with regard to the Antichrist himself
seems to be confined to the words " Ye heard,"
or " Ye have heard that the Antichrist cometh."
The verb (fxtrai here employed has a special
reference, as used in Scripture, to the first sod
second Advents of oar Lord. Those whom St.
John was addressing had been taught that, as
Christ was to come (Jlpx"ai), so the -Antichrist
was to come likewise. The rest of the passage
in St. John appears to be rather a practical
application of the doctrine of the Antichrist
than a formal statement of it. He warns hs
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ANTICHBIST
ANTICHRIST
141
i»*iers that the spirit of the Antichrist could
«:ist even then, though the coming of the Anti-
«brUt himself was future, and that all who
imd the Messiahship and Sonship of Jesus
were Antichrists, as being types of the final
.Antichrist who was to come. The teaching of
St. John's Epistles therefore amounts to tiiis,
tkt w type, Cerinthus, Basilides, Simon Magus,
and those Gnostics who denied Christ's Sonship,
and all subsequent heretics who should deny it,
mn Antichrists, as being wanting in that
"liTine principle of love which he has declared to
be the essence of Christianity ; and he points on
to the final appearance of the Antichrist that
ms" to come" in the last times, according as
tl)»y had been orally taught, who would be the
mUitype of these his forerunners and serrnnts.
UL I%e Adrersary of God of St. PauTa
Ipiitles. — St. Paul does not employ the term
.^Etichrist, but there can be no hesitation in iden-
ttfving the Adversary (i iyruefifiivos, 2 Thess. ii.
4) of God with the Antichrist who was " to come."
like St. John, he refers to his oral teaching on
the subject ; but as the Thessaloniana appeared
t« hare forgotten it and to hare been misled by
some passages in his previous Epistle to them,
he recapitulates what he had taught them.
Uki St John, he tells them that the spirit of
-Utichiist or Antichristianisro, called by him
"the mystery of iniquity," was already work-
inSi but Antichrist himself he characterizes as
'the Han of Sin," "the Son of Perdition,"
'the Adrersary to all that is called God," " the
oae who lifts himself abore all objects of wor-
ship :" and assures them that he should not be
i^Tealed in person until some present obstacle to
his appearance should hare been taken away,
sod until there should have occurred an
sTMrroffMu
From St. John and St. Paul together we learn
(1) that the Antichrist should come : (2) that
he should not come nntil a certain obstacle to
his nming was removed : (3) nor till after the
"oruntnce of the inrixrraaia: (4) that his
thiracttristics would be (o) open opposition to
<>«<j aad religion ; (fi") a claim to the incommu-
niable attributes of God ; (y) iniquity, sin, and
isvlessness ; (J) a power of working lying
"uncles; («) marvellous capacity of beguiling
srnls: (5) that he would be actuated by Satan:
('i) that his spirit was already at work manifest-
ing itself partially, incompletely, and typically,
in the teachers of infidelity and immorality
rirody abounding in the Church.
IV. The Jiaxe-countenanced King of Daniel. —
T.iis passage is nniversnlly acknowledged to be
Irimsrily applicable to Antiochns Epiphanes.
Antiochus Epiphanes is recognised as the chief
fTotctype of the Antichrist. The prophecy may
tuCTtfore be regarded as descriptive of the
Antichrist. The point is fairly argued by St.
ifrmt:—" Down to this point (Dan. xi. 21)
fit historical order is preserved, and there is no
Terence between Porphyry and our own inter-
Pf^rs. But all that follows down to the end
"f the book he applies personally to Antiochus
lipiphanea, brother of Seleucus, and son of
inticchui the Great; for, after Seleucus, he
«iSii«4 eleven years in Syria, and possessed
-'odaea; and in his reign there occurred the
P"»cntion about the Law of God, and the wars
* tae llaccabees. But our people consider all
these things to be spoken of Antichrist, who is
to come in the last time. ... It is the custom of
Holy Scripture to anticipate in types the reality
of things to come. For in the same way our
Lord and Saviour is spoken of in the 72nd Psalm,
which is entitled a Psalm of Solomon, and yet
all that is there said cannot be applied to Solo-
mon. But in part, and as in a shadow and
image of the truth, these thiugs are foretold of
Solomon, to be more perfectly fulfilled in our
Lord and Saviour. As, then, in Solomon and
other saints the Saviour has types of His coming,
so Antichrist is rightly believed to have for his
type that wicked king Antiochus, who perse-
cuted the saints and defiled the Temple " (.S.
Hieron. Op. tom. i. p. 523, Col. Agr. 161t! ;
tom. iii. p. 1127, Paris, 1704).
V. TTie Little Horn of /)anW.— Hitherto we
have been dealing with a person, not a kingdom
or a polity. This is evident from St. John's
words, and still more evident from the Epistle
to the Thessalonians. The words used by St.
Paul could not well have been more emphatic,
had he studiously made use of them in order to
exclude the idea of a polity. "The Man of
Sin," "the Son of Perdition," "the' one who
opposeth himself to God," " the one who exaltetli
himself above (R. V. ' against ') God," the one
"setting himself forth as God" (R. V.), "the
lawless one . . . whose coming is according to th<'
working of Satan with all power and signs ami
lying wonders " (R. V.) : if words have a mean-
ing, these words designate an individual. But
when we come to Daniel's prophecy of the Little
Horn this is all changed. We there read of four
beasts, which are explained as four kings, by
which expression is meant four kingdoms or
empires. These kingdoms, represented by the
four beasts, are [according to the traditional
opinion] the Assyrian empire, the Persian empire,
the Grecian empire, and the Roman empire.
The Roman empire is described as breaking
up into ten kingdoms, amongst which there
grows up another kingdom which gets the
mastery over nearly a third of them (three out
of ten). This kingdom, or polity, is the little
horn of the fourth beast, before which three of
the first ten horns are pincked up. If the four
"kings" (vii. 17) represented by the four beasts
arc really empires, if the ten " kings " (vii. 24)
are monarchies or nationalities, then the other
"king" who rises after them is, in like manner,
not an individual but a polity. It follows that
the " Little Horn " of Daniel cannot be identified
with the Antichrist of St. John and St. Paul.
The former is a polity, the latter is an indi-
vidual.
VI. The Apocalyptic Beast of St. John.—\
further consequence follows. For the first Beast
of the Apocalypse is clearly identical with the
Little Horn of Daniel. The Beast whose power
is absorbed into the Little Horn has ten horns
(Dan. vii. 7) and rises from the sea (Dan. vii. 3):
the Apocalyptic Beast has ten horns (Rev. xiii.
1) and rises from the sea (ibid.). The Little
Horn has a mouth speaking great things (Dau.
vii. 8, 11, 20): the Apocalyptic Beast has a
mouth speaking great things (Rev. xiii. 5). The
Little Horn makes war with the saints, and
prevails (Dan. vii. 21): the Apocalyptic Beast
makes war with the saints, and overcomes them
(Rev. xiii. 7). The Little Horn speaks great
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ANTICHKIST
words against the Most High (Dan. vii. 25) : the
Apocalyptic Beast opens his mouth in blasphemy
against God (Rev. jtiii. 6). The Little Horn
wears out the saints of the Most High (L)an. rii.
25) : the woman who rides on, ij>. directs, the
Apocalyptic Beast, is drunken with the blood of
saints (KeT. xvii. 6). The persecution of the
Little Horn is to last a time and times and a
dividing of times, i.e. three and a half times or
years (Dan. vii. 25): power is given to the
Apocalyptic Beast for forty-two months, i'.*.
three and a half times or years (Rev. xiii. 5).
These and other parallelisms cannot be acci-
dental. Whatever was meant by Daniel's Little
Horn most also be meant by St. John's Beast.
Therefore St. John's First Beast is not the Anti-
christ. It is not an individual like the Anti-
christ of St. John's and St. Paul's Epistles, but
a polity like the Little Horn of Daniel.
But, though not identical, it is quite evident,
and it has been always recognised, that the
Antichrist of the Epistles and the Beast of the
Apocalypse have some relation to each other.
What is this relation ? and in what relation to
both does the second Apocalyptic Beast, called the
False Prophet, stand ? To answer this question
we must examine the imagery of the Apocalypse.
Shortly stated, it is, so far as concerns our
present purpose, as follows. The Church is
represented (Rev, xii. 5) as a woman bringing
forth "a son, a man-child," who is "caught up
unto God and unto His throne " from the dragon
that had desired to devour him. Repelled by
Christ's angelic guards (ro. 7-10), the dragon
persecutes the woman, so that she is compelled
to fly from him into the wilderness, where she
remains for 1260 days, or three and a half times
(yv. 13, 14). Foiled in his attempt to destroy
the woman, as he had been foiled in his at-
tempt against Christ, the dragon sets himself
to make war with " the rest of her seed,"
that is, the brethren of Christ, " which
keep the commandments of God and hold the
testimony of Jesus" (d. 17, R. V.). At this
time the Beast arises from the sea, and Satan
gives to him his power, and his seat, and great
authority. The length of time during which
the Beast prevails is three and a half times, the
same period as that during which the sufferings
and trials of the woman last. During a certain
part of this three and a half times the Beast
takes upon its back, as its guide and ruler, a
woman named " Mystery, Babylon the great,
the mother of the harlots and of the abomi-
nations of the earth," by whom, as it is ex-
plained, is figured "that great city which
reigneth over the kings of the earth " (xvii. 18,
R. V.) from her seven hills (xvii. 9). After
a time Babylon the great falls (ch. xviii.), but
the Beast on whom she hod ridden still survives,
joins with the kings of the earth in a final
desperate conflict with Christ, and, being taken,
is cast into the lake of fire (xix. 19-21).
Can we harmonize this picture with the pre-
diction of St. Paul, always recollecting that his
Man of Sin is an individual, and that the Apoca-
lyptic Beast is a polity ?
As we have here reached that which consti-
tutes the great difficulty in mastering the con-
ception of the Antichrist as revealed by the
inspired writers, we shall now turn from the
text of Scripture to the comments of annotators
ANTICHKIST
and essayists to see what assistance we can
derive from them. We shall then resume tie
consideration of the Bcriptnrnl passages at the
point at which we now leave them. We shall
classify the opinions which have been held en
the Antichrist according as he is regarded as as
individual, or as a polity, or ns a principle. Tiie
individualists, again, must be subdivided, iccord-
ing as they represent him as one to come or as
one already come. We have, therefore, four
classes of writers on the Antichrist : — (I) those
who regard him as an individual yet futuie;
(2) those who regard him as a poUty now
present ; (3) those who regard him as an indi-
vidual already passed away ; (4) those who con-
sider that nothing is meant beyond antichriitian
and lawless principle, not embodied either in an
individual or in a special polity.
1. The first opinion held in the Church wis
that the Antichrist was a real person wbo
would appear in the world when the time of his
appearance was come. The only point on vhich
any question arose was, whether he sbosld he a
man armed with Satanic powers or Satan him-
self. That be would be a man armed with
Satanic powers was the opinion of Justin Martyr,
A.D. 108 {Dial. 371, 20, 21 ; Thirlbii, 1722); of
Irenaeus, A.i>. 140 (Op. v. 25, 437; GraUi,
1702) ; of Tertullian, A.D. 150 (i); Bei. On.
c. 24 ; ApoL c. 32) ; of Origen, A.D. 184 (Of. i.
667; Delarue, 1733); of his contemponn,
Hippolytus (if the treatise De Antichriiio be his;
Hamburgi, 1716) ; of Cyprian, A.D. 250 (Ep. 58;
Op. 120, Oion. 1682) ; of Viotorinus, A.D. 270
(Si*/. Patr. Magna, iii. p. 136; Col. Agiip.
1618) ; of Lactantius, a.d. 300 (Dixi. InsL ■m.
17); of Cyril of Jerusalem, a.d. 315 (CaUck.
XV. 4) ; of Jerome, a.d. 330 (Op. iv. pars L 209;
Parisiis, 1693); of Chrysostom, A.D. 347 (Cbn".
»n 2 Thess.) ; of Hilary of Poitiers, A.a 350
(_Comm. in ifatt.) ; of Augustine, A.D. 354 (ft
Civit. Dei, XX. 19); of Ambrose, A.D. 3*)
(CoRim. in Luc.). The authors of the Sibylliae
Oracles, a.d. 150, and of the Apostolical Consti-
tutions, Celsus (see Orig. c. Celt. lib. vi-X
Ephrem Syrus, A.D. 370, Theodoret, A.D, 430,
and a few other writers seem to have regaided
the Antichrist as Sntan himself rather than as
his minister or an emanation from him. But
they may, perhaps, nave meant no more than to
express the identity of his character and hit
power with that of Satan. Each of the writeis
to whom we have referred gives his own jndg-
meut with respect to some particulars which
may be expected in the Antichrist, whilst they all
agree in representing him as a person about to
come shortly before the glorious appearance of
Christ, uid to be destroyed by His Presence-
Justin Martyr speaks of him as the man of the
apostasy, and dwells chiefly on the persecntioni
which he would cause. Irenaeus describes him
as summing up the apostasy in himself; »
having his seat at Jerusalem ; as identical with
the Apocalyptic Beast (c. 28) ; as foreshadowed
by the unjust judge; as being the man who
" should come in his own name ; " and as belong-
ing to the tribe of Dan (c. 30). Tertnllian
identifies him with the Beast, and supposes him
to be about to arise on the fall of the Eoman
Empire (De Sea. Cam. c 25). Origen describes
him in Eastern phrase as the child of the Pevil
and the counterpart of Christ. Hippolytn*
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ANTICHRIST
ANTICHRIST
143
tnJnTtands the Roman empire to be represented
bT the Apocaljptic Beast, and the Antichrist by
tb« False Prophet who woald restore the
uDinded Beast by his craft and by the wisdom
of his laws. Cyprian sees him typified in
Aatiochus Epiphanes {Exhort, ad Mart, c 11).
Wtorinos, with several others — ^misnnderstand-
io; St. Paol's expression that the mystery of
iiiqaity was in his day working— supposes that
(he Antichrist will be a revi rifled Nero — an
i\a taken np and enlarged upon in modem
times; Lactantins^ that he will be a king of
t<rna, bora of an eril spirit ; Cyril, that he will
U a magician, who by his arts will get the
mastery of the Roman empire. Jerome describes
him as the son of the Devil sitting in the
'^nrch at thoogh he were the Son of God ;
Cbrrsoctom, as iarriOfit ris sittiag in the
Temple of God, that is, in all the Churches, not
irerely in the Temple at Jerusalem ; St. Au-
gustine, as the adversary holding power for
three and a half years — the Beast, perhaps, re-
presenting Satan 8 empire. The primitive belief
may be summed np in the words of St. Jerome,
la his Cmnmentary on Daniel he writes : " Let
u.-! say thxt which all ecclesiastical writers have
handed down, viz. that at the end of the world,
vhen the Roman empire is to be destroyed,
there will be ten kings who will divide the
Itoman world amongst them; and there will
arise as eleventh little king, who will snbdue
three of the ten kings, that is, the king of
Egypt, of Africa, and of Ethiopia, as we shall
herofter show. And on these having been
biain, the seven other kings will also submit.
' And behold,' he says, ' in the ram were the
eres of a nun.' This is that we may not sup-
pose him to be a devil or a demon, as some have
thought, but a man ia whom Satan will dwell
utterly and bodily. 'And a mouth speaking
Ip-eat things,' for he is ' the man of sin, the son
of perdition, who sitteth iu the Temple of God,
raakisg himself as God'" (Op. vol. iv. p. 511 ;
Col. Agrip. 1616). In his Comment, on Dan.
II., and in his reply to Algasia's eleventh ques-
tion, he works out the same view in greater
'letaiL The same line of interpretation con-
tiDued. Andreas of Caesarea, A.D. 550, explains
him to be a king actuated by Satan, who will
muite the old Roman empire and reign at
Jerusalem (m Apoc. c. xiii.) ; Arethas, A.D. 650,
u a king of the Romans who will reign over
the Saracens in Bagdad (m Apoc. c xiii.) ; John
Uimasoene, A.D. 800, repeats the primitive
belief {Orth. Fid. 1. iv. c. 26) ; Adso, A.D. 950,
says tlut a Frank king will reunite the Roman
empire, and that he will abdicate on Mount
OUret, and that, on the dissolution of his king-
•iinii, the Antichrist will be revealed. The same
vriter supposes that he will be born in Babylon,
that he will be educated at Bethsaida and
Chorazin, and that he will proclaim himself the
'Sen of God at Jerusalem (Thief, in Antichr.
"ead AngvtL Opera, torn. ii. p. 454 ; Paris,
1«3T> Theophylact, A.D. 1070, speaks of him
>i a nun who will carry Satan about with him.
.Ubert the Great, Cardinal Hugo, and Alexander
^ Hales repeat the received tradition in the
13th catnry. So also Thomas Aquinas, a.d.
1360, who rectirs to the tradition with regard
t'> the birth of Antichrist at Babylon, saying
thtt he will be instructed in the Magian philo-
j soph}', and that his doctrine and miracles will
1 be a parody on those of the Lamb. The re-
; ceived opinion of the 12th century is brought
I before us in a striking and dramatic manner at
the interview between King Richard I. and the
Abbot Joachim nt Messina, as the king was on
his way to the Holy Land. " I thought," said
the king, " that Antichrist would be bom in
Antioch or in Babylon, and of the tribe of Dan ;
and would reign in the Temple of the Ix>rd in
Jemsalem ; and would walk in that land in
which Christ walked ; and would reign in it for
three years and a half; and would dispute
against Elijah and Enoch, and would kill them ;
aud would afterwards die ; and that after his
death God would give sixty days of repentance,
in which those might i-epent which should
have erred from the way of truth, and have
been seduced by the preaching of Antichrist and
his false prophets." This seems to hare been
the view defended by the archbishops of Kouen
and Anxerre and by the bishop oi Bayonne,
who were present at the interview : but it was
not Joachim's opinion. He maintained the
seven heads of the Beast to be Herod, Nero,
Constantius, Mahomet, Melsemut, who were
past ; Saladin, who was then living ; and Anti-
christ, who was shortly to come, being already
born in the city of Rome, and about to be
elevated to the Apostolic See (Roger de Hove-
den in Sichard I., anno 1190).* In his own
work on the Apocalypse Joachim speaks of the
second Apocalyptic beast as being governed by
"some great prelate who will be like Simon
Magus, and as it were universal pontiff through-
out the world, and be that very Antichrist of
whom St. Paul speaks." These are very notice-
able words. Gregory I. bad long since (A.D.
590) declared that any man who held the
power which the popes of Rome soon after
his time began to arrogate to themselves as
Universal Bishops of the Church, would be the
precursor of Antichrist. Amnlphns, bishop of
Orleans (or perhaps Gerbert), in an invective
against John XV. at the Council of Rheims, A.P.
991, had declared that if the Roman pontiff was
destitute of charity and puffed up with know-
ledge, he was Antichrist — ^if destitute both of
charity and of knowledge, he was a lifeless
stone (Mansi, tom. ix. p. 132 ; Ven. 1774) ; but
Joachim is the first to suggest, not that such
and such a pontiff was Antichrist, but that the
Antichrist wonld be a Utuversalia Ponti/ex, and
that he wonld occupy the Apostolic See. Still,
however, we have no hint of an order or succes-
sion of men being the Antichrist. It is an
actual living individual man that Joachim con-
templates.
The master had said that a Pope would be
the Antichrist ; his followers began to whisper
that it was the Pope. Amalric, professor of
logic and theology at Paris at the end of the
12th century, appears to have been the first to
have put forth the idea. It was taken up by
three different classes : by the moralists, who
were scandalized at the laxity of the Papal
Court ; by the Imperialists, in their temporal
• The BolUmdlsto regard the story of this Interview
as an tavention. " But this," says Bishop Stubbe, " Is
extremely improbable." See Chronicle of Roger de
Horxdm, vol. Ul. p. T6, ed. Master of the Rolls.
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ANTICHRIST
ANTICHRIST
struggle with the Papacy ; and, perhaps inde-
pendently, by the Waldenses and their followers
in their spiritual struggle. Of the first class
we may find examples in the Franciscan enthu-
siasts Peter John of Olivi, Telesphorus, Uber-
tinus, and John of Paris, who saw a mystic
Antichrist at Rome, and looked forward to a
lenl Antichrist in the future ; and again in such
men as GrossetSte, whom we find asking, as in
despair, whether the name of Antichrist has not
heen earned by the Pope (Matt. Par. in An.
1253, p. 871, 1640). Of the second class we
may take F.berhard, archbishop of Salzburg, as
» specimen, who denounces Hildebrand as
" having, in the name of religion, laid the
foundation of the kingdom of Antichrist 170
years ago." He can even name the ten horns.
They are the " Turks, Greeks, Egyptians, Afri-
cans, Spaniards, French, English, Germans,
Sicilians, and Italians, who now occupy the
provinces of Rome ; and a little horn has grown
np with eyes and mouth, speaking great things,
which is reducing three of these kingdoms —
i.e. Sicily, Italy, and Germany — to subserviency,
is persecuting the people of Christ and the saints
of God with intolerable opposition, is confound-
ing things human and divine, and is attempt-
ing things unutterable, execrable " (Aventinns,
Annal. Boioram, p. 651 ; Lips. 1710). The Wal-
denses eagerly grasped at the same notion, and
from that time it has never been lost sight of.
Thus we slide from the individualist view,
which was held unanimously in the Church for
upwards of a thousand years, to the notion of a
polity, or a succession of rulers of a polity, that
polity being the Church of Rome. The hitherto
received opinion now vanishes, and does not
appear again until the excesses and extrava-
gances of the new opinion produced a reaction
against itself.
2. The Waldenses did not deny that an indi-
Tidual and personal Antichrist was to be expected
in the future, but they recognised many Anti-
«hrists, and by the end of the 14th century they
had learnt to identify Antichrist, Babylon, the
Fourth Beast, the Harlot, and the Man of Sin,
with the system of Popery.' In 1383 Wickliffe
wrote his treatise On Christ and His Adversary
Antichrist (Xte ChrMo et mo adversaria Anti-
christo), in which he identifies the Pope with
Antichrist for twelve reasons, most of which are
applicable not only to the individual Pope with
whom he was at strife, but to the Pope as
such. They are as follows : — 1. Christ is the
Truth, the Pope is the principle of Falsehood ;
S. Christ was poor, the Pope is rolling in
>> "E easer mot avisa, cant venre 1' Antexrlst.
Que DOS non crean, nl a son fait, ni a son dlt :
Car, segont r eacrlptura, son ara fait motl Antexrlst ;
Car Antexrlst son tult aqollh qnc coDtraitan a Xrlst."
— Id iVoWo L«3K«m, 1. 466. It was long thought that this
ireatlse was of the 12th century, owing to Its containing
two lines which seemed to run as follows : —
" Ben ba mil e cent an compU entleramcnt
Que fo scripta lora. Car son al derler temp."
" A thousand and a hundred years are already quite nm
out
Since these words were written, ' It is the last time.' "
Mr. Bradshaw, late Librarian of the Cambridge Uni-
versity Library, discovered by help of a magnlfylng-glaaa
that the right reading was '* a thousand and four hundred
years."
wealth ; 3. Christ was meek, the Pope it preod ;
4. Christ forbade adding to His Law, the Fojie
adds cruel laws ; 5. Christ commanded to go
about and preach, the Pope sits in hit palue;
6. Christ despised secular power, the Pope seeks
it; 7. Christ submitted to Caesar, the Pope
has stolen away half the Roman Empire':
8. Christ had twelve simple disciples, the Fo|<i.'
has more than twelve ambitious cardiuls;
9. Christ forbade to strike with the sToid, the
Pope gets up wars ; 10. Christ confined HimKi:
to Judaea, the Pope intrudes wherever gsin
calls him; 11. Christ was humble, the Popeii
full of pomp; 12. Christ sought not fame cr
gold, the Pope seeks both. Huss {Dc Antichvh
it memhrorum ejiu anatomia, and Sermaia i:
Antichriato) held similar language. Lord Cobhsn
declared at his trial that the Pope was Anti-
christ's head. Walter Brute, brought before the
Bishop's Court at Hereford at the end of the
14th century, pronounced the Antichrist to be
" the high Bishop of Rome calling himself God's
servant and Christ's chief vicar in this world"
(Foie, iii. p. 131 ; Lend. 1844). Thus we lescli
the Reformation. Walter Brute (a.d. 1393),
BuUinger (1504), Chytraeus (1571), Aretios
(1573), Foxe(1586X Napicr(1593),Mede(1632),
Jurieu (1685), Bp. Newton (1750), Cunninghsiw
(1813), Faber (1814), Woodhouse (1828), Hsber-
shon (1843), identify the False Prophet, or Second
Apocalyptic Beast, with Antichrist and with
the Papacy ; Marlorat (A.D. 1574), King Jsmesl.
(1603), Daubuz (1720), Galloway (1802X the
First Apocalyptic Beast ; Brightman (X.D. 1600),
Parens (1615), Vitringa (1705), Gill (1775),
Bachmair (1778), Fraser (1795), Crolv (1828).
Fysh (1837), Elliott (1844), both the Beat-.
That the Pope and his system are Antiihri.4,
was taught by Luther, Calrin, Zwingle, Melstt-
thon, Bucer, Beza, Caliitns, Bengel, Michatlh.
and by almost all Protestant writers on the
Continent. Nor was there any hesitation oa the
part of English theologians to seize the sane
weapon of offence, Bp. Bale (A.D. 1491), lite
Luther, Bucer, and Melancthon, prononnctt the
Pope in Europe and Mahomet in Africa to he
Antichrist. The Pope is Antichrist, say Craainei
{Works, vol. ii. p. 46; Camb. 1844), Latiiwi
(Works, voL i. p. 149; Camb. 1844), Ridley
(Woris, p. 53; Camb. 1841), Hooper (HVt.
voL ii. p. 44; Camb. 1852), Hutchinson (ITorfc.
p. 304; Camb. 1842), Tyndale {Works, voL i
p. 147; Camb. 1848), Sandys {Works, p. l\-
Camb. 1841), Philpot {Works, p. 152; Omb.
1842), Jewell {Works, vol. i. p. 109;Cimb
1845), Rogers ( Works, p. 182 ; Camb. 1854).
Fulke {Works, vol. ii. p. 269; Camb. 184«).
Bradford ( Works, p. 435 ; Camb. 1848). Kor is
the opinion confined to these 16th ceotorr
divines, who may be supposed to have bcea
specially incensed against Popery. King Jame>
held it {Apol. pro Juram. Fidel. ; Lond. 1609)>--
strongly as Queen Elizabeth (see Jewell, letter
to Bullmg. May 22, 1559, Zurich Letters, First
Series, p. 33, Camb. 1842); and the theologian-
of the 17th century did not repudiate it, though
they less and less dwelt upon it as their stnigjif
came to be with Puritanism in place of PopeiV'
Bp. Andrewes maintains it as a probable cos-
elusion from the Epistle to the Thessalonisi"
{Sesp. ad Bellarm. p. 304; Oxon. 1851); but be
carefully explains that King James, whom be
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ANTICHBIST
m defending, had expressed his private
epinion, not the belief of the Church, on the
tubjtct (S>. p. 23). Brunhall introduces limita-
tions ud distinctions ( Works, iii. p. 520 ; Oxf.
1S4S); significantly suggests that there are
osrlcs of Antichrist which apply to the General
jlis«nibly of the Kirk of Scotland as much as to
the Pope or to the Turk (*. iii. 287); and
declines to make the Church of England respon-
sible for what individual preachers or writers
had laid on the subject in moments of exaspera-
tion (S). ii. 582). From this time forward the
Papal-Antichrist theory is seldom found in
theologians of name in the English Church, nor
indeed in the 16th century does it seem to have
taken root in England. Hard names were
bsodied about; and the hardest of all being
Antichrist, it was not neglected. But the idea
of the Pope being Antichrist was not the main
idea of the English Heformation, nor was it
erer applied to the Pope in his Patriarchal or
Archiepiscopal, but solely in his distinctively
Papal, character. But though the sober and
learned divine* of the 17th century for the most
part gave up this application of the term, it was
insisted upon by a string of writen who added
nothing to the interpretation of prophecy, but
faund each the creation of his own brain in the
sacred Book of the Revelation, grouping history
in any arbitrary manner that they chose around
the central figure of the Papal Antichrist.
3. A reaction followed. Some returned to
the ancient idea of a future individual Anti-
christ, as Ribera (a.i>. 1592), Lacunza or
Beneira (a.d. 1810), De Burgh, Samuel Mait-
land, Newman (2>ac/s for the Times, No. 83),
and Charles Maitland {Prophetic Interpretation).
<>thers preferred looking upon him ai long past,
and fixed upon one or another persecutor or
heresiarch as the man in whom the predictions
as to Antichrist found their fulfilment. There
seems to be no trace of this idea for more than
1600 yean in the Church. But it has been
taken up by two opposite classes of expounders,
— br those who were anxious to avert the
application of the Apocalyptic prophecies from
the Papacy, by showing that they were fulfilled
before the Papal power had come into being;
and by others, who were disposed, not
indeed to deny the prophetic import of the
Apocalypse, but to confine the seer's ken within
the closest and narrowest limits that were
poiiible. Alcasar, a Spanish Jesuit, taking a
hint from Victorinus, seems to have been the
first (A.D. 1634) to hare suggested that the
Apocalyptic prophecies did not extend further
tiuu to the overthrow of Paganism by Constan-
tine. This view, with variations by Grotius, is
Laken up and expounded by Bossuet, Calmet, De
3aeT, Eicbhom, Hug, Herder, Ewald, De Wette,
Bleek, Moi>es Stuart, Davidson, Renan, Renss, tec.
The general view of the school is that the Apo-
'lolrpae describes the triumph of Christianity
'ver Judaism in the first, and over Heathenism
la the third and fourth centuries. Mariana sees
.Vatichrist in Nero ; Bossuet in Diocletian and
is Jolian; Grotius in Caligula; Wetstein in
Titss; Hammond in Simon Magus (Wor^, vol. iii.
^. 62i3 ; Lond. 1631) ; Whitby in the Jews (Comm.
r.A. ii. p. 431 ; Lond. 1760); Le Clerc in Simon,
"A of Giora, a leader of the rebel Jews ; SchStt-
gea in the Pharisees; Kfissett and Krause in
KBLE DICr. — ^YOU L
ANTICHKIST
145
the Jewish zealots ; Hardonin in the High Priest
Ananias; F. D. Maurice in Vitellius (On the
Apocalypse, Camb. 1860), Renan and Reuss
(adopting the Nero fable) in Nero.
4. The same spirit that refuses to regard
Satan as an individual, naturally looks upon
the Antichrist as an evil principle not embodied
either in a person or in a polity. Thus Koppe,
Storr, Nitzsch, and Pelt (see Alford, Ok. Test.
iii. 69). Westcott also considers that "the
term expresses the embodiment of a principle,
and is not to be confined to one person " {The
Epistles of S. John, ii. 22) ; " the personification
of the principle shown in different Antichrists "
(ibid. ii. 13).
We do not gain much by a review of the
opinions of the commentators. In the case of
prophecy, partially at least unfulfilled, little is
to be expected. Of the four opinions which we
have exhibited, the last is in accordance neither
with St. Paul nor St. John, for St. Paul dis-
tinctly describes the Adversary as being a man ;
St. John speaks of the coming of Antichrist in
terms similar to those used for the coming of
Christ, and describes Antichristianism as ri roi
iantxplvrov, thereby showing that Antichris-
tianism is Antichristianism because it is the
spirit of the concrete Antichrist. The third
opinion is plainly refuted by the fact that the
persons fixed upon as the Antichrist have seve-
rally passed away, but Christ's glorious Presence,
which is immediately to succeed the fall of
Antichrist, has not yet been vouchsafed. The
majority of those who maintain the second
opinion are shown to be in the wrong because
they represent as a polity what St. Paul dis-
tinctly describes as a man. The majority of
those who hold the first opinion are in like
manner shown to be in the wrong, because they
represent as an individual what the Apocalypse
demonstrably pictures as a polity. We are
unable to follow any one interpreter or any one
school of interpreters. The opinions of the last
two of the four schools we regard as erroneous :
the first two appear to contain the truth be-
tween them, but so divided as to be untrue in
the mouth of almost any individual expositor who
has entered into details. We return to Scripture.
St. Paul says (2 Thess. ii. 3) that there are
two things which are to precede the Day of
Christ, the iirooratrfa and the revelation of
the Adversary ; he does not say that these
two things are contemporary: but, on the
contrary, seems to imply that there was to
be a succession of events. First, it appears
that an unnamed and to us unknown obstacle
has to be removed : then was to follow the
" Apostasy ; " after this, the Adversary was to
arise, and then was to come his destruction.
We need hardly say that the word " apostasy,"
as ordiiuirily used, does not give the exact mean-
ing of i) iwoffraala. The A. V. has most cor-
rectly rendered the original by " falling away,"
having only failed of entire exactness by
omitting to give the value of the article,
which is supplied in the R. V. — " the falling
away."' An open and unblushing denial
and rejection of all belief, which is implied
in our "apostasy," is not implied in iiro-
• For the force of the article, see Bp. Uiddleton ad fur.
(Gk. Art. p. 382; Camb. 1833).
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ANTICHKIST
ANTICHEIST
araata. It means one of two things : (1)
Political defectiou (Gen. xiv. 4 ; 2 Chron. xiii. 6 ;
Acts V. 37) ; (2) Religious defection (Acts xxi.
21 ; 1 Tim. iv. 1 ; Heb. lii. 12). The first is the
common classical use of the word. The second
is more usual in the N. T. Cyril of Jerusalem
seems to understand the word rightly when he
saya in reference to this passage : Nv» Si iarlv
■il ij-offraffio • hticrrjiray yiip ol ivBpantoi t5j
cp9ris ultntias . . . dTeffTTjcov yiip ol &v6pcffTrot
awi rris iA7j8«iai . . . AStjj toU'vi' i<rru' ri
iroirraaia- koI iidWft wpoirSoiAaBat i (x^ff
<Cyril. CaUch. it. 9, Op. p. 228; Paris,
1720). And St. Ambrose, "A vcril religione
plerique lapsi errore desciscent " (Comm. in Luc,
XI. 20). This " falling away " implies persons
who fall away ; the i-roa-raala consists of i.v6-
(rrarat. Supposing the existence of an organized
religious body, some of whom shonld fall away
from the true faith, the persons so falling away
would be air(!(rTaTai, though still formally un-
severed from the religious body to which they
belonged ; and the religious body itself, while
from one side and in respect to its faithful mem-
faei-s it would retain its character and name as a
religious body, might yet from another side and
in respect to its other members be designated
an ixoiTTaaia. It is such a corrupted religious
body as this that St. Paul seems to mean by the
iitoaTaata which he foretells in the Epistle to
the Thessalonians.' In the Epistles to Timothy
he describes this religious defection by some of
its peculiar characteristics. "In the latter
times some shall depart from the faith (iwo-
vrhatnirci rivts -nit rlarfas), giving heed to
seducing spirits and doctrines of devils ; speaking
lies in hypocrisy ; having their conscience seared
with a hot iron ; forbidding to marry, and com-
manding to abstain from meats " (1 I'im. ir. 1-3,
A. v.). " In the last days perilous times shall
oome. For men shall be lovers of their own
selves, . . . having a form of godliness, but
denying the power thereof. . . , Evil men and
seducers shall wax worse and worse, deceiving
and being deceived " (2 Tim. iii. 1-13, A. V.).*
It has been usual, as we have seen, to identify
the First Beast of the Apocalypse with St.
Paul's Man of Sin. It is impossible, as we
have said, to do so. But it is possible, and
more than possible, to identify the Beast and
the ^otrraala. Can we find anything which
<■ " It is an * apostasy ' indeed, but the same Greek
word is used In Heb. Hi. 12 and in 1 Tim. Iv. 1, in
neither of which cases will It salt the context to under-
stand the word of an outward leaving of the Christian
Church. The persons must at any rate liave been
Christians, or they could not be apostates. And the
apostasy Is all the more terrible If, while the form of
the Church is Icept to, there Is adepartnte from the
inward spirit. And in this case several points seem to
indicate an apostasy within the Church " (Mason, Ex-
eurnu on 1 Then, li, 3-12, in Ellicotfs .V. T. Cbmtii.).
• The R. V. of these extracts is as follows :—
1 Tim. It. 1, Sc
"In later times some
shall fall away from the
faith, i^iving heed to sednc-
ing Hpirlts and doctrines of
deTlls, through the hypo-
crisy of men that speak
lies, branded in their own
conscience as with a liut
Iron," 4c.
2 Tim. ill. 1, &c.
" In the last days griev-
ous times shall come. For
men shall be lovers of self,
. . . holding a form of god-
Ibess. but having denied
the power thereof. . . . £vU
I men and impostunt," &c.
will serve as the antitype of both ? In order
to be the antitype of St. John's Beast it most
be a polity, arising, not immediately, but
shortly, after the dissolution of the Boman
Empire, gaining great influence in the world,
and getting the mastery over a certain number
of those nationalities which like itself grew ont
of that empire (Dan. vii. 24). It must last
three and a half times ; i.e. nearly twice as long
as the empire of Assyria, of Persia, or Grecia,
to which only two times seem to be allotted
(Dan. vii. 12). It must blaspheme against God ;
i.e. it must arrogate to itself or claim for
creatures the honour dne to God alone.' It
must be an object of wonder and worship to the
world (Rev. xiii. 6). It most put forward un-
blushing claims on behalf of itself, and be full of
its own perfections (Rev. xiii. 5). At a certain
period in its history it must put itself tmder
the guidance of Rome (Rev. xviii. 3), and remoia
ruled by her until the destruction of the Utt«t
(Rev. iviii. 2) ; its own existence being stilt
prolonged until the coming of Christ in glory
(Rev. xix. 20). To satisfy the requirements of
St. Paul's description, its essential featnxes
must be a falling away from the true <aith
(2 Thcss. ii. 3 ; 1 Tim. iv. 1), and it must be
further characterized by the specific qualities
already transcribed from the Epistles tC'
Timothy.
The antitype may be found, it has been held,
in the corrupted Church of Christ, in so &r as
it was corrupted. According to this view the
same body, in so far as it maintained the faith
and love, was the bride and the spouse, and, u
so far as it " fell away " irom God, was the
ietoa^curia, just as Jerusalem of old was at once
Sion the beloved city, and Sodom the bloody
city — the Chiurch of God and the Synagogue of
Satan. On this theory the three and a iulf
times of the Beast's continuance (Rev. xiii. 5).
and of the Bride's suffering in the wilderness
(Rev. xii. 6% would necessarily be conterminous,
for the persecuted and the persecutors would be
the faithful and the unfaithful members of the
same body. These times would have commenced
when the Church lapsed from her purity anl
from her first love into unfaithfulness to God,
exhibited especially in idolatry and creature-
worship. It is of the nature of a religions
defection to grow up by degrees ; we should
not therefore be able to lay the finger on any
special moment at which it commenced. Cyril of
Jerusalem considered that it was already exist-
ing in his time. Having quoted 2 Theas. it
3-10, he continues : " Thus wrote Paul, and
turn is the ' falling away ' (iaroarairiay, for
men fell away (jkniantaaii) from the right
faith. . . . This then is the iwom-offta, and tiif
Enemy has soon to be looked for; already ha
' The word " blasphemy " has come to bear a secoi^-
ary meaning, which It does not bear in ScTf|«crp.
Schlensner (in toe.) rightly explains it, Dietrr etyaa-r-
quibut majatat Dei violatur. The Jews aocoaed o»ir
Lord of blasphemy because He claimed divine power a&.l
the divine attributes (Matt. ix. 2, xxvi. «4 ; Jotis i.
33). There was nothing In our Lord's words wbids tlit<
most bitter malignity could have called blaspbemoos ia
the later sense which the word bos come to bear. It is
of conrso in the scriptural, not in the modem, senac iboi
St. Jolin attributes blasphemy to the Beast (see WcmU-
worth. On tlu Afocatyfu, p. 628).
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ANTICHBIST
hu be^n to send his foreruDnen, that the
fttj may be ready for him at his coming."'
As time went on in the centuries succeeding
Cyril, the ivovriurta manifested itself still
moK clearly, until at length the number of
the iriirtar a t who had fallen away surpassed
tht Dumber of those who were faithful to the
primitire faith. When this had occurred, St.
faol'i " falling away " had come, and St. John's
Fint Beast bad emerged from the sea. On
tile same principle of interpretation the after
acqajescenee of the Church in the Hildebran-
iliue theory of the Roman Supremacy is typi-
fied by the Beast taking the woman, Babylon,
vho represents the seren-hilled city, on its
back as its guide and director. From the 12th
to the 16t^ century, and partially to the
present day, this Uildebraudine idea has reigned
orer and has been the goreming spirit of the
cornipted Chnrch. The fall of Babylon, rich
with its spiritual wares, is according to this
Tiev in part past, in psirt future. After that
iall has been fully accomplished, the corrupted
Chnrch will still subsist down to the day of the
coming of Christ, when the three and a half
times — the period of the suffering of the faithful
Church — wilt come to an end with and by the
destruction of the apostate Church.'*
Vn. l%e Apocalyptic Fai»e iVopM.— There
is a second Apocalyptic Beast : the Beast from
the Earth (Rev. xlii. 11), or the False Prophet
(BeT. xix. 20). Can we identify this Beast
eitiier with the individual Adreraary predicted
by St. Paul, or with a corrupt polity such as has
teen described ? We were compelled to regard
the First Beast as a polity by its being identical
vith that which clearly is a polity, the Little
Horn of Daniel. There is no such necessity here,
and there is no reason for regarding the Second
Beast as a polity, beyond the fact of its being
described under a similar figure to that by which
a polity had been jnst prerionsly described.
This presumption is more than counterbalanced
by the indiridualizing title of the False Prophet
which he bears (Rer. ivi. 13; zii. 20). His
characteristics are — (1) "doing great wonders
[R. V. "signs"], so that he maketh fire to
cotne down from heaven on the earth in the
sight of men " (Rer. xiii. 13). This power of
miracle-working, we should note, is not attri-
bntcd by St. John to the First Beast ; but it is
one of the chief signs of St. Paul's Adversary,
" whose coming Is with all power and signs and
lying wonders '^ (2 Thess. ii 9). (2) " He de-
ceiveth them that dwell on the earth by the
means of thoee miracles which be had power to
do [R. y. " by reason of the signs which it was
firai him to' do "] in the sight of the Beast "
(Rer. liii. 14). " He wronght miracles [R. V.
• GiiKk. XT. 9. Tbis 1ectm« of Cyril's contains a
i«7 dear statement of tlM Patristic view of the Antl-
<Mit
' Tte only other interpretatioD of the First Beast and
Bi^loa that deserves notice here is that which ia maln-
t^sed with ccnsiderable learning by the late Archdeacon
1^ who oonaideis the First Beast to represent the
'Wvld^iower, the constant adversary of the Church, and
^>>:rl«> to npreatnt the World<lty, whether that be
^sMn <x Book, or any other city wlilch ccncentrAtes
^ itKtf the power of the world at Any particular period
* kakiry l^^taluft Ommattary : Sao n$t., vol. iv,
mil*).
ANTICHBIST
147
" the signs "] with which he deceived them that
had received the mark of the Beast and them
that worshipped his image " (Rev. xix. 20). In
like manner, no special power of beguiling is
attributed to the First Beast ; but the Adver-
sary described by St. Paul is possessed of " all
deceivableness [R. V. " deceit '^ of unrighteous-
ness in them that perish [R. V. "for them
that are perishing "], because they received
not the love of the truth that they might
be saved " (2 Thess. ii. 10). (3) He has horns
like a lamb, i.e. he bears an outward resem-
blance to the Messiah (Rev. xiii. 11) ; and the
Adversary sits in the Temple of God show-
ing himself that he is God (2 Thess. ii. 4).
(4) His title ia The False Prophet, i Vtvimpo-
(fi^rnis (Rev. ivi. 13; xix. 20); a^ our Lord,
Whom Antichrist counterfeits, is emphatically
i npo^ifnis. The VtvSowpo^Toi of Matt. xxiv.
24 are the forerunners of d YtuSovpo^^mt, as
John the Baptist of the True Prophet. On the
whole, it would seem that if the Antichrist
appears at all in the Book of the Revelation it
is by this Second Beast or the False Prophet
that he is represented. If this be so, it follows
that he is an individual person who will at
some future time arise, who will ally himself
with the corrupted Church, represent himself
as her minister and vindicator (Rev. xiii. 12),
compel men by violence to pay reverence to her
(xiii. 14), breathe a new life into her decaying
frame by his use of the secular arm in her
behalf (xiii. 15), forbidding civil rights to those
who renounce her authority and reject her
symbob (xiii. 17), and putting them to death
by the sword (xiii. 15), while personally he is
an atheistical blasphemer (1 John ii. 22), and
sums up in himself the evil spirit of unbelief
which has been working in the world from St.
Paul's days to his (2 Thess. ii. 7). That it is
possible for a professed unbeliever and atheist to
make himself the champion of a corrupt system
of religion, and to become on political grounds
as violent a persecutor in its behalf as the most
fanatical bigot could be, has been proved by
events which have already occurred, and which
might again occur on a more gigantic and
terrible scale. The Antichrist would thus com-
bine the forces, generally and happily antago-
nistic, of Infidelity and Superstition. In this
would consist the special horror of the reign of
the Antichrist. Hence also the special suffer-
ings of the faithful believers until Christ Him-
self once again appeared to vindicate the cause
of Truth and Liberty and Religion.'
The sum of Scripture-teaching with regard to
the Antichrist, then, appears to be as follows.
Already in the times of the Apostles there was
the mystery of iniquity, the spirit of Antichrist,
at work. It embodied itself in various shapes —
in the Gnostic heretics of St. John's days, in
1 Archdeacon Lee, in accordance with his system of
interpretation, understands the onsancUfled intellect of
the world to be symbolized by the Second Beast. ** The
First BesAt Is a material political world-power; the
Second Beast is a spiritual world-power — the power of
learning and knowledge, of ideas, of inleUectnal cultiva-
tion. Both are ftom below, both are beasts, and there-
fore they are in close alliance. The worldly antlchristlan
wisdom stands In the service of the worldly antichrist ian
power " (^xoJcer's Cbmawittary ; JVeic Tat., vol. iv.,
p..,.).
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ANTICHRIST
the Jewish impostoTs who preceded the fall of
Jerusalem, in all heresiarchs and nnbeUeven,
especialljr those whose heresies had a tendency
to deny the Incarnation of Christ, and in the
great persecnton who from time to time afflicted
the Church. Bnt this Antichristian Spirit was
then, and is still, difiiued. It had not, and it
has not yet, gathered itself into the one person
in whom it will be one day completely and fnlly
manifested. There was something which pre-
vented the open manifestation of the Antichrist
in the Apostles' days which they spoke of by
word of month, bnt were unwilling to name iA
letters. What this obstacle was, or is, we can-
not now know for certain. The general state-
ment of the early writers and fathers is that it
was the power of secular law existing in the
Roman Empire. The Roman Empire fell, and
upon its fall, and in consequence of its fall,
there arose a secularization and corruption of
the Church, which would not hare been so
secularized and corrupted had it been kept in
check by the jealousy of the imperial power.
The secularization and corruption increasing,
the Church, which from one point of view and
in respect to some of its members was considered
as the Church of Christ, from another point of
riew and in respect to others of its members
came to be regarded as no better than an iro-
(rrcurla. Time passing on, the corrupt element,
getting still more the mastery, gave itself
up to be directed from the city of the seven
hills, indicated by the mystical Babylon. So
far of the past. It would appear further
that there is to be evolved from the corrupt
Church an individual Antichrist, who, being
himself a scoffer and contemner of all religion,
will yet act as the Patron and Defender
of the corrupt Church, and compel men to
submit to her sway by the force of the secular
arm and by means of bloody persecutions. He
will unite the old foes Superstition and Unbelief
in a combined attack on Liberty and Religion.
He will have, finally, a power of performing
lying miracles and beguiling souls, being the
embodiment of Satanic as distinct from brutal
wickedness. How long his power will last we
are wholly ignorant, as the three and a half
times do not refer to his reign (as is usually
imagined), bnt to the continuance of the iwo-
irraata. We only know that his continuance
will be short. At last he will be destroyed
together with the corrupt Church, in so far as
it is corrupt, at the glorious appearance of
Christ, which will usher in themillennial triumph
of the faithful and hitherto persecuted members
of the Church.
(B.) There ore points which require farther
elucidation : —
1. The meaning of the name Antichrist. Mr.
Greswell argues at some length that the only
correct reading of the word is Counterfeit-Christ
or Pro-Chriato, and denies that the idea of
Adversary to Christ is involved in the word.
Mr. Greswell's authority is great ; but he has
been in this case too hasty in drawing his con-
clusion from the instances which he has cited.
It is true that " iwrl is not synonomous with
Kari," but it is impossible to resist the evidence
which any Greek Leiicon supplies, that the
word ianl, both in composition and by itself,
and still more in composition than alone, will
ANTICHEIST
bear the sense of "opponent to." It is
probable that the word Antichrist combines
both senses, like the word Antipope, which is
very exact in its resemblance, bnt the primary
notion which it conveys would seem rather to
be that of antagonism than rivalry (see Gres-
well, Exposition of the Parables, vol. L p. 372
sq. ; Wordsworth, On the Apocalypse, p. 512).
"It describes one who assuming the guise of
Christ opposes Christ " (Westcott, On the First
Epistle of S. John, ii. 12).
2. The meaning of ri Korixor. What is that
thing which withholdeth (2 Thess. ii. 6, R. V.
" restraineth ") ? and why is it apparently de-
scribed in the fallowing verse as a person (i
Korixm', A. V. "he who now letteth," R. V.
" there is one that restraineth now ") ? There
is a remarkable unanimity among the early
Christian writers on this point. They explab
the obstacle, known to the Thessalonians but
unknown to us, to be the Roman Empire. Thus
Tertullian, De Resur. Cam. c. 24, and Ap i. c 32 ;
St. Chrysostom and Theophylact on 2 Thess. ii ;
Hippolytns, De Antichristo, c. 49 ; St. Jeromt
on Dan. vii. ; St. Augustine, De Civ. Dei, xx. 19;
Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. iv. 6 (see Dr. H.
More's Works, bk. ii. c 19, p. 690 ; Mede, bt
iii. c. xiii. p. 656; Alford, Gk. Test. iii. 57:
Wordsworth, On the Apocalypse, p. 520). Theo-
doret and Theodore of Mopsnestia hold it to it
the determination of God. Theodoret's view it
embraced by Pelt ; the Patristic interpretati<n
is accepted by Wordsworth. EUicott and Alford
so far modify the Patristic interpretation as t>
explain the obstacle to be the restraining power
of human law (rb Karixo") wielded by the
Empire of Rome (t Korix'"') ■■> tl>< *■""* °t the
Apostles, but now by the several governments
of the civilized world. The explanation cf
Theodoret is untenable on account of St. Paul's
further words, " nntil he be taken out of the
way," which are applied by him to the obctade-
There is much to be said for the Patristic inter-
pretation in its plainest acceptation. Hav
should the idea of the Roman Empire being the
obstacle to the revelation of .\nticbrist have
originated ? There was nothing to lead the
early Christian writers to such a beliefl Thtrr
regarded the Roman Empire as idolatrous aij
abominable, and would have been more disposed
to consider it as the precursor of than as the ob-
stacle to the Wicked One. Whatever the obstacle
was, St. Paul says that he told the Thessalonians
what it was. Those to whom he had preached
knew; and every time that his Epistle w»
publicly read (1 Thess. v. 27), questions vooM
have been asked by those who did not kncTr.
and thus the recollection must hare been kept
up. It is very ditHcult to see whence tfa^
tradition could have arisen except from S:.
Paul's own teaching. It may be asked, Wl.v
then did he not express it in writing as well a<
by word of mouth? St. Jerome's answer is
sufficient : " If he had openly and unreservedlr
said, 'Antichrist will not come unless tiir
Roman Empire be first destroyed,' the infant
Church would have been exposed in conseqnecc-
to persecution " (Ad Algas. Qu. xi. vol. it.
p. 209 ; Paris, 1706). Remigius gives the sar.i.-
reason, " He spoke obscurely for fear a Romnn
should perhaps read the E|)istle, and mLse a per-
secution against him and the other Christians,:
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ANTICHRIST
f«r thej held that thef were to rale for ever in
lie world " (Bib. Pair. Max. Tiii. 1018 ; nee
Wordsworth, On the Apocalypte, p. 343). It
vosld appear then that the obstacle was pro-
iiiblj the Roman Empire, whose very existence
Sfrred it an obatmction to the development of
the iwxrrojrla : and on its being taken oat of
ti» my, that ia, when the Byzantine Empire
could 00 longer ezerciae a dominant sway in the
West, ita place being taken by the novel
creation of Charlemagne, which, owing to the
vice of its origin, had not the restraining and
withholding force of the old Empire, there did
occur the " felling away ; " Zion the beloved
dty became Sodom the bloody city — still Zion
tbongh Sodom, still Sodom though Zion.
.According to the riew given above, this would
be the description of the Church in her present
estate, and this will continue to be her estate
until the time, times, and half time, during
vhich the evil element ia allowed to remain
vithia her, shall have come to their end.'
3. What it the Apocalyptic Dabiilon't There
ii not a doobt that by Babylon is figured Rome.
The "seven mountains on which the woman
sitteth " (Eev. xvii. 9), and the plain declara-
tion, "the woman which thou sawest is that
great city which reigneth " (i.e. in St. John's
days) " over the kings of the earth " (Rev. xvii.
16), are too strong evidence to be gainsaid.
Tkere is no commentator of note, ancient or
■aodem, Romanist or Protestant, who does not
acknowledge so much. But irAai Rome is it
that is thus figured? There are four chief
cpinions: — (1) I^nae Pagan; (2) Rome Papal;
(o) Borne having hereafter become infidel ;
(4) Rome as a type of the world. That it is old
Pagan Rome ii the Tiew ably contended for by
Bossnet and held in general by the praeterist
school of isterpreten. That it is Rome Papal
vas held by the Protestants of the 16th century,
and by those who preceded and have followed
them in their line of interpretation. That it is
ANTICHEIST
149
' The latest view on this mysterious BubJect Is one
pit loftb with great abntty by BUhop Hirold Brovne.
^CBsideiiDg Antichrlatianiam to be an approaching out-
tom «( the *■ volcanic Are of communistic anarchy,
Joised in ckae afflnlty witb agnosticism and atheism,
l<ii« Uddn, or scarcely hidden, beneath all govem-
ncos, and waiting to subvert and submerge all," he
SMlXs the PatilBtic ezpositlan of the to Kartx"' ■■ 'or
"Uk tj»tm at law which had Its origin in the Roman
Ec^abUc, which developed In the Boman Empire, and
vUdi was Inally stamped, sealed, and codilled in the
^riattu ftnpire, may well have been esteemed a power
•tie to restrain lawleeenesa of life and even atheism In
i^on;" but he regards the Roman Empire as not,
e^o foraaDy, dlsRolved till 180S, and lasting in ita law-
al-idiBg effecta to tfae present time, whereas " It would
)»>o greet prodigy If thoae who witness the birth of the
tnsHetb century after Christ were to see us bereft of
tte power of social order and of Iron law tempered by
^^^slKian faith, which has come down to us through
''KOa centuries from Augustus, in whose reign the
<^rt« was born, through Constaatine and Justinian and
^^wies the Great, and of which even Napoleon coveted
■^ iaherliaoce -. ' that which lettetb ' is apparently In
^ process of being * taken out of the way,' and a spirit
is Sowing np, silently gaining strength and ascendency,
'I'iA has well-oigb every characteristic of St. Paul's
Via of abi and of 8t. John's Antichrist" (Jkt AtUi-
•'r**— « Samtm prtadud at the Reading CkurcA
Cmpat.OA.i, 1B83).
Rome having lapsed into infidelity is the view of
some of the futurists. That it is Rome as the
type of the world is suggested or maintained by
Tichonius, Primasius, Albert the Great, and in
our own days by Dr. Arnold (On the Interpreta-
tion of Prophecy) and Dr. Newman (Tracts for
the Times, Xo. 83). That it must be an un-
faithful Church is argued by Bishop Words-
worth, from the uniform use of the word wiptni
(e.g, "Bow is the faithful city become a
harlot 1" Is. i. 21) in Scripture (On the Apo-
calypse, p. 376), and it is no less decisively
maintained by Isaac Williams (7%« Apocalypse,
p. 335). A close consideration of the language
and import of St. John's prophecy appears, says
Mr. Williams, to leave no room fbr doubt on
this point. If this be so, the conclusion seems
almost necessarily to follow that the Babylon of
the Apocalypse is Papal Rome which gradually
raised and enthroned herself on the corrupted
Church represented by the First Beast. A very
noticeable conclusion follows from hence, which
has been little marked by many who have been
most anxious to identify Babylon and Rome,
viz., that it is impossible that the Pope can be
the Antichrist, for Babylon the great, who is
seated on the Beast, and the Antichrist are
wholly distinct. After Babylon is fallen and
destroyed (Rev. xviii.) the Antichrist is still
found (Rev. xix.). Indeed there are but few
features in the Papal system which recall the
portrait of Antichrist as drawn by St. John,
however close may be its resemblance to the
Apocalyptic Babylon.
4. What are tee to understand by the ttco Wit-
nesses ? The usual interpretation given in the
carl^ Church is that they are Enoch and Elijah,
who are to appear in the days of Antichrist,
and by him to be killed. St. Hilary of Poitiers
substitutes Moses for Enoch ; Victorinus, Jere-
miah. Joachim would suggest Moses and Elijah
taken figuratively for some persons, or, perhaps,
orders, actuated by their spirit. BulUnger, Bale,
Chytraens, Parent, Mede, Vitringa, and New-
ton understand by them the line of Antipapal
remonstrants. Faze takes them to be Huss and
Jerome of Prague ; Bossuet, the early Christian
martyrs; Herder and Eiuhhom, the chief priests
Ananus and Jesus slain by the Zealots ; Maurice,
the priest Jeshua and the judge Zembbabel as
representing Law and Sacrifice ; Tichonius and
Bede among the more ancient writers. Bishops
Andrewes and Wordsworth among the more
modem, understand the two Testaments ; others
the two Sacraments. Archdeacon Lee suggests
that one of the witnesses symbolises the Church's
outward organization and polity, the other her
spiritual and evangelical teaching. Ziillig (Die
Ofenbarung Johannis, 1834), Stern (Comtnentar
aber die Offenbarung, 1854), Bleek ( Vorletungen
eber die Apocalypse, 1 862), Reuss (L' Apocalypse,
1878), and Professor Sanday (Authorship of the
Fourth Gospel) return to the idea of Moses
and Elijah. Bishop Carpenter (New Testament
Commentary) regards them as "typical repre-
sentatives of those who in the strength of God
have through the long ages borne witness for
Christ against all wrong and falsehood, against
a world in arms, or a Church in arms, or against
a nominal Christianity in danger of becoming ns
corrupt and as cruel as heathenism." All that
we are able to say is this. The time of their
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(ANTICHBISX
witnessing is 1260 days, or s time, times, and
half a time. This is the same period as that
during which the iwomavia and the power
of the Beast continue. They would seem there-
fore to represent all those who in the midst of
the faithless are found faithfnl throughout that
time. Their being described as " candlesticks "
would lead as to regard them perhaps as
Churches. The place of their temporary death,
"the great city, which spiritually is called
Sodom and Egypt, where also our Lord was
crucified," would appear to be Jerusalem, as
typifying the corrupted Church. The Beast
that kills them is not Antichrist, but the faith-
less Church.
5. The Number of the Beast. Nothing what-
ever is known about it. No conjecture that has
been made is worth mentioning on the ground
■>t' its being likely even to approximate to the
truth. The usual method of seeking the solution
of the difficulty is to select the name of an
individual and to count the numerical values of
its constituent letters. The extravagant con-
clusions which have been made to result from
this system have naturally brought it into
■lisrcpnte, but it is certain that it was much
more usual, at the time that St. John wrote, to
make calculations in this manner than most
persons are now aware. On this principle
Slercury or Ilnuth was invoked under the name
of 1218, Jupiter under that of 717, the Sun
of 608 or XH ; and our Lord's name, Jesus, in
Greek letters forms 888. Mr. Elliott quotes an
enigma from the Sibylline verses in some way
expressing the Name of God, strikingly illustra-
tive of the challenge pat forth by St. John, and
perhaps farmed in part on its model :
At Tpclf at irpwrou 8vo ypo/ifiar' «xov(nf fciumj.
*H Aouri^ a rd Aotvel * Kai t'uriif a^va ri v^cre.
Tov muT^ 8* ipiBfiM iicaTOtn&Sn cto-l Si^ hxrit
Koi rpctf rpurdffKo^rv, (rvv -y' ^>rTB ' yvt^ ^ Tct tifU,
OvK afun/TOt Srg tfcii}( wop* ^M^ 7« 011^^.
^OiyU. Onicp. Ill; Paris, 1699.
supposed by Mr. Clarke to be Btbs ffurlip. The
conjecture made on this principle with respect
to the number of the Beast, most worthy of
mention, is one which dates as early as the time
of Irenaeus, and has held its ground down to the
time of Dean Alford and Bishop Wordsworth.
Irenaeus suggests, though he does not adopt,
the word Aaroros. Bishop Wordsworth
(1860) thinks it possible, and Dean Alford
(IStil) has "the strongest persuasion that no
other can be foimd approaching so near to a
complete solution." Of other names the chief
favourities have been Teirav (Irenaeus),
'Apyov/tt (Hippolytus), Aa^rcrii, 'Atrre-
^0 1 (Tichonius), reviriipiKot (Rupertus),
KaKOt 'OSiiyos, 'A\ii$iis Bkafftpos,
IlaAai BaiTKayos, 'A/troi iSiK as
(Arethas), ObKwtos (Grotius), Ma o/itris,
'Air Off T arris, fi Aar lyrt Bao-iAcia
(Clarke), DiocLES AcGirarns (Bossuet): Ewald
constructs " the Roman Caesar " in Hebrew j
Benary, Hitzig, Reuss, Renan, "the Caesar
Nero in the same language. Any one who
wishes to know the many attempts that have
been made to solve the difficulty — attempts
seldom even relieved by ingenuity — may consult
Wolfios, Calmet, Clarke, Wrangham, and Thorn.
ANTICHBIST
Men hare looked for Antichrist among tkcir
foes, and have tortured the name of the {enoi
fixed upon into being of the value of 666 is
Greek, Hebrew, or Latin. Hence Latinos under
the Roman Emperors, Mahomet at the time cf
the Saracenic successes, Luther at the Reforma-
tion, Napoleon at the French Revolntioi. The
name to be found is not that of Antichrist, bat
the name of the Beast, which, as we hare
argued, is not the same as Antichrist— a
point in favour of Aarnvot. A difierent method
of interpretation is adopted by Mr. Isaac
Williams, Bishop Wordsworth, Mr. Msnrice,
Lange (in Herzog's Scal-EncyklopSdie), and
Bishop Carpenter (iV. T. Commentary). There
is clearly a symbolical meaning in the anmberi
used in the Apocalypse ; and thev wonid ei-
plain the three sizes as a threefold declension
from the holiness and perfection symbolised br
the number seven. ' Similarly Dean Vaughia
hazards a conjecture that the threefold reitera-
tion of half twelve may be "the symbol of the
world, as the full and perfect Twelve is of the
Church " (2a<; Revelation of St. John). We irill
add an ingenious suggestion by an anonymous
writer, and will leave the subject in the sane
darkness in which it is probably destined to
remain: "At his first appearance," sayi this
writer, " he will be bailed with acclamations ani
hosannahs as the Redeemer of Israel, another
Judas Maccabaeus : and cither from the inittaU
of his name, or from the initial letter of some
scriptural motto adopted by him, an arti£cial
name will be farmed, a cipher of his real name.
And that abbreviated name or cipher will be
ostentatiously displayed as their badge, their
watchword, their shibboleth, their 'Maccihi,'
by all his adherents. This artificial name, this
mark or symbol of the real name, will be eqiul
by Gematria to 666 " (Jewish Missimary, p. 52,
1848>
(C.) Jetcish and Mohammedan traHiMS n-
specting Antichrist. The name given by the
Jews to Antichrist U W^*pT{(l (Armillm")
There are several Rabbinical books in which a
circumstantial account is given of him, snch as
the " Book of Zerubbabel," and others printed
at Constantinople. Buxtorf gives so abridg-
ment of their contents in his Lexicon, under the
head " Armillus," and in the fiftieth chapter of
his Synagoga Judaica (p. 717 ; cp. also relF. in
Levy, Chald. WMerbuch, and Jastrow's Mmiic
Diet. 8. n.). The name is derived from the
Targum of Isaiah xi. 4, which gives " Bj the
word of his month the wicked Armillos ihall
die," for " with the breath of his lips shall he
slay the wicked." There will, say the Jews,
be ten signs connected with the coming of the
Messiah : — 1. The appearance of three apostate
kings who have fallen away from the fsitb, bot
in the sight of men appear to be worshippers «'
the true God. 2. A terrible heat of the sun-
3. A dew of blood (Joel ii. 30). 4. A healing
1 An argument for this explanation of the thiMSl^
may be drawn Irom the (act already mentioned, thai the
name 'Iigtroik forms 888 (iij = 18, <r = MO, o = "•
V = 400, ; = MO), whldi Is at the same distance >)"«'
777 that 666 is below It.
o Explained as equivalent to Bomulns or iirimw,
or In other ways (see Dalmao, Dcr leidende u. i i**'-
hende Mtniai, flSSSJ p. 14.
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ANTICHRIST
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151
dev for the pioos. 5. A darkneas will be cut
upon the sun (Joel ii. 31) for thirty days
(b. HIT. 23). 6. God will give universal power
lo the Romuis for nine montha, daring which
UuM the Boman chieftain will afflict the
Unelites ; at the end of the nine months God
(ill ruse up the Messiah Ben-Joseph, that is,
tiw Messiah of the tribe of Joseph, named
Xehemish, who will defeat the Roman chieftain
ud slay him. 7. Then there will arise Armillns,
vhcm the Gentiles or Christians call Antichrist.
He will be bom of a marble statue in one of the
churches in Rome. He will go to the Romans
ud will profes himself to be their Messiah and
their God. At once the Romans will beliere in
him and accept him for their king, and will
\in him and cling to him. Having made the
vhole world subject to him, he will say to the
Idninieani (ie. Christians), " Bring me the law
which I hare given you." They will bring
it with their book of prayers ; and he will accept
it ss his ova, and will exhort them to persevere
in th«ir belief of him. Then he will send to
Nehemiah, and command the Jewish Law to be
breoght him, and proof to be given from it that
he ii God. Nehemiah will go before him,
parded by 30,000 warriors of the tribe of
Ephrann, and will read, "I am the Lord thy
God: tboa shalt have none other gods but Me.
Armillns will say that there are no such words
in the Lav, and will command the Jews to con-
fess him to be God as the other nations had con-
tested him. Bat Nehemiah will give orders to
liii foUoven to seize and bind him. Then
Armillns in rage and fury will gather all his
people in a deep valley to fight with Israel, and
10 that battle the Messiah Ben-Joseph will fall,
and the Angels wUl bear away his body and
carry him to the resting-place of the Patriarchs.
Then the Jews will be cast out by all nations,
and suffer afflictions such aa have not been from
the beginning of the world, and the residue of
them Til] fly into the desert, and will remain
then forty uid five days, daring which time all
the Israelites who are not worthy to see the
KedemptioB shall die. 6. Then the great Angel
Uichael will rise and blow three mighty blasts
oS a tnimpet. At the first blast there shall
appear the tme Messiah Ben-David and the
prophet Elijah, and they will manifest them-
Klns to the Jews in the desert, and all the
Jevs Uironghoat the world shall hear the soond
<•( the trmap, and those that have been carried
uptive into Assyria shall be gathered together ;
ud with great gladness they shall come to
Jerualem. Then Armillns will raise a great
inny of Christiaoa and lead them to Jerusalem
>« omqaer the new king. But God shall say to
Messiah, "Sit thoa on My right hand," and to
the Isiielite*, " Stand still and see what God
•ill work for you to-day." Then God will pour
lovn sulphur and fire from heaven (Ezek.
uiriii. 22), and the impious Armillns shall die,
ud the impiouB Idnmaeans (i^. Christians),
■ho hare destroyed the house of our God and
iuTe led os away into captivity, shall perish in
noery, and the Jews shall avenge themselves
npoo them, as it is written: "The house of
liaib shall be a fire, and the house of Joseph a
''me. and the house of Esau (i>. the Christians)
^ itabble, and they shall kindle in them and
dertnir them : there shall not be any remaining
of the honse of Esan, for the Lord hath spoken
it " (Obad. 18). 9. On the second blast of the
trumpet the tombs shall be opened, and Messiah
Ben-David shall raise Messiah Ben-Joseph from
the dead. 10. The ten tribes shall be led to
Paradise, and shall celebrate the wedding-feast
of the Messiah. And the Messiah shall choose a
bride amongst the fairest of the daughters of
Israel, and children and children's children shall
be bom to him, and then he shall die like other
men, and his sons shall reign over Israel after
him, as it is written, " He shall prolong his
days " (Is. liii. 10), which Rambam explains to
mean, " He shall live long, but he too shall die
in great glory, and bis son shall reign in his
stead, and his sons' sons in succession " (Buxtorf,
Synagoga Judaioa, p. 717 ; Basil. 1661).
The Mohammedan traditions are an adap-
tation of Christian prophecy and Jewish legend
without any originality or any beauty of their
own. They, too, have their signs which are to
precede the final consummation. They are
divided into the greater and lesser signs. Of
the greater signs the first is the rising of the
sun from the West (cf. Matt. ixiv. 29). The
next is the appearance of a Beast from the
earth, sixty cubits high, bearing the staff of
Moses and the seal of Solomon, with which he
will inscribe the word " Believer " on the face
of the faithful, and " Unbeliever " on all who
have not accepted Islam (comp. Rev. liii.). The
third sign is the capture of Constantinople;
while the spoil of which is being divided, news
will come of the appearance of Antichrist (Al
Dajjal), and every man will return to his own
home. Antichrist will be blind of one eye and
deaf of one ear, and will have the name of
Unbeliever written on his forehead (Rev. xiii.).
It is be that the Jews call Messiah Ben-David,
and say that he will come in the last times and
reign over sea and land, and restore to them
the kingdom. He will continue forty days, one
of these days being equal to a year, another to
a month, another to a week, the rest being days
of ordinary length. He will devastate all other
places, hue will not be allowed to enter Mecca
and Medina, which will be guarded by Angels.
Lastly, he will be killed by Jesus at the gate of
Lud. For when news is received of the appear-
ance of Antichrist, Jesus will come down to
earth, alighting on the white tower at the east
of Damascus, and will slay him : Jesus will
then embrace the Mahometan religion, inarry a
wife, and leave children after him, having
reigned in perfect peace and security, after the
death of Antichrist, for forty years (see
Fococke, Porta Moris, p. 258, Oxon. 1655 ; and
Sale, Koran, Preliminary Discourse).
Literature. — On the subject of the Antichrist
and of the Apocalyptic visions the following
is a condensed list of the writers most deserving
of attention : — Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. iv.
p. 220; Paris, 1720: S. Jerome, Explan. m
Daniel, r. 617 ; Veron. 1734. These two writeu
are expounders of the Patristic view. Andreas,
Comm. in Apoc., BibK ° Patr. Max. v. 590 ;
Arethas, Comm. in Apoc., Bibl. Patr. Max. ix.
741 ; Abbas Joachim (founder of the Antipapal
school), Exp. Apoc., Venet. 1519; Wicklilfe,
De Chritto et suo advenario Antichristo, Works,
vol. ii. Lond. 1883; Ribera (founder of the
later school of Futurists), Comm. in Apoc,
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ANTILIBANUS
Salam. 1591 ; Alcasar (founder of the Prae-
terist school), Veatigatio Arcani Sen$^ in
Apoc., AntT. 1614; Pareus, Comm. in Apoc.,
Heidelb. 1618; Cornelius a Lapidc, Comm. in
Apoc. AntT. 1627; Mede, Clavis Apocalypt.,
Cantab. 1632 ; Bossnet, Z'Apocalypse, avec
nne Explication, (Eurres, vol. iii. Paris, 1819 ;
Vitringa, Anaoisis Apocalyps., Amst. 1719;
Daubnz, Comm. on Sev., Lond. 1720; Hug,
Einteitung in die Schriften des Nmen Test.,
Stuttg. 1821 ; Bengel, ErklSrte Offenbarung
yoAonnij, Stuttg. 1834; Herder, /oAannis Offen-
barung, Werke, lii. Stuttg. 1827; Eichhorn,
Comm. in Apoc., Getting. 1791 ; Ewald, Comm.
in Apoc., Lips. 1828; Liicke, Vollstandige Ein-
teitung in die Offenlxmtng und die Apocalypt.
Literatur, Comm., iv., Bonn. 1834 ; Tracts for
the Times, v. No. 83, Lond. 1839; Greswell,
Exposition of the Parables, vol. i. Oxf. 1834;
Moses Stuart, Comm. on the Apoc., Edinb. 1847 ;
Wordsworth, On the Apocalypse, Lond. 1849,
and Gk. Test., Lond. 1860; Elliott, Horae
Apocalypticae, Lond. 1862; Clissold, Apoca-
lyptical Interpretation (Swedcnborgian), Lond.
1843; C. Maitland, Prophetic Interpretation,
Lond. 1849 ; Williams, The Apocalypse, Lond.
1852; S. R. Maitland, .4tt«ni/)t to elucidate the
Prophecies concerning Antichrist, Lond. 1853;
Alford, Greek Test. (Proleg. in Thess. et in
Apoc.), Und. 1866; ElUcott, Comm. in Thcss.,
Lond. 1862 ; Dusterdieck, Handbuch iiber die
Offenbarung Johannis, 1859 ; Renan, L' Anti-
christ, Paris, 1873 ; Gebhardt, The Doctrine of
the Apocalypse (Eng. tr., Edinb.), 1873 ; Reuss,
V Apocalypse, 1878; Mason, Notes and Ex-
cursus on the Interpretation of the Prophecy
2 Thess. ii. 3-12, in EUicott's Xeta Testament
Commentary, Lond. (without date) ; Carpenter,
Notes and Excursus B. on the Revelation, in the
same ; Alexander, Note on the Man of Sin,
2 Thess. ii. 3, in the Speaker's Commentary,
lond. 1881 ; Lee, The Revelation of St. John
tlie Divine, in the same; Harold Browne, The
Antichrist, Lond. 1883. See also article on
TlIES8AU>NIA!IS, SECOND EPISTLE TO THE, in
this Dictionary, and AuTlCHEisr in the Dic-
tionary of Christian Biography. [F. M.]
ANTILIB'ANUS ChntXi^ayos ; Antili-
banus). Only occurs in Judith i. 7. The eastern-
most of the two parallel ranges which enclose
Coele-Syria ; elsewhere (Josh. liii. 5) described
as "all Lebanon, toward the sunrising."
[Lebanos.] [W.]
ANTIOCH CA»THix«'»)- !• In Stria. The
capital of the Greek kings of Syria, and after-
wards the residence of the Roman governors of
the province which bore the same name. This
metropolis was situated where the chain of
Lebanon, running northwards, and the chain cf
Amanus, running southwards from the Taurus,
are brought to aa abrupt meeting. Here the
Orontes breaks through the mountains; and
Antiocb was placed at a bend of the river,
partly on an island, partly on the level which
forms the left bank, and partly on the steep
and craggy ascent of Mount Silpius, which rose
abruptly on the south. In the immediate
neighbourhood was Daphne, the celebrated
sanctuary of Apollo (2 Mace. iv. 33) ; whence
the city was sometimes called AsTlOCii by
ANTIOCH
Daphke, to distinguish it from other cities of
the same name.
No city, after Jerusalem, is so intimately con-
nected with the history of the Apostolic Cfaurcli.
Certain points of close association between these
two cities, aa regards the progress cf Christi-
anity, may be noticed in the first place. One of
the seven deacons, or almoners appointed at
Jerusalem, was Nicolas, a proselyte of Antioch
(Acts vi. 5). The Christians, who were dis-
persed from Jerusalem at the death of Stephen,
preached the Gospel at Antioch (ib. xu 19). It
was from Jerusalem that Agabus and the other
prophets, who foretold the famine, came to
.\ntioch (ib. li. 27, 28) ; and Barnabas and
Saul were consequently sent on a mission of
charity from the latter city to the former (ib.
xi. 30, xii. 25). It was from Jerusalem sgaia
that the Judaizers came, who disturbed the
church at Antioch (ib. xv. 1) ; and it was at
Antioch that St. Paul rebuked St. Peter for
conduct into which he had been betrartl
through the influence of emissaries £rom
Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 11, 12).
The chief interest of Antioch, however, is con-
nected with the progress of Christianity among
the heathen. Here the first Gentile Charci
was founded (Acts xi. 20, 21) ; here the dis-
ciples of Jesus Christ were first called Chris-
tians (xi. 26); here St. Paul exercised (so far
as is distinctly recorded) his first systematic
ministerial work (xi. 22-26; see xiv. 26-28;
also IV. 35, xviii. 23); hence he atarted at
the beginning of bis first missionary journey
(xiii. 1-3), and hither he returned (xiv. 26).
So again after the Apostolic Council (the decrets
of which were specially addressed to the G«ntile
converts at Antioch, xv. 23), he began and ended
his second missionary journey at this place (it.
36, xviii. 22). This too was the starting-ptant
of the third missionary journey (xviii. 23),
which was brought to a termination by the im-
prisonment at Jerusalem and Caesarea. Tbongb
St. Paul was never again, so far as we knov,
at Antiocb, it did not cease to be an important
centre for Christian progress ; bat it does not
belong to this place to trace its history as a
patriarchate, and its connexion with Ignstios,
Chrysostom (see Diet, of Christian Biography,
s. nu.), and other eminent names.
Antioch was founded in the year 300 B.a by
Seleacus Nicator, with circumstances of con-
siderable display, which were afterwards em-
bellished by fable. The situation was well
chosen, both for military and commercial pur-
poses. Jews were settled there from the first
in large numbers, were governed by their own
ethnarch, and allowed to have the same political
privileges as the Greeks (Joseph. Ant. xii. 3,
I 1 ; c. Ap. ii. 4). Antioch grew under the
successive Seleucid kings, till it became a city
of great extent and of remarkable beauty. Some
of the most magnificent buildings were on the
island. One feature, which seems to have been
characteristic of the great Syrian cities, — a vast
street with colonnades, intersecting the whole
from end to end, — was added by Antiochnt
Epiphanes. Some lively notices of the Antioch
of this period, and of its relation to Jewish
history, are supplied by the Books of Maccabees
(see especially 1 Mace. iii. 37, rL 13 ; 2 Mace
iv. 7-9, v. 21, xi. 36).
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ANTIOCH
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It is the Antiocb of the Roman period with
which we are coocened in the N. T. Br
Pomper it had been made a free city, and soch
it costinued till the time of Antoniniu Pius.
The earlr emperors raised there some large and
important structares, such as aqueducts, amphi-
tlieatres, and baths. Herod the Great contri-
buted a road and a colonnade (Joseph. Ant. xri.
5, § 3 ; £. /. i. 21, § 11). Hen should be
mentioned that the citizens of Antioch under
the Empire were noted for scurrilous wit and
the invention of nicknames. This perhaps was
the origin of the name by which the disciples of
Jesus Christ were designated, and which was
probably given by Romans to the despised sect,
and not by Christians to themselves.
Antioch on the Onmtw.
The great anthority for all that is known of
ancient Antioch is 0. 0. Hiiller's Antiquitate$
AiUiocheKU (GStt. 1839). Modem Antakia is
a shrunken and miserable place. Some of the
QtIS of ft. Faal, AnUoeh on Um Orontt*.
vills, shattered by earthquakes, have a striking
•ppesrance on the crags of Mount Silpius. They
an described in Chesney's account of the
£''lJ>rat€$ Expedition, where also is given n
view of a gateway which still bears the name of
St. Paul. One error, however, should be pointed
out, which has found its way into the above-
named volumes from Calmet : namely, Jerome's
erroneous identification of Antioch with the
Riblah of the Old TesUment (see Diet. G. and
£. Qeog., art. " Antiochoia ").
2. Antiocb in Pisidia (Acts xiii. 14, liv. 19,
21 ; 2 Tim. iii. 11). The position of this town
is clearly pointed out by Strabo in the following
words (jtii. p. 577): — "In the district of
Phrygia called Paroreia, there is a certain
mountain-ridge, stretching from E. to W. On
each side there is a large plain below this ridge;
and it has two cities in its neighbourhood:
Philomelium on the north, and on the other
side Antioch, called Antioch near Pisidia. The
former lies entirely in the plain; the latter
(which has a Roman colony) is on a height."
The relations of distance also between Antioch
and other towns are known by the Peutingerian
table. Its site was discovered by Mr. Amndell,
the British chaplain at Smyrna, who undertook
a journey in 1833 for the express purpose of
identifying the Pisidian Antioch (Arnndell's Asia
Minor, chs. xii. xiii. xi v.). The ruins are very con-
siderable, and include those of n temple, theatre,
church, and fine aqueduct. This discovery was
fully confirmed by Mr. Hamilton (Ret. m Asia
Minor, vol. i. th. 27 ; Vanx, 0/t. Cities and
Islands of Asia Min.f. 111). Antioch corresponds
to Talotatch, which is distant from Ak-shehr
(Philomelium) six hours over the mountains.
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154
ANTIOCHIA
This city, like the Syrian Antioch, was
foaaded by Selencns Nicator. Under the
Romans it became a colonia, and was also called
Caesarea, as we learn from Pliny (t. 24). The
former fact is confirmed by the Latin inscrip-
tions and other features of the coins of the
place ; the latter by inscriptions discovered on
the spot by Mr. Hamilton.
The occasion on which St. Paul visited the
city for the first time (Acts xiii. 14) was very
interesting and important. His preaching in
the synagogue led to the reception of the
Gospel by a great number of the Gentiles : and
this resulted in a violent persecution on the
part of the Jews, who first, nsing the influence
of some of the wealthy female residents, drove
him from Antioch to Iconium (m>. 50, 51), and
subsequently followed him even to Lystra (Acts
xiv. 19). St. Paul, on his return from Lystra,
revisited Antioch for the purpose of strengthen-
ing the minds of the disciples (v. 21). These
events happened when he was on his first mission-
ary journey, in company with St. Barnabas.
He probably visited Ajitioch again at the
beginning of his second journey, when Silas was
his associate, and Timothens, who was a native
of this neighbourhood, had just been added to
the party. The allusion in 2 Tim. iii. 11 shows
that Timotheus was well acquainted with the
sufferings which the Apostle had undergone
daring his first visit to the Pisidian Antioch.
See 3kt. Q. and S. Otog., art. " Antiocheia,"
7. [Phetoia; PwiDiA.] [J. S. H.] [W.j
ANTIO'CHIA (KA. [usually] 'fiyruixla,
B. [1 Mace. iv. 35] 'Ayriwx'o; AntiocMa).
Antioch 1 (1 Mace. iv. 35, vi. 63 ; 2 Mace iv.
33, v. 21). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ANTICCHIANS CAi^wx*" i Anttocheni).
Partisans of Antiochus Epiphanes, including
Jason and the Hellenizing faction (2 Mace. iv.
9, 19). In the latter passage the Ynlgate has
viros peccatores. [W. A. W.J [F.]
ANTI'OCHIS CArrloxu', AntiocAia). The
concubine of Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Maoc. iv.
30> [W. A. W.] [F.]
ANTI'OCMtTS QAvtIoxos; A. 'Avrlputxos
in 1 Mace. zii. 16 ; Antioehus). Father of Nume-
nius, one of the ambassadors from Jonathan to
the Romans (1 Mace. xii. 16, xiv. 22).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
ANTI'OCHDS II. CAvTltxos, the tcith-
slander), king of Syria, sumamed the god
(Bths) "in the first instance by the Milesians,
because be overthrew their tyrant Timarchus"
(.\pp. Syr. 65), succeeded his father Antiochus
(iitr^ip, the &mi(mr) in B.O. 261. During the
earlier part of his reign he was engaged in a
fierce war with Ptolemaeus Philadelphns, king
of Egypt (totis viribua dtmicamt, Hieron. ad Dan.
xi. 6), in the course of which Parthia and
Uactria revolted and became independent king-
doms. At length (B.C. 250) peace was made,
and the two monarchs "joined themselves
together " (Dan. xi. 6), and Ptolemy (" the king
of the south ") gave his daughter Berenice in
marriage to Antiochus ("the king of the
north "), who set aside his former wife, Laodice,
to receive her. After some time, on the death
of Ptolemy (B.C. 247), Antiochus recalled Lao-
ANTIOCHUS in.
dice and her children Selencns and Antioclmi to
court. Thns Berenice was " not able to rttiis
her power ;" and Laodice, in jealous fear leet
she might a second time lose her asoendeocj,
poisoned Antiochus (him " that supported her,"
i.e. Berenice), and caused Berenice and her inbnt
son to be pnt to death, B.C 246 (Dan. il 6;
Hieron. ad Dan. 1. c. ; App. Syr. 65).
After the death of Antiochus, Ptolemaeu
Euergetes, the brother of Berenice (" oat of t
branch of her root "), who succeeded his fstiin,
Ptol. Philadelphns, exacted vengeance for his
sister's death by an invasion of Syria, in whick
Laodice was killed, her son Seleucus Cillinicsj
driven for a time from the throne, and the
whole country plundered (Dan. xi. 7-9 ; Hitno.
{. c. ; hence his surname " the benefactor"). He
hostilities thns renewed continued for rnsnf
years; and on the death of, Seleucus ac.236,
after his " return into his own land " (Dan. li.
9), his sons Alexander (Seleucus), Eerannos, tod
Antiochus " assembled a great multitude of
forces " against PtoL Philopator, the sea of
Euergetes, and "one of them" (Antiockoi)
threatened to overthrow the power of Kgyj*
(Dan. xi. 9, 10 ; Hieron. /. c). [a F. W.] [B.]
ANTI'OCHUS m., snmamed the Crwf
(jkiyas), succeeded his brother Seleucus Eeiso-
nos, who was assassinated after a short reign in
B.C. 223. He prosecuted the war against Ptol.
Philopator with vigour, and at first with sacces-
In B.C. 218 he drove the Egyptian forces to Sidon,
conquered Samaria and Gilead, and wintered it
Ptolemais, but was defeated next year at Bs]^
near Gaza (B.C. 217), with immense loss, aid
in consequence made a peace with Ptolemy, in
which he ceded to him the disputed promces
of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine (Dis.
xi. 11,12; Polyb. v. 40 ff, iSS ff.). During tk
next thirteen years Antiochus was engaged in
strengthening his position in Asia Minor and
on the frontiers of Parthia, and by his saccesses
gained his snmame of the Oreat. At the end
of this time, B.C. 205, Ptolemaeus Philopator
died, and left his kingdom to his son Ptol. Epi-
phanes, who was only five years old. Antio-
chus availed himself of the opportunity wkidi
was ofiiered by the weakness of a minoritf
and the unpopularity of the regent, to nnito
with Philip III. of Macedon for the purpose of
conquering and dividing the Egyptian dominioni.
The Jews, who had been exasperated by the
conduct of Ptol. Philopator both in Palestine
and Egypt, openly espoused his cause, undertbe
influence of a short-sighted policy (" the fac-
tions among thy people shall rise," i.e. against
Ptolemy; Dan. xi. 14). Antiochus suonedtd
in occnpying the three disputed provinces, but
was recalled to Asia by a war which broke ont
with Attains, king of Pergamos ; and his all;
Philip was himself embroiled with the Romsni.
In consequence of this diversion Ptolemy, bj the
aid of Scopas, again made himself master (f
Jerusalem (Joseph. Ant. xii. 3, 3) and recovered
the territory wluch he had lost (Hieron. ad Da*.
xi. 14). In ac. 198 Antiochus reappeared in
the field and gained a decisive victory " near
the sources of the Jordan " (Joseph. Ant. xit 3,
3 ; Hieron. I. c. " ubi Paneas nunc condita est "0,
and afterwards captured Scopas and the rem-
nant of his forces which had taken refuge in 2iidoi
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AKTIOCHUS in.
(Dan. li. 15). The Jewa, who had inffered
.<«Terely dnring the straggle (Joseph. I. c), wel-
comed Antiochus as their deliTerer, and " he
stood in the glorions land which by his hand
«j to be consumed " (Dan. xi. 16). His further
designs against Egypt were frustrated by the
interrention of the Romans : and his daughter
Cleopatra (Polyb. xxriii. 17), whom he gave in
Ktrriage to Ptol. Epiphanes, with the Phoeni-
dai proTinces for her dower (Joseph. Ant. xii.
4, § 1), favoured the interests of her husband
rather than those of her father (Dan. xi. 17 ;
Hieron. /. c). From Egypt Antiochus turned
again to Asia Minor, and after Tariotis luccesses
ID the Aegean crossed over to Greece, and by
the advice of Hannibal entered on a war with
Some. His victorious coarse was checked at
Thermopylae (B.C. 191), and after subsequent
revenes he was finally defeated at Magnesia in
LyJia, B.C. 190.* By the peace which was con-
cluded shortly afterwards (B.C. 188) he was
forced to cede all his possessions " on the Roman
side of M. Taurus," and to pay in successive in-
stalments an enormous sum of money to defray
the expenses of the war (15,000 Euboic talents :
.\pp. &/r. 38). This last condition led to his
ijiominions death. In B.C. 187 he attacked a
ANTIOCHUS IV.
155
TMi^ndun (aula talent) of Anlloehiia m.
Obf. : Bad of Elss to rishl. B«r. ■ BASIAEOS ANTIoXoY.
Odd, tvo Bonoaimaaa. Apollo, luliad. toatod on corttna, to lefL
rich temple of Beliis in Elymais, and was slain
by the people who rose in its defence (Strab. xvi.
744 ; Just. zxxiL 2). Thus " he stumbled and
fell, and was not foond " (Dan. xi. 19).
The policy of Antiochus towards the Jews was
liberal and conciliatory. He not only assured
to them perfect freedom and protection in the
exercise of their worship, but according to
Josephus (4nf. xii. 3, § 3), in consideration of
their great sufferings and services in his behalf,
ne nude splendid contributions towards the sup-
port of the Temple ritnal, and gave various
immnnitiea to the priests and other inhabitants
of Jerusalem. At the same time imitating
the example of Alexander and Seleucus, and
appreciating the influence of their fidelity and
unity, he transported two thousand families
• t Jews from Mesopotamia to Lydia and Pbry-
gia, to repress the tendency to revolt which
was manifested in those provinces (Joseph. Ant.
1. c). Two sons of Antiochus occupied the throne
3tt«r him, — Seleucus Philopator, his immediate
■accessor, and Antiochus IV., who gained the
kingdom npon the assassination of his brother.
[B. F. W.j [R.]
* Tb< aUtement in I Usee. vU. «, that Antiochus
vas taken prisoner by the Bomans, li not supported by
any oibti cestimonj.
ANTI'OCHUS IV. EPIPHANES OEt.-
^v^s, the Itlustriotts, also called Bt6s, and in
mockery irtfuarlis, the frantic : Athen. x, 438 ;
Polyb. xxvi. 10) was the youngest son of Anti-
ochus the Great. He was given as a hostage to
the Romans (B.C. 188) after his father's defeat
at Magnesia. In B.C. 175 he was released by
the intervention of his brother Seleucus, who
substituted his own son Demetrius in his place.
Antiochus was at Athens when Seleucus was
assassinated by Heliodorus. He took advantage
of his position, and, by the assistance of Eu-
menes and Attains, easily expelled Heliodorus,
who had usurped the crown, and himself
" obtained the kingdom by flatteries " (Dan. xi.
21 ; cp. Liv. ili. 20), to the exclusion of his
nephew Demetritis (Dan. viii. 7).
The accession of Antiochus was immediately
followed by desperate efforts of the Hellenizing
party at Jei-usalem to assert their supremacy.
Jason (Jesus : Jos. Ant. xii. 5, § 1, see JasoN),
the brother of Onitu III., the high-priest, per-
suaded the king to transfer the high-priesthood
to him, and at the same time bonght permission
(2 Mace. iv. 9) to carry out his design of habitu-
ating the Jews to Greek customs (2 Mace. iv. 7,
20). Three years afterwards Menelaus, of the
tribe of Benjamin [Simon], who was com-
missioned by Jason to carry to Antiochus
the price of his office, supplanted Jason by
offering the king a larger bribe, and was
himself appointed high-priest, while Jason
was obliged to take refuge among the Am-
monites (2 Mace. iv. 23-26). From these
circumstances and from the marked honour
with which Antiochus was received at Je-
rusalem very early in his reign (c. B.C.
173 ; 2 Mace iv. 22), it appears that he
found no difficulty in regaining the border
provinces which had been given as the
dower of his sister Cleopatra to Ptol. Epi-
phanes. But his ambition led him still
further, and he undertook four campaigns
against Egypt, B.C. 171, 170, 169, 168, with
greater success than had attended bis prede-
cessor, and the complete conquest of the cotm-
try was prevented only by the interference of
the Romans (Dan. xi. 24; 1 Mace. i. 16 ff. ;
2 Mace. V. 11 sq.: cp. the story of Popilius
Laenas,'Liv. xlv. 11, 12; Polyb. xxix. 11).
The course of Antiochus was everywhere
marked by the same wild prodigality as had
signalised bis occupation of the throne (Dan.
/. c). llie consequent exhaustion of his treasury,
and the armed conflicts of the rival high-priests
whom he had appointed, furnished the occasion
for an assault upon Jerusalem on his return
from his second Egyptian campaign (B.C. 170),
which he had probably plaimed in conjunction
with Ptol. Philometor, who was at that time in
his power (Dan. xi 26). The Temple was plun-
dered, n terrible massacre took place, and a
Phrygian governor was left with Menelaus in
charge of the city (2 Mace. v. 1-22 ; 1 Mace. i.
20-28). Two years afterwards, at the close of
the fourth Egyptian expedition (Polyb. xxix. 1,
11 ; App. Syr. 66 ; cp. Dan. xi. 29, 30), Anti-
ochus detached a force under ApoUonius to
occupy Jerusalem and fortify it, and at this
time he availed himself of the assistance of the
ancestral enemies of the Jews (1 Mace. iv. 61,
V. 3 sq. ; Dan. xi. 41). The decrees then fol-
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156
ANTIOCHUS IV.
lowed which have rendered his name infamous.
The Temple was desecrated, and the observance
of the Law was forbidden. " On the fifteenth
day of Cisleu [the Syrians] set up the abomina-
tion of desolation (i.e, an idol altar : 1 Hacc t. 59)
on the altar." ' Ten days afterwards an offering
was made upon it to Jnpiter Olympius. At
Jerusalem all opposition appears to have ceased ;
bat Mattathias and his sons organised a resist-
ance (" holpen with a little help," Dan. li. 34),
which preserved inviolate the name and faith of
Israel. Meanwhile Antiochus turned his arms
to the East, towards Parthia (Tac, Hist. v. 8)
and Armenia (App. Syr, 45 ; Diod. ap. MilUer,
Fragm. ii. p. 10; Dan. zi. 40). Hearing not
long afterwards of the riches of a temple of
Kanaea (" the desire of women," Dan. zi. 37) in
Elymais, hung with the gifts of Alezander, he
resolved to plunder it. The attempt was de-
feated; and though he did not fall like his
father in the act of sacrilege, the event hastened
his death. He retired to Babylon, and thence to
Tabae in Persia, where he died B.C. 164, the vic-
tim of superstition, terror, and remorse (Polyb.
xzii. 2 ; Joseph. Ant. zii. 8, § 1), having first
heard of the successes of the Maccabees in
restoring the Temple - worship at Jerusalem
( 1 Mace. vi. 1-16 ; cp. 2 Mace. i. 7-17 ? ).
" He came to his end, and there was none
to help him " (Dan. zi. 45. Cf. App. Syr.
45; Liv. zli. 24-5, zlii. 6, zliv. 19, ilv. 11-
13; Joseph. Ant. zii. 5, 8).
The reign of Antiochus, thus shortly traced,
was the last great crisis in the history of
the Jews before the coming of our Lord. The
prominence which is given to it in the Book
of Daniel fitly accords with its typical and
representative character (Dan. vii. 8, 25, viii.
1 1 sq.). The conquest of Alezander had in-
troduced the forces of Greek thought and life
into the Jewish nation, which was already
jirepared for their operation [AlexamdebJ.
Fur more than a century and a half these forces
had acted powerfully both upon the faith and
upon the habits of the people; and the time was
come when an outward struggle aloac could de-
cide whether Judaism was to be merged in a ra-
tionalised Paganism, or to rise not only victorious
from the conflict, but more vigorous and moi-e
pure. There were many symptoms which be-
tokened the approaching struggle. The position
which Judaea occupied on the borders of the
conflicting empires of Syria and Egypt, exposed
equally to the open miseries of war and the
treacherous favours of rival sovereigns, rendered
its national condition precarious from the first,
though these very circumstances were favourable
to the growth of freedom. The terrible crimes by
which the wars of " the North and South " were
• This alUr is general!; identified with the ahomiua-
tlon of desoUUon (QpB? Wpt^) spoken of In Dan. li.
ST, xl. 31, xU. 11 (cp. Matt xzlv. 15), where the
LXX. rendering ^Airyfui tprfiuiffttt^ is the same as that
which In 1 Mace. 1. M is appllnl to the altar of Zeus
erected by Antiochus Epiphanes. The enormity of
this Insult was intenslSed by the (act, that Antiochus
had accepted Nuigi^pot as his own title, appropriating
to himself the attritrates of ttie Olympian Zeus (cp. Dan.
xi. 36, 3>), whose alur he erected (Joseph. Ant. xil. i 5).
At CSerizlm, the Ssmarltan sanctuary, he instituted the
worship of Zens Xenios. [AnouiSATioa of Desolatiox.]
ANTIOCHUS IV.
stained, must have alienated the mind of every
faithful Jew from his Grecian lords, even if ptr-
secution had not been superadded from Egjrpt
first and then from Syria. Politicallv notlis;
was left for the people in the reign of Antieckus
but independence, or the abandonment of evtrr
prophetic hope. Nor was their social position
leas perilous. The influence of Greek litentun',
of foreign travel, of extended commerce, had
made itself felt in daily life. At Jerusalem the
mass of the inhabitants seem to have desired to
imitate the ezercises of the Greeks; and a
Jewish embassy attended the games of Hereilb
at Tyre (2 Mace. iv. 9-20). Even their religion."^
feelings were yielding ; and before the risio; of
the Maccabees no opposition was ofiered to the
execution of the king's decrees. Upon the first
attempt of Jason the " priests had no coiragt
to serve at the altar " (2 Mace iv. 14 ; n>. 1
Mace. I. 43) ; and this not so much from wilfol
apostasy, as from a disregard of the vital prin-
ciples involved iu the conflict. Thns it ns
necessary that the final issues of a false Hellen-
ism should be openly seen that it might be dis-
carded for ever by those who cherished tic
ancient faith of Israel.
The conduct of Antiochus was in every ny
suited to accomplish this end ; and yet it seems
Tetnt>!n<ibiu (Attia tslent] of Antlocbnfl IV. EplpfauM.
01>T.: H«d of King, to Hfht tUn.: BASIAEOI AOTloIoY
eEoY Eni*ANoYZ NIKH«oPoY. Jsjltw, •mlti to kt.
hoLUar > Vlctflr7. Id flsld. monaffnai.
to have been the result of passionate impiiht
rather than of any deep-laid scheme to eitirpite
a strange creed. At first be imitated the liberal
policy of his predecessors ; and the occasion for
his attacks was furnished by the Jews them-
selves. Even the motives by which he w«»
finally actuated were personal, or at most only
political. Able, energetic (Polyb. iivii. 17), and
liberal to profusion, Antiochus was leckles
and unscrupulous in the execution of his plus.
He had learnt at Rome to court power aid to
dread it. He gained an empire, and be re-
membered that he had been a hostage. Regaid-
less himself of the gods of his fathers (Oaa-
xl. 37), he was incapable of appreciating the
power of religion in others ; and, like Nero is
later times, he became a type of the enemy of
God [comp. LXX. Version of Dan. xi. 36 with
2 Thess. ii. 4], not as the Roman emperor by the
perpetration of unnatural crimes, but by the
disregard of every higher feeling. " He magni-
fied himself above all." The real deity whom
he recognised was the Roman war-god, sad
fortresses were his most sacred temples (Dan-
xi. 38 ff. ; Ewald, Gtsch. dea Votkes Jsr. iv. 3«).»
» By the Jews be was regarded as the typlcil Anti-
christ, the union of power with the defiance of tnrj-
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ANTIOCHUS V.
Confronted with snch a persecutor, the Jew
realized the spiritnal power of his faith. The
eriU of heathendom were seen concentrated in a
penonal shape. The outward forms of worship
became inrested with something of a sacra-
mental dignitT. Common life was pnriBed and
ennobled by heroic deTotioo. An independent
nation asserted the integrity of its hopes in the
fice of Egypt, Syria, and Rome. Cp. Schtirer,
Gtxh. d. Juditclten Tolhtt* L 147, &c
[B. F. W.] [R.]
ANTI'OCHTJS V. EU'PATOB (TLbwi-raf,
«/ nMe descent) sncceeded his father Antiochus
IV. B.a 164, while still a child, under the
goardianship of Lysias (App. Syr, 46 ; 1 Mace,
iii. 32 f., Ti. 17), though Antiochus had assigned
this <&a to Philip, his own foster-brother, on
his death-bed (1 Mace. vi. 14 f., 55; 2 Hacc.
ii. 29). Shortly after his accession he marched
against Jerusalem with a large army, accom-
panied by Lysias, to relieve the Syrian garrison,
which was hard-pressed by Judas Maccabaeus
(1 Mace Ti. 19 if.). He repulsed Judas at
Bethischaria, and took Bethsura (Bethzur)
after a rigoroos resistance (1 Mace ti. 31-50).
Bat when the Jewish force in the Temple was
«n the point of yielding, Lysias persuaded the
king to conclude a hasty peace that he might
adrance to meet Philip, who had returned from
Persia and made himself master of Antioch (1
Mace Ti. 51 sq. ; Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, § 5). Philip
was speedily overpowered (Joseph. I. c); but
in the next year (b.c. 162) Antiochus and Lysias
fell into the hands of Demetrios Soter, the son
of Seleocus Philopator, who caused them to
be pnt to death in revenge for the wrongs
which be had suffered from Antiochus Epiphanes
(1 Mate. viL 2-4 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 1, 2 ; Joseph. Ant.
liL 10, § 1 ; Polyb. xxxi. 19). [B. F. W.] [R.]
ANTl'OCHUS VI. CAA./{a»8poi 'AXtiiySpov
■nu rMni, App. Syr. 68; surnamed e(6s,
ANTIOCHUS VII.
157
TabadnobBi (AtUe taint) oTAsUochv VI.
ew.: HMdorKkw. ndlil^tortght. Bn. : BAZIAEOS ANTIoXoY
EII[I«AXo]Y2 ^loNYSoY. I> add, TFY« (Tijpliiia). ud dst*
Joseph. Ant. liii. 7, § 1 ; and iwi^m^s Aiirvffot
«B coins) was the son of Alexander Balas and
tUnf that iras divine. It has been obeerved that the
pervjd of three and a half years, during which the Anti-
christ of St. Jobn'ti Apocalypse (xlil. B) Is permitted to
»'!tk evU, agrees with the interval of time which,
iccc>rding to some Jewish traditions, elapsed between
Ox pDllmion of the Temple and the death of the perse-
cutor, fjf, according to others, between the pollution of
tW Temple and its dedication.
Cleopatra (App. Syr. 1. c). After his father's
death (146 B.C.) he remained in Arabia; but
though still a child (rouSlov, App. /. c. ; irai-
Siptor rtifrtpm, 1 Mace. xi. 54), he was soon
afterwards brought forward (c. 45 B.C.) as a
claimant to the throne of Syria against De-
metrius Nicator by Tryphon or Diodotus (1
Mace. xi. 39 ; App. Syr. 68 ; Strab. xiv. p. 668,
xvi, p. 752), who had been an officer of his
father. Tryphon succeeded in gaining Antioch
(I Mace. xi. 56); and afterwards the greater
part of Syria submitted to the young Antio-
chus. Jonathan, who was confirmed by him
in the high-priesthood (1 Mace. xi. 57) and in-
vested with the government of Judaea, contri-
buted greatly to his success [Alexander
Balas], occupying Ascalon and Gaza, and re-
ducing the country as far as Damascus (1 Mace,
xi. 60-2). He afterwards defeated the troops of
Demetrius at Hazor (1 Mace. xi. 67 ; cp. Speaker's
Comm. 1. c.) near Cadesh («. 73) ; and repulsed a
second attempt which be made to regain Palestine
(1 Hacc xii. 24 sq.). Tryphon having now gained
the supreme power in the name of Antiochus, no
longer concealed his design of usurping the crown.
As a first step he took Jonathan by treachery
and put him to death, B.c. 143 (1 Nacc. xii.
40 sq.); then he murdered the young king, and
ascended the throne (1 Mace. xiii. 31 ; Joseph.
Ant. xiii. 5, § 6 ; App. Syr. 68. Livy [Epit. 55]
says incorrectly decern annos admodum habens
. . . ; Diod. ap. Miiller, Fragm. ii. 19 ; Just,
xxxvi. 1). [B. F. W.] [R.]
ANTl'OCHUS Vn. SIDE'TES (SiJ^nir,
of Side, in Pamphylia: not from *1'y, a hunter:
Plut. Apophth. p. 34 ; called also Evcrc/S^s, the
pioua, Joseph. Ant. xiii. 8, § 2; Euseb. Chron.
Arm. i. 349), king of Syria, was the second son
of Demetrius I. When his brother, Demetrius
Nicator, was taken prisoner (c. 141 B.C.) by
Hithridates I. (Arsacea VL, 1 Mace. xiv. 2)
king of Parthia, he married Cleopatra
(App. Syr. 68; Just, xxxvi. 1) and ob-
tained possession of the throne (137
B.C.), having expelled the usurper Try-
phon (1 Mace. XV. 1 sq. ; Strab. xiv.
p. 688). At first he made a very advan-
tageous treaty with Simon, who was
now "high priest and prince of the
Jews ; " but when he grew independent
of his help, he withdrew the concessions
which he had made and demanded the
surrender of the fortresses which the
Jews held, or an equivalent in money
(1 Mace. XV. 26 sq. ; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 7,
§ 3). As Simon was unwilling to yield to
his demands, he sent a force under Cen-
debaeus against him, who occupied a forti-
fied position at Cedron (?) (1 Mace. iv. 39),
near Azotus, and harassed the surround-
ing country. After the defeat of Cendebaeus
by the sons of Simon and the destruction of his
works (1 Mace. xvi. 1-10), Antiochus, who had
returned from the pursuit of Tryphon, under-
took an expedition against Judaea in (lerson.
He laid siege to Jerusalem, but according to
Josephus granted honourable terms to John
Hyrcanus (B.C. 133), who had made a vigorous
resistance (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 8 ; yet comp.
Porphyr. ap. Euseb. CAron. Arm. i. 349, muros
uriis demolitttratque ekctissimoa eomm traddaf).
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158
ANTIPA8
Antiochus next turned his arms against th«
Parthiani, and Hyrcanos accompanied him in
the campaign. But after some successes, be
yras entirely defeated by Phraortes II. (Arsaces
VII.), and fell in the battle c. B.C. 127-6
(Joseph. I. c. ; Jnst. xxivi., xxxriii. 10 ; App.
Syr. 68, tiertuifr tavrir. For the year of his
death, cp. Niebuhr, Kl. Schrift. i. 251 sq. ;
Clinton, /; J/, ii. 332 8q.> [B. F. W.] [K.]
AN'Xn AS CA»t'"I ; Antlpas). A martyr
at Pergamos, and, according to tradition. Bishop
of that place (Rev. ii. 13. See note in Speaker's
Commentary'). He is said to have been martyred
under Domitian by being cast into a burning
brazen boll (Menol. Gr. iiL 51). His day in the
Greek calendar is April 11. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AN'TIPAS. [Hebod.]
ANTI'PATER ( 'Avrdrarpot ; Ant^ter),
son of Jason, ambassador from the Jews to the
Lacedaemonians (1 Mace xii. 16, xir. 22). [6.]
ANTITATBIS {'Krrlnrpu), a town on the
military road from Jerusalem to Caesarea, to
which St. Paul was "brought by night" (Acts
xxiii. 31), when Claudius Lysias sent him, under
escort, from Jerusalem to the governorof Caesarea.
The escort, a mixed force of horse and foot,
paraded at the third hour of the night, and,
marching throughout the night, reached Anti-
patris next morning ; the footmen then returned
to Jerusalem, whilst the horsemen escorted St.
Paul across the plain to Caesarea.
According to Jcsephus (^Ant. xvi. S, § 2),
Antipatris was built by Herod "in the plain
called Capharaaba " (Jia^apaa&a or TiafiapiaSa
in xiii. 15, § 1), and named after his father,
Antipater. Though situated in the plain, it was
near the mountains ; it was abundantly supplied
with water, "rivers in abundance;" the soil
was fertile j and it was a point in the line of
defence taken np by Alexander Jannaeus across
the Maritime Plain to prevent the march of
Antiochus southwards (Ant. xiii. 15, § 1 ; zvi.
5, §2;— A/. L4, §7; i.21, §9). At a laUr
period he mentions the place again in connexion
with the march of Cestius to Jerusalem and his
disastrous retreat {B. J. ii. 19, § 1 ; 19, § 9) ;
and also with the military movement of Ves-
pasian from Caesarea towards Jerusalem (B. J.
iv. 8, § 1). Josephus states (Ant. xiii. 15, § 1)
that Alexander's line of defence commenced at
Capharsaba, " which is now called Antipatris,"
and this has led some authors to identify the
place, erroneously, with Kefr Siba, a small
village in the open plain, badly supplied with
water, and between seven and eight miles from
the point at which the Roman road, from Jeru-
salem to Caesarea, leaves the mountains.
Capharsaba and Antipatris are both mentioned
in the Talmud, and Keubauer infers (G^og. d.
Talmud. 86-89), from the manner in which
they are mentioned, that they were two
separate and distinct places ; and this view is
supported by a comparison of Ant. xiii. 15, § 1,
with xvi. 5, § 2.
Eusebius and Jerome (OS.* pp. 159. 25, 254.
32) place Antipatris six miles south of Galgula,
KalHIieh ; and in the Jerusalem Itinerary its
distance from Lydda is given as ten miles.
These indications are sufficient to identify Anti-
APEB
patris with a mound, crowned with the rnioi «{
a mediaeval castle, which rises above th« grttt
springs of Sas el 'Am (see PFQS. 1874, 192-6 ;
and P. F. Mem. ii. 258-62).
Jerome (Per. 8. Paulae, v.) calls Antipitrii
temirutum oppiduivm; but in the 8th century
a large number of Christians resided thfre,wboie
massacre by the Arabs in 744 a.d. is allodej to
by Theophanes. During the period of tbe
Crusades Arauf was supposed to be Autipatrii.
Like so many other foreign names of towns in
Palestine, the name is now lost. [W.]
ANTO'NIA, a fortress built by Herod on
the site of the more imcient Baris, on the N.W.
of the Temple, and so named by him after hi^
friend Antonins. [jEBDSALEat.] The void
nowhere occurs in the Bible, but the lortrcsi ij
referred to in Acta zzi. 31, &c. [G.]
ANTOTHI'JAH (Ges. Thet. = rfrm,
f ;-
prayers accepted of Jehovah; B. 'Anrfow, A'
'AvoBuBla ; Anathothia). A Benjamite, one of
the sons of Shashak (1 Ch. viii. 24).
[W.A.W.] [F.]
ANTO'THITE, THE QJ}^}^ < »• * '*«•
euOfi, A. -01 ; Anathothitesy. A native of Axi-
THOTH (1 Ch. iL 28, xu. 3). [W. A. W.] [f]
A'NUB (343tf, Ges. Thea. = deliaite, la^,
MV.", from a root preserved in Aramaic =
honnd together; B. "LryAv, A. 'Zyvifi; Ak*>
Son of Coz, and descendant of Judah, thronsk
Ashur, &theT of Tbkoa (1 Ch. iv. 8>
[W.A.W.] [FO
A'NUS (Banaeui), s Levite (1 Ead. ii. 48=
Nah. viii. 7> [Bam.]
AF'AME (^Kwinn ; Apeme), daughter of
Bartacus and concubine of Darios (1 Eld. 'it-
29> [GO
APETiLES CAireXXni ; ApeUes), a Chriitiu
greeted by St. Paul in Rom. xvi. 10, and hm-
cured by the designation "the approved in
Christ " (6 Ukihos iv Xpurrf'). Horace tskes
Apella (the usual Latin form) as a representstin
Jewish name. He is ridiculing a snppoeed
miracle, and says it is only fit for a Jewish
Apella to believe (Hor. Sat. I. v. 100). Apell««
is one of the names oocurr in Rom. xvi,, «lii<i>
Bp. Lightfoot proves b, scriptions to hire
been borne at different times by members of the
imperial household. See his detached note on
"Caesar's household," PhiUp. ir. 22. [E. B.a]
' APES (D'P^p, idphtm; -rlejiKCt; mia')
occurs in 1 E. X. 22, " once in three yean canK
the navy of Tharshisb, bringing gold, and silver,
ivory, and apes, and peacocks," and in the parallel
passage of 2 Ch. ii. 21. B., the Vat. Version e(
the TiXX., in the first-mentioned passage omiti
the words " ivory, and apes, and peacodOi"
while A., the Alexand. Version, has them; bnt
both these Versions have the words in the pas-
sage of the Book of Chronicles.
It would be vain to attempt to identify tlw
Hebrew KSphSm with any particular species of
ape or monkey. No animal of the class Sana
is found either in Western Asia or in Egypt;
though— 4ince they were frequently brought into
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APES I
tiw litttr country, as may be seen by monii-
aents (Wilkinson, Anc Egypt, i. p. 382, ed.
1878), and are very nomerons in the regions
APES
159
WOUdiod.)
immediatdy soath of Egypt and thronghont
EastemAfrica — they most have been well known
to tilt Jen. The text, however, appears to point
to Indian and not African apes. The word iop/um
is of foreign, not Hebrew origin, and is the re-
presentative of the Sanskrit tapi (ape), which
is also identical with the modern Tamil word.
As the words used in the same passage for
" ivory " and " peacocks " are also modem Tamil,
we have a very clear indication of the country
whence Solomon obtained these cariosities, and
that it most have been either Southern India or
Ceylon. The only diflBcalty is that the ships
which brought them are called ships of Tarshisli,
and Tarshish is generally identified with Tar-
tessns near the mouth of the Gnadalquivir in
South- Western Spain, which was a Phoenician
colony. It is true that the Barbery ape, Inuus
sylvanua, might have been procured from the
neighbourhood of the Pillars of Hercules, but
certainly neither ivory nor peacocks. Nor can
we place thb Tarshish in East Africa, for no
peacock exists in Africa, and the Tamil name
forbids \a to snggest any other bird. But ships
for long voyages may have been spoken of as
ships of Tarshish, just as the term East India-
men was often applied to ships of that class
with other destinations. Sir E. Tennent has
argued, with much probability, in favour of Point
de Galle, in Ceylon, as the rendezvous of Solo-
mon's eastern navy.
Elepbani and Ape; from AMr^lflallontUDeDta. (OteUik. Ninmd.)
The most common monkeys of South India
and Ceylon belong to the genus Presbytis, of
vhidi five species are recognised from that
»;ion. There are also three species of baboon
—Ivmu, which is not uncommon, one Macacus,
and two Zemuridae — in which the tail is absent
or rudimentary only.
For some attempts to identify the various
kinds of Quadrumana which were known to
the ancients, see A. A. H, Lichtenstein's work.
Babocm and Ape, frcpm Ajijriaa
™''led Commentatio philoiogica de Smianim
IfitT'ot ttteribus innotuerunt formis (Hamb.
1^91); and Ed. Tvson's Homo n/lvestris, or the
isatmy of a Pigmie (Lond. 1699), to which he
i^s idded a Philosophical Essay concerning the
•^JMcephali, the Satyrs, and Sphinxes of the
(OlaUA, Klmroil.)
ancients. Aristotle (dc Anim. Eist. ii. 5, ed.
Schneider) appears to divide the Quadrumana
order of Mammalia into three tribes, which
he characterises by the names ir(9i)Koi, itfipot,
and KuvoKi^aKoi. The last-named family ai-e
no doubt identical with the animals that
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160
APES
form the African genus Cynocephalus of modem
zoologists. The k^JSoi Aristotle distinguishes
from the irlBvimt, by the fact of the former pos-
sessing a tail.* This name, perhaps, maj stand
for the whole tribe of tailed monkeys, excluding
the Cynocephali and the Zemuridae, which latter,
since they belong principally to the island of
Madagascar, were probably wholly unknown to
the ancients.
The ir(9i)K0(, therefore, would stand as the re-
presentative of the tailless apes, such as the
Chimpanzee, &c. Although, however, Aristotle
perhaps used these terms respectively in a definite
sense, it by no means follows that they are so
employed by other writers. The name vitriKoi,
for instance, seems to have been sometimes used
to denote some species of Cynocephalus (see a
Fragment of Simonides in Schneider's Annot. ad
Ariat. Hist. Anim. iii. 76). The LXX. In all
probability used the word in an extended sense
as the representative of the Hebrew word
Xdph, to denote any species of Quadrumanoas
Mammalia.
In the engraving which represents the Litho-
strotum Praenestinum (that curious mosaic
pavement found at Praeneste), in Shaw's Travels
(ii. 294, 8vo ed.), is to be seen the figure of
some animal in a tree, with the word KHIIIEN
over it. Of this animal Dr. Shaw says (p. 312),
KHinSN
Xoslor, firom the Fnaooatiae Kcaalc.
" It is a beautiful little creature, with a shaggy
neck like the Callithrix, and shaped exactly like
those monkeys that are commonly called Mar-
mosets. The KHinEN, therefore, may be the
Ethiopian monkey, called by the Hebrews Kouph,
and by the Greeks KHnOS, KH4>02, or KEin02,
from whence the Latin name Ccphia." Tliis
description will be found to apply better to the
figure in the 4to ed. of Dr. Shaw's Travels than
to that in the 8vo ed. Perhaps, as Col. Hamilton
Smith has suggested, the Keipen of the Praenes-
tine mosaic may be the Cercopithccus griseo-
viridis, Desmar., which is a native of Nubia, the
country represented, in that part of the mosaic
where the figure of the keipen occurs.
It is very probable that some species of baboons
is signified by the term Satyrs, which occurs
in the A. V. in the prophet Isaiah [Sattr].
Bishop Coverdale, or the author of the first
English translation of the Bible, seems to have
been a better naturalist than the company of
the A. V. ; for in the 1st edition, A.D. 1537, as
well as in all subsequent editions, he reads (Is.
xiii. 21)— where the A. V. has, " satyrs [R. V.
mnrg. he-goats^ shall dance there " — " apes shall
<launce there. The ancients were no donbt
acquainted with many kinds of Quadrumana,
• " Si mlhi Cauda foret cerooplthecus en>."
APHEK
both of the tailed and tailless kinds (we Plin.
viii. c. 19, xi. 44; Aelian. Xat. An. xvii.25,39;
Strab. ivii. 827 ; Bochart, Hieroz. ii. 398 : <£
Mart. £pig. iv. 12> [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
APHAE'SATHC^HITES, APHAR'SITES,
APHAE'SACITES (N.'SriD-IQN. «".D1E«.
Kpp'lBK ; in Ezra iv. 9, B. tofftiaxaioi . . .
'K^paacuoi, A. ' K^apaaBax<uoi • • • 'A^c^oin ;
Apharmthixchoei . . . Apharaoci ; in v. 6, B.
'A^xxpaoKKaToL, A. -xoiii ; Arphasacho^ the
names of certain tribes, colonies from which had
settled in Samaria under the Assyrian leader
AsNAPPER (Ezra iv. 9, v. 6). The fiist and
last are regarded as the same. Whence these
tribes came is entirely a matter of conjecture
(see Riehra, HWB. s. n.). The initial K U
regarded as prosthetic ; and the remaining portico
of the first two names has been considered t«
bear some resemblance (a very distant am) to
Paraetacae, or Paraetaceni (^erod. i. 101), .i
tribe living on the borders of Media and Petsia.
Fried. Delitzsch (Baer's ed. of Ezra, p. ix.) findi
the original form of the names in K.*3FI"1B8.
Partakka or Partukka, two Median cities mo-
tioned by Sennacherib. The second name has Ixiii
referred to the Parrhasii in Eastern Media, ami
by Gesenius to the Persae. The presence of
the proper name of the Persians (D°]9} in Ezra
i. 1, iv. 3, must throw some doubt upon the con-
jecture of Gesenius, independently of the fact
that Assjrrian kings never penetrated into Persii
(Schrader, KAT.^ p. 376). The conjecture of
Fried. Delitzsch that the name recalls a Median
tribe referred to in the Annals of Sennacherib
and inhabitants of the Jond of Parsua, is at leas;
plausible. [W. L. B.] [F.]
ATHEE (PGlK, from a root signifying to
hold together or strengthen, Ges.X the name of
several places in Palestine.
1. B. 'Oip^K, A. 'A^/k ; Aphec. A royal dtr
of the Canaanites, the king of which was kilM
by Joshua (Josh. xii. 18). As this is named witi
Tappuah and other places in the mountains of
Judah, it is very probably the same as the
Aphekah of Josh. xv. 53. A trace of the namt
may perhaps exist in Wad Fakin, a small village
in the hills west of Bethlehem.'
2. In Josh, xiii., B. To^^k, A. 'A^«c<E; Apkeoa.
A city, apparently in the extreme north of
Asher (Josh. xix. 30; 'K^tK, Aphec), frwn
which the Canaanites were not ejected (Judg.
i. 31 ; though here it is Aphik, p*QK ; A. 'K^it,
B. omits or has a different reading [see Aphik] ;
Aphec). This is probably the same place as the
Aphek (Josh. xiii. 4) on the extreme north
" border of the Amorites," and apparently htyvoA
Sidon, and which is identified by Gesenius (TVs.
140 a) with the Aphaca of classical tinte.s
famous for its temple of Venus and now Afh
(Rob. iii. 606 ; Porter, ii. 295-«). Afka, how-
ever, lies beyond the ridge of Lebanon, on the
north-western slopes of the mountain, and con-
sequently much further up than the other towns
of Asher which have been identified. On the
other hand, it is hardly more to the north of the
• The LXX. reading (B.) Is pao-Uta '0<J« ■nn 'Kpit
(A. om. T. A.). 'Apiw is taken to be a corrnptioo if
iaimf (cp. the Heb. text), and the place here Is axm-
deted the same w No. 1 (cp. DUlmaiin, and QPB.' i. 1.).
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APHEE
btawu Umits of th« tribe, than Kadesh and other
pUcn named as in Jndah were to the south ; and
Apbek may, like many other sanctnaries, hare
had > nputation at a rerj early date, snflicient
Id the dap of Joahoa to canse its mention in
cDmpanT with the other northern sanctuary of
Baal-gad. The northerly position is supported by
the opinion that in the reign of Sethi I., Kadesh
<a the Orontes was an Amorite town under the
jurisdiction of the Hittites.
3. A place at which the Philistines en-
camped, while the Israelites pitched in Eben-
aer, before the fatal battle in which the sons
of Eli were killed and the ark taken (1 Sam.
IT. 1 ; 'k(p4ic, Aphec). M. CI. Ganneau {Pf'Qy.
Slat. 1877, 1S4-6) proposes to identify £ben-
ei«r with Deir 'Aban near Bethshemesh, sup-
I>c«iig that the ark would be carried back to
the place where it was captured. There is
iDiich ID fsTour of this view ; but the distance,
though not so great as to be impossible, is rather
too remote from Shiloh and Mizpeh. Major
Oonder has inggested, doubtfully, iferj Fikieh,
Mil Bab ^Wad, and Deir e/-'Azar near Kwyet
(l-'End) for the Aphek and Ebenezer of 1 Sam.
if. 1. Josephns (B. J. ii. 19, 1) mentions a
IIvp^i 'A^«v near Antipatris.
4. The scene of another encampment of the
I^ilistiiiei, before an encounter not less disastrons
thu that just named, — the defeat and death of
Ssnl (1 Sam. xiii. 1 ; 'A^^k, Aphec). By com-
pviMD with rer. 11, it seems as if this Aphek
vert not necessarily near Shnnem, though on
the road thither from the Philistine district. It
ij possible that it may be the same place as the
precediog ; and if so, the Philistines were march-
in)? to JezTcel by the present road along the
"Itckbone" of the country. Fukud, on the
wothem slope of Mount Gilboa, has been sug-
^ted (fF. Man, ii. 84) as a possible site for
this Aphek ; but from this place the Philistines
conld sot hare " gone np " to Jezreel ( 1 Sam.
Hii. 11). Josephus (^Ant. ri. 14, 1) has *P«77o
for Aphek.
6. In 1 K. Hi. (LXX.) B. 'Kiptxi, k.-ay;
■ipia. A dtr on the military road from Syria
to Israel (1 K. «. 26). It was walled (e. 30),
>»d WIS apparently a common spot for engage-
nents with Syria (2 K. xiii. 17 ; 'A^ix, Aphec).
The use of the word "litrtpn (A. V. "the
tUin") in 1 K. xx. 25 fixes the situation of
ifcis Aphek in the lerel down-country east of
the Jordan [Mishor] ; and there, accordinglr, it
B now fonnd in Fik, at the head of the Wiidy
rii, til miles east of the Sc.i of Galilee, the
iint road between Damascus, Sdbulta, and
••'niKlCTi, still passing (Kiepert's map, 1857),
»ith tU the permanence of the East, through
tw Tillage, which is remarkable for the numlwr
'f am th.nt it contains (Burckh. 280). By
-aephns (riil. 14, § 4) the name is giren as
.**«."i Eusebiua {Onom. 'Aiptxi) says that
'0 hit time there was, beyond Jordan, a Ktiixri
•^M*? (Jer. auUUum grande) called Apheca,
"•f (»«(>1) Hippes (Jer. Hippus) ; but he appa-
^'U cunfonnds it with (1). Hippos was one
"_ the towns which formed the Decapolis.
^'K or Feik, has been risited by Burckhardt,
^n, and others (Ritter, Pal. 348-353), and
" "* ("dy one of the places bearing this name
BJW* Dicr. — VOU L '
APOCRYPHA
161
that has been identified with certainty. The
name appears as Apkn in an inscription of Esar-
haddon (Schrader, KAT.* p. 204). [G.] [\V.]
APHE'KAH (nijgit? i B. *aKOvi, A. 'K,pcmi;
Apheoa), a city of Judah in the mountains (Josh,
xr. 53), probably the same as Apuee (1).
[G.] [W.]
APHETIEMA (T.' 'Aifioipe/ui, A.'A,p4ptnai
'A^epei^ii, Jos.), one of the three "gorcrnments"
(i'6novs, and once Toiapx'"") added to Judaea
from Samaria and Galilee by Demetrius Nicator,
and confinned by Nicanor (1 Mace. xi. 34 : see
Jos. Ant. xiii. 4, § 9, and Reland, 178). The
word, omitted in the Vulgate, is probably the
same as Ephraim (Ophrah, Taiyibeh). [G.] [W.]
APHEK'BA QKi^^ppA ; Ewa), one of the
sons of the " servants of Solomon " who returned
with Zerubbabel (1 Esd. r. 34) His name does
not occur in the parallel lists of Ezra and
Nehemiah. [G.] [W.]
APHI'AH (riW ; B. 'A^/k, A*. 'A^etx, A.>'
'A^fx ; ^pAia), one' of the forefathers of Saul
(1 Sam. ix. 1). [W. A. W.] [F.]
APHI-K (P'PK ; A. 'K^U, B. Noef ; Aphec),
a city of Asher from which the Canaanites were
not driren out (Judg. i. 31). Probably the
same place as Aphee (2). [W. A. W.] [F.]
APH'KAH, the house of (mOD^ n»3 ; K.V.
Beth-h-Aphrah, marg. "a house 'of dust," so
MV."), a place mentioned in Mic. i. 10, and
supposed by some (Winer, p. 172) to he identical
with Ophrah. But this can hardly be, inasmuch
as all the towns named in the context are in
the low country to the west of Judah, while
Ophrah would appear to lie E. of Bethel
[Ophuah]. LXX. /{ oXkov (tori 7^A«to; Vulg.
in (brnio pulveria. [G.] [W.l
APH'SES (f«B5, Ges. = di^rsion; B.
A<t>(aii, A. 'U(ftp ; Aphses ; R. V. " Happizzez "),
chief of the 18th of the 24 courses in the serrice
of the Temple (1 Ch. xxir. 15).
[W.A. W.] [F.]
APOCALYPSE. [Revelatios.]
APOCBYPHA. This article deals with the
collection of books to which the term "Apocry-
pha" is familiarly applied in England at the
present day. In other words, it treat! of the
fragments of Jewish literature not included in
the Hebrew Canon of Scripture, which hare
nerertheless been preserred in the Greek and
Latin Versions of the Old Testament.
Although the terms " Deutero-Canonical " and
" Ecclesiastical," which are sometimes by pre-
ference giren to these writings, are, as we shall
see, more strictly accurate, they are nerer likely
to supplant the less correct and now generally
accepted name. But it will sometimes be ne-
cessary to make use of them, in order to avoid
needless ambiguity.
The titles of the Books of the Apocrypha,
according to the order in which they are placed
in the English Version, are : —
I. 1 Esdras.
n. i Esdras.
III. Toblt.
lY. Judith.
M
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1C2
APOCRYPHA
T. The rut of Ui« chapters In the Book of Esther,
which are fonnd neither in the Hebrew nor In
the Cbaldee.
XL The WlBdom of Solomon.
Vn. The Wisdom of Jesas the Son of Siracb, or
EcclesiasUcns.
VIII. Baruch.
IX. The Song of the Three Holy Children.
X. The History of Sasauna.
XI. The History of the Destruction of Bel and the
Dragon.
XII. The Prayer of Manasses king of Judah.
XIIT. 1 Maccabees.
mv. 2 Maccabees.
To these may here be added 3 and 4 Maccibees,
both of which appear in the LXX. of the Codex
Alexandrinus, the 3rd being given also in the
Codex Vaticanus, the 4th in the Codex Sinai-
ticus.*
In this list No. VIII., The Book of Barnch,
contains as its sixth chapter "The Epistle of
Jeremy:" Nos. IX., X., XI. constitute the so-
called " Additions to Daniel :" « The Prayer of
Azariah " is included in " The Song of the Three
Holy Children." The separate books of the
Apocrypha are treated of under their respective
titles.
In the course of the present article the
references are made from 0. F. Fritzsche's Libri
Apocryphi Vetera Testamenti, Lips. 1871.
It has been impossible to include within the
limits of this article the important pseudepi-
graphic Apocrypha represented by such writings
as the Psalms of Solomon, the Book of Enoch, the
Book of Jubilees, the Assumption of Moses, &c.
The following gives in brief outline the
contents of this article : —
I. The History of the word " Apocrypha "
and of its special application.
II. The Relation of the Apocrypha to the
History of the Canon in —
(1) the Jewish Church, p. 166.
(2) the Christian Church,
(a) to 600 A.D., p. 169.
(6) to the close of the 16th cen-
tury, p. 173.
(c) to the present time, p. 175.
III. Classification and Description of the books
of the Apocrypha, p. 179.
IV. The Apocrypha, in relation to
(1) Jewish Literature, p. 182.
(2) Jewish Theology, p. 186.
V. The Text of the Apocrypha, p. 195.
VI. The Literature upon the Apocrypha, p.
197.
I. The History of the word " Apocrypha " and
of its special application. — The word airSKpv^s,
in classical writers, though not common, is
found with (a) the simple meaning of " hidden,"
" concealed " (e.g. Eurip. //ere. Fw. 1070) ; (4)
the secondary meaning of " recondite," " ob-
scure," " hid from knowledge " (e.g. Xcn. item.
iii. 5, 14, t1 iiy woiovvres Itt/aKd^ifv t^v iipxotiay
iptriiv; .. .Kai i SuKpcErT);, OliSiv iriKpv<t>oy
SoKU not ftyai: cf. CalHmachi Fragmata, 242,
ypi/tfiaTa ivijicpv^a).
In the LXX. it appears (o) rarely, as a strict
adjective = " hidden," "concealed" (e.ij. Isa.
xlv. 3; 1 Mncci. 23; Ecclus. ixiii. 19, ilii. 9):
' For other additions to the canonical Books of the 0-
T. to be found In tbo LXX. see in that Version, Fs. cU.,
Job 11. 9, xlli. 17 ; Prov. vl. 8, Ix. 13, xxlv. 22.
APOCRYPHA
(6) generally with ir, as an adjectival substan-
tive, meaning "a place of concealment" (e.^^.
Ps. ix. 29, xvi. 12, Ixiii. 5; ikwlus. ivi. lU;
Isa. iv. 6; Deut. ixvii. 15; Job xxxii. 2b).
(c) The neuter plural iirdcpv^ is used u a
substantive for "hidden resources," sometimes
of material wealth (e.g. Dan. xL 43 [Theod.],
Kvpttvfffi iv rois iLToKp6<pots rod x^utroti, where
it translates D^J930). In this form it i>
especially applied to materials of knowledge,
hidden from the human understanding (f.}.
Dan. ii. 22 [Theod.], ainis laroKa>i.virru Batia
Kol laroKpv^a (NJJTTIOD)' yuriiiTKctr t4 it rf
OKirti, Ko! rk ^s fier' avroG ierl : Ecclus. lir.
21; xxxii. 3, 7; xlii. 19; xlviii. 25; cf. lliii.
32). In these passages the prevailing idei (>(
the word maybe illustrated by the "depths"
(fiiJin : cf. 1 Cor. U. 10, Kev. ii. 24), afterwards
used by Gnostics to express the mysteries of
knowledge.
Id the New Testament the word occurs oalj
three times ; Mark iv. 22 ; Luke viii. 17 ; Col.
ii. 3, tv f «io-li' ir«l»T«j ol Sriiraupol rijs <ro^
Kal yviinwi lardxpu^i. St. Paul, in this list
passage, speaking of the " tre.Tsnre» " of wis-
dom and knowledge " hidden away in Christ,"
perhaps contrasts them with the esoteric doc-
trines on which the leaders of the Colossian
heresy prided themselves (see Lightfoot's Co/'#
siaiw in loco). There is, however, no evidence In
show that the word bad as yet been applied ia
any technical sense to writings.
In Patristic Literature the word i'*6Kpvftf t<
technically applied to writings, Jewish, Cbriatiu
and heretical. But its history is hard to tra-t.
owing to the variety of meanings under whiih
it appears in different authors, and even in li-:
writings of the same author.
At the close of the 2nd century A.D., we da'
that books could be termed " Apocryphal " l*-
cause they treated of "esoteric doctrines' '>r
" knowledge hidden from the uninitiated." Au
ex.imple of this occurs in the writings of Clerceus
Alexandrinus (circ. 200 A.D.), who mentions thai
the followers of Prodicus b<>asted of possessint
" Apocryphal books " (i.e. books containing tiie
esoteric teaching) of Zoroaster ($lfiKovs i»»-
Kpv^ous rivSphs roSSe of riir TlpoSlicou tuTiorrc.
dlpKriy ttbxovfft KeKT^o-^oi, Clem. Alex. S£™»-
i. 15, p. 357, ed. Potter). This distinctim
between the si\cred books of a religious coie-
mtmity, according as they were intended M
the use of the uninitiated many or of the initi-
ated few, was not uncommon during the earlr
centuries of the Christian era. A well-knoau
illustration is affordixi by a passage in the
Jewish pseudepigraphic work, 2 Esdras (li'".
44-47), " In the course of forty days vrxr
written four and ninety " (undoubtedly tl':
correct re.tding) " books. And it came !■■
pass, when the forty days were fulfilled, that
the Most High spake, saying, The first which
thou hast written publish openly ; and let the
worthy and the unworthy read. But taoa
shalt keep the seventy last, that thou mayjst
deliver them to such as be wise among thv
people ; for in them is the vein of understjnd-
ins, and the fount of wisdom, and the stream
of knowledge." By the twenty-four Books h-vf
mentioned are meant the Books of the Hebrrw
Canon. The remaining " seventy " probably re-
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APOCEYPHA
pnienttd, nnder a symbolical number, the class
cf mnticU aad ApocaWptic writings of which
tiKSecondBookof ICadnUjthe Booit of Enoch, &c.,
ii»s|)ecimens. Whether this "seventy " included
lojr of the books of oor Apocrypha need not here
be discossed. It is SDlKcient to obscrre that
they were pi$\oi irixpo^i, " apocryphal books
01 esoteric teaching," which only the " wise " of a
religions community were permitted to read or
<leemed capable of understanding. When Gregory
of XjKa and Epiphanins, in the 4th century,
Sftii of the Apocalypse as an "apocryphal"
writing (Greg. Nyss. Or. de Ordin. ii. 44 ; Epiphan.
SaiT. Jl), they are using the word in this ori-
giaally technical sense, and only desire to imply
tbat Um book contained mysteries unintelligible
t>tbe masses.
The Christian Church afforded no scope for
CMteric writings. The fullest Terelation of (jod
lud been made in the writings of the Apostles
and Prophets, which were read publicly in the
ciinTches. Books purporting to contain more
transcendental truths, which were unintelligible
to the masses and appealed only to the wise
aad learned, aroused suspicion. The general
use. Dot the secrecy of a book, stamped it with
the approbation of the Church (cf. Luke viii.
17). Origen, who frequently refers to " apocry-
phal" writings, contrasts them in a tone of
depreciation with the Books of acknowledged
worth or public circulation ^e.g. Origen, Comm.
n Mattk. torn. x. c. 18 ; Spist. ad African, c. 9 ;
Omm. w Matth. [Lat.] § 28 libri secretiores,
S 117 Btcreta Scriptura).'
Vany of the writers of the apocryphal books,
illnded to l>y Origen and his contemporaries,
seem to hare been Gnostics or visionaries, who
hoped by literary forgeries to disseminate their
news, without openly betraying their con6ict
with Scriptural doctrine. This drcumstance
alone was sufficient to compromise the whole
class of psendepigraphic literature. Its name
became a byword of odium : Christian Fathers
iidoded the whole range of apocryphal lite-
ntore in their denunciation of certain heretical
vTiten and riews (e.g. Uegesippns ap. Enseb.
ff. E. IT. 22. 8 : leal srtpi tvk Kefoiiirmy Si
imtfi^r SiaKofifiirwr, rrl rSr abrov xpi"""
wp^s TOUT alferiKuv imirfxXiatai ra>ii roiray
l*raftZ Tertull. de Anima, cap. ii. : " Qnid
utem, ii philosophi etiam ilia incnrsaverunt,
<]uae penes nog apocryphorum confessione dam-
njatur").
APOCRYPHA
163
' The ssfgeatlon that the early Christian use of the
wvilanzpK^ has been influenced by the Rabbinical
^■ird UJ. Syr. yieae, "to hide," is not without evidence
in hi tiToor. The Hebrew word was technically used
(v the declaration that a book was nncanonlcal (Levy,
.i£<B»*r. u. Cluild. WSrterbuck, Bd. L 1876). In this
*a^ It was used by the Rabbins of writings excluded
f'^a pnbUc use upon moral cr doctrinal grounds. It
^=*7 be qaeetloned whether any official condemnation Is
o«Teyed by Origin's use of the word "apocryphal."
IVcojaeilon between I^JJ and atrctpvixK rests chiefly
■• the smilaritT of their primary meanings, and on the
b^ that both words, technically applied to writings,
^■^^rvj a disparaging sense. Jewish ^nim» were
*^*ia#H aotboriutlvely removed from the use of the
*^^*awiity, Ollgen's ar6«pv^ were books not read
P^kikiy In the cbnrches, being either esoteric In teach-
N « private In drcnlattoa. See Zahn, XU. Kanm,
Ri- IS, U« (IM8).
Partly from the unsound character of the
books, partly too from the Church's condem-
nation of their writers, the adjective "apo-
cryphal " ( iit6Kpv^t ) is found at the close
of the 2nd century with the meaning of " false "
or "supposititious:" e.g. Iren. Jfaer. i. 20,
ic\Tj6os inroKpiipaiv xai v6Sav ypwpiiv; Tertull.
de Pvdicit. cap. x., " (Scriptura Pastoris) si non
ab omni concilio ecclesiarum restrarum etiam
inter apocrypha et falsa judicaretitr ; " Clem.
Strom, iii. 4 (p. 524, ed. Potter), tfifht Si ainots
T^ S^fut fx Tim iitoKfii^ov Kci S-)) irafalM)-
ao/icu r^v Kt^ty ri^y t« TotSraiF iiatKyflat
lanifm; Orig. Prol. in Cant, sub fin. "(Scrip-
turae) quae appellantur apocryphae pro eo qnod
multa in lis cormpta et contra fidem veram in-
veninntur a majoribus tradita."
The special application of the term iitinfv^
to spurious and heretical works is common in
the Nicene age. Athanasius, in his threefold
division of ecclesiastical writings into books
" canonical," books " read in the churches," and
books " apocryphal " {BtfiKta mtvon^d^ero, fli|8-
A(a ivoyiKottrKii^era, and iwdicpv^), charac-
terizes the last class as the arbitrary inventions
of heretics, who falsified dates in order to give
their writings an appearance of antiquity
(Athan. Epiat. ad Amun. Mbn., 0pp. i. 768 D;
ed. Migne, torn. ii. p. 1179).
Athanasins's use of " apocryphal " corresponds
with Eusebius's application of " spurious" (>^0a)
to the lowest grade of ecclesiastical books.
The majority of these compositions were psende-
pigraphic. Their authors were not known, but,
according to the general belief in the Church,
their object had been to introduce erroneous
doctrines nnder the authority of revered names.
Cp. Apostol. Constit. vi. 16.
In process of time, perhaps as the danger of
heretical books becoming incorporated with
the Canon of Holy Scriptures was no longer
felt, the term " apocryphal " began to be asso-
ciated with psendepigraphic rather thnn with
heretical writings. This was especially the case
in the Western Church, where the term " apo-
cryphal" was generally explained as denoting
olwcurity of origin or uncertainty of authorship :
e.g. Augustine, de Civ. Dei, iv. 23, " Apocryphae
nuncupantur eo quod earum occulta origo non
claruit patribus ; " c. Faust. li. 2, " Apocryphi
non quod habendi sunt in aliquk anctoritate
sscreti, sed quia nulU testificationis luce decla-
nti, de nescio quo secrete neecio quorum prae-
siuntione prolati sunt;" Jerome, £p. 107, ad
Zaetam, " (Laeta) sciat non eorum esse (Apocry-
pha) quorum titulis praenotentur."
The application of "apocryphal" to books
excluded from the Canon is the next stage to be
recorded. This was an easy transition. The
word had lost its original meaning. It denoted
sometimes obscurity of origin, sometimes doubt-
ful authenticity, sometimes heretical doctrine.
Now obscurity of origin was a characteristic of
I the second or " eccle^tiastical " {lLyaytyvffK6fi(va)
I as well as of the third or "spurious " division
(ix6Kpv<pa) of books according tu the Athanosian
classification. When therefore it was found
j convenient, if not necessary, to define by a single
I phrase the non-canonical writings of the Chnrch,
I it was natural to make use of a term like " Apo-
. erypl^al " which could embrace both of these
) divisions. The use of "Apocrypha," in the
M 2
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164
APOCRYPHA
«eiue of " non>canonical writings read in the
Chnrcbes," may be illustrated by a passage
from Basil, where he enjoins that the manic
should read the Canonical Boolis, and by no
manner of means meddle with " Apocrypha : "
rii iyStdttra 0i0\ia anaytviaKeur, ixoxpipots
iKcts nil iyrvyxiyfii' (Scrm. irtpl iirx^crcus, torn.
ii. 247). But, as a general rule, the fathers of
the Eastern Church, influenced by the opinion of
Athanasius, took care to discriminate between
the writings of his second and third dirisions,
restricting iinixpu^a to the latter.
In the Western Church, however, the word
"Apocrypha" began to be technically used of
the non-canonical ecclesiastical writings. As
there was a conflict of opinion with regard to
the limits of the Canon itself (see below), there
arose a parallel confusion with regard to the
application of the word " Apocrypha."
Jerome and the divines who adhered to the
Hebrew Canon of the Old Testament, used the
word "Apocrypha" not only of supposititious
works, but also of the ecclesiastical books, " libri
ecclesiastici " as they were called by Rufiinas,
which were included in the LXX. Version and
its Latin derivatives. The words of Jerome
which exercised the most powerful influence
over subsequent writers upon the subject, occur
in his prologue to the Books of Samuel, the
Prologus Oaleatus. He there asserts that any
book not included in the four-and-twenty He-
brew Books of the 0. T. must be classed as
apocryphal, " nt scire valeamus, quidquid extra
has est, inter i.ir6Kpv<pa esse ponenduro." Cp,
Jerome, Praef. ad Judith, "Apud Hebraeos
liber Judith inter Apocrypha (v. I. Hagio-
grapha) legitur." Augustine, on the other
hand, and his followers, who regard the " libri
ecclesiastici " as Canonical Books, never refer to
them as " apocryphal." They restrict the term
to spurious and psendepigraphic writings.* And
thus it happened that both Jerome and Augus-
tine — the one accepting the shorter Pales-
tinian, the other the longer Alexandrine Canon
of the Old Testament — assigned to iroKpu^
the same meaning of " non-canonical writings."
Unfortunately their difference of starting-point
contributed to great confusion of thought among
Western divines, who were accustomed to base
opinion and phraseology upon the utterances
of the two great doctors. The perplexity of
mind which sought to reconcile the rival views
gave rise to still more vague and inaccurate
definitions. Isidore of Seville (600) introduces
the previous explanations of " secret," " uncer-
tain of origin," " untruthful," "pseudonymous,"
in his own definition (Etymol. vi. 2, §§ 51, 52);
" Apocrypha autem dicta id est secrets, quia
in dubium veniunt. Est enim occulta origo nee
patet patribns, ex quibus usque ad nos anctoritas
veracium scripturarum certissima successione
pervenit. In iis apocryphis etsi invenitnr aliqua
Veritas, tamen propter multa falsa nulla est in
iis canonica auctoritas, quae recti a prudentibus
« A good Illustration is snpplied by a passage from
1*0(460), Ep. XV. } 15: "Apowyphae auicm Scriplnrae
quae sub nomlntbus Apoetolomm multaram b&bent
semUurium falsitatnm non solum Inteidicendae sunt
wd etiam i«nltns anferendae sunt, atque Ignlbus con-
crenumdac," where the context shows that the heretical
writing of PilsclUianlsts are referred to.
APOCRYPHA
judicantur non esse eorum credenda quibm a«l*
scribuntur. Nam multa sub nominibra yto-
phetarum et recent iorum sub nominibni ajxsto-
lorum ab haereticis proferuntur, que email
sub nomine apocryphorum auctoritate canoniu
diligent! examinatione remota sunt." His on
preference for the meaning " of doubtful author-
ship " is shown by his description of Juditi,
Tobit, and Maccabees, " quibos auctoriboiscripti
sint minime constat" {Etymol. vi. 2, § 33).
The variety of uses to which the void was put
in the Middle Ages may be exemplified by tie
following quotations (see Hody, Be BSiliorai
Tcxtibus, &c, 1705) :— Alcuin (8CKI): "Quan
librum (Jesum f. Sirach) B. Hieronyma$ itiju;
Isidorus inter Apocryphas id est du6Kii Serif-
turas deputatum esse absque dubitatione te>-
tatur " (adv. Elepantum, Tolet. i. 1). PettiB
Comestor (1 170) : " Job, David, 3 libri Sslomenii,
Daniel, Paralipomena, Esdras, Hester, Sipiotii,
Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobias, Pastor, Mulu-
bseorum, Apocrypha stmt, quod auctor ignmisr
eontm " {Praef. in Jos.y. " Recole supra in p^i^
dpio Josne dictum quod Apocryphum dicitDr,i«l
cti;us auctor incertus, vel cujus materia inarW
{Praef. in Ibb.). Hugo de Santo Caro (1240):
"Apocryphorum triplex est divcrsitas, tdliat
cujus auctor ignorativr sed patet veriUu nt Joditl,
et tales recipit Ecclesia. Vel ct<;'us terittu ijor
ratur ; et tales non recipit Ecclesia. Vel ntroqn
modo, et neque tales recipit Ecclesia " (fms.
in Jud.). Gul-Brito (1325) : " Libri, qui s qoi-
busdam secuhdns Esdrae, ab aliis tertios iistn-
bitnr, cum non sit in Canone, utpote Apocry
phus." MS. Bodl. Hatton, 64, manu rtt (!):
" Volnmina, quae non sunt de Ebraica BiUiities^,
et idea dicuntur Apocrypha, quia a 9tiu|0S>
non confirmantur nt quorum auiores ignmatf'
Alph. TosUtus (1450): " IHcaiitnr ApuTjph,
quia sunt istae Scripbirae secretae id at vwta
eonim secreta est, quia nescitnr an verse u
falsae sint. Sciendum tamen, quod Sciiptim
vocatnr Apocrypha vel non est in Canon S-
Scripturae propter duo, scilicet vel quia ii*
tatur de veritate ejus, vel ^uki dtibUabr i
auctore."^
In the Middle Ages we find no trace of u;
deliberate intention to limit the term "Apocry-
pha " to the " Ecclesiastical " books, to the ei-
elusion of books which would seem te hit
a better title to the name (snch as the Book
of Enoch, the Testaments of the Twelve Ps-
triarcbs, the Apocryphal Gospels and ipo-
calypses). But these last-named books veit
little known and little used. Moreover, «it^
rare exceptions, they were not included in upio
of the Bible. It was therefore inevitable thit •
tendency to narrow the application of * Apo-
crypha " to the Ecclesiastical books shoolJ
arise.
The way was thus prepared for the spedsl <ss*
of the word, which, having been adopted ij
< A chaiacteristic definition is given by Hugo ^ SL .
Victor* (t 1141) : " Apocryphna, Id est dubim «t «»• j
Bcondltns, liber dnobus modls dlcitnr ; vel qui* «k**
ejus incertus, vel quia communi assensu fideUs tp^
gogae vel eccteaise non est receptos et oonflnMts*' rt*
nihil in eo [pavi] reperlatus. Unde et Ubcr Job A|<>-
crypbus est, quia dubii auctoris ; In canone tsmen ^
firmatus est auctoritate fldelis synagogae " (_D$ &f^
tur. et Scriptor. Sac., cap. xll.).
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APOCBYPHA
tb« leading Reformers, has ever since obtained
jimiliar acceptance in England and America,
ud in the Reformed Churches on the Continent,
The Reformers used the term "Apocrypha"
to repreaent the boolcs which they found
in their Bibles, but which they excluded from
tiieir Canon of Holy Scripture. In this usage
tiKjr were influenced partly, no doubt, by the
fact that they were here supported, in their con-
troreisy with Rome, by an authority of so much
weight and eminence as Jerome. The earliest
aid best known definition proceeding from
thii quarter, that of Bodensteiu of Carlstadt in
bis ik CoDomcis Scripturia libellus, Wittenberg,
1520, expresses dissatisfaction with Augustine s
eiplanation of the word (cited above), and
adopting Jerome's position pronounces that ex-
closion from the Hebrew Canon constitutes the
true test of an apocryphal work : " Constat
ioceititttdinem autoris non facere apocrypha
scripts, nee certum antorem reddere canonicas
Script oras, sed qnod solus canun libros qnos
respuit Apocryphos facit sire habeant autores et
nomina sire non."
Lather's complete edition of the German
Bible (1534) contained the books Judith,
Wiidom, Tobias, Ecclesiasticns, 1 & 2 Maccabees,
Additicns to Esther and Daniel, and the Prayer
of Maoasaeh, grouped together as a distinct
collection under the general title of " Apocry-
pha; t>. Books which are not of like worth
with Holy Scripture, yet are good and useful
t« be read." From that time the special appli-
cation of the word came into general use among
the Reformers.
The decision of the Coimcil of Trent in l.'>46
(see below) led to several counter dogmatic
definitions from the Reformed Churches, in
which the " Apocryphal " are identified with
the " Ecclesiastical " or " Deutero-Canonical "
books of the Latin Bible, e.g. Bdrjic Confeision,
Art. Ti. (1561) : " We distinguish these sacred
books from the Apocryphal, viz. the ' third and
fourth Book of Esdras, the Books of Tobias,
Judith, Wisdom, Jesus Syrach, Baruch, the
Appendix to the Book of Esther, the Song of
tite Three Children in the Furnace, the History
of Susanna, of Bel and the Dragon, the Prayer
ef Manasses, and the two Books of Maccabees."
Cp. Second Selvetic Confession (1566), cap. i. 9:
"Interim niliil dissimulamus, quosdam Veteris
Testameati libros a veteribus nuncupates esse
apoeryphos, ab aliis eccksiastioos." Irish
Ariieks, Art. iii. (1615) : " The other books (cp.
Art. Ti. in the XXXIX. of the Church of Eng-
land and Confess. Qal. ir. ' alii libri '), commonly
called 'Apocryphal,' such are these following:
' The Third Book of Esdras, the Fourth Book of
Esdras, the Book of Tobias, the Book of Judith,
Additions to the Book of Esther, the Book of
Wisdom, the Book of Jesus the Son of Sirach
called Ecclesiasticns, Bamch with the Epistle of
Jetemiah, the Song of the Three Children, Su-
saasa, Bel and the Dragon, the Prayer of Ha-
aasKs, the First Book of Maccabaeus, the Second
llwk of Maccabaeus.' "
At the close of the 16th century the title of
'Apocrypha " bad in England and in the Re-
K*B>ed Churches on the Continent become so
Snolj- attached to the "Ecclesiastical" or
' t^ratero-Canonical " books, that no doubts ex-
fnanl a* to its fitness on the score of either
APOCEYPUA
165
past history or original signification could hnre
availed to alter its application. Theologians
found themselves compelled to acquiesce in a
popular usage, which they knew to be in-
accurate, as may be shown by the well-known
passage in Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polit;/, bk.
V. XX. 7 (ed. Keble), the importance of which
will justify its quotation in this place : " Now,
besides the Scripture, the books, which they
called Ecclesiastical, were thought not unworthy
sometimes to be brought into public audience,
and with that name they entitled the books, which
we call Apocryphal. Under the selfsame name
they also comprised certain no otlierwise an-
nexed unto the New than the former unto the
Old Testament, as a Book of Hermas, Epistles of
Clement, and the like. According, therefore, to
the phrase of antiquity, these we may terra the
New and the other the Old Ecclesiastical books
or writings. For we, being directed by a sen-
tence (I suppose) of St. Jerome, who saith ' that
all writings not canonical are apocryphal '
(Hieron. Prolog. Galeat.), use not now the title
' apocryphal ' as the rest of the Fathers ordi-
narily have done, whose custom is so to name
for the most part only such as might not pub-
licly be read or divulged."
In the JEasteni Church, during the Middle
Ages, the title of "Apocrypha" continued to be
reserved for Athanasius's third division of eccle-
siastical writings, such as the Book of Enoch
nnd the Apocryphal Gospels. But early in the
17th century the influence of Western contro-
versies began to make itself felt in the Greek
Church. The Confession of Cyril Lucar (Latin,
1629; Greek, 1633), Patriarch of Constanti-
nople', who was well known for his Western
predilections, defines " Apocrypha " as " books
not having the ratification from the all-holy
Spirit in the manner of the genuinely and in-
disputably Canonical Books." This description
did not, however, continue long in favour, and
in 1672 it was condemned by the Council of
Jerusalem. From that date onward the Greek
Church returned to the Athanasian use, apply-
ing the titl« of " Apocrypha " to a class distinct
from and inferior to the Deutero-Canonical
books (ivayivtxrKiiura).
By the Church of Rome also the word
" Apocrypha," though not occurring in the
Decrees of the Council of Trent, is used without
fear of ambiguity, in reference to books not
included in the Tridentine Canon. Dens' Theo-
logia (de Viriute Fid. No. 61, de Dims. Script.
Sacr.") gives the following definition of Apocry-
phal books: "To the Canonical Books are op-
posed the apocryphal books, which are so called
because the Church has failed to find a sufficiently
sure foundation for the tradition respecting them,
although some Fathers have at times hesitated
as to their divine origin. Such are the 3rd
and 4th Books of Esdras, 3rd and 4th of Macca-
bees, the Prayer of King Manasses the captive,
&c. Among apocryphal books t.ome axe positively
apocryphal or condemned (reprobati), such as
those which Pope Oelasius condemns. Can.
Sancta Horn. dist. 15; others are negatively
apocryphal, that is, by the Church neither
approved nor condemned in their claim to be of
divine origin (tanquam divint)." It is further
asserted that n positively apocryphal book is
always apocryphal ; but a negatively apocry-
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APOCBYPHA
phal book may be apociyphal only throngh
the ignorance of the Church, and is capable of
becoming canonical at a subsequent time, as bad
been the case with lilsther and Judith.
It will be seen then that (1) the title " Apo-
crypha," in its technical application by the Ke-
formed Churches to the Ecclesiastical or Deutero-
Canonical books, differs from the usage of both
Greek and Roman Churches, and is inaccurate,*
if judged by the standard of historical criticism ;
(2) in its wider application to " oncanonical "
books it is used by the Reformed and Roman
Churches alike, with so much difierence only
as is caused by the difference in their Canons
of Scripture ; (3) lastly, it is used by lieformed,
Greek, and Roman Churches, as by Athanasius
of old, with reference to the forgeries and the
supposititious writings that at an early time
flooded the Church.
To sum up the foregoing sketch, it appears
that the word "Apocrypha" has at different
times in the history of the Church been applied
to writmgi in the sense of (1) " secret," " mys-
terious," " not to be read by the profane public ;"
(2) "false," "sham," "supposititious;" (3)
" obscure," " doubtful," " pseudonymous," " of
unknown origin ; " (4) " uncanonical," i.e. (a)
ecclesiastical writings not included in the LXX.
and Vulgate Canon (so Augustine and Roman
Church) ; (6) ecclesiastical writings not included
in the Helirew Canon (so Jerome and his fol-
lowers); (5) "Deutero- Canonical," i.e. the
books of the Greek and Latin Bibles which
were not included in the Hebrew Canon (so
Reformed Churches). Under this last and his-
torically least accurate meaning, the word "Apo-
crypha " is most familiar to English readers.
It is a matter of regret that the word, applied
in the 16th century to the "Ecclesiastical" or
" Deutero-Canonical " collection of books, should
hare possessed so depreciatory a meaning. The
adjective " apocryphal " imparted its sense of
" sham," " fictitious," to the name " Apocrypha,"
and helped to hinder the impartial treatment of
the books at the hands of the Reformers, while
the controversy with Rome respecting their
canonicity added to their unpopularity.
To this day the title has had the effect of
repelling, where there has rather been the need
of inviting, the study of books, which, as the
next section will show, the Church of Rome
reckons as canonical, and which the Greek and
the Reformed Churches have recommended to be
read for edification and instruction.
11. 7A« Relation of the Apocrypha to the Hit-
tory of the Canon of the Old Testament. — This
branch of the subject will come more fully under
consideration in the article Canon. But the
present description of " the Apocrypha " would
be incomplete without some notice of its history
in relation to (1) the Canon of the Jewish
Church, (2) the Canon of the Christian Church.
1. The Apocrypha and the Jewish Canon. —
• It to worthy of remark that in the Old Catholic
Agreement, 18J4, signed at Bonn by Old Catholics,
Greeks, English and American EplscopalUns, the words
of the first Article, " the Apocryphal or Dentero-Canonl-
cal books of the Old Tratament," explain the Beformers'
usage by a mote accurate altemattre title which wonid
commend Itself both to the Greek Church and to the
reforming party of the Boman Church.
APOCBYPHA
Under this head has to be considered (a) vhether
any of the books of the Apocrypha were ever
admitted into the Hebrew or Palestimai Caaon,
(6) the cause of their ezclusion, (o) their treat-
ment by Alexandrian Jews.
(a.) The theory that books of the Apocrrpla
were at any time reckoned as Canonical br tlie
Palestinian Jews seems to be contradicted by Uw
statement of Josephus, who (contr. Afion. i. 8)
speaks of the books "justly believed dirioe"
OS twenty-two in number, probably classiii
Ruth with Judges and Lamentations with Jeie-
miab. His testimony tallies with the lists of
the Old Testament Scriptures given by Melito
(who, however, omits Esther), Origen (191. Eos.
H. E. iv. 26 ; \\. 25), and Jerome (iWi^.
QaXeat^ — men who professed to derive tkir
information from contemporary Jews. It i>
supported by the list of the Hebrew Scrip-
tures contained in the Baha Bathra, U li,
15 a, and by the common Talmndic title "Tki
Twenty-four " (DnBT nraiKI), applied to the
complete Jewish Scriptures of Law, Proplut-s
and Writings. The testimony of Josephus is tlie
more important, inasmuch as there is so doubt
that be was well acquainted with some of tie
books of our Apocrypha. He quotes tbem
and makes use of them in his history ('.t'.
1 Mace., 1 Esdras, Additions to Esther), kt
shows no sign of including them in the Jewisii
Canon. Such evidence as there is, corrobonles
the view favoured by the words of Josepbis.
Even if, as is very possible, the Jewish Caioi
was not finally determined until the Synod 01
Jamnia, a.d. 90 (?), there still remains no atis-
factory proof tiiat the Jewish Canon in ii^
incomplete stage ever contained books in eicess
of or different from those which hare l)eeii
handed down to us as canonicaL We take tbr
evidence supplied by the writings of the He*
Testament, by 2 Esdras, and by Jewish tnlitioii.
(a) The Books of the New Testament in all
probability contain no direct citatumt from tk
Apocrypha, although, as will be seen below, the
books of Ecclus., Wisd., and 1 Mace, may live
been familiar to some of the apostolic writen.
Taken by itself, this absence of citation woull
no more be an argument for excluding books if
the Apocrypha from the Jewish Canon tbtn it
would be for excluding Judges, the Son; ol
Solomon, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Ezra, and Keb^
miah, which also are not quoted in the Ne*
Testament. But the fact acquires fresh ugii-
Bcance when viewed in conjunction with otbet
consideratious, i.e. (I) the testimony of Josepbu
already referred to ; (2) the nunierons dtatioas
made by Christian writers from Ecclus., Wisi.
1 Mace, Bar., and Tob. as soon as the Aleun-
drine Version of the O. T. began t« receive i»-
cognition ; (3) the strong presumption, based <m
the writings of the Mew Testament, thst the
Canon of the Jews was complete, even if no'
authoritatively defined, in our Lord's time. This
last point deserves especial attention. It is tb'
impression produced as much by the ternu in
which the authority of the Jewish Scriptm«
as a whole is invoked, as by the testimooy
afforded by individual passages. On the of
hand, it is natural to see in " the Scriptures.''
which are so frequently and reverently cited, a
final collection of writings, whose pre-eminett
authority was univeiully acknowledged, snd
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APOCBYPHA
tie liniti of whose coDtents were also popalarlf
hown ud generally recognised (cf. Matt. xxii.
2$; Hark lir. 49; Luke xxir. 27, 32,45; John
r. 39; AcU ini. 2, 11, xviii. 24, 28). There U
no lunt of their iocompletenesa. The appeal to
thtm is final. Their unique position in the
etiiution of the people placed them oat of
Kuk of riralry, and precluded the possibility
of duDge either by addition or removal. On
the other hand, although the reference in Luke
iiir. 44 to "the Law of Mose* and the Prophets
and the Psalms " does not nectuarily imply that
the cnllection of the Hagiograpba was complete,
the citation from Daniel (Matt. ixir. 15, cp.
Uia. ii.27,iii. It) and the allusion to the Book
of Chronicles (Matt, ixiii. 35 ; 2 Ch. ixir. 21)
t'lTxnir the presumption that this was the case.
(ft) The passage in the Second Book of Esdras
lir. 44-17, qnot«l above (p. 162, col. 2), supplies,
iccoKliiig to the true reading (94 not 104),
dear testimony that the Jewish writer, who
lired probably at the close of the 1st centary
AJ)., koe* of no more than foor-and-twenty
books included in the Jewish Canon.
(T)Jtiriib tradition, taken as a whole, dis-
appoints ns with the meagre character of its
evidence. The contents of the Canon were
eridently frequently discussed, though on most
■uKtitical principles, by the Jewish Rabbis,
fragmentary notices of these discussions bare
recorded the doubts that were felt by some as to
tiie sothtntidty of certain Books of the 0. T.
(tij. Ectlesiastes and the Song of Solomon, see
article Casox) ; but, in the scanty allusions to
the books of the Apocrypha, their existence is
as a rale only mentioned for the purpose of
rejecting their authority. The one book about
which a doubt seems at any time to hare been
Kiionsly entertained is Ecclesiasticus, and the
eainestieaa of the protest made against its
canonidtj leads us to suspect how favourably
it most hare been regarded in some quarters ;
perhaps it indicates an actual dispute whether
It 00 it should be numbered among the sacred
Boob: "Neither the books of Sira (Ecclesiasti-
cs) nor any of the books which were written
from that time onward defile the hands " (i.e.
are canonical: see art. Caxon. Yadahn, iii.
lol. 141 a)i With this dictum may be compared
the harsh saying of Rabbi Akiba (circ. 130 A.D.X
recorded by the Jerusalem Talmud, that the man
"ho read the "extraneous" (i.e. the apocryphal)
hooh has no part in the world to come.
The &et that no early Targnm or Chaldee
paraphrase of an apocryphal book (save possibly
that of the Book Tobit) has been preserved,
ii strongly confirmatory of the general tenor
^ Jewish tradition, that neither the Book of
t^eiiastictis (though for some time its claims
aay hare been seriously canvas»d), nor any
otker book of our Apocrypha, found a footing
a the Palestinian-Canon.'
' It atj be mentioned tbat Jul FOrst Is of opinion
C»< the AddiUoin to Esther snd Daniel originally be-
•"•p* to the Jewish Canon ; thsl having been removed
taoe 00 the occasion of a strict revision by the Jem-
^*» Sohedtln, tbey have only been preserved to ns
^ the Alexandrian Version, in consequence of the
laui noUow prevalent among the Kgyptian Jews
<^<a- A. T. p. 143, f 103). A comparison of the
««t«B to Esther, in which the title of "Ood"
(•'«i)occnn twenty-ooe time*, "the Lord" (aKiiptaf)
AP(X3BYPHA
167
(i.) In the case of the majority of the
apocryphal books, no difficulty is raised by
their exclusion from the Canon. Their cha-
racter and contents sufficiently account for the
position which they held in the estimation of the
Jews. But with regard to the most impor-
tant writings of the collection — Ecclesiasticus,
Wisdom, and 1 Maccabees — the case is different.
The question may well be asked, how these
books were excluded from the Jewish Canon,
when the books of Esther, Song of Solomon, and
Ecclesiastes were admitted.
Two explanations, which have popularly been
given at different times, have proved to be in-
sufficient for their purpose, (a) The first of
these explanations, based upon the Jewish legend,
that the Canon of the Old Testament was con-
cluded by the labours of Ezra, Nehemiah, and
"the men of the Great Synagogue," supposed
that all books written at a later date than the
Book of Malachi were necessarily excluded.
This legend, however, is now generally aban-
doned [see art. Cakon], as devoid of historical
worth ; and along with it, the explanation
referred to falls to the ground. On its own
merits it was inadequate ; for it assumed an
early date of composition for such disputed
Books as' Daniel, Esther, Ecclesiastes, Chronicles;
it left unexplained the order of Books in the
Jewish Bible ; it ignored the evidence for a later
revision of the Canon supplied by e.g. the Psalter
and the Book of Nehemiah. (6) The second ex-
planation, based on the very probable supposition
that only Hebrew books were admitted into the
Jewish Canon, usumed that the apocryphal
books were excluded on the ground either of their
having been originally written in Oreek, or of
their Hebrew originals having dropped out of
sight at an early date. It might be conceded
that the Jewish Canon would probably only
contain books written in the sacred language of
the nation, and that therefore the Book of
Wisdom, which was written in Greek, could
never take rank among the canonical Scriptures.
But there is imdoubted proof that both the
Book of Ecclesiasticus and the Kirst Book of
Maccabees were composed in Hebrew, while
there is no sufficient evidence for the assertion
that their originals must have been lost at an
early date. The very opposite might be inferred
from the Rabbinical quotations respecting the
Book of Ecclesiasticus, and from the positive
statements of Ori^en and Jerome respecting
either n Hebrew original or an Aramaic Version
of 1 Maccabees.
An explanntion for the exclusion of these
books is to be sought for on other grounds. In
all probability it is to be found in the internal
condition of the Jewish nation at and afler the
time of their composition ; and, as a consequence,
in the relation of the books themselves to the
religious thought of the people.
four times, " Lord " (Kiiptot) eleven times, " Lord
Ood" (Kv'piot ()«6s) once, "Lord the Ood" (Kvpiot o
«€«) once, with the Canonical Dook, where the name of
the Dfity docs not occur, does not Givonr FOrsl's view
in the one cise. In the other case, there is no sort of
proof that the Additions to Daniel were ever ranked by
the Jews along with the Canonical Book. The style
is very different. Kxtemal evidence to support th«
theory ia wholly wanting.
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168
APOCRYPHA
If it be granted that Ecclesiasticus was
written about 180 B.C., 1 Maccabees between
110 B.C. and 60 B.C., Wisdom between lUU B.C.
and 50 B.C., it will be seen that this period
produced the development of Judaism, which
culminated in the division of the people into
the opposing factions of Pharisees and Saddu-
cees. The persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes,
followed by the heroic JIaccabaean revolt, revived
in the heart of the people a jealous watchfulness
over the national Scriptures. The power of the
scribes who belonged to either faction, was in the
ascendant. The schools of the Rabbins multiplied
rapidly. Veneration for the letter was ejagge-
rated into idolatrous superstition. At a time of
faction and controversy, all parties would appeal
to the national Scriptures. A new book issuing
with the favour of one party would be greeted
with the keenest criticism from the other. Its
inclusion within the Canon, except under favour-
ing circumstances of an altogether exceptional
character, amounted to an impossibility. The
books of the Hagiographa, which had been the
last to be admitted into the Jewish Canon, had
all enjoyed some exceptional cause of recom-
mendation. In each case some distinctive re-
ligious element, connected with either the faith,
the worship, the patriotism, or the antiquities
of the people, prepared the way for their public
recognition, and facilitated their admission into
the Canon. On the other hand, the three apo-
cryphal books made no fresh addition to the
religions conceptions of the people. The Books
of Iu:clesiasticus and Wisdom were regarded as
having been written upon similar lines of thought
to the Books of Proverl>s, Job, and Ecclesiostes.
The First Book of Maccabees was a patriotic
chronicle of recent events ; it lacked the warrant
of antiquity, it conveyed no fresh revelation of
the Divine economy towards the chosen race.
Kot only, however, did they fail to introduce
any distinctive religious conception, but two out
of the three failed to satisfy the doctrinal test
of the most powerful faction. Thus the Book of
Ecclesiasticus, which, as perhaps earliest in date
and most Jewish in tone of all the apocryphal
books, stood the best chance of admission into
the Canon, possibly owed its exclusion not merely
to its evidently recent composition but also to
the antipathy of the Pharisees, on the ground
that it nowhere mentions the doctrine of the
resurrection from the dead, and even seems
to dispute the doctrine of man's immortality
(».j. ivii. .30). The First Book of the Macca-
bees, which glorifies the deeds of the patriotic
brothers, and whose silence on the subject of the
resurrection stands in such marked contrast
to the tone of the Second Book of the Maccabees,
was even less likely to become regarded as cano-
nical, so long as the Pharisaic faction, bitterly
incensed against the Asmonaean house, continued
to maintain their ascendency over the people.
The Book of Wisdom, written originally in Greek,
at a late date, for the benefit of Alexandrian
Jews, tinged also with the influence of (ireek
philosophical schools, would from the first be
viewed with suspicion by the stricter Jews on
account of its foreign origin, and, whatever its
intrinsic merits, had never any prospect of
being received among the sacred Books of the
Palestinian Canon.
~ Such, then, were some of the causes which
APOCBYrH.\
tended to exclude the most eminent «f tbe
apocryphal books from the limits of the Jewish
Canon. It would be unnecessary to purine the
inquiry into the claims of the other books,
for the most part signally inferior both in actnsl
power and in public estimation.
(c.) In Alexandria, the relation of the apocrt-
)>hal books to the writings of the 0. T. wis
very different. Little or no direct evidence i»
forthcoming in pre-Christian times. But at the
first emergence of the Christian Churcb, its
Greek Old Testament Scriptures, which it htd
received from Alexandrian Jews, already cod-
tained the apocryphal additions to the Palestinian
Canon. Some have conjectured that the Jews
of Alexandria acknowledged a different Canon
from that of the Jews of Palestine ; and the con-
jecture is so fnr rendered plausible by the &ct,
that the LXX. Version from the earliest time, at
which we have accurate knowledge of its col-
lective existence, not only contains apocryplul
writings added to and interspersed among
those of the Jewish Canon, but also presents ss
with the Books of the Jewish Canon sobjectel
to a re-arrangement of order. The order of
the Books, however, in the MSS. of the LSI.
Version varies so greatly, that it would he
unsafe to rest any theory of a separate Canon
upon such uncertain evidence. Moreover, the
writings of Philo lend no countenance to the con-
jecture. Philo's quotations are chiefly dn«n
from the Pentateuch, but he refers also with
special deference to at least twdee other Books
of the Old Testament. Although he wu sc-
quainted with some of the apocryphal books, he
treats them with no special veneration (cf. Hor-
nemann, Obsertxit. ad Ulustrat. doctr. de Cn.
Vet. Test, ex Philone, 1775 ; Siegfried's Philo.
Jena, 1875).
But while there is no sufficient ground for
supposing the existence of an independent Jewish
Canon at Alexandria, there is no doubt that
the national Scriptures were handled in a more
lax spirit by the Jews in Egypt than by the
Jews in Palestine, and that the Books of the
Apocrypha certainly obtained a recognition in
the colony, which in the mother - conntry
would have been impossible. A view of inspi-
ration — an offshoot of Greek philosophy —
which took root among the Alexandrine Jewj,
not only countenanced the admission of the
apocryphal books to higher consideration, bat
practically set no limits of time to the possible
extension of the Canon. This thought, first
hinted at in the Book of Wisdom (rii. 27),
appears as an important element of Philo's
teaching (cp. Quis rer. div. Boer. § 52; ifc
Cherub. § 9 ; <fe Praem. et Poen. § 16). Actor-
ding to Philo, Moses was the true Arch-Prophet
iJkf>Xnpo^rtii) of God : David, Solomon, and
all other holy men of ancient or recent time,
were his disciples and followers (frcupoi, ^MTtrnu
Vlvtatai). The Pentateuch was the one true
authoritative canon. Around it as a noclrn:^
might be collected the writings of Prophets
and holy men of every age, inspired by the
ever-present wisdom of God to form a wider
and more comprehensive canon, which would
receive Alexandrine as well as Palestinian
writings, and would welcome Apocrypha «»
freely as Hagiographa.
Greek language, no less than Greek tbonght.
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APOCRYPHA
fcronnd the canse of the apocryphal books at
Aleuodria. The influence of the Septuagint
Venion broke dovn one of the chief safeguards
of th« Palestinian Canon. As the original lan-
guage of the Hebrew Scriptures became lost
to riev, there disappeared simaltaneously a
{irincipal featnre of distinction between the
more ancient and the more recent writings in-
corporated in the Alexandrine V'ersion. The
Btinv arrangement of the Books was partially
ibandoned ; the traditional order of the Books
ia the second and third divisions (the N'biim
and C'thubim) was broken up. Popular Graeco-
Joilaie books were intermingled with the Books
of the Palestinian Canon (cp. Codd. K, A, and
BX No indication seems to hare been given
tiutthe more recent books were considered to
occnpv a lover footing than the older books of
the coUtctioD. The result seems to have been
pteciselr vhat might have been expected. The
Gnek-speakiDg Jews of the Dispersion of the 1st
century I.D., who were dependent upon the Sep-
toagint for their acquaintance with their national
Scriptnm, hiring learned to recognise the whole
contents of the Alexandrian Version as equally
inspired and authoritative, transmitted them as
inch into the hands of the infant Church of
Christ
2. lU Apocrypha and the 0. T. Canon in the
(Snittaa C*t<reA. — (a.) Tu 600 a.d. The
majority of the Fathers in the early Christian
Church seem to have known the Old Testament
in the LXX. Version only, and practically to
hare drawn no distinction between the Books
of the Palestinian Canon and the apocryphal
writings.
Thns in the earliest age Clement of Rome
(arc. 95 a.D.) quotes Judith (1 Ep. ad Car. Iv.,
loollfl J) fuxofia) as an example of patriotic
conrage, mentioning her before Esther, and
comUaes a citation from Job with another from
the Baok of Wisdom (xxvii. 5 ; cp. Job xi. 12
and Wisd. xi. 22). The Teaching of the Ticelve
Apoitla(h. 5, circ. 100 a.d. ?) and the EpistU of
Baracbat (lii. 9, circ 80-120 A.D. ?), drawing
probably from the same intermediate source, use
the same words, iii) ylmv wpii fiiy rh Xafitty
'mlnni t4i x<<|Ki> rphs Si rh Sovyai vwrriv,
»hile they cite (? s proverbial saying recorded
■a) the Book of Ecclesiasticus (iv. 31). Poly-
tarp's "Quia elcemosyna de morte liberal " (Ep.
edPUL c 1.) is clearly taken from Tobit xii. 9,
which he quotes in the same way as a passage
&wn I Peter in the succeeding sentence.
In inch passages the alnence of any formul.'\
of citation agrees with the prevailing habit
«( the age. It cannot at any rate be adduced as
■ proof that the apocryphal books were not
Kpided as of equal authority with the Books of
'« Hebrew Canon. This is confirmed by the
•riterj of the following age, who show con-
elasirely that they regarded some apocryphal
books as inspired, and employ in their quotations
iron them the regular formulae of citation from
Holy Scripture. The following instances ex-
""plify their practice.
Irenaens (drc 180) refers to the Additions to
Uaiel and the Book of Barach as he does to the
nlhoritative writings of Daniel and Jeremiah :
t- a*. Haer. iv. 5, *' Daniel prophets signifi-
QTit," quoting LXX. Dan. liv. 4, 5 ; adv. Haer.
'■ 35, "sigoiBcsvit Jeremias propheta," quoting
APOCRYPHA
169
Bsruch iv. v. Wisdom (vi. 19) is quoted adv.
Haer. iv. 38.
Clement of Alexandria (circ. 200) uses the
words " the divine wisdom taith " when he is
quoting the Book of Wisdom (iil. 2-4), quotes
Kcclus. as Solomon, and speaks of "the divine
scripture " when he is quoting from Baruch iii.
(cp. Strom, iv. p. 609, and Pacdag. ii. 3, p. 189,
ed. Potter). Clement also cites Tobit as " Scrip-
ture" (Strom, ii. 23, vi. 12), and quotes as
Daniel's the Song of the Three Children (ex
Script. Prop. Ecgl. cap. i.).
Tertullian (ii. 5, p. 44], circ. 160-240) pre-
faces a quotation from Ecclesiasticus with the
words "sicnt scriptum est," and appeals to
Wisdom as the writing of Solomon, " ut docet
Sophia non quidem V'alentini sed Salomonis"
(Exhort, ad Coat. c. 29 ; adv. Valent. c. 2). He
quotes Baruch as Jeremiah (Scorp. viii.), and
refers to the Song of the Three Children as
Daniel (ado. Hermog. xliv.).
It is noteworthy that snch quotations can
generally be explained by the incorporation of
Baruch with Jeremiah, and by the pseudonym-
ous authorship of the Additions to Daniel,
Wisdom, and £cclesia.«ticus. But in the works
of Cyprian ( f 254) we seem to advance further.
We find, as might be expected, many such
expressions as "per Hieremiam quoque haeo
eadem spiritus sanctus suggerit et docet dicens "
(de Orat. Dominit.}, and " apud leremiam "
( Test. ii. 6), where the reference is to the Book
of Baruch, "per Salomoncm spiritus sanctus
ostendit " (Exhort, ad Mart. xii. de Mortal.
sub fin.), " secundum fidera sanctae scripturae "
(Ep. ad Demetr. xxiv.), where the reference is
to the Book of Wisdom. Ecclesiasticus, too, is
quoted as Scripture, " cum scriptnm sit " (Ep.
V. 2), "scriptura divina" (de Mortal, ii.).
" Susanna " (Ep. xl. 4) and the Song of the
Three Children (de Unit. Eccl. xii.) are also
cited as Scripture. But Cyprian goes further,
when he uses the words " scriptura divina "
of 1 Maccabees (Ep. lix.) and " scriptura divina
instruit " (de Orat. Dom. ixxii.) of the Book of
Tobit; and his use of the Apocrypha shows
that he drew no line of distinction between the
canonicity of the various books of the Alex-
andrine Version.
Of the Ante-Nicene Fathers only one or two
seem to have known of the shorter Hebrew
Canon, and to have resisted the unquestioning
and uncritical recognition of all the books con-
tained in the Alexandrine Version.
And here the testimony of Justin Martyr
(fcirc. 145), though negative, is of the greatest
importance, on account both of his residence in
Palestine and of his acquaintance with Jewish
thought. He makes no reference to any apocry-
phal books of the Old Testament, and, if from
his silence we are to understand that he did not
rank them with Holy Scripture, his evidence
derives peculiar importance from liis well-knowu
reverence for the Septuagint Version.
Melito, bishop of Sardis (circ. 1 70), adopted,
as the result of his personal investigations in
the East, the Hebrew Canon of the 0. T. (with
the possible omission of the Book of Esther), and
in bis list makes no allusion to the Apocrypha
(ap. Eus. H. E. iv. 26).
Origen's list of Old Testament Books given by
Eusebius (Hi»t, Eccl. vi. 25) agrees with the
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APOOBYPHA
Hebrew Canon. His own writings, however, gire
no sign of his baring excluded the Apocrypha
from the rank of Holy Scripture. Thus he
appeala to the Books of Maccabees as if they
were Scripture (de Principiis, ii. 1 ; 0pp. i. 79 :
" ut ex Scripturarum nuctoritate hoc ita se
habere credamus, audi quoque in ilaccabaeorum
libris"). The Books of Wisdom and Eccle-
siasticus he calls " the divine word " (6 tfcws
XiyoStContr. Ceh. iii. 72, viii. 50) ; " scripture"
(" scriptura," Cant. Cant. iii. p. 49 ; Ifom. m
Ezech. ix. 2 ; in Jtid. iii. 1 ; Ep. ad Rom. lib.
iii. 2 and 7 : ypwp^i, Ifom. in Jer. xvi. 6). The
Book of Tobit is called "scripture" (Comm. in
Ram. viii. 11 ; cfe Orat. xi.). He quotes Baruch
(in ler. xxxi.). The History of Susanna is
cited as the writing of Daniel, ^ tov Aovi^X
7pa^4 (Ep. ad African.}, In his Epistle to
Africanos, Origen defends the Septuagint Canon
generally, and the retention of the History ot
Susanna in particular. He suggests that it
had been struck out of the Canon by the
Jewish doctors as being likely to depreciate
the authority of elders in the eyes of the
people. The inconsistency of these expressions
with his adhesion to the Hebrew Canon (quoted
by Eusebins) cannot entirely be attributed to
unguarded writing. It implies rather that
though personally, as a scholar and a theo-
logiim, he preferred the shorter Hebrew Canon
of the 0. T., he yet accepted as Scripture the
Septuagintal additions in deference to general
ecclesiastical usage. This principle he seems to
avow in another part of the same letter. " Touch-
ing which matter, it were expedient for us to
know that the Hebrews make no use of Tobit
nor even of Judith, for they do not even include
them among apocryphal writings in the Hebrew
tongue ; and this we know by actual inquiry
from them. BtU inasmuch as the Churches mate
use of Tobit, we must know," &c.
The testimony, therefore, of Origen (186-253)
shows that the apocryphal books were gene-
rally, though loosely, accepted by the Church,
and that, although his own scientific judgment
was adverse to their full recognition, he prac-
tically acquiesced in the custom of referring
to all the contents of the LXX, as inspired
Scripture.
In the 4th century, under the influence of
Athanasius, more definite efforts were made to
determine the limits of the Canon of Holy
Scripture. If the number of apocryphal and
heretical Qospels, Acts, Epistles, &c., had made
this necessary in the case of the N. T., it was not
less necessary in the case of the 0. T. Even
supposing that the majority of divines accepted
the scriptural authority of the Books of Eccle-
siasticus and Wisdom, of Tobit and of Baruch,
could these books be separated from e.g. 1 Esdras,
and the Additions to Daniel ? And further, what
position should be assigned to works such as
the Book of Enoch, and the Psalms of Solomon ?
To such questions an answer had sooner or later
to be given either by the tacit usage of Churches
or by the direct utterance of theologians. The
investigations of Melito and Origen, as reported
by Eusebius in his History, appear to have drawn
attention to the difference that existed between
the Hebrew and the Septuagintal Canon. The
scholarly judgment of Origen carried immense
weight in this as in all Biblical questions. From
APOCBYPHA
the point of view also of practical expediency,
the Hebrew Canon, with its fixed numbti of
Books, as enumerated by Origen, compued
favourably with the Septuagintal list, which
admitted of an indefinite enlargement But, as
a rule, the fact of inclusion within the Greek
Scriptures was a presumption in favour of the
disputed Books outweighing every other ooDii-
deration.
In the Eastern Churches, the lists of the 0. T.
Canonical Books drawn up during the 4th ceituiy
are found sometimes to exclude the books of the
Apocrypha (e.g. Cyril of Jerasalem, Gregory of
Mazianzum, and Amphilochius), sometimes to
enumerate them as a subordinate class. This
latter method was adopted by Athanasiu-s ami
was afterwards generally received in the Eist,
and in the West by the supporters of the Hebrew
Canon (cp. RuiBnus and Jerome), .^thantsiis
divided the ecclesiastical writings of his da; into
three classes : (1) Canonical Books, (2) books read
in the Churches, (3) apocryphal books. The
books of the Apocrypha be relegated to the
second class with the title of iyrfinteiiiitn,
distinct from the Kwovuci on the one side, and
from the iw6Kpuipa on the other. In his 39th
Festal Letter (Migne's ed., tom. iL p. 1177) he
specifies under this second class "the Wisdom of
Solomon and the Wisdom of Sirach, and Esther
and Judith and Tobias, and the Teaching of the
Apostles and the Shepherd " (i.e. of Hermts).
It is clear, however, from the writings of lie
Greek Fathers themselves, that they did sot
consider themselves bound by their more scho-
larly utterances upon the subject of the spocr;-
phal books. Cyril of Jerusalem (t386) (Gitai.
iv. 35) lays down the precept, " Read the t»o-
and-twenty books, but meddle not with the t]»-
cryphal writings," with which his own pnclice
is far from being consistent. Both Cyril ami
Athanasius practically accepted the LXX. Ye^
sion as their 0. T., and treated all the boob
of this Version as divinely inspired Scripture.
They quoted from apocryphal books, and htstd
arguments upon apocryphal quotations, just as
if they drew no distinction between them and
the books of the Hebrew Canon.
The 59th Canon of the Council of Liodicea,
about 360, gives (in a list of doubtful authen-
ticity, though probably of the same centur;)
the Hebrew Canon of the O. T., with the addi-
tion of the Book of Baruch. This additico
makes it probable that the Greek Additiou
to Daniel, Esther, and Exra, were also included
in the list. The Apostolical Canons (Canon
LXXXVI.) include the Book of Judith and three
Books of the Maccabees in the O. T. Canon of
Scripture, and recommend Ecclesiasticus for the
education of the young.
Epiphanius (t403), who sometimes follows tie
Hebrew Canon (cp. de Mens, et Pond., § 23), else-
where (according to Dindorfstext),reckon$Tohit
and Judith with Esther as the last or 27th book,
and includes under Jeremiah, Baruch and "the
Epistle " (Haer. 8, i. 6) ; and although hespesks
of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus as iv a/ifiXiimf
X»pls iWuy Tiyuy fii0\tiiy ivairoKpv^iir (Baif-
8, i. 6), in another place he calls them " Divine
Scriptures," classing them strangely enough as
an appendage to the N. T. (compare the position
of IVif^om in the Muratorian Fragment. ifiX''-
76, i. 941).
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APOCRYPHA
The Tiews of the Antiocbene school may
periiapi be represented by the Synopsis Soar.
Sriptur. (Chrys. 0pp. torn. vi. pp. 313-386>
Bat the text of that docnment is so corrupt in
its present state, that we can only for certain
gather that it included Ecclesiasticas, and that
in all probability the Book of Daniel included
Bel and the Dragon.'
Chrysostom (f 407) himself speaks of Wisdom
u the writing of Solomon, and constantly quotes
tile Books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticos as
" Scriptnre." He quotes Barnch as the writing
«f Jeremiah {Horn, in /so. cap. i. torn. ri. p. 17).
He refers to the Song of the Three CUldren and
the Story of Bel and the Dragon as the works
of Daniel (e.g. Horn, m \ Cor. xv. 4; Bam.
3«. +).
The Peshitto (Syriac) Version of the O.T
vaa originally a translation from the Hebrew
beoki only. The apocryphal books were pro-
bably sot added until the 4th century, when
mwt of them were rendered from the LXX. into
Syriac (Ecdos. being from the Heb.). The
Ambmsian US. (probably of tho 6th century)
contains varioos apocryphal books, i.;. Wisdom,
£p. of Jeremiah, 1 and 2 Ep)>. of Baruch, Ad>
alitioiu to Daniel, Judith, Ecclesiasticns, Apoca-
lypee of Baruch, 2 Esdras, I. H. HI. IV. V.
Mtccabees.
It appears, therefore, that the Eastern Chnrch
followed no very definite principle with respect
to the apocryphal books. Being generally
i^noiant of Hebrew, the Greek Fathers made
aJmost eidnsire na« of the Greek Version, and
their use of the 0lff\ia irarytyairK6iuva shows
a preference for those books which either were
asocisted with an honoured name (e.g. Wisdom
of Solomon, Letter of Jeremiah, Baruch, Addi-
tiou to DanielX or inculcated special virtues
{t.g. almtgiTing in TobitX or contributed to the
knowledge of God's dealings with the Jewish
people {e.g. Additions to Esther and Books of
Maccabees).
In the West, a few of the most learned
theologians upheld the Hebrew Canon, and
m M doing opposed the general usage. The
0. T. was popularly read in the Vetus Itala or
some similar translation into Latin, of which the
LXX. Version had been the original. No dis-
tinction was preserved in these Versions between
the books of the Apocrypha and those of the
Hebrew Canon. Jerome, Hilary, and Ruffinus are
the chief representatiTes of those who preferred
the shorter list of Scripture ; but even in them
we find inconsistencies of expression, which betray
how generally the LXX. Version had accus-
tomed the Chnrch to receire the apocryphal
books.
Jerome (t420), as we have seen above, ex-
pressed his view, destined to be so often repeated
ss to be almost authoritative, in his Prologus
aifeatas in lAr. Reg., that the Books of the 0. T.
•ere the Hebrew twenty-four, which he specified ;
' Tlicre Is good reason to suppose that tbe portions of
tUs docnmnit leUttaig to WUdom, nbit, and Judith ate
■"OTolations. There Is no allusion nude to these three
books in the " Protbeorta." And while tbe "Pro-
tb«aria*' ia wanting In tbe Cod. LnKdnnent>ls, the other
•ea C<il. Colsltnlanna, whfch contains the " Protheoria,'
Ucki Kvenl of ihe .Synopses, €.g. on Chnm., Esd., Esth.,
Tot^ JuL, Job, Wlsd., Prov. (see Introd. in Ulgne's
U).
APOCRYPHA
171
that all others were "Apocrypha;" and there-
fore that Wisdom, Ecclus., Judith, Tobit, Shep-
herd (■'.<■. of Hermas), and Maccabees were not
canonical: "Hie prologus scriptnramm quasi
galeatum principium omnibus libris quos de
Hebraeo vertimus in Latinum convenire ]x>test,
ut scire valeamus, quicquid extra hos est inter
apocrypha seponendnm. Igitur Sapientia, quae
vulgo Solomonis inscribitur et Hiesu filii Sirach
liber et Judith et Tobias et Pastor non sunt in
Canone. Macchabaeonim primum libmm He-
braicum reperi, secundus Graecns est, quod ex
ipsa quoque phrasi probari potest," &c. In
other important passages he affirms his prefer-
ence for the Hebrew as distinguished from the
Septuagint Canon. Praefat. m Exram (Div.
Biblioth.): " Let no one be enamoured of the
dreamings of the apocryphal third and fourth
books (of Esdras) ; . . . and all that does not
belong to the foor-and-twenty elders is to be
absolutely rejected (^procul abjicienda." Cp. ii.
420, " apocryphorum deliramenta " ; vii. 660,
" apocryphorum ineptiae "). Ep. evil, ad Lae-
tam: "Let her (Laeta) beware of all apocry-
phal writings; and if at any time she should
wish to read them, for the confirmation not
so much of her faith as of her reverence for
the men of old time,^ let her know that they
are not the writings of those by whose names
they are designated, and that much that is harm-
ful is mixed with them, and that it requires
great skill to seek for 'gold in the dirt.'"
On the other hand, he often refers to Eccle-
siasticns (e.g. tu)ice in Ep. cilviii. ; cp. Ixvi.) as
" Scriptura." The Books of Judith and Wisdom
are frequently referred to and quoted, but the
scriptural authority of both is qualified by the
phrase, " if however you please to accept the
book " (n° cui tamen placet libmm recipere :
cp. Comment, in Zeck. lib. iii. cap. xii. § 902).
lu his Preface to the Book of Tobit, he
pointa out that it was excluded from the Canon
by the Jews, and that not being written in
Hebrew it did not strictly fall within the scope
of his translation (" libmm Tobiae quern He-
braei de catologo divinorum Scripturarum
secantes, his quae apocrypha [v. 1. hagiographa]
memorant manciparunt "). In his Preface
to the Book of Judith he first states the fact
that it was placed by the Jews among the Apo-
crypha, and then accounts for his acceding to
a pressing demand for its translation, though
the book was extant in Chaldee only and not
in Hebrew, on the ground that the Council of
Xicaea was said to have reckoned it among
the Books of Holy Scripture (" >ed quia hunc
librum Synodns Nicaena in numero sanctarum
Scripturarum legitur coraputasse "), a statement
which appears to be devoid of foundation.
Hilary (t 368), whose devotion to Origen per-
haps accounts for the fact, also upheld the
Hebrew Canon, reckoning "the Epistle" with
Jeremiah ; but he testifies to the desire on the
part of some to augment it with the Books of
Tobit and Judith to make the number up to 24
{Proleg. in Ps. § 15).
Ruffinus (t410) designates Wisdom, Ecclesi-
asticns, Tobit, Judith, and Maccabees as a class
distinct from the Canonical Books by the title of
k Reading "senlomm."
untranslatable.
• SIgnorum " of tbe text Is
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APOCRYPHA
APOCBYPHA
" libri ecclesiastici " (Comm. in Symb.'). Bnt he
must hare received the }ooks of the Hebrew
Canon in the form derived from the LXX.
Version, as we find him delivering an assault
upon Jerome for having cancelled the Historjr of
Susanna from the list of canonical writings (op.
Jerome's Apologia adv. iJujf.).
The reverence for the traditional Canon of the
LXX. Version remained too Hrmly^ seated in
men's minds to be upset by the judgment of the
few, who either knew a little Hebrew or were
acquainted at second hand with the existeuce of
the Hebrew Canon. The prevalent opinion finds
expression in the writings of Augustine, and was
first authoritatively confirmed oj the councils
of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397X which were
held under the shadow of his commanding
influence.
Augustine, in his de Doctrind Christ, ii, 8,
discusses the " whole Canon of Scripture." He
divides the Books of the Old Testament into
historical, miscellaneous, and prophetical classes.
In the miscellaneous class he places Job, Tobit,
Ksther, two Books of the Maccabees and two of
Esdras ; the prophetical class he begins with the
Book of Psalms, three Books of Solomon, and
the Books of WLidom and Ecclesiasticus.
The Council of Hippo, 393 (see Hefele, Con-
cilimy, giving a list of canonical Scriptures,
speaks of five Books of Solomon, and inclndu
also Tobit, Judith, and two Books of Maccabees.
This Canon was ratified by the Cooncil of Car-
thage (397), and appears in a letter " Ad Exra-
perium," attributed to Pope Innocent I. (t416)i
and in the problematical " Decretum Gelasii."
Leo (450) constantly quotes Wisdom and Ec-
clesiasticus as " scripture." Referring to Ecclns.
xviii. 30, he says it is declared " by the Holy
Spirit " {Sermo Ixixi. 2). In another passage
he calls it the writing of " sapientissimus Salo-
mon " {Sermo xixix. 3, quoting Ecclas. ii. 1).
It is most reasonable to suppose that this
Canon of the 0. T., being virtusdly that of the
LXX. Scriptures, reckoned the Book of Bamch
with the prophecy of Jeremiah, and incladeil
the apocryphal Additions in the Books of Daniel
and Ksther. This ascription of canonicity t»
the apocryphal books was most generally ac-
cepted at the close of the 4th century, and
receives confirmation from the earliest eitaat
MSS. of the 0. T. (see below), which present as
with the apocryphal books intermingled with
and undistinguished from the other books of tbs
0. T. But a degree of uncertainty is betrayeJ
by the want of uniformity in the arrangemoit
and order of the books.
Cone. Hippon. 393.
Cod. Vat. (4th cenU).
Ood. Alex. (6th cent.).
Genesis.
Genesis.
Genesis.
Chioniclee 1, 2.
Chronicles 1, 2.
1 Eadrat Oraeeut,
Chronicles 1, 2.
Job.
2 Kadras (Ezra-Nebemiah>
IS Minor Prophets.
Isalab.
Solomon, 6 Boola qf.
Psalms (161).
Jeremiah (with Baruck, Lamen-
Proverbs.
tations, and Bpi$tU).
12 Minor Prophets.
Eccleslastes.
Eiektel.
Isaiah.
Canticles.
Daniel {with AddUions).
Jeremiah.
Job.
Daniel.
Wisdom qf SoUmon.
Ssther (with AddUions).
Ezekiel.
Wisdom if SiracK.
Tbttt.
Esther mUh AddUioiu.
Judah.
Tobias.
Judith.
Stdras the priest (1 Esdras).
Judith.
7bM«.
2 E^ras (Ezra and Nebemiah).
KstJier (r wttA Additioiu).
Xaceaieesl,2, 3,4.
Ktrtros, 2 Book! of.
12 Minor Prophets.
JfoccoSeef, 2 Bookt </.
Isaiah.
Psalms (161) with Songs.
Jeremiah*
Job.
Baruch.
Proverbs.
Lamentations.
Eccleslastes.
Jlp. of Jeremiah (=:vl. of Bar.)
Canticles.
Eieklel.
Wisdom of Stiomon.
Jhmiel (with Additiom).
Wisdom ofJesiu, Son qf SimA.
Maccabees 1, 2, 3.
After the N. T.
Psalms of Solomon,
"DecretomGeUsU"
Cod. EphraemI (6th cent.>
Latin List of a.d. 359.
(age uncertain).
« * *
(Mommwn, Hemes, 183S, pp. 144 sq.)
Genesis.
Job.
Proverbs.
Genesis.
Chronicles 1, 2.
Eccleslastes.
Chronicles 1, 2.
Psalms.
Canticles.
Maccabees 1, 2.
Proverbs.
Wisdom of Salomon,
Kccleslastes.
Wisdom of Jesus, Son <if Sirach.
Job.
Canticles.
* • •
Kbit.
[ITixlom.]
Esther (? toith Additioiu),
[iSxIeriiMtictu.]
Cod. Clarom. (7th cent.
Judith.
Isaiah.
bnt Ihim a much earlier source).
Psalms (161).
Jeremlab, with Lamentations Genesis.
Solomon's [Books] (not distbi-
[and Barach}.
:
gulshed: but the number of
EieUel.
Psalms.
lines shows Wisdom and &«!*-
Duiiel (? vith AddUioiu).
Proverbs.
stoaticw to be included).
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APOCRYPHA
APOCRYPHA 17
cratsm G«l*sU '—amtiniud.
Cod. CttmnL—<onHnued.
Latin List of a.d. 3S9-cim((ni«d.
12 Minor Prophets.
Ecclesiutes.
Cuticles.
Isaiah.
Job.
Wisdom of Solomon,
Jeremiah (? viih BaruA).
Writ.
Wisdom ofJetus.
Daniel (? uiith AddUions).
Eadna, oiw [or (wo] Btokt i>f
. 16 Prophets.
Eielclel.
Euber (? wi'M ^ddtUoiu).
3 £ooA» qf Maceabea (1. 2, 0-
(The omission of Eadras may be
Jiiditb.
Juditk.
only a slip in the carelessly-
Ezra and Nehemlab.
written tenth-centnry MS. The
Mucabeca. vnt [or (ko]
Esther (? with Additiom).
end is not defective, but followed
Aoiso/.
Job.
by a sentence on the number of
Mrit.
books, and then by the N.T. list.)
OxL Stoait. (4th cent.).
HS. of STTiac Bible.
(UnlT. Lib. Camb. : date donbtfol.)
Cod. Amlatlnoa (about 700).
• • *
Pentateuch.
Genesis.
1 Chrooklea (fittg.).
Job.
• • *
Jos.
Chronicles 1, 3.
3lia]rai(frig.).
Jud.
bttaer (viM AUiMaia).
Samoel 1, 2.
Psalnu.
mm.
Psalms.
Proverbs.
/niitk.
Kings 1,1.
Eccleslastes.
IMoaabea.
Chronicles 1, S.
Canticles.
^Mtathta.
Proverbs.
Wisdom.
—
Eccleslastes.
Ecdeelasticos.
Inlali.
Canticles.
Jermkb.
Wisdom of Solomon.
Isaiah.
T ■tiftfntaUftnft
IsaUh.
Jeremiah, LamenUUons.
• • • (?B»ruch>
Jeiemlab.
Esekiel.
12 Uoor Prophets.
Lamentations.
Daniel {with Addiiiom).
Padiiis(Ul}.
Ut^pistUufBaruch.
12 Minor Prophets.
ftorerhs.
indBpistUqfBaruck.
E«Ies)is««s.
EpUtk of Jeremiah.
Job.
Outicles.
EseUel.
Tbbit.
Witdum tf Solomon.
12 Minor Prophets.
Judith.
Witlam of Jettu, Son of
Daniel (loitk Bel and the Dragon).
Esther (with AddUions).
Xneh.
Rath.
Eira, Nehemtah.
Job.
Sutamta.
Maccabeetl.i.
Esther.
Judith.
Ezra-Neb.
Bccletiastieut.
Maecdbeet 1, 3, 3, 4.
IBtdr.
Ibbit.
(S.) To the Age of the Reformation In the
mterral between the 6th centnry and the age
of the Reformation, little or no change is to be
obserred in the relation of the apocryphal books
to the Canon of Old Testament Scripture.
In the East the opinion of Athanasins acquired
increasing influence, and seems to have been
regarded as little leu than authoritative.
Junilins (6th century ?), who by freely trans-
lating Panl of Nisibis practically represents
Theodore of Mopsnestia, furnishes testimony of
peculiar interest. After enumerating the books
coataining the " Divina historia " (Gen.-Kings),
ke lays, "Adjangunt plures Paralipomens II.,
Job I. [Tobiae I.], Hesdrae primum (or I.),
Jadith I., Hesther I., Macchabeorum II." In
the " prorerbialis species " he includes only
Proverbs and Ecclesiasticus. Some, he says,
add Wisdom and Canticles. Ecclesiastes he
places ia the Canon among books which simply
toe*. (Z>e part. <f«e.%. lib. i.§ 2.)
Lsoatiiu of Byzantium (about 590) maintained
tlie Hebrew Canon, omitting the Book of Esther
[fie Sectis Act. ii.).
Anastasins Sinaitn (?) divided ecclesiastical
books into three classes — Biblical, Extra Biblical,
sad Apocryphal — and reckoned in his second
clasi Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, four Books of
Miccab e es , Either, Judith, and Tobit.
John of Damascus (fTSO), paraphrasing Epi-
phanius, calls the apocryphal books Wisdom-
Ecclus. " excellent and beautiful, but they are
not numbered (in the Canon), nor were they
laid up in the ark " (iyiptrot xol koXoI iW'
otiK ivapiBiuivyTai oiti imTrro i» T» KijB<iTy.
De Fid. Orth. lib. iv. § 17).
Kicephorus (1828), who maintains the num-
ber of twenty-two Canonical Books, admits
Baruch, 1 Esdras (? and Additions to Daniel), and
excludes Esther. He gives the title of " Anti-
legomena " to 3 Books of Maccabees, Wisdom,
Ecclesiasticus, Psalms of Solomon, Esther,
Judith, along with certain Apocalypses of Peter
and John, the Epistle of Barnabas, and Gospel
according to the Hebrews.
Zonaras (1150), commenting on the 85th
Apostolic Canon, mentions that " some " allow to
be read "the Wisdom of Solomon and Judith
and Tobias and the Apocalypse of the ee oA^os."
Alexius Aristenns (about 1160), dealing with
the subject of the same Canon, includes in his
0. T. three books of Maccabees, and adds, " More-
over, besides these (fjeudfc Si ToljToiy), also the
Wisdoms of the learned Sirach."
In the West, theologians were divided in
opinion. They were perplexed by the opposition
between .\ngustine and Jerome, the two moat
influential Fathers of the Church. They were
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APOCRYPHA
unwilling to mn counter to the dicta 'of
either the one or the other. The claims of
the Hebrew Canon were always well represented
by scholars and divines, who relied on the
leaning of Jerome. But the influence of the
Latin Version (in which, in spite of Jerome's well-
known views, ecclesiastical usage had caused
the insertion of the apocryphal books), the
popularity of Augustine's works, and the general
ignorance of Hebrew, combined to procure the
more general assent to the use of the LXX.
Canon, and to the recognition of the apocryphal
books.
The following are some of the scholars whose
testimony may be cited in favour of the Hebrew
Canon, to the exclusion of the Apocrypha.'
Gregory the Great (+604), speaking of the
Books of the Maccabees, uses the words " from
books which, although not canonical, were never-
theless composed for the edification of the
Church" ("ex libris licet non canonicis sed
tamen ad ecclesiae aedificationem editis," Moral.
in Job XXX., chap. xxix.). With respect to the
Books of Tobit, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus, he
quotes them at times as " Scripture " and of
Solomonic authorship; at other times as the
writings of " wise men."
Notker, of St Gall (t912), speaks of "(the
Book of) Wisdom as wholly rejected by the
Hebrews and held uncertain among ns; still
because our forefathers were accustomed to read
it for the usefulness of its teaching, while the
Jews have it not, it is called an ecclesiastical
book also among us. It is right, too, that you
should hold the same opinion about the Book of
Jesus the Son of Sirach, except that that is read
and quoted by the Hebrews " (quoted in West-
cott's Bible in the Church, p. 207). He classes
Judith along with Esther and Chronicles as
books whose text had no authority save as a
record to keep alive the reverent recollection of
the past ; and he hints that the Books of the
Maccabees fell under a similar suspicion : "quum
etiam in cis littera non pro auctoritate sed tan-
turn pro memoria et admiratione habeatur , , .
idem de libris Machabaeorum suspicari poteris "
{De Vir. Uluatr.).
Hugo de St. Victwe (tlUl) says: "There
are besides (i.e. not in the Canon) certain other
books — such as the Wisdom of Solomon, the Book
of Jesus the Son of Sirach, and the Book of
Judith and Tobias, and the Books of the Macca-
bees — which are indeed read, but are not written
in the Canon ; " i.e. read in the Churches, but are
not strictly Canonical Scripture (" qui leguntur
quidem sed non scribuntur in Canone," De Scrip-
turis et Scriptoribus sacris, c 6). Cp. c 12,
" leguntur tamen et ad Vetus Tcstamentum
pertinent, sed non sunt confirmati in Canone."
Peter of Clugny (t 1146) says: " After these
authentic Books there remain six Books (Wisdom,
Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Job, 1 and 2 Maccabees)
which must not be passed over in silence ; for
although they could not attain the lofty dignity
of those mentioned above, they have neverthe-
less deservedly been received by the Church on
account of their admirable and most indispens-
■ For a foil list of passages from representative
Scholars of tbe Middle Ages, the reader should refer to
Ucdy's great work, De TexWmt, &c, and Westcott's
Bible in the (%urch.
APOCBYPHA
able teaching" {Ep. coatr. Pctrob. cd. Migne,
p. 751).
John of Salisbury (11172), after recording
the Hebrew Canon of twenty-two Books, addt :
" Now the Books of Wisdom and Ecclesiastictu,
Judith, Tobias, and ' the Shepherd ' (Hermas)aT«
not reckoned in the Canon; nor again is the
Book of the Maccabees, which is divided into
two volumes " (£p. 172).
Hugo de Santo Caro (tl260), after detuling
the three divisions of Law, Prophets, and Uagio-
grapha, adds: "Still there remain the Apo-
crypha — Jesus, Wisdom, and Shepherd, the Boob
of Maccabees, and Judith, and also Tobias. The»,
because they are doubtful, are not to be held of
the Canon ; but because their song is true, tbe
Church receives them " (" hi quia aunt dnbii isb
Canone non numerantur, sed quia vera caomit
Ecclesia suscipit illos," J'rol. Jot.).
Thomas Aquinas (f 1274) speaks rather hesi-
tatingly of the Book of Wisdom : " from which
it is clear that the Book of Wisdom is not yet
reckoned among the canonical Scriptures." He
also raises the question as to the Book of
Ecclesiasticus, "because it is not reckoned by
the Jews among canonical Scriptures" (&
Dionys. de div. Norn, c 4, lect. 9).
Nicolaus de Lyra (t 1 340) condemns the canon-
icity of Tobit, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch,
and the Additions to Daniel and Esther (Pratf.
in Tab.).
John Wycliffe's (tl384) Preface to his Trms-
lation says, " Whatever book in ye elde Tesu-
ment ys out of yes xxv. byfore sayd, shall be sette
among apocrifa, that ys withoute autorite of br-
leue ; mentioning W isdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit
and Judith and Maccabees, along with Jerome's
words in his Prologvs Qalcattis.
Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence (tl459), in
one passage uses the words : " They (the Jews)
make twenty-two authentic Books. The fourth
part they call Apocrypha, to wit, the Book of Wis-
dom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, and 1 and 2 Maccabees.
The Holy Church, however, also receives them as
true . . . and reveres them as Useful and moral
works, although for controversy upon the things
which belong to the faith not conclusive in
proof" (C/tron. Pont. 1, tit 3, cap. 9, § 12). la
another passage, after quoting Jerome upon the
subject, he adds, " And the same thing is cud
also by Thomas (ii. 2) and by Nicolaus de Lyra
concerning Tobias ; namely, that they are not of
snch authority that an effectual argument could
be drawn from them in the matters which
concern tbe faith, as could be drawn from tbe
other Books of Holy Scripture. Hence they
have perhaps the like anthority to the sayings
of the holy doctors approved by the Church."
On the other hand, the great ma-ss of testi-
mony is found to support the LXX. Canoa,
which had been upheld by .\agustine and con-
firmed by the Council of Carthage (393).
Throughout the whole of this long period, the
ignorance of the real question can hardly be
overstated. Even men with the highest claims
to learning contributed little but the reitera-
tion of former views. Attempts at combining
the Hieronymion and Augnstinion positions were
constantly made. At one time, though the ca-
nonicity of the Apocrypha is denied, its Books
are declared to be received by the Church : at
another, though the Apocrypha is regarded as
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APOCKYPHA
Cmonical Scriptan, it occnptet a lower level
df cananicity than the Books of the Hebrew
Cuon. It wu recognised by the few supporters
of the Hebrew Canon that the apocryphal
Books were useful for editication, although
witkout authority for purposes of controversy.
Ootke other side, an interpolation of "Agio-
^pha" for "Apocrypha" in Jerome's Prefaces
to jadith and Tobit (still to be found in the
margin of the text) helped to modify Jerome's
anforunrable estimate of the Apocrypha. The
quation was really removed from the sphere of
argument by the influence of the Latin Vulgate,
in which it was eostomary to include the apo-
cirphal Books. According to the MSS. there
Kerns to hare been little uniformity in their
orJer of arrangement. In some copies they
ippesr as an appendix to the 0. T. Scripture.
la others thty are interspersed amongst the
otiier Books. When Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus
sere, as was very generally the case, placed
after the Book of Ecclesiastes, Tobit and Judith
seit to Esther or Job, the Book of Barnch
after the prophet Jeremiah, the two Bcioks of
the Maccabees after the Minor Prophets, only
the learned few could distinguish between the
acknowledged and the disputed books of the
0. T. Canon; and even when the Apocrypha
vas added as an appendix to the 0. T., there
«u osially no indication given of any distinc-
tion in value or aothority.
(c) Tlu Reformation. — The age of the Renais-
unce, with the revival of Greek and Hebrew
leaniiig, introduced a healthier phase of biblical
ttndy. -The position of the Apocrypha with
nspect to the Canon of Scripture was very early
brought under discussion.
Roman Catholic divines and men of the New
Leaning alike treated the subject with courage
sad mdependence. Cardinal Ximenes (1517) in
Ms edition of the Complutensian Polyglott keeps
the Apocrypha separate from the other Books,
and ipeab of them as Books outside the Canon
of Scripture, received by the Church for edifi-
ration, not for aothority in matters of doctrine
(fntlog. iii. 6). Cardinal Cajetan (Thomas del
Vio, 1533), defending his exclnsion of the Apo-
orpha from his Commentary on the Scriptures,
uses the remarkable words :" Nor be ye disturbed
bi the strangeness of the thing, if ye find any-
where those Books (•.«. Judith, Tobit, Maccabees,
Wijdom, and Ecclesiasticus) reckoned among
the canonical writings either in the holy coun-
tili or in the works of holy doctors. For the
Torji of councils and doctors alike must be
trvmjht back to Jerome's file," i.e. criticised
upon Jerome's principles (ad fin. Conun. xnEstlier).
A^n in another place {Comm. in Ep. ad Hdir.
ap. 1) he says, " In order not to err in our
liKiimination of Canonical Books, we follow
t^ role of St. Jerome. What he handed down
» canonical we accept as canonical ; what he
■eparated 6rom the canonical we hold ontside
the Church " (quoted by Salmon, Gen. Introd.
'0 Apot, Speakei'i Comm.').
Etumns censnres the prevalent ecclesiastical
""ge with respect to the apocryphal books. In
the rear 1516 we find him saying in his Scholia
|» Micron. Pro/, in Esdram : " Strange, when
i'nai reckons the .^rd and 4th Books of
fs^ins among the Apocrypha, and terms what
i^ nitten in them dreams, how it should have
APOCRYPHA
175
come to pass that the same Books are now read
by us and no question asked " (" citra discrimen
nllum," ScM. ad Proi. in Tob.). " Although
this Book (Susanna) has no place among the
Jews, and on the authority of Jerome is reckoned
among the Agiographa (sic), it has nevertheless
been received by us among the principal Books "
(&Ao/. in Prol. in Dan. de Hist Suaanne).
" Strange that what Jerome transfixes with his
* spit ' (t.«. ' obelisk,' as uncanonical) is now
generally read and sung in the Churches as fact
of the first importance. . . . Verily we read
without exercising discrimination (' nullo delectu
legimus ') Bel and the Dragon, which Jerome did
not shrink from pronouncing a fable." In 1525
he says: " It is not yet agreed in what spirit the
Chnrch now holds in public use Books which
the ancients with great consent reckoned among
the Apocrypha. Whatever the authority of the
Church has approved I embrace simply as a
Christian man ought to do ... . Yet it is of
great moment to know in what spirit the
Church approves anything. For allowing that
it assigns equal authority to the Hebrew Canon
and the Four Gospels, it assuredly does not wish
Judith, Tobit, and Wisdom to have the same
weight as the Pentateuch " (cited in Westcott's
Bible in the Church, p. 252). He speaks more
cautiously at a later date (1533) in his Explan.
Symbol. Cat. 4: "But now there have been
admitted into ecclesiastical us-nge both the Book
of Wisdom and the Book of Ecclesiasticus ; there
have been admitted also the Books of Tobias and
of Jadith and of Ksther, and the two Books of
the Maccabees. There have been admitted also
the two histories which are attached to the
Book of Daniel, the one concerning Susanna, the
other concerning Bel and the Dragon. But
whether the Church has received these Books
upon the same authority as she has the others,
the spirit of the Church kiiowcth."
The Jteformed Churches. — The leading Re-
formers shared the opinions of Erasmus, and
excluded the Apocrypha from the Canon of
the Old Testament. Their fundamental posi-
tion was the rejection of human authority, and
the assertion that the authority of Scripture
was derived from God alone. They rejected
the Apocrypha from their Canon of Scripture on
the ground that it was not included in the
Hebrew Canon, and that the contents of the
Hebrew Canon alone had been divinely ratified
by our Lord and the inspired Apostles. Proof
of this last assertion was forthcoming from the
quotations of the New Testament. The mis-
t.'\ke has sometimes been made of supposing
that the Reformers' position was rendered logic-
ally untenable by the analogous absence of
reference in the New Testament to certain books
included in the Hebrew Canon. But the question
turned upon the Apostolic appeal, not to indi-
vidual books, but to groups of books. The fact,
too, that no " Apocryphal " book is directly
cited in the New Testament is unanswerable.
Luther assigned to the Apocrypha the posi-
tion of an appendix to the Old Testament of
his translation (1534). In his free criticisms
upon Scripture, he expressed high approbation
of the Books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus ; he
considered the Prayer of JIanasses as useful for
purposes of penitential devotion ; he severely
censured the Books of Baruch and 2 Maccabees,
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APOCRYPHA
and omitted altogether 1 and 2 Esdras in his
translation, on the ground that they contained
"nothing that could not be better found in
Esop, or yet more trivial books." He said also
that 2 Efldras consisted of '* mere dreams."
The general view of the earlier Reformers
was expressed in the inscription of the old
Ziirich Bibles (1529)— "These are the Books
which with the men of old time were not counted
among biblical writings, and moreover are not
found among the Hebrews."
The early Genevan Bibles asserted that " the
books called the Apocrypha were at all times
distinguished from those which without diffi-
culty were regarded as Scripture," and com-
pared the former to " escritures privfes et non
pas authentiques comme sont les instrumentz
publiques." The authoritative edition of 1588
defines the position of the Apocrypha thus : —
"These books are not divinely inspired like the
rest of the Holy Scripture, and being of private
composition, they ought not to be received nor
produced publicly in the Church, so as to serve,
us a rule, for the articles of our faith. At the
same time we may use them privately to draw
instruction from them, as much because of several
fine examples set forth in them, as because of
notable passages which they contain."
In England the translations of the Bible will
best illustrate the position assigned to the
Apocrypha. Tyndale did not live to com-
plete his translation of the Old Testament ;
but his rendering of certain apocryphal lessons
was executed with as much care and skill
as that of the Canonical Books (see West-
cott's HM. of Eng. Bible). Coverdale's Bible
(printed at Ziirich, 1535) appeals in the titlepage
of the Apocrypha, which forms a separate collec-
tion at the close of the 0. T., to the authority of
the Fathers and of the Hebrew Canon : "Apocrifa.
The bokcs and treatises, which amonge the
Fathers of olde are not rekeued to be of like autho-
rite with the other l>okeB of the Byble, neither
are the foftde in the Canon of the Hebrew."
The Prefaces to Coverdale's Bible, Matthew's
Bible (1537), and the Great ^ Bible (1539),
reproduce the opinions of the chief Reformers
with moderation and clearness.
It is important to remember that, although
the Reformed position showed a diminished
reverence for the Apocrypha, there was no
departure from ecclesiastical usage. The Re-
formers strongly expressed their sense of the
inferiority of the books of the Apocrypha as
compared with the Canonical Books of the Old
and New Testaments. But they included the
Apocrypha in the Bibles which they placed in
the hands of the people. The Apocrypha stood
between the Old and New Testaments. It was
printed in the same type. Its value was thus
admitted and its historical position recognised,
although its canonicity was rejected.
In the Revision in 1553 of the Articles of Reli-
k The thlM edition of the Great Bible (TunsUll and
Heath's, Nov. 1510) omits the Preface to the Apocrypha,
and there is no hint given that it is inferior in autho-
rity to the Ixwks of the Hebrew Canon. The later
editions of the Oraat Bible generally hare the word
•* Hagiograpba " In the place of •■ Apocrypha." Taver-
ner's translation, revised by Becke (J. Day, 16S1), adds
for the flnt time the 3rd Book of Maccabees.
APOCBYPHA
gioD of the Chnrch of England, Article VL
(formerly V.), which contained a definition of
Holy Scripture, adds : " As for. the ethtr
bookes (as Jerome saith) the Church doth ittde
them for example, and for good instruction of
lyvyng, but yet doth it not apply them to es-
tablish any doctrine. Such are these foUovin;.
3 and 4 of Esdras. Judith. The booke ot
Wisdome. Tobias. Jesus the Sonne of Syrsch.
Machabies 2 " (English edition of 1563=Lstiii
MS. 1562). The revision of the same dsiue ii
1571 added certain other books, and runs ss
follows: — "And the other bookes (as hitron
saith) the Ch jrch doth read for example of Lief
and instruction of manners ; But yet doth it
not apply them to establyshe any doctiiu.
Such are these folowyng. The third book of
Esdras. The booke of Wisdome. Of Bel and the
Dragon. The forth book of Esdras, Jesu tbt
Sonn of Sirack. The Praier of Manosses. The
book of Tobias. Barach, " the Prophet " added,
Jewel, 1571. The first book of Machstiiei
The book of Judith. The song of the 3 Childteo.
The second book of Machabies. The rest of the
book of Hest'. The Storie of Susanna." (US.
of Convocation, 1571).
The decision of Article VI. was final as regards
the Canon of the 0. T. in the English Chiuth.
In the Authorized Version of 1611 it was u-
necessary to append any further expUistor;
note as to the collection of apocryphal Booki
Selections from the Apocrypha were admitted
into the Book of Common Prayer, e.}. the
Benedicite or the Song of the Three ChiUien,
two verses from Tobit iv. in the offertory lei-
tences, the Daily Lessons from September i'
(morning) to November 23 (evening), when the
Uooks of Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, ^clesissticiu,
Baruch, History of Susanna, and Bel and the
Dragon were ordained to be read in church ; t'>
which were added selections from the Apocryphi
as Proper Lessons for the following Saints' Dap:
Innocents' Day, the Purification of the Blessed
Virgin Mary, St. Matthias, Annnndatios of
our Lady, St. Barnabas, St. Peter, St. James, ^
Bartholomew, St. Matthew, St. Luke, and ill
Saints' Day. The reference to the story of Tobit
in the Benediction of the Marriage Serrice
appeared in the Prayer Book of 1549, but vA
in later editions.
The defence of the treatment of the Apocrrphi
by the Reformed English Chnrch is to be foisd
in Book v. chap. 20 of Hooker's Ecdeaaiticd
Polity. Hooker there vindicates the nsap '!
the English Church against the great Bin-
bethan Puritan, Thomas Cartwright, who toiik
exception to the reading in church of either
Homilies or the Apocryphal Books. On three
subsequent occasions — i.e. the Hampton Cotirt
Conference, 1603, the Savoy Conference, 1661.
and in 1688 — the Puritan objections were re-
newed (see Cardwell's Conferences: Hampton
Court, chap. iv. pp. 193, 194; SavovConf.™.
pp. 274, 307; Reply, p. 341 [1688] ;'x.p.«0>'
' At the Synod of Dort (1618) a dctermhied e»»i
was made by Gomams and certain othen> to pwore
the rcmoTsl from the Bible of Esdras, Tobit, Joliil.
Bel and the Dragon (Session x.). The eflbit was on-
enccessful. Bat the Synod expressed itself to the eilrct
that a very careAil distinction should be made lo tbe
printed Bibles between Canonical and apocryphal Boela.
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APOCRYPHA
APOCBYPHA
177
Tli< snktance of these objections is incorporated
is the measured language of the Westminster
Confession (1647), c 1, § 3: "The Books com-
monly called Apocrypha, not being of DiTine
impiration, are no part of the Canon of the
Scriptare ; and therefore are of no authority in
Uie Chnrch of God, nor to be any otherwise
ipproTed or made use of than other human
writings." The attempts in the I7th cent, to
change the attitude of the English Church in
RSMCt of the public use of the Apocrypha
biled. These attempts were clearly prompted
ud justified by a sincere regard for the highest
edification of the people in Divine worship. It
iras honestly felt that the reading of chapters
fram what was not Holy Scripture tended to
ooofnse hnman and Divine authority in the
minds of the congregations. Unhappily the
objections were not always very wisely or tem-
perately stated, nor always listened to in a con-
dliitory spirit. By the Church it was held that
10 long as passages from the Apocrypha could
honestly be read for example of life and instruc-
tion in manners, their retention in the kalendar
wai in accordance with the spirit of the Articles.
It siioalJ, however, be remarked that Laud's
Scottish Prayer Book (1637) so far recognised
the existence of a legitimate grievance as to reduce
the public use of the Apocrypha to six lessons for
Saints' days, taken from Wisdom and Ecclesias-
ticas (ie« Procter, History of the Book of Common
J'raytr, p. 220 n.). The present century has seen
the removal of the chief cause of offence. Recent
concessions have been prompted by considerations
of taste and public expediency. The compilers
of the Revised Lectionary of 1867 recognised
the manifest nnsnitableness of many of the old
apocryphal lessons for public reading. They
retained only selected passages from the Books
of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, and Baruch, for the
Daily Lessons which are read from October 27
(evening) to November 17 (evening), and the
old Proper Lessons for the festivals above
mestioneij.
The American Chnrch has restricted the
lessons from the Apocrypha to a few Holy
Days; the Irish Church has struck out all
apocryphal lessons from her Lectionary.
Hu Roman Church. — The attitude of the
Reformed Churches towards the Apocrypha in
the 16th and 17th centuries was in a great
measure due to the action of the Roman Church.
The 4th Session of the Council of Trent (held
AptU 8, 1546), when only tifty-three members
were present, declared by a small majority that
ill the Books contained in the Latin Vulgate
were canonical Scripture. In the enumeration
of the Books of the Did Testament, Nehemiah is
foUowed by Tobit and Judith; Canticles by
Visdom and Ecclesiasticus ; Jeremiah by Baruch ;
Dalachi by 1 and 2 Maccabees, Here it should
be noted (1) that the Books of the Vulgate in-
dode under Daniel and Esther the apocryphal
idditions to those two Books ; (2) that no sort of
^ aitaiis of intermediate spaces, by explanatory titles,
ud fcy smaller type ; and ttut notes of warning and
^zpba&tion Bbould be appended, wherever the Apo*
cTTpfei contained errors of foci or doctrine. Ttie Belgian
■(tkiQ of the Synod decreed that the Apocrypha stionld
^ Rletatcd to the last pages of the Bible, >.«. at the
Owof the New Teaument.
BIBLE DICT. — VOL. I,
distinction is drawn between the Apocrypha and
the other writings of the Vulgate; (3) that
1 and 2 Esdras, the Prayer of Manasses, and
3 Maccabees are not included in the Tridentine
Canon.
In accordance with the Tridentine decree, the
official edition of the Vulgate (1592) contains,
after Nehemiah, the Books of Tohit and Judith ;
after Esther, the apocryphal additions ; after
Canticles, Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus ; after
Jeremiah and Lamentations, the Book of Kiruch
and the Epistle of Jeremy ; after Daniel, the
apocryphal additions ; after the Minor Prophets,
1 and 2 Maccabees ; and, as an appendix to the
whole Bible, after the New Testament, the
Prayer of Manasses and 1 and 2 Esdrns, with
an explanatory note to the ell'ect that they
were placed there apart (in order to prevent
their total loss) inasmuch as they were fre-
quently found in MSS. and in printed copies of
the Bible.
The controversy arising from the Tridentine
decree, between Rome and the Reformed
Churches, was maintained by Cardinal Bellar-
mine on the one side, by Kainolds and by Whit-
aker on the other. The Reformed Churches
denied the right of the Church of Rome to add
new Articles of faith or to authoritatively de>
clare books canonical whose canonicity had
always been opposed by learned Fathers of the
Church, and had never been acknowledged by
any of the Six Oecumenical Councils,
The Church of Rome claimed (1) that the
Council was within its right when it declared
the Apocrypha canonical ; (2) that the gradual
development of the N. T. Canon was a sufficient
justification for the tardy recognition of the
canonicity of the apocryphal Books ; (3) that
the indiscreet language of the Reformers made
it liecessary to affirm more stringently the gene-
ral tradition of the Chnrch.
The term " Deutero-Oanonical," having been
applied to the apocryphal books, proved to be
convenient, on account of its ambiguity ; for
it implied canonicity of either later date or
of less authority than the Books of the Hebrew
Canon, No hint is given in the Tridentine
decree or in recent authoritative utterances
that the Dentero-Cnnonical Books are of inferior
authority. This has, nevertheless, been asserted
by some Roman Catholic divines, e.g. Bern.
I^my, Apparat. bibl. ii. c, 5, p. 333, ed. Lugdun.,
1723 : " Accordingly the Books which are in the
second Canon, although united with the others
of the first Canon, are nevertheless not of the
same authority." Cp. Bellai'min. de Veri. Dei, i.
4, 10, 11 ; Jahn, Einleit. i. 119, 132, 140-143.
It is more generally maintained by Roman
Catholic theologians that the Deutero-Canonical
Books, which once were unequal, have become,
since the (^uncil of Trent, equal in authority
to the Proto-Canonical Books. This is shown by
the words of Anton, a Metre Dei, Praelud. isag.
Mogunt. 1670 (p. 55): "Although these books
(ie. the proto-canonical and deutero-canonical)
are now equally to be believed, yet their autho-
rity was not always the same." Dens' 'JTieo-
logia (Mechlin, 1809, voL ii. de Virtute Fid. ;
No. 61, de Dims. Script. Sacr.), after mention-
ing that the Canon of the 0. T. was twofold,
Jewish and Christian, goes on to say that " the
sacred Books, received as such by the Church,
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APOCEYPHA
are, some of them, called Proto-Canonical, others
Deutero-Canonical. The latter are those Books
which hare recently been admitted into the
Canon of sacred books, but about which it wa^i
disputed in old time, whether or no they were
Holy Scripture." This class consisted of the
O. T. Apocrypha and the N. T. Antilegomena.
The writer does not admit that the deutero-
canonical books are subordinate in authority to
the proto-canonical.
The decision of the Council of Trent is de-
fended by Vincenzi {Sesaio Qujrta Cone. Trid.
Vindicata, Rom. 1842) as the opportune and
necessary development of the Church's teaching
(see Wordsworth "On Inspiration," Appendix):
" For the Church in the earliest ages deferred
the solution of this problem, and did not con-
sider it opportune ; . . . although the Church
was fully persuaded thereon and held firmly the
truth and divinity of the Deutero-Canonical
Scriptures. . . . But when she perceived her
opportunity for maintaining their divine in-
spiration and for confronting Luther and Calvin
and their comrades, who openly denied that
the Divine breath was in them (and at the
present day they use every effort to oppose the
idea), the Church gave her judgment against
these same men ; and resting upon a continuous
and constant tradition, she declared in a public
and general decree the authority of the Deutero-
Canonical Scriptures (Deuterarum Scriptu-
rarum), and that their authors wrote by the
inspiration of the Holy Spirit."
The Vatican Council, 1870, recognised no
distinction between Proto-Cnnonical and Deutero-
Canonical writings, and merely re-aflirmed the
Tridentine decree and the authority of the
Vulgate : " And these Books of the Old and
\cw Testament are to be received as sacred and
canonical, in their integrity, with all their parts
as they are enumerated in the decree of the
said Council, and arc contained in the ancient
Latin edition of the Vulgate " (cap. ii.).
Kaulen {Einieituntj in d. hcil. Schrift. 1884)
explains the "Deutero-Canonical" to be the Books
which belonged to a different Canon from the
Jewish, the contents of the Jewish being only
called " Proto-Canonical " from a misunderstand-
ing (p. 21). " The Church therefore has only
expressed the invariable tradition when in her
of&cial utterances she makes no difference be-
tween Deutero-Canonical and Proto-Canonical
Books, and in her teaching upon the Canon ex-
pressly reckons the former in the number of the
inspired writings " (p. 24).
The Eastern Church. — In the Eastern Church
the question of the 0. T. Canon and the true
position of the apocryphal books was revived in
the 17th century. At first, under the influence
probably of persons favourable to the Reforma-
tion movement of Western Europe, it was de-
clared that the apocryphal books, though not
rejected from use, were not to be accounted
canonical. Thus Metrophanes Critopulus : "But
the remaining books, which some desire to in-
clude in Holy Scripture, .is the Book of Tobit,
of Judith, the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom
of Jesni the son of Siri, Baruch, and the Books
of the Maccabees, we do not indeed consider to
be rejected, but as canonical the Church of
Christ never received them {iro$\trrovs itiv
obx iiyoi)uta ... tit Kayoyixht Si.. . oiSixoT'
APOCBYPHA
inii^oTO 4 ToD Xpurrtu iKK\ii<rlu). Cyril
Lucar, Patriarch successively of Alexandria aui
Constantinople, published his " Orientalium Pr«-
fessio" (in Latin in 1629, in Greek in t633X
which illustrates the well-known sympathy of
the writer with the Western Reformers. Of the
apocryphal books he says : " But the writiD|t
which we call ' apocryphal ' have not the ratib-
cation from the ul-holy Spirit in the manner of
the genuinely and indubitably Canonical Books."
This " Profession," however, was too Reforming
in tone. It was opposed by Synods at Con-
stantinople (1638) and at Jaffa (1642); sod
was reversed by the Council at Jerusalem (1672)
held under the presidency of Dositheus. Dosi-
theus' own Confession went to the opposite ex-
treme. It was directed against the Refumieis-,
it adopted the teaching of the Tridentine decree,
and declared the apocryphal Books to be canoni-
cal. In answer to question iii., " Which Boob
do yon call by the name of Holy Scripture?"
Dositheus' Confession begins, "Following the
rule of the Catholic Church, we call by the name
of Holy Scripture all those writings which Cyril
(Lucar) borrowing from the Council of Laodioa
enumerates, and in addition to them the boob
which he in stupidity and ignorance, or even ii
intentional malice, designated ' apocryphal ; ' to
wit, the Wisdom of Solomon, Judith, Tobit, the
Story of the Dragon, the Story of Susanna, tlie
Maccabees, and the Wisdom of Sirach. For ««
judge these to be genuine parts of Scripture
along with the other genuine Books of Scripture.
. . . But if they do uot all of them seem to be
universally reckoned (among the Books of Scriiv
ture), they are, however, none the less reckoned
and classed with the whole body of Scripture by
Synods and many theologians, and they the mest
ancient and approved theologians of the Catholic
Church ; all of which Books we ourselves judge
to be Canonical, and we confess them to be the
Holy Scripture." Dositheus' appeal to "Synods"
and "the most ancient and approved diriset"
was indefinite enough. But so great was his
influence that his " Confession " was regarded as
authoritative in the Greek Church until the
beginning of the present century. Philiret's
Longer Catechism of the Orthodox Catholic
Eastern Church, published at Moscow, 1839, is
reputed the chief standard of doctrine in the
Russian Church, and represents by the two
following questions and answers a complete
change of opinion from the Confession of Dosi-
theus : Q. " Why is there no notice taken ii
this enumeration (i>. by Cyril and Athanasins)
of the (22) Booksof the 0. T.,of the Book of the
Wisdom of the Son of Sirach, and of cettaia
others ? " — Ans. " Because they do not exist in
the Hebrew." Q. " How are we to regard these
last-named Books?" — Ans. "Athanasius the
Great says that they have been appointed of the
Fathers to be read by proselytes, who are pre-
paring for admission into the Church " (■'.(.
2 Mace. xli. 43, in support of prayers for the
dead), although quotations Irom the Fathers
are comparatively numerous. From the Cate-
chism of Philarct it would appear that the
Greek Church regards the Apocrypha in the
some light as does the English Church. It ex-
cludes the Apocrypha from the Canon on the
ground that it formed no part of the Hebrew
Canon, and appeals in support of thia view to the
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APOCBTPHA
aitliority of Athanasins, in the (ame way as the
Zaflish Chorch makes her appeal to the nutho-
litr of Jerome.
the Bible of the Greek Church of Russia (St.
Petenbor^, 1876) contains, besides the Books
of the Hebrew Canon, the Prayer of Mnnasses
at the doM of 2 Chronicles, the LXX. 1 Esdras
at the close of Kehetniah, followed by Tobit and
Jadith; after Canticles, the Books of Wisdom
ant Ecclesiastical ; after Lamentations, the
Epistle of Jeremy and Bamch ; after Malachi,
tint Books of the Maccabees and 4 Esdras.
The Old Catholic Union at Bonn in 1874
uowed the degree of agreement existing at the
present time between Old Catholics, Greeks, and
.lii;l»-Ciitholics opon the subject of the Apo-
crypha. The tint of the fourteen Theses agreed
opoa at the Conference contains the following
statement : — " We agree that the apocryphal or
DenteiD-Canoiiical books of the Old Testament
are not of the same canonicitv as the Books
ooitahied in the Hebrew Canon.''
The preceding sketch of the history of the
apocryphal books, in their relation to the 0. T.
Caaoo, rereils the unsatisfactory character of
the pstristic and mediaeval testimoar. In their
references to apocryphal books, the Fathers and
mediaersl dinnes make use of important words
(f^. " Scripture," " Canon ") in a vague, loose,
and often inconaistcnt manner. They had little
appreciation of the issue, and made no attempt
at carefol definition. They bad no principles of
iiistorical criticism to guide them. No amount
«f inferiority in style or subject-matter could,
from their point of view, outweigh ecclesiastical
niage and precedent. Criticism was powerless
when the allegorical system of interpretation
coold exalt the Additions to Daniel to an
eqnal degree of spiritual significance with the
Psalter or the Pentateuch. The minds of all
vm prejudiced by the universal use of the
LXX sod Vulgate Versions or by a belief in
the fiction of Aristeas. Even the few who, like
MelitOjOrigen, and Jerome, followed the Hebrew
Cuos rod originated the tradition in its favour,
nre in no sense of the word Hebrew scholars ;
tin derived their information at second hand.
They nnagined that the appeal to the Hebrew
Canon clwed the door to further investigation.
In rtalityit was but pushed a step farther back.
The vital qneation remained to be asked,
whether the Christian Church received the Old
Testament Scriptures (1) on the groand of their
'definite citation by onr Lord and His Apostles,
«t (2) on the ground of their recognition by
t*e Fathers of the early Church, or (3) on the
Jtonnd that the Hebrew Scriptures were accepted
<» ifoc by the Christian Church because they
were the recognised Canon of the Jewish
Clinreh?
According to (1), the books of the Hagiographa
M quoted in the M. T. would have lesa claim to
■saMiical recognition than the other Books of the
0. T.; their place would belong more strictly
to the collection of dentero-canonical Books.
•Icoording to (2), the books of the Apocrypha
*«d by the Fathers of the first three cen-
^tina (especially Wisd., Ecclus., Bar., 1 Mace.)
*<nild have a stronger claim to canonical recog-
nition than many of the books of the Hagio-
APOCBYPHA
179
ripha. Again, according to (1), a smaller
T. would be selected from the Hebrew Canon.
According to (2), the Hebrew Canon would be
amplified by books whose position in the 0. T.,
justified by no authority but Alexandrian usage,
would be derived from the quite inadequate cause
of temporary popularity among the members
of a local Christian commimity.
According to (3) alone are we enabled to
take a consistent position with regard to both
the 0. T. and the Apocrypha. The Hebrew
Canon is the authoritative Scripture of the
Judaism which prepared the way for the New
Covenant, the record of the continuous Revela-
tion made through the chosen people, the Canon
of the Jewish Church acknowledged by our
Lord and His Apostles. The apocryphal books
illustrate, they do not add to its message. They
testify to the close of the Old and to the need
of the New Dispensation.
In the present day, the relation of the Apo-
crypha to the 0. T. Canon is popularly judged,
not by appeal to authority but by the character
of the writings themselves. It is the same
standard as was used by the Jews of old. The
Jewish legend, that the tongue of prophecy was
dumb after the days of Halachi, and that
thenceforward Divine Revelation was no longer
vouchsafed to the people of Israel (of. 1 Mace,
iv. 46 ; ix. 27 ; xiv. 41), poetically represents
the resnlt of comparison between the Books of
the Hebrew Canon and the books of the Apo-
crypha. Nor could stronger confirmation be
required for the Hebrew Canon, for the Athana-
sian view in the Eastern Church, for the
Hieronymian view in the Western Church, for
the decision of the Reformed Churches, than is
afforded by an investigation of the books them-
selves, of their character and style, and of
their place in the literature of the Jewish
nation. "They prove by contrast that the Books
of the Hebrew Canon, as a whole, are generically
distinct from the ordinary religious literature
of the Jews, and estiiblish more clearly than
anvthing the absolute originality of the Gospel."
(Westcott, Bible in the Churc/i, p. 291.)
III. Ctaasification and Descryjtion of the
apocryphal booh. — ^The books of the Apocrypha
have been preserved to us mainly on account of
their incorporation with the Septuagint Version,
as together making up the Greek Old Testament.
Their history is for the most part buried in ob-
scurity. With one exception (Ecclesiaaticus) the
names of the writers are unknown. The con-
tents of the books and the style of the writing
afford generally the only clue to the determina-
tion of their date, of their country, and of the
circumstances under which they were com-
posed. It is however clear, both from this
internal evidence and from the quotations made
from them in Jewish and early Christian litera-
ture, that they belong, roughly speaking, to
the interval of three hundred and fifty years
between 200 u.c. and 150 a.d. It is customary
to describe the literary activity of the Jews, of
which these apocryphal writings are the chief
surviving specimens, as partly Palestinian, but
mainly Egyptian, in character. In both types
the influence of Greek life and thought makes
itself very distinctly felt, though most promi-
nently in the Egyptian. The Palestinian books
reflect the Jewish reverence for the pa.<it and the
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APOCEYPHA
APOCBYPHA
reyired hope of national independence. In the
Egyptian booics, the desire to assimilate Mosaism
with Greek Philosophy appears side by side with
the assertion of Jewish Monotheism.
So vague and indefinite, however, is our infor-
mation, so much room is left fur speculation
and conjecture, that no classification of the
books according to date or place of composition
can be safely relied upon. A chronological classi-
fication is unsatisfactory, since accurate data
are forthcoming only in the case of Eccle-
siasticus ; and, if we may approximately de-
termine the age of 1 Maccabees, Wisdom, and
2 Esdras, we are wholly dependent upon con-
jectare in the case of the other books. A
geographical classiflcation is hardly less un-
satisfactory. The Babylonian origin of Baruch
and the Persian origin of Tobit have at different
times been maintained, bat on insufBcient
grounds; and, although in some cases the
Palestinian origin of a book {e.g. 1 Maccabees),
and in others the Egyptian (e.g. of Wisdom), is
indisputable, it frequently seems impossible to
distinguish under what local or national in-
fluences other writings were composed, e.g.
Additions to Daniel and Esther, Baruch (pt. ii.),
2 Esdras. (For the place and date of their
composition, see the Articles upon the separate
Books.)
The subject-matter of the books famishes, on
the whole, the most convenient means of classi-
fying the Apocrypha. The only objection that
can be raised against this method has arisen
from the uncertainty which has been felt as
to the true character of certain books, e.g.
Judith, Tobit, and Susanna. At the present
day, however, their unhistorical character is
generally recognised by scholars. It is only
in the quarter where their inspiration and
canonicity are maintained, that the attempt is
also made to insist upon their literal veracity
(see the position of the Roman Church mode-
rately and ably represented in Kanlen's Ein-
leitung). According to the classification by
subject-matter, the books may be divided into,
(i) historical, (6) prophetical, (c) didactic
writings.
(a) The historical books comprise: (1) the
genuine history of 1 Maccabees ; (2) the semi-
legendary history of 2 Maccabees, 1 Esdras, and
the Additions to Esther ; (3) the fabulous narra-
tives contained in the Additions to Daniel and
3 Maccabees.
(6) Under the head of prophetical books may
be classed the writings which seek to reproduce
varieties of ancient Israelite literature : Ce.
(1) prophetical, the Book of Baruch (parts i.
and ii.]^ the Epistle of Jeremy; (2) poetical,
the Prayer of Maaasses, the Song of the Three
Children, and the 131st Psalm ; (3) Apoca-
lyptic, 2 Esdras.
(c) The didactic books fall into two minor
groups, of which one consists of the strictly
sapiential or gnomic books, Ecclesiasticus, Wis-
dom, and 4 Maccabees ; the other of the two
didactic romances, Judith and Tobit.
According to this classification, it will be seen
that the First Book of Maccabees alone supplies
us with exceptionally trustworthy information.
It is singularly free from attempts to exaggerate
facts or to obtrude the marvellous. The par-
tisanship of the author for the Asmonean bouse
is undisguised {e.g. v. 62 ; x. 17, 20 ; xi. 30, 47 ;
xii.; xiv. 16-20 ; xv. 15-24). This will accooat
for exaggerations in the number of the slain ia
certain passages ; and very possibly we mut
attribute either to this cause or to the licence
permitted by custom to ancient historians, tlie
so-called treaties with Rome (ch. viii.) and with
Sparta (ch. xii.), and such letters as those of
kings Alexander and Demetrius (ch. x.). Arias
(ch. xii.), and Antiochns (ch. zv,). But the
fabrication of some of these documents may
reasonably be supposed to rest upon a sab-
stratum of fact. And the some may b«
said of the suspicious account of Antiochos
Epiphanes' repentance recorded in ch. vi Id
the main, however, facts and dates are found to
be corroborated by other testimony ; and J«e-
phus, who knows no other source of information
for this period, appears to have been folly justi-
fied in the confidence which he reposed in tiie
Book. Its excellence in chronology deserret
particular mention. Its constant reference of
facts to a particular foreign era (the Selesdil,
i.e. 312 B.C.) adds greatly to the historical
importance of the record, and marks a distinct
advance upon the custom of earlier Jevish
writers (e.g. i. 10, 54 ; ii. 70 ; iv. 52 ; vi. 16, 20;
vii. 1; ix. 3; X. 1; li. 19; xiii.42; xiv. 1, 27;
XV. 10 ; xvi. 14). It is clear from xiii. 42,
. that in the Maccabean era the nation was still
I accustomed to reckon chronology by the high-
I priesthood ; while xiv, 27 indicates how the
new secular era was beginning to emerge.
The Second Book of Maccabees is quite
independent of the First Book, and is mnch
inferior to it in historical merit. It is most
improbable that the two letters prefixed to the
Book (i.-ii. 16) are genuine. The rest of tlie
work professes to be an epitome of five books
written by one Jason of Cyrene, which sketches
the chief events in Jewish history between
175 B.C. and 161 B.C. It is a valuable contri-
bution to the history of this short period ; bnt
its credibility is marred by a Urge inf^oa
of the legendary clement (iii. 2; x. 29, 30;
li. 6, 8; xiv. 45, 46; iv. 11-16); by the
wildest exaggerations of numbers (v. 14 ; viii.
24, 30; X. 17, 20, 31 ; li. 4; xu. 23, 26, 28;
XV. 27). The historical character of the work
is further compromised by such rhetorical pat-
sages as the description of the martyrdoos
in ch. vi,, vii., the death and repentance of
Antiochus Epiphanes in ch. ii., and the suicide
of Razis in ch. xiv., partly too by the ferocity
of the languasce directed against the foca of the
Jews (cp. iv. 19 ; V. 8, 9 ; viii. 34, 36 ; ix. 8, 15 ;
xiii. 8). Nevertheless, the Second Book of
Maccabees, though inferior to the First Book,
is of a stamp considerably superior to the other
so-called historical books of the Apocrypha.
The First Book of Esdras ii merely a loose
revision of the canonical Book of Ezra, to which
has been prefixed the legend of the Three Pages.
The legend implies the influence of the sapiential
literature of the period, and illustrates the
tendency of Jewish writers to invest the events
of their national history with a glunoor of
imaginary magnificence.
The Additions to Esther represent a revision
of the canonical work, with numerous amplifira-
tions.
The Third Book of Maccabees represents pic-
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APOCBYPHA
tnrullr the temper and feelings of the Alexnn-
driao Jews at some anknown crisis ; but other-
wise it has little claim to be regarded as a work
of history. The description of the persecution
and the deliTerance of the Jevrs in the days of
Ptelemj IV. Philopator may possibly have been
ieiad npon events in the early imperial age, of
which DO other tradition has been preserved.
The Additions to the Boole of Daniel are
d<rai<l of any historical value. Bel and the
l>ra^on represents a class of Jewish fable, pro-
iably written with the intention of making
idolatry ridiculous. The Story of Susanna was
a &Taorite national legend, perhaps originally
composed with no higher purpose than to illus-
trate the meaning of the name Daniel, by an
fvent in the early life of the national hero.
(On the theory of it* being an " Anti-Sadducean
ladem-Schrift" se« Speaker's Comm., Apo-
crypha, ii. 325-3.30.)
In iht prophetical section of the classification
given above, the Baruch literature, te. Parts 1
and 2 of Barnch and " The Epistle of Jeremy "
{=Banich vi.), is composed in imitation of the
writings of Jerrmiah and Daniel. The Book of
Bamch itself is a vigorous reproduction of the
thought, and fretiuently also of the phrnseo-
1°^, of the canonical Scriptures. The Kpistle
of Jeremiah is a monotonous rhetorical declama-
tion against idolatry.
Of the poetical writings, the Prayer of Azarias
and the Song of the Three Children are found
among the .\dditioiui to Daniel, but they clearly
hare no connexion with either Bel and the
Drigon, or the Story of Susanna. They are
both lucking in originality, and are only a cento
«f scriptural phrases. The Song itself however
(the " Benedicitc "), by its recognition of the
divine missian of the forces of nature, embodies
an ijta worthy of the highest flights of Hebrew
poetry.
The Prayer of Manasses is a powerful psalm of
repentaice, which tradition has connected with
the acconnt given of Manasses the king in 2 Ch.
iiiiii. 11-13, 18, 19. There is nothing in the
Prayer to countenance the tradition of its origin
beyond its penitential character and the allusion
in ver. 10 to " the iron chain," while other ex-
pressions occur (e.17. rer. 8) which render such
utiqoity an impossibility. It was composed
opott the model of the Penitential Psalms ; but
whether it originally belonged to some legendary
history of Manasses' repentance, is a question
which we have no means of deciding.
Psalm cli., preserved in the LXX. Version of
the Psalms, purports to be David's song of
triunph after his victory over Goliath. It does
not exist in the Hebrew, and was composed in
imitation of the canonical Psalms. Its preserva-
tion is doe, not to any intrinsic merit, but to
•he popularity of the event which it celebrates.
Th( ajxKolyptic writings, which j>lay so im-
P'>rt«nt a part in Jewish literature during the
wntBry succeeding the destruction of Jerusalem
l>y the Romans, are represented in the Apocrypha
l>y the so-called Second Book of Esdras. In this
<»o^ as in the lately discovereJ Apocalypse of
lisnich, the more recent disasters of the nation
«» referred to under the image of the former
«rerthrow by the Chaldaeaiu. By a series of
KT«s visions, which recall the visions of Daniel
-iiid the Apocalypce of St. John, the mysteries
APOCBYPHA
181
' of the last days are revealed to Ezra. It is
i acknowledged that the children of Israel have
I justly been punished for their sins. But a day
I of retribution is at hand. The coming and the
reign of the Messiah upon earth is shortly to
take place. The foes of Israel are to be con-
sumed in terrible punishment. But the Twelve
Tribes are to be restored to their country, and
" the daughter of Sion " is to be reinstated in
Jerusalem. The close similarity of the Book to
the Apocalypse of Baruch deserves remark ; it
would seem not unlikely that the last-named
work was known to the writer of the Second
Book of Esdras.
It should be observed that the two intro-
ductory and the two concluding chapters in the
Latin Version do not strictly belong to the
Apocalypse uf Esdras. Fritzsche places them
together as the Fifth Book of Esdras. They
represent a late accretion. The data of these
Interpolations cannot be earlier than the 3rd
century a.d.
In the didactic group stand the two Books of
Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, which are, with the
possible exception of 1 Maccabees, the most im-
portant works of the whole apocryphal collec-
tion. They mark the process of transition from
the sapiential thought (the "Chokhmah" of
the Jews) of Proverbs, Job, and Ecclesiastes, to
the Graeco-Jewish philosophy of Philo. Eccle-
siasticus represents purely Palestinian thought ;
Wisdom is almost as distinctly Alexandrian.
In the latter, we find the strong influence of
Greek philosophy beginning to make itself felt.
Both books are rich in gnomic sayings of
worldly prudence, based upon the Mos.iic law.
Both have many passages which are of great
poetical beauty (e.g. Ecclus. ixiv. xliii. 1. ; Wisd.
V. vii. ix.). Their impersonation of Divine
Wisdom, as will be noticed below, almost antici-
pates in language, though not in thought, the
Christian treatment of the Logos.
The so-called Fourth Book of Maccabees must
be classed with the didactic books. It is of
the nature of an oration in support of the
" thesis " that " the religious faculty " (4 tbirtfiiii
Kayia/tbt) is completely master of the passions.
This is accordingly made the subject of a moral
discourse in the earlier portion of the Book
(i.-iii. 18), and is illustrated throughout the
remaining portion by protracted descriptions of
the martyrdoms of the Jews. The Book was
for a long time believed to have been written
by Josephus, but this theory has been proved to
be quite baseless.
The Books Tobit and Judith it is best to
place in a separate group representing romance
written with a didactic purpose. Their his-
torical accuracy (that of Judith more especially)
has often been defended, but it is impossible to
find either dates or facts which will correspond
with either of the two narratives. It is of
course possible, though not probable, that a
nucleus of fact underlies each story. But the
literary treatment belongs to the region of
romance. Their power and interest lie in the
vivid and natural description of the scenes;
their value in their teaching. The Book of
Tobit was, we may imagine, p,nrtly written for
the sake of inculcating the duties of prayer and
almsgiving. The Book of Judith, of which the
story is morally indefensible, mcites to a higher
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standard of patriotism based on a simple trust
in the power of Jehorah.
The Apocrypha may also be conjectnrally
divided into Jewish and Graeoo-Jewish writings.
The distribution may roughly be made as follows.
Of the historiaU books, the First Book of
Maccabees and the First Book of Esdras are
Jewish in origin, the Second and Third Books of
Maccabees are Graeco-Jcwish. Of the propheti-
cal books, Part 1 of Baruch and 2 Esdras are
almost certainly Jewish in origin; Part 2 of
Baruch, the Epistle of Jeremy, the Additions to
Daniel and Esther, the Song of the Three
Children, the Prayer of Manasses, and the 151st
Psalm are probably Graeco-Jewish. Of the
didactic books, Ecclesiasticns, Judith, and pro-
bably Tobit, are Jewish ; Wisdom and the Fourth
Book of Maccabees are Graeco-Jewish.
In hazarding this general distinction between
the books we are partly guided by their character
and subject-matter, but chieBy by the indications
given of the language in which they were
originally written. Thus, although, with the
exception of the Second Book of Esdras, the
Apocrypha was preserved to the Church in the
Greek language, in numerous instances it can
be shown that the Greek Version is merely a
translation from a Hebrew or Aramaic original.
The prologue to the Book of Ecclesiasticns
expressly asserts, what is patent in other ways,
that it is a translation from the Hebrew. The
First Book of Maccabees, according to the pro-
bable testimony of Origen (a/>. Euseb. ff. E.
Vi. 25) and the direct statement of Jerome
(Prol. Gal. ad Lib. Reg.), was extant in their
nay in Hebrew; and though it is possible, as
some have asserted, that Origen and Jerome
were acquainted with Chaldee Versions only,
the theory of a Hebrew original is the most
natural explanation of the style, both in its
simplicity and in its difficulties. The Book of
Judith was extant in Chaldee in Jerome's days ;
and, although there is no sufficient ground
for supposing that the Chaldee Version, with
which he was acquainted, was anything but a
mere translation, the Hebraisms and manifest
erroi-8 in rendering, apparent in the Greek, make
its Hebrew origin almost incontestable. The
Book of Tobit, likewise, was extant in Chaldee
in Jerome's days. The undoubtedly Hebraistic
character of the Greek makes it clear that we
have in it only a translation. The Chaldee text
which has recently been edited by Neubauer, is
claimed by some to be the original. At any
rate, the existence of a rival text in Chaldee
by the side of a Hebrew text will go far to
account for the great variations of reading in
both Greek and I.atin Versions.
The First Book of Esdras and the earlier
portion of Baruch are also, in all probability,
translations from the Hebrew.
On the other hand, 2, 3, 4 Maccabees, Wisdom,
the Additions to Daniel and Esther, and the
latter portion of Baruch, were all probably
composed in Greek.
The translation of the Pentateuch into Greek
supplied the Jews of Alexandria with the
■trongest, if not with the first, stimulus to turn
the universal language to the advantage of their
own religion.
APOCBYPHA
The characteristic features of the LXX. Ver-
sion left deep their impress upon all subseqiieat
Graeco-Jewish literature. It was followed by a
copious stream of Jewish writings, in whicli
history and romance, polemics and apoiogetict.
religion, morals, and philosophy, were serenllr
represented, and often fantastically blendei.
Specimens of this phase of literature are pre-
served to us by several of the apocryphal Books,
and by such varied writings as the »o-c:ill«d
Epistle of Aristeas, the verses ascribed to Phocj-
lides, the fragments of Aristobulus, no less than
by the works of Philo and Josephus.
Whatever be the distinctive character of a
Graeco-Jewish writing, its essentially Jewitli
form is never obscured by the Greek colouring.
Sometimes it asserts itself in intellectual cjm-
pathy with Greek philosophy le.g. with Pitta
in the Book of Wisdom, with the Stoics in tlie
Fourth Book of the Maccabees) ; sometimes
in religious polemic it champions the national
Monotheism against pagan idolatry [ej). in the
latter portion of the Book of Wisdom, is the
Epistle of Jeremy, and in the Additions to
Daniel) ; sometimes in the form of an appeal to
the sufferings and persecutions which the people
had undergone in past times, the endeavour 'v>
made to keep alive the ardour of patriotism and
to quicken the tmst m Jehovah {eg. in the
Book of Baruch, the Second and Third Books oi
Maccabees).
IV. (1) 2he Apocrypha in relation U> JeeiA
Literature. — The books of the Apocrypha help
to depict for us the fusion of Jewish and Greets
thought. They help to unfold the process of pre-
paration, by which Graeco-Jewish thought anJ
langiuge grew to be the chief instroment, m
the writings of the Apostles and in the pretcii-
ing of the early Christians, for the spread aol
development of a new and a universal religion.
They illustrate the condition of the Jeirisli
people, their habits of thought, their litctarr
taste and skill, their mental training, their
historical judgment at or about the Christian
era. Herein consists the real value of the Apo-
crypha. The intrinsic merits of the books bear
no proportion to their value as a literary record
of their time. The most cursory comparison
with the writings of either the Old or the Nev
Testament is sufficient to impress the reader
with a sense of the feebleness which characterites
the greater part of the apocryphal collectioD.
The Apocrypha belongs to that class of Jewiili
literature which the Jewish teachers called
Haggada in distinction from that which ther
called Halacha. While both terms express a
position relative to the Canonical Scriptarea,
Haggada stands opposed to Halacha as " com-
ment " to "definition," and as " illustratioB "
to " formal rule." Under Haggadic literstnre
are to be included writings so varied as comment,
dogma, ethics, history, mysticism, allegory. The
books of the Apocrypha present us with at least
three prominent types of Haggada, — the his-
torical, the ethical, and the allegorical, — all of
which were employed to illustrate the text of
Scripture and the multiple expansion of the lav
embodied in the Halacha. But the defects of
the Haggadic literature are only too conspi-
cnous in the apocryphal writings. They are
lacking in spontaneity, simplicity, and nionl
earnestness.
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APOCEYPHA
Comptnd with the writings of the 0. T, or
the X. T., their style is for the most part arti-
ficial. When they reproduce the language nr
thought of the older Books, they rarely repro-
dace their spirit. The writers seem to be con-
tcioos of their own weakness, and acknow-
ledge it (cp. 1 Mace iv. 46, ix. 27, xiv. 41;
Ecclus. iixvi. 15). The want of creative power
is indicated by imitations of the ancient litera-
tttie, and by a rhetorical tone very different
from the simplicity and robustness of the ca-
nonical Scriptares.
A serions moral blot, characteristic, however,
of the writing of the age, is the apparent manu-
facture of false letters and false documents
(e^, the letters and treaties in 1 Ijdras and
Q) 1 Maccabees), and the embellishment of his-
tory by incidents, &c., calculated to magnify the
importance of the nation and its rulers (e,g.
1 Ksdras and 2 and 3 Maccabees). Under this
head mnst be classed such distortions of fact
and exaggerated descriptions as those connected
with the Plagues of £gypt and the Wonders in
the Desert, contained in the Book of Wisdom ;
and the details of the Additions to the Books of
Esther and Daniel.
Another point which will strike the reader
of the Apocrypha is the inferiority of the
imaginatiTe writings. The shallowness and
motal feebleness of the fables preserved in Bel
and the Dragon, and of the legend of Susanna,
place tJiem in the lowest level of literature.
The absence of all higher moral feeling in the
Book of Judith, and the admixture of the magical
clement in the Book of Tobit, detract from the
merits attaching to the one as a vivid tnle of
patriotism, and to the other as a touching and
in places humorous story of domestic life. In
legend and in romance, we may possibly distin-
guish a reaction from the literature of mere
Icg^ism. Exaggeration and invention formed
by eostrast the natural extreme to the pedantic
literalism of the Scribes.
No anprejndiced reader would attempt to
maintain the moral or intellectual equality of
the Apocrypha with the Canonical writings. The
Canonical Books of the 0. T. and N. T. spring
from periods of creative power and life. The
apocryphal books belong to the artificial and
imitative period which intervenes. But while
it is not hard to lay ii finger upon defects in
the apocryphaJ worlu, it is matter for congratu-
lation that they have preserved to us Jewish
historical records so valuable as those contained
in the two Books of the Maccabees, Jewish
poetry so noble and sentiments so lofty as are
csDtained in the Books of Wisdom and Ecclesi-
astidis, Jewiah imaginative writing so natural
and vivid a* is found in the Books of Tobit
lad Judith.
There remain to be noticed very briefly three
points of interest: (a) the influence of the
Apocrypha upon the writings of the New Testa-
ment; (h) traces of its position in Jewish litera-
tare, (e) special initances of its estimation in
Christian literature.
(a). Cp. Speaker't Comm. i. pp. zl.-xlii. It is
a remarkable fact that the writers of the Greek
Testament, although they constantly make cita-
tions from the LXX., never directly quote from
uy of the apocryphal books. The instances
which have been adduced to prove the contrar7
APOCETPHA
183
(e.g. Luke xi. 49 with Wisdom ii. 12-20 ; Matt,
xiii. 42-50 with Judith xvi. 17 ; Jas. i. 19
with Ecclus. V. 11), are very far from being
convincing. They are chiefly resemblances in
thought and expression, some of which might
be due to a training in the same 0. T. Scriptures
and in the same schools of thought, others
which might be paralleled in non-Jewish writ-
ings. Numerous expressions, especially in the
Books of Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom, and Judith, will
call to mind passages from the New Testament,
and illustrate their meaning (e.g. Ecclus. vii.
14 with Matt. vi. 7 ; vii. 34 with Rom. xii. 15 ;
xiv. 1 with Jas. iii. 2; Jnd. ix. 12 with Acta
iv. 24 ; Wisdom vi. 18 with John xiv. 21-24 ;
Tobit iv. 15 with Luke vi. 31). This is only
what we should expect from nearly contempo-
rary writings of the same nation. On the
other hand, it is certainly true, that (1) the
writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews (Heb. xi.
35) might with as much probability have
derived his facts from 2 Mace. vi. and vii. as
from other narratives or traditions, and have
also perhaps been acquainted with the Book
of Wisdom (vii. 26, cf. Heb. i. 3); (2) the
Epistle of St. James contains coincidences of
language with Ecclesiasticus, as also possibly with
Wisdom ; (3) the Epistles of St. Paul contain
language so similar to that which is found in the
Book of Wisdom, that it is not unnatural to sup-
pose his familiarity with its contents (e.g. Wisd.
T. 17, 18, cp. Eph. vi. 13 ; Wisd. ix. 15, cp. 2 Cor.
V. 1-4 ; Wisd. xiii. 1, cp. Rom. i. 19, 20 ; Wisd. xv.
7, cp. Bom. ix. 21). The quotations in the
so-called 5 Esdras (=2 Esd. i., ii., xv., xvi.)
are due to the late and Christian origin of the
interpolated passages {e.g. 2 Esd. i. 30, cp.
Matt, ixiii. 37 ; 2 Esd. xvi. 18, cp. Matt. ixiv.
8; 2 Esd. xvi. 44, cp. 1 Cor. vii. 29).
(6). Some doubt exists whether the apocry-
phal books were reckoned by the Jews among-
the "S'pharim g'nusini, libri absconditi" (D'^DD
D*T1J3), books withdrawn from public reading,.
or among the "S'pharim chitxonim, libri ex-
temi"(D*31Vn D^'HBD), "extraneous or foreign
books," sometimes entitled " Siphre Minin, libri
hareticornm " (pjnS nBD), " books of the
heretics," composed by Greeks, Jewish Chris-
tians, or Gnostic heretics.
In the former class seem to hare been placed,
at difi°erent times, the Song of Songs, Esther and
Ecclesiastes, and such other books as from time
to time gave rise to doubts among the Rabbinic
doctors, on the ground that they contradicted
the Law of Moses ; they were then either tem-
porarily (as in the case of Canonical Books above
mentioned) or permanently withdrawn from
public use. In the latter class seem to have
been placed the poems of Homer, the books of
certain Greek writers, of the Sadducees and of
the Christians. On the one hand, on account
of the similarity of the name, it would be
natural to range the Apocrypha among the
" g'nuzim " of which some were finally re-
cognised as Canonical. On the other hand, it
may be shown that the writings of the Son of
Sirach (tO^D p) were classed among the
" external books," and that to this group
belong also other late Jewish writings, such
as the " Megillath Taanith " or " Book of Fast-
ing," the Sadducee " Megillath Asmon," &c See
Ftirst's Der Kanm d. A. T.
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184
APOCRYPHA
Duriog the first two centuries of the Christian
era, many of the apocryphal books seem to have
been known and read by the Jews. Thus, Jose-
phus makes use of 1 Maccabees, 1 Esdras, and
the Additions to Esther. The Book of Ecclesi-
asticus, or, at any rate, a different recension
of the Hebrew original, was frequently quoted
by the early Rabbins. The stories of Judith,
Tobit, and the Additions to Daniel were accepted
by Jewish writers ; Judith and Tobit were known
in Hebrew and Aramaic Versions ; Hebrew MSS.
preserve portions of the Additions to Esther,
e.j. the Prayer of Mordecai, the Prayer of Esther,
the Dream of Mordecai ; the Song of the Three
Children was received into the Jewish Litorgy.
Not until the 2nd century A.D. were prohibitions
uttered by the Palestiniau Rabbis against the
reading of the Apocrypha. Such sentences as
"He who readeth a verse that is not of the
twenty-four Books of Holy Scripture, his sin is
as if he had read in the extraneous or foreign
writings," and " He that bringeth into his house
more than the twenty-four Books of the Bible,
bringeth confusion into his house," testify to the
determination of the Rabbis to exclude from use
whatever literature was foreign in character to
the strangely exaggerated Mosaism which they
tried to guard in purity. In Babylon, where
Judaism was stronger, there was not the same
need for such stringent regulations ; and in the
4th century, we hear of the words of the Son of
Sira being read, e.g. "The good doctrines in the
Book of Sirach we may moreover employ in our
addresses " (£«:inA. 100).
(c). In the Christian Church, the Apocrypha
was generally received along with the other
Books of the LXX. Version as equally inspired
of God. The position of the Apocrypha in rela-
tion to the Canon of Scripture has been already
discnised.
Especial reverence was paid to the Books of
Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, not only on account
of their intrinsic interest and importance, buc
also on account of the Solomonic authorship
traditionally ascribed to them, and on account
of their treatment of the subject of Divine
wisdom, in which the Fathers discerned a
Messianic reference (see below). Certain pas-
sages in the Book of Baruch ( iii. 36, .37 ; v. 1-3)
and 1 Esdras (iv. 36) are constantly referred
to for the same reason. The Second Book of
Maccabees acquired a specially high repute in
the 4th century, when the subject of honours
paid to martyrdom began to attract attention.
In later times prayers for the dead were
defended by an appeal to 2 Mace. xii. 44, 45.
The prominence given to the subject of alms-
giving and fasting in the Books of Ecclesiasticus
and Tobit caused particular passages to be fre-
quently quoted by Christian writera. The
151st Psalm and the Song of the Three Chil-
dren were included in the Appendix to the
Ancient I.atin Psalter. The 151st Psalm, the
Prayer of Manasses, the Prayer of Azarias,
and the Song of the Three Children appear in
the Appendix to the Ancient Greek Psalter (see
Churton, Uncatumkal and Apocryphal Scripture),
pp. 364, 365).
Criticism upon the style and language of the
apocryphal writings belongs moji properly to
a survey of the whole LXX. Version, or to a
APOCBYPHA
detailed examination of the separate Books. We
will content ourselves therefore at this point
with brief general observations.
1. As to Style. — The Books of the Apocrypha,
as preserved to us, are, with the exception of
2 Esdras, written in the current papular form of
Greek, representing generally the intermediate
stage of dialect between the LXX. Version of
the 0. T. and the writings of the New Testament
The books that have been translated from the
Hebrew are naturally more Hebraic in colouring
than the writings of the N. T. ; on the other
hand, the purely Alexandrian books are written
in a style of Greek less Hebraic, more free, and
often more debased, than those of the N. T.
The books translated from the Hebrew (t.g.
1 Mace., Ecclus., Judith) are as a rule charac-
terized by a greater simplicity in vocabulary
and idiom than the books originally composed in
Greek, such as Wisdom and 2 Maccabees. This
simplicity of style is well illustrated by the Book
of Judith, in which the absence of the ordinary
particles and the connexion of sentences by
the copula koI are particularly noticeable. In s
less marked degree it may be observed in the
Book of Tobit. In both Books the language
is admirably adapted to the purposes of popular
narrative. The Book of Ecclesiasticus adheres
to the parallelism of the Hebrew gnomic writing,
and as a rule sacrifices smoothness to faithful-
ness in translation. The First Book of Maccabees
presents a most favourable specimen of rendering
irom the Hebrew ; it combines purity of diction
with vigour and ease of expression. The Hebraic
colouring is unmistakable ; but the style, always
temperate and well-restrained, is xtnelj bold or
clumsy : in some passages it becomes almost
poetical (iii. 3-9 ; vii. 38, 39).
Errors of translation may be detected in Uk
translated books. Well-attested instances are
to be found in Bar. i. 10; Judith i. 8, iii. 9;
Ecclus. xxiv. 27, ixv. 15, xlvi. 18, xlvii. IT;
1 Mace. ii. 8, iii. 3, iv. 19, 24.
The Graeco-Jewish books are smoother and
more ornate in style than the books of Pales-
tinian origin, but, in common with much of the
Alexandrine writing of the age, lose in force by
the tendency to be Horid and rhetorical. This
defect appears to an exaggerated degree in the
bombastic royal rescripts of the Additions to
Esther (e.g. ii. 1-7 ; vi. 2, &c.), and is conspicnons
in the inflated writing of the Third Book of
the Maccabees. Better Greek is found in the
Books of Wisdom, 2 and 4 Maccabees. But even
in the Book of Wisdom, which as a rule excels
in poetical feeling and elegance of langnage, the
style is frequently marred by far-fetched and
fanciful expressions (especially from ch. xL to
end). The Second Biook of Maccabees is some-
times disfigured (e.g. xiii. 9-26, xiv. 25) by
condensed and confused writing, which is due
probably to carelessness on the part of the epit«-
mizer of Jason's five volumes. The philosophical
style which prevails in the earlier part of the
Fourth Book of Maccabees lapses into " fine
writing " in the description of the martyrdoms,
of which a striking example is to be found in
ch. vii. 1-5.
2. As to Language. — ^The Hebrew and -Alex-
andrine elements in the Hellenistic dialect are
conspicuous for peculiarities, the one in idiom,
the other in vocabulary.
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APOCBYPHA
Coder the class of Hebraic idiom are to be
(lused inch expressions as iy X"pU ''^ X"P^h
igi 7QV vpoffinroVf iir\ •*p6vtovov, iy <rr6fiari
^cfi^attts, iri iwcpov rat /ipyoAov, ^k roiray xal
U ^aintoy ; idiomatic expressions sach as ttytu
cr fiynatcn fit, ip^^Ktw iyi^ioy, \afifiayfiy
rpiiniToy, SMyai tit SXtSpoy, its 4 4ui4pa tJSrri ;
the otiose demonstratiTe following the relatire
{cj. Ecclos. xir 2; Judith r. 19, rii. 10; Bar.
ills, 17; 1 Esd. iii. 5, 9); the participle or
cognate tubstaotire added to the finite verb for
emphasis, representing the Hebrew Infin. Absol.
(<^. Judith ii. 13, ri. 4 ; Ecclos. r 3 ; 1 Mace.
ii. 67, 68, 70, iii. 13, r 40) ; the common nae of
Toii vith the infin. ; the 1) following the positive
as the si^ of the comparative (e.g. Tob. iii. 6 ;
iii. 8); the infinitive of the main verb following
the fiaite tense of the verb defining or limiting
the action, «.(;. with irpooTfef o-Scu (1 Mace. iii. 15,
ii. I; Tab. xiv. 2), myrtKta' (I Esd. i. 53);
htuiiiamir (1 E*d. viii. 86), Intoiiiytir (1 Esd. ii.
18) ; the genitive of quality in the place of ad-
jective, e^. iyiif jSovXqt (1 Mace. ii. 65^ lyo/ia
iyuriui (Ecdus. zvii. 8) ; the negative before
Toj (f.g. 1 Esd. iii. 19).
The Tocabnlary of the apocryphal Books, and
[•rticiikrly that of 2, 3, 4 Maccabees, Wisdom,
and Ecdesiasticns, abounds in strange com-
pomds, many of them more salted for poetry
than prose. The following are characteristic in-
staaoes:— aJpar^s (Wisd.), BliioP6pos (4 Macc.X
iofmn (2 Mace.), ixriKittrros (Wisd.), iucpu-
■nifii(K (2 Mace), ixiiuunros (Add. Estb.),
iAiJimtp (2 Mace, 4 Mace), iXXo^uAur/i^t
<2 Dace), iftfipiaun (Wisd.), ifi/ivSTit (Ecclus.),
^lAafr^t (Wisd.), ivafipdiu (Wisd.), Ufipiiu,
ti^/iifiiti (2 Mace), iya/u>xA<l;u (4 MaccX
init&f4K (Ecclns.), iano^eaXt^iu (Eccln8.X
irrfMfl (2 Mace^ ixAeroj (3 Mace), 4iro-
*viiii<i (2 Mace), i,'ro<ria)6l(u (4 Mace), iiro-
rpcrr\ioim (Tob.), ipSciKim (Ecclus.), tptpiit-
&Aoi (4 Mace), iatyits (3 Mace), imifits (4
Mace), ixoir^t (Ecc)as.X fiapfiaoiu (2 Hace)
fivn^t (3 Mace), fiveorpttpiit (3 Macc.^
inWronr^it (4 Mace), ytytatipxtSf -oupyit
(Wisd.X rrrfrhs (Tob.), y\mr<riii7is (Ecclus.),
M'Aiij (Wisd., 1 MaceX 8«iAoi«/>A» (2 Mace),
UmXani(ti (Bar.), SfUTtpo\<rf4a (2 Mace),
^VUTtX^t (3 Mace), Sia/iaa-MMO' (Ecclns-X
iauatphiis (2 Mace), Sopui\ttTot (2 Mace,
3 Usee), SiwaUucTot (3 Mace), SmfoKOuim
(Ecdot., 3 Mace), MoXo<c«>^^« (Ecclua.> i9y6-
vAiKrat (4 Mace), <28»\ii9vr«r (4 Mace), <2\(-
^hnit (Wisd.), (xfioKos (Judith), iKStiiurriv
(Ecdiis.X iiCfuiTiis (Wisd.X iiernlCa (2 MaeeX
Mfrrot (4 Mace), irrptxht (Ecclua.), iyaTt(o-
^(Wisd., Ecclus.), <{aAAos (Wisd., 3 Mace),
irxttrifit (1 Mace), iaxatiflfn (Ecclua.),
♦•"AarrtW (Judith), ^floXoir^w (4 Mace), floswri)-
f^f (4 MaccX etoitaxtm (2 Mace), tfpowptir^s
(4 UaceX ia^^Aot (Wisd.), iaawi\is (4 Mace),
W««l« (2 Mace), Kon-tfiiiruis (Wisd.), mrram*-
Ti(o^ (Judith), KptnrraXAofiihtt (VVisd.X Aot-
C^ (4 Mace), AaoTpo^ia (3 Mace), luutpo-
t»—a (Bar.), iiatcpcrniupfif, -<"i (Ecclus.), ^rya-
^s^fwr^ (Judith), /uiravop^ (Ecclus.), pttra-
VirtfPQt (1 Esd.), fitToKipydti (Wisd.), /uroA-
*»••» (Wisd.), luapo^ar/la (3 Mace), fuKpo?Jyot
i^vt.),idav0pis (3 MaceXiTrrufrroKOs^WiBd.),
(fN)l»)r/« (1 Mace), ityvrpotpftt (2 Mace),
MTfilAiaria (4 Mace), oluyiPpmros (2 Mace,
3 Mace), 6KiMr^iptiTos (Ecclus.), tPiMrx'pis
APOCRYPHA
185
(1 Esd.), 6iu>u>Taeiis (Wisd.), irAoSor^ai (1
Mace), jirAoAa7/o< (2 Mace), aipayict (Ecclus.),
i^t6SriKTos (Wisd.), frean-frivKoitos (Wisd.),
«7|8aAiavx^« (4 Mace), noKt/iorpoi^ia (2 Mace),
noKmrpa-yiiLoyitt (2 Mace), irpoaKtit (Ecclns.),
irvpi^cy^i (4 Mace), ripmoos (4 Mace), irpo-
icaratrici^^^o (4 Mace), wfMrr^AcurTot (Wisd.),
ioto^fMs (3 MaceX <rafiPaTl(m (1 Esd.. 2
Mace), (rapKoipayla (4 Mace)^ attpi)vu>s (4
Mace), <riSi)f><iS«r/xai (3 Mace), awAaYxro^7ai
(Wiad.), <nyKtpauy6it (Wisd.), avitfioKoKoiritt
(Ecclua.), mmuamoviipitt (2 Mace), trxeii^itt
(Bar.), Ttpartiofuu (2 Mace), Terp^irTixot
(Wiad.X rpuroKiTtipios (2 Mace, Add. Eath.),
^kMivoi (EccIus.X ^ai7a<rio(rKowt» (Ecclus.),
XOfuuvfrlis (1 Esd.), r^^Kayit) (Tob.X ^i/XowA-
K^» (3 Mace).
To this list we subjoin another, consisting of
unusual substantives, which will help to illus-
trate the language of the apocryphal Books : —
S3/W (Judith, Add. E.sth.), iintSla (Bar., Ecclus.^
ixtyoK^t (Judith), &Aa7iOT(a (Judith, 2 Mace,
3 MaceX iiuiia (2 Mace), imafiltMiis (2 Mace),
irimtiia (Judith^ &<^'xr»/u( (Ecclus.), inai-
yturiM (Ecclus.^ ai/Styrla (3 Mace), lupaiptfia
(1 MaceX iftiM (1 Macc.X i^^/ioioi (Prol.
Ecclns.X ix<< (Ecclus.X lutpla (1 Esd.^ j3eA(i-
OToirii (1 MaceX PiP\u>64iki\ (2 MaccA fiift.-
/3i)(r» (Bar.), ^lun (Wisd.), 0uAoi (Ecclus.^
7ai/p(a^ (Judith, Wisd., Ecclus.^ tiiyvuaa
(Wisd.X SoKiM<uria (Ecclus.^ tyKmyi<rii6s(l Mace,
2 MaceX eiS^x^ew (Wisd.^ eUijffti (Ecclus-X
flpiytia (2 MaceX ipfiititris (Ecclus., 3 MaceX
iyStKix'trp^s (Ecclus.^ iitiptiris (Bar.), ixw
•yuyh (Ecclus.), ipyo\d$tia (Ecclus.), iTotiuuria
(Wisd.), (iffiyri (Judith^ iuyplas (2 Mncc.X
««u(ti}i (Wisd.X SeATrr^t (1 MaceX e4<ns f Wisd.,
3 Mace), $iinuyia (Ecclua., 1 Hace), tSiirns
(Wisd., 3 MaceX XvSoA^ (Wisd.^ l\ii(2MaceX
lovSal<rit6s (2 Mace), «ca0cu)i^Ti)i (Ecclus.),
Kaiu^iKits (Judith), K<a^6t (Tob.), KaTaoroo'is
(EccIux.X KyiSoAoy (Wisd.^ Kui'anreiai' (Judith^
AiTovf (a (2 Mace, 3 MaceX ixapciirttoy (Ecclus.),
yoii6s (1 Mace, 3 Mace)^ ifia\.ivn6s (Bar.),
Tttpitrrairu (Ecclus.), wtpunnurn6s (2 Hace),
rtplt^lta (Tob.X rircurot (2 MaccX wpoitax^y
(Tob.X pi/jfiafffUs (Wiad.X trovlSat/ta (3 Hace),
atftaana (Wisd.X tnrKcefxyuTpiis (2 Mace),
inttpamuriiis (EccIus.X bii6<rraira (Ecclus.),
^piKoffitis (3 Hace), i^vxayttyla (2 Hace).
It may be interesting to illustrate by a few
aelected references the use, in the apocryphal
Books, of some of the chief words which acquired
a new significance in Christian writings : —
inKilunInt (Ecdus. xl. 25;; xzU. 20; xlL 23).
antrroAq (1 Esd. Ix. 64 ; Bar. II. 2S ; 1 Hace Ii. 18,
2 Msec. IIL 2).
al^tt (1 Esd. IV. «2; Judith xl. U; 1 Hacex. 34,
xlU. 34).
fiiarriSm (Eccliu. xxxlv. 2«; Judith zlL 1).
fiarU^ia Toi »mi (Wisd. X. 10 ; Song of the Three Holy
CblMren, v. 31).
Soiiutriov (Bar. iv. 7, 35 ; Tob. lU. 8, 17 ; vi. 7, 14, IS ;
vlll. 3).
tuunna (1 Macc. xl. 58).
iucat^ (Tob. xll. 4 ; Eoclus. i. 1», xvUl. 3, 21).
tiour^ns (Tab. I. 21).
cuAi|<rui (Judith vi. 16 ; 1 Haoe U. 66 ; Ecdus. xxlv. 2,
zxvl. 5, 1. 13).
JKAcrnH (Ecdus. xlix. 6 ; Wisd. lil. «).
cvtcrxovot (1 Macc* 1. 51).
JTi^oMia (2 Maoc. U. 21, ill. 24, v. 4, xU. 22 ; 3 Hace
U.»; Add. Esth. V. 6).
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APOCRYPHA
tixop""'"' (' Mace U. 31).
Uavfut (: Uacc iU. 33).
UoffT^puU' (4 Hooc xtU. 22).
KiuwK (Judith xiU. 6 ; 4 Tiicc vll. 21).
xSripK (Add. Esth. TlL 7,8; Wiad. it. 9; Ecclos. xlr.
IB).
luiTovnCa (Wtad. zvHh-Sl ; Ecclus. I. U ; 3 Hue 111. 3,
It. 14).
wapmiirU (Judltb z. la^ 2 Mace vUI. 12, xv. 21).
vbrit (Eodiu. XT. Itt ±xil. 21; Wial. lU. 14; 4 Haoc.
XT. 21).
<nw^ (WIsd. xri. 7 ; Ecdua. 11. 1 ; 1 Hacc It. 30 ;
3 Mace. Til. It). <ninipta (Wiad. xW. 6 ; 2 Mace.
111.29.32; tU. 25).
xipK (Gcelus. 111. 18, 29, XX. 12, xxlx. 15, xxx. 6;
Wild. Till. 21 ; 4 Hacc xl. 12).
XpwT^ (2 Mace. L 10).
(2.) Tke Apocrypha in relation to Jevnsh
Theology. — In the light which they throw npoa
Jewish theology, the apocryphal books contain
information of peculiar interest. We take in
order the subjects of (i.) the Deity, (ii.) the
doctrine of Angels, (iii.) the Messianic idea,
(iv.) the Creation and the origin of evil, (v.)
personal and national religion, (vi.) eschatology,
as illustrated in the books of the Apocrypha.
(The limits of space compel us to employ the
utmost condensation in the treatment of a most
extensive subject.)
(i.) The teaching of the Apocrypha upon the
subject of the Deity. The unity of God is often
and very distinctly affirmed (e.g. Ecclus. xxxiii.
5=xiiTi. 5, A. V." ; Bar. iii. 35 ; Pr. Azar. v. 22 ;
2 Mace. vii. 37 ; 3 Mace. ii. 2). From the idea of
unity is derived that of perfect all-sufficiency
(e.g. 2 Mace. xiv. 35 ; 3 Mace. ii. 9). • The attri-
butes of majesty and power are alluded to with
specia distinctness, in contrast to the weak
and depressed condition of the Jewish people.
The God of the nation was the all-powerfnl
God of the world; "the Lord of all" (4
wirrm' Sfffuirris, Ecclus. xxxiii. l=xxxT. 1,
A.V.); "the Creator" (Judith ix: 12; Ecclus.
xxiv. 8 ; 2 Mace. i. 24, vii. 23 ; cp. 1 Esd. vi.
13); "Highest" or "the Highest" (^taros
or i St^uTTos, especially in Ecclus. some forty
times; 2 Esd., "altissimus" some sixty-six
times) ; " Almighty " (wavroK/idTup, esp. in
2 Mace, ; 9c^s caficti>0 ncanoKpiriap, 1 Esd.
ix. 46) ; " Supreme " (jityaXoKpdTap, 3 Mace.
vi. 2); "King of kings" (2 Mace. xiii. 4);
"Lord of all might " (ir((<nii iiouaids ivyianis,
S Mace. iii. 24) ; " the Great Sovereign of the
world " (6 niffu tov Kicfiov ioyi)rTi\s, 2 Maec.
xii. 15).
Great stress is laid upon the attributes of
omnipresetKC and omniscience. The former is
expressed in the remarkable words of Wisdom
Jili. 1 (rh yiif i^0apr6r aov tnni/ta ivrtf
ir ran ; cp. i. 7), and may be illustrated by
a magnificent passage in Ecclesiasticns (xlii.
15— xliii. 33). The expressions made use of in
these two Books sometimes border on pantheism
(though Ecclus. xliii. 27 be excluded), and
were destined to be still further developed is
that direction by later AUxoitdrine Judaism (see
Philo, de Confus. Lingaar. i. 325). The more
genknl statement* of omnipresence (Ecclus. zvii.
13, 15 = 15, 19, A.V. ; xxiii. 19) belong equally
to the attribnte of omntsctenoe. That God both
•Ecclus. ZTilL 3, zzIt. 24, are later IniertliBia.
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sees and knows all is a farourite thonght (cp.
Bar. iii. 32; Susann. c.42; 2Macc.iz. 5, iii.22,
XT 2 ; Judith ix. 5, 6 ; Ecclus. xlii. 18-21 ; Add.
Esth. V 2).
Another attribnte of the Deity is expressed
by the title which describes the eternal eiisl-
enoe, " ths Eternal " (i ouunos). This title
appears with special frequencv in the Book </
Barueh (iv. 8, 10, 14, 20, 22, 24, 35 ; t 2), bst
occurs also repeatedly elsewhere (e.g. Hist, of
Sus. r. 42 ; Wisd. ivii. 2 ; 2 Maec. i. 25 ; 3 Mact
vi. 12, vii. 16 ; Ecclus. xriii. 1, xxivi. 22 = 17
A. v.). The essential Being of the Deity is
spoken of as 4 &•• in Wisd. xiii. 1.
The title of "the Holy One" occurs fre-
quently (e.g. Bamch iv. 22, 37, v. 5; Ecclus.
iv. 14, xliii. 10, xlvii. 8, xlviii. 20 ; Tobit liL 12,
15; 2 Maec xiv. 36; 3 Mace iL 2, vL 1).
But the attribute of holiness is not asserted to
prominently as that of power, although it is
ererywhere presupposed. In His relatioo t«
mankind, the Deity receives the attribute of
Fatherhood, as the Author of all being and tiie
God of the chosen race of Israel (e.g. Wisd. xiv.
3; Ecclus. xxiii. 1, 4, Ii. 10; Tob. xiii 4; i
Mace. vi. 3, 8). But in Wisd. ii. 16, where Ht
is spoken of as the Father of the Just, there is t
hint of that wider conception which the 5eir
Covenant revealed.
The title of Saviour (<rariip) is frequently
used of God, generally carrying with it tlit
idea of a material and strictly national deliTtr-
anee (e^. Barueh iv. 22; Jud. ix. 11; Addi-
tions to Esth. V. 2 ; 1 Mace. iv. 30 ; 3 Msec
viL 16). In one passage (Ecclus. IL 1) God is
addressed under this title as a personal Savioar ;
in another passage (Wisd. xvi. 7 ) as " the aai-
versal Saviour," 6 Triyrar irmrip (cp. 1 Tiin.
iv. 10) ; but in both instances the epithet teenti
to imply the preservation of life and healtti
rather than spiritual deliverance.
The goodnes$, mercy, and compaatian of Gol
are constantly spoken of, perhaps most frt-
quently in the. Book of Ecclesiasticns (cp. ii. 18,
v. 6, xvi. 12, xviii. 13, xxxi.=xxxiv. A.V. 16.
xxxix. 22, xlvii. 22, xlviii. 20 ; cp. also Tob. vi.
17, vii. 12; 2 Maec xi. 9; Wisd. XV. 1). There
is, however, no advance here upon the language
of the 0. T. Scriptures ; and although the DiviM
mercy is compared in Ecclus. xxxiL=xxxv. A.V.
20 to " clouds of rain in a season of drought "
(its rt^i\at itrov iv KOtp^ ifipoxlas\ remisil-
ing us of our Lord's words in Matt. v. 45, the
stress of the metaphor is laid upon the reinvigo-
Ifating, not upon the impartial, character of th«
gift. In another place, Ecclus. xxviii. 1-7, where
the mercy of God is made dependent npcn the
inercifur spirit of man, the forgiveness of hesren
upon the forgiveness of earth, there is a re-
semblance to our Lord's words in Matt. ri.
14, 15, xviii. 35, but the context shows that
the resemblance is in the letter and not in the
spirit of the passage. In contrast to the merer
end compassion ((\tof) of God stands, as m the
Old and New Testaments, the wrath i) opyii) of
God. , By this phrase is expressed most (n-
quently the strictly nation.il view of Gad's
attitude towards the foes of Israel, at other
times' the wider conception of His attitude
towards sin generally, whether in the nation or
in the individual. "The wrath" implied on the
OD^'band the punishment of the heathen (cp.
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APOCEYPHA
Ewlof. jixii. 23; Judith ix. 9 ; WW. v. 20);
on the other hand, the punUfament of sin and
iiii|niritj(cp. Wisd. iriii. 23, 25; l^lug. v. 6, 7,
Tii. 1«, iliv. 17 ; Pray. Manas, rt. 5, 10, 13). The
dinsten of Iirael were regarded as God's just
pnuiihment for national sin (cp. 1 End, riii. 86 ;
Tob. ill. 3, 6, liii. 5 ; Jadith xi. 10 ; 2 Mace,
ri. 12, rii. 18, 32, x. 4) and the oxpression of
the Dirine retribution (1 Mace. i. 64 ; 2 Mace.
Tiii. 5; Bar. i. 13, ii. 13). The perfect jurti'cc
io the dispensation of reward and punishment,
the equipoise of Almighty lore and power,
is upnssed by the quiility of equity or for-
Ixtnoce, iwuUtia (cp. Wisd. xii. 18; 2 Mace.
ii. 22, I. 4 ; Bar. ii. 27 ; Song of the Three
duUren, r. 18). Divine justice is a frequent
nbject of thanlcful praise (cp. Ecclus. xixii.
= uiT. A.V. 12-20, xixv. 15=xxxii. A.V.
1«; Wild. V. 18, xii. 21, 22; Tob. iiu 2;
2 Hacc Tii. 36, xii. 6 ; 2 Esd. rii. 19), by
mmpaiison with the failure of earthly justice
and the oppression of the innocent by the
powerful tnd wealthy (e.g. Wisd. Ti. 4, 5 ;
Kcclus. Till 14, xi. 9, xx. 3=4 A.V. ; 1 Mace
ii. 29-38; 2 Hacc W. 47 ; Sus. v. 53).
The antiiropomorphic expressions of the Ca-
nonical writings which describe the being and
vprrstion of the Almighty, were necessarily
reproduced in the books of the Apocrypha.
" The hsnd of God " describes the power of His
operation (e.g. Ecclus. ii. 18, x. 4, xxxiii. =
uitl A. V. 6, xxxTi.= xxxiii. A. V. 13, xliii.
12; Wisd. iii 1, v. 16, Tii. 16, x. 20, liv. 6,
lii. 8; Bar. ii. 11; 3 Mace. ii. 8): "the eye
of God," His Almighty proridence and wisdom
(Ecclus. xi. 12, XT. 19, xrii. 15, xxiii. 19, xxxi.
=miT. A. V. 16 ; Bar. ii. 17 ; 2 Mace. iii. 39):
" the Toice or word of God," the declaration of
His wUl (Ecclus. xliii. 26, xlvi. 17 ; Bar. i. 18,
ii. 22, iii. 4). The tise of " the word or ' Logos '
(*jlrfot) of God " as the instrument of the
Dirim ctnunand (cp. Wisd. ix. 1, xii. 9 ; Ecclus.
iixii. 17, ilii. 15, xliii. 5, 10, 26 ; cf. xlviii. 3, 5)
lieserres especial notice, inasmuch as its more
lutural signification of the uttered Word gradu-
ally lost fsTonr, and in later times, as the
vtitings of Philo testify, became blended with
tbat of the abstract personification of Divine
K<*wn (see Wisd. xvi. 12, xviii. 15).
The tendency to avoid anthropomorphisms,
to keep the Creator and the created more dis-
tinctly asunder, belongs to the whole period
doring which the books of the Apocrypha were
written, and we can trace its influence (a)
suoctimes in the avoidance of the Sacred
N'lme, (6) sometimes in the substitution of an
sbstract expression denoting quality, principle
or force, (c) sometimes in the personification of
» DiTine attribute.
(a) The Divine Name nowhere, according to
ttie best text, occurs in the First B«ok of Macca-
t««. In ch. iii. 18 the Name of God is omitted
is three of the best MSS., and the following
«ne, where "heaven" and not "God "is the
Karce of strength, makes the correctness of
llw omission highly probable. In xvi. 3 the
tftdering of the A. V., " by (?o«P» mercy," has
mtrodnced the Divine Name, which does not
^pear in the original (ir rf 4x4*1). The Name
't-Urd," which U read by A. V. in viL 37 and 41,
ii ilso omitted by four or live of the best MSS.,
**<1 is in all probability due to the interpolation
APOCRYPHA
187
of a scribe. With these possible exceptions the
First Book of Maccabees, like the canonical
Book of Esther, has presumably, in a spirit of
reverence, abstained from all use of the sacred
Name. The Name of " God," which appears in
the English Version of 1 Mace. ii. 21, iii. 53, 60,
iv. 55, ix. 10, has no place in the original.
(b) In the place of the Sacred Name some
indefinite expression was often introduced.
Thus, in 1 Mace. iii. 19 the omission is supplied
by " heaven " (oipovbt) or " the heaven " (i oipa-
yis), aa the personified recipient of prayer (cp.
1 klacc. iii. 50 ; iv. 10, 55 ; iii. 15. Cp. Landau,
Synonyma fur Oott, p. 14). Sometimes Ju.stice
(^ S'ti)) seems to be so need (Wisd. i. 8 ; 2 Hacc.
viii. 13 ; and esp. 4 Mace iv. 13, 2 1 ; viii. 13, 20 ;
ix. 9, 15; xi. 3; xii. 12; xviii. 22). More fre-
quently repetition of the Sacred Name is avoided
by the usage of epithets : the most familiar are
"the Most High" (esp. Ecclus. forty-three
times ; and 2 Esd. sixty-six times) ; " the Al-
mighty " (4 ncanoKoiruf), " the Master " (4
8«<nr($ri)s, esp. 2 Mace), "the Eternal" (4
Mvios, esp. Baruch), " the Holy One," " the
Creator" (4 iyios, Tob. xii. 12, 15; Ecclus. iv.
14, xliii. 10, xlvii. 8, xlviii. 20 ; Bar. iv. 22, 37,
V. 5). In plater times the expression " the
Name " (Dg'ri) became with the Jews a com-
mon synonym for the sacred title of " Jehovah,"
which they shrank from uttering ; and the
frequent use of rh Smiia as the sum total of
the Divine attributes, familiar to us in the
N. T., foreshadowed the later usage. Imlica-
tions of this may frequently be noticed in
the 0. T., and there are many examples of its
occurrence in the apocryphal books: e.g. Wisd.
X. 20 ; 3 Mace. ii. 9 ; Tob. xl. 14 ; Bar. ii. 11, iii.
5 (cp. Pr. Azar. v. 29 ; Pray. Manas, e. 3 ; Judith
ix. 8, xvi. 2 ; 2 Mace. viii. 15 ; Ecclus. xvli. 8
= 10 A. v., xxxix. 35, xlvii. 10, 18, Ii. 1). " The
Name " (rh (Ivo/ia) was employed to convey the
idea of Divine Majesty, and to obviate the
necessity of using either the title of God or the
repeated personal pronoun, e.g. 1 Mace. iv. 33.
(c) Anthropomorphism was also avoided by
the persouiHcaticn of the Divine attributes.
The prominence given to abstract agencies,
coupled with the philosophical depreciation of
matter, doubtless prepared the way for later
Alexandrine theosophies, for Gnostic theories of
aeons and emanations. In the apocryphal books
this tendency, the germs of which may first be
noticed in the language of Proverbs and Job,
has just begun to emerge more distinctly. We
may detect it in the references to " the Spirit
of God," " the truth," " Wisdom," and " tho
Word." Thus " the Spirit of God," without attri-
butes of personality, is, in its usage familiar
to us from the canonical 0. T. Scriptures, men-
tioned frequently in the Apocrypha (cp. Wisd.
i. 7; Ecclus. xlviii. 12 (?); Judith, xvi. 14).
But here it begins to receive a new character ;
" the spirit of holiness " is a principle or power
distinct, yet emanating, from and sent forth
by the Almighty (see Wisd. i. 5, vii. 22, ix.
17). Yet more striking is the identification
of the attribute or quality of "Wisdom"
with the operation of the Divine Will. Thus
" Wisdom " is the first of creatures (Ecclus. i.
4, 7) : she is a loving spirit (Wisd. i. 6) : she
came forth from the mouth of the Almighty
(Ecclus. xxiv. 3); she is the instrument of
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APOCBYPHA
creation (Ecclus. xxir.). She dwells with
larael, she is identified with the Spirit of
the Law (Bar. iii. 36, 37), she is the effulgence
of Divine glory (Wisd. vii.-viii. 3). To be
allied unto her is immortality (Wisd. viii. 17).
In other passages she appears as '* the truth "
(1 Esd. iv. 33-40 ; cp. Ecclus. iv. 25, xxvii. 9) ;
and again, in another remarkable passage, the
same Divine agency of might and glory is
described as " the all-supreme word " (wayro-
tiivaiMS Kiyos, Wisd. xriii. 16), where we may
see an anticipation of Philo's use of \iyos wpo-
tpopMis (de Vita Mot. iii. 672).
The personification of Divine attributes stands
in close relation to the two points which come
next under discussion, having been on the one
hand somewhat rashly identified by Christian
writers with the doctrine of the Messiah, with
which it possesses remarkable though delusive
points of resemblance ; on the other hand, being
a subject immediately allied to that of inter-
mediate beings and the doctrine of Angels.
(ii.) Allusions to the Messianic idea in the
Apocrypha are so few and meagre, that some
have even denied their existence at all. But it
will be seen that these allusions do exist ; and
that to a certain degree the very scantiness of
reference to the doctrine is in accordance with
the true position of the Apocrypha in the history
of Jewish Theology.
In the Book of Ecclus. (c. 180 B.C. ; a/. 235)
we find allnsions to the promise made unto
Abraham, xliv. 21 ("therefore He assured him
by an oath that nations should be blessed in
his seed ") ; to the Lord's covenant with David,
xlvii. 11 ("He gove him [David] a covenant
of kings and a throne of glory in Israel ") ;
to the future coming of Elias, xlviii. 10, who
was written of in reproofs for specified
times, to pacify wrath before its outbreak,
"to turn the heart of the father to the son,
and to restore the tribes of Jacob " (cp. Mai.
iv. 5, 6). We have in these p.assiiges reference
to the Messianic economy generally; but not
to the belief in a personal Messiah. It is also
worthy of remark that in the commemorative
list of &mous men (xliv.-l.) there is no allusion
made to One who might be looked fur as the
future Leader and Saviour of the nation. One
passage (li. 10), " I called upon the Lord, the
Father of my Lord" — the original text of
which, as recovered from the Syriac (see
Speaker's Comm, in loco), signified " I called
unto the Lord, my father, O Lord " — is to be
noted as a striking exception to the absence of
personal allusion. The phrase is so exceptional
in pre-Christian literature, that many have sup-
posed it a mistranslation of the original, or a
textual error; but it is best explained as a
reminiscence of the language occurring in the
Messianic Psalm ex. 1.
The Book of Wisdom presents no trace of any
expectation of a personal Messiah. The expres-
sions in ch. iii. and v. respecting the judgment
are too vague in character to support such n
view ; and the most definite of the passages
which have been adduced for the purpose (iii. 8),
" And their Lord shall reign for ever," cannot,
with any regard for the coutext, be connected
with the Messiah of Jewish prophecy. The
Christian Fathers delighted to regard the de-
■cription (Wisd. ii. 12-21) of the sufi°erings of
APOCBYPKA
" the just man " (i t/«atat) at the hands of the
wicked as an inspired prediction of the Saviour's
Passion. The words "he cilleth himself a child
of the Lord " (c. 13) were seized on as a fore-
cast of the Gospel narrative. For this vieir
there is no warrant, except so far as the whoU
passage may be an imitation of the liii. chapter
of Isaiah; or is to be considered as a sketch of
an ideal Just One. In the latter case it may
well be paralleled with PUto's immortal pictnrt
of the Just Man in the Republic, which was
most probably well known to the author of
Wisdom, although it may not necess.-trily hive
influenced his treatment of the passage in ques-
tion. Again, Christian theologians hare seen a
personal Messianic reference in the noble per-
sonifications of •' W isdom " (e.g. Wisd. vii. 7-
11 ; Ecclus. i. 1-9, 14-20, vii. 18-31, xiv. 20-
XV. 8, xxiv. 1-34; 1 Esd. iv. 34-41; Bar. iii.
37, iv. 1) and in the mention of " the Logos ''
(Wisd. xviii. 15, i wayroivyaiiit vou Xirfit k*
obpavuv tx 6i>iv«ty fiaaiKtuir). But the zeil of
apologetics appears to have led them utny.
Nowhere in these passages is the coaceptio*
of a personal revelation hinted at. The im-
portance of these and similar [vissages to tlK
understanding of the Messianic doctrine does not
consist in prognostication, but in the develop-
ment of thought, which, having shaped tie
religion and enriched the speculation of Philo,
became a life-giving message in the historical
testimony of St. John's Gospel (i Ki'yot ai^
iy4vtTo). The « Wisdom " and " Logos " of tke
Apocrypha are not prediction. They mark a
climax in the preparation of thought and phiiM
for the description of the final Revelation ia tht
Incarnate Word.
The First Book of Maccabees, pervaded
though it is by the spirit of patriotism, ooatams
no direct allusion to the Messianic hope. The
passages iv. 46, " until there should come >
prophet to give answer concerning tbem*
Otexp' ToS Mopayvntirp/ai nfo^itiy toi ixviff
fi^viu wtp\ airrwy), and xiv. 41, " until there
arise a trustworthy prophet " (i^r rov iranir
vai irpoiprfynir na-riv), have at different times
received a directly Messianic interpretation; and
this reference to the " prophet " has been com-
pared with the expectation of the coming of
" the prophet " (i wpo^rfinit) in John i. 21 sail
vi. 14, who was looked for as the foremnner of
the Messiah. But this view is most certaiil;
incorrect. Even if it were not out of h.-<rm«D;
with the whole spirit and character of the Book,
the Greek in the above passages cannot admit of
such an interpretation. In both cases the word
" prophet " is used indefinitely (»/>o^l5njt— not
i wpo^nit, as in the quotation from St. Joha's
Gospel), and the most natural explanation is the
most probable, according to which the cessa-
tion of the gift of propliecy is (cp. also ii. 27)
alone remarked upon, and the yearning of the
nation expressed for a new revelation. Anr
Messianic reference, therefore, is only obtainable
indirectly, by implication (cf. also 1 Esd. v. 40 ;
Pray, of Azarias, e. 14). One passage (ii. 5T),
" David through his mercy possessed the throiK
of an everlasting kingdom " (AaulS ir t^ i*Jf
airoS iKXripoyi/iriirt ipivoy fiaaiXflas *U oiaM
tttuvot), may fairly be regarded as a hslf-
unconscious echo of the general belief that the
Messiah should be a king of David's Be«d, but the
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APOCBYPHA
njfsenea of the words implies how little prao-
txal significance they were intended to convey,
Otiierwiie, no other passage, not even the dying
speech of Mattathias (ii. 49-69) nor the patriotic
ittennce* of his sons («^. iii. ltt-22 ; iv. 30-33 ;
Tii41, 42) — where, if anywhere, some Messianic
allosiaa would be loolced for — contains any refer-
ence to the doctrine. Strange as this appears at
first tight, it admits of a natural explanation.
The Messianic hope was bound up with the
tlwoght of delirerance from tyranny and oppres-
iioB, with the idea of a material and national
sahrttion. It wa« in the times of almost political
annihilation, in the days of their most deep
deipsir, that the Jewish prophets had foretold
most dearly the coming of the Deliverer. Again,
it Tas afterwards in the days of Herodian and
Boman oppression that the apocalyptic liteta-
tore of the nation pointed most clearly to the
sdrent of a Messiah. But in the days of the
Maccahean struggle for independence, the
hopes of the people were personified in her
living heroes. The doctrine of deliverance was
being practically realized on the narrow
platform of the combat with the powers of
Syris. To the Maccabean chronicler the idea
of national salvation was being fulfilled before
his eyes by the successes of the Asmonean
hooH both in diplomacy and in war. The Mes-
sianic hope of the Palestinlau Jews was
thronghont this period centred in the efibrts of
linng champions; their range of view was
Umitad to the brief struggle, which typified the
eternal truth.
la the Book of Baruch iv. 21, &c, there ia
s description of the people of Israel restored
to their country and of the city of Sion rebuilt
sod beantified; in Tobit liii. 8-18, ziv. 5, 7;
Ecclua. xniii. 1-11 and ixivi. 16-22 = xxxvi.
1-17, a picture of the conversion of the heathen.
Bat none of these passages present us with any
expectation of a personal Messiah ; they re-
produce in general terms the utterances of the
old Prophets concerning the final glories of the
chosen race ; and if they can be said to refer to
a Hesaanic future, it ia only by an indefinite
and indirect allusion.
With the exception of the Second Book of
Etdras, no other Book of the Apocrypha throws
light upon the teaching of a personal Messiah.
The labject-matter and character of the Books
in a large measure account for the omission.
Il in the writings of Palestinian origin the
mbject was overshadowed by the predominant
bope of a political deliverance, in the writings
of Graeco-Jndaic origin the infusion of Hellenic
philosophy tended to merge the Messianic idea
ia ahttract speculation, recognising it, if at all,
only in the attributes of self-manifestation in-
berint in the Divinity.
In the apocalyptic writings, the literature of
tbe saddest century in the Jewish annals, it is
loit* otherwise. The coming of a personal
Messiah to reinstate Israel and take vengeance
<» her foes is the one prevailing idea which
rms throQgh the Second Book of Esdras, and
fonnt a prominent feature in the Books of
Esoch, of Jubilees, the Apocalypse of Baruch,
•ad the Sibylline Oracles. The Second Book of
Eadiai is the one most pervaded by a spirit of
l^oom sod bitterness. The coming of the Mes-
■ult il to be preceded by untold misery, calamity |
APOCBYPHA
189
and crime — the woes of the Messiah. In the
third vision the reign of the Messiah is described
as lasting for 400 years, at the end of which
period the Messiah himself should die (vii. 28,
29). In the fifth vision the Messiah, the
Anointed, is depicted as the lion (xi. 37) with a
man's voice, who should rebuke nnrighteousness
and restore his people (to. 31-34). In the sixth
vision he is described as a man arising out of
the sea and flying with the clouds of heaven,
who hewed for himself a mountain (i.e. Sion)
and overthrew the multitudes that came against
him, and defended his people that remained
(cf. ch. xiii.). The statement that the Messiah
should die " along with all the men that have
breath " (vii. 29) is most startling, and more
especially surprising in a Jewish writing. It is
perhaps best explained as a crowning expression of
the despair which characterizes this Apocalypse.
Except in certain well-recognised passages of
2 Esdras, the Apocrypha has no trace of
Christian interpolation in support of the Mes-
sianic character of Jesus. The passage in Wis-
dom xiv. 7, " For blessed ia the wood whereby
Cometh righteousness " ((iK6yrirat flip {^Xov
il' oS yivrrai Sinuoirwi)), has indeed been
claimed on the one side as predictive of the Cross
of Christ, and has been in consequence assailed
on the other side as a Christian gloss. We
may, however (cp. Speaket't Comm. 1. c),
as seems more natural, see in " the wood "
an allusion to "the ark," and in "righteous-
ness " a reference to Noah, who is elsewhere
described (Wisd. x. 4; Ecdus. iliv. 17) as the
"righteous," and in Heb. xi. 7 aa "becoming
the heir of the righteousness that is by faith "
(rris Kori Ti<rru> SiKauxritnit tyiyvro Kkiipo-
yi/tos). The words of Baruch iii. 37, " After-
wards did it show itself upon the earth and
held converse with men " (/irri toSto M ttis
y^s &^9ij Kol iy rois cwOpiinrots avyayftrrpdi^\
have a striking resemblance to Christian teach-
ing, and many scholars have suspected it of
being a Judaeo-Christian interpolation. The
verse does not refer to " the Messiah," but to
" Wisdom," who, after being given by God to
Israel, became thenceforward manifested among
men in the chosen race (see Speaier'a Comm, in
loco).
(iii.) The Jewish doctrine of Angela, which in
later times was destined to take so prominent a
part in Rabbinic teaching, received a powerful
impulse at the period of the Captivity. This
may be recognised in the writings of Ezekiel,
the post-exilic Zechariah, and in the Book of
Daniel. The Apocrypha, although two Pales-
tinian books (1 Maccabees and Judith) show
no trace of it, presents us with a more fully-
developed stage of this belief than any which
may be found in the canonical writings. To
a certain degree the angelology of the Apo-
crypha is due to the tendency which has already
been noticed ; the ministration of angelic beings
formed a useful safeguard against anthropo-
morphism. Thus the Angel of the Lord is
frequently mentioned (as in the 0. T.) aa
the instrument of Divine justice or the agent of
Divine protection (cp. Ecclus. xlviii. 21 ; Song
of the Three Children, v. 26 ; Susan, to. 55, 59 ;
Bel, TO. 34, 36, 39 ; Bar. vi. 7 ; 1 Esd. i. 48 ; Ad-
ditions to Estb. V. 12 ; Pray, of Azar. to. 25, 35).
The Second Book of Maccabees refera to angelic
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APOCRYPHA
roanifestationi as " the manifest signs that came |
down from heaven unto those that made it their
pride to deal manfully for Judaism" (ii. 21);
and the history of this Book is plentifully
embellished with legendary delirerances eS'ected
by angelic interposition (cf. iii. ; v. 2; i. 29,
30; ji. 6, 8; xiv. 15; xv. 11-16). An ex-
aggerated instance of this use of angelology
is to be found in 4 Mace. iv. 10, where the
sudden apparition of the forces of heaven,
mounted and clad in glittering armour, seems
to be a materialistic reminiscence of the passage
in 2 K. ri. 17. The title which is given
to the Almighty in 2 Mace. iii. 24, by some
MSS., "the Lord of Spirits," is probably
another illustration of the prevalent belief (cp.
Heb. xii. 9). The word im6iurra in Ecclus.
.Txzix. 28 is by soma translated, "There are
winds which have been created for Tengeance,"
&c., rather than as the A. V. " There be spirits,"
&c. (cp. Pray, of Azar. m. 42, 63) ; but the A. V.
Tendering is supported by the list of such spirits
in tv. 29, 30. Certain natural phenomena and the
like are personified (cp. Speaker's Comm. in loco).
The Jewish belief of the post-Captivity
period that each nation had its guardian Angel,
which finds so distinct expression in the Book of
Daniel, ch. x., and forms the point of the re-
markable reading of the LXX. Version in Deut.
xxxii. 8, 9, is perba]>s alluded to in the Apo-
crypha, e.g. in Ecclus. xvii. 14 (= 17 A. V.),
" He appointed a ruler for every nation, and
Israel is the Lord's portion " (itcdtrrfi I9vti
Koriimiaty iiyointyof, «.t.\.), where by the
" ruler " some understand the guardian Angel ;
others, however, refer the expression to secular
princes (cp. Speaker's Comm. in loco). With
greater probability, the same idea is found in
Baruch vi. 7, " for my Angel is with you and
himself (not as A. v. 'I myself) caring for
{iK(riruy) your souls," where the people of
Jehovah are reminded ofthe continual presence of
their guardian Angel, " the Angel of the Lord."
The foregoing references are not diHerent in
kind from 0. T. narratives of angelic appear-
ances. But the angelology of the Book of
Tobit may bear traces of a new and possibly
Persian influence. At any rate its most marked
feature is the prominence which it gives to the
current belief in opposing spiritual powers of
good and evil. The idea underlying the story
of the Book is that the care of individuals as
well as of nations is committed to the charge of
angelic beings. The description of Raphael,
who was one of " the seven Angels who stand in
the presence ofthe glory of the Lord " (xii. 15),
and who is sent upon earth to act as the guar-
dian and protector of Tobias and to restore the
eyesight of Tobit, will illustrate the words
which our Lord Himself uses in Matt, xviii. 11,
"Take heed that ye despise not one of these
little ones ; for I say unto yon that [in heaven]
their Angels do always behold the face of My
Father Which is in heaven." The name of
Baphael is clearly connected with his healing
power (cp. ii. 17, tturdviai), and the formation
of the word must be compared with the names
of Uriel (2 Esd. iv. 1), Jeremiel (2 Esd. iv. 36),
" Bamiel," who is over the visions of truth
(.\poc. Bar. Iv.), and Michael the Archangel
(Jude V. 9). The opposition between the spirits
of good and the spirits of evil is brought out in
APOCBYPHA
the course of the same book ; thus, while in v. 31
we have the mention of a " good Angel"
(i>7cXot iya36s ; cp. also 2 Mace xi. 6, it. 23),
in other passages we find also mention of " the
evil daemon " (t4 taiiiinop ri rortipir, iii. 8, 17 5
vi. 7) or " the daemon " (rh SatfUruH', vi. 1 o,
17; viii. 3). The name of this "evil spirit" is
given, i.e. Asmodeus, and is supposed to be
derived either from the Hebrew ^t^C, in which
case its meaning would be "the Destroyer"
( = Apollyon), or from some doubtful Persiut
root. The description of this daemon in ch. hi.
agrees with the Kew Testament term of "un-
clean spirit ; " and the fancifnl acoount «f Ms
baleful influence over Sara (Tobit vi. 13, 14)imt
have arisen from the Jewish legends eeneemilir
the " loves of the angels," based upon <>en. vi. i.
The power of the evil spirit is subdued by
a charm revealed by the good A>gel Raphael.
The evil spirit flies to the upper ports of Kgypt
and is there bound by the Angel ' (viii. 3).
Desolate places were tenanted accoiding to
Jewish views of demonology by evil spirits (ep.
Matt. xii. 43). The punishment of banish-
ment from the country shonld be compoied with
the words of St. Mark v. 10, " they besought
Him much that He would not send them awir
out of the country ; " and that of " binding "
with the words of Rev. 11. 2, " he laid hold «
the dragon, that old serpent, and bound him s
thousand years."
The personal spirit of evil is rarely alluded to
in the apocryphal books. The name of " Satan "
occurs in Ecclus. xxi. 27 (^y ry norcf So te
iurt$fi rhv varcway, airrht Koraparai ri/p imrm
^X^v), but the context is thought by some to
leave it uncertain whether " the spirit of evil ""
or a man's individual adversary (cf. Additiois
to Esther, i StiPo\os, vii. 4) is intended. Th;
former view (cp. Speaker's Comm. in low)
seems preferable for the following reasMO.
(1) The fact that the word vemuiis appears
nowhere else in the apocryphal writings favoan
the view that it occurs here as a proper nanw.
(2) In the LXX. Version of the O. T. tbe
word trceravas does not occur, but the word nrir
is found three times in one chapter (1 K. xi. 14,
23, 25) for a human adversary, but withoct
the article. In the New Testament the word
occurs some thirty-five times (twenty-sevea
times with the article) in the sense of s
spiritual adversary. (3) It was the natnnl
transliteration of ttSKTI, as soon as the idea of s
personal Spii-it of Evil had become established.
We are therefore inclined to translate tb<
word in this its usual sense, and to compare
the whole passage, which is somewhat obtaire,
with our Lord's words recorded in Joha viii. 44.
Another passage (Wisd. ii. 24) repeati the
Rabbinical belief that death entered into tbe
world through the envy of the devil (f*ii»f
Sia0i\x>v). Again, in 4 Hacc. xviii. 8, the Eril
One is spoken of as "the pestilent aeipent of
deceit " (Kv/uiiy iiriTris f<pis ; cp. Apoc xi. 2).
In conclusion, it may be remarked that th*'
general tone of the allusions to angelic beings
in 2 and 3 Maccabees, Tobit, and the Additions
to Daniel, seems to presuppose that they were
of bodily shape and of material substance.
(iv.) Creation ami man's nahtre. The work ©i
Creation, according to the Palestinian books of
the Apocrypha, is a creation of the whole nni-
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APOCRYPHA
Tcne ont of nothing bj the absolute power of
God. The Genesii acconnt u distinctly ofBrmed
ia the Book of Ecclesiasticus xvi. 24-27, ivii. 1,
iriii. 1 (the word^ of which, lierurt rit wdma
(oir^i do not support the theory of aimnl-
uoeitj in the work of Creation ; cp. Speaker's
Coam. in loco) ; in Wisdom ii. 23 ; and in 2 Esd.
iii. 4-6, vi. 38.
In the Alexandrine books two passages bear-
iog upon this subject have received more
espedsl attention. In 2 Hacc. Tii. 28 where we
lead, "God made them {i.e. heaven and earth)
nf thisga that were not " (<{ oiic Svrm' iiroiiiiTfv
svTu i St6s), we shonld probably adopt the
variant reading supported by good authorities
(»i* ii bmn>, USS.), and compare for the trans-
position of the negative the well-known passage
in Heb. xL 3. It is a mistake to see in these
words an allusion to the Platonic terminology,
which spoke of " the things that are not " (jk
>ij) trra) as the matter out of which the universe
was formed.
The case is different with the Book of Wis-
dom, the writer of which was deeply imbued
with Hellenic thought. In xi. 17 Iji mmo-
ivyoflit ffm X'^P • • * Krttraaa rhy K6fffjLOV i\
a/iof^m EAqi) the world is stated to have
been formed ont of " formless matter ; " and
although this expression may require some
modification in the light of other passages in
the same Book (ix. 1 ; xii. 9), it is best under-
stood is a fusion of the description contained in
Genesis (L 2) with the Platonic belief in the
eteraity of matter expressed in technical lan-
gnage (cp. Speaier't Comm. in loco).
So far as the subject of the origin of evil is
touched upon, the views expressed in the apo-
cryphal writings seem to follow the Genesis
acconnt of the fall. Thus in Ecclns. xxv. 24
we find the words, " Of the woman came the
beginning of sin, and through her we all die ; "
and in Wl<d. ii. 24, " through envy of the devil
came death into the world." The writer of the
latter book seems to accept the theory of the
pre-eiistent state of souls (viii. 19), and regards
the sonl alone as the real man to whose true
development the body acts as a clog and a
knidianee (i. 4, viii. 20, ix. 15 ; cp. the Essenes,
Joseph. Beit. Jud. ii. 8, § 11), but he nowhere,
lilfe Philo, speaks of matter as inherently evil.
Tlie primeval condition of man before the fall
—"the image of (lod's being" — is described in
Dcble and striking words (ii. 23), which imply
that the result of the fall i.« the loss of the
image of G«l. God did not create death ; He
created all things that they might exist (i. 13).
Man's freedom of will is stated in moat un-
tcalified terms in Ecclus. xv. 11-20 (see espe-
ctlly V. 14), " He Himself made man from the
brgiming and left him to his free choice (t^Ker
tirrir ir x*>f^ SiaBovMov abrov); if thou wilt,
tiioa shalt keep the commandments ; and to act
vith fidelity is matter of liking. He set before
tiiee fire and water. Thou shalt stretch forth
tlir hand, wherever thou wilt (oS iiy lWA.qt).
Before men is the life and the death, and
vhicfaever he Uketh shall be given him (koI ft
lot fiitoK^rti, SoBiiatrai air^y' The possession
of firee-will (Sio^uAiov) is described among
<>afs gifts to mankind (xvii. 6) ; virtue and
ksppoea* are dependent on the exercise of the
powtrt of will or dioice. This testimony de-
APOCBYPHA
191
mands the more careful attention, when reviewed
by the side of passages in the same Book in
which good and evil are, as it were, set over
against each other by the rigid predetermination
of God: e.g. xxxvi. = xxxiii. A.V. 13-15; xlii.
24. Another passage, which appears in the
A. V. as xi. 16 (wXcut) koI aK6Tos iLfnapruKdit
amiieniTTm), " error and darkness have been
created together with sinners," is omitted in
the best text and is probably a gloss.
According to the Book of Wisdom, man enters
upon life free from disposition to sin, with his
moral nature a " tabula rasa." The writer
describes his own soul as being good and his
body tindefiled (4'i>x4 irftSii, a&ita inianToy),
but he admits that wisdom — the fountain of
Divine life — came not to him naturally ; she
could be procured only through prayer, " with
his whole heart " (viii. 20, 21). A doctrine of
predestination of Israel's foes to sin and evil
finds support in Wisd. xii. 11.
The doctrine of "original sin" is nowhere
definitely stated except in 2 Esd. iii. 21, 22, 26 ;
iv. 30; vii. 46-53; though it may b« held that
the expression in Wisd. i. 4 (<r»/ia i/toprlar
Koxaxpi'') embodies the same idea.
We do not find any very exalted moral
standard in the Apocrypha. There is little
conception of sin beyond the infringement of
nn actual law, and little conception of virtue
beyond the outward rectitude of legnlism.
Virtues and vices are classified according as the
former are more proKtable, the latter more
harmful to society (Ecclus. xviii. 20; Wisd.
viii. 7). Account is taken of actions, not of
motives. A material view of life runs through
all the Books ; virtue will bring its own reward,
vice its own punishment on earth ; the individual
lives and dies to himself. As a rule, too, the
recompense spoken of is a material one to be
meted out on earth ; earthly prudence is made
the basis of morality. In some exceptional
passages (e.g. Tob. xiii. 14; Wisd. i. 15, iii. 1,
vi. 18; Ecclns. iii. 18; Baruch v. 2), the
reward is that which is granted in the spiritual
life; and a hieher demand is made upon the
exercise of faith. But we find, on the whole,
few traces of thought in which approach is made
to the loftiest standards of human morality,
such as is presented in the description of " the
just man " (Wisd. ii.).
The judgment to be, passed upon men is a
judgment according to works (Ecclus, xvi. 12,
14). A man's own deeds can justify him before
God : his sins are forgiven for the honour which
he pays to his parents (Ecclus. iii. 3, 14); for
his almsdeeds (Ecclus. iii, 30, xxix. 12 ; Tob. iv.
10, xii. 9, xiv.). The martyr's sufferings on
earth will receive their recompense in the world
to come (2 Mace. vii. 2, 11, 14). By the meri-
toriousness of good works a man not only lays
up treasure for himself (Ecclus. iii. 4), but may
even benefit the future condition of the departed
(2 Mace. xii. 44).
The leas attractive aspect of Judaism fre-
quently obtrudes itself. Even the most Hel-
lenic book in the Apocrypha, the Book of
Wisdom, speaks of the Jews as " the sons
of God," " undefiled seed," " holy people and
blameless seed," &c. (jc.g. Wisd. ix. 4-7 ; x. 15 ;
xii. 19 ; IV. 2 ; xviii. 1). The Second Book of
Maccabees breathes a spirit of vehemently
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APOCBYPHA
patriotic hatred against the foes of Israel (cp.
iv. 1-19; T. 9; viii. 34-36; ii. 8-13; xii. 35;
xiii. 4 ; xit. 27 ; xt. 37). The morality of the
Book of Jadith could only be defended by a
parallel with the deed of Jael ; her rery deceit
is described as piety (ix. 13; xi. 5-8). An
austerity destined to be dispelled by the New
Covenant appears even in the best apocryphal
writings. Thus charity should not be shown to
the sinner (Ecclus. iii.'3-7; Tob. iv. 17); the
harshest treatment is recommended ns the best
traiuing for children (Ecclus. xxx. 9-12); the
curse pronounced upon the wicked is extended
to the wives and children (Ecclus. xl. 15 ; Wisd.
iii. 12, 13); the ferocity of the patriarch Simeon
is applauded (Judith ix. 2).
(v.) In their representation of personal and
national religion the books of the Apocrypha
reflect the spirit of the age in which the Jewish
religion was impersonated by the scribe more
truly than by the priest. The daily actions of
the layman no less than the functions of the
priest were regulated by rule. Legalism had
invaded every relation of life.
The Book of Tobit, which presents so attrac-
tive a picture of family relations, makes men-
tion of the three elements of the devout life —
prayer, fasting, alms (xii. 8), destined t-o re-
ceive OUT Lord's exposition in the Sermon on
the Mount (Matt. vi. 1-18).
Prayer occupies a most prominent part in
the religious duties of the people. In every
Book of the Apocrypha its necessity and efficacy
are illustrated (e.g. 1 Esd. viii. 53, 75-90;
2 Ead. vii. 36-41 ; Additions to Esth. iv. 16 ;
Tob. xii. 8, 15, xiii. ; Judith ix., xvi. 1-17;
Wisd. ix., xviii. 21 ; Ecclus. xxxii. = xxxv. A. V.
13-17 ; The Prayer of Azarias ; The Song of
the Three Children ; The Prayer of Manasses ;
1 Mace vii. 37, xi. 71; 2 Maco. x. 16, 25;
3 Mace. vi. 1-15; Bar. ii. 14, iii. 1-8). In
times of tyranny and oppression it was the only
weapon in the hand of the poor and defenceless
(Ecclus. iv. 6 ; xxi. 5 ; xxxii. 13-17).
In two passages we have an allusion to the
"places of prayer" (r^of rpoinvxvs), or
"prayer" (»^Kwr«ux^t prosevcha), where the
Jews used to assemble for their devotions.
In 1 Mace. iii. 46, Mizpah is mentioned as
having been in old time a place of resort for
purposes of prayer; in 3 Mace. vii. 20, the
thankful Jews are said to have built a "pro-
seucha" by the side of a monument erected
on the banks of the Nile to commemorate their
preservation. " Hallelujah " (iXXigAovIa) is the
cry of public thanksgiving (Tob. xiii. 18; 3
Mace. vii. 13), The response of the people in
public prayer, " Amen," is noticed in Tob. viii.
8; 1 Esd. ix. 47; 3 Mace vii. 23; 4 Mace,
xviii. 23 : cp. Judith xiii. 20, xv. 10.
Great importance is attached to fasting. The
Apocrypha shows how prevalent and important an
element of religious life this custom had become.
The Book of Tobit ranks fasting with prayer (xii.
8). Of Judith we are told, "She fasted all the
days of her widowhood, save on eves of sabbaths
and sabbaths, and eves of new moons and new
moons, and feasts and festival days of the house
of Israel " (Jud. viii. 6). Fasting is often men-
tioned as accompanying speciiil supplication
(1 Esd. viii. 50, ix. 2 ; 2 Mace. xiii. 12 ; Ecclus.
xxxiv. 26; 2 Esd. vi. 31, 35; Baroch i. 5;
APOCBYPHA
Judith iv. 13). The view that fastmg was
something meritorious in itself is asserted in
the passage Tob. xii. 8. The writer of Ectlesi-
asticus however protests that the acfrof fasting
without moral change and moral abstiaence
was a hollow unreality (Ecclus. xxii.=uiiT.
A V. 26), and by his protest implies the pre-
valence of an abuse for which our Lord a feir
generation* later rebuked the Pharisees (Matt,
vi. 1, 2, 16).
Almsgiving seems to have held a position very
similar to that of fasting, and to have been
exposed to the same peril of perversion. Tke
Book of Tobit, which abounds with allnsioBt to
it (e.g. i. 3, 16 ; iv. 7, 8), makes use of the mwt
exaggerated expressions in its commendation.
It " saves from death ; " "it purges away erery
sin ; " " they who practise it shall be filled Tith
life " (xii. 8, 9 ; xiv. 10). The same riew of
the meritoriousness of almsgiving appears in
the Book of Ecclesiasticns, e.g. "almsgiring
maketh atonement for sins " (iii. 30). "Shut
up alms in thy storehouse, and it shall deUrer
thee from all affliction " (xxix. 12). " Brethres
and help are against time of trouble, bot ahis
deliver more than both," xL 24 (cp. vii. 9, 10,
32, 33; xii. 3-5; xvi. 14; xvii. 17; nix. 6;
xxxiv. = xxii. A V. 11; iL 17). So highly
was this virtue prized that the Hebrew woiil
for " righteousness " (flplX) became narroweil
down in its application so a< to mean "almv
giving" only. An early hint of this nx of
" righteousness " (Sixaioo-^) in the sense of
" mercy," " charity," may be seen in Tob. iL 14:
Ecclus. xliv. 10; see also Daniel iv. 27. The
suggestion, however, that " righteousness " oc-
curs in the sense of "almsgiving," in Wisdom
viii. 7, is quite untenable.
The importance of such religious duties grew
in the estimation of the people, as it becan?
evident that the strict observance of the Temple
ceremonial was impossible for the multitndss of
Jews who formed the Diaspora (2 Mace i. 27 ;
Judith V. 19) and lived at great diitances fron
Palestine, " the dispersed among the Gentiles."
The Book of Tobit describes how a NapbtaliU
received the reward of a religious life of prayer
and almsgiving. The Book of Judith shorn
how God manifested His power not to prinU
and elders and men of renown, but to •
Simeonite woman, on account of her unwavering
faith and her life of fasting and prayer sail
purity. Bat, although the moral is eialtel
above the ceremonial (Jud. xvi. 16 ; Ecclus. xiii.
18-26), the Law of Moses is in no way depre-
ciated. Tobit is described as going often V>
Jerusalem at the feasts, bearing the necesasrr
offerings and tenths, as ordained by the Law of
Moses (i. 6, 7); he abstains from eating the
bread of the Gentiles for fear of pollution (i. H).
Judith too is most scrupulotis lest she shooli
contract ceremonial defilement by eating UT*
thing unclean, at the very time when she Kens
to set every moral restraint at defiance in order
to compass her daring purpose (Jadith xii. i\
The dread of this particular source of cetemooisl
defilement is the sign of the pious Jew ; death
or starvation is preferred to it (see Jnd. si. ^%
iii. 2 ; 1 Mace. i. 63 ; 2 Mace. v. 27 : nhVfX'
viafUi, 2 Mace. vi. 7, 8, 21, vii. 41 ; and /uiv*'
^or/fo, 4 Mace. v. 26, vi. 19, &c : cp. Daniel L).
The same spirit of legalism animated the mxt
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ardent anj religious minded of the race, who
vert termed Aeideans or *' Puritans " [see art.
AsnoBAHSJ. One thousand of these forerunners
of the Pharisaic party preferred to suffer death
rather than to raise a hand in self-defence upon
the Sabbath, and so pollute the sacred day
(1 JJaec. ii. 34-38). The regard for the Sabbath
liaj appears in 2 Mace vi. 6 ; viii. 26 ; zii. 38 ;
IT. 2. The rite of circumcision was strictly
oiBtinned by pious Jews in face of tierce oppo>
ation (1 Mace i. 60, 61). Proselytes were sub-
jected to it (Jud. xir. 10). The Maccabean
patriots zealously pari6ed the Temple and re-
stored its sacriticial system (1 Maec. ir. 36-56).
The two didactic books, as might be ex-
pected, emphasize the moral aspect of religion.
The Book of Wisdom practically omits all refcr-
CBce to Leritical worship (except xviii. 21-24) ;
the Book of Ecclesiasticus, which from its eulogy
of Aaron (xlv. 6-22) and of Simon the Just (1. 1-
22) is by some supposed to have been written
by one of the priestly caste, only once or twice
eLewherc toadies upon the subjects of the
priesthood (ixzri. 22 = 17 A. V.X of cere-
monial worship (tu. 29-31 ; xir. 11 ; xixi.
=ixxiT. A. V. 18; ixxii.=ixxv. A. V. 6), of
Jerusalem, and the Temple serrices (xxir. 10, 11).
The true sacrifice is the keeping of the Iaw and
righteousness of life (Ecclns. xxxii. = xxxt. A. V.
1-12; Wisd. iii. 6). The glory of the scribe
(£eclas.x. 5; xxxviiL 24; xxxix. 1-11; xlir. 4:
cf. 2 Mace ri. 18) has begun to eclipse the glory
of the priest. True " wisdom " in both Books is
identical with " the fear of God," and " the fear
of God" (referred to at least forty-four times in
Ecdesiasticos) with the teaching of the Law
(Eeclns. xxiii. 27). The knowledge of it is the
possession of the wise man. It is bound up in
proTerfa* (Eoclus. viii. 8 ; xviii. 27, 28 ; xxxix.
2, 3 ; ilTii 17) ; it belongs to the " mysteries of
God" (Wisd. ii. 22 : et vi. 22); it is hidden in
parables which the sagacious man will ponder
well (Eedus. iii. 27=29 A. V.), and of which
the discovery is laborious (liii. 25=26 A. V.).
At the foundation of all life, public and domestic,
lie the law and the Commandments of God (e.g.
Ecclus. ii. 16; xxiv. 22-27; xzir. = xxxii.
.\. V. 23 ; xxiTi. = ixiiii. A. V. 2, 3 ; iixii. =
xxiT. A V. 1; xxxix. 1, 8; xlii. 2; xHt. 20;
xIt. 5 ; xlix. 4 ; Ii. 19). The Law of Moses was
still the standard of Jewish national life (1 Hacc.
i. 52; a. 27; xiT. 14>
Other books record for tis the general Tene-
ration for the serrice of the national sanctuary.
The safety of Jerusalem and the Temple is
appermost in Jewish thought (Jod. ir. 2).
Jerusalem is "the holy city" (2 Mace. ix. 14;
Ecdus. xxxiii. 18=xxxTi. 13 A. V.). The war
of indepemlence was waged for " the people and
the sanctuary " (1 Hacc. lit 58, 59). Jerusalem
is spoken of as the place where all the tribes
aasemble for sacri6ce at the Feasts (cp. Tobit
t 4, T. 13 ; Judith xvi. 18 ; Bar. i. 10). The
Tcctitntion of fall honour to Jerusalem is the
prayer of the Jew in captivity (Bar. t. and
Tobit xiii.). The First Book of Esdras is wholly
dcToted to the subject of the restoration of the
Temple The First and Second Books of the
Maccabees abound in allusions to the national
importance of the sanctuary at Jerusalem, the
maiatcnance of the Leritical worship, the di»-
takctioa between clean and unclean, the obser-
WBLE DJCT. — VOL. I.
APOOBYPHA
193
ranee of the Sabbath, &c. (e.g. 1 Mace. i. 44-47,
62, 63; ir. 37-60; vii. 33, 36, 49.; i. 34;
xii. 1 1, &c.). On the other hand the memorable
principle that God chose the place for the people,
not the people for the place, is stated in 2 Mace.
T. 19 (dAA' oil Suk rhr riwov rh fivos iAAct tiA
rb Mrai rby riwov i icipios ^{cA^taro). The
conduct of the apostate high-priests Jason and
Aleimui and the Uellenizing faction created a
powerful reaction in fiirour of the old Mosaic
worship and the old religious customs. The
men who were ready to renounce their country's
God and worship, abolish the ancient rite of
drcumcision (1 Mace. i. 11-15), and introduce
the shame of the gymnasium within the pre-
cincts of Jerusalem, were denounced as apostates
(1 Mace. ii. 15; 2 Mace. r. 8). In the First
Book of Maccabees, the epithets " transgressors "
(mpdno/un, 1 Mace. i. 11,34; x. 61; xi. 21^
" lawless " (iroiiMi, ii. 44 ; iii. 5, 6 ; rii. 5 ;
ix. 23, 58, 69; li. 25), "impious" (i<rt$t7t,
iii. 15; ri. 21 ; rii. 5; ix. 25, 73) are regularly
applied to the Hellenizing faction and their
supporters.
We catch glimpses of the pre-eminent authority
of the high-priests (Ecclus. 1., Simon the Just;
2 Mace. zr. 12, Onias), as well as of the harm
they could do their country by a betrayal of
their trust (e.g. Jason and Alcimus, 1 and 2
Mace). They were assisted by a Senate, " the
Sanhedrin" (yipouvta, Judith ir. 8, xi. 14, xr.
8 ; 1 Mace. xii. 6 ; 2 Maec. i. 10, iv. 44, xi. 27 ;
3 Mace i. 8: cp. wptrfiirtpoi, 2 Maec. xiii.
13). The establishment of synagogues, presided
orer by elders, secured the municipal adminis-
tration (cp. Judith ri. 16, and the Story of
Susanna).
The danger of idolatry in its old form was no
longer the besetting temptation of the Jews of
Palestine. " The apostates " in the Maccabean
age desired the favour of the Greeks, not the
pririlege of their worship. The secret of their
apostasy lay in commercial, social, and political,
not in religious, motives. The apocryphal
writings directed against idolatry to bring it
into contempt and ridicule (i.e. Bel and the
Dragon, the so-called Epistle of Jeremy = Baruch
ri.) seem by their very feebleness to indicate that
they could never hare been written to meet any
urgent religious crisis. The former contains
humorous legends ; the latter is a monotonous
diatribe. The probability that in Alexandria
more enticing forms of idolatrous worship were
presented to the Jewish populace, may account
for the indignant outburst against paganism
which distinguishes the latter portion of the
Book of Wisdom (see more especially chaps,
xii. to xr.). " For the worshipping of idols is
the beginning, the cause, and the end of all
eril," is the epitome of the indictment (xir. 27).
One more point under this head deserres at-
tention, t.e. the reneration of the Jews for their
sacred Books. The orders of Antiochus Epiphanes
to destroy and bum all " the Books of the Law "
(ra 0tP\la roi yifuiv) or any "Book of the
Corenant" (0i0Xloy tuMiKTis) that might be
found among the Jews (see 1 Mace i. 56, 57),
coupled with the unpatriotic conduct of the
Hellenizers, only served to heighten the national
devotion to the Scriptures. The public unrolling
of the Book of the Law was looked on as a
religious ceremony in a time of distress (1 Mace.
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Hi. 48). The )>ossession of " the holy Books "
(t4 fiyio ^i/3Xla), " the Iaw and the Prophets,"
was regarded a.i a source of strengthening and
comfort in the hour of danger (1 Mace. xii. 9 ;
2 Mace. XT. 9). Another passage (2 Mace. viii.
23) relates that tleazar, a brother of Judas
the Maccabee, was appointed " to read the
holy Book " (rh Sytay $t$\ioy) for the Jewish
forces, and that the appointment to this office
was esteemed so highly as to be recorded side
by side with the appointment of captains to the
three divisions of the army (cp. the title of Ezra,
iiyayvuffTiis ydfwv KvploVf 1 Esd. riii. 8, 19 ; ix.
39, 42, 48, 49).
We 6nd in the Apocrypha, too, the first
certain intimations of the final stage in the for-
mation of the 0. T. Canon. The Prologue to
the Book of Ecclesiasticus refers to a triple
division of the Hebrew Scriptures into the Law,
the Prophets, and the Writings (e.g. {i<k Toi;
yiliav Koi Twy ttfo^nfTmy KcU tAv kot' cinohs
4KaXov9i)K<$T«r, roi; y6ixov xa) r&y rpo^nfriy
Koi rmi iXXmv worrfim fiifiximy, 6 y6itos Koi al
Ttpo^nrrtiai Kal rjt Xonrck T&y fiifiXlvy). The
Second Book of Maccabees (ii. 13) is supposed
by some to contain a genuine tradition as to the
formation of the Canon by Nehemiah. It
describes how Nehemiah, "founding a library,
gathered together the acts of the kings and the
prophets and the writings of David, and the
epistles of the Kings concerning the holy gifts,"
alluding probably to the work of collecting
the sacred writings, which tradition with good
reason assigned to the age of Nehemiah. The
same epistle (2 Mace. ii. 14) records that Judas
Maccabaens made a similar effort to collect the
sacred writings which had been lost or scattered
during the war with Syria. The legend that,
after the destruction of the Temple and the
burning of the sacred Books by the Chaldeans,
Ezra was endowed with Divine power to restore
the twenty-four Canonical Books of Scriptore,
besides seventy books of esoteric learning, is
based upon 2 £sd. xiv.
The writers of the apocryphal books fre-
quently cite from the Old Testament and from
the LXX. Version, and thus supply important
indirect evidence as to the date both of the
completion of the Canon and of the Alexandrine
Version. Among the more important) of these
quotations and allusions in the earlier Books
of the Apocrypha are Wisd. iv. 10 = Gen. v. 24
(LXX.); £cclus. ii. 18 = 2 Sam. zxiv. 14;
Ecclos. xvii. 17 = Deut. xxxii. 8, 9 (LXX.) ;
Ecclus. xliv. 16 = Gen. v. 24 (LXX.); 1 Mace.
Tii. 17 = Ps. Ixxix. 2, 3 (LXX.); 2 Mace
vii. 6 = Deut. xxxii. 36 (LXX.) ; 3 Mace.
vi. 8 = Jonah ii. 1 (LXX.) ; 1 Mace. i. 54
cp. Dan. ix. 27, xi. 31 (LXX.). The story
of Daniel is referred to in 1 Mace. ii. 59, 60 ;
of Esther, in 2 Mace. iv. 36. The words of
Amos (viii. 10) are directly cited (? from LXX.)
in Tob. ii. 6. Ecclus. xxvii. 26 appears to quote
the LXX. of Eccles. x. 8, though it is possible
that both passages may accidentally present the
same proverbial expression (cp. Prov. iivi. 27)
in the same words.
An acquaintance with the earlier books of the
Apocrypha may perhaps be traced in the books
of later composition. The formation of 3 and
4 Maccabees presupposes ,in acquaintance with
one or both of the earlier volumes ; a remark-
able correspondence of idea* may be seen in
2 Mace. ii. 2 with the Epistle of Jeremiah ; tlie
words of 3 Mace. vi. 6 recall the Greek of The
Song of the Three Children ». 27.
(vi.) The subject of escAato^y acquired in-
creasing importance as the political indepen-
dence of the people declined. More definitely
referred to in the Apocrypha than in the
Canonical Books of ^the O. T., it engrosses the
main portion of the apocalyptic literature com-
posed at the time of, or shortly titer, the
nation's overthrow by Titus.
Before "the last things" the "full measure
of time " is to be fulfilled, Tob. xlr. 5 (tit roi
Xpiyov o8 i* irXijp«»flg t xpi'Of Tfir laufm).
But the knowledge of it is hidden from the sons
of men (2 Esd. vi. 10 ; xiiL 52). The woes—
the sign of the Messiah's coming — are described
(2 Esd. ii. 27 ; xv. 5, 24). Elij.ih was to be the
forerunner (Ecdns. ilviii. 10). The glorioui
renovation of Israel is pictured in Judith rvi 13-
17 ; Ecclns. 1. 23, 24 ; and the restoration of the
scattered tribes to the land of their fathers ii s
freqnent theme of patriotic prayer (Tob. liii.
10, xiv. 5; Baruch ii. 34, iv. 37, v. 5; 2 Msec
ii. 18; Ecclus. xxxiii. 11 = xxxvi. A. V. 11;
xxxvi. 16-22 = 11-17 A. V.).
How material a conception this national hope
must have been, is indicated by the fact that the
possibility of a future state is nowhere realizetl
in the books of Palestinian origin. " Hades" is
these books is merely a vague region of death
(Ecclns. ix. 12; xiv. 12, 16; xvii. 32; xxL 10;
xxviii. 21 ; xli. 4 ; xlviii. 5 ; Ii. 5 ; — Bar. ii 17 ;
iii. 11, 19). There is no thought of a yWuro
life in the Books of Baruch and Judith, nnle^
thetitleof "Eternal" applied to the Almii^tr
be deemed an exception (Bamch). In the First
Book of Maccabees there is no allasion to the
condition after death ; and the reference t« it
which some have found in " an eternal name "
(tyofia aitiyioy, ii. 51; vi 44; xUi 29), "u
eternal priesthood " (itpavini aivna, ii. 54)—
phrases based on 0. T. language — is not strii^T
relevant. In the Book of Eccleiiasticni v» have
an allusion to " eternal joy " (tb^poiriyti mint,
ii 9X but, in the face of such passages as ivii.
22-26, xli 4, it is scarcely probable that the
writer was acquainted with a positive doctrine
of immortality. The passage in xlviii. 1 1 which
appears in the A. V., " Blessed are they that
saw Thee and slept in love " (iv 070*^(1 «•
KOiiaiiUyoi), is due to a corruption in the text.
The right reading gives us "and are adcntd
with love " (iy iymrtitrti KtK»<rfiiiit4yai), which
seems to have been altered in later times in
support of the doctrine of the Resurrection.
The circnmstances of death are the test «f tife
(Ecclus. xi 23-26); "the last things " (l<rx«To)
of a man are his departure from earth (ii 3 ;
iii 24; vi. 27; vii 36; xiv. 7; xii 10:
xxviii 6 ; xxx. 1 ; xixviii. 20 ; xlviii. 24).
In Alexandria the doctrine of the immortality
of the soul naturally accompanied the view
which regarded death as the sonl's release from
the prison-bouse of the flesh. The Book of
Wisdom asserts the immortality of man (ii-
23; iii. 4; v. 15; vi. 20; viii 13, 17); and
although it is stated that " to know the power
of God is the root of immortality " (xv. 3), the
Book does not deny, as some have maintained,
the future existence of the wicked. The denial
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APOCBYPHA
of nnmorUlity U part of the prexnmptuons
«tt«riiice of the ungodly (ii. 1-5). The future
life of the righteous is pictured in several
[■usages (iii. 7, 14; it. 2, &c; t. 15, &c.).
Bnt the doctrine of the immortality of the
Msl does not, in the Book of Wisdom, include
tht doctrine of the resurrection of the body.
'[he Second Book of Maccabees shows, howerer,
kw strongly the thought of the resurrection
)nd fasten«l itself into the minds of some among
tke Jews (yii. 9) ; " the King of the world will
raise ns np, who have died for Hia laws, unto an
eterasl renewal of life " (ci't ciirtov iyafiluatr
(wis, cp. Tii. 11, 14, 36; liv. 46). It even
gtre rise to prayers and ofierings for the dead
that their sins might be forgiven. The famous
passage illustrating this application of the
doctrine relates how Judas Maccabeus sent 2000
dnchms "to Jerusalem to offer a sin-oflfering,
doing therein rery well and honestly, in that he
«u mindful of the resurrection. For if he had
not hoped that they that were slain should
hare risen again, it had been anperfluous and
ram to pray for the dead . . . Whereupon he
made a reconciliation for the dead, that they
might be delivered from sin " (xU. 43-45> At
fint the application of the doctrine of the
resnnectiDn seems to have been limited only to
the Jevish race, and is directly denied in the
case of Antiochns Epiplianes, the penecntor of
the nation (vii. 36, 37). The Fonrth Book of
Vaocabees constantly refers in very concrete
terms to the doctrine of eternal happiness and
of eternal punishment.
The Final Jadgroent appears as an earthly
Tiutation m the Book of Judith, and the ven-
geance encted upon the wicked is described under
the Imageryof " the fire and the worm" (Judith
111 17; cp. Ecclns. vii. 17). la the Book
of Wisdom the day of judgment is probably
implied hi the expressions iv xcupfi ^urKoir^t
ainir (iii. 7), iv Vf^^Pf Siceyyiiirftts (iii. 18),
h nXMrfttfi^ a/iafmindTcir abrir (iv. 20).
The future condition of the wicked is described
»5 hopeless (iii. 18; T. 14), "fiJl of suffering"
(ir. 19), "envelo|»d in darkness" (xvii. 20:
<T>. Bar. vi. 71 ; Tob. iv. 10). The eternal
punishment of the lost is reiterated with terrible
vehemence in the Fourth Book of Maccabees
(ii. 9 ; X. 11, 15 ; iii. 12 ; liii. 14 ; xviii. 5, 22).
The Second Book of Eadras foretells that, after
the Messiah had reigned for 400 years, both he
aad all living flesh shonld die ; that then the
Mott High should be revealed upon the throne
of judgment ; that the lake of torment should
•pfear and over against it the place of rest — the
Otrhenaa and the Paradise of delight, into which
the Hades of departed spirits should be divided
(rii. 29-42).
V. Tie Text of the Apocrypha. — The books of
'he Apocrypha have been preserved to us mainly
through the preservation of the Alexandrine
Vtraion of the Old Testament. The MSS. of the
Apocrypha are, therefore, generally MSS. of
the LXi., and are very considerable in number.
Unfortunately nearly all these USS. are cursives.
Only nine uncial MSS. are known to contain the
Apocrypha or portions of it.
(1) Of these uncial MSS. by &r the most im-
Pwtant is the Codex Vaticanua (=11. in Holmes
'*1 Ptnona, and Fritzsehc) of the 4th century,
»Mth originally contained the whole of the Old
APOCBYPHA
195
and New Testaments. It has preserved to us
the text of 1 luulras. Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus,
Additions to Esther, Judith, Tobit, Baruch with
the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Additions to
Daniel. The Books of Maccabees are wanting.
(2) The Codex Sinaiticus (cent, iv.) at St.
Petersburg and (Cod. Frederico-Augnstanus) at
Leipzig (=X. in Fritzsche), which also originally
contained the whole of the Old and New Testa-
ments, has the Additions to Esther, Tobit, Judith,
1 and 4 Mnccabees, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus,
(3) The Codex Alexandrinus (cent, v.) at the
British Museum (= III. in Holmes and Parsons,
and Fritzsche), which originally contained the
whole of the Old and New Testaments, has pre-
served to OS the entire Apocrypha, t.e. Baruch
with Epistle of Jeremiah, Additions to Daniel,
Additions to Esther, Tobit, Judith, 1 Ksdraa,
1, 2, 3, 4 Mnccabees, the Prayer of Manasses,
Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus.
(4) The Codex Ephraemi (cent, v.) at Paris
(=C in Fritzsche), a palimpsest, in the Old
Testament contains only fragments of the
poetical books, including about half of Wisdom
and the greater part of Ecclesiasticus.
(5) The Codex Venetns (cent, ix.), an uncial
MS. in the library of St. Mark's, Venice (= 23
in Holmes and Parsons, and Fritzsche; V. in
Lagarde), has Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch
with the Epistle of Jeremiah, Additions to
Daniel, Tobit, Judith, 1, 2, and 3 Maccabees.
(6) The Codex Basiliano-Vaticanus, 2106
(cent, ix.) at the Vatican (=XI. in Holmes and
Parsons, and Fritzsche), has 1 Esdras (except
viii. 1-5 and ix. 2-55), and the Additions to
Esther.
(7) TheCV>dex Marchalianus (Vaticanua, 2125 ;
cent. vii. = XII. in Holmes and Parsons, and
Fritzsche) has Baruch with Epistle of Jeremiah,
and Additions to Daniel.
(8) The Codex Cryptoferratensis (cent, viii.), a
palimpsest, edited by Jos. Cozza at Rome, 1867,
has fragments of Baruch with Epistle of Jere-
miah and the Additions to Daniel.
(9) Another uncial MS. (cent. vii. ?) at St.
Petersburg, discovered by Tischendorf, not yet
collated, contains fragments of Wisdom and
Ecclesiasticus.
The extant cursive MSS. have preserved to us
great varieties of text, the discussion of which
belongs rather to the articles upon the separate
books of the Apocrypha and to the article Sep-
TUAOrST.
One point of interest which has been estab-
lished by recent researches deserves to be
noticed here. Field {Prolegg. in Bexapla OrU
ginit, pp. Ixxxvii., Ixxxviii., 1875) has pointed
out that certain cursives and the texts used by
Chrysostom and Theodoret represent the revision
of the LXX. Version by Lncian of Antioch. It
has not yet been ascertained how far traces of
such a revision can be found in the Apocrypha.
But it may be useful to note that of the MSS.
which Field has thus identified, the following
contain portions of the apocryphal Books : —
19 = Cod. Bibl. Chig. Rome (cent, x.) contains 1 Esdras
li. Ift-ix. 38, the Additions to Esther, Juditli, 1.
a, 3 Msixabeea,
2] = Brtt. MuB. (cent, xl.) contains Bamch.
36 = Cod. Vat. No. 347 (cent. xlll.). 48 = Cod. Vat. Na
1J94 (cent, xl.), 61 = Cod. Medic. Lib. (cent. si.).
90 = Cod. Bibl. Laurent, (cent. ix.\ I47=Cod. Bodi.
O 2
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ATOCRYPHA
Oxf. (cent, xill.), 333 = Co<L Vtt. Ko. 20(7 (o^nt.
xii.) conuln Biiruch with £p. of JemnUh und
Additions to DanieL
«2 = Cod. Oxf. (cent, ziii.) oontklns Buriich wlili £p.
of Jeremiah, Additlona to Daniel, 1, 2, 3 Maccabees.
•3 = Cod. Arundel, Brit. Mas., containa Eadraa, Addi-
tions to Estlier, 1, 2, 3 Maccabees.
108 = Cod. Vat. No. 330 (cent, xt.) contains Eadras,
Additions to Esther, Judith, ToUt.
308 = Cod. Vindob. contains Ecclesissticns.
VertioM. — For more detailed information npon
these versions, consult the articles Vebsions
(AscaBNT) and Vuloate.
Under the head of the Latin translators, the
work of Jerome most be carefully distinguished
from the Old Latin Version. It is well known
that Jerome's celebrated revision of the Old
Testament was based upon the Hebrew original,
and that he did not consider himself concerned
with books which were not extant in Hebrew.
He consented, however, at the urgent entreaty
of two bishops. Chromatins and Heliodorns, to
undertake the revision of two apocryphal books,
Tobit and Judith (see Hieron. Praefat. in ver».
libri Toh,, m iier$. libri Judith'), on the ground
that they were extant in Chaldee. The work
was executed hastily and carelessly. Upon his
version of Judith he spent one night (Auic
unam luctAratiunculam dali), and treated Tobit
in the same perfunctory way (uniiu diei laborem
arripui). The text shows strange and arbitrary
variations, for which the Chaldee can hardly
be held accountable. He did not attempt to
translate literally (turn ex verbo verbum trana-
ferens\ and the general result is that of an
unsatisfactory paraphrase.
Besides the Books of Judith and Tobit, he
introduced into his version a rendering of the
Greek Additions to Esther and Daniel, which he
took care to distinguish from the translation of
the Hebrew text by the mark of an obelisk
(" obelo -t- id est veru praenotavimus "). The
Additions to Esther he did little more than
paraphrase ; but, in his rendering of the Addi-
tions to Daniel, he followed Theodotion's Version,
and was more literal.
The Vulgate Version therefore contains four
books of the Apocrypha (Tobit, Judith, Addi-
tions to Esther, Additions to Daniel), which re-
present Jerome's work. It has been a disputed
]>oint whether his revision is to be traced in
any other books. Jerome himself says in his
Preface to the Books of Solomon, " In the case
of the Book which by many is entitled the
Wisdom of Solomon, and in the case of Ecclesi-
osticus, which all know is the work of Jesus,
the son of Sirach, I have withheld my pen,
wishing to revise for you the canonical Scrip-
tures only," which seems to put it beyond all
doubt that Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus were left
untouched by him; and if these two Books
were excluded from his project, it is not likely
that he would have paid attention to the other
apocryphal writings. It is best, therefore, to
explain the presence of a double Latin text in
the Books of 1 Esdras, Baruch, and 1 .in<I 2
Maccabees, not by Hieronymian revision, but bv
the existence of various (e.g. Africin, Italian,
Galilean) recensions of the Old Latin, or by
renderings of variant editions of the LXX. text
(e.g. Hexaplar and Lncian).
The remaiiung apocryphal books of the Latin
APOCBYPHA
Vulgate Bible belong in like manner t« a
recension of the Old Latin VendoD, while in
most cases a second recension earlier or later of
the Old Latin Version has also come dotrn to
us. Thus 1 Esdras is preserved not only by the
Vulgate, but also, in a later revision, by the
Codex Colbertinus, 3703; Baruch has tw»
recensions of the Old I^tin, one preserved in the
Vulgate, another a later revision edited by
Sabatier. The Volgate has a later and more
polished recension of the earlier Old Latin
Version of 1 Mace, which is found in Codei
Sangermanensis 15. An earlier recension of
2 Mace, than the Vulgate is given in Cedei
Ambrosianus E. 76.
The Book of Tobit has come down to us in
two recensioiu of the Old Latin ; a rougher and
older one preserved in Codex Ambrosianus E. 76,
the other a more polished revision of it ia
Vaticanus 7. The Book of Judith is preserved
in the old Version in five MSS. given by Sabatier.
The Additions to Esther appear in Codex Cor-
beiensis, and show a marked resemblance ta
the Lucianic revision of the LXX. given by
Codd. 19, 93*, 108^ The Additions to Daniel
are only fragmentally preserved in quotatioiu
as collected by Sabatier; like Jerome's lendci-
ing, they are based upon Theodotion's Version.
Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus ore preserved in
the Vnlgate recension of the Old Latin.
The Third and Fourth Books of Haccaheei do
not appear in the Vulgate Bible, and are net
extant in any ancient Latin Version. The
Second Book of Esdras (not extant in the
Greek) is preserved in an early recension of the
Old Latin. The lacuna in the text of Codd.
Sangermanensis, Turicensis, and Dresdensis was
happily supplie<1 by Bensly's discovery of the
missing fragment in the Amiens Codex. Two
other MSS. have since confirmed the restoration
of the text. On the history of this discovor,
see It. L. Bensly's " Hissing Fragment."
The Syriac translation of the Apocrypha ii
also extant in two forms, (1) the Peshitto or
Svriac Vulgate, (2) the Hexaplar.
(1) The Peshitto Syriac (given in Walton's
Polyglott, and Lngarde's LAr. Vet Test. Apoc
Syriace) contains Wisdom, the Epistle of Jeremy,
Baruch, Additions to Daniel, Judith, Eccle-
siasticus, Apocalypse of Baruch, 2 Esdras, 1, S,
3, 4, 5 Mace (4 Mace, being the history ef
Eleazar and Samona, 5 Mace, the so-called 6th
Book of Josephns' De BeU. Jud.).
(2) The Hexaplar Syriac, or Origen's Hexa-
plar Version of the LXX. translated into
Syriac, is of the highest value for the determina-
tion of the text. The greater portion is pre-
served in the Codex Syro-Hexaplaris Ambmi-
anus (C. 313 inf.; cent, viii.) at Milan, which
contains Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baracb. the
Epistle of Jeremy, and the Additioiu to Daniel.
There is good reason to suppose that the
Version included also 1 Esdras, Tobit, Jndith,
Additions to Esther, 1, 2, 3 Mace, and the
Prayer of Manasses.
There exist also Arabic, Ethiopic, and (Coptic
Versions based upon the LXX. of which the (all
value has not yet been ascertained. [See art.
Version.]
Two Hebrew Versions of the Book of Tobit
were edited in comparatively recent times:
that of Paul Fagius, Constantinople, 1517 ; and
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APOCBYPHA
tint »( Selmtian MuDstcr, Basic. 1342. The old
Childee Vernon of Tobit, edited by Neubauer
(Book of Tobit, Oif. 1878), has be«n a dUcoTery
of great interest tod importance.
A good critical edition of the text of the
books of the Apocrypha is still mnch needed.
jptdtl diScDities are presented by the number
of mterpolations (particularly in Ecclesiasticus)
vliich hare found their way into the text, and
if the riral texts, of which we have extant
i-ptdmeos in Tobit, Judith, and the Additions
to Esther.
ni Englitk Version. — The choice of books
admitted into the Apocrypha of the English
Yenioo was apparently determined by the
<ODt<nU of the ordinary HSS. of the Vulgate.
Hence 2 Esdras was included, although it was
sot eitaat in the Greek ; and on the other
iund 3 Maccabees was excluded. The Prayer
«t' Usaaises, omitted by Corerdale, was inserted
in Matthew's Bible, and, though again omitted
in the Gtneran Bible, has retained its place in
ail the authoritative revisions. The plan of
truslsting the Apocrypha from the Greek
Venioo, vhere pcasible, instead of from the
Vslgitc. was first adopted in the Genevan
Bible (1560), and was followed in the subae-
<]iicnt English translations. The translators
of the Aathorized Version of 1611 depended
for their text upon the Complntensian Poly-
glot (1J17), the Aldine edition of the LXX.
<1518), and Jnnius' Latin translation (which be
nude for his father-in-law Tremellins, 1389).
Ho lyitematic investigation of the text was
nude, bat changes of reading were sporadically
introdnced. Many pniely llitin readings were
permitted to remain.
A flesh revision of the Apocrypha is in
coiuie of preparation, aa part of the Revised
VersioB of the Bible.
TL Liteniwrc. — Kor editions of the text see
under art. Septuaoint. The most useful
sepsiate edition of the books of the Apocrypha
<• that of 0. F. Fritzsche, Libri Apocri/phi Vetera
TabataU Oraeee (lipaiae, 1871), whose text is
folknred in this article ; but unfortunately the
collation of the Vatican US. is not completr,
sad the readings copied from Holmes and Parsons
'vaM always be relied upon for accuracy, while
tb< evidence of Versions and quotations is com-
pustirely speaking neglected. The separate
edition of Apel (Lips. 1837) deserves notice as
iuTisg been the moat serviceable until that of
Frituche appeared.
Ihe best modem commentary upon the books
of the Apocrypha is Grimm and Fritzsche's
Bmdback (3 vols., Leipzig, 1851-1860), con-
taiaiag a minnte and searching investigation
isto ilmost every verse, and careful prolegomena
<» each Book. In English, Bisaell's Apocrypha
<{ He Old Tettament, in Lange's Commentariet
<T. T. Clark k Son, EdinbnrgbX which is largely
iodebted to the German work, is a helpful con-
tribution to the exegesis of the books. A popular
"oaaenUry has been brought out by the S. P. C. K.
^'Idcr Commentaries are by Cornelius a Lapide,
Antwerp, 1664 ; Grotius, Paris, 1644 ; Arnald,
^"im, 1744. An edition for English readers,
^Xaiaing all " the additional matter found in
*^ Tolgate and other ancient Versions," is
"fflicd by Chnrton's Uncanonioal and Apo-
APOLLONIUS
197
cryphal Scriptures (Whitaker: London, 1884),
which also contains a useful, concise introduc-
tion to the whole collection, and to the several
books. Wahl's Clavit is a valuable lexicon to
the Apocrypha, thongh far from accurate or
complete; Schleusner's Lexicon is a storehouse
of good materials for the language ; Trommius's
Concordance is indispensable, but sadly defective.
Winer's Grammar of Jf. T. Greek (Uonlton's
edition) is also of great service.
The substance of this article was written
some time before the appearance of the
Speaker's Commentary on " The Apocrypha,"
2 vols. (Murray, London, 1888). Although the
treatment of the various books is somewhat
unequal, this work must be welcomed as by
far the most important investigation of the
Apocrypha that has ever appeared in the English
langu^e. It opens with a masterly " General
Introduction " from the pen of Dr. Salmon.
Schiirers Oeschichte des JUdischen Volket in
Zeitalter Jesu Christi (Leipzig, 1886) contains
most valuable assistance for the study of Jewish
apocryphal literature.
Of other books which have been c .nanlted for
the purposes of this article, the following require
more especial notice : —
Herzog-Plitt's Real-EncyMopSdie; Hamburger's
Real-Encykhpdd. fir Bibel u. Talmud; Smith's
Bible Diet. (ed. 1); Einleibm^n, by Eichhom,
Bertholdt, De Wette-Schrader (1871), Bleek (ed.
Wellhausen, 1886), Kaulen; Zoeckler's Hand-
buck; Histories of Israel, by Ewald, Gr&tz, Herz-
feld, Reuss; Body, De Textibus; Westcott's Hist,
of the Canon, History of the English Bible, Intro-
duction to the Study of the Gospels ; Charteris,
Canonicity ; Reuss, History of the Canon ; Words-
worth, On Inspiration ; Cosin, On the Canon ; Pri-
deaux's Connexion ; Furst, Kanon d. A. T., 1868 ;
Bloch, Studien stir Oeschichte der Sammlung der
Althebr. Lit. 1876 ; NSldeke, JSdische Literatur,
1878; Hansrath, A. T. Zeitgesohichte ; Dmm-
mond, Jewish MessiaJt ; Edersheim, Life and
Titnes of Jesus the Messiah; Taylor, Sayings
of the Jeicish Fathers. [H. E. R.]
APOLLCNIACAvoAAMctaXa city of Mace-
donia, through which Paul and Silas passed on
their way from Philippi and Amphipolis to
Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1). It was in the
district of Mygdonia (Plin. iv. 10, s. 17), and
according to the Antonine Itinerary was distant
30 Roman miles from Amphipolis and 37 Roman
miles from Thessalonica (Conybeare and Howson,
The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, i. p. 340,
4th ed.). Id other authorities (e^. the Pentinger
Table and the Jerusalem Itinerary) there is a
slight difference. The city is to be placed
somewhere on the Via Egnatia, where that road
crosses from the gulf of the Strymon to that of
Thessalonica, but its exact site has not been ascer-
tained. A little village, Pollona, south of Lake
Bechik (the Bolbe of Aesch. Pers. 490), possibly
per|ietuates the ancient name. Others prefer
Klisali, a post station seven hours from Saloniii,
This city must not be confounded with the more
celebrated ApoUonia in lUyria. See Diet, of
Anc. Geography and Murray's Ildbk. of Greece,
s. n. [F.]
APOLL(yNro8('A»-oXX<ir<ot). 1. The son of
Thraaaeus, governor of Coele-Syria and Phoeuice,
under Seleucus IV. Philopatob, b.c. 187 sq..
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APOLLOPHANES
a bitter enemy of the Jews (2 Mace. iv. 4), who
urged the king, at the instigation of Simon the
commander (irr/nTiryifi) of the Temple, to plunder
the Temple at Jerusalem (2 Mace iii. 5 tf.).
The writer of the Declamation ou the Maccabees,
printed ■among the works of Josephus, relates
of Apollonius the circumstances which are com-
monly referred to his emissary Heliodorus (De
Mace. 4 ; cp. 2 Mace. iii. 7 sq.).
2. An officer of AntiochusKpiphanes, governor
of Samaria (Joseph. Ant. xii. 3, § 5 ; 7, § 1), who
led out a large force against Judas Maccabaeus,
but was defeated and slain B.C. 166 (1 Mace iii.
10-12 ; Joseph. Ant. iii. 7, § 1). He is probably
the same person who was chief commissioner
of the revenue of Judaea (ipx"" ^poXoylas,
1 Mace L 29 ; cp. 2 Mace. v. 24), who spoiled
Jerusalem, taking advantage of the Sabbath
(2 Mace. V. 24-26), and occupied a fortifieil
position there (B.C. 168 ; 1 Mace. i. 30 sq.).
8. The son of Menestheus (possibly identical
with the former), an envoy commissioned (B.C.
173) by Antiochus Epiphanes to congratulate
Ptolemaeus Philometor on bis being enthroned
(2 Mace. iv. 21). An ambassador of the same
name was at the head of the embassy which
Antiochus sent to Rome (Liv. xlii. 6).
4. The son of Gennaeua (d rov Tfyraiou: it
seems impossible that this can be des edlen Apoll.
Sohn, Luth.), a Syrian general under Antiochus
V. Eupator, c. B.C. 163 (2 Mace xii. 2).
5. Tub Daian (Ados, Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4,
§ 3, ie. one of the Dahae or Dai, a people of
SogdianaX a governor of Coele-Syria (t^p Srra
iirl K. X, 1 Mace x. 69) under Alexander Balas,
who embraced the cause of his rival Demetrius
Nicator, and was appointed by him to a chief
command (1 Mace. /. c. K(rr4<mift, Vulg. con-
atituit daoem). If he were the same as the
Apollonius whom Polybius mentions as foster-
brother and confidant of Demetrius I. (probably
a son of 3, ivoiv {nrapxoyrolv iiStX^oty, M(Xc-
liypov Kal KtrfirSitas, Polyb. xxxi. 21, §2),
his conduct is easily intelligible. Apollonius
raised a large force and attacked Jonathan, the
ally of Alexander, but was entirely defeated by
him (B.a 147) near Azotus (1 Mace. i. 70 sq.).
Josephus {Ant. xiii. 4, § 3 sq.) represents Apol-
lonius as the general of Alexander at the time
of his defeat ; but this statement, though it has
found advocates (Wemsdorf, de fide lAr. Mace.
p. 135, yet doubtfully), appears to be untenable
on internal grounds. Cp. Grimm and Speaker's
Commentary on 1 Mace x. 69. [B. F. W.]
APOLLOPH'ANES CA»oXAo^k«*.ii ; Apol-
lophanes\ a Syrian, killed by Judas Maccabaeus
(2 Mace. 1. 37). [G.]
AP0LL08 ("AiroAAcii, shorUned form of
'AiroWimos, which is the reading of Cod. D,
Acts xviii. 24 ; Ajiollos).
Setting aside as an open question the conjecture
that ApoUos wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews
[Hebrews, Epistle to the], we have two prin-
cipal sources of information concerning him :
(1) Acts xviii. 24-28, and (2) scattered notices
in 1 Cor. From the former we learn that he
was an Alexandrian Jew, who came to Ephesus
between St. Paul's first and second visits. (Fur
the probable influence of his native city upon
his studies and faith, see Alexandria.) He is
described as iyiip Kiytos. There is no doubt
AP0LLO8
that in later Greek (e.g. Plutarch, Pompeks, 51)
this word meant " eloquent," but the earlier vA
more frequent sense of " learned " is fully as
snitable in this instance. He had already Ixen
instructed in the way of the Lord, and began at
once to teach the things concerning Jesus (so K. V. ;
'Iqirov, not Kvpiov, is undoubtedly the trne read-
ing), so that it cannot be alleged that his teschiag
was only concerned with Messianic hopes which
he did not know to be fulfilled. But he knew only
the baptism of John. The essential difierences
between the baptism of John and Chriiti&u
Baptism appear to be that the former wst nut
(like the latter. Acts ii. 38) a baptiim in the
name of Jesus, nor was it accompanied by the
gift of the Holy Spirit. ApoUos' ignonaoe of
this higher Baptism implies not merely that he
had not personally received it, but that he haj
not learnt the kind of faith in Jesus which sncii
Baptism implies. Probably, while acctpti&f
Him as the Messiah, he had very inadequate con-
ceptions of His person and work (Acts xviiL 26).
Further he was probably not aware of the gift
of the Holy Spirit bestowed on the baptized.
The case of the twelve Ephesian disciple* whicli
follows immediately (Acts xix. 1-7) most \*
taken in close connexion with the acooont cf
Apollos. Either they were disciples of Apollo*,
or they were at any rate in much the same
position. That their Baptism is mentioned, and
not that of ApoUos, seems to be due to the fact
that they only were at Ephesus when St. Paul
came back, and therefore they only at that time
received the gift of the Spirit after their Bap-
tism, which is the point of the narrative. We
are not to conclude with Ewald (Geadacite ia
V, I. vi. 474) that there could be no qnesti<mos°
baptizing again such a man as ApoUos. " Fer-
vent in spirit " (cp. Rom. xii. 11) does not impir
the possession of the distinct and, at that Uhk.
unmistakeable gifts of the Holy Spirit. Hit
addresses in the synagogue attracted the notict
of Priscilla and Aquila [AqtJlLA]. When more
fully instructed, he desired a new field of wori.
and would naturally be directed by his instruc-
tors to their old home, Corinth, the capital ei
Achaia, Thither he went with commendat«rr
letters. It is instructive to compare the depar-
ture of Apollos, not an Apostle, to his wori:.
with the mission of the Apostles Barnabas am
Saul (Acts xiii. 1-3). Here we have Apollos
setting out by his own wish (fiovhiiitnt), and
the brethren are merely described as encoor^in;
him (itpoTft^iiuiioi). His success at Corinth
was great, especially in controversy with tlie
Jews. His activity was not confined to the
synagogue or private houses, but, like St. Pial,
be spoke in public ({i)fia<r(f ; cp. Acts ix. 2ti).
We now take up the second but earUer iOOKe
of information (1 Cor.), written after Apolliis
had returned to Ephesos. Here we find that >
party had formed at Corinth which took the
name of Apollos (1 Cor. i. 12); that Apolioshal
watered what St. Paul had planted (1 Cor. iii-
6); that St. Panl had wished Apollos to go to
Corinth, but had been refused (1 Cor. xvL 13)
These are the facts stated, but further infercDces
can be drawn from the first four chapters. Ex-
aggerated statements with regard to the Co-
rinthian parties (for a good summary of vi««t
see Scbenkel, Sibel-Lex. art. KorintMerirkfi)
must not drive ns into the other extreme of
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APOLLYON
denying the cxisteoce of real divisions under
deSnite names. Tlie fact of an Apollos partjr
<ioe> not inculpate Apollos in its formation. In
chapters i.-ir. St. Paul is mainly dealing with
just such a form of oppositiou as migtit have been
expected to develop itself from an exaggeration
of the views and methods of a learned Alexan-
drian Christian. Without adopting the absurd
suggestion of a paronomasia in i. 19, it seems
dJrticalt to deny that the presumable methods
of Apollos, exactly a contemporary and a fellow-
dtizen of Philo, would encourage the Corinthians
to desire that cro^ia Kiyov which St. Paul so
emphatically disclaims, contrasting it with his
own preaching of an objective Christ. " Christ
Knt me not to baptize, but to preach the Gospel :
not in wisdom of words, lest the Cross of Christ
jhould he made void " (1 Cor. i. 17). Some
hare gone fnrther, and have seen in the verse a
rebuke of such a disproportionate view of the
plact of Baptism in evangelistic work as would
be natural in a mere disciple of the Baptist.
Whatever occasion Apollos may have involun-
tarily given to error and party-spirit in the
Church, which he had " helped much through
grace," we know distinctly that he stood aloof
from those who claimed his name, and was
entinly trusted by St. Paul. St. Paul "be-
■onght" Apollos "much" to join the mission
which was to go to Corinth for the good of the
Chnrch. The request was worthy of St. Paul's
generous and discriminating wisdom, but it was
refilled by Apollos with self-denying prudence ;
" It was not at all his will to come now " (1 Cor.
xvi. 12). It is easy to guess that he feared that
his presence might stimulate party-feeling
instead of allaying it. Once again his name
meets us in Tit. lii. 13. He is in Crete with
Titos, and the latter is charged to send him on
his way with necessary provision.
On the whole we may conclude that the ap-
fiearance of Apollos formed a crisis in the
history of the Chnrch, which was mercifully
brought to a good issue. Fiixt the spread of a
rudimentary faith and an imperfect baptism is
prevented by the agency of Priscilla and Aquila,
and secondly the growth of an unsubstantial
allegorising Christianity is checked by St. Paul
himielf^ without losing the loyalty of the bril-
liant teacher who had occasioned it. Nothing
is known of the later history of Apollos. Tra-
dition makes him bishop of Caesarea (^Menol.
Oraec. Basil, u. 17).
See Neander, Planting and Ihiining, Bk. III.
c vii. ; Conybeare and Howson, vol. ii. c. xiv. ;
'Ipotto in Schenkel's Bibd-Lex. [E. R. B.]
APOLLTON (^AmWian) ; Apollyon), or, as
it is literally in the margin of the A. V. and
R. V. of Rev. ix. 11, "a destroyer," is the
rendering of the Hebrew word Abaddon, " the
angel of the bottomless pit." The Vulgate adds,
*" Latine habens nomen Exterminans." The
Hebrew term is really abstract, and signifies
"destruction," in which sense it occnrs in Job
xivi. 6, xxviii. 22; Prov. xv. 11, and other
passages. The angel Apollyon is further de-
-HTilied as the king of the locusts which rose
from the smoke of the bottomless pit at the
Konding of the 6fth trumpet From the oc-
rorrence of the word in Ps. Ixxxviii. 11, the
BabUa have made Abaddon the nethermost of
APOSTLE
199
the two regions into which they divided the
under world. But that in Rev. ix. 11 (see
Speaker'a Commentary, note) Abaddon is an
angel, and not an abyss, is perfectly evident in
the Greek. There b no authority for connect-
ing it with the destroyer alluded to in 1 Cor. x.
10; and the explanation, quoted by Bengel,
that the name is given in Hebrew and Greek,
to show that the locusts would be destructive
alike to Jew and Gentile, is farfetched and nn-
necessai-y. The Semitic etymology of Asmodeus,
the king of the demons in Jewish mythology,
seems to point to a connexion with Apollyon,
in his character as " the destroyer," or the
destroying angel. See also Wisd. xviii. 22, 25.
[Asmodeus.] [W. A. W.] [F.]
APOSTLE (iirifoToXot, apostolus). It will
be convenient to divide this article into (1. ) a
discussion of the term and its usage ; (II.) a
brief account of the apostolic college.
I. (1) Usage outside the N. T.— The Greek
word from which the Latin and English forms
come is an adjective derived from iiroirT^AXei,
and means "sent," but "sent with a commis-
sion to act," delegated. As bxoirriWv means
more than trinTu (Westcott, Gospel of St. John,
XX. add. note), so iiritrro^os is more than
iyytKos. In classical Greek iw6<TTo\os acciden-
tally became limited to a special meaning, " a
naval expedition," and so gives no help for the
sense of " Apostle " in the N. T. Bnt passages
quoted by Bp. Lightfoot {Qalaiians i. detached
note) show that the word iir6<rToKos was in use
among the Jews to designate persons " despatched
from Jerusalem by the rulers of the race on any
foreign mission, especially such as were charged
with collecting the tribute paid to the Temple
service."
(2) Usage in the N. T. — The sense in which
the word is used in the N. T. has, with one ex-
ception to be mentioned below (c), no connexion
with either of the special usages above men-
tioned, and is drawn simply from the etymology
of the word, whether H vE' or lew6<rTO\os. It
will be evident that the use of iiroirr^AAM, as
well as that of iw^trvoXos, must be kept in view
throughout the inquiry. Three uses may be
distinguished by having regard to the Person or
Persons by whom the "Apostle " is commissioned,
(a) Sent by the Father. In this view Christ Him-
self is an Apostle (Heb. iii. 1 ; cp. Luke iv. 43,
John xvii. 18). And in Luke xi. 49 the term is
apparently applied to God's human messengers
sent before the Incarnation. (6) Sent by Christ,
either directly or through the agency of the
Spirit. This is the application which we have
to discuss. (c) Sent by men, as were the
brethren mentioned in 2 Cor. viii. 23, and there
described as &ird(rToA.o< iiacXriiniy, " apostles or
delegates of the Churches." Again, Epaphroditus
is cal led ifiHy iirdoTo Aov, " your delegate " (Phil,
ii. 25), as being the bearer of the contributions
of the Philippians. Probably Andronicus and
Junias, who are described (Rom. xvi. 7 ; R. V.) as
being M<ninot tv rois iirooT^Xoir, " of note
among the apostles," were also apostles in this
sense, i.e. delegates of a Christian Church, though
other explanations are admissible. On the whole
it would appear that this sense of the word may
have been borrowed from the Jewish usage
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APOSTLE
APOSTLE
mentioneJ above, as both the Jewish and Christian '
delegates were occupied with the care of contri-
bations. The account given by Philo (de
Monarchia, ii. H) of the selection by merit of
the most approved persons to carry the con-
tributions of the Dispersion to Jerusalem, shows
that this system was before St. Paul's mind in
his institution of meuengers {iar6<rroXioi) of the
Churches to take charge of the alms (see 2 Cor.
viii. 18-23).
We may now dismiss (a) and (c), and confine
our attention to (6) Apostles sent by Christ.
The usage of the title with regard to these
persons is not uniform in N. T. authors. With
St. Luke it is in frequent use, in the Acts almost
exclusively, and in his Gospel concurrently with
ol /lofiirrai (the disciples) and ol tMtKa (the
twelve). As might be expected, the usage of St.
Paul's Epistles agrees with that of St. Lake.
On the other hand, St. John never employs ol
lni6aro\oi (the Apostles) as the title of the
Twelve, but describes them as " the disciples."
Between these two extremes stand the Gospels
of St. Matthew and St. Mark. Each of these
uses the term " the Apostles " once only : St.
Matthew at the moment of their 6rst mission,
and St. Mark at its close. In both cases it is
plain that the use of the substantive iatiaroXos
is in close connexion with the nse of the verb
iMiMrriKKtc, and with the fact of the mission.
The divergence of usage noticed above may
perhaps be explained as follows. The name of
"Apostles "was conferred on the twelve disciples
■ by Jesus Himself (Luke vi. 13), with immediate
reference to their Brst mission, and also with a
view to their ultimate work. It did not come
into promiuence until, after the Ascension, their
calling as disciples gave way to their work as
missionaries. St. Lake's use of the name
" Apostles" in his Gospel is due to the usage of the
time in which he wrote, and is not rigidly accu-
rate. But in the period covered by the Acts
this name had become the recognised title of the
Twelve. It was thus that the Church avoided
the inconvenience of a merely numerical desig-
nation, which was liable at any time to become
incorrect by the death of members of the college.
The title " the disciples " had of course become
too general to be sufficiently definite, although
St. John, writing much later, adheres to it for
the sake of historical exactness. But it was not
long before circumstances showed that the title
thus substituted for " the Twelve " was not
equivalent, but had a wider range. The Twelve
were the antitypes of the twelve patriarchs, and
the spiritual progenitors of the new Israel (see
Matt. xix. 28 ; Luke xxii. 30 ; Rev. xxi. 12, cp.
V. H). But the Gentile world was included in the
Gospel, and also needed its Apostles. Notwith-
standing their commission to " all the nations "
(Matt, xxviii. 19), the Twelve act as if only
conscious of an apostleship to the Jews, though
of course this appearance may be due to our
lack of information. It was therefore absolutely
necessary that other apostles should be ap-
pointed who were not of^ the Twelve. Two of
the prophets and teachers of Antioch, Barnabas
and Saul, were separated and sent forth by
express direction of the Holy Spirit (Acts xiii.
1-3). Henceforth they are both called Apostles
(Acts xiv. 4, 14 ; 1 Cor. ix. 5, 6). More doubt-
fully, but probalily, Silvanus or Silas is also
included by St. Paul among "the Apostles o(
Christ " (1 Thess. ii. 6 ; and perhaps 1 Cor. ir.
9). A distinct apostolate of or to the Gentiles,
of which St. Paul is a member, isatSrmed by him
in Rom. xi. 13 and (by implication) in Gal. ii. 9.
We have then two opposite tendencies at work,
one tending to appropri.ite and limit the wider
name "Apostles" to the Twelve, against which
St. Paul vigorously protests by bis constant
claim of the title. On the other hand, out of
this protest of St. Paul, and out of the increasing
importance of the Gentile Church, arise* a second
tendency, just discernible in the N. T., to include
in the apostolate all duly authorised missionary
teachers. The evidence for this wider signifi-
cance lies in 2 Cor. xi. 13 and Rev. ii. 2, which
prove that the limit* of the apostolate were not
BO definite as to prevent interlopers claiming t«
belong to it. The question who these interlopers
were, and what is the meaning of "the Terr
chiefest Apostles " (2 Cor. iL 5 ; xii. 11), beloap
to the exegesis of 2 Cor. and requires fuller
discussion than can be given here (see Speaker't
Commentary m locis). It is probable, as Senfleit
( Crtprung de» Apostolates) maintains, that the
strife whether St. Paul was an Apostle or sot,
to which 2 Cor. testifie*, may have tended ts
define and enhance the office of the apostolate
in the eyes of the Church. SeuSert's view,
however, goes a great way beyond this. Ac-
cording to him, the apostolate as a corporate
institution is not to be explained as an appoint-
ment of Christ Himself, but simply as a de-
fensive reaction in Jerusalem against St. Panl'i
free work among the heathen. And on tb<
other hand it was St. Paul who, by defendiag
his right to belong to the apostolate, exalted and
stereotyped the lati-r and narrower conception
of the office which had originated with hit
opponents.
(3) Usage in later autAors. — The Teadtag
of the Twelve Apostle* (see Diet, of Christian
Biog. s. n. "Teaching" &cX dating probsbk
from the beginning of the 2nd centnry, shovt
the tendency to extend the term "Apostle " muck
more fully developed ( Teaching, xi. 3-6). Hamack
goes so far as to say that its language puts an esil
to the fable which has until now prevailed witk
respect to the signification of the word " Apottle"
in the earliest times (Lehre der ZaiSlf Afp-,
Harnack, p. 115). It is at any rate clear from
the passage referred to (xi. 3-6) that early in
the 2nd century there were travelling teschen
known as "apostles," and ranking as such above
" prophets," who were entirely distinct from the
administrative officers of the Chnrch, such as
Bishops and Deacons. But it urast be noted
that the very document which give* us this
evidence, witnesses by its title to the special
character attributed in the Church to the apesto-
late of the Twelve, growing in signiBcasce, and
co-existing with the laxer use of the name
"apostle." The patristic usage does not come
within the scope of this article, but the follow-
ing summary of the evidence given by Bisho)*
Light foot, Oa/.,* pp. 99, 100, may be added as
confirmatory of the views stated above : — " At
an early date we find the title applied to the
Seventy, without however placing them on the
same level with the Twelve. This application
occurs even in Irenaeus (iL 21, 1) and Tertol-
lian (adv. Marc. iv. 24). .\bout the same time
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APOSTLE
Clem. Alex, not oaly calls Barnabu 'an apostle,'
bat confers the title on Clement of Rome also.
OrigVD (in Joann, torn. ir. p. 430, ed. Delarae)
•Jiscasse* the term as capable of a very wide
application ; and Eusebios, H. E. i. 12, account-
ing for St. Paul's expression (1 Cor. xr. 7),
speaks of numberless apostles besides the
Twelre."
IL Having thus attempted to deal with the
niage and connotation of the name, we must
gnt a brief account of the coUectire history of
tiie Apostles, including the apostolic commission
an) pririleges, and the work of the apoatolatc
is the derelopment of the Church. The history
of the men themselves must be sought under
their several names. Our concern will be with the
college as a whole, it* training and its activity.
(1) Trauiing. — The call of the individuals,
their selection as a body, and their mission to
preach and heal, must be regarded as separate
events. The call of the iudividuals will be
omitted here, as belonging to their personal his-
tories. The choice of the Twelve as a body,
according to the narrative of St. Luke (vi. 12 sq.),
was made by Jesus Himself after a night of
prayer, and was followed by the Sermon on the
Honnt. The mission did not take place imme-
diately (Luke ix. 1 sq. ; Mark vi. 7 sq.). For the
mission was not the only or immediate object of
the choice, as we learn clearly from St. Mark,
who places the *' being with Jesus " as His first
aim in choosing them, and their mission to
preach a* the second. St. Matthew does not
record the choice, but only their summons to
receive a charge before going forth. The very
words used seem to imply that the Twelve had
been previonsly set apart (Matt. x. I). A main
object of their mission was to "preach the king-
dom of Grod " (Luke ii. 2), and for this they
had been prepared by oar Lard's parables of the
kingdom, delivered for the most part to the
maltitnde, but privately interpreted to the
Apcatlest. They had received an esoteric teach-
ing, which was nevertheless not properly esoteric,
lor it was only hidden that it might afterwards
be made known, and those to whom it was
addressed were not selected as intellectually
capable of advanced teaching, but, so far as
mental gifts went, were samples of the average
intelligeoce of the nation. They were armed
for their mission with supernatural gifts and
protection, and to emphasise these were for-
btddea to make the commonest provision for
the jonmey. No details are given of the events
of their mission. It cannot be doubted that its
object was much more the preparation of the
AposUes for their subsequent employment (cp.
Luke xxii. 35, 36) than any immediate result.
The aext point of importance i* the confession
of St. Peter at Caesarea Philippi (Matt. xvi. 13,
aad parall.): Their recognition of their Master
as the Messiah was followed by the annonnce-
raent of His coming sufferings, and by the seal
of Hi* Measiahship afforded by the Transfigura-
tioB. Taken together, these event* imply a
great advance in the training, though even till
the last days (Luke xviii. 31-34) the reality oi
tike Passion was very imperfectly apprehended
i>y then. The next step is marked by the Last
Cixoanes recorded by St. John only (John xiii.-
ivi.), which have well been called the Self-
rertlation of Jesus to His disciple*. The Resur-
APOSTLE
101
rection and the conversations of the great forty
days form another stage. Then follows the day
of Pentecost, which crowns their slowly acquired
faith and knowledge with new and instantaneous
gifts. And the last step i* reached when St.
Peter's account of his mission to Cornelius
silenced Judaic objectorx, and they "glorified
God, saying. Then to the Gentiles also hath God
granted repentance unto life" (Acts xi. 18).
(2) The active tcork of the college dates of
course from their first mission, aad runs parallel
with their training. Neither the gift of the
Spirit bestowed by the risen Lord (John xx. 22),
nor that given by the ascended Lord (Acts ii.),
are to be understood as confined to the Apostles.
But the narrative of the Acts shows them a*
taking the lead in the most decisive way. It is
they who preach (Act* ii, 14), who work
miracles (r. 12), who withstand opposition
(v. 29), who receive the contributions of
believers (iv. 35), who establish a new ministrj-
nnd consecrate those who are to fulfil it (vi. 2 sq.).
They remain in Jerusalem when the rest of the
Church i* scattered after the death of St. Stephen
(viii. i). They, with the brethren, receive St.
Peter's report of the conversion of Cornelius
(Acts xi. 1), and as a natural consequence dis-
patch Barnabas on his mission to Antioch
(xi. 22). Now comes a new epoch. The lost
history of ApoUonins, quoted by Euseb. S. E.
r. 18, preserves the tradition that " the Saviour
had commanded His Apostles not to depart from
Jerusiilem for twelve years." This period would
be complete about the time of the martyrdom of
James the brother of John, and the persecution
which accompanied it. A withdrawal of the
remuining Apostle* from Jeru*alem at this time
would fall in with indications in the narrative,
especially with the prominence into which the
elder* (of rpt<r$iTtpoi) advance, who have not
hitherto been heard of in the Church. To the
elders are bronght the aim* from Antioch
(xi. 30). The Apostles and elders receive Paul
and Barnabas (xv. 2, 4), and " are gathered
together to consider of this matter " (xv. 6).
In xxi. 18, we have reached a further stage.
The elders are no longer merely associated with
the Apostles as the governing body of the Church
of Jerusalem, but altogether take their place
under the presidency of James. On the impor-
tant question of the relation of James to the
apo*tolic college, and hi* poiition at Jerusalem,
we must refer to another article [Jaxes TUE Sox
OF Alphaeus].
Apostolic amunitsion and privileges. — The
original commission of the Twelve has already
been noticed, but we have also two instances of
supplementary appointments, (a) The choice
of Matthias to fill the place of Judas (Acts i.
15-26) is regarded as made by the Lord Him-
self, the lot being only His instrument (e. 24).
The office of the Twelve is here (v. 25) definitely
described a* imaroXii (miasion or apostleship),
and not only as Steutoyia (ministry). A qualifi-
cation is required : namely, membership of the
band who bad followed Jesus in Hi* mini*try
from the very beginning (v. 21). And a new
feature is added to the work, that of witnessing
to the Resurrection of the Lord (r. 22). (6) The
appointment nf BamalHU and Saul (Act* liii.
1-3) has fresh features. The initiative is given
by the direct prompting of the Holy Spirit.
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202
APOSTLE
There u no mention of a vacancy to be tilled np,
bnt the commission is given with a view to the
work to be done. It is accompanied with fast-
ing, prayer, and imposition of hands. The event
is not distinctly described as an admission to
the apostolate, but the two have not gone far
on tiivir journey Iwfore they are spolsen of as
Apostles (xiv. 4). It is instructive to compare
with this narrative the mission of A|hi11os to
Corinth (xviii. 27). Here is no apostleship. He
went " when he was minded," and the brethren
merely " encouraged " him. Contrast with
this " they being sent forth by the Holy Ghost "
(xiii. 4). This mission by the Holy Ghost is the
fulfilment of the Lord's promise to Paul, " I
will send thee forth {iiarotrrf\A) far hence
unto the Gentiles" (Acts xxii. 21).
The essential mark of an Apostle was the
commission from Jesus Himself, or from the
express direction of His Spirit. But St. Paul
appears to imply (1 Cor. ix. 1) that having seen
the Lord was also requisite. This must mean
the Risen Lord, and, so understood, accords
exactly with St. Peter's definition, " a witness
with US of His Resurrection " (Acta i. 22). The
prominence given to the subject by St. Paul in
his preaching shows that be regarded this as a
main part of his apostolic duty. Other marks
of an Apostle were the power to communicate
the gift of the Spirit (Acts viii. 17; xix. 6); to
perform miracles (Matt. x. 1 ; 2 Cor. xii. 12) ;
and to win converts (1 Cor. ix. 1). The first
of these seems to have been an exclusive charac-
teristic. When given mediately by human
agents, the Apostles were the agents. De Wette
{ApostelgeschichU,* p. 123) forcibly insists on
this point, but of course with his usual object
of discrediting the narrative. In one case it is
distinctly stated that the appointment of elders
was made by Apostles, namely by Paul and
Barnabas, Acts xiv. 23 ; bnt in Tit. i. 5 the
same function is delegated to Titus. A marked
privilege of an Apostle, though extended in the
Pastoral Epistles to elders, was sustentation by
the Chnrcli. This privilege was no doubt based
on the terms of the original commission. Matt.
X. 10. It is fully stated by St. Paul in 1 Cor.
ix., bnt only that he may renounce the use of it.
We gather that his self-denial was represented
by his opponents as a flaw in his claim to the
apostolate.
Work of the apostolate in the development of
the CAurcA.— Both St. John and St. Paul take
up the symbolic language of our Lord to St.
Peter (Matt. xvL 18^ and use it to set forth
the relation of the Church to the collective
apostolate (Rev. xxL 14; Eph. ii. 20). The
Church was built on the testimony of the
Apostles, and its organisation was determined by
them. But beyond this, two points may be
noticed to which St. Luke specially calls atten-
tion. It depended on the Apostles for its unity
in doctrine and in fellowship. "They con-
tinued stedfastly in the Apostles' teaching and
fellowship " (Acts ii. 42). There was a " teach-
ing" of the Apostles. During their long stay
at Jerusalem, and in the course of their work
there, it is probable that that common oral
Gospel took shape which preceded the written
narrative of the Synoptists (Westcott, Introd.
Study of Goapeb, iii.). The collective action of
the Apostles prevented inaccurate and divergent
APOTHECABIES
views of our Lord's life and work from obtaining
currency in the Church. (On the essential unity
of apo:>tolic teaching, see Neander, Pftammg
imd Leit'tng.) There was also a " fellowship "
of the Apostles. They formed a personal centre
to which all Christians and all congregations of
Christians attached themselves. The Church
was apostolic first and catholic afterwards. Not
only the college but the individual Apostls
secured this unity by their action. A common
relation to St. Paul was the outward link of
unity between the Churches which acknow-
ledged him as their founder. And the impor-
tant body of apostolic delegates, such asTimothy
and Titus (Rothe, Anfangc Chr. Kirche, § 36),
were subordinate links of unity.
In conclusion, it should be observed that a
fundamental difHcuIty besets the question of the
nature of the apostolate. Our knowletlge of it>
authority and activity is derived in great
measure from one instance only, that of St
Paul. Certain things were done by St. Paul, and
in virtue, as he constantly asserts, of his apo-
stolic office; but this scarcely enables os to
generalise with regard to the other Apostles.
The office was of Divine appointment and carried
recognised rights, but its signification depended
on the man who exercised it and the special
gifts imparted to him. We cannot suppose tliat
the unrecorded lives of apostles barely knows
by name would show an activity like that if
the Apostle of the Gentiles, though sudi a
belief probably contributed to the compositioB
of the fictions known .is Acta Apottolonm
Apocrypha (ed. Tischendorf ; cp. R. A. Lipdu,
Die Apokryphen Apostclgeschichtcn «. AposSd-
legenden). St. Paul's own words are no empty
boast, "I laboured more abundantly than ther
all : yet not I, but the grace of God which was
with me" (1 Cor. xv. 10).
On the name and office of an apostle t«e
Bishop Lightfoot, Galatians, detached note.
which has been freely used in this article ; also
Hamack, Lehre der Ztcdtf App., pp. lll-ll!?.
For the history of the Apostles and their work,
see especially Neander, Pfianzimg vmd Lattag
{Planting of the Christian Church, Bohn's
transl.), passim. Dr. A. B. Bruce, Traaung ^
the Twelce, is lengthy but useful. Rothe.
AnfSnge Chr. Kirche, § 36, should be referred to.
SeufTert's Der Vrspntng vend die Bedeutung da
Apostotates is worth reading, but its extravagant
paradoxes are based on the assumption that the
evidence of the Gospels and Acts on the subject
deserves no confidence : Harnack's critidsm
{Iheol. LUeraturzeitmg, 1887, No. 20) ahould b*
read with the book. Weiszticker, Das Apotto-
lische Zeitalter, pp. 606-613, is more cautions.
The literature of the subject is scanty. [E. R. 6.]
APOTHECABIES. In Keh. iii. 8, Hananial^
one of the repairers of the wall of Jenualem, i>
described as "the son of one of the apotlw-
caries " (D'n^"in-J3, R. V. marg. « perfumers " ;
cp. the fern, in 1 Sam. viii. 13. The "son
of" indicates membership in a guild ; cp.
D'K'aan '33). The LXX., arguing from tne
analogy of the other names, took the word for
a proper name, and reads A. Prnce^ Bii-
'luoKti/t ; Vulg. filita pigmentarii. The msrsr-
rendering of R. V. is that adopted by all
modems. [S. R. D.]
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APPAIM
APPATM (D'BK, the nostrSi; A. 'A^*^.*!,
B. 't^fiifi ; Appkaim), son of Nadab, and
detcended from jerahmecl, the founder of an
important family of the tribe of Judah (1 Ch. ii.
.10, 31). The succession fell to him, as his elder
brother died without issue. [W. A. W.] [K.]
APPEAL. In the patriarchal times, appe«l
voald lie to the head of a family, and (if
Dwesstry) to the yet higher authority of the
potritrcii or head of the tribe, from whose
•iwision there would be no appeal. This was
tlie practice of a nomadic people. It is illus-
trstnl in the case of Tamar. Appeal was made
to Jadah as the head of the family, and be gare
hii decision (Gen. xxxriii. 24). Had Tamar
£>iled in her appeal to his sense of justice
(n. 14, 26), the matter would in all probability
hiTt been tried before Jacob, as the bead of the
tribe. During the period of the bondage in
Egypt "the elders of Israel" (Ex. iu. 16, 18,
It. 29, liL 21) were the recognised authorities,
and it nmoised only for Moses to elaborate —
nndtr the guidance of Jehovah — a scheme
aacestrel and acceptable (Num. xi. 16, 24; cp.
li. ihii. 13-26). In this scheme the principle
of appeal will be seen to have a recognised
place. A central court was established under
the pnsidency of the judge or ruler for the
time being, before which all cases too difficult
for the lool courts were to be tried (Deut. xrii.
ti, 9; ni. 16). Winer, indeed, infers from
J««phus (Ant, ir. 8, § 14, ij>avtfiirtra<ray, sc.
cl Smtrral) that this was not a proper court of
appeal, the local judges and not the litigants
iKiog, according to the above language, the
appellants : but these words, taken in connexion
with t former passage in the same chapter (t1
Tis . . . TiKk otT^oK rpo^poi), may be regarded
(imply in the light of a general direction. Ac-
cording to the abore regulation, the appeal lay
in the time of the Judges to the judge (Judg.
■v. S; cp. 1 Sam. viii. 4, 5), and under the
monarchy to the king, who appears to hare
deputed certain persons to inquire into the
facts of the case, and record his decision thereon
(3 Sam. XT. 3). Jehoshapfaat delegated his
judicial authority to a court permanently es-
tabliihed for the purpose, and presided over by
the high-priest for all matters spiritual, and by
" the ruler of the house of Judah " for matters
temporal (2 Ch. xix. 8-11). During the Exile,
"the elders" once more represented the principal
j<idicial authority (cp. Jer. xxix. 1 ; Ezek. xiv.
1, II. 1) ; bat after the return similar courts to
those of Jehoshaphat were re-established by
lot (Ezra rii. 25). After the institution of
the Sanhedrin the final appeal lay to them,
and the various stages through which a case
might pass are thus described by the Talmudists
—from the local consistory before which the
caue was first tried, to the consistory that sat
>■> the neighbouring town : thence to the courts
at Jerusalem, commencing in the court of the
9 that tat in the gate of Shushan, proceeding
to the court that sat in the gate of Nicanor,
and concluding with the great council of the
Suhedrin that sat in the room Gazith (Carpzov.
JflMr. p. 571).
A Boman citizen under the republic had the
tight of appealing in criminal cases from the
deciaioD of a magistrate to the people ; and as
APPU FOEUM
203
the emperor succeeded to the power of the
people, there was an appeal to him in the last
resort. Cp. Pliny, £p. x. 97. See Diet, of Ant.
art. AppellatiO; Paaly, £. E. s. v. Appel-
latio.
St. Paul, as a Roman citizen, exercised the
right of appeal from the jurisdiction of the
local court at Jerusalem to the emperor (Acts
XXV. 11). But as no decision had been given,
there could be no appeal, properly speaking, in
his case : the language used (Acts xxv. 9) implies
the right on the part of the accused of electing
either to be tried by the provincial magistrate,
or by the emperor. Since the procedure in the
Jewish courts at that period was of a mixed
and undefined character, the Roman and the
Jewish authorities co-existing and carrying on
the course of justice between them, Paul availed
himself of his undoubted privilege to be tried
by the pure Roman law. The history of appeal
as it affected the Israelites may be studied in
Scbnell, Das Israelit. Secht m aeintn Grend-
zugert dargestdit ; Salvador, Institutions de
Mdise ; Pastoret, Legislation des Jlebreux ; Cas-
i telli, £a legge del popolo Ebreo. See also the
authorities in Ziickler, Hdb. d. thtolog. Wissen-
schaften, i. pp. 283, 295-6. [W. L B.] [F.]
APPHIA CA»^''o; Appia). A ChrUtian
woman whose name occurs between the names
of Philemon and Arcbippus in the address of the
Epistle to Philemon (Philem. v. 2). From the
position of her name it is probable that she was
wife of Philemon and mother of Archippus. At
any rate she was a member of Philemon's family,
ns the letter is of a private character. Bp.
Lightfoot (Co/oss. and Philem., Introduction to
Philem.) has overthrown the view that Apphia
is only a Greeic form of the Latin name Appia.
By references to Boeckh (Curp. Inscr.) and other
sources he has abundantly proved that Apphia
is a native Phrygian name, the root of which
(with its kindred forms) is probably some Phry-
gian term of endearment or relationship. We
thus gain a fresh testimony to the genuineness
of the Epistle, since Colosaae, the home of Apphia,
was a Phrygian city. [E. R. B.]
APTHU8 (T.' 'Awipois, A. So^^oiSt, B.
Sair^o^s : Apphus), surname of Jonathan Mac-
cabaeus (1 Mace. ii. 5). [G.] [F.]
AP'PII FOE'UM CAinrfoi; <p6por, Acts xxviii.
15) was a very well-known station (as we learn
from Uor. Sat. i. 5, and Cic. ad Att. ii. 10) on
the Appian Way, the great road which led
from Rome to the neighbourhood of the Bay
of Naples. St. Paul, having landed at Puteoli
(c. 13) on his arrival from Malta, proceeded
under the charge of the centurion along the
Appian Way towards Rome, and found at Appii
Forum a group of Christians, who had come to
meet him. The position of this place is fixed by
the ancient Itineraries at forty-three miles from
Rome (Itin. Ant. p. 107 ; /tin. Jlier. p. 611).
The Jerusalem Itinerary calls it a mutatio.
Horace describes it as full of taverns and boat-
men. This arose from the circumstance that it
was at the northern end of a canal which ran
parallel with the road, through a considerable
part of the Pomptine Marshes. There is no
difficulty in identifying the site with some ruins
near Treponti; and iu fact the forty-third mile-
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APPLE-TUEIi
«tone is preserved there. The name i< probably
due to Ap|>ius (^landiu«, who tint conatructed
thia part of the road : and from a paaaage in
Siietonias, it would appear that it was connected
in some way with his family, even in the time
of St. Paul. [Three Taverns.] [J. S.H.] [W.]
APPLE-TBEE, APPLE (WB©,* tappuach;
fiii^r; iiil\U, Sym. in Cant. viii. 5; malum,
malut). Mention of the apple-tree occnn in the
A. V. and R. V. in the following passages. Cant,
ii. 3 : "Aa the apple-tree among the trees of the
wood, to is my beloved among the sons. I sat
down under his shadow with greet delight, and
his fruit was sweet to my taste." Cant. viii. 5 :
-" I raised thee up under the apple-tree : there
thy mother brought thee forth'' [cp. K. V.].
Joel i. 12, where the apple-tree is named with
the vine, the fig, the pomegranate, and the
palm-trees, as withering under the desolating
«ffect* of the locust, palmer-worm, &c The
fruit of this tree is alluded to in Prov. zxv. 11 :
■" A word fitly spoken is like apple* of gold in
pictures [R. V. baskets ; roarg. or, filigree irork]
■of silver. In Cant. ii. 5 : " Comfort me with
applet, for I am sick of love:" vii. 8, " The smell
of thy note [K. V. breath] shall be like apples."
It it a difficult matter to tay with any degree
of certainty what it the specific tree denoted by
the Hebrew word tapptiach. The LXX. and
Vulg. afford no clue, as the terms ^qAoy, malum,
have a wide signification, being used by the
tireekt and Romant to repretent almost any
kind of tree-fruit ; at any rate, the use of the
word is certainly generic. From the passages
in which the word occurs we gather (1) that
it snpplied a grateful shade ; (2) that it had a
peculiar fragrance or perfume ; (3) that it waa
«weet and agreeable to the taite; (4) that it
had a beautiful appearance, its fruit contrasting
with the foliage— "apples of gold in pictures
•of tilver." What fruit-tree growing in Syria
will meet all these conditions? Critics and
vommentatort have roamed through the orchards
of Europe and Atin to identify the fruit indi-
cated, but none of their guesses meet the require-
ments of the case. The quince, the citron, the
orange, the apple, have all had their advocates.
We may examine the claimt of each, and first
the apple. Our apple is not a n.-itive of Syria,
and it can tcarcely exist in to warm a climate.
The German colonittt at Jaffa have attempted to
introduce it, and it barely exitts there, repre-
sented by a few sickly cankered trees with iroall
woody fruit. Dr. Thomson, who, unfortunately,
is generally in>Kirrect in any statement on natu-
ral bittory, writes {Land and Book, p. 544) that
Askelon is celebrated fur its apples, which wonld
not disgrace an American orchard. Unfortu-
nately, at I can vonch from pertonal examina-
tion, there is not an apple-tree near Askelon.
The learned doctor mistook quinces for apples.
The pear is wild in Galilee, Gilead, and Lebanon
on very high elevations, but neither it nor the
Apple can possibly be cultivated with succett in
Palestine or elsewhere. As for the orange,
though it now thrives on the coast plaint, and
the oranges of Jaffa are among the finest in the
* From ni)9> 9<ran'(, In allaston to the perfkune of
the fruK. Uongfaton {PSBi. xil. 43, kc) sUll prefen
the quince.
APPLE-TBEE
world, we have not the slightest ground for
believing that it had been introduced into Pales-
tine till many centuries later than the time of
Solomon. Its congener, the citron, may have
been known, since it is a native of Media,
as ita name Citrut medico, MqXor ^h M^SiKor
(Theophr. Hiit. Plant, iv. 4) implies ; but, as
Theophrattut in the tame passage remarks,
though valued, like its leaf, for its perfume, it is
not eaten, and only uted in decoctiont (jpifiujimi).
It it the handsomest and largest of the orange
tribe in hot climates, and hat a dense shade,
but it never could be said of it, " his fmit was
sweet to my taste." The Jews value this dtren
and carry the fruit on its ttalk at the Feait of
Tabernacles, a custom which it alluded to by
Josephut, who ttates {Ant. xiii. 13, § 5) that
citron boughs were ordered to be carried on thic
occasion. There remaini the quince, which
Celsins and most subsequent writers followins;
him have assigned to the tappuach ; but though
it it fragrant, and " iti scent," says Abu'l Fadli,
" cheers my soul, renews my ttrength, and re-
ttoret my breath," though it was lacred among
the ancients to the goddeta of Love, who is oftea
repretented at holding it in her hand,* no one
wonld tit down under a quince-tree, and prT>-
nounce the fruit sweet to the taste. Nor does
the quince-tree afford so good a shade at mo$t
other fruit-trees. It has often ttmck ut that
most of the diffienltiet of expontort on the point
have ariien f^om their ignorance of the country
itself.
There is one fruit, however, which it not
otherwise mentioned in Scripture, which is most
abundant in the Holy Land, which meett all
the requirements of the context, and the only
one which will do to — the Apricot. It is true
there are no teild apricots in Palettine, but
neither it the apple, quince, or citron wild there :
and the apricot is known to be a native of the
neighbouring country of Armenia, and therefore
probably introduced as early as the vine, which
was brought originally from the same regions,
and is certainly not a native of Palestine. The
apricot ia, with the exception of the fig, perhaps
the most abundant fruit of the whole conotry,
and the cakes of sun-dried apricots, called " Mish-
mash," are to be found in every baxaar in great
quantities. In highlands and lowlands alike, in
the nooks of Judaea, in the receaset of Galilee,
and the orchard foreats of Damatcus, the apricot
flourishes and yields a crop of prodigiont abun-
dance. Many timet have we pitched our tent*
under its shade, and spread our carpeta aecnre
from the rays of the tun. There can tcarcely
be a more delicloutly perfumed fruit than the
apricot, and what can better fit the im.igery of
Solomon, " apples of gold in picture* of silver,"
than this golden fruit, at its branches bend under
the weight of their crop in itt tetting of bright
yet pale foliage ? The fruit has given it* name
to two villaget, Tappuah, one in Judah and the
other in Ephraim (Josh. xv. 34 ; xvi. 8 [cp. xii.
17]). At to the Apples of Sodom, tec Vdce
OF Sodom.
The exprestion " appk of the eye " occurs in
<> Hence the act expretaed by the term ii^\afioKKr
(a»of. ad Arlstoph. JTub. p. 180; Theocr. Id. lU. 10,
V. 88, tc. ; VIrg. JSW. III. *4) waa a token of love. For
numerous testimonies, see Cclttas, Bitrvb. i. tti.
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AQUILA
Stat ixxii. 10 ; Ps. xvii. 8 ; Pror. tu. 2 ; Lam.
u. 18; Zech. ii. 8. The word is the representa-
tirc of itn entiielf different name from that con-
sidered above : the Hebrew word being 'ishdn,'
'little man" — the exact equivalent to the
English pupil, the Latin papUla, the Greek c^pi).
It is curiona to obsenre how common the image
C popil of the eje ") is in the languages of differ-
eol nations. Gesenitu ( Thes. p. 86) quotes from
tlie Arabic, the Syriac, the Ethiopic, the Coptic,
the Persian, in all of which tongues an expres-
iion similar to the English " pupil of the eye "
U fonixL It is a pity that the same figure is not
pmerrerl in the A. V. and R. V., which inrariably
ase the expression " apple of the eye " (in al-
luaon to its shape), instead of giving the literal
tnulatioD from the Hebrew. [H. B. T.]
AQUILA QKidXas; Aquila). 'AxvAai is
merelr the Graeciaed form of the common Latin
Dame Aquila, with which the purely Latin name
of his wife Prisca or Priscilla agrees. The form
Priica instead of Priscilla has MS. support in
three passages. So in Latin authors, Livia and
Livills, ic, occur indiscriminately of the same
person. The name of the wife is placed before
that of the husband in Acts xriii. 18 and 26,
Kom. ivL 3, and 2 Tim. iv. 19. It may perhaps
he inferred that she was the first and more
earoeit convert. Aquila is described as nom-
A» Tf yirti. On the one hand, the occurrence
of tlie cognomen Aquila in the Gens Pontia has
ltd critics rashly to assert that the N. T. Aquila
vas a freedman who had taken the name of
Pontius Aqnila, and that St. Luke had hy
mistake explained his name from the name of
the province [PoNTUS]. But, on the other hand,
tliere is qnite as remarkable a coincidence in
the bet that we know of another Aquila from
Pontos, the author of the earliest Greek Version
of the O.T. after the Christian era [Versions,
.\5CIE!IT (Greek, Aqnila) ; (Targnra, Onkelos)].
As in the cases of Barnabas and A polios, " by
race* (ry y4pfi) indicates only the place of
ancestnil settlement, and not nationality, for
Aquila was a Jew. As a Jew, he with Priscilla
lud left Rome under the edict of Claudius (proh.
»-D. o2X referred to by Suet. Gaud. 25 ; " Ju-
liuos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultnautes
Roma eipulit." [Claudius.] St. Paul fotud
them at Corinth on his first visit, and worked
with them at their common trade of tent-making,
tbt material employed being probably goat's-hair
'.loth, "cilicium," the product of St. Paul's
native province (Smith's Vkt. Class. Antiq. s. v.
Ciliciom). There is no evidence that Aquila
ud his wife wera baptized when St. Paul joined
them, but they must at any rate have been
llirittians when, on St. Paul's departure from
Corinth, they accompanied him to Ephesus, and
woe "left" by him there. It is however
possible that Aqnila was in part attracted to
>lpbesas as a centre of his own trade, though
both the passages quoted by Lewin only refer to
<iie event, the present of a tent to Alcibiades by
the Ephesians. The vow performed at Cenchreae
tffore sailing may be referred to Aquila instead
<|f St Paul, so far as grammatical construction
' "nC^^K- AoMuneuIiu, yjli} \fV^^> bomnnculns
°QS, U. pnpnia. In qua tanqnsm In speeolo bominls
UMfmculim oonspidnina " (Oee. Tha. s. v.).
AB
205
is concerned, bat it is most improbable that so
small a detail should have been thought worth
relating, unless it had concerned the main
character in the narrative. At Ephesus Priscilla
and Aquila soon found important work in teach-
ing Apollos, who had already been " instructed
in the way of the Lord," but needed to have it
" more accurately set forth " to him. They
were still in Ephesns when St. Paul, having
returned thither, wrote 1 Corinthians towards
the end of his three years' stay in the spring of
A.D. 57. It had already become customary for
Christians to assemble for worship in their
house at Ephesns (1 Cor. xvi. 19), as afterwards
in their house at Rome (Rom. xvi. 5. For
TJ)r K<rr* oTKOf ovtwk iKKXttvUiy, see Ughtfoot,
ColoMiani, ir. 15, note). But at the date of the
Epistle to the Romans, probably early in A.D. 58,
they are in Rome, and aro' given a marked pre-
eminence among the Christians dwelling there
(Rom. xvi. 3-5). They are the Apostle's " fellow
workers " by a double title, that of manual and
that of spiritual labour. They are also de-
scribed by St. Paul in this salutation as having
" laid down their own neck for his life." It is
probable that this refers to some courageous act
during those outbreaks of hostility at Ephestia
of which one scene only is given us in Acts xix.
23 sq. It is evident from Acts xx. 19 and 1 Cor.
XT. 32 that St. Paul's life at Ephesus was one of
suffering and danger. It is also noticeable that
the next name in the salutation is that of
Epaenetus, who had probably followed Prisca
and Aquila from Ephesus to Rome (Asia, not
Achaia, is the true reading in Rom. xvi. 5. So
R. v.). The last notice of them is a salutation
in 2 Tim. iv. 19, which points to their being;
at that time with Timothy, and probably again
at Ephesus. The tradition that they were be-
headed seems to be illogically derived from the
suggestion of Rom. xvi. 4. The Greek and Roman
calendar both commemorate them as martyrs,,
the former on Feb. 13, the latte- on July 8.
[E. R. B.]
AB (•!») and AB OF MOAB (aWD "W."
Sam. Vers'. HB'TN; Num. xxi. 15,'Hp;'Deut. 'ii.
9, 18, AF. 'kpoitf, B. iritif, ». 29, B. 'Apo^p^
A. 'KpoftK ; Ar), one of the chief places of Moab
(Is. XV. 1 ; Num. xxi. 28)." From the Onomas-
tioon (OS.* p. 121, 6), and from Jerome's Com
on Is. XV. 1, it appears that in his day the place
was known as Areopolis* and Rabbath-Moab,
" id est, grandi$ Moab " (Reland, p. 577 ; Rob. ii.
166, note).' The site is still called AoMu ; it
• According to Oeaenlus (Jaaia, 616), an old, probabl;
Moablte, fonn of the word T^J, "a dty."
■> Samiritan Codex and Venlon, "as far as Moab,"
■'eadlug li; for *W ; and so also LXX. I<m M.
• We have Jerome's teatimony (OS.' p. 133, 18) that
Areopolis was believed to be so called airb toO 'Apcwf ^
i.e. from Mim. This is a gottd Instance of the tendency
which Is noticed by Trench iEnffliih Pott and Promt,
318, 220) as existing in language to tamper with tbe-
derivaUons of words. He gives another example of it
In '* HIeraaolyma," quoH upx, " holy."
< Hitter (Ayrien, pp. 1212-13) tries bard to make cut
that Areopolis and Ar-Moab were not Identical, and that
the latter was the "city In the midst of th* wady"
[AaoxB] ; but he blls to establish bto point. The argu-
ment for suppoolng Ar to have been on the Araon i&
well stated In ZeUer's BiU. Wartli. p. 95.
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206
AHA
lies about half-way between Kerek and the Wddy
JUSjib, ten or eleven miles from each, the Roman
rosid passing through it. The remains are not
so important as might be imagined (Irby, p. 140 ;
Burckh. p. 377 ; De Saulcy, ii. 44-46, and Map
8) ; but they bear all the marks of a city of the
late Roman period, with abundant traces of an
earlier epoch (Tristram, Land of Moab, p. 111).
In the books of Moses Ar appears to be used
as a representative name for the whole nation
of Moab : see Deut. ii. 9, 18, 29 ; and also Num.
xxi. 15, where it is coupled with a word rarely
if ever used in the same manner, HSB', " the
dweUing of Ar." In Num. ixii. 36 the almost
identical words TD fV are rendered " a city of
Moab," following the Sam. Vers., the LXX., and
Vulgate. [G.] [W.]
ABA' (KTX, Ges.- perhaps = *"1K, a lion;
'Kfi; Ara), one of the sons of Jetber, the
head of a family of Asherites (1 Ch. vii. 38).
[W. A. W.] [F.]:
ABA'B (3"1X, Ges. = ambush ; A. 'Zfifi,
B. Klptii ; Arab), a city of Judah in the moun-
tainous district, pr^ bably in the neighbourhood
of Hebron. 'It is mentioned only in Josh. xv. 52,
and is now probably Kh. er Rahiyeh, south of
Hebron and near ed D6meh (Dumah. P. F.
Mem. iii. 311, 360). [Akbite.] [G.] [W.j
ABA'BAH (HS'I^ ; B. Battipafia; campes-
trio). Josh, xviii. 18 ; possibly in this verse a
town (cp. LXX. and xv. 6, 61). Although this
word appears in the A. V. in its original shape
only in the verse above quoted, yet in the Hebrew
text it is of frequent occurrence; and has,
except in cases 1 and 3, been retained in the R. V.
1. If the derivation ofGesenius(7'Aes. p. 1066)
is to be accepted, the fundamental meaning of
the term is "burnt up " or "waste," and thence
" sterile,'" and in accordance with this idea it is
employed iu various poetical parts of Scripture
to designate generally a barren, uninhabitable
district, — " a desolation, a dry land, and a desert,
a laud wherein no man dwelleth, neither doth
any son of man pass thereby " (Jer. Ii. 43 :
see a striking remark in Martineau, p. 395 ; and
amongst other passages, Job xxiv. 5, xxxix. 6 ;
Is. xixiii. 9, XXXV. 1).
2. But within this general signification it is
plain, from even a casual examination of the
topographical records in the earlier Books of the
Bible, that the word has also a more special and
local force. In these cases it is found with the
definite article (fiaiTn, ha-'Arabah), " the Ara-
bah " (R. v.), and is also so mentioned as clearly
to refer to some spot or district familiar to the
then inhabitants of Palestine. This district —
although nowhere expressly so defined in the
Bible, and although the peculiar force of the word
'Arabah appears to h.nvc been disregarded by
even the earliest commentators and interpreters
of the Sacred Books * — has within our own times
• The early commi nut»ra and tninslstani seem to
have overlooked or neglected the fiu:t, that tbe Jordan
valley and its continuation south of the Dead Sea had a
special name attached to them, and to than only. By
Jooephas the Jordan valley Is always called the /iryd
irtSCov; but he apphes the same name to tbe plain
of Esdraelon. Jerome (0S.» p. 123, 10) gives to this
ABABAH
been identified with the deep sunken valley or
trench which forms the most striking amoag
the many striking natural features of Palestiae,
and which extends with great uniformity of
formation from the slopes of Herroon to tke
Elanitic Gulf of the Red Sea : the most remark-
able depression known to exist on the surface of
the globe (Humboldt, Cosmos, i. 150, ed. Bohn ;
see also p. 301). Through the northern portion
of this extraordinary fissure the Jordan rashes
through the lakes of Hnleh and Gcnnesareth
down its tortoons course to tbe deep cb.isni
of the Dead Sea. This portion, about 150 miln
in length, is known amongst the Arabs by tlie
#^
name of el-Ghor ( .^ W, o" appellation vbich
it has borne certainly since the daysof Abnlfeda'
The southern boundary of the Ghor has been
fixed by Robinson to be the wall of cli& fomud
by the ancient deposits of the Dead Sea, whidi
closes in the marshy plain of the SMah, sboat
nine miles south of the Lake. Down to the foot
of these cliffs the Ghor extends; from their
summits, southward to the Gulf of 'Akabah, tbe
valley changes its name, or, it would be mote
accurate to say, retains its old name of Wad?
eI-<Arabah (S^jJ^ i^i\j).
Looking to the indications of the Sacred Text,
there can be no doubt that in the times of tbe
conquest and the monarchy the name 'Anbth
was applied to tbe valley in the entire length of
both its southern and northern portions. Vai
in Deut. i. 1, probably, and in Deut. ii. 6,
certainly (A. V. " plain " in both cases), the
district the name Aulon, vallit grandis atqiu tarn-
pettris; but he preserves no such name in the Volgite,
and renders Arabah by planiiies, toliiudOt oampntno,
deiertum, by one or alt of which he translates Inli-
criininately Miihor, Blk-ab, Uldbar, ShefeK JeiU-
mon, equally unmludftal of the special force tttadiliil
to several of these wonls. Even the acctmle AqiiU
has failed in this, and uses his favourite ij oftak^ la^
crlmtnately. The Talmud, If we may trust tbe ibgle
refecenoe given by Beland (p. 3es). mentions the Jci^
valley imderthe name Bekaab, a word at that time of sc
special import. Tbe Samaritan Version ;snd tbe In-
gums apparently confound all words for valley, plain or
low coimtry, under the one term Mishor, wbicb w
originally confined strictly to the high amootb <imii
east of Jordan on the upper level [HtsHos}.
In tbe LXX. we lk«qnently <lnd the wonls 'A^a^
and 'ApafiM; bnt it Is diOcult to say whether this bai
been done InteUigently, or whether it la an instanoeof
the favourite haUt of theae translators of transferrii<
a Hebrew word literally into Greek when *ej »«k
imable to comprehend lt» force. (See some corioiJ
examples of thls-^to take one Book only— in 3 K. U. 1*,
a^^; III. i, mix^ ; Iv. 39, ipuit; V. 19 [cp. Ooi-
XXIV. 16], it^fxiti ; vl. 8, eXfuiri ; Ix. IS, T<spc|i. fa- *«•)
In the latter case it Is evidence of on equal ignora&eeto
that which has rendered tbe word by ivaiiai, not' ini-
pa», and 'Apo^io. In Gen. xxxv. VI it Is possible that
the LXX. have treated the very distinct ffinS (Art*)
as if n^Tl?' and have explained it tov miim CAaaas].
b By Abulfeda and Ibn Baukal *the word d-eiia
la used to denote the valley from tbe Lake of 6a-
nesateth to tbe Dead Sea (Rltter, Sinai, pp. l(e>. l^"^
Thus each word was originally applied to the whole
extent, and each has been since restricted to a porti*
only (see Stanley, App. 48J). Tbe word Char U Inler-
pretcd hj Frcytog to mean "locus depressior later
montes."
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ABABAU
.tllnsion is to the soathtm portion, while the
•ither passages in which the name occurs point
vith certainty — now that the identification has
b«D suggested — to the northern portion. In
l>eat iii. 17, ir. 49 ; Josh. iii. 16, xi. 2, xii. 3 ;
^lad 2 ii. ziv. 25, both the Dead Sea and the Sea
of Cinoeroth (Uennesareth) are named in close
coDseiion with the 'Arabah. The allusions in
Deut li. .30; Josh, viii. 14, xii. 1, xriii. 18;
i Sam. il 29, iv. 7 ; 2 K. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxii. 4,
Iii. 7, become at once intelligible when the
oeuiing of the 'Arabah is known, however
puziling they may bare been to former com-
mentators.* In Josh. xi. 16 and zii. 8 the
'Arabah takes its place with " the mountain,"
"the lowland " plains of Philistia and Esdraelon,
"the south " and " the plain " of Coele-Syria,
as ooe of the great natural dirisiona of the con-
quered country.
3. But further the word is found in the plural
followed by a genitire (11^3^, Arbolh), always
ID connexion with either Jericho or Moab, and
tbertfote donbtles* denoting the portion of the
'Arabah near Jericho : in the former case on the
west, and is the Utter on the east side of the
Jordan; the Arboth-Moab being always dis-
tiagaished from the SSd(-Moab — the bare and
bonit-np soil of the sunken ralley, from the
coltirated pasture or corn-fields of the downs on
the apper level — with all the precision which
woulil naturally follow from the essential diSer-
eice of the two spots. See Num. xxiL 1, xxri.
3, 63, ixxi. 12, xzxiii. 48, 49, 50, xxxr. 1,
itrn. 13 ; Deut. xxzir. 1, 8 ; Josh. ir. 13,
T. 10, liii. 32 ; 2 Sam. xt. 28, xrii. 16 ; 2 K.
UT. i ; Jer. iixix. 5, Hi. 8.
The word 'Arabah does not appear in the
Bible until the Book of Mumbera. In the
allusions to the ralley of the Jordan in Gen. xiii.
10, it, the curious term Ciccar is employed.
This word and the other words used in reference
U the Jordan ralley, as well as the peculiarities
and topography of that region — in fact of the
whole of the Ghor — will be more appropriately
considered under the word Jordak. At present
(nr sttention may be confined to the southern
division, to that portion of this singular valley
vliich has from the most remote date borne, as it
still continues to bear, the name of 'Arabah.
A deep interest will always attach to this re-
markable district, from the fact that it must
iiare been the scene of a portion of the wander-
iajs of the children of Israel after their repulse
from the south of the Promised taud. Wher-
erer Ksdesh and Hoimah may hereafter be
found to lie, we know with certainty, even in
fcr present state of ignorance, that they must
oare been to the west of the 'Arabah ; and that
"tkt way of the Red Sea," by which they
j'nneyed "from Mount Hor to compass the
Imd of Edoro," after the refusal of the king of
Edom to allow them a passage through his
Qnmtiy, must have been southwards, down the
'Anbah towards the head of the Gulf, till, as is
i»arly certain, they turned up one of the Widys
°> the left, and so made their way by the back
• See the misukes of Uicbaelis, Marins, and others
''!»UeaUfie4 the -Arabah with the BIk-ab (i.e. the
t'ata of Goele.Syria, the modem el-Blikaa\ or with
tic SUitnr, the level down conntij on the east of
■''«*» (Keil. pp. 105, 23$).
ABABAH
207
of the mountain of Seir to the land of Moab on
the east of the Dead Sea.
More accurate information will no doubt be
obtained before long of the whole of this in-
teresting country, but in the meantime as short
a summary as possible of what can be collected
from the reports of the principal travellers
who have visited it is due.
The direction of the Ghor is nearly due north
and south. The 'Arabah, however, slightly
changes its direction to about N.N.E. by S.S.W.
(Rob. i. 162, 3). But it preserves the straight-
ness of its course, and the general character of
the region is nut dissimilar from that of the
Ghor (Ritter, Sinai, p. 1132 ; Irby, p. 134) except
that the soil is more sandy, and that, from the
absence of the central river and the absolutely
desert character of the highland on its western
side (owing to which the Widys bring down no
fertilising streams in summer, and nothing but
raging torrents in winter), there are very few
of those lines and " circles " of verdure which
form so great a relief to the torrid climate of
the Ghor.
The 'Arabah forms part of the remarkable
natural feature which, under the form of a
fissure, probably coincident with a fracture of
the earth's crust, commences with the Gulf of
'Akabah, and thence stretches northwards along
the line of the 'Arabah itself, and of the valleys
of the Jordan, Litany, and Orontes to the foot of
the Taurus mountains. The 'Arabah proper
extends from the head of the Gulf of 'Akabah to
the cliffs of marl and gravel, nine miles south
of the Dead Sea, a distance of 103 miles. In
breadth it varies ; at the Gulf the opening to
the sea is about five miles ; but north of Petra,
fifty miles inland, it widens to fourteen miles
(Map of P. E. Fund). Forty-five miles from the
Gulf of 'Akabah a ridge, or saddle, known to the
Bedawtn as el-Sateh, " the roof," divides the
'Arabnh into two sections, the Wl el-'Akabah
and the W. el-'Arabah, draining respectively to
the Gulf and to the Dead Sea. This ridge,
which connects the cretaceo-nummulitic rocks
of the Tih plateau with the mountains of
Idumaea, consists of a compact, grey limestone,
almost marble, underlying a bed of gravel from
twenty to thirty feet thick ; the lowest point is
about 660 feet above the sea-level (Lartet,
G^oiogie de la Palettiiu, 17, 190 ; Hull, P. E. F.
Qy. Stat. 1884 ; and P. F. Mem. " Geology ").
The surface of the W. et-'Akabah is variously
covered by loam, gravel, and blown sands, which
are often piled up in great dunes covering large
areas ; and at the foot of the eastern hills there
is an accumulation of boulders and debris
brought down by the winter torrents. There is
no perennial stream, but the water from some
brackish springs and from the valleys on either
side percolates beneath the sand, and forms a
salt marsh about twenty miles north of 'Akabah.
There is a striking contrast between the two
sides of the W. el-'Akabah; the eastern is the
grander of the two, except close to the Gulf,
where both sides are formed of granite and
porphyry, rising into bold and rugged ridges.
On the western side these rocks soon pass below
beds of sandstone, and afterwards limestone,
which break off in steep escarpments with grand
headlands and bastions. There is a slight dip
northwards, which ultimately brings the lime-
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208
ABABAH
stone down into the plain opposite 'Ain Ghurun-
del, and at this spot there is an easy approach to
the Tih plateau. The escarpments, which have
an altitude of from 19U0 to 2,400 feet, are
broken at distant intervals, by winding Talleys
of which the Widys ffendis, Nimreh, Qhudyan,
Sha'ib, and Beyanth are the moist important.
" On the eastern side the mountains ot granite
and porphyry behind 'Akabah, intensely red in
colour, so as to give rise to the name Jebel
en'Nur, mountain of fire, gradually decline in
elevation northwards, and several outliers of
the desert sandstone are seen capping the higher
elevations of the* older rocks towards the head
of W. Turban. Soon afterwards the sandstone
formation descends to lower levels, breaking off
in abrupt walls and precipices, and forming the
escarpment of Jebel Harun, Mount Hor, which
towers conspicuously above all the other heights"
(Hull, Moant Seir, p. 81). The valleys which at
once drain and give access to the interior of
these mountains are in strong contrast to those
on the west. In almost all cases they contain
streams which, although in the heat of summer
small, and losing themselves in their own beds,
or in the sand of the 'Araboh, " in a few
paces," after they forsake the shadow of their
native ravines (Laborde, p. 141), are yet sufficient
to keep alive a certain amount of vegetation
— rushes, tamarisks, palms, and even oleanders,
lilies, and anemones, while they form the resort
of the numerous tribes of the children of
Esau, who still " dwell (Stanley, p. 87, and MS.
Journal ; Laborde, p. 141 ; Mart. p. 396) in Mount
Seir, which is Edom" (Gen. xxivi. 8). The
most important of these valleys are W. Ithm,
W. el-Muhtedy, W. Durba, W. Turban, W.
Khaimeh, and W. Ohurundel. The first enters
the mountains close to 'Akabah and leads, by the
back of the range, to Petro, and thence by
Shobek and I\tfileh to the country east of the
Dead Sea. Traces of a Roman road exist along
this route (Laborde, 203 ; Rob. ii. 161) ; by it
Laborde returned from Petra, and there can be
little doubt that it is the one by which the
Israelites took their leave of the 'Arcdxih when
they went to " compass the land of Edom "
(Num. xxi. 4). The last has at its entrance
some ruins, possibly the remains of a fort which
guarded the road up its bed to Petra. The
springs of the W. el-'Akabah are those of W.
el-Hmdis and W. Qhudyan on the west ; and
'Ain Ghurundel and 'Ain Tabd on the east.
North of the dividing ridge is the great plain
of the W. el-' Araboh, formed of sand and gravel
composed of great varieties of stones, such as
granite, porphyry, felstone, quartz, sandstone
and limestone. Along its western side lime-
stone cliffs rise in terraces to the desert of the
Tih and the hills of the Negeb ; whilst on the
eastern side red sandstone cliffs, sometimes
resting on a foundation of older crystalline rocks,
attain an altitude of 2,000 feet above the Dead
Sea. Then succeed beds of variegated colours
surmoimted by the limestone of the table-land,
which stretches away eastward into the Syrian
desert. The plain is traversed by the Widy el-
Jeib, which, rising near the southern extremity
of the Tih plateau, enters the 'Arahah north of
the dividing ridge; and then, after receiving
the drainage of the hills to the east and west,
discharges its waters into the Dead Sea. On
ARABAH
the west its most important affluent is the
W. el-Jerafeh, which gives access to the Negcb;
on the east it receives the drainage of W. Abi
Ku»lie9>eh and W. el-Abyadh, which rise at the
foot of Mount Hor and of the Wadys d-We)xk,
Fedan, Salamdn, Dhalal, &c. The streams
which descend these valleys after rain have cot
deep channels in the plain, and exposed to view
beds of breccia conglomerate, coarse gravel,
sand, and gypseous marls, which have been
recognised by Lartet as .indent deposits of the
Dead Sea; according to the most recent ex-
plorer. Prof. Hull, these deposits show that the
waters of the Dead Sea stood, at one period, at a
higher level than those of the Mediterranean
{P. F. Mem. "Geology"). The springs of IT.
el-' Arahah are 'Ain el-Weibeh, 'Ain Ghamr,
'Ain Melihy, and 'Ain el-Buiteirdeh : these with
the exception of 'Ain Melihy give sweet water,
and the first, from its copious supply, is sap-
posed by Robinson to be the site of Kadesh-
Barnea.
The country west of the 'Ar(Aah is, in every
respect, a contrast to that on the east. On the
one hand the sterile, desolate plntean of the Tii
and the arid mountains of the Megeb ; on the
other the mountains of Edom, here covered with
vegetation, there cultivated and yielding gooJ
crops, abounding in " the fatness of the earth "
and the " plenty of corn and wine " which were
promised to the forefather of the Arab race as a
compensation for the loss of his birthright (Rob.
ii. 154 ; Laborde, pp. 203, 263). In these moos-
tains there is a fplateau of great elemtion from
which again rise the mountains, or rather the
downs (Stanley, p. 87), of Sherah. Though the
district is now deserted, yet the ruins of towns
and villages with which it abounds show that at
one time it must have been denselT inhabiteit
(Burckh. pp. 435, 436).
The surface of the 'Arahah presents, in pistes,
a dreary and desolate aspect. " A more fright-
ful desert," says Dr. Robinson (ii. 121), « it had
hardly been our lot to behold . . . loose gravel
and stones everywhere furrowed with the beds
of torrents , . . blocks of porphyry brought down
by the torrents among which the camels pid«<{
their way with great difficulty ... a lone shmb
of the ghfldah, the almost only trace of vegeta-
tion." This was at the ascent of the WAdy rl-
Jeib to the floor of the great valley itself!
Further south, near 'Ain el- Weibeh, it is a rolling
gravelly desert with round naked hills of consi-
derable elevation (ii. 173). At WdJi/ Ghurutdel
it is "an expanse of shifting sands, broken by
innumerable undulations and low hills " (Bnnkh.
p. 442), and " conntersected by a hundred water-
courses " (Stanley, p. 87). Kor b the heat less
terrible than the desolation, and all travellerii,
almost without exception, bear testimony to the
difficulties of journeying in a region where the
sirocco appears to blow almost withoat inter-
mission (.Schub. p. 1016 ; Burckh. p. 444 ; Mart.
p. 394; Rob. ii. 123).'
However, in spite of this heat and desolation,
there is a certain amount of vegetation, even in
< The wind In the ElanlUc arm of the Red Ssa b
verj violent, constantly blowing down the * Armlnfa ftvtu
the north. The navlgstion of these waters Is on that
account almost proverbially d&ngerous and dtlkvit
(see the notice of this in the Aim. Hn. vol. can. at»3.
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ARABAU
ike open 'Arabnh, in the driest parts of the rear.
.Schubert in March found the Arta (Calligonnm
cum.), the Anthia rariegata, and the Coloqainta
(lUikr, p. 1014), also tamarisk-bashes (tarfu)
Itiog thick in a torrent-bed* (p. 1016); and on
Suidev's road *' the shrubs at times bad almost
Hk appearance of a jungle," though it is true
Ibat tliey were to thin as to disappear when the
' vtite of sand " wa.s overlooked from an eleva-
(ioo (p. 85; see Rob. i. 163, 175).
it is not surprising that after the discovery
by Bnrckhardt in 1812,' of the prolongation of
th« Jordan valley in the 'Arahah, it should have
!<«n auiimed that thia had in former times
fonacd the outlet for the Jordan to the Red
Si4 ; < or that variooa theories, such a> intense
roicaoic activity at the time of the destruction
'■( the Cities of the Plain, should have been
I'iranced to account for the interruption of the
wmmooication. Recent exploration has, how-
i-vtr, disproved these theories, and shown (1)
ibat the Sea of Galilee is 682 feet and the Dead
^ 1292 feet below the aea-level, and that con-
<*)uentlj the Jordan could never, in historical
timu, have discharged its waters into the Gulf
t'i'AtatiiA; (2) that the ridge dividing the two
xai a fomied of cretaceous rocks (limestone
oith bscnlitesX which are covered with their
ctn debris, and not by any more recent marine
>t«|usit ; (3) that the more recent deposits north
Kl' the ridge, towards the Dead Sea, are ancient
illurjoas broaght down from the south ; (4)
ihtt th«e deposits show no trace of having been
el«Tat«il; (o) that the volcanic rocks are por-
fbrries of an earlier date than the cretaceous
rocks; and (6) that the Dead Sea basin is shut
in sad isolated from other basins by cretaceous
recks, and that there is an entire absence in the
'iniak of all marine deposits later than these
n«li5 (Hull, P. F. Mem. " Geology," and Mount
.W).
Considerable interest attaches to the course
cf the roads, or trade routes, which traversed
tlie 'Arabak when, during the reign of Solomon,
aivi also at a later ))eriod, EInth was a com-
merdal port; and when, still later, Petra be-
atat one of the principal depdts for the trade
('tween India and the West. These roads, as
ia as they can at present be ascertained, were
it) the road from Haila (Elath) to Clysma,
'hich ascended tn the Tih plateau by the pass
"-Sa^ and followed the line of the present
n<ij route by Nukht, to the vicinity of Suez ;
(-) the road from Haila to Jerusalem by Diana
<'im d-Ghudyim), Rasa, Cypsoria ( H". 6'AaAey),
LfM {KL Zussdn), Oboda (;Ahdeh), and Elusa
{KhttamK), whence a branch road led to Gaza ;
(3) the road from Haila to Petra and Jerusalem,
»U:h appears to have run up the 'Arabah and
' The bee* whose bom so charmed bim (p. 1017) must
^« Uidtacriptlon have been in a side Widy, not in the
iniabhsetr.
'SttBarckhardt,pr. 441, 442. The sagadty of Rltter
Ud Wtl bim earlier than thia to infer its existence from
tte rmarks of the a2i£icnt Mahometan historians (Rob.
I \-:\
' This dieory appears to tiare been Itrst announced
'7 Oit l«ake in the preface to Borckhardt's I'ravels
v*^ p. tL). It was afterwords esponsed and dilated on,
■<»<i«BI others, by Lord Lindsay (ii. 23), Dean Milnian
' Bo. ^ Jew, Allen, 141), and Stephens (Tnci'dente <if
^f. U. ii),
WBtB DICT. — VOL. 1.
AKAUIA
209
IT. Ghurundel by Diana ('Ain cl-Ghud;ian),
Presidio, Hiiurana, and Zadogatha {'Aia hata-
gheh) to Petra, and thence by 'Aiii cl- Weibeh and
the pass ea-Sufdh to Hebron, where it seems to
have joined (2); (4) the road from Haila to
Damascus, which ran at the back of the moun-
tains by Petra, Rabbath Moab, Kerak, and Rah-
bath Ammon; (5) the road from Petra to
Rhinocolura (el-'Arlah), which passed along the
foot of Jdxl Magrah; (6) the road from Petra
to Gaza by Eboda (^Abdeli) and Elusa (^Khtdatah),
which was partly followed by the late Prof.
Palmer ; and (7) the direct road from Petra to
the Egyptian frontier, near Ismailh/eh, which
was followed by the late Rev. F. W. Holland,
and is possibly " the way to Shur " (Gen. ivi.
7). Of these roads (2) and (3) appear to have
been those by which the produce of the East
was carried to Jerusalem during the reign of
Solomon; and (4) to have been that by which
the Israelites approached the Promised Land
after their wanderings in the de.sert ; and at
a later period, Rezin, king of Syria, advanced
upon Elath (2 K. ivi. 6). [G.] [W.]
ARABATTINE (^ 'AKpaBarTlyji; AK.'
' KKpafiarrlivn, K.' -<lnj ; Acrahattaiie), in Idu-
maea (1 Mace. v. 3). [Akbabbim. See the
note to that article.] [G.] [W.]
ARA'BIA (!Apa$(a, Gal. i. 17 ; iv. 25% a
country known in the 0. T. under two designa-
tions :— 1. Dl^ 1*T6?, the east country (Gen.
XXV. 6) ; or perhaps D"1^ (Gen. i. 30 ; Num.
xiiii. 7; Is. ii. 6); and'on^ »J3 fT« (Gen.
xiix. 1) ; gent. n. DljJ *;}3, sons of the East
(Judg. vi. 3 sq. ; IK. iv. 30 [v. 10 Hcb.] ; Job
i. 3 ; Is. xi. 14; Jcr. ilix. 28 ; Ezek. ixv. 4). If
usually translated by the LXX. (e.g. iyaro\ai)
and in Vulg., it is sometimes transcribed Kttifi by
the former. From these passages it appears that
Qli? 1''^! """l ^H!?. 'i?3 indicate, primarily, the
country east of Palestine,and the tribes descended
from Isbmael and from Keturah ; and that this
original signification may have become gradually
extended to Arabia and its inhabitants generally,
though without any strict limitation. The
third and fourth passages above referred to, as
Gesenius remarks (Lex., ed. Tregelles, m roc.),
relate to Mesopotamia and Babylonia (comp.
ifOToX^, ri ii'OToA^, Matt. ii. 1 sq.). Winer
considers Kedem, &c., to signify Arabia and the
Arabians generally (ReatuBrterbuch, in voc.) ;
but a comparison uf the passages on which hLi
opinion is founded has led us to consider it
doubtful. [Bexe-Kedi;m.] 2. 3TP (2 Ch.
ix. 14) and DTT (Is. xxi. 13; Jer-^ixv. 24;
Ezek. xivii. 21) ; gent. n. 'JTlf (Is. xiii. 20 ; Jer.
iii. 2); and 'JTt? (Neh. 'ij! 19); pi. D'STW
(2Ch. ixi. 16; ixii. 1), and D'^J3•1» (2 Ch.
xvii. 11; xxvi. 7). LXX. 'Kfafiia, &c. ; Vulg.
Arabia, &c. These seem to have the same
geographical reference as the former names to
the country and tribes east of the Jordan, and
chiefly north of the Arabian peninsula. In the
N. T. 'Apa0ia cannot be held to have a more
extended signification than the Hebrew equiva-
lenU in the 0. T. ^T^ (Ex. xii. 38 ; Neh. xiii.
3) and a"!!? (1 h". x. 15 ; Jer. xiv. 20, 1. 37 ;
Ezek. XXI. 5), rendered in the A. V. " a mixed
P
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210
AKABIA
multitude" (Ex. lii. 38, here followed by 3T),
" the mixed multitude," kings of " Arabia " (bo
Vulg. in 1 K. X. 15, and in Heb. in correspond-
ing passage in 2 Ch. ix. 14), and (in the last
two instances) " the mingled people," have been
thought to signify the Arabs. The people thus
named dwelt in the deserts of Petra. By the
Arabs the country is called Li^yi)^ i3^
(BilJd El-'Arab), " tlus country of the Arabs,"
and i_^j_j»J\ So j> (Jeziret El-'Arab), " the
peninsula of the Arabs," and the people (_«>«P
("Arab) ; " Bedawy " in modem Arabic, and
" A'rib " (t^ljff'i) in the old language, being
applied to people of the desert, as distinguished
from townspeople. They give no satisfactory
derivation of the name Arab, that from Yaarub
being puerile. The Hebrew designation, 'Ereb,
has been thought to be from 'Arabah, "a
desert," which, with the article, is the name of
an extensive district in Arabia Petraoa.
Geographical Divisions. — Arabia was divided
by the Greeks into Arabia Felix (^ tiiSaiiiav
'kpaPCa ), Arabia Deserta (^ Iptinot 'Kpcfila,
.Strab. xvi. 707 ; Plin. vi. 28, § 32 ; Died. Sic.
' ii. 48 sq. ), and Arabia Petraea ( r) lltTpata
'ApaPla, Ptol. V. 17, § 1). The first two divi-
sions were those of the earlier writers; the
third being introduced by Ptolemy. According
to this geographer's arrangement, they included,
within doubtful limits, 1, the whole peninsula ;
2, the Arabian desert north of the former ; and
3, the desert of Petra, and the peninsula of
Sinai. It will be convenient in this article to
divide the country, agreeably to these natural
divisions and the native nomenclature, into
Arabia Proper, or Jeziret El-'Arab, containing
the whole peninsula as far as the limits of the
northern deserts ; Northern Arabia, or El-
lUdiyeh, bounded by the peninsula, the
Euphrates, Syria, and the desert of Petra, con-
stituting properly Arabia Deserta, or the great
desert of Arabia, the so-called " Syrian desert,"
reaching to about 35^ N. ; and Western Arabia,
the desert of Petra and the peninsula of Sinai, or
the country that has been called Arabia Petraea,
bounded by Egypt, Palestine, Northern Arabia,
and the Red Sea.
Arabia Proper, or the Arabian peninsula, con-
sists of high table-land, some 3,000 feet above
the sea-level, declining towards the north; its
most elevated portions are in the chain of
mountains that runs nearly parallel to the Red
Sea, and attains the height of 8,500 feet, and in
the territory east of the southern part of this
chain. Its greatest length, from Suez to Ras-
el-Hadd, is about 1800 miles ; and the mean
breadth between the Red Sea and the Persian
Gulf, about 600 miles. The total area may be
placed at a million square miles, and the popu-
lation at about five millions. The high land is
encircled from the 'Akabah to the head of the
Persian Gulf by a belt of low littoral countiy
with few islands or inlets; on the west and
south-west the mountains fall abruptly to this
low region; on the opposite side of the peninsnia
the fall is generally gradual. So far aa the
ABABU
interior has been explored, it consists of de»rt
tracts, crossed by mountain ridges, aoJ idicved
by large districts under cultivation, veil
peopled, watered by wells and streams, asd
enjoying periodical rains. It is estimated thit
these numerous cultivated districts amonnt to
about two-thirds of the whole area, leaving not
more than one-third of absolutely desert vastK,
chiefly in the south (Keane, Asia, p. 113). Tk
watershed, as the conformation of the country
indicates, stretches from the high land of tli<;
Yemen to the Persian Gulf. From this detctnJ
the torrents that irrigate the western prorinca,
while several considerable streams— there art
no navigable rivers — reach the sea in the
opposite direction : two of these traverse 'Omin ;
and another, the principal river of the peainsnli,
enters the Persian Gulf on the coast of El-
Bahreyn, and is known to traverse the inland
province called Yemimeh. The geological for-
mation is in part volcanic, and the mountain^
are basalt, schist, granite, as well as limMtone,
Sic. ; the volcanic action being especially obser-
vable about Medina on the north-west, and
in the districts bordering the Indian Ocean.
The most fertile tracts are those on the south-
west and south. The modem Yemen is espe-
cially productive, and at the same time, fnm
its mountainous character, picturesque. The
settled regions of the interior also are more
fertile than is generally supposed ; and after the
rains the deserts afford a fair pasturage. Tbe
principal products of the soil are date-palms,
tamarind-trees, vines, fig-trees, tamarish,
acacias, the banana, &c,, and a great variety ot
thorny shrubs, which, with others, sspply
pasture for the camels ; the chief kinds of pnlae
and cereals (except oats), coffee, spicti, drogt,
gums and resins, cotton and sugar. Amoa;
the metallic and mineral products are Itsdjirm,
silver (in small quantities), sulphur, the emoald,
onyx, &c. The products mentioned in the Bible
as coming from Arabia will be found described
under their respective heads. They seen to
refer, in many instances, to merchandise et
Ethiopia and India, carried to Palestine by Aiab
and other traders. Gold, however, was perhaps
found in small quantities in the beds of torrents
(comp. Diod. Sic. ii. 50; iii. 45, 47); and the
spices, incense, and precions stones, broaght
from Arabia (1 K. x. 2, 10, 13; [2 Ch. it 1. '.
14;] Is. Ix. 6; Jer. vi. 20; Ezek. xivii. 32),
were probably the products of the sonthera
provinces, still celebrated for spices, fraakm-
cense, ambergris, &c, as well as for the oofi
and other precious stones. Among the iwrr
remarkable of the wild animals of Aishia
(besides the usual domestic kinds, and of oo<ir»
the camel and the horse, for both of vhidi it i>
famous) are the wild ass, the musk-deer, vil<l
goat, wild sheep, several varieties of the aite-
lope, the hare, monkeys (in the south, and e<p(;
cially in the Yemen); the hoar, leopard, »oK
jackal, hyaena, fox ; the eagle, vulture, seven!
kinds of hawk, the pheasant, red-legged jeit-
ridge (in the peninsula of Sinai), sand-gt»a>'
(throughout the country), the ostrich (aboo-
dantly in Central Arabia, where it is hunted by
Arab tribes) ; the tortoise, serpents, locusts, i>i
Lions were formerly numerous, as the names
of places testify. The sperm-whale is fonnd oj
tbe coasts bordering the Indian Ocean. Oree'
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AKABIA
mi Roman nrriters (Herod., Agatharch. ap,
lliiller, Strab., Diod. Sic, Q. Cart., Dion. Perieg.,
Ueliol. Aetiiiop., and Plin.) mention most of the
Biblical aad modern products, and the animals
ibore (numerated, with some others (see the
DUioitary of Geography).
Arabia Proper may be subdivided into lire
principal prorinces : the Yemen ; the districts
cf Hadranuut, Mahreh, and 'Omdn, on the
lodiaa Ocetin and the entrance of the Persian
Mi; El-Bahrern, towards the head of the
Ooif; the great central country of Xejd and
Yrmimeh ; and the Hijiz and Tibdmeh on the
iii Sea. The Arabs also hare iiTe divisions,
iccording to the opinion most worthy of credit :
Tihimeh, the Hijiz, Nejd, El-'Arild (the pro-
ricco lying towards the head of the Persian
Gulf, including Yemimeh), and the Yemen
fmclnding 'Omin and the intervening tracts).
They have, however, never agreed either as to
tbe limits or the number of the divisions. It
will be necessary to state in some detail the
positions of these provinces, in order to the
right understand ing of the identifications of
Bihlical with .\rab names of places and tribes.
The Yemen embraced originally the most
fertile districts of Arabia, and the frankincense
»n4 ipice country. Ita name, signifying " the
right hand " (and therefore " south ;" comp.
Miitt. lii. 42), is supposed to have given rise to
^e sppellation tHaifuty (FeliiX which the
Greeb applied to a mach more extensive region.
■U present, it is bounded by the Hijiz on the
aortli, and Hadramaut on the east, with the
s«a-t«ard of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean ;
hnt formerly it appears to have extended at
least so as to include Hadramaut and Mahreh
(Ibn-EI-Wardy MS.: Yakflt's Muahtarak and
S'/jan^ and ifardsid, passim ; from which au-
thorities and Fresnel's Lettret the geographical
^|a of this article are mainly derived). In
!hii wider acceptation, it embraced the region
oi the first settlements of the Joktanites. lU
ncdeni limits include, on the north, the district
of KhawUn (not, as Niebnhr supposes, two dis-
tinct districts), named after KhawUn the
■loktaaite (Caussin de Perceval, Essai sw fHist.
^ ■intamant Plslamasme, i. 113); and that
»f Nejrlii, with the city of that name founded
W Sejrin the Joktanite (Caussin, i. 60, and
'13 s<).), which is, according to the soundest
opinion, the Negra of Aeliua Gallus (Strab. xvi.
'82; see Jomard, Etvda giogr. et hi$t. sar
^ArMe, appended to Mengin, Hat. de F^gypte,
*=.. iii. 385-6).
Hadnmant, on the coast east of the Yemen,
B a cultivated tract contiguous to the sandr
«s«rts called El-Ahk4f, which are said to be
the original seats of the tribe of 'Ad. It was
nkbrated for it* inokincense, which it still
oports, and formerly it carried on a considerable
^e, its principal port being Dhafir, between
"irbit and Ras Sijir, which i* now composed
»' a leries of villages. To the east of Hadra-
■Mot are the districts of Shihr, which exported
•^liwri', and Mahreh (so called after a tribe
01 Kndiah, and therefore Joktanite), extending
inm Seyhflt to Karwln. 'Omin forms the
««t«nmKist comer of the south coast, lying at
TO eitrance of the Persian Gulf. It presents
«* lame natural characteristics as the preced-
■^ iiatricts, being partly desert with large
AllABIA
211
fertile tracts. It also contains some considerable
lead mines.
The highest province on the Persian Gulf is
£1-Bahreyn, between 'Omin and the head of the
Gulf, of which the chief town is Hejer (accord-
ing to some, the name of the province also). It
contains the towns (and districts) of Kattf and
El-Ahsi, the latter not being a province as has
been erroneously supposed. The inhabitants of
£1-Bahreyn dwelling on the coast are principally
fishermen and pearl-divers. The district of El-
Ahsa abounds in wells and possesses excellent
pastures, which are frequented by tribes of
other parts.
The great central province of Nejd and that
of Yeminieh, which bounds it on the south, are
little known from the accounts of travellers.
Mejd signifies " high land," and hence its limits
are very doubtfully laid down by the Arabs
themselves. It consists of cultivated table-land,
with numerous wells, and is celebrated for its
pastures; but it is intersected by extensive
deserts. Ycmameh appears to be generally very
similar to Nejd. On the south lies the great
desert called Er-Ruba el-Khily, uninhabitable
in the summer, but yielding pasturage in the
winter after the rains. The camels of the tribes
inhabiting Nejd are highly esteemed in Arabia,
and the breed of horses was formerly the most
famous in the world; but according to Mr.
W. S. Blunt, the explorer, they are now rare
in Nejd and of an inferior breed. In this pro-
vince are said to be remains of very ancient
structures, similar to those east of the Jordan.
The Hijiz and Tihimeh (or £1-Gh0r, the
" low land ") are bounded by Nejd, the Yemen,
the Red Sea, and the desert of Petra, the
northern limit of the Hijiz being Eyleh. The
Hijiz is the holy land of Arabia, its chief cities
being Mekka and Medina ; and it is traditionally
the first seat of the Ishmaelites in the peninsula.
The northern portion is in general sterile and
rocky ; towards the south it gradually merge*
into the Yemen, or the district called El-'Astr,
which i* but little noticed by either eastern or
western geographers. The province of Tihimeh
extends between the mountain-chain of the
Hijiz and the shore of the Red Sea; and is
sometimes divided into Tihimeh of the Hijiz
and Tihimeh of the Yemen. It is a parched,
sandy tract, with less rain and fewer pastures
and cultivated portions than the mountainous
country.
Northern Arabia, or the Arabian Desert
(<bt>bJn, is divided by the Arabs (who do
not consider it as strictly belonging to their
country) into Bidiyet Esh-Sham, " the Desert
of Syria," Bidiyet El-JezSreh, " the Desert of
Mesopotamia " (not " of Arabia," as Winer sup-
poses), and Bidiyet El-'lrik, "the Desert of
El-'Irik." It is, so far as it i* known to us, a
high, undulating, parched plain, of which the
Euphmtes forms the natural boundary from
the Persian Gulf to the frontier of Syria, whence
it is bounded by the latter country and the
desert of Petra on the nnrth-west and west, the
peninsula of Arabia farming its southern limit.
It ha* few oases, the water of the wells is gene-
rally either brackish or undrinkable, and it is
visited by the sand-wind called Samum, of which
P 2
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212
ARABIA
however the terrors hare been much exaggerated.
The Arabs Knd pasture for their flocks and herds
after the rains, and in the more depressed plains ;
and the desert gcneralljr produces prickly shrubs,
&c., on which the camels feed. The inhabitants
were known to the ancients ascrKDviroi, " dwellers
in tents," or perhaps so called from their town
<d imiyai (Strab. xvi. 747, 767 ; Amm. Miirc.
xxiii. 6; comp. Is. xiil. 20; jer. xlix. 31;
Ezek. xxxriii. 11); and they extended from
Babylonia on the east (conip. Num. xxiii. 7 ;
2 Ch. x-ii. 16 ; Is. ii. 6, xiii. 20), to the borders
of Egypt on the west (Strab. xvi. 748 ; Plin.
V. 12; Amm. Marc. xiv. 4, xxii. 15). These
tribes, principally claiming descent from Ishmael
AKABIA
and from Ketnrah, have always led a wanderiuc
and pastoral life. Their predatory habits arc
several times mentioned in the 0. T. (2 Ch. iii.
16, 17 ; xxvi. 7 ; Job i. 15; .ler. iii. 2). They
also conducted a considembletradeof merchanjise
of Arabia and India from the shores of the
Persian Gulf (Ezek. xivii. 20-24), whence a
chain of oases still forms caravan-stationi
(Burckhardt, Arabia, Appendix vi.) ; and they
likewise traded from the western portions of
the peninsula. The latter traffic appears to Ir
frequently mentioned in connexion with Uh-
raaelites, Keturahites, and other Arabian {^opl&
(Gen.xxxvii. 2.5,28; 1 K. i. 15; [2 Ch. ix. 14:]
Is. li. 6; Jer. vi. 20),' and probably consisted of
Mitp of Arabia.
the products of Southern Arabia and of the
opposite shores of Ethiopia : it seems, however,
to have been chiefly in the hands of the inha-
bitants of Idumaea; but it is difficult to dis-
tinguish between the references to the latter
peo))le and to the tribes of Northern Arabia
in the passac;cs relating to this traffic. That
certain of these tribes brought tribute to
Jehoshaphat is stated in 2 Oh. .tvii. 1 1 ; and
elsewhere there are indications of such tribute
(cp. passages referred to above).
Western Arabia includes the peninsula of
Sinai [SiNAl], and the desert of Petra, corre-
sponding generally with the limits of Arabia
Petraea. The latter name is probably derived
from that of its chief city, not from its stony
character. It was in the earliest times inhabi'.^
by a iieople whose genealogy is not nicuti'>n»l
in the Bible, the Horites or Horim (Geo. xiv. 5,
xxxvi.20-22; Deut. ii. 12, 22). [HoiUTES.] Iti
later inhabitants were in part the stime as tbos;
of the preceding division of Arabia, as ia<i>^!
the boundary of the two countries is arbitrary
and unsettled; but it was mostly propled by
descendants of Esau, and was generully kiK>«i<
as the land of Kdom, or Idumaea [Edomj. -^
well as by its older appellation, the des«ii "'
Scir, or Mount Seir [Seir]. The common tihicin
of the Idumaeans from Esau and Ishmael u>
traced to the marriage of the former with >
daughter of the latter (G«D. xxriii. 9, xxxvi. o).
The Kabathaeans succeeded to the Idnmaean.-,
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AKABIA
in.| IJumaea is mentioned only as a geographical
.lesigiution after the time of Joaephus. The
Na'uthaeaiu had alwars been identi6ed with
Xtbaiotb, ton of Uhmael (Gen, xxr. 13 ; Is. Ix.
7). until Qoatremire (M^moire swr lea Xaba-
.'p-»)9<lTancedthe bf-no-means accepted theory
tliit they were of another race, and a people of
Mesopotamia. [Nebaioth.] Petra van in the
^at route of the western cararan-trsflic of
Arabia, and of the merchandise brought np the
i-Jtoitic Gulf. See preceding section, and
Loom, Elath, Ezionoebeb, &c.
ItiMkmls.' — ^Tbe Arabs, lilce every other
aixieat nation of any celebrity, hare traditiona
I'presenting their country as originally inhabited
l>j tices which became extinct at a very remote
I<rii>J. These were the tribes of 'Ad, Thamfld,
ImeiTim, 'Ab!l, Tasm, Jedts, '£mlik (Amalek),
Jorfcuni (the first of this name), and Webiri :
-'ime omit the fourth and the last two, but add
iisim. The majority of their historians derive
these tribes from Shem ; but some, from Ham,
thoDgh sot through (jush.* Their earliest
traditions that hare any obvious relation to the
bible refer the origin of the existing nation in
the /irst instance to Kahtin, whom they and
n«t Earopean scholars identify with Joktan ;
lU'l teeondly to Ishmael, whom they assert to
hire married a descendant of Kahtin, thongh
they only carry up their genealogies to 'Adnin
i!ai<l to be «f the twenty-first generation before
Vohammad). They are silent respecting Cusbite
«tt1ements in Arabia ; but modem research,
v< thinii, proves that Cushites were among its
atU inhabitants. Although Cush in the Bible
i^ioilly corresponds to Ethiopia, certain passages
-«ein to indicate Onahite peoples in Arabia ; and
the leries of the sons of Cush should, according
'■I recent discoveries, be sought for in order
lion; the southern coast, exclusive of Sebi
(Ueroe), at one extreme of their settlements,
uid Kimnd at the other. The great mina of
M»-rib tr Sebi, and of other places in the
V^inen and Hadramaut, are not those of a
^mitic people; and further to the east, the
'nstinjt language of Mahrch (the remnant of
th? language of the inscriptions found on the
"kient remains just mentioned) is in so great a
ii^tt apparently African, as to be called by
Kme scholars Ctuhite ; while the settlements of
K^^uuh and those of his (tribal) sons Sheba and
IMan are probably to be looked for towards the
liod of the Persian Gulf, bordered on the north
ARABIA
213
* in Ms section is included the history. The Arab
aUfTtah for the Utter are meagre, and almost purely
ttKlitioDAl. The chronology is founded on genealogies,
KiihUn intricate and unsettled for discussion In this
■tide ; bat it is necesf^ary to observe that " son " should
*^ be read " descendant," or ** tribe descended from,"
Kl ttit the Arabs ascribe great length of life to the
nient people. The early sites of the Arab tribes and
lH«t iiientltj with the names mentioned by Ptolemy
kiv« been exhaustively discussed by Sprenger, Die alU
*«^M« MabUns, Bern, 1676, to which the stndent
■^at refer for the details and theories necessarily
artaied from the present siUcle.
^ This ennmeratlun Is from a comparison of Arab
tthin. Canssin de Perceval baa entered into some
'.nail OS iixt sut^Ject (£uai, i. lt-35), but without
'tMsctoiily reconciling contradictory opinions; and
■J* Uentiltcatloos of these with other tribes are purely
<>JTothetic>l.
by the descendants of Keturah, boariug the snme
names as the two latter. In babylonia also,
independent proofs of this immigration of
Cushites from Ethiopia have, it is thought, been
lately obtained. The ancient cities and buildings
of Southern Arabia, in their architecture, the
inscriptions they contain, and the native tra-
ditions respecting them, are of the utmost value
in aiding n student of this portion of primeval
history. Indeed they are the only important
archaic monuments of the country; and they
illustrate both its earliest people and its
greatest kingdoms. Ma-rib, or Sebi * (the
Uariaba of the Greek geographers), is one of
the most interesting of these sites (see
Michaelis' Questions, Ko. 94, &c. in Niebuhr's
Arabia). It was founded, according to the
general agreement of tradition, by 'Abd-esh-
Shems Sebi, grandson of Yaarub the Kahttnite ;
and the Dyke of £l>'Arim, which was situate
near the city, and the rupture of which (a.d.
150-170, according to De Sacy ; 120, according
to Caussin de Perceval) formed an era in
Arabian history, is generally ascribed to Lukmin
the Greater, the 'Adite, who founded the dynasty
of the 2nd 'Ad. 'Aditcs (in conjunction with
Cushites) are supposed to have been the founders
of this and similar structures, and were suc-
ceeded by a predominantly Joktanite people,
the Biblical Sheba, whose name is preserved in
the Arabian Sebi, and in the Sabaei of the
Greeks. But it should be remarked that £1-
Beladhory states that the 'Adites dwelt between
Syria and the Yemen, and there is really no
authority for assigning to them a southern
habitat ( Sprenger, Alte Geographie Arabims,
p. 199). It has been argued (Caussin, Eaaai, i.
42 sq. ; Renan, Languts Semitigaes, i. 300) that
the 'Adites were the Cusbite Seba; but this
hypothesis, which involves the question of the
settlements of the eldest son of Cush, and that
of the descent of the 'Adites, rests solely on the
existence of Cusbite settlements in Southern
Arabia, and of the name of Sebi ^Uum) in the
Yemen (by these writers inferentially identified
with KZip; by the Arabs, unanimously, with
Sebi the Kahtinite, or K3C ; the Hebrew sAin
being, in by far the greater number of instances,
represented by sin iu Arabic); and it necessi-
tates the existence of the two Biblical kingdoms
of Seba and Sheba iu a circumscribed province
of Southern Arabia, a result which we think is
irreconcilable with a careful comparison of the
passages in the Bible bearing on this subject.
[Cush ; Seba ; Sheba.] Neither is there evidence
to indicate the identity of 'Ad and the other
extinct tribes with any Semitic or Hamitic
people : they must, in the present state of know-
ledge, be classed with the Rephaim and other
peoples whose genealogies are not known to <u.
The several nations that have inhabited the
country are divided, by the Arabs, into extinct
and existing tribes; and these are again dis-
tinguished as 1. El-'Arab el-'Aribeh (or El-'Arab
el-'Arbi, or El-'Arab el-'Aribeh), the Pure or
Genuine Arabs ; 2. El-'Arab el-Muta'arribeh ;
and 3. El-'Arab el-Musta'ribeh, the Instititious,
' Sebi was the dty of Ma-rib, or the country in the
Yemen of which the city was Ma-rib. See abio Shkba
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214
ABABIA
or Naturalised, Arabs. Of many conflicting
opinions respecting tiiese races, two only are
worthy of note. According to the first of these,
KI-'Arab cl-'Aribeh denotes the extinct tribes,
with whom some conjoin Kahtdn; while the
other two, as synonymous appellations, belong
to the descendants of Ishmoel.'' According to
the second, EI-'Arab el-'Aribeh denotes the
extinct tribes ; EI-'Arab el-Muta'arribeh, the
unmixed descendants of Kahtan; and £l-'Arab
el-Musta'ribeh, the descendants of Ishmael, by
the daughter of Mudad the Joktanite. That
the descendants of Joktan occupied the principal
portions of the south and south-west of the
]>eninsnla, with colonies in the interior, is
attested by the Arabs and supported by histo-
rical and philological researches. It is also
asserted that they hare been gradually absorbed
into the Ishmaelite immigrants, though not
without learing strong traces of their former'
existence. Fresnel, however (1* Lettre, p. 24),
says that they were quite distinct, at least in
Mohammad's time, and it is not unlikely that
the Ishmaelite element has been exaggerated by
Mohammadan influence.
Respecting the Joktanite settlers, wc hare
some Biblical evidence. In Genesis (x. 30) it is
said, " and their dwelling was from Mesha, as
thou goest unto Sephar, a mount of the east
[Kedem]." The position of Mesha is very un-
certain ; it is most re.isonably supposed to be
the western limit of the first settlers [M ISIIA] :
Sephar is undoubtedly Dhafari, or Zafiri, of the
Arabs (probably pronounced, in ancient times,
without the final vowel, as it is at the present
day), a name not uncommon in the peninsula,
but especially that of two celebrated towns —
one being the seaport on the south coast, near
Mirblt; the other, now in ruins, near San't,
and said to be the ancient residence of the
Himyarite kings (Es-Stghilnee, MS., &c.). Fresnel
(4* Lettre, p. 516 sq.) prefers the seaport, as
the Himyarite capital, and is followed by
Jomard (Etudes, p. 367X whence we learn that
the inhabitants call this town "Isfdr." Con-
sidering the position of the Joktanite races, this
is probably Sephar ; it is situate near a thuri-
ferous mountain (Mardsid, in voc), and exports
the best frankincense (Niebuhr, p. 148) : Zafiri,
in the Yemen, however, is also among mountains
[Sepuab]. In the district indicated above are
distinct and undoubted traces of the names of
the sons of Joktan mentioned iu Genesis, such
as Hadramaut for Hazarmaveth, Azal for (Jzal,
Seblt for Sheba, &c. Their remains are found in
the existing inhabitants of (at least) its eastern
portion, and their records in the numerous
Himyarite ruins and inscriptions.
The principal Joktanite kingdom, and the
chief state of ancient Arabia, was that of the
Temen, founded (according to the Arabs) by
Yaarub, the son (or descendant) of Kahtln
(Joktan). Its most ancient capital was probably
San'ft, formerly called Az»l ( J^ J \, or (j\ j «\
in the Mardsid, in voc. San'ft), after AzftI, son of
Joktan (Yikoot). [UzAL.] The other capitals
' EN* Arab el-'Aribeb is conventionally applied by
the lexicographers to all who spoke pure Arabic before
its corruption began.
AEABIA
were Ma-rib, or Seb&, and Zafari. Tnij wm tic
Biblical kingdom of Sbeba. Its rulen, ail
most of its people, were descendants of Srlu
(= Sheba), whence the classical &i6iia' (Di.*l.
Sic. iii. 38, 46). Among its rulers was prolab!;
the (jueen of Sheba who came to hear the nb-
dom of Solomon (2 K. x. 1-4). The Anb« rail
her Bilkis, a queen of the later Himyarites; lul
their traditions respecting her are not wuttby
of credit. [Sheba.] The dominant family wi-
apparently that of Himyar, son (or detcenduii)
of Seb&. A member of this family founded x\.t
more modem kingdom of the Himyahtes. Tlif
testimony of the Bible, and of the cla&sicJ
writers, as well as native tradition, Menu to
prove that the latter appellation superseded tli!
former only shortly before the Christian tn:
i.e. after the foundation of the later kingdom.
" Himyarite," however, is now very rsgotly
used. — Himyar, it may be observed, is perliip-
"red"
u
"-*
J^'
from t
r>')-
and several places in Arabia w^hose soil It rel-
dish derive their names from A'far ( jt^>)
" reddish." This may idenUfy Himyar (the rti
man ?) with Ophir, respecting whose settlemtit-.
and the position of the country called Ophir.
the opinion of the learned is widely dind!^l
[Ophie]. The similarity of significatioi will,
^olyii and ipvipht lends weight to the trsditlon
that the Phoenicians came from the Erythneu
Sea (Herod, vii. 89). The maritime natiou ('•
the Mediterranean who had an affinity viu
the Egyptians appear to have been an ofiihcci
of an early immigration from Southern AnbLi.
which moved northwards, partly thioogi
Egypt. It is noticeable that the Shelve: <
invaders of Egypt are said to have been Fhu^
nicians; but Manetho, who seems to have hell
this opinion, also tells us that some said tlo
were Arabs (Manetho, ap. Cory, Anc. Tny
ments, 2nd ed., p. 171), and the hieroglyfhi^
name has been supposed to corresponil to tbf
common appellation of the border Arabs. 1>
the opposite direction, an early Arab domioiti'''
of Chaldaea is mentioned by Beroaus (Con.
p. 60), as preceding the Assyrian dynasty. -Ml
these indications, slight as they are, most I'
borne in mind in attempting a reeonstroction > I
the history of Southern Arabia.— The tuh
kings of the Yemen were at continual fend will.
the descendants of Kahlln (brother of Himyirv
nntil the fifteenth in descent (aceordiig to tin
majority of native historians) from Him;""''
united the kingdom. This king was the fir~>
Tubba', a title also distinctive of his succeswr^
whose dynasty represents the proper kingdom < :
Himyar, whence the Bomeritae (Pt«l. ri- 'i
Plin. vi. 28). Their rule probably eiteixi-)
over the modern Yemen, Hadramaut, and M»
reh. The fifth Tubba', Dhu-1-Adhir. ot Zn-I-
Azir, is supposed (Caussin, i. 73) t« be the ll'<-
sarus of Aelius Gallus (b.c. 24). The kis^oij
of Himyar lasted until A.D. 525, when it frU
before an Abyssinian invasion. Already, aboa:
the middle of the 4th century, the kings ">
Axum appear to have become masters of part ■"
the Yemen (Caussin, Esiai, i. 114; iSriteAr-rl
il. Dcutsch, MorgenlSnd. Gesfllschaft, vii. 17 H '
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ABABIA
xi. ji8 sq.), adding to their titles the names
»!' places in Arabia belonging to Himyar. After
>ur leigat thef were succeeded by Himynrite
|irincei, rassals of Persia, the last of whom sub-
mitted to Uohommad. Kings of Hadramaut
(the people of Hadramaut are the classical
CkatrtBHotitae, Plin. Ti. 28; comp. Adramitae)
are also enumerated by the Arabs (Ibn-Khaldiln,
if. Ciussio, i. 135 sq.) and distinguished from
tiie descendants of Yaarub ; an indication, as is
remarked by Caussin (/. c), of their separate
'i«cent from Hazarmareth [Hazarmaveth].
The Greek geographers mention a fourth people
in caujnnction with the Sabaei, Homeritae, and
Chstramotitae, — the JUinaei or JUmnaei (Strab.
iti. 768, 776 ; Ptol. vi. 7, § 23 ; Plin. vi. 32 ;
UmL Sic iii. 42), who bare not been identified
vith any Biblical or modern name, though
.Sprenger compares them with the Kindites. Some
place them as high ai Mekka, and derive their
Dame from Mina (the sacred valley N.£. of that
citr), or from the goddess Men&h, worshipped
in the liistrict between Mekka and Medtna.
Fressel, however, places them in the Wtdee
llo'ln is Hadramaut, arguing that the Yemen
udently included this tract, that the Minaei
«<re prabsblr the same as the Rhabanitae or
Ittitmaiiitae (i>toI. ri. 7, § 24 ; Strabo, xvi. 782),
and that 'taiiiuwiruv was a copyist's error for
Iqivfrnr.
The other chief Joktanite kingdom was that
of tiie Hijiz, founded by Jurhum, the brother
vf Viamb, who left the Yemen and settled in
tlie neighbourhood of Mekkeh. The Arab lists
<ii its kings are inextricably confused ; but the
ume of their leader and that of two of his
soMnsors was Mudftd {or El-Mudid), who pro-
Ublj represents Almodad [Almodad]. Ishmael,
»a*niing to the Arabs, married a daughter of
the first Mndtd, whence sprang 'Adn&n the an-
cestor of Moluunmad. This kingdom, situate in
> lets fertile district than the Yemen, and en-
gaged in conflict with aboriginal tribes, never
attained the importance of that of the south.
It merged, by intermarriage and conquest, into
the tribes of 'ishmael (Kutb-ed-Dtn, ed. Wusten-
I'eM, pp, 3S and 39 aq. ; cp. authorities quoted
W (^otsin). Fresnel cites an Arab author who
•deotifies Jurhum with Hadoram [Hadorah].
Although these were the principal Joktanite
l^ia^ms, others were founded beyond the limits
"t* the peninsula. The most celebrated of these
were that of El-Hireh in El-'Irik, and that of
'Jhasaia on the confines of Syria ; both origi-
nated by emigrants after the Flood of EI-'Arim.
£!-IQn!i soon became Ishmaelitic ; Ghasstn
long maintained its original stock. Among its
raloi were many named El-Hirith. Respect-
■d; the presumed identity of some of these with
kinjs called by the Greeks and Roman Aretas,
i>d vith the Aretas mentioned by St. Paul
<- Cor. li. 32), see Abetas.
The Iihmaeiites appear to have entered the
prauanla from the north-west. That they have
■pread over the whole of it (with the exception
■if oae or two districts on the south coast which
we said to be still inhabited by unmixed Jok-
'aaite peoples), and that the modern nation is
I'tedominantly Ishmaelite, is asserted by the
.Vraks. They do not, however, carry up their
'^'uetlogies higher than 'Adnin (as we have
^Rady said), and they have lost the names of
AltAUIA
215
most of Isbmael's immediate and near descend-
ants. Such as have been identified with exist-
ing names will be found under the several
articles bearing their names. [See also Haga-
RENES.] They extended northwards from the
Hijaz into the Arabian desert, where they mixed
with Keturahitea and other Abrahamic peoples ;
and westwards to Idumaea, where they mixed
with Edomites, &c. The tribes claiming descent
from Ishmael have always been governed by
petty chiefs or heads of families (sheykhs and
emirs) ; they have generally followed a patri-
archal life, and have not originated kingdoms,
though they have in some instances succeeded
to those of Joktanites, the principal one of
these being that of El-Hireh. With reference
to the Ishmaelites generally, we may observe
that although their first settlements in the
Hijiz, and their spreading over a great part of
the northern portions of the peninsula, are sufH-
clcntly evident, there is doubt as to the wide
extension given to them by Arab tradition.
Mohammad derived from the Jews whatever
tradition he pleased, and silenced any contrary
by the Kor&n or his own dicta. This religious
element, which does not directly aSect the tribes
of Joktan (whose settlements are independently
identified), has a great influence over those of
Ishmael. They therefore cannot be certainly
proved to have spread over the peninsula ; but
from the concurrent testimony of the Arabs
and other considerations it is probable that they
now form the predominant element of the Arab
nation.
Of the descendants of Xeturah the Arabs say
little. They appear to have settled chiefly
north of the peninsula in Desert-Arabia, from
Palestine to the Persian Gulf; and the passages
in the Bible in which mention is made of Dedan
(except those relating to the Cushite Dedan,
Gen. X. 7) refer apparently to the tribe sprung
from this race (Is. xxi. 13 ; Jer. ixv. 23 ; Ezek.
xxvii. 20), perhaps with an admixture of the
Cushite Dedan, who seems to have passed up the
western shores of the Persian Gulf. Some
traces of Keturahites, indeed, are asserted to
exist in the south of the peninsula, where a
king of Himyar is said to have been a° Midianita
(EI-Hes'Qdy, cp. Schultens, pp. 158-9); and
where one dialect is laid to be of Midian,
and another of Jokshan son of Keturnh ; bnt
these traditions must be ascribed to the Rab-
binical influence in Arab history. Native
writers are almost wholly silent on this sub-
ject ; and the dialects mentioned above are not,
(0 far as they are known to us, of the tribes of
Keturah. [Ketokah, &c.]
In Northern and Western Arabia are other
peoples which, from their geographical position
and mode of life, are sometimes classed with the
Arabs. Of these are Amalek, the descendants
of ESA17, &c.
Seligion. — The most ancient idolatry of the
Arabs we must conclude to have been little
advanced beyond mere fetishism, of which there
are striking proofs in the sacred trees and stones
of historical times, and in the worship of the
heavenly bodies, or Sabaeism. With the latter
were perhaps connected the temples (or palace-
temples) of which there are either remains or
traditions in the Himyarite kingdom ; such as
Bejrt Ghumd&n in San'i, and those of Rrydin,
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216
ABABIA
ABABIA
Beyuuuc-h, Ru'cyn, 'Eyneyn, and Riim. The
names of the objects of the earlier fetishism,
the stone-worship, tree-worship, &c., of various
tribes, are too numerous to mention. One, that
nf Manot, the goddess worshipped between
Mekka and Mediua, has been compared with
Jleni (Is. U\: 11, R. V. "Destiny." Cp. for
a summary, Baethgen, Beitr. x. Sem. Seligiona-
gesch. pp. 109, &c., ll.>, &c., and especially
Wellhausen, Bliizzen uni Vorarbeitcrt, iii. [^Sestc
Arabischen ffeidentumes], 1887). Magism, an
importation from Chaldaea and Persia, must be
reckoned among the religions of the Pagan Arabs ;
but it never had many followers. Christianity
was introduced into Southern Arabia towards the
close of the 2nd century, and about acentury later
it had made great progress. It flourished chiefly
in the Yemen, where many churches were built
(see Philostorg. Hist. Eccles. iii. ; Sozomen, vi. ;
Kragr. vi.). It also rapidly advanced in other
portions of Arabia, through the kingdom of
Hireh and the contiguous countries, Ghassin,
anil other parts. The persecutions of the Chris-
tians, and more particularly of those of Nejr&n
by the Tubba' Zu-n-Nuwfts, brought about the
fall of the Himyarite dynasty by the invasion
of the Christian ruler of Abyssinia. Judaism
was propagated in Arabia, principally by Ka-
raites, at the Captivity, but it was introduced
before that time : it became very prevalent in
the Yemen, and in the Ilijiz, especially at
Kheybar and Medina, where there are said to be
still tribes of Jewish extraction. In the period
immediately preceding the birth of Mohammad
another class (the Hanifs) had sprung up, who,
disbelieving the idolatry of the greater number
of their countrymen, and with leanings towards
Judaism, looked to a revival of what they called
the " religion of Abraham " (see Sprenger's
Lfben und Lehre Mohammeds, 2nd ed. i. 13-
134). The promulgation of the Mohamm.idan
religion overthrew paganism, and almost wholly
superseded the religions of the Bible in Arabia.
Langwige. — Arabic, the language of Arabia,
is the most developed and the richest of the
Semitic languages, and the only one of which we
have an extensive literature : it is, therefore, nf
great importance to the study of Hebrew. Of
its early phases we know nothing. We have,
indeed, archaic monuments of the Himyaritic
(the ancient language of Southern Arabia),
though we cannot usually Hx their precise ages.
Of the existence of Hebrew and Chaldee (or
Aramaic) in the time of Jacob there is evidence
in Gen. zxxi. 47 ; and presumably Jacob and
Laban understood each other, the one speaking
Hebrew and the other Chaldee. It seems also
from the notice in Judg. vii. 9-15, that Gideon
overheard the conversation of the "Midianites,
aud the Amalekites, and all the children of the
eaat " (01(3. »33X that in the 14th or 13th cent.
n.c. the Semitic languages difiered much less
than in after-times. But it appears from 2 K.
xviii. 26, that in the 8th century B.C. only the
educated cl.asses among the Jews understood
Aramaic. With these evidences before us, and
making a due distinction between the archaic
and the known phases of the .\rnmaic and the
Arabic, we believe that the Himyaritic is to be
regarded as a sister of the Hebrew, and the
Arabic (commonly so allied) as a sister of the
Hebrew and the Ar.imaic, or, in iti clatakal
pluise, as .1 descendant of a sister of these tuo.
The division of the Ishmaelite language into
many dialects is to be attributed chiefly to the
separation of tribes by uninhabitable tracts of
desert, and the subsequent amalgamation of
those dialects, to the pilgrimage and the anniial
meetings of 'Okiiz and other fairs where literary
contests took place, and where it was of the
flrst importance that the contending poets should
deliver themselves in a language perfectly iatel-
ligible to the mass of the people congregated.
Many of the meanest of the Arabs, utterly
ignorant of reading and writing, were quit<r
ciipable of judging of the merits of these com-
positions, and otXen formed the best authorities
consulted by the lexicologists when the corrup-
tion of the language had commenced, i.e. when
the Arabs, as Mohammadans, had begun to spread
among foreigners.
Respecting the Himyaritic,* until lately little
was known ; but monuments bearing inscri|>-
tions in this language have been discovered in
the southern parts of the peninsula, principally
in Hadramaut and the Yemen, and some of the
inscriptions have been published by FresneU
Arnaud, WelUted, Cruttenden, and Miiller;
while Fresuel found a dialect still 9|>oken in the
district of Mahreh .ind westwanU as far as
Kishim, that of the neighbourhood of Zafiri and
Mirbdt being the purest, and called " Ekhili;"
aud this is supposed with reason to be the
modern phase of the old Himyaritic (4* Letirt).
Fresnel's alphabet has been accepted by the
learned. The dates found in the inscriptions
range from A.D. 30 (on the dyke of Ma-rib) to
604 at Hisn Ghorab, but what era these represent
is uncertain. Ewald (^Uebcr dU: Hitnyarixhe
Sprachc in Hoefer's Zeitschrift, i. 29o »egj.)
thinks that they are years of the Rupture of
the Dyke, while acknowledging their apparent
high antiquity ; but the difficulty of supposins:
such inscriptions on a ruined dyke, and the fact
that some of them would thus be brought later
than the time of Mohammad, make it probable
that they belong rather to an earlier era, per-
haps that of the Himyarite empire, though what
point marks its commencement is not deter-
mined. The Himyaritic in its earlier phase
probably represents the first Semitic language
spoken in Arabia.
The vuuuvers and customs of the Arabs ' are oi
great value in illustrating the Bible ; but su]>-
posed parallels between the |>atriarchal life ot
the Scriptures and the state of tho modem
Arabs must not be hastily drawn. It should be
remembered that this people are in a degraded
condition; that they have been influenced by
Jewish contact, especially by the adoption, by
Mohammad, of parts of the ceremonial law, and
of rabbinical observances; and that they arp
not of the race of Israel. They must be re-
garded, 1st, as Bedawis, or people of the desert:
and 2ndly, as settled tribes or townspeople.
The Bedawis acknowledge that their ancient
• I.e. the ancient language of Soutbem Arabia gene-
rally, not that of the HImjarites only. [Sopplecaent
from Slade, Ukrb. d. Heb. Gr. i. « ; the anthorittes In
MV.", p. xxvlll. ; ani Corp. Inter. Sem. Iv. 1.— S. B. P.)
' The Arabs have Impressed their national charac-
teristics on every people whom they have conqoend.
except the Tartar races. Tho modem E^Tptlans aio
essentially an ^Vrab people.
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ABABIA
ficellence hu greatly declioed since the time of
Mohammtd, and there cannnt be a tluabt that
tiiit decline began mnch earlier. Though each
tribe boasti of its nnadalterated blood and pure
lugnai^, their learned men candidly admit the
ilepreciation of national character. Scriptural
cutonu (till found among them must therefore
l* generally regarded rather as indications of
fonner practices, than as being identical with
them. The Bible always draws a strong con-
trast between the character of the Israelites and
that of the descendants of Ishmael, whom the
Bedawis mostly represent. Yet they are, by
cimparisoo with other nations, an essentially
cgaserratire people, retaining a primitive, pas-
tonl life, and many customs strikingly illus-
trating the Bible. They are not so much
.ifferted by their religion as might be supposed :
many tribes disregard religious observances, and
even retain some pagan rites. The Wahhibis,
or modem Arab puritans, found great difliculty
in suppressing by persuasion, and even by force
of arms, inch rites; and where they succeeded,
the tappressson wax, io most cases, only tem-
ponry. Incest, sacrifices to sacred objects, &c.,
Here among these relics of paganism. The less
t'haoged a tribe, however, the more difficulty is
there in obtaining information respecting it :
■nch a one is very jealous of intercourse witii
strangers even of its own nation. In Southern
■Arabia, for instance, is a tribe which will not
silo* a gnest to stay within its encampments
•fyoad the three days demanded by the laws of
Hospitality. This exclusion ondonbtedly tends
to preserve the language from corruption, and
the people from foreign influence ; but it pro-
Inbly does not improve the national character.
To the settled Arabs these remarks apply
•ith the difference that the primitive mode of
life is in a great degree lost, and Jewish prac-
tic« are much more observable; while inter-
mixture with forei$;ners, especially with Abys-
sinian and Negro concubines in the Yemen and
the Hijiz, has tended to destroy the purity of
klood. A Bedawy will scarcely marry out of
his tribe, and is not addicted to concubinage ; he
considers himself, and is, quite distinct from a
townsman, in habits, in mode of thought, and iu
nstioiial feeling. Again, a distinction should be
nmle between the people of Northern and those
"f Southern Arabia ; the former being chiefly of
Khmaelite, the latter of Joktanite descent, and,
m other respects than settlement and inter-
iiiarriage with foreigners, further removed from
the patriarchal character.
Segarded in the limits we have indicated,
■Vnb manners and customs, whether those of the
B«dawis or of the townspeople, afford valuable
Help to the studeut of the Bible, and testify
i'> the truth and vigour of the Scriptural narra-
'ire. Ko one can mix with this (leople without
i«iiig constantly and forcibly reminded either of
the early patriarchs or of the settled Israelites.
^^t may instance their pastoral life, their hos-
plality (most remarkable of desert virtues
[H(wrr»ijTY]), their universal respect for age
(nmp. Lev. xix. 32), their familiar deference
(tnmp. 2 K. v. 13), their superstitious regard
for the beard. On the signet-ring, which is
worn on the little finger of the right hand, is
^^xslly inscribed a sentence expressive of sub-
tsission to God, or of His perfection, &c., ex-
AKABIA
:.'i7
pl<iiuin<; Ex. xixix. 30, "the engravings of a
signet. Holy to the Lord " (R. V.), .and the saying
of Christ (John iii. 33), " He . . . hath set his
seal to tit', that God is true" (R. V.). As a
marl: of trust, this ring is giveu to another
person (as in Uen. xli. 42). The inkhorn worn
in the girdle is also very ancient (£zek. ix. 2,
3, 11), as well as the veil. (For many illus-
trations, sec Lane's Mtnlcm Eijiiptiam.) A maiv
has a right to claim his cousin in marriage, and
he relinquishes this right by taking oil' his shoe,
as the kinsman of Ituth did to Boaz (Kuth iv.
7, 8 ; see Burckhardt's SoUi oil Vie Bedouins and
Wahabys, p. 65).
Keferences in the Bible to the Arabs them-
selves arc still more clearly illustrated by the
manners of the modern people, in their preda-
tory expeditions, their mode of warfare, their
caravan joameys, and the like. To the inter-
pretation of the Book of Job, an intimate know-
ledge of this people and their language and
literature is essential.
The comuiercc of Arabia es]>ocially connectcvl
with the Itible has been referred to in the
sections on Western and Northern Arabia, and
iuvidentallr in mentioning the products of the
peninsula. Direct mention of the commerce of
the south does not appear to be made in the
Bible: it seems to have passed to Palestine
princi|>ally through the northern tribes. Pas-
sages relating to the fleets of Solomon and tu
the maritime trade, however, Imir on this sub-
ji'ct, which is a curious study fur the historical
inquirer. The Joktnnitc |ieo|>lc of Southern
Arabia have always torn, in contradistinction to
the Isbmaelite tribes, addicted to a seafaring
life. The latter were caravan merch:mts; the
former, the chief traders of the Red Sea, carry-
ing their commerce to the shores of India, as
well as to the nearer coasts of Africa. Their
own writers describe these voyages ; since the
Christian era esjierially, as we might expect
from the modern character of their literature.
The classical writers also make frequent men-
lion of the commerce of Southern Arabia. It
was evidently carried to Palestine Ijv the tw"
great caravan routes from the head of the Rml
Sea and from that of the Persian Gulf: the
former taking with it chiefly African (iroduce ;
the latter, Indian. It should be oKserved that
the wandering propensities of the Arabs, of
whatever descent, do not date from the pro-
mulgation of IsUro. All testiniouy goes to show
that from the earliest ages the peoples of
Arabia formed colonies in distant lands, and
have not been actuated only by either the desire
of conquest or by religious impulse in their
foreign expeditions, but rather by restlessness
and commercial activity.
The principal European authorities for the^
historij of Arabia are, Schiiltens, Hist. Imp.
Vetus. Joctanidarum, Hard. Gel. 1780, contain-
ing extracts from various Arab authors, and
his Monumenta Vetustlora Arabiae, Lug. Bat-
1740; Eichhom, ilimumentu Antiqviit. Hist.
Arabum, chiefly extracted from Ibn-Kuteybeh,
with his notes, Goth. 1775 ; Fresnel, LHtres sur
rffist. des Arabes avant C /stamisme, published in
the Journal Asiatique, 1838-53 ; Qnatremire,
ifinwire sur let Nabatii-nt, 1835 ; Caussin, Essni
tur FHist. da Arabes aeant F Iilnmisme, Paris,
1847-48 : for the jeogr.iphy, Njebuhr, Description
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218
AKABIAN
AKADUS
<fc r Arabic, Amst. 1774; Burckhardt, Travels m
Arabia, Lond. 1839; Wellsted, Narratixx of a
Jouriwi/ to the Jiuins of Nnh^y^-Hajar, in Joarn,
of Ji. G. S., vii. 20 ; his copy of Inscription, in
Joitm. of Asiat. Soc. of liengat, iii. 1834; and
his Journal, Lond. 1838; — Cruttenden, Narra-
tive of a Jottmei) frum Mokhd to San' a ; Jouiard,
Etudes g^ogr. et hist, appended to Mengin, Hist,
lie CEijijpte, vol. iii. Paris, 1839 ; Sprenger, Das
Lcben wid die Lehre Moluxmmed's, 1869, and Die
alto Geographic Arabiens, 1875 ; Miiller, Uim-
yaritische Swje ; I'ride.iui, Liy of the Himyarites ;
Itobinson, liihUcat Researches ; Stanley, Sinai and
Palestine ; Tuch, i.'ssay on the Sinaitic Inscrip-
tions, in the Journal of the German Oriental Soc.
-xiv. 129 sq. ; Palmer, The Desert of tlus Exo-
dus ; Palgrave, Journey to Arabia ; Blunt (W.
S.), Visit to Sejd; Doughty, Tratela in Arabia
Descrta. See also the list of works in Herzog,
JiE.'', s. r. Ardbien. Strabo, Ptolemy, Diodorus
Siculus, Pliny, and the minor geographers,
.should also be consulted : — for the manners and
c-ustoms of the Arabs, Burckhardt, Notes on
the Bedouins and Wahabys, 8to, 1831 ; and for
Arab life in its widest sense, Lane, Notes on
the Thousand and One Nights, now collected
under the title of Arabian Society in the Middle
Ages, ed. by S. Lane-Poole (1883) ; and his
Modem Egyptians, ed. 1860.
Some of the most important native works are
still untranslated, and but few of them are
edited. Abu-I-Fidi, Nist. Anteislamica, has been
edited and translated by Fleischer, Lips. 1831 ;
and £I-Idrisi, Qeographie, translated by Jaubert,
and published in the Recacil de Voyages et de
M€inoires, by the Geogr. Soc. of Paris, 1836.
Of those which have been edited are YikAt's
Homonymous Geographical Dictionary, entitled
Et-Mushtarak Wadan va-l-Muftarai Sah'an,
«d. Wtistenfeld, GUtt. 1845 ; the same geogra-
pher's Mo'jam el-Sulddn, ed. Wiistenfeld, 4 vols.
Leipz. 1866-9; the Marasid el-Ittild', probably
sm abridgment by an unknown hand of the
Mo'jam, ed. Juynboll, Lug. Bat. 1852-4; the
Chroniien der Stadt Mekka, ed. and transl.
Wiistenfeld, 1857-8; El-Bekry's Owijrr. W6rter-
buch, ed. Wustenfeld, 1876 ; the Biblioth. geogr.
arab. ed. De Goeje, 1876-87 ; Ibn-Khaldfln's Pro-
Icgotnena, ed. Quatremire, Paris, 1858 ; and
El-Mes'fldy's Pmiries d'Or, 9 vols. 1861-77.
[E. S. P.]
AKA'BIAN, THE C^'iVT}, Neh. ii. 19, vi.
1; 6 •Apafii,«-*i, Araba : ' U'lV, Is. xui. 20;
Jer. iii. 2 [LXX. Kop^rri]: 'Apa0ts; AnAes);
Arabians, The (D»N'3")»n, 2 Ch. xru. 11 ;
0»3T»n, 2 Ch. Hi. iei ixii. 1, ixvi. 7 (Ker!) ;
Xeh.'"iv. 1 [LXX. and A. V. r. 7]: al 'Apafitt;
Arabes). The nomadic tribes inhabiting the
country to the east and south of Palestine, who
in the early times of Hebrew history were known
as Ishmaelites and descendants of Keturah.
Their roving pastoral life in the desert is alluded
to in Is. xiii. 20, Jer. iii. 2, 2 Mace. xii. 11 ;
their country is associated with the country of
the Dedanim, the travelling merchants (Is. xzi.
13), with Dedan, Tema, and Buz (Jer. xxv. 24),
and with Dedan and Kedar (Ezek. ixvii. 21),
all of which are supposed to have occupied the
Qorthem part of the peninsula later known as
Arabia. During the prosperous reign of Jehosha-
phat, the Arabians, in conjunction with the
Philistines, were tributary to Judah (2 Ch. xvii.
11), but in the reign of his successor they
revolted, ravaged the country, plundered the
royal palace, slew nil the king's suns with the
exception of the youngest, and carried off the
royal harem (2 Ch. xxi. 16, xxii. 1). The
Arabians of Gur-baal were again subdued by
Uzziah (2 Ch. xxvi. 7). During the OaptivitT
they appear to have spread over the country ot
Palestine, for on the return from Babylon they
were among the foremost in hindering Nehe-
minh in his work of restoration, and plotted
with the Ammonites and others for that cad
(Neh. iv. 7, A. v.). Geshem, or Gashmu, one
of the leaders of the opposition, was of this
race (Neh. ii. 19, vi. 1). In later times the
Arabians served under Timotheos the Ammonite
in his struggle with Judos Maccabaeus, bat
were defeated (1 Mace. v. 39 ; 2 Mace xiL 10).
The Zabadaeans [in Jotephos, the Nabatheans,
as in 1 Mace. v. 25], an Arab tribe, were rooted
by Jonathan, the brother and successor of Judas
(1 Mace xii. 31). The chieftain or king of the
Arabians bore the name of Aretas as far back as
the time of Antiochus Epiphanes and Jasoa the
higli-priest (2 Mace. v. 8 ; cp. 2 Cor. li. 32).
Zabdiel, the assassin of Alexander Balas (1 Mace
xi. 17), and Simalcue [in Josephus, Malchos;
Vulg. Emalchuet], who brought op Antiochos,
the young son of Alexander (1 Mace. xL ii\
afterwards Antiochus VI., were both Arabians.
In the time of the N. T. the term appears to
have been used in the same manner (Acts ii. II).
[Arabia.] [W. A. W.] [F.]
ARABIC LANGUAGE. See Arabia,
p. 216, and SuEMinc LANacAOES.
ABABIC VERSION.
CIEJJT.]
[VEBSI0K8, AS-
ARA'D Oy. ; A. 'AfM, B. 'ap1,p ; And). A
Benjamite, son of Beriah, who drove out the in-
habitanU of Gath (1 Ch. vui. 15). [W. A. W.]
ARA'D (TW; 'Api»; Arad: eic in Josh,
where we find A. fituriXta 'Kiif, B. fimfiXia
KipiB, $affA4a 'KfiB ; Beder), a royal city ol
the Canaanites, named with Hormah mod Libnah
(Josh. xii. 14). The Jerus. Targnm on Gen. xx. 2
has Arad for the Gerar of the Heb. t«xt. The
wilderness of Judah was to " the south of And "
(Judg. i. 16). It is also undunbtedly named in
Num. xxi. 1 (cp. Hormah in r. 3) and xxxiii. 40,
" the Canaanite, the king of Arad," R. V., instead
of the reading of the A. V., " king Arad the
Canaanite " (see the translations of Zunx, De
Wette, &c.). Jerome and Eusebins mentioo it
(OS.* s. nn. Arath [p. 123, 22] and 'Afo^
[p. 236, 55]), as a city of the Amorit«a, near the
desert of Kaddes, 4miIesfrom Malatha (MoladahX
and 20 from Hebron. This agrees with the
conjecture of Robinson (ii. 101, 201, 202), who
identifies it with a hill, Tetl 'Arad, 7} miles
from MUh (Moladah), and 16 miles from Hebroa
(P. .F. Jfion. iii. 403, 415). [G.] [W.]
AR'ADUS CApoSos; Arados), included in
the list of places to which the decree of Lncics
the consul, protecting the Jews under Simon the
high-priest, was addressed (1 Mace. xr. 23). The
same place as Abvad. [6.] [W.]
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ABAU
A'RAH (HTK, tratxller; 'Optx; Aree).
1. An A«herit«, of the sons of Ulla (1 Ch.
Tii. 38, IXX. r. 39. In v. 38 LXX, and Vulg.
hare 'Api, Am, aa renderings of K"1K, one of
the sons of Jether).
2. B. 'Hfi, A. 'A(Ki; Area. The sons of
Anb retnmed with Zembbabel, in number 775,
jiccordlng to Ezra ii. 5, but 652 according to
Xeh. Til. 10. One of his descendants, She-
chanish, was the father-in-law of Tobiah the
Ammonite (Xeh. v\. 18). The name is written
Aaia in 1 Esd. T. 10. [W. A. \V.] [F.]
ABA'M (OIK, a name of uncertain meaning
[»« NBldelie, $. n. in Schenkel's Sib.-Lex.'^ the
dentation " height " hardly applying to a
people found chiefly in lowlands). 1. The name
by which the Hebrews designated, generally,
the parts of Syria lying to the north-east
<jf Palestine, and the greater part of Meso-
potamia.* It included the whole elevated region
vhich, rising with sadden abruptness trom
the Jordan and the Tery margin of the lake
of Gemieiareth, stretches to the banks of the
£iiphrste$ itself, contrasting strongly with the
low land bordering on to the Mediterranean,
the " land of Canaan," or the low country (Gen.
iiii. 18; uxiii. 18, &c.). Throughout the
A. v. the word is, with only a very few excep-
tions (Num. xiiii. 7 ; 1 Ch. ii. 23 ; Ps. li. title),
rendered as in the Vulgate and LXX. — Syria,
"r Stbiass, a name which, it must be remem-
bered, does not convey the same meaning to our
tm that Aram did to the Jews. [SnuA.]
Its earliest occurrence in the Book of Genesis
is b the form of Aram-uaharaim, t'.;. the ** high-
land of or between the two rivers " (Gen. niv.
10, A V. " Mesopotamia "), but in other parts
of the Pentateuch the word is used without
any addition, sometimes for Aram-naharaim (cp.
Num. niii. 7 with Deut. xziii. 4 ; and Judg. iii.
r. 10 with V. 8), and sometimes to designate a
dweller m Aram-naharaim — Laban or Bethuel —
"the Aiamean" (see Gen. xiv. 20, xxviii. 5,
iiii 20, 24; Dent. xxvi. 5). Aram-naharaim
was the country between the Euphrates and the
Tigris; and Padan- or accurately Paddan-Aram
CK I^B. On the meaning of 'B see the com-
mestaries of Dillmann and Delitzsch [1887] on
<?en. ziT. 20) was either another designation for
this district, or more probably the name of a
limited extent of flat country round Haban
(see Gen. xxv. 20; xxviii. 2, 5-7; xxxi. 18;
iiiiii. 18 ; xxir. 9, 26 ; xlviii. 7). In Hos.
lii. 12, 'K rP|b', the " field " or " plain of Aram "
(A. V. the country of Syria), has been supposed to
be a translation or paraphrase of Paddan-Aram.
[Akax-xabakaim ; Padan-abau ; Sadeh.]
later in the history we meet with a number
of imall nation* or kingdoms forming parts of
the general land of Aram : — 1. Aram-zobah
(P<. h. title ; 2 Sam. x. 6, 8), or simply Zobah,
naiX (1 Sam. xlv. 47 ; 2 Sam. viii. 3 ; 1 Ch.
xviii. ax.). [AraX-ZOBAH ; ZOBAH.] 2. Aram
ARAM
219
> The name Aram probably appeals also in the
Homeric nnnea 'Ap^iw (/(. U. 783) and 'iptuPal (Od.
i». »♦). Cp. Strab. ivl. 186 ; Orote, But. <ff Ortax, 11!.
3^. On the name in the cimeifonn inscriptionB. see
Sdnder, KAT.t on Oen. x. 73, and Filed. Delttucb;
ftndUt, p. Ml eq.
Beth-rehob (2 Sam. x. 6X or Behob, 3in") (i. 8).
In 1 Ch. xix. 6, Aram-naharaim takes the place
of Beth-rehob and Ishtob. [Betu-rehob ; Rk-
H08.] 3. Aram-maachah (1 Ch. xix. 6), or
Maachah only, ilSinS (2 Sam. x. 6). [Aram-
MAACUAH ; Maachah.] 4. Geshur, " in Aram "
(2 Sam. XV. 8), usually named in connexion
with Maachah (Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xiii. 11, 13,
&c.). [Gesuur.] 5. Ishtob, properly "the
men of Tob," and so in K. V. (2 Sam. x. 6, 8
Judg. xi. 3, 5). [Ishtob; Tob.] 6. Aram-
Dammesek (Damascus ; 2 Sam. viii. 5, 6 ; 1 Ch.
xviii. 5, 6). The whole of these petty states
are spoken of collectively under the name of
" Aram " (2 Sam. x. 13), but as Damascus in-
creased in importance it gradually absorbed the
smaller powers (1 K. xx. 1), and the name of
Aram was at last applied to it alone (Is. vii. 8 ;
also 1 K. xi. 25, xv. 18, &c.).
The exact position and limits of these small
states cannot be defined. Aram-zobah appears
to have been situated eastward of Coele-Syria,
and to have extended M.E. and E. to the Eu-
phrates ; it probably included the eastern slopes
of Anti-Lebanon, the highlands about Aleppo,''
and the northern part of the Syrian desert. To
the S. of Zobah were Maachah and Beth-rehob,
the latter bordering on the Euphrates, the former
lying more to the W. and adjoining Geshur.
Maachah and Geshur were closely connected
(Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11, 13), and
formed part of the territory allotted to Manasseh,
but they were never completely conquered by
that tribe. Dammasek was the rich country
round Damascus, and Tob probably lay eastward
of Jehtl Hauran.
In the Assyrian inscriptions the term Aramn
or Arima is applied to Mesopotamia, and to the
people living on the W. bank of the Euphrates,
S. of the river Sajur, and never to the western
Aramean states. Aram-naharaim appears under
the form Naharaina on the Egyptian monuments
of the 18th and 19th dynasties ; and in the
reigns of Thothmes I. and III., it offered a stub-
born resistance to the advance of the Egyptians
in Asia. One of its kings, Chushan-rishathaim,
extended his conquests to Palestine, not long
after the occupation of that country by the
Israelites, and held it for eight years (Judg. iii.
8, 10). At a later period the small principali-
ties of Aram-naharaim, the Nahiri ox Nairi of
the Assyrian monuments, were engaged in con-
stant wars with the Aasyrian monarchs and
became tributary to them. In the llth cent.
B.a, a period which synchronises with a tem-
porary decline in the Assyrian power, Zobah
was split up into several small states (1 Sam.
xiv. 47); but these were consolidated into a
jMwerful kingdom under Hadadezer, who opposed
David, and was conquered by him in the war
which resulted in an extension of the Jewish
empire to the Euphrates (2 Sam. viii.). David
also defeated the Arameans of Damascus, who
bad advanced to the assistance of Hadadezer,
and occupied Damascus (2 Sam. viii. 5, 6) ; but
after bis death the city was wrested from
Solomon by Rezon, and never retaken (1 K. xi.
23-25). Under the successors of Rezon the
power of Damascus rapidly increased, and even-
<> Benjamin of Tadela(£. Trav. 93} Identities Aram-
aolwh with Aleppo.
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220
ARAM
tually the name Aram was applied to it alone.
[DAltiSCCS.]
The Arameans were an important factor in
the Assyrian state, and many of them were
employed in the government serrice. In the
reign of Sennacherib they formed part of the
population of several Babylonian towns, and at
II later period "bands of Syrians" were sent
by Nebuchadnezzar against Jehoialcim (2 K.
xxiv. 2 ; cp. Jer. xzxv. 11). The worship of the
Aramean gods is tirst mentioned in connexion
with Gilead, and it appears to have been intro-
duced amongst the Jews, after the death of Jair,
through the trans-Jordanic tribes which were in
more immediate contact with the Aramean
states (Judg. x. 6). The Aramean form of wor-
Mp was adopted and introduced into Judaea by
Ahaz, who sacrificed to the " gods of the Icings
of Syria" (2 Oh. xxviii. 23X and had an altar
made after the pattern of one that he had seen
at Damascus (2 K. xvi. 10-16). " In the later
days of the Assyrian empire, Aramaic, the lan-
'^uage of Aram, became the common language of
trade and diplomacy, which every merchant
and politician was supposed to learn, and in still
later times succeeded in supplanting Assyrian in
Assyria and Babylonia, as well as Hebrew in
I'alestine, until in its turn it was supplanted by
.\rabic" (Sayce, Fresh Light from the A. Mont).
44.) It was in this language that Rabshakeh
was requested to speak (2 K. xriii. 26), and
that the officers of tlie Persian government in
•Samaria wrote to king Ahnsuerus (Ezra iv. 7).
The Hebrew terms " to divine " (kaaam ; which
is also Arabic), "to practise magic" (Oeut.
xviii. 10), and "idolatrous priests" (chemarin,
2 K. xxiii. 5), and other similar words are of
Aramean origin.
According to the genealogical table in Gen. x.
Aram was the son of Shem, and his brethren
were Elam, or the mountainous region E. of
Babylonia; Asshur, or Assyria; Arphaxad, or
Chaldaea ; and Lud. The children of Aram, or,
according to 1 Ch. i. 17, his brothers, were Uz,
and Uul, and Gether, and Mash or Meshech.
The last has been identified with the mountain
lountry, Mom Masiua, N. of Kisibis ; and Hul
with Hulija, mentioned on the Assyrian monu-
ments, as l>eing situated in the same district.
In 2 K. xvi. 6, the Syrians are said to have
L'ome to Elath (on the Ked Sea). The word
rendered Syrians (R. V.) is D^tpi^, Aromim,
which in the Keri is read Adomim, Edomites.
In 2 Ch. xxii. 5, the name is presented in a
sliortened form as Ram, D^^lil; comp. Job
xxxii. 2. ""
2. Upoi ; S^ri. Another Aram is named in
(icn. xxii. 21 as a son of Kerauel, and descendant
of Nahor. From the mention of the name with
Uz and Buz it is probably identical with the
tribe of Ram, to the "kindred " of which belonged
" Elihu, the son of Barachel the Buzite," who
was visiting Job in the land of Vz (Job xixii. 2).
It is also worthy of notice that among the other
descendants of Nahor are named Tebach (comp.
Tibhftth, 1 Ch. xii. 18) and Maacah ; so that
the tribe was possibly one of the smaller divi-
sions of Aram described above.
8. A. 'Apifi, B. 'Axttpiv; Aram. An Asherite,
one of the sons of Shemer (1 Ch. vii. 34).
4. The son of Esrom, or Hezron ; elsewhere
called Ram (Matt. i. 3, 4 ; Luke iii. 33). In
ARARAT
Luke, Tischeudorf, Westcott and Hort, witli
KBZXr, read (instead of 'Apifi) 'Kiiutr, rm
'Kpvti. The R. V. has Ram (marg. Araui) in
Matt. ; and Arni (marg. Aram) in Luke.
[G.] [ff.]
ARAMITESS (n;t?"1K; 7.ifa; Sura); U.
a female inhabitant of Aram (1 Ch. vii. 14). In
other passages of the A. V. the ethnic of Aram i>
rendered Syrian. [W. .K. W.]
ABA'M-MA'ACHAH. R. V. in 1 Ch. lii.
6. A. V. has Srria-maachah. [AEAii (1):
Maachah.] ■ [W. X. W.]
ARA'M-NAHAR.\'rM (Dnnj DT«, Arm,t
of the tico riceri ; 5 Ms iroiraTaMfa ivflat ; Jfeto-
potamia Syriae). Ps. Ix. title. Elsewhr^ in
A. V. Mesopotamia (Gen. xiiv. 10 ; Deut. iiiii.
4 ; Judg. iii. 8 ; 1 Ch. xix. 6). The northtrn
portion of the country between the Enphrites
and Tigris. In Deut. xxiii. 4 Pethor is ssid t"
be in Aram-naharaim ; it was on the W. baDk
of the Euphrates, near the mouth of the S. Sajir.
and rather in Aram-zobah. [AbaM (1); Ue3>
POTAMIA.] [W.]
ABA'M-ZO'BAH (HliV DTK; v lii«i«
3o$i\ ; Subal). Ps. Ix. title. In Fsam. i. «, 8,
A. V. has "Syrians of Zoba." An ArsmMit
state situated eastward of Coele-Syria, aad ei-
tcndlng N.E. and E. to the Euphrates ; it i«
elsewhere called simply Zodah (1 Sam. xlv. 47;
2 Sam. viii. 3, 5, 12, xxiii. 36; 1 K. iL 23;
1 Cb. xvili. 3, 5, 9 ; xix. 6). [Akam (I).] [ff.]
ARA'N (l"1K, teitdgoat, Sam. p«; D.'A^,
A. 'Afxlft, in 1 Ch. 'Appdy ; .^ran, Aran), tine
of a Horite (Gen. iiivL 28; 1 Ch. i. 42).
[W.A.W.] [F.]
ARARAH, or more correctly ARABATH
(T.' 'Apapde ; NA. 'Apapdr). A form only in Tob.
i. 21 for Ararat; cp. 2 K. xix. 37. [W.]
AKARAT (O'I'IS; 'ApapiiT; Ararat), a
mountainous district of Asia mentioned in tiif
Bible in connexion with the following events:—
(1) As the resting-place of the ark after the
Deluge (Gen. viii. 4, " upon the mountains of
Ararat," A. V. ; super montea Armeniae, Vulg.) :
(2) as the asylum of the sons of Senaicberil»
(2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. ixivii. 38 ; the LXX. hire
ci'i 'Apufflav in the latter, and the Vulg. i'«
terrain Arineniorum in the former passage; in
both A. V. has " the land of Armenia," and B. V.
"the land of Ararat"): (3) as the ally, ami
probablv the neighbour, of Minni and Ashchcnai
(Jer. 11. '27). [Armenia.] The expression used
in Gen. xi. 2, that after the Flood mankiwi
journeyed " from the East," is explained by thf
cuneiform inscriptions in which the peak of
Rowaudiz, whereon the ark of the ChaUon
Noah rested, is identified with Kharsak A'urro,
"the mountain of the East " (p. 221, n. a>
The name Ararat was unknown to the geo-
graphers of Greece and Rome (except, as Sir H.
Rawlinson has shown, under the form of AUt»-
dians, Hdt. iii. 94), as it still is to the Armenians
of the present day ; but that it was an indigenous
and an ancient name for a portion of Annenis.
appears from the statement of Moses of Chorene,
who gives Araratia as the designation of the
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ARARAT
ARARAT
221
central prorioce, and connecU the name with .in
JiitloricM crent reputed to hnre occurred U.C.
ir.'iO (UUior. Armen. Whiston, p. 361). Jerome
iiitntilied it with the great plain of the Araxes ;
but thii view ii not in a<^cordance with the
AMTrian inscriptions, in which Urardhu or
Urartu (Ar.irat) i< the country S. and K. of
Lake Van, which U called Bianiaa on the native
moounieDts ; it would, however, be more correct
tu ruttsiti«r the name in its Biblical sense as
Je..4riptive generally of the Armenian highlands
—the lofty plateau which overlooks the plain of
the Xmn on the N., and of Mesopotamia on
the S. We shall presently notice the charac-
teristics of this remarkable region, which adapted
it to become the cradle of the human race, and
the central spot whence, after the Deluge, the
nations were to radiate to diderent quarters of
the world. It is, however, first necessary to
notice briefly thfc opinions put forth as to the
spot where the ark rested, as described in Gen.
rlii. 4, although all such speculations, from the
indefiniteness of the account, cannot lead to any
certain result. Berosus, the Chaldaean, con-
temporary with Alexander the Great, fixes the
spot in the Gordyaean * muuntnins (irphi rtf uptt
Tun Koptvaluv, Joseph. Ant. i. 3, § 6), which
appear to have been in Armenia, or in the modern
Kurdistan, to the E. or N.E. of Assyria, .ind to
have formed the boundary between the two
countries. Berosus »eems to have obtained his
information from the Chaldaean records, which
state that the ark of Xisuthrus or Sisuthrus
rested on the mountain of Nizir, which lay east
of Assyria between 3.'i° and 36° N. lat. (Trans.
Soc. Bih. Arch. ii. ^31. See also Delitzsch, IIVi
lag das Paradies, p. lOo, &c.) His opinion is fol-
lowed by the Syriac and Chaldee Versions, which
give 1115 *' '''* equivalent for Ararat in Gen.
viii. 4, and in a later age by the Koran. Tradi-
tion still points to the Jd)€t Judi as the scene of
the event, and maintains the liclief, as stated by
Berosus, that fragments of the ark exist on its
summit. The selection of this range was natural
Co an inhabitant of the Mesopotamian plain ; for
it presents an apparently insurmountable barrier
I'O that side, hemming in the valley of the Tigris
with abrupt declivities sn closely that only dur-
ing the summer months is any passage afforded
Ixtween the mountain and river (Ainsworth's
frmls in t/ie track of the Tea Thousand, p. 154).
JoHphus also quotes Nicolaus Damascenus to
tie effect th.it a mountain named Baris, beyond
Minyas, was the spot. This has been identified
with Varaz, a mountain mentioned by St. Martin
(if*n. sur rAmiAiie, i. 26.5) as rising to the
"orth of Lake Van, and which appears to be the
•Mae as the modern Sipan Dai/h. Baris, how-
s«r, api>fars in the Book of Jubilees (ch. 5)
cciier the fuller form of (,ubar. which Epiphanius
(•rit. Haer. i. .5) makes the boundary between
.^nsenia and the Kurds ; and the Minyas of
Nicolaus Damascenus is the kingdom of the Minni
(oiled Mana in the Vannic inscriptions), which
*ijoined Ararat or Bianias (whence the modern
^u) on the south-east. That the scene of
u event so deeply interesting to mankind had
even at that early a?e been transferred, ns was
natural, to the lot'tiest and most imposing moun-
tain in the district, a]>pears from the statement
of Josephus (Ant. i. :!, § 5) that the spot where
Noah left the ark had received from the Arme-
nians a name descriptive of that event, which he
renders ' A'ko fiariiptov, and which may possibly
be identical with Kachiijevan, on the banks of the
Araxes. To this neighbourhood all the associa-
tions connected with Noah are now assigned by
the native Armenians, and their opinion has
been so far endorsed by Europeans that they
have given the name Ararat exclusively to the
mountain which is called Masais by the Arme-
nians ; Aghri-Dar/h, i.e. Painful Mountain, by the
• The name Oordyene appears In the Kaiduchi of
Xenophon and .Straljo, and lu ihc niiKlern Kurds and
Kurdistan. Kurdistan ts represented hy the Accailiaii
Qutlom, within the limits of which " the n)ount«ln ot*
Nlzir " or Rowandiz was situated, and the Assyrian
Kutu. Urardhu or Ararat seems to l>e connected with the
Assyrian Unlhu, which an old Reogr&phlcal list {W. A,
1. 11. 48, 13) interprets by tUla, "highlands."
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AKAKAT
AIJAUAT
Turks ; and Koh-i-yih, i.e. Xoah's Mountain, by
the Persians. It rises immediately out of the
plain of the Araxes, and terminates in two
conical peaks, named the Great and Little
Ararat, about seven miles distant from each
other, the former of which attains an elevation
of 1 7,000 feet above the level of the sea, and
about 14,000 above the plain oftho Araxes, while
the latter is lower by 4,000 feet. The summit
of the higher is covered with eternal snow for
about 3,000 feet of perpendicular height. That
it is of volcanic origin, is evidenced by the im-
mense masses of lava, cinders, and porphyry
with which the middle region is covered ; a deep
cleft on its northern side has been regarded as
the site of its crater, and this cleft was the
scene of a terrible catastrophe which occurred
.Inly 2, 1840, when the village of ArgAuriiuad
the Monastery of St. James were buried beneath
the debris brought down from the upper heights
by a violent earthquake. The summit of Ararat
was long deemed inaccessible, and the Armenians
Ntill cling to this belief. It was first ascended
in 1829 by Parrot, who approached it from the
X.W. ; he describes a secondary summit about
400 yards distant from the highest point, and
on the gentle depression which connects the two
eminences he surmises that the ark rested
[Juuntey to Ararat, p. 179. See also Bryce,
TramcatKOiia and Ararat, p. 278). The region
immediately below the limits of perpetual snow
is barren, and un visited by beast or bird.
Wagner (Beise, p. 185) describes the silence and
solitnde that reigned there as quite overpower-
ing. Arghuri, the only village known to have
been built on its slopes, was the spot where,
according to tradition, Noah planted his vine-
yard. Lower down, in the plain of Araxes, is
Xachitjemn, where the patriarch is reputed to
have been buried.
Returning to the broader signification wc
have assigned to the term "the mountains of
Ararat," as co-extensive with the Armenian
plateau from the base of Ararat in the N. to
the range of Kurdistan in the S., we notice the
following characteristics of that region as
illustrating the Bible narrative: — (1) Its ele-
vation. It rises as a rocky island out of a sea
of plain to a height of from 6,000 to 7,000
feet above the level of the sea, presenting a
surface of extensive plains, whence, as from
a fresh base, spring important and lofty moun-
tain-ranges, having a generally parallel direction
from £. to W., and connected with each other by
transverse ridges of moderate height. (2) Its
geograpliical position. The Armenian plateau
stands equidistant from the Euxine and the
Caspian seas on the N., and between the Persian
Gulf and the Mediterranean on the S. With
the first it is connected by the Acampsis, with
the second by the Araxes, with the third by the
Tigris .ind Euphrates, the latter of which also
serves as an outlet towards the countries on the
Mediterranean coast. These seas were the high
roads of primitive colonization, and the plains
watered by these rivers were the seats of the
most powerful nations of antiquity, the Cbal-
daeans, the Assyrians, the Medes, and the
Colchians. Viewed with reference to the dis-
persion of the nations, Armenia is the true
oit^mKhs of the world : and it is a significant
fact that nt the present day Little Ararat is the
great boundary-stone between the empires of
Russia, Turkey, and Persia. (3) Its phiisical
formation. The Armenian plateau is the result
of volamic agencies : the plains as well ai the
mountains supply evidence of this. Armenia,
however, difi'ers materially from other regions
of similar geological formation, as, for instance,
i the neighbouring range of Caucasus, inasmuch
as it does not rise to a sharp, well-defined
central crest, but expands into plains or steppes,
separated by a graduated series of subordinate
ranges. Wagner (^Jicise, p. 263) attributes this
peculiarity to the longer period during which
the volcanic powers were at work, and the
room afforded for the expansion of the molten
masses into the surrounding districts. The
result of this expansion is that Annenia is fir
more accessible, both from without and within
its own limits, than other districts of similar
elevation: the passes, though' high, are com-
paratively easy, and there is no district which
is shut out from commnnication with its neigh-
bours. The fall of the ground in the centre i>i
the plateau is not decided in any direction, as is
demonstrated by the early courses of the rivers
— the Araxes, which flows into the Caspian,
rising westward of cither branch of the Euphrates,
and taking at first a northerly direction — the
Euphrates, which Hows to the S., rising north-
ward of the Araxes, and taking a westerly
direction. (4) The climtte is severe. Winter
lasts from October to M.iy, and is succeeded by
a brief spring and a summer of intense heat
The contrast between the plateau and the
adjacent countries is striking: in April, when
the Mesopotamian plains are scorched w^ith heat,
and on the Euxine shore the azalea aitd rhodo-
dendron are in bloom, the Ai-menian plains are
still covered with snow ; and in the early part
of September it freezes keenly at night.
(5) The vegetation is more varied and pro-
ductive than the climate would lead us to
expect. Trees are not found on the platen
itself, but grass grows luxuriantly, and furnishes
abundant pasture during the summer months to
the flocks of the nomad Kurds. Wheat and
barley ripen at far higher altitudes than on the
Alps and the Pyrenees : the volcanic nature of
the soil, the abundance of water, and the
extreme heat of the short snmmer bring the
harvest to maturity with wonderful speed. At
Erzrilm, about 5,750 feet above the sea, the
crops appear above ground in the middle of
June, and are ready for the sickle before the
end of August (Wagner, p. 255). The vine
ripens at about 5,000 feet, while in Europe
its limit, even south of the Alps, is about
2,650 feet.
The general result of these obserrations »
bearing upon the Biblical narrative woold be to
show that, while the elevation of the Armenian
plateau constituted it the natural resting-place
of the ark after the Deluge, its geographical
position and its physical character secund an
impartial distribution of the families of mankind
to the variooa quarters of the world. The
climate furnished a powerful inducement to seek
the more tempting regions on all sides of it;
and the character of the vegetation was remark-
ably adapted to the nomad state in which we
may conceive the early generations of Noah's
descendants to hare lived. [W. L. B. j [W.]
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ABAUNAH
AEAU'XAH (HjnK ; Ge»., comparing the
Siriac suggests =ci<u(Ms ; 'Opri ; Joseph. 'Opoi'-
ris; Artuna), a Jebusite who »old his threshing-
floor on Mount Moriah to David as a site for
an altar to Jehovah, together with his oien,
for 50 shekels of silver (2 &iin. xxW. 18-24),
or (according to 1 Ch. xxt. 25) for 600 shekels
of gold by weight. The inference from the
X. V. of 2 Sam. xxiv. 23, " these things did
iiiannah, the king, give unto the king," that
h« was one of the royal race of the Jebusites,
is not supported by the R. V. " All this, O king,
doth A. give," &c. His name is variously
written: TOniKfl (2 Sam. xxiv. 16)4 H'^nK
(uiv. 18)r)rK (1 Ch. xxi.; 2 Ch. iii.' 1).
[OEtAN.] '" [R.W.B.] [F.]
AB'BA (»3"!t«, Ges. perhaps = Aomo quad-
nrtiM; Cariith-A'rbe), the progenitor of the sous
of Asak, and described as " the greatest (i.e. the
most celebrated) man among the As akim ; " after
him their chief city Hebron received its name
of Kirjath-arba (Josh. xiv. 15 [B. 'Apyifi, A.
■Apffi], rr. 13 [B. 'Ap^ic, A. -«(t], xxi. II
[SKiHiV/8<(«. A. K<v«9-]). [F.W.G.] [F.]
AB'BA, the city of (»3TK n^i?; A. Kapio9-
afgiit, B. Kafa8ai>06K; Cariatharbe), Josh. xv.
13, ixL U. In both cases the A. V. marg. has
" Kirjath-arba," and the R. V. " Kiriath-arba "
in text; but R. V. has "the city of Arba" in
marg. of xv. 13. In Josh. xxi. 11 the A. V.,
ed. 1611, reada « the citie of Arbah," marg.
"Kiriath-arbah." [Kirjath-arba.] [W.]
ASBA'H, the city of (ySTK n\y ; iriKis
i»» Mtttm; dvitaa Arbee ; K V. "Kiriath-
arba"). Gen. XXIV. 27. The place elsewhere
called in the A. V. KiBJATH-ARBA. The H has
b«n made to repre.sent the Ain of the Hebrew
(oomp. Jehoshnah ; Belah, JP|). The render-
h^ of the LXX. shows that they perhaps read
fI3TB, which they took to denoU "the 'Ai-a-
bak.^the plain of Jordan (xirviu 14). [W.]
ABBATHITK, THE Cn3"??^l; '» 1 ^h.
B. i rafafiaOel, A. SopofleWc?, K.'ropojS^S; in
2 Sam. A i 'hprnfiattlas, B. ulht rov 'Apa-
MoiiM [aee Abiei.] ; Arbathittt), probably a
aative of the town 'Arabah. Abialbon the A.
WM one of David's thirty mighty men (2 Sam.
iiiii 31 ; 1 Ch. xi. 32). [W. A W.] [S. R. D.]
ABBATTIS (T.» iy 'Apfidrrott, K'. 'A/>-
Urns, AK*. 'ApjSdKToij ; Arbatis), a district of
Paltstine named in 1 Mace. v. 23 only. Ewald
conjectured (flescAicAte, iv. 359, note), restmg
«i the reading of the Peshito Syriac (,4^?> l>
ird BvC), that the district N. of the Sea of
<5alil««, part of which is still called Ard el-
Batikak, was here intended. But it seems at
least equally probable that the word is merely
a corruption of ' lutpaPcerltn\, the province or
toparchy which lay between Neapolis and
Jfricho (Reland, 192 ; Joseph. B. J. iii. 3, §§ 4,
5,fcc> [AKRABBM.] [G.] [W.]
ABBEXA (_ir "A^iS^Aou; m Arbeilis), men-
tinwd in the Bible only in 1 Mace. ix. 2, and
there only as defining the situation of Masaloth,
a place besieged and taken by Bacchides and
Alcimns at the opening of the campaign in
AKCHELAUS
223
which Judas Maccabaens was killed. According
to Josephns (^Ant. xii. 11, § 1), this was at
Arbcla of Galilee, ty 'Ap3^Ao» iri\(t r^r
roAiAafor, a place which he elsewhere states to
be near Sopphoris, on the lake of Gennesareth,
and remarkable for certain impregnable caves,
the resort of robbers and insurgents, and the
scene of more than one desperate encounter
(comp. Ant. xiv. 15, §§ 4, 5 ; S. J. i. 16,
§§ 2, 3 ; ii. 20, § 6 ; Vita, § 37). These topo-
graphical requirements are fully met by the
exbting Irbid,' a site with a few ruins, inclading
those of a synagogue, west of Ucjdel, on the
sonth-east side of the Wady Hamdm, at the
eastern extremity of a small plain at the fo4t of
the hill of Kwrun Haltin, and overlooking the
ravine. The caverns are in both faces of the
ravine, and bear the name of KuPat Ibn Ma'an
(Rob. ii. 398 ; Burckh. p. 331 ; Irby, p. 91).
There seems no reason to doubt the sound-
ness of this identification.'' The army of Bac-
chides was on its road from Antioch to the land
of Jud.iea (yriv 'lo^a), which they were
approaching "by the way that leadeth to
Galgala" (Gilgal);' that is, by the valley of the
Jordan in the direct line to which IMd lies.*
Ewald, however (GeschuMe, iv. 370, note),
insists, in opposition to Josephus, that the
engagements of this campaign were confined to
Judaea proper, a theory which drives him
to consider "Galgala" as the JiljUia north of
Gophna. [Giloal.] Bat he admits that no
trace of an Arbela in that direction has yet
come to light.
Arbela may be the Beth-arbel of Hos. x. 14,
but there is nothing to ensure it. [G.] [W.]
ABBI'TE, THE C3'lKn ; <fe Aril). Paarai
the Arbite was one of David's guard (2 Sam.
xxiii. 35). The word, .according to Ges. and
Fiirst, probably signifies a native of Arab. In
the parallel list of Chronicles it is given as
(Ben-)Ezbai, by a change in letters not unfre-
qnently occurring. [EzBAi.] The LXX. is
very corrupt: A. tapeul i 'Afaxfi*lst B- ''''''
ObpauMfx*^ i"* 'f ^3'IKn. See Kennicott, Da-
lert. on 2 Sam. ixiU. p. 210). [G.] [W.]
ABBO'NAI, Judith ii. 24. [See Abronas.]
ABCHELA'US ("Apx^Xaot ; Archelaua), son
of Herod the Great by Malthak^ a Samaritan,
who was also the mother of Herod Antipas.
They were brought np at Rome (Jos. Ant. xvii.
1, § 3). Archelaus was the elder of the two (Jos.
• The Arbela of Alexander the Great ts called MM
by the Arabic historians (Bob. ii. 3M). The change
of I to d Is not nnfreqnent. Moreover, the present
Irbid Is undoubtedly mentioned in the Talmud as
Arbel (see Schwan, p. 189 ; Belaud, p. 368 ; Bob. 111. 343,
note).
» First suggested In the Munich Otl. Ameigen, Nov.
183S, and eagerly laid hold of by Boblnson.
• Some MSS. and the Important version of the Syriac
Peshito read " Qilead ; " In which case the Arbela be-
yond Jonlan must bo thought of. But It Is hardly likely
that Josephus would be Inaccurate In hli topography, in
a part of the conntiy which be knew so thoroughly.
a The importance of the Widy Hmnim In a military
point of view, as commanding the great north road, the
Sea of Galilee, and the Important springs In the plain of
Gennesareth, Is not lost sight of by Wilson (X^ndi i/
Me Bible, In Bitter, Jordan, p. 3J8).
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AKCHELAUS
li. J. i. 32, 7, and 33, 7). In an earlier will
Antipas had been named Iting, but a later dis-
position, only a fen- days before Herod's death,
took away the succession from Antipas, left him
the tetrarchy of Galilee and Pernea, and trans-
ferred the richer districts of Judaea and Samaria
to Archelaus, with the title of king. But the
inheritance was dependent on the ratification of
Augustus, and the first step was to go to Rome
and obtain it. liefore Archelaus could do this
his government was tarnished at the outset by
bloodshed. The cruelties of Herod's reign began
to bear fruit, and especially vengeance was
demanded on the counsellors responsible for the
death of the Zealots who had destroyed the eagle
above the Temple gate (Jos. Ant. xvii. 6, §3).
The demand grew to a tumult ; a cohort sent to
<iuell it was stoned, and order was restored only by
the slaughter in the Temple of about 3000 Jews.
And then Archelaus was free to depart. At
Rome, although opposed by bis brother Antipas,
he found favour with Augustus, who declared
him the most worthy competitor (JHuirarov T^t
$euri\ttas, Jos. Ant. xvii. 9, § 7), but postponed
the final decision. Now came the news from
Judaea of worse disorders. Another struggle
had taken place again at a feast and again in
the Temple. 8»binus, the Roman procurator
during the interregnum, had burned the Temple
courts, plundered the treasure, and was now
himself besieged. Judas, the robber captain,
was master of Galiiee ; and Simon, Athronges,
and Herod's dismissed soldiers, all contributed
to the disorder. Peace was restored by Varus,
legate of Syria, .it the bead of a powerful
army, and 2000 of the rebels were crucified.
It was time that the question of the succession
should be settled. Archelaus, Antipas, and
Philip were all present to plead their cause ; but
besides these, an embassy of fifty Jews, backed
by 8000 of their countrymen in Rome, came to
pray to be delivered from such rulers as Herod
and Archelaus, and to be placed under the direct
government of Rome, as an appendage ^itpoird^KTi)
to the province of Syria. The message (irp«<r-
■0*la) sent after Archelaus, " We will not have
this man to reign over us," puts it beyond
a doubt that his journey to receive a king-
dom suggested a feature in the parable of Luke
xix. 12 sq. The sacred use made of the
history of a bad man finds a parallel in the case
of the " unjust judge " in the preceding chapter
(Luke xviii. 3). Augustus now decided the
matter by confirming the division appointed by
Herod's final will. Archelaus retained Judaea,
Iduroaea, and Samaria, with a revenue three
times as largo as that of Antipas. But his
title w^as to be cthnarch, and that of king was
«nly promised conditionally on his showing he
ileserved it (Jos. Ant. xvii. 11, § 4). So .\sander
had been ethnarch of the Bosporus, and was
promoted by Augustus to be "king" of the
same district (Locian, Macrob. 17, quoted by
.\nger). At this jwint Matt. ii. 22 may be
noticed, though the exact )>eriod of Archelaus'
government at which Joseph returned from
£gypt is not ascertained. At any rate it took
place after sufficient evidence had been given
of Archelaus' cruel disposition, either by his
massacres (Passover, n.C. 4), or in other ways.
But the difficulty of the text lies in the word
" reigns " (jSooiXeufi). Archelaus was never
ARCHIPPliS
king as Herod intended him to be. Augustus
made him ethnarch, and as ethnarch W is
described on his coins. It may here be ailM
that on these coins he bears the family name of
Herod (see Madden, Coini of the Jeic$, p. 117).
However, inasmuch as his assumptioa of the
dignity of king was a principal grouad of
Antipater's attack u|>on him (^iriicei\tei' *foim-
9urtv iirl $p6yov jSao'iAclou, md iutwr tiakvata
&s 6iri $atrtK(us yim/itvas, Jos. Ant. xvii. 9, § 3).
he may well have been popularly known u
iSa<riX<i»i, and indeed Josephus himself (in/,
xviii. 4, 3) speaks of him nnder that title.
Herod Antipas the tetrarch is also called ''the
king" (i fiairi\tis. Matt. xiv. 9 ; Mark vi. 14).
The rule of Archelaus lasted ten years, ac. 4 1«
A.D. 6. Like all the Herods, he was a great
builder, but beyond this we know little of his
pnblic acts. In his private life he gave caiue of
otfence to his subjects by divorcing his wiff
Mariamme to marry Glaphyra, who bad ken
the wife, first of his brother Alexander, anJ
then of Juba, king of Mauretania. The iict
that there was issue of her marriage vitlj
Alexander prevented her marriage with Arcl^
laus being admissible under the law of Levintr.
Finally, A.D. 6, another depatation both from
Judaea and Samaria went to Rome, and their
complaints of his cruelty led Augustus to snid
at once for Archelaus. He confronted him with
his accusers, condemned him, and sentenced him
to banishment at Vienne (Jos, Ant. xvii. 1.1, §3),
where he died (Strabo, xvi. 2, 46). His tomb
however was shown near Bethlehem (Jerome, OS.'
p. 135, 12, s. r. Bethleem). On his coins he ii
called " Herod, Ethnarch " (Madden, Coins oftlK
Jacs, p. 115), and Dio Cassius (Iv. 27) calls him
" Herod the Palestinian." See Schiirer, X. T.
Zeitjcschiclitc, § 17. [E. K. B.]
AKCUEEY. [Arms.]
AE'CHEVITES (K.!)3'1t< [Jfm]; B. 'A^-
Xovoi, A. 'Axvatoi ; ErchuaeCy, the inhabitaaU
of Ebgch or Warka, one of the Babylonian cities
mentioned in Gen. x. 10 (Schrader, K.iT^
p. 94, &c.) ; some of whom had been placed u
colonists in Samaria (Ezra iv. 9. Cp. Beithesu-
Ryssel in loco). [W. L. B.] [F.]
AB'CHI C3"1Kn ; B. XaTiifx»«et, A 'kfv
arapde ; Archi), Josh. xvi. 2. [AbCIUTE,]
ARCHIP'PUS CApX"nf"; Ara^jxt), ■>
Christian entrusted with office (Jieutei^a) i"
the Church to the discharge of which he is W
to take heed (Col. iv. 17). In respect of his
ministry he is a fellow-soldier (<rur<rrpceriins)
of St. Paul and Timothy, and is thus greeted by
them (Philem. 2). In the verse quoted his
name follows those of Philemon and Apphis,ai»l
he must therefore from the private ch.ir»ct«r Dt
the letter have been closely connected wi'b
Philemon, perhaps his son. The return »'
Onesimus to Colossae (Col. iv. 9) has been held
to prove that Philemon, and therefore »k"
Archippus, lived there. But .is this proof is
not conclusive respecting Philemon, so it is slill
less so respecting Archippus. He may bare
been greeted in a letter to Philemon, even
though not habitually resident in his house-
Laodicea is " within a walk " from Colossae.
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ABCHITE
The message in CoL it. 17 is apparently the last
clause of a message to Laodicea, nhicli is to be
coDreyed by the Colossians, " Greet them, cause
tbem to read yonr letter, and say to Archippus."
We may follow Wieseler in this view of the
]:«$sa;e, and conclude with him that Archippus'
ministry was exercised at Laodicea, without
■mg on to Wieseler's further conclusion that
Philemon therefore also lived at Laodicea, and
that "the Epistle from Laodicea" was the
Ifiisile to Philemon, a wholly untenable sugges-
tiDii. It is impossible to fix the nature of the
tttiark eierci>>ed by Archippus. Bp. Lightfoot
Mgptts that he was either a presbyter or an
naagelist, not a deacon. He also calls attention
to the coincidence between this warning to the
jostor of Laodicea and the warnings to the same
tbtuch, Ber. iit 14-19 (see Bp. Ughtfoot, £pp.
C<J. md Phikm., Philem. Introduction, whose
riew has been fallowed thronghout; also
Wieseler, Chnn. Ap. Zeitalt. p. 452). Tradition
nukei Archippus bishop of Laodicea, e.g. Apott.
'"'iMt. vil 46. There is a story of his martyrdom
at Chonae near Laodicea. He was buried (x^*"
mm) up to his middle in a pit, pricked by the
i«'ys vith their pencils (7f>a^ia), and 6nally
.toned {UmA. Oraec. Basil, i. 206). [E. R. B.]
ABCHTTE, THE ('9"TNn, as if from a
I'lace named Erech, ';|ltC;2Sam. XT., xri., B.
i ifxiiruins (A. ipx^'^^P'^t ^"'^ ' '^PX^>
froTfw); 2 Sam. ivii., A. i 'Apaxh B. -x««i
I Ch. i ypvTot ^(Xot ; Arachite$'), the usual
<iesi|nation of David's friend Hushai (2 Sam. xv.
ii. iTi 16, iTii. 5, 14 ; 1 Ch. xxvii. 33).
The word also appears (somewhat disguised,
it is tme, in the A. V.) in Josh, xvi. 2, where
"the borders of Archi" (U. "the Archite,"
R. V. '-the Archites ")* are named as on the
I'juodary of the "children of Joseph," and in
the nei^boorhood of Bethel. The name appears
to be preserved in *Ain Arik, a small village
; miles W.S.W. of Bethel, which is marked
"!) the map of Harino Sanuto, 1321 A.c, as
Arvia (P. F. Hem. iii. 7). No town of the
ume of ^*IK appears in Palestine. Is it pos-
r.Ue that, as in the case of the Qerizi, the
Znaarites and the Jebusites, we have here the
ixst bint trace of one of the original tribes of
tbe country? [G.] [W.]
ABCBITECTDBR The Book of Genesis
appears to divide mankind into two great
(haracteristic sections, viz. the "dwellers in
ieiits''and the "dwellers in cities; " it tells us
further, that Cain was the founder of a city,
tcid that among hia descendants one, Jubal, was
"le " &tber" of the tent-dwellers, while Tubal-
'in was the " instructor of every artificer in
■fM and iron " (Gen. iv. 17-22). These last
'en probably for the most part dwellers in
'>na; and thus the arts of architecture and
nietallargy became from the earliest times
i^iuracteristic of tbe city-dwelling, as distin-
guished from the nom.idic, tendency among the
nas of mankind.
To the race of Ham, and especially to Nimrod,
^ attributed, in Gen. i. 10, 11, the founda-
AECHITECTUBE
225
' Omipare Josh, xviil. is, where " Jebusi " should be
t-niUtei "tbeJebuatte " (R. V.), a* U has been in zv. 9.
'^ ll» GlaizIM ; ZKMAKADf.
BIBLE DICr. — VOL. I.
tion of the cities of Babylon, Erech, Accad, and
Calneh, in the plain of Shinar ; while to that
of Shem, especially to Asshur, is assigned the
foundation of Nineveh, Calah, Kesen, and Reho-
both. Whether by this last name a separate
city be meant, or only the suburbs of one of
the other places named, is not important to con-
sider here (see Schrader, KAT? pp. 100, 101).
Of Resen (possibly the Riiin of the Assyrian
Monuments, Schrader, /. c.) the writer says
that it was a " great city," viz. at the time at
which he wrote, i.c. probably as early as the
13th century B.C., if not still earlier. From the
same Book we obtain an account of the earliest
recorded building, and of the materials employed
in its construction, the so-called Tower of Babel,
with which the structure called Birs-Nimroud
was long believed to be identical. For descrip-
tions of the several towns mentioned above the
reader is referred to the separate articles under
their names ; but of the ruined Birs-Nimroud,
which beyond all doubt represents both in site
and in plan a previous structure of a much
earlier date, the remark may be made which
applies to most other remains of ancient build-
ings in Southern Chaldaea and Mesopotamia,
that it was mainly constructed of brick. Thu
greater part of the structure of the Birs-Nim-
roud has been reduced by fire to an almost
shapeless mass of ruin, though vast numbers of
bricks have been drawn out of it inscribed with
the name of Nebuchadnezzar, its rebuilder. In
other structures masses of walling still remain
composed of bricks, many of them dried in the
sun, but many carefully burnt in the kiln,
highly glazed and coloured, and bearing inscrip-
tions ; and in some cases laid with reeds between
the courses, and firmly cemented with bitumen,
the " slime " with which the valley of the
Euphrates so remarkably abounds, and which
gives its name to the ruined city of Mugheir
("city of bitumen." Cp. Gen. iv. 17, 20, 22,
I. 8-12, xi. 2, 3-11; Bohn, Early Travellers,
p. 100; Vaux, Nin. and Persep. pp. 173, 178;
Pietro delln Valle, Viaggi, vol. ii. 844, 862;
Loitus, Chatd. p. 198 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist,
de FArt dans rantiijuite, passim ; Layard, Ninc-
vth, ii. 221, 249, 278; Xin. and Bab. p. 531 ;
Rawlinson, Anc. Man. ii. 534 ; Babelon, Man.
d'Archeologie Orientate, passim).
Whether the Cushite race by which lower
Chaldaea was colonised and Biabel built was
imported into that country from Africa is not a
question to be discussed here, but we see plainly
that both they and the dominant race of the
Egyptian people were alike descended from
Ham, while that of Asshur, the inhabitants of
the upper region in which Nineveh, though
perhaps not built by them, was situate, was
derived from Shem (Gen. x. 6, 10, 11, 22).
Certain it is that strong resemblances exist
between the Assyrian architecture of Nineveh
and that of Egypt (Layard, ii. 206 sq.), and
thus the oldest known architecture in the world
is beyond all doubt connected in style also with
that which appears to come next to it in the
order of historical record. We may say then
that, so far as is known at present, the race of
Ham were the earliest builders among the
human race, as in some respects their buildings
surpass in grandeur and impressive solemnity,
OS some of them surpass greatly in size, any now
Q
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226
AECHITECTUBE
remaining that liave come after them. We may
add that from the same origiaal stock came
the races denoted by the names Canaan and
SidoD, of whose architectural works in some
form or other remains may perhaps still be
traced in Syria, and whose towns, many of them
fortilicd, were planted over the country long
before the occupation of it by the Israelites.
Of towns in one part or other of that region
two at least may claim a very remote but well
authenticated antiquity : Damascus, whose ori-
gin, probably Semitic, is earlier in date than
the time of Abraham ; and Hebron, of Hittite
(i.<f. Canaanite) origin, which is said to have been
built seven years before Zoan in Egypt. If the
identiKcation of Zoan or Tanis with Avaris, the
city founded by the shepherd kings, be accepted,
this date would carry back the origin of Kirjath-
arba or Hebron to a period not later than
2,000 B.C. (Gen. xiii. 18, xiv. 13 ; Num. xiii. 22 ;
Josh. xiv. 15 ; 1 K. iv. 13 ; Hanetho, apud
Joseph, c. Ap. i. 14 ; Fergusson, Jlist. of Arch.
i. 112). The Israelites were by occupation
shepherds, and by habit dwellers in tents (Gen.
xlvi. 32 ; xlvii. 3), and the " house " built by
Jacob at Succoth is probably no exception to
this statement (Ges. p. 192), but during their
slavery in Egypt they were compelled, together
with other Egyptian captives, to labour at the
buildings of their Egyptian masters, for whom
it is said that they built the cities of Pithom
and Raamses (Kx. i. 11 ; P. Smith, Ifist. of
World, i. 147 i Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt., ii. 195
[1878]). When they entered Palestine, we know
that in many cases they occupied the cities
which they found there, but in some of the low
lands they perhaps built for themselves abodes
of sun-dried bricks, whose ruins may still per-
haps be found in the " tells " or heaps of rubbish
in the plain of Esdraelon, and in the Jordan
valley (Dent. vi. 10 ; Josh. xxiv. 13 ; Survey of
Western I'ttl. vol. ii. p. 129 ; Conder, Tent Life,
li. 46). Tiic native limestone which abounds
in Palestine would supply a ready material for
building (Deut. xxii. 8), but, from some reason
or other, the Israelites do not appear to have
undertaken any great architectural work imtil
the time of David. Even the ark of God dwelt
" within curtains " (2 Sam. vii. 2) ; but David
made larsje collections of materi.ils, and prepared
careful plans for a sumptuous building to con-
tain it, which however it was reserved for
Solomon to complete, in great measure, with
imported materials and foreign workmen (1 K.
v.-x. ; 1 Ch. xxviii. xxix.). Besides the Temple
and his other great works of various kinds in
auil near Jerusalem, Solomon built fortresses
and cities in various places, among which the
names and sites of Baalath and Tadmor are in
all probability rejirescnted by the modern super-
structures of Baalbek and Palmyra (1 K. ix. 15,
24). Ammig the succeeding kings of Israel and
of Jndah more than one is recorded as a builder :
Asa (1 K. XV. 23), Baasha (xvi. 17), Orari (xvi.
24), Ahab (xvi. 34, xxii. 39), Hezckiah (2 K.
xx. 20 ; 2 Ch. xxxii. 27, 30), Jehoash .ind Josiah
(2 K. .\ii. 11, 12; xxii. 0); and, lastly, Jehoia-
liini, of whose winter palace, or apartments,
mention is made (Jer. xxii. 14 ; xxivi. 22. See
also Hos. viii. 14 ; .\mo3 iii. 15).
On the return from the Captivity the chief
care of the Jewish rulers was to rebuild the
ARCHITECTDRE
Temple and the walls of Jerusalem in a sub-
stantial manner with stone and timber trom
Lebanon (Ezra iii. 7-10, v. 8 ; Neh. ii. 8, iiL
7-10), and no doubt both in public and iu
domestic architecture about this time the J««j
borrowed much from the people among whom
they had lived (Ezek. viii. 10, xiiii. 14, l.^i;
Hagg. i. 4; Layard, Xinetxh, ii. 307, 308).
During the government of the Maccabees the
fortress (Baris), called afterwards by Herod
Antonia, wai erected for the defence of the
Temple and of the city (1 Mace iv. 60 ; Joseph.
Ant. xiii. 11, § 2 ; xv. 11, § 4) ; but the reigns of
Herod and his successors were especially remark-
able for display in architecture. The Temple
was restored with great magnificence, and Jeru-
salem was strengthened with fortifications and
embellished with public buildings. Besides
these great works, Caesarea was built on the
site of Strato's tower, aqueducts for the toTO
and a harbour constructed, Samaria enlarged
and the name Sebaste given to it, and the t««n
of Agrippium built ; and Herod the Great carried
his love of architecture, combined with a dettie
to gratify his Roman patrons, so far a> even to
adorn with buildings cities not within hit ova
dominions (Joseph, Ant. xv. 9, §§ 5, 6 ; 11, § 4;
xvi. 5, § 3;— B.J. i. 21,§§ 1, 2, 10, 1!). Hissoo
Philip, the tetrarch, enlarged the old Greel
colony of Paneas, and called it in honour of
Tiberius, Caesarea, to which his own name was
added, while his brother Antipas founded the
city of Tiberias, and adorned the towns J
Sepphoris in Galilee and Betbaramphta beyond
Jordan, giving to the latter the name Julias, tr
Livias, in honour of the mother of Tiberics
(Joseph. Ant. xviii. 2, 1 ; Ilieron. de Sit.d i'<m-
vol. iii. 173, 174 ; Reland, Gcog. p. 497).
Of these buildings, including aqueducts, which
perhaps may be regarded rather as engineeriiif
than as architectural works, remains exist in a
more or less imperfect condition in variouj
places, especially Jeru.salem, Sebastieh (Samaria),
Jebel Fureidis (Herodium), Sebbeh (Masada),
Hebron, and others, besides the outlying bnt
much more perfect and magnificent remains of
Roman construction at Baalbek and Palmni.
The huge stones employed iu the Assyriiin,
Egyptian, and Persepolitan buildings find their
parallel in the substructions of Baalbek, van
ancient than the superstructure, and al*) '^
those of the Temple at Jerusalem, relics of the
building either of Herod or even perhaps i(
Solomon (Lavard. A'in. ii, 317, 318; Robinw'O.
i. 286, iii. 511). But though Falesune is a M
of ruins, not many connected relics of pnUi>'
buildings of a more remote antiquity than t'»*
time of Herod can be traced; nevertheless, i"
tombs excavated from the rock, in cisterns an'l
reservoirs, in towers built in vineyards, and >«
rock-cut wine - presses, but especially in "■'
watercourse beneath the Temple lately eiplon-'l-
the remains of construction of a more ancieiii
date must be acknowledged. Perhaps also son*
traces of Phoenician or Canaanite work in ib^
neighbourhood of Tyre may be believed to ti»'
(Survey of Western Pal. i. 63, 80. 81, 1S4; ii
211, 350; iii. 85, 90, 335, 441 ; Thomson, J.-u-J
and Book, xiii. 178-194, 468). But after th-
Roman conquest, during the 2nd and 3rd cen-
turies A.D,, while Galilee was inhabited by Je"*-
they built many synagogues, of wiiich the re-
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ABCTUBCS
ABBOPAGTJS
227
maiiu exist, some of them of considerable im-
purtuce, and in a tolerable state of preservation.
Is these Greek and Roman styles of architecture
ire combined with features which are e$|>ecially
Jenish ; and although they probably belong to
ilates later than that of any Book in the sacred
Volame, they doubtlesa reproduce some of the
national characteristics of the earlier period,
mi are thus of great serrice in illustrating the
tiistorr of its architecture (Survey of I'al. i.
iii and iii. ; NoU» on Architecture, p. 441 sq.).
The extent to which the architecture of Pales-
tioe Tas indebted to foreign models as well as
lorei^ workmen has already been noticed. We
naradd that the Books of Nehemiah and Esther
moke mention of the palace at Susa, in which
the Persian kings resided during the spring
niootiis, and where Artaxerzes Longimantis was
residing when he gare Mehemiah permission to
ondertake his work (Neh. i. 1), while the Book of
Either describes some of its arrangements (Esth.
i. '.', 6). The books of Judith and Tobit also
nenticn, and to some extent describe, the city
«f Ecbatana, the royal city of the Median mon-
archs (Jnd. i. 1-4 ; Tob. iii. 7, riv. 14 ; Herod.
i. 98 ; Fergusson, Hist, of Architecture, i. 200,
201 ; Loftus, CluUdaea, pp. 339-380 ; St. Clair,
Juried Cttii of JenucUem, p. 25). See CrriES,
Fenced Ctties, House, Pools, Synaoooues,
Bisrios, jERtrsALEM, 4c [H. W. P.]
ABCTU'BUS. The Hebrew words VV.
'Mk, and B'JP, 'Aiak, rendered " Arcturus " in
the A V. of Job ix. 9, xxxriii. 32, in conformity
"ith the Vulg. of the former passage [in
iiiriiu 32, the Vulg. has a different rendering,
ttspenm super fiHoa temu}, are now generally
Wiered to be identical, and to represent the
ctnstellatioD Ursa Major, known commonly as
the Great Bear, or Charles's Wain (R. V. " the
Be»r " in both passages. See Ges. s. n., and
Witach 00 Job ix. 9). Niebnhr (Desc. de
{Arab. p. 101) relates that he met with a
Jew at Sanl, who identified the Hebrew 'Ath
with the constellation known to the Arabs by
the luma Om en-na'sA, or Sa'sh simply, as the
hv of Bagdad informed him. The four stars
a the body of the Bear are named En-na'sh
in tiie tables of Vlugh Beigh, those in the tail
tnnj called el Benat, " the daughters " (cp.
Job nirijL 32, iTja, A. V. " hU sons," R. V.
"her train "). The ancient Versions differ
greatly in their renderings. In the LXX. of
J'jh ii. 9 the word corresponding in order to
'J''^ is TlXtiiSa, the "Pleiades" fApKToiJpo*
orresponding to fTO'S ; in the A. V. and R. V.
■"Pieiides"), and in 'the LXX. of Job iiiviii. 32
tie word corresponding to 'Aish is 'Einrtpoy,
"Hesperus," the evening star. In the former
tier are followed or supported by the Chaldee,
io the latter by the Vnlgate. R. David Kimchi
ui the Talmudists understood by 'Ath the tail
'■( the Bam or the head of the Bull, by which
they are supposed to indicate the bright star
ildebaran in the Bull's eye. But the greatest
diiaJty is found In the rendering of the Syriac
tnuUtors, who give as the equivalent of both
'Ai.\ and 'AM the word I^OaS, 'lyutho,
which is interpreted to signify the bright star
W*lla in the constellation Auriga fsee Ges.),
and is so rendered in the Arabic translation of
Job. On this point, however, great difference
of opinion is found. Bar Ali conjectured that
'lyutho was either Cai>ella or the constellation
IJriuD ; while Bar liahlul hesitated between
Capella, Aldebaran, and n cluster of three stars
in the face of Orion. Following the rendering
of the Arabic, Hyde considered 'Ash and '.dtsA
distinct ; the former being the Great Bear, and
the latter the bright star Capella, or a of the
constellation Auriga. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABD Or*< ; 'A/><^' ; Arcd). 1. The youngest
son of Benjamin (Gen. xlvi. 21), according
to the Heb. and Vulg. texts; but according
to the LXX. son of Uera, grandson of Bela,
and great-grandson of Benjamin. Cp. 1 Ch. vii.
6, viii. 1-3. 2. Son of Efela, and grandson of
Benjamin (Num. xxvi. 40 ; LXX. v. 44, B.
'Atip, AF. 'AS/f>; Hered), written Addar in
1 Ch. viii. 3 (T1K ; A. 'Kpit, B. 'K\tl ; Addar).
His descendants are called THE Aroites (*^1Kn)>
Num. xxvi. 40. [W. A. W.] ' '[K]
AB'DATH— "the field which is called
Ardath "—2 Esdras ix. 26. In the Syriac and
Aethiopic Versions it is called Abphad (cp.
Is. X. 9 ; Jer. xlix. 23). Volkmar (fiW. in d.
Apokr. ii. 131) and others take the name to be
a corruption for Arbatb, " desert," and to be
expressive of the then condition of the land
(cp. 2 Esd. X. 21, 22). [F.]
ABDITE8,THE. [Aed.]
AB'DOK (fnfl^; BA. 'Opwi, T.' 'Kpi<iv;
Ardon), the son of Caleb, the son of Hezron, by
his wife Azubah (1 Ch. ii. 18). [W. A. W.]
ABE'LI 07{<*7f<> perhaps son of a hero;
Sam. '^nK; Arelt), a son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16,
A. 'AfHn)Acft, D. 'Apni\l$ ; Num. xxvi. 17,
LXX. V. 26, B. 'Af>4X, A. omits). HU de-
scendants are called THE ABELriES (Num. xxvi.
17, LXX. r. 26, B. i 'Apiri\tt, A. omits).
[W. A. W.] [F.] .
ABEOPAGITE CApeoiriry/Tijj ; Areopagita).
A member of the court of Areopagus (Acts
ivii. 34). [See Dionymus.] [W. A. W.]
ABEOPAGU8 or MABvS' HILL (« 'Apeios
wiyos, i.e. the hill of Ares or Mars ; AreofKif/us,
Vulg.) was a rocky height in Athens, o]>piisite
the western end of the Acropolis, from which it
is separated only by an elevated valley. It rises
gradually from the northern end, and terminates
abruptly on the south, over against the Acropolis,
at which point it is about fifty or sixty feet above
the valley already mentioned. Of the site of the
Areopagus, thero can be no doubt, both from
the description of Pausanias and from the nar-
rative of Herodotus, who relates that it was a
height over against the Acropolis, from whicli
the Persians assailed the latter rock (Paus. i. 28,
§5; Herod, viii. 52). According to tradition it
was called the hill of Mars (Ares), because this
god was brought to trial here before the as-
sembled gods by Neptune (Poseidon), on account
of his mtu-dering Halirrhothius, the son of the
latter. The spot is memorable as the place of
meeting of the Council of Areopagus (^ iv 'Aptiif
■wiy^p fiovKfi), frsquently called the Upper
Q2
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228
AREOPAGUS
AKETAS
Council (4 ifu Bov\ii) to distinguish it from
the Council of Fire Hundred, which held its
sittings in the valley below the hill. It existed
as a criminal tribunal before the time of Solon,
and was the most ancient and venerable of all
the Athenian courts. It consisted of all person:;
who had held the oflicc of Archon, and who were
roembera of it for life, unless exjielled for mis-
conduct. It enjoyed a high reputation, not only
in Athens, but throughout Greece. Before the
time of Solon the court tried only cases of wilful
murder, wounding, poison, and arson; but he
gave it extensive powers of a censorial and
political nature. The Council is mentioned by
Cicero (ad Fam. xiii. 1; ad Att. i. 14, v. 11),
and continued to exist even under the Roman
emperors. Its meetings were held on the sont'h-
eastern summit of the rock. There are till
sixteen stone steps cut in tlie rock, leading ap to
the hill from the valley of the Agora below;
and immediately above the steps is a Wmh of
stones excavated in the rock, forming three sid-'i
of a quadrangle, and facing the south. H^rf-
the Areopagltes sat as judges in the open sir
(InraitfiOi iSucd^orro, Pollux, viii. 118). On the
eastern and western side is a raised Uoct.
The blacks are probably the two rude stotfi
which Pausanias saw there, and which arc de-
scribed by Euripides as assigned, the ose to the
accuser, the other to the criminal, in the can.^e-i
which were tried in the court (//>A. T. 961)
The Areopagus possesses |>eculinr interest to the
Juoojmpu or 31mi' BUI at Albcns. ibowing tbe ifepi Ui*t (ed fMm Uie Affon to tbe top of tlM bill.
Christian, as the spot from which St. Paul
delivered his memorable address to the men of
Athena (Acts ivii. 22-31). It has been sup-
posed by some commentators that St. Paul was
brought before the Council of Areopagus ; but
there is no trace in the narrative of any judicial
proceedings. St. Paul " disputed daily " in the
"market" or Agora (xvii. 17). [See Athens.]
Attracting more and more attention, " certain phi-
losophers of the Epicureans and of the Stoicks "
brought him np from the market-place, pro-
bably by the stone steps already mentioned, to
the Areopagus above, that they might listen
to him more conveniently. Here the philo-
sophers probably took their seats on the stone
benches usually occupied by the members of
the Council, while the multitude .<itood upon
the steps and in tbe valley below. For details,
see Diet, of Or. andSom. Ant. art. Jirriopajie ■'
Diet, of Gr. and Horn. Gcogr. i. p. 281. [W. S.]
A'BES QKpts ; Arts). Arah No. 2 (1 Dl
V. 10). [W. A. ff.;
AR'ETAS CAperoi; in inscriptions nn^"-
with distinctive title \OV Dm, " friend of hi-
people " [Doughty, quoted below] ), a comro^'r.
appellation of several Nabathean kings. 0"'
Nabathenn, see NEBAlOTn.) Their capital •>-
Petra [Sela].
1. The contemporary of Antiochus Epiplnnir
(D.c. 170) and of Jason (2 Mace. v. 8).
[B. F. «".:
a. " Aretas the king " (2 Cor. li. 32). T- ;
ethnnrch of this Aretas endeavoared to irr<^'
St. Paul in Damascus, but he was let down ih<'
wall in a basket and escaped his enemies. ^'
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ABETAS
mmt now endearour to idcDtifj this Aretas,
and fii hii date. Josephus (Ant. xvi. 9, § 4)
mentioas the accession of Aeneas, who thereupon
cluDged his name to Aretas. This happened
B.C. I. Herod Antipas maiTied the daughter of
an Aretas, and had lived with her "a long
time" (Joe. A»t. xriii. 5, §1), when he determined
to dirorce her to make room for Herodias (prob.
A.b. 29, Wieseler). If Aretas Aeneas and Aretas
tii« &ther-in-law o{ Antipas are the same man,
liis reign most hare lusted from 40 to 50 years,
.Ti the revenge of the latter took place A.D. 3B.
This has received contirmation from the recent
<liiCoveries of Doughty (bocwnenta epigraphiquea
recatillis dans le Nord de rArabie, Pans, 1884).
IsKTiption 3 is dated in the 48th year of this
Antss, Le. A.D. 40. In A.D. 41 he was sue-
cwied by Malkn (Idsct. 1). The difficulty
is how it came about that, at the date of St.
PsdI's escape, Damascus was again .i part of
the Kabathean kingdom, as is implied by the
nie there of the ethnarch of Aretas. [For
Ethnirch, see GorEBNon.] It had been part of
that kingdom under an earlier Aretas (Jos.
Aat liii. to, § 2), B.a 85. Since that date it
had changed maaters five times (Anger, de
Temp. p. 175), reverting after Cleopatra's rule
to the Romans. The difficulty to be dealt with
arises from conflicting hypotheses as to the way
ia which Damascus passed to Aretas.
1. The first hypothesis is that it was taken
by force. In support of this view the coinci-
<l«iMe it alleged that in A.D. 30, shortly before
the probable time of St. Paul's escape, Aretas,
I'ather-in-Iav of Antipas, irritated by the insult
to hii daughter and by boundary disputes, had
tuA an army into the territories of the latter and
h^ von a great rictory (Jos. AtU. xviii. 5, § 1).
Thii campaign of Aretas has a special interest,
a: Josephus tells ns {Ant. xviii. 5, $ 2) that it was
h«Iieral by the populace to be a Divine punish-
m«Dt for Antipas' murder of John the Baptist;
while Haosnth (_Znt der Apoatet, i. p. 207) sees
in it the explanation of the subsidence of all the
Copolar eiotemcDt produced by the Messianic
eipectations aroused by John the Baptist and
Jetis Himself, Vitellius, legate of Syria, was
then commanded by Tiberius to help Antipas,
and to bring Aretas dead or alive. Vitellius
ilranced, but hearing at Jerusalem, March,
A.D. 37, that Tiberius was dead, he returned to
.Utioch. It is suggested that either at the
time of the Kabathean invasion, or after the
Rtirement of Vitellius, an officer of Aretas may
have occn;Hed and ret-nined Damascus. The
odjectioa to this view lies in the fact that the
Legate of Syria would scarcely have [lermitted
yih of a Boman province to be seized and held
iir the Kabatheans (R. Anger, de Temp. p. 179).
2. The second hypothesis is that it was
granted to Aretas by the Roman emperor. In
■apport of this view it is alleged that the
uiperor Caligula, A.D. 38, did make several
fhuiges in the East, including a grant to Soemus
of Itaraea, a district not very remote from
l^^tnascu (Dio Cassius, lix. 12). He may, it is
*^, have granted Damascus to Aretas at the
sime time ; and this grant is the more probable,
decanse on the fall and exile of Antipas, A.D. 37,
Arrtas, who had been his bitter enemy, might
natarally be received into iavonr, and receive
a nWtaitial token of Roman friendship.
ABGOB
229
It is. evident that both these explanations,
however probable, are pure hypotheses. We can
only say that there is nothing unlikely in the
fact that a city which had at one time belonged
to the Kabathean kingdom, which lay not very
far from its northern border, and which had
frequently changed hands, should again for a
time, either by conquest or grant, have become
subject to the king of Petra. "The history of
Herod the Great shows the Arabs ever on the
watch for opportunities of encroachment along
the whole eastern border of Palestine from north
to south.
No explanation is tenable which represents
the ethnarch in any other light than that of a
governor holding the city for Aretas. The fact
that in Acts ix. 24 the watching of the gates is
attributed to the Jews and not to the ethnarch,
does not prove him to have been a Jewish
officer. The union between the Kabathean civil
government and the Jews to oppose Christianity
in Damascus presents an exact parallel with the
union between Romans and Jews in Jerusalem
for the same purpose.
One fact must be added which tends to show
that Damascus was not in Roman hands at this
time. We have Damascene coins of Augustus
and Tiberius, and again of Nero and his suc-
cessors, but none of Caius and Claudius. This
is a negative confirmation of St. Paul's state-
ment.
For the hypothesis of conquest, see Winer,
RWB. art. Aretas j for that of gift, see
Wieseler, Chronotogie dea Apott. Zeitattera,
pp. 167-175. Wieseler's view is adopted by
Conybeare and Howson, Life of St. Paul, vol. i.
chap. iii. For the coinage of the several kings
bearing the name of Aretas, see Langlois,
Numiamatiqiu des Arabca, p. 20, who disposes of
Wieseler's account of a dated coin of Aretas
synchronising with the occupation in St. Paul's
time. See also Conybeare and Howson, /. c, note
at end of chapter iii. [E. R. B.]
ABE'US, a king of the Lacedaemonians,
whose letter to the high-priest Onias is given
in 1 Mace. xii. 20 sq. He is called Areua in
the E. V. in v. 20 and in the margin of t;. 7 ;
but in the Greek text he is named 'Ovidptii ■■>
V. 20, and Aapcioi in r. 7 : there can be little
doubt, however, that these are corruptions of
'Kptvt. Thus 'Oviif^a, which appears in B. in
the form 'OfuuEfijt, indicates the two names
Onias and Arens (see Speaker's Commentary,
note in loco). In Josephus {Ant. xii. 4, § 10;
5, § 8) the name is written 'Aptios, and in the
Vulgate Ariua. There were two Spartan kings
of the name of Areus, of whom the first reigned
B.C. 309-265, and the second, the grandson of
the former, died when a child of eight years old
in D.C. 257. There were three high-priests of
the name of Onias, of whom the first held the
office D.C. 323-300. This is the one who must
have written the letter to Areus I., probably in
some interval between B.C. 309 and 300 (see
Grimm, zu Ifacc. p. 185 ; Speaker's Commentary
on 1 Mace. xii. 7). [OsiAS.] [F.]
AB'QOB (aJTtC, once with the def. article
aJ1Sn = "the stony," from 23*1, Ges. Thes.
p. 1260 ; 'Apyi0 ; Argob), a tract of country on
the east of the Jordan, in Bashan, in the kingdom
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230
AR60B
of Og, containing sixty "great" and fortified
"cities" (D'TB). Argob was in the portion
allotted to the half-tribe of Manasseh, and was
talcen possession of by Jair, « chief man in that
tribe. [Jair; Bashan ; Havoth-Jaik.] It
afterwards formed one of Solomon's commissariat
districts, under the charge of an officer Avhose
residence was at Ramoth-Gilead (Deut. iii. 4,
13, 14 ; 1 K. iv. 13). In later times Argob was
called Trachonitis, apparently a mere transla-
tion of the older name. ['rBACHONiTis.] In
the Samaritan Version it is rendered flSSU'T
(Rigobaah)* ; but in the Targums of Onkelos
and Jonathan it is K3131t3' (i.«. Trachonitis).
Later on we trace it in the Arabic Versiou of
Saadiab as . , .~. ^ {Mujd), with the same mean-
ing) ; and it is now apparently identified with
the Lqah, "iS^ \ a very remarkable district
south of Damascns, and cast of the Sea of Galilee,
which has been visited and described by Burck-
hardt (pp. 111-119), Seetzen, Porter (vol. ii.
specially pp. 240-245), Wetzstein, Merrill, and
others. This extraordinary region — a great lava
bed some 350 square miles in«itent— is elevated
about 20 feet above the surrounding plain. The
snrface is described by a recent traveller as
being black, and as having the " appearance of
the sea when it is m motion beneath a dark,
• cloudy sky, and when the waves arc of good size
but without any white crests of foam. But the
sea is motionless, and its great waves are petri-
fied " (Merrill, East of Jordan, p. 11). The lava
bed has been formed by the junction of two
streams of lava from the Jebel Hauran : one
proceeding from the craters of Aba Tun\ts,
Garara, Uemel, and Shihdn ; the other from El-
Kleb (Wetzstein, Seiaebericht). The whole of
the Zejah is a vast labyrinth of clefts and
crevasses, formed whilst the lava was cooliag,
in which soil of surprismg fertility is fonnd ; it
is full of caves which have been occupied as
dwellings, and in which robber bands lurk at
the present day, and, at many points, there are
copious living fountains in which the water is
not only abundant but cool and sweet (Merrill,
p. 14; see also Wright in Leisure How, 1874,
p. 380). The rock is filled with little pits and
air-bubbles ; it is as hard as flint, and emits a
sharp metallic sound when struck (Porter, ii.
241). The edge of the lava bed is like some
mgged shore, with occasional black promontories
of rock jutting out into the plain ; there are few
openings to the interior, which is so difficult of
access that roads have had to be excavated to the
towns situated within it. Wetzstein mentions
fifty-one of these towns, and there were others
which he did not visit. A Roman road runs
through the district from S. to N., probably
between Bosra and Damascus. On the outer
boundary of the Lejah are situated, amongst
others, the towns known in Biblical history as
Kenath and Edrei. In the absence of more con-
clusive evidence on the point, a strong presump-
• This name probably appears In the 'Payafia of
Joeephus (^nt. xtll. 16, i »), where Alexander died.
EuscUus states (OS.' p. 331, 91) that in bis day there
was a village called 'Efrya, 1& miles W. of CSerasa.
K Jonath. WWnti! Jerus. W131t3K-
AKIABATHES
tion in favour of the identification of tlie Lejah
with Argob arises from the pecaliar Hebrew
word constantly attached to Argob, and in this
definite sense apparently to Argob only. This
word is ^3n (Chebcl), literally " a rope" (jxol-
ytaiut, wtpliitTfOv, funiculm), and it desi^ste
with charming accuracy the remarkably defittd
boundary-line of the district of the Lejah, which
is spoken of as "a rocky shore;" "sweepiof
round in a circle clearly defined as a nckr
shore line ;" " resembling a Cyclopean wall in
ruins " (Porter, ii. 19, 219, 239, 4c.); "rope-We
lip " (Wright, /. c). The extraordinary festnm
of this region are rendered still more eitra-
ordinary bj the contrast which it presents tj
the surrounding plain of the Hanran, t hi!;li
plateau of waving downs of the richest ajri-
cultural soil stretching from the Sea of (5»lil«
to the Lejah. and beyond that to the desert,
almost literally " without a stone ;" and it is
not to be wondered at — if the identification pro-
posed above be correct — that this contiasi
should have struck the Israelites, and that their
language, so scrupulous of minute topograpliiQl
distinctions, should have perpetuated in the
words Misbor, Argob, and Chebel, at oace tie
level downs of Bashan [MiSHOR], the stony
labyrinth which so suddenly intrudes itidf "
the soil (Argob), and the definite fence or boon- j
dary which encloses it [Chebel]. [G.] [W.. i
AR'GOB (2 K. XT. 25), perhaps a GUeadifc
officer. According to one interpretation of thU
passage, Argob and Arieh were accomplices o',
Pekah ill the murder of Pekahiah ; but acccri-
ing to others (Thenius, KeilX Argob and Aiieh
were more probably two princes of Pekihisb.
whose influence Pekah feared, and whom he
therefore slew with the king. The LXX sgn"*
with the latter view, while the Vulg. j<ab
Argob et juxia Arte takes the names as totali-
ties. Klosterraann {Kgf. Komm. in loco, edd.
Strack u. ZSckler) collects various soluUons (f
a passage difficult and suspicious, and of wbici
no very plausible emendation has yet been pro-
posed. [W.A.W.] [F]
AEIABA'THES (properly MithridatM.Di«l- ]
ixxi., X., p. 25, ed. Bip.) VI., PhilopaW«(T'
'Aptapa9ns, A. 'Apiflni; Ariamthes, proUblr
signifying " great " or " honourMe masttr," fiwo
the roots existing in aryas [Sanscrit], " honour-
able," and rata [head], "master;" Smith, />i'-
fd'ojr, s.T.),kingofCappadocia,B.a 163-lW. H?
was educated at Rome (Liv. xlii. 19); uii ^■'^
whole policy was directed in accordance with the
wishes of the Romans. This subservience ccft
him his kingdom, B.a 158 ; bnt he was shortly
afterwards restored by the Romans to a tksit in
the government {Xpp'Syr. 47; cp. Polyk. J"i-'--
23 ; Polyb. iii. 5) ; and on the capture of «»
rival Olophemes by Demetrius Soter, he repio"
the supreme power (Just. xixv. 1). He fell '»
B.C. 130, in the war of the Romans ^»"'-
Aristonicus, who claimed the kingdom of Ff
ganius on the death of Attains III. (Just. IB""-
1, 2). Letters were addressed to him frm
Rome in favour of the Jews (1 Mac&iv. --:
see Speaker's Commmtary in loco), who, lo
aftertimes, seem to have been numerous in h'
kingdom (Acts ii. 9 ; cp. 1 Pet. i. 1). [a F. "J
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ABIDAI
ABIDAI (n^K; T.' 'A/ktoSii, A. 'Ap(rt6s;
.iridii), ninth son of Haman (Esth. ii. 9). The
origin of the name is uncertain, but probably
Persian (Ges., Oppert) = Ariyadaya = desire of
Bari (Vishnu). Cp. Bertheau-Ryssel and Oettli
in loco ; 'AfuSaios. See Ari-Datha. [F.]
ABI-DATHA (NmnK; iapBoKi; Art-
ddlha), siith son of Haman (Esth. li. 8). Ges.
= ^iroi of Hari {Vishnu). Cp. Bertheau-Ryssel,
Otttii (in'Strack u. ZBclsler's Kgf. Komm.), and
Ci.sel (Das Bach Esther, p. 288). The curious
Rabbinical reflections connected with the death
(by hanging) of the sons of Haman are collected
in'thc Speaker's Comm. on the Apocrypha, "Addi-
tions to Esther," iri. 18, add. note (rf). [F.]
ABTEH (nnKn, Um = hero ; B. 'Aptid, A.
'A^if ; Ane), Probably called "The Lion " from
his daring as a warrior: either one of the
accomplices of Pekab in his conspiracy against
Pekahlah, king of Israel, or, as is more probable,
one of the princes of Pekahiah, who was put to
death with him (2 K. xv. 25). Rashi explains
it literallv of a golden lion which stood in the
castle. See Aegob. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABIEL C^'IK, 'w» of God = great hero,
or hearth of God ; 'Aptti\ ; Ariel).
1. As the proper name of a man (where the
meaniag no doubt is the first of those given
aboTe) the word occurs in Ezra viii. 16. This
Ariel was one of the " chief men " who under
£2ra directed the caravan which he led back
from Babylon to Jerusalem.
The word occurs also in reference to two
Moabites slain by Benaiah, one of David's chief
captains (2 Sam. ixiii. 20 ; 1 Ch. xi. 22). Gese-
aias and many others agree with our A. V. in
regardmg the word as an epithet, "two lion-
like men of Moab ; " but Thenius, Winer, Keil,
B. V. and others regard it aa a proper name,
and tnnslsU " two [sons] of Ariel," supplying
the void *|)3 with B. (iintra(ty roiit Sio vlovs
'Afl^|\. A. omits the words in 2 S.im.). See
another suggestion in W. R. Smith, The Religion
of the Semites, i. 469.
A similar word occurs in Num. ixvi. 17,
Akeu C^ltll), as the name of a Gadite, and
bead of one of the families of that tribe. Both
the LIX. and the Vnlg. give Ariel for this
word, and Winer without remark treats it as
the same name.
S. A designation given by Isaiah to the city
of Jerusalem (Is. ixix. 1 bis, 2 bis, 7) as a
snnbol of hope. Its meaning is obscure. We
QUst understand by it either " Lion of God "
(i>. a hero) — so Gescnins, Ewald, Hiivemick,
Cheyne, and others— or, with Targ., Umbreit,
Knobel, Delitzsch, Bredenkampf, and most of
the ancient Jewish expositors, " Hearth of God,"
tracing the first component of the word to the
Arabic i V o fire^laoe or hearth (Gcsen. 2^.).
On the Hesha-stone (1. 12 ; Nenbauer in Records
0/ the Past, K. S. ii. 201, n. 8. See Driver,
Jfhtet on Samuel, pp. liixvi., xci.) 7K1N signifies
probablv "altar-hearth" (cp. Baethgen, Seitr.
'.Sem.'Sdigiansjesch. p. 14, n. 1). This latter
ARISTARCHUS
231
meaning is suggested by the use of the word in
Ezek. iliii. 15, 16, as the name of a part of the
altar of burnt offering (R. V. "altar-hearth,"
which should also probably be read in r. IS* ; see
Smend or Cornill in loco). Some think it most
probable that the words used by the two Prophets
are different in derivation and meaning, and that
as a name given to Jerusalem Ariel means " Lion
of God," whilst as used by Ezekiel it means
"Hearth of God." fF. W. G.] [F.]
ABIMATHAE'A (^ApinaBida, Matt, xxvii.
57 ; Luke ixiii. 51 ; John xix. 38), the birth-
place, or at least the residence, of Joseph, who
obtained leave from Pilate to bury our Lord in
his " new tomb " at Jerusalem. St. Luke calls
this place " a city of Judaea ;" but this presents
no objection to its identification with the
prophet Samuel's birth-place, the Ramah of
1 Sam. i. 1, 19, which is named in the Septua-
gint Armathaim (^Ap/iaeat/i), and by Josephns,
Armatha ('Ap^oflct, Joseph. Ant. v. 10, § 2).
The Ramathem of the Apocrypha ('PofiaBtii,
1 Mace. xi. 34) is probably the same place.
[Ramah.] Eusebius (05.» p. 281, 10) identi-
fies Arimatbaea with 'Apia, then called 'P«/*-
<tfj, near Diospoiis, Lydda ; Jerome (OS.' p. 178,
25) gives the form RemfUs ; it is now Rtmtieh
on the plain N. of Lydda. [G.] [W.]
AR'IOCH (I'VIK. the £ri-aku [probably
Akkadian, and equivalent to the Assyrian Arad-
sin = servant of the Moon-god] of the Inscriptions
[Schrader, MV.", Friedr. Delitzsch] ; 'Apuaxhs,
LXX. in Dan. only ; 'Apuixi Theodot. ; Arioch,
Vulg.). 1. King of Ellabar (Gen. xiv. 1, 9.
See Delitzsch [1887] on c. 1).
2. " The captain of the guard " of Nebuchad-
nezzar (Dan. ii. 14 ff. See Speaker's Commcntari/
on " Daniel'," add. n. to ch. i.). [B. F. W.] [F.]
'8. 6A. 'ApiAx; Erioch; called in Judith
i. 6 "king of the Elymeans," probably equi-
valent to Elam (so Syr.), >'.«. Susiana. The
" Elymeans " were the people of Elymais, a
Persian district (see Speaker's Commentary in
loco). Junius and Tremellius identify him with
Deioces, king of part of Media. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ABI'SAI COnK ; 'Pow^oroj ; Arisai), eighth
son of Haman (Esth." ii. 9). SeeARiDATHA. [F.]
AEISTAECHU8 CAp'^roPX"' ; Aristar-
chus), a Jew (cp. Col. iv. 10 with v. 11) of
Thessalonica (AcU xx. 4, xxvii. 2), and a devoted
follower of St. Paul. He is first mentioned at
Ephesus (together with Gains the Macedonian)
as a companion of the Apostle's travels (awtK-
Srinos) and as being dragged into the theatre by
the riotvs (Acts xix. 29). We next hear of
him as accompanying St. Paul on his departure
from Macedonia for Jerusalem at the close of
the third missionary journey (Acta xx. 4).
Apparently he remained in Judaea during St.
Paul's imprisonment, and may have been one of
those who were suffered to minister to him
(AcU xxiv. 23). We find him embarking with
the Apostle on his voyage to Rome (Acts xxvii.
2). Bp. Lightfoot thinks he may have left St.
Paul at Myra, and returned to Thessalonica for
a time (Lightfoot, PhUippians, Introduction, i.
p. 34, note 2). However this m.iy be, he is
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ABISTOBULUS
with hiin at the date of the Epistles to the
Colossians nnd to Philemon, aod sends greetings
in both (Col. iv. 10 ; Philein. v. 24). On the term
" fellow-prisoner" applied to him (Ool. iv. 10), see
Andbonicus. The presence of Aristarchus with
St. Paul at Caesarea and Rome makes against
the figurative interpretation. The warm ))er-
sonal affection expressed in I Thess. for that
church falls in with the place taken by Aristar-
chus and other Thessaloniaos among St. Paul's
companions. [G. R. B.]
ABISTOBU'LUS CApiTrcS^ouAot ; Aritto-
bultts). St. Paul greets " them which are of the
household of Aristobulus " (roiij ix riy 'Apt-
croPoiXov, Rom. xvi. 10). The household of
Aristobulus (cp. r&y NapKi<r<rou, v. 11, and rif
XK6iis, 1 Cor. i. 11) were probably the slaves of
n man of that name. "Them" is not defined
in this instance, but by comparison of v. 11 it
dearly means " them which are in the Lord,"
the Christians among the slaves of Aristobulus.
Their master may probably have been Aristo-
bulus the younger, brother of Herod Agrippa I.
(Acts xii. 1). He lived nnd probably died at
Rome in a private station (Jos. £. J. ii. 11, 6).
As the household of this Aristobulus would
naturally be composed in a large measure of
Jews, the Gospel would the more easily be intro-
duced to their notice. Aristobulus was still
living A.D. 45 (Jos. Ant. xi. 1, § 2) ; but the date
of his death is unknown. Even after his death
his slaves would, according to Roman usage,
be designated by his name, Aristobuliani, of
which oi 'Apurro0oi\ov appeai-s to be a transla-
tion. Bp. Lightfoot conjectures that they may
have passed (by legacy or otherwise) into the
imperial household, as Aristobulus lived on
terms of close intimacy with Claudius (Jos. Ant.
I. c). In this case they would be members of
" Caesar's household " (Phil. iv. 22). See also
Herodion. The foregoing remarks are entirely
taken from Bishop Lightfoot's Philijypians, de-
tached note on Caesar's Household. [L R. B.]
ARK, NOAH'S. [Noah.]
ARK OF THE COVENANT, or "OF
THE TESTIMONY" OiT^). ThU, Uken
generally together with the mercy-seat, was
the one piece of the Tabernacle's furniture
especially invested with sacredness and mystery,
and is therefore the first for which precise
directions wero delivered (Ex. xxv.). The word
signifies a mere chest or box, and is (as well as
the word ii JP, " ark " of Noah) rendered by
the LXX. and N. T. writers by Kifittris. We
may remark : I. its material dimensions and
fittings ; II. its design and object, under which
will be included its contents; and III. its
history.
I. It appears from Ex. xxv. to have been an
oblong cliest of shittim (acacia) wood, 21 cubits
long by IJ broad and deep. Within and with-
out gold was overlaid on the wood ; and on the
upper side or lid, which was edged round about
with gold, was placed the mercy-seat, support-
ing the (Cherubim one nt each end, and re-
garded as the symbolical throne of the Divine
Presence [Cbekudih and Mercy-Seat]. Over
this, when the ark was t'n situ, a luminous
cloud, to be distinguished from that raised by
ARK
the incense (Cev. xvi. 13), was from time t« time
visible [Sueciiimah]. The ark was fitted
with rings, one at each of the four lower
comers, and therefore two on each side, and
through these were passed staves of the same
wood similarly overlaid. By these staves, which
always remained in the rings, the Levites of the
house of Kohath, to whose office the care of it
and all the sacred furniture especially apper-
tained, bore it in its progress (Num. iii. 31).
Probably, however, its removal from its proper
position within the veil, in the most Holy place,
was managed by the hands of the pnests(N'aDi.
iv. 5, 19, 20; vii. 9; x. 21; 1 K. viii. 3, 6);
at any rate from Num. iv. 17-20 it is clear
that the " holy things," before their traasiwt
by the Levites, were covered over by the priests.
The ends of the staves were visible withoot
the veil in the Holy place of the Temple of
Solomon, the staves being drawn to the ends,
apparently, but not out of the rings. The ark.
when transported, was enveloped in the " veil "
of the dismantled Tabernacle, in the curtain
of badgers' skins ("sealskins," R. V'.), aod in
a blue cloth over all, and was therefore not
seen. The expression ascribed to Josiah in 2 Ch.
XXXV. 3, " Put the holy ark in the bouse
there shall no more be a burden upon your
EfjiXluAik. (BoaeDlBl. ■>■ *>■>
shoulders " (R. V.), aeems to mean that there
were only two places where the ark cooU
properly rest, the one being the shrine proper
to it, the other the shoulders of the Levites.
II. Its purpose or object waa to contain
inviolate the Divine autograph of the tvo
tables, that " Covenant " from which it deriwi
its title, the idea of which was insei>arable from
it, and which may be regarded as the deposUwu
of the Jewish dispensation. The perpetual sale
custody of the material tables no doubt tne-
gested the moral observance of the preceptt
inscribed. It was also probably a reliquary for
the pot of manna and the rod of Aaron. Vfe
read in 1 K. viii. 9, that " there waa nothing
in the ark save the two tables of stone wbicli
Moses put there at Horeb." Yet the author
of Heb. ix. 4 asserts that, beside the two
tables of stone, the " pot of manna " and
" Aaron's rod that budded " were inside the ark,
which were directed to be " laid up " and " kept
before the testimony," i.e. before the Tables of
the Law (Ex. xl. 20) ; and probably, since tb<re
is no mention of any other receptacle for then,
though another view of Heb. ix. ii adopted by
others, the statement of 1 K. viii. 9 may imply
that by Solomon's time these relics had disap-
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ABE
prared. Tb« expreisioD )i^ *1^ in the direc-
tion for the custody of the Book of the Law in
Dent. itii. 26, obscurely rendered " in the side
it the ark" (A. V.), merely means " beside" it
(R. V. " by the side "). The sword of Goliath,
■' wrapped in a cloth behind the ephod " (1
Ssm. iii. 9), is another trace of the tise of the
sanctnarr or some of its sacred appurtenances
•i a reliquary ; and similarly the " brazen ser-
pent " may hare been preserved until destroyed
by Hrzrkiah (2 K. xriU. 4). The words of
the A. V. in 1 Ch. xiii. 3 seem to imply the
use of the ark for the purpose of an oracle ;
bat this is probably erroneous, and " we sought
not unto it " (R. V.) is the meaning ; so the LXX.
Tioitn it : see Gesenius, i>2. a. r. (Cn*!). Joshua
certainly appears prostrating himself before it
ia coatrite supplication, with all the elders of
lirael, " ODtil the eventide," and then obtaining
a respoDse, as though by a voice direct from the
shrine (Josh, viu f>-15); even as Moses had
" heard the voice of one speaking unto him from
off the mercy-seat " (Num. vii. 89), where that
Presence [Suechisau] was to be looked for
(ti. zzr. 22 ; Num. vii. 89X which the high-
priest might not approach " at all times," but
«nly ia solemn rite after sin-offering duly paid
(Ler. iri. 2 sq.).
Occnpying the most holy spot of the whole
sanctuary, it tended to exclude any idol from
the centre of worship. And Jeremiah (iii. 16,
the only distinct mention of it in any Prophet)
loob forward to the time when even the ark
shoold be " no more remembered," as the climax
of spiritoaliied religion apparently in Messianic
times. It was also the support of the mercy-
seat, materially symbolizing, perhaps, the " co-
renaat " as that on which " mercy rested. It
alio famished a legitimate vent to that longing
after a m.iterial object of reverential feeling
which is common to all religions. It was, how-
ever, never seen, save by the high-priest, and
resembled in this respect the Deity Whom it
symbolized, Whoae iace none might look upon
and live (Winer, ad loc. note). That this
reverential feeling may have been impaired
•luring its absence among the Philistines, seems
probable from the example of Uzzah. For its
local separation for a while from the Tabernacle
and the double worship thence arising, see
TlBEBSACLE U. (5).
lU. The chief facts in the earlier history of
the ark (see Josh. iii. iv. and vi.) need not be
recited. We may notice, however, a fiction of
the Kabbis that there were too arks, one which
Knuined in the shrine, and another which pre-
ceried the camp on its march, and that this
latter contained the broken tables of the Law,
as the former the whole ones. Id the early days
of the conquest by Joshua the ark must neccs-
iwrily have been within the headquarters of the
camp, whether close beside Jericho, or, as later,
at Gilgal (Josh. vi. 11; vii. 2, 6; i. 15, 43).
■^fUr its share in the captnre of Jericho, it
appears at the solenmity on Ebal (viii. 30-33X
but with a hint that a permanent place was to
be provided (ix. 27). That place is 6xed (xviii.
1) at Shiloh, which is therefore dignified by
Jeremiah (vii. 12) as " the place where I caused
Xy Name to dwell at the first." The expression
"the Sanctuary of the Lord," where the " great
ABK
233
stone " was set up under an oak by Joshua in
the last scene of his life, being at Shechem (xxiv.
26), does not imply the presence of the ark
there, but only a local sanctity attaching to the
spot from earlier traditions [Sbechem]. A
similar term* is applied to other places tra-
ditionally holy. The confusion of the period of
the Judges affected the abode of the ark at that
epoch. In the closing episode of the Benjamitc
civil war our A. V. seems to imply that it was
at Mizpeh. But the A. V. " the House of God "
should be corrected as in K. V. by the proper
name " Bethel " (Judg. xi. 18, 26, 31 ; xxi. 2).»
The question mainly depends on the force of
the expression " went up and came to " (xx. 26).
But whether Mizpeh, the unquestionable centre
to which the nation rallied [Mizpah], or Bethel,
was the actual abode of the ark, intended by the
words " the ark of the Covenant of God was
there in those days," the distance between them
is slight, as is that of both from Shiloh ; in
which last spot the site of " the camp " is
fixed, and where there was a yearly feast.
Thus the sojourn may have been only temporary,
and due to the demands of a civil war then
raging in the very neighbourhood, and thus
Shiloh may be taken as the normal abode
(1 Sam. iv. 3, 4). In the decline of religion
during this period a superstitious security
was attached to its presence in battle. Yet.
though this was rebuted by its permitted
capture, when captured its sanctity was vindi-
cated by miracles, as seen in its avenging pro-
gress through the Philistine cities ; the facts of
which, including the mutilation of Dagon, are
too well known to need recital (1 Sam. iv.-vi.).
But the separate " coffer " for the jewels, as n
tribute to the ark's sanctity, is noteworthy (vi.
11). It returned first to Bethshemesh, a city of
the priests in eastern Judah [Betusheuesh].
There " on a great stone " (vi. 14, K. V. Abel)
it was set down and honoured with sacrifice.
But, priestly though the city was, the pro-
fane curiosity of the inhabitants brought a
plague upon them (1 Sam. vi. 11-20). Here
by invitation, founded perhaps on local super-
stition, it was transported to Kirjath-jearlm
[Kibjatb-JEABIm], and placed under the
guardianship of Eleazar, probably a Levite, if
not a priest, *' where it abode twenty years "
(vii. 1, 2). A difficulty here occurs. Samuel
was apparently still young when the ark wns
thus returned. He grows old, and anoints Saul,
who reigns forty years. David succeeds him
and reigns seven years in Hebron, and then
fetches the ark from Kirjath-jearim. The whole
interval should thus be nearer a century than
" twenty years " (which is also the number in
the LXX. and the Vulg.). Whether or not the
ark had other places of sojourn not mentioned,
is open to conjecture. To Kirjath-jearim " all
the house of Israel " resorted (not as A. V. and
K. V. text " lamented "') to seek Jehovah ; and
l^r
Thus ^{jnfc'^ '?<'^P9> ■*™<*' ''"• '• *"** B'?PP
', «. 13. The first word in each phrase Is the same
as that referred to above.
<> The stone of Bethel Is made bjr Jewish tradition the
pedesUl of the ark In the later Temple [Bethel].
* R. v. in marg. reads, was dravm together. The
LXX has eWjSAc^c vac olxot 'Iffpa^A,
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234
ABK
ABK
Josephns {Ant. vi. 2, I) speaks of their pil-
grimages thither. And thus in the early part
of Saul's reign Ahiah was " the Lord's priest
in Shiloh " (1 Sam. xir. 3) ; and the ark, which
ho was bidden to "bring hither" (y. 18)," as if
for the purpose of divination, is expressly said to
have been "at that time with the children of
Israel "(1 Sam. xW. 18; cp. vc. 36, 37)[Aiiuah].
The episode of Ahimelech and massacre at Nob
(xxi. 6, 9 ; xxii.) may possibly suggest that the
sanctuary and therefore the ark at that time were
there. What became of it in this catastrophe
we know not, nor how far the reverses of Saul's
later reign and the renewed successes of the
Philistines affected it. The statement of David
(t Ch. liii. 3), " We sought not unto it in the
days of Saul," is quite consistent with 1 Sam.
vii. 2, cited above, which may easily refer to
the time of Samuel's rule. The next notice of
it is in 2 Sam. vi. 2-17, being its removal by
David, now king, from " the house of Abinadab
that was in the hill " (R. V.) at Baale of Judah
(i.e. Kirjath-jearim ; cp. 1 Sam. vii. 1). The doom
of Uzzah, there recorded, delayed the completion
of David's purpose for three months, during
which the ark sojourned with Obed-Edom (cp.
1 Ch. xiii. XV.) ; and when it came to Jerusalem
it did not take its place in the Tabernacle, but
dwelt in curtains, i.e, in a separate tent pitched
for it in Jerusalem by David (2 Sam. vii. 2 ;
1 Ch. xri. 1). Its bringing up by David thither
was a nutional festival, and its presence there
seems to have suggested to his piety the erection
of a house to receive it. Subsequently that
house, when completed, received, in the installa-
tion of the ark in its shrine, the signal of its
inauguration by the effulgence of Divine glory
instantly manifested (1 K. viii. 1-11, 21 ; 2Ch. v.
2-14). Several of the Psalms contain allusions
to these events (e.g. xxiv., xlvii., cxxxii. 8 ; cp.
2 Ch. vi. 41, 42), and the tirst fifteen verses of
Ps. cv. appear in 1 Ch. xvi. 8-22 as snng on
the occasion of the first of them. This period,
" when the ark had rest " after its previous
removals, marks an epoch in the history of the
worship (1 Ch. vi. 31) ; and all the places of its
sojourn became from that fact " holy," even if
not, as some of them were, esteemed local
sanctuaries before (2 Ch. viii. 11). In David's
flight from Absalom the ark was prepared to
accompany him, but he bade Zadok " carry it
back into the city," staking the favour of God
on the hope of seeing it again. It accordingly
was taken back. This incident was remembered
by Solomon in Abiathar's favour afterwards,
when the latter was implicated in the rebellion
of Adonijah (2 Sam. iv. 24 ff. ; 1 K. ii. 26).
When idolatry became more shameless in the
kingdom of Judah, Manasseh placed a " carved
image " in the " House of God," and probably
removed the ark to make way for it. His
evil example was also followed by Amon,
his son. This may account for the subsequent
statement that the ark was reinstated by Josiah
(2 Ch. xxxlii. 7 ; xxxv. 3). It was probably
taken captive or destroyed by the Chaldeans (2 K.
« But here the LXX. resds "ephod" for "ark of
God;" and this reading Is adoptwl by Thcnlus, Kell,
Wellbansen, Kloetennann, Sc, and is placed by the
R. V. In the marg. The ark probably remained at
Kiijath-Jearim (see ^pealxr'$ Comm. in loco).
xxT. 9. Cp. 2 Esd. X. 22). Prideani's argu-
ment that there nuitt have been an ark in the
second Temple is of no weight against tiftta
testimony, such as that of Josephns (B. J.
V. 5, § 5) and Tacitus {Hist. v. 9, mmia
arcana), confirmed also by the Rabbins, who
state that a sacred stone, called by them pK
n^riK', "stone of drinking," stood in its steid;
as well as by the marked silence of those apo-
cryphal books which enumerate the rest of the
principal furniture of the sanctuary as prexnt,
and by the positive statement of 2 Esdru
above quoted.
To the Prophet Jeremiah was ascribM bj
later tradition (2 Mace. ii. 4 foil.) the conceal-
ment, under Divine command, of the ark is
some cavern of Mount Pisgah, before the Chal-
deans finally spoiled the first Temple. But it
was added that the priests, by whom the con-
cealment was witnessed, conld not aflervanls
find the exact spot. Some have contrariviK
supposed that the ark was included among "tht
goodly vessels of the House of the Lord " (2 Ch.
xxxvi. 10) captured by Nebuchadnexzar and
restored (Ezra i. 7) by " Cyrus the king." But
these, as enumerated in the latter passage, at
purely metallic "chargers, basons," 4c
The last mention of the ark in Scripture is in
Rev. xi. 19. There, when the time has at latt
come for the final vindication of the law of God
in His judgment upon man and His recoin|i«iise
to His saints, the Seer beholds "the Tempk
(voij) of God opened in heaven," and he Ms,
" There was seen in His Temple the ark of His
Covenant." That ark which had all along b«n
a secret from every eye save the high-priest's is
visible at last, and the shrine which had bw>
guarded from all access is thrown open. Tbe
Law and the testimony thus stand ready to be
applied to those who are to be "judged accerd-
ing to their works."
The ritnal of the Etruscans, Greeks, Romans,
and other ancient nations, included the n» o:'
what Clemens Aleiandrinus calls kIttqi iuhti-
icol iProtrept. p. 12); but especially that of
the Egyptians, in whose religious processiom, as
represented on monuments, such an ark, sur-
mounted by a pair of winged figures like the
cherubim^ constantly appears (Wilkinson, i*c
Ign*la<> *rk. (Wnkiiaim, Amc. tart.')
Egypt, i. pp. 267, 268). The aame ClemuB
(Strom. V. 578) also makes an allusion of »
proverbial character to the ark and its rites,
which seems to show that they were popularly
known, where he says that " only the master
(SiSi<rKa\os) may uncover the ark " (Kifitnh\
In Latin al.<!0, the word aroannm, connected with
area and arceo, is the recognised term for »
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ABKITE
statd mysteiy. Illustrations of the same
•abject occar also in Plat, de Is. et Osi. c. 39 ;
Ov. Jts Am. ii. 609, Sic. ; Euseb. Praep. Emng.
ii. 3; CatuU. liiv. 260-1; Apul. Met. xi.
262. [H. H.]
AB'KITE, THE Ci?"!??, Sam. Cod. 'pnjfi
'Hfowauosi Araoaeus), one of the families of
the Can&anites (Gen. j. 17 ; 1 Ch. i. 15), and
from the context evidently located in the north
of Phoenicia. Josephna {Ant. i. 6, § 2) gives
the name as 'ApovKotos, and as possessing
'KfiniP tV if T# At0iiyif. He also agam men-
tions the place CApxcUo, B. J. vii. 5, § 1) in
definiog the position of the Sabbatical river.
The name is found in the Assyrian inscriptions,
Arka (Schrader, KAT.' p. 104), in Pliny (v.
16), and Ptolemy (v. 15); and Aelius Lam-
pridins (Akx. Sev.) states that the Uris Arcena
raatained a temple to Alexander the Great. It
w«s the birthplace of Alexander Severus, and was
thence called Caesarea Libani. Area was well
known to the Crusaders, who under Raimond of
Tonlome besieged it for two months in 1099 in
Tiin; it was, however, afterwards taken by
William of Sartaoges. In 1202 it was totally
destroyed by an earthquake. The site which
now bears the name of 'Arka Cv S") lies on
the coast, 2 to 2} hoars from the shore, about
12 nules north of Tripoli, and 5 south of the
Sair el-Kebir (Xleutherus). The great coast
toad passes halfway between it and the sea. The
site is marked by a rocky tell rising to the
height of lOO feet close above the A'oAr 'Arka.
On the top of the tell is an area of about two
seres, and on this and on a plateau to the north
the ruios of the former town are scattered.
Among them are some colanms of granite and
syemte (Rob. iii. 579-81 ; Ges. p. 1073 ; Winer,
t. v.; Beland, p. 575 ; Burckhardt, p. 162 ; Diet,
of Gr. and JSom. Oeogr., art. Area). [G.] [F.]
ABMAGEiyDON or HAR-MAGEDON
("Af KitytStiy [Westcott and Hort], Rev. xvi. 16).*
It would be foreign to the purpose of this work
to enter into any of the theological controversies
connected with this (see Speaker's Commentary
in loco). Whatever its full symbolical import
may be, the image rests on a geographical basis :
ind the locality implied in the Hebrew term
here employed (rhy ttmov T'hr KoKoi/ityov
'Z$palaTl *Ap MarffHiy) is the great battle-
field of the Old Testament, where the chief con-
fiicts took place between the Israelites and the
enemies of God's people. The passage is best
illustrated by comparing a similar one in the
Book of Joel (iii. 2, 12), where the scene of the
Divine judgments is spoken of in the prophetic
imagery as the " valley of Jehoshaphat," the
fact underlying the image being Jehoshnphat's
great victory (2 Ch. xx. 26 , see Zech. xiv. 2,
1). So here the scene of the straggle of good
and evil is suggested by that battle-field, the
plain of Esdraelon, which was famoni for two
• The difference In the aspirate makes a dUTereoce In
ttie meanins. Armageddon = jnJD "VJ, "the dty
of Megiddo ; " Har-Magedon = jnjD ^il. "the moun-
titii of Megiddo ; " and this dilTercnce Is not without
ib bearing upon the Interpretations connected with the
TOd.
ABMENIA
235
great victories, of Barak over the Canaanites
(Judg. iv., v.), and Gideon over the Midianites
(Jndg. vii.); and for two great disasters, the
death of Saul, in the invasion of the Philistines
(1 Sam. ixxi, 8), and the death of Josiah in the
invasion of the Egyptians (2 K. xxiii. 29, 30 ;
2 Ch. XXXV. 22). With the first and fourth of
these events, Megiddo (yicyiiSii in the LXX.
[BA.] of Judg. v. 19, and MayttSit [or -eSac]
in the LXX. of 2 K. and 2 Ch. and in Josephns)
is especially connected. Hence 'Af-iiaydiiv,
"the hill of Megiddo." (See Biihr's Excursus
on Herod, ii. 159.) The same figurative lan-
guage is used by one of the Jewish Prophets
(Zech. iii. 11). As regards the Apocalypse, it
is remarked by Stanley {Sinai and Palestine,
p. 330) that this imagery would be peculiarly
natural to a Galilaean, to whom the scene of
these battles was familiar. [Ueoiddo.]
[J.S.Hi [F.]
ABMETfLA. CAp/ici'la) is the classical equi-
valent of the Hebrew Ararat. Ararat is the
Orardhu of the Babylonians and Assyrians, and
was the name given by the latter to the country
which stretched away from the shores of Lake
Van, and roughly corresponded with the Armenia
of classical geography. It did not, however,
extend northward beyond Mount Ararat and
the Araxes, or southward beyond the mountains
of Kurdistan, while it was bounded on the west
by the 59th degree of longitude. On the east
it bordered on the kingdom of Mana, called
Mannjl in the Assyrian inscriptions and Minni
0|P) in the Old Testament (Jer. Ii. 27), which
occupied the district on the north-western siile
of Lake Urumiyeh, and was separated from
Ararat by the Kotttr range. Minni was the
Minyas of Nicolaus Damascenus (ap. Joseph. Ant.
i. 3 ; Euseb. I'raep. Ev. 9), who says that the
ark had rested there on Mount Baris (now pro-
bably Rowandiz). Baris is called Lubar in the
Book of Jubilees (ch. v.), and Lubar is made by
Epiphanius {adv. Haer. i. 5) the boundary be-
tween Armenia and Kurdistan.
The native name of the kingdom of Ararar
was Biainas, the original of the modem Van
(B^a in Ptolemy, v. 13). The capital, which
occupied the site of Van, was called Dhuspas,
whence the eawnrlo of Ptolemy (v. 13, 19) and
the Tosp of Moses of Khorene, which is now the
name of the whole province. The cuneiform
system of writing was introduced into Biainas
in the time of king Sar-duris I. (B.C. 835), and
both he and his successors have left many written
memorials of their buildings and campaigns on
rocks and stones. His grandson, Menuas, erected
a palace near the modem Erzerflm, and carried
his arms far to the east, setting up a monument
in the pass of Keli-shin, under Rowandiz, 12,000
feet above the level of the sea. Ar.-irat and
Assyria were engaged in almost constant war,
which was, however, checked for a short time
by the devastation of the country about Van by
TigUth-pileser III. in B.C. 735. Esar-haddoi>
was engaged in a campaign against Eri-menas of
Biainas when his father Sennacherib was mur-
dered ; and it was to Eri-menas, accordingly, that
the murderers, Nergal-sharczer and Adar-melech,
fled. The people of Biainas spoke a language
which, though inflectional, had no connexion
with either the Aryan or the Semitic family ot
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ABMLET
speech, and seems to have been the ancestor of
the modern Georgian. This language was still
spoken in the country ns late as B.C. 640, so
that the arrival of the Aryan immigrants, the
forefathers of the modem Armenians, could not
have taken place ontil after this date. The
name Armenia {Armaniya) first occurs in the
Persian inscriptions of Darius Hystaspis, but the
origin of it is quite unknown. See Sayce, The
Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van, deciphered and
translated, in the Journal of the Eoyat Asiatic
Society, liv. 3, 4, 1882.
Togarmah (DD'lJin ; 9ayaf{xi. and Bopryoni ;
Oen. X. 3 ; Ezek. xxrii. 14, xxxviii. 6) has no
connexion - with Armenia, as was sometimes
supposed before the decipherment of the cunei-
form inscriptions, but is probably to be sought
in Eastern Asia Minor, in the neighbourhood of
Meshcch and Tubal, with whom (as persons)
Togarmah is associated by Ezekiel. Lagarde
comjmres the name of the Tenkrians. Fried rich
Delitzsch suggests that of Til-garimmu, a town
in Mclitene. Togarmah is a son of Gomer or
the Cimmerians in Gen. x. 3, and Gomer is
mentioned along with "the house of Togar-
mah of the extremities of the north " in Eiek.
xxxviii. 6. [A. H. S.]
ABMLET (nnyV^i ^^AXioy; Num. ixxi.
50, x^>I<!>'<i or x^'Stii' ; 2 Sam. i. 10, Ppaxii^tor ;
Aquila, brachiale armilla; — properly a fetter,
from 1PV, a step ; comp. Is. iii. 20, and Anklet),
an ornament universal in the East, especially
among women ; used by princes as one of the
insignia of royalty, and by distinguished persons
in general. The word is not used in the A. V.
or in the R. V., as even in 2 Sam. i. 10 they
render it by " the bracelet on his arm." Some-
times only one was worn, on the right aim
(Ecclus. xxi. 21). From Cant. viii. 6, it appears
thnt the signet sometimes consisted of a jewel
on the armlet.
AMyrUn Aimlet. (From nnntih HmiUas, Brltl£h KaMnm.)
These ornaments were worn by princes in
4)ncient times. They are frequent on the sculp-
tures of Persepolis and Nineveh, and were set in
rich and fantastic shapes resembling the heads
of animals (Layard, Nineveh, ii. 298). The kings
of Persia wore them, and Astyages presented a
jiair among other ornaments to Cyrus (Xen.
Q/r. i. 3). The Aethiopians, to whom some
«vere sent by Cambyses, scornfully characterised
tlicm as weak fetters (Herod, ii. 23). Nor were
they confined to the kings, since Herodotus
<(vlii. 113) calls the Persians generally tjifKio-
<p6poi. In the Egyptian monuments " kings are
often represented with armlets and bracelets,
and in the Leyden Mnseum is one bearing the
name of the third Thothmes." (A gold armlet
figured below. Cp. Wilkinson's Anc. Egypt.
ii. 336 [1878].) They were even used
by the old British chiefs (Turner, Angl. Sax.
ABMS
i. 383). The story of Tarpeia shows that they
were common among the ancient Sabines, but
Isjpttui AtmlcC (rram the LflTdm Xmenm.)
the Romans considered the use of them effemi-
nate, although they were sometimes given as
military rewards (Liv. x. 44). Finally, they
are still worn among the most splendid regali*
of modern Oriental sovereigns, and it is even
said that those of the king of Persia are wortli
a million sterling (Kitto, Pict. Hist, of Pai,
i. 499). They form the chief wealth of modeni
Hindoo ladies, and are rarely taken off. Ther
are made of every sort of material from the
finest gold, jewels, ivory, corsil, and pearl, dom
to the common glass rings and ramtshed eartheo-
ware bangles of the women of the Deccan. Nov,
as in ancient times, they are sometimes plain,
sometimes enchased ; sometimes with the ends
not joined, and sometimes a complete circle.
The arms are sometimes quite covered witii
them ; and if the wearer be poor, it matters not
how mean they are, provided only that they
glitter. It is thought essential to beanty tbst
they should fit close, and hence Hanner calls
them "rather manacles than bracelets," and
Buchanan says " that the poor girls rarely get
them on without drawing blood, and rubbing
part of the skin from the hand ; and as thev
wear great numbers, which often break, ther
suffer much from their love of admintion."
Their enormous weight may be conjectured from
Gen. xxiv. 24. [F. W. F.]
ABMO'NIC3b"!X=PaUce-bom, Palatinos;
B. 'Epiuiyott, A. -ici ; Armoni), son of Saul by
Rizpah, one of those delivered by David to the
Gibeonites (2 Sam. xxi. 8). [?.]
ABMOURY. The " tower of David " (Song
of Songs iv. 4) was used for this purpose
(cp. Neh. iii. 19). The " thousand bucklers, all
shields of mighty men," hung there. It appears
to have been not far from the Water-gate (cp.
Sayce, Introd. to the Books of Ezra, Xehemii,
ami Esther, p. 87; Bertheau-Ryssel in Neb.
/. c). Gesenius thought it the same building
as " the house of the forest of Lebanon " in
which Solomon placed his targets and shields
(1 K. X. 17). [F.]
ABMS, ARMOTTB. In the records of a
people like the Children of Israel, so large a
part of whose history was passed in warfare, we
naturally look for much information, direct or
indirect, on the arms and modes of fighting of
the nation itself and of those with whom it
came into contact.
Unfortunately, however, the notices that we
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ASMS
ABMS
237
Coil in the Bible on tiicse points are extremely
fi!iir tod meagre, while even those few, owing to
the uncertainty which rests on the true meaning
and force of the terms, do not convey to us
nearly all the information which they might.
Thi> is the more to be regretted because the
notice! of the history, scanty as they are, are
literally ererything we hare to depend on, inas-
much as they are not yet supplemeoteid and
iUmtrated either by remains of the arms them-
selres, or by those commentaries which the
sculptures, rases, bronzes, mosaics, and paint-
iogs of other nations furnish to the notices
of manners and customs contained in their
Uterature.
In remarkable contrast to Greece, Rome,
Egypt, and Assyria, Palestine has yielded but few
restiges of the implements or utensik of life or
warfare of its ancient inhabitants ; nor, with the
exception of a few fragments found during the
eicarations at Jerusalem, has a single sculp-
ture, piece of pottery, coin, or jewel, been
diicorered of that people with whose life,
as depicted in their literature, we are more
familiar than with that of out own an-
cestors. £ren the relations which existed
lietveen the customs of Israel and those
of Egypt on the one hand, and Assyria on
the other, hare still to be investigated, so
tliat ve are prevented from applying to
the history of the Jews the immense amount
of information which we possess on the
warlilce costoms of these two nations, the
former espedally. Perhaps the time will
arrire for investigations in Palestine of
the s-inie nature as those which have
ginn us so much insight into Assyrian
manners; but in the meantime all that
can be done here is to examine the various
terms by which instruments of war appear
to be designated in the Bible, in the light
of snch help as can be got from the com-
parison of parallel passages, from the deri-
vation of the words, and from the render-
ings of the ancient Versions.
The subject naturally divides itself into —
I. Offensive weapons: Arms. II. Defensive
weapons: Armour.
1. Offensite Weapcma. — 1. Apparently the
tatliest known, and most widely used, was the
CUreb (yVf), " SWOBD," from a root signifying
"to lay waste."
Its first mention in the history is in the nar-
rative of the massacre at Shechem, when
"Simeon and Levi took each man his sword, and
came upon the city boldly and slew all the
males " (Gen. xxiiv. ih). But there is an allu-
sion to it shortly before in a passage undoubtedly
of the earliest date (Ewald, i. 446, note) : the
eipostulation of Laban with Jacob (Gen. xxxi.
28). After this, during the account of the
csnqaest and of the monarchy, the mention of
the sword is frequent, but very little can be
^thered from the casual notices of the text as
•o its shape, sire, material, or mode of use.
Perhaps if anything is to be inferred it is that
the Ckereb was not either a heavy or a long
weapon. That of Ehud (Judg. lii. 21) was
only a cubit, i.e. 18 inches long, so as to
liare been concealed under his garment, and
aotbing is said to lead to the inference that |
it was ahorter than usual, for the " dagger " I
of the A. V. (R. V. " sword ") is without any
ground, unless it be a rendering of the itAxaipa
of the LXX. But even assuming that Ehud'&
sword was shorter than usual, yet a considera-
tion of the narratives in 2 Sam. ii. 16 and xx.
8-10, and also of the ease with which David
used the sword of a man so much larger than
himsel.'' as Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 51 ; xxi. 9, 10),
goes to show that the Chereb was both a lighter
and a shorter weapon than the modem sword.
What frightful wounds one blow of the sword
of the Hebrews could in6ict, if given even with
the left hand of a practised swordsman, may be
gathered from a comparison of 2 Sam. xx. 8-12
with 1 K. ii. 5. A ghastly picture is there
given us of the murdered man and his murderer :
the unfortnnate AmasA actually disembowelled
by a single stroke, and " wallowing " in his
blood in the middle of the road — the treache-
rous Joab standing over bim bespattered from
ICgnitjAA ttabbinc on maniy with a iword or dagger.
Crhebct; WUkloaoD.)
his "girdle" to his "shoes" with the blood
which had spouted from his victim I
The Chereb was carried in a sheath (*Wri>
1 Sam. xvii. 51 ; 2 Sam. xx. 8, only: JT3, 1 Ch.
xxi. 27, only), slung by a girdle (1 Sam. xxv. 13),
and resting upon the thigh (Ps. xlv. 3 ; Judg.
iii. 16) or upon the hips (2 Sam. xx. 8).*
" Girding on the sword " was a symbolical ex-
pression for commencing war, the more forcible
because in tiroes of peace even the king in state
did not wear a sword (1 K. iii. 24) ; and a simi-
lar expression occurs to denote those able to
serve (Judg. viii. 10; 1 Ch. xxi. 5). Other
phrases, derived from the Chertb, are, "to
smite with the edge (literally ' mouth,' o-rd^,
and cp. ' devour,' Is. i. 20) of the sword " —
" slain with the sword " — " men that drew
sword," &c.
Swards with two edges are occasionally re-
ferred to (Judg. iii. 16; Ps. cxlix. 6), and
allusions are found to "whetting" the sword
(Deut. xxxii. 41; Ps. liiv. 3; Ezek. xxi. S).
There is no reference to the material of which it
• The Circassians cany their Kama, wblcb Is not un-
like the Chertb, In the same way slung by a girdle aud
resting on the blp.
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ARMS
AEMS
was composed (unless it be Is. ii. 4 ; Joel iii. 10) ;
doubtless it was of metnl, from the allusions to
its brightness and " glittering " (see the two
AMTTiaatbMthod fword.
Egyptian mitbeathed dagger.
(Tb«b«i; WUkloaon.)
passages quoted above, and others) and the
ordinary word for blade, viz. 3^7, " a flame."
From the expression in Josh. v. 2, 3, " swords of
~ AayilsnCoot
(TbDeofansaOi^
2. Next to the sword was the Speab : and of
this weapon we meet with at least three dUtinct
isinds.
a. The Clianith (n'OH), "a spear," and that
of the largest kind, as appears from variou
circumstances attending its mention. It vas
the weapon of Goliath — its stail' lilte » we«T«'i
beam, the iron bead alone weighing 600 sbekeli,
rock," A. V. " sharp knives," we may perhaps
infer that in early times the material was flint
(so R. v.).
AflTTiAH foot speonnen. (TinM «r Sennaebaft.)
about 25 lbs. (I Sam. ivii. 7, 45 ; 2 Sam. xxL
19; I Ch. XX. 5), and also of other gisnU
(2 Sam. xxiii. 21 ; 1 Ch. li. 23) and mighty
w.irriors (2 Sam. ii. 23, xxiii. 18 ; 1 Ch. ri. 11,
20). The Chanith was the habitual compsniw
of king Saul — a fit weapon for one of his
gigantic stature — planted at the head of hii
sleeping-place when on an expedition (1 Sso.
E^TPtiSD iFearmen. (Tbetxi; WOUneon.)
ixri. 7, 8, 11, 12, 16, 22), or held in his hsnJ
when mustering his forces (xxii. 6) ; and on it
the dying king is leaning when we catch oar
last glimpse of his stately 6gure on the field
(if fiilboa (2 Sam. i. 6). His fiU of anger or
madness become even more terrible to us, wbea
we find that it w^as this heavy weapon (R. ^•
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ABM8
ABMS
239
-»I>««r ") and not the lighter "javelin " (A. V.)
thit he oast at David (1 Sam. xviii. 10, 11 ;
lii. 9, 10) and at Jonathan (ix. 33). A striking
idea of the weight and force of this ponderous
urn may be gained from the
t'ict that a mere back thmst
irom the hand of Abner was
cDODgh to drive its butt end
through the bodv of Asahel
(2 Sam. iL 23). The Chanith
V! mentioned also in 1 Sam.
liii. 19, 22, xxi. 8 ; 2 K. li.
10; 2 Ch. niii. 9, and in
noraeroiis passages of ixfctry.
i. .\i>tiarently lighter than
tbe preceding, and in more
than one passage distinguished
from it, was the CidOn (fn'S),
or "javelin" (Ewald, Wvrf-
5iif$!)i It would be the
aj'propriate weapiin for the
miiiotuvring described in Josh.
Tiii. 14-27, and could with
■*!« be held outstretchcil for
considerable time (fu. 18,
•26; A. V. '-spear," R. V.
" javelio "). When not in
actioD the Cid6n was carried
on the back of the warrior
—between the shoulders (1
Sam. ivii. 6, A. V. " target,"
iMTij. '• gorget," R. v. " jave-
lin"). Both in this passage and in r. 45 the
Cid6n (R. V. " javelin ") is distinguished from
tie Chtaaih. In Job ixxii. 23 (R. V. " javelin ")
the allasion seems to be to the quivering of a
JiTeUn when poised before hurling it.
c. Another kind of spear was the Homach
(no'"l) ; Arabic £umh. In the Historical Books
it occurs in Num. ixv. 7 (A. V. "javelin," R. V.
'• spear "); Jud. v. 8 ; IK. xviii. 28 (" lancets,"
E. V. "lances"). Also frequently in the later
l««'ss, especially in the often recurring formula
for amu, " shield and spear : " 1 Ch. xii. 8, 24 ;
2 Ch. li. 12, xiv. 8, XIV. 5 ; Neh. iv. 13, 16-21 ;
:tnd £zek. ixxix. 9, &c.
d. A lighter missile or " dart " was probably
tie Shehch (jh&)- Its root signifies to project
ir send ont, but unfortunately there is nothing
k«Tond the derivation to guide us to any
linowledge of its nature. See 2 Ch. xiiii. 10
(^weapon"), xxxii. 5 (A. V. "darts," R. V.
-»eaf«ns"); Neh. iv. 17 (R. V. "weapon");
'»b uiiiL 18 (" sword "), ixxvi. 12 (" sword '*) ;
iH\ ii, 8 (R. V. " weapons ").
f. St^'iet (0^0, a rod or staff, with the
ierived force of a baton or sceptre, is used once
'nly as an arm, for the "darts" with which
J-ab dispatched Absalom (2 Sam. xviii. 14).
:!. Of missile weapons of offence the chief was
undoubtedly the Bow, Kesheth (flC'p) ; it is met
'tith in the earliest stages of the history, in use
'»'th for the chase (Gen. xxi. 20; ixvii. 3) and
»«• (xlviii. 22). In later times archers accom-
janied the armies of the Philistines (1 Sam.
xsxi. 3 ; 1 Ch. x. 3) and of the Syrians (1 K.
iiii. 34). Among the Jews its use was not
infined to the common soldiers, but captains
Hi;h in rank, as Jehu (2 K. ii. 24), and even
and were expert and sure in its use (2 Sam. i.
22). The tribe of Benjamin seems to have been
especially addicted to archery (1 Ch. viii. 40,
xii. 2 ; 2 Ch. xiv. 8, xvii. 7) ; but there were
AMyrian Hcbera on horMlMck, one dnkwing th« iMW and tbo oUiar
bobliog the tcUu. (Nimnul ; lAyard.)
also bowmen among Reuben, Gad, Manasseh
(1 Ch. V. 18), and Ephraim (Ps. Ixxviii. 9).
The bow was in like manner extensively used
by the Assyrians and Egyptians. On the Assy-
rian monuments archers are represented not
only on foot and in chariots, but also on horse-
BflTpUao urchen. (Thebeg ; WUkliuon.)
back. [Chariot.] On the Egyptian monuments
archers appear on foot and in chariots, but not
on horseback.
Of the form or structure of the bow we can
gather almost nothing. It seems to have been
bent with the aid of the foot, as now, for the
word commonly used for it is IJ'TT, " to tread '
kiuf*' sons (1 Sanl. xviii. 4) carried the bow, (1 Ch. v. 18, viii. 40; 2 Ch. xiv. 8; Is. v. 18 j
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AEM8
Ps. vii. 12, &c.). Bows of steel (R. V. brass,
nC'4n3) are mentioned as if specially strong
(2' Sam. iiii. 33 ; Ps. xviii. 34). The string
is occasionally named 10' or Tl'p. It was
probably at first some bindweed or natural cord,
since the same word is used in Judg. xri. 7-9
for "green withs " (R. V. marg. new boa-strittgs').
In the allusion to bows in 1 Ch. xii. 2, it will
be obsenred that the sentence* in the original
stands, " could use both the right hand and the
left in atones and arrows from the bow " (R. V.),
AiarrUn ucber. (Tlma of SCBaaebarfb.)
the words "slinging" and " shooting " being
added to give sense. It is possible that a
liittd of bow for shooting bullets or stones (cp.
Job xli. 20) is here alluded to, liko the pellet-
bow of India, or the " stone-bow " in use in the
tliddle Ages — to which allusion is made by
Shakespere (Twelfth Night, ii. 5), and which
in Wisd. v. 22 is employed as the translation of
irfrpo$6\os. This latter word occurs in the
LXX. of 1 Sam. liv. 14 [T.' but absent from
ABMS
BA. The Heb. (see K. V.) is very differMit],
probably as a gloss on xix^'i' (Wcllhausen) —
ir PoXitrt, koI iy TtrpofiiKaa, xal in (dx^i
ToD ircS(av : " with arrows, and with stone-bows,
and with flints (?) of the field." If this tie
accepted as the true reading, we hare hen bj
comparison with xiv. 27, 43, an interestioi; con-
firmation of the degree to which the Philistines
had deprived the people of arms (liii. 19-22);
leaving to the king and Jonathan the spear and
the sword (xiii. 22). and to Jonathan a staff
(xiv. 27, A. V." rod").
The Abbows, Chitzim (D^-VH), were carried in
a quiver, Theli OpFI, Gen. xivii. 3, onir), or
Ashpah CnBB^: Is! xiii. 6, xlii. 2; Pi. cuvii.
5). [Quiver.] From an allusion in Job vi.
4, they would seem to have been sonetimo
poisoned ; but the passage in Ps. cii. 4 hanliy
justifies the deduction that there was a practice
of using arrows with some burning msteriiil
attached to them. ,
4. The Slino, Kela' QDJ)), is first men-
tioned in Judg. XX. 16, where we heir of
the 300 Benjamites who with their left haiil
could "sling stones at an hairbreadth, ud
not miss." The simple weapon with vliich
David killed the Philistine giant was a ntiial
accompaniment of a shepherd, whose duty it vu
to keep at a distance and drive off anytliing at-
tempting to molest his flocks. The sling would
be familiar to all shepherds and keepers of sheep,
and therefore the bold metaphor of Abigail lu>
a natural propriety in the mouth of the wife of
a man whosie possessions in flocks were so great
as those of Nabal : " As for the soula of thine
AMjTian tichor. (Soojaqjlk.)
tfjjititmM BtrlnKlnx ths bow.
(ThebM And Banl-Htiwn.)
As AajrrtBi dliiscT. (Satj''l^'
lj>ru<i.)
enemies, them shall God sling out from the
hollow of a sling" (1 Sam. xxv. 29, K. V.).
Later in the monarchy, slingers formed part
of the regular army (2 K. iii. 25), though it
would seem that the slings there mentioned
must have been more ponderous than in earlier
times, and that those which could break down
the fortifications of so strong a place as Kir-
haraseth must have been more like the engines
which king Czziab contrived to "shoot great
stones " (2 Ch. xivi. 15). In r. 14 of the same
chapter we find an allusion (now made clear
in the R. V.) to stones specially adapted for
slings — "Uzziah prepared ... for all the host
shields and spears, . . . bows and stoon for
slinging."
Slings are still used in Palestine by xho^
who watch the flocks, and in Egypt by the men
who keep the birds from the fields. [Sli-N'o]
II. Passing from weapons to armour— from
offensive to defensive arms — wc fiud sefcnl
references to what was apparently .irnwar IVt
the body.
1. The S/iiryon (JiV^i or in its modified
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ARMS
foim pTC', and once iTTC'); according to the
IXX. ftJ/wf, Vulg. lorica, — a BuEASTrLATE.
TbU occurs in the description of the arms of
C»li«th— D'B'iX'P li'TE', a "coat of mail,"
Ktcrally a " breastplate of scales " (1 Sam. xrii.
5), and further (r. 38), where Shiryon aloDe is
rendered " coat of mail," It may be noticed in
passing that this passage contains the most com-
plete iarentory of the famitore of a warrior to
ARMS
241
VfTftin <onl«( wilh mt-tal Hral«4. (Torob i<f UjuneIt(J:^ III ,
Tlieties; Wilkuuon.)
fce found in the whole of tlie sacred history,
Ooliath was a Philistine, and the minuteness of
thi; desiTiption of his equipment may be due
either to the fact th,it the Philistines weie
asoally better araaed than the Hebrews, or to
ihe impression produced by the contrast on this
f-srticnlar occasion between this fully -armed
ciianpion, and the wretchedly appointed soldiers
coTAflirTiancoMofmAU, (Nlmnid.)
if the Israelite host, stripped as they had been
rery shortly before both of arms, and of the
^feans of supplying them, so completely, that
!'<' smith could be found in the country, nor any
'i^apons seen among the j>eople, and that even
tae ordinary implements of husbandry had to
ieftpaired and sharpened at the forges of the
BtBLE DICT.— VOU I.
conquerors (1 Sam. xir. 19-22). SItiryon also
occurs in 1 K. xxii. 34 = 2 Ch. iviii. 33. The
last cited passage is very obscure ; the A. V.
and R. V. text follow the Srriac "between the
joints of the harness," but the leal meaning is
probably that of R. V. marg. " lower armour and
the breastplate " (ep. LXX. and Vulgate, " be-
tween the lungs and the breastbone "). The word
is further found in 2 Ch. xxvi. 14 and Neh. ir. 16
(" habergeons," K. V. " coats of mail "), also in
Job ili. 26 and Is. lix. 17, but with no con-
sistency of translation. This word (spelt "\^)
was the Sidonian name of Mount Hermon
(Deut. iii. 9; Ps. ixix. 6; Stanley, 403), a
parallel to which is found in the name Bipai
given to Mount Sipylus in Lydio. It occurs
in the Inscriptiona as Sirara (Schrader, KAT.*
p. 159).
Aajiiaa helneti. (ijijranl.)
turOiahamtlt. (VUkliisoBi)
2. Another piece of defensive armour was the
Tachra (KinR), which is mentioned but twice
(Ex. xxviii. 3!J, xxxix. 23) — namely, in reference
to the Meil or gown of the priest, which is said
to have had a hole in the middle for the head,
with a hem or binding round the hole, " as it
were the ' mouth ' of an habergeon " (R. V. " coat
of mail ") to prevent the stuff from tearing.
The English " habergeon " wai the diminutive
of the " hauberk," and was a quilted shirt or
doublet put on over the head.
3. The Helmet is but seldom mentioned.
The word for it is Caba' QllSS, or twice V^^p).
possibly from a root signifying to be high and
round. Reference is made to it in 1 Sam.
xvii. 5 ; 2 Ch. xxvi. 14 ; Ezek. xxvii. 10, &c.
4. Creates, or defences for the front of the
"legs" (as in the A. V. and R. V.) — nnyp.
Uitzchak, made of brass, fl^nj — are named
in 1 Sam. xvii. 6 only.
Of the defensive arms borne by the warrior
the notices are hardly less scanty than those
just examined.
5. Two kinds of Shield are distinguishable,
a. The Ttinnah (J\yf ; from a root JJV, " to
protect"). This was the large shield, encom-
passing (Ps. V. 12) and forming a protection for
the whole person. When not in actual conflict,
the Tzmnxh was carried before the warrior
R
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242
AKMY
(1 Sam. ivii. 7, 41). The definite article in the
p.issage of 1 Sam. {"tlie" shield, K. V. r. 41)
denotes the importance of the weapon. The word
is used with Romach (1 Ch. xii. 8, 14 ; 2 Ch. xi.
12, &c.) and Chanith (1 Ch. xii. 34) as a for-
mula for weapons generally.
b. Of smaller dimensions was the Maijen QiO-
from p3, to cover), a buckler or target, proba-
bly for use in hand-to-hand fights. The differ-
ence in size between this and the Tzinnah is
evident from 1 K. x. 16, 17 ; 2 Ch. ix. 15, 16,
where a much larger quantity of gold is named
as being used for the latter than for the former.
The portability of the magen may be inferred
from the notice in 2 Ch, xii. 9, 10 ; and perhaps
also from 2 Sam. i. 21. The word is a favourite
one with the poets of the Bible (see Job xv. 26 ;
Ps. iii. 3, xviii. 2, &c.). Like Tzinnah, it occurs
in the formulistlc expressions for weapons of
war, but usually coupled with light weapons —
such as the bow (2 Ch. xiv. 8, xvii. 17) and darts,
n^jj' (2 Ch. xiiii. 5). [Shield.]
Aayriaa aQin«s ihiald.
<Eoii7iu^lk.>
Egyptian conraz ableM.
(TbebM.)
C. Authorities are not agreed as to what kind
of arm the Shekt (ff>^) was ( sec RSdiger's
comments in Ges. Thes. s. n.). The word is
found in the plural only. By some translators
it is rendered " quivers," bv some " weapons,"
but by most "shields " (A. V. and R. V.). It is
clear that the word had a very individual sense
at the time : it denote<l certain special weapons
taken by David from Uadadezer king of Zobah
(2 Sam. viii. 7 i 1 Ch. xviii. 7), and dedicated
in the Temple, where they did service on the
memorable occasion of the proclamation of Joash
(2 K. xi. 10 ; 2 Ch. xxiii. 9), and where their
i-emembrance long lingered (Cant. iv. 4). From
the fact that these arms were of gold, it would
seem that they cannot have been for offence.
In the two other passages of its occurrence
(Jcr. li. 11, here only R. V. marg. "suits of
armour;" Ezek. ixvii. 11) the word has the
force of a foreign arm. [G.] [W.]
AEMY. I. Jewish Armt.— The military
organisation of the Jews commenced with their
departure from the land of Egypt, and was
ABMY
adapted to the nature of the expedition ou
which they then entered. Their wars, is
directed against the heathen, were religious
wars, "wars of the Lord" (Num. xxi. 14; 1
Sara, xviii. 17) ; " the Lord of hosts, the God
of the armies of Israel " (1 Sam. xvii. 45), " the
Lord mighty in battle " (Ps. xxiv. 8), was their
Captain. He went with them. He saved them,
and He delivered their enemies into their haod
(Num. X. 35; Dcut. xi. 4; 2 Sam. v. 24; Ps.
Ix. 12).
Every man above 20 years of age was a
soldier (Num. i. 3 ; according to Josephu^
[Antiq. iii. 12, § 4], from 20 to 50 years of a^e).
The priests and Levites were exempted (Num.
ii. 33). Each tribe formed a regiment, with its
own banner and its own leader (Num. ii. 2,
X. 14): their positions in the camp or on tlie
march were accurately fixed (Num. ii.): tlie
whole army started and stopped at a given
signal (Num. x. 5, 6) : and thus they came ii|>
out of Egypt ready for the fight (Ex. liii. 18).
That the Israelites preserved the same exact
order throughout their march, may be inferred
from Balaam's language (Num. xxiv. 6). On
the appro.ich of an enemy, a conscription was
made from the general body under the directiea
of a muster-master (originally named "ipir<
Deut. IX. 5, « officer," afterwards ISID, 2 K.
XXV. 19, " the scribe, the captain of the host,"
R. V. [Lucian's Recension of the LXX. and the
Vulg. advocate hero a proper name, 5a^i'.
Sopher], both terms occurring, however, together
in 2 Ch. xxvi. 11, the meaning of each being
primarily a veriter or icribe), by whom ako the
officers were appointed (Deut. xx. 9). From
the number so selected, some might be excused
service on certain specified grounds (Deut. xi.
5-8; 1 Mac. iii. 56). The army was then
divided into thousands and hundreds and tifUt^
under their respective captains (D'STKH IJ?
niKlJPI nb, Num. xxxi. 14 ; D»^n "t-
1 Sam. viii. 12 ; 2 K. i. 9. In 1 Mac iij. 5,'>,
" captains over tens " are mentioned), and still
further into families (Num. ii. 34; 2 Ch. xiv.
5, xxvi. 12) — tlio family being regarded as the
unit in the Jewish polity. From the time the
Israelites entered the land of Canaan until the
establishment of the kingdom, little progress
was made in military affairs: their wars re-
sembled border forays, and the tactics tnrnci
upon stratagem rather than upon the discipline
and disposition of the forces. Skilfnllv availini;
themselves of the opportunities which th<'
country offered, they gained the victory samr-
times by an ambush (Josh. viii. 4) ; cometimes
by surprising the enemy (Josh. i. $>, xi. 7;
Judg. vii. 21); and sometimes by a judicious
attack at the time of fording a river (Judg. iii.
28, iv. 7, vii. 24, xii. 5). No general musier
was made at this period, such a number onir
being selected as was deemed sufficient for the
purpose (Num. xxxi. 1-8; Josh. vii. 3; Jud?.
vii. 1-8) ; but, when necessary, combatants oooU
be summoned on the spur of the moment by
trumpet-call (Judg. iii. 27), by messengers
(Judg. vi. 35), by some significant token (1 ^m.
xi. 7), or, as in later times, by the erection of
a standard (D3, Is. iviii. 8 ; Jer. iv. 21, U. 27),
or by a beacon fire on an eminence (Jer. vi. 1).
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ABBIY
B«faul to obey the nimmons was sometimes
ptuuhed bj eitermination (Jndg. xxi. 8-15).
With the kings began the practice of maintain-
ing > bodf-goard, which formed the nncleos of
a staDiiing ansj (1 Sam. riii. 11, 12), mainly
for defensire purposes. Thos Saul had a band
of 3000 select warriors (1 Sam. xiii. 2, xir. 52,
inr. 2). David himself, before his accession to
tiie throne, bad a band of 600 (1 Sam. xiiii. 13,
Mv. 13). This band— perhaps the Dn'Sl, the
"mighty men" of 2 Sam. xx. 7 (Keil) — he re-
tailed after he became king, and added the
Creketiittes and Peletiiites (2 Sam. xt. 18,
II. 7) together with another class, whose name
Shalishim (Ex. xir. 7, D'C'^TtJ'; -rpurrirai,
LXX; A. V. and K. V. "captains ") has been
nnooily interpreted to mean (1) a corps of
wteran gnards = Roman triarii (Winer, s. r.
Krie^ihtrr) ; (2) chariot-warriors, ns being three
in each chariot (Gesen. Thes. p. 1429) ; (3) offi-
wts of the guard, thirty in number (Ewald,
SmcJ. ii. 601). The fact that the Egyptian
warKhariot, with which the Jews were first
tajnaiited, osnally contained but two warriors
(three bebg the exception ; see Momanenta de
I'Bnpte, i. pi. 26, 31, it. pi. 328X forms an
objection to the second of these opinions (Wilkin-
wtt. Aw. Egypt, i. 335), and the frequent use
of the ttrm in the singular number (2 K. vii. 2,
ii. 25, IT. 25) [Chabiot] is opposed to the third.
WhateTtr be the meaning of the name,* it is
•Tidoit that It grew to indicate officers of high
nak, the chief of whom (^^VH, A. V. " a
l»rd," E. T, « the captain," 2 kJ vii. 2, or ^-t
ABMY
243
rn, "chiefof the captains," 1 Ch. xii. 18,
Hcri [H'eb. r..l9], R. V text "chief of the
tiiitty ") was immediately about the king's
person, as adjutant or secretary-at-war. David
further organised a national militia, divided
iiit9 twelve regiments, each of which was
railed ont for one month in the year under
ilieir respective officers (1 Ch. ixvii.'l) ; at the
i''M of the army when in active service he
iFiwioted a commander-in-chief (K3X"lb'
" captain of the host," 1 Sam. xiv. 50 ; Jer. lii.
ii, R. v.).
Hitherto the army had consisted entirely of
ii^tiy {"hitj 1 Sam. iv. 10, xv 4 ; cp. Num.
Ii' 21), the use of horses having been restrained
^^ Divine command (Deut. xviL 16), and the
i'-tden being mounted on asses or mules (Judg.
' 10, I. 4; 2 Sam. xiii. 29, iviii. 9). The
JtKs had, however, experienced the great
a^jrantsge to be obtained by chariots, both in
t'neir enconnters with the Canaanites (Josh. xvii.
16 ; Jndg. i. 19), and at a later period with the
^rrians (2 Sam. viiL 4, x. 18). The interior of
I'alestine was indeed generally unsuited to the
o^' of chariots : the Canaanites bad employed
ttna only in the plains and valleys, such as
Jeireel (Josh. xvii. 16), the plain of Philistia
• Ekhm (BWB. a. n. Srieg"), comparing 3 K. Ix. 2S
■Bd tbc frequent repreflentatlons of three in a chariot
'^ Uj« Aarpian moouments. IncUnea to the view that tbe
.^aOili vu origiaaUy the third (perliapa tbe shield.
'■^»r) fa) tbc cfaartot, and tbat, from tbat restricted
«:«. tbe title gradually pasMd into the general mean-
"sot a cbkf officer.
(Judg. i. 19 ; 1 Sam. xiii. 5), and the upper
valley of the Jordan (Josh. xi. 9 ; Judg. iv. 2).
But the border, both on the side of Egypt and
Syria, was admirably adapted to their use ;
and accordingly we find that as the foreign rela-
tions of the kingdoms extended, much import-
ance was attached to them. David reserved a
hundred chariots from the spoil of the Syrians
(2 Sam. viii. 4) : these, if not the same as those
used by Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 1) or Adonijah
(1 K. i. 5), probably served as the foundation of
the force which Solomon afterwards enlarged
through his alliance with Egypt (1 K. x. 28,
29), and applied to the protection of his border,
stations or barracks being erected for them ia
dilTerent localities (1 K. ix. 19). The force
amounted to 1400 chariots, 4000 horses, at the
rate (in round numbers) of three horses for each
chariot, the third being kept as a reserve, and
12,000 horsemen (1 K. i. 26 ; 2 Ch. i. 14).
For further particulars on the use of chariots
and cavalry, see Chariot, Hobse, Horseman.
At this period the organisation of the army
was complete; and we have, in 1 K. ix. 22,
apparently a list of the various gradations of
rank in the service, as follow : — (1) *^3M
nOTipQn, " men of war " = privates ; (2)
DnSff, " servants," the lowest rank of officers
= lieutmants; (3) D^^tS', " princes "=ca/)(ains;
(4) D<lff^7t^, "captains," already noticed, per-
haps =rti/-oj>!cer»; (5) ajnn nb' and nr
D^IBH, "rulers of his chariots and of his
* T T -
horsemen " = catxilry offieen.
It does not appear that the system established
by David was maintained by the kings of
Jndah ; but in Israel the proximity of the
hostile kingdom of Syria necessitated the main-
tenance of a standing army. The militia (DO
y^tXty, 2 E. XXV. 19) was occasionally called
out in times of peace, as by Asa (2 Ch. xiv. 8),
by Jehoshaphat (3 Ch. xvii. 14), by Amaziah
(2 Ch. ixv, 5), and lastly by Uzziah (2 Ch.
xxvi. 11): but these notices prove that such
cases were exceptional. On the other hand, the
incidental notices of the body-guard lead to the
conclusion that it was regularly kept up (1 K.
xiv. 28 > 2 K. xi. 4, 11). Occasional reference
is made to war-chariots (2 K. viii. 21), and it
would appear that this branch of the service was
maintained, until the wars with the Syrians
weakened the resources of the kingdom (2 K.
xiii. 7) : it was restored by Jotham (Is. ii. 7),
but in Hezekiah's reign no force of the kind
could be maintained, and the Jews were obliged
to seek the aid of Egypt for horses and chariots
(2 K. xviii. 23, 24). This was an evident breach
of the injunction in Dent. xvii. 16, and met
with strong reprobation on the part of the
prophet Isaiah (xxxi. 1).
The army usually took the field in the spring
(2 Sam. xi. 1), and never without asking
counsel of God. In the older time this was
done by the high-priest by means of the Urim
and Thummim (Jndg. i. 1, xx. 18; 1 Sam. xiv.
37, xxiiL 2 ; 2 Sam. v. 19), in later times by
a prophet (1 E. xxii. 5, &c. ; 2 K. zix. 2, &c.).
In the earlier wars the ark accompanied the
army (ITnm. x. 35 ; Josh. vi. 6 ; 1 Sam. iv.
4, &c.), bat this probably ceased after the
R2
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244
ABMY
ARMY
building of the Temple. With the ark went , and retreat was given hj the trumpet (Joth.
the priests, and their attendance was continued ' ri. 4, 5, 16 ; Judg, rii. 18, &c. , 2 Sam. ii. 2$,
after the practice of bringing the arlc was dis-
pensed with. It was their duty to blow the
silver trumpets (Num. x. 8, 9, xxii. 6 ; 2 Oh.
xiii. 12, 14) in summons of God's help, to make
the offering before the battle (1 S«m. rii. 9, &c. ;
xiii. 9, &c.), and encourage by stirring words
Aurriaa warrlon fonnlos a phalmiT, (lAyuU.)
iTiii. 16, XX. 22 ; 1 Mace ivi. 8). The attack
was made with loud shouts (Joah. ri. 16 ; Amoi
i. 14. Cp. Is. V. 29; Jer. xlix. 2, 1. 42; Eiek.
xxi. 22), and sometimes with a deSnite watch-
word (e.g. "The sword of the Lord and of
Gideon," Judg. rii. 18, 20). In actual battle,
the troops did not
always preserve their
serried form ; and
hand - to - hand en-
counters testing the
strength, skill, eqiip
ment, and valour of ia*
diridual warriors were
rerr frequent ; the
genera] engagement
being sometimes pre-
ceded by single com-
bats, such as that of
Darid and Goliath
(1 Sam. xrii. ; cp
2 Sam. xxi. 18, &c.),
or that of the twelve
of Benjamin and the
twelve of the servaatt
of David (2 Sam. li.
12, tec). The com-
try, or camp, or place
the armies of the Lord (Deut. ix. 2-4; cp. ' to be attacked was usually well reconnoitred
2 Ch. II. 21, 22). I (Josh. ii. ; Judg. \-ii. 11, &e. ; 1 Sam. iivi. 4);
With regard to the arrangement and ma- , ambushes were frequent, led up to by siina-
noeuvring of the army in the field, we know but I lated flight (Josh. viii. ; Judg. xx. 29, &c.;
little. A division into three bodies U frequently i 1 Sam. xv. 5 ; 2 Ch. xiii. 13) ; the assault
mentioned (Judg. vii. 16, ix. 43; 1 Sam. li. 1 1 ; was oflen made simultaneously in front and
2 Sam. xviii. 2), but sometimes the division was in the rear (2 Ch. lUi. 13, &c.), and night-
into two (1 K. II. 27), sometimes into four i attacks were common (Gen. xiv. 15 ; Josh. x. 9,
bodies (2 Mace. viii. 22). The triple division li. 7 ; Judg. vii. 16, &c. ; 2 Sam. xriL 1, &c.).
served various purposes : in action there would | Deeds of valour were rewarded by promotion
be a centre and two wings ; in
camp, relays for the three night-
watches (Judg. vii. 19) ; and by
the combination of two of the
dirisions, there would be a main
body and a reserve, or a strong
advanced guard (1 Sam. xiii. 2,
XXV. 13). In Jehoshaphat's time
the army was numbered, "ac-
cording to their fathers' houses,"
in five bodie.1, corresponding, ac-
cording to Ewald (fieachiclite, iii.
192), to the geographical divisions
of the kingdom at that time :
yet even here the threefold prin-
ciple of division may be noticed,
the heavy-armed troops of Judah
being considered as the proper
army, and the two divisions of
light-armed of the tribe of Ben-
jamin as an appendage (2 Ch.
xvii. 14-18).
In battle-array, the troops
stood and moved at first in
something like regimental order
(2 Ch. iivi. 11, Heb.); and possibly the . (1 Ch. li. 6), freedom (1 Sam. xvii. 25; cp.
Egyptian phalanx of eight rows of ten men [see I 1 Sam. viii. 11, &c.), gifts of land (Josh. ir.
cut under Egvpt], or the Assyrian of two rows 13) and of money (1 Sam. xrii. 25 ; 3 Sam.
of speaimen (the first kneeling, the second half- | xviii. 11), and even by the hand of a princes
kneeling) and archers protected by shield- i (Josh. xv. 16 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 25, xviii. 25). From
bearers, may have had their parallels among I and after David's time the spoil was £iirly
the Israelites. The signal for attack, halting, I divided between those who fought tad those
A-*ijri<ui Bijibvi
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ABMY
vho mtchcd the camp (1 Sam. xxx, 24, 25).
"Xo quarter " wax the rule io the wars of
titermination (e.g. 1 Sam. xt. 3) ; in the inter-
oaliooal and even other wars the slaughter, if
gnat (2 Sam. xriii. 7 ; 1 K. xx. 21, 29), was not
so ruthless (1 K. xx. 31 ; cp. 2 Ch. xir. 22).
The head of the opponent chief was sometimes
bivaght in as a trophy (1 Sam. xvii. 51, 54,
iiii. 9 ; 2 Sam. xx. 22 ; cp. Judith xiii. 9, &c.),
juid ve also find on one occasion the Assyrian
practice of collecting the heads and so numbering
the slain (cp. 2 K. x. 7, 8) ; but this practice,
and the Egyptian cnstom of attaining the same
«n<l by catting off the hands, were not in Togue
amoDg the Israelites, if traces are to be found
among them of a not less ghastly form of muti-
lation (1 Sam. XTiii. 25, 27).
It was coanted a f-ncred doty to bury any
Israelitish soldier who fell in battle (1 K. xi. 15 ;
2 Mace xii. 39), and the chiefs were followed to
their graves with tears and lamentations (2 Sam.
iii. 31), their "weapons of war" being buried
with them (Ezck. xxxii. 27). Burial was also
accorded to the dead soldiers of an enemy (Ezek.
mil. 11, &C.), unless Is. xxx. 33 be a bint that
cremation was sometimes adopted (see Cheyne
and Orelli in loco). Prisoners of war were
variontly treated. The ferocity characteristic
of foreign foes (e.g, 2 K. vUi. 12) was not
ABMY
245
without its parallel in Israel (2 K. xv. 16);
blinding was common (Judg. xvi. 21 ; 1 Sam,
xi. 2 ; 2 K, xxv. 7). As a rule death was
the lot of leader and soldier; often, in the case
of the former, preceded by the humiliation
so common in Egypt and Assyria, which bade
the conqueror set his foot on the neck of the
Incmlfls at the footitool of ■ kins. (Thebes.)
conqnered (Josh. x. 24 ; cp. Pa. ex. 1), and even
by mutilation similar to that previously in-
flicted on his foes by the vanquished (Judg. i.
6, 7). Instances are on record of conquered
^^
ABSjiiaas flaying tbelr friauners Alive and i-orrj iiif awny hcfula of tbc sIhIu. (l^yaril.)
popnlationssobjected to terrible tortares (2 Sam.
lii. 31), and flnng down precipices (2 Ch. xxr.
1'2); hut instances are also furnished of re-
markable mercifnlness and generosity (1 K.
Jti. 31, &c. ; 2 K. Ti. 22, 23). Captives were
bosDd in fetters (Ps. cxiix. 8 ; 2 K. xxr. 7), as
'e lee in Egyptian and Assyrian monuments.
"In a bas-relief discovered at Khorsabad were
represented captives led before the king by rings
of iron passed through their noses and lips, to
vhich a cord was attached, thus illustrating
the passage (2 K. xix. 28 ; cp. Is. xxxvii. 29),
' 1 will put my hook in thy nose and my bridle
in thy lips ' " ( Layard ). Slavery was the
alternative of death. Men, women, and chil-
•Irea, bareheaded and bereft of their outer gar-
ment^ sometimes chained and bound, were either
»ld or enslaved; mercy tempering the condi-
tion of the latter (Deut. xxi. 10, &c.). The
varrion of Israel, if victorious, were greeted
oa their return with music, songs, and dances
(Jodg. xL 34; 1 Sam. xviii. 6, &c.; 2 Ch. xx. 26,
I 28 ; 1 Mace. iv. 24), as in Assyria. Portions
I of the spoil were oflered to God (2 Sam. viii.
11, &c.) ; trophies were deposited in the
sanctuary (1 Sam. xxi. 9 ; 2 K. xi. 10), and
memorials of victory were erected to the glory
' of Ood (1 Sam. vii. 12) and to the honour of
the conquerors (1 Sam. iv. 12).
The maintenance and equipment of the soldiers
I at the public expense dates from the establish-
ment of n standing army : before which time each
soldier armed himself and obtained bis food from
his home (1 Sam. xvii. 17, 18), or by voluntary
offerings (2 Sam. xvii. 28, 29), or by forced
exactions (1 Sam. xxv. 13), or by the natural
resources of the country (1 Sam. liv. 27). On
one occasion only do we hear of any systematic
arrangement for provisioning the host (Judg.
XX. 10). It is doubtful whether the soldier,
if rewarded by his share of any booty taken,
ever received pay even under the kings (the
only instance of pay mentioned applies to
mercenaries, who were dismissed at the admoni-
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246
ABMY
AEMY
tion of the prophet, 2 Ch. xxr. 6): but that he
was maintained while on active service, and
provided with arms, appears from 1 K. ir. 27,
X. 16, 17 ; 2 Ch. uvi. 14 : notices occurring of an
arsenal or armoury, in which the weapons were
stored (1 K. xiv. 28 ; Neh. iii. 19 ; Cant. iv. 4).
Foreigners (e.g. Philistines) were admitted into
the national army, and some — Zelek the Am-
CaptlTM Moorod by hjuulcuJTit, (WilUnjon.)
monite, Uriah the Hittite (2 Sam. ixiii. 37, 39)
— rose to positions of distinction.
The numerical strength of the Jewish army
cannot be ascertained with any degree of
accuracy : the numbers as given in the text are
manifestly very high, and the discrepancies in
the various statements difficult of reconciliation.
At the Exodus the number of the warriors was
600,000 (Ex. xii. 37), or 603,350 (Ex. iixviii.
26 ; Num. i. 46) ; at the entrance into Canaan,
601,730 (Num. xivi. 51). In David's time the
I armv amounted, according to one itatenwct
I (2 Sam. xxiv. 9), to 1,300,000, vii. 800,W«.' foi
Israel and 500,000 for Jadah ; but .nccottlin!; to
another statement (1 Ch. xxi. 5, 6)tol,470.ii(k',
I vir. 1,000,000 for Israel and 470,000 for Judi'n.
The militia at the same period amounted U
1 24,000 X 12 = 288,000 (1 Ch. xxvii. 1 ft).
' At a later period the army of Judah twdft
Abijab is stated at 400,000,' and that of krwl
' under Jeroboam at 300,000 (2 Ch. xiii. 3). Still
I later, Asa's army, derived from the tribei of
Judah and Benjamin alone, ia pat at
530,000 (2 Ch. xiv. 8), and Jchoshaphat'i
at 1,160,000 (2 Ch. xvii. 14 sq.).
Little need be said on the trmy with
regard to the period that socceedcd the
return from the Babylonian Captirity
until the organisation of miliUiry >0i>ir>
in Judaea under the Romans. Jews wen
to be found serving as mcrceairio in
the armies of Alexander the Great.
Seleucus Nicator, Ptolemy Soter, Ptoleinr
Philadelphns (Josephus, Ani. xi. 8, §5;
xii. 2, § 5, 3, § 1), and Alexander Bslss
(1 Mace. X. 26). The system sdopteJ
by Judas Maccabaeus was in strict wn-
formity with the Mosaic law (1 )Iacc
iii. 55) : and though he maiatained >
standing army, varying from 3'Wi.i to
6000 men (1 Mace iv. 6 ; 2 Mace. riiL
1 6), yet the custom of paying the soldie.'s
appears to have been still unknown, ini
to have originated with Simon (1 .Msa.
xiv. 32). The introduction of meref-
naries (probably Arabian) commenced wilt
John Hyrcanus, who, according to Josephui
{Ant. xiii. 8, § 4), rifled the tombs of the kine*
in order to pay them: the intestine comni(-
tions that prevailed in the reign of Aleiander
Jannaetis obliged him to increase the numWr !>
0.200 men (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 13, § h, U, § 1) :
and the same policy was followed by (ioeto
Alexandra (_Ant. xiii. 16, § 2) and by HeicJ
the Great, who had in his pay Thracian, Gennan,
and Gallic troops {Ant. xvii. 8, § 3). The
AwjTiui mtuldjuif coming out to mvtA thv i-uoqacrors. (Layftid.)
discipline .iiid arrangement of the army was
gradually assimilated to that of the Romans,
and the titles of the officers borrowed from it
(Joseph. B. J. ii. 20, § 7). I
II. RoMAK Aemy.— The Roman army was I
<livided into legions, the number of which varied ■
considerably, each under six tribuni (xiXfapxos,
"chief caft.nin." i.e. the tribune in command of
the cohort, al>out 1000 foot and 150 horsemen.
being one-sixth of a legion. Acts xxi. 31), ^'
commanded by turns. The legion *« f^'
divided into ten cohorts (inreipa, '• band," -*i'
X. 1), the cohort into three maniples, and tl
maniple into two centuries, containing oriinaill'
100 men, as the name implies, but subs«<|t>en!l<
from 50 to 100 men, according to the strtnrt''
of the legion. There were thus 60 centuri» i"
a legion, each under the command of a centurioc
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ABNA
(licarorTifX>l'f -^cts x. [1, 22 ; iiaeritirapxot,
ilatt. nil. 5, ixrii. 54). In addition to the
Icponaiy cohorts, independent cohort:) of 500
Tolnoteen, dirided into 6 centtiries, served
luder the Boman standards ; and Biscoe [^History
of Ads, p. 220) supposes that all the Koinan
forces stationed in Judaea were of this class.
Jcsephns speaks of five cohorts as stationed at
CsMsrea at the time of Herod Agrippa's death
(A»t. ill. 9, § 2), and frequently mentions that
th« inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebaste served
in the ranks (^Ant. xx. 8, § 7). One of these
cohorts was named the Italian- (Acts i. 1), not
ss being a portion of the Italics legio (for this
was not embodied until Nero's reign), but as
consisting of volunteers from Italy ("Cohors
militom voluntarin, quae est in Syria," Grater,
Inxr. L 434). This cohort probably acted as
the body-guard of the procurator. The cohort
Dsmed after " Augustus " (oveipa 3t$a<rHi,
Acts iivii. 1) may have consisted of the volnn-
tMrs from Sebaste {B. J. ii. 12, § 5 ; Biscoe,
p. 223 ; Speaker's Commentary in loco ; or may
hare acquired that name as an appellation, as
other cohorts were named Victrix, Pia, Fidelis
[Schurtr in Riebm, HVfB. s. v. Rimer']).
Winer, however, thinks that it was a coAors
iiijiuta, similar to the kgio Augusta {RWB.
s. T. BBmer). The head-quarters of the Roman
forces in Judaea were at Caesarea. A single
cohort was probably stationed at Jerusalem in
the Tower of Antonia as the ordinary guard.
At the time of the great Feasts, however, and
«D other public occasions, a larger force was
.-«nt op, for the sake of preserving order (5. J.
ii. 12, § 1 ; 15, § 3). Frequent disturbances
arose in reference to the images and other
emblems carried by the Roman troops among
their military ensigns, which the Jews regarded
as idolatrous: deference was paid to their
prejndices bv a removal of these objects from
Jemialem (Ant. xviii. 3, § 1 ; 5, § 3). The
ordinary guard consisted of four soldiers (tc-
rfUim, "quaternion"), of which there were
foQT, corresponding to the four watches of
the night, who relieved each other every three
hoars (Acts xii. 4 ; cp. John xii. 23 ; Polyb. vi.
:<o, § 7). When in charge of a prisoner, two
watched outside the door of the cell, while the
other two were inside (Acts xii. 6). The 8({i(i-
Aofttt {lancearii, Vulg. ; " spearmen," A. V.
and R y.), noticed in Acts xiiii. 23, appear
to hare been light-armed, irregular troops : the
origin of the name is, however, quite uncertain
(see Alford's Com, and Speaker's Com. in loco).
Consolt Winer, .8 WB.* ; Herzog, BE.* ; Riehm,
aWb. S.V. Krieg. [W. L. B.] [F.]
ABTsA (Arjia), one of the forefathers of
Ezra (2 Esd. i. 2), occupying the place of
2erahiah (Ezra vii. 4) or Zaraias (1 Esd. viii.
"-) in his genealogy. [W. A. W.]
ABTTAN (IJIK; "Opwt; Aman). In the
•■fceived Hebrew text •' the sons of Aman " are
mentiooed in the genealogy of Zerubbabel (1
Ch. iii. 21). But according to the reading of
the Greek, Vulgate, and Syriac Versions, which
Houbigant adopts, Aman was the son of Re-
pliaiah (B. 'Pa^<U). The text is much disputed
<«« Conwu, Keil, Berthean, Speaker's, and Oettli
in loco). [W. A. W.] [K.]
ABNON
247
AB'NON (fUTK; derivable, according to
Gesenius, I%es. 153 [MV." and Fiirst], from
roots signifying " swift " or " noisy," either
suiting the character of the stream ; 'Apvay ;
Amon), the river (?n3, accurately " torrent,"
but rendered " valley " in R. V.) which formed
the boundary between Moab and the Amorites,
on the north of Moab (Num. xxi. 13, 14, 24,
26; Judg. xi. 22), and afterwards between
Moab and Israel (in the territory of Reuben:
Deut. ii. 24, 36, iii. 8, 12, 16, iv. 48; Josh,
xii. 1, 2, liii. 9, 16 ; Judg. xi. 13, 26). From
Judg. xi. 18, it would seem to have been
also the east border of Moab.* See also 2 K.
X. 33; Jer. xlviii. 20. In many of the above
passages it occurs in the formula for the site
of Aroer, " which is by the brink of the river
Amon." In Numbers it is simply "Amon,"
but in Deut., Joshua, Judges, IsaUh, Jeremiah,
and Kings "the river A." (A. V. sometimes
"river of A."). Isaiah (xvi. 2) mentions its
fords; and in Judg. xi. 26 a word of rare
occurrence (*l\ hand, comp. Num. xiii. 29) is
used for the sides of the stream. The " high
places of A." (D^OIl, a word which generally
refers to worship. Cp. Baethgen, Beitrage z.
Semit. Religionsgeschichte, p. 213) are mentioned
in Num. xxi. 28. In the inscription on the
"Moabite stone," king Mesha states that he
made the " highway in " Amon and built Aroer
{Records of the Past, N. S., ii. 202). By Josephus
{Ant. iv. 5, § 1) it is described as rising in the
mountains of Arabia and flowing through all the
wilderness (ip^nos) till it falls into the Dead Sea.
In the time of Jerome it was still known as Arnon ;
but in the Samarito-Arabic Version of the Penta-
teuch by AbO Said (10th to 12th cent.) it is
given as el-Mojib. There can be no doubt that the
Wady el-Mojib of the present day is the Arnon.
It has been visited and described by Burckhardt
(pp. 372-375) ; Irby (p. 142) ; and Seetzen {Reise,
1854, ii. 347; see also Ritter, Syria, p. 1195).
The ravine through which it flows is still the
" locum vallis In praeruptn demersae satis horri-
bilem et periculosum " which it was in the days
of Jerome (0&» p. 121, 7). The Roman road from
Rabba to Dhiban crosses it at about two hours'
distance from the former. On the south edge
of the ravine are some ruins called Mchatet el
Haj, and on the north edge, directly opposite,
are those still be.iring the name of Mrd'i'c
[Akoee]. The level plain comes close to the
abrupt descent which breaks away in limestone
precipices to a great depth, so that no idea of
the ravine can be formed until the very edge is
reached. The width across, from crest to crest,
is about three miles (Burckhardt says about
two miles). The descent on the south side,
which is 200 ft. higher than the north, is
2150 ft.; it is "extremely steep" (Jer., "per
abrupta descendens "), and in places almost im-
passable " with rocks and stones." On each face
of the ravine traces of the paved Roman road are
still found, with milestones ; and the piers of
the Roman bridge still stand in the stream.
• This oppears to bave been the branch called the
Sal a-Sa'uUh, which flows N.W. from Kul'at el-
Kutrdneh. Joining the WSd} Myib, two or three miles
east from '^rd'tr.
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248
AROD
The river runs throngh rich tropical vegetation ;
water never fails ; and the pools are full of fish
(Tristram, Laitd of itoab, pp. 125-129). Above
the bridge is a snnall cave with Bgures in red
paint and a half-oblit«rateJ Kabathaean inscrip-
tioa(_PEFQy. Stat. 1871, p. 69). A section of the
ravine is given by Lartet (Qfohgie de la Palestine,
p. 159).
Where it bursts into the Dead Sea this stream
is 82 ft. wide and 4 ft. deep,' flowing through
a chasm with perpendicular sides of red, brown,
and yellow sandstone, 97 ft. wide (romantiache
FelscntKor : Seetzen). It then runs through the
delta in a S.W. course, narrowing as it goes, and
is 10 11. deep where its waters meet those of the
Dead Sea (Lynch, Report, May 3, 1847, p. 20).
According to the information given to Burck-
hardt, its principal source is near Kutrdneh on
the Haj route. Hence, under the name of Seil
ea-Sa'ideh, it flows N.W. to its junction with the
IV. Enieiteh one hour £. of 'Ara'ir, and then, as
W. Moj3>, more directly W. to the Dead Sea.
The W. Mojib receives on the North the streams
of the Seil Heidan, and on the South those of
W. el-Wcil axA W. Saliheh.
At its junction with the Enkeileh is a piece of
pasture ground, in the midst of which stands a
hill with ruins on it (Burckh. p. 374). May not
these ruins be the site of the mysterious " city
that is in the midst of the river (Josh. xiii. 9,
16 ; Deut. ii. 36), so often coupled with Aroer?
From the above description of the ravine, it is
plain that that city cannot have been situated
immediately below Aroer, as has been conjec-
tured. Tristram (^Latidof Moah, p. 128) identifies
this city with "some faint remains of early
buildings " above the ruins of the Roman
bridge. [G.] [W.]
ABOD O^l*?. Ges. perhap»=n\"m, vnldaas;
B. 'Afoiti; B^("'i« 'Spoaitl; AF. -sl; Arod), a
son of Gad (Knm. xivi. 17 ; LXX. t>. 26), called
Arodi Cli^) >■■ ^'°- *l^i- ^^> "ixl '>'* family
THE Arodites (Num. xni. 17). [G.] [F.]
ARO'DI CY"»<; •*. 'Aforfilt, D. Kbapis;
Arodi) = Abod (Gen. xlvi. 16).
ABO'DITES, THE (ni"IJ<ri ; B. 6 'ApoStl
[see var*. s. n. Arod] ; Aroditae). Descendants
uf Arod the son of Gad (Num. ixvi. 17 [LXX.
V. 26]). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ARCyEB (1?T?, occasionally "ip"ni?,= ruins,
places of which the foundations are laid bare,
Gesenius*; 'Apoiip; Aroer), the name of several
towns of Eastern and Western Palestine.
1. In Josh. xii. 2, AF. 'Apo^p, B. 'Apyiiv ; in
Jer. xlviii. (LXX. xxxi.) 19, UNA. 'ApoV A
city '• by the brink," or "on the bank of" (both
the same expression — " on the lip "), or " by " the
torrent Amon, the southern point of the territory
■i Seetz^'U found the stream 40 ft. wide and 3 ft. deep
In January (U. 3M).
• May It not with equal probability be derived from
Tni?» i«Hiper [so Lagarde with Targ., Vulg. myrtca
(Jer. xlviii. 6)J, the modem Arabic 'Ar'ar (sec liub. II.
134, note) f Comp. Lux, Rimmon, Tappuacb, and other
places deriving their names from trees.
ABOEBITE
of Sihon k ing of the Aroorites,'' and aftervtrdt sf
the tribe of Reuben (Deut. il 36, iii. l'^iT.48-,
Josh. xii. 2, xiii. 9, 16; Judg. xi. 26'; 2 K. i.
33; 1 Cb. v. 8), but later again in poisesiioa
of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 19). It was boilt or re-
built by king Mesha {Records of the Past, N. S^
ii. 202). It is described (05.» p. 122, 25) at
" usque hodie in vertice mentis," " super ripam
(Xtl^ot) torrentis Amon," an account agrecia;
exactly with that of the ruins of 'Ara'ir m the
old Roman road, upon the very edge of the
precipitous north bank of the Wadj Mcji.
[Arnok.] The ruins are featureless, bat cos-
tain several wells and cisterns (Tristram, laxt
of Moab, pp. 1 30, 1 3 1 ). Aroer is often meatioBKl
in connexion with the city that is " in," or " in
the midst of^ the river." The nature of tb«
cleft through which the Amon flows is tucK
that it is impossible there can hare been say
town in such a position immediately near Arotr;
but a suggestion has been made above [Akxox],
which on investigation of the spot may clear ij)
this point.
a. In Josh. xiii. 25, A. 'Aptlip, B. 'A^
Aroer "that is 'facing' (»3B"bB) Kabbah"
(Rabbah of Ammon), a town '' built " bv and
belonging to Gad (Num. xxxii. 34; Josh. xiii. 25;
2 Sam. xxir. 5). This is possibly the plus
mentioned in Judg. xi. 33, which was shovo in
Jerome's time (05.' p. 131,5) "in monte.
vigesimo ab Aelia lapide ad septentrioaem."
Ritter (Syria, p. 113d) suggests an identiliatioa
with Aiira, found by Burckhardt 2) honn S.W.
of es-Satt. There is considerable difference how-
ever in the radical letters of the two words, the
second Ain not being present.
3. Aroer, in Is. xvii. 2, if s place at aU,' niiist
be !>till further north than either of the t<»
already named, and dependent on DamsKos.
Qcseniui (Jeaaia, p. 556), however, takes it to be
Aroer of Gad, and the " forsaken " state of iu
cities to be the result of the deportation of
Galilee and Gilend by Tiglath • pileser (2 K.
XV. 29).
4. A town in Judah, named onlv in 1 Sam. ixs.
28. Robinson (ii. 199) has identi'lied it with the
water pits and ruins of 'Ar'drah in the valley of
the same name on tlie road from Petra to Gaia.
about 11 miles E.S.E. of Hir es-SAa, a position
which agrees very fairly with the slight indics-
tions of the text. Palmer {Desert of tke Ejaits,
p. 404) speaks of " a few wells." [G.] [W.]
ABCEBITE C')tnO; A. 'Apapl; B. ^>cf,
B'. 'Api ; Aroriles). Hothan the Aroerite vts
the father of two of David's chief captaio*
(1 Ch. xi. 44). [W. A ff.]
>> From tlie omission of the name in the ransTtBOlt
fragment. Num. xxl. 2>-30, where the princlptl plf*
taken by the Amorites from Moab are namni, Ai«r
would appear not to be one of the very oM«« dite*-
Pos^ib1y It was bulit by the Amorites after their con-
quest, to guard the important boundary of the Aram.
• In this place the letters of the name are tnnsposeil,
•fono-
* The LXX. have icaTaAiXnftfttVq tit nr ai**-
apparently reading ^l; Vfjj for Ti;TP «-tt?. The Vol-
gate (Aroer) agrees with the Hebrew text, wUeh 1*
foUowad by Delitzsch, Cheyne, Spcalcer's Onus., sad <il
modem critics.
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AROM
ATlOyi CAfiii;A$onua). The"soniofArom,"
to the nnmber of 32, are ennmerated id 1 Ead. v.
16 among those who retamed with Zorobabcl.
DdIms it b« a mittake for Aaom, and represents
Huham in Ezra ii. 19, it has no parallel in the
lists of Eira and XehemUh. [W. A. W.]
ABTAD OflK. Ges. connects it with
1S1, and takes it as "belonging to a couch,"
IwDce a " support " = a strong city ; 'Ap^dS,
'Ap^, A. 'Ap^T, &c. ; Arpkad), a city or
Jtitrict in Syria, invariably named with Hamath
(DOW Hamah, ou the Orontes. Jer. xlix. 23;
i K. iriii. 34, xix. 13 ; U. x. 9, xxxvi. 19,
lUTii 13: in the last two passages it is ren-
iltred in the A. V. Arphad). Arpad is several
tiroes mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions
undtr the form Ar-pad-da, and it was taken,
K.C. 740, by Tiglath-pileser II., after a siege
C't' three years, previoos to his campaign against
Azariab (Uzziah) king of Jadah ; it has been
identified with 'J'etl Erfid about thirteen miles
north of Aleppo (Schrader, KAT.* pp. 223, 324,
328,487> [C] [W.]
AB'PHAD. [Abpad.]
ABPHAX'AD OEOB"1K; 'Ap^ii; Jos.
'Af^itTis ; ArphaxaSy the third son of Shem
ui the ancestor of Eber (Gen. x. 22, 24, xi. 10),
and said to be of the Chaldaeans (Joseph. Ant. i.
6, § 4)i Bochart (_P/uJeg, ii. 4) supposed that the
same was preserved in that of the province
.\rrap«chitis (^ Afifiaraxtra, Ptol. vi. 1, § 2) in
^'orthem Assyria (cp. Ewald, Getch. d. Volkes
Itr., L 378); and this opinion, indicating the
not infrequent practice of a geographical be-
coming in the course of time a personal name,
hu been accepted by Lagarde, NiSldeke, Delitzsch
{Geutis, p. 222 [1887]), Kautzsch (Kiehm,
aWB. s. n.X fcnd Spiegel (Herzog, RE.*
s. n.). Other interpretations of the name have
been given. Schrader {KAT.* pp. 112, 612),
Ges., kc, suppose it to mean the border of the
Chaldeet (ejlK [cp. Arab, jj \] and Tba) or
Balylonica (see against this Spiegel, /. c).
Fried. Delitzsch ( Ho tag da$ Faradies, pp. 225-
6) connects it with arba-Kisadi, and renders it
the " ViergStterstadt."
2. Abphaxad, a king " who reigned over the
Medes in Ecbatana, and strengthened the city by
vast fortifications" (Judith i. 1-4). In a war
»ith " Xabnchodonosor, king of Assyria," he was
entirely defeated "in the great plain in the
holders of Ragau " (? Sages, Raga, Tobit i. 14,
itc), and afterwards taken prisoner and put to
death (Judith i. 13-15). From the passage in
Judith (i. 2, <fKoS6iiriffty in' 'EKfiardyur) he has
been frequently identifieJ with Deioces (Artaeus,
Ctes.), the founder of Ecbatana (Herod, i. 98);
lot as I>eioceii died peaceably (Herod, i. 102), it
Hems better to look for the original of Arphaxad
in his son Phraortes (Artynes, Ctes.X who greatly
eitended the tiedian empire, and at last fell in
a hattle with the Assyrians, 633 B.C. (Herod, i.
1'^, atiris rt Sif^ofn) . . . Kol S (rrpdrot cunov
i TokXis). Niebuhr (Geach. Assur'i, p. 32) en-
drarouTs to identify the name with Astjages =
Aihd.-.hak, the common title of the Median
<lpi.ii.ty, aitd refers the events to a war in the
twelfth year of Xebucbadnezzar, king of Baby-
ARTAXEBXES
240
Ion, B.C. 592 {P>id. pp. 212, 285). Schrader
(Kiehm, HWB. s. n.) considers the name (like
Arioch in i. 6) a poetical creation of the writer
of the book, and recalled into existence from
Gen. X. 22. Others (».</. Volkmar) identify Ar-
phaxad with Artavasdes (Dio Cass. xl. 49, &c.)
the Parthian, or with Arbaces, the first king of
the Hedes and the conqueror of Sardanapalus.
LuptoD is disposed to compare the name with
that of Artacet (i.e. Mithridates; see ^leaier's
Comm. on Judith i. 1). [B. F. W.] [F.]
ARROWS. [Abms.]
ARSA'CES VI., a king of Pjirthia, who
assumed the royal title Araaces {'Apa-ijcris,
Armen. Arschag, probably containing the roots
both of Arya and Sacae) in addition to h'u
proper name, Mithbidates I. (Phraates, App.
Syr. 67, from confusion with his successor),
according to universal custom (Strab. xv.
p. 702), in honour of the founder of the Par-
thian monarchy (Justin, xli. 5, 5). He made
great additions to the empire by successful wars ;
and when Demetrius Nicator entered his do-
minions to collect forces or otherwise strengthen
his position against the usurper Tryphon, he
despatched an officer against him who defeated
the great army after a campaign of varied
success (Justin, xxxvi. 1), and took the king
prisoner, B.C. 138 (1 Mace. xiv. 1-3; Joseph.
Ant. liii. 5, § 11; Justin xxxvi. 1, xxxviii. 9).
Mithridates treated his prisoner with respect,
and gave him his daughter in marriage (App.
Syr. 67, 68), but kept him in confinement till
his own death, c. B.a 130 (App. Syr. 68 ; Diod.
ap. Muller, Fragm. Hiat. ii. 19). [B. F. W.]
(Brltbh MuMum.)
AR'SARETH, a region beyond Euphrates,
apparently of great extent (2 Esd. xiii. 45,
only). The word is a version of n^HK y^-
"another land," Deut. xxix.28(SchiIler-Szinessy.
See Speaker's Conun. on 2 Esd. /. c). Volkmar
(^6. d. EM. in die Apokr. ii. 193) supposes
the word to represent nlK J*"**, "Und of Arat,"
or "Ararat." [G.] [W.]
ARTAXER'XES (KnWnFI'lte, Artahiasta
[Ezra iv. 7 a], or HFlfe'K'- [Ezra iv. 7 b], or
HP|pB>- [Ezra iv. 8, vii." 1, and onwards ; Neh.
ii.'6: see Bacr's text in foots], .drtaAiast. The
LXX. has such variations as the following : — A.
'ApSiuraaBi [usually]; B. 'AaapiaSi [Ezra h-.
7 a], 'Aaapei [Ezra iv. 8], 'ApvaHpea [Neh. ii.
1] ; K* <^ wuMqoo •KpaapaaBi, « "=• * "ApTofepf^
[Neh. ii. 1]; Artaxerxes), the name probably of
Uco diflcrent kings of Persia mentioned in the
Old Testament. The word, according to Herod,
vi. 98, means i itiyas ip^|los, the great varrior
[so Ges. and Lassen, Zeitschr. x. Kunde d. Morgenl.
vi. p. 161, &c.]. The name arose from the old
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250
ABTAXEBXES
Pers. Artakhtchat/ira [Spiegel, Eran. Alter-
thumtkunde, ii. 410], and is compounded otarta
[as in Artabanas, Artaphanes], great or hononred
(cp. 'Apraioi, Herod, vii. 61, the old national
name of the Persians, also Arii, and the Sanscrit
Arya, which is applied to the followers of the
Brahminical law), and khachathra, a kingdom.
The later Persians derived from it Ankshir, the
Armenians Artai&, the Greeks Artaxerxes [see
reff. to Burnouf and Lagarde in M V.'*]. On the
Babylonian monuments it is written Artakiatsu,
Artakiitsu, and Artakiassu (Fr. Delitzsch, Pref.
J), ix. to Baer's edit, of Daniel, Eara, und Aeltemii).
1. The first Artaxerxes is mentioned in
Ezra iv. 7, as induced by " the adveraaries of
Judah and Benjamin " to obstruct the rebuild-
ing of the Temple, and appears identical with
Smerdis, the Magian impostor, and pretended
brother of Cambrses. This identification is de-
pendent upon the presumption that the Aba-
sueros of Ezra iv. 6 is Cambyses, and that the
Darius of iv. 24 is Darius Hystaspis, so that the
intermediate King must be the pseudo-Smerdis
who usurped the throne B.c. 522, and reigned
eight months (Herod, iii. 61, 67 sq. So Ewald,
Hitzig, and Speaker's Comm.y. We need not
wonder at this Tariation in his name. Ar-
taxerxes may hare been adopted or conferred
on him as a title, and we find the true Smerdis
called Tanyoxares ( the younger Oxares ) by
Xenophon (Cyrop. viii. 7) and Ctesias (Pct-s.
fr. 8-13), and Oropastes by Justin {Hist. i. 9).
Oxares appears to be the same name as Xerxes,
of which Artaxerxes is a compound.
2. In Neh. ii. 1 we hare another Artaxerxes,
who permits Nehemiah to spend twelve years at
Jerusalem, in order to settle the affairs of the
colony there, which had fallen into great con-
fusion. We may safely identify him with
Artaxerxes Macrocheir or Longimanus, the son
of Xerxes, who reigned D.C. 464-425. And we
believe that this is the same king who had
previously allowed Ezra to go to Jerusalem for
a similar purpose (Ezra vii. 1). There are
indeed some who maintain that as Darias Hys-
taspis is the king in the sixth chapter of Ezra,
the king mentioned next after him, at the begin-
ning of the seventh, must be Xerxes, and thus
they distinguish three Persian kings called
Artaxerxes in the Old Testament : (1) Smerdis in
Kzra iv., (2) Xerxes in Ezra vii., and (3) Arta-
xerxes Macrocheir in Nehcminh. But it is
almost demonstrable that Xerxes is the Ahasuerus
of the Bouk of Esther [Ahasuerus], and it is
hard to suppose that in addition to his ordinary
name he would have been called both Ahasuerus
and Artaxerxes in the 0. T. It seems also very
probable that the policy of Neh. ii. was a con-
tinuation and renewal of that of Ezra vii., and
that the same king was the author of both.
Kow it ii not possible for Xerxes to be the
Artaxerxes of Nehemiah, as Joscphus asserts
{Ant. xi. 5, § 6), for Xerxes only reigned 21
years, whereas Nehemiah (v. 14) speaks of the
32nd year of Artaxerxes. Nor is it necessary to
believe that the Artaxerxes of Ezra vii. is
necessarily the immediate successor of the Darius
of Ezra vi. The Book of Ezra is not a con-
tinuous history. It is evident from the first
words of ch. vii. that there is a pause at the cml
of ch. vi. Indeed, as ch. vi. concludes in the
Otli year of Darius, and ch. vii. begins with the
AEVAD
7th year of Artaxerxes, we cannot even Mun
the latter king to be Xerxes, without usumin;
an interval of 36 years (B.c. 515-179) between
the chapters, and it is not more diScnlt to
imagine one of 58, which will carry <u t«
B.C. 457, the 7th year of Artaxerxes Macrocheir.
We conclude therefore that this is the king of
Persia under whom both Ezra and Kehemiah
carried on their work ; that in B.a 457 he sent
Ezra to Jerusalem ; that aiier 13 years it btcame
evident that a civil as well as an ecdetiastial
head was required for the new settlement, uii
therefore that in 444 he allowed Nehemiali t-i
go up in the latter capacity. From the testi-
mony of profane historians this king ippeat;
remarkable among Persian monarchs for wisdom
and right feeling, and with this character hU
conduct to the Jews coincides (Diod. xL 71)
Hengstenbcrg {Chriiitohgie, iii. p. 143, ic.),
Schrader (Riehm's HWB. ». n.), Sayce (Rni,
Nehemiah, and Esther, p. 22 [see indei]), anl
Oettli (Str.ick u. Zockler's Kgf. Komm.) do net
accept the views expressed above. They con
sider the Artaxerxes mentioned in the Bible to
be the name of but one and the same petios, vii.
Artaxerxes Longimanus, [G. £. L C] [F.]
AR'TEMAS fAprc^s, i,;. 'AfTtiitScftsXi
companion of St. Paul (Tit, iii, 12). According
to tradition, he became bishop of Lystta. Tie
name, =" the gift of Artemis," is said to bate
been a common one among the Greeks. [0.]
ARU'BOTH (The Arubboth, as in B. V,
nia'iWri ; a. 'ApaeM [B. altogether ditfeitnt]',
Aruboth), the third of Solomon's commissuiat
districU (1 K. iv. 10). It included Sochoh in
the rich corn-growing country of the Skef«Ial>
and the land of Hepher, probably near Hebron.
Josephus calls the district the toparchy of
Bethlehem {Ant. viii. 2, § 3), and it appean to
have been co-extensive with the territorr
assigned to Judah. The significance of the woH
is entirely lost at present. [G.] [W.]
ABU'MAH (nonx; B. 'ApiiM A. >*«;
m Stuna), a place apparently in the neighbonr-
hood of Shechem, at which Abimelech resided
(Judg. ii. 41). It is conjectured that the wori
in verse 31, ilCiriS, rendered " privily," »nd in
the margin "at'Tormah," should be read '-at
Arumah " by changing the D to an K, bnt for
this there is no support beyond the apparent
probability of the change. Arumah is posiiblr
the same place as Ruma, under which name it
is given bv Eusebius and Jerome in OS' (pp. l"""-
24 ; 281, iO). According to them, it was cslle-l
Arimathaea [AlUUATnAEA]. But this is not con-
sonant with its apparent position in the storr.
Tristram {Bible Places, p. 192) identifies it witb
Tell el-' Ormeh (comp. Van de Velde, Jftm. p. 2;^)
to the S.E. of the plain of Shechem {P. F. V"^-
ii. 387, 402). [G.] [!»' j
AK'VAD OJIK [ed. Baer] ; Egypt. Arttit :
Assyrian, Aruddu and Arvadu ; Greek, 'Oftif^')-
a city in Phoenicia, the men of which are namel
in close connexion with those of Zidon as tlif
navigators and defenders of tlie ships of Tyre in
Ezek. xxvii. 8, 11. In agreement with this ii
the mention of " the Arvadite " OT'l^n) 'i
Gen. I. 18, and 1 Ch, i. 16, as a son of Canaan,
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ABVADITE
with Zidon, Humatb, and other northern lo-
calities. The LSX. (A.) has in each of the abore
pasMgo 'ApiSiot, and in Josephus {Ant. i. 6,
§ 2) we find 'AptvSaios 'Kfoioy r^» vri<ro¥
trx**- There is thus no doubt that Arvad is
the island o{Ruttd(ii\. V which lies offTortosa
(Tartis), two or three miles from the Phoenician
coast, (not at, hot) some distance above the
moath of the rirer Eleutherus, now the NaKr
ei-Kebir (Maond. p. 403 ^ Bnrckh. p. 161X and at
the northern extremity of the great bay which
stretches above Tripoli (Kiepert's Map, 1856).
The island is high and rocky, but very small,
httdly a mile in circumference (see Maund.
p. 399 ; " 800 yards in extreme length," Allen, ii.
i;8> According to Strabo (xvi. 2, § 13) Arvad
ns founded by fugitives from Sidon, and he
testifies to its prosperity, its likeness to Tyre, and
especially to the well-known nautical skill of the
inhabitants* (see the notices by Strabo, Pliny,
sod others m Gesenius, p. 1269, Winer, and
Rithm, Arvadiltn). Opposite Arvad, on the main-
land, was the city Antaradus (^Tart&s), by which
nuK the Targum Jerus. renders the name Arvad
In Gen. x. 18. [Abadus.] Numerous antiquities
of the Phoenician period have been discovered
at Bnid and TartOs, as well as at Amrit, the
ancient Marathus, over which town, together
with Kamf, Arvad held rule. Some of these
contam the names of early Arvadite kings
written in Egyptian hieroglyphics. Arvad was
conqntred byi°hothroes III. of the 18th dynasty,
ami appears as an ally of the Uittites in their
nan against Ramses 11. and Ramiies III. of the
1Mb and 20th dynasties. Matan-baal of Arvad,
like Ahab of Israel, assisted Rimmon-idri (Ben-
htdad U.) of Damascus in the battle of Karkar,
in which he was defeated by the Assyrians B.C.
854. Other Arvadite princes submitted to Tig-
Uth-pileser III. (B.C. 732) and Sennacherib (B.C.
> 01) ; and .^ur-bani-pal, about B.C. 665, married
the danghter of the king of Arvad, and on the
death of the latter selected his successor from
among his ten sons [see the nnmes in Schrader,
KAT* p. 1051. A plan of the island will be
foond in Allen s Dead Sea, end of vol. ii. ; also
in the Admiralty Charts, 2050, "Island of
Koad ; " and a description of the island in PEFQy.
Stat. 1875, pp. 218-221. [A. H. S.]
ABVA'DITE, THE (ni"lKri; i 'ApiSiot;
Aradhu). One of the families of Canaan (Gen.
I- 18 ; 1 Ch. i. IB), and probably inhabitnnts of the
island Aradus, or Raid. [Arvad.] [W. A. W.]
AB'ZA (KX"1K; B. 'no-i, A. 'Ap<r({; Arsa).
Prefect of the palace at Tirzah to Elah king of
Israel, who was .iss»$sin.itcd at a banquet in
iiis house by Zimri (IK. xvi. 9). In the Tar-
gvm of Jonathan the word is taken as the
aame of an idol, and in the Arabic version in
the London Polyglot the rendering of the
last clause is, " which belongs to the idol of
Beth-Arza." [W. A. W.] [F.]
A'SA (KOK, meaninc; uncertain : perhaps
[from the Aram.] physician ; 'Aaa ; Jos. 'A<ro-
ASA
251
'These naotkal propensities remain In full force
(w Allen's Dead Sea, U. 183J.
yor; Asa"), son of Abijah, and third king of
Judah after the separation of the kingdom of
Israel, was conspicuous for his earnestness in
supporting the worship of God, and rooting out
idolatry with its attendant immoralities (IK. xv.
9-24; 2 Ch. xv. 1-19); and for the vigour
and wisdom with which he provided for the
prosperity of his kingdom (2 Ch. xiv. 1-7).
In his zeal against heathenism he did not spare
bis grandmother Maaohau, who occupied the
special dignity of " King's Mother," to which
great importance was attached in the Jewish
court, as in Egypt, Babylonia (op. Dan. v. 10),
and Persia, and to which parallels have been
found in modem Eastern countries, as in the
position of the Sultana Valide in Turkey (see
1 K. ii. 19 ; 2 K. xxiv. 12 ; Jer. xxix. 2 ; also
Calmet, Fragm. xvi. ; and Bruce's Travels, vol. ii.
537, and iv. 244). She had set up some
impure worship in a grove (the word translated
idol, 1 K. XV. 13, is in Hebrew horror [nVPSD.
R. V. " an abominable image ; " Schultz and
otheTS=a Phallus-statue. Klostermann's altera-
tion of the text is unnecessary]; LXX. trivoSof.
the Vulgate reads, rwi esaet [ifaacha'] princeps
in sacris Priapi) ; but Asa burnt the symbol
of her religion, and threw its ashes into the
brook Kidron, as Moses had done to the golden
calf (Ex. xxxii. 20), and then deposed Maachah
from her dignity. He also placed in the Temple
certain gifts which his father had dedicated,
probably in the earlier and better period of his
reign [Abijah], and which the heathen priests
must have used for their own worship, and
renewed the great Altar which they apparently
had desecrated (2 Ch. xv. 8). Besides this,
he fortified cities on his frontiers, and raised
nu army, amounting, according to 2 Ch. xiv. 8,
to 580,000 men. Thus Asa's reign marks the
return of Judah to a consciousness of the
high destiny to which God had called her,
and to the belief that the Divine Power was
truly at work within her. The good effects
of this were visible in the enthusiastic resist-
ance offered by the people to Zerah, an Invader,
who is called a Cushite or Ethiopian, and whom
Ewald (Cmc/i. des V. I. iii. p. 470), Kleinert
(in Riehm's HWH. s. n.), and Ebers (Kiehm,
HWB. s. n. Serach) identify with Osorkon I.,
the second king of the 22nd dynasty of Egypt,
inheritor therefore of the quarrel of his father
Shishak, to whom Asa had probably refused to
pay tribute. [Zkrah. Lenormant, Schrader,
and Lauth prefer to identify Zerah with
Azerch-Amen. See "Aethiopien" in Riehm's
HWB.'] At the head of au enormous host (.i
million of men, we read In 2 Ch. xiv. 9) he
attacked Mareshah or Marissa in the S.W. of
the country, near the later Eleutheropolis
(Robinson, B. £., ii. 67 X a town afterwards
taken by Judas Maccnbaeus (1 Marc. v. 65), and
finally destroyed by the Parthinns in their war
against Herod (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 13, § 9). There
he was utterly defeated, and driven back with
immense loss to Gerar. .\s Asa returned laden
with spoil, he was commended and encouraged
by the prophet Azarinh, son of Oded (2 Ch.
XV. 1), and on his arrival at Jerusalem convoked
an assembly of his own people and of many who
had come to him from Israel, and with solemn
sacrifices and ceremonies renewed the covenant
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252
ASA
by n-hich the nation was dedicated to God. The
peace which followed this victory, and this
relbrmation-moTement which centralized wor-
ship again at Jerusalem, were interrupted by
the attempt of Baasha of Israel to fortify Rauiah
as a kind of Deceleia, " that he might not suffer
any to go out or to come in unto Asa king of
Judah " (2 Ch. xvi. 1 ; cp. xv. 9). To stop this
he purchased the help of Benhadau I. king of
Damascus, by a large payment of treasure led
in the Temple and palace from the Egyptian
tribute in Rehoboam's time. This alliance with
those whose forefathers Darid had smitten
(2 Sam. X, 15, &c.), and who were so sore an
adversary to Israel all the days of Solomon
(1 K. xi. 25), was the subversion of all recognised
rule ; but by it Asa forced Baasha to abandon
his purpose. Asa destroyed the works which
Baasha had begun at Ramah, using the materials
to fortify two towns in Benjamin, Geba (the hill)
and Mizpch {the tratch-t-ncer), as checks to any
<^lture invasion. The wells which he sunk nt
Mizpeh were famous in Jeremi-ah's time (xli. 9).
The means by which he obtained this success —
reliance on the king of Syria, and not on the
LoRP God (2 Ch. xvi. 7) — were censured by
Hanani the seer, who seems even to have excited
some discontent in Jerusalem, in consequence of
which he was imprisoned and some other
punishments inflicted (2 Ch. xvi. 9). The
prophet threatened Asa with war, which appears
to have been fultilted by the continuance for
some time of that with Baasha, as we infer from
an allusion in 2 Ch. xvii. 2 to the cities of
£phraim which he took, and which can hardly
refer to any events prior to the destruction of
liumah.
In his old age Asa suffered from the gout, and
it is mentioned that " he sought not to the Lord
but to the physicians." He acted, i.e., without
seeking God's blessing on their remedies (Ecclus.
xxxviii. 1-8). He died greatly loved and honoured
in the 41st year of his reign ; and that reign was
therefore contemporaneous with the reigns of
Jeroboam I., Nadab, Baasha, K!ah, Zimri, Omri,
and Ahab, kings of Israel. There are difH-
culties connected with its chronology, arising
principally from differences in the text of
Kings and Chronicles. For instance, in 2 Ch.
xvi. 1, we read that Baasha fortified Ramah in
the 36th year of Asa's reign. In 1 K. xv. 33,
Baasha is said to have died in the 26th [20th,
A.V. ed. 1611, alter LXX. A. (var. 28th);
B. and Luc. Kec. omit the number]. The
explanation given in the margin of the A. V.
(2 Ch.), but absent from the R. V., that the
Chronicler is referring to the years not of Asa's
reign, but of the separate kingdom of Judah,
is now generally given up as wrong and im-
possible (Keil and Oettli), and the date of Kings
preferred. Accordmg to Usher, the date of
Asa's accession was B.C. 955. In his fifteenth
year (b.o. 941) was the great festivol after the
defeat of Zerah. In B.C. 940 was the league
with Benhodad, and in n.o. 914 Asa died.
Kamphausen, correcting the old chronology by
the Assyrian inscriptions, dates Asa's reign from
B.C. 917 to D.C. 876. [G. E. L. C] [F.]
2. B. '0<r)rii; A. 'A(r<(. Ancestor of Berechiah,
a Levite who resided in one of the villages of
the Netophathites after the return from Baby-
lon (1 Ch. ix. 16). [\V. A. W.]
ASATAH
ASADI'AS (nnpn, Jah loreth or u graciout.
Cp. his brother's name *Tpn SB')*, JushiA-
hesed; B. 'AiraSut, A. 'Aratii; BaaadUu). 1.
1 Ch. iii. 20, where in A. V. and R. V. it is
written Hasadiah. One of the descendants of
Jeconiah. [B. F. W.] [F.]
8. T.' 'AaaXlas, A. laSalas ; Sedma. Son of
Chelcias, or Hilkiah, and one of the ancestors of
Baruch (Bar. i. 1). The name is probably tbe
same as that elsewhere represented bv Hasadiah
(1 Ch. iii. 20). [W. A. W.]
ASA'EL ^fV, ed. Kenb., Chald. omits;
T.' 'Airi^X ; Vtiig. omits ; Itala, Asihel), of the
tribe of Naphtali, and forefather of Toblt (Tob.
i. 1> [F.]
ASA'HEL (?»nW, God hath made; 'A<r«fix ;
Asael). 1. Nephew of David, being the yonngest
son of his sister Zeruiah. He was celebrated
for his swiftness of foot, a gift much valued in
ancient times, as we see by the instances of
Achilles, Antilochus (Horn. //. xv. 570), Papirios
Cursor (Liv. ix. 16), and others. He was one
of the thirty heroes of David (2 Sam. xiiii. 24)
and captain of the fourth division (each divisim
numbering 24,000) of David's array (1 Ch.
xxvii. 7). When fighting under the com-
mand of his brother Joab against Ishboaheth's
army at Gibeon, he pursued Abneb, who, afUr
vainly warning him to desist, was obliged in
self-defence to kill him, though with reluctance,
probablv on account of his youth (2 Sara.
ii. 18s<i.). [G. E.L.C.] [F.]
8. B. 'loo-cx^A, A. 'Imri^X; Atael. One uf
the Levites in the reign of Jehoshaphat, who
went throughout the cities of Judah to instruct
the people in the knowledge of the Law, at the
time of the revival of the true worship (2 Ch.
xvii. 8).
8. 'Aro^A ; Aaael. A Levite in the Ttiga of
Hezekiah, who had charge of the tithes and
dedicated things in the Temple under Cononiah
and Shimei (2 Ch. xxxi. 13).
4. B. 'A(r4\, K* iettiK, K'A. 'Ara^A ; AxaM.
A priest, father of Jonathan in the time of
Ezra (Ezra x. 15), called Azael in 1 £sd.4x. 14
(B. 'AfiiijAoj ; £<etaa). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ASAHI'AH, or ASAI'AH (fTOV, JoA hath
made; B. 'Atrcdat, A. [2 K. xxii. 12] 'loo-iu:
Aiaia). A servant of king Josiah, sent by him.
together with others, to seek information of
Jehovah respecting the Book of the Law which
Hilkiah found in the Temple (3 K. xxii. 12, 14 ;
also called Asaiah, 2 Ch. xxxiv. 20, B. 'I<nu>s,
A. ■A<raios> [R. W. B.] [F.]
ASAI'AH (n*E^ [see Asabiab] ; B. *A<riJ ;
Asaia). 1. A prince of a Simeonite family, who
in the reign of Hezekiah drove out tbe Hamite
shepherds from Gedor (1 Ch. iv. 36X
8. Asaia. A Levite in the reign of David,
chief of the family of Merari (1 Ch. vL 30, A.
'Affaid, B. 'Arafii). With 120 of his brethren
he took part in the solemn service of bringing
the ark from the house of Obed-edom to the
city of David (1 Ch. xv. 6 [A. 'Atrolot, B. 'AireU],
11[A. "Affo/oi, B. -d]).
B. 'Ao-aui, A. "Ao-ii; Asaia. The firstborn
of "the Shilonite," according to 1 Ch. ix. 5,
who with his family dwelt in Jerusalem after
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ASANA
ASENATU
253
th« retoni from Babylon. In Neh. xi. 5 he ia
eillcd Maasciah [see Tar. readings of Gk. MSS.
in Swete], and his descent is there traced from
Sitiloni, which U explained by the Targum of
R. Joseph on 1 Ch. as a patronymic from Shelah
the !on of Jadah, by others as " the native or
inhabiUntofShiloh."
4. Ataas. 2 Cb. xxxir. 20. [Asahiah.]
[W. A.W.] [F.]
A'SANA (B. 'AiTiTard, A. 'A<ra-; Asana).
One of the Nethinim or serrants of the Temple
vho returned from the Captivity (1 Esd. t. 31),
[i5H5AH.] [F.]
A'SAPH (tlWJ, collector ; 'A<ri»t> ; Asaph).
1. A Lerite, the son of Berechiah, and lineally
descended from Gershom, the second son of Levi
(1 Ch. Ti. 39, &c.). David set him " over the
serrice of song after that the arli had rest ....
in the midst of the tent that David had pitched
tur it " in Zion (1 Ch. vi. 31, xri. 1). There
he and his brethren " ministered continually, as
treiv day's work required " (I Ch. xvi. 37) ;
liis colleagues Heman and Jeduthun (or Ethan)
iloiag the like office in the high place at Gibeon
(1 Ch. IV. 17, ivi. 39-11). But Asaph was
lomethiDg more th.in "the chief " (E^Knin) of
siigen (1 Ch. xvi. 5) and a musician (1 Ch. xvi.
S;cp. 1 Ch. xr. 16, 17); like Samuel, Gad,
and Heman, he was " the seer " (nthri, 2 Ch.
nil. 30); and the title not inaptly defines
the prophetic tone (cp. Riehm, II WB. s. n. ;
i'fhalti u. Strack, Die Psalmen, p. 12 in Strack
^. Zdckler*s Kijf. Komm.) of the twelve Psalms
vhich the superscriptions assign to him (Pss. 1.,
liiiii.-IixiiiL). These Asaph-Psalms form the
bull: of what is genernlly called the third Book
of the Psalms. They are marked by special
peculiarities [PsALHS, BOOK of], and — in com-
mon with those of Bk. ii. generally — by a
preference of the name Elohim for God (cp.
e.}. Delitzsch, Herzog's SE.'' s. n. Ptalmen,
^ 317); but many, if not all, are considered
the compositions of Asaph's descendants or
school rather than of the master himself. This
uhool had a great reputation in the days of the
kings Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, and Josiah. It was
in the days of king Jehoshaphat that Jahaziel,
''a Levite of the sons of Asaph," speaking under
the influence of "the Spirit of God," proclaimed
thedelirerance of Jndah through the self-destruc-
tion of the invading hosts of Moab and Ammon
(2Ch.xi.l-30). The very first yearof Hezekiah's
reign v.i8 signalised by the purification of the
Uottse of God, and in this work " Zechariah and
Mattaiiah of the sons of Asaph " took part, as
Tell as joined in the king's command to the
Urites *■ to sing praise unto the Lord with the
words of David and of Asaph the seer" (2 Ch.
nil. 13, 30). In fact, in the days of these two
kings, Psalmody seems to have revived under
tlic iafiaences of ecclesiastical reform and in
mnmemoration of deliverances granted to the
['rmer in the case already named and to Hezekiah
frbin the armies of Sennacherib. Again, in the
rrc»rd of the great Passover held at Jerusalem
W Joiiah in the 18th year of his reign (2 K.
Hiii. 21-23), "the singers, the sons of Asaph,"
«ere in their place in that memorable as-
semblage (2 Ch. XXIV. 15). AJter the Captivity,
12S (Hizra ii. 41 ; or, according to Neb. \n. 44,
148) singers, " the children of Asaph," returned
with Zerubbabel and Jeshua. It was a time of
revival of Temple Psalmody and music, and ou
the festal day when the foundation of the new
Temple was laid "the Levites, the sons of
Asaph," were present " with cymbals to praise
the Lord after the ordinance of David, king of
Israel " (Ezra iii. 10). About a hundred years
later, " sons of Asaph " were " singers over the
business of the House of God " (Neh. xi. 22),
and in the solemnities connected with the
dedication of the walls "priests' sons with
trumpets " are included, who trace their descent
lineally from Asaph (Neh. xii. 35). It is
difficult, if not impossible, to assign the Asaph-
Psalms to specific periods of the existence of the
school (see Psalms). [F.]
2. Asaph. The father or ancestor of Joah,
who was recorder or chronicler to the kingdom
of Judah in the reign of Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 18
[BA. 'Iwo-o^t], 37 [B. 3a^, A. 'kaiip] ; Is.
xxxvi. 3, 22 [T.' "Ao-*^]). It is not improbable
that this Asaph is the same as the preceding,
and that Joah was one of his numerous descend-
ants known as the Bene-Asaph.
3. 'Ao'd^ ; Asaph. The keeper of the royal
forest or " paradise " of Artaxerxes (Neh. ii. 8).
His name would seem to indicate that he was .'\
Jew, who, like Neliemiah, was in high office at
the court of Persia.
4. 'Aad^; Asaph. Ancestor of Mattaniah,
the conductor of the Temple-choir after the
return from Babylon (I Ch. ix. 15 ; Neh. xi. 17
[Bi(*-'V. om.]). Most probably the same as 1
and a. [W. A. W.] [V.]
ASAR'AEL. [AzABAEL.]
ASAE'EEL (^<<"1E'K; B. 'Inpa4,x, A.
Evfpa^X; Asnul). A son of Jehaleleel, a
name abruptly introduced into the genealogies
of Judah (1 Ch. iv. 16). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ASABE'LAH (nS|<"1B« [ed. Baer]; B.
'Epa^A, A. 'I«ri4x; Asarela). One of the sons
of^.^saph, set apart by David to " prophesy with
harps and with psalteries and with cymbals "
(1 Ch. XIV. 2 ; in 1. 14 Jesiiarelah).
[W.A.W.] [F.]
ASBAZ'AEETH. [So A V., ed. 1611, fv,r
AZBAZARETH.
AS'CALON. [AsHKELON.]
ASE'AS QAvaiat ; Aseas), name of a man
who put away his " strange wife " (1 Esd. ix. 32).
ASEBE'BIA ('A<r«/9i)/3(a ; SOMas), a Levite
who went up with Ezra from the Captivity
(1 Esd. viii. 47). [Shebebiah.]
ASE'BIA {'AfftPla; A^id), a Levite who
returned with Ezra (1 Esd. viii. 48).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
A'SENATH (napK ; 'Awwrt [usually; E.
'AvtviS in Gen. xli. 45]; Aseneth), daughter of
Potiphcrah, priest of On [Potipiierah], wife of
Joseph (Gen. xli. 45, 50, xlvi. 20), and mother
of Manasseh and Ephraim (xli. 50, xlvi. 20). The
name of Potipherah, signifying " the gift of the
sun," is specially appropriate to a priest of the
City of the Sun [On], and Joseph's consideration
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254
ASEB
for the priesthood would make his marriage with
a priest's daughter easy, there bein^ in Egyptian
manners nothing to forbid the alliance. It is
therefore unlikely that the ancient alternative
rendering of \TfS, " prince," is here worth taking
into account.
It is possible that there was a political reason
for the marriage of Joseph with the daughter of
the high-priest of On. The college of priests of
Heliopolis was the most ancient and one of the
most powerful of the country ; and judging from
the name of Potipherah, it seems that it had
remained in the hands of the Egyptians of pure
origin eren during the reign of the Hyksos,
who belonged to a foreign race. It may be that
the Pharaoh of Joseph wished to put in that
renerated college a man he could rely upon, and
thus to create a link between his government
and the priests of Ra.
The name of Asenath has been generally
thought to be Egyptian. It is very likely the
common name Sent or Senat, which means " a
sister," and which occurs as early as the 13th
dynasty. It has been slightly altered so as to
give it a Semitic form. Asnah, njpK, occurs
as the proper name of a man (Ezra ii. 50. It
is explained to mean a " storehouse " or " thorn-
bush "). [Asnah.] Asenath, if Hebrew, could
be a feminine form. [E. N.]
A'SEB (K. 'Airir^p; Naaason). A town of
Galilee (Tob. i. 2), probably a corruption of
Hazor. [Hazoe; Thisbe.] [W.]
A'SEEEB (itpip; Saree), name of a man
whose sons went up with Zerubbabel tiom the
Captivity as servants of the Temple (1 Esd. v.
32). [SiSERA.] [F.]
ASH Q[%, 'orm ; whvs ; pinus) occurs only
in Is. xliv. 14, as one of the trees out of the wood
of which idols were carved : " He heweth him
down cedars, and taketh the cypress and the
oak, which he strengtheneth for'himself among
the trees of the forest; he planteth an ash (R. V.
"fir-tree"), and the rain doth nourish it." It
cannot be our ash-tree 0mu3 Europaeus, which
is not a native of Palestine, though perhaps the
A. V. adopted the translation from the similarity
of the Hebrew 'orcn to the Latin ornus. It is im-
possible to determine what is the tree denoted
by the Hebrew word 'oren ; the LXX. and the
Vulg. understand some species of pine-tree, and
this rendering is supported by many learned com-
mentators, amongst whom may be named Munster,
Calvin, Bochart, and Ges. The etymology is
not known, that suggested by Ges. being ad-
mitted by himself to be hypotheticaL MV.">
(following Schrader, KAT? in loc.) compare the
word with Assyr. tnnu, and think that it denotes
a kind of cedar or pine. Some of the Jewish
Rabbis, according to Celsius (/fierofr. i. 191),
believe that the '<yren is identical with the
Arabic taruaJber, a kind of pine,* and assert that
the aron is often conpled with the arez and
• ^ , f./» . jn'ntu, alUs g"u« nucei (Gol. i. Anb^.
Br. 'WUson (£ands of (Kt mUe, ii. 392) Identifies the
common "flr" (Pinui lylvatru) with the IieroiA of
Scripture, mistaking fur this tree, which does not exist
there, the Pinui hal^paail, which is the flr of Palestine.
ASHBEA
berosch,'' as though all the three trees beloiged
to the same bmily. Luther underatandi the
cedar by 'oren.° Kosenmiiller thinks thst the
stone-pine (Pinus pinea, Linn.) is the tree de-
noted, but this tree scarcely comes into the
' region and has probably been introduced. Cel-
sius is inclined to think that the 'oren is identical
with a tree of Arabia Petraea, of which Aba1
Fadli makes mention, called aron. Of the tame
opinion are Michaelis (Sapp. ad Lex. Bd>. 129),
Dr. Royle (Encyc. Bib. Lit, art. Oren), sad Di.
Lee (Xex. Heb. s. v.). This tree is detciiM as
growing chiefly in valleys and low district] ; it
is a thorny tree, bearing grape-like dusttn of
berries, which are noxious and bitter whts
green, but become rather sweet when they ripen
and turn black.
Until future investigation acquaints ns with
the nature of the tree denoted by the ant of
Abu'I Fadli, it will be far better to adopt the in-
terpretation of the LXX., and understand wme
kind of pine to be the 'oren of Scripture. Bwu
halepetuis may be intended. Celsius {Hierdb. I
193) objects to any pine representing the 'om,
because he says pines are difficult to transplant,
and therefore that the pine would ill snit the
words of the prophet, " he planteth an 'ortn."
This, however, is not a valid objection: the
larch, for instance, is readily transplanted, and
grows with great rapidity, bnt it is not snstire
of Syria. Pinus halepensis is extensively planted
on the coast, to resist the encroachment of the
sand drifts. [W. H.] [E B. T.]
A'SHAN QfV, snuJte ; Asan), a dty in the
low conntry of Judah named with Libnah and
Ether in Josh. xv. 42 (Heb. text The Greek
text is corrnpt : B. 'Aveixi A. 'Afftmi). In Jofh.
xix. 7 (B. 'Affiiv, A. '\aiii), and 1 Ch. ir.
32 (B. KUrif, A. Aliriy), it is mentioned is
belonging to Simeon, bnt in the Hebrew teit
(not Greek) in company with Am and Bimmon,
which (see Josh. xv. 33) appear to have been
much more to the sonth. In 1 Ch. ri. 59
(LXX. o. 44, 'Affiv) it is given as a priests' dty,
occupying the same place as the somewhat
similar word Ain ()*p) does in the list of Josh.
xxi. 16. [Am, 2.]
In 1 Sam. xxi. 30, Chor-ashas is named with
Hormah and other cities of " the Sonth."
Eusebius and Jerome (OS.' pp. 128,8; 240,9)
mention a village named Bethasan as 15 milei
west of Jerusalem ; bnt this, though agreeb; suf-
ficiently with the position of the place in Josh.
XV. 42, is not far enough sonth for the iafio-
tions of the other passages ; and indeed Esseb.
and Jer. discriminate Bethasan from "Asan of
the tribe of Simeon." It is possibly Deir d-'Asi
on the road from Hebron to Gaza. [G.] [W.]
ASHBE'A (Viim, ; 'Zvoed ; [in dmo] Jva-
menti). A proper name, but whether of a msa
or place is uncertain (1 Ch. iv. 21). Houbigant
would understand it of the latter, and would
render " the house of Ashbea " (A V. and R. V.)
by Beth-Ashbea, The whole clatise is obtcin.
» J"1X and }ffYO- <»dar and cypress.
• Beading )^ Instead of pK- " quia ]^ nas fiali
minuacttlo,bimnltiscodicls Gbraei edltionllmssciihsto',
quod TV Sain almUUmnm est " (Biertb. i. 1*1).
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ASHBEL
The Targnm of R. Joseph (ed. Wilkins) pars-
phia^s it, " and the family of the house of
maDofactore of the tine lineu for the garroeots
<if tile lyings and priests, which was handed down
to the house of lishba." [W. A. W.] [K.]
ASH'BEL (^gC^K; A^xl), » son of Benjamin
(Gen. ilvi. 21 PAffMA] ; Num. ixri. 38 [LXX.
r. 42, 'AffvWp] ; 1 Ch. viii. 1 [B. iajid, A.
'Ka^iK]). Baipecting the sons of Benjamin,
«e Becheb, [W. a. W.] [F.]
ASHBEUTES cSgC'Kn ; B. 6 'Kn^ptl,
k.-pi; Aahhelitae). The descendants of Ashbel
the son of Benjamin. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ASH'CHENAZ O^SB'N ; B. •\axa>'ai, A.
■Xt'H; Atanet\ 1 Ch.' i. 6 ; Jer. li. 27 (LXX.
[uTiii. 27], BKA. rois 'Kax^'i"" [A- -C"'-])-
See ASUKE.KAZ. [W. A. W.] [K.]
ASHDOD, or AZO'TUS Oht^N ; perhaps
itnMjhold; 'A{arros, LXX. and N. T.), one of
tlie fire confederate cities of the Philistines,
ASHDODITES
255
situated about 30 miles from the sonthem
frontier of Palestine, 3 from the Mediterranean
Sea, and nearly midway between Gaza and
Joppa. It stood on an elevation overlooking
the plain, and the natural advantages of its
position were improved by fortifications of grent
strength. For this reason it was probably
selected as one of the scat.s of the national
worship of Dagon (1 Sam. v. 5). It was assigned
to the tribe of Jud:ih (Josh. rv. 47), but w.is
never subdued by the Israelites : it appears on
the contrary to have Ijeen the point for con-
ducting oflensive operations against them, so
much so, that after Uzziah had succeeded in
breaking down the wall of the town, he secured
himself against future attacks by establishini;
forts on the adjacent hills (2 Ch. ixvi. 6) ;
even down to Nehemiah'a age it preserved its
distinctiveness of race and language (Neh. xiii.
23). But its chief importance arose from its
position on the high-road from Palestine to
Egypt, commanding the entrance to or from the
latter country : it was on this acconnt taken by
Tiglath-pileser II. and again by the Tartan, or
jeneral, of the Assyri.in king, Sargon, about B.C.
ni, appai-ently to frustrate the league formed
Mireen Hezekiah and Egypt (Is. ix. 1). Sargon
'Ifpose-J the king, Aznri, and set up one of his
tircthers, Akhimiti, in his place ; but the people
revolted and made Tavan, or Jaman, king, who,
:i'i!r»ver, fled on the approach of the Assyrians
■ > Kthiopia. In the annals of Sennacherib and
i^'.irha'ldan mention is made of two kings of
.isinifj, Mitinti and Ahimilki (Schrader, KA T.'
I'P Ii52, 16.3). Its importance as well as strength
U testified bv the protracted siege which it afler-
Tirds sustained under Psammetichus, about B.C.
«30 (Herod, ii. 157), the effects of which are
incidentally referred to by Jeremiah (xxv. 20).
Tiiiit it recovered from this blow appears from
it> being mentioned as an independent power in
alliance with the Arabians and others against
Jerusalem (Neh. iv. 7). It was destroyed by
the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 68, i. 84), ond was
separated from Judaea by Ptolemy, who added
it to the province of Syria (Joseph. B. J. i. 7,
§ 87) ; it lay, however, in ruins until it was re-
stored by Gabinius, B.C. 55 (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 5,
§ 3 ; J}. J. i. 8, § 4), and was one of the towns
assigned to Salome after Herod's death (Joseph.
Ant xvii. 8, § 1). The only notice of Azotus
in the N. T. is in connexion with Philip's return
from Gaza (Acts viii. 40). It is now an insig-
nificant village, with no memorials of its ancient
importance, but is still called Esdud (see
P. F. Mem. ii. 409, 421). [G.] [W.]
ASHDO'DITES, THE (Dnnfttn:
f{c.»iiiginf. ,j 'Kiilirioi; Azotii), inhabitants of
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25G
ASHDOTH PISGAH
Ashdod (Neh. iv. 7 [Heb. r. 1]), called AsH-
DOTHITES in Joah. liil. 3. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ASH'DOTH pis'GAH (n3pan nilB'N.
from IB'K, in Aram. " to pour foi-th ;" 'A<n;Su0
^aayi, once t V ^aayi ; radices mantis Phasga,
Asedoth Phasga), a curious and (since it occurs in
none of the later Books) probably a very ancient
term, found only in Deut. iii. 17, iv. 49 ; Josh. lii.
3, xiii. 20 ; A. V. (Dent.), " springs of Pisgah ; "
(Josh.) Ashdoth-P.* In the two passages from
l)eutcronomy the words form part of a formula,
by which apparently the mountains which enclose
the Dead Sea on the east side arc defined. Thns
in iii. 17 we may translate, "the 'Arabah ' also
(i.i;. the Jordan valley) . . . and the 'border,*
from Cinnereth (Sea of Galilee) unto the sea of
the ' Arab,ih,' the Salt Sea, under Ashdoth hap-
Pisgah eastward : " and so also in iv. 49, though
here our translators have varied the formula.
The same intention is evident in the passages
quoted from Joshua; and in x. 40 and xii. 8
of the same Book, Ashdoth is used alone — " the
springs," to denote one of the main natural di\'i-
^inns of the country. The only other instance
of the use of the word [TB'K] is in the highly
poetical passage, Num. xxi. 15, which may be
rendered, " the 'pourin/ forth ' of the ' torrents,'
which extendeth to Shc'beth-Ar " [R. V. "the
slope of the valleys, that inclineth toward the
dwelling of Ar"]. This undoubtedly refers also
to the east of the Dead Sea. Ashdoth Pisgah
appears to be the 'Ayin M&sa, "springs of
Jloses," which burst forth from the limestone
rock in a ravine to the north-west of Jebel Ndxi
<Kebo). The springs are numerous and differ
in level as much as 100 ft. : the highest has an
Jiltitude of 1690 ft., that of Neba being 2770 ft. ;
and the water runs down in a succession of
cascades 20 ft. to 30 ft. high. The valley, in
ivhich the springs rise, forms the northern
boundary «f J. Neba; it is a marked natural
feature, visible from Neby Misa in the hills
west of Jordan, and it reaches the plain east of
the river immediately to the north of the Dead
Sea. All this agrees well with the position
indicated for Ashdoth Pisgah in the Bible. The
ravine is extremely picturesque, and the vege-
tation and abundant water are in striking con-
trast to the arid bluffs around (Tristram, Land
of Moab, pp. 335-337 ; Warren, Letter 35 in
PEFQy. Stat. 1869 ; De Saulcy, Voyage en Terre
Sainte, p. 289; American Qy. Stat. No. III.
pp. 48, 49). ^ [G.] [W.]
A8HD0THITES, THE CT^'^B'Kn; B. i
'Aft^Tfios, A. -loj; .AsotiV [plur.]); inhabitant
(or, collectively, inhabitants) of Ashdod (Josh,
xiii. 3). [\V. A. W.] [F.]
A'SHEB, Apocr. and N. T. A'SEB ("KW ;
■Aff^p, T.' 'A.vffi,p in Ezek. xlviii. 2, 3 [BA.
'Aff^p] ; Aser), the 8th sou of Jacob, by Zilpah,
i.eah's handmaid (Gen. xxi. 13). The name is
interpreted as meaning " happy," in this passage
full of the paronomastic turns which distinguish
these very ancient records: "And Leah said, 'In
* The R. V. translates in every case, " the slopes of
risgth " (sometimes In marg. the ipringi of P.) ; these
slopes would be the western tice of J^. KAa, ovorlook-
Jng the Jordan.
ASHEE
my happiness am I (**)^^3), for the daughters
will call me happy ' (^J^I^K), and she called his
name Asher " ("HW), i.e. " happy " (cp. Baeth-
gen, Beitrilge t. Semit. Seligionsgesch. p. 161). A
similar play occurs in the blessing of Moses (Deut.
xxxiii. 24). Gad was Zilpah's other and elder
son, but the fortunes of the brothers were not
at all connected. Of the tribe descended fiponi
Asher no action is recorded during the whole
course of the sacred history. The name is found
in the various lists of the tribes whicn occur
throughout the earlier Books, as Gen. xixv.,
xlvi., Ex. i., Num. i., ii., xiii., &c., and like the
rest Asher sent its chief as one of the spies (mm
Kadesh-Barnea (Num. xiii.). During the march
through the desert Asher's place was between
Dan and Naphtali on the north side of the
Tabernacle (Num. ii. 27) ; and after the con-
quest he took up his allotted position without
any special mention.
The limits of the territory assigned to Asher
are, like those of all the tribes, and especially of
the northern tribes, extremely difficult to trace.
This is partly owing to our ignorance of the
principle on which these ancient boundariei
were drawn and recorded, and partly from the
absence of identification of the m.ijortty of the
places named. The general position of the tribe
was on the sea-shore from C'armel northward;,
with Manasseh on the south, Zebulun and
Issachar on the south-east, and Naphtali on the
north-east (Joseph. Ant. v. 1, § 22). The bouml-
aries and towns are given in Josh. xix. 24-31,
xvii. 10, 11, and Judg. i. 31, 32. From a com-
parison of these passages it seems plain that Dor
iTantOra) must have been within the limits of
the tribe, in which case the southern bouodary
waa probably the Nahr ez-Zerka, Crocodilan.
which is specified by Pliny the Elder as being the
southern boundary of Phoenicia, and which is
possibly the " fines Syriae et Paleatinae " of the
Jerusalem Itinerary. From the JVoAr e:-Zerki
the boundary passed over the ridge of Carmc).
and crossed the Kishon at the gorge west of Teil
JCeimin, Jokneam, so as to include the lower
Kishon valley and the Plain of Acre, which
seem to be the localities alluded to by Josephus
(Ant. V. 1, § 22). Thence it passed west of £eit-
Lahm, Bethlehem, and east of KabU, Cabal,
and running northwards reached Zidon by Kanah
(a name still attached to a site six miles inland
from Saida), whence it turned and came down
by Tyre to Achzib (Ecdippa, now ez-Zib'). The
alternative view'of the south boundary of Asher
is that it was the Jfahr N'amein (Belus), immedi-
ately south of Acre, which has been identified
by some authorities with StiiROB'' LiBNATB.
one of the points on the boundary, the next
being Beth I^gon, which is placed at Kh. L/aik,
south-east of Acre. It may perhaps be inferred,
from the intimate connexion of Asher with
Phoenicia, and the apparent absorption of th<-
tribe by the Phoenicians, that the boundaries
• Bethlehem (Bett-£aAM) Is ten miles inland fnutt
the shore of the bay of Haifa (Rob. p. 113) ; and as it
was in Zebulun, it fixes the distance of Asber's bosndat;
as less than that tram the sea.
^ Stalbor, one of the names of the Nile, the home of
the crocodile, may perhaps have been applied to tlw Xohr
a-Zerka.
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ASHEB
win contenniDous, and that the territorr aa-
ligfoed to Asher extended to the Nahr el-kebir
(Kleuthenis), the northera limit of the Promised
Laid in its widest aenae.
ASHEKAH
257
lUp of the Tribo of Asher.
This teTTit0T7 contnined some of the richeat
soil io all Palestine (Stanley, p. 265 ; Kenrick,
fhon. p. 35), and in its productireness it well
fulfilled the promise inTolred in the name
"Aaher/'and in the blessings which had been
prononnced on him br Jacob and by Moses.
Here wis the oil in which he waa to " dip his
foot," the •* bread" which was to be " fat," and
the " royal dainties " in which he was to in-
dolge ;' and here in the metallic manufactures of
tbe Phoenicians (Kenrick, p. 38) were the " iron
and brass" for his "shoes." The Phoenician
settlements were even at that early period in
fall Tigonr;* and it is not surprising that Asher
wu soon contented to partake of their luiuries
aad to " dwell among them," without attempt-
>>J the conquest and extermination enjoined in
regard to all the Canaanites (Jndg. i. 31, 32).
Accordingly he did not drive ont the inhabitants
of Accho, nor Dor,* nor Zidon, nor Ahlab, nor
Adizib, DOT Helbah, nor Aphik, nor Rehob
(Jadg. i. 31), and the natural consequence of
< Fo the crops, see Rob. 111. 101 : for the oil, Ken-
fi*. p. 31 ; Reland, p. 817.
' Stkm WIS tben distlngnisbed hy the name Bab-
Ink = - the Great." Josh. xli. 29.
• Added b7 the LXX. Cp.Joeh.xiU.il.
MBLE DICT. — VOL. I.
this inert acquiescence is immediately visible.
While Zebulun and Naphtali " jeoparded their
lives unto the death " in the struggle against
Sisera, Asher was content to forget the peril of
his fellows and stay in the creeks and harbours
of his new allies (Judg. v. 17, 18). At the
numbering of Israel at Sinai, Asher was more
numerous than either Ephraim, Hanasseh, or
Benjamin (Num. i. 32-41) ; but in the reign
of Ditvid, so insignificant had the tribe become,
that its name is altogether omitted from the
list of the chief rulers (1 Ch. xxvii. 16-22);
and it is with a kind of astonishment that it
is related that " divera of Asher and Hanasseh
and Zebulun " came to Jerusalem to the Pan-
over of Hezekiah (2 Ch. xxx. 11). With the
exception of Simeon, Asher is the only tribe
west of the .Jordan which furnished no hero or
judge to the nation.' '- One name alone shines
out of the general obscurity — the aged widow,
' Anna the daughter of Phanuel of the tribe of
Aser,' who in the very close of the history
departed not from the Temple, but ' served God
with fastings and prayers night and day ' "
(Stanley, 265). [Q.] [W.]
ASHER (IgV ; Vat. Av\iwde, A. 4irb 'Aaiip
Max^cM ; Aaer). A town named, only in Josh,
xvii. 7, as a point on the boundary of Hanas-
seh. If, as there seems reason to suppose, the
boundary described here be that between Hanas-
seh and Ephraim, then Asher must have been
situate between Uichmethah, not far from
Shechem, and Taanath Shilob ; cp. Josh. xvii.
7 with ivi. 6-8. Reland takes it, in connexion
with the following word, to be a double name,
Asher ham Hichmethah (Pa/, p. 596), and this is
the view taken by Schwarz (p. 147) [Hich-
methah]. Eusebius and Jerome place it on the
road from Meapolis to Scythopolis, 15 miles
from the former, a position which agrees with
that of the Aser of the Jerusalem Itinerary and
of the modern Teidsir, but this is too far north
for a common point on the boundarr of Ephraim
and Hanasseh. '[0.] [VY.]
ASHE'BAH (nntj'K). In the 0. T. espe-
cially, if not exclusively, the term expresses a
symbol which was venerated. The A. V., fol-
lowing the LXX. (ti?{xroi) and Vulgate (Incus),
renders the word "grove," perhaps from a
mistaken apprehension of Deut. xvi. 21. The
R. V, has rectified this. Asherah had her
« houses " (2 K. xxiii. 7, D'ria ; A. V. and
R. V. " hangings "), her image (1 K. rv. 13 ;
2 K. xxi. 7 ; 2 Ch. xv. 16), her vessels for service
(2 K. xxiii. 4), and her "propheU" (1 K. xviii.
19). She was the goddess of fertility (Sayce),
the happy and happy-making one (MV.", who
connects it with the Assyrian aiirat, and Bau-
dissin ; a sense not accepted 'by Schlottmann).
Asherah as a symbol or image is of frequent
occurrence both in the singular and plural (e.g.
Ex. ixxiv. 13 ; Dent. vil. 5 ; Judg. vi. 25 ; IK.
xiv. 15, 23 ; 2 K. xiii. 6 ; Is. xvii, 8 ; Jer. xvii. 2 ;
Hie. V. 13); it is coupled with D^S-XQ and
D^JOn ; it is set up, pulled down, and burnt.
' This would be welt compensated for If tbe ancient
legend could be proved to have any foundation, that
the parents of St. Paul resided at Olscala, or Gnsb
Cbaleb, «'.e. the Ahlab of Asber (Judg. 1. 31). See
Belaud, p. S13.
S
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258
ASHES
Hie image wai Dsnally made of wood (Dent. xvi.
21 ; Judg. vi. 25-30 ; 2 K. ixiii. 6), and was
probably comiected with the sacred symbolical
tree, the representation of which occurs fre-
quently in Assyrian sculptures (see Babi/lonian
Secord, ii. 138 sq., iii. 7 sq., ir. 64 >q.).
The worship of the Asherah attracted rebellious
Israel from the times of the conquest of Canaan
(Judg. iii. 5, Ti. 25, &c.) ; it was advocated in
Judah by Maacah, mother of Abijam the grand-
son of Solomon (1 K. xv. 13). It was the reli-
gion of the court probably during the reigns
of Ahaziah, Athaliah, and .\haz, and certainly
during that of Manasseb (2 K. xii. 3, 7). In
the kingdom of Israel, Jeroboam introduced
her worship (1 K. xir. 15), and it especially
flourished under Jezebel and Ahsb (1 K. xvi. 33,
zriii. 19 ; 2 K. xxi. 3). If occasionally put down,
it appears never to have been permanently or
efiiectiully abolished in that kingdom (2 K. xvii.
16). The cnltus was held on high hills and
under green trees (2 K. xvii. 10; Jer. xrii. 2);
and, if resembling that of other Phoenician and
Syrian goddesses, most have been lustful and
licentious ; hut on this point positive information
is wanting. Baudissin and Sayce unite in dis-
tinguishing the Asheroh from Astarte. Schlott-
monn and MV." take the two words to be but
variant forms used to describe one and the
same Canaanitish goddeas. See Baudissin in Her-
zog, BE.' "Astarte u. Aschera ; " Schlottmann in
Riehm, HWB. do. ; Sayce, s. v. AsuioaKTH. [F.]
[It is held by some that the Asherah was not
the name of a divinity but only a pole, which
(ymbolized the sacred tree. See Wellhausen,
Hiat. p. 235; Stade, Oesch. d. V. I. pp. 184,
460 sq. ; W. R. Smith, Tha Bel. of the Semites, i.
171 sq,: on the other hand, see Chevne, laaiak,'
li. 303; Schrader, ZA. iii. 363 sq. the terms in
which the Asherah is alluded to in the O.T.lend
support to the former view. The identification
of Asherah with Ashtoreth rests upon insufficient
grounds. It is poaibh that the Asherah may
ha ve been regarded as a symbol of Ashtoreth ; but
there is no evidence that the emblems referred to
by Renan, Hist, da peuple d'lsra^, i. 230, notes
1 and 2, were connected with either one or
the other. The term DIB'K has been found
(hitherto) twice in Phoenician, though with
uncertain signification : see ZDMQ. 1881, p. 424
aq. (Citinm); Ganneau, Bev. (TArchiol. pp. 81,
83 (Ma's4b, near Tyre).— S. R. D.]
ASHES. The ashes on the altar of bumt-
ofierings were gathered into a cavity in its
surface on a heap called the apple (DlDn), from
its round shape (Cramer, de Am exteriorl), said
to have sometimes amounted to 300 cors ; but
this Maimonides and others say is spoken hypvr-
bolici. On the days of the three solemn Festivals
the ashes were not removed ; but the accumula-
tion was taken away afterwards in the morning,
the priests casting lots for the office {Mishna
Temid. i. 2, and ii. 2). [To the north of Jeru-
salem are several mounds of ashes. These have
been thought to represent the accumulated
matter, but it seems more probable that they
are the ashes of the soap manufactories formerly
in Jerusalem. — D. B. Amer. ed.] The ashes of
k red heifer burnt entire, according to regula-
tions prescribed in Num. zix., had the ceremonial
efficacy of purifying the unclean (Heb. iz. 13),
ASHEELOK
but of poUnting the clean [Sacbifice]. Atliet
about the persons, especially on the head, wt»
used as a sign of sorrow [MoCRKllia] ; siul the
sitting upon ashes (Job ii. 8) also eiptesed
grief. The use made of " ashes of the funsoe "
by Moses in the sixth plague (£i. ii. 8 sq.) it
remarkable, whether merely symboUcal, or as
a material means; especially as the word (or
" ashes " here is in*B, wholly difiereat from tlie
usual ^S((, and vmice lecbm here. Althoigti
referred by Gesen. to Heb. rHB, " to blow," it
may yet possibly be wholly distinct and Egj|>-
ti»u, and the act itaelf be borrowed fnm
Egyptian ritual. The various figurative aisocis-
tions of the word are exemplified in Gts. iriii
27 ; Job XXX. 19; Is. xliv. 20; Mai. iv. 8. The
pouring away the ashes in 1 K. xiii. 3 sp|ie*n
to express the desecration of the altar: asJ
here note that the word used, as also in Ltv.L
16, vi. 10 (Heb.X is not the usual 1^ but )^
(rendered wiimit by LXX.), which seem to
express specially the ashes of ammaU eSeted
upon the altai' of bumt-ofiering, and his s
kindred verb, }(^, " to remove ashes," Ei.
xxvii. 3 ; Num. iv. IS.* [H. E]
ASHITtfA (KO'K'K ; •jimfiie ; Asmaltftd
worshipped by the people of Hamstk. The
warship was introduced into Samaria hy the
Hamathite colonists whom Sargon settled in the
land (2 K. xvii. 30). The name occurs oaW is
this single instance. According to the Tsl-
mudists, the deity was represented by tk?
figure of a hairless goat ; but this statemtDt b
founded on a false etymology. Haniath wi>
once occupied by the Hittites, and it is tbeiefcre
possible that Ashima is of Hittite origin. Nelito,
in his Apology {SjricHeg. Solesmeiae, ii. p.ilir.V
states that Simi, the daughter of the sgpieme
god Adad or Hadad at Hierapolis, put tn otl
to the attacks of a demon by filline the pit is
which he lived with water. [A. H. S.]
ASH'KBLON, AS'KELON, Apocr. AS-
CALON (.fh^; once "the Eshkalonite,"
"•iShjxf^i
f^n; •AffKiO.r; Saad. ^^^i-P [■"«'
the change from Aleph to Ain] ; A»oaUm\ one oi'
the five cities of the lords of the Philittiixs
(Josh. xuL 3 ; 1 Sam. vi. 17), but less ofU»
mentioned, and, apparently, less known to the
Jews than the other four. This, donbllesfc
arose from its remote situation, alone of all the
Philistine towns, on the extreme edge of the
shore of the Mediterranean (Jer. xlril 7), a*i
also well down to the south. Gaza, isdeei
was still further south, but then it was <m the
main road from Egypt to the centre and lorth
of Palestine, while Ashkelon lay considerably t»
the left. The site, which retains iU saeiett
name, fully bears out the above inference: h"'
some indications of the fact may be traced, eren
in the scanty notices of Ashkelon which occur
in the Bible. Thus, the name is omitted fno
the list in Josh. xv. of the Philistine town
falling to the lot of Judah (but comp. Jos. M-
' Is 1 K. zz. 3«, 41, the word -)|)N. " laH^ •"
turban," Is In A. V, wrongly reDdered "ssto." ^
confusion with ■y^. The emc la recti&ed In B. T-
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ASHKELOK
r, I, § 23, when it U specified), althoagh
Ekron, Ashdod, and Gaza are all named. SamsoD
««nt down from Timnath to Ashkelon, when he
sleir the thirty men and took their spoil, as if to
I Rinote place whence his exploit was not likely
t« be heard of; and the only other mention of it in
the historical books is in the formulistic passages,
Joth. liii. 3 and 1 Sam. vi. 17, and in the casual
notices of Jnd. ii. 28, 1 Mace. i. 86, xi. 60, lii. 33.
The other Philistiae cities are each distinguished
by some special occorrence or fact connected
with it ; hot except the one exploit of Samson,
iihkelon is to as no more than a name. In
the poetical books it occnn 2 Sam. i. 20 ; Jer.
iiT. 20, xlrii. 5, 7 ; Amos i. 8 ; Zeph. ii. 4, 7 ;
ZKh-ix-S.
hkalnna, iscalon, is mentioned in the Assyrian
iiBcription*, and the names of four of its kings,
Sdka, Sarladari, Rukibti, and Mitinti, appear
in the annals of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon
(S(hrHlcr,'i:il7.* pp. 10 j, 166). It twice sub-
mitted t« Jonathan (1 Mace. x. 86, xi. 60), and
was adorned with baths, fountains, and public
bsildiiigs by Herod (Jos. £. J. i. 21, § 11), who
it said to hare been bom there (Win. S. X. 481,
Jan. 5). Augustus presented the royal palace
at iihkelon to Salome (£. /. ii. 6, § 3), but the
ton vas afterwards burned by the Jews (£. /.
il 18, § 1). At the commencement of the war
Aihkelon was twice attacked by the Jews, who
OB each occasion were signally defeated by the
Soman garrison (B. J. iii. 2, § 1).
In the post-biblical times Ashkelon rose to
considerable importance. Near the town —
though all traces of them have now vanished —
wer« the temple and sacred lake * of Derceto,
the Syrian Venus ; and it shared with Gaza an
iaiamous reputation for the steadfastness of its
heathenism and for the cruelties there practised
oo Christians by Julian (Reland, pp. 588, 590).
" The toil aroond the town was remarkable for
its fertility ; the wine of Ascalon waa cele-
brated, and the Al-henna plant flourished better
than in any other place except Cauopus " (Ken-
ricl, p. 28). It was also celebrated for its cy-
presses, for figs, olives, apples, and pomegran-
ates, and for its bees, which gave their name to
a niley in the neighbourhood (Kenrick, p. 28 ;
Edrisi and Ibn Batata in Bitter, Faliut. p. 88).
Its name is fiimiliar to us in the " Eschalot " or
"Shallot," a kind of onion, first grown there,
<ikl for which this place was widely known
(ep. Strabo, xri. 2, 29, Kponfutir r irfaihs
*"'» 4 X"(><» f*'" 'KaKoXmrSv). " The sacred
dores of Veons still fill with their cooings the
lunriaot gardens which grow in the sandy hol-
low within the ruined walls " (Stanley, p. 257).
Awaloo played a memorable part in the
itru^les of the Crusades. "In it was en-
tieiched the hero of the last gleam of history
vhich has thrown its light over the plains of
Philistia, and within the walls and towers now
■tanding Richard held his court " (Stanley, ib.).
By the Mahomedan geographers it was called
"the bride of Syria "(Schultens, Index Qeogr.).
la it, according to Ibn Batuta, was at one time
<l<t>otited the head of the celebrated Hussein,
voofAIi.
ASHPENAZ
259
• PtH«fbl J the name IS-Jirah, " the boUow," applied
ID Ik tillage oatside Ashkelon, may preserve a tradition
i^titialake.
The town, now called 'Asialdn, is situated on
the sea-coast, and aarrounded by walls, now in
ruins, and partially covered by drifting sand ; it
is semicircular in form, and the diameter, or
sea-front, is | mile long ; the total circumfer-
ence is 1} miles. There is no harbour, but on
the coast are rocky precipices from 20 to 70
feet high. To the south is a jetty, constructed
with the shafts of granite columns, whence steps
lead up the side of the precipice to the sea-gate
(P. F. Man. iii. 237-247 ; see also Gn^rin, JutUe,
ii. 135-171, and Thomson, L. and B. ii. 328).
There would appear to have once been a
harbour or Maiumas of Ashkelon distinct from
the city itself, as a synodical letter, signed by the
bishop of each place, is inserted in the acts of the
Council of Constantinople, and a Majuma Asca-
lonis is mentioned by Ant. Mart. (/<m. 33). Ben.
of Tudela {Early Trav. pp. 87, 88) specifies two
Ashkelons, bnt in one case he probably refers to
Kh. 'Atkalin between 'Ain Shems, Bcthshemesh,
and Beit JibHn, Eleutheropolis. The position of
the Maiomas is unknown ; if it were situated
near the town, it must have been destroyed or
covered by drifting sand.
In the time of Origen some wells of remark-
able shape were shown near the town, which
were believed to be those dug by Isaac, or, at
any rate, to be of the time of the Patriarch*.
Comp. the "puteus pacis in modum theatri
fectus" of Ant. Mart. (/«h. 33); the Bir Ibra-
him al-Khahil of Ben. of Tudela {Early Thn.
p. 88) and the Btr Ibrahim el-Bcmrini of On^n
(Jvd^, ii. 145). In connexion with this tradi-
tion may be mentioned the fact that in the
Samaritan Version of Gen. xx. 1, 2, and xxvi. 1,
Askelon (Il^pDJ?) is put for the "Gerar" of
the Hebrew text. [G.] [W.]
ASH'KENAZ(r:3^; 'Airxm^C; Axenex),
one of the three sons of Gomer, son of Japhet
(Gen. X. 3); that is, one of the peoples or tribe*
belonging to the great Japhetic division of the
human race, and springing immediately from
that part of it whicli bears the name of GoMEH or
Cimmeriaits. Jeremiah (Ii. 27) makes Ashkenaz
fallow, in geographical order, Ararat and Minni,
from which we may infer that the district lay
to the south of Lake Urumiyeh, between the
Minni and the Medes. This is precisely the
position assigned by Sargon in his inscriptions
to the kingdom of Asguza, which seems merely
another form of Ashkenaz. In rabbinic^
phraseology the Jews of Germany are termed
Ashkenazim. [A. U. S.]
ASH'NAH (nj^^K, Ges. the strong, firm),
the name of two cities of Judab, both in the She-
felah or lowland : (1) named in the same group
with Eshtaol and Zoreah; now probably Kh.
Baton N.N. W. of Sirah, Zorah, and the Bethasan
of the Onomasticon(OS.* p. 128, 9 ; Josh. xv. 33;
B. 'Airrd; A. 'Affyi; Aacna); and (2) in the same
group with Jiphthah and Nezib (Josh. xv. 43 ; B.
•foi'd ; A. 'Katwi ; Etna). The name has not
been recovered, but it was probably near Beit
Nuzib, Nezib, 5J miles east of Beit Jibrtn.
Eusebius names another place, 'Atryd, bat with
no indication of positioiL [G.] [W.]
ASH'PENAZ (TJBB'K, of uncertain origin;
perhapt akin in form to the Ashkenaz of Gen.
S 2
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260
ASHBIEL
X. 3, the primary form of which has been dis-
covered ID the monuments [see ASHEENAZ] ;
LXX. 'A0itvSpl ; 'A.<ripay4(, 1 heodot. ; AspKaz,
Abiezer, Syr.), the master of the eunuchs of Nebu-
chadnezzar (Dan. i. 3). Some connect the first
part of the word with the Sanscrit afpa, a horse,
and identify the name with the Persian official
Aspacana; 'A<rxaSiiir)s being the Greet: equiralent
(Herod, iii. 70). A Babylonian etymology is more
probable ; and in default of a better, Lenormant's
conjecture deserves mention (Za Divination,
p 182). The LXX. 'AffuvSpl, if possibly a cor-
ruption of Aba(i)-Istar, the iistronomer of the
goddess Istar, indicated to Lenormant by the
final p that Ashpenaz is a shortened form of
Ashpenazar. If so, it would be a transcript of
the li.ibylonian name, Assa-ibni-zir. [F.]
ASHBI'EL (^n^; B. 'KatptiiiK, A.
'Eo-pi^X ; Esriet). Properly ASRIBL, the son of
Manasseh (1 Ch. vii. 14). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ASH'TABOTH, and (once) AS'TABOTH
(TiyVSffV ; 'Aoraptufi ; Aataroth : in Josh. xiii.
31, aI 'ktrdapi^ ; in 1 Ch. ri. 71 [LXX. v. 56],
'A<nipii0 ; A*. 'Poft^S), a city on the E. of Jor-
dan, in Bashan, in the kingdom of Og, probably
a seat of the worship of the goddess Ashtoretb.
[In Judg. X. 6 al. Ashtaroth is the plural form
of Ashtoreth.] It is generally mentioned as
a description or definition of Og, — who " dwelt
in Astaroth in Edrei " (Dent. i. 4), " at Ashtaroth
and at Edrei " (Josh. xii. 4, xiii. 12), or " who
was at Ashtaroth " (ix. 10). It fell into pos-
session of the half tribe of Manasseh (Josh. xiii.
31), and was given with its suburbs or sur-
rounding pasture-lands (K'l^Q) to the Ger-
shonites (1 Ch. vi. 71 [56]), the other Levitical
city in this tribe being Golan. In the list in
Josh. xxi. 27, the name is given as Beeshterah
^quasi 'V n*9 = " house of Aitarte : " Reland,
p. 621 ; Ges. Thes. pp. 175 a, 196 uu, 1083, and
IIV."). Nothing more is heard of Ashta-
roth. It is not named in any of the lists, such
as those in Chronicles, or of Jeremiah, in which
so many of the trans-Jordanic places are enume-
rated. Eusebius(05.* p. 235, 35) places it 6 miles
from Adraa, a place 15 miles from Bostra ; Je-
rome {OS.' p. 122, 31), 6 miles from Adar, which
was 25 from Bostra. Eusebius and Jerome further
(_0S.* pp. 120, 5 ; 209, 61) speak of two Kunal,
or castella, which lay 9 miles apart, "inter Ad-
arain et Abilam civitates." These two sites
have been recovered in Tell 'Aahterah and Tell
^Asherah, 7 miles apart, to the eiit of the Sea
of Galilee. The farmer, which appears to be Ash-
taroth, is described by Capt. Newbold {R. 0. S.
Journal, 1846) as a large mound partly natural,
partly artificial, standing in the middle of the
plain al>out 7} miles S.S.W. of Naica. The
mound is from 50 to 100 feet high, and at its
base are ancient foundations of massive stones
and copious springs of water. Sec also Merrill
(Salt of Jordan, p. 329). Uzzia the Ashtera-
thite is named in 1 Ob. xi. 44. [G.] [W.]
ASHTE'BATHITE Cn"1FIBfrri ; B. i "Air-
rapued [A. -$(], K. ©tcrrapaiSsl"; Astarothite$).
A native or inhabitant of Ashtaroth (1 Ch. xi.
44) beyond Jordan. Uzzia the Ashterathite
was one of David's guard. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ASHTEBOTH-KABNAIM
ASHTEBOTH - KABNATM {Trom
Wl "p = " Ashtaroth of the two horns or peaks'; "
Sam. Vers. 'prn'J'BV ; Saad. y,juJ««J\ ;
A. 'KarapiA Kapniiv, E. ku Via> [? Koo^] ;
Astaroth Camaini), a place of very great an-
tiquity, the abode of the Rephaim at the time
of the incursion of Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 5),
while the cities of the plain were still standing
in their oasis. The name reappears but once, and
that in the later history of the Jews as Camaim,
or Carnion (1 Mace. v. 26, 43, 44 ; 2 Mace xiL
21, 26; Jos. Ant. xii. 8, §4), "a strong ani
great city," " hard to besiege," with " a temple
(ri rdnfrot) of Atargatis " (rh 'ATOfrfaTtim),
but with no indication of its locality, beyond its
being in " the land of Galaad," and not (ki (ttm
a stream.
It has been usually assumed to be the same
place as the preceding [Ashtaboth], but the few
facts that can be ascertained are allagainst such
an identification. 1. The affix "'Karnaim," whicli
certainly indicates some distinction,* and which
in the times of the Maccal>ees, as quoted above,
appears to have superseded the other name.
2. The fact that Eusebius and Jerome (OX'
pp. 142, 17 ; 269, 97), though not very clear on
the point, yet certainly make a distinction be-
tween Ashtaroth and A.-Camaim, describing the
latter as a Ka/tii fttyurrii rrjs 'Apafilas, vicns
grandis in angulo Batanoeae. 3. Some weight
is due to the renderings of the Samaritan
Version and of the Arabic Version of Saadiah,
which give Ashtaroth as in the text, bat
A.-Karnaim by entirely difierent names (see
above). The first of these, Aphinith, is identified
by Porter (/WM. p. 501) with 'Aphinek on the
S.W. declivity of JeM Haurdn, about eight
miles from Bostra ; the second, es-Sunameia, can
hardly be other than the still im)>ortant pisce
which continues to bear precisely the same
name, on the Haj route, about twenty-five miles
south of Damascus, and to the N.W. of the Lejah
(Burckh. p. 55 ; Ritter, Si/ria, p. 812). Perhaps it
is some confirmation of this view that while the
name Karnaim refers to some double character
in the deity there worshipped, ea-Suiuanein u also
dual, meaning " the two idols." A.-Kamaim
has been identified by Oliphant (Land of OHead,
pp. 87-95) with 'Asherah, a village crowning a
Tell about seventy feet high on the south side of
the main branch of the Yarmuk. There are het*
remains of an ancient city, so strongly fortified
in the rear by three walls as to be almost im-
pregnable (see also Schumacher, Acrosa tkt
Joi^n, p. 203). This agrees with the indicstions
in 1 Mace, v., where Judas, afler taking Ba»or.
is said to have "encamped against Kaphoa
beyond the brook " (v. 37), and to have recrosaed
(re. 42, 43) the " brook," which wa» probably
the main branch of the Yarmuk, to attack Kar-
naim. Compare Josepbus (Ant. xii. 8, § 4).
Leake (Pref. to Bwckh. p. 12) identifies it with
el-Mezareih, not far from Tell 'Asherah ; Robinson
• This was held by the Jews at the date of tbe Tat-
mnd to refer to Its situation between two hl^-p«aked
bills (see SiMMh. fol. 3), though It more prolat^f
alludes to the worfhlp of tbe borned goddea». t^-
"mooned Ashtaroth," or perhaps to the two hi^
mounds on which tbe Ashtaroths were boUt.
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A8HT0RETH
(JrMe lot), 2) with el-Sumem in the Belka,
aaaefSalt. [G.] [W.]
ASHTOltETH (ITin^P; 'Kirrdpni; As-
tarie) was the principal female divinitj of the
CanauitM or Phoenicians, u Baal was the
prindptl male dimity. She was, in fact, the
dimU< or re6ectioD of the Sun-god Baal : jnst
IS the wife eiists by the side of the hnsband or
the woman by the side of the man, Ashtoreth
tasted by the side of Baal. Hence, as there'
were Baalim, there were also Ashtaroth or
"Ashtoreths," representing the various forms
mder which the goddess was worshipped in
Jifirent localities (Judg. i. 6 ; 1 Sam. vii. 4,
lii. 10, ic). At Carthage she had the special
nune of " the face of Baal," according to the
moet probable interpretation.
In Ashtoreth, accordingly, we have to see the
f«rMiii6cation of the. female principle of pro-
InctiTeness in nature. But as the male princi-
ple ct' productiveness had its visible seat in the
inn, so the female principle was identified with
the moon. Ashtoreth, or " Astarte with the
ASHTORETH
261
iablonOi a tha V oon GoddMs. (A»rrUn CjUoder ;
Lv^rd.)
crescent horns," was therefore the goddess of
the moon — the pale reflection of the sun — quite
■^ much as she was the goddess of productive
[ower. So we find Lucian (de Syr. Dea, 4) saj-
lag : 'liirrifmiv i' iyu Soxia 2cA7|vafi)i> tufitvtu,
sod Herodian (v. 6, 10) asserts that Oupoviav
iiXarris. As the moon-goddess, Ashtoreth was
•jnibolised by the cow, since the lunar crescent
in a scuthern country lies on its back, and thus
KMmbles the horns of a cow (cp. the name
A»literoth-Kamaim [A.V. .-ind R.V.], "Ashtoreth
of the two horns," Gen. liv. 5).
Tb- name and conception of Ashtoreth were
bcrrcs-ed by the northern branch of the Semites
from the old Accadian population of Chaldaea, and
lie appears in Assyrian under the form of Istar.
T!ie Actadian language possessed no genders;
»kl Uut accordingly, though denoting a female
'leitv, hu no feminine suffix in Assyrian. This
was added by the Canaanites, among whom Istar
l»<ame Ashtor-eth. On the Hoabite Stone,
however, Ashtar is used and identified with the
male dirinity Chemoeh, women and maidens
l«aig said to have been " devoted to Ashtar-
Chemosh." In the Himyaritic inscriptions of
Sonthera Arabia, also, we 6nd 'Attir; and an
AsTriaa tablet states that Istar was andro-
Sysous.
Among the Accadians and Assyrians, Istar
»M the virgin goddess of love and war, and in
tte astro-theological system was identified with
the planet Venns. The female divinity, how-
ever, occupied a very subordinate place in
Canaanitish theology, and in Canaan accordingly
Ashtoreth lost her individual character and
became the mere reflection of the Sun-god.
Assfilsa Aihlonth. dAjtx^}
The result of this was her identification with
the moon, which was a male deity among the
Assyrians. It was only in certain districts that
she preserved her attributes as goddess of love
and war. Thns she seems to have presided over
war among the Philistines (1 Sam. iixi. 10), and
she was still regarded as the goddess of love at
Asbkclon, where she was called DerketA or
Semiramis, and at Paphos, where she was adored
nnder the form of a conical meteoric stone.
Hommel has shown that not only the person,
but also the name of the Greek Aphrodite waa
derived from the Phoenician Ashtoreth, who
was known in later times among the Greeks as
« the Heavenly " (Oiipwla).
In Phoenicia the worship of Ashtoreth was
necessarily as wide-spread as that of fttal, and
she was addressed by various epithets, such as
Naamah, " the delightful one " (Greek 'Arrpo-
r6ri, the mother of Eshmun and the Kabeiri).
She was at once the mother and bride of TtMUVZ
(<]. c.) or AdAnis, and
prostitution was prac-
tised in her honour
by unmarried girls in
Babylonia, Assyria,
Cyprus, and Canaan
(see Peut. xxiii. 18,
and cp. Num. xxv.
1-5). Doves were
sacred to her.
Ashtoreth must be
carefully distinguished
from ASBERAB (9. c),
a word which is mis-
translated " grove "
in the A. V. Asherah
was the goddess of
fertility among the
southern Canaanites,
and waa worshipped
under the form of a
conical stone or a
trunk stripped of its
Asijilsa Iftir. (lAyard.)
branches. There were Asherim just as there
were Ashtaroth, and the name frequently denotes
both the goddess herself and the symbol that
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262
ASHUB
represented her. Asberah was tmlcDOwn in Phoe-
nicia proper.
In Sjrria Ashtoreth was generally known as
Ataeoatis iq. v.). [A. H. S.]
ASETUK ("flriE^ ; B. 'haxi, A. "AirJiS in
1 Cb. ii. 24; B. Sopi A. "AtrxoBp in 1 Ch.iv. 5 ;
Athur, Aasur), the " Father of Tekoa," which
mar mean that he was the founder of that
village. [W-A-W.] [F.]
ASHD'BITES.theOT'B'Kn; B-rhr ea<rt^>t;
A. Bairoip ; Gessuri). This name occurs only in
the enumeration of those over whom Isbbosheth
was made king (2 Sam. ii. 9). By some of the
old interpreters— -Sjriac, Arabic, and Vulgate
Versions — who are followed in modern times by
Ewald (Oesch. iii. 145), Theuius, and Wellhausen,
the word is read as Geshnrites, the members
of a small kingdom to the S. or S.E. of Damascus,
one of the petty states which were included under
the general title of Aram. [Akam ; Geshub,]
The difBcultr in accepting this substitution is
that Geshur had a king of its own, Talmai, whose
daughter moreover was married to David some-
where about this very time (1 Ch. iii. 2, com-
pared with V. 4), a circumstance not consistent
with his being the ally of Isbbosheth, or with
the latter being made king over the people
of Geshur. Talmai was still king many years
after this occurrence (2 Sara. xiii. 37). In
addition, Geshur was surely too remote from
Mahanaim and fVom the rest of Ishbosheth's
territory to be intended here.
[KShler, Kirkpatrick, and Elostennann prefer
to follow the Targnm of Jonathan, which has
" those of the honse of Asher," and to punctuate
'TJf'lin. " The Asherites " will then denote
the whole of the country west of the Jordan
above Jezreel (the district of the plun of
Esdraelon), and the enumeration will proceed
regularly {torn north to south, Asher to Ben-
jamin. The form " Asherite " occurs in Judg.
i. 32. The reading of the LXX. points to n for
K, but affords no basis for a plausible restoration
of the text.— S. R. D.]
There is clearly no reference here to the
Asshurim of Gen. xxv. 3. [G.] [W.]
ASH'VATH (njB'B; BA. 'AvtlS; Atoth}.
One of the sons of Japhlet, of the tribe of Asher
(1 Ch. Tii. 33). [W. A. W.]
ASIA (4 'Airia ; Asia). The passages in the
N. T. where this word occnrs are the following :
Acts ii. 9, Ti. 9, xvi. 6, lix. 10, 22, 26, 27, xx. 4,
16, 18, ixi. 27, xxvii. 2 ; Rom. xvi. 5 (where the
tme reading is 'A<r(as) ; 1 Cor. xvi. 19 ; 2 Cor.
i. 8; 2 Tim. i. 15; I Pet. i. 1; Rev. i. 4, 11.
[Chief of Asia ; see Asiabohae.] In all these
passages it may be con6dently stated that the
word is used, not for " the continent of Asia,"
nor for what we commonly understand by " Asia
Minor," but for a Roman province which em-
braced the western part of the peninsula of
Asia Minor, and of which Ephesns was the
capital [Speaker's Comm, on Acts ii. 4]. This
nrovince originated in the bequest of Attains,
king of Pergamum, or king of Asia, who left
by will to the Roman Republic his hereditary
dominions in the west of the peninsula (B.C. 133).
Some rectifications of the frontier were made,
and " Asia " was constituted a province. Under
ASIASCHAE
the early Emperors it was rich and fiontithing,
thongh it had been severely plundered sid«T
the Republic In the division of senatorial tad
made by Augustus imperial provinces, it «u
placed in the former class, and wu governed
by a proconsul (hence irtiraToi, Acts lii. 38,
and on coins). It contained many important
cities, among which were the seven Chudiei
of the Apocalypse, and it was divided iito
assize districts for judicial business (hence tj/ih
patoi, i.e. vfUpai, Acts, ibit.'). It it not pos-
sible absolutely to define the inland bousdiiy
of this province during the life of St. Psol:
indeed the limits of the provinces were fre-
quently undergoing change; but generally it
may be said that it included the territory
anciently subdivided into Aeolis, Ionia, ud
Doris, and afterwards into Uysia, ^J^ >nd
Caria. [MrsiA, Ltcia, BrrKTaiA, Phbtou,
Galatia.]
The view of Meyer and D* Wette ou Acts
xxvii. 2 (and of the former on Acts lii. 10),
viz. that the peninsula of Asia Minor ii in-
tended, involves a bad geographical mistske:
for this term " Asia Minor " does not seem to
have l>een so applied till some centuries tfter
the Christian era. Moreover the mistake ii-
troduces confusion into both narratives. It is
also erroneous to speak of Asia in the N. T. at A
proconsularis ; for this phrase also was of later
date and denoted one of Constantine's tobdiri-
sions of the province of which we are spealiing.
In the books of Maccabees, where reference ii
made to the pre-provincial period of this diitiict
(B.C. 200-150), we frequently encounter tie
word Asia in its earlier and more extended
sense; and it is thus used in 2 Eld. iv. 4S,
xvi. 1. The title " King of Asia " WS9 uicd bj
the Seleucid monarch* of Antioch, and wsi
claimed by them even after it more properly
belonged to the immediate predecessors of Attslns
(see 1 Mace. viii. 6, li. 13, iii. 39, xiii. 32;
2 Mace iii. 3, x. 24 ; Conybeare and Howaoa'i
Life and Epistles of St. Pmd, ch. xiv.; Ma^
quardt's £6m. AlterthUmer, iii. pp. 130-146;
Diet, of Or. and Ram. Oeog., art. Asia).
^ [J.S.B.] m
ASIAB'CHAE ('Airu^iu ; prmc^ Mae,
Vulg. ; chi^ of Asia, A. V. ; duef officen of
Asia, R. v.; Acts xix. 31), offioen dMea
annually by the cities of that part of the (Co-
innce of Asia, of which Ephesos was, anct
Roman government, the metropolis. They M
charge of the public games and reUposi
theatrical spectacles, the expenses of which HtJ
bore, as was done by the holders of Aurtif)^
at Athens, and the aediles at Rome (Niebahr.iit
35 ; Ocero, De Vffic. iL 16 ; Liv. xxiv. 33> Theit
office was thus, in great measure at Inst, rdi-
gious, and they are in conseqnence sometimet
called ipxitpiTs, and their office ttptt<rirfi {Xerl-
S. Polycarp. in Pair. Ap. c 21). Thtt tie
office existed as early as B.C. 50 is certain, 6^
Pythodorus of Tralles, a friend of Pompey, i«
described by Strabo as an Aaiarch (xiv. p. M9).
But in all probability it began much earlier,
and obtained its name at the time whes tbe
kingdom of Attalus, having become a Bonus
province, began to be called Asia, i.«. procoanhr
Asia, about B.C. 130 (Strabo, xiii. p. 624).
Officers called Amcu^x'" "^ mentioDsd by
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ASIBIA8
Stnbo (xir. p. 665X who exerciied jadicial and
dril fhiictioDS, subject to the Roman govem-
ment ; but there U no evidence to show that the
.Uianhs eierciaed any but the religious func-
tiona above mentioned ; and Modestinua, e. A.D.
230, mentioni 'Aaiapx^ s^ "1' » Btivrapxla
ud KaTToSoxapx'" ■* religions offices conferring
certain legal exemptions on the holders of them.
(Dig. nvii. tit. 1, 6, § 14.) It continaed to
tiiit u late as the time of the Emperor Hono-
rio-s A.D. 409 (Cod. Theodos. it. tit. 9).
The office of Asiarch was annual, and subject
to the approval of the proconsul, but might be
mieved; and the title appears to have been
continaed to those who had at any time held
the office. From itx costliness, it was often (iuX)
wsferred on a citizen of the wealthy city of
Tnlles (Strabo, xir. p. 649> Philip, the Asiarch
at the time of S. Polycarp'i martyirdom, was a
ASMODEUS
263
Trallian. Coin* or inscriptions bearing th«
names of persons who had served the office of
Asiarch, once or more times, are known as
belonging to the following cities : — Abydus,
Acmonia, Adramyttiam, Apbrodisias? Cyxicns,
Ephesus, Hypnepa, Laodicea, Miletus, Otros,
Pergamos, Philadelphia, Saittae, Sardis, Smyrna,
Stectorium, Synans, Thyatira, Tichiussa. (Aristid.
<)r. xxvi. p. 518, ed. Oind. ; Eclchel, ii. 507, it.
207 ; BSckh, Inter, vol. ii. ; Van Dale, Diaaert.
p. 274 sq. ; Krause, Cimtatei Neocorae, p. 71 ;
Wetstein, On Acts xix. ; Akerman, NttmamaUo
niuttr. p. 51 ; Herod, v. 38 ; Hammond, On
Jr. T. ; and a monograph on the subject by Pro-
fessor Churchill Babington, London, 1866, to
which the writer of this art. is much indebted.
Cp, Lightfoot's Excarna on the Asiarchate in
"Apostolic Fathers," Pt. ii. St. Ignatius, St.
Polycarp, ii. § ii. p. 987 sq.) [H. W. P.]
OiMk lapMialOopparOoln ("madAlliaQ">of LaodlMaofFhrnlAi Gonmodw; with namaorAiUnlL
<*». : AYTKAIHAYP . ANTaN6IN0CC6. B»* of Emperar to ri,ht. Bw. : eniAIAHirP HTOCACIAP .
AAOAIKCON NCQKOPQN. nfmlaMaopb^iIiMdiismof Uooi,tolifl.
ASIBI'AS (B. 'A(rc/3c(ai, A. 'AmBias ; Jam-
mtiot). One of the sons of Phoms, or Parosh,
in 1 Esd. ii. 26, whose name occupies the place
of JtiLCHUAH in Ezra x. 25. [W. A. W.]
ASI'EL (SfS'BT? = cnxUed of Ood; 'Ac^K ;
AM). 1. A Simeonite whose descendant Jehu
lived in the reign of Hezekiah (1 Ch. iv. 35).
& One of the five writers whom Esdras was
cmnmanded to take to write the Law and the his-
tory of the world (2 E»d. xiv. 24> [W. A.W.]
ASI'PHA (A. "Airei^, B. Toirei^; Gaapha),
1 bd. T. 29. [HA8UPHA.]
AS'EELON', Judg. i. 18; 1 Sam. tL 17;
2 Sam. L 20. [Asheelon.]
ASMA'VETH. [Azxaveth.]
AfiMODETS (npe'et; 'AiriuSmot, Tob.
in. 8). The name also occurs in the forms
PIOCM (Hidrash Rabba on Ler. 5) and Slutm-
<*>• (id. L 37X He is called "Lord of the
Spirita," "King of the demons" (OiWn, 68;
PaacAim, 110; Targnm on Kohtleth, i. 13).
The Jews regard him as one of the Shedim, or
■ malignant spirits. Some consider him to be
identical with pi^K, which in Job xzxi. 12, &c.,
means "destruction," and 'A-roWitiv, Rev. ii-
11, where be is called " a king, the angel of the
bottomlecs pit," and i '0\o9pfitn', Wisd. xviii.
23, where he is represented as the " Evil angel "
(Ps. Ixxviii. 49) of the plague (Schlenaner**
Thesaur. s. r.) From the fact that the Talmud
calls him HHSn K37D, rex daemonum (cp.
Lightfoot, Bar. Sebr. et Talm. in Luke xi. 15),
some assume him to be identical with Beelze>
bnb, and others with Azrael. All these identic
fications are very precarious. The name ia dfr>
rived either from ^IJ^J', " to destroy," or, accotcU
ing to Reland (Winer, s. v.), from a Persian
word = " to tempt " (comp. Matt. ir. 1) or
(according to Windischmann) from Persian
words meaning "leader of the Devs." [Se*
Speaker'a Comm, on Tob. iii. 8.] In the Book
of Tobit this eril spirit is represented aa
loving Sara, the daughter of Raguel, and
causing the death of seven husbands, who mar>
ried her in succession, on the bridal night;
gaining the power to do so (as is hinted) through
their incontinence. Tobias, instructed by na*
phael, bums on " the ashes of perfume " the
heart and liver of the fish which he caught in
the Tigris ; " the which smell when the evil
spirit had smelted, he fled into the utmost parta
of Egypt, and the Angel bound him" (Tob.
riii. 3).
It is obviously a vain endeavour to attempt
to rationalise this story of
" . . . Asmodens with tbe flahy Amie
That drove him, chough enamoared, ftom tbe sponaa
Of Tobit's son, and with a vengeance sent
From Media post to Egypt, Ibere fast tnund,"
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264
ASNAH
since it is thronghont founded on Jewish de-
monology and "the loves of the angels," a
strange fancy derived from Gen. vi. 2. Those
however who attempt this task make Asmodeus
the demon of impurity, and suppose merely
that the fumes deadened the passions of Tobias
and his wife. The Rabbis (among other odd
fables) make this demon the offspring of the
incest of Tnbalcain with his sister Noema, and
say (in allusion to Solomon's many wives) that
AsmodtSus once drove him from his kingdom,
but being dispossessed was forced to serve in
building the Temple, which he did noiselessly,
by means of a mysterious stone Shamir (Calmet,
a. r. and Fragments, p. 27t, where there is a great
deal of fanciful and groundless speculation).
See the story at full length in the Babylonian
Talmud (ffittt'n, f. 68, 1, 2). It is not found in
the Jerusalem Talmud. The Rabbis of the first
three centuries in Palestine, in the cnreful endea-
vour to exclude from Judaism all elements
which they regarded as being of Christian or
Gnostic origin, were also anxious to avoid all
legends or notions which came from a Persian or
foreign source. Rav and R. Samuel are the first
who refer to Ashmedai and tell the famous
legend about his dealings with Solomon. From
them it found its way into many Talmudic
writings, where other stories are told respecting
him. Cp. Tosephoth Menuchoth, 37, 1 ; Targum
on Koheleth, i. 13 ; Midrash Habha on Numbers,
§ 11 ; Pesachim, 110, &c. See Rappoport,
Situh. Millin.; Hamburger, Talm. WOrlerb.
(. VT. Aschmedai, Schedim, &c. ; Eisenmenger,
Ent. Judenth. ii. 440, ic. ; Speaier't Comm. on
Tobit, Excursus on Dcmonology, i. p. 176.
IV. W. F.]
AS'NAHCnjDK, thombush; 'Aertt»l;Asena).
'The children of Asnah were among the Nethinim
who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 50).
■The name is omitted from the list in Neh. vii. 52,
and in 1 Esd. v. 31 it is written Asana [B. 'Acr-
awd. A. -Affova]. fW. A. W.] [F.]
A8NAFPER (^53D^^, i.«. Osnappar [R.V.],
x>t [Baer i. 1.] IBJDji*, Asenappar ; Syr.
Eipir ; B. ' Kiratva^ip, A. Vwpdp ; Asena-
pher), a ruler mentioned in Ezra iv. 10 as
the " great and noble " (RT^JI K^'J) personage
who had brought " the Dinaites, the Aphnr-
sathchites, the Tarpelites, the Aphareites, the
Archevites, the Babylonians, the Susanchites
(Susanians), the Dehavites, and the Elamites,"
and had settled them in the cities of Samaria.
He has been variously identified with Shal-
maneser, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon. Gelzer
(Zeitschr. fur agyptisclie Sprache, xiii. [1875]
p. 81) conjectures that Asnnpper is the Aiiur-
bant-apli or Assurbanipnl of the cuneiform in-
scriptions, and this has been accepted both by
A. von Gutschmid (Die Assyriologie m Deutsch-
land, p. 145) and Prof. Fried. Delitzsch, who is
of opinion that the " one and only king, who was
able to remove the Susnnions to a distance, was
Assnrbanipal, the conqueror of Susa," and he
joins with Gutschmid and Gelzer in regarding
Asnapper as a mutilation of the (Persian pro-
nounced) name Assnrbanipal. Supposing this
to be correct (as is most likely), there has been
• change from r to n (Asn for Asr = Assur) ;
ASOM
hani (or ban) has disappeared altogether, lesring
only a trace of its existence in the vowel a;
and the I of the last compound has become r
{par for pal) — all being changes for which ana-
logies can be found.
Aiiur-bani-apli or Assurbanipal ("Assnr has
created a son "), king of Assyria, was the eldest
son of Esarhaddon, and ascended the Assyrian
throne in April 667 or 668 B.C., shortly before the
death of his father, being at the time probably
about twenty-five years old. Of his three
younger brothers, one, tiamas-ium-ukin (Saosdu-
chinos), was installed as king of Babylon under
his brother the king of Assyria. Assorbanipal
was one of the most renowned of all the kings of
Assyria, and, though he probably never per-
sonally conducted any warlike expeditions, he
nevertheless made himself master, through his
generals, of considerable tracts on all sides. He
made two expeditions to Egypt, with rsrjing
success. In the first hU forces succeeded in
replacing the governors whom Esarhaddon had
appointed, and in overthrowing Tirhakah. These
governors, however, themselves revolted against
Assyrian rule, but the plot was discovered, and
they were captured and sent to Nineveh. As-
surbanipal now appointed Necho as king in Sait,
and NabQ-iezibtni (Neboshazban), his eon, u
king in Athribes. Urdamani, however, nephew
of Tirhakah, now arose against the Assyrian
overlordship, necessitating the second expedition
to Egypt, which resulted in the expulsion of
UrdamanS. Assurbanipal besieged Tyre, and
brought that city, together with the petty states
around, to submission. Gyges, king of Lydia,
also gave tribute, but afterwards sent secretly
to aid Tuiamilki, king of Egypt, thus bringing
down upon him the cune of the Assyrian kin;.
Gyges died a violent death at the hands of the
Cimmerians. His son, who succeeded him, was
submissive to the Assyrian overlordship. .\s8nr-
banipal subdued also the Mannia(=Wannia)«r
Armenians, and the tribes lying in the neigb-
bonrhood of that district:' he repulsed the
invasion of Urtag or Urtak, king of Elam, and
afterwards carried the conflict into the enemy's
country, defeating Te-umman, who had succeeded
Urtak OS king, and proclaiming Umman-igai, an
Elamite prince, as king of Elam, in Shushan
and Modaktu. Later, he defeated the ccmbistd
forces of the Babylonians, Elamites, and Ara-
bians, and annexed Babylonia to Assyria; again
invading (partly, probably, in revenge for the
part which the Elamites had taken against him)
Elam twice, and Arabia once. After his Arabian
successes, Assurbanipal again turned his stten-
tion to Elam, and captured Ummanaldas, who
was then king of that country, bringing him to
Nineveh, and compelling him to drag, in company
with other captive princes, his royal chariot to
ki-maimai, the temple of Beltis and Assnr in
that city. From the above outline of his con-
quests it will be seen that, of all the kings of
Babylonia and Assyria, Assurbanipal had best
right to the epithets " great and glorious," and
that he was also best able to transplant the
Babylonians, Susanians, Elamites, and other
nations or tribes, to Samaria, as is recorded in
the 4th chapter of Ezra. (T. G. P.]
A'SOU (,'A<r6fi ; Asom), 1 Esd. ix. 33. {Ux-
SHCU.]
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ASP
ASP (}n|, pethen; iunrls, SfuUur, /Swri-
Ainwt; ttspit, basilucut). The Hebrew word
occnn in the six followmg passages : — Dent,
niii. 33; Pt. Iriil 5, xci. 13; Job xx. 14, 16 ;
k li. 8. It ii expressed id the passages from
the Psalms b^ adder in the text of the A. V. and
B. v., and by asp in the margin : elsewhere the
text of both Versions has asp ' as the represen-
tttirt of the original word petlten.
That some kind of poisonous serpent is de-
noted by the Hebrew word is clear fh>m the
pstuges quoted above. We further learn fVom
F>. IriiL S, that the pethen was a snake upon
which the serpent-charmers practised their art.
la this passage the wicked are compared to
"the dtaf adder that ttoppeth her ear, which
will not hearken to the voice of charmers,
ckanning nerer so wisely ; " and from Is. xi. 8,
" the lacking child shall play on the hole of the
asp," it would appear that the pethen was a
dweller in holes of walls, &c. Bochart con-
tributes nothing in aid to a solution of identity
when he attempts to prove that the pethen is the
oip (Hiem. iii. 156X for this species of serpent,
if a ipeciea be signified by the term, has been ao
nguely described by anthers, that it is not pos-
able to lay what known kind is represented by
it. The term asp in modem zoology is generally
restricted to the Vipera aspis of Latreille,'bat it
is most probable that the name, amongst the
udenti, stood for different kinds of venomous
icrpeits. Solinus (c. xxvii.) says, "plures di-
nnaeque sunt aspidum species ;" and Aelian
{S.Amm. X. 31) asserts that the Kgyptians enu-
merate sixteen kinds of asp. Bruce thought
that the <up of the ancients should be referred
te the cerastes, while Cavier considered it to be
ASP
2G5
EanO'o Otibn {.av -v)-
**• Egyptian colrra (Aa/n haje). Be this, how-
erer, as it may, there can be little doubt that
the Hebrew name pethen is specific, as it is men-
tioned as distinct from 'acshib, shephlphon,
taphini, Ik., names of other members of the
Ophidia.
Many pages of conjecture have been written
•s to the species intended by pethen, bat one im-
* Ajp (the Greek ivwtt, the latin aspis) has by some
tva deriTed from tbe Heb. ()QM, "to gather up," In
•anioii to tbe oofling habits of the snake when at rest ;
^ this etymologj Is very Improbable. Tbe shield
(mxk) maj be deilved from tbe form of tbe animal at
portant question has been generally omitted by
the champions of rival claimants, viz. Does the
species exist in Bible lands? With our pre-
sent knowledge of the herpetology of Syria, we
can have littlt- hesitation in assigning the pethen
of Scripture to the hooded cobra of Kgypt, 2faja
haje. It does not occur in the cultivated dis-
tricts of Palestine, but it is well known in tbe
plains, and the downs south of Beersheba. I
have met with it near Gaza. It is an African
species, extending from Arabia Petrnea through
£gypt. Nubia, the Soudan, and the Sahara, in
India it is represented by an allied species, A'a/'>(
tripudians. It is needless here to discuss the
conjectures of many writers on the Arabian
Coluber baetan of Forsk&l or the C. lebetinus of
Linnaeus, since no one has yet been able to
identify Forsk&l's species; and C. lebetinus is
most probably a synonym of Vipera Euphratica
[Addi:b], which would not meet the conditions
of the Biblical allusions, as it neither lives in
holes, nor is it a species on which the snake-
charmers practise.
The hooded cobra, or asp (JXaja haje), lives in
holes in rocks or old walls, and has the power of
dilating its neck by raising the anterior ribs so as
to expand tbe front of the breast into tbe shape
of a flat dish. When alarmed or disturbed, it
raises Itself into an upright posture, supported
on the lower vertebrae of the tail, and bounds
forward with great force. In this position it i&
often portrayed on Egyptian monuments, and
is used to symbolise immortality. It was nls»
employed as the emblem of the protecting
Divinity of the world, and we find sculptured
over the portals of their temples a cobra on each
side of a winged globe (Horapollo, i, 1 ; Kalisch,
Bist. and Crit. Comm. Gen, iii. 1). Sometimes
the Egyptian paintings represent a monster with
the head of an asp or some other serpent (Wil-
kinson, Anc. Egypt, iii. p. 310, ed, 1878).
The art of ser-
pent-charming re-
ferred to in Ps.
Iviii. 4, Jas. iii. 7,
is of immense anti-
quity, and is prac-
tised in India on
tbe Naja tripudi-
ans as in Africa on
the Naja haje. The
resources of the
charmers appear to
be very simple —
the shrill notes of
a flute, which are the only kind of tones
which the serpent, with its very imperfect sense
of sound, is capable of distinctly following,
and, above all, coolness and courage, combined
with gentleness in handling the animal, so a»
not to irritate it. The charmers are not im-
postors, for though they may sometimes remove
tbe fangs, it is a well-attested fact that they
generally allow them to remain, and they will
operate on the reptiles when just caught as will-
ingly as on those which have been long in their
possession ; but they are very reluctant to make
experiments on any other species than the cobra.
When a cobra has been discovered in a hole,- the
charmer plays at the month till the serpent,
attracted by the sound, comes out, when it is
suddenly seized by tbe tail, and held at arm'*
i»
Aip-tiMded mauter. (Wlltlnion,)
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266
ASPALATHUS
length. Thaa suspended, it is enable to tarn
itself so as to bite ; and when it has become ex-
haunted by its vain efforts, it is put into a
basket, the lid of which is raised while the
music is playing, but at each attempt of the
captive to dart ont, the lid is shnt down npon
it, until it learns to stand quietly on its tail,
swaying to and fro to the music, and ceases to
attempt an escape. If it shows more than ordi-
nary restlessness, the fangs are extracted as a
precaution. Instances are not uncommon, in
which, with all their care, the jugglers' lives are
sacrificed in the exhibition.
The expression in Ps. Iviii. 4, " the deaf adder
that stoppeth her ears," seems simply to allude
to the fact that there are some species of ser-
pents not amenable to the charmer's art, or that
there are individuals of the ordinary cobra
which defy all his attempts to soothe them.
These are called deaf. The force of the com-
parison with wicked men made by the Psalmist
lies In the fact that they, like the adder, can
hear the charmer's song, but obstinately refuse
to do so. If reference had been made, as some
have supposed, to a species of serpents which
had not the power of hearing, the whole force of
the illustration would be lost. There is there-
fore no occasion to search for some species which
is literally deaf, or to consider the groundless
stories of Bythner, Thomson (Land and the Book,
p. l.'JS), and others of serpents stopping their
ears with their tails or with dust, in order not
to hear the charmer, inasmuch as no serpent
possesses any external openings to the ear.
There is doubtless a popular impression that the
serpent is deaf, grounded perhaps on the absence
of external ears, or perhaps on a mistaken in-
terpretation of the passage in the Psalms.
Serpents, though comparatively speaking deaf
to ordinary sounds, are no doubt capable of
hearing the sharp, shrill sounds which the
charmer produces either by his voice or by an
instrument; and this comparative deafhess is,
it appears to us, the very reaion why such
sotmds as the charmer makes produce the de-
sired effect on the subject under treatment.
[Serpent-cbarmino.] It has been stated that
the jugglers, by pressing the nape of the cobra's
neck with the fingers, know how to throw it
into a mesmeric state, which renders it stiff and
immovable, thus seeming to change it into a
rod or stick. This may throw light on the con-
test of the magicians with Moses before Pharaoh.
I cannot vouch for this from personal observa-
tion. [H. B. T.]
ASPAL'ATHUS (i<nra\a9os ipuiUrmy;
Compl. TiiXaSof ; balsamum), the name of some
sweet perfume mentioned in Ecclua. xxiv. 15, to
which Wisdom compares herself : — " I gave a
sweet smell like cinnamon and aspalathus."
The question as to what kind of plant represents
the aspalathus of the ancients has long been a
puzzling one. From Theocritus (Td. Iv. 57) we
learn that the aspalathus was of a thorny nature,
and (from Id. xxiv. 87) that the dry wood was
used for baming. Pliny (/T. JV. xii. 24) says
that the aspalathus grows in Cyprus ; that it
is a white thorny shrub, the size of a mode-
r.ite tree ; that another name for this plant was
erytceptrum or Keptrum, "sceptre," or "red
sceptre," a name perhaps which it owed to the
ASPALATHUS
fact of the flowers clustering along the length
of the branches : but in another place (itir. \i)
he speaks of aspalathus as distinct from the ery-
sceptrum, as growing in Spain, and commonly
employed there as an ingredient in perfumes
and ointments. He states that it was employed
also in the washing of wooL Theophrastus
(tftrt. Plant, ix. 7, § 3, ed. Schneider) ename-
rates aspalaihva with cinnamon, cassia, snd many
other articles which were used for oiDtmeoti,
and appears to speak of it as an Eastern pro-
dnction. In Fr. iv. 33 he says it it iweet-
scented and an astringent. He also states that
it has large fleshy rooU (jieyiKtu ml tuftiAta).
Dioscorides (i. 19) says that the aspaiaUita vu
used for the purpose of thickenine ointment.
It appears that there were at least two kinds
or varieties of plants known by the name of
aspalathus; for all the authorities cited abore
clearly make mention of two : one was vhite,
inodorous, and inferior ; the other had red vood
under the bark, and was highly aromatic The
plant was of so thorny a nature that Plato
{Repvb. 616 A, ed. Bekker) says cruel tyraaU
were punished with it in the lower world.
Gerarde (Herbal, p. 1636) mentions two tinds
of aspalathus : aspal. albicans toruto dtrto, sad
aspal. nibens. "The latter," he says, "is the
better of the two ; its smell is like that of the
rose, whence the name Lignum Rhodium, nlhir
than from Rhodes, the place where it is said to
grow." The Ztgnum Bhodianum is by some
supposed to be the substance indicated by the
aspalathus; the plant which yields it is tb<
Convolvulus acoparius of Linnaeus.* Dr. Boyle
(Encyd. Bib. Lit. s. v.) is inclined to belien
that the bark of a tree of the HimaUysa
mountains, the Myrica sapida of Dr. Wallich, is
the article indicated, because in India the term
Darshishan, which by Avicenna and Senpoo
are used as the Arabic synonyms of aspaiatiiK,
is applied to the bark of this tree. If the
aspalathtis of the Apocrypha be identical *itk
the aspalathus of the Greeks, it is clear that the
locality for the plant most be sought nearer
home, for Theocritus evidently mentions the
aspalathus as if it were familiar to the Greek
colonists of Sicily or the south of Italy in its
growing state. For other attempts to identify
the aspalathus, see Salmasius, Syl. lot cap.
• On this suhfect Sir W. Hooker In a letter inttts:
" We must not go to Otmvot. aooparuti, allKit this mif
roeseSB the two needAil qualifications ; It Is pecnlUr to
the Canary Islands. Many plants with fngnai roots
are called rose-roots. Such is the Lignrnm aloe, the lign
aloes of Scripture ; and there Is the po&ap^fa of Dtfls-
corldes, which came from Hacedonla. A tete ln'V'4
friend of mine writes, ' This vas certainly Umuem^
Rhodiola rosea, flgnred as such bj Parkinsoa is bis
Hieatrum Botanicum, after Loliel. Soon after the di>
covery of the Canary Islands this name wss transfened
to Oonvol. Kopariui, and atterwarda to several AnKTicsn
plants. It is called In the Canary Islands Irote »A •
corruption of Lignum aioa, and, though now In little
reqiint, large quantities of it were formerly u|»ted,
and the plant nearly extirpated. The apothecaries sold
It both as Lignum Rhodium and as the atfoia'^** °'
DIcecorldes ; It soon, however, took the latter asBie,
which was handed over to a wood brought ftom ladis,
though the original plant was a tbomy shrub gr^iaft
on the shores of the MediterraQeao, probably Spartiam
mUotum, according to Sibthoipe (tior. Oroee. nL vli.
p.6»).'"
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A8PATHA
Inxir. ; Dr. Royl«, in passage referred to abore ;
Sprengel, Hist. Herb. i. pp. 45, 183: bnt in all
probability' tbe term has tteen applied to various
pilot*. Comparing the icconnts of Theophrastns
with the commentaries of Qerarde and others,
it seemi to tne that there are two plunts of the
familj Leguminosae which may answer to the
description, — Spartium junceum, L. Sp. 995, and
QUycotome tiltota, Vahl. Symb. ii. p. 80, more
probiblj the latter. Both these shrubs are
found in Sjria, the Lerant, and Southern Italj.
Thty maj possibly be the two species spoken of
byOeranle. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
ASPATHA (ttnBDK, of uncertain derivs-
tion, bot probably Persian [Bertheau-Ryssel and
Oettii in loco] ; tf so, contracted from tbe Pers.
ispadatba, given 6y tA« hone, i.e. by the god
Behnm in the form of a horse ; T.' ^aayi, tt*.
ttrfi ; E^iltatha), one of the ten sons of Haman
sliis by the Jews (Esth. ix. 7> [F.]
ASTUAB, THE POOL QJkkos 'Ao-^; A.
X. 'Air^i\ ; laciu Atphar), is the " wilderness of
Tbecoe." By this " pool " Jonathan and Simon
Usctsbaeos encamped at the beginning of their
straggle with Baccbidea (1 Mace ix. 33;
JoKph. Ant. ziiL 1, $ 2). It was apparently
«oe of the small reserroirs for collecting rain-
water still used by the Bedawin ; it has, how
erer, been suggested that the name may possibly
be a corruption of KijtKos 'Ac^aXTtnis ? Xeno-
phoa {Anah. ir. 2, § 22) uses the word XixKos
for tbe ezcarations aodergrouod in which he
itertd his wine. [G.] [W.]
ASPHA'BASUS ('Aff(pa(>d<roi ; afachp$a-
tcckor), one of those who returned from the
CaptiTity with Zerobabel (1 Esd. t. 8). [Mis-
KBETB.] [F.]
ASBITL {^"WH; B. 'EirpriiX, AF. -Xi
[Nom.], B. 'U(*t4?^' A. 'KpiiX [Josh.]; AtHd,
£ind). The son of Gilead, and great-grandson
of Manaaseh (Num. uri. 31 [LXX. «. 35];
Josh. xTii 2). He was the founder of the
tunily of the Asbieutes. The name is spelt
ilHUEi, in the A. V. of 1 Ch. rii. 14, but
Asriel in R. V. ; and the LXX. makes Asriel [B.
'Anpttik, A. 'Eo'pt^X] the son of Manasseh by
Us Syrian concobise. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ASBIE'LITEa THE Cj^lE^'"?; B- '
'tapaiKfi, A. 4; AtrielHae). Num. xxri. 31.
(AauEt.] [W. A.W.] [F.]
ASS. The five following Hebrew names of
tie genus Annus occur in the 0. T. : — C/utmdr,
'AOdn, •Atr, Pure, and 'ArAI. The last two
*pply to specie* of the wild ass.
1. Chamtr (^Dn>; tm, iwo(iyior, yoiihf
in 1 Sam. xvi. 20 • atituts, " ass," " he-ass ")
denotes the male domestic ass, though the word
wu no doubt o!<«d in a general sense to express
aay ass, whether male or female. The ass is
* "non ftom root lljn. "to be red," ftom tbe icd-
UieoVinirof the animal In sootbem countries. HV."
empire tbe Spanlsli eMm, tarrioo. In 3 Sam. xlx. 3T,
tte word is used as a feaiinlne. Tbe Arabic A ,— ^
iMiUr, ta identiciL "^
ASS
267
frequently mentioned in the Bible ; it was used
(i.) fbr carrying burdens (1 Sam. xxv. 18 ; Gen.
xUi. 26, iIt. 23 ; 2 Sam. xri. 1 ; 1 Ch. xii. 40 ;
Neh. xiii. 15; 1 Sam. xvi. 20) — (Ii.) for riding
(Gen. xiii. 3 ; Ex. ir. 20 ; Num. xxii 21 ; IK.
xiii. 23; Joah. xv. 18 ; Judg. i. 14, v. 10, x. 4,
xii. 14 ; 1 Sam. xxv. 20 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 23, xix.
26; Zech. ix. 9; Matt. xxi. 7)— (Hi.) for
ploughing (Is. XXX. 24, xxxii. 20; Dent. xiii.
lOX and perhaps for treading out com, though
there ia no clear scriptural allusion to the fact.
In Egypt asses were so employed (Wilkinson's
Anc. Egypt, i. 231 [1878]), and by the Jews,
according to Josephus (contr. Apion. ii. § ly—
(iv.) for grinding at the mill (Matt. XTiii. 6,
E. V. marg. Gr. a nattstone twrned by an ass}—
(t.) for carrying baggage in wars (2 K. riL
7, 10)— (tI.) for the procreation of mules (Gen.
xxxTi. 24; 1 K. ir. 28; Esth. Tiii. 10, &c.).
The origin of the domestic ass (Asitms migwris,
or A. asinus) is from the wild ass of N. E.
Africa, South Arabia, and Socotra, tbe true
Onager, which Pallas has unfortunately con-
founded with the wild aas or Ghorkhur of Cen-
tral Asia and Baluchistan. It is to Egypt we
must look for the reclamation of the ass, tbe
region where the particular species is still found
wild, and where also the linest and least altered
of the domestic races prevail. Tbe date of its
domestication is lost in antiquity. It is re-
peatedly mentioned in the Pentateuch before
the horse is noticed — as in the sacrifice of Abra-
ham ; in his visit to Egypt, where he received
presents from Abimelech ; and in the spoils of
Shechem, where, along with other cattle, the ass
occurs, but the horse is not mentioned. The
hone is supposed to have been introduced into
Egypt by the Hyksos. In Assyria it had been
reclaimed at the period of the oldest known
monuments. It is remarkable that, notwith-
standing the length of time that has elapsed
since the domestication of the ass, and entirely
changed, as it is, in its habits and disposition, ft
has altered less fW>m its pristine form and
colour, and is less liable to variation in these re-
spects, than any other domestic animal. It still
in all climates and under all circumstances
retains the general tone of colour which belongs
to the wild race, and from which it derives its
name, as well as the black line down tbe back,
and the transverse black stripe on the shoulders ;
and the diversities of colour are, for the most
part, merely different shades of the same primi-
tive hue.
It is almost needless to observe that tbe ass
in Eastern countries is n very different animal
from what he is in Western Europe ; there the
greatest care is taken of the animal, and much
attention is paid to cultivate the breed by cross-
ing tbe finest specimens ; the riding on the ass
therefore convep a very different notion from
the one which attaches to snch a mode of con-
veyance in our own country ; the most noble
and honourable amongst the Jews were wont to
be mounted on asses ; and in this manner our
Lord Himself made His triumphant entry into
Jerusalem (Matt. xxi. 5, 7). He came indeed
"meek and lowly," bnt it is a mistake to
suppose, as many do, that the fact of His riding
on the ass had, according to our English ideas,
aught to do with His meekness ; although there-
by, doubtless, He meant to show the peaceable
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268
ASS
nature of HU kingdom, as horses were used
only for war purposes.
In illustration of the passage in Judg. t. 10,
" Speak, ye that ride on white asses," it may be
mentioned that Buckingham (^I'rav. p. 389) tells
us that one of the peculiarities of Bagdad is its
race of white asses, which are saddled and
bridled for the conveyance of passengers ; that
they are large and spirited, and hare an easy
and steady pace. Bokhara is also celebrated
for its breed of white asses, which are some-
times more than thirteen hands high ; they
are imported into Peshawar, and fetch from 80
to 100 rupees each.
Id Syria, white asses, wluch I have seen of the
height of 13 hands, are highly prized, and choice
he-asses will fetch ordinarily £10 sterling, both
for riding and for mule-breeding. The Pasha of
Jerusalem always rides a white ass within the
city, on account of its surefootedness on the
steep and slippery streets, and only appears on
horseback when going outside the walls. It is
curious to see the Pasha on his ass, attended by
his body-goarJ comprising officers on horse-
back.
There are two distinct races of domestic asses
represented in ancient Egyptian paintings, and
the two may be seen side by side in any Syrian
town to-day^-one. very large, with remarkably
long ears, the other small and rather inferior to
ours in ^gland ; bearing the same relation to
the other as a pony does to a horse. The
smaller race only has been domesticated in
Northern Europe ; or if the larger, it has degene-
rated, the ass being less capable of resisting cold
than the horse. The ass of the large breed in
the East possesses riracity and humour, as well
as ingenuity, and can exhibit personal likes and
dislikes to members of the caravan. It can
accomplish with ease as long a day's journey
as a horse, and longer than a camel.
In Deut, xxii. 10, " plowing with an ox and
an ass together " was forbidden by the law of
Moses. Micbaslis (Com/neni. on the Laiti of
Motet, transl. vol. ii. 392) believes that this
prohibition is to be traced to the economic im-
portance of the 01 in the estimation of the
Jews ; that the coupling together therefore so
valued an animal as the ox with the inferior ass
was a dishonour to the former animal : others,
Le Clerc for instance, think that this law had
merely a symbolical meaning, and that by it
we are to understand improper alliances in civil
and religious life to be forbidden ; he compares
2 Cor. vi. 14, " Be ye not unequally yoked with
unbelievers." It is not at all improbable that
snch a lesson was intended to be conveyed ; but
we think that the main reason in the prohibi-
tion is a physical one, viz., that the ox and the
ass could not puU pleasantly together on ac-
count of the difierence in size and strength
(see Speaker'a Comm. in loco) ; perhaps also this
prohibition may have some reference to the law
given in Lev. xix. 19.
The expression used in Is. ixi. 24, "The
young asses that ear the ground," would be
more intelligible to modem understandings were
it translated the asses that till [so R. V.] the
ground ; the word ear from aro, " I till," " I
plough," being now obsolete (cp. 1 Sam. viii.
12, R. V. " plough ").
Although the Hesh of the wild ass was deemed
ASS
a luxury amongst the Persians and Tartars, yet
it does not appear that any of the nations of
Canaan used the ass for food. The Mosaic law
considered it unclean, as " not dividing the hoof
nor chewing the cud." In extreme cases, how-
ever, as in the great famine of Samaria, when
"an ass's head was sold for eighty pieces of
silver " (-J K. ri. 25), the flesh of the ass was
eaten. Some commentators on this pas^tage,
following the LXX., have understood a measure
(a cAomer of bread) by the Hebrew word.
Dr. Uarris.says, " No kind of extremity couU
compel the Jews to eat any part of this animal
for food ; " but it must be remembered that in
cases of extreme need parents ate their own
offspring (2 K. vi. 2d; Ezek. v. 10). This
argument therefore falls to the ground ; nor is
there sufficient reason for abandoning the common
acceptation of these passages (1 Sam. xvi. 20;
XXV. 18), and for understanding a iTieature and
not the animal. For an example to illnstrate
2 K. /. c. comp. Plutarch, Artax. i. 1023, "An
ass's head could hardly be bought for aixty
drachms."*
The Jews were accused of worshipping the
head of an ass. Josephus (con<r. Apian, ii. § 7)
very indignantly blames Apion for having the
impudence to pretend that the Jews placed an
ass's head of gold in their holy place, which the
grammarian asserted Antiochus Epiphanes dis-
covered when he spoiled the Temple. Plutvcb
{Sympos. iv. ch. 5) and Tacitus (JTirf. v. §§ 3
and 4) seemed to have believed in this slander
(see Bochart, Jfieroz. iii. 199 leq.). The same
charge was brought against Christians (see Ter-
tullian, Apolog. iv. xvi.; and Diet, of ChriA.
Antiq. s, n. " Asinarii ").
2. 'AtMn (l^n^'; * Sm, trot, tns »i|Xck,
flliloros, Syot 6ri\*ta yo/nis ; asina, asinua, " ass,"
" she-OSS "). There can be no doubt that this
name represents the common domestic she-ass,
nor do we think there are any grounds for
believing that the 'athdn indicates some parti-
cular valuable breed which judges and great
men only possessed, as Dr. Kitto (PAys. /fist.
Pal. p. 383) and Dr. Harris (Nat. Hist, of BiUf,
art. Ass) have supposed. 'Athdn in Gen. lii. Ii,
xlv. '23 is clearly contrasted with Cham6r.
Balaam rode on a she-ass (^athSn). The asses of
Kish which Saul sought were she-asses. The
Shunammite (2 K. iv. 22, 24) rode on one when
she went to seek Elisha. They were she-asses
which formed the especial care of one of David'*
officers (1 Ch. xxvii. 30). While, on the other
hand, Abraham (Gen. xxii. 3, &cX Acbsah
(Josh. XV. 18), Abigail (1 Sam. xxv. 20X the
disobedient prophet (1 K. xiii. 23) rode on •
chamor.
3. 'Air(yj}; w&^s, irfiAor vias, tns, fl»5»
[in Is. XXX. 241 ; pullus asinae, pullus onagri,
jumentum, pvil'is asini, "foal," "ass colt,**
" young ass," " colt "), the name of a young ass,
which occurs Gen. xlix. 11, xxxii. 15 ; Judg. x. 4,
xii. 14; Job xi. 12; Is. xxx. 6, 24; Zech. ix. 9.
In the passages of the Books of Judges and
>> The Tilmudlste ny that the flesb of the ■
avarice In those who eat It ; bat It cures tbe sTsridaas
of the complaint (Zool. ia Iblat. $ 16S).
• A word of uncertain derlrstlon, derived by Qt*.
tnm a root tised la Arabic, "to be slow," "to walk
with abott steps."
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ASS, WILD
Zechariah the 'air -is apoken of' as being old
tsougb for Tiding upon ; in la. xxz. 6, for car-
rrisg baidena, and in v. 24 for tilling the
groand: perhap* the word 'air is intended to
denote an ass rather older than the age we now
understand by the term foal or c~'t
Our Lord entered Jerasalem " riding npon an
ass, nea " (as it might be translated) " upon a
colt," as did the sons of Jair. The colt never
kiring before been ridden, was also symbolical :
a new time, a new prince, a new animal to ride
vpoD, which had not been under the yolce. The
mother is led with it, to quiet it for the service.
The saddle of the ass, so often mentioned in
Scripture, is a very elaborate structure, wholly
different &om that of the horse. Under it are
spread several folds of thick woollen staff. The
uddle itself is of great thickness, made of straw
stitched under carpet, Tery flat above, with a
high rounded pommel. Over it is spread a
saddle-cloth of Persian carpet or velvet, of the
brightest colours, ornamented with a fringe
hanging over the ass's tail. The stirrups are
imall and narrow. The bridle is ornamented
with tassels, embroidery, and cowries, and some-
times little bells are attached to the reins.
[W. H.] [H. B. T.]
ASS, WILD. Two words are used to represent
vild isies. 1. Pere (K^B ; ivos iypios, ivos iv
iypf, iraypof, 6ms ifTtfUnis, iypaims ivSpa-
ms ; /mtt Aomo, Vnlg. ; onager, " wild ass ").
The name of a species of wild ass mentioned
io Gen. xvi. 12 ; Ps. civ. 11 ; Job vi. 5, xi. 12,
iiiii. 5, xxiv. 5; Hos. viii. 9; Jer. ii. 24;
Is. xuii. 14. In Gen. rvi. 12, Pere Adim, a
" wild-ass man," is applied to Ishmael and his
descendants, a character that is well suited to
the Arabi at this day. Hosea (viii. 9) compares
Israel to a wild ass of the desert, and Job (xixix.
i) gives an animated description of this animal,
and one which is amply confirmed by both
aident and modem writers.
2. 'ArSd (T^iy,* omitted by the LXX. and
Vnlg., which Versions probably supposed 'arid
and fere to be synonymous ; " wild ass "). The
Hebrew word occurs only in Job xxxix. 5,
"Who hath sent out the pere free, or who hath
loosed the bands of the 'aridi" The Chaldee
plural 'arSdayah (SJl^) occurs in Dan. v. 21 :
Nebuchadnezzar's " dwelling was with the wild
asses." Bochart {Hierot. ii. 218), Rosenmiiller
(&h. in Y. T. I. c.X Lee (Comment, on Job, /. c),
and Gesenius {Thes. and MV." s. v.) suppose
'trU and pere to be identical in meaning ; the
last-named writer says that pere is the Hebrew,
aad 'arid the Aramaean ; but it seems more
prcbable th.it the two names stand for different
animals, two species of wild ass being found in
Bible lands.
It is only recently that the wild ass or
A. onager of Central Asia has been discriminated
from the wild ass of N.E. Africa, Asiniis vttlgarii
or asittus. The Russian naturalist. Pallas, the
Snt modem writer on the subject, identified the
two; and though both were most probably
known to the Jews, they did not distinguish
• yt^, ftom root TTD, '• lo flee," " to be untamed."
Budun tfaliika the word Is ononutopoetic
ASS, WILD
269
them. But they did distinguish the wild ass ot
Syria and North Arabia, known by naturalists
as Asintis hemippaa. This was probably pere,
the species most frequently mentioned ; while
'arid, the species of Babylonia, is naturally
mentioned as the animal with the herds of
which Nebuchadnezzar was driven out to con-
sort (see Speaker's Comm. on Dan. v. 21).
The late Mr. E. Blyth enumerates seven
species of the division Asinns. In all pro-
bability the species known to the ancient Jews
are Asinta /lemippia, which inhabits the deserts
SyiUn Wild Am (.Ifmitt hrmij.jmi).
Bpedmen 111 ZoologicAl G»id«t]j of Lundua.
of Syria, Mesopotamia, and the northern parts
of Arabia ; and Annus <mlgaris of N.E. Africa,
South Arabia, and Socotra, the tme onager or
aboriginal wild ass, whence the domesticated
breed is sprung; probably also the Asi'nus
onager, the Koulan or Ghorkhur, which is found
in Western Asia from 48° N. latitude southward
to Persia, Beluchistan, and Western India, was
not unknown to the ancient Hebrews, though in
all probability they confounded these species.
The Asinus hemionut, or Dziggetai, which was
4„i*Jfi»**''-*-
BpcdBMi In Zootosksl Qwdeiu ot l.ondon.
separated from Asi'ntu htmippua (with which it
had long been confounded) by Is. St. Hilaire,
could hardly have been known to the Jews,
as this animal, which is perhaps only a variety
of Asima onager, inhabits Tibet, Mongolia, and
Southern Siberia, countries with which the Jews
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270
ASSABIAS
wen not familiar. We may therefore safely
conclude that the 'athSn and pert of the aacred
flborfchnr or Konlui {Atimmt tmaffm}^
Spadaun la Britiih XoMam.
irritings stand for the different apecies now dis-
criminated nnder the names of Asmus henupput,
the Assyrian wild ass, ^stnus mUgarit, the true
onager — and perhaps Atima onager, the Koalan
or OhorkhuT of Persia and Western India.
AS8ABEM0TH
The following quotation from Mr. Bljtli'i
valuable paper is given as illustrative o( th<
■criptnral allusions to wild asset:— "To tiu
west of the range of the Ghor-khur lies that of
Aeinus hemipput, or true Uemionoi of ancient
writers — the p.irticular species apostrophiied is
the Book of Job, and again that noticed by
Xenophon. There is a recent account of it by
Mr. Layard in Xineveh and ite Remaita (p. 334),
Returning from the Sinher, he was ridinf
through the desert to Tel Afer, and that be
mistook a troop of them for a body of hone
with the Bedouin riders concealed ! " "The
reader will remember," he adds, " that Xenophos
mentions these beautiful animals, which he must
have seen during his march over these very
plains . . . 'The country,' he says, ' was a pliii
throughout, as even as the sea, and foil of
wormwood ; if any other kind of shrubs or reeds
grew there, they had all an aromatic smell, bat
no trees appeared , . . The assea, when they wen
pursued, having zained ground on the aories,
stood still (for tney exceeded them much it
speed); and when these came np with them,
they did the same thing again . . . The flesh ot
WUd An pnzsoad
(Uiud.)
those that were taken was like that of a red
deer, but more tender' (^Atmb. i. § 5). 'In
fleetness,' continues Mr. Layard, ' they equal the
gazelle, and to overtake them is a feat which
only one or two of the most celebrated mares
have been known to accomplish.'" (AimaU
and Mag. of Nat. Bist. vol. vi Mo. 34, p. 243.)
We find on the bas-reliefs of Assyrian monnmnts
frequent representations of the chase of theirild
ass. He is pursued by the king on horseback,
armed with bow and arrows. In one bas-relief
the animal is represented as having been caught
by a kind of lasso, with which the huntsinea
lead it away (Uyard). [W. H.J [H. B. T.]
wad ±m taken irtUi a rope. (LararcL)
A8SA.'BIAS (SaBtas; Saaabias), 1 Esd. i.
9. [Hashabuh.j
ASSAL'IMOTH (B. 2a\ct/ii£«, A. 'AairaXi-
iui9 ; Salimoth [Vnlg. v. 39]), 1 Esd. viii. 38.
[SllELOiHTH.] One of those who went up from
Babylon. [W. A. W.]
ASSA'NIAS (B. 'Affaofdas, A. 'A<ra-; Ai-
saniuu), 1 Esd. viii. 54. [Hashabiah.] One of
those entrusted with the holy rebels, ic, on
the retnm to Jerusalem. [W. A W.3
ASSABEIIOTH. Cp. D. B. Amer. ed. In
1 Mace. ir. 15, the E. V. places this word in th>
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ASSHUE
narg. astlie Greek equivalent of the Gnzera in
the text. According to Grimm (^Kgf. exeg.
Hdtmch. » den Apokryphen d. A. T., note on /, c.)
'kfirafi\iiiiB a the reading of the Complut. and
Aldine ieita, supported by live minor codicea ;
the reading of the Alexandrine text is Vatnip^v
(T.' TantfA) [Oazeba]. The form ' ti.<r<rapnyii>9
(Iff, T.' *A»«-, H* 2«u>-) also occurs in Jer.
iiinil. 40 (LXX. ; Heb. xzxL 40) as the repro-
duction of niO'lB'n (Kethib), the A. V. and
R. V. adopting with manj commentators the
Kerl, niOT^'ri (" the fields "), from the similar
{Kssage (2 K. zxiii. 4 ; B. Sa\i)/u(9, A. 2aSi)/ui9).
In the Speaitr't Comm. (note on Jer. ixxi. 40)
the more difficult reading is preferred, and Graf's
rendering, "the quarries," advocated. [F.]
ASSHUB. [ASTBIA.]
ASSH'DRIM (DTI^ ; A. 'Airovpl/JL, D. "Air-
foiful^ E. -ptiiK ; Aamrim). A tribe descended
from Dedan, the grandson of Abraham (Gen.
irr.SX which has not been identified (Delitzsch,
Gaais in loco [1887]). Knobel's view that
tiitj were the Aashor of £zek. xirii. 23 is now
giTennpu [W, A. W.] [F.]
ASSIDE'AKS QkcOatoi; Auidaei: i.e.
Qn*pn, the pious, " puritans ; " ol tiiatfius, ol
Inu), the name assumed by a section of the
orthodox Jews (1 Mace ii. 42 ; Cod. A, ffmceywyii
'Antaiao', Vnlg. "Synagoga Asideornm," alii
levtoim' probably by correction ; 1 Mace vii.
13; 2 Mace xir. 6), as distinguished from "the
impious "(ol iur*$tit, 1 Mace. iii. 8; vi. 21;
Tii S, ftc.), " the lawless " (ol iyo/iot, 1 Mace. iii.
6 ; ii. 23, &C.), " the transgressors " (ol Moe^
nim, I Mace. i. 11, be), that is, the Bellenizing
faction.
[Their rise as a party may be assigned to the
days of Simon the Just (circ. 200 B.C.), when
the Jewish nation bad begun to realise the
comiptions as well as the fiiscinations of Greek
culture. Jewish tradition ascribed their origin
to a Toluntarily exaggerated exercise of the
Nazarite row (Toaepfata Nedarim, C<1*Dn
nnnn D'anino vn nyiBwnn), in which
case it is probable that the first Asaideans com-
hined merely to protest against the intemperate
lives of the Greeks and their imitators (GrKtz,
Oetck. d. Jmd, ii. 6, 240). They became re-
cognised as the sternest upholders of Judaism,
and the most uncompromising opposers of the
Hellenidng fisction. The party is a true fore-
rnaner of the Pharisees, who emerge from the
Maccabean epoch in which the Assideans become
lott to riew. (Cp. Schiirer, Geich. d. Jud.
yoOtt, L 157, n. 41.)— H. E. K.]
They were probably bound by some peculiar
vow to the external observance of the Law
(1 Hacc. ii. 42, tKoiMni((irecu rf r6ii^). They
were among the first to join Mattathias, and
it was probably a body of the Assideans whose
£uiatical reverence for the Sabbath led to such
disastrous results (1 Mace. ii. 32-38 ; 1 Mace.
I- c.); and seem afterwards to have been merged
in tiie general body of the faithful (2 Mace. xiv.
6, ci \tyiinpot tS>¥ 'lovSoim' 'Affitcuai, fy
i^vytrriu 'louSu i KcucKaBatos . . ■)■ When
Bacchides came aeainst Jerusalem, they tised
•heir influence (1 Wacc. vii. 13, wpwrot oi 'AcriJ.
inr tr matt 'Itrpd^) to conclude a peace, be-
ASSOS
271
cause " a priest of the seed of Aaron " (Alcimus)
was with him, and sixty of them fell by his
treachery [AlcimcsI. The name Chasidim occurs
frequently in the Psalms (e.g. Ps. Ixxii. 2 =
1 Mace vii. 17 ; cxxzii. 9, &c.), and the words
"His praise in the congregation of saints,"
Ps. cxiix. 1 (Dn'Dn Snpa \rhnr\), has been
supposed by some to be a reference to the
Assidean party ; and it has been adopted in
recent times by a sect of Polish Jews, who take
as the basis of their mystical system the doc-
trines of the Cabbalistic book Zohar (Beer in
Ersch und Gruber, £ncykl. s. v. Chassidaer).
[B. F. W.]
AB'SIR (ymy. l. son of Korah (Ex. vi. 24,
B. 'Aaelf, A. 'Atrhp, Aaer; 1 Ch. ri. 22, Heb.
V. 7, B. 'Aftati, A. 'Aatlf, Asir). 2. Son of
Ebiasaph, and a forefather of Samuel (1 Ch. vi.
23, Heb. e. 8, B. "A<r«/«^ A. 'Anlp; v. 37, Heb.
V. 22, 'Avtlf, Aair). 8. Son of Jeconiah (1 Ch.
iii. 17, 'A<rlp, Aair), unless IBK njM» (ed.
Baer) be translated " Jeconiah the captive "
(Bertheau, and Oettli in Strack u. Ziickler's Kg/.
Konm. in loco). The accents and the best
codices (see Baer in loco) favour the view that
Jeconiah-Assir is the name of but one man,
and the Midrash and Talmud explain the cog-
nomen as given to Jeconiah because a son was
bom to him in exile ; but the absence of the
art. before *1DK is an objection to this inter-
pretation, and Keil (in loco) may be right in
treating ^ssi'r as the name of Jeconiah's son.
[G.] [P.]
aS'SOS or AS'SUS C^a-aos [called also
ApoUonia, Plin. v. 32]), a town and seaport
of the Roman province of Asia, in the district
anciently called Mysia. It was situated on
the northern shore of the gulf of Adrautt-
TIUH, and was only about seven miles from the
opposite coast of Lesbos, near Methymna (Strab.
xiii. p. 618). A good Roman road, connecting
the towns of the central parts of the province
with Alexandria Troas [Troas], passed through
Assos, the distance between the two latter
places being about twenty miles (ftin. Anton.).
These geographical points illustrate St. Paul'a
rapid passage through the town, as mentioned
In Acts XI. 13, 14. The ship in which he was
to accomplish his voyage from Troas to Caesarea
went round Cape Lectum, while he took the
much shorter journey by land. Thus he was
able to join the ship without difficulty, and in
suificient time for her to anchor off Mitylene at
the close of the day on which Troas had been left.
The chief characteristic of Assos was that it
was singularly Greek. Fellows found there " no
trace of the Romans." Leake says that "the
whole gives perhaps the moat perfect idea of
a Greek city that anywhere exists." The re-
mains are numerous and remarkably well pre-
served, partly because many of the buildings
were of granite. The citadel, above the theatre,
commands a glorious view, and must itself have
been a noble object from the sea. The Street of
Tombs, leading to the Great Gate, is one of the
most remarkable features of Assos. Illustra-
tions of the ancient city will be found in Texier,
Clarac, Fellows, and Choisenl-Gouffier. It is
now ntterly desolate. On the site of the town
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272
ASSUERU8
standi DOT a small village called Bairam Kalesai.
Tn-o monographs on the subject are mentioned
by Winer: Quaadt, De Aason. Reglom. 1710;
Amnell, De 'A(r<rv, Upsal. 1758. See Diet, of 0.
and R. Geog. art. Assus ; Conybeare and Uowson's
Life and Epiatki of St. Paul, ii. 215 [4th ed.];
J. F. Clarke, Report of Excxvatiuns at Ateot (36
plates), Boston, U.S., 1882; J. R. S. Sterrett,
Inscriptions of Assoa, in vol. i. pp. 1-90, of
Papers of American School of Classical Studies
at Athens.
It is now a matter of curiosity to refer to the
interpretation which used to be given to the
ASSYBIA
words iiraov raf>tK4yorro, in Acts ixvii. 13.
In the Vulgate they were rendered "cum
Bustulissent de Asson," and tUey were supposed
by Erasmus, Luther, and the English Vtniou
(except the Genevan) up to 1611, to point tot
city of this name in Crete. Such i pls« ii
actually inserted by Padre Creorgi, in the map
which accompanies his Paulas Saufragus (Venet.
1730, p. 181); but the Asus (so spelt) of Crete
was a long way inland (see Speaker's Comm, and
Zdckler's 'Sgf. Komm. on Acts xivii. 13). The
true sense of the passage was 6rst giren br
Beza. [J. S. H.] [K.]'
Tha AcropoUi.
ASSUE'BUS (B. •A(rit,pos, A. Amjpoj),
Tob. liv. 15. [Ahasiterus.] The name given
in the Qk. and E. Versions to the colleague of
Nebuchadnezzar in the conquest of Nineveh.
The Itala and K (for the variations in the MS.
see Swete's ed. of LXX.) have "Achicharus
king of the Medes." This may be a variant
form of Cyaiares, by which name Nebuchad-
nezzar's ally is better knotrn. Assuerus, in its
turn, may be a corruption of Ahasuerus, a name
identical with Cyaxares, or it may be an error
of the scribe (see Speaker's Comm. in loco). [F.]
AS'SUB (lltrK ; 'Aireroip ; Assur). 1. (Ezra
iv. 2 ; Ps. Iixxiii. 8 ; 2 Esd. ii. 8 ; Jud. ii. 14,
v. 1, vi. 1, 17, vii. 20, 24, liii. 15, xiv. 3, xv. 6,
xvi. 4.) fASBilUR; ASSTEIA.] a. (B. 'Ao-ovp ;
Aziu), 1 Esd. V. 31. [HaKhur.] [\V. A. W.]
ASSY'EIA, ASSH'CR ("HC'J?; 'Airaoip,
Jos. 'Affavpla; Assyrian: Auiar, Aiur, Aisur),
a great and powerful country to the north of
Babylonia, whose capital was, in Inter times,
Nineveh ; but during the early period, AMur
(Kileh-Shergat), a city about 50 miles south
of Mosul. It is probably from this city that
the country took its name ; and as the Assyrians
often call their land " the land of the god
Assur," it is likely that this name comet (rem
that of Assur, the deified son of Shem {Gbi. i.
22 ; 1 Oh. i. 17), the chief seat of whose worship
the city Assur probsbly was. The now received
rendering of the earliest form Auiar, which w»»
borrowed from Akkadian, is " waterland," or
" meadow," and it is probable therefore that the
name of the god and that of the country were it
first quite distinct, but were afterwards attimi-
lated on account of their likeness in sound.
The city Assur is never mentioned in the Old
Testament.
1. Country. — Assyria w.is a rather narrow
strip of country immediately to the north of
Babylonia, which country formed its southern
boundary, beginning between 34 and 35 decrees
of north latitude, and stretching upwards in t
north-westerly direction to between 37 snd 38
degrees ; following, roughly speaking, the courses
of the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, which latter
probably formed its western boundary. The
north of Assyria was mountainous, bnt the
greater part was flat, being an extension of the
Babyloni;in plains. It was bounded on the
north by Armenia ( Ur(u or Urartu = Arant),
on the 'south by Babylonia {Akhid, BSa4s
Kar-Duniai), and on the e.ist by Media (ms'
Madia). The western boundary was probably the
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ASSYRIA
Euphrates, but the Assyrian svay probabij ex-
ttoded as far as the kingdom of which Til-
Barsip (Bir or Birajik) was the capital, and
which seems to have been regarded as a part
of the district called Haiti (identified with
Hit).
Assjriais first mentioned in the Bible (Gen. ii.
14) as the country towards the east (Revised
Venion), in front of which the Hiddekel
(Tigris) flows, and farther on aa the land into
which Nimrod went forth (so the marginal
resdiag of Gen. x. 11 and the Revised Version
—the alternative reading being, "out of toat
land [Shinar] went forth Assur ")• The phrase
" as thou goest towards Assyria," which occurs
io Gen. xiv. 18, apparently refers to the path-
way between Egypt and that country. Assyria
ii mentioned also in 2,K. xv. 19, 20, where " Pul
the king of Assyria " is spoken of as having been
booght off by Menahem ; and in v. 29, where
the invasion of " Tiglath-pileser king of Assyria "
is recorded. Afterwards Ahaz sought the nl-
liance of the Assyrian king (2 K. xvi. 7-18),
who, complying with his request, came and ca]>-
tored Damascus ; and the next chapter records
how Hoshea became the servant of Shalmaneser
kisg of Assyria, and afterwards conspired against
ASSTBIA
273
I him, with the result that Shalmaneser invaded
the country, took Samaria, and carried Israel
away captive (vv. 3-6 ; see also m. 23, 24, and
ch. xviii. 9-12). The next reference to Assyria
is in connexion with the famous siege of Jeru-
salem by Sennacherib (2 K. xviii. 13-27, xix.
1-37 i 2 Ch. ixxii. 1-22 ; Is, xxxvi. 1-xxxvii.
38). See the historical section below. In
Is. vii. 18, "the bee that is in the land of
Assyria" is mentioned, and in v. 20 the king
of Assyria is compared to a " hired razor "
in the bands of the Lord (these passages pro-
bably refer to the stinging and cutting [chas-
tising'] disposition of these scourges of the ancient
Eastern world; see Is. xxx. 31); in xi. 11-16,
the delivery of a remnant of Israel from As-
syria is spoken of; again, in xix. 23-25, a
holy covenant between Egypt, Israel, and Assyria
is mentioned; in xxvii. 13, the coming forth
of " those which were ready to perish in As-
syria " is referred to ; and the destruction of
Assyria is foretold in iix. 31 and xxxi. 8. In
Jer. ii. 18, the prophet asks, " What hast thou
to do in the way of Assyria, to drink the waters
of the river ? " probably referring to joining in
the ceremonies, in some of which drinking the
water of a river formed a part. Compare r. 36,
Ai'ur-i.ii'<li-<\|>]i or AUur-DHs r-frtd liUuttDg Liuus. i'lxta Nimruud. (l^yord.)
" Thy gaddest thou about so much ? . . . Thou
saalt be ashamed of Egypt, as thou wast ashamed
of Assyria." The reception of Assyrian poly-
theism by Samaria (= Israel) and .ludah is
denounced by Ezekiel (ch. xxiii., R. V.) under the
limile of the whoroloms of Obolah and Oholi-
Uh. Assyria is likened to a cedar in Lebanon
(Eiek. xxxi. 3-17), an! his pride and fall are
also spoken of. The going (of Ephraim) to
■^ssTria is mentioned in Hos, vii. 11, viii. 9, and
the Israelites are to eat unclean things there
(ix. 3). As an empty vine, Israel is to be carried
to Assyria as a present to king Jareb, x. 6 (see
p. 286, n. 1.) ; she was to tremble as a dove out
of Assyria, xi. 11 (Assyria was probably cele-
brated for its doves, which are < ften men-
tioned on the tablets). "The waf'ing of the
land of Assyria" is spoken of by Micah, v. 6
(the "land of Nimrod." mentioneil immediately
after, is Babylonia). The destruction of Assyria
is again referred to in Zeph. ii. 13 ; in Zech. x.
10 the gathering of the chosen people from
Assyria is foretold ; and the country is again
mentioned in Mic. vii. 12 and Zech. x. 11.
The principal rivers were the Tigris (Akka-
dian, Idigna; Assyrian, Idiijlat; Heb,, Hidde-
l<<."that is eastward of Assyria," Gen, ii, 14),
MBLE WCr. — VOL, 1.
and the Euphrates (Akkadian, Puranunu ; As-
syrian, Purattu; Heb., Frath, Gen. ii. 14),
with their tributaries, of which may be men-
tioned the Upper and Lower Zab, and the Choscr,
which, coming from the Gebcl-el-Maklub, flowed
through Nineveh into the Tigris.
2. Climate, 4'C. — The climate is that of a high-
lying land, being cool ; and consequently, having
a plentiful supply of water for irrigation, a
thriving vegetation flourished. All kinds of
grain, hemp, and cotton grew there, as well as
mulberry-trees, melons, apples, walnut- and
almond-trees, pomegranates, fig.% olives, and
dates. There were excellent pasture-lands, and
honey was very plentiful. The mention of wine,
called by the Akkadians "the drink of life,"
I testifies to the cultivation of the vine.
I The animals which abounded in ancient times
were stags, roebucks, wild goats, wild asses, and
large-homed wild oxen. Lions (the short-maned
variety) were also very plentiful, and often
afforded sport for the Assyrian kings. The
preceding cut of a lion hunt by the king is
describe*! by Ijiyard as one of the finest speci-
mens hitherto discovered of Assyrian sculpture.
The Assyrians possessed also excellent breeds of
horse«, brought probably from Capjiadocia.
T
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274
ASSYRIA
3. C/ife/ Cities. — ^Assyria, on account of its
(ruitfulness, Us temperHte climate, and tlie ener-
getic nature of the people, soon became s
very powerful and prosperous country. Cities,
towns, and villages sprang up everywhere. The
chief city in later times was the renowned
Nineveh, now represented by the mound of
Kouyunjik, beside the Tigris. Close to Nineveh
lay the city Calah {Kalhu), now Nimroud, where
many early kings held court. About 50 miles
south lay Assur, now represented by the mound
Kileh-Shergat. Sargon of Assyria built a
splendid palace at a town seemingly founded by
himself, which he called DQr-Sargina, " Sargon's
town," now Khorsabad. Among the other chief
cities of Assyria may bo mentioned Arba'-it or
Irba'-U (Arbels), tluUlate ("the city of
palaces"), Imgur-Bll (Balaw.it), and KalzxL,
where Sennacherib had a palace.
4. People. — Judging from the records which
have come down to us, we may infer that Assyi'ia
was originally a Babylonian colony, whose first
settlement was probably the city of Assur, which
afterwards became the capital of the country.
The Assyrians therefore, speaking, as they did,
the same language as the Babylonians, must
have been of
the same race,
being the re-
sult of inter-
marriage be-
tween Semitic
Babylonians
and non-Semi-
tic Akkadians
and other
tribes dwell-
ing in Meso-
potamia. The
Assyrians, like
the Babylo-
nians, were a
powerfully-
built race,
thick-set, and
m a s c tt 1 a r.
Their faces
were rather
round, the eyes
full, with the
eyebrows meeting over the nose. The mouth
was rather small, the nose short, curved down-
wards at the tip, and provided with large
nostrils. The hair and beard were very dark.
The preceding cut shows well the type of face.
In disposition, judging from the general type of
AjiTTten gmom. timo of Sargon.
From Khonabad. (Layard.)
ASSYBIA
the people, from the royal portraits, and from
the correspondence between the king and his
subjects which has been found, they were mild
and good-humoared, but cruel and relrntiess in
war. They were very fond of pomp and show, but
seem to have far surpassed the peoples arannd
them in intelligence and energy. They were ia
every respect as learned as the Babylonisns from
whom they had sprung, and also quite as soper-
stitioui.
5. Religion. — The religion of the .Vssvrisns tras
the same as that of their Babylonian anceston.
The chief divinities were Assnr (probably the
deified fonnder of the nation, cp. Gen. z. 22), the
Tmprearion from a <7lIndflr.6«aL Deity an<l wlnped bulls.
Tljia ihowfl tho Ajwjrlaa type of faco witL (.Teat ciactness.)
EluUcni of AMur. lAAor Lajunl.)
national god, who was probably another form
of Bel (see above upon the name of the city and
country of Assur or Assyria) ; B£ltn or Ileitis,
wife of Assur or Bel ; Merodach (see Jer. 1. 2),
the god who went about doing good to man-
kind, and Zir-panitum his consort ; u* (Uea)
or Oannes, gCKl of the sea, rivers, &c., «nd
of deep wisdom, and Dam-kina or Dauke his
consort ; Naba or Kebo (see Is. ilvi. 1), the god
of learning and literature, and TaimCtu hb con-
sort ; Nergnl, god of war, and his consort Lu ;
Anu, god of the heavens, and his consort Anatii,
also called Lahmu and Lahnma (compared, by
change of A into A, with the DakhS and Dakhos
of Daroascius) ; §amai, the sun-god, and his con-
sort, the moon-goddess Aa ; Sin, the moon-god,
also called Nannaru (Knnaros), the "lightgiver;"
Istar of Arbcla, goddess of war, and Istar of
Nineveh, goddess of love; Ramminn or kiii
(Rimmon or Hadad, see 2 K. v. 18), "tie
Thunderer," god of the atmosphere, the winds
storms, &c. ; Gula, " the great one," goddeis
of healing ; Ninip, " lord of arms," also calW
U m8 ; Zagaga, " lord of the sanctuary ; " En-
nu-gi, "lord of brook and watercourse ;" Bilgi
or Gibil, the fire-god ; Dumu-zi, Tammui or
Adonis, consort of Istar, worshipped by the
Assyrians and Babylonians, and also by the
Hebrew women, with lamentations (Ezek. riii.
1 5) ; besides many others, whose names and by-
names arc too numerous to mention.
The religious system of the -Assyrians, which,
like the Babylonian, was of Akkadian origin,
W.-IS essentially astral, the determinative prthi
for divinity being an eight-rayed star q(^
(corrupted to »^ in late Assyrian and Baby-
lonian texts). As this character was, after a
time, always used to indicate a divinity, the
group which stood for constellation (three $t»ri
clustered together) came to be used to desipiste
the heavenly bodie.s. These were distinguished by
the following names : — Aku (compare Ari-<tt*=
Arioch, Gen. xiv. l)=Sin, the moon-god; Bil^
= Samai (Heb. Shemesh), the sun-god ; DaflM
• Better, perhaps, Ae, as manf tesis glre.
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ASSYRIA
sDm-nj-ea, identified with Mercury ; 81b or
Slhia^ = DSbat, Dclephat or Istar (Venus) ;
L^^hixst-tag-ui, the planet Saturn ; Biljm
Will (fton a lUtiia In tlM BritUh Uofenm.)
= iMbat-gvda or Muitix-iulim (also MuHarilu,
Arab. Hustari), Jupiter ; and Simutu = Musta-
<>arri-auitanu, " the foreboder of deaths," pro-
ttui-k-m* of Ihu ]irincl|«il tiwili. (levant.)
fcablf the planet Mara (Nergal ; see 2 K. ivii.
•V]). The beginnings of the gods, according to
Babylonian cosmogony, are poetically told in the
&rst tablet of the Creation story :
ASSYEIA 275
When on high the heiTens procUlmed no^
Beneath the earth recorded nut a name.
The prlm.t*VAl abyss begot them,
Mammu-Tiamat was she who bare tbem ;
Their waters at once burst forth, and
Harvest was not gathered, the plain was unsought;
When none of the gods shone forth,
A name was not recorded, a symbol was not [raised ?],
The [great) gods were made :
Labmn and T^bamn shone forth [alone ?J,
Until [the gods] grew up.
hut and Kisar wet« made
The days grew long
Ann
5ar and [Klaar]
Lahmu and Lahamu (= Anu and his consort
Anatu) were therefore the first of the gods, and
it is probably for this reason that he was desig-
nated by the number 1.* In like manner some of
the other gods were distinguished by numbers,
Ninip's number being 50 ; the goddeas Istar's,
15 ; Nergal's, 10; Nebo's, 1.0. Merodach's num-
ber is unknown ; but that of the god Sin seems
to have been 30, from the thirty days of the
month, and that of the Sun-god 20. It is note*
worthy that in the abore list of gods identified
with the planets, the order is the same as that
of the days of the week, except that the Moon-
god Sin precedes the Sun-god §amai.
There was also a number of minor deities,
among which may be mentioned the fourteen
sons of Mah, " the supreme oije ;" the four porters
of Mah ; the two porters of E-sagila (the temple
of Bel at Babylon) ; Ukknmu, Akkulu, Ikinda,
and lltebu, the four dogs of Merodach ; Oumuzi-
abzu (" Tammuz of the Abyss "), Kigula, Nira,
Bara, Baragula, and Bnr-nun-ta-sj, the six sons
of Ea or Ac (Oanaes) ; together with others,
by-names or mnnifestntions of the other deities.
Thus other names of Ninip are Suhkut (Siccuth,
if we may take the marginal reading of Amos r.
26) and Kaauianu (Chiun, Amos r. 26).
Besides these divinities, to whom the Assyrians
mostly attribated a beneficent power, they be-
lieved in a large number of evil spirits, who were
only mentioned — and then not by name — to
Vrtholoffk&l repraMntatloD, prulialily tyiilfyini; protbcliou from
ao ovll spirit (Tjt>-Hnl.)
Time of AHar4i«i)t«pIi or Ailar4wilinl.
b« exorcised. Thus we read of the evil utukka,
the evil diu, the evil edimmu, the evil demon
» The single wedge, standing for 1, is also read '
being the ** sexagesimal unit."
T 2
60,"
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ASSYBIA
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(gallu), the evil god, the evil iocabus, the has,
the labasu, the seizer, the lUu and the lilitu (evil
spirits of the abyss, of which the feminine, lilitu,
occurs in Hebrew under the form of lilit/i, which
is translated " screech-owl " in the Authorized
Version, and "night-monster" in the Revised. See
Is. xxiiv. 14). According to the Rabbins, the
lilith was a spectre in the form of a beautiful
woman, which lay in wait for children by
night. Besides these there were the servants
of the liia and a whole row of spirits of evil,
who were believed to bring on sickness, mis-
fortune, and all the ills thxt flesh is heir to.
Against these, incantations of various kinds were
used, the favourite formulae being those in which
Merodach, the god who went about doing good
to mankind, was invoked. Merodach was sup-
posed to inquire of his father La or A6 (Oanneti),
the " lord of deep wisdom," dwelling in the
abyss, who seems never to have failed to inform
his son how the suppliant might be cured or
relieved.
The religions duties of the Assyrians consisted
of sacrifices, libations, prayers, and psalms. The
ceremonies were of varying forms. In some,
» kind of visitation was made to the shrine of
Wiuged Sgorc with offeiiiis«- (Laym.d.)
Time cf Ajlai<4iafiT4pU.
«ach god, and a verse was s.iid or chanted before
the image of each, with bowings and other tokens
of adoration. Each day of the month was the
festival of, or sacred to, one or more deities : the
first day, for example, was sacred to Anu and
Bel, the second to Istar, the third to Merodach
and Zir-pan!tnm, the fourth to Nebo (and Me-
rodach), the fifth to "the lord of the temple
and the lady of the temple," &c. Every seventh
day of each month, together with the nineteenth
day, was a kind of Sabbath, on which "the
prince of the great nations " was not to eat 6«h
cooked by tire, was not to change his dress, vu
not to put on white, was not to make sscrilice-,
the king was not to ride in his chariot, and was
not to talk " victoriously ; " the seer was not to
try to 5nd out secret places, the physician ks5
not to attend to the sick, and the day was not a
suitable one to make an incantation, h the
night, however, the king was to make ofier-
ings to Merodach and Istar, or Xinip or Gula.
&c., as the case might be, to sacrifice a victim,
and to raise his hands lo the god in prar«r.
Sometimes, it would seem, the image, or the
shrine of the god, was sprinkled with the water
of the river (Tigris or Euphrates), which was
probably consecrated for this purpose. Each
d.ny had iti; religious duties.
A very favourite deity seems to have been
Istar of Arbela, goddess of war, whose oracle in
that city was in great repute. It is probabl*
that other <leities had oracles as well, but fev
or none of their enunciations have come ioica
to us.
6. Writing. — The wedge - writing in nse
amongst the Assyrians was inherited by them
from their Babylonian forefathers, and hid
already, at the earliest period of real Assyrian
history, taken the form of groups of velgti,
several of which form a single character. The
early writing is rather complex, and difllw
only slightly from the Babylonian of the same
period. Gradually, however, it became mack
simpler, and about the time of Tiglath-pileser I.
(1120 B.C.) reached (with but few exceptions)
the simple form which it retained to the last
Assyrian handwriting is remarkable for iu
clearness and the care which has evidently been
bestowed upon it by the Assyrian scribes. .\
great advantage, aUo, to the modern student,
lies in the fact that the tablets bearing thr
recoi-ds are always kiln-burut, and not, a>
in Babylonia, merely sun-dried, Dnrin; the
time of Sargon, the Assyrian conquests in
Babylonia— always a land of romance to the
learned Assyrian — caused the introduction of
certain Babylonian forms into the Assyrian
sign-list, but these were kept mostly for llie
lapidary style. Like the Babylonians, thf
Assyrians sometimes used the .-irchaic style of
writing in late times, jnst as we sometimes use
the old black letter.
The characters were originally hieroglyphs:
^y. for ^ (the fingers of the hand), stand-
ing for "hand" (kdtu); {J, for O (the sun's
disc, the intermediate form of which was 0\
for " sun " {iamiu), " day " (Amu), '• to be
bright" (elelu), &c.; |^, for -^ (a star),
standing for "god" (Uu), "heaven" Qame),
&c.; fe^, for 1=^ (= Zl, a foot), for "to
go " {dldiu), " to fix " (U. " to set down the
foot," tdnu), &c., with many others of which
the hieroglyphic form can be traced. As n-
marked above, the latest inscriptions tho*
the simplest forms, the examples here given
being written ^, ^f. H^, and Rq.
Besides the pronunciation of these characters
given above (the ideographic value or mrtinwj),
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ASSYBIA
«adi ciaracter hai one or more syllabic values,
lurrowed from Akkadian or Asayriin, as the
«•« might be. Thoj ^£| was pronoanced »a
(Aikidian), and kat (Assyrian) ; ^Y was
tiroaounced ut, tit, tarn, par, pir, lalf, and Aw
(ipparently all from Akkadian) ; »^ was pro-
loimced m (Akkadian), and it (Assyrian), and
}?ij was pronoanced da, gin, and gvA (Ak-
kidian values). These values go to form new
WTds in Assyrian ; and despite their polyphony,
titre is seldom any doubt upon that score as
to hoir a word is' to be read. The system
of writing in Assyrian was threefold — it might
be wliolly ideographic, as ^ nlf- ^ J;df,
Ut m Samai uidn, "the hand of the sun-
goi will esUbliah," where each character
slamls for a word; partly ideographic, as
Ml *^M\ JS^ »f-. *a< U'-Sf uka-an
(for uian. the final ait being the " phonetic com-
pleneot "X " the hand of his god will establUh,"
wierethe first, second, and fourth characters are
Meojnphic and the others syllabic ; ' or wholly
'jMic, as Tf v^Y<5SftT4 W >TX4.
•*! nn<A*i lu-amt {ana miikhi lumtit'), "may
1 die for (it)." ' As a rule, the omens, medica'l
teits, and a few others, are written ideographi-
ally, or mostly so ; whilst the historical texts,
Jrtlera, interlinear translations, legends, &c.,
we almost entirely syllabically written. The
Aajrians used the 'Babylonian character as
well as the Assyrian, and of this the last
t*rase given above is an example. The As-
irrian forms of the same characters would be
The study of the Assyrian language and
(yllabary is much lightened by the many
Ulingoal lists and syllabaries, the latter class of
taWeU being, in fact, the fundamental texts for
the study of the language.* These syllabaries
are of three classes : the first giving the syllabic
■falnes of the characters (these are mostly
Akkadian words), the characters themselves,
and their names ; the second the syllabic values,
the characters, and their meanings ; and the
third the syllabic values, the characters, their
names, and their meanings. In the bilingual
lists the Akkadian words arc often accompanied
iy glosses indicating the pronunciation, but the
■lames of the characters are but rarely given.
As their name indicates, they give merely the
Akkadian w^ord, group, or phrase, with the
Assyrian equivalent, and are written, as n rule.
ASSYRIA
277
* These two examples are not taken Ih>m any text —
ttey ire phrases made up by means of the four characters
sjien in UlnstratioD of the writing, to show how diversely
Jhe ssme chsracterB may be used.
' From the tablet K. 114* (S. A. Smith's KM-
•^n/tttzU Aturbanipalt, ill.), line 26.
• Eieo these, however, would have been of but little
■» had it not been for the trilingual loicriptions of
ftnis. which were worked out by Orotefend, Sir H. C.
E«wllo»n. and otbeni. The Behistun Inscription, the
text of which was obtained at great personal rislc, and
w«« ttaUed by Sir H. C. RawUnaon, Is the most Impor-
tut cf the dccuments of this claaa.
in double columns. The syllabaries, however,
are written in threefold or fourfold columns,
OS indicated alx>re.
7. literature and Learning.— Thi literature of
the Assyrians was the same as that of the Baby-
lonians, and derived from the same Akkadian and
Sumerian sources. This inheritance from their
non-Semitic ancestors consisted of tablets on
language, Akkadian and Sumerian and Assyrian
word-lists and syllabaries or sign-lists with ex-
planations, tablets of phrases and bilingual hymns,
prayers, and incantations. They had also the
legends of the Creation and the Flood, the former
seemingly of Sumerian origin. A large number
of omen-tablets testifies to their superstition in
respect to the afl'airs of every-day life. Among
native Assyrian literary productions may be
mentioned the historical inscriptions, which are
often well and vigorously written, and a large
number of letters and despatches referring to all
kinds of civil and military matters. The Assy-
rians wrote (and consequently spoke) n purer
dialect than the Babylonians, though the literary
ability of the two nations was probably equal.
Like the learned Babylonian, the Assyrian in
the same station of life had to be well instructed.
He was expected to know the old languages of
Sumer and Akkad as well as Aramaic and Phoe-
nician. That the Assyrians knew Aramaic, and
also Hebrew, is proved by the passage in 2 K.
xviii. 17-35, in which the Rab-shakeh (rab-
iaU) having harangued the people in Hebrew, is
requested to speak " in the Syrian language "
(Aramean), but refuses, and continues his rather
boastful and impudent speech in very good
Hebrew, in order that " the people on the wall "
might understand. The dragoman (targumanu ■
or turgrnnanu) was a recognised institution in
the principal cities. The Assyrian physician
(lijii) knew the use of medicine, and surgical
operations were sometimes performed.
8. Trade. — The Assyrians were hardly such
keen traders as the Babylonians, but it is probable
that, if the Assyrian empire had not been over-
thrown, they would have become the rivals of
the sister kingdom. The contracts which have
been found at Nineveh extend from the time of
Shalmaneser II. (839 B.C.) until the downfall of
the empire at the end of the 7th century D.c.
These contracts refer to field-produce of viirious
kinds, cattle, tracts of land, slaves, &c. &c.
They often bear Aramaic (Phoenician) dockets,
and were sometimes written in duplicate (like
the ancient Babylonian contracts), consisting of a
small inner tablet and an envelope inscribed with
the same transaction. There seems to have been a
brisk trade in horses carried on with Cappodocia,
and the existence of small objects of art of
Egyptian and Phoenician workmanship testifies
to a certain amount of commercial relationship
between Assyria and those countries. The dating
of all trade and official documents was by meana
of the so-called eponymies (public officials whoso
term of office lasted a year, and was taken in
rotation by those who were eligible), of whom
lists were made, from the remains of which
modem scholars have been able to reconstruct
the greater part of the Assyrian chronology.
[Badvlos (the counti-y). Time-reckoning, Dating
Jiecords, Trade, Slatery."]
9. Art, Architecture, |-c. — Of the art of the
ancient Assyrians we have many specimens, con->
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ASSYRIA
sUting of a splendid series of bss-relicfs and a
few statues, small clay 6gures of very fair
execution, and some ivory carvings. From these
objects it is easy to
see that the style of
their art was essenti-
ally vigorous, the
muscles of both human
and animal forms being
very i)rominently and
carefully marked. They
were also skilful en-
gravers and workers
in bronze and gold.
From the embroidered
robes of the kings re-
presented on the sculp-
tures, it is certain that
their textile fabrics
were not by any means
inferior to those of the
Babylonians. In all
branches of art, it is
in the reproduction of
animal forms that they
were most successful.
Especially noteworthy
are the s|>lendid hunt-
ing scenes at the time
of AiSur-bani-apli, B.C.
668-626.
The royal palaces, built upon mounds, were
bdorned with sculptures and mural paintings,
knd the entrances were generally ornamented
JUU^xiUi ornuneot. (Larftnl.)
ASSYRIA
with figures of colossal bulls, the stone af which
was brought. from a distance, roughly shaped up,
dragged by means of ropes pulled by maltitades
of captives, and with the help of eaonnous
levers, upon the palace-mound, and, once ia
position, there finished off. Captives wen ak»
employed to form these enormous mounds.
From an architectural point of view, it is
probable that the city and j^laoe of DAr-Sargiiu
(Khorsabad), excavated by Botta and Place, are
the most interesting. As the name indicates, the
city was founded by Sargon of Assyria, about
the year 720. The city was four-square, with
the angles pointing to the four cardinal points.
On each side were two gates, eight in all,' tome
of them of simple form and little ornamentation,
others more highly decorated, and flanked witli
the well-known winged-bulls, together with
human figures. The walls were provided with
turrets at regular intervals, and both walls and
turrets had battlements like steps. On the
north-west side of the city was the royal palta,
built partly outside the rectangle of the citr.
The palace consisted of a series of buildingi
erected on a rectangular platform, the pottioi
outside the city being surrounded by towen
with the usual step-battlements. Access wn
gained to the platform by flights of steps, ind
by inclines leading up to the walls, which teem
to have been level with the platform. Tlie
palace itself consisted of series of chambers, viti
the necessary communications, built round court-
yards of various dimensions. To the left vat
the chambers regarded as belonging to tlie
Black
Gbaemtorr or Temple Tower at Ehonebad. (Fnm Hjuw, iNmitt H FjMprU.}
harem, beyond which the observatory- or temple-
tower {zikiwiit) could be seen. This was a
tower similar to that at the Birs-Nimroud.
[See Babel, Toweb of.] It was built In stages,
formed by an inclined rampart, which ran round
the structure seven times, and enabled the
visitor to reach the top. The four lower
•toreys are still perfect ; each of them is
panelled and coloured : the three apper staien
are gone, but may be easily restored from the*
below, as shown in the annexed cut. Thf
remainder of the royal palace consisted of re-
' Named the gates of Sanias, Rlmmon, Bel. Beltii
Ann, Istar, Ca, and the " Lady of the Gods,' iai«-
tively.
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ASSYRIA
ASSYBIA
279
nptioD-TOoms, dwelliDg-rooms, and store-rooms, I total of the rooms, great and small, numbered
the last occupying the eastern portion. The | about 209. Many of them were decorated with
Cltr afttaway at Kbonalad. (rrom Place.)
moral paintings bas-reliets, Ac, like those in I victories, and hunting-exploits of the king. The
the British Museum, representing the conquests, | architectural decorations of the walls were
li'iuploTuwer (ciiikKriifj. Fri'ta a tt&t-rrliel tit Kuuj'uiiJLl'- (LAyartl.j
linple, being merely, in most cases, a series of
flutingj formine long rows of recesses. The
effect of the wnole, however, was good. The
south-eastern gateway (that looking towards
the town) was adorned by winged bulls and
Bgures of the hero Oiitubar, holding in one
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ASSTBIA
arm a struggling lion. The gatetrays were
arched ; and flanked by towers, adorned by the
recess-ornaments above mentioned. The whole
must have been grand in its simplicity. This
palace at Khorsabad may be regarded as a typical
specimen ofthe best kind of Assyrianarchitecture.
The other palaces differed from it in the arrange-
ment and number of the rooms, &c., but they
Trcre all built upon the same general principle.
ASSYBIA
One of the most distinctive features of
Assyrian as of Babylonian architecture is th(
zHiurat or temple-tower, such as the Tower of
Babel must have been. Besides the form with
an inclined rampart running round, as described
above, others were to be seen, of a less pretend-
ing but, at the same time, more picturesque
and symmetrical nature. These were provided
with steps leading up to an upper platform and
a central door, from which walks branched off
on each side, so that, instead of entering the first
chamber, the visitor might make his way to an
incline leading to an upper stage, and so, by the
same means, in some, to a third, on the top of
which it is supposed a shrine was built, for the
statue of the god there worshipped. Such a
tower is seen in a bas-relief found at Kouyunjik
(see cut), containing four stages, of which the
topmost is imperfect, owing to the destructios
of the upper portion of the tablet.
A similar tower is found in the Kmaint of
the ancieut temple at Mukeyyer.
The houses of the common people were mostlv
very simple in design, and were probably, for thf
most part, built of unburut brick. Of theireiict
form, however, there is some doubt, as the sculp-
tures do not, as a rule, show Assyrian houefc
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ASSYRIA
Thef vere probably similar to those still found
in the conntry (see Kawlibson's Anc. Monarchica,
foLi.pp.40^404).
ASSYRIA
281
J_L
^
ilpEnniEl
Tower of TamjiU rotond.
The Assj-rians, as builders, were clever and
tjstematic. Ther knew the use of the arch, but
were timid in its employment. In their lighter
•trie of architecture they used columns of various
stupes, jotne of them resembling the Corinthian,
Ionic, and Doric columns of Greek architecture.
These columns sometimes rest on bases similar
to the capitals, sometimes on the backs of animals.
As so additional ornament, an ibex is sometimes
placed on the summit. The walls of their palaces
vere not only lined with sculptured slabs, they
veredecorated also with mural paintings of scenes
ID the battle-field, &c., elegant patterns, and other
derices. In some, if not most cases, the ceil-
ings were decorated, and furnished with a central
knob, pierced for the suspension of a lamp.
The Assyrians were skilful agriculturists,
hiving inherited a knowledge of this science
from the Babylonians. Like them, too, they had
an extensive system of canals, watercourses, &c.,
tor the irrigation of their ticlds. One of the
sculptures has a small but well-executed repre-
sentation of the use of the shadouf for raising
water for irrigation. They were also extensive
breeders of cattle, horses, asses, mules, camels,
hnaliog-dog<, &c. It is probable th-it " the bee
that ii in the land of Assyria " (Isa. vii. 18)
refers as much to the industry of the people as
to their warlike (stinging and chastising)
utnre.
10. War. —It is clear, from the sculptures and
ioscriptions, that the Asayriaus possessed disci-
plined and organized troops, well-drilled, hardy,
experienced in war, and well exercised in the
use of the sword, spear, dagger, bow, and sling.
They must have known something of military
tactics : the movement of troops to the attack,
the retreat, and the various other movements
necwsary, were apparently executed in military
Older. The king led in person, accompanied by
his tvrtami or tartamt (Tartan), " commander-
in-chief; " iud-iati,' " major-generals ; " rtA-iait
(Rab-shakch), "generals ; " iakt, "captains," and
other officers. The army was attended by a
Urge following ; and the king, and probably his
officers also, had every luxury which could at
soch a time and under such conditions be snp-
plied to them. Musicians accompanied the
troops.
In besieging a city, banks were cast up against
It, battering-rams were used to overthrow the
walls and to make breaches in them, sappers
I The nd-soit was sometimes a eunuch.
and miners were set to work, large missiles were
thrown by means of catapults and similar engines.
Forts were built around the city (cp. Jer. iv. 2
and lii. 4), and from these, as well as from the
AShir-nA^r.«pU Id hb War Cofltome. (Klmroad.)
tops of the battering-rams and from the ground,
the Assyrian sharpshooters picked off the de--
fenders who were on the wall. Slingers also
went to work with their missiles. A very good
Arar'I&a BAttering^UDi.
bat short account of a siege is given by Sen-
nacherib when speaking of his attack on Jeru-
salem. He says that he besieged and captured
the cities around " with smiting (?) of battering
rams (?) and shooting (?) with the catapult (?),
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ASSYRIA
ASSYEIA
breaking away the wall (?) at the foot, brench-
iDg, cutting, and earthworlcs." ' After the
capture of a city, the king, when present, sat
in state to receive the prisoners and spoils.
Those of the inhabitants who had incited to
resistance were often executed and impaled.
After the capture the cities were often destroyed
by 6re, and the inhabitants carried away into
captivity. [Army.]
The arms of the Assyrians were the sword,
dagger, spear, bow, and sling. The defensive
nnnour of the soldiers varied considerably. Some
seem to be quite naked as to the upper part of
the body, w^hilst others wore cuirasses, chain mail,
or scale armour. They wore also helmets of
bronze and iron. They had shields of varying
sizes and shapes, made of metal (bronze), hide, or
wicker-work, the smaller being of the former
and the larger of the latter material. The large
shields or parms were often of a sofficieot siie
to shelter two or three men completely. Iron)
these portable walls they attacked their foes,
and it is probably to the excellence of their defen-
sive armour that their successes were often doe.
For drawings of the Assyrian arms, see Arui.
Of all the Eastern nations of old time,
probably none surpassed the Assyrians in love
of deeds of arms. The extent of their conqaetts
alone is a sulficient proof of their energy is
this respect. War Wiis with them a study, and
none of the surrounding nations had better
arms, both offensive and defensive, than they.
They were also no mean military engineers
for their time. Kiv^'rs were crossed by means
of pontoon bridges; every camping-place was
carefully fortified. In besieging a town, towers,
from which the soldiers might attack it by
shooting and otherwise killing the defenden,
C>plun><>r>Cllr. TimaofTlsUlh-pUaMr III. (LsruiL)
were raised close to the walla; breaches
were made in the walls by means of battering-
rams, so constructed that from their tops also
the Assyrian archers might annoy the defenders ;
and sometimes abo the walls were undermined,
and an entrance thus made. As rulers over
conquered nations they were harsh, and as con-
querors usually ruthlessly cruel.
11. Oovemment. — In Assyria the king was su-
preme, though it is probable that he often asked
the counsel of the chief men of the country. Next
to the king was the turtSnu or tartanu ("tartan,"
Is. XI. 1 ; 2 K. xviii. 17), the chief of the army,
and under him tlie rah-sake (" Rabshakeh," Is.
xxxvi. 2, &c.), the chief of the captains, who.
k These list three expressions are. In Assyrian : piUt,
nikii, labbaiUM, from paUlu, "to make a hole,"
naUUu, " lo cut," and loMnii, ** to lay bricks."
when the king did not himself go on an expe-
dition, took the command. The coantry was
divided into several districts, adminuter«d by a
iaiat, or " ruler," who seems to have sent ii
periodically reports to the king as to the admin-
istration of affairs in his district; and, if that
district were an outlying one, he gave aceoimts
also of the movements of the people, and espe-
cially of the army, on the other side of the
boundary. The government in Assyria itself
seems to have been mild, and rebellions agaiast
the authority of the " great king " were com-
paratively rare. Those unjustly treated, or
against whom any complaint had been lodged,
seem to have had the right of appeal, or of
justification, before the king himself.
12. HUtory. — Assyria seems to hare been a
oolony of Babylonia, but the period at which
the colonisation took place is quite nnlniown. In
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ASSYBIA
the earliMt times the conotry was governed by
liatojt or onderkings (in Akkadian potest, and
ill Assyrian iikikka), subject, probably, to the
principal Babylonian kingdom. On a brick
from tlie site of Aasnr are found the names of
Iriiu and his father Hallu, who seem to hare
restored the temple of Assur in that city.
Liter, probably, came limi-Dagan and his son
Stnui-Kammina I., who reigned about M'lO B.C.
Tlie latter built a temple in the city of Assur to
the gods Anu and Ramm&nu. There is no real
history, however, until the time of ASiur-zakir-
Sir, who was engaged in some disputes with
Bsbylonia (probably about 160O B.C.), the result
of which seems to have been that war broke out
in the time of his successor, Ninip-tukul-AMuri.
About the year 1450 B.C. Ailur-bcl-niii-iu
roleJ in Assyria, and discussions took place
Ittween him and Kara-indai, king of Kardunia§,
shout the boundaries of Assyria and Babylonia,
pledge! being given and received on both sides.
The discussion, however, was continued during
the reign of the next king, Buzur-ASiur, who
cime to an agreement about the boundaries with
Buma-buriai, who had, in the meanwhile, come
to the Babylonian throne.
About the year 1400 B.C., AHur-uballit came
to the throne of Assyria, and the two nations
were upon such good terms that AUur-uballit
gsTe his daughter Mnballitat-Serda in marriage
to the king of Babylonia. Kara-Murda9, the
fniit of this marriage, duly became king of
Babylon. Some discontented Kassites, however,
aniM, and killed Kara-Murdai, setting Nazi-
hngai on the Babylonian throne instead. The
Assyrian king marched into Babylonia and
irtnged the death of his grandson, by deposing
snd killing Kazi-bugai, and setting Kuri-galzu
on the Babylonian throne. Asiur-uballit was
lenovned as a conqueror, and also restored
several temples of his country. He was suc-
ceeded by his son BSl-nirari, who — evidently
thiokiog that Kuri-galzu, who was forming an
alliance with 6ur-ba-tila, king of Elam, was
getting too powerful — marched into Babylonia
and defeated them at Sugaga. A new rectiBca-
tien of the boundary now took place.
The next two kings, Budu-ilu and Rammlnu-
nirari I., extended considerably the limits of the
empire. He defeated Nazi-Mnrudas at the battle
of Kar-Istar-Akarsalu, and the boundary of the
two countries was afterwards again rectified,
probably to the great advantage of the Assyrians.
Shalmaneser I. succeeded his father Rammjtnu-
nirari about 1300 B.C., and continued his con-
UnestJ. He removed the royal seat of govern-
ment from Assur, the old capita), to Nineveh,
and built there a temple to the goddess Ishtar.
The Assyrian empire continued to increase under
Toknlti-Ninip, who conquered Babylonia, and
ruled over the whole country from the Armenian
mountains to the Persian Gulf. The next king
of Assyria, B£l-kndnrri-nsur, was attacked and
killed by the Babylonian king, who during his
Ttign had declared himself inde|>endent. Ninip-
apiMknr, who came to the throne about 1220
Ita, had to be continually on the alert to defend
himself against the various hostile tribes around
Assyria.
AiioT-din,' son of Ninip-apil-£kur, made in-
ASSYEIA
283
roads into Babylonia. His reign was, on the
whole, very prosperous, for it is said of him
that he " was the bearer of a glorious sceptre,
the ruler of the people of BCl, the work of
whose hands nnd the giving of whose otTering
pleased the great gods, so that he attained to a
good old age." He pulled down the great temple
of Anu and Rimmon at Assur, intending to
restore it, but died before the rebuilding was
begun. Of Mutakkil-Nusku, his son, nothing is
known except that he rebuilt the palace at
Nineveh. He seems not to have been a very
energetic ruler, but his son, AI§ur-rCi-iSi, who
mounted the throne about 1150 B.C., carried his
arms- far and wide. He made expeditions in
both Armenia and Babylonia, and " overthrew
all the mighty ones."
> This name may also be read Aiinr-danan.
nKiiraorTl(;1Mli.Iia<MrL (From a rack laUet now Eoikhsr.)
Most glorious, however, was the reign of
Tiglath-pilcser I., who succeeded his father,
Aiiur-r£i-iii, about 1120 B.C. He claims to
have fought with sixty kings, and the countries
mentioned in his annals include the MuSkaia or
people of Mesech ; the land HattC, supposed to
be Hit; the land Nairi or Armenia, then
governed by no less than twenty-three kings,
with many other districts. He is said also to
have captured Babylon and ravaged the whole
of Upper Babylonia. At the death of Tiglath-
pilcser I. Assyria was the foremost power in the
world. It is probable, however, that this empire
decayed greatly under his son and successor,
Ai^u'r-btl-kala. This ruler made a treaty with
Marduk-iapik-knllat, king of Karduniai or Baby-
lonia, and afterwards married the daughter of
his successor.
A gap of about 130 years now occurs in the
history of Assyria, for it is not until about the
year 950 B.C. that the kingdom again emerges
from obscurity. The first ruler after the gap
was Tiglath-pileser II., of whom nothing is
known. ASsur-din or Assur-danan 11. rebuilt
the cities and temples of Assyria. Rammftnu-
nirari 11. made many expeditions, and again
extended the limits of the kingdom. In the
year 892 B.C. Tukulti-Ninip II. came to the
throne, and during a short reign of seven years
greatly extended his dominions, especially on
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284
ASSYRIA
ASSYBIA
the north-«a9t of Assyria. This king ruled also
over Babylonia, but how he came to the throne
of that country is unknown. This prince's end
was, on the whole, a sad one. A revolt took
place in Akkad, which proved successful, and
Tnkolti-Ninip was obliged to flee. After bis
The new king was most warlike, and eiceed-
ingly successful in his expeditions. He carried
the arms of Assyria to the coast of the Mediter-
ranean on the west, and to Suhi (supposed to
be the land of Bildad the Shnhite, Job ii. U) «D
the east. He claims to have conqaertl the
arriv.il at the city cilleJ, after him, Kar-
Tuliulti-Ninip, .a revult touk ]ilai:e in Assyria
itself, led by the king's own son, Aiiur-nasir-
apli, the result being the death of the king,
•nd the accession of A^ur-nasir-apli to the
throne of Assyria about the year 883 B.C.
Tbe BUdi Obdid o( I
whole of the land of Nairi (Armenia), and to
hive reconquered the district of Babylonia called
Biriti, He was a most able ruler, and raised
'Tlrttrtlmteof J<!lili.lonotOiiilt" Bbcli OtielUk. (I<;u<l.)
his country to a great pitch of prosperity. He
was succeeded, about the year 860 D.O., by his
son Salmanu-iinrid or Shalmaneser II.
Shalmancser II. was in every way as warlike
as his father. His first expeditions were to the
countries north and west of Assyria, Van tnd
Ararat, and the kingdoms of which Til-Baisip
and Carchemish were the capitals. Til-Bsnip
he annexed to Assyria, changing its name t»
Kar Salmanu-tiarid (" Shalmanesersburgh ").
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ASSYRIA
The luit important struggle in which the
Asfriam were engaged was that with the
iyma leagne, id which the leading state was
IVuDswus, then ruled by Addu-'idri (Ben-
hadad). The united forces of the twelve states
tugaged amonnted to between 80,000 and 90,000
men, and to this rast army Ahab of Israel con-
tributed 10,000 footmen and 2,000 chariots.
The Assyrians gained the victory, but probably
>t heavy cost.
The neit war in which the Assyrian arms
vere engaged was in Babylonia, whither Shal-
nuneser led his forces to help Marduk-ium-iikun,
king of Babylonia, against Marduk-bSl-ftsite,
vho had rebelled. The Assyrian king seems to
hare succeeded in restoring order.
In the following years, Shalmaneser tried
again twice to put down the Syrian league, but
it was not nutil the year 842 B.C. that he finally
criuhed it. On this occasion Hazael (Haza'ilu),
vbo was then king of Samaria, was defeated at
Saaini, a mountain near Lebanon. 16,000 of
his troops are said to have been slain, and his
camp captured. Hazael was afterwards besieged
by the Assyrian army in his capital Damascus.
Shahnaneser next went to Ba'ilira'isi, near the
Ktcoast, and whilst there received tribute from
the Tyrians, the Sidonians, and from Jehu, "son
ofOmri."
During the last four years of his reign Shal-
maneser had to contend with a wide-spread dis-
affection in Assyria, in which a revolt took
place, headed by Aiiur-din-apli, the king's own
Mesl SOD. §amii-Kamm2nu, a younger son,
pot down the revolt, and, Shalmaneser having
<lied whilst the struggle was going on, succeeded
him about the year 8'25 B.C.
The new king followed in his father's foot-
steps, and raised again the influence of Assyria.
He reconquered Nam, and conquered several
"tber nations north and cast of Assyria. He
iaraded Babylonia several times, and annexed
some parts of it.
RammiDu-nirari, his son, was also a great
coDiineror. He attacked the Hatt£, the 'Tyrians
tnd Sidonians, and the " land of Omri." On the
north he invaded Van, and on the south and east
Babylonia and Media. The wife of this king
«as named Sammuramat or Semiramis.
Hammanu-nirari was succeeded by Shal-
maneser III. 783 B.C. He attacked the region of
Itu' in Babylonia, Armenia, Van, Syria, Harhar,
Meilia, &c. He died in 773 It.C, and was suc-
ceeded by ASIur-dan 111., a king of whom very
little is known. At the beginning of his reign
be attacked Damascus and Hadrach, and after-
wards made an expedition to the mountainous
'listrict of Gannaniti, near the modem Hulwln.
In the year 763 a revolt took place at the old
nipital Assur, and lasted for six years, during
which no foreign expeditions took place.
.\ssar-nirari II. succeeded ASiur-din III. in
the year 735 B.C. This ruler does not seem to
hare been so active as to his foreign policy
u his predecessor, the only expedition made
Wing to H.idrach. Arpad, and Namri. This
ioactirity probably caused discontent, for
Tiglatb-pileser III., the successor of Aiinr-
airari II., came to the throne about 745 B.C.
The reign of this king is one of the most impor-
tant in the history of Assyria. He was called
Polu by the Babylonians, and must therefore be
ASSYRIA
285
the same as the Pul of 2 K. xv. 19, and 1 Ch. r.
26.' In the first years of his reign he made an
expedition against Babylonia, at that time split
up into a great many small states, and conquered
the whole of the southern part of the country.
Other conquests of this king were the people
of Mamri, the Medes, the Armenians, and the
people of Kummuha. On the west the Syrians,
including Kezon of Samaria, Hiram of Tyre,
and Pisiris of Carchemish, were obliged to give
tribute. The next year, however, Arpad, one of
the principal cities of Syria, was fortified to
resist the Assyrian inroads ; and Tiglath-pileser,
finding that his former vassals had thrown ofif
their allegiance, again marched against them.
It was apparently whilst he was known to the
Israelites as Pul that Menahem of Israel gave
him a thousand talents of silver to withhold
from attacking that country (2 K. xv. 19). This
probably took place whilst he was on one of
these western expeditions.
For two years the Assyrian army besieged
Arpad, but the city was at the end of that time
captured, and the whole of Northern Syria sub-
mitted. After this Tiglath-pileser went against
the allied forces of Judah (then ruled by
Azariah) and Hamath. The forces of these two
nations were defeated, and the Assyrian king
divided the conquered countries amongst his
generals. He afterwards received tribute from
all the kings of Syria, amongst whom were
Rezon of Syria, Hiram of Tyre, &c., together
with Zabibe, queen of Arabia. According to
2 K. XV. 29. Ijon, Abel-beth-maachah, Janoah,
Kedesh, Hazor, Gilead, and Galilee, in Naphtali,
were all taken, and the people carried into
captivity by Tiglath-pileser. This apparently
took place on one of these expeditions.
Tiglath-pileser, after again making expeditioiu
against Media and Armenia, marched, at the
request of Ahaz, king of Judah, against Syria,
with which Judah was then at war (see 2 K.
xvi. 7-9, &c.). The army of Rezon, king of
Syria, was totally defeated, and Kezon himself
took refuge in his capital, Damascus, which the
Assyrian king besieged, and, leaving there part
of his army, overran with the other part the
kingdom of Israel, whose king, Pekah, whilst
the Assyrian army was ravaging the country,
took refuge in Samaria. The Ammonites,
Moabites, and Philistines were alike compelled
to submit to the Assyrian king.
Damascus was at last captured by the
Assyrians in 732. Kezon was taken and slain,
and the inhabitants carried into captivity. At
a grcit court held by Tiglath-pileser at Damas-
cus, Ahaz of Judah appeared among the vassals
of A.ssyria who came to do homage to the
Assyrian king. Tiglath-pileser made conquests
I There ts considerable difference of opinion concern-
ing these two kings, Pul and Tiglath-pileser, some
scholars believing them to be the same, others regardlng-
them as different rulers. In the passages here quoted,
it reads aa if Pul and Tiglath-pileser were two dUTeient
rulers, but the silence of tbe Assyrian and Babylonian
records concerning any conflict makes It almost certain
that they were one and the same. It was not unusual
for kings of Assyria to assume the names of the re-
nowned hero-kings of former times (Saigon of Assyria
Is supposed to have done so), and for an ambitious ruler
to aanmie the g1orii.us name of Tlglath-pUeser I. was
only to be expected.
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286
ASSYRIA
also in Syria and Babylonia, and ruled over the
latter country for two years. He died nbout
the year 727 n.c, and wa« succeeded by Shal-
manescr IV.
Slialmaneser IV. .'who was liing of Babylon
as well as of Asfiyria, invaded Palestine, and
attacked Ho^hea, Iting of Israel, who " became
his servant, and gave him jirpsents " (2 K. xvii.
3), in order to buy off the .Assyrian king. Shal-
maneser finding, however, that his vassal was
transferring his allegiance to So, king of Egypt
(r. 4), marched agninst him, threw him iato
prison, and besieged Samaria, his capital. The
city wa* taken after a three years' siege (to. 5, 6),
and the Israelites were carried ciptive to
Assyria, and placed in Goznn and the cities of j being unsubmissive, was deposed, and Sura-
ASSYRIA
to get an army together. The BabTloniss
forces were defeated by Sennacherib at the
buttle of Kes, near Babylon. Sierodach-tuilailaB
fled, and escaped by hiding himself ia the
marshes of Guzummu. Sennacherib set a vouag
man named Bfl-ibni upon the throne of Babylon.
The next important expedition of Sennacherib
was against Hezekiah, king of Judah. lie bejsn
by attacking the nations lying on the coast of
the Mediterranean, and brought to snbmisiion
Great Sidon, Little Sidon, Achzib, Accho, kc
Menahem of Samaria, Abdi-li'ti of Arriil,
Mitinti of Ashdod, together with the chiefs or
kings of many other well-known nstioni, gure
tribute. Sidki (Zedekiah) of Askelon, howerer,
tha Medes. He died in the year 722 B.C.
Sargon, founder of a new dynasty, succeeded
Shnlmoneser IV. as king of .Assyria; and four
months nftor the daith of Khalmaneser, Mero-
dach-balndnn took advantage of the state of
afiairs in Assyria to mount the Babylonian
throne.
S.irgon was a most vigorous ruler, and his
conquests were very extensive. He fought with
the Babylonians under Merodach-baladan, the
Elamitcs under HumbanigaS, the Hamatliites,
and the people o^ Van. He directed also an
expedition against Yavan, king of Ashdod, under
the command of the Tartan, or commander-in-
chief of the army, who took that city (Is. xx.
1). Bit-Humria (Beth-Omri) was also attacked.
£ach foe was in turn conquered, and in the end
Merodach-baladan, who had resisted well, was
captured and deposed, Sargon himself mounting
the Babylonian throne and ruling the country
for Ave years, ~
ludari was made king in his stead. Beth-
Dagon, Joppa, Beneberak, and Azani, cities
dependent on Askelon, were next captured.
Pad?, king of Ekron, had been more obedient
to the Assyrian king than his subjects liked ; mi
they, loading their royal master with chtiit,
had delivered faim up to Hezekiah, and the^ hid
also made alliance with the kings of Egypt and
the king of Ethiopia. These princes came with
their armies to help the people of Ekron, sad
made ready for battle within sight of Eltekeh.
The Assyrians, however, were victorions over
this large force, and Eltekeh and Timnah
naturally fell. The people who had dethroned
Pad! were executed, and Sennacherib caused him
to be brought out of Jerusalem and se.'\ted h'un
again on his throne. Sennacherib now says thst
he took twenty-six strong cities of Judah, with
innumerable smaller towns around them, ud
then besieged Hezekiah within Jcnisalein,
This ruler built the city Dflr- i making him, as the Assyrian account says, "lite
n cnged bird." The
cities captured by Sen-
nacherib were separs-
ted from his conntrr,
and distributed amoo;
the kings of .Ashdod,
Ekron, and Gaza.
Hezekiah himself sent,
as tribute, 30 Ulcnts
of gold, 800 Ulents of
silver, many kinds of
precious stones and
woods, &c., to Sineveh,
and made obei>ance by
nis ambassador to the
Assyrian king.
The story of the .IssT-
rian king, however, is
a lame account, and it
__ ^ is clear, from what the
^^ w-'^'^=^iy.— ^ — ir,-'^ '"^ ■^^'^~— ^^-^^~^= — ^^^r^^^:";! _, Assyrians themselves
*tK^*»-ii=^r^'^»'*™ '2'^ ^2w»,iM,-^\je5<*»»5,«»i^ t^^'*^ „T that the eioedi-
^'^'-l^r„.Sr,,...U^,l..L.,-r.u:r,.u,u:,7u^^ tlOU WSS notbvM.T
means successfal, ana
Sargina (".Sargonsburgh "), now called Khorsa- I " "
bad, about ten miles from Nineveh.' |
Sennacherib, son of Sargun, succeeded him |
in the year 705 B.C. He soon found himself
that the account given in 2 Kings iviii.. Is.
xixvi.-ixxvii., and 2 Chron. xxxii. is the right
one. The taking of " all the fenced cities of
Judah " refers evidently to the twenty-six stronj
eng.iged in a war with Babylon, Mcrodach- ' cities, with the numberless small towns ar>^und.
b.iladan having profited by the death of Sargon
Tbis king is apparently the same as Ululaa, the
Elulaeus of tbc Canon of Ptolemy.
' The king Jareb mentioned in Hosea v. 13 Is
reganied by Prof. Sayce as bebig the same as Sargon.
mentioned by Sennacherib. Then, according to
2 K. xviii. 14, followed the giving of tribatr,
300 talents of silver and 30 talents of gold—
the amount of gold given agreeing in both
accounts. This tribute was, according to tbc
Assyrian account, sent to Nineveh. Xotvith*
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ASSYRIA
stmiiog ikit, the siege of I^chisb was con-
tiiuRl, and thenca the Tartan, the Rabsaris, and
tkc Rabshakeh were aeDt to Jemsalem to demand
/oil snbmistion and to enforce their demand by
kfing aiege to the city. In the meantime,
Seuiadierib had lefl Lachish, and gone against
likah. [Lacbbii.] Then it was that the
hsjraa king heard of the advance of Tirhakah,
king of Egypt, and, marching to meet him. de-
feated him at the battle of Eltekeh. Then
followed the disaster to the Assyrian army
around Jerusalem — probably they were smitten
with some kind of plague — and the abandon-
Dent of the expedition.
Sennacherib next went against Babylon, and
defeated, at Bit-t&tu, the forces of the pretender
Sosob. Sennacherib set on the throne of Baby-
lon his own eldest son, AUur-nadin-ium. The
.kmjtim king then attacked rarions tribes of
ina Minor, and chastised the Chaldean settlers
on the shores of the Persian Gulf. Suzub
now came forth again ; raised, with the help of
tbc king of £lam, an army, and proclaimed him-
self king of Babylon, but was again defeated,
ind sent in chains to Nineveh. Sennacherib's
neit expedition was against Elam.
Another Snznb, the MuiSzib-Mardnk of the
Sibyloaiaa Chronicle, now arose. He made
alliance with Elam and with the son of Merodach-
Baladin. The enormous forces of the allied
jinaies were defeated at the battle of HaluU.
Stunb, who was afterwards delivered by the
Qamite king into the hands of the Assyrians,
Menu to have succeeded in getting free once
nxirt, but was killed, in Northern Babylonia, by
a fall from his horse.
Seooacherib was killed, in 681 B.C., by bia
Kut, Adrammelech (see Adrammelech 2) and
Slureier, who revolted against their father.
Ciril war now ensued for a space of nearly three
months, at the end of which time Esarhaddon
Bionnted the Assyrian throne (B.C. 681). Com-
pare 2 K.iix. 37; Is. iiivii. 38; 2 Ch. xixii.
21.
The new ruler was mild, but vigorous. He
rebnih Babylon, conquered the son of Merodach-
fsladan, defeated the Phoenicians, and made
all the kings of the district, including Manasseh
of Jndah, tributary to him. He made also the
Unp of Cyprus tributary, checked the inroads
<ii the Cimmerians, fought against the Medes,
Vuites, and Arabians, and conquered Tirhakah,
king of E^pt, taking possession of that country,
and dividing it into twelve states, appointing a
nstire ruler to each. Besides this, he carried
many of the Israelites captive (Ezra iv. 2), and
brought Manasseh, king of Judah, in chains to
Babylon, where he held his court (2 Ch. zxxiii.
nx He died in the year 668 ac, whilst on
Ms way to Egypt, to quell a revolt there.
A^r-bant-apli, his eldest son, succeeded Esar-
iaddon in Assyria.
The first expedition of this king is seemingly
tbt is which his father had died. Tirhakah,
the leader of the revolt in Egypt, was defeated,
aad compelled to flee to Ethiopia. On the
withdrawal of the Assyrians from Egypt, another
revolt took place, Tirhakah having allied him-
•elf with the native governors set up by Esar-
"•ddon. The allied forces were defeated, and
Tirhakah fled to Ethiopia, where he soon after-
»aris died. Bud-ammon, however, nephew of
ASSYBIA
287
Tirhakah, had more success, and pnt an end, for
a time, to the Assyrian dominion in Egypt,
but the Assyrians afterwards reconquered the
country.
AUur-bani-apli's next expedition was against
Tyre, which state he compelled to submit,
together with several small kingdoms on the
sea-coast. Later, Gyges of Lydia sent an em-
bassy with rich presents to Assyria, but at the
same time made alliance with Tuiamilki, king
of Egypt, against Aiiur-banl-apli, the result
being the overthrow of the Assyrian power in
Egypt.
Abont the year 660 B.C. the Assyrian king
made an expedition to try to check the inroads
which were being made on the eastern border of
Assyria, and then directed his forces against
Ahi^ri, king of Van, whom he defeated. Biriz-
hadri, chief of the land Aa, and two chiefs of
the Sahi, sons of Gigi (or Gog), were next
attacked and captured. Later on, affairs in
Elam attracted the attention of the Assyrian
king, who was obliged to send an army against
Urtak, king of Elam. On being defeated,
Urtak, in his morti6cation, committed suicide.
He was succeeded by Te-Umman, who tried to
kill all the relatives of the late king ; and these,
to escape his fury, took refuge in Assyria. On
the Assyrian king refusing to give them up, war
was declared. Te-Umman fell in the battle of
Shushan, and the whole of Elam was at the
mercy of the conqueror, who raised one of the
fugitives, named Umman-igaS, to the throne.
For a while Assyria was at peace, but this
was at last broken by Saosduchinos, brother of
Aiiur-bani-apli, who tried to free Babylonia
from the Assyrian yoke. The Assyrians, how-
eVer, were again victorious ; Babylon was taken,
and Saosduchinos, fearing to fall into the hands
of his brother, set fire to his palace and perished
in the flames (648 B.C.).
The Assyrian king next had a dispute with
Umman-aldai, who had succeeded Umman-igai
as king of Elam. An expedition was set on
foot, and Elam was again conquered, and another
king, named Tammaritu, was placed on the
Elamite throne. The new king, however, began
at once to plot against the power which had
raised him, the result being that he was deposed
and thrown into prison, and Umman-nldaS came
back and resumed the government. ASsur-bani-
apli was nevertheless determined to try to
completely crush the Elamites, and to this end
set another expedition on foot, the pretext being
the detention by the Elamites of an image of the
goddess Nani, carried away by an Elamite king
from Erech in Babylonia 1535 years before. In
every encounter the Elamites were defeated, the
image of Hani was restored to its long-forsaken
home, and Elam was completely wasted. The
next and last recorded war of Alsur-bant-apli
was against Uiite', king of Arabia, who, with
some other Arabian princes, was taken prisoner.
The Assyrian king afterwards held a thanks-
giving-festival at Nineveh, in which Uate',
Tammaritu, Pa'e, and Umman-aldai took an
unenviable part, being obliged to draw the
Assyrian king, in his chariot, to the temple
called Bit-maimaSu, where the religious cere-
mony took place.
The history of the last years of this king is
unknown, but it is supposed that he made.
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ASSYBIA
during this period, an expedition against Trre,
whose king was deposed and an Assyrian governor
appointed in his place. If he be, as is supposed,
the Asnapper of the Book of Ezra ir. 10, it is
probable that it was on this occasion that the
nations mentioned in v. 9 were settled in the
cities of Samaria. [Asnapper.] Assurbanipal
seldom or never conducted his expeditions in
person ; he was, in fact, no warrior. He boasts,
however, of his exploits in the hunting-field ;
and the sculptures representing his adventures
with lions, &c., are among the best which
As.<i]rrian art has produced.
AUur-bani-apIi is supposed to have been
succeeded, about 626 B.C., bj Aiiar-£til-il&ni-
k in, of whom nothing is known except that he
reigned at least four years. The next king
seems to have been Sin-iarra-iiknn, who was
apparently an Assyrian, though his records are
written after the Babylonian model. Unfortu-
nately, none of the inscriptions which he has
left are historical. All that can be said is that
the principal document bearing bis name is
dated in the eponymy of Daddi, the Tulnila,
an officer whose turn generally fril in the fifth,
but sometimes also in the seventh yni of a
king's reign, implying that Sin-iarra-iiknn had
occupied the throne of Assyria for at least fire
years. Nineveh was, in bis time, stili ia exist-
ence, and he calls the people over vham he
ruled " a vast people," and says that the gods
had caused his enemies to be slain, knym
certtiinly existed in his time as a nation, and
apparently as an independent power.
This king was evidently the Saracas of
Syncellus," and under him the oTerthrow of
Nineveh took place. The history of the end
is well known. S<-iracns, having heard that a
great band of barbarians had come up from the
sea to attack him, sent his general Busalonor
(Nabopoiassar) to Babylon. Having atiiitd
there, he plotted against Saracus, and made
alliance with the Medes, cementing it ir ar-
ranging the betrothal of Nebuchadntuat, his
son, with Amnhia, a daughter of Asdahages, a
Median prince. Busalossor then hasteied to
attack Nineveh ; and when the Assyrian nla
heard of his noarch, he set 6re to his royal palace
Aiiui^LtuilHipU or AjiUtUniial banting Um Uon. (Lnywl.)
and was burned to death. Nabopoiassar (Busa-
lossor), father of Nebuchadnezzar, received the
government of the Chaldeans and of Babylon.
Until we get more certain infoiTnation, it is
impossible to say how the fall of Assyria re.iUy
happened, but it is most likely that the above,
which is that given by Eusebius from Abydenus,
is correct. If, however, Nabopoiassar were
under the king of Assyria, it was as vassal-king
of Babylon and not as a general of the Assyrian
army. B.C. 606, the received date of the fall of
Nineveh, was the 19th year of Nabopoiassar as
king of Babylon, and agrees therefore fairly
with the indications furnished by the wedge-
inscriptions, both of Assyria and Babylonia.
After the fall of Nineveh, Assyria was divided
between Media and Babylonia, the latter power
taking as her share only that part which lay
along and to the west of the Eupbr.ttes. The
lion's share, therefore, fell to the lledes, and
this accounts at once for her silence in history
and progress ; for if the whole of Assyria bad
become annexed to Babylonia, a nation of the
same tongue, religion, manners, and customs
as herself, her art and her liter.itare would
naturally h.ive continued to Hourish, and the
whole history of the East in later times would
probably have been different. The ravi;a of
war must have greatly reduced the population,
and the Median dominion, likely enough, i-ansed
all who could do so to flee into BabrUmia
(several clearly Assyrian names are to be t'ound
on the Babylonian conlract-t.ibIct>), with the
inhabitants of which they naturally assimilated,
and thus became lost. After the conquest ci
Babylon by Darius Hystaspis, the conntrt «*
reckoned as a part of the satrapy of Babylet
and an annual tribute of a thousand talents <it
silver was paid by them to their suzerain.
On the whole, the Assyrians were a reroui-
■ Saracns has been Identified with a setond EbA"'-
don, who is supposed to have reigned after SiD4»m-
likiin. The IdentiScation of Saracns with Su>4vn-
liknn is however much l>etter — sarra, the second ele-
ment, would airree excellently, and the whole woaU
present an abbreviation Blmilsrto that of the Btbjtoalii'
king Nadloe, the fttU form of whose name was KaW-
nadln-zirL
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ASSXBIA
able net. From a small nation — practically a
colony, or a s«rie» of coloniea, from Babylonia —
they had risen by slow degrees to be one of the
ireatest, if not the greatest, of the powers of
the aacient Eastern world. As the monuments
tod records depict them, they were brare, in-
tdligent, and industrious ; and their success
and prosperity made them also proud, boastful,
ud cruel (see Is. x. 5-15). When they put
tii«ir battle in array, and their mailed warriors
marched over the lands which they inraded,
grtat must hare been the terror which they
ipresd. The people flee before them ; the cities
isU into their hands as they march. The storm,
the capture, the sack, the pillage, the roaring
dimes, the piles of human heads, the impaled
captires^all these rise before as as we con-
template their remains and read their records ;
and if we wish for anything more realistic, we
hare only to turn to the fine description of the
prophet Isaiah, who, in virid words, describes
the march of the Assyrian army : " He is come
to Aiatb, he is passed through Migron; at
Michmash he layeth up his baggage : they are
gone orer the pass ; they have taken up their
lodging at Geba : Ramah trembleth ; Gibeah of
tisiU is fled. Cry aloud with thy voice, O
daughter of Gallim ! Hearken, Laishah !
thon poor Anathoth ! Madmenah is a fugitive ;
the inhabitauta of Gebim gather themselres to
Set. This very day shall he halt at Kob: he
ihaketh his hand at the mount of the daughter of
Bet, the hill of Jerusalem " (Is. x. 28-32, K. V.).
Such was the Assyrian at the height of his
power, but this was not to last, in the very
chapter in which Isaiah gives the above vivid
Toiil-pjctare, he foretells also the downfall of
that nation so holden with pride. The Lord of
Hosts, he prophesies, will stir up against them
a scourge (i. 26), punishing the fhiit of the
stont heart of the king of Assyria, and the glory
ofhij high looks (x. 12).
Xahiun, who is supposed to have written
aboat 645 B.C., devotes his whole prophecy to
the Assyrians — the burden of Nineveh, their
capital city. He describes the state of the
" bloody city " (ch. iii.), which was vile, full of
lies and rapine. Nineveh was to be laid waste
(iii. 7) ; the shepherds of the king of Assyria
were slnmbering — there was none to gather in
the people. There was to be no aasnaging of
Assyria's bnrt (iii. 18, 19). The Lord would
stretch forth Hia hand against the north, and
acstroy Assyria, and make Nineveh a desolation
snd dry like the wilderness (Zeph. ii. 13).
Dreidfal indeed was the retribution which fell
ipco the devoted country. She had been so
hard, so severe, so merciless towards the lands
which the had conquered, that she, in her turn,
wnld expect but little mercy from those who,
when the time came, found her at their mercy.
Tat " cedar in Lebanon," with his fair branches
(£uk. ixxi. 3), in whose bonghs all the fowls
of heaven made their nests, and under whose
shadow dwelt all p'eat nations (r. 6), was cot
(•S by strangers (the liedes and Babylonians) ;
all the people of the earth went down from his
shadow and left him, ail the fowls of the heaven
dwell upon his rain (rr. 12, 13). His wide empire
is departed. The nations whom he sheltered,
aad whom he kept in submission by the terror
of hit power, gladly forsook him when his glory
BIBLE IlICT. — VOL. I.
ASTYAGES
280
had departed ; and those wild birds of passage,
the fanatical Arabs, whose forefathers the
Assyrian so often overcame, now dwell in his
land ; and their vigorous yet guttural language
has taken the place of the soft, regular, and
beautiful Assyrian tongue. There was no heal-
ing of Assyria's bruise (Nah. iii. 19). During
the troubles which followed the accession of
Darius Hystaspis, they attempted, in conjunction
with Armenia and Media, to revolt. The result
was ntter failnre. When the talent which had
got together that mighty empire, and had kept
it up, failed, the courage which had served them
so well in former days gave place to despair.
The mighty empire had had ita day, and it sank,
wounded even to death.
See Layard's A'ineveh and its Semains; Raw-
linson's Ancient Monanhiet; George Smith's
Assyrian Discoveries, Clialdean Genesis, Histories
of Sennacherib, Assurbanipal, and Assyria; Sir
H. C. Rawlinson's most valuable contributions
to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
Athenaeum, &c. ; Sayce's, Lenormant's, Oppert's,
and Pinches' contributions to the Transactions
of the Society of BiNical Archaeology ; Pinches'
Introduction to the Guide to the Kouyunjik
Gallery and the Guide to the Ximroud Central
Saloon of the British Museum (printed by order
of the Trustees) ; Schradcr's Cuneiform Inscrip-
tions and the Old Testament; Sayce's Religion
of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures);
the translations in the Records of the Past, 1st
and 2nd series (by preference the latter) ;
Delitzsch's Wo ^ ^ faradiesf Compare
Nineveh. [T. G. P.]
ASSYRIANS (yim-, 'Kaaipiot, 'Kacoip,
viol 'Kaaoif ; Assur, Assyrii, filii Assyriorum).
The inhabitants of Assyria. The name in Hebrew
is simply Asshur, the same as that of the country,
and there appears to be no reason in most cases
for translating it as a geutilic one (Is. i. 5, 24,
xiv. 25, xxxi. 8 ; Lam. v. 6 ; £zek. xvi. 28 ; Jud.
Iii. 13, &c.). [W. A. W.]
ASTA'ROTH (niWV; •A.orap^e; Asia-
roth), Deut. i. 4. [Ashtaroth.]
ASTAR'TE. [AsHTORETH.]
AS'TATH ('AoTife; Ezead [yxi\g. v. 41]),,
1 Esd. viii. 38, one of the chiefs who went up
with Ezra the scribe from Babylon in the reign
of Artaxerxes. [AzOAD.] [W. A. W.]
ASTROLOGER. [Divisatiok; Star.]
ASTRONOMY. [Maqi ; Star.]
ASTY'AGES {'Arrviyrts; Herod, i. 107,
'Aarviyas, Ctes. 'Aandtas), the last king of the
Modes, B.O. 595-560, or B.c. 592-558, who was
conquered by his grandson Cyrus (Bel and
Dragon, t!. 1 ; see Speaier's Comm. in loco). The
name is identified by Rawlinson and Niebuhr
{Gesch. Assur's, p. 32) with Deioces = Adjiahak
(Arm.), Aji-dah4k {Pers.), "the biting snake,"
the emblem of the Median power (see Speaier's
Comm.' Excursus on Dan. v. p. 311). The pas-
sage in Bel and the Dragon states that Cyrus
" received the kingdom " of Astyages on the
death of the latter; Herodotus (i. 129) that
Cyrus deprived him of it in battle. Cuneiform
records support Herodotus. From the cylinder
U
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ASUPPIM
of Nabonidus (_TSBA. vii. pp. 146, 155, 156) it
would seem that the army of Astyages (Istu-
regu) revolted against him and delivered him
to Cyrus (cp. Schrader, KeUinachr. Bibl. jii.
129). [B. F. VV.] [F.]
ASUP'PIM, and HOUSE OF (D'SpNn.
and D'BDSn D'S ; 1 Ch. iivi. 15, B." ojioj
iat^flv, A. Itaa^tiv; 1 Ch. xxvi. 17, B. t^
iad^tlv, A. iura-; domus seniorum concilium
[r. 15], concilium [e. 17]; R. V. "the store-
hoase," lit. " house of the gatherings "). Motbing
is Icnown of it except that it was the name
given to certain store-chambers in the cater
court of the Temple near the southern gate
(Berthean or Keil, /. c). The Vulg. seems to
hare understood it of the council-chambers in
the outer court of the Temple in which the
elders held their deliberations. The same word
in A. V. of Neh. xii. 25 (LXX. omits) is rendered
"thresholds;" but rightly in R. V. "store-
houses." [W. A. W.] [F.]
ASYN'CRITUS CturiyKpiTos; Asyncritus),
a Christian at Rome, saluted by St. Paul (Rom.
xvi. 14 ; see Speaker's Comm. in loco). fC]
ATAD, the threshing-floor of OtSNn I"!!i =
" the floor [or trodden space] of the thorn ; "
Sam. Vers. mt2V INnK; Saad. ftMyi\ ;
Sikas 'AriS, area Atad), a spot " beyond Jordan,"
at which Joseph and his brethren, on their way
from Egypt to Hebron, made their seven days'
" great and very sore mourning " over the bwly
of Jacob ; in consequence of which we are told
it acquired from tlic Canaanites the new name
of Abel-Mizraim (Gen. 1. 10, 11). According to
Jerome {OS.'' p. 121, 15, s. v. Arai AUitlt), it was
" trans Jordancm," and in his Jay cjiUed Beth-
agla or Bcthacla (Beth-Hoglab), a name which
he connects with the gyratory dances or races
of the funeral ceremony : " locus gyri ; eo quod
ibi more plangentium circumierint." But Beth-
Hoglah was situated between the Jordan and
.lericho, and therefore on the west side of Jordan
[Beth-Hoglah] ; and this identification is not
compatible with r. 11. Dillmann,' Keil,» and
Delitzsch [1887] unite in placing Atad on the
east side of the Jordan; and count the place
otherwise unknown. [G.] [W.]
ATA'BAH (nnor = a garland or crown ;
B. 'ATap<4, A. 'Et- ; ^Attm), wife of Jerahmeel,
and mother of Onam (1 Ch. ii. 26). [W. A. W.]
ATAE'GATIS ('Arapydris, Strab. xvi. p.
785, where the native pronunciation is said to
be Athara), or according to another form of the
word DEftCKTO (^tpKfTii, Strab. /. c. ; Luc. <fc
.S.'/nVi Vea, p. 884, ed. Bened. ; Plin. /f. JV. v. 19,
pr'xliijiosa Atargatis Oraecis Derceto ; Ov. Met.
iv. 45, Dercetis), a Syrian goddess, represented
generally with the body of a woman and the
tail of a fish (Luc. /. c. ; Ovid, /. c, comp. Da-
oon). Her most famous temples were at Hiera-
polis (Mabug or Memhij, called BambyltC by
classical writers) and Ascalon. Herodotus
Identified her witli Aphrodite Urania (i. 105,
compared with Died. Sic. ii. 4). Lucian com-
pared her with Here, though he allowed that
she combined traits of other deities (Aphrodite,
Uhea, Selene, 4c. ; see Asiitoreth). Plutarch
ATABOTH
(Crass. 17) says that some regarded her >s
" Aphrodite, others as Here, others as the cause
and natural power which provides the principles
and seeds for all things from moisture" (tV
dpX^s Kol trrtpfuETa iraffw 4^ vypvv rapairxtiZavi
airiay xal (piaiv). This last view is probsbly aa
accurate description of the attributes of tlie
goddess, and explains her fish-like form and
popular identification with Aphrodite. Ludaa
also mentions a ceremony in her worship it
Hierapolis which appears to be connected with
the same belief. Twice a year water was
brought from distant places and poured mto s
chasm in the temple ; because, he adds, accord-
ing to tradition, the waters of the Deluge were
drained away through that opening (tie Sgria
Dea, p. 883). Compare Burm. ad Ovid, ilet. iv.
45, where most of the references are given at
length ; Movers, Phoenix, i. 584 sq.
There was a temple of Atargatis ("ATupTa-
ritor, A. 'Artpy — 2 Hacc xii. 26) at Karnion
(Kamaim, 1 Mace. v. 43 ; i.e. As/UarotK-Kanmi)
which was destroyed by Jadas Maocabuos (1
Mace. T. 44).
An interesting coin representing Atargatis is
engraved and described in the PAilowpiiaii
Transactions, vol. Ixi. pp. 346 sq.
On the coins of Hierapolis-Membij the nanK'
and figure of nnirinr, 'Atar-gatit, occurs, as
well as the simple Ttt?. The latter is the Greel;
rdrts, made a deified queen by Antipater ol
Tarsus (ap. Athen. viii. p. 346). According to
the Apology of Melito, 'Ati was the goddess of
Adiabene, and *ni? and PIlTtf both appear as the
name of a divinity in the inscriptions of Pal-
myra, while a deity nniTJIS' or Yalcun-'Athah
(cp. Jeconia/i) is found on the coins of Hembij.
Atargatis or 'Athah was in fact the supreme
goddess whose attributes the Hittites had bor-
rowed from Babylonia, where her proper name
was Nana. But she was also identified with Istar,
the Ashtoreth of the Canaanites, who became
the male deity 'AttSr of the Himyaritic inicrip-
tions, like the Ashtar-Chemoah of the Noabite
Stone (where the compound name is similar to
that of Atar-gatis). In Assyria Istar, as tie
planet Venus, was androgynous. The cult of
the goddess spread from the Hittite capital Car-
chemish through Asia Minor, where the was
known under the various names of Kybebe,
Kybelc, Omphale, and the Ephesian Artemis. At
Carchemish she seems also to have been calleJ
Semi-ramis, an Assyrian title of Istar, whicb
reminds us of the Syrian goddess Simi, tbe
daughter of Hadad, who, according to Melito.
put an end to the attacks of a demon by filliuj
the pit in which he lived with water. When
the new Hierapolis at Membij succeeded to the
older Hierapolis at Carchemish (.Terabl4s), the
temple and cult of Atargatis were tninsferreJ
to the new city. [A. H. S.^
ATATIOTH (nilDl?, and once TYVS-
crowns; ^ 'Arap^B; Atiroth% the name ff
several places in Palestine both on the E. and W.
of Jordan.
1. A. 'Arapdy, in Num. xxxii. 3. Oae of
the towns in the '• land of Jazor and land of
Gilead " (Num. xxxii. 3), " built " by the tribe
of Gad (xxxii. 34). See the interesting notice
in king Mesha's inscription on the "Moahite
stone," lines 10-13. It is mentioned with
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ATHALIAH
291
DiboD, and is probably Kh. 'Attarus, about six
mil« N.W. of Dhiban (Dibon). About a mile
from the rains, which are insignificant, is
the mountain of Jeifl 'Attarus ( iw« jXC" ),
crovrned with the ruins of an ancient fortress
(Tristram,ianrfo/i/oai, pp. 271-3). Adifficulty
uises from the position of J. 'Attarus, which
lia considerably to the S. of Heshbon ^I/eslmH),
i town assigned to Reuben, and named ap-
(onatlr as the southernmost limit of Gad
(Jffib. iiii. 26). The same difficulty,; however,
occurs with regard to Dibon, which was bnilt
bj Gad (Sum. ixxii. 34), but assigned to
Kesben (Josh. xiii. 17). Atroth-Sbophan was
probably in the neighbourhood of Ataroth,
(<rh>ps on /. 'Attarus, the Shophan serving
a> s distinction ; but for this see Atroth.
2. A place on the boundary of Ephraim and
Maiuuseh (Josh. xvi. 7, B. 'A<TTaf<i0). It is
meatioDal between Janohah and Naarath, and
as being at a lower altitude, " went down,"
than tile former. Janohah is probably Yanun :
the latter is placed in OS.* (pp. 165, 20 ; 268,
59) fire Roman miles north of Jericho, a position
vkich agrees with el-'Aujeh (compare Joaephus,
Aai. irii. 13, § 1). These indications place
Ataroth in the Jordan Valley to the north of KA,
Fvml, but the name has not been recovered.
3. A place on the south boundary of the
children of Joseph (Josh. xvi. 2) mentioned next
after Arehi, now 'Ain 'Arik. The Versions
difier here. A. V. reads " unto the borders of
Ardii to Ataroth," R. V. " unto the border of
the Archites to A. ; " and these two names are
fused in the Greek, B. XarapuBfi, A. 'Apx"'''o-
tH. This Ataroth is probably the same as,
4. Ataeotu-adae, or -addab (TnK"T; ; in
Josh. xvi. 5, A. 'Aropi* [B. 'Aarapiie] «ol
'Aiif [B. 'E^ic] ; in Josh, xviii. 13, B. Maara-
Mofix, A. iath 'Krapiii 'Kttif ; Ataroth Addar) ;
on the west border of Benjamin, " near the
' moDotain ' that is on the south side of the
nsther Beth-boron " (Josh, xviii. 13). In xvi. 5
it is accurately rendered Ataroth-addar. It is
now Kk. Ddrieh, about a mile W.S.W. of Sett
'Vr a-Tahta, the nether Beth-horon (P. F.
Mm. iii. 35).
In OS* (p. 129, 25) mention is made of an
Ataroth in Ephraim, in the mountains, four
niil« S. of Sebaste : as well as of two places of
tiie name "not far from" Jerusalem (OS.*
p. 129, 36). The former cannot be that seen
br Robinson (ii. 265), now 'Atdra. Robinson
diicoTered another about six miles S. of Bethel
(i. 575). In the Arabic chronicle of Abulfetad,
■f the return of the Samaritans, mention is
n»de of 'Atdi-ah Tarafatn as one of the places
rt-Kcopied (Ewald, iv. 108).
5. "ATAROrrn, • THE H0C8E OP JOAB " (l.*.
Ataroth [R. V. j4<rotA]-beth-Joab), a place (?)
«<:iirring in the list of the descendants of Judah
(1 Ch. ii. hi; 'ATopie ofKOu 'Ivhfi [A. '\a$i0] ;
drxnae domis Joah). [G.] [W.]
A'TEB (^9K, Ges.= 6o«nd or ckacd [cp.
Jadg. iiL 15,*Heb.]; B. 'At^/», A. 'hrr^f in
"ra; Ater). 1. The children of Ater were
* Tie maighial note to this name in the Bibles of tbe
rncnt day, rla. AiaHta, &c., Is a cormptton of
Atarites in the ediUon of 1611.
among the porters or gate-keepers of the Temple
who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 42;
Neh. vii. 45, B. v2ol 'Arfip, viov 'Kritf, A. omits
the last two words). They are called in 1 Esd.
v. 28 [A. '\rap', B. omits], " the sons of Jatal."
2. The children of Ater of Hezekiah, to the
number of ninety-eight, returned with Zerub-
babel (Ezra ii. 16 ; Neb. vii. 21), and were
among the heads of the people who signed the
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 17, A. '\riip,
B. '\t4)p). The name appears in 1 Esd. v. 15
as Aterezias. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ATEBEZI'AS (marg. Ater Hezekiah; B.
[uJol] 'Af<p, 'EfeKfou [wiof], A. 'K-rhp ; AdercUis
[yiWiJ). A corruption of " Ater of Hezekiah "
(1 Esd. V. 15 ; cp. Ezra ii. 15). The addition of
the title (son of) Hezekiah was probably given
to distinguish this Ater from Ater the door-
keeper of Ezra ii. 42 (see Speaker's fiomm. note
on 1 Esd. V. 15). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ATHA'CH Cinr-, B. Hoi; A. 'Miy;
Athach). The Syriac and Arabic Versions read,
evidently in error, Taanacb. It is mentioned
only in 1 Sam. xxx. 30 as one of the towns to
which David sent a portion of the Amalekite
spoil. From its position in the list it would
appear to have been to the *south of, and not
far from, Hebron ; the site has not yet been
recovered. It is not impossible that it is
identical with Ether, Josh. xv. 42 (B. 'Wdie),
xix. 7 (B. 'U9ep) ; but whether the ch or the r
is correct cannot be determined (cp. Wellhauscn,
Der Text d. BB. Samuelis, in loco). [W.]
ATHAI'AH (n»ni?; B. 'AStd, K. 'Affee,
A. *A0ca( ; Athaias). A descendant of Pharez,
the SOD of Judah, who dwelt at Jerusalem at\er
the return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 4), called
Utiiai in 1 Ch. ii. 4. [W. A. W.] [F.]
ATHALI'AH. 1. (Tvhw ; meaning doubt-
ful ; Ges., from the Arabic, = Jah hath treated
violently ; r«0oX(a ; Athalki), daughter of Ahab
and Jezebel. She married Jehoram the son of
Jehoshaphat king of Judah, and introduced
into the S. kingdom the worship of Baal, which
had already defiled and overspread the N. After
the great revolution by which Jehu seated
himself on the throne of Samaria, she killed
all the members of the royal family of Judah
who had escaped his sword (2 K. x. 14), avail-
ing herself probably of her position as King's
Mother [Asa], to perpetrate the crime. Most
likely she exercised the regal functions during
Ahaziah's absence at Jezreel (2 K. ix.), and
resolved to retain her power, especially after
seeing the danger to which she was exposed
bv the overthrow of the house of Omri and
of Baal-worship in Samaria. It was not un-
usual in those days [and later, cp. Speaker's
Comm.^ on Dan. v. 10] for women in the East
to attain a prominent position, their present
degradation being the result of Mahometanism.
Miriam, Deborah, and Abigail are instances
from the Bible, and Dido was not far removed
from Atbaliah, either in birthplace or date,
if Carthage was founded B.C. 861 (Joseph, c.
Apion. i. 18). From the slaughter of the royal
house, one infant named Joash, the youngcj^t
son of Ahaziah, was rescued by his aunt Je-
U 2
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292
ATHALIAH
hosheba, daughter of Jehoram (probably by
another wife than Athaliah : cp. Joseph. Ant. ix.
7, § 1), who had married Jehoiada (2 Ch. xxii, 11)
the high-priest (2 Ch. xiiv. 6). The child was
brought up under Jehoiada's care, and concealed
in the " house of the Lord " [R. V.] for six
years, during which period Athaliah reigned
over Judah. At length Jehoiada thought it
time to produce the lawful king to the people,
trusting to their zeal for the worship of God,
and loyalty to the house of David, whicii had
been so strenuously called out by Asa and
Jehoshaphat. After communicating his design
to five "captains of hundreds," whose names
are given in 2 Ch. xxiii. 1, and securing the
co-operation of the Levites and chief men in the
country-towns in case of necessity, he brought
the young Joash into the " house of the I.ord "
to receive the allegiance of the soldiers of the
guard. It was customary on the Sabbath for n
third part of them to do duty at the palace,
while two-thirds restrained the crowd of visitors
and worshippers who thronged the Temple on
that day, by occupving the gate of Sur (T1D,
1 K. xi. 6, called "of the foundation," niD'.
2 Ch. xxiii. 5. See Son), and the gate "be-
hind the guard " (porta quae eat post habita-
cxilum ictttariorum, Vulg.), which seem to have
been the N. and S! entrances into the " house
of the Lord," according to Ewald's description
of it (Oeschichte, ili. pp. 306, 307). On the
day fixed for the outbreak there was to be
no change in the arrangement at the palace,
lest Athaliah, who did not worship in the
"house of the Lord," should form any sus-
picions from missing her usual guard, but
the other two-thirds were " to be a barrier "
(2 K. xi. 6, R. V.) to protect the king's person
by forming a long and closely-serried line across
the " house of the Lord," and killing any one
who should approach within " the ranks "
(R. v.). They were also furnished with David's
spears and shields, that the work of restoring
his descendant might be associ.'ited with his own
sacred weapons. When the guard had taken
up their position, the young prince was anointed,
crowned, and presented with the Testimony or
Law, and Athaliah was first roosed to a sense
uf her danger by the shouts and music which
accompanied the inauguration of her grandson.
•She hurried Into the " house of the Lord," but
found Joash already standing " by a pillar," or
more properly on it, t>. on the tribunal or
throne, apparently raised on a massive column
or cluster of columns, which the king occupied
when he attended the service on solemn occa-
sions (cp. 2 K. xxiii. 3, and Ezek. xlvl. 2).
She arrived however too late, and waa imme-
diately put to death by Jehoiada's commands,
without the "house of the Lord." The only
other recorded victim of this almost bloodless
revolution was Mattan, the priest of Baal
(Ewald, Getchichte, iii. p. 574 sq.). Usher's
date for Athaliah's usurpation is B.O. 884-878.
K.imphausen corrects this (after the Assyrian
Inscriptions) to B.C. 842-836. [On the text of
2 K. xi., which In parts is difficult and probably
in disorder, cp. Wellh.-Bleek's EM.* (1878),
p. 258 (=Wellh. Compos, des Bex. u.s.u!. 1889,
p. 361); Sude, ZATW. 1885, pp. 280-88.—
S. K. D.] In modem times the history of
Athaliah has been illustrated bv the music of
ATHENS
Handel and of Mendelssohn and the itatcU
declamation of Racine. [G. E. L. C] [F.],'
a. B. 'Oyo9o\ti, A. To»o\las; OtMia. A
Benjamite, one of the sons of Jeroham wli»
dwelt at Jerusalem (1 Ch. viii. 26).
3. B. 'AOcXff, A.'AeKla; Athalia. One of the
Bene-Elam, whose son Jeshaiah with Mrestv
males returned with Ezra in the second cusTsa
from Babylon (Ezra viii. 7). [W. A. W.] [F.]
ATHAEI'AS fArJopfot; et Atthans), a
corruption of KDCinn, the Tibshatha (1 M
V. 40 ; see Speaker's Comm. in loco). [W.A. W.]
ATHENIANS CAtforatoi ; Athenienies), the
people of Athens (Acts ivii. 21 ; in v. 22, "mea
of Athens"). [W.A.W.]
ATHENO'BIUS CASTiwiflioi), an envoy sent
by Antiochus VII. Sidctes to Simon, the Jewish
high-priest (1 Mace. xv. 28-36). He Is not
mentioned elsewhere. [B. F. W.]
ATHENS CMnyai ; Aihenae), the capital of
Attica, and the chief seat of Grecian learniag
and civilisation during the golden period of the
history of Greece. This city Is fully described
elsew^here {XHct. of Or. and Horn. Geogr. s. a.) :
and an account of it would be out of place ia
the present work. St. Paul visited it in his
journey from Macedonia, and appears to hare
remained there some time (Acts xvii. 14, 1>
sq. ; cp. 1 Thess. iii. 1). At the time of St.
Paul's visit, Athens was a free city of the Ronm
province of Achaia. " Athens was never plswl
under the fasces of the Roman governor, tsA
never paid tribute to Rome; it always hsd a
sworn alliance with Rome, and granted sid to
the Romans only in an extraordinary and(tt
least as to form) voluntary fashion " (T. Monm-
sen's Provinces of the Soman Empire, i. 258)-
During St. Paul's residence there he delivered his
memorable discourse on the Areopagus to the
"men of Athens "(Acts xvii. 22-31) [Areopa-
Gns]. In order to understand the localities men-
tioned In the sacred narrative, it may be obserreil
that four hills of moderate height rise within the
walls of the city. Of these one to the north-
east is the celebrated Acropolis, or citadel, helag
an oblong craggy rock rising about 200 feet above
the city, 350 feet above the Attic plain, and 4Tt>
feet above the level of the sea. Immedistelr to^
the west of the Acropolis, little more than hall
its height above the city and only 28 feet higher
than the rising ground that intervene*, is >
second hill of irregular form, called the Alto-
pagus. To the south-west of the Areopagus sad
at a slightly lower elevation riaes a third hill,
the Pnyx, on which the assemblies of the dtims
are generally anpposed to have been held ; while
to the south of the Areopagus is a fourth hill,
known as the Museum, whose aummit is raly
fourteen feet lower than that of the Acropolis-
According to the view maintained in Forch-
hammer's Topographie von Athen, published it
Kiel in 1841, the Agora or "market" (where
St. Paul disputed daily) was situated in the
valley between the Acropolis, the Areopagus, the
Pnyx, and the Museum, being bounded by the
Acropolis on the N.E. and E., by the Areopagus
on the N., by the Pnyx on the N.W. and W^aniJ
by the Museum on the S. According to this
view there was only one Agora at Athens, and the
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ATHENS
(tositioi whicli it probably occupied iu primi-
tire tinws ranained nnchanged (se« Diet, of
liiofjr. i. p. 293 sq.)- Bot it '* now generally
beliered that the primitire roarlcet-place towards
the S. or S.W. of the Acropolii was superseded,
(lociiblT 05 early as the time of the Peisistratidae,
ti7 a marl:et-place situated in the inner Cera-
micus, and lying to the K. of the Areopagus,
iietween the Acropolis and the temple of Theseus
(£. Cnrtios, AUixhe Studien, ii. 18(>5, and Erliiu-
tender Text dcr tidien Karten zur Topographie
fm Athen, 1868, p. 50 and map opposite p. 5.5,
and Dyer's Athens, pp. 197-206). The Agora of
the lime of St. Paul in 54 A.D. cannot hare been
ilifferent in position from the Agora described by
Pansanias, who tioarished 120 years later ; and
ncent investigations make it more than probable
that Pansanias began his tour of the monuments
at the Vipylum, the principal gate of Athens, in
tiie K.W., where the road from Eleusis and one
«f the roads from the Peiraeus entered the pre-
cincts of the city (B. Schmidt, Die Thorfrage
t» (fer Topographie Athens, 1879, quoted by
lolling in I. Miiller's Haitdhuch der Uastisclien
Mtirthmuwiasenacha/t, iii. 310, 1889 ; see also
ATHEl^S
293
MilchhSfer's article on Athens in Baumeister's
Denkmaler, i. 160). Hence it is inferred that the
Agora of Pausanias, and of St. Paul, lay not to
the S, but to the N. of the Areopagus.
In the " Plan of Athens " in Smith's Classical
Atlas the ^vetxa agora' indicates that which
Forchhammer regarded as the market-place
from the earliest times to those of Pausanias.
The 'Agora' (in the S. W. of the Ceramicus
interior) shows its position from the latter part
of the sixth century B.C., according to the view
now prevalent. Of the buildings round this
later Agora, part of the Stoa Attali alone is non-
standing. The exact position of the otlier
buildings is uncertnin, as it depends to some
extent on the question whether Pnusnni.is
approached the Agora from the Dipi/lum (as
held by 0. Miiller and E. Curtius) or from the
Portae Piraeicae (as held by Leake, Bursi.in,
Wachsmutb, and the author of the plan). The
plan necessarily includes several structures of a
later date than the visit of St. Paul, e.g. the
porta Hadriani, the Odeum of Regilla, the monu-
ment of Philopappus, and the sepulchre of
Herodes Atticus.
Tbe Acropolis mtorcd.
The remark of the sacred historian respecting
the inqnisitive character of the Athenians (Acts
irii. 21) is attested by the unanimous voice of
antiquity. The great Athenuin orator rebukes
iiis conntrymen for their love of constantly going
alMut in the market, and asking one another.
What sews ? (^^iKtai', tliti fioi, tttpitiyrn
WTmv •rw9dve<r6ai [xarct r^v ityopdif], \4ytTai
Ti taaii' ; Dem. Philipp. i. § 10, p. 43, Reiske.
Compare Plato's Euihyphro, ad init., and Theo-
fbn^tns wtfX Korfonoilas'). Their natural liveli-
ness was partly owing to the purity and clear-
ness of the atmosphere of Attica, which also
flowed them to pass much of their time in the
«pen air (Enrip. Medea, 829, and Cicero, de Fato,
ir. { 7, " Athenis tenue caelum, ex quo etiam
scntioret pntantur Attici." Cp. Aristides, Pan-
ftimaiciu, I. 305 Oindorf).
The remark of St. Paul upon the " somewhat
•apentitious " character of tbe Athenians (xvii.
'". R.V. ; in marg. Or, religious) is in like manner
iDnfirmed by the ancient writers. Thus Pan-
•anias says that the Athenians surpassed all
-other states in the attention which they paid to
the wonhip of tbe gods (^A0riyaiois tttpuxairfpin
T( % Totf SXAoit it ri itii tart awovtrit.
Pans. i. 24, § 3) ; and hence the city was crowded
in every direction with temples, altars, and
other sacred buildings. The altar " To the
Unknown God " (AcU xvii. 23. R. V. in text,
" To an Unknown God "), which St. Paul men-
tions in his address, has been spoken of under
Altar. On St. Paul's visit in general, see
Conybeare and Howson's Life and Epistles of
St. Paul, chap. x.
In Athens was a synagogue in which St. Paul
disputed with tbe Jews (Acts xvii. 17). Among
the Attic inscriptions {Inscr. Att. Aetatis Rom,
404) is one engraved upon a stone and contain-
ing the Greek Version of Ps. cxviii. 18 (atm\
il ■wiKu rmi Kvptov, k.t.K.). It is possible, but
not certain, that this may have formed part of
the gate to the synagogue. Another Jewish
inscription found at Athens is surmounted by a
representation of the seven-branched candle-
stick (Inter. Att. 3546. Cp. Marshall, "The
Account of St. Paul at Athens," in P8BA. x.
p. 282).
Of the Christian Church founded by St. Paul
at Athens, we have no particulars in the N. T. ;
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294
ATHLAI
but, according to ecclesiastical tradition (Euseb.
II. E. iii. 4), Dionysius the Areopagite, wlio was
converted by the preaching of the Apostle, was
the first bishop of the Church. [Diosrsics.]
Near the K.E. extremity of the Areopagus is
the site of the ancient church named after
Dionysius, mentioned as follows by the Jesuit
Pire Babin in 1672 : " L'Archereque a son logis
sur les anciens fondemens de la maison de S.
Deny) Areopagite, joigoant les ruines d'une
petite Eglise fort ancienne, dout les mazures et
murailles paroissent encore toutes emtwllies de
diverses peintures, et proche de laquelle est un
puits, oil Ton assure que S. Paul demeura cachd
24 heures, dans une persecution 'que ses ennemis
exciterent contre luy, apres la conversion de ce
Senateur de I'Areopage." Cp. Laborde, Athenes,
i. 192 ; Wheler's Trarxh, p. 384 ; Stuart's
At/ieTU, ii. p. 17; Leslie's Athens, p. 165; A.
Mommsen, Athenae C/iristianae, pp. 42, 43;
Gregorovius, Stadt Athen t'm Mittelatter, i. 69.
[W. S.] [J. E. S.]
ATH'LAI (»^j;m ;[Ges. = abbreviated from
njj'm, Athauah]; B. Ba\[, K. eo\«J/i, A.
'09a>d ; Athalai). One of the sons of Bebai,
who put away his foreign wife at the biddmg
of Exra (Ezra [LXX. 2 Esd.] x. 28); called
Amatheis in 1 Esd. ix. 29. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AT'IPHA CATf^<£; Agisti), 1 Esd. (Vulg.
3 Esd.) V. 32 [Hatipha]. One of the heads of
the " servants of the Temple " who returned
with Zerubbabel. [\V. A. W.] [F.]
ATONEMENT, THE DAY OF (Dr
Q'^BSn ; rififpa i(i\<uriioS ; dies expiatianum
and dies propitiattonis ; in the Talmud, KO'Vi
i.e. the day, or N3"1 KOiV, i.e. the great fast,
to distinguish it from fasts appointed after the
Captivity ; in Philo, ^ maTtias iofnii. Lib. de
Sept. vol. V. p. 47, edit. Tauchn. ; in Acts ixvii.
0, ^ >T)<rT«(a), the great day of national humilia-
tion, and the only one commanded in the Mosaic
Law. [Fasts.] This day gathered up and con-
summated the various injunctions of purification
jireriously described (Lev. xi.-xv.). The mode of
its observance, partly indicated in Ex. xxx. 10,
is described in Lev. xvi., where it should be
noticed that in tv. 3 to 10 an outline of the
whole ceremonial is given, while in the rest of
the chapter certain points are mentioned with
more details. The victims which were offered
in addition to those strictly belonging to the
special service of the day, and to those of the
usual daily sacrifice, are enumerated in Num.
xxix. 7-11; and the conduct of the people is
emphaticallv enjoined in Lev. ixiii. 26-32;
Deut. xxix. 7-11.
II. It was kept on the tenth day of Tisri
(the .seventh month); that is, from the even-
ing of the ninth to the evening of the tenth
of that month, five days before the joyous
Feast of Tabernacles, for which festival, as
for the Jubilee year (Uv. xxv. 9), it formed a
most fitting preparation. [Festivals.] Some
have inferred from Lev. xvi. 1, that the day
was instituted on account of the sin and punish-
ment of Kadab and Abihu. Maimonides (More
Nevochim. xviii.) regards it as a commemoration
of the day on which Moses came down from the
ATONEMENT
mount with the second tables of the Law, ind
proclaimed to the people the forgiveness of their
great sin in worshipping the golden calf. In
any case Lev. xvi. 29, &c., gives the general
object of the institution.
III. The observances of the day, as described
in the Law, were as follows. It was kept by
the people as a solemn sabbath (aifi^a cu$-
fiartcp, LXX.). They were commanded to Ml
aside all worlc and " to afflict their bouI.s" or
fast, under pain of being " cut off from amoDg
the people." It was on this occasion oalv that
the high-priest was permitted to enter into the
Holy of Holies. Having bathed his jierson sad
dressed himself entirely in the holy white linen
garments, he brought forward a young bullock
for a sin-offering and a ram for a bumt-offerinf;,
purchased at his ow^n cost, on account of himseir
and his family, and two young goats for a sin-
offering with a ram for a burnt-offering, whicii
were paid for out of the pablic treasury, on
account of the people. He then presented the
two goats before the Lord at the door of the
Tabernacle (R. V. " tent of meeting "), and cast
lots upon them. On one lot niilv (ie. for
Jehovah^ was inscribed, and on the other TtSlW
(i.e. for Azazel. See § VI.). He next sacrifiad
the young bullock as a sin-offering for himielf
and his family. Taking with him some of tlie
blood of the bullock, he filled a censer with
burning coals from the brazen altar, took a
handful of incense, and entered into the most
holy place. He then threw the incense upon
the coals and enveloped the mercy-seat in i
cloud of smoke. Then, dipping his finger int«
the blood, he sprinkled it seven times before the
mercy-seat, eastward.*
The goat upon which the lot "for Jehmah "
had fallen was then slain, and the high-priest
sprinkled its blood before the mercy-seat in the
same manner as he had done that of the balloci!.
Going ont from the Holy of Holies, he piiri6«J
the holy place, sprinkling some of the blood of
both the victims on the alur of incense."' At
• See Lev. xvi. u. The English Venion (A. V. «»1
R. v.), " upon the mercy-seat," if oppowd to tnts
Jewish authority. Is supported by modem crltldao {sw
Speaker's Oomm. In loco). The Vulgate fflnlts the
clause ; the LXX. follows the amblgolty of the HetR«.
The word easttoard must mean either the dIr«iiGC io
which the drops were thrown by the priest, or elie «•
the eatt (R. V.) of the ark, i.e. the side towuth the Tell.
The last clause of the verse may he taken «s a repethk^
of the commaud , for the sake of emphasis on the namber
of sprinklings: " leetn timet abali he spriokle the Niwl
with his nuger before the mercy -scat."
>> l°bat the altar of Incense was thus pnriCcd oe Ibr
D«y of Atonement we learn expressly from Ei. xii. lH-
Most critics oonslder that this is what Is epokea d it
Lot. xvI. 18, 20. But some suppose tlut it is th' altar
of bnmt-oSerings which Is referred to In those Ttr>t»,
the purification of the altar of incense being impUol in
that of the holy place mentioned in v. 16 (see Spftrr'
Oomm. lu loco. The arguments pro and con an bi^r
stated In Riehm's BWB. and Heneg's ltS.> t. o. T"-
tohnung$tag). That the expression, '• the altar t»l«»
the Lord," does not ncceasarily mean the altar witUa (be
Tabernacle, Is evident from Ex. xxix. U. If the goUen
altar Is here refened to. It seems remarkable that ik»
mention Is made In the ritual of the cleaning of Ibe
brazen altar. But perhape the practice spoken of br
Joeephus and in the Mlafana of pouring what Rinalnal
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ATONEMENT
this time no one besides the high-priest was
infereii to be present in the holy plnce.
The purification of the Holy of Holies, and
of the holy place, being thus completed, the
high-priest laid his hands upon the head of the
goot on which the lot "/or Atazel " had fallen,
and confessed over it all the sins of the people.
The goat was then led, by a man chosen for the
purpose, into the wilderness, into ** a land not
inhibited," and was there let loose.
The high-priest after this returned into the
holy place, Whed himself again, put on his
iKual garments of otGce, and offered the two
nuns as burnt-offerings, one for himself and one
fur the people. He also burnt upon the altar
the fat of the two sin-offerings, while their
lleth was carried away and burned outside the
camp. They who took away the flesh and the
nu who had led away the goat had to bathe
their persons and wash their clothes as soon as
their serrice was performed.
The accessory burnt-offerings mentioned in
Sum. nil. 7-11, were a young bullock, a ram.
Km lambs, and a young goat. It would seem
that (at least in the time of the second Temple)
these were offered by the high-priest along with
ihe erening sacrifice (see below, § V. 7).
It will be seen that in the special rites of the
Uay of Atonement there was a natural grada-
tion. In the first place the high-priest and his
I'lmilr were cleansed ', then atonement was made
i'T the pari6ed priest for the sanctuary and all
containeil in it ; then for the brazen altar in the
conrt; and lastly, reconciliation was made for
the people.
IV. In the short account of the ritual of the
'lay which is given by Joscphus (Ant. iii. 10,
1 3) there are a few particulars which are
worthy of notice. His words of coarse apply
to the practice in the second Temple, when the
ark of the corenant had disappeared. He states
that the high-priest sprinkled the blood with
)>is finger seven times on the ceiling and seren
times on the floor of the most holy place, and
«eren times towards it (as it would appear,
oBtaide the Teil), and round the golden altar.
Then going into the court he either sprinkled
or poured the blood round the great altar. He
ilw informs us that the kidneys, the top of the
iirtr, and the extremities (a( ^toxol) of the
rictims were burned with the fat.
V. The treatise of the Mishna, entitled Voma,'
professes to give a full account of the obser-
vances of the day according to the usage in the
second Temple. The following details appear
either to be interesting in themselves or to
iUostrate the language of the Pentateuch.
1. The high-priest, dressed in his coloured
<^<ial garments, used himself, on the Day of
Atonement, to perform all the duties of the
ordinary daily service, such as lighting the
lamps, presenting the daily sacrifices, and offer-
ing the incense. After this he bathed himself,
put on the white garments, and commenced the
special rites of the day. There is nothing in the
Old Testament to render it improbable that this
"ras the original practice.
ATONEMENT
295
"f tlK mixed blood at ttie foot of the large altar, was an
^actent one, and was regarded as its purification.
* Poblishcd in a tiandy and M-parate funn by Strack,
Berlin, im».
2. The high-priest went into the Holy of
Holies four times in the course of the day : first,
with the censer and incense, while a priest con-
tinued to agitate the blood of the bullock lest
it should coagulate : secondly, with the blood
of the bullock : thirdly, with the blood of the
goat : fourthly, after having offered the evening
sacrifice, to fetch out the censer and the plate
which had contained the incense. These four
entrances, forming, as they do, parts of the one
great annual rite, are not oppo.sed to a reason-
able view of the statement in Heb. ii. 7 and of
that in Josephus, Bell. Jud. v. 5, §7. Three of
the entrances seem to be very distinctly implied
in Lev. xvi. 12, 14, and 15.
3. It is said that the blood of the bullock
and that of the goat were each sprinkled eight
times, once towards the ceiling and seven times
on the floor. This does not agree with the
words of .Josephus (see above, IV.).
4. After he had gone into the most holy place
the third time, and had returned into the holy
place, the high-priest sprinkled; the blood of the
bullock eight times towards the veil, and did
the same with the blood of the goat. Having
then mingled the blood of the two victims
together and sprinkled the altar of incense with
the mixture, he came into the court and poured
out what remained at the foot of the altar of
burnt-offering.
5. Most careful directions are given for the
preparation of the high-priest for the services
of the day. For seven days previously he kept
away from his own house and dwelt in a
chamber appointed for his use. This was to
avoid the accidental causes of pollution which
he might meet with in his domestic life. But
to provide for the possibility of his incurring
some uncleanness in spite of this precaution, a
deputy was chosen who might act for him when
the day came. In the treatise of the Mishna
entitled Hrie Avoth, it is stated that no
such mischance ever befel the high-priest. But
Josephus (Ant. xvii. 6, § 4) relates tin instance
of the high-priest Matthias, in the time of
Herod the Great, when his relation Joseph took
his place in the sacred office. During the whole
of the seven days the high-priest had to perform
the ordinary sacerdotal duties of the daily ser-
vice himself, as well as on the Day of Atone-
ment. On the third day and on the seventh he
was sprinkled with the ashes of the red heifer
in order to cleanse him in the event of his
having touched a dead body without knowing it.
On the seventh day he was also required to take
a solemn oath before the elders that he would
alter nothing whatever in the accustomed rites
of the Day of Atonement.*
6. Several curious particulars are stated re-
garding the scapegoat. The two goats of the
sin-offering were to be of similar appearance,
size, and value. The lots were, originally, of
boxwood, but in later times they were of gold.
They were put into a little box or urn, into
which the high-priest put both his hands and
took out a lot in each, while the two goats stood
<* This, according to the Jerusalem Uemara ou Toma
(quoted by LJghtfoot), was Instituted lu consequence of
an Innovation of the Sadducean party, wbo bad directed
the hlgb-prlest to throw the Incense upon the censer
ontslrle the veil, and to carry It, smoking, into the Holy
uf llulles.
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ATONEMENT
before him, one at the right side and the other
on the left. The lot in each hand belonged to
the goat in the corresponding ]>ositiou, and when
the lot "for Azazcl" happened to be in the
right hand, it vas regarded as a good omen.
The high-priest then tied a piece of scarlet
cloth on the scapegoat's head, called " the
scarlet tongue," from the shape in which it
was cut. Maimouides says that this was only
to distinguish him, in order that he might be
known when the time came for him to be sent
away. But in the Gemara it is asserted that
the red cloth ought to turn white, as a token of
Ood's acceptance of the atonement of the day,
referring to Is. i. 18. A particular instance of
such a change, when also the lot " to Azazel "
was in the priest's right hand, is related as
having occurred in the time of Simon tho Just.
It is further stated that no such change took
place for forty years before the destruction of
Jerusalem, 'fhe prayer which the high-priest
uttered over the head of the goat was as fol-
lows : — " Lord, the house of Israel, Thy people,
have trespassed, rebelled, and sinned before
Thee. I beseech Thee, Lord, forgive now
their trespasses, rebellions, and sins which Thy
people have committed, as it is written in the
law of Moses, Thy serv.-int, saying that in that
day there shall be 'an atonement for you to
cleanse you that ye may be clean from all your
sins before the Lord ' " (Gemara on 1 onia, quoted
by Krischmuth). The goat was then goaded
and rudely treated by fhe people till it was led
away by the man ap|H>inted. As soon as it
reached a certain s|>ut, which seems to hare
been regarded as the commencement of the
wilderness, a signal was made, by some sort of
telegraphic contrivance, to the high-priest, who
waited for it. The man who led the goat is said
to have taken him to the top of a high precipice
and thrown him down backwards, so as to dash
him to pieces. If this was not a mistake of the
writer of Yoma, it must have been, as Spencer
argues, a modern innovation. It cannot be
doubted that the goat was, originally, set free.
Even if there be any uncertainty in the words
of the Hebrew, the rendering of the LXX. must
be better authority than the Talmud — icoi &
i^awofriXXuv rir x'm<V»' ''ii' tuirraKiUyov tU
iipfaiy K. T. X. (Lev. xvi. 26).
7. The high-priest, as soon as he had received
the signal that the goat had reached the wilder-
ness, read some lessons from the Law, and
udered up some prayers. He then bathed him-
self, resumed his coloured garments, and offered
either the whole, or a great part, of the accessory
offering (mentioned in Mum. xxxiz. 7-11) with the
regular evening sacrifice. After this, he washed
again, put on the white garments, and entered
the most holy place for the fourth time, to
fetch out the censer and the incense-plate. This
termiuited the special rites of the day.
8. The Mishna gives very rtrict rules for the
fasting of the people. In the Law itself no
express mention is made of abstinence from food.
But it is most likely implied in the command
that the people were "to afflict their souls."
According to }'oma, every Jew (except invalids
and children under 13 yean of age) is forbidden
to eat anything so large as a date, to drink, or
to wash from snnset to snnset.
VI. There has been much discussion regarding
ATONEMENT
the meaning of the word Azazel. The opinions
which seem most worthy of notice are the
following : —
1. It has been regarded as a designation of
the goat itself. This view has been most
favoured by the old interpreters. They in
general supposed it to mean t/te goat soif oiray,
or let loose (as though = 7jk Tr, the going goat).
In accordance with this Symmachos renders it,
i Todyos awfpx^/Jtfyos t Aquila, i rpiyos an-
\t\iiuros ; the Vulgate, caper emissarius ;
Luther, der ledige Bock; the English trans-
lators, the scapegoat, &c The LXX. uses the
term i iTOTo/iiraio;, applied to the goat itself.
Theodoret and Cyril of Alexandria consider the
meaning of the Hebrew to be Vie goat sent
away, and regard that as the sense of the ttorJ
used in the LXX. If they were right, imnii-
naSos is, of course, not employed in its ordinirr
meaning (Aterruficm: see Suicer, s. c). It
should also be observed that in the latter cUase
of Lev. xvi. 10 the LXX, renders the Hebreit
term as if it was an abstract noun, trsnsUtin;
7tKT177 by €11 T^f oMOwoiirtiii (F. 4Te«,arroi(r).
But the application of ?.iNTl? to the goat ibelf
involves the Hebrew text in insuperable diffi-
culties. It can hardly be sup|Kised thit the
prefix which is common to the designation d'
the two lots should be used in two diderent
meanings. If one expression is to be rendered
for Jehocah, it would seem that the other Diutt
be for Azazel, with the preposition in the same
sense. If this is admitted, it does not seem
possible to make sense out of Lev. xri. 10, 26,
if Azazel be taken for the goat itself. In ihee
verses the Versions are driven to strange shil^s.
We have already referred to the incoDsisteacr
of the LXX. In the Vulgate and onr «Kn
Version the first clause of t. 10 stands " cnjus
{sc. hirci sors) autem in caprum emissariaro "—
" but the goat on which the lot fell to be the
scapegoat " (R. V. " for Azazel "). In r. %
our Version reads, " And he that let go the gut
for the scapegoat " (R. V. " for Azazel "), while
the Vulgate outs the knot to escape from the
awkward tautology — "ille vero, qui dimiierit
caprum emissarium."
2. Some have taken Aznzel for the name of
the place to which the goat was sent, (a) Abeg-
ezra quotes the words of an anonymous writer
referring it to a hill near Mount Sinai. Vatiblss
adopts this opinion (Critici Sacri, in Lev. xvi.).
(6) Some of the Jewish writers, with Le Clerc
consider that it denotes the cliff to which the
goat was taken to be thrown down, according
to Yoma. (c) Bochart regarded the word as a
pluralis fractus signifying diatatit places, sM
understood it as a general name for any fit
place to which the goat might be seat Bot
Gesenius remarks that the pluralis frsctos,
which exists in Arabic, is not found in Hebres,
and he objects also to the tautology.
3. Most modern critics take Az.isel for i
personal being to whom the goat «u sent
(a) Gesenius gave to 7XK^V the same meaning
as the LXX. has assigned to it, if artronmiiH
is to be taken in its usual sense; but the beis$
to designated he supposed to be some false deitr
who was to be appeased by luch a sacrifice as
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ATONEMENT
tbt of th« goat. He derived the word from a
root oauMd ia Hebrew, but found in Arabic,
TTR to remote or take away (^Ifeb. Lex. s. v.).
Eiraia, Oeliler, H. Schultz, Kiebm, Delitzsch, and
Dillmaiin adopt a similar view, supposing Azazel
to be the riune of an evil spirit popularly sup-
posed to hsve its dwelling in the desert (cp.
Lev. iTii. 7, B. V. marg. ; Is. liii. 21, xxxiv. 14).
(b) Others have regarded it as denoting the devil
limself. In the Book of Enoch (vi. 7, viii. 14,
liiL 14, liii. *2) the name Azalzel is given to
one of the fallen angels ; and assuming, with
Speocer, that this is a corruption of Azazel, if
the book were written, as is generally supposed,
ty a Jew, c. B.C. 160 (see Speaker's Comm. on
Apocrypha, i. p. 173, n. 7), it represents an old
J«irisli opinion on the subject. Origen, adopting
the word of the LXX., identifies him with the
devil: hi t« in ry A<v<tik4> iiroira^Taiat tyii
'ZftpiMii ffoipii ariiiafflf 'A^a^'^A, ovSelt trtpos
if (k. fi i Siit3oAa5 ; c. Cela. vi. p. 305, ed.
Spenc.), and Spencer and Hengstenberg have
most elaborately defended the same opinion.
Spencer supposes that the gont was given up
to the devil, nnd committed to his disposal.
Hengstenberg affirms with great confidence that
Azizel cannot possibly be anything but another
name for Satan. He repudiates the conclusion
that the goat was in any sense a sacrifice to
Satan, and does not doubt that it was sent
away laden with the sins of God's people, now
t'orgiten, in order to mock their spiritual enemy
in the desert, his proper abode, and to symbolize
ty its free gambols their exulting triumph.
He considers that the origin of the rite »vas
Egyptian, and that the Jews substituted Satan
for Typhon, whose dwelling was the desert.
The o'bvioos objection t» Spencer's view is that
the goat formed part of a sin-offering to the
Lord, and that it, with its fellow, had been
formally presented before the Lord at the
door of the Tabernacle. Few, perhaps, will be
satiiGed with Hengstenberg's mode of meeting
this difficulty.
4. To obviate the objections which have been
felt in supposing the goat to have been sent to
an evil spirit or demon, it has been proposed
to treat 7Tt(Tr7 as an appellative, nnd to render
" for dismissal " (K. V. marg.). Thus under-
stood, the word would come from TiV (the
root adopted br Geaenins), being the Pealnl
form, which indicates intensity. This view is
beU by Tbolack (quoted and approved by
Thompmn), by Bihr, and by Winer. The
ckjection to it ii (1) that the antithesis "to
Jthorah " suggests strongly that 7TKTID is s
designation of a personal being ; (2) that the
PeaUl form indicates intensity of a very peculiar
kind (Ges.-Kautzsch, § 55, 3; Stade, Lehrb.
§ 156X such aa would not be probable in such a
coonexioD as the present.
On the whole the opinion that Azazel is a
personal name is the most probable, though the
precise derivation must remain uncertain, as
Azazel seems not to be a genuinely Hebrew
word. With Dillmann (note on Lev. xvi. 10)
and Driver {Expositor, 1885, p. 214 sq.) it is
saSdent to recognise here the survival of an
older stage of religious belief, probably Egyptian,
ATONEMENT
297
engrafted upon or accommodated to the sacri-
ficial system of the Hebrews.
VII.' The Talmudist view of the Day of
Atonement in yoma (cap. viii.) is sound and
edifying: "The Day of Atonement and death
work atonement where there is penitence.
Penitence itself makes atonement lor slight
transgressions, and in the case of grosser sins
it obtaiuH a respite until the Day of Atonement
comes and works reconciliation. If a man say,
' I will continue to sin, and repent on the Day
of Atonement,' no opportunity shall be given
him of completing his repentance. Or if he
say, * I will sin and the Day of Atonement will
malEe it right,' that Day will bring him no
atonement." Authorities quoted by Frischmuth
(p. 917) seem to indicate that the peculiar
atoning virtue of the day was supposed to rest
in the scapegoat.
Philo {Lib. de Septenario) regarded the day in
a very noble light. He spoke of it as nil
occasion for the discipline of self-restraint in
regard to bodily indulgence, and for bringing
home to our minds the truth that man does Uft
live by bread alone, but by whatever God is
pleased to appoint. The prayers proper for the
day, he says, are those for forgiveness of sins
past and for amendment of life in future, to be
offered in dependence, not on our own merits,
but on the goodness of God,
It cannot be doubted that what especially dis-
tinguished the symbolical expiation of this tlay
from that of the other services of the Law, was
its broad and national character, with perha]>s
a dee))er reference to the sin which belongs to
the nature of man. Kwald instructively remarks
that though the least uncleanness of an indi-
vidual might be atoned by the rites of the Law
which could be observed at other times, there
was a consciousness of secret and indefinite sin
pervading the congregation, which was aptly
met by this great annual fast. Hence, in its
national character, he sees an antithesis between
it and the Passover, the great festival of social
life ; and, in its atoning significance, he regards
it as a fit preparatiou for the rejoicing at the
ingathering of the fruits of the earth in the
Feast of 'Tabernacles. Philo looked upon its
position in the Jewish calendar in the same light.
In considering the meaning of the particular
rites of the day, three points appear to be of a
very distinctive character. 1. The white gar-
ments of the high-priest. 2. His entrance into
the Holy of Holies. 3. The scapegoat. The
writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews (ix. 7-25)
teaches us to apply the first two particulars.
The high-priest, with his person cleansed and
dressed in white garments, was himself the best
outward type which a living man could present
in his own person of that pure and Holy One
Who was to purify His people and to cleanse
them from their sins.
Bat respecting the meaning of the scapegoat,
we have no such light to guide us, and (as has
been already implied in what has been stated
regarding the word Azazel) the subject is one
of great doubt and ditliculty.
Of those who take Azazel for the Evil Spirit,
some have supposed that the goat was a sort of
bribe, or retaining fee, for the accuser of men.
Spencer, in supposing that it was given up with
its load of sin, to the enemy to be tormented
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ATONEMENT
ATTAI
made it a symbol of the punishmeDt of the
wicked ; while, according to the strange notion
nf Hengstenberg, that it was sent to mock the
devil, it was significant of the freedom of those
who had become reconciled to Go<l.
Some few of those who hare held a different
opinion on the word Azazel, hare supposed that
the goat was taken into the wilderness to suffer
there vicariously for the sins of the people. But
it has been generally considered that it was
dismissed to signify the carrying away of their
sins, as it were, out of the sight of Jehovah.*
If we keep in view that the two goats are
spoken of as parts of one and the same sin-
offering, and timt every circumstance connected
with them appears to have been carefully ar-
ranged to bring them under the same conditions
op to the time of the casting of the lots, we
shall not have much difHculty in seeing that
they form together but one symbolical expres-
sion. Why there were two individuals instead of
one may be simply this — that a single material
object could not, in its nature, symbolically
embrace the whole of the truth which was to
be expressed. This is implied in the reasoning
of the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews on
the office and sacrifice of Christ (Heb. ix.).
Hence some, regarding each goat as a type of
Christ, supposed that the one which was slain
represented His death, and that the goat set
free signified His resurrection (Cyril, Bochart,
and others, quoted by Spencer). But we shall
take a simpler and perhaps a truer view, if we
look upon the slain goat as setting forth the
act of sacrifice, in giving up its own life for
others " to Jehovah," in accordance with the
requirements of the Divine law ; and the goat
which carried off its load of sin " for complete
removal " (§ vi. 4), as signifying the cleansing
influence of faith in that sacrifice. Thus in his
degree the devout Israelite might have felt the
truth of the Psalmist's word.s, " As far as the
east is from the west, so far hath be removed
uur transgression!! from us " (Ps. ciii. 12). But
for us the whole spiritual truth has been revealed
in historical fact, in the life, death, and resur-
rection of Him Who was made sin for us. Who
died for us, and Who rose again for our justifica-
tion. This Mediator, it was necessary, should,
*' in some unspeakable manner, unite death and
life " (Maurice on Sacrifice, p. 85).
Spencer, de legibva Hebraeorum Situaiibm, lib.
iii. Dissertatio viii. ; Lightfoot's Temple Service,
c. XV.; Yoma, with the notes in Surenhusius' ed.
of the Mishna, vol. ii., and Strack's edition
already named ; Frischmuth, Dissertatio de
Hirco Emittario, in the Thesaurus Theologico-
Philologicns ; Ewald, Die AlterViUmer des Volhia
Israel, p. 370 sq. ; Hengstenberg, Eiiypt and the
Hooks of Moses, on Lev. xvi. (i^nglish Transla-
tion), and Christoloqie, protcvangelium ; Thomson
(Archbp. of York), BampUm Lectures, Lect. iii.
and notes. Cp. also Wiinscbe, Der Babylon. Tal-
mud in seinen haggadischen Bettandtheiten, i.
§ viii. Tractat Joma ; Oehler, Theol. of the Old
Test. § 140, 12, 13 ; Schulti,* A. T. Thcol. pp.
• In the similar part of the rite for the parlBcatlon of
the leper (Ler. xlv. C, 7), in vbfcb a live bird was set
free. It must be evident that the bird slRnifled the carry-
ing away of the undeanncas of the sufTeier In precisely
the same manner.
368, 650 ; Richm, Alttest. Thed. § 37. For the
modes in which the Modem Jews have regarded
and observed the Day of Atonement, see Boitori^
Si/nagoga Judaica, cap. xx. ; Picart, Ctrimmies
Jieligieuses, vol. i. ; Mills, The Britisk Jetcs,
pp. 107-174. [On critical questions arisuig
in connexion witn Lev. xvi., see D. HoSintnn,
J/in/. fiir Wiss. d. Jud. 1876, p. 1 sq. ; DtlitBch,
ZKWL. 1880, p. 173sq.; Dillmann, £i. pp. 52S-
526; XDJ. p. 673; Wellh. Hist. pp. 110-112;
Adler, ZATW. 1883, p. 178 sq.; Kuenen, Hex.
§§ 6. 23, 15. 32 ; Theol. Tijdschr. 1883, pp. 207-
212; Sude, Gesch. ii. pp. 182, 258-260; B<n-
zinger, ZATW. 1889, p. 65 sq S. R. D.] [S. C]
Lev. xvi., the chief passage dealing with the
ritual and meaning of the Day of Atonemcat,
forms part of what is now luually called th'?
Priests' Code (see Bible, p. 427). This Cud?
dates, according to the Book of Leviticus itself.
from the time of Moses ; according to Dillmanc,
from the 9th cent. B.C. ; acconling to Well-
hausen, from after the time of the Lxlle. The
subject generally is discussed elsewhere [FaEIS
Feasts]; a few words only are introduced her«
with reference to this special holy day. One
of the arguments urged in favour of a late due
and late composition is the argumentvin c
silentio. Xo allusion to the fast is said to be
found, outside of the Pentateuch, till the da;»
of Simon the High Priest (Ecclus. 1. 1-5 ; ij.
in the 3i-d cent, if Simon I. be intended, or in
the 2nd cent, if Simon II. See Speaker's Comm.
on Apocrypha, Introd. to Ecclus. § ii.), and all
mention of it is absent from certain pusages
in the historical and prophetical Book;, where
it is thought mention should have been made.
The argumentum e sitintio is always precarioij.<.
and a careful examination of the context ami
bearings of the passages in question (e.tj. 1 K.
viii. 2, 65 ; Ezra iii. 1-6 ; Neh. viii. ; £>el>.
xlv. 18-20; Zech. vii. 8) docs not by anr
means support the view that allusion t<' tbe
great day was requisite. [F.]
AiyEOTH (n'lOr = awms of), a city of GsJ,
named with Aroer and Jaazer (Num. xiiii. 35).
Xo doubt the name should be taken with that
following it, Shophan ; the addition serrin; te
distinguish this place from the Ataroth in the
same neighbourhood, and mentioned in r. St.
The Vulgate has £troth et 8opha»; A. V.
"Atroth, Shophan;" R. V. more contcUj.
Atroth-shophan. In the LXX. reminiscences »f
Shophau alone remain (B. iM^ip, A. y^r 2a>^
F. Sot^cEv). It was perhaps on Jebcl 'Mtdrv.
N.W. of Dhiban, Dibon [.\TAROru]. [C] [«'.]
AT'TAI QKO; B. "EWe/, A. 'imi; Ethei).
1. Grandson of Sheshnn the Jershmerlit«
through his daughter Ahlai, whom he gave in
marriage to Jarha, his Egyptian slave (1 Ch. ii.
35, 36). His grandson Zabad was one of David's
mighty men (1 Ch. xi. 41).
a. B. 'E9af, A. 'EMef; ^Mi°. One of the
lion-faced warriors of Gad, captains of the host,
who forded the Jordan at the time of its
overflow, and joined David in the wilderness
(1 Ch. iii. 11).
3. B. 'Iee««(, A. -I ; Ethai. Second sos of
king Rehoboam by Maachah the daughter of
Absalom (2 Ch. li. 20). [W. A. W.] [F.J
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ATTAUA
ATTALI'A {'ArraXiia; Altalia), a coast-
tewn of Pamphyiia, mentioned only very castially
in the Kew Testament (Acts xir. 25), as the
)ilice from which Paul and Barnabas i>ailed on
their retoni to Antioch from their missionary
joamey into the inland parts of Asia Minor. It
•lo«s not appear that they made any stay, or
attempted to preach the Gospel in Attalia. This
city, however, though comparatively modem at
tlut time, was a place of considerable iroport-
aace in the 1st century, and has continued to
ciist till DOW. Its name in the r2th century
was Saiilia, a corruption, of which the crusading
chronicler, William of Tyre, gives a curious ex-
planation. It u now called Adalia, and some-
times Antaiia.
Attains Philadelphus, king of Pergamam,
ruled over the western part of the |>eninsula
Iron) the N. to the S., and was in want of a port
ihich should be useful for the trade of Egypt
and Syria, as Troas was for that of the Aegean.
Thus Attalia wa« built and named after the
mooarch. It occupies a fine site, and probably
soon became, as it is now, the chief port on the
south coast of Asia Minor. It appears to have
aid dote relations with Perga. There are many
inscriptions and ruins of the Komnn period.
There has been considerable doubt concern-
ing the exact position of Attalia. There is a
discrepancy even between Strabo and Ptolemy,
the former placing it to the W. of the river
Catarrhactes, the latter to the E. This may
probably be accounted for by the peculiar
character of this river, the calcareous waters of
which are continually making changes in the
channels. Beaufort thought that the modem
Adalit is the ancient Olbia, and that Laara is
the tme Attalia. Korbiger, alter Mannert, is
inclined to identify the two places. But Spratt
ud Forbes found the true Olbia further to the
vest, and have confirmed Leake's opinion, that
Attalia is where the modem name would lend us
to expect to find it (Beaufort's Karamania ;
Spratt and Forbes' Lycia ; Diet, of G. ami R.
Oa.j., art. Attaleia). [J. S. H.] [W.]
AT'TALUS C^rTa\os, a Macedonian name
of uncertain origin), the name of three kings of
Pergamns who reigned respectively B.C. 241-
197, 15S-138 (Philadelphus), 138-133 (Philo-
nietorX T^tJ were all faithful allies of the
ivomans (Liv. xlv. 13) ; and the last-named ap-
pomted the Romans his heirs. It is uncertain
whether the letters sent from Rome fn favour
of the Jews (1 Mace. xr. 22) were addressed
to Attains II. (Polyb. xxv. 6, xxxi. 6, ixxii.
■\ o, 8, &c., 25 f. ; Strnb. xiii. 4; Just. xxxv. 1,
»xxvi. 4, 5 ; .\pp. MM. 62) or Attains III.,
» their date falls in D.C. 139-8 [Lucitw],
about the time when the latter succeeded his
uncle. Josephus quotes a Pergamene decree
in favour of the Jews (Xn<. xiv. 10, § 22) in
tile time of Hyrcanus (c. B.C. 112) ; op. Rev. ii.
12-17. [B. F. W.]
.^TTHARA'TES f ATftffxcmt ; Aiharathcs),
1 tad, ix. 49 (see Speaker's Comm. in loco) ; a
romiption of the title "the Tirsbatha" (cp.
Sen. viii. 9); cp. ATUAKias. [W. A. W.]
AC'GIA(AJ7/a;om. in Vulg.). The daugh-
ter of BerzeluB, or Barzillai, according to 1 Esd.
V. 38 (the names in the LXX. are different).
AUGUSTUS
299
Her descendants by Addus were among the
priests whose genealogy could not be substan-
tiated after the return from Babylon. The
name does not occur in the lists of Ezra or
Xehemiah. [W. A. W.]
AUGUSTUS {hbyovaros, Luke ii. 1; 2«-
fiturris. Acts xxv. 21 and 25 ; Augustus). In
Luke ii. 1 the name designates Octavian, who
first bore the title, and is generally known in
history as Augustus. In the two references in
Acta " Augustus " is simply equivalent to
" emperor," and is so rendered in R. V. to avoid
the confusion which might arise from the A. V.
'■ Augustus." The emperor there intended is
Nero. Augustus (Octavian) is mentioned by
St. Luke as the author of the decree which was
the occasion of Joseph's journey to Bethlehem.
For the decree and questions connected with it,
see CVREKIUS. Only a very short sketch of
Octavian's life can be given here. He was born
B.C. 63. His father was Caius Octavius, and
his mother Atia, daughter of Julia, sister to
C. Julius Caesar, the dictator. Having lost his
father while young, he came under the charge
of his great uncle Julius. After the murder
of his uncle, the young C. Octavius succeeded to
a great part of his wealth, and, being adopted
into the Gens Julia, was thenceforth known as
C. Julius Caesar Octavianus, and no longer as
C. Octavius. He fought for the Republic against
Antony at Mutina; but soon we find him
marching upon Rome, and extorting bis election
to the consulship, B.C. 43. Sent to defend the
Republic against Antony and Lepidus, he mot
them in friendly conference near Bononia, and
formed with them a triumvirate for the govern-
ment of the empire. They divided among them-
selves the provinces and the legions. After the
deposition of Lepidus the West was entirely in
the hands of Octavian. His final struggle with
Antony for the supreme power could not long
be delayed. It was decided by his naval victory
at Actium, B.C. 31, and the suicide of Antony.
On Octavian's return to Rome, o.O. 29, instead
of surrendering his military command (imperium)
he retained with the name of Imperator the
permanent control of all the military forces of
the empire. By virtue of this control, together
with the principate of the senate, the consulate,
the tribuuician power, &c., he was in fact,
though not in name, the absolute master of the
state. The ofiices and forms of the Republic
were retained to give a popular colour to the
government of an irresponsible ruler. For a
detailed account of this system, see Merivale,
Jiist. Emp. xxxi. No single title expressed the
aggregate of powers combined in Octavian's
person ; but the honorific epithet Augustus con-
ferred on him, B.C. 27, marked his unique posi-
tion, and was inherited by his successors, e.g.
Nero, as in the passages quoted (Acts xxv. 21,
25). The title — for such it became — was closely
connected with the growing opinion of the
sacredncss of the prince's person, which culmi-
nated in emperor-worship. Dion says that
Augustus took the title as " being (himself
something more than human." This aspect of
the title is emphasised in the alternative Greek
form ifPaiir6s (cp. Dion Cass. liii. 16 and 18,
quoted by Westcott, Epp. St. John, The Church
and the World, where see whole passage, pp. 255-
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300
AUGUSTUS' BAND
Melii or AuKiutai. (Britlih
Mueiim.)
*269). Merivnie says, " The adjunct, though never
given to a man, had been applied to things most
noble, most venerable, most divine. The rites
of the gods were called august, the temples were
august."
The principal point of contact between Augus-
tus and Jewish history lies in the support and
favour which he gave to Herod the Great. Im-
mediately alter the defeat at Actium of his
early patron Antony, Herod contrived to in-
gratiate himself with Augustus, and before long
received back Jericho, which Antony had taken
away, with consideraI)le additions of territory,
B.C. 30 (Jos. Ant. IV. 6, § 5 sq., and 7, § 3). Other
marks of favour followed, and Joscphus, writing
of a later period, said that, next to Agrippa,
Augustus preferred no one to Herod. In com-
]>liance with the custom of eni|>crar-worship
mentioned above, Herod built temples in his
patron's honour at Paniuni (Cae^area Philippi)
and at Caesarea Sebaste. Augustus was well
dis|>osed towards the
n^itiou, us well as its
ruler. With his wife
he i>resenteJ wine-
flagons to the Temple
at Jerusalem (Jos.
H.J.y. 13, §6); and
JosephuA gives an
edict of his, granting
the fullest security
and religious liberty
to the Jews in Asia
and Libva {Ant. xvi.
6, § 2). 'For the par-
tition by Augustus of Herod's dominions, see
Arciiklaus. He died at Nola in Campania,
A.D. 14, in his seventy-sixth year, and was
succeeded by Tiberius. Kor a fuller account, see
AD00STU9, Diet. JJIojr. atul Mythot. [L. K. B.]
AUGUSTUS' BAND (Acts xxvii. 1).
fAUMY, p. 247 a.] [0.]
AU'BANUS (Tij Aipifoi), leader of a riot
at Jerusalem (2 Mace iv. 4u;. In the LXX.
B. and in the Vulgate the name U rendered
Tii rvfiyvot, quidam tyramna, [W. A. W.]
AUTE'AS (T.' A&toIm ; Vulg. omits), name
«f a Levite who taught the Law under Ezra
<1 Esd. ii. 48). [HODIJAH.] [\V. A. W.]
A'VA (N11?=Avva; 'Aui; Avah), a place at
present unknown in the empire of Assyria, from
which colonies were brought to re-i>eople the
cities of Samaria after the deportation of the
Jews (2 K. xvii. 24). From the names in con-
nexion with which it is introduced, some think
it the same place as Ivah. [IVAll.] Schradcr
{KAT.' p. 281) notes that the name has not
yet been found in the inscriptions. [F.]
AV'ABAN {Aiofdy ; A6aron), surname of
Eleazar, brother of Judas Maccabaeus (I Mace,
ii. 5). [Eleazab, 8.] [\V.]
A'VEN Q}» = nothingness; '•ay, iMnm).
1, The " plain of Aven," marg. " Bikath-avcn " ;
K. V. "Valley of A." ('{<-n»p5) is mentioned
Ly Amos (i. 5), in his denunciation of Aram
(Syria) and the country to the N. of Palestine.
It has not been identiKed with certainty. Mi-
AVIil
chaelis (notes on Amos) heard from a natin of
Damascus of a valley near that city, calleJ L'n,
and he quotes a Damascene proverb refertiti;
to it; but the information was at ben luj-
picious, and has not been confirmed, although
the neighbourhood of Damascus hu been
tolerably well explored by Burckhardt (App.
iv.) and by Porter. The Prophet, howerer,
would seem to be alluding to some principal
district of the country, of equal importince
with Damascus itself; and so the LXX. luve
understood it, taking the letters as pointed JIK,
and expressing it in their version as vfSiw 0>.
By this they doubtless intended the great plaia
of Lebanon, Coelesyria, in which the reaovunl
idol temple of Baalbek or Heliopolis was situated,
and which still retains the very same namt br
which Amos and Joshua designated it,W liih'ii.
This name is also applied to a "fine lirce
valley " six hours south of Jerash (Van de Velde,
Map; and Lindsay, p. 278). The application of
Aven as a term of reproach or contempt to >
flourishing idol sanctuary, and the pUv or
paronomasia therein contained, is quite in keep-
ing with the manner of Amos and of Hosm.
The latter frequently applies the very iun«
word to Bethel. [Bethaves.]
2. In Hos. I. 8, "the high places of -Uen"
CN niD3; fiw/ioVay ; cxcclsa idUi), iiit mti
is clearly a contraction of Beth-aven ; that is,
Bethel (ep. iv. 15, &c. See Speaker's Cumm-ll).
3. In Ezek. XXX. 17, A. V. and R. V. • Avtn"
(A. V. marg. Heliopolis) ; Jj* (Cornill). In this
manner are pointed the letters of tiie name
which is elsewhere given as Ou, }1K, the sacreJ
city of Heliopolis or On, in Egypt. [O.v.] The
LXX. and Vulgate both reuder it nccorJinglr,
'H\toimi\is, Heliopolis. The intention of the
prophet is doubtless to play upon the name
in the same manner ass Amos and Hosea. ^
above (1). [0.1 L^V.]
A'VIM, A' VIMS, or ATITES* (D'1Pn =
the Avvim, as in R. V.; oi Evoioi, the word
elsewhere used by the LXX. for Hivites; H<'
vaei). 1. An early, but perhaps not an abo-
riginal ** people among the inhabitant'! of
Palestine, whom we meet with in the S.^^.
corner of the sea-coast, whither they may have
made their wav northward* from the Desert
(Stanley. Sinai and Pal. App. § 83). The only
notice of them which has come down to m
is contained in a remarkable fragment of
primeval history preserved in Deut. ii. Sli.
Here we see them "dwelling in ' the ' villages
(or nomad encampments — C/iatterim) in the S.
[lart of the Shefela, or great western lowlanJ.
"as far as Gaza." In these rich possessiooi
they were attacked by the invading PhiUs-
tines, "the Caphtorim which came forth «"•
of Oaphtor,' and who " destroyed " them, and
" dwelt in their stead." The remains of them
are spoken of in Josh. xiii. 3, 4, " the Awim <bi
• It Is characteristic of the looaeneM of the A. V. ttaj
this name is given dillercntly each time It ocean, m
that they are all iDsccuratc.
I> According to Ewald {GesekicXte, 1. 3101 anl
Bertbean, the AvvIm were an FrooU of Paleaiae
proper. They may have been so, iMit there If noihinc
to prove It, while the mode of their dwelUop poiO
rather to the desert as tbelr origin.
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AVITH
AZAEL
;:oi
tht MDfh " (so R. v., with LXX., Pesh., Viilg.,
Dillm^ KeiJ) u dwelling south of the Philistines.
Nothing more is told us of this ancient people.
Possibly a trace of their existence is to be
fonnd in the town " Avim " (accurately, as
is the other cases, " the Avrim ") which occurs
among the cities of Benjamin (Josh, xriii. 23),
ud which may hare preserved the memory of
wme fiunily of the extinct people driven up out
of their fertile plains to take refuge in the wild
hills of Bethel ; just as in the " Zemaraim " of
the preceding verse we have probably a remi-
QiKence of the otherwise forgotten Zemarites.
[ZEXAum.] But, on the other hand, it is
possible that the word in this place is bnt a
rariatiun or corrnption of the name of Ai. [So
Dillmann. Keil remarks that the site of Avvim
iinninown.— S. R. D.] [Al.]
2. The people of Awa, among the colonists
«ho were sent by the king of Assyria to rein-
hibit the depopulated cities of krael (2 K. ivii.
31). [Ata.] They were idolaters, worshipping
godi called Xibhaz and Tartak. [G.] [W.]
AVITH (IVW ; A. Tteeii^ in Gen. ; in
1 a. B. rmiiil] a. rteedn ; Avith), the city
of Hadad ben-Bedad, one of the kings of Edom
before there were kings in Israel (Geo. xxxvi.
3o; 1 Ch. i. 46; in the latter passage the text
[Chttib} has T\Vy, which in the Keri is corrected
to agree with the reading in Genesis). The
uine may be compared with el • Ghoiceitheh
\il) Ji\j s *< chain of low hills, " mentioned
by Burcihaidt (p. 375) as lying to the E. of the
district of Kere/t in Moab (Dillmann,* Genesis,
U). [G.] [W.]
AWL (?}f"lD; Mnuiy, subula), a tool of
which we do not know the ancient form. The
only notice of it is in connexion with the custom
of boring the ear of the slave (Ex. xxi. 6 ;
DeBt IV. 17). [}V. L. B.]
AXE. Seven Hebrew words are thus ren-
dered in the A V.
L [tlij Oarzen, from a root signifying " to
ejt or sever," as " hatchet," from " hack," cor-
responds to the Lat. teatris. It consisted of a
head of iron (cp. Is. i. 34), fastened, with
thongs or otherwise, upon a handle of wood,
and H> liable to slip off (Dent. xix. 5 ; 2 K. vi. 5>
It was used for felling trees (Deut. xx. 19), and
also for shaping the wood when felled, or rather
perhaps for hewing stone, as on the Siloam
lnKription^(l K. vi. 7).
& 3^n, Cherd, which is usually translated
"sword," is used of other cutting instruments,
s» a "knife" (Josh. v. 2) or razor (Erek. v. 1),
or a tool for hewing or dressing stones (Ex. ix.
23), and is once rendered " axe " (Ezek. xxvi. 9 ;
B. V. marg., Heb. trcordt), evidently denoting a
weapon for destroying buildings, a pickaxe.
3, TWS, Caashil, occurs but once (Ps. Ixxiv.
^X and is evidently a later word, denoting a
large axe. It is also found in the Targum of
Jer. xlvi. 22.
4. nTJJO, Uagzlrah (2 Sam. xii. 31), and
6. iTlio, Migerdh (1 Ch. xi. 3), are found
hi the description of the punishments inflicted
by David npon the Ammonites of Rabbah. The
word mjD is found twice in this verse ; once
in the singular, where it is translated by A. V.
and R. V. " saws," and once in' the plural, where
it is translated by A. V. and R. V. " axes."
Some have thought 5 an error of the transcriber
for 4.
Epjptlaa Ales or Batchete. (Thebea and In the Brit. KnieitiiL)
6. IVKD, Ma'Stsdd, rendered "axe" in the
text of R. V. and in the margin of the A. V. of
Is. xliv. 12, and in Jer. i. 3 (A. V. and R. V.).
This was an instrument employed both by the
ironsmith and the carpenter, and is supposed
to be a curved knife or bill, smaller than
7. Q'n^P, Kardim, a large axe used for fell-
ing trees (Judg. ix. 48; 1 Sam. xiii. 20, 21;
Ps. Ixxlv. 5 ; Jer. xlvi. 22).
The words 1 and 5 have an etymological
affinity with each other, the idea of cutting
being that which is expressed by their roots.
The "battle-ax," fgO, mappeU (Jer. li. 20),
was probably, as its root indicates, a heavy
mace or maul (R. V. marg.), like that which
gave a sunmme to a " Maccabee " or to Charles-
Martel. [W. A. W.]
AMrrtan Axe.
AZ'AEL CACiilAos ; Ezelm), father of the
Jonathan who with Ezechias undertook the
rectification of the matter of the strange mai'-
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AZAELUS
rias!cs (1 Ksd. ix. 14. On the difHculty con-
nected with the passage, see note in Speaker's
Comm.). [ASAHEL.] [W. A. W.] [F.]
AZAE'LUS (B. 'AfinAor, A. 'A(afi\; Dielm),
an Israelite in the time of Esdras; the name is
thought to be a repetition of that preceding it,
Ezril (1 Esd. ix. 34. See note there in Speaker's
Cmnni.). [W. A. W.] [F.]
A'ZAL (Atzel, ^)ft<i '» P««»e ^-{N. K. V.
Azel;'T.' 'IcurSS, A. 'AffafiK; usque ad proxi-
mum), a name only occurring in Zech. lir. 5.
It is mentioned as the limit to which the
"ravine" or cleft (K*|)of the Mount of Olires
will extend when "Jehorah shall go forth to
fight." Nothing more is known about it j but it
IS thought by many to be identical with Beth-
ezel (Mic. i. 11). Against the riew that it is
an appellative, see Keil, i. I. [G.] [S. K. D.]
AZALI'AH (WJ^VK, Ges. = Jah hath set
apart or reserved; B. 'EXlai, A. 'ZcotXias in
K., BA. S«Xii m 2 Ch.; Aslia, Eselias). The
father of Shaphan the scribe under Josiah (2 K.
xxii. 3 i 2 Ch. xxiiv. 8). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AZANI'AH (n*3TK = Jah hearcth ; B. "ACa-
ytia, A. -yta, K. -vi<i\ ; Azaniiis). The father
or near ancestor of Jeshua the Levite in the
time of Nehemiah, one who sealed the covenant
(Neh. I. 9). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AZA'PnlON(B. 'A<r<ro^«<i9, A. •A<ro^.»«;
Sephegus), 1 Esd. r. 33. Possibly a corruption
of SOPHERETH (E. V. /. c. marg.). One of the
descendants " of the servants of Solomon " who
went up from the Captivity. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AZ'ABA ('ArofME ; Attre), one of the " ser-
vants of the Temple " (1 Esd. v. 31). No corre-
sponding name can be traced in the parallel list
in Ezra. [W. A. W.]
AZAB'AEL (the same name as the succeed-
ing one; h^'}W; B. 'OCei^A, K'* '0(peifiK
[fi snpersc] ; Azareel), a Levite musician among
those who " went on the right hand upon the
wall " in the solemn dedication of the walls
(Neh. xii. 36). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AZAB'EEL (f'N'lW = £1 hath helped; B.
'O^i^A, A. 'EAx<)X ; Azareel). 1. A Korhite
who joined Uavid in his retreat at Ziklag (1 Ch.
xii. 6).
2. B. 'X(apti, A. 'Efpi^A. A Levite musician
of the family of Heman in the time of David,
1 Ch. XXV. 18 ; called UzziEL ill xxv. 4.
3. B. 'A^apa^A, A. 'E(ptii\ ; Ezrihel. Son of
Jeroham, and prince of the tribe of Dan when
David numbered the |)enplc (1 Ch. xxvii. 22).
4. B. "Effp^A, A. 'ECpi^A, N 'Effpi^A ; Ezrcl.
One of the sons of Bani, who put away his
foreign wife on the remonstrance of Ezra (Ezra
X. 41); apparently the same as ESRIL (1 Esd.
ix. 34).
6. B. 'Ertpi^A, A. 'Efpi^A (X has here some
additions. See Swete's text in Neh. /. c.) ;
Azreel. Father, or ancestor, of Maf\siai, or
Amashai, a priest who dwelt in Jerusalem after
the return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 13 ; cp. 1 Ch.
IX. 12). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AZABIAH
AZABI'AH (nnt» and innW; 'kiofUs;
Azarias; = icAom Jah hath helped). It is a
common name in Hebrew, and especially in
the families of the priests of the line of Klc-
AZAlt, whose name has a similar meaning to
AzARlAU. It is nearly identical, and is often
confounded with Ezra as well as with Zerahiah
and Serainh. The principal persons who bore
this name were : — ,
1. B. Zapcui, A. 'A^opla. Son of Ethan, of
the sons of Zerah, where, perhaps, Zerahiah is
the more ]>robable reading (1 Ch. ii. 8).
Z. Son of Ahimaaz (1 Ch. vi. 9). He appeara
from 1 K. iv. 2 to have succeeded Zadok, his
grandfather, in the high-priesthood, in the
reign of Solomon, Ahimaaz having died before
Zadok. [Ahimaaz.] To him, it can scamlr
be doubted, instead of to his grandson, Azarith
the son of Johanan, belongs the notice in
1 vCh. vi. 10, "He it is that executed the
priest's office in the Temple that Solomon built
at Jerusalem," meaning that he ofiicisted at
the consecration of the Temple, and was the
first high-priest that ministered in it. The
other interpretation which has lieeu put upon
these words, as alluding to the Azariah who trts
high-priest in Uzziah's reign, and who resisted
the king when he attempted to offer incense,
is quite unsuited to the words they are meant
to explain, and utterly at variance with the
chronology. For this Azariah of 1 Ch. ri. 10
precedes Amariah, the high-priest in Jehoiha-
phat's reign, whereas Uzziah was king live
reigns after Jehoshaphat. Josephus merely
mentions Azarias as the son and successor of
Ahimaaz.
3. The son of Johanan (1 Ch. vi. 10, 11). He
must have been high-priest in the reigns of
Abijah and Asa, as we know his son Amariah
was in the days of Jehoshaphat, the son of Asa-
It does not appear what part he took in Asa's
zealous reformation (2 Oh. xv.), nor whether
he approved the stripping of the House of Gal
of its treasures to induce Benhadad to brest
his league with Baasha king of Israel, as re-
lated in 2 Ch. xvi., for his name and his ofBce
are never alluded to in the history of Asa's
reign, either in the Books of Kings or Chronicles.
The active persons in the religious movement
of the times were the king himself and the
two prophets, — Azariah the son of 0<led, and
Hanani. The silence concerning Azariah. the
high-priest, is, perhaps, rather unfavourable
than otherwise to his religious character. His
name is almost lost in Josephus's list of the
high-priests. Having lost, a» we saw in the
article Amariah, its termination A2, which
adhered to the following name, it got by some
process transformed into 'l<ros.
4. The high-priest in the reign of L'zzuH,
tenth king of Judah (2 K. xiv. 21; iv. 1, 6,
7, 8, 17, 2.% 27 ; 1 Ch. iii. 12). The most
memorable event of his life is that which
IS recorded in 2 Ch. xxvi. 17-20. When kin?
Uzziah, elated by his great prosperity and
power, "transgressed against the I..onl his
God, and went into the Temple of the Lord
to bum incense upon the altar of incen.^,"
Azariah the priest, accompanied by eighty of
his ; brethren, went in boldly after him, and
withstood him. With unflinching faithfulaess,
and a high sense of his own responsibility as
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AZAEIAH
rnl«r of thp House of God, he addressed the
king with the well-raeritcd reproof — " It apper-
umeth not onto thee, Uzziah, to burn incense
onto the Lord, but to the priests the sons of
Xuta, that ore consecrated to burn incense :
go out of the sanctuary, for thou hast tres-
passed : neither shall it be for thine honour from
tile Lord God." And it is added that when
-'Azuiah the chief priest and all the priests
looked upon him, behold he was leprous in
liis forehead, and they thrust him out from
thence; jea himself hasted to go out, because
tile Lord had smitten him." Uzziah was a
leper uato the day of his death, and, as such,
*u nerer able again to go to the Lord's House,
rhich he bad so presumptuously invaded,
.tariah was contemporary with Isaiah the
!^phet,and with Amos and Joel, and doubt-
las witnessed the great earthquake in Uzziah's
n'iga (Amos i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 5). He is not
mentioDed in the list of Josepbus. 'loiriKos
vzxoi instead ; possibly the name of the prophet
inadrertently substituted for that of the hiijh-
yriat. Keitber is he in the priestly genealogy
of 1 Ch. Ti.
S. The high-priest in the days of Hezekiah
(2 Ch. txii. 10-13). He appears to hare
co-operated zealously with the king in that
thoTOngh puriticntiou of the Temple and re-
rtoration of the Teniple-serrices which was so
coiupicnous a feature in Hezekiah's reign. He
especially interested himself in providing cham-
Wn in the House of the Lord in which to
stow the tithes and offerings and consecrated
things for the ase of the priests and Lerites,
and in appointing overseers to have the charge of
them. Kor the attendance of priests and Levitos,
»i»l the nmintenance of the Temple-services,
■iepended entirely upon the supply of such
cferings, and whenever the people neglected
them the priests and Levites were forced to
lisperse themselves to their villages, and so
the House of God was deserted (cp. Neh. x.
;!i-39; xii. 27-30, 44-47). His name seems
to be corrupted into Hi\flas in Josephns. He
>ncceeded Urijab, who was high-priest in the
reign of Ahaz. Who his successor was is
uncertain. He is not, any more than the pre-
ceding, included in the genealogy of 1 Ch. vi.
8. Another Azariah is insei'ted between
Hilkiah, in Joiiah's reign, and Seraiah, who was
pat to death by Kebnchadnezzar (1 Ch. vi.
13). But Josephns does not acknowledge him,
mailing Seraiah the son of Hilkiah, and there
seems to be scarcely room for him. It seems
hiiely that be may have been inserted to as-
<:inilate the genealogy to that of Ezra vii. 1,
«llen!, however, the Seraiah and Azariah are
I'robably neither of them the high-priests of
those names.
7. Several other priests and Levites of this
iiMie occnr, a« (a) Son of Zephaniah and an-
«ft«r of Elkanab, taken by some to be the
fither of Samuel the prophet (1 Ch. vi. M).
(^) Son of Hilkiah in the genealogy of Ezra
(Kzn vii. I ; 1 Ch. ii. 11, called Seraiah in
Neh. xi. 11). (c) One of the leaders of the
children of the province who went up with
Zembbahel from Babylon (Neh. vii. 7); else-
'xhere called Seraiah (Ezra ii. 2) and Zachabias
(1 Esd. V. 8). (d) Son of Maaseiah, one of the
iriesta, <' the m(n of the plain," who repaired a
AZABIAU
303
portion of the wall (Neh. iii. 23, 24). (e) A
I^rite who assisted Ezra in instructing people
in the knowledge of the Law (Neh. viii. 7),
called AZARIAS in 1 Esd. ix. 43. (/) One of the
priests who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah
(Neb. X. 2), and probably the same as the
Azariah who assisted in the dedication of the
city wall (Neh. xii. 33). (g) Two other
Levites (2 Ch. xxix. 12) in the days of Hezekiah ;
one the father of Joel the Koha'thite, the other
the son of Jehalelel the Herarite.
a B. 'OpvitJi, B». -10, A. 'KQafiat. A chief
officer of Solomon, the son of Katban, perhaps
David's grandson (1 K. iv. 5).
9. n^'ITB. Son of Jehoshaphat king of Judah
(2 Ch. xxi. 2) ; not to be confounded with his
brother, also called Azariah (^H^'ltV. B. omits ;
A, inserts it once, after Zacbariaa).
10. The original name of Abed-nego (Dan. i.
6, 7, 11, 19). He appears to have been of the
seed-royal of Judah, and for this reason selected,
with Itaniel and his other two companions, for
Nebuchadnezzar's especial service. The "three
children," as they were called, were remark-
able for their beauty, wisdom, knowledge, and
intelligence. They were not less remarkable for
their piety, their strict adherence to the Law
of Moses, the steadfastness of their faith even
unto death, and for their wonderful deliverance.
11. Azariah, the .son of Odcd (2 Ch. xv. 1 ;
in V. 8 there is some error in the text), was a
remarkable prophet in the days of king Asa, and
a contemporary of Azariah the son of Jobanau
the high-priest, and of Hanani the seer. He
powerfully stirred up the spirit of Asa, and of
the people of Judah and Benjamin, in a brief
but pithy exhortation, which has been preserved,
to put away all idolatrous worship, and to
restore the altar of the one true God before
the porch of the Temple. Great numbers of
Israelites from Ephraim, Manasseh, Simeon, and
all Israel, joined in the national reformation, to
the great strengthening of the kingdom ; and
a season of rest and great prosperity ensued.
Oded, the prophet in the days of Ahaz, may
probably have been a descendant of Azariah.
12. At 2 Ch. xxii. G, Azariah is a clerical
error for Abaziah (A. V. and K. V. marg. ;
B. 'Oxoifias ; Ochotias).
13. Several other persons of this name are
mentioned as belonging to different tribes, as
e.g. (a) The son of Jehu of the family of the
Jcrahmeelites, and descended from Jarha the
Egyptian slave of Sheshan (1 Ch. ii. 34, 38). He
was probably one of the captains of hundreds in
thf time of Athaliah mentioned in 2 Ch. xxiii. 1,
and there called the son of Obed. His name is
very im|)ortant, as marking clearly the time
when the genealogy in 1 Ch. ii. .'(6—41 was made
out, viz. in Hezekiah's reign ; for Azariah would
be about one generation older than Joash. Now
there are six generations after Azariah in that
genealogy, ending with Elishama, and, counting
Joash, there are from Joash to Hezekiah also
six generations, viz. Joash, Amaziah, Uzziah,
Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah. Elishama, therefore,
was contemporary with Hezekiah. Zabad, in
1 Ch. ii. 36, 37, we know too from xi. 41, to
have been a contemporary of David. (6) In
the same passage (2 Ch. xxiii. 1) is another
Azariah, the son of Jeroham, and also one of
the captains of Jndah in the time of Athaliah.
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304
AZABIAS
(c) A. '\(aptas, 6. OUtii, <on of Johanan, one
of the captains of Ephraim in the reign of Ahaz,
who sent back the captives and spoil that were
taken in the inrasion of Judah by Pekah (2 Ch.
xxviii. 12). (d) A son of Hoshaiah, Jer. xliii. 'J;
cp. Neh. xii. 32, 33 ; called Jezaniah in Jer.
xlii. 1. [A. C. H.] [W. A. W.] [P.]
AZARI'AS CA(apltts; Azarias). 1. 1 Esd.
ix. 21, eUewhera called Uzziaii (Ezra i. 1>
2. 1 Esd. ix. 43 = Urijah (Neh. viii. 4).
3. 1 Esd. ix. 48, elsewhere called Azariah
(Neh. viii. 7). 4. Azareia, priest in the line
of Esdras (2 Esd. i. 1), elsewhere Azariah and
EzERlAg. 6. Name assumed by the Angel
Kaphael (Tob. t. 12; vi. 6, 13; vii. 8; ii. 2).
6. A captain in the army of Judas Maccabaeus
(1 Mace. v. 18, 56, 60). [W. A. W.]
A'ZAZ OW = $trong; 'OCoiC; Azaz), a
Heubenite, BelV's father (1 Ch. t. 8). [W. A. W.]
AZAZEL, the marginal rendering in A. V.
of the " scape-goat " of the text (Lev. itj. 8).
The R. V. puts Azazel in the text, and inserts
"Or, dismissal" in the margin. See Atonement,
Day of, § VI. [F.]
AZAZI'AH(?nm5=tcAom Jahhath strength-
ened; BK. 'O^eiof,' A. -uu ; Ozaziu). 1. A
Lerite musician in the reign of David, appointed
to play the harp in the service when the ark
was brought np from the house of Obed-Edom
(1 Ch. XV. 21). 2. The father of Hosea, prince
of the tribe of Ephraim when David numbered
the people (1 Ch. xxvii. 20). 3. A. 'OCa(is;
Azarias, One of the Levites in the reign of
Hezekiah who had charge of the tithes and
dedicated things in the Temple under Cononiah
and Shimei (2 Ch. xxxi. 13). [W. A. VV.]
AZBAZ'ARETH (A. • K<rPairap49, B.'A(r/3<u-
a^8 ; AAaxareth), king of the Assyrians (1 Esd.
V. 69 ; LXX. v. 66). In Ezra iv. 2 the name is
Esar-haddon (A. 'AirapaSSeiv, B. 'AaaptaSir),
of which Azbazareth may be (?) a corruption
(see Speaker's Conun. on 1 Esd. v. 69). The
A. V. of 1611 spells the name more correctly
Asbazareth. [W. A. W.] [F.]
AZBU'K (ptarv ; B. 'A(afioix, M. 'AC^fioi,
A. 'A($oix i Axioc). Father or ancestor of
Nehemiah the prince of part of Bethzur (Neh.
iii. 16). [W. A. W.]
AZE'KAH (npW, from a root signifying to
dig or till the groanci,* see Gesen. s. r. ; *A(i)k((,
usually ; Azeca}, a town of Judah, with de-
pendent Tillages (" daughters ") lying in the
Sbefelah or rich lowland, a situation quite in
accordance with the derivation of the name given
above. It is named (Josh. xv. 35, B. 'Ia(i;ici)
in the same group with Jarmuth, Adullam, and
Socoh ; places which have been identified with
Kh. el- Yarmik, Kh.'Aid el-MatmA Kh. SUuweikch.
In 2 Ch. xi. 9, 10, Azekah, Zornh, and Aijalon
are named in succession, the two last being now
Surah and Yal6; and it may be inferred from
1 Sam. xvii. 1, that it was not far from Shocoh
(ShuweikeK), and that a valley separated the two
places. [Shochoh.] Joshua's pursuit of the
* Tbe verb occurs only in Is. v. 2, where It is ren-
dered in the A. V. "fenced;" but by Gescnins, In Ills
Jetaia, " grub ihn um ; " B. V. "made a trench about
It"
AZIA
Canaanites after the battle of Beth-horos
extended to Azekah (Josh. x. 10, 11). BetvHn
Azekah and Shochoh, an easy step ont of their
own territory,. the Philistines encamped before
the battle in which Goliath was killed (1 Sun.
xvii. 1). It was among the cities fortified by
Rehoboam (2 Ch. xi. 9), was still standiog at
the time of the invasion of the kings of Babylon
(Jer. xxxiv. 7), and is mentioned as one of the
places re-occupied by the Jens after their retaro
from Captivity (Neh. xi. 30).
The indications contained in the above
passages seem necessarily to place Azekah at
Tell Zakarlya, or Zakarlya, S.S.E. of 'Am SJims,
an identification already proposed by Sdicarz
(p. 102) and Van de Velde. This igrees
with the statements of Eusebius and Jerome
{OS* pp. 125, 22 ; 238, 16) that the place lay
between (i»ii iiiaoy) Eleutheropolis and Jeru-
salem, %.e. on the Roman road from the {omitr
place which passed through Zakanya, 'A»
Shems, and Bethlehem to Jerusalem (PEF.
Map). For Tell Zakariya and Zakariya, Ke
PSF. item. ii. 441 and iii. 27. [G.] (%.]
A'ZEL (^VK, in pause ^VK; 'E(r4A, oiuslly;
Asel), a descendant of Saul (1 Ch. viiL 37, 38.
ix. 43 [B. 'E<r<ri)A], 44 [K. 'EvaiiK, bis]). {V.]
A'ZEM(D){y, in pause DVD, a bone; t.
'Aa6ii, 'leur6v, A. 'Acrc^, 'Avin; Esem,Asein;
R. V. Ezem, bis), a city in the extreme sooth of
Judah (Josh. iv. 29), afterwards allotted to
Simeon (xii. 3). [Ezem.] [G.] [ff.]
AZEPHU'RITH (B. 'A/xTtt^ovptle, A 'Af
(ri^p- ; Vulg. omits), 1 Esd. v. 16 : the head of
a family whose sons returned to Jerusalem after
the Captivity. The name answering to this in
the list of Ezra (ii. 18) is Jorah, and in Kelie-
miah (vii. 24) is Hariph; and it has been con-
jectured that Azephurith arose from a tnn-
scriber's mistaken combination of the tw«
names. The uncial 2 of the second syllable
was in that case confounded with E. [W. AW.}
AZETA8 ('ACrrris ; Zelas), the name of the
head of a family which returned with Zernb-
babel (1 Esd. v. 16). The name is absent from
the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. [W. A. W.]
AZ'GAD (latl?; Ges. Thcs. = porerf*! ii
Gad, i.e. the god Fortune ; cp. Noldekr,
ZDMG., 1888, p. 479 : Azgad). The childnn
of Azgad, 1222 in number (Ezra ii. 12 [B.
'Agyii, A. 'AfiyiS]; 2322 io Neh. vii H
[B. •AayHS, K. 'AariZ, A. 'AyrrdJ]), w«re
among "the men of the people of Isntl"
who returned with Zerubbabel. A Kd^
detachment of 110, with Johanan at titfir
head, accompanied Ezra in the second carsru
(Ezra viii. 12, B. 'AariS, A. 'Aiyit). Witk
the other heads of the people they j<iii>^
in the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 15.
B. 'Arrii, A. 'AfyeiJ). The name appears »
Sadas in 1 Esd. v. 13 (B. 'Afyai, A. 'Arr»l\
and the number of the family is there given as
3222. In 1 Esd. viii. 38 it is written ASIATB
CA<TTi$). [AV. A. W.] [f.]
AZI'A (B. 'Oi*ioi, A. -I-; Ozuus), a Tempi*
servant (1 Esd. v. 31X who returned with Zeml-
babel, called Uzza in Ezra ii. 49. [W. A. W.]
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AZIEI
AZI'EI (Aaiel). 1. One of the ancestors of
Isdm (2 £$d. i. 2), elsewhere called AZA-
Kuu (tzra Tii. 3) nnd Ezus (1 EsU. viii. 2).
a !WP; B. 'Of«iiA, A. -.- ; OiW. A Lerite
■tilled iii the nse of the psaltery (1 Ch. xv. 20).
Tkt lame is a shortened form of Jaaziel
()X».rir, 1 Ch. IV. 18). [W. A. W.] [K.]
AZI'ZA (Mt'tff ; B. 'Of«<A A. 'OfiCi ; ^^iVa).
A layman of the family of Zattu, who had
married a foreign wife after the return from
Bobrlon (l^ra i. 27) : called Sardeus in 1 Esd.
!i. 28 (A. ZapSaias, h. ZfpaXlas^. [W. A. W.]
AZJIATETH (njDtl?, Ges. rA«. perhaps
= tinmij is Dfoth ; B. 'kafiM, B'. 'Atriuie, A.
Mi«[2 Sam.]; B. 'ACSiiK, A. •^(^uie [1 Ch.];
.4»»iawM, A2inoM). 1. One of I^vid's mighty
men, a native of Bahurim (2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ;
1 Ch. li. 3r-), and therefore- probably a Ben-
j^uDite.
2. Azmoth. A descendant of Mephibosheth,
«t Merib-baal (1 Ch. viii. 36 [B. iaXnti, A.
'\0M], ii. 42 [B. Vaiaiie, A. •Ai/uie}}.
3. B. 'AiTfuie, A. 'A(iuie. The father of
Jeiiel and Pelet, two of the skilled Beiijamite
I'lingen and .irchers who joined David at Ziklag
(I Ch. liL 3), perhaps identical with 1, It has
fc««n sDggested that in this passage "sons of
Azmareth " may denote natives of the place of
tilt name.
4. a 'Ao-iuM. A. 'Aifuie. Overseer of the
ifval treasures in the reign of David (1 Ch.
uril 25). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AZMA'VETH (n)Dm; A. 'A0«W, B. 'A<r-
a-iilZin}; Azmnvi'th), a place to all appearance
In lieDJamin, being named with Anatholh, Kir-
jith-Jearira, and other towns belonging to that
'nbe. Korty-two of the Uene-Azmaveth returned
torn the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 24).
The "loDS of the smgers " seem to have settled
round it (Seh. lii. 29, {{'•■"' 'A(fiiie, B. omits).
The name elsewhere occurs as Betii-Azuaveth
Atij Betii-Samos. Azmaveth does not make its
3p|iearaiice in the lists in Joshua, but the name
nu borne br several Benjamitea of the kindred
"■ Saul (1 Ch. riu. 36, ix. 42, xii. 3 ; in the
lut passage Bene-A. may merely denote natives
*f the place, especially as natives of Anathoth,
^iUah. jic. are mentioned in the same verse).
In Neh. xii. 29 it is mentioned in close con-
nexion with Geba, and it is now probably Hizmeh,
i village between 'Anita. Anathoth, and Jeb'a,
<i<t\»{PEF. Mem. ill. 9). [G.] [W.]
AZ-MON (jiOTr or jbW; B. 'AniuSya, AF.
'httXiuim [Nnm. v. 4] ; B. 3t\fulya, A. 'A<r«-
M<"« [Josh.] ; Asemona), a place named as being
<« the S. boundary of the Holv Land, apparently
^ni the Urrent of Egypt' ( TVorfy el-'Aris/i)
(Som. xxxiv. 4, 5 [A. SeXuafi-o, F. 'AinXfuim'] ;
J«h. IV. 4). It has not yet been identified ; but
»M possibly at, or near, Kh. Lussan at the
S.W. corner of the Kegeb. It is mentioned by
Imebini and Jerome [OS.* pp. 123, 25; 236,
5S),kut evidently was not actually known to
***». Knobel {Ex. Hbh. liii. 414) compares
tke name with that of the 'Azatimeh, an Arab
tribe at the S. end of the NegA. In the Targum
Jon. it is rendered by QDp, Ktttam, which
BiBU! ricr. — you i.
AZUBAH
305
Schwarz (p. 23) would iJentifv with W.
Kuaaimeh, S. of Birein. '[G.] [W.]
AZ'NOTH-TA'BOR CfQFI-niJJK; A. "Afa-
r^ ea$^p, B. 'Evie 8. ; Azanotthahor) = " the
ears (t>. possibly the summits) of Tabor," one
of the landmarks of the boundary of Naphtali
(Josh. xix. 34). The town, if town it be, or the
reason for the expression contained in the nnme,
has hitherto escaped recognition. By Eusebius
(05.' p. 242, 88, s. r. 'A(iwiii$) it is mentioned
as lying in the plain on the confines of Dio-
caesarea.
For the use of the word tJ'N = ear, cp. UzzBN-
Skerah ; and for the metaphor involved in the
name, comp. Chislotu-Tauor. [G.] [W.]
A'ZOB ('AC«f> ; Azor), son of Eliakim, in th<
line of our Lord (Matt. i. 13, 14). [G.]
AZO'TUS. [ASHDOD.]
AZO'TUS, MOUNT CAf^oi/ Spos or'Afw-
Tot Spot; J/bns Azoti). The mountain on
which Judas Maccabaeus was killed (1 Mace,
ix. 15-18). Josephus (_Ant. xii. 11, § 2) gives
the name of the mountain as 'A(d. Bacchides,
advancing from Jerusalem, pitched (1 Mace. ix. 4)
at Berea, probably Jiireh [Berea (3)] ; whilst
Judas encamped at Eleasa, Itoft, near Beth-
horon. In the fight that ensnrd Judas broke
the right wing of the army of Bacchides and
pursued it to Mount Azotus, which Major
Conder, following Ewald, proposes (PEF. Mem.
ii. 294) to identify with the hill of the modern
village liir et-Zeit, near Jufna, Gophna. [W.]
AZRI'EL (^»»"!t» = the help of God. Op.
the Punic Hasdrubal = ^in nt» = help of
Baal; B. 'EoSpi^A, A. 'Ufpi^X; Ezriel). 1. The
head of a house of the half-tribe of Manasseh
bevond Jordan, a man of renown (1 Ch. t. 24).
'2. B. 'Effpei^A, A. '0(tiiK ; Ozriel. A Naph-
talite, ancestor of Jerimoth the head of the
tribe at the time of David's census (1 Ch. ixvii.
19); called UzziEL in two Heb. MSS., and
apparently in the LXX. (A.).
3. 'Eupi^A, A. 'Ecrfpi^A ; Ezriel. The father
of Seraiah, an officer of Jeboiakim (Jer. xxxvi,
26). [W. A. VV.] [F.]
AZBl'KAM (Dpnjr, MV.» = my help Imth
uplifted itself ; B. 'ZipuKiv, A. 'Zapatdn; Ezri-
cam). 1. A <lescendant of Zerubbabel, and son of
Neariah of the roynl line of Judah (1 Ch. iii. 23).
2. Eldest son of Azel, and descendant of Saul
(1 Ch. viii. 38 [B. 'tCptiKoi (B" -«), A. -invi],
ix. 44 [B. 'ZaipiMiv, K* 'Efp-, A. -ito^]).
3. Azaricam. A Levite, ancestor of Shemaiah
who lived in the time of Mehemiah (I Ch. ix. 14
[B. 'ZirfttKiv, A. -Ko>t] ; Neh. xi. 15 [B. 'Ef«p«r,
K"" 'EexP*'. N" '^(pMiv, A. 'E<rO>r|).
4. B. 'EC«tp<(| A. -pi. Governor of the house,
or prefect of the palace to king Ahaz, who was
slain by Zichri, an Ephraimite, in the successful
invasion of the southern kingdom by Pekah, king
of Israel (2 Ch. xxviii. 7). [W. A. W.] [F.]
AZU'BAH (naiTB, fonakm; B. Tai/>v^
A. 'A(ovfii ; Azvha). ' 1. Wife of Caleb, son of
Hezron (1 Ch. ii. 18, 19). 2. 'Afou/Si, B. [1 K.]
'A(a*0d. Mother of king Jehoshaphat (1 K.
xxii. 42 ; 2 Ch. ix. 31). [W. A. W.]
X
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306
AZUR
AZTTB, properly AZ'ZUB ("fiiy, helper;
'A(<ip ; Aiur). 1. A Benjamite of Gibeon, and
father of Hananiah the false prophet (Jer. zxriii.
1). He may hare been a priest, as Gibeon was
one of the priestly cities (see Speaker't Comm.
1. c). 2. W; T."Ef.f>, A. 'Ufep. Father of
Jaazaniah, one of the princes of the people
against whom Ezekiel was commanded to
prophesy (Eiek. li. 1). [W. A. W.]
AZU'BAN (B. 'ACapis, A. 'A{ovpis; Azoroo).
The sons of Aznran are enumerated in 1 Esd.
T. 15 among those who returned ft-om Babylon
with Zorolwbel, but there is no corresponding
name in the catalogues of Ezra and Nehemiah.
Azuran may perhaps be identical with Azzur
in Neh. 1. 17. [W. A. W.]
AZ'ZAH (my = ttrmg; Viia; Gaza; R. V.
Qazd). This is the more accurate rendering of
the name of the well-known Philistine city,
Gaza (Dent. ii. 23; 1 K. iv. 24; Jer. xxr. 20).
[Gaza.] There is apparently nothing to explain
why an exception should hare been made in
these three places from the usual (but less
correct) Tersion of the name. The name is
accurately rendered by Milton, a Hebraist, in
' Samson Agon.,' line 147. In 1 Ch. rii. 28
R. V. reads Azzdh (marg. Ayyah) where A. V.
has Gaza (marg. Adasa). [G.] [W.]
AZ'ZA£! Qty, perhaps Hrong; '0{c(; Ozan).
The father of Paltiel, a prince who represented
his tribe of Issachar in the division of the
promised land (Num. xiiiT. 26). [W. A. W.]
AZ'ZUB (IWr, helper; KA. "Afoip, B.
'ASoip ; Azur). One of the heads of the people
who signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh.
X. 17). The name is probably that of a family,
and in Hebrew is the same as is elsewhere
represented by AzcR. [W. A. W.]
B
BA'AL (7B3; Bi£oX; SaoT), the supreme
male [on Baal with the feminine article, see be-
low] divinity of the Phoenician and Canaanitish
nations, as Ashtobetii was their supreme female
divinity. Both names have the peculiarity of
being used in the plural, and it seems certain
that these plurals designate not (as Gesenius,
ITtea. s. vv., maintained) statues of the divini-
ties, but different modifications of the divinities
themselves. That there were many such modifi-
cations of Baal is certain from the fact that his
name occurs with numerous adjuncts, both in
the 0. T. and elsewhere, as we shall have
occisioQ to notice hereafter. The plural Baalim
is found frequently alone (e.g. Judg. ii. 11,
X. 10 ; 1 K. xviii. 18 ; Jer. ix. 14 ; Hos. ii. 17),
as well as in connexion with Ashtoreth (Judg.
X. 6 ; 1 Sam. vii. 4) and with Asherah, mis-
rendered " groves " by A. V., but correctly
rendered by R. V. " Asheroth " (Judg. iii. 7 ;
2 Ch. xxxiii. 3). There is no difficulty in deter-
mining the meaning of the name since the word
is in Hebrew a common noun of frequent occur-
rence, having the meaning Lord, not so much,
BAAL
however, in the sense of Ruler as of .Matter,
Owner, Possessor. The name of the god, whe-
ther singular or plural, is always distinguiihril
from the common noun by the presence of thi^
article (CWa!!. ^rsri), except when it Jtsnds
in connexion with some other word vhicb
designates a peculiar modification of BsaL The
Assyrian form of the word is Bilu, the Greek
BqAot, more commonly known to ns as Bel.
Bel was properly the deity of the earth ami
air, answering to Hul-lil, the second god of tbe
Accadian trinity, but in later times the name
was almost en-
tirely confined to
"the younger
Bel," Bel Mero-
dach, " the lord
Herodach." Mero-
dach was a form
of the Sun-god,
and was the tu-
telary deity of
Babylon, as Nebo
was of its suburb
Borsippa; and
when Babylon be*
came the capital
of Babylonia, its
chief divinity also
became the su-
preme god of the
whole country.
[Layard conjec-
tures (Jfirieveh and
its Semains, p. 287
smaller edit.) that
Baal is the figure in the above cut, from t bss-
relief found at Nimrud, representing a pro-
cession of warriors
carrying away the
idols of a conquered
nation. Diodorus 81-
culus (ii. 9) says that
the god was repre-
sented in the act of
walking ; and in the
epistle supposed to
have been written
by the Prophet Jere-
miah to the captive
Jews we are told,
" Now shall ye see
in Babylon gods of
silver, and of gold,
and of wood, borne
upon shoulders, . , .
he hath also in his
right hand a dagger
and an axe " (Bar.
vi. 4, 15), as in the
above cut.]
Baal was the most
nsual title of the
Sun-god in his
various manifesta-
tions among the Ca.
naanites, and conse-
quently there were
as many Baalim or
forms of Baal as there were aspects under whifli
the Sun-god could be worshipped. [Hence he
BmI or Bri c»liirf In iiu i lm -
Bui •■ s Blufod. (Dsaa.)
Digitized bv
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BAAL
BAAL
307
B represented with hU head encircled nith
nTs.] These forms may be divided into two
Aisset, — those ^which represent the beneficent
uhI ^neratire side of solar action, and those
shich reflect its destructive side. It was as the
fitroe deity who scorches in anger the beings he
has himself created that Baal was appeased with
hamao victims burnt in the tire. He was then
addresed as Baal-Hammim or Ammon, "the
lord of heat." He was also known at Tyre as
Ba^-Tsor, "lord of Tyre," and Baal-Melkarth
(Melech-kirjath, " king of the city," the Greek
H(raklN). [Baal-Ammon is sometimes repre-
sented in the form somewhat like the Egyptian
Ammon, as in the annexed cut. (Rawlinson,
{PamC «t OUplei.)
PkooKia, pp. 325, 326.)] More usually, how-
ever, the destructive Baal was called Moloch,
" the king," a word which took the form of Mil-
com or Halcham among the Ammonites. Each
ttate and city had its own special form of Baal :
thus Baal-Tsur was the Baal of Tyre ; Baal-
Zebob of Ekron; Baal-Gad, "the lord of good
lock," of B«al-Gad or Baalbek (Josh. li. 17).
The Baalim were also named from the mountains
KB which th«ir^high-places stood, and the streams
St whose sources their temples were erected, as
Baal-Hermon, " the Baal of Hermon " or " the
lanetoary " (Judg. iii. 3). Baal-Zephon, " Baal
o( the North " [see, however, Baal-Zephon],
*ai especially dreaded by sailors, as he governed
Die Dorth wimi and was worshipped on the dan-
jerotis headlands of Mount Kasios in Syria and
m Egy|.t (Ex. liv. 2, 9). By the side of Baal
stood bis female double or reflexion, calle<l Pentf-
Bial, " the face of Baal," in Carthaginian in-
scriptions, but more usually known as Ashtoreth.
The name of Baal might be combined with
other titles of the Sun-god— such as El, " god ; "
Alonai, " lord ; " Elyon, " the most high ; " Sydyk
(Zedek), "^ righteousness " — or might be rt-placcd
by them. The title of Adonai or Adonis, how-
ever, was specially reserved for the Sun-god
vben regarded as the young and beautifnl deity
prematurely slain by the boar's tusk of Wiuter,
and he was then addressed by the old Accadian
name of Tammuz, though Hndad and Rimmon
were also used. Among the Moabites the
supreme Baal was called Chemosh. In all cases,
however, Baal, or more fully Baal-shemaim,
" the lord of heaven," was considered a single
deity who manifested himself under an almost
endless variety of forms, some one of which was
specially honoured by the worshipper at a given
time and in a given place. The worship, there-
fore, of the Baalim of the Canaanites (Judg. it.
11-13, vi. 26, viii. 33, x. 10; 1 Sam. vii. 4) or
of the Phoenicians (1 K. xvi. 31-33 ; xviii.
19, 21) meant apostasy from the national God
of Israel and amalgamation with the native
population of Canaan (cp. Rath i. 15, 16 ; 1 Sam.
xxvi. 19). The God of Israel Himself, however,
had once been addressed as Baal, " Lord." Both
Jonathan and David had sons called Merib-baal
(1 Ch. Tiii. 34) and Beel-iada (1 Cb. xiv. 7) ; and
it was not until the associations connected with
the title had made it abhorrent to the pious
Israelite that Hosea declared that the God of
Israel should no longer be termed Baali, " my
Baal " (Hos. ii. 16). Henceforward Baal became
synonymous with the name of a heathen deity.
Consequently the shrine of the Phoenician snn-
god which had been erected in the vicinity of
the Lord's house at Jerusalem, probably by
Ahaziah, is called " the house of Baal " in 2 K.
xi. 1 8, and Manasseh is said to have " reared up-
altan for Baal " in 2 K. xxi. 3 (see also 2 Ch.
xxviii. 2).
Like the Assyrian Biln or Bel, Baal entered
largely into the composition of proper names,
such as Baal-hanan (Gen. xxxvi. 38) or Hanni-
bal, " Baal is gracious ; " Beal-yah, " Jehovah is
Baal " (1 Ch. lii. 5) ; Esh-baal, « man of Baal "
(1 Ch. viii. 33; ix. 39), or Jernb-baal (Judg. vi.
32 ; viii. 29). Sometimes the worshipper called
himself simply by the name of the god ; thus
there were two Baals, kings of Tyre (B.C. 675
and 575), and a Baal was king of Gebal in the
time of Xerxes, while a Reubenite named Baal
is mentioned in 1 Ch. v. 5, and an uncle of Saul
was also called Baal (1 Ch. viii. 30; ix. 36).
The worship of Bsial amongst the Jews appears
to have been appointed with much pomp and
ceremonial. Temples were erected to him (1 K.
xvi. 32 ; 2 K. xi. 18) ; his images were set up (2 K.
X. 26); his altars were very numerous (Jer. xi.
13), and were er^cteil particularly on lofty emi-
nences (1 K. xviii. 20) and on the roofs of houses
(Jer. xxxii. 29); there were priests in great
numbers (IK. xviii. 19) and of varions classes
(2 K. X. 19) ; the worshippers appear to have been
arrayed in appropriate robes (2 K. x. 22) ; the
worship was performed by burning incense (Jer.
vii. 9) and offering burnt-sacrifices, which
occasionally consisted of human victims (Jer.
xix. 5). The olticuiting priests danced with
frantic shouts around the altar, and cut them-
selves with knives to excite the attention and
compassion of the go<l (I K. xviii. 26-28 ; cp.
Lucian, de Dea Sijra, 50 ; Tert. Apol. 9 ; Lucan,
i. 565 ; TibuU. i. 6, 47).
The particular forms of Baal alluded to in
the 0. T. are the following: —
1. Ba'al-beri'tu (nna 7^3 ; Baa\/3<p(9 ;
Baalberit). This form of feaal was worshipped
at Shechem by the Israelites after the death of
Gideon (Judg. viii. 33 ; ix. 4). The name
X 2
l--^
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3C8
BAAL
signifies the Covenant-Baal, and has been com-
pared with the Greeli Ztii! Spxios or the Latin
Dcus fidius. The meaning, however, does not
seem to be the god who presides over covenants,
but the god who comes into covenant with the
worshippers. In Judg, ix. 46 he is called
n'^3 ?{?. We know nothing of the particular
form of worship paid to this god.
2. Ba'al-zebu'd (3)3r 7{?3; BooA. ftvla;
BeeUehu'i), the form of Baal worshipjied at
Elcron (2 K. i. 2, 3, 16). The meaning of the
name is Ifaal of tlic fly, the Sun-god being asso-
ciated with the 6ies which swarm during the
summer in hot climates. It has been supposed
that the god was represented under the form of
a monstrous fly, but possibly the epithet was
derived from the office he was aslced to under-
take of driving away the plague of insects from
his worshippers. Similarly the Greeks gave the
epithet ieniiivun to Zeus (Pausan. v. 14, § 2 ;
Clem. A lei. Protrept. ii. 38), and Pliny (A'. H.
X. 40) speaks of a fly-god Myiagros at Elis (see
also Soliu. i.). As an oracle was established in
the temple of Baal-zebub, the priests may have
determined the future by watching the move-
ments of flies. The name occurs in the N. T. in
the well-known form Beklzebud.
3. Ba'al-peo'r (^iI/^ 7^3; BccX^eyup;
Beelphegor), the god of tfie mountains of Moab,
and a form of the national deity Chemosh. The
narrative (Num. xxv.) seems clearly to show
that this form of Ba.il-worship was connected
with licentious rites. We can lay no stress on
the Rabbinical derivation of the word ^WB>
hiatus, i.e. " aperire hymenem virgineum," since
the god clearly derived his title from the name
of the mountain of Peor (Num. xxiii. 28), still
known as Fa'flr. Baal-Pcor was identified by
the Rabbins and early Fatlicrs with Priapus (see
the authorities quoted by Sclden, de Diis Syris,
i. 4, 302 sq.). Selden himself dissents from
this view, and in this he is followed by many
critics (cp. Baudissln in Herzog, BE.' a. n. ;
Dillmann' on Num. xxr. 3). More detailed in-
formation on some points will be found in
Creuzer's Si/mbolik and Movers' PhOnizier.
4. Ba'ai^Gad 0\ ^i'Si " Baal of good for-
tune"; ^oKaryii; Baal-gad), the form of the
sun-god worshipped at Baal-Gad, a town called
after his name, and probably to be identified
with Baalbek, Gad, the god of good luck, is
mentioned in Is. Ixv. 11, along witn Meni, the
Assyrian Manu, where tlie proper n.iraes, mis-
rendered " troop " and " number " in the A. V.,
are rendered " Fortune " and " Destiny " by
R. V. [A. H. S.]
BA'AL, with the feminine article ; a title
used contemptuously. The LXX. constantly
(esp. Jeremiah, e.g. ii. 23, vii. 9 ; cp. Hos. ii. 10,
xiii. 1. In Rom. xi. 4, r^ BtEoX takes the place
of rf B((a\ of 1 K. xii. 18) prefixes the feminine
article to the name of the male god. Kl<rxii'r\
(nca) or shame is frequently a substitution for
Baal (*.(/. Jer. iii. 24; cp. QPB.'), and Dillmann
has ingeniously shown that the feminine article
Tl, when prefixed to Baal, indicated that aiVxv>^
was intended to be read (see Driver, Notes on
the Heb. Text of the BB. of Samuel, p. 193, n. 2).
BAAL
Bandissin (Herzog, BE.' "Astarte," p. 723)
thinks that the androgynous character of Bail
may be represented by the fem. article, but'
Driver points out that no traces of an androgy-
nous Baal have been found in the Phoenician
inscriptions. [K.]
BA'AL (/??)• geographical. This word
occurs as the prefix or suffix to the names of
several places in Palestine. Many of these (see
the list in Ges. T/u:s. i. 225) have reference to
the worship of the god Baal, as inhabitant or
owner of a particular spot, or contain original
forms of his name (cp. Baudissin in Herzog,
BE.' s.n. " Baal"; Baethgen, Beitrdge z.Semit.
Beligionsgesch. p. 19 sq. ; W. E. Smith, BcUgim
of the Semites, i. 93 sq. ; Driver, Xutes on the
Hebrew Text of the BB.of Samuel, p. 50).
1. Ba'al (A. Bia\, B. BiiAaT; Baal), a
town of Simeon, named only in 1 Ch. ir. 33,
and which from the parallel 4ist in Josh. sis.
seems to have been identical with BaaLatii-
DEER. ,
2. Ba'alah (riTyS ; in Josh. iv. 9, B. 'It^ooX,
A. tls Bcia\ ; Baala).
(a.) Another name for KlRJATK-jEASni, or
Kirjatu-Baal. It is mentioned in Josh. it.
9, 10 ; 1 Ch. xiii. 6 («'t ii6My AauiS; adcollem
Cariathiarim). In Josh. xv. 60 and xviii. U, it
IS called Kirjath-Baal. From the expression
" Baalah, which is Kirjath-jearim " (cp. " Jebnsi,
which is Jerusalem," xviii. 28), it would seem as
if Baalah were the earlier or Oanaanite appelU-
tion of the place. In 2 Sam. vi. 2 for " Baai;
Judah " [R. v.] (TCim^ »^»3D, iirh ray apxir-
TO)*' 'lo^a, de tiris Juda) should be read '' 7VS :
cp. 1 Ch. xiii. 6.
(6.) B. BaA({, A. BaaXcL k town in the
south of Judah (Josh. xv. 29), which m lii. 3 is
cilled Balah [B. BwAcij, and in the parallel li>t
(1 Ch. iv. 29) BiLHAIl [B. "AflfXAel, A. BoXai;.
A proposal has been made {PEF. Hem. iii. 261
to. identify it with AVi. Um>n Baghleh, twelre
miles south of Beit Jibrin, but the identification
is donbtful.
(c.^ Mount (y\) Baalah (B. <irl xlfla, A*.
BoAd; Baala). A point on the boundary dI'
Judah, mentioned between Shicron and JabneeL
YAntih, Josh. xv. 11. The site has not yet been
discovered. .
3. Ba'alath (nWS ; Balaath, 1 K. Baal-
ath), a town of Dan named in the same gronr
with Eltekeh and Gibbethon (Josh. lii. 44;
B. omits, A. BaaXtiv). It is possible that the
same town is referred to in 1 K. ix. 18 (B. omits,
A. BaA<{«) and 2 Ch. riii. 6 (B. BaXoo, A. -oi).
Josephus, Ant. viii. 6, § 1 (BaXc6), states that it
and Beth-horon were not far from Gezer. The
site appears to have been recovered at Beldit,
about 2\ miles N. of Beth-horon the nether
PEF. Mem. ii. 296).
4. Ba'alatu-bEer (TSS n??3, Baaiak of the
veil; B. BopcK, A. BooASc/nippa/i/uM ; Baalati-
Beer), a town among those in the south part
of Judah, given to Simeon ; and which also bore
the name of Ramath-Nkoeb, or "the heighu
of the South " (Josh. xix. 8). In another list
it appears in the contracted form ot Baal.
[See 1.] Other sacred wells in thli parched
region were the Beer-lshai-roi, the " well of
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J
BAAL
thf vision of God ;" and Bscr-shcba, the " well
oftiieoatli." ,
6. Ba'a^oad nj 'V? ; BA. roXyiJ in
Jojh. I'ii. 5 ; B. iakaycXi, A. Ba\ydS, V. BoaX-
yil in lii. 7 ; Bojljad), a place evidently well
known at the time of the conquest of Palestine,
aal as such used to denote the most northern
(Josh. li. 17, lii. 7), or perhaps north-western
(liii. 6, Hamath being to the extreme north-
nut) point to which Joshua's victories ex-
tended. It was in all probability a Phoenician
crCanaanite sanctuary of Baal, under the aspect
of Gad, or Fortune (see Baal [god] No. 4). No
trace of its site has yet been discovered. The
lords "the plain (nVpS) of Lebanon" would
j«3il to the (opposition that it lay in the great
(lain between the two ranges of Lebanon and
Anti'Lebsnon, which is still known by the same
Hebrew word el-B&kffa ; and it has accordingly
l««n identified by Iken and others with Baalbek
(Rub. iii. 519). But against this are the too
great distance of Baalbek to the north, and the
precise expression of the text — " under Mount
Htrmon " (Jerome, ad radices numtis Ilermon).
The conjecture of Schwarz (p. 60), supported
W Robicson with his usual care, is, that the
modem representative of Bnalgad is Santas, a
pisce which long maintained a great reputation
a the sanctuary of Pan. [Caesarea Philippi.]
8. Ba'al-Ha'mon (jicn '3 ; Baal of mulli-
tak; T.' ittXofuir, H- Be«AA<v«Sv, B. Bec9Aa-
wir; M y-joe habet po]>tilos), a plnce at which
^lomon had a vineyard, evidently of great
eitent (Cant. viii. 11). The only possible clue
to its situation is the mention in Judith viii. 3
of a Belani6n or Balamon (BtCA. BaAa/tiiy ,
Bethvlia; E. V. B alamo) near Dothnim; and
therefore in the mountains of Ephraim, not far
oorth of Samaria.
7. Ba'al-ha'zob (i^Vn '3 ; B. BatKaadp, A.
B4>Aaffip; Baalhasor ; Josephus, Ant. vi:. 8,
§2, gives the form BtKm^y), a place "'by'
Ephraim" ('{{"DyX where Absalom appears to
tare had a sheep-farm, and where Amnon was
mnrdered (2 Sam. liii. 23. The teit is disputed ;
s« Driver /. c). It appears to have been the
ri«-it property to Joab's (2 Sam. liv. 31), and is
iww probably Tell 'Asur, 2J miles N.W. of et-
Tii'jibeh, Ephraim (P. F. Mem. ii. 298, 371-2).
& Mocar Ba'al-iier'mon QtO'Vi 7J?3 in i
R. rh Sfot ToS 'Aepn^y, A. r. 6. t. BoAacp/iai ;
Jfoas Baai-lfermon, Judg. iii. 3), and simply
Bnal-hennon (A. BoiX 'Ep^v, B. BaiXef^
H* B««X«(^; Baal-Hermon, 1 Ch. v. 23).
^is is usually considered as a distinct plnce
from Mount Hermon ; but the only apparent
CToand for so doing is the statement in the
l»tter of the above passages, " unto Baal-her-
moc, and Senir, and " Mount Hermon ;" but it
''i<iaite poasible that the conjunction rendered
""and " may be used here, as often elsewhere, as
•n expletive, — " unto Baal-hermon, even Senir,
even Mount Hermon." Perhaps this derives
>ome cslour from the fact, which we know, that
tht« mountain had at least three names (Deut.
lii. 9). May not Baal-hermon have been a
iiiinh, in use among the Phoenician worshippers
* Tbe "nnto " in the A. V. b tnterpolated, and Is
«ll«il In the R. V.
BAAL
309
of Baal, one of whose sanctuaries, Baal-gad,
was at the foot of this very mountain ? C"p-
Speaier'a Comm. note on 1 Ch. v. 23 ; W. R.
Smith, Religion of Vie Semites, i. 93, n. 3.
9. Ba'al-meo's (jiyp '3 ; in Num. B. B«X-
^C(«t>, A. iafui, F. fiafiii ; in 1 Ch. B. BeeX/tair-
aur, A. ittKiuuiy; in Ezek., most Gk. MSS.
om. ; Baalmeon, Beelmeun), one of the towns
which were "built" by the Reubenites (Num.
iixii. 38), and to which they " gave other
names." The " Beth," which is added to the
name elsewhere, probably preserves the fact that
it was once the house or sanctuary of the Baal
of Meon. [ BETHnxAL-MEON ; Betii-xeon.] It
is also named in 1 Ch. v. 8, and on each occasion
with Nebo. In the time of Ezekiel it was Moab-
ite, and under that prosperous dominion had
evidently become a place of distinction, being
noticed as one of the cities which are the "glory
of the country " (Ezek. xxv. 9). It is mentioned
in the inscription on the " Moabite stone " as
having been built by King Mesha (^Records of the
Bast, S. S., ii. 201 ; Driver, Notes on the Hcb. Text
of the BB. of Samuel, p. Ixxxvii.). In the days of
Eusebius and Jerome {OS.^ pp. 136, 5 ; 246, 45)
it was still a " vicus grandis " called Beel-
mnns, 9 miles distant from Heshbon ('Eirf/3oSs,
EAus), near the " mountain of the hot springs,"
and reputed to be the native place of Elisha. It
is now Ma'in, on the banks of the Zerkti Ma'in ;
the ruins are of " vast extent," occupying " the
crests and slopes of four adjacent hills " (Tris-
tram, £a/td of Moub, pp. 303-4; PEFQy. Slat.
1871, p. 71).
10. Ba'al-pera'zim (D'V'IB '3, Bual of
hrejches ; Baat-pharasim), the scene of a victory
of David over the Philistines, and of a great
destruction of their images, and so named by him
in a characteristic passage of exulting poetry —
R. V. " The Lord hath broken (f'lB ; see another
rendering in inarg.) mine enemies before me,
like the breach (^1^) of waters. Therefore he
called the name of that place ' Baal-perazim,' "
i.e. the place of breakings forth (R. V. marg :
2 Sam. v. 20; 1 Ch. xiv. 11). The place and
the circumstance appear to be again alluded
to in Is. xxviii. 21, where it is called Mount P.
Perhaps this may ]M>int to the previous exist-
ence of a high place or sanctuary of Baal at this
spot, which would lend more point to David's
exclamation (see Gesenius, Jes. p. 844). Driver
thinks (Notes on the Ueb. Text of the BB. of
Samuel, 1. c.) that Baal, as applied here, does not
denote the Phoenician god, but is a title of
Jehovah (cp. iv. 4, note). The L.XX. twice
render the name in 2 Sam. v. 20 iiriyu Sia-
Kowiir, and in 1 Ch. xiv. 11, at the beginning
of the verse, B. 4aaX^adi(r(f/t, H. ^oXooS'
^a0ci(rc(, A. BaaX'i^ei^<r((>' ; and, at the end of
the verse, B. Aioxori) taptoiy, K. A. *apifly, A.
A. tapaaily. It was near the Valley of Re-
phaim, and not far from Jerusalem.
11. Ba'al-shali'siia (nC^C^ '3 ; Beullirttpiiri,
B. Bai6af»7(ra, A.""- (ras era A?) BaSaapiaa ;
Baalsalisa), a place named only in 2 K. iv. 42 ;
apparently not far from Gilgal, possibly JiljUii,
in the mountains N. of Bethel (cp. r. 38). It
was possibly situated in the district, or " land "
of the same name. [Shalisha.] It is probably
the same as the Bethsalisa or Bai6(rapiird0 (OS.*
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310
BAAL-ZEPHON
pp. 141, 11 ; 250, 92), which is placed 15 miles
N. of Diospolis in the Tbamnitic toparchy and
is now Kh. Sirisia. In the Targum it is rendered
by Daroma, and in PEF. Mem. (ii. 285) it is
identified with Kh. Kefr Thilth.
12, Ba al-ta mar (IDFI '3, Baal of the
palm ; BaoA 9aiiiip ; Baalthamar), a place
named only in Judg. xx. 33, as near Gibeab
of Benjamin. The palm-tree ODD) of Deborah
(ir. 5) was situated somewhere in the
locality, and is |>ossibly alluded to (Stanley,
pp. 145-6). In the days of Ensebius it was still
known onder the altered name of BT)09a/u(f>
(0&« p. 250, 77); but no traces of it have
been found by modem travellers. In the Tar-
gum it is given as "the plains of Jericho,"
probably a conjecture, and not a happy one,
as Jericho was too far distant from Gibeah.
Conder {Hdbk. to BibU, p. 404) states that Jewish
tradition identifies it with the large ruin 'AttarOy
near Gibeah. TG.J [W.]
BA'AL-ZE'PHON (J1DV 'jpa; BceAffeir-
^uy, Bc«A(r<^(iiv ; Beelseph-m), u place near
which the Israelites crossed the Red Sea (Ei.
xiv. 2, 9 ; Num. xxiiii. 7). The name is clearly
Semitic, and is usually supposed to mean a
shrine of Baal of the quarter psy, " the North."
The position of Baal-Zephon must have been
in the territory which the Egyptians called
" the East." [Pithom.] We should therefore
rather have expected the name Baal of the
East than of the North, like "Supt of the
East," the divinity of Kesem, the city of Qoshcn,
and of " the East " generally. [Goshen.]
.although the rendering oi JIDy is on Hebrew
authority only, and the Semitic names In Egypt
are not proved to be of Hebrew origin, there is
no ground in the different orientations of the
ancient East for the conjecture that the word
can here mean "east" instead of "north."
It is quite tme that in later Hebrew the term
DJ, "the west," as the direction of the sea,
sometimes naturally serves for " the soath "
(Fs. cvii. 3 ; Is. xlix. 12), the sea being sonth-
■ward of the land of exile, whereas it was
westward of the land of promise, but JIDX
remains "the north." If it mean the "dark"
quarter, it could never stand for the direction of
the sun-rising. Another and more probable
etymology for Baal-Zephon mar be suggested.
We could derive the name from Il^y rather
than JBy, and render Baal-Zephon, "Baal of
the watch-tower." M. Naville's geographical
indications support this view. Migdol and
Baal-Zephon, on opposite sides of the sea, would
be two corresponding watch-towers, and Pi-Ha-
hiroth with its temple of Osiris would again
stand in the like relative position to Baal-
Zephon, the temple of Baal or Set. the antagonist
of Osiris ; the last shrine of the protector of
cultivation facing the ontpost of the personifica-
tion of the desert. [R. g. P.]
From the recent identification of the site of
the city of Pithom-Succoth and the region of
Succoth [Pithom, Sucoorn], it appears that the
Israelites crossed the Red Sea near the ancient
head of the HeroBpolite Gulf (the Gulf of Suez),
upwards of thirty miles north of the present
head [Red Sea, Passaoe op], and Baal-Zephon
BAALI
would therefore have stood near the head of the
gulf. Its foreign name, made of two Semitic
words, seems to indicate that it was not situated
in Egypt, like Pi-Hahiroth, but on the Asiatic
side of the sea (£i. xiv. 2, 9, B. i( iporrias
BftXvfT^y, AF. i( i. BtfKatiptii'). The munc
of Baal Zapuna has been found in a papyrus of
the British Museum (Sallier, iv.), withoat anr
reference to its imsition. It is not likely that it
was a city, but was probably only a hill or a
mound used as a place of worship,' and perhaps
connected with a watch-tower.
Brtigsch, who advocated the theory of the
Exodus along the Mediterranean, considered Baal-
Zephon as the sanctuary of Mons Casius, at the
exti-eme limit of Egypt on the coast (7J<r
Exud'ts and tlie Egyptian Monuiaenti, p. 278)
Ebers, who adheres to the old view of the cross-
ing neai Suez, places Baal Zephon on the summil
of Gebel Attaka, above Suez (Darch Gosn ni»
Sinai, p. 524). The opinion which is derireii
from the excavations is that Baal-Zephon inii.''t
be looked for south of Lake Timsah on a hill like
.Sheykh Ennedek. [8^ S.]
BA'AL (^ffS; B., 'la^\, A. Bia\i Baa!\
1. A Reubenite, whose son or descendant Beenh
was carried off by the invading army of Assyrii
under Tiglath-pileser (1 Ch. v. 5).
2. B. BaaXeucain, A. BooA* icoi tHifi. The »ii
of Jehiel, father or founder of Gii>eon, by his wile
Maachah ; brother of Kish, and grandfather of
Saul (1 Ch. viii. 30, ii. 3S). [W. A W.]
BA'ALAH. [Baal, 2.]
BA'ALATH. [Baal, 3, ♦.]
BA'ALE of Judah. [Baai-, 2 a.]
BA'AL-HA'XAN Qm ^P3, Baal is gra-
cious: in Gen. A. BoXmVW, D. tr^, E. B«-
Xtyyipi in 1 Ch. i. B. Ba^tumip, A. -i; BM-
nan; cp. Ijrtnj, 'ludiviis, Jehovah is granxa).
1. The name of one of the early kings of
Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39 ; 1 Ch. i. 49, 50).
2. The name of one of David's officers, who
had the superintendence of his olive and syca-
more plantations (1 Ch. xxvii. 28 ; B. Ba\»u.
A. -va; Balanan). He was of the town of
Gederah (Josh. xv. 36) or Beth-Gader (I Cfc.
ii. 51), and from his name probably of Canau-
itish, not Jewish origin [A. H. S.j
B A'ALI ( hv3 ; Baa\<(M i Baalt). The worii
occurs as a name in Hos. it. 16 (Heb. r. 18):
" At that day thou shalt call Me Ishi (my hss-
band); and shalt call me no more ^ali (mt
Baal or my master) ; " and the change annoanred
is evidently the change from a name connectel
with idolatry and unfaithfulness to a nsmt hi;-
nificant of loyal and faithful attachment. The
passage is histot cally important as testifyisg to
the use of the word Baal not as a proper dsuk
but as an appellation of the God of Israel, i
similar use of Baal is to be traced when thf
word forms part of the name of Saul's son Esb-
baal, or of David's son Beeliada. And this m.iy
be readily admitted without the farther ss-
snmption that Israel had identified God with
the god of the Canaanites. Cp. Speaitr's Cons- <
and Orelli, Kg/. Komm. (edd. Stiack a. ZSckler)
in loco ; KSnig, Die ffaiiptprohlcme J. alHtr^td. \
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BAALIM
Stiijionagachickte, pp. 35-38; Baethgen, Bei-
ttvije X. Semit. Religiotugttch. p. 144. [F.]
BAALIM. [Baau]
BA'ALIS (D»^l?3. Cp. MV." Perhaps =
S'/trjB or V 7V3, son or turd of exultatioD ;
Bwthgen (p. 16) conjectures, lord or AiM6an</ of
/«; Bit* 0t\turd, A. -i-; Baalis), king of
tlu Bene-Ammon (0airiA<i>t vihs 'Afiiiitv) at
th? time of tlie destraction of Jerusalem by Ne-
6ocliidneKar (Jer. il. [LXX. xlvU.] 14). [F.]
BA'ANA (K3I?3, meaning uncertain, pos-
.■sibly MV." = ton of Anu [cp. Anamuielec))]).
1. X. Bwtrii viht 'ZKoiS, B. Baxxck vibt 'Ax<(-
liix : Bana, the son of Ahilud, Solomon's commis-
.<Miat otBcer in Jezreel and the north of the
■lurdao valley (1 K. ir. 12). 2. Baoi^; Baana.
Tie father of Zadok, one of those who repaired
the vail of Jerusalem after the return from
the Captirity (Neh. iu. 4). S. 1 Esd. v. 8.
[BxiSAH, 4.]
BA'ANAH (njra = Kara [above] ; A. Bavek
alvajs; B. in vr. 5, 9, Bao^ in r. 6 B(v</u(;
Baaka). 1. Son of Rimmon, a Benjamite, who
with hit brother Rechiib murdered Ish-boshetb.
for this they were killed by Darid, and their
inotUated bodies hung up over the pool at
HebroB (2 Sam. iv. 2, 5, G, 9).
2. A Netophathite, father of Heleb or Heled,
<iie of Darid's mighty men (2 Sam. xiiii. 29,
A. Booraal, B. omits ; 1 Ch. xi. 30, A. Bacm<,
B. Vooii).
3. Accurately Baana, t(W3 ; B. Botvat, A. -it ;
Baana\ sod of Uushai, Solomon's commissariat
officer in Asher (1 K. iv. 16).
4. A man who accompanied Zerubbabel on
hii return from the Captivity (Ezra ii. 2, A.
B«n<,B. BoAXeui; Neb. vii. 7). Possibly the
>aiii« person is intended in Neh. x. 27. [Baana,
J.] [W. AW.] [F.]
BAANI'AS (BA. Boi-wifot ; Bannai). Be-
Muit, of the sons of Pharush (1 Esd. ix. 26 ;
cp. Ezra I. 25). [W. A. W.]
BA'ABA (KltO, meaning uncertain, Qes.
= footith, MV." '= o bwnim/ ; A. Baapi, B.
'I3aaM; Bara), one of the wires of Shaharaim, a
<l«>cendant of Benjamin (1 Ch. viii. 8). [F.]
BAASEI'AH (.nyV2, probably an error
lor TXXfffO' tie teort of Jah. The same error
'»:cars in some texts [not K] of LXX. in Jer.
iii. 1. Cp. here B. Mcuuroi, A. Ba<uru(; Ba-
sun), a Gershonite Levite, one of the forefathers
■of Asaph the singer (1 Ch. vi. 40 [25]). [F.]
BA'ASHA (KBVa or KB^S ; Booirtt ; Joseph.
Bar^t ; Bacud), third sovereign of the separate
Un^om of Israel, and the founder of its second
dynasty. He was the son of Ahijah of the tribe
of Issacbar. He conspired against king Nadab,
»n of Jeroboam, when he was besieging the
Philistine town of Qibbethon, and killed him
tith his whole family (1 K. xv. 27-29). He
'ppcars to have been of humble origin, as the
prophet Jehu speaks of him as having been
"exalted out of the dust" (1 K. xvi. 2). In
natten of religion his reign was no improve-
BABEL, BABYLON
311
ment on that of Jeroboam ; he equally forgot
hb position as king of the nation of God's elec-
tion, and upon him and his house there equally
fell the destruction which had befallen the bouse
of Jeroboam (1 K. xvi. .3, 12). Further, his
reign was chiefly remarkable fur his persevering
hostility to Judah (1 K. xr. 32). It was pro-
bably in the I3th year of his reign that he made
war on its king Asa, and began to fortify Ramah
as an itrtrdxtt^H^ against it. He was defeated by
the unexpected alliance of Asa with Benhndad 1.
of Damascus, who had previously been friendly
to Biiasha. Benhadad took several towns in the
N. of Israel, and conquered lands belonging to it
near the sources of Jordan. Baasha died in the
24th year of his reign, and was honourably
buried in the beautiful city of Tirzah (Cant. vi.
4), which he had made his capital. "The dates
of his accession and death according to Usher
are B.C. 953 and B.C. 930, according to Kamp-
hausen and as corrected by the Assyrian Chro-
nology B.C. 914 and B.C. 891 (see Herzog, SE.*
' Zeitrechnung,' p. 477). Cp. 1 K. xv. 27, xvi.
7 ; 2 Ch. xvi. 1-6. [G. E. L C] [F.]
BA'BEL, BAB'YLON (^J^; BafivUv),
the capital of the country Babylon or Babylonia,
called, in Gen. x. 10, Shinar (IV)^), and in
the later books Chaldnea (D^'^BO- [the land
of the] Chaldeans, also 0*'^^^ |^ in full).
The name Babel is connecte<i, in Gen. xi. 9,
with the Hebrew root 773, " to confound,"
referring to the confusion of tongnes which took
place at the building of the Tower of Babel.
The native name, however, was Bab-ili (also
Bdbilu and Bahilam), " gate of God," and Bib-
ilaui, " gate of the gods." The ancient Akkadian
(non-Semitic) names arc Ka-dmgira, "gate of
God " (a translation of Bdbili) ; Tin-tir, « life-
seat " (in Semitic Babylonian iubat balafi, " seat
of life"); E or E-ki, "house" or "hollow,"
and Su-anna, the city with " the high defence "
(a reference to the great walls of Babylon).*
Babylon was probably at first only the principal
town of the district in which it was situatied,
and afterwards rose, by the power of its kings,
to be the capital of the whole district known
later as Babylonia.
The Biblical account of the foundation of the
city (Gen. xi. 2-9) states that as they (the
descendants of Cush and followers of Nimrod)
journeyed from the east, they found a plain in
Shinar, and dwelt there. This statement ap-
parently refers to one of the migrations of the
people of Kingi-Ura, as they called themselves
— the Sumero-Akkadians, as scholars now name
them — a race which seems to have come from
the east, or rather north-east, of Mesopotamia.
Their first act, after settling down, was to
build "a city and a tower" with burnt brick
and "slime " (bitumen). Such was the begin-
ning of the mighty city of Babylon, and in the
same way, likely enough, the other cities of
Mesopotamia had their origin — a number of
* The fonn Bdb4U and its Akkadian translation, Ka-
iingira, are probably the results of a folk'^tymology.
The original form of the name aeoms to have been
Babslam — a form differing bat slightly fh)m that of
Bdbilam above. The final at in both coses is the
mimwution.
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312
BABEL, BABYLON
simple dwellingK scattered around a temple-
tower (Asayro-Babylonian, xiiiuratu). Any dis-
continuance of the building of the city must
have been comparatively short, for, as is well
known, it grew to be the largest city of the
ancient world.
The date of the foundation of the city is
uncertain, but it seems not unlikely that, as it
is mentioned before Erech, Akkad, and Onlnch
((ten. X. 10), it was at least as old as those
cities. It first came into prominence about the
year 2232 n.c, a datp which corresponds very
closely with that of 2230 B.C., which the Greeks
derived from the Babylonians in .^Icxiinder's age.
The city itself, however, must have been much
older. The various names of the city existed
at a much earlier date, and it is not unlikely
that it owed its origin to the e.\istence of re-
nowned temples and sacred places, visited by
the primitive inhabitants ; the principal being,
probably, the great temple-tower of Babel itself.
It is likely that the many names which the
city bears in the inscriptions come from the
fact that originally several distinct towns or
villages occupied the site and, growing, becnme
one single city, just as, in later times, T(',
Tema, Alu-^iiu, and other towns were incor-
]>orated and formed iMirt of it.
Patron deities. — The principal gml of the city
was Merodach, whose seat it was (Babiht mahuz
Marduk, " Babylon, the stronghold of Mero-
dach "), and the principal goddess was his
consort, Zir-panitum or Zer-banitum. Splendid
shrines for the worship of these deities existed
in the city from the earliest times. Innana,
Nanl, or litar was also regarded as one of the
psitron deities of the city.
History. — From the accounts left by the Baby-
lonians themselves we get no detailed history of
the rise of the city. Hammurabi (or Hammu-
ragai, in Babylonian Kimta-mpaitum), king of
Babylon about 2120 B.C., who belonged to what
was known as "the dynasty of Babylon," seems
to have fixed his court there. He greatly added
to the temple of Merodach, and restored the
temple of the god Zagaga, called Mite-ursag, in
the city of Kdi, to the east of Babylon. Samsu-
iluna, son of Hammurabi, dedicated images
overlaid with gold to the god Merodach, whose
shrine was in b-sagila. Another early king,
Agu-kak-rime, known to us from a long inscrip-
tion from the library of Aiiur-bani-apli or
Assurbanipal at Nineveh, gives a long account
of the restoration of the shrines of Merodach
and his consort Zir-panitum in C-sagila at
Babylon ; and how he clothed their images
(brought back from captivity in the land of
Hani) with splendid vestments, and adorned the
shrines with gold, silver, and many kinds of
rare and costly stones. This king also restored
at the same time the whole of the temple £-
sagila.
After this period, however, hardly anything
is known as to the progress made in the city
of Babylon. It continued doubtless to grow
in size and in splendour, but the kings by
whom the work was accomplished seem to have
left little or no record of the part they took
in adorning the city. The constant invasions
of the Assyrian kings also not only retarded
but quite checked the growth of the city, and
Sennacherib, in his last invasion of Babylonia,
BABEL, BABYLON
completely razed it to the gronnJ. Esarhoddon.
his son, a king of milder disposition, came tu
Babylon soon after his accession to the thrones of
Assyria and Babylonia. He completely restore.1
the city, rebuilt the great temples and towers,
and brought back the images of the gods. The
temples E-sagila in Babylon and L-zida is
Borsipjia were afterwards restored with great
splendour by Samai-ium-ukin (Saosduchinos or
Sammughes), and his brother Asiur-bani-apli or
Assurbanipal, king of Assyria. To Nabopolassar
and his son Nebuch.idnezzar, however, it was
' that Babylon, in later times, owed most of her
I splendour. Nebuchadnezzar was especially
energetic in the work, and the number of
edifices rebuilt or restored by him gives great
justification to the question " Is not this gnat
Babylon that I have built ? " (Dan. iv. 30,) which
is attributed to him. All the Babylonian kings
claim, however, more or less, to have rebuilt
or restored the temples of Babylon and Bcr-
sippa, especially those called E-sagila and £•
zida. Antiochus Soter, whose record is inscribed
on the cylinder found at the Birs-NimrouJ by
Mr. liassam, was probably the last king to do
any work of this kind. Herodotus (i. 183) states
that Xerxes plundered the temple of Belns of
the golden statue that Darius had not dared to
remove, and Arrian says(iii. 36) that he destroyed
the temple itself on his return from Greece ; and
that, it being in ruins when Alexander was at
B.abylon, th.at king formed the design of re-
building it, and restoring it to its former gran-
deur. The work, however, was not done on
account of the magnitude of the task, u it
would have taken 10,000 men to clear sway the
ruins. Babylon decayed rapidly after Alexan-
der's death ; and, alter the building of Seleacia
by Scleucus Nicator, became a de««rt. There
are, however, no native records which wooid
shed light on the history of the city at this
time. There is a small tiblet, dated' "21^1
year, Arsaces, king of kings" (=93 B-ft),
recording that two priests of £-sa-bad, the
temple of the goddess Gula, which had been
restored by Nebuchadnezzar (see below), had
borrowed 18 shekels of silver from the treasarr
of the temple of B$l. This would seem to
indicate that the sacred places of the great city
were still in existence and that the warship vs~
carried on as late as the reign i>f ilithridates U..
the ninth of the Arsacjdae.
Oreek accounts. — According to Herodotos (i.
178-186), who himself saw the glories of th?
great city of Babylon, it funned a vast square,
120 stades or 13 miles 1385 y.irds on each side,
so that its circumference was 480 stades (S.^
miles). The city was surroimded by two wall',
the inner one narrower, but not much weak«.
than the outer one. Here and there, on each bank
of the river, were certain fortified places, on one
side the palace of the king and on the other th«
temple of Belus (the temple called L-sagila),
which consisted of a massive tower witUn a
square enclosure measuring two stades (40(i
yards) each way, and provided with brazen
gates. The tower within, which was a kind ei
pyramid in eight stages (counting also the
lowest), had a winding ascent to allow visitors
to reach the top. On the highest stage of this
tower or pyramid was a sanctnary, containing
no statue, but regarded by the Babyloniass as
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BABEL, BABYLON
the abode of the god. Lower down was another
unctuary, containing a great statue of /.eus
(B«l-)Ierodach) sitting, and before it a large
table, iioth statne and table were of gold, aa
aUo the throne and its iteps. Outside the
tncltuTj were two altan, one small and made
«t gold, on which only nnweaned lambs were
sacrificed, and the other larger, for other victims.
The citj itself, so Herodotus says, was tilled
with hooses of three and four stories high, laid
«ut in streets crossing each other at right angles,
those leading to the Euphrates being closed at
the rirer-enda by brazen gates, which guarded
the (Mssages leading from the quays which lined
the banks of the Euphrates the whole extent
of its coarse through the city.
Two of the greatest works in Babylon were
the changing of the coarse of the Euphrates and
the bnilding of a bridge, so as to form a com-
munication between the two quarters of the city.
These works are nttribnted to two queens, Semi-
Timii and Nitocris. The first-named is said to
h.ire made some very remarkable embankments
to prerent the waters of the Euphrates from
'Mnging the country around, Kitocris, who
reipied fire generations later, formed the plan
of changing the course of the Euphrates, so that
it flowed no longer in a straight line before
entering the city, bat made three considerable
vioding;, and the troreller by water approached
the city Ardericea three times in three days.
This qneen made also embankments and a large
KMrroir, the vast outline of which, 420 stailes,
MTigators of the stream were obliged to follow
at the end of their journey. The object in
ilelsying the approach to the city by water was
to lessen the chances of its being captured by an
enemy. Whilst the water was drained off,
Nitocris made use of the opportunity thus
adbrded to connect the two divisions of the city
hy a bridge. A series of stone piers, built with
iron and lead, were constructed ; and were,
daring the daytime, connected by means of
lirswbridges, thus enabling the inhabitants of
earh division of the city to communicate with
greater ease.
Ctesias (ap. Diod. Sicalus, ii. 7 et seqq.') makes
the circnit of the city much less than Herodotus
—360 stades (41 miles 600 yards) instead of
480 stades. The city lay, he says, on both sides
of the Euphrates, and the two parts were con-
nected by a bridge (bnilt where the rirer was
narrowest) five stades (3,032 feet) long and 30
l«t broad, of the kind described by Herodotus.
-U each end of the bridge was a royal palace,
that in th« eastern division of the city being the
T.ore magni6cent. The part called the twofold
foyal city by Diodorus had three walls, the
'lOtmost being BO stades, or 7 miles, round ;
the second, which was circular, 40 stades, or
^ miles ; and the third 20 stades, or 2} miles.
The height of the middle wall was 300 feet, and
iu towers 420 feet, but the height of the inmost
wall was even greater. The walls of both the
Kcood and third enclosures were made of
nionred bricks, ornamented with figures of
diflerent kinds, among which were to be seen
Semiramis ai>d Ninns slaying the leopard and
the lion. Diodorus mentions a square lake,
340 stades long and 35 feet deep ; and speaks
>lu of the temple of Belus, with its statues of
Zeok, Hera, and Khea (Bel-Merodach, Zir-pani-
BABEL, BABYLON
313
turn his consort, and probably the goddess
Damkina). The statue of Zeus was, he says,
40 feet high, and weighed 1000 Babylonian
talents. The two palaces were not only joined
by a bridge, but also by a tunnel under the
river. Diodorus gives a description (still,
apparently, quoting Ctesias) of the famous
hanging gardens of Nebuchadnezzar. These, it
appears, were of square form, 400 feet each way,
and rose in terraces. Earth of sufficient depth
was placed on this structure to allow the growth
of trees of great size.
All the ancient writers agree in giving to
Babylon an immense size. As mentioned nbuve,
Herodotus makes the wall surrounding the city
480 stades, and Ctesias 360 stades, this last
number being evidently allegorical aud giving
the numbers of the days in the year (12 montiis
of 30 days = 360 days) : for this reason, as ac-
knowledged by Diodorus, it was corrected into
365 by Clitarchus. These numbers were more or
less accuratel v copied by the later writer.", Strabo
(zvi. 1, § 5) giving 385, Pliny (//. S. vi. § 121>
480, Q. Curtius (v. 1, § 26) 368. The estimate
of Herodotus seems to be the most trustworthy
one ; for, if the builder of this wall had followed
any symbolism for its length, it would be in
Babylonian and not Greek measures. The Greek
historian is the only writer who speaks of the
inner wall, but without giving any measurement
(i. 81). Both walls were protecte<l by large
ditches filled with water. Dr. Oppert believes
that he has found traces of the two walls, but
the state of the ruins does not permit any rcstor.i-
tion. The disappearance of the walls is easily
accounted for, either by the constant quarrying
or by the subsidence of the bulwark into the
moat from which it was raised. This immense
enclosed area was not entirely covered with
houses. Diodorus states that two plcthra of
ground unbuilt on were preserved near the walls,
and Q. Curtius says that Babylon contained
large gardens and fields ; it was in fact not a
town, but a fortified district.
For the height of the outer wall Herodotus
gives 200 cubits or 337J feet, and Ctesias
50 fathoms or 300 feet. The later writer*
merely copied these numbers, changing the
cubits into feet, and the fathoms into cubits.
This enormous height, being nearly that of the
dome of St. Paul's, seems almost incredible, not-
withstanding that modern explorations indicate
that the ^bylonian and Assyrian city-walls
were, so to say, real artificial mountains (ses
Nebuchadnezzar's account, below). The thick-
ness of the outer wall is given by Herodotus as
51 cubits or 85 feet. This measure is also
softened down by later writers, who have again
changed the cubits into feet.
Accordini; to Ctesias, the wall was strength-
ened by 250 towers, irregularly arranged, to
guard the weakest parts ; and according to
Herodotus this wall was pierced by a hundred
gates, which were made of brass, and had brazen
lintels and side-posts. It is not unlikely, how-
ever, that " n hundred " means simply " a large
number." The gates and walls are both men-
tioned in Scripture (Jer. li. 58; cp. 1. 15 and
li. 53).
Herodotus and Ctesias both say also that the
course of the Euphrates was regulated by an
embankment built of baked brick, and describe a
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314
BAitEL, BABYLON
bridge 5:ii 1 t" iie made of stone piles with s
movable wooden floor. Modem explorers believe
that they have found traces of both these
structures. The rnmaius of a quay or embank-
ment on the ea<tirn side of the stream (E; see
Plan, p. 315, col. 1) still eiist, the bricks of which
bear the name of Nabonidus, the last native
king of Babylon.
Turning now to the native records, we find a
certain amount of likeness in the descriptions,
but considerable diverijence as to the origin of
the many wonders of this great city of the
ancient Kastern world.
Xebuchadnetzar'a account. —- According to
Xebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, it was Nabo-
polossar, his father, who built the walls of
Babylon. These were called Imgur-BSl (" B*l
l)!\s been merciful ") and Nemitti-Bfl (" founda-
tion of Bel ") respectively, the former being the
outer, and the latter the inner w^all of the city.
He had dug the ditch, had raised two strong
walls on its banks, and had built the wall or
dam of the Arahtu or Araxes. He had also
lined the banks of the Euphrates with embank-
ments (probably the quays to which Herodotus
refers) of brick, but he h.id not finished the
whole of the work which he had undertaken.
Within the city itself Nabopolassar had con-
structed a road reaching from Du-azag, the
place where the oracles were declared, to
Aa-ibur-saba, the street of Babylon, close to the
gate of Beltis, for the great yearly procession of
the god Marduk or Merodach.
Brick Itamped with InirrltiUon ot Nebarliii.]iii.-xzitr. tcconlint; tho
rMtontion uf tbo tt-mples £-sa^iU at Bnbyloo and fi-zlilu »t
Nebuchadnezzar completed Imgur-BCl and
Ndmitti-Bcl, bricked their ditches, and added to
the thickness of the two walls which Nabo-
polassar his father h.id built. He built a wall
on the west -lide of Babylon, and raised the level
of the great street Aa-ibur-sabQ, from the
•'glorious gate" to the gate of Nani. This
raising of the pathway of the street necessitated
also the raising of the gateways through which
it went. The gates themselves, Nebuchadnezzar
says, were made of cedar covered with cop|)cr,
l)robably after the style of the great gates of
Balawat in Assyria. Probably no gate in
Babylon was of solid metal, though no mention
of their being constructed of wood occurs in
Herodotus. The thresholds of these gates were
BABEL, BABYLON
of bronze, and they were guarded by inug« of
bulls and serpents of the same metal. Nebncbtd-
nezzar constructed alio a wall on the east side
of the city, 4,000 cubits distant, high like >
mountain, so that no enemy could come near.
In this wall were also gates of cedar curertil
with copper. As an additional protection, be
constructed also an enormous lake, " like onto
the broad sea to cross." This great sheet of
water was kept in by means of dams and emhask-
ments. He thus made Babylon, as he says,
quite " a fortress."
Nebuchadnezzar speaks also of the royal
palace in Babylon — the palace which Nabo-
polassar had built and wherein he had lived.
This palace, which reached from Imgur-Bel U>
Libil-hegala, the eastern canal, and from the
banks of the Euphrates to the sacred street
Aa-ibur-saba, had somewhat fallen into decay,
the foundation having become ruinous throogl
the floods when the river was high; and tht
doorways were now too low in consequence of
the raising of the roadway of Aa-ibur-sabL
Nebuchadnezzar completely restored this edifice,
rebuilding its foundations with bitumen anl
brick, and raising the whole, as he says, " moos-
tain-Iike." The roof of this building was of
cedar, and the doors were of cedar covered vitb
bronze or copper. The thresholds were, u
usual, of bronze, and the palace was also other-
wise adorned with gold, silver, precious ^tonei,
and every kind of costly thing.
Imgur-B51, the principal wall of Babylon,
was situated, so Nebuchadnezzar says, 49u
cubits from N^mitti-B£l ; and in order that to
hostile attack should reach the former, he bnilt,
.IS a protection, two strong walls and as outer
wall, " like a mountain," with a great building
between them which should serve as a castle
and a royal residence. This building was in
connexion with the old palace of Nabopolassar
above named. According to the Babylonian
king's account, this work took only fifteen dayt!
The decoration, in the same style as the other
palace, followed, and the battlements wen
strengthened by blocks of alabaster and other
stones. Other defences also surrounded tfai^
stronghold.
As may well be supposed, there was a lai^e
number of other temples, besides that of Belns.
at Babylon, as well as smaller erections which
.-idorned the city. These Nebuchadnezzar claim;
to have rebuilt or restored. Among those
which he mentions m.ty be cited I-'-iuo, the
shrine of Merodach in the temple E-sagila ; and
a sanctuary called Du-azag, or the " place of
fate," where yearly, at the new-year's festival
on the 8th and 9th '(of Ni.sanX " the king of the
gods of heaven and earth " was placed, and the
future of the king asked and declared. Nebu-
chadnezzar also restored h-temen-ana-ki, called
by the Babylonians "the tower of BabyUo"
(zikitrai Bd'iili) within that city. For the god-
<less Nitt-ma^ he rebuilt or restored £-m^ ; f<>'
Nebo, L-nig-|;ad-kiUama-Bnma ; for Sin, the
moon-god, "the white limestone temple;" for
the sun-god, L-ditar-kalama ; for the goddess
Gula, E-sa-bad and E-j^rsag-ella, &c. The
above will give an idea of a small portion of the
work which Nebuchadnezzar claims to hare dono
in Babylon, his favourite city. Notwithstanding
that (unlike the other kings before him, «hM
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BABEL, BABYLON
bd taken difi«rent cities as their favourites)
Xebuchadnezzar looked upon Babyloo only with
the eye of affection, he nevertheless duly restored
the temples of the other great cities of Baby-
!i>i:i.i, as his predecessors had also done. Nebu-
chii'lnezzar's claim, that Nabopolassar his father
liiil built the great walls and other defences of
Babylon, cannot be taken literally — he probably
"olv began their restoration, for these great
ntirks which he claimed as his father's arc men-
ti.)Md in documents which were not only writ-
ten long before the time of either, but which are
themselves copies of still older texts. It is very
(irobable, however, that these two great rulers
'li'l more to render them really elective than
jur other king before thom.
BABEL, BABYLON
315
west or right bank the remains are very slight
and scanty. There are mounds which give the
appearance of an enclosure, traces of a structure
of moderate size within it (D). Besides these,
there is a number of remarkable mounds,
usually standing single, scattered over the
ccuntry on both sides of the Euphrates. Of
[A]
1-Mt of tbt Htr of Babrlon. •howlny the dlrtrict called Tanu and
t2» Gnat Gate of tha San.sod, (ram a tablet fhmi Babrlon.
aew la tba Britlali Mwewn-t*
Promt state of the nana. — About fire miles
:iU>re Hillah, on the eastern bank of the Eu-
phrates, are " three great masses of building —
tile high pile of unbaked brickwork called by
Hich ' Mdjellibe,' but which is known to the
.\rabs as ' Bibel ' (A) ; the building denomi-
nated the ' Kasr,' or palace (B) ; and a lofty
inoond (C), apon which stands the modem tomb
of .\mrim-ibn-'Ali " (Loflus's Chaldea, p. 17).
Toese are mostly " enclosed within an irregular
triangle formed by two lines of ramparts (GG)
and the river, the area being about eight miles."
Besides these are two parallel lines of rampart
(FK) bonnding the chief ruins on the east, some
-imilar but inferior remains -on the north and
west (H and 1 1), an embankment along the river-
iide (R), and a noteworthy isolated heap (K) in
thi? middle of a long valley regarded by some as
posiibly the ancient bed of the stream. On the
* The other side of the fragment bean an inscription
nferrtng apparently to the topography of Babylon, the
-name of v&ich, as well as that of ttie great temple
^-eagila, occurs In the fiist coltimn of the obverse, which
i« very mutilated. The second column contains re-
ferences to the three watches of the day, the closing of
ti» gates, and mentions the upftcr and lower east and
vest ftmogbolda. The text seems to have contained
Finciptlly Instmcttons tbr goarding the city.
Preaant State of tha lltiiaa of Babjlen.
these, by far the most striking is the vast ruin,
crowned apparently by the remains of a tower
rising to the height of 1531 feet above the
plain, and having a circumference of somewhat
more than 2000 feet, called the Biri-i-Nimrud
(the E-zida of the itiscriptions). This mass of
brickwork is generally regarded as the remains
of the Tower of Babel. This tower, however,
being situated within the city of Borsippa,
does not properly fall within the limits of the
city of Babylon, though one of the names by
which Borsippa was known was that of "the
second Babylon." [See Babel, Tower op.]
The great difSculty which meets us on at-
tempting to identify these sites is the fact, that
the remains are situated almost eiclusively on
the left bank of the river. It is probable, how-
ever, that the edi6ces existing on the western
bank have been almost entirely swept away by
the waters of the Euphrates, which have a
tendency to run off in that direction. It has
been also supposed that the ancient authors may
have confounded one of the great canals, which
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31tf
BABEL, BABYLON
existed in ancient times, with the main stream, i
This (which is not altogether unlilcely) would
ilo away with many difficulties, and reconcile
the conflictinj; evidence. The ruin known as I
linbil (A) has been identiBed with the temple of j
Belus. Tiele (Zeitachr. fur Asayriologie, rol. ii.
p. 190) is of opinion that E-eagila (which has I
BABEL, BABYLON
been identified with the temple of Belu) lay,
if not in the old royal palace itself, at letst in
its immediate neighbourhood, on account of its
having been found impossible by Nebach«dnez-
zar to enlarge the piUnce without desecrating
the holy place. This monnd of Babel is an
oblong mass, chiefly of unbaked brick, abont
VlnrarKrtbll,fMotlMWaii, Bmai of BiliTliln.
140 feet high, 200 feet long, and about 140
yards broad. It is flattish at the top. Ori-
ginally it was coated with fine burnt brick laid
in excellent mortar (Layard, Nin. and Bali.
pp. 503-5), and was no doubt built in stagei,
most of which hare crumbled down. All the
^^
Vltw of til* Eur.
inscribed bricks found in it bear the name of
Nebuchadnezzar. The Kair (B) is regarded as
marking the site of the great palace of Nebu-
chadnezzar. It is an irregular square of tboit
700 yards each way, and probably consists of
the old palace-platform with certain poitioM of
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BABEL, BABYLON
tke ancient royal Ksidence. The wallsi are built
c( bnnit brick of a pale yellow colour and ex-
(dlent quality, laid in fine lime-cement, and
stamped with the name and titles of Nebuchad-
neuar. They " contain traces of architectural
oniameat — piers, buttresses, pilasters, &c."
(bfud, p. 5U6) ; and slabs inscribed with the
ume of Nebuchadnezzar, and giving an account
cf the building of the edifice, have been found
in the rubbish at their base ; together with
snlptnred fragments and pieces of enamelled
brick of brilliant hues. These last-named,
ihich shoir sculptured figures of animals and
BABEL, BABYLON
317
fabulous monsters, recall the statements of
Ctesias Qap. Diod. Sic.) as to the walls of the
palace being coloured and having representation^
of hunting-scenes. No plan of the palace, how-
ever, is to be made out. The mound of Amrdin
(C) is thought by Professor Oppert to represent
the site of the " hanging gardens " of Nebu-
chadnezzar, but this is hardly likely. The
materials are much poorer than those of the
other edifices of that prince; and the whole
being, according to Rich, 1100 yards long by
800 yards broad," gives an area much too great
for the site of the hanging gardens, which are
Cbst of tbe oooatlT lonnd Bftbjrlofi. with Umlu of the aneiwit dtf, ftcoordlos to Oppftt.
^^a to hare b«en only 400 feet each way. It
most likely represents the ancient palace of
f-abylon, it being the only mound from which
<>ri(^s hare been obtained bearing the names of
tisgi older than Nebuchadnezzar. The identifi-
otioos of the other ruins or remains are still
Qore doabtful, but it is not unlikely that the
pualiel lines of embankment (II and FF) mark
tbe outlines of the ancient reservoirs mentioned
hr Xebnchadnezzar and the Greek historians,
tbngh they may mark the positions of ancient
nelosares or defences of the palace. The posi-
tioB of the " festival-street " (^Aa-ibur'aiAu)
mentioned bv Nebuchadnezzar is nnknown. The
embankment (E) is undoubtedly a portion of the
work which Berosus ascribes to the last king of
Babylon — Labynetus, Nabonidus, or Nabu-na'td.
Babylon in the time of its glory compared
with its present condition probably presents
the greatest contrast which it is possible to
imagine. Poor though the materials were, the
inhabitants and rulers had nevertheless erected
edifices which, for genius and grandeur of con-
ception, provoked comparison with the pyramids
of Egypt, and even in their decay excite the
• Ker Porter regards the shape as that of a triangle,
the sides of which are respectively 1400, 1100, anil »iO A.
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318
UADKL, BABYLON
.idmirntion and astonishment of the traveller.
In dufault of stone, the early inhabitants built
houses and palaces of baked or unbaked brick,
wood, or even of reeds. Most of the houses
were probably very simple structures, with flat
roofs, such at are still to be seen in the East.
Ancient Babylon must, however, have been a
beautiful city, for many of the houses were
situated in the midst of ganlons and orchards,
and here and there might be seen large fields of
waving com of various kinds, and everywhere
date-palms and other Eastern trees raised their
lofty heads. A vast trade was, from the 6th
century to the time of Darius, carried on in
the city, which became filled with rich mer-
chants and slaveholders, and the taxes and
tithes paid by the inhabitants must have
brought in a large revenue to the exchequer
and the temple-treasuries. Here, during the
period above named, were representatives of all
the principal nations of the then known world —
Jews and Assyrians mourning over their captivity
and the desolation of their respective fatherlands ;
Median, Persian, Phoenician, and Syrian mer-
chants ; Chaldean and Aramean soldiers and mer-
cenaries ; slaves and serfs from all the countries
around. Here the son of Neriglissar lent money
upon security, the judges of Nabonidus dealt
ont justice, and Belshazzar's servant engaged in
trade, seemingly on his master's :.ucount. This
most important and well-po)>ulated city, the
abode of princes and the great ones of the earth,
where so many historical events have taken
place, and so much affecting the surrounding
nations passed, the capital of one of the greatest
nations of ancient times, is now represented
merely by a few mounds and ruins, and a few
thousand clay tablets from which scholars are
slowly gleaning her eventful and chequered
record.
Babylon is often mentioned in the Old Testa-
ment, and we get from it not only the record
of its foundation, but also of the greatness
which it ultimately attained, and the prophecies
of its fall and utter desolation. The inhabitants
of Babylon, by whose rivers the captive Is-
raelites sat down and wept, hanging up their
harps upon the willows which were in the
midst of it (Ps. cixxvii.), can no longer mock-
ingly ask for a song from those whom they
have carried awny captive. She who was to be
destroyed (v. 8) has long since been razed to the
ground. Often and often, probably, during the
numerous sieges to which she has been subjected,
were her little ones taken and dashed against
the rocks (e. 9). The " burden " which, at the
hands of the Medes, was to fall upon the
devoted city, is detailed at length by the pro-
phet Isaiah (ch. xiii.). " Babylon, the glory of
kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldeans' pride,"
w.is to become "as when God overthrew Sodom
and Gomorrah" (e. 19). Besides the great
ruins, which are to be seen there, "other
shapeless heaps of rubbish cover for many an
acre the face of the land. The lofty banks of
ancient canals fret the country like natural
ridges of hills. Some have long been choked
with sand ; others still carry the waters of the
river to distant villages and palm-groves. On
all sides, fragments of glass, marble, pottery,
and inscribed brick are mingled with that
peculiar nitrous and blanched soil, which, bred
BABKL, TOWEE OF
from the remains of ancient habitations, check-i
or destroys vegetation, and renders the site of
Babylon a naked and hideous waste. Owls start
from the scanty thickets, and the fonl jackal
skulks through the farrows." (Layard, Ifatneh
and llabylon, p. 484.) From time to time a few
black tents aud flocks of sheep and camels an
seen scattered over the yellow- plain, bnt no
permanent dwelling is erected there, and the
sheep of the Arabs probably find bnt little food
among Babylon's barren rains. "Bnt wild
beasts of the desert shall dwell there, and their
houses shall be full of doleful creatures; and
ostriches shall dwell there, and he-goats shall
dance there. And wolves shall cry in their
castles, and jackals in the pleasant palaces : and
her time is near to come, and her days shall set
be prolonged " (Is. xiii. 21, 22). Compare also
Jer. 1. 39. It is now a long time since the
sword fell upon the inhabitants of Babylon
(Jer. 1. 34), and since the battle was set in array
against the daughter of Babylon (e. 42). The
trembling of the earth at "the noise of her
capture " has long since passed away, and the
echoes of the cry which then went up are
making their last resound. [T. G. P.]
, BA'BEL, TOWEB OF. The "tower"
(71JD) of Babel is only mentioned once in
Scripture (Gen. xi. 4, 5), and then only in con-
nexion with the city (Babel) which certain
immigrants, probably Akkadians (see the article
Babel) began to build in the plain of Shinar,
but left incomplete in consequence of the con-
fusion of tongues. Mo reference to it appears
in the prophetic denunciations of the punish-
ments which were to fall on Babylon for her
pride. It is therefore quite uncertain whether
the building ever advanced beyond its founda-
tions. As, however, the classical writers uni-
versally in their descriptions of Babylon gave •
prominent place to a certain tower-like bnildii^,
which they called the temple (Herod., Ditd.
Sic, Arrian, Pliny, &c.X or the tomb (Strabo)
of Belus (see pp. 312, 313), it has generally been
supposed that the tower, the building of which,
it may be conjectured, was abandoned when
"they left off to build the city," was ii
course of time finished, and became the princi{«l
temple of the Chaldaean metropolis. Certainly
this may have been the cose ; bat, while their
is some evidence against, there is none in favonr
of it. A Jewish tradition, recorded by Bochsrt
(Plialcg, i. 9), declared that fire fell from heaven,
and split the tower through to its foundation ;
while Alexander Polyhistor (Fr. 10) and the
other profane writers who noticed the tower
(as Abydenns, Frs. 5 and 6). said that it had
been blown down by the winds. Such authori-
ties therefore as we possess, represent the baild-
ing as destroyed soon after its erection. When
the Jews, however, were carried cajitive iat«
Babylonia, struck with the vast magnitude snd
peculiar character of certain of the Baliylooian
temples, they imagined that they saw in iiutt.
not merely buildings similar in type and mode
of construction to the " tower " of their Scrip-
tures, but in this or that temple they thoagkl
they recognised the very tower itself. The pre-
dominant opinion was in favour of the great
temple of Nebo at Borsippa, the modem fiin-
A'mmd, although the distance of that place
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hABEL, TOWER OF
Irom Babjlon is an insuperable difficulty in the
m of the identification. Similarly wheu
Christian trivelleni first began to visit the
Ueupotamian niins, they generally attached
tit Mme of " the tower of Babel " to whatever
mt». among those beheld by them, waa the
loftiest and most imposing. Rawulf in the
IStli century found the " tower of Babel " at
Fthtjiah, Pietrodella Valle in the 18th iJentiBed
it vith the min £abil near HUlah, while early
u the present century Rich and Ker Porter
RTived the Jewish notion, and argued for its
identity with the Bin, There are, iu fact, no
real grounds for identifying the tower with
the Temple of Belns, even supposing that any
Roains of it long survived the check which
the builders received, when they were " scat-
tered abroad upon the face of the earth," and
-left off to build the city " (Gen. il. 8).
The Birt-A'iinrud, though it canno^ be the
tower of Babel itself, which was at Babylon
(Gql li. 9X may, perhaps, as the most perfect
representative of an ancient Babylonian temple-
toirer, be regarded as showing, better than
BABEL, TOWElt OF
319
any other ruin, the probable shape and cha-
racter of the edifice. This building appears,
from the careful examinations that have been
made of it, to have been a sort of pyramid
built in seven stages. '- Upon a platform of
crude brick, raised a few feet above the level of
the alluvial plain, was built of burnt brick the
first or basement stage— an exact square, 272 feet
each way, and 26 feet in perpendicular height.
Upon this stage was erected a second, 230 feet
each way, and likewise 26 feet high ; which, how-
ever, was not placed exactly in the middle of the
first, bat considerably nearer to the south-we.stern
end, which constituted the back of the building.
The other stages were arranged similarly — the
third being 188 feet, and again 26 feet high ,
the fourth 146 feet square, and 15 feet high,
the fifth 104 feet square, and the same height
as the fourth; the sixth 62 feet square, and
again the same height ; and the seventh 20 feet
square, and once more the same height. On the
seventh stage there was probably placed the
nrk or tabernacle, which seems to have been
again 15 feet high, and must have nearly, if not
i i» -. m M ri Mi i ii «j ii ii M i » ai
m[riif¥iifiTi(Tf1ifiiMmf^
JTifTiiriiPrftil^ffiffif
3
Diagram ElevaUoo of B[n-Nimru<!. {Bc«t(ire.i I'y Ffrpiiw-iiii,)
niirely, covered the top of the seventh story.
The entire original height, allowing three feet
fiir the platform, would thus have been 156 feet,
or, without the platform, 153 feet. The whole
formed a sort of oblique pyramid, the gentler
slope facing the N.E., and the steeper inclining
to the S.W.* On the N.EL side was the grand
eotruict, and here stood the vestibule, a separate
building, the debris from which, having joined
thou from the temple Itself, fill up the inter-
mediate space, and very remarkably prolong the
notad in this direction " (Rawlinson's Ilercdotm,
Tol li. pp. 582, 583). The Birs temple, which
\u called the " Temple of the Seven Spheres
of Heaven and Earth," was ornamented with
the planetary colours, the basement being black,
the Kcond story orange, the third red, the
fctrth yellow, the fifth green, the sixth blue,
ti the seventh white, while on the top was a
• Messrs. Perrat and Chlplei, in their HUUmj of Art
<* OaUat and Attyria, vol. 1. cbi^i. Iv. (Gngllsb
*^\ ve more correct in making each aucceesive stage
to bsre teen placed exactly In the centre of that below It
shrine or chapel. The above cut shows its con-
jectural restoration by Fergusson. The other
chief features of it seem to have been common to
most, if not all, of the Babylonian temple-towers.
The feature of stages is found in the temples at
Warka and Mukeyycr (Erech and Ur, Loftus's
Chaldaea, pp. 129 and 168), which belong to
very primitive times (about 2500 B.C.) ; that
of the emplacement, so that the four angles
face the four cardinal points, is likewise common
to those ancient structures i while the square
form IS universal. A similar tower was found
at Khorsabad. [See Assvria, p. 278.] On the
other hand, it may be doubted whether so large
anuniberof stages was common. The Muljeyyer
aud Warka tcmplci have no more than two,
, and probably never had more than three, or at
; most four, stages. The great temple of Belus
at Babylon (^BabiC) shows only one stage, though,
according to the best authorities, that too was a
sort of pyramid (Herod., Strab.). The height of
the Birs is 15,3J feet, that of Babil 140 (?), that
. of the Warka temple 100, that of the temple at
Mukeyyer 50 feet. Strabo's statement that the
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320
BABEL, TOWEE OF
tomb of Belus nos n stade (606 feet) in height
would thus seem to be a grou exaggeration.
I'robnbly no Babylonian tower erer equalled the
tireat Pvramid , the original height of which
was 480'fect.
With regard to the materials used in the
tower, and the manner of its construction, more i
light is to be obtained from the Warlsa and i
Jlukeyyer buildings than from the JBirs. The
Ilirs was rebuilt from top to bottom by Nebu- :
chodnezzar, and shows the mode of construction
prevalent in Babylon at the best period } the
temples at Warka and Mukeyyer remain to a
certain extent in their primitive condition, the
upper stories alone having been renovated. The
Warka temple is composed entirely of sun-dried
bricks, which are of various shnjjes and sizes ;
BABEL. TOWEU OF
the cement used is mud ; and reeds are larirely
employed in the construction. It i^ a buiUin.;
of the most primitive type, and exhibits a rujer
style of art than that which we perceive I'rcm
Scripture to have obtained at the date of the
tower. Burnt bricks were employed m the
composition of the tower (Gen. li. 3), and
the Arab. -■»■ implies that the Aonar (HIJII)
used for mortar was bitumen, which aboimds m
Babylonia. Now the lower basement of the
Mukeyyer temple exhibits this combination in
a decidedly primitive form. The burnt bricks
are of small size and of an inferior quality;
they are laid in bitumen" ; and they face a mass
of sun-dried brick, forming a solid wall outside
Tempto of Bti*-Mllanid st Bontpi*.
it, ten feet in thickness. No reeds are used in '■
the building. Writing appears on it, but of an i
antique cast. The supposed date is B.C. 2500 — j
rather earlier than tlte time commonly assigned
to the building of the tower. Probably the
«rection of the two buildings was not separated
by a very long interval, though it is reasonable ,
to suppose that of the two the tower was the
earlier. The date assigned by the Babylonians
to Sargon of Agadc is 3800 B.C., and the
«rcction of the Tower of Babel may be set down
roughly at about this period.
There is little or nothing to be aald as to the
probable position of the Tower of Babel. That
It ought to be found within the city of Babylon
IS implied by its name, and by the scriptural
account of its erection. The improbability of
its having been the Birs-Nimioud (the E-ziJs
of the Babylonian inscriptions) has been referred
to above; and there is no indication, in the
ancient records, that it was the great aaJ
renowned temple called b-sagila (" the House of
the High Head ") at Babylon, though it musr
be confessed that the name would support soi'li
a view. There wa.1, however, at Babylon another
temple or temple-tower, apparently held by the
Babylonians next in veneration, and called br
them £-temen-ana-ki (" the House of the Founda-
tion of Heaven and Earth "1. Further it wis
also generally spoken of as " the Tower of Baby-
lon " (xtUurat £Mli or xHmrat Babilam). This
* JTufayyer means literallj " coated with Utamsn."
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BABYLON
iorti st»mi to hare lj«en mentioned, on a geo- _
eraphical tablet, at the head of the list, before
tlut of Boreippa (L-zicIa, or the Temple of the i
Senn Spherea). Kebacbadnezzar, too, in many
of his inscriptiona, apealkS of baring restored it.
H« uys, " £-temen-ana-ki, the Tower of Baby-
]<m, I made, I completed, and with brick and
bright marble I raised its top." It must be |
Uft to future research to determine whether
E^gila, t-texen-ana-ki, or £-zida be the Tower
<( itM, but the choice may be regarded as
Iving rather between the first two.
It is ont necessary to suppose that any real
klea of " scaling heaven " was present to the
minds of those who raised either the Tower of
Bsbel, or any other of the Babylonian temple-
toirers. The expression used in Genesis (li. 4)
it > mere hyperbole for great height (cp. Oeut.
i. 23 ; Dan.'ir 11, &c.), and should not be taken
literally. Military defence may hare been the
primary object of sncli edifices in early times :
but the probability is that it was intended to be
rati as an obserTatory, and for the offering of
acrifices and performance of religious cere-
monies. Most, if not all of the principal cities
< r Babylonia and Assyria had a tower, and some
'>f tiiem probably more than one.' These towers
v«re called zikkHrati^ a word which comes from
the root '^3T, and which probal>ly means, there-
fort, " memorial -peak," or something of that
kind. Um-napiitim, the Chaldean Noah, in the
story of the Flood, says that, after coming forth
from the ark, he " built an altar on the peak
{xiihmtt) of the mountain," and offered sacrifice
tiHR. It is therefore probable that the custom
«f haring zikhxrdti arose from this act on the
part of the Patriarch. Diodonis states that the
gnat tower of the temple of Belus was used by
the Chaldeans as an obserratory (ii. 9); and the
cirtfol emplacement of the Babylonian temples
with the angles facing the four cardinal points,
would be a natural consequence, and may be re-
garded as a strong confirmation of the reality
«f this application. M. Fresnel has conjectured
that they were also nsed as sleeping-places for
the chief priests in the summer-time {Joum.
Matique, June 1853, pp. 529-31). The upper
sir is cooler, and is free from the insects, espe-
cially mosqoitocs, which abunnd below ; and
the description which Herodotus gives of the
chamber at the top of the Belus tower (i. 181)
goes far to confirm this ingenious view.
[G. R] (T.G. P.]
BABYLON [BABEL], ^33, B«fl«X<fc, the
cnuatry of Babylon or Babylonia (fia$v\tn/U),
to called from Babel (Bab. Bab-lli), the name of
Its capiul city [see Babel, Babyxos]. Though
the Babylonians themselves often called their
touatry Btb-tli or Babylon, this was not its
•acient name. The general designation of the
»h<4e tract was (according to Fried. Dclitzsch)
Wia. This name, however, was very rarely
osed, if used at all, by the Babylonians them-
wlves. The country is generally designated, by
biXh Babylonians and Assyrians, Kar-dnniai,'
hit this name probably indicated only the
BABYLON
321
' TiM cit7 of Niffer seems to have bad three.
■ Apiannllj a Kawite or Coaeaeao name, meaning
"thtpadenofDnniat"
BIBUC DICT. — VOL. I.
country around the city Babylon itself. A
more usual expression was, in Akkadian, Kingi-
L'ri, rendered by mat Sumeri u Akkadi, "the
land of Sumer and Akkad," Suroer being iden-
tified with 1^?^, Shinar, and Akkad derived
from the name of the capital city Akkad or
Agad^, and meaning the south and north (or
south-east and north-west) of Babylonia respec-
tively. Other names for these two districts, or
parts of them, were Mnkan (southern) and
Meluhha' (northern). There were a great many
tribes in ancient Babylonia, who gave their
names to the districts where they dwelt. The
principal of these were Bit-Amukkan, and
Btt-Yaktn and Tamtim, on the shores of the
Persian Gulf, tribes from which sprang several
Babylonian liings.
Geography. — Babylonia proper extended from
the Persian Gulf (then reaching farther inland
than now) to between thirty-four and thirty-
five degrees of north latitude. The boundaries
probably varied much at different periods, but
the tract of country known as Babylonia must
have been a narrow strip, following the course
of the two great rivers, the Tigris and the
Euphrates, and extending therefore in a north-
westerly direction. It is a low-lying plain,
marshy during the ovei-flowing in the south,
but during the dry season is a mere desert
covered with a crust of salt, the sky-line being
only broken by the hills and mounds marking
the sites of the ruins of the cities of this once
proaperons and fertile land. The country of
Babylonia was bounded on the north by Assyria,
on the south by the Persian Gulf, on the east by
the mountainous country of Persia and Elam,
and on the west by the Syrian desert. The .
chief cities were Babylon and Elorsippa, KCa
(Hymer) and Harsagkalama, Cuthah (TelU
Ibrahim), Lagai' (Tell-Lo), Ur (Mukeyyer),
Sepharvaim (Abu Habbah), Akkad, Isin or Kar-
rng, Nippuru (Niffer), Eridu, Kullab, Erech
(Warku), and many others.
Babylonia was in ancient times an extremely
fraitful country, for not only was it watered
by the two great rivers, the Tigris and the
Euphrates, but also by a whole network of
canals, which were excavated by the vsrioui
kings, and which contributed greatly to the
fruitfnlness of the land. The summers are hot
and sultry, the great plains being then scorched
and without verdure, but the winters are mild.
Petroleum and bitumen springs are found in the
Euphrates valley, and bitumen (the " slime " of
Gen. xi. 3) was largely used by the Babylonians
in building, as it formed an excellent cement.
The soil is clayey, and for this reason most of
the edifices were of brick, both kiln-burnt and
8un-drie<l, and clay was largely used instead of
papyrus or other material for books, records,
and documents of all kinds, from a very early
date.
Oovemment. — The king was an abiolute
monarch, and had the power of life and death
over his subjects. It is probable that with the
Babylonians, as with the Assyrians, people who
considered that they had suffered injustice at the
b From Eme-lo^^ " (the land of) the pore tongue,"
or " of the tongue of the servant." It Is supposed thai
the SDmerlaiu were the dominant race.
Y
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322
BABYLON
bands of the jn^lges of the land could appeal to
him. The Babylonian kings, howerer, seem not
to hare been so accessible to their people as the
Auyrian kings, and they were therefore not so
popular : hence, perhaps, the many rerolutions in
Babylonia. The king was, as a rale, the patron
of learning, and some of the Babylonian kings
bad a taste for archaeology, the result being
that rery many of the ancient monuments
which would otherwise, perhaps, have perished,
were preserved.
The administration of the various provinces
was placed in the hands of different officials,
who were responsible to those over them or to
the king. The courts of justice were presided
over by several judges, who were called the
king's jndges, and who acted as the judge and
jury of modern days. Justice was therefore
very fairly administered. Bribes were not al-
lowed, and were probably very seldom offered.
Amu, — The mbylonians were brave, but not
warlike, being much more traders than soldiers.
Their arms were the sword, dagger, bow and
arrow, spear, mace, and sling and stone. Their
sports were falconry, and probably also hunting
and a kind of boxing or fencing.
Learning. — They preferred learning to fight-
ing, and in this respect differed greatly from
the Assyrians. Like most of their kings, the
more educated had a taste for archaeology, A
knowledge of Phoenician, and probably of
Aramaic also, was required m business trans-
actions; whilst the true literary class were
expected to know, besides these things, the
ancient and dead languages of the country,
Akkadian and Snmerian.
Writing. — ^The wedge-writing of the Baby
lonians and Assyrians, called also cuneiform, is a
development of the earlier line-writing, which
iDSCTiptioQ uf I r-Haa, an eurjj Cliuldcau kin;
was, in its turn, derived from the original hiero-
glyphics, rhe wedge-writing proper arose ont of
the desire of the users of the system to impress
the lines of the hieroglyphs, rather than draw
them, on the soft clay which they used. The
early writing is rather complex, and there is an
attempt, in some cases, to keep to the line-forms.
Later, this attempt was abandoned, and, as the
leople wrote more, the characters were much
e8.s carefully, because more quickly, formed.
The character an (syllabic value) = Akkadian
dingir = Semitic Babylonian Uu, " god " : —
Archaic |4L., late form ^f^ .
r
le
BABYLON
The character au (syllabic value) = Akkadian
su = Semitic Babylonian idtu, " hand " : —
Archaic ^^. late form ^^
baracter ud (syllabic value) =
litic Babylonian umu, " day "
Archaic <^, late form jif .
The character ud (syllabic value) = Akkadian
u = Semitic Babylonian umu, " day " : —
About the year 900 B.a the writing becomes
both simpler and clearer, the characters being
very symmetrically formed. From the time of
Mabonidus to that of the Arsacidae the writing
becomes again less clear. The scribes of Saotdu-
chinos, Nebuchadnezzar, Nabonidus, and even of
Antiochns, were very fond, however, of imi-
tating the ancient and more complicated stylo
of writing in document* of the better class.
[AasTniA, Writing.']
Literature. — Besides the records mcntionci
below, the Babylonians had an extensive litera-
ture, consisting of records of the creation of tlie
world, of the Flood, legends of the gods and
heroes, fantastic tales accounting for eclipses
and the movement of the heavenly bodies,
hymns, penitential psalms, and poems j some
alliterative proverbs and fables have also beea
Ibnnd. Of more serious subjects we have gram-
matical lists, Alckadian or Sumerian and Baby-
lonian ; vocabularies of these languages ; tablets
on agriculture, geography, natural history,
astronomy, and mathematics. There are also
tablets of legal precepts, exhibiting an excellent
knowledge of the technicalities of law. Special
bilingual-lists were drawn up for the use of
those likely to be engaged in trade ; and a great
many fragments of tablets, containing the Baby-
lonian students' practice in reading aud writing,
have come down to us.
Time reckoning. — The year with the Baby,
lonians, as also with the Assyrians, began with
the month Nisan (March) ; the new moon next
before the equinox marking, according to Mr.
Geo. Smith, the beginning of the new year. The
year was divided into twelve months, each of
thirty days,* so that the reckoning of time was
not entirely lunar. The following are the most
usual names of the months in Dabvlonian : —
I. yitannu
NIsan
Maidi.
2. Aaru
lyyar
Aprtl.
3. Sinannu
SIvan
Maj.
i. D(Uu
Tsmmui
JOQC.
fi. Ibu
Ab
July.
6. tlutu
Elul
AngmL
1. Tiiritu
Tisrl
Septoabec.
8. .Aro^-OMUiuS
Marchesiran
October.
*. KitiUmM
Kislen
NoTcmber.
10. Tibttu
Tebet
Oeoember.
11, hinfu
Sebat
Janaaiy.
12. liaru
Adar
Febroaiy.
Ar^u twkru ia
Adari, Arku auAnt ta Ailtri,
Arfyi auuru ia Adari = the tntercalarj Ve-Adar.
Besides Ve-Adar, there was also an inter-
calary Elul as well as an intercalary Nisan.
Calendars were drawn up, giving all the
lucky and unlucky days, and the learned men
were often consulted as to the suitability of any
« The Ideograph for "month'
with the numeral 30 within.
' " The eighth month."
ta the sign Ibr 'itj"
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BABVLON
BABYLON
323
(by for s«me particular work. Btaides these
olendtrs, there were also tablet* giriog the
religiotu festivals for each day of every month,
u well as rales as to one's life on these days,
and the list of the Sabbaths, which were the
7th, 14th, 21st, and 28th of each month. The
Btbylottian sabbaths, however, were not by any
means so strict as those of the Jews. There was
>lso ao intercalary day inserted after the
21st of the month.
Each day had twelve hours, which were equal
to two hours of our own time-reckoning. The
sight was divided into three watches. In
travelling, the length of a journey was reckoned
by hours, about seven English miles being the
distance got over in a Babylonian hour.
Dating. — In the earliest times in Babylonia
the dating of trade documents wa'! by means of
events, such as the building of a temple, the
dij^ng of a canal, or the
march of a warlike expedi-
tion. Later on, the people
•eem to have regarded this
as rather clumsy and incon-
venient, and the system of
dating by the regnal years of
the kings came into use. The
.^nyrians held the middle
coarse of dating by eponyms,
which may hare been also
as early Babylonian cnstom
[see .issYBiA^. In every case the month and
d»y were inserted.
Beoorda. — Defective as was the Babylonian
system of dating, they were yet most careful as
to keeping records of events, and they have
left excellent lists of all their kings from
at least as early as the year 2300 B.C. ; and
Xabonidus, the great Babylonian chronologist-
king, mentions the date of 3200 years before
his time as the date of Narim-Sin, son of Sargani
or Sargon, and it is not at all unlikely that he
had good authority, in the shape of authentic
remids, for that date. Besides the Babylonian
canons, there were also the chronicles, giving a
very (nil account of the events of every reign,
•ad omen-tablets, giving the prmcipal events
and the omens to be deduced therefrom, to en
able the after-comers to form an estimate of
what might b« likely to happen under the same
astral imSnences. It is probabU therefore that
the extreme exactness of the Babylonian records
arose from the strict account kept of the move-
ments of the heavenly bodies.
Tmdc ; Statxry. — -The Babylonians were
ardent traders, and have left documents dating
from the earliest times. Thev begin abont the
time of Hammurabi, 2120 B.O., and are written,
&r the most part, in Akkadian, that period leem-
iag to be the transition from the non-Semitic to
the Semitic in trade and legal documents, though
all the people at this time spoke Semitic
fisbylonian. These early trade documents were
ilvays made in duplicate, each transaction,
having been recorded on a clay tablet, having
an outer coating or envelope of clay moulded
on It, and this in turn inscribed with the
same transaction. All these documents are
dated by the mention of some important event
which took place at or near the time when the
transaction was completed. They are generally
impressed all over with the scab of the contract-
ing parties, rendering the writing exceedingly
difficult, and sometimes impossible, to read. In
A Bttbrloalali C7lliideT.«i»l.
later times the trade documents are smaller and
neater, the style of writing not being so compli-
cated. The more convenient method of dating
P^rt uf timtigb of ft tiibl«t of tb« time ofNabiJiiMu^ nhonrlog ImpreiHlonn of o'liiiilcr.flt'iiU
PrlMU (men sjkI tanneh) in an alUtudfl of wunhlp. (lAUj SamlUc t^pe.)
in the regnal years of the kings came also into
use. Seals, however, are not much used, and
case-tablets entirely disappear. During the
latest period the style of the trade documents
does not change much. The writing, however,
gets rougher ; seals are more used ; and small
case-tablets again become usual. During the
earliest and latest periods, the clay tablets were
seldom baked, being only sun-dried. The objects
bought and sold were houses, lands, plantations,
ships, oxen, sheep, goats, varions kinds of grain,
Tesseb of earthenware or copper, ironware,
&C. The traffic in human beings was very
common ; and slaves, both male and female,
were sometimes branded or marked on the hand
with the name of their master or mistress. The
trade done at Babylon and Sepharvaim from
the time of Nabonidus until the end of the reign
of Darius was enormous.
Though slavery was in full force in Babylonia,
yet the slaves do not seem to have been at all
badly treated, and there were special laws for
their protection. They seem to have been
allowed to acquire property and even to trade
on their own account, and it is probable also
that many were allowed to buy their freedom
with the money thus gained (see p. 325, Manners
and Cxatonu).
Architecture. — ^The Babylonians were no mean
architects, and knew the use of the arch. There
being bnt very little or no good building-stone
in the country, most, if not all, of the build-
ings were of brick, both baked and nnbaked.
It is very probable that any stone that may
have been used (as in the case of the bridge at
Babylon mentioned by Herodotus) was brought
from other lands — probably from Assyria,
where limestone and alabaster are to be found.
The early Mesopotamian buildings were seldom,
if ever, more than one story high. They were
built of both baked and nnbaked brick, and
y a
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BABYLON
BABYLON
like those of Assyria, the palaces probably con-
sisted of a series of long nnrrow rooms, with
conimauicating passages, built round eereral
courtyards of various sizes (sec the article
Assyria, Architecture). Though not altogether
ignorant of the use of the column, and probably
also of the pier, the Babylonians seem, like the
Assyrians, to hare made little or no use of
either — hence the long narrow rooms. Like the
palnce of Assyria, horizontal lines predominated
in its general physiognomy, and perpendicular
lines in its exterior wall-decoration. Like the
Assyrians also, the royal buildings were raised
on artificial platforms with carefully-paved
surfaces. The lines of the great buildings rose
therefore high above the surrounding country,
attaining a greater prominence than any other
edifice, and breaking the tiring monotony of the
unvarying Mesopotamian plain. Their style
of architecture was very simple, and was not
greatly varied ; but as most of the royal palaces
were on a large scale, the very simplicity
added somewhat to the grandeur of the whole.
A certain number of the bricks were generally
stamped with the name and titles of the king
who had the palace built or restored. The
ornamentation of the inside consisted generally
of designs of men, animals, and fabulous mon-
sters, modelled in brick in high relief, and
enamelled in the natural colours — a branch of
art in which the Babylonians probably excelled.
Far grander, however, in appearance than the
palaces, were the temple-towers, such as have
been described by Herodotus. These consisted
of pyramidal towers built in stages, rising in
seven .tiers either by an inclined passage all
round, or in a similar number of stages parallel
with each other, to which access was gained by
inclined passages on each side, until the top was
reached. These zikkurati (" peaks " as they
were called) are supposed to have contained only
two chambers, one on the fifth stage, the other
higher up, all the rest being solid. In these
chambers the worship of the gods was per-
formed, and shrines for the images of the gods
were erected within them, and in some cases
also on the top of the tower. Simpler forms of
A simple funa of Babylodwi temple-tower.
the temple-tower, similar to that shown in the
illustration, also existed.
Art. — Practically, the art of Babylonia was
the same as that of Assyria, though there are
some essential diSerences as to style and detail,
the Babylonian having, of the two, rather less
mannerism. The art of the earliest period is
naturally that which might be supposed to exist
among a nation in its infancy, the artist being
unskilled, and his productions, therefore, ama-
teurish. On the bas-reliefs from Tel-lo (Lagai),
for example, the human figures, in common with
everything else, are very rooghly formed ; but
especially rough are some representations of
birds of prey carrying off the limbs of the
slain. The designs, however, are sometimes
well thought out. Much better executed are
the sculptures in the round, from the tame
place. These represent seated and standing
figures probably intended for images of the
kings Gudea and Ur-Ban, whose inscriptioni
they bear. All the figures are headless, bat two
heads, probably belonging to similar statnes, >re
very fine. The art of Lagai, however, may be
regarded as almost, if not quite, pure Akksdiin.
A small bas-relief in the British Museum, re-
presenting king Hammurabi, is a variant of the
same style of art. It is impossible, on aonrant
of the lack of monuments, to trace the develop-
ment of Babylonian art. We only know, from
the later examples which are extant, that,
possibly on account of Semitic inflnence, it
became bolder, more finished, and that more
attention w^as paid to details. (Compare the
monument known as the " Sun god-stone," found
by Mr. H. Rassam at Abn-habbah, and the bas-
relief of Mardnk-nadin-Shi, p. 329.) The decora-
tions of the pnlace-walls, of which only the
merest fragments are now in existence, imply >
stylo still closer resembling that of Assyria —
bold outlines, and strongly-marked muscles ia
the human and animal forms. These wall-deoo-
rations were carved on the bricks, and then
enamelled in bright colours. They consisted ot
meu, fabulous monsters, palm-trees, &c, and
call to mind the statement made by Ctesias, as
to the walls of the palace of Babylon b<?inj
sculptured and coloured with representations of
hunting-scenes, &c., and the *' men jwurtrayed
upon the wall, the images of the Chaldeans
pourtrayed with vermilion, . . . exceeding in
dyed attire upon their heads, . . . after tlie
manner of the Babylonians of Chaldea, the
land of their nativity " (Gzek. xiiii. 14, 15).
These enamelled carvings seem also to hare
been accompanied by inscriptions, the chancten
beautifully enamelled m white on a blue ground.
The Babylonians also modelled very well id claj,
a very favourite subject l>€ing a woman with a
child at her breast (perhaps emblematic of
Istar). Many excellent castings in bronxe, from
Lagai, also exist. They represent jirincipally
king Gudea holding a cone with the point down-
wards, thought to be intended for the fire-stick.
Engrminij. — The Babylonians were, from the
very earliest times, excellent engravers in hard
WiuTlor and followeti retnminff with two captiT«e and ^"^ •*
war. Seal of the lecr^'tary of the kinc of Eiwh'i tertl*-
An etamplo of eicc«diiigl7 carl; Babflooiu ODfnnlg.
About 2.»0 B.C.
stone. The earliest specimen of this kind of art
is a cylinder-seal with the name of Sargani or
Sargon, about 3800 B.C.
conventional, is rather
The design, though
elaborate, and the
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BABYLON
uimAl forms are etpecially good. Later the
strle grows simpler, bat the forms are still
good ; aod it is not until about 2000 B.a that
the art began to degenerate, and probably
ibont 1200 ac. began to die out, or at least
onlj lingered on until the time of Nabonidus,
at which period another style arose, of a much
tererer kind, in which, howeyer, the human
figures are excellently formed, and much
sttention is giren to details. The art of
engrsring among the Babyloniiins suffered
gieatly npon the conquest of Babylonia by the
Persians, and the almost national cylinder-seal
gtre place to the ordinary stone signet. After the
time of Darius, engraving on stone, in the true
BabylouLin style of the art, had ceased to eiist.
SeHgion. — The religion of the Babylonians
ms polytheistic, developed out of a woi-ship of
the powers of nature. The chief god was B«l
(the lord), identified in later times with Marduk
or Herodacfa, " the patriarch of the gods " who
went about doing good to mankind. Other
deities were Ana and Anatu, the male and
ftmale personifications of the heavens ; £a or AS,
"lord of the hnman race, whose hands made
mnikind;" Sin,* the moon-god, "lord of the
month;" Samai, the sun-god, "lord of judg-
meiit,"and his consort Aa ; Ramminu (Rimmon)
or Addu (Hadad) the god of the atmosphere,
who fertilised the land ; Beltis, consort of hil,
sad Z(r-panitam, consort of Marduk'; Utar or
Yeniis, goddess of love, " lady of the world ; "
Nin-Karrag (lady of Karrag or Isin), " the great
healer;" Gibil, the god of fire, with many
others. On every occasion these gods were
prayed to and invoked, splendid temples were
erected to them, sacrifices were made at stated
times, and yearly festivals, with magnificent
processions in which their "ships" (arks or
shrines) were carried round, took place in their
honour. See the article Babel, Babyios (end
of <*Nebnchadnezzar's account"), and ASSYRIA,
Manners and Custom*.— The manners and cus-
tomsof the Babylonians probably varied from time
to time, as they were infltiencod by the nntions
aronad with whom they came into contact.
Strabo (ivi. 1, § 20) says that their customs
were like those of the Persians (save a few which
were peculiar to themselves), but this naturally
refers only to the late period, during and alter
the Persian occupation.'
Very few records of a nature to give informa-
tion upon these points have come down to us
from the earliest period, the principal sources
being the ver)- difficult contract-tablets from
Southern Babylonia, dating from abont the
22Bd centnry B.C. From these it is to be
gathered, that they worshipped practically the
same deities as in later times, Samas and Sin
(the sno and the moon) being the favourite
deities. At this period, although Semitic Baby-
lenian had practically become the language of
the people, it is nevertheless probable that
BABYLON
325
• This divine name forms ibe first element in the
same of the Awyrian king Sennacherib.
' This name forms part of ihr royol names MerodacL-
laladan, ETil-Merodacfa, kc.
I Babylonians at this period sometimes even bore
KT<ba name«. as In the at«e of a certain Baga'pada. ton
ofSaba-sir-tddin, a Babylonian.
Akkadian was much used, portions at least of
most of the legal documents being written in
that tongue, and Akkadian names of persons
being not uncommon. At this early period one
of their customs seems to have been to " make
brotherhood" {tapputu or dhiutu). The single
record of this custom, the Deed of the Brother-
hood of Sini-lnnanna and Iriba'-Sin, shows that
it was accompanied by a religious ceremony in
the temple of the Sun and Moon. They were
told to give some slaves to the temple ; their
brotherhood was then declared to be confirmed,
and nn exhortation to brotherly love was pro-
nounced. The two parties to one of these deeds
could, however, possess property that was not
in common, if acquired otherwise than with
their common means. Thus Sini-lnnanna and
his true brother Apil-ili acquired, with their
mother's money, property to which, it is stated,
Iriba^-SIn (Sini-lnnanna's partner) and Ai's
brothers had no claim. In later times "brother-
hood " of this kind seems not to have existed, an
ordinary business partnership (^harrana, lit. "a
double road ") having taken its place.
Slavery had existed in Babylonia from very
remote ages, and many laws and enactments
concerning it had grown np. Slaves seem to
have been liable to be called on to perform
service for the king, &c., and a slave sold un-
conditionally could be bought back by the seller
on refunding the money. As in Rome, slaves
were taught trades, and were regularly ap-
prenticed, the tablet of apprenticeship generally
recording certain penalties which would be
imposed if his temporary master failed to fulfil
his agreement. Slaves seem to have been able
to work their way, by the favour of their
master, up to freedom, through certain inter-
mediate privileged stages, one of which was
called m&r-banutu, or "born-" or "made-son-
ship." He was then regarded more as the son of
his master, for whom probably he still worked,
and who contracted to give hiiu food, oil, and
clothing. A ciise is recorded of the mar-baaitu-
of a slave having been annulled, by mutual
consent, on account of his master having been
! unable to fulfil these conditions. His master then
transferred the slave to bis married daughter.
Herodotus (i. 194) and Strabo (xvi. 1, 20)
speak of a custom by which young women were
sold by auction, those who were good-looking
going to the highest bidder, and the plain ones
to the men who would take them with the
smallest dowry, the money paid for the good-
looking ones going to dower their less-favoured
sisters. The native records make no mention
of this custom. Dower-contracts exist, but, as
far as known, they are all of the nature of n
private contract between the parties and their
parents. In one or two marriage-contracts, the
clause is inserted that adultery is to be punished
by death, which was apparently the usual
penalty. From one of these documents it seems
that a man could contract a marriage on behalf
of his son, and also annul that contract by
simply saying "(N. N.) ul aiiatu^ it," "(So-
and-so) is not a wife," but in that case the
dowry had to be returned at the time when the
woman was sent back to her father's house. It
is not improbable, therefore, that a man could
I himself divorce his wife in the same easy way.
I Judging from the native records, dowries ssem
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BABYLON
to have been the mle, and not the exception.
Married women coald possess property and en-
gage in trade, and on the death of their husbands
were entitled to the amount of their dowry out
of what be left behind.
Only a portion of the wedding «eremony, on a
fragment of a tablet from Nineveh, has been
preserred. According to this document, after
the priest had pronounced the couple to be man
and wife, they were commanded to malce offer-
ings of certain things in sevens — 7 canes,
7 cypress-branches, 7 victims, &c. &c., placed
7 feet from the altar. The priest then performed
certain rites, and afterwards uttered a prayer to
Ea or Ai, to §amai, and to Merodach. litar or
Venus is not mentioned.
Xo real confirmation has been found in the
native records of the sacrifice by maidens of
their virtue, to Mylitta (Venus), mentioned by
Herodotus and Strabo. According to these
writers, the women go to a temple of Venus,
accompanied by numerous attendants and a
crowd of people. Each woman has a cord round
her head. A man, on approaching her, placed
on her lap as much money as he thought proper,
and then led her away to a distance from the
sacred grove, and bad intercourse with her, she
not daring to refuse. The money given was
considered as consecrated to Venus. It is ap-
parently to this that reference is made in
Bamch v. 43 (Epistle of Jeremy) : "The women
also with cords about them, sitting in the ways,
bum bran for perfume " [i.e. as incense to the
goddess] : " but if any of them, drawn by some
that passeth by, lie with him, she reproacheth
her fellow, that she was not thought as worthy
as herself, nor her cord broken ; " and from this,
It would seem as if the breaking of the cord
(apparently that about her head) typified her
release from the obligation. An examination of
some of the female figures with their hands
beneath their breasts, or folded upon their
breatts, supposed votaries of Venus, shows only
one with what may be a cord round the head.*
Strabo states also that the Babylonians had
three tribunals — one of whilom military men, one
of nobles, and a third of old men. Besides these
there was another appointed by the king. No
certain indications of any of these have yet been
found in the native records, but "the Judges of
Nabonidus," who are often mentioned on the
tablets of his time, probably correspond with
the last. According to Strabo, it was the tri-
bunal appointed by the king which disposed of
the virgins in marriage, and decided in cases
of adultery. The judges mentioned on the
tablets seem to have had to determine all civil
actions, such as disputes as to property, &c.
Of the Babylonian laws which have been pre-
served, and the Juridical decisions reconled,
none could be jnster.
* A tablet. In piirate luixls, records a contract by
which a man swears to semi bis d/iUKtatera, not to the
temple of Venus, but to that of the Sun-god at Sippara,
saying, "About the tenth day of Sivin, I Till uke
Habnllatn, T«bln(u, Tmik, (and) Amtto, my danghtera,
to the treasury of the Sun-god, before Ousann,tbe priest
of Sippara. Whether it be male or female. I wlU place
It before the Sun-god for redemption." If this latter
phrase refer to the oSsprlng, this text may record a kind
of parallel to the custom menttoned by Herodotus and
Strabo.
BABYLON
The same writer (xvi. 1, § 6) mentiom tlie
"native philosophers called Chaldeans," who
were chiefly devoted to the study of astrononiT
[Chaldeans, 3], and a certain section of them,
not approved by the rest, who professed to
understand the casting of nativities. Some of
the Chaldean astronomers, he says, have the
names of Orcheni and Borsippeni (Ereclutei
and Borsippans), &c., as if divided into secti,
and disseminate ditferent tenets on the same
subjects. This statement is borne out by the
native records. Uerodotus states that the sick
were brought out into the market-place, where
the passers-by were expected to ask after theit
malady, and to give them advice ; but the reason
he gives for this, that they employed no phy-
sicians, is not true. The dsii, or phyi^ician, wu
a recognised ofBce from very early times. The
Babylonians were also accustomed to the tut
of incantations and charma for the cure oi
diseases.
Strangely enough, there is but little to be
gathered from the native records conceraisg
their funeral customs. Strabo says that they
buried their dead in honey, first be smearia;
the body with wax. This, however, probably
refers to the latest period ; for the indicatioai
which have been gained from the native recotds,
both Assyrian and Babylonian, imply that thej
burnt their dead, and the sepulchral remaint
which have been found at El-hibba coaflnii
this.
The Babylonians consumed dates, as food, in
large quantities, and used various kinds of com.
greens, and roots, such as the carrot, &c They
drank wine from Helbon and Azali, and senn
to have had many kinds of grapes. They were
also flesh-eaters, and consnmed, probablj, a
large amount of fish, principally canght by
means of nets, as indicated by the bUingaal
texts. Sesame was mnch used, the oil prosed
from It being employed in dreaaing dishes, sad
for anomting the body. Their costume, accordia;
to Herodotus and Strabo, consisted of a lisea
tunic reaching to the feet, then a woollen tunic,
and over that a white mantle. They wort
sandals or shoes resembling a buskin, long hair,
curled, and were accustomed to perfume theai-
selves. Each had a cylinder-seal and a wand,
the former engraved, the latter carved with an
animal or device.
The Babylonians were exceedingly inper-
stitious, and made constant use of channs
and magical formulae either to protect them-
selves from evil, misfortune, and sickness, or
to charm them away if any such happened
to them. The god who was most sought l>
such occasions was Merodach, who was rtgaiM
as the most merciful of all the gods, goiag
constantly about, doing good. In many af
the incantations he is represented as the OM
who taught the magical healing formula to the
firat man needing it. Merodach was in all tiutp
advised by his father Ea, god of the waten
and lord of deep wisdom, and to him Merodach
always went for the health-working worts
which were to charm away the trouble of hi«
human supplicant. Magical drinks and washinj:s
were also largely used. Before taking in hand
any work also, the Babylonians seem alwsys to
have ascertained whether the day were lucky
or unlucky for its performance, whether the
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BABYLON
BABYLOX
327
httntij bodiet were propitious, or whether
tbe terrestrial omeiu were equally fsronrable.
Tie Babi/loniant. — The Babfloniaos seem to
hnt been 0? mixed race, caused by the tnin^ling
of the Akkadiaos (sapposed Turaoians) with the
Semitic tribes of the Eapbrates valley. Certain
> . ( ^ ir (OilgRin*!) BtrUfgUng wltti a lUiu,
1 lji«! ,.f about 30C0 n.c.
it is that the cylinder-ieals, as well as the few
sculptures that have come down to us, show as
tea dutinct types — the earlier (endently the
■ of A ijHiiiliii ■— I DaHr, wonblppor, and diTloo
■■■tBL lkkadl«n(ni>i>J!(imltI<r)t;|Mo!a>K>at3,HX1li.c.
'Akksdian) being tall, thin, well-formed, with
«ic«edhigly hai^some, regnlar feataret;' and
the later, in which the figure is short and
thick, the features being
decidedly Semitic, It
seems clear that the
more polished race, the
Akkadian (or SumerianX
was, at an early period,
the ruling race, and
Akkadian was the lan-
guage of a large section
of the people Later,
B^<fsid>)l«bii. '•'• *"<' "«" mingled,
and the Akkadian type
WM lost in the stronger Semitic The result of
this mingling of the two races was the pro-
BorfteyUiidei^^eaL STmneb-vriMI before emblems of
laaadvooo. BsbrlotilaB typeof ebont eOOB.a
* TlKre ire no traces, on any of the sculptures or
tbecsgnTCd aeals, of tbe obltqne eyes of which MTeral
Mtolus bar* spoken.
duction of a nation far superior to most of tbe
peoples around them as to intelligence, and ideas
of freedom and justice. The Babylonians of
later times seem to have been of very nearly the
same type as the Assyrians — a round face, full
eyes, with eyebrows meeting over tbe nose,
which was short and turned
down at the tip, small mouth,
and dark hair and beard. In
disposition they were mild and
good- humoured, and seem to
have differed from the Assy-
rians in loving the arts of peace,
rather than those of war. The
illustrations here given show
the two types which produced
the late Babylonian and also the
Assyrian — early Semitic, almost,
if not quite, pure, and early
Akkadian, the result of the
fusion being the type of face
shown in the next two illustrations, and in the
reproduction of the seal-impressions, p. 323,
See also the corresponding section of the article
ASSTRIA, and the type shown in the illustration
to that article on p. 274.
History. — Babylonian history may be divided
into three periods, namely — 1, the mythical
period, immediately following tbe Flood, when
lived and ruled the heroes, such as Giitubar
(Gilgames), Tilbi-fital-B«l, and others; 2, the
first historical period, which lasted until about
2300 B.C. ; and 3, the second historical period,
from about 2300 B.C. until the end of the ex-
istence of the kingdom.
The earliest king of whom we have any certain
record is Sargina or Snrgon of Agad^ a city
lying very close to Sepharvaim (Abfl-habbah).
This king, who according to Babylonian chrono-
logy reigned about 3800 B.C., attacked the
Hittites, subdued certain states in Babylonia,
made expeditions against the Syrians, and pene-
trated as far as the Mediterranean. After this
he put down a revolt which had arisen in his
own dominions, and wasted the region called
Snmasti (a part of Elam). He restored and
rebuilt various temples, &c., and founded a city
called Dftr-Sargina, on the site of an old
Chaldean town. The story of his mother
placing him, when an infant, in a little ark on
the Euphrates, to save him from the fury of his
uncle, who then ruled the land, is probably
mythical. Sargina is evidently identical with
the Snrgani of a very ancient inscription found
by Mr. H. Rassam at Ab&-habbah or Sephar-
vaim.
Naiim-Sin, his son, who succeeded him about
.^750 B.C., conquered, amongst other places, the
city of Apirag, then ruled by a king named Re&-
Rammtni, and overran the land of Maganna, s
district of Babylonia.
Ur-Ban, or Ur-Babi (formerly read Umkh),
a king probably of Kassite origin, reigned about
2700 B.C. He was a great builder, and raised, in
the city of Ur (Mukeyyer), a temple to the
moon-god Sin, and restored or founded at Larsa
(Senkereh), Nipur (Niffer), and LagaS (Tel-loX
temples to the various gods. Haihamer was a
viceroy under him.
Ur-Ban was succeeded by Dungi, his son,
who finished the tower of (Jr, rebuilt the temple
of £rech, and built a temple at Babylon.
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BABYLON
About the time of Dungi, the state of I^gaS
comes into prominence, and tlie names of tlie
following rulers of this state, which must hare
had much influence, have been preserred : — En-
temenna and his son En-ana-gin, Ri-nita-ni,
Ur-Papsukal and his son Gudea. These kings
are only known to us as having restored the
various temples, and Gudea was especially very
energetic in such pious works.
Sut^Ject from Uia ilgiMt^yUiider of kjng Ur-Ban.
The seat of empire passed afterwards to Larsa
(Senkereh), which, under an Elamite dynasty, of
which the first king seems to have been Simti-
silhak, became the most influential city in Baby-
lonia. Kudur-Mabug '' and Rim-Agu, his son and
grandson, conquered several other parti of
Babylonia. After the long and prosperous reign
of Rim-Agu, his dominions seem to have been
conquered by Hammurabi' or Kimta-rapaita,
about 2120 B.C.'
Hammurabi was a vigorous ruler and builder,
but details of his campaigns are entirely want-
ing. He made himself master of the whole
of Babylonia, iucluding the region of the Persian
Gulf.
Sumsu-iluna, his son, succeeded him about
2075 B.C., but nothing except the architectural
history of his reign is known. He reigned ^thirty-
five years, and was succeeded by his son Ebi§u."
About 1570 B.C. arose a dynasty of Kassite
kings, the most distinguished of whom was Agtt-
kak-rim£, son of Tam-gurnmai, grandson of
Abi-gu[rumai]. Agft-kak-riroS calls himself
king of KaiSi (the land of the Cossaeans), and
Akkadi, king of the vast land of Babylon,
coloniser of Afaunak, king of Padan and Alman
and Gutl. The dominion of many of these coun-
tries he had evidently gained by conquest. Like
most of the Babylonian kings, he was more an
architect than a warrior.
About the year 1450 B.C. Eara-indai ruled
over Babylonia, and made a treaty with AiSur-
btl-ntii-iu, king of Assyria, as to the boundary
of the two kingdoms.
' The likeness of this name to Chedorluomer (Kudoi^
Lsgamani) will be noticed.
■ Also read Rammoragas.
" Apparently the Kimc name as AKsn", found on
tMntr.icts from Babylonls.
BABYLON
Bnrna-burtai, who reigned abont 142S B.C.,
continued the peace with Assyria, and seems to
have married an Assyrian princess, Unballitat-
SerQa, daughter of Aiiur-nballit.
Kara-Murdai was the fruit of this msrris^
and seems to have succeeded Bnnia-barisi.
Some disaffected Kasutes, however, arose, and,
killing Kara-Murdal, placed Nazi-bogsi, "the
son of a nobody," on the throne.
Aiinr-uballit, king of
Assyria, to avenge the
death of Kara - Mnidai,
marched to Babylonii and
killed Kazi-bngai, placing
on the throne Kuri-gaUn, a
child, son of Buma-buriai
Kuri-galzu had a long uti
prosperous reign, bat B(l-
nirart, king of Assyria alter
AUur - uballit, attacked
him, and defeated his amj
near the city Sugaga.
Later, about the rear
1330 B.C. Nazi - mnratsi,
king of Babylonia, was d«-
feated by Ramminu-nirari
near Kar-Istar-akarsal, and
a new rectification of the
boundary of the two coon-
tries took place.
About the year 12J0
Tukulti-Kinip, king of As-
syria, conquered Babylonia, and a little laUr
the country was invaded by AHur-danao, who
completely defeated the king of Babylcoia,
Zagaga-ium-iddin.
Nebuchadnezzar L, who ruled abont 1150,
invaded Assyria three times, but is said to hare
been defeated on the third expedition by the A«t-
nan king AMur-rSi-tSi. Marduk-nadin-ihl, Ne-
buchadnezzar's successor, invaded South Assyria
and rarried off the images of the gods Bammina
and Sala from the city of EkallMu TigUth-
pileser L, king of Assyria at this time, to avenge
this raid, captured Babylon and ravaged the
whole of Upper Babylonia.
Marduk-iapik-kul'lat," king of Babylonia abont
1100 B.C., made peace and alliance with Allnr-
bel-kala, then king of Assyria. The Babylonian
king, however, seems to have left his coontry
for some reason ; and whilst he was away, the
Babylonians raised Rammtna-abla-iddina, a man
of common origin, to the throne. AUur-bil-kala
of Assyria afterwards mnrried a daughter of the
new Babylonian king.
In the reign of Simmai-§ihu, the SutA, in
Elamite tribe, invaded Babylonia, and spoiled
and carried off the property of the temple of the
sun-god at Sepharvaim. Simmai-§ihu ndgned
seventeen years, and was succeeded by Hes-
mukin-zeri, a usurper, who reigned only three
monthi. Kaiiu-nadin-aht, who succeeded Hea-
mnkin-ziri, restored the temple of the inn-god
at Sippara. Of the history of the reigns of the
next few kings nothing is known,
Merodach-baladan, son of Iriba-Haidnk, re-
stored the temple of Erech. Sibir, a later king,
invaded Assyria, and burned the city AdIU.
Kabfl-ium-damik (B.C. 913) and his successor
MabQ-ium-iikun both fought against Ramminn-
• Also read Uaidok-aapik-iir-mitt.
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BABYLON
ainri, iiog of Assyria, but were defeated by
Urn.
About 892 B.C Tukulti-Kinip of Asajna
toot pouession of the throne uf Babylon, and
nled the conntry for leren years. Dunng the
struggle which followed opon his expolsion, the
Bsbylonians seem to have been strong enongh
to take and hold the Assyrian cities of Calah
and Imgnr-B^l, near Kinereh, antil they were
•gain wrested from them by Aiiur-nasir-apli.
About 879 B.C. Naba-abla-iddina ("Nebo-
bdadu") came to the throne. He made a
BABYLON
329
m a Urr» bin
IteBrltiiliMu;
gnat many additions to the shrine of the snn-
Kd at Sippara, and joined the Shuites in resisting
.Uior-nafir-apli, Ising of Assyria. The allies
*tn defeated by the Assyrians. The leader of
the Shuitea escaped by taking to the Euphrates,
but the brother of the Babylonian king and the
gneral of the army were captured by Aiiur-
Uar-aplL After the death of the Assyrian
king, a treaty was made between Nabtt-abla-
iddja and Shalmaneser II., settling the boundaries
oi the two kingdoms.
About 833 B.C. MabA-abla-iddin died, and was
ncceeded by his son, Mardnk-ium-iikun. Baby-
'™ia was now torn by civil war. Marduk-bil-
ftsite, brother to the reigning king, laid claim
to the throne, bnt the revolt was only quelled
with the help of Shalmaneser and the Assyrian
army.
In the years 820-812 D.C. Samsi-Ranimtnu,
king of Assyria, made several expeditions to
Babylonia against Marduk-balat-sn-ikbi, in one
of which at least the Babylonian army was
defeated, and the city Dfir-Papiukal taken.
The names of the next few kings of Babylonia
are anknown.
In 747 B.a Nabonassar came to the throne,
and reigned over Babylonia for fonrteen years. It
is said by Berosns, Sync. Chron. 207, that this
king destroyed all the annals of his predecessors
to compel the Babyloninns to date from his
reign, but this is evidently only a fiction to
explain the Era of Nabonassar, for not only have
we many important fragments of the Babylonian
annals, bnt the Babylonians themselves seem
not to have used his reign as a starting-point
either in their chronology or in dating business
documents. During his reign a revolt occurred
in Babylon and Borsippa, but was quelled. He
died in his palace at Babylon, and was succeeded
by his son, Nabd-nadin-zeri or Nadinu, the
Kadios of the Canon of Ptolemy. This king
was killed, after a reign of two years, in n
revolt led by Nab(i-inm-ukin or §um-ukin, whu
reigned only one month.
Nabfl-lum-ukin was succeeded by Ukin-zJr
(the Chinzirus of the Canon of Ptolemy), chief
of the tribe of B!t-Amukkan, B.C. 731. Tig-
lath-pileser III. of Assyria, however, invaded
Babylonia, destroyed Bit-Amukkan, and took
Dkin-zir prisoner, after a short reign of three
years (B.C. 728).
The Babylonian Canon gives Pulu or Pul,
2 Kings XV. 19 (Poros) — whose attack upon
Israel was bought off, and his help secured, by »
payment, by Menahem, of a thousand talents of
silver — as the next ruler, but the chronicle
gives Tiglath-pileser — apparently the name
assumed by Pul on his accession to the throne.
He died after a reign of two years, and was
succeeded, according to the Canon, by Ululaa,
the Elttlaeus of Ptolemy. The chronicle, how-
ever, gives Sulman-aiarid, the Salmann-aiarid
III. (Shalmaneser) of the Assyrians. The Baby-
lonian chronicle records that this king destroyed
the city of Sabara'in." He died, after reigning
five years in Babylon. (For a fuller account of
these kings, see the corresponding section of the
article Assyria.)
Merodach-baludan, a Babylonian from Tamtim
south of Babylonia, mounted the throne after
the death of Shalmaneser, D.C. 721. During
the reign of this king a great battle took place
in the province of Diir-Ui, between Ummanigai,
king of Elam, and Sargon, of .\ssyna, in which,
it is stated by the Babylonian chronicle, the
former was victorious. Merodach - baladan
came to the aid of the Elamites, but was only
in time to join in the pursuit. Sargon (who,
in his annals, claims the victory) retreated to
Assyria, and did not return to the conquest
until the year 712 B.C. Merwlach-balndan
made great efforts to withstand him, but wns
defeated, and compelled to retreat to lkbi-B«l,
• Or Samsra'tn, identified by Prof. Fried. D litisrh
with Samaila (cp. 2 Kings xvll.).
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330
BABYLON
whilst the Assyrian king entered Babylon in
triumph. Merodach-baladan was captured in
Ikb!-B£l, and taken prisoner to Assyria.
Sargon, tlie Arkeanos of the Canon of Ptolemy,
reigned at Babylon, after the conquest, for five
years, and was succeeded, in the year 705 B.C.,
by his son Sennacherib, who was deposed, how-
ever, two years afterwards, and Mardnk-zakir-
snm placed on the throne. This king, how-
ever, reigned only one month, for Merodach-
baladan, having escaped from the Assyrians,
killed liim, and again monnted the throne of
Babylon. Sennacherib marched to Babylon,
defeated Merodach-baladan at KCs (HymerX and
compelled him to flee. Sennacherib now ra-
Taged the country, and set on the throne of
Babylon a Babylonian prince named Bel-ibnt,
the Belibns of the Canon of Ptolemy.
The government of this prince seems not to
have been satisfactory to the Assyrian king,
for in the third year of the reign of B£l-ibni
Sennacherib came to Akkad and ravaged the
country, and carried away B£I-ibni and his
chief men to Assyria, setting on the Babylonian
throne his own son Aisur-nadin-ium.
Troubles, however, still continued in Baby-
lonia, a chief named Suzub having arisen and
placed himself at the head of a large army.
This new pretender was defeated by Senna-
cherib, and obliged to flee and hide himself.
Sennacherib now marched against the kindred
of Merodach-baladan who were at Magitn, on
the Persian Golf, completely defeating them.
Whilst Sennacherib was on this expedition,
Suzub, the Nergal-uiSzib of the Babylonian
chronicle, raised, with the help of the king of
£lam, an army and marched to Babylon, where
he was proclaimed king, Aiiur-nadin-inm being
carried captive to Elam.' The Assyrian army,
then on their way home, turned aside and
defeated the rebeht, and Suzob was captured
and sent to Nineveh. Sennacherib then attacked
Elam, and whilst engaged there, another Suzub,
the MniSzib-Marduk of the Babylonian chronicle
and the Mesesimordachos of the Canon of
Ptolemy, mounted the Babylonian throne. Dur-
ing his reign Umraan-menanu, king of Elam, with
an army of Elamites and Akkadians, fought
with the Assyrians near the city Halnlt.
Later, however, the Elamite seems to' have
become the friend of the Assyrians, for he
invaded Babylonia, captured MuiSzib-Marduk,
and sent him to Assyria, and Babylonia fell
under the rule of the Assyrians for twenty-one
years (688-6B8 B.C.).
After the death of Sennacherib in 681 B.C.,
Esarhaddon his son came to the Babylonian
throne. Babylon enjoyed comparative peace
during his reign, the only formidable invasion
being an Elamite raid, which penetrated as far
as Sepbarvaim. Esarhaddon fell ill and died on
bis way to Egypt, B.C. 668, and was succeeded
in Babylonia by his son, Samai-ium-nkin or
Saosduchinos.*
During about the first ten years of this king's
reign Babylon was at peace, but the quiet was
broken at the end of this by Urtaku, king of
» This king had reigned, supported on the throne by
the arms of Assyria, for six yeirs (699-693 b.c).
4 For a fuller ncoount of the reiirn of Esarhaddon, see
the corresponding section of the article Assybia.
BABYLON
Elam, who persuaded B$l-ikii*, with some other
petty Babylonian chiefs, to join him in a war
against Saosduchinos and Aiior-bani-apli his
brother. The result of this war was that EUm
was conquered by the Assyrians, who deposed
Urtaku, and placed on the throne Umman-igai,
one of his sons.
Saosduchinos, however, seems to have become
dissatisfied at b«ing a vassal of his brother, and
determined to try to make himself quite inde-
pendent. He therefore broke open the treasuries
of the various temples, and sent the gold and
silver found therein to Ummaa-igai, kiog of
Elam, and made an agreement with him to
make war upon Aiiur-b&n!-apli.
The struggle which followed was long and
severe, but the Assyrians were in the end rio-
torious, the result being that in the year 648
B.C. Babylon was taken, and Saosduchinos, fear-
ing to fall into the hands of the Assyrians, set
fire to his palace and was burnt to death.
Samai-ium-uktn or Saosduchinos was suc-
ceeded by Kandalanu or Kineladanos, who reigned
tweuty-two years (647-625 II.C.), but of his
reign nothing is known.'
Kineladanos was apparently succeeded by the
Assyrian king AUur-^til-tUni, who reigned st
least four years. He seems to hare been
followed by Sin-iarra-iikun, who was king «f
Assyria as well. This king is evidently the
Saracos of Syncellus, of whom it is related that,
having heard that a great band of barbarius
had come up from the sea to attack him, he seat
his general Busalossor (Nabopolassar) to Babylon
to resist them. Having arrived there, Busa-
lossor tamed against his master, and made
alliance with Necho, king of Egypt, and Cy-
aiares, king of Media. The allied armies are
said to hare been defeated three times by the
Assyrians, but on the arrival of reiuforcemests
the tide of fortune turned, the Assyrian army
being routed, and Shalman, brother of the bs;
of Assyria, slain. The siege of Nineveh fol-
lowed, and lasted over two years, at the end of
which time in the spring the Tigris rose so high
that a large portion of the city-wall vss
carried away, and the king of Assyria, seeiig
that all was over, set fire to his palace ami
perished in the flames.
After the division of the Assyrian cmpirt
amongst the allies, Nabopolassar and his ton
Nebuchadnezzar made Babylonia the richest and
most influential power in the world, and Keba-
chadnezzar led the armies of his father a^nst
the Egyptians and defeated them. Whilst
Nebuchadnezzar was away on this eipedition,
his father died, and he hastened back to Btby-
Ionia to take the crown.
The glory of the name of Nebuchadneznr IL
is well known. He overran the varions small
kingdoms of Palestine, and in .587 B.& captnrtd
Jerusalem and carried oS the people into bowi-
age. He attacked Tyre, bnt only captnrtd the
city (if he took it at all) after a siege of thirteen
years (573 B.C.). In the year 572 B.& .Nelm-
chadnezzar defeated and deposed Hophra, king of
Egypt, and set on the throne Ahmes or AnMU,
who In the thirty-seventh year of Nebuchad-
nezzar's reign seems to have revolted against
' Twenty yean would probably be nearer tiM asA.
as there eeenis to have been an ioterRfnniii.
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BABYLON
BABYLON
331
liDtiiid Kebachidnezxtr mmrched to ^^pt and |
defttted him. Nebuchadnezzar, the greatest
builder of his time, restored and rebuilt almost
ill the principal temples and palaces of Baby-
lonia. He died in the year 562 B.C., and was
inccteded by his son AmSl-Marduk or Evil-
Ueiodach, a king of a rery peaceful disposition.
This king, after a ahort reign of two years, was
tsaoiiiated by his own brother-in-law, Nergal-
hm-osor or NerigUasar, who then took pos-
Kssonof the throne.
Nerigliisar was rather advanced in years when
he took the reins of goremment, and reigned
only a little orer three years. He is not known
to hiTe engaged in any warlike expedition.
He WIS succeeded by Labarosoarchodos (Libiii-
iltidsk), who was assassinated after a reign of
cine months, and NabQ-na'id, or Mabonidus,
son of Nabd-balat-su-ikbt, raised to the throne
(B.C.5J6).
Nabosidus was a roost unwarlike king, and
xeua to hare given up all the military aSiira
into the hands of his son Belshazzar, whilst he
himself gratified his taste for archaeology by
eicsTsting the foundation of all the temples to
iind the records of ancient kings, and his desire
for splendour by restoring the buildings again
with great magnificence. Whilst the nation
Tis planged into mourning for the king's
mother, who had died, Cyras crossed the Tigris
helow Arbela, to attack a petty king in that
neighbonrhood. In the year 5'A9 B.C. he began
the conquest of Babylonia itself, and his army
entered Sippaim on the 14th of Tammnz, Baby-
loo being captured two days later by Oobryas.
.Nahonidns, who had fled, was afterwards cap-
tured and brought to Babylon, where on the
11th of Harcheswan he died. Belshazzar is
not mentioned by name in the Babylonian annals,
bnt is always spoken of as " the son of the king."
His &ther, Nabonidus, once mentions him in
aa scconnt of the restoration of a temple at
Mnkeyyer, and his name occurs several times in
coottacts. According to the Bible account, he
wu feasting with his lords when the enemy
entered the city, and was killed. It is probable
that it was he, rather than his father, who was
real king, though his father alone bore the title
of king among th« Babylonians. [See BeI/-
lOUZAR.]
About 538 B.C. Cyrus found himself com-
pletely master of Babylonia, and governed,
daring the eight or nine years of his reign,
with great ability, taking great care to respect
the feelings of the people whom he had con-
qnered. His son Cambyses was associated with
him daring the last two years «f his reign.
In the year 527 B.C. Cambyses conquered
£{jpt; and whilst he was upon this expedition,
the Medes revolted, and went over to the
standard of Gnmatu or Gomatis, one of the
Magi, who— personating Bardes (iu Babylonian,
Earzia), the younger brother of Cambyses, whom
that king i* said to have secretly murdered — bad
nsea m rebellion. Cambyses left Egypt to quell
this rerolt, but killed himself, apparently by ac-
odent, whilst on the road to Persia. The Pseudo-
Barxia or Bardes now took possession of the
throne, bnt was deposed and killed by Darius,
•ho beoame king of Persia and Babylonia.
The Babylonians now revolted under the
leadership of a man named Nidintu-IWl, who
]>ersonated Nebuchadnezzar III., son of Na-
bonidus. This ruler reigned only one year,
being defeated by Darius in two battles, and
compelled to flee. Danus, however, having
captured him in Babylon, put him to death.
Again, about 515 B.C., another pretender, named
Arahu, also personating Nebuchadnezzar III.,
arose, but was besieged in Babylon by Darius's
general ; and, on the city being taken, was cap-
tured and crucified.
After this period Babylonia appears only as a
province of the various jrowers by which it was
subjugated, and hns no independent history.
Once during the reign of Xerxes it tried again,
but unsuccessfully, to regain its independence.
Its commerce, which had, daring the period from
the end of the reign of Nabopolassar to the end
of that of Darius, been enormous, now declined
considerably. The defences nnd public buildings
also suflered much from neglect, the new rulers
not having that enthusiasm for the ancient
monuments of the glories of the country which
the native Babylonian rulers possessed. The ob-
servations made by the astrologers in the temple-
towers, however, were still continued, and con-
siderable additions were made to the library at
£-zida (the Birs-Nimroud) during the time of
Antiochus Soter, who also restored that build- '
ing to somewhat of its former magniflcence.
The Babylonians were in many ways a pecu-
liar nation, being, in a sense, a prototype of the
great Anglo-Saxon race — a number of small
kingdoms united at last to form a single state,
from which, however, Assyria broke off, and,
declaring herself independent, became, from time
to time. Babylonia's chief enemy. Babylonia
seems, strangely enough, not to have attained
any considerable military power until the time
of Nebuchadnezzar, her foreign conquests before
that time being few and of short flnration. The
kingdom of Babylon had a more honourable
claim than Assyria to the respect of the sur-
rounding nations in that she was renowned
more for the arts of peace than for those of
war, and the Babylonian language and writings
became the diplomatic tongue of the ancient
Eaat. Her " goodly garments " (Josh. vii. 21)
were prolnbly to be found in many a city of the
ancient Eastern world, together with a large
number of her other products; and her in-
fluence, for good or evil, was doubtless widely
felt. Probably there were but few who had
not heard of the world-renowned tower within
her capital (Gen. li. 4), and who had not been
influenced by her religious system, with its
mysticism and superstition, worshipping her
gods Siccuth, Chiun (Amos v. 26), Succoth-
benoth (2 K. vii. HO), and weeping for Tnmmuz
(Ezek. viii. 15) like the Israelites. Whilst the
country was frev from invasion, the citizens
were most prosperous. Like Tyre, her mer-
chants were princes — small wonder that the
land was looked upon with envy by the nations
arouud, as by Judah and Israel (cp. Ezek. xxiii.
14, 15). But the prosperity of this great nation
soon passed away "The Lord shall perform His
pleaaure upon Babylon, and His arm shall be
upon the Chaldeans" (Is. xlviii. 14); Chaldea
was to be a spoil (Jer. I. 10 ; to Babylon and to
all the inhabitants of Chaldea was to be rendered
all the evil that they had done to Zion (Jer li.
24, 25). That land, honoured in being in early
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332
BABYLON
times the dwelling-place of Abraham and his
forefathers (Gen. xi. 28 ; Acts rii. 4), fell a prey
first to the Persians and Medes (Oan. ▼. 29), and
then to the Parthians, the Greelcs, the Romans,
and lastly, the Turkish empire, under the rule of
which there is little or no hope for a return to
that prosperity which, under the rule of the old
native Icings, polytheists as they were, it enjoyed.
The cities are ruins, the fertilizmg canals are all
choked np, malarious marshes abound to make
the land now but little fit for hunion habitation.
Babylonia, from whom the West has learnt so
much, is waiting, with the rest of the ancient
East, for a slight return, a participation in some
uf the advantages which the civilized West now
enjoys, and can, and probably will, in the near
future, give to that now benighted part of the
earth.
For the descriptive portions of Babylon the
city, and Babylon the country, see Rich's Two
Memoin on Babijbm; Ker Porter's Travels,
vol. ii. ; Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, chs. xxi.,
xxii. ; Fresnel'a Ttco Letters to if. Mohl in the
Journal Asiatique, June and July 1853 ; and
Loftus's Chaldaea, ch. ii. On the architecture
and art, Perrot and Chipiez's History of Art in
Chaldea and Assyria. On the identifications of
the ruins of ancient sites, compare Rawlinson's
IlerodoUtt,\ol. ii., essay iv.; Oppert's Expedition
en Meiopotamie, and Kennel's Essay in Rich's
Babylon and Persepotts. On the history, com-
pare Smith's Biatory of Babylonia and Assyrian
Discoveries, chs. xii. and xv.-iix. ; Pinches' In-
troduction to the Guide to the Kouyunjik Gallery ;
Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. i., essays vi. and viii.,
and Uommel's Geschichte Assyriens und Baby-
loniens. [T. G. P.]
BAB'YLON (Ba$v\<ir ; Babylon). The oc-
currence of this name in 1 Pet. v. 13 has given
rise to a variety of conjectures, some of which —
such as the identification of it with Jerusalem,
Seleucia, or a frontier fort between Upper and
Lower Egypt — no longer command attention.
There remain two opinions to be considered :—
1. That Babylon denotes Rome. In support
of tliis opinion is brought forward a tradi-
tion recorded by Eusebius (//. E. ii. 15), on
the authority of Papias and Clement of Alex-
andria, to the effect that 1 Peter was composed
at Rome. Oecnmenius and Jerome both assert
that Rome was figuratively denoted by Babylon ;
and the uniform, unvarying testimony of early
Christian writers is to the effect that Babylon
here is a recognised appellation of Rome, the
head-quarters of anti-Christiaa influences. And
this opinion, held by Grotius, Lai-dner, Cave,
Whitby, Macknight, Hales, and others, is the
opinion generally adopted now (cp. Speaier's
Comm. and Burger in Strack u. ZOckler's Kgf.
Komm. in loco).
2. The very natural supposition that by Baby-
lon is intended the old Babylon of Assyria owes
its origin to Calvin, to whom it was " a strong-
hold of popery," and was supported by Lightfoot
and Bentley. But Babylon, though largely
inhabited by Jews previous to the time of
Calignla, was towards the end of that emperor's
reign (c. A.D. 40) almost entirely depopulated
of iu Jewish colony (Jos. Ant. iviii- 9, § 8), and
it M difficult to suppose that a Christian Church
consisting of Hebrew converts could have been
BABYLONISH GARMEKX
established there in less than a quarter of a
century after the catastrophe. [F.]
BAB'YLON, in the Apocalypse, is the iTm-
bolical name by which Rome is denoted (Ker.
xiv. 8, xvii., xviii.). The power of Rome wu re-
garded by the later Jews as that of Babylon had
been by their forefathers (cp. Jer. Ii. 7 vith
Rev. xiv. 8. See Speaier's Comm. on xvii. 4^ and
hence, whatever the people of Israel be under-
stood to symbolize, Babylon represents the anta-
gonistic principle. [Revei^tion.] [W. A. W.]
BABYLO'NLANS (K.^^aa [BaerJ ^ja-'U ;
Ba$u\tiytoi ; Babylonii, Jilii BcAylonis). The in-
habitants of Babylon, a race of impure Semitic
origin, who were among the colonists pliatcJ
in the cities of Samaria by the conqaeris;
Assyrians (Ezra iv. 9). Later, when the warlike
Cbaldaeans acquired predominance in the 1t\
cent. B.C., the names Chaldaean and Babjloaiso
became almost synonymons (Ezra ixiii. 14, IS;
cp. Is. xlviii. 14, 20). [W. A. W.]
BABYLO'NISH GABMENT (Tr5?' nr»,
iJriXi) iroiic(Ai); pallium coccinetim), literailj
"robe of Shinar" (.losh. vii. 21; see Speakr's
Comm. and Dillmann,' / c). An ample robe
probably mode of the skin or fur of an aoi-
raal (cp. Gen. xxv. 25), and orurimented witii
embroidery, or perhaps a variegated garment
with figures inwoven in the fashion for which
the Babylonians were celebrated. Jotephus
{Ant. V. 1, § 10) describes it as "a royal nuatle
(xAo/iMa 0(urU«oi>X sH woven with gold."
'Tertullian (^De habita muliebri, c i.) tells us
that while the Syrians were celebrated for dye-
ing, and the Phrygians fur piitch work, the Bsbr-
lonians inwove their colours. For this kind of
tapestry work they had a great reputstiro
(Pliny, viii. 74; Cohres diversos picturaeifi^crt
Babylon maxime celebravit, et nomen imponul).
Compare also Martial (^Ep. viii. 28) :
" Non ego praetulerim Babylonica plcU sopeite
Texts, Semlnunla quae varlantor aca ; "
ani iixe B(U>ylonia peristromata of Plautos(Sfi<>L
il. 2, 54: see also Jos. B. J. vii. 5, § 5; Plot
M. Cato, ir. 5). Perhaps sonae of the trade ui
these rich stuffs between Babylon and the Pboc-
nicians (Ezek. xxvii. 21) passed through Jeridn,
as well as the gold brought by the caravans of
Sheba, which they may have left in exchange for
the products of its fertile soil (Josh. vii. 21).
[Jericho.] Roshi has a story that the kin; of
Babylon had a palace at JencJio, probably fouodeii
on the fact that the robe of the king of Niaeveh
(Jonah iii. 6) is called fl^'IK, addereth. In the
Bereshith Rabba (§ 85, fol.'75, 2, quoted by Gill)
it is said that the robe was of Babylonian purple.
Another story in the same passage is that the
king of Babylon had a deputy at Jencho who
sent him dates, and the king in return sent kim
gifts, among which was a garment of Shiasr.
Kimchi (on Josh. vii. 21) quotes the opinions of
K. Chanina bar R. Isaac that the Bahylonith
garment was of Babylonian purple, of Rab that
it was a robe of fine wool, and of Shemael that
it was a cloak washed with alum, which we
learn from Pliny (xxxv. 52) was used in dytiog
wooL [W. A ff.]
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BACA THE VALLEY OP
BACA, THE VALLEY OF (Kaan p^JJ;
tuXis rov nXavtijAros : A. •/larat; Vallislacry-
•urwt ; R. V. text " valley of Weeping ; " marg.
[nlley of} batam tru$),H rallejr somewhere in
nltstioe, throagh whieh the exiled Psalmist
Ket in riiion the pilgrims passmg in their march
tovards the sanctuary of Jehovah at Zion (Ps.
Iniir. 6). The passage is thooght by some to
coatain a play, m the mamier of Hebrew poetry,
(1) on the name of the trees (D*K3a ; M ulberbt.
The ka]:»m when bmised distils a white and
titter "tear "-like sap) from which the viilley
may possibly have derived its name, and (2)
OB tile "tears" 0?^)) '^'^ ^7 ^^^ pilgrims in
tlicir joy at their approach to Zion (see various
opinions in Perowne, the Speaker'a Comm., De-
litach', and Schultx in Straclc u. ZOckler's Kgf.
Kaiun. m loco). These tears were so abundant
IS to torn the dry valley in which the Bacaim
trees deUghted (Niebuhr, quoted in Winer, a. t.)
into a springy or marshy place (|*][fD). That
the nlley was a real locality is most probable,
ftom the nse of the definite article before the
aune (Gesen. Thes. p. 205). A valley of the
SUM name (Ka3\ »/<>\j) »till exisU in the
Siaaitic district (Bnrck. p. 619). Josephus iAnt.
ra. *, f 1) calls the " mulberry trees " of 2 Sam.
v._23, the groves of weeping, ir rots tXatai
Tnt KoXmifLtnts K\avSiii<rt, thus identifying it
with Baca, but the site of this action of David's
is sncertain ; possibly near Jerusalem.
The rendering of the Targum is Gehenna, i.*.
tlie Ge-Hinnom or ravine below Mount Zion.
Hengttenberg, Tholnck, Hupfeld, and Robinson
(f*y«. Oeog. p. 113, note) consider the valley to
ke in idealised and not an actual place.
[G.] [W.]
BACCHI'DES (Ba«x(SqtXa Mend of Anti-
«cbi» Epiphanes (Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, § 2) and
{evtnor of Heaopotamia (jr ry wipcar rod
nniui, 1 Hacc. rii, 8 ; Joseph. /. c), who was
commisBioned by Demetrius Soter to investigate
tilt charges which Alcimns preferred against
Jodas Maccabaena. He confirmed Alcimos in
Uie Ugh priesthood ; and, having inflicted signal
TtDgtance on the extreme party of the Assideans
[i«a>EAS8l l>< returned to Antioch. After the
tipnlsion of Alcimns and the defeat and death
if Kicanor, ha led a second expedition into
Jniaea. Judas Maccabaeiis fell in the battle
which ensued at "Eleasa" (B.a 161; 1 Mace,
ii- 5, see note in Speaker'a Comm.) ; and Bac-
diidu re-established the supremacy of the Syrian
faction (1 Mace ix. 2.% ol iaifius irtpts ; Jos.
ill. xiiL 1, $ 1). He next attempted to sur-
prise Jonathan, who had assumed the leadership
'{ the national party after the death of Judas ;
lat Jonathan escaped across the Jordan. Bac-
ckides then placed garrison! in several important
posttioDs, and took hostages for the security of
ti» goTemment. Having completed the paci-
(ation of the country* (Joseph. Ant. xiii.
1,5), he returned to Demetrius (aa 160). After
t*o years he came back at the request of the
SjTon fiction, in the hope of overpowering
Juathan and Simon, who still maintained a
BADGEB-SKINS
333
small force in the desert ; but meeting with ill
SQccess, he turned against those who had induced
him to undertake the expedition, and sought an
I honourable retreat. When this was known by
[ Jonathan, he sent envoys to Bacchides and con-
cluded a peace (b.c. 158) with him, acknowledg-
ing him as governor under the Syrian king,
while Bacchides pledged himself not to enter the
land again, a condition which he faithfully ob-
served (1 Mace vii. ix. ; Joseph. Ant. xii 10, 1 1 ;
»iii. 1). [B. F W.l
BACCHU'KUS (fiiKxovpot ; Zaccarua), one
of the " holy singers " (r&r Itpot^rar) who
had taken a foreign wife (1 Esd. ix. 24). No
name corresjrandiug with this is traceable in the
parallel list in Ezra x. 24, unless the (Tri of Ezra
has got corrupted into Bacchurus (see SpeaJter'a
Comm. on 1 Esd. /. c). [W. A. W.J [F.]
BACrCHUS. [DiosTScs.]
BACEIfOB (Bcut^rup ; Bacenor), apparently
a captain of horse in the army of Judas Macca-
baeus (2 Mace. xii. 35). Or possibly toO Bwri)-
ropos may have been the title of one of the
Jewish companies or squadrons. [W. A. W.]
BACHRITE8, THE C")???}; LXX. [r. 39]
omits; fam. Becheritarum), the family of Becher,
son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35). [W. A. W.j
BADGEB-SKINS (D»Ci;iri niif, 'o/-<i« t&A-
&««>; K'riri, tachaah [Eiek.' xvi. 10]; BAF.
t4piiara icuetrSaia in Ex, xxv. 5, in Ex. xxxv. 7 ;
iieiySot ; Aq. and Sym. tdrStya in Ezek. xvi.
10; })elle3 ianthinae, ianthinus). The Hebrew
tacluish, which the A. V. renders badger [R. V.
text "seal," marg. porpoise], occurs in connexion
with '6r, 'orot/t (" skin," " skins "), in Ex. xxv. 5,
xxvi. 14, xxxv. 7, 23, ixxvi. 19 ; Num. iv. 6, 8, 11,
12, 14, 25. In Ezek. xvi. 10 tachaah occurs with-
out 'Sroth, and is mentioned as the substance out
of which women's shoes were made ; in the former
passages the tachaah akina are named in relation
to the Tabernacle, ark, &c, and appear to have
formed the exterior covering of these sacred
articles. There is much obscurity as to the
meaning of the word tachaah (see many opinions
collected by RSdiger in Ocs. Thea. ». v.), although,
as we shall see, there is reasonable ground for be-
lieving it to mean some of the marine mammalia,
as the dugongs and seals found in the Red Sea,
the skins of which are much used by the Arabs.
The ancient Versions seem nearly all agreed that
it denotes not an animal, but a colour, either
black or sky-blue; and amongst critics who
adopt this interpretation are Bochart (Jlierox.
ii, 387), Rosenmiiller {Schol. ad V. T., Ex. xxv.
5 ; Ezek. xvi. 10), Bynaeus (de Calceia Hehrae-
onun, lib. i. ch. 3), Scheuchzcr (J'hya. Sacr.
in Ex. xxv. 5), Parkhurst ( Jleb, Lex. s. v. ),
who observes that " an outermost covering for
the Tabernacle of azure or sky-blue was very
proper to represent the sky or azure boundary
of the system." Some Versions, as the German
of Luther and the A. V., led apparently by the
Chaldee, " and perhaps by a certain similarity of
sound between the words tachaah, taxua, dac/ia.
•blMaee. Iz. ST, his return seems to be referred to
tteleathcIAkliBua.
* K)^]pO> " tatua, sic dlctns quia gaudet et superblt
in coloilbus mnltis " (Bsztoti; Lex. Bai. s, v.).
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334
BADGEE-SKINS
have supposed that the badger (Jileln taxus) is
denoted. The badger (Meles tojrus) of naturalists
is fonnd in the hilly parts of Palestine, conceal-
ing itself in burrows ; and though a nocturnal
and very shy animal, it must be rather common,
as not only have I three times procured it
myself but we frequently found traces of it,
and often saw the skins exposed for sale in
saddlers' shops. The Palestine species is iden-
tical with the English, but there is no reason to
think that it could be sufficiently common in the
Sinaitic Peninsula, if it exist there at all, to
hare provided an outer covering for the Taber-
nacle. Others, as Gesner and Harenberg (in
ituaaeo Brem. ii. 3t2), have thought that the
jackal, known by the Greek name Bits and the
Arabic /SAo^Au/, is intended. Hasaeus (in Z)tssrrt.
Philotog. Sj/ltoge, diss. ix. § 17), Biisching (in his
preface to the Epitome of Scheuchzer's Phyaica
Sacra), Sebald Rau (^Comment, de its quae ex
Arab, in usunt Tabernac. fuenmt repeiita, Traj.
ad Rhen. 1753, ch. ii.), and Dr. Geddes (Crii.
Sent. Ex. ixv. 5), are in favour of iachaah repre-
senting some kind of seal or other marine mam-
malian. Gesenius understands some " kind of
seal or badger, or other similar creature."
Fried. Delitzsch ^Prolegg. eines n«u«n lIAr.-
Aram. WOrterbtic/it z. A. T., p. 77, &c.) identi-
fies the tachash with the Assyr. toAlu, the
sheep with whose skin the Assyrians lined
their boats (Herod, i. 194). Of modem writers,
Col. H. Smith {Encyc. Bib. Lit., art. Badger),
with much plausibility, conjectures that tachash
refers to some ruminant of the Aigocerine or
Damaline groups, as these animals are known to
the natives under the names of pacasse, thacasse
(varieties, he says, of the word tachash), and have
a deep grey, or slaty (hysginus) coloured skin.
Dr. Robinson on this subject {Bib. Res. i. 171)
writes, "The Superior of the convent at Sinai
procured for me a pair of the sandals usually
worn by the Bedouin of the peninsula, made of
the thick skin of a fish which is caught in the
Red Sea. The Arabs round the convent called it
Tun, but could give no further account of it
than that it is a large fish, and ia eaten. It is a
species of Halicore, named by Ehrenberg ' (^Sytnb.
Phys. ii.) Halicore Itemprichei. The skin is
clumsy and coarse, and might answer very well
for the external covering of a Tabernacle which
was constructed at Sinai, but would seem hardly
a fitting material for the ornamental sandals be-
longing to the costly attire of high-bom dames
in Palestine, described by the prophet Ezekiel."
It is difficult to understand why the ancient
Versions have interpreted the word tachash to
mean a colour (an explanation which has, as
Gesenius remarks, no ground either in the
etymology or in the cognate languages), unless
it be that they understood by the word some-
thing capable of taking a blue tint, and that thus
the tichash became synonymous with that tint.
Whatever is the substance indicated by tachash,
it is evident from Ex. xxxv. 23, that it was some
material in frequent use among the Israelites
during the Exodus, and the construction of the
sentences where the name occurs (for the word
^ According to Ehrenberg, the Arabs on the coast call
this animal ^aka and Lottum. Arabian naturalists
applied the term entan alma, " man of the sea," to this
creature.
BAG
'oroth, " skins," i* always, with one eiception,
repeated with tachash), seems to imply that the
skin of some animal, and not a colour, ia de-
noted by it. The fact of the Arabs of Sinai
giving the name twxuK, imii, identictl
with the Hebrew, to the various species of
dugongs and seals of the Red Ses, and alto
using their hides as leather, while they dis-
tinguish the dolphin as delfin, seems to point
pretty clearly to the dugong skin as the one
intended in the Pentateuch (see Dillmann' on
Exod. XXV. 5). But as tachash probably indided
the seal, there is no difficulty in supposing that
Jewish ladies made their slippers of seiUkin.
This would obviate the objection suggestsd bjr
Robinson.
The dugongs are a singular group of msrine
herbivorous mammalia, having affinities with
the Cetacea, or whale tribe, with the seals, ind
in some respects with the Pachydemaia, or
thick-skinned quadrupeds. They are fonnd o9
the shores of the Indian Ocean from Anstnlu
to the Cape ; frequenting the mouths of riTtn;
and are easily caught, as they never leave the
shallow water, where they graie on ses»sed.
They are ordinarily from twelve to twenty fet
in length, but sometimes considerably eicseJ
these measurements. The species ^om tie
coral beds of the Red Sea, described by Rippell
(Jfus. Settci. i. 95-1 U) as H<Jioort tabervKuli
B<diton ItiitmtemU, nUh Mllaitad iivibitall^*'!^
(PI. vi.), is probably identical with Ehrenleig''
species, Ha&core hemprichH. Pliny {H. ■*'; ■'•
55) says that seal-skins were used as coieriap
for tents. [W. H.] [H.RT.]
BAG is the rendering of several words in tbf
Old and New Testaments. 1. D'Cnrj; «»A««.
saccits! the "bags" in which Naamaa !»»»?
up the two talents of silver for Gehaii (3 K-
v. 23), probably so called, according toGeseav,
from their long, cone-like shape. The word osl.t
occurs besides in Is. iii. 22 (A. V. " crisping-pia« "V
and there denotes the reticules [R. V " satchels ]
carried by the Hebrew ladies. 2. D*3 ; p^"'
iros, iiofointiov ; taccuJus, saccellus; a bsg ii>;
carrying weights (Dent. xxv. 13 ; Prov. rri. U I
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fiAGO
Mic Tj. II), also used as a parse (ProT. i. 14;
Is. ilri, 6). 3. v3 ; Kittov ; pera : transrlated
'■btg" in 1 Sam. ivii. 40, 49, is a word of most
gtneral mcaoiog, and is generally rendered
" Tessel " or " instrament." In Gen. xhi. 25 it
it the "sack " [R. V. " vessel "] in which Jacob's
»ii$ carried the com which they bronght from
%rpt, and in 1 Sam. ix. 7, xxi. 5, it denotes a
ba^ or wallet for carrying food (A. V. and R. V.
"Tessel"; cp. Jud. z. 5, xiii. 10, 15). The
sliepherd's "bag" which David had seems to
ban been worn by him as necessary to his call-
iDg, and was probably, from a comparison of
Zecli. li. 15, 16 (A. V. and R. V. " instruments "),
osed for the purpose of carrying the lambs which
wat nnable to walk or were lost, and contained
materials for healing such as were sick and bind-
mg np those that were broken (cp. Ezek. xxxir.
4,16). 4. lilY; fi>S«r/u)t, S«r/ult; mcculus:
properly a "bundle" (Gen. xlii. 35; 1 Sara,
iir 29), appears to have been used by travellers
for canying money during a long journey (Pror.
vii. 20; Hag. i. 6 j cp. Luke lii. 33 ; Tob. ix. 5).
Is nich " bundles " the priests bound up the
moDey which was contributed for the restoration
of the Temple under Jehoiada (2 K. xii. 10,
Heh. ». 11 ; <nV^, A. V. " put up in bags," so
B. V in text ; in mare, bound up, omitting " in
bap"). The "bag* (y>M<rv6K0fU>y ; loculi)
vbich Judas carried was probably a small box
or chett (John xii. 6, xiii. 29). The Greek word
a the tame as that used in the LXX. for " chest "
in 2Ch. ixir. 8, 10, 11, and orig;inally signified
• box used by musicians for carrying the mouth-
pieces of their instruments (see Liddell and Scott
I«x.»s.T.> [W. A. W.] [F.l
BA'GO (B. Batvi, A. B<ry«J; Vulg. omits),
1 Ead. viii. 40 ; head of one of the families who
went up with Ezra from Babylon in the reign of
iiaf Artaxerxes ; called Bagoi in 1 Ead. v. 14,
and Kgvai in Ezra viii. 14. [W. A W.] [F.]
BAGO'AS (Bayiias; Bugoat, Tagao), Judith
lil 11. The name is said to be equivalent to
emnch in Persian (Plin. ff. N. xiii. 4, 9. Cp.
Barmann ad Ovid, Am. ii. 21), and may be
related to Bigvai (see Ball in Speaker's Coram.
oa Jnditb xii. 11). [B. F. W.] [F.]
BA'GOI (A. Sayoi, B. Boaai; Zaroar), 1 Esd.
V. 14; called Bago in 1 Esd. viii. 40. His
dncendants went back to Jerusalem with Zernb-
babel after the Captivity. [BlOVAl.] [F.]
BAHARUTIITE, THE. [BAHCRm.]
BAHU'BIM(D'T^n3andDnna; A. Baov-
fwiV [unally] ; B. in 2 Sam. iii. 1^, BopoKef; in
^ 3, Bovpc^; in xix. 16, Beuniptin ; m xvii. 18,
Bufif(/t; in 1 K. ii. 8, B.BoaSoupel/i, A. Ba0- ; Jos.
B^Mpj^ and Baovply ; Bahurim), a village, the
■light notices remaining of which connect it
♦most exclusively with the flight of David. It
we apparently on, or close to, the road leading
^nnn the Jordan valley up to Jerusalem , Shimei
tke ton of Gera resided here (2 Sam. xvii. 18 ;
I K. ii. 8) , and from the village, when David,
taring left the " top of the mount " behind him,
*it making his way down the eastern slopes of
•^f et mto the Jordan valley below, Shimei issued
fnth, and running along (Joseph. Siarp4xvv)
BAKBUKIAU
333
on the side or " rib " of the hill over against the
king's party, flung his stones, dust, and foul
abuse (xvi. S), with a virulence which is to this
day exhibited in the East towards fallen great-
ness however eminent it may previously have
been. Here in the court of a house was the
well in which Jonathan and Ahimaaz eluded
their pursuers (xvii. 18). In hiK account of the
occurrence, Josephus {Ant. vil. 9, § 7) distinctly
states that Bahurim lay off the main road (weuSct
iierpawtyrts rifs itoi), which agrees well with
the account of Shimei's behaviour. Here
Phaltiel, the husband of Michal, bade farewell
to his wife when on her return to king David at
Hebron (2 Sam. iii. 16). Bahurim must have
been very near the south boundary of Benjamin,
but it is not mentioned in the lists in Joshua,
nor is any explanation given of its being Ben-
jamite, as from Shimei's residing there we may
conclude it was. Dr. Barclay conjectures that
the place lay where some ruins still exist close to
a Wady Sudbeh, which runs in a straight course
for 3 miles from Olivet directly towards Jordan,
offering the nearest though not the best route
(Barclay, pp. 563-4). Toblor (Topog. ii. 763)
identifles it with Om liasids, more correctly
Kh. cl Muruiam, on the right of the road
from Jerusalem to Jericho ; Antoninus (Itm. xvi.)
describes it as being " not far from Jerusalem,"
and if he followed the Roman road from Jericho
it must have been near El 'Audwtyeh.
AZMAVETH "the Barhumite" OprTiail; B.
Bopauvicfn);, A Bopm^f Iti); ; de Beromi) 2 Sam.
xxiii. 31), or "the Baharumite" (nplinsn ;
BM''* i Btfpiiflv, K* Bup$fiy, A Bapaaiil ;
Bawamiks ; 1 Ch. xi. 33), one of the heroes of
David's guard, is the only native of Bahurim
that we hoar of except Shimei. [G.] [W.]
BA'JITH (njan, with the definite articlt,
" the house ; " B. V. " Bayith " [marg. the tem-
ple']), referring not to a place of this name, but
to the " temple " of the false gods of Moab,
perhaps distinct from the " high places " in the
same sentence (Is. xv. 2, and cp. xvi. 12). This
temple is not improbably the house of high
places mentioned by Hesha (Beth-Bainoth) on
the Moabite Stone (Records of tlu Pant, N. S. ii.
203) and near Dibon (Sayce, Fresh Zijhtfi-om the
Ancient Monvmients, p. 81). LXX. \inrt7a9t itpf
iavTois ; Ascendit domus. [G.] [W.]
BAKBAK'B:AB ("Ij????; A. B<ut$aKdp,
B. Bcatip; Bacbacar), a £evite, apparently a
descendant of Asaph (1 Ch. ix. 15> [W. A. W.]
BAK'BUK (iM3pa = empti/ing or de-
vasUition [see Ges. IDies. s. v.] : in Ezra, B. Bcuc-
Koix, A. BaK$oiK ; in Neh., B. Baxfioi, .\. -oiIk,
K. StKoi0: Badmc). "Children of Bakbuk"
were among the Nethinim who returned from
captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 51 , Neh.
vii. 53). In 1 Esd. v 31 the corresponding name
is AcUB. [W. A. W.] [F.]
BAKBUKI'AH (nji?^?a, MV," = devasta-
tion from Jah, BK*A. omit this name ; Bec-
hecia). 1. A Levite in time of Nehemiah (Neh.
xi. 17 ; «••• "« ">' BoKfioKuli ; xii. 9, «••* "« Bo«-
Pcuis). 3. A Levite porter, apparently a dif-
ferent person from the preceding (Neh. xii. 25 ;
«••• »• "'■ Bok/SmmIj). [W a. W.] [F.]
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336
BAKING
BAKING [Bread.]
BA'LAAM (Dr^a, i.«. Bil'ain; Ba^aiii;
Joaeph. B(i\aiu>t; Balaam), "the soothsayer"
(DP^n, Josh. liii. 22), a man endowed with the
gift of prophecy, introduced in Numbers (xxii. 1)
as the son of Beor. He belonged to the Midian-
ites, and perhaps as the prophet of his people
possessed the same kind or authority that Moses
did among the Israelites. At any rate he is
mentioned in conjunction with the fire kings of
MiJian, apparently as a person of the same rank
(Num. xxxi. 8 ; cp. xmi. 16). He seems to hare
lired at Pethor [the Pi-it-ra of the Monolith
Inscription of Salmanaser II., B.C. 860-24 ; cp.
Craigin tfe6raica, iii. p. 213; Peiser in Schrader's
Keilinschrifllklie Bibliothek, i. p. 163], which is
said in Dent, xxiii. 4 to hare been a city of
Mesopotamia (D^^Hl Q*?^)- ^' himself speaks
of being " brought from Aram out of the moun-
tains uf the East " (Num. xxiii. 7). The reading,
therefore, \fS)V '33, instead of iSP «ja (Num.
xxii. 5 ; cp. Speaker's Comm. and Dillmann' in
loco), found in some MSS., and adopted by the
Samaritan, Syriac, and Vulgate Versions, need
not be preferred, as the Ammonites do not appear
to have ever extended so far as the Euphrates,
which is probably the river alluded to in this
place. The name Balaam is of uncertain deri-
vation j accordmg to Stade {Lehrb. d. Jleb. Gr.
§ 293), from ff?^ and the ending Am. Tlie
affinity of the name with that of Bela, the son of
Beor, mentioned Gen. xixvi. 32 as the first king
«f Edom, has often been noticed (cp. Delitzsch
[1887] and Dillmann* on Gen. /. c). Balaam is
called in 2 Pet. ii. 15 "the son of Bosor"
[R. V. « Beor "] : thU Lightfoot ( Works, vii. 80)
thought a Chaldaism for Beor; but it is far more
probably a dialectic pronunciation of Beor (see
Speakers Comm. 1. c).
Balaam is one of those instances which meet lu
in Scripture of persons dwelling among heathens
but possessing a certain knowledge of the one
true God. He was endowed with a greater than
ordinary knowledge of God : he was possessed of
high gifts of intellect and genius : he had the in-
tuition of truth, and could see into the life of
things, — in short, he was a poet and a prophet.
Moreover, he confessed that all these superior
advantages were not his own but derived from
God, and were His gift. And thus, doubtless,
he had won for himself among his contem-
poiaries £ir and wide a high reputation for
wisdom and sanctity. It was believed that he
whom he blessed was blessed, and he whom he
cursed was cursed. Elated, however, by his
fame and his spiritual elevation, he had begun
to conceive that these gifts trere his own, and
that they might be used to the furtherance of
his own ends. He could make merchandise of
them, and might acquire riches and honour by
means of them. A custom existed among many
nations of antiquity of devoting enemies to
destruction before entering upon a war with
them. At this time the Israelites were march-
ing forwards to the occupation of Palestine:
they were now encamped in the plains of Moab,
on the east of Jordan by Jericho. Balak, the
king of Moab, having witnessed the discomfiture
of his neighbours, the Amorites, by this people,
BALAAM
entered into a league with the Midianites apinst
them, and despatched me&sengers to BiUam
with the rewards of dirination in their hands.
We see from this, therefore, that Balaam was in
the habit of using his wisdom as a trade, and of
mingling with it devices of his own by which
he imposed U|>on others and perhaps partially
deceived himself. When the elders of Uoab
and Midian told him their message, he teems to
have had some misgivings as to the lavfulaeu
of their request, for be invited them to tarry
the night with bim that he might learn how
the Lord would regard it. These miagiriap
were confirmed by God's express prohibition of
his journey. Balaam reported the answer, and
the mes-sengers of Balak returned. The king of
Moab, however, not deterred by this failure,
sent again more and more honourable prince* to
Balaam, with the promise that he should l«
promoted to very great honour upon complying
with his request. The prophet again rafuad,
but notwithstanding invited the embassy to
tarry the night with him that he might
know what the Lord would say unto him
further. God gave him the permission he
desired, subject to certain conditions (xxii. 20);
while he was warned at the same time that kii
actions must be overruled by the Divine Will.
Balaam, ignoring the conditions, proceeded og
his journey with the messengers of Balak. Bat
God's anger was kindled at this manifeatatiog ef
determined self-will, and the Angel of the Lord
stood in the way for an adversary against him.
The words of the Psalmist, " Be ye not like to
horse and mule which have no understanding,
whose mouths must be held with bit and bridle,
lest they fall upon thee," had they been familiar
to Balaam, would have come home to him with
most tremendous force ; for never have they re-
ceived a more forcible illustration than the com-
parison of Balaam's conduct to his Maker with
his treatment of his ass aSbrds us. The wisdom
with which the tractable brute was allowed
to " speak with man's voice," and " forbid " the
intractable "madness of the prophet," is pal-
pable and conspicuous. He was taught, more-
over, that even she had a spiritual perception
to which he, though a prophet, was a stringer ;
and when his eyes were opened to behold the
Angel of the L«rd, " he bowed down his head
and fell flat on his face." It is hardly necessary
to suppose, as some do, among whom are Heng-
stenberg and Leibnitz (see also the comments
in the Amer. ed. of this work), that the event
here referred to happened only in a trance or
vision, though such .in opinion might stem to
be supported by the fact_ that the transUton of
the A. V. render the word pgS in xiiv. 4, 15.
" falling into a trance," whereas no other idea
than that of simply falling down [R. V.] is <»n-
veyed by it. St. Peter refers to it as a real
historical event : " the dumb ass, speaking with
man's voice, forbad the madness of the prophet
(2 Pet. li. 16). We are not told luxe these
things happened, but that they did happen.
[For other opinions upon this episode see Speoier »
Comm, add. note on Num. xxii. 5; Biehm, BWB.
s, n. , Herzog, Uf-.' s. n.]
It pleased God thus to interfere on behalf
of His elect people, and to bring forth from
the genius of a self-willed prophet, who thonght
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BALAO
thit his talents were his oirn, four strains of
pottrr bearinj; npon the destiny of the Jewish
ution and the Church at large, which are not
Mirpaued throughout the Mosaic records. It
i< trident that Balaam, although acquainted
vith God, was desirous of throwing au air of
ni,nt«ry round his wisdom, from the instmc-
tioni he gare Balalc to offer a bnllock and a
tun 00 the seven altars he everywhere pre-
)ared for him ; but he seems to have thought
>l.>o that these sacrifices would be of some
irail to change the mind of the Almighty, be-
aux he pleads the merit of them ( xxiiL 4 ),
and after experiencing their impotency to effect
inch an object, " he went no more," we are told,
"•to seek for enchantments" (xxiv. 1). His
itligion, therefore, was probably such as would
be the natural result of a general acquaintance
with God not confirmed by any covenant. He
knev Him as the fountain of wisdom : how to
worship Him he could merely guess from the
costonu in vogue at the time. Sacrifices had
been nsed by the patriarchs ; to what extent they
vere efficient could only be surmised. There
is so allusion to Balaam in the Prophet Micah
(u. i), where Bishop Butler thinks that a con-
venation is preserved which occurred between
him and the king of Moab upon this occasion.
Bat sncb an opinion is hardly tenable, if Ave
hear in mind that Balak is nowhere represented
as consnlting Balaam upon the acceptable mode
of vtunhipping God. and that the directions
found in Micah are of quite an opposite character
to those which were given by the son of Beor
apen the high places of Baal. The Prophet is
mounting " the righteousness of the Lord " in
ilelirerisg His people out of the hand of Moab
under Balak, and at the mention of his name
tile history of Balaam comes back npon his
mind, and he is led to make those noble re-
flections upon it which occur in the following
verses. " The doctrine of Balaam " is spoken
of in Bev. ii. 14, where an allusion has been
supposed to Nix^Aaoi, the founder of the sect
tif the Kicolaitans, mentioned in v. 15, these two
names being probably similar in signification
(s(* Speaker't Comm. in loco). Though the
ctterance of Balaam was overruled so that he
ccald not curse the children of Israel, he never-
theless suggested to the Moabites the expedient
cf sedadng them to commit fornication. The
effect of this ia recorded in Num. xxv. A battle
vas afterwards fought against the Midianites,
in which Balaam sided with them and was slain
by the sa'ord of the people whom he had en-
deavoured to curse (Sum. ixxi. 8).
The literature (foreign) on this history is
somewhat extensive (cp. Dillmann' on Num.
xxiL p. 140; Herxog, RE.* s. n.). Its historical
credibility, denied 'by (f-g.) Meyer and Stade,
ii amply attested by (e.j.) Volck (in Herzog)
»d Edenheiro, BHU Hist. ii. pp. 11-32. Cp.
also Bishop Butler's 51fr;ioiM, serm. vii. ; Ewald,
Ottch. da rolkea Israel, ii. 277. The interesting
Md curions Rabbinic opinions concerning Balaam
an collected in Hamburger's XE.* s. n. [S. L.]
BAXAC (i BaAiiat; Balac}, Rev. ii. 14.
[Balak.]
BAL'ADAN. [Meeodach-Baladah.]
B.^-LAH (nSs; B. B«.Xc(, A. BeA/SoXtt;
Bala), Josh, xix.'s! [BAA^ Qeojr. No. 2, 6.]
BIBLE DlCr. — VOL. I.
BALANCE 337
BA'LAK (P^S; BoAa* ; Balac), son of
Zippor, king of the Moabites, at the time when
the children of Israel were bringing their
joumeyings in the wilderness to a close. Ac-
cording to Gesenius {Thes.) the name signifies
inanis vacuus (cp. Is. xxiv. 1) ; in MV."
the meaning emptier, desolator, is adopted.
Balak, himself probably of Midianitish origin
(Targ. See Speaker's Comm. on Num. iiii. 2).
entered into a league with Midian and hired
Balaam to curse the Israelites ; but his designs
were frustrated in the manner recorded in Num.
xxii.-xxiv. He is mentioned again in Josh. xxv.
9 ; Judg. xi. 26 ; Mic. vi. 5 ; and in Rev. ii. 14
as the pupil and instrument of lialaam, the type
of those who would lead Christians to a neglect
of the decrees of the Apostles at Jerusalem
(Acts XV. 22). [Balaam.] [S. L.]
BAL'AMO. [Baal, Geogr. No. 6.]
BALAKCE. Two Hebrew words are thus
translated in the A. V. and R. V,
1. D?3T»<0, mdanaim (LXX. (vy6r, Vulg.
statera), the dual form of which pomts to the
double scales, like Lat. bilanx. The balance in
this form was known at a very early period. It
is found on the Egyptian monuments as early as
the time of Joseph, and we find allusions to its
use in the story of the purchase of the care of
Machpelah (Gen. xxiii. 16) by Abraham. Be-
fore coinage was introduced it was of necessity
employed in all transactions in which the
valuable metals were the mediums of exchange
(Gen. xliii. 21 ; Ex. xxii. 17 ; IK. xi. 39 ; Esth.
iii. 9 ; Is. xlvi. 6 ; Jer. xxxii. 10, Ik.'). The
weights which were nsed were at first probably
stones, and from this the word " stone " con-
tinued to denote any weight whatever, though
its material was in later times lead (Lev. xix.
36; Dent. xxv. 13, 15; Prov. xi. 1, xx. 10, 23;
Zech. v. 8). These weights were carried in a
bag (Dent. xxv. 13; Frov. xvi. 11) suspended
from the girdle (Chardin, Voy. iii. 422), and
were very early made the vehicles of fraud.
The habit of carrying two sets of weights is
denounced in Deut. xxv. 13 and Prov. xx. 10,
and the necessity of observing strict honesty in
the matter is insisted upon in several precepts
of the Law (Lev. xix. 36 ; Dent. xxv. 13> But
the custom lived on, and remained in full fore*
to the days of Micnh (vi. II), and even to those
of Zechariah, who appears (ch. v.) to pronounce
a judgment against fraud of a similar kind.
The earliest weight to which reference is made
is the nO^jp, UatdA (Gen. xixiii. 19; Josh,
xxiv. 32; Job xlii. 11), which in the margin of
the A. V. is in two passages rendered " lambs,"
while in the text of both A. V. and R. V. it is
"piece of money (or 'silver')." It may have
derived its name from being in the shape of a
lamb. We know that weights in the form of
bulls, lions, and antelopes were in use among
the ancient Egyptians and Assyrians. [MoNET.]
By means of the balance the Hebrews appear
to have been able to weigh with consider-
able delicacy; and for this purpose they had
weights of extreme minuteness, which are called
metaphorically " the small dust of the bal-
ance" (Is. xl. 15). The "little grain" (poiHi)
of the balance in Wisd. xi. 22 is the small
weight which causes the scale to turn. In
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BALASAMUS
this passage, as in 2 Mace. ix. 8, the Greek
word rXiariyi, rendered " balance," was origi-
nally applied to the scale-pan alone.
2. nip, kaneh ((vy6i>: statera), rendered
"balance" by A. V. and K. V. in Is. ilvi. 6, is
the word generally used for a measuring-rod, like
the Greek Kewav, and, like it too, denotes the
tongue or beam of a balance. D/B, peles, ren-
dered by A. V. " weight," by K. V.' " balance "
(Prov. xvi. 1 1, LXX. ^owii) and « scales " (Is. xl.
12, A. V. and R. V.; LXX. irroe/uJj), U said
by Kimchi (on Is. xivi. 7) to be properly the
beam of the balance. In his Lexicon he says it
is the part in which the tongue moves, and
which the weigher holds in his hand. Gesenius
(Thet. s. V.) supposed it was a steelyai-d, but
there is no evidence that this instrument was
known to the Hebrews. Of the material ot
which the balance was made we have no infor-
mation.
Sir G. Wilkinson describes the Egyptian
balan<^ as follows (see the illustration under
Monkt): — "The beam passed through a ring
suspended from a horizontal rod, immediately
above and parallel to it; and when equally
balanced, the ring, which was large enough to
allow the beam to play freely, showed when the
scales were equally poised, and had the addi-
tional efl'ect of preventing the beam tilting when
the goods were taken out of one, and the weights
suffered to remain in the other. To the lower
part of this ring a small plummet w.is fixed, and
this being touched by the hand, and found to
hang freely, indicated, without the necessity of
looking at the beam, that the weight was just "
(Anc. Egypt, ii. pp. 148, 152 £1878]).
The expression in Dan. v. 27, " thou art
weighed in the balances, and art found wanting,"
has been supposed to be illustrated by the
modem custom of weighing the Great Mogul on
his birthday in the presence of his chief grandees.
The ceremony is described in a passage from Sir
Thomas Roe's Voyage in India, quoted in Taylor's
Calmet, Frag. 186 : " The scales in which he
was thus weighed were plated with gold, and
the beam on which they hung by great chains
was made likewise of that most precious metal.
The king, sitting in one of them, was weighed
6rst against silver coin, which immediately
after was distributed among the poor ; then was
he weighed against gold; after that against
jewels (as they say); but I observed (being
there present with my lord ambassador) that he
was weighed against three several things, laid
in silken bags, on the contrary scale. . . By
his weight (of which his physicians yearly keep
an exact account) they presume to guess of the
present state of his body ■ of which they speak
flatteringly, however they think it to lie." It
appears, however, from a consideration of the
other metaphorical expressions in the same
passage of Daniel, that the weighing in balances
is simply a figure, and may or may not have
reference to such a custom as that above de-
scribed. See other examples of the same figure
of speech among Orientals in Roberts' Oriental
Illustrations, p. 502. [W. A. W.]
BALA'SAMUS (T.' B<u£A(ra>.oi, B om^
Balsamua), in 1 Esd. ix. 43 The correspondm
Dame in the list m Neh viii. 4 is Maasfjau. [F
BALH
BALDNESS (nnn^; ^tXixprnctt, ^oXd-
Kfttfta; and in Lev. xiii. 43, ^aX<[Kr«fu). Therr
are two kinds of baldness, viz. artilidal and
natural. The latter seems to have been on-
common, since it exposed people to pubUc de-
rision, and is perpetually alluded to as a mark of
squalor and misery (2 K. ii. 23 ; cp. Is. iit 34, R. V.
"instead of well-set hair, baldness ;... brand-
ing instead of beauty." Is. xv. 2 ; Jer. ilvil o ;
Ezek. vii. 18, &c.). For this reason it seesu to
have been included under the AeixV ■'>'' <!*>/■'
(Lev. xxi. 20, LXX.) which were disqnall&catioiu
for priesthood. A man bald on the back of the
head is called tVyp, ^mXaicpis, LXX. Lev. liii.
40; and if forehead-bald, the word used t«
describe him is n3|, iva^oXavr/as, LXX Lev.
xiii. 41 (recalvaster- See Gesen. s. cr.). In Ler.
xiii. 29 sq., very carefnl directions are civen to
distinguish Bohak, "a plague npon the hoi
and beard " (which prolwibly is the Mentigra
of Pliny, and a sort of leprosy), from mere
natural baldness which is pronounced to be cleaa,
V. 40 (Jahn, Arch. Bibl. § 189). But this shows
that even natural baldness subjected men to si
unple.isant suspicion. It was a defect with
which the Israelites were by no means familiar,
since Alyvirriovs iy rts iXaxti^^ovs "ISocro fcSa-
Kpobs Ttirrav iyBp^irtey, snys Herodotus (iii. 12) ;
an immunity which he attributes to their «»
slant shaving. They adopted this practice for
purposes of cleanliness, and generally wore
wigs, some of which h.ive been found in the
ruins of Thebes. Contrary to the general prac-
tice of the East, they only let the hair grov ts
a sign of mourning (Herod, ii. 36), and shsred
themselves on all joyous occasions : hence ic
Gen. xli. 44 we have an undesigned coincidence
The same custom obtains in China, and amoni:
the modem Egyptians, who shave ofl° all tbe
hair except the shoosheh, a tuft on the forebeaJ
and crown of the head (Wilkinson. Anc. Bjyji-
ii. 328 [1878] ; Lane, Mod. Egypt, i. ch. 1)
Baldness was despised both among Greeks »nl
Romans. In //. ii. 219, it is one of thedefecti
of Thersites; Aristophanes (who was probibl;
bald himself. Pax 767, Eq. 550) takes pride m
not joining in the ridicule against it (vX
taKtt^ty ToJii ^tt\aKpois, Jfub, 540). Omsst
was said " calvitii deformitatcm iniquissime
ferre," and he generally endeavoured to concesl
it (Suet. Caes. 45; cp. Dom. 18).
Artificial baldness marked the conclusion of "
Kazarite's vow (Acts xviii. 18; Nnm. vi. 9),
and was a sign of mourning ("quasi calvifi"'
luctus levaretur," Cic. Tusc. IMsp. iii. 26). Ii
is often alluded to in Scripture, as in Mic i. 13.
Amos viii. 10, Jer xlvii. 5, &c. ; and in Dent,
liv. 1, the reason for its being forbidden tothf
Israelites is their being "a holy and pecnlitr
people " (cp. Lev. lix. 27, and Jer. ix. 26, marj.)
The practices alluded to in the latter [i«ssa!;e>
were adopted by heathen nations (<. <I. the
Arabs, &c.) in honour of various gods. Heart
the expression rpoxoKovpHts. The Absnt^
(Srifffj (cojuowKTei), and other half-citilise<J
tribes, shaved off the forelocks, to avoid tie
dimger of being seized by them in battle. See
also Herod, i. 82, ii. 36. [F. W. F]
BALM (nv,' tzSri; n^, tzgri; ^(nt;
* my> '" Arab. " to flow, as Idood ftom a wound."
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BALM
nwiM; B. V. margin, " mastick ") occurs in
Ota iixrii. 25, as one of the substances whicli
the Ishmaelites were bringing from Gilead to
t»Ire into Egypt ; in Gen. iliii. 11, as one of the
prfsents which Jacob sent to Joseph ; in Jer.
Tiii. 22, xlvi. 11, li. -8, where it appears that
th« balm of Gilead had a medicinal value ; in
Ezek. iiTii. 17 (A. V. margin, " rosin "), as an
irlicle of commerce imported by Jndah into
lyre.
The A. V. and R. V. hare rendered by the word
"spices" the Hebrew D^5' *"*"'"> fr""" which
oot English balsam or balm is derived, identical
with the Arabic *V<lj (batham), or jj^— J^
(faiam), a tropical gum or resin, which can
Dtnr hare been indigenous in Gilead.
Many attempts hare been made to identify
the tzori by different writers, not one of which,
however, can be considered conclusire. The
Syiiac Version in Jer. viii. 22, and the Samari-
tan in Gen. xxxTii. 25, suppose cera, •' wax," to
tie meant ; others, aa the Arabic Version in the
passages cited in Genesis, coi\jectnre theriaca, a
nedicinal compound of great supposed virtue in
lerpeat bites. Of the same opinion is Castellus
(Let. Sept. 8 V. nv> Luther and the Swedish
Version bare " salve," " ointment," in the pas-
sages in Jeremiah ; but in Ezek. xxvii. 17,
they read "masticfc," where, as also in Jer.
Tiii.' 22, Coverdale's Bible (a.d. 1535) reads
"tryatle." The Jewish Rabbis, Junius, Tre-
melliiis, Diodati, &c, h.ave "balm" or "balsam,"
sstheA. V.
Commentators, often without any knowledge
either of botany or of the geographical distri-
bvtioo of plants, have made many suggestions
as to the identification of tzori. But three
claimants only seem to demand consideration.
(1.) PisfocAia Imtiscus, or Mastick, advocated
by Celsius (Hiercb. ii. 180). (2.) BahrUtes
'v-ffptiaca, the Znkkum tree, suggested by
BasenmSller (£i'M. Bot. p. 169) and Robinson
(KiV. Se$. ii. 291). (3.) Balsamodendron gilead-
cn-te, known as the true Balsam of Gilead tree,
a near ally of Salsnmodendron myrrha, the
myrrh tree, and of B. cpAaiKomun, referred
to by Strabo (xvi. 778, 8vo ed.), Diodorus
Senilis (ii. 132), and Josephus (.Ant. viii. 6, § 7),
is suggested also by Rosenmiiller {_Scht)l. in Otn.
iKTiL 25). All three yield products much
valued in the East ; gam mastick is obtained
from the Lentisk bush : a valuable healing
unguent is expressed from the berry of the
Zo^kum; and a highly-prized resinous exu-
dation from the Balsamodendron. It seems
difficnlt to limit the name of tzori to any one of
these, to the exclusion of the others, and pro-
bably the term was used for any resin, gum, or
nngnent which had a medicinal value.
The Pistachia lentiscut, or Mastick, has been
advocated by Celsius, partly because its Arabic
same, *w0, ^^t resembles the Hebrew
word. The Arabic writers attribute great me-
didoa] virtues to its resin (Dioscor. i. 51, 52,
M, 91; Plin. xiiv. 7; Avicenna, Arab. edit.
Jf. 204 and 207, with many others given by
CtUos). It is an extremely common shrub in
all the hill-conntry and plains of Palestine,
except the Jordan valley, and is especially
BALM
339
abundant in the woods of Gilead. It is found also
in all the Mediterranean countries and the Greek
islands. It belongs to the Terebinth family,
rarely reaches the height of twenty feet, ha*
winged smooth leaves of a pale colour, and in-
conspicuotis flowers. It yields a balsamic itap,
which is obtained by making incisions in the
stems from which the sap flows, the gum
mastic of commerce. It bums green, with a
delicious fragrance, and is known by the Al-
gerian soldiers as " brule-capote."
The Balanitet aegyptiaca, the Znkkum of the
Arabs, the product of which is now sold as
Balm of Gilead, is a native of Egypt and
Nubia, but also indigenous in the whole of the
Jordan valley and round the Dead Sea, though
never beyond the depression of that tropical
islet. It is a truly desert-loving plant, and
found in hot plains as far as India. It belongs
to the family Simarubaceae, and is a spiny,
naked-looking small tree, with leaves growing
in pairs, about the size and shape of those of the
box-tree, very pale green, and with tufts of
minute white blossoms. The ripe fruit is of
the size and shape of a Urge filbert or olive, of
a greyish green colour, turning yellow when it
has fallen. The Arabs pound and boil the fruit,
skimming off the oil, which is sold in large
quantities to pilgrims and others, and is used
both internally and for external application as
a remedy. I have found it excellent for al-
laying the irritation of scratches and wounds,
and for relieving any tendency to iuBammation ;
but it has no perfume. See Maundrell, Journey,
p. 86.
Balsamodendron gSeadenae is so named some-
what unfortunately, as it is not found at present
anywhere in Palestine, and could never have
thriven in Gilead.
Josephus (Ant. viii. 6, § 7) mentions a current
opinion among the Jews, that the queen of
Sheba first introduced the balsam into Judaea,
having made Solomon a present of a root. If
this be so — but perhaps it was merely a tra-
dition — the tzori cannot be restricted to repre-
sent the produce of this tree, as the word occur*
in Genesis, and the plant was known to the
patriarchs as growing in the hilly districts of
Gilead.
Hasselquist has given a description of the
true balsam tree of Mecca. He says that the
exudation from the plant " is of a yellow colour,
and pellucid. It has a most fragrant smell,
which is resinous, balsamic, and very agreeable.
It is very tenacious or glutinous, sticking to the
fingers, and may be drawn into long threads.
I have seen it at a Turkish surgeon's, who had
it immediately from Mecca, described it, and
was informed of its virtues ; which are, first,
that it is the best stomachic they know, if
taken to three grains, to strengthen a weak
stomach ; secondly, that it is a most excellent
and capital remedy for curing wounds, for if a
few drops arc applied to the fresh wound, it
cures it in a very short time " (Tyavelt, p. 293).
The Baliamodendron gileadenae must not be
confounded with Bdtsamodendron myrrha. Both
belong to the order Amyridaceae, of which
about fifty species are known in tropical Asia,
Africa, and America. It certainly was not
indigenous in Palestine, and never could have
grown in any part of the country, except in
Z 2
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340
BALNUUS
the seething tropical ralley of the Dead Sea.
The tradition alluded to above as given by
Josephas, of its introdnction by Solomon, is
probably correct ; at all events it was cultivated
there in the later Jewish period, and was
considered peculiar to the plains of Jericho.
Hence Cleopatra obtained plants for her gnrdens
at Heliopolis, over which an Imperial guard
was placed. So famous and precious a product
was it considered, that it was twice carried in
a triumphal procession through the streets of
Rome — once by Pompey, after the first conquest
of Judaea, B.C. 6.5, and again by Vespasian,
when Titns cihibite<l the Balsam tree of Jericho
along with the spoils of the Temple of Jerusa-
lem after its final destruction. From that
time we can find no trace of the precious tree,
though the conquerors placed a guard over the
plantations for a time. Probably they perished
through sabsequeat neglect; for, though the
Crusaders carefully cultivated the sugar-cane
and the date-palm in these plains, and the
Knights Templars derived a large revenue from
them, we find no mention of the balsam. We
carefully searched all the plain of Shittim, and
the recesses of Engedi, Callirrho^, and other
nooks about the Dead Sea, in the hope that
some survivors might still linger, but in vain.
It is only within the last few years that the
indefatigable researches of Sir G. Birdwood have
brought to light the tree and its true habitat.
It is a native of Yemen, is still cultivated about
Mecca, and grows abundantly in the mountains
of Yemen. It seems to have escaped the obser-
vation of Forsk&l. It is described as a tall, stifi*
branched tree, evergreen, with scanty foliage of
small oblong leaves, like those of the myrtle,
and small white blossoms resembling the tufts
of the acacia, with a reddish-black pulpy nut,
containing a fragrant yellow seed. The balsam
is obtained from the bark by incision, from the
green nut, and also (of inferior quality) by
bruising and boiling the young shoots.
The conclusion at which we are disposed to
arrive is, that while in Genesis [see Delitzsch
(1887) and Dillmann' on Gen. xxivii. 25] the
gum mastick or the Zukkum unguent is spoken
of, the precious balm of Gilead of later times was
undoubtedly the product of Balmmodcndron
gileadense. [SpiCES; Mastick.] Compare
Winer, Biblisclt. BealvoGrt. s. v., for numerous
references from ancient and modern writers nn
the subject of the balm or balsam tree ; Hooker's
Kew Garden Misc. i. 257; Eiehm, HWB. s. n.
« Mastik " j I.OW, Aram. Ffltn. p. 58. [H. B. T.]
BALNU'US (B. Ba\vovs, A. Ba\»o5oi ; Bon-
nus), 1 Esd. ix. 31. [BiSNUi.] One of those
who had taken "strange wives," and put them
away. [W. A. W.]
BALTHA'SAB, Bar. i. 11, 12. [Btx-
BRAZZAR.]
BATdAH (n03, a high place). Though
frequently occurring in the Bible to denote the
elevated spots or erections on which the idola-
trous rites were conducted [Hioh-place], this
word appe.-irs in its Hebrew form only in one
pa-ssage (Ezck. xx. 29), where the word is
played upon, and a punning etymology appears
to be suggested; "What is [R. V. "meaneth"]
BANI
the high-place (HSSn) whereunto ye lie
(D*K3n)? and the name of it is called Bamah
Cnna) "unto this day " (LXX. W iirrtr ifiaai.
. . . Kol iir(ica\f<ray rh ivoiuk cwroD 'A^i^u).
Ewald (^Proplicten, p. 286) prononnces this versr.
to be an extract from an older prophet than
£zekiel : Cornill (^Etechiel in loco) agrees with
him ; but be stipulates, on very qnestionabk
grounds, that, if the verse be Eukeliau,
D*K3n must be taken from a root tUil in
oi-der to give point to the paronomasia. To
Orelli (Strack u. ZOckler's Kgf. Kamm. is
loco) the n of D*K3n is the article in-
troduced to preserve the alliteration witii
nDan. [g.] [f.]
BA'MOTH (ni03; BofuM; Bamoth). .<
halting-place of the Israelites in the Amorite
country on their march to Canaan (Xom. ixi.
19). It was between Mahaliel and Pisgah, noTth
of the Amon. Eusebius (05.' p. 246, 33) calls it
" Bamoth, a city of the Amorite beyond Jorditi
on the Amon, which the children of Israel took."
Jerome (0&' p. 136, 22) adds that it was in the
territory of the Reubemtes. The accuracy if
the description "on the Amon" is, however,
questioned (Dillmann ' in locn). Knobel ideati-
fied it with " the high places of Baal " (Nuui.
xxii. 41), or Bamoth Baal, and placed it on the
modem Jebel Att&rOs, the site being marke<l
by stone heaps which were observed both by
Seetzen (iL 542) and Burckhardt QSyrii,
370). [W.] [F]
BA'MOTH-BAAL (SyaTltoa, high phctt
of Baal; B. Btufi&r BotU, A. Bo/wA BaiX;
Bamothbaal) , a hill-sanctuary of Baal in the coug-
try of Moab (Josh. xiij. 17), which is probably
mentioned in the Itinerary in Num. xiL li*.
under the shorter form of Bamoth, and S|:ai4i
in the enumeration of the towns of Uoab in U.
XV. 2. In this last passage Bamoth is translated
in the A. V. and R. V. •' the high places," as it
is also in Num. xxii. 41, where the same locality
is doubtless referred to.* It is possibly the Beth
Bamoth rebuilt by king Mesba {Becxittry vf
Jenaalem, p. 507) ; and is identified by ConJcr
(Heth and Moab, p. 141) with the ridge south of
the stream of Wady Jedeid, now called el-Hofii-
biych. Near to Bamoth was another place bear-
ing the name of the same divinity, — BaaIi-meon,
or Beth-baal-meon. [G.] [W.J
BAN (B. Batyip, A Bcbr; Thubal), the name
(1 Esd. V. 37, a very corrupt passage; se«
Speaker's Comm. in loco) of the head of a fumly
which could not show their descent from Israel.
Its place is taken by the name Todiah in tb<
parallel lists in Ezra and Nehemiah.
[W.A. W.] [F]
BANAI'AS (Boxofoj ; Baneas), 1 EiJ. ix. Cv.
[Bekaiah.] One of those who put away hii
"strange" wife.
BA'NI (.^i^\ the name of several men. 1. A
Gadite, one of David's mighty men (2 S;iiti.
• It will be observed tbat tbe A. V. has, in Nnm
xxtil. 3, rendered by " high place " a totally diferent
word (^Q^), which is devoid of the special meaning tf
" Bimotbl" The R. V. reads here " a bare height."
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BANID
uiii. 36 ; B. vAt roAaoSScf, A. vtitt rail ; Bonni
di G'ldi). 8. A Lerite of the line of Merari, and
fureCitfaer to Ethan (1 Ch. ri. 46 j B. Buyei, A.
Botvi ; Boni). 3. A man of Judah of the line
cf fhnm (1 Ch. ix. 4; LXX. om. ; Bouni).
4. " Children of Baiii " returned from Captivity
«ith Zerobbabel (Ezra ii. 10 ; B. Baroi, A.-vi ;
Ikui: Xeh. i. 14; BN. Bai'ietj (?), A. Bavi;
Bonni {r. 15): Ezra i. 29 [K. Bayc(, B. Bavovtl,
A. .^lii: Bonni], v. 31 [A. Bayd, B. 'Atxi;
£n>]: 1 E»d. r. 12; BA. Boyci; £an>ca). See
Svae^, Die Listen d. BB. £sra u. Sehcmia,
f. 14; Bixxui, Maxi, and Maaki. 5. An
knelite " of the sons of Bani " (Ezra x. 38 ;
BanU [2 Ead.], Bani). [Bankls.] 6. A
Lfvite (Seh. iii. 17; B. Bovti, K. Baa>>((;
knni). 7. A Levite (Neh. viii. 7 [B. Bwaut,
m. -^t; fani], ix. 4, Bani i LX.N. transl.
« vial KaS/u^X: x. 13; A. Bayovaiai, B. Be-
nazir; Bani). [ANTS.] 8. Another Lerite
(Xeh. ix. 4; Bani; K'-'A. transl. vioX Xa-
nW). 9. Another Lerite, of the sons of Asaph
<Neh. xi. 22 ; B. Bar«<, K'-* Borti, A. Ba»i ;
dati). [W.A.W.] [K.]
BA'KID (B. Bovfat, A. Bavt; Bania), 1 Esd.
liii. 36. One of those who went np with Ezra
to Jerusalem. This represents a name which
kis apparently escaped from the present Hebrew
tut (see Speaker'a Comm, m loco, and cp. Ezra
Tiii 10). [W. A. W.] [F.]
BANK AI'A (B. iafiamiovs, A. BcwrawSs ;
BitimHiy, 1 Esd. ix. 33. One of those who had
lakso a " strange " wife. The corresponding
name in Ezra x. 33 is Zabad. [W. A. W.]
BANNEB. [Ension.]
B.A.X'NTS (Bomi/t ; Baneaa), 1 Esd. ix. 34.
fBAXi, or BlNHCl] One of those who put aw.iy
iii - strange " wife. [W. A. \V.]
BANQUETS. These, among the Hebrews,
■Ktre not only a means of social enjoyment, but
»«re a part of the observance of religions
lotivity ; cp. Judg. Ti. 13, " Wine which
cbeereth God and man." The oldest record of
^a great feast " is that made by Abraham when
Isaac was weaned, the words meaning " a great
<Jrinl!ing" (Gen. ixi. 8, ^nj nnB^D); and
nearly parallel in time (as somq think) stand
toe festivities of Job's children, (lerhaps recnr-
ring at stated intervals, in which " drinking
vine" IS also prominent, and hence Job's dread on
their accoont of excess leading to impiety. Yet
•inisltenness, nntil the later days of the mon-
archy, when the Prophets commonly rebuke it,
i- aot in the O. T. a popular vice, and examples
of Tinoos excess, excepting such unique cases as
'hose of Noah and Lot, scarcely occur. Nabal,
Uah, and Benhadad (the latter an extern
iMtance) are perhaps the only ones (Job i. 4,
«. 13, 1« ; 1 Sam. xxv. 36 ; 1 K. ivi. 9, xx.
12); Such expression as " his heart was merry,"
«»>>1 of Boaz at his harvest festival, need imply
so such exoeas (Roth iii. 7), and so of Ammon
('- Sam. xiii. 28). Under the Mosaic Law, at the
three solemn Festivals, when all the males ap-
leared before the Lord, the family also had its
'cnestic feast, as appears from the pl.ice and
tiw share in it to which " the widow, the father-
1131, and the stranger" were legally entitled
BANQUETS
341
(Deut. xvi. 11). Probably, when the distance
allowed, and no inconvenience hindered, both
males and females went up (e.//. to Shiloh, 1
Sam. i. 9) together, to hold the festival. These
domestic festivities were doubtless to a great
extent retained, after laxity had set mas regards
the special observance by the male sex (Neh. viii.
17). Sacrifices, Iwth ordinary and extraordinary,
as amongst heathen nations (Ex. xxxiv. lb ; Judg.
xvi. 23 ) included a banquet, and Eli's sons
m.-ide this latter the prominent pai-t. The two,
thus united, marked strongly both domestic and
civil life. It may even be said that some sacri-
ficial recognition, if only in pouring the blood
solemnly forth as before God, always attended
the slaughter of an animal for food. The first-
lings of cattle were to be sacrificed and eaten at
the sanctuary if not too far from the residence
(1 Sam. ix. 13 ; 2 Sam. vi. 19 ; Ex. xxii. 29, 30 ;
Lev. xix. 5, 6; Deut. xii. 17,20,21, xv. 19-22).
From the sacrificial banquet probably sprang the
iycnrli ; as the Lord's Supper, with which it for
awhile coalesced, was derived from the Pa>«orer.
Besides religious celebrations, such events as the
weaning the sou and heir, a marriage, the sepa-
ration or reunion of friends, and sheep-shearing
were customarily attended by a banquet or revel
(Gen. xxi. 8, ziix. 22, xxxi. 27, 54; 1 Sam.
xxv. 2, 3C ; 2 Sam. xiii. 23). At a funeral, also,
refreshment was taken in common by the
mourners, and this might tend to become a
scene of indulgence, but ordinarily abstemious-
ness seems on such occasions to have been the
rule. The case of Archelaus, on the occasion of
the first Herod's death, is not conclusive, but his
inclination towards alien usages was doubtless
shared by the HeroUianizing Jews (Jer. xvi.
5-7 ; Ezek. xxiv. 17 ; Hoa. ix. 4 ; Eccles. vii. 2 ;
Joseph, lie B. J. ii. 1). Birthday-banquets are
onlv mentioned in the case of Pharaoh and
Herod (Oeii. xl. 20 ; Matt. liv. 6). We know,
however, from Herod, i. 133, that these were
customary among the Persians. The entertain-
ment to which Esther invited the king and
Haman is called a " banquet of wine " (Esth. v.
C; vii. 2), and wine is the prominent feature
in the banquet of Belshazzar, The presence
of the women on this last occasion, although
one of a public character, is in accordance
with Babylonian manners (llan. v. l-i, Speaktr's
Comm. notes in loco ; cp. Herod, i. 191 ; Xen.
Qtrop. v. 2, 28; Rawlinson, A. M. iii. 21).
" The banquet-house " was probably some hall
of the palace. No details of it are given, save
that the wall was faced with " plaister "
or stucco, a mode of surface-finish which the
existing ruins are said to show (Layard, Nin.
and Bab. p. 295). The state banquets in Esth.
i. 3 sq.. as distinct from the private banquet
of chs. r. and vii. referred to above, give us a
standard of Persian manners ; the queen holding
separately her women's feast, a fact which
enhances the arbitrary and unusual character of
the king's requirement of her presence (i. 9,
10, 11). Of the apparently more popular enter-
tainment in the palace garden under awnings,
&c., we have a rather elaborate account ; the
chief features being divers coloured hangings,
viiriegated pavements, marble columns, and
gold and silver couches and vessels. These,
however, although biblical, are not Judaean
customs. The Jewish standard of luxury is
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342
BANQUETS
found in Is. ▼. 11, 12 ; Amos vi. 4-6. All these
refer to drinking parties. In Ksth. i. 7, 8 wine
•nd wine vessels alone are prominent, and uo
BANQUETS
mention of riands occurs, the abanduce agd
" royal " quality of the wine being eiprealj-
noticed. We find also here a custom of com-
AMyrUu druikinjc Ken*. tFrum Khonatad.)
pulsory drinking superseded for the occasion,
and therefore generally the rule. The officers
of the royal household hare also charge of the
guests, each perhaps acting as sympoiitidi st
his table. For the parallel customs in cUstinl
antiquity, see Diet, of Gr. and Rom. .^nM}., >. <'-
-*^>
An Epjptiftn r«ty of ^wstf. f ntottainm] wllli maslc and tbe cUnce. (Tfom T1ial)««, now in Um BriUth KoMfim-)
Sthposium ; and for the addiction of the later
Persians to wine, Herodot. i. 133, Xen. Cyrop.
viii. 8, § 12. A leading topic of prophetic
rebuke is tbe abuse of festirals to an ocosion
of drunken reyelry, and the growth of iaikioo
in favour of drinking parties. Such wis tte
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BANQUETS
j'avitition typically given by Jeremiah to the
l!Khibit«< (Jer. xxxr. 5). The nsual time of
tJK baoqnet was the erening, and to begin
early was s mark of excess (Is. r. 11 ; Eccles. x.
16). The ilaughteriag of the cattle, which was
tlie preliminary of a banquet, occnpied the
earlier part of the same day (Pror. ix. 2 ; Is.
iiii. 13 ; Matt. xxii. 4 ; cp. Jas. t. 5). The
muft esKntial materials of the banqueting-room,
Mit to the viands and wine, which last was
aUtn drugged with spices (Pror. ix. 2 ; Cant,
riii. 2), were perfumed ointments, garlands or
loose dowers, white or brilliant robes ; after
that, eihibitioDS of mnsic, singers and dancers,
riddles, jesting and merriment (Is. xiviii. 1 ;
V!M. ii. 6 sq.; 2 Sam. xix. 35; Is. r. 12;
Jodg. xir. 12 ; Neh. viii. 10 ; Eccles. ix. 8, x. 19 ;
Matt xiii. 11; Amos vi. 5, 6 ; Luke xr. 25).
Sereo days was a not uncommon duration of a
fcttiral, especially for a wedding, but some-
tinu fourteen (Tob. Tiii. 19 ; Gen. xxix. 27 ;
Jod;. liT. 12) ; but if the bride were a widow,
three dars formed the limit (Buxtorf, d»
Omtit, ir<6r.). The reminder sent to the
BANUAS
343
guests (Luke xir. 17) was, probably, only usual
in princely banquets on a large scale, iurolTing
protracted preparation. " Whether the slaves
who bade the guests had the ofBce (as the
vocatore$ or invitatorea among the Romans) of
pointing out the places at table and naming
the strange dishes, must remain undecided "
(Winer, s. ^ Qaatmahl). There seems no
doubt that the Jews of the 0. T. period used a
common table for all the guests. In Joseph's
Egyptian entertainment a ceremonial separation
prevailed, but there is no reason for supposing
a separate table for each, as is distinctly
asserted in Tosephoth Tr. Bench, e. tL to hare
been usual (Buxtorf, /. c). The latter custom
certainly was in use among the ancient Greeks
and Germans (Horn. Od. iiii. 74; Tac. Germ.
22), and perhaps among the Egyptians (Wil-
kinson, A. E. ii. p. 44, ed. 1878). But a common
table is the usage suggested by 1 Sam. xx.
25-29; and the common phrase "to sit at
table with," or '|eat at any one's table," showa
the originality of that usage. The, posture at
table in early times was sittmg (3^> S^D, to
An KsTptlsn dtan«r-p«rtr. (Tomb near Um Pjnmldft.)
■it Tonad, 1 Sam. xvi. 11 ; ix. 5, 18), and the
pests were ranged in order of dignity (Gen.
iliii. 33; 1 Sam. ix. 22; Joseph. Ant. xr 2,
§ 4): thns " Abner sat by Saul's side " in 1 Sam.
XI. 25. The words which imply the recumbent
ixstme (djvxXfrrir, ii/awhrrtui, oi ivoKfivSai)
iielong to the N. T. The separation of the
vomen's banquet was not a Jewish custom
(£<th. i. 9). Portions or mes.ses were sent
fioic the entertainer t* each guest at table,
and a double or even fire-fold share when
peculiar distinction was intended, or a special
|«rt was reserred (Gen. xliii. 34; 1 Sam.
ii. 23, 24). Portions were similarly sent to
poorer friemls direct from the banquet-table
(Xeh. riii. 10 ; Esth. ix. 19, 22). The kiss on
recciring a guest was a point of friendly
nmrt»<y (Luke rii. 45). Perfumes and scented
oil" were offered for the head, beard, and gar-
■Miits. It was strictly enjoined by the Rabbis to
»"ih both before and after eating, which they
called the n»31t?Nn D'D and D'JnPW OnS;
kit washing the feet seems to hare been limited
^o the case of a guest who was also a trareller.
Allowance must, howerer, be mude for the
widely differing periods to which these notices
of social customs belong.
In relieioua banquets the wine was mixed, by
rabbinicsi regulation, with three parts of water,
and four short forms of benediction were pro-
nounced over it. At the Passover, four such
cups were mixed, blessed, and passed round by
the master of the Feast (ipx"'/*'*^'*'"} I^ ■■
probable that the character of this ofiicial
varied with that of the entertainment; if it
were of a religions character, his office would
be quasi-priestly ; if a rerel, he would be the
mere aviiirofftipxiis or arhiter bibendi. See fur-
ther details in Riehm, HWB., and Herzog, SE.*
s.n. Gastmahl. [H. H.]
BAN'UAS (B<bvot; Bnmis), a name occur-
ring in the lists of the Lerites who returned
from Captirity (1 Esd. v. 26). Banuas and
Sudias answer to Hodaviah, or are a corruption
of Bene-Hodaviah (^Speaker's Comm. in loco) in
the parallel lists of Ezra (ii. 40) and Neheminh
(X. 9,&c.). [W.A. W.] [F.]
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344
BAPTISM
BAPTISM 03(iirr,<r;uo).
I. Tkt Term, p. S44.
II. O. T. Ti/pet and Prcpheciei, p. 344.
in. Proulyte baptiim, p. 345.
IV. St. Jokn't haplism, p. 345.
V. Preparatum and Cmnmiition qf iht Uinittry
of Baptim, p. 346.
VL Doclrinc "f Baptism in y. T., p. 347.
Vll. Adminiltration, p. 351.
VIII. Literature, p. 364.
1. I%e Term. — The verb Bawrt^uy occurs
twice in LXX. : 2 K. t. 14, of Naaman dipping
in Jordan, nnd Is. xxi. 4, metaphorically, i) iwo-
ftia lit pairrlid. In the Apocrypha it is em-
ployed of bathing in a fountain (Judith xii. 7),
and of wasihing alter touching a corpse (Ecclus.
xxiir. 25). The usual word for " dip " in an
ordinary sense is pdrrtiv, both in LXX. (Ex.
xii. 22 ; Lev. iv. 6, 17 ; Josh. iii. 13, &c.) and
N. T. (Luke xvi. 24- ; John xiii. 26 ; Rev. xix.
13 ; Matt. xxvi. 23 ; Mark xiv. 20). The latter
is never used of Baptism proper, which is always
expressed by iStErTitr/uz, $airrl(tiy. These terms
have an exact baptism.il reference everywhere
in N. T., except in Mark vii. 4, Luke li. 38, con-
cerning ceremonial washing before meals ; .nud
m Matt. XX. 22, 23, Mark x. 38, 39, Lake xii. 50,
of our Lord's Baptism by His Passion. The word
0carrt<riuit, signifying the net of ablution, as
distinct from fiiimaiia, the rite or condition of
Baptism, is found in Mark vii. 4, 8, of ritual
washing of utensils j in Heb. ix. 10, «f Mosaic
ablutions; and in the phrase "doctrine of
baptisms," Heb. vi. 2. The verb fiairrt(tty is
often followed by some phrase indicating the
element or purpose of the B.iptism, as iy SSari,
Mark i. 8 ; iy try. iy. Ka\ rvpt, Luke iii. 16 ;
tit rh iyofta. Matt, xxviii. 19 ; M ry iy6jtari
'lri<r. Xf. tts i<l>trw afxafr.. Acts ii. 38 ; imp
ray ytKp&y, 1 Cor. xv. 29.
II. Old Testament Types and Prophecies. —
1. Circumcision is contrasted with Baptism
in Col. ii. 11, 12, in terms which make it also
a symbolic parallel. The correspondence con-
sists in the fact that circumcision brought the
male Israelite into covenant with Go.l, and
was a physical sign of the cutting olf of sin.
St. Augustine and some of the later Litin
writers attributed to it a definite pardon of
original sin. But there is no indication of this
in Holy Scripture. Its lessons to the Jew were
rather of a moral kind (Ueut. x. 16, xxx. 6;
Jer. IV. 4). Hence Calvin, with others, in order
to depreciate Baptism, sought to establish an
identity of effect between it and circumcision
{Inst. IT. ch. xvi. 3, 4). The N. T on the contrary
asserts that circumcision is completely superseded
under the Gospel (Acts xv. ; Rom. ii. 25-29, iv.
9-11 ; Gal. ii., v. 2-6, Col. iii. 11 ; Tit. i. 10).
The unlikeness of the method of administering
the "circumcision made without hands" may
itself be an indication that its grace wholly sur-
passes that of its partial type under the Law.
2. The "divers washings" of the Old Covenant
(Heb. Ix. 10) in some respects aSbrd a closer
parallel. Ablution was required before certain
approaches to God (Ex. iix. 10, 14, xxix. 4, xxx.
18-21 i Num. viii. 7, 21), and after conditions
symbolical of sin (Lev xlii.-xvi. , Num. xix.).
In some cases the water was mingled with blood
(Lev. xiv. 4-7), in others the blood was used
alone or as the prominent element (Ex. xii. 22,
BAPTISM
xxix. ; Lev. xiv. 14, xvi. 14-19 ; Heb. ix. 19-23).
The general teaching which underlay thest iit»
was suggestive of cleansing by sprinkling vith
the blood of redemption and with water; and
this gives them, as types, a specific reference to
Baptism, although it may not always be their
only or even chief fulfilment.
3. Prophecy more or less obscurely pointed
on to Christian Baptism as the source of a
spiritual purification which the ritual of the
Law failed to efiect. No doubt at the time this
meaning was hidden, bat when Baptism hai
been instituted it became obvious that the 0. T.
promises of cleansing by water were fulfilled ia
it. Thus the Fathers explain the words of Eielt.
xxxvi. 25, 26, "Then will I sprinkle clean
water upon you, and ye shall be clean," to be
prophetic of Baptism. "See, beloved," ayt
Hippolytus on Is. i. 16, 18, "how the prophet
foretold the cleansing of Baptism " (/a Tlieofi.
10). Cyril of Alexandria wrote of the " foontaiu
for sin and for uncleanness," in Zech. xiii. 1,
that it is " plainly holy Baptism." And Jerome,
comparing it with £zek. xlyii., sees the teaching
" that we be all reborn in Christ, and in the
waters of Baptism our sins be forgiven u"
Among texts which some of the Fathers simi-
larly interpret of Baptism are especially Psi.
xxiii. 2, xxxii. 1, xxxvi. 9, xlii. I, xlri. 4, li. 7;
Is. ixxv. 6, xliii. 19, 20, xliv. 3, xlviii. 21, It. 1 ;
Jer. ii. 13 ; Joel iii. 18; Zech. iii. 4.
4. 0. T. history aifords several types of
Baptism, two of which have the express mdc-
tion of Holy Scripture.
St. Peter, after mentioning that those in the
Ark " were saved by water," continues, "The lite
figure whereunto e-rrn Baptism doth aUo no«
save us" (1 Pet. iii. 20, 21). CommentatotJ
on the type usually dwell on the entrnon iitn
the Ark as the parallel to Baptism. "To neglect
Baptism," says C. Leslie, " is to venture ssiin-
ing in the Uelage without the Ark" (Hofer
Jlaptism, viii.). But St. Peter connects the
saving power of Baptism with the water rather
than with the Ark, and he is followed by tW<
framers of the English collect. "The witen
of the Flood," writes Leighton, "drowned the
ungodly . . . and upon the same waters the Art
j floating, preserved Noah. Thus the waters of
, Baptism are intended as a deluge to drown aid
and to save the believer, who by faith ii seio-
rated both from the world and from hit an.
so it sinks, and he is saved." The Fathers
sometimes extend the type as a " Baptism oi
the world," " whereby its former iniquity w»s
purged away " (Tert. De B. viii.).
St. Paul says the Israelites " were all baptiieJ
I unto Moses in the cloud and in the sea " (I Cor.
' X 2). Since he is cora|aring the privileges o:
the two covenants there can be no question that
the allusion is strictly to Baptism. The cM
is sometimes said to symbolise the Spirit, aiJ
the sea the water (John Dnm. De Fide Orth. iv
IX.). But the analogy of the cloud is rather
to be found in Con6rmation, while the parallel
of the sea is in Baptism proper, wherem th;
spiritual Israel passes out of slavery on to the
I way towards its Canaan, the sins which are itf
enemy being drowned in the waters. The Fatien
are rich in passages which develop this imajtery.
' Some add the thought that the water of Baptism
■ IS red, because consecrated by the Blood of
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BAPTISM
Christ. St. Jerome, among others snrs thnt
Utah " prophesies of the grace of Baptism "
(£/>. bii. ad Oc.\ when he speaks of the
(j<»p«l deliverance as a "coming out of Egypt,"
»ai declares that God will "cast all their sins
ioto the depths of the sen " (rii. 15, 19).
Other types dwelt upon in patristic literature
it* the Spirit moving on the waters (Gen. i. 2),
the beglDoing of life from water (i. 20, 22), the
r^rer watering Paradise (ii. 10), Hagar's spring
(xii. 19X the wells of the Patriarchs (xxi., xxir.,
uii.), the waters of Marah (Ex. xr. 23-25X the
wster from the rock (xvii. 6), the passage of
Jordan (Josh, iii.), the drenching of Elijah's
sscrifice (1 K. xriii. 33-35), the passage of
iiiijah (2 K. ii. 8, 14), Naaman's cleansing (t. 14),
sod the swimming aie-head (ri. 6).
III. The baptam of Proselytes was a traili-
Ijonal development of the precepts of the Law.
}i'o instance is recorded in the Bible, nnd scholars
sR divided as to whether it was in use till a
later date. But it is at least probable that it
preceded the Gospel. If the Law demanded
coastant ablution, and the Pharisees developed
the demand into the ritual cleansing of vessels,
they sere certainly likely to baptize n polluted
Gentile before receiving him into the covenant.
The Rabbis traced the institution of Baptism
to the injuoction atSinai, "Sanctify them today
and to morrow, and let them wash their clothes "
(ti. xix. 10). They maintained that the wash-
mg of garments always implied ablution of the
iody (Gem. Bab. Tit. Jeb. ; Maim. Mikmoth).
Thos by glosses on Holy Scripture they reached
the position that " Lsrael was admitted into the
oorenant bv Circumcision, Baptism, nnd Sacri-
<ice" {Talmud, Tract. Kep. ; Maim. Iss. Biak,
wLy Similarly no Gentile could become a
proselyte without the same ordinancps, even
females requiring Baptism and Sacrifice (Gem.
Bah. Tit Cherith). The children of Israelites,
both of Jews by birth and of proselytes, were
held Dot to need a personal baptism, since
they were bom within the covenant, and this
(act greatly reduces the similarity of rabbinical
baptism to that of Christianity. The expres-
sion of the ICabbis that a proselyte was " like
a child new born " (Gem. Bab. Tit. Jeb.), even
if it existed so early, affords no parallel to the
laagnage of our Lord to Nicodemus. It only
meant that the Gentile was taken cot of his
natural relationihips into fellowship with a
peculiar people. It suggested no idea to the
Jew of spiritual regeneration. (I'roselytf.S;
Lightfoot, Ifor. I/eb., on Matt. iii. and John iii. ;
Wall, Introd. ; Gale's /?<•/)/;/. Lett, ix., x.)
IV. St. John's baptism stands by itself, inter-
mediate between the rites of the Law and the
Baptism of Christ. It was not, as some of the
Sehoolmea asserted, a form of purification be-
loD^g to the Old Covenant, nor, as others have
said, a direct parallel to proselyte baptism. It
was peculiar to his own mission, and was after-
wards known as " John's baptism " (Acts xix. 3).
From the Pharisees' question (John i. 25) it may
t* inferred that the Jews were prepared for a
Baptism by the Messiah or His forerunner. To
them St. John vouchsafed very little informa-
tios, but to those who came to be themselves
baptized he was more explicit: "I indeed baptize
you with water unto repentance ; but he that
ccmetb after me . . . shall baptize you with the
BAPTISM
345
' Holy Ghost and with fire "(M.itt. iii. 1 1). It is
I wonderful that any should in the face of these
' words have sought to establish even an approxi-
mate sameness between John's baptism and that
of Christ. Yet Petilian connected them danger-
j onsly (Aug. Cout. Pet. II. xxxii., xxxiv., xxxvii.),
and Peter Lombard so far confused them as to
think that the baptism of John suAiced to those
who looked beyond it, and believed in the Father.
I Son, and Holy Spirit (Sent. IV. ii.). Zwingli (De
\ vera et falsa Bel.), Calvin (Imt. IV. ch. xv. 7) and
most of the disciples of Luther, went further,
and set the two Baptisms almost on an equality.
The essential differeucc between them is proved
not only by St. John's words, but by the fact
that his disciples at Ephesus were baptized again
by St. Paul. It is impossible to evade this proof
by the untenable expedient of taking Acts xix. 5
as part of the narrative of St. Paul (Voss. I>e B.
viii. 24). In refuting the views of the extreme
Reformers some have fallen into the opi>osite
tendency of disparaging John's baptism over
much(Bellarm.i)c£.l.chs.xix.-xxlii.;MaldoDat.
De Sac. l. ch. ii. 3). It was " from heaven," by
Divine commission (Matt. xxi. 25 ; John i. 33).
It was characterised as a "baptism of repent-
ancet for (cl>)the remission of sins " (Mark i. 4).
Cyril of Jerusalem, among others, believed that
it conferred remission (Cat. iii. 7, xx. 6). Au-
gustine mentions, this view, but in common
with most of the Fathers held that there couM
be no actual remission before the sacrifice of
Christ (De A v. x. 12; Tert. De B. xi.; Amb.
De Poen. 11. vi. 44 ; Jer. Cuntra Lucif. 7 ; Chrys.
In Matt. Hom. x. 2. xii. 1 ; John Dam. De Fide
Orth., IV. ix. ; Aquin. III. Ixviii. 6). When St.
John himself pointed to our Lord as "the Lamb
of God which taketh away the sin of the world,"
the natural inference was that transference to
Him was necessary for remission. It cannot
even be supposed that the Baptist conveyed any
gill of repentance. His baptism was one of
repentance because it enlisted Its recipients into
n discipleship of repentance, of which the end
was the remission of sins. But no sacramental
grace was pledged to accompany it. It wait
preparatory to that of Christ. It does not
follow that it was devoid of spiritual blessing.
It has been surmised from Acts xix. 4 thnt
St. John baptized in the name of the Messiah
about to come (Amb. De Sp. S, i. iii. ; P. Lomb.
IV. ii. ; Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. Matt. iii.). If so.
the Pharisees would scarcely have asked whether
he were the Christ. It is a wilder conjecture
that he used the Name of the Trinity (Voss.
viii. 8). Bellarmin suggests that he employed
no words (De B. i. ch. xx.). Clearly we know
nothing except that he could not hare used the
Christian formula.
The significance of St. John's baptism was
demonstrated when our Lord came to be Him-
self baptized with it. He declared its impor-
tance when He said, " Thus it becometh us to
fulfil all righteousness " (Matt. iii. 15). How
it fulfilled all righteousness is a matter for re-
verent speculation, towards which some sugges-
tions have been made. It attested St. John's
mission and baptism. It was fitting that the
Son of Man should, in His humility, submit to
that which His people were being called to
accept. As figuring the future Baptism of the
Church, Christ's Baptism by St. John was an
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BAPTISM
example " that the servants might know with
what alacrity they should haste to the Baptism
of the Lord, when He Himself disdained not to
receive the baptism of a servant " (Aug. In Joan.
t. V. S). Yet more. He was baptized that He
might "sanctify the element of water to the
mystical washing away of sin." It is the re-
curring thought eipressed by the Fathers and
in the liturgies that in His own Baptism He
transformed the external rite into a Sacrament.
He came, says Ambrose, "not seeking to be
cleansed, but to cleanse the water "(.Sfp.fc. sec.
Zuc. ii. 83). " Not to receive forgiveness," says
St. Cyril, " for He was sinless, but being sinless
to grant Divine grace and dignity to the bap-
th«i " (fiat. iii. 11). " He received no cleanness,
no virtue," says Bishop Andrewes, " but virtue
He gave to Jordan, to the waters, to the Sacra-
ment itself" {Serm. viii. on Hutij Ghost). Thus
viewed, the Baptism of Christ becomes the re-
presentetive of His own Baptism of His people.
Henoe some of the Fathers ventured on a still
deeper thought, that though He could need no
Baptism for Himself, yet the nature of man
which He had assumed needed to be baptized as
a whole in Him, before the Baptism which He
so consecrated was applied individually to each.
(See Aqnin. Summa, III. mix. 1.) " By the
Baptism of Christ," says St. Augustine, " were
we baptized, and not we only, but the whole
world, and is baptized to the end " (/» Joan. t. iv.
14). The Baptism of our Lord thus marks the
transition from one Covenant to the other.
" Acting with a view to both," says St. Chry-
sostom, "He brought the one to an end, but to
the other He gave a beginning : having fulfilled
the Jewish baptism, He at the same time opens
also the doors of that of the Church " (/n Matt.
Horn. xii. 4).
V. Preparation and Conumasion of the Minis-
try of Baptism. — This was a gradual process.
1, The discourse to Nicodemus has been called
the institution of Baptism as regards precept
(De Burgo, Pupilla Ocnli, II. i.). But it was
not a public precept, and therefore not yet
binding (Bernard, Ep- Ixzvit.).
2. Quite at the beginning of the ministry,
"came Jesus and His disciples into the land of
Judaea, and there He tarried with them and
baptized " (John iii. 22). The Evangelist adds
that "Jesus Himself baptized not, but His
disciples " (iv. 2). There are traditions that
our Lord baptized His mother and St. Peter with
His own hands (Euthym. In Joan. iii. 5), and
that Peter baptized Andrew, James, and John,
the last three the other Apostle.<, and Peter
and John the seventy (Euodias ap. Niceph. II.
iii.). But these traditions are not of much
authority. When Christ's Baptism attracted
more converts than John's, there arose a dispute
on the merits of the two Baptisms, followed
by a complaint to the Baptist (John iii. 26 j
iv. 1). "Though .lohn's answer indicated that
his baptism was on the decline, he seems to
have continued to administer it until his im-
prisonment. Whether his disciples were bap-
tized again on passing over to Christ does not
appear.
It is difficult to determine what was the exact
character of the Baptism by the disciples. That
it was not identical with John's is clear from
the difference between the disciplesbip of John
BAPTISM
and that of Christ. There is some force in Lalle's
remark that, if the Baptisms had been the aat,
John would have been the institutor aud Cbmt
his follower {Water Baptism, vi.). Ttrtnllisa
and Chrysostom assume that Baptism by the
disciples was no more than that of John (Xert
De B. ji.; Chrys. In Joan. Hom. xxii. 1) Tet
TertuUian allows that onr Lord's words to St.
Peter, " He that is washed needeth not save t»
wash bis feet, but is clean every whit : aad re
are clean " (John xiii. 10), indicate that the
Apostles must at some time or other bare
received the full benefits afterwards attriboted
to Baptism (J)e B. xii. ; cp. Aug. Vt Awma,
III. ch. ix.). The notice of the Baptism by the
disciples in close sequence to the pointing out of
our Lord as He Who would baptize with the
Holy Ghost and with fire, and to the discosne
with Nicodemus, naturally leave the impression
that it was the true BaptLsm of Christ. It is
objected to this view that " the Holy Ghost «u
not yet gixien " (John vii. 39). But this ess
only refer to the fulness of His coming, ami
need not touch the question of Baptism at all.
TertuUian uses a weightier argument when lie
urges that Christian Baptism could not precede
Christ's Passion and Resurrection, " because our
death could not be destroyed but by the Pasnm
of the Lord, nor life b« restored withoat Hit
Resurrection " (De B. li.). This may be met by
the parallel of the institution of the Eucharist,
and by the absolutions given by onr Lord before
His death. Augustine believed tliat this pre-
liminary Baptism really "cleansed." "Tie
disciples supplied the ministry of the body. He
afforded the aid of His majesty " (In Joan. i.
XV. 3). Thomas Aquinas says that it received
efficacy from the Passion beforehand as did tbe
sacrifices of the Law, but in a greater degree
because it had direct virtue from Christ Hinudf
(III. ch. Ixvi. 2). Some consider that the recon-
ciliation subsequently attached to Christian
Baptism was bestowed on the Apostles by the
breath of our Lord after the Resurrection (Cyr.
Hieros. Cat. xvii. 12 ; Amb. In Ps. civiiiX or
by their first Communion (Puller, Onux of 0(m-
firmation, p. 18). But it seems more simple to
suppose that this early Baptism of Christ sras
the true Baptism of the Gospel, its full eSecIs
being latent until the consummation of the acts
of redemption. This is the opinion of sennl
among the Fathers and Schoolmen (Aug. ^
cclxv., De Div. Quaett. Ixii. ; P. Lomb. nr. ch. iii.;
HngoS. Vict. De&K. ll. ch. vi. 4). Peter Lombard
even conjectured that the disciples baptized is
the Name of the Trinity, but this is improbable.
3. Mystical writers have always bten readr
to see a reference to Biptism wherever water is
spoken of in connexion with our Lord. "As
often as water alone is mentioned in the sseied
Scriptures," says St. Cyprian, "Baptism is
alluded to " (Kp. Ixiiu 5). The most okrioos
of the symbolic types in the K. T. arc the
miracles wrought at the pools of Betbesda and
Siloam. Others, like the walking of St Peter
on the water to Christ, are only .idapted i>T
allegorical meditation. The parallel vf driDtin;
so little suits the administration of Baptism that
it may be questioned whether the living water
of John iv. 10-14 can be strictly applied to it
At any rate such circumstances formed no part
of the direct preparation for tba ministry of
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Baptism. There is, however, one typical event
which (tands on a different footing. The flow
of blood and water from the side of Christ has
iKeived a sacramental interpretation in almost
tjtry litnrgy and from almost every com-
mentator of consideration. A few take it ex-
(liuiTely of Baptism, the blood and the water
imbolising either the two Baptisms of martyr^
doD and of water (Tert. De Pud. xxii., DeB.
iri. ; Jer. Ep. Ixix. 6 ; Cyr. Hieros. Cat, iii. 10),
or the union of Baptism with the Passion (Aug.
Coiit. fatut. xii. 1« ; cp. Amb. De ityst. 20).
The commoner and probably better application
is to the two great Sacraments. Our Lord came,
Sl John says, " by water and blood " (1 John
T. 6). From His body on the cross there flowed
out, in Eomething more than mere symbol, the
life-giving stream of the Sacraments whereby He
inr Cometh anew to His people (see Pusey,
Lod. of Bapt. pp. 293-301 ; Westcott, St. John,
aid. note on zix. 34).
4. The final commission to baptize was for-
msllj given to the Apostles after the Resurrec-
tion, in the words : " AH power is given unto Me
in heaven and in earth. Go ye [therefore], and
make disciples of all the nations, baptizing them
into the Kame of the Father, and of the Son, and
of the Holy Ghost : teaching them to observe all
things whatsoever I commanded yon : and, lo, I
ao with yoo alway, even nnto the end of the
world" (Matt, xxviii. 18-20, R. V.). The au-
thority (d^oviria) which our blessed Lord had
received as Man Ha committed to them : yet,
by virtue of His abiding Presence with them,
He could still throughout be the one Baptizer.
5. The descent of the Holy Ghoet on the Day
of Pentecost completed the institution. Before
executing their commission the Apostles had to
wait " for the promise of the Father ; " " for,"
our Lord said, " John truly baptized with water ;
bat ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost
not many days hence " (Acts i. 4, 5). These
words may be taken to mean that the full effects
of whatever Baptism they had already received
aa-aited their consummation through the advent
of the Spirit, or that the Pentecostal outpouring
by itself conveyed to the Apostles the whole
baptismal gift, Either way they demonstrate
that the I^ptism of Christ was not entirely
imparted tilt the Day of Pentecost. Then St.
Peter was able to promulgate it as the condition
of Christianity. The old Law had passed away,
sad grace and truth had come by Jesus Christ.
VI. Docbriite of Baptism tn A'. T.— Like all
other great doctrines, its revelation was graduaL
Prepared for by type and prophecy, by the
introductory baptisms of St. John and the dis-
ciples, the full extent of its meaning is only
dereloped by degrees in the Books of the N. T.
The passages in the Gospels and Epistles which
treat of it explicitly are sufficiently limited to
be passed briefly in review.
1. The Urst thought is that of regeneration.
Oar Lord saya, " Except a man be born again, he
cunot see the kingdom of God," and He ex-
plained this birth to be " of wnter and [of] the
Spirit," i( SSaros xal Tlreviua-os (John iii. 3, 5).
The Fathers from Justin Martyr downwards, and
every litnrgy of Christendom, unhesitatingly
>pply the words to Baptism, without allusion to
uy alternative interpretation. In truth none
■ possible. Calvin, the first opponent of bap-
BAPTISM
347
tismal regeneration, was perhaps also the fint
to dispute the application of the text to Baptism.
He maintained that to be born of water and the
Spirit meant in fact to be bom only of the
Spirit, acting upon the soul for its purification
as water acts upon the body (/ns<. IT. ch. xvi. 25).
Somewhat similarlv the schools of thought
represented by sucb men as Zwiogli, Grotius,
Limborch, Socinns and Cartwright, have taught
that the water stands as a mere figure of the
Spirit's operation. This not only contradicts
the unanimous opinion of the Church, but does
violence to the language of Holy Scripture. No
one intending to convey the idea that the
"water" was figurative would mention it
before "the Spirit," and connect the two as
parallel elements of birth. The being " bom of
water and the Spirit " is plainly one operation,
wrought by two distinct, yet inseparable, me.ins.
Apart from opposition to the whole doctrine
of Sacraments, the difficulty which some in
modern times have felt in applying regeneration
to Baptism has come partly from misusing the
term. Since spirituality is the proper sequel to
regeneration, people living spiritual lives have
sometimes, even in early writings, been called
regenerate, and the unspiritnal unregenerate.
But this is not the strict and accurate sense of
the word. " Regeneration," says Bishop Bethell,
" though it requires certain previous qualifica-
tions in those who are capable of possessing
them, is entirely the work of Christ and the
Holy Spirit: a spiritual change in which the
principle of self-action implanted in man bears
no part." It " is a single act of God's grace, con-
veyed over to us at a determinate time, and in
a form specially appointed by Christ " (^Doct. of
Reg. pp. 25, 153). In its own sphere it is as real
a birth as the natural birth is in the material
order. Nowhere is a metaphorical birth, or a
mere instrumental agency, spoken of as that of
(ix) which we are born. St. Peter says we are
" bom again of (ik) incorruptible seed by (tut)
the word of God"(l Pet. i. 23); St. Paul, "I
have begotten you through (Sia) the Gospel "
(1 Cor. iv. 15); St. James, "Of His own will
begat He us Kith the word (\6yif) of truth "
(i. 18). But we are bom of (Jk) water and the
Spirit as we are bora of {ix) God, and on our
fleshly side of {iic) the flesh (John i. 13 ; iii. 6).
This birth is iyvttv. St. Chrysostom men-
tions that in his day there were already the two
interpretations, " from above," and " anew."
The use of the adverb elsewhere (John iii. 31,
xix. 11, 23 ; cp. Jas. iii. 13, 17, and LXX.) is
in favour of the first, which is adopted by most
Greek commentators beginning with Origen,
and by some Versions and later writers. The
other is favoured by most recent critics, and hits
on its side very early tradition. Justin Martyr
quotes the words as hy fA) iyvaytrvriSriT* (,Ap.
i. 61). It is not of importance which is adopted.
When the context is regarded, it will be seen
that either expression implies the other.
Our Lord forewarns men that this spiritual
birth will baffle human calculation, even as the
whole problem of the coming and going of the
wind does. Yet more must it be beyond the
reach of his understanding. St. Chrysostom, in
a beautiful passage, points out how incapable
we are of explaining material birth, or the
growth of plants ; and how, if these visible things
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BAPTISM
are be}'on<l us, we must expect mysteries in
those which are spiritual and invisible. We
must, then, fall back upon faith in God's word.
"That which called the things that were not
into existence mar well be trusted when it
speaks of their nature. What then says it ?
That what is effected is a generation. If any
ask, How ? Stop his mouth with the declamtiou
of Ood, which is the strongest and plainest
proof" (/» Joan. Hom. -xxr. 1, 2).
2. The commission to the Church to baptize
into the Name of the Trinity (Matt, xxviii. 19)
was really anotlier step in the development of
regeneration. The " Name " cannot mean, as
some would say, the faith, or obedience, or obli-
gations, involved in the doctrine of the Trinity.
The " Name " of God in Holy Scripture fs an
objective title for God Himself. Nor should a
less force be given to <<> than is expressed by
"inlo"(cp. Rom. vi. 3; 1 Cor. lii. 13; Gal.
iii. 27). It is true that it cannot strictly bear
this meaning in the passage where St. Paul
speaks of the Israelites as " baptized (is Moses "
(1 Cor. jc. 2), and the Syriac Version, Beza,
Calvin, and others paraphrase it there as "by
the hand of." But Chrysostom's explanation is
no doubt correct, that the word is used there
inexactly, in order " to bring the type near the
truth," by using " the terms of the truth even
in the type " (/« 1 Cur. Hom. ixiii. 3). There
is no reason for evading a rendering which gives
the best, the simplest, and most natural sense.
Birth is an introduction into a new sphere of
life. That sphere, through regeneration, is the
Blessed Trinity. "He committeth to His dis-
ciples," says Irenaeus, " the power of regeneration
into God " (^Adv. Haerts. III. xvii.). Even Stier
.says, "There is a translation into communion of
life with the I'nther, Son, and Spirit in this
dipping into the Name: the baptized become
translated into the powers and nature of God "
(Worda of Jestu, on Matt, xiviii.). This is
what man required. Sin had separated him
from communion with God. By liaptism he is
born again into the beginnings of that restored
life. The commission, then, prescribes not
merely Ihe formula which the minister was to
use, but the operation which was to be effected
by the act of Baptism. I'ntristio comment fully
supports this view of the text.
3. Our Lord affixed salvation to Baptism :
"He that believeth and is baptized shall be
saved" (Mark xvi. 16). The truth that re-
generation is birth into God at once explains
this, declaration. Jf a man emerges through
Baptism into union with God, he thereby obtains
salvation ; and this none the less because the
new life is immature at first, and may decay or
be strangled during its probation. The assertion
is not altered by the absence of any mention of
Baptism in the other section of the verse : " He
that believeth not shall be damned." The
reasons for the omission may be that the un-
believer would naturally remain unbaptizod or
would be baptized to no profit ; that unbelief
involves condemnation to the baptized ; and that
our Lord would not imply anything as to the
condemnation of those who have never had the
opportunity of Baptism. The best commentary
on the passage is the story of the Philippian
jailor. When he asked what he must do to be
saved, he was told, " Believe on the Lord Jesus
BAPTISM
Christ, and thou shalt be saved." All tnnuj
on faith, yet wliat that required Ls shown when
it is added that he " was baptized, he and all
his, straightway " (Acts xvi. 30-33).
In Tit. iii. 5 regeneration and salvation ate
directly connected : " He saved us by the wash-
ing of regeneration (Sii \ovrpov iraKeyyirtalas),
and renewing of the Holy Ghost." The " laver
of regeneration " so distinctly points to Baptiam
that even Calvin would not dispute the allniion,
and few have sought for any other interprrtatiun.
The passage teaches that Baptism conveys an
objective grace which is "not by works of
righteousness which we have done, but acconling
to His mercy." It is a gilt of God whereby »e
are saved through a new birth.
St. Peter states the same truth when he says,
"Baptism doth now save us" (1 Pet. iii. il).
He draws a contrast between its efficacy to thos»
who receive it with "a good con-science," mi
the insufficiency of the Mosaic purifications,
which were only " the putting away of the liltii
of the flesh." The figure of Noah's salvation
helps us to understand the sense in which Baptism
can be said itself to save us. Noah's safety *>>
contingent on his faithful abiding in the Art,
and ours on our fidelity to God in His Church.
4. Cleansing from sin is a requisite condition
of communion with God, and therefore the full
doctrine of regeneration necessitates that Baptism
should also be the removal of sin. Hemissioa «'
sin held a primary position in the ministry of
the Apostles (Luke xxiv. 47 ; John xx. 23), aail
it was the first characteristic which they daimrd
for the laver of regeneration. On the Day of
Pentecost St. Peter cried, " Repent, and bo
baptized every one of you in the Name of Jesas
Christ for the remission of sins." So mijiit
they " save " themselves from " this unlowsnl
generation " (Acts ii. 38, 40). " Remission ol
sins " was the climax of his address to Cornelias
and his party, and their Baptism folloneil im-
mediately (x. 43, 48). The 53rd chapter of
Isaiah, which led the eunuch to ask to bt
baptized when St. Philip had exponnded it:
meaning (viii. 32-36), referred above all else to
the forgiveness of sin, Ananias' exhortation to
Saul was, "Arise, and be baptized, and wasii
away thy sins " (xxii. 16). The Epistles dwell
equally on the cleansing virtue of Baptism. In
the Epistle to the Hebrews the approach to the
"holiest" in the New Covenant is contrasted
with the approach to its type in the Old. Tlist
was through repeated sacriticesand with "diren
washings" (Sia<p6pois $awTurfu>iS, ix. 10); tliis
through the one sacrifice, " having our hearts
sprinkled from an evil conscience, and vur bodies
washed with pure water " (x. 22). The internal
remission is here simultaneous with the (itemsi
ablution. Scarce any dispute that the wonis
I refer to Baptism. To the Corinthians St. Pscl
writes, evidently of their Baptism, " Ye werr
washed, ye were sanctified, ye were justifiod"
(1 Cor. vi. 11). To the Ephesians he xiaku
its cleansing grace a reason for our Lonl's re-
demptive work : " Christ also loved the Chorch
and gave Himself for it ; that He might sanctifr
and cleanse it with the washing of water by the
word " (tv Koxnp^ toC SSSarot ir ^iultu v. 2.i.
26). Unsacramental critics scarcely contest the
reference to Baptism. They are mainly content
with wresting " the word " as far as ]>ouibl«
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349
from itt connexion with the larer, and with
miking it mean the word preached, so as to
ittribate the cleansing to teaching rather than
to Baptism (Alford, in loco ; cp. Calrin, Inat. IV.
ck. lir. 4). One must object to such a violent
dislocation of the sentence, and to such an inter-
pretation of ^fia, which never is used in Holy
Scripture, or conld suitably be used, of revelation
or of a sermon. The Greek Fathers, and most
of the Latin, understood it in this place of the
bsptismal formula. This seems to be the sense
of SL Angostine's oft-quoted passage : " The
vordcleanaeth also in the water. Take away
the word, and what is water but water? The
word is added to the element, and it becomes a
Stcnment " (/n Joun. t, Ixxx. 3).
Lather allowed that Baptism remits sin, but
odr in a modiBed sense. He did not allow that
it took sins away. The yet more unorthodox
school of Calrin was obliged by its tenets to
miaimise the sense of remission almost further
(/lut IT. ch. XT. 10, 11 ; Antid. Sess. vi.). Holy
Scripture, however, draws no distinction between
remission and taking away. Least of all conld
such a distinction find a place in regard to
Baptism. A remission which did not remove
the sin would be no veritable cleansing. The
uwoiies of Israel were left behind drowned in
the sea. Ko doubt the " infection of nature "
ma^ remain, but the sin itself that is remitted
is ictnally taken away, and it is thus that the
snuKr becomes cleansed.
5. Immediately after speaking to the Ephesians
of the cleansing of the Church by water, St. Paul
proceeds to identify the Church with the Body
of Christ (v. 28-32). The bride being one with
the Bridegroom, Baptism into the Church is in-
corporation into Christ. " By one Spirit we are
all baptixed into one body," and that body is
Christ (1 Cor. lii. 12, 13). "As many of you
u have been baptized into Christ, hitve put on
Christ ... Ye are all one in Christ Jesus"
(Gal. iii. 27, 28). The expression, to be " in
Christ," is common with St. Paul. It were
nnaatnral, as an habitual expression, unless it
were to have its simple, natural menning. "As
»e are is .\dam," says Dr. Pusey, " not merely
by the imputation of Adam's sin, but by an actual
csmmanity of a corrupt nature ... so, on the
other band, are we m Christ, not merely by
the imputation of His righteousness, but by an
actual, real, spiritual origin from Him, not
physical, but still as real ns our descent from
■Kim " (Doct. of Bapt. pp. 11.3-117). And this,
St. Paul says, is accomplished by Baptism. He
'iocs not mention the means every time he
allodesto the result ; but, siuce he has distinctly
stated that Baptism is the method whereby we
are made members of Christ, every text in which
he speaks of our being " in Christ " is a separate
testimony to the eSect of the Sacrament. And
in this effect lies the whole kernel of baptismal
doctrine. Membership in Christ, however in-
explicable It may b« in itself, explains how it is
that Baptism brings remission of sin, the gift of
salvation, and regeneration into God, for from
Him flow all the medicines of the Passion, and
in Him is to be fnund the link which binds man
into union with God.
Baptism is "a death unto sin and a new birth
uto nghteonsness," because incorporation into
Chnst makes us partakers in His Death and
Resurrection. " Know ye not, that so many of
us as were baptized into Jesus Christ were
baptized into His Death ? Therefore we are
buried with ((rvKcrii^iUCK) Him by Baptism into
death : that like as Christ was raised up from
the dead by the glory of the Father, even so we
also should walk in newness of life " (Uom. vi.
3, 4). " In Whom also ye are circumcised with
the circumcision made without hands, in putting
off the body of the sins of the flesh by the
circumcision of Christ-, buried with Him in
Baptism, wherein also ye are risen with Him
through the faith of the operation of God, Who
hath raised Him from the dead " (Col. ii. 11, 13).
The contexts show that the language is not
simply figurative. " We are baptized," says
Tertullian, " into the Passion of the Lord " (be
B. xix.). " As though co-interred with Him in
that element of the world," writes St. Ambrose,
of the baptismal water, " having died to sin,
thou wert raised again to life eternal" (De
Mytt. 21). " When we are buried with Him
in His baptism," says St. Hilary, " we must
needs die as to the old man, because the re-
generation of Baptism is the power of the Ke-
surrection " (De Trin. ix. 9). Such passages do
justice to the moral side of the Death and
Resurrection. The grace of Baptism is not
irresistible. As the Death of Chnst was real,
so, St. Chrysostom points out, must ours bo to
sin : " our part must be contributed " (/» Bmn.
Horn. X.). To Simon Magus Baptism w^as the
reverse of a blessing. But, because the life can
be quenched, it is not the less truly imparted.
In Baptism we are engrafted into Him Who says,
"I am the life" (John xiv. 6). "God hath
given to us eternal life, and this life is in His
Son : he that hath the Son hath life " (1 John r.
11, 12). The first influx of that life is through
Baptism. The faithful may say with St. Paul,
because they are baptized, "1 live ; vet not I,
but Christ 'livetb m me " (Gal. li. 20). It is
this which makes the responsibility of u Chris-
tiiin. Sin in the baptized is an attack upon the
life of Christ within.
6. The relation of the baptized to Christ
throws light upon the didicult text ■ *' KIse
what shall they do which are baptized for the
dead, if the dead rise not at all ? Why are they
then baptized for the dead ? " ('Eircl rl wiq-
amxriy ol $aim(6nfv<>i vwip T»y mxpHv, el iXccs
ytKpol obK iytlpoyrai, rl ical Pawriioyrat inrip
aIn&Vi 1 Cor. xv. 29.) The whole subject of
the chapter is the resurrection of the dead.
" In Christ shall all bo made alive " (v. 22). We
arc " in Christ " by virtue of our Baptism.
Therefore Baptism is not only for the spiritual
resurrection of the soul, but also, like the other
great Sacrament (John vi. 54), for the resurrec-
tion of the body. All persons are baptized with
reference to the dead, who are baptized in the
belief that Baptism will affect their own re-
surrection. We do not know the precise cir-
cumstances which were giving prominence to
the doctrine. But the offence of Christianity
was the preaching of "Jesus and the resurrec-
tion," and evidently it was for this that diiiciples
were at the moment " in jeopardy every hour."
St. Paul argues that the peril need not be in-
curred if the doctrine could be dropped. But
that very doctrine, because it placed Christians
in danger, was apparently impelling converts to
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BAPTISM
hasten to Baptism, lest they should be martyred
ere they received that union with Christ which
would be the pledge of their resurrection. Thus
they were baptized "for the dead," that is,
as St. Chrysostom says, for their bodies, that
the "dead body may no longer remain dead,"
since by Baptism it acquires the power of resnr-
rectiou {fn 1 Cor. Hom. xxiii. 3, il. 2). In the
main this represents the general interpretation
of antiquity, howerer variously and sometimes
loosely expressed, and it is substantially accepted
by many able modern commentators.
Another explanation is that the text refers to
Baptism by proxy. The Cerinthians, Marcionites
and others, occasion.illy baptized a living person
ou behalf of a dead one (Tert. De Rea. Cam.
xlviii. ; Adv. Marcion. V. ch. i. ; Chrys. /» 1 Cor.
Hom. xl.). It is said that St. Paul alludes to
such n custom as a proof that the resurrection
was believed in fact even where it was denied in
word. There is no evidence that the practice
existed so early : it probably originated in a
misunderstanding of this very text. Moreover,
to suppose that St. Paul could bring into evi-
dence a custom which he must have denounced
as superstitious and reprehensible, to say the
least, does scant justice to the loftiness of his
reasoning in this chapter. St. Ambrose (ad loc.)
is quoted in favour of the view, but the work
referred to is probably not his, and the comment
is capable of another meaning. It is upheld by
Anselm and Bede, but its chief supporters are
among much later writers.
Knmbers of other interpretations have been
hazarded, but all do violence either to the
language or the context. Such are those in
which '• the dead " are made to mean dead works,
those dead in sin, a dead Saviour, or some notable
worthies ; those in which Baptism is taken for
ablution after touching a corpse, for martyrdom,
or for the tears of the living for souls in pur-
gatory; and those in which the elastic word
lhr*p is juggled with so as to get such senses as
" over the sepulchres of martyrs," " because of
the examples of martyrs," " though so many
martyrs have died," " to fill up the places of
martyrs," "to complete the irA^fw/to," "as a
simile of death and resurrection," " at the point
of death," and a host of others. For lists of
these views and their authorities, see Jacobi, in
Kitto's Bid. of Bib. Lit. s. v. Baptism ; Suicer's
Thesaurus, s. v. Piirrurfut; Poole's Synopsis;
Horsley, in Newbery House Mag., Jan. and
March 1890. But the names quoted for each
interpretation must be received with caution,
since it is almost impossible to classify them
accurately.
7. The Holy Ghost has a special office in
regard to Baptism. " By one Spirit we are all
baptized." Baptism is " of water and the Spirit."
"That which is bom of the Spirit- is spirit."
"Clearly, therefore," says St. Ambrose, "the
Holy Spirit is the Author of spiritual regenera-
tion " (J)e Sp. S. II. vii.). Tertnllian compares
the Spirit's brooding over the waters at first to
His present abiding " npon the waters as the
Baptizer" (/)« B. iv.). "As the water poured
into the kettle," says Cyril of Alexandria,
" being associated with the vigour of fire, re-
ceives in itself the impress of its efficacy, so,
through the indwelling of the Spirit, the sensible
water is trans-elemented to a divine and ineffable
BAPTISM
efficacy, and sanctifieth those on whom it comes '
(In Joan. ill.).
The operation of the Holy Ghost is eipmsed
in some passages as that of sealing (2 Cor. i. 22 ;
£ph. i. 13, iv. 30). St. Paul speaks of circum-
cision as a seal of the covenant with God under
the Law (Rom. iv. 11); bnt something more
than this is to be understood of the seal of
Baptism. It is not a mere witness of covenast,
but an absolute stamping with the impress of
God. And the Holy Spirit is not simply the
agent by Whom this stamping is done. He
stamps His own impress, because the impress of
the Trinity must necessarily be the impreu of
each Person. Consequently Baptism establisha
a real connexion with the Holy Ghost, am] a
share in His grace. It would not be true to
credit those who are only baptized with all the
gifts of the Spirit spoken of in the N. T. as
belonging to Christians, because these iodide
some that are proper to Confirmation. But
neither in the Fathers nor in the liturgies ii
the " seal " a title applied to the Confirmation-
aspect of Baptism alone. They constantly
associate it particularly with the water (Hermst,
in. ii. 16 ; Amb. De Sp. S. i. vi ; Cyr. Hieras.
Cat. i. 2, Ac. See Pusey, Scrip. Vietn, Note E).
The texts therefore indicate a personal relttiMi-
ship of the Holy Spirit to the baptized.
8. The necessity of Baptism is grounded <n
the effects attributed to it, and more expressly
on our Lord's words to Nicodemns, and on the
terms of the baptismal commission. The Pela-
gians denied its necessity for the remission of
original sin (Aug. De Haeres. Ixxrviii.), and some
of the 16th-century Reformers followed in their
wake, denying that it was necessary for the
children of Christian parents (Zwing. De rem et
falsa Selig. ; Calvin, Inst. TV. ch. xvi. 15, 24, kc).
They argued from the text where St. Paul speaks
of children as " holy " when only one pareot is
a believer (1 Cor. vil. 14). It is mnch dispoted
what " holy " means here. It has been takes
as equivalent to legitimate, as describing their
Christian education, or as designating their fit-
ness for Baptism (Tert. De Anima, xxxix.; Ang.
De Bapt. Part. n. xxvi., III. lii.). But if it is
understood more naturally as indicating a real
difference in spiritual condition between those
bom within Christianity and thoae without, it
does not abrogate the need for Baptism. Even
among the Jews, whose inherited birthright
within the covenant was distinctly recogniwd,
circumcision was required.
St. Augustine took a hard line as to the
damnation of the unbaptized (De Bapt. Pare. I.
ivi.-xviii. ; Ep. clxvi. ; De Anima, i. ix.), yet
even he allowed that there roust be exceptions,
when Baptism was unprocurable, as in the case
of the penitent thief (De B. iv. xxiv. 31 ; De
Anitna, III. ix.). Scriptural colour has been
found for the Baptism of desire in the spirit of
Ezek. xviii., and for the Baptism of blood in the
words to the sons of Zebedee (Matt. ix. 32), sod
in the flow of blood as well as water from the
side of Christ. Concerning "them that are
without," the unapproacbed heathen, we have
no right to judge (1 Cor. v. 12, 13). God can
of coarse work without Baptism that which He
is ordinarily pleased to give by it. Bnt the
Bible gives no hint that it can be dispensed
with where it may be had. It was reqaired
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ereo in snch exceptional cases as those of St.
PidI and Cornelius ; and our Lord's words must
stud as the guiding rule of the Church : " Except
> man be bora of water and the Spirit, he
cannot enter into the kingdom of God."
9. Baptism, being into the "one body " of the
''oiie Lord," by the "one Spirit," regene-
ntiug man into the "one God," is also
itself "one" (Eph. iv. 4-6). This unity con-
liits, first, in the contrast to the "divers wash-
ings " of the Law ; lecondly, in its unique
(Sects peculiar to itself; thirdly, in the neces-
sity of certain essentials of administration ; and,
f<jiirthly, in the impossibility of its iteration.
This last point lends great awfulness to the
Sacrament. " The bath," says St. Cyril, " cannot
be received twice or thrice ; else might a man
My, Though I tail once, I shall go right a second
time ; whereas if thou failest once, there is no
Ktting right, for there is one Lord, and one
Faith, and one Baptism " {Cat. PraeC 7). It is
in this sense that many understand the text:
"It is impoasible for those who were once
enlightened, ... if they shall fall away, to renew
them again unto repentance " (Heb. vi. 4-«). The
Sjr Vers, reads " baptized " for " enlightened,"
lid the latter word was at least among the
Fathers a familiar synonym for Baptism. Holy
Sctiptare tells of lapses, but it never records a
re-baptism. The simile of birth seems to forbid
it A child cannot enter a second time into its
mother's womb and be bom. The life may
grow faint and diseased, and may be renewed by
peDiteoce and absolution i but if it is once really
lost, it cannot be recovered.
VII. A^nmatratkm, — 1 Subjects. 2 Dis-
positions. 3. Uatter. 4. Formula. 5. Minister.
6. Bites and Ceremonies.
1. The terms of the commission are the
widest possible "All nations" were to be
baptized, without restriction to race.
fhe command is so explicit that it would
need some very clear evidence to prove that
there was to be a limitation as to age. The
<aly argument of weight against Baptism of
infants is that they are incapable of qualifying
themselves by active dispositions. The absence
of these in adults sets a poeitive bar against the
reception of grace; but unconscious babes can
ofier no imp^Ument to the work of God, and
therefore active dispositions are unnecessary for
them until they are old enough to acquire them.
St. Augustine points out that in Abraham faith
preceded the sign, but in Isaac the sign preceded
the &ith {De li. iv. ch. xxiv.). The disposition
is Dot ignored because the order is reversed.
Some of the Anabaptists argued against infant
Baptism <Tom the age of Christ when He was
baptized. Gregory of Nazianzus had forestalled
their objection centuries before by showing that
the circumstances and nature of His Baptism
were too dissimilar from ours to afibrd any
precedent as to deUils {Orat. xl.). If 1 Cor.
vii. 14 bears on the subject at all, it can only be
adduced as a reason against baptizing the
children of heathen, while tmder their parents'
charge, and against their parents' will.
The positive argnments for infant Baptism are
many. L Children inherit original sin ; Baptism
is its appointed remedy (Rom. v.-vi.). Unless
children are incapable of salvation at all, it is
fitUng that they should early receive the
BAPTISM
351
medicine of their healing. li The simile of
birth, used by our Lord, suggests that B-iptism
is peculiarly appropriate to infants, who are
thus born spiritually into the kingdom of God,
as physically into the world, of no active will
of their own. iii. The children of Jews were
admitted into the covenant as infants, and it
would be unreasonable that the children of
Christians should be excluded because the New
Covenant is greater than the Old. The covenant
itself is "an everlasting covenant" (Gen.
zvii. 13X but the sign has changed with its
development. The analogy was thought so
exact that in the 3rd century some nrgwl that
Baptism ought to take place on the eighth day
(Cyp. ij). Ixiv. 2). iv The Rabbis baptized
the children of proselytes with their parents, on
the ground " that what is done by their fathers
redounds to their good " {Talmud, Tract.
Chet. i.). v Our Lord blessed infants (fip{(tni),
and said, "Suffer little children to come unto
Me, and forbid tbem not : for of such is the
kingdom of God " (Luke xviii. 16). He could
not have spoken thus if they were incapable ol
being admitted into it (John iii, 5). vi. St.
Peter said to the Jews, " The promise is unto you,
and to your children ; " and, in the light of the
prophecy of Joel, it is at least more likely that
he meant actual children than merely posterity
(Acts ii. IT, 39). vii. Children are addressed iii
the Epbtles as members of the Church (Kph.
VI. 1 ; Col. iii. 20), without any hint that this
membership began only at years of discretion.
viii. The consistent usage of the Church is,
however, the strongest evidence of the will of
Christ. "The Church received it," says Origen,
" as a tradition from the Apostles to give
Baptism to infants " (/n Rom. vi.). Even Ter-
tullian, who with characteristic peculiarity was
an advocate for delay, implies that this was not
the usual custom {!)« B. xviii.).
2. The dispositions necessary for Baptism are
Faith and Repentance. In Holy Scripture faith
holds the more prominent place of the two.
Our Lord declared its necessity when He said,
"He that believeth and is baptized shall be
saved " (Mark xvi. 16). it was definitely
required of the jailor (Acts xvi. 31, 33) ; and,
according to a very early tradition which crept
into some texts of the N. T., of the eunuch also
(Iren. iii. xii. 8 ; [Acts viii. 37]). It is mentioned
in some form or other in close connexion with
the Baptisms on the day of Pentecost (Acts
ii. 41), at Samaria (viii. 12), of Cornelius (x. 43),
of Lydia (xvi. 14, 15), and of the Corinthians
(xviii, 8). The whole tenor of the apostolic
sermons, as well as such notices as that the
belief was in "the kingdom of God, and the
Name of Jesus Christ," or " on the Lord Jesos
Christ," show that it was not a vague general
quality of faith, but an explicit profession of
belief in definite dogmas which presently found
expression in the formal creeds of the Church,
Repentance is not mentioned so frequently as
faith, but it is everywhere implied by the
character of the Gospel, It had given a title to
St. John's baptism as the "baptism of repent-
ance;" it was inherent in any conception of
the forgiveness of sin ; and to the first converts
it was set forth in the forefront as the one
requisite (Acts ii. 38). Indeed, faith and re-
pentance practically involve each other.
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There is no indication in the N. T. that
candidates for Baptism were subjected to any
prolonged preparation, such as that which
afterwards became customary. The circum-
stances of the first preaching of the Gospel were
I>eculiar. None were likely to accept it unless
they were too much in earnest to need the test
of a lengthy probation. Yet Holy Scripture
affords one instance which amply justifies the
precautions agamst hasty Baptism which the
Church afterwards adopted. Simon Magus
either received Baptism hypocritically, or else
with such insufficient faith and repentance that
he immediately fell (Acts viii. 13-24). The
circumstance is of value as an illustration of the
place which the dispositions hold in relation to
Baptism. Simon was truly baptized. "The
Church," says St. Augustine, " had herself
given birth to Simon Magus through the Sacra-
ment of Baptism, and yet it was declared to him
that he had no part in the inheritance of Christ.
Did he lack anything in respect of Baptism, of
the Gospel, or of the Sacraments ? Nay, but he
was born in vain, m that he lacked charity"
{De B. 1. ch. X. 14). His regeneration was barren
of spiritual life. " He was baptized," says
St. Cyril, "but he was not illuminated; he
washed his body indeed with the water, but did
not illuminate his heart by the Spirit ; his body
truly descended and ascended, but his soul was
not buried with Christ, nor with Him raised "
(Cat. Praef. 2). Bat it was more than a still-
bom birth. The very Baptism, unworthily
received, increased his guilt. To a heathen
St. Peter would scarcely have snid, " Thou art
in the gall of bitterness, and in the bond of
iniquity." His sin was the worse because he
bad become a Christian.
3. The matter of Baptism is water. Our
Lord mentions it specifically as necessary:
" Eicept a man be bom of water and the Spirit "
(John iii. 5). No other element is suggested in
Holy Scripture, and it is particularly related
that this was used at sundry Baptisms (John
iii. 23; Matt. iii. 11, 16; Acts viii. 36, x. 47).
Cleansing by water is even an expression
synonymous with Baptism (Eph. v, 26 ; Heb.
X. 22), The Fathers noticed m this connexion
what a place water had in the baptismal types
and prophecies of the Bible. "'If," says St. Cyril,
"anyone is anxious to know why the gift is
given through water, and not through some
other element, let him take up Holy Scripture
and he shall learn. For water is a noble thing,
and of the world's four risible elements the
most beautiful " {Cat. iii. 5). "Water alone,"
says Tertullian, "a matter ever perfect, bright,
simple, pure in its own nature, supplied a vehicle
worthy of God " {De B. iii.).
Immersion appears to have been used where
it could be had. St. John stationed himself on
the banks of the Jordan, and then at Aenon,
" because thei-e was much water there "(John
iii. 23), which would scarcely have been neces-
sary for affusion. Our Lord came up " out of
the water " after His Baptism (Matt. iii. 16).
The eunuch went down " into the water" with
St. Philip (Acts viii. 38). St. Paul's symbol of
burial and resurrection only receive their full
significance from inimersinn (Rom. vi. 4 ; Col. ii.
12). Such types as the Flood, and the passage
of the Red Sea, and the dipping of Naaman, also
BAPTISM
suggest it. But, if this was the ordiniry
method, there is evidence that affusion or even
sprinkling sufficed. It is doubtful whether
there was any water at Jerusalem in which
the 3000 could have been immersed ; still more
so whether immersion could have been practiseil
in the house of Cornelius, or the priMm at
Philippi. When St. Cyprian was once consalted
as to the validity of sprinkling, he referred U>
Ezek. xxivi. 25, "Then will I sprinkle clean
water upon you, and ye shall be clean," and to
the sprinkling of Jewish rites (Mam. viii., xis.),
"whence," he says, "it is apparent that the
sprinkling of water has like force with the
saving washing " {Ep. Ixix. 11, 12). Those
who insist on immersion chiefly argue from the
sense of fiixruy, which is not used of Bsptism,
whereas the word which is used did not neces-
sarily mean immersion, for the Pharisees mar-
velled that our Lord had not " baptized " (ifin-
riffiri) before dinner (Luke xi. 38).
Trine immersion or affusion is of cosne
founded on the mention of the three Persons
of the Trinity in the baptismal commission.
4. The formula of l^ptism is derived fmoi
our Lord's direction to the Apostles to baptize
" into the Name of the Father, and of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost." Zwingli maintained
that no form was necessary {De vera tt falta
Jtelig.), and l.uther that it was enough to give or
receive it in any Name of God {D« Capt. Ba6.).
But the tradition of the Church is that the words
of commission impose a necessity of naming the
three Persons of the Blessed Trinity (Tert. Adr.
Prax. xivi. ; Cvp. Ep. Ixxiii. 6 ; Baa. De Sp. &
xii.). While tViis declares the fiuth and the
sphere into which the person is regenerated, the
obligation is probably owing to a deeper reason.
Holy Scripture indicates that a special |>otrer is
involved in the solemn naming of God (Num.
vi. 27 ; Ps. XX. 1 , Acts iiL 6, &c). Origen,
wrjting of the formula, speaks of " the Dirinity
of the power of the invocation of the adorsMt
Trinity " (/» Joan. U vi.). So viewed, the redts-
tion of the Name becomes a ministerial act, set-
ting in motion the mysterious operation of God.
In the Acts there is mention of Baptism "in
the Name of Jesus Christ" (ii. 38), "of the
Lord Jesus" (viii. 16, xix. 5), "of the Lord"
(x. 48); and the Vulgate, supported by the
Syriac, renders viii, 12, "in nomine Jesn
Christi baptizab.intur." Although in nose of
the pa.»Bages is there any literal report of the
words said, such as that in iii. 6, they would
naturally convey the impression that the for-
mula of administration contained the phnse
" in the Name of Jesus." The anonymous aotkor
of the De SebaptismaU, in the 3rd century, sf
understood them, and dwells at length on "the
power of the Name of Jesns invoked opoo a
man by Baptism," defending the form as not
contrary to the commission of Christ (De £e-
bap. 6, 7). But he bears testimony himself to
the fact that the Church had not been wont so
to baptize. Some reliance has been put <a s
passage in St. Ambrose, where he aays it ia
sufficient to name one Person, if the faith in the
Trinity is not denied thereby (De Sp. & I. iii.) :
but he is probably speaking of the confession of
the recipient, not of the formula. A few htn
maintained the validity of the disputed form of
words (Bede, in Act. x.; Nic. L Ep. icviL lOt;
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353
P. Lomb. ir. S ; Scota;, doubtfully', IV. ch. iii. 2) ;
bet the genemi verdict hu b«en against it. A
jiore conjecture that it wa« allowed for a time,
[itrliaps to give special honour to the despised
•Vune, was thrown out by some late writers
(l>e Lyra, in loco : Th. Aqain. Summa, III. Ixri. 6 ;
Lmdwood, i. tit. 7 ; Oe Burgo, II. ch. iii., Hostien-
tii, lit. ch. xlii. 6). Still later it has been sag-
;«sted that the words were incorporated into the
lormola as an addition, " In the Name of the
lorU 1 baptize thee," &c., or, *'I baptize thee
ia th« Name of the Father, and of His Son Jesus
Chrirt," &c (Com. i Lap. on Rom. ri. 3 ; Trom-
belli, iv. 406). Keither is probable. If the
uausl interpretation is correct, that the naming
cl' the Trinity was always essential, the phrases
in the Acts mnst be taken to mean simply that
it was " Christian " Baptism, in the formula
iniicated by the Lord's commission, that is,
Bipliim "into Christ" (Rom. vi 3; Gal. iii.
21), «r by the power of Christ (see Bingham,
II. ch. iiL 3 ; Moberly, Great Forty Da/s, App.).
b. When St. John foretold tHe Baptism of the
Gospel, he spoke as though it would b« ad-
ministered personally by Christ Himself—" He
ihsll baptize yon " rMatt. iii. 11). The Bap-
lisnn of the Incarnate ministry were, however,
by the hands of His " disciples " (John ir. 2),
and the great con^mission of Baptism was given to
men. St. Augustine frequently insists th.it the
tut which the Baptist was to learn from the
decent of the Holy Ghost upon Christ (John i.
33) was " that the power of the Lord's Baptism
«u not to pass from the Lord to any man,
vhile its ministration plainly would do so " (/n
Jan. t. T. 11 ; Ve B. III. ch. iv. 6, VI., VII.). If
tills is questionable, the truth itself was clearly
eonveyed by the declaration with which our Lord
closed the baptismal commission, " Lo, I am
Tith yon alway. even unto the end of the world "
(Matt, iiviii. 20). His Presence was pledged
to accompany those who went forth from Him
to baptize, the minister of Baptism must there-
fore be the delegate of Christ, while in the
highest sense He is Himself the one Baptizer.
The recipients of the baptismal commission
»«re the Ajmstles. They were specially gathered
tcjether, apparently alone, for the purpose of
rtociring it (cp. Matt. xivi. 32, xiviii. 7, 10 ,
Mark ivi. 7). Even if others were present,
which seems improbable, the terms of the com-
misiion would confine its reception to them,
since the authority to baptize is made a result
d" that " power " which our Lord Him-self re-
raved as Man, and then committed to the
Apostles (John xx 21). It was for them to
transmit it to others as they handed on the
orders of the ministry. The sacramental cha-
racter of Baptism would mark it out as an oflBce
(at the Apostles, even if the commission had not
been so explicitly conveyed to them. There
"onld, therefore, be no doubt that the minister
of Baptism mnst be an ordained representative
of Christ through the Apostles, were it not for
a widespread sanction of lay Baptism in emer-
gency, with high authority, at later periods of
Cbarch history. The result of bringing the
loatter to the test of apostolic practice is nn-
Mtis&ctory. It is not said who baptized the
3*00 on the Day of Pentecost. There is, how-
ever, no impos.iibi!ity in supposing that the
•Apostles baptized them all in a day; and If
BBLE DICT. — VOL. I.
others assisted, these at least had their direct
commission for the purpose. Hilary the Deacon
thought the Baptism of Cornelius and others,
apparently by the " brethren from Joppa " (Acta
X. 23, 48), a clear case of lay Baptism ( Com. in
1 Cor. i. 17), but some of these " brethren " may
have received ordination. So also may who-
ever baptized the disciples at Ephesus, if it was
not St. Paul (Acts zix. 5). We know nothing
of the position of Ananias, who baptized St. Paul
himself (iz. 17, 16). The Apostolical Consti-
tutions say that both he and Philip the Deacon
baptized by a special Divine call (viii. 46), but
the narrative of Acta viii. seems fully to warrant
Baptism by a Deacon. St. Paul baptized some
at Corinth (1 Cor. i. 14, 16), probably St. Silas
the rest (Acts zviii. 8), and one of them bap-
tized Lydia and the jailor (xvi.), St. Paul's
assertion that he was not sent to baptize (1 Cor.
i. 17) cannot mean that to baptize did not
belong to the apostolic office, but only that for
particular reasons he usually forbore to do it.
Lay Baptism has, therefore, no direct support
from the N. T. ; on the contrary, the evidence
points rather against it. The m.iin controversies
on the subject lie outside a scriptural enquiry.
6. Kites .ind ceremonies find little place in
the N. T., owing to the character of the Books
and the circumstances of primitive Christianity.
There could have been little ritual at the Bap-
tisms on the Day of Pentecost, by the roadside
to Gaza, or in the prison at Philippi. Subse-
quent rites were built upon scriptural expres-
sions, bnt the expressions themselves can rarely
be indicative of actual ceremonial in use by the
Apostles. Some have understood St. Timothy's
" good profession before many witneaie* "
(1 Tim. vi. 12) to have been a baptismal pro-
fession of faith (Chrys., Theoph., Amb., &c ad
loc.% and "the interrogation of a good con-
science before God " (1 Pet. iii. 21) to allude to
questions and pledges at Baptism (Waterland,
Wordsworth, Do Wette, &c.). Sponsors were
common among the Jews, according to the
Rabbis (Lightfoot, Jlor. Ileb. on Matt, iii.), and
perhaps the Christians adopted the usage at
once from them. The unction spoken of (2 Cor.
i. 21 i 1 John ii. 20, 27) was probably a real
anointing with oil, but rather that belonging
to Confirmation than the baptismal anointiug
of the early centuries. The " seal " (2 Cor. i. 22 ;
Eph. i. 13, iv. 30; cp. Rev. vii. 3) is sugges-
tive of the sign of the Cross, but does not prove
its actual use as a baptismal ceremony. Other
ritual was plainly borrowed from Scripture
language. The exorcisms were taken from our
Lord's casting oat of devils (Matt. ivii. 18).
The unclothing represented the putting off the
old man with the deeds of sin (Eph. iv. 22 ;
Col. iii. 9; see Cyr. Hieros. Cat. xx. 2; Chrys.
/» Col. Horn. vi. 4). The chrisom robe sym-
bolised the " new man " (Eph. iv. 24), and
the putting on of Chnst (Gal. iii. 27). Lights
signified the illumination of Baptism (Heb. vi. 4,
X. 32). The salt was the symbol of holy life,
from our Lord's words, " Ye are the salt of the
earth " (Matt. V. 13; Mark Ix. 49, 50). The milk
and honey pointed to the inheritance in the land
of promise (Ex. iii. 8). The special times for
Baptism were founded upon Scripture symbolism
and precedents : Easter because Baptism is into
the Death and Resurrection of Christ ; Pentecost
2 A
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BAB-ABBAS
lecanse of the descent of the Holy Ghost, and
because the first Baptisms took place at that
Feast (Tert. De B. xix.). The eves of these
days were selected, because the Sabbath spoke
of eternal rest in God's inheritance (Honorius,
Gemma Animae, ill. ch. cxvi.).
VIII. Ziterature.—0{ Greek Fathers there are
Basil, De Spintu Sancto (the De Bapt. under
his name is not his, and is of secondary value) ;
Cyril of Jems., Catechesis ; Gregory Naz., Oratio
de Bapt. Christi; Chrysostom, Homilies; John
Damascene, De Fide Orth. IV. ii. Latin Fathers :
Tertnllian's and Pacian's De Bapt; Ambrose,
De Sacramentis; Augustine, De Bapt. and De
Bapt. ParmJornm. Migne's Pat. Lai. has an
admirable cLissified index, No. XCVI., on Bap-
tism. Pusey's Scriptural Views of Baptism
(originally Tracts for Times, Nos. 67 to 69, en-
larged as Doctrine of Baptism) is invaluable for
patristic comments on Scripture. The Commen-
taries of Corn, k Lapide and Wordsworth are
both largely patristic. See also Suicer, The-
saurus. Of Schoolmen, Th. Aquinas, Summa, ill.
chs. xxxriii., xxxix., livi.-lxxi., is important. For
extreme Protestant views see Zwingli, De vera
et falsa Seligionc ; Calvin, Inst. IV. chs. xv., xvi. ;
Luther, De Capt. Bab. In spite of unorthodox
opinions, there is much of value in the Loci Com-
munes of Chemnitz and Gerhard (Lutheran);
Voss (Calvinistic), De Bapt.; Limborch (Ar-
minian), Tfieol. Christi. Bellarmin, De Bapt.,
on the other side, is good. Of English works,
those by strongly nnti-sacramental writers are
only worth consulting for historical purposes.
The views taken may be seen in Bp. Hopkins,
Doct. of Sacraments and Nature of Regeneration ;
Faber, Prim. Doctrine of Regeneration ; J. Scott,
Inquiry into effect of Baptism, in answer to
Mant. Among orthodox treatises are Barrow,
Of Baptism; Leslie, Water Baptism; Mant,
Bampton Led. (reprinted as Tieo Jhjcfs, etc.) ;
Waterland, Regeneration ; Bethell, Doct. of Re-
generation; Mozley, Revieir of the Baptismal
Controversy; Sadler, Second Adam and Ifea
Birth and Sacrament of Responsibility. Other
works, dealing however with much outside
Scripture, are Hooker, v. chs. Iviii.-lxiv. ; Trom-
belli, De Sac. tom. i.-v. ; Macaire (Makary),
Th^. Dog. IV. ch. iii. ; Maskell, Holy Baptism ;
Grueber, Sacrament of Regeneration. On In-
fant Baptism, Wall's Histon/, with Gale's Re-
flections in reply ; Bp. J. Taylor, Liberty of
Prophesying, xviii., and Life of Christ, I. ch. ix.
6 ; Thorndike, Laws of Church, vi.-viii. On the
Minister, Laurence, Lay Baptism Invalid;
Waterland and Kellsall, Letters ; Elwin, Minis-
ter of Baptism. [W. E.]
BAB- ABBAS (Bapa^i3as; Baraibas; Aram.
KaK*^, Bar- Abba, son of the father, i.e. of the
teacher or master, cp. Samuel Bar-Abba and
Nathan Bar-Abba, quoted by Lightfoot, Hor.
H«i). in loco). He is described as a notable
prisoner, and as guilty of sedition and murder m
Jerusalem itself He is also called a robber
(XpiTT'^j, John xviii. 40); a term which gives
another side of the life of the insurrectionary
leaders common in Judaea under the Roman
government. The term "robbers" is used by
Josephus to describe the Zealots (£. J. iv. 3, §4).
Nothing is known of Barabbas and his sedition
from other sources. It u conjectured that the
BABAK
two robbers crucified with Jesns may btvc beea
two of Barabbas' comrades in insnrrwtiou
(aiiirrao'tao'Tal) mentioned (Mark xr. T) as in
prison at the time. A remarkable reading pT«s
Barabbas the additional name of Jesus, Bambtia:>
thus becoming merely a patronymic, lu Matt,
xivii. 16, 17 " Jesus " is inserted before " B«r-
abbas " by a few authorities. But "^ it is
against all analogy that a true reading shoild
be preserved in no better Greek MSS. tliaa the
common origin of the cursives 1, 118, 209, ud
in none of the ancient Versions." The most
probable source of the reading is to be fonnd in
the repetition of fN fromYMIN (Tregellet) in
V. 17, in which verse alone Origen found it.
His doubtful approval {Comm. Matt, in loc) has
given it notoriety, and Trench (Studies on Gos-
pels,' p. 300), Keim, and others have uncritically
followed Origen. See Tisch. Ed. Crit. viii.;
and Westcott and Hort, Greek Testament, notes
on select readings. [E. R. B.]
BA'EACHEL (^{<3n3, Geo. = God Wfsjo,
Renan [' Les Noma ThiSophores,' &c in PEJ. r.
172]=Ae icAo blesses God; Bapaxi^K; Barachcf),
" the Buzite," father of Elihu (Job xixii. 2. 6>
[Buz.] MV." compares the Phoenic. proper
name ^^3, the Palmvrene "113713 and
«n3n3. " [F.]
BARACHI'AH, Zech. i. 1, 7, A. V.ed. 1611,
and other early editions, [Bekecbiab, 7]
BAKACm'AS CBapaxtas ; Barachias), Mstt.
xxiii. 35. [Zacuaeias.]
BATJAK (pl^, lightning, as in Ex. six. 16 ;
Bapdx; Barac: cp. the family name of Hannibal.
Barca = " fulmen belli." The name is found
among the Phoenicians, Palmyrenes, and Ss-
baeans; see MV,"), son of Abinoam of Eedaii
(Judg. iv. 6), a refuge-city in Mount Kapii-
tali. He was incited by Deborah, a prophete^
of Ephraim, to deliver Israel from the yoke of
Jabin. Jnbin (" prudent ") was probably (Keil)
the dynastic name of those kings of northern
Canaan whose capital city was Hazor on Lake
Merom. Siscra, his general and procurator,
oppressed a promiscuous Gentile population
(is. ix. 1) at Harosheth, hence called •'Haro-
sheth of the Gentiles." Accompanied, at his
own express desire, by Deborah, Barak led his
rudely-armed force of 10,000 men from Xaph-
tali and Zebulon to an encampment on the
summit of Tabor, where the 900 iron chariots
of Jabin would be useless. The force was
assembled in small divisions so as to avoid ti-
citing suspicion (such seems to be the meaning
of Tf^ in Judg. iv. 6 : cp. ix. 37 ; Ex. xiL 21).
At a signal given by the prophetess, the littl*'
army, seizing the opportunity of a providential
storm (Joseph, v. 5, § 4) and a wind that blev
in the faces of the enemy, boldly rnshed down
the hill, and utterly routed the unwieldy host
of the Canaanit«s In the plain of Jezreel (E$-
draelon), " the battle-field of Palestine " (Stan-
ley, S. and P. p. 331 j Thomson, Lamd a»d
the Booh, i. 141, tic). From the prominent
mention of Taanach (Jndg. r. 19) and of the
river Eishon, it is most likely that the victory
was partly due to the suddenly swollen waves
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BAEBABI^VX
of that impetaoDS torrent (xt>l''if^ovt, LXX.),
{orticaJuly its western branch. The victory
vu decisire: Harosheth was taken (Jndg. ir.
16), Sijem murdered, and Jabin rained. A
peace of forty years ensued, and the next danger
ojme from a different quarter. The victors
composed a splendid epinician ode in commemo-
ratiun of their deliverance (Judg. v. Cp. Mil-
man, Hist. ofJewt,^ i. 247, &c.).
The obedience of Barak to the command of
Deborah entitled him to a place among the
heroes of faith (Heb. xi. 32). His refnsal to go
naless Deborah accompanied hiro does not seem
to hare been due to any censurable motive.
Deborah warns him that it will be said, "A
woman conquered Sisera," but he knew that her
preHDce would facilitate the victory. The
tneljtet, like the Messenians, would be likely
to ^ fight the more bravely, because their seers
vei« preient" (Pausanias, iv. 16), and Barak
ou anxious for something better than his own
honour.
It ii difficult to decide the date of Barak. He
appears to have been a contemporary of Sham-
stir (Jadg. r. 6). If so, he could not have been
»> mnch as 178 years after Joshua, where he is
generally placed. The Bishop of Bath and Wells
supposes the narrative to be .^ variation of Josh.
Ji. 1-12 (Genealogies, p. 228 sq. Cp. Stade,
Gu'X d. Volkes Israel, i. 178, n. 1). A great deal
may be laid for this view : the names Jabin and
Hazor ; the mention of subordinate kings (Judg.
T. I9;'cp. Josh. li. 2 sq.); the general locality of
the battle; the prominence of chariots in both
narratires, and especially the name Misrephoth-
aaim (Josh. xi. 8, a spot in 'Ain Meserfe ;
s^ Dillmann' in loco). Many chronological
diificaltjes are also thus removed ; but it is
fiur to add that in Stanley's opinion (& and P.
p. 392, note) there are geographical difiicnlties
in the way. Keil and Ederaheim (Bihle Historii,
i- 120) place a hundred years between the
events described in Joshua and Judges ; Riehm
(IIWB. i. n.) and Ruetschi (Herzog, RE.'' i. n.)
Mosider these events distinct. Cp. Ewald,
Gach. <fej Yotkes Israel,' ii. p. 489, &c. ;
lorl A. Kerrey Genealogies, pp. 225-246 sq.)
[Deborah.] [F. W. F.]
BABBABIAN (0<if0apos). Tlas nii''Eiariy
6ip$afOi is the common Greek definition, quoted
ky Serv. ad Verg. Aen. ii. 504; and in this
strict sense the word is used in Rom. i. 14, " I
am debtor both to Greeks and barbarians;"
where Luther used the term Ungrieche, which
iippily expresses its force. 'EA\i)«j koI jBcfp-
Swoi is the constant division found in Greek
literatnre, but Thucydides (i. 3) points out that
this distinction is subsequent to Homer, in
thorn the word does not occur, although he
terras the Carians 0ap0ap6^upoi (II. ii. 867,
wLere Enstatbins connects the other form K(tp-
Bant with Kip). At first, according to Strabo
(UT. 662), the word "barbarian" was a sneer-
ing onomatopoeia applied to those who pro-
"osnced their words imperfectly (kot' ivonaro-
»«ii« W rip tmtK^ifms leol VKKripas Kol
fpaxw XoXo^sTsn'), and its generic use was
snhuqnent. It often retains this primitive
meanhie, aa in 1 Cor. xiv. 11 (of one using " the
loBpa") and AcU ixviii. 24 (of the Maltese,
vho spoke a Funic dialect. In Acts xxviii. 2
BABLEY
355
I the A. V. " barbarous people " is replaced in
I the R. V. by " barbarians "). So too Aesch.
I Agam. 2013, x'^'^^"" S'k'I'' 'ATiwro ipayin
fiipPapov KticTriii4yri : and it is even applied to
one who spoke a patois, Arc Kivfitos &v xal i*
(puy^ $ap0dp^ Tt9pttfifi4i>os, Plat. Protag. 341 C.
It is not so strong a word as ttaXiyyXaxraas
(Donaldson, Crat. § 88). Ovid defines the word
in the often-quoted line :
' Barbams hie ego sum quia mm intelltgor uUa."
(Tritt.v. 10,37.)
The ancient Egyptians (like the modern
Chinese) had an analogous word for all rols u^|
<r<l>i<Tty k\urf\iaaovs (Herod, ii. 158) ; and jSiEp-
fiapoi is used in the LXX. to express a similar
Jewish distinction. Thns in Ps. Ixiii. 1, xdoi
fiipfiofos a used to translate JC?, " peregrino
sermoue ntens" (Schleusn. Thes. s. T.),'which is,
also an onomatopoeian from iff^, " to stammer."
In 1 Cor. V. 13, 1 Tim. iii. 7, we have ol ((ai,
and Matt. vi. 32, t4 Wit), used Hebraistically
for D^il (in very much the same sort of
sense as that of fiipfiapot), to distinguish all
other nations from the Jews (cp. Col. iii. 11);
and in the Talmudists we find Palestine opposed
to n^Vltt, just as Greece was to Barbaria or
il $ip$apos (cf. Cic. Fin. ii. 15; Lightfoot,
, Centuria Chorogr. ad init.). And yet so com-
I pletely was the term 0dp$apos accepted, that
I even Josephus and Philo scruple as little to
I reckon the Jews among " barbarians " (Jn(t. xi.
17, § 1; Philo, Leg. Allegg. iii. 67, 1^ as the
early Romans did to apply the term to tbem-
I selves (" Demophilus scripsit, Marcus vertit
barbare ; " Plant. Asin. prol. 10). Very natu-
rally the word after a time began to involve
notions of cruelty and contempt (Sripbs fiap-
Pdpov, 2 Mace. iv. 25, xv. 2, &c.), and then the
Romans excepted themselves from the scope of
its meaning (Cic. <fc Sep. i. 37, § 68). After-
wards only the savage nations were called bar-
barians ; though the Greek Constantinopolitans
called the Romans " barbarians " to the very
last (Gibbon, c. 51, vi. 351, ed. Smith ; Winer,
». 0.). [F. W. F.]
BABHU'MITE, THE. [Baiiubim.]
BABI' AH (nn_3 = fleet ; A. Btpla, B. Mopei ;
Baria), one of the sons of Shemaiah, a descen-
dant of the royal family of Judah (1 Ch. iii.
22). [W. A W.]
BAK-JE'SUS. [Elymas.]
BAR-JO'NA. [Peteb.]
BAR'KOS (Dipia ; Beroos). " Children of
Barkos " were among the Nethinim who returned
from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 53,
[2 Esd.] B. BapKois, A. Bt^is ; Neb. vii. 55,
BapKovi). [W. A. W.] [F.]
BABLEY (n-^^, se'Srah; Kpiei)'; hordcum),
the well-known useful cereal, mention of which
is made in numerous passages of the Bible.
Pliny (H, N. xviii. 7) states that barley is one
of the most ancient articles of diet. It was
grown by the Egyptians (Ex. ix. 31 ; Herod, ii.
2 A 2
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366
BABLEY
77 ; Diodor. i. 34 ; Plin. iiii. 25), anU by the
Jews (Lev. xxvii. 16 ; Deut. viii. 8 ; Ruth ii.
17, &c.), who used it for baking into bread,
chiefly amongst the poor (Judg. vii. 13 ; 2 K. iv.
12 ; John vi. 9, 13); for making into bread,
by mixing it with wheat, beann, leatiles, millet,
&c. (Ezek. iv. 9); for making into cakes (Ezck.
iv. 12) ; as fodder for horses (1 K. iv. 28).
Compare also Juvenal (viii. 154) and Pliny
{H. iV. xviii. 14 ; xxviii. 21), who states that
though birley was extensively used by the
ancients, it had in his time fallen into disre-
pute, and was generally used as fodder for
cattle only. Bailey is the common food for
horses in the bast. Oats and rye were pot
cultivated by the Jews, and perhaps not ktaowD
to them. [Eve.] (See also Kitto, Phys. II. of
Pal. 214.) Barley is mentioned in the Mishrux
as th« food of horses and asses.
It is the most universally cultivated cereal
in the world, having a more northerly as well
as southerly range than wheat. It is less
impatient of drought, and will thrive in a much
lighter soil. It arrives earlier at maturity, re-
quiring less heat to ripen it, and yet is uninjured
by a tropical sun. It will also yield much longer
on the same land, without rotation of crops.
There is consequently no part of Palestine
where it is not the most ordinary grain.
The barley harvest is mentioned in Ruth i. 22,
ii. 13 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 9, 10. It t.tkes place in
Palestine in March and April, and in the hilly
districts as late as Hay; but the period of
course varies according to the localities where
the corn grows. The barley harvest always
precedes the wheat harvest, generally by not
less than three weeks (Robinson, Bib. lies. ii.
99, 278). In Egypt, the barley is about a
month earlier than the wheat ; whence its
total destruction by the hail-storm (Ex. ix. 31).
Barley was sown at any time between November
and ilarch, according to the season. Niebuhr
states that he saw a crop near Jerusalem ripe
nt the end of March, and a field which had been
just newly sown. But this must have been
exceptional. The seed-time depends upon the
time of " the former" or winter rains. As soon
as ever the ground is thoroughly softened, the
barley and wheat are both sown, and this may
be as early as the first week of November, or as
late as Christmas. The low grounds are fre-
quentjy irrigated, where the means exist for so
doing. Very little labour is expended on the
cultivation. After the wooden plough has
scratched the moist soil, the seed is cast in,
and covered over by means of a rude brush-
harrow. The yield consequently is very light.
Except on the rich alluvial plains, it does not
appear to exceed twenty bushels per acre.
In the Jordan valley, the barley harvest is
over by the end of March, and I have eaten a
barley cake in that month at Jericho, made
from a crop which I had seen sown in De-
cember. In the plain of Seisaban (Shittim), I
saw the Arabs in April dibbling maize into
ground they h.id just cleared of barley. Gene-
rally speaking, the time of barley harvest coin-
cided with that of the Passover, and it was a
date to fix the time of year, as we should speak
of Eastertide.
Major Skinner (Advmiwrea in an Overland
Journey to India, i. 330) observed near Da-
BARLEY
mascus a field, newly sown with barley, wliirh
had been submitted to submersion timilar t«
what is done to rice-fields. Dr. Royle (Kitto's
Cycl. Bib. Lit, art. " Barley ") with good ««•
son supposes that this explains Is. xixii. 20.
"Blessed are ye that sow beside all wat«n;"
and demurs to the explanation which mur
writers have given, viz. that allusion is nude
to the mode in which rice is cultivated. We
cannot, however, at all agree with this writer,
that the passage in Eccles. xi. 1 has any reference
to the irrigation of newly-sown barley fields.
Solomon In the context is enforcing obligstioss
to liberality, of that especial nature which looks
not for a recompense: as Bishop Hall tayi,
" Bestow thy beneficence on those from whom
there is no probability of a return of kindness."
It is clear that, if allusion is made to the mode
of culture referred to above, either in the case
of rice or barley, the force and moral worth of
the lesson is lost; for the motive of such a
sowing is expectation of an abundant retan.
The meaning of the passage is surely this: "Be
liberal to those who are as little likely to Kp.y
thee again, as bread or com cast into the pool
or the river is likely to return again uito
thee " (see Speaker's Comm. and Wright's Edit-
siastes in loco). Barley, as an article of hunua
food, was less esteemed than wheat, but the poar
usually mix wheat and barley meal for their
bread. This would appear to have been the
custom in ancient times, for, from 2 Ch. ii. l<i,
we learn that Solomon supplied equal quantities
of wheat and barley to the woodmen in Leba-
non. But barley bread alone is very poor diet, >i
we have found when compelled to live on it in
remote parts of the country, and is much inferior
in nutritive qualities to wheat or rye. [Bbcidl}
Compare also Calpumius (£c/. iii. 84), Plin^
(/f. N. xviil. 7), and Livy (iivii. 13X who uU»
us that the Roman cohorts who lost their
standards were punished by having barkr-
bread given them instead of wheaten. Tbe
Jews, according lo Tract. Sanhedr. c 9, § .V,
had the following law : " Si quis loris caes<>
reciderit jnssu judicnm arcoe inditus hordeo
cibatur, donee venter ejus rumpatnr." Thit
barley bread is even to this day little esteenei
in Palestine, we have the authority of modem
travellers to show. Dr. Thomson (2^ LaxJ
and the Book, p. 449) says, " Nothing is more
common than for these people to complain that
their oppressors have lefl them nothing bat
barley bread to cat." This fact is important,
as serving to elucidate some pa.<«ages in Scrip-
ture. Why, for instance, was barley meal, sad
not the ordinary meal-offering of vheat flour,
to be the jealousy -offering (Num. v. 15)?
Because thereby is denoted the low repntatioo
in which the implicated parties were held. IV
homer and a half of barley, as part of the
purchase-money of the adulteress (Hos. iii.3),bss
doubtless a similar typical meaning. With thi*
circumstance in remembrance, how forcible is
the expression in Ezekiel (xiii. 19), "Will yt
pollute me among my people for handfnls «!
barley f " And how does the knowledge of the
fact aid to point out the connexion betweo
Gideon and the barley-cake, in the dream
which the " man told to his fellow " (Judg. viL
13). Gideon's family was poor in Hanaset,
and he was the least in his fiither's hoioe;
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BAK-NABAS
and doubtless the Midianites knew it. Agxin, |
the Israelites h:id been oppressed bv Midian for
tije space of serea years. Very appropriate,
thsrelore, is the dream and the interpretation
thereof. The despised and humble Israelitisb
ie\mtev was as a mere rile barley-cake in the
tjes of his enemies. On this passage Dr.
fnonison remarks, " If the Midianites were
acccitomed in their extemporaneous songs to
tall Gideon and his band 'cakes of barley
krtad,' as their successors, the haughty Be-
<liwin, often do to ridicule their enemies, the
.tiiplication would be all the more natural."
liut barley was cultivated abundantly in
Palestine, is clear from Deut. riii. 8 ; 2 Ch. ii.
1". 13.
The caltirated barleys are usually divided
intrt •• two-rowed " and " six-rowed " kinds. Of
ihe first the Hordmtm distiihum, the common
summer barley of England, is an example ;
while the //. hejcastichum, bere, or winter barley
<i( farmers, will serre to represent the latter
kind. The kind usually grown in Palestine is
tb<; //. i^tkhum. It is too well known to need
further description.* [W. H] [H. B. T.]
BAR-XABAS (Bopvi^oj ; S.imabas). His
lume was Joseph (Joses is another form of the ,
'ame name), and he had the additional name of '•
Bsnaiias given him by the Apostles (Acts iv. .iG). |
liimaoas = Aram. [1^133*13, son of prophecy I
{but see Kwald, Hist. Isr. vii., for another deriva- |
iionX The name is explained in Acts /. c. as " the i
son of exhortation " (R. V.), probably because j
this was a princi^ial department of the work of '
X.T. prophets; see, for example, Acts xv. 32. But
k. v., following Vulgate, translates " the son
ft consolation." He belonged to a Levite family
settled in Cyprns, but had kindred living at
Jemsalem, namely, his cousin John Mark (Col.
■r. 10; see Bp. Lightfoot's note), and Mary the
mother of Mark, whose house was a centre of
votsbip for the Christians (Acts xii. 12). His
life £Uls under three divisions —
1. The first p«rio<l reaches to his mission fiom
-Utioch (AcU xiii. 2)..
2, The second begins with that mission and
closes with his separation from St. Paul (Acts
jv. 36).
U. The third, embracing the rest of his life,
is almost a blank.
I. He is singled out for mention among those
vho sold laud and brought the price into the
common stock (Acts iv. 36, 37). He has a lead-
135 position in the Church at Jerusalem, for,
nhen Saui at his Hrst visit after conversion is
received with mistrust, Barnabas is able to in-
troduce him to the .\postles (Peter and James
'loly, Gal. I. 19), and bis assurances regarding
him are accepted (AcU ii. 26-28). At the news
<'f the conversion of the Gentiles CEAAiimi) at
Aotioch, Barnabas is sent to investigate and to
carry on the work. Its importance leads him
to fetch Saul from Tarsus and use his assistance.
A whole year is spent by the two friends in
founding the Church of Antioch (Acts xi. 22-26).
BAB-NABAS
357
• The Hebrew word nTJjfe' 1» derived from IJ^i
^«mrt ; so caUed fh>m the long rough awns wblcb are
aOKbed te the busk. Similarly, honltum is from
iorrore.
The connexion of Barnabas with Cyprus, so near
Tarsus and Antioch, may account for the pre-
vious knowledge of Saul of Tarsus apparently
implied in Acts ix. 26 ; and also in part for his
selection for the mission to Antioch, — in part
only, for his personal qualifications are expressly
mentioned (Acts xi. 24). At some time during
the year's stay we must place his mission with
Saul to Jerusalem to carry contributions in view
of the prophesied famine. On their return to
Antioch they were accompanied by Mark
(Acts xii. 25).
2. By the command of the Spirit, Barnabas
and Saul are set apart for missionary work, and
sail from Seleucia to Cyprus (Acts xiii. 1 sq.).
The commission and journey are fully described
under art. Paul. It is enough to notice that
the choice of Mark as their attendant {innip4ri)s),
and of Cyprus as their fir.tt destination, was
probably due to Barnabas. They both returned
to Antioch at the end of the journey, and spent
some time with the disciples. Barnabas was
now thoroughly domiciled at Antioch, and
devoted to the interests of Gentile missions.
Thus he withstands the Judaising emissaries
(Acts IV. 2), and is sent with Paul to represent
the Gentile cause at the Council of Jerusalem.
On their way and on their arrival at Jerusalem
they relate the conversion of the Gentiles; and
in company with Jndas and Silas they bring
back the letter which couKrras the freedom of
the Syrian and Cilician Churches from the Mosaic
law. An incident now occurs which is entirely
omitted in the Acts. Certain brethren (jtvis)
tame from James to Antioch, whose influence
led Peter, then visiting Antioch, to refuse to
eat with Gentile C'hristians (see Kwald, Hist.
Israel, vii. in loco). This was dissimulation, for
St. Peter had been taught not to regard any
man as common or unclean (Acts x. 28). By
this dissimulation Barnabas, who was equally
aware of the truth, was carried away (Gal. ii. 13).
The distrust engendered by his conduct may
have prepared the way for the dissension between
Paul and Barnabas which shortly afterwards
led to their separation (Lightfoot, Oal. ii. 13,
note). But the immediate occasion was the wish
of Barnabas to take as their companion his
cousin Mark, who had deserted them on the
former journey. A sharp contention separated
the two friends, and henceforward Silas takes
the place of Barnabas as Paul's comrade (Acts
XV. 3C sq.).
3. Barnabas sails to Cyprus with Mark, and
we hear no more of him. A single verse
(1 Cnr. ix. 6) implies that at the date of that
Epistle he was still active, and, like St. Paul,
labouring for his own maintenance.
Three questions remain for consideration,
(a) The iir."t is the relation between Paul and
Barnabiis. Paul seems to have owed to Barnabas
much of that impulse and guidance which he
denies having owed to the other Apostles. Bar-
nabas, following up the work of his country-
men, the Cyprians in Antioch, seems to have
been the first to organise serious missionary
endeavours among Gentiles, and the first to set
Paul to this work (Acts xi. 25, 26). His former
position at Jerusalem enabled him to get a
favourable hearing at Jerusalem for Gentile
missions, which, humanly speaking, Paul could
scarcely have obtained. He was, as Hefelc was
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358
BARNABAS
points out, trnsted' by both sides. Bat early in
their journey Paul takes the lead, as is suffi-
ciently indicated by the change of order from
" Barnabas and Saul " to " Paul and Barnabas "
after their departure from Cyprus. There are
only three exceptions, which all admit of ex-
planation (Herzog, RE.* s. n. Barnabas). (6) The
next qaestion is the apostleship of Barnabas. The
title is clearly given to him (Acts xiv. 4 aud 14).
The true reading 4irb (Acts iv. 36) cannot bear
on the question, as it means the same as inti.
He is recognised by James, Cephas, and John as
holding, together with Paul, the same position
towards the Gentiles, as they themselves held
towards " the circumcision " (Gal. ii. 9). Paul
classes him with himself among the Apostles
(1 Cor. IX. 5, 6). He has the same commission
and consecration as Paul (Acts xiil. 2, 3) ; but
the previous qualification of having seen the
Lord (I Cor. ix. 1) is in his case not related,
though highly probable, (c) The third question
is the genuineness of the Epistle attributed to
Barnabas. This is scarcely in the province of
this article. The external testimony is ex-
tremely favourable, while the internal testi-
mony is extremely anfavourable. Though
Pauline in some respects, and moreover akin in
spirit to the Epistle to the Hebrews (attri-
buted to Barnabas by Tertullian), it is alien
to apostolic teaching in its view of the Old
Testament. It abrogates all the truth and worth
of the earlier dispensation, and reduces it to a
riddle. Such a work can hardly have proceeded
from Barnabas the Apostle. See an admirable
survey in Westcott, Canon of N. T. i. iv.,
and art. "Barnabas" in Dkt. of Christ. Biog.,
which however concludes that Barnabas may
perhaps have been the author. The extra-
biblical sources for the life of Barnabas ore
utterly untrustworthy. They are (1) Journeys
and Martyrdom of St. Barnabas the Apostle
(Tischendorf, Acta Apoat. Apoc. p. 64 ; Upsius,
Bid Apokryphen Apostclgeschkhtcn «. Apvftei-
hf/cnden, ii. 2, pp. 270-320). Even Brauns-
berger regards this work as written by a heretic
to support a mystical theology (ciner geheimm
£ehre), and the early sections of the narrative
substantiate his view. The incidents and lan-
guage are in some places a mere cento from the
Acts of the Apostles. (2) The encomium of the
monk Alexander printed in Acta Sanctorum, xi.
Jun. It is probably a work of the 6th cent.,
and is independent of (1). According to Alex-
ander, Barnabas was stoned and burnt : his body,
anconsumed by the Kre, was buried in a cave
and discovered afterwards by revelation, (3)
The pseudo-Clementine Homilies describe Bar-
nabas as preaching at Alexandria, and claim him
as one of the Petrine school ; a curious contra-
diction of the attitude which he is made to
assume in the Epistle of Barnabas.
Literatare. — ^Tillemont (M^moires, i. art. Bar-
nabas, and notes in the same vol.) gathers and in-
vestigates fully traditional and patristic notices
of Barnabas. The principal modern works are
Hofele, Baa Sembchrcibcn des Ap. Bam. (Ein-
leitnng), and Braunsberger, Ber Ap. Barnabas, a
very complete monograph (cp. also the li.st
given e.g. in Kurtz, Lehrb. d. Kirchengeschkhte,'
§ 30, 3). On Barnabas as a possible author of
the Epistle to the Hebrews, see Wieseler, Chro-
nohgit, bk. ii. Appendix, p. 470 gq. [E. R. B.]
BAK-TIMAEUS
BARO'DIS (Bapaatls ; nahotxs\ a name ia-
serted ia the list of those " servants of Solomoa"
who returned with Zerabbabel (1 lis i. v. M).
There is no corresponding name in the li>t of
Ezra or Nehcmlah. [W. A. W.]
BAR-SABA S. [Joseph Barsabas; Jtoas
Barsabas.]
BAR'TACUS (BaprtUot; Bezur), the fctW
of Apame, the concubine of king Darius (1 Esl.
iv. 29). " The admirable " {i Bauimirris) «ai
probably an official title belonging to his rant.
The Syriac Version has DtS^, a name whi>h
recalls that of .\rtachaeas (^ A/rraxaiv), *ho »
named by Herodotus (vii. 22, 117) as being in a
high position in the Persian army under Xerns,
and a special favourite of that king (Simonis,
Onom. ; Smith's Bid. of Biog. i. 369). Set
Speaker's Cmnm. on 1 Esd. iv. 29. [W. A W.]
BAR-THOLOMEW (BafBoXoitam, U
'5<''l 13 son of Talmai ; Bartholomaevi. Tie
Heb. Tabnai is represented by BoKoiuu, LXX. i
Sam. xiii. 37, Cod. Alex. Talmai occurs in 6rf
other passages : see Talmai ; cp. also SoXofuws,
Josephtts, Ant. xx. 1, § 1. Edersheim, .\{esMk\
i. 521, derives the name from Bar-Telamjoo).
Bartholomew appears in all the four lists of tae
Apostles (Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi.
14 ; Acts i. 13), and in nearly the same pisct ;
namely, second or third in the second quater-
nion. For the identification of Bartholomes
with N'athanaol, see Natuaxael. Euseb. (i/. E.
V. 10) says that Pantaenus went as missioiiarj
to the Indians, and found in their possessico the
Gospel of St. Matthew in Hebrew which had
been left there by Bartholomew. Mosbeim (ifc
Rebus Christianis Comm. p. 206) contends that
the Indians to whom Pantaenus went were Itm
in Arabia Felix, as a Gospel in Hebrew woal!
have been useless to Indians. Bp. Ligfatfwt
(,C<^ossiaiis, p. 392) inclines to nnderstail
Ethiopia. Amrus, translated by Assenisiu
{Bibl. Orient, ill. Ii. 20), s.iys, "He (Barth.4>
mew) preached in Greater Armenia ; howerfr,
he did not stop there, but he took himself to th^
regions of the Indians, and was there flaytJ."
Cp. Lipsius, Bie Apokryphen Apost^g(acii<Atii
u. Aposlellegenden, ii. 2, pp. 54-108. [E.R.B.]
BAB-TIMAEUS (BopTi/ioToi ; Bartinaai\
a blind beggar healed by our Lord near Jerich<»
The apparent discrepancies in the story cAUiKt
be fully discussed here, but they are iiiaiiuT
these. St. MatChew (xx. 29-34 ; see note ii
Speaker's Cbmm.) mentions two blind men ; Su
Mark (x. 46-52) and St. Luke (iviii. 35-4?)
only one. St. Luke places the miracle at i>!
entrance to Jericho ; St. Matthew and St. Marit, *'■
the departure from it. .\ method of harmonisD^
the narratives is suggested in Trench, Miracits,
§ 30. St. Mark alone gives the name of the nisa
and that of his father, according to hi* cnstsm of
recording minute particulars of persons (see Ui
parallels, Westcott, Introd. to Dte Oospek,* ch. vii.
p. 364). In the Greek the description " son '1
Timacus " precedes the proper name Bartimaeas
and therefoie the objection to the words *s la
unnecessary explanation of the name does s :
hold good. Hitzig, quoted by Keim, tries u
discredit the miracle by deriving Ti/taus from a
Diaitized by
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BABUCH
Srn«c wonl meaning "blind." For pouibis
Jenntioiu, Be« Lightfoot (Jtor, Heb.) on the
lene. [E. K. B.]
BX'RVCEO{n^,bkised=Benedict; Bapoixi
J<i«ph. Bafoixos ; Baruch). 1. Son cf Neriah,
the friend (Jer. xxxii. 12), amanuensis (Jer.
iiiri. i B^ 32), and faithful attendant of jere-
miali (Jer. iixri. 10 sq. ; Joseph. Ant. x. 6, § 2 ;
B.C 'iu3) m the discharge of his prophetic office.
He was of a noble family (Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 1,
ii iwuriiium a^iSpa oixfat; cp. Jer. li. 59;
llir. I I, De Iribu Sinuon, Vet. Lat.), and of
JUtiaguished acquirements (Joseph. /. c. rp
Tirpfiw yKirrji Suupfp6yreit irfTa.9tvn4yos) ;
ad hi$ brother Seniiah held an honourable
ol£ce in the court of Zedekiah (Jer. li. 59). His
eiemies accused him of inrinencing Jeremiah in
I'lronr of the Chaldaeans (Jer. xliii. 3 ; cp. xixvii.
13); ind he was thrown into prison with that
I'rophet, where he remained till the capture of
Jtrimlem, B.a 586 (Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 1). By
the permission of Nebuchadnezzar he remained
Kith Jeremiah at Masphatha (Joseph. I. c), but
WW afterwards forced to go down to Egypt with
'• the remnant of Judah, that were returned from
all nttioss " (Jer. xliii. 6 ; Joseph. Ant. x. 9,
§ 6). Xothing is known certainly of the close
'>t° bis life. According to one tradition he re-
nuined m Egypt till the death of Jeremiah, and
then retired to Babylon, where he died in the
12l)i year after the destruction of Jerusalem
(Bertholdt, £inl. p. 1740 n.). Jerome, on the
uther hand, states, "on the authority of the
Je»i" (I/ebraci tradunt), that Jeremiah and
Earnch died in Egypt " before the desolation of
the conotry by Nabuchodonosor " (Comm. in Is.
III. 6, 7, p. 405. See Gifibrd, IntruJ. to Baruch,
5ii,in Spralier's Comm.'). [B. F. W.] [R.]
8. The son of Zabbai, who assisted ^hemiab
in rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. iii.
20).
3. A priest, or fiimily of priests, who signed
the corenant with Mehemiah (Neh. z. 6).
4. The son of Col-hozeh, a descendant of
Pharez, the son of Jndah (Neh. xi. 5). [W. A. W.]
BA'BUCH, THE BOOK OP, is remark-
:ible a$ the only book in the Apocrypha which
u formed on the model of the Prophets i and
though it is wanting in originality, it presents a
virid reflection of the ancient prophetic fire. It
may be divided into two main parts — i. -iii. 8, and
iiL 9-cnd. The first part consists of an Intro-
duction (i. 1-14), followed by a confession and
prayer (L 15-iii. 8). The second part opens
with an abrupt address to Israel (iii. 9-iT. 30),
jnmting out the sin of the people in neglecting
the diTine teaching of Wisdom (iii. 9-ir. 8), and
introducing a noble lament of Jerusalem over
lier children, through which hope still gleams
(ir. 9-30). After this the tone of the book
sgaia changes suddenly, and the writer addresses
Jerusalem in words of great joy, and paints in
the colours of Isaiah the return of God's chosen
pwple and their abiding glory (iv. 30-v. 9).
1. The book at present exists in Greek, and in
sereral translations which were made from the
Oreek. The two classes into which the Greek
M.S.S. may be divided do not present any very i
rCToarkable variations ( Fritzsche, Emt. § 7 ). i
[The I'ncial MSS. which contain the book are the '
BABUCH, THE BOOK OF 359
I Codex Vaticanus (B. = II.), Codex Alexandrinus
(A. = III.), Codex Marchalianns (XII.), Codex
Venetus (23). Twenty-two cursive MSS. are
recorded in Holmes and Parsons' edition of the
LXX. as preserving the text of Baruch. Of
these, Codd. 22 and 233 are considered by Field
and Lagarde to present Lucian's Recension of
the LXX. A Hexaplaric Recension is given in
the Syriac Version publishvd by Ceriani (ilfonu-
menla tacra et prof ana, &c., Mediolan. 1861);
this translation is said to have been made early
in the 7th cent, by Paulas, bishop of Tela. — R.]
Of the two Old Latin Versions which remain, the
one ( Vet, Lat. a) which is incorporated in the
Vulgate (not translated by Jerome) is generally
literal ; the other (published by Jos. Caro, Rom.
1688, and reproduced from three MSS. by
Sabatier) is more free. The vulgar Syriac and
Arabic follow the Greek text closely (Fritzsche,
/. c). [For a full description of the Versions,
see Kneucker (^Das Buck Baruch, Leipz. 1879).]
2. The assumed author of the book is un-
doubtedly the companion of Jeremiah, though
Jahn denied this ; but the details are inconsistent
with the assumption. If the reading in i. 1 be
correct (frei ; cp. 2 K. xxv. 8), it is impos-
sible to fix "the fifth ytar " in such a way as
to suit the contents of the book, which exhibits
not only historical inaccuracies, but also evident
traces of a later date than the beginning of
the Captivity (i. 3 sq. ; iii. 9 sq. ; iv. 22 sq. Cp.
2 K. XIV. 27).
3. The book was held in little esteem among
the Jews (Hieron. Praef. in Jerem. p. 834 ". . .nee
babeturapud Hebraeos;" Y,^\fh. de Mens.et Pond.
§ 5, oi iHii^ai ^iriirroAal (fiapoi>x) ""f' '£j3paf-
oii) -, though it is stated in the Greek text of
the Apostolical Constitutions that it was read, to-
gether with the Lamentations, " on the tenth of
the month Gorpiaeus " (i.r. the day of Atone-
ment; Const. Ap. v. 20, 1). But this reference
is wanting in the Syriac Version (Bunsen, Anal.
Ante-Nic. ii. 187), and the assertion is unsup-
ported by any other authority. There is no
trace of the use of the book in the New Testa-
ment, or in the Apostolic Fathers, or in Justin.
It is first found quoted in the writings ot
Athenagoras, Suppl. c. 9, Tpo^rris, Bar. iii. 35.
But from the time of Ireuaeus it was frequently
quoted both in the East and in the West, and
generally as the work of Jeremiah (Iren. adv.
Haer. y. 35, 1 ; tignifkavit Jeremku, Bar. iv. 36
— T. ; Tertnll. c. Scorp. viii. Bieremiae, Bar.
(Epist.) vi. 3 sq.; Clem. Paed. i. 10, § 91, Suk
'Upt/dov, Bar. ir. 4 ; id. Paed. ii. 3, § 36, Sitit
ypa^, Bar. iii. 16-19 i Grig. ap. Enseb. If. E.
vi. 25, '\tfti)Ua ahy 9p^ytit xal if intrroK^ (?) ;
HomU, in Jerem, vii. 3, yiypawrat. Bar. iii.. 9-
13; Set. in Jerem. c. xxxi. y4ypcarTat ir rf
Bapoixt Bar. iii. 10 ; Cypr. Test. Lib. ii. 6, opwf
Hieremiam, Bar. iii. 35 ; Orat. Dom. per Hxere-
miam. Bar. (Epist.) vi. 5, &c.). It was, how-
ever, "obelized" throughout in the LXX. as
deficient in the Hebrew (Ojrf. Chia. ap. Daniel,
&c., Romae, 1772, p. xxi.). On the other hand
It is contained as a separate book in the Pseudo-
Laodicene Catalogue, and in the Catalogues of
Cyril of Jerusalem, Athana.sius, and Nice-
phorus; but it is not specially mentioned in
the Conciliar catalogues of Carthage and Hippo,
probably as being included under the title Jere-
miah (cp. [Athan.] Syn. S. Script, ap. Credner,
Digitized by
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360 BABUCH, THE BOOK OF
Zitr Gesch. des Kan. 138; Hilar. Prol. m
Psalm. Ij). It is omitted by those writers
who reproduced in the main the Hebrew Canon
(e.g. Melito, Gregory Nazianzen, Cpiphanius).
Augustine quotes the words of Uarnch (iii. 16)
as attributed " more commonly to Jeremiah "
("qnidam . . . scribae ejus attribuerant . . . sed
Jeremiae cclebratius habetur:" de Ck.xvni. 33),
and elsewhere uses them as such (c. Fatat. xii.
43). At the Council of Trent Baruch was ad-
mitted into the Romish Canon; but the Pro-
testant Churches have unanimously placed it
among the apocryphal books, though Whiston
maintained its authenticity (/. c. infra). [Miles
Corerdale in his first edition, 1535, printed
baruch after Jeremiah, and not as one of the
Apocrypha; in his second edition, 1550, he placed
it among the Apocrypha. It m»y be noted that
Baruch was not included in the list of the apo-
crrphal books contained in the first (Latin)
edition (1562) of the XXXIX. Articles. It was
probably still regarded as part of the Book of
Jeremiah. In 1571 it was finally placed among
the Apocrypha. — R.]
4. Considerable discussion has been raised as
to the original language of the book. Those
who advocated its authenticity generally sup-
posed that it was first written in Hebrew (Huet,
Uereser, &c. ; Jahn is undecided ; Bertholdt,
EM. p. 1755), and this opinion found many sup-
porters (Bendtsen, Grtineberg, Movers, Hitzig,
De Wette, Eint. § 323). Others again have main-
tained that the Greek is the original text (Kich-
horn, Einl. p. 3S8 sq. ; Bertholdt, Eint. p. 1757 ;
Hilvernick, ap. De Wette, /. c). The truth
appears to lie between these two extremes. The
two divisions of the book are distinguished by
marked peculiarities of style and language. The
Hebraic character of the first part (i.-iii. 8) is
such as to mark it as a translation, and not as
the work of a Hebraizing Greek : e.g, i. 14, 15,
22 ; ii. 4, 9, 25 ; iii. 8 ; and several obscurities
seem to be mistranslations : e.g. i. 2, 8 ; li. 18,
29. The second part, on the other hand, which
is written with greater freedom and vigour,
closely approaches the Alexandrine type. And
the imitations of Jeremiah and Daniel which
occur throughout the first part (cp. i. 15-18 =
Dan. ix. 7-10; ii. 1, 2=Dan.ix. 12, 13; ii. 7-19
= Dan. ix. 13-18) give place to the tone and
imagery of the Psalms and Isaiah.
[A point which for a long time had apparently
been overlooked by commentators convincingly
illustrates the duality of authorship. The titles
of the Deity in the two portions of the book are
distinct. The Name '• Lord " (jcifios) occurs
twenty-six times in the first portion of the book,
for the last time in ch. iii. 6. The Name " the
Lord God " (jcifios i 9fhs) occurs nineteen times
in the first portion of the book, for the last time
m ch. iii. 8. The N.ame "God" {Bths) occurs
during the first portion once in a quotation
(ii. 35), and once in iii. 4, where the reading
seems very doubtful. In the second portion
of the book the Name " God " occurs thirty-
one times (4 6tht twenty-seven and 9ths four
times) ; but never the Name " Lord " or " the
Lord God." The more nnusoal titles of " the
Eternal One" (4 wWioi) and "the Holy One"
(6 fi-)riot) occur, the former eight, the latter
three times in the second portion, but not at all
in the first. That we have to do here with two
BABUCH, THE BOOK OF
different documents would seem to be the catanl
conclusion to be drawn (see Gifford on Barucli,
Speaker's Commentary, Apocr. ii. 253, 18SS).]
5. The most probable explanation of thii con-
trast is gained by sup|>osing that some om
thoroughly conversant with the Aleiaiorioe
translation of Jeremiah, perh.ijts the tramlstur
himself (Hitzig, Fritzsche, Schiirer), found tiie
Hebrew fragment which forms the Uisis ot the
book already attached to the writings of tiiat
Prophet, and wrought it up into its pata.
form. The peculiarities of language cunimdn lo
the LXX. transLition of Jeremiah and the £rn
part of Baruch seem too great to be accoonled iW
in any other way (for iustance, the use oilit-
iuin)i, laioaroKii, pi/tftiiiru [fionfi<hi]r iwautiaiiii,
fidyya, inroarpd^cw [neut.'], i/ryd^faBal lafi,
vvo/ui niKttXttaiat iniTttii); and the great di-^
crepancy which exists between the Hebrew snd
Greek texts as to the arrangement of the Uter
chapters of Jeremiah, increases the probability
of such an addition having been made to tbe
canonical prophecies. These verbal coincidence)
cease to exist in the second part, or become rer)'
rare ; but this also is distinguished by ch:ino
teristic words : e.g. 6 aluvws, 6 iytaSf irJe/ta
(see Gifford, pp. 248-250). At the game timi
the general unity (even in language, e.g. XT
/tmriyii) and coherence of the book in its prtseel
form point to the work of one man (Fritzsche,
Einl.%b; Hitzig, i>sa/m. ii. 119; Ewald, ifk.'.
of Isr. iv. 207 sq.). Bertholdt appears to U is
error QEinl. pp. 1743, 1762) in assigning iiL t-B
to a separate writer (De Wette, Einl. § 32-).
[The concluding words of the paoegiric
upon Wisdom (iii. 24-37), " Afterwards did be
show himself upon earth and conversed with
men " (juri rai>To M rqt yqi <!^0i| nl ''
rots ivSpeiiraii <rm><aitaTpi^\ were regarded br
the Fathers {e.g. Grig. Sel. in Ps. cxxv. , AtiL
Or. c. Ar. ii. 49, § 409 ; Cyr. Jerus. Cat. xL 15;
Chrysos. Expos, in Ps. xlix. 3 ; Cypr. Test. iiJ.
ii. 6; Hippol. c. A'oet. c. 5; Hil.Pictav. in Ps.
Ixviii. 19, da Trin. iv. 142 ; Epiph. adu. Haer.
Ivi. 7 ; liasiL adti. Eun. iv. 16) as a predictioa
of the Incarnation. Recent critics — Hitzi;, Hil-
genfeld, Schiirer, and Knencker — have nuia-
tained the view that it is a Jewish Cbristiii
interpolation. The words are at first tigiit
sufficiently striking to give colour for eithet
view. There is no need, however, to restrict
the interpretation to these two alternatives, of
prediction and interpolation. The abnptne*
of V. 37, which is certainly very noticeable,
admits of explanation if, as is very probable.
«. 36 resumes the reference to " Wisdom" «hi<i
was interrupted at r. 32 by an ascription t« the
Almighty. It will then be seen that rt. 3S, 3T
correspond to vv. 27, 28, and the sense will be
as follows: — God did not give the way "'
knowledge to the race of the giants (r. 27);
and they perished because they lacked «i*ion
(r. 28); He gave the way of knowledge t"
"Jacob His servant and Israel His beloved"
(v. 36) : and after this she (i.<r. Wisdom, ff^
iTJffii, " the law which abideth for ever;" fc'
iv. 1) appeared upon earth and "conversed
with men " (cp. Prov. viiL 31 ; Ecclns, xiiv. fs
10-12).— R.]
6. There are no certain data by which to fii
the time of the composition of Baruch. £«ald
(/. c. pp. 207 sq.) assigns it to the close of
Digitized by
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BABUCH, THE BOOK OP
the Per^n period ; and this mny he true S(> far
u the Hebrew portion is concerned; but the
present book must be placed considerably later,
probably about the time of the war of liberation
(c. B.C. 160). This is also the view of Fritzsche
(Handb. i. 173) ; Schrader (De Wette'a £inleit.
()03) ; Bissell (^Apccri/pha, p. 417) ; Keil (Einl.
733); Gifford {Speaker's Comment.). [Hitzig
{ZcUsckrift fir wisaenachaftl. Theol. 1860,
p. 262, kc.) assigned its composition to so late
a date as the reign of Vespasian ; and more
recently Schiirer and Knencker have agreed in
placing it after the destruction of Jerusalem by
Titus. They see in the references to the de-
struction of Jerusalem and to the captivity of
the nation by the Chaldaeans (i. 2 ; ii. 23, 26)
a picture of the great catastrophe of the Jewish
Datum in A.D. 70: the sacrifices and prayers
for the welfare of Nebuchadnezzar and
BtUhajzar (i. 11) imply sacrifices and prayers
for Ve:ipasian and Titus (cp. Joseph. Bell. Jvd.
ii 17, 2-4): the horrors recorded in ii. 3 have
their parallel, not only in 2 K. ri. 28, Lam. ii.
20, ir. 10, but also in Josephus, Bell. Jud. ri. 3, 4
(i» Schiirer, Apokryphen d. AT.'m Herzog, KE.'
1877; Gtich. Jud. Ko/A.» pp. 723, 724), and,
actonlicg to Knencker, the authors of the two
parts vere Jewish Pharisees dwelling at Rome.
This theory of a late date of compoaition
caiDot be lightly dismissed. The allusions to
a catastrophe in the first part of the book hare
more points in common with the destruction of
Jrnualem by Titus than with the devastation
hr .\stiocbus Epiphaues. The injunction in ii.
21-24 to render willing obedience to the
heathen ruler would be appropriate to the
attitude of theocratic Judaism towards Rome.
The analogy of 4 Eadras and the Apocalypse of
Bamch reminds us that the Chaldean invasion
and capture of Jerusalem were the accepted
historical types of the final overthrow by the
bomans. The Kcond part of the book has
clearly been added for the purpose of intro-
dociag a tone of joyfulness and hope. The date
of its composition must depend upon its relation
to Ps. a. in the so-called Paalma of Sulomon.
The close resemblance, amounting to verbal
eomiposdence, between Bar. v. and Psalt.
Salom. xi. cannot be merely accidental. The
PMlterium Salomonis was in all probability
originally composed in Hebrew, the latter por-
tion of Bamch in Greek. Now, it may safely be
ammed that a Hebrew writing would not have
i«n based upon a Greek writing, and that
therefore the Hebrew Pi". Sal. li. wa» not
derived from the Greek Bamch v. The
alternative remains, that Baruch v. is based
upon the Greek of Ps. Sal. xi. ; and this seems
to give the true solution. A comparison of the
(wo documents tends to show that Baruch v.
jives a free adaptation of Ps. Sal. xi. Now we
itnw from Ps. Sal. i. ii. viii. ivii. that the Psalms
cf Solomon must have been written between
70B.c.and4OB.c. Ifthen Baruch v. be dependent
«n a translation of Ps. Sal., it is obvious that
iti date must be considerably later than this
jxriod ; and although there is no need to placo
<t so late as the time of the destruction of
Jerusalem, it is probably a work of the 1st
«nt. A.D., which the translator of the first
l»ttion of Bamch, finding ready to hand, ap-
l«»led to the older work to give it a more joyful [
BABUCH, THE BOOK OF 3G1
termination. It is therefore interesting to find
that Kwald, who ascribed the Psalms of Solomon
to a date a little later than 170 B.C., held that
the language of Bar. v. 7 sq. is in reality au
echo of Ps. Sal. xi. 5-7 {Hist, of Isr. iv. p. 498).
The coincidence of language has sometimes been
explained on the supposition that it is derived
from a common source in the LXX., especially
the prophecies of Isaiah. This theory, how-
ever, is quite inadequate to account for the
employment in both writings of such phrases as
(rrqSi iwl ToC in^Kov, raxnnovaBat lipos i^\hy
... CIS 6fM\tfffi6vf iaKiaaav . . . oi Spv/ioi, wav
{liAop fvuiias tSf ffwriyfiiva rh rtKva ffovj
K. T. X. But it is more commonly tacitly
assumed that Ps. Sal. xi. is based upon Ba-
ruch (Gciger, Psalt. Sal. xi.pp. 137-13y, 1871),
and the similarity then becomes an argument
for the priority of Baruch. The matter perhaps
must for the present be left undecided, until the
character of the Psalms of Solomon is better
understood. In favour of the later date is to be
reckoned the absence of testimony to the exist-
ence of Bnruch until the second century. The
theory also, as it has recently been stated,
though apt to be discredited by the ingenuity
which sees allusions to imperial Rome in the
simplest words («.</. the Coliseum : Bar. iii. 16,
17), throws an interesting light upon the
purpose of the work as a whole. The picture
of the judicial visitation by the Romans is not
complete in the estimation of the theocratic Jew
who compiled it, without a corresponding picture
of Messianic restoration (iv. 36-v. 9). — R.]
7. The Kpistle of Jeremiah, which, according
to the authority of some Greek MSS., stands
in the Knglish Version as the 6th chapter of
Baruch, is the work of a later period. It con-
sists of a rhetorical declamation against idols
(comp. Jer. x., xxix.), in the form of a letter
addressed by Jeremiah " to them which were to
be led captive to Babylon," The letter is
divided into clauses by the repetition of a
common burden: they are no gods; fear them
not (re. 16, 23, 29, 66) ; hoa can a man think or
say that they are godai (vv. 40, 44, 56, 64).
The condition of the text is closely analogous to
that of Baruch ; and the letter found the same
partial reception in the Church. The author
shows an intimate acquaintance with idolatrous
worship ; and this circumstance, combined with
the purity of the Hellenistic dialect, points to
Kgypt as the country in which the epistle was
written. There is no positive evidence to fix its
date, for the supposed reference in 2 Mace. ii. 2
is more than uncertain ; but it may be assigned
with probability to the 1st century B.C.
8. [The '' Apocalypse of Baruch " in its en-
tirety is a comparatively recent discovery. A
complete Syriac Version of it was found by
A. M. Ceriani in a MS. of the Ambrosian Library
(marked B. 21 Inf.) assigned by William Cureton
to the 6th century. A literal Latin translation
was, with a short preface, published by Ceriani
(Jfonumcnta sacra et profana, i. 2, Milan, 1866),
and is given in Fritzsche'a Libri Apocryphi
(pp. 654-699), 1871. Before that time it had
only been known to scholars in the form of an
Epistle of Baruch in Syriac to the nine and a
half tribes (cp. 4 Esd. xiii. 40, Vers. Arab.), found
in the London and Paris Polyglotts, which was
edited in Syriac by Lagarde, Leipz. 1861, with
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362 BABUCH, THE BOOK 05"
the aid of the Xitrian MSS. in the British
Museum. In this incomplete I'orm it was
published in Latin by Kabricius in Codex
Pseudepigraphus, V. T., ed. iii. t. li. p. 145 ; in
English by Whiston, A Collection of Authentick
Hecords, Lond. 1727, and more recently by
lolowicz (1853) ; in French in the Dictionnaire
des Apocryphes, ed. Migne, ii. 161 sq.
The Apocalypse was written, possibly in
Hebrew, shortly after the destruction of Jerusa-
lem. In general character it bears a remarkable
resemblance to the Fourth Book of Esdias. So
close is this similarity as to argue some real con-
nexion between the two writings. The majority
of scholars, including Langen and Dillmanu,
maintain the priority of 4 Ksdras, from which
they say the Apoc. of Baruch has borrowed.
Schiirer (GcscA. Jud. Volkea, ii. 638-845)
holds the opposite view : in his opinion the pro-
minent thought of vengeance upon the Goni<ins
— present m Apoc. Bar., but not in 4 Esdias
— implies that the former work was written
when the great catastrophe was very recent,
and therefore prior to the sister Apoca-
lypse, which deals with the more abstract
question of " the few " that were saved ; he also
maintains the priority of the Apocalypse on
the ground of style, the composition of 4 Esdras
being the more artificial and polished of the two.
While the subject of relative date is not likely
to be satisfactorily determined, the theory that
both writings come from the same author may
possibly account for the remarkable degree of
resemblance. The Apocalypse has very little
arrangement, and consists of a series of colloquies,
visions, and prayers, loosely strung together. The
language and imagery are chiefly borrowed from
the writings of the 0. T. The style, so far as
it is possible to judge from the translation, is
characterised by the diffuseness and artificiality
commonly found in apocalyptic literature.
The writer was certainly a Jew, possibly still
resident in Palestine (Ixix., "et relicti sumus
nos hie valde panci"). His mind is possessed
with two main ideas, the recent destruction of
the Jewish capital and the near approach of the
Messianic consummation. (1) He desires to
explain why God had permitted such calamities
to overtake His people. It was a just punish-
ment for national sins (i., xiii., Ixxvii.); the
dispersion of the sacred people was a boon to
the Gentiles (i.) ; it hastened the final visita-
tion of the world by the Most High (xx.). He
consoles his countrymen by pointing out that an
earthly Jerusalem was not the true "sacred
city " (iv.) ; nothing temporal could be the
object of hopes (xv., xxl., iliv.). In the world
to come " the just " would find their happiness
and reward (iv,, xv., xxi., xxx., xliv., Ii.).
(2) He dwells strongly upon the near approach
of the end of all things (xx., xxii., xxx., xliii.,
Ixxxii.), and the retribution that will be passed
upon the world. He speaks of " the Messiah,"
a« one who shall be revealed as the Servant to
carry out the Divine judgment and to establish
a Divine rule (xxix., xx.x., xxxix., xl., Ixx., Ixxii.).
He predicts tlie destruction of the Roman empire,
which is depicted as a cedar-tree (xixvi.), and
as the fourth kingdom (xxxix., xl.).
The eighty-five chapters of which the extant
work is composed are divided into unequal por-
tions, of which the characteristic features are
BABZILLAI
represented by Baruch's lament (\.\ his
Prayers (xiv., xxi., xlviii., liv.), and his LetUr
to the nine and a half tribes (Ixxviit-liixT.)
The scenes of the various colloquies and
visions are *' the valley of Cedron," " th<
sacred ruins," " Hebron," and *' the oak " (? of
Hebron). In the colloquies Bamch is addressed
by a " voice from on high," " the Lord Him-
self," and by "the angel Bamiel," to whom
belong the visions of truth (Iv.). The book
then as we have it (for it is probably ia-
complete) will fall into the following seven
groups of chapters : i.-xii., xiii.-xi., xxi.-ixiir.,
xxiv.-ilvi., xlvii.-lii., Iiii.-lxxvi., lixvii.-liiiT.
Another division into seven parts is given by
Prof. Stanton : i.-ix., x.-xii., xiii. -xx., ixl-iix.,
xxxi.-xliii., xliv.-lxxvi., Ixxvii.-end (^The JeieitK
and the Christum Messiah, p. 72, note; vf.
Drummond's Jeicish Messiah, p. 121).
The reader should observe (1) the strength
of the language in which the doctrine of the
resurrection is asserted, implying the Pharisaic
I oiigin of the work ; (2) the remarkable in-
I stance of Chiliasm (ch. xxix.), a parallel to, or
more probably the original o^ the famous pas-
sage of Papias quoted in Irenaeus, t. 23 ; (S) iht
I numerous instances of coincidence with N. T.
phrases and ideas. This last phcDomenon nur
{ be the accidental coincidence of contemporanecns
thought, but it may also indicate the presence of
Christian interpolations in the extant text. The
following may be taken as examples.' (a) Ch. i.:
"laetabuntur enim magis steriles et gandebnnt
illae quae filios non habent, et illae quae fib<«
habent contristabuntnr; " cp. Matt, xiiv 19 (Is.
liv. 1). (6) Ch. xxi. 13 : "Si enim haec tantum
vita esset, quae hie est omni homini, nihil esset
amariushoc;" cp. 1 Cor. xv. 19. (c) Ch. iii.
20 : " illis qui putant longanimitatem tuam esse
infirmitatem;" cp. 2 Pet. iii. 4-9. (d) Ch. iiiv.
1 : " ecce enim dies veniunt et aperientur libri;"
cp. Rev. IX. 12. (e) Ch. xxx. 1 : " Cum imple-
bitur tempus adventus Messiae et redSiH in
gloria, tunc omnes qui dormierunt in spe ejss
resurgent." (/) Ch. xlviii. 33, 34: "non enini
multi sapientes repenentur illo tempore... tt
erunt rumores multi ; " cp. 1 Cor. i. 26, Matt,
xxiv. 24. (g) Ch. li. 10: " aasimilabnntnr
angelis ; " cp. Ltike xx. 36. (A) Ch. It 15 : " In
quo ergo perdiderunt homines ritam suam, et
quocum commutavemnt animam luam;" cp.
Matt. zvi. 25. (t) Ch. Ixxvi. 3 : "transibnnt
in conspectu tno omnes rescues terrae istins ;"
cp. Matt. iv. 8. An account of the ApocalypM
of Baruch is given in Schurer, Gack. JH.
Volkes, ii. pp. 638-445. On the Messianic
treatment, see the works of Drommond and
Stanton, quoted above. For other UterstniT,
see Langen, £>» Apoc. Bar. Commentatio, Fribnrj;.
1867 ; Dillmann (art. Psevdtpigraphn\ in
Herzog's RE.^ ; Renan, Joum. des Savmts, 1877;
Kanlen (art. Apocri/phcn), in Wetier u. Welte's
KL.r\ [B. F.W.] [R.]
BABZILTiAI O^pa, iron; Sernllaiy
1. A wealthy Gileadite who showed hospitalitv
to David when he fled from Absalom (2 Sam. rril
27, B. BtpCfWfi, A. -xO- On the score of hi*
age, and probably from a feeling of independence,
he declined the king's offer of ending his days at
court (2 Sam. lix. 32-39). David before' his
death recommended his sons to the kindness of
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BASALOTH
Soionion (1 K. ii. 7). The deicendants of his
Jtughter AuoiA, who married Addhs (who took
the name BarziUai), were nnable after the Cap-
tivity to diacover " the deacription of their
kindred," and were removed from the priests'
office (1 Esd. T. 38. See Ezra li. 61 ; Neh. vii. 63).
8. A Meholathite, whose son Adriel marri»l
Michal, S.iar8 danghUr (2 Sair. xxi. 8, BA.
B.pffM«0- [R- W. B.] [F.]
BAS'ALOTH (B. BaeroKift, A. Baa^<i$;
BASHAN
363
Phasalon), 1 Esd. v, 31. [Bazlith.J One of
the servants of the Temple. [VT. A. W.]
BAS'CAM A (ii Boo-ica/ia ; Jos. Bcuricd i Baa-
cama), a place in Gilead (cJt rrir TaAaaSiTty)
where Jonathan Maccabaeaa was killed by
Trypho, and from which his bones were after-
wards dismterred and conveyed to Modin by
his brother Simon (1 Mace. xiii. 23 ; Jo8i>ph.
Ant. xiii. 6, § 6). No trace of the name lias
yet been discovered. [G.] [W.]
Jbp or Uw CoontlT of Buhui.
BA'SHAN (almost invariably with the
deSnite article, IC'SiT ; Bardy ; Baaan), a district
on the east of Jordan. It is not, like Argob
an-i other districts of Palestine, distinguished by
one constant designation, bnt is sometimes
»I«ken of as the " land of Bnshan " (pan }'T^.
1 Ch. V. 11 ; and cp. \um. xxi. 33, xxxii.
33), and sometimes as " all Bashan " ('3n 73 ;
Dent. iii. 10, 13 ; Josh. lii. 5, xiii. 12, 30}, bnt
most commonly without any addition. The
LXX. have ToAiAa/a (? Gaulonitis) for Bashan
in Is. xiiiii. 9. It was taken by the children
of Israel after their conquest of the land of
Sihon from Arnon to Jabbok. They " turned "
from their road over JoHan and " went up by
the way of Bnshan " — probably by very much
the same route as that now followed by the
pilgrims of the Haj, and by the Romans before
them — to Edrei. Here they encountered Og, king
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364
BASHAN
of Bashan, who "came out" perhaps from tlie
natural fastnesses of Argob, only to meet the
entire destruction of himself, his sons, and all
his people (Num. xxi. 33-35 ; Dent. iii. 1-3).
Argob, with its sixty strongly-fortified cities,
evidently formed a principal portion of Bashan
(Deut. iii. 4,5), though still only a portion (v. 13),
there being besides a large number of nnwalled
towns (d. 5). Its chief cities were Ashtaroth (i.e.
Beeshterah ; cp. Josh. xxi. 27 [see Dillmann • in
luco] with 1 Ch. vi. 71), Edrei, Golan, Salcah,
and possibly ilahanaim (Josh. liii. 30). Two of
these cities, viz. Golan and Beeshterah, were
allotted to the I^ivites of the family of Gershom,
the former as a " city of refuge " (Josh. xxi. 27 ;
I Ch. vi. 71).
The limits of Bashan arc very strictly defined.
It extended from the •' border of Gilead " on the
south to Mount Hermon on the north (Deut. iii.
3, 10, 14 ; Josh. xil. 5 ; 1 Ch. v. 23), and from
the '.\rabah or Jordan valley on the west to
Salcah (Sulli/iaJ) ami the border of the Geshu-
rites, and the Maacathites on the east (Josh,
xii. 3-5 ; Deut. iii. 10). This important district
ivas bestowed on the half tribe of Manasseh
(Josh. xiii. 29-31), together with " half Gilead."
After the Mannssitcs had assisted their brethren
in the conquest of the country west of the
Jordan, they went to their tents and to their
cattle in the possession which Moses had given
them in Bashan (xxii. 7, 8). It is just named
in the list of Solomon's commissariat districts
^1 K. IT. 13). And here, with the exception of
one more passing glimpse, closes the history of
Bashan as far as the Bible is concerned. It
vanishes from our view until we meet with it
«s being devastated by Uazael in the reign of
Jehu (2 K. X. 33). True, the " oaks " of its
forests and the wild cattle of its pastures — the
" strong bulls of Bashan " — long retained their
proverbial fame (Ezek. xxvii, 6 ; Ps. xxii. 12),
and the beautywof its high downs and wide
sweeping plams could not but strike notv and
then the heart of a poet (.\moa iv. 1 ; Ps. Ixviii.
15 ; Jer. 1. 19 ; Mic. vii. 14), but history it has
none; its very name seems to have given place
as quickly as possible to one which had
a connexion with the story of the founder of
the nation (Gen. xxxi. 47-8), and therefore more
claim to use. Even bo early as the time of the
conquest, " Gilead " seems to have begun to
take the first place as the designation of the
country beyond the Jordan, a place which it
retained afterwards to the exclusion of Bashan
<cp. Jush. xxii. 9, 15, 32; Judg. xx. 1; Ps.
Ix. 7, cviii. 8; 1 Ch. xxvii. 21 ; 2 K. xv. 29).
Indeed, " B.'uhnn " is most frequently used as a
mere accompaniment to the name of Og, when
his overthrow is alluded to In the national
poetry.
After the Captivity, Bashan is mentioned as
divided into four provinces — Gaulonitis, Au-
Tanitis, Trachomtis, and Batanaea. Of these
four, all but the third have retained almost
perfectly their ancient names, the modern Lejah
iilone having superseded the Argob and Tracho-
uitis of the Old and New Testaments. The
province of Jauian is the most western of the
four; it abuts on the sea of Galilee and the
lake of Mcrom, from the former of which it
rises to a plateau nearly 3,000 feet above the
surface of the water. This plateau, though
BASHEMATH
now almost wholly oncultivated, is of a rick
soil, and its K.W. portion rises into a range of
hills almost everywhere clothed with oak
forests (Porter, ii. 259). No less than Vil
ruined villages are scattered over its sar&ce.
[GOUIS.]
The Uauran is to the S.E. of the last-aamtd
province and S. of the Lejah ; like Jauian, iu
surface is perfectly fiat, and its soil esteemed
amongst the most fertile in Syria. It U"
contains an immense number of ruined towns,
and also many inhabited villages. [Hacrax.]
The contr.ist which the rocky intricacies uf
the LiJ'ih present to the rich and fiat plaiiu^
of the Hauraa and the Jauian has already be«B
noticed. [.\RGOD.]
The remaining district, though no doubt
much smaller in extent than the ancient Ba-
shan, still retains its name, modified by a
change frequent in the Oriental langua^tv
Ard el-Bathanyeh lies on the east of tbe
Lejah and to the north of the range of Jfl^c
Ilaurdn or ed-Druze (Porter, ii. 57). It is a
mountainous district of the m()st picturesque
character, abounding with forests of evergretti
oak, and with soil extremely rich ; the snrfsco
is stndded with towns of very remote antiquity,
deserted, it is true, but yet standing almeoi ai
perfect as the day they were built.
For the boundaries and characteristics oi
these provinces, and the most complete re-
searches yet published into this interestin(
portion of Palestine, see Porter's Vamasau, vol.
ii. ; Wetzstein, Ueiacbericht Sb. Haurtm u. d^
Tntcltonen; Oliphant, Land of GUead; Merrill.
Eiiat of Jordan ; Schumacher's .Across the JorJaiJ
and TheJauldn. [G.] [W.]
BA'SHAN-HA'VOTH-JA'IB. Thenanw
is so written i i the X. V. of Deut. iii. 14; but
the original is more correctly given by li V. :
" (Jair) cilled them, even Bashan, at\er his om
name, Havvotb-Jair " (cp. Num. xixii. 41). [K.]
BASH'EMATH, or BAS-IHATH (Utter.
R. V. " Basemath ": nobS, Ges. = tuate olem,
MV." pleasant ; Basetnath). 1. Daughter of Iih-
mael, the last married of the three wires of Esaa
(Gen. xxxvi. 3 [A. Batrtiiiide, D. Vlair*iLiti», E.
Matrc9/iiii>], 4 [A as in r. 3, A. Bart/i', E. HoTft-
fiie], 13 [A. ttturt/inde, DV. Meurat/lde'J), from
whose SOD, Reuel, four tribes of the Kdomitei
were descended. When first mentioned, she is
called Mahalath (Gen. xxviii. 9, MacXe'9) ; whilst,
on the other hand, the name B.ishemath is ia
the narrative (Gen. xxvi. 34, A. Matrtfifidt, D^.
hafftrtfidS) given to another of Esau's wives
the daughter of Elon the Hittite. It is reinark-
.tble that all Esau's wive* receive in the genea-
logical table of tbe Edomites (Gen. ixiri.)
ditferent names from those by which they have
bei-n previously mentioned in the history. Tli«
diversity will be best seen by placing the names
side by side : —
OxHKAUKST NAmaATm
(Gen. xxxvl. 2, 3). (Gen. xxvi. 34 ; xxrUL t\.
1. Adab, d. of Elon. j 3. Basbemath. d. of Eko.
2. Ahollbamah.d.of Anah. | 1. Judith, d. of Beeri.
3. Basbemath, d. of lab- 3. Mabalalb, d. d Isb-
maet. 1 mael.
If it may be assumed that these names rrfn
to the same persons respectivelj (see ^pcaitr'i
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BASIN
CToan, on Gen. xiiri., add. note A), it is best to
(i|'lain the diversity as due to different tradi-
tions (see Ge«. I'hes. s. n. TWty2, and Dillmann '
OD Gen. iixTi. 2, where other hypotheses are
mentioned).
& A danghter of Solomon and wife of one «f
his officers, called in A. V. Basmath (1 K. it. 15 ;
B. BiuKiiiide, A. Matriiiie ; R. V. " liasemath ").
[F. W. G.] [F.-)
BASIN. 1. pitp, the pouring instrument,
from pit (Ges.); ^icfAij; phiala: often in A. V.
fef/. 2."j3K ; Kparfip; crater. 3. "I'lBS ; crater:
io X V. sometimes cup, from ^B^, cover, a cup
with a lid. 4. ^D, wrongly in LXX. (Ex. xii.
22) Hpa, and in Vulg. limm (Ges.).
1. Between the various vessels bearing in the
A. V. the names of basin, bowl, charger, cup,
iiul dish, it is scnrcely possible now to ascertain
the precise distinction, as very few, if any re-
mains exist of Jewish earthen or metal ware, and
u the same words are variously rendered in dif-
tVrent places. We can only conjecture as to
their form and material from the analogy cf
aacient Egyptian or Assyrian specimens of work s
of the same kind, and from modern Orientiil
vessels for culinary or domestic purposes. Amoni;
the smaller vessels for the Tabernacle or Temple-
service, many must have been required to
receive from the sacrificial victims the blood to
be sprinkled for purification. Moses, on the
occasion of the great ceremony of purification
ia the wilderness, put half the blood in " basins "
[R. V. " basons "] (njJKn), or bowls, and after-
wards sprinkled it on the people (Ex. xxiv. 6, 8,
rail. 21 ; Lev. i. 5, ii. 15, iii. 2, 8, 13, iv. 5, 34,
viii.23, 24, xiv. 14, 25, xvi. !.■>, 19 ; Heb. ix. 19).
.\niong the vessels cast in metal, whether goM,
filver, or brass, by Hiram for Solomon, besid- s
the larer and great sea, mention is made <it'
casiiis, bowls, and cops. Of the first (D'p'HTD'
marg. bowls) he is said to have made 100 (2 Cli.
ir.8; 1 K. vii. 45, 46. Cf. Ex. xxv. 29 anl
I Ch. xxviii. 14, 17). Josephus, probably with
great exaggeration, reckons of <l»d\at and
(TTorSfla, 20,000 in gold and 40,000 in sHver,
besides an equal number in each metal of Kpa-
■rijpet, for the offerings of flour mixed with oil
(AiU. viii. 3, §§ 7, 8. Cp. Birch, Hist, of Potter;/,
i. 152).
2. The " basin " from which onr Lord washed
the disciples' feet, vtirr4]p, was probably deeper
•nd larger than the hand-basin for sprinkling,
"I'D (Jer. Iii. 18), which, in A. V. "caldrons"
(U. V. " pots "), Vulg. Idietes, is by the Syr.
rtadered " basins for washing the feet " (John
liii. 5> (Schleusner, Drusius.) [Wasiiiso OP
Fect and Hasds.] [H. W. p.]
BASKET. The Hebrew terms used in the
description of this article are as follows :^1)
^D, so called from the taigs of which it was
originally made, specially used as the Greek
tmm (Horn. Od. iii. 442) and the Latin canis-
tnim (Verg. Aen. i. 701) for holding bread (Gen. il.
16iq.; El. xxix. 3, 23; Lev. viii. 2, 26, 31; Num.
vl 15, 17, 19). The form of the Egyptian bread-
basket is delineated in Wilkinson's Anc. Egypt.
i-177 [18783. after the specimens represented in
the tomb of Kameses III. These were made of gold
BASKET
365
(cp. Horn. Od. X. 355), and we must assume that
the term sal passed from its strict etymological
meanmg to any vessel applied to the purpose.
In Jndg. vi. 19, meat is served up in a sal, which
could hardly have been of wickerwork. The
expression '"ih '?D (Gen. xl. 16) is sometimes
referred to the material of which the baskets
were made (Kvii fia'ivi, Symm.), or the white
colour of the peeled sticks, or lastly to their
being "full of holes" (A. V. margin), i.e. open
tcor/: baskets ; but it is best rendered as by most
moderns and in R. V. " baskets of white bread."
(2) ni?p?D, a word of kindred origin, applied to
the basket used in gathering grapes (Jer. vi. 9).
Egyptian Baskets, (Tram Wilkinson.)
(3) NJD, in which the first-fruits of the harvest
were presented (Deut. xivi. 2, 4). From its
I being coupled with the kneading-bowl (A. V.
" store," K.\'. " kneading-trough " ; Deut. xxviii.
5, 17), we may infer that it was also used for
household purposes, perhaps to bring the corn
to the mill. The equivalent term in the LXX.
for this and the preceding Hebrew words is
(tcipTaAAot, which specific.illy means a basket that
tapers downwards {k6<Pivos o^vs to itira, Suid.),
similar to the Roman corbis. This shape of
basket appears to have been familiar to the
Egyptians (Wilkinson, i.43-5 [1878]). (4) 3-1^3.
so called from its similjirity to a birdcage or trap
(itiipraXXos is nsed in the latter sense in Ecclus.
xi. 30), probably in regard to its having a
lid : it was used for carrying fruit (Am. viii.
1, 2); the LXX. gives Hyyos; Symm. more
correctly Ki\a0os ; the Vulg. uncinua. (5) in.
^Tptlan Baikets. (Prom Wilkinson.)
used like the Greek K(i\a9as (LXX.) for carrying
fruit (Jer. xxiv. 1, 2), as well as on a larger
scale for carrying clay to the brickyard (Ps.
Ixxxi. 6 ; K6,t>ipot, LXX. ; « pots," A.V. ; " basket,"
R. v.), or for holding bulky articles (2 K. x. 7 ;
KttpToAAos, LXX.): the shape of this basket and
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366
BASMATH
the mode of carrying it nsual among the brick-
makers m Egypt is delineated in the cnt given
under BaiCKS, and aptly illustrates Ps. IxxxL 6.
The name Sallai (Neh. xi. 8, cp. xii. 20) is by
some taken to indicate that the manufacture
of baskets was a recognised trade among the
Hebrews, bnt this explanation is very question-
able (see others in Bertheau-Ryssel on Neh. xi. 8).
In the N. T. baskets are described under the
three following terms, xipwos, anvpii, and
trofyivri. The last occurs only in 2 Cor. xi. 33,
in describing St. Paul's escape from Damascus :
the word properly refers to anything twisted
like a rope (Aesch. Suppl. 791) or any article
woven of rope (irXfy/io ti ix O'x''"''*'') Suid.) ;
fish-baskets specially were so made (Itwh axoiviov
■wKtyijJerun/ «ii i>iro8«x^»' ^X^^'t Eti/m. Mag.).
With regard to the two former words, it may be
remarked that xi^iros is exclusively used in the
description of the miracle of feeding the five
thousand (Matt. liv. 20, xvi. 9 ; Mark vi. 43 ;
Luke ix. 17 ; John vi. 13), and irwvfls in that of
the four thousand (Matt. xv. 37 ; Mark viii. 8) ;
the distinction is most definitely broaght out in
Mark viii. 19, 20. The omipli is also mentioned
as the means of St, Paul's escape (Acts ix. 25).
The difference between these two kinds of baskets
IS not very apparent. Their construction appears
to have been the same ; for xi^ivos is explained
by Sttidas as ayyttoi' irAffcnfr, while inrupU is
generally connected with inr«7f>a. The ampU
(sporta, Vulg.) seems to have been most appro-
priately used of the provision basket, the Roman
sportida. Hesychius explains it as rh ray wvp&v
&yyos'- compare also the expression Stnrfoy irh
mropBoi (Athen. viii. 17). The Kii^ifot of the
N. T. seems to have been more akin to the
wallet, if according to Etym. Mug, it is PaSii
Kal KoiXoK x^pVI'"'- -^s used by the Romans
(Colum. xi. 3, p. 460) it contained manure
enough to make a portable hotbed [Dicf. of
Gr. and Rom. An'. Coi'iliscs]* in Rome itself
it was carried about by the Jews (^quorum
eophinut foenumque supellex, Juv. lii. 14, vi.
542). [W. L. B.] [F.]
BAS'MATH (noba-, B. ■aa<rtpitLi9, A.
ViairtiJiiS ; Basematit), Solomon's daughter, mar-
ried to Ahimaaz, one of his commissariat offi-
cers (1 K. iv 15). [Bashematu.] [W. a. W.]
BAS'SA (B. Ba<r<ral; A. Boo-ira; Vulg. not
recognizable), 1 Esd. v. 16. [Bezai.] His
descendants returned from the Captivity with
Zerubbabel. [W. A. W.]
BA'STAI (Bcureot; Hasten), 1 Esd. v. 31.
[Besai.] a servant of the Temple, whose descen-
dants returned from the Captivity, [W. A. W.]
BASTARD. Among those who were ex-
cluded from entering the congregation, that is,
from intermarrying with pure Hebrews (Selden,
Table Talk, s. v. " Bastard "), even to the tenth
generation, was the mamzcr (StDD, A. V. " bas-
tard." The et}rmology of the Hebrew word
is much disputed. See Ges. s. v.), who was
classed in this respect with the Ammonite
and Moabite (Dent, xxiii. 2). This exclusion
bad reference, according to tradition, to the law
of marriage only , and was not taken to aSect his
other religious or his political and social rights.
A learned mamzer stood higher than an ignorant
priest. The Rabbis do not apply the term to
BAT
any illegitimate ofi&pring, bom out of wedlock,
but to the issue of any connexion within the
degrees prohibited by the Law. A mauuir,
according to the Mishna ( Y^moth, iv. 13), is one,
says R. Akiba, who is bom of relations between
whom marriage is forbidden. Simeon the T«ma-
nite says, the mamzer is every one whose parents
are liable to the punishment of "cutting off"
by the hands of Heaven ; R. Joshua, every one
whose parents are liable to death by the hoase
of judgment, as, for instance, the olTspriog ol
adultery. The ancient Versions (LXX., Vulg,
Syr.) add another class, the children of a harlot,
and in this sense the term manzer or maawr
survived in Pontifical law (Selden, De Sacc. in
£on. Defunct, c. iii.) : " Manzeribus scortum, xi
moecha nothis dedit ortum. '
The child of a goi, or non-Israelitp, and a
mamzer was also reckoned by the Tolmcdists
a mamzir, as was the issue of a slave an<l a
mamzer, and of a mamzer and female proselyte.
The term also occurs in Zecb. ix. 6, " a bistud
shall dwell in Ashdod," where it seems to denote
a foreign race of mixed and spurious biitb
Dr. Geiger infers from this pa.'isage that mvazer
specially signifies the issue of such marriages
between the Jews and the women of AshdoJ u
are alluded to in Neh. xiii. 23, 24, and applies
it exclusively to the Philistine bastard. See
Speaker's Comm. and Dillmann' on Dent. I. c.
Much inUresting information is collected in
Hamburger, £E. a. v. [W, A W.] [K.]
BAT (tl^Or, •atalleph, literally mghUflier;
vvKTtpis ; vespertUio). There is no doubt what-
ever that the A. V. and R. V. are correct ii
their rendering of this word: the derivation
of the Hebrew name,* the authority of the old
Versions, which are all agreed upon the point'
and the context of the passages where th«
Hebrew word occurs, are conclusive as to the
meaning. It is true that in the A. V. of Ler.
xi. 19, and Dent. xiv. 18, the ^atalleph closes tti«
lisU of "foicls that shall not be eaten ; * bnt
it must be remembered that the ancients con-
sidered the bat to p.irtake of the nature of a
bird, and the Hebrew d/>h, "fowls," whicb
literally means " a wing," might be applie'i t»
any winged creature : indeed this seems clear
from Lev. xi. 20, where, immediately after the
'atalleph ti mentioned, the following woi>1j.
which were doubtless suggested by this name,
occur : " All fowls that creep [R.V. " all winged
creeping'things"], going upon all four, shiU be
an abomination unto you." Besides the passages
cited above, mention of the bat occurs in Is. iL
20 : " In tiiat day a man shall cast his idols oi'
• Ges. fipom yQ]) = \V.e. CgJkataU), •the nlgbl
was dark," and tm, "flylnK." rvimptt, tnm pi(,
** night ; " vapertdio, fh>m vejper, ** the eveolng." Bat
pcrtiaps from blatta. Macfa (see Wedgwood. I>ici. Ayf.
Etymol.). tMwlnMT.»compsresttwithTaliB.,Tug.,
and Syr. ^A.^ r^ naked, and thinks tbe-bu vi>
so named from the chatacter of lis wln^. Cp. the f '-
cAauw-eomis.
<> With the exception of the SJt^tc, which h«s
jiYMij^ ((aurto), "a peacock."
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BAT
silt a and his idola of gold ... to the moles and
tj the bats;" and lo Baruch ti. 22, in the
BATH, BATHING
367
psaft that so graphically sets forth the vanity
of the Babyloni:iii idols : " Their faces are blackej
tbroogh the smoke that cometh out of the
ttmple; upon their bodies and heads sit bats,
svailovs, and birds, and the cats also."
Batt delight dnring the daylight to take up
their abode in caverns and dark places.
Bats are exceptionally abundant in Palestine,
owiog doubtless to the immense number of
ciTo where they live in perfect security, s.ife
from the attacks of their natural enemies. It
IS difficult to ascertam how many species of
batt exist in Palestine, as travellers have paid
CO attention to them. We have ourselves col-
krted seventeen species, which are all that arc
bitherto known from the country. They com-
prise one Pteropus, or fruit-eating bat, four
!'iiDolophi<iie, nine Vespertilionidae, and three
imlnlhnurielae. The fruit-eating bat is the
lirge fox-beaded Pteropus, known as Cijnony-
'^ffvatyyfiliaca, measuring twenty inches across
the wings ; and, contrary to the usual habits
"f the family, which are arboreal, is found in
Tast flocks in caves in the wooded parts of the
<oiiiitry. A little horse-shoe tropical bat, witli
s tail as long as its body, swarms by thousands
in the caves of the Jordan valley .and Dead Sea
-.•^ifc^^
t«Bi, especially in the glen of the CallirrhoB in
^'<3l). Another tropical species, Taphozous
"•Hastrit, is equally abundant in the ravines
round the Lake of Galilee. Both these species
are remarkable for large de}M>sits of fat laid on
at the base of the tail, just before the period
of hybernation. Another well-known species,
Vesperugo kuhli, swarms in such mynads in the
quarries under the Temple of Jerusalem, and
in the so-called Cave of Adnllam, that we have
found it almost impossible to keep a torch
alight while creeping through the caverns.
The common long-eared bat of Kngland, Plecotits
auritut, flits about everywhere. In the Dead
Sea valley it is only the tropical species that
are dormant in winter.
Many travellers have noticed the immense
numbers of bats that are found in caverns in
the East, and Layaid says that on the occasion
of a visit to a cavern these noisome beasts
almost compelled him to retreat (Nineveh and
Babylon, p. 307). To this day these animals
And a congenial lurking abode "amidst the
remains of idols and the sculptured represen-
tations of idolatrous practices " (Script. Sat. U.
p. 8) ; thus forcibly attesting the meaning of
the Prophet Isaiah's words. Bats belong to the
order Cheiroptera, class M-mnuilia. [H. B. T.]
BATH, BATHING. This was a prescribed
part of the Jewish ritual of purification iq cases
of accident.al, leprous, or ordinary uncleanness
(Lev. XV. pass., xvi. 28, ixii. 6 ; Num. .\ix. 7,
19; 2 Sam. xi. 2, 4; 2 K. v. 10); as also after
mourning, which always implied defilement, e.g.
Ruth iii. 3, 2 Sam. xii. 20. The high-priest at
his inauguration (Lev. viii. 6) and on the Day of
Atonement, once before each solcimi act of jjro-
pitiation (xvi. 4, 24), was also to bathe. This
the Kabbis have multiplied into ten times on
thft day. Maimon. (Cvnstit. do Vasis Sanct, v.
3) gives rules for the strict privacy of the high-
priest in bathing. There were bath-rooms in
the later Temple over the chambers Abtincs and
Happartah for the priests' use (Lightfoot, Descr.
of Temp. 24). A bathing-chamber was probably
included in houses even of no great r.ank in
cities from early times (2 Sam. li. 2), much
more in those of the wealthy in later times;
often in gardens (Susan, v. 1 5). With this, anoint-
ing was customarily joined ; the climate mak-
ing both these essential alike to health and
pleasure, to which luiurj' added the u.sc of per-
fumes (Susan. t>. 17 ; Judith x. 3 ; Esth. ii. 12).
The " pools." such as that of Siloam and Heze-
kiah's (Neh. iii. 15, 16 ; 2 K. xx. 20 ; Is. xxii. 11 ;
John ix. 7), often sheltered by porticoes (John
V. 2), are the first indications we have of public
bathing accommodation. Ever since the time of
Jason (Prideaux, ii. 168) the Greek usages of the
bath probably prevailed, and an allusion in
Joiephus (XoiMrd/uros aT/xmarriK^cpor, B. J.
i. 17, § 7) seems to imply the use of the bath
(hence, no doubt, a public one, as in Rome) by
legionary soldiers. We read also of a castle
luxuriously provided with a volume of water in
its court, and of a Herodian palace with spacious
pools adjoining, in which the guests continued
swimming, &c., in very hot weather from noon
till dark (Joseph. Ant. xii. 4, § 11 ; iv. 3, § 3).
The hot baths of Tiberias, or more strictly of
Emroaus, near it, and of CallirrhoS, near the
eastern shore of the Dead Sea, were much re-
sorted to (Reland, i. 46 ; Joseph. Ant. xviii.
2, § 3, xvii. 6, § 5 , .8. /. i. 33, § 5 ; Amm.
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368
BATH-RABBIM
Marcell. xiv. 8 ; Stanley, S. and P. pp. 295, 375 ;
Hamburger, HE. s. nn. Bad, Jiadeanstalten). The
parallel customs of ancient Egypt, Greece, and
Rome are too well known to need special allu-
sion (see Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Ant. art. Balneae).
The verb " bathe " (save in Is. Mxiv. 5, where
it IS used by the A. V. to translate HIT [B. V.
BATH-SHEBA
" hath drank its fill "]) only occurs in the formula
of Levitieal law, " he shall wash his clothes sml
bathe himself in water," i.e. where "wash"
precedes in the same verse. Elsewhere the A. V.
always prefers "wash" for the word )"rn.
rendered "bathe" in that formula: ;.<;. Ei. ii
5 ; 2 Sam. li. 2. [H. H.]
An Egn^Un Udr in the liath. with attendanti; (WilklnHa.)
The distinction, adopted in the R. V., be- j
tween "to bathe" and "to wash" helps to
explain John xiii. 10 (see note in Speaker's ^
Comm.). The guest, after the bath, needed only i
to have the dust washed from his feet when
he reached the house of his host. The term i
\ovTp6y (Eph. V. 26 ; Tit. iii. 5 ; see Speaker's '
Coinm. in 11.), rendered " laver " in R. V. marg.,
is considered under Baptism (§ iv. .3, 4). The I
question whether Parrlaiavrai (Mark vii. 4) '
refers to the washing of the individnals who
have been to the market or to the thfhgs brought \
from thence, is decided by the R. V. in favoar
of the former ("they wash themselves." See
also Speaker's Comm.). It should not, however,
be forgotten that the reading (icorriaarrax (BN.,
Westcott and Hort, Gebhart), "they sprinkle
themselves," commends itself to many (op.
NBsgen in Strack u. ZBckler's Kgf. Kumm. iu
loco). The means for bathing seem to have
been amply supplied by the tanks and reservoirs
of Jerusalem (see Jerusalem, Waters), and
those means still exist in a more limited extent.
Many synagogues {e.g. at Safed in Galilee, as
well as at Jerusalem) are furnished with bathing
rooms suitable for the ceremonial washings con-
nected with their worship. Cp. B. D. Amer.
edit. [F.]
BATH-RAB'BIM, the oate op (Tia IVC'
D'ST), one of the gates of the ancient city of
Heshbon, by (?V) which were two "pools,"'
whereto Solomon likens the eyes of his beloved
• The " fishpools" of the A. V. Is from the fiteinae of
the Vulg. The Hebrew vord Bcrecah is simply a pool
or tank.
(Cant. vii. 4 [5]). The " Gate of Bath-Rabbim '
at Heshbon would, according to the Orieatai
custom, be the gate pointing to a town <f
that name. The only place in this neighbour-
hood at all resembling Bath-Rabbira in soogi
is Rabbah (^mman), bnt the one tank of which
we gain any intelligence as remaining at Hdm.
is on the opposite (S.) side of the tows !>
jlmmon (Porter, Handbk., p. 298). Conder(ffrf4
and Moab, p. 125) supposes the gate to ha«
been the passage cut through the rocks it
the top of the mountain path from the str«.i3i
to the city on the plateau above. The LXX
and Vulg. translate : iy iri\ais Ouyarpit »jX-
hav ; in porta filiac mtUtitudinis. [G. j [\V.]
B-VTH-SHEBA (»a??-na, 2 Sam xi. 3, if. .
also called Bath-shua, inB'"n3, in 1 Ch. iii i ;
Bnpiri$tf, Joseph. KttBtraPi) ; i.e. daughter c/
an oath, or, daughter of seten, sc yeani), the
daughter of Eliam (2 Sam. xi. 3X or .^mnvel
(1 Ch. iii. 5), the son of Ahithophel (2 Sua.
xiiii. 34), the wife of Uriah the Hittite. It i>
probable that the enmity of Ahithophel towards
David W.1S increased, if not caused, by the dis-
honour brought by him upon his family in th«
person of Bathsheba. The child which was tit
frtiit of her adulterous intercourse with David
died: but afterwards she became the motb«r
of four sons, Solomon (Matt, i. 6), Shimca,
Shobab, and Kathan. When, in David's old at;«.
Adonijah, an elder son by Haggith, attempted
to set aside in his own favour the sacce«sion
promised to Solomon, Bathsheba was nnploynl
by Nathan to inform the king of the conspinrr
(1 K. i. 11, 15, 23). After the accession os
Solomon, she, as qneen-mother, requested per-
mission of her son for Adonijah to take a
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BATH-SHUA
marriage AbUhiig the Shunammite. Thia per-
mission was relased, aod the request became the
occasion of the execution of Adonijah (IE. ii. 23).
[Davio.3 Bathsheba was said by Jewish tra-
dition to hare composed and recited Prov. xxxi.
Ir waj of admonition or reproof to her son
Solomon, on his marriage with Pharaoh's
^Slighter (Calmet, Diet, s. v.; Com. a Lapid.
<« Pnr. mi.). [H. W. P.]
BATH-SHUA (OTtrna; BA. 4 Bit/xriPtt;
Betisabce), a variation of the name of Bathsheba,
mother of Solomon, occarring only in 1 Ch,
iii. 0. Notice that Shua was a Canaanite name
(cp. 1 Ch. li. 3, and Gen. ixxriii. 2, 12 — where
"Bath-thna" is really the name of Jadah's
nifeX while Bathsheba'* first husband was a
Hittite. [W. A. W.]
BATH-ZACHABF AS (quasi TTiq] H'? :
K- Boif^axopfa ; A. and Josephus Bc6(ax<if>a/ ;
Jktltxackara), a place, named only in 1 Mace. Ti.
.'2, 33, to which Judas Maccabaeus marched
from Jerusalem, and where he encamped for
the relief of Bethsnra (Bethzur) when the latter
ivu besieged by Aatiochus £upator. The two
places were seventy stadia apart (Joseph. Ant.
lii. 9, $ 4), and the approaches to Bathzacharia
were intricate and confined — irttrris otcits rq>
rafiittii (Joseph. £. J. \. 1, § 5 ; cp. also the
puiage in the Ant. above, from which it is evident
that Josephns knew the spot). This description
is met in every respect by the modern lleit
Siaria, which has been discovered by Robinson
at line miles north of Beit sir, " on an almost
isolated promontory or tell, jutting out between
two deep valleys, and connected with the high
fronnd south by a low neck between the heads
of the valleys, the neck forming the only place
«f access to what must have been an almost
impregnable position " (Rob. iii. 283, 284). The
rlace is mentioned by Willibald (E. T. 20), and
lies in the entangled country west of the
Hebron road between 4 and 5 miles south-west
«f Bethlehem. [Bethzcr.] There are ancient
foBiklations and rock-cut tombs {PEF. Mem. iii.
J5, 108; Guirin, JudA, iii. 31U-318). [G.] [W.]
BATTLE-AXE (Jer. li. 20). [Axis (7;
Maul).]
BATTLEMENT. [House.]
BAVAI (^3, possibly of Persian origin,
Ces.; B. Beief, K. Befe'ft A. Beref ; Batat), son
of Henadad, mler (-©") of the " district " (T)^B)
"f Keilah in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii.
18). [W. AW.] [F.]
BAT-TBEE (H-IT^,* 'ezrdch; iciSpot roS
AiMm ; onirvs Xi&ani). ItisdifBcnlttoseeupon
what grounds the translators of the A. V. have
wxieistood the Hebrew word of Ps. xxzvii. 35 to
ugnify a " bay-tree " [R. V. " a green tree in its
•stive soil "] ; such a rendering is entirely
tunpported by any kind of evidence. Moat of
tie Jewish doctors understand by the term
ttrich, " a tree which grows in its own soil "
(<ai%aa, "one bom in the land")— one that
' From rn^, ortat est (M).
BIBLE WCr. — VOL. I.
BDELLIllJI
369
hns never been transplanted (see Gcs. s. n.);
which is the interpretation given in the margin
of the A. V. aod accepted by most modems.
The LXX., however, fallowed by the Vulg. and
the Arabic, reads "cedar of Lebanon," i.e.
jij^^n t"1K for |35"1 nnm, which, on account
of the unusual sense of HitK (the word else-
where being always applied to mnn and signify-
ing a natiee as opposed to a foreigner [as in Lev.
xvi. 29]), has been accepted by Uitzig, Griitz,
Cheyne, Nowack, &c. Dr. Royle (Kitto's Cycl.
Bib. Lit, art. " Ezrach ") suggests the Arabic •
osAru^, which, he says, is described in Arabic
works on Materia Medico, as a tree having
leaves like the ijhar or " bay-tree." This opinion
must be rejected as unsupported by any autho-
rity. At the same time, if the epithet JJITJ
ra'atum, is to be taken in its usual sense of
luxuriant, tpreading, some tree is intended. The
sweet bay is an evergreeu tree, attaining the
height of twenty or thirty feet, the Lauras
nobilia of botanists, and of the natural order
Lauraccae. The Orientals extract a scented oil
from its foliage. It is not very common in
Western Palestine, but is found in all the
wooded glens, more or less sparsely. It is
abundant on Mount Carmel, and in all the
woods of Gilead. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
BAZ-HTH (n»^V?)- "Children of Baz-
lith " were amongst the Nethinim who returned
with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 54; KA. BmraXde,
B. Ba4ra<i0; Besloth). In Ezra ii. 52, the name
is Bazluth (n4?V3; A. BavoX^, B. Bcura-
Zi,,; Betluth). [Basaloth.] [W.A.W.] [F.]
BAZ'LUTH. See Bazlith.
BDELLIUM (r6'l3, bemach; »^pa( [in
Gen.], Kpi<rra\Xoy [in Num.]; bdellium), a precious
substance, the name of which occurs in Gen. ii.
12, with "gold" and "onyx stone," as one of
the productions of the land of Havilah, and in
Num. xi. 7, where manna is in colour compared
to bdellium. There are few subjects that have
been more copiously discussed than that which
relates to the nature of the word bcddhch; and
it must be confessed, that it is still impossible
to say whether beddlach denotes a mineral, or
an animal production, or a vegetable exudation.
Some writers have supposed that the word
should be written bcrdlach (beri/l), instead of
beddlach, as Wahl (in Descr. Asiae, p. 856) and
Hartmann (de Mulier. Hebraic, iii. 96), bnt beryl,
or aqua marirte, which is only a pale variety of
emerald, is out of the question, for the bdellium
was white (cp. Ex. xvi. 31 with Num. xi. 7), while
the beryl is yellow or red, or faint blue ; for
the same reason the iySpai (" carbuncle ") of
the LXX. (in Gen. /. c.) must be rejected ; while
KpivTofiXov ("crystal") of the same Ver-
sion, an interpretation adopted by Reland {de
Situ Paradiai, § 12X is mere conjecture, liie
Greek-Venetian and the Arabic Versions, with
some of the Jewish doctors, understand " pearl* "
to be intended by the Hebrew word ; and
this interpretation Bochart (ffieroz. iii. 592),
Gesenins ^Thes.), Lagarde, and Speaker's Comm.
accept ; on the other hand the Greek Versions
of Aqnila, Thaodotion, and Symmachu.t, Josephus
2 B
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BEALlAli
(Ant. iii. 1, § 6), Salmasins (Ifyl. latri p. 181),
CeUiuB (Hierdb. i. 324), Sprengel (Hist. Rei
Herb. i. 18, and Comment in Dioscor. i. 80),
and most modern writers (cp. MV." >. t.,
Dillmann,* and Delitzsch [1887] on Gen. iL 12)
believe, with tlie A. V., that bed&ach =
bdellium, i.e. an odoriferous exudation from n
tree which Is, according to Kaempfer (Antoen.
Exot. p. 668X the Palmyra Palm, Borassus fla-
belliformis, Linn., an Indian species, which
furnishes Palmyra wood, and was found by
Forsk&l, Flor. Arab. p. ici., at Beit el Fakih in
Yemen, or Arabia Felix ; compare Pliny (//. N.
lii. 9, § 19), where a full description of the
tree and the gum is given. The aromatic gum
according to Dioscorides (i. 80) was called
fidSfkKoy or fiiXx'"'! ""^ according to Pliny
brochon, malacham, maldacon, names which seem
to be allied to the Hebrew beddlach. Plautus
(Ciurc. i. 2, 7) uses the word bdellium.
As regards the theory which explains bedolach
by " pearls," it must be allowed that the evi-
dence in its favour is very inconclusive : in the
first place it assumes that Havilnh is some spot
on the Persian Gulf where pearls are found, a
point however which is fairly open to question ;
and secondly, it must be remembered that there
are other Hebrew words for " pearls," viz. Dar,'
and according to Bochart, /Vninim,"' though there
is much doubt as to the meaning of this latter
word. Amber has also been suggested with some
show of probability.
The fact that eben, " a stone," is prefixed to
shoham, " onyx," and not to bedolach, seems to
exclude the latter from being a mineral ; nor do
we think it a sufficient objection to say " that
such a production as bdellium is not valuable
enough to be classed with gold and precious
stones," for it would be easy to prove that
resinous exudations were held in very high
esteem by the ancients, both Jews and Gentiles ;
and it is more probable that the sacred historian
should mention, as far as may be in a few
words, the mried productions, vegetable as well
as mineral, of the country of which he was
' speaking, rather than conline his remarks to its
mineral treasures ; and since there is a simi-
larity of form between the Greek ffSiWioy, or
fuliS(\Kov, and the Hebrew beilolach, and as this
opinion is well supported by authority, the
balance of probabilities appears to us to be in
favour of the translation of the A. V., tliough
the point must be left an open one. [W. H.]
BEALI'AH (iT^V?, Jah is Lord; see Nestle,
Die Israelii. Eijennamen, p. 124; Baethgen,
BeltrHije z. Semit. Religianagesch. p. 144 : BK.
BaSai^ A. BaaSii; Baalia), a Benjamite, who
joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch. xii. 5). [F.]
BEA'LOTH (Di^ya, the plur. fem. of Baal ;
B. BoX/iaiFcii', A. Ba\<i9 ; Baloth), a town in the
south of Judah (Josh. xv. 24). [G.] [W.]
BE'AN (dissyll.), Children of (ufoi iaiiv;
.Joseph, i/toi ToD Bcuivoti ; J'lHi Bean), a tribe, ap-
parently of predatory Bedouin habits, retreatini;
into " towers " (iripyovs) when not plundering.
• -\% Heb. ; yi, Arab.
' D'jya.
BEANS
and who were destroyed by Judas Maccabaeut
(1 Mace. V. 4). The name has been conjectured
to be identical with Beon ; but it is very ditfi-
cnlt to tell from the context whether the resi-
dence of this people was on the east or vest of
Jordan. In the Speaker's Comm. in loco it is con-
jectured that Bean may be identical with Mson,
2 and D being constantly confused. [O.] [F.]
BEANS (^B,* pil ; Kiaiios ; faba). There
appears never to have been any doubt about the
correctness of the translation of the Hebrew-
word. Beans are mentioned with various other
things in 2 Sam. xvii 28, as having been
brought to David at the time of his flight from
Absalom, and again in Ezek. iv. 9 bf'2m are
mentioned with "barley, lentiles, millet, and
fitches," which the prophet was ordered to pat
into one vessel to be made into bread. Pliny
(H. N. xviii. 12) also slates tliat beans were
used for a similar purpose. Beans are cultivated
in Palestine, which country grows many of the
leguminous order of plants, such as lentils,
kidney-beans, vetches, &c. Beans are in blos-
som in Palestine in January; they have bees
noticed in flower at Lydda on the 23rd, and at
Sidon and Acre even earlier (Kitto, Phys. H.
Palest. 215); they continue in dower till
March. In Egypt beans are sown in November
and reaped in the middle uf February, but ia
Syria the harvest it m May. Dr. Kitto (tni.
319) says that the "stalks are cut down with
the scythe^ and these are afterwards cat and
crushed to fit them for the food of cattle ; the
beans when sent to market are often deprived of
their skins by the action of two small mill-
stones (if the phrase may be allowed) of clay
dried in the sun." Dr. Shaw (Tnirels, L 257,
8vo ed., 1808) says that in Northern Afiica
beans are usually full-podded at the beginning
of March, and continue during the whole
spring ; that they are " boiled and stewed with
oil and garlic, and are the princijial food of per-
sons of all distinctions."
Herodotus (ii. 37) states that the Egyptiu
priests abhor the sight of beans, and consider
them impure, and that the people do not foc
this pulse At all, nor indeed eat what grows ia
their country ; but a passage in Dindoms ioiplic
that the abstinence from this article of food wis
not general. The remark of Herotiutns, there-
fore, requires limitation. The dislike which
Pythagoras is said to have maintjuned for l«au
has been by some traced to the infla«DC« of the
Egyptian priests with that philosopher (see
Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Bioj., art.
" Pythagoras ").•
Hiller (Hitrophyt. ii. 130), quoting from the
Mishna, says that the high-priest of the Je«>
was not allowed to eat eggs, cheese, flesk,
braised beans (fubas frrsas), or lentils on the
day before the Sabbath.
The bean ( Vicia fabi) is too well known to
need description ; it is believed t.-> be a native of
Persia, but has been so long cultivated that its
origin is lost. In the oldest EgA'ptian ramnoiy
cases, beans have been found. The site cf tbe
* VlS- fro™ 77B> " to roll," in aUii<ion to its fcna.
Lat. hulta; Dutch, bot, "» liosn." Tlio Xnbk wtri
JUit/O'i Is Identical. Ge*. Tkes. e. t.
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BEAli
oncieDt Gib«ah of Saul is DOW known as Taleil
.f FrJ, "the little Bean Hill." The beau is
cdtirated over a large portion of the old
vorld from the noi-th of Europe to the south
of India; it beloDgs to the natural order of
plaaU called Icguminosae. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
BEAB OV or 3H Heb. and Chald. dtb ;
^^, Arab, duib ; ipicros, ipKos, kixos, in
Ptot. iiTiii. 15; u^piura in Prov, xvii. 12, as if
the word were niN"!] : ursus, ursa). Tho bear
was formiisble to man. "As if a roan did flee
from a lion, and a bear met him " (.4raos v. 19).
Its ferocity when deprived of its cubs is re-
peatedly mentioned. "They be mighty men,
ud they be chafed in their minds, as a bear
niM of her whelps in the field " ('J Sam. xvii.
iy "Let a bear robbed of her whelps meet a
nan, rather than a fool in his folly " (Prov.
xrii 12 ; so Hos. xiii. 8). Its craftiness in am^
bash is alluded to, — " He was unto me as a bear
lying in wait" (Lam. iii. 10). And the deep
monotonf.iiit grunt of the bear is compared to
the lament of those who mourn over disap-
('ioted hopes. " We roar all like bears "
(It lii. 11): so Horace, £p. ivi. 51, "circum-
geinit ursns ovile."
The Syrian Ijear is distinguished by natural-
ists u Urs^is Syrtiicus. It is only to bt: dis-
tinguished from the brown hear of Kurope
(Prini arrtos) hv its lighter colour, and rather
more slender claws, but it is still more closely
lUied to the Himalayan brown bear, which is
rery little paler in colour and with still longer
dsK". Giebel and many other naturalists unite
»11 these as one species. The Syrian species or
race extends through Northern Syria, Armenia.
Northern Persia, and the Caucasus. We find
lean represented on Assyrian monuments.
UE.VU
371
Byriaa Bcht {Uma A'yrtocuj).
hone of these bears are naturally carnivo-
l"*, feeding generally on fruits and roots, and
tot Syrian I>?ar is less addicted to animal food
^"i it* congener in colder climates, though all
ttie species occasionally feed on flesh, and when
liridoal bears have once acquired a carnivorous
te they soon prefer flesh, and become very
■ — ^i-i.;i to the Oocks in their neighbourhood,
nl eren to man himself. The sheepfolds and
'Of goats of the villages often suffer from their
^'•s, but they are more generally mischievous
'11 tie crops of lentils, of which they are very
FThe bear is now exterminated in Southern
• VttAMj {ram 22% '<"'< tneedtre.
Palestine, and is comparatively rare in Galilee,
though still not uncommon in all parts of
Lebanon and Hermon, The writer never bat once
saw it south of Hermon, and this was in winter in
a rugged ravine near the Lake of Gennesaret. It
is said still to inhabit the wooded parts of Gilead
and Basban. The almost total denudation of
timber and the more powerful weapons devised
by man fully account for its disappearance else-
where, for the bear is rarely found far awaj
from woods or trees. Of its former abundance
we have evidence both in the incidents men-
tioned in the sacred writings and in the fre-
quent allusions to its habits.
Bmt. (From ft broni* bowl. Kimrad.)
The bear of Ceylon is sometimes the terror
the Cingalese villages, from its ravages among
the unarmed women and children, but the
attack of the bears on the children of Bethel
who had mocked Eliaha, when " there came forth
two she bean out of the wood and tare forty
and two of them " (2 K. ii. 24), was clearly
a divinely directed visitation, apart from the
ordinary habits of the animal, although the
Hebrew Vp^, baia', does not appear necessarily
to imply, as is generally understood, that the
bears slew the children, or did more than
wound or tear them. The ravine leading up
from Jericho to Bethel is now entirely bare
of timber, and could afford no cover for the
bear ; but when clothed with wood, it must
liave been, from its ruggedness, a secure fastness
for any wild animals. The bear always has its
lair in forest cover ; it is therefore hardly neces-
sary to suppose with some that they migrated
from Lebanon and Hermon to the lowlands in
winter, traces of them being fonnd in Central
Palestine about Samaria and Carmel as late as
the Crusading times.
When we visited Hermon, before the snow
had melted from the top, we found the snow
ridges trodden in all directions by the tracks of
bears, which were well known, but not mnch
feared, by the shepherds, and we also saw their
traces in the snow on Lebanon. The late Kev.
F. W. Holland, the well-known explorer of the
Sinaitic Peninsula, wrote to me the following
graphic account of the Syrian bear on Hermon,
" On June 27, 1865, 1 slept on the top of Mount
Hermon. Just as the sun was setting, I saw
two bears rolling each other over in the snow
about 400 yards distant. We went to sleep,
fully expecting a visit from them during the
night, but they did not disturb ns, though at
daybreak we found them still near ui. When
2 B 2
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372
BEAKD
the sun had risen, they left the snow and went
down the mountain side. As we descended we
came upon another in a narrow gorge busily en-
gaged in rolling over the large boulders, though
there did not appear to be tbod of any Icind for
him among the stones. I was some distance
ahead of my companions, and he did not see me
till I got within about fifty yards of him. He then
reared himself up, and sat grinning at me as I
approached with my little revolver, my only
weapon. Unfortunately the Syrian we bad with
us came in sight and set up a shout, which so
frightened the bear that he turned and fled, falling
head over heels on a frozen spring, but did not
stop till he was fully a quaHer of a mile off, when
turning round for a moment, he shook his head
angrily and then galloped away. Bears must
be very common on Mount Hermon. When I
pointed them out to our guide, who lived in one
of the villages at the foot of the Mount, and
was a charcoal-burner by trade, he laughed at
my iippearing surgirised to see them, and evi-
dently did not consider them worth looking at
or thinking about, saying there were many of
them. When we were there, there was but
little snow, and the bears had doubtless come up
from the lower parts of Hermon to enjoy a roll
iu it." [H. B. T.]
BEABD (lijt; miyaiy, barha). Western
Asiatics have always cherished the beard as the
badge of the dignity of manhood, and attached
to it the importance of a feature. The Egyp-
tians on the contrary, sedulously, for the most
part, shaved the hair of the face and head, and
compelled their slaves to do the like. Hero-
dotus (i. 36) mentions it as a peculiarity of the
Egyptians, that they let the beard grow in
mourning, being at all other times shared.
Hence Joseph, when released from prison,
■" shared his beard " to appear before Pharaoh
(Gen. xli. 14). It was, howe^'er, the practice
among the Egyptians to wear a false beard,
E«wda. IgTptlap. from wnMiMoo (top nir). Of otiwr aMIoni,
from HohUIdI aad LAjud (iKrttom row).
made of plaited hair, and of a different form
according to the rank of the persons, prirate in-
dividuals being represented with a small beard,
scarcely two inches long, kings with one of con-
siderable length, square at the bottom, and gods
with one turning up at the end (Wilkinson, Anc.
Egypt, ii. 333 [1878]). The enemies of the
Egyptians, including probably many of the
nations of Canaan, Syria, Armenia, &c., are
represented nearly always bearded. On the
tomb of Benl Hassan is represented a train of
BEABD
foreigners with asses and cattle, who all hire
short beards, as have also groups of various
nations on another monument. The Jeirs are
represented with short beards in the Assyrian
sculptures representing the capture of Lachuh.
[See cut under Captivities op the Jews.]
Egyptians of low caste or mean conditioa are
represented sometimes, in the spirit of carici-
ture, apparently with beards of slovenly growth
(Wilkinson, ii. 127). In the Ninevite monu-
ments is a series of battle-views from the cap-
ture of Lachish by Sennacherib, in which the
captives have beards very like some of those in
the Egyptian monuments.
There is, however, an appearance of conven-
tionalism both in Egyptian and Assyrian treat-
ment of the hair and beard on roonnments,
which prevents our accepting it as character-
istic. Nor is it possible to decide with certainty
the meaning of the precept (Lev. xix. 27 ; xii. 6 :
cp. notes in Speaicr'a Comm., and Knobel-Dill-
manu) regarding the "corners of the benrd."
It seems to imply something in which the cut of
a Jewish beard had a ceremonial difference from
that of other western Asiatics; and on comforing
Herod, iii. 8 with Jer. ii. 26, xxv. 23, ilii. ii,
it is likely that the Jews retained the hair ou
the sides of the face between the ear and the
eye {Kp6Tcupot), which the Arabs and others
shaved away in honour of their deity Orotal.
To differentiate the chosen people from idolaten
in this respect may have been a ground of tke
prohibition. In Lev. «6. supr. " marring " or
" shaving off the corners of the beard " is
associated with "cuttings in the flesh," and
both these uniting in the costume of the eightr
devotees of Jer. xli. 5 seems to mark a partial
lapse into heathenish ways at that period.' Size
and fulness of beard are said to be regarded, >t
the present day, as a mark of respectabiiitr tid
trustworthiness. The beard is the object of u
oath, and that on which blessings or shame arc
spoken of as resting (IXArTieux, Honn tt
Coutumea <fc» Arabcs). The custom was and a
to shave or pluck it and the hair out in mourn-
ing (Is. 1. 6, XV. 2 ; Jer. xli. 5, xlviii. 37 ; Em
ix. 3; E]>. Jer. 31); to neglect it in seasons o:
permanent affliction (2 Snm. xix. 24), and to re-
gard any insult to it as the last outrage wiiich
enmity can inflict. Thus David resented ttc
treatment of his ambassadors by Hanun (2 Sani.
X. 4) ; and so in feigning madness the detilemeot
of his own beard is prominent (1 Sam. xxi. 1:<):
so the people of God are figuratively spoken "1
as "beard" or "hair" which He will share
with " the razor, the king of Assyria " (Is. rii.
20). The beard was the object of salntatioa.
and under this show of friendly reverence Joab
beguiled Amasa (2 Sam. xx. 9). The dressing,
trimming, anointing, &c. of the beard, was per-
formed with much ceremony by jiersons uf
• A Pboenlc Inscription fh>m Tiamaca. in Qnns, cf
the 6th to 4th century B.C., mentions among otbcn
connected with the temple of Ashtoreth, barbefs iy^
lalnm), who may have been emplo}-ed In shavliig tbe
priests or wo^Khippe^^ or — If the custom <jt 1 K. xrdl
28 be supposed [with Renan] to have prevailed b
Cyprus — in healtnK the wounds InRIcted upon tbenr
selves by the devotees in their frenzied rites. Cf.
D»37J in Ezra v. 1, See Corput IntrripL Stmiti-
carum. No. 86 A 12 anJ p. aS. [S. R. D.'
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BEAST
Health and rank (Ps. cxxxiii. 2). The removal
cf the beard was a part of the ceremonial treat-
ment proper to a leper (Ler. xiv. 9). There is
no evidence that the Jews compelled their slaves
to wear beards otherwise than as they wore their
own ; but the Romans, when they adopted the
luhion of (having, compelled their slaves to
retain their hair and beard, and let them
shave when manumitted (Lit. ixxiv. 52, xlv.
«> [H. H.]
BEAST. The representative in the A. V.
cf the following Hebrew words: fif^ il'D
(8j'pi,chaid.), nijna.
1. Bthemdh (rHJJij^*; tA rtrpdroSa, t4
(tV>I, Ti tiipta; jumcntum, bestia, animantia,
ptcio; "beast," "cattle," A. V.), which is the
general name for " domestic cattle " of any
kind, is used also to denote " any large quadru-
ped," as opposed to fowls and creeping things
(Gen. vi. 7, 20, vii. 2 ; Ex. ii. 25 ; I.ev. xi. 2 ;
! K. iv. 33; Prov. xxx. 30, &c.) ; or for "beasts
if balden," horses, mules, &c., as in 1 K. xviii.
0, Xeh. ii. 12, 14, &c ; or the word may denote
'wild beasts," as in Deut. xxxii. 24, Hah. ii.
17, 1 Sam. xvii. 44. [Behemoth, note;
t)x.]
2. BFir O'P? i '■'k ^ptuh t4 kt^wj ; jttmen-
turn ; " beast," " cattle ") is used either collec-
tively of " all kinds of cattle," like the Latin
jwM (Ex. xxli. 5; Num. xx. 4, 8, 11; Ps.
liiviii. 48), or specially of " beasts of burden "
(Gen. xlv. 17). This word, which is much rarer
than the preceding, though common in Aramaic,
ii derived from a root TP3, " to pasture."
3. Chai/yah (njPI; Ofipliu', i&oy, Up, rerpir
nti, irrijroi, ipwrriy, 9i)puU«rrot, Ppuris;
ffra, anmmtia, animal; "beast," "wild
twasf^. This word, which u the feminine of
the adjective *n, "living," is used to denote
»ny animal. It is, however, very frequently
n.>«d ipecially of " wild beast," when the mean-
mf is often more fnlly expressed by the addition
of the word rn^n (hasaadeh), (wild beast) " of
the6eld"(Ex.'iiiii. 11; Lev. xxvi. 22 ; Deut.
rii. 22 ; Hofc ii. 14, xiii. 8 ; Jer. xii. 9, &<:.).
Similar is the use of the Chaldee KJ*0
(chiymh). [W. H.]
BEAST, WILD. The rendering of four
Hebrew words in the A. V., and of three in
tie B. V. 1. njPI (chai/yah ; (Aoy, inplor, e^p ;
/^d, aitmal, antmantium ; Arab. Ajh», hayah)
•ifnifies simply " a living thing," but is gene-
rally applied to wild animals [Beast, 3]. In
Ps. IxviiL 30, where the A. V. reads " company
df the spearmen," the Hebrew text is njj5 n*n.
i-iajyath kaneh, " wild beast of the reeds " (and
^ K. v.), i.e, the crocodile. In most passages,
however, whether with or without the words
"of the 6eld," it is used for wild animals gene-
ri^lly, frequently as contrasted with birds (Gen.
i.28; Lev. xi. 2, &c.).
2. tt («u; itpai6Ti\s, iioyiis teypiot; fera,
fenu) occurs twice — viz. Ps. 1. 11, Ixix. 13 —
and is rendered by the A. V. and R. V, " wild
BEAST, WILD
373
* From the unoscd root
DP!^,
" to be dumb."
beast." The word is from the unused root MT,
tooz, " to move oneself," and la a common noun
signifying " that which moves," having no re-
ference to any special animal ; tho word aadeh,
" of the field," being in each instance coupled
with it.
3. D^^V (ttiyyim ; 0rip(a, Stu/jiiyM ; bestiae, doe-
tnonia, draconet), i.e. "inhabitants of the desert,"
from njy,<«yjciA,"adesert"or"drought," used
frequently of man (as in Ps. Ixxii. 14), but in
three passages — Is. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 14; Jer. 1. 39
— applied to some wild animal, and translated in
the A. V. and R. V. " wild beasts of the desert."
As in each of the three passages it is coupled
with D**K, Syyim, which, as we shall see, almost
certainly denotes a particular animal, it is very
probable that txiyyim also distinguishes some
specific creature. But as to the meaning
ancient Versions and critics are alike in uncer-
tainty, scarcely any two agreeing. Bochart
(f/ieroz. ii. 206) argues strenuously in favour
of the wild cat, referring to the Arabic not
very dissimilar name aju^, tzaiioa; and
also suggesting that there is a reference to
the cry of the wild cat, along with the howling
of the jackal. But the reasoning is not cogent,
though I should observe that I have noticed the
ruins of deserted cities in Eastern Syria to be
the special haunts of the wild cat. Others have
suggested the hyaena, but this seems to be indi-
cated by another word, tzebua^ (Jer. xii. 9). The
Chaldee has apes {cercopithecos), the Targum
simiae, and others bubo, "the great owl," but
most have left it general ; and Gesenius {sub
voce) adopts this view, and here we may be con-
tent to leave it.
4. D*^C( (iyyim ; hroicirravpoi ; ululae, onocen-
tauri, fauni fcarii ; A. V. " wild beasts of the
islands ") occurs three times • Is. xiii. 22, xxxiv.
14 ; Jer. I. 39. The K. V. renders it " wolves"
in the text, and " howling creatures " in the
margin. The Arabic renders it ^J^ i^'' ^^
awi, " the son of howling." There can scarcely
be a doubt but that the jackal (Cam's aureus) is
the animal intended. The jackal, to which the
name Ibn awi and ijlji^ (shaghal) is indis-
criminately applied by the Arabs, is not other-
wise mentioned in Scripture, as distinct from
7jp^ (lAu'a/, used indifferently for the jackal
and the fox, and identical with the Arabic
shaghaf). The name both in Arabic and Hebrew
is probably onomatopoetic, from the wailing
cry of the jackal, and has nothing to do with
*t(, " island," from which our translators, with-
out any warrant from ancient Versions or authors,
derived it. Bochart (Hieroz. iii. 12) identifies
iyyim with the Greek 6<i«, and quotes a vast
number of authorities to justify his conclusion,
but seems to have some doubt as to what 6^i
really signified. With our knowledge of the
natural history of the East, we can apply the
name to nothing else but the jackal (so MV."
and Kiirst). Aristotle classes it with the wolf
and the hyaena {Hist. Anim. ii. 17). It was
smaller than the wolf (id. vi. 3o), of a tawny
colour, Satpoufol 9Afs (Horn. //. X. 474), gre-
garious, and howled like a wolf or fox (Pollux,
Onomast.), It would indeed be strange if an
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374
BEBAI
auimal so common and familiar in the East
had escaped notice in the Bible. \or is it a
suHicient objection that it is elsewhere alluded
to under the name aku'al (fox), for the Arabs do
not distingnish the tvo any more than the
Hebrews seem to hare done, while it is not
impossible that other Hebrew words also apply
to it [see Dragon]. The jackal {Cania aureus),
so named from its yellow colour, is still the
commonest of wild animals in Palestine, resort-
ing especially to ruins and deserted cities, in the
caves and recesses of which it conceals itself
during the daytime. Where ruios, caverns, or
quarries are not to be found, it secretes itself in
thickets. The traveller in the Holy Land,
wherever he pitches his camp, nightly hears the
wailing cry of the packs of jackals as they
scour the country in search of food. No-
where are they more numerous than in the vast
labyrinth of the ruins of Baalbek, where their
howl suddenly breaks the stillness of the night,
and is caught up from pack to pack, echoing
back from the cavernous tunnels and temples,
as if it were the wail of a thousand infants,
" The jackals shall cry in their desolate houses."
But though especially abundant in such places,
they are to be heard in every part of the coun-
try, among the caves of the wilderness of Judah,
in the desolate ravines by the Dead Sea, or
round the villages of Sharon. They visit every
stray camp, suddenly ceasing their howl as they
prowl in silence to filch any stray morsel of
food. In the same way they attempt to elude the
vigilance of the keepers of the vineyards when
they plunder the grapes in autumn. They hang
nbont the towns; and even under the walls of
.leru.Halem often provoke a defiant chorus from
the swarming pariah dogs, who are as intolerant
of them as the hound is of the fox. From the
latter they ditfer in their gregarious habits and
their omnivorous tastes, preferring flesh and
carrion, but in its absence feeding greedily on
I'ruits. In its anatomy and structure, as well as
habits, the jackal approaches the domestic dog
very closely, and is by many naturalists believed
to be its wild original ; though probably, if the
lineage of man's companion cnuld be traced,
the wolf as well as the jackal is among his
progenitors. The jackal has a very wide goo-
graphical range, being found throughout Morih
-Africa, South-Eastern Europe (Greece, Turkey,
and South Russia), Western and Central Asia,
the Caucasus, and India, It is not recorded
from China, having probably been exter-
minated by the density of the populatiuu.
Several closely-allied species are found in
Africa. [H. B. T.]
BE'BAI ('33 ; Bebax). 1. " Sons of Bebai,"
623 (Neh. 628) in number, returned from Babylon
with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 11, B. Ba0t/, A -a/;
Neh. Til. 16, B. Bij/Sf, NA. -ti; 1 Esd, v. 13,
Bi)3<>0 ; and at a Inter period twenty-eight more,
under Zcchariah the son of Bebai, returned with
Ezra (Ezra viii, 11, Ba3«Q. Four of this family
had taken foreign wives (Ezra x. 28 ; 1 Esd. ix.
29). The name occurs also among those who
sealed the covenant (Neh. x. 15, A. hri&ai. The
Greek text is confused. See Swcte in loco, and
the tables at end of Smend, Die Listen d. SB.
Ksra u. Nehemia). [Babi.]
S. Father of Zcchariah, who was the leader
BECHEB
of the twenty-eight men of bis tribe mentioned
above (Ezra vjii. 11).
3. A. B7)j3o(, B. and Vulg. omit, a plact nsned
only iu Judith xv. 4 (see Speaker's Cumm.\ It
is possibly a mere repetition of the name Chcbai
occurring' nest to it. [W. A. W.] [F.]
BE'CHEB (IDS ; Gt&.=y<Mmg, as«.j.a jousj
camel ; Siinonis also hints at this deriTs^ion,
Onom. p. 399 ; Beclior).
1. The second son of Benjamin, acconling U'
the list both in Gen. iIti. 21 (BA XtUp,
D. -X) and 1 Ch. vii. 6 (B. 'Kfitipi, A. Boxifp);
but omitted in the list of the sons of Benjamin in
1 Ch. riii. 1, as the text now stands. No «»,
however, can look at the Hebrew text of 1 L'h.
viii. 1, h3m rt33 y^|-nK ifyn ip;;?.
without at least suspecting that TfQl, hU
first-bom, is a corruption of 133, Beckr, »nJ
that the suffix i is a corruption of 1, and belongs
to the following ?3C'K, so that the pamt
sense in that case would be, Benjamin beyi!
Beta, Bcc/ier, and Ashbel, in exact agreement
with Gen. xlvi. 21. The enumeration, tk(
I second,' the third, Ik., roust then have l«<ii
added since the corruption of the text.
Bechcr went down to Egypt with Benjuni^
and Jacob, being one of the fourteen JesMod-
ants of Rachel who settled in Egj-pt, vij. Josf|J.
and his two sons Manosseh and tphraiui.
Benjamin and his three sons above named,
Gera, Naaman, Ehi On^, alias DTITtC, Abinm,
Num. ixvi. 38, and niriK, Aharah, 1 Ch.Tiii.1,
and perhaps niriK and iTnK, cr. 4 and 7).
and Ard (■!!"lK,'but'in 1 Ch. viiT.S.-nsC-'^ilii").
the sons of Bela, Muppim (otherwise Shuppia,
and Shcphuphan, 1 Ch. vii. 12, 15, viii. 5;
but Shupham, Num. ixvi. 39), and Huppm
(Huram 1 Ch. viii. 5, but Hupbam Nam. uri.
39), apparently the sons of Ahiram or Hi
(Aher, 1 Ch. vii, 12), and Rosh, of whom »-;
can give no account, as there is no name th^
least like it in the parallel passages, nnlt>i
perchance it be for Joash (E'Pi'), a son t'f
Becher, 1 Ch. vii. 8.* And so, it is wortli'
of observation, the LXX. render the p>is»i;i
only that they make Ard the son of Gers.
great-grandson therefore to Benjamin, sul
make all the others sons of Bela. As Kgai'
the posterity of Becher, there is no family
named after him at the numbering oi" the N-
raelites in the plains of Moab, as reliled i°
Num. xxvi. 38. But the no less singular lircom-
stance of there being a Bechcr, and .i famil;
of Bac/iritcs, among the sons of Ephraini (c. S.'l
seems to supply the true explanation. Tk(
slaughter of the sons of Ephraim by the nKB
of Gath, who came to steal their cattle ont «<
the land of Goshen, in that border affray relttci
in 1 Ch. vii. 21, had sadly thinned the lion»
of Ephraim of its males. The daughter! of
Ephraim must therefore have sought hosbud-
in other tribes, and in many cases most ban
been heiresses. It is therefore highly probable
* We are more Inclined to think that ft Is a cnmp-
tton of D^, or DNn, and belongs to the pteorfing VTi^
Khi, OS Ahiram Is certainly the risbt nanw as arfiean
by Num. xxvi. SS.
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BECHEB
th*t Becber," or bis heir and head of his bouse,
isarried an Ephraimitish heiress, a daughter of
^iiathelah (1 Ch. rii. 20, 21), so tbiit his
iioase was reckoned in the tribe of Ephraim,
just as Jair, the son of Segub, was reckoned in
the tribe of Manasseh (1 Ch. ii. 22 ; Num. xxxii.
40, i\). The time when Becher first appears
among the Ephraimites, viz. just before the
tnUrisg into the Promised Land, when the
|<eople were numbered by genealogies for the
«!preis purpose of dividing the inheritance
•^aitably among the tribes, is evidently highly
iarourable to this view (see Nun. xxvi. 52-
o6; ixTii.). The junior branches of Becher's
lamily would of course continue in the tribe
of Beajamin. Their names, as given in 1 Ch.
rii. 8, were Zemira, Joash, Eliezer, Elioenai,
Omri, Jerimoth, and Abiah ; other branches
p(»9»sed the fields round Anathoth and Ala-
Deth (called Alemetb ri. GO) and Almon (Jush.
iii. 18). Which of the above were Becher's
own sons, and which were grandsons, or more
remote descendants, it is perhaps impossible to
determine. But the most important of them,
as being ancestor to king Saul, and his great
captain Abner (2 Sam. iii. 38), the last named
Abiah, was, it seems, literally Becher's son.
Tut generations appear to have been as follows :
Becher — Abiah (Aphiab, 1 Sam. ix. 1) — Becho-
nth'— Zeror— Abiel (Jehiel, 1 Ch. ix. 35) —
Ser— Kish — Saul. Abner was another son of
Xer, brother therefore to Kish, and uncle to
^til. Abiel or Jehiel seems to have been the
Ant of his house who settled at Gibeon or
Oibeah (1 Ch. viii. 29 ; ix. 35), which perhaps
be acquired by his marriage with ilaachah,''
and which became thenceforth the seat of his
<iunilr, and was called afterwards Gibeah of
Sanl (1 Sam. xi. 4; Is. x. 29). From 1 Ch. viii.
6, it would seem that before this, Gibeon, or
Geba, had been possessed by the sons of Ehud
(called Abihud t>. 3) and other sons of Bela.
But the text appears to be very corrupt.
Another remarkable descendant of Becher was
Sheba the son of Bichri, a Benjnmite, who headed
the formidable rebellion against David described
in 2 Sam. xx. ; and another, probably, Shimei
the son of Gera of Bahurim, who cursed David
as he fled from Absalom (2 Sam. xvi. 5), since
he is said to be " a man of the family of the
bouse of Saul." But if so, Gera must be a
different person from the Gera of Gen. xlvi. 21
and 1 Ch. viii. 3. Perhaps therefore the passage
may only mean that Shimei |w!ts a Benjamite.
In this case he would be a descendant of Bela.
From what has been said above it will be seen
bow important it is, with a view of reconciling
apparent discrepancies, to bear in mind the
'liferent tiroes when different passages were
vritten, as well as the principle of the genealo-
pcai divisions of the families. Thus in the case
before us we have the tribe of Benjamin de-
scribed (1) as it was about the time when Jacob
* This view suggests the possibility of Becher being
R*Dr the firet-bom of Benjamin, but having forfeited
liii Mnbiight for the sake of the Epbralmitisb inherit-
ance.
* it la possible that ilechorath may be the same per-
Mn u Bectier, and that the order has been accidenully
Inverted.
* Cp. I Ch. vU. Hi vlli. 6, 6, 29i ix. 35.
BED AKD BEDCHAMBER 375
went down into Egypt ; (2) as it was just before
the entrance into Canaan; <.) as it was in the
days of David ; and (4) as :t was eleven genen-
tioDS after Jonathan and David, i.«. in Hezekiah's
reign. It is obvious bow in these later times
many new heads of houses, called sons of Ben-
jamin, would have sprung up, while older ones,
by failure of lines, or translation into other
tribes, would have disappeared. Even the non-
appearance of Becher in 1 Ch. viii. 1 may be
accounted for on this principle, without any
alteration of the text.
2. Son of Ephraim, Num. xxvi. 35, called
Bered 1 Ch. vii. 20 (A. Bap^S, B. omits). Same
as the preceding. [A. C, H.]
BECHO'RATH (,n•f\^, first birth ; Beoho-
rath"), son of Aphiah, or Abiah, and grandson of
Becher, according to 1 Sam. ix. 1 (B. Baxfi,
A. Btxfpii) i 1 Ch- Til- 8 (B. 'A$axt(, A. Box<(p).
[Beoheb.] [A. C. H.]
BECTl'LETH, the plain op (B. rh irtSior
hatcrtiKaie, A. B«cT<A^6, K" -rt-, K* BoirovAui ;
Syr. ASiftn AjA = house of slaughter),
mentioned in Judith ii. 21, as lying between
Kineveh and Cilicia. The name has been com-
pared with BoKToiaXAcE, a town of Syria named by
Ptolemy ; the Bactiali of the Peutinger Tables,
which place it 21 miles from Antioch. The
most important plain in this direction is the
Bcka.n, or valley lying between the two chains
of Lebanon. And it is possible that Bectileth
is a corruption of that well-known name : if
indeed it be a historical word at all (see Speaker's
Comm. in loco). [G.] [W.]
BED and BEDCHAMBER (fe'TI?. ntpO.
2JIET?. Six;. y-VO, the first being mostly Kklin,
in LXX., while ko/ti;, arp^iuna, and arpwiai^
appear promiscuously for the others). We may
distinguish in the Jewish bed five principal
parts: — 1, the substratum; 2, the covering;
3, the pillow; 4, the bedstead or analogous
support for 1 ; 5, the ornamental portions.
Bads. (Trom T«Uowf, Atia Mtuor.)
1. This substantive portion of the bed, or
part lain upon, was limited to a mere mat, or
one or more quilts. The word which precisely
expresses this seems to be U^fQt contrasted with
its "covering:" see Is. ixviii. 20, where the
two are named.
2. A coverlid or quilt finer than those used
in 1. This is called the " covering " (Is /. c,
nS^D), and the two together appear u> form the
I 2^^0' " place of lying, ' which last terra seems
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376 BED AND BEDCHAMBER
nsed collectively in the singular for " bedding "
among the stores brought for David's use (2 Sam.
xvii. 28). In Prov. ixii. 27 this is that which is
suppoiied to be " taken away from under " a man.
Special foi-ms of covering, probably luxurious
or ornamental, are the D^^JID of Prov.
vii. 16, "coverings (R. V. "carpets") of
tapestry " in A. V. The word JJIVJ, properly
a participle just like stratum (used also, however,
for a floor, or itory, in 1 K. vi. 5, 6, 10), while its
verb stands for " to make a bed " (Ps. cxxxii. 8),
means comprehensively anything laid flat to he
on. It appears in combination with V^ =
"the couch of my bed" (Ps. cxxxii. 3, R. V.
marg.). In summer a thin blanket or the
outer garment worn by day (1 Sam. xix. 13)
suflJced. This latter, in the case of a poor
person, often formed both 1 and 2, and that
without a bedstead. Henoe the law provided
that it should not be kept in pledge after sunset,
that the poor man might not lack his needful
covering (Deut. xiiv. 13).
3. The only material mentioned for this is
that which occurs in 1 Sam. xix. 13, and the word
(^^33) used is of doubtful meaning, but seems
to signify some fabric woven or plaited of
goat's-hair (B. V. marg. quOt or network. See
the Comm. m loco). It is clear, however,
that it was something hastily adapted to serve
as a pillow, and is not decisive of the ordinary
ose. In Ezek. xiii. 18 occurs the word DC)?
(TfMnriM^cEXoioy, LXX.), which seems to be the
proper term. Such pillows are common to this
day in the East, formed of sheep's fleece or goat's
skin, with a stuffing of cotton, &c. We read of
a " pillow," also, in the boat in which our Lord
lay asleep (Mark iv. 38) as He crossed the lake.
A block of stone such as Jacob used at Bethel,
covered perhaps with a garment, was not unusual
among the poorer folk, shepherds, &c.
4. The bedstead was not always necessary;
the divan, or platform along the side or end of
an Oriental room, sufficing «s a support for the
beddiug (see preceding cut). Vet some slight
and portable frame seems implied among the
senses of the word HOP, which is used for a
"bier" (2 Sam. iii. 31), and for the ordinary
bed (2 K. iv. 10), for the litter on which a sick
person might be carried (1 Sam. xix. 15), for
Jacob's bed of sickness (Gen. xlvii. 31, where " the
bed's head " is perhaps illustrated by the raised
Bcdiiid Had-rast. (Waklnion, Atritml B.|/p(Vi»..)
extremity of the bed in the subjoined figure), and
for the couch on which guests reclined at a ban-
quet (Esth. i. 6). Thus ntjp seems the compre-
hensive and generic term, and might etymo-
BED ASD BEDCHAMBER
logically be rendered "a stretcher." "TliepreiKT
word for a bedstead appears to be EHP. i»
used Deut. iii. 11, it probably describes the
sarcophagus of basalt in which lay the dead
giant Og (cp. Dillmann' in loco). The btnit of
the Argob is black, and is said to contain 20 jwr
cent, of " iron " (cp. Pliny, Nat. Hist. iiin. 2).
ilost of the above words, however, seem to be
used vaguely, especially in poetry.
AiByrian Beds. JUkiac the bed. (Etmrvi^)
5. The ornamental portions, and those which
luxury added, wpre pillars and a canopy (JoJ.
xiii. 9 [CAJfOpr]), ivory carvings (Amos vi. 4),
gold and silver (Joseph. Ant. iii. 2, § 15X "^
probably mosaic work. Purple and line lines
are also mentioned as constitutmg parts of bed»
(Esth. i. 6). In Cant. iii. 9, 10, the word p'T?lt
LXX. ^pfToy, seems to mean " a litter " (K. T.
" palanqnin ; " cp. Delitzsch in loco). PerfiuMs
were used ; cp. those (Prov. vii. 17) with wbici
the " strange woman " sprinkles her bed. She
(*. 16) speaks of "carved work" (niaDHV
which R. V. renders " striped clothes " of Ihf
varn of Egypt (cp. the LXX. i/uptTims "«
aw' Alyinrov).
There is but little distinction of the htd bom
sitting furniture among the Orientals; the an*
article being used for rest by night and daiisi:
the day. This applies both to the divaa ai
bedstead in all its forms, except perhaps the
FUlow or UfA-neL (Wilkismn, JneimI Zi^ft^a^)
litter. The » comer of a bed " (ni^D) s»gges»
the place where two sides of the frame meet sod
where more support and ease are found. The
"couch" (fen^) which is made its parallel in
Amos iii. 12, involves some specialty ia con-
nexion with the context ; but this being'uncntain
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BfiDAD
it it impo«ible to determine it (see R. V. text
.mil mtrg. Cp. Guulell in Sptaker't Comm., and
Keil' in loco, for the different views). There
was also a garden-watcher's bed, i\i1?D, ren-
JfreJ rarioBsly in the A. V. " cottage " (R. V.
•booth") and "lodge" (R. V. •' hut "), which
(ODie hare thought was slung like s hammock,
perhaps from the trees (Is. i. 8 ; xxiv. 20).
JoMphns (Ant. lii. 4, § 11) mentions the bed-
chambers in the Arabian palace of Hyrcanus.
The ordinary furniture of a bedchamber in
prirate life is given in 2 K. it. 10. The " bed-
chamber" in the Temple where Joash was hidden,
arai, as Calmet suggests (Diet, of Bib. art.
/>(& ; see Keil), probably a store-chamber for
kocpmg beds, not a mere bedroom, and thus
Mtter adapted to conceal the fugitires (2 K. xi.
2; 2 Ch. iiii. 11, n\l30n fin, R. V. marg.
ehanber for the bedi, not the usual 2^t^ "Hn,
"chamber of reclining," Ex. riii. 3 and posstm).
The position of the bedchamber in the most
remote and secret parts of the palace seems
icarked in the passages £x, viii. 3 ; 2 E. vi. 12.
[H. H.]
BEDA'D (T13 ; BapdS; Bailad), the father
rfoneof the kings of Edom, " Hadad ben-Bedad "
(Gm. jijvi. 35 ; 1 Ch. i. 46). [W. A. W.]
BEDA'IAH, Ezra i. 35. [Bedeiah.]
BEDA'N. 1. (}13; Badan), mentioned
1 Sam. lii. 11, as a Judge of Israel between
.'ernbbaal (Gideon) and Jephthah. As no such
<ume occurs in the Book of Judges, various
nnjectores hare been formed as to the person
meant, most of which (now obsolete) are dis-
cussed in Pole (Synopsis, in loc.). The LXX.,
^yr., and Arab, all have Barak ; and this cor-
rection, probable except for the order of the
names, is accepted by most modern critics (see
e.g. Wellbansen, Speaker's Comm., and Driver,
Sctet on the /f<6. Text of the Books of Samuel,
ialoco). [G. E.L.C.] [F.]
& B. BaUfi, A. BoStfi'. Son of Ulam the
»B of Gilead (1 Ch. vii. 17). [W. A. W.]
BEDEI'AH (nnS; A. BoSout, B. Bapaii,
K. WaSaii ; Badaias), one of the sons of Bani,
ia the time of Ezra, who had taken a foreign
wife (Ezra X. 35). [W. A. W.] [F.]
BEE (fTJia^,* debdrali; iiiKuraa, iit\ur<r<iy ;
"pis). Mention of this insect occurs in Deut. i.
•H, " The Amorites which dwelt in that moun-
tain came oat against you, and chased yon as
Utsio;" in Jndg. liv. 8, "There was a swarm
"f hees and honey in the body of the lion ; "
in Ps. cxTiii. 12, "They compassed me about
like bees ; " and in Is. vii. 18, " It shall come to
pass in that day that the Lord shall hiss for the
Ay that is in Uie uttermost parts of the rivers
"' %7P^> '^ fo'' ^^^ ^' ^bot '* i° ^^' laitd of
-Usyria." Palestine abounded in bees, and was
indeed a land " flowing with milk and honey."
The common bee of Palestine is the Apis fasciata
of Latreille. It much resembles our English
* Fran 13^, ordtne duxiti cofgit (exasun). Oes.
r»«t.a.v.
BEE
377
hive bee. Apis mclUfica, and still more closely
the bee of Italy and Southern Europe, but it i»
decidedly smaller and of a much lighter colour.
It differs slightly in other ways. The swarms
or colonies, especially of the wild ones, are
generally more numerous, and the cells of the
combs are naturally a little smaller, while the
combs themselves are frequently of greater size
and Weight. Few countries in the world are
more suited to bees than Palestine, with its dry
climate, its stunted bat varied flora, consisting^
in large proportion of aromatic thymes, salvias,
mints and other labiate plants, as well as of
crocuses, irises, and oolchicums in spring, while
the innumerable caves and fissures of the dry
limestone rocks afiford shelter and protection for
the combs through all the countless wadys of
the land. Bees are, if possible, even more abun-
dant in the comparatively desert regions of the
south, than in the cultivated central and
northern districts. Many of the Bedouin, par-
ticularly in the wilderness of Judaea, obtain
their subsistence by bee-hunting, bringing into
Jerusalem skins and jars of that wild honey on
which St. John the Baptist fed in the wilderness
(Matt. iii. 4), and which Jonathan had long
before unwittingly tasted when the comb had
dropped on the ground from the tree in which
it was suspended (1 Sam. xiv. 25, &c.). When
we see the busy multitudes of bees about th«
cliffs (see Thomson, The Land and the Book,.
p. 299), we are reminded of the words, " With
honey out of the stony rock should I satisfy
thee" (Ps. Ixxxi. 16, R. V.). Such stores of wild
honey the men possessed who petitioned Ishmael
for their lives on that account. " Slay as not,
for we have treasures in the field, of wheat . . .
and of honey " (Jer. xli. 8).
Most of the allusions in Scripture to bees
refer to these unreclaimed stocks which inhabit
the cliffs, and frequently also hollow trees, as in
the instance referred to in the story of Jonathan.
Having abundant space in which to expand their
colonies, they do not swarm so frequently as
those which are confined in artificial hives, and,
when robbed, will sometimes attack the plun-
derers with great fury. In some parts of India
so enormous are the swarms of wild bees, that
there are ravines which it is impossible to tra-
verse, owing to their attacks, which have been
known to be fatal. Compare the expressions id
Deut. i. 44, Ps. ex viii. 12, quoted above.
There can be no doubt that the attacks of
bees in Eastern countries are more to be dreaded
than they are in more temperate climates. Not
only are swarms in the East far larger than
they arc with us, but on account of the heat
of the climate it can be readily understood how
their stings give rise to very dangerous symp-
toms. It would be easy to quote from Aris-
totle, Arlian, and Pliny, in proof of what has
been stated ; but let the reader consult Mungo
Park's Tra<:els(i\. 37, 38)asto the incident which
occurred at a spot he named " Bees' Creek "
from the circumstance (cp. also Oedman, Ver-
misch. Samml. pt. vi. c. 20). We can well, there-
fore, understand the full force of the Psalmist's
complaint, " They came about me like bees." '
' It to very curious to observe that In the passage of
Deut. I. U, the Sjrrtac Version, the Targnm of Onkelos,
ouil an Arabic MS. read, "chased you as bees that are
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378
BEE
The passage about the swarm uf bees and honey
in the lion's carcase (Judg. li v. 8, R. V. " body ")
admits of easy explanation. The lion which Sam-
son slew had been dead some little time before
the bees had taken up their abode in the carcase,
for it is expressly stated that " after a time "
Samson returned and saw the bees and honey in
the lion's carcase ; so that " if," as Oedman has
well observed, " any one here represents to him-
self a corrupt and putrid carcase, the occurrence
ceases to hare any true similitude, for it is well
known that in these countries, at certain seasons
of the year, the heat will in the course of
twenty-four hours so completely dry up the
moisture of dead camels, and that without their
undergoing decomposition, that their bodies long
remain, like mammies, unaltered and entirely
free from offensive odour." To the foregoing
quotation we may add that very probably the
ants would help to consume the soft parts of
the carcase, and leave perhaps in a short time
little else than the skin and skeleton. Even in
this country wrens and sparrows have been
known not unfrequently to make their nests in
the dried body of an exposed crow or hawk.
Herodotus (v. 114) speaks of a certain Onesilus
who had been taken prisoner by the Amathu-
sians and beheaded, and whose head, having been
suspended over the gates, had become occupied
by a swarm of bees (cp. also Aldrovandus,
<fe Insect, i. 110). The passage in Is. vii. 18,
"The Lord shall hiss for the bee that is in the
land of Assyria," has been understood by some
to refer to the practice of arresting bees by loud
jingling sounds when they are swarming in
order to induce them to settle. However it
may be explained, the fact is familiar to every
bee-keeper, that the bees do settle more readily
and quickly when the cymbal-like music is
employed. But the passage more probably
simply refers to the call to attention univer-
sally employed in Eastern conntries (cp. Ges.
•s. V. pit?), which is always "hiss" or "hist"
instead of our " halloa " or " hey." That the
custom existed amongst the ancients of calling
swarms to their hives, must be familiar to every
reader of Virgil (fieorg. iv. 64),
" TInnitnsqac cle, et mitris qnate cymbals ctrcnm,"
and it is interesting to observe that this practice
has continued down to the present day.
Besides the unreclaimed bees, vast numbers of
the same species are also domesticated in Pales-
tine, especially in Galilee. Probably the method
of keeping them has not varied from the earliest
times. The hives are very simple, consisting of
large tubes of sun-dried mud, about eight
inches in diameter, and four feet long, closed at
either end with a cake of mud, pierced with a
small hole, through which only three or four
bees can pass at a time. There is a door at
either end of the tube, and both seem to be
used indifferently by the bees. The tubes or
hives are laid horizontally close together in rows,
piled in a pyramid. I once counted in one of
smoked," showing how andeot the custom is of t&klng
bees* nests by means of smoke. Constant allnslon Is
made to this practice In clusical authors. Wasps' nests
were taken in the same way. See Bodiart (^Siero*. in,
360).
BEE
these apiaries no less than seventy-eight tubes,
each a distinct hive. Coolness being the great
object, the whole is thickly plastered over with
mud, and covered with boughs, while a large
branch is stuck in the ground at each end, ta
assist the bees in alighting. At first ve took
these singular structures for ovens or hen
houses. The barbarous practice of destroying
the swarms for their honey is unknown. When
the hives are fnll, the clay is removed from the
ends of the tubes and the combs are extracted
with a hook. Those pieces which contain yoaag
bees are carefully replaced, and the hives are
then closed as before.
Honey, wild or from the hives, can be pnr-
chased everywhere, and is used for many
culinary purposes, especially for kneading with
flour to make sweet cakes. It was from the
earliest times an article of commerce from
Palestine. It was among the delicacies sent
down by Jacob with his sons to the Governor of
Egypt, a country in which, from its character,
bees are and always must have been very scarce
(Gen. xliii. 11). It is mentioned by Ezekiel
among the commodities exported to Tyre:
" Judab and the land of Israel were thy mer-
chants ; they traded for thy merchandise wheat,
. . . honey " (xxvii. 17, R. V.).
The Orientals have a sweet tooth, and are in
the habit of eating honey to a degree that
would nauseate a Western stomach. It is pro-
bable that in several passages CT}'?, drStui,
stands for the [«»>i>i dibbs, the sweet synp
made by boiling down the juice of the grape
to the consistency of treacle, but in most in-
stances bees' honey is undoubtedly signified.
Bees'-wax was also employed for various pur-
poses, but not, so far as we know, for candl«.
it was an ingredient in various ointments and
perfumes.
The word of God is frequently compared is
Scripture to honey I'or its sweetness (Ps. lii. 10,
&c.). Deborah (bee) was a favonrite and appr<^
priate female name (Gen. xxxv. 8 ; Jndg. iv. j)
Besides the hive bee there are very mtn}
species of humble bee (Bombus) common is
Palestine, several species of carpenter bee
(^Xylocopa), while the more solitary mason bees
are especially numerous both in species an!
individuals, but their stores of honey are t«
inconsiderable to have ever been an object of
search.
The LXX. has the following eulogium on the
bee in Prov. vi. 8 : "Go to the bee, and leam
how diligent she is, and what a noble work she
produces, whose labours kings and private mat
use for their health ; she is desired and hnnoure^
by all, and though weak in strength, yet since site
values wisdom, she prevails." This passage is
not found in any Hebrew copy of the Srriptores :
It exists however in the Arabic, and it is quoted
by Origen, Clemens Alexandrinns, Jerome. anJ
other ancient writers. Cp. Speaier's Ccmn.
"Introd. to Proverbs," iii. § 12 (a) (3); D»-
litzsch on Prov. vi. 8 and Einteit. in Au Sprueh-
b«ch, § 5 ; Strack in Strack n. ZiSckler'i Stf-
Komm. " Spriiche Salomos," Einleit. § 4.
The bee belongs to the family Apidkte, of the
Hymenopterotts order of insects. The principal
modem writers on bees are Swammerdain, Kirby
and Spence, Reaumur, Huber, Scfairach, Boauet,
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BEEL-IADA
Brandt, and Ratzebarg (,Med. Zcologie, ii. 8,
177-205). [H. B. T.]
BEEL-U'DA (inj^a = *noim by Baal;
BX. BaXryiaf, A. BoXAtojii ; Baaliadd), one of
Darid's sons, born in Jerusalem (1 Ch. xiv. 7).
la the liats in Samael (2 Sam. r. 16) the name is
l:Uil)A, £1 taking the place of Baal.
[W. A. W.]
BEEL-SABUS(B«A<rii)iioi; Beeltmro), 1 Esd.
V. 8. [BiLSHAS] One of those who returned
to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel. [W- A. W.]
BKEL-TETHMUS, an officer of Artaieries
reiidiDg in Palestine (1 Esd. ii. Iti, 25. Sec
uute in Sptaier's Comm.'). The name is a cor-
niption of DSD 7jff3 = lord of judgment, the
title of Rehum, the name immediately before
it (Ezra IT. 8 ; where A. V. and K- V. render
'0 '3 "chancellor ")l The title is now explamed
by the Assyrian Inscriptions, and signifies " lord
uf official intelligence " or " postmaster " (Sayce,
Inind. to the Books of Ezra, Neh. and Esther,
p. 25. Cp. Bertheau-Ryssel on Ezra ir. 8). [F.]
BEEL-ZEBUB (Bt*\(t»oi\ [Tischendorf-
Gebbirdt and Westcott and Hort read Vt((t$oiiK
always]; Beelzebub), the title of a heathen
ileitr, to whom the Jews ascribed the sovereignty
<•( the eril spirits (iVIatt. x. 25, xii. 24 ; Mark
iii. 22; Luke xi. 15 sq.). The correct reading is
tithout doubt BeeUebttl, and not Beelzebub as
;iren in the Syriac, the Vulg., and some other
V«nions; the authority of the MSS. is decisive
iikJaTour of the former, the alteration being
easily accounted for by a comparison with
2 K. L 2, u> which reference is made in the
P<u5»ges quoted. [Baal, p. 308, No. 2.] Two
•pestions present themselves in connexion with
tiiis tnbject : — (1) How are we to account for
the change of the final letter of the name?
(2)0s what grounds did Jews assign to the
Beelzebub of Ekron the peculiar position of i
ifX-" TiSr Saiiiorlay 1 The sources of informa-
tion at oar command for the answer to these
laestions are scanty: the names are not found
elsewhere : the LXX. translates Beelzebub BcEoA
Mws Ms, as also does Josephus (Ant. ix. 2, § 1) ;
.ind the Talmudical writers are silent on the
••abject.
1. The explanations offered in reference to the
ibiuge of the name may be ranged under two
<:lajses, according as they are based on the
sound or the meaning of the word, (a) The
former proceeds on the assumption that the
Bame Beelzebub was offensive to the Greek ear,
and that the final letter wai altered to avoid
the donbie b, just as Habakkuk became in the
I-XX. 'AnfioKoiii (Hitzig, Vorbemerk. in Habak-
liiili); the choice of /, as a substitute for 6,
ieing decided by the previous occurrence of the
letter in the former part of the word (Bengel,
Owmon in Hatt. i. 25, comparing McA.x^A. in
the LXX. as = Micbal). It is, however, by no
means clear why other names, such as Magog,
or Eldad, shonld not have undergone a similar
change : and we should prefer the assumption,
in connexion with this view, that the change was
purely of on accidental nature, for which no
atttfactory reason can be assigned. (6) The
BEEL-ZEBUB
379
second class of explanations carries the greatest
weight of authority with it : these proceed on
the ground that the Jews intentionally changed
the pronunciation of the word, so as either to
give a significance to it adapted to their own
ideas, or to cast ridicule upon the idolatry of
the neighbouring nations, in which case we
might compare the adoption of Sychar for
Sychem, Bethaven for Bethel. The Jews were
certainly keenly alive to the significance of
names, and not unfrequently indulged in an
exercise of wit, consisting of a play upon the
meaning of the words, as in the case of Xabal
(I Sam. XXV 25), Abraham (Gen. xvii. 5), and
Sarah (Gen. xvli. 15). Lightfoot (^Exercitatiotis,
Matt, xii 24) adduces instances from the
Talmudical writers of opprobrious puns applied
to idols.
The explanations which are thus based on
etymological grounds, branch off into two classes.
(a) Some connect the term with ?13T> habita-
tion, thus making Beelzebul, 'T*7V3 = «iKo8«r-
ircSriji (Matt. i. 25), the lord of the dwelling,
whether as the " prince o/ the power of the air "
(Eph. ii. 2), or as the prince of the lower world
(Paulas, quoted by Olshausen, Comment- m
Matt. x. 25), or as inhabiting human bodies
(Schleusner, Lex. s. v.), or as occupying a
mansion in the seventh heaven, like Saturn in
Oriental mythology (Movers, Plioenic. i. 260,
quoted by Winer, Seahcort. art. Beelzebub;
cp. Michaelis, Suppl. ad Lex. p. 205, and Fiirst
for a similar view). (6) Others derive it from
73T, dung (a word, it must be observed, not in
use in the Bible itself, but occurring in Talmu-
dical writers in form 743t), tjius making Beel-
zebul, lit. the lord of dung, or the dunghill;
and in a secondary sense, as zeibel was used by
the Talmudical writers as = idol or idolatry
(comp. Lightfoot, Exercit. Matt. xii. 24 ; Luke
xi. 15), the lard of idols, prince of false gods, in
which case it=lifix<i>y r&y Saifioyluv.
It is generally held that the former of these
two senses is more particularly referred to in the
K. T. (Carpzov, Appar. p. 498, comparing the
term Dv1?| as though connected with 7?3,
dung; Olshausen, Comment in Matt. xii. 25)-
the latter, however, is adopted by Lightfoot
and Schleusner We have lastly to notice the
ingenious conjecture of Hug (as quoted by
Winer) that the fly under vliich Baalzebub
was represented [on the culms of the Zds
luraftios and of a god Myludcs or Myiocores, sec
Baudissin in Htr;:og, SE.' s. n. Beelzebub},
was the Scarabacus pillularius or dunghill beetle,
in which case Baalzebub and Beelzebul might be
used indifferently.
2. The second question hinges to a certain
extent on the first. The reference in Matt.
X. 25 may have originated in a fancied resem-
blance between the application of Ahoziah to
Baalzebub, and that of the Jews of our Lord
to S.itan for the ejection of the nnclean spirits.
As no human remedy availed for the cure of
this disease, the Jews naturally referred it to
some higher power, and selected Beelzebub as
the heathen deity to whom application was
made in case of severe disease. The title ttix"'
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380
BE-£B
ruy taiitovltty may have special reference to the
nature of the disease in question, or it may
hare been educed from the name itself by a
fancied or real etymology. It is worthy of
special observation that the notices of Beelxebul
are exclnsively connected with the subject of
demoniacal possession, — a circumstance which
may account for the subsequent disappearance
of the name. Baudissin (/. c.) answers this
question by referring to the fly as an unclean
insect, and to the god of flies as an unclean god.
He finds a parallel in the metamorpbusis of the
wicked god Loki into a fly. [W. L. B.] [K.]
BE-£B (1^2 = well; ri ippdapi ptUeus).
1. One of the latest halting-places of the
Israelites, lying beyond the Amon, and so called
because of the well which was there dug by the
" princes " and "nobles " of the people, and which
is perpetuated in a fragment of poetry (Numb. xxi.
16-18).* This is by some considered the Beeb-
ELIM, or " well of heroes," referred to in Is. iv. 8.
The " wilderness " (13^0) which is named as
their next starting-point in the last clause of
r. 18, may be that before spoken of in v. 13, or
it may be a copyist's mtstaiie for *1Kt'P. U was
■o understood by the LXX., who read the clause,
Kol Inrh ^piteros — "and from the well," IV.
" from Beer" (see Dillmann* in loco).
Accoi-ding to the tradition of the Targumists
— a tradition in part adopted by St. Paul (1 Cor.
X. 4. See Speaker's Comm., note) — this was one
of the appearances, the last before the entrance
on the Holy Land, of the water which had
" followed " the jicople, from its first arrival
at Kephidim, through their wanderings. The
water — so the tradition appears to have run
— was granted for the sake of Miriam, her
merit being that, at the peril of her life, she
had watched the ark in which lay the infant
Moses. It followed the march over mountains
and into valleys, encircling the entire camp,
and furnishing water to every man at his own
tent door. This it did till her death (Num.
XX. 1), at which time it disappeared for a
season, apparently rendering a s|>ecial act neces-
sary on each future occasion for its evocation.
The striking of the rock at Kadesh (Num. xx.
10) was the first of these ; the digging of the
well at Beer by the staves of the princes, the
second. Miriam's well at last found a home in
a gulf or recess in the Sea of Galilee, where
at certain seasons its water flowed, and was
resorted to for healing purposes (Targums
Onkelos and Pseudo-Jon.-ithan on Num. xi. 1,
xxi. 18. See also the quotations from the Talmud
in Lightfoot on John v. 4, and in Expositor
[18891pp. 15-18).
~ B. Bw^p ;
2. B. Bw^p ; A. 'PofxE ; Vulg. liera. A place
to which Jotham, the son of Gideon, fled for
fear of his brother Abimelech (Judg. ix. 21).
There is nothing in the text or elsewhere to
indicate its position, though Keil (in loco)
• There Is no connexion between the "gather" in
«. 16 and that in xx. 8. From the A. V. it might be
Inferred that the fonncr passage referred to the event
described In the latter: but the two words rendered
"gather" are radically dllTercnt,— ^flp In xx. 8,
where B. V. has ■■ assemble," C|DM in xxi. 16.
BEEK-LAUAI-BOI
identifies it with el Birth near the montli of
Wady es Surar (Robinson, ii. 347). [G.] [W.]
BB-E'BA QXyil, Ges. = a <eeU; A. ia^
B. BotiuAii ; Sera\ son of Zophah, of tlie trilx
of A8her(lCb.vii. 37). [W. A.W.] [F.]
BE-E'BAH (nT«2,Ges.= a if«H; A.B«i|(Ki,
B. Bs^iA; Beera), son of Baal, prince (tOTJ) of
the Reubenites, carried away by Tiglath-pilestr
(1 Ch. V. 6). [\V.A.W.] [F.j
BEEB-E'LIM (D'h^ 1^^ «ell of hems;
^pfop roi AtXcl/i, K- Alkl/i ; putexa Elim), a
spot named in Is. xv. 8 as on the " border of
Moab," apparently the south, Eglaim being at tlie
north end of the Dead Sea. Gesenius, Delitiacb,
and Miihlau think that the name points to
the well dug by the chiefs of Israel on (iicir
approach to the Promised Land, close bf th(
" border of Moab " (Num. xxi. 16 ; cp. t. 13),
but this is rejected by Dillmaiin*. [BEEt, 1.]
Beer-elim was probably chosen by the Hrophrt
out of other places on the boundary on account
of the similarity between the sound of the ami
and that of an??* — the " howling " which tu
to reach even to that remote point (Evilil,
Proph. 233). [G.] [W.]
BE-E'BI (n{(3, Ges. = man of the nil;
AJ). Bt^p, E. Boi^Ja ; Been"). 1. The father rf
Jndith, one of the wives of Esau (Gen. jni.
34), wlio is called in the genealogical table ((i«t.
xxxvi. 2) AilOLlBAHAH, daughter of Anah.
Consequently some regard Beeri and .\nil> as
names of the same person ; others, witli more
probability, trace in the whole passage tro in-
dependent traditions (see Dillmann* on dti.
xxxvi. 2). [F.]
2. Bn)0((. Father of the prophet Rosea (Ho*.
i. 1). [t-.W.G]
BEEB-LAHA'I-BOI CN"> 'n^ "Wf E.V.
raarg. the veil of the ticiwi One Hlo »rfS ""■
[cp. Delitzsch (1887) and Dillmann*]; ADE. ri
^piap Trjs Spivttts ; puteta vicentii et tiltaii*
me), a well (Gen. xvi. 14), or rather a liria;
spring * (A. V. and R. V. " fountain," cp. t. '\
between Kadesh and Bered, in the wild(me>>,
"in the way to Sliur," and therefore in the
" south country " (Gen. xxiv. 62 ; LXX. ali(r\
whose name, according to the eiplanatioa ot
the text, recalled to Hagar the Name of tiw
Lord (Gen. xvi. 13, R. V. " Thou ait a W
that seeth ") Who spake unto her there. By
this well Isiiac dwelt both before and stlc
the death of his father (Gen. xiiv. 62 ; iiv. H :
in both passages the n.ime is given in the A V.
as " the well [R. V. Beer-] Uhai-roi ").
The well of Hagar was shown in the tinw of
.Tcrome between Kadesh and Barad (OS.' p. 1J5.
3). Mr. Rowland finds the well Lahai-ioi at
'Am tfuiceiUK, a station on the road to Beer-
sheba, ten hours south of Rnkeibeh ; near wliitli
is a hole or cavern bearing the name of ^'
Hajar (Ritter, Sinai, pp. 1086-7); but iki*
• One of the very few cases In which the t»o wm*
^ijj, Ain, a living spring, and 1^3. Beer, an oitiidil
well, are applied to the same thing.
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BEEEOTH
nqnires confirmation. Prof. Palmer (PEFQy.
Stat. 1871, pp. 21-2) mentions a rock-hewn
chapel and other caves nt 'Ain Mutceiteh, which
it wonld appear that the early Christians re-
garded " as sacred from some tradition attached
to the spot." Mr. Holland (MS. Notes) sars
that the principal watering-place consists of a
stream, and three or four shallow wells with
troaghs, and notes the presence of mncb water.
Thb well is not to be confounded with that
br which the life of Ishmael was preserved on n
sihsequent occasion (Gen. xii. 19), and which,
.-Kcordinz to the Moslem belief, is the well Zem-
tm at Mecca. [G.] [\V.]
BEETiarH (rt"IS3. «««»; Beroth), one of
the four cities of the Hirites who deluded Joshua
into a treaty of peace with them, the other
three being Gibeon, Chephirah, and Kirjath-
jearim (Josh. ii. 17 ; LXX. v. 23, B. Beifx^y,
W^ Bnidp, AF. Bitpcia). Beeroth was with
the rest of these towns allotted to Benjamin
(iriii. 25 ; B. BciipaiOcE, A. Br)pi9), in whose pos-
session it continued at the time of Uavid, the
nanlerers of Ish-boshet h being named as belong-
ing to it (2 Sam. iv. 2 ; B. Bi)p^, A. om.). From
the notice in this place (tw. 2, 3) it would
.ippear that the original inhabitants had been
forced from the town, and had taken refuge at
Gittaim (Neh. xi. 34), possibly a Philistine
city. Probably this occurred on the occasion of
Sanl's msMacre of the Gibeonites (2 Sam. xxi. 1),
which would account for the animosity of
liusah and Rechab to Saul's son.
Beeroth is once more named with Chephirah
sad K.-jearim in the list of those who returned
from Babylon (Ezra ii. 25; Neh. vii. 29, B.
T^pis; 1 Esd. v. 19, B. Bvpiy, aliter Bvpiif).
[BnoTB.]
Beeroth was known in the times of Eusebios,
and his description of its position (OS.' p. 247,
61, with the corrections of Reland, pp. 618-9;
Rob. L 452, note) agrees perfectly with that of
the modem el-Birth, which stands about ten miles
north of Jerusalem by the great road to A'«-
Wu, jost below a ridge which bounds the pros-
pect northwards from the Holy City (Rob. i.
451-2; ii. 262. See also PEF. Mem. iii. 8, 88;
and Gn^rin, JutVe, iii. 7-13. [Another site
maybe seen suggested in Dillmann ' on Josh. ix.
17]). Ko mention of Beeroth beyond those
qaoted aboTe is found m the Bible, but one
link connecting it with the N. T. has been
'■■ggested, and indeed embodied in the tradi-
tions of Palestine, which we may well wish
to regard as true, viz. that it was the place
»t which the p.trents of " the child Jesus "
discovered that He was not among their " com-
psny" (Luke ii. 43-45). At any rate the
sptisg of d-Bireh is even to this day the cus-
tomary resting-place for caravans going north-
ward, at the end of the first day's journey from
Jerusalem (Stanley, p. 215 ; Lord Nugent, ii.
112; Schnbiert in Winer, s. v.).
A charch was bnilt by Helena on the spot
where the Virgin Mary sank down on discover-
ing her loss. The remains were to be seen in
Msundrell's day (£. T. 436). The church was
standing in the time of Qnaresimus (li. 787) ; he [
identifies el-Bireh with Hichmash. Bireh be-
longed to the Knights Templar (Broeardus, vii.
178^
BEBR-SUEBA
381
Besides Bannah and Rechab, the murderers of
Ish-bosheth, with their father Rimmon, we find
Nahari « the Beerothite " ('J7'"H<3PI, B. i Bn0w
peitos, B** A. Bi)pw9a7os ; 2 Sam. ixiii. 37), or
"the Berothite" Cnijil, A. 6 BijpiM, B. 6
BipBtl, 1 Ch. xi. 39), one of the " mighty men "
of David's guard. [G.] [ W.]
BEE'BOTH OP the Children of Jaakax
(JiJJT'jg nT«3 ; BAF. Bnpi,e vliy •loKttfi ;
Beroth Jiliomm jacan), the wells of the tribe
of the Bene-Jnakan, which formed one of the
halting-places of the Israelites in th^ desert
(Dent. X. 6). In the lists in Num. xzziii. 31,
the name is given as Bene Jaakan only.
BEE'ROTHITB. [Beeroth.]
BEEE-SHEBA (]>2f "H«3. V2f '3 [in
pause], Kcll of svearing, or o/ seven; '^piap
dpHiffftov, and ^piap rov ipKov, in Genesis ;
B. Brip<ra04t, A. -fiiS [sometimes] in Joshua and
Inter Books; Joseph. Bripvoufiai- Spxioy Si
^piap Xtyotro Sm; Bersabee), the name of one
of the oldest places in Palestine, and which
formed, according to the well-known expres-
sion, " from Dan to Heersheba " (see below),
the southern limit of the country. The sanc-
tuary of Bcersheba consisted of seven wells ; and
it is notable that among the Semites special
sanctity was attached to a group of this num-
ber (\V. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites,
I. 165).
There are two accounts of the origin of the
name. 1. According to the first, the well was
dug by Abraham, and the name — Beersheba —
given, because there he and .\bimelech the king
of the Philistines "sware" (lySC*:) both of
them (Gen. xxi. 31), stress being' laid by the
Hebrew on the bond ratified by swearing. But
the compact was also ratified by the setting
n|>art of " seven (y3^, theba) ewe lambs " ;
and the name recalled to the Canaanite the
seven things by which ratification was i>er-
fected (cp. Dillmann *).
2. The other narrative ascribes the origin of
the name to an occurrence almost precisely
similar, in which both Abimelech the king of
the Philistines, and Phichol his chief captain,
are again concerned, with the difference that
the person on the Hebrew side of the transaction
is Isaac instead of Abraham (Gen. xivi. 31-33).
Here there is no reference to the "seven"
lambs, and we are left to infer the derivation of
Shibeah (nV2^, A. V. "Shebah," K. V. "Shi-
bah ") from the mention of the " swearing "
(«?3B'») in r. 31.
If we accept the statement of xxvi. 18 as re-
ferring to the same well as in the former ac-
count, we need not enquire whether these two
accounts relate to two separate occurrences
(Delitzsch [1887]), or refer to one and the same
event, at one time ascribed to one, at another
time to another of the early heroes and founders
of the nation. It should be remembered th.'it
there are at present on the spot two principal
wells, and five smaller ones (see below). They
are among the first objects encountered on the
entrance into Palestine from the south; and
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382
D£ElMsU£BA
being highly characterirtic of the life of the
Bible, at the same time that the identity of
the site is beyond all question, the wells of
Beersheba never fail to call forth the enthu-
siasm of the traveller.
The two principal wells— apparently the only
ones seen by Robinson — are on or close to the
northern bank of the Wddy es-Seb'a. They lie
just a hundred yards apart, and are so placed as
to be visible from a considerable distance (Bonar,
Land of Prom. 1). The larger of the two,
which lies to the east, is, according to the care-
ful measurements of Dr. Robinson, 12J feet in
diam., and at the time of his visit (April 12) was
44J feet to the surface of the water: the
masonry which encloses the well reaches down-
wards for 28J feet. The other well is 5 feet in
diam. and was 4'2 feet to the water.
The kerb-stones round the mouth of both
wells are worn into deep grooves by the action
of the ropes of so many centuries, and " look
as if frilled or fluted all round." Round
the larger well fhere are nine, and round the
smaller five large stone troughs — some much
worn and broken, others nearly entire, lying at
a distance of 10 or 12 feet from the edge of the
well. There were formerly ten of these troughs
at the larger well. The circle around is car-
peted with a sward of fine short grass with
crocuses and lilies (Bonar, pp. 5-7). The water is
excellent, the best, as Dr. Robinson emphatically
records, which he had tasted since leaving Sinai.
The five lesser wells— apparently the only
ones seen by Van de Velde — are, according to
his account and the casual notice of Bonar, in a
group in the bed of the wady, not on its north
bank, and at so great a distance from the other
two, that the latter were missed by him.
On some low hills north of the large wells
are scattered the foundations and ruins of a
town of moderate size, Kh, Bir ei-Stb'a. There
are no trees or shrubs near the spot. See
I'EF. ih-m. iii. 394; Prof. Palmer in PEF.
I."/. Stat. 1871, 36 ; and Gu^rin, Judee, ii. 277-
284.
After the digging of the well Abraham planted
a "tamarisk-tree" (R. V.) as a place for the
worship of Jehovah, and here he lived until the
sacrifice of Isaac, and for a long time afterwards
(xxi. 33; xxii. 1, 19). Here also Isaac was dwell-
ing at the time of the transference of the birth-
right from Esau to Jacob (ixvi. 33, xxviii. 10) ;
and from the patriarchal encampment round the
BEER-ijUEBA
welli of his grandfather, Jacob set forth on ihr
journey to Mesopotamia which changed tkr
course of his whole life. Jacob does not »f]itu
to have revisited the place until he made it one
of the stages of his journey down to Egypt Ik-
then halted there to offer sacrifice to " the G<u
of his father," doubtless under the sacred grove
of Abraham.
Krom this time till the conquest of th'.'
country we lose sight of Beersheba, only to
catch a momentary glimpse of it in the
lists of the " cities " in the extreme loith
of Judah (Josh. xv. 28) given to the tribe of
Simeon (Josh. xix. 2 ; 1 Ch. iv. 28). Ssmnel't
sons were judges in Beersheba (1 Sam. viii. 2),
its distance no doubt precluding its being imoO);
the number of the "holy cities" (LXX. T»i>
iiyiaa/iirois ir6\t<ri) to which he himself wcnl
in circuit every year (vii. 16).* By the timet of
the monarchy it had become recognised tf i'af
most southerly place of the country. Its pw-
tion as the place of arrival and departore for
the caravans trading between Palestine and tbr
countries lying in that direction would natarslly
lead to the formation of a town round the velU
of the patriarchs, and the great Egyptian trsje
begun by Solomon must have mcreased iu
importance. Hither Joab's census eitcadtd
(2 Sam. xxiv. 7 ; 1 Ch. xxi. 2), and here Eli.iili
bade farewell to bis confidential servant (n^!^)
before taking his journey across the desert t.i
Sinai (1 K. xix. 3). From Dan to Beenli(bt
(Judg. XX. 1, &c.), or from Beersheba to Dst
(1 Ch. xxi. 2; cp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 2), no* b«-
camc the established formula for the whole of
the Promised Land; just as "from Gtbt t<'
Beersheba " (2 K. xxiii. 8), or " from BeersbiU
to Mount Ephraim " (2 Ch. xix. 4), was thit for
the southern kingdom after the disruptioG.
After the return from the Captivity the fonanla
is narrowed still more, and becomes " from Bmt-
sheba to the valley of Hinnom " (Neh. iL 30)
One of the wives of Ahaziah, king of Juilsh,
Zibiah mother of Joash, was a native of Bec-
sheba (2 K. xii. 1 ; 2 Ch. xxiv. 1). From tbf
incidental references of Amos, we find that, like
Bethel and Gilgal, the place w.-\s in his tin'
the seat of an idolatrous worship, apparenti;
connected in some intimate manner witk tW
northern kingdom (Amos v. 5, viii. 14). In
the latter of these passages we have perb>p>
preserved a form of words or an adjuration osed
by the worshippers, " Live the * way ' of B«tr-
sheba ! " ' After this, with the mere mentica
that Beersheba and the villages round it
(" daughters ") were re-inhabited after tbr
Captivity (Neh. xi. 30), the name dies entiicl;
out of the Bible records ; like many other places,
its as.sociations are entirely confined to the eailitr
history, and its name is not even once mentioaid
in the New Testament.
• The LXX. probably read EHpo intteti of DIpC ■
tbough It Is passible tbst OtpD' "ke tb« Arabic main.
might have a special appllcatJou to a boljr pUcs (s^
WcllhsoN-n, Dtr JVxt d. BB. SawixelU, In locoV
*• Tbere Is a coirespondenoe worth noting between
the word *• way " or " manner " (R. V.) In this fbclaoU
(^'7'^n. literally " the road "), and the vron) i Ut-
••the Way" (K. V.), by which the new religiao L'
designated in Acts ix. 2, Ac.
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BE-ESH-TEKAH
BEHEMOTH
383
But though onheard of, its position ensured a
continned existence to Beersheba. In the time
uf Jerome it was still a considerable place
(vppiduin, Quaest. ad Gen. xrii. 30; or vicus
piadis, OS* p. 138, 33), the station of a
Romaa praesidinm ; and later it is mentioned in
Kime of the ecclesiastical lists as an episcopal
city under the Bishop of Jerusalem (Reland,
p. 620). Its present condition has been already
described. It only remains to notice that the
fitct retains its ancient name as nearly simi-
lir in sound as an Arabic signification will
ptrmit — Bir a-Seb'a — the "well of the lion,"
or "of seven." [G.] [W.]
BE-E8H-TERAH (n"1Ifl^3; B. Boropd,
X. BtfSafi; Board), one of the two cities
jllotted to the sons of Gershom, out of the
tnbe of Jlanasseh beyond Jordan (Josh. xii. 27).
Bj comparison with the parallel list in 1 Ch.
ri. 71 (B. 'AatipMyA. Po/uie), Beesbterah appears
t» be identical with AsiiTAROTH ; and in fact
the name is considered by Gesenins and OUhau-
«n (Lthrb. p. 613) and others a contracted
htm of Beth-Ashtoretb, the house of Asbtorcth.
[B060E.] [G.] [W.]
BEETLE pjin, chargol; ^lo/uCx^i; ophio-
mackut ; A. T. " beetle," R. V. " cricket "). The
word only occurs once in the Bible, in Lev. xi. 22,
where it is given along with the " locust," " bald-
locnit," and " grasshopper " as one of the flying
(Keping things which may be eaten, " which nave
le^ alwre their feet, to leap withal upon the
arth." It is clear from the context that some
species of locust or orthopterous saltatorial insect
i« intended, and that our translation is erroneous,
&r ao beetle has legs above its feet to leap
Tithal, nor have any species of beetle been ever
nsed as food, though locnsts are frequently
eaten. Gesenins and MV." interpret the words
as meaning " Icaper," identical with the Arabic
A^ ^, khardjaHa, " to leap," nsed of locusts
and of horses, comparing it with the German
Hmchrtcke, from schrecken, "to leap." Both
Bochart and RosenmuUer {Hierot. iii. p. 2&7)
agree that some species of locnst, and not
Tingless locusts in general, is indicated; but
all attempts to identify it are mere conjec-
tures. The LXX. rendering, ipio/tixv', " «*r-
pent fighter," occurs nowhere else, and is
interpreted by Hesychius and Suidas as meaning
a wingless species of locust. But the notion of
any locust fighting serpents is of course utterly
without foundation in tradition or fact. Yet
some authors have suggested that the various
specie* of Tmxaiia are intended, an orthopterous
geons closely allied to the locusts, and very
numerous in Syria. In order to give colour to
the conjecture, it has been asserted that the
TnaaSidae are insectivorous. This, as we our-
selves and other naturalists have ascertained by
observation, is incorrect, the genus being as
strictly herbivorous as the locust (see Fischer,
Orthnfi. Europ. p. 292). Jewish commentators
render diargSI by " grasshopper," the numerous
species of which are closely allied to those of
the Ic-cust tribe.
Tme beetles, or Ccleoptcra, are very numerous
in Palestine, probably over 1000 species being
recognised, in marked contrast to the small
number of butterflies, Lepidoptera, for which the
country is not so suitable. [H. B. T.]
BEHEADING. [Pootshmento.]
BEHE'MOTH (ntonS-,* eijplo ; teAemoM).
This word has long been considered one of the
dubia vexata of critics and commentators, but
modern commentators generally believe the hip-
popotamus to be denoted by the original word ;
and so R. V. margtki.
Behemah and behemoth are general terms for
all large mammalia, in which sen.se it is so
constantly used in the Hebrew; and also the
specific designation of the hippopotamus. To
this animal, and to this alone, it can apply in
the Book of Job; and in this cise only the
translators of A. V., being without accurate
knowledge, wisely abstained from any attempt
to render the original.
BippopoUiniu ampbibiiu.
Gesenitts and Rosenmiiller have remarked that
since in the first part of Jehovah's discourse
(Job ixxviii., xxxix.) land animals and birds are
mentioned, it suits the general purpose of
that discourse better to suppose that aquatic
or amphibious creatures are spoken of in
the last half of it ; and that since the
leviathan, by almost universal consent, de-
notes the crocodile, the behemoth seems clearly
to point to the hippopotamus, his associate in
the Nile. Harmer {Observ. ii. 319) says, " There
is n great deal of beauty in the ranging of the
descriptions of the behemoth and the leviathan,
for in the Mosaic pavement the people of an
Egyptian barque are represented as darting
spears or some such weapons at one of the river-
horses, as another of them is pictured with two
sticking near his shoulders It was then a
customary thing with the old Egyptians thus to
attack these animals (see woodcut below); if
so, how beautiful is the arrangement: there
is a most happy gradation ; after a grand
but just representation of the terribleness of
the river-horse, the Almighty is represented as
going on with His expostulations something after
this manner : — ' But dreadful as this animal is,
barbed irons and spears have sometimes prevailed
against him ; but what wilt thou do with the
crocodile? Canst thou fill his skin with barbed
irons?'" &c. In the Lithostrotum Praenes-
linwn, t« which Mr, Harmer refers, there are
two crocodiles, associates of three river-horses,
■ Bochart, Ocscnlns, MV.", and others consider thla
word a hebnlied form of the Egyptlsn p-eAe-nau, I.e.
Bos marinus (see add. note to Job xl. 16 In Speaker's
OmM.).
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S84
BEHEMOTH
which are represented without spears sticking
iu them, though they stem to be within shot.
It has been said that some parts of the de-
scription in Job cannot apply to the hippopota-
mus ; the 20th Terse for instance, where it is
said, "the mountains bring him forth food."
This passage, many writers say, suits the
elephant well, but cannot be applied to the
hippopotamus, which is never seen on mountains.
Again, the 24th verse (A. V.) — " his nose picrceth
through snares" — seems to be spolcen of the
trunk of the elephant, " with its extraordinary
delicacy of scent and touch, rather than to the
obtuse perceptions of the river-horse." In
answer to the first objection it has been stated,
with great reason, that the word hdrim (D'^^)
is not necessarily to be restricted to what we
understand commonly by the expression "raoun-
BEHEMOTH
tains." In the Praenestine parement alludtd to
above, there are to be seen here and then, u
Mr. Harmer has observed, " hillocks rising shore
the water." In Ezek. xliii. 15 (margin), the alur
of God, only ten cubits high and fourteei
square, is called [according to one eivnolo^;
see MV."] "the mountain of God.* "ti»
eminences of Egypt, which appear as the inun-
dation of the Nile decreases, may undonbtedlr
be called mountains in the poetical laagua^ ot*
Job." But we think there is no occasion for »
restricted an explanation. The hippopoUmiu,
as is well known, frequently leaves the inter
and the river's bank ns night approaches, and
makes inland excursions for the sake of the
pasturage, when he commits sad work amoc;
the growing crops (Hasselquist, Trar. p. 188).
No doubt he might be often observed osthe
CBuMoftlMlllppoiioUmat. (Vf\
iiill-sides near the spots frequented by him.
Again, :t must be remembered that the " moun-
tains " are mentioned by way of contrast to the
natural habits of aquatic animals generally,
which never go far from the water and the banks
of the river . but the behemoth, though passing
much of his time in the water and in " the
covert of the reed and fens," eateth grass like
cattle, and feedeth on the hill-sides in company
with tbe beasts of the field.'' Livingstone ob-
» A recent traveller In Kgypt, the Rev. J. L. Erring-
ton, writes to us . •• The valley of tbe Nile In Upper
Egypt and Nubia Is In pans so very narrow, that the
mountains approach wltbln a few hundred yards, and
even leas, to tbe river's bank ; the hippopotamus there-
fore might well be said to get Ita food from the moua-
talna, on the sides of which It would grow."
serves that " they prefer to remain by day ii s
drowsy yawning state ; and though their ereJ
are open, they take little notice of things at a
di'stance." There is much be.iuty in the pEUsai;es
which contrast the habits of the hippopoisaiit>.
j an amphibious animal, with those of herbivor«cs
land-quadrupeds : but if the elephant U to b-;
understood, the whole description is, compan-
tivcly speaking, tame.
With respect to the second objection, there i'
little doubt that the A. V. marginal radio;
is nearer the Hebrew than that of the .K. V.
" Will any take him in his sight, or bore bit
nose with a gin ? " (see note ■ Iwlow). Perhsps
this refers to leading him about alive with >
ring in hia nose, as, says Rosenmiiller, "the
Arabs are accustomed to lead camels." saj
we may add the English to lead bulls, '' with >
Diaitized bv
GooQle
BEHEMOTH
ring passed through the nostrils." The ex-
pression in t. 17, " he moveth his tail lilce a
miar," hat giren occasion to much discussion ;
•ome of the adrocates for the elephant main-
taining that the word zandb (Ij}) may denote
other extremity, and that here the elephant's
trunk is intended. The parallelism, however,
dearly requires the pwterior appendage to be
signified by the term. The expression seems to
aUude to the stiff unbending nature of the
animal's tail, which in this respect is compared
to the tmnk of a strong cedar which the wind
scarcely mores. The description of the animal's
I Ijisg nnder "the shady trees," amongst the
j " re«ls " and willows, is peculiarly applicable to
I the hippopotamus.' It has been argued that
i inch a description is equally applicable to the
elephant ; but this is hardly the case, for though
the elephant is fond of frequent ablutions, and
ii frequently seen near water, ret the constant
liabit of the hippopotamns, as implied in verses
21, 22, seems to be especially made the subject
to which the attention is directed. The whole
passage (Job xL 15-24) may be thus literally
tiusUted: —
" Behold now Behemoth, whom I made with
thee*; he eateth grass* like cattle.
" Behold now, bis strength is in his loins, and
his power in the muscles [so B. V.] of his belly.
"Hemoveth his tail like a cedar: the sinews
of his thighs interweave one with another
[K. V. »are knit together"].
"His bones' are as tubes of brass ; his (solid)
bones' each one as a bar of forged iron.
"He is (one of) the chief of the ways of
God: his Uaker bath furnished him with his
scythe (tooth),*
BEHEMOTH
385
' " At ererr torn tiiere occurred deep, still pools, and
ocosiaiil ttaij Islands densely clad with lofty reeds.
Above iDd beyond these reeds stood trees of ImxnenBe
see, lewath wbicb grew a rank kind of grass on which
ttie ia.caw dellghu to pasture" (O. Cummlng, p. 2*7).
* ^IJIJ. Bochart says, " near thee," i. «. not fiu' firom
tby on coontry. Oeaenlus and RosenmlUler translate
i>>e >onl " partter atqne te." Gary ondcrstands it, " at
a* nme time as I made thee."
• "Vfn, " grass," not "hay," as the Vulg. has It, and
Moe oomnentaton : it is &om the Arabic uO^t " to
te sreen." The Hebrew word occurs In Num. xi. 5, in a
limited seme to denote " leeks."
' Qfg KBus to reftr here to the bones of the legs
^fttt particularly ; the marrow-bones.
' 0*11 perb^w here denotes the rlb-bonea [so B. V.
in tnu{. ; in text " Umbs "], as Is probable bom the
Biagnlar number ^JTJ ^*pD3' which appears to be
■Hftrlbiitlve and thereby emphatic. Ste RuaenmOll.
aW.lakKo.
' " With these apparently combined teelli the blppo-
pcfamoa can cut the grass as neatly as If It were mown
*lUi the icytbe, and Is able u> sever, as If with shears, a
tolerably slont and thick Mem " (Wood's JVat. BUt. 1.
'")• ilrit perbapa the Qreek £pin). See Bochart
(ffl. 171\ who cites Nlcander (TActtoc. 6M) as compar-
^ Uie tooth of this animal to a scythe. The next verse
fxplaini the pnrpoae and use of the "scythe" with
»hich Ood haa provided His creature; vii. in order that
kemiyeat the grass of the hills. A. V. and R. V. render
Ike latter part of this verse as follows : " Be only that
made faim can make his sword to approach uflto him,"
BIBUE WCI.— VOU 1.
" For the hills bring him forth abundant food,
and all the beasts of the field have their pastime
there.
" Beneath the shady trees' he lieth down, in
the covert of the reed, and fens.*
" The shady trees' cover him with their sha-
dow ; the willows of the brook surround him.
"Lo! the river swelleth proudly against him,
yet he is not alarmed : he is securely confident
though a Jordan' burst forth against his mouth.
"Will any one capture him when in his
sight?" will any one bore his nostril in the
snare?"
This description agrees in every particular
' Dvt$V~nnD> vail ramSara UfS/n; ntb uvUtra.
A. Schnltens, following the Arabic writers Saadlas and
Abnlwalld, was the first European commentator to pro-
pose "the lotus-tree " [so R. V.] as the elgnlScatlon of
the Hebrew 7Ky> which occurs (as a plural) only in
this and the following verse of Job. He Identifies the
o ^
Hebrew word with the Arabic iJViiO, which accord-
bo
Ing to some authorities Is another name for the J^'jf
(tidT), the lotus of the ancient " lotopbagi," ZiMyphut
lotta. It would appear, however, from Abn'lfadli, cited
by Celsius (Zfi'eroli. II. 191), that the DKdl is a species
distinct iVom the Sidr, which latter plant was also
known by the name Salam. Sprengel identifies the
DIM with the Ji\Jube-tree (2tt3^tu tm^aHs). Tiie
other species, in Arabic t^\i\ nubk. Is identical
with the Hebrew V4VVJ> na'attoott, and Is the Zuy-
pktM spino-cAriiK of naturalists (It. vii. 19). But.
even if It were proved that the 7KV '^ the il\y49.
were identical, the explanation of the ^\^ by Freytag,
"Arbor quae remota a flumlnibusnonnisi pluviSrigatnr,.
oiits, lotus Kam. C;)." does iwt warrant us in associat-
ing the tree with the reeds and willows of the Nile.
Qesenius, strange to say, supposes the reeds (out of which
numerous birds are fiytog In the woodcut [supra, p. 3^)
from Sir 0. Wilkinson's work, and which are apparently
intended to represent the papyrus reeds) to be the
lote lilies. His words are: "At any rate, on a certain.
Egyptian monument which represents the chase of tbc
hippopotamus, 1 observe this animal cooceallng himself
in a wood of water-lotuses — in loti aquaticat tylvd "'
(Wilkinson, Customs and Manners, III. TI). We prefer
the tendering of the A. V. " shady trees ; " and so read
Vulg., Klmchi, and Ibn Ezra, the Syrlac and tbe Arabic,
with Bochart. Roeenmailer takes Dvi(V> "more-
Aramaeo pro D'ppjf. it D{|II3fl P" DOG!' '"?">•
vtl. 6, et Ps. Ivlil. 8 " (ScM. ad Job. xl. 21).
k See woodcut (p. 3M). Oompare also Bellonis*.
quoted by Bochart: "Vlvlt arundinlbus et cannia
sacchari et foliis papyri herbae."
I The name of Jordan is used poetically for any river^
as the Greek poets use Ida for any moimtain and Ache-
lous for any water (Boeenmlll. ScKol.), or perhaps in
ita original meaning, as simply a "rapid river" (see
Stanley, .?. * F. } 3T). This verse seems to refer to tha
Inundation of tbe Nile, and is rendered by R. V.
•• Behold, If a river overflow, he trembleth not. He Is
confident, though Jordan swell even to bis month."
" This seems to he the meaning implied. Compare in
the case of Leviathan, xli. 2, i ; but see also Cary'a
rendering, " He receiveth It (the river) up to his eyes."
R. r ' Shall any take him when he is on the watch,
or pierce through bis nose with a snare ? "
2 C
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386
BEHEMOTH
-with the hippopotamus, which we fully believe
to be the representative of the Behemoth of
Scripture.
According to the Talmud, Behemoth is some
huge land-animal which daily consumes the
grass off a thousand hills ; he is to have at some
future period a battle with Leviathan. On
account of his grazing on the mountains, he is
called "the bull of the high mountains" (see
■Lewysohn, Zool. des Talmuds, p. 355). "The
' fathers,' for the most part," says Cary (Job,
p. 402), " surrounded the subject with an awe
equally dreadful, and in the Behemoth here,
and in the Leviathan of the next chapter, saw
nothing but mystical representations of the
devil ; others again have here pictured to them-
selves some hieroglyphic monster that has no
real existence ; but these wild imaginations are
surpassed by that of Bolducius, who in the
Behemoth actually beholds Christ ! ",
The hippopotamus, as being the largest quad-
ruped known to the Israelites, was well distin-
guished as Behemoth, the beast par excellence.
The genus is peculiar to the African continent,
through the whole of which the species Hippo-
potamus am/>Ai6i'us is found from Abyssinia
southward. We have, as b.is been seen, abun-
dant historic evidence of its former existence
throughout the whole course of the Nile. There
js one other living species, a smaller animal,
Jfippo]>otamus liberienais, on the West Coast of
Africa, distinguished by having only two in-
cisors in the lower jaw. It is quite possible
that in former times the hippopotamus may
have extended into Palestine, just as the croco-
dile still exists in the marshes under Mount
Cannel. Five extinct species are found in the
late tertiary deposits of the Sevalik range in
India (Cautley and Falconer, Faun. Antiq.
Sival. vii. ; Asiatic Researches, 1836, xix. 39,
and 1838, vii. 1014). Two other species are
found in great abundance in the later gravels of
Britain and Western Europe, along with shells
of many species now existing in the locality,
proving that the temperature has not very
much changed, and that the extinct species
inhabited cold and temperate climates.
The Book of Job alludes to the chase of the
hippopotamus, as depicted on the Egyptian
monuments. A similar method is still practised
by the negroes, who float down a river on a raft
or cinoc, so as not to alarm the herd, and then
strike one with a barbed weapon, to which a long
iine and buoy are attached. The animal, unable
to disengage himself, is then rapidly pursued,
and struck every time he comes to the surface,
till he is worn out by loss of blood. But
the more ordinary method of capture is
by pitfalU, carefully concealed, across the
.paths they frequent in going by night to
their pasture-grounds. The pitfalls are spiked
at the bottom with sharp stakes, and require
much care in their construction, for the caution
and suspicion of the animal are great. " His
nose pierceth through snares ; " but when once
he has inadvertently trodden on the treacherous
platform, his despatch is easy.
The skin of the hi|>popotamus is cut into
whips by the Dutch colonists of S. Africa, and
also by the Nubians, and the monuments of
£gypt testify that a similar use was made of the
skin by the ancient Egyptians (Wilkinson, Anc.
BELA
Egypt, t. 240 [1878]). The inhabitanU of S.
Africa hold the flesh of the hippopotomiu is
high esteem ; it it said to be not unlike pork.
The hippopotamus belongs to the order Pack^
dermata, class Mammalia. [W. H.] [H. & T.]
BE'KAH. [Weights.]
BEL. [Baal.]
BEL AND DBAOON. [DAKm., Amcbt-
PRAL ADDITIONS TO.]
BE'LA (V^l ; AD. B<UaK in Oen. xiv. 2, 8,
E. Ba\i in Gen. xiv. 2 ; Bela ; a nDaOtitiag np,
or destruction. In the Liber Norn. Hdir. ia St.
Jerome's works, torn, ii., it is corrupted to JiXal
in the Cod. Reg. ; but in the Cod. Colbert, it is
written BoAAd,' and interpreted KarTanrraiUt
(see Ps. Iv. [liv.] 9, LXX.). Jerome appeait to
confound it with 7P3, where he nnden it
" habens, sive devorans : " and with rPS, whew
he says, " Balla, absorpta aive ineeterata ").
1. One of the five cities of the plain whi<t
was spared at the intercession of Lot, and re-
ceived the name of Zoar (*WiyX "oo/htss, i-e. a
liUle one (Gen. xiv. 2 ; xii. 22, LXX. iiyt)-
It lay on the south-western extremity of the
Dead Sea, on the frontier of Moab and Palestine
(Jerome on Is. xv. 5; cp. Jer. xlviii. 34; Geo.
liii. 10). We first read of Bela in Gen. xiv.
2, 8, where it is named with Sodom, Gomomh,
Admah, and Zeboiim, as forming a oonfedeiuf
under their respective kingk, in the vile e(
Siddim, to resist the supremacy of the king ot
Shinar and his associates. It is singular tkat
the king of Bela is the only one of the &n
whose name is not given ; and this, as Delitack
[^Genesis, 1887, in loco] points out, may be a rant
of genuineness in the narrative. The writer did
not know the king's name and did not creiti'
one. But it also suggests the probability of
Bela having been his own name, as well a
the name of his city, which may have Ua
so called from him. The tradition of the Jtn
was that it was called Bela from having bees
repeatedly engulphed by earthquakes; aid ii
the passage Jer. xlviii. 34, " From Zoar eves
unto Horonaim (have they uttered their voioe)
as an heifer' of three years old," and in ls.iv.5,
they absurdly fancied on allusion to its destrac-
tion by three earthquakes (Jerome, Quaest. Bi.
in Gen. xiv.). There is nothing improbable in
itself in the supposed allusion to the tmHad*}
up of the city by an earthquake, which g!2
exactly expresses (Num. xvi. 30) ; but the re-
peated occurrence of £73, and words ooo-
pounded with it, as names of men, rtther
• BoAAdl Is also the reading of AM. for Am [t-
Bopa] In Gen. xiv. 3.
>' In both passages the cry of the distRMed Mostita
Is by A. V. compared to the lowing of a belfer <k«e
calf baa been taken from her. The R. V., on Ibt Abr
hand, ukcs the words n*B''?B' n?iB «o rej"*"' *
T* • I -: V
proper name, I^lathshellahljah. The aotlioritiea a>l
arguments on both views are given In Delitsacb, Iia>^'
XV. 8.-CF-J
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BELA
ftTonn the notion of the city having been called
B<h from the name of its founder. This is
rtadered yet more probable by Bela being the
osme of an Edomitish king in Gen. xxxri. 32
[A. BoAiU, £. W«]. For further information see
\H Stalcy's Narratite, i. 457—481, and Stanley's
S.imdP.f. 285. [Zoar.]
2. Son of Beor (Gen. xxxvi. 32), who reigned
oTtr Edom in the city of Dinhabau, eight gene-
ntions before Saul, king of Israel, or about
the time of the Exodus. Bernard Hyde, follow-
ing some Jewish commentators (Targ.-Jonathan
h«rt, and Targ. on 1 Ch. i. 44; cp. Simon.
Onomast. 142, note), identifies this Bela with
Bslum the son of Beor ; but the eriJence
from the name does not seem to prove more
tbtn identity of family and race. There is
nothing whatever to guide us as to the age
«f Beor, the founder of the house from which
Bela and Balaam sprung. Beor C^S) is of a
decidedly Cbaldee or Aramean form, like Peer
("OB), Pethor OhB), Rehob (3n"!),and others:
and we are expressly told that Balaam the
son of Beor dwelt in Pethor, which is by the
river ef the land of the children of his people,
i>. the river Euphrates ; and he himself describes
his home as being in Aram (Num. xxii. 5 ; xxiH.
7). Saul again, who reigned over Edom after
Samlah, came from Rehoboth by the rivei-
fuphrates (Gen. xxxvi. 37). We read in Job's
time of the Chaldeans making incursions into
the land of Uz, and carrying off the camels
and lUying Job's servants (Job i. 17). In the
time of Abraham we have the king of Shinar
apparently extending his empire so ns to make
the kings on the borders of the Dead Sea his
tributaries, and with his confederates extending
his conquests into the very country which was
afterwards the land of Edom (Gen. xiv. 6).
Patting all this together, we may conclude with
some cuatidence that Bela the son of Bear, who
reigned over Edom, was a Chaldean by birth, and
reigned in Edom by conquest. He may have been
contemporary with Hoses and Balaam. Hadad,
cf which name there were two kings (Gen. xxxvi.
35, 39X is probably another instance of an
Aramean king of Edom, as we find the name
Benhadad as that of the kings of Syria, or Aram,
in later history (1 K. xx.). Compare also the
name of Hadad-ezer, king of Zobah, in the neigh-
bourhood of the Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 3, &c.).
The passage Gen. xxxvi. 31-39 is given in
dnpUcate 1 Ch. i. 43-51.
a. Eldest son of Benjamin, according to Cien.
xiri. 21 ;• Num. xivi. 38 ; 1 Ch. vii. «, viii. 1,
and head of the family of the Belaites. The
houses of his family, according to 1 Ch. viii. 3-5,
were Addar, Gcra, Abihud (only named here),
Abisbua (only named here), Nanman, Ahoah,
Shopham, and Uaram. It is, perhaps, worth
noticing that as we have Husham by the
side of Bela among the kings of Edom (Gen.
nivi. 34), so also by the side of BeU, son of
Benjamin, we have the Benjamite family of
Hoshim (1 Ch. vii. 12), sprung apparently from
a foreign woman of that name, whom a Benja-
mite took to wife in the land of Moab (1 Ch.
viii. 8-1 1). [Becreb.]
4. Son of Abax, a Renbenite (1 Ch. v. 8;
• In A T.'Belah," R. V. "Bela."
BELIAL
387
B. BoAeK, A. BdXa). It is remarkable that hia
country too was "in Aroer, even unto Nebo
and Baal-meon; and eastward he dwelt even
unto the entering in of the wilderness from the
river Euphrates " (ce. 8, 9, R. V.). [A. C. H.]
BEXAH. [Bela, 3.]
BE'LAITES, THE C»^3n), Num. ixvi. 38
[LXX. V. 42, B. 6 BaAe«(,"AF.' BoAel; Belaitml
descendanU of Bela [No. 3]. [W. A. W.] [F.J
BEXEMUS (B^A./ior ; Bahama), 1 Esd. ii.
16 [LXX. r. 15]. [BiSHLAM.] [W. A. W.j
BE'LIAL. The translators of the A. V.,
following the Vulgate, have frequently treated
the word 70*72 as a proper name, and given it
in the form Belial, in accordance with 2 Cor. ri.
15. This is particularly the case where it ii
connected with the expressions t^tt, man of, or
*}^, son of: in other instances it is translated
wioked or by some equivalent term (Deut. xv. 9 ;
Ps. xli. 8, ci. 3 ; Prov. vi. 12, xvi. 27, xix. 28 ;
Nah. i. 11, 15). The R. V. imitates the A. V.
in this variety of treatment, if it is often care-
ful to note in the margin the proper meaning
of the expression (e.g. Deut. xiii. 13 ; Judg. xix.
22, XX. 13). But there can be no question that
the word is not to be regarded in the 0. T. as
a proper name, or as a designation of Satan ;
its meaning there is worthleune>$, and hence
recUeimeai, lawkstneaa. Its etymology is un-
certain: the first part v3=toi(Aotrf; the second
part is derived by most modems from 7V^<
profit ; so that the entire word signifies trorM-
letantts. The expression son or man of Belial thus
means simply a worthless, lawless fellow (wapi-
fofuis, LXX.) : it occurs frequently in this sense
in the Historical Books (Judg. xix. 22, xx. 13 ;
1 Sam. i. 16, ii. 12, x. 27, ixv. 17, 25, ixx. 22 ;
2 Sam. xvi. 7, xx. 1; 1 K. xxi. 10; 2 Ch.
xiii 7), and only once in the earlier Books
(Deut. xiii. 13). The adjunct V^ is occasion-
ally omitted, as in 2 Sam. zxiii. 6 and Job
xxxiv. 18, where 70^73 stands by itself, as a
term of reproach.
In the N. T. the term appears in the form
Bt\iap (originally, no doubt, due to a corrup-
tion of ( into r, but explained by later Syriac
writer* as = "l't{?3, " Lord of the air ; " cp.
Eph. ii. 2) and not B<A(aX, as given in the
A. V. The change of A into p is found occa-
sionally (cp. Ges. TVs. s. L ? ; e.g. nitfO, Job
xxxviii. 32, for Pffm, 2 K. ixiii. 5). The
same change occurred in the Doric dialect (ipaSpot
for ^EAo>), with which the Alexandrine writers
were most familiar. The term as used in 2 Cor.
vi. 15 is generally under:<toad as an appellative
of Satan [the word used by the Peshitto Version],
as the personification of all that was bad (see
note in Speaker's Comm.). This use of Belial
(usually in the form Beliar) is also found in
the Sibytt. Books, the Ascension of Isaiah, and
the Test, of III. Patriarchs. Bengel (Gnomon
in loc.) explains it of Antichrist, as more strictly
the opposite of Christ (omnem collmiem anti-
2 2
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388
BELLOWS
christianam notare videtur). Cp., on the subject
generally, Schrader in Schenkel's Bib.-Lex. and
Baudissin in Herzog, SE.* a. n.
[W.L.B.] [F.]
BELLOWS (HBD ; <pvavr^p, LXX.). The
word occurs only in Jer. vi. 29, " The bellows
are burned" [R. V. in text, "blow fiercely "] ;
where their use is to heat a smelting furnace.
They were known even in the time of Moses,
and perhaps still earlier, since the operations
of a foundry would be almost impossible with-
out them. A picture of two different kinds
of bellows, both of highly ingenious construc-
tion, may be found in Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt.
ii. 316 [1878]. "They corsisted," he says,
" of a leather, secured and fitted into a frame,
from which a long pipe extended for carrying
the wind to the fire. They were worked by the
feet, the operator standing upon them, with
one under each foot, and pressing them alter-
nately while he pulled up each exhausted
skin with a string he held in his hand. In
one instance we observe from the painting,
that when the man left the bellows, they were
raised as if inflated with air ; and this would
imply a knowledge of the ralve. The pipes
even in the time of Thothmes III., [supposed to
have been] the contemporary of Moses, appear
to have been simply of reed, tipped with a metal
point to resist the action of the fire."
SsTPtlJUi Bellown. (Wllkluson.)
Bellows of an analogous kind were early
known to the Greeks and Romans. Homer (//.
xviii. 470) speaks of twenty ^D<rai in the forge of
Hephaestos, and they are mentioned frequently
by ancient authors {Diet, of Ant., art. Follia).
Cfrdinary hand-bellows, made of wood and kid's-
skin, are used by the modern Egyptians, but are
not found in the old paintings. They may how-
ever have been known, as they were to the early
Greeks. [F. W. F.]
BELLS. There are two words thus trans-
lated in the A. V. and R. V., viz. f\0V9, Ex.
xxviii. 33 (from DVp, tottrike; KoiSwwi.LXX.),
and n'WyO, Zech. xiv. 20 (rb M rhy x^^Mnp
Tov Xrrov, LXX. ; Vulg. fraena ; A. V. marg.
" bridles ; " from VSy, to ammd, tinglt).
In Ex. ziviii. 33 the bells alluded to were
the golden ones, according to the Rabbis 72
in number (Winer, s. v. Schelkn'),' which alter-
• Justin Martyr (Dial. 42) itys that they were 12 In
number, and xnakes tbem a symbol of the Apostles.
Otto thinks that he cont\ised the bells with the 13 gems
oftbeUrim.
BELMAIM
nated with the three-coloured pomegnnattt
round the hem of the high-priest's 7110 or
ephod (Jos. Ant. HI 7, § 4). The object of
them was that his sound might be heard when
he went in unto the holy place, and when he
came out, that he die not (Ex. xxviii. 35); or
" that as he went there might be a sound, and a
noise made that might be heard in the TempU.
for a memorial' to the children of his ptopk"
(Ecclus. xlv. 9; cp. Luke i. 9, 21). No doubt
they answered the same purpose as the belli
used by the Brahmins in the Hindoo certmoai«,
and by the Roman Catholics during the ockbra-
tion of mass. They were not simply onuunratal.
To this day bells are frequently attached, for
the sake of their pleasant sound, to the anklets
of women. [Anklet.] The little girls of Cair*
wear strings of them round their feet (Une,
Mod. Eg. ii. 370), and at Koojar Mango Park
saw a dance " in which many performers as-
sisted, all of whom were provided with little
bells fastened to their legs and arms." Bat tlie
bells on the high-priest's robes were to vara tie
people, and the priest himself, of the solemnitv
of his duties on the great Day of AtonemesL
Since even Philo gives no sptcial symbolic nga-
ficance to the bells in speaking of the " goUea
robes" (<fe Profug. 20; <fe migr. Airai. 1»>
&c), we can hardly accept Bahr's suggesti<«
(Sgmbolik, ii. 126) that they were meant t^
indicate the duty of the high - priest as ai
announcer of truth. Josephus, in his Aa£>^-
ties (iii. 7, § 4), only speaks of their beaotj;
in his Jewish War he makes the somewhat iuu
suggestion that the bells signified thunder sal
the pomegranates lightning {B. J. v. 5, § 7).
In Zech. xiv. 20, " bells of the horses " (where
onr marg. Vers., " bridles," follows the LXI.).
the Heb. word is almost the same as D*fl7lC-
" a pair of cymbals ; " and as they are snppesel
to be inscribed with the words "Holiness sat'
the Lord," it is probable that they were not bel!»
as usually understood, but " concave or t^i
pieces of brass, which were sometimes sttseb«i
to horses for the sake of ornament " (Jsbe.
Arch. Bibl. § 96). Indeed, they were probabir
the same as the D*3*irj^, /titrio'cai (Is. iii 1^:
Jndg. viii. 21X lunulae of gold, silver, or bn^
used as ornaments, and hung by th« Arabiaai
round the necks of their camels, as we still see
them in England on the harness of hones (tee
Speaker's Comm. note on Zech. xiv. 20 ; cp. Babe-
Ion, Maniiel d'ArchAlogie Orientale, pp. 151-i>
They were not only ornamental, but asefal,a»
their tinkling tended to enliven the animals ; aoi
in the caravana they thus served the parpose li
our modem shecp-bells. The comparison t4 the
K£S»y*s used by the Greeks to test hones seeo^
out of place ; and hence Archbishop Stcker'»
explanation of the verse, as meaning that wu-
horscs would become useless, and their trappiaj>
would be converted to sacred purposes, ii o"-
tenable. The general meaning of the passage.
as appears from the context, is that true relief
will then be universally professed. [F. W. F.j
BEL'MAIM (BA. BeAJ3«I/i, K. 'AfitXfiilf.:
Belina), a place which, from the terms of tte
passage, would appear to have been near Dothsio
(Judith vii. 3). The name is perhaps retained a
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" I
J
BELMEK
Mi« and WaJji Belameh south of Jentn. Possibly
it u tiie fame as Belmen. The Syriac hiis Abel-
neholah. [G.] [W.]
BEL'MEX (B. ^ai\)Miv, M. 'A0f\nalv, A.
B<V>''; ^'o's- omila), one of the places to
nbich the Jeva sent messengers on the approach
of Holofernej (Judith it. 4). The Hebrew name
voold smm to hare been Abelmaim, but the
«iilj place of that name in the O. T. was far
to the north of the locality here alluded to.
[ABE>BErH-MA'ACHA.] The Svnac Version has
Attl-meholah, which is more consistent with
tie contest. [AbeI/-Meiiolau ^ Belhaih.] See
Speaker's Comm. on Judith iv 4. [G.] [W.]
BELSHAZ'ZAB (l^?'^?, Dan. v. 1, &c.;
IK'S?!, Tii. 1 ; BaAredrof) J Baltasar), accord-
icg (« the well-known scriptnral narrative, the
last tuitire king of Babylon, spoken of in Dan.
T., Tii., riii. It is in the tirst of the above-named
flates— namely, the fifth chapter — that the
Kcosnt of Belshazzar's feast, the appearance
of the handwriting on the wall, Daniel's inter-
prnation of it, in which he foretells Belshazzar's
overthrow, which was accomplished that very
night, is given. Except in Josephus {Ant. i.
<k li. § 'i) and the Book of Daniel, his name
does Dot occur. Most scholars, however, taking
into consideration that Josephus, when speaking
of him, says, " Baltasar, who by the Babylonians
TO called Naboandelos," have identified him
Tith this king, whose name appears also under
the forms Nabonidos, Nabonnedos, Nabonadios,
i'lbannidochus, and Labynetos.
Belshazzar's name, however, occurs rather
frnjoentlv in the cuneiform inscriptionrof Baby-
lonij , and he is, besides, often referred to when
not mentioned by name. The most common form
«ftheBanieiay>J53pp^ Jj^ ^L/'* '«<><i
5e/-Jarfo-«iBr, composed of the name of the
god Bel (Belos or Baal, Heb. ^1?3), the accnsa-
tire of the word iarru, •' king '* (Heb. lb), and
the imperative nuuc. sing, of tuuSru, "to pro-
tect" (Heb. n«), the whole meaning, "Bel,
protect the king ! " The best-known passage in
•Babylonian literature in which his name occurs
u that in which Nabonidos, his father, speaks of
him in the following words : " and as for Bll-
"Ti-Ssnr, the Rrstbom son proceeding from my
Wy, canse thou the reverence of thy great
liiTinity to exist in his heart ; and may he not
sire way to sin, may he be satisfied with ful-
Mss of life."* Belsbazzar is also often men-
tioned on contract-tablets. One of these, dated
the 26th day of Ve-Ad«r in the 1st year of
iabosiJns, records a transaction concerning a
l^ot of ponnd adjoining " the house of the son
(if the king," made seemingly through Bel-resiia,
servant of Belshazzar the son of the king."
>» the 3rd and 7th yean of Nabonidns also trans-
actions took place in which Belshazzar's ser-
BELSHAZZAB
389
• He laat eight lines of the Inscription on the
^?*''>'en ((our In number), found at tbe comers of the
■aiple of ibe Maon.eod at Hnkeyyor, the supposed Ur
of the Chaldees {Ouru^om inuriptimtt of Wettern
^^^o\. 1., pi. 88). Sir H. C. BawUosoD deciphered
""tot to 1864.
vants (Naba-Barra-ftsur his scribe, Kaba-sabit.
kati his major-domo, and Naba-ukm-iih$, mes-
senger of his chief slave) were contracting
parties. In the 11th year of Nabonidus, Bel-
sbazzar lent, through his major-domo, the sum
of 20 mana of silver to Iddin-Marduk, whose
property was to be Belshazzar's security for the
repayment of the loan. Besides these and other
commercial transactions and relations entered
into by and for him, there are many records of
the sou of the king (that is, Belsbazzar) having
made gifts to the temples of Babylonia, chiefly
to the shrine of tbe Sun-god in £-bara (or £-
babara), within Sipar, the city identified with
Sippara and the Biblical Sepharvaim. One of
the most interesting of these notices records
that, on the 5th day of Ab in the 17th year of
Nabonidus — seemingly only a month or two
before his death — Belsbazzar paid Jrds (of a
mana) and 7 shekels of silver on behalf of his
sister Ina-E-sagila-r^mat, this sum representing
the amount of tithe owing by her to the offer-
tory-house at Sipar or Sepharvaim.''
As has been above remarked, Belsbazzar fre-
quently gave offerings to the temple of the Sun-
god at Sipar, the reason of this probably being
that he was commander of the army, which
seems to have been permanently stationed in
Akkad, the tract of country from which Akkad,
which was apparently the twin city with Sipar
or Sepharvaim, took its name. The Babylonian
Chronicle informs us, in the entries for tbe years
7-11 of Nabonidus, that " the son of the king "
was with the army in Akkad in each of those
years, and a complete record is only missing,
apparently, by the mutilation of the text. The
gap extends, practically, from the 11th to the
17th year of Nabonidus, where the chronicle
again resumes its interesting story. In the
account of events in the 17th year of Nabonidus,
k Whether, before Nabonidus became king of Baby-
lonia, tbe family to which he belonged were In tho
public service or not, Is doubtful. Belshazzar's trade-
transactiooB seem to Imply that they were merchants.
All we know about Nabonldus's ancestry is tbe single
fact stated in some of his records, that he was son (.or
descendant) of Nabi-balst-su-tkbt, tbe rutd tmgu, or
" deeply-wise prince." Nabonidus seems to have fol-
lowed In bis father's footsteps, for he was certainly
learned, being, ss we now know, an ardent antiquarian.
If learning were tbe speciality of tbe family, we have
thus an explanation why Nabonidus was raised to tbe
throne. This view would be borne out If It could be
proved that the Belsbazzar, " son of Balatu " (a possible
abbreviation for Nabil-bala^u-i^bl, Just as Nadimt is
short for .Vabu-na<Iin-lumi), who borrows some groin
ITom Dian4um-lddln in the 1st year of Nabonidus, and
who appears. In the usual place at tbe end of the list
of witnewes, as the tcribt who wrote the tablett was
really the son of king Nabonidus. This Belsbazzar, who
was probably the only one among the group of traders
then assembled who could write a good hud, appears
again five months later; and alter this we have tbe
name of bis brother, Nab<i-ukln-£bli, eon of JVotonidui,
son of Boia^n. If tbe Belsbazzar mentioned in these
documents l>e the Belsbazzar of the Book of Daniel, and
Nabonidus his father the well-known king, It would
point to the probability, that Nabonidus was well ad-
vanced In years before he come to the Babylonian
throne; Kemut, son of Nabu-ukin-£bli, descendant of
Balatu (grandson of Nabonidus, and nephew of Bel-
sbazzar, descendants of Balatu), being wltneaa to ^
contract in the first year of Najionldns.
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390
BELSHAZZAB
BENAIAH
it is Etated that Cyrns, after fighting a battle at
Opis, had some conflicts with "the men of
Alckad, and took Sipar on the 14th day of Tain-
muz without fighting. Nabonidus fled." From
this last statement it would seem as if Nabo-
nidus and Belshazzar had changed places, the
former being with the army iu Akkad, and the
latter at Babylon. On the 16th day of Tammuz
— two days latter — Ugbaru (Gobryas) and the
army of Cyrus descended to Babylon without
flghting. It was not until the 3rd of Mar-
cheswan (nearly four months later) that Cyrus
arrired at Babylon, and he at once " established
peace to the city." Throughout the narrative
of the taking of Babylon, Belshazzar is not
once mentioned, but there is one passage to
which, perhaps, an amendment may be pro-
posed. As is well known, Belshnzzar was, ac-
cording to Daniel v., killed in the night, and
Xenopbon {Cyry>. vii. 5, 3) tells us that Baby-
lon was taken by Cyrus during the night, whilst
the inhabitants were engaged in feasting and
revelry, and that the king was killed. So in
the Babylonian Chronicle, lines 22-24, we hare
the statement that "On the night of the 11th
of Marcheswan, Ugbaru (Gobryas) [descended ?]
against [Babylon ?], and the king died. From
the 27th of Adar until the 3rd of Kisan there
was weeping in Akkad. All the people bowed
their head." The most doubtful character in
the above extract is that which stands for the
word "and," the character in question having
been regarded as the large group which stands
for that word. A close examination of the ori-
ginal, however, shows that it is possible that
there are two characters instead of one — namely,
the small character for " and " and the character
tur, which, in this connexion, would stand for
« mar, " and the son of," in which case the line
would read, "and the son of the king died."
Weeping in Akkad for Belshazzar is just what
Would be expected, when we take into considera-
tion that he was for many years with the army
there, and that he must have made himself s
favourite by bis liberality to the Akkadian
temples. Even supposing, however, that the old
reading is the right one, it is nevertheless possi-
ble that the passage refers to Belshazzar ; for
Berosns relates that Nabonidus, on surrendering
to Cyrus, had his life spared, and that a prin-
cipality or estate was given to him in Carmania,
where he died. It is therefore at least probable
that Belshazzar was regarded, even by the Baby-
lonians, as king, especially after his father's
surrender. With this improved reading of the
Babylonian text, it is impossible to do otherwise
than identify Gobryas with Darius the Mede (if
we suppose that the last verse of the 5th chapter
of Daniel really belongs to that chapter, and
does not form part, as in the Hebrew text,
of chapter vi.), he being mentioned, in the
Babylonian Chronicle, in direct connexion with
the death of the king's son (or the king, as the
case may be). This identification, though not
without its difficulties, receives a certain amount
of lupport from Daniel vi. 1, where it is stated
that " it pleased Darius to set over the kingdom
an hundred and twenty princes," &c. — an act
which finds parallel in the Babylonian Chronicle,
which states that, after Cyrus promised peace to
Babylon, "Gobryas, his governor, appointed
governors in Babylon."
As has been shown above, Belshainr vas
most likely not of royal race, Nabo&idui, in Ui
records, only stating, that he was son or de-
scendant of NabO-balat-su-ikbi. There is, in
fact, no confirmation, in the Babylonian leconls,
of the statement in Daniel v. 2, 11, 1% sul
18, that Nebuchadnezzar was his father or
grandfather. It is not improbable, hoverer,
that he really was descended from him on bis
mother's side, as has been suggested by IUwUd-
son (Jlerod. Essay viii. § 25X who consetti
Belshazzar, through his mother, with Kebn-
chadnezzar, ' regarding it as very likely tbat
Nabonidus, who was certainly not ducenlcd
from Nebuchadnezzar, would try to strengtbea
his position by marrying the daughter of that
king, who would thus be Belshazzar's materiul
grandfather. Belshazzar's death took pUct in
538 B.C., when he was probably about 57 yeus
old. (T. G. P.]
BELTESHAZZAB. [Dahiei.]
BEN ({3 = son ,- LXX. omits ; Ben), a Lerite
" of the second degree," one of the porten Xf-
pointed by David to the service of the ark (1 Cb.
XV. 18). [W. A W.]
BENATAH (IH'j? and iTJS = haitt hj
Jah ; B. Bovafat or -i, A. -eias, M. Bone or
B<i^ ; Baniuaa), the name of several Israehtei:—
1. Benaiaiiu, the son of Jehoiada tbe diiei
priest (1 Ch. xxvii. 5), and therefore of tbe
tribe of Levi, though a native of Kabzeel (2 Sax.
xxiii. 20; 1 Ch. xi. 23), in the south of Jadab:
set by David (1 Ch. xi. 25) over his body-gtiud
of Cherethites and Pelethites (2 Sam. viiL 13;
1 K. i. 38; 1 Ch. xviii. 17 ; 2 Sam. xx. 23), ud
occupying a middle rank between the fint
three of the Gibborim or " mighty men " ui
the thirty " valiant men of the armies " (SSan.
xxiii. 22, 23 ; 1 Ch. xi. 25, xxvii. 6 ; and «t
Kennidott, Diss. p. 177). The exploits which pre
him this rank are narrated in 2 Sam. iriii. SO,
21 ; 1 Ch. xi. 22. He was captain of the kcst
for the third month (1 Ch. xxvii. 5).
Benaiah remained faithful to Solomon dnii;
Adonijah's attempt on tbe crown (1 K. i. 8, VS\.
a matter in which he took part in his o£ciil
capacity as commander of the king's body-gaud
(1 K. i. 32, 38, 44) ; and after Ad<»i}ab aid
Joab had both been put to death by his hsiid,
he was raised by Solomon into the place of tbe
latter as commander-in-chief of the whole anar
(ii. 35, iv. 4).
Benaiah appears to have had a son, caUtd
after his grandfather, Jehoiada, who toccM^td
Ahithophel about the person of the king (1 (^
xxvii. 34). But this is possibly a copyist'i
mistake for " Benaiah the son of Jehoiada."
2. Benaiah the Pirathoxtte (BA. om. in
2 Sam. ; Vulg. in 2 Sam. and 1 Ch. xL Ba¥aa\
an Ephrairoite, one of David's thirty mightT
men (2 Sam. xxiii. 30 ; 1 Ch. xi. 31), and lk«
captain of the eleventh monthly course (I ^■
xxvii. 14).
3. Benaiah a (1 Ch. xr. 18, Bomfa); •
Levite in the time of David, who "pUytd
with a psaltery on Alamoth" (1 Ch. xr. 13,
20, xvi. 5).
4. Benaiahu ; a priest in tbe time of Divid,
appointed to blow the trumpet before the >rl>
(1 Cb. XV. 24 [BKA. BoyaT], xvi. 6 [B(tA. •«bt>
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x
BEN-AMMI
6. Behaiah (A. Boraiw, B. om.); a L«vite of
the ton* of Asaph (2 Ch. «. 14).
6. Bedauhu ; a Levite in the time of Heze-
kiah, one of the " overseers (DTpB) of ofifer-
' (2 Ch. xixi. 13).
*!. B£:iAiAU (A. Bmui ; Janata), one of
the "princes" (D'l<^3) of the families of
Simeon (1 Ch. ir. 36).
8. Besaiah; a name common to four lay-
men in the time of Ezra who had taken strange
wires (Scanui; Volg. 1. Banea; 2. Baneas;
4. Banaia). 1 ^ra x. 25, K. Ma»*-) [Baajjias] ;
2 (Ezra I. 30) [Naidus] ; 3 (x. 35) ; and 4
(i. 43) [Basaias].
8. Benaiahu ; father of Pelatiah, " a prince
«f the people " in the time of Ezekiel (xi. 1, 13).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
BEN-AH'MI CBn|> »<"» of "»» kindred),
the son of the yoonger daughter of Lot, and the
progenitor of the Ammonites (Gen. xix. 38). The
LXX. (ed. Swete) and Vulgate enlarge upon
tbe Hebrew text, by inserting the name of
.Immon, as well as the explanation of it: xol
JnUenv ri anfia ainoS 'Kmniv i vl&i ToS
finas nm; Amman, id est filius populi met.
i. Derenbourg {REJ. ii. 123) and HaUvy
{JAt. Tii. 19, p. 480) take Amroi to hare
become a local name of the god Ammon, as
preferred by the cuneiform inscriptions in the
name Ammi-nadab, a parallel to Chemosh-nadub
(s«eKllmann»onGen. /. c). [W. A. W.] [F.]
BENE'-BEBA'K (P"l?-';!3; B. Bw-iu-
hitiT ; A. Baini$afiK ; et Bane it Baruch ; Syr.
uS) ^^^S), one of the cities of the tribe of
ban, mentioned only in Josh. xix. 45. The
pandty of information which we possess regard-
ing this tribe (omitted entirely from the lists
in 1 Ch. ii.-viii., and of which only one family
is mentioned in Nam. xrvi.) makes it im-
posrible to say whether the " sons of Berak "
who gave their name to this place belonged to
Oan ; or were, as we may perhaps infer from
the same, earlier settlers dispossessed by the
tribe. The reading of the Syriac, Baal-debak,
is not confirmed by any other Version. Bene-
harak is mentioned, with Joppa and Beth
Dagon, nnder the form Bana-aibarka (Band
'ataria, Del.) in an inscription of Sennacherib
(Sehrader, KAT.' p. 172), and has been identified
by Van de Velde with Ibn Ibrdi, a village east
of Jaffa. By Eosebius the name is divided
(cp. Vulg.), and BopMol {OS.' p. 249, 49) taken
to hare been a vilUge near Azotus, Bapfxi, now
Bvtak, which lies beyond the limits of Dan.
[GO [W.]
BENE'-JA'AKAN (1^33, Children of
Jaaian; B. Bovoui, A. BayiKir, F. Baciaicclv
[e. 31], Bora- [c. 32]; Benejaacan), a tribe
who gave their name to certain wells in the
desert which formed one of the haltiug-places
of the Israelites on their journey to Canaan
[Iknt. X. 6. Beeboth of the Children of
Jaakah]. Id Num. xxxiii. 31, 32, the name is
gireo in the shortened form of Bene-jaakan.
The tribe doubtless derived its name from
Jaakai), the son of Ezer son of Seir the Horite
(1 Ch. i. 42), whose name is also given in
Oescsis as Akao. [AXAN ; Jakan.]
BENE-KEDEM
391
The situation of these wells has not been yet
identified. In the time of Jerome and Eusebius
(0&» pp. 137, 21; 247, 61; Beroth filionon.
Jacim, 'laxttfi) the spot was identified with
the place where Aaron died, and 10 miles front
Petra on the top of a mountain. Robinson
suggests the small fountain et-Taiyibeh, at the
bottom of the Pass er-Butd'% under Petra, a
short distance from the Arabah. The word
Beeroth, however, suggests not a spring but a
group of artificial wells.
In the Targ. Ps.-Jon. the name is given in
Numbers as .Iktha, RflpD n<3. [G.] [W.]
BENE'-KE'DEM (DniT^J?, the children of
the Hast), an appellation given to a people, or
to peoples, dwelling to the east of Palestine. It
occurs in the following passages of the O. T. : —
(1) Gen. xxix. 1, "Jacob came into the land of
the people [R. V. " children "] of the east," in
which was therefore reckoned Haran. (2) Job i.
3, Job was " the greatest of all the men [R. V.
" children "] of the east " [Job]. (3) Judg.
vi. 3, 33 ; vii. 12 ; viii. 10. In the first three
of these passages the Bene-Kedem are men-
tioned together with the Midianites and the
Amalekites ; and in the fourth the latter peoples
seem to be included in this common name: "Now
Zebah and Zalmunna were in Karkor, and their
hosts with them, about fifteen thousand men,,
all that were left of all the host of the children
of the east " [R. V.]. In the events to which
these passages of Judges relate, we find a curious
reference to the language spoken by these eastern
tribeii, which was understood by Gideon and his
servant (or one of them) as they listened to the
talk in the camp ; and from this it is to be in-
ferrc:! that they spoke a dialect intelligible to .in
Israelite : an inference bearing on an affinity of
race, and thence on the growth of the Semitic lan-
guages. (4) 1 K. iv. 30, " Solomon's wisdom ex-
celled the wisdom of all the children of the east "
[R. V.]. (5) Is. xi. 14 ; Jer. xlix. 28 ; Ezek. xxv. 4,
10. From the first passage it is difficult to deduc^
an argument, but the other instances, with their
contexts, are highly important. In Ezekiel,.
Ammon is delivered to the " children of the
east," and its city Rabbah is prophesied to be-
come " a stable for camels, and the children of
Ammon a coaching-place for flocks " [R. V.] ;
referring, apparently, to the habits of the wander-
ing Arabs ; while " palaces," also mentioned and.
thus rendered in the A. V., may be better read
with R. V. "encampments." The words of Jere-
miah strengthen the supposition just mentioned :
"Of Kedar, and of the kingdoms of Hazor,
which Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon smote.
Thus saith the Lord, Arise ye, go np to Kedar,
and spoil the children of the east. Their tents
and their flocks shall they take : they shall carry-
away for themselves their curtains [i.e. tents\.
and all their vessels, and their camels " [R. V.].
Opinions are divided as to the extension ef
the appellation of Bene-Kedem ; some (as Rosen-
miiller, Winer, Knobel, and Dillmann) holding
it to be a collective name for the Arabs of the
East; just as the, name Saracen CSapaieiiyis),
which is apparently derived from
Jr''
"eastern," has been extended to the whole-
race of which in the time of Pliny and Ptolemy
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392
BEN-HADAD
BEN-HADAD
it designated a particular tribe (see Dill-
mann' on Gen. xxv. 15). From a considera-
tion of the passages abure cited, and that which
makes mention of the land of Kedcm, Gen. xxv. 6
[Ishmael], we thmk (with Gesenius and Fiirst)
that it primarily signified the peoples of the
Arabian deserts (east and north-east of Palestine
and Lower Ejrypt), and chiefly the tribes of Ish-
mael and of Keturah, extending even to Meso-
potamia (so we may take Kedem in Num. xxiii.
7, and possibly in Is. it. 6) ; and that it was
sometimes applied to the Arabs and their country
generally. The only positive instance of this
latter signification of Kcdem occurs in Gen. x. 30,
where "Sephar, a mount of the East," is by
the common agreement of scholars situate in
Southern Arabia [Arabia ; Sephar].
In the 0. T., 2"lff, with its conjugate forms,
seems to be a name of the peoples otherwise
called Bene-Kedem, and with the same limita-
tions. The same may be observed of fi iyaroK^i,
or ivaroKai, in the N. T. (Matt. ii. 1 sq.).
D"!;? and onp. 'ja. Dii? v.S D?- D"ii?. y^
(in the passages above referred to) are trans-
lated by the I.XX. and in the Vulg. (except
LXX. in I K iv. 30 [LXX. v. 26], and LXX.
and Vulg in Is. ii. 6, where they make Kedem
to refer to ancient time) : in three places only
(those in Jeremiah and Ezekiel) the LXX. tran-
scribes the word KcScm. [C. S. P.]
BEN-HADA'D(Tin-J3,iO(jo/fia(W; vlhs
'ASepi Benadad), the name of three kings
of Damascus. In the monolith inscription of
Shalmaneser II. Hadad is written Dadda-'idri
(cp. LXX. 'Ktip ; Peiser in Schrader'a Keilin-
schrifti. BiblMhek, i. p. 172 [cp. p. 134]);
Secorda of ilie Past, N. S. iv. 70, or
Hadad-'idri (Craig, Hebrdica, 1887, p. 218).
The full form of the wonl is considered by
Pinches to be Ben-hadad-'idri ( =the son of
Adad [who is identified with Rimmon, the
thunder-god] my glory) ; and this was abbre-
viated by the Hebrews into Ben-hadad and by
the Assyrians intoAddn (=Hadad)-'idri [cp. the
views on this point of Fried. Delitzsch in ZKF.
ii. 161, &c., and of Schrader in ZKF. ii. 365,
KAT.' p. 200]. Hadad or Adad was the chief
god of the Syrians, probably the Sun (Macrob.
Saturnalia, i. 23; cp. Baethgen, Bdtr. z. Sem,
Seltgionsgesch. p. 67), still worshipped at
Damascus in the time of Josephus (^Ant. ix. 4, 6),
and from it several Syrian names are derived,
e.g. Hadad-ezer, i.e. Hadad is help. The god
IS represented on cylinders in the Brit. Mus.
as crowned, wearing long hair and full beard,
and holding a thunderbolt in bis hand
^Baethgen). The son of Hadad, therefore,
means worshipper of Hadad. Damascus, after
having been taken by David (2 Sam. viii. 5, 6),
was delivered from subjection to his successor
by Rezon (1 K. xi. 24), who " was an adversary
to Israel all the days of Solomon."
Besoadad I. (1 K. IV. 18) was either son or
grandson to Rezon, and in his time Damascus
was supreme in Syria, the various smaller
kingdoms which surrounded jt being gradually
absorbed into its territory. Benhadad must
have been an energetic and powerful sovereign,
and his alliance was courted both by Baasha of
Israel and Asa of Judah. He finally closed
with the latter on receiving a large amount of
treasure, and conquered a great part of tht K.
of Israel, thereby enabling Asa to pursue Us
victorious operations in the S. From 1 K. ii.
34, it would appear that he continued to nuke
war upon Israel in Omri's time, and forced him
to make " streets " in Samaria for Syrian
residents. [AiiAB.] This date u B.C. 950
Benhadad II., son of the preceding, and >Uo
king of Damascus (1 K xx. 1, &c.) Some
authors call him grandson, on the groond that
it was unusual in antiquity for the son to
inherit the father's name. But Benhadad seems
to have been a religious title of the Syhia
kings, as we see by its reappearance as the nime
of Hazael's son, Benhadad UL The inscriptions
of Shalmaneser II. (see Peiser and Craig U. c.)
narrate snccessful expeditions against him in
the 6th, 11th, and 14th years of the reip of
this Assyrian king. In the first of these Ben-
hadad and Ahab are mentioned as allies, a (act
corroborated by the Scripture account (1 K. ii.
34 ; cp. Edersheim, Bible Hist. iii. [pt. 2] p. 14<>,
Schrader, KAT.* p. 199), though the alliance
was of no long duration (1 K. xxii. I, 31). Loa;
wars with Israel in fact characterised the rei^
of Benhadad II., of which the earlier campatgu
are described under AUAB. His power and the
extent of his dominion are proved by the tkirtj-
two vassal kings who accompanied him to lii^
first siege of Samaria. Some time after the
death of Ahab, probably owing to the difficulties
in which Jehoram of Israel was involved by
the rebellion of Moab, Benhadad renewed tlie
war with Israel, and after some minor attempts,
which were frustrated by Elisha (2 K vt8,fc.),
attacked Samaria a second time (2 K. vi. 24, kc),
and pressed the siege so closely that there v.is
a terrible famine in the city, and atrocities were
committed in order to get food not less revoltJDf:
than those which Josephus relates of the titp ot
Jerusalem by Titus. But when the Syrism
were on the very point of success, they suddeiilv
broke up in the night in consequence of a sndda
panic, under which they fancied that assistance
was coming to Israel from Egypt or some
Canaanitish cities, as Tyre or Ramoth. Jchonn
seems to have followed up this nnhoped-for
deliverance by successful offensive operstiou,
since we find from 2 K. ix. 1 that Ramotli is
Gilead was once more an Israelitish toirs.
[Ahab.] Soon after this Benhadad fell ati
(2 K. viii. 7, &c.), and sent HazacI, one of his chief
oflicers, with vast presents, to consult Dishi,
who happened to be in Damascus, as to the
issue of his malady. Elisha replied that the
sickness was not a mortal one, but that still Ben-
hadad would certainly die, and he announced to
HazacI that he would be his sucpessor, with tean
at the thought of the misery which he (Baiael)
would bring on Israel. On the day aAer
Hazael's return Benhadad died, but not, as is
commonly thought from a cursory reading oi
2 K. viii. 15, by the hand of Hazael. Such a
supposition is hardly consistent with Hazael's
character, would involve Elisha in the gailt ci
having suggested the deed, and the introdactiea
of Hazael's name in the latter cianse of r. H
can scarcely be accounted for, if he be alto
the subject of the first clause. Ewald, fmn
the Hebrew text and a general consideration of
the chapter (GescA. dei V. I. iii. 523, noU).
thinks that one or more of Benhadad's own
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BEN-HAIL
serraits were the mnrderers ; Cnlmet (Fragm.
Tii.) belnTes that the wet cloth which caused
hi death was inteaded to effect his cure. This
new he supports by a reference to Bruce'a
Tracels, lii. p. 33; and Klostermann adopts it
(Strack n. ZSckler's Kg/ Komtiu in loco. The
iBUsi view is defended in Speaker's Coinm.').
Uuael succeeded him perhaps because he had
so nstuial heirs, and with him expired the
jjouty foonded by Rezon Uenhadad':> death
less about &a 890, and be must bare reigned
tome thirty years.
Bekbadao III., son of the above-mentioned
Hizael, and his successor on the throne of Syria
(2 K. liii. 3, &c ). If at first permitted by the
Lord to oppress Israel on account of their sins,
bis rtign was nevertheless disastrous for Damas-
C3i; and the vast power wielded by his father
suk into insignificance. In the striking lan-
giiage of Scripture, " Jehoahaz [the son of Jehu]
besought the Lord, and the Lord hearkened unto
itim, for he saw the oppression of Israel, because
the kiDg of Syria oppressed them ; and the Lord
gare Israel a »avioar " (2 E. xiii. 4, 5). This
tirioar was Jeroboam II. (cp. 2 K. lir. 27), but
tile prosperity of Israel began to revive in the
tiign of his father Jehoasb, the son of Jehoahaz.
Wken Benhadad succeeded to the throne of
Uusel, Jehoash, in accordance with a prophecy
of the dying Elisha, recovered the cities which
Jehothsz had lost to the Syrians, and beat him
in Aphek (2 K. xiii. 17, 23), in the plain of
£sdrseloii, where Ahab had already defeated
Beolitdad II. [Ahar] Jehoash gained two
more victories, but did not restore the dominion
of Israel on the east of Jordan. This glory was
reserved for his successor. The date of Ben-
iaiai iU. is c. B.C. 810. His misfortunes in war
are noticed by Amos i. 4. [G. E. L. C] [F.]
BBN-HATL (VlTja, son of the host, i.e.
Kaniar; Benhail), one of the " princes" (Q^'IB')
whom king Jehoahaphat sent to teach in the
cities of Jndah (2 Ch. xvii. 7> The LXX. trans-
lates roil ifyoiijiitims aJnov cat Toiis vlotis
rir tvparSp. [W, A. W.]
BEN-HA'NAN (Ijn*!?, Ges. = son of one
vho is gradout ; B. Ubs ^ofd, A. 'Afdv , filius
Haian), son of Shimon, m the line of Judah
<I Ch. iv 20). [W. A. W ]
BKNI'ND O^'ja, Ges. = our ton ; BK.
^tyuLiulr, A. Bcvovaiol i Banimi), a I^evite ; one
«{ those who sealed the covenant with Nehe-
miah (Neh. x. 13 [14]> [W. A. W.]
BENJAMIN (|»Dy3,i.«.Binyamm; inGen.
i«v. 18, BD BefiaeiK,' Z. Btytanir ; Benjamin).
1. The youngest of the children of Jacob, and
the only one of the thirteen (if indeed there
were not more; cp. "all his daughters," Gen.
ixmL 35, xlvi. 7) who was bom in Palestine.
His birth took place on the road between Bethel
and Bethlehem, a short distance — " a iength of
earth " — from the latter, and his mother Rachel
died in the act of giving birth to him, naming
him with her last breath Ben-oni, the son of my
.•WTwo (R. V. marg Cp. 1 Sam. iv. 19-22).
This was by Jacob changed into Benjamin
(Binyamin , Gen. ixxv. 16-18).
The name is worthy of some attention. From
BENJAMIN
393
the terms of the story it would appear to be
implied that it was bestowed on the child in
opposition to the desponding, and probably
ominous, name Ben-oni {the son </ my sorrow)
given him by bis dying mother, and on this
assumption it has been interpreted to mean the
son of the right luind (as if J'P'*ta), i.e. fortu-
nate, happy, Felix, the right hand of a thing
representing, in the opinion of antiquity, the
happy side. In this case the child brought to
his father happiness as another (the twelfth)
son, and as born in the laud of that father's
home. This interpretation is inserted in the
text of the Vulgate, in the margin of the A. V.
and R. V., and has the support of Ge.senius
(Tltes. and MV."), Dillmann,' and Delitzsch
[1887]. The meaning given by Josephus — Si(k
tV tn' abrf yf»oii4niy oSivtiv vp )i7irpi ^Ant. i.
21, § 3) — is completely different from this, and
no doubt arose from confusion with Ben-oni.
In the adjectival forms of the word the first
syllable is generally suppressed, as '3'D^'J3 or
'J'P'n '3, i.e. "sons of Vemini," for sons of
Benjamin; 'J'D^ {?»{<, "man of Yemini," for
man of Benjamin (1 Sam. ix. 1 ; Esth. ii. 5) ;
'3'9^ Y"^' land of Yemini for land of Benja-
min (1 Sam. ix. 4; B. 'loKcf/t, A. 'U/jifvatou),
as if the patriarch's name had been originally
jn?', Yamin (cp. Gen. ilvi. 10), and that of the
tribe Yeminites. In Judg. iii. 15, and 1 Sam. ix.
1, the A. V. reads in the margin " the son of
Jemini," and "the son of a man of Jemini;"
the R. V. omits such marginal renderings, and
reads in Judg. " the Benjamite," and in 1 Sam.
"a Benjamite."
Until the jonmeys of Jacob's sons and of
Jacob himself into Egypt we hear nothing of
Benjamin, and so far as he is concerned those
well-known narratives disclose nothing beyond
the very strong afiection entertained towards
him by his father and his whole-brother Joseph,
and the relation of fond endearment in which
he stood, as if a mere darling child (cp. Gen.
xliv. 20), to the whole of his family. Even the
harsh natures of the elder patriarchs relaxed
towards him. But Benjamin can hardly have
been the " lad " which we commonly imagine
him to be ; for at the time that the patriarchs
went down to reside in Egypt, when "every
man with his house went with Jacob," ten sons
are ascribed to Benjamin — a larger number
than to any of his brothers — and two of these,
if any weight may be attached to the plural
formation of the names, may have represented
families (Gen. xlvi. 21).*
And here, little as it is, closes all we know of
the life of the patriarch himself; henceforward
the history of Benjamin is the history of the
tribe. And up to the time of the entrance on
the Promised Land that history is as meagre as
It is afterwards full and interesting. We know
indeed that shortly after the departure from
Egypt it was the smallest tribe but one (Num.
i. 36 : cp. V. 1) ; that during the march its
position was on the west of the Tabernacle
with its brother tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh
• See, however, Delltisch [188T] In loco. According
to other lists, some of these " children " would seem
to have been grandchlldien (cp. Nam. jtivL 38-41 ;
1 Ch. vU. «-12, viU. 1).
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394
BENJAMIN
(Num. ii. 18-24). We have the names of the
" captain " of the tribe, when it set forth on its
long march (Num. ii. 22) ; of the " ruler " who
went up with his fellows to spy out the land
(xiii. 9); of the families of which the tribe
consisted when it was marshalled at the great
halt in the plains of Moab by Jordan-Jericho
(Num. xxTi. 38-41, 63), and of the '■ prince "
who was chosen to assist in the dividing of the
land (xixiv. 21). These are indeed preserved
to us. But there is nothing to indicate what
were the characteristics and behaviour of the
tribe which sprang from the orphan darling of
his father and brothers : no touches of personal
biography like those with which we are favoured
concerning Ephraim (1 Ch. vii. 20-23): no record
of zeal for Jehovah like that of Levi (Ex. xxxii.
26) : no evidence of special bent as in the case
of Reuben and Gad (Num. xxxii.). The only
foreshadowing of the tendencies of the tribe
which was to produce Ehud, Saul, and the I
BENJAMIN
perpetrators of the deed of Gibeah, is to be
found in the prophetic gleam which lighttd op
the dying Jacob, "Benjamin is a wolf tbit
ravineth ; in the morning he shall deroor the
prey, and at even he shall divide the spoil"
(Gen. xlii. 27. R. V.).
The proximity of Benjamin to Ephraim daring
the march to the Promised Land was maintained
in the territories allotted to each. Benjanis
lay immediately to the south of Ephraim and
between him and Judah. The situation of tiiis
territory was highly favourable. It foraud
almost a parallelogram, of about 36 miles in
length by 12 in breadth. Its limits are minutely
described in Josh, xviii. 12-19, and they an
still be traced with fair accuracy. The northern
boundary probably left the Jordan at the month
of W. ifueidme/t, and, passing N. of Jericiio,
crossed a wild mountain district, the wildemets
of Bethaven, to Bethel, BeUin, whence it
descended to Ataroth Adar, A'A. ZUrtrA, on the
3Up of tbo tribe of UtuitmiiL.
south side of the Lower Bethhoron, Beit ' Ur el-
Tahta, The western frontier was from Ataroth
Adar to Kirjath-jearim, and thence the southern
boundary ran by the waters of Nephtoah, and
the hill at the north end of the Valley of the
Giants, to the valley of Hinnom, under the
"Shoulder of the Jebusite." This section of
the boundary cannot be accurately traced until
the position of Kirjath-jearim has been definitely
fixed ; the view nsnally accepted is .that it was
at Kuryet el-'Enab, and that the boundary
crossed W. Beit Hanina, the Valley of the
Giants, to Lifta, Nephtoah, whence it passed
to the valley of Hinnom. More probable sites
for Kirjath-jearim have, however, been suggested
by Williams at Deir el-Baaa {H. C. 11), and by
Conder at Kh. 'Erma {PEF. Mem. iii. 43). From
either of these places, which are near each
other, and not far from 'AinS/iema, Bethshemesh,
the boundary would run by the Pools of Solo-
mon and Rachel's tomb, to the south side of
Jerusalem. This view is supported by the
statement (1 Sam. x. 2) that Rachel's tomb was
on the border of Benjamin ; the identification of
Nephtoah with Etam in Tal. Bab. I'oma 31 a ;
and the position, between Jerusalem and Beth-
lehem, assigned to the Valley of the Giants by
Josephus {Ant. vii. 12, § 4 ; cp. 4, § 1). From
the valley of Hinnom the boundary passed by
Enrogel and Enshemesh to the valley of Achot,
Wddy Kelt, and thence to the month of the
Jordan, leaving Jericho and Beth-hogla, JTar
J/ajla, to the north. The smallness of tkii
district, hardly larger than the county cf
Middlesex, was, according to the testimosy of
Josephus, compensated for by the excellence of
the land (8ia tV rr/s yris iptHir, Ani. v. 1).'
In the degenerate state of modem Palestine few
traces remain of this excellence. But oth«
and more enduring natural peculiarities remain,
and claim our recognition, rendering this posse-
sion one of the most remarkable among those of
the tribes.
(1.) The general level of this part of Palestiie
is very high, not less than 2,000 feet above the
maritime plain of the Mediterranean on the one
side, or than 3,000 feet above the deep valley «f
b A trace of the pastUTe-landa may be found in tbe
mention of the "henl''(l Sam. li. 5; R.V. "oxen");
and possibly others In tbe names of some of the tinrat
of Benjamin : as bap-Farali, " the cow ; " ZeUb-hs-e]t|ih.
■■ the ox-rib " (Josh, zviil. 23, 28. B. V. omits the ait,
in both cases).
k
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BENJAMIN
tht JordiiD on the other; besides which this
gnieral lerel or plateau is surmonnted, in the
dittrict now ander consideration, by a large
QDmber of eminences— defined, rounded hills —
timost erery one of which has borne some part
is the history of the tribe. Many of these hills
any the fact of their existence in their names.
Gil>eoD,Gibeah, Geba or Gaba, all mean "hill ; "
Gunah and Ramathaim, " eminence ; " Mizpeh,
" iratch-tower ; " while the "ascent of Beth-
horou," the " cliff Bimmon," the " pass of
Mickmash" with its two "teeth of roclc," all
testify to a country eminently broken and hilly.
The special associations which belong to each
of these eminences, whether as sanctuary or
fortrw!, many of them arising from the most
Jtirring incidents in the history of the nation,
will be best examined under the various separate
heads.
(2.) Not less important than these eminences
•re the roads — sometimes following the torrent
beds and rarines, sometimes the rough mountain
span — which gave access to the upper country
from the plains of Philistia and of Sharon on
tbe west, and the deep valley of the Jordan on
the east ;■ the latter steep and precipitous in
the extreme, the former more gradual in their
declivity. Up these western passes swarmed
the Philistines on their incursions during the
times of Samael and of Saul, driving the first
king of Israel right over the higher district of
kij own tribe, to Gilgal in the hot recesses of
the Arsbab, and establishing themselves over the
hct of the country from Michmash to Aijalon.
Down these same defiles they were driven by
Saul after Jonathan's victorions exploit, just as
ia earlier times Joshua had chased the Canaanites
down the long hill of Beth-horon, and as cen-
turies afterwards the forces of Syria were chased
byJadas Maccabaeos (1 Uacc iii. 16-24). The
priacipal roads on the western side are : (1) the
Koent carriage-road from Jerusalem by Kit-
lo»ki, Kvryet cl-'Enab, and W. 'Aly to Jaffa ;
(2) from jemsalem by Beit 'Jkta, Biddu, Beit
LiUtt, and Jimzu, to Lydda ; (3) from Jenisalem
by Sh'ttfit, El-ja, Beit 'Ur eUFdka, and Beit
'Ur d-TaJUa to join (2) below Jimzu with
branches from Beit 'Or el-Tahta to Mmtods and
raid; (4) from El-Jib by W. Selmdn to Jimiu,
u)d (5) from £I-Jib by Biddu and Kuryet el-
•EiK* to r'aU.
Tbe passe* on the eastern side are of a much
more difficult and intricate character than those
«i the western. The principal one — which, now
anfreqaented, was doubtless in ancient times
the main ascent to the interior — leaves the
Arabah a short distance N. of the mouth of W.
Kelt, and, breaking through the barren hills
with many a jrild bend and steep slope, passes
BENJAMIN
395
* It is perhaps hardly fkncifQl to ask if we may not
vmaot In this v&y for the curious prevalence among
Uk oaSKS of tbe towns of Benjamin of tbe titles of
<n>u. Ha-AvTlm, tbe Avltes; Zemaraim, the Ze-
muilcs; ba-Ophnl, tbe Opbnlte; Cbephar ba-Am-
laoDsi. tbe village of tbe Ammonites ; ba-Jebusi. tbe
Jehoaite, — are all among tbe namen of places in Ben-
^fllin ; and we can hardly doubt that in these names
is preserved tbe memory of many an ascent of the wild
tribes of tbe desert from tbe sultry and open plains of
the low level to tbe tiesb air and secure raatnessee of tbe
upper district.
up W. Riyan and along the ridge of S&» et-
TavcU to Mukhmas, Deir Ditein, et-Tell and
Beitin, with .t branch from Muihmdi to Bireh,
the ancient Beeroth. After tbe fall of Jericho
this pass must have stood open to the victorious
Israelites, as their natural inlet to the country.
At its upper end must have taken place the
repulse and subsequent victory of Ai, and
through it Joshua perhaps hastened to the
relief of the Gibeonites, and to his memorable
pursuit of the Canaanites down the pa.<i8 of
Beth-horon, on the other side of the territory of
Benjamin.
Another of these passes is that which since
the time of our Savionr has been the regular
road between Jericho and Jerusalem, the scene
of the parable of the Good Samaritan.
Another pass, over which ran a Roman road,
left the Jordan valley at 'Ain Dui, and,
ascending a bold spur, passed by Kh, Kaswal to
et-Taiyibeh ; whence it passed, south of Tell
'AzUr, to join the north road S.E. of Tebrid; a
branch leading from Kh. Kaswal to et-Tell and
Beitin, Bethel.
These intricate ravines may well have har-
boured the wild beasts which, if the deriva-
tion of the names of several places in this
locality are to be trusted, originally haunted
the district — zeboim, hyaenas (1 Sam. liii. 18);
shual and thaalbitn, foxes or jackals (Judg, i. 35 ;
1 Sam. xiii. 17) ; ajalon, gazelles.'
It mnst be remembered, too, that Benjamin
occupied an important position on each side of
the great highway from Jerusalem by Bireh
and Beitin to Sahius, and thus commanded tbe
only approach from the north to the Holy City
and the Temple.
Such were the limits and such the character
of the poiisession of Benjamin as fixed by those
who originally divided the land. But it could
not have been long before they extended their
limits, since in the early lists of 1 Ch. viii. we
find mention made of Benjamites who built Lod
and Ono, and of others who were founders of
Aijalon (cr. 12, 13), all which towns were beyond
the spot named above as the westernmost point
in their boundary. These places, too, were in
their possession ailler the return from the Cap-
tivity (Neb. xi. 35).
The contrast between the warlike character
of the tribe and the peaceful image of its pro-
genitor has been already noticed. That fierce-
ness and power are not less out of proportion to
the smallness of its numbers and of its terri-
tory. This comes out in many scattered notices,
(a) Benjamin was the only tribe which seems to
have pursued archery to any purpose, and their
skill in the bow (1 Sam. xx. 20, 36 ; 2 Sam. i.
22 ; 1 Ch. viii. 40, xii. 2 ; 2 Ch. xvii. 17) and the
sling (Jndg. xx. 16) was celebrated. (6) When,
after the first conquest of the country, the
nation began to groan under the miseries of a
foreign yoke, it was to a man of Benjamin, Ehud
the son of Gera, that they turned for deliverance.
The story seems to imply that he accomplished
his purpose on Eglon with less risk, owing to
* The snlOect of the connexion between the topo-
graphy of Benjamin and tbe events which took place
there, is treated in tbe most admirable manner in tho
4tb chapter of Dean Stanley's ^tfuxt and PdUtHnt. Very
much of the above article Is drawn from that source.
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BENJAMIN
his proficiency in the pecnliar practice of using
his left hand, a practice apparently confined to
Benjamites, though by them greatly employed
(Judg. iii. 15, and see xx. 16; 1 Ch. xii.'2).
(c) Baanah and Rechab, " the sons of Rimmon
the Beerothite of the children of Benjamin " (2
Sam. ir 2, 5, &c.), are the only Israelites west of
the Jordan named in the whole history as cap-
tains of marauding predatory "bands" (D'lnj);
and the act of which ihey were gnilty — the
murder of Ish-bosheth, the son of Saul and
head of their house — hardly needed the sum-
mary vengeance inflicted on them by David to
testify the abhorrence in which it must have
been held by all Orientals, however warlike.
(d) The dreadful deed recorded iu Judg. xi-t.
[Judges, Book of], though repelled by the whole
country, was unhesitatingly adopted and defended
by the tribe of Benjamin with an obstinacy and
spirit truly extraordinary. Of their obstinacy
there is a remarkable trait in 1 Sam. xxii. 7-18.
Though Saui was not only the king of the nation,
but the head of the tribe, and David a member
of a family which had as yet no claims on the
friendship of the tribe of Benjamin, yet the
Benjamites resisted the strongest appeal of
Saul to betray the movements of David, and
after those movements had been revealed by
Doeg the Edomite (worthy member — as he
must have seemed to them — of an accursed
race!) they still firmly refused to lift a hand
against those who had assisted him.
And yet, to return to the deed of Gibeah, in
one or two of the expressions of that antique
and simple narrative — the phrase "Benjamin
my brother" (Judg ii. 23); the anxious in-
quiry, " What shall we do for wives for them
that remain?" (Judg. xsi. 7, 16), and the
entreaty, " Be favourable to them for our sakes "
(R. v., " Grant them graciously unto us ") —
we seem to hear as it were an echo of those
terms of fond affection which have given the son
of Rtchel's gnef so distinct a place in our minds.
The frightful transaction of Judg. xix. was
indeed a crisis in the history of the tribe : the
narrative undoubtedly is intended to convey
that the six hundred* (Judg. xx. 47) who took
refuge in the cliif Rimmon, and who were after-
xt&Tds provided with wives partly from Jabesh-
gilead (Jndg. xii. 10), partly from Shiloh (xxi.
21), were the only survivors. A long interval
must have elapsed between so abject a condition
and the culminating point at which we next
meet with the tribe.'
Several circumstances may have conduced to
its restoration to that place which it was now
to assume. The Tabernacle was at Shiloh in
Ephraim during the time of the last Judge ; but
the .nrk was on the border of Benjamin at Kir-
jath-jearim. Ramah, the official residence of
Samuel, and containing a sanctuary greatly
frequented (1 Sam. ix. 12, &c.),— Mizpeh, where
• " Et tribuB Benjamin trecentos viros propter Apo-
Btolum rescrfstos " ( Jer. £p. ad Paul. 3S).
' A fiilr argument in favour of the received chronology
of the Book of Jndges may be drann from this circum-
stance— since no shorter period would bnvc been suffl-
ctent for the tribe to have recovered such almost total
extermination, and to have reachwl the numbers and
force indicated in the lists of 1 Cb. xii. 1-8, vil. 6-12
vlU. 1-40.
BKNJAMIN
the great assemblies of « all Israel " took plan
(1 Sam. vil. 5), — Bethel, perhajie the most
ancient of all the sanctuaries of Palestine, and
Gibeon, specially noted as "the great high
place " (2 Ch. i. 3), were all in the land of Ben-
jamin. These must gradually have accostomej
the people who resorted to these various places
to associate the tribe with power and sauctitr,
and they tend to elucidate the anomaly which
struck Saul so forcibly. " that all the desire
of Israel" (1 Sam. ix. 20; R. V "all that is
desirable in Israel," with LXX. and Vnlg.)
should have been centred in the house of the
smallest of its tribes (1 Sam. ix. 21).
The struggles and contests which followed
the death of Sanl arose from the natural un-
willingness of the tribe to relinquish its position
at the head of the nation, especially in faronr of
Judah. Had it been Kphraim, the case mijht
have been different, but Judah had as jet no
connexion with the house of Joseph, and vis
moreover the tribe of David, whom Saul had
pursued with such unrelenting enmity. The tact
and sound sense of Abner, however,' sucMed^^
in overcoming these difficulties, though he him-
self fell a victim in the very act of accomplish-
ing his purpose; and the proposal that David
should be " king over Israel " was one which
" seemed good to the whole house of Benjamin,*
and of which the tribe testified its approval, aid
evinced its good faith, by sending to the distant
capital of Hebron a detachment of 3,000 men
of the " brethren of Saul " (1 Ch. xii. 29). Still
the insults of Shimei and the insurrection of
Sheba are indications that the soreness continued
to exist, and we do not hear of any cordial co-
operation or firm union between the two tribes
until a cause of common quarrel arose, at the
disruption, when Rehoboam assembled "all the
house of Judah with the tribe of Benjamfai, to
fight against the house of Israel, to bring the
kingdom again to the son of Solomon" (1 K.iii.
21 ; 2 Ch. xi. 1). Possibly the seal mav hare
been set to this by the fact of Jeroboam having
just taken possession of Bethel, a city of Ben-
jamin, for the calf-worship of the northern kmg-
dom « (1 K. xii. 29). On the other hand, Beho-
boam fortified and garrisoned several cities of
Benjamin, and wisely dispersed the members of
his own family through them (2 Ch. xi. 10-12).
The alliance was further strengthened by a cove-
nant solemnly undertaken (2 Ch. iv 9), and by
the employment of Benjamites in high ptaitiou
in the army of Judah (2 Ch. xvii. 17). But
what above all must have contributed to
strengthen the alliance was the fact that the
Temple was the common property of both tribes.
True, it was founded, erected, and endowed by
princes of "the house of Judah;" but the city
of " the Jebusite " (Josh, xviii. 28), and tic
whole of the ground north of the valley o4
Hinnom, were in the lot of Benjamin. In this
latter fact is literally fulfilled the prophecy cf
Moses (Deut. xxxiii. 12): Benjamin "dwelt
between " the « shoulders " of the ravines which
encompass the Holy City on the west, south,
and east (see a good treatment of this point in
Blunt's Uncles. Coincidences, Pt. II. § xvii.).
» Bethel, however, was on the very bonndaiT IiB^
and centuries before this date was Inhabited by both
Epbralmltes and Benjamites (Jndg. xU. IS).
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BENJAMIN
Hencefonrard the hiitory of Benjuuin becomes
merged in that of the southern kingdom. That
the tribe still retained its indiriduality is plain
from the constant mention of it in the various
umases taken of the two tribes, and on other
occasions, and also from the li&ts of the men of
Benjamin who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezra i i. ;
Keh. rii.) and took possession of their old towns
(Neh. li. 31-35). At Jerusalem the name must
have been always kept alire, if by nothing else,
t>7 the name of " the high gate of Benjamin "
(Jer. XI. 2). [Jerusalem.]
Bot though the tribe had thus given up to a
certain degree its independent existence, it is
clear that the ancient memories of their house
irere not allowed to fade from the recollections
of the Benjamites. The genealogy of Saul, to a
late date, is carefully preserved in the lists of
1 Ch. (viii. 33-40, ix. 39-44); the name of
Kish recurs as the ancestor of Mordecai (Estb. ii.
5. Cp. Bertbeau-Ryssel in loco), the honoured
deliverer of the nation from miseries worn
than those threatened by Nahash the Ammon-
ite. But it was reserved for a greater than
these to close the line of this tribe in the sacred
history. The royal name once more appears, and
"Ssnl who also is tilled Paul" has left on
record under his own hand that he was "of the
stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin " (Phil,
iii. 5). It is perhaps more than a mere fancy
t« note how remarkably the chief characteristics
of the tribe are gathered up in his one person.
There was the fierceness, in his persecution of
the Christians ; and there were the obstinacy
and persistence, which made him proof against
the tears and prayers of his converts, and " ready
not to be bound only, but also to die for the
same of the Lord Jesus" (Acts xxi. 12, 13).
There were the force and vigour to which
natural difficulties and confined circumstances
formed no impediment; and lastly, there was
the keen sense of the greatness of his house, in
his proud reference to his forefather " Saul the
son of Cia, a man of the tribe of Benjamin."
Be this as it may, no nobler hero could be
fotmd to close the rolls of the worthies of his
tribe — no prouder distinction could be desired
for Benjamin than that of having produced the
first judge of its nation, the first king, and
finally, when Judaism gave place to Chris-
tianity, the great Apostle of the Gentiles.
S. BM. Bfriofitly. A man of the tribe of
Benjamin, son of Bilhan, and the head of a
family of warriors (1 Ch. vii. 10).
a BMA. Btyiaiuir. One of the "sons of
Harim;" who, in the time of Ezra, had mar-
ried a foreign wife (Ezra i. 32). [G.] [W.]
BEN'JAMIN, HIGH OATE, or oate, of
(It7^ '5 "WBO, Jer. ix. 2, zizvii. 13, xxiviii.
7 ; Zech. zir. 10. [Jebusalem.]
BENJAHTTE. An adjectival form of
'Btxiuas.
BENO" (U3, hi$ ton; LXX. translates vM ;
Beuio), a Levite of the sons of Herari (1 Ch.
iiiv. 26, 27). [W. A. W.]
BEN-<yNI CJ^tnS, son of my tortoa or
larf, or of my ttrength, i.e. of my latt effort
BEBAIAH
397
[Hiller, Onom. 300] ; vihs iSiyiis fuiv ; Benom, id
est filius dotoris me!), the name which the dying
Rachel gave to her newly-born son, but which
his father changed into Bekjahin (Gen. xxxv.
i8> [w; A. W.]
BEN-Z(yHETH (ntjinS; B. v!o\ Zui0,
A. viol Z(iix((0 ; Hoheth), a. name occurring among
the descendants of Judah (1 Ch. iv. 20). The
passnge appears to be a fragment, and as if the
name of a son of the Zoheth just mentioned had
originally followed. [W. A. W.]
BEO'N (P3; BE^. Baiiy, A.Bo/«t; Beon),
a place on the east of Jordan (Num. zxxii. 3),
a contraction of Baal-heon (cp. r. 38). [W.}
BEO'B ("toa, Ges. = a torcA; B. [usually]
Bccip, A. [usually] Beuif, Bear). 1. The father
of Bela, one of the early Edomite kings (Gen.
xxxvi. 32 ; 1 Ch. i. 43). 2. Father of Balaam
(Num. xxii. 5, xxiv. 3, 15, xiii. 8 ; Josh. xiii.
22, xxiv. 9 [BA. i(ir(l>(ip] ; Mic. vi. 5), called Bo-
80E in 2 Pet. ii. 15. [Bela.] [W. A. W.] [F.]
BE'BA (S'\2; AD. BctAXa, E. Bopci; Joseph.
BoXAiit ; Bard), king of Sodom at the time of
the invasion of the five kings under Chedor-
laomer (Gen. xiv. 2). [W. A. \V.]
BEKA'OHAH (nSIJ, ««>j.ns; BK. B«p-
X«c(, A. Bopaxui; BaracKa), a Benjamite, one
of " Saul's brethren," who attached himself to
David at Ziklag (1 Ch. xii. 3). [W. A. W.]
BEEA'CHAH, Valley of (n3"1? ppff.
valley of blessing ; Koi\ii EiAoyfas ; vallit bena-
dictionis; R. V. Bcracah); a valley (Jos. Tuxk
KotKov KoX tpttpayydSii rdirov) in which Jeho-
shaphat and his people assembled to " bless "
Jehovah after the overthrow of the hosts of
Moabites, Ammonites, and (?) Mehunim, who had
come against them, and which from that fact
acquired its name of " the valley of blessing "
(2 Ch. XI. 26). The place is remarkable as fur-
nishing one of the latest instances in the 0. T.
of a name bestowed in consequence of an occur-
rence at the spot.
The name of Breikit C OjiO", j> ) st'H sur-
vives, attached to ruins in the Wady el-'Arrub,
between Tekifa, Tekoa, and the main road from
Bethlehem to Hebron ; a position corresponding
accurately enough with the locality of the
battle as described in 2 Ch. ix. (Rob. iii. 275.
The discovery is due to Wolcott; see Kilter,
Jordan, p. 635). It must not be confounded with
Caphar-barucha, now probably Beni N'aim, an
emineoce on very high ground, 3 or 4 miles east
of Hebron, commanding an extensive view of the
Dead Sea, and traditionally the scene of Abra-
ham's intercession for Sodom. The tomb of Lot
has been shown there since the days of Mande-
ville(Reland,p. 685 ; Rob. i. 489-91). [G.] [W.]
BEBACHI'AH()nO'^,/aA blesses; Bapa-
xfo; Barachia), a Gersiionite Levite, father of
Asaph the singer (I Ch. vi. 39). [Berechiah 6.]
BEEAI'AH {rV\<yi,Jahia creator; Bapala;
Baraia), son of Shimhi, a chief man of Benjamin
(I Ch. viiL 21" [W. A. W.]
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BEBEA
BEBE'A (B«poui; Beroea). 1. A city of
Macedonia, to which St. Paul retired with Silas
and Timotheus, in the course of his first visit to
Europe, on being persecuted in Thessalonica
(Acts xrii. 10) ; and from which, on being again
persecuted by emissaries from Thessalonica, he
withdrew to the sea for the purpose of proceed-
ing to Athens (cr. 14, 15). The community of
Jews must have been considerable in Berea, and
their character is described in very favourable
terms (p. 11). Sopatcr, one of St. Paul's mis-
sionary companions, was from this place (Bepoi-
aiot. Acts XX. i). He accompanied the Apostle
on his return from the second visit to Europe
(>6.); and he appears to have previously been
with him, in the course of that second visit, at
Corinth, when he wrote the Epistle to the
Romans (Rom. xvi. 21).
Berea, now called Verria or Kara Verria, is
fully described by Leake (^Northern Oreece, vol.
iii. 290 sq.), and by Cousin^ry ( Voyage dans
la Macedoine, vol. i. pp. 69 sq.). Situated
on the eastern slope of the Olympian mountain-
range, with an abundant supply of water, and
commanding an extensive view of the plain of
the Axius and Haliacmon, it is regarded as one
of the most agreeable towns in Rnmili, and has
now 6,000 or 8,000 inhabitants. A few ancient
remains — Greek, Roman, and Byzantine — still
«iist here. Two roads are laid down in the
Itineraries between Thessalonica and Berea, one
passing by Fella. St. Paul and his companions
may have travelled by either of them. Two
roads also connect Berea with Dium, one passing
by Pydna. It was probably from Dium that
St. Paul sailed to Athens, leaving Silas and
Timotheus behind ; and possibly 1 Thess. iii. 2
refers to a journey of Timotheus from Berea,
not from Athens. [Timotht.] The coin in
Akerman'a Nmniamatic Illustrations of the N. T.,
p. 46, is erroneously assigned to the Macedonian
Berea, and belongs to the following (see Diet,
of Or. and Rom. Qeog., art. Beroea).
S. The modern Aleppo, mentioned in 2 Mace,
xiii. 4 (Vnlg. om.), in connexion with the in-
vasion of Judaea by Antiochus Eupator, as the
scene of the miserable death of Menelaus. This
seems to be the city in which Jerome says
that certain persons lived, who possessed and
used St. Matthew's Hebrew Gospel (J)e Vir.
niaat. c. 3. See Diet, of Or. and Som. Geog.
». n.)
8. Bcp/a; Berea. A place in Judaea, where
Bacchides, the general of Demetrius, encamped
shortly before the engagement in which Judas
Maccabaeus was slain (1 Mace. ix. 4). Bacchides
whilst at Jerusalem heard that Judas had en-
camped at Eleasa (1 Mace. ix. 5), now ITasa,
near Beth-horon, or according to Josephus (Ant.
xii. 11, § 1) at Beth-zepho, now probably Bir-
ex-Zeit. He thereupon marched to Berea, appa-
rently Bireh. [Beeroth.] [J. S. H.] [W.]
BERECm'AH (in»3"13 and n»3n|, Jehovah
blesses; A. Bt^ux^ B. -ioi; Barachias). 1. One
of the sons of Zerubbabel, and a descendant
of the royal family of Judah (1 Ch. iii. 20).
S. A man mentioned as the father of
Meshnllam, who assisted in rebuilding the walls
of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 4 [KA. Bapaxlas, B. om.],
30 [BM. Bapx«(<i A. Bopuf] ; vi. 18 [BKA. Bo-
(»x«i<q.) •
BEBIAH
3. B. B<^x*^ ^- Bapaxu(r; Barachia. k
Levite of the line of Elkanah (1 Ch. ii. 16).
4. Bo^x*'' > Barachias. A doorkeeper for tke
ark (1 Ch. xv. 23).
6. A. Bapaxiea, B. Zax<V>'<u- One of tht
chief men of the tribe of Ephraim in the time
of king Ahaz (2 Ch. xxviii. 12).
6. B. Bapaxii, K. -tla. Father of Asaph the
singer (1 Ch. xv. 17). [Bekacuiau.]
7. Bopaxfoi. Father of Zechaiiah the Pro-
phet (Zech. i. 1). Here A. V., ed. 1611, reads
"Barachiah." [G.] [W.]
BE'BED (TT3, haU; Bopdt; Barad). 1. X
place in the south of Palestine, between which
and Kadesh lay the well Lahai-roi (Gen. ivi.
14). The name is variously given in the ancient
Versions : Peshitto, Gadar, i_, Aj^? = G«tw:
Arab. lared, i)j, probably a mere comptioi
of the Hebrew name ; Onkelos, Chagra, K'ljn
(elsewhere [v. 7] employed in the Targnms for
"Shur"); Ps.-Jonathan, Chalutio, Nwbn, ix
the Elusa, 'EAouira, of Ptolemy and the eccle-
siastical writers, now el-Khatasah, in IV. Adij,
about 12 miles south of Beersheba (Rob. L 301-2 ;
Stewart, p. 205; Reland, p. 755 ; PEFQi). Stat.
1871, p. 35). We hare the testimony of Jemne
( Vita S. Hilarionis) that Elusa was called bj ib
inhabitants Barec, which might represent a cor-
ruption of Bered, ^ being read for T (cpi OS.'
p. 135, 3). Chalutza is the name elwwbeR
given in the Arabic Version for " Shur " and
for "Gerar." The position of cl-Khalatak, m
the way from Beersheba to Shur and E^l*,
meets all the requirements of Bered.
2. A. BopcES, B. om. A son or descendant of
Ephraim (1 Ch. vii. 20), poaiibly identical with
Becher in Num. xxvi. 35. [G.] [ff.]
BEBENI'CE. [Beesicb.]
BE'BI ('"13, if = »-»<3, Ges. foaUtms; .4.
Bopf, B. 1a$p*i ; Beri), son of Zophafa, of the
tribe of Asher (1 Ch. viL 36). \\\. A W.]
BERI'AH (n^')3 [meaning nncerUia. h
Arabic ITD means to asoend, excel ; V. cooj. to
give liberally. Lev. xxii. 18; Dent. xii. 6 Saal—
S. R. D.] ; Baria, Beria, Brie). 1. A son of Asher
(Gen. xlvi. 17, A. Bofut, D. -*U; Num. xxri.
44, 45 [LXX. vv. 28, 29. In v. 28, B^xi; ">
r. 29 the name is omitted]), from whom de-
scended "the family of the Beriites" On?'
B.* »" Bapiatl, B.*«* -lo, A. -oi, F. -<ai ; fmilia
Brieitantm), Num. xxvi. 44.
2. A son or descendant of Ephraim, so called
on account of his birth on an occasion of great
calamity. The points to be considered an the
meaning of the name in this instance, tod the
place of Beriah in the genealogy of Ephraim. The
passage (1 Ch. vii. 20-23) runs thus :" And the
sons of Ephraim ; Shuthelah, and Bered his xxii
and Tahath his son, and Eleodah his um, and Ta-
hath his son, and Zabad his son, and Shathelah
his son, and Ezer, and Elead, whom the men <f
Gath that were born in the land slew [lit "and
the men . . . slew them "], because [or " when"]
they came down to take away their cattle. And
Ephraim their father monmed many days, and
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BEBIAH
bis brethren came to comfort him. And
he went io to hii wife, and she conceived,
and bare a son, and he called his name Beriah,
becaose it went evil with his house" (R. V.)
[lit " because it was in evil to hia house : "
W33 nfljij fW^ '?> *Ti in KOKoTs iyivtro
it iHiaf iiov, LXX. :° " eo quod in mails domus
ejns ortus esset," Vulg. The real etymology of
tke same is uncertain, because — though it is
borne by several persons — the root is not in use
in Hebrew. Id the passage quoted, it is stated
to have been given on account of its assonance
with bavfoA, " in evil " (cp. Cain, Moses, &c.).
-S. R. D.]
The place of Beriah in the genealogy of
Ephraim is hard to determine. The matter is of
much importance. If the conflict with the men
of Gath should be referred to the sojourn in
Egypt, it would supply the one fact of history
recorded in the Bible outside family events,
between the coming into Egypt and the great
oppression; otherwise this is but an incident
of the little wars of the conquerors of Palestine
which followed the campaigns of Joshua.
There is much in fovour of the later date.
The event may be referred rather to Palestine
thai to Egypt, for "the settlements of the
Ephnimites in the mountainous district, where
Beth-boron, Gezer, Timnath-serah, &c., lay,
were exactly suited for a descent upon the
plains of the Philistine country where the men
of Gath fed their cattle." After the cata-
strophe it would seem that " they called in "
"the Benjamites to help them in driving away
the men of Gath" (1 Ch. viii. 13). [Shuthe-
UB, 1st ed.]
We find no families of Ephraim specified
in Xunbers but those descended from Shuthe-
Uh, Becher, Tahan, and Shuthelah's son Eran
(irn. 3d, 36). Beriah is here not indicated,
though the first four persons in the passage under
consideration probably have their descendants.
-Again, Beriah's daughter is said to have built
tbe two Beth-horona and Uzzen-sherah (1 Ch.
nl 24). Similarly the expulsion of the Oittites
is connected with the time of building cities,
toe days following Joshua's wars (1 Ch. viii.
13, 13). The gen^ogy is apparently repeated
(rii. 25, 26), which may be explained by the
theory that it is broken earlier (e. 21) to intro-
<iace a historical event. There seems therefore
to be some confusion of the text. Of course on
this explanation tbe name of Ephraim before
"their father " would be a gloss. On this ques-
tion the reader is referred to the full statement
of Lord Arthur Hervey in art. Shuthelah,
14 ed. Cp. also Speaker's Comm. and Oettii
(Stnck n. ZSckler's Kgf. Eomm.), notes on 1 Ch.
vil 20-23.
It seems therefore that we cannot venture to
take the story of Beriah as relating to the
period between the death of Joseph and the
beginning of the Oppression, and as the one
historical fact told in the Bible of this long time
of obecurity. The Egyptian monnments have,
however, preserved another incident which is
definite aa to place, and throws unexpected
'ight on thia obscure age of the sojourn. The
discovery of this most important evidence is
due to k. GroflT, who has developed it in the
^tme Bsyptohgiqae. Thothmes III., at a time
which may be placed about B.C. 15riO, or midway
BEBITES, THE
399
between the coming into Egypt and the Exodus,
has left a record at Kamak of the peoples or tribes
composing a great army of the confederated
Syrians, Mesopotamians, and Auyrians, whom he
defeated at the battle of Megiddo and afterwards
led captive on the surrender of that stronghold.
It is quite clear that the list is one of the
nationuity of the captives. It does not follow
that Thothmes did not conquer some of them in
their own territories, but the list is the tale of
the captive army. The names, as Groff well
remarks, are ethnographic and not 'geographic,
—a most important distinction which his pre-
decessors have failed to draw. His position is
not only reasonable in itself, but it also receives
confirmation from the circumstance that few of
these names have been satisfactorily identified
with localities. To his reasoning it may be
added that, if we had a similar list of the com-
ponent parts of an army raised in Syria in our
own day.s, it would contain names of Arab tribes
under race appellations, whose settlements, if
any, were far away in Arabia. Among the
names not identified with any known locality
are two not far apart, Jakob^al for aar) and
Joshep-al. The first of these M. de Roug£
conjectured on its first discovery to possibly
preserve the memory of some establishment of
Jacob in Palestine. M. GroS' has carried the
investigation farther, and shown that these
names are those of the tribes of Jacob and
Joseph, the subject lost in the apocopated form
being here preserved, as in Nathaniel for Nathan.
The only inference that we can draw from this
important discovery is, that during the interval
between the death of Joseph tind the birth of
Moses, or in other words between the events of
the Books of Genesis and Exodus, the Israelites,
divided into the two tribes of Jacob and Joseph,
when free to move to and fro after the manner
of Arabs, supplied a contingent to the great
confederation which Thothmes overthrew at the
battle of Megiddo. This accords with the fear
of the military power of the Hebrews exhibited
by the Pharaoh of the Oppression, and with the
statement that the people marched out of
Egypt in martial order (Ex. xiii. 18). See M.
Groflfs papers in the Revue Egypiologique, 1885,
p. 95 sq., p. 146 sq. For the chronological
bearing of this discovery, see Chbonolooy.
For the older theories the curious may be
referred to Barrett's Synopsis and Pole's Synopsis
in loco.
3. B. Biptyi, A. Bap-. A Benjamite, nnlesa he
be the same person as No. 2, adopted into the
tribe of Benjamin, who was connected with the
driving away of the " inhabitants of Gath "
(1 Ch. viii. 13, apparently shortly after tbe
conquest of Canaan ; cp. v. 12. See supra No. 2).
4. One of the sons of Shimei, a Gershonite of
the time of David (1 Ch. uiii. 10, 11). [B. S. P.]
BERITTES. [Bebiah, 1.]
BE'BITES, THE (Dngrt; BA. ir Xapptt),
a tribe or people who are named with Abel and
Beth-maachah, places in tbe north of Palestine.
They are mentioned as having been visited by
Joab in his pursuit after Shcba the son of
Bichri (2 Sam. xx. 14). The Vulgate has a
diflferent reading — "omnesque viri electi con-
gregati fuerant " — apparently D'^n3n, the
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400
BEBKICE
young men, for Q^^Sn ; and this in Ewald's
opinion is ttie correct reading (Oeach. iii. 249,
note ; so Wellliansen, /.c). Klostennann, on the
b^sis of the LXX. ol tv Xapptl (Strack a. ZSck-
ler, Kgf. Komm. in loco), prefers D'"133n"75
" all the Bichrites '' (cp. v. 13), and it is possible
that this may be right (cp. Driver, Notea on
the Hcb. Text of the Books of Sam., in loco),
Thomson {Land and the Book, p. 275) supposes
that the Berites lired at Btria, N. of Safed,
which place he identifies with the Beroth (B«-
f^tn) of Jos. Ant. V. 1, § 18. [G.] [W.]
BEBNI'CE (Beprfxi), shortened for Bt/xfiicri
rjoseph.], the Macedonian form of ttptvticti : see
Starz, Dial. Maced. p. 31 ; Bemice). The name
is frequent in the princely families of Egypt
and Palestine (see XHct. Biogr. and Mythol.).
The Bemice or Berenice of Acts iir., zxvi. was
the eldest of the three daughters of Herod
Agrippa I. by Cypres, the other two being
DrosiUa and Mariamme. She was named after
her grandmother, the wife of Aristobulus. She
was first married to Marcus, son of Alexander
the Alabarch (for a different view see Schtirer,
N. T. Zeit-Geschichte, p. 314, n. 3). After
his death she was given to her uncle Herod,
king of Chalcis in Lebanon, as his second wife.
By him she had two sons, Berenicianos and
Hyrcanns. After Herod's death, B.c. 48, she
lived with her brother Agrippa under circum-
stances of the gravest suspicion. The scandal
is mentioned by Juvenal (vi. 156). To dis-
prove the accusation she persuaded Polenion
king of Cilicla to marry her, her wealth
being the inducement. A separation soon took
place, Bemice's misconduct being assigned as
the reason (Jos. Ant. xx. 7, 3). Besides grosser
crimes, Bemice's jealousy of her sister Drusilla's
beauty and her consequent persecution of her
were alleged by Drusilla as a cause of her deser-
tion of her husband Azizus for Felix (Jos. Ant.
XX, 7, 2). Bernice returned to her brother
Agrippa, and with him came down to welcome
Festus at Caesarea on his arrival as procurator
of Judaea (Acts xxv. 13). She was present
when St. Paul had his audience (Acts xxv. 23
and xxvi. 30), and this threefold mention of her
name may be taken as an indication of her
political importance. The Apostle had already
reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and
judgment to come before Drusilla; and now
Bemice, another of the three adulterous sisters,
sat before him. (Mariamme, wife of Archelaus,
had also forsaken her husband Archelaus for
Demetrius: Jos. Ant. xi. 7, 3.) The one re-
deeming feature of her career which Is known
to us, was her earnest endeavour to stop the
cruelties of Florus, the last and worst of the
Roman govemors. She was in Jerusalem at the
time fulfilling a vow ; and she is said to have
urged her petition barefoot at the tribunal, and
at the risk of her life (Jos. B. J. ii. 15, 1).
With the rest of the Syrian vassals she gave
her support to Vespasian in his successful
attempt on the empire (Tac. Bist. ii. 8] ). In
the last struggle she took part with the Romans,
and at the close of the war came to Rome and
openly renewed a connexion with Titus formed
some time before (Tac. Bist. ii. 2). It was be-
lieved that he would have married her, but for
BEBYL
the evident discontent caused by her presence in
the city. He reluctantly dismissed her. She
revisited Rome after Vespasian's death, bat
obtained no notice (Die Cass. Ixvi. 15 and 18;
Suet. Tit. 7). She is remarkable as the Isst of
the Herodian dynasty who claims a place is
history. The destruction of Jerusalem cat
short her ambitious design of refounding the
Herodian kingdom of Judaea. The dynasty had
begun, says Hausrath, in blood and terror, aad
it ended in moral rottenness and putnfactioa
See, besides the authorities quoted, a fiiU sid
spirited article on her by Hansrath in Schcnkel's
Bibel-Lexikon. [E. - B.]
BER'ODACH-BAL'ADAN (2 K. a. 18).
[Mebodach-Bajladai;.]
BE'BOTH (B. hrip6y, A. BqptM), 1 Esd. v.
19. [Beebotu.]
BE-EOTHAH, BE-BO'THAI (njlh?.
»nTa. probably the same as ni"H<a, «w«s [Get];
Berotha, Beroth). Berothah, the' first of tw»
names (probably identical), each of whidi
occurs once only, is given by Ezekiel (xlvii. Ii)
in connexion with Hamath and Damascus u
forming part of the northern boundary of tke
Promised Land. MV.", with Furrer {ZPDr.
viii. 34), identifies it not with Berytus {Beirii)
but with Bereitdn in the BtkS ; Orelli (Stnct
u. ZSckler, Kgf. Komm. in loco) with souk
place north of HBma (= Hameth = Emtss).
Berothai (2 Sam. viii. 8) is the name of a dt;
of Zobah taken by David, also in conoeiioD vitk
Hamath and Damascos. [F. W. G.] [F.]
BEEOTHITE, THE (1 Oh. xi. 39). [Beb-
BOTH.]
BEBYL <J^^J^ tarthtah; xf^ikOts.
Sapirtls, ivSpe^, xldos KrSpoKOs; cKrysoiiiiin,
hyacinthta, mare) occurs in Ex. zxviii. 20, iini.
13 ; Cant. v. 14 ; Ezek. i. 16, i. 9, xivui. 13 ;
Dan. I. 6. The tarahUh was the first piedoos
stone in the fourth row of the high-pri«fi
breastplate ; in Ezekiel's vision " the appearance
of the wheels and their work was like unto the
colour of a tarehish ; " it was one of the predoas
stones of the king of Tyre; the body of the
man whom Daniel saw in his vision was like the
tarshith.
It is impossible to say with any degree tf
certainty what precious stone is denoted by tb«
Hebrew word : Luther reads the " turquoise ; "
the LXX. supposes either the " chrysolite " or
the " carbuncle " (ii^pai) ; Onkelos and th<
Jerusalem Targnm have kenm jama, by whieb
the Jews appear to have understood " a wiiits
stone like the froth of the sea," which Bum
(de Vest. Sacer. ii. c 17) conjectures may be the
"opal." The R. V., while always employiaj
" beryl " in the text, has given in difierent placet
three marginal readings — " chalcedonv, ' £i.
xxviii. 20; "topaz," Cant. v. 14; "stone of
Tarshish," Ezek. i. 16. For other ^naicos.
mere conjectures, see Brann.
It is generally supposed that the (orsitsi
derives its name from the place so called, re-
specting the position of which see Tabshisb.
Josephus {Ant. iii. 7, § 5) and Brann {Le.)
understand the chrysolite to be meant, not,
however, the chrysolite of modem mineralogists.
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BEBZELUS
tint the topaz ; for it certainly does appear that
hj a cnrioiu interchange of terms the ancient
chr^lite it the modem topaz, and the ancient
topu the modem chrysolite (see Plin. S. N.
siirii. 8 ; Hill on Theophmstas, de Lapid. ;
King's Antique Genu, p. 57), though Bellermann
{Die Vrim mid Titanmim, p. 62, Berlin, 1824)
iui adranced many objections to this opinion,
snd has maintained that the topaz and the
ciuysoUte of the ancients are identical with the
genu now so called. Brann, at all events, uses
the term chrysoiithus to denote the topaz, and he
sfieaks of its brilliitnt golden colour. There is
little or nothing in the passages where the
ianiisk is mentioned to lead us to anything like
a satisfactory conclasion as to its identity,
eioepting in Cant. v. 14, where we do seem to
otch a glimmer of the stone denoted : " His
lunds are orbs of gold adorned with the tarshish-
stone." This seems to be the correct rendering
of the Hebrew [EL V. " His bands are as rings
(marg. cylinderaj of gold set with beryl " fmarg.
topaz)]. The orbs or rings of gold, as Cocceius
his oberred (see Speaker't Comm, in loco), refer
net to rings on the fingers, but to the fipgers
thenuelves, aa they gently press upon the
thumb, and thus form the flgure of an orb or
ring. The latter put of the verse is the
<staal eipletive of the former. It is not only
aid in this passage that the hands are called
orbs of gold, but the reason why they are
this called is immediately added — specially
«> sceonnt of the beantiful chrysolites with
vhieh the hands were adorned (Braun, de V. S.
ii. 13). Pliny says of the chryiolithos, " It is a
transparent stone with a refulgence like that of
geld." Since then the golden Hone, as the name
imports, is admirably suited to the above pas-
•3;e in Canticles, and would also apply, though in
» less degree, to the other Scriptural places cited
—as it is supported by Josephus, and conjectured
hy the LXX. and Vulg. — the ancient chrysolite
OT the modem yellow topaz appears to have a
hetter claim than any other gem to represent
the tanUah of the Hebrew Bible, certainly a
hetter claim than the ben/I of the A. V., a ren-
dering which appears to be unsupirarted by any
iiad of evidence. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
BEBZE'LUS (B. *caiif\Saios, A. Zop(tK-
Xiu; Phargeleri), 1 Esd. v. 38. [Barzillai.]
BE'SAI (*D9, of uncertain meaning, see
<5««. ; B. BnrsI, A. -<r« in Ezra, BNA. Bijirfl in
Seh.; Betcey "Children of Besai " were
Kethinim who retomed to Judaea with Zerub-
hd)el lEzra it 49 ; Neh. vii. 52). [Bastai.]
[W. A. W.] [F.]
BESODETAH (TTTioa, Ge«. [one] in the
KcrttofJah, i.e. the trnrted one of Jah ; B. BaS<((,
K 'A^JfuJ, A*". B(ur» Am; Sesorfia), father
«f Meshallam, and one of the repairers of the
»«11 of Jerusalem (Neh. UL 6> [W. A. W.]
BES(yB, THE BROOK (i&'an hra-, ba.
X'vU^j ToS Bovip In 1 Sam". 'xxi."9, 10:
"> a 21, B. Beovib, A. Bex^p ; torrens Besor), a
•wrent-bed or wady in the extreme south of
Judsh, of which mention occurs only in 1 Sam.
Ju. tt c. The expression in v. 10 perhaps
™plies that it was a wide and deep ravine,
BIBLE DICT. — VOL. I.
BETH
401
difficult to cross. [It is plain from the conditions
of the narrative that it must have been south
of Ziklag, but hitherto the situation of neither
town nor vddy has been identified with any
probability. Dr. Robinson has suggested (^Phys.
Qeog. 112) W. 'Ararah, the south-western branch
of W es-SA'a. The name may signify, from tha
Arabic, "cool" (Ges.). [G.] [W.]
BE'TAH (nO|, eonjWence; A. Mmr^dx,
B. Mturfidx ; Hete), a city belonging to Hadad-
ezer, king of Zobah, mentioned with Berothai
as having yielded much spoil of brass to David
(2 Sam. viii. 8). In the parallel account 1 Ch.
xviii. 8 (BK. MfTa3i)x<<i, A. MartPiff), the name
is called, by an inversion of letters, Tibchath.
Ewald (Gesch. ii. 195) pronounces the latter to
be the correct reading, and compares it with
Tebach (Gen. xxii. 24), which is generally
adopted here by modem scholars (see QPB.').
[G.] [W.]
BETANE (B. Boireu^, N. Bo-, A. B\iToHi ;
Vulg. omits), a place apparently south of Jeru-
salem (Judith i. 9), and possibly identical with
the BfiBtylii of Euscbius (OS,' p. 263, 68), two
miles from the Terebinth of Abraham and four
from Hebron. This has been variously identified
with Betharath, Betbainum, and Betaneh or
Ecbatana in Syria, placed by Pliny (r. 17) on
Carmel (Winer, s. v. Betane). Ball conjectures
nHirn»3 (Josh. XV. 59), Beit 'An&n, five miles
north of Hebron (see Speaker's Comm, on Judith
i. 9). Bethany is inadmissible from the fact of
its unimportance at the time, if indeed it existed
at all. [G.] [W.]
BE'TEN ()tpa, Ges. perhaps a valley L-q.
U< » KoiXis; Jerome, OS.*f. 54,27 = venter;
B. Baf0aK, A. Barv^; Beten), one of the cities
on the tiorder of the tribe of Asher (Josh. xix.
25, only). By Eusebins {OS.' p. 249, 40) it is said
to have been then called BtSfitriir, and to have
been situated eight miles east of Ptolemais ; a
position which agrees with that of the village
el-B'aneh{PEF. Mem. i. 150, 153). [G.] [W.]
BETH (nja, according to Gesenius [ Thes. and
Zex.], from a root nta, preserved in Aramaio,
to pass the night), the most general word for a
house or habitation. Strictly speaking, it has the
force of a settled, stable, dwelling, as in Gen.
xzxiii. 17, where the building of a "hotise"
marks the termination of a stage of Jacob's
wanderings (cp. also 2 Sam. vii. 2, 6) ; but it is
also employed for a dwelling of any kind, even
for a tent, as in Oen. xxiv. 32, where it must refer
to the tent of Laban (cp. Jndg. xviii. 31 ; 1 Sam.
i. 7, where it refers to the tent of the Taber-
nacle i and 2 K. xxiii. 7, where it expresses the
textile materials [A. V. "hangings"; K. V.
marg. tents, Heb. houses'] for the teuts of
Astarte). From this general force the transi-
tion was natural to a house in the sense of a
family, as Ps. cvii. 41, " families " (Prayer- Bk. V.
"households"), or a pedigree, as Ezra ii. 59.
In 2 Sam. xUi. 7, 1 K. xiii. 7, and other places,
it has the sense of " home," i.£. " to the house."
Beth has also some collateral and almost tech-
nical meanings, similar to those which we apply
2 D
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402
BETH-ABABA
BETHANY
to the word " home," as in Ex. xxr. 27 for the
"places" or sockets into which the bars for
carrying the table were " housed ; " and others.
Like aedes in Latin and Dom in German, Beth
has the special meaning of a temple or house of
worship, in which sense it is applied not only to
the Tabernacle (see above) or Temple of Jehovah
(1 K. iii. 2 ; vi. 1, &c.), but to those of false
gods — Dagon (Judg. xvi. 27 ; I Sam. v. 2),
Rimmon (2 K. v. 18), Baal (2 K. x. 21), Nisroch
(2 K. xix. 37), and other gods (Judg. is. -7).
"Bajith" in Is. xv. 2 is really ha-Bajith = " the
temple" — not improbably the "house of high
places" mentioned in the Mesha-inscription —
some well-known idol fane in Moab. [Bajith.T
Beth is more frequently employed in combina-
tion with other words to form the names of
places than Kirjath, Hatzcr, Beer, Ain, or any
other word. A list of the places compounded
with Beth is given below in alphabetical order :
but in addition to these it may be allowable
here to notice two, which, though not appearing
m that form in the A. V., yet do so in the LXX.,
probably with greater correctness.
Beth-e'ked (liJU '3 ; B. BaieixaO ; A. Bai9-
axiS; camera pastorum), A. V. and R. V. the
"shearing house" [R. V. marg. house of gather-
ing"], at the pit or well (113) of which the
forty-two brethren of Ahaziah were slain by
Jehu (2 K. X. 12). It lay between Jezreel
and Samaria, according to Jerome (OS.' p. 141,
17), 15 miles from the town of Legio, and in
the plain of Clsdraelon. It is now Beit Kdd
(PEF. Mem. ii. 83).
Beth-hagoan (IJn '3, B. BatSif; A''"
BaiaT7i(i> ; JJoinus hortl), A. V. and R. V. " the
garden-house " (2 K. ix. 27), one of the spots
which marked the flight of Ahnziah from Jehu.
It is doubtless the same place as EK-GAMxni,
" spring of gardens," the modem Jenin, on the
direct road from Samaria northward, and over-
looking the great plain (Stanley, S. ^ P.
p. 349, note). [G.] [W.]
BETH-ABA'EA (BTjflo^i, quasi Jl'S
mar, house of ford or ferrjj ; Bethania ; R. T.
Bethany, marg. Bethabar<Ut and Betharabah), a
place beyond Jordan, iripeai rov 'lop. ; in which,
according to the Received Text of the N. T.,
John was baptizing (John i. 28), apparently at
the time that he baptized Christ (cp. ov. 29, 35,
39). If the reading of the Received Text be the
correct one, Bethabara may be identical with
Bethbarah, the ancient ford of Jordan, of which
the men of Ephraim took possession after Gideon's
defeat of the Midianites [Betu-darah] ; or,
which seems more likely, with Beth-nimrah, on
the east of the river, nearly opposite Jericho
[Betu-nuirah]. But the oldest MSS. (B, A)
and the Vulgate' have not Bethabara but
Bethany, a reading which Origen (ad loc.) states
to have obtained in almost all the copies of his
time, o'x^Soi' rirra t4 ivriypa^ though
altered by him in his edition of the Clospel on
topographical grounds. In favour of Bethabara
are: (a) the extreme improbability of so familiar
a name as Bethany being changed by copyist
into one so unfamiliar as Bethabara, while th
reverse — the change from an unfamiliar t
• Jerome (0&> p. IM, «} has Betta-abata.
a familiar name — is of frequent' occnmice.
(6) The fact that Origen, white admitting ttiit
the majority of MSS. were in favour of Bethaaj,
decided notwithstanding for Bethabara. (c) Thtl
Bethabara was still known in the days of East-
bins (OS.' s. v.), and greatly resorted to kv
persons desirous of Baptism (vitali gurgite Inpti-
zantur).
Still the fact remains that the most ancieat
MSS. have " Bethany," and that nan« has been
nccoidiiigly restored to the text by Lachmaim.
Tischeudorf, Westcott and Hort. Gebbardt, and
the R. V. At this distance of time, and m
the absence of exhaustive research on Ok
east of Jordan, it is impossible to decide o>
evidence so slight and conflicting. It miui
not be overlooked that if Bethany be accepted,
the definition " beyond Jordan " still lenaiu.
and therefore another place must be iateoiliil
than the well-known residence of Usanis.
Major Conder has proposed (PEF. Men. a. SS :
and PEFQy. Slat. 1877, 184-7 ; 1878, 1'.M) to
identify Bethabara with 'Abarah, a ford of tbr
Jordan, near Bethshean ; and to read Bataaxi
(Basan) for the Bethany of the oldest MS5
The theory is ingenious, but it does not mKt
all the requirements of the case, some of whi^
necessitate a site nearer Judaea and Jeraiilni.
Westcott (Speaker's Comm, in loco) conjecta.-;-
"an obscure village in Hersea." It msv Ir
added that the tradition which places the xtv
of Christ's Baptism at the Jordan nearly opp«i!'
Jericho appears to be at least as old as the tiM
half of the 4th century. The question ia 4>-
cussed in Antoninus, .\pp. i., P. P. Text SwietT
Series. [0.] \}.]
BETH-ANA'TH (TtiS '3, MV.'', K»ti*
Halivy, Baethgen, &c. = " house [or tei>pl«] of
the goddess 'Anit;" B. Bai$eafi4, A.iaMHi:
Bethanath), one of the "fenced cities" «
Napbtali, named with Bethshemesh (JmIi. ui.
38) ; from neither of which were the OsaaaEte-
eipelled (Judg. i. 33 ; B. BaiSorax, A. BaOtirity
It is now^ probably 'Ainithn, 5J miles ff.X.W^
of Kades, Kadesh (Thomson, Land and tie A"-
p. 212). By Eusebius (OS.* pp. 242,70; Hi-
45, s. vv. 'Antlp, BniayaBa) it is spokti of »
a village called Batanaea, 15 miles eastvs-'-
of Caesarea, and reputed to contain mediviai:
springs, Kovrpii Utrifia: this place, hoirtrc;
appears to be the modem 'Anin (see PEf.H"-
ii. 44). [G.] F-".
BETH-ANO'TH (nU» '3, possibly pi ■
mann, Baethgen] called after the toJiiw
'Auath : B. BaiBaviii, A. BaiBanir : iWU»;«l
a town in the mountainous district of J*^'-
named with Halhul, Bethzur, and otiun. -
Josh. XV. 59 only. It is very probably it'
modem M. Beit 'Ainin, N.E. of Hehrea, tlf-
remains of which, near to those of /?■"'•»
and Beit Sir, were discovered bv Wolwtt "«'
visited bv Robinson (iii. 281). See als» P^-
Mem. iii. '311, 351. [G.] [W ]
BETHANY C"> Talm. qtiasi "TH TCX «•>*
to mean house of unripe dates; Bi|#a»ia; Biv>-
onia), a village which, scanty as are the actita
of it contained in Scripture, is more ioliinst*!'
associated in our minds with the most fcmili*'
acts and scenes of the last days of the life •«
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BETHAKY
BETHANY
40"
Chriit than pn-baps anr other place. It ivas ' the houses of Martha and Mary, and of Simoit
at B«thany that He raised Lazarus from the i the leper, we are admitted to view Him, more-
Ami, and from Bethany that He commenced i nearly than elsewhere, in the circle of His
His "triomphal entry " into Jerasalem. It was | domestic life.
His nightly resting-place daring the time im- Though it was only at a late period of the-
mediately preceding His Passion; and here at ! life of our Lord that His connexion with-
•g.
t
I
g
BaUtuiy commenced, yet this is fully com- I figure, as, with " uplifted hands " — still, to the
pnaated for by its having been the scene of very moment of disappearance, " blessing " th«m
Hia T«Ty last acts a>n earth. It was somewhere ^He was " taken up " into the "cloud " wliich
here (Luke xxIt. 50; Acts i. 9, 12), on these "received" and hid Him from their "stedfast'^
K'oodad slopes beyond the ridge of Olivet, that gaze, the words still ringing in their ears,
tbe Apostles stood when they last beheld His | which prove that space and time are n»
2 D 2
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404
BETHANY
BETH-ARAM
hindTance to the connexion of Christiana with
their Void — " Lo ! I am with you alway, even
to the end of the world " (Matt, xxviii. 20).
The little information we possess about
Bethany is entirely gathered from the K. T.,
neither the 0. T. nor the Apocrypha having
apparently any allusion to it. It was situated
" at " (vpbs) the Mount of Olives (Mark xi. 1 ;
Luke xix. 29), about 15 stadia from Jerusalem
(John xi. 18), on or near the usual road from
Jericho to the city (Luke xix. 29, cp. v. 1 ;
Mark xi, 1, cp. i. 46), and close by and west (?)
of another Tillage called Betrpiuoe, the two
being several times mentioned together.
There never appears to hare been any doubt
aa to the site of Bethany, which is now known
by a name derived from Luzaiaa—et-^Azeriyth *
(«J iV«J\)- It lies on the eastern slope of
the Mount of Olives, fully a mile beyond the
summit, and not very far from the point at
which the road to Jericho begins its more
sudden descent towards the Jordan valley
(Lindsay, p. 91, and De Saulcy, p. 120). The spot
is a woody hollow more or less planted with
fruit-trees, — olives, almonds, pomegranates, as
well as oaks, and carobs ; the whole lying below
a secondary ridge or hump, of sufficient height
to shut out the village from the summit of the
mount (Rob. i. 431, 432; Stanley, p. 189;
Bonar, pp. 138-9).
From a distance the village is, to nse the
emphatic words of one published description,
" remarkably beautiful " — " the perfection of
retirement and repose" — "of seclusion and
lovely peace " (Bonar, pp. 139, 230, 310, 337 ;
and see Lindsay, p. 69). It is difficult to re-
concile these glowing descriptions with Dean
Stanley's words (p. 189), or with the impression
which the present writer derived from the actual
view of the place. Possibly something of the
<lifi°erence is due to the different time of year at
which the visits were made.
m-'Axeriyeh itself is a ruinoos and wretched
village, a "wild mountain hamlet" of "some
twenty families," the inhabitants of which
display even less than the ordinary Eastern
thrift and industry (Rob. i. 432 ; Stanley, p. 189 ;
Bonar, p. 310). In the village are shown the
traditional sites of the house and tomb of
Lazanu: the former the remains of a aqnare
tower, apparently of old date, though certainly
not of the age of the kings of Judah, to which
De Sanlcy assigns it (p. 128) ; the latter a deep
vault excavated in the limestone rock, the
bottom reached by twenty-six steps. The house
of Simon the leper is also exhibited. As to the
real age and character of these remain* there is
at present no information to guide u*.
Schwarz maintains et-'Azeriyeh to be AzAL;
and would fix Bethany at a spot which, he
says, the Arabs call Beth-hanan, on the Mount
of Offence above Siloam (pp. 135, 263).
These traditional spots are first heard of in
the 4th century — in the Itmerary of the Bor-
deaux Pilgrim, and in the Onomaaticm of
• The Arabic name Is given fiom Boblnson. Lord
Lindsay, however, denies that this la correct, and
Asserts, after fVeqaently hearing It proDoanced, that the
name is latarith. The PEF. Name Usts agree with
Bobinsott.
Eusebins (where the name itself has dropped wt
of the text ; OS.' p. 251, 10) and Jerome (OV
p. 142, 3); and they continued to eiist, vitti
certain varieties of buildings and of ecclesiutial
establishments in connexion therewith, d«*ii
to the 16th century, since which the pltce hss
fallen gradually into its present decay. Tlds
part of the history is well given by Robiastn
(i. 432-3). By Mandeville and other mediaenl
travellers the town is spoken of as the '^Ctitie
of Bethany," an expression which had its origin
in castellum being employed by the Vnlgste u
the translation of k^/«) in John ti. 1. See
PEF. Mem. iii. 27.
The derivation of the name of Bethui<
is much disputed. That given above— that k
Lightfoot and Reland (cp. Hamburpr, SL
Abth. II. 3. n. Beth-Hini)— is preferred iynmt
to that of Simonis (Onom. s. v.), vii. TPO '$
haul depreasiona, which has no special applio
bility to this spot more than to any other, irluk
it lacks the correspondence with Beth-phs;^
"House of Figs," and with the "Mount d
Olives," which givea so much colour to thii
derivation, although it is true that the dsia
have disappeared, and the figs and olives tioat
are now to be found in the neighbourhood cl
Bethany. This haa been well brought oat b;
SUnley (& * P. pp. 186, 187).'' [G.] [»']
BETHANY beyond Jordan (John i. 28). Sa
Beth-abara.
BETH-ABA'BAH (naTBPI % house of tk
desert ; BA. 'a<u9afa$i, in' Joih. rv. 6 ; B<&*
rata), one of the six cities of Judah which nn
situated down in the Arabah, i.e. the ionk nllf<
of the Jordan and Dead Sea (" wildemea," J<*k
zv. 61, B. Bapafiaifi, A. Brieapa0i), o° the ncrtk
border of the tribe, and apparently betvm
Beth-hoelah and the high land on tjic west i
the Jordan valley (xv. 6). It is also iscluW
in the list of the towns of Benjamin frriii. S,
B. BmOaffafii, A. Baieapa/3<0. [G.] [W]
BETH-A'BAM (accurmtely, as in R. T.
Beth-uakah, OVI '9; B. cm., A B«h^;
Bethamm), one of the towns of Gad on the wh
of Jordan (Josh. xiii. 27X described ai in 'ik'
valley " (pl^^il, not to be confounded with tki
Arabah or Jordan valley), and no donht thi
same place as that named Betk-bauS ii
Num. xxxii. 36. No further mention is »«>'
of it in the Scriptures ; but Eusebins and Jew*
{OS.* pp. 137, 16 ; 248, 87. The name apfsa
to have dropped out of the text of En«»!««i)
report that in their day the appellation (a ^
dicitur) of Bethanm was Bethramtha, Bi**"*-
^i (see also the quotations from the Tikno^ e
Schwarz, p. 231 ; the Syriac and other Veis-e*
however, have all Bethbaran, with no Euttria
variation), and that, in hononr of AngnU^
Herod had named it Libias(A>iBiii). JoKph^s^
account is that Herod (Antipas), oa ttki^
•> MahUn (In Rlehm's nWB. a. n. Bethsals) p
at least for the Greek form cS the naoie. tt<M»>*
the " hoose of the unhappy or pooc,** Jeronie ts*"
"domns adaictionls ^ns vel damns obedieotlje " i^v
p. 93, 26). Some of the lener Greek O m is iWa ti^
one or other of these last-named dertvitioas, « »^*
ftesh one— olitoi «<if,|i— or combine thesi («P- ^
Index, s. n. Bi|fana). ?'•
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BETH-ABBEL
fcmssion of hi< tctrarchr, fortified Sepphoris
and the city (*6Kit) of B«tharamphtha, building
a Kali roond tlie latter, and calling it Julias in
hoDoiir of the wife of the emperor. As this
mold hardlj be later than B.C. 1 — Herod the
Great, the predecessor of ADtipa.<, having died
in B.C. 4 — nnd as the Empress Livia did not
nceire her name of Jnlia until after the death
«f Aigustni, A.D. 14, it is probable that Joseph us
is in error as to the new name given to the
place, and speaks of it as haviog originally
reoeired that which it bore in his own day. It
ii corions that he names Libiaa long before
(Ant. lir. 1, § 4), in sach connexion as to leave
i» doubt that he alludes to the same place.
Under the name of Amathus he again mentions
H (J«t. ivu. 10, § 6 ; cp. B. J. ii. 4, § 2),
: and the destmction of the royal palaces there
W iusrgenta from Peraea.
Ptolemy gives the locality of Libias as
31° 26' lat. and 67° IC long. (Ritter, Jordan,
f. &73); and Ensebios and Jerome (0&' nt
upra) state that it was five miles south of Beth-
nabran, or Betbamnaran (i.e. Beth-nimrah ?).
Hii agrees with the position of Tell Bdmeh, a
coupicnons mound, east of Jordan, near the
month of IV'. Heabdn: the mound is 70 feet
tigh, and 50 feet across at the top ; there are a
Un old fooodations (U. & P. E. S. Stat. iii. 76 ;
ir. U). Tristram appears {LandofMoab, p. 348)
to bare been given the name Beit-harran for
tliij mound. [Q.] [W.]
BETH-ARBEX dt^^"^ '3? T.' ^k toO
tSuv Tsi "ItpoPodfi, A. 'UpofiaJiK), named only in
Hos. z. 14, as the scene of a sack and massacre
bj Shslman (Shalmaneser). No clue is given
to its position ; it may be the ancient stronghold
•f Arbela in Galilee, but (Hitzig, MV.",
ScHrader, Orelli) ii more probably another place
«f the same name, now Irbid, N.E, of Pella, of
vbieh mention is made by Eusebius (OS.'
f. 236, 72). The Prophet perhaps alludes to
a recent event, and Schrader suggests (KA T.'
pp. 440-2) that Beth-Arbel was taken either
b; Shahnaneser III. during his campaign of
77:1 B.C. against Damascus, or by Salamana,
kin; of Uoab, who was contemporary with
BoMa, and whose name appears in the list of
(abject monarchs who gave tribute to Tiglath-
. pilser 11. after the fall of Damascus in 732 ac.
His own preference is with Nowack for the latter
' ^ tbese two suggestions. In either case Beth-
• Arbel would have been east of Jordan. In the
I Vnlgate Jerome has translated the name to
Jnean "e domo ejm qui judicavit Baal," i.e.
' Jenibbsal (7P3T^ or Gideon, understanding
Salman as Zalmonna, and the whole paasai;e as
' nferring to Judg. viii. [G.] [W.]
BETH-A'VEN flJK % houae of naught, i.e.
'"^Mi; Josh, xviii. 12, B. BaiSir, A. BatBaip ;
frttareii), a place on the mountains of Benjamin,
«»rt of Bethel (Josh. vii. 2, B. BoiWjx, A.
JlWr). and lying between that place and
■icbmash (I Sam. xiii. 5 [LXX. see below]; also
i »». 23, B. BofiM, A.'" »aiy). In Josh, xviii.
f j^ 'be'- wilderness "(ifiajflr = p.istnre-land) of
Betbaven is mention«L In 1 Sam. xiii. 5 the
»>ding of the LXX. is B<u«»^v, Beth-horon;
but if this be correct, another Beth-horon mtisi.
BETH-BABAH
405
be intended than that commonly known, which
was much further to the west (cp. Wellhausen,
/. c). In Hos. iT. 15, v. 8, i. 5 (oIkoi ''ay, but
A. oIkos rqt iSuelas, and so B, marg.), the name
is transferred, with a play on the word very
characteristic of this Prophet, to the neighbonr-
ing Bethel — once the " bonse of God," but then
the house of idols, of « naught." [G.] [W]
BETH-AZMATETH (njDW '3, for ety-
mology see AzMAVETH ; B. BriiairiM ; A. BigO* ;
Bethaxmotk). Under this name is mentioned,
in Neh. vii. 28 only, the town of Benjamin
which is elsewhere called Azuavkth and Beth-
ouios.
Mr. Film proposes to identify Aimaveth with
Hizmeh, a village on the hills of Benjamin to
theS.E. ofy«6'a. [G.] [W.]
BETH-BAAL-MEO'N' (firt5 ^1|3 '3; B.
ofKot VlttXfii$; A. olicot BcAo^v;' Oppidum
Baalmaon\ a place in the possessions of Reuben,
on the " Uisbor " or downs (A. V. " plain ") east
of Jordan (Josh. xiii. 17). At tlie Israelites' first
approach its name was Baal-meon (Num. xxxii.
38 [cp. Dillmann], or, in its contracted form,
Beon, xxxii. 3), to which the Beth was possibly
a Hebrew addition. Later it would seem to have
come into possession of Moab, and to be known
either as Beth-meon (Jer. xlviii, 23) or Baal-
meon (Ezek. xiv. 9). It was built or rebuilt
by king Hesha, according to the inscription on
the " Moabite Stone " (Becovij. of./erusm, p. .507 ;
Secorda of the Pott, N. S. ii. 201), and a dia-
tinction seems to be made between Beth-Baal-
emon and Baal-meon (cp. II. 9, 26). The name
is still attached to a mined place of considerable
size (betrdchtlich, Seetzen), to the S.W. of
HeMoi, and bearing the name of M'ain, which
appears to give its ap)>ellHtion to the Wady
Zerka M'ain (Tristram, Land of Moab, pp. 303-4 ;
Seetzen, JJrtSCT, p. 408). [G.] [W.]
BETH-BA'BAH (fTia '3 ; quasi ^"00 '3
[one of the few instances of the 'Ain being
rejected in contraction, Ges. Thet. 976 6], home
of passage, or of the ford; BA. Bwtii^;
Bethbera), named only in Judg. vii. 24, as a
point apparently south of the scene of Gideon's
victory, which took place at or about Bethshean,
and to which point "the waters" (D^OH)
were " taken " by the Ephraimites against
Hidian. What these " waters " were is not
clear, probably the wadys and streams which
descend from the highlands of Ephraim ; it is
only plain that they were distinct from the
Joittan, to which river no word but its own
distinct name is ever applied. Beth-barah
derives its chief interest from the possibility
that its more modern representative may have
been Beth-abara where John baptized [Beth-
abara]; but there is not much in favour of
this beyond their similarity in sound. The
pnrsuit of the Midianites can hardly have
reached so Air south as Beth-abara, which was
accessible to Judaea and Jerusalem and all the
"region round about" (^ Ttptxvfios; ie. the
oasis of the South Jordan at Jericho).
• It la possible that Ibe name contains a traoe of the
tribe or nation of Maon,— tbe MaoniKs or Heboolm.
[Maoi ; Mehuxu.]
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BETH-BABI
BETH-EL
If the deriratioD of the name given abore be
-correct, Beth-barah was probably the chief ford
«( the district, and may therefore have been that
>by which Jacob crossed on his return from
Mesopotamia, and at which Jephthah slew the
Ephraimitea. [G.] [W.]
BETH-BA'SI (B. Bai9j3<a(r«( [t>. 62], BaiB-
fiaaati \y, 641, ^- BtSSairi ; £ethbes3en), a town
which from the mention of its decays (rii coSjjpi)-
fiiya) must have been originally fortified, lying
in the desert (rp ifirin^), and in which Jonathan
and Simon Maccabaeus took refuge from Bac-
chides (I Mace. ii. 62, 64). Josepbus (.dnt. liii.
1, § 5) has BiidaXayd (Beth-hogia), bnt a read-
ing of the passage quoted by Reland (p. 632)
presents the more probable form of Beth-keziz.
Either alternative fixes the situation as in the
Jordan valley not far from Jericho. [Keziz,
Vallev of.] [G.] [W.]
BETH-BIK'EI ('K"!? '3, MV." = place of
fatneai; B. [by inclusion of the next name]
oTkos BpaoviuTtupti/i, A. ajx. Bapovyi-i Beth-
berai ; R. V. Beth-biri), a town of Simeon (1 Ch.
iv. 31), which, by comparison with the parallel
list in Josh, xix., appears to have also the name
of Beth-LEBAOTH, of which it may possibly
have been a corruption. It lay to the extreme
south, with Beersheba, Hormab, &c. (cp. Josh.
XV. 32, Lebaoth). [G.] [W.]
BETH'-CAR (na '3, Gos. = liouse of lambs;
B. Baiixip, A. B<A.x<^P! Bethchar), an un-
known place named as the point to which the
Israelites pursued the Philistines from Mizpeh
on a memorable occasion ( 1 Sam. vii. 11).
From the nnusual eipression "under Beth-car"
C3 nnnp), it would seem that the place itself
was on a height, with the road at its foot.
Josephus (Ant. vi. 2, § 2) has jU^xP' Rop^aitiv,
nad goes on to say that the stone Ebenezer was
set up at this place to mark it as the spot to
which the victory had extended. [Eben-ezer.]
This must not be confounded with the Kop4at
of Ant. xiv. 3, § 4 ; of B. J. i. 6, § 5, and iv.
«, § 1. The Targum has Bethsharon. [G.] [W.]
BETH-DA'GON (jiJ"^ '3, home of Dagm;
Bethdagon).
1. B. Ba^oSi^X, A. BriBSayiir. A city in the
low country (Shefelah) of Judah (Josh. xv. 41),
and therefore not far from the Philistine terri-
tory, with which its name implies a connexion.
From the absence of any conjunction before this
name, it has been suggested that it should be
taken with the preceding, " Gederoth - Beth-
dagon ; " in that case probably distinguishing
Gederoth from the two places of similar name in
the neighbourhood, but the suggestion is not
adopted by the R. V. Caphar-<lagon existed as
a very large village between Diospolis (Lydda)
■ind Jamnia in the time of Jerome (OS? p. 138,
14, ». 0. Beth-dagon). The site, hitherto un-
known (IKIlmann ' in loco), has been recovered
by M. Gannean at Pajm, between Lydda and
Vebnah, Jamnia {PEFQy. Stat. 1874, p. 279). It
is mentioned, with Joppa and Beneberak, in
an inscription of Sennacherib (Schrader, KA T?
p. 289).
2. A town apparently near the coast, named
as one of the landmarks of the boundary of
Asher (Josh. lix. 37 v\in '3, B. Bai«rycWI, .t
Bi)98aYo{r). The name and the proiunity tc
the coast point to its being a PhiUstiBe ooIoit.
Conder (Hdbk. to Bible, p. 268) proposes t»
identify it with Kh. Ifa&k, a mound near fhs
mouth of the Belus. Cp. Dillmann ' in loco.
8. In addition to the two modem vilUges
noticed above as bearing this ancient name, a
third has been found by Robinson (iii. 298) t
few miles east of Nablus. Josephus (Jiri. liii.
8, § 1, and B. J. i. 2, § 3) gives the name of
Dagon to the fortress in the Jordan valley in
which Simon Maccabaeus was killed. [Doers.]
There can be no doubt that in the oocoirtnce of
these names we have indications of the worsbip
of the Philistine god having spread fcr bevonJ
the Philistine territory. Possibly these «n toe
sites of towns founded at the time when tbs
warlike people had overrun the face of tb-
country to " Michmash, eastward of Bethavat,"
on the south, and Gilboaonthe north — i^.tothf
edge of the heights which overlook the JotdsB
valley — driving " the Hebrews over Joidu iiiti.
the land of Gad and Gilead " (1 Sam. liil .W,
cp. 17, 18 ; nil. 1 ; xxiL 1). [G.] [W.]
BETH-DIBLATHA'IM (D'n^a'^ '3,i««
of the double cake [of figs] ; B. ofKos Aai^Aatou.
KA. oIk. Acj3- ; domta Diblecthaim), a ton ii
Moab (Jer. xlviii. [LXX. xxxi.] 22), appireotlj
the place elsewhere called Autos-DlBumvu
In the inscription on the "Moabite tteH,"
found at Dibon, king Mesha states that he bcil'.
Beth-Diblathaim (called Diblathan, Stm. c
Jer. p. 507 ; SUde, Qe>. d. V. Isr. L 534).
[G.] [ff.j
BETH-EDEN. Amos i. 5, marg. \lMS,l]
BETH-EL (Vn n'3, Aous,! of God; .Ut
[Gen. XXXV. 15] BaMi\\ Joseph. BtiHk, BdMl
wiKu ; Bethel). 1. A well-known city sad ixk
place of Central Palestine.
Of the origin of the name of Bethel t'ttn tn
two accounts extant. 1. It wa-i betomi a
the spot by Jacob under the awe insptrxi bf thi
nocturnal vision of God, when on his joonxr
from his father's house at Beersheba to Hei> !iii
wife in Haran (Gen. xxviii. 19 ; LXX. tlci
9eoS; Bethel). He took the stone whicb iai
served for his pillow and put (DB^) it ('■ '
pillar, aud anointed it with oil ; and he "tslW
the name of that place (Wnn VnpSn) Belltl;
but the name of 'the' city (TCn) wis alW
Luz at the first." The expression in the U^
paragraph of this account is carious, and in-
dicates a distinction between the " dty ' «•' ;
the " place " — the early Canaanite "dty " Ins. ,
and the " place," as yet a mere nndistingaslrf
spot, marked only by the " stone," or the W
(Joseph. Tors XiBois avfi^opoviifrois), encteil 1} |
.Jacob to commemorate his vision.
2. But according to another accosnt, BetkJ .
received its name on the occasion of > btcMi; .
bestowed by God upon Jacob after his Rtsn
from Padan-nram ; at which time also (tccai-
ing to this narrative) the name of IomI «•» ,
given him. Here again Jacob erected (i^) '
"pillar of stone," which, as before, he «««»•«' ■
with oil (Gen. xixv. 14, 15). The key of t*" ■
story would seem to be the fact of God's " «!»•»•
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BETH-EL
BETH-EL
407
in; " with Jacob. " God weot up from him ia
the place where He ' spake ' with him " — " Jacob
set np a pillar in the place where He ' spake '
with him," and " called the name of the place
where God tpake * with him Bethel."
Whether these two narratives represent dis-
tinct events (see Speaker's Comm. and Delitzsch
[1887] on Gen. xxriii. 19), or, as would appear
to be the case in other instances in the lives of
the patriarchs, nre different representations of
the one original occasion on which the hill of
Bethel received its consecration, we do not know.
It is perhaps worth notice that the Prophet Hosea
— b the only reference which the later Hebrew
Scriptures contain to this occurrence — had
evidently the second of the two narratives before
him, since in a summary of the life of Jacob
h« introduces it in the order in which it occurs
in Genesis (iixv.), laying full and characteristic
stress on the keyword of the story : " He had
power over the Angel and prevailed ; he wept
and made supplication unto Him ; He found
him at Bethel, and there He spake with us,
even the Lord, the God of hosts" (Hos. xii.
4, 5, R. v.).
Early as is the date involved in these narra-
tives, yet, if we are to accept the precise defini-
tion of Gen. xii. 8, the name of Bethel would
appear to have existed at this spot even before
the arrival of Abram in Canaan : he removed
from the oaks of Moreh to " ' the ' mountain on
the east of Bethel," with " Bethel on the west
uxl Hai on the east." Here he built an altar ;
and hither he returned from Egypt with Lot
beibte their separation (xiiL 3, 4). See Stanley,
5. and P. p. 218. It is, however, considered
\>j some more probable that the names, after-
wards so well known, are here given by antici-
pation (cp. Delitzsch in loco).
In one thing, however, the above narratives
all agree, — in omitting any mention oi towns or
birildinn at Bethel at that early period, and
in drawing a marked distinction between the
"city" of Luz and the consecrated " place" in
its leighboarhood (cp., besides the passages
already qnoted. Gen. xxxv. 7). Even in the
ancient chronicles of the conquest the two are
still distinguished (Josh. xvi. 1, 2); and the
appropriation of the name of Bethel to the city
appears not to have been made till still later,
viien it was taken by the tribe of Ephraim;
after which the name of Luz occurs no more
(Jndg. i. 22-26). If this view be correct, there
is a strict parallel between Bethel and Moriab,
which, probably a heathen sacred spot, received
its consecration when Abraham offered up Isaac,
hot did not become the site of an actual sanc-
tuary till the erection of the Temple there by
Solomon. [HORIAH.]
The intense significance of the title bestowed
by Jacob on the place of his vision — " House of
God" — and the wide extent to which that
•ppellation has been adapted in all languages
»«d in spite of the utmost diversities of belief,
kas been well noticed by Stanley (S. and P. pp.
220-1). It should not be overlooked how far this
k>s been the caae with the actual mtm^ ; the very
tlllables of Jacob'a exclamation forming, as they
• Tbe woid Is the same CIDIX and Is rendered
'^ake' by E. V. In all three cases; in tbe A. T. it
>> tcadered ' talked" in the Oist two.
do, the titl. of tbe chief sanctuary of the Ma-
hometan world — the Beit-allah of Mecca ; while
they are not less the favourite designation of the
meanest conventicles of the humblest sects of
Protestant Christendom.
On the other hand, how singular is the fact —
if the conclusions of etymologists are to be trusted
(Spencer, De Leg. Behr. i. 444 ; Bochart, Canaan,
ii. 2)— that the awful name of Bethel should
have lent its form to the word by which was
called one of the most perplexing of all the
perplexing forma assumed by the idolatry of
the heathen — tbe Baitulia of the ancient Phoe-
nicians, the \l9oi tfjo^xoh 01° small portable
stones to which magical life was ascribed.
Another opportunity will occur for going more
at length into this interesting subject [Stomes.
Cp. Delitzsch (1887) on Gen. xxxv. 14, 15, and
Mfihlau in Keim's HWB. ». n. " Beth-el "] ; it
will be sufficient here to say that the Baitulia
seem to have preserved the erect position of
their supposed prototype, and that the worship
included the anointing them with oil (Amobins,
adv. Oentes, i. 39).
The actual stone of Bethel itself was the
subject of a Jewish tradition, according to which
it was removed to the second Temple, and served
as the pedestal for the ark. It survived the
destrnctien of the Temple by tbe Romans, and
was resorted to by the Jews in their lamenta*
tions (Keland, Pcd. p. 638). [Tehple, THE
Sbxjnd.]
After the conquest Bethel is frequently hea/d
of. In the troubled times when there was ne
king in Israel, it was to Bethel that the people
went up in their distress to ask counsel of God
(Judg. XX. 18, 26, 31, xxi. 2, LXX. and R. V. ;
in the A. V. and Vulg. [eic. in xx. 31] the
name is translated " house of God "). Here was
the ark of the covenant under the charge of
Phinehas the grandson of Aaron, with an altar
and proper appliances for the offering of burnt-
offerings and peace-offerings (xx. 26-28, xxi. 4) ;
and the unwonted mention of a regular road or
causeway as existing between it and the great
town of Shechem is doubtless an indication that
it was already in much repute. Later than this
we find it named as one of the holy cities to
which Samuel went in circuit, taking equal rank
with Gilgal and Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 16).
Probably it was this ancient reputation— com-
bined with its situation on the extreme south
frontier ef his new kingdom, and with the hold
which it must have had on the sympathies both
of Benjamin and Ephraim, the former's by lot
and the latter's by conquest — which made Jero-
boam choose Bethel as the depository of the new
false worship which was to seal and consum-
mate the division between the ten tribes and tbe
two. Here be established one of the two calves
of gold, the priests of " the high places which
he had made," and an altar' of incense, by
which he himself stood to burn ; as we see
him in the familiar picture of 1 K. xii., xiii.
Towards the end of Jeroboam's life Bethel fell
into the hands of Judah (2 Ch. xiii. 19X whence
it was probably recovered by Baasha (ivL 1).
It then remains unmentioned for a long period.
■> W.R. Smith, JicI4'u>no/(A<»sii(u,i.470,snggest
that this altar was a pillar crowned by a sort of capital
bearing a bowL This would illustrate Amoa tU. U, ix. 1>
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408
BETH-EL
The worship of Baal, introduced by the Phoe-
nician queen of Ahab (1 K. xvi. 31), had pro-
bably alienated public favour from the simple
erections of Jeroboam to more gorgeous shrines
(2 K. X. 21, 22). Samaria had been built (1 K.
XVI. 24) and Jczreel, and these things must have
all tended to draw public notice to the more
northern part of the kingdom. It was during
thi:i period that Elijah visited Bethel, and that
we hear of " sons of the prophets " as resident
there (2 K. ii. 2, 3), two facts apparently incom-
patible with the active existence of the calf-
worship. The mention of the bears so close to
the town (ii. 23, 26) looks too as if the neigh-
bourhood were not much frequented at that
time. But after his destruction of the Baal-
worship throughout the country, Jehu appears
to have returned to the simpler and more
national religion of the calves, and Bethel comes
once more into view (2 K. x. 29). Under the
descendants of this king the place and the wor-
ship must hare greatly flourished, for by the
time of Jeroboam II., the great-grandson of
Jehu, the rude village was again a royal resi-
dence with a " king's house " (Amos vii. 13) ;
there were palaces both for " winter " and
" summer," " great houses " and " houses of
ivory " (iii. 15), and a very high degree of
luxury in dress, furniture, and living (vi. 4-6).
The one original altar was now accompanied by
several othei-s (ii. 8, iii. 14) ; and the simple
"incense" of its founder had developed into
the " burnt-offerings " and " meal-offerings " of
" solemn assemblies," with the fragrant " peace-
offerings " of •' fat beasts " (v. 21, 22).
How this prosperity came to its doom we are
not told. After the desolation of the northern
kingdom by the king of Assyria, Bethel still re-
mained an abode of priests, who taught the
wretched colonists "how to fear Jehovah,"
« the God of the land " (2 K. xvii. 27, 28). Ac-
cording to the Jewish tradition {Seder Olam
Saliba, ch. xxii.) the golden calf of Bethel was
carried off by Shalmaneser, but the buildings
remained till the time of Josiah, by whom they
were destroyed ; and in the account preserved
of his reforming iconoclasm we catch one more
glimpse of the altar of Jeroboam, with its last
loathsome fire of " dead men's bones " burning
upon It, the altar and high-place surviving In
their archaic antiquity amidst the successive
additions of later votaries, like the wooden altar
of Becket at Canterbury, which continued In its
original simplicity through all the subsequent
magnificence of the church in which he was
murdered (Stanley, Canterbury, p. 184). Not the
least remarkable of these later works was the
monument (|)*-Vn ; oHiXii; 2 K. xxiii. 17), evi-
dently a conspicuous erection, of the " man of
God " who proclaimed the ultimate downfall of
this idolatrous worship at its very outset (1 K.
xiii. l)and who would seem to have been at a later
date canonized as it were by the votaries of the
very idolatry which he denounced. " Woe unto
you 1 for ye build the sepulchres of the prophets,
and your fathers killed them " (Luke xi. 47).
But, in any case, the fact of the continued
existence of the tomb of this protester through
so many centuries of idolatry illustrates very
remarkably the way in which the worship of
Jehovah and the false-worship went on side by
^de at Bethel. It is plain from several allusions
BETH-EL
of Amos that this was the case (r. 14, 22) :
and the fact before noticed of prophets of Jeho-
vah being resident there, and of the frieodlv
visits even of the stem Elijah ; of the telttioa
between the "man of God from Judah" and
the lying prophet (1 K. xiii. 18) who caused
his death ; of the manner in which Zedekiah
the son of Chenaanah, a priest of Bui, re-
sorts to the name of Jehovah for his solemn
adjuration (1 K. xiii. 11), and lastly of the wty
in which the denunciations of Amos were tole-
rated and he himself allowed to escape, — alt
these point to a state of things well worthy ot
investigation. In this connexion, too, it is
curious that men of Bethel and Ai retamed
with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 28; Nelu vii. 3'2);
and that they returned to their native place
whilst continuing their relations with Sehemiah
and the restored worship (Neh. xi. 31). b the
1st Book of Esdras the name appears as Betouci
(v. 2 1 : cp. Ezra ii. 28). In later times Bethel is
only named once, amongst the strong cities in
Judaea which were repaired by Bacchides dsriag
the struggles of the times of the Uaccabees
(1 Mace ix. 50).
Bethel is mentioned by Jerome {OS.* p. 13o,
8) as twelve miles from Jerusalem on the
right hand of the road to Neapolis; ami
here its ruins still lie under the scarceir
altered name of Beitin. They cover a 8{aK
of "three or four acres," and consist of "very
many foundations and half-standing walls of
houses and other buildings." " The niiu
lie upon the front of a low hill betweea tlie
heads of two hollow wadys which unite tii<l
run off into the main valley a-Sttaeinit' (Boh.
i. 448-9). Dr. Clarke, and other travellets
since bis visit, hare remarked on the " stony "
nature of the soil at Bethel, as perfectly ri
keeping with the narrative of Jacob's slnmba
there. For a description of Seitin see PEF.
Mem. ii. 295. 305. When on the spot little
doubt can be felt as to the localities of this in-
teresting place. The mount S.E. of Bethel, <a
which there are the ruins of a Byzantine chnidi,
Kh. el-Muidtir, must be the " mountain ' m
which Abram built the altar, and on which h;
and Lot stood when they made their divisioa of
the land (Gen. xii. 8, xiii. 10). It is still thiddy
strewn to its top with stones formed by Batsrr
for the building of " altar " or sanctuary (PEF.
Mem. ii. 373). As the eye turns involuntarily
eastward, it takes in a large part of the plain of
the Jordan opposite Jericho ; distant, it is troe.
but not too distant to discern in that dear
atmosphere the lines of verdure that mark tbr
brooks which descend from the mountains
beyond the river, and fertilise the plain eves in
its present neglected state ; but which, if pto-
perly used, would again render the district irbst
it once was, " a garden of the Lord, even as tiie^
land of Egypt." Eastward again of this moact.
.it about the same distance on the left thst
Bethel is on the right, is a third hill croinieJ
by a remarkably desolate-looking moss of gtey
debris, the most perfect heap of ruin to be
seen even in that country of mins. This >>
et-Tell, "the mound," or "the heap," agreeiii?
in every particular of name, aspect, and situa-
tion, with Al.
.\n admirable passage on the history of Bethel
will be found in Stanley {S. i P. pp. 211-233).
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BETHEL, MOUNT
8. A town ia the south part of Judah, named
in 1 Sam. izx. 27. The collocation of the name
in this list is decisive against its being the well-
known Bethel (see Wellhausen and Klostermann
/. c.) ; but opinions are still divided about the
Bethel named in Josh. xii. 16 (BA. om. See
Dillnunn'). In 1 Sam. xix. 27 the LXX. B.
leads Baiiaaip, i.e. Bethzur (A. BcuSiiK). By
comparison of the lists of the towns of Judah
snd Simeon (Josh. xv. 30, xix. 4; 1 Ch. iv. 29, 30),
the place appears under the names of CllESlL,
Bbihul, and Bethueu [G.] [W.]
BETHEL, MOUNT. A point on the
soathem boundary of the children of Joseph
(Josh. xvL 1), where, however, R. V. reads more
correctly " through the hill country to Bethel."
It was in Mount Bethel (R. V. "in the mount
of Bethel ") that Saul assembled 2,000 of his
dxMn men before Jonathan made his attack on
tb< Philistibe garrison of Geba (1 Sam, xiii. 2).
"The hill country " is apparently the ridge
£. of Bethel which parts the waters of the
Hedittrranean from those of the Dead Sen.
[Bbth-el.] [W.]
BETHELITE, THE (h^n n»3 ; B. i B«fl-
VXclngt, 4- BatSi-), UiEL, is recorded as the re-
builder of Jericho (1 K. xvi. 34). [G.] [W.]
BETH-E'MEK (P^Vn n»3, hoiue of the
talky; B. ia^BiuPaifftt [apparently joining to
previous name], A. BtiSatniK ; Bethemec), a
pLice on or near the border of Asher, ou the
north tide of which was the ravine of Jiphthah-
<l (Josh. xix. 27). Robinson has discovered an
'Amia about 6| miles to the N.E. of '■AUm ; but
if his identification of Jefit with Jiphthah-el be
tnuble, the site of Beth-emek must be sought
for farther south than 'Amka (Rob. iii. 103, 107,
8. Cp. Dillmann »). Conder {PEFQij. Stat. 1883,
p. 137) identifies Jiphthah-el with W. el-Kurn,
but, if 'AmJta be Beth-emek, it is more probably
W.d-Kardiea. [G.j [W.]
BETHER, TUB MOtraiAiNS of (iriS nil ;
Ges. explains '3 to be a region cut up into
inoontains and valleys : jipi| koiAo/uCtoh' ; Bethr
ud BeVtef), Cant. ii. 17. There is no clue to
^e OS as to what mountains are intended
here.
For the site of Betber, so famous in the
post-biblical history of the Jews, and so disputed,
see Reland, pp. 639, 640; Rob. iii. 267-271;
Hamburger, £E. Abth. ii. s. n. Bethar.
[0.] [W.]
BETHES'DA> (Bi;««r8((, as if L^a
[i'"t, house of mercy, or Hl^ IVji, place
of the flowituj of water; K. BuS^aBi, place
of oUvei; B. Bii«<raiSii, fishing-place; Euseb.
HilfttU; Bethsaida), the Hebrew name of a
reservoir or tank (jcoKvpLBiiepa, i.e. a swimming-
I«>1), with five " porches " (orooO, close upon
the sheep-^afe [R. V.] or market [A. V.] (/xi rp
Tfw^avucp: it will be observed that the word
BETHESDA
409
■ The reading " Betbesdi," tbongb supported by the
•Vshitto, tias the weight of MS. authority against It ;
"^ B. V. gives in the margin the alternative readings
" Betbsalda " and " BeUuatha." The pool is not men-
tloMd by any Jewish writer.
market is supplied) in Jerusalem (John v. 2).
It should be noted that the Sinaitic Version and
Chrysostom, quoting John v. 2, read w/wjSariKJ)
Ko\vfifiiiBpa, " sheep-pool ; " and that the Vul-
gate has probatica piscina. Eusebius, the author
of the tract De Semente, Cyril of Jerusalem,
and Jerome also write of Bethesda as the
" sheep-pool." The porches — i.e. cloisters or
colonnades — were extensive enough to accom-
modate a large number of sick and infirm people,
whose custom it was to wait there for the
" troubling of the water " (r. 7).
There were other Ko\vit$i)Spat or "swim-
ming-pools " at Jerusalem, such as the pool of
Siloum (John ix. 7, 11), the pools StrutAion
and Amygdalon (Jos. B. J. v. 11, § 4), and the
pool of Solomon (B. J. v. 4, § 2). The koAv/i-
^Bpa, was usually rectangular in forni, open
to the air, and surrounded by " porches " or
cloisters'* (aronS), in which the bathers lounged
and undressed, Siloam had four such cloistei's
(/Wn, Jiierosol.), of which remains have been
found ; Bethesda bad five, a peculiarity that
may be explained by comparing the statements
of Eusebius and Cyril. From the former we
gather that Bethesda was a double pool, and
from the latter (^Hom. in Par. § 2) that it had
four cloisters round it and one in the middle.
We may, perhaps, then reconstruct Bethesda as
two pools closely adjoining each other, so as to
form a square or rectangle, with a cloister on
each side and one in the centre between the two
pools.
Eusebius — though unfortunately he gives no
clue to the situation of Bethesda —describes
it {OS.* p. 251, 15) as a swimming-pool in
Jerusalem, which is the sheep-^^, formerly
having five porches ; and he identifies it with the
twin pools {iy reus Xiiuiats titiiims), of which
one was supplied by the periodical rains, while
the water of the other was of a reddish colour
(rt^oiyiyfiiyoy), due, as the tradition then ran,
to the fact that the flesh of the sacrifices was
anciently washed there liefore offering, on which
account the pool was also called vpoBarueli
(see, however, the comments of Lightfoot on this
view, in his Exercit. on John v. 2). Eusebius'a
statement is partly confirmed by the Bordeaux
Pilgrim (a.d. 333), who, after mentioning in his
Ttinerarij " two large pools at the side of the
Temple ; that is, one on the right hand and one
on the left," states that " more within the city
there are twin pools, having five porches, whicli
are called Bethsaida," and he adds that the
water when agitated is of a ruddy colour (/jSin.
Hierosol.).
The writer of the tract De Semente (Migne,
xxviii. 164) says that the sheep-pool was in exist-
ence in his day (ctVc. 320 A.D.), but that the five
stoae had been destroyed. Eucherius {De Imc.
8anct.\ 440 A.D., notices the twin pools, and the
ruddy colour of the water in one of them ; and
Theodosius, 530 A.I>.. places it about 100 paces
from the house of Pilate, and says {De Tcr.
Sanct. viii.) that near, or in it according to
some MSS., there was a church dedicated to tlie
Virgin. Antoninus states {Ilin. xxvii.) that at
Cloisters or colonnades round artificial tanks are
common in the East. One example Is tlie Taj Bomrte,
In the set of drawings of Beejapore published by the
East India Company.
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410
BETHESDA
the time of his visit, 570 A.O., the pool was
chokeJ with filth, and that ia oae of the porches
there was the Basilica of St. Mary, in the
next century the Mary-legend, now connected
with the Chnrch of St. Anne, was fully estab-
lished, and the placed was styled "the holy
I'robatica in which the illustrious Anna brought
forth Mary " (Sophr. Anac. xx. ; cp. Joan. Dam.
Ill A'at. B. V. Mar. ; De Fide Urth. iv.).
Four sites have been proposed for Bethesda : —
1. The large reservoir called the Birket lardil,
within the walls of the city, close by the St.
Stephen's gate and under the north-east wall of
the Haram area, is now shown as the modern
representative of Bctlicsda. This tradition,
however, does not appe.ir 'to be older than the
13th century, for Brocurdus, V2Si K.n., is the
first to distinctly apply the name Piscina Pro-
batica to this pool ; the earlier historians of the
Crusades seem to refer to 2. The arguments
in favour of the Birket Isrml are, that the most
BETHESDA
probable position of the sheep-gate is at the S.E.
part of the city [Jeri-salem], which applies
equally to 2 and 3 ; and that if this remark-
able reservoir be not Bethesiin, it is not tesr
to see which of the ancient pools it represents.
2. A large pool adjacent to tbe Church of St.
Anne, which has recently been recovered {PEF.
Qy. Stat. 1888, pp. 1 15-134). Several writers,
from William of Tyre onwards, allude to the
presence of water in this pool ; and in the Citt
dc Iherusalem, mention is made of a spring ia
front of the church. In favour of this site
are, its close connexion with the Church of St.
Anne, and the birthplace, according to modem
tradition, of the Virgin ; the identity of sense
between Beit Hanna, the bouse of Anne, and
Ueth-Uesda, both meaning house of mercy or
compassion ; and the discovery in that place of
a marble foot with an inscription testifying to
the cure of a certain Pompeia Lucilia.
3. Sir C. Warren (^Kecovy. of Jerusm. pp. 196,
FoolafBMhMda— BUkMUriU. (Aj it •ppcand •bolt IISO. The pool U dow miM on or nMrlj ».)
198) has identified the two souferrains near the
Convent of the Sisters of Sion with the Bethesda
of Eusebius and the Bordeaux Pilgrim ; and the
two large pools mentioned by the latter with
the Birket fardil and the jwol which formerly
existed to the north of it. This identification
has the support of very early tradition ; and
the aouterraiiu are situated in that part of the
city which at the time of the Gospel history
was known as Bexetha, a name which is only
another form of Bethzatha and Bezatha (see
Bordeaux PUgrim, Appendix iii., P. P. Text
Society Series).
4. Kobinson (i. 342-3), with whom Conder
agrees, suggests the " fountain of the Virgin,"
iu the valley of the Kedron, a short dis-
tance above the Pool of Siloam. In favour
of this are its situation, supposing the sheep-
gate to be at the south-cast of the city, as
Lightfoot, Robinson, and others suppose; the
strange intermittent "troubling of the water"
cansed by the periodical rbbing and flowing ef
the supply ; and the fact that the Jews of thf
present day bathe in it when the water rises »
a cure for rheumatism. Against it are tk''
confined size of the pool; the difficnlty »■'
finding room for a kolnmbethra with its fitt
stoae ; and the absence of any trace or tradition
of the existence of a pool in that locality (i«
Barclay's detailed account. City, kc pp. 516-
524 and 325-6).'
For a description of the Birket Israil, ts dit-
' Mty it not, hotrcver, be possible that tbe tnr
reading of John v. a Is, "There Is In Jemsalem, bj tlK
Bbecp-pool, a building which Is called In Heln^
Bethesda, having Are porches".' Id this case then wocU
be two dtntinct plsce.o, the pool anU a building, u^alofotm
to a modem hospital for sick poor, with five slsln <*
covered galleries.
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BETH-EZEL
closed by Sir C. Warren's eicarations, see PEF.
Mm. o/Vcthw/cts ppw 122-126. [G.] [W.]
BETH-E'ZEL (^Vl<n JV3, of uncertain
ttymology [»ee Ge«.] ; uIkos ixi/ttyos owt^j ;
domus ncitia), » place named only in Mic. i. It.
It may hare been sitoated in the plain of
Piiili5tia; bat others identify it with Azel on
the Mount of Olives (Zech. xiv. 5. Cp. Riehm,
HBW.t.a.). [G.] [W.]
BETH-GATJEB (Til '3, house of the wall;
B. Boi^yuStir, A. Bai0y*S^ ; Bethgader), the
nme place a< Gedeb (Josh. xii. 13). It has
not been id«nti6ed. [G.] [W.]
BETH-GA'MUL (^?D1 '3, hme of the
mmeJ; T.' oXmt Tcufi^X, M. TofimXA; Beth-
ymmt), a town of Moab, in the miiAor or downs
e»»t of Jordan (" plain country," Jer. xlriii.
[LXX. ch. xxii.] 23, cp. v. 21) ; apparently a
place of late date, since there is no trace of it
ia the .earlier lists of Num. xxiii. 35-38 and
Josh. xiii. 16-20. A place called A7i. Jcmail,
nearly due east of Dibon, and not far from
raus Jbu'as, was visited by Tristram (_Land
of Moah, p. 150). It occupies a conspicuous
position, and meets the requirements of the text.
Vum el-Jemal, mentioned by Burclchardt as
lying south of Buarah, is mach too far to the
north. [G.] [W.]
BETH-HACCE'HEM (D-X^n '3, house of
tie tineyard; in Keh., K. BTitocd^ B. ^Titaxifh
^- B))texX<H>M<' ) in Jer., B. Baie$axi>p>*^ K.
B<Ma-, M'. haffid, A. Brfitaxip ; Bethacharam,
Bttkacarem ; R. V. " Beth-haccherera "), a town
which, like a few other places, is distinguished
ty the application to it of the word peiec,
^, K. V. " part" [R. V. " district "] (Neh. iii.
U). It had then a " rnler " called X'. From
the other mention of it (Jer. ri. 1) we find that
it ir,v nsed as a beacon^station, and that it was
lear Tekoa. By Jerome (Comm. Jer. vi.) a village
asfflcd Bethnciarma is said to have been on a
moijBtaiu between Tekoa and Jerusalem, a posi-
tion in which the eminence known as the Frank
nuniDtain (Herpdiam) stands conspicuous; and
this has accordingly been suggested as Beth-
haccerem (Pococke, Rob. i. 480). The name is
at any rate a testimony to the early fruitfulness
«f this part of Palestine.
Karem (Kapi/j.) is one of the towns added in
the LXX. to the Hebrew text of Josh. xv. 59
[LXX. 59a], as in the mountains of Judah, in the
district of Bethlehem. This is doubtless Mm
Kirim, near Jernsalem, which may possibly
also be Beth-haccerem. [6.] [W.]
BETH-HA'BAN (l"jn '3 ; B. Beueapir, A.
iaitapfd ; Betharcm), one of the " fenced cities "
on the east of Jordan, "built" by the Gadites
(Kom. ixxii. 36). It is named with Beth-
nimrah, and therefore is no doubt the same
place a* Beth-arax (accnrately Beth-haram,
Josh. xiii. 27. See Dillmann,* U. cc). The name
is not fonnd in the lista of the towns of Moab
in Isaiah, Jeremiah, or Ezekiel. A Beit Haran
still remains among the rained sites S. of the
Arson (Tristram, Land of Moab, p. 348).
[0.] [W.]
BETH-HOKON
411
BETH-HOG'LA and-HOGLAH(n^:n '2.
T : T
Ges. hoax of partridge ; though Jerome gives
another interpretation, locta gyri, reading the
name n7W '3> and connects it with the
funeral races or dances at the mourning for
Jacob [AtadI: Bethagla) ; a place on the border
of Judah (Josh. xv. 6 ; B. BuOayXcUifi, A.
BaiftiAi) and of Benjamin (xriii. 19), to which
latter tribe it was reckoned to belong (xviii. 21,
B. Bc9c7eu^, A. BtjteyAii). A mngniKcent spring
and a ruin between Jericho and the Jordan still
bear the names of Mm Hajta and Kisr Hajla,
and are doubtless on or near the old site (Rob. i.
544-6; see also PEF. Mem. iii. 213; Dillmann'
on Gen. 1. 11). The LXX. reading, BaiSaryKaiiiL,
may point to En-eglaim, a place which was cer-
tainly near this locality. [G.] [W.]
BETH-HO'BON (JWH '3, or fan '3, and
once I'lh '3, |rf«w of the hoUow ; B. 'tipuvtly, A.
BfiBupiii' ; Beth-horm), the name of two towns
or villages, an "upper" (iV?}?"! '3) *°>1 "
" nether " (JWiriBPI '3 j Josh, ivi 3, 5 ; 1 Ch.
vii. 24), on the road from Gibeon to Azekah
(Josh. X. 10, 11) and the Philistine plain (1 Mace,
iii. 24). Beth-horon lay on the boundary line
between Benjamin and Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 3, 5,
and xviii. 13, 14), was counted to Ephraim
(Josh. xii. 22 ; 1 Ch. vii. 24), and given to the
Kohnthitcs (Josh. xii. 22 ; 1 Ch. vi. 68 [53]).
The road connecting the tn-o places is me-
morable in sacred history as the scene of two
of the most complete victories achieved by
the Jewish arms ; that of Joshua over the five
kings of the Anioritcs (Josh.x. ; Ecclus. ilvi. 6),
and that of Judas Maccabaens over the forces of
Syria under Seron (1 Mace. iii. 13-24). Later
still, the Roman army under Cestins Gallns was
totally cut up at the same spot (Joseph. B. J. ii.
19, §§ 8, 9).
There is no room for doubt that the two
Beth-horons still survive in the modem villages
o( Beit'urf ^ ^ " , ■ i < J et-Tahta and el-Foka,
which were first noticed by Dr. Clarke, and have
been since visited by Dr. Robinson, Dean Stanley,
and others {PEF. Mem. iii. 17, 86). Besides
the similarity of the name, and the fact that the
two places are still designated as "upper" and
" lower," all the requirements of the narrative
are fulfilled in this identification. The road is
still the direct one from the site which must
have been Gil>eon (el-Jib) and from Michmash
(MUhhmas) to the Philistine plain on the one
band, and Antipatris (Joseph. B. J. ii. 19, § 9)
on the other. On the mountain which lies to
the southward of the nether village is still pre-
served the name ( Valo) and the site of Ajalon,
so closrly connected with the proudest memories
of Beth-horon ; and the long " descent " between
the two remains unaltered from what it was on
that great day which was " like no day before or
after it " (Josh. x. 14). See map p. 394.
The importance of the road on which the two
Beth-horons are situated, the main approach to
the interior of the country from the Philistine
plain, at once explains and justifies the frequent
fortification of these town* at difierent periods
of the history (1 K. ix. 17 ; 2 Ch. viii. 5; 1 Mace,
ix. 50 ; Judith iv. 4, 5). The road is now very
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412
BETH-JESHIMOTH
roagh, and little lued ; but, as late as the 16th
century, it was the principal and most frequented
line of communication between Jerusalem and
the coast. There are many traces of the Roman
pared rood near Beth-horon. It leaves the main
north road at Tuleil el-Ful, 3i miles from Jeru-
salem, due west of Jericho, and, bending slightly
to the north, runs by the modern village of
el-J'ib, the ancient Gibeon ; it then proceeds by
the Beth-horons in a direct line due west to
Jirmu [GiMzo] and Lvdd [Ltdda], where it
parts into three, diverging north to Kefr S&m
EAnttpatris], south to Gaza, and west to Ydfa
Joppa].
From Gibeon to the Upper Beth-horon is a
distance of about 4 miles of broken nscent and
descent. The ascent, however, predominates,
and this therefore appe.irs to be the " going
up " to Beth-horon which formed the first stage
of Joshua's pursuit.* With the upper village
the descent commences ; the road rough and
difficult even for the mountain-paths of Pales-
tine : now over sheets of smooth rocic flat as the
flagstones of a London pavement; now over the
upturned edges of the limestone strata ; and now
amongst the loose rectangular stones,** so charac-
teristic of the whole of this district. There
are in many places steps cut, and other marks
of the path having been artificially improved.
But though rough, the way can hardly be called
" precipitous;" still less is it a ravine (Stiinley,
p. 203), since it runs for the roost part along the
back of a ridge or watershed dividing wadys on
either hand. After about three miles of this
descent, a slight rise leads to the lower village
standing on it* mamelon, — the last outpost of
the Benjamite hills, and characterised by the
date-palm in the enclosure of the village mosque.
A short and sharp fall below the village, a few
undulations, and the road is amongst the dura
of the great corn-growing plain of Sharon.
This rough descent from the upper to the
lower Beit 'ur is the " going down to Beth-horon "
of the Bible narrative. Standing on the high
ground of the upper village, and overlooking
the wild scene, we may feel assured that it was
over this rough path that the Canaanites fled to
their native lowlands.
Id a remarkable fragment of early history
(1 Ch. vii. 24. See note in Speaher't Comm.')
we are told that both the upper and lower towns
were built by a woman of Ephraim, Sheerah
[R. v.], who in the present state of the passage
appears as a granddaughter of the founder of
her tribe, and also as a direct progenitor of the
great leader with whose history the place is so
closely connected. [G.] [W.]
BETH-JESm'MOTH, or -JESI'MOTH
(nto»9»n '3, in Numb. nbE^il, hoane of the
• Tbe statements of Dr. Robinson and Dean Stanley
on this point are somewhat at variance ; bnt although
the road from Olbeon to Beit ^r d-FGka is by no means
a unlfonn rise, yet the impression is certainly thst of an
BHcent ; and Beit '&r, though perhaps no higher than the
ridge hetween it and Gibeon, yet looks higher, because
it is so much above everything beyond it.
b In the traditions of the Jews these stones are be-
lieved to be thoflc which were showered from heaven on
the routed Canaanites. Whoever beholds them is boand
to bless God (Otho, p. 83).
BETH-LEHEM
vmstea; B. Alaifi^, A. 'Atri/iM; Bethmoth),
a town or place east of Jordan, in the " deserts "
(ri3'^ of Hoab; that is, on the lower level at
'he south end of the Jordan valley (Num. iiiiii.
49) ; and named with Asbduth-pisgah and Betfa-
peor. It was one of the limits of the encamp-
ment of Israel before crossing the Jordan.
Later it was allotted to Reaben (Josh. lii. 3,
B. 'AattfiM, A. 'Afft; F"*. Attn-; xiiL 20,
B. BuMoo-cutiS, A. Bi)0'cf«>v4; Btthjetimoti,),
but came at last into the hands of Hoab, and
formed one of the cities which wei« " the glory
of the country" (Ezek. iiv. 9). Eustbiu
( OS.' p. 247, 81) mentious BiTdcuri^tO as a place
near the Dead Sea, opposite to and 10 miles
from Jericho. It is now probably '^in Sttmunei,
a small mound near the N.E. comer of the
Dead Sea, covered with chips of pottery and tUst
(see Dillmann* on Numb. xii. 20). [G.] [W.]
BETH-LEBA'OTH (n'lK3^ '3, Amw of
lionesses; B. BaSapM, A. Bmea\$dB; Bttile-
booth), a town in the lot of Simeon (Josh. xix.
6), and therefore in the extreme sonth of Jodah
(xv. 32, Lebaoth), probably in the wild country
to which its name bears witness. In 1 Ch. ir.'il
the name is Beth-Bibei. [G.] [W.]
BETH-LEHEM (Drfe n*3, Ges.=Aoiij« tf
bread; BaitAci/i or Bi)0A<^/i ; Belhleheni). 1.0iie
of the oldest towns in Palestine, already in
existence at the time of Jacob's return to the
country. Its earliest name was Ephiuth or
Epbratah (see Gen. xxxv. 16, xlviii. 7 ; Josh.
XV. 59, LXX.), and it is not till long after the
occupation of the country by the Israelites that
we meet with it nnder its new name of Beth-
lehem,
The ancient name lingered as a familiar
word in the months of the inhabitants of the
place (Ruth i. 2, iv. 11; 1 Sam. xvii. 12),
and in the poetry of the Psalmists and Prophets
(Ps. cxxxii. 6; Mic. v. 2) to a late period.
[Ephrath.] In the genealogical lists of 1 Ch.
it recurs, and Ephrath appears as a person —
the wife of Caleb and mother of Hnr (Uri;
ii. 19, 50, iv. 4); the title of "father of
Bethlehem " being bestowed both on Hur (iv. 4)
and on Salma, the son of Hur (ii. 51, 54). Tbe
name of Salma recalls a very similar name ia-
timately connected with Bethlehem, namely, the
father of Booz, Salmah (HD^, Ruth iv. 20;
A. V. and R. V. "Salnion'") or Sahwm
Cjto^K', t. 21). Hur is also named in It.
xxxi'. 2, and 1 Ch. ii. 20, as the father of Cri
the father of Bezaleel.
After the conquest Bethlehem appears ooder
its own name Bethlehem-judoh (Jndg. iviL 7 ;
1 Sam. xvii. 12 ; Ruth i. 1, 2), possibly, though
hardly probably, to distinguish it from the small
and remote place of the same name in Zebalna.
As the Hebrew text now stands, however, it
is absent from the list of the towns of Judahia
Joshua XV., bnt it is retained in the original
text preserved by the LXX., and forms one of
the eleven names which that Version inserti
between w. 59 and 60 [in Swete's ed. c. 5Ss.
Cp. Dillmann' in loco]. Among these it occurs
between Theko (Tekoa), Of ir& (cp. 1 Ch. ir, 4
5), and Phagor (? Peor, ^oytif)).
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BETH-LEHEH
A remarkable obscarity rests orer Bethlehem
throDghont the whole of the Sacred history.
Xot to speak of the later event which ha«
made the name of Bethlehem so familiar to
the whole Christian and Mussulman world, it
was, as the birthplace of David, the scene of a
most important occurrence to ancient Israel.
.\nd jet from some cause or other it never rose
to any eminence, nor erer became the theatre
of any action or business. It is difficult to say
why Hebron and Jerusalem, with no special
associations in their farour, were 6xed on as
capitals, while the place in which the great
ideal king, the hero and poet of the nation, drew
his first breath and spent his yoatb, remained
an " ordinary Jndaean Tillage." Mo doubt this
is in part owing to what will be noticed
presently — ^the isolated nature of its position;
but that circumstance did not prevent Gibeon,
Bamah, and rmany other places situated on
eminences from becoming famous, and is not
sufficient to account entirely for such silence
nspecting a place strong by nature, and so im-
portant as a military position that it was at one
tine occupied by a Philistine garrison (2 Sam.
iiiiL 14; 1 Ch. xi. 16).
Though not named as a Levitical city, it was
apparently a residence of Levites, for from it
ome the yonng man Jonathan, the son of
Genhom, who became the first priest of the
Danites at their new northern settlement
(Jndg. xriu 7, xriii. 30), and from it also came
the concubine of the other Levite whose death
at Gibeah caused the destruction of the tribe of
Benjamin (xix. 1-9).
The Book of Ruth is a page from the domestic
history of Bethlehem : the names, almost the
very persons, of the Bethlehemites are there
bronght before us ; we are allowed to assist at
their most peculiar customs, and to witness the
Terr springs of those events which have conferred
immortality on the name of the place. Many
of these customs were doubtless common to
Israel in general, but one thing must have been
pecnliaT to Bethlehem. What most strikes the
view, after the charm of the general picture has
lest its first hold on us, is the intimate con-
aeiion of the place with Hoab. Of the origin
of this connexion no record exists, no hint of it
hat yet been discovered, but it continued in
force for at least a centnry after the arrival of
Roth, till the time when her great grandson
could find no more secure retreat for his parents
Atmi the fnr}- of Saul, than the house of the
king of Moab at Mizpeh (I Sam. xxii. 3, 4. Jesse).
Bit whatever it* origin, here we find the con-
Beiion in full vigour. When the famine oc-
enis, the natural resource is to go to the country
of Moab and " continue there ; " the surprise of
the dty is occasioned not at Naomi's going but
at her return. Ruth was "not like" the hand-
maidens of Boaz — some difference of feature or
eomplexion there was doubtless which distin-
guished the " children of Lot " from the children
of .Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; but yet she gleans
after the reapers in the field without molesta-
tion or remark, and when Boaz in the most
pablic manner possible proclaims his intention
<if taking the stranger to be bis wife, no voice of
remonstrance is raised, but loud congratulations
are expressed : the parallel in the life of Jacob
octnrs at once to all, and a blessing is invoked
BETH-LEHEH
413
on the head of Ruth the Moabitess, that she may
be like the two daughters of the Mesopotamian
Nahor, " like Rachel and like Leah, who did
build the house of Israel," This, in the face of
the strong denunciations of Moab contained in
the Law, is, to say the least, very remarkable.
The elevation of David to the kingdom does
not appear to have affected the fortunes of his
native place. The residence of Saul acquired a
new title specially from him, by which it was
called even down to the latest time of Jewish
history (2 Sam. xii. 6; Joseph, B. J. V. 2, § 1,
TaBaSaaovKii), but David did nothing to dignify
Bethlehem, or connect it with himself. The
only touch of recollection which he manifests
for it, is that recorded in the well-known story
of his sudden longing for the water of the well
by the gate of his childhood (2 Sam. xxiii. 15).
The few remaining casual notices of Bethlehem
in the Old Testament may be quickly enume-
rated. It was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Ch. xi.
6). By the time of the Captivity, the Inn (?) of
Chimham by (^^{( = " close to ") Bethlehem,
appears to have become the recognised point of
departure for travellers to Egypt (Jer. xli. 17)
— a caravanserai or khan (finj ; see Stanley,
A pp. §90; R. V. "Gemth-Chimham;" marg.
the lodging-place of C. See QPB.' in loco),
perhaps the •identical one which existed there
at the time of onr Lord (kotcIav/u), like those
which still exist all over the East at the stations
of travellers. Lastly, " children of Bethlehem,"
to the number of 123, returned with Zerub-
babel from Babylon (Ezra ii. 21 ; Neh. vii. 26).
In the New Testament Bethlehem retains its
distinctive title of Bethlehem-judah ' (Matt. ii.
1, 5), and once, in the announcement of the
Angels, the "city of David"' (Luke ii. 4;
cp. John vii. 42 ; Kii/in ; caatellum). Its
connexion with the history of Christ is too
familiar to all to need any notice here: the
remark should merely be made that as in the
earlier history less is recorded of the place after
the youth of David than before, so in the later,
nothing occurs after the birth of our Lord to
indicate that any additional importance or in-
terest was fastened on the town. In fact, the
passages just quoted, and the few which follow,
exhaust the references to it in the N. T. (Matt,
ii. 6, 8, 16; Luke ii. 15).
After this nothing is heard of it till near the
middle of the 2nd century, when Jnstin Martyr
speaks of our Lord's birth as having taken
place " in a certain cave very close to the
village," which cave he goes on to say had been
specially pointed out by Isaiah as "a sign."
The passage from Isaiah to which he refers is
xxxiii. 13-19 ; and in the LXX. Version of v. 16
occurs the following — " He shall dwell in the
lofty cave of the strong rock " (Justin. Dial. c.
Tryph. §$ 70, 78). Such is the earliest supple-
ment we possess to the meagre indications of the
• In the Greek copies of St. Matthew the name Is
given as tJit lovtout (Westcott and Hort) ; but In the
more ancient Syriac recension published by Mr. Coreton
It Is, as In the O. T., Bethlehem-Jndab.
Observe that this phrase bos lost the meaning which
It bears lu the 0. T., where It specUlly and Invsriabljr
signifies the fortress of the Jcbusltes, the fastness of
Zlott (2 Sam. V. 7, »; 1 Cb. xl. 6, 1).
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414
BETH-LEHEM
narrative of the Gospels; and while it is not
possible to say with certainty that the tradition
is tme, there is no reason for discrediting it.
There is nothing in itself improbable — as there
certainly is in many cases where the traditional
scenes of events are laid in caverns — in the
supposition that the place in which Joseph
BETU-LEHEM
and Mary took shelter, and where was tlie
" manger " or " stall " (whatever the ^btki) may
have been)," was a cave in the limestone rock
of which the eminence of Bethlehem is com-
posed (see Speaker' a Comm. on Luke ii. 7). Nop
is it necessary to assume that Justin's quotation
from Isaiah is the ground of an inference of
his own ; it may equally be an authority happily that cavern, is a very wide one. Even m tke
adduced by him in support of the existing | .
tradiUon. ,,,.,, , ,. . . ! ' It is as well to remember that the ■• stsble.- •»!
iJut the step from the behef that the Aativity |„ accompaniments, are the creations of the tei.«ta«ioB
may have taken place in a cavern, to the belief j of poeu and painters, with no snpport fh>m the Gospel
that the present subterraneous vault or crypt is ' nairatlve.
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BETH-LEHEM
150 yean that had pasa«d when Jnstin wrote, so
ninch had happened at Bethlehem that it is
difficnlt to believe that the true spot could have
been accurately preserved. In that interval —
an interval as long as that between the landing
of William III. and the battle of Waterloo^not
oalr had the neighbourhood of Jerusalem been
oremn and devastated by the Romans at the
destruction of the city, but the Emperor Hadrian,
amongst other desecrations, had actually planted
a giuve of Adonis at the spot (lucus inumtrahat
Tkamuz id est Adonidia, Jerome, ad Paul. 58, 3).
This grove remained at Bethlehem for no less
than ISO yeara, viz. from a.d. 135 till 315.
Cyril of Jcrosalem, bom 317, says, " Bethlehem
B fe* years ago was a wild wood " (Catcch. xii.
20). After this the place was purged of its
abominationi by Constantine, who about A.D.
330 erected the present church (lUnseb. Vit.
C<md. 3, 40. See Tobler, p. 102, notf). Conceive
tlie alterations in the ground implied in this
statement! — a heathen sanctuary established
and a grove planted on the spot — that grove and
those erections demolished to make room for the
Basilica of Constantine I
The modem town of Beit Lahm
BETH-MAKCABOTH
416
'((^C*J^)
lies to the east of the main road from Jerusalem
to Hebron, 6 milei firom the former. It is a
nll-bnilt stone town, standing on a narrow
linxstone ridge which runs east and west. The
hill has a deep valley on the north, and another
oo the south. The west end shelves down
gndoally ; but the cast end is bolder, and over-
looks a plain of some extent. The slopes of the
ridge are in many parts covered by terraced
gudens, shaded by rows of olives with figs and
vines, the terraces sweeping round the contour
of the hill with great regularity. Towards the
eastern end of the ridge is the open market-
place, and beyond it spreads the noble Basilica
»f St. Helena, " half church, half fort," now
embraced by its three convents — Greek, Latin,
•ad Armenian.
This is not the place for a description of the
"holy places" of Bethlehem. All that can be said
abontthem has b«en well said by Lord Nugent
(i. 1^21) and Dean Stanley (pp. 438-442. See
alio, though interspersed with much irrelevant
matUr, Stewart, pp. 246, 334-5). The archi-
tecture of the church ia described by De Vogiii
(/-<» tglisei de la Tetre Sainte, pp. 46-117) ; see
also Ferjfnsson's History of Architecture, vol. ii.
288-290.'' One fact, of great interest — probably
the most gennine about the place — is associated
with a portion of the crypt of this church ;
namely, that here, "beside what he believed to
he the cradle of the Christian faith," St. Jerome
lived for more than thirty years, leaving a
luting monument of his sojonrn in the Vulgate
translation of the Bible.
In the plain below and east of the convent,
tbout a mile from the walls, is the traditional
icene of the Angels' appearance to the shepherds,
' Dsta Stanley mentions, and recur* characteristically
•o tie Interesting fact, that the present roof Is con-
"•meted from English oak given to the church by
Kdwird IV. (S. <t P., pp. HI. 439). Tobler, p. 104,
Mt, addnces the anthority of Entycblns that the present
Anrth Is the work of Jnstlniaa, who destroyed that of
CwMutla* as not sufficiently magnificent.
a very small poor village called Beit Sahur, to
the east of which are the unimportant remains
of a Greek church. These buildings and ruins
are surrounded by olive-trees (Sectzen, ii. 41,
42). Here in Arculfs time, " by the tower of
Ader," was n, church dedicated to the three
shepherds, and containing their monuments
(Arculf, p. 6). But this plain is too rich ever to
have been allowed to lie in pasturage, and it is
more likelyto have been then occupied, as it is
now and as it doubtless was in the days of Ruth,
by com-Helds, and the sheep to have been kept
on the hills.*
The traditional well of David (2 Sam. xxiii.
15), a group of three cisterns, is on a flat rock
terrace to the north-west of the present town.
About half a mile east of the convent there is a
small spring, but the principal water supply is
from a shaft over the Jerusalem aqueduct, on
the south side of the hill ; there is also a large
well in tbe monastery.
The population of Beit Lahm is about 5,000
souls, almost entirely Christians. All travellers
(e.g. Eothen) remark the good looks of the women,
the substantial clean appearance of the honses,
and the general air of comfort (for an Eastern
town) which prevails.
2. OnS '9 ; B. iaiBiiiv, A. BoiSAceV ; Beth-
kheiix. A town in the portion of Zebulun named
nowhere but in Josh. xix. 15. It has been re-
covere>l by Dr. Robinson at Beit Lahm, about sii
miles west of Nazareth, and lying lietwetn that
town and the main road from .-Vkka to Gaza.
Robinson characterises it as "n very miserable
village, none mure so in all the country, and
without a trace of antiquity except the name "
(iii. 113). It was probablv the birthjilaee of
Ibznn, the judge. ' [G.] [VV.]
BETH'LEHEMITE, THE Opn^n n»3i
Bcthlehemitea). A native or inhabitant of Beth-
lehem. Jesse (LXX. alitor in 1 Sam. xvi. 1,
BA. Bi)$X<cm<(ti)> >n 1 Sam. xvi. 18, A. Bi)*-
Af«/i<(Ti)t in 1 Sam. ivii. 58, B. om.) and
Elhanan (2 Sam. xxi. lit, D. Bai6XnfictTi)t, A.
Bq^Aeefifri);) were Bethlehemites. Another
Elhanan, son of Dodo of Bethlehem, was one of
David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 24 ; LXX. alitor).
[Elhanan.] [W. A. W.] [F.]
BETH-L(yMON (A. Bai9Kwiuiv, B. Poyefl-
\aiidiv\ Scjxileinon), 1 Esd. v. 17. [Beth-
lehem, 1.] [G.] [W.]
BETH-MA'ACHAH (pOVO '3, and with
the article, 'BH '3 ; B. Bai0/iax^. A. Biiefutxi ;
Bethmaacha"), a place n.nmed only in 2 Sam. xx.
14, 15, and there occurrini; more as a detinition
of the position of Abel than for itself (see Driver
in loco). It is said to be now represented by Abl,
a village six and a half miles west of Banias
in the north of Palestine (Harper, The Bible
and modem Discoveries, p. 313). [G.] [W.]
BETH-MARCA'BOTH (nb3")©n '3, house
of the chariots, in Chronicles, without the ar-
• 'Aypavkmiyrn (Luke II. 8 ; A. V. and K. V. "abki-
iDg In tbe field ") has no special reference to " field "
more than hlU ; but means rather " passing the night
out of doors." Xaipa also means a " district " or nelgb-
bourbood, with no special topographical signification.
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BETH-MEON
tide : in Josh., B. iai0itaxtp'$, A. BeuBaniiap-
XairfiiiB ; in Cb., B. Bcut/iaptifuiB, A. ip Baifi'-
ftapxf^B^' BethmarchabotK), one of the towns
of Simeon, situated to the extreme south of
Judah, with Ziltlag and Hormah (Josh. xix. 5 ;
1 Ch. iv. 31). What "chariots" can hare been
in use in this rough and thinly inhabited part of
the country, at a time so early as that at which
these lilts of towns purpart to hare been made
out, we know not. At a later period — that of
Solomon — "chariot cities" are named, and a
regalar trade with Egypt in chariots was carried
on (I K. ix. 19 = 2 Ch. viii. 6 ; 1 K. i. 29 = 2 Ch.
i. 17), which would naturally require dep6ts or
stopping-places on the road " up " to Palestine
(Stanley, p. 160). In the parallel list(Josh.XT.31X
Hadmannah (LXX. Wvucaptiii) occurs in place of
Bethmarcaboth ; possibly the latter was substi-
tuted for the former after the town had become
the resort of chariots (cp. Dillmann,' I. c).
[Q.] [W.]
BETH-MEO'N (jto '3 j oTkoi Vlaiv ; Beth-
moon), Jer. xWiii. 23. ' A contracted form of
Beth-baal-meon. [0.] [W.]
BETH-ME'RHAK (pn^Bn n'3 ; Ir oU<f
r^ fLcucpiy; procui a domo). "The A. V. translates,
"a place that was far off"; R. V. as the name
above, but in margin the Far Houae (see
MV."). A place (2 Sam. xr. 17) outside Jeru-
salem at which David tarried, when fleeing from
Absalom, that he might see his servants, and
those who were to accompany him, pass by.
There is no clue to its exact position. [W.]
BETH-NIMTttAH (HTOJ n'3, Ges. hmm
of limpid and aholexmtt mtter: in Num., B.
Jioftfdii, A. 'A/ifipiy; in Josh., B. BaiSayafipi,
A. Sii9aiwd: Bethrumra), one of the "fenced
cities" on the east of the Jordan taken and
" built " by the tribe of Gad (Num. ixxii. 36)
and described as lying "in the valley " (p9t?3)
beside Beth-haran (Josh. xiii. 27). In Num.
xxxii. 3 (B. Naii$pd, A. 'A/ifipdn, F. Na/ipd) it
is named simply Nimrah. By Eusebins and
Jerome (OS." pp. 136, 1; 137, 19; 246,
42, t. nn. BiiSpaiipay, 3ri8yaiifip(s, Bethamnaram,
and Bethnemra) the village is said to have been
still standing five miles north of Libias (Beth-
haran); and Eusebius further mentions {OS.*
p. 278, 22, *. n. Nc/Spi) that it was a large
place, K^iii) luyiffTTi, in Batanaea, and called
It is now Tell Ninuin, on the south side of
and close to the pereimial stream of A'ahr
Aimrin, the Arab appellation of the lower end
of the Wady Sh'aib, where the waters of that
valley discharge themselves into the Jordan,
close to one of the regular fords a few miles
above Jericho. The mound is surrounded by
tidr groves, and the stream is fringed with
canes (Conder, MS. Notes; Morrill, East of
Jordan, p. 207). The Wddi/ Sh'ae> runs back up
into the eastern mountains, as far a* et-Salt.
Its name (the modem form of Hobab ?) connects
it with the wanderings of the children of Israel,
and a tradition still clings to the neighbourhood
that it was down this valley they descended to
the Jordan (Seetzen, ii. 377).
It seems to have escaped notice how fully the
requirement* of Bethabara are met in the cir-
BETH-PHAGE
cnmstances of Bethnimrah — its abundance <i(
water and its situation close to " the region roond
about Jordan " (^ vtpixfpos roi 'lopttlrm, lt.
the CiCGAB of the 0. T., the Oasis of JericboX
imtnediately accessible to "Jerusalem aad all
Judaea" (John i. 28; Matt.iii. 5; Mark i. 5)
by the direct and ordinary road from-the capital.
Add to this, what is certainly a coniinaatioB
of this suggestion, that in the LXX. (B.) of
Josh. xiii. 'ji the name of Bethnimrah is found
almost exactly assuming the form of Bethabara
— BaiBayaPpa (see above).
The " Waters of Nimriin," which are namad
in the denunciations of Moab by Isaiah (iv. 6)
and Jeremiah (xlviii. 34X niay from the coDteit
be the brook which still bears the same name
at the south-east part of the Dead Sea. [Km-
RI3I.] A similar name (signifying, however, io
Arabic, "panther") is not unoommoa on the
east of the Jordan. [G.] [W.]
BETHOliON (B. BaiSufxir; A. Bfbpti;
Vulg. om.), Judith iv. 4. [Bgth-uobon.j
BETH-PA'LET (D^| '3. Ges. Aoiw cf
flight; in Josh., B Bot^KiAaS, A. Bw$^«t;
Bethphelet ; R. V. Belh-pelet), a town amon;
those in the extreme south of Jndah, named
in Josh. XV. 27, and Neh. xi. 26 (BA. om.,
«•••-« BdjS^oAt"), with Moladah and B«e^
iheba. In the latter place it is Betbphelet
(so Vulgate). Its remains have not yet beet
discovered. [G.J [W.]
BETH-PAZ'ZEZ, O'S? '3, Ges.=*<«ie of
dispersion; B. htipaa^s, A. 'RaiB^turlit; BA-
phetet), a town of Issachar named with Ei-
haddah (Josh. xix. 21), and of which nothing is
known. [G.] [W.]
BETH-PEOH (iirB TV^ ; tUot *riit;
in Josh., B. BmB^vyip, k. Bc4- ; faman Pbogr,
Phogor, Bethphogor ; in OS.' p. 156, 20, Bdh-
fogor), a place, no doubt, dedicated to the god
Baalpeor, on the east of Jordan, opposite (iwir-
avTi) Jericho, and six miles above Libias or Beth-
haran (Eusebius, OS.* p. 247, 78). It was is
the possession of the tribe of Reuben (Josh. liii.
20). In the Pentatench the name occurs ia s
formula by which one of the last halting-placet
of the children of Israel is designated — "tht
ravine (K^JH) over against (?1D) Beth-peor"
(Dent, iii.' 29 ; iv. 46X In this ravine Ucsa
was probably buried (xxxiv. 6).
Here, as in other cases, Beth-Peor may Ix
an abbreviation for Beth-Baal-Peor (cp. W. B.
Smith, Seligion of the Semitci, i. 93, n. 3).
Conder (,Heth and itoab, p. 143) places Beth-
peor on a narrow ridge S. of et-MaslVnyd;
Tristram (Zand of Moab, p. .305) on tht ridp
N. of /e6e/ Seba, Nebo. Cp. Dillmann' on .ViuB.
xxiii. 28. [G.] [W.]
BETH-PHAGE (B<0^ir)^ and B««^;
Bethphage; *J.B '3 [Delitisch, /f«*. A'. T\
house of muripe figs), the name of a place ea
the Mount of Olives, on the road betwtffl
Jericho and Jerusalem. From the t«ro btinf
twice mentioned together, it was apparestly
close to Bethany (Matt. xxi. 1; Markii.It
Luke xix. 29) ; and from its being named £nt
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BETH-PHELET
of the two in the narrative of a journey
from east to west, it mar be presumed
ibat it lay, if anything, to tlie eastward of
Bclhuny. The fact of our Lord's making
Bethany His nightly lodging-]ilnce (Matt. zxi.
17. &C.) is no (.-untirmatiou of this (as Winer
vonld hare it) ; since H< would doubtless take
V]i His abode in a place where He had friends,
eren though it were not the first place at which
He arrir^ on the road. No remains which
could answer to this position have however been
foiud (Rob. i. 43:!). and the tnditional site is
above Bethany, halfway between that village
ltd the top of the mount.
By Kuaebius and Jerome, and also by Origen,
the I'lace was known, though no indication of
iu posltiun is given ; by Eusebius {US.' p. 251,
Si) it is called minri, by Jerome (0&* p. 142, 1)
rilUlii, They describe it as a village of the
priests, possibly from " Beth-phac;e," signifying
in Syriac the "house of the jaw," and the
jaw in the tacriBcea being the portion of the
priests fKeland, p. 653). L'ghtfoot's theory,
grooaded on the statements of the Talmudists,
is ettraordinary : that Bethphage was the
Mine of a district reaching from the foot of
Olivet to the wall of Jerusalem (but Bee
Reliad, p. 652 ; Hog, Einl. i. 18, 19). Schwarz
(pp. 263-4) and BarcLny (in his map) appear
to agne in placing Bethphage on the southern
shoolder of the •' Mount of Offence," above
the rillage of Siloam, and therefore west of
Bethany.
The mediaeval Bethphage was discovered in
1877 on the road from the Mount of Olives to
Bethsny (PEFQy. Stat. 1878, p. 51). Certain
passages in the Talmud (Tal. Bab. Menachoth,
li. 3; 786) seem to indicate that Bethphage
marked, on the ea.'t, the Sabbatic zone round
.Itmsalem ; and Ganneau proposes (PEtQi/. Stat.
IS78, p. 60) to identify it with Kefr 'et-Tur,
the village of the Mount of Olives, which is at
the required distance from the city.
The name of Bethphage, the signification of
»hich SIS given above is generally accepted, is,
like those of Bethany, Caphenatha, Bezetha, and
the Mount of Olives itself, a testimony to the
Ancient fruitfulness of this district (Stanley,
■i * i". p. 187). [G.] [W.]
BETH-PHEXET (R. V. Beth-pelet), Neh.
J'- 26. [Beih-palet.]
BETH-BA'PHA(KD"1 T\'<2, house of RapKa,
cf lucertain etymology ; B. i BaSpaitt, A. BaS-
p*^; BMrapha), a name which occurs in the
genealogy of Judah as the son of Eah-ton (1 Ch.
ir. 12 only). There is a Kapha in the line of
Benjamin and elsewhere, but no apparent con-
aeiiou exists between those and this, nor has
the name been identified as belonging to any
plMt. [G.] [W.]
BETH-REHO'B (3in"1 n*3, house of
S«M, or of room ; in Judg. B. i oIkoi fai0,
A. Ti/3 J £ohob).
1. A place described ai being " far from
Zidon," and as having near it the valley in
«hich lay the town of Laish or Dan (Judg.
iviiL 28). It is probably the same as Rerob, a
place mentioned (Num. xiii. 21 ; LXX. r. 22,
B 'P«£ft A. 'Po<t/3, F. 'PocM) as the extreme
BIBLE Dicr. — vol.. I.
BETH-SAIDA
417
point reached by the spies, and used apparently
as Dan was atterwards, to denote .approximately
the northern limit of the Promised Land. Dr.
Robin.-'on conjectures (iii. .371) that this ancient
place is represented by the modem Humn, a
fortress commanding the plain of the Huleh, in
which the city of Dan (7>W el-Kady) lay. It
may, however (see Dillmann' on Num. I. c),
as has been suggested in the case of the neigh-
bouring town of Abel-Betb-Maacah, have been
a colony or offshoot from the Aramean state
of Beth-rehob (2 Sam. x. 6). It must not be
confounded with two towns of the name of
Rehob in the territory of Asher. [Rehob.]
2. 'Voifi. An Aramean state the soldiers
of which were hired by the Ammonites, in con-
junction with those of Zobah, Maacah, and
Ishtob (the men of Tob), to fight against David
(2 Sam. I. 6). In c. 8 it is called Rehob
(A.'Paa/3); and in 1 Ch. xix. 6 Aram-N'aharaim
(A. V. and LXX. " Mesopotamia ") takes the
place of Beth-rehob and Ishtob (see Speaker's
Comm. and Klostermann on 2 Sam. x. 6). It lay
apparently to the S. of Zobah, and bordered on
the Euphrates. [Arah (1).] Some authorities
(see Dillmann,' /. c), however, think that it is
the same as the Beth-rehob of Judg, zviii. 28,
and the Kehob of Num. xiii. 21. [Rebob.]
Hadadezer the king of Zobah is said to have
been the son of Rehob (2 Sam. viii. 3, 12 ; BA.
•Pa<ij8). [G.] [W.]
BETH-SAIDA (B»(«(roUct ; ^ jo^ AaS,
a fishinij place, " sporting lodge ; " Bethsaida),
the name of one or possibly two places in
Northern Palestine.
" Bethsaida of Galilee," a city (iii\is), was
the native place of Andrew, Peter, and Philip
(John i. 44 ; xii. 21), and perhaps situated in
the land of Gennesareth (tV y^y r. ; Mark ri.
45, cp. c. 53). It was evidently not far from
Capernaum and Chorazin (Matt. xi. 21 : Luke
X. 13 ; and cp. Mark vi. 45 with John vi. 11);
and, if the interpretation of the name is to
be trusted, close to the water's edge. By Jerome
(Cvmm. in Esai. ii. 1) and Easebius {OS.' p. 251,
7) these towns and Tiberias are all mentioned
together as lying on the shore of the lake.
Epiphanius {adv. Haer. ii.) says of Bethsaida
and Capernaum, ob luatpiiv ivray Tfi iiainif-
luai. Wilibald (A.D. 722) went from Magdalum
to Capernaum, thence to Bethsaida, and then
to Chorazin, or possibly, from the context, to
Gergesa, now Khersa, on the eastern shore of
the lake. These ancient notices, however,
though they fix its general situation, do not
contain any indication of its exact position ; and
as its name and all memory of its site have
perished, no positive identification can be made
of it.
The difficulty experienced in fixing the site of
Bethsaida is due, in great measure, to the un-
certainty in which the question whether there
were two places of that name, or only one, is
still involved.
I. The theory that there were two Bethsaidas
was first put forward by Reland (p. 653), and
it has since been adopted by Robinson, Stanley,
Tristram, and other authorities. The arguments
in its favour are : — (a) That John (xii. 21) men-
tions a Bethsaida of Galilee, which Mark (vi.
45, 53) seems to place in Gennesareth ; whilst
2 E
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418
BETH-SAIDA
BETH-8HEAK
Josepbus alludes to a Bethsaida in Lower
Gaulonitis, which was on the Lake of Gen-
nesareth, and near the Jordan. This place,
formerly a village (xc^^q), was rebuilt and
adorned by Philip the tctrarch, and raised to
the dignity of a town under the name of Julias,
after the daughter of the Emperor {Ant. xviii.
2, § 1 ; Vit. 71 i—B. J. ii. 9, § 1 ; iii. 10, § 7).
Here Philip died, and was, jwrhaps, bnried
(Ant. iviii. 4, § 6). Pliny (v. 15) and Jerome
(Comm. on Matt. xvi. 13) both speak of Julias
as east of Jordan. (6) That in a narrative of the
same event, the feeding of the five thousand,
Luke (ix. 10) places the scene of the miracle at
Bethsaida, whilst Mark (vi. 45) states, that the
disciples were told "to go to the other side
before to Bethsaida," after the miracle had been
performed.
U. On the other hand, (a) the words (A. V.)
"a desert place belonging to" a city called
Bethsaida are omitted in the Sinaitic Version of
Luke ix. 10, in a very ancient Syriac recension
(the Nitrian) published by Mr. Cnreton, by
Westcott and Hort, and by R. V. ; (6) no ancient
author or pilgrim mentions two Bethsaidas;
and (c) the Sinaitic Version, in a remarkable
[" but quite arbitrary "] reading of John vi. 23
(see Westcott in Speaker's Comm. p. xcii.), de-
scribes the place where the five thousand were
fed as being near Tiberias. This view is confirmed
by Arculf, who places the scene of the miracle
on the grassy plain behind Mi'n Barideh (E. T.
p. 9), and who travelled before any motive coald
have .trisen for the transference of the site from
the eastern to the western shore of the lake.
The miracle took place In a tiitos fp/ti/uit (Mark
vi. 31, 32) — a retired spot covered with n pro-
fusion of green grass (John vi. 3, 10 ; Mark vi.
39 ; Matt. liv. 19). When evening was come,
Matthew says (xiv. 22, 34) that the disciples
were directed to go before " unto the other
■^ide," and that " they came into the land of
iiennesareth " ; Mark (vi. 45-53) that they were
" to go to the other side before nnto Beth-
saida," and that "they came into the land of
Oennesareth "; and John (vi. 17-21) that they
" went over the sea toward Capernaum," and
that, after the storm, "immediately the ship
was at the land whither they went." It is,
perhaps, impossible to completely reconcile
these statements ; but if 'Ain Barideh were the
starting-point, Tell Hum, Capernaum, and the
month of the Jordan, Bethsaida Julias, would be
nearly in the same direction, and it is possible
that, after having started for Bethsaida, the
wind and waves of the storm may have driven
the boat oat of its course, and obliged the
disciples to land near Khan ifinyeh, in the land
of Gennesareth. The arguments in favour of
one Bethsaida are given by Wilson (Secov. of
Jeruaatem, pp. 375-387) and Thomson {Land and
the Book, p. 373).
If Dalmanutha (Mark viii. 10) were on the
west side of the lake, then the village mentioned
in V. 22* must have been Bethsaida Julias;
because in the interval Christ had departed by
ship to the other side (v. 13). And with this well
• The use of the word nifii) In this place Is remark-
able. Stanley sugxests that IM old appellation bad
stuck to It, even after the change In Itt dignity (S. * P.
App. « 85).
accords the mention immediately after of the
villages of Caesarea Philippi (r. 27), and of the
** high mountain " of the Transliguration (ii. 3),
which, as Stanley has ingeniously soegnted,'
was not the traditional spot, but a part of th*
Hermon range somewhere above the suiiroe of
the Jordan (& and P. p. 399).
The advocates of two Bethsaidas place the
Galilean town at et-TS>igah, on the shore of the
lake between Khdn Mmyeh and Tell Bin,
except Ritter, Seetzen, and Socin, who identify
it with Khan Minyeh, and BethsaiJa Julias at
et-Tett, a min on the hillside, east of Joidao,
where the river leaves the mountains. If there
was only one Bethsaida, it was probably near
tiie month of the Jortlan, and perhaps, like
Kerak (TarieheaeX surrounded by the river, and
ao liable to be included at one period in Galilee
and at another in Gaulonitis. [G.] [W.]
BETH-SAMOS (B. Boiroir^r, A. Batl-
aaiiui ; Cebethanua), 1 Esd. ▼. 18. [Betb-az-
MAVETB.]
BETH-SAN (T.' BaiBvii', A. in 1 Mace lil
Bf «irc£ ; Bethsan), 1 Mace v. 52 ; xii 40, 41.
[Betu-siieak.]
BETH-SHAN (Bethsan ; 1 Sam. xixi. M.
12, A. BvBadv, B. [«. 10] hmBiii, [v. 12] B«i*-
oan; 2 Sam. xxi. 12, A. Bq9<rdi', B. Baity
[Beth-shean.] [W. a W.] [F.]
BETH-SHEA'N (]K^ n»3, house of rest
or security; or, in Samuel, Beth-siiak [)C 1]:
Bethsan), a city which, with its " daughter "■
towns, belonged to Manasseh (1 Ch. vii. 29;
B. BaiS<r<xdy, A. -aiy), though within the limiti
of Issachar (Josh. ivii. 11; B""* A. Baitnr.
B. KcuSoiiv), and therefore on the west if
Jordan (cp. 1 Mace. v. 52), but not meniKJOri
in the lists of the latter tribe. The Canaanite
were not driven out from the town (Jsdg. i.
27; B. Baieeriy, A. BoiS^X).* In Solonnx's
time it seems to have given its name to i
district extending from the town itself to Xkl-
meholah ; and " all Bethshean " was under tkt
charge of one of his commissariat o6Bcers (1 K.
iv. 12 ; B. Tat 6 oUos ^if, A. r. i o7. Sir).
The corpses of Saul and his sons were fastened
up to the wall of Bethshean by the Phili»tiii«
(1 Sam. xxxi. 10, 12; A. B>j«er<£» [bU]. R
Beutf/t [v. 10], Bcueeri/i [r. 12]) in tfie opec
" street " or space (3n"1), which — then as ix*
— fronted the gate of an Eastern town (2 Sun.
xxi. 12). Prom this time we lose sight of Beth-
shean till the period of the Maccabees, ii
connexion with whose exploits it is mentioced
more than once in a cursory manner (t Mace, t
52; cp. 1 Mace. xii. 40, 41> The name </
Scytbopolis CXxiSiy w^Ait) appears for tk>
first time in 2 Mace xii. 29. [Sctthokilb i
This name, which it received after the exile.
and under the Greek dominion, has not ssr-
vived to the present day; as in many otber
cases (cp. Ptolekais) the old Semitic appella-
tion has revived, and the place i< still callel
* A similar suggestion was made by ReUai {Ptl-
pp. 334-6) and by Ughtfbot (Bcr. HUn. p. M7).
• The LXX. (TJ. and Swele) io Judg. I. V eaotaitt
the words I) JOTU' SmMrir^tc Insetted after BcOtkesa.
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BETH-SHKMRSH
Seiaan. In the Mishns (^Atoda Zarah, i. § 4) >
Betluheaii is cited as ao example of a town con-
ttining an idol, and therefore only to be entered
br Jenrs on certain conditions. It becatne
* funoo5 Christian school contemporary with
Caesarea, the «eat of r. bishopric (4th cent.),
and was the birthplace of the Gnostic Basilides.
It lies in the Gh£r or Jordan Talley, about
twelre miles soath of the Sea of Galilee, and
four miles west of the Jordan. The town is
sitoated on the south side of the Nahr Jdlid, on
a low table-land above the Jordan valley (^PEF.
Min. iL 105). A few miles to the sonth-we;«t
.tn the mountains of Gilboa, and close beside the
ton runs the water of the 'Ain Jalud, the
I'oimtain of which is by Jezreel, and is in all
probsbility the spring by which the Israelites
MKimpAl before the battle in which Saul was
killed (1 Sam. xxix. 1).' Three other large
brooks pass through or by the town ; and in the
(id of the abondance of water, and the exuberant
f«rtiUty * of the soil consequent thereon, as well
as in the power of using their chariots, which
tiie level nature of the country near the town
cDoferred on them (Josh. xvii. 16), resides the
»a«t of the hold which the Canaanites retained
on the place.
If Jabesh-Gilead was where Dr. Bobinsou con-
jwtorea— at ed-Deir in the Wady Tddis— the
distance from thence to Beitan, which it took
tbe men of Jabesh " all night " to traverse, can-
not U less than twenty miles. [G.] [W.]
BETH-SHE-MESH (B^P^ n'3, howK of
lit net; Bethsamei), the name of several places.
L One of the towns which marked the north
bcundaiy of Judah (Josh. xv. 10 ; iri\a ^Alov),
bot reckoned among the cities of Dan (Josh. xix.
41). It was in the neighbourhood of Kirjath-
jearim and Timnah, and therefore in close
pnirimitj to the low-country of Philistia. The
eipression " went down " in Josh. XT. 10, 1 Sam.
vi 21, seems to indicate that ths position of
tile town was lower than Kirjath-jearim ; and
It is in accordance with this indication that
there was a valley- (VOV) of cornfields attached
to the place (1 Sam. vi. 13; B. BaiBaiiivs,
A. B<e«iifurs).
From Ekron to Beth-sheraesh a road (TI^^i
4^) existed along which the Philistines sent
back the ark after its calamitous residence in
tlieir country (I Sam. vi. 9, 12) ; and it was in
tlie field of "Joshua the Beth-shemite " (71*3
'TOB'n) that the « great stone " [Ab£l] was,
00 which the ark was set down (1 Sam. vi. 18 ;
see QPB* in loco). Beth-shemesb was a
* Tbe exactness of the definition In tbis description
k Impaired In tbe A. V. by tbe satastitutlon of ■* a fonn-
taiii "tbr-Mtformtain" of the original and R. V. Cp.
•be UX readings ; B. 'Kt>Aiv, A. 'KnUif (?=En-dar;
cp. xiTilL ?, or = En-h*rod [Kkstermaiin]).
' So great was tbis fertility, that It was said by tbe
Etbbis, that If Faradlae was In tbe land of Israel, Betb-
abnn was the gate of It : for that its fniiu were ths
•wwlMt In all the land (see Lightfoot, Chor. Cent. Ix. i
Hanbniger, RE.^ a. n.). Tbe name la (see Rlehm,
SWB. i. □.) called Nysa or NysM (from its vine-
nltm) by Pliny X'^- '■▼■ >*). and M<«<ipjtfibyZoniara
(Selaad, p. »«3> ItsferUUty was doe to Its extreme
beat, (or which It ix xtlll as noted as It was In tbe days
of Jo«!|>bus (R J. iii. «, J I).
BETH-SHITTAH
419
"suburb city," allotted to the priests (Josh'
xxi. 16, B. Boitiriiivs, A. Bteai,it.fs ; 1 Ch. vi.
59, B. Bcurinvt, A. BoiStrd/xvi) ; and it is
named in one of Solomon's commissariat districts
under the charge of Ben-Dekar (1 K. iv. 9;
B. Bm&o'ct^vr, A. Bftfact^us). It was the scene
of an encounter between Jehoash, king of Israel,
and Amaziah, king of Judah, in which the
latter was worsted and made prisoner (2 K. xiv.
11, 13, B. 'RaiBaiiiMS [bis], A. Bi)9- [or B<e-]
aaiuit; 2 Ch. xxv. 21, 23, BA. BcuBaiiivs [bis]).
Later, in the days of Ahaz, it was taken and
occupied by the Philistines, together with
several other places in this locality (2 Ch. xxviii.
18 ; BA. Batdcinvt).
By comparison of the lists in Josh. xv. 10,
xix. 41 (B. V(!A«t Xiiiiuim, A. w<(Aif "XaiUs),
43, and 1 K. iv. 9, it will be seen that
Ib-Sbemesb, " city of the sun," must have been
identical with Beth-shemesh, Ir being probably
the older form of the name ; and again, from
Judg. i. 35 (LXX. aliter), it appears as if Har-
heres, " mount of the sun," were a third name
for the same place (Robinson and Keil); sug-
gesting an early and extensive worship of the
sun in this neighbourhood. [Ib-Shemesh ;
Hebes.]
Beth-shemesh is now ^Ain Shems. It was
visited by Dr. Robinson, who found it to be in a
position exactly according with the indications
of Scripture, on the north-west slopes of the
mountains of Jndah — *'a low plateau at the
junction of two fine plains " (Rob. iii. 153) —
about two miles from the great Philistine plain,
and three or four from Ekron (ii. 224-6). The
origin of the 'Ain (" spring ") in the modem
name is not obvious, as no spring or well
appears now to exist at the -spot; but the Shenu
and the position are decisive (^PEF, Mem. iii.
60).
2. Bat6<ri^v>, A. BaiBixiids. A city on the
border of Issachar (Josh. xix. 22; cp, v. 38),
not identified.
8. B. Btffirdnvt, A. 9a<ritoi)S in Josh. ; B. Bai0-
<rd/tvi, A. Bcd(rdftvt in Judg. One of the
" fenced cities " of Naphtali, twice named (Josh,
xix. 38 ; Judg. i. 33), and on both occasions
with Betu-amath. The Canaanitc inhabitants
were not expelled fi-om either place, but became
tributaries to Israel. Jerome's expression {OS.'
p. 140, 8, s. n. Bethsames) in reference to this is
perhaps worthy of notice, "in qui cultores pristini
manseruut ; " possibly glancing at the worship
from which the place derived its name.
4. By this name is once mentioned (Jer. xliii.
[LXX. 1.] 13) an idolatrous temple or place
in Egypt, which B. renders by 'HXiovir<(A<r iy
'tiv, A. 'H iy iytty, i.e. the famous Heliopolis ;,
Vulg. doima aoUs. In the Middle Ages Helio-,
polls was still called by the Arabs 'Ain Shenu
(Rob. i. 25). [Aven ; On.] [G.] [W.]
BETH-SHEMITE, THE Q1VrSf^irn<^<
B. i BaiS9aitv<rttnis, A. 6 BetfOa^vtrlnjr ; Beth-
samita, BeHaamitis). Properly "the Beth-
shimshite," an inhabitant of Beth-shemesh (1
Sam. vi. 14, 18). The LXX. in v. 14 refer the
words to the field and not to Joshua the owner
of the field. [W. A. W.j
BETH-SHIT'TAH (rV^J^n n»3, house of
the acacia; B. BitSo-ectrd, A. Bcureemt; Beth-
2 E 2
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420
BETH-SUEA
Mtta), one of the spots to which the flight of
the host of the Midianites extended after their
discomfitare by Gideon (Judg. vii. 22). Both
the narrative and the name (cp. " Abel-Shittim,"
which was in the Jordan valley opposite Jericho)
require its situation to be somewhere near the
river, where also Zererath (probably Zeredatha
or Zartan) and Abel-meholah doubtless lay : no
certain identification has yet been made of any
of these spots ; but they were probably not far
from the mouth of TV. Mdleli. The S/iSUah
mentioned by Robinson (ii. 336) and Wilson
(Hitter, Jordan, p. 414) is too far to the west to
suit the above requirements. Josephus's ver-
sion of the locality is absolutely in favour of
the placo l<eing well watered : iy Kol\<f TiW
XapdSpais inpi(i\r)imirif (^Ant. v. 6, § 5).
[G.] [W.]
BETH-SD'RA (T.' ^ Boiftro^ rck B««-
aoipa; A. generally BcOirovpa; Bet/isura, eic.
1 Mace iv. 29, Bethoron), 1 Mace iv. 29, 61 ;
vi. 7, 26, 31. 49, 50 ; ix. 52 ; i. 14 ; xi. 63 ;
xiv. 7 ;— 2 Mace. xi. 5 ; xiii. 19, 22. [Beth-
ZUR.]
BETH-TAPTUAH (msn '■^, honse of the
npple or citron ; B. BtuSaxoi, A. Bt08aw^>ovi ;
Beth-ihaphud), one of the towns of Judah, in
the mountainous district, and near Hebron
(Josh. XV. 33 ; cp. 1 Ch. ii. 43 [B. eoirovi, A.
ea^a^3)- '^ '^> perhaps, the Taphon or Tefo
of 1 Mace. ix. 50. Here it has actually been
discovered by Robinson under the modem name
of Teffuh, 1| hour, or say 5 miles, W. of Hebron,
on a ridge of high table-land. The terraces of
the ancient cultivation still remain in use; and
though the "apples" have disappeared, yet
olive-groves and vineyards with fields of grain
surround the place on every side (Rob. ii. 71 ;
Schwarz, p. 105 ; PEF. Mem. iii. 310).
The name of Tappnah was borne by another
town of Judah which lav in the rich lowland of
theShefelah. [Apple j'Tippuah.] [G.] [W.]
BETHU'EL (^Xlna, Ge8.=»nan of God, for
'D, an interpretation queried by Trcgelles and
MV."; BoSou^A.; Joseph. Bado^Xot ; -fatAw/),
the son of Naiior by Milcah, nephew of Abra-
ham, and father of Rebekah (Gen. ixii. 22, 23 ;
xxiv. 15, 24, 47 ; ixviii. 2). In xxv. 20, and
xxviii. 5, he is called " Bethuel the Syrian " (i.«.
Aramite, '©"IKH). Though often referred to as
above in the narrative, Bethuel only appears in
]>erson once (xxiv. 50). Upon this an ingenious
conjecture is raised by Prof. Blunt (Coinci-
dences, I. § iv.) that he was the subject of some
imbecility or other incapacity. The Jewish
tradition, as given in the Targum Ps.-Jonathau
on Gen. xiir. 55 (cp. v. 33), is that he died on
the morning after the arrival of Abram's servant,
owing to his having eaten a sauce containing
)wison at the meal the evening before ; and
that, on that account, Laban requested that his
sister's departure might be delayed for a year or
ten months. Josephus was perhaps aware of
this tradition, since he speaks of Bethuel as
dead {Ant. i. 16, § 2). [G.] [W.]
BETHU'EL (^{«n3, Ges.=man of God, for
'D [see above] ; B. BoBoiv, A. ^a9oi\ ; Baihuel),
1 Ch. iv. 30. [Bethul.]
BETHULU.
BETHU'L (^n3; Arab. -J^ [firfW];
Bethttt), a town of Simeon in the sooth, DanM
with Kl-tolad and Hormah (Josh. xii. 4; B.
Bov\d, A. BoBoiK). In the parallel lists in
Josh. XT. 30 (BA. Boi9i>X) and 1 Ch. iv. 30
(B. Ba0o^, A. Baioi\% the name appears in the
Heb. under the forms of Cbesil (7^03) and Be-
thuel, and probably also under that of Bethd
in Josh. xii. 16 (LXX. om.); iince, for the
reasons urged under Bethei, and also on ac-
count of the position of the nxme in this list,
the northern Bethel can hardly be intended.
[Bethel.] [G.] [W.]
BETHU'LIA (BcTvAoua; B. commonly Ba<-
rovAovi or Err-, A. commonly BoirvAmi or
B«T-, K. BaiTov\Aia or -\oia ; Betialia), the city
which was the scene of the chief events of the
Book of Judith, in which book only does the unie
occur. Its position is there described with very
minute detail. It was near to Dothaim (ir. 6),
on a hiH (opos) which overlooked (kwirami) the
plain of Esdraelon (vi. 11, 13, 14; vii. 7, K':
xiii. 10), and commanded the passes from tiai
plain to the hill-country of Manasseh (ir.';
vii. 1), in a position so strong that Holofens
abandoned the idea of taking it by attack, ai
determined to reduce it by possessing himKir
of the two springs or wells (rifyal) which wtn
" under the city " in the valley at the foot «f
the eminence on which it was built, and (na
which the inhabitants derived their chief snppJT
of water (vi. 11; vii. 7, 13, 21). Jlotirilti-
standing this detail, however, the identificstiai
of the site of Bethulia has hitherto defiol ill
attempts, and is one of the greatest ponies '!
sacred geography ; so much so as to foro a
important argument against the historical tnU
of the Book of Judith (Rob. iii. 337-8. Set
Speaker's Comm., note on Jud. iv. 6).
In the Middle Ages the name of Bethulii rs
given to " the Frank Mountain," between Brtl-
lehem and Jerusalem (Rob. i. 479: set Bou-
parte's Desp. to the Directory, dated 21 Floral
1799), but it is unnecesury to say that this ii
very much too far to the south to snit ti;
narrative. Others have assumed it to 1<
Safed in North Galilee (Rob. ii. 425); whid
again, if in other respects it would agree viii'
the story, is too far north. Von Ranmer (M
pp. 135--6) suggests Sanur, which is perhs[»tb
nearest to probability. The ruins of that ton
are on an " isolated rocky hill," with s pUi« <•
considerable extent to the east, and, ss &r »•
situation is concerned, naturnllv all hot inpnt'
nable (Kob. ii. 312). It is about three oilf
from Tell Dothan, and some six or seven frta
Jenin (Engannim), which stand on the nT
edge of the great plain of Esdraelon. Thi"'!'
not absolutely commanding the pass, »'hii» 1
leads from y«nia to Sebasfieh and forms tke
only practicable ascent to the high tocntiT.
it is yet sufficiently near to bear out the sfflf
what vague statement of Jud. v. 6. Nor ■"• J
unimportant to remember that Smir sctsiUf
endnred a siege of two month) from Hi"'*'!
Pasha without yielding, and that on a n^
qucnt occasion it was only taken after s tlr«,
or four months' investment, by a force ^
much out of proportion to the si« of the pw'
(Rob. ii. 313). Conder proposes {P£f- Mtm. a-
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BETH-ZACHABIAS
156) to ideotify Betbulia vith MeaelieA or
Jtithilia, a small village on the hillaide, south
of Jetun and near W. el-Melek. Other opinions
as to locality may be seen in Riebm, HWB.
i. n., and in Spaiier's Comm. 1. c. [G.") [W.]
BETH-ZACHABI'AS. [BAxn-ZACHARiAs.]
BETH-ZUB (-nx n'3, house of nek; in
J«h. B. hcuSirovp, A. Bt$-; Besaur, Bethsur,
and is Mace. Bethtura), a town in the mountains
«i Jadafa, named between Halhul and Gedor
(J«h. IT. 58). As far as any interpretation
can, is their present imperfect state, be put ou
the genealogical lists of 1 Ch. ii. 42-49, Bethzur
woold appear from v. 45 (A. BriSaoip, B. r«8-)
to hare been founded by the people of Maon,
vbicb again had derived its origin fiom Hebron.
Howeier this may be, Bethzur was •' built "
—i.t. probably fortified — by Rehoboam, with
oihti towns of Judah, for the defence of his
new kingdom (2 Ch. xi. 7 ; BA. Bm0<rovpd).
Mta the Captivity the people of Bethzur
tuisted Nehemiah in the rebuilding of the wall
ofJenualem (Neh. iii. 16 ; BN. Bri<r6p, A. Bi)*"-
eoif); the place had a "ruler" ("IE'), and the
fecaliar word Pelec Oj^B) is employed to denote
a district or circle attached to it, and to some
«tlitr of the cities mentioned here. [I'OPO-
'iiupiucAL Terms.]
In the wars of the Maccabees, Bethzur, or
Bftluura, played an imjmrtant part. It was
fortified by Judas and his brethren " that the
yeople might have a defence against Idumaea,"
and they succeeded in making it " very strong,
ud not to be taken without great difficulty "
(Jos. Ant. lii. 9, § 4) ; so much so that it was
ible to resist for a length of time the attacks of
Simon Maccabaens (1 Mace. xi. B5) and of l.ysias
(3 Mace xi. 5), the garrison having in' the
former case capitnlated. Before Bethzur took
place one of the earliest victories of Judas over
I-ysiss (1 Mace. ir. 29X and it was in an attempt
to relieve it when besieged by Antiochus Eu-
pator, that he was defeated in the passes
hetirten Bethznr and Bath-zacharias, and his
brother Eleazar killed by one of the elephants
«f the king's army (1 Mace. vi. 32-47 ; Jos.
Ant. lii. 9, § 4> The recovery of the site of
Bethzur, under the almost identical name of
a^t Sir, by Wolcott and Robinson (i. 216,
Bote; iii. 277% explains its impregnability,
aad also the re.ison for the choice of its position,
since it commands the road from Beersheba
sod Hebron, which has always been the main
appniath to Jerusalem from the south {PEF,
J/m. iii. 311, 324).
A short distance from the Tell, on which
are strewn the remains of the town, is a spring,
'Ain edk-Dhirweh, which in the days of Jerome,
and later, was regarded as the scene of the
baptism of the Ennuch by Philip. The proba-
bility of this is examined elsewhere [Gaza] ;
m the meantime it may be noticed that Bfit Sir
" not near the road to Gaza (Acts viii. 26),
«hich mns much more to the north-west (cp.
BWm, I{WB. s. n.). [Betu-suba.]
[GO [W.]
BETOTJUS (B. BeroAi^, Vnlg. (?) Ziptu),
1 Esd. V. 21. His descendants returned from
tie Captivity with Zerubbabel. [Beth-el.]
BEZALEEL
421
BETOMES'THAM and BETOMAS'-
THEM ; Syr. Bithtmist/tim), a town " over
against Esdraelon, facing the plain that is near
Dothaim " (Judith ivi 6 [B. BaiTo^airfili^ A.
BfToiit<Te-, K. and Vulg. om.] ; rv. 4 [BA. Bm-
rofuuredt/t, tt. -Biyp, and which from the
manner of its mention would seem to have
been of equal importance with Bethulia itself.
No attempt to identify it has yet been suc-
cessful (see Speaier's Comm., note on Judith
iv. 6). It is possibly mentioned ander the
form Ettomason in the list of Christian bishop-
rics (Reland, pp. 223, 225). [Bethoua ; Do-
thaim.] [G.] [W.]
BETO'NIM (D»3b?,' Gcs. =pi«acAio nuts;
B. BoTovel, A. Borai'lv ; Betonim), a town in the
inheritance of the children of Gad, apparentlv
on their northern boundary (Josh. liii. 26).
The word, somewhat differently pointed (D'JOa),
occurs in Gen. xliii. 11, A. V. and R. V. " nuts,"
and is probably related to the modern Arabic
word Bxiim = terebinth, Pistacia terebinthus.
The identification of Betonim with Batneh near
Es-Salt has been proposed by Robinson and Van
de Welde (see Dillmunn* in Josh. /. c).
[G.] [W.]
BETBOTHING. [Mabriaoe.]
BEtTLAH [3 syll.] (jhwi = she who is
mai-ried ; oiKovid.4yri; inAoii'tata), the name which
the land of Israel is to bear, when "the land
shall be married (^J?3ri)," Is. liii. 4. [F.]
BE'ZAI (<V9, Ges., following Bohlen, con-
nects it with the Persian for sicord; LXX.
[2 Esd.], B. Baroi, A. Batriroi; in Neh. vii.
BK. Be<r«(, A. Boat; Besot). "Children of
Bezai," to the number of 323 [Neh. 324], re-
turned from Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezra
ii. 17; Neh. vii. 23). The name occurs again
among those who sealed the covenant (Neh. x.
18, B. Brinl, A. Bi)«<0. [Basha.]
[W. A. W.] [F.]
BEZAL'E-EL (^S^V?, i» tlui shadow, i.e.
protection of God; B««A«i4x ; Beseteel). 1. The
artificer to whom was confided by Jehovah the
design and execution of the works of art re-
quired for the Tabernacle in the wilderness (Ex.
xxxi. 1-6). His charge was chiefly in all works
of metal, wood, and stone, Aholiab being asso-
ciated with him for the textile fabrics ; but it
is plain from the terms in which the two are
mentioned (xxxvi. I, 2 ; xxxviii. 22), as well as
from the enumeration of the works in Bezaleel's
name in xxxvii. and xxxviii., that he was the
chief of the two, and master of Aholiab's de-
partment as well as his own. Bczaleel was of
the tribe of Judah, the son nf Uri the son of
Hur (or Chur). Hur was the offspring of the
marriage of Caleb (one of the chiefs of the
great family of Pharez) with Ephrath (1 Ch. ii.
19, 50), and one of his sons or descendants
(cp. Ruth iv. 20) was Salms, or Salmon, who
is handed down under the title of "father of
Bethlehem ; " and who, as the actual father of
Boaz, was the direct progenitor of king David
(1 Ch. ii. 51, 54; Ruth iv. 21). [Bethlehem ;
Hub.]
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422
BKZEK
2. BA. B((r<\4^> K. B«r(r<\-. One of the
sons of Pahath-moab who had taken a foreign
wife (Ezra I. 30). [G.] [W.]
BE'ZEK (plJI; B«f^(t; Bezcc). 1. The
residence of Adoni-bezek, ie. the " lord of Bezek "
(Judg. i. 5); in the "lot (^"li) of Judah "
(e. 3), and inhabited by Canaauites and Perizzites
(o. 4). Some (see Riehm, HWB. s. n.) con-
sider this to have been a distinct place from,
others the same as,
2. A. Btft'it, where Saul numbered the forces
of Israel and Judah before going to the relief of
Jabesh-gilead (1 Sam. xi. 8). From the terms
of the narratire this cannot have been more
than a day's march from Jabesh, and was there-
fore doubtless somewhere in the centre of the
country, near the Jordan valley. In accordance
with this is the mention by Eusebius (^OS.*
p. 249, 52) of two places of th^ name seventeen
miles from Neapolis (Shechem), on the road to
Bethshean (Scythopolis). The LXX. B. reads
icat inaKiwrfrai airroii! 'KfiUifK iy Ba/uL and
possibly alludes to some "high place " (=Gibeah,
Wellhansen) at which this solemn muster took
place under one Abiezek ; A. has the reading ir
Be^^K. This Josephus gives as BaA(l(.Ant. vi. 5,
§ 3). It is now Kh. Ibzlk, fourteen miles from
Sdbbu on the road to Beisan (PEF. Mem. ii.
231-237). [G.] [W.]
BE'ZER IS THE WILOEBNESS ("ISl!?? "1^3 i
Bocrbp iv T^ i/TDif ; Besor in solitudinc'), a city
of the Reubenites, with " suburbs," in the Mishor
or downs, set apart by Moses as one of the
three cities of refuge on the east of the Jordan,
and allotted to the Merarites (Dent. iv. 43 ;
Josh. II. 8, ixi. 36 i 1 Ch. vi. 78). In the two
last passages the eiact specification, "i^lpi, of
the other two is omitted, but traces of its
former presence in the text in Josh, xxi, 36 are
furnished us by the reading of the LXX. [v. 35]
and Vulg. — B. TJjf Boahp iv rp ififtf, riiy
Mtivii (A. rfi Kuriip) Koi T<i wiftaitifui o&rqt ;
Boaor in soiitwiine, Hisor et Jater,
It was known to Eusebius, who says (OS?
p. 247, 55, s. n. Boirbp) that it was east of
Jericho, in the desert beyond Jordan ; and it is
probably the same as the Bczer or Bosor men-
tioned in connexion with Dibon, in the inscrip-
tion of king Mcsha on the Moabite stone (Becorda
of the Past, N. S. ii. 203). It is now perhaps
Kssur el-Besheir, a ruin S.W. of Dhibdn. Dill-
mann' (Dent. I. c.) is disposed to identify it
withtheBozrahof Jer. ilviu. 24. [G.] [W.]
BE'ZER (1X1 ; A. Bcurip, B. om. ; Bosor\
son of Zophah, one of the heads of the house
of Asher (1 Ch. vii. 37). [W. A. W.]
BE'ZETH (T.» Biifrt; B. Bne(at0\ Beth-
ztchd), a place at which Bacchides encamped
after leaving Jerusalem, and where there was a
" great pit " (rb <Pl>4ap rb iiiya ; 1 Mace. vii.
19). By Josephus {AtU. lii. 10, § 2) the name
is given as " the village Bethzetho " (xci/iq
Bi)d(i|9A \tyoij,iini), which recalls the name
applied to the Mount of Olives in the early
Syriac recension of the N. T. published by Mr.
Careton — Beth-Zaith corresponding precisely
with the reading of the Sinaitic MS. in 1 Mace.
BIBLE
vii. 19. The name may refer either to the
main body of the Mount of Olives, or to the
hill north of Jerusalem, which at a later penal
was called Bezetha. [G.] [W.]
BI'ATAS (T.' ♦oXfoj, A. *uJ)i,; PhiUat\
1 Esd. ii. 48 ; a Levite teacher and eiponnder
of the Law after the return from the Captivitv.
[Peuah.] [W. a. W.] [F.]
BIBLE (Gk. rk /SijSxfa; Ut. BSitid). ThU.
is the most general designation for the Christian
sacred Books, and embraces those which were
primarily given to the Jews, as well as the
more strictly Christian writings of the Kew
Testament. The Romish Church and also
some other Christian communions include, under
this name of Bible, the deutero-canonical books
of the Apocrypha. In the Septuagint at 01$Xm
is found (Dan. ix. 2) as the name given to tiie
Jewish Scriptures, but ri $iffAla occurs in a
quotation made by Eusebius (Praep. £vint.j.
xiii. 12, 16) from the writings of Aristabulus,*
Jewish philosopher who lived in the first half
of the second century before Christ. It is also
used in the prologue to the Book of Sirmch, ani
in 1 Haoc. i. 56 we find the eipicssion ra
0i0\ta Toi riium, Josephus, too (cont. Apist.
i. 8), speaks of the Pt$\ia of the Jewish Scrip-
tures, and subsequently the word is constantly
employed by the Greek Fathers and hiitoiiasi
in the sense of Holy Scripture.
In Greek the plural form of the word (ts
$i$Ktay gave the valuable intimation that the
contents of the volume so named were vaiions
and that in the collection several separate boots
were comprised. The Jewish Scriptures almf.
as we shall see, were counted as twenty-t« "
Books, and comprised more than that number <f
distinct portions, while the time that interrenci
between the composition of the earliest aad tkf
latest of these must have been several ceotories.
But the Latin ecclesiastical writers having
treated Biblia as a singular, the word has ent^rvd
as singular into the languages of Westen
Christendom, and thas the diversity of ons^
and the variety of the contents of the Bible bar,-
been somewhat put out of sight.
These same Jewish and Christian Books tn
sometimes spoken of collectively as " the Sai|-
tnres " par exceUenoe. Scriptira is the Latis
rendering of the Greek ypa^, a name wbic^
our Lord Himself (John v. 39) applied to tiK-
Jewish Books, and by which they are spoken cf
in other places of the New Testament (Acts srii.
2, 11, xviii. 24, 28 j Bom. iv. 4; 1 Cor. it.
3, 4). St. Paul, too, to mark the high estuus-
tion in which these Books were held, calls thm
more than once (Rom. i. 2 ; 2 Tim. iii. 15) «7«>
ypa^t, the Holy Scriptures, and this title i^
now often applied to the whole Bible.
As the Christian writers also sometime* (cf.
Heb. ii. 15) speak of God's earlier dispeBsati«tt
which is set forth in the Jewish Scriptures, is s
SuMiKt) (Lat. testammtum, foediu\ a testsnent
or covenant, and St. Paul (2 Cor. iii. 14) calU i*.
V ToKaia ilae^|Kr|. " the Old Testament,"— wkiie
they regard the Christian dispensation, of which
they are the ministers, as a new SiatN^Kii (2 CV.
iii. 6 ; Heb. ii. 15), — the word " Testament" hs--
come to be generally applied to the two Jirisioa«
of the Bible, and this had grown to be usual is
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the Church u early as the close of the aecond
notary (Tcrt. adv. Prax. 15 ; Epiphanius, Hatr.
Ill, 7). So the pre-Christiao and poet-Chrutiaa
partioDS are spoken of respectiTely aa the Old
and the New Testamenta. It will be conrenient
to treat of these two diviaioiu of the Bible
!<paiatelT.
L The Books of the Old Testament are pre-
serrad to ns in the Hebrew Bible, bat the form
uwler which we now find them in Hebrew MSS.
and in printed texts differs somewhat from that
in which these sacred records were first set
down. Leaving out of consideration whether
the present square character of the Hebrew
teit was the earliest form of writing among the
Jews (thongh there can be little question that
it was not), we know that in the earliest times
osly the consonantal part of each word was
expressed in writing, the vowels being easily
supplied by the intelligence of the reader. But
all the Hebrew MSS. which as yet have been
liisccrered, and our Hebrew Bibles as usually
printed, are now supplied with points above or
Ulow the consonants to indicate the necessary
rowek These additions to the primary text
were made at a late date, when foreign iarasion
and dispersion had broken up the unity of the
Jewish people, and the vocalization was not
t>rooght into its present form till several cen-
turies after the commencement of the Christian
era. Ever since the return of the Jews from
iStkylott there had existed men, like the Scribes
of the Mew Testament, learned in the traditional
iaterpretation of the sacred text, and it was by
<Dch men that a system of marks for vocaliza-
tion was elaborated ; and after this was complete,
all copies of the Hebrew Bible were conformed
to the one type. These men are known as the
" Massoretes " or " possessors of tradition " (from
J/ouonzA = tradition), and hence the text which
we possess is frequently luimed the " Massoretic
text" Beside the vowel-points the Hassoretes
hare also added some marginal notes in places
where for some reason, either because the
adopted text was thought not quite correct or
not adapted for public reading, the reader was
required to modify the written words. Such
nuTgisal notes are called Ktri, a name desig-
nating the text which is to be read as distin-
^hed from the Kethib or written text in the
My of the page. It is easy to understand how
these carefully prepared MSS. (in which the
standard for the consonantal portion was pro-
l«bly derived from some copy of high repute
sod splendid calligraphy, bat not necessarily
the most free from errors of copying) wonld in
time sapersede all others. In this way it has
<^ine to pass that our Hebrew Bibles represent
odIv one recension of the sacred text, viz. that
which the Hassoretes adopted in postU^hristian
times. There are, moreover, very few sources
from which we are able to get knowledge of the
earlier condition of the text ; the chief being the
Septoagint, the Targnms, and the Samaritan
Pentateach. The oldest Hebrew MS. of any
portion of the Bible the date of which can be
>ued with certainty was written at the com-
mencement of the tenth century of our era.
This is known as the Codex Petropolitanta, the
Petersburg MS., and it is dated a.d. 916.
The arrangement of the Books in the Hebrew
Bible differs from that adopted in the English
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423
Version, and requires to be specially noticed.
The tirst section is that which contains the five
Books of Moses, and was called by the Jews the
mm or " Law," and sometimes by the Rabbins
"the five-fifths of the Law." The Hebrew
names of the Books are taken in each case from
some word or words occurring in the first
sentence of the text. Thus the first Book is
called "Bereshith," i.<. "In the beginning."
The names given to these Books in our English
Bibles — Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and
Denteronomy — are derived by transliteration or
translation from the Septuagint.
Next to the Law follows the section called
D'K»a:, " the Prophets." This consists of two
parts, each containing four Books. The D^*33
0»:iB«"l or "earlier Prophets" include (1)
Joshua, (2) Judges, (3) Samuel, and (4) Kings. In
the two last-named the two Books are counted as
one. The second part or D'J nPIK D'K'33, " the
later Prophets," comprises (1) Isaiah, (2) Jere-
miah, (3) Ezekiel, and (4) the twelve smaller
prophecies, known by ns as "the minor Pro-
phets," and which in the Jewish enumeration
were counted for one Book only.
The third section is called D*3irD or
" Writings," and is generally known as the
"Hagiographa." This contains first the Psalms,
next Proverbs, then Job, after these the five
Megilloth or " Rolls," which were so named
because, being used on certain annual occasions
in the synagogue-service, they were written each
on a separate roll. These Rolls are, The Song
of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, and
Esther. These are followed by Daniel, Ezra,
and Nehemiah, and last of all Chronicles, called
in the Hebrew D'D'H '"131, i.e. "The Words
of the Days," and in the Septuagint rit wapa-
\tiw6ittpa, "things omitted," a name which
marks the Book as supplementary to the Books
of Kings. We are indebted to Jerome for the
name " Chronicles."
We know that a threefold division of the
Hebrew Scriptures after this manner existed
in onr Lord's time. He speaks (Luke xxiv. 44)
of "the Law of Moses, the Prophets, and the
Psalms," as if giving a complete ennmeration of
the Jewish Books. But it is to be noted that
while He applies to the first two sections the
names by which they are distinguished in the
Hebrew Bible, He only mentions in the third
section the one Book, " the Psalms," which stands
first in that division. It would not therefore
be of necessity a soimd conclusion to decide from
this alone that all the Books now included in
the third portion of the Hebrew Bible were
embraced by Christ under the name of Psalms.
And it ought to be remembered that three Books
of the Hagiographa — Esther, Canticles, and
Ecclesiastes — are never quoted in the Kew Testa-
ment, nor by the learned Jew of Alexandria,
Philo, who lived at the same date as the New-
Testament writers ; while from Jewish autho-
rities we learn that there was a discussion
between the Schools of Hillel and Sbaramai, the
founders of which were contemporaries of Herod
the Oreat, whether Canticles and Ecclesiastes
formed a part of the canonical Jewish Scrip-
tures.
Towards the end of the Ist century A.D.
Josephns ^ivcs us an account of the Jewish
Books then recognised as Scripture. He says
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(c. Apion, i. 8) : " We do not possess myriads of
books discordant and conflicting, but only two-
nnd-twenty, which contain a history of all time,
and are justly believed to be divine. Of these,
five are the Books of Moses : . . . from the death
of Moses to the reign of Artaxerxes, who suc-
ceeded Xerxes as king of Persia, the Prophets
compiled the history of their times in thirteen
Books. The remaining four contain hymns to
God and didactic teaching for men." This
ivccount appears to embrace all the Books of the
Jewish Bible. The thirteen Books of history
written by the prophets, from Moses to Arta-
xerxes, would embrace those eight which form
the second section of the Jewish Books, with
Ruth added as a conclusion to Judges, and
Lamentations combined with Jeremiah. With
these Josephus reckoned Ezra and Nehemiah
(counted as one). Chronicles, Esther, Job, and
Daniel. The four which he places ia his last
class are Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the
Song of Songs. He has classified the Books in a
different way from the order in which they are
found arranged in the Hebrew Bible, because he
wanted to enforce most strongly his statement
about the regular and uninterrupted composition
of the whole Jewish history. There has been
no list of the Hebrew Scriptures preserved to us
of an earlier date than Josephus.
Josephus' enumeration, though not bis
arrangement, is that which was known to the
earliest Christian writers : as to Melito, Bishop
of Sardis (Euseb. //. E. iv. 26), to Origen (Euseb.
If. E. vi. 25), and to Jerome (t a.d. 420), who
derived bis information almost entirely from
Jewish sources (_Prol. gal. m lib. Set).). Through
Jerome the traditional Jewish opinions concern-
ing the composition of these Books became gene-
rally accepted among Christians, and were passed
down with little or no question to comparatively
recent times. These traditional opinions set the
Pentateuch far above the other Old Testament
Scriptures both in importance and antiquity.
In the Book of Chronicles (2 Chron. xxv. 12)
the Pentateuch is spoken of as "the Book of
Moses;" and following this the Talmud (0a6a
Bathra, f. 14 b) relates that " Moses wrote his
book (the Pentateuch) with the exception of
eight verses which were added by Joshua."
Compared with the Law, therefore, all other
parts of the Scriptures were to the mind of the
Jew of very secondary value, and only to be
accounted of as their teaching found support
from the Mosaic records. The Law was believed
to have been given in its entirety to the people
before they entered Canaan, and all the rest of
Israel's history to have been passed through
with a full knowledge of this eLiborate code,
and consequently to have been made all the
more sinful by the great deflections which it
presented from the legislation bequeathed to the
people by their great leader and lawgiver. This
opinion, accept^ by the Christian world, exer-
cised a persistent influence on nearly all the
expositions of Scripture down to modern times.
About the middle of last century, however, a
course of inquiry was commenced which has
considerably modified the opinions of many
students, and the results and tendencies of which
cannot be disregarded. Therefore, before
ascribing to the first division of the Old Tes-
tament that antiquity w^hich has so long been
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claimed for it, we are bound to state whst has
been put forward by the advocates of a ninch
later origin. A French physician named Astiuc
published in 1753 a work which may betaken
as the starting-point of these inquiries. Ex-
amining the language of the Book of Genesis,
he came to the conclusion that Moses had before
him for the composition of that Book many
records of a date anterior to his own, and out
of these compiled his narrative. A principal
point in Astruc's argument is the occurrence
throughout the Book of different designations
for the Deity. He dwells also on the occarmict
of repetitions which seemed to him to be incvo-
sistent with unity of authorship, and he assigned
parts of the Book of Genesis to at least twelve
different writers. The same kind of investiga-
tion has since been applied to the other Books;
and similar peculiarities being observable in
them, and also in the Book of Joshua, the coa-
clusion has been drawn that the writers who
exhibit these peculiarities cannot have lived
before Moses, and that on this ground th«
Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch must be
given up.
Commencing a little later, but carried oa tiik
by side with the linguistic investigations, there
has been another line of inquiry. The groatb
of Israel's religion as represented in the historical
Books has been studied, and a comparison mads
of this history with what might have been
looked for had the laws of the Pentateuch bra
known and observed from the time of Isnel's
departure out of Egypt. The conclusions arrivol
at by labourers in these investigations may b»
briefly stated thus. The large nombtr of
different documents assumed by the earlier
scholars has been reduced to three or four, lod
the distinctions recognised between the di&teit
portions are mainly those marked by the use of
different designations for the Deity. The his-
torical inquiries have dealt with the Scriftaic
records as they would with secular history, sid
have started with Israel's existence as a nstioa
from the date of the Exodus. The pea|>le wot
then settled in Egypt, and their conflict witk
the Egyptian power cemented their national
unity. "They were delivered by Moses, snd it is
argned that he and others who felt with iiiiii ss-
cribed theirdeliveranceto the aidof Jcborak,Wk>
was worshipped by the people, but was not tbeir
sole divinity. Moses taught them that bj
Jehovah's help they had been enabled to ttnap
from what was meant to be permanent booda^.
and to perform that long series of joomeyiap
which brought them to the borders of Cacasa
During his leadership he also gave to the people
some elementary laws, and specially the tw
commandments and those simple statates is
Exodus which follow the ten words. It i-
thought that the condition of the people wa.-
far too rnde to be fitted for the acceptuce tt
the more advanced legislation, and that it *>>
not till the times of David and Solomoa that •
point of culture was reached which made erten-
sive literary composition passible ; and that ^
some time titer tnis, mainly through the instre-
mentality of the PropheU of the eighth otDtny-
a first draft of the Mosaic Books was broa^l
into form, the legislative portion of whiai
comprised the laws contained in Eiodiu n-
xxiv., some of which are given in a sununaiy '
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Conn tiso in Exodas xxxir. The compiler of
this 6i»t Code, spoken of often as tlie " Book of
the Covenant" (Exod. xiir. 7), is ^apposed to
hire gathered bis material partly from records
)>re>erTed from old times in the form of pedi-
grees and the like, and partly from the current
traditions of the people. The thread which
binds his narrative into one is the enforcement
of the sole worship of Jehovah, and the speciiil
DM of that name in those portions which are
assigned to the earliest form of the Pentateuch
has cansed its supposed writer to be named the
Jahrist, in contradistinction to the Elohist, who
employs more frequently Elohim (rendered God
hi the English Bible) for the Divine name.
This first writer tells the story of Israel taken
iota covenant with Jehovah, and how by His
power the land of old promised to Abraham
became the poasession of his descendants. His
composition is supposed to have date about the
time of Isaiah. The inflnence of Moses is thought
to hare been feeble in the times immediately
after his death, bnt still kept alive by the
nobler part of the people till the days of Samuel,
when an impulse was given to prophetic labours
which increased through the times of the earlier
Uags, and had acquired so great an influence in
the days of Amos and Isaiah as to enable the
prophets to formulate a primary legislation and
to nme forward as the religious reformers of
the nation.
Bot just aa Moses had had no great array of
irmpathisers, and his zeal for the one God had
enly been kept alive in the nation by the enthu-
•iasm of a few men of whom Samuel may be
taken as a prominent example, so the prophets
were not without their hindrances. It depended
00 the king whether they were supported in
their labonn or impeded altogether. With the
monarch on their side their influence was con-
•idenble, but even down to the times of Heze-
kiih they had not been able to secure the aboli-
tion of the high places, where other deities had
a share in the hononrs, nor to enforce the sole
worship of Jehovah, which they are so constant
n> proclaiming in their words.
it is not until the days of Josiah that such
sole worship is recorded in the national history,
and it is to the time of that solemn narrative in
2 K. ixii., where we are told how Hilkiah found
the Book of the Law in the house of the Lord,
that many persons refer the composition of the
Book of Deuteronomy, which forbids the offering
of sacrifices at any placea except (Deut. xii. 13)
" in the place that Jehovah cbooseth in one of thy
tribes." It is thought that priest and prophet
at that time combined to make the idea which
Moses first put forward a reality for the nation.
For this purpose the Deuteronomic code was
composed, and a sanctity claimed for it on ac-
cannt of the place in which it was reported to
hare been discovered. For this end a deception
was practised upon the people which the intro-
duction of the new code might be deemed to
justify. The new laws were in time combined
with the older, and thus the Pentateuch con-
tinued till a(t«r the return from Babylon. Then
by the hands of Ezra and his fellow-labourers
farther additions were made, and those laws
introduced which are found scattered in the
Books of Leviticiu and Numbers. One main
aim of this later code is saiil to hare been to
BIBLE
425
make more marked the distinction between the
priests of the house of Aaron and the members
of the other Levitical families who were engaged
in the service of the Temple, but who did not
come near to the altar. The Levites had many of
them in former times served at those high places
which had been abolished by Josiah. When,
therefore, these men came to join themselves
to the service of the one shrine at Jerusalem, it
was deemed needful to put a difference between
them and the priestly body who had from the
first been specially attached to the Temple on
Mount Zion. These final laws were in time
combined with those previously enacted, and
thus a last edition brought the Pentateuch into,
or nearly into, its present form.
The investigations of which these are the re-
sults are not without value, though they cannot
be accepted in their entirety. They have made
it clear that in the Mosaic Books there are three
stages of legislation, and have also pointed out
how the history indicates a national advance from
one of them to the others. Thus the traditional
teaching that the whole history of Israel was a
falling away from a complete plan which was
assumed as the nation's standard from the first
can hardly be accepted. Of the threefold form
of the legislation there can be no question. In
the " Book of the Covenant " there a no provi-
sion made of priests as a distinct class; the
second code in Deuteronomy sets before us the
whole tribe of Levi as priests ; while in the middle
Books there is a marked distinction placed be-
tween the family of Aaron, who are alone to
serve at the altar, and the rest of the Levites
who are employed in the Temple-worship, but in
a subordinate position. Again, in Ex. xx. 24
there is a command that altars shall be built in
all places where Jehovah records His Name ; in
I>enteronomy (xii. 13) the sacrifices are only to
be offered " in the place which Jehovah chooseth
in one of thy tribes;" in Leviticus (i. 3 sq.)
it is ordered that the sacrifices shall be brought
to the door of the tent of meeting, and that the
sons of Aaron are to take the blood and sprinkle
it on the altar. Again, the sacrifices enjoined
in Exodus are only burnt-offerings and peace-
offerings : these the legislation in Deuteronomy
increases by tithes, vows, and freewill oHerings,
while the middle Books add thereto sin-offerings
and trespass-offerings. In Exodus there is very
little said about purification. It is forbidden
(Ex. xxii. 31) to eat the flesh that is torn of
beasts in the field, and it is said of the whole
jieople, " Ye shall be holy men unto me." In
Deuteronomy the people are forbidden to cut
themselves ; a distinction is made between
clean and unclean beasts, and wa.«hing with
water is appointed for the unclean. To these
regulations are superadded, in Leviticus and
Numbers, various modes of purification, the use
of the ashes of a red heifer, and all those
observances appointed at the healing of a leper.
Once more, the feasts first ordained in Exodus
are the Sabbath, the feast of unleavened breitd,
the Sabbatical year, the feasts of harvest and of
ingatherings. In Deuteronomy we find the
Passover, the feast of unleavened bread, the
feast of weeks, the feast of tabernacles, and the
year of release ; white in the Books of Leviticus
and Numbers we hare, beside these, the ob-
servance of the new moons, the seven great
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Sabbaths, the day of firstfruits, the (east of
trumpets, the Day of Atooement, and toe year
of Jubilee. Thug three, stages of religious
service are provided for.
Now, it is clear from the history of Israel that
for a long period no attempt was made, even by
the most religious men, to observe anything
beyond the covenant code of the Pentateuch.
For during the time of the Judges there were
many nltars erected beside the one at Shiloh.
Men who were not priests, as Joshua and Gideon,
offered sacrifices, and the sacrifices are only
peace-ofTerings and burnt-offerings. Later on,
in the days of Samuel, the same is the case,
Saul as well as Samuel offers sacri6ce, and it is
not the fact of such men offering which consti-
tutes an offence, when God is displeased with
the sacrifice. In the times of the Kings we
find worship continued at the high places, and
it was not done away with by the erection of
Solomon's Temple ; while in the northern king-
dom, after the severance, we find Elijah sacri-
ficing at an altar of Jehovah on Caimel, which
had been used long before. The reforms of
Hezekiah and Josiah were attempts, in some
degree succesafal, to put an end to such wor-
ship ; but as late as Jeremiah's time (Jer. xli. 5)
we find that worshippers went to Miz])ah, and
looked upon that ancient sanctuary as "the
house of the Lord." Further than this, the
additional offerings, puiificatians, and festivals
which have been mentioned as peculiar to the
legislation of Deuteronomy and the middle
Books, find no place in the language of the
Psalms or in the writings of the Prophets before
the Exile. The sin-offering is first mentioned
(2 Ch. xxiz. 21, 23, 24) by the chronicler in his
account of the restoration of religion under
Hezekiah, and the trespass-offering in Isaiah
(liii. 10), though it is doubtful whether the
word there can be pressed to prove the obser-
vance of such offerings at the Temple in Isaiah's
time. The Levitical purifications and the eU-
borate cycle of feasts are not mentioned at all in
the literature before the Exile.
The question has, of course, arisen whether,
in consequence of this great divergence of prac-
tice as shown in the history and literature from
the legislation as given in the Pentateuch, it is
possible to accept the Pentateuchal legislation
as of Mosaic origin. In considering such a ques-
tion we should not leave out of sight that in
Ex. xziv. 4 it is expressly stated that Moses
wrote all the words of the Lord, meaning that
Book of the Covenant which is contained in
those chapters, and that aim in Deuteronomy
(xxxi. 9) a like statement is made concerning
the Deuteronomic code ; but no such definite
declaration is put forward concerning the legis-
lation in the Books of Leviticus and Numbers.
This seems to imply that the code of Exodus
should stand first in order, then the Deuterono-
mic laws, and after them the laws of Leviticus
and Numbers, these last as being Mosaic in the
sense that they were revealed to Moses, but not
necessarily gathered and put into form till a
period after the date of the second code. Viewed
in this order, and in the light of the history, the
threefold code admits of explanation, and the
non-observance of the larger portion becomes
intelligible. The Book of the Covenant given
at Sinai was a simple statute book, containing
what was needful for the guidance of the beads
of tribes before the people became permanently
settled in Canaan. The second code, in Deater-
onomy, was put forth for the edificatioD of
the whole people, and is designed for a state
where the entire land is occupied by Israel, and
the enemies driven utterly away: while the
legislation in Leviticus and Numbers is provided
for a state in which the people have become
thoronghly settled in their religious life, ud u
God's chosen people press forward towards a
grand ideal of devotion to His service. By these
several codes preparation was made for a regular
development of the religions life of the nation,
but that development wa* long hindered. Hoch
of the religions discipline of Israel fell into
abeyance during the forty years' sojooni in the
desert (Josh. v. 5 ; Amos v. 25) ; and when the
people entered the Holy Land, their enemies
were not driven out at once, nor did Isiul
realise a complete national life for long years to
come ; and meanwhile they were borne deva
on all sides by foreign oppressors, and often ltd
away to foreign superstitions. When the people
became united under the sovereignty of the
house of David, we discover that instead of cue
central seat for Divine worship, numerons altan
had been, from the national needs, establitlKd
in various parts of the land, in harmony witk
the primal legislation of the covenant given at
Sinai. These nnmerons shrines, often held veiy
sacred, made an advance to the Deuteronialic
stage difficult, and during the brief onion of
the whole nation it was never carried oat.
Soon the ten tribes were severed from the rest,
and the task was made more difficult itill,
though the more religious element of the natim
longed for the realisation of the higher Ideal.
The attempts at reform under Hezekiah tnl
Josiah show this, and make us able to nader-
staud how the discovery of the Denteroiximic
code in the reign of the latter king was a verit-
able new revelation to the majority of tlie
nation, though the langtiage of Huldah skem
that to her, and to those who felt with her, it
was but the bringing to light of what the im-
perfect worship of former generations had buried
in an oblivion which was never intended. The
short time between the reforms of JcciibsBil
the Captivity, largely occupied with the troiUes
of foreign invasion, made any advance impos-
sible; but when the chaatened people «ere
brought back under Ezra and Nehemiah, both
those leaders were ready to innngnrate and the
nation to accept the more complete rel^ioiu
code which is comprised in the Books of Leritiou
and Numbers, and which then for the fint
time became the rule by which the serricM of
the second Temple were carried on. !i«h
neglect and oblivion of the two fuller c«d« "
is here presumed cannot be taken to prove their
non-existence. Accepting Moses as the Prophet
of the Lord, and regarding, as Christ di<L hi>
legislation not as a product of national develop-
ment, but as a divinely inspired code, coitsiii-
ing an ideal to which the nation was to be
taught to press forward, the prophetic character
of the two later codes is just what we shooU ei-
pect, — a provision made from the outset wherebr
Israel should be trained to the doctrine of AK'O''
ment, and prepared for Him of Whom Moses
spake as a Prophet like unto himself. Moie-
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427
over, there are some portions of evidence that
point to the earlier existence of the whole
Mosaic code which deserve consideration. The
language of Denteronomy and of Leviticus and
Numbers is not that of the later kingdom, dur-
ing which modem speculation would place their
composition, nor of the time of the Chronicler ;
while the Levitical code, which never came to
be obaerred till after the Exile, refers in all its
details to a time when a life in the wilderness
and a camp was what the writer had before
him, while throughout the whole there is no
anachronism such as must have beset a composi-
tion written after the Exile, and by one without
eiperifnce of the camp life in the desert. But,
•bore all, we Bod hints, slight indeed, bnt yet
sufficient, thronghoat the whole history, that
the fuller codes were not altogether unknown,
bnt only throngh circumstances rendered im-
practicable. In the first flush of hope as they
entered the (and the people celebrated a grand
Paisorer feast, long neglected and to be long
neglected in the futnre, bnt proved by this
celebration not to have been unknown. In
the times of the Judges, the ark of the cove-
luuit and the tent of meeting are frequently
spoken of; there is a distinct priesthood at
Shilob, and the vow of the Nazarite is under-
stood by the parents of Samson, though these
things are only found appointed in the sup-
posedly later Levitical legislation. In the days
of Samuel the ark of the covenant plays a large
part in the history, though Samuel seems to
hsre neglected it ; and the Urim and Thummim,
which belong only to the fuller legislation, are
consulted by Sanl. The Temple of Solomon, as
did the Tabernacle before it, makes provision, by
the separation of the Most Holy Place, for the
obserrance of the solemnities of the great Day of
Atonement ; yet never from the time of its in-
stitation in Lev. xvi, have we any allusion to
this, the highest and most significant service of
the whole code, in any part of the historic,
prophetic, or poetic literature of the nation.
Indications like these make it impossible for us
to donbt that, thoogh well-nigh forgotten, the
codes enjoining these services were in existence
from the first, and that the Book of the I.aw
found by Rilkiah was a copy of that which
Moses wrote and delivered to the priests, the
sons of Levi (Dent. xxxi. 9). That something
anajogons to what we now call editing was
performed upon the sacred Books of the Jews
in the days of Ezra seems highly probable, but
is the case of the Law this work was bestowed
on material which bad existed from very early
times. This material may have been modified
in many parts by the varying circumstances of
the national life, but it still retained so great a
portion of the primitive record as to make the
name " Law of Moses " something more than a
fiction. To those who regard the Bible as the
channel of God's revelation and its teaching as
inspired, the acceptance of a conclusion which
would import into its records the sanction of a
deception practised for ever so good an end must
be entirely repugnant. But there seems no need
to take such a coarse. The historic develop-
ment of Israel's religion does not prove the non-
existence of the whole of the three Mosaic codes.
It only shows that the people did not for a long
while advance beyond the fi»t stage. To adopt
the theory proposed of the late origin as well as
the manner of introdnction of the Deuteronomic
legislation is to commence undermining the whole
credit of the sacred volume.
In the second section of the Hebrew Bible it
is not difficult to understand why the Books
comprised in the first half, though generally
accounted historical, should hare been placed by
the Jews where they now stand, and reckoned
among the prophetical writings. The earliest
chroniclers of whom we read in the Old Testa-
ment belonged to the prophetic order, and their
works are often alluded to by the compiler of
the Chronicles (1 Ch. xxix. 29 ; 2 Ch. ix. 29,
xii. 15, XX. 34). Before the days of Isaiah
mention is made of Samuel, Nathan, Gad.
.\hijah, Iddo, Shemaiah, and Jehu the son of
Hanani, as labourers on this work of the national
Chronicles, and the existence of such a composi-
tion (2 Ch. xxiv. 27) as the story (or commen-
tary, Heb. midraah) of the Book of the Kings is
proof that much attention had been paid to the
keeping of these records. Drawn from the
writings of these authoi's, and others unrecorded
who preceded them, the Books of Joshua, Judges,
Samuel, and Kings have a claim to the name of
prophetical Books, though they contained no
predictive element whatever. That the Books
are of this composite character may be seen from
many parts. The last few chapters of Judges
(ivii.-xii.) seem clearly to belong to a different
work than the earlier chapters, and in 1 Sam. xvi.
and xvii. we can trace, as it seems, two narra-
tives of the history of Sanl and David, The
tirat supplies the material for the account of
David's anointing and his introdnction into the
palace of Saul at the time of the king's frenzy.
The latter — which contained, it may be, a his-
tory of David's prowess— is used as the source
whence the conqnest of Goliath is taken, and,
thongh ranged after the previous history, shows
clearly that it belongs to an earlier time, for it
makes Saul and Abner alike ignorant of David's
name and parentage. The compiler has been at
no pains to disguise the double source of his
information, and this fact is good evidence that
we are presented by him with a faithful copy
of what he had before him. The Book of Joshua
is in style and character closely connected with
the Pentateuch, while Jndges, Samuel, and Kings
are probably the work of three separate com-
pilers, the last of whom must have lived after
the conquest of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar,
the second towards the close of the reign of
David, and the first perhaps among the sons
of the prophets of whom we read in the days
of Samnel. The Talmud ascribes the Book of
Judges to Samuel, and the Book of Kings to
Jeremiah. The Books of Samuel are clearly
written from another point of view than the
Kings. One proof of this is that the compiler
of Samuel mentions without disapproval the
worship at the high places, while in the Kings
we constantly find(l K. iii. 2; xiv. 23; xv. 14,
&c.) this worship represented as the great blot
on reigns in Judah marked otherwise by much
zeal for pure religion.
The collection of the writings of the " later
prophets " must have been a work of some con-
siderable time. The last three of the minor
Prophets date after the return from Babylon,
while the work of Ezekiel may have been
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brought iuto its form hj the writer himself
<Iuring his residence iu exile. The Boole of
Jeremiah, in which the order of prophecies in
the Septuagint dirtcrs considerably from their
arrangement in the Hebrew text, may have been
entrusted to Baruch, aud another copy perhaps
to some of those who went down into Egypt,
siDi the double arrangement may be accounted
for as having been carried out in two separate
jilaces, Babylon and Egypt. We may be sure
that the writings of Isaiah and the earlier
prophets were preserved in like manner by
disciples, and there is little doubt that among
the followers of " the men of Hezelcinh " there
would be many to collect and preserve this
literature previous to the national overthrow.
There is still much controversy about the in-
tegrity of Isaiah and also of Zechariah, opinion
inclining in both cases to a double authorship.
There is no question about any other Book ex-
cept that of Jonah, which has been placed in
the Canon rather as dealing with the history of
one of the Prophets, than as being the work of
the Prophet himself.
The contents of the third division of the
Hebrew Bible are very varied, and seem to show
in many ways that this part was not finally
closed at as early a period as the other two. We
have in it poetry, prophecy, history, and philo-
sophic teaching, and it is not easy to find a
principle on which, as in the two former divi-
sions, the Books are formed into one collection.
First stand the Psalms, divided into 6ve books :
viz. Bk. 1, Pss. i.-ili. ; Bk. 2, xlii.-liiii. ; Bk.
3, Ixxiii.-lixxix. ; Bk. 4, xc-cvi. ; Bk. 5, cvii.-
cl. The whole volume of the Psalms is called
in Hebrew DvilTl, " Praises," and it is by the
titles of many of the Psalms, and by the note
at the close of Psalm Ixxii. "The Prayers of
David the son of Jesse are ended," that these
{>oems are connected specially with the name of
David. It is probable that they were gathered
at two or three times. The first collection most
likely consisted of those which David wrote for
the service of the Temple, These may have
been gathered by Solomon, and perhaps form
the main part of Book 1. The next period of
Activity in provision for the music of the
Temple-worship appears to have been in the
<lays of Hezekiah, to whose scribes (Proverbs
XXV. 1) we may perhaps set down the collection
of such of David's Psalms as were not contained
in the earlier service book aud also of the
Psalms of Asaph. These, with additions, form
Books 2 and 3, and it was perhaps not before
the days of Nehemiah (2 Mace. ii. 13) that a
further collection was undertaken, and even
then the Psalm-book may have been left open to
accept further additions, if, as many suppose,
there are in it a few Psalms which suit best
with the events of Maccabean times. The
division into five Books was probably made to
match in the Psalter the five Books of the Law.
According to the titles afhied to the Psalms,
David is said to have written seventy-three, and
his singers — Asaph, Ethan, and the sons of Korah
— twenty-four. Two are ascribed to Solomon
'(viz. lixii. and cxxvii.), and one (Ps. xc.) to
" Moses the man of God." In the title of Ps.
«xxivii. the Septuagint joins Jeremiah's name
to that of David, and mentions Haggai and
Zechariah as authors of the Psalms cixxviii.
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and cxlvi.-cxlviii. About one-third of the
Psalms have no title or ascription. Sonietime:^
the titles may be accepted us genuine or as
representing very early tradition, but in some
cases they are only of late origin aud the result
of conjecture. Ho authority should be attached
to them except after they have been subjected
to strict criticism.
The poetical genius of David was sua'eedej
by a philosophic mind in his son Solomon, to
whom we owe a large pnrt of the Proverbs,
which Book stands next in the Uagiugrapha.
The word Mashal, a proverb, from which the
Hebrew name of the Book is derived, implie
primarily sententious wisdom conveyed under
the form of a comparison or simile, and then
the more general proverbial utterance, a wise
thought tersely expressed, even when there is
contained in it nothing of the nature of a
simile. The Book, though ascribed in the title
to Solomon, is made up of several parts. The
first section extends from ch. i.-ix., the neit
from x.-xxiv. 22, aud this portion is specially
marked as the " Proverbs of Solomon." The
first clause of xxiv. 23, rendered in the A. V.
"These things also belong to the wise," but
which would be better translated " Tneae aliu
are sayings of the wise," marks the commence-
ment of a short appendix (xxiv. 23-34), whick
contains words of the same character as what
precede, though not perhaps so generally attri-
buted to Solomon. From xxv. I-xxix. 27 »«
have additional proverbs ascribed to Solomon,
which were collected at a later period by *' the
men of Hezekiah." Then follow " the words of
Agur " (xxx. 1-33), though some would render
the first words of verse 15 " the proverbs of
Alukab," aud so break up the chapter into iv«
parts; and lastly "the words of king Lemael"
(xxxi. 1-31), though it may be that the alpfav
betical acrostic containing the character of th«
virtuous woman (ro. 10-31) is an independeDt
composition, the author of which is left no-
named. The brevity of these final pieces sug-
gests that when the Book was being closed tlicn
were added to the Salomonic portions such pas-
sages of the same nature as time had conse-
crated and made a permanent part of tiw
national literature.
The Book of Job has its name from the peisoi
whose history forms its subject, and whose trials
gave rise to the debate contained therein. Tke
Kabbinical tradition that Moses was the satkor
is not to be regarded, the philosophic chancUr
of the discussion pointing to an age as late as,
if not later than, that of Solomon. Bat tinfugk
the style may indicate a somewhat late date fu
the composition. Job himself may have lived in
very early times; aud the history, which the
writer of the Book h.is used for the basis of bis
discussion, may have been for a long time part
of the national store. The introductory witioo
and the conclusion are in prose. Job's Ument
and the debate with his friends in poetry ; and the
Book seems to have been written at some peiiw
of national suffering when problems conceinin;
the dealings of Providence were forced upon tie
mind, both with reference to the people at large
and to individuals.
Of the five liolls two are ascribed to Solomon,
viz. the Song of Songs and EcclesiastM, but
there has been much doubt expressed whether ia
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lh«e Books some later writers hare not adopted
the name of Solomon to give a dignity to tlieir
comiXMition, thougli never intending that tlie
reader should accept the impersonation for a
real fact. These doubts have been strengthened
br the dixussions, already alluded to, which pre-
railed among the Jews concerning the canonicity
of these Books. With regard to the Song of Songs
there has been a further discussion whether the
laagnage should be interpreted allegorically of
the lore of Christ for His Church, in which case
it it wonderful that St. Panl, who uses the figure
of the marriage bond so constantly in illustra-
tion of the nnion between the Church and her
Lord, should have made no quotation from a
Book so tilled with the same imagery; or
whether the work should be regarded literally
as a pastoral |wem, painting ia Oriental figures
the struggles and triumph of a pure affection.
It seems justifiable to allow to writers of Scrip-
tore, where there is no design of deception, the
literary privileges of which other writers avail
themselves, and that therefore we are not bound
hjr the form adopted in these two books to
accept them as Solomon's own composition.
The Book of Ruth is a connecting link be-
tween Judges and the history of David contained
in Samuel, and so is counted by the Jews along
with the former Book. The Lamentations are
probably the work of Jeremiah, as the prefatory
Terse, with which the Book is introduced in the
Septuagint, represents them to be. The Book
of Esther is one of the latest of the canonical
Scriptures, written perhaps ' in the reign of
Xeries or of his son Artaxeries Longimanus. It
is intended to account for the observance of the
teast of Porim (2 Mace. xv. 36), and explains the
canae of its institution. The absence of the
Divine name from the whole Book may perhaps
best be accounted for by regarding it as drawn
from Persian records. Of the author nothing is
known, but it is one of those Books which, deal-
ing with the history of the Exile and the Return,
were favourite subjects with the restored people,
and which were amplified in later times by
additions which appear in the Greek of the
iieptuagint Version. The like amplification has
Happened to the Book of Daniel and to Ezra
and Nehemiah's narrative, and from the same
cause.
The order in which these five rolls are placed
in our Hebrew Bibles (though not observed in
all MSS.) is the order of the yearly feasts at
which they are severally read ; Canticles being
read at the feast of the Passover, Ruth at
Pentecost, Lamentations on the 9th of Ab (the
anniversary of the destruction of the holy
Temple, and for other reasons a black day in
Jewish history), Kcclesiastes at the feast of
Tabernacles, and Esther at Purim,
The Haggadic additions to Daniel and Ezra-
Nehemioh have just been alluded to. That the
former of these was a Book which it delighted
the people so to expand with legend is probably
the reason why it is found among the Kethubim,
and not placed with Haggai, Zechariah, and
llalachi among the Prophets. The quasi-his-
torical character of much of the matter in
Daniel may be another reason for its position.
The Book of Ezra is a historic compilation from
several sources, one part (ch. ii. and iii. 1) being
identical with the seventh chapter of Nehemiah,
while other portions are perhaps drawn from
writings by Haggai and Daniel, while the four
closing chapters are made up of Ezra's own
history, and the whole was probably put into
one narrative at a somewhat later date than
Ezra's time, with the view of forming a con-
tinuation to the Books of Chronicles.
The Book of Nehemiah was always conntcd as
one with the preceding. It consists in the main
of personal narrative by Nehemi.ih concerning
those events in the restoration of the [>eople and
the rebuilding of Jerusalem in which the writer
himself took part; but the text, from vii. 6 to
lii. 47, is composed of documents which have
been inserted into the first narrative from
national records and genealogies, with a view of
giving more completeness to the history. There
is one indication that this portion must have
been allowed to be augmented by annotatoric
till a comparatively late date; for in xii. 11,
among the high priests we come upon the name
of Jnddua, who, we know, was a contemporary
of Alexander the Great. But whether only a
few names, in this place, were inserted at so late
a period, or a larger part of the inserted mate-
rials was then introduced, we are not able to
judge, though about the authority of the sources
from whence these were drawn there can be no
question, while the first six chapters and those
portions of chapter xii. where Nehemiah speaks
in the first person and the whole of the last
chapter have always been received as the genuine
work of Nehemiah.
The two Books of Chronicles, placed last in
order in the Hebrew Bible, have been assigned to
Ezra, and their composition may very well be
placed about that date. There occurs however
in one place (1 Ch. iii. 22, 24) a genealogy, that
of Zerubbabel, which is carried down to a much
later time, but this may be explained in the
same way as the occurrence of Jaddua's name
in Nehemiah. The Books were written that the
genealogies of the Levites might be known, and
so the Temple might be served by the proper
officers and in their due courses. The early
chapters of the first Book are occupied with
these registers, and the remainder is devoted to-
a history of the kingdom of the house of David,,
introduced by a brief mention of the first king,
Saul. Such a history was calculated both tn-
comfort and to warn the newly-returned people,
by showing from the past what sins had led to
the downfall of the people, and yet how, on
their repentance, God had not forsaken them,
but brought them again to Jern.<salem, in the
way set forth by the narrative of Ezra-Nehemiah.
We do not find for the Old Testament, what
exists for the New, a definite date at which the
Canon is known to have been authoritatively
closed. We are therefore compelled to go back
from post-Christian times to arrive at any con-
clusion on the subject. The first witness of
importance is Jerome, who died A.D. 420. He
has preserved for tis, in his Prologus GaUatvs, a
list of the Books acknowledged in his day by the
Jews. He says they are generally reckoned as
twenty-two, viz. five Books of Moses, eight of
the Prophets, and nine of the Hagiographa. But,.
he adds, some separate Ruth from Judges and
Lamentations from Jeremiah, and thus make the
number of the Books to be twenty-four. Je-
rome's list, it will be seen, embraces all the
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writings of the Old Testament, and it represents,
there is no doubt, a traditional canon of a much
earlier date.
Origen's list, which is preserved for us by
Eusebins (//. £. vi. 25), goes back to a time a
century and a half before Jerome. It is sub-
stantially the same as his, stating that the
Books are twenty-two in number, and combining
Ruth with Judges and Lamentations with Jere-
miah. A slip of the scribe has made the Books
enumerated to be only twenty-one, for the Book
of the twelve minor Prophets is immentioned.
But though Origen's Greek is lost, we have
RutSnus' translation of it, in which the omission
is supplied, and the list made identical with
Jerome's.
A still earlier list, made by Melito bishop of
Sardis, is also given by Eusebius (_H. E. iv. 26).
Melito lived somewhere in the latter half of the
2nd century. His list does not state how many
Books were reckoned in the Canon, but he men-
tions the five Books of Moses, Joshua, Judges,
Ruth, four Books of Kings, two of Chronicles,
the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of
Solomon, Job, Isaiah, Jeremiah, twelve minor
Prophets in one Book, Daniel, Ezekiel, Esdras.
The last named no doubt included Nehemiah,
and probably also Esther, which otherwise does
not appear. All the other Books (Jeremiah, in-
cluding Lamentations), though in a dill'erent
order, tind a place in Melito's canon.
This brings us back to Josephus, whose
enumeration has been already mentioned, and
shown to accord with our preseut list. But i
Jewish evidence goes farther than this. For in
the prologue of Kcclesiasticus we tind allusion to
a translation of these same Books made at least
a century and a half before Christ. The writer
of this prologue, Jesus the son of Sirach, speaks
of his grandfather having " much given him-
self to the reading of the Law, and the Prophets,
and other Books of our fathers," and how he
was in consequence drawn to write something
himself. This sentence points to the threefold
division of the Jewish sacred Books as known to
the writer of Kcclesiasticus. Shortly afterwards
the prologue speaks of these same writings, " the
Law itself and the Prophets and the rest of the
Books," as being translated, and says, "They
have no small difference when they are spoken
in their own hinguage." The writer to whom
we owe these remarks lived about 132 B.C. in
the reign of Ptolemy Eoergetes U., and from his
words we may almost certainly conolude that
the Septuagint Version had by his day been
brought to a completion. That Version embraces
all the Books of the Old Testament accepted
by the Christian Church. Beyond this we
cannot go.
The statements which are found in Rabbinical
writings concerning the non-acceptanoe, even in
Christian times, of such works as Ecclesiastes
and the Song of Solomon, must be taken to
mean no more than that, as in the case of the
New Testament, so with the Old, one or two Books
belonged to a class of iirriAry^/Mrcu They were
widely received, but not everywhere nor by alL
But the Greek translators counted them as of
the Canon, and supplied a version of them as
they had done of the Books universally received.
II, The New Testament, like the Old, comprises
several Books, by various writers, but the whole
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was in all probability composed within the liist
half of the Hrst century of our era. Much more
time elapsed, however, before these works were all
gathered into one collection, and stam{>ed with
authority as canonical writings. A recently
discovered work. The Teaching of the Apostlet,
shows that in the very early years of tlie 2nd
century only a small part of our present Canon
was known to that portion of the Christian
Church to which the writer of this treatise
belonged. The Canon now includes twenty-seven
separate writings, the works of eight or nine
different authors. Most of them were accepted
in some |>ortion of Christendom at a very early
period of Church history, though a few only
gained general acceptance after the lapse of some
centuries. It is in the 4th century that we first
find a list of New Testament Books containing all
the present Canon. At the Council of Laodicta
(A.D. 363) a list of Books «ras accepted " which
should be read in the Church ; " and of our pre-
sent Books only the Apocalypse was there
omitted. This Book u found included, thirty-
four years later (a.d. 397), in the list accepted
at the Council of Carthage. The Books about
which any question was raised in the Chorrh,
and which are called by Eusebius (//. £. iii .lb)
lum\ty6itn>a, are the Epistle to the Hebrews,
the Epistles of St. James and St. Jnde, the
Second Epistle of St. Peter, the Second and Thud
Epistles of St. John, and the Apocalypse.
In our English Bibles these various Books an
arranged according to their subject-matter, the
historical Books standing first, followed by the
letters of St. Paul and the other Apostles, mi
the volume is concluded by the Apocslypse,
which, being largely eschatological, seems to
claim the last place in the volume. It is, how-
ever, quite certain that letters from the Apostln
were written to the Churches which they hail
founded or in which they bad preached tb<
Gospel, some time before the need was felt for
any history of the life of Christ, or of the fooads-
tion of the Christian society. Some of St. Psiir.<
Epistles are generally accepted as the earliest u
order of time of all our Christian writug?, aid
the dates at which they were produced range
most probably from A.D. 52, when the first
letter to the Thessalonians was sent inm
Corinth, down to A.D. 67, when the SeeooJ
Epistle to Timothy was despatched from Rene
during that second imprisonment which vu
terminated by St. Paul's martyrdom. The other
Books were produced at rarious times withis
and subsequent to these dates.
Of the Gospels it is certain that St. Joka's
was written later than the other three, ai
probably almost as late as any Book in the Kev
Testament Canon. The other three Gospels,
called Sjmoptic, becatiae they treat mainly of
the same part of Christ's history, viz. His life
in and around Galilee, and so may be stwUed
together, are yet written each from a diftrent
point of view. St. Matthew writes for Jews.
and so deals with all that would carry oeit
conviction to that people that Jesoa was the
promised Messiah. St. Luke as dearly **> i
writing for the Gentile world and from the
point of view of a non-Jew ; while St. Mark is
a Jew, writing probably for some Helleaic i
Church, and brings out especially all that
bespeaks the divinity of Jesns.
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Th« Acts of the Apostles is, as its introduction
iotinutes, a continaation of the Gospel narrative,
br adding to the recital of what Jesos did and
taaght, a history of what was done and taught
by those who immediately followed Him, show-
ia; how they fulfilled His parting command
to preach first in Jerusalem and throughout
Judea, then in Samaria and Galilee, and after-
wirds to go forth to the uttermost parts of the
earth.
The letters of St. Paul, much more than
tbose which bear the names of the other Apos-
tlet, were directed to special circumstances in
the ttate of those Churches to which they were
iddrtued. Sometimes they are letters of rebuke
icr errors which were creeping into the midst
of s congregation, sometimes they are written
in answer to questions addressed to the Apostle,
sometimes they are letters of encouragement,
and of thanks to the brethren for acts of kind-
nta shown to St. Paul himself, and sometimes
more than one of these features are exhibited in
the same epistle. The Pastoral Letters (to
Timothy and Titus) contain adrice to those dis-
ciples for the government of the Churches over
which they had been placed by St. Paul himself.
The Epistle to the Hebrews, sometimes as-
signed to St Paul, is now more generally
thought to have been written' by some Chris-
tisa of Alexandria, perhaps Apollos, to whom
St. Paol's arguments and the Jewish Scriptures
were extremely familiar, and who was possessed
eta style and knowledge calculated to commend
the advance* which Christianity had made
btyoad the Jewish faith and practice, and to
coDfince men that, even though faith in Him
brought with it a great conflict of suffering,
Christ was a precious gain to those who had
laid hold on Him.
The other Epistles of the New Testament are
oflea styled Catholic, because they are addressed
to the Church of Christ at large, and not to any
special congregation. The name applies well
enough to all but the Second and Third Epistles
of St. John, one of which is written to a Chris-
tian lady and her children, the other to an indi-
Tidual Christiaiu
The Apocalypse commences with exhortations
sod warnings to the Churches then existing in
Asia, and advances in prophetic strain to picture
the trials and victories of Christ's Church
throughout all time. The date of this work,
vhich seems much more to lean on the Jewish
economy than doe* St. John's Gospel, ought
almoet certainly to be placed before the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem.
All the original autographs of the New Testa-
ment writings hare, as was very likely to be the
case, perished long ago, but many MSS. of com-
paratively early date are still in existence, some
going back to within less than a century of the
time when the Canon was settled at the Council
f'f Carthage. These MSS. are of two kinds.
The earliest in date are written in capital
letters, and have no separation between the
different words. These are called uncials, from
the character of the writing. By the 9th cen-
tury, however, a running hand, which combined
the letters of each word together, had snper-
**ded the more cumbrous early writing, and
MjS. in that hand (styled cursive) are much
more nnmeroos than the tmcials ; but, as being
made many centuries later, they have the
chance of being heirs to an abundant store of
copyists' blimders. The principal nncials known
at present are distinguished as A, B, C, D, and
M. The first is the Codex Alexandrinu* in the
British Museum, of which copies have lately been
produced in facsimile by photography. B is the
Codex Vaticanus at Rome ; C the Codex Ephraemi,
which is at Paris ; and D the Codex Bezae, in
the University Library at Cambridge. K is the
Codex Sinaiticus, discovered at a monastery on
Mount Sinai by Dr. Tischendorf, and since edited
by him. Recent scholarship has given a decided
preference to the text of B, and, next to that,
the text of K. Of ancial MSS. about a score
are known, but many of these are fragmentary
and contain only small portions of* the text. So
also are most of the cnrsives, though about
thirty, out of a total of nearly a thousand, have
the text entire.
Besides MSS. we can learn something of the
character of the earliest text from Versioiu that
have been made of it, of which the earliest
Latin, the Syriac, and those Versions in the
languages of Egypt are the most important.
Latin Versions were first made in Northern
Africa for the use of Christian congregations in
Carthage and elsewhere. There exist in whole
or part three Syriac Versions, the earliest of
which must have been made in the 2nd century ;
while the 2nd and 3rd centuries produced the
Egyptian Versions, of which the Coptic is of
the greatest antiquity. It is not possible to
arrive at certainty from Versions as to what the
original Greek text must have been, but they
are often very helpful in deciding which read-
ings may safely be rejected.
A third aid to the study of the text is found
in the quotations made from it in the writings
of the early Fathers. But this source of help is
not so valuable as it might be judged to be,
because the earlier authors were not so much
concerned about verbal accuracy in their quota-
tions, as to give the drift of the passage on which
they were dwelling. Hence they appear often
to have quoted from memory, the same writer
giving on different occasions slightly varying
readings of the same text.
Yet by means of these helps to criticism it is
well-nigh certain in every passage what the
original text of the New Testament was. There
is probably not more than one word in a thou-
sand about which any serious doubt can remain
as to what the true reading must have been.
On the Old Testament the student may refer
with advantage to some of the earlier Emieit-
wigen — as Eichhom (GSttingen, 1823-24); De
Wette (Berlin, 1844) ; Havernick (Eriangen,
1836); Hengstenberg (Berlin, 1831-39): and
concerning more recent investigations, to the
writings of Prof. Kuenen of Leyden, and of Dr. J.
Wellhauseu of Marburg, a condensed sketch of
whose opinioils are given in his article Israel^ in
the tenth edition of the Encyc. Brit. ; and to
the works of Dr. W. Robertson Smith, T^« Old
Testament in the Jewish Church, and The
Prophets of Israel.
For the New Testament the Prolegomena of
Mill (Oxford, 1707) and of Wetstein (Amsterdam,
1730) are still valuable. Further information
will be found in the Introduction to the New
Testament, by Dr. Salmon. [J. R. L.]
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BICHBI
The preceding article is intended to give only
a general view of the subject. It must be
supplemented hr the articles Cakon, Old Testa-
ment, New Testament, Septuagint, Vul-
OATE, Versions (Ancient), and by the special
articles on the separate Books of the Bible.
[Edd.]
BICHUI C"!??; BA. Boxopei; Sichri and
Jiochri ; first-born, Sim. ; youthful, Gcsen., Fnrst ;
but perhaps rather son of Becker), ancestor of
Sheba (2 Sam. ii. 1 ff.). [Beciier.] [A. C. H.]
BID'KAE (^p^^, Ces. [Treg. and MV."] =
npTja [cp. 1 K. iv. 9, R. v.], a piercer, but
this abbreviation of )3 into 3 is questioned by
Olshausen, Lehrb. d. Neb. Sprache, p. 613 ;
B. BaSfKd, B'A. = -Kap, B"°«. Ba\«nif> ; Joseph.
BaiiKpos; Badacer'), Jehu's "captain" (C'p^;
Joseph. % Tqf rphris fiolpas irff/uly, Ant. ix. 6,
§ 3), originally his fellow-officer (2 K. ix. 25) ;
who completed the sentence on Jehoram son of
Ahab, by casting his body into the field of
Naboth after Jehu had transfixed him with an
arrow. [W.A.W.] [F.]
BIER. [Burial.]
BIG'THA (Kl^^?, of uncertain meaning, see
Oettli [Strack u. ZBckler's Kgf. Komm. in loco].
Ges. connects it, Bigthan, and Abagtha with a
Pers. root signifying " fortunate." MV." and
Bertheau-Ryssel = Ood-given ; bapail ; Baga-
tlui), one of the seven " chamberlains " (D*p'lip.
eunuchs) of the harem of Ahasuerus (Esth. i.
10). [F. W. F.]
BIGTHAN and BIGTHA-NA (jn??, Esth.
ii. 21, and K}1||JI3, vi. 2 ; Bagathan, the same as
Abagtha in i. 10), an eunuch (chamberlain,
A. V.) in the court of Ahasuerus, one of the
seven " who kept the door " (marg. " threshold,"
apxKffMro^iKaKts, LXX.), and who conspired
with Teresh, one of his coadjutors, against the
king's life. The conspiracy was detected by
Mordecai, and the eunuchs hung, i.e. crucified,
or impaled (Herod, iii. 120; Thuc. i. 110, &c.).
Prideaux (Con. i. 363) supposes that these officers
had been partially superseded by the degrada-
tion of Vashti and the elevation of MorJecai,
and sought revenge by the murder of Ahasuerus.
The 8ugj;estion falls in with that of the Chaldec
Vs., and of the LXX., which in Esth. ii. 21 in-
terpolates the words iXvrliBrinr ol Sio fiyovxot
ToS ficuriXtas . . . 2ti wpo^lx6r| Mopioxatos. The
name is omitted by the LXX., on both occasions.
Bigthan is probably derived from the Persian
and Sanskrit Bayadata, " a gift of fortune "
(Oesen.-Treg. after Bohlen, s. v. See Biotha).
Aliasuerus (if Xerxes he intended by this name)
afterwards fell a victim to the conspiracy of an
eunuch (Ctesias, Pers. 29 ; Arist. folit. v. 10 ;
Uiod. Sic. xi. 69). [F. W. F.]
BIG'VAI (MJ9, probably from the Pers.,
happy. Cp. the name Baycuos [Her. iii. 128] ;
Beguai, Begoaf).
1. " Children of Bigvai," 2056 (Neh. 2007)
in number, returned from the Captivity with
Zerubbabcl (Ezra ii. 14 fB. Baoyd, A^'. Bayovi] ;
BILGAH
Neh. vii. 19 [K. Bayoti, A. Bayovtl, B. Barati]),
and 72 of them at a later date with Ezra (Ezra
viii. 14 [B. Bayoov0(, A. TafiDvatCQ. [Bagoi;
Baoo.]
2. Apparently one of the chiefs of Zemb-
babcl's expedition (Ezra ii. 2 [A. Bayoad, B.
Baravo-Q ; Neh. vii. 7 [BM. Bttroci, A. Bcyona/]),
and who afterwards signed the covenant (Neh.
X. 16 [B. Boyoffi, KA. Bayo«0). [F. W. F.] [F.]
BIL'DAD (T3^3 = Bel hath lottd [cp.
Eldadl Niildeka,' ZDifG. 1888, p. 479;
BaXiiS ; Baldad), the second of Job's three
friends. He is called the " Shuhite " QrWffny
which implies both his family and nation.
Shuah w:is the name of a son of Abraham ani
Keturah, and of an Arabian tribe sprung (nm
him, when he had been sent eastward by hi<
father. Gesen. ( s. r. ) supposes it to be " tiir
same as the 2<unta/a of Ptolemy (v. 15) t<>
the east of Batanea," and therefore to the east
of the land of Cz [.Shuaii: Fried. Delitisdi
{ZKF. ii. 91, &c.) identities this with Sikho oa
the Euphrates, south of Carchemish]. Tie
LXX., strangely enough, renders it i rir
Savxii"' Tvpanos, appearing to intend a di>-
tinction between him and the other friend^
whom in the same verse it calls /Sovi^eu (Job
ii. 11).
Bildad takes a share in each of the three «•-
troversies with Job (viii. xviii. xxv.). He folloir>
in the train of Eliphaz, but with more violent
declamation, less argument, and keener iav«c-
tive. He relies much on proverbial wisdosi
(viii. 11-18; xviii. 4-20), and represents tk«
orthodox sage ; whereas Eliphaz is more of tiie
prophet and Zophar of the formalist (see Cox
on Job). Bildad's address is abmpt and na-
tender, and in his very first speech he cmdW
attributes the death of Job's children to tbdr
own transgressions; and loudly calls on Job to
repent of his supposed crimes. His second >[«m1
(ch. xviii.) merely recapitulates his former i«r-
tions of the temporal calamities of the wicked ; <t.
this occasion he implies, without expressing, Joi>'»
wickedness, and does not condescend to eihort
him to repentance. In the third speech (ch. xicA
unable to refute the sufferer's arguments, bi
takes refuge in irrelevant dogmatism on &•!'<
glory and man's nothingness, which is pracli-
cally an admission of defeat : in reply to which
Job justly reproves him both for deficiency in
argument and failure in charitable forbearaocr.
Cp. Ewald, Das Buck /job ; Bradley, TU B<t>i
of Job, on chs. viii., xviii., xxv. [F. W. F.]
BIL'EAM (D1^3; A. 'WAod^ B. om.;
Baalum), a town in the western half of tif
tribe of Manasseh, named only in 1 Ch. vl 70.
as being given (with its "suburbs'^ t* ^'
Kohathites. In the lists in Josh. xvii. II aid
xxi. 24 this name does not appear, bat Iblesv
(LXX. om.) is probably, by an easy chsap oi
letters, the same place [Ibleam]. [G.] [W']
BIL'GAH (riJ^3, Ges. = cA«r/u/«<»; A-
Bf\yi, B. 'ZtLiiip- Belga). \. A priest in tit
time of David ; the head of the fifteenth conrw
for the Temple-service (1 Ch. xxiv. 14).
2, A priest who returned from Biibylon with
Zerubbabel and Joshua (Neh. liL 5 [K*'"'"'
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BILGAI
B*l.)^,, om. BA.], 18 [N«--«i»' BaXyis, BK*A.
<'D. ; BetgaeT) ; probably the same who, under
Uw ilighUy altered name Biloai, sealed the
covenant (Xeh. x. 8 [B. BeXo'cut, tt. BiKaii,
A. BtKyml; Beigm]). [W. A. W.] [F.]
BIL'GAI Ciba), Neh. i. 8 ; probably the
■me u BiLOAB, 2.
BIL'HAH (p^hz, perhaps timple} Ba\Xji;
CM). 1. Handmaid of Rachel (Gen. xxlx. 29^
iD<l concabiue of Jacob, to whom she bore
I>an and Naphtali (Gen. xxx. 3-8, xxxr. 25,
ilri 25; 1 Ch. Tii. 13). Her stepson Reaben
aftenrards lay with her (Gen. xxxr. 22), which
(Dtailed a corse npon Reuben (Geo. xlix. 4).
2. A town of the Simeonites (1 Ch. ir. 29 ;
^.'KiAKi, A BoAiut; Bata); also called Baalah
lad Balah. [Baai, p. 308, No. 2, &.]
[W.A.W.] [F.]
BIL'HAN (\rp^ ; Balacm, Balan ; the same
root s> Bilhah, Gen. xxx. 3, &c.). The final ) is
eridently a Horite termination, as in Zaavan,
Akan, Dishan, Aran, Lotan, Alran, Hemdan,
Esliban, &C. : and may be compared with the
Etnucan ena, Greek a(v)i, ur, &c. It is fre-
()iunt is the Tema-inscriptions (cp. Studia Bib-
KoBpSSJ], p. 214.— S. R. D.).
1. A riorite chief, son of Ezer, son of Seir,
dwelling in Mount Seir, in the land of Edom
(GflL iiiri. 27 [A. BoAoiir, i)'"E. -o;»]; 1 Ch.
i. 42 [B. BoXad^ A. -(v]).
8. A Benjaroite, son of Jediael (1 Ch. vii. 10
[BA. BoXo^]). It does not appear clearly from
which of the sons of Benjamin Jediael was
d«<cended, as he is not mentioned in Gen. xlri.
■1, or Knm. xxri. But as he was the father of
Kbnd (c. 10), and Ehud seems, from 1 Ch. riii.
3, S, to hare been a son of Bela, Jediael, and
mnaeqaently Bilhan, were probably Belaites.
The occnrrence of Bilhnn as well as Bela in the
iribe of Benjamin, names both imported IVom
tdom, is remarkable. [A. C. H.] [F.]
BIL'SHAN (JB^3, if =16*^1, then do-
<pmi, bnt see BiDKAR ; Beban), one of Zernb-
hsb«I'i companions on his expedition from Baby-
lon (Ezra ii. 2 [B. Bairipiii, A. BaXa<r<ir] ; Neh.
Tii. 7 [B. Tia\<rir, K. Bairipip, A. Bowrib']). [F.]
BIM'HAL(Srip3, if = ^rip-|3,then circum-
<>«d, bat see BiOKAR ; B. 'Iiuifia1)\, A. Ba^^X ;
Chamaal), one of the sons of Japlilet in the
line of Asher (1 Ch. Tii. 33). [W. A. W.]
BIN'JBA (KV33 ; Banaa), the son of Moza;
««« of the descendants of Saul (1 Ch. viii. 37
[B. tori, A. BawxT); ix. 43 [BM. Baofii, A.
B«<!). [W. A. W.]
BIN'NUI 0«3=a buiUing, perhaps with
reference to the formation of a family [cp. Gen.
lu. 3, R. V. marg.], a name frequent after the
^■le. 1. A Lerite, father of Noadiah, in Ezra's
time (Ezra viii. 33 ; B. 'E^orraui, A. vO>s Bayati;
Bniui).
8. One of the sons of Pahath-moab, who had
*^tD a foreign wife (Ezra x. 30 ; BK. Bvotnl,
A Bwovi ; Bennxu). [BalsOUS.]
3. Another Israelite, of the sons of Bani, who
had also Uken a foreign wife (Ezra i. 38 ; BKA.
i—tU; Btnnui).
BIBLE DICT. — VOL. I.
BIBDS
433
4. Altered from Bani in the corresponding
list in Ezra (Neh. vii. 15 [BKA. Bamvi;
Bcmfou]).
5. A Levite, son of Henadad, who asiuted at
the reparation of the wall of Jerusalem, under
Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 24 [BttA. Bml; Bmnui];
X. 9 [BA. BaraiOii, M**. 'A0atmai; Bennui]).
Possibly the same as the Levite Binnni in xii. 8
[^A.Bafovl; Bennui}. [W. A. W.] [F.]
BIBDS (tilr. -Abv. d»». tijs ^?3; •Op/>,
txippor, 'ayit, ba'al-chanaph ; t4 Trreivtl, t4
Jfprca roS lApanov, tpns, ipviSutr ; voiucris, an's).
H\D, from the root tllT, 'oopA, "to fly," the same
as the Arabic i_j\fi; 'aph, is frequently used of
birds in general ; and it is not pretended by any
that it denotes any particular species. '^IBV*
which occurs upwards of forty times in the 0. T.,
equivalent to the Arabic SuO, sc/or, "tu
whistle," is everywhere translated "bird" or
" fowl " except in two passages where it is given
as "sparrow," a rendering more accurately
expressive of its real meaning. The Hebrews,
like the modern Orientals, seem to have been
singularly unobservant of the distinctions of
the vast number of species of passerine birds.
With the exception of a few very striking and
conspicuous species, as the swallows, swift, and
starling, they were all included as tzippor^
" sparrows ; " just as the Arabs and Syrians speak
of them all as aftnoP, 'as/i<r, i.e. " sparrow,"
yet when the distinctions are pointed out,
recognise them at once as a kind of 'as/ur.
The word may be taken, with the consent of all
the critics, as the common name of all small
perching birds, though especially applied to the
sparrow. Bochart, while explaining the word
as including all passerine birds, adduces and
discusses at some length nine passages, where
with more or less reason the sparrow is specifi-
cally intended ; but it is unnecessary to enter
upon these. The Greeks used arpovitw with
exactly the same indefiniteness and latitude.
[See Sparbow, under which the small birds are
more fully treated of.]
0% 'ayit, is translated "bird" by the A. V.
in Jer. xii. 9, by R. V. " bird of prey ; " else-
where " fowls," always denoting birds of prey,
from the root O^^, " to rush on the prey."
In each passage where it occurs, some familiar
characteristic of raptorial birds is referred to,
but nothing which points to any particular
species. "When the fowls (_'ayit) came down
upon the carcases, Abram drove them away "
(Gen. XV. 11). "There is a path which no fowl
i'ayit) knoweth, and which the vulture's eye
hath not seen " (Job xxviii. 7). In the fanner
passage, the habit of the various species of
eagles and vultures congregating over a carcase
is referred to, in the second the wonderful
power of distant vision. Raptorial birds do not
detect their prey by scent, but by vision. No
blast which falls in the night, although it be
close to a griffin's roosting-place, where the birds
are often astir, is attacked till morning, save by
the jackals and hyaenas; but if it be during the
day, although there may not be a vulture in
the sky which the human eye can detect,
I within a few minutes a speck will appear
2 F
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BIBDS
overhead, and a vulture will wheel and circle
in rapid downward flight, fallowed in rapid
sncceuion from all quarters by a motley crowd
of carrion feeders, kites, buzzards, eagles, crows :
" Wherever the carcase is, there will the eagles
be gathered together."
The track of a wounded deer or gazelle can
be descried by the vulture from a height where
it cannot itself be detected by any human eyes.
In Is. zviii. 6, " The fowls shall summer upon
them," we have another well-known habit of
birds of prey alluded to. The Ethiopian enemies
of Israel are to be stripped like a vine, of foliage,
sprigs, and branches — only a bare stem is to be
left, and on this the buzzard shall perch. No
large raptorial bird will settle on a green tree
if a dead stump or bare pole is in the neighbour-
hood, a fact which is often taken advantage of
by fowlen in setting their snares for these
birds. ,
V(f^ 7V3, ba'cJ ch&naph, i.e. possessor of
tnngs, is used in Prov. i. 17, and is a poetical ex-
pression denoting generally all birds (cp. Eccles.
J. 20 Heb.)
In the summary of the history of Creation in
Genesis, birds are described as having been
created on the fiflh day, from the waters,
immediately after sea-monsters, reptiles, and
fishes, and before the beasts of the earth
(Mammalia), which preceded man on the sixth
day.
The recently exhumed Assyrian tablets of the
Creation are unfortunately deficient, so far as
has yet been ascertained, in that portion which
relates to the work of the fifth day as recorded
in Genesis. Bat the seventh tablet in the series
discovered by the late G. Smith at Kouyunjik,
though only a fragment, records the creation of
"cattle of the field, beasts of the field, and
creeping things of the field," exactly in the same
order as in Genesis, and also refers to the
previous creation of "the strong monsters"
(G. Smith, Chaidaean Account of Genesis,
p. 76).
The reference in the tablet to the satisfaction
which a former creation, apparently that of sea-
monsters or whales, had given the Creator, is
parallel to Gen. i. 23 ; and if the missing tablet
be ever discovered, there is reason to expect
that we shall find the creation of birds in the
same order as given in Genesis. Cp. Sayce,
Religion of the ancient Babylonians, p. 388, &c ;
Records of the Pott, N. S. i. 129.
As a matter of fact, this order of bird creation
is in exact accord with the geological record.
The earliest undoubted appearance of birds in
our fossil remains is in the Oolitic deposits,
where at Solenhofen, in Bavaria, the fossilised
remains of a bird, known as Archaeopleryx, were
discovered in 1861. Some supposed footprints
of birds had been found in the triassic formation
in the valley of the Connecticut in 1835 ; but
moat palaeontologists are now agreed in referring
them to gigantic reptiles and not to birds.
Thus the first appearance of a bird is exactly
where it is plsoMl in the Mosaic record, im-
mediately following the great reptilian epoch.
The Archaeopteryx has many curious reptilian
peculiarities, especially the long lizard-like tail
of twenty vertebrae, from each of which springs
a pair of well-developed rectrices or tail feathers.
The unique specimen is now in the British
BIRDS
Museum. More remains of birds — some of thtm
resembling or allied to Penguins, Cormoraiti,
Divers, Ruls, and Waders — have been found ia
the Cretaceous or Chalk deposits; and still
more in the Eocene, some of which retiin the
reptilian character and have their jaws or beaks
armed with true teeth. Still more numerous
are the birds of the Meiocene deposits, and they
are still more closely allied to our ezistiag
forms ; no less than forty-four existing geoen
being represented in the lacustrine deposita of
Auvergne, iu the neighbourhood of Mentt, in
the freshwater formations of Berne and ProTtue,
in Greece, the Himalayas, and Korth Ameiics.
After this the Pleioccne and Postpleiocene forms
rapidly become closely allied to living tpedet;
with which in the cave deposits and kitchen
middens they are for the most part ideiticaL
It is interesting to observe that in the Oceanic
islands, such as the Mauritius and the other
Mascarene Islands, and in Xew Zealand, vhlch
mammalia had scarcely reached when tint dis-
covered by man, the highest forms of life mte
birds, many of them incapable of flight, sad «f
gigantic size, side by side with gigantic toitoiies
and reptiles. To these places the prodoctt of
the sixth day's creation had not reached.
The birds of Palestine are exceptiooslir
numerous and varied for so small a region, 'Mi
species having been already recorded from tbst
country. Omithologically, Palestine belong to
what is termed by naturalists " the Palae-srctic
region," i.e. Europe ; Africa north of the Sslun,
but not Egypt; Asia Minor, Syria, Persis,ud
all Asia north of the Himalayas and Korth
China. But of this region Palestine is alnost
an outlying province, impinging as it does oo
Egypt, which belongs to the Ethiopian regies oa
one side, and on the Indian region on snoth«r.
In winter, the bird population of Palettiw »
chiefly composed of hordes of European mignno
of all orders and families, which seek nfii^
there. When spring retuma, these begin for the
most part to troop northwards, and the intin
or truly indigenous birds take their plsco>
largely reinforced by summer migrants fiwn the
south. Still the seaboard and the isteiior,
until the western limits of the Jordan v«ll«»a»
reached, are purely Palae-arctic in their chanet*.
But the depressed valley of the Ghor, or Jonfea
and Dead Sea, which is sunk 1300 fset beloi
the level of the Mediterranean, seems to he si
outlier of the Ethiopian region, containing «!*"
a sprinkling of Indian forms ; the Soobini.
Bush-babbler, Smyrna Kingfisher, Bulbul, uJ
others being the most remarkable species. TV
.Southern and Eastern desert regions |)re«nt, t<
their chief ornithological characteristie, tif
types of the African deserts. In the whole «
the country, as might be expected from "*
character of its coast and the scardtr (I
marshes, sea-birds and water-fowl are com[«»-
tively scarce ; but probably in no country «
the world are diurnal birds of prey iW*
numerous in individuals or more vsried ■•
species. This explains the exceptional nnml*''
of Hebrew names of birds of prey, which «i»
preserved to us in Leviticus and DeuteroBomj-
Game birds are few, both in numbers and 'I*°*
while of passerine birds, especially warblen, Ik
nnmbers far exceed those of Southern Englsw-
The most abundant of all families of H""!
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BIBSHA
thoDgh the ipecies are few, are the Pigeons and
Do™. [H. B. T.]
BIE'SHA (BB''13,Ges.[Treg.a»dMV."],if
= ICn*]3, vicktd one, but see Bidkas, and
agtinst the interpretation Dillmann' and
Delitisch [1887] in loco ; Bc^fftE ; Bersa), king
of Gomorrah at the time of the invasion of
Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2). [F.]
BBTH. [Childben.]
BIBTHDAY8 (ri ytpiauk Matt. liv. 6).
Properly rh ytri$Kia is a birthday feast (and
lience in the early writers the day of a martyr's
commemoiatioa), bot rii ytpdirta seems (accord-
iog to Schleniner, Meyer, Bleek, &c.) to be used
is this MOW in later and Hellenistic Greek, for
is Herod, hr. 26 it means a day in honour of the
deed. It is, howerer, possible that in Matt. xiv.
I) tie feast to commemorate Herod's acaesnon is
intended (Grotius ; Wieseler, Seitr. p. 182 ; Haus-
ntb; Volkmax, &c-)t for we know that snch
fauts were common (especially in Herod's
family, Joseph. Ant. zr. 11, § 6, irii. 8, § 4;
Bloat's Coincidencet, Append, vii.), and were
cslled "the day of the king" (Hoa. rii. 5).
The Gemarists distinguish expressly between
U'O^ Sr N'D13*3, ytyivia regni, and the
■TITn OV or birthday {Avodah Zarah, i. 3, ed.
Stnck ; Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. ad Hatt. xiv. 6).
On the other hand, Josephns(.^n<. xii. 4, § 7) and
Philo(c Flacc.) nse ytviam for a birthday feast,
ifid Josephos uses rinipa rvs ipXTi* ^"'^ *^ anni-
rcTMiy of accession (_Ant. xr. 1 1, § 6X so that
the question mnst be regarded as an open one
(ue ^)eake/s Oomm. in loco ; Edersheim'a Life
ad linet of Jaa* the Meetiah, i. 672).
The custom of obaeirlng birthdays is very
mdent (Gen. xl. 20 ; Jer. xx. 15); and in Job i.
4, ib, we read that Job's sons " feasted every
one his day." In Persia they were celebrated
with peculiar honours and banquets, for the
details of which see Herod, i. 138. And in
£g7pt " the birthdays of the kings were cele-
brated with great pomp. They were looked
upon u holy : mo business was done upon them,
•od all classes indulged in the festivitie* suit-
able to the occasion. Every Egyptian attached
much importance to the day, and even to the
hoar of his birth " (Wilkinson, Am. Egypt, i.
281 [1878]). Probably in consequence of the
ceremonies usual in their celebration, the Jews
regarded their obaervance as an idolatrous custom
(Lightfoot, /. c> [F. W. F.]
BIBTHBIGHT (iTltoa; t4 TpvrmiKia).
We must distinguish this from the " blessing "
eiercised by Isaac and Jacob in turn, in favour
of a selected son or sons, analogous to a testa-
mentary dispoaition; whereas the analogy of
birthright ia rather with entail. The blessing,
ht the instances which we have of it, includes
spiritual privilege; whereas the birthright
seems limited to property. Tet the blessing,
being of a mixed character, limits or overrides
primogeniture in the case of Reuben, and of
Manasseh who was adopted with, but postponed
to, Ephraim by Jacob. The distinctive mention
of first-bom sons in each generation meets us
in the earliest genealogies ; even in that of the
BIRTHRIGHT
435
outcast Cain we have, down to Lamech, a line
apparently of first-bom sons (Gen. iv. 17 sq.).
Afterwards an even more distinctive formula is
found with considerable uniformity: "A. lived
so many years and begat B., and A. lived after
he begat B. so many years and begat sons and
daughters." The first deviation occurs in the
generations from Noah, but the same formula is
resumed in tradng the line of Terah's descent
from Shem through Arphaxad, whom Sheni
" begat after the flood," and who seems preferred
to the elder brothers. Distinctive mention of
first-born sons appears in Gen. xxii. 21, xxv. IS,
ixxT. 23, xxxvi. 15; Num. xxvi. 5, &c. The
advantages accruing to the eldest son were not
definitely fixed in patriarchal times. The theory-
that he was the priest of the family rests on no
scriptural statement, and the Rabbis appear
divided on the question (see Hettinger's Hote on
Gooduin's Mosea and Aaron, i. 1 ; Ugol. iii. 53).
Great respect was paid to him in the household ;
and, as the family widened into a tribe, this
grew into a sustained authority, undefined save
by custom, in all matters of common interest.
umt the " princes " of the congregation had
probably rights of primogeniture (Num. vii. 2 ;
xxi. 18 ; xxv. 14). A " double portion " of the
paternal property was under certain circum-
stances allotted to the firstborn by the Mosiiie
Law (Deut. xxi. 15-17), nor could the caprice of
the father then deprive him of it. This probably
means twice as much as any other son enjoyed.
Of similar character, in earlier days, was the
exceptional inheritance of Joseph, his sons
reckoning with his brethren, and becoming
heads of tribes (Gen. xlviii. Cp. Riehm, HWB.
s. n. " Erbrecht "). This seems to explain the
request of Elishn for a "double portion" of
Elijah's spirit (2 K. ii. 9; so most commen-
tators). The sin of Onan (Gen. xxxviii. 9) is
clearly the result of a wish to maintain the
birthright in his own line instead of in that
of his deceased elder brother. And we may
account for the tenacity with which Tamar
clung to her domestic and conjugal rights
by the same consideration, although, being a
Canaanitess, she takes a heathenish mode of
maintaining them (t6. 13 sq. : see Kurtz, Oesch.
dee A. Btmdee, § 86). Reuben, through his
unfilial conduct, was deprived of the birthright
(Gen. xlix. 4; 1 Ch. v. 1). We see, however,
from Gen. xxxvii. 21, 29, 30, that in earlier
days he had some kind of position distinct
and apart from his brethren, and that he
felt some responsibility for the younger sons as
especially pertaining to him (t>. 30; cp. xlii. 37).
It is likely that some remembrance of this lost
pre-eminence stirred the Renbenite leaders of
Korah's rebellion (Num. xvi. 1, 2 ; xxvi. 5-9).
Esau's act, transferring his right to Jacob, was
allowed to be valid (Gen. xxv. 33). The firsl-
bora of the king was his successor by law* (2 Ch.
xxi. 3) ; David, however, by Divine appointment,
excluded Adonijah in favour of Solomon, which
deviation from rule was indicated by the anoint-
ing (Goodwin, op. at. 4, with Hettinger's notes).
■> In an article In the Bibliotheea Sacra (Ohio, U.S.>
Jannaiy 1888, an opinion is urged, with much support
of chroDologlcal coincidences, that the succession to the
Jewish ttirone lay hi the son flrat bom after the father
had reached twenty-one years of age.
2 F 2
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BIBZAVITH
The Jews attached a sacred import to the title
(see Schattgen, Hor. Hebr. i. 922) : thus " Israel
is ... My firstboru " (Ex. t. 22); and thus " Hrst-
bom " and " iirst-begotten " seem applied to
the Messiah (Rom. viii. 29; Heb. i. 6). See
First-born, Heir. Keil, BiU. Archaol. ii. iii. 1.
I, § 142, has some remarks of interest. [H. H.]
BiB'ZAviTH (nina, Xeri n?na; b.
BiiialS, A. B<p^ai^ ; Barsaith), a name occurring
in the genealogies of Asher (1 Ch. vii. 31),
and possibly, from the mode of its mention,
the name of a place (cp. the similar expression,
" father of Bethlehem," " father of Tekoa," &c
in chs. ii. and ir.). The reading of the Am
may be interpreted " well of oliTes." No trace
of it is found elsewhere. [W. A. W.]
BISH'LAM (D^3, if = D^Crt|. peaceful
[but see Bidkar] ; Seselam), apparently an
officer or commissioner {mrraairoiJLivos, 1 Eid.
ii. 16) of Artaxerxes in Palestine at the time
of the return of Zerubbabel from Captivity
(Ezra ir. 7). The LXX. translates it iv clp^i^,
m peace (see margin of A. V.) ; so also the Syriac
and Arabic Versions ; but this has nothing to
recommend it. [W. A. W.]
BISHOP (twlaKmos). This word, applied
in the N. T. to the officers of the Church who
were charged with certain functions of superin-
tendence, had been in use before as a title of
office. The inspectors or commissioners sent by
Athens to her subject-states were MaKomtn
(Aristoph. ^ces, 1022), and their office, like that
uf the Spartan Harmosts, authorized them to
interfere in all the political arrangements of the
states to which they were sent. (Hher instances
of the use of the term are the following. It is
" the designation of the inspectors whose busi-
ness it wa.s to report to the Indian kings
(Arrian, Ind. xii. 5); of the commissioners ap-
pointed by Mithridates to settle affairs in
Ephesus (Appian, Mithr. 48); of magistrates
who regulated the sale of provisions under the
Komans (Charisius in the Dig. 1. 4, 18); and of
certain officers in Rhodes whose functions are
unknown" (Ross, Inscr. Graec. Ined, fasc iii.
Nos. 275, 276. Cp. Lightfoot, Philipp. p. 93).
Fresh instances from inscriptions are given by
Hatch, Bampton Lectures, pp. 37, 38 (cp. C.
<3ore. The Church and the Ministry, p. 403) ; and
the word is used once by Cicero, ad Attic, vii.
II. To the Hellenistic Jews the title was
familiar from its use in the LXX,, where it
appears in the following passages : — Job xx. 29
6s); 3 Ch. xxxiv. 12, 17, of Josiah's over-
seers Oi3?0) i I*- !*• 17> enactors (t^jj);
Numb, iv.' 16, office (iT^jiB); 2 K. xi. 18
(n'^pB), officers over the Ikouse of the Lord ;
V. 15, officers of the host. So Numb. xixi.
14 (D^^^B); Judg. ix. 28, Zebul his officer
(Ti?B) ; Nehem. xi. 9, 14, 22, overseer
(n^pB). In Wisd. i. 6 it is used of God, as
the true beholder of the heart ; and in 1 Mace. i.
51, of the overseers whom Antiochus appointed
over all the people (so Joseph. Ant. xii. 5, § 4).
In the N. T. the word is only found in five
places. Once (1 Pet. ii. 25) it is applied to our
hari, the " Shepherd and Bishop of your souls ;"
BISHOP
and four times to officers of the CJirittiat
Church, at Ephesus (Acts xi. 28 ; 1 Tim. iii. 2),
Philippi (Philip, i. 1), and Crete fTitusi.?).
That the " bishops " thus spoken of are identical
with " presbyters " is scarcely disputed by sny
who accept the Pastoral Epistles as gennioe.*
The following facts, among others, may be
taken as establishing it beyond controversy: —
1. hlaKowti and wpfajHrtpm are novheR
named together as being orders distiact frem
each other.
2. iwlvKowoi and tiJutorat are nam«d appa-
rently as an exhaustive division of the local
officers of the Churches addroaed by St. Paul u
an Apostle (Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. 1, 8).
3. The same persons are described by both
names (Acts ix. 17, 28 ; 'Htns i. 5, 7; cp. 1
Pet. V. 1, 2, ■wptafioTtpot . , . irmmmrn, if
thia lost word, omitted in BM., be genuine).
4. wptfffitrtpoi discharge filnctions which are
essentially " epbcopal," •.«. involving pastoral
superintendence (1 Tim. v. 17 ; 1 Pet v. 1, iy
See further, Lightfoot, PhUipp. p. 94.
The age which fallowed that of the Apostles
witnessed a gradual change in the appUcatioi
of the words. 'In the Epistle of Clement of
Rome (ctroa 96 a.d.) the two words Msmn
and TptafiuTtpos are still dealt with as later-
changeable (ad Cor. I. xlii., xliv., Ivii.), and io
the AiSaxh Tur SiiiKa i.roor6XMy the term
MtrKOTOi and tiJucorot are joined together
(c. XV.) exactly as they are by St. Paul. Bot
by the time of Ignatius (a.d. 1 10) the ** Bishop "
is recognised as distinct from,- and superior to,
the presbyters. See Polyc §§ 5, 6 ; Eph. $ 2,tc.
Assuming as prov»l the identity of t)ie
" Bishops " and " elders " of the N. T., we hate
to inquire into (I.) the origin of the title
and the relation which existed between then ;
(II.) the functions and mode uf appointment of
the men to whom both titles were applied;
(III.) their relations to the general govenment
and discipline of the Church.
I. There can be no donbt that rpurpirffti
had the priority in order of time. Whether the
existence of a body bearing that name i^ im-
plied in the use of the correlative at rtirtfK
(cp. Luke xxii. 26 ; 1 Pet. t. 5) in the namtin
of Ananias may be doubtful (see Acts v. t, ai
obs. ncarltTKOi in c. 10); but there can b* »
question that the order itself is recognised as an
already existing fact in Judaea in Acts li. 30.
Presbyters take part in the deliberations of tlie
Church at Jerusalem in Acts xv., and are
appointed " in every city " among the Gentile
Churches planted by St. Paul and St Banabss on
their first missionary journey (Acts xir. Si)
Of the origin of the order St. Luke says nothii|.
but his silence is best explained by the (appo-
sition that, as the expansion of the Chorck
rendered organization necessary, the organia-
tion would be that of the Jews (cp. Jat.
ii. 2, where irvva7ar)r)| is used of a Christiaa
assembly), and thus as a matter of evorse a
• Ilamack malut&ins that the orderB were orifioallT
distinct ; but then he refuses to accept the anUwrity cf
the Pastonl Epistles, and distinctlj sap that " as"*
who admits the genuineness of the Pastoral ^xtlles «tll
reach quite different cooclosloQa from one who reginls
them as non-Panllne. and relegates them to the seocoil
century." See Expositor, 3nl Series, v. SSI.
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BISHOP
body of elders or presbyters (cp. Luke vii. 3,
tpirPirifoi = 0*}pX) would be chosen for
Jiscipliuary purposes, and to watch orer the
nell-being of the society. It is more ditiicult
to explain the origin of the title irivKowot.
The earliest occurrence of it is in the
address of St. Paul to the Epbesian elders at
.Miletus (Acts xi. 28); and there it is rather
<lefrriptire of functions than given as a title.
[Still earlier, iwirKmrfi, '* bishopric," occurs in a
ijootation from Ps. cix. in St Peter's speech in
icti i. 20.] The earliest Kpistle in which the
word is formally used as equivalent to rptir-
^tpoi (except on the improbable hypothesis
that 1 Timothy belongs to the period fallowing
oa St. Paul's departure (Vom kphesns in Acts
II. 1) is that to the Philippians, as late as the
time of the Apostle's 6rst Roman imprisonment.
It is used again only in the Pastoral Epistles ;
Old thus, as far as the N. T. is concerned, is
limited to Oentile Churches. With regard to
the Kurce of the title two views are passible.
(I) It may have been suggested by the ose of
tbe term in the LXX. ; and, remembering the
earliest use of the kindred ^rKTKOir^, there
appean to be much probability in this view. If
the office was thus designated, it was only
Dstunil that the holder of the ofBce should be
termed twiaitowos. (2) It may, however, have
been selected because of its use m contemporary
Gmtile societies, where it was ])Ossibly used of
officers, in the general sense of " overseers "
(<T. Hitch, B. L. p. 37, with Gore, Church and
Hinitiri), p. 409). But it would be a serious
^rror to infer that, because this term was chosen
lor Church officers, therefore they were " in rela-
tion t« the Christian communities what the senate
ns in relation to a municipality, and what the
'^mmittee was in reference to an association."
The Chnrch, as the translators of the LXX.
before her, m framing her religions vocabulary
seeras designedly to have selected terms which
were not profaned by religious or rathei; idola-
trous associations, but which had been used in
civil and political senses (cp. Trench's Synonyms
of the S. r, p. 122). Just as <«(tXi)<r(a and
Mttmifriia were transferred from civil to re-
ligions uses, so it may have been with MirKinros.
The nae of the terin in 1 Pet. ii. 25 as applied
to the "Shepherd and Bishop of souls" is of
itself sufficient to prevent us from pressing the
srgument from the identity of titles ; and if it
vns selected as the name of office in the Gentile
Churches, it may well have been because there
VS.S a life in the organization of the Church
higher than that of the synagogue, and func-
tiotts of pastoral superintendence devolving on
the elders of the Christian congregation which
were naknown to other periods. "The instances
of its use collected at the beginning of this
srticle show to how great an extent it was a
neutral word. This of itself was an advantage.
It had the further merit of being to some ex-
tent descriptive as well as titular j a nomen
offim as well as a nomen ditjnHati». It was
frofaned by no idolatrous associations. It
could be asaociated, as wptafiirtpot could not
be, with the thought of the highest pastoral
tuperintendence — of Christ Himself as the woifiiiy
««1 MffKOWOS.
U. Of the order in which the first elders
were appointed, as of the occasion which led to
BISHOP
437
the institution of the office, we hare no record.
Arguing from the analogy of the seven in Acts
vi. 5, 6, it might have seemed probable that
the choice (iKKoyh) would be made by the
members of the Church collectively,- and the
appointment {KordaToait : cp. Acts ri. 3, ots
KarrturThauit*$>) by the Apostles; the act of
ordination being accompanied with prayer and
imposition of hands. But within the limits of
the N. T. (with which alone this article is con-
cerned) It cannot be said that there is evidence
of anything like popular election of the elders.
Those ordained "In every Church " by St. Paul
and St. Barnabas on their Hrst missiouary journey
evidently received their appointment from those
Apostles (x«porai^(ravrcs 8i airois wptff-
fivrifovi). Titus is left in Crete that he may
appoint {KoToiTTtiirfs, Titus i. 5) elders in every
city, nothing being said of their election ; while
the directions given to Timothy in 1 Tim. iii.
1-13 (and perhaps v. 22) imply that the ap-
pointment rested with him. In the case of
Timothy himself the Tptafiurifioy, probably the
body of the elders at Lystra, had taken part
with the Apostle in the net of ordination, but
there is a significant dilference in the pre-
positions used in the two passages in which St.
Paul speaks of this. The " gift " (x<V>«rM<i) was
in Timothy through (Si<i) the laying on of the
A])ostle's hands (2 Tim. i, 6), with (jwtH) the
laying on of the hands of the presbytery (1 Tim,
iv. 14). ** Laying on of hands " is alluded to in
several other passages of the N. T., and was
clearly the outward sign of the communication
of all xupi'MOTB) including " gifts of healing "
as well as more definitely spiritual gifts (see
Acts viii. 18 ; ix. 12, 17 ; xiii. 3 ; zii. 6 ; zxviii.
8 ; lleb. ri. 2). It is doubtful whether in
1 Tim. v. 22 the reference is to ordination (so
Van Oosterzee, after most of the older inter-
preters), or to the restoration of penitents
(Kllicott), or whether it is purposely left indefi-
nite so as to include all the various occasions on
which the rite was used (Huther). There is,
however, no doubt that from the first the two
essentials of " prayer " and " laying on of
hands " were required in the ordination of all
Chnrch officers alike.
The conditions to be observed in the selection
of iwtaianroi are stated in the Pastoral Epistles
(1 Tim. iii. 1-7 ; Titus i. 5-9). They are: blame-
less life and reputation among " those that are
without " ns well as within the Church, fitness
for the work of teaching, the wide kindliness of
temper which shows itiielf in hospitality, the being
" the husband of one wife." Some doubt has been
felt with regard to the meaning of this expr&<u
sion, and three different interpretations have been
proposed of what the Apostle forbids. (1) Si-
multaneous polygamy (this, however, seems to
l>e excluded by the parallel requirement in the
case of a widow, inhs iySphs ywli, cp. v, 9).
(2) Successive polygamy (so Ellicott, and the
majority of commentators). (3) Any unfaith-
fulness to the marriage vow, whether by keep-
ing a concubine, or by other laxity of life
(so Hnther; cp. the Dictionary of Christian
Amtiqwtiet, ii. 1097). Further, the man who
is chosen must have shown powers of govern-
ment in his own household as well as in self-
control, nor must he be a recent, and therefore
an untried, convert. When appointed, the
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BISHOP
BISHOP
duties of the Bishop-elders were as follows : —
1. Oaneral superintendence over the well4>ein<j of
the flock (1 Pet. r. 2). According to the aspects
which this fuuction presented, those on whom it
ileTolred were culled roi/iiyis (Eph. iv. 11),
■rpotar&rts (1 Tim. v. 17), rpolrri/ifyoi (Rom.
xii. 8 ; 1 Thess. r. 12), and 7iyovn4i>ot (Heb. xiii.
7, 17, 24). Its exercise called for the x^"'!"^
Ku0tpr4ia(us (1 Cor. xii. 28). A refereace to
these passages will be suiScient to show that so
far as the N. T. is concerned there is no evi-
dence whatever that the office was institnted
primarily for a financial purpose. It is on
behalf of the souls that the rulers watch as they
that shall give account. They are over the
Hock "in the Lord." It is thus the whole
spiritual oversight of the flock that is contem-
plated. Corporal works of mercy wonld not be
forgotten, but neither would they be the main
business of the Maxoitoi. 2. The murk of
teaching both publicly and pritately. " Though
ijovemment was probably the first conception of
the office, yet the work of teadting must have
lallen to the presbyters from the very first, and
have assumed greater prominence as time went
on. With the growth of the Church, the visits
of the Apostles and Evangelists to any individual
community must have become less and less fre-
quent, so that the burden of instruction would
be gradually transferred from these missionary
preachers to the local officci's of the congrega-
tion. Hence St, Paul in two passages, where he
gives directions relating to Bishops or presbyters,
insists specially on the faculty of teaching as a
ijualification for the position (1 Tim. iii. 2 ;
Titos i. 9). Yet even here this work seems to
be regarded rather as incidental to, than as
inherent in, the office. In the one Epistle he
directs that double honour shall be paid to
those presbyters who have ruled well, but
especially to such as ' labour in word and doc-
trine' (1 Tim. V. 17), as though one holding
this office might decline the woric of instruction.
In the other, he closes the list of qualifications
with the requirement that the Bishop (or
presbyter) hold fast the faithful word in accord-
ance with the apostolic teaching * that he may
be able both to exhort in the healthy doctrine
and to confute gainsayers,' alleging as a reason
the pernicious activity and growing numbers of
the false teachers. Nevertheless there is no
ground for supposing that the work of teaching
and the work of governing pertained to separate
members of the presbyteral college. As each
had his special gilt, so would he devote himself
more or less exclusively to the one ur the
other of these sacred functions " (Lightfoot on
PhUipp, p. 192). 3. The vork of visiting the
sick appears in Jas. v. 14 as assigned to the
elders of the Church. There indeed it is con-
nected with the practice of anointing as a means
of healing, but this office of Christian sympathy
would not, we may believe, be confined to the
exercise of the extrsiordinary xoplirimra lafuxTur,
and it is probably to such "visitation of the
sick " that we arc to refer the irrtAa^0(ii/«raai
T«r iurStvoipTuy of Acts xx. 35, and the
iLTTiK'tr^ta of 1 Cor. xii. 28. 4. Among these
acts of charity that of receiving strangers occu-
pied a conspicuous place (1 Tim. iii. 2 ; Tit. i.
8). The Bishop-elder's house was to be the
house of the Christi.nn who arrived in a strange
I city, and found himself without a friend. 5, Of
1 the part taken by them iu the liturgical ntet-
inga of the Church we have no distinct evidence.
i Keasonlng from the language of 1 Cor. x. xii.,
' and from the practices of the post-apostolic age,
we may Iwlieve that they would preside at such
meetings, and that it wonld belong to them to
bless and to giro thanks when the Church met
to break bread.
The mode in which these officeis of the
Church were supported or remunerated varied
probably in different cities. At Sliletus St.
Paul exhorts the elders of the Church to follow
his example and work for their own UveliiiMxl
(AcU XI. 34). In 1 Cor. ix. 14, and Gal. vi. 6,
he asserts the right of the ministers of the
Church to be supported by it. In 1 Tim. v. 17
he gives a special application of the prindple
in the assignment of a double allowance (rinii
certainly includes " recompense," cp. Aas xxviiL
10; and see Ellicott and Huther in loco) to
those who have been conspicuous for their
activity. .
Collectively at Jerusalem, and probably in
other Churches,, the body of Bishop-elders took
pai-t in deliberations (Acts xv. 6-22, xxL 18J.
addressed other Churches (xv. 23, where, how-
ever, the true reading is ol i-TirrofMi ical W
rpta&UTtpoi iiiK^i), and were joined with the
Apostles in the work of ordaining by the layini;
on of hands (1 Tim. iv. 14 compared with J
Tim. i. 6). But the office of ordaining otfaen is
never entrusted to Bishop-elders by themsdve^.
There is not a word about it in St. Paal's
address to the Ephesian elders at Miletus; and
from the fact that the Apostle sent Timothy ss
his delegate and representative to the aliadr
organized Church of Ephesus, it may fairly he
argued that the Mvkowoi of the K. T. had not
ordinarily this power committed to them. It'
the presbyters were self-sufficient for their own
government or their ovra propagation, it is di£-
cult if not impossible to understand why
Timothy should have been sent to Ephesns to
exercise these functions, and thus set aside ami
override their authority (cp. Bp. Charles Woni»-
worth's Semarks on Dr. LigUfoofs &ia), f-
36). It lay in the necessities of any organixtd
society that such a body of men should be sub-
ject to a power higher than their own, whether
vested in one chosen by themselves or deriviif
his authority from some external source; siii
we find accordingly that it belonged to the
delegate of an Apostle, and a fortiori to the
Apostle himself, to receive aocosations against
them, to hear evidence, to admonish wher<
there was hope of amendment, to depose when
this proved unavailing (1 Tim. r. 1, 19; Titas
iii. 10).
III. It is clear from what has been said thst
episcopal functions in the modem sense of the
woi-ds, as implying a special superinteodeacf
over the ministers of the Chnrch with powen of
ordaining others, belonged only to the Apoetleii.
and to those whom they invested with their
authority. The name of Apostle was not, how-
ever, limited to the twelve. It was claimed bv
St. Paul for himself (1 Cor. ii. 1) ; it is used b'v
him of others (2 Cor. riii. 23 ; Philip, ii. 85,
and perhaps Rom. xvi, 7 : see, however. Dr.
Giflbrd's note in the ^leaker's Commenlary ia
loco). It is clear that a process of change molt
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BITHIAH
nave b«en at work between the date of the
luteit of the Pastoral Eputles aod the letters of
Igoatins, leading not so much to an altered
organization as to a modification of the original
temunologf, and a localization of the higher
office. The name of Apostle is looked on in the
latter as belonging to the past, a title of honour
which their successors could not claim. [It is,
however, still found in the AiSaxh '■'»<' SattKa
awoariytcv, but apparently as the title of itine-
rant rather than permanently localized ministers
(c li.).] That of Bishop rises in its sigalgcance
and takes the place left vacant. The dangers
by which the Church was threatened made the
exercise of the authority which was thus trans-
mitted more necessary. The permanent super-
intendence of the Bishop over a given district,
as contrasted with the less settled rule of the
travelling apostle, would tend to its develop-
ment. According to one view which has much
in its EaTour, the Kevelation of St. John presents
jMmethiDg like an intermediate stage in this
process. The Angels uf the Seven Churches are
partly addressed as their representatives, partly
as individuals ruling them (see Rev. ii. 2, iii. 2-
4). The name may belong to the special sym-
bolism of the Apocalypse, or have been intro-
duced like Tp*<r0iTtpot from the syiuigogue, and
we have no reason for believing it ever to have
been in current use as part of the terminology
of the Church. But the functions assigned to
the Angela are those of the earlier apostolate, of
the later episcopate (cp. Trench on the EpisUca
to tKe Seven C/iurchea of Asia, p. 53, and Arch-
deacon het in the Speaker's Conunentary, in loco :
but against this view see Lightfoot on PhUipp.
p. IdT). The abuse of the old title of the high-
est ofi^ by pretenders, as in Rev. ii. 2, may
hav^e led to a reaction against its being used at
all except for those to whom it belonged kot'
Hoxh*- In this, or in some similar way, the
cmstitation of the Church assumed its later
form ; tha Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons of
the Ignatian Epistles took the place of the
Apostles, Bishops or elders, and Deacons of the
New Testament. The full history of the change,
however, belongs rather to the subject of the
antiquities of the early Church than to the pro-
Tince of Biblical exegesis. For fuller informa-
tion on this point, and for the later history of
the word, see Bishop in the Diet, of Christ.
Antuj. ; Th* Expoiitor, 3rd Series, vols. t. and
Ti. ; and Gore, The Church and the Ministry.
[E.H. P.] [E.C. S. G.]
BITHIAH (njn? l=n\ na, OUhausen,
Lehrb. d. HA. Sprache, p. 611], aorshipper, lit.
dau^tter, of Jehoeah; B. TeAid, A. BsMid;
BetMa), an Egyptian princess, " the daughter of
Pharaoh," a wife of Mered, a man of the tribe
«f Jodsh, mentioned in an obscure passage in
the genealogies of that tribe (1 Ch. iv. 17-19).
Hered appears to have been a descendant of Caleb
the son of Jephunneh, and to have lived in the
early days of the occupation of Canaan, as four
of his SODS are spoken of as founders of towns.
The passage in which he is mentioned may be
traBslated thus : " And the sons of Czrah [were]
Jetber, and Mered, and Epher, and Jalon : and
*he bare Miriam, and Shammai, and Ishbah the
■fitther of Eshtemoa. And his wife the Jewess
fB. v.] bare Jered the father of Gedor, and
BITHYNIA
439
Heber the father of Soco, and Jekuthiel the
father of Zanoah. And these are the sons of
Bithiah the daughter of Pharaoh, which Mered
took. And the sons of his wife Hodiah [R. V.
"the wife of Hodiah"! the sister of Naham,
[R. V. " were "] the lather of Keilah, whose
inhabitants are Garmites, and of Eshtemoa,
whose inhabitants are Maachathites " (1 Ch. iv.
17-19). The probable order would be to
transpose " And these are the sons of Bithiah,"
&C., so as to precede " and she bare : " or else the
full stop can be omitted at the close of c. 18,
" which Mered took " (see Jehcduah for the
rendering and possible transpositions).
From the mention of the Jewish wife, it is
clear that Bithiah was an Egyptian : Pharaoh is
therefore the regal title [Piiabaob], not a
proper name. We have thus a glimpse of
the relations of the Hebrews and Egypt. The
peaceable intermarriage of a Pharaoh's daughter
with even a powerful Hebrew chief is out of the
question. We must rather suppose Bithiah to
have been carried captive in a foray. Now it
was precisely in the early period of the occupation
that Egypt was the prey of foreign Shemite
conquest. On the fall of the 19th dynasty, a
time of anarchy ensued, and the Syrian
"Arisu" ruled the country, which was ap-
parently broken up into several principalities.
At such a time an Egyptian princess might easily
have been taken captive. If Bithiah were the
mother of Miriam, the LXX., however, making
Miriam child of Jether, there would be a double
confirmation of the view here taken, in the use
of an Egyptian name, for long afterwards dis-
used, and the Egyptian non-Semitic precedence
of the daughter.
The name Bithiah implies conversion, although
Semitic names were prevalent in Egypt at this
time, like ISata-'anta, " daughter of (the goddess)
Anath," a daughter of Ramses II. of the' 19th
dynasty. [PuTiEL.] [R. S. P.]
BITH'BON (more accurately "the Bithron,"
)hiri3n, the broken or divided place, from *in3i
to cut up, Ges. ; SXtiv t^v irapaT((*'ov<rai' ; omnts
Bethhoron), a place — from the form of the ex-
pression, " all the Bithron," doubtless a district
— in the Arabah or Jordan valley, on the east
side of the river (2 Sam. ii. 29). The spot at
which Abner's party crossed the Jordan not
being specified, we cannot fix the position ol
the Bithron, which lay between that ford and
Mahanaim. As far as we know, the whole of the
country in the Gh6r on the other side of the
river is of the broken and intersected character
indicated by the derivation of the name. If the
renderings of the Vnlg. and Aqnila are correct,
they must of course intend another Bethhoron
than the well-known one ; perhaps Litias
(Fiirst). Bethharam, the conjecture of Tbenins,
is not probable. Maundeville (£. T. p. 180)
says that the Jordan " separates the land of
Galilee, and the land of Idumea, and the land
of Betroo." Dr. Robinson suggests, doubtfully
{Phys. Geog. pp. 63, 79), that Wady 'Ajlin, north
oftheJabbok, may be Bithron. [G.] [W.]
BITHY'NIA (B/Si/i-Jo; Bithynia). This
province of Asia Minor, though illustrious in the
earlier parts of post-apostolic history, through
Pliny's letters and the Council of Nicaea, has
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440
BITHYNIA
BITTEB HERBS
little connexion with the hiitory of the
Apoitles thenuelrea. It it only mentioned in
Acts XTi. 7 and in 1 Pet. i. 1. From the
tormer of these passages it appears that St.
Panl, when on his progress from Iconium to
Troas, in the course of his second missionary
journey, made an attempt to enter Bitbynia,
Imt was prerented, either by providential
hindrances or by direct Divine intimations.
Krom the latter it is evident that, when St.
Peter wrote his First Epistle, there were
Christians (probably of Jewish or proselyte
origin) in some of the towns of this province, as
well as in " Pontns, Oalatia, Cappadocia, and
Asia."
Bithynia, considered as a Roman province,
was on the south-west contiguous to Asia. On
the east its limits underwent great modificationB.
The province was originally inherited by the
Homan republic (b.C. 74) a* a legacy from
Nicomedes III., the last of an independent line
of ninnarchs one of whom had invited into Asia
Gate or NicM*. lb, a>i ItsI of Bllbrnl*.
Minor those Gauls who gave the name of
Oalatia to the central district of the peninsula.
On the death of Mithridates, king of Pontus,
B.C. 63, the western part of the Pontic kingdom
was added to the province of Bithynia, which
again received further accessions on this side
under Augustus, a.d. 7. Thus the province is
sometimes called " Pontus and Bithynia " in in-
scriptions ; and the language of Pliny's letters
is similar. The province of Pontus was not
constituted till the reign of Nero [Pontds]. It
is observable that in Acts ii. 9 Pontus is iu the
enumeration and not Bithynia, and that in
1 Pet. i. 1 both are mentioned. See Marquardt's
continuation of Becker's Rom. Alterthiimer, III.
i. p. 146. For a descripUon of the country,
which is mountainous, well-wooded, and fertile,
see Hamilton's Bcsearches in Asia Minor, and
cp. Ainsworth in the Roy. Geog. Jour. vol. ii.
The course of the river Rhyndacus is a marked
feature on the south - western frontier of
Bithynia, and the snowy range of the Mysian
Olympus 00 the south-west (see Diet. »f Gr. ami
Rom. Geaj., art. Bithtnia). [J. S. H.] [W.]
BITTEB HERBS (DWtP, nur&im; «•
/cptSer; lactuaie agretUi). The Hebrew ward
occurs in Ex. xii. 8 ; Num. ix. 11; and Ltoi. iii.
1.^: in the latter passage it is said, " He haiit
tilled me with bitterness, he bath nisde mr
drunken [R. V. " sated "] with wormwooi"
The two other paasages refer to the observuxe
of the Passover : the Israelites were comnuoded
to eat the Paschal lamb "with unleavened brtaJ
and with bitter herbs."
There can be little doubt that the term
merdrim is general and includes the various
edible kinds of bitter plants, whether cultivstol
or wild, which the Israelites could with facility
obtain in sutficient abundance to supply thai
numbers either in Egypt, where the lint
Passover was eaten, or in the deserts cf the
Peninsula of Sinai, or in Palestine. The Mitkaa
[Posachim, c 2, § 6) enumerates fire kinds of
bitter herb* — duuirttk,
'uiihin, thamcak, dur-
chabma, and tmuv —
which it waa lawful to
eat either green or
dried. There it gmS
difficulty in identifvia;
the plants which tbcie
words respectively de-
note, but lettuce, en-
dive, chicory, and b»-
gloss are among the 6rF.
The reader may see the
subject discussed br
Bochart (//irrot. i. 691,
ed. Roseniniiller), by
Carpzovius (ApparA.
Hist. Crit. p. 402), sad
by Knobel-Dillmaiui' OS
Exod. xii. 8. Accotd-
ing to the testimoar of
Komk&l, in Kiebn'hr'i
Preface to the Dtttrif-
ti<mdeVAr<Jbie{f.x\n\
the modem jews ff
Arabia and Egypt rat
lettuce, or, if this is
not at hand, bufloti*
The Greek woid ni^i
with the Paschal lamb.
is identified by Sprengel (Uttt. Jlei /ierb. L lOS)
with the ITelminthia [rather, Picrit] EMoHa
(Linn.), Bristly Helminthia (Ox-tongueX >
plant belonging to the chicory group. Helni*-
thia is merely a modem subdivision of the gnu
Picria of Linnaeus.
Abenezra in Celsius {Himb. ii. 227) remark!
that, according to the observations of a certaia
learned Spaniard, the ancient Egyptians alwan
need to place different kimli of herbs Bpoo the
table, with mustard, and that they dipped
morsels of bread into this talad. That the Jen
derived this custom of eating herbs with tkor
meat from the Egyptians is extremely probaUt,
for it is easy to see how, on the one hand, the
bitter-herb salad should remind the Jews of
the bitterness of their bondage (Kx- ■• I^X *"'■
.AS\ (o^ (liuan ettUr\ which Focskil
(rior.J!mpf- P' ■x'i-) identUeswUb JSorvgttficimaiii.
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^:.^-i— I
BIITEBX
BITTERN
4n
OB th« oth«r baud, hovr it should aUtf bring to
tb«ir remembrance their merciful deliverance
I'ram it. It i> curious to obserVe in connexion
vith the renurkt of Abenezra, the custom — for
such it appears to have been— of dipping a morsel
of bread into tfte dish (rh rpiPAMr) which
l^rerailed in oar Lord's time (Matt. xzvi. 23;
Mq liii. 26. See notes in Speaker's Comm.).
May not ri rpi/jSAior be the salad dish of bitter
herbs, and ri i^fuor, the morsel of bread of
xbich Abenezra speaks ? '
The mtrvrim may well be understood to
denote varioDS sorts of bitter plants, such
ptiticularljr as belong to the Cruoiferae, as some
vf the bitter cresses, or to the chicory group of
the Compositae, the hawk weeds, and sow-thistles.
iai wild lettuces which grow abundantly in the
I'enioiala of Sioai, in Palestine, and in Egypt.
There are not many of these two great families
•4 plants vhich are not eaten as salads by the
Utientak The artichoke is eaten raw, as are
the hearts of all the other larger wild thistles.
JIuy of the cresses, the stocks {Matthiola), and
Uecampane (Inula), are used aa salads by the
.Knhs (Decaisne, t'lorula Smaica in Atmal. de$
.ximoa Xatur. 1834; StrMid, Flor. Pataeit.
.No. 440, ic.). [W. H.] [H. B.T.]
BITTEBX OBp> kipp&l; ixu>os, w\tKii>,
Aq.; iciicns, Theod. in Zeph. ii. 14; ertciits).
The Hebrew word has been the subject of
nrious interpretations, the old Versions gene-
rally lanctioniug the "hedgehog" or "porcu-
pine ; " in which rendering they have been fol-
lowed by Bochart (I/ieroz. ii. 454), Shaw (Trav.
i. 321, gro ed.), Lowth (Isaiah liv. 23), the R.V.,
ud others. The grounds for this rendering
tre doe to the similarity between the Hebrew
word and the Arabic name of the porcupine and
hedgehog f ,yB'^ «, kunfud); but on an examination
of the passages where the name occurs, it will be
seen at once that this rendering is inadmissible.
The word occurs in Is. xiv. 23, where of Babylon
the Lord says, " I will make it a possession fur
liie b).;<y and pools of water ; " — in Is. xxxiv.
II, of the land of Idumea it is said, "The Itaatli
ud the kippud shall possess it ; " and again in
Zeph. it 14, " I will make Kineveh a desolation
and dry like a wilderness ; flocks shall lie down
in the midst of her ; . . . both the kuath and the
iipftU shall lodge in the chapiters [R.V.] thereof;
tVi'r voice shall sing in the windows," The
l"nner passage would seem to point to some
nolitade-loving aquatic bird, which might well
he represented by the bittern, as the A. V. has
it; but the passage in Zephaniah which speaks
<'f Nineveh being made " dry like a wilderness,"
does not at Brat sight appear to be so strictly
suited to this rendering. Gesenius, Lee, Park-
hurst, Winer, MV.", all give "hedgehog" or
^ Our custom of eating salad mixtures Is in all pro-
t«yiity derived from the Jews. " Why do we pour
crer our lettuoea a mixture of oil, vinegar, and mustard i
The practice began In Judaea, where, in order to render
Palaut4e the bitter herbs eaten with the paschal lamb,
t vsf usual, says Moses Kotslnses, to sprinkle over
th*m a thick sauce called Karoeeth, which was com.
p(Wd of the oil drawn from dates or from pressed ralpin*
kernels, of vinegar and mnatard " (sec " Extract from
(>» I\ittfolla of a Man of Letters," Monthly Magatint,
I'lO, p. 14»).
"porcupine" as the representative of the
Hebrew word ; but neither of these two animals
ever lodges on the chapiters of columns, nor
is it their nature to frequent pools of water.
Not less unhappy is the reading of the Arabic
Version, el-hotixura, a species of bustard — the
Houbara wuhUata (see lbi», i. 284), which is a
dweller in dry open plains. We are inclined to
believe that the A. V. is correct, and that the
bittern is the bird denoted by the original word ;
aa to the objection alluded to above that this
bird is a lover of marshes and pools, and would
not therefore be found in a locality which is
" dry like a wilderness," a little reflection will
convince the reader that the diflicnity is more
apparent than real. Nineveh might be made
" dry like a wildemesa," but the bittern would
rind an abode in the Tigris which flows through
the plain of Mesopotamia; as to the bittern
perching on the chapiters of mined columns,
there is no difficulty in the expression, for the
columns would be prostrate, and lying in n
llulHUlUB BU-tlMrLi.
thick tangle of nettles and rushes, where the
bittern would, according to its observed habit,
conceal itself during the day, standing motion-
less on a stem or tuft. There are many reedy
marshes by the Tigris near Nineveh. In these,
when the city was desolate, the bittern would
take np its abode, and its loud booming would
be heard by night among the ruins. Asa matter
of fact the bittern is very plentiful throughout
the swamps, both of the Tigris and the Euphrates,
as well as in all the marshes of Syria ; and its
strange booming note, which we have often
heard disturbing the stillness of the night, gives
a sense of desolation, only surpassed by the
wail of the hyaena. In all countries where it is
found, the peasants have a superstitious dread
of its unearthly boom, and the bird itself is »
somewhat mysterious, peculiar creature, rarely
seen by day, and, when found, looking exactly
like a stump of withered rushes, standing per-
fectly erect, with its long beak pointing directly
upwards.
The Bittern, Botaunu stellaria, was formerly
familiar in the fen districts of England, but now
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442
BITUMEN
0DI7 an occasioDiiI straggler is ever found, for
drainage and cultivation hare banished it. It
has a most extensive range, being found in the
whole of Europe, Africa, and Asia. Two other
species are known, both closeljr resembling it:
one in America, the other in Australasia and New
Zealand. It belongs to the heron family,
Ardeidae; but, unlike its congeners, it is not
gregarious, eschewing the society of even its
own species. [H. B. T.J
BITUMEN. [Slime.]
BIZJO'TH^AH (njrii'?3; BA. al K&fuu
avT&y, i.e. iTn^33, whict is no doubt right,
HoUenberg [CAar. d. Alex. Uebers. d, B. Josua,
p. 14], Dillmanu and Driver; see Keh. xi. 2;
Baziothia; R. V. BUiothiah), a town in the
south of Judah named with Beebsheba and
Baalah (Josh. XV. 28). No mention or ideuti-
tication of it is found elsewhere. [G.] [W.]
BIZ'THA (MnrS; BaCiv, A. BaC«i; Baza-
thd), the second of the seven eunuchs of king
Ahasuerus' harem (Esth. i. 10). The name is
Persian, possibly «*■■ ', beste, a word referring
to his condition as a eunuch (Ges., MV." Cp.
Bertheau-Ryssel in loco). [F.]
BLACK. [COLOCBS.]
BLAINS (nVaf 3K ; ^Kvmiiti [Ex. ii. 9],
itya^iowai tv r* rdis IwSpirois Kal iy rots
Ttrpiwoat; also PPIE', pustula ardeai), violent
ulcerous inflammations (from J??3, "to boil
up "). Blains were the sixth plague of Egypt,
and are called in Deut. xxviii. 27, 35, "the
botch of Egypt" (DHVP P'!'?'; cp. Job ii. 7,
VTi pnK'). The disease intended seems to have
been the ^wpii iypta or black leprosy, a fearful
kind of elephantiasis (cp. Plin. iivi. 5). It
must have come with dreadful intensity on the
magicians whose art it baffled, and whose
scrupulous cleanliness (Herod, ii. 36) it rendered
nugatory : so that they were unable to stand in
the presence of Moses because of the boils.
Other names for purulent and leprous erup-
tions are n^b' TIHS (Morphea alba), nri95
(Morphea nigra), and the more harmless scab,
nnspp, Lev. xiii. passim (Jabn, Arch. BiM.
S 189). [F. W. F.]
BLASPHEMY (rtVW. D'M^I; 0\a,r<tn,-
fUa), in its technical English sense, signifies the
speaking evil of God (nj D^ 3j5J), and in thU
sense it is found in Ps. lixiv. 18, Is. lii. 5, Rom. ii.
24, &c. But according to itsderivation (0\Jatria
^f-h quasi SAo^i^.) it may mean any species of
calumny and abuse (or even an unlucky word,
Eurip. Ian, 1187): see 1 K. xxi. 10; Acts xviii.
6 ; Jude 9, &c. Hence in the LXX. it is used
to render ^Ta, Job ii. 5; V\'^i, 2 K. xix. 6;
tyym, 2 K. xii. 4, and i\fj, Hos. vii. 16, so that
it means "reproach," "derision," &c. : and it
has even a wider use, as 2 Sam. xii. 14, where
it means " to despise Judaism," and 1 Mace. ii.
6, where J3\a(r^^ta=idolatry. In Ecclus. iii. 18
we have &t $)Jur^iios i iyKara\nti>y warip*,
BLASTU8
where it is equivalent to Ktnipaiuyos (Schkos-
ner, ITtesatir. s. v.).
Blasphemy was punished with stoning, which
was inflicted on the son of Shelomith (L«r. xxiv.
11. Cp. also 1 K. xxi. 13). On this cfasrge
both our Lord (Matt. xivi. 65) and St. Stephen
(Acts vi. 11, vii. 57, &c) were condenmnl to
death by the Jews. From Lev. xxiv. 16,
wrongly understood, arose the singular super-
stition about never even pronotmciag the amt
of Jehovah. Ex. xxii. 28, "Thon shalt not
revile the gods, nor curse the ruler of thv
people," is by many not referred to blasphemv
in the strict sense, since " Elohim " is there cstj
of magistrates, &c. ; but the majority of mojeni
commentators prefer with R. V. to render "tbou
shalt not revile God," &c (see ^xaier's Conm.
in loco ; QPB.* note on Exod; xxi. 6), andrishtlr
understand the passage as a protest agiiisl
blasphemy.
The Jews, misapplying Ex. xxiu. 13. "Mikt
no mention of the name of other gods," seenud
to think themselves bound to give nicknima t»
the heathen deities ; hence their use of Bosbetb
for Baal, Bethaven for Bethel, BeeUebul fcr
Beelzebub (Hos. iv. 5, &c.). It is not strang« thit
this "contnmelia numinum" (Plin. xiii 9),
joined to their zealous proselytism, made them
so deeply unpopular among the nations of as-
tiquity (Winer, s. v. GotteSatterung). When a
person heard blasphemy he laid his hand on tiie
head of the offender, to symbolise bis sole rsspes-
sibility for the guilt, and, rising on his feet, tore
his robe, which might never again be meaiitd.
On the mystical reasons for these obserriaees,
see Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. ad Matt. xxvi. 65.
It only remains to speak of " the blaspbemr
against the Holy Ghost," which has been i>
fruitful a theme for speculation and controvcnr
(Matt. xii. 32 ; Mark iii. 28). It consisted ia
attributing to the power of Satan those xa-
questionable miracles which Jesus perfons:<i
by " the finger of God," and the power of tfe
Holy Spirit ; nor have we any safe ground for
extending it to include all sorts of rSlmg (i-
distinguished from wilful) ofiences, besides tim
one limited and special sin. The exprastim
"it shall not be forgiven him, neither in ths
world," &c., is a direct application of a linh
phrase. According to the Jewish school notices,
" a quo blasphematur nomen Dei, ei non rslrt
poenitentia ad suspendendam jndicinm, nee dif
expiatiouis ad expiandum, nee plagae ad *d-
stergendum, sed omnes suspendant judidom, <t
mors ahstergit." Our Lord used the phnse t"
imply that " blasphemy against the Holy Ghost
shall not be forgiven ; neither before death, nc
by means of death " (Lightfoot, Hor. Bkr. it
loco; Hamburger, RE. s. v. LSaiaitngy .\s
there are no tenable grounds for MentiMst
this blasphemy with "the sin onto death,"
1 John V. 16, we shall not here enter into the
very difficult inquiries to which that expreaaoi
leads.
For other uses of the word in the K. T. see
Matt. ix. 3, XV. 19; Acts xxvi. 11 ; Eph. iv. 31 ;
CoL iii. 8; 1 Tim. i. 13, vi. 4; 2 Pet. iu 11.
See Suicer, TAcs. s. v. ; and for Jewish cnitonu,
Hamburger, BE. s. v. Ldsterung. [F. W. F.]
BLASTDS iiXiirros ; Blaaus\ the cham-
berlain (i M T«S KorrSyos) of Herod Agrippt L
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BLESSINO
mentioned in Act* xii. 20, u having been per-
suaded by the Tyriaiu aad Sidonians to gain
tbeiD a hearing from the king. His position
and iotlaence correspouded to those of the
" praepoaiti sacro cubiculo " at Rome (see Gib-
bon, Dtct. and Fall, xrii.). Chamberlains were
gtoeially eunocha [tnsncuj. [E. R. B.]
BLESSIXa. [Saidtatiok.]
BLINDING. [TimiBHicEirrB.]
BLINDNESS (p-flp. nTJT, from the root
*nffi to bore) is extremely common among
Orirntala from many causes : e^. the quantities
vf dmt and sand pulverised by the sun's intense
heat ; the perpetual glare of light ; the attacks
ot flies which convey the contagion of ophthal-
mia; the cuntrast of the heat with the cold
xa-air on the coast where blindneu is specially
prevalent ; the dews at night while they sleep
I & the roofs ; small-pox, old age, &c. ; and per-
lups more than all the Mahommedan fatalism,
which leads to a neglect of the proper remedies
ia time. One traveller mentions 4,000 blind
men in Cairo, and Volney reclcons that 1 in
erery 5 were blind, besides others with sore eyes
(l 86. Cp. Trench, On tlu: Miracles, ch. 8
[on Matt. ix. 27, jic.j). /.udd, the ancient Lyddn,
and Bamleh, enjoy a fearful notoriety for the
bomber of blind person* they contain. The
common saying is that in Ltuld every man is
either blind or has but one eye. Jafia is said
to contain 500 blind out of a population of
j.'XH) at most. There is an asylum for the
iiUod in Cairo (which contains 300), and their
ovndact h often turbulent and fanatic (Lane,
i. 39, 292). Blind beggars figure re|>eatedly in
theN. T. (Matt. xii. 22,&c.), and " opening the
t^yes of the blind " is mentioned in prophecy as
a peculiar attribute of the Hessiah (Is. xxix.
I % ttc,y. The Jews were specially charged to
treat the blind with comp assion and care (Lev.
lii. 4; Deut. xivii. 18).
Penal and miraculous blindness is several
times mentioned in the Bible (DH^JO, Oen. xix.
U, ioforia, LXX. ; 2 K. vi. 18-22 ; Acts u. 9).
In the last passage some have attempted (on the
ground of St. Luke's profession as a physician)
to attach a technical meaning to ixhiis and
vKiros (Jahn, Arch. Bibl. § 201), viz. a spot or
" thin tonicle over the cornea," which vanishes
naturally after a time : for which fact Winer (s. v.
Blmdhetf) quotes Hippocr. {Praedkt. ii. 215),
^X^Wf . . . iKKteiyorrai Kcik i^>turl(orrai %v /til
fpUlt^ Ti hirfivffTM 4y rovrif t# x''P^V- ^"^
this does not remove the supernatural character
of the infliction. In the same way analogies are
quoted for the use of saliva (Matt. viii. 23, &c.)
and of fisb-gall in the coseof the Aei/Ku/ut of Tobias
(ep. Plin. jU. N. xxxii. 24); but, whatever may
IK thought of the latter instance, it is very
obvious that in the former the saliva was no
more instrumental in the cure than the touch
alone would have been (Trench, On t/te Miracles,
a.1 loc.).
Blindness wilfully inflicted for political or
other parpose* was common in the East, and is
alloded to in Scripture (Num. xvi. 14; 1 Sam.
xi. 2 ; Jer. xxii. 12). [F. W. F.]
BLOOD (pi). To blood U ascribed in Scrip-
tare the mysterious sacredness which belongs to
BLOOD, ISSUE OF
443
life, and God reserves it to Himself when allow^-
ing man the dominion over and the use of the
lower animals for food, &c. (as regards, however,
the eating of blood, see Food). Thus reserved,
it acquires a double power : (1) that of sacrificial
atonement, in which it had a wide recognition
in the heathen world ; and (2) that of becoming
a curse, when wantonly shed, e.g. even that of
beast or fowl by the huntsman, unless duly
expiated, e.g. by burial (Gen. ix. 4 ; Lev. vii.
26, xvii. 11-13). As regards (1), the blood of
sacrifices was caught by the Jewish priest from
the neck of the victim in a basin, then sprinkled
seven times (in the case of birds at once squeezed
out) on the altar, i.e, on its horns, its base, or
its four comers, or on its side above or below a
line running round it, or on the mercy-seat,
according to the quality and purpose of the
ofiering : but that of the Passover on the lintel
and door-posts (Exod. xii.; Lev. iv. 5-7, xvi.
14-19 ; Ugolini, Tlies. vol. x. and xiii.). There
was a drain from the Temple into the brook
Cedron to carry off the blood (Maimon. apud
Cramer, de Ara Exter. ; Ugolini, viii.). In regard
to (2), it sufficed to pour the animal's blood on
the earth, or to bury it, as a solemn rendering
of the life to God ; in case of human bloodshed
a mysterious connexion is observable between
the curse of blood and the earth or land on
which it is shed, which becomes polluted by it,
and as it were animated with a curse upou the
blood-sheddcr ; and the proper expiation is the
blood of that shedder, which every one had thus
an interest in seeking, and was bound to seek
(Gen. iv. 10, II, ix. 4-6; Num. xxxv. 33; Ps.
cvi. 38; see Blood, Revesgeb of). Thus a
domestic animal causing human death appears
to share a homicidal curse (Ex. xxi. 28), a de-
velopment in fact of the Covenant to Noah
(Gen. ix. 5). In the case of a dead body found,
and the death not accounted for, the guilt of
blood attached to the nearest city, to be ascer-
tained by measurement, until freed by prescribed
rites of expiation (Deut. xxi. 1-9). The guilt
of murder is one for which " satisfaction " was
forbidden (Num. xxxv. 31 ; cf. Ps. ix. 12). The
prohibition against murder and against eating
blood and strangled animals formed two of the
seven Noachio precepts, enforced on all prose-
lytes of the gate, which was doubtless a further
reason for the retention of the two latter in
Acts XT. 20, 29. [H. H.]
BLOOD, ISSUE OF (D^ a« ; 3t, Rabbin. ;
fuxn laborans). The term is in Scripture ap-
plied only to the case of women under menstru-
ation or menorrhagia (Lev. xv. 19-30 ; Matt,
ix. 20, yuyii at/uif^ooiaa ; Mark v. 25 and Luke
viii. 43, «{<ra iv ^i<r*i aHiueros). The latter
caused a permanent legal uncleanness, the
former a temporary one, mostly for seven days ;
after which she was to be purified by the
customary ofiering. This latter is a prolonged
and exaggerated condition of the former, and
was a moat intractable complaint, bafiling the
best physicians, until recent research threw
light upon it. The " bloody flux " {Svaturtpla)
in Acts xxviii. 8 (on the accuracy exhibited by
St. Paul in the use of this term, see note in
Speaker's Comm.), where the patient is of the
male sex, represents the normal form of dysen-
tery, in which the mucous membrane of the
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444 BLOOD, BEVENGEB OP
rectum is sh«d off, together with a constant
voiding of blood, fever, and prostration (see
Bartholini, de Morbis BiUkis, 17). [H. H.]
BLOOD, BKVENGER OF (^ftSJ ; GogI)-
It was, and even still is, a common practice
among nations of patriarchal habits, that the
nearest of kin should, as a matter of dnty,
avenge the death of a murdered relative. The
early impressions and practice on this subject
may be gathered from writings of a different
though very early age and of different countries
(Gen. iMiv. 30 ; Horn. //. ixiil. 81, 88, xxir.
480, 482 ; Od. xv. 270, 276 ; Muller on Aeschvl.
£um. c. ii. A. Ic B.). Compensation for murJer
is allowed by the Koran, and he who transgresses
after this by killing the murderer shall suffer a
grievous punishment (Sale, Koran, ii. 21, and
xvii. 230 ; Rodwell, pp. 167, 388). Among the
Bedouins and other Arab tribes, should the
offer of blood-money be refused, the " Thar," or
law of blood, comes into operation, and any per-
son within the fifth degree of blood from the
homicide may be legally killed by any one within
the same degree of consanguinity to the victim.
Frequently the homicide will wander from tent
to tent over the Desert, or even rove through
the towns and villages on its borders, with a
chain round his neck and in rags, begging con-
tributions from the charitable to pay the appor-
tioned blood-money. Three days and four honrs
are allowed to the persons included within the
" Thar," for escape. The right to blood-revenge
is never lost, except as annulled by compensa-
tion: it descends to the latest generation.
Similar customs with local distinctions are
found in Persia, Abyssinia, among the Druses
and Circassian.s (Niebuhr, Descr. de rArabie,-
pp. 28, 30, Voyage, ii. 350 j Burckhardt, Sbiea
on the Bedouins, i. 148-157, I\ratela in Arabia, i.
409, ii. 330, Syria, pp. 113, 540, 643; Vam-
hirj, TraveU, p. 108 ; Arnold, Persia, ii. 183 ;
Layard, Nin. ^ Bab. pp. 305-307; Chardin,
Voyages, vi. 107-112 ; W. R. Smith, Religion of
the Semites, i. See Index, s. v. Blood-revenge).
Money-compensations for homicide are appointed
by the Hindii law (Sir W. Jones, vol. iii. chap,
vii.), and Tacitus remarks that among the
German nations " luitur homicldlnm certo
armentorum ac pecorum numero " {Oerm. 21).
By the Anglo-Saxon law also money-compensa-
tion for homicide, wer-gUd, was sanctioned on a
scale proportioned to the rank of the murdered
))erson (Lappenberg, ii. 336; Lingard, i. 411,
414).
The spirit of all legislation on the subject has
probably been to restrain the licence of punish-
ment assumed by relatives, and to limit the
duration of fends. Burckhardt, as quoted above,
considers the custom beneficial, as tending to
diminish tribal warfare among the Arabs. The
law of Moses was very precise in its directions
on the subject of Retaliation.
1. The wilful murderer was to be put to
death without permission of compensation. The
nearest relative of the deceased became the
authorized avenger of blood Q^i, the redeemer,
or avenger, as next of kin, Gesen. ». r. p. 254,
who reject* the opinion of Michaelis, understand-
ing by it "polluted," i.e. till the murder was
avenged ; d iyxK^'^i't UCX., propinquus occisi.
DOANEBGES
Vulg., Xuro. XXIV. 19), and was bonnd to
execute retaliation himself if it lay in his power.
The king, however, in later times apptars t«
have had the power of restraining this licence.
The shedder of blood was thus regarded as
impious and polluted (Num. xxxt. 1$-31;
Dent. xix. 11; 2 Sam. xiv. 7, 11, ivL S,
and iii. 29, with 1 K. ii. 33, 37 ; 1 Ch. iiir.
22-25).
2. The law of retaliation was not to extend
beyond the immediate offender (Deut xiiv. 16 :
2 K. xiv. 6; 2 Ch. xxv. 4; Jer. xiii. 29, 30;
Ezek. xviii. 20 ; Joseph. Ant. iv. 8. § 39).
3. The involuntary shedder of blood was per-
mitted to take flight to one of six Leviticil
cities, specially appointed out of the forty-eight u
cities of refuge, three on each side of the Jordan
(Num. XXXV. 22, 23; Deut. xix. 4-6). The
cities were Kedesh, in Mount Naphtali ; Shecfaen,
in Mount Ephraim ; Hebron, in the hill-cointrr
of Judah, On the E. side of Jordan, Brzer, m
Reuben ; Ramoth, in Gad ; Golan, in MansBeli
(Josh. ix. 7, 8)t The elders of the dty of
refuge were to hear his case and protect him till
he could be tried before the authorities cf hii
own city. If the act were then decided to hs"
been mvolnntary, he was taken back to the cJtr
of refuge, round which an area with a radim of
2,000 cubiU(orwith the suburbs 3,000, Patrick)
was assigned as the limit of protection, and in>
to remain there in safety tilt the death of tie
high-priest for the time being. Bevond tit
limit of the city of refuge the revenger ntight
slay him, but after the high-priest's de»th ke
might return to his home with impunity (Sao.
XXXV. 25, 28 J Josh. xx. 4, 6). The rwids to the
cities were to be kept open (Deut. xix. 3).
To these particulars the Talmoditts M,
among others of an absurd kind, the foUowint:
— At the cross-roads posts were erected besjiit
the word D7pD, refuge, to direct the fugitin.
All facilities of water and situation were [*>-
vided in the cities : no implements of war or
chase were allowed there. The mothers of higi-
priests used to send presents to the detsineii
persons to prevent their wishing for the hijii-
priest's death. If the fugitive died before tis
high-priest, his bones were sent home after ti»
high-priest's death (P. Fagius in Targ. Onk. Ap,
Rittershns. de Jure Asyli, CriL Sxr. vSi.
p. 159 ; Lightfoot, Cent. Chorogr. c 50, Op. a-
p. 208).
4. If a person were found dead, the elden ft
the nearest city were to meet in a rough TsUer
untouched by the plough, and, washing their
hands over a beheaded heifer, protest their inne-
cence of the deed, and deprecate the anger ef
the Almighty (Deut. ixi. 1-9). [R. W. P.]
BOAXE'BOES {^oatnipyis, not Boor^Tn st
Textus Beceptus ; Vulg. Boanerges), lit ttr-
mology is obscure. That Boorq represents '33
(for '33) is rejected by Kautzsch (Gnmm. d.
Biht.-Aram. § 5, 2 (a)) as " monstrvns," and he
thinks no better of connecting pyts with VY]
(Aram.).ore>in(Heb.); neither mean "thnider,''
but "tumult," "shaking." Kautzsch Uaself
prefers the root T31. The true reading Bas»VT^
is important, as pointing to the division Bmtv
(ryts. The intention of the name was prebablr
to mark the personal character of the tirt>
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BOAB, WILD
' Apostles. Weitcott (Gospd of St. John, Introd.
p. iixii.) justifies the came as regards St. John
<1) bj tile sayings ascribed to him (Luke ix.
49, M); (2) by the general tone of the Apo-
<^fP^ i (3) 1>7 the stem denunciations of doc-
trinal error in St. John's Epistles. Ebrard (in
Herxog,' art. "John the Apostle") points out
in this connexion the mistake of conceiving
ix. John as s sentimental, emotional character.
Suicer (s. r. fipoyr^') collects passages from nearly
all the great Fathers, which explain the name to
refer merely to the otGce of the sons of Zebedee
.'u Apostles and Evangelists ; they thunitereil
forth the GospeL This does not appear an ade-
quate explanation. Archbp. Trench notices the
coincidence that thunder is not mentioned in the
N. T. except in the writings of St. John. See
whole art. Trench, Studies in the Gospels, " Sous
of Thunder." [E. R. B.]
BOAB, WILD (Tjn, hhazir; (rvt; amr ;
Arab, j iji^, hhanzir; Susacrofa, Linn.), occurs
only on« in 'the A. V., Ps. Ixxx. 13, "The
boar out of the wood doth waste it," but the
Hebrew word is frequently used, and rendered
in A. T. " swine " when referring to the domesti-
cated animal. The passage quoted is the only
reference to the wild boar in Scripture. In the
.X. T. all the allusions are to the domesticated
animal, invariably termed x'VO'- ^t must not
however be .tupposed that the wild boar was
i:\xt m Bible lands, for throughout the East it
is and always has been plentiful ; the configu-
rttioo of the country and the many wooded
rlens and gorges, as well as the marshes and
rwds of the Jordan and its tributaries, affording
it secure lairs. From the thickets and cane-
brakes of the Jordan, it is even now impossible
for either man or dog to dislodge the wild boar.
Bat during the annual overflowing of the river,
a little before harvest time, they are-driven out
of their submerged haunts, and spread themselves
over the upper country, concealing themselves
in woods or thickets by day, and committing
l«arfal devastation among the crops at night,
trampling and destroying far more than they
eat. In the neighbourhood of Jericho, the
husbandmen at this period have to keep watch
by night, over both their barley and especially
their root crops. The presence of the marauders
can always be detected by the crashing noise they
make in forcing their way through the thickets,
when the guards fire, directed by the sound. In
a single night a party of wild boars will uproot
a whola field, and destroy the husbandman's
hopes for the year. Nor is it only in and near
the Jordan Valley that the boar is destructive.
Even OB the slopes of Hermon, where the vine is
largely cnltivated, the wild boar commits great
ravages among the vines, devouring not only
the grapes, but the young shoots; and yet
eontriving effectively to conceal himself during
the day. In the downs of Southern Philistia
and Beersheba, it is equally common, ploughing
ap the plains in every direction for the roots of
the asphodels, irises, and crocuses which there
abound, and which form its sole subsistence. In
the regions east of Jordan, where men are few
and boars are many, they scarcely take the
trouble to conceal themselves in the daytime.
Oo one of the sculptures of Konyunjik, a wild
BOAZ
445
sow is depicted with nine young ones in a
cane-brake (Lavard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 109,
PI. 12, 2nd Series, Mon.).
The wild boar, Su» scrofa, is a pachydermatous
animal, family Soma. It has an immense
geographical range, extending throughout the
whole continental old world, except South
Africa, irrespective of climate. The Indian boar
has by some been distinguished as Bus Indicus,
having a longer and more pointed head, and
small and pointed ears. It is rather smaller
than the West Asiatic hog, which is quite as
large as, and more active than, the German race.
In all the varieties, the young are very prettily
marked with zebra-like stripes. Other species
are found in Africa and South-Eastem Asia and
its islands, and many extinct, among the fossils
of the later Tertiaries. [H. B. T.]
BO'AZ (tV3, Ges. connects this with an
Arabic word = tprighttiness, alacrity ; B. B^ot,
A. [sometimes] ioi(; Booz). 1. A wealthy
Bethlehemite, kinsman to Elimelech, the hus-
band of Naomi. Finding that the kinsman
of Ruth, who stood in a still nearer rela-
tion than himself, was unwilling to perform
the office of ?(<i, he had those obligations pub-
licly transferred with the usual ceremonies to
his own discharge; and hence it became his duty
by the " levirate law " to marry Ruth (although
it is hinted, Ruth iii. 10, that he was much her
senior, and indeed this fact is evident whatever
system of chronology we adopt), and to redeem
the estates of her deceased husband Mahlon
(iv. 1 if. ; Jahn, Arch. Bibl. § 157. See notes in
Speaker's Comm. on Ruth iv., and consult Riehm,
JJWB. s. n. Suth). He gladly undertook these
responsibilities, and their happy union was
blessed by the birth of Obed, irom whom in n
direct line our Lord was descended. No objec-
tion seems to have arisen on the score of Ruth's
Moabitish birth ; a fact which has some bearing
on the date of the narrative (cp. Ezra ix. 1 sq.).
[Betiileuem.]
Boaz is mentioned in the genealogy (Matt. i.
5), but there is great difficulty in assigning his
date. The genealogy in Kuth (iv. 18-22 ; see
notes in Speaier's Comm.) only allows 10 gene-
rations for 850 years, and only 4 for the 450
years between Salmon and David, if (as is almost
certain from St. Matt, and from Jewish tradi-
tion) the Rahab mentioned is Rahab the harlot.
If Boaz be identical with the judge Ibzan
[Ibzan], as is stated with some shadow of pro-
bability by the Jerusalem Talmud and various
Rabbis, several generations must be inserted.
Dr. Kennicott, from the difference in form
between Salmah and Salmon (Ruth v. 20, 21),
supposes that by mistake two different men
were identified (Dissert, i. 543) ; but we want
at least three generations, and this supposition
gives ns only one. Mill quotes from Nicolas
Syranus the theory, " dicunt majores nostri, et
bene quod videtur, quod tres fucrint Boox sibi
succedentes ; in Mt. i. isti tres sub uno nomine
comprehenduntur." Even if we shorten the
perio<l of the Judges to 240 years, we must
suppose that Boaz was the youngest son of
Salmon, and that he did not marry till the age
of 65 (Dr. Mill, On the Genealogies; Lord A.
Hervey, Id. p. 262, &c.> The difficulties in con-
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446
B0CCA8
neiioD with this genealogy have led some critics
to consider it a mere excerpt from 2 Cb. ii., and
inserted in the original text by an unknown
writer in the Oreelc period (Reuss, Die GeacK. d.
heilig. Schriften A. T., p. 298 ; Oettli in Strack
a. Zikskler's Kgf. Komm., Ruth. Einleit. § 4).
This opinion is purely conjectural.
S. The name of one of Solomon's brazen
pillars erected in the Temple porch. [Jachix.]
it stood on the left, and was 17} cubits high
(1 K. Tii. 15, 21 [LXX. «>. 7, B. BoAiC. A. B<Joj] ;
2 Ch. iii. 15, 17, BA.'l<rxi}$; Jer. lii. 21). It
was hollow and surmounted by a chapiter, 5
cubits high, ornamented with network and lOU
pomegranates. The apparent discrepancies in
stating the height of it, arise from the including
.-ind excluding of the ornament which united the
shaft to the chapiter, &c. [F. W. F.]
BOC'CAS (i BokmEi; Bocau), a priest In
the line of Esdras (1 £sd. viii. 2> [BcxKi ;
BORITH.]
BO'CHEBU 0133, with the termination
-u sometimes found in proper names; cp.
Gashmu "the Arabian" [Neh. yi. 1, 6], and
see Olshausen, Lehrb. d. Ueb. SprcuJie, p. 201 ;
Euting, N(A. Inschrifteu, pp. 90-92: LXX.
irpan^oKOs : Bocni; 1 Ch. viii. 38, ii. 44X
son of Azel, of the descendants of Saul.
[Becher.] [S. K. D.]
B0'CHIM(D'3'3n, the weepers; i KAouS/uio,
KXttuOfiSrts ; focus flentium site lacrymanim), a
place on the west of Jordan, above Gilgal (Judg.
ii. 1, 5), so called because the people " wept "
there. The LXX. inserts W BaiejgX after Bochi m
in Judg. ii. 1, possibly a tradition that the place
of weeping was near Bethel. [G.] [W.]
BO'HAN (|n3, thumb; Baliav, Boen), a
Reubeoite, after whom a stone was named,
possibly to commemorate some achievement in
the conquest of Palestine (I Sam. vii. 12). Its
position was on the border of the territories
of Benjamin and Judah between Beth-arabah
and Beth-hogla on the E., and Adummim and
En-shemesh on the W. Its exact situation is
unknown (Josh. xv. 6 [see Dillmann' in loco] ;
xviii. 17, A. Baifi). M. Ganneau proposes to
identify it with Hajr el-Asbah, a large stone,
6 miles S.W. of 'Ain Hajla, Beth-hogla, which
gives its name to the locality. This, however,
seems to be too far south for a point on the
boundary of Benjamin {PEF. Mem. iii. 199).
[Stoses.] [W.]
BOIL. [HEDiaNE.]
BOLSTER. The Hebrew word {VifftrVi.
mUradshdth) so rendered, denotes, like the
English, simply a place for the head. Hardy
travellers, like Jacob (Gen. xiviii. 11, 18) and
Elijah (1 K. xix. 6), sleeping on the bare
ground, would make use of a stone for this pur-
pose ; and soldiers on the march had prol»bly
no softer resting-place (1 Sam. xxvi. 7, 11, 12,
16). Possibly both Saul and Elijah may have
used the water-bottle which they carried as a
bolster ; and if this were the case, David's mid-
night adventure becomes more conspicuously
daring. The " pillow " of goat's hair which
Michal's cuoniog put in the place of the bolster
BOOTY
in her husband's bed (1 Sam. xix. 13, 16) was
probably, as Ewald suggests, a net or carttiu
of goat s hair, to protect the sleeper from the
mosquitoes (Qesch. iii. p. 101, note), like the
« canopy " of Holofemes. [W. A ff.]
BOLLED. Ex. ix. 31, « the flax was boiled,"
rather as in R. V. marg. "was in bloom"
iQPB*). The Heb. word ^i?3| is connected br
Ges. with V3J, a cup, and so here, a cup or calii
of flowers. The record is one of importance si
flxing the date of the plague of hail about the
middle of February or early in March (sec
Speaker'! Comm. on Ex. ix. 31, note; Knobel
places it in January. See Dillmaan, Eiod.-
r. c). [F.]
BONDAGR [Slateey.]
BONNET. [See Head-dress.] In Old Enr-
lish, as in Scotch to this day, the word " bonnet "
was applied to the head-dress of men. Thai in
Hall's Rich. III., fol. 9a:" And after a lytk
season puttyng of hys boneth he sayde : Lori^'
God creator of all thynges, howe mnche is this
realme of Englande and the people of the same
bounden to thy goodnes." And in Shaksperc
(flam/, v. 2) :
" Tour bonnet to Us right use : 'tis for the besd."
[W. A W.]
BOOK. [WRirnio.]
BOOTHS. [Soccoth; TABERSACLia, Feist
OP.]
BOOTY. This consisted of captives of both
sexes, cattle, and whatever a captured dtj
might contain, especially metallic treasures. The
earliest Biblical record of such a eaptnit i>
that by Abram in hu rescue of Lot, where the
king of Sodom oBin him the entire {Jnsder,
claiming only the rescued captives for hinutlL
This Abram rejects as regards his own thsn,
but stipulates that his confederates shall neern
their portion (Qen. xiv. 24). Within the limits
of Canaan, no captives were to be made (Dent.
XI. 14, 17) ; beyond those limits, in case <^ mi-
like resistance, all the women and chUdn*
were to be made captives, and the dmb pot tt
death. So the Israelites anticipate thiit, ii
worsted by the Canaanites, they would be |Kit
to the sword, and "their wives aod ijuldns
become a prey " (Num. xiv. 3). A special chant
was given to destroy the "pictures [K. '•
" figured stones "] and images " of the C»-
naanites, as tending to idolatry (Knm. xxxiii.
52). The case of Amaiek was a special one, a
which Saul was bidden to destroy the cattle.
So also was that of the expedition agaiiK
Arsd, in which the people take a vow to destn^
the cities, and that of Jericho, on which tiie
curse of God seems to have rest«d, and the
gold and silver &c. of which were viewvd k
reserved wholly for Him (1 Sam. xv. 2, 3;
Num. xxi. 2 ; Josh. vi. 19). The law of booty
— as laid down in the case of Amaiek — was,
that it should be divided equally between iht
army who won it and the people of Israel:
but of the former one head in every five hns-
dred was reserved to God, and appropriat^J
to the priests, and of the latter one ia everr
fifty was similarly reserved, and appropriateJ
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BOOZ
to the Levites (Nam. xxii. 26-47). The share
of the women in the spoil, as enhancing their
interest in the victory, is mentioned in several
Ijrric passages, and these point no doubt to
well-known custom (Jndg. r. 30 ; 2 Sam. i.
24; Ps. Ixviii. 12). As regarded the army,
Dirid added a regnlation that the baggage-
guard shonld share equally with tb« troops
engaged. The present made by David out of
his booty, to the elders of towns in Judah, was
an act of grateful courtesy merely, though per-
haps suggested by the Law (Num. /. c). So
the spoils devoted by him to provide for the
Temple must t>e regarded as a freewill offering
(1 Sam. XII. 24-26; 2 Sam. viii. 11 ; 1 Ch.
xiri. 27). In the extraordinary victory of
Judith, the plunder of the hostile camp is left
to the people promiscuously for thirty days, the
camp-furniture of Holofemes, with his bed and
canopy, being assigned to her a* her special
share, and by her dedicated (Jndith ir. 11 ; ivi.
19). The name given to the son of Isaiah,
"Maher-shalal-hash-bax" (R. V. marg. "the
spoil speedeth, the prey hasteth " ; see also
QPB.*), is expressive of the havoc to be
wrought within a few years upon Damascus and
Samaria by the king of Assyria ; and the plunder
of treasures by the hostile hand is an oil-
recurring image of prophecy. Thus the spoiler
that was never yet spoiled, and that gathered
spoil like eggs from the nest of every nation,
aptly portrays the violent career of the Assyrian
(Is. viii 3, 4 ; i. 14 ; xxxiii. 1). [H. H.]
BCOZ (Rec. T. Bo<!f ; Westcott and Hort,
B«)s in Matt., 'Bobs in Luke ; Boot), Matt. i. 5 ;
Luke iiL 32. [BoAZ.]
BO'BITH iBorith), a priest in the line of
Esdras (2 Ksd. i. 2). The corresponding name
is Boccaa in 1 Esd. viii. 2, and BuKKl in 1 Ch.
BOBBOWING. [Loan.]
BOe'CATH, 2 K. xxii. 1. [Bozkath.]
BOSOM. See (1) Abraham's Bosom;
(2) Dress, 3, (4); (3) Meam. Cp. also
Crcse (3).
BO'SOB. 1. B. Bo<r<(p ; A. ioaaif in e. 26 ;
IJ^^QQQQ; Botor; a city, both large and
fortified, on the east of Jordan in the land of
GiXetkd (Galaad), named with Bozrah (Bosora),
Canuim, and other places in 1 Mace. v. 26, 36.
It is now probably Biar el-Hariri at the southern
edge of the Lejah. [G.] [W.]
Su i R6<Top; tx Bosor; i. q. Bbob, the father
of Balaam (2 Pet. ii. 15). The origin of Bosor
for Beor is quite uncertain. Probably it is due
to a t«rtaal corruption. That it is a Chaldaism
for Beor, as is sometimes stated, is entirely out
of the qoestion; for though, under certain
circnmstance* (see Driver's Jleb. Tenses', § 178),
the Heb. Tt = Chald. 0, the reverse change of
Heb. tt = Chald. V is unheard of. Cp. Flecker,
Scriptare OnomaMogy, pp. 69-75. [S. R. D.]
BOS'OBA (BM. Bmropi, ]i ,00 ; Barasa,
Botor), a strong city in Gilead taken by Judas
BorrLE
447
Maccabaeus (1 Mace. v. 26, 28). It is
probably the Roman Bostra, now Busrah, near
the south border of the Hauran. The ruins
are extensive and perfect ; temples, churches,
mosques, triumphal arches, n great theatre,
gateways, colonnades, &c. ; a Roman road con-
nected it with Damascus on the one hand and
with Busra on the Euphrates on the other
(Reland, Pal. p. 665 ; Porter, ii. chap. 12 ; De
Vogiii, Syrit Omtrale ; Merrill, East of Jordan,
pp. 53-58; Wright in Leisure Hour, 1874,
p. 763.) [G.] [W.]
BOTCH. [Medicine.]
BOTTLE. The words which are usually
rendered in A. V. "bottle" are, in 0. T'.,
1. nijn (Gen. xxi. 14, 15, 19 ; R. V. marg.
skin); lurKis; uter: a skin-bottle. 2. 7^3, or
73J (1 Sam. x. 3 ; Job xxxviii. 37 ; Is. ixj.
14, marg.; Jer. xiii. 12; Lam. iv. 2, "pitcher");
iTyeiov, Mpd/uoy, iurxis ; titer, vas testeum,
lagena, taguncula. 3. p^SpS (Jer. xix. 1);
fiucbs harpixms; laguncula: earthen bottle.
4. nw (Josh. ix. 4, 13 ; Judg. iv. 19 ; 1 Sam.
xvi. 20; Pss. Ivi. 8, cxix. 83); i<r(t<(i; uter,
lagena; R. V. "wine-skin." On the Hebrew
version of Ps. Ivi. 8 it may be remarked (1) that
the word ^KJ— possibly selected for its allitera-
tion with '13, the opening word of the verse —
means properly a skin, i.e. a bottle made of
skin ; (2) that there is no ground for supposing
that any custom prevailed among the Israelites
of collecting tears in vessels used for the purpose,
and for which the name " lachrymatories "
appears to have been invented.
In N. T. the only word rendered " bottle "
(R. V. "wine-skin'') u iuriUi (Matt. ii. 17;
Mark ii. 22; Luke v. 37). The bottles of
Scripture are thus evidently of two kinds.
1. The skin bottle; 2. The bottle of earthen
or glass ware, both of them capable of being
closed from the air.
1. The skin bottle will be best described in the
following acconnt collected from Chardin and
others. The Arabs, and all those that lead a
wandering life, keep their water, milk, and other
liquors, in leathern bottles. These are made of
goatskins. When the animal is killed, they cut
off its feet and its head, and they draw it in this
manner out of the skin, without opening its belly .
They are stuffed out full and strained by driving
in billets and chips of oak-wood, and are then
tanned with oak-bark, or in Arabia with acacia-
bark, and the hairy part left outside. If not
tanned, a disagreeable taste is imparted to the
water. They afterwards sew up the places
where the legs were cut off and the tail, and
when it is filled they tie it about the neck.
The great leathern bottles are made of the skin
of a he-goat, and the small ones, that serve
instead of a bottle of water on the road, are
made of a kid's skin. These bottles when rent
are repaired sometimes by setting in a piece ;
sometimes by gathering up the wounded place
in manner of a purse ; sometimes they put in a
round flat piece of wood, and by that means
stop the hole (Chardin, ii. 405, viii. 409 ;
Wellsted, Arabia, i. 89, ii. 78 ; Lane, Mad. Egyp.
ii. c. 14, p. 154 ; Harmer, from Chardin's notes,
ed. Clarke, i. 284; Baker, Abyssinia, p. 50;
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448
BOTTLE
Robinson, Pal. ii. 79). Bruce gires a description
of a vessel of the same kind, but larger. "A
gerba (Lane, kirbeli) is an ox's sicin, squared,
and the edges sewed together by a double seam,
which does not let out water. An opening is
left at the top, in the saniu manner as the bung-
hole of a cask ; around this the sIcin is gathered
to the size of a large handful, which, when the
gerba is full of water, is tied round with whip-
cord. These gerbas contain about sixty gallons
«ach, and two of them are the load of a camel.
They are then all besmeared on the outside with
grease, as well to hinder the water from oozing
through, as to prevent its being evaporated by the
heat of the sun upon the gerba, which, in fact,
happened to us twice, so as to pat us in danger
of perishing with tliirst " ( Travels, i v. 334).
Sltiti Ooule*. ( From tlia ilnmo Borbonloo.)
Wine-bottles of skin arc mentioned as used by
<jreeks, Romans, and Egyptians, by Homer (_0d.
vi. 78, olvoy tx'"'>' io'ty '»" «i7«'<>; ■"• '"•
347); by Herodotus, as used in Kgypt (ii. 121),
where he speaks of letting the wine out of the
skin by the irottiiy, the end usually tied up to
serve as the neck; by Virgil {Oeorg. ii. 384).
Also by Athenaeus, who mentions a large skin-
bottle of the nature of the gerba (iaKhs tx
■KoptaKSy Stpiidray ijl^afi/i4yos, v. 28, p. 199).
Chardin says that wine in Persia is preserved in
skins saturated with pitch, which, when good,
impart no flavour to the wine ( Voi/ages, iv. 75).
Skins for wine or other liquids are in use to this
day in Spain, where they are called horrachns.
The effect of external heat upon a skin-bottle
is indicated in Ps. cxii. 83, "a bottle [R. V.
marg. wiTie-siiti] in the smoke ; " and of expan-
sion produced by fermentation in Matt. ix. 17,
■" new wine in old bottles " [R. V. " wine-skins "].
2. Vessels of metal, earthen, or glass ware for
liquids were in use among the Greeks, Egyptians,
Etruscans, and Assyrians (xpvo-^Tinroi ^tdKii
Tvpmirfi, .\then. i. 20 {lA) ; ipyvpti) <pui\ii, II.
BOWL
potter's earthen bottle." The Jews proliably
borrowed their manufactures in this particular
from Egypt, which was celebrated for glasa
work, as remains and illustrations of Egrptiaa
workmanship are extant at least ns early a>
the 15th century B.a (Wilkinson, Aw. Eigpt
ii. 59, 60 [1878]).
Glass bottles of the 3rd or 4th century B.C.
have been found at Babylon by Sir A. l.iTard.
At Cairo many persons obtain a livelihood by
selling Nile water, which is carried by camels
or asses in skins, or by the carrier himself on hit
back in pitchers of porous grey earth (Lane,
ESTpUao BoltlM. 1 to 7. glHs; 8 to 11, MrUMnware, (Trom Um
BriUih UnfeumCollecUon.)
xxiii. 243 ; i/i^lttroy ^utAqv iripcrroy, tb.
270), and also no doubt among the Jews, espe-
cially in later times. Thns Jer. xiz. 1, " a
AMftlaa GUb Bota«i. (From «h« Biilkh Mntaim ftoll«rtiw- >
Mod. Egyp. ii. 153, 155; Burckhardt, Syru,
p. 611; Manndrellr Journey, p. 407, Bol»;
Wilkinson, Ane. Egypt, i. 148-1S8; DkL o<
Ok. and Rom. Antiq., s. v. " Vinnm " ; Layir<l
Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 196, 503 ; Geseaiu,
3. vv.y [H. W. P.]
BOTTOMLESS PIT. [Deep, The.]
BOW. [Arms.]
BOWELS (the translation of two vfir
different words, D'PJJ. DtSn*] ; ri <rr\iyx'4^
The bowels being regarded by the Hebrews u
the seat of the affections, mercv, tenderness, twl
compassion, the word often stands .is an «<iiii-
Talent for heart, breast, and bosom vritk m
In most cases the R. V. has adopted the let-
lish idiom (" tender mercies," " corapnssim.'
" heart ") in pUice of the literal transUtinn "!
the A. V. (cp. the two in eg. Pss. xiv. 6, iL S;
Prov. xii. 10 ; Cant. v. 4 ; Luke i. 78 ; 2 Cor.
iii. 15, vi. 12; Philip, i. 8, ii. 1 ; Col. iit Ii:
Philem. rr. 7, 12, 20; 1 John iii. 17); in »i»
the word "bowels" is still retained (e.ft. Jer. >'■
29, ixxi. 20), as giving a more appropriate
sense (cp. D. £., Amer. ed.). [F.j
BOWL. 1. n?!; trrptrrhr iretfuor: fn'r
cuius; see Ges. Thes. p. 288. 2. ^>^; Xttin:
concha : in Judg. v. 25, A. V. and R. V. " disk ':
in Judg. vi. 38, A. V. and R. V. « bowl." T,. PZS ■
Kpariip ; scyphus. 4. n'jSJD ; KiaSes ; o^jttiii.
Of these words (1) may be taken to indicsu
chiefly roundness, from TPi, to roll, ai a t«ll <"
globe, placed as an ornament on the tops <•'
capitals of columns (1 K. vii. 41 ; 2 Ch. iv. !«
13 : cp. the form ^i in Zech. iv. 2) ; also tkf
knob or boss from which proceed the branch*
of a candlestick (Zech. iv. 2 1, and also J »»-"
pended lamp, in A. V. and R. V. " golden bowl
(Eccles. xii. 6). (2) Of uncertain elvniolofv.
Ges. connects it with smallncss or shsllovoesi,
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BOX
and it p«rhaps represents a shallow dish or basin.
It is rendered boats by A. V. in 1 K. vii. 50,
2 K. xii. 13 (14), and cupa by B. V. (3) A
rousd vessel (Jer. xxxT. 3), Ktfaiuoy, LXX.
(i) A Instratory vessel, from hpl, pure.
BOZEZ
449
Bod, «lUi Babtnr InscripUoo. (BInht
Poatrlr.)
Bod, <rtth fplu bacrliiUai. (BSiiik't Amdm PMny.)
A like nncertainty prevails as to the precise
form ant material of these vessels as is noticed
ander Basin. Bowls would probnbly be used at
metis for liquids, or broth, or pottage (2 K. iv,
40). Modern Arabs are content with a few
wooden bowls. In the Brit. Mus. are deposited
several terra-cotta bowls with Chaldean inscrip-
tions of a superstitions character, expressing
charms against sickness and evil spirits, which
maj possibly help to explain the " divining cap "
of Joseph (Gen. xliv. 5. See Divination). The
bowl was tilled with some liquid and drunk off
3s a charm against evil. See the case of Tippoo
Sahib drinking water out of a black stone as a
charm against misfortune (Gleig, Life of Munro,
L 218). One of the Brit, Mas. bowls still
retains the stain of a liquid. These bowls,
however, are thought by Mr. Birch not to be
very ancient (Layard, Sin. and Bab, pp. 309,
511, 526; Birch, Anc, Potter}/, i. 154; Shaw,
p, 231.) [H. W. P.]
BOX. The A, V, rendering of 1)B Ctpaxit ;
lenttcula), "a box of oil," in 2 K, ix. 1,3; but
more correctly " vial " in 1 Sam. x. 1, R, V,
has " vial " in both places. [Alabaster.] [F,]
BOX-TBEE CUV^' teaishur; 0aa<roip,
KtSpos; buxua, pinus; A. V. m.irgin, cijpreai)
occurs in Is. Ix. 13, together with " the fir-
tree and the pine-tree," as furnishing wood
fn>m Lebanon for the Temple that was to be
built at Jerusalem. In Is, xli. 19 the teasthur
is mentioned in connexion with " the cedar, , . .
the fir-tree and the pine," &c., which should
one day be planted in the wildeiuess. The
Talmudical and Jewish writers g-uerally are
of opinion that the box-tree is intended, and
with them agree Mon'anns, Deodatus, the A. V.
and other modem Versions; Rosenmtlller {BiU,
Ba. 300), Celsius {Bierob. ii. 133), and Park-
hnist (//«*. Lex. s. r. ^^Ettn) are also in
favour of the box-tree. The Syriac and the
• Apparently finm the root *1M(, " to be straight,
upright " (Ges. Tktt.).
BIBLE DICT, — VOI» I.
.\rabic Version of Saadiah understand the
teasshur to denote a species of cedar called
ihcrbin,* which is distinguished by the small
size of the cones and the upright growth of
the branches. This interpretation is also saiic-
tioued by Gesenius and most modem commen-
tators. Miller {Jficrophyt. i. 401) believes that
the Hebrew word may denote either the box
or the maple. With regard to that theory
which identifies the teasshur with the sherbtn,
there is not, beyond the authority of the Syriac
and Arabic Versions, any satisfactory evidence
to support it. Although the Arabic Version of
Dioscorides gives therbin as the rendering of the
Greek KiSpos, the two trees which Dioscorides
speaks of are rather to be referred to the genus
junipenu than to that of pimu. The true
sherbtn is the Juniperus excelsa, one of the most
conspicuous and characteristic trees of the
higher part of Lebanon. It has often been
confounded with the cedar and especially with
the cypress, which it resembles in its habit and
general appearance, Celsius {Jlieroh. !. 80)
and Sprengel {Hist. Ret Herb. i. 267), as well
as Niebuhr, have been led to confound the tall
jnniper with the cedar. The same word,
however, in the Chaldee, the Syriac, and the
Arabic Versions, is occasionally used to express
the berosh (C'^^3), which is either the juniper
or the pine, most probably the latter (Pinus
halepensis). The passage in Ezek, xxvii, 6,*
although it is one of acknowledged difHculty, is
taken by many, with Bochart {Geog. Sac. i, iii,
c. 5, 180) and RosenmiiUer, to uphold the claim
of the box-tree to represent the teasshur; and
is thus translated by R. V. : "they have made
thy benches (marg. deck) of ivory, inlaid with
boxwood (a/, larch, cp, QPB.') from the isles of
Chittim." Now it is probable that the isles of
Chittiin may refer to any of the islands or
maritime districts of the Mediterranean. Modem
critics [see MV."] identify Chittim here with
Cyprus, but Bochart believes that Corsica is
intended in this passage: the Vnlg. has "de
insulis Italiae." Corsica was celebrated for its
box-trees (Plin. xvi. 16; Theophrast, H. P. iii.
1^1 § ^)i o»<i it >> well known that the ancients
understood the art of veneering wood, especially
box-wood, with ivory, tortoise-shell, &c (Virg,
Aen. X, 137), This passage therefore does
certainly seem to favour the opinion that te-
asshur denotes the wood of the box-tree {Buxus
longifdia), the Oriental representative of our
European Buxua sempercitus, differing in
having larger and more pointed leaves, and in<
other inconspicuous points. It is a small ever-*
green tree, about twenty feet high, growing in
the higher parts of Lebanon. The wood is
highly prized in Syria for the manufacture
of combs, spoons, locks, and other domestic
articles. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
BO'ZEZ (VVi3, Ges.=sAini»7; BA. BaC(t>
Boses), the name of one of the two "sharp
[Bser] : A. V. " The compsny of the Ashnrites have
made thy benches of Ivory, brought out of the Isles of
Cblttlm.'' Bochart, followed by most critics, reads
'K-na •» one word, DntpKna-
' ■ ' 2
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450
BOZKATH
rocks " (Hebrew, " teeth of the cliff") " between
the passages" by which Jonathan entered the
Philistine garrison. It seems to hare been that
on the north side (1 Sara. xiv. 4, 5). Robinson
notices two hills of blunt conical form in the
()ottoni of the Wdily Suiceinit just below
Makhmis (i. 441 and iii. 289) ; Stanley, on the
other hand, coold not make them out (6'. ^ P.
p. 205, note). And indeed these hilb answer
neither to the expression of the text nor the
requirements of the narrative. Oonder {Tent
Work in Pal. ii. 112-14) proposes to identify
it with el-Bom, a cliff on the N. side of W.
Suwemit, near MSkhmas ; cp. PEFQy. Stat.,
,1881, p. 252. [G.] [W.]
BOZTKATH (ni5V3, perhaps an elevated
"place ; B. Bvuntt^S, A. Kairx^t '° Josh. ; BA.
in Kings, iammpiO; Joseph. hoaKii; Sasoath
>in Josh., Beteoath in Kings), a city of Judah in
the Shefelah ; named in the same group with
Lacfaish and Eglon (Josh. xt. 39). It is men-
tioned once again (2 K. xxii. 1) as the native
place of the mother of king Josiah. Here it is
spelt in the A. V. " Boscath." The site has not
yet been discovered. [G.] [W.]
BOZ'BAH (n"1V3, possibly from a root with
the force of restraining, therefore used for a
sheepfold, Ges., and also for a fortified place,
}IV.*i ; Boai/lfia ; 3o<r6p, also Ixvf^iM, Jer. xliz.
BBACELET
22 ; rtixos, Amos i. 12 ; exli^it, Mic. ii. 12 ; Yalg.
orMe ; Boara), the name of more than one place
on the east of Palestine. 1. In Edom — the dtj
of Jobab the son of Zerah, one of the early kings
of that nation (Gen. xxxri. 33 ; 1 Ck. L 44).
This is doubtless the place mentioned in Uter
times by Isaiah (xxxir. 6 ; Ixiii. 1) in coaoeiion
with Edom, by Jeremiah (xlix. 13, 32), .Vmoi
(i. 12), and, perhaps, by Micah (ii. 12), "sbeef
of B." (R. v., cp. Is. xixiT. 6), thoogh ths
word is here rendered by the Valgau ud
by Gesenius " the sheep into a fold " (Get. Tka.
p. 230). It was known to Eusebins, who speaks
of it (05.> p. 247, hi) as a city of Ciaa in the
mountains of Idnmaea, in connexion with I&
Ixii. 1, and in contradistinction to Bosor the
" city of refuge." There is no reason to doabt
that the modern representative of Botrah ii d-
Buseireh, * t.j^M , which was first Tisitod
by Bnrckhardt (Syr. p. 407 ; Bazeyra\ and lies
in the mountain district to the S.E. of the Desd
Sea, between TafSeh and Petra, about half-nr
between the latter and the Dead Sea. Irby and
Mangles mention it under the name of Ipfeyn
and Baaida (chap. viii. : see also Bobimoa, iu
167). The " goats " which Isaiah connects with
the place were found in large nomben in this
neighbourhood by Bnrckhardt {Syr. p. 403).
2, In his catalogue of the cities of the lanl
of Moab, Jeremiah (ilviii. 24) mentioni a
Bozrah as in "the plain country" (r. 21,
"IB^'Sn fyfi, ie. the high level downs on the
«ast of the Dead Sea niid of the lower Jord:\n,
the Belia of the modern Arabs). Here lay
Heihbon, Nebo, Kirjathaim, Diblathaim, .ind
the other towns named in this passage, and it is
here that Bozrah should be sought, and not, as
has been suggested, at Bostra, the Roman city
in Bashan full sixty miles from Heshbon (Porter's
Damascus, ii, 163). If recovered [see Dillmann'
on Deut. iv. 43], it is probably the same as
Bezer in the wilderness, and the Bezer. orBosor.
of king Meshn's in.«cription [Bezkb] (^rtrorrfi <>'
the Past, N. S. ii. 203), now Ktsir el-Btsifir,
S.W. of Dhilxin, Dibon. [G.] [W.]
BACELET (n"jyV?; *<AX«w; x'^A*'^
Under Armlet an account is given of the*
ornaments, the materials of which they iren
generally made, and the manner in which they
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BBAHBLE
nre worn, ke. Besides niVV{$ (N^um. xxxi. 50 ;
2 Sam. i. 10) four other words are translated bv
"brwelet" in the Bible, viz.: 1. TDy (from
npx^ to ftsten), Gen. ixiv. 22, Num. xi.ii. 50,
ic. 2. riTB' (a chain, rttpi, from its being
wreathed, TTC). It onlv occurs in this sense
in k Ui. 19 [R. V. marg. chainsl, but compare
th« expression "wreathen chains" in Ex. xxviii.
14. 22. Bracelets of fine twisted Venetian gold
Hi still common in li^ypt (Lane, ii. 368, Append.
.\ and plates). 3. ^'n?, Gen. xixviiL 18, 25,
ffodered "bracelet" by A. V., but meaning
]'robablT "a string by which a seal-ring was
suipended " (Gesen. s. r. ; cp. R. V. " cord ").
The same word is rendered '"lace" (Ex. xxviii.
21) ; " wires " (Ex. xxxix. 3) ; " ribband " (Num.
IT. 38: B.V. "cord"); "line" (Ezek. xl. 3);
and "thread" (Judg. xvi. 9; R. V. "string").
4. nn, Ex. xixT. 22 ; R. V. " brooches." This
voni is thought by many to mean " a Bose-ring "
<i'. IXX. trpfayttfs; armiUae. Cp. Bochart,
Hient'. i. 764). Elsewhere it is rendered
•hook" (2 K. xix. 28; Ezek. xsix. 4) and
"chain " (Ezek. xix. 4 ; K. V. " hooKs ").
Mm as well as women wore bracelets, as we
SK frani Cant. r. 14, which may be rendered,
"His wrists are circlets of gold full set witii
topazes " [E. V. " His hands are as rings of gold
Kt with beryl "]. Lrtyard says of the Assyrian
lings: "The arms were encircled by armlets, and
Mf vriiti ty hraceleis, all equ.illy remarkable for
BEAMBLE
451
OoU^nataa
(WUUami.)
the taste and beauty of the design and work-
manship. In the centre of the bracelets were
<tin and roaettes, which were probably inlaid
with precious stonea " (.ar>n«i)«A,ii. 323). These
us to arrive at a probable conclusion. To those
who have noticed the plants of Palestine, how
truly it is, in its shrubs and weeds alike, a land
of thorns and briers ; it can be no matter of sur-
prise that our Hebrew vocabulary, scanty an it
is on most subjects of natural history, should
here be so rich. The combined heat and dry-
ness of thi; climate develop a tendency to form
thorns, even in the succulent groups where we
should least expect them. Botanically the
thorn, spina, is entirely distinct from the
prickle, acuUus ; the former being formed in the
wood, and often disappearing under cultivation
or in a rich soil ; the latter being an excrescence
on the barb, as in the rose or the bramble, and
unaffected by cultivation. AH plants become
more spiny in rocky and parched situations ; the
expansive eHbrt, which under moister conditioaa
would develop a twig or branch with leaf or
blossom, being arrested, and forming merely a
barren spine. Upon waste land in these regions
the whole growth is thorny. " Upon the land
of my people shall come up thorns and briers "
(Is. xxxil 13). "The thorn and the thistle
shall come up on their altars" (Hos. x. 8).
The Hebrew words are: 1. 'Atud, nOK (^
^dfwos, rhamnus), rendered by the A. V. and
R. V. in Judg. ix. 14, 15, " bramble," and in
Ps. Iviii. 9, " thorns." There can be little
question as to the plant intended, for the Arabic
i>V»V atad\ is identical, and is applied by the
natives to the Boithorn or Rhamnus of whicli
two species are common — Lycvm Europaeum (I..),
Bnoelet ClMqp. (NUureb lUrtdca.)
my be obeerved on the sculptures in the .British
Maseam. [Armlet; ANKLET.] [F. W. F.] '
BRAMBLE, BBIEB. PBICKS, THISTLE,
THORNS, THOKN-HEDGE.' By these
aaraea at least eighteen Hebrew and four Greek
■ronU are rendered in the A. V. and R. V. In
the many passages where they occur the con-
■eit rarely gives any clue by which we can
.ilentify the particular species denoted, and in
many cases the derivation does not aid us in
the identification. But it can scarcely be
Joabted that by different Hebrew^ names dif-
ferent plants are indicated, and in most cases a
knnwltdge of the Flora of Palestine will enable
' This article may replace Thobks and Thwtlis in
Vol. UL, where the snliject Is not so fnlly treated.
I spread over the whole cotintry, from the
I Lebanon downwards, excepting in the Jordan
I valley, where its place is taken by Lyditm
2 G 2
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452
BRAMBLE
Arabicum (Boiss.), an allied form. It is nsed, like
our hawthorn, for hedges, having numerous
erect branches with stiff short spines, small
pinkish white dowel's, and a dark berry. It
has very small, thick, oblong leaves, close set,
less than half the size of those of our box-tree,
to which it has a fancied resemblance, whence
its English name. It belongs to the family
Solanaceae.
' 2. Choach, nin {ixay, iutdi^, xytSri, ixxoix >
carduus, tribulua, spina, lappa ; and in Job xli.
2, ^'^AAiof, armilla), variously rendered. In Is.
xixiv. 13, by the A. V. " brambles," by the
R. V. " thistles," marg. (Aoms : in 1 Sam.
liii. 6, "thickets;" by A. V. and R. V. "The
people did hide themselves in thickets " {iv rius
nirtpats, abditia): in 2 K. xiv. 9, 2 Ch. xiv.
18, Job xxxL 40, in the A. V. and R. V.
" thistle," marg. thorns : " The thistle that was
in Lebanon sent to the cedar that was in Leba-
non ; " " Let thistles grow instead of wheat."
In other passages both the A. V, and R. V. ren-
der the word " thorns." In Job xlL 2, " Canst
thou bore his jaw through with a thorn ? "
(K. V. " hook "), the word is evidently used
for a weapon resembling a choach. The Arabic
^ *>'^> o'^lx'och, is almost identical, and is
applied to a prickly hawthorn. Celsius would
therefore translate it by Prunua sylveatris, the
blackthorn, which however is not a native of
the country. The only passage which alTurds
any indication of the character of the plant is
that in Job, from which we may infer that it is
a thorny plant of quick growth, springing up
in cultivated ground. There are two cliisses of
prickly weeds which choke the corn-fields of
Palestine — the true thistle!^, and the Centaureas
or knapweeds. As the knapweed seems to be
designated by dardar, choach may very well
stand for the common thistle [see MV."]. Of
this genus there are many s))ecies abundant in the
Holy Land, especially in the corn plains of the
coast and of Esdraelon. The typical thistle of
the corn-fields is Notdbasis syriaca (L.), a tall
pink flowering thistle with powerful spines.
Carthamua dentatiu (Vahl), and C. oxyacantha, a
yellow flowering species with poisonous spines,
inflicting irritating wounds, are also common.
About 80 species of thistles have been recorded
from Palestine.
3. Dardar, "Vyn (rptfioXos, trimlwi), occurs
in the 0. T. in connexion with the Heb. hots
(Vip) in Gen. iii. 18, "thorns and thittUs," and
Hos. X. 8: "The thorn and the thistle shall
come up on their altars" (A. V. and K. V.).
Tpt$o\os, "thistles," occurs in Matt. vi. 16,
and also in Heb. vi. 8, " briers" A. V., " thistles "
R. V. There is not much diflnculty in identify-
ing the plant intended, at least generically, as
the Tribnlus is often mentioned in classical
writers in connexion with carduits, " the
thistle," and is generally admitted to be a
knapweed or star thistle, of which several spe-
cies, especially one, the C<;ntaureacalcitrapa{h.),
are roost troublesome intruders in corn-fields
throughout the Mediterranean countries. There
is also another species closely allied to this, but
with even more powerful spines, an inch and a
half in length, very abundant in fields and waste
{>l*ces in Northern Palestine, Cmtaurea terutum
BB-\.MBLE
(L.), which is so formidable that horses refuse u
face it, and it has to be beaten down with stickt.
Celsius has argued at great length (/fiero*). ij.
p. 128) in iavonr of the prickly Fagima arahka
(L.), but it is unnecessary to enter on his ar^^n-
ment, as the plant is an inhabitant of the desert,
and only found within Palestine about the shone
of the Dead Sea. Sprengel, Royle, and others
suggest Tribulus terrestris (L.), which, thongh a
common weed, is neither characteristic nor espe-
cially spinous. It is clear that dardar has
always been identified in the LXX. and cUe-
where with rpifioKn, which is indispntal>ly the
Centaurea calcitrapa. This has been shows by
Dn Molin (^Ftore Poilique Ancietme, p. 303) in
his dissertation on the Tribidus of Virgil. The
thorns of these star thistles are not on the
leaf or stem, but are simply the scales of the
involucrum or flower sheath, lengthened isto
long hard spines. We are further enabled
to identify rpt$o\tit by the ancient military
engine named from it, a ball with iron spikes
projecting in all directions, thrown dovcn to
arrest cavalry, and which may frequently be
seen in museums. This instmment has still
a place in modem military defence, nader tiie
name of "caltrop," taken from this same
thistle.
4. Oiedei,p^T\, ocean twictt in Prov.xv. 19,
"The way of the slothftil man is as an hedge of
thorns," A. V. and R. V. (iKcwta, spina); in Mic
vii. 4, " The best of them is a brier," A. V.
and R. V. ((rJ>i inrpiyttf, pojiurtis). The Hebrew
word is evidently represented by the Arabic
jii>^, hhedek, which Freytag renders mdvugems,
the name usually applied to the eg; plant
{Solanum tnelongena), but which is describnl by
the Arabian botanist Abu'l Fadli aa abundant ia
Phoenicia, like melongena, but larger, covenJ
with thorns and bearing a fruit the site of s
walnut, green at first, but yellow when ripe.
This is an exact description of Solawmn »ac<m
(L.), commonly known as the apple of Sodom or
vine of Sodom, and which is very commoa ia
all the hotter parts of Palestine, where it U
often used as a hedge. The context ia tlie
passages where chedek occurs suggests not s
ground thistle, bat some taller prickly jdas*.
suitable for fencing, as is the Sodom apple. It
is a shrubby plant from 3 to 5 feet hi^ vitii
widely -branching stems, thickly clad with spinis
like those of the Knglish brier, with large leave),
woolly on the underside, and a spinous midriC
The blossom resembles in shape and colour tiut
of the potato, to which it is closely allied, u-l
bears a large crop of fruit, p*rfectly spherical,
larger than the potato apple, .it first greti,
then yellow, and finally, when the pulp withia
has dried, a brilliant red, containing iaside s
quantity of dust and small black seeds. Wt
may thus definitely assign the cheJei Xo the
Sodom apple. _
5. Kotz, |*ip (&itai>0a, sp!tuK-\ occurs twelv*
times in the Old Testament, and is always in
our Versions translated " thorns," as io Gea. iii.
18: " T/ionu also and thistles shall it brinj
forth to thee." In the LXX. it is rendcrnl by
ttKot^a. which is also frequentiv used in tbe
N. T. ("thorns," A. V. and R. V-X as in tte
Sermon on the Mount and in the Parable ct' t^e
Sower. Kits is derived from a root signifris;
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BKAMBLE
" to cnt,"perhape allied to the Arabic ^\S (Ges.).
Bot neither from its derivation, nor from the
ooiteit of the (vusages where it occurs, hare
we ground to refer it to any particular species.
It is probably as genernl as the words by which
it is rendered in the Greek and English.
6. Slumir, *1*PC, occurs only in Isaiuh ;
vJMre in seven out of eight passages it is used
in conneiion with II'C, shaijWi. It is variously
Rodered by the LXX. x^P""' ivfxl^ SypufTTH,
xiftn, tepres ipinae. Both the A. V. and R. V.
ilwiys translate it " briers." Celsius Qlierob.
a. 187) identifies this with the Arabic ,--r]
tuBitr, described by Abu'l Fadli a<i a thorny tree,
s species o( $idra, but whicli does not bear fruit,
ami which is common in Arabia. But while
this may be accepted without hesitation, it is
not so btsy at once to ideutil'y the sidra speci-
liolly, as the Arabs give the name to ditlerent
trets in different localities. The Arabs of
Sontheni and £a.->tcrn Palestine give the name
fAa to all thorny non-fruit-bearing trees which
attain any size, and of these there are many
ijxcies commonly found, all belonging to the
natural order Rhamnaceae. Some are dis-
tin^aished by the natives as dahl, nvb'k, and
suufi-. The latter name is given in the south
l< fciiunu aculeatiit (U, Christ's thorn), and
brther north to S/tamnus palaeatina (Boiss.^ the
Srrian bnckthom, which is more common on the
iii;iier lands. The Hebrew ahamir may there-
fore with probability be assigned to one or both
ef these species. The Eliamntu is very like our
bbckthom in apiiearance, with very small
learn, yellow blossom, and thorns like those of
the hawthorn. Palhtna aculeatua has much
larger leaves, small whitish blossoms, and a
number of sharp thorns on the twigs, as well as
spinel on the midriff of the leaves. It is com-
mon abont Jerusalem, and by some has been
laken, as its name implies, for the material of
which the crown of thorns was composed (but
see § 8).
7. Sudth, TV^ (&nu4a, spina), occurs only
in Isaiah (e^. y. 6, vii. 23-25, &c.), and then
only in connexion with thamir ; it is rendered
"thorns" in A. V. and R. V. It is probably an
indefinite term ; at least we have no clue or
derivation by which we can assign it to any
particnlar species.*
8. Sa'atzitz, ]*^1tV3 (<rroij8<, sa/iunca), occurs
twice, in Isaiah vii. 19 and Iv. 13, and is rendered
ky "thorns" in A. V. and R. V. Celsius would
refer na'atzux to the Arabic / >oj6» ""'''i which
i' eiplained to be a large thorny fruit-bearing
tree, and identified by him with the nub'k, or
^^' (JUO> Ziij/phta spina-cltristi (L.). The
*ib'k is very common in the Jordan valley and
in the hotter parts of the country. It often
f'lrms impenetrable thickets, and grows to a
coniiJerable size when it has room. The larger
trees are known as Dihl, but I believe there is
»o specific difference, though Abu'l Kadli states
* Celsius, after searching In vain for a key, patbetl-
(^■t onKlndea, " Eixu indagandae usque adeo nulla
Vf'i liA, nnllnmqne vestlf^nm, nt neque conjectnrae
I'tas telictns vldeatnr." (Hierob. U. 187.)
BRAMBLE
453
that there are two species, bearing the same fruit,
but the larger having smaller thorns, and grow-
ing in the mountains. The Zizyphus is not un-
common near Jerusalem, but there is stunted in
growth. In the low plains it reaches its full
size and is known as the Dhdm tree. One of
these overshadowing the fountain of 'Ain DQk at
Jericho is an iincieut nnd noble tree, and super-
stitiously honoured by the Arabs. It is some-
times called the Lotus tree. The thorns of the
Zizyphus are long, sharp, and recurved, and apt
to create a festering wound. The leaves are
oval and of a very glossy green. The blossom
is small and white, and the fruit a yellow berry,
the size of a small gooseberry, of a pleasant sub-
acid flavour and with a stone like that of the
hawthorn. It is eaten by the natives fresh or
dried, with sour milk. It is generally believed
that of the Zizyphus, or, as it is often called, the
Jujube tree, was composed the crown of thorns
of our Lord's Passion. Its tough and flexible
twigs are well suited for such a purpose, and
the plant is one of the denizens of the valleys
round Jerusalem.
No fence is more impervious or more easily
made than that of the nub'k. The Arabs simply
cut down a few branches and lay them in line
round the barley as it is sown. No goats, cattle,
or camels will attempt to force it, insignificant
as it appears, not more than a yard high, while
the twigs and recurved hooks become so inter-
woven that to pull them aside is no easy task.
9. Barkanvn, D^jp'IS (IriMi, untranslated in
the LXX.), occurs only in Judg. viii. 7, 16, "I
will tear your flesh with thorns of the wilder-
ness and with briers," A. V. nnd R. V. Th«
Rabbinical commentators simply state that it is
a species of thorn, but do not further define it,
Celsius, referring to David's punishment of tha
Ammonites after the capture of Rabbath, sug-
gests that Burkanim may mean the spiked
wheels of threshing instruments dragged over
the prostrate bodies of the captives. 'I'o this it
may be objected that we have no evidence that
such threshing machines were in use at this
early period ; and as tribulus means both a brier
and a threshing instrument, Gesenius very
reasonably ob.serves that the instrument is moro
likely to have been nauied from the plant than
the plant from the instrument. As to the
particular species intended we have no clue,
etymological or other, but about the fords of
Succoth the Zizyphus now grows in impenetrable
thickets, and higher up the country by Bethshean
the common bramble, I/ubus fruticosus (L.), is
very common. One of these is probably indicated
by the Hebrew.word.
10. Sillon, f(?Q, (TKi^Auif, occurs in Ezek.ii. 6,
xxviii. 24 — " thorns," " pricking briers," A. V.
and R. V. This seems to be identical with the
Arabic i ^j jf. sallon, the sharp points at the
end of each segment of the palm-leaf, and henco
sometimes used for a needle-point.
11. Sarabim, D^^ID, occurs once only in Ezek.
ii. 6, where both A. V. and R. V. have " briers."
The LXX. renders the passage irafOiarfiiaovai,
and the Vulgate incredtUi. There has been, as
these various interpretations show, a wide dis-
crepancy between the different translators,
Celsius (^Hierob. ii. 222) interprets the word
refractarii as from 31D, "to rebel " [cp. A. V.
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454
BRAMBLE
marg.], and rejects the rendering spinae ns a
Latin gloss. The rendering " briers " seems,
however, to be that preferred by modern com-
mentators.
12. Sirpad, tBIP (_Kiyv(a, Symm. iwrl
Kvit^t, urtioa), occurs once only : " Instead of
the brier shall come up the myrtle tree " (Is. Ir.
13). The Rabbinical commentators support the
rendering of A. V. and It. V. rather than that
of the LXX., which interprets it as a liind of
nettle. Bnt having no etymological or other
cine, all is mere conjecture.
13. Strim, Sinth, D'Tp. rtTD. always in
the plural (&cavdai, iu€ir9ti/a ^iiKa, <rKi{Aoi)>,
afdXa^ ; spinae), " thorns," A. V. and K. V. The
word occurs in several passages. We have no
etymological Icey to indicate any particular
species. It may be a general term, but from
the context in Eccles. vii. 6 we may infer a
plant used for firing. There is one thorny plant
of rapid and abundant growth, universally used
for heating ovens, and which cannot be assigned
to any of the words examined above, Aoanthxa
ipinosiu (L.). From its large and abundant
foliage, it is most suitable for kindling, and we
have often noticed the women in the summer
collecting the acanthus in large bundles for
fuel.
14. Ttinnim, Tzeninim, W^lt [Prov. xiii. 5 ;
Job V. 51 D»J*3V [Num. xixiii. 05, Josh,
zxiii. 13] (fio\ls', rfi$o\as; tudtt, hmoed),
"thorns," A. V. and R. V.; in Amos iv. 2
(metapb.), " hooks." llie word is simply used
for a thorn or prick, and has no reference to any
|iarticul»r plant.
15. Sei, 'H'ff ((TK^Aof, clavii), is found only in
Knm. xxxii). 55, where the A. V. and K. V.
render it " pricks " • " As pricks in your eyes."
r->
The word is identical with the Arabic d^
thavck, a thorn. This, like the last, appears to
be a general term. From the same root xx^
IpB', « to hedge," " enclose," or " twist," is also
derived the word meaoochah, ilDIDD (Mic vii. 4)
or TCXni (Prov. xv. 19), translated " thorn-
hedge ^fn A. V andR. V.
16. I^D^, kinvm£»h (cp. Baer on Hos. i% 6),
i* in Is. xxxiv 13 and Hos. ix. ti rendered
"nettles;" the kindred form DOb^ (pi.),
Prov. iiiv. 1.1, is rendered " thorns."
Thus among the various Hebrew names nine
at any rate may, with more or less probability,
be assigned to conspicuous and familiar thorny
plants of the conntry. Among these, however,
is not our briar or wild rose, which can only
just claim a place iu the Flora of the country.
There are several beautiful specimens of wild
briar, but they are all in the extreme north and
on Hermon and Lebanon.
The prickly pear (C^untiVi vulgaris, L.), though
sow so common and ordinarily used for hedges
in Palestine, is not among the brambles and
briers of Scripture, having been introduced from
tropical America. It has now overrun the whole
of the Mediterranean countries, and is often in-
correctly introduced into scriptural and historical
pictures. On the whole subject see Dietrich,
' Domen- u. Distel-namen ' in his Ab/taiuU. /.
Semit. Wi-rtfoTKhung (1844). [H. B. T.]
BBAZEN SEA.
BRASS (xoXicot). The word D^ is im-
properly translated by A. V. and R. V. by
" brass in the earlier Books of Scripture, since
the Hebrews were not acquainted with the
compound of copper and zinc known by that
name. In most places of the O. T. the cormt
translation would be ^* copper," although it
may sometimes possibly mean *' bronze " (xaAxii
KfKpaiiinos), a compound of copper and tin.
Indeed a simple metal was obviously inteadeil,
as we see from Dent. viii. 9, "out of whwe
hills thou mayest dig brass," and Job xxviii. :!,
" Brass is molten out of the stone," and Ocut.
xxxiii. 25, " Thy shoes shall be iron and brus, "
which seems to be a promise that Asher ^hon'.tl
have a district rich in mines, which we know
to have been the case, since Eusebius (viiL 15,
17) speaks of the Christians being coodemaeJ
rots Karit taaiit rqt IlaXaiffTtt^t x'^'^
fitriWott (Lightfoot, Cent. Ckorvgr. c 99).
[ASUEB.]
Copper was known at a very early period, and
the invention of working it is attribute to
Tubal-cain (Gen. iv. 22 j cp. Wilkinsoa, Ate
Egypt, ii. 153 ; cp. " Prins aeris erat qnam feni
cognitus usas," Lucr. v. 1292). Its extitme
ductility (xa^bs probably from x"^^) n^sde 'ti
application almost universal among the ancieiiU,
at Hesiod expressly says (^Dict. of Gk. and Em.
AtUiq., art. Acs).
Th* same word is nsed for money, in both
TestamenU (Ezek. xvi. 36 ; Matt. x. 9, Ac).
It is often used in metaphors, e.g. Lev. tin.
9, " I will make your heaven as iron and your
earth aa brass," ix. dead and hard. This tx-
pression is reversed in Deut. xxviiL 23 (cp.
Coleridge's " All in a hot and cupper sky," fa.
Arte. Mar.). "Is my 0esh of brass?" Cs. iinil-
nerable (Job vi. 12). "They are all brass sul
iron," ix, base, ignoble, impure (Jer. vi. 28). It
IS oltcn used as an emblem of strength (Zedi.
vi. 1 ; Jer. i. 18, &c). The " brazen thighs " «f
the mystic image in Kebuchadnezzar's drcan
were a fit symbol of the 'Axcuai x'^^'X^'""^
No special mention of oriclialcum seems to be
made in the Bible.
The word xo^oaI/Swoi' in Rev. i. lo, il 1^
(oi T6Sts atiTov SfiOiot xoAxoXi/Sdry), has excitel
much difference of opinion. St. John was ff
bably thinking of the xo^'^r arlxfimr of l)>^
X. 6 or x<Ak^i t(€urrpiwTKi' of Ezek. i. 7. Tie
A. V. renders it " lin« brass," as though it nn
from X- aod A«(/3» (smelting brass), or thtt
iftixati-icos which wa* so rare a* to be more
valuable than gold. Bochnrt makes it " •»
album igneo colore splendens," a* though &«»
I5I5, "shining" (R. V. "burnished brw").
It may perhaps be deep-coloured [amber-
coloured, Speaker's Cbmm.] frankincense, ss
opposed to iLpyvpo\l0arov. Suidas defiiw
it as tltos 1i\*KTpou TiiuJntpar xf"*'- '^
Wetstein, N. T. ii. 472; Bocbart, ISerot. ii-
883. [F. W. F]
On the use of copper and bronze in sodest
Egypt, among the Bebrew.e, and in Assyria. «<
PSBA. xii. pp. 227-34. P"]
BRAYING IN A MORTAR, Prov. ximl
[Punishments, IIL (o) 4.]
BRAZEN SEA, 2 K. ixv. 13; Jer. Ui. II-
[Sea, Molten.]
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BBAZEN SEBPENT
BBAZEX SEBPENT. [Serpest.]
BBEAD (Dn^). The pTeparation of bread
u an article of food dates flom a Tery early
period : it must not, however, be inferred from
the lue of the word lechem in Qen. iii. 19
(" bread," A. V. and R. V.) that it was known
at the time of the fall, the word there occurring
in its general sense of food: the earliest un-
doubted imtance of its use is found in Gen. xviii.
6. The com or grain (IJtf'' JJ^ employed was
of varioas sorts : the best bread was made of
irheat, which after being ground produced the
'•fionr " or " meal " (ITDP ; iXtvpoy ; Judg. vi.
19; 1 Sam. i. 24; 1 K. iv. 22, iriL 12, 14),
tad when sifted the " fine Bour " (TOD ; more
fully D'Sn nVD, Ex. nix. 2 ; or nVo nOp..
Gen. xviii 6; vtfdSaKis) nsnally employed in
the sacred oSerings (Ex. xxix. 40 ; Lev, ii. 1 ;
Euk. xlvi. 14), and in the meals of the wealthy
(1 K. iv. 22 ; 2 E. vii. 1 ; Ezek. xvi 13, 19 ;
Rev. xviii. 13). " Barley " was used only by
the very poor (John vL 9, 13), or in times of
scarcity (Ruth iii. 15, compared with i. 1 ; 2 K.
iv. 38, 42 ; Rev. vi. 6 ; Joseph. B. J. v. 10, § 2).
Being the food of horses (1 K. iv. 28), it was
considered a symbol of what was mean and in-
signi6caot (Jodg. vii. 13; comp. Joseph. Ant.
V. 6, § 4, iiji(<a) KptUrrpr, iif tiTf\tlai ii^pArois
ififwror; Liv. xxvii. 13), as well as of whnt
ivas of a mere animal character, and hence
ordered for the offering of jealousy (Num. t. 15 ;
cp. Hcs. iii. 2 } Philo, ii. 307). " Spelt" (mjpS ;
i^vpa, ffa; A. v. rye, fitches, $pelt; R.''i/.
"ipelt" always) was also used both in Egypt
(ti. ix. 33) and Palestine (Is. xxviii. 25 ; Ezek.
iv. 9 ; 1 K. xix. 6, LXX. iyxprn^tas i\vp(nis) :
Herodota.4 indeed states (ii. 36) that in the
former country bread was m.ide eiclusively of
otgra, which, as does the LXX., be identifies with
tea ; but in this he was mistaken, as wheat was
also a-ird (Ex. ix. 32 ; cp. Wilkinson's vine. Eg.
i. 180 (]1878]). Occasionally the grains above
mentioned were mixed, and other ingredients,
such as beans, lentiles, and millet, were added
(Eiek. iv. 9 ; cp. 2 Sam. xvii. 28) ; the bread so
produced is called " barley cakes " (Ezek. iv.
12, so R. v.), inasmuch as barley was the main
ingredient. The amount of meal required for
a single baking was an ephah or three
measures (Gen. xviii. 6 ; Judg. vi. 19; 1 Sam. i.
24; Matt. iiii. 33X which apiiears to have
been suited to the size of the ordinary oven.
The baking was done in primitive times by
the mistress of the house (Gen. xviii. t>) or by
one of the daughters (2 Sam. xiii. 8). Female
servants were employed in large households
(1 Sam. viii. 13), and it appears always to have
been the jirnper business of women in a ihmily
(Jer. vii. 18, xliv. 19 ; Matt. xiii. 33 ; cp. Plin.
xriiL 11, 28), Baking as a profession was
carried on by men (Hos, vii. 4, 6). In Jerusalem
the bakers congregated in one quarter of the
town, as we may infer from the names " bakers'
street " (Jer. xxxvii. 21) and " tower of the
ovens " (Neh. iii. 11, iii. 38 ; •' furnaces," A. V.
and R. V.). In the time of the Herods, bakers
were scattered throughout the towns of Pales-
tine (Ant. xv, 9, § S). As the bread was made
in thin cakes, which soon became dry and un-
BBEAD
455
palatable, it was usual to bake daily, or when
required (Gen. xviii. 6 ; cp. Harraer's Obser-
vations, i. 483): reference is perhaps made to
this in the Lord's Prayer (Matt. vi. 11 ; Luke xi.
3). The bread taken by persons on a journey
(Gen. xlv. 23; Josh. ix. 12) was probably a
kind of biscuit.
The process of making bread was as follows : —
The flour was first mixed with water, or per-
haps milk (Bnrckhardt's Notes on the Bedouins,
i. 58); it was then kneaded (B^7) with the
KgrpUAUH kneMdlng don(h with their hands (WUklmoD. FctOK
a jmintlxiK In the Tomb of Bameees IIL at Tbobea).
hands (in Egypt with the feet also ; Herod, ii
36 ; Wilkinson, ii 386) in a small wooden bowl
EffrP'iatu kaeadlny the dough vlth their feet. At a and h th»
dough U probably left to ferxoeut In a baiket, ae li now done ai
Cairo (WUIilnioD).
or " kneading-trough " (JlTHEnp, a term which
may, however, rather refer to the leathern bag
in which the Bedouins carry their provisions,
and which serves both as a wallet and a table r
Niebnhr's Voyage, i. 171 ; Banner, iv, 366 sq. ;
the LXX. inclines to this view, giving iymna-
Kfl/ifiaTa in Deut. xxviii. 5, 17 [-'store," A. V. ;
" kneading-trough," R. V,] ; the expression in
Ex. xii. 34, however, " bound up in their
clothes," favours the idea of a wooden bowl),
until it became dough (pV^ > <n-ais, Ex. xii. 34,
39; 2 Sam. xiii. 8; Jer. vii 18; Hos. vii 4:
the term "dough" is improperly given in the
A. V. as = nionr, in Xnm. xv. 20, 21 ; Neh.
I. 37 ; Ezek. xliv. bo. [In these passages R. V.
has "dough" in the text and coarse meal in
margin]). When the kneading was completed,
leaven ("li(C'; (inv) ^'as generally added
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456
BBEAD
BBEAD
[Leaten] : but when the time for preparation
was short, it was omitted, and unleavened cakes,
hastily baked, were eaten, as is still the prera-
lent custom among the Bedouins (Gen. xviii. 6,
xii. 3 ; Ex. lii. 39 ; Judg. vi, 19 ; I Sam.
xiviii. 24). Such cakes were termed nVVQ
(S^vfio, LXX.), a word of doubtful sense,
rariously sup|>osed to conver the ideas of siceet-
ness (Gesen. Theaaw. p. 815), or [more pro-
bably] purity (Knobel-Dillmann on Ex. xii.
20), while learened bread was called |*pn (lit.
sharpened or sour^rf ; Ex. xii. 39 ; Hos. vii. 4).
Unleavened cakes were ordered to be eaten at
the Passorer to commemorate the hastiness of
the departure (Ex. xii. 15, xiii. 3, 7 ; Deut. xri.
3), as well as on other sacred occisions (Lev. ii.
11, ri. 16; Num. ri, 15). The learened mass
was allowed to stand for some time (Matt. xiii.
33 ; Luke xiii. 21), sometimes fur a whole night
("their baker sleepeth all the night," Hos. t ii.
6 ; see R. V. marg.), exposed to a moderate heat
in order to forward the fermentation (" he
ceaseth to stir the fire, from the kneading of
the dough until it be leavened," Mas. vii. 4,
R. v.). The dough was then divided into round
cakes (DH? rtl33, lit. circles; iprot ; " loaves,"
A. V. andR. v.; Ex. xxix. 23; Judg. viii. 5;
1 Snm. I. 3; Prov. Ti. 26; in Judg. vii. 13,
7)7V; futyls), not unlike flat stones in shape
and appe.irance (Matt. vii. 9 ; cp. iv. 3), about
a span in diameter and a finger's breadth in
thickness (cp. Lane's Modem Egyptians, i. 164) :
three of these were required for the meal of a
single person (Luke xi. 5), and consequently one
was barelv suflficient to sustain life (1 Sam. ii.
36, " morsel," A. V., " loaf," R. V. ; Jer. ixxvii.
21, "piece," A. V., "loaf," R. V.), whence the
expression |*n? DPI?, " bread of nffliction " (1 K.
xxii. 27 ; Is. xxx. 20), refeniug not to the
quality {pane plebeio, Grotius), but to the
Two XfTptiaiu ranying bread to tb« wtnfecUonor. who rolli onl
Ul« paste, which UnflTWRrils majo Into cakes of rariousfonii-*,
«. rf. *./. 9. * (Wllkfn«on).
quantity: two hundred would snfBce for a
party for a reasonable time (1 Sam. xxv. 18 ; 2
Sam. ivi. 1). The cakes were sometimes punc-
tured, and hence called iVn (xoKKupts ; Ex. xxix_
2, 23 ; Lev. ii. 4, viii. 26, xxiv. 5 ; Num. iv
'■iO; 2 Sam. vi. 19), and mixed with oil.
Similar cakes, sprinkled with seeds, were nude
in Egypt (Wilkinson, ii. 386). Sometimes they
were rolled out into wafers (p'J)'^ ; \ifam \
Ex. ixii. 2, 23; Lev. ii. 4; Nam! vi 1M9),
KgjptJaiis oiaUnf cakfls of bTMd ffctaklad wtth Madi (WnUaiM).
and merely coated with oil. Oil was oaasien-
ally added to the ordinary cake (1 K. xvii. 13).
A more delicate kind of cake is described io
2 Sam. xiii. 6, 8, 10 ; the dough ("flour," A.Y.)
is kneaded a second time, and probably some
stimulating seeds added, as seems to be implied
in the name ni3*37 (from 33]p, heart : cp. oor
expression a cordial ; mAAvptSes ; sorM<»-
culae). The cakes were now taken to th<
oven ; having been first, according to tbe
practice in Egypt, gathered into "white bas-
keU " (Gen. xl. 16), nh '^D, a donbtfal «i-
pression, referred by some to the whiteness «I
the bread {Kara xo'V''''*'' ! '^^'■'I- *i^»*'
yufius ; canistra farinae ; R. V. " baskets ot'
white bread :" see notes in Speaker's CoauR. ud
Delitzsch, Genesis [1887], in loco), by others, lu
in tbe A. V., to the whiteness of the baskets
and agaiuy by connecting the word **in with the
idea of a hole, to an open-work basket (marji*,
A. v.), or lastly to bread baked in a hole (Kitto,
Cj/dop. art. Bread). The baskets were plscnl
on a tray and carried on the baker's head (Gtn.
xl. 16 ; Herod, ii. 35 ; Wilkinson, ii. 386).
An KnpU>a csnylBK oikM to tba o««B (WUUbhb}.
The methods of baking (HSM) were, and still
are, very various in the East, adapted t« th«
various styles of life. In the towns, wt'K
professional bakers resided, there were do doubt
fixed ovens, in shape and size reseroblin; ihoK
in use among ourselves : but more usu.illy esA
household possessed a portable oven C^if) • t^''
Pavos), consisting of a stone or metal jar sboot
three feet high, which was heated inwardlvrith
wood (1 K. xvii. 12 ; Is. xliv. 15; Jer. vii. I*)
or dried grass and flower-stalks (x</>t»», MatL
vi. 30); when the fire had burned down, tht
cakes were applied either inwardly (Herod, ii.
92) or outwardly : such ovens were used by tli«
Egyptians (Wilkinson, ii, 385), and br tiie
Easterns of Jerome's time {Comment, in L«a>. v.
10), and are still common among the Bedoniu
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BBEAD
(Wellsted'j Tratd$, i. 350 ; Niebnhr's Vescript.
de C Arable, pp. 45, <6). The use of a aingle
oven kv aereral families only took place in time
of famine (Lev. iiTi. 20). Another species of
oren consisted of a hole dag in the ground, the
ii<l« of which were coated with clay and the
bottom with pebbles (Harmcr, i. 487). Juhn
{Arckaeol. i. 9, § 140) thinks that thi;) oven is
referred to in the term Dn'3 (tev. xi. 35) ; but
tiie dual number is an objection to this view
(see Knobel-Dillmann in loco) ; the term *^^
(Gen. xl. 16) has also been referred to it.
Other modes of baking were 8p«ci.illy adapted
to the migratory habits of the pastoral Jews, as
of the modem Bedouins ; the cakes were either
spread upon stones, which were previously
bested by lighting a fire above them (Burck-
hsrdt's Notea, i. 58) or beneath them (Belzoni's
Traces, p. 84) ; or they were thrown into the
heated embers of the fire itself (Wellsted's
TriaeU, i. 350; Niebuhr, Deacript. p. 46); or
Urtly, they were roasted by being placed
hetveen layers of dung, which burns slowly,
and is therefore specially adapted for the pur-
pose (Eiek. ir. 12, 15; Burckhardt's Notes, i.
57 ; Kiebuhr's Detcript. p. 46). The terms by
which such cakes were described were HJD (Gen.
iriii. 6 ; Ex. lii. 39 ; IK. ivii. 13 ; Ezek. Iv-
12; Hos. Tii. 8), J^JTD (1 K. ivii. 12 ; I's. ixxv.
16), or more fully D'BSn nj» (1 K. xix. 6, lit.
on the hot stones, R. V'. inarg. ; •' coals," A. V.
and B. v.), the term njD referring, however,
not to the mode of baking, but to the rounded
shape of the cake (Gesen. 'J'hesaur. p. 997) ; the
tquivalent terms in the LXX. iyxpu^las, and in
the Vnlg. svbcinericius panis, have direct refer-
ence to the peculiar mode of baking. The cakes
required to be carefully turned during the pro-
cess (Hos. Tii. 8; Harmer, 1. 488). Other
methods were used for other kinds of bread ;
some were baked on a pan (HSnO, see
Eaobel-Dillmann on Lev. ii. 5 ; Thyayoy ;
tartago : the Greek term survives in the tajen of
the Bedouins), the result being similar to the
kM)z still used among the latter people (Burck-
hardt's Xotes, i. 58), or like the Greek rayiiriai,
which were baked in oil, and eaten warm with
honey (Athen. xiv. 55, p. 646) ; such cakes
appeared to have been chiefly used as sacred
offerings (Lev. ii. 5, vi. 14, vii. 9 ; 1 Ch. xxiii.
29). A similar cooking utensil ,was used by
Tamar (2 Son). liii. 9), named ITIEp (t^toj'oi'),
i» which she baked the cakes and then emptied
them out in a heap (pV\ not poured, as if it had
been broth) before Amnon. A different kind of
bread, probably resembling the ftita of the
Bedouins, a pasty substance (Burckhnrdt's
Sota, i. 57), was prepared in a saucepan,
rCTJID {4axifa ; craticula ; fri/inj-pan, A. V.
and K. V. ; none of which meanings, however,
correspond with the etymological sense of the
word, which it connected with boSini) ; see
Knobel-Dillmann on Lev. ii. 7); this was
also reserved for sacred offerings (Lev. ii. 7 ;
Tii. 9). As the above-mentioned kinds of bread
(the last excepted) were thin and crisp, tho
mode of eating them was by breaking (Lev. ii.
6; k. Iviii. 7; Lam. ir. 4; Matt. xiv. 19, xv.
36, xxvi. 26; Acts ii. 11; comp. Xen. Anab.
Tii. 3, § 22, <proi» iUxKa), whence the term
BRICK
457
DIB, to break = to give bread (Jer. ivi. 7) : the
pieces broken for consumption were called xAdo--
/lOTo (Matt. xiv. 20 ; John vi. 12). Old bread
is described iu Josh. ix. 5, 12, as crumbled
(D*"lp3 ; a sense preferred by Dillmann' after
Aqnil. i^aBvptt/iiyot ; in frusta comminuti. The
A. V. and R. V., " mouldy," follow the LXX.
B. tipwTiwD Kol Ptfipaii4roi), a term which is
also applied (1 K. xiv. 3) to a kind of biscuit,
which easily crumbled (xoAAvad ; " cracknels,"
A. V. and K. v.). [w. L. B.] [F.]
BREASTPLATE of the High Priest.
[Priest, Dress of.]
BREASTPLATE. [Arms, p. 241.]
BREECHES (D'PJSD; ir«f»<r/t«X^ ; femi-
na/ta), part of the dress' of the priests. They
were short, and extended only from the loins to
the thigh (Ex. xxviii. 42, xxxix. 28 ; Lev. vi. 19,
xvi. 4 ; Ezek. xliv. 18 : cp. Joseph. Ant. iii. 7,
§ 1 ; Philo, de Monarch, ii. 5). See Priest,
Dress of. [P-]
BRETHREN OF JESUS. [Brothkr.]
BRICK (njS^, made of white day, from ]yj.
to be white ; \\ireos ; later; in Ezek. iv. 1,
A. v., tUe). Herodotus (i. 179), describing the
mode of building the walls of Babylon, says
that the clay dug out of the ditch was made
into bricks as soon as it was carried up, and
burnt in kilns (Ki/irioiy The bricks were
cemented with hot bitumen (So-^oXtoi), and at
every thirtieth row crates of reeds were stuffed
in. 'This account agrees with the existing
remains at some places, as at Mugheir, Ur
(Pietro della Valle, Viagni, ii. 844), and with
the history of the building of the Tower of
Confusion, in which the builders used brick
instead of stone, and slime ("lOn ; Sir^aXToi)
for mortar (Gen. xi. 3 ; Joseph. Ant. i. 4, § 3).
ESTpUaa brick stamped with the pnenonMn of Tbotrnw III.
(Birch's Aneitmt PotUrn-)
In the alluvial plain of Assyria, both the
material for bricks and the bituminous cement,
which bubbles up from the ground, and is
collected and exported by the Arabs, were close
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458
BBICK
at hand for buildiug pnrposea (Plin. H. .V.
xxxv. 13, 51, ITS); but the Babylonian bricks
were more commonly burnt in kilns than those
xised at Nineveh, which are chiefly sun-dried,
like the Egyptian (see Maspero, Archeoi. Egypt.
p. 8; Babelon, Man. sCArclteol. Orient, p. 12).
Xenophon mentions a wall called the wall of
Brick Arcb, Tbebes. (Bltch'i Anafl PoOnir.)
Uedia, not far from Babylon, made of burnt
bricks set in bitumen (7rKiv9ois iwTcus ir
iui^ixtif KtiiUrous), 20 feel wide and 100 feet
high. Also another wall of brick 50 feet wide
(Diod. ii. 7, 8, 12; Xen. Anah. ii. 4, § 12,
iii. 4, §11; Nnh. iii. 14; tjiynrd, Xintteh, ii.
46, 252, 278). While it is needless to inquire
BBICK
to what place, or to whom the actual innntioa
of brick-makins; is to be ascribed, there is
perhaps no place in the world more iaroai-
able for the process, none in which the re-
mains of original brick structures hsre been
more largely used in later times for building
purposes. The Babylonian bricks are utoally
from 12 to 13 is.
sqnan, and 3} is.
thick, (Engliih
bricks are uMiiily
in. long, 4) vide,
2} thick.) Ttiey
most of tliem beu
the name, inscriM
in cuneiform chsnc-
ter, of Xebnchail-
nezxar, whose buiU-
ings, no doubt, re-
placed those of as
earlier age (Uystil,
Ifin. and BJiyi pp.
605, 531). TheT
Tj^^^^^^S^- also possess more of
the character of tila
(Ezek. iv. 1). They
were sometimes glazed and enamelled with ptt-
tems of various colours. Semiramis is said by
Diodorus to have overlaid some of her towen
with surfaces of enamelled brick bearing elsbo-
rate designs (Diod. ii. 8). Enamelled bricks ban
been found at Nimroud (I^yard, ii. 312). Pliny
(vii. 56, 57, 193) says that the Babylonisu
lte«lgnc»{iCiff«iainidorad In making brlckf St Tlwbci. (WOUcMin.)
Ilfi. 1* t. X«a ntoxaillt ftftar twnlnfr tfa« brtcki. Slgi. S. 6. TukmAsten. Fill. «, fl. Man ouTTlnjr brick&
■ad aiizlns tbe dsj or mnd. Flsi. 0, u, Xnkins bridu vjtii ft iroodea mould, d, k, Ilg. 14, VMcU^
At • Um bricki (Ittd) an mli <o be made at TttHm.
nca T. S-IS. Kssto:
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BBIOE, BBICEGROOM
med to record their astronomical obserratioiis
on tiles (coctilSma laterculU). He also, as well
as Vitruvins, describes the process of making
bricks at Rome. There were three sizes: (1)
1^ ft. long, 1 ft. brood ; (2) 4 (Greek) palms
long, 12-135 in. ; (3) 5 palms long, 13 - 16875 in.
The breadth of (2) and (3) was the same. He
uys the Greeks preferred brick walls in general
to stone (xiiv. U, 49, 172; seeVitruv. ii.3,8).
Bricks of more than 3 palms length and of less
than 1^ palm are mentioned by the Talmudista
(Gaea., p. 740; see Plin. /. c. 171). The Israelites,
is common with other captives, were employed
by tl)e ICgyptian monarchs in making bricks and
in building (Ex. i. 14 ; T. 7). Kiln-bricks were
sot generally used \a Egypt, but were dried in
the son, and even without straw are as firm as
when first pat up in the reigns of the Amunophs
tad Thothmes, whose names they bear. The
mal dimensions vary from 20 in. or 17 in. to
U| in. long ; 8f in. to 6) in. wide ; and 7 in.
to 4) in. thick. When made of the Nile mud,
or allurial deposit, they required (as they still
Kquire) straw to prevent cracking, but those
formed of clay taken from the torrent beds on
the edge of the desert held together without
straw ; and crude brick walls nad frequently
the additional security uf a layer of reeds and
sticks, placed at intervals to act as binders
(Wilkinson, i. 342 [1878]; Birch. Aneient
Pottery, p. 9 sq. [1873], cp. Herod, i. 179).
Baked bricks however we[£ used, chiefly in
places in contact with water. They are smaller
than the sun-dried bricks. A brick pyramid
it mentioned by Herodotus (ii. 136) as the work
of King Asycbis. Sesostris (ii. 138) is said to
have employed his captives in building. Nnme-
rons remains of buildings of various kinds exist,
constructed of sun-drini bricks, of which many
specimens are to be seen in the British Mnscum,
with inscriptions indicating their date and pur-
pose. (See cut on p. 457.) Among the paint-
ings at Thebes, one on a tomb, given on the pre-
ceding page, represents the enforced labours in
brick-making of captives, who are distinguished
from the native* by the colour in which they
are drawn. Watching over the labourers are
"task-masters," who, armed with sticks, are
receiving the "tale of bricks" and urging on
the work. The processes of digging out the
clay, of moulding, and of arranging, are all
dniy represented ; and though the labourers
cannot be determined to be Jews, yet the
similarity of employment illustrates the Bible
history in a remarkable degree (Wilkinson,
i. 342^345 ; Birch,/, c. : see Aristoph. At. 1133,
hSryiwrun 9\ir9o^ipos ; Ex. v. 17, 18). The
Jews learned the art of brick-making in Egypt,
and we find a complaint made by Isaiah that
the people built altars of brick iiutead of
unhewn stone as the Law directed (Is. Ixv. 3 ;
Ei.xx. 25).« [Pottkby.] [H. W. p.]
BBIDE, BRIDEGROOM. [Mabbiaoe.]
• Uenlloa is made of a brkk-klln In 2 Sam. xll. 31
Jer. xllU. •, Xah. III. 14 ; but It is very dooUftil If
}37t3 I>s8 the sense of brick->r<(n in any of these
pansfes. Cp. Driver, XoUt on the na>. Text of the
Ants o/Sum. L c ; and cp. QPB,' and R.V. marf;. on the
[8. E. DO
BRIMSTONE
459
BRIDGE. The only mention of a bridge in
the canonical Scriptures is possibly and quite
indirectly in the proper name Geshur ('WK'^), a
district in Baslian, X.R. of the sea of Galilee,
whose inhabitants, the Oeshurites, are men-
tioned several times in Scripture (Deut. iii. 14 ;
Josh. zii. 5, xiii. 13; 1 Ch. ii. 2:>; Geseo.
p. 308). Absalom was the son of a daugliter ol'
the king of Geshur (2 Sam. iii. 3, xiii. 37, xiv.
23, 32 ; 1 Ch. iii-. 2). The Chaldee paraphrase
on Nahum ii. 6 renders D'IBE', " gates," by
" bridges," where however dykes or weirs are
perhaps to be understood, which, being burst
by inundation, destroyed the walls of Nineveh
(Diod, ii. 27). Judas Mnccabaeus is said to
have intended to make a bridge in order to
besiege the town of Cnsphor or Caspis, situate
near a lake (2 Mace. xii. 13). Josephus {Ant.
V. 1, § 3), speaking of the Jnrtlaii at the tiinr
of the passage of the Israelites, says that it
had never been bridged before, ouk ((tviero
xpirtpov, as if since that time bridges had
been made over it. In Is. xxxvii. 25, T-lp, dig
for water, is rendered by LXX. yi^fav ri9niu.
Permanent bridges over water do not appear
to have been used by the Israelites in their
earlier times, and west of the Jordan there arc
no rivers of permanent importance (see Amm.
Marc. xiv. 8; Keland, p. 284); but we have
frequent mention made of fords, and of their
military importance (Gen. xxxii. 22 ; Josh. ii. 7
Judg. iii. 28, vii. 24, xii. 5 ; Is. xvi. 2).
Though the arch was known and used in
Egypt as early as the 15th century B.C. (Wil-
kinson, ii. 302 sq. ; Birch, i. 14), the Romans
were the first constructors of arched bridge.^.
They made bridges over the Jordan and other
rivers of Syria, of which remains still exist,
especially one between Lake Hfileh and the Sea
of Galilee, called the Bridge of the daugiiters of
Jacob (Stsmley, p. 296 ; Irbv and Mangles,
pp. 90-92, 142, 143; Burckhnrdt, iSyria,
p. 315 ; Robinson, it. 441). The bridge {yafifia')
connecting the Temple with the upper city, of
which Josephus speaks (£. J. vi. 6, § 2 ; ^nf. xv.
11, 5), seems to have been .in arched viaduct
(Robinson, i. 288; iii. 224). |.H. W. P.]
BBIEB. [Bramble.]
BRIMSTONE (nnD^,* gophrith ; 0tToy;
tulphur'). There can be no question that the
Hebrew word, which occurs several times in the
Bible, is correctly rendered "brimstone;"' thi&
meaning is fully corroborated by the old Versions.
The word is very frequently associated with
"fire:" "The Lord rained upon Sodom and
Gomorrah brimstone 4ind fire out of heaven "
(Gen. xix. 24; see also Ps. xi. 6; Exek. xxxviii.
• Probably allied to ic^j, a general name for such
trees as abound with resinous inflammable exudations ;
hence ri*nQi> "sulphur," as being very combustible.
a o
See Geaenins, «. v. Cp. the AraUc i **^< rA^s*
tibrit, and the Assyrian ka pru. Lagarde conjectures
it to be connected with ilie Bactrian vohi kereti, fnmi-
gant, Feis. gd-gird. sulpfaur ( U6ber$ieht fib. d. im Aram.,
Amb., «. Bebr. ablicke BOdungd. ir<miina, pp. 21T-20).
i" From A.-S. fcrmnon, " to bum," and stone.
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460
BRIMSTONE
22). In Job iriii. 15 and Is. xxx. 33, " brim-
stone " occurs alone, but no doubt in a sense
similar to that in the foregoing passages, viz.
as an expression synonymous with lightning, as
has been observed by Le C'lerc {Dissert, de Sodo-
mae suhversiom. Comment. Pentat. adjecta, § iv.),
ilichaelis, RosenmilUer, Dillmann,' and others.'
There is a peculiar sulphurous odour which is
occasionally perceived to accompany a thunder-
storm ; the ancients draw particular attention
to It : sec Pliny {N. U. xxxv. 15), " Kulmina
ac fulgura quoque sulphuris odoreni habent; "
Seneca {Q. nat. ii. 53), and Persius (Sat. il. 24,
25). Hence the expression '* tire and brim-
stone " in the Sacred writings to denote a storm
of thunder and lightning. The stream of brim-
stone in Is. xxx. 33 is, no doubt, as Lee (//«6.
Lex. p. 123) has well expressed it, " a rushing
stream of lightning."
From Deut. xxix. 23, " the whole land thereof
is brimstone . . . like the overthrow of Sodom,"
it would appear that native sulphur itself is
alluded to (see also Is. xxxiv. 9). There arc
extensive deposits of sul|>hur in the volcanic
districts of South-Eastern and North-Eastern
Palestine, chieBy on the east side of Jordan.
In the region of Argob or Trachonitis, and on
the banks of the Yarmuk or Hieromax, these
deposits are especially abundant. In the Yar-
muk, near the ancient Gadara, are nine hot
sulphurous springs (Tristram, Zand of Israel,
p. 462). But by far the most important deposits
are round the Dead Sea, where sulphur is found,
not only in the strata of the surrounding clifiTs,
but ejected in vast quantities from springs, both
on the edge of and in the lake, and also in some
of the ravines running down to it. From these
different sources, it is scattered in lumps larger
or smaller over the flats to the north and west
of the lake. One of the roost remarkable rock
deposits is in the Widy Mahawat, at the south-
west of the lake ; where, on the sides of the
Wady, are exposed large masses of bitumen
overlying a thin stratum of sulphur (Land of
Israel, p. 358). All along the western shore of
tiie lake, from 'Ain Feshkah to Jebel Usduiu,
occur hot springs, producing an abundant deposit
of sulphur. But nowhere are these phenomena
more wonderful than in the gorge of the Cal-
lirrhol' or Zerka Main, and many of the lesser
glens opening on to the east of the Dead Sea.
The hot springs of CallirrhoS are annually
depositing an incrustation of sulphur on the
sides of the glen, to a thickness sometimes of
150 feet, and all traces of the ancient baths and
the erections of Herod have long since been
buried under many feet of brimstone. Scarcely
less rapid has been the dejwsit on parts of the
shore, a little to the south of the mouth of the
Callirrhoi; (Tristram, Land of Moah, p. 243, &c.).
Not the least interesting feature of these sulphur
de)iosits and springs, is that they support a
peculiar and unique flora, chiefly of the Ascle-
piad family, such as Vaemia cordata, described
by Josephus with marvellous legends (Sell.
' A dllTerent explanation Is preferred by Bp. Harold
Browne {speaker's Comm. on Gen. xlx. 24) and Dean
Payne Smith (O. T. Camm.for Engl. Keadtr; In loco).
Taking *' brimstone " to inesn bitumen, the bitumen,
whether volcanic or otherwise, was mad'' the Instrument
by which the olTendlog cities were destroyed.
BUOTUEH
Jud, vii. 6, 3). CImme trinercla a another of
these carious plants, with the smell and colour
of the sulphur on which it grows. See also
Irby and Mangles {Trareh, p. 453), Bnrckhardt
{TroKeis, p. 394), who observes that the Artie
use sulphur in diseases of their camels, and Shaw
{Travels, ii. 159).
Sulphur was much used by the Greeks and
Romans in their religious puriflcations (Juv. ii.
157; Plin. xxxr. 15): hence the Greek word
Btiov, lit. "the divine thing," was employed to
express this substance. Sulphor is found nearly
pure in ditlerent parts of the world, and generally
in volcanic districts ; it exists in combination
with metals and in various sulphates ; it is very
combustible, and is used in fhe mannfactsre of
gunpowder, matches, &c. Pliny {I. c.) says one
kind of sulphur was employed " ad ellycbnia
conficienda." [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
BBOIDED, BROIDEBED. See Ehbsoi-
bEREB. The word " broided " occurs in the
A. V. [ed. 1611] of 1 Tim. ii. 9, "not with
broided hair," and has been replaced by the
corrupt form " broidered " in many more modern
editions. " Broided " (see marg. plaited) is ai
old form of braided, which word has been
placed in this text by the R. V. [F.]
BROOK. Four Hebrew words are thus ren-
dered in the O. T.
1. p'BK, aphik (Ps. xlii. I [2]); according to
Gesenius, properly the bed, which holds in or con-
tains the stream. It occurs only in the poetical
Books. Elsewhere it is rendered "stream,"
"channel," "river."
2. n^N', ylur (Is. lix. 6 [A. V. " the broob
of defence'," R. V. "the streams of Egypt "3,7,
8 [A. V. " brooks," R. V. " Nile " in both w.],
ixiii. 3, 10 [A. V. "river," R. V. "NUe" in
both vr.1), an Egyptian word, according to Ebns
= aw So, " the great stream " {Aegypten, Jtc,
p. 338), and which occurs on the Rotetta-inscrip-
tion (c. D.C. 195). It is the Uemphitic jero,
Saliidic jero, and Assyr. jdru, and is generally
.ipplied to the Nile, or to the canals by wkick
Egypt was watered (see MV." t. r.). The only
exceptions to this usage are found in Das. xii
5, 6, 7, where A. V. and R,'V. read "river"
(see Speaker's Comm.* on Dan. xii. 5), and the
word is applied to the Tigris.
a ^3»p, micil (2 Sam. xvii. 20> which
occurs but once, and is of very nncertain
derivation and meaning, though some such
sense as "rivulet" (A. V. and R. V. "brook")
would be in accordance w^ith the context (see
Driver, Sotes on the f/eb. Text of the Books of
Sam. in loco). The Targum erroneously para-
phrases it " Jordan."
4. 7ri], nach^l, a term applied both to the
dry torrent-bed (Num. ixi. 12, A. V. and R. V.
"valley"; Judg. xvi. 4, A. V. and R. V.
" valley " in text, " brook " in marg.) and to the
torrent itself (1 K. xvii. 3, A. V. and R. V.
" brook "). It corresponds with the Arabic
vcady, the Greek x"f^^'>'"> the Italian ,lh(n0<>,
and the Indian nullah. For further infonnatioD,
see River. [W. A. W.] [F.]
BROTHER (n^ ; iitxpis). The word is
sometimes used in Hebrew as in all langoagei is
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BROTHER
a general or metaphorical sense. In the O. T.
the term " brother" U sometimes applied to (1)
kinsman, and not a mere brother — ejj. nephew
(Gen. xir. fS, xiii. 8), hnsband (Cant. it. 9) ;
(2) one of the same tribe (2 S.im. xix. 13) ; (3)
of the lame people (Ex. ii. IIX or even of a
cognate people (Num. xx. 14); (4) an ally (Amos
i. 9); (5) anjr friend (Job t. IS); (6) one of
the same office (t K. ix. 13) ; (7) a fellow-m.-in
(Ler. lii. IT); (8) metaphorically of any simi-
larity. It is a very favourite Oriental metaphor,
as in Job xxx. 19, " I am become a brother to
the jackals " (Oesen. a. v.).
The word iStX^t has a similar range of
meaniDgs in the N. T., and is also used for a
disciple (Matt. xxr. 40, &c.) ; a fellow-worker,
u in St. Paul's Epp. passim ; and especially a
Christian. Indeed, we see from the Epistles and
the early Fathers that it was by this name that
Christians usually spoke of each other. The
Dime "Christian " woi merely used to describe
helieTen objectively, ■>. from the Pagan point
of view, as we see from the places where it
occnra, riz. Acts [xi. 26], xxri. 28, and I Pet.
ir. 16. Cp. Cremer, Bibl.-theolog. WOrterb. d.
-V TIkh. GrScitat,* s. n.
The Jewish schools distinguish between " bro-
ther " and " neighbour ; " " brother " meant an
Israelite by blood, "neighbour" a proselyte.
They allowed neither title to the Gentiles; but
Christ and the Apostles extended the name
** brother " to all Christians, and " neighbour "
to »ll the world, 1 Cor. v. II ; Luke i. 29, 30
(Lightfoot, Hot. Hebr. ad Matt. t. 22).
We roust now briefly touch on the dillicult
sad interesting question as to who were " the
brethren of the Lord," and pass in review the
theories respecting them. And first we would
obserre that iu arguing at all against their being
the rent brethren of Jesus, far too much stress
has been laid nn the assumed indefiuiteness of
meaning attached to the word " brother " in
Scripture. When the word is used hiftorically
mi amtinwMtly, there is no such indefiniteness.
Id all the adduced cases it will be seen that,
vben the word is used in any bnt its proper
sense, the context, in every case of real im-
portance, prevents the possibility of confusion ;
and indeed in the only two exceptional instances
(not metaphorical), viz. those in which Lot and
Jacob are respectively called " brothers " of
Abraham and Laban, the word is only extended
so far as to mean "nephew;" and it must be
remembered that even these exceptions are
qnoted from a single Book, many centuries
earlier than the Gospels. If then the word
"brethren," as repeatedly applied to James, &c.
Rally means " cousins " or " kinsmen," it will
be the only instance of such an application
being repeatedly used without any data being
fiimished to correct the laxity of meaning.
Agnin, no really {>arallel case can be quoted
from the N. T., except in merely rhetorical and
tropical passages; whereas when "nephews"
or "cousin;," are meant they are always
speciBed as such, as in Col. iv. 10, Acts
xiiil 16(Kitto,,7'A<! Apottlta, &c., p. 165 sq.).
It is, then, obvious that there is no adequate
warrant iu the language alone, to take "bre-
thren " a< meaning " relatives ; " and therefore
the a priori presumption is in favour of a literal
acteptation of the term. We have dwelt the
BROTHER
461
more strongly on this point, because it seems to
have been far too easily assumed that no impor-
tance is to be attached to the mere fact of their
being inttu-iabty called Christ's brothers ; whereas
this consideration taken alone would go far to
prove that they really were so.
There are, however, three traditions respecting
them. They are first mentioned (Matt. xiii. 56)
iu a manner which would certainly lead an un-
biassed mind to conclude that they were our
Lord's uterine brothers. " Is not this the car-
pentei-'s son? Is not ^is mo<A<r called Mary?
and His brettiren James, and Joses, and Judas,
and Simon? and His sisters, are they not all
with us ? " But since we find that there was
a " Mary, the mother of James and Joses and
Judas and Simon" (Matt, xxvii. 36), and that a
" James and Judas (?) " were sons of Alphaeus
(Luke vi. 15, 16), the most general tradition is
— I. That they were all our Lord's first cousins,
the sons of Alphaeus (or Clopas), who is sup-
posed to have been a brother of Joseph (Hege-
sippns ap. Euseb. H. E. iv. 22) and Mary, a sister
of the Virgin. This tradition is accepted by
Jerome (Cat. Script. Ecc. 2), Augustine, and the
Latin Church generally, and is now the one
most commonly received. Yet there seem to be
overwhelming arguments against it: for (1)
The reasoning entirely depends on three very
doubtful assumptions, viz. a. that "his mothei^s
sister" (John xix. 25) must be in apposition
with "Mary, the wife of Cleophas," which
would be improbable, if only on the ground that
it supposes two sisters to have had the same
name, a supposition substantiated by very few
parallel cases [WIeseler ie\\ Mark xv. 40)
thinks that Salome, the wife of Zebedce, is
intended by "his mother's sister"]; 6. that
" Mary, the mother of James," was the wife of
Alphaeus, t.c. that the James intended in Luke
vi. 15 is 'liitufios i 'A\^tou ; c. that Cleophas,
or more correctly Clopas, whose wife Mary was,
is identical with Alphaeus (Hegesipp.); which
may be the case, although it cannot be proved.
(2) If the cousins of our Lord were meant, rt'
would be signally untrue that " neither did his
brethren believe on him " (John vii. 5 sq.), for
in all probability three out of the four (viz.
James the Less, Matthew (or Levi), and Simon,
as well as Jude, the brother (or, more probably,
the son) of James, were actual Apostles. We do
not see how this objection can be removed. (3)
It is quite unaccountable that these "brethren
of the Lord," if they were only his cousins,
should be always mentioned in conjunction with
the Virgin Mary, and never with their own
mother Mary, who was both alive and in con-
stant attendance on our Lord. (4) The
" brethren of the Lord " are generally spoken
of OS distinct from the Apostles : see Acts i. 14,
1 Cor. ix. 15; and Jude («. 17) seems clearly to
imply that he himself was not an Apostle. It
seems to us that these four objections are quite
adequate to necessitate the rejection of the very
slight grounds adduced for the identification of
the " brethren of the Lord " with the " sons of
Alphaeus." If "the Lord's brethren" were His
cousins, what possible reason could have pre-
vented the Evangelists from calling them
cousins ? Why, in writing plain prose, should
they have gone out of their way to suggest a
false inference? Whatever happens to other
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462
BKOTHEB
BEurr
theories, thi$ at least •(though it has been the
faronrite theory in the Western Church) must
be absolutely rejected. It was an arbitrary
attempt on the part of Jerome to assert the
virginity not only of Mary but of Joseph. He
juTented it in A.D, 383 a» furnishing a plausible
argument against Helvidius ; and afterwards,
when it had served its temporary purpose,
he quietly allowed it to fall into abeyance
(see Lightfoot, Gabxtiana, pp. 247-249). The
real usage of the word " brethren " (apart
from its lax and metaphorical applications) is
alone sufficient to relegate this theory into the
region of obsolete conjectures.
II. A second tradition accepted by Hilary,
Epiphanins, and the Greek Fathers generally,
makes them the sons of Joseph by a former
marriage with a certain li^cha or Salome of the
'tribe of Judah; indeed Epiphanius (_Haerea. 29,
§ 4) eren mentions the su)>|>osed order of birth
of the four sons and two daughters. But Jerome
(^Com, in Matt. xii. 49) slights this as a mere
conjecture, borrowed from the "deliramenta
Apocryphorum," and Origen says that it Vas
taken from the Gospel of St. Peter. The only
shadow of ground for its possibility is the gene-
rally received tradition that there was a differ-
ence of age between Joseph and the Virgin, On
the other hand, it is a fatal objection to this late
tradition that, if the brethren were sons of
Joseph by an earlier marriage, James as the
eldest of them was legally " the son of David "
and the lineal heir to Uavid's throne.
III. Theophylact suggested that they were
the offspring of a levirate marriage between
Joseph and the wife of his deceased brother
Alphaent. But, apart from all evidence, it is
obviously idle to examine so arbitrary an
assumption.
The arguments agaitut their being the sons
of the Virgin after the birth of our Lord, are
founded on — (1) The almost constant tradition
of her ittsapetria. St. Basil {Serm. de S.
Natvo.) even records a story that " Zechary was
slain by the Jews between the porch and the
altar" for affirming her to be a Virgin after, as
well OS before the birth of her most holy Son
(Jer. Taylor, Duct. Dubit. ii, 3, 4). Still the
tradition was ttot universal : it was denied, for
instance, by those who were called Antidico-
mariaiiitae and Helvidiani ; and it appears to
have been unknown to, or unaccepted by, Ter-
tullian and Victorinus bishop of Petavium. To
quote Ezek. xliv. 2 as any argmnent on the
question is plainly absurd. (2) The fact that
on the cross Christ commended His mother to
the care o( St. John ; but this is easily explicable
on the ground of His brethren's apparent dis-
belief in Him at that time, though they seem
to have been converted by the Resurrection.
Indeed the objection, if it has any weight at all,
tells also against the two other theories.
(3) The identity of their names with those of
the sons of Alphaeus. This argument loses
every particle of weight, when we remember
the constant recurrence of names in Jewish
families, and the extreme commonness of these
particular names. In the N. T. alone there may
be at least five contemporary Jameses, and several
Judes, not to mention the (at least) 21 Simons,
17 Jose?, and 16 Judes mentioned by Josephus,
On the other h.ind, the arguments for " the
brethren of the Lord " being (as they are exch
sively called) his actual brethren arc numeroa>*
and, taken coUectivelt/, to an unprejudiced mind'
almost irresistible, although singly they art
open to objections: e.g. (1) The word tpmri-
TOKOS vUs, Luke ii. 7. (2) Matt. L 25, vie
iylytnttrmv oAr^y ewj o5 trtxty, ictA., to which,
Alford justly remarks, only one meaning cmld
have been attached but for preconceireti theories
about the ini-rapBiyia. (3) The general tone of
the Gos]>els on the subject. The " brethren "an
conatantly spoken of Kith the V. Mary, and with
no shadow of a hint that they were not her owi
children (Matt. xii. 46 ; Mark iii. 31, &c.>
(4) The inference which would be naturally
drawn from Matt. i. 18. It can, we think, U
hardly denied that any one of these argumeiits
is singly stronger than those produced on tht
other side.
To sum up, then, we have seen (I.) that "the
brethren of the Lord " could hardly have beta
identical with the sons of Alphaeus, and (IL)
that we have no grounds for supposing them to
have been the sons of Joseph by a prerions, et
(III.) a levirate marriage ; and (IV.) that tke
arguments in favour of their being actual bro-
thers of our Lord are very strong, and that
the tradition on the other side (derived partly
from apocryphal Gospels, pai-tly from guess-
work) is not sufficiently weighty or unanimous
to set them aside. Finally, Ihis tradition of
the perpetual virginity of the mother of oar
Lord (which any one may hold, if he will, as
one of the " pie credibilia," Jer. Taylor, Duct.
Dub. ii. 3, 6) is easily accounted for by the
widespread Manichean error of the inferiority
of the wedded to the virgin state. Scripture io
no way requires us to believe it, and the notion
of a nominal marriage, such as prevailed ia tbe
3rd and 4th centuries, was absolutely nnknoim
to the Jews. Since Mary's previous virginity
is alone requisite to the Gospel nairstivc, wt
must regard the question of her iemptcrta a
one of mere curiosity. [Jakes; Joses; Jude.]
The qiiestion has been discussed by many wiitos.
Besides the chief New Testament commentatoi^
sec Herder, Briefe Zweener Brrvier Jisn, 1775;
Blom, de roU iS(\<po:s, 1839 ; Schaff, Dot Ver-
haltnisa der Jacobus, Sic, 1842; Lange, lA*
Jesn, i. 421-437 (E. T.) ; Keim, Jetu von Xaam,
ii. 143 (E. T.) ; Laurent, Aeutest. Stvd. p. 153 C
(1856); Pressens^, Jesus Christ, p. 287; Mill,
Mythical Interprctn. pp. 219-274; ilcClellsa,
New Test. p. 654 ; and especially Bishop Light-
foot, Gaiatiaiu, pp. 241-274. Bishop Ligfatfost
supports the hypothesis of Epiphnnius. The
Helvidian view may claim to be itrirti
directly from Scripture ; is supported by tke
high authority of Tertullian, who would hsr*
been eager to reject it if there had been sat
grounds for doing so; and is accepted br
Herder, Winer, Wieseler, Laurent, Meyer, Stier.
Alford, Weiss, Ewald, De Wette, Keiro, Ve
Pressen8<!, McClellan, and an increasing nomber
of modern critics. [F. W. F.]
BEUIT, Jer. x. 22; Nah. iii. 19. Thewoid.
now obsolete, means report, rumour. The A. V.
follows the Genevan Version ; the R. V. ba«
substituted "rumour" for " bruit " in JerenisK
but retained " bruit " in Nahom. See S- B.,
Amer. ed. [F-]
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BUBASTIS
BUBA6TIS. [PiBESETH.]
BUCKLER. [Aems, H. 5 ; Shield.]
BUK'KI ('p3, of ancerUiu meaning [see Gcs.
and MV."]; Bocci). 1. Son o< Abishua .ind
father of Uzzi, fifth from Aaron in the line of
the high-priests in 1 Ch. t. 31, rl. 36 (LXX.
Ti. 5 [B. Bm)*', a. BaKoT]. 51 [BA. BogKaTj), and
is the genealogy of Kzra, Ezra rii. 4 (B. BoKicel,
.V.-<).'iud 1 Eld. viii. 2 (BA. BoKini), where he
is called BocCAS, which is corrupted to Borith
(2 Kcd. i. 2). Whether Bukki erer tilled the
uffice of high-priest, we are not informed in
Scripture. Epiphsnius in his list of the ances-
tors of Jehoiada, whom he fancifully supposes
to be brother of Elijah the Tishbite, omits both
Bakki and Abishua {aihen. Mclchixedec. iii.).
Josepbns {Attt. viii. I, § 3} expressly says that
all of Aaron's line between Joseph (Abishua)
the high-priest and Zadok, who was made high-
priest in the reign of Darid, were private per-
sons (tS<»rc^aj>T«X *•<• oot high-priests, and
■E«otioDs by name . " Bukki the son of Joseph
the high-priett," as the first of those who lired
a private life, while the poutiKcal dignity was
in the house of Ithamar. But in t. 11, § 5,
Josephoa says as expressly that Abishua (there
ealleJ Abiezer), baring received the high-prieat-
hood firom his father Phinehas, transmitted it to
his own son Bukki, who was succeeded by Uzzi,
after whom it passed to Eli. We may conclude
therefore that Joaephus had no more means of
koowing for certain who were high-priests be-
tween Phinehaa sad Eli than we have ; and w«
may adopt the opinion, which is far the most
probable, that there was no high-priest between
them, unless perhaps Abishua. For an account
of the absurd fancies of the Jews, and the
statements of Christian writers relative to the
succession of the high-priests at this period,
Me Selden, de Success, in Pontif. J3'(s6r. ; also
Onalog. of our Lord, ch. x. [A. 0. H.]
2. B. BoKxif, A. BoKicf, F. Baxx't Bocci.
Son of Jogli, "prince" (N'B'3*) of the tribe
of Dan, one of the ten men chosen to apportion
the land of Canaan between the tribes (Num.
xiriv. 22). [A. C. H.]
BUKKI' AH (4nj^5, vide Bukki; BokkIoi,
B. Bovaccfot [*i>], A. Bokk(iu [u. 4], KokkIos
[c. 13]; Bocciau% a Kohathite Lerite, of the
sons of Heman, one of the musicians in the
Temple, the leader of the sixth band or course
ia the service (1 Ch. xxv. 4, 13). , [A. C. H.]
BUL. [Months.]
BULL. BULLOCK, terms used synony-
monily with ox, oxen, in the A. V. and R. V;, as
the representatives of several Hebrew words ;
twice in the N. T. as the rendering of raipos
(Heb. ix. 13, x. 4).
BcKemnh, nonS, " beast," is used for cattle
in general, and is not always confined to horned
cattle, t.g. in Gen. ixxiv. 23, " Shall not their
outtfebeours?"
Bak&r, "lp3, is properly a generic name for
*■ The ** princes" are only spedfled !n the case of
wvcn tribes oat of the ten ; not In the case of Judah,
Saeon, and BeuJamln.
BULL, WILD
463
homed cattle when of full age and fit for the
plough, without distinction of sex. It Is almost
always used collectively, though occasionally
fbr an Individual, as in Is. x{, 7. Accordingly
it is variously rendered bullock (Is. Ixv. 25, R. V.
"ox"), com (Ezek. Iv. 15), oxen (Gen. xii. 16).
Hence in Deut. xil. 3, 1^3 np3^ is a heifer
[R. V. "an heifer of the herd"]'; Ex. xiix. 1,
1pa")3 ^B, a young huUock ; and in Gen. xviii. 7,
simply ^p3*)3, rendered a calf in A. V. and
R. V. It is derived from an unused root, 1^3i
" to cleave," hence " to plough," as in Latin or-
mentum is aramentum. It is identical with the
Arabic jftj, baiara.
SMr, "^^ff, Arabic .^, thawr, differs from
193 In the same way as il^, a $heep, difiers from
tKV, a fiock of sheep. It is a generic name, but
almost always signifies one head of homed cattle,
without distinction of age or sex. It is very
seldom used collectively. The Chaldee form of
the word, "ViR, occurs in Ezra vi. 9, 17, vii. 17 ;
Dan. iv. 25, &c. ; and Plutarch (&<//. c. 17) says
Ot^p ol ^o(fikc; TJ}y ^vv KoJ^vtri. [It is one of
the few words which appear to be common to
Semitic and Aryan peoples ; cp. rcuipos, taunis,
Sk. etliOras (accorciing to Curtins, meaning
strong). Germ, stier, tngl. steer, though how
this community is to be explained must be
matter of conjecture. There is no apparent
Semitic derivation (cp. Fleischer in Levy,
XJIWB. iv. p. 680).— S. R. D.]
'i;gel, 'igelah. ^J», rhi^, Arabic J^, 'ajil,
a calf, male or female, properly of the first year,
derived, as Gesenios thinks, from an Aethiopic
word signifying foetus, embryo, pidlua, catutus,
while others derive it from ?W, tolvit, rotomit,
festinavit. The word is used of a trained heifer
(Hos. X. 11), of one giving milk (Is. vii. 21, 22),
of one used in plonghing (Judg. xiv. 18), and
of one three years old (Gen. xv. 9). Almost
synonymous with 71)? is IB, the latter signify-
ing generally a young bull of two years old,
though in one instance (Judg. vi. 25) possibly a
bull of seven years old. It is the customary
term for bulls offered in sacrifice, and hence is
used metaphorically in Hos. xiv. 3, " so will we
render, 'as bullocks,' our lips," R. V. The
LXX. and Syr. have, however, "the fruit of our
lips," reading i.e. '"IB for D'lB, and this is
preferred by many moderns (see QPB.* in loco).
There are four or five passages in which the
word D**)4lK, 'abirim, is used for bulls. It is
the plural of T3K, strong, whence its use. See
Ps. xiii. 13, I. 13, Ixviii. 31 ; Is. xxxiv. 7 ; Jer.
I. 11.
All the above words refer to domesticated
cattle, which formed of old, aa now, an important
part of the wealth of the people of Palestine.
[See CATTLE.] [W. D.] [H. B. T.]
BULL, WILD, the A. V. rendering of Nin.
t6 (Is. li. 20), the form WJ5, te6 (Deut. xiv. 5),
b«ing translated " wild ox," the R. V. rendering
both by " antelope." The LXX. gives 8pw{ in the
latter, and atinXlov (I) in Isaiah (fnepte scripsit,
Gesenius) ; the Vulg. oryx in both passages. It
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BULRUSH
is almost certain thai the LXX., Vulgate, and
R. V. are right fn the rendering " oryx "
or "antelope," though doubts are expressed
under Ox, From its position in the catalogue
of animals permitted as food, it roust have been
some creature of the bovine or antelope classes j
nnd the allusion in Isaiah shows it to have
been wild and untameable. Neither Bochart,
Gesenins, or other authority, offers any satis-
factory derivation for the word, nor does it seem
to have any representative in Arabic. The
Chaldaean Onkelos and some Arabic commen-
tators (Bochart, Hieroz. ii. p. 367) propose
BULRUSH
some species of wild cattle. Bat to this Rosen-
miiller reasonably objects that the buffalo U
not indigenous in iiyria. Though it is nvw
domesticated in the swamps of the Huleh and
other similar localities, yet it is an introdoi'tion
from India, and there is no reason to beliere
that it was ever known in Western Asia, nntil
brought back by the Khalifs after their oosqoest
of Persia. Wild oxen or bulls are frequenUj n-
preseuted in Assyrian sculptures. Though nov
used in Egypt, we do not find it portrayed on any
of the ancient monuments. Nor can we assign the
te6 to the extinct aurochs, since that animal it
AmttIab Klnc hvnUnf wild Bolll. Gnmnid.)
designated by reem ; and moreover, as Bochart
observes (foe. cif.), it was far too powerful a crea-
ture to be captured in a net, and as a matter
of feet we know that it was by pitfalls and not
by nets that it was taken. Td^povt alrrais
KpvwriLS ipyd^ovTcu Badflas, Kol ravraa ainous
iWoxatrt" (Aelian, xvii. 45). Hos siudiose foveis
captos Merficiuni (Caesar, de Bell. Gall. vi. 28).
The deer and antelope tribes, on the contrary,
were and are taken by dogs, nets, and snares.
The tc6, therefore, probably stands for some
of the larger antelopes, formerly much more
common in these regions than at present, and
of which three species still linger in scanty
numbers on the eastern frontier of Palesttae.
The antelope or gazelle frequently ocean in
hnnting scenes in Assyrian sculptures. Th<s«
are the Anttlope lencoryx, Pajl., or Oryx;
the Addax, Antilope addax, Licht., and the Ba-
bale, Antilope bubaiia, Pall.; the ]miJ\ tit
beik'r el trash, " wild cow " of the Arabi. As
the Addax is pretty generally identified with
the Strepsiceros of Pliny or the Pygarg, tier*
remain but two claimants, the Bubale and the
Oryx, and we may reasonably accept the ren-
dering of the LXX., and allow ted to nietn
" antelope " generally, or *' oryx " specifically.
Antalope or Oaallla. (Xosym^pk.)
The Antilope leucoryx is a very beautiful and
graceful antelope, with long slender recurved
horns, which attain a length of 3 feet. It is of a
sandy-white colour on the lower parts and face,
with a darker facial stripe, and sandy-coloured
flanks. It inhabits Kordofan, Sennaar, the
Sahara, Upper Egypt, Arabia, and the Syrian
desert, occasionally extending, according to some
authorities, into Persia. [H. B. T.]
BULRUSH, RUSH. FLAG, REED,
PAPER-REED, PAPYRUS.* Six Hebrew
• This article Is In place of Hexd In Vol. III., wbete
the snl)||ect Is not so fnily treated.
words, KDi. liD^K. irxtt. tpD, rSlB. n^, »re
represented in the A. V. and R. V. by one or
other of these names; and as the transUtio»
are frequently interchanged, the whole gnnp
may be conveniently considered together.
Gdme, KOJ (irirvfos, 0i$\is, Mi0i|, Sur; paff
rus, scirpui, jtmcm), is variously translated ii
the English Versions : in Ex. ii. 3, "ark of
bulrushes," A. V. and B. V., but in ibt marpi
of R. V. paptjnts : in other passages it i> reo-
dered " rush " m both A. V. and R. V., except i»
Is. xviii. 2, where the R. V. has " vessels of psp^-
rus." The Hebrew word means literally "the
absorber," from the root MOl, hatait; bat the
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BULEU8H
word m«T be Egyptian, cp. the Coptic gSme,
"reed" (MV."). "it is the celebrateil paper-
retd of tgypt, Papyrus antiquorum, Willd. ; a
BULRUSH
4G5
Papunu aali^marmm,
njme which, in some form or other, has found
iu way into almost every language in the
world. From it was made the ark in which
the infant Moses was preserved ; but, as is stated
t>j Isaiah (xviii. 2), it was employed in the con-
•tmction of much larger vessels. Its employ-
mnit in ship- or boat-building is frequently
alluded to by ancient writers, nxota iroiovvty
ii airov, Theophr. HiH. PI. W. 9. "Naves
primnm reperta* in Aegypto in Nilo ex papyro,"
Plin. TiL 56. "Cum tenet omnia Nilus, con-
seritar bibnia Hemphitis cyraba papyrus,"
Luc Phart. iv. 136. Celsius {Hierok. ii! 144-
iii) adduces nnmerous references to the various
uies of the papyrus from classical antbors.
The Egyptians employed it not only in the
construction of light vessels for the navigation
of the Nile, but for baskets, ropes, sails, shoes,
sandals, napkins, and all sorts of domestic
atensils. For these latter, as for boats, a wicker
skeleton of papymi stem was caulked and then
thinly coated with tenacious pitch, till, as Pliny
(rri. 36) describes it, it became " glutino tena-
cior, rimisqne explendis iidelior pice," Bruce
states (vol. vi. p. 7) that boats of papyrus are
still used among the Abyssinians. They have
not, however, been found in the Central Lakes
of Africa, where the plant abounds, probably
being too fragile for the storms of these inland
seas. Bnt the celebrity of the papyrus is de-
rived from its employment in the manufacture
of paper, being the earliest material so used,
and which has given its name to the material
BIBLE DICr. — VOL. L
throughout the world. The method of prcpa-
ration was very .simple. Sir Gardner Wilkinson
thus describes it: "Papyri are of the most
remote Pharaonic periods. The mode of making
them was as follows : The interior of the stalks
of the plant, after the rind had been removed,
was cut into thin slices in the direction of their
length, and these being laid on a flat board in
succession, similar slices were placed over them at
right angles ; and their surfaces being cemented
together by a sort of glue, and subjected to a
proper degree of pressure and well dried, the
papyrus was completed. The length of the
slices depended of course on the breadth of the
intended sheet, as that of the sheet on the
number of slices placed in succession alongside
each other, so that though the breadth was
limited, the papyrus might be extended to an
indefinite length." The papyi-us was so highly
valued in Egypt that the right of growing and
selling it was a government monopoly from
which large profits accrued. It formerly
abounded on the Nile and in the shallow lagoons
of Lower Egypt, where, with its spreading
rhizomes running laterally just below the sur-
face of the ooze, it helped largely to consolidate
the mud of the Nile. Ancient writers represent
it .IS forming a dense forest on some parts of the
river banks. This was only in the permanent
marshes, or lagoons, as alluded to by Job (viii.
11), "Can the rush (jidme) grow up without
mire ? " It is strange that it has become utterly
extinct in Egypt, and that to lind it at all in
Africa we must go to the marshes of the White
Nile in Nubia 7° north latitude. Thence south-
wards it is common ; and in the region of the
Central Lakes, Victoria Nyanza and Albert
Nyanza, vast tracts of swamp are covered with
it. Bnt it still exists in several places in Pales-
tine, the only region of Asia where this charac-
teristically Ethiopian plant has been found. It
is there well known as |^\>>> bolmr, i.e,
Tiripos ; a term which, like its double $i$\os,
is of Egyptian origin. The most interestiug lo-
cality is at the north-east corner of the Plain of
Gennesareth, where the copious fountain of 'Ain
et Tin feeds a small but dense swamp, filled
with a mass of tall papyrus, very close to the
supposed site of the scriptural Betbsaida.
Higher up the Jordan valley, below Tell Kadi,
the upper part of Lake Huleh, the ancient
Merom, is covered with a floating mass of papy-
i-us many acres in extent, quite impenetrable
from the treacherous character of the morass
beneath the masses of papyrus root, while the
beautiful blossom tufls which surmount the
stems wave with the gentlest air like a silver
sea. There are also patches of papyi us on the
Plain of Sharon, in a little swamp, Munkalid,
N.E. of Jaffa ; in the Nuhr el Wedja ; and also
near the source of the Zerka river, under Mount
Carmel at its south-east extremity. This has
been supposed to be a distinct species, Ciiperua
synacus, Pari., but it is now clearly proved to be
identical, though growing under less favourable
circumstances. The papyrus also claims a place
in the Flora of Europe, being found by the
Anapua river near Syracuse (probably intro-
duced), and where paper is still manufactured
from it. It is also stated to grow in the Lake
Trasimene iu Etruria.
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466
BULKUSH
The papyrot is the giant monarch of the rash
tril>e, or Ci/peraceae, to which natural order it
belongs. The root is very bulliy, spreading and
fleshy, with many rhizomes sending out shoots
upwards and rootlets downwards, and from it
springs a tall triangular stem tapering upwards,
and protected by a sheath. These stems are
about ten feet high, but in warm swamps, like
that of Lake Huleh, they reach the length of
sixteen feet. Wheii the stem has nearly attained
its full length, the sheath opens, setting free a
beautiful tuft like a feather broom, displaying,
in botanical phraseology, a many-rayed umbel.
The secondary umbels are compoised of three or
four short rays, with an involucel of the three
awl-shaped leaflets. The flowers are a short
spike nt the extremity of each ray, and the
earliest do not appear till towards the end of
summer.
Agmon, pDlK. The word is frequently used
with a figurative or metaphorical meaning, and
is always so rendered both in the LXX. and the
Vulgate. Yet there can be no question as to
its primary signification. It is from the root
D3K, ogam (inusit.), allied to the Arabic j^\,
a/am, "a marshy pool or reed-bed." "Densi
initices, arundinetum, palus" (Freytag).
In Is. ii. 14, xix. 15, agntin occurs in the
proverbial expression " branch and rush," A. V.,
" palm-branch and rush," R. V., simply equiva-
lent to our " root and branch," and so inter-
preted in the ancient Versions, ipxh" tal r^Aot,
Ii4yay koI nUpoy, caput et ccmdam. In Job xli. 2
it is translated " hook " by A. V. ; " rope," marg.
rope of rushes, by U. V. Celsius (^Hieroh. i. 468)
gives the best explanation of this passage, viz,
that allusion is made to the common practice of
carrying fish that have been caught by a wisp
of rushes thrust through their gills (cp. however
Delitzsch in loco). In the other jmssage in Job
(xli. 20) in which agmon is translated by A. V.
"chaldron," it has been suggested t)iat the word
has a different derivation from an Arabic root
signifying " to burn," the interpretation adopted
by the LXX. and Vulg. (tt-flpof, /«n<v«). The
R. V. seems to have solved the difficulty by
suggesting " bumiiy rushes." The rapidity and
terrific roar with which a cane-brake once set
on fire will burn can scarcely be understood
by any who have not seen the result of such a
conflagration in an Eastern ravine overgrown
with reeds. It might be very doubtful whether
agmon could be referred to any special species of
reed or cane were it not for the expression in
Is. Iviii. 5, " to bow down his head as a bulrush "
(A. v., " rush " U .v.), which probably points to
some rush easily yielding to the wind, and with
a tuft or panicle at the top. The same plant
must be referred to in Matt. xi. 5, " a recil
shaken with the wind." And while the general
term for reeds u il)^, it is probable that JIDIK
is referable to one familiar species. This can be
no other than the reed typical of the country,
Arundo donax (L.), in Arabic • , '-^t , kasab, a
BULBUSH
common in Egypt and S}-ria, growing oot only
in marshes, but also m lands only occasiogsllr
irrigated. The finest masMS of it are to be
very tall cane about 12 feet high, with a mag-
nificent panicle of blossom at the top, and so
slender and elastic that it will lie perfectly flat
under a gust of wind, and immediately recover
its erect position. The Arundo donax is very
seen in the cane-brakes on the north-west sit
of the Dead Sea, where, noorished by the trarm
springs, it lines the shore for several miles v.th
an impenetrable fringe, the lair of wild bnsn
and leopards, to the exclusion of all ctixr
vegetation ; and where it attains a sigantic aif.
There are also large p.itches of it .ilong tl;
whole Jordan valley, but not of such Inxi)riM.t
growth. In the valleys of the Arnon jni
Callirrhoi! on the east side of the Dead Sts, >:
is also most luxuri.int. Arundo donax belong-
to the family Gramiucac,
Achu, inK, occurs in Job viii. 11, and »I» i"
Gen. xli. 2, 18. The word is also used uitna;-
lated in Ecclus. xl. 16. In the passage from Ji'><
"Can the flag grow without water?" (A. T I.
the R. V. has in the margin rted gr^a
Q0oirofiot, LXX. ; carectmn, Vulg.). In tiie pas-
sages in Genesis the LXX. have left the W"tJ
untranslated, ix*'> »* »" Ecclus. The Valgu*
has locipaiuitres and rtrcdum paiudis ; " mesdov.
A. V. ; " rccd-grass," R. V. The word ix' »""'.
in the LXX. Is. xix. T, as the repreveiitativf at
ninr (" pajwr reeds," A. V. ; " meadows," K- V.>
Jerome, in his commentary on this f—»^-
incidentally gives the origin of the word mi*
" Pro junoo, papyrum LXX. transtolemit, it
quo charta fit. addentes de suo &x" X^*^-
quod in Uebraico non habetnr. Camqne il'
eruditis quaereiero, quid hie sermo signiScstrt .
audivi ab .^egyptiis hoc nomine lingui eonun
omne quod in palude virens nascitor sppellarr.
The word would thus be familiar to the .\leiu-
drine translators, who retained it, as belli;
equally intelligible with it* Greek eqniTsloit.
Gesenius, without hesitation, infers it, fnm tkis
and other authorities, to lie an Egyptian word [*>
all modems. Sea Ebers, Aeg. u. die Bb- Mous,
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BULRUSH
L 338 sq.— from ^^A., green ; or Delitzsch
on Job viii. 1 1. — S. K. D.]. From the passage in
Job, where it is named along with the papyrus,
we m»T assume, although Jerome generalises it,
that some specific plant is intended, and from
the mention of it in Genesis we gee that it was
ii plant eaten br cattle. Two marsh plants,
both very common in Egypt, — Cypcrua cscttlentus
(L), the edible rush, and Bvtomtts ttmbellatua
(L), the flowering rush, — would me«t all
the requirements of the sacred text, and would
^0 well correspond with the " flag " of the
A.V.
Sipi, fpQ (iXos ; carectum, papyrio, junais),
ii inuisiated by A. V. and K. Y. " dags " in Kx.
li. 3, 5, " She laid the ark in the Jicujs by the
river's brink ; " and also iu Is. xix. 6. In
Jonah ii. 5 it is rendered " weeds " : " The weeds
vere wrapped about my head." Tiie word also
freqoently occurs in combination, ^0*0^. The
invariable name for the Red Sea is " the sea of
weeds." In this connexion, as in the passage
from Jonah, it must be understood of seaweed.
Bat in Exodus it may be taken to mean gene-
rally " weeds " or marsh Tegetation, such as the
rank rushes on the border of the Nile. Celsius
(Hianb. ii. 66) points out that it refers to the
amaller herbage to the exclusion of the papyrus,
reed, or cane. [The word has no apparent
dematioD in Hebrew, and is in all probability
Egyptian. It has been connected by some with
the Coptic sippe, "sea-weed," or ne6«, "reeds,"
and by others (Bmgscb) with the Egyptian tufi,
"^ papyrus " (see Knobel-Dillmann on Eiod. liii.
18; MV.")..— S. R. D.]
'irilk, nilT (ri Sx» Ti x^"?^' *«»')) occurs
only once, Is. xix. 7, and is rendered " paper
reeds " by the A. V., " meadows " by the R. V.
Whateper be the true rendering, that of the
A. V. cannot be correct, for the prophet had
only just before mentioned the papyrus nnder
its naquestioned name of KIpJ, and would not
immediately mentiAn the same plant under a
totally different name._ The Rabbinic.il commen-
tators state that it is a name for all pot-herbs
»*! green garden stuff, which is evidently the
interpreUtion adopted by the LXX. The 'word
is derived from rni?, ''to be bare or naked,"
and fe the same as the Arabic \£^ 'am, an open
pl.iin, and hence probably signifies meadows
containing the rank green herbage which
abounds in marshy places.
KaaeA, TIJp (kcCXo^s, KoKantiTKOs, KaXdfiivos,
^X'h iyKtir, ivyos, mSfiiiy ; anmdo, culmus,
talmuts, fistula ttatera), from the same root as
the English "cane," occurs in many passages of
the Old Testament, and is the generic name for
.1 reed or stalk of any kind, an<l hence for the
stem of a candlestick, a measure of length, the
armbonc, &c. Thus " seven ears of corn came
up upon one Halk " (Gen. xli. 5, 22). " Branches
of the ccmdleslkk" (Ex. xxv. 32). "Let mine
arm fall from my shoulder blade " (Job xxxi. 22).
In Ezek. xl. b, itc., it is used for a meaawiivj
reed, 6 cubits in length. In Ezek. ixvii. 19 it
is translated by A. V. and R. V. " calamus," the
fendering elsewhere of a very different word :
''Cassia and calamus were in thy market."
^e cqaivalent Greek word xdAtmoi is similarly
applied in the N. T. to the growing reed, to a
BURIAL, SEPULCHRES 46T
stalk, to a measuring rod (Rev. xi. 1, &c.), anJ
to a pen made of reed (3 John v. 13).
Many species of reed are found in different parts
of Palestine, and it is most probable that kaneh is-
a general term with no special reference to any
one species. The most common, besides those-
already mentioned, are Arundo phragmitis (L.),
the Phragmitis communis of modern botanists,
still used universally for pens in the East ; the
common tiad rush (Juncus bufonius, L.); and
many species of Cyperus, or triangular stalked
rush. There are also about fifteen species of
sedge ^Carex) abundant in different parts of
the country. [H. B. T.J
BULRUSHES, ARK OF. [Moses.]
BU'NAH (n313, Ges. = pmfcnce; B. Bo-
ycud, A. Bavad; Bund), a son of Jerahmeel, of
the family of Pharez in Judah (1 Ch. ii. 25).
BUN'NI. 1. 033, Ges. = built; Sonni,.
Boni), one of the Levites in the time of Nche-
miab (Neh. ix. 4) ; possibly the same person is
mentioned in x. 15. The LXX. in both cases
translates the name by vUs.
2. Another Levite, but of earlier date than
the preceding (Seh. xi. 15). The name, '|13
[ed. Baer], is also slightly different. The LXX.
omits it.
Bunni is said to have been the Jewish name
of Nicodemns (Lightfoot on John iii. 1 ; Ewald,
V. 233). [W. A. W.]
BURDEN (KbO), used sometimes in the
sense of an oracle or prophecy (cp. Is. xiii, 1,
&c. For Jer. xxiii. 33 and the highly probable-
variant reading of LXX. and Vulg., see the^
commentators, e.g. QPB.'). 'D does not express
of necessity threatening language, but rather —
by its etymology — language lifted up above
ordinary language, such as the judicial languago
of God, or language spoken with uplifted or
emphatic voice (see Oehlcr, Theology of the 0. T.
§ 210, n. 9 ; Schultz, AHtest. Thedogie,* p. 241,
n. 6; Delitzsch* on Is. xiii. 1). [F.]
BURIAL, SEPULCHRES. The Jews
uniformly disposed of the corpse by entomb-
ment, where possible, and, failing that, by
interment; extending this respect to the re-
mains even of the slain enemy and malefactor
(1 K. xi. 15; Deut. xxi. 23), in the latter case
by express provision of law. Since this was
the only case so guarded by Mosaic precept, it
may be concluded that natural feeling was relied
upon as rendering any such general injunction
snperHuous. Similarly, to disturb remains was
regarded as a barbarity, only justifiable in the
case of those who had themselves outraged
religion (2 K. xxiii. 16, 17 ; Jer. viii. 1, 2). The
Rabbis quote the doctrine "dust thou art, and
unto dust thou shalt return," as a reason for
preferring to entomb or inter their dead; but
that preferential practice is older than the-
Mosaic record, as traceable in patriarchal ex-
amples, and it continued unaltered by any Gentile'
influence. So Tacitus {Hist. v. 5) notices that
it was a point of Jewish custom, corpora condere
quam cremare. The treatment of the remain»
of Saul and his sons w.is exceptional ; sec
below (1 Sam. xxxi. 11-13; 2 Sam. ii. 4-6).
2 H 2
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468 BURIAL, SEPULCHRES
On this subject we have to notice : (1) the
place of burial, its site and shape ; (2) the mode
of burial ; (3) the prevalent notions regarding
this duty ; to which may be usefnlly added (4)
a brief review of parallel customs among other
ancient races.
1. A natural cave, enlarged and adapted by
excavation, or an artificial imitation of one, was
the standard type of sepulchre. This was what
the structure of the Jewish soil supplied or sug-
gested. A distinct and simple form of sepulture,
as contrasted with the complex and elaborate
rites of Egypt, clings to the region of Palestine,
and varies but little with the great social
changes between the periods of Abraham and
the Captivity. Jacob and Joseph, who both died
in Egypt, are the only known instances of the
Egyptian method applied to patriarchal remains.
Sepulchres, when the owners' means permitted
it, were commonly prepared beforehand, and
stood often in gardens, by roadsides, or even
adjoining houses. Kings and prophets alone
were probably buried within towns, and Samuel,
as a special honour, in his own house (1 K. ii. 10,
ivi. 6, 28; 2 K. x. 3.% xiii. 9; 2 Ch. xvi. 14,
xxviii. 27 ; 1 Sam. xxv. 1, xxviii. 3). Sarah's
tomb and Rachel's [Raciif.l] seem to have been
chosen merely from the accident of the place of
death; but the successive interments at the
former (Gen. xlix. 31) form a chronicle of the
strong family feeling among the Jews. It was
the sole dxei spot in the unsettled patriarchal
life; and its purchase and transfer, minutely
detailed, arc remark.-ible as the sole transaction
of the kind, until repeated on a similar occa-
sion et Shechem [Machpei.aii]. Thus it was
deemed n misfortune, or an indignity, not only
to be deprived of burial (Is. xiv. 20; Jer.
passim; 2 K. ix. 10), but in a lesser degree to
be excluded from the family sepulchre (1 K. xiii.
22), as were Uzziah, the royal leper, Ahaz, and
Manosseh (2 Cb. ixvi. 23; xxviii. 27 ; xxxiii. 20).
Thus the remains of Saul and his sons were
reclaimed, to rest in his father's tomb. Similarly
it was a mark of a profound feeling towards a
person not of one's family, to wish to t>o buried
with him (Ruth i. 17 ; 1 K. xiii. 31), or to give
him a place in one's own sepulchre (Gen. xxiii.
6 ; cp. 2 Ch. xxiv. 16). The head of a family
commonly provided space for more than one
generation ; and these galleries of kindred sepul-
chres are common in many Eastern branches of
the human race. Cities soon became populous
and demanded cemeteries (cp. the term iroAv-
iytftoy, Ezek. xxxix. 11, 15), which were placed
without the walls ; such on one seems intended
by the expression in 2 K. xxiii. 6, Jer. xxri.
23, " the graves of the children of the people,"
situated in the valley uf the Kedron, or of
Jehoshaphat. Jeremiah (vii. 32; xii. 11)
ihreateni that the valley called Tophet, the
favourite haunt of idolatry, should be polluted
by burying there (cp. 2 K. xxiii. 16). Such was
also the "Potter's Field" (Matt, xxvii. 7).
The Mishnaic description of a sepulchre, com-
plete according to Rabbinical notions, is some-
what as follows : a cavern about 6 cubits square,
or 6 by 8, from three sides of which are re-
ressed longitudinally several vaults, called
D\'313, each large enough for a corpse. These
have been compared to pigeon-holes and to
OTeos. They are described as "rectangular.
BURIAL, SEPULCHRES
sloping spaces, cut into the wall of the rock,
extending 6 feet horizontally, sufficiently cidc
and high to admit of a corpse being poshed
in," ».e. end-ways {Survq/ of W. PdaHu,
Special Papers, p. 288). On the foarth lidt,
the cavern is approached through a small opes
covered court or portico, *1Vn, of a size to rcceivr
the bier and bearers. In some such itmctiiret
the demoniac may have housed (Mark v. 3). The
entry from this court to that cavern was dosej
by a large stone, called 771], which was door-
shaped, and swinging upon hinges ; or a muii
closely-fitting slab without hinges; or ch<«se-
shaped, and so capable of being rolled, thas
continuing the Evangelistic narrative. In Smf
of Vf. P. ii. 128 one such is recorded u {avA.
cylindrical, of 3} feet diameter, in situ ; while
the marks of its grinding against the face of the
rock remain : for one swinging on pivots, see i6.
111. Sometimes several such caverns, each witli
its recesses, were entered from the several sides
of the same portico (Mishna Bata Batkra, 6, S,
quoted by J. Nicolaus, de Sqiulchris fliriraroras).
For further particulars, see Tombs. In the climite
of Palestine decomposition is rapid, and the boies
of previous corpses were probably removed to >
common receptacle, thus allowing of suocevn
entombments. Osteophagi for collecting the
bones have been found with Hebrew and Greek
inscriptions, but none of them are apparently
earlier thau the Christian era. The collectieaof
the bones of criminals condemned to dtstk is
mentioned in the Talmud Sfofd Katon, i. 3.
Benjamin of Tudela {E. P. p. 86) saw "Ubs"
(osteophagi) filled with the bones of Israelites a
the cave of Machpelah at Hebron. The collNti<4
of the bones of corpses is still a common cnstcci
in the Greek Church. For a description of tlx
osteophagi, see M. Clermont-Ganneaa in Serv
Archeologique, Juin 1873, Novembre 1878. The
masonry tombs are rare ; they are usualW ol'
Roman date, and most commonly found in tk
northern part of the country. At AmmS» then
are, according to Conder, many " towers of «li-
cut masonry filled inside with well-ams^
sarcophagi" (Palestme, p. 176). The tacU
haunted by the demoniac may have beea J
masonry, and have disappeared. With iIk
"kokim given off from" the "sides" of tie
chamber (above) cp. Ezek. zxiit' 23, "whose
graves are set in the sides of the pit," and Ji.
xiv. 15. Where contiguous chambers exist c»e
with kokim, the other with locnii of a diflerest
shape, the outer or older one is generally that
which has the kokim. These, tierefort, B»y
be taken to represent the older arrangaKst.
The later loculi are distinguished as tMf
graves, troiu/h graves, and swtit graves, the
term sufficiently expressing the character. Vit
earlier sepulchres, to judge from 2 K. siii
21, did not prevent mutual contact of remains.
Sepulchres were marked sometimes by pilUn, »»
that of Rachel, or by pyramids, as those of tke
Asmoneans at Modin (Joseph. Ant. xiiL 6, | H- >
Cp. three known as "the Spindles" at El ■
Meghnzel near Sidon, described and fignred l>v
Perrot and Ohipiez, p. 154; cp. Quart. Serine,
Jan. 1886, pp. 210-11; their chief members
are cylinder or pyramid on a quadrate basemeat
Like temples, tombs were, from their assnmeJ
inviolability, sometimes made the depositori'^
of treasures (De Saulcy, ii. 183X We find then
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BDBUL, SEPULCHEES
also distinguished by a " title " (2 K. xxiii. 17).
8uch u were not otherwise noticeable were
scrapnloosly "whited" (MatU xxiii. 27) once
a rear, filter the rains before the Passover,
to vam passers-by of defilement (Mottinger,
Cippi Jlebi: p. 1034 ; Rossteusch, de SepnI. caloe
xitai. ap. Ugoliui, p. xxxiii.). For the bed,
jvrliaps sarcophagus, ot° Og, sec under Bed.
" Two subterranean tombs, built rudely in basalt,
siumounted by domes, and closed with square
doon of black basalt, were found in Btisan "
(Biislun; see Swrttti of W. Pattttint, Sptcial
Pitpera, p. 292). Koman columbaria also are found
iowell-known Koman sites in Pnlestine. Tombs
alio eiist with Christian emblems and Greek
inscriptions ; and the seven-branched candlestick
M fosLd on tombs with iokim and with graves of
the 3rd century a.d. For a description of those
at Sheik Abreik in Galilee, see Swrvcy of W. Pal.
L pp. 386-7, of about the Christian era, where
tks device appe~ rs ; as does that of the lion (also
imaA over ancient synagogue, to. p. 31 9), perhaps
t^ emblem of Judah. They are of divers ancient
patterns, and the corpses lie indifferently in all
directions of the compass. Others contain niches
for lamps and teor-bottles (Ps. Ivi. 8). In one
over 200 anch niches occorred, all black with
smoke (ii. pp. 344, 351 ; ii. 375). Inscriptions in
tumbs seem extremely rare. One such, but
illej^ble, is figured in ii. 376. The name of
Alkios, grandson of Simon Maccabaeus, occurs on
a tomb near Gezer {PEF.Qy. Statement, 1875,
p. 57). Tribal marks are believed to be occa-
ncnally discerned, as on a portico of a tomb (t6.
p. 363).
We may trace in the abova arrangements
xnne elements of the imagery of the prophets.
Thus the "shadow of death "is the contrast
oSered by these aepulchral chambers with their
rayless vaults, to the bright glare of the
Syrian sky without. The " gates of the grave "
are the massive slabi or sliding stones with
vhich the entries of some are closed. The idea
of the Prophet in Is. xiv. 9 sq. seems to be
derived from some vast chamber of departed
^gs, with its lateral kotim, rousing up its
dead teuants to greet the greatest of earthly
monarchi in his fall. Similar h the expression of
E«kiel(MxJi. 21), where the Prophet (co. 18-32)
contemplates seven or more vast nations with
the chief of each and " all her multitude round
about her graves" (i;. 24, cp. cr. 22, 23, 25, 26),
each forming a vast necropolis, and sings his
avfil dirge of triumph over their downfall, as
they lie, an nnclean heap of " uncircumcised "
^lain, with "their iniquities upon their bones "
(f. 27). The Mukam or Mohamedan sanc-
tuaries, connected with the name.<i of various
Bible worthies, may in some cases be their
heritable tombs, besides those of the chief patri-
archs near Hebron, Such are those of Eleazar
and Phinehas, of Samson, of Aaron on Mount
Hor, aad of Joshua (>4. p. 262 sq.). [ToMDS.]
-■ With regard to the mode of burial, we
should remember that our impres.'.ioni', as de-
rived from the O. T., are those of the burial of
persons of rank or public eminence, whilst those
gathered from the N. T. regard persons of a
[irirate station. But in both cases "the manner
of the Jews" included the use of spices, where
they could command the means. Thus Asa lay
io a "bed of spices" (2 Ch, xvi. 14 j cp. Jer.
BUEIAL, SEPULCHRES 469
iiiiv. 5). A portion of these were bnrnt in
honour of the deceased, and to this use was
probably destined part of the 100 pounds'
weight of " myrrh and aloes " in our Lord's
case. On high state occasions, the vessels, bed,
and furniture nsed by the deceased were burnt
also. Such was probably the " great burning "
made for Asa, If a king was unpopular, or
died disi^raced (e.g Jehoram, 2 Ch. xii. 19;
Joseph. Ant. ix. 5, § 3), this was not observed.
At the present day articles of value are annually
burned at the tombs of certain celebrated Rabbis
in Palestine. In no case, save that of Sanl and
his sons, were the bodies burned, nor in that case
were they so burnt as not to leave the " bones "
easily concealed and transported, and the whole
proceeding looks like a hasty precaution against
hostile violence. Even then the bones were
interred, and re-exhumed for solemn entomb-
ment. The penal doom of Achan and that of
Nadab and Abihu seem to have attached an evil
omen to lire, whether as causing death, or as
applied to human remains ; which was enhanced
by its idolatrous association with the Molech
and Baal rituals (Lev. x. 2-6, xviii. 21, xx.
2-5, 14; Num. xi. 1-3, xvi. 35; Josh, vii. 15,
25; 2 K. xxiii. 10; Jer, vii, 31, xix. 5, xxxii.
35). In Amos x. 8-10 a city straitly besieged
and ravaged by pestilence seems to be de-
picted. "Ten men in one house" and all
dying show such crowded quarters and such
rapid mortality as Thucydides ascribes to the
sieiie and plague at Athens (ii. 52), The dead
must be disposed of somehow, and cremation is
the vnly resource ; but the horror which it
raised in the Hebrew, even -when practised by
an extern on an extern, seems expressed in Amos
ii. 1. Like cannibalism, it was regarded as the
extremity of dire distress (cp. Dent, xxviii,
53 sq.). In Amos vi, 10 the uncle, perhaps the
last kinsman left, turns cremator*; and the
last of the ten inmates being thus dealt with,
the solitary housekeeper is asked, "Any more
yet ? " and replies, "None." To which the kins-
man replies, " Hush ! no mention of the sacred
Name," either as unsuited to such a charnel-
house atmosphere, or as desecrated by associa-
tion with the burning of human remains, or
perhaps a cry of despair, or of superstition (so
nearly Pusey, Maurice, et al.). The bones, how-
ever, are brought forth, to be placed probably
in some common repository. The mere fact of
a great mortality never causes men to burn
corpses ; nor did it do so among the Jews on
such an occasion (Ezek. xxxix. 12-14).
A company of public buriers appears in
Ezek. /, c. The occasion is the offence to the
" passengers"' arising from the unburied horde
of the typical Gog, lying "on the face of the
field," and tasking the strenuous efforts of the
united population for seven months to get rid
• The word and Idea conveyed In the IXX. uc wholly
ditTerent, «at iropa^iwrrai there taking tlie place of
iaiDtW ■ " and he that bumeth him " ( A. V.).
k A. V. " It shall stop the noKt [mtrg. or months] of
the passengers" (lit. shall muttle), Ezek. xxxix. 11 [R.
v. Ukrs It differently : " it shall stop them that pass
through"]; cp. Joel 11. 20. But for this the LXX.
have ir<puMico^st*iffov(ri to nvptorrffnof r^ ^apoyvvf,
which shows a different orlginaL
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470 BUKIAL, SEPULCHRES
of them (e. 12). These are then supplemented
by burial-corps " of continual employment " in
various parts of the country, and by the more
casual aid of passers-by who "set np o sign,"
wherever remains are still found exposed, '* till
the buriers have buried it " (m. 14, 15). This
iluty of " buriers," which the Prophet saw in
vision as arising from an exceptional necessity,
had become, it seems, customary In the times of
the N. T. (AcU v. 6, 10). The closing of the
«yes, kissing, and Wiishing the corpse (Gen. xlvi.
4, 1. 1 ; Acts ix. 37) are customs common to all
nations. As regards the last of these. Lane,
detailing the practice prevailing in modern
Egypt, which is probably in its main features
-of high antiquity, says, " The ■ mnghassil,' or
washer of the dead, soon comes . , . The ordinary
ablution preparatory to prayer having been
performed upon the corpse, with the exception
of the washing of the mouth and nose, the
whole body is well washed from head to foot,
with warm water and soap, and with ' leef,' or
fibres of the palm-tree ; or, more properly, with
water in which some leaves of the lote-tree,
' nabk,' or ' siir,' have been boiled. The
nostrils, ears, &c., are stuffed with cotton ; and
the corpse is sprinkled with a mixture of water,
(>ouaded camphor, and dried and poanded leaves
of the ' nabk,' and with rose-water ; sometimes
other dried and pounded leaves are added to
those of the ' nabk.' The ankles are bound
together and the hands placed upon the breast "
< J/bd. Eiypt, c. xxviii. p. 512, ed. 1860). Collius
were but seldom used, and if used were open ;
bat fixed stone sarcophagi were common in
tombs of rank, The-bier, the word for which in
the O. T. is the same oa that rendered bed [see
Red], was borne by the nearest relatives, and
followed by any who wished to do honour to
the dead. The grave-clothes (_i9iyia, ivri^ui)
were probably of the fashion worn in life, but
swathed and fastened with bandages, and the
head covered separately. Previously to this
being done, spices were applied to the corpse in
the form of ointment, or between the folds of the
linen; hence our Lord's remark (John lii. 7),
that the woman had anointed His body itpht rb
ima^iiitw, "with a view to dressing it in
these irriipia ; " not, as in A. V. " for the
burial," and R. V. "against the day of my
bwrying." According to Josephus (c. Ap. ii. 27),
the dead were buried decently, but without ex-
travagant expense, and without costly monu-
ments. The nearest relations performed the
obsequies ; aud p.issers-by were obliged to join
the funeral and assist in the lamentation.
Jkfourning women were apparently hired, as at
the present day, to wail for the dead (Jer. ix. 17).
After the funeral, the house and its remaining
inhabitants were purified. The high-priest was
forbidden to defile himself by going " in to any
dead body " (Lev. xxi. 10, 11). For the burial of
Jews at Jerusalem at the present day, see Toblcr,
DeiMlStter, p. 325. For the custom of mourners
visiting the sepulchre, see MOURSISO ; for that
-of frequenting tombs for other purposes, see
Dlv: NATION, § 5.
3. The precedent of Jacob's and Joseph's re-
■mains being returned to the land of Canaan was
followed, in wish nt least, by every pious Jew.
Following a similar notion, some of the Rabbis
taught that only in that land could those who
BURIAL, SEPULCHRES
were buried obtain a share in the rcnrrtctiim
which w.-\s to usher in Messiah's reign on esrtli.
Thus that land was calletl by them "the land
of the living," and the sepulchre itself, "the
house of the living." Some even feigned that
the bodies of the righteous, wherever else
buried, rolled b.ick to Canaan under groand, and
found there only their appointed rest (J. N'ico-
laus, </« Si-pM. Neb. liiL 1). Tombs were in
popular belief, led by the same teacliing, invested
with traditions. Thus Machpelah is stated
(Lightfoot, Ceniuria CAom/ropAM, s. v. Hebron)
to have been the burial-place not only of .Abra-
ham and Sarah, but also of Adam and Ere ; and
there was probably at the time embraced in the
N. T. a spot fixed upon by tradition as the site of
the tomb of every prophet of note in the 0. T.
To repair and adorn the.se w.as deemed a woric of
exalted piety (Matt, xxiii, 29). The scrnples of
the Scribes extended even to the burial of the
ass whose neck was broken (Ex. xixiv. 20), and
of the first-born of cattle (K. Maimon. df Pri-
mogen. ch. iii. § 4, quoted by J. Kicolans, <le
Sepult. !£<)•>. xvi. 3, 4).
The neighbourhood of Jerusalem is thickly
studded with tombs, many of them of great
antiquity. An account of them is given under
TOUBS, to which the reader is referred for fur-
ther particulars of the subjects treated of in
this article. An .indent Jewish sarcopha^as
was found at Jerusalem, another in a rock-nrt
tomb near the Convent of the Cross, and others
nt Ashdod, Cam Caitu, Jifna, and Sheik Abreit
(PEF.Survei/, &c., 18S9-70, p. 152 ; 1871, pp.90,
105, 116; 1873, p. 59; 1878, p. t>4). For
ossuaries with inscriptions found near Jemsalem,
see ib. 1874, p. 149.
4. But all onr Bible records are froa tke
monotheistic point of view, and all known or
traditional sepulchres those of monotheiitic
memories. The post-Babylonian extenaoa of
monotheism over the whole Palestinian area,
together with the habit of constantly retenantin;
the s.nnie graves with new remains, wonld tend
to efface all traces of earlier heathenish barial,
which roust at one time have been abundant in
the Northern kingdom, and prevalent even in
the Southern (cp. Jer. viii. 1, 2). It b on tiiis
ground, as well as generally, worth while t'
review the principal features of buri.il ani<»S
ancient, especially neighbouring, nations. 0;
Hittite and Amorit« burial nothing stta-
specially to be known. Of Babylonian, recent
research has collected some highly interestini
facts (see Zeitschrift fur Assgriolojie, ii. ♦, if-
Dec. 1887), of which the chief are as foiled.
Entire necropoleis of considerable si« «b»'
their extant remains at Surghnl and D HiUa
between Tigris and Euphrates. These cccapt
a group of artificial hillocks, r.iiscd 1.5 m«tiei
or less above the plain, forming entire snss
of ruin, the whole of which are niortoiry iJ
character. Cremation, mostly inromplete, ni
the practice, for which the vast neijWwn™?
sedge-growths combined with asphalt fnmis)i»i
the combustibles, although here and there psl"
and other grained woods were used. Very teir
remains of bodies are found without clear tnces
of fire. The corpses were enveloped in s^g'"
matting and plastered over with soft chy, <"
sometimes encased in a sort of rlay oven •«
concentrate the heat, the calcined shslli of
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BUBIAL. 8EPULCHBES
vkicli ait itiii foand in abuDdance in situ. The
d»a were quenched, when the skeleton alone
nmained, ami the bones were often gathered in
narrow-necked reasek. These remauiB (how
tiiat the man retained his war-equipment or
dros of peace, the woman her ornaments, the
child its toy. A pair of golden eiirrings was
totuid well preserved. Some atone hatchets and
flint arrowheads with bronze rings and other
ioplements often melted into shapeless lumps,
perforated stones, spindles of burnt clay, stones
ibr poliahiig, jtc there deposited to be of service
to the dead, were picked ont from the vast layers
«r>lust; and especially some curious seals with
birds or homed animals figured upou them —
all having passed thi-ough the lire. Offerings
of food showed their remains in date-kernels
aod bones of edible animals, more or less burnt,
alio clay reoeptades for perfumes, with perfora-
tieu to allow their vapours to escape. These
articles were sometimes packed together in an
open vessel, similar to the cluaed one which
Kceired the human remains.
Besides these, cremated with the corpse, aubse-
qneat offerings for human wanta, chiefly those
primary ones of clothing, food, and drink, showed
copioni remnants ; but others also, symbolical,
notably three forms oi pkailua, with intermediate
^■radatiotts, and the " nail-cylinder," sometimes
inscribed, occnrred. Ofpottery an extensive array
—bowl, platter, cup, and bottle, showing delicate
modelling — survired. The hillocks sometimes
iiare higher terraces imposed on lower, as if to
niKt the demands of later mortality. A canal,
lined with brick laid in asphalt, carried off
temporary inundations ; fragments even of sta-
toes, the balks of which had probably been long
removed, were picked np, bot rarely. The most
extraordinary featore of the whole mortuary
-system was, however, plainly visible in the
j^ronnl lines and foundations of large masses of
small houses, chambered, and copioosly furnished
with rills of water (one having as many as eight
such), solely intended for the supposed poit-
mortem tenancy of the dead. The recital
Impresses one with the notion of enormous
iaixiar expended, and the corpses of perhaps an
entire province gathered here ; while of solid
Mk( in the material needs of n future state
hardly snch an extensive monument exists else-
where. For examples of this belief prevailing
from Central Asia to Central America and Fiji,
see Tylor'a Primitive Culture, ch. xi., especially
pp. 413 sq. Some extreme examples are (ib.
pp. 409-10), an annual mock-fight among the
Qneensland aborigines, to scare away the souls
let loose by death in the year's course ; nets set
by North American Indians around their cabins
to intercept neighbours' departing souls; a
widow fallowed home from her husband's funeral
by a man flapping the air with a bundle of
twigs to drive ofl" his ghost and set her free to
remarry. For some points of Biblical contact
with some of its practices, cp. Deut. xxvi. 14,
where the confessing Israelite is to declare, in
making the prescribed offering, " I have not
«alen thereof in my mourning .... nor given
thereof for the dead," showing that a cultua of
the dead with eatables was among practices
familiar but forbidden to him ; and Jer. xvi. 7,
" neither shall men break bread for them [the
dead] in mourning, to comfort them for the
BUBIAL, SEPDLCHBE8 471
dead, " * &c with Hos. ix. 4 : also Ezek. xxxii.
27, "... the uncircumcised, which are gone
down to hell with their weapons of war, and have
laid their swords under their heads," referring
without doubt to the burial or cremation with
weapons, as above. On certain practices of
laceration, &c. and of cutting off hair as a
funereal offering, Prof. W. R. Smith remarks (iSe-
ligion of the Semites, i. 305) that they "were
deemed efficacious to maintain an enduring
covenant between the living and the dead,"
referring to Wilken, Haaropfer, p. 74.
As regards the Persians, Vaux {Nineveh and
Persepolis, p. 392)— quoting Arrian's description
of the tomb of Cyrus, identified by Porter,
Morier, and others with the solid stone building
at Mfirghab, which is taken by Prof. Sayce
(on Herod, i. pp. 120, 233, notes) to be the tomb
of another Cyrus, brother of Xerxes — adds,
" Within is the gold coffin of Cyrus, near which
is a seat with feet of gold ; the whole is hung
around with coverings of purple and carpets of
Babylon." The Magi were entrusted with the
special ctistody of this tomb, and a small house
near it is mentioned as for their use. Since the
time of Cambyses, Arrian states that it had
continued in their charge, handed on from father
to SOD. Q. Curtius narrates how "Alexander
the Great so respected the established customa
of the country, that when the body of Darius
was found, he caused it to be embalmed and
sent to his mother Sisygambis, that it might be
buried after the manner of the kings of Persik
in the tombs of his ancestors" (ifr. p. 362).
Of the Egyptian threefold method of embalm-
ing, so much is popularly known, from Herodotus
(ii. 85-88) downwards to the latest unroUinga
of mummies, as to supersede more minute
description here. One or two special points
may be noted. With the worship of ancestors
was connected the custom of visiting and
banqueting in sepulchres. The offerings were
the materials of the banquet— "cakes, wine,
fruit, &c. with other comestiblea." Libations
of oil and wine were also poured over the
mummy case (Rawlinson's Ancient Egypt, i.
423). These further illustrate the passage cited
above from Jeremiah. A future state of which
the basis is the need of the body to the soul
accounts for the minute and scrupulous study
of the preservation of remains. In sepulchral
mural paintings this belief finds elaborate
expression. There the soul is judged, its merits
and demerits weighed in scales. In some cases
it is handed over to jackal-headed demons to
decapitate. Of the Egyptian Book of Hades we
read (Secordt of the Past, x. 83) : "The general
sense of the great composition is . . . that the
Sun and the gods or the souls who accompany
him are swallowed up by the Earth in the west,
and that they arise in the east. Of the various
scenes recorded, one of the most notable shows
souls in a lake of flame, but not apparently of
penal infliction, to whom vegetables are brought
as nourishment " (ib. pp. 124-5). This accounts
for the funereal banquets and offerings referred
to above. The Sun-god Ra is invoked in «
• Hero the author annotates that the " funeral feast
which baa for its objeci to comfort the moumeis K I
apprehend, in its origin a feast of commnnlon with the
dead."
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472 BUBIAL, 8EPTTLCHRES
sepulchral hymn, "Thon givest illumination to
tho9« there [in the nether world] departed," the
same deity being thus the source of light to the
living and the dead. We may compare the threat
of the Sun-god in the Odyssey in a legend
apparently containing Egyptian elements (xii.
383, tiao/uu tis AtSao xai iv ytKitaai ^ativu).
The copious inscriptions on lids of sarcophagi
are well known from popular examples. On
one of King Mankaura he is said to be " living
eternally," a formula not of the earliest date,
and supposed to mark a new religious develop-
ment in the annals of Egypt. The absorption
of the purified soul iu Osiris makes its appearance
here for the first time (Kawlinson, ui. tup. ii.
6+). We read (Records, 4C; i. 9, 19 and note)
that " a tomb in the consecrated mountains of
the west was at one time the last and highest
comfort that religion could bestow;" whereas
the Louvre Papyrus, dated as of the Ptolemaean
period, says, " Do not build thy tomb in thine
own estate," showing how greatly the tenets of
the old belief had by that time become relaxed.
In Butler's Ancient Coptic Churches, p. 92, it
is regarded as "quite probable that ancient
Egyptian forms of burial survivednmong wealthy
persons even into Christian times, though nothing
of the kind is known now," and a note adds that
"embalming was still common as late as the
4th century A.D., for we read that St. Antony's
dread of the process was the chief reason why
his followers concealed his body." The writer
adds that "the Mahomedan custom is, to l.iy
the body in a white shroud, which is then
loosely folded over it. Round this a winding
sheet is wrapped, of a material varying with
the wealth, &c." of the deceased ..." Three
loose bands are then tied round the sheet — one
at the neck, one at the waist, and one nt the
knees or feet. When the body is placed in the
tomb, these bands are further loosened or
removed. The present Coptic custom is to dress
the deceased in his best dress and lay over him
a sheet of cloth, silk, &c. They do not swathe
in bands, and they use a coQin."
For parallel customs among classic nations,
see Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Antiqq., s. r. FoNUS.
Dennis (fiilies, ^c. of Etruria, i. 38) says that
the Roman columharia of masonry were probably
derived from the pigeon-holed tombs which
abound in Etruria, but views combustion as of
far higher antiquity. " De Jurio, a practical
excavator, says, burial among the Greeks was
to burning as ten to one, among the Romans
as one to ten." Burial is, however, noted by
Dennis as practised in the earliest known times
of Greece, and that in the Homeric times
burning was probably confined to the wealthy,
owing to its cost. This, however, i.< inconsistent
with the "pyres in thick succession burning,"
after the pestilence, of //. i. 52, and with the
truce to bum the dead, both Greek and Trajan,
with the process picturesquely detailed, iu //.
vii. 407 sq. The Roman fashion is noted as
varying from time to time. Numa is recorded
by Plutarch (^Numa) as wishing to be buried,
and expressly forbidding his Irody to be burnt.
Dennis thinks burning may have then been
customary for great men only, and that early
Roman practice was in favour of burial, and
that in the early Republic it was generally
preferred. Burning gradually became fashion-
BUBIAL, SEPULCHBES
able, probably as wealth and luxury incrtaied ;
but for the poorer sort and vast slave popolstios
borial must always have prevailed, and ftom
Uor. Sat. i. 8, 8-11, plainly did to at tbe
Augustan period. The oldest Etmsean tomlit
appear to be 6tted with rock-hewn couches, *>
they exhibit furniture of a more' archaic
character than the " niched " sort. Yet miar
of these last an probably of high antiquity, asd
contained vases, mirrors, and other objects, of a
purely Etruscan style. Only at Veil and Satri
are cinerary oUae found in Etruria, to reoeire
which, when burning was preferred, the Bonsn
columbaria had sometimes a hole sank in thp
floor. An ancient Etruscan tomb, rock-be»n.
low, dark, and with a slab-door, containtnl
several such cinerary jars of great size; then
smaller crocks, bronzes, &c ; and showed muni
grotesque paintings, human and animal, patch-
worked in red and yellow, supposed emblemstiol
of the destiny of the soul. On the stone bench
running along either side of the chamber, Isr
respectively the skeleton of a warrior witli
helmet and breastplate, and that of his miSt.
Around or beside them lay a bronze ewer, small
pota painted in the earliest Etruscan style, s
light candelabrum, a bronze mirror, small tignr»
of gods and men in terra-cotta, and some «i
animals in amber. A small inner chamber con-
tained square earthen cinerary urns, with lids
and handles, the latter of human-headed form,
supposed portraits of the incinerated dead, la
the centre was a low brazier of bronze, 2 iiKt
in diameter, probably to burn perfumes aid
neutralize sepulchral effluvia. Here then we have
burial nnd cremation side by side in the same
tomb, but the seeming principal figures entombed
without fire. The Grotta del Triclinio, described
by the same writer, shows a funeral feast gaily
depicted, attended with ransic, dancing, and all
the excitement of convivial life, — happy groaps
in bright colours. See also a curious descriptiea
of an Etruscan cemetery, ib. i. 423.
In and near ancient Sidon several conspicseas
tombs and an entire although small cemeterv
have been unearthed recently. MM. Penoi
and Chipiez (History of Art in Phoenicia, kc,
pp. 144-5) say that Syrian and Phoenician tombt
are seldom found intact; when so. they are
Graeco-Roman merely, and probably had an
earlier occupant ; that the corpses are mnnniv-
looking, '■ but prepared with much more care
and refinement" than Egj'ptian; that everr-
thing — general idea, accidental forma, exteitsl
decoration — tells na of borrowing from Eg?|'t
by Phoenicia. Many minor characteristics, how-
ever, point to a Greek source (see (4. >
specially elegant sculptured head. No. 127 c«
p. 186). The accessaries imply the usnal beli<C>
that the dead retained a quasi-life and had not
lost all communion with the linng to whom
their favour was important. The scene betveeu
Saul and the Witch of Endor shows that such
beliefs had Hebrew currency ; although possiblr
S;imnel may have been believed to hare bees
specially gifted and favoured after death, teat-
what as Teiresias in Homer,* his prophetic
* fxamjof oAoov, tov t« ^fi^rtt tl^wtioi IMT
wf vcnvfffss* roi N tfKwi iimw^v,
■yfld. X. tu-i-y
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BUBNING
power u It were abiding. Besides actual sarco-
pliagi (resembling muminy-cases, with covers,
Mme of wbicli show the head and neck only,
others the whole figure of the deceased), cottins
«f stone, later of cedar, later still of stone again,
kare been found, the period ranging in known
tombs from the 6th to the 3rd century B.C. In
Perrot (tib. tup. No. 134), a recumbent figure
holds an alabaster jar of the kind used in funeral
rites for the offering of precious unguents. The
antiques found in these tombs include sculpture,
metallurgy, the glyptic art, jewellery, ivories,
with glass, terra-cotta, and fictile objects. Gar-
lands of real leaves are supposed to hare en-
twined the colfin-handles (ib. pp. l!)8-203). In
one coffin the ear orifices of the corpse were
prolonged through perforations in the lid.
With thia cp. Tylor (i*. sap. 409), « The Iro-
quois . . . used to leave an opening in the grave
for the lingering soul to visit its body, and
tome of them still bore holes in the cotfin for
the same purpose." In some Phoenician tombs
bronze masks were found, the models, doubtless,
of the likenesses on the sarcophngus-lid. In
one rings and nails showed traces of a cedar
coffin gone to dust. "The funerary furniture
has the same character as with the Egyjitians
and Ohaldaeans ;" but the dead were not burnt
until the period of classic decadence. The most
noted Sidonian tomb is that of King tlshmunazar,
ascribed to the 4th century u.C., resembling a
mummy-case, and inscribed with a text given at
length in Seoonh, #c., ix. pp. Ill sq.; cp.
Kawlinson's Phoenicia, p. 350. n. 2, also Perrot
ke. u6. mp. He forbids all to violate his
remains, " for treasures I have none ; " and
imprecates on any so presuming, that they
" shall have no funeral couch with the ttephaim
[weil-known Hebrew term = Hants, as in Ps.
Iixxviii. 10] nor be buried in graves, nor shall
there be any son or offspring to succeed to
them"(cp. Ps. Ixix. 25, cii. 13). Thus the
words of the same context, "The day of my
noo-existence has come, my spirit hns disap-
peared," need not be taken as excluding a future
SUU. [H. H.]
BUBNING. See Burial, 2 ; PcKisnuEsrs,
UI. (a) 3.
BUBNT-OFFEBING (n^D or rfm, and in
poetical passage* P'pS, t.e. " perfect ; " iXoKdp-
nnrit [Gen.], 4Xaica^«/ia [Ex. and Lev. &c.],
LXX. ; iXamirrmiia, N. T. ; holocauatum, Vulg.).
The original derivation of the word TVV is from
the root n?r, " to ascend ;" and it is applied to
the animal-offering, which was wholly consumed
by fire on the altar, and the whole of which,
except the refuse ashes, " ascended " in the
smoke to God (Judg. xx. 40). It corresponds
therefore in sense, though not exactly in form,
to the word ikoKaurttfUL, " whole burnt-offer-
ing," from which the name of the sacrifice in
modem languages is taken. Every sacrifice was
in part "a burnt-offering," because, since fire
was the chosen manifestation of God'^ Presence,
the portion of each sacrifice especially dedicated
to Him was consumed by fire. But the term is
jenerally r^tricted to that which is properly a
BUBXT-OFFERING
473
" ithole burnt-offering," the whole of which was
so offered and so consumed.
The burnt-oflering is first named in Gen. viii.
20, as offered after the Flood (in iv. 4 we find
the moi-e general word nnjp, "offering," a word
usually applied to unbloody s.icrifices, though in
the LXX. and in Heb. xi. 4 translated by 0uala).
Throughout the whole of the Book of Genesis
(see XV. 9, 17 ; xiii. 2, 7, 8, 13) it appears to be
the only sacrifice referred to; afterwards it
became distinguished a<i one of the regular
classes of sacrifice under the Mosaic Law.
Now all sacrifices are divided (see Heb. T. 1)
into " gifts " and " sacrifices-for-sin " (i.e. eucha-
ristic and propitiatory sacrifices), and of the
former of these the burnt-offering was the
choicest specimen. Accordingly (in Ps. xl. 8, 9,
quoted in Heb. x. 5) we have first (in r. 8) the
general opposition, as above, of sacrifices (Bvaiai ;
propitiatory) and offerings (irpotr^opai) ; and
then (in v. 9) " burnt-offering," as representing
the one, is opposed to " sin-offering," as repre-
senting the other. Similarly in Ex. x. 25 (less
precisely) "burnt-offering" is contrasted with
" sacrifice " (so in 1 Sam. xv. 22 ; Ps. I. 8 ;
Mark lii. 83). On the other hand, it is dis-
tinguished from " meat- [K. V. meal-] offerings "
(which were unbloody), and from " peace-offer-
ings" (both of the eueharistic kind), because
only a portion of them was consumed (see 1 K.
iii. 15, viii. 64, &c.).
The meaning therefore of the whole burnt-
offering was that which is the original idea of
all sacrifice, the offering by the sacrificer of
himself, soul and bodv, to God, the submission
of his will to the Will of the Lord (see Ps. xl.
10, li. 17, 10, and compare the more general
treatment of the subject tinder the word
Sacrifice). It typified (see Heb. v. 1, 3, 7, 8)
our Lord's offering (as esiiecially in the Tempta-
tion and the Agony), the perfect sacrifice of His
own human will to the Will of His Father. As
that offering could only be accepted from one
either sinless or already ]iurified from sin, there-
fore the burnt-offering (see Ex. xxix. 36-38 ;
Lev. viii. 14, 18, ix. 8, 12, xvi. 3, 5, &c.) was
preceded by a sin-offering, always according to
some, usually accnnling to others (c.y. Delitzsch
in Kiehm's // WB. s. n. " Brandopfer "). So
also we Christians, because the sin-offering has
been made once for all I'nr us, offer the continual
burnt-offering of ourselves, " as a living s.ncri-
fice, holy and acceptable to the Lord " (see
Rom. xli. 1).
In accordance with this principle it was
enacted that with the burnt-otii-riug a "meal-
offering " (of flour and oil) and " drink-offering "
of wine should be offered, as showing that, with
themselves, men dedicated also to God the chief
earthly gifts with which He had blessed them
(Uv. viii. 18, 22, 26, ix. 16, 17, xiv. 20 ; Ei.
xxix. 40 ; Num. xxviii. 4, 5).
The ceremonial of the burnt-offering is given
in detail in the Book of Leviticus. The animal
was to be a male unblemished; either a young
bullock, ram, or goat, or, in case of poverty, a
turtle-dove or pigeon. It was to be brought by
the offerer "of his own voluntary toill, that he
might 6c accepted" and slain by himself, after
he had laid his hand upon its head, to make it
his own representative, on the north side of the
altar. The priest was then to sprinkle the
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474
BUSH
BUTTEE
blood opoD the altnr,* and afterwai-ds to cut up
and burn the whole victim, only reserving the
skin for himself. The birds were to be ottered
similarly, but not divided (see Lev. i., vii. 8,
viii. 18-21, &<■..). It will be observed how all
these ceremonies were typical of the meaning
described above, and especially how emphatically
the freedom of will in the sacrificer is marked
The burnt-offering being thus the rite which
represented the normal state and constant duty
of man, when already in covenant with God,"
was the one kmdofsacrilice regularly appointed.
Thus there were, as public burnt-offerings —
Ist. The daily burnt-offering, a lamb of the
first year, sacrificed every morning and evening
(witli an oD'ering of flour and wine) for the
people (Ex. xiix 38-42, Num. xxviii. 3-8).
2ndly. The Sabbath burnt-offering, double of
that which was offered every day (Num. xxviii.
8-10>
3rdly. The offering at the nem moon, at the
three great festivala, the great Day of Atonement,
ami feaat of trumpets : generally two bullocks,
a ram, and seven lambs (see Num. xxviii. 11-
xxix. 39).
Private bumt-offerings were appointed at the
consecration of priests (Ex. xxix. 15 ; Lev. viii.
18, ix. 12), at the purification of women (Lev.
xii. ti, 8), at the cleansing of the lepers (Lev.
xiv. 19), and removal of other ceremonial un-
• le.inness (xv. 15, 30), on any accidental breach
of the Naiaritic vow, or at its conclusion (Num.
vi. ; cp. Acts xxi. 26), &c.
But freewill bumt-offerings were offered and
accepted by God on any aolemu occasions, as, for
example, at the dedication of tiie Tabernacle
(Num. vii.) and of the Temple (1 K. viii. 64),
when they were offered in extraordinary aband-
ance. But, except on such occasions, the nature,
the extent, and the place of the sncrltice were
expressly limited by God, so that, while all
sliould be unblemished and pure, there should
lie no idea (as among the heathen) of buying
Ills favour by costliness of sacrifice. Of this
law Jephthah's vow was a transgression, con-
sistent with the semi-heathenish character of
his early days (see Judg. xi. 3, 24). The sacri-
fice of cows in 1 Sam. vi. 14 was also a formal
infraction of it, excused by the probable
ignorance of the people, and the special nature
of the occasion. Consult on the subject gene-
rally, and specially for its typical signification,
Jukes, The Law of the Offerings, p. 33, &c. ;
Dlllmann on Lev. i. 3 sq. ; W. K. Smith, Ilclitjion
of the Semites, i. cp. Index, ». n. [A. B.] [K.]
BDSH (Hjp,' alneh; fiirot; rvbus). The
' It is clear that In this ceremony the bamt.«ffeitng
touched closely on the propitiatory or sln-ofrertng ;
altliough the solemnity of the blooJ-sprlnkling in the
Istler was muth greater, and bad ■ peculiar significance.
It la, of couTKc, impossible that the forms of sacrifices
chuuUI be r Kldly separated, because the ideas which they
(■oAhrino, though capable of distinction, ore yet insepar-
able from one another.
' This Is remarkably illustrated by the fact that
htathcns were allowed to ofler bnmt-oSerlngs. and that
Augustus ordered two lamb* and a bullock to be offered
for him every day (Joseph. B. J. II. 17, } 2).
* The derivation Is uncertain. The corresponding
tvoni occurs with a similar meaning in Aramaic and
Arabic. Sec MV.» [S. It. D.]
Hebrew word occnrs only in those posnges
which refer to Jehovah's appearance to Maes
"in the flams of fire in the bush" (Ex. lii. 3-4;
Dent, xxxiu. 16). The Greek word is jShirw
both in the LXX. and in the N. T. (Mark liL
26 ; Luke xx. 37 [note that, both in St. Mark
and St. Luke, " the bush " refers to the sectioa
of the Pentateuch so called. See Speaktr's
Comm. in locoj; Acts vii. 35 ; see also Lake vi.
44, where it is correctly rendered " bramble
bush " by the A. V. and l{. V.). Barer is ostd
also to denote the alnch by Josephus, Pilll^
Clemens, Ensebitu, and others (see Celsius,
Uierob. ii. 58). Some Versions adopt a more
general interpretation, and understand any kind
of bush, as the A. V. The Arabic in Acts vii. 36
has rhamnus. Others retain the Hebrew word.
From the word slaeh being used of the bcn-
ing bush alone, and never in any other coo-
junction, we iufer that some definite spedei of
bnsh is intended. It cannot be our biamblt,
which does not occur m a state of nature ii the
Sinaitic Peninsula, which is too hot and dry
for this group of plants. That the Hebrew
should be rendered Pdros by the LXX. is im-
material, as the ancients, not carefnlly dis-
criminnting species, frequently transfer tlie
name of a known plant to another resemblini; it
The question is, what kind of bnsh is found eo
Sinai, which would best answer the conditions of
the problem ; and this seems certainly to be the
Acacia nilotica, known in Egypt as stmt, closelj
allied to the Acacia seyal or shittim tree, but
much smaller and closer in growth. Both
Celsius (^Hierob. ii. 58) and Dean Stanley (£ and
P. p. 17) would trace the derivation of tie
name of Sinai to the seneh or " thorny tree."
The bnsh may possibly be Cratiegus arania, which
Sir J. Hooker noticed on Mount Sinai ; but vhidi
certainly is very rare in comparison with the
sunt or Acacia bush. The bramble planted by
the monks near their chapel, in the convent «
St. Catharine, called bySprengel£ufriwwiu<ii>,'
is not an indigenous shrub. We incline, there-
fore, to the Acacia nilotica or sunt. [H. B, T.]
BUSHKU [Meascee.]
BUTLER. [Ccpbearer; Joseph.]
BUTTEB (nKOn, chem'hah; fioirvpi'; Mf
rum'), curdled milk, as distinguished ftim STH-
fresh milk ; hence curds, butter, and in one piece
probably cheese. It comes from an anused root,
KOn = Arab. \»«^, splssum fuit lac. In Geo.
xviii. 8, butter and milk are mentioned vtotf
the things which Abraham set before his kes-
venly guests (cp. Judg. v 25 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 29).
Milk is generally offered to travellers in Pales-
tine in a curdled or sonr state, — leViea, thiclt,
almost like butter (cp. Josephus' rendering i>
Judg. iv. 19 : -ydAo Su^eopht <Ji)). In Dent
ixxii. 15, we find JtiV 3.^01 n|^3 nSOTlsinosg
the blessings which Jeshurun had enjoyed, when
milk of kine would seem contrasted with milk
of sheep. The two passages in Job (ix. 1", UB-
I (>) where the word flXOn occurs are also best
T : V
<> "This." says .Sir J. Hooker, "Isavariety of ^f
I b'fliuble, Hubut/rutieosut,*'
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BUZ
athfied br rtnd«riDg it mili (A. V. and R. V.
"hotter ") ; and the same may be said of Ps. Ir.
21, which should be comiiared with Job xxix. 6.
in Pror. xxx. 33, Gcseoius thinlcs that cheese
i» meant, the word pD signifying pretsure rather
than churning (A. V. and R. V.). Jarchi (on
Gen. iTiiu 8) explains HNtpri to be pingvedo
hctis, quam de ejus superfcie colliyunt, i.e. cream,
and Vitringa and Hitzig give this meaning to
tlie word in Is. vii. 15-2°2, Butter was not in use
among the Greelfs and Romans except for medi-
cinal purposes, but this fact is of no weight as
to its absence from Palestine. Robinson men-
tions the use of batter at the present day (Bib.
Ita. 1 449), and also the method of cbnming
Cl 460, and ii. 418), and from this we may
uttlj infer that the art of butter-making was
hnwn to the ancient inhabitants of the land, so
little hare the habits of the |<eople of Palestine
lieen modified in the lapse uf centuries. Butter
i) used in different ways by the Arabs of the
Hedjsz (Barckhardt, traceU in -Arabia, i. 52),
but it is not the bt^tter which is elsewhere eaten
with bread ; this butter they call zubde/i, which
is cream or fresh temu, the liquid butter consist-
ing of the fatty particles of the milk separated
from the whey and the caseine (see Thomson,
Tin Land and the Boot, ii. 393 ; D. B. Amer.
«d. 1 «.). [W. D.] [H. B. T.]
BUZ (t)3, contempt ; i Ba£{). 1. The second
son of Milcsdi and Nahor (Gen. xxii. 31). The
gentilic name is M-13, and Elihu is called " the
Birite" (Bov^rqt) of the kindred of Ram, i.e.
Aram. Elihu was therefore probably a de-
scendant of Buz, whose family seems to hare
settled in Arabia Deserta or Petraea, since
Jeremiah (xxv. 23, 'PSj), in denouncing God's
jndgments against them, mentions them with
Tnema and Dedan. Some connect the territory
of Box with Busan, a Roman fort roentioneil in
.\mm. Marc, xriii. 10, and others with Bastn in
Arabia Petraea, which however has only the
first letter in common with it (Winer, s. r.).
The jingle of the names Hnz and Buz is by
no means so apparent in the Hebrew (|'W> H3);
bat it ii quite in the Oriental taste to give
to reUtions these rhyming appellatives ; cp.
Ishna and Ishai (Gen. xlvi. 17); Mchujnel and
Methnsael (Gen. iv.), Uzziel and Uzzi (1 Ch.
vii. 7): and among the Arabians, Hnroot and
Miroot, the rebel angels; Hasan and Hoseyn,
the ions of 'Alee, &c. The Koran abounds in
sneh homoioteleuta, and so pleasing are they to
the Arabs, that they even call Cain and Abel,
Kabil and Habil (Weil's fiibl. Legends, 23 ; also
Sonthey's Notei to Thalaba), or Habil and Hnbid
(see Stanley, p. 413). The same idiom is found in
Mahntta and the modem languages of the East.
2. A name occurring in the genealogies of the
tribe of Gad (1 Ch. v. 14; A. "Axifloilf. B.
Z»$ovx<ili; Buz). [K. W. F.]
BU'ZI CX>l2, no article ; Bowfef ; Buz{), father
of Ezekiel the Prophet (Ezek. i. 3). Hackett
(D. B. Amer. ed. ». n.) considers the name gen-
tilic elsewhere to be personal here; and that
as Ezekiel was a priest, Buzi must have been
one also. [F.]
BU'ZITE (Via ; Bovdi-rm; Buzites). A de-
scendant of Buz. The term is applied to Elihu,
CABTJL
475
who was of the kindred of Ram or Aram (Job
ixxii. 2, 6). [G.]
BY in 1 C!or. iv. 4. The sentence " I know
nothing by myself" (A. V.) is more correctly
rendered by K. V. " I know nothing against
myself." The phrase of the A. V. means in Old
English, " 1 am not conscious of any evil " (see
Speaker's Conan. in loco). [F.]
BY AND BY is the A. V. rendering of cMiv
in Matt. xiii. 21; of /{aurqt in Hark vi. 25 ;
of tvBias in Luke xvii. 7, xxi. 9. The R. V. has
dropped the word and replaced it by " straight-
way " in Matt, and in Luke xvii. 7 (adopting a
dift'erent punctuation of the verse), by " forth-
with " in Mark, and by " immediately " in Lnke
xxi. 9. [K.]
CAB. [Measitres.]
CAB'BON ({^33, of uncertain meaning;
BA. XaPpd; Chebbon), a town [possibly the
same as n333D, 1 Ch. ii. 49] in the low country
(Shefelah) of Judah, named with Lahmam and
Kithlish (Josh. xv. 40), which is only once
mentioned, and of which nothing has been since
discovered. Tristram {Bible Places, p. 40)
proposes to identify it with el-Kuheibeh, SJ
miles S.W. of Beit Jibun, and near Ke/r L&m,
Uhmam. [G.] QW.]
CA'BUL (^-133 ; B. XufiaitaaoniX, including
the Hebrew word following, PKOfe'D, which
A. translates XafiitX hth iLpurrtpav ; Cabul), a
place named as one of the landmarks on the
boundary of Asher (Josh. xix. 27). It is
probably the same as the Chabolo (XajS»\&) ot
Josephus, which was in the district of Ptolemais
and 40 stadia from Jotapata, now Jefat (^Vit.
42-44). It is now Kabul, a village 4} English
miles N.W. of Jefat {PEF. Mem. i. 271). For
references to the Talmud, see Schwarz, p. 192.
It is mentioned by Rabbi Uri of Biel (1564),
and Marino Sanuto says it was called Castrum
ZabuioH by the Saracens in his day. Being thus
on the very borders of Galilee, it is more than
probable that there is some connexion between
this place and the district (^33 fJK' """^
land of C") containing twenty cities, which was
presented by Solomon to Hiram king of Tyre
(1 K. ix. 11-14). The LXX. rendering of the
name in 1 K., Sptov, appears to arise frem their
having rend ^U3, Oebool, "boundary," for 7133.
From the connexion in 1 K. ix. 13, the word
seems to have suggested to Hiram the idea of
worthlessness, though in what way is uncertain.
According to Josephus, Hiram, not liking
Solomon's gift, seizes on the name of one of the
cities, which in his own Phoenician tongue
expresses his disappointment (iu9fft».riv(uiit*yor
yip t4 Xa3aA^i' Karii *oiylKo>y 7\£ttoi', o4«
ipiiTKOv, Jos. Ant. viii. 5, § 3 [cp. A. V. marg.
of 1 K. ix. 13]), and forms from it a designa-
i tion for the whole district ; but this statement
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476
CADDIS
respecting the meaning of 7133 in Phoenician I
is not substantiated. Gesenins gives, onl^ to
reject, other etymologies of the name ; Ewald
(^Hiat. iii. 292) thinks that the name may have '
been wittily interpreted as if = ?33, like naught.
Josephus states (^Ant. viii. 5, § 3) that the land
of Ckabalon (XaPa\iip) was near Tyre, and
(con*. Ap. i. 17) Xa$0vKi)y in Galilee. He says
elsewhere (B. J. iii. 3, § 1) that Lower Galilee
extended from Tiberias to Chabilon near Ptole-
mais, where, however, the town C'liabolo is evi-
dently intended. In 2 Ch. viii. 2 Solomon is said
to have built or rebuilt the cities. [G.] [W.]
CAD'DIS (KaiSis, A. raSils, K. rotSti;
Qaddis), the surname (SiiucaAou/icros) of JOAir-
NAN, the eldest brother of Judas Maccabaeus
(1 Mace. ii. 2).
CADES (KA. KijSf'i, V. 63 ; KtStt, t. 73 ;
Cades), 1 Mace. xi. 63, 73. [Kedesh.]
CA'DES-BARNE (KdSijt Bopi^ ; Vulg. has
a different reading), Judith v. 14. [Kadesh-
BABNEA.]
CADESH. A. V. ed. 1611 (Gen. ivi. 14,
XX. 1), B. V. Kadesu.
CAD'MTEL (B. KoM^ot, A. KoSiuiiK in
r. 26; B. Aa/ioSi^A, A. KoSiv^A in r. 58;
Caduhel), a Levite appointed over the worlcs of
the Temple (1 Esd. v. 26, 58). [Kadmiel.] [F.]
CAESAB (Kaiirap ; i Kaia-ofi, John xix. 12 ;
Caeaar), In the N. T. Caesar is always a title,
never a personal name, and denotes the emperor
reigning at the time. It first became famous
as the hereditary family name {cognomen) of
C. Julius Caeiiar, the founder of the empire. It
had been introduced a century before into the
ancient patrician stock of the Julii, and was, as
long as that stock occupied the throne, the dis-
tinctive name of the members of that noble
house. When with the death of the Emperor
Caius the Julian stock became extinct, his suc-
cessor Claudius assumed with the imperial dig-
nity the family n.ime of the extinct stock. After
that time it passed from one dynasty to another.
Tacitus speaks of Caesar and Augustus as
" names of imperial dignity " (" principatns
vocabnla," Hist. ii. 80). From Hadrian's time
onwards usage changed, and Caesar became the
title, not of the reigning emperor, but of the
heir apparent. See Marquardt-Mommsen, Kom-
ischen Alterthiimer, ii. pp. 746, 1082.
Four times in the N. T. the imperial name
and authority come before us. (1) The Phari-
sees and Herodians tempt Jesus to challenge the
sovereignty of Caesar in Judaea by condemning
the payment of tribute to him (the poll-tax :
Matt. xxii. 17; Mark xii. 14; Luke xx. 22).
(2) Disloyalty to Caesar is the charge with
which Pilate is threatened when he is disposed
to release the " King of the Jews " (John xix.
12). Our Lord's claim of kingship was em-
ployed both in His lifetime and afterwards
(Acts xvii. 7) to arouse the suspicion that His
teaching was hostile to the Caesar. (3) Ap-
peal to the tribunal of Caesar, the right of
every Roman citizen, is the means employed by
St. Paul to avoid being taken to Jerusalem for
trial, and to put an end to his lengthened im-
CAESAREA
prisonment at Caesarea (Acts ixv. It). On
this privilege of appeal and its limitations. Me
Wieseler, Chronoiogie Apost. Zeit. pp. 383-S;
Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of Hi.
Paul, ch. xxii. (4) Caesar'a household (sm
below) contained many Christians, who formtd
an important part of the Roman church at
the time of St. Paul's first imprisonment (PhiL
iv. 22). [E. E. B.]
CAESAR'S HOUSEHOLD. The «do-
mus " or " familia Caesaris " represented by
this expression (Phil. iv. 22) includes properly
the whole of the imperial household, from those
highest in rank ami influence to the slaves of
the lowest order. It is not, however, prohsbie
that the friends whose salutation St, Paul
convevs are to be reckoned amongst the former.
The "'saints " alluded to by the Apostle dated
their conversion to the Gospel earlier than tlie
time of St. Panl's visit to Rome, and Kihop
Lightfoot has ingeniously recovered some <^
their names from the list in Rom. ivi. These
converts were Greeks, Syrians, and Jews,
foreigners temporarily or permanently resldiaf
in the capital ; and the inscriptions relating t»
the imperial household record names eorre«poDii-
ing with the list in the Epistle sufficient t«
establish the presumption that in that list sane
members of the household are included. Uiii-
rectly this result is a testimony to the gamine-
ness of the last two chapters of the Ep. t« the
Romans, See Lightfoot, Philippiojis, detackeJ
note at end of ch. iv. (from which the above is
taken), and SpeaAer's Comm. in loco. [F.]
CAESARE'A {Kmaoftla, Acts viiL 40;
ix. 30; X. 1, 24; xi. 11; xii. 19; xviii. 22;
xii. 8, 16; ixiii. 23, 33; xxv. 1, 4, 6, Yi).
The passages just enumerated show how im|wr-
tant a place this city occupies in the Acts of
the Apostles. It was the residence, appartntlr
for several years, of Philip, one of the levea
Deacons or almoners (viii. 40 ; xxi. 8, 16), snd
the scene of the conversion of the Italian centa-
rion, Cornelius (x. 1, 24; xi. 11). Ilere Hcnd
Agrippa I. died (xii, 19). From hence St. Psol
sailed to Tarsus, when forced to leave Jerusalem
on his return from Damascus (ix. 30), and at
this port he landed after bis second miasionsrr
journey (xviii. 22). He also spent some time at
Caesarea on his return from the third missioDtry
journey (xxi. 8, 16), and before long was broaglt
back a prisoner to the same place (xxiiL 33, S3),
where he remained two yean in bonds befoR
his voyage to Italy (xxv. 1, 4, 6, 13).
Caesarea was situated on the roast of Pales-
tine, on the line of the great road from Tyre t*
Egypt, and between Joppa and Dora (Joseph
II. J. i. 21, § 5). The journey of St. Peter fwm
Joppa (Acts X. 24) occupied rather more than s
day. On the other hand St. Paul's jonmey frffln
Ptolemais (.\cts xxi. 8) was accomplished
within the day. The distance from Jeriualrm
is given by Josephus, in round numbers, as 6<W
stadia {Ant. xiii. 11, § 2 ; B.J.i. 3, § 5> The
Jerusalem Itinerary of the road passing throogii
Nicopolis and Lydda gives 68 miles (WesseUsg,
p. 600. Dr. Robinson thinks this ought to t»
78 : Bib. Hes. ii, 242, note). There is, however,
a more direct road, through Antipatris, which
is 7 or 8 miles shorter than that given ia
the Itinerary, — a point of some importance i«
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CAESABEA
nfcrence to the night-journey of Acts xxiii.
[A.VTIPATRIS.]
The bite of Caeures was formerly occupied
by a town called " Strato's tower," which,
according to Strabo, had a landing-place (jupia-
cf/ur (x*')- This town waa rebuilt and
nJiTged by Herod the Great, and its ini|iortaDce
«u ao increased by his great works that it
was sfioken of as being the head of Judaea
("Judaeae caput," Tac. Mist. ii. 79). The
utmost care and expense were lavished on the
i>uililing of Caesarea, which occupied ten years.
It was a proud monument of the reign of Herod,
who named it in honour of the Emperor Augus-
tus. The full name was Kaurapfta Zc^a<rr^
(Joeeph. Ant. xri. 5, § 1). It was sometimes
cilled Caesarea Stratonis, and Caesarea Palaes-
tiaae ; sometimes also (from its position) rapa\i6s
(Joseph. B. /. iii 9, § I), or q M BalUrrp
CAESAREA PHILIPPI
477
(t6. vii. 1, § 3). It must be carefully distinguished
from Caesarea Piiilippi.
The magnificence of Caesarea is described in
detail by Josephus in two places (jlni. iv. 9 •
£. J. i. 21). The chief features were connected
with the harbour (itself called 2f0airrhs Xi^V
on coins and by Josephus, Ant. ivii. 5, § 1)
which was equal in size to the Piraeus, a
vast breakwater, composed of stones 50 feet
long, curved round so as to afford complete
protection from the south-westerly winds,
leaving an opening only on the north. Broad
landing-wharves surrounded the harbour; and
conspicuous from the sea was a temple, dedi-
cated to Caesar and to Rome, and containing
colossal statues of the Emperor and the Imperial
City. Caesarea contained also an amphitheatre
and a theatre. The latter was the scene of the
death of Herod Agrippa I. Caesarea was the
PbUmiIdm. (Trom ■ Skalch bjr Wn. TippiMSi bq.)
official reaidence of the Herodian kings, and of
Vtstxa, Felix, and the other Roman procurators
of Jndaeo. Here also were the head-quarters
of the military force* of the province. It was
by no means strictly a Jewish city. The Gen-
tile population predominated ; and at the syna-
gogne-worsbip the Scriptures of the O. T. were
read in Greek. Constant feuds took place here
between the Jews and Greeks ; .ind an outbreak
«f thia kind was one of the first incidents of the
great war. It was at Caesarea that Vespasian
was declared emperor. He made it a Roman
colony, called it by his name, and gave to it the
Jus Italiaon. The history of the place, during
the time of its greatest eminence, is summed up
in one sentence by Pliny: "Stratonis turris,
eadem Caesarea, ab Herode rege condita : nunc
Colonia prima Flaria, a Vespasiano Imperatore
dedncU " (t. U).
To the ecclesiastical geographer Caesarea is
intemting at the home of Eusebius. It was
also the scene of some of Origen's labours and
the birth-place of Procopius. In 333 a.d. " the
bath of Cornelius," perhaps a public bath erected
by the centurion at his own cost, wns shown to
pilgrims (/tin. Hicrot.). It continued to be a
city of some importance even in the time of
the Crusades. Now, though an Arabic corrup-
tion of the name still lingers on the site (Kaisa-
riyeh), it is utterly desolate; and its ruins have
for a long period been a quarry, from which
other towns in this part of Syria have been
built. Remains of the theatre, the hippodrome,
the mole, the temple, the aqueducts, and the
walls of the Roman city are still extant (see
Buckingham's Travels; the Appendix to toI. i.
of Dr. Traill's Josephus ; PUF. Hem. ii. 13-28 ;
Gucrm, Samarie, ii. 321-339). [J. S. H.] [W.]
CAESARE'A PHILIPPI {Katriptia fi *i-
hiitirov) is mentioned only in two Gospels (Matt,
xri. 13 ; Mark viii. 27), and in accounts of the
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CAESAREA PHILIPPI
same transactions. The story in Eusebius, that
the woman healed of the issue of blood, and
supposed to have been named Berenice, lived at
this place, rests on no foundation.
Caesarea Philippi was the northernmost point
of OUT Lord's journeyinga; and the passage in
CAESAKEA PHILIPPI
His life which was connected with the plice
was otherwise a very marked one (see Stanler'i
Sinai cf' J^iil/'stirw, \>. .''f»l). The place itself is
remarkable both in its physical and pictiirwjo*
characteristics, and als<) in its historical asso-
ciations. It was nt the easternmost and most
important of the two recognised sonrces of the I river being given (as in the caie of the Missis-
Jordan, tlie other being at Tell el-Kddy [Dan ' sippi and Missouri, to quote Dr. Kobinsoa'i
or Laisii, which by Winer and others has been | illustration), not to the moat remote foontaiis,
erroneously identified with Caea. Philippi]. Xot j but to the most copious. The ipriog rises, aad
that either of these sources is the most distant \ the city was built, on a limestone terrace in a
foontato-head of the Jordan, the name of the valley at the base of Mount Hemion. Caeana
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CAGE
Philippi hu no 0. T. history, though it has been
not nnreuoiutbly identified with Baal-Uad.
lt< aimak rua back direct from Herod's time
into tieatbenism. There is no dilliculty in iden-
tifying it with the Famum of Ja«ephas ; and
the inscriptions which show that the god Pan I
hod once a sanctuary at this spot are not yet
oUitetated. Here Herod the Great erected a I
t«mple to Augustus, the town being then ciilled
tnm the grotto where Pan had been honoured. |
it it worth while here to quote in succession I
tiie words of Josephns and of Dr. Robinson : — !
"Herod, harmg accompanied Caesar to the
tea and returned home, erected a beautiful <
t«mple of white marble near the place called
I'lniom. This is a tine carem in a mountain ;
■nder which there is a great cavity in the earth ;
and the carern is abrupt and very deep, and
fall of still water. Orer it hangs a vast monn-
tsin, aod under the mountain rise the springs of
tke tirer Jordan. Herod adorned this place,
which was already a very remarkable one, still
farther by the erection of this temple, which
h< dedicated to Caesar " (Joseph. Ant. xv. 10.
§ 3; cp. if. J. i. 21, § 3). "The situation is
naiqut; combining in an nnnsnal degree the
ehments of grandeur and beauty. It nestles in
its recess at the sontherB base of the mighty
Hermon, which towers in majesty to an eleva-
UoB of 7000 or 8000 feet above. The abun-
dant waters of the glorious fountain spread
orer the terrace luxuriant fertility and the
(jraceful interchange of copse, lawn, and waving
felds" (Robinson, iii. 404).
Paninm became part of the territory of
Philip, tetrarch of Trachonitis, who enlarged
•nd embellished the town, and called it Cae-
<ana Philippi, partly after his own name, and
partly after that of the emperor (jlni. xviii. 2,
§ 1 ; S. J. ii. 9, § 1). Agrippa II. followed in
the same course of flattery, and called the place
Ntronias {Ant. xx. 9, § 4). Joaephus seems to
hnply in his life (Vt<. 13) that many heathens
resided here. Titos exhibited gladiatorial shows
at Caesarea Philippi after the end of the Jewish
war (B. /. vii. 2, § 1). The old name was not
lost. Coins of Caeiorea Paneas continued
through the reigns of many emperors. Under
the simple name of Paneas it was the seat of a
Greel; bishopric in the period of the great coun-
cils and of a Latin bishopric during the Cru-
sades. It is still called B&nias, the first name
liaving here, as in other cases, survived the
second. A striking monument is the castle above
the site of the citv, one of the most remarkable
fortresses in the Holy Und. [J. S. H.] [W.l
CAGE. The term so rendered by A. V.
(marg. coop) and R. V. in Jer. v. 27, 3-173, is
more properly a trap (wcryd, deciptila), in which
decoy birds were placed. It is referred to in
Ealus. 11. 30 under the term KifToXKos, which
is elsewhere used of a tapering basket. [Fowl/-
IXG.J In Rev. xviii. 2 the Greek term is ^vXaxit,
meaning a prison or restricted habitat inn rather
than a cage. [W. L. B.]
CAIAPHAS [3 syll.] (J/iiuiipas ; T^aXipas, D:
Caiphas). His true name, Joseph, is given in
Josephns, Ant. xviii. § 2, 2, where we learn that
Caiaphas was a distinguishing name, just as
another Joseph was called Joseph Barnabas
CAIN
479
(Acts iv. 3ti). Cainphas has been explained as
from NS^3, Prov. xvi. 26 (Tnrgum), and Keim
does not hesitate to render it " the oppressor "
But Delitzsch {Zeit»chrift fur Luth. Thecl. 187t!,
p. 594) shows on the evidence of the Peshitto
and the Mishna (^Parah, iii. 5) that the Greek K
here represents p not 3, and he prmts the
name HB'O in Acts iv. 36 (cp. also Derenbourg,
£saaiswr I'Hiatoirt de la Petlcsfine, p. 215, n. 2).
The derivation given above must therefore be
abandoned, and Delitzsch cautiously refnses ti>
give a substitute.
Jose)ih Ciiiaphas was appointed high-priest
by Valeriu* Gratus, probably A.n. 18, and was
superseded by Vitellins, A.n. 36, in favour of
Jonathan the son of Animus (Jos. Ant. xviii. 2,
2, and 4, 3). He thus held the ortice for a length
of time very unusual at that ])eriod. For the
conjunction of Annas and Caisiphas as high-
priests lit the commencement of the ministry of
the Baptist (Luke iii. 2), see Anna8. The first
recorded words of Cainphas were spoken at
the i^nnhedrin assembled after the raising
of Lazarus. In Caiaphas the Sadducees, to
whom he and Annas belong, advance on this
occasion to the position henceforth occupied by
them as the bitter enemies of Jesus and the real
authors of His death. They combine with the
Pharisees, but the latter fall into the back-
ground (John xi. 47. See Westcott in loco). The
unconscious prediction of Cainphas that " Jesus
should die for the nation " (r. 50) has been well
said to be the last utterance of Jewish prophecy
St. John's descrii)tion of Caiaphas as "high-priest
that year " (li. 49, 51, and xviii. 13) has beeu
supposed (Keim) to betray ignorance of his long
tenure of the office (but see Westcott in loco
on the emphatic use of " that," iKt7yos). The
next mention of Caiaphas is at the meeting of
the chief priests and rulers in his palace (oiX^,
Matt. xxvi. 3), at which the seizure of Jesus by
stratagem was determined on. The bargain
with Judas was the result of this decision.
After the betrayal and the examination before
Annas, Jesus was sent bound tu Caiaphas (John
xviii. 24). Some doubt may exist as to the
parts assigned by St. John to Annns and
Caiajjhas respectively, but St. Matthew (xxvi.
57) shows plainly that it was Cainphas who by
his adjuration drew from Jesus the confession
that He was the Son <if Gdd, and asked for the
sentence of death (Matt. .\jvi. 63 sq.). Indeed
the Synoptists do not name Annas in connexion
with the trial. The last mention of Caiaphas is
as being present at the e-xamin-ition of I'eler
and John after their arrest in the Temple (Aits
iv. 6). Here Annas is described as high-|iriest,
.ind Caiaphas, who was probably in possession ot
the office, has no title given him. [Sec Annas.]
It follows that it is impossible to assign with
anv certainty to Caiaphas the action said to
have been taken by the high-priest in Acts v,
17 sq. Nothing is known of Caiaphas after his
deposition. Westcott observes that " the rela-
tionship of C.iiaphas to Annas (son-in-law) is not
mentioned by any writer except St. John, and
yet this relationship alone explains how Caiaiphas
was able to retain his office by the side of Annas
and his sons." [E. R. B.]
CAIN (WJ) [the meaning is altogether un-
certain. The text asserts only an asionance, not
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480
CAIN
itD etymology (as id Setb, Noah, and many other
cases); Cain being connected with fUp not
because it is derived from it (which would be
against the laws of phiiolugr), but because it
3 c^
resembles it in sound. lu Arabic ^^yii means
"a smith."— S. R. D.]; Kiiv; Joseph. Kits;
Cam). The historical facts in the life of Cain,
as recorded in Gen. ir., are stated with sudden-
ness and brevity*: — He was the eldest son of
Adam and Eve ; be followed the business of
agriculture ; in a fit of jealousy, roused by the
rejection of his own sacnfice and the acceptance
of Abel's, he committed the crime of murder,
for which be was expelled from Eden, and led
the life of an exile (a punishment assigned for
the same ciime by Homer and the laws of
Menu) ; married (cp. t. 4 ; see Delitzsch on
Gen. iv. 16 [1887], and Kiehm, IIWII. 'Kain'),
he settled in the land of Nod, and built a city
which he named after his son Enoch: his de-
scendants are enumerated, together with the
inventions fur which they were remarkable.
Occasional references to Cain are made in the
N. T. (Heb. xi. 4 ; 1 John iii. 12 ; Jude r. 11).
The following points deserve notice in con-
nexion with the Biblical narrative : — 1. The
position of " the land of Nod." The words do
not define a geographical area, but as the name
Nod itself implies — a land of flujht or exSe, in
reference to t>. 12 where a cognate word is used.
The attempt to identify it with India is erro-
neously far-fetched; the only indication of its
position is the indefinite notice that It was "east
of Eden " (t>. 16), which of course throws us
back to the previous settlement of the position
of Eden itself [Eden]. It seems vain to attempt
the identification of Nod with any special
locality ; the direction " east of Eden " may
have reference to the previous notice in iii. 24,
and may indicate that the land was opposite to
(icoTcVovTi, LXX.) the entrance, which was
barred against his return. It is not improbable
that the east was further used to mark the
direction which the Cainites took, as distinct
from the Sethites, who would, according to
Hebrew notions, be settled towards the west.
2. The " mark set upon Cain " has given rise
to various specuLitions, many of which would
never have been broached, if the Hebrew text
had beefi consulted : the words are better ren-
dered by the R. V. " the LoBO appointed a sign
for C»in, lest any finding him should smite
him " ; i.e. Jehovah gave a sign to Cain, very
much as signs were afterwards given to Noah
<Gen. ix. 13), Moses (Ex. iii. 2, 12), Elijah (t K.
xii. 11), and Hezekiah (Is. xxxviii. 7, 8). Whe-
ther the sign was perceptible to Cain alone, and
given to him once for all, in token that no man
should kill him, or whether it was some sign or
bodily mark (cp. the Jewish traditions in Ham-
burger, HE. 8. n. Kain), perceptible also to
others and designed as a precaution to them, is
uncertain ; the nature of the sign itself is still
more uncertain (see Speaker's Comm., EUicott's
0. T. Comm,, and Delitzsch in loco).
• The opinion which counts C*In a m}*th or an ele-
mental deity Is examined bj Baetbgen, Btilraffe zur
Semit. HeligitmtgaKhichte, p. 151; cp. Sayce, Bibbert
Icctt. p. 23*.
CAIN
3. The narrative implies the existence of t
considerable population ; for Cain fears lest Ik
should be murdered in return for the marder kt
had committed (c. 14). The Talmud and Jose-
phus {Ant. i. 2, § 1) explain his fears as arising
not from men but from wild beasts; but suc£
an explanation is wholly unnecessary. The
family of Adam may have largely incnued
before the birth of Setb, as is indeed implied in
the notice of Cain's wife (c. 17), and the mete
circumstance that none of the other childrea
are noticed by name may be explained <n
the ground that their lives furnished nothing
worthy of notice.
4. 'fhe character of Cain deserves a brief
notice (cp. 1 John iii. 12). He is described as a
man of a morose, disappointed, and revengtfct
temper; and that he presented his oSering in
this state of mind, or without the deeper reli-
gious apprehension of Abel, is implied in the
rebuke contained in r. 7, which is rendered by
R. V. : '• If thou doest well (or, as the LXX.
has It, ilw 6p6us irpoircW'/ic^rX shall thou not
be accepted ? (canst thou not lift it up ? Cp.
R. V. raarg. and QPJI.^) and if thon doest not
well, sin coucheth (as a wild beast) at the door:
and unto thee shall be his [Abel's] desire, aai
thou shalt rule over him " (better as roarg.,
shall be its [sin's] desire ; bat thou shouldest
rule over it). The narrative implici therefore
that his offering was rejected, not on acoonnt of
the nature of the gift, but on account of the
temper in which it was brought.
5. The descendants of Cain are enumerated
to the sixth generation (r. 17, &c). Some com-
mentators (from Buttmann to Kuenen; see De-
litzsch and Riehm) have traced an arti6asl
structure in this genealogy, by which it is
rendered parallel to that of the Sethites (ch. v.):
e.g. there is a decade of names in each, com-
mencing with Adam and ending with Jabal and
Noah, the deficiency of generations in tke
Cainites being supplied by the addition of the
two younger sons of Lamech to the list; uA
there is a considerable similarity in the names
each list containing a Lamech and an Eaoch;
while Cain in the one = Cain-aa in the other,
Methu8ael= Methuselah, and Mehujael = Uaha-
laleel : the inference from this comparison being
th.-it the one was framed out of the other. Bat
the genealogy of ch. v. may well have co-existed
with that of iv. 17, Ac. The differences far
exceed the jwints of similarity ; the order of tk«
names, the number of generations, and even the
meanings of those which are noticed as similsr
in sound, are easily to be explained by the
tendency of tradition to assimilate what might
be ethically distinct, or are sofficiently distinct
to remove the impression of artificial coastroc-
tion. [On questions connected with the structure
of Gen. iv. cp. Dillmann.' pp. 88-90 with the
reff., and Delitzsch (1887) on iv. 18. Cp. »1»
both on Cain and on the two lists I.enarmaiit,
Zet Origines de rHittoire, chs. iv.-v. — S. B. D-]
6. The social condition of the Cainites is pro-
minently bronght forward in the history. Csit
himself was an agriculturist, Abel a shepheid:
the successors of the latter are represented by
the Sethites and the progenitoi'S of the Hebrew
race in later times, among whom a pastoral li^
was always held in high honour from the simpli-
city and devotional habits which it engendered:
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CAIN
He tacmssm of tht former are depicted as the
nnne in all tliese respects. Cain founded the
first citT ; Lamecb iantituted polygamy ; Jabal
ixitroiluced the nomadic life ; Jubal invented
miuial instntments ; Tubal-cain was the first
imith; Lamech'i language talces the stately
lone of poetry ; and even the names of the
ironien — Xnamah Qptecuant), Zillah (tliadow),
Adih (onuunentaiy—iefm to bespeak an advanced
stite of drilisation. Bnt along with this, there
TO riolence and godlessness : Cain and I^mech
fnniish proof of the former, while the concluding
vords of Gen. iv. 2ti imply the latter.
7. The contrast established between the
Cbinitet and the Setbites appears to have refer-
«Qa solely to the social and religious condition
of the two races. On the one side there is
pictured a high state of civilisation, unsanctified
by rtligion, and productive of Iniury and
violence ; on the other side, a state of simplicity
which afforded no material for history beyond
the declaration, " Then began men to call upon
the name of the Lord." The historian thus
seamnts for the progressive degeneration of the
religious condition of man, the evil gaining a
predominance over the good by its alliance with
worldly power and Icnowledge, and producing
the state of things which necessit.ited the flood
(lee W. Schultz in Heriog, SE.* s. n. Kain).
8. Another motive may be assigned for the
intmlaction of this portion of sacred history.
Ail indent nations have loved to trace up the
inreotioD of the arts to some certain author,
sod, generally speaking, these authors have been
regarded as objects of divine worship. Among
the Greeks, Apollo was held to be the inventor
if music, Vulcan of the working of metals,
Triplolemus of the plough. We may decline to
Out the name Apollo in Jabal and Jubal, or
\ uican in Tubal-cain, or identify from similarity
of meaning Kaamah with Venus (Sansc. Vanas) ;
iiot it is possible that the Hebrew historian has
recorded here the names of those to whom the
inrention of the arts was traditionally assigned,
<>l>viatiDg at the same time the dangerous error
into which other nations had fallen, and re-
dncing the estimate of their value by the
position which their inventors held as descen-
<laats not of Abel the accepted bnt of Cain the
"cmtt." [W. L. B.] -[F.]
CAIN (with the article, n?Ll="the lance,"
fn>-: B. Zoacayiiei/i, A. Zarii 'AKti/i [both texU
include the name preceding] ; Accain ; R. V.
*»■«); one of the cities in the hill-country of
Jgdah, named in the same list with Carmel,
Ziph, and Jottah, and immediately after Zanoah
(Josh. IV. 56). It is probably Kh. Ymn, S.E. of
Hebron, near Kh. Sinil, Zaooah, and Teli ez-Zif,
Ziph {PEF. Mem. iii. 312, 371). [G.] [W.]
CAI'NAN (marg. correctly Kenan, so R. V. ;
[J'g; Kou'di'; Cainan ; tef i /oier, Gesen. Thea.,
as if=J^p, from the Arab, to forge, as in Tubal-
oin. Gen. iv. 22: see Dr. Mill's Vmdk. of
<m lttrS» Geneal, p. 150). 1. Son of Enos,
«g«d 70 years when he begat Mahalaleel his son.
He lived 840 years afterwards, and died aged
SIO (Gen. v. 9-14). The rabbinical tradition
WIS that he first introduced idol-worship and
astrology — a tradition which the Hellenists
trsasferred to the post-diluvian Cainan (2). Thus
BIBLE DICr. — VOL. I.
CACAH
481
Ephraem Syrus asserts that the Chaldees in the
time of Terah and Abram worshipped a graven
god called Cainan ; and Gregory Bar-Hebraeus,
another Syriac author, also applies it to the son
of Arphazad (Mill, ut mp.). The origin of the
tradition is not known ; it may be due to the
assonance with the Sabaean god Kenan [Baeth-
gen, Beitraje zur Semit. Jicligiontge^ichichte,
pp. 128, 152], or it may have been suggested by
the meaning of the supposed root in the Arabic
and Aramean dialects ; just as another significa-
tion of the same root seems to have suggested
the tradition that the daughters of Cain were
the first who made and tang to musical instru-
ments (Gesen. a. c. }4p).
2. Kaivdfi, son of Arphaiad, and father of
Sala, according to Luke iii. 36, 37, and usually
called the second Cainan. He is also found in
the LXX. in the genealogy of Shem, Gen. z. 24
[A. Kou^^ E. -iri xi. 12 [Kaifdi'], and 1 Ch. i.
18 (A. Kmriy, B. om.), but is nowhere named in
the Hebrew codd., nor in any of the Versions
mad* from the Hebrew, as the Samaritan,
Chaldee, Syriac, Vulgate, &c. Moreover it can
be demonstrated that the intrusion of the name
into the Version of the LXX. is comparatively
modern, since Augustine is the first writer who
mentions it as found in the 0. T. at all; and
since we have the absolute certainty that it was
not contained in any copies of the Alexandrine
Bible which either Berosus, Eupolemus, Poly-
histor, Josephus, Philo, Tbeophilus of Antioch,
Julius Africanus, Origen, Eusebius, or even
Jerome, had access to. It seems certain there-
fore that his name was introduced into the
genealogies of the Greek 0. T. in order to
bring them into harmony with the genealogy
of Christ in St. Luke's Gospel, where Cainan
was found in the time of Jerome. The qnestion
is thus narrowed into one concerning its intro-
duction into the Gospel. It might have been
thought that it had found its way by accident
into the genealogy of Joseph, and that St. Luke
inserted that genealogy exactly as he found it.
But as Beza's very ancient MS. (D) presented to
the University of Cambridge does not contain
the name of Cainan, and there is strong ground
for supposing that Irenaeus's copy of St. Luke
did not contain it, it seems on the whole more
probable that Cainan was not inserted by St.
Luke himself, but was afterwards added in
deference to tradition, or by accident, or to
make up the number of generations to 17, or
from some other cause which cannot now be
discovered. For further information, see Qeneat.
of our Lord J. C, ch. viii. ; Heidegger, Hist.
Patriarch, ii. 8-15 ; Bochart, Phaleg, lib. ii.
cap. 13 ; and for the opposite view. Mill's Kin-
dic. of our Lord't Geneal., p. 143. [A. C. H.]
CAIUS. [John, Second and Third Epistles
of.]
CAKES. [Bread.]
CAXAH (rhS; XaXixi Chale ; Assyr.
Kalhu, Kalhi, KcUha, Kalah), one of the most
ancient cities of Assyria, being mentioned (Gen
x. 11) with Nineveh, "the city Rehoboth," and
Resen, as having been founded by Asshur, the
patriarch of the Assyrians, when he emigrated
from the land of Shinar. Calah has been
thought to be identical with the Halah n?n) of
2 1""'
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482
OALAH
the Books of King* and Chronicles (3 K. xvii.
6, xTiii. 11 ; 1 Ch. T. 26), but the Greek form of
this name, 'AXo^, is against this, and the Assy-
rian inscriptions,
which give the
native name of
Calah, settle the
question definitely.
Calah, the Assy-
rian Kalhn, is re-
presented by the
mounds known
under the name
of Nimroud, from
which a large pro-
portion of the As-
syrian sculptures
now in the Britibh
Museum came.
These ruins are
situated about 20
miles south of Kon-
yunjik (Nineveh),
on an irregular
of land
by the
and the
9r upper
the
into
CALAH
Korth-west Palace. Others were boilt It his
successors, one being the much ruined C«mrJ
Palace (where the Black Obelisk was founJ),
wedge
formed
Tigris
greater
Zab, where
latter flows
the former (see
map in art. Nine-
veh, Z>. 5.' ii. 549).
According to Ai-
iur-nasir-tpli, king
of Assyria, about
883 B.C. Calah was
founded by Shal-
maneser I., about 1300 years before Christ,* and
was rebuilt by AgSur-nasir-SpIi, who raised
there a royal palace of considerable extent and
great magnificence. The walls were decorated
with bas-reliefs of large size and most careful
execution, in some
cases coloured in
the natural tints,
as far as was pos-
sible upon alabas-
ter. These sculp-
tures represent
the religious cere-
monies in which
the king, as priest,
engaged, and the
military expedi-
tions which he
led. The entrances
were adorned by
winged lions and
bulls, many of them
human-headed.
This palace built
byASSur-na;ir-ipli
is known as the
llaU of KiMrh&iUon'i rftlACO At
Klmrood.
■ Schrsder, In his Cuneiform InKHptiovu and the
Old Talament, vol. 1. p. 80, ujs, "Thus the foundation
of Kalih took place about 600 years before the time
when the passage of Oeoests we are now coosidering wis
composed by the JahviaUc-propbetic Darrator, writing
about 800 s.c."
Cbul or the Ustrtd •boat NImnrad.
erected by Shalmaneser II., son and snooessor cf
AiSur-nasir-ipli, east of the N.W. Palace. Tbi>
was also the palace of the biblical Tiglsth-
pileser, but was completely dismantled It
Esarhaddon, who used the materials for th«
construction of his own palace.* SargoB, kisj'
of Assyria B.a 722, restored the N.W. Pslscf.
and his grandson, Esarhaddon, B.C 681, built
the South-west Palace, with materials takco
from the Central Palace. Lastly, the gtaaiif'}i>
of Esarhaddon, Aiiur-ctil-tUni, the last kia; o:'
Assyria but one, built a smaller edifice in tbe
south-eastern corner of the platform of Kim-
roud. Of the sculptures which adorned th<
walls of these buildings, those of Tiglath-pilestr
are probably the most interesting, on account ci
their being those of a king whose name carri«
with it biblical associations. The length of tli<
palace-mound of Nimroud is about 600 yari'
(from N. to S.), and the breadth abont «'
yards (from E. to W.). At the north-irf-t
comer stands a lofty conical mound 140 fff<
high. This covers the ruins of the ti^kvn^
or Tower of Calah, which was excavated by # r
H, Layard, who found it to be square at tbr
base, each side measuring 167 ft. 6 in., mJ
faced with hewn stone to a height of 20 ft
Besides the above-named palaces, there "'f
also two temples on this sit<>, one of them beioc
dedicated to Nebo, and adorned with two coli<ssji
statues of that god, as well as four smaQtr
' Fortunately a good portion of these most inttiestiaf
remains have been preaerred.
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CALAM0LALU8
ones.' In Assyrian times the Tigris flowed quite
dose to tlie western side of tlje platform on
which the palaces stood, but there is now a con-
iidenble interval, the rirer having changed its
coune. The town was enclosed within walls of
couiderable extent, the plan of the city being
oblong, the northern side showing traces of no
IcM than 58 towers. The palaces and temples
linre described were situated in the south-west
conier of the enclosure. The platform upon
which they were built was composed of sun-dried
Iridcs, faced with slabs of stone, and it rises
13 prds above the river-bed. Steps or inclined
psBSges led from the palace-platform to the
town.
The successors of Shalmaneser I. seem to have
taken but little interest in the city of Calah,
ud it did not long remain a serious rival of
KiocTeh and Assur, in which cities most of the
Ajsyrian kings preferred to dwell. Calah owes
its principal importance to A^ur-nasir-Spli
(885 B.C.), who completely rebuilt the city,
iniihed the great wall, and settled there the
eaptires which he had brought from the lands
thit he had conquered. Besides the building of
tiie N.W. Palace, he dug also an irrigation-canal
from the upper Zab towards the city, and i
adorned its banks with orchards and vineyards.
Calah remained faithful to Shalmaneser II.,
son of ASiur-nasir-ipli, during the revolt of his
•on, Aiiar-danin-ipli, against him, the inba-
bitutt remembering the iavours which Shal-
mtneser and his &ther had conferred upon
them. Sbalmaneser's son and grandson, and
litewiae Tiglath-pUeser, resided here, but the
dty never regained the importance it had in
Aiiur-na^ir-ipli's reign, and AiSur-£til-ilftni*s
efforts to make the city a royal residence
rerulted in nothing — the end was too near, for
nnder his successor, Sin-iarra-iikun or Saracos,
Assyria fell, never to rise again.
To Sir H. Layard the greatest credit is due
for his enthusiaittic work on this important site,
which be was the 6rst to discover. Hormuzd
Bassam and George Smith also excavated there.
Cp. Sir H. Layard's Nineveh and ita Semains,
SinettA <ad Babylon^ &c. ; H. Rassam's articles ;
G. Smith's Assyrian Discoveries; Rawlinson's
Aaoest Mmarchies ; Schrader's Ctmeiform In-
STiplions and the Old Testament (English by the
B»T. 0. C. Whitehouse) ; and Fried. Delitzsch's
srtide in the CcUvoer Bibellexicon. [T. G. P.]
CALAMOXALUS (A. KaA<M«.xdA«, B.
KaXa^itiAos; CTibmtis), 1 Esd. v. 22, a corrupt
name, apparently agglomerated of Elam and
LOD (cp. ^leaker's Comm. in loco). [G.]
CALAMUS, SWEET CANE. The Hebrew
words kUneh biaem, kineh hatt», Ob's njp>
liQn mp (xixttfios ttiMtis, KiyiiM/top; calamus,
jalHla ; Arabic »U5. kenah), occur five times, and
are translated in the A. V. and R. V. of Ex. iix.
23, Cant. iv. 14, Ezek. xivii. 19, by " calamus,"
«nd in Is. xliii. 24, Jer. vi. 20, by "sweet
cane," the same substance being evidently in-
tended in all cases. In Exodus it is named as
one of the ingredients of the holy anointisg oil ;
• Two of the Utter an now In the Brltlab Unseam
[see the article AasTUA^
CALCOL
483
in Canticles, among sweet scents, where it is ex-
pressed by ianeh alone ; in Isaiuh and Jeremiah,
as a precious ottering purchased from a far
country (^hattib in Jeremiah meaning sweet or
good); and by Ezekiel it is enumerated among
the commodities brought into the markets of
Tyre : " Cassia and calamus (Heb. idneh) were
in thy market." The word Mneh, " reed "
AnJrcpegm ttkomamOnu,
without the adjective, has been treated of under
BuLKltSH, q.v. In these passages no indigenous
plant is intended, and we may therefore dismiss
the speculations as to any fragrant plant from
Lebanon, in which many writers have indulged.
No aromatic reed has been found in Syria. From
a comparison of the passages where it is men-
tioned, it is clear that klnih bdsem was not a
sweet cane like the species of sugar-cane, the
sweet sorghum, once extensively cultivated at
Jericho and in the Jordan valley ; but an exotic
aromatic cane, imported by the Phoenicians pro-
bably from the East. Bochart reasonably
argues from its being mentioned in Exodus that
it was probably an Arabian product (Hieroz. ii.
687). It was certainly the KdKafios iptt/M-
Tuchs of the Greeks. But this does not bring us
much nearer identification, since all we are told
of it is that it came from India (Dioscorides, 1.
17). And in this statement the Arabic author
Abu '1 Fadli concurs. There are many aromatic
reeds in India. Dr. Koyle suggests Andropogon
aromaticua fi-om Central India. There is another
species of lemon-grass, Andropogon schoenanthus,
found both in India and Arabia, and which the
writer once procured in Gilead, which affords a
delicate aromatic perfume. [H. B. T.]
OAL'C!OIi (^b^3 ; A. XaAx<t^ i" K. and
Ch. ; B. XoXitij'in K. and XoXici in Ch.;
Chalchal, Chalcol), a man of Jndah, son or
descendant of Zerah (1 Ch. ii. 6). Probably
identical [see Dabda] with Cbaiool (A. V.
2 12
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484
CALDEA
only ; no difference in the Hebrew), son oi'
Mahol, one of the foor wise men whom Solomon
excelled in wisdom (1 K. ir. 31, LXX. t>. 27).
[G.] [F.]
CALDE'A, -BANS, -EES. [Chaldea, &c.]
CALDRON. 1. m, probably from !«.
boil, aliia to Arab. i>^i3, to be moved, as water
in boiling; a pot or kettle; also a l>asket.
2. Tp, a pot or kettle. 3. {IDjK. or ]b}K.
4. nn?|?, perhaps from the root T\7p, in post-
biblical Heb. = to steam forth ; KiBv't X^P'^
roSiirriip; lebet, olla. A vessel for bailing flesh,
Braue CUdron from Xffrptiau Tfaabu. (BrlL Ho*.)
either for ceremonial or domestic use (1 Sam.
ii. 14; 2 Ch. xiiv. 13; Job ili. 20; Ps. Iviii. 9,
A. V. and R. V. pots; Mic. iii. 3). [H. W. P.]
AatjtUn Cftldron. (Konym^lk.)
CAXEB (373, of ancertaiu meaning; Xd\tff).
1. According 'to 1 Ch. ii. 9, 18, 19, 42, 50,
the son of Hezron, the son of Pharez, the son of
Judah, and the father of Hur by Ephrath or
Ephratab, and consequently grandfather of Caleb
the spy. His brothers, according to the same
authority, were Jerahmeel and Ram ; his wives
Aznbah, Jerioth, and Ephratah; and his con-
cubines Ephah and Maachah (t;r. 9, 42, 46, 48).
But from the manifest corruption of the text
in many parts of the chapter, from the name
being written 'n^? [B. V. " Chelubai "] in o. 9
(which looks like a patronymic, from 3<?3i
Chelub [1 Ch. iv. 11] the brother of Shuah),
from the evident confusion between the two
Calebs at v. 49, and from the non-appearance of
this elder Caleb anywhere except in this gene-
alogy, drawn up in Hczckiah's reign [Azariah,
Mo. 13], it is impossible to speak with confidence
of his relations, or even of his existence.
2. Son of Jephnnneh, by which patronymic
the illnstrioos spy is usually designated (Num.
xiii. 6, and ten other places), with the addition
of that of " the Kenezite " in Num. xxxii. 12
I^K. V. « Kenizzite "], Josh. xlv. 6, 14. Caleb is
hrst mentioned in the list of the rulers or
CALEB
princes (D^K^C'IX called in the next verse
D'B'tfl, "heads," one from each tribe, who
were sent to search the land of Canaan in the
second year of the Exodus, where it nuy be
noted that these CK'S*} or D«^ are all
different from those named in Num. i. ii. vii. x.
as princes or heads of the tribes of Israel, and
consequently that the same title was givea to
the chiefs of families as to the chiefs of the
whale tribe. Caleb was a H^i or VVr\ in the
tribe of Judah, perhapa as chief of the family of
the Hezronites, at the same time that Nahsbon
the son of Amminadab was prince of the whole
tribe. He and Oshea or Joshua the son of Nun
were the only two of the whole number who,
on their return from Canaan to Kadesh-baniea,
encouraged the people to enter in boldly to the
land and take possession of it ; for which act of
faithfulness they narrowly escaped stoning at
the hands of the infuriated people. In the
plague that ensued, while the other ten spies
perished, Caleb and Joshua alone were spared.
Moreover, while it was announced to the con-
gregation by Moses that, for this rebellion
murmuring, all that had been numbered froni
twenty years old and upwards, except Joshnaaad
Caleb, should perish in the wilderness, a special
promise was made to Caleb the son of Jephmineh
that he should survive to enter into the liad
which he had trodden upon, and that his ttti
should possess it. Accordingly, forty-fire yean
afterwards, when some progress had been made ia
the conquest of the land, Caleb came to Joshni
and reminded him of what had happened it
Kadesh, and of the promise which Moses made
to him with an oath. He added that, though be
was now eighty-five years old, be was as strong
as in the day when Hoses sent him to spy ost
the land, and he claimed possession of the laad
of the Anakims, Kirjnth-arba, or Hebron, and
the neighbouring hill-country (Josh. xiv.). This
was Immediately granted to him, and the fol-
lowing chapter relates how he took posseaiica
of Hebron, driving out the three sons of Asak ;
and how he offered Achsah his daughter in mir-
riage to whosoever would take Kirjath.«epber,
i.«. Debir ; and how when Othniel, his younjer
brother, had performed the feat, he not oalj
gave him his daughter to wife, but with her
the upper and nether springs of water whick
she asked for. After this we hear no more of
Caleb, nor is the time of his death recorded.
But we learn from Josh. xxi. 13, that ia tht
distribution of cities out of the different thbei
for the priests and Levites to dwell in, Uebton
fell to the priests, the children of Aaron, of tke
family of Kohathites, and was also a dty o:°
refuge, while the surrounding territory con-
tinued to be the possession of Caleb, at leas)
as late as the time of David (1 Sam. iiv. 3.
XXX. 14).
But a very interesting question arises u to
the birth and parentage of Caleb. He is, as «<
have seen, styled " the son of Jephunneh the
Kenizzite," and his younger brother Oth&iet,
afterwards the first Judge, is also called " the soa
of Kenaz " (Josh. xv. 17 ; Judg. i. 13, iii. 9. 11).
On the other hand, the genealogy ia 1 Ch. iL
makes no mention whatever of either Jephaa-
neh or Kenaz, but represents Caleb, though
obscurely, as being a descendant of Hezron and
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CALEB
a toa of Hur (see, too, ch. ir.). Again in Josh,
ir. 13 we have this singular eipressioD, " Unto
Caleb the son of Jephanneh he gave a part
[B. V. " portion "] among the children of Judah ;"
and in lir. 14, the no less significant one,
** Hebron became the inheritance of Caleb the
»D of Jephanneh the Kenizziie, because that
be wholly followed the Lord, the Qod of Israel "
[R. V.]. These rariatioos are probably due to
the different documents consulted (see Dillmann*
on Nam. iiiii 12 ; Josh. liv. 6) : by combining
them it becomes nearly certain that Caleb was
a foreigner by birth ; a proselyte, incorporated
iot« the tribe of Judah, into which perhaps he
Of his ancestors had married, and one of the
fint-fraits of that Gentile harvest of which
Jethro, Rabab, Ruth, Naaman, and many others
were nniples and signs. And this conjecture
rKtires a most striking confirmation from the
Dames is Caleb's family. For on turning to
Gen. juvi. H, 15, we find that Kenaz is an
Edomitish name, the sou of Eliphaz. Again,
in 1 Ch. ii. 50, 52, among the sons of Caleb the
wn of Har we find Shobal and half the Mana-
luthites or sons of Manahath. But in Gen.
inri. 20-23, we are told that Shobal was the
ion of Seir the Horite, and that he was the
father of Manahath. So, too, Korah, Ithran,
Slah (1 Ch. ii., iv.), and perhaps Jephunneh,
compared with Pinon, are all Edomitish names
(1 Ch. I ; Gen. iiivi.). We find, too, Temanites,
or sou of Teman (1 Ch. i. 36), among the
children of Ashur the son of Hezron (1 Ch. iv. 6).
The finding thus whole families or tribes,
apparently of foreign origin, incorporated into
the tribes of Israel, seems further to supply ns
with an easy and natnral solntion of the diHi-
ralty with regard to the great numbers of the
iaraelites at the Exodns. The seed of Abraham
had been multiplied by the accretion of prose-
lytes, as well as by generation.
3. Caleo-Cphratau, according to the pre-
sent text of 1 Ch. ii. 24, the name of a place
where Hezron died. But no Such place was
ever heard of, and the composition of the name
is a most improbable one. Nor could Hezron
or his son have given any name to a place in
%ypt, the land of their bond^e, nor could
Hfzron have died, or his son have lived, else-
where than in Egypt. The present text must
thenfore be corrupt, and the reading which
Jerome's Hebrew Bible had, and which is pre-
arred in the LXX. and Vulg., is probably the
true one, viz. nmSK 3^3 K3, " Caleb came
in onto Ephratah." The whole iniormation
given seems to be that Hezron had two wives :
the first, whose name is not given, the mother
of Jerafameel, Ram, and Caleb or Chelubai ; the
second, Abiah, the d.iughter of Machir, whom
he married when sijty years old, and who bare
him Segab and Ashur. Also that Caleb bad two
vires: .\zubah, the first, the mother, according
to Jerome's version, of Jerioth ; and Ephratah,
the second, the mother of Hur: and that this
second marriage of Caleb did not talce place till
after Hezron's death. [A. C. H.]
On the other hand, Bertheau and Oettli, in
their notes on this passage, fix the place in
the neighbonrhood of Ephratah or Bethlehem.
Further, they query the correctness of the trans-
lation of the corrected text, and point oat that
CALF
485
it introduces a notice not in keeping with the
text (see Wordsworth, note in loco). [F.]
CALEB. "The south of Caleb" is the
portion of the Negeb (3.53) or " south country "
of Palestine, occupied by Caleb and his descen-
dants (1 Sam. XXX. 14). In the division of
Canaan Joshua assigned the city and suburbs of
Hebron to the priests, but the " field " of the
city, that is the pasture and com lands, to-
gether with the Tillages, were given to Caleb.
The south, or Negeb, of Caleb is probably to be
identified with the extensive basin or plain
which lies between Hebron and Kurmnl, the
ancient Carmel of Judah, where Caleb's descen-
dant Nabal had his possessions. [W. A. W.]
CALF (H^J^. hiSl, llj, which some see
reproduced in the chief god of Palmyra, Agli-
bol, though this deity was represented in human
form ; lUrxoi ; Sd/xoAij). In Ex. xxxii. 4, we
are told that Aaron, constrained by the people
in the absence of Moses, made a molten calf of
the golden earrings of the people, to represent
the Elohim which brought Israel out of Egypt.
(A young " bull " would be a better rendering,
since the ancients never worshipped calves.) He
is also said to have "fashioned it (the gold)
with a graving, tool " (LXX. iv ypa^lSi), but
the word Cirj may mean a mould (cp. 2 K.
V. 23, A. V. and K. V. " bags ; " LXX. BvKdKots).
Bochart {Hteroz. lib. ii. cap. xxxiv.), followed
by Keil, Ewald, Kalisch, Gesenius, &c., explains
it to mean " he placed the earrings in a bag,"
as Gideon did (Judg. viii. 24). Probably, how-
ever, it means that after the calf had been cast,
Aaron ornamented it with the sculptured wings,
feathers, and other marks, which were similarly
represented on the statues of Apis, &c. (Wil-
kinson, i. 289). It does not seem likely that
the earrings would have provided the enormous
quantity of gold required for a solid figure.
More probably (so Diestel and Bandissin) it
was a wooden figure laminated with gold, a
process which is known to have existed in Egypt.
"A gilded ox covered with a pall" was an
emblem of Osiris (Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. i. 278
[ed. 1878]).
Bnltute ttgaxb of Apia (WllUnioi
The legends about the calf are numerous. The
suggestion is said by the Jews to have originated
with certain Egyptian proselytes (Godwin's Mos.
and Aar. iv. 5); Hur, the "desert's martyr,"
was killed for opposing it ; Abu'lfeda says that
all except 12,000 worshipped it ; and that, when
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CALF
made, it was magically animattd. "The deril,"
saya Jonathan, " got into the metal and fashioned
it into a calf" (Lightfoot, Works, v. 398). Hence
the Koran (^Sura, vii. 146) calls it " a corporeal
calf, made of their ornaments, tchich hwed."
This was effected, not by Aaron (according to
the Mohammedans), but by al S&meri, a chief
Israelite, whose descendants still inhabit an
island of the Arabian Gulf. He took a handful
of dust from the footsteps of the horse of Gabriel,
wbo rode at the head of the host, and threw it
into the mouth of the calf, which immediately
began to low (see Koran, Sura, vii. 146-148;
XX. 81-96). No one is to be punished in hell
more than forty days, being the number of days
of the calf-worship (Sale's Koran, ed. Davenport,
p. 7, note ; and see Weil's Legends, p. 125). It
was a Jewish proverb that " no punishment be-
falleth the Israelites in which there is not an
ounce of this calf" (Godwin, vii supr. See
Hamburger, S.E. «. nn. "Aaron," "Kalber-
dienst ").
To punish the apostasy Hoses burnt the calf,
and then grinding it to powder scattered it over
the water, where, according to some, it pro-
duced in the drinkers effects similar to the water
of jealousy (Num. v.). He probably adopted
this coui'se as the deadliest and most irreparable
blow to their superstition (Jerome, Ep. 128 ;
Plut. de Is. p. 362X or as an allegorical act
(Job XV. 16), or with reference to an Egyptian
custom (Herod, ii. 41 ; Pole, Syn. ad loc). It
has always been a difficulty to explain the pro-
cess which he used ; some account for it by his
supposed knowledge of a forgotten art (such as
was one of the boasts of alchemy) by which he
could reduce gold to dust. Goguet {Origine del
Lois) invokes the a.s.sistance of natron, which
would have had the additional advantage of
making the draught nauseous. Baumgarten
endows the fire employed with miraculous pro-
perties. Bochart and Kosenmiiller adopt the sim-
pler and more natural view that be cut, ground,
and filed the gold to powder, such as was used
to sprinkle over the hair (Jos. Ant. viii. 7, § 3).
There seems little doubt that C|l^ = KorttKola,
LXX. (Hiivernick's Introd. to tlie Pentat. p. 292).
It has always been a question respecting this
calf and those of Jeroboam, whether, 1. the Jews
intended them to represent some Egyptian god,
or II. a mere cherubic symbol of Jehovah.
I. The arguments for the first supposition are :
1. The ready apostasy of the Jews to Egyptian
superstition (Ezek. xx. 6-10 ; Acts vii. 39,
and passim ; Lactant. Inst. iv. 10). 2. The
fact that they had been worshippers of Apis
(Josh. xxiv. 14), and their extreme familiarity
with his cultus (1 K. li. 40). 3. The resemblance
of the feast described in Ex. ixxii. 5, to the festi-
val in honour of Apis (Suid. s. v.'AiriSts ; Herod,
iii. 28 ; Plut. de Isid. xx. 29 ; Rawlinson, Ilerod.
ii. 423). Of the various sacred cows of Egypt,
that of Isis, of Athor, and of the three kinds of
sacred bulls, Apis (Osiris in Memphis), Basis,
and Mnevis (see Strabo, xvii. 805 ; Aelian, Hist.
An. li. 10; Macrob. S,Uum. i. 21), Sir G. Wil-
kinson fixes on the last as the prototype of
the golden calf : "The offerings, dancings, and
rejoicings practised ou that occasion were doubt-
less in imitation of a ceremony they had wit-
nessed in honour of Mnevis" {Anc. £<iypt., v.
197 ; cp.d. 140 [1878]). It is observable that
CALF
Philo OSes the word ravpos as well as fMxot
for Aaron's calf, and in Rev. iv. 7 no joabt
lUirxp! means " a bull ;" but Philo was entirely
mistaken in supposing that it was a symbol of
Typhon. The ox was worshipped horn \U ntilitj
in agriculture (Pint, de Is. 74), and was a symbt^
of the suii, and consecrated to him (Horn. Od. L
xii. &c. ; Warburton, Div. I/eg. iv. 3, 5). Thns
among the Persians a bull is the symbol of
Mithras, and Moloch was sometimes worshipped
with an ox's head (Movers, Phtnis. i. 377 ; c{k
Lact. Instt. iv. 10), and Bacchus is called 0<i>-
•y*y4)s (Pausan. ri. 26). Hence it is alnett
universally found in Oriental and other mytho-
logies. 4. The expression " an ox that eatetk
hay," Ac (Ps. cvi. 20, &c.), where some see
an allusion to the Egyptian custom of bringing
a bottle of hay when they consulted Apis (God-
win's Mos. and Aar. iv. 5). Yet these terms of
scorn are rather due to the intense hatred of the
Jews both to this idolatry and that of Jeniboam.
Thus in Tob. i. 5 (see Speaker's Comm. note)
we have one of Jeroboam's calves called con-
temptuously 4 Si/iaMs BdaK, although the calf-
worahip was wholly distinct from the Baal-
worship introduced bv Jezebel. In Jer. xlvi. IS
(A. V. "are thy valiant men [R. V. "str<ai|
ones "] swept away ? ") the LXX. has 'Am i
liivxos <rov 6 iKAticris, and the true readier
may be, "Hath Khaph {i.e. Apis) thy chosei
one fled ? " (Bochart, Hieroz. iL 28, 6 ; Schlne-
ner, s. v. "Airij ; Ewald, Hitzig, &c)
II. It seems to ns more likely that in this
calf-worship the Jews merely
'Ukaud their Maker to the graved ox ; "
or, in other words, adopted a well-undeittocd
cherubic emblem (1 Kings vii. 25, 29 ; Ezel:. I
10, X. 14; Rev. iv. 7). Reverence for domestic
animals was common among pastoral peoples
(W. R. Smith, i. 277, &c.), and calf-«atski|i
very common among Semitic races ; and tbai>|i
it be matter of dispute whether or not it wst
common among the ancient Hebrews (see Di«st«l
in Riehm's H WB. and Bandissin in Herzog, BE.'
8. V. " Kalb, goldcnes "), yet, 1. it is obvious that
they were aware of this symbol, since Hoki
finds it unnecessary to describe it (Ex. ixv. 18-
22). 2. Josephus seems to imply that the utf
symbolised God (^Ant. viii. 8, § 4). 3. Aaron ia
proclaiming the feast (Ex. xxiiL 5) distisctlj
calls it a feast to Jehovah, and speaks of tht
god as the visible representation of Him Wbo
had led them out of Egypt. 4. lnde|<eodent ff
the fact that the Egyptians only worship|)eJ
lirx animals, and that the images of the calf
were probably used in processions only, it vu
extremely unlikely that they would so soon
adopt a deity whom they had go recently sees
humiliated by the judgments of Moses (Nnm.
xxxiii. 4). 6. There was only one Apis, wberess
Jeroboam erected tieo calves (but see Jahc
Aroh. Bibl. § 464). 6. Jeroboam's well-ucd^-r-
stood political purpose was, not to introduce i
new religion (1 Kings xii. 2t<, 3'.', 33 ; cp^ 2 Kicp
iii. 2, 3), but to provide a dirterent form of the
old ; and we can thus see the reason why dus
was the only form of idolatry into which jcdah
never fell, since she already possessed the arche-
typal emblems in the Temple. 7. It appesn
from 1 K. xxii. 6, &c that the prophet^ of
Israel, though sanctioning the calf-worship. 4:11
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CALITA8
nguded themMlves, and wer« regarded, as "pro-
phets ofJthovah." Jf these views be correct,
the sin of Aaron and Jeroboam was a Tiolation
of the second commandment {BiUerdienst'), and
not so flagrant an apostasy as would be implied
by a violation of the first (^AbgStterei). The
people however were little liltely to draw these
distinctions, and the sins of Aaron and Jeroboam
rapidly culminated in grosser forms of idolatry
(Amos V. 25, 26 ; Jer. u. 28, li. 13 ; 2 Kings
iril 22, 23>
These arguments, out of many others, are ad-
duced from the interesting treatise of Moncaens,
Aaron Purgatus, iive de Vitvlo Aureo (Critici
S<Kri, ii.)- Th* f"^'' ■* inhibited by the Church
of Rome, and has been answered by Visorinus.
A brief resumi of it may be found in Pole, Syn.
ad Ex. xuii., and in Watt's EemnanU of Time
(ad finem). For fuller accounts of the contro-
versy, see Mocbius, Moschotatria ; Spencer, de
Itgg. Btbr. iii. 4 ; Bochart, Hieroz. p. ii. c. ixiiv. ;
Selden, de Diia Syris, Syntagma, 1. 4. [Cueru-
bol]
The Prophet Hosea is fiiU of denunciations
against the Northern worship of the calves (Hos.
viii. 5, 6 ; X. 6), and mentions the curious custom
of Heinj them (liii. 2). His change of Bethel
into Bethaven possibly rose from contempt of
this idolatry (but see BethaVEN). The calf at
Dan was carried away by Tiglath-pileser, and
that of Bethel ten years after by his son
Shalmaneser (2 K. iv. 29, ivii. 3 ; Prideaux,
Cnaaion, i. 15).
Bochart thinks that the ridiculous story of
Celtos abont the Christian worship of an ass-
headed deity called e<ul)a0aiie tj 'Oki^X— a story,
at the origin of which Tertullian (^OyoKoinis,
Apol. 16, Ad Nat. i. 14) could only guess--
sprang from some misunderstanding of cherubic
emblems (Minuc. Fel. Apol. ix.). But it is much
more probable, as Origen conjectured, that the
Christians were confounded with the absurd
mystic OpAtani or other Gnostic sects which
indulged in strange symbols (Tac. Hist. v. 4 ;
Merivale, Hist, of Emp. vi. 664. See Diet, of
Christ. Ant., s. T. Asinara).
In the expression "the calves of our lips"
(Hos. liv. 2 ; R. V. " as buUoclss the offering of
oor lips"), the word "calves" is used meta-
phorically for victims or sacrifices, and the pas-
sage mav mean " we will render to Thee sacri-
fices of our lips," that is, " the tribute of thanks-
firing and praise " (see Dr. Pusey's note in loc. ;
utterances of thanksgiving instead of sacrifices
of thank-offerings, Speaier's Comm. note; what
was spiritual and not material, Orelli), or " we
will offer to Thee the sacrifices which our lips
have vowed." The LXX. render Kapiriv tbi'
XfAeuy (i.<r. '"IS for D'^IS), and is followed by
the Syr. and Arab. Versions; cp. also Heb.
liii. 15: a rendering, inasmuch as the Heb.
text is unquestionably harsh, preferred by many
modems {(jI'S.^). For allusions to the " fatted
calf," see Gen. iviii. 21, Luke xv. 23, &c. : and
on the custom of cutting up a cnlf, and " passing
between the parts thereof" to ratify a covenant,
see Jer. iiiiv. 18, 19 ; Gen. xv. 10, 17 ; Ephrem
Syma, i. 161 ; Horn. It. iii. 208. [F. W. F.]
CALITAS (LXX. om.; Calitas), 1 Esd. ii.
48, a Levite who taught and explained the word
of the Lord, and is called Kelita in Neh. viii. 7.
OALVABY
487
If he be the same as the Calitas of v. 28, he was
also one of the Levites who promised to repu-
diate his " strange wife." Dr. Swete, however,
reproducing in the text KHros, olros KaAcirafs,
Koi noAaios, conjectures the right reading to
have been KaXeTrcu ^KvraBmos. (T.]
CALLIS'THENES (KcAAiir9/ini>)iii partisan
of Nicanor, who was burnt by the Jews on the
defeat of that general in revenge for his guilt in
setting fire to " the sacred portals " (2 Uacc.
viU. 33). [B. F. W.]
CAL'NEH, or ' OAL'NO (HJ^B, ^3^3 ;
XcAivvn, XoXdyi) ; Chalanne), according to
Gen. X. 10, one of the cities of Nimrod, men-
tioned with Babel, Erech, and Akkad, " in the
land of Shinar." The identification of Calneh
is very uncertain. The Targum of Jerusalem,
Kusebius, Jerome, and Ephraim the Syrian
make it to be Ctesipbon (Seleucia), beyond the
Tigris, towards Elam. Others make it to be
Niffer, a city which lay between the Euphrates
and the Tigris, the Nipurn of the Assyrian and
Babylonian inscriptions. Both these identifica-
tions, however, are mere guesses, and worthless.
The Calneh of Gen. x. 10, and the Calno of Is. x.
9, where, according to the LXX., " the tower
was built," remain as yet unidentified. With
regard to the Calneh of Amos vi. 2 (" Pass ye
to Calneh, and see ; and from thencs go ye to
Hamath the great; then go down to Gath of
the Philistines "), this is apparently a Syrian
city, and is probably the same as the Knluia of
the Assyrian tribute-lists, where it is mentioned
with Arpad, Carchemish, Hadrach, &c. Whether
this is the same as the KuUanl of the geo-
graphical lists, is uncertain. This last-nan^cd
is apparently the Kullani which was captured
in the year 738 B.C. by Tiglath-pileser lU.
Prof. Fried. Delitzsch compares the Calneh of
Amos with this city, and gives, as a possible
identification, the modem Kullanhu, a ruined
town abont six miles from Arpad. It is there-
fore possible that the Kullani or Kulnia of the
Assyrian inscriptions, the Calno of 'Is. z. 9, anil
the Calneh of* Amos vi. 2, are one and the same
place. There seems to be a confusion of two
names in the Old Testament. [T. G. P.]
CALTHI (NA. 6 XoA^ri; Jos. Xoi^oU;
Calphi), father of Judas, one of the two captains
(l^pXovTfs) of Jonathan's army who remained
tinn at the battle of Gennesar (1 Mace. xi. 70).
[B. F. W.]
CALVABY iKpofior: Syz. Karkaptha ; CaU
varia ; R. V. the skiUf), a word occurring in
the A. V. only in Luke xiiii. 33, and there no
proper name (cp. the French word Chaiunont
[Kenan, Viede Je'sus, p. 269]), but arising from
the translators having literally adopted the
word calvaria, i.e. a bar» skull, the Latin word
by which the xptwlov of the Evangelists is
rendered in the Vulgate; Kpofioy again being
nothing but the Greek interpretation of the
Hebrew Golootha.
Kparioy is used by each of the four Evangel-
ists in describing the place of the Crucifixion,
and is in every case translated in the Vulg.
oaltaria ; and in every case but that in St. Luke
the A. V. has "skull." Dean Stanley has not
omitted to notice this (5. #P. p. 460, note), and
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48g
CAMEL
to call attention to the fact that the popular
expression " Mount Calvary " is not warranted
by any statement in the accounts of the place of
our Lord's Crucifixion. There is no mention
of a mount in either of the narratires. The
association of " mount " with the place of Cruci-
fixion is of early origin ; the Bordeaux Pilgrim
lias (ytin. Hiero.) " monticulus Golgotha," and
this expression was probably current at an
earlier period. [Crdcifixion ; GOLOOTHA ;
JEEU8ALEM.] [G.] [W.]
CAMEL. Under this head we shall consider
the Hebrew words g&mdl, becher or bichrdh, and
chirchdrSth. As to the achashteranim ' in Esth.
▼iii. 10, erroneously translated " camels " by the
k. v., see Mdle (note).
1. OSmal (yQ}; KifoiKos; cameltu) u the
common Hebrew term to express the genus
" camel," irrespective of any difference of species,
age, or breed : it occnrs in numerous passages
of the 0. T., and is in all probability derived
from a root' which signifies "to carry." It
haa been preserved with scarcely any alteration
in Arabic, Greek, and all the languages of
modem Europe. It gave its name to the third
letter of the Hebrew alphabet, which in its
original form was a rude outline of the shape
of the camel. The first mention of camels
o^ors in Gen. xil. 16, as among the presents
which Pharaoh bestowed upon Abram when he
was in Egypt. It is clear from this passage that
camels were early known to the Egyptians (see
also Ex. ix. 3), though no representation of this
animal has yet been discovered on the monu-
ments (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, i. 234 [1878].
In PSBA. lii. 81-84, Houghton adduces one
or two Egyptian words which denote with much
probability the camel). The camel has been
from the earliest times the most important beast
of burden amongst Oriental nations. The Ethio-
pians had " camels in abundance " (2 Ch. xiv.
15); the queen of Sheba came to Jerusalem
"with camels that bare spices and gold and
precious stones" (1 K. i. 2); the men of Kedar
and of Hazor possessed camels (Jer. illx. 29,
82); David took away the camels from the
Oeshnrites and the Amalekites (1 Sam. xxvii. 9,
XXX. 17) ; forty camels' burden of good things
were sent to Elisha by Benhadad king of Syria
from Damascus (2 K. viii. 9); the Ishmaelites
trafficked with Egypt in the precious gums of
Gilead, carried on the backs of camels (Gen.
xixvii. 25). It was especially in the regions
east and south of Palestine that camels were
most numerous, as they are to this day. The
Keubenites in their war with the Hagarites, the
Arabs of the western Belka, took of their
camels 50,000 (1 Ch. v. 21), and the powerful
tribe of the Beni Sakk'r, who now inhabit that
region, boast of 100,000 camels. The Midianites
and the Amalekites possessed camels " as the
sand by the sea-side for multitude " (Judg. vii.
• D'anini^nN- Sce QPB.' me &. v. of the latter
port of thla verse'ls very different from the A. V.
' 703 = Arab, hamalci, - to cany," aooonUng to
Gescnlua and others. [But cp. Sansk. kramtla and
Aseyr. guniHiial. The term appuni to be a loan wort
both In the Aiyan sod Semitic lamniagea (=taumD-
b«ckadf).-<J.J. B.]
CAMEL
12); Job had 3,000 camels before his sfflictioii
(Job i. 3), and 6,000 afterwards (xlii. 12).
And in the pictnre given by Isaiah of the
universal triumph of Chrbt's Church in the
latter days, the wild sons of the desert are
described as coming in with their camels: "Tfce
mnltitude of camels shall cover thee, the drome-
daries of Midian and Ephah " Qx. 6).
David had a special officer to take chsrge of
the royal camels, Obil, the Ishmaelite (1 Ch.
xxvii. 30), whose charge probably pastured iii
his own native deserts, then under David'i iwat.
On the return from the Babylonian Captiritv,
only 435 camels were possessed by the whole
congregation (Neh. vii. 69),
The camel was used for riding (Gen. xxiv. 64 ;
1 Sam. ixx. 17), as a beast of burden genersUv
(Gen. ixivii. 25; 1 K. x. 2; 2 K. viiL 9, it),
and for draught purposes (Is. xxi. 7 : lee als»
Suetonius, Neron. c. 11«). From 1 Sam. xii. 17
wo learn that camels were used in war : compare
also Pliny {S. B. vui. 18),Xenophon(Cy<>p.viL
1, 27), Herodotus (i. 80, viL 86), and Liry
(xxxvii. 40). It is to the mixed nature of the
forces of the Persian army that Isaiah is probablr
alluding in his description of the fall of Babrloii
(Is. xxi. 7).
The employment of the camel for draught is,
however, less frequent than as a beast of burdei.
In Arabia and North Africa, indeed, the camel
is still ordinarily yoked to the plough, bat in
Syria this service is almost exclusively per-
formed by the ox and the ass. Though Isaiah
(xxi. 7) speaks of " a chariot [so K. V. marg,
but in text •' a troop "] of camels," he is piw
bably referring to a Persian, not a Jewish custom,
as he is describing the composition of the Hediaa
army, whose camels would be the Bactrian \.vo-
humped species. The camel is not now attached
to carriages on wheels, and its anatomical struc-
ture does not adapt it so much for draught iis
for burdens. " They will carry their treasures
upon the hunches of camels " (Is. xix. 6). The
great strength of the camel does not lie in the
propelling power of the shoulder, but in the
sustaining power of the back, especially of tke
hump, called above " the bunch." To enable tit
camel to receive ita load, by a special provisioo
of nature it is formed to kneel down whenevtr
it desires to rest or to drink (Gen. xxiv. island
it also prefers feeding in this posture. This
habit of kneeling down is not merely the result
of training ; it is the natural posture of repese,
as is shown also by the callosities on the joints
of the legs, and espiecially by that on the bresrt,
which serves as a pedestal to support the body.
We read of " camel's furniture " (Gen. jxri.
34) and " ornaments " (Jndg. viii. 31 ; E. T.
"crescenU"). The farmer, in which Rachel
hid the images stolen from her fitther, is s
huge wooden framework or saddle npoa ami
round the hump, over which carpet and woollen
cloth is fastened. On the top of the (ale.
men sit cross-legged, but women and childiea
are carried in cages or light wooden frame-
work, slung as panniers on either side of the
saddle. The riding camels are frequently deco-
rated with bands of bright coloured cloth or
leather, on which are stitched cowrie shells,
little bells, and sometimes silver crescent-shapeii
• ••Commisit etiam camelorum qudi1ga&*
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CAMEL
onuments ("ornaments like the moon," Jndg.
riii. 31).' To this day these crescent-shaped
onuments are osed, so thickly studded as to
jingle at every step. The camel is never guided
b/ a bit, but simply by a halter attached to a
loose round the nose. Nothing more is needed,
for the camels always follow in line, thongh the
baiter of the leader is frequently held by a
monnted horseman who directs the whole cara-
Tsn. Cf. Statins, Thebaid. ii. 687: "Niveo
lonata monilia dente."
The camel is by no means an amiable animal,
mil its owner never seems to form any attach-
ment to his beast, nor the animal to reciprocate
kindDess in any degree. I never fonnd one camel
nlaed above his fellow for intelligence or
affection. A traveller always makes a friend of
hii borae, most certainly of his ass, sometimes
of bis mole, but never of his camel. I have
made a joomey in Africa for three months with
tbe same camels, but never succeeded in eliciting
the slightest token of recognition in one of them,
or of a friendly disposition for kindness shown.
Dr. Robinson gives the following very faithful
account of the camel : — " Admirably adapted to
the desert regions which are their home, they
fet constitute one of the evib which travelling
in the desert brings with it. Their long, slow,
rolling or rocking gait, although not at first
T«y nspleasant, becomes exceedingly fatiguing,
so that I have often been more exhausted in
riding fire-and-twenty miles on a camel than in
trarellisg fifty npon horseback. Yet without
them, how could such journeys be performed at
ill? Bat their home is the desert, and they
were made, in the wisdom of the Creator, to be
the carriers of the desert. The coarse and
prickly shmbc of the waste are to them most
delicioos food, and even of them they eat but
Uttle. So few are the wants of their nature,
that their power of going without food, as well
as without water, is wonderful. They never
appear to tire, but commonly march as freshly
at evening as in the morning ... If they once
begin to fail, they soon lie down and die. Thus,
two camels of our train died between Suez and
■Usbsh, which a few hours before had been
tntvelling with full loads. In all our journey
to WSdy Musa, the camels fed only upon shrubs,
and never tasted grain of any kind, although
once we had them loaded for thirty-six hours,
daring all which time they browsed only for
one hour. Their well-known habit of lying
down npon the breast to receive their burdens
- . . is an admirable adaptation of nature to
their destiny as carriers . . . Hardly less won-
derful is the adaptation of their broad-cnshioned
feet to the arid sands and gravelly soil, which it
is their lot chiefly to traverse. The camel in
very many respects is not unlike the sheep.
They are silly timid animals; gregarious, and
when alarmed, like sheep, they run and huddle
all together. They are commonly represented
as patient, but, if so, it is tbe patience of
stupidity. They are rather exceedingly im-
patient, and utter loud cries of indignation when
receiving their loads, and not seldom on being
made to kneel down. They are also obstinate,
'O*]'*)!*!!?- Compare also Is. ill. 18, "Bound tltes
lib the moon," A. V. ; " crescents," E. T. The LXX.
has iu|nrax, Vnlg. ImdUu.
CAMEL
489-
and frequently vicious; and the attempt to
urge them forward is often very much like
trying to drive sheep the way they do not choose
to go. The cry of the camel resembles, in a
degree, the hollow bleating of the sheep ; some-
times it is like the howling of neat cattle, or
the hoarse squeal of the swine. But the Arabs
heed not their cries, nor does the poor animal
find much mercy at their hands. Heavy and
galling loads and meagre fare are his appointed
portion, and Crod has hardened him to them.
The camels of the Fellabin (husbandmen) appear
to have an easier lot ; they are mostly large,
fat, and strong, while those of the Bedouin in
the deserts are comparatively thin and slender.
The singular power of the camel to go without
water seems also to be of the same nature as
that of the sheep, at least in its manifestation,
though in a far greater degree. The dew and
the juice of grass and herbs are sufficient for
them in ordinary cases, though, when the
pasturage has become dry, the Arabs water
their flocks every two days and their camels
every three. The longest trial to which we
subjected our camels with respect to water
was from Cairo to Suez, four days ; yet some of
them did not drink even then, although they
had only the driest fodder. But at all times
the camel eata and drinks little ; he is a cold-
blooded, heavy, sullen animal, having little
feeling and little susceptibility for pain. Thistles
and briars and thorns he crops and chews with
more avidity than the softest green fodder ; nor
does he seem to feel pain from blows or pricks
unless they are very violent.
"There is nothing graceful or sprightly in
any camel, old or young ; all is misshapen, un-
gainly, and awkward. The young have nothing
frisky or playful, but in all their movements
are as staid and sober as their dams. In this
respect how unlike tbe lamb !
" As the carriers of the East, ' the ships of
the desert,' another important quality of the
camel is his surefootedness. I was surprised to
find them travelling with so much ease and
safety up and down the most rugged mountain
passes. They do not choose their way with
the like sagacity as the mule or even as the
horses, but they tread much more surely and
safely, and never either slip or stumble . . . The
sounds by which the Arabs govern their camels
are very few and very guttural. The signal for
kneeling is not unlike a gentle snore, and is
made by throwing the breath strongly against
the palate, but not through the nose. That for
stopping is a sort of a guttural clucking which
I never could master" (^Robinson's Sesearches,
ii. pp. 208-210).
The provision of nature by which the camel
is enabled to subsist so long without a fresh
supply of water, consists in the large develop-
ment of the honeycomb network, or tissue of
cells, which lines the first stomach, and which
receives and retain.s the water taken into the
stomach after the natural thirst has been
allayed. These honeycomb cells become largely
dilated to receive the water.
The camel is not a swift animal. On good
ground it will keep up a pace, when laden, of
three miles an hour ; but its average speed,
taking into account rough or uneven ground
and hllb, does not exceed two and a half milea
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490
CAMEL
an hoar, which is the ordinary calcnlation for
traTelling in the East. But this pace it will
maintain for many consecntive hours. The
dromedary, or finely-bred swift camel, will keep
up eight or ten miles an hoar when lightly
mounted.
Camel's flesh was forbidden as food to the
Israelites (Lev. xi. 4; Deut. xiv. 7), because,
though the camel *' cheweth the cud, it divideth
not the hoof." As the camel does not fuUy
ttivide the hoof, the anterior parts only being
cleft, it was excluded by the very terms of the
ilefinition. The flesh of the camel is now eaten
by all Moslems without scruple. It is coarse
and dry, much inferior to beef, though commonly
used by the Bedawee. Among the Syrians, only
the very poorest think of cooking it.
The same distinction was observed as regards
sacrifice. The Israelites were forbidden to
sacrifice the camel ; among the Arabs it was a
<;ammon offering (W. R. Smith, The Seligion of
the Semites, i. 201).
The milk is very largely used wherever the
ctmel exists, and is excellent. It is rich and
strong, but not very sweet. It was esteemed
IVom the earliest times (Aristot. Hist. Anitn. vi.
25, § 1 ; Pliny, N. H. xi. 41, xxviii. 9). Among
Jacob's gifts to Esau were " thirty milch camels
with their colts" (Gen. xxxii. 15), D*^!?|l
nip'3'0, lit. " camels giving suck." The milk
which Jael offered Sisera would probably be
camel's milk, as in camels consisted the wealth
of the Kenites, and the prohibition of the flesh
to the Jews did not extend to the milk. The
milk is ordinarily at once soared and curdled, in
which state it is most nourishing and refreshing.
The curds are salted, immediately squeezed into
a sort of incipient cheese, and are eaten in this
state. Batter is also made from the new milk
poured into a leather bottle and beaten with a
stick.
John the Baptist bad " hia raiment of camel's
hair" (Matt. iii. 4; Mark i, 6), and it seems
probable that Elijah was clad in a similar gar-
ment (Calmet, Diet. Frag. No. cccxx. ; Rosenmiill.
Schol. ad Is. xx. 2). The hair of the camel,
especially the coarse woolly tufts about the
hump and back, is sometimes torn off, but more
generally, as we have observed, closely shorn
in spring, and is woven into a coarse thick
fabric by the Arab women. It is with this
material that the " black tents of Kedar " are
generally covered, as it is much thicker and
stouter than woollen stuff. It is very harsh and
rough to the touch, and thus the Baptist's dress
was in accordance with the austerity of his life.
There is also a soft fabric made of the carefully
selected under-wool of the camel, but this is a
oostly luxury, dearer than the finest cloth of
sheep's wool (see Aelian, Xat. Mist. xvii. 34).
Ezekiel (xxv. 5) declares that Rabbah shall be a
" stable for camels, and the children of .\mmon
a couching place for flocks " (R. V.). The ruins
in this country are places of resort for the
Bedawee where they pasture their camels and
their sheep. See •' Illustrations of Scripture,"
in vol. ii. pt. ix. of Good Wui-ds.
2. JSear,bicrdh O^H' fl^??; LXX. ini/i>)A.oj
in Is. Ix. 6; in Jer. ii. 23, strangely iipt; Spo/uiis
in Verss. of Aq., Thood., and Sym. ; dnmcdarius,
cnnor). The Hebrew words occur only in the
CAMEL
two passages above named, where the A. V. ud
K. V. read " dromedary," and no doubt correctlj.
The dromedary is not a distinct species, bat
merely a finer race, differing from the camel of
the caravan as a race-horse does from a cut-
horse. It is taller, more slender, and genenlly,
but not always, of a lighter colour. The hiunp
is smaller and the shoulders broader than is
the common camel. It is distinguished in
Arabia as the Heine, and a still finer and
taller race is possessed by the Toutreg of the
Sahara, and known as MaJtari. It is intolcniit
of cold, and never thrives near the coast. Dro-
medaries, when pressed, can accomplish eighty
miles in a day.
Isaiah, foretelling the conversion of the Gea-
tiles, says, " The multitude of camels shall cover
thee, the dromedaries of Midian and Ephih."
In Jeremiah God expostulates with Israel for
her wickedness, and compares her to t swift
bicrak " traversing her ways." Bocbait
{Hieroz. L 15 sq.) contends that the Hebrev
word is indicative only of a difference is age,
and adduces the authority of the Arabic ieau
in support of his opinion that a young camd ia
signified by the term. Gesenius follows Bochart,
and (fiomment. ad Jes. Ix. 6) answers the objec-
tions of Rosenmiiller, who (JVot. ad Bochsrt,
Hieroz. 1. c.) argues in favour of the " drome-
dary." Gesenius's remarks are commented as
again by Rosenmiiller in his Bibt. Xaivrgeici.
ii. 21. The] Versions support the rendering
dromedary, as does also the epithet "swift,"
applied to the bicrdh in Jeremiah ; while on the
other hand the term is used in the Arabic 'to
denote " a young camel." Oedmann, comment-
ing on the Hebrew word, makes the following
olservation: — '"The multitude of camels shall
cover thee, the dromedaries of Miijiin,' &c— a
weak distinction if bicrim means only young
camels in opposition to old ones" (Fisra.
iSbm.), but most modems accept the rendeiing
" young camel " (cp. R. V. marg.).
3. As to the chircharith (rtl^lT?) of It. Ixvi
20, which the LXX. interpret mi^ia, the Vulg.
carmcae, and the A. V. and R. V. " swifl beasts,"
there is some difference of opinion. The ex|JsBS-
tion is not satisfactory which is given by^ocJisrt
(Hieroz. i. 25), following some of the Rabbts,
and adopted by Rosenmiiller, Gesenius, Lee, uJ
others, that " dromedaries " are meant. Accord-
ing to those who sanction this rendering, the
word (which occurs only in Isaiah, I. e.) b
derived from the root "IT^, "to leap," ''t*
gallop ;" but the idea involved is surely inap-
plicable to the jolting trot of a cameL The oU
V'ei-sions moreover are opposed to such an expls-
nntion. We prefer, with Micbaelis (,Sig^. <d
Lex. Heb. No. 1210) and Parkhnrst (s. t.), W
understand by cliirchardth "panniers" «
" baskets " carried on the backs of camels or
mules, and to refer the word to its unredupU-
cated form in Gen. xxii. 34.' The skiki
• A_j, "a young camel,** op to the age of nine j«9
CLane. Arab. la. i. 34«).
' 13, i.e. " the camel's saddle," with a Uod of aasfS
over it. See Jahn (,ArcK. Bibt. p. 64, Dpiiam'strutb-
Oon) : " Sometimes Uwy travel in a covered veUcfc
which is secured on the back of a camel, and ao*« en Us
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CAMEL
veAielei of the LXX. are to be seen to this day
in the enrirons of every Eastern city, where the
ladies are carried in light chairs slung on either
side of a camel or mule, irith s framework over
CAMEL
491
Anrrukiu loading m Cum]. (Koayimjik.)
them, covered with very light canvas or white
calico.
There is no trace of any wild original of the
csmels, nor any cine to the period when it was
fiist reduced to servitude by man. The only
camels Icnown to exist in the world in a feral
state are a few in the Maiisma, near the mouth
of the Guadalquivir in Spain, and in the Ca-
narian island of Fuerteventura, the descendants
of some turned loose there many years ago, like
the wild horses of South America.
■-, '>iij> '
AmbUm Cainul.
The camel is probably a native of Central or
Southern Asia, as the bones of fossil species hare
been fonnd in the tertiary remains of the
Himalayan region. The camel of Arabia, A&ica,
Bactrlan or Two.bliini)«d CanwU on AarrUn monanioalt. (layard.)
and Syria is Camelus dromedariua. The only
other species, Camelus bactrianus, which is
depicted on the As.syrian monuments, is never
used in Western Asia or Africa, and was prob-
ably unknown to the Jews before the Babylonian
captivity. It extends through Persia, Central
Asia, Tartary, and China, and can sustain extreme
cold, but has not the powers of endurance of the
one-humped camel. The camel belongs to the
family Otmelidae, order Ruminantia,
The camel, as may be readily conceived, is the
subject amongst Orientals of many proverbial
expressions ; see many cited by Bochart (^llkroz.
i. 30), e.g. " Men are like camels ; not one in a
hundred is a dromedary." And from the Tal-
mud, " There are many old camels which carry
the skins of young ones to be sold;" "The
camel orent to seek horns, and lost liis ears."
porpoM of a small bouse."
may be referred to tlie Arabic X
oitu, com apparatu snu " (Freytag,
In this sense the word
s »
sella camelina,
v.). [But the
""» TfPOTO Is probably to 1» explilned by Hebrew
1313. "salUt," or Arabic S^, "subsultlm Incesslt
<»«iela."— C J. a] ■^
Two proverbs relating to camels are used by
our Lord : " It is easier for a camel to go
through the eye of a needle, than for a rich
man to enter into the kingdom of God " (Matt.
xix. 24) ; " Ye blind guides, which strain out the
gnat and swallow the camel " (Matt, xxiii. 24,
R. v.). In both the force of the hyperbole is in its
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492
CAMON
magnitude, and there is no occasion eitlier to
explain away or amend the text, in the former
passage, which simply means that the entrance
of the rich man into hearen without Divine grace
or assistance is impossible. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
CATflON (PDJS, Ges. perhaps = stability;
B. 'Paim^v, A. 'Panit^ ; Jos. Kaiiiiy ; Canum ;
R. y. Kamon), the place in which Jaib the Judge
was bnried (Judg. i. 5). The few notices of
Jair which we possess hare all reference to the
country E. of Jordan, and there is therefore no
reason against accepting the statement of Jose-
phns (_Ant. v. 7, § 6) that Camon was a city of
Gilead. In support of this is the mention by
Polybins (v, 70, § 12) of a Camoun (Kaiiovy) in
company with PeDa and other trans-Jordanic
places (Reland, p. 679). The name has not yet
been recovered on the E. of Jordan. Eusebius
(OS.' p. 271, 65) identifies it with Ktvifwra,
Jerome {OS.* p. 144, 18) with Cimona, Cyaxon,
in the plain of Esdraelon. [G.] [W.]
CAMP. [Encaxpmektb.]
CAMPHIBE O^b,* c6pher ; xiwpos ; Cyprus,
Cyprus). There can be no doubt that " cam-
pbire," A. V., is an incorrect rendering of the
Hebrew term, which occurs in the sense of some
aromatic substance only in Cant. L 14, iv. 13:
the margin in both passages has " cypress,"
giving the form but not the signification of the
Greek word. The K. V. rightly renders it
"henna Sowers." Camphire, or, as it is now
generally written, camphor, is a product of a tree
largely cultivated in the island of Formosa, the
Camphora offivinarum, of the nat. order Lawa-
ceae. There is another tree, the Dryobalanops
aromatica of Sumatra, which also yields cam-
phor ; but it is improbable that the substance
• Perhaps from 1^3, obUvit! "Quia mnllercs In
oriente uogoes oUtnunt" (Simon. Lex. e. v.). Cf.
AraUc it), pix.and tbeSyrlac |^Q3. TheGrecl!
nhrpK Is the same wonl as the Hebrew.
OAMPHIKE
secreted by either of these trees was known to
the ancients.
Prom the expression " cluster of cipher in the
vineyards of Engedi," in Cant. i. 14, the Chsldw
Version reads "bunches of grapes," Several
Versions retain the Hebrew word. The sab-
stance really denoted by cSpher is the xiwfot of
Dioscorides, Theophrastns, &c., and the cyprm
of Pliny, i.e. the Lawsonia alba of botanists, the
henna of Arabian naturalists. So R. Ben Melek
(Cant. i. 14) : " The cluster of copher ij that
which the Arabs call al-henna " (see Celsius,
Hienb. i. 223). Although there is some diji-
crepancy in the descriptions given by the Greek
and Latin writers of the cypros-plant, yet their
accounts are on the whole sufficiently exact to
enable us to refer it to the henna-plant. Tie
.\rabic authors Aviceuna and Serapion aUo
identify their henna with the cypros of Dio-
scorides and Galen (Royle in Eitto's Bibl. Cyd.
art. JCopher).
"The Kiirpos," says Sprengel {Comment, m
Dioscor. i. 124), "is the Lavsonia alba, Lao.,
of which X. inermis and spnosa, Linn., are
synonyms ; it is the copher of the Hebrews ssd
the henna of the Arabs, a plant of great note
throughout the East to this day, both os
account of its fragrance and of the dye which iu
leaves yield for the hair." In a note Spreapl
adds that the inhabitants of Nubia call the
henna-plant Khofreh ; he refers to Delisle {Flor.
Aegyp. p. 12). Hasselqoist (Ihic. p. 246, Loot
1766), speaking of this plant, says, "The kares
are pulverised and made into a paste witli
water ; the Egyptians bind this paste on the
nails of their hands and feet, and keep it oo all
night: this gives them a deep yellow [red?],
which is greatly admired by Eastern satioBi.
The stain cannot be removed by soap, and the
colour lasts for three or four weeks before then
is occasion to renew it. The custom is u
ancient in Egypt that I have seen the nails t4'
the mummies dyed in this manner." SoDaini
( Voyage, i. 297) says that the women are food
of decorating themselves with the flowers of tke
henna-plant; that they take them in their
hand and perfume their bosoms with then-
Compare with this Cant. i. 13 : see also Uariti
( Trav. i. 29) ; Prosper Alpinos ((fo PUaii. Aegyp.
c. 13); Pliny {If. N. xii. 24), who says that s
good kind grows near Ascalon ; Oedmann ( Tern.
Sam. i. c. 7, and vi. 102), who satisfiutoiil;
answers Michaelis's conjecture (,&>pp. ad I*'-
ITeb. ii. 1205) that « palm-flowers " or "dates"
are intended ; Rosemntiller {Bib. Bat. p. 133)
and Wilkinson {Anc. Egypt, ii. 345 [1878>
Some have supposed that the expression ren-
dered by the A. V. and R. V. " pare her nails"'
(Dent. xxi. 12) has reference to the custom of
staining them with henna-dye ; but it is very
improbable that there is any such allnsion, for
the captive woman was ordered to shave her
head, a mark of mourning : such a measis;
therefore as the one proposed is quite ont of
place (see Rosenmtiller, Scliol. ad Dent, xii 12 ;
Speaker's Comm. ; Dillmann ' in loco). Sot
' 0*.3")9V"n?< njjbyi ; ut- •• «n<i «!» »i>»j' *> ^
nails." OnkeloB and Stadias undenund the f xprevxa
to denote 'Melting her nails grow," sa a sign oT grief.
Tbe Hebrew "do her nails," howc\'«r, must mMj
express more than " letting them alone."
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CANA OP GALILEB
«Dly the null of the hands and the feet, but the
hair und beard, were also dyed with henna, and
(ves sometimes the manes and tails of horses
and asses were similarly treated.
The Laaautua alba, or henna-plant, grows in
Egypt, Arabia, and Northern India. In Palestine
it is foand only in the tropical nooks by the
Dead Sea, at Engedi on the west side, in the
Safieh, and at Zara, near the month of the
Callirrhoe on the eastern shore. It is probable
that the tree was introduced and cultivated in
these the only spots where it could flourish,
and that the few existing shrubs are a lingering
inrriTal from ancient times. The existence of
the camphire plant at Engedi is an interesting
illustration of reference in Canticles. The
flowers are white and grow in clusters and are
Tcry fragrant. The whole shrub is from four
to six feet high. The fullest description is that
giren by Sonnini. The Laasoma alba, the only
ImoTn species, belongs to the natural order
Latkraceae. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
CAHA OP GALILEE, once Cana ra
OaLILEE (Kara riis roXiXWoj; Syriac-Pesh,
CANA OF GAULEE
498
Katna, ZlAo> Cana Galilaeae), a village or
town memorable as the scene of Christ's first
miracle (John ii. 1, 11 : iv. 46), as well as of a
subsequent one (ir. 46, 54), and also as the
native place of the Apostle Nathanael (xii. 2).
The four passages quoted — all, it will be ob-
served, from St. John — are the only ones in
which the name occurs. No one of them
affords any clue to the situation of Cana. All
we can gather is, that it was not far from
Capernaum (John ii. 12 ; iv. 46), and also on
higher ground, since our Lord went down
(kot^^t)) from the one to the other (ii. 12).
A difference of opinion appears to have arisen
at a very early period with regard to the site of
Cana of Galilee ; sometimes it has been placed
at Kefr Kenna, sometimes at Anna el-Jelil, or
Kh. Ktina. The former, which is the site ac-
cording to modem tradition, is a small village
pleasantly situated on the side of a hill, not
quite 3} miles N.E. of Nazareth. It contains a
church in which some stone troughs and large
earthenware jars are shown as the " water-
pots " of the miracle ; and there is a fine spring
from which the water for the miracle was
OuiaofOaUlM. (l«b(»da)
brought (MUlin, iii. 443-6 ; PEF. Mem. i. 363 ;
Gnirin, QaiiUe, i. 168-182). Antoninus (570
A.O.) found two jars -, Willibald (721 A.D.) only
one.
In the time of the Crusades the six jars
were bronght to France, where oue of them is
said still to exist in the Musce d'.-Vngers (see M.
Didron's Essays in the Annates Arch^alogiqites,
li. 5; liii. 2). Another is exhibited amongst
the famous relics in the Church of St. Miguel at
OTiedo(Ford, Hbk. of Spain, p. 388). The couch
(of the Lord) mentioned by Antoninus (iv.)
appears to have been recently found in the ruinii
of a church on the site of Elateia in Phocis
(B»ll. ie Corresp. Helliiuquc, 1885, pp. 28-42).
The rival site, Kh. Kana, is on a spur of
JAel Kana, which forms part of the range of
hills north of the large plain of el-Buttauf ; it
is at the mouth of W. Jefat, not far from the
site of Jotapata, and about 8 miles N. of Naza-
reth. The ruins, part ancient, part Arab, cover
a small tnatnelon and run some distance up the
hill-side ; there are many rock-hewn tombs and
cisterns, and a small pool ; but no spring (Gud-
rin, Galilee, i. 474-6 ; Wilson, MS. Notes). The
village still bears the name of Kdtux el-Jelil
a name w
hich
IS in every
respect the exact representative of the Hebrew
original — as Kcnna, UJ jB5, is widely dif-
ferent from it — and it is in this fact that the
chief strength of the argument in favour of the
northern Cana seems to reside. The notices
of Josephus do not assist us in fixing the
site : the Cana of Vit. 16 is probably .fiuna
el-JelU on the edge of the great plain of Aaochis
(cp. Vit. 40) and near Jotapata, but there is
nothing to connect it or the Canas of Vit. 70,
Ant. xiii. 15, § 1, and B. J. i. 17, § 5, with
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494
CANAAN
the scene of the miracle. Eusebias (05.*
p. 271, 50), who is followed by Jerome (OS.*
p. 144, 3), ideotifies the Cana of the N. T.
with the Kauah of Asher; and from this we
may perhaps infer that, in his day, no tra-
dition was attached to the rival sites : if he
refers to either, it must be to Kdna et-JelU, as
Kefr Kenna could not have been in Asher, and
woold probably have been described as near
Nazareth or Diocaesarea. Cana was visited by
St. Paula (zvii.), bat its position is not indi-
cated ; Theodosiua (530 A.D.) makes it 5 miles
from Diocaesarea, the exact distance of Kdna el-
JM from Seffurieh ; whilst Antoninus Martyr
(/<m. 4) says that it was 3 miles from Dio-
caesarea, and that he bathed in a fountain there,
thus clearly placing it at Kefr Kmna. Willi-
bald went from Nazareth to Cana, where he
spent one day, and thence to Tabor ; he indi-
cates neither place nor position, and his words
would apply as well to one site as to the other.
Of the mediaeval writers, Saewulf, Brocardus,
Fetellns, Marinus Sanutus, Breydenbach, Anselm
and Adrichomius, place Cana at Kdna el-JelU;
Phocas and John of Wiirzbnrg at Kefr Kenna.
Quaresimas mentions both sites, but decides in
fovour of the latter, and this tradition was not
disturbed until Dr. Robinson brought forward
the claims of Kdna el-Jelil (Rob. ii. 346-9 ; iii.
108, with the note on De Saulcy). Dr. Robin-
son is followed by Thompson, Ritter, Sepp,
Socin, Renan, and Stanley ; whilst Tristram,
Gn^rin, De Sanlcy, Porter, Hep. Dixon, and
Conder are in favour of Kefr Kenna. A third
possible site of Cana has been indicated by
Conder (PEF. Mem. i. 288) in 'Ain Kinak, on the
road between Bemeh and Tabor. The Gospel
history is not affected by the dififerent opinions
as to the site. [G.] [ W.]
CA-NAAN QW3 [=C*n8an-, cp. the Greek
name Xiu, as mentioned below] ; Xortub' ; Jos.
Xayiwot ; Chanaam,). 1. The fourth son of
Ham (Gen. x. 6; 1 Ch. i. 8; cp. Jos. Ant.
i. 6, § 4), the progenitor of the Phoenicians
(" Zidon ") and of the varioos nations who
before the Israelite conquest peopled the sea-
coast of Palestine, and generally the whole of
the country westward of the Jordan (Gen. x. 15 ;
1 Ch. i. 13). [Canaan, Land of; Canaanites.]
In the ancient narrative of Gen. ix. 20-27, a
curse is pronounced on Canaan for the nnfilial
and irreverential conduct of Ham. In this
curse Canaan is simply his father's representa-
tive. To the Hebrews the historical represen-
tative of Ham was Canaan (cp. Dillmann* in
loco).
2. The name " Canaan " is sometimes em-
ployed for the country itself — more generally
styled " the land of C." It is so in Zeph. ii. 5 ;
and we also find "language of C." (Is. xix.
18), "wars of C." (Judg. iii. 1), "inhabitants
of C? (Ex. XV. 15X " king of C." (Judg. iv. 2,
23, 24 ; v. 19), " daughters of C." (Gen. xxviii.
1, 6, 8 ; xxivi. 2), " kingdoms of C." (Ps.
cxxxv. II). In addition to the above the word
occurs in several pas.sages where it is concealed
in the A. V. by being translated. These are :
Is. xxiii. 8, " trafBckers," and xxiit. 11, "the
merchant city " (Gesenius, " Jehovah gab Befehl
fiber Canaan ") ; Hos. xii. 7, " he is a merchant "
(Ewald, "Kanian halt trugerische Wage");
CANAAN. THE LAND OF
Zeph. i. 11, " merchant-people " (Ewald, " ita
alle Canaaniter sind dahin ")*. [G.] [W.]
CA'NAAN, THE LAND of QM? fj«.
from a root TU, signifying " to be low : " set
2 Oh. xxviii. 19 and Job xl. 12, amongst other
passages in which the verb is used), a name de-
noting the country west of the Jordan >sd Dead
Sea, and between those waters and the Medi-
terranean ; specially opposed to the " land i^
Gilead," — that is, the high table-land on the esit
of the Jordan. Thus : " Our little ones and oar
wives shall be here in the cities of Gilead. . . .
bat we will pass over armed into the laad of
Canaan" (Num. xxxii. 26-32; see xixiiL 51):
" Phinehaa . . . returned from the children of
Reuben and from the children of Gad, eat of
the land of Gilead, unto the land of Canua,
to the children of Israel" (Josh. xxii. 32,
R. V. : see also Gen. xii. 5, xxiii. 2, 19, iiii.
18, xxxiii. 18, xxxv. 6, xxxvii. 1, xlviii. 3, 7,
xlix. 30; Num. xiii. 2, 17, xxxiiL 40, 51;
Josh. xiv. 1, xxi. 2; Judg. xxi. 12). Tnl^
the district to which the name of "Io«
land " is thus applied contained many very ele-
vated spots :— Shechem (Gen. xxxiii. 18), Hebrai
(xxiii. 19), Bethel (xxxv. 6X Bethlehem (ilriiL
7), Shiloh (Josh. xxi. 2 ; Judg. xxi. 12), which
are all stated to be in the " land of Canaan."
But high as the level of much of the country
west of the Jordan undoubtedly is, there at
several things which must always have pre-
vented, as they still prevent, it from leaving >a
impression of elevation. These are: (1) that re-
markable, wide, maritime plain over which the
eye ranges for miles from the central hills,—*
feature of the country which cannot be over-
looked by the most casual observer, and whick
impresses itself most indelibly on the recollec-
tion ; (2) the still deeper and itill more re-
markable and impressive hollow of the Jordsa
valley, a view into which may be commanded
from almost any of the heights of Central Pales-
tine ; (3) the almost constant presence of tlie
long high line of the mountains east of tli<
Jordan, which from their distance have the eSect
more of an enormous cliff than of a moontsia
range — looking down on the more broken and
isolated hills of Canaan ; and (4) the " hi;k-
land " of Lebanon, and Antilebanon, with the
snow-clad peak of Hermon, furnishing a constsat
standard of height before which everythinc ii
dwarfed. [See Dillmann' and Delitzsch (1S87)
on Gen. x. 6.— S. R. D.]
The word " Canaanite " was nsed in the 0. T.
in two senses, a broader and a narrower, which
will be most conveniently examined osdcr thst
head ; but this does not appear to be the case
with "Canaan," nt least in the older cases ef its
occnrrence. It is only in later notices, inch as
Is. xxiii. 11 (A. V. "the merchant city;"
R. V. "Canaan "), Zeph. ii. 5, and Matt. xv. 22,
that we find it applied to the low maiittec
plains of Philistia and Phoenicia (cp. Mark
vii. 26). In the same manner it was by tlie
Greeks that the name Xro, Ciia, was nsed far
Phoenicia, >.e. the sea-side plain north ef the
"Tyrian ladder" (see the extract in BrUaii,
p. 7, and Gesenius, Thea. p. 696)^ and by the
•The B. V. has "Canaan "tab. xziil. II sod Zifk.
L 11 ;and "trafflckets " In Is. zxiU. « aa4 Bos. xfl. t.
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cahjjlS, language of
httr Phoenicians both of Phoenicia proper and
of the Panic colonies in Africa (see the coin of
Uodiceasd Lib. and the testimony of Augustine,
koth quoted by Geaenius, /. c). The LXX. trsas-
iators had learnt to apply this meaning to the
arord, and in two cases they render the Hebrew
words giren above by x*^ ''''' toiyiiaty (Ex.
iri. 3i; Josh. r. 12, cp. T. 1), as they do
"Cuuanites" by tomxts.
It is indeed possible that Canaan was the
oatire name of Puoenicia, and that it wan after-
mnts eitended to denote the whole of Palci-
tiae, which wa^ inhabited by n kindred popula-
tion (cp» De Goeje, referred to by Cheyne in
Evyd. Brit.' s. n. "Canaan"). Sidon, the
oldest Phoenician city, was tlie name of the first-
horn of Canaan (Gen. x. 13), and in Is. xxiii. 1 1
the word Canaan is osed in its primitire sense.
The name Canaan does not appear to have
been knows to the Assyrians, who called the
whole coootry mat-marta or mai-aluiTri, the
"west-land"; bat it occurs in the Egyptian
iiseriplions as Kanaoa. [G.'\ [W.]
CANAAN, LANGUAGE OP, Is. xix. 8;
u. Hebrew.
CATJAANITE, THE (Rec. T. 6 Kaimyirps,
A. Imwt'fnit ; Lachm. with B C, J Karayaios,
D. is Matt, Xcatwaiot ; Cianancvs ; R. V. the
Cmanem ; R. V. marg. the zealot), the designa-
tioa of the -Apostle Smoa, otherwise known as
"Sinon Zelotes." It occurs in Matt. x. 4 ;
Uak iii. 18.
The word does not signify a descendant of
Canun, that being in the Greek both of the
IX.X. and the N. T. Xavaytuos = »J»33 (cp.
Matt. IT. 22 with Mark rii. 26). Nor' does it
iignify, as has been suggested, a natire of Kana,
nnce that would probably be KoffT^t. But it
conies from a Chaldee or Syriac word, ]K3p>
Katneaii, or |. ni'^- Kenandyih, by which the
Jewish sect or faction of '-the Zealots" — so
prominent in the last days of Jerusalem — was
desipated (see Buxtorf, Lex. s. T.). This Syriac
woid is the reading of the Peshitto Version.
The Greek equivalent of KanneaH is ZtiKmr^is,
Zciotes, and this St. Luke (vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13)
has correctly preserved. St. Matthew and St.
Mark, on the other hand, have literally trans-
ferred the Syriac word, as the LXX. translators
did frequently before thelb. There is no necessity
(0 suppose, as Dean Cureton did {Sitrian Rec.
Ixixrii.), that they mistook the word for
^jklMS = Xarosvtbr, a Canaanite or de-
scendant of Canaan. The Evangelists could
hardly commit such an error, whatever subse-
qoent transcribers of their works may have done.
But that this meaning waa afterwards attached
to the word is plain from the readings of the
Codex Bezae (D) and the Vulgate, as given
above, and from the notice quoted from Coteler
in the note to Winer's article (A WB. p. 463).
The spelling of the A. V. has doubtless led many
to the same conclusion ; and it has wisely been
altered in R. V. to " Cananaean." [G.] [W.]
CA-NAANITES, THE O??!????. ••«■ »«=»-
lately according to Hebrew nsagc— Oesen. /f«6.
Oram. § 107 — "the Canaanite;" but in the
A. T. with few exceptions rendered <i plural.
CANAANITE8, THE
495
and therefore indistinguishable from D*W}3>
which also, but very frequently, occnrs : Xava-
raToi, *oiVi{, * Ex. vi. 15, cp. Josh. v. 1 ;
CItananeus), a word used in two sea>es: — 1, a
tribe which inhabited a pnrticul.ir locality of
the land west of the Jordan before the conquest
(see reff. in Riehm, 11 WB. s. n. " Canaaniter ") ;
and 2, in a wider sense, the people who inhabited
generally the whole of that country.
1. The tribe of " the Canaanites " only — the
dwellers in the lowland. The whole of the
country west of Joi-dan was a " lowland " as
compared with the loftier and more extended
tracts on the north and east ; bnt there was a
part of this western countiy which was still
more emphatically a " lowland." a. These were
the plains lying between the shore of the Medi-
terranean and the foot of the hills of Benjnmin,
Judah, and Ephraim — the plain of Phiiistia
on the south — that of Sharon between Jafl'a
and Cannel — the great plain of Esdraelon in
the rear of the bay of Akka; and lastly, the
plain of Phoenicia, containing Tyre, Sidon, and
all the other cities of that nation, b. But sepa-
rated entirely from these was the still lower
region of the Jordan Valley or Arabah, the
modem GhSr, a region which extended in length
from the sea of Cinneroth (Gennesareth) to the
south of the Dead Sea about 120 miles, with a
width of from 8 to 14. The climate of these
sunken regions— especially of the valley of the
Jordan — is so peculiar that it is natural to
find them the special possession of one tribe.
" Amalek " — so runs one of the earliest and
most precise statements in the ancient records of
Scripture — " Amalek dwelleth in the land of the
South ; and the Hittite, and the Jcbusite, and
the Amorite, dwell in the monntains: and the
Canaanite dwelleth by the sea, and along by the
side of Jordan" (Num. liii. 29, R. V.). This
describes the division of the country a few years
only before the conquest. But there had been
little or no variation for centuries. In the notice
which purports to be the earliest of all, the seats
of the Canaanite tribe — as distinguished from
the sister tribes of Zidon, the Hittites, Amorites,
and the other descendants of Canaan — are given
as on the sea-shore from Zidon to Gaza, and in
the Jordan valley to Sodom, Gomorrah, and
Lasha (afterwards CallirhoS), on the shore of
the present Dead Sea (Gen. x. 18-20). In Josh,
xi. 3 — at a time when the Israelites were actually
in the western country — this is expressed more
broadly. "The Canaanite on the east and the
west " is carefully distinguished from the
Amorite who held " the mountain " in the centre
of the country. In Josh. xiii. 2, 3, we are told
with more detail that " all the ' circles ' (Di^^V^)
of the Philistines . . . from Sihor (the Wady el-
'Ariah) unto Ekron northward, is counted to the
Canaanite." Later still, the Canaanites are still
dwelling in the upper part of the Jordan Valley —
Bethshean ; in the plain of Esdraelon — Taanach,
Ibleam, and Megiddo; in the plain of Sharon-
Dor ; and also in the plain of Phoenicia — Accho
and Zidon. Here were collected the chariots
which formed a prominent part of their armies
• Eupolemns (Euseb. Pr. A. ix. IT) calls the people
of Sodom, &c., Phoenician*, and in Deut. UL * the LXX.
have *atrucK <br ?Monlan»,
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496
CANAANITE8, THE
(Jadg. i. 19, iT. 3 ; Josh. XTii. 16), and which
could iDdeed be driven nowhere but in these
level lowlands (Stanley, 3. ^ P. p. 134).
The plains which thus appear to have been in
possession of the Canaanites specially so called,
were not only of great extent, but they were
also the richest and most important parts of
the country ; and it i$ not unlikely that this was
one of the reasons for the name oi" " Canaanite "
being
2. Applied as a general name for the non-
Israelite inhabitants of the land, as we have
already seen was the case with " Canaan."
Instances of this are. Gen. xii. 6 ; Num. xxi.
3 — where the name is applied to dwellers in
the south, who in xiii. 29 are called Amalekites ;
Judg. i. 10 — with which cp. Gen. liv. 13 and
xiii. 18, and Josh. i. S. where Hebron, the
highest land in Palestine, is stated to be Amor-
ite; and Gen. xiii. 12, where the "land of
Canaan " is distinguished from the Jordan valley
itself. See also Gen. ixiv. 3, 37, cp. xxviii.
2, 6 ; Ex. xiii. 11, cp. r. 5. But in many of its
occurrences it is difficult to know in which
category to place the word. Thus in Gen. 1. 11 :
if the floor of Atad was at Beth-hogla, close to
the west side of the Jordan, " the Canaanites "
must be intended in the narrower and stricter
sense ; but the expression " inhabitants of the
land " appears as if intended to be more general.
Again, in Gen. x. 18, 19, where the present
writer believes the tribe to be intended, Gesenius
.ind most moderns take it to apply to the
whole of the Canaanite nations. But in these
and other similar instances, allowance must
surely be made for the different dates at which
the various records thus compared were com-
posed. And besides this, it is difficult to
imagine what accurate knowledge the Israelites
can have possessed of a set of petty nations,
from whom they had been entirely removed
for four hundred years, and with whom they
were now again brought into contact only that
they might exterminate them as soon as pos-
sible. And before we can solve snch questions
we also ought to know more than we do of the
usages and cireumstances of people who differed
not only from ourselves, but also possibly in a
material degree from the Orientals of the present
day. The tribe who possessed the ancient city
of Hebron, besides being, as shown above, called
interchangeably Canaanites and Amorites, are in
a third passage (Gen. xiiii.) called the cliildren
of Heth or Hittites (cp. also xxvii. 46 with
xxviii. 1, 6). The Canaanites who were dwelling
iu the land of the south when the Israelites
made their attack on it may have been driven
to these higher and more barren grounds by some
other tribes, possibly by the Philistines who dis-
placed the Avvites, also dwellers in the low
country (Deut. ii. 23).
The Canaanites were a settled people in an
advanced stage of civilisation. They possessed
fortresses with lofty walls, horses trained to
war, chariots of iron, treasures of gold and
silver,and great agricultural and pastoral wealth.
Amongst the spoil taken by Thothmes III. after
the battle of Megiddo were an ark of gold, a
statue of silver, gold rings, cups, and rases,
tables and seats of ivory and cedar inlaid with
gold, chariots plated with gold and silver,
bronze armour, incense, wine, honey, corn,
CANAANITES, THE
horses, cattle, goats, kc.'(^Secortit of tie Pal,
ii. 42-58). If they were, as most modenu
think (cp. Kautzsch in Riebm's h WB. ; Chsjne,
Encyd. Brit.* s. n. ; Pietschmann, Gesch. d. Phi-
nizier, p. 98, &c.), Phoenicians, they were girei
to commerce ; and thus the name became is
later times an occasional synonym for a mer-
chant (Job xlir 6 ; Prov. zxxi. 24 ; cp. Is. iiiii
8, 11 ; Hos. xii. 7 ; Zeph. i. II. See Eenrick,
Phoen. p. 232).
Of the language of the Canaanites little on
be said.*" On the one hand, being — if the
genealogy of Gen. x. be right — Hamites, there
must have developed in the course of time a
severance between their language and that of
the Israelites who were descendants of Shem.
On the other hand is the fact that Abram mi
Jacob shortly after their entrance to the coastry
seem able to hold converse with them, aad also
that the names of Canaanite peisons and places
which we possess are Hebrew. Snch are Mel-
chizedek, Hamor, Shechem, Sisera . . . Ephratli,
and also a great number of the names of placet.
But we know that the Egyptian and Assyriti
names have been materially altered in their
adoption into Hebrew records, either by traiula-
tiun into Hebrew equivalents, or from the io-
possibillty of accurately rendering the sounds of
one language by those of another. The modera
Arabs have adopted the Hebrew names of places
as nearly as would admit of their baring a
meaning in Arabic, though that meaning may lie
widely different from that of the Hebrew uoe.
Examples of this are Beit ' Ur, Beit LaJm, Br
es-Seba', which mean respectively, " house of the
eye," " house of flesh," " well of the lion," wiiile
the Hebrew names which these have superseded
meant "house of caves," "house of bread,'
" well of the oath." May not a similar pro«s»
have taken place when the Hebrews took posses-
sion of the Canaanite towns, and " called the
lands after their own names"? (For an «ia-
mination of this interesting but obscure subject,
see Gesenius, /fij6r. Spr. 223-25.)
The " Nethinim," or servants of the Temple
[hieroduli ; see Babylonian Record, ii. 67J
seem to have originated in the dedication «
captives taken in war from the petty states
surrounding the Israelites. [XeraiKix.] If
this was the case, and if they were muntaised
in number from similar sources, there must W
many non-Israelite names in the lists of their
families which we possess in Ezra ii. 43-54;
Neh. vii. 46-56. Several of the names in these
catalogues — such as Sisera, Mehunim, Nepho-
shim — are the same as those which we know te
be foreign, and doubtless others would be foood
on examination.
This is perhaps the proper place for notidij
the various shapes under which the formula fci
designating the nations to be expelled fay the
Israelites is given in the various Books.
I. Six nations : the Canaanites, Hittites, Amor-
ites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebuaites. This is
the nsual form, and, with some variation in tlie
order of the names, it is found in Ex. iii. 8, 1',
xxiii. 23, xxxiii. 2, iixiv. 11; Deut. ii. 17;
Josh. ix. 1, xii. 8 ; Judg. iii. 5. In Ex. ziii. 5,
k See reir. fai MV.» p. xxtt. ; Sodn in KKcfif-
.Bn(.>s. n. "Pboenlcta;" Pietacbminn, 6aek.i.F*i-
ntsier, p. 91, n. 2,
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CANDACE
th« tame names are given with tlie omission of
tlic Periziites.
2. With the addition of the Girgashites:
making np the mystic number seven (Dent. vii.
1 ; Josh. iiL 10, zxiT. 11). The Girgsshites are
retained and tlie Uirites omitted in Neh. ix. 8
(cp. Ezra ix. 1).
3. In £x. xxiii. 28 we find the Canaanite, the
Sttite, and the Hivite.
4. lie list of ten nations in Gen. xr. 19-21
indodM some on the east of Jordan, and probably
MDe on the sonth of Palestine.
5. In 1 K. ix. 20 the Canaanites are omitted
(rom the list. [G.] [W.]
[On these luts cp. Bndde, Die Btbt. Crije-
tAidtU, p. 344 sq.— S. R. D.]
GANDA'CECKafSiiini; Candace. Kanta-^i
is the tme spelling according to Brugsch, Hat.
(/ Bgypt, it. 282), queen of the Ethiopians
(Acts Tiii. 27). The name is common to a series
of queens ("quod nomen multis iam annis ad
leginas transiitr" Plin. H. N. vi. 35). An
earlier Candace attacked Upper Egypt, B.C. 22,
and was repulsed by C. Petronius with a small
Roman force, who took her palace (/Soo'iAcioi') at
XapaU (Gebel Barkal). The capiUl of the king-
dom of the Candaces, however, appears at this
time to have been Heroe, lying further to the
wstli (Plin. IT. if. 1. c). This name (Meroe)
has caued some confusion. The early designa-
tion of Ethiopia proper was Meroe (Miluhhi
in the Assyrian Inscriptions. See Rawlinaon,
Ancient Egypt, zxv.). Bat this name seems to
hare been applied at different times to (1) Ns-
pata (modem Herawi, under Gebel Barkal), its
original capital ; (2) the whole land between
the Atbara and the Bine Nile, known as the
island of Meroe ; (3) the town of Meroe, situ-
ated in the so-called island of the same name,
tome distance above the confluence of the
Atbara. This site, near Assur, was first iden-
tified by Cailliaud (see his Voyage a M6n>(,
c xn., and plates of the Pyramids. See also
Dnncker's Hist. Antiq. ch. i. note).
Strabo describes the Candace of his time as a
masculine woman who had lost an eye. There
were also kings of Ethiopia, bat they were
cloistered and deified like former Mikados of
Japan. Compare the kings of the Sabaeans
described by Agatharchides (Hiiller, Qeog. 6r. i.
189). Strabo seems to imply that the regal
power was exercised by the queens (Strab. xvii.
i. M). Ensehius {H. E. ii. 1) says that the
goremment of Ethiopia by qneens continued to
his time. Bion of Soli, in his Ethiopica, says,
" The Ethiopians do not make known (ix^i-
mwi) the fathers of their kings, but keep a
tradition {irapaSiS6aai) that they are sons of
the Snn, and the mother of each king they call
Candace" (Mailer, Fragm. Hist. Grace, iv.
P- 351). This testimony to succession in the
female line agrees with a vast mass of evidence,
ancient an.) modem, as to that and the adjacent
girts of Africa from the Nile to the Ked Sea.
Kor the custom in Arabia, see W. R. Smith's
Kimkg) and Mairiage in Early Arabia. [E. R. B.]
CANDLESTICIK (n"lbp ; ^ux•'f« "i! <p»-
lit, 1 Mace. i. 21 ; 4 iSiveeros — \ry6iMvot Kix-
*vs Kol Koii^ftns iZuiKtl'wrws iv t^ raf , Diod.
Sic. ap. SchleasD. TA^s. s. v.), which Moses was
commanded to make for the Tabernacle, is de-
BIBLE DlCr. — VOL. I.
CANDLESTICK
497
scribed in Ex. xiv. 31-37, xxxvii. 17-24. It is
called in Lev. xxiv. 4, "the pare," and in
Ecclus. xxvi. 19, " the holy candlestick." With
itsvarions appurtenances (mentioned below) it
required a talent of " pure gold," and it was not
tnoulded, but "of beaten work" (ropffrii).
Josephus, however, says {Ant. iii. 6, § 7) that it
was of cast gold (Ktx''yt<'/i4rn), and hollow.
From its golden base (1]T, /Sdo-u, Joseph.), which,
according to the Jews, was three feet high
(Winer, Eeuchter), sprang a main shaft or reed
(713^) ; " and spread itself into as many branches
as there are planets, including the sun. It ter-
minated in seven heads all in one row, all
standing parallel to one another, one by one,
in imitation of the number of the planets"
(Whiston's Joseph, obi supra). As the descrip-
tion given in Ex. is not very clear, we abbreviate
Lightfoot's explanation of it : — " The foot of it
was gold, from which went up a shaft straight,
which was the middle light. Near the foot was
a golden dish wrought almondwise ; and a little
above that a golden knop, and above that a
golden flower. Then two branches, one on each
side, bowed, and coming up as high as the middle
shaft. On each of them were three golden
cups placed almondwise on sharp, scollop-shell
fashion; above which was a golden knop, a
golden flower, and the socket. Above the
branches on the middle shaft was a golden boss,
above which rose two shafts more ; above the
coming out of these was another boss, and two
more shafts, and then on the shaft upwards were
three golden scollop-cape, a knop, and a flower :
so that the heads of the branches stood on equal
height" (HorAs, ii. 399, ed. Pitman). Calmet
remarks that " the number seven might remind
them of the sabbath : " we have seen that
Josephus gives it a somewhat Egyptian refer-
ence to the number of the planets, but else-
where (£. J. vii. 5, § 5) he assigns to the seven
branches a merely general reference, as t^i
TcuKt Toa 'lovSaloit ifiio/iiSos riiv ri/iiiy d/i^-
ri(oirr*t. The whole weight of the candlestick
was 100 minae ; its height was, according to the
Rabbis, 5 feet, and the breadth or distance
between the exterior branches 3^ feet (Jahn,
jlrcA. Bibl. § 329; cp. Hamburger, HE. s. v.
" Lenchter "). It has been calculated to have
been worth 5076A exclusive of workmanship.
According to Josephus, the ornaments on the
shaft and branches were seventy in number, aud
this was a notion in which the Jews with their
peculiar reverence for that number would readily
coincide ; but it seems diflicult from the de-
scription in Exodus to confirm the statement.
On the main shaft (called " the candlestick," in
Ex. XXV. 34) theie are said to be " four cups made
like almond blossoms, the knops thereof and the
flowers thereof," which would make twelve of
these ornaments in all ; and as on each of the
six branches there were (see R. V. of e. 33) three
bowls, three knops, and three flowers, the entire
number of such figures on the candlestick would
be sixty-six. The word translated " bowl " in
the A. v., « cup" in the R. V., is r'Sl, Kpariip,
for which Josephus (/. c.) has xpaTiipitia koI
PoUtkoi. It is said to have been almond-shaped
(ISBTD, iKTtrvruiiiim KopuiaKots), by which
the blossom of the almond is probably intended.
The word IWDS is variously rendered " knop "
8 K
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498
CANDLESTICK
(A. V. and R. V.), "pommel" (Geddes), v<pai-
pairltp (LXX.X sphervla (Vulg.), "apple"
(Arabic and other Versions); and to this some
apply the poiaicoL, and not (as is more natural)
the aipaipm of Josephas. The third term is
niQ, " a bud," Kfiva (LXX. and Joseph.), which
from an old gloss seems to be put for any iyios
fliciiiiiioy, Kpirois t/ioiov. From the fact that it
was expressly made " after the pattern shown
in the mount," many have endeavoured to find
a symbolical meaning in these ornaments,
especially Meyer and l^r {SymM, i, 416 sq.).
Generally it was " a type of preaching "
(Godwyn's Moses and Aarun, ii. 1) or of " the
light of the law " (Lightfoot, /. c. ; Hamburger).
Similarly candlesticks ore made types of the
Spirit, of the Church, of witnesses, &c. (cp.
Zech. iv. ; Rev, ii. 5, xi. 4, &c. ; Wemyss, Clav.
Symbol, s. V.)
The candlestick was placed on the south side
[symbolical of, the light or sunny region of
heaven; cp. 0*11'^ of the first apartment of
the Tabernacle, opposite the table of shewbread,
which it was intended to illumine, in an oblique
position (7o{ui), so that the lamps locked to the
east and south (Jos. Ant. ii. 6, § 7 ; Ex. xxv.
37) ; hence the central was called " the western "
lamp, according to some, though others render
it " the evening lamp," and say that it alone
burned perpetually (Ex. xxvii. 20, 21), the
others not being lit during the day, although
the Holy Place was dark (Ex. xxx. 8 ; 1 Mace,
iv. 50). In 1 Sam. iii. 2 we have the expression
" ere the lamp of God went out in the temple of
the Lord ; " and this, taken in connexion with
1 Oh. xiii. 11 and Lev. xxiv. 2, 3, would seem
to imply that " always " and " continually "
merely mean tempore conatUuto, i.e. by night ;
especially as Aaron is said to have dressed
the lamps every morning and lighted them
every evening. Rabbi Kimchi (in loco) says
that the other lamps often went out at night,
bat " they always found the western lamp burn-
ing." They were each supplied with cotton, and
half a log of the purest olive-oil (about two
wine-glasses), which was sufficient to keep them
burning during a long night (Winer).
The priest in the morning trimmed the lamps
with golden snuffers (D^PIppS ; iwapvorrjpts ;
forcipes ; " tongs "), and carried away the snuff
in golden dishes (DIFinO ; vtrofic/iara ; acerrae,
Ex. xxv. 38). When carried about, the candle-
stick was covered with " a cloth of blue," and
put with its appendages «n badger-skin bags,
which were supported on a bar (Num. iv. 9).
In Solomon's Temple, instead of this candle-
stick (or besides it, as the Rabbis say, for what
became of it we do not know), there were ten
golden candlesticks similarly embossed, five on
the right and five on the left (IK. vii. 49;
2 Ch. iv 7). These are said to have formed a
sort of railing before the vail, and to have been
connected by golden chains, under which, on the
Day of Atonement, the high-priest crept. They
were taken to Babylon (Jer. Iii. 19).
In the Temple of Zerubbabel there was again
a single candlestick (1 Mace i. 23, iv. 49). It
was taken from the Herodian Temple by Titus,
and carried in triumph immediately before the
conqueror (Joseph. B. J. vii. 5, § 5). The de-
CANE
scription given of its Kimr and Xtwrol coiiXlnroi
by Josephus, agrees only tolerably with the
deeply interesting sculpture on the Ardi of
Titus ; but he drops a hint that it was not
CandlfliUck. (Proni Aicb of TUti>.)
identical with the one used in the T«m|4e,
saying (possibly in allusion to the f antis tie
griBSns, &c, sculptured on the pediment, wkidi
are so much worn that it is difficult to makt
them out), rh Ipyoy {{^AAoicTa r^t mri tV
riturfpay XP^'^'" •rin^Csw : where see Whiston's
note. Hence Jahn iffebr. Com. § dix.) uvs
that the candlestick carried in the triumph wai
" aomtithat different from the golden candleitick
of the Temple." These questions are examined
in Roland's treatise De Spoliia Templi SierosoL
in Arcu Titiano conspicuis. The genenl
accuracy of the sculpture is undoubted (Pii-
deaux, Con. i. 166).
After the triumph the candlestick was de-
posited in the temple of Peace, and aceordu^ to
one story fell into the Tiber from the Milrisi
bridge during the (light of Maxentins fraa
Constantine, Oct. 28, 312 a.d. ; but it prahaU.T
was among the spoils transferred, at the ead i^
400 years, from Rome lo Carthage by Genseric,
A.D. 453 (Gibbon, iii. 291). It was recovered
by Belisarius, once more carried in triumpk u
Constantinople, " and then respectfully depwit^d
in the Christian church of Jerusalem " (Id. iv.
24), A.D. 533. It has never been heard of
since.
When our Lord cried, " I am the Light of ike
World " (John viii. 12), the allusion was pro-
bably suggested by the two large goldn
chandeliers, lighted in the court of the wooes
dunng the Feast of Tabernacles, which Ulc-
minated all Jerusalem (Wetstein, ad he.), or
perhaps to the lighting of this colossal caadlf-
stick, " the more remarkable in the profbnftl
darkness of an Oriental town" (Stanley, S.fP.
p. 420). These lamps were, moreover, images
of the pillar of light which had guided tlit
people in the wilderness; and to this do tki
words of our Lord finally refer. " Ijght " ms
also one of the titles of the Messiah (cp. ba.
xlii. 6, xlix. 6 ; Luke i. 78, 79. See ^mikr'j
Comm. on John viiL 12). [F. W. F.]
CANE. [Calamus.]
Digitized bv
GooqIc
CANKEBWOBM
CANKEEWORM (P^J; Bpovxot; bruchut).
TIk H«h. term yeUi signifies " the licker," that
which lius op the gtau of the field ; and from
ill potition in the Prophet Joel's description of
the locQSt, it probably is not any particular
species, bat the larra or caterpillar stage, in
which the locust is eren more destractive thaa
in its mature or winged (tate. After the winged
loouts hare passed on, the young larvae appear
isd consome all that has escaped the former.
Then they in turn assume their wings, in the
wonis of Nahnm (iil 16), " The canitricorm
tkmxth off {ipuikth, A. V. and R. V.) its scales
ind fiittk away." The term i« tnuulated by the
A. V. caterpUler[R..V. "cankerworm"] in Ps. CT.
34, and Jer. li. 14, 27 ; canierworm in Joel i. 4,
ii 25 ; Nah. Ui. 15, 16. [Locust.] [H. B. T.]
CAN'NEH (njja, one Cod. HJ^S; V.
Xani, A. -oi'; Chene), Ezek. zxrii. 23.
[Caueu.]
CANON OF SCBIPTUEE, THE, may he
gnxnlly described aa " the collection of Books
which forms the original and authoritative
written rule of the faith and practice of the
Christian Church." Starting from this de6ni-
tioi, it will be the object of the present article
to tiamine shortly : I. The original meaning of
the ttim ; II. The Jewish Canon of the Old Testa-
nuat Scriptures as to (a) its formation, and ($)
contsib; III. The Christian Canon of the Old ;
and IV. of the New Testament.
I. Tie tue of the tconl Canon. — ^The word
Ciaoo (Karir, akin to njj? [cp. Gesen. T^. a. v.],
"irri, Kirra, ama [canalis, chonmeCl, cone, cannon)
in eUssical Greek i* (1) properly a straight rod,
IS the rod of a shield, or that used in wearing
(lidatmim), or a carpenter's rule. (2) The
last niage offers an easy transition to the
metsphorical use of the word for a testing rule
hi rthics (cp. Arist. EtA. Nic. iii. 4, 5 ; v. 10, 7),
«r in art (the Ciinon of Polycletua ; Luc. de
Salt. p. 946 B.), or in language (the Canons of
Gmnmar). The varied gift of tongues, accord-
in; to the ancient interpretation of Acta ii. 7,
wa> regarded a* the "canon" or test which
■ietennined the direction of the labours of the
•ereril Apostles (Severian. ap. Cram. Cat. in Act.
ii- 7, titoru ixiarpf yX&atra KoBdvfp xavAif).
Chronological tables were called Kar6yfs xf""""^
(Plat. Sol. 27), and the summary of a book was
ailed aoi^i', as giving the " rule," as it were,
of its composition. The Alexandrine gram-
marians applied the word in this sense to the
pai " classical " writers, who were styled " the
rale " (i Kayir), or the perfect model of style
snd language. (3) But in addition to these
s^iTe meanings the word was also used passively
for a measured space (at Olympia), and, in Inter
tiraes, for a fixed tax (Du Cange, 8. v. Canon).
The ecclesiastical usage of the word offers a
compute parallel to the classical. It occurs in
the LXX. in its literal sense (Judith xiii. 6, and
apparently also in the obscure rendering of
Mic. Tii. 4), and again as a translation of ip in
Aquila (Job xxxviii. 5 and Ps. xix. 5).* In
* The meupborical sense sppean in < Maccabees, a
l»<« work of Aleiandrisn origin (vll. 31, i t^s <^iAoao-
•i»«t ayuiv). An Instance of this usage appears also In
Jossphas lAntiq. Jud. x. 49).
CANON OF SCRIPTURE 499
the N. T. it is found in two places in St. Paul's
Epistles (Gal. vi. 16 ; 2 Cor. x. 13-16), and in
the second place the transition from an active to
a passive sense is worthy of notice. In patristic
writings the word is commonly used both aa a
rule in the widest sense, and especially in the
phraaes " the rule of the Church," " the rule of
faith," "the rule of truth" (4 aor^v r^i
iKKKtiaias, 6 Ktwiiv rris iAqSt lor, 6 xapiiy ttjs
wiartas ; and so also Kayiiv iiacXTiiruurriKSs, and
6 Koyijy simply). This rule was regarded either
as the abstract, ideal standard, embodied onlj
in the life and action of the Church ; or, again,
OS the concrete, definite creed, which set U)rth
the facta from which that life sprang {regula :
TertuU. de Virg. vel. 1). In the fourth centurj-,
when the practice of the Church was further
systematised, the decisions of synods were styled
" Canons," and the discipline by which ministers
were bound was technically " the Rule," and
those who were thus bound were styled Canonici
(" Canons "). In the phrase " the canon (i>.
fixed part) of the mnsa," from which the popular
sense of " canonize " is derived, the passive sense
again prevailed.
As applied to Scripture the derivatives of
Keufiy are used long before the simple word.
The Latin translation of Origen speaks of
Scripturae Canonicae (de Princ. iv, 33), libri
regvlares (Comm, in Matt. § 117), cononuofoe
Scripturae and libri canonizati (id. § 28). In
another place the phrase haberi in Canone {Prol.
in Cant, sub fine) occurs, but probably only as a
translation of Karoyt(ta$ai, which is used in this
and cognate senses in Athanasina (_Ep. Eest.),
the Laodicene Canons (ajccu'<ii>i(rra. Can. lix.X
and later writers. This circumstance seems to
show that the title " Canonical " was first given
to writings in the sense of " admitted by the
rule," and not as "forming part of and givini
the rule." It is true that an ambiguity thus
attache! to the word, which may mean only
" publicly used in the Church ; " but such an
ambiguity may find many parallels, and usage
tended to remove it.' The spirit of Christendom
recognised the Books which truly expressed ts
essence ; and in lapse of time, when that spirit
was deadened by later overgrowths of super-
stition, the written " Rule " occupied the place
and received the name of that vital " Rule " by
which it was first stamped with authority
(i aavtbv T^s i\ri$tlas ai 0t7ai ypiupei, Isid. Pelus.
Ep. ciiv. ; cp. Aug. de ductr. Chr. ii. 12 [viii.];
and OS a contrast .^non. ap. Euseb. U. E. v.
28, 13).
' Credner accepts the popular Interpretation, aa if
canonical were equivalent to "having the force of law,"
and supposes that icripturac Ugit, a phrase occurring
in the time of tlie peieecutlon of Diocletian, represents
ypoj^\ KaviiHK, which however does not, so far as i
know, occur anywhere (2ur Gach. i. Xan. p. •>). The
terms canonical and canonize are probably of Alexan-
drine origin i but there is not the slightest evidence for
connecting the "canon" of classical authon with the
"canon" of Scripture, notwithstanding the tempting
aiulogy. If It could be sliown that i Kovmr was used at
an early period for the Itit of sacred Books, then it
would be the simplest futerpretation to take Katmri^t'
a9at In the sense of " being entered on the list." [On
the meaning of xcu^r, cp. F. C. Baur, Die Bedeutung dee
Worta Karii»,ln HUgenfeld's Zeittchr.f. Kiu. Theol.
1858, 1. 141-160, and W'estcoU On the Canon of the
», T., Appendix A.]
2 K 2
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600 CANON OF SCEIPTUBE
The first direct application of the term KorUr
to the Scriptures seems to be in the verses of
Amphilochios (c. 380 A.D.), who concludes his
well-known Catalogue of the Scriptures with
the words o^ot i^(v9f<rraT0t Kcwiy hn ffi) ruy
tunrvtixnar ypa^y, where the word indicates
the rule by which the contents of the Bible
must be determined, and thus secondarily an
index of the constituent Books. Among Latin
writers the word is commonly found from the
time of Jerome (Pro/. OcU. in libr, Seg. :
" Tobias et Judith nan sunt in ConoB«")and Au-
gustine (tfe Civ. ivii. 24: "perpanci ea scrip-
serunt quae auctoritatem Ccmonit obtinerent ; "
id. xviii. 38, " mtmuunfur in Canone "), and their
usage of the word, which is wider than that
of Greek writers, is the source of its modem
acceptation.
The uucanonical books were described simply
as " those without," or " those uucanonized "
(JkKtaiinara, Cone. Laod. lix.). The Apocryphal
books, which were supposed to occupy an in-
termediate position, were called " books read "
(lw«yiyrttaK6iifya, Athan. Ep. Fest.), or "ec-
clesiastical " (ecclesiastici, RuHn. m Symb. Apost.
§ 38), though the latter title was also applied
to the canonical Scriptures (Leont. /. c. in/r.).
The canonical Books (Leont. de Sect. ii. t& xa-
yori(6iitya PiP\la) were also called "Books of
the Testament " {iyStitiiKa $i0\la), and Jerome
styled the whole collection by the striking name
of " the holy library " (Bibiiotheca sancta), which
happily expresses the unity and variety of the
Bible (Credner, Zur Gmch. d. Kan. § 1 ; Hist,
of Canon of N. T. App. D).
II. (a) The formation of the Jewish Canon.' —
The history of the Jewish Canon in the earliest
times is beset with the greatest difficulties.
Before the period of the Exile only faint traces
occur of the solemn preservation and use of sacred
Books. According to the command of Moses, the
" Book of the Law " was "put in (K. V. by) the
side of the ark " (Daut. xxxi. 25 ff.), but not in
it (1 K. viii. 9 ; cp. Joseph. Ant. iii. 1, § 7, v.
1| § i7) t ■^■"l thus in the reiga of Josiah, Uilkiab
is said to have " found the Book of the Law in
the house of the Lord " (2 K. xxii. 8 ; cp. 2 Ch.
xxxiv. 14). This " Book of the Law," which, in
addition to the direct precepts (Ex. xxiv. 7),
contained general exhortations (Deut. xxviii. 61)
and historical narratives (Ex. xvii. 14), was
further inci eased by the records of Joshua (Josh,
xxiv. 26), and probably by other writings (1
Sam. x. 25), though it is impossible to determine
their contents.' At a subsequent time collectious
* [So far as the blstoiy of the fbrmatioD of the Jewish
C&nori is aff cted by the Te>u1ts of recent criticism upon
the structure of the B./oks of the 0. T., the reader will
find the views of the more advanced school represented
in RobeitsoQ Smith's IV O. T. in Us femA Church,
Edinb. 1881 ; Wrilbausen's BUt. qfltna, Edinb. IMS;
Wellhausen-Bleek's RnUitung in d. A. T. Berl. 188S ;
Kuent'D'B Ilexatevch, trsnsl. Lood. 1886; Stade, Gesch.
d. y. Itratls, 1888. For a more moderate statement of
the probable Issue of the contiovetsy, see Dtllmann,
SexaUuch (Kurtgf. txeget. Bdb.), Bd. lit. 69t-«90,
Leipx. 1888; BaudUslD, Beutige Stand, d. A. Tlicher
Wiuentck. Giessen, 1886; Delltxsch, (Teneiif, transl.
Kdinb. T<.1. i. Introd. 1888; KIttel, Oetch. d. ItraeU,
Bd. I. Ootha, 1888 ; Driver, Critical Study </ 0. T.
(CtnK. Bn. Feb. 1890).]
* According to some (Fabric. Cod. Pteudep. V. T,
1. 1113), tbis collection of sacred Books was preserved
CANON OF SCBIPTUliE
of proverbs were made (Prov. xxv. IX and th»
later Prophets (especially Jeremiah ; ep. Koeper,
Jerem. Libror. ss. interp. et vindes, BeroL 1^7)
were familiar with the writings of their prede-
cessors, a circumstance whicli may naturally be
connected with the training of " the prophetic
schools." It perhaps marks a further step is
the fonnation of the Canon when " the Book of
the Lord " is mentioned by Isaiah as a general
collection of sacred teaching (xxxiv. 16 ; cp. xxix.
18), at once familiar and authoritative ; bat it
ia unlikely that any definite collection either of
" the Psalms " or of " the Prophets " existed
before the Captivitv. At that time Zecharlih
speaks of" the Law " and " the former Prophets"
as in some measure co-ordinate (Zech. vii. 12);
and Daniel refers to *' the Books " (Dan. ii. 2,
□*1&Dn) in a manner which seems to mark the
prophetic writings as already collected iito a
whole. Even after the Captivity the history of
the Canon, like all Jewish history up to th«
date of the Maccabees, is wrapt in great obscnritj .
Faint traditions alone remain to interpret rssalti
which are found realised when the darkness i-
first cleared away. Popular belief assigntd t'
Ezra and " the great synagogue " the task of
collecting and promulgating the Scriptures u
part of their work in organising the Jewish
Church. Doubts have been thrown upon tliit
belief (Rau, De Synag. magna, 1726 ; Knenes.
(her de Mannen der Oroote Synagoge, Amst.
1876; Wellhausen-Bleek, Einleitmg i%d.A.I.
§ 246, 1886 ; ep. Ewald, llitt. of Isr. [Eng. tr.}
V. pp. 168-170), and it is difficult to answer
them, from the scantiness of the evidence vhicli
can be adduced; but the belief is in every w*t
consistent with the history of Judaism and witb
the internal evidence of the Books themselvH
[see Wright (C. H. H.), The Book of Koktkik,
Excursus iii. p. 475, "The Men of the gnat
Synagogue "]. The later embellishments irftb*
tradition, which represent Ezra as the teacii
author of all the Books [2 EsDKAS], or dcSse
more exactly the nature of his work, caa oolr
be accepted as signs of the universal belief ia
his labours, and ought not to cast discredit npcs
the simple fact that the foundation ofthe present
Canon is due to him. Nor can it be snppaKd
that the work was completed at ooce; so ihst
the account (2 Mace ii. 13) which assigns s
collection of Books to Nehemiah is in itself s
confirmation of the general truth of the gndaai
formation Of the Canon during the Pcisiaa
period. The work of Nehemiah is not dcseribed
as initiatory or final. The tradition omits sU
mention of the Law, which may be suppcaed to
have assumed its final shape under Ezra, bet
says that Nehemiah " gathered together tin-
[writings] concerning the kings and Prophtt.>.
and the [writings] of David, and letters of
kings concerning offerings," while " fonndiBg s
library " {KaeTafit\K6iuyo€ $ifi\u)$itcyr irtnri-
yoTft Tck ircpl T»v ^axriKimy Kol w p o ^ Tmy aai ra
ToS AoulS nil iwurroKia Pnai\imr ir<^ irttt-
liiruy : 2 Mace. /. c). The various classes cf
Books were thus completed in succession; szJ
bj Jeremiah at the destruction of Ibe Tcnple (cf.
a Mace. Ii. 4 f.); acoordlnc to others, it was amaBinl
togetber with tbe ark (Epipfa. de JIbm. <f /■Mid. ca^ ir.
p. 183). In 2 K. xxil. 8 sq., 2 Cb. xxxiv. U sq.. neoti.a
la made onljr of ike Law.
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CANOX OF SCRIPTURE
this riew bannoDucs with whitt must hare been
tiic natural development of the Jewish faith
after the Retnm. The constitntion of the
Obnrch and the formation of the Canon were
both from their natare gradually and mutually
dependent. The construction of an ecclesiastical
polity inrolved the practical determination of
the dirine rale of truth, though, as in the
parallel case of the Christian Scriptures, open
petMcution 6nt gave s clear and distinct ex-
pmuon to the implicit faith.
The persecution of Antiochns (B.a 168) was
for the Old Testament what the persecution of
Diocletian was for the New, the final crisis
which stamped the sacred writings with their
peculiar character. The king sooght out " the
Hooks of the Law" (rii $ifiAia rou rSfum,
I Mace. L 56) and burnt them ; and the pos-
texion of a " book of the covenant " (jSi/3a/ov
tuHiais) was a capital crime (Joseph. Ant. xii.
5, § 4, li^tmlifTO (Ttow Pi$\ot tiptStlri Upii Kal
i^ifot). According to the common tradition,
this proscription of "the Law" led to the
pablic use of the writings of the Prophets ; and
without discussing the accuracy of this belief,
it is evident that the general effect of such a
pers«cation would he to direct the attention of
the people more closely to the Books which they
consected with the original foundation of their
bith. And this was in fact the result of the
great triaL Aft«r the Uaccabaean persecution
iht history of the formation of the Canon is
merged in the history of its contents.* The
Bible appears from that time as a whole, though
it was natural that the several parts were nut
jet placed on an equal footing, nor regarded
nnirersally and in every respect with equal
rifverenoe' (cp. Znnz, D. Gottetd. Vortr. d. Jud.
pp. 14, 25, tie.).
But while the combined evidence of tradition
and of the general conrse of Jewish history leads
to the conclusion that the Canon in its present
shape was formed gradually during a lengthened
ieterval, beginning with Ezra and extending
through the whole (Neh. xii. 11, 22) of the
Persian period (ac. 458-332) and even beyond
it, when the cessation of the prophetic gift*
pointed out the necessity and defintd the limits
of the collection, it is of the utmost importance to
notice that the collection was peculiar in character
and circnmscribed in contents. All the evidence
which can be obtained, though it is confessedly
icaoty, tends to show that it is false, both in
theory and fact, to describe the 0. T. as " all
the relics of the Hebraeo-Chaldaic literatnre
up to a certain epoch " (De Wette, £ini. § 8), if
the phrase is intended to refer to the time when
the Canon was completed. The epilogne of
* The reference to the work of Judas Haccabaens In
3 Mjcc U. 14, maavrmt U «d 'I«v3af ri dtawflimMora
3t« nv wiXxiAom rby -yryoi'^Ta riitTp cwtffvyifyayc waaTtt
KM ion np* itpXtr, appears from the connexion to refer
to particular to his are with regard to the reatltntlon
of the copies of the sacred wiitings which were " lost "
(iiavwTwcvra). It is of importance to notice that the
wcrk was a rutoraiion, and not a new colUcliaru
' Tet the distloction between the three degrees of
loaiiiratlon wbicb were applied by Abaibanel (Keil,
IXti. f IH, 6) to the three classes of wrltiiqpi is
unknown to the early RabWs.
> After HalachI, according to the Jewish tradition
(Tititica, Ob: Saer. vL e ; op. Keil. (. c").
CANON OF 80RIPTUBE 601
Ecclesiastes (xii. 11 sq.) speaks of an extensive
literature, with which the teaching of Wisdom
is contrasted, and "weariness of the flesh" is
described as the result of the study bestowed
upon it. It is impossible that these "many
writings" can have perished in the interval
between the composition of Ecclesiastes and the
time of the conclusion of the Jewish Canon.
The Apocrypha indndes several fragments which
must be referred to the Persian period, or to the
yet later generation which saw the last writings
added to the sacred collection (Buxtori^ Tibericu,
10 f. ; Hottinger, Tha. Phil. ; HengsUnberg,
SeitrSge, i. ; Hiivemick, EM. i. ; Oehler, art.
Katum d. A. T.ia Herzog's EncyUop.).
(fi) The contents of the Jewith Canon. — ^The
first notice of the 0. T. as consisting of distinct
and definite parts occurs in the prologue to the
Greek translation of the Wisdom of Sirach (Eccle-
siasticus). The date of this is disputed [EocLE-
SIASTICDS; JE8US SON OF SiRACHJ ; but if we
admit the later data (c. B.a 131), it fidls in
with what has been said on the effect of the Anti-
ochian persecution. After that event " the Law,
the Prophecies, and the remainder of the Books "
ore mentioned as integral sections of a completed
whole (6 r6iu)s, col a/ wpo^irrcuu, ical rk Xoark
ruy fitfiKiay), and the phrase which desig>
nates the last class suggests no reason for sup-
posing that that was still indefinite and open to
additions. A like threefold classification is used
for describing the entire O. T. in the Gospel of
3t. Luka (xxiv. 44, ir rf viiuf WuOaius xal
irfo<p4tTiut KaX f^ttXiunt', cp. Acta xxviii. 23), and
a]>pears again In a passage of Philo, where the
Therapeatae are said to find their true food in
"laws and oracles uttered by prophets, and
hymns and (jk &\Aa) the other [books 7] by
which knowledge and piety are increased and
perfected " (Philo, de vita cont. 3).' [Bible.]
The triple division of the 0. T. is itself not a
mere accidental or arbitrary arrangement, but a
reflexion of the different stages of religious
development through which the Jewish nation
passed. The Law is the foundation of the whole
revelation, the special discipline by which a
chosen race was trained from a savage wilfulness
to the accomplishment of its divine work. The
Prophets portray the struggles of the same
people when they came into closer connexion
with the kingdoms of the world, and were led
to look for the inward antitypes of the outward
precepts. The Hagiographa carry the divine
lesson yet further, and show its working in the
various phases of individual life, and in relation
to the great problems of thought and feeling,
which present themselves by a necessary law in
the later stages of civilisation (cp. Oehler, art.
Kanon, in Herzog's Encyklop. p. 253 ; Thiol, of
0. T. vol. i. p. 17 [aark, Edinb.]).
The general contents of these three classes still,
however, remain to be determined. Josefhus,
' [The genuineness of this treatise, commonly known
as " De vita contemplatlva" (wipi fiicM fcMpirruui), la
much dlspated. It is found among the writings ascribed
to Ptiilo, hot recent criticism assigns it to tlie 3rd oenL
A.D. "Hie arguments are fUly stated by Lndus (Z>m
Tli»rape»t*» «Mut fitre Sttthmg in der Gackickte icr
Atkae, tint kriHttSt Untenutkung dtr Schri/t "d*
vita eontew^lativa," Stratsburg, I87>). Cp. Scbflm^
etMchieUt da Judimhtn VoUctn,' H. 883.]
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602 GANON OF 8CKIPTUHK
CANON OF SCKIPTURK
the earliest direct witness on the subject,
enumerates twenty Books " which are justly
beliered to be divine " (rk tiKolais Stia vcri-
<rr*vn4rm): fire Boolcs of Hoses, thirteen of the
Prophets, extending to the reign of Artaxerxes
(i.e. Esther, according to Josephas),' and four
which contain hymns and directions for life
(Joseph, c. Apion. i. 8). Still there is some
ambiguity in this enumeration, for in order to
make up the numbers it is necessary either to
rank Job among the Prophets, or to exclude one
Book, and in that case probably Ecclesiastes,
from the Hagiogmpha. The former alternative
is the more probable, for it is worthy of special
notice that Josephus regards primarily the
historic character of the Prophets (jk kot'
«briAs wpaxOirra irmtyp€c^ai>), a circumstance
which explains his deriation from the common
arrangement in regard to the later annals (1 and
2 Ch., Ezra, Neh.), and Daniel and Job, though
he is silent as to the latter in his narrative
(cp. Orig. ap. Enscb. H. E. ri, 25). The latei-
history, be adds, has also been written in detail,
but the records hare not been esteemed worthy
of the same credit, "because the accurate suc-
cession of the Prophets was not preserved in
their case " (8i4 rh jiA) ytvirBv riiv rSy wfo-
^TfTur ixpi$ii Siaioxiyy " But what faith we
place in our own Scriptures (ypd/tiuuriy) is seen
in our conduct. They have sufiered no addition,
diminution, or change. From our infancy we
learn to regard them as decrees of Gud (9«ov
Siyfutra) ; we observe them, and if need be we
gladly die for them " (c. Apion. i. 8 ; cp. Euseb.
ff. E. iii. 10).
In these words Josephns clearly expresses not
his own private opinion, nor the opinion of his
sect, the Pharisees, but the general opinion of
his countrymen. The popular belief that the
Saddncees received only the Books of Moses
(Pseudo-Tertull. Adverna omn. haer. cap. 1, and
in almost the same words Hieron. Adv. Luci-
ferianoa, c. 23 [Vallarsi, ii. 197], m Matth.
xxii. 31 [Vallarsi, vii. 181]; Origen, c Celt,
i. 49, m MaUh. torn. xvii. 35 [ed. Lom-
matzsch, iv. 166, 169]) rests on no sufficient
authority ; and if they had done so, Josephns
could not have failed to notice the fact in his
account of the difierent sects [Sadddcees].' In
the traditions of the Talmud, on the other hand,
Gamaliel is represented as using passages from
the Prophets and the Hagiographa in his con-
troversies with them, and they reply with
quetations from the same sources without
scruple or objection (cp. Kchhom, EitU. § 35 ;
Lightfoot, Iforae Hebr. et Talm. ii. 616 ; C. F.
Schmid, Enarr. Sent. Fl. Josephi de LIbris V. T.
' Tbe limit fixed by Joeepbns marks the period to
which the prophetic history extended, and not, as is
commonlr said, the date at which the 0. T. Canon was
Itself flnallT dosed.
I In .int. xiil. 10, i », Josephus simply says that tbe
Saddncees r^ected the pneeptt which were not contained
Id the laws of Moses (amp ovk ayay^pawrai cf nuf
Mmviriit K^fiotc). bnt derived only from tradition (ri
» rai>i>t6<n^K. oppnsed to rd yrfpaiiiUra). The state-
ment has no connexion whatever with the other
wriUngt of tbe Canon.
Tbe Canon of the SaMAnrraxs was confloed to tbe
Pentateuch, not so much from their hoetillty to tbe
Jews, as from tbelr undue exaltation of tbe Law (Kell,
Sinl. i ilf).
1777 ; G. Galdenapfel, Ditaert. Joaephi de SaM.
Can. Sent, exhibene, 1804).
The casual quotations of Josephns agne itith
his express Canon. With the exception of
Prov., Eccles., and Cant., which furnished so
materials for his work, and Job, which, evco if
historical, offered no point of contact with other
history, he uses all tbe other Books either if
divinely inspired writings (5 Moses, U, Jer.,
Ezek., Dan., xii. Proph.), or as authoritatin
sources of truth.
The writings of the N. T. completely confirm
the testimony of Josephus. Coincidence* of las-
guage show that the Apostles were familiar witli
several of the Apocryphal books (Bleel:, UStr
d. Stelluttg d. Apokr. ti. $. tr. in Stud. ti. Kri.
1853, pp. 267 ff.);'' but they do not contatD
one authoritative or direct quotation {nm them,
while, with the exception of Judges, Ecclts.
' Cant., Esther, Ezra, and Nehemiah, every olhtr
Book in the Hebrew Canon is used either for
illustration or proof.'
i Several of tbe early Fathers describe the cm-
tents of the Hebrew Canon in terms wUdi
generally agree with the results already obtaintd.
MELrro of Sardis (c. 179 A.l>.) in a journey t>
the East made the question of the exact number
and order of " the Books of the Old Testament'
a subject of special inqnir}-, to satisfy the wishes
of a friend (Euseb. ff. E. 'iv. 26).- He gives the
result In the following form: the Books are,
5 Moies . . . Jos., Jud., Ruth, 4 K., 2 Ch., P<^
Prov. (XeAo/tins napoi/iim ii col So^fa), EocUs.,
Cant., Job, Is., Jer., xii. Proph., Dan„ HJuk., Esd.
The arrangement is peculiar, and the Books of
Nehemiah and Esther are wanting. The fomer
is without doubt included in the general title
" Esdras," and it has been conjectured (Cichhon,
EM. § 52 ; cp. Routh, Set. Sacr. i. 136) that
Esther may have formed part of the same nl-
lection of records of the history after the Eiilt.*
The testimony of Orioen labours under a siaaSu
difHcultv. According to the present Greek ten
(ap. Euseb. ff. £. vi. 25; m /•». i. Phihe. S;
cp. Selecta), in enumerating the twenty-tn
Books " which the ffebreKs hand down as is-
eluded in the Testament (MtoHnvX' ^
omits the Book of the twelve minor Prophets,
k The chief pusages which Bkek quotes sftfT SHet
and NItiKh, are James 1. 1» D Sirach v. 11 ; 1 FM. L
6, 7 II Wlsd. 111. 3-7; Heb. zl. 3«, 3t D 3 Mace tL U-
vU. 43 ; Beb. i. 3 II Wisd. vU. M, kc; Kom. L »-
32 n Wlsd. xiU.-xv. ; Bom. Ix. St | WtsO. xv. 7; 1^
vl. 13-lT n Wlsd. V. IB-M. Bnt it is obrlon Om *
these passages prove satistactarlly that tbe ApsKofc
writers were euquainfd with Uie Apocryphal book>,
they indicate with equal clearness that thetr lOmr
with regard to them cannot liave Iteen purely strMw i m
An earlier criticism of tbe alleged coinddeooea U ^"S
in Gosin's Canon of Scripturt. ^ 3* aq.
> Some passages are quoted In the N. T. whkh at
not found in tbe canonical Boolcs. Tbe mi«t isaporttft
of these Is that fVom the prophecies of Enocii [CiKxa,
Book or] (Jade If). Others have been iband in ImIU
xl. 49-M ; John vll. SS; Jamce iv. s, C; 1 Cbr. K. •;
bat these are more or less questionable.
■• Hody (de BM. Uxt. p. C4«) quotni a singular K*t.
falsely attributed to Atbaosslua, who Hkevise obUo
Esther. "Sontetlam ex anliqois Uebcaeis qai bthet
admittsnt, atque nt numeras idem (22) aemtir, can
Judieitmt copnlamnt." Tbe book Is wanting also >>
the ^ynopi. S. Script., Ortgvr. Alas., Jm/laMtm',
NicefkoTut OatlUtus, iit.
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CANON OF BCBIFTUBE
and iddi " the letter " to the Book of Jeremiah
and liUnentstioiu ('Upc^fas aiv Bp^rois ml
Tf iwieroKy iv ir^ The number is thus
imperfect, and the Latin Veraion of Knfinua
ba< rightly preserre<{ the Book of the twelre
Prophet* in the catalogue, placing it after
Outicle* umI before the greater l*ropheta, a
ttnnge position which can hardly hare been due
to an arbitrary insertion (cf. Hil. Prcl. m P>.
13)l* The addition of " the Utter " to Jeremiah
is inexplicable except on the assumption that
it was an error springing naturally from the
habitual nse of the LXX., in which the Books
are united, for there is not the slightest trace
that this lata apocryphal fragment [Babucr,
BooE or] ever formed part of the Jewish Canon.
The statement of Jerome is clear and complete.
After noticing the coincidence of the twenty-two
Book* of the Hebrew Bible with the number of
the Hebrew letters, and of the fire double letters
with the five "doable Books" (i^. 1-2 Sam.,
1-2 Kings, 1-2 Chronicles, Exra-Nehemiah,
Jeremiah— Lamentation), he gives the contents
of the Law, the Prophets, and the Hagiographs,
in exact accordance with the Hebrew authorities,
plscing Daniel in the last class ; and adding that
whaterer is without the number of theee must
be placed among the Apocrypha : — " Hie pro-
logas Script, quasi galeatnm principium omnibns
libiis quos de. Hebraeo rertimns in Latinum, con-
TOiire potest, at scire valeamus, quidquid extra
basest, inter Apocrypha esse ponendnm " (Hieron.
ProL Oal.y. The sUtement of the TalTmui is in
many respect* so remarkable that it must be
transcribed entire. " Bat who wrote [the Books
sf the Bible]? Mose* wrote his own Book,
?th« Pentateuch, the section about Baliiam and
Job. Joshna wrote his own Book and the eight
[lact] Terse* of the Pentatcnch. Samuel wrote
■is own Book, the Book of Judge* and Kuth.
Oarid wrote the Book of Psalms [of which how-
erer some were compossd] by the ten venerable
ciders : Adam, the first man, Melchizedek,
Abraham, Moses, Haman, Jeduthun, Asaph, and
the three sons of Korah. Jeremiah wrote his
own Book, the Books of Kings and Lamentations.
Henkiah and his friends [reduced to writing]
the Books contained in the Memorial word
laJfSCHaK, Ce. Isaiah, Proverb*, Canticles,
EcdenastM. The men of the Great Synagogue
[reduced to writing] the Books contained in the
nemorial letter KaNDaO,i.«. Ezekiel,the twelve
ksser Prophet*, Daniel, and Esther. Exra wrote
his own Book, and brought down the genealogies
•f tb* Book* of Chronicles to his own times ....
Who broosht the remainder of the Books [of
Chnmid**] to a close ? Mehemiah the son of
Hachalijah " (Alia BaHira, f. 14 b. Cp. O. H.
Uarz, lyaditio rabbmontm twterrimo. Lips. 1884).
In qnta of the comparatively late date
(c A.D. 500), from which this tradition ii
derived, it is evidently in essence the earliest
description of the work of Esra and the Great
Synagogue which has been preserved. The
details most be tested by other evidence, but
the general description of the growth of the
• Orlgen expressly excludes 1 Msec, t^om the Cuon
(<ta U rnrmv ivn rd Mux.), sltbongh written In
Hebnw. Beitholdt's statement to the contnry Is lii-
«OR«ct (Kill. { SI), althon^ KeU (dt Auct. Orn. f.ihh.
. fT) malnUhis the ssme opinion.
CANON OF SCEIPTUBE 503
Jewish Canon bears every mark of probability.
The early fables as to the work of Ezra
[2 EsDBAS ; see above] are a natural corruption
of this original belief; and after a time entirely
supplanted it ; but as it stands in the great
collection of the teaching of the Hebrew
Schools, it bears witness to the authority of the
complete Canon, and at tht same time recog-
nises its gradual formation in accordance with
the independent results of internal evidence.
The later Jewish Catalogues throw little
light upon the Canon. They generally reckon
twenty-two Books, equal in number to the
letters of the Hebrew alphabet, five of the Law,
eight of the Prophet* (Josh., Judg., and Ruth,
1-2 Sam., 1-2 K., Is., Jer. and Lam., Ezek., 12
Proph.), and nine of the Hagiographa (Hieron.
Prol. m Reg.'). The last number was mora
commonly increased to eleven by the distinct
enumeration of the Books of Ruth and Lamen-
taUon ("the 24 Books," nSaiKI DntST), and
in that case it was supposed that the Tod was
thrice repeated in reverence for the sacred name
(Hody, de BM. text. p. 644; Eichhom, EM.
§ 6). Id Hebrew MSS., and in the early edi-
tions of the 0. T., the arrangement of the later
Books offers great variation* (Hody, /. c, gives
a large collection), but they generally agree in
reckoning all separately except the Books of
Ezra and Nehemiah * (Bnxtorf, Hettinger, Heng-
* Notwithstanding the nnantmons Judgment of later
writers, there an traces of the existence of douMs
among the first Jewish doctors ss to some Books. Thua
In the Mlshoa (Jdd. 3, 5) a discussion Is recorded ts to
Csnt. snd £ccles. whether they "soil the bands"; and
a dltTerence ss to the latter Book existed between the
great schools of HlUel and Sbsmmal. ["To soil the
hands " Is an expression that has often been misinter-
preted. The Jewish doctors, in order to protect the
sacred Books Ihnn Irreverent usage, appear to have laid
down a special rule, by which ceremonial nncleanness
was oontracted In the contact of hands or fbod with the
Jewish Scriptures. It thus became necessary to deter-
mine which writings " soiled " or defiled the bands. To
say of a Jewish book that It soiled the hands, so tkr
from being depreciatory, was equivalent to recognising
Ita place in the Jewish Canon. See OInsbnrg's Somg of
Sangi, p. 3, nuU, 18ST, and CoktUIX, pp. 13-16, IStl.)
The same doubta as to Eccles. are repeated in another
form In the Talmud (SiM. f. 30, i), wbere it Is said that
tbe book would have been concealed (TJJ) but fur the
quotations st the beginning and the end. Cp. Hieron.
CosHK. in Abclei. s. f. : " Alunt Uebrsel cum Inter cse-
tera scripts Salomonis quae antlquata sunt neo In
memoriadnravemnt, et bic liber obllterandua vlderetnr,
CO quod vanss Del assereret creaturu ... ex boc uno
capltulo (xll.) merulase auctoritatem . . . . " Parallel
passages sre quoted In the notes on the passage, and by
Bleek, Stud. u. Krit. 18S3, pp. 913 eq. The donbla as
to Esther have been already noticed. Tbe gravity of
these doubts may fUrly be measured by tbe vigour of
assertion with which tiie Jews defended Its canontdty.
Cp. Jer. Talm. MtgiUa, 1. 1 (p. IC). Rabbi Jochanaa
said, " Tb* Propheta and tlie Hagiographa will become
obsolete, but tbe live Books of the Law will never
become obsolete.** RabU Simeon, the son of Lakish,
said. "Kay; the Heglllah (roll) of Esther snd tbe
Halacolta will never become obsolete." So also Halmon.
HOeSolk MegiOa, II. IS, " All the Books of the Propheta
snd all the Hagiographa wlU become obsolete In the dayti
of tbe Messiah, save only the MeglUah (roll) of Kather.
Lo! that shall stand Uke the flve-flfUw of the Law."
(Qnoted In Hersog-PUtt, gnefh. art. Kahok.) Tbe
Jewish oblections to the csnonldty of such Books as
K.itb., Eccles., Cant, do not seem to have been founded
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504 OANON OF SCHIPTUEE
stenberg, Havcrnick, //. cc.; Zunz, GotUtd.
Vbrtmge d. Juden).
So far, then, it has been shown that the
Hebrew Canon was uniform and coincident with
our own ;' but while the Palestinian Jews
combined to preserve the strict limits of the
old prophetic writings, the Alexandrine Jews
allowed themselves greater freedom. Their
ecclesiastical constitution was leas definite, and
the same inBuences which created among them
an independent literature disinclined them to
regard with marked veneration more than the
Law itself. The idea of a Canon was foreign to
their habits; and the fact that they possessed
the sacred Books not merely in a translation,
but in a translation made at different times,
without any unity of plan and without any
uniformity of execution, necessarily weakened
that traditional feeling of their real connexion
which existed in Palestine. Translations of
later books were made (1 Mace., Eoclus., Baruch,
&C.), and new ones were written (2 Hacc,
Wisd.), which were reckoned in the sum of their
religious literature, and probably placed on an
equal footing with the Hagiographa in common
esteem. But this was not the result of any
express judgment on their worth, but a natural
consequence of the popular belief in the doctrine
of a living Word which deprived the prophetic
writings of part of their distinctive value. So
far as an authoritative Canon existed in Egypt,
it is probable that it was the same as that of
Palestine. In the absence of distinct evidence
to the contrary this is most likely, and positive
indications of the fact are not wanting. The
translator of the Wisdom of Sirach uses the
same phrase (i r^/tai koI ol wpo^^rtu Kci r(k
iXKa 0t$Kla) in speakmg of his grandfather's
biblical studies in Palestine, and of his own in
Egypt (cp. Elchhoi-n, Einl. § 22), and he could
hardly have done so had the Bible been differ-
ent in the two places. The evidence of Pbilo,
if less direct, is still more conclusive. His
language shows that he was acquainted with
the Apocryphal books, and yet he does not
make a single quotation from them (Homemann,
Obsero. ad Ulustr. doctr. de Con. V. T. ex Pkilone,
pp. 28, 29, ap. Eichhorn, Einl. § 2ti), though
they offered much that was favourable to his
views. On the other band, in addition to the
Law, he quotes all the Books of " the Prophets,"
and the Psalms and Proverbs, from the Hagio-
grapha, and several of them (Is., Jer., Hos.,
Zech., Ps., Prov.) with clear assertions of their
npon any historical basis, but upon the character and
coQtenu of the Books, and the possibility of their
variance with the trtaitlonal Interpretation of the Law
leee Fuerat, Sanm del A. T. U8 sq. ; Zahn, Gack. d.
Jf. T. Xan. 123sq.).
A serlee of references to the Apociypbal books fh>m
Jewish writers has beeu made by Hottlnger (Tha.
PkiioL 1659), and collected and reprinted by Wonls-
worth (On the Canon qf the Scripturet, App. C). Cp.
also the valuable notices In Zuni, D. Gottetd. Yortr. d.
Jud. pp. 126 sq.
p The dream of a second and third revision nf the
Jewish canon In the times of Eleazer and UiUel, by
which the Apocryphal books were ratified (Qenebrard),
rnsta on no basis whatever. The supposition that the
Jews rejected the Apociypba after our Lord's coming
(Card. Perron) Is equally nnfuunded. Cosin, Canon qf
Scripturr, f } 23, 25.
CANON OF SCBIPTUBB
** prophetic" or inspired character. Of the
remaining Hagiographa (Neh., Ruth, Lam., 1-
2 Ch., Dan., Eccles., Cant.) he makes no mentin,
but the fir<t three may have been attached, u
often in Hebrew usage, to other Booki (Ezit,
Jndg., Jer.), so that four writings alene ire
entirely unattested by him (cp. Honuoaim,
/. c.). A further trace of the identity of the
Alexandrine C!anon with the Palestinian is fount
in the Apocalypse of Esdras [2 Esoras], where
" twenty-four open books " are specially dis-
tinguished from the mass of esoteric writiagt
which were dictated to Ezra by inspintioii
(2 Esd. xiv. 44 sq.). [ApoCKTPttA.]
From the combination of this evidence there
can be no reasonable doubt that at the bcgla-
ning of the Christian era the Jews had only w»
Canon of the Sacred wntings, defined diituKlW
in Palestine, and admitted, though with a le»
definite apprehension of its peculiar chsrseter-
istics, by the Uellenizing Jews of the Dispenion,
and that this Canon was recognised, as &r as
can be determined, by our Lord and His Apostles.
But, on the other hand, the connexion of otkr
religious books with the Greek translation of
the O. T., and their common use in i^pt, ni
already opening the way for an extension of tit
original Canon, and assigning an aothority t«
later writings which they did not derive from
ecclesiastical sanction.
lU. The History of the Christim CaM» of
the Old Testament.— The history of the OU
Testament C^on among Christian writers ei-
hibits the natural issue of the currency of tbe
LXX., enlarged as it had been by apocryphal
additions. In proportion as the Fathers weit
more or less absolutely dependent on that Ver-
sion for their knowledge of the Old Testament
Scriptures, they gradually lost in common pne-
tice the sense of the difference betweea tbe
Books of tbe Hebrew Canon and the Apoctypkt.
The custom of individuals grew into the ca^eai
of the Church ; and the public use of tke
-Apocryphal books obliterated in popular rt|Brl
the characteristic marks of their origin ami
value, which could only be discovered by tiie
scholar. Bnt the custom of the Church «a'
not fixed in an absolute judgment. It mifht
seem as if the great leaders of the Chrittiu
Body shrank by a wise forethought from a work
for which they were unfitted ; for by aoqsire-
ments and constitution they were little capable
of solving a problem which must at last depeal
on historical data. And this remark matt be
applied to the details of patristic eridence m
the contents of the Canon. Their habit most
be distinguished from their judgment. Tbe
want of critical tact which allowed them to
use the most obviously psendonymons worb
(2 Esdras, Enoch) as genuine productions of their
supposed authors, or as "divine Scripture,"
greatly diminishes the value of casual and
isolated testimonies to single Books. In swk
cases the form as well as the fact of tbe attesta-
tion requires to be examined, and after this the
combined witness of different Cburebes cu
alone suffice to stamp a Book with eccletiasticsl
authority.
The confusion which was necessarily intro-
duced by the use of the LXX. was further
increased when the Western Chnrch rose in
importance. The LXX. itself was tbe original
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CANON OF SOBIPTUBE
of the Old Latin, and the recollection of the
original distinction between the coDstitnent
Books of the Bible became more and more diffi-
cult in the Version of a Version ; and at the
stmt time the Hebrew Church dwindled down
to an obscure sect, and the intercourse between
the Chnrches of the East and West grew lesa
iotimate. The impulse which instigated Melito
in the second century to seek in " the Kast " an
"accnrate" account of "the Books of the Old
Testament," gradually lost its force as the
Jewish nation and literature were further with-
drawn from the circle of Christian knowledge.
The Old Latin Version converted use popularly
into belief, and the investigations of Jerome
were nnable to connteract the feeling which had
gained strength silently, without any distinct
ud snthoritative sanction. Yet one important,
though obscure, protest was made against the
glowing error. The Nazarenes, the relics of
the Hebrew Church, in addition to the New
Testament " made use of the Old Testament^ as
the Jews" (Epiph. Haer xxix. 7). They had
'the whole Law, and the Prophets, and the
Uagiographa so called ; that is, the poetical
Bocks, ami the Kings, and Chronicles and Esther,
«nd sU the other Books in Hebrew " (Epiph.
(. c. : TOf)' ovToit yip ras i y6iua Kcd ol rpo^nfrai
sal T^ ypa^ta Kty6iitya, ^iiL 5t rk arixhfilt
nal ti BoiriXf iw KcU IlapaAfiiriJ^eva, Kol hiatiif
nl T&Aa w^rra 'KfipalKas IwayiyiiffKmu'). And
in conneiion with this fact, it is worthy of
remsrk that JCSTIN MARTyR, who drew his
knowledge of Christianity from Palestine, makes
00 use of the Apocryphal writings in any of
his works.
From what has been said, it is evident that
the history of the Christian Canon is to be
songht in the first instance from definite cata-
logues and not from isolated quotations. But
even this evidence is incomplete and unsatis-
lactory. A comparison of the table (No, 1.,
f. 506) of the chief extant Catalogues will
show how few of them are really independent ;
and the later transcriptions are commonly of no
nine, as they do not appear to have been made
with any critical appreciation of their distinc-
tive worth.
These Catalogues evidently fall into two
great classes, Hebrew and Latin; and the
fbnner, again, exhibits three distinct varietie<i,
which are to be traced to the three original
sources from which the Catalogues were derived.
The first may be called the pure Hebrew Canon,
which is that of the Church of England (the
Talmud, Jerome, Joan. Damaac.'). The second
differs from this by the omiasion of the Book of
Esther {litiito lAthan.\ Syn. S. Script., Oreg.
-Viz., AmpUixh., Meont., Nkeph., Callist.). The
third differs by the addition of Bamch, or " the
Letter" (Or^en, Athanaa., Cyr. Hierot. [Condi.
Laod.'^ HU. Pictav.). The omission of Esther
may mark a real variation in the opinion of the
Jewish Church [Estheb], but the addition of
Bamch is probably due to the place which it
occupied in direct connexion with Jeremiah,
not only in the Greek and Latin translations,
bit perhaps alao in some copies of the Hebrew
text [BARnOH, Book of]. This is rendered
more likely by the converse fact that the
Lamentations and Bamch are not distinctly
enmnerated by many writers who certainly
CANON OF SCRIPTURE 505
received both Books. During the first four
centuries this Hebrew Canon is the only one
which is distinctly recognised, and it is sup-
ported by the combined authority of those
Fathers whose critical judgment is entitled to
the greatest weight. In the meantime, how-
ever, as has been already noticed, the common
nsage of the early Fathers was influenced by
the position which the Apocryphal books occu-
pied in the current Versions, and they quoted
them frequently as Scripture, when they were
not led to refer to the judgment of antiquity.
The table (No. II., p. 508} will show the
extent and character of this partial testimony
to the disputed books.
These casual teatimonies are, however, of com-
paratively slight value, and are, in many cases,
opposed to the deliberate judgment of the
authors from whom they are quoted. The real
divergence as to the contents of the Old Testa-
ment Canon is to be traced to Augustiki;,
whose wavering and uncertain language on the
point furnishes abundant materials for contro-
versy. By education and character he occupied
a position more than usually unfavourable for
historical criticism, and yet his overpowering
influence, when it fell in with ordinary usage,
gave consistency and strength to the opinion
which he appeared to advocate, for it may be
reasonably doubted whether he difiered inten-
tionally from Jerome except in language. In a
famous passage (de Doctr. Christ, ii. 8 [13] ) he
enumerates the Books which are contained in
" the whole Canon of Scripture," and includes
among them the Apocryphal books without any
clear mark of distinction. This general state-
ment is further confirmed by two other pas-
sages, in which it is argued that he draws a
distinction between the Jewish and Christian
Canons, and refers the authority of the Apocry-
phal books to the judgment of the Christi.in
Church. In the first passage he speaks of the
Maccabaeau history as not " found in the Sacred
Scriptures which are called canonical, but in
others, among which are also the books of
the Maccabees, which the Church, and not the
Jews, holds for canonical, on account of the
marvellous sufferings of the martyrs [recorded
in them] " (" quorum supputatio temporum
non in Scripturis Sanctis, quae Canonicae appel-
lantur, sed in aliis invenitur, in quibus sunt et
Machabaeorum libri, quos non Judaei, sed
eccleaia pro Canonicis habet," de Civ. iviii.
36). In the other passage he speaks of the
books of the Maccabeea as ** received (recepta)
by the Church, not without profit, if they be
read with sobriety " (c. Gaud. i. 38). But it
will be noticed that in each case a distinction is
drawn between the " Ecclesiastical " and pro-
perly "Canonical" books. In the second ca»e
he expressly lowers the authority of the books
of the Maccabees by remarking that " the Jews
have them not like the Law, the Psalms, and
the Prophets to which the Lord gives His wit-
ness " (Aug. I. c). And the original catalogue
is equally qualified by an introduction which
distinguishes between the authority of Books
which are received by all and by some of the
Churches ; and, again, between those which are
received by Chnrches of great or of small weight
(<fe Doctr. Chr. ii. 8 [12] ), so that the list which
immediately follows must be interpreted by
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506
CANON OP 80R1PTUEE
No. L— CHRISTIAN CATALOGUES OF THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTrAMETT.
Tbe IM extends only to snch books ss are dlspnted. Of the signs, * Indtestcs thst tb< book U *i
reckoned u Bbly aeriptmn : f tbst it is placed expressly In s tmomd nnk : i thst It is meoUoDed wltti
A bUnk marks the silence of the author as to the book In qnesUon.
I. COKCIUAK CaTALOOITSS :
[Laodicene] . . a.d. 363
Carthaginian . . 39T (?)
Apostolic Canons . . .
II. Pbitate Cataioouis:
(a) Ortek tariUTi.
Hellto . . . A.D. c. 160
Origan
J3
Athanasins
c. 183-253
. 296-373
Cjnilof Jems. . 3I&-3S6
Smuptit S. Script. . . .
[Nicephori] Stichometria .
Qregoiy of Nat. . 3}0-3»l
Amphllocblns . . c3no
Eplphanltis. . c3«7-«03
Leontins . . . e. 6M
Joannes Damsac. . flit
Nicepboms Callist. c 1330
Cod. Or. Saec. X. . . .
(I) ijttinwrUeri.
Hllarins Ptetar. a.o. 'fc 370
Hleronymas . . . f420
Rafflnus ... c. 360 '
Augostinns . . 3*3-4J0
[Innocentius] ....
Ousiodoms . . . ftto I
Udoms HIspal. . . f696 ;
s ^ ' a
.Sacram. Oallic.
annotlOOO" .
*anUt
Cone. Lsod. Cam. Hi.'
Cone Caithag. iii. dm.
xxxix.(amxl»il.).«
Ckn. AposU IxxxtL (alii
lixxv.).»
Ap. Eoseb. B. S. i<. M.
Ap. Eiueb. H. S. »t ».'
^. At(. zilix. L L
767, Sd. Btn.'
Caleck. It. 33.
Ap. Chrra. ; Uigne, Patr.
(Jraec. Irt. 313 •(.•
(hrdner, lur OacL i.
AdlLAllOM).'
Cam. SecL I. ill. i.
MIgne, PatT. 6t.
xxTli. 172 «q.»
Iambi ad Stltmeam, t-
Gregor. Naa. Otrm.
aeet. U. XTiL ; XigM,
j Pair. Or. ixiili.
1593 sq. : <x>. Aamti-
I locb. ed. OnM.
p. 130 sq.*
De Mau. el Fni. «.
DInd. It. 1.t»
Dt Sectit, Act U. (flal-
I lai>dl.xil.6M«|.^
/)e;t(l«orao<tl».17.'«
' Hodr, p. 6M.O
' Montboceo, AU. Ctit-
I lilt. p. 193 sq.
rrol. in Pi. IS."
Pnt. OatatL i» Mm
timufl tt MOadiim,
Ix. pp. M7 •!, <^
Migw.i'
JEn»<. .<!y«ib. I? sq."
Ot doctr. Ckrilt. IL 1."
A>. ad Anp. (Galkiii.
Tlil. Ul sq.).
IH ttutit. Wa. W!.
xiT.ia
De OrdtM Uftr. 8 A'V''
lutt. ; Micne, Fair. X.
IxxzUl. 166 ■»■>*
• I Body, p. 664.
NOTKS ON TABLE Ko. I.
I The artdence against the authenticity of this Canon,
aa an original part of the collection, is decislTe, in spite
of the defence of Bickell (Sliui. u. Knt. 111. 611 aq.), aa
tbe present writer baa abown at length in another place
(JK><. q^/r.7.Canan,iT. 498aq.). Tbe Canon recurs in
tha Capitutar. Aqvifram. c zx., with the omission of
Barvch and Lam unt a t ion*.
' The same (Unon appears in Cone. Hipp. Can. xxztI.
Tbe Greek Teralon of the Cuxm omita the booki of
Maocabeea ; and the hiatory of the Council itself la very
obKon. Cp. Cadn. $ 82.
* This Canon mentlona tkne books of tbe Haccabeea.
fiMlh is not fonnd in some M8S. ; and generally It may
be obaerred that the pnbllabed text of the Oondliar
Canona needa a thonugh rerislon. Ecclesiasticus Is
thus mentioned: ffw^cv M vpooitfropcia^ viuw ilov-
iawttv vfi«r T«vc r^evc Ti|r ge^i ' a r rvv vaXi^iaAMC
Sitpax. Cp. amtta. Apatt. U. 67.
Tbe Canona of Laodlcaa, Carthage, and the AposkiBc
Gaoona, were all ratifled In the <]ahal.8aztioe Osadl,
Can. X
* 'ItfitfiuK ffv* 6pijt«€t aa* jirivroAy mrifi. Wgtt
•xpreaaly says that this catalogue is wc 'B^patei wtr
paSiSioin, and begins with the wonk .- tiai tt «i ^f"'
ttio plfi/iM xaV "t,fifaian tSJbt. He quotas aennl i'
the Apocryphsl books aa Scripture, aa wiU be Mn
below; and In his Letter to AfHcanua debodittetew-
poUted Greek text of Daniel and the other O. T. Bik*>.
on the ground of tbelr public tuw (i^ od Afric f liq-^
Tbe whole of thla laat passage la of the dcepeat iBHnrt.
and placea In the dearest light the inHaeaee whkh the
LXX. exercised on eommoo opinion.
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C4JfON OF SCBIPTUBE
tbii rnle. la confirmation of this view of
Aogiutiae'9 special regard for the Hebrew
Canon, it may be farther nrged that be appeals
to the Jewi, " the librarians of the Christians,"
u poueasing " all the writings in which Christ
wu prophesied of" (in Ps. xl., Ps. Ivi.), and to
"the Law, the Psalms, and the Prophets,"
which were supported by the witness of the
Jews (c Omd. 1. cX aa inclnding "all the
cuonical authorities of the Sacred Books " (de
nit. Books. 16), which, aa h« says in another
plia (* Cie. IT. 23, 4), "were preserved in
the Temple of the Hebrew people by the care of
the snccessire priests." Bat on the other hand
.\ogiutine frequently nses passages from the
Apocryphal books aa co-ordinate with Scripture,
ud practically disregards the rules of distinc-
tioo between the Tariona classes of Sacred
writings which he had himself laid down. He
stood on the extreme verge of the age of inde-
(tenlent learning, and follows at one time the
wndiuions of criticism, at another the prescrip-
tions of habit, which from his date grew more
ml more powerfuL
The enlarged Canon of Angustine, which was,
u it will be seen, wholly nnsupported by any
Greek anthority, was adapted at the Council of
Caethisi (A.a 397 ?), thoagh with a reserva-
tion (Can. 47, De amfirmcmdo ato Canone trant-
mrim exiesia amsulalw), and afterwards pub-
CANON OP 8CEIPT0KE 507
lislied in the decretals which bear the name
of INNOCENT, Damasus, and Gelasidb (cp.
Credner, Zur Gesch. d. Kan. 151 sq.); and it
recurs in many later writers. But nevertheless
a continuous succession of the more learned
Fathers in the West maintained the distinctive
anthority of the Hebrew Canon op to the period
of the Reformation. In the 6th century
PbdulSIUS (Comm. tn Apoc. iv. Cosin, § 92 ?),
in the 7th Greoory the Gbeat (Moral, xix.
21, p. 622), in the 8th Bede (in Apoc. iv.?),
in the 9th AliCtnN (ap. Hody, 654; yet see
Carm. vi. vii.), in the 10th Radulphus Fi^v.
(in Levit. xiv. ; Hody, 655), in the 12th Peteb
OF Curst (Ep. c. Petr. ; Hody, /. c), Huoo DE
S. ViCTOIRE (dt Script. 6), and JoBN OF
SALlSBimY (Hody, 656 ; Coein, § 130X in the
13th Huoo Car'dinaus (Hody, 656), in the
14th Nicholas Liranus (Hody, p. 657 ; Coain,
§ 146), WicUF (? cp. Hody, 658), and Occam
(Hody, p. 657; Cosin, § 147), in the 15th
Thomas Akouccs (Cosin, § 150X and Thomas
DE WaLden (Id. § 151), in the 16th Card.
XlMENES (£tf. Compl. Pre/.), SiXTCS Semensis
(Biblioth. i. 1), and Card. Cajetan (Hody,
p. 662 ; Cosin, § 173), repeat with approval the
decision of Jerome, and draw a clear line between
the Canonical uttd Apocryphal books (Cosin,
Scholastioal History of the Canon; Reass, Dia
Gesch. d. heOigen Schriften d. N. T., ed. 2, § 328).
NOTES ON TABLE Mo. I.— «oii«»ii«d.
> Ithaaailns doaes bis whole catakgne with the
tordl : nVT* vifyu rov owntptov ...iv rovrvif fA tf r o i f
^ t^ tivtfiiait tiimmuJiKimf cvoyycA^CTOi. fiTifitU
nvTwr twifimJkJ^irm' ^ifii TOvTiil' o^oipciff^ n
(ffrW ul cnps ^^A£a rovTHr I^t^Bwi ov KotwtiiiMifa
fir TrmwiMva U wy A twv waripmv ivayufirmto^i
n>t t/m Wftnfxanirott «au p «»Xo)« f roi« xaTi|x<ta4w
' The M of the Apoctyphal books la pntioed br a
dnse nearty i<i».itt<-^| with that In Athanaaina. In a
•Koul minnentka (Cndnar, Oetck. d. Xamon, p. 144),
Um books of the Jtaeeabttt and Susanna an enume-
nted tnmgihe arrJUyv^Mvo.
' The ApooTphal hooka an headed : cal Stf«4 ai^i-
^«n» riic w«A«i« atni limv. Susanna (>.e. Add.
U Dulel) ia rtduned among tbam.
' The catakigaB enda with the words : wivot (xnt-
<t TK U Tovtvir flxr&c OMC <y -yn|ffiotc*
* The Tenee occur under the name of Gregory of
Xutaans, hot an geaarally referred to Amphllochios.
OfEiUierhe sa^t T«vToif wpovryKptiviwi ttiv 'Eff^p
ivn. Be ^""^I'yht : o^roc oi^wMffraroc Ka*«ir ay cii)
" £(i;feaaliiB adds of Wisdom and Xcclua. : xP'i'W'oi
|U> tin xu M^ft 1)101, oAA' ci« ipitrtfa' ^m aim ira-
♦ <> » ■ «. •■» oitt jrT]; Ti|t itafiinit «i?»T^ t"'"'-
*vi Tha aaiaa calakgna Is npeatad de Mtm. p. 1116.
b tactber plaoa (ad*. Batr. Ixzvi. p. 941), be speaks of
lbete*chtagcoii(abiadin"thezzU. Books" of the Old
Tot. in the New TeaC, and then «v nut So^uut. ZoAo-
lunnt n 4wu ui MoS Itpix '■' *''>'< awXac *<fai<
fp*4ui. In a third catakgiie (od*. ifiur. v. p. II) he
adds the ktten of BoniA and Jefemlab (which ha el>»-
whtR tpedaUy notices aa wanting In the Bebnw,
deJiEKi.p. 163). and apeaka of Wladom and Eeclna. as
<r M^it Af y (among the Jews), x^' JAAtw rumr
M*^ iimwmipHmr. Cp. odv. Botr. xslz. p. m.
u LaoDL t. e. : niri «<m tiI KMymiiitma MSAta ir
TV iaiofn^ uu iraAata lux »«a, Ap T« wvAwA vdira
*n!»«4 oi 'E^pow.
" Join. Damiac i. e. i) (ra^ tov SaXofiwrrot lul q
lofu roS 'It|«DS .... hmprm iihr ml xoAat iM.' oic
't^tfoimi, s«H inum ir Tf nfimt^-
u xQalbus nonnnlU adilclnnt Esther, Jnditb, rt Toblt.
iKjif 8i TOvrmv r^ ypoj^f away y6dov " (Hody, 1, c).
>■ Hilar. I. e. : "Qnibnadam autem visum est additia
Tobla et Judith xxiv, librae secimdnm numenun grae-
carom Utterarum connumeran . . . . "
■* Hleron. I. c. : " Qnlequid extra hos [the Books of the
Hebrew Canon] est. Inter apocrypha ponendnm. Igltnr
Sapientia, quae vnlgo Salomonla Inacribltnr, et Jtsu JUii
Siraeh liber, et Judith et Tobias et Pastor non snnt in
canone. Baeehabaeorum prlmnm libmm Hebralcnm
reperl : secnndus Graacna est Cp. /Vvi. in LOnv*
SaloM. ad Chrom. et Beliod. Fertur et Variprrof,
Jtsu JUii Sirack Uber, et alina ilmiUsiypa^, qui
Sapientia Salomonis Inacribltnr .... Blent ergo JndiiA
et Tobit, et Jfoccfcabaeorvm libioe legit qnldem eodcala.
sed Inter canonlcos non redplt, sic et haec duo volmnina
legit ad aediflcatlonem plebU, non ad anctorltatem
ecfilentasttcomm dogmatum conflrmandam. Cp. Prologoa
tn Dan., Biertm., Tobit, J^idith, Jonam; Ep. ad,
Pautinum, Ull." Hence at the dose of Esther one veiy
ancient US., quoted by Uartlanay on the place, adds:
" Hncnaqne completnm est Vet. Teat. Id est, omnea
canooicaa Scriptons . . . qnaa tranatnllt Bteronymos
. . . . de Hebralct verltate .... caeterae vero Scrlptnrae,
quae non sunt ctnonlcae, sed dlcuntnr eoclesiaaticae,
latae aunt. Id eat .... " giving the list contained In
Prol. Galat.
u After giving the Hebrew Canon and the received
Canon of N. T., Kaflnna says: "Sciendum tanien nt.
quod et alii llbrl sunt, qui non canonic! sed eccIeiiMtici
a majoriboa appellatt sunt. Id est, Sapientia, quae
dkltur SoUrmonis, et alia Sapientia quae dicitnr^«
Sirack .... eloadem vero ordinia llbellaa eat roMoe et
Judith et Machabaeorum UbrI .... Quae omnia legi
qnldem in eocleslls volnemnt, non tamen profeirl ad
anctorltatem ex his Odei confirmandam. Oseleraa vera
Scrlpturas apocryphas nomlnamnt, qnaa in eccleslia
leg! nolnemnt."
" See below.
■• Caastodoms glvea also, bowever, with marka of
high respect, the caulogne of Jerome. Cp. Coahi, } W.
u bidoms, like Casalodorus. gives the catalogue of
Jerome, aa well aa that of Augustine. Cp. Oosin, i 103.
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CAKON OF SCBIPTUBE
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CANON OF SCBIPTUBE
Up to the date of the COUNCIL or Trent,
the Romanuts allow that the qaeation of the
Cauia waa opeo, but one of the fint laboan of
that aasembly waa to circumscribe a freedom
which the growth of literature seemed to render
periloos.* The decree of the Council "on the
Casonical Scriptures," which waa made at the
fourth seiaion (April 8th, 1546X at which about
fiilj-three representatiTes were present, pro-
nounced the enlarged Canon, including the
Apocryphal books, to be deserving in all its
pirts of " equal reneration " (pari pietatia
a§ict»\ and added a list of books " to prevent
I the possibility of doubt " (ne cm dubitatio
\ tAoriri posnt). This hasty and peremptory
decree, unlike in ita form to any catalogue before
published, was closed by a solemn anathema
•gainst all who should " not receive the entire
books with all their parts as sacred and ca-
nooical " (" Si quia antem libros ipsos integros
com omnibus suia partibns, prout in ecclesia
catholica legi consneverunt et in veteri vulgata
Latina editione habentur, pro aaeria et canonicis
am ansceperit . . . anathema esto," Cone. Trid.
3m. ir.). This decree was not, however, passed
without opposition (Sarpi, 139 sq., ed. 1655,
though Pallavacino denies this); and in spite
of the absolute terma in which it is expressed,
later Romanista have sought to find a method
of c<ca|nng from the definite equalisation of the
two dasies of Sacred writings by a forced inter-
pretation of the subsidiary clauses. Du Pin
{Diaert. prelim, i. 1), Lamy QApp. Bibl. ii. 5),
asd Jahn (fin/, in d. Gdttl. Backer d. A. T., i.
14(^-143) endeavoured to establish two classes
of protinCanonical, and deutero-Canonical books,
•ttributing to the first a dogmatic, and to the
Mcond only an ethical authority. But aneh
s classification, however true it may be, ia
obvionsly at variance with the terms of the
Tridentiiu decision, and has found comparatively
little fiivonr among Romisji writers (cp. [Herbst]
Vtltt,Eml. ii. 1 »q. ; Kaulen,' Einl. in d. heilige
Schift. I 14, &c.>
The Reformed Clturches unanimously agreed
in confirming the Hebrew Canon of Jerome, and
refused to allow any dogmatic authority to the
Apocryphal books, but the form in which this
judgment waa eipreased varied considerably in
the different confessions. The Lutheran formu-
laries contain no definite article on the subject,
but the note which Luther placed in the front
of his German translation of the Apocrypha
(ed. 1334) is an adequate declaration of the
later judgment of the Communion : "Apocrypha,
that is books which are not placed on an equal
footing {nicht gleich gehaltm) with Holy Scrip-
ture, and yet are profitable and good for read-
jug." This general view was further expanded
>■> the special prefaces to the separate books in
which Luther freely criticised their individual
vorth, and wholly rejected 3 and 4 Esdras as
unworthy of translation. At an earlier period
CarUtadt (1520) published a critical esaay, De
anumida tcripturi* tibelhu (reprinted in Credner,
Zir Getch. d. Kan. pp. 291 sq.X in which ho
followed the Hebrew division of the Canonical
« The hlitorr of the Catalogue published at the
CotmcU of Florence (1441) ia obacnre (COsln, $$ |6» 1),
and it was probablr limited to the detenninstlon of
books tor Bcdetiaatiad nse(Beoaa, J 325).
CANON OF SCBIFTUBE 509
Books into three ranks, and added Wisd., Ecclns.,
Judith, Tobit, 1 and 2 Hacc, as Hagiographa,
though not included in the Hebrew collection,
while he rejected the remainder of the Apocrypha
with considerable parts of Daniel as " utterly
apocryphal " (jpkme apocryphi; Credn. pp. 389,
410 sqA
The Calvinistic Churches generally treated the
question with more precision, and introduced
into their symbolic documents a distmction
between the "Canonical" and "Apocryphal,"
or "Ecclesiastical" hooks. The Oallican Con-
fession (1561), after an enumeration of the
Hieronymian Canon (Art, 3), adds (Art. 4)
" that the other ecclesiastical books are useful;
yet not such that any article of faith could be
established out of them" (guo [sc. Spiritu
Sanctci] ioggermU docemur, illoa [sc. libroa
Canonicot] ab aliia libris ecclesicaticis diKemere,
qui, vt sint ittHet, non tant tamen ejusmodi, ut
ex iia ootutititti possit aliquia fidei artiaUua').
The Belgic Confession (1561 ?) contains a similar
ennmeration of the Canonical Books (Art. 4),
and allows their public use by the Church, but
denies to them all independent authority in
matters of faith (Art. 6). The later Helvetic
Confession (1562, Bullinger) notices the distinc-
tion between the Canonical and Apocryphal
books without pronouncing any judgment on
the question (Niemeyer, Libr. Symb. Eccles.
Sef. p. 468). The Westminster Confession
(Art 3) places the Apocryphal books on a level
with other human writings, and concedes to
them no other authority in the Church.
The English Church (Art. 6) appeals directly
to the opinion of St. Jerome, and concedes to
the Apocryphal books (including [157 1] 4 Esdras
and The Prayer of Hanasses)' a use " for example
of life and instruction of manners," hut not for
the establishment of doctrine; and a aimilar
decision is given in the Irish Articles of 1615
(Hardwick, 7. c, 341 sq.). The original English
Articles of 1552 contained no catalogue (Art. 5)
of the contents of "Holy Scripture," and no
mention of the Apocrypha, although the Triden-
tine decree (1546) might seem to have rendered
this necessary. The example of foreign Churches
may have led to the addition upon the later
revision.
The expressed opinion of the later Greek
Church on the Canon of Scripture has been
modified in some rases by the circumstances
under which the declaration was made. The
"Confession" of Cyril Lncar, who was most
favourably disposed towards the Protestant
Churches, confirms the Laodicene Catalogue, and
marks the Apocryphal books as not possessing
the same divine authority as those whose canoni-
city is unquestioned (Kimmel, Libri Symbolici
Ecclet. Or. i. p. 42, ri icvpos iropjt roi! iraroylov
wytiiueros obx txovau) i>t T(t nvfitts ical ira^i-
pSKat Kafovixi Pifixia). In this judgment
Cyril Lucar was followed by his friend Metro-
phanes Critopulus, in whose confession a com-
plete list of the Books of the Hebrew Canon is
given (Kimmel, ii. pp. 105 sq.), while some
value is assigned to the Apocryphal books (&wa-
$\ilTous oi)( rtyoifuda) in consideration of their
' The Latin copy of 1S63 Includes only a-3 Esd.,
WIsd., Ecctus., Toblt, Jud., 1-3 Uacc. (Hardwick, fist.
<lf Art. p. 275).
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610 CANON OF SCEIPTURE
ethical value; and the detailed decisioD of
Metrophanea is quoted with approral in the
" Orthodox Teaching " of Platen, Metropolitan
of Moscow (ed. Athenii, 1836, p. 59). The " Or-
thodox Confe<«ion " simply refers the subject of
Scripture to the Church (Kimmel, p. 159, i)
iKK\ri<ria Ix" rh* iiowr'ta» . . . vi toKiitdfy riu
ypa^s; cp. p. 123). On the other hand, the
Synod at Jerusalem, held in 1672, ** against the
Calvinists," which is commonly said to have
been led by Romish influence (yet cp. Kimmel,
p. lxxxriii.X pronounced that the books which
Cyril Lucar " ignorantly or maliciously called
apocryphal," are "canonical and Holy Scripture,"
on the authority of the testimony of the ancient
Church ([Kimmel,] Weissenborn, Dosith. Confeta.
pp. 467 sq.). The Constantincpolitan Synod,
which was held in the same ye.ir, notices the
difference existing between the Apostolic, Lao-
dicene, and Carthaginian Catalogues, and appears
to distinguish the Apocryphal books as not
wholly to be rejected (Jiira jiiwroi ruv rqt
ra\alas SioA^ktis $i$KUty rp ayoptS/i^irei rSy
hywypJ^ttv ob (rvfiTtpiXafifiaMerat . . . oiic itw6'
fiXirra Tiryxioouat StdAsv). The authorised
Russian Catechism (7%« Doctrine of the Suatian
Church, &c., by Rev. W. Blackmore, Aberd.,
1845, pp. 37 sq.) distinctly quotes and defends
the Hebrew Canon on the authority of the Greek
Fathers, and repeats the judgment of Athanasiias
on the usefulness of the Apocryphal books as a
preparatory study in the Bible ; and there can
be no doubt but that the current of Greek
opinion, in accordance with the unanimous
agreement of the ancient Greek Catalogues,
coincides with this judgment. [The officially-
printed Russian Bibles contain the Apocryphal
books, with a note to the effect that they are
taken from the Greek Version or are not found
in the Hebrew text.]
The history of the Syrian Canon of the O. T.
is involved in great obscurity from the scantiness
of the evidence which can be brought to bear
upon it. The Peshitto was made, in the first
instance, directly from the Hebrew, and con-
sequently adhered to the Hebrew Canon;' but
as the LXX. was used afterwards in revising the
Version, so many of the Ajiocryphal books were
translated from the Greek at an early period,
and added to the original collection (Assem.
£S>I. Orient, i. 71). Yet this change was only
made gradually. In the time of Ephrem (c. A.D.
370) the Apocryphal additions to Daniel were
yet wanting, and his commentaries were con-
fined to the Books of the Hebrew Canon, though
he was acquainted with the Apocrypha (Lardner,
Credibility, &c., iv. pp. 427 sq. ; see Lengerke,
Daniel, p. cxii.). The later Syrian writers do
not throw much light upon the question.
Gregory Bar-Hebraeus, in his short commentary
on Scripture, treats of the Books in the follow-
ing order (Assem. Bi'A. Orient, ii. 282): the
PenUteuch, ioth., Jndg., 1 & 2 Sam., Ps., 1 &
* [A donbt bis been raised whetbcr the Books of
Chronicles were originally inclnded In the 0. T. Canon
of this Version. The peculUrities of the translation
seem to place these Books In a eeparat<* class lh>m the
others ; and it has been pointed oat that the Nestorlans
and some of the Monophysltes did not Include the Booka
of Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemlah, and Esther In their
Canon. See Moldeke, Die eittat. Uteratur, p. M3.]
CANON OF SCRIPTURE
2 K., Prov., Ecclus., Eccles., Cant., WixL, Ruth,
Hilt. Stu., Job, Is., 12 Proph., Jer., Lam., Etek.,
Dan., Jiel, 4 Gosp., Acto ... 14 Epist. of a
Paul, omitting 1 & 2 Ch., Eira, Neh., Etthn,
Tobit, 1 & 2 J/aoc., Judith, {Baruchi), Ay>-
calypu, Epist. Jamei, 1 Pet., 1 John.
In the Scriptural Vocabulary of Jacob of
Edessa (Assem. I. c p. 499), the order and
number of the books commented upon is tomt-
what different: Pent., Jos., Jud.,' Job, I ii 3
Sam., David (i.e. Ps.), 1 & 2 K, Ii., 12 Proph,
Jer., Lam., Baruck, Exek., Dan., Prov., (Tad,
Cant., Ruth, Esth., Judith, Ecclus., Acts, Epitt.
James, I Pet., 1 John, 14 Epist. of St. Paul,
4 Gosp., omitting 1 & 2 Ch., Exra, Neh., £cd«&,
Tvbit, 1 & 2 Mace., Apoc. (comp. Assem. Sibi.
Orient, iii. 4 not.).
The Catalogue of Ebed-Jesn (Assem. Bit-
Orient., iii. 5 sq.) is rather a general survey of
all the Hebrew and Christian literature vitli
which he was acquainted (Catalogus libronm
omnium Ecclesiasticornm) than a Canon oi
Scripture. After enumerating the Books of tiie
Hebrew Canon, together with Ecdus., Wltd.,
Judith, Add. to Dan., and Baruch, he adds, iritb-
out any break, " the traditions of the Elders '
(Mishnah), the works of Josephus, including tk
Fables of Aesop which were popularly ascribed
to him, and at the end mentions the " book ot
Tobias and Tobit." In the like manner, after
enumerating the 4 Gosp., Acta., 3 Cath. Epist
and 14 Epist. of St. Paul, he passes at one* to
the Diatetsaron of Tatian, and the writings n!
" the disciples of the Apostles." Little def-
ence, however, can be placed on these lists, ai
they rest on no critical foundation, and it ii
known from other sonrcet that varietits of
opinion on the subject of the Canon existed in
the Syrian Church (Assem. Bibl. Orient, in. i
not.).
One testimony, however, which derins it'
origin from the Syrian Church, is speciall;
worthy of notice. Jnnilins, an Aifrican Bishop
of the 6th century, has preserved a full ssi
interesting account of the teacliing of Paulns, a
Persian, on Holy Scripture, who was educated st
Nisibis, where " the Divine Law was rtgularlt
explained by public masters," as a brvich cf
common education (Junil. De part. leg. Prxf.).
He divides the Books of the Bible into tao
classes, those of " perfect," and those of " mean "
authority. The first class includes all the
Books of the Hebrew Canon with the excepti<n
of 1 & 2 Ch., Job, Canticles, and Esther, snd
with the addition of Ecdetiattious. The sec«o<l
class consists of Chronicles (2), Job, Esdtas (2).
Judith, Esther, and UaoccAee* (2), which sr
added by "very many" (jtwrimi) to tlK
Canonical Books. The remaining books SR
pronounced to be of no authority, and of tlK«
Canticles and Wisdom are said to be added b<
"some " {quidam) to the Canon. The dassiSa-
tion as it stands is not without difficulties, bi!
it deserves more attention than it has rtoeinil
(cp. Hody. p. 653 ; Oallandi, BilAioth. iii. 79 ^
[Weatcott's Canon of the N. T., App. D, v.]).
The Armenian Canon, so far as it ess be
ascertained from editions, follows that of tl»
LXX., but it is of no critical authority ; and t
similar remark applies to the Aetbiopian Csoea.
though it is more easy in this ewe to trace tb«
changes through which it has passed (Dillmaiui.
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CANON OF SCBIPTUKt:
L'Aeri. AM. Kan., in £'.Tald's Jahrbuch, 1863,
pp.i««q)-
In addition to the books already quoted
under the heads for which they are specially
Ttlosble, some still remain to be noticed.
<;. F. Schmid, BM. ant. et muUc. Can. S. Yet.
■aSot. Tat., Lips, 1775. [H. Corrodi], Versuch
aaer Beleuchtang . . . d. Bibl. Kanom, Halle,
1792; Morers, Loci quidam Hut. Can. V. T.
iUmtrali, Breilau, 1842. The great work of
Hodj {Dt b&lior. text., Oion. 1735) contains a
ridi store of materials, though even this is not
fret from minor errors. Stnart's Critical
Hiitori) and Defence of the Old Test. Canon,
London, 1849, is rather aa apology than a
history. ZOckler, Hdb. d. theoi. Wiaaenich.
SordL 1883; Herzog, £1!.* art. iCanon (0. T.
br Strsck); cp. also Oe Wette-Schrader's
&iikit. Berlin, 1869; Nsldeke, Die alttett.
LUmtur, Leipz. 1868 ; Diestel, Gesch. d. A. T.
in d. chriitl. Kirche, Jena, 1869 ; Keil's Einleit.
frsnk. a. H. 1873 ; S. Davidson's The Canon
of Ou Bible, London, 1877 ; Bleek-Wellhauson's
SitleiL Berlin, 1886; W. Robertson Smith, The
0. T. in the Jewish Church, Edinb. 1881 ; Reuss,
Gadt.d.A. r.',Braan8chw.l890; K8uIen,£iW«i(.
Mtt A T., Freiburg, 1881 ; Fuerst's Kanon des
A T., 1868 ; Bloch, Alt-Bebraische Literatur,
1876; Westcott's Bible in the Church, 1885;
Sdiiitt. Qesch. d. Jud. Volkee, ii. Leipz. 1886 ;
Buhl, Kanon u. Text d. A. T., Leipz. 1891.
IV. TTte History of the Oman of the A'ew
Tistaaeat. — ^The history of the Canon of the
!(. T. presents a remarkable analogy to that of
the Canon of the O. T. The beginnings of both
Oanons are obscure from the circumstances
nnder which they arose : both grew silently
under the guidance of an inward instinct rather
tlian by the force of an external authority ; both
vcre connected with other religions literature
by a series of books which claimed a partial and
questionable authority ; both gained deiiniteness
in times of persecution. The chief difference
lies in the general consent with which all the
Chsrches of the West have joined in ratifying
one Canon of the N. T., while they are divided
as to the position of the 0. T. Apocrypha.
The history of the N. T. Canon may be con-
veniently divided into three periods. The first
extends to the time of Hegeaippus (c. A.D. 170),
and inclodes the era of thu separate circula-
tion and gradual collection of the Apostolic
writings. The second is closed by the persecu-
tion of Diocletian (A.D. 303), and marks the
separation of the sacred writings from the
remaining Ecclesiastical literature. The third
may be defined by the third Council of Carthage
(a.0. 397), in which a catalogue of the Books
of Scripture waa formally ratified by conciliar
authority. The first is characteristically a
period of tradition, the second of speculation, the
third of authority ; and it is not difficult to
trace the features of the successive ages in the
coarse of the history of the Canon.
1. The History of the Canon of the New Testa-
«<«ttol70A.D.— The writings of the N.T them-
selves contain little more than fiunt, and perhaps
nnconsdons, intimations of the position which
they were destined to occupy. The mission of the
Apostle* was essentially one of preaching and
Bot of writing : of founding a present Church
and not of legislating for a fatare one. The
CANON OP SCBIPTDBE 511
'• word " is essentially one of " hearing," " re-
ceived," and "handed down," a "message," a
" proclamation." Written iiutruction was in
each particular case only occasional and frag-
mentary; and the completeness of the entire
collection of the incidential records thus formed
is one of the most striking proofs of the Provi-
dential power which guided the natural develop-
ment of the Church. The prevailing method of
interpreting the 0. T., and the peculiar position
which the first Christians occupied, as standing
upon the verge of " the coming age " (ouie),
seemed to preclude the necessity and even the
use of a "New Testament." Yet even thus,
though there is nothing to indicate that the
Apostles regarded their written remains as likely
to preserve a perfect exhibition of the sum of
Christian truth, coordinate with the Law and
the Prophets, they claim for their writings a
public use (1 Thess. r. 27; CoL iv. 16; Rev.
xii. 18) and an authoritative power (1 Tim. iv
1 ff. ; 2 Thess. iii. 6, 14 ; Rev. xziL 19) ; and at
the time when 2 Peter was written, which on
any supposition is an extremely early writing,
the Epistles of St. Paul were placed in significant
connexion with "the other Scripturei"* (rtki
Xoiwjks Tpo^t, not ria KaAos ypeipii).
The transition from the Apostolic to the sub-
Apostolic age is essentially abrupt and striking.
An age of conservatism succeeds an age of
creation; but in feeling and general character
the period which followed the working of the
Apostles seems to have been a faithful reflection
of that which they moulded. The remains of
the literature to which it gave birth, which
are wholly Greek, are singularly scanty and
limited in range, merely a few Letters and
" Apologies." As yet writing among Christians
was, as a general rule, the result of a pressing
necessity and not of choice; and under such
circumstances it is vain to expect either a dis-
tinct consciousness of the necessity of a written
Canon, or any clear testimony as to it* limit*.
The writings of the Apostolic Fatubbs (c
70-120 A.D.) are all occasional. They sprang
out of peculiar circumstances, and offered little
scope for quotation. At the same time, the
Apostolic tradition was still fresh in the
memories of men, and the need of written Gospels
was not yet made evident by the corruption
of the oral narrative. As a consequence of this,
the testimony of the Apostolic Fathers is chiefly
important as proving the general currency of
such outlines of history and types of doctrine as
are preserved in our Canon. They show in this
way that the Canonical Books offer an adequate
explanation of the belief of the next age, and
must therefore represent completely the earlier
teaching on which that was based. In three
places, however, in which it was natural to look
for a more distinct reference, Clement (^Ep. 47 ),
Ignatius (ad Epii. 12), and Polycarp (Ep. 3)
refer to Apostolic Epistles written to those
whom they were themselves addressing. The
casual coincidences of the writings of the Apo-
■ The late tradition commonly quoted from Hiotius
BiUioth. 3M) to show that St. John completed the
Canon refen only to the Qospels: nit riiimn otiW-
-ypa^K Ata^6fiOt9 ^Awa'^aic ri ffatfrifpia rov
df^Torov va0^ t« km 0avjH«ra soi ii^yiiara ....
i ftUrofs r< col om^iifp^pawt . . . •
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512 CANON OP SCRIPTURE
Btolic Fathers with the langaage of the Epistles '
are much more extensire. With the exception |
of the Epistles of Jude, 2 Peter, and 3-3 John,' i
with which no coincidences oecnr, and 1-2 |
Thessalonians, [Colossians,] Titos, and Philemon, ;
with which the coincidences are Tery^ qnestioa-
able,* all the other Epistles were clearly Icnown,
and used by them ; but still they are not quoted
with the formulas which preface citations from
the 0. T. (Ji ypatpii Kiytt, yiypairrcu, &c.),' nor
is the famous phrase of Ignatius (ad Philad. 5,
wpoff^uyifv T^ timyytKl^ &s ffapxl 'Iriirov jcol
rert &in><rr<(AiiMt Ai rptafivrtpltf iKicKjialas)
sufficient to prove the existence of a collection
of Apostolic records as distinct from the sum of
Apostolic teaching. The coincidences with the
Oospels on the other hand both in fact and
substance are numerous and interesting, but
such as cannot be referred to the exclnsive use
of our present written Gospels. Such a use
would hare been alien from the character of the
age and inconsistent with the influence of a
historical tradition. The details of the life of
Christ were still too fresh to be sought for only
in fixed records ; and eren where memory was
less active, long habit interposed a barrier to
Ihe recognition of new Scriptures. The sense
of the infinite depth and paramount authority of
the 0. T. was too powerful even among Gentile
converts to require or to admit of the immediate
addition of supplementary books. But the sense
of the peculiar position which the Apostles
occupied, as the original inspired teachers of the
Christian Church, was already making itself
felt in the sub-Apostolic age ; and by a remark-
able agreement Clement (ad Cor. i. 7, 47)^
Polycarp (ad Phil, iii.), Ignatius (ad Bom. iv.),
and Barnabas (c i.) draw a clear line between
themselves and their predecessors, from whom
they were not separated by any lengthened
intervals of time. As the need for a definite
standard of Christian truth became more press-
ing, so was the character of those in whose
writings it was to be sought more distinctly
apprehended. ['The Teaching of the Twelve
Apostles' (AiSox^ rir UStKa iroorifAtti'),
which possibly belongs to the Apostolic or sub-
Apostolic age, borrows freely from St. Matthew's
Gospel, and contains langnage which suggests
the composer's acquaintance with St. Luke and
St. John. Coincidences of diction with 1 Cor.,
1 Pet., and Jude seem very probable ; those that
have been claimed with Eph., 2 Pet., Apoc.,
though possible, are less likely. The phrases
(c. viii. 2) its iKiKfvmr 6 xipiot ir rf tiayy(?dif
• The titles of the disputed books of the N. T. are
Italldsed throogbout, for convenicDce of reference.
» [But see LIghtfoot, 1 JSJp. Clem. Rom. xl. (cp. 2 Pet.
U. »-»), Ep. Polyc. Ul. (cp. 2 Pet. HI. 15), xl. (cp.
2 Thess. 1. 4, lU. 16), Ep. Ignat. BpK. x. (cp. Col. 1. »).]
r An exception to this sutement occurs in the Ep. of
BamabM (c ly.i, where the reading of Cod. .SinslUcns,
it y^poirrat, conSrmlnR the Latin translation, •■ sicnt
Bcriptum est," offers the earlieet example of a quotation
made from the N. T. with the formula of citation fhnn
Scripture. In the Greek text of Polycarp there are no
marks of direct quotation. The Latin translation,
which reads (where the Ureek MS. la wanting) in
chap. xl. "Blent Paulas docet," and In chap. xU. 'ut
bis scripturls dictum est," probably represents a leas
acenrate text (cp. Westcott, Canon of Ue If. T. p. 52,
1881).
CANON OF SCBIPTURE
aireii, (c. xi. 3) Kara ri Siyita ntf tityytliiiK,
(c. IT. 3, 4) &s Ix*^' '•" fV '«"D"^*i <ieerrf
comparison with the words of Ignatias {ad
Phil. 5) quoted above, and clearly pretuppoK
acquaintance with a recognised body of Eringtlic
tradition. For fuller information upon this dcco-
ment, which was first published bv Biyeonius
in 1883, see Hamack (Text u. UntermA. 1884),
and C. Taylor's The Teaching of the IWn-
Apostles, Camb. 1889 ; cp. Zahn, Gesch. d. Ktl.
Kanons, pp. 363 sq. ; Salmon, Introi. to S. T.,
pp. 601-618.]
The next period (120-170 A.D.), which mar
be fitly termed the age of the Apologists, catriB
the history of the formation of the Canon ow
step further. The facU of the life of Cliiitt
acquired a fresh importance in controreisy witli
Jew and Gentile. The oral tradition, vkick
still remained in the former age, wis dm;
away, and a variety of written docomoits
claimed to occupy its place. Then it sat tlut
the Canonical Gospels were definitely sepant«d
fVom the mass of similar narratives in virtee oi
their outward claims, which had remaiotil, •&
it were, in abeyance during the penod of
tradition. The need did not create but rci>|-
nised them. Without doubt and without con-
troversy, they occupied at once the poutiic
which they have always retained as the fomtbli
Apostolic record of the Sarionr's ministiy.
Other narratives remained current for wmt
lime, which were either interpolated forms ot
the Canonical Books ( 7^ Gospel according to tit
Hebreva, Ac), or independent traditions (R?
Gospel according to tha Eyyptians, kc), ai
exercised more or less influence upon the bm
of popular quotations, and perhaps in tone
cases upon the text of the Canonical Gospeh;
but where the question of authority was wni,
the four Oospels were ratified by nnirtmJ
consent. The testimony of JcsTix MiBirt
(t c 148 A.D.) is in this respect most impartnt
An impartial examination of his ETUjt&
references, if conducted with due reference t'
his general manner of quotation, to pouU'
variations of reading, and to the nature of is
subject, which excluded express citations &«•
Christian books, shows that they were derin'
certainly in the main, probably eicluirtl'.
from our Synoptic Gospels, and that each Gospd
is distinctly recognised by him (Dial, c Trjf^
§ 103, p. 331 D, ir yip roTs laroiiinifMtif'i''
i ^i)/il ixh rSy iT0<r-r6\uy [SS. HsUht'.
John] ttinov koI tuk tKtlvois wapassXsit^
aiyruv [SS. Mark, Luke] avrrev^x'*' —
Cp. Dial. c. 49 with Matt. xrii. 13 ; Dii>i.t- 1"^
with Mark iii. 16, 17 ; Died. c. 105 with Ul»
xxiii. 46> The references of Justin to SL Jo:!s
are less decided (cp. Apol. i. 61 ; Dial. 63, 1:3-
56, &c. ; Otto, in Illgen's Zeittchrift, o. a »
1841, pp. 77 sq., 18+3, pp. 34 sq.) ; sad of ^
other Books of the N. T. he mentioas tic
Apocalypse only by name (Dial. c. 81X ''^
offers some coincidences of langnage witk tk
Pauline Epistles.
The evidence of Papias (c. 140-150 tn-)"*
nearly contemporary with that of Jostia, i»'
goes back to a still earlier generation (4 *?<''
fiirtpos (Ktyt). In spite of the vsrious I"*"
tions which have been raised as to the interptt-
tation of the fragments of his ' Exposition of tk
Oracles of the Lord' (Aoytwr Kvpunir ^i-
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CANON OF SCRIPT UKE
■piris) preserreil by Eusebius (//. E. iii. 39), it
Mcnu on every account most reasonable to
(vnclode that Papias was acquainted with our
liresent Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark,
the former of which he connected with an
esriier Hebrew original {tipft^rtvat). It seems
litobsble, though the evidence is not conclusive,
that be was acquainted with the Gospel of St.
Jobo. No adverse conclusion can be drawn
from Eosebius' silence as to express testimonies
of Papias to the Gospel of St. John (Westcott,
''n. iV. T. p. 76 n.). One prefatory note to a
9th cent. MS. of St. John (Vatican) preserves a
tnditioD that Papias was both " the beloved
'lisciple of St. John " and acted as his amanuensis.
The testimony, though not otherwise of much
rjlue. leems to connect Papias with the Apostle
St. John. Papias was acquainted with the
farmer Epistles of St. John and St. Peter (Euseb.
II. E. ill 24), and the Apocalypse {Frag, viii.).'
^See art. Papias bj Salmon in IMct. Chr. Biog. ;
Bji. Lightfoot, Essaya on Sup. Retig. chs. v. vi.]
Meanwhile the Apostolic writings were taken
br rarious mystical teachers as the foundation
<'f strange schemes of speculation, which are
popularly confounded together under the
geoeral title of Gnosticism, whether Gentile or
Jewish in their origin. In the earliest fragments
of Gnostic writers which remain there are traces
of the use of the Gospels of St. Matthew and
.St. John, and of 1 Corinthians ('Air^^atrit
/W71U11 [Simon M.] ap. Hippol. adv. Haer. vi.
lt>; $, 13); and the Apocalyjise was attributed
by a confusion not dillicult of explanation to
Ceriothus (Epiph. Haer. li. 3). In other Gnostic
(Ophite) writings a little later there are
references to St. Matthew, St. Luke, St. John,
Romans, 1-2 Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians,
Httrtvs, Apocalypse (Hisi. of N. T. Canon,
f. -83); and the Clementine Homilies contain
clear coincidences with all the Gospels {Ham.
la. 20, St. Mark ; Horn. xix. 22, St. John). It
is, indeed, in the fragments of a Gnostic writer,
Bisilides (c. 125 A.D.>, that the writings of the
N. T. are found quoted for the first time in the
'<ame manner as those of the 0. T. (Basil, ap.
Hipp. adv. Haer. pp. 238, yiypairrm ; 240, ^
Tpo^, &C.). A Gnostic, Heracleon, was the
first known commentator on the Christian
•Scriptares. And the history of another Gnostic,
Marcion, furnishes the first distinct evidence of
» Canon of the N. T. {Hat. of N. T. Canon,
pp. 312-319). [The Diatessaron of Tatian (see
bict. of Christ. Biog. s. n.), the pupil of Justin
Martyr, is the earliest express testimony to the
existence of "» fourfold Gospel." Tatian's
object (cp. the Armenian version of Ephraem
the Syrian's Exposition of Tatian's Harmony,
with Latin translation by Moesinger, 1876)
va<> to produce a single connected life of
onr Lord drawn trom the Four Gospels, and
opening with John i. 1. Such an abridgment
could only imply the recognised authority of the
Foar Gospels at a considerably earlier date.]
■ A ftagment of Papias^ Commentary on the Afo-
oillfi is preserved In the Commentary pnbllahed by
Cnm, rat. in Apae. p. 3<«. which Is not noticed by
Rontli. [It Is to be observed that Fragment xl. of Rontb,
wUcfa lus lieen somettmefl quoted to show Papias'
•cqulntuice with the Ooipel of St. John, proves to be
the work of a Papias who lived In the 11th centoiy.
See Ughtfcot's Ooi. 18M, p. 2W, note.]
BIBLE DICI. — VOL. I.
CANON OF SCUIPTUEE 513
The need of a definite Canon must have made
itself felt during the course of the Gnostic con-
troversy. The common records of the lil'e of
Clirist may be supposed to have been first fixed
in the discussions with external adversaries.
The standard of apostolic teaching was deter-
mined when the Church itself was rent with
internal divisions. The Canon of Harcion
(c. 140 A.D.) coiitiiined both elements, a Gospel
("The Gospel of Christ") which was a mutilated
recension of St. Luke, and an "Apostle" or
Apostolicon, which contained ten Epistles of St.
Paul — the only true Apostle in Marcion 's judg-
ment — excluding the Pastoral Epistles, and that
to the Hebrews (Tert. udv. Marc. v. ; Epiph. adc.
Haer. xlii.). The narrow limits of this Canon
were a necessary consequence of Marcion's belief
and position, but it ofiers a clear witness to the
fact that apostolic writings were thus early
regarded as a complete original rule of doctrine.
Nor is there any evidence to show that he
regarded the Books which be rejected as un-
authentic. The conduct of other heretical
teachers who professed to admit the authority
of all the Apostles proves the converse; for
they generally defended their tenets by forced
interpretations, and not by denying the authority
of the common records. And while the first
traces of the recognition of the divine inspira-
tion and collective unity of the Canon come
from them, it cannot be supposed, without
inverting the whole history of Christianity,
th.1t they gave a model to the Catholic Church,
and did not themselves simply perpetuate the
belief and cnstom which had grown up within it.
The close of this period of the history of the
N. T. Canon is marked by the existence of two
important testimonies to the N. T. as a whole.
Hitherto the evidence has been in the main
fragmentary and occasional; but the Mdba-
TOUAN Canon in the West, and the Pesiiitto
in the East, deal with the collection of Christian
Scriptures as such. The first is a fragment,
apparently translated from the Greek, and yet
of Roman origin, mutilated both at the begin-
ning and the end, and written, from internal
evidence, about 170 A.D. It commences with a
clear reference to St. Mark's Gospel, and then
passes on to St. Luke as the third, St. John, the
Acts, thirteen Epistles of St. Paul. The First
Epistle of St. John it quoted in the text ; and
then afterwards it is said that " the Epistle of
Jude and two Epistles of the John mentioned
above {superscripti : or "which bear the name
of John " tuperscriptae) are reckoned among the
Catholic [Epistles] (MS. Calholica, i.e. Ec-
clesia?)." *'We receive moreover the Apoca-
lypses of John and Peter only, which [latter]
some of our body will not have read in the
Church"* Thus the catalogue omits of the
Books received at present the Epistle of James,
the Epistle to t/ie Hebrems, and 2 Peter, while it
notices the partial reception of the Revelation of
Peter. The Canon of the Peshifto forms a re-
markable complement to this catalogue. It
includes the four Gospels and the Acts, fourteen
* We have given what appeara to be the meaning of
the corrupt text of the psassge. It would be oat of
place to discuss all the disputed paints bete ; cp. Hist,
of If. T. Camm, pp. Ma sq., and the references there
({iven.
2 L
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514 CANON OF SCRIPTURE
Epistles of St. Paul, 1 John, 1 Peter, and James,
omitting Jude, 2 Peter, 2-3 John, and the
Apocalj/pse; and thii Canon wag preserved in
the Syrian Churche* as long as thejr had an
independent literature (Ebed Jesu f 1318 A.D.
ap. Assem. Bibt. Or. iii. pp. 3 sq.). Up to this
point, therefore, 2 Peter is the only Book of the
N. T. which is not recognised as an apostolic
and authoritative writing ; and in this result
the evidence from casual quotations coincides
exactly with the enumeration in the two express
catalogues.
2. The HiOonj of the Canon of the N. T. from
170 A.D. to 303 A.D. — The second period of the
history of the Canon is marked by an entire
change in the literary character of the Church.
From the close of the second century Christian
writers take the foremost place intellectually as
well as morally ; and the powerful influence of
the Alexandrine Church widened the range of
Catholic thought, and checked the spread of
speculative heresies. From the first the
common elements of the Roman and Syrian
Canons, noticed in the last section, form a
Canon of acknowledged Books, regarded as a
whole, authoritative and inspired, and coordinate
with the 0. T. Each of these points is proved
by the testimony of contemporary Fathers who
represent the Churches of Asia Minor, Alex-
andria, and North Afi-ica. Irenaeus, who was
connected by direct succession with St. John
(Euseb. H. E. v. 20), speaks of the Scriptures as
a whole, without distinction of the Old or New
Testament, as " perfect, inasmuch as they were
uttered by the Word of God and His Spirit "
(adv. Haer. ii. 28, 2> « There could not be,"
he elsewhere argues, *' more than four Gospels
or fewer " {adv. Haer. iii. 11, 8 sq.). Clement
of Alexandria, again, marks " the Apostle "
{h h,7ti<rto\m, Strom, vii. 3, § 14; sometimes
iT6(rro\oi) as a collection defim'te as " the
Gospel," and combines them " as Scriptures of
the Lord " with the Law and the Prophets
(Strom, vi. 11, § 88) as "ratified by the
authority of one Almighty power" (Strom, iv.
1, § 2). Tertullian notices particularly the
introduction of the word Testament for the
earlier word Itutrtiment, as applied to the dis-
pensation and the record (adv. Marc. iv. 1), and
appeals to the Neio Testament, as made up of
the " Gospels " and « Apostles " (adv. Prax. 15).
This comprehensive testimony extends to the
four Gospels, the Acts, 1 Peter, 1 John, thirteen
Epistles of St. Paul, and the Apocalypse ; and,
with the exception of the Apocalypse, no one of
these Books was ever afterwards rejected or
questioned till modem times."
But this important agreement as to the
principal contents of the Canon left several
points still undecided. The East and West, as
was seen in the last section, severally received
some Books which were not universally ac-
cepted. So far the error lay in defect ; but in
other cases apocryphal or unapostolic books
obtained a partial sanction or a popular use,
before they finally passed into oblivion. Both
these phenomena, however, were limited in time
and range, and admit of explanation from the
■> The Manichees offer no real exception to the tmtb
of this mnark. Cp. Beauaobre, HUt. de Munich. L sq.,
297 sq.
CANON OF SCRIPTURE
internal character of the Books in question. Tat
examination of the claims of the separate
writings belongs to special introdncttons; but
the subjoined table (No. III.) will give s general
idea of the extent and nature of the historic
evidence which bears upon them.
This table might be much extended by the
insertion of isolated testimonies of less con-
siderable writers. Generally, however, it may
be said that of the "disputed" Books of tia
N. T. the Apocaltfpse was received by all the
writers of the period, with the single eicepiion
of Dionysius of Alexandria [and in his case it b
to be observed that the apostolic authorship,
rather than the canonidty of the book, is the
subject of his criticism (Dion. ap. Euseb. H. E.
vii. 25)] ; and the Epistle to the Hdirevs, by the
Churches of Alexandria, Asia (?) and Syria, bat
not by those of Africa and Rome. The Ejastle
of 8t. James and St. Jude, on the other haad,
were little used, and the Second Ep. of 8L Peter
was barely known.
But while the evidence for the formation of
the Canon is much more copious during this
period than during that which preceded, it b
essentially of the same kind. It is the erideact
of use and not of inquiry. The Canon was fiiej
in ordinary practice, and doubts were rcsolr^l
by custom and not by criticism. Old feelings
and beliefs were perpetuated by a living tradi-
tion ; and if this habit of mind was unfavoonble
to the permanent solution of difficulties, it giret
fresh force to the claims of the acknowled^
Books, which are attested by the witness of every
division of the Church (Okiqeb, CTPKixt,
Methodius), for it is difHcult to conceive hov
such unanimity could have arisen except fram
the original weight of apostolical authority.
For it will be observed that the evidence it
favour of the acknowledged Books as a whole is
at once clear and concordant from all sides as
soon as the Christian literature is indepeodeit
and considerable. The Canon preceded the
literature, and was not determined by it.
3. The History of the N. T. Canon from AJ>
303-397.— The persecution of Diocletian ms
directed in a great measure against the Qiri.'-
tian writings (Lact. Instit. v.2;de mart, perstt.
16). The influence of the Scriptures was alrexlT
so great and so notorious, that the surest metbol
of destroying the faith seemed to be the destruc-
tion of the records on which it was supported.
The plan of the emperor was in part sacoesefiil.
Some were found who obtained protectioa br
the surrender of the Sacred Books, and at a lit^r
time the qaestion of the re-admission of these
" traitors " (traditores"), as they were emphsti-
cally called, created a schism in the Church.
The Donatistt, who maintained the sterner jod;:-
ment on their crime, may be reganled as main-
taining in its strictest integrity the popolti
judgment in Africa on the contents of the Caw*
of Scripture which was the occasion of the dis-
sension ; and St. Augustine allows that tfaer
held in common with the Catholics the saice
" Canonical Scriptures," and were alike " bound
by the authority of both Testaments " (Angost.
c. Cresc. i. 31, 57 ; Ep. 129, 3). The onlydoakt
which can be raised as to the integrity of the
Donatist Canon arises from the uncertain lan-
guage which St. Augustine himself use* as t<>
the Epistle to the Hebrews, which the Donstiib
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CANON OF SCRIPTURE
515
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616 CANON OF SOBIPTUBE
CANON OP 8CBIPTUBE
may also hare conntenanced. Bat, however
this may hare been, the complete Canon of the
N, T., as commonly received at present, was
ratified at the third CouNCii. of Cartbaoe
(a.d. 397),° qnd from that time was accepted
throughout the Latin Church (Jebome, Inno-
cent, BuFiNUS, PuiLASTRics), though occa-
sional doubts as to the Epistle to the Hebrews
still remained ' (Isid. Hisp. Proem. §§ 85-109).
Meanwhile the Syrian Churches, faithful to
the conservative spirit of the East, still retained
the Canon of the Peshitto. Cubysostom (t407
A.D.), Theodore of M'ofsuestia (t 429 a.d.),
and Theodoeet, who represent the Church of
Antioch, furnish no evidence in support of the
Epistles of Jade, 2 Peter, 2-3 John, or the
Apocalypse. Junilics, in his account of the
public teaching at Nisibis, places the Epistles of
James, Jude, 2-3 John, 2 Peter in a second class,
and mentions the doubts which existed in the
East as to the Apocalypse. And though Ephbeu
SvBCS was acquainted with the Apocalypse
(0pp. Syr. ii. p^ 332 c), yet his gennine Syrian
works exhibit no habitual use of the Books
which were not contained in the Syrian Canon ;
a fact which must throw some discredit upon
the frequent quotations from them, which occur
in those writings which are only preserved in a
Greek translation. [The Greek writings bearing
the name of Ephrem are of very doubtful origin.
Many of them are clearly spurious : others have
been interpolated (see Herzog, RE.* iv. 257).]
The Churches of Asia Minor seem to have
occupied a mean position as to the Canon be-
tween the East and West. With the exception
of the Apocalypse, they received generally all
the Books of the N. T. as contained in the African
Canon, but this is definitely excluded &om the
Catalogue of Gbeooby of Nazianzus (f c. 389
A.D.), and pronounced " spurious " {y6Bo») on the
sutliority of " the majority " (oj rAc(ovs), in that
of Ahfhilochius (c. 380 a.d.), while it is passed
over in silence in the Laodicene Catalogue, which,
even if it has no right to its canonical position,
yet belongs to the period and country with which
it is commonly connected. The same Canon,
with the same omission of the Apocalypse, is
given by Cyril of Jerusalem (t386 a.d.);
though Epiphanius, who was his fellow-country-
man and contemporary, confirms the Western
Canon, while he notices the doubts which were
entertained as to the Apocalypse. These doubts
« The enumeration of the Psuline Epistles marks the
Caahl which had existed as to the Hebrews: " EplstoUe
Paul! ApoatoU xlll. ; ejusdem ad Uebraeos una." In the
Ooondl of Hippo (Ctin. 36) the phrase is simply " ziv
Epistles of St. Paul." OcnenUIy it may be olMcrved
that tlie doubt was in many, if not in most, cases as to
the authorship, and not as to tlie canonicity of the
letter. Cp. Hieron. Bp. ad J>ard. 129, f 3.
* The M8S. of the Vulgate (ram the 6tb oentniy
downwards very ftequently contain the apocryphal
Epistle to the Laodiceans among the Pauline Epistles,
generally after the Epistle to the Coloasians, but also
in other places, without any mark of suspicion. See
this Epistle, with apparatus critlcus, printed in Bp.
Ughtfoot's Colouiam, pp. 287 sq., and Westcott's
Oamm of l*e N. T., Appendix E. Cp. Anger, Dtr
Laoiicenerbritf, Leipa. 1843, pp. M2 sq. The Oreek
title tn Q (not F), repot Aaauiojoiaat apx<rat tmoroA]},
is apparently only a teproduction of the Latin title
given In the Latin (g) of the same (Graeco-Latin) MS.
ad laudicenut <n«<>tt XpUUa.
prevailed in the Church of Constantinople, isd
the Apocalypse does not seem to hare b««D
recognised there down to a late period, thougli
in other respects the Constantinopolitan Canon
was complete and pure (NiCEi'HOKrs, Photics,
Oecumenius, Theophylact, t c 1077 AJ).).
The well-known Festal Letter of ATBAKisitlS
(t 373 A.D.) bears witness to the Aleiandhue
Canon. This contains a clear and potitire li>t
of the Books of the N. T. as they are received at
present; and the judgment of Athanasius t>
confirmed by the practice of his sncoestor
Cybil.
One important Catalogue yet remains to k
mentioned. After noticing in separate plsos
the origin and use of the Gospels and Epistiti,
EcSEBlug sums up in a famous passage tlie
results of his inquiry into the evidence on the
apostolic Books furnished by the writings of tlw
three first centui'ies QU. E. iii. 25). His tati-
mony is by no means free from difficulties, tor
in all points obviously consistent, but hu Ust
statement must be used to fix the interpretatKn
of the former and more cursory notices. In the
first class of acknowledged Books {ifuiXoyaiiiat)
he places the four Gospels, the Epistles of St
Paul (i.e. fourteen, H. E. iii. 3), 1 John, 1 Pettr,
and (ff yt ^wefi)), in case its a«ihenticity is
admitted (such seems to be his meaning), tW
Apocalypse. The second class of disputed Boob
(iyriKtyi/itra) he subdivides into two parts, tbe
first consisting of such as were generally kson
and recognised (yyiipifia roit toXAoii), indiulis;
the Epistles of James, Jade, 2 Peter, 2-3 /oi»;
and the second of those which he pronounces
spurious (i>6ia), that is, which were either im-
anthentic or unapostolic, as the Acts of Paul,
the Shepherd, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Aft-
calypse of John (if not a work of the Apostie),
and according to some the Gospel according to
the Hebrews. These two great classes contsiii
all the Books which had received ecclesissticsl
sanction, and were in common distinguished
from a third class of heretical forgeries (e.g. tl;
Gospels of Thomas, Peter, Matthias, &c.).
Chie point in the testimony of Ensebiss is
particularly deserving of notice. The trUaa
in favour of the apostolic authority of 2 PAr
which can be derived from the existing writinfi
of the first three centuries is extremely slender;
but Eusebins, who possessed more copious iiist«-
risls, describes it as "generally well knows;'
and this circumstance alone suggests the >«><-
sity of remembering that the early Catalegse
rest on evidence no longer available for ns. I>
other respects the classification of Ensebios u
a fair summary of the results which fotk"
from the examination of the extant ante-N'it«K
literature (see Wace and Scbaff's ed. of Ek
H. E. [1890] in loco).
The evidence of later writers is little mnt
than the repetition or combination of the toti-
monies already quoted. An examination of Tsik
No. IV., which includes the most important
Catalogues of the writings of the N. T., will eeanT
a clear summary of much that has been said,sK!
supply the most important omissions.
At the era of the Reformation the qnestim •:
the N. T. Canon became again a subject of gRsi
though partial interest. The hasty decree of t^
Council of Trent, which affirmed the autkotity
of all the Books commonly reeeired, called ool
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CANON OF SCBIPTUEE
517
Xo. IV.-THE CHIEF CATALOGUES OF THE BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.
Only "dispnted"
booka *K noticed, or rach ts were In some degree recognised u antkorttative.
The Bymbols are naed as before.
3^'
I. Cosciui* Catauk-.i Kj< .
[Laodlcta]
Caitluge
Apostolic (ConcU. Qslniaext.)
II. OtlESTAI, Catauigces :
'nieFedii)torersloD. . .
Junillui)
Jnann. Dainase. ....
EbedJesu
(M Palatint,
taxiAw
Cyril of Jenu
lEptpbanioB
(c) Mtamdria.
UriRen
AthAnasioB
(<i) Jiia JUnor.
Gre^. Naa
AmphilodiitiB
(e) OnutoiUtfiopIe.
[Ftndo-CkTyutlomJ . .
LnoUus ■
Mcepboros.
in. OCOKIXTAL CaTAUMtniS :
(a) A/riea.
cud. Oanvi. ( )
Aofnnlne .
(ii) /toJy.
Caa. Jttrat.
Pbllastrina .
Jerome . .
Kotom
Imoeent
[OeUaiOT]
CassWonis (ret. Tram.)
Isidore of Ser. . . .
CDd. Banx. 2M . . .
lo
> Tbe omiMioii of the Apoeatypte to freqoently ex-
pliined by the expreesed object of tbe Catalogue, aa a
liA of books fbr public ecclesiaatlcal use: otra d<i
b^XU iprytrtitrKtiriai., compared with the former caooo :
in oiflti iSihniKovv i^oA^ow Kiyetr^iu iy rp cKxAiiabf,
«.tJL T«» cp. the Catjilogue of Cyril-
' Tie Citalogoe adds likewise the apostolical ConsU-
tntioDS (JuiTayttl . . . if OUTU pi|8Aio«) for esoteric use.
Wben the Catalogue was confirmed in the Quinisextine
Coimdl (Can. 2% tbe Constitutions were excluded on the
en'Oiid of corruptions ; but no notice was taken of the
Epistles of aement, both of which, aa la well known,
at liinnd at the end of the Cod. Alex., and are men-
titraed in the index before the general summary of
<txU: which again is fallowed by the titles of the
Apocryphal Fsalnu of Solomon.
> He adds al.io "the apostolic Canon.s" and, according
ui one MS., the two Epistles of Clement.
> Tbe other chief passages bi Eusebius arc, H. E. ill. 3,
34 ; il. 23. His oltject in the passage quoted la iroKt^'
AoiMvaatfoA tA« 5i|AM^taaf T^ KOiFqc iioBriinfi ypo^^f .
> Tbe list Gonclndea with the words, ra 2i Xoiira
»MTa«f« Ktiaim iv itvriff- ictu oaa lUv iv (uXijiriV
fii| uaytfMwrrcu, raura t^rjii Kvri vavrhv ovayiytttrKs
L. c. aupr.^
L, c. stfpr.
L. c. supr.*
h. c. tttfr.
L. c. supr.'
L. c supr.
H. B. III. 2S.«
L. c. supr.*
Adc. haer. Ixxxi. S.
Ap. Enseb. H. B. vl. 2$.
L. c. tupr.^
I,, c. tapr.
L. c. tupr.''
iixfnt^tit S. Script, torn.
»i. p. 3U.«
L, c. supr.
L. c. mpr.»
Tlachdf. Cod. Clanm.
pp. 468 eq.
L. c tupr,
Catum qflf. T., Append.
C. pp. 621-638.
Haer. 8S (All. 60).»
Ad Paul. Ep. b3, is (I.
p. 548, ed. Migne).
L. c supr.
L. r. supr.
L. c. supr.
De inst. die. UU. 14."
De Ord. Libr. S. Script
init."
Body, p. e<g.
At tbe end of tbe list Athanadus says (cp. aboTeX
llTtStii TOVTOtf cirt^oAA^TW, firfii Tovlwr a^MuptiaOu rt.
Amphtlocb. I. c. : —
TiWt Si ^offi Ti}!' irpbc *E0paiovs viBov,
WK si ksycrrst' yyifvia y«p 4 XoP**-
sXsv Ti Aoiirdf ; kojOoKucuv cirioToAul'
Ttl^ fASV eirra ^ao'iV, 0( &i rpeic floi'Ol'
j^vat Stx*(r$tLtf iriv 'loxwJSov f^uuf
Itiatf Si n^rpou, Tijl' r* 'Iwoi'vou /Atai' .
Till' ^ 'AroKoAv^ti' Ti}!' 'liodyvm traAif
TtWt Mir tyKpivowiVt oi irAeibvt W y«
fO^v X^yovirii'. Ofiroc a^fiev&earaTov
Kaviiv Of CL1} Tuv 0*oiTvtvtrTiity ypa^uc .
• This Canon, which agrees with that of the Feabltto,
la ftally supported by the casual evidence of the quota-
tions which occur in Chrysoetom's works. Ilio quo-
tation from 2 Peter, which la found in ifom. t» Joann.
34 (33), torn. viil. p. 230 (ed. Par.), atands alone.
Suidas' assertton (a. v. 'Imiyvrit') that he received "the
Apocalypse and three Episttca of St. John" la not
supported by any other evidence.
• Nicephoms adds to the disputed books " the Gospel
according to the Hebrews." In one MS. the Apocalypst
of St. John is placed also among the Apocryphal books
I (Credner, ul supr. p. 122).
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518 CANON OF SCEIPTUBE
CANON OF SOBIPTUKE
the opposition of controrersialists, who quoted
and enforced the early donbts. Erasmus with
characteristic moderation denied the apostolic
origin of the Epistle to the Sebretts, 2 Peter, and
the Apocaiypse, but left their canonical autho-
rity unquestioned {PraeJ. ad Antilegom.).
LCTHEB, on the other hand, with bold self-
reliance, created s purely subjective standard
for the canonicity of the Scriptures in the cha-
racter of their " teaching of Christ ; " and while
he placed the Gospel and First Epistle of St. John,
the Epistles of St. Paul to the Romans, Galatians,
Epbesians, and the First Epistle of St. Peter, in
the first rank as containing the " kernel of Chris-
tianity," he set aside the Epittk to the Hebreva,
8t. Jude, St. James, and the Apocalypse, at the
end of his Version, and spoke of them and the
remaining Antilegouena with varying degrees of
disrespect, though he did not separate 2 Peter and
2-3 John from the other Epistles (cp. Lauderer,
art. &mon in Herzog, S£.^ pp. 295 sq., and
Romberg, Die Lehre Luther't von der hi. Schrift,
1867). The doubts which Luther rested
mainly on internal evidence were variously ex-
tended by some of his followers (Melakchtuon,
Centwr. Magd^., Flacius, Gerhard : cp.4Keuss,
§ 334); and especially with a polemical aim
against the Komish Church by Cbemnttz (fxotn.
Cone Trid. i. 73). But while the tendency of
the Lutheran writers was to place the Antilego-
metui on a lower stage of authority, their views
received no direct sanction in any of the Lutheran
symbolic books which admit the " prophetic and
apostolic writings of the Old and New Testa-
ments," as a whole, without further classifica-
tion or detail. The doubts as to the Antilego-
mena of the N. T were not confined to the
Lutherans. Cablstadt, who was originally a
Iriend of Luther and afterwards professor at
Ziirich, endeavoured to bring back the question
to a critical discussion of evidence, and placed
the Antilegomena in a third class " on account
of the controversy as to the books, or rather
(at certius loqtiar') as to their authors" (De
Con. Script, pp. 410-12, ed. Credn.). Calvin,
while he denied the Pauline authorship of the
Epistle to the Hebrews, and at least questioned
the authenticity of 2 Peter, did not set aside
their canonicity (Praef. ad Hebr. ; ad2 Petr.) ;
and he notices the doubts as to St.- James and
St. Jude only to dismiss them.
The language of the Articles of the Church of
Englaud with regard to theN. T, is remarkable.
Id the Articles of 1552 no list of the Books of
Scripture is given; but in the Elizabethan
Articles <1 562, 1571) a definition of Holy Scrip-
ture is given as " the Canonical Books of the
Old and New Testament, of whose authority teas
never any doubt in the Church " (Art. vi.) Thi$
definition u followed by an enumeration of th«
Books of the 0. T. and of the Apocrypha; asil
then it is said summarily, without a detailoi
catalogue, " all the Books of the N T^ as thev
are commonly received, we do receive awl ac-
count them for Canonical (pro Canondt AsV-
musy A distinction thus remains between tic
" Canonical " Books and such " Canonical ixis
as have never been doubted in the Chordi;''
and it seems impossible to avoid the condssioi
that the framers of the Articles intended t«
leave a freedom of judgment on a point on wbicli
the greatest of the continental Reformen, and
even of Romish scholars (Sixtus Sen. fiUioU.
& ii. 1 ; Cajetan, Praef. ad Epp. ad HAr., Jac.
2-3 John, Jud.), were divided. The ainisii«i
cannot have arisen solely from the &ct that tiif
Article in question was framed with refeiMcc
to the Church of Rome, with which the Ciiorch
of England was agreed on the N. T. Canon ; f«r
all the other Protestant confessions which con-
tain any list of Books, give a list of the Bookt
of the New as well as of the Old Testamefit
{Conf. Belg. 4; Canf. Oall. 3; Conf Fid. 1).
But if this licence is rightly conceded by tic
Anglican Articles, the great writers of the
Church of England have not availed themselre
of it. The early commentators on the Articles
take little (Burnet) or no notice (Beveridgt) of
the doubts as to the Antilegomena; and the
chief controversialists of the Reformation ac-
cepted the fall Canon with emphatic aroval
(Whitaker, Disp. on Scripture, air. p. lOij
Fulke's Defence of Eng. Troms~, p. 8; Jewel.
Defence of Apol. ii. 9, 1).
The judgment of the Greek Church in thr
case of the 0. T. was seen to be little more thiD
a reflection of the opinion of the West. Thi-
difference between the Roman and Btformei
Churches on the N. T. was less marked; an<
the two conflicting Greek confessions confirm ii>
general terms, without any distinct ennmeratiw
of Books, the popular Canon of the N. T. (Orr
X«ic. Conf. i. p. 42 ; Doiith. Confess, i. p. 4^)-
The confession of Metbophaxes gives s oom-
plete list of the Books ; and compares their
number — thirty-three — with the years of tli«
Saviour's life, that " not even the number of tit
Sacred Books might be devoid of a divine Dji-
tery " (Metroph. Critop. Conf. ii. 105, ed. Kinm-
et Weissenb.). At present, as was already the
case at the close of the 17th cent. (Leo Alb-
tius, ap. Fabric Bibl. Oraec. v. App. p. 3S), thf
Antilegomena are reckoned by the Greek Choreb
as equal in Canonical authority in ail res[<e^
with the remaining Books (Catechism, /.c ropr)-
The assaults which have been made, etpecial!y
NOl'ES TO TABLE No. IV.— continuei.
'* This catalogue, which excludes the Spittle to the
Bebreva and the Apoealypte ("statutom est nihil allnd
legl in ecclesia debcre ctthoUca nisi . . . . et Panll (re-
decim eplstolas et septcm alias , . . ."), Is followed by a
section io which Philastriua speaks of '* other [heretics]
wbo assert that the EpisUt to the Ilcbrewt is not Faal'a "
^Baer. 89). And In another place {Ilacr. 00) he reckons
It aa heresy to den; the authenticity of the Gospel and
Apocalypse of St. John. The dllTerent statements seem
to be the result of careless compilation.
II This catalogue Is described as ** i<ecundnm antiqoam
traaslationcto," and stands parallel with those of Jerome
and Augustine. The enumeration of the Calk*
Epistles is somewhat ambiguoos, but I beliere tbii ti
includes only three Epistles : Eplstolae Petri ad geatn.
Jacoiri, Johannis ad Parthos. The inwrtioa of ^•^
alter gentes seems to have be«n a typographica! ffrtc.
for the present writer baa not found the rettiiiig In av
one of foar HSS. wbich he has examined.
i< In another place (De eecles. Ofie. L 13) Isdt'^
mentions without condemning the doubts whlcli exHtttl
as to the BpitOe to the Beirems, Jamts, 1-3 M*.
2 Peter, but not as to /ude.
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CANOPY
during the present century, apon the anthen-
ticitr of the separate Books of the Old and New
Testaments belong to the special articles. The
gtnenl course which they hare taken is simple
and Mtoral. SemUr (Untersuch. d. Kan. 1771-5)
lint led the way towards the later subjective
criticism, though he rightly connected the for-
mstioD of the Canou with the formation of the
dtholic Church, but without any clear recog-
nition of the providential power which wrought
in both. Next fallowed a series of special essays
in which the several Books were discussed indi-
Tidually with little regard to the place which
tl»y occupy in the whole collection (Schleier-
mscher, Bretschneider, De Wette, jic). At last
in ideal view of the early history of Christianity
ns used as the standard by which the Books
vere to be tried, and the Books were regarded
u nsalts of typical forms of doctrine and not
the sources of them (F. C. Baur, Schwegler,
7.eller). All true sense of historic evidence was
tkns lost. The growth of the Church was left
irithont explanation, and the original relations
and organic unity of the N. T. were disregarded.
For the later period of the history of the N. T.
Csnon, from the close of the 2nd century, the
i;ieat work of Lardner (^Credibility of tlw Gospel
moory. Works i.— vi., ed. Kippis, 1788) fur-
nishes ample and trustworthy materials. For
the earlier period his criticism is necessarily im-
perfect, and requires to be combined with the
resnlu of later inquiries. Kirchhofer's collec-
tion of the original pasiuges which bear on the
history of the Canon {QuellenaammioAg, u, ». to.,
ZSrich, 1844) is useful and fairly complete, but
frequently inaccurate. The writings of K. C. Baur
snd his jbllowen often contain very valuable
hints as to the characteristics of the several
books in relation to later teaching, however
perverse their coTiclusions may be. In oppo-
sition to them Thiersch has vindicated, perhaps
with an excess of zeal, but yet in the main
rightly, the position of the apostolic writings
in relation to the Erst age ( Verxush aur ffer-
.■ttilimg, u. t. w., Erlangen, 1845 ; and Enmeder-
>mg, II. s. i;., Erlang., 1846). The section of
Rents on the subject {Die Gexh. d. heil. Schriften
v. r, 2te Aufl., Braunschw. 1853), the articles
un "the Canon " Ijy Landerer (Herzog, SE.' s. v.),
Holtnnann (Schenkel's Bib. Lex. 1871), Wold-
^ichmidt (Herzog, SE.* 1880), contain valuable
•nmmaries of the evidence. Other references
and a fuller discussion of the chief points are
Is'iren by the author of this article in On tht
Caum of the N. T., 5th ed., London, 1881.
To the above authorities should be added
Credner, Gesch. d. Ntl. Kanons, ed. G. V'olkmar,
Berlin, 1860; Hilgenfeld, Der Kanon u. d.
AritH d. N. T., Halle, 1863; S. Davidson's
GoM of the Bible, Lond. 1877 ; Sanday, Atahor-
»*i>> of the Fourth Qo$pel, Lond. 1872, and
OotpeUin the Secotid Cent. Lond. 1876; Charteris,
CaBoniW/y, Edinburgh, 1880; Ed. Reuss,/f>jf. of
tlie Canon of the S3y Scriptures in the Christian
Omrch, translated, Edinburgh, 1884; Salmon's
Mrod. to the N. T., Lond. 1886; Bp. Light-
f'Mt's Essays on Supernal. Religion, Lond. 1889 ;
Zahn, Gesch. d. Ntl. Kanons, Leipzig, 1" Bnd.,
1- HiUfte, 1888, 2- Bnd. 1889. [B. F. W.] [K.]
CANOPY (KwronreTov ; ccmopnjm ; Judith i.
21, xiii. 9, xvi. 19). The canopy of Holofemes
CANTICLES
519
is the only one mentioned, although, perhaps,
from the " pillars " of the litter [Bed] described
in Cant. iii. 10, it may be argued that its
equipage would include a canopy. It probably
retained the mosquito nets or curtains in which
the name originated, although its description
(Judith I. 21) betrays luxury and display rather
than such simple usefulness. Varro {R. R. ii.
10, 8) uses quae in conopeit jacent of languid
women very much as ivairaMfitvos . , . iv r^
Kmcsrffy (I. c.) describes the position of a
luxurious general (for further classical illus-
tration, see Vict, of Ok. and Rom. Ant., art.
CoNOPEtm). It might possibly be asked. Why
Judith, whose business was to escape without
delay, should have taken the trouble to pull
down the canopy on the body of Holofemes?
Probably it was an instance of the Hebrew
notion that blood should be instantly covered
(cp. 2 Sam. xx. 12; Lev. xvii. 13) [BLOOn];
and for this purpose the light bedding of Syria
was inadequate. [Bed.] Tent furniture also is
naturally lighter, even when most luxurious,
than that of a palace ; and thus a woman's hand
might unfix it from the pillars without murli
difficulty. Another view which takes the
Kttycfwtiof to mean strictly the mosquito-net
itself (see Speaker's Comm. on Judith xi. 21)
would make the act a simple and easy one.
She simply took the gorgeous (x. 21) mosquito-
net from the pillars as a trophy. This bed with
its canopy is represented as assigned specially
from among the spoil to Judith, and by her
dedicated (Judith xvi. 19). [H. H.]
CANTICLES (or THE SONG OF SOLO-
MON).
1. Title. — In the Hebrew this remarkable
work is described as nDTC? ICK D'l'Cn TC.
that is, " the most lovely song of Solomon."
Whether the title implies that the song was
written by Solomon, or that it only refers to
him, is a matter of small importance, for the
most superficial acquaintance with the history
of the titles of the Psalms and other Books of
the Old Testament is sufficient to indicate the
lateness of the tradition which they contain.
In the three principal Versions of the Canticles
— namely, the Septuagint, Vulgate, and Syriac —
the titles are respectively ''Acr/ia iaiMTcir S
iari 2aX*/uir, Canticum Canticorum Salamonis,
lAM^ikaZ AmtZ Zu20), that is,
" The Wisdom of Wisdoms of Solomon, the book
which is called in Hebrew Song of Songs, or
the Hymn of Hymns." This last title is writteu
as it appears in the printed copies of the Syria<:
Old Testament, but the manuscripts present
certain variations, among which may be specially
noticed that which is found in the facsimile of
the Ambrosian Codex recently published by M.
Ceriani, where it sUnds lA»n>Z Am . *S »Z
l;oZiLoo Ur^Soi Zji^lOl ouAj1>
-^t\m Vt\» ^\St^ that is " The Hymns
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CANTICLES
of Hymns of Solomon, son of David, the king of
Israel ; that is, the Sougs of Songs which is called
in Hebrew ' Sharath Sharin.' " From the arbi-
trary character of the variations in the Syriac
texts we may infer that the first verse as it
stands in the Hebrew and the Septuagint was
regarded by the venerable Syrian translator as
a title (as it is by the Valgate), and that the
translators and copyists allowed themselves con-
siderable latitude in expressing their own theories
ubont the origin of the Book, as they did with
regard to the titles of the Psalms. The Targum
on Canticles being a very diffuse allegorical
paraphrase, and of late authorship, is not of
the same critical value here as it is in the Pen-
tateuch and Prophets. The title however, as
usually printed, is as follows: ]in3Cini P^^C'
ni.T KoV» ^3 pan mp nXUa. From these
passages it appears that the principal Versions
regarded the first verse to imply that Solomon
himself was the author of the work.
2. Language and Diction A careful analysis
of the language and diction of the work is most
disappointing. However, the following results
may be obtained : — A large number of words
occur in Canticles which are Srof \ty6iitya.
As many of these will be required for another
purpose in § 38 below, those only are here given
which are not cited there. The total nnmber
of these words is between fifty and sixty, so that
the first phenomenon that we have to deal with
is the remarkable fact that in a work consisting
of 117 short verses, do less than fifty or sixty
airat \fyifitya occur, or, in other words, that in
every third verse at least we may expect to find a
word that does not occur elsewhere m the whole
range of Biblical Hebrew. Perhaps this may
be accounted for by the fact that Canticles is
the only specimen of dramatic or idyllic Hebrew
poetry that remains to us, and perhaps the
peculiarity of the circumstances and persons
who form the subject of the book may give
some reason for the singular language Avbich is
employed. But let it be remembered that the
mere presence of the Sira{ Xtyifuya proves
nothing whatever as to the date of the Book.
.3. We might expect considerable assistance
in explaining this phenomenon by comparing the
words used in Cainticles with those which are
employed by Hebrew writers whose age has been
ascertained, or is at least regarded by many as
well known. But here we are startled at the
frequency with which words occur, that are
generally supposed to be characteristic either
of the earliest or of the latest period of the
Hebrew language. Of the rare words (not
&ira{ \(yifuva) which occur in it, some are to
be found elsewhere only in the Book of Job, as,
for instance, 33?, f\1V, 1D1, yS\> (in sense of
leaping), nS'B, Q*3K, or in Proverbs as, 3T»
nip^t?*], or in Proverbs and Psalms as, niM]
nsi, or in Psalms and Isaiah as, nit(> ilOn
(perhaps Job also) H^ jK'n. Then the rare words
fpV and D'Snn are elsewhere found in Genesis
only, while such words as, nnO'TI. DBV. ilpT
remind us of Joel, Isaiah, and Judges respec-
tively. Meanwhile such words as V\t^ (marble),
CANTICLES
njiTO, h)v:o, nunr, dtis occur only ii
late Hebrew (that is, if Ecclesiastes, like E«li«l,
Nehemiah, and Esther is late). Turn where ve
will, we have to face the fact that for every hu
word that we con allege, another can be adduced
on the other side which is early. The abttim
of 1 consecutive except in vi. 9 may perbafK In-
taken as a mark of late dat« ; or the nnirtrsal
presence of t!' shortened from "WH ma; i't
adduced as indicating late authorship ; but thr
latter is now generally acknowledged to b« a
dialectic peculiarity. May not the pecaliu
dialect of the work perhaps ocoonnt for thr
absence of 1 consecutive i
4. Dr. Graetz produces certain Greek wards
which in his opinion bring the composition of
the Book down to the Macedonian period. The
instances that he takes are 3tD, "ID3, nVS7r,
jV^DK, which he identifies with fuaytTi,
Kirpos, ngXiuTir, tpoptiof. llie well-known pre-
position OV he identifies with S^io, while ii
iv. 13, 14 he alters the second D*TU i»U'
0^*111, so as to obtain another Greek word,
which he assumes to be ^iSor.' Dismiisii;
this as purely conjectural, and rememberii;
the speakers who use the words }V^Si( asJ
JltD (see § 38), we may observe that D. Kindii
{Seph. Shor. p. 396) fonnd no difficulty in ei-
plaining |V*)BK; and JTO, though iwai Keyi-
luyov in Hebrew, is known to us in the forma
- .^^^^ and _ J<e, and is perhaps only >
dialectic variation of ^DD. In the ast o!
xivpot it should be noticed that the article
itself was foreign, and that the name may hav^
travelled with it, so that the presence of 1E3
as a Hebrew word need not astonish ns asy
more than the English use of Otto, Eliiir.
Dragoman, and others. Dr. Graetz's levati
word ?13T is certainly "without analogy" is
Hebrew, but it is a bold step to infer at once tkii
it is a Graecism, and = aitittitiris, founded ca
the basb of 731 = artiuuv,
5. But it might be expected that if langaap
alone does not enable us to decide the age of tie
Book, the ideas contained in it will help \a t'
some considerable extent. Let it be remembereii.
however, th.it we know very little of the idea*
and habits of the Hebrew people which nwCi
characterise them at one period more tlus
another. How could we do so, when the record-
of them from the earliest times till perhaps tbr
century before Christ are so very span*, anJ
even these were not written with a view of
giving a chronicle, still less a history, of larael'
In all cases when we construct our histories of
Israel a vast amount of the matter most be poitlr
conjectural. The simplest proof of this is to be
fonnd in the variations that may be noticed it^
all the principal modem histories of Israel that
have been written.
6. Dr. Graetz, however, in his instmctire
Commentary, discovers various signs of Grsel
modes of life to which he finds references ii ti»
Canticles. Such are (1) the use of the litter
(}V*1BM), and he cites passages from Atbeueitf
• The word T)V it is true. Is commoo to Syrtic.
Cbaldee, and AraUc, but does not occur In BttUal
Hebrew.
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CANTICLES
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iDd Poljbius to prore that the ^pt lov was used
at Ath«os in the tune of the tyrant Aristion
or Athenion, and by Antiochiu Epipbanea at
jUrismlria (Polyb. xixi. 3). But luxurious
habiu crept in among the Jewish people during
tlieir periods of greatest prosperity, such as
tht reigns of Solomon or Uzziah (see Is. i.-ix.).
(2) Whether the early Jewish court was in
the habit of sitting or lying down at meals
U tlmost as difficult a problem to solve as
the meaning of the word 2DQ (i. 12), upon
which Dr. Graetz bases bis argument that here
»« Jiare a reference to the Triclinium. (3) The
,aht aboot the bride and bridegroom, which
of them wore the crown, is very obscure. The
vokI for crown here is il'IDV, and in the only
otjier passage where the word occurs it refers
td the royal and not the bridal crown. Nor
doe the more frequent word DIQI? erer mean
the bridal crown, unless Ezek. xxiii. 42 be
imssti, and here the prophet refers to Sabean
and not to Israelite customs. The verb lOIf
is used in all other passages where it occurs in
a metaphorical sense. It is doubtful how far
aoy references to Jer. ii. 2 or Is. Ixi. 10 are
i^ly of any yalne with regard to the point
rused on this passage. (4) The institution of
police (iii. 3, T. 7, 1»j;3 OUaiDH Dnom) is
cunsiilered by Dr. Graetz as indicating the
Macedonian times, because then the vtplvoXot
were introduced into Greece. But the early
hutory of police both in Greece and Rome is a
verj obscure point. Perhaps they may hare
eiiited at an early peilod. And, after all,
does what toolc place in Greece bear very much
upon what occurred in Palestine ? If men like
.Sdomon, Ahaz, and Hezekiah were advanced
«Dongh in civilization to make arrangements
with regard to the water supply of Jerusalem
(a subject which is not yet perfectly under-
stood even in our own country^ may it be
beyond the region of possibility to suppose that
some precautions were taken by them and their
successors for preserving the public peace?
(5) Marble pillars are first mentioned in Esth,
i. 6 and 1 Ch. xxix. 2. (6) The D'HIBn (ii. 3, 5)
are the Symbolic Greek fiiika. (7) The fiiXri
(fmn are to be found in tTK >0C1 •TDti'-|
(viii. 6). It may be questioned whether any-
thing de6nite would be proved even if the
'issomptions in the last thtee numbers were
correct. It is true that cedar was the favourite
•mamental material employed by the Hebrews,
imt marble may have been used without difii-
''olty in a period when commerce was extended.
The references to the Symbolic apples and the
>«rti of love appear to us to be far-fetched and
irrelevant. We shall presently return to this
subject, and point out certain ideas which appear
to OS to exhibit the only period which indicates
the historic background of the work.
7. Form of the Book. — As we have observed
above (§ 2), the form of this work is unique in
the Holy Scriptures. Even to an English reader
it is apparent that we are here brought face to
face with a short work written in an idyllic
and dramatic form. We are far from suggesting
that the composition was actually intended for
'>tage representation. Probably M. Renan is
c-jrrect (p. 80) when he states that in all the
Jevish history till the time of Herod there is
no trace of a theatre at Jerusalem, not even at
the times when the habits of the city were
most profane. When we say that the form is
dramatic, we mean that the same form is to l>e
noticed here which is met with in Psalm xxiv.
and Isaiah Ixiii. The style is idyllic as well as
dramatic, because it deals with the subjects of
rural life. It is more highly dramatic than
Psalm xxiv.' and Isaiah Ixiii. because more
characters are introduced, and the dialogue is
carried out to a greater extent. This, in fact,
gives to Canticles the unique position which it
occupies in the Canonical Books.
8. The dramatic character, we noticed, is
obvious to any English reader who observes that
(1) certain phrases constantly recur, e.g. "I
charge you . . . that ye stir not up . . . love
till she pleases," ii. 7, iii. 5 (cp. v. 8), viii. 4 ;
or again the questions " Who is this," &c.,
repeated iii. 6, vi. 10, viii. 5, which seem to
mark certain leading divisions in the Book,
where a chorus or a choragus is brought l)efore
the reader's notice, indicating to him the exact
position of affairs at the peculiar juncture.
(2) A dialogue is carried on sometimes between
two individuals, as i. 9-ii. 7, where it is obvious
from ii. 2, 3, that the two principal characters
are male and female. See also iv. 1-v. 1, where
again it is obvious that the hero and heroine
of the -drama are brought before us (cp. vii. 6-
viii. 3). (3) Sometimes again the dialogue is
between a chorus and one of the principal cha-
racters. Such is the case in i. 1-8, and more
distinctly so in r. 9-vi. 3, vi. 10-vii. 5.
9. To anyone, however, who is slightly ac-
quainted with Hebrew, this is quite apparent
from the prefixes and suffixes of the verba and
noans which indicate the gender of the speaker
or the person addressed. Thus it is obvious
that i. 9, 15 is spoken to a female and i. 16 to
a male. These passages will enable the reader
to discover which character is speaking at
almost any time. For it will be noticed that
the words " my love," " my beloved," which
constantly recur throughout the work, indicate
the language of the hero and the heroine re-
spectively. Thus " my love " ('^'l?^) occurs
ii. 2, iv. 1, 7, vi. 4, in the mouth of the male,
and in ii. 10, 13, v. 2, where, with marvellous
knowledge of human nature, the author makes
the heroine quote her lover's language and the
favourite epithets by which he designates her.
On the other hand, she always speaks of the
hero as her beloved (Hn), e.g. ii. 3 and nearly
twenty other places, or else as " he whom my
soul loveth " CE'BJ ranNC), as i. 7, iii. 1-4.
10. But while the heroine has two epithets
which she applies to her beloved, it appears
that he has a term of endearment which in one
peculiar section of the Book, and there only, he
applies to her who has become his bride. This
is the phrase " My sister, my bride " (TlinK
rhz), iv. 9-12, V. 1, or "bride," iv. 8, 11,
while on one occasion the bride puts into his
month the word my " sister " when she imagines
him to be addressing her. These facta are
sufficient to bring with some clearness the
general outlines of the dialogue before the
English reader.
11. There are passages, however, where it is
not 80 easy to distinguish the dramatis jKrsonae
of the dialogue. These are iii. 1-5, v. 1-7,
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CANTICLES
CANTICLES
viii. 5-14. The best sense is jtiren by ascribing
the first two passages to a Chorus of Virgins
(who are called Daughters of Jerusalem), who
are constantly iu the background while the
heroine is narrating her dream, and by sup-
posing that at the end of her narrative she |
addresses the chorus who, in r. 9, reply to her
and join with her in the search for the beloved.
In viii. 5-14, especially in v. 9, one or more
new characters are introduced who have been
generally identified with the brother or brothers
oi the bride.
12. We are now in a position at which we
can discover the names of the principal cha-
r.-icters. The hero is Solomon, though the
bride only once addresses him by name, i.e.
viii. 12. Others mention him as a character in
tbe drama, as iii. 7, 9, 11 ; viii. 11. The heroine
is not known to as by name : she is once indeed
mrntioned as " The Shulamite," vi. 13 ; but it
will not be inconvenient to call her Sularoith,
a name to which she may be entitled aft«r the
labours of Delitzsch, Noack, and many others.
13. The following is a brief outline of the
plot of the drama. The scene opens at the
royal palace in Jerusalem (iv. 8 is no obstacle
to this view). All that art can lend to promote
luxury and magnificence is presented to ns.
"The three score queens" (vL 8) are present,
singing the praises of king Solomon, and the
aistheticism of his court. Meanwhile there was
standing among them a girl of dark complexion
(i. 5, 6), plainly dressed (i. 11), who is looked
upon with considerable contempt by the queens
(i. 6), and can only obtain a sneering answer
(i. 8) to a simple question (i. 7) which the love
and imagination of a simple rustic heart dictated.
This is Sulamith, a native of Northern Palestine,
as her language and ideas lead us to infer. Her
father is dead, it appears, for she only mentions
her mother (i. 6, viii. 2), a little sister (viii. 8),
and her brothers (to whom probably the lan-
guage iu viii. 9 is ascribed), of whom she com-
plains that they had not been quite kind in
their treatment oi her (i. 6) during her youth.
14. While the poor girl is in tears at the re-
buff which her simplicity has received, Solomon
IS supposed to enter (i. 9). It will be readily
seen that the dialogue between bim and Sula-
mith is continued up to ii. 5, where she appears
to be so carried away by the intensity of her
feehngs, as to faint with emotion, and to be able
only to mnrrour a few words (ii. 6) as Solomon
gently lays her down in a place of rest. The
Chorus of Virgins (ii. 7) addressing the Queens,
and charging them not to disturb Sulamith's
repose, brings the first scene to a close.
15. The second scene (ii. 8-iii. 5) is most
easily understood by supposing Sulamith to con-
tinue in the state of trance to which she had
been brought in the former scene. None but
the Chorus of Virgins arc present, and they move
in the background as far as possible. Sulamith
fancies herself at home, and though surrounded,
a.s she is, by all the pomp and glory of Solomon,
yet imagines herself to be with him at her
country home. It is to be noted (as we observed
above, § 9) that she puts Solomon's favourite
expressions into his mouth — "my love," "my
fair one," "my dove." These, and the words
" in our land " (ii. 12), are sufficient to show
that she fancied that imagination only had
carried her into Jerusalem. The langasge of tbe
chorus (iii. 5) is in itself sufficient to thov tkt
the actual scene is not laid in North PtlestiSf.
Bat as to Sulamith, so convinced i^ she of tb'
reality of her old home being present to hfr.
that she actually breaks out into one of the loo:
vintagers' songs (ii. 15), which she liid net
when placed as a child by her brothers to ntch
(i. 6) the vineyards. It mnst be observed tUt
the Beloved is never absent from her thon^iii-
The tune and words of her charming Spring-
song (ii. 15) bring back the thoughts of biir.
and half awake half asleep she fancies at otr
time that he is lost (iii. 1), at another tiut
he is found again (iii. 4). But in ber (uc}
it is to her mother's cottage that she brrn^-
him (iii. 4).
16. The third scene represents to ns tlie fint
arrival of Sulamith at Jerusalem, an event whin
of course had preceded what wxs narrated in tl'
two previous scenes. Such a dislocation of ttr
action might be considered sufficient to npset tli'
dramatical hypothesis which we adopt, but i:
must be rememlwred that this is the onlf pi»
of Hebrew poetry which we have of the sort.ai'i
that it is unscientific to apply to it the principi«>
of dramatic criticism which we have deriw
from studying ancient and modem Ennpiu
plays. All that we have a right to infer is tint
the order of events was as mach neglected b
the Hebrew drama as it was in Hebrew kistcrv.
In the latter, the chronological order of erenu
gives way to the importance of them l> »<a
from the writer's point of view. The «rd»
is one of subject-matter, or of magnitude, ntkt
than of time. Similarly in this drama. Tie
starting-point of it is that Salamitk ii »
Jerusalem. How she was brought to Jensalec
was a point of minor importance reserved f<'
the third scene.
17. In iii. 6-v. 1 we are first introduced t •
a large crowd in Jerusalem, standing at »s*
point whence they could observe the appr«!«
of the royal palanqain as it drew new bf it^
road that came from the north. One ipeiM'
from the crowd (iii. 6) observes the donds •■<
incense which thickened the air aronnd tk'
king and his bride. A second (cr. 7, 8) nf**-
the palanquin and the guard of mighty ii>>
which moved alongside of it. A third (n ".
10) remarks upon the beauty of the camv
itself, and the presents that had been n)»k
by the Daughters of Jerusalem. Suddenly >
fourth voice — probably that of a herald—
announces the near approach of the royal tnii.
and calls upon the daughters of Zion to go fi>rt>
and meet their king. At iv. 1 we mu.«t snpj<«
that Solomon and Sulamith have entered tie
palace. In iv. 1-5, 7-15, he speaks of her pii*-
while in m>. 6, 16 she appears to deprecate hi« to-
tery, and to confess her anworthiness of teK
honoured with such particular marts of ti-
favour of one who was so great and so noH*
This is the only way in which the two rerso
spoken by Sulamith can be explained, wbeo f" "''
in their connexion with the words of Stiif^
which immediately follow. And by this ti^*
we must suppose that the marriage pnce^**
has entered into the banqueting hall. The s-c;
enters with his bride, and calls upon the f**
(v. 1) to |>artake of the marriage feast. It f'<
this scene only that Solomon addresses SoIjoj"'
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is his " sister bride," or " his bride." Nor sfaoald
it be forgottea that ia this scene alone tre read
of Solomun's iaritation to her to exchange her
residence in the north for one at Jerusalem.
18. The fourth scene extends from t. 2 to vi. 9.
It appears that Sulamith is repreiented here, as
io scene 2, to be in a state of trance (t>. 2), and
io her half-conscious condition to hare imagined
that she had rejected her Beloved's proffered love
for the sal^e of avoiding a alight personal incon-
reoience (v. 3). She soon regretted what she
hid done : she soaght her Beloved, and called
for him, but it was all in vain. She found him
not; he gave no answer. She describes the
troubles which she endured as she went in search
of him, and calls upon the queens, who stood
tnnuid her, to aid her in her search for the Be-
lored. She describes him to them (sc. 10-16)
m language so vivid and so plaintive, that the
qoetos promise " to seel: him with her." She
hu almost relapsed into her former state of un-
coiBciotuiiess (vi. 2, 3) when (pt.4-9) the Beloved
i5 found. These are the last words in the poem
that are ascribed to Solomon (except vii. 6-9 a,
and the very ambiguous passage, viii. 5 b, viii. 13),
and in them must be noted the solemn manner
(rt. 8,9) in which the king renounces the splen-
dour and sensuality of his court, and professes
himself to be contented for the future with the
lore of the one wJiom he addresses a^ " bis
dore, the undefiled one, the only one of her
mother."
19. If the scene which we have just considered
ii of great importance in its bearing upon the
interpretation of the work, the fifth scene is
certainly of equal weight. The conversion of
Solomon has been hitherto represented as being
effected by the means of Sulamith. We now find
that the queens who in i. 6 had treated her with
Kora, and in i. 6 had ironically called her the
"fairest among women," D'CSS riDTI, are
gradnally becoming lost in their admiration of
her. In v. 9, vi. 1, they use in earnest the same
title which they had applied to her with bitter
saroKm in the first scene : while in vi. 10, 13 a,
13c-viL 5, they hardly know how to find words
to eipreas their admiration of her : and, finally'
(vii. I), they address her as the " prince s
daughter," 3^3 n3. They appear to be in-
iloded in Snlamith's invitation (vii. IIX and
gife up their court life for the sake of the joys
of the country. Thus the great curse of Solomon's
c"iirt (I K. iL 1-8) has been removed through
the simplicity and deep spirituality of the rustic
Sulamith, which has won over the king and his
great ladies. As the scene approaches to a con-
rliuion Sulamith is once again introduced, ex-
pressing her burning love for Solomon, and beg-
ging him to return with her to her own home
(riL$b-viit. 3). The end of- the scene is marked
bj the address of the Chorus of Virgins to the
Rwghters of Jerusalem, which has already been
noticed.
20. The last scene opens in North Palestine.
The Chorus and Daughters of Jerusalem are
within the courtyard of the residence of Snla-
mith's mother at Shunem (the place described
ii. 9), and they see the Bride and her Beloved
approaching (viii. 5 a). Solomon points out the
places which he could associate with different
Eicts in Snlamith's history, — the apple-tree
vhere he first told her of his love, and the
cottage where she was born.'' She replies to
him (cr. 6, 7) in language which shows the
intense depth of her spiritual perceptions. In
V. 8 she mentions her M»ter, trusting that
something will be done for her, and is answered
with rustic rudeness by her brothers (e. 9),
that they will take sufficient care of her.
Sulamith replies (c. 10) enigmatically, and
gently reproves her brothers for their former
neglect of herself, implying that she had always
been her own protectress. In rr. 11, 12,
she recommends her brothers to Solomon for
some mark of his favour, and apparently desires
that they may be appointed keepers of his vine-
yards. The words (viii. 13) are probably the
language of Solomon asking her to sing. She
complies with the request, and in the last verse
of the Book expresses a hope that he will s)>end
his life upon the mountains. Thus the end of
the story appears to be that Solomon and all his
court retire to the country, and that they are
perfectly happy in the enjoyment of the sweet
air, and in the contemplation of the objects of
nature.
21. Interpretation. — A key to the interpreta-
tion of the Book is to be found, we believe, in
what has been said respecting the form of it.
It appears that the object of the Song of Solomon
is to depict the conversion of that monarch and
his corrupt court through the influence of the
simple - minded .but profound Sulamith. The
prophetic author desired to divert the mind
of Solomon from sensual and anti-theocratic
opinions, by leading him to rustic pursuits in
which his gigantic intellect would find ample
scope for self-development.
22. This view is rendered more probable by
an examination of the progress which may he
discovered in the different dramati) persoixie.
We have already noticed the change which takes
place in the " Daughters of Jerusalem." At the
commencement of the drama their language Avas
sensuous. They were perfectly ignorant of the
fact that the king was the she|>herd of his people.
and mocked Sulamith (i. 8) for her simplicity in
supposing that there was no other profes.sion in
life except that of a shepherd. At last, however
(vi. 11, Sic), we observe that they had a real
admiration for Sulamith, and offered their assist-
ance to her as she started in pursuit of her lost
Beloved.
23. In Solomon himself we can notice a great
development of character. We can observe this
even in the langtmge which he uses when mi-
dressing Sulamith. At first he calls her simply
"my love" ('n'DI ; cp. Revised Version); and
this appellation is used by him during the
addresses which are put in his mouth from
i. 9 to ir. 5. The word, however, means no
more than " friend " (LXX. ii ir\7i<rioy /tou,
Vulg. proxima mea, Syr. uAOiijO), ""^ co-
veys no such impression as the colloquial English
phrase "my love." However, suddenly, at iv. 9,
she becomes " the Sister, the Spouse," and Solo-
mon becomes conscious of the higher relation in
which Sulamith stands to him ; and though,
■> It must be remarked that the Masoretic vowcU
suppose a man to be addresMd, but how the n iTds can
[ be understood if uttered by Sulamith has never bet-n
explained. We have read ■n^miTt?. *c., with tlie
I Syrlac Version and Delitascb.
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CANTICLES
once ngaiD, vi. 4, she becomes " his love," yet in
vii. 6 he is forced to find a new name for her,
"0 love for delights" (D»313rn3 naHK), so
completely does he fail to find any woi'ds to ex-
press the marvellous influence which she had
acquired over him.
24. Nor is it merely in the names which he
applies to Sulamith that we discover this re-
markably arti>tic change in the description of
Solomon's feelings; the very language which
he uses towanU her exhibits the change of his
views, and his gradual appreciation of her
charms. For it will be observed that the
language which be uses when lii-st he begins to
sing her praises is almost, if not decidedly,
sensuous (see especially i. 9-11, 15; iv. 1-5).
The change is to be noticed in the scene which
extends from iii. 6 to v. 1. Here, and especially
in iv. 7-15, the intellectual qualities of Sulamith
appear to be the special objects of his praise.
The king is gradually catching her spirit, and
we find, as the story progresses, that he is
simply overcome, he can say nothing, he is
utterly bewildered at his bride's glowing cha-
racter. Accordingly, in his subsequent s|)ecch
(vii. 7-10 a) he is unable to find words to
express his wonder at her charms. This indeed
is a point which has been too much overlooked,
but yet it appears to have a very important
position in enabling us to understand the meaning
of the work.
25. It ap]>ears that there is a development in
the character of Sulamith as well. The girl is
evidently aware of her humble position when
she makes her first appearance (see i. 5, 7, 12).
Though surrounded with the glory of Solomon's
court, she appears to be uninfluenced by what she
sees around her. She is quite content to remain
as she wms brought up, amidst all the beauties
of nature (i. IG, 17). But it is amazing to see
huw conscious she is of the greatness of Solomon.
She is .simply stricken to the earth ; she faints
and withers before his majesty. There can be
uo doubt that this is the result of design on the
part of the author, and that some key to the
interpretation of the work is to be found in that
sense of unwortliiness which Sulamith so de-
quently professes.
26. During the second scene Sulamith and the
Chorus are alone brought before the reader, and
it would be unreasonable to expect in it any
.special signs of development of character. But
we cannot fail to notice the remarkable way in
which she cites the words and the language of
the Beloved (ii. 10 b-14), to notice her thoughts
of home (ii. 12), and to see how she recurs to the
happy home which she hopes to enjoy with him,
as slie sings the Spring-song (ii. 15); and in
ii. !•> reverts to her old idea that everybody
who has anything to do must be a shepherd,
because she knows no higher occupation in life
than that.
27. In the next scene we notice nothing but
increased love for the Beloved, and a refer-
ence to the " mother," Avhich points again to
Sulamith 's longing tor home. This scene is very
inti>ri!sting, indicating, as it does, the humble
attitude which Sulamith always bears to Solo-
mon. She is introduced to our notice only for
a siiort while ; and it appears that the words
iv. t), 16 are in each case references to hi>r own
nnworthiness to receive the Beloved, or to the
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preparation which her " garden" requires befort
it can be fit to receive a visit from him.
28. The same progress in Sulamith's charaot«r
is to be noticed in the two following scenes. The
Beloved had come to the garden (vi. 2) vhich
she had prepared for him (iv. 16). He hid come
at a time when it was inconvenient for her k>
receive him. The consequences of this are mani-
fested in her increased love for him. She lUres
not face him at first, but becomes the Kcoad
time a suppliant of the "Daughters of Jeru-
salem," and begs them to convey her messaj^e tu
him. Subsequently (vii. 10-riii. 2) she iurite^
him to leave the court, and to retire into the
country, concluding with language (riii. (. >)
which shows the depth of character which the
author ascribes to her. The love which she iftU
towards her Beloved is indissoluble; neither
death nor the grave can destroy it.
29. This development in the characters of the
three principal dramatis personae brosght be-
fore us, — namely, Sulamith, Solomon, ami the
Daughters of Jerusalem, — make our suppositici
highly probable that the Book was written (for
what Book of Holy Scripture was written vitli-
out some immediate object ?) with the intentioa
of the conversion of Solomon. Some propbei
who was charged with the reform of Solomoa'i
corrupt court, conveyed the warning to him m
this marvellous Book. In other w^ords, this semi-
pastoral yet dramatic poem was one of the meals
by which Jehovah sought to recall the apostate
Jedidiah (2 Sam. xii. 25) to a true sense of hi:
position.
30. But that this view rests upon sometiiiiig
more than conjecture is borne out by two simple
considerations. (1) The Soog of Solomon, lile
the Book of t)sther, has no mention of the name
of God.' To what purpose was the name «f
God omitted, unless that the omission of the
sacred name might appeal to the persoi to
whom the work is addressed ? Coald >
stronger ground be alleged for indndog tbe
king to forsake false gods and idolatrous rita,
than the picture which has just been set befi'K
us ? He is delicately reminded of his en
sins. He is refuted by his own argumeols.
The way of repentance is pointed out to him.
Accordingly we find no reference whatever to
Jehovah, to religion, to sacrificea, or to anfthin;
of the kind. (2) The same intention on the put
of the writer may be noticed in the laigass*
of Solomon himself. We have already dwelt
u|ran the importance of the third scene ia iu
relation to the exegesis of the work. We mij
remark that after this scene neither Solomoi
nor Sulamith speak of anything except the
simplest objects of nature. They have bctk
risen to a conception of what real love is. It
this they are lost, and henceforth art and luarr
cease to hold any charm over them. Their
satisfaction lies in each other, and they speeil
their lives in the contemplation of the works ot
God in nature.
31. But is there no further roeaoing in tbe
Book ? Here we are brought to face the most
diflicult question that can be raised in conneiica
« Tbe obscure word PITianSc » *h* «"!/ P"**"*
Instance to tbe contrary, but ohaerve the S/ri*
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CANTICLES
with the Canticles. We may ask the question
in > slightly diA'erent form. Is the interpreta-
tion of l^ticles literal or allegorical ? Roughly
speaking, this question deals with the whole
history of the interpretation of the Book. The
ioterpretatioD which we hare given is literal ;
thtt is, we have attempted to find circumstances
iD the life of Solomon which are the raiaon <fetre
of the Book. But we believe that there is a
deeper meaning in it. We find a distinct
)l«si*nic element, but before stating it we
mutt make two general observations. (1) It
dues not follow that because n certain portion
of a prophecy is Messianic, the whole is such.
For instance, in Paalm xxii. there are many things
Khich are applicable to the sufierings of David,
many which are not. These last, which to
tare inconvenience we will call " the collateral
matttr " of the prophecy, apply distinctly to the
Messiah. Or, if we may take another illostra-
tioB, there can be no doubt, from Isaiah vii.-ix.,
that a child named Immanuel actually lived in
the days of the prophet, who in fact was his
father, and that a certain portion of the pro-
phecy was fulfilled in the person of this child.
Bat there remains the collateral matter, which
cauDot be explained as applying in any sense to
Isaiah's son, but does apply definitely to the
Messiah. (2) What we have stated with regard
to prophecy applies with equal force to typo-
logy. For instance, because a certain character
m Holy Scripture is a type or picture of the
Messiah, it does not follow that he is such in all
the lineaments of the picture. Take the cases
of Joseph and David, which are most probably
admitted as typical of Christ by all those who
recognise the Messianic element in Psalm xxii.
or Isaiah vii.-ii. It does not follow that because
Joseph and David were figures of Christ in one
particular sense, they must have been so in every
respect It would be as irreverent to explain
Gen. ili. 41-43 of the Messiah, as to suppose
that certain acts of David are Messianic types.
33. Applying these principles to the Canticles,
It is not necessary t« suppose that Solomon is a
tvpe of Jehovah or Christ in all respects, or that
in Snlamith we are to look for never-failing traces
of the Synagogue, of the Christian Church, or of
the Christian soul. Some of the language which
is ascribed to Solomon is inconsistent with any
such hypothesis. But we maintain that there
are at least two Messianic pictures in the Can-
tielw. There is (1) the conversion of Solomon
and the ladies of his court through the instrumen-
tality of Sulamith. Could we have a more dis-
tinct representation of the final triumph of the
Church of Christ over the powers and principles
of this world ? Sulamith was the humble instru-
ment in the hands of God through whom the
apostate Solomon was converted ; in the great-
nest of the task which she performed and in the
diriae character of her mission she is the type
of greater things to come. (2) So with regard
to Solomon, it would be irreverent to explain
every word ascribed to him in this Book as
though it were the utterance of Jehovah or of
the Christ. However, in that burning love
which existed between him and Sulamith, a love
which we must remember was mutual, we can-
not fiiil to notice a Bgure of that love which
each individual soul, and the Church collectively,
possesses towards the Author and Finisher of her
CANTICLES
525
faith. Further than this we dare not allegorise ;
but in this we see enough to excite our wonder
and our longings for further search. Those who
would see what has been discovered in the Can-
ticles by men who spent their time in prayer and
meditation, should read the eighty-six sermons of
St. Bernard on the Book, and the forty-eight ser-
mons by Gillebert, which were commenced with
the object of completing what St. Bernard left un-
finished at his death. The Commentary on Can-
ticles, by the late Dr. Littledale, 1869, places the
allegorical interpretation within a short compass.
See also Gietmann in Comely's Cursus, &e. 1891.
33. We must not forget, however, that the
interpretation of the Book must depend in a great
measure upon the number of dramatis personnc
which are introduced. The explanation which
we have ventured to give is based entirely upon
the hypothesis that there are only two principal
characters in the drama. But are we sure that
there is not a third, or even a fourth ? Some
expositors discover not only the features of king
Solomon, but also those of a rival, a shepherd, a
man of Sulamith's own position in life, to whom
her heart had been given before she was forced
into attendance at the king's court. This has
been rightly called the " Shepherd hypothesis "
by Mr. Kingsbury (the careful and learned
writer of the Speaker'! Commentary on the
Canticles, 1873), and we must briefly examine
what arguments are introduced in favour of it.
This hypothesis is thus enunciated by Dr.
Ginsburg : " This song records the real history
of a humble but virtuous woman, who, after
being espotised to a man of like humble circum-
stances, bad been tempted in a most alluring
manner to abandon him, and to transfer her
affections to one of the wisest and richest of men,
but who successfully resisted all temptations,
remained faithful to her espousals, and was ulti-
mately rewarded for her virtue." '
34. It will be noticed that, according to the
scheme of arrangement which we gave above,
thirty verses and two half-verses were assigned
to Solomon. Of these the " Shepherd " claims
one half-verse, i.e. viii. 5 b, and fifteen whole
verses. He is also credited with the thrice- '
repeated refrain, ii. 7, iii. h, viii. 4. Of the
verses ascribed to him, one only has any import-
ance in its bearing upon the hypothesis, namely
viii. 5 )t. It may reasonably be asked, how could
Solomon have known various circumstances con-
nected with Sulamith's home ? And to us the
answer seems very unsatisfactory which assumes
that the king had wandered to that spot during
one of his hunting expeditions in the North of
Palestine. We have followed Dr. Delitzsch
(ffohelied, 1875, p. 126), reading Tjn^an. Tim^'
^milB. TpK on the ground of the great
difficulty that there is in putting such a word
as T|'rmW into the mouth of Sulamith.
35. But if we examine the whole Song with
the Shepherd hypothesis to guide us, we shall
find that in the dialogue with Solomon (for
such it is allowed to be) Sulamith replies to
him in language which is really intended for
* The Song of Smgt, mlk a Omnunlary, kc, 1887.
p. 11. SimlUrly M. Kenan In Im Cantigut dti Caw
(tfiKf. 4tta ed.. 1879, p. 100 ; and with some roodiflra-
ttons Dr. 8. OettU, X>ai Bakdied, 188(, and others.
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the Shepherd. For instance, is the "Well-
foelored " (i. 13) different from the " King " who
wad mentioned in the preceding verse? Is it
not strange that the Shepherd (ii. 2) should
apply the same rare word to Salamith (TCn)
which is always employed liy Solomon ? Passing
over the three refrains, which we have ventured
to ascribe to a Chorus of Virgins, we come to
the long passage iv. 8-v. 1. There is con-
siderable difHculty in explaining this upon the
Shepherd hypothesis. It is admitted that iv. 7
is spoken by Solomon, and that the scene is laid
in his palace. It is somewhat odd to find the
king permitting a rival to ask his wife (for snch
she is supposed to be) to make what in plain
English would be called an elopement with him.
Still less do we see how the Shepherd (v. 1)
could invite his friends to eat and drink with
him in Solomon's palace. It may be urged that
the appearance of the words 1*173 and ri73 ^niDK
in this scene alone support the idea that another
than Solomon is speaking ; but then we must re-
member that Solomon had just entered publicly
into Jerusalem as the husband of Sulamith :
why then should he not publicly call her his
wife ? Or if we take vi. 8, 9 ; here the Shepherd
is standing outside the palace, and makes this
sarcastic reference to what is going on within,
so as to "destroy the etTect " of Solomon's
remarks (vi. 4-7). But we think it highly
probable that, if the Shepherd had ventured
into such close proximity to the King, one of the
sixty mighty men (iii. 7) would not have
allowed him to live long enough to make his
last request (viii. 13). Again the passage i. 7
is declared to put the hypothesis on a sure
footing ; but, as we observed above (§ 22), we
have no reason to believe that Sulamith knew
that Solomon had any other profession except
that of a shepherd ; or, as Ur. Kingsbury well
puts it, " she speaks figuratively of the ' Son of
David,' as David called the Holy One of Israel
' my Shepherd.' " And a conclusive argument
against the literal interpretation of the passage
IS the spiritual character of much of the
language of Sulamith, e.g. i. 12, 13, ii. 17, iv. 6,
v. 5, &C., where a literal explanation is im-
possible. After a careful analysis of the work
we cannot help differing from those who have
supported the Shepherd hypothesis in any form
whatever.
36. The Fr^mentary hypothesis, in accord-
ance with which the Book is supposed to be a
collection of various unconnected poems, may
be said to be obsolete. It was maintained with
great learning by E. J. Magnus, Krit. Bear-
beittmg, &c., des Hohen Liedea ScUomo'a, Halle,
1842.
37. Further Consldemtiotts respecting the Lan-
guage and Stt/le. — According to our scheme of
arrangement, seventy verses and three half-verses
are ascribed to Sulamith, thirty whole and two
half-verses to Solomon, while the remaining
thirteen and a half verses are distributed among
the Daughters of Jerusalem, the Chorus of
Virgins, the crowd at Jerusalem, and Sulamith's
brothers. It will be observed that a large pre-
ponderance of the remarkable words, forms, and
constructions is used by Sulamith. Not only is
she acquainted with various objects of nature
not mentioned by the others (those which are
CANTICLES
peculiar to Canticles are marked with in
asterisk), such as TD3*, D»nn3», flSxan,
niB"e«, niK3v, niW, nin, ruKn, vtt',
nnoD», D'W, -Qv 110, to, anw, oviino*,
C^Cnn*, D»TDD, p. t«K*, D«KTn (the
objects mentioned by Solomon and the othen
are more common except D313* and CIDBX
but the localities with which she is familiar are
comparatively few. Besides Lebanon, which is
known to Solomon and the Daughters of Jeru-
salem also, she speaks only of Engedi, Sharon,
Bether, and Baal-Hamon, the last three of
which were in the North of Palestine. Solo-
mon mentions Gilead, Amana, Shenir, Heraoa,
Tirzah ; and the Daughters of Jerusalem refer
to Heshbon, Damascus, and Bath-Babbim, be-
traying an acquaintance with Eastern Palestine,
and reminding us of 1 K. xi. 1, 5, 7.
38. Of the words peculiar to Canticles SoIodob
uses the following: n'BT (used by Sulamitk
ii. 10, 13, when citing Solomon's language), lin
(a necklace), D'Snn, B^J, D'Xm, D'eWlO,
1310 (in this sense), nVD^n, 2zh, P"flV, hi,
W^rhv, ^313, )D3D. The Daughters of Jera-
salem also have a peculiar vocabulary, (.■]
niS3i3 no'K, iJion, jex, 3tD, n^, pBim
The crowd, as we should expect, introduce some
curious words, such as iTTDi, ^1X1, HpSK,
jl'IDK, to which may be added the phrase 'ffW
3in. But the diction of Sulamith is orer-
whelmed with anomalies. We take a sample
from the first nineteen verses which are allotttJ
to her: mmriB', 1133 (a provincialism for
1V3, which is the form used by her brothers,
viii. 9), nTH for n'K, ^03, "pn, mo, D«3»,
mat and 0311 (in this 8ense> To this may be
added a pleonastic construction, *7t7 ^13, >■
6, via. 12 (cp. rrohzhv inOD, ill. 7); tk«
pronoun after the finite verb, 'JK *nOP, ▼. S.
♦3K 'nnnO, v. e ; and the forma D'PJB', iil 2,
mVlp, V. 2, 11 (reminding us of D'lIB', Hte.
xii. 12). The above lists might be con^dersUr
augmented, but a sufficient numljer of wonU
has been given to show that there are fonos
of speech ascribed by the author to Solamitb,
which, like the places that she knows beat, aic
to be looked for in the North of Palestine. Is
some respects her diction resembles Syriac rather
than pnre Hebrew.
39. Age and Date of ComposUioti. — We hare
endeavoured to show above (§ 3, &c) that tbe
age of the Canticles cannot be determined from
the language and diction ; though Gesenins, it is
true,* maintained that on account of "Chalds-
isms " the Book must have been written ahortlf
after the return from the Exile. Again, sach
words as DUD and }V1E1N have been olsimeii
as indicating a Persian or even a Greek perieJ
of authorship. But as our knowledge of tie
different Semitic dialects prevalent in Palcstiae
from the 10th century B.C. onwards is vei;
slight, we prefer to discover what indicatiois ol
date are betrayed by the author himself tfit^
from the language.
• Oach. d. Bdi. Spr. p. 27.
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40. We believe that very distinct traces of
the period ot° Solomon are to be found. For
instance i. 9 refers distinctly to the horse trade
b«tvMn Egypt and Palestine of which we read
in 1 K. I. 28, 29 ; 2 Ch. L 16, 17. At no other
time (not even at the date of Is. xix. xxii.) are
Te aware of any snch trade in Israel. We have
slnady noticed the familiarity with Eastern
Palestine which is exhibited by the Daughters
ot Jerusalem. This again points to the date of
Solomon. There is no reference to a divided
kingdom, but Israel is looked upon as one entire
power (iii. 7). It is true that Jerusalem and
Tinah are mentioned together in vi. 4, but this
does not prove, as M. Renan thinks it does
(pp. 95, 96), that at the time of the composition
o( the Book the author had the northern and
southern capitals before him. The references to
Gilead (iv. I), Heshbon, and Bath Rabbim (vii. 5X
all p(Hnt to a time when Eastern and Western
Palestine formed one empire. Now we have
every reason to believe that the trans-Jordanic
possessions of Israel revolted at the time of the
ST«at schism. Consequently we are led to infer
that the Song was written previously to the
times of Reboboam. Bat another indication of
the date is given to us in some of the ideas of
the Book. We know that Solomon's was an
encyclopaedic age (1 K. iv. 29-34X and assuredly
in no portion of Scripture consisting of 117
consecutive verses do we find so many names of
animals and plants as we do here. It appears
that Snlamitb mentions no less than forty objects
of nature or art, of which Solomon or others
mention fourteen. Solomon himself, in his
small number of verses, mentions twenty. So
that we must admit that upon the average we
may expect to find in every other verse the
mention of something which was known to be an
(ibject of research in Solomon's time. In fact
the references to gardens, parks, fruit, trees,
fish-ponds, within the compass of so few verses,
can only be accounted for on the hypothesis that
one was living who "spake of trees, ... of
beasts, of fowls, of creeping things, and of
fishes " (1 E. iv. 33). In other words, we are
led to place the composition of the Book in the
most prospernos days of Solomon, and consider
that this is highly probable, notwithstanding
the difference in numbers that has been noticed
between Cant. vi. 8 and 1 K. xi. 3.
41. The name of the author, however, most
remain a secret. The Solomonic authorship, as
«e observed (§ 1), cannot be proved from the
title. We have not a sufficient amount of
:x>lnmon's writings to enable us to form an idea
•>f his style. There are, without doubt, many
coincidences in thought and language between
the Canticles and the Proverbs (see Keil's
Introduction to the 0. T. § 124, 4), but, un-
fortunately, all are not agreed as to which
proverbs are due to Solomon and which are not.
Again, it is true that Solomon is recorded to
have written 1005 songs, but there is an un-
warrantable assumption in maintaining that
this was one of them. We do not venture to
speculate upon the name of the author ; but an
intellectual age snch aa Solomon's, which pos-
sessed a Nathan, or an Ahijah of Shiloh, was
surely capable of giving birth to an author who
could have produced this striking work.
42. Catumidty. — Little can be added on this
CANTICLES
627
subject to what was stated in the first edition.
The Canticles have been rejected by private
individuals on subjective not on external grounds.
The fact that it exists in the Greek Versions,
and that it is cited in the Talmud Babli {Jlab.
Bathr. 14 b) as canonical, is sufficient to establish
the canonicity of it. The well-known passage
in the Mishna (D*T, iii. 5) is sufficient to show
the uniformity of Jewish tradition. See further
Delitzsch, Comm. pp. 14, 15 ; Dr. Ginsburg, § ii.
43. Versions of the Canticles. — We have
already stated that the three principal Versions
are the Septuagiot, the Syriac, and the Latin.
(For an account of the Targum on Canticles,
see Taegum.) Of these the Syriac is by far the
best translation.
44. (1.) The Greek Version is, upon the whole,
a careful and faithful rendering. At times the
translator goes out of his way for the sake of
preserving a literal version. See i. 8, 14 ; ii. 1 1 ;
iii. 6, 11; iv. 7; V. 5, 6, 16; vi. 8,9; vii. 5; viii. 12.
There are occasions where he has made a few
additions: i. 4, <2s ivfiiiv nipay vou; ii. 10,
mpurrtpi itou (as in r. 13); ii. 14, irv before
■mpurrtfi ; iii. 2, koI before (ifritaa ; v. 2, ^irl
riji/ Siptm after Kpoiti ; v. 8, after 'UpomraXitii
he adds if reus twdfitai Ka\ iv ra!s ivxi<rtat roS
iypoS, as he does in viii. 4, so as to agree with
it. 7. In vi. 11 [10], after ^ocd he adds ixti
tAmt fohs luurroit /tov <rol (from vii. 13). In
vii. 11, ^ ifxoniin) is inserted before &t x^po' >
vii. 5 [4], As before \invai.
45. The omissions are very few, being chiefly
confined to particles. Exceptions must be
noticed in '^2U, v. 6, and "p *37, ii. 10, which
he translates by xtpurrtpd, having already
rendered "j? by iK84, which he read '3? as
in ii. 13.
46. There are certain variations which must
be regarded either as errors or as the result of
misapprehension. Such are luurrol for Onn,
i. 2, 4, Ac. ; el^Kvo'dj' trt, i. 4 ; nipots, ii. 5 ;
Ifueriuv, iv. 10 (where the source of error is
discoverable from s. 11); if^itard iu>v, iv. 16 ;
&iu)ti^s, vii, 7 ; xol tU rantiw r^t ovAAa-
0oi<nis fit, viii. 2 (where the equivalent ♦jnO?!!
points out how the error arose) ; AcXevKoi^ur-
lidvfl, viiL 5 ; i KoHifuvos, viii. 13.
47. That the translator intended to be honest
appears from the transliterations which he
employs, e.g. BaXwiM, iv. 4 ; iAiiS (some copies
have i\wti\ iv. 14; Kfipi{, v. 11 (should we
read koI fai? see Hippol. Fragm. xxv. on Daniel,
and cp. V. 15); Bapals, V. 14; NaSd^, vii. 2.
Apparently being uncertain of the meaning of the
Hebrew words, he preferred to leave his transla-
tion ambiguous.
48. Perhaps indications of a different Hebrew
text are given in the following passages : i. 3,
0»JDB'feoT3DB»nnv, ii.4,5^3'1 • • . ♦J^UH =
iv. 1, 1^33^, 4, !|^n, 8, ♦ntj; vii. 9, . . . ♦flSt?
D«3En; viii. 2, »5ten, 6, iTJltanW. The
division of chapters and verses is different from
what we find in the received Hebrew text.
Thus i. 4 the difficult word '33{5'D is put into
0. 3 and translated clXKuirclv <rt ; so again chapter
V. begins with the middle of iv. 16, and v. 17
with vL 1. In vi. 11 there is a different division
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CANTICLES
of the rerse, and it is not plain what the trans-
lator meant ; and finally vii. 1 a is transferred to
the end of vi. 11.
49. The following passages deserre special
study: i. 7, 8, IX, 12, 16 (obscure); ii. 1 (he
avoids the proper name as ii. 17, iv. 8, vi. 3),
«, 9, 12, 14 ; iii. 6, 10 ; iv. 1 (,<ri^Ti,<rts, Syr.
loA>, »»e<l metaphorically for veil as in v. 3),
9, 12, 13, 15; V. 1,5, 11,12, 14; vL8(k€oi'««
= niO^B), 12 ; vii. 9; viii. 1, 4 (ii»=nD, but
cp. ii. 7, iii. 5), 7, 9. These will present to
the reader the most important passages; and
probably after having studied this Version he
will not assent to Dr. Noack's conjecture {Hohe-
lied, pp. 37, 38), that it was undertaken on the
occasion of the marriage of Alexander Balas
with Cleopatra ; still less will he approve of the
arbitrary, and (if we understand it correctly)
faulty Hebrew-Koman text which he prints.
50. (2.) The main difficulty with regard to
the Syriac Version is the text itself. A careful
collation of Lee's text with the facsimile of the
Ambrosian MS. lately edited by Dr. Ceriani, and
the Bodleian MSS. Pocock 391, Bod. Or. 141,
will exhibit a large number of variants, certainly
not less than sixty. In fact, till the various
Syriac codices have been collated, one of the
most precioiis tiibsidia critica to the Old Testa-
ment text will be comparatively valueless. The
omissions in this Version of the Canticles are
very slight, and for the most part confined to
particles ; but in some MSS. even these do not
exist. The additions are of the same ,natare,
except perhaps in vii. 4, p^QAS _jL&>l>,
which is repeated from iv. 5, as LXX. It is
hard to distinguish accurately between the
occasional paraphrases which the translator
gives, and indications of a different Hebrew text
lying before him. The following, however,
appears to us to be approximately correct.
51. Paraphrases ; — i. 2, ^ioSO} |^'»*^
1AjA4 yj\ ]oai\ )liA?, 6; ^tiOM
.flLi^J ^-Aj 16, y^'r^ }i\^
ii. 12, ]»tSDZ> = 1!Qr ; 13,')),lQfiD0 U^Q\l
]tK»y Q£)OU; 17, ]iV>mn = nns:
iii. 6, )SQIXL0> 11m (for ^3n npSK);
9, )jfiD>03 = IVnBK ! iv. 4, )s^ ]lO =
n'lB^n; 10, »aO>Z bis for ^nn (but only
here and vii. 13) : v. 12, {230l» (£B)S ^"'^
ta Dna; ^Aaaio = n^Sn^n; i3 (some
MSS. ^ov^), ^?^o lioLo; 15, )Lo>
)aoi; »j£i]ii = c^E'ina d'k^d; le,
OUh* = IflKTO: vi. 3, ^JlfcOt = "X"'";
l A.<'% = ni?J*13, but the same word is
rendered ^ZoS) (><"»• ^SS. l^tS>Ol>) in
r. 9: viii. 1, a;^l alZ .mLil = i''31*
CANTICLES
nSM "l^-y 6, ]ya3 -r-^.K] OUoAl
•nn'an^ v» ♦sen n'oen
52. Different readings are suggested in the
following passages : — L 3, yViTi : ii. 1, H^JDrO
(unless U I was corrupted into yji\, vhicli ii
most unUkely) ; 4, thll and 'JtOan (that is, it
the point is to be trusted) : iv. 4, the order is
inverted which the translator is usually a»«t
careful to preserve, and he seems to hive read
Tn bn:02 jnov nv20 pKiv iniv.i.
he read* ut^l (or llp. ••«• 1^ '3^ ""*«** "'
"h -fpH. Verse 11, after the first three woiis
probably was written nnn 3?rn P3T 73
^'nDB'. It is not easy to account for viL 1.
UOrM ^lo'.UOrM ^1 1^
1^ «jQa, probably the words are a pin-
phrase of the very hard passage : vii. 7 is-
dicates that in the copy before him the tnas-
lator did not find the word* separated from
each other. Be read D^J^STB n| instead d
D'JIJrna : rlii. 11 we find >«-^ <JiS>\o h
pon bv2, and lastly v. 13 ^a^A<> ^Ai|
yAol r:^jP ^^' *■'• °*^''
53. (3.) The Latin Version of St. Jerome is
an important witness to the condition of t!i«
Hebrew text in the 4th century. It is entirtlT
independent of the LXX., and suggests one or
two important readings. The additions (sick
as ii. 10, V. 2, vi. 4, viii. 2, 6X like the ona-
sions (ii. 11, 12, r. 6, vii. 6, 13), are very digbt,
and consist almost entirely of particles. Wt
find one double translation (viii. 6), what
" deliciis alHuens, innixa," corresponds to the ow
Hebrew word npD^nt^. Proper names art
translated as iv. 6, "coUem thuris" for JlffSl
pja^T ; vii. 5, "quae sunt in porta filiae mnlti-
tudinis," D»3n na -axf ho-, vui ii, •<»
ea quae habet popnlos," {IDil 7033. Vaitmu
readings of small importance are sngjested;
iii. 9, nr*; iv. 8, ^DH, bis; v. 12, nWT
and possibly TKtJ, viii! 10. The fbUowiEj
passages are worthy of notice : i. 7, 14 ; iii. 10 :
iv. 1 (comp. iv. 3, vi 7), 8 ; v. 5 (note lJ>»
important alteration In the division of tie
verse); vi. 12; vii. 6; viii. 6 (obscure).
It is an interesting fact to mention that the
Canticles have been translated into Tiiie*
English dialects, — Cornish, Cumberland, Dor><<.
Durham, Lancashire, and Westmoreland. A reiy
few copies were printed in 1859 by Mr. GeMf
Barclay, 28 Castle Street, Leicester Square.
54. Metrical Versions of the Canticles hiw
been frequently made, and amongst others t»j
be mentioned one by Bev. William Moore. 5LA.
of Magdalen College, Oxford, published ii
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CANTICLES
CAPERNAUM
529
a Tolnme of poema entitled Lost CAords,
Messn. Parker & Co., Oxford, 1889.
55. titeratytre bearing upon the Canticles. —
To the exhaattiT* lists which will be found in
the Introdaction to Dr. Ginsbnrg's Cotnmentary,
ud in Kuenen, Sist Crit. Onderxoek, vol. iii.
pp. 377-399, may be added the following : —
(1.) The Cmttersion of Solomon, by John Dare,
D.D., London, 1613. The writer proves to his
o«-n satisfaction that the sool of Solomon was
fioally sared, that the earlier Tenes in the
Canticles are the King's prayers for reconcilia-
tion with God through Christ. He considers
the rest of the Book to consist of dialogues
between the Church and Christ. (2.) Dr. 0.
Zsckler, Das U. Lied, Bielefeld and Leipzig,
1968. He considers Solomon to be the author,
whose lore towards Snlamith is typical of the
communion between Christ and His Church.
This work has been translated into English by
Dr. W. H. Green, with additions by the editor,
and is published in a useful form by Messrs.
T. and T. Clark of Edinburgh. (3.) Ludwig
Xoack, ThcBrraqaah vni Sunamith, Leipzig, 186i*.
He considers the reference to be to Samaria and
Tirhakah. (4.) Dr. H. Graetz, Schir haSchirim
utmeizt, Wien, 187 1 . We have already referred
at length to this highly Talosble work. (5.) The
late Dr. Franz Delitzsch, Das Lied der Lieder,
Leipzig, 1875. This is by far the most ralnable
modern book on the Canticles, and has been
trsmlsted into English in Clark's Foreign Theo-
logical Library. (6.) Le Cantique des Gmtique$,
pw K. Renan, 4~ id., Paris, 1879. M. Kenan
adopts the " Shepherd hypothesis." (7.) E. Keuss,
U Cantique da Cantiquei, Paris, 1879. We find
a striking sentence, p. 88, ** Embanas sans fin !
Plus le texte est clair, plus on y tronre d'^ni-
gmts." The introduction contains a raluable
synopsis of criticisms, pp. 24-41, and the work,
like all that comes from the pen of the learned
scholar, is of a highly interesting character.
(8.) A. Baabe, Das Buch Ruth und daa Hohelied,
Leipzig, 1879. This work contains a Glossary
of the words contained in the two Books given
in the title, followed by a brief notice of soma
peculiar grammatical forms, and a translitera-
tion of the Hebrew text into what the author
cooceiref to be the original language. The
vehicle of transliteration is, unfortunately, the
italic character. A few notes are added, which
are not void of interest. (9.) Dr. C. Kossowicz,
Petersburg, 1879. Latin notes, containing some
interesting matter, followed by an "Arche-
typom " in unpointed Hebrew characters. The
treatment of the Book, especially chap. iv. 8—
V. 8, is erroneous in our judgment, and the
learned writer is evidently sceptical as to the
correctness of his view. See p. 17, note 4tt.
(10.) Special mention mtut be made of the
nsefol work by Dr. Salfeld, Dot H. L. Salomo's
hei den JSdiachen Erkldrtn des MittekHten,
Berlin, 1879. In this are classified the different
Jewish interpretations, haggadistic, philosophical,
DTstical, &C. These are followed by an appen-
dix consistiog of fourteen extracts from MSS. of
varions writers illostrative of the different
interpretations. A list of the Jewish commen-
tators on the Canticles from the 9th to the
16th century concludes the work. (11.) Com-
mentary and Translation by Dr. J. G. Stickel,
Berlin, 1888. According to him, there is a
BIBLE DICI. — VOL. I.
twofold drama, the loves of Sulamith and
Solomon, to which the loves of a shepherd and
shepherdess are parallel. He maintains the
antiquity of the Book, and his discussions
pp. 107-147 are very suggestive. (12.) Prof. S.
O^ttli, Das Ho/ielted (in the Surzgefasster
Sommentar, now being edited by Dr. Strack
and Dr. ZiSckler, 1889); is a very useful work,
developing the h\-pothesis of Dr. Stickel. He
divides the work into fifteen different scenes, con-
sisting of dialogues between Snlamith, the court-
ladies, Solomon, and Sularaith's friend. He
considers the Book to have been written (p. 170)
in the first half of the 10th century B.G. The
whole locality of the action is ascribed by him
to North Palestine. The notes contain a vast
amount of information within a small compass.
We are unable to agree with him so far as to
reject the "King-hypothesis" (p. 157). Of
English commentaries we have already referred
to (13) Mr. Kingsbury's, in the Speaker's Comm.
(14.) To this may be added a short and popular
Commentary in the SPCK. aeries by the Rev.
E. P. Eddrup, of a very unpretending but in-
structive kind. The articles on So/ielied by
Diestel is Schenkel's Bixtlexicon, and by
Orelli in Herzog's BE.* are worthy of study.
There it also an article on Canticles in the
new edition (9th) of the Encyclopaedia Bri-
taimica, by Prof. W. R. Smith. To those who
are interested in the Arabic versions of the
Bible we recommend a paper on Saadiah's
version of Canticles by Dr. Adalb. Merx, Heidel-
berg, 1882. [H. D.]
OAFER'NAUM (Rec.T. Kmreprao^^; Uchm.
Tisch., Treg., Westcott and Hort, and Gebhardt,
with BKDZ., &c. Ka^appooin, as if DIPS 103,
"village of Nachum;" Syriac Nitr. >aiO
^QmJ, Pesh. y>aa«J )S)S; Capharwntm),
a name with which all are familiar as that of
the scene of many acts and incidents in the life
of Christ. There is no mention of Capemaum in
the 0. T. or Apocrypha, but the passage Is. ix. 1
(in Heb., viii. 23) is applied to it by St. Matthew.
The word Caphar in the name perhaps indicates
that the place was of late foundation. [Caph abJ
The few notices of its situation in the N. T.
are not snfBcient to enable us to determine its
exact position. It was on the western shore of
the Sea of Galilee (riir wapaBaXturirtav, Matt,
iv. 13; cp. John vi. 24X and, if recent dis-
coveries are to be trusted (Cnreton's Nitrian
Bee. John vi. 17), was of sufficient importance
to give to that sea, in whole or in part, the
name of the " lake of Capemaam." This was
the case also with Tiberias, at the other extre-
mity of the lake (cp. John vi. 1, "the sea
of Galilee which is the sea of Tiberias"). It
was in, or near, the "land of Gennesaret"
(Matt. xiv. 34, compared with John vi. 17, 21,
24) ; that is, the rich, busy plain on the west
shore of the lake, which we know from the
descriptions of Josephus and from other sourcea
to have been at that time one of the most pro-
sperous and crowded districts in all Palestine.
[Gennesabeth.] Being on the shore, Caper-
naum was lower than Nazareth and Cana of
I Galilee, from which the road to it was one of
I descent (John ii. 12; Luke iv. 31), a mode of
, speech which would apply to the general level
! of the spot even if otir Lord's expression " exalted
2 M
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CAPERNAUM
CAPERNAUM
nnto hearen " (it^uHni, Matt. xi. 23) had any
TefereDce to height of position in the town
itaelt'. It was of sufficient size to l>e always
called a " city " ^ri\is. Matt. ii. 1 ; Marie i. 33);
had its own synagogue, in which oar Lord fre-
quently taught (John ri. 59; Marie i. 21;
Luke iv. 33, 38) — a synagogue built by the cen-
turion of the detachment of Roman soldiers
which appears to have been quartered in the
place * (Luke vii. 1, cp. c. 8 ; Hatt. yiii. 8).
But, besides the garrison, there was also a
customs-station, where the dues were gathered
both by stationary (Matt. ix. 9 ; Mark ii. 14 ;
Luke T. 27) and by itinerant (Matt. xvii. 24)
officers. If the " way of the sea " was the great
road from Damascus to the south (Bitter,
Jordan, p. 271), the duties may hare been levied
not only on the (ish and other commerce of the
lake, but on the cararana of merchandise passing
to Galilee and Judaea. On the other band, the
duties may have been city tolls, of the naton of
octroi, which woold naturally be collected at
the city gate ; or custom dues on merchaadiae
passing from Galilee to Ituraea by way of Beth-
saida-J alias.
The only interest attaching to Capemaom ii
as the reaidence of our Lord and Hia Apostlts,
the scene of so many miracles and "gnciou
words." At Nazareth He was "brooght up,"
but Capemaam was emphatically lUa "own
city" (Matt. ix. 1, cp. with Mark it 1).
It was when He returned thither that He ia
said to have been " at home " (Mark ii. 1 ; socb
is the force of ir oUf — A. V. " in the honae ").
Hei« He chose the Evangelist St. Matthew or Levi
(Matt. ix. 9). The brothers Simon-Peter and
Andrew belonged to Capemaam (Mark i. 29X
and it is perhaps allowable to imagine tint it
'Hi»,r.i„ura. Trillium. (Frum « i.lioC..i-n.],h.>
was on the sea-beach below the town (for,
doubtless, like true Orientals, these two fisher-
men kept close to home), while Jesus was
"walking" there, before "great multitudes"
had learned to "gather together unto Him,"
that they heard the quiet call which was to
make them forsake all and follow Him (Mark i.
16, 17; cp. V. 28). It was here that Christ
worked the miracle on the centurion's servant
(Matt. viii. 5 ; Luke vii. 1), on Simon's wife's
mother (Matt. viii. 14; Mark i. 30; Luke iv.
38), on the paralytic (Matt. ix. 1 ; Mark ii. 1 ;
Luke V. 18X and on the man afflicted with an
unclean spirit (Mark i. 23 ; Luke iv. 33). The
son of the nobleman (John iv. 46) was, though
■ The {act of a Roman having built the synagogue
baa been tbonght by some on argument against the
prosperity ol the town.
reaident at Capernaum, healed by words wiiti
appear to have been spoken in Cana of G»lil«.
At Capemaam occurred the incident of tat
child (Mark ix. 33 ; Matt, iviii. 1 ; ept rro-
24); 'and in the synagogue there waa tpolci
the wonderful discourse of John vi. (see «. 59)
The doom which our Lord pronounced afainst
Capemaum has been remarkably fulfilled, la
the present day no ecclesiaaticftl tradition ira
venturea to fix its site ; and the contest between
the rival claims of the two most probable spoti
is one of the hottest in sacred topography. For-
tunately nothing hangs on the deciaion. Tls«
apots in diapute are : 1. Kharbet JfniycA, a aerie»
of mounds, covering no very large eiteat (■(
ground, and containing the remains of no imper-
tsnt building. The ruins take their name from
an old kAan, a short distance to the north, anil
are situated close upon the sea-short at Hit
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CAPERNAUM
D»rth-«asten> extremity of the plain of Geone*
sareth (now ei-Ghituxir). Kot far firom the
mounils, ant] close to the vrater-Une of the lake,
is a large spring surrounded by vegetation and
overshadowed by a fig-tree which gives it its
Bjune — '^I'n et-Ttn (the spring of the fig-tree).
Aboat 2} miles S.W. of Khan Minyeh is another
Urge spring, called the "Round Fountain,"
which is rather more than half a mile from the
lake, to which it sends a considerable stream
with 6sh.
2. The other claimant. Tell Hum, is 2} miles
N.£. of Khan Minyeh. The ruins of the
ancient town are situated on the shore of the
lake, and cover a space half a mile long and
a quarter wide; the most important are those
if a synagogue, and of u remarkable tomb to
the north of it. In striking contrast to the
black basalt walls of the surrounding houses,
the synagogue was built of white limestone
{Reamry of Jerusalem, pp. 343-6). About 2J
miles further is the point at which the Jordan
enters the north of the lake.
The arguments in £ivoar of Khan Minyeh will
U found in Robinson (ii. 403-4; iii. 344-358).
They are chiefly founded on Joeephus's account
of his rbit to Cepbamome, which Dr. R, would
identify with the mounds near the khan, and
on the testimonies of successive travellers from
.\rculfii5 to Quaresimus, whose notices Dr. R.
interprets — often, it must be confessed, not
without difficulty — in reference to Khan Minyeh.
The foantain Caphamaum, which Josephus else-
where mentions (5. /. iii. 10, § 8) in a very
emphatic manner as a chief source of the water
of the plain of Gennesareth and as al>ounding
with fish. Dr. R. believes to be the Ain et-Tin.
But the Urge fountain of 'Ain et-Tabigah, from
which water was carried into the plain by an
anuednct constructed with great skill, certainly
answers better to Joeephus's account than a
spring 10 close to the shore, and possessing such
a slight head of water as 'Ain et-Tin. The
claim of Khan Minyeh is also supported by
Conder {Tent Work in Pakstine, u. 182-X90),
Macgregor, Merrill, and Sepp.
The arguments in favour of Tell Hum are :
the statements of Jerome that Capernaum was
- miles from Chorazin, a distance agreeing
exactly with that between Tell Hum and Kerd-
zeh, now generally accepted as Chorazin; and
of TheodosittS (p. 28), who gives the distance
of Capernaum from Magdala as twice that of
Tiberias from the same place, which corresponds
with the relative positions of Tiibariyeh, Mejdet,
sod Tell Him ; the extent and character of the
ruins; the statements of Josephus; and the
name, which is maintained to be a relic of the
Hebrew original — Caphar having given place
to Tell, The arguments are fully given by Sir
C Wilson (^Recovery of Jeruaalem, pp. 375-387) ;
Dr. Wilson {Lands of the Bible, ii. 139-149) ;
Thotaion (Land and the Book, pp. 352-6); Bonar
(pp. 437-41); RitUr (Jordan, pp. 335-43);
Furrer (Schenkel's Bib. Lex. iii. 495); and
Gaitin {GalUfe, i. 226-39> Renan, Socin,
Schaff, Tristram, and Hepworth Dixon, are also
in favour of Tell Him. For a good general
description of the district, see Stanley, 3. ^ P.
chu z.
The Talmnds (Shir-ha-Surim, iii. 18; and
Tal. Jer. Thmmoth, xi. 7) mention a Caphar
CAPHTOB
531
Tanhim, TatAumin, or Tchimin, which are pro-
bably variations of Caphar Nahim, and to be
identified with Tell Him, a name that may
itself have been derived, by the change of a letter,
from Tanhim. The Caphar Ahim mentioned with
Chorazin (Tal. Bab. Menahhoth, Boo) as famous
for its corn is also possibly the same place (Neu-
bauer, Q^. du Talmud, pp. 220-l> [G.] [W.]
CATHAR (nS3,'from a root signifying « to
cover," Ges. p. 707), one of the numeroua words
employed in the Bible to denote a village or col-
lection of dwellings smaller than a city (/r).
Dean Stanley proposed to render it by " hamlet "
(S. and P., App. § 85), to distinguish it from
Chavvah, Chatzer, Benoteh, and other similar
words. As an appellative it is found only three
times: 1 Ch. xxvii. 25; Cant. vii. 11, and
1 Sam. vi. 18 (in the last pointed Gopher, is^) ;
but in neither is there anything to enable us to
attach any special force to the word.
In names of places it occurs in Cbepbab-
Amiionai, Cuephirah, Caphar-salama. But
the number of places compounded therewith
mentioned in the Talmuds shows that the name
became a much commoner one at a time subse-
quent to the Biblical history. In later Latin
Caphar is frequently corrupted to Para, as Para-
Dagon, &c. (Reland, Pal. p. 356). In Arabic Kefr
is in frequent use (see the Index to Robinson,
ii., iii.). To us its chief interest arises from its
forming a part of the name of Capeknaux,
i.«. Caphar-nahum. [Q.] [W.]
CA'PHAB-SAXAMA (Xa^xafxraAa/iut ; A
Xap(pap<Tapaiid ; Capharsalama), a place (Kiifo),
Jos. Ant. zii. 10, § 4) at which a battle was
fought between Judas Maccabaeus and Nicauor
(1 Mace. vii. 31). From the fugitives having
taken refuge in the "city of David," it would
appear to have been near Jerusalem. Is it not
possible that it was Siloam, the Arabic name of
which is Kef r Seltcdn? Ewald places it north
of Ramla on the Samaritan boundary (Oeach. iv.
368, noteX but no certain traces of it seem to
have been yet found. [0.] [W.]
CAPHEN'ATHA (Xwptra$i; Caphetetha),
a place apparently close to and on the east side
of Jerusalem, which was repaired by Jonathan
Maccabaeus (1 Mace. zii. 37). The name is
derived by Lightfoot from Caphnioth, the Tal-
mudic word for unripe figs. If this be correct,
there is a remarkable correspondence between
the name Caphenatha and those of Bethany
(house of dates), Bethphage (house of figs), and
of the Mount of Olives itself, on which the three
were situated — all testifying to the ancient
fruitfulness of the place. [G.] ^W,]
CAPHI'BA (A. Ka^ifd, B. Tltipi; Vnlg.
[3 Esd.] has nothing corresponding to it),
1 Esd. V. 19. [Cepbibab.]
CAPHTHO'BIM (D»nFlM ; B. omits, A.
Xmpopuip ; Caphtorim). 1 Ch. i. 12. [Capb-
TOB.]
CAPH'TOE (T^np?; Ko«xo8oic/oi Cc^pa-
docia), gent. Caphto'bim (D^lh^JI ; To^epi-
tt/L, X- or Ka^opntn ', Caphtorim, Cappadoce»\
a country (^1FIB3 ^t<) whence the Philistines
2 M 2
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£32
CAPHTOB
inigrated to Palestine (Dent. ii. 23 ; Jer. xlvii.
4 ; Amos ix. 7), the term Caphtorim beiog once
used (Dent. I, c.) to designate the Philistines.
In the Noacbian list, the list of the Uizraites
closes with "Casluhim (ont of whom came
Philistim [R.V. « whence went forth the Philis-
tines "]), and Caphtorim " (Gen. x. 14 j 1 Ch.
i. 12). It has been conjectured that a trans-
position has here occurred, and that the mention
of the Philistine migration should follow the
word Caphtorim (see QPB.'), but there is no
ancient evidence in favour of the conjecture.
The LXX. of Gen. x. 14 follows the sequence of
the Hebrew, limiting the Philistines to the
Casluhim as source. [R. S. P.]
The Egyptian records mention a race which
can only be the people of Caphtor. The name of
Kefa, Kefth, Keft occurs frequently in the
Egyptian inscriptions, but not before the reign
of Thothmes HI. (18th dyn., 1600 B.C.). It re-
mained uncertain what nation was meant by
that name until the discovery of the trilingual
inscription of Canopus, where Keft is mentioned
({. <;.) between Syria and Cyprus, and translated
by tsiyiK^, Phoenicia.
In the famous picture of the tribute of four
races to Thothmes IH. which is found in the
tomb of Rekhmara at Thebes, the second line is
described as the offerings of the chiefs of Kefa
and of the islaiub of the sea. The men are like
the Efgyptians in type and colour; they have
not all their hair dressed alike ; they all wear
ornamented kilts and high boots; but we
cannot say with certainty whether they are
the men of Kefa or from the islands. Their
tribute consists of beautiful vases of gold, elec-
trum, silver, bronze and glass, some adorned
with inlaid work in glass and precious stones.
They also bring short swords and an elephant's
tusk (Wilkinson, Anc. Egupt. 2nd ed. PI. II. a).
In the annals of Thothmes HI. mention is
made of the ships of Keft, which carry timber
for the palaces of the king, and also of a silver
jug of the fabric of the Kefa. In the great
tablet, which is an eulogy on the reign of
Thothmes III., Kefa appears in connexion with
Asebi (Cyprus) in the following line : I come and
I give thee to conquer the western land. Kefa and
A»ebi fear thee. It is only two lines further
that we find the inhabitants of the islands of the
sea who are distinct from the people of Kefa
(Birch, On a historical Tablet of the reign
of Thothmes III.). It is remarkable that here
as well as in the inscription of the tomb of
Rekhmara, the king citing the Asiatic nations
has adopted the Assyrian orientation, and speaks
of the Kefa as being in the west. As Kefa, Keft,
means in Egyptian the back part, Brugsch con-
siders this word as being the translation of the
Semitic TTIK (i>. fprOi, western), the Assyrian
aiiami, the Egyptian transcription of which is
Kharu, Thus Kefa and Kharu would be the
Egyptian and the Semitic word meaning those
frombehind, the Western, the Phoenicians (Brugsch,
Altaeg. Volkestafel, pp. 32, 38). It may be
objected that in the picture of the tomb of
Rekhmara the type of the Kefa is different from
that of the ZJaru (Wilk. Anc. Egnpt. i. 391);
but apart from what has been said before, that
we are not at all sure that the men I'epresented
are not the people of the islands, in two other
instances where the Kefa occur, in the reign of
CAPHTOB
Amenophis III., their tvpe is that of the Asiitict
of Syria (Leps. Denkm. iii. 63 a, 88). Bnidet,
the site of the land of Khar corresponds eiictlj
to Kefa ; it is said in a papyrus to extend from
the Egyptian city of Zar (Kantar.ih) to the
north of the Syrian coast ; and the ships of Klur
brought to Egypt chariots, harness, aiid timber
of different kinds (Chabas, Etudes sur FAntiijtiU
historique, p. 128).
Although in the inscription of Canopos Kift
is translated by Phoenicia, it is not probable that
it had such a definite sense in the time of
Thothmes III. The western is a vagne name,
which applies at first to the population of tk<
Phoenician coast, but which may hare extended
further west. Phoenicia proper in the time of
Thothmes III. is called ZahL Kefa may refer
also to some of the maritime aettlements of tlie
Phoenicians : that is why it is often consectd
either with Cyprus or with the islands of t:it
Mediterranean,
Ebers, insisting on the connexion wkick ei-
isted between the Eastern Delta and the nsti^u
of Palestine, thinks that, in the 10th cbapKT o:
Genesis, Caphtor must be considered as a put o:
Egypt, which was inhabited by Phoenicians, II
is certain that even under the last Pharaohs the
eastern part of the Delta was occupied by i
foreign population ; but as far as we can tnce
the Kefa in the inscriptions, they are always mta-
tioned as inhabiting a foreign country. [£. N.}
At first sight it seems as if the Bibli(^ re^-
ences to Caphtor and the Caphtorim were irre-
concilable with the Egyptian informatkiB as bi
Kefa and Keft, In both sources the peofJt
appear to occupy the western Mediterraieai:
in both, they have a Palestinian settlement : ii
the Bible this is Philistia, with the %yptiaa.< :t
is ultimately defined as Phoenicia, for whi<l, le
it however remembered, there is no Hebrew
name. In the Bible the maritime country of
Caphtor, inland or coastland, is far awayenoa^
to make the Philistine migration a wonder: a
the Egyptian records the link originally ttas
unbroken between Phoenicia and the ianlar
settlements. Added to this is the difficulty «°
supposing the Philistines and PhoenidaBs l>'
have been of the same stock, the n-arlike bs^
men, and the maritime merchants whose f^jt
were carriers for the Egyptians.
It must be remembered that the BiUia
geography rests on that archaic dociimrat tiu
tenth chapter of Genesis, and may well be cV.»
than the Egyptian nomenclature of the 1^
dynasty. Names may have moved with migi*
tions. Witness the examples in Greek iisViry.
as the Locri and Cumae, the colony of Asisu
Cyme, or, in later times, the littns Saioiicjs
and primitive Saxony. The Hebrews spate ^•
the older settlement : the latest Egyptians tts»-
ferred its name to the Phoenician coastlu4
perhaps including the Hebrew settlement of <^
Philistines. It is noteworthy that the auw «
that settlement in Hebrew was extended is ti:'
Greek period so as to include Canaan; Philct*
becoming Palestine.
The cognate origin of the Philistines ««1
Phoenicians seems at first contrary to '^
notions of the two nations. Markedly dissiiml:^',
they show common qualities of a not less m>ri<*
kind. The alliances of cities, the govemmnif ^T
kings and magistrates or aenato, tb* Ion <*
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CAPHTOBIMS
giin shown in Phoenician commerce and Philistine
mercenary serrice, roughness of characterf and
ikiW as smiths, are typical of political, moral,
ud artistic characteristics rarely found in abso-
lotely distinct races. Differences in punnits,
the warlike tendency of the Philistines and the
dislike of war among the Phoenicians, except for
distinct commercial gain, the pastoral life ns
coDtnuted with that of maritime trade, may be
due in part to mixture with different races, in
part to the effect of territorial conditions.
If then we may look for the Biblical Caphtor
in the Mediterranean, what evidence is there
for its titoation ? Some hare found this in the
name *ni3, Cherethites, used of the southern
Philistines (1 Sam. xix. 14 ; cp. Ezek. xiv. 16 ;
Zeph. ii. 5), where the LXX. and Syr. read
Cretans. The Cherethites formed part of David's
bodyguard, with the Pelethites, probably another
Philistine tribe. [Cherethites and Pele-
THms.] If both are Gentile names, Pelethites
mist be cognate to Philistines. The similarity
of Cherethites to Crete has induced critics te
accept the LXX. rendering and conjecture Crete
to be Caphtor. If Caphtor was an island, as
Cyprus can scarcely be Caphtor, owing to the
Egyptian names being different, Crete is a pro-
bable identification. It may at least be con-
sidered as baring been a primitive settlement of
the Caphtorim. The character of the Cretans
presents curious links with both Phoenicians
and Philistines. They stand apart from Greek
history and politics, with their separate states
raiting by " syncretism " against a common foe,
like Phoenicians and Philistines. Their ancient
renown for artistic skill, commemorated by the
Dime of Daedalus, their later imitative power,
shown in the coins of the Sth century B.C., their
early seafaring activity, are strikingly Phoenician.
And the discoveries in the Cave of 2^us on
Monnt Ida show that there must have been
Phoenician settlements in the island in the
10th cent. B.a Yet the Cretan love of war and
readiness -for mercenary service recall the
Philistines. In religion the myth of Enropa
an<l the sacrifices to the Minotaur connect the
Cretans with Phoenicia, the cultua of a fish-god
at Itanns with the Philistine warship of Dagon.
We may therefore infer that the Philistines
and Phoenicians were cognate and of that Ethio-
pian race which extended from Southern Arabia
through Ethiopia to Egypt and the Mediterranean
south coast and islands, more and more modified
by mixture with other races as it stretched
north and west ; that one of its earliest settle-
ments was in Crete, perhaps the biblical
Caphtor ; and that the Philistine migration was
a subsequent eastward movement of the race.
VVhether the Pelesstu were the Philistines, and
whether their southern movement in the time
of Ramses III. in B.C. 1200 was the Philistine
migration, must be discussed later. [Philis-
Tcra.] [R. S. P.]
CAPHTCyBIMS (DnnQS; o< Koirw(tto««t ;
Cappadocei). Deut. ii. 23. ' ' [W. A. W.] ;
CAPPADO'CIA(KoinroJoWo). This eastern !
district of Asia Minor is interesting in reference .
to Xew Testament history only from the men- !
tion of its Jewish residents among the hearers j
of St. Peter's first sermon (.\cts ii. 9), and its I
Christian residents smon^ the readers of St. I
CAPTAIN
533
Peter's first EpUtle (1 Pet. i. 1). The Jewish
community in this region, doubtless, formed the
nucleus of the Christian : and the former may
probably be traced to the first introduction of
Jewish colonists into Asia Minor by Seleacus
(Joseph. Ant. xii. 3, § 4). The Roman period,
through the growth of large cities and the
construction of roads, would afford increased
facilities for the spread both of Judaism and
Christianity. It should be observed that Cftppa-
docia was easily approached from the direction
of Palestine and Syria, by means of the pass
called the Cilician Gates, which led up through
the Taurus from the low coast of Cilicia, and
that it was connected, at least under the later
Emperors, by good roads with the district beyond
the Euphrates.
The range of Monnt Taurus and the upper
course of the Euphrates may safely be men-
tioned in general terms as natural bonndaries
of Cappadocia on the south and east. Its geo-
graphical, limits on the west and north were
variable. In early times the name reached as
far northwards as the Enxine Sea. The region
of Cappadocia, viewed in this extent, constituted
two satrapies under the Persians, and afterwards
two independent monarchies. One was Cappa-
docia on the Pontus, the other Cappadocia near
the Taurus. Here we have the germ of the two
Roman provinces of Pontus and Cappadocia.
[Pontus.] Several of the monarchs who reigned
in Cappadocia Proper bore the name of Aria-
rathes. One of them is mentioned in 1 Mace.
XV. 22. The last of these monarchs was called
Archelans (see Joseph. Ant. ivi. 4, § 6). Ha
was treacherously treated by the Emperor
Tiberius, who reduced his kingdom to a province
A.D. 17. This is the position in which the
country stood during the lime of St. Peter's
apostolic work.
Cappadocia is an elevated table-land inter-
sected by monntaia-chains. It seems always to
have been deficient in wood ; but it was a good
grain country, and it was particularly famous
for grazing. Its Roman metropolis, afterwards
both the birthplace and episcopal see of St. Basil,
was Caesarea (now Kaiaariyeh), formerly Mazaca,
situated near Mount Argaeus, the highest
mountain in Asia Minor. Some of its other
cities were equally celebrated in ecclesiastical
history, especially Nyssa, Nazianzus, Samosata,
and Tyana. The native Cappadocians seem
originally to have belonged to the Syrian, or,
more probably, to the Hittite stock : and since
Ptolemy (v. 6) places the cities of Iconium and
Derbe within the limits of this region, we may
possiUy obtain from this circumstance some
light on "the speech of Lycaonia," Acts xiv. 11
[Ltcaonia]. See Hamilton's Researches, and
Teller's Asie Jtineure; also Pict. of Or. and
Mom. Otog., art. Cappadocia. [J. S. H.] [W.]
CAPTAIN. As a purely military title captain
answers to Itf in the Hebrew army, and x<Afapxoi
(trifmnus) in the Roman. [Army.] The " captain
of the guard " * {arparvwtSipxvs) in Acts xiviii.
• The word is absent (h>m all the principal MSS., Is
not recognised by the Syrlsc and Valgate Versions, and
Is omitted by critical editors. Dlsctisslon as to the
Identification of this " captain of the RUard " with
Bums Afronlus Is therefore, however Interesting In
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634 CAPTIVITIES OF THE JEWS
16 corresponds to the tril/uma legtoim. (2.)
]^yp, which ia occaaioDally rendered captain,
applies sometimes to a military (Josh. x. 24;
Judg. zi, 6, 11; Is. zxii. 3 ; Dan. zi. 18), some-
times to a civil command (e^. Is. i. 10, iii. 6) :
its radical sense is division, and hence dedaion
without reference to the means employed :
the term illustrates the double office of the
CRB'. (3.) The "captain of the Temple"
(^ffrpanjyhs tov Itpov) mentioned by St. Luke
(zzii. 4; Acts ir. 1, y. 24) in connezion with
the priests, was not a military otGcer, but one
who superintended the guard of priests and
Lerites who kept watch by night in the Temple.
The office appears to have existed from an earlj
date ; the " priests that kept the door " (2 K.
zii. 9, XXT. 18) are described by Josephus (Ant.
s. 8, § 5) as robs ^Xiaaorras ri ttfAr iiyt-
Itivas : a notice occurs in 2 Mace. iii. 4 of a
•wpoerinis rov Itpov ; this officer is styled
arpceniyiit by Josephus (^n(. xz. 6, § 2 ; B. J.
vi. 6, § 3), and in the Mishna QMiddoth, i. § 2)
n'3n ^^ Z^tt, " the captain of the mountain of
the Temple ; " his duty, as described in the place
last qnoted, was to visit the posts during the
night, and see that the sentries were doing
their duty. (4.) The term ipx'ryot, rendered
" coptom " (Heb. ii. 10), has no reference what-
ever to a military office. [W. L. B.] [F.]
CAPTIVITIES OP THE JEWa The
bondage of Israel in Egypt, and their subjugation
at different times by the Philistines and other
nations, are sometimes included under the above
title ; and the Jews themselves, perhaps with
reference to Daniel's vision (ch. vii.), reckon
their national captivities as four— the Baby-
lonian, Median, G^^ecian, and Roman (Eisen-
menger, Entdecktet Judenthum, i. 748). But
the present article is confined to the forcible
deportation of the Jews from their native land,
and their forcible detention, under the Assyrian
or Babylonian kings.
The kingdom of Israel was invaded by three
or four successive kings of Assyria. Pul
(generally identified with Tiglath-pileser III.,
Kecorda of the Past, N. S. i. 17; Schrader,
Keilinachr. Bihliothek, ii. 2, d. 1) imposed a tri-
bute in D.C. 771 (ai. 738) upon Menahem (1 Ch.
V. 26 and 2 K. iv. 19); and carried away in
B.a 740 (al. 734) the trans-Jordanic tribes
(1 Ch. T. 26) and the inhabitants of Galilee
(2 E. XT. 29, cp. Is. ix. 1), to Assyria (Schrader,
KB. ii. 25, &C.). Shalmaneser invaded (2 K.
xvii. 3) the kingdom which remained to Hoshea ;
and hU successor, Sargon (cp. Is. xx. 1), after
the siege of Samaria had lasted two years, took
the city (b.c. 722), and carried Israel away into
Assyria (cp. Schrader, KB. ii. 43). The cities
of Samaria were gradually occupied by people
sent from Babylon, Cuthab, Ava, Hamath, and
Sepharvaim, who brought with them the wor-
ship of their own native deities; and Halah,
Habor, Hara, and the river of Gozan became the
seats of the exiled Israelites,
Sennacherib B.C. 701 is stated (see the Taylor-
cylinder, Records of the Past, 0. S. i. pp. 38-9 ;
Schrader, KAT.* pp. 292-3, KB. ii. 81, &c.)
to have carried into Assyria 200,150 captives
itself, minecessary (see note In l^pedktT't Oman., and
Abbot In D. B. Amer. ed.). [¥.]
CAPTIVITIES OF THE JEWS
from the Jewish cities which he took (cp. % K.
xviii. 13). Kebochadnezzar, in the first lull
of his reign, B.C. 606-562, repeatedly inndcd
Judaea, besieged Jerusalem, carried sway the
inhabitants to Babylon, and destroyed the city
and Temple. Two distinct deportatiani ue
mentioned in 2 K. xxiv. 14 (includieg 10,000
persons) and xxv. 11; one in 2Oh.xiiri.20;
three in Jer. Iii. 28, 29, including 4,600 penons,
and one in Dan. L 3. The two prindpsl de-
portations were, (1) that which took pita &c
597, when Jehoiachin with all the nollo,
Koldiera, and artificers were carried amy ; aid
(2) that which followed the destruction k tht
Temple and the capture of Zedekiah B.a 586.
The three which Jeremiah mentions may ban
been the contributions of a particular clan
or district to the general captivity; or tkt;
may have taken place, nnder the orden ii
Nebuchadnezzar, before or after the two prin-
cipal deportations. The captirity of ceitaii
selected children B.C. 607, mentioned by Daiucl,
who was one of them, occurred when Nebuchad-
nezzar was colleague of hia fether Nabopolaast,
a year 1>efore he reigned alone. The csptifitT
of Ezekiel dates from B.C. 598, wkea that
prophet, like Mordecai the uncle of Ettha
(ii. 6), accompanied Jehoiachin.
We know nothing, except by inference &n>
the Book of Tobit, of the religious or social (tau
of the Israelitish exiles in Assyria. Donbtlea
the constant policy of seventeen succesaive kiii|i
had effectually estranged the people from that
religion which centered in the Temple, and had
reduced the number of faithful men belov the
7000 who were revealed for the consolatioo cf
Elijah. Some priests at least were amon; than
(2 K. xvii. 28 ; cp. Edersheim, Biblt Hist. it.
117), though it is not certain that thcie nn
of the tribe of Levi (1 K. xii 31> The people
had been nurtured for 250 years in idolati^ in
their own land, where they departed not (3 i.
xvii. 22) from the sins of Jeroboam, notvith-
standing the proximity of the Temple, and the
succession of inspired prophets (2 K. xvii. 13)
among them. Deprived of these checks on their
natural inclinations (2 K. xvii. 15), ton frra
their native soil, destitute of a hereditary kia^
they probably became more and more cIokIj
assimilated to their heathen neighbours in Medi^
And when, after the lapse of more than acentair,
they were joined B.C. 598 by the first exiles frM
Jerusalem, very few families probably letaiDed
sufficient faith in the God of their &t)ten ti
appreciate and follow the instruction of Eiekiel-
But whether they were many or few, their
genealogies were probably lost, a foson of then
with the Jews took place, Israel ceasing to enn
Jndah (Is. xi. 13) ; and Ezekiel may hare tea
his own symbolical prophecy (xxxvii. li-li)
partly fulfilled.
The captive Jews were probably prostrated «t
first by their great calamity, till the glorioai
vision of Ezekiel in the 5th year of the CapUnir
revived and reunited them. The widwa of
their conqueror were satisfied when he had die-
played his power by transporting them ist'
another land, and gratified bis pnde by in-
scribing on the walls of the royal palace his
victorious progress and the number of hi<
captives. He could not have designed to iiicR»4
the population of Babylon, for he sent Bsht-
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CAPTIVITIES OF THE JEWS
limiaii colonists into Samaria. One political end
certainly was attained — ^the more easy govem-
nent of a people separated from local traditions
and associations (see Gesenins on Is. xxxri. 16,
md cp. Gen. zlvii. 21). It was also a great
sdTantage to the Assyrian king to remove from
tlie Egyptian border of his empire a people who
were notoriously well-affected towuds Egypt.
The captives were treated not as slaves bat as
colonists. There was nothing to hinder a Jew
from rising to the highest eminence in the state
(Dan. ii. 48), or holding the most confidential
office near the person of the king (Neh. i. 11 ;
Tob. i. 13, 22). The advice of Jeremiah (xziz.
b, Ik.) was generally followed. The exiles
iscreased in nnmbers and in wealth. They
observed the Mosaic law (Esth. iii. 8 ; Tob. xiv.
9). They kept np distinctions of rank among
themselves (Ezek. zz. 1), And though the
assertion in the Talmnd is unsupported by proof
that they assigned thus early to one of their
conntrymen the title of Head of the Captivity
(or, captain of the people, 2 £sd. ▼. 16), it U
certain that they at least preserved their
genealogical tables, and were at no loss to tell
who was the rightful heir to David's throne.
They had neither place nor time of national
gathering, no Temple; and they offered no
sacrifice. Bat the rite of circumcision and their
laws respecting food, &c were observed ; their
priests were with them (Jer. xziz. 1); and
poasibly the practice of erecting synagogues in
every city (Acts zv. 21) was begun by the Jews
in the Babylonian Captivity.
The Captivity is not without contemporaneous
literature. In the apocryphal Book of Tobit,
which is generally believed to be a mixture of
poetical fiction with historical facts recorded by
a contemporary, we h^ve a picture of the inner
life of a &mily of the tribe of Naphtali, among
the captives whom Shalmaneser brought to
Nineveh. The apocryphal Book of Baruch seems,
in Sir A.H. Layard's opinion, to have been written
by one whose eyes, like those of Ezekiel, were
familiar with the gigantic forms of Assyrian
tcolpture. Several of the Psalms appear to
express the sentiments of Jews who were either
partakers or witnesses of the Assyrian captivity.
Ewald assigns to this period Pss. zlii., zliii.,
Ixxxiv., zrii., xvi., xUx., xxii., xxv., xxxviii.,
lizxriiL, xl., Ixix., cix., IL, Ixxi., xxv., xxxiv.,
lixxii., xiv., cxx., czxL, cxiiii,, cxxx., cxxxi.
And in Ps. Ixxx. we seem to have the words of
an braelite, dwelling perhaps in Judaea (2 Ch.
XV. 9, xxxi. 6% who had seen the departure of
his conntrymen to Assyria : and in Ps. cxxxvii.
an outpouring of the first intense feelings of a
Jewish exile in Babylon. But it is from the
three great Prophets, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and
Daniel, that we learn most of the condition of
the children of the Captivity. The distant
warnings of Jeremiah, advising and cheering
them, followed them into Assyria. There, for a
few years, they had no prophet guide; till
suddenly the vision of Ezekiel at CnEBAB
assured them that the glory which filled the
Temple at Jerusalem was not hopelessly with-
drawn from the outcast people of God. As
Jeremiah warned them of coming woe, so Ezekiel
taught them how to bear that which was come
upon them. And when he died, after passing at
Inst 27 years (Ezek. xxix. 17) in captivity, Daniel
CAPTIVITIES OF THE JEWS 535
survived, it is thought, even beyond the Return ;
and though his high station and ascetic life
probably secluded him from frequent familiar
intercourse with his people, he filled the place of
chief interpreter of God's will to Israel, and gave ^
the most conspicuous example of devotion and
obedience to His laws.
The Babylonian Captivity was brought to a
close by the decree (Ezra i. 2) of Cyrus B.a 6H6,
and the retom of a portion of the nation nnder
Sheshbazzar or Zerubbabel B,a 535, Ezra B.a
458, and Mehemiah B.C. 445. The number
who returned upon the decree of B.C. 536 was
42,360, besides servants. Among them about
30,000 are specified (cp. Ezra ii. and Neh. vii.)
as belonging to the tribes of Judah, Benjamin,
and Levi It has been inferred (Prideaux,
anno 536) that the remaining 12,000 belonged
to the tribes of Israel (cp. Ezra tL 17). .^d
from the fact that out of the 24 courses of
priests only 4 returned (Ezra ii, 36), it has
been inferred that the whole number of exiles
who chose to continue in Assyria was about
six times the number of those who returned.
Those who remained (Esth. viii. 9, 11), and
kept up their national distinctions, were known
as The Dispersion (John vii. 35; 1 Pet. i. 1;
James i. 1) : and they served a great purpose in
diffusing a knowledge of the true God, and in
affording a point for the commencement of the
efforts of the Evangelists of the Christian futh
(cp. Edersheim, Life, &c. of Jesus, i., chs. i. ii.).
Many attempts have been made to discover
the ten tribes existing as a distinct community.
JosephuB (ilnt. xi. 5, § 2) believed that in his
day they dwelt in large multitudes, somewhere
beyond the Euphrates, in Arsareth, according to
the author of 2 Esd. ziii. 45, Rabbinical tradi-
tions and fables, committed to writing in the
Middle Ages, assert the same fact (Lightfoot,
Hor. HAr. in 1 Cor. xiv. Appendix), with many
marvellous amplifications (Eisenmenger, Ent.
Jud, vol. ii,, ch. x. ; Jahn, Hebrev> Commonvoealth,
App, bk. vi.), liie imagination of Christian
writers has sought them in the neighbourhood
of their last recorded habitation : Jewish features
have been traced in the Affgban tribes : rumonn
are heard to this day of a Jewish colony at the
foot of the Himalayas: the Black Jews of
Malabar claim affinity with them : elaborate
attempts have been made to identify them
recently with the Nestorians, and in the 17th
century with the Indians of North America.
But though history bears no witness of their
present distinct existence, it enables us to track
the footsteps of the departing race in four
directions after the time of the Captivity.
(1.) Some returned and mixed with the Jews
(Luke ii. 36 ; Phil, iii. 5, &c). (2.) Some were
left in Samaria, mingled with the Samaritans
(Ezra vi. 21 ; John iv. 12), and became bitter
enemiea of the Jews. (3,) Many remained in
Assyria, and mizing with the Jews formed
colonies throughout the East, and were recog-
nised as an integral part of the Dispersion (see
Acts ii. 9, xxvi. 7; Buchanan's Christian Re-
searches, p. 212^ for whom, probably ever since
the days of Ezra, that plaintive prayer, the
tenth of the Shemoneh Esre, has been daily
offered, "Sound the great trumpet for our
deliverance, lift up a banner for the gathering
of our exiles, and unite us all together from the
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536
CABABA8I0N
CARCHEMISH
four ends of the earth." (4.) Moat, probabljr,
apostatized in Assyria, as Prideauz (anno 677)
supposes, and adopted the usages and idolatry of
the nations among whom they were planted,
and became wholly swallowed up in them.
Dissertations on the Ten Tribes have been written
by Calmet, Commmtaire Littered, vols. iii. and
vi. ; by Witsias, Aegyptiaca ; by J. D. Michaelis,
and by Neubauer, Jetdah Quarterly Semew, i.
[1888-9].
The Captivity was a period of change in the
vernacular language of the Jews (see Neh. viii.
8) and in the national character. The Jews who
returned were remarkably free from the old sin
of idolatry : a great spiritual renovation, in
accordance with the divine promise (Ezelc. xxxri.
24-28), was wrought in them. A new and deep
feeling of reverence for the letter of the Law and
for the person of Moses was probably a result of
the religious service which was performed in
the synagogues. A new impulse of commercial
enterprise and activity was implanted in them,
and developed in the days of the Dispersion (see
James iv. 13). [W. T. B.] [F.]
OABABA'SION (6. KofafiaatiAi), A.-iwy;
Mcarimothy, a corrupt name (1 Esd. iz. 34) to
which it is difficult to find anything corresponding
in the Hebrew text of £i-2a x. 33, &c. The con-
jecture that it may be a rendering of the Vat.
text Kol 'Pa0aviiy is not sopported by the true
reading of that text. [F.]
CABBUKCLE:. The representative in the
A. y. of the Hebrew words eiddch and bar'kath
or bdreketh.
1. 'Ekddch (n^i?{J ; Klios KpiaraXKov ; XiBos
yKv^t, Sym., Theod. ; X. TptfuranaiLav, Aq. ;
lapidea aculpti) occurs only in Is. liv. 12 in the
description of the beanties of the new Jerusalem :
"I will make thy windows of agates [R. V.
" thy pinnacles of rubies "J and thy gates of
carbandes " (cp. Tob. xiii. 16, 17, and Rev. zxi.
18-21) — ^"general images," as Lowth {Notes
on la. 1. c.) has remarked, "to express beauty,
magnificence, purity, strength, and solidity,
agreeably to the ideas of the Eastern nations."
The translators of the A. V., having in mind
the etymology of the Hebrew word,* render it
" carbuncle ; but as many precious stones have
the quality of " shining like fire," it is obvious
that such an interpretation is very doubtful.
Symmachns, referring the word to a Ohaldee
signification of the root, viz. " to bore," under-
stands " sculptured stones," whence the Vulg.
lapidea aculpti (see Rosenmiiller, Schol. ad Jea.
liv. 13). Perhaps the term may be a general
one to denote any bright aparkting gem ; but as it
occurs only once, without any collateral evidence
to aid us, it is impossible to determine the real
meaning of the word.
2. Bar'kath, b&reketh (ni?'!^. nRl?;* o-jbJ-
fxrySot, Ktpttinot, Sym. ; smaragdua), the third
stone in the first row of the sacerdotal breast-
plate (Ex. xxviii. 17 ; xxxix. 10), also one of the
• From rnp. "to bum." Cp. the Arabic »iJ>J,
" eztnndere Instltnlt Ignem ex Igniario " (Freytag, Lex.
Arab. ». v.).
» From p-ia , •• to send forth lightning," •' to flash."
mineraltreasuresof the king of TTre(E2ek.uTiii.
13). Braun (de Vestit. Sacerd. HA p. 652,
Amst. 1680) supposes with much pnbtbililr
that the smaragdus or emerald is the prraoos
stone signified. This view is supported by the
LXX. (which always gives ajiifttnfin a tht
representative of the bar'kath), the Talgtte,
and Josephns (An*, iii. 7, § 5). Pliny (jtrrii.
.5) speaks in terms of the warmest admin-
tion of the smaragdus, and enumerates tvelre
kinds, but it is probable that some of then are
malachites or glass. It is certain that the
smaragdus which, according to Theophnitos
(Fr. ii. 24, ed. Schneider), was sent as a present
from the king of Babylon into E^t, tiid
which, as Egyptian chronicles relate, was few
cubits long by three wide, must hare been made
of some other material than emerald ; bnt t\ti-
paySoa is nsed by Theophrastos to denote tlie
emerald. "Thia gem," he says, " is very me
and of a small size ... It has some pecvbai
properties, for it renders water of the same
colonr with itself. ... It soothes the eyes, ud
people wear seals of this stone in order tint
they may look at them."* Mr. Kin; (jW^
Oema, p. 30) is of opinion that the smaitgiK d
Pliny may be confined to the green ruby ai
the true emerald. Breon believes that the
Greek aiiipaySos, nipaySot is etrmoloptally
allied to the Hebrew term, and Kalisch (on Ei.
xxviii. 17) is inclined to this opinion: see ala
Gesenius, Heb. et Ch. Lex. s. v. npTS. S«af,
however, believe the Greek word to be a ooirsp-
tion of the Sanskrit tmaraiaia, and that botl
the gem and its luune were imported free
Bactria into Europe, while others hold that tbt
Sanskrit term came from the West. See Sir.
King's valuable remarks on the Smarag^Ui
Antique Gems, pp. 30-37. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
CAR'CAS (0313 ; Charchat. Inthepto
of this name T.'' reads eopajSf, M* Mip^
the seventh of the seven " chamberlafais " (^
eunuchs, 0*0**11^) of king Ahasneras (Eitb. >■
10). The name has been compared with the Pas.
Kargaa or Zend Kahrkdfa = aetxre (Ges. IV).
p. 713) or vulture (MV.» a. n.) ; but its ety-
mology is quite a matter of conjecture. [G.] [T.j
CAR'CHAMIS, 1 Esd. i. 25, A. V. ed. 1«11
(B. Xapxanis, A. KoKxafiit; Charcams), ta^
on the Euphrates. [Cabcuekdh.] [f-.
CAECHEMISH(B''P3"I3 ; C»<ifaniu»> Tie
site of Carchemish, the ancient capital o' t^
Hittites, has been placed aometimes at Cii-
cesium, sometimes at Mabng or Membij, »'
by NBldeke near Kal'at Nejm. By the helf '*
the Assyrian inscriptions, however, Messrs. Ska<
and George Smith were enabled to ideotiff «
with the ruins of JerablOs or Hierapolis (aSki
Jerabts by Pococke and Sachau, and identiwi
with Enropus or Oropus by Hofljnann), »■"«"
lie on the western bank of the EnphnU^
between Birejik or Bir — ^the Birto, " fnrtRO.
of the Assyrian monuments — and the janct-i'
of the Sajur and Euphrates. EicavatioM <«
• The smaragdus of Cypn«t bowerer. ttvikhT^^
pbrastus speaks, is the copper emenld, Cli^lK""-
which be seems himself to have suspected.
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CABEAH
tie site htm brought to light Hittite iculp-
tunt and inscriptiona, some of which are now
io the British Hnxeuin. Carchemish wu called
Gargamii bj the ABsyrians, Karkamesh by the
E^ptiani, while Stephanos Byzantinos states
tkst Oropos Cflfxnrot) was originally named
Telmessus. It commanded the most important
(ml across the Euphrates on the high-road
from Mesopotamia into Syria, and was there-
fort strongly fortified by the Hittite tribes
vfaen they descended from the highlands of
Cippadocia and occupied part of the territory
of the Semitic Arameans. Like Kadesh on the
Orestes, the eonthem Hittite capital, Carchemish
ilio took part in the wars with Egypt in the
time of the 18th and 19th dynasties. In B.c.
1130 the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser I. wasted
the cotmtry up to the walls of Carchemish, and
killed the reem or wild ox in the district facing
it CD the eastern bank of the Euphrates. Assur-
astnr-pal received tribute from Sangara, the
king of Carchemish, who, after unsuccessfully
contending with Shalmaneaer II. in B.C. 858,
purchased peace by the offer of one-third of a
goU talent, one and a sixth talent of silver, 30
tdents of bronze, 100 talents of iron, 20 talents
of white and purple cloth, 5 thrones, 500 oxen,
5000 sheep, and the daughters of himself and
lOO of his nobles. The Assyrian king further
imposed a yearly tribute of a maneh of gold, a
talent of silver and 2 talents of white and parple
cloth, and occupied Pethor, a few miles south of
Carchemish, on the eastern bank of the Sajur,
vhere it falls into the Euphrates. Carchemish
was taken by Sargon in B.C. 717, and its last
king, Pisiris, put to death. Henceforth it became
the seat of an Assyrian satrap, and its position
on the great caravan road gave it so important
a commercial influence as to cause " the maneh
of Carchemish " to become a standard weight.
Like Kadesh, Carchemish was regarded as a
sacred city on account of the temple of the
Asiatic goddess [see Ataboatib] which stood io
it. In the Greek period both the temple and
the traditions connected with it were transferred
to Bambyke or Habog, now MemUj, which
henceforth was known as Hierapolis. Membij,
however, had no existence in the Assyrian epoch.
After the Roman age the site of Carchemish was
deserted. The meaning of the name is unknown.
Carchemish is only twice mentioned in the Bible
(2 Ch. XXIV. 20 [LXX. om.] ; Jer. xlvi. 2 (T.'
Xfiuls]), on the occasion of the battle which
took place under its walls between Mebuchad-
neszar and Pharaoh Necho (B.C. 605) and which
decided the fate of Western Asia. [A. H. S.]
CABE'AH (1^"^^ = bald-head; BA. Kafifi;
Carte), father of johanan (2 K. ixv. 23), else-
where in the A.V. spelt Kabeah. [G.]
CA'BIA (Kapia), the southern part of the
legion which in the N. T. is called Asia, and
the south-western part of the peninsula of Asia
Minor. In the Roman times the name of Caria
was probably less used than previously. At an
earlier perioid we find it mentioned as a separate
district (1 Mace. xv. 23). At that time (B.C. 139)
it was in the enjoyment of the privilege of free-
dom, granted by the Romans. A little before
it had been assigned by them to Rhodes, and a
little later it was inco^rated in the province
CARMEL
537
of Asia. From the context it appears that many
Jews were resident in Caria. The cities where
they lived were probably Halicamassus (i6.),
Cnidus (ib. ; cp. Acts xxvii. 7), and Miletus
(Acts' XX. 15-38). Off the coast of Caria were
the islands PatmOB, 003, RHODES (Diet, of Or.
and Horn. Oeog., art. Cabia). [J. S. H.]
CAEMA'NIANS iCarmonii). The inhabit-
ants of Carmania [A'innan], a province of Asia
on the north side of the Persian Gulf, to the
west of Gedrosia (2 Esd. xv. 30). They are
described by Strabo (xv. p. 727) as a warlike
race, worshipping Ares alone of all the gods, to
whom they sacrifice an ass. None of them
married till he had cut off the head of an enemy
and presented it to the king, who placed it on
his palace, having first cut out the tongue,
which was chopped up into small pieces and
mixed with meal ; and in this condition, after
being tasted by the king, was given to the
warrior who brought it and to his family to eat.
Nearchns says that most of the customs of the
Carmanians, and their language, were Persian
and Median. Arrian gives the same testimony
{Ind. 38), adding that they used the same order
of battle as the Persians. The events obscurely
shadowed forth in 2 Esd. are thought to have
been the conquests of the Sassanidae and their
conflicts with the Roman generals (see Speaker'a
Cfemm. in loco). [G.] [F.]
CABIfE (B. XapM ; Caree), 1 Esd. v. 25.
[Habim.] [G.]
CAB'MEIi. Nearly always with the definite
article, ^!9"Qi1, ».«. " the park," or " the well-
wooded place." 1. (4 Kapii'fiXot ; Carmel, Car-
melua, Channel. In Kings, generally "Mount
C." '3n "IH; ilpot rb Kap/i^Aiov: in the Pro-
phets, "Carmel.") A mountain which forms
one of the most striking and characteristic fea-
tures of the country of Palestine. As if to
accentuate more distinctly the bay which forms
the one indentation in the coast, this noble ridge,
the only headland of lower and central Palestine,
forms its southern boundary running out with
a bold bluff promontory all but into the very
waves of the Mediterranean. From this point
it stretches in a nearly straight line, bearing
about S.E., for a little more than twelve miles,
when it terminates suddenly by a bluff somewhat
corresponding to its western end, breaking down
abruptly into the hills of Jenin and Samaria
which form at that part the central mass of the
country.
Carmel thus stands as a wall between the
maritime plain of Sharon on the south-west, and
the more inland expanse of Esdraelon on the
north-east. Towards the former the slopes or
spurs, by which the central ridge descends, are
gradual ; but on the north side the gradients
are more sudden, io many places descending
almost by precipices to the Kishon, which runs
at the foot of the mountain in a direction
generally par^lel to the central axis.
The mountain is formed of hard grey limestone,
belonging to the chalk series, with nodules and
veins of flint. As usual in limestone formations
it abounds in caves ("more than 2000," Mislin, ii.
46), often of great length and extremely tor-
tuous. At the west end are found chalk and
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538
CARMEL
tertiary breccia formed of fVagments of chalk
and fliDt (Rnstegger, in Ritter, Pal. p. 712 ; there
are also beds of nummulitic limestone). On the
north-east of the mount, beyond the Nahr el-
MuJeutt'a, plutonic rocks appear, breaking through
the deposited strata and forming the beginning
of the basalt formation which runs through the
Plain of Esdraelon to Tabor and the Sea of
Galilee (Ritter, pp. 712-13). The round stones,
known by the names of " Lapides Judaici " and
" Elijah's melons," are the bodies known to
geologists as " geodes." Their exterior is chert
or flint of a lightish brown colour ; the interior
hollow, and lined with crystals of quartz or
chalcedony. They are of the form, and often
the size, of the large water-melons of the East.
Formerly they were easily obtained, but are now
very rarely found (Seetzen,ii. 131-4; Parkinson's
Organic Semaaa, i. 322, 451). The "olives"
CABUEL
are commoner. They are the fossil spines of a
kind of echinuj {Cidaris glandifera) frequent m
these strata, and in size and shape are eiactlr
like the fruit (Parkinson, iii. 45). The "apples*
are probably the shells of the cidaris itself. For
the legend of the origin of these " fruits," ami
the position of the "field" or "garden "of
Elijah in which they are found, see Hislia, ii
64-5.*
In form Cannel is a tolerably continiou
ridge, at the W. end about 470 > feet and the £.
about 1600 feet aboT« the sea. The highest
part is some four miles from the east end, it
the Tillage of 'Etfia, which is 1742 feet ibuTe
the sea. In appearance Carmel still maintains
the character which there is no reason to doabt
was the origin of its name. It is (till clotli«l
with the same " excellency " of " wood," wkidi
supplied the prophets of Israel and Judah tlike
Mount Caimel. (Krom ■ pholofniph.)
with one of their most favourite illustrations
(Is. iixiii. 9 ; Mic. vii. 14), Modem travellers
delight to describe its "rocky dells with deep
jnngles of copse" — its "shrubberies thicker
than any others in central Palestine " (Stanley,
MS.)— its " impenetrable brushwood of oaks
and other evergreens, tenanted in the wilder
parts by a profusion of game and wild animals "
(Porter, Handh.), but in other places bright with
"hollyhocks, jasmine, and various flowering
creepers" (Van de Velde). "There is not a
flower," says the last-named traveller, " that I
have seen in Galilee, or on the plains along the
coast, that I do not find here on Carmel . . .
still the fragrant, lovelv mountain that it was
of old " (i. 317-8). "the whole mountain side
was dressed with blossoms and flowering shrubs
and fragrant herbs" (Martinean, p. 539). See
also Schubert (fieiae i. d, Md. iii. 212), and
C!onder (_Tmt Work in Pal. i. ch. 6, especisIlT
pp. 172, 179). The roebuck is mentioned(p. 173)
amongst the animals found on CarmeL
Carmel fell within the lot of the trib< of
Asher (Josh. xix. 26), which was extended ••
far south as Dor {Tantura), probably to girt
the Aaherites a share of the rich com-grovii;
plain of Sharon. The king of "Jokneam of
Carmel" was one of the Canaanite chiefs vko
fell before the arms of Joshua (xii. 22). Thea
are the earliest notices which we possess of the
name. There is not in them ■ hint of say
sanctity as attaching to the monnL Bat
* The legend is sometimes told of LAzams (Sceott,
Btitm, 18M, 11. 134).
>> The cupola of the convent Is US ft. abon On mt-
For the geneial tbnn of the ridge, sea FSF. Utf <i
Western Palestine, sheet V.
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CABMEL
taking into account the known propensity of
the early inhabitanti of Palestine to convert
"high places" into sanctuaries — tlie prominence
«f Cannel — the fact tiiat an altar of Jehorali
did eiijt there before the introduction of Baal
WOTship into the kingdom (1 K. xriii. 30) —
Elijah's choice of the place for the assembly of
the people, such aitemblies being commonly
held at holy places — and the custom, which
appein to have been prevalent, of resorting
thither on new-moon and sabbath (2 K. iv. 23)
—taking these into account, there seem to be
gnnnds for believing that from very early
times it was considered as a sacred spot. In
liter times we know that its repntation was not
confined to Palestine. Pythagoras was led to it
1} that reputation ; such is the express state-
ment of his biographer lamblichus, who himself
tisited the mountain; Vespasian too came
thither to consult — (o we are told by Tacitus
«ith that mixture of fact and fable which
niirki all the heathen notices of Palestine — ^the
oracle of the god whose name was the same as
that of the mountain itself; an oracle without
image or temple — " ara tantum et reverentia "
(Did o/iUc Oeogr., « Carmelns ").
Bat that which has made the name of Carmel
most &miliar to the modem world is its
intimate connexion with the history of the two
great prophets of Israel — Elijah and Elisha.
The fiery zeal of the one, the healing tenderness
of the other, are both inseparably connected in
our minds with this mountain. Here Elijah
bronght back Israel to allegiance to Jehovah,
and dew the prophets of the foreign and false
god; here- at his entreaty were consumed the
nocenive "6ftie8" of the royal guard; but
here, on the other hand, Elisha received the
nait of the bereaved mother whose son he was
uon to restore to her arms (2 K. iv. 25, &c).
The first of these three events, without
doubt, took place at the eastern end of the
ridge. In fact it is difficult to find another
site, the actual name of which has not been
preaerrtd, in which every particular is so
minnUly fulfilled as in this. The tradition
preserved in the convent, and among the Druses
of the neighbouring villages — ^the names of the
places — the distance from Jezreel — the nature
of the locality — the presence of the never-failing
spring — all are in its favour. The identification
vas made by two travellers almost at the same
time— Van de Telde in 1852, and Dean SUnley
in 1853. This interesting site cannot fa«
better described than in the words of the
latter traveller : —
"The tradition is unusually trustworthy:
tt is perhaps the only case in Palestine in
which the recollection of an alleged event has
l>een actually retained in the native Arabic
nomenclature. Many names of towns have been
<o preserved, bnt here is no town, only a
shapeless ruin, yet the spot has a name— £/-
ihiarrakah — 'the burning,' or 'the sacrifice.'
Hie Druses come here from a distance to per-
form a yearly sacrifice; and, though it is
possible that this practice may have originated
the lame, it is more probable that the practice
itself arose f^rom an earlier tradition. . . . Bnt
Ix the tradition good or bad, the localities
xlapt themselves to the event m almost every
particular. The commit thn« marked out is
CABMEL
539
the extreme eastern point of the range, com-
manding the last view of the sea behind, and
the first view of the great plain in front. . . .
There on the highest ridge of the mountain
may well have stood on its sacred ' high-place '
the altar of Jehovah which Jezebel had cast
down. Close beneath, on a wide upland sweep,
under the shade of ancient olives and round a
well* of water, said to be perennial, and which
may therefore hare escaped the general drought,
and have been able to furnish water for the
trenches round the altar, must have been
ranged on one side the king and people with
the 850 prophets of Baal and Astarte, and on
the other the solitary and commanding figure
of the prophet of Jehovah. Full before them
opened the whole plain of Esdraelon; the city
of Jezreel, with Ahab's palace and Jezebel's
temple, distinctly visible: in the nearer fore-
ground, immediately under the base of the
mountain, was clearly seen the winding bed of
the Kisfaon." To this may be added that a
knoll is pointed out between the ridge and the
plain, bearing the name of Tell Katii,* " the hill
of the Priests," and that the modern name of
the Kishon is Nahr et-Jfviutta', "the river
of slaughter." " The closing scene still remains.
From the slaughter by the side of the Kishon
the king went up to the glades of Carmel to
join in the sacrificial feast. And Elijah too
ascended to the ' top of the mountain,' and there
with his face on the earth remained rapt in
prayer, while his servant mounted to the
highest point of all, whence there is a wide
view of- the blue reach of the Mediterranean,
over the western shoulder of the ridge. , . .
Seven times the servant climbed and looked,
and seven times there was nothing. ... At
last out of the iar horizon there rose a little
cloud,* and it grew in the deepening shades of
evening till the whole sky was overcast, and
the forests of Cannel shook in the welcome
sound of the mighty winds, which in eastern
regions precede a coming tempest " (Sinai and
Palettate, pp. 353-.«. See also Conder, Tent
Work in Pal. i. 169-71).
There is good reason to believe that a later
incident in the life of the same great prophet
took place on Carmel. This was when he
"caused fire to come down from heaven" and
consume the two " fifties " of the guard which
Ahaziah had despatched to take him prisoner,
for having stopped his messengers to Baalzebub
the god of Ekron (2 K. i. 9-15). [See Eluah.]
In this narrative our Version, as is too fre-
quently the case, conceals the force of the
original by imperfect tmnslation. " A hill "
(e. 9, R. V.) should be "the hill" (inn), the
word always nsed for Carmel, and, in connexion
with Elijah, for Carmel only, with the excep-
tion of Sinai, which of course cannot be intended
here. Josepbns {Ant. ix. 2, § 1), with equal
force, has M rrit Kofu^s roS ifovt.
' Josepbus distinctly says (bat the water was ob-
tained from the neighbouring well: imh t^c «p4>^
(Ant. viU. 13, i S).
' Bnt tUs knoll appears to be too for off {PKF.
Hap of Western Pal., sheet v.).
• This cloud is treated in the formularies of the
Roman Catholic Church as a tjrpe of the Virgin Mary
(see HisUo, U. p. 48, and Breviarixan Rom. J uly 16).
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540
CARMEL
The tradition in the present convent is, that
Elijah and Elislia both resided on the mountain,
and a cave is actually shown under the high
altar of the church as that of Elijah. There is
nothing in the Scripture to sanction such a
statement with regard to Elijah ; but in the
case of Elisha, the tradition majr rest on better
grounds. After the ascent of Elijah, EUsha
went to Mount Carmel (2 K. ii. 23X though
only for a time ; but he was again there at the
Shunammite's visit (iv. 25), and that at a time
when no festival, uo " new moon or sabbath "
(c, 23), required his presence.
This is the last mention of Carmel as the
scene of any event in the sacred history. Its
sanctity no doubt remained, but it is its richness
and its ptominence — " Tabor among the moun-
tains; Carmel by the sea" — which appear to
have taken hold of the poets of the nation, both
of Israel and Judah, and their references to it
are frequent and characteristic (Cant. vii. 5 ;
Is. iiiv. 2, iixvii. 24; Jer. ilvi. 18, 1. 19;
Amos i. 2, ix. 3 ; Mic. vii. 14 ; Nah. i. 4).'
Carmel has derived its modem name from
the great prophet; Mar Etyaa is the common
designation, KSrmut being occasionally, but only
seldom, heard. It is also the usual name of the
convent, though dedicated "in honorem BB.
Virginis Mariae."
Dean Stanley has pointed ont {S. and P.
p. 352) that it is not any connexion with Elijah
that gives the convent its interest to the western
world, but the celebrated order of the Bare-
footed Carmelite Friars, that has sprung irom
it, and carried its name into Europe. The
order is said in the traditions of the Latin
Church to have originated with Elijah himself
(St. John of Jems, quoted in MisUn, ii. 49), but
the convent was founded by St. Louis, and its
French origin is still shown by the practice of
unfurling the French flag on various occasions.
Edward I. of England was a brother of the
order, and one of its most famous generals was
Simon Stocks of Kent (see the extracts in
Wilson's Landt, &c, ii. 246. For the convent and
the singular legends connecting Mount Carmel
with the Virgin Mary and our Lord, see Mislin,
ii. 47-50). By Napoleon it was need as a
hospital during the siege of Acre, and ailer his
retreat was destroyed by the Arabs. At the
time of the visit of Irby and Mangles (1817)
only one friar remained there (Irby, p. 60), in
1883 there were 18 (Wetzer u. Welte, Kirch.
Lex.* s. n.).
2. Xtpn-iK in Josh. ; rh Kip/iiiKov in Sam. ;
Channel, Carmeliis. A town ia the mountainous
country of Judah (Josh. xv. 55), familiar to us
as the residence of Nabal (1 Sam. xxv. 2, 5, 7,
40), and the native place of David's favourite
wife, " Abigail the Carmelitess " (1 Sam. xxvii.
3; 1 Ch. iii. 1). This was doubtless the
Carmel at which Saul set up a "place" (*1\
i,e. a monument or trophy, literally a " hand ; "
cp. 2 Sam. xviii. 18, where the same word is
used) after his victory over Amaiek (1 Sam.
XV. 12). And this Carmel, and not the northern
mount, must have been the spot at which king
Uzziah had his vineyards (2 Ch. xxvi. 10). In
' In Is. xvl. 10, the word rishtly rendered In the A. V.
as an appcIl»Uvc, •• plentiful (R. V. " frnltftil ") field,"
is In the Vulgate dc Carmdo ; see Jerome, Com. ad loc.
CAENAM
the time of Eusebius and Jerome it wu the
seat of a Roman garrison {OS.' pp. 144, 31 ;
271, 76). The place appears in the van of the
Crusades, having been held by king Amalrich
against Saladin in 1172. The rains of the town,
now KwmuU, still remain at ten miles below
Hebron in a slightly S.E. direction, close to
those of Main (Maon), Zif (Zipb), sad other
places named with Carmel in Josh. it. 55.
They are described both by Robinson (L 494-8)
and by Van de Velde (ii. 77-79), and sppesr to
be of great extent. Conspicuous among them
is a castle of great strength, in the wills of
which is still to be seen massive muony
of ancient date. There is also a very 6i» nd
large reservoir. This is mentioned in the
account of king Amalrich's occupation of the
place, and now gives the castle its name of
East el-Birkeh (Van de Velde, ii. 78; PEF.
Mem, iii. 312, 372). [G.] [W.]
CAR'MEUTE C^"73 : B. Kandihu [a
1 Sam. XXX. 5, 2 Sam.' ii 2, xxiii. 33; ^afiia-
Sai in 1 Ch. li. 37]; A. KoffiriXlnitia'iStm.
ii. 2, Kapiai^l in 1 Ch. xi. 37, -lor in 1 Stm.
XXX. 5, 2 Sam. xxiii. 35 : Carmtli, de Carn^
Carmelites). A native of Carmel in the moia-
tains of Judah. The term is applied to Nahal
(1 Sam. XXX. 5 ; 2 Sam. u. 2, iu. 3) «iid to
Hezrai, or Hezro, one of David's gnatd (2 Sua.
xxiii. 35 ; 1 Ch. xi. 37). In 2 Sam. ULSti*
IXX. must have read n»fe*13, "(inneUtM."
'' '" [W.AW]
CAE'MEUTESS (n'^T?; tiaffiilM,
KapftfiXia ; Carmeli, Carmditiij. A womu »f
Carmel in Judah : used only of Abigsil, tlw
favourite wife of David (1 Sam. xini. 3;
1 Ch. iii. 1). In the former passage both ISi-
and Vulg. appear to have read 'TP'IS, ''Cl^
mclite." t*.'*. W.]
CABlia CPna, Ges. = a mne-4re$)cr; A.
XapiJ, B. -net ; dharmi). 1. A man of thelrih*
of Judah, father of Acham, the " tronbler rf
brael " (Josh. vii. 1, 18 [BA. cm.]; 1 Ch. iiTX
according to the first two passages the «» of
Zabdi or Zimri. [Zabdl] In 1 Ch. iv. I tit
name is given as that of a "son of Jad»h;''B«t
the same person Is probably intended; becsoK
(1) no son of Judah of that name is elie»i««
mentioned ; and (2) because, out of the tm
names who in this passage are said to b« "»»"
of Judah, none but Pharez are strictly in <1*
relation to him. Hezron is the second geo^'*'
tion, Hnr the fourth, and Shobal the sixth.
2. B. Xapiifl, A. -fu ; Ckarmi. The fo«rU
son of Reuben, progenitor of the Junily of ts!
Carmites Cpnari: Gen. xlvi. 9; Ex. vi. 14;
Num. iivi. 6 ; ich. v. 3). [G.] [*0
CAE-MTTES, THE OP"!??! A. i X««^
B. » Xapiul ; Charmitae). A branch of the
tribe of Reuben, descended from CaB« 3
(Num. xxvi. 6). [W.AW.J
CARNATM (T.' KapFof», A. Ke^wfr; •*•
in 1 Maoc. v. 26, KapnuS; Camdin), s l»g<
and fortified city in the country east of JoN»J
— " the land of Galaad ; " containing a " temple
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CAENION
(t^ Tt/uyot iy K.). It was besieged and taken
br Jadu Haccabaeui (1 Mace. r. 26, 43, 44).
The place is called Cabniok (rh Kapvlor) in
2 Mace xii. 21, 26, and the temple the Atar-
CATEIOS (ri 'ATOpyaTjioc). It is identified
with Ashteboth-Kabmaui. [G.] [W.]
CABNI'ON. [Carnaim.]
CAEPENTEB. [Handiceaft.]
CAB'PUS (Kdfnros), a Christian at Troas,
with whom St. Paul states that he left a cloak,
books, and parchments (2 Tim. iv. 13); on
which of his journeys it is uncertain, bnt
probably in passing through Asia Minor after
hit first captivity, for the last time before bis
martyrdom at Rome. Nothing certain is known
of him. According to Hippolytus, Carpus was
bishop of Berytus in Thrace, called Berrhoea in
the ^fnopsis d« Vita et Mortt Prophetarum,
which passes under the name of Oorothens of
Tyre. [E. R. B.]
GABBIAOE. This word occurs eleven
times, twice in the margin and the remainder in
the text of the A. V., and it mar be useful to
Rmind the reader that in none of these does it
bear its modem sense, but signifies what we now
all " baggage." The Hebrew words so rendered
ir« three. 1. ^3, c'le, generally translated
"rtiff " or " Tesseia." It U like the Greek word
mSot; and in its numerous applications per-
haps answers most nearly to the English word
"things." This word, rendered "carriage"
(B. V. " baggage "), occurs in 1 Sam. xvii. 22 —
"Darid left his 'baggage ' in the hands of the
keeper of the • baggage ; ' " also Is. x. 28—" At
Uichmash he hath left his < baggage.' "
2. iTJ^aa, Cdmdah, "heavy matters" (R. V.
" goods "X Jodg. xriii. 21 only, though perhaps
the word may bear a signification of " precious-
ness," which is sometimes attached to the root,
and may allude to the newly acquired treasures
of the Danitea (LXX. A. riir icrijirtr riir
Motor).
3. The word rendered " carriages " in Is. xlvi.
1 ihoold, it would appear (Ges. Thes. 917 6;
Jtuia, u. 101), be " your burdens " (B. V. " the
thmgs that ye carried abont ").
4. Is the N. T., Acts iii. 15, " we took up
our carnages " is the rendering of drurxtviurd-
/urot, and here also the meaning is simply, as in
K. T., " baggage " (Jer. praeparati).
5. But in the margin of 1 Sam. xvii, 20, and
xxri. 5, 7 — and there only — " carriage " is em-
ployed in the sense of a wagon or cart; the
"place of the carriage " answering to " trench "
in the text. The R. V. translates "place of
the wagons," and in marg. barricade. The
Hebrew word is 7lV0, from H?!}?, a wagon,
asd the allusion is to the circle of wagons
which surrounded the encampment (Ges. Thea.
989).
6. In Judith ii. 17 and iii. 10, the original
word is latafrla, ie. the effects or baggage of
the armv.
7. In 1 Mace. ix. 35, 39, it is larotrKtiti, else-
where rendered " stuff" and " baggage."
For carriage* in the modem sense, see Cabt ;
Chawot. [G.] [W.]
CABT 541
CABT (n?31? ; ifuiia ; plauatrum ; also ren-
dered " wagon," Gen. xlv. 19, 27 ; Num. vii. 3,
7, 8 : from 731?, to roll, Ges.), a vehicle drawn
by cattle (2 Sam. vi. 6), to be distinguished
from the chariot drawn by horses [Chariot.]
Carts and wagons were either open or covered
(Num. vii. 3), and were used for conveyance
of persons (Gen. xlv. 19), burdens (1 Sam. vi.
7, 8), or produce (Amos ii. 13). At the present
time very few roads exist in Syria and Palestine
and the neighbouring countries, and wheel-
carriages for any purpose except conveyance of
agricultural produce are all but unknown ;
and though modem usage has introduced Eu-
ropean carriages drawn by horses into Egypt;
they were unknown there also in times com-
paratively recent (Stanley, S. and P. p. 135;
Porter, Demtasaa, i. 339 ; Lynch, Narrative,
pp. 75, 84; Niebnhr, Voyage, i. 123; Layard,
Aim. ii. 75 ; Mrs. Poole, Engliahwoman in Egypt,
2nd series, p. 77). The only cart used in Western
Asia has two wheels of solid wood (Olearius,
Ihtvelt, 418; Sir E. Porter, Travels, ii. 633).
BffTpUan mrt with two wbesli, (WUklmaD.)
For the machine used for threshing in Egypt
and Syria, see TuREsaiNO. But in the monu-
IS)'pU*D aai wIUi fcnr wbwU. (WllUoKm.)
ments of ancient Egypt representations are
found of carts with two wheels, having fbur or
Aflyilan mrt ilrawi by oien. (fAywrd.)
six spokes, used for carrying produce, and of one
used for religious purposes having four wheels
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542
CAKVING
with eight spokes. A bas-relief at Nineveh
represents a cart having two wheels with eight
spokes, drawn by oxen, conveying female cap-
tives ; and others represent carta captured from
enemies with captives, and also some nsed in
carrying timber and other articles (Layard, Nin.
ii. 396; Xin. 4 Bab. pp. 134, 447, 583; Ifon.
of Bab. pt. ii. pU. 12, 17). Fonr-wheeled car-
riages are said by Pliny (iV. ff. vii. 56) to have
been invented by the Phrygians (Wilkinson
Anc. Riypt. i. 384, 385; ii. 39, 47 [1878])
The cart used in India for conveying goods,
Modern Indljui cart.
called Suggnr or Hackeri, has two wheels, in
the former case of solid wood, in the latter with
spokes. They are drawn by oxen harnessed to a
pole (Capper, India, pp. 346, 352). [H. W. P.]
CARVmO. 1. nC^pP, caned aork m relief,
from ihpttocane; in pi. rfr^pD, carved figures.
2. ncnf}, from Bnn, to carrie=xafia<iu. 3.
nijItlD, participle in Pual of (iljjn not nsed) p^n>
to ciii, delineate : engraved, or cartwd (teork), 1 K.
vi. 35. 4. n^FlB, carved work, from nriB, toopen,
applied to metal, 1 K. vii. 36 ; to gems, Ex.
xxviii. 9, 36 j to wood, Ps. Ixxiv. 6 ; to stone,
Zech. iii. 9 ; y\v^, yX^/jLua, iyKoXawriy ;
caelaiura.
The arts of carving and engraving were much
in request in the construction both of the Taber-
nacle and the Temple (Ex. xxxi. 2, 5, xxiv. 33 ;
1 K. vi. 18, 35; Ps. Ixxiv. 6X as well as in the
ornamentation of the priestly dresses (Ex. xxviii.
9-36; Zech. iii. 9» 2 Ch. ii. 6, 14). In Solo-
mon's time Huram the Phoenician had the chief
care of this as of the larger architectural
works. [H. W. P.]
CASEMENT. [Lattice.]
CASIPHIA (K*BP3 ; i» ipyvplif rov rirou
[2 Esd.] ; Chaapia), a place of unknown site not
far from Ahava, on the road between Babylon
and Jerusalem (Ezra viii. 17). Neither the
Caspiae Pylae nor the city JTostcin, with which
some writers have attempted to identify it, are
situated upon this route (Ges. ITiet. 703). [F.]
CAS'LEU (XturcAcv; Ca$leu), 1 Mace i. 54;
iv. 52, 59 ; — 2 Mace. i. 9, 18 ; x. 5. [Cuisled ;
Months.]
CA8'LUHIM(D»n^03; A. Xmriturutit, E.
Xa\a<(/t ; Chasluim'), Gen. x. 14, a Mizraite tribe
CASSIA
mentioned as the source geographically ef tke
Philistines, who are elsewhere called emigrutt
from Caphtor. No satisfactory identification
has yet been found for this name, whidi hst
not been discovered in the hieroglyphic iiiKii|k
tions. The names of Corals Mons and CaaiMt
may have preserved the first syllable of the
word. The Caslnhim would then hare been
settled along the coast of Lake Serbonis, between
Pelusiom and Rhinocorura (El Areesh) Tl>e
meaning of the name of Casluhim seems to lute
been quite forgotten at the time of the LXX. The
word Xo^/umd/i has been compared by D»n
{Aegypten void die Bicher Jfoses, p. 120 k}.) to
the Egyptian hevnen, which means "islt," or
rat W " nitre," and would that indicate i popu-
lation dealing in salt and living on salt fish.
But it is hardly possible to admit this eipissi-
tion, which is not in accordance with th< geo-
graphical character of the Noachian list. [£. N.]
CASTHON (T.' Xar^, A. XatrfM; Co-
ion), 1 Mace v. 36. [Casphok.]
CA8TH0R (T.' Xacr<t><ip, A. Kiar^ It
Kotr^ ; Cdsphor), one of the fortified dtia io
the " land of Galaad " (1 Mace v. 26), m whid
the Jews took refuge from the Ammonites onkr
Timotheus (cp. v. 6), and which with otbtr
cities was talien by Judas Maccabaens (r. 3S).
In the latter passage the name is given si
Casphon, and in 2 Mace xii. 13 as Caspb^ if
indeed the same place is referred to, which is not
quite clear (see Ewald, iv. 359 note). Josephas
gives the name of this place as Casphoma,
X<tr*«Mo(iln<. xii. 8, §3). [G.] [W.]
CAS'PIS (T.' KArrw, A. Kaxmbr ; Quplm\
a strongly fortified city — whether east or wet d
Jordan is not plain — having near it a late
(\(/ivi)) two statUa in breadth. It was takes U
Judas Haccabaeus with great slaughter (i SUoc
xii. 13, 16). The parallel history of the Fnst
Book of Maccabees mentions a city named Cti-
pnOR or Casphon, with which Osspis may be
identical (see SpeaJier't Comm. in looo) — bat tin
narratives differ materially. [G.] [W.]
CAS'SIA. The represenUtive in the A V.
of the Hebrew words kiddaA and ietxiitk.
1. Kiddah (n'^i?;* Spis; catia, ttacte) ocean
in Ex. XIX. 24, as one of the ingredients ii lh«
composition of the " oil of holy ointment ;' sad
iU Ezek. xxvii. 19, where " bright iron, cassis,
and calamus " are mentioned as articles of mer-
chandise brought by Dan and Javan to tbe
market of Tyre. There can be no donbt thtt
the A. v. is correct in the translation of tb<
Hebrew word, though there is considcnMe
variety of reading in the old Versions.
The cassia-tree is a native of Southem India,
and especially of Ceylon, where it is still largely
cultivated for its l»rk. It is known to bota-
nists as dnnamomum castium, belonging to th<
family Lauraceae, of which our Sweet BsT
(Lawut no6i/is) is an European representstiTt.
It is nearly related to the true cinnamon (Ctes-
•From -np; Arab. ^, "to cleave,- "to \at
lengthwise;" so called from tb* splitting U tie
bark.
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043SIA
I zeylotttcmti), and is a small (hmbby tree,
dntingnished iTom the cinnamon by baring
obtoM, oblong lanceolate leaves, instead of ter-
miiutiDg in an acute point, like the other.
The leaf of the cassia, when bitten, has a cinna-
mon flarour ; that of the cinnamon has a clove
flsTOnr. The cassia of commerce is obtained by
making longitudinal incisions in the branches,
when the bark peels off, and in drying rolls up
is the form of a pipe. Cassia is cultivated in
India and many of the Eastern islands, Java,
and others, but is never fonnd in Arabia or
Egypt, whither it most always have been im-
ported from the far East. The mention of cassia
in Exodus is perhaps the earliest direct evidence
extant of commerce between India and Egypt.
But it seems to have been procured through
Sonthem Arabia, and hence was sometimes wp-
poeed to be a native of that country. The T.XX.
and JoMphus (Ant. iii. 8, § 3) have iris, i.e.
lome species of flag, perhaps the Iris fiorentina,
which has an aromatio root-stock. Symmachus
and the Vulg. (in E.zek. /. c.) read atacU, " liquid
myrrh." The Arabic Versions of Saadias and
Erpenius conjecture costia [so R. V. marg. of
Ex. /. c], which Dr. Boyle (Kitto's Cyc, art.
"Ketdoth"} identifies with Auckkmdia coitus,
to which he refers not the kidddh, hut the
iefzidU of the Hebrew Scriptures (see below).
The Cbaldee and Syriac, with most of the Euro-
pean Versions, understand ocaiia by kidddh :
tkcy are followed by Gesenins, Simon, Fiirst,
Lee, and all the lexicographers. The Greek
void, which is first nsed by Herodotus (ii. 86),
vhouy3(iii. 110) that the Arabians procured it
from a shallow lake in their country, is limited
to the Eastern product. Dioscorides mentions
■ereral kinds of cassia, and says that they are pro-
doced in Spicy Arabia (i. ch. xii.). One kind is
known by the name of fnoiyletis, or, according
to Galen (<fc Theriac. adPis.f. 108), olmosyllos,
from the ancient city and promontory Hoayllon,
on the coast of Africa and the sea of Babel
Mandeh, not far from the modem Cape Guarda-
(bi (Sprengel, Annot. ad Dioscor. i. ch. xii.). Will
not this throw some light on Ezek. xxvii. 19,
where it will be observed that, instead of the
tendering " going to and fro " in the text of
the A. v., the margin has Meuzal ? " Dan and
Javan (and) Meozal traded in thy markets with
cassia, calamus," &c. The cassia would be
brought from India to Heuzal, and from thence
exported to Tyre and other countries under the
name of Meuzalita, or Menxal cassia."
2. KelxUth (nirVp;* Kwrta; cosmi), only in
Ps. ilv. 8, "AH thy garments smell of myrrh,
CASTOB AND POLLUX
543
^ The country of the Moeylll was In the Cinnamo-
mcphorm regio, and not far ftom Aromata Emporium,
and the sntbor of the Perlplns particularises cassia
aaongn the export* of the same coast (Tenuent, CcyUm,
L CM, note). As to ^f ^KQ, see Bochart, C«V. £iie. pp.
t ch. U. 21, RaeenmOller.&Aoi. ad Mtek. I. c, and M.V.'i
who Uentify It with Sanaa, In Arabia. [The R. V.
docs not favoux the conjecture In the text. It renders
Eak. zxtU. 19, •• Vedan and Jaran tnded with yam
(or thy wares." and in the marg. mentions the tendering
of nme ancient Veralons /nm not Instead of" with
yam," a rendering adopted by most modems, QPt'.—V.]
• From the root pyp, Arab. «V»* •■ to lop off," " to
•crape," "to peeL"
aloes, and cassia." This word is generally snp>
posed to be another term for cassia : the old
Versions are in favour of this interpretation, as
well as the etymology of the Hebrew word. The
Arabic reads Salic/ia,' which, from its descrip-
tion by Abu'l Fadli and Avicenna (Celsius,
Sieroh. ii. 364—5), evidently denotes some cassia-
yielding tree. Dr. Royle suggests (see above)
that ketziSth is identical in meaning and In
form with the Arab cast, huf, cuaAt, htaht,*
whence is probably derived the costus of tke
Greeks and Romans. Dioscorides (i. 15) enume-
rates three kinds of costus, — an Arabian, Indian,
and Syrian sort. The koost of India, called by
Europeans TtuXan orris, is the root of Aucklandia
costus, a plant of the composite order, family
Cynarocephahe, or Artichoke section, grown
chiefly in Cashmere, but well kuown throughout
India, the root of which has a pungent aromatic
odour, and is largely used in the composition of
incense. There is no reason, however, why we
should abandon the explanation of the old Ver-
sions, and depart from the satisfactory etymo-
logical evidence afforded by the Hebrew term to
the doubtful question of identity between it and
the Arabic kooat. The confusion among ancient
writers as to the different kinds of cassia and
cinnamon is not to be wondered at ; they were
known only as the imported products of distant
countries, and the trees themselves were as little
known as the tea-plant, until recently, among
ourselves. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
CASTLE. [FoBTincATiONS.]
CAS'TOB AND POLXUX, the Dioscuri
(Aioo'KoGfxii, Acts xxviii. 11). For the mytho-
logy of these two heroes, the twin-sons of
Jupiter and Leda, we must refer to the Did. of
Biog. and Mythol. We have here to do with
them only so far as they were connected with
seafaring life. They were regarded as the tute-
lary divinities (9«al aarrrjpts') of sailors. They
appeared in heaven as the constellatioD of
Oemini. Immediately on shipboard they were
recognised in the phosphoric lights, called by
modem Italian sailors the fires of St. Elmo,
which play about the masts and the sails (" In
magna tempestate apparent quasi stellae velo
insidentes : adjuvari se tunc periclitantes existi-
mant PoUucis et Cantoris numine," Senec. Nat.
Quaest. i. 1 ; cp, Plin, ii. 37). Hence the fre-
quent allusions of Roman poets to these divini-
ties in connexion with navigation (see especially
Hor. Carm. i. 3, 2, "fratres Helenae, lucida
sidera," and iv. 8, 31). As the ship mentioned
here by St. Luke was from Alexandria, it may
be worth while to notice that Castor and Pollux
were specially honoured in the neighbouring
district of Cyrenaica {Scliol. Pind. fyth. r. 6).
In Catull. iv. 27, we have distinct mention of a
boat dedicated to them. See also Ixviii. 65. In
art these divinities were sometimes represented
simply as stars hovering over a ship, but more
' IjfV*^, tnm the coot X^, dttraxit, qnsal
cortex detractus.
a Cj J
V» -« coitus, I. e. radids aromaticaa Indicae et
Arablcae species, Kam. ly. See Freytag.
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544
CATS
frequently as yonng men on horseback, with
conical caps, and stars above them (see the coins
of Rheginm, a city of Brattii, at which St.
fltiver coin of BnittlL Obr. : Hiadf of Castor and PoUox to right
Bar. : Castor and PoUox moontsd, advandnf to rifht. In Iha
uaisn< BPETTIQN.
Paul touched on the voyage in question, e. 13).
Such Bgures were probably painted or sculp-
tured at the bow of the ship (hence Topixrniutr ;
see Diet, of Or. and Som. Antiq. art. Insiqite).
This custom was very frequent in ancient
shipbuilding. Herodotus says (iii. 37) that the
Phoenicians used to place the figures of deities
at the bow of their vessels. Virgil {Aen. x. 209)
and Ovid (JVtst. i. 10, 2) supply us with illustra-
tions of the practice ; and Cyril of Alexandria
(Cramer's Catena, ad 1. c.) says that such was
always the Alexandrian methcKl of ornamenting
each side of the prow. [Ship.] [J. S. H.]
CATS(o( olAovpoi; cattae'). This word occurs
only in Baruch vi. 22, in the passage which sets
forth the vanity of the Babylonish idols : " Upon
their bodies and heads sit bats, swallows, and
birds,|and the cats also." The Greek .alXovpoi, as
used by Aristotle, has more particular reference
to the wild cat {Felia cattis, &&). Herodotus, in
the well-known passage (ii. 66) which treats of
the cats of Egypt, uses cdXat/poi to denote the
domestic animal; similarly Cicero (_Tusc. v. 27,
7t<) employs felit; but both Greek and Latin
words are used to denote other animals, appa-
rently some kinds of marten (^Martes). The
.Israelites, from their intimate connexion with
Egypt, must have been familiar with the cat,
but we have no evidence that they ever domesti-
cated it, and the passage in Baruch seems to
point to wild cats. Nor, except in connexion
with Egypt, do we find in classic writers any
allusion to the domestic cat, now as world-wide
in its distribution as the dog, and as common in
Palestine as elsewhere.
The domestic cat of the ancient Egyptians is
generally admitted to be identical with the
/Wis maniculata (Riippell) of Nubia, and with
our own domestic animal. Felis manictUata is
also the wild cat of Syria, and is especially
common among ruins in Eastern Palestine.
Felis chaus is also common among woods and
thickets, especially by the Jordan, but it re-
sembles a small lynx rather than a cat.
The Egyptians, it is well known, paid an absurd
reverence to the cat ; it was deemed a capital i
oH'ence to kill one; when a cat died it was
embalmed and buried at Bubastis, the city
sacred to the moon, of which divinity the cat
was reckoned a symbol (Herod, ii. 66 ; Wilkin-
• The word Catta occurp once only in classical Latin,
viz. In Mutlsl, Epig. xlil. 69 ; but that some bird Is
Intended Is beyond a doubt. Qreeka and Eomans do
not appear to bare kept domestic cats. •
CATTLE
son, Anc. Egypt, i. 246 [1878]; Jablnski,
Pant. Aegypt. ii. 66, &c ; Diod. Sic. I 83).
The cat was allowed to accompany the Egyptiao
fowler, but it was doubtless for the lake of i
share in the booty, and not for the benefit of
the fowler. Without laying much stress on the
want of sufficient sagacity for retrievis; por-
poses, we cannot believe that the cat could ever
have been trained to go into the water, to
which it has a very strong aversion.' See tbe
woodcuts in Wilkinson {Anc. Egypt, i. pp. 236,
237 [1878]), where tbe fowler is in a boat scan-
panied by his cat. As to C^'V, which Boduit
takes to mean icHd cats, see BEASr, Wild. The
cat belongs to the family FeUdae, order O-
mtwro. [W. H.] [H.RTO
CATEBPILLAB. [Locust.]
CATEBPILLEB. The repreMoitatire is
the A V. of the Hebrew words chiai ssd yciei
1. ChasU (?'P^; oKpti, fifovxot, lpfii%;
rubigo, brwAus, aerugo). The Hebrew «oi4
occurs in 1 K. viii. 37; 2 Ch. vi. 28; Pi
Ixxviii. 46 ; la. xxxiii. 4; Joel i. 4 : it iserideit
from the inconsistency of the two most islpo^
tant old Versions in their renderings of this
word, that nothing Is to be leamt bom thin.
The word denotes the " consumer ; " and froo iti
signification, and from its being alwayi is<£-
tioned along with the locust, it may prohibit
denote that noxious insect in its proper or Ism
stages, at which period of its existence it b
more destructive than at any other time. [See
LOCCST.] ,
2. rclek, p^J (Ps. cv. 34; Jer. Ii. 14, 27);
■'.«. " the lickcr." In other rausagts the word ii
rendered " cankerworm." From the sigaiici-
tion of its name, and from the position in tie
passage from Joel (ch. i.) immediately after tk
locust, it may represent not any pattinW
species, but the larva or caterpiller state of tki
insect in which it is more destructive thaa<ia
fully developed. The lai-rae appear after ti'
winged locusts have left, and lick up ererythinf
that has escaped the former. [H. B. T.]
CATHU'A (B. Kovi, A. Koftmt; C«u>
1 Esd. V. 30 ; one of the heads of the servsnu «f
the Temple who returned with Zerubbabel 6<o
the Captivity. The name apparently aoswens;
to it in the Hebrew text of Eira iL 43 is
GiDDEL. [^1
ATT LE. The various words which eipw
cattle are as numerous in Hebrew as in En^ish.
though not always exactly synonymous. F«'
the etymology and exact signification of theie
names, see Bi;ll. In this article we as;' ctn-
sider the subject of homed cattle genenllj-
Cattle were more important in the sgricnltnnl
economy of the Jews than even among onnelreJ,
among whom the horse haa for m.iny pnip*"
been substituted. They ploughed the toi
they trod out the com, they carried is ^'
crops, they drew carta and waggons. Thut
» Even to a proverb :—
" Catns smst plsces, sed non vult tliigtie pUi<«s>'
•* tiettlng, I dare not wait upon 1 would.
Like the poor cat 1' the adage."— JliK:MA, 1. 1.
See Trench's Ixuont in Provertt, p. U*.
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CATTLE
CATTLE
545
«mplo7ment in these rarious ways is coDstantly
Teferred to in Scripture, and it is needless tu
<)Dote passages. Eqaally important was the
produce of the herds. Excepting for sacrifices
or on Tery special occasions, homed cattle were
not ordinarily used as food ; for, as is still the
att in Eastern countries, flesh meat, especially
iteC, was not eaten save at religions festivals,
or at special feasts, to do honour to a guest, or
to celebrate a public «r private anniversary
(cp. W. R. Smith, The Religion of the Sitnites, i.
277 sq.). On such occasions a bull calf was
generally selected. " Abraham ran unto the
herd, and fetched a calf tender and good " (Gen.
iTiL7). "Thou hast killed for him the fatted
calf" (Luke jtv. 30). Naturally the value of oxen
for draught restricted their use as food. But the
produce of the herd — milk, butter, and cheese
— formed as important articles of diet then as
now. " They brought . , . butter, and sheep,
and cheese of kine for David and for the people
that were with him to eat " (2 Sam. xvji. 29).
Daring the Joumeyings in the wilderness, the
people were forbidden to slay their cattle except
for sacrifices, and these only before the Taber-
nacle. This was not only to prevent idolatrous
lacrilices, as explained in Lev. xvii. 7, but also
(s» Speakr's Canon, i. I.) to bear witness to the
sanctity of life, acknowledging that the animal
belonged to Jehovah, and that its flesh was
received back as His gift. The injunction had
the further effect of securing the preservation
of the flocks and herds for future use when they
had entered the Land of Promise. But especially
important was the use of cattle in sacrifice,
where they were ofi°ered from the earliest times
by the richer worshippers, as by Abraham
(Gen, XV. 9). At the dedication of the Temple
Solomon ofiered hecatombs of 22,000 oxen
(1 Kings viii. 63). At its purification by Heze-
kiah 600 were sacrificed (2 Ch. xiix. 33), and
at its second cleansing by Josiah 500 (2 Ch.
xiiv. 9>
There are several provisions in the Law of
McMs for the protection of cattle. /' Doth God
take care for oxen ? " " Thou shalt not muzzle
the ox when he treadeth out the com " (Deut.
iiv. 4X an injunction twice quoted by St. Paul.
So the rest of the Sabbath is enjoined, " that
thine ox and thine ass may rest" (Ex. zxiii.
12).
The greater part of Central Palestine is
wholly nnsnited for grazing homed cattle,
which wer« turned loose on the open wilds
during a great part of the year, the wilderness
of Judaea and the south country being treated
as commons are with us ; each village or town
having its recognised landmarks, within which
it was the herdsman's duty to keep his cattle.
The herds roamed in a half-wild state till winter
approached. Such were the bulls of Bashan in
the wild pastoral region east of Jordan. But
when required for table and in winter, they
were brought under cover. The provision for
Solomon's court for each day was ten fat (t.<.
stall-fed) oxen, and twenty oxen ont of the pas-
tores (1 Kings iv. 23). Stalled cattle are often
referred to, as when Amos rebukes the luxury
of his times, the princes of Samaria eating the
" calves out of the midst of the stall " (Amos vi.
4). " Better is a dinner of herbs where love is,
than a stalled ox and hatred therewith " (Prov.
BIBLE mcr.— vou I.
XV. 17). The word D*C«3K, often translated
" fatted " cattle, is literally "cattle of the stall"
The custom of thus keeping up cattle is alluded
to by our Lord, " Doth not each o;ie of you on
the Sabbath loose his ox or his ass from the
stall and lead him away to watering ? " (Luke
xiii. 15.) Barley straw was the fare of these
oxen, for hay, as we understand it, is never made
in the East.
There are several provisions in the Mosaic
law for cases of injury by a bull goring man or
animal ; and as under our own laws the owner
of an animal known to be dangerous is held
responsible, so by the Jewish, if be had been
warned beforehand and had neglected to keep in
the animal, he had to ransom his own life or to
lose it, in case of fatal mjury inflicted by the
beast, which was also to be slain and its flesh
not eaten (Ex. xxi. 28-36). The semi-wild
cattle in the plains and forests are in the habit
of gathering in a circle round any strange
object, and are easily irritated into charging it.
This habit is alluded to in Ps. xxii. 12. "Many
bulls have compassed me : strong bulls of Bashan
j have beset me round."
. Homed cattle are now restricted to those dis-
tricts where fresh pasture can be found through-
I out the year, and where water is easily attain-
able. In the Sinaitic Peninsula, even in those
I parts whei-e not only camels but sheep, goats,
and horses are' kept, neat cattle are unknown.
I In the hill-country of Judaea and in the Judaean
I wilderness, they are never seen. In Central
Western Palestine, from Hebron to the Lebanon,
they are rare, except on the plains of Dothan,
Shechem, and Esdraelon. The pastures are iwv
and burnt up in summer, and the agriculture of
the terraced hills is not adapted for their use.
Goats supply the milk and butter of this hill-
country; and beef and veal are unknown deli-
cacies. But in the southern wilderness of
Judah, on the downs and wide prairies south
and east of Beersheba, and in the Philistian
plain, homed cattle of a small and coai-se race
are numerous. They are not used for agricul-
ture, but simply for their milk. In the plains of
Sharon, Acre, Esdraelon, and Phoenicia, a much
larger and finer race, from which the southern
cattle have probably degenerated, is found, and
employed in the tillage of these rich corn-
plains. North of Esdraelon, in all the richer
parts of Galilee, we may frequently see a larger
and finer breed of cattle, known in the country
as the Armenian ox, light coloured, like the
Tuscan cattle, but which appear to be identical
with the best race on the banks of the Nile, and
which are depicted on the ancient Egyptian
monuments. This race ia also found ronnd
Damascus and in Northern Syria. East of
Jordan, neat cattle form the principal wealth
both of the nomads and of the villagers. They
are a small race, like that of the maritime
plains, but generally black ; and as the numerous
forests of this region preserve the herbage from
the sun throughout the year, the milch kine
aSbrd a constant supply of milk. In the Jordan
valley, and especially in the npper part near
Lake Huleh (the waters of Merom), are herds
of another species, the Indian bufialo (£os
bvbalva, L.), quite distinct from Bos tauraa, the
common ox. These huge ungainly creatures,
which can onlv thrive in swamps, where they
2 N
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546
CAULS
wallow, boried up to the back in water or mud,
hare been hj many modern writers erroneously
identified with the bolls of Bashan. They are,
howeTer, a .comparatively recent introduction,
having been imported through Persia from
India, and were unknown to the Israelites.
In the bone cares of the Lebanon I discorered
the teeth and bonei of two extinct species of
the ox tribe, belonging probably to Bos primi-
genitua, the aorochs or unicorn, and Boon priacus.
[See UnioObn.] [H. B. T.]
CAULS (D»D»3E'; iM»A<(i«o; toryties). The
A. V. and R. V. give in the margin " networks."
The Old English word " caol " denoted a netted
cap worn by women. Compare Chaucer ( Wyf
of Bathes Tale, C. T., 1. 6599) :
" Let se, which Is the proudest of hem alle,
Tbst werith on a coverchief or a calU."
The Hebrew word shiMsim, thus rendered in
Is. ill. 18, is, like many others which occur in
the same passage, the subject of much dispute.
It occurs but once, and its root is not elsewhere
found in Hebrew. The Rabbinical commenta-
tors connect it with Y^^, sMbbela, rendered
"embroider" in Ex. xxviii. 39, but properly
" to work in squares, make checker-work." So
Kimchi (£«s. s. v.) explains ahibiilm as "the
name of garments wrought in checker-work."
Rashi says that they are " a kinS of network to
adorn the head." Abarbanel is more full: he
describes them as " head-dresses, made of silk or
gold thread, with which the women bound their
heads about, and they were of checker-work."
The word occurs again in the Mishna (Celim,
xxriii. 10), but nothing can possibly be inferred
from the passage itself, and the explanations of
the commentators do not throw much light
upon it. It there appears to be used as part of
a network worn as a head-dress by women.
Bartenora says that it was "a figure which they
made upon the network for ornament, standing
in front of It and going round from one ear to
the other." Beyond the fact that the thlbtaim
were head-dresses or ornaments of the head.dress
of Hebrew ladie.% nothing certain can be said to
be known about them.
Schroeder {da Vest. Mui., cap. ii.) conjectured
that they were medallions worn on the neck-
lace, and identified Mbiabn with the Arab.
f f ,-*.- shomalaeh, the diminutire of i,.. ,*.
ahama, the sun, which is applied to denote the
sun-shaped ornaments worn by Arab women
about their necks. Bnt to this Gesenius very
properly objects (Jta. i. p. 209), as well as to
the explanation of Jahn {Archdol. i. 2, 139),
who renders the word " gauze veils."
The Versions give but little assistance. The
LXX. render iiar\6Kia " plaited work," to
which Koa-i/ifiom, " fringes," appears to have
been added originally as a gloss, and afterwards
to have crept into the text. Aquila has tcAo-
liivas, "belts." The Targum merely adopts
the Hebrew word without translating it, and
the Syriac and Arabic vaguely render it " their
ornaments." [W. A. W.]
CAUSEY (Fr. ehauaa^). Prov. xv. 19
(A. V. marg ; I!. V. " highway," text) ; 1 Ch.
xxvi. 16, It) (ed. 1611X a raised or paved way
CAVE
(n^pp). Of this word causeway, whieh re-
placed it in 1 Ch., is a corrnption (Eastwood aul
Wright's Bible Wordbook, p. 90)1 See £. B.
Amer. ed. [?.]
CAUSEWAY. [Causet.]
CAVE (mtnp ; aiHiKaia* ; apdwaa ; ia A T.
Is. ii. 19, hole; itr. viL 11, den; Josh. liiL 4,
literatim, Mearah; Maara, Vnlg.) L Tht
chalky limestone of which the roclis of Srrii
and Palestine chiefly consist presents, as it Ux
case in all limestone formations, a vast imnbcr
of caverns and natural fissures, many of wfaick
have also been artificially enlarged aid ids|itei
to various purposes both of shelter and defnct
(Kitto, Phya. Geogr. of Pal. p. 72)i This ci^
cumstance has also given occasion to the vse «
so large a number of words as are employed a
the Scriptures to denote caves, holes, and fitsoes,
some of them giving names to the tovu ud
places and their neighbourhood. Out of them,
besides No. I., may be selected the foliowiaj:—
U. "Mn or "hn (Ges.), a hole ; usually rfijl^
and catema. From this come, (a) *^> iallir
m cavea, the name of the Horite* of Mount Stb,
Wddy Ohoeyer, expelled by the Edomites, pnV
ably alluded to by Job, a Troglodyte isa
spoken of by Strabo (Gen. ziv. 6, xxxn. !l;
Dent. ii. 12 ; Job xxx. 6 ; Stiab. L 42, ni
775-776 ; Burckhardt, Sifl^, p. 410; lUAiiwa,
ii. 69, 157 ; Stanley, S. and P. pp. 6W1)
[HOHITES.] (*) pin, l<mdofcavema(littk.iin.
16, 18 ; Burckhardt, &/ria, pp. 110, 29S);
Ai^iTU, LXX.; Aunia, Vnlg. [Hmsu]
(c) pTrrn*3' house of caverns, the two to»ii
of Beth-horon (Josh. xvi. 3, 5). [Bna-
UOBON.] (d) Cyn ttco caverns, the ton
Horonaim (Is. xv. 5). [Hobokadl]
III. D*1 jn, placta of refuge in rods (Ges.) i>
birds (Cant, ii. 14) ; <rK4wr) ; foramina f^ni,
Obad. r. 3 ; imi; tdsattrae petranm ; A T. ai
R. V. clefts.
IV. mnap; tpw/miAIo; anirvm; \.V.ul
R. V. den ; a ravine through which water fc«
(Ges. Thes. p. 858), Judg. vi. 2.
The caves of Syria and Palestine are still <i*i-
either occasionally or permanently, as hsbits-
tions; as at Ana6, near Szait, Ramoth-GiW
(Buckingham, Ihatels m Syria, p. 63). Tr<
shepherds near Hebron leave their TiUsfes i>
the summer to dwell In caves and rains, in <*d«r
to be nearer to their flocks and fields (Bobiis»
i. 212; PEFQy. Statement, 1872, p. I'f^
Many caves are used as places of shelter \di
for the shepherds and their flocks, and «"
farther protected by " sheep-cotes," fmned bj
a rough wall of stones built up in Iroat of ^
entrance (Thomson, Land and Boot, p. WIS).
Almost all the habitations at Om-itis, Gadsti.
arc caves (Burckhardt, p. 273> Anexl«««"
system of caves exists at Beit Jibrin, Hestiei*-
polls, in Judah, which has served for resideif
or concealment, though now disused (Bofci««*
ii. 53); and another between Bethlehem sirf
Hebron (Irby and Mangles, p. 10:l)i
The most remarkable caves noticed in Soif-
ture are : — 1. The one in which Lot is stid i«
have dwelt after the destruction of Scdsn
(Gen. xix. 30). 2. The cave of MacipeUh (A
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CAVE
uriii. 17). 3. Care of Makkedah (Josh. x. 16).
4. The cleft* in the rock EUm, in which Samson
dwelt (Judg. IT. 11). 5. Cave of Adullam
(1 Sam. ixa. 1; 2 Sam. ixiii. 13-16X 6.
CaYe of Eogedi (1 Sam. iiiy. 3). 7. Obadiah's
cave (1 K. xriii. 4> 8. Elijah's care, and also
the « dift " of Mose* in Horeb (Ex. ixxiiL 22 ;
1 K. xix. 9). 9, 10. The rock sepniehras of
Laxarus and of our Lord (John xi. 38 ; Halt,
xxrii. 60). Of thew, as regards the O. T, the
site of Hachpelah may be regarded as certain ; the
sites of Adullam, Engedi, Etam, and Makkedah
as highly probable ; of the care of Lot and
of the care in Horeb, nothing more than their
locality in a general sense can be affirmed ; and
to that of Obadiah no cine can be giren, except
that it mast' hare been somewhere in the
northern region of Palestine, in which many
instances of cares fit for his purpose might be
pointed oat (Joseph. Ant. ri. 12, 3; Jerome, de
Situ et Som. iii. 871 [150]; Reland, p. 885;
Bobinson, L 103, 500, ii. 28, 79 ; Stanley, ^inoj
imdPal. pp. 149, 211, 296; Conder, Tmt life,
ii. 156, 159; Beth and Uoab, p. 150; Bnrck.
hardt, ^ria, p. 608 ; Irby and Mangles, Ihtv.
p. 93; Lynch, Narr. p. 234; PEFQy. State-
mmt, 1871, p. 91, 1881, p. 40; Sitniey of
ffirt Palmtine, ii. 411, iii. 337, 867; Victoria
Institote, Jom. of l>atu. ixi. § 82. See also
ADULLAlt, &C.).
Besides these special cares, frequent mention
is made in O. T. of cares as places of refuge.
In the time of Gideon the Israelites took refuge
t'rom the Hidianites in cares and strongholds,
such as abound in the mountain region of
Manaasch (Judg. ri. 2), and in the early days
of Saul they fled from the Philistines into
"holes;" a description to which the scene of
Jonathan's conflict, HeUurM (Michmash), suflS-
cicntly answers (1 Sam. xlii. 6, xir. 5).
And ao too the cares of Palestine hare afforded
refuge to the inhabitants daring the earthquakes
by which the country has from time to time
been risited. This was the case in 1837, when
Safed was destroyed ; and to this the Prophet
Isaiah probably alludes in language describing
a dirine risitation (Is. ii. 10, 19, 21. Cp. Irby
and Mangles, p. 89 ; Robinson, i. 440, ii. 422).
But Adullam is not the only care, nor were
its tcnanta the only instances of banditti making
the cares of Palestine their accustomed haunt.
Joaephos (Ant. xir. 15, § 5) relates the manner
in which, by order of Herod, a care occupied by
robbos, or rather insurgents, was attacked by
»>ldiers let down from abore in chests and
baafceta, from which they dragged forth the
inmates with hooks, and killed or thrust them
down the precipices; or, setting 6re to their
store* of fuel, destroyed them by suffocation.
These cares are said to hare been in Galilee, not
far from Sepphoris ; and are probably the same
as those which Josephns himself, in proriding
for the defence of Galilee, fortified near Oen-
oesarei, which elsewhere he calls the cares of
ArbeU (,B. J. i. 18, §§ 2-4, ii. 20, § 6 ; Vit. § 37).
Boeehidis, the general of Demetrius, in his ex-
pedition against Judaea, encamped at Messaloth,
near Arbela, and ndaced to submission the
occapmta of the cares (Ant. xil. 11, § 1 ; 1 Mace.
*tf9P. ft™B fijOO^ to divide; LXX. rpv^uiA^;
Vnlg. ^ieu* ,- A. V. top. See Qes.
CAVE
547
ix. 2). Messaloth is probably nippD, Heps, or
terraces (cp. 2 Ch. ix. 11 ; Ges.). the Messa-
loth of the Book of Maccabees and the robber-
cares of Arbela are thus probably identical, and
are the same as the fortified carem near ifedjdel
(Magdala), called KiUat Ibn Wan, or Pigeon's
Castle, mentioned by sereral trarellers. They
are said by Burckhardt to be capable of contain-
ing 60O men (Reland, pp. 358, 575; Burck-
hardt, Syria, p. 331 ; Irby and Mangles, p. 91 ;
Survey of West Pal. I. 411 ; Robinson, ii. 398 ;
Bitumer, 108. Cp Hos. x. 14). [Bbth-Arbel.]
Josephus also speaks of the robber-inhabitants
of Trachonitis, who lired in large carerns, pre-
senting no prominence abore ground, but widely
extended below (Ant. xv. 10, § 1). The.se
banditti annoyed much the trade with Damascus,
but were put down by Herod. Strabo alludes
rery distinctly to this in his description of
Trachonitis, and describes one of the carerns as
capable of holding 4,000 men (Strabo, xri. 756 ;
Raumer, p. 68 ; Jollifie, Travels in Pal. i. 197).
Lastly, it was the caves which lie beneath and
around so many of the Jewish cities that formed
the last hiding-places of the Jewish leaders in
the war with the Romans. Josephus himself
relates the story of his own concealment in the
caves of Jotapata; and after the capture of
Jerusalem, John of Gischala, Simon, and many
other Jews, endeavoured to conceal themselves
in the carerns beneath the city ; whilst in some
of them great spoil and rast numbers of flead
bodies were found of those who had perished
during the siege by hunger or from wounds
(Joseph. B. J. iii. 8, § 1 ; ri. 9, § 4).
The rock dwellings and temples of Petra are
described in a separate article.
Natural carities in the rock were and are fre-
quently used as cisterns for water, and as places
of imprisonment (Is. xxir. 22 ; Ezek iixii. 23 ;
Zech. ix. 11) [Cwtebn; Prison]; also as stalls
for horses and for granaries (Irby and Mangles,
p. 146). No use, howerer, of rock caverns more
strikingly connects the modem usages of Pales-
tine and the adjacent regions with their ancient
history than the employment of them as burial-
places. The rocky soil of so large a portion of the
Holy Land almost forbids interment, excepting
in carities either natural or hewn from the rock.
The dwelling of the demoniac among the tombs
is thus explained by the rock carerns abounding
near the Sea of Galilee (JoUiffe, i. 36). Accord-
ingly numerous sites are shown in Palestine and
adjacent lands of (so-called) sepulchres of saiuta
and heroes of the Old and New Testaments,
venerated both by Christians and Mohammedans
(Early Travels, p. 36 ; Stanley, p. 148). Among
these may be mentioned the care of Machpelah,
the tomb of Aaron on Mount Hor, of Joseph, and
of Rachel, as those for which every probability
of identity in site at least may be claimed (Irby
and Mangles, p. 134; Robinson, i. 218, 219, ii.
275-287, &c.). More questionable are the sites
of the tombs of Elisha, Obadiah, and John the
Baptist, at Samaria; of Habakkuk at Jebdtha
(Qabatha), of Micah near Keila; and of Deborah,
Rebekah's nurse, at Bethel (Stanley, pp. 143, 149 ;
Reland, pp. 722, 698, 981 ; Rob. ii. 304). The
questions so much debated relating to the tombs
in and near Jerusalem and Bethany will be
found treated under those heads, as also that
of the tombs of the Maccabees at Modin (Survey
2 N 2
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u/ West Pal. ii. 349). But wliatevu value
may belong to the connexion ot° the names of
Judges, Kings, or Prophets, with the very re-
markable rock-tombs near Jerusalem, there can
be no doubt that the cares bearing these names
are sepulchral caverns enlarged and embellished
by art. The sides of the valley of Jehoshaphat
are studded with caves, many of which are in-
habited by Arab families (Sandvs, p. 188 ; Maun-
drell, p 446 ; Robinson, i. 241°, 349, 364 ; Bart-
lett, Walks about Jerusakm, p. 117). It is no
doubt the vast number of caves throughout the
country, together with, perhaps, as Maucdrell
remarks, the taste for hermit life which prevailed
in the Sth and <>th centuries of the Christian
era, which has placed the sites of so many impor-
tant events in caves and grottoes ; e.ij. the birth
of the Virgin, the Annunciation, the Salutation,
the birth of the Baptist and of our Lord, the
scene of the Agony, of St. Peter's denial, the
composition of the Apostles' Creed, the Trans-
figuration (Shaw, pt. ii. c. 1 ; Manndrell, E. T.
p. 479) ; and the like causes have created a
traditionary cave-site for the altar of Elijah on
Mount Carinel, and peopled its sides, as well as
those of Mount Tabor, with hermit inhabitants
(I K. I viii. 19 ; Amos ix. 3. Cp. Irby and Mangles,
p. 60 ; fieland, p. 329 ; Winer, s. v. Cannel ; Sir
J. Maundeville, Travels, p. 31 ; Sandys, p. 203 ;
Maundrell, E. T. p. 478 ; Jahn, Arch. Bibl. p. 9 ;
Stanley, p. 353; Kitto, Phys. Geogr. pp. 30, 31 ;
Van Egmont, Travels, ii. 5-7). [H. W. P.]
CEDAB (VIS, erez ; Kitfos ; cedi-as ; Arab.
: \, art, " pine " (Lane). [The word is a pri-
mitive, and is found in all the Semitic languages
except Assyrian, which has ertnu. — C. J. B.] The
word is invariably rendered cedms and cedar in
the Vulg., A. v., and R. V., and there can be no
doubt but that in most instances, and always
when in connexion, expressed or understood,
with Lebanon, it means distinctively the cedar
of Lebanon, Cedrus Libani, " the firmly-rooted
and strong tree," as its derivation implies, kot'
^{ox^i', the firmest and grandest of all the
conifers. Occasionally, as will be seen below,
the word is used, as is the Arabic equivalent at
the present day, for the pine-trees generically.
Many characteristics of the cedar are mentioned
in Scripture : the passages are too numerous for
quotation. Among prophets and poets it is a
favourite emblem for whatever is grand and
magnificent. " The glory of Lebanon " (Is.
XXXV. 2, li. 13); "The trees of the Lord, the
cedars of Lebanon which He hath planted "
(Ps. civ. 16) ; " The righteous shall grow like a
cedar in Lebanon " (Ps. xcii. 12) ; " The cedars
of Lebanon that are high and lifted up " (Is. ii.
13) ; " The Assyrian was a cedar on Lebanon,
with fair branches, and with a shadowing
shroud, and of an high stature, and his top was
among the thick boughs. All the fowls of
heaven made their nests in his boughs " (Ezek.
xxxl. 3, 6) ; " The Amorite, whose height was
like the height of the cedars " (Amos ii. 9).
With peculiar appositeness, its wide-spreading
branches, so unlike those of any other pine, are
the model of the " spreading abroad," the con-
stant growth of the righteons man ; his boughs
are multiplied, become fair, thick, overshadow-
ing in length and mtiltitude (Ezek. xvii. 23).
CEDAK
Its fresh resinous fragrance is noticed. "TV
smell of thy garments is like the smell of
Lebanon " (Cant. iv. 11). It was the prisn at'
trees. It was to the vegetable what the liw
was to the animal world. From the cedu
downwards extended the botanical knowledge of
Solomon. To the cedar npwards is the deatroc-
tion of the trees in the parable of JoUum.
" Howl, fir tree, for the cedar is fallen " (Zecb.
xi. 2). The lesser fir-tree is bidden as a hnmbk
follower to bewail the fall of its mighty chieC
It was the crowning insolence of the proud
boast of Sennacherib, " I am come up to tW
height of the mountains, to the sidei of
Lebanon, and I will cut down the tall ceJsn
thereof " (Is. xxivii. 24). Of all presnmptio
the most outrageous was the proposal of tke
thistle to ally itself with the cedar (2 K. xir.9>
Everyone who has seen the far-famed p<-^v
above the Kadisha must recognise the fom of
the majestic imagery of the prophets. Wi^
their gnarled and contorted stems and Xiea
scaly bark, with their massive branches sftai-
ing their foliage rather in layers than in tiakn,
with their dark green leaves, shot with sihtr i:.
the sunlight, as they stand a lovely %nvf k:
the stupendous mountain amphitheatre — thsc
trees assert their title to be the monarchs 't
the forest.
The cedar of Lebanon was the principal tuakr
employed by David and Solomon in their build-
ings, both in the Temple and in palaces. ■* TIk
house of the forest of Lebanon " was to nanel
from the number of cedar pillars and the cede
beams and roof (1 K. vii. 2). The cedar <i
Lebanon also supplied the timber for the Seecbi
Temple of Zerubbabel (Ezra iii. 7). For tiw
Temple, as well as for that of Solomon, the tno
were felled and shipped from Tripoli and Gebil
{Jebeil) by the Phoenician artisans, "the mec i:
Tyre and Sidon." Cedar was also used by Her>i
for the roof of his Temple (Joseph. B. J. c. '\
§ 2). The roof of the Rotunda of the Cbafcb c
the Holy Sepulchre, destroyed by fire in aj^'
1508, was constructed of cedar ; and so aUo in>
that of the Church of the Virgin at Bethlehec
But this latter was restored by the Crusaien.
and the material of the present roof appesrs tr
be English oak (Williams, Holy Citg, iL '»i:
Quaresim. Eluc. Terr. Sonet, vi. 12 ; Totk.
Bethlehem, pp. 110, 112).
Pliny speaks of the cedar of Crete, Afric
and Syria as being much esteemed and imperii
able. In Egypt and Syria ships were built d
cedar, and in Cyprus a tree was cut down l-'-'
feet long. The durability of cedar was prsinC
he says, by the cedar roof of the temple ''
Diana at Ephesus which lasted 400 years. .U
Utica, the beams made of Numidian oedar <i •
temple of Apollo bad lasted 1178 years, Vitn-
vius speaks of the antiseptic properties »( tJx
oil of cedar and also of juniper (Pliny, Hi^
Nat. xiii, 5, ;cvi. 40 ; Vitrnv. ii. 9 ; Josepk. AA
viii. 5, § 2). It may be and has been objettefl
that the timber of the cedar has no commenisl
value now, and is in no repute as a bniUicl
material. It is true that the English gnrni
cedar supplies an inferior quality o{ deii, dit
the well-ripened old tree in its native clicnte
yields a fine-grained sound wood. Timber m
the dry climate of Syria will last for catori^r
longer than in our moist iosnlar atmospk^r ;
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and we hare onrselres taken oat pieces of acacia
wood (sAi'Mtm) used for bratticing wells in the
»ildemess of Judaea, as sound as when they
were placed there more than 2,000 years ago.
So other tree will meet the conditions of the
problem. The only difficalty that deserres
notice is the mention of the cedar by Ezekiel
(iirii. 5) as Dsed for ships' masts. Accord-
ing to our ideas, the pine wonld be more
adapted for this purpose, but we hare ourselves
Men many a cedar-tree in the Taurid monntains
which wonld supply admirable masts eren for
our far larger shipping. Even were this not so,
it is quite possible that the fir-trees brought
from Lebanon might be spoken of as cedars.
The oedar-trees when crowded grow as straight
poles as do our Scotch firs. It is scarcely neces-
sary to quote the many untenable surmises of
writers unacquainted with the country as to
what the erez might be. The Deodara has been
suggested — a variety of cedar confined to the
Himalayas; the Scotch fir (/Vnus sylvestrit),
which does not exist in the East, but which is
represented by Pinus haleperuis. This is the
(Xfujectore of Celsius, generally well informed.
<)thers have preferred Thuja articuiata, the
.Sandara tree, with a valuable timber, found in
Turkey and Africa, bat not in Syria. As to the
arguments from the name arx being else-
where applied by the Arabs to other conifers, it
may be replied that it is only thus applied in
regions where the cedar is not found, and that
this argument might include the larch of
Western Europe, to which the Hoors gave the
name el art, changed by the Spaniards into
■ilene, and by onrselres into larch. The three
principal conifers of Lebanon are Ctdrui Libani,
Pima halepfmis, and Junipenu excetta, and it is
very possible that on the coast and by the
timber-merchants the wood of all was indis-
criminately spoken of as erei.
In two passages, and two only — Lev. xiv. 4 ;
Num. xix. 6 — era cannot designate the cedar
of Lebanon, for in the wilderness the cedar of
Lebanon wonld be unattainable, and no cedar
exists in Arabia. Here probably one of the
jonipen, whose wood has a strong resinoos per-
fume, is intended. Janiperus oxycednu is not
ODOommon in Arabia Petraea, and its wood was
anciently burnt as a perfume, especially at
foneraU (Plin. ffist. Nat. xiii. 1, 5 ;*Ovid, Fast.
iL 558 ; Horn. Od. r. 60). Pliny speaks of it as
a cedar, though it is hardly larger than a bush ;
nrhence its specific name of oxycednu.
Besides the celebrated grove of cedars above
the Kadisha, nearly 7,000 feet above the sea, it
was for centuries believed that none others
existed in Lebanon. It is now, however, well
known that groves, clamps, and even whole
tracts of cedar still remain scattered over
varioos parts of Lebanon, but chiefly in the
moat inaccessible districts of the south, though
more generally on the northern and almost nn-
visited slopes. We onrselves have discovered
several, and at least nine distinct localities are
now ascertained, some of them containing many
thousand trees, and with an abundant succession
of young saplings springing op round them.
Tbe>e sufficiently indicate that in farmer ages
the whole Lebanon region may have been one
vast cedar forest, a mine of timber treasure,
which seemed inexhaustible to the Phoenician
CEDAB
549
woodcutters, who drew thence for successive
centuries their supplies for the ship-building of
the then whole world. But no one ever re-
planted a cedar, and the goats which browsed in
the clearings ate down the young seedlings, till,
if the north of Lebanon were as well peopleil as
the southern and central districts, the cedar
might have suttered the same hircine extermina-
tion as has been the fate of the ebony of
St. Helena, and of many another rare insular
tree. The cedars remain now just in the dis-
tricts where the physical obstacles to their
transport to the coast are insurmountable ; and
the famoos cedar grove far away in the recesses
of the mountains, and almost inaccessible, is but
a surviving outlier of what was, in the days of
David, the grand chanu^eristic of the whole
range. It is curious that there is no trace of
the cedar on Hennon or Antilebanon. But it is
found abundantly all through the Tanrid, even
to its southern spurs, and magnificent forests
run down the slopes to the neighbourhood of
Marash and Samosata.
There are but three true cedars known, the
present species, Cednts atlantica and C. deodara.
The Atlantic cedar is found on Mount Atlas, and
is barely, if at all, distinguishable from the
cedars of Lebanon and the Taurid. Some of the
old trees at Teniet-el-Haad, 6,000 feet above the
sen, equal those of Kadisba in size and grandeuri
The Dieodar, though more distinct in its habit, is
by many united to these as merely a variety of the
Lebanon cedar. It is less tolerant of our climate,
and has not been found beyond the Himalayas
and their neighbonring ranges. Its timber bears
the same character as the cedar of old. In the
temple of Kunawar, supposed to be from 600 to
800 years old, Major Madden states that the
cedar beams are sound. Pieces from a bridge
in Cashmere the same writer found to be only
slightly decayed, though they had been exposed
to the action of water for 400 years. The Umits
of the Deodar appear to be from 4,000 to 12,000
feet. All the cedars grow rapidly and live long.
Sir J. D. Hooker calculates the age of the cedars
of the grove to be 800 years, from the rate of
growth of the cedars at Chelsea. From the
rings in a branch, one of the older trees might
be 2,500 years old ; but this, he observes, is no
doubt widely far from the mark. Still an
immense antiquity must be assigned to some of
them.
The cedar wood of modem commerce, used
for pencils, &c., is the wood of a very different
tree, the Junipenu bermudiana, of the warmer
parts of North America.
Sir J. D. Hooker has favoured ns with the foU
lowing valuable communication relative to the
true cedars of Lebanon : — " The grove is at the
very upper part of the valley of the Kadisha,
about fitleen miles from the sea, 6000 feet above
that level, and their position is moreover above
that of all other arboreous vegetation. The
valley here is very broad, open, and shallow, and
the grove forms a mere speck on its flat floor.
The mountains rise above them on the N.E. and
S. in steep stony slopes, without precipices,
gorges, ravines, or any other picturesque
features whatever. Kothing can be more dreary
than the whole surrounding landscape. To the
W. the scenery abruptly changes, the valley
suddenly contracts to a gorge, and becomes a
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CEDRON
rocky rarine of the most pictoresque deicrip-
tion, with villages, groves, and convents perched
on its flanks, base, and summits, recalling
Switzerland vividly and accurately. At the
time of my visit (October 1860) the Banks of
the valley about the cedars were perfectly arid,
and of a pale yellow red ; and the view of this
great red area, perhap* two or three miles
across, with the minute patch of cedar grove,
seen from above and at a distance of ten miles or
so, was most singular. I can give you no idea
of what a speck the grove is in the yawning
hollow. I have said the floor of the valley is
flat and broad ; bat, on nearer inspection, the
cedars are found to be confined to a small
portion of a range of low stony hills of rounded
outlines, and perhaps 60 to 100 feet above the
plain, which sweep across the valley. These
hills are, I believe, old moraines, deposited by
glaciers that once debouched on to the plain
from the surrounding tops of Lebanon. I have
many reasons for believing this, as also for
supposing that their formation dates firom the
glacial epoch." '
Since the visit of Sir }. D. Hooker, the cedar
grove has been carefully enclosed by Rustem
Pasha, the late enlightened governor of the
Lebanon, and there is every prospect of an
abundant succession of trees to supply the
places of the failing patriarchs. [H. B. T.]
CEDRON. 1. (* KtSp^y ; A. I Mace. xv.
39, KtuSpiy ; v. 41, KtSpi ; 1 Mace zv. 39, 41,
Qedor, but Cejron, ed. 1590, as in xvi. 9), a
place fortified by Cendebaeus under the orders
of king Antiochus (Sidetes), as a station from
which to command the roads of Judaea (1 Mace.
XV. 39, 41 ; xvi. 9). It was not far from Jnmnin
{yebna/i), or from Azotus (Ashdod), and had a
winter-torrent or wady (xnM<M^ouj), on the
eastward of it, which the army of the Maccabees
had to cross before Oendcbaeus could be attacked
(xvi. 5). These conditions are well fulfilled in
the modem place Katrah, which lies on the
maritime plain below the river Xutiin, and three
miles south-west of 'Aiir, Ekron (PEF. Mem. ii.
410). Schwarz (p. 119) gives the modem name
as Kadrin ; but this wants confirmation. Ewald
{OeKh. iv. 390, note) suggests Tell Turmus, five
or six miles further south.
8. In this form is given in the N. T. the
name of the brook Kidron (["ni? ?ru = " the
black torrent "), in the ravine below the eastern
wall of Jerusalem (John xviii. 1, only). Beyond
it was the garden of Oethsemane. Lachmann,
with AS A, has x"/"M^<"'> Toi K.ttp^r; but
the Rcc. Text, with B C L and most of the
uncials, has r&r Kitfav, i.e. " the brook of the
cedars " (Wcstcott and Hort ; so, too, the LXX.
in 2 Sam. xv. 23). Other MSS., as K, D, have
the name even so far cormpted as roS nS/mv,
ixdri, and riv ttytpuv. In English the name is
often erroneously read (like Cephas, Cenchreae,
Chuza, &c.) with a soft C ; but it is unnecessary
to point out that it has no connexion with
"Cedar." [KiDHON.] [G.] [W.]
GEI'LAN (KiXi<i'; Cuuo). Sons of Ceilan
and Azetas, according to 1 Esd. v. 15, returned
CEILINU
with Zorobabel from Babylon. There ue ik>
names corresponding to these in the lists oi
Ezra or Nehemiah. [W. A. W.]
CEILING (or CiELraa ; see W«y, Pnmf-
tuarnun parmJorum, p. 65), ))Bp, from |^
(^KoiAoanCfjKiin, 1 K. vi. 9), to cover nU nfbn
(Ges. ; Schleusner, Lex. V, T. ntAevr.X or (p7
(Ezek. zli. 16), a ploHk. The descriptions 4
Scripture (IK. vi. 9, 15, vii. 3 ; 2 Ch. iiL 5, 8 :
Jer. xxii. 14 ; Hag. i. 4), and of Josephos (Aat.
viu. 3, §§ 2-9, XV. 11, § 5), show that the eulisip
of the Temple and the palaces of the Jeviii
kings were formed of cedar planks applied to Mx
beams or joints crossing from wall to wall, pro-
bably with sunk panels ((f>art>iitaTa\ edged aai)
ornamented with gold, and carved with iaci>el
or other patterns (Pa9v(i\ots yXv^ets), iOlIl^
times painted (Jer. xxii. 14).
It is probable that both Egyptian and Astpiai
models were, in this as in other bnncbe; 'i
architectural construction, followed betbre ih
Roman period. [Abcihtbctuke.] The na-
straction and designs of Assyrian railings is th>
more import«nt buildings can only b< ««-
jectured (Layard, ^in«n!^ ii. 265, 289), batttr
proportions in the walls themselves answer is >
great degree to those mentioned in Sciiftcn
(ATin. and Bab. p. 642 ; Fergusson, Hiitorj i^i
Architecture, i. 174-177). f^amples, hoieter,
are extant, of Egyptian ceilings instnccopsisK
with devices, of a date much earlier thin t^
of Solomon's Temple. Of theM deviKi tlr
principal are the guilloche, the chevron, sod tin
scroU. Some are painted in bine with iian.
and others bear representations of birds a»!
other emblems (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, ii- -^'
[1878]; Masp^ro, L'ArdiAlogie igyr&ii.
p. 162 sq.). The excessive use of Ttnmli*
nnd other glaring colours in Romas ko•J^
|>ainting, of which Vitruvins at a later dc
complains (vii. 5), may have been iot(oJa»l
from Egypt, whence also came in all prelisbilit'
the taste for vermilion painting shen i"
Jehoiakim's pal.ice (Jer. xxii. 14; Amos iiL 1':
Wilkinson, i. 19). See also the descrifAim
given by Athenaeus of the tent of PuJiEi
I'hiladelphus and the ship cf Philopator (t. '^
[196], 39 [206]), and of the »o-caIled sqmlcir-
of the kings of Syria near Tyre (Hsnelfi»<-
p. 165).
The panel work in ceilings, which has bni
described, is found in Oriental and NVi'
African dwellings of late and modem tiic^
• See Sir J. n. Hooker's paper " On the Cedars of
Lebanon, Taurus, ftc." in the Kat. BUt Rmitw, No. 6,
p. II.
Shaw describes the ceilings of Uoorisb booM i<
Barbary as of wainscot, either "very artfiU'
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CEILING
CENCHBEA
551
punted, or elx thrown into a variety of panels,
irith gilded mouldings and scrolls of the Konin
intenniied" {Trmeh, p. 208). Mr. Porter
describes the ceilings of bouses at Damascus
a> delicately painted, and in the more ancient
hcmies vith " arabesques encompassing panels of
Use, OS which are inscribed verses and chapters
of the Koran in Arabic. Also a tomb at
Palmyra, with a stone ceiling beautifully
pnnelled and painted " {Damaioai, i. 34, 37, 57,
60, 232 : cp. Deut. vi. 9 ; also Lane's Mod. Egypt.
i. 37, 38). Many of the rooms in the Palace of
the Moors at the Alhombra were ceiled and
ornamented with the richest geometrical pat-
terns. These still remain, and restorations of
them may be seen at the Alhambra Court of the
Crystal Palace. The ancient Egyptians nsed
coloured tiles in their buildings (At hen. t. 206 ;
Wilkinson, ii. 288, 292 [1878]). The like taste is
observed by Chardin to have prevailed in Persia,
and he mentions beantifnl specimens of mosaic,
arabesque, and inlaid wood-work in ceilings at
Ispahin, at Koom in the mosque of Fatima, anil
at Ardevil. These ceilings were constructed nn
the ground and hoisted to their position by
machinery (Chardin, Voyage, ii. 434, iv. 126,
vili. 40, pi. 39 ; Olearius, p. 241). [H. W. P.]
CELOSTBIA. [CoEtESTBiA.]
CEN'CHREA (accurately CENCHEEAE,
KtyKptal), the eastern harbour of Corinth (t.«.
its harbour on the Saronio Gulf) and the empo-
rium of its trade with the Asiatic shores of the
Mediterranean, just as Lechaenm (LutnUi) on the
ofODrfnth, dMmliwtKithUMaorinUiluiuKlBiiracikOiUft. (3k«td> Ukm (tam llM AcropoUa.)
Corinthian Gnlf connected it with Italy and the
vest. A line of walls extended from the citadel
of Corinth to Lecbaeum, and thus the pass of
Cenchreae was of peculiar military importance
■a reference to the approach along the Isthmus
from Northern Greece to the Morea. [Co-
WKTH.]
8t. Paul sailed from Cenchreae (Acts xviii. 18)
OB Us return to Syria from his second missionary
ymtj ; and when he wrote his Epistle to the
Romans in the course of the third joamey, an
organized Church seems to have been formed
here (Rom. xvi 1. See Phoebe). The first
Bishop of this Church is said (Apost. Const.
Tii. 46) to have been named Lucius, and to have
been appointed by St. Paul.
The distaoce of Cenchreae from Corinth was
vnrenty stadia or about nine miles. Pansanias
(>>. 3) describes the road as having tombs and a
paxt of cypresses by the wayside. The modem
tillage of Kikrie$ retains the ancient name,
which is conjectured by Dr. Sibthorpe to be
derived from the millet (xiyKpi), wiiich still
STOWS there (Walpole's TrmeU, p. 41). Some
traces of the moles of the port are still visible
(see Leake's Morea, iii. pp. 233-235). The fol-
lowing coin exhibits the port exactly as it is
described by Pansanias (ii. 2,§ 3), with a temple
at the extremity of each mole, and a statue of
Colonial Ooln of OotlnUi. On tlia obraae Uia bead of An-
tonlntu Piua ; on the nyen9 the pott of Oandueaa, with
c u I. COS.— that 1b. ooLoma Lavs JTUX ooiumm.
Neptune on a rock between them. There is also
a Corinthian coin of the time of Hadrian, on
which the harbours Lechaeum and Cenchreae
are represented as nymphs tnmed opposite ways,
each holding a rudder. The same two harbours
are referred to on other coins representing
Isthmus as a young male figure, standing nnd
holding two rudders (Jbiim. of HeUenta Stmi'f,
vi. 63, 64). [J. S. H.p [J. B. S.]
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CENDEBEUS
CENDEBK'08 (accurately CENDE-
BAEUS, KcySc/Stuot), a general left by Aotio-
chas VII. in command of the sea-board of
Palestine (1 Mace. xr. 38 sq.) after the defeat of
Tryphon B.a 138. He fortified Kedron and
harassed the Jews for some time, but was after-
wards defeated by Judas and John, the sons of
Simon Maccabaeus, with great loss (1 Hacc.
xvi. 1-10> [Ahtioohcs VII.] [B. F. W.]
CENSEE (nwm and HT^pD; in LXX.
mostly rv/Muii', but also 6ul<riai and Oviua-
rltptov ; tharibulum). The former of the Hebrew
words (from DlTiri, to seize or fay KM of, es-
pecially of fire) seems used generally for any
instrument to seize or hold burning coals, or to
receive ashes, &c., such as the appendages of the
brazen Altar and golden candlestick mentioned
in Ex. XXT. 38, xxxvii. 23, in which senses it seems
rendered by the LXX. by tnapuarpts, iirapvriip,
or prhaps inriitiia. "Censei-," however, gene-
rally bears the limited meaning which properly
belongs to the second Hebrew word, found only in
the later Books (e.g-i Ch.xxvi.l9; Ezek.viii. 11,
from It?!?, to bum incense), that, viz. of a small
portable vessel of metal fitted to receive burning
coals from the Altar, and on which the incense
for burning was sprinkled by the priest to whose
office this exclusively belonged, who bore it in
his hand, and with whose personal share in the
most solemn ritual duties it was thus in close
and vivid connexion (2 Ch. xxvi. 18 ; Luke i. 9).
Thus " Korah and bis company " were bidden to
take " censen " (DFinD), with which in emu-
lation of Aaron and his sons they had perhaps
provided themselves* (cp. Ezek. viii. 11); and
Hoses tells Aaron to take " the censer " (not
o as in A. v.; R. V. "thy," Num. xvi. 46
[Heb., xvii. 11]), t.«. that of the sanctuary,
or that of the high-priest, to stay the plague
by atonement. The only distinct precepts
regarding the use of the censer are found in
Num iv. 14, where among the vessels of the
golden Altar, i.«. of incense, "censers" are
reckoned ; and in I<eT. xvi, 12, where we find that
the high-priest was to carry it into the most holy
place within the veil, where the " incense " was
to be " put on the fire," ie. on the coals in the
censer, " before the Lord." This must have been
on the Day of Atonement, for then only was that
place entered. Solomon prepared "censers of pure
gold " as part of the same furniture (1 K. vii.
50 ; 2 Ch. iv. 22). Possibly their general ase
may be explained by the imagery of Kev. viii.
3, 4,* and may have been to take up coals from
the brazen Altar, and convey the incense while
burning to the "golden Altar," or "Altar of
incense," on which it was to be offered morning
and evening (Ex. xxi. 7, 8). So ITzziah, when
he was intending "to bum incense upon the
altar of incense," took " a censer in his hand "
* Gesenlus, «. v. nnDDi seems to prefer the general
meaning of a fire-pan In this passage ; but, from Num.
xvi. 17, It was probably the same fashion of thing as
that used by Aaron in the priestly function. Nor, as
the rebellion was evidently a deliberately concerted
movement, to there any difflculty In supposing the
amount of preparation suggested in the text.
b The word for censer here is Ai^orwr^f, from the
At^amt of Matt. ii. 11; in Rev. v. 8, ^toAat la used
apparently to mean the same vessel.
CHATF
(2 Ch. xivi. 16, 19). The Uishna {Jama, iv. 4)
mentions a silver censer which bad a handle, tad
which was fetched from some chamber vkrr
such utensils were kept (ib. v. 1, and Eorttie-
Dora's comment); it was used to gatiier the
coals from the altar, which were then transferred
to a golden censer. On the great Day of Atone-
ment, however, a golden one of finer standaiti
{Tanad, v. 5) was used throughout.* In Ugoliai,
vol. xi., a collection of authorities on the subject
will be found ; Sonneschmid, de Tkym, Smct. i'-
referred to by Winer, «. t. Bauch&ss. [H. E]
CENSUS. [MOXBEKIHO.]
CENTUBION. [Abut.]
CE'PHAS. [Pbtbb.]
CE'BAS (Kvfxis; Cariae), 1 Esd. r. 29.
[Keb06.]
CE'SAB. A. V. ed. 1611. [Caesie.]
CESAKEA. a V. ed. 1611. [CiEaasEA.]
CE'TAB (Kj)T<£fl; Cetha), 1 Esd. v. 3*.
There is no name corresponding with this in tie
lists of Ezra and Nehemiah.
CHABEI8 (X<i3pu ; Vulg. omits), the son
of Gothoniel (i toO r.), one of the three " mien"
(ifXoyrts) or " ancients " (wptafiiTtpot) of Beti-
ulia, in the time of Jodith (Jodith vi IS^ viii.
10, X. 6).
CHADIAS. "They of Chadias (B. •( Xs-
Suurof, A. XaS'curof ; Enocadies) and Ammidei,*
according to 1 Esd. v. 20, returned from Babjlm
with Zorol>abel. Fritzsche {Exeg. Hdt>. in li>c»)
identifies it with Kedesh (Josh. xr. 23). Thetr
are no corresponding names in the lists of Ezn
and Nehemiah. [W. A W.]
CHAE'BEAS, 2 Mace x. 32, 37. [CiB-
REAS.] .
CHAFF (Wn. yfe. 1^; ChaU. "«B;
Xfovs, ixui>0¥\ etipula, pulvu, favSla). Tbt
Heb. words rendered c/iaff in A V. have i!i
different meanings : E'en = fodder, and occsn
twice only in 0. T., viz. Is. r. 24, xixjil 11.
The root VVn is not used. Possibly the San-
scrit kaksch = hay is the same word (Bepp-
Glou. p. 41); the Arabic
is also applied to all cut herbage. Hay, as mr
understand it, is not made or stored in the East ;
but stalled cattle and horses are fed on stn«
and fodder cut green, or dried and withered
according to the season. Whether fresh or drr.
this is called haihish.
fiO or 1^ is chaff separated by winnowiw:
from the grain — the husk of the wheat. TV
carrying away of chaff by the wind is an ordi-
nary scriptural image of the destruction of tht
wicked, and of their powerlessnea to rein
God's judgments (Is. xvii. 13; Hos. liii. 3;
Zeph. ii. 2). The root of the word is fW, <(•
prets out, as of milk ; whence its second meaaii;.
to separate.
' The word «vfiun^piai', rendered " ceneer ' ia BA.
Ix. 4, probably means the •• Altar of Incense." [AiT« ;
IxcxxsE.]
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CHAIN
pn is rendered correctly straw in £x. v. 7,
10, "li, Ik., bnt atabble in Job xxi. 18. In Ex.
T. 12, we read \^n? V^, stubble for straw ; so
tlist it is not the lame as stubble. Straw was
nt into short portions, and mixed with the
mod of which bricks were made to give it con-
sistencj. In 1 K. iv. 28, mention is made of a
miied fodder for horses and camels of barley
sod 1^ snch as the Arabs call tiba to this day.
Tile deriration of the word is doabtfuL Dietrich
(tn HV." s. N.) connects it with ^ ^ . to bruise;
Gesenius was of opinion that {371 was for nj3FI>
litiim root rU3, to build, in reference to edifices
of bricks made with straw ; bnt Roediger prefers
to connect it with P9> ^^kich properly implies
s upaiation and division of parts, and is thence
tnutferred to the mental power of discernment ;
9u tlist \yF[ signifies properly anything cut into
small parts (Ges. Thes. p. 1492).
The remarkable discovery of the Storehouse
or Tiessnre-dty at Snkknt, or Thokn, in Lower
Kgypt (Snccoth, Ex. xii. 37), the temple of
Pe-tom (Pithom, Ex. i. 11), which was the sacred
enclosure within the civil city, has cast a vivid
ligkt on the use of straw and stubble mentioned
ia Eiodos. The lower part of the walls are
formed of dried bricks with chopped straw
(Ma). Above these reeds and waterweeds
ciiopptd (the kash or stubble of the A. V.) have
been employed ; while the upper tiers have
been dried without either stubble or straw.
The Chaldaic word *14V occurs bat once, in
Ikan. ii. 33, and has the same meaning as the
Heb. ffO, datff. It is connected with the Syr.
(lOXand Aralk ,\aP) i*- a small bit of chaCT,
or a mote. [W. D.] [H. B. T.]
CHAIN. Chains were used, 1. as badges of
office; 2. for ornament; 3. for confining pri-
sonen. 1. The gold chain 0*91) placed about
Joseph's neck (Gen. zli. 42X and that promised
to Daoiel (Dan. r. 7, named K3*9Dn, Keri), are
instances of the first use. In Egypt it was one of
the Msaifiua of a judge, who wore an image of
Truth attached to it (Wilkinson's Anc. Egypt, ii.
205 [1878]); it was also worn by the prime
minister, in Persia it was considered not only a
mark of royal favour (Xen. Anab. i. 2, § 27), bnt
i token of investiD to (Dan. I. c. ; Morier's Second
Jamey, p. 93). In Eiek. xvi. 11, the chain
is mentioned as the symbol of sovereignty.
2. Chains for ornamental purposes were worn by
■sea as well as women in many countries both
of Europe and Asia (for Egypt, cp. Wilkinson, ii.
339X and probably this was the case among the
Hebrews (Prov. i. 9). The necklace (piS) con-
sisted of pearls, corals, &c, threaded on a string ;
the beads were called D'jnn, from fin, to per-
forate (Cant. L 10, A. V. "'chains," where the
words of gold are interpolated ; R. V. "strings
of jewels '^. Besides the necklace, other chains
vere worn (Judith x. 4), hanging down as far as
the waist, or even lower. Some were adorned
*ith pieces of meta), shaped in the form of the
moon, named D^l^HB' (/liirurKoi, LXX. ; lunulas,
Volg. ; " round tires like the moon," A. V., " the
CHALDEA, CHALDAEA 553
crescents," R. V.; Is. iii. 18); a similar orna-
ment, the Mlal, still exists in Egypt (Lane's
Modem Egyptians, App. A). The Midianites
adorned the necks of their camels with it (Judg.
viiL 21, 26); the Arabs still use a similar
ornament (Wellsted, i. 301). To other chains
were suspended various trinkets — as scent-
bottles, CPJil *^3 C tablets," marg. Aous<s of
the souls, A. v.; "the perfume-boxes," B. V.;
Is. iii. 20), and hand-mirrors, D*))*?] (Is. iii. 23),
a<p-cA(itn«,n^ltri{ ("tinkling ornaments," A. v.,
"anklets," R. V.V'were attached to the a&kle-
rings, which shortened the step and produced a
mincing gait (Is. iii. 16, 18). 3. The means
adopted for confining prisoners among the Jews
were fetters similar to our handcuffs, D^FKi'ni
(lit. tieo brasses, as though made in balvesX.
fastened on the wrists and ankles, and attached
to each other by a chain (Judg. xvi. 21 ; 2 Sara,
iii. 34 ; 2 K. xxv. 7 ; Jer. iiiix. 7). Among:
the Romans, the prisoner was handcuffed to one,
and occasionally to two guards — the handcuff
on the one being attached to that on the other
by a chain (Acts xii. 6, 7 ; xxi. 33 ; — Diet, of Or^
and 5&m. .4n«., art. Cateka). [W. L.B.] [F.]
CHALCEDONY (xaXioiScir; cafcedonius).
only in Rev. xxi. 19, where it is mentioned as
being the stone which garnished the third
foundation of the heavenly Jerusalem. The
name is applied in modern mineralogy to one of
the varieties of agate : specimens of this sub-
species of qnartx, when of a pearly or wax-like-
lustre and of great translucency, are known by
the natne of chalcedony, sometimes popularly
called " white carnelian." * There is also a
stalactitic form found occasionally in cavities.
There can, however, be little doubt that the
stone to which Theophrastus (<fe Lapid. § 25)-
refers, as being found in the island opposite
Chalcedon and used as a solder, must have been
the green transparent carbonate of copper, or
our copper emerald. It is by no means easy to
determine the mineral indicated by Pliny (,H. S.
xxxvii. 5) ; the white agate is mentioned by him
(J7. N. xxxvii. 10) as one of the numerous
varieties of Achates (Agate), under the name^
Cerachates and Lettcachates. The Chaloedoniu^
was so called from Chalcedon, and was obtained
from the copper mines there : it was a small
stone and of no great value ; it is described by
Pliny as resembling the green and blue tints
which are seen on a peacock's tail, or on a
pigeon's neck. Mr. King (Antique Gems, p. 8)
says it was a kind of inferior emerald, as Pliny
understood it. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
CHALCOL, 1 K. iv. 31. [Calool.]
CHALDE'A, CHALDAE'A (D'VbO; also,
more correctly, Dnrj y^, "the land of the
Chaldaeans:" ^ XaXSaia; Chaldaea: Assyr.
• " Our cakedony being often opalescent— <.e. liavlnB
something of Pliny's ■ Carbunculorum ignes' in It— got
confounded with the Carchedonius or Punic carbanclc
of a pale colour, and this afain with bis green Chaloe-
donlutt. Kopxi^doviof and KaXjciioytoi are oontlnnally
intercbanged Id HSS. Marbodos already understood It
of our calcedony, as shown by lila * PflUenaqnc Chalce-
donius ignis babet efflglem.' "— C. W. Kmo.
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554
CHALDEANS
CUALDEAliS
Mai Kaldu IKaldi, Kalda}, "the land of
Chaldaea"), property only the middle portion
of Babylonia, apparently the tract immediately
aoQth and eaat of the city of Babylon, having on
the N.W. the district called Kar-Ountai, on the
S.E. Bit-Vikin and Timtim (the latter a dbitrict
on the shores of the Persian Gulf), on the N.E.
Sntu and Yatbur, and on the S.W. the Syrian
Desert. After the time of Jeremiah, however,
the name was extended, and made to include the
whole of Babylonia ; namely, the districts of
Sumir and Akksd (N.E. and S.W. BabyloniaX
following and taking in the whole district
between the Tigris and the Euphrates, as far
as the Persian Gulf, and extending on the S.E.
beyond the banks of the Tigris so as to include
the tract of marshland on the S. vV. borders of
Klam. In its more extended meaning, its
•boundaries were the same as those of Babylonia,
— Assyria and the Kassites on the N. and N.E.,
the Syrian desert and the Persian Gulf on the
S., Elam on the E., and Syria on the W. Its
extreme length (nearly N.E. and S.W.) would
be about 400 miles, and its average width about
100 miles. [See Bauel, Babtlonia.]
The meaning of the name Kasdim or Chal-
^aeans has often been discussed, and the
explanation which may be regarded as the most
satisfactory is that which connects the Hebrew
form with the Assyrian root kaiadu, "to
conquer," whence (by the common change of
i, through r, into / before a dental) the word
Kaldu, the form from which the Greek Xa\Saia
comes. The Hebrews seem to have borrowed
the word at a very early period, for the form
Kaida has not yet been found in the wedge-
writing. The absence of this last-named form,
however, is probably to be explained by the fact,
that besides the root taiudu the Assyrians
possessed also the root kaiadu, with the same
meaning; and they probably considered that
the name |KaIdu came rather from the latter
than the former. The name is supposed to have
originated from the warlike nature of the
Chaldacau tribes inhabiting Babylonia (see
Chaldeabs, 1). [T. G. P.]
CHALDE'ANS or CHALDEE8 (O^iip ;
XoXSaroi; Chatdnei; Assyr. Kaldda, Kaldu).
1. (In the original and limited sense.) The Chal-
deans formed a cluster of tribes, each governed
by its own chief or petty king, and situated im-
mediately to the south of the city of Babylon (see
Chaldea). It seems not at all unlikely that the
early Chaldaeans were so called on account of their
warlike nature (see Chaldea). The Babylonians
proper hardly mention them in their records
as a nationality ; but the Assyrians often record
encounters with them, and from this we may
infer that they sometimes gave the Assyrians
a great deal of trouble, for they seem to have
been most persevering in resisting the Assyrian
invasions of Babylonia. In the Assyrian records
Chaldea (rri&t Kaldu) first makes its appearance
about 880 B.C., being mentioned in the annals of
AiSnr-nasir-apli or Assumasirpal. Shalmaneser,
bis son, attacked the Chaldaeans, and compelled
Aainu, of the tribe of Dakkuru or Dakuru, one
of their chiefs, to give tribute. Tiglath-pileser
also attacked many Chaldaean chiefs(Balasu "soix
K)f Dakkam" among the number); and from
other passages in the Assyrian records we learn
also that Chaldea, in it* restricted seite, vat
governed by a great many petty kings. Jsdpag
from what Sennacherib says about them, tHey
were often to be found as mercenaries, sod he
classes them with the wandering Anbi sad
Arameans who used to enter the service of
foreign states. Sennacherib himself, in his
Babylonian expeditions, often came into coatui
with them. It is not at all unlikely that both
Nergal-nKzib (Regebelos) and Mui^xib-Msidok
(Mesesimordakos), kings of Babylon, ewji of
whom seems to have borne the name of §Aiab
(from the Chald. ^]^ ; cp. the name ^2JT0i
were, as implied by Sennacherib, Chaldeiiu.
(When a Chaldaean chief became king of Babjlos,
he seems to have adopted a name in the coart-
Babylonian or Assyrian language.) The Chal-
daeans were also among those who obeyed the
call of SamaMum-ukin or Saosdnchinos, kinj of
Babylon, when he revolted against the over-
lordship of his brother Aasnrbanipal, king of
Assyria. On the whole, the warlike natsn
attributed in the Bible to the Chaldaeaas, b
well borne out by the inscriptions of Assyiis
and Babylonia. The house of Dskkaru,mentioMd
above, seems to have been the diief tribe.
From their character of warriors, which tbej
shared with the Aramaeans, the Chaldaeav
probably belonged to the more energetic portm
of the popalation of Babylonia, the Babylooisas
proper being rather traders than varrion.
Hence it probably was, that the Chaldaeii
tribes of Babylonia — who seem to have gives
more than one king to the conntry; and who,
in later times, probably formed, with the
Aramaeans, the backbone of the BabjlonisB
army — were regarded by the nations aronaJ
»s the chief race of the country, and the whole
of Babylonia probably obtained the nsnie oi
Chaldea (by which it htis been known since the
time of Jeremiah) in this way.
Judging from one or two of the proper nanei
mot with in the Assyrian and Babylonian records
it seems probable that the Chaldaeans proper
spoke a language closely akin to, if not exactlj
the same as, the Chaldaean of the books of
Daniel, Ezra, and Nehemiah. The names which
illustrate this best are those of Dakura or
Dakknni and his descendant Adinn. Of the
latter name the Hebrew equrvalent w«oH
probably be }TK, whilst the former seems
certainly to be f^om the root T3T, Chald. "OT.
both having the common change from tiWait
{z) to dental ((/), which is met with also n
Aramaean or Sjrriac.
2. (In its extended meaiiiBg.) The iahabitai»
of the land of which Babylon was the cspitsl.
and which is generally designated by the nssw
of Babylonia, corresponding with the ■*>
BSbili of the Assyrians and Babylraians, sad
including Sumer or Shinar, Akkad ( Uri), Ks^
DunSai, Chaldea (nuEt KMt), mat TiBt»
("the land of the sea"), U( Takm, fcc, k-
(see Babylon, the country). These so.«sIle<l
Chaldaeans, though Semites for the most pari,
probably had originally but little ChaMaea
blood in them. Their language was cIomIt
allied to Hebrew, and any words of ChaMsesl
form that it may have had in later times
are probably due to the preponderating inlh-
euce which the Chaldaean tribes inhabiting the
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CHALDEE
diitrict mnth of Babylon had gained in the
oonatry (tee above). The so-called Chaldaeans
(= Babvlonians) were in fact of the tame race
u the Assyrians, and spoke the same langa^e.
[BABTiiOK (the conntry) ; Assyria.]
3. (In its derived meaning.) The Book of
Daniel (ch. ii. 2, 10; iv. 4, Ik.), Curtias, Strabo,
and Diodoms understood astroloijtra by the
word Chaldaean. This use of the name pro-
bably arises from the fact, that from ancient
times Babylonia (= Chaldea) was the home
of aatrology, and remained so even after the
downfall of the late-Babylonian monarchy.
It is also not unlikely that their special re-
potation as astrologers rests upon a kind of
pun, the word Chaldaean (probably restricted to
the class of astrologers) being often written, in
Babylonian and Assyrian, with the characters
£-Zfjrf. ^[»— 5f^ (fenelu) Gal-du {gal=
" great," and do, " to make ") ; a gronp which
could be understood to mean, in the old Akkadian
language, " doer of great (things)." As has been
stated above, the Chaldaeans proper (that is, in
the original restricted sense of the word) spoke
a Semitic dialect closely akin to, if not exactly
the same as, the Chaldaean of the Book of
Daniel and elsewhere ; but the mother-tongue
of the Chaldaean astrdogera was apparently
ordinary Semitic Babylonian. With regard to
any special knowledge or science that they may
have had, it does not appear from the ancient
Babylonian or Assyrian monuments that they
shone in that respect with greater lustre than
any of the other classes of dupiarriti or scribes.
They nevertheless had a certain reputation, and
it was apparently one of this class whom
Sennacherib raised to the throne of Babylon,
and of whom he speaks as " BSl-ibn!, the son of
the Galdu (Kaldu). of the stem of §u-ana (the
city of Babylon), who as a little child had grown
up in my palace.** This king, who is the
Belibos of the Canon of Ptolemy, ruled over
Uabylonia for three years ; at the end of which
time (699 B.C.) he was deposed by the power
which had raised him to the throne, and
replaced by Aiiur-nadin-ium (Aparanadios),
Sennacherib's own son. It is probable that this
learned class was located principally at Babylon,
and futare excavations in Babylonia will
probably bring to light many additional facta
concerning them. [T. G. P.]
CHALDEE or CHALDAIC LANGUAGE.
[SHEXITIC LaNOUAOES, § 14, &c.]
CHALDEE VEB8I0N8. [Vebsioss, .An-
cient (Targum).]
CHALDEES. [Chaldeans.]
CHALK STONES (*11-»33K; Kwla; calx,
lapiie* cineria) occurs only in Is. xxvii. 9, " He
maketh all the stones of the altar as chalk-
stones that are beaten in sunder," A. V. and
R. V. The word signifies literally atonea of lime.
"^i is from an dnused root, ^^|, " to boil up,"
in reierence to the heating of lime when slaked.
In Dan. v. 5 the noun il^*} is translated
"pl»i«t«r," A. V. and R. V. 'The Arabic word
\ j— , g'ayyar, "quicklime," is identical, and
from th* root .\;>> " to boil," Lime has been most
CHAMBEBLAIN
555
abundantly nsed in Palestine from the very
earliest times; and the cement of the most
ancient remains is, for fineness, impenetrability
and hardness, unsurpassed. The conditions of
the country would always encourage the use of
mortar. 'Timber is and always has been scarce,
while the whole region, with some insignificant
exceptions, is one mass of limestone, Jurassic
in the lower parts, but on the hills frequently
covered, save when denuded, by eocene chalk.
Here and there are basaltic streams, adjacent to
which we sometimes find metamorphic limestone.
The chalk and stone are both extremely friable,
and in preparing lime a wheel like that of an
oil press has been used from ancient times to
pulverize the stone, before it is put into the
kiln. The only fuel nsed is brushwood and
thistle stalks, and the kiln is simply a saucer-
shaped hollow in the ground about 4 feet deep,
into which the fuel and crushed limestone are
spread in alternate layers, then kindled, and the
whole oovered with earth or sods, as in the
manufacture of charcoal, but with a draught
hole in the centre. This is alluded to Is, xxxiii.
12: "The people shall be as the burnings of
lime : as thorns cut up shall they be burned in
the fire." One of the chief uses of this fine
lime was to plaster the inside of the snbterraneau
cisterns which honeycomb the whole land, espe-
cially the hill-country. The storage system, by
which these cisterns were fed, consisted also of
narrow cement gutters about six inches in
diameter running along the edge of each terrace,
and conveying the water into the cisterns. The
innumerable sepulchres hewn out of the rocks
and hillsides were likewise carefully plastered.
In all these the cement, often more than 3,000
yearn old, remains hard, perfect, and impenetrable
by moisture. [H. B. T.]
CHAMBEB, UPPEB. [House.]
CHAUBEBLAIN (oUordiuis ; arcariua).
Erastus, " the chamberlain " (K. V. " treasurer ")
of the city of Corinth, was one of those whose
salutations to the Roman Christians are given at
the end of the Ep. addressed to them (Rom.
xvi. 23). The office which he held was appa-
rently that of public treasurer, or arcariua, as
the Vulgate renders his title. These arcarii
were inferior magistrates, who had the charge
of the public chest (ami piAlica), and were under
the authority of the senate. They kept the
accoimts of the public revenues. In the Glossary
nf Philoxenus the word oitcor6iun is explained
i M t9 J ii\ixovlas rpawt(r]S, and in the Pandects
the term arcariua is applied to any one who
attends to public or private money. It is, as
Grotius remarks, one of those words which have
lieen transferred from the house to the state.
In old glosses quoted by Suicer ( Theaaw.') we
find arcariua explained by iwoStirriis -j^eov,
and in accordance with this the translators of
the Geneva Version have placed "receiver" in
the margin. Erasmus interpreted the word
quaeator aerariL St. Ambrose thought that the
office of the oeconomus principally consisted in
regulating the prices of the markets, and hence
Pancirollns was erroneously led to interpret
the term of the aedile. Theophylact rendered
It i Sumtrfr^s, i upoyorrriis rqs niKftts Ko-
firBov, and is followed by Bexa, who gives pro-
curator.
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CHAMKLEON
In an inmariptioD in the Marm. Oxon. (p. 83,
ed. 1732), we find NcIXfi oiKorifuf 'Artas : and
in another, mention in made of Miletaa, who was
oeconomoii of Smyrna (Ins. zzx. p. 26 ; see
Prideaux'a note, p. 477). Another in Gruter
(p. mzci. 7, ed. Scaliger, 1616) contains the name
of "Secundus Ariaritta Reipublicae Amerino-
rum ; " bat the one which bears most upon our
point is given by Orellius (No. 2821X and men-
tions the "arcariui provinciae Achaiae." For
further information see Reinesins, Syntagm.
Itucr. p. 431 ; La Cerda, Adtxn. Sacr. cap. .'>G ;
Eisner, Obs. Sacr. ii. p. 68 ; and a note by Reine-
sius to the Marmora Oxoniemia, p. 515, ed.
1732.
Our translators had good reason for rendering
oiKov6iu>t by "chamberlain." In Stow's Swr-
vei/ of London (bk. v. p. 162, ed. Strype) it is
sail! of the Chamberlain of the city of London :
" His office may be termed a pnblick treasury,
collecting the customs, monies, and yearly re-
Tenue*, and all other payments belonging to the
corporation of the city.'
The office held by Blastns, "the king's
cAamberlain " (rhy M roi Koirirot rov 0airi-
Af»>X was entirely different from that above
mentioned (Acts zii. 20). It was a post of hon-
our which involved great intimacy and influence
with the king. T^e margin of our Version
gives " that was over the king's bedchamber,"
the office thus corresponding to that of the proe-
fectui cubiculo (Suet. Vom. 16).
For Chamberlain as used in the O. T., see
Eunuch. [W. A. W.]
CHAMELEON (H^, coacli ; x<VuuAca»';
chttmaeleon). The Hebrew word which signt6es
" strength " occurs in the sense of some kind of
unclean animal in Lev. xi. 30 ; the A. V. follows
the LXX. and Vulg. The R. V. renders it
" the land-crocodile." Various other interpreta-
tions of the word have been given, for which see
Bochart (//ieroz. ii. 493). There seems to be
no reason, etymological or other, for the render-
ing " chameleon," a lizard pre-eminently feeble
rather than strong, and whose skeleton-like body
affords absolutely no flesh that could be eaten.
It is more probable that the chameleon is
intended by the Hebrew TMS^iFl, tinahemeth
(Lev. xi. 30, A. V. "mole',''"K. V. "cha-
meleon"), where the context seems to imply
some lizard, while the etymology, "the
breather," may refer to this lizard, supposed by
the ancients to live upon air.
The present word is referred by Bochart
iind others to the Arabic el vmral, i.e. the
lizard, of which there are two species, dis-
tinguished as loaral el bahr and waral el 'ard,
'• the water lizard " and " the land lizard."
These huge lizards, the most powerful of their
uLiss, are found in Africa, especially in Egypt,
and also in the region round the Dead Sea, and
in the southern wilderness. The former (Monitor
Xiloticiu) is rare in Southern Palestine, and is
distingnished from the other by a high keel
running along the whole length of its tail. It
is m the habit of searching for and devouring
crocodiles' eggs, on which account it was re-
verenced by the ancient Egyptians, and is often
found sculptured on their gems (Forsk. Deacr.
Anim. p. 13 ; Hasselquist, Travels, p. 221).
The land Monitor, J'sammosauna scinaa, " the
CHAMOIS
land-crocodile " of the R. V., attains nearly tbe
same size, four or live feet in length, has s lon^
muzzle and sharp-pointed teeth, and is common
in all the sandy districts of Southern Palestine
and the Sinaitic desert. It also devoun croco-
diles' eggs. Both species are camivorons, feed-
ing on small lizards and jerboas, and are eaten
by the Arabs. [H.B.T.]
CHAMOIS (^.T, temer; icatatXmifStlus;
cametopardalus). In the list of animals alWed
for food (Dent. xiv. 5) mention is made of the
zemer. The etymology points to some leaping
animal, and is identical with the Arabic at :,
xamar, " to spring." The creature intended
cannot be the chamois of A. V. and R. V., as this
is a central European antelope, unknown in any
Bible lands. The LXX., Vulgate, and sonw
other Versions are still, further astray in ren-
dering it " camelopard " or " giraffe," nn
inhabitant of the plains of Central Africa, ind
which could only be known to the Jews by
specimens possibly brought into Egypt from
Ethiopia, but which never could hare been
named as an article of food in the Leritical code,
which only comprises the animals attainable ii
Palestine or the wilderness of the wanderiagt.
Bochart (Higrot. ii. 273) reasonabW argues in
favour of some ibex or wild goat [see Knobel-
Dillmann on Lev. xi. 3], after showing tl>e
impossibility of the interpretation of tlie
LXX. It is not likely to be the Ibex or wild
goat of Sinai, which was and still is common in
those countries, and is satisfactorily identified
with the Hebrew ^{T, ya'el.
Col. H. Smith (in' Kitto's Cyc., art. Za»er)
suggests that some mountain sheep is intended,
and 6gures the Ktbsch (Ovi$tragelaplaa\ a wild
sheep not uncommon, he says, in the Hokattam
rocks near Cairo, and found also, though now rerr
rarely, in Sinai ; it is not improbable that this
AODiUd SfaMIi.
is the animal denoted, for the names of the otker
ruminants mentioned in the catalogue of beasts
allowed for food are, for the most part, identifi-
able with other wild animals of the Bible landi,
and there can be no doubt that the £t4sci ot
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CHAMPIAN
Aondad was known to the Israelites ; again,
Col. Smith's suggestion has partly the sanction
of the Syriac Version, which reads as the
eqaivalent of the Hebrew word, " a mountain
goat."
Many species of the wild mountain sheep
are known, and are all looked upon by the Arabs
as goats, which in form and habits they much
resemble. The North African Aoudad (Oru
traiielaphut) inhabits the Atlas, and all the
higher and more inaccessible North African
ranges, and is not unfrequently figured on the
monncnents of Egypt. An allied species, the
Hoaflon (Ocn musimon), still exists in Corsica,
Sardinia, and Cyprus, and the same or a closely
allied form was formerly common in Spain, the
Greek mountains, and across Circassia to Northern
Persia, where it is said still to occur. The
Arabians speak of the Kebsch, which is very
probably identical with the Aoudad, as inhabit-
ing the monntainous parts of Arabia ; but though
undoubtedly still existing, and formerly probably
extending to the Lebanon, no naturalist has yet
secored a specimen for comparison. The true
wild goat (Capra aegagrus) is still found in
the Tanrid range, and I have procured it near
Aintab, on the northern frontier of Syria, where
it is looked on as a Kebsch. It is very possible
that both these sjiecies are included under
[H. B. T.]
CHABASHIM
557
CHAMPIAN, CHAKPIPN, old forms for
ciampaign in A. V. 1611 ed. Deut. zi. 30
(R. V. " Arabah ") ; Eiek. xxxvii. 2, marg. Cp.
S. D. Amer. ed. [F.]
CHAIfAAK (Xwo^'), the manner in which
the word Canaan is spelt in the A. V. of
the Apocrypha and N. T. (cp. Charran for
Haran,&c.). Judith t. 3, 9, 10; Bar. iii. 22;
Sua. 56 ; 1 Hacc ix. 37 ; Acts vii. 11, ziii. 10
<K. V. "Canaan").
Cbanaanite for Canaanite, Judith t. 16.
[W. A. W.]
CHANEL -BONE, Job xxxi. 22, marg.
A V. An old term for the collar-bone. See
Eastwood and Wright's BSAe Word-Book, s. n.
Cp. D. D. Amer. ed. [K ]
CHANNUNE'US (Xavawafat ; Chana-
ao^its),' 1 Esd. Tiii. 48 [LXX. t>. 47]. This
-answers to Herari, if to anything, in the parallel
list of Ezra (yiiL 19> [W. A. W.]
CHA'NOCH, Gen. it. 17. A form of Enoch,
more nearly approaching to the Hebrew. Op.
D. B. Amer. ed. [F.]
CHAPEL, the A. V. rendering of EHpO in
AmoE vii 13 (R. V. " sanctuary ; " iLfiaaiJM ;
tanciifcatio). The term is applied not to any
definite temple or shrine, but to Bethel itself,
which Jeroboam II. had filled with idolatry.
In the D. B. Amer. ed., it is suggested that the
rendering, which is as old as the Bishops' Bible,
arose firom an idea that the king had a private
place of worship in Bethel. In 1 Mace. i. 47,
2 Uacc. z. 2, xi. 3, " chapel " is applied to
places of idol and heathen worship. [K.]
CHAPITER 1. ni^i,inpl. rt-irii,from
*in3, to turroimd; iirtS4fta; capiteUmn. 2.
naif, from HBS, to draw oiU (Ges. Tha.); ql
Kf^aXtU; capita. The upper member of a
pillar — the same word which is now in use in
the slightly different form of "capital"; also
possi|>ly a roll moulding at the top of a building
or work of art, as in the case (1) of the pillars
of the Tabernacle and Temple, and of the two
pillars called especially Jachin and Boaz ; and
(2) of the lavers belonging to the Temple
(Ex. xxxviii. 17 ; 1 K. vii. 27, 31, 38). As to
the form and dimensions of the former, see
Tabernacle, Temple, Boaz ; and of the latter,
Lavee. (3) The word E'K^, rrfsA=head, is
also occasionally rendered " chapiter," as in the
description of the Tabernacle, Ex. xxxri. 38,
xxxviii. 17, 19, 28 ; but in the account of the
Temple it u rendered by A. V. and R. V. " top,"
1 K. vii. 16, &c. [H. W. P.]
CHABAATH'ALAR (B. XapaaeaXiy, A.
Xapa •A«aAo^ ; Carmellam), 1 Esd. v. 36. The
pl.ice-names "Cherub, Addan, and Immer," in
the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah, are here per-
verted into " Charaathalar leading them, and
Aalar " (see Speaker't Comm. 1. c). [W. A. VV.]
CHAB'ACA («b rhy Xipaxa [? Xipa(] ; in
C/taraca), a place mentioned only in 2 Mace. xii.
17, and there so obscurely that nothing can be
certainly inferred as to its position. It was on
the east of Jordan, being inhabited by the Jews
called "Tnbieni," or of "Tobie" [Job], who
were in Gilead (cp. 1 Mace. v. 9, 13) ; it was
apparently in the same part of the country as
Camion (Abhteroth-Karnaih), 2 Mace. xii.
18, 21, 26 ; and it was 750 furlongs (i.e. over
92 miles) from the city Caspis ; but where the
last place was situated, or in which direction
Charax was with regard to it, there is no clue.
Ewald (^Gesch. iv. 359 n ) places it to the extreme
east, and identifies it with RapiiON ; but it was
more probably in the district immediately south
of the Saiir YarmuA. The only name now
known on the east of Jordan which recalls
Charax is Kerat, the ancient Kir-Moab, on the
south-east of the Dead Sea, which in post-
biblical times was called XapdxuaPa and Mu-
Bauxipa( (see the quotations in Reland, p.
705); this, however, is too far to the south.
The Syriac Peshitto has ^^, Carca, which
suggests Karkor (Judg. viii. 10> See Speaker's
' Coimn. on 2 Mace. /. c. [G.] [W.]
CHABA'SHIM, the VALLEY OP (N'S
Coffin, " ravine of craftsmen ;" B. 'AyfaSSadp,
A. yris Pcurtf/t, Srt riierorts ^iroi'; vallia arti-
jiiMm; R. v., in 1 Ch. iv. 14, Ge-harashim
[|marg. ; the valley of craftamen\; in Neh. xi.
35, BN*A. om., N— •* "' rnapairln ; A. V. and
R. V. " the valley of craftsmen " [marg. Ge-ha-
AarosAtm]), a plaee mentioned twice, — 1 Ch.
■V. 14, as having been founded or settled by
Joab, a man of the tribe of Judah and family
of Othniel ; and Neh. xi. 35, as being reinhabited
by Benjamites after the Captivity. Its mention
! by Nehemiah with Neballat, IakI (Lydda), Ono
(Kefr 'Ana), &c., fixes its position as in the
swelling ground at the back of the plain of
Sharon, east of Jaffa. A trace of the name may
perhaps be retained in Kh. Hirsha, a ruin east
of Y&lo (PKF. Mem. iii. 36). The Talmud
(as quoted by Schwarz, p. 135) reports the
valley of Charashim to consist of Lod and On»,
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558
CHARCHAMIS
which lay thereiD. Whether Joab the son
of Seraiah u the same person as the son of
Zeraiah will be best examined auder the name
JOAB. [G.] [W.]
CHAB'OHAMIS (6. XofKo^i,, A. KaXxa-
/u/;; Charoamis), 1 Esd. i. 25 (LXX. e. 23).
The ed. of 1611 (with most editions) reads Car-
chamis. [Oarchekish.] [F.]
CHAB'CHEMISH (B«t??"l3 ; LXX. omiU;
Charcamis), 2 Ch. xxxt. 20. [Oabchemisu.]
CHAB'CUS (B. Baxoiti, A. Bapxmi; Barcus),
1 Esd. T. 32. Corrupted from Baskos, the
corresponding name in the parallel lists of Esra
(ii. 53) and Nehemiah (vii. 55) — ^possibly by a
change of 2 into 3. In J). B. Amer. ed. it is
suggested that the translators of the A. V. got
their reading of the name from the Aldine ed.
(XopKo^s)- '» the edition of 1611 the name is
spelt "Chareos." [K.]
CHA'BEA (A. Xofia, B. om. ; Carte), 1 Esd.
V. 32. [Habsha.]
CHABGEB (1. nn^, fi'om a root signify-
ing hollowness ; rpv/SAiov, KorriKi) ; aostofruAun ;
rendered " dish " by A. V. and S. V. in Ex.
xiT 29, xxxTii, 16, and Num. iv. 7. 2. hcT^^ ;
'^ivteHif, pkiala; only found in Ezra i. §), a
shallow vessel for receiving water or blood, also
for presenting offerings of fine flour with oil
(Num. viii. 79 ; cp. Ges. Thet. p. 22). The English
word "charger," or that on which anjrthing is
laid, comes from the French charger (still used
of guns) and the old English charge, ■>. to load.
Cp. Eastwood and Wright, Bibte Word-Book,
s. n. The " chargers " mentioned in Numbers
are said to have been of silver, and to have j
weighed each 130 shekels, or 65 oz. (Hossey,
Anc. Weights, c. ix. p. 190). !
The daughter of Herodias brought the head
of St. John the Baptist in a charger, M irlraxi
(Matt. liv. 8) ; probably a trencher or platter,
as Horn. Od. i 141 :
SoiTpiK Si Kptmw wCvcjcttis wofM^ictv ittpas
voyrowv.
Cp. ulyai, Luke xi. 39, A. V. and R. V. « plat-
ter;" and Luke i. 63, wwaiciSuu), R. V. "a
writing-toblet." [Basin.] [H. W. P.]
CHARGES, Acts xxi. 24. " Be at charges
with [R. V. "for "] them," i.e. Bear the expense
of their offerings. The word comes, like
CuABQEB, from the French charger, to load;
hence something laid upon a man, cost or ex-
{lense. [P.]
CHARIOT. 1. aan, from 3?n, to ride;
ipua; cwnrus: sometimes including the horses
(2 Sam. viii. 4 ; x. 18). 2. 30"!, a chariot or
horse (Ps. civ. 3). 3. 33")D, m. from same
root as (1), a chariot, litter,' or seat (Lev. xv. 9,
Cant.iii.lO). 4. n33-l5,f. 5. flViB, from i)a|;.
roU (Ps. ilvi. 10, 9vp«l(s; scu/a/n).'"' 6. ff^Bk,
Cant. iii. 9 ; ^upf loy ; ferculum. (Between 1-4
there is similarity in signification.) A re-
hicle used either for warlike or peaceful pur-
poaes, but most commonly the former. Of the
CHARIOT
latter nae the following only are probable in-
stances, (1) as regards the Israelites, 1 K. xriii.
44, (2) as regardJs other nations. Gen. xll 43,
xlvi, 29 ; 2 K. V. 9 ; Acts viu. 28.
The earliest mention of chariots in Scriptutt
is in Egypt, where Joseph, as a mark of dis-
tinction, was placed in Pharaoh's second chsiiot
(Oen. xli. 43), and later when he went in hit
own chariot to meet bis father on his eatrmce
into Egypt from Canaan (xlvi. 29). In the
funeral procession of Jacob chariots also formed
a part, possibly by way of escort or as a piird
of honour (1. 9). The next mention of Egyptiia
chariots is for a warlike purpose (Ex. xiv. 7).
in this point of view chariots among souk
nations of antiquity, as elephant* among otken.
may l>e regarded as filling the place of besrr
artillery in modem times, so thst the militur
power of a nation might be estimated bj tiK
number of its chariots. Thus Pharaoh in pur-
suing Israel took with him 600 chariots. Th«
Canaanites of the valleys of Palestine wen en-
abled to resist the Israelites snccessAtlly in cm-
sequence of the number of their chariots of iron,
ije. perhaps armed with iron scythes (Ges. 1. 1. ;
Josh. xvii. 18 ; Jndg. i. 19). Jabin, king <i
Canaan, had 900 chariots (Jndg. iv. 3). The
Philistines in Saul's time had 30,000, a niunber
which, like the 32,000 mentioned below, en
hardly be correct, and b probably doe to a cor-
rupt reading of the text (1 Sam. xiiL 5, DG^
for ne^P', so LXX. [Luc] and Pesh, cp. Driver,
Notea on the J/eb. fact of the BB. of Sam., in Iocs.
The LXX. [B.] and Joseph. [AiU. vi. 6, 1 1]
agree with the Heb. ; Josephns adds 300,000
infantry). David took from Hadadezer king ot
Zobah 1000 chariots (2 Sam. viii. 4% and fina
the Syrians a little later 700 (x. 18), who i>
order to recover their ground coUeeted 32,000
chariots (1 Ch. xix. 7). The Hittites are said ii
an Egyptian poem to have brought into the field
2,500 chariots in a contest with Rameses U. B.C.
1361 (Conder, ffeth and Moab, c i. p. 20). Dp ta
the time of David the Israelites possessed few if
any chariots, partly no doubt in consequence of
the theocratic prohibition against multiplying
horses, for fear of interooniae with Egypt, sod
the regal despotism implied in the possession of
them (Deut. xvii. 16; 1 Sam. viii. 11, 12). Est
to some extent David (2 Sam. viii. 4), and in s
much greater degree Solomon, broke throogk
the prohibition from seeing the necessity of
placing his kingdom, under its altered circum-
atances, on a footing of military equality or
superiority towards other nations. He laiied,
therefore, and maintained a force of 1400
chariots (1 K. i. 25) by taxation on certain
cities, agreeably to Eastern custom in sodi
matters (1 K. ix. 19, x. 25 ; Xen. AmA. i. 4, 9).
The chariots themselves and also the hones
were imported chiefly from Egypt, and the cost
of each chariot was 600 shekels of silver, and of
each horse 150 (1 K. x. 29). [Shekel.] Frtm
this time chariots were regarded as among the
most important arms of war, though the sn^
plies of them and of horses appear to have htta
still mainly drawn from Egypt (1 K. xiiL 34 ;
2 K. ix. 16, 21, xiii. 7, 14, xviu. 24, xxiU. 30;
Is. xxxi. 1). The prophets aUo allude frequently
to chariots as typical of power (Pa. xi. 7, civ. S;
Jer. Ii. 21 ; Zech. vi. !>
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CHAKIOT
Chariots also of other nations an mentioned,
as of Assyria (2 K. xix. 23 ; Ezelc. xxiij. 24), Syria
(2 Sam. Tiii. 4, and 2 K. Ti. 14, lb), and Penia
CHABIOT
65»
Ethiopian or Abrssinian ennach of Qaeen Can-
dace, who is described as sitting in bis chariot
reading (Acts riii. 28, 29, 38).
Jewish chariots were no doubt imi-
tated from Egyptian models, if not
actually imported from Egypt. The fol-
lowing description of Egyptian chariots
is taken from Sir G. Wilkinson. They
appear to have come into use not earlier
tlian the 18th dynasty (B.C. 1.;.30). The
war chariot, from which the chariot used
in peace did not essentially difter, was
extremely simple in its construction. It
consisted, as appears both from Egyptian
paintings and reliefs, as well as from an
actual specimen preserved at Florence,
of a nearly semicircular wooden frame
with straightened sides, having the
hinder part resting on the axle-tree of
a pair of wheels, and supporting a rail
of wood or ivory attached to the frame
by leathern thongs and one wooden up-
right in front. The Hoor of the car was
made of rope network, intending to give
a more springy footing to the occupants.
The car was mounted from the back,
which was open, and the sides were
strengthened and ornamented with lea-
ther and metal binding. Attached to
the off or right-hand side, and crossing
each other diagonally, were the bow-case
and, inclining backwards, the quivet and
spear-case. If two persons were in the
chariot, a second bow-case was added.
Till! wheels, of which there were two,
A» liTiidui wmMbarkit, wUh bow-eunud compltta faniltnre. (WllkiMon.) had six spokes : those of peace chariots had
Antiochus Eupntor is said
chariots armed with scythes
((.«. uiii. 6, 7).
10 have had 300
(2 Mace liii. 2).
In the N. T., the only mention made of a
chariot except in Rer. ii. 9 is in the case of the
sometimes four, fastened to the axle by a linch-
pin secured by a thong. There were no traces ;
but the horses, which were often of different
colonrs, wore only a breast-band and girths which
were attached to the saddle, toggther with head
XffyptUn prlQcei In their dimrtot. (WfUinion.)
furniture consisting of cheek pieces, throat-lash,
head-stall, and straps across the forehead and
nose. A bearing-rein was fastened to a ring or
hook in front of the saddle, and the driving-
reins passed throngh other rings on each side of
both horses. From the central point of the
.'^ddle rose a short stem of metal, ending in a
knob, whether for use or mere ornament is not
certain. The driver stood on the oil-side, and
in discharging his arrow hung his whip from
the wrist. In some instances the king is repre-
sented alone in his chariot with the reins
fastened round his body, thus using his weapons
with his hands at liberty. Most commonly two
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CHABIOT
'persons, and sometimes three, rode in tlie
«hariot, of whom the third wns employed to
carry the state umbrella (1 K. xxii. 34 ; 2 K. ix.
20, 24; Acts viii. 38). A second chariot asaally
accompanied the Icing to battle, to be used in
case of necessity (2 Ch. xxxr. 24; 1 Ksd. i. 31).
On peaceable occasions the Egyptian gentle-
man sometimes drove alone in his chariot,
attended by servants on foot. The horses wore
housings to protect them from heat and insects.
For royal personages and women of rank an
umbrella was carried by a bearer, or fixed up-
right in the chariot. Sometimes mules were
driven instead of horses, and in travelling
sometimes oxen, but for travelling purposes the
sides of the chariot appear to have been closed.
One instance occurs of a four-wheeled car,
which, like the rtrpiKVKXot S^m{a (Herod, ii.
63), was used for religious purposes. [CaKT.]
The processes of manufacture of chariots and
harness are fully illustrated by existing scalp-
tares, in which also are represented the chariots
used by neighbouring nations (Wilkinson, Anc.
Egypt, i. 368, 386 ; ii. 75, 76 [1878]). Recent
-examination of Egyptian papyrus records has
brought to light an account of a journey per-
formed in the 14th century B.C. by an Egyp-
tian mobar, either a tax-gatherer or court-
messenger, in a chariot attended by his servant.
The journey appears to have begun from a place
near Aleppo, and the travellers in its course
passed near the Sea of Oalilee, and finally
returned to Egypt by way of Joppa. They
travelled chiefly over the more level parts of
the country, but an accident is described as
happening to the chariot in descending a ravine
(Survey of Wett. Pal. vol. iv. pp. 163, 16.5 ;
Conder, Ileth and Moab, p. 100).
The earlier Assyrian war-chariot and harness
did not differ essentially from the Egyptian.
AtfyriAD cbArlot (lAyanl.)
Two or three persons stood in the car, but the
driver is sometimes represented as standing on
the near side, whilst a third warrior in the
chariot held a shield to protect the archer in
discharging his arrow. The car appears to have
had closed sides. The war-chariot wheels had
six spokes ; the state or peace chariot eight or
more, and a third person in state-processions
carried the royal umbrella. A third horse, like
the Oreek irapiiopos, was generally attached
(Layard, Nirieveh, ii. 350).
in later times the third horse was laid aside,
the wheels were made higher, and h.ad eight
spokes : and the front of the car, to which the
quiver was removed from its former side
position, wa* made square instead of round.
CHAWOT
The cars were more highly ornamented, pan-
elled, inlaid with valuable woods and nutak,
and painted. The embroidered housings in
which in earlier times the horses were dotlitd
were laid aside, and plumes and tassels uwd to
decorate their necks and foreheads (Ursnl,
Sineteh, ii. 353, 356; Nmetxh and Sa^x/lm.
pp. 341, 587, 603, 618 ; Mon. of Sm. 2Dd wri«s,
pi. 24 ; Ezek. xxvii. 20).
The Persian chariot, as appears from the sculp-
tures at Fersepolis, and also at Kouyuojik, sfc<nt<
great similarity to the Assyrian ; but the pro-
cession represented at the former place cootaio
a chariot or car with wheels of twelve spokes,
while from the sculptures at the latter it
appears that the Elamites, or Persians, btaitt
chariots containing two persons which were
sometimes drawn by four horses, used a kind cf
cirt drawn by a single mule or more, confistm;
of a stage on high wheels capable of holdiic
five or six persons, of whom the driver sat oa
a low stool, with his legs hanging on each tUf
of the pole. Xenophon mentions one, peilu(«
only a state-chariot, with four poles and eigkt
horses. Chariots drawn by asses, >>. periuf
mules, and also by camels, are raeationeJ bt
Isaiah (Is. xxi. 7, xxii. 6 ; Ezek. xxiii. 24 ; ]ieii-
Cyrop. iv. 3, 1 and 2, § 22, vi. 4, 2 ; Niebnhr.
Voyage,ii. 105; Chardin, Voyage, viii. 257, pi
lii. ; Layard, iVi'n. f Bab. pp. 447-449 ; Olearins,
Trawls, p. 302).
AtKjiiAU diAriot. (lATBjd.)
Chariots armed with scythes (Sp/xara tpcro^
(popa, Xen. Anab. i. 7, § 10) may perhaps be is-
tended by the " chariots of iron ' of the Quisas-
ites ; they are mentioned as used by Kinni, t-C
c. 2000 (Diod. Sic. ii. 5, quoting from CtesiM.
Ctes.fr. p. 395), as part of the equipmeBl rt
.\ntiochus (2 Hacc xiii. 2) and of Darius (Dto!
Sic. xvii. 53 ; Appian, Syr. 32).
Among the parts of wheeled-carriages hh*-
tioned in the A. V. are: 1. the Wheels, CfSSf-
ifovft, rotae ; also 0^173 ; rpoxoi, rotae. i.
Spokes, Dn.^n, radii. 3. Naves, D'SJ ; »»**
4. Felloes, D'pP'n ; rwrm ; apsides. 5. AiK
niT ; x*V*' 5 "'**• "^^ P"' *''* i»<>™« ** '''
carriage, IDK ; (ti(at ; jungere; and oooe (Mic
I. 13), DflT '
The Persian custom of sacrificing horse t'
the Sun (Xen. Cyrop. viii. 3, 12) seems ti> ksr>
led to offerings of chariots and horses t» tkf
same object of worship by the Jewish momKk'
who fell into idolatry (2 K. xxiii. II ; Eiek. nii-
17; P. della Valle, iv. § ii. p. 255; «'i»«-
Wajen). [H. W. P.]
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CHABMEE
CHARMER, Deut. xriii. 11; Pa. Iviii. 5;
b. lii. 3. [Divination; Cnchanthents; Ser-
Fr.^-CHAB]CISO.]
CHAR'MIS (6. Xap/ils, A. XoX^fft; Charmi),
mn of Helchiel, one of the three " ancients "
(rfftfiirtfoi) or " rulers " (ttfxoiTft) of Beth-
Bli» (Judith Ti. 15, Tiii. 10, x. 6). [W. A. W.]
CHABltAN (M^ir; Ckaran), Acts vii.
2,4. [HaeaN.]
CHASE. [HuNTiNO.]
CHAS'EBA (Xair<3<f; CasOxi), one of the
"wrraiiU of the Temple" (1 Esd. t. 31). There
14 DO name corresponding to it in the lists of
Kzra and Nehemiah (cp. Speaket't Comm. in
W). [W. A. W.]
CHAT AH, Oen. iii. 20 marg. ; a form of
£ve more nearly approaching the original
Hebrew. Op. D. B. Amer. ed. [F.]
CHAWS, A. V. ed. 1611, Ezek. iiix. 4,
iiiriii. 4 ; considered in D. B. Amer. ed, an old
form of " jaws " (R. V.). [F.]
CHE'BAR (133; XoPip; Chdbar), a river
in the " land of the Chaldeans " (Ezek. i. 3), on
the banks of which the exiles, who had been
carried away by Nebuchadnezzar with Jehoi-
achin, tired ; and where Ezekiel saw his earlier
Tisioos (Ezek. i. 1, 3, iu. 15, 23, x. 15, 22,
zliii. 3). One of the towns where the Jews
dwelt, and which was situated on the banks of
this rirer, was called Tel-abib (eqairalent to
lil-almbi, " the monnd of the storm " or " of the
Sooi," according to Fried. Delitzsch). It is
mmmonly regarded as the same as the Habor
(Heb. "ion, Assyr. Habur), the river of Gozan,
to which a portion of the Israelites was removed
by the Assyrians (2 K. ivii. 6). This, however,
is incorrect, the two names being in reality very
dissimilar ; and, in addition to this, it is now
geneially acknowledged that the Habor of the
Bible is the modem Ehabonr, the Oreek 'Kfii^
ha (0. T. 'Afi^p and XajB^p), a river which
Joins the Euphrates near the site of the ancient
Cercesium, quite beyond the boundary of ChaU
dea, taken in the usual sense of the 0. T. The
Cbebar of Ezekiel was certainly within Baby*
Ionia, and some of those who have located it
there have argued that it is the Nahr Maloha,
or Boyal Canal of Nebuchadnezzar, the greatest
of all the cuttings of Mesopotamia (cp. 133.
inter, " great "). This canal, however, is appa-
rently the Nar-iarri of the monuments, and
this makes it* identification with the Chebar a
little doubtful.* Notwithstanding the numerous
lists of old Babylonian rivers and canals which
eiist in Asayrian and Babylonian literature, the
same of the Chebar has not yet been found in
the native records. The etymology which
connects the word Chebar with the common
.Semitic root ^33, "to be great," is most likely
correct, thongh it is probably more to the width
or to the depth of the river, or canal, than to
its length that the name refers. The Greek
form Xo$^ seema to point to some such form as
CHEBEL
5G1
* It Is Deverthelees nut impoaibls that tUs river or
cu*l may have been known by two names.
BIBLE DICT. — ^TOI. I.
Kubaru in Babylonian. Compare the word
kuhurra, which seems to be a synonym of scru,
" supreme." [T. G. P.]
CHE'BEL (V^n), one of the singular topo-
graphical terms in which the ancient Hebrew
language abounded, and which give so much
force and precision to its records. The ordinary
meaning of the word Chebel is a " rope " or
" cord ; " and in this sense it frequently occurs
both literally (as in R. V. of Josh. ii. 15, " cord ; "
1 K. XX. 31, " ropes ; " Is. xxxiii. 23, " Ucklings ;"
Amos vii. 17, " line ") and metaphorically (see
Ecclei. xii. 6 ; Is. v, 18 ; Hos. xi. 4). From this it
has passed — with a curious correspondence to our
own modes of speech — to denote a body of men,
a *' band " (as in Ps. cxix. 61). In 1 Sam. x. 5,
10, our word " string " would not be inappro-
priate to the circumstances — " a string of pro-
phets coming down from the high place." Fur-
ther, it is found in other metaphorical senses,
arising out of its original meaning (see Job xviii.
10; Ps. xviii. 4; Jer. xiii. 21). From the idea
of a measuring-line (Mic. ii. 5), it has come to
mean a " portion " or " allotment " (see 1 Ch.
xvi. 18 ; Ps. cv. 11 ; Ezek. xlvii. 13). It is the
word used in the familiar passage " the linea *
are fallen unto me in pleasant places " (Pa. xvi.
6). But in its topographical sense, as meaning
a "tract" or "district," we find it always at-
tached to the region uf Argob, which is in-
variably designated by this, and by no other
term (Deut. iii. 4, 13, 14 ; IK. iv. 13). It has
been already shown how exactly applicable it is
to the circumstances of the case. [Abgob.] But
in addition to the observations there made, the
reader should be referred to the report of Mr.
C. C. Graham, who in Cambridge Eaayt, 1858,
abundantly confirms the statements of his pre-
decessors as to the abrupt definiteness of the
boundary of the district. No clue is afibrded
as to the reason of this definite localization of
the term Cbebel ; but a comparison of the fact
that Argob was taken possession of by Hanasseh
— a part of the great tribe of Joseph — with the
use of this word by that tribe, and by Joshua
in his retort, in the very early and characteristic
fragment, Josh. xvii. 5, 14 (A. V. " portion "),
prompts the suggestion that it may have been a
provincialism in use amongst that large and
independent part of Israel. Should this be
thought untenable, its application to the " rocky
shore " of Argob may be illustrated and justified
by its use (Zeph. ii. 5-7 ; A. V. " coast ") for
the " coast line " of the Mediterranean along
Philistia. In connexion with the sea-shore it is
also employed in Josh. xix. 29. [Aroob.]
The words used for Chebel in the older Versions
are trxolviffna, rtpliitrpoy, wtplx»poy; regio,
funiculus.
Ewald iOesch. vi. 204, note) seems to derive
"Oblias," the title by which St. James was dis-
tinguiahed (Euseb. E. 8. U. 23), from ^SD and
D» = Di;^3n. [G.] [W.]
• The use of the word In this sense In our own idiom-
atic expression — **hard lines" — will not be forgotten.
Other correspondences between OUbcI as applied to
measurement, and our own words ** rod " and " chain, "
and also "cord," as applied In the provinces and colo-
nies to solid measures of wood, he., are obvious.
2
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562
CHEDOELAOMER
CEffiDOBLA'OMEB OOV^? ; XoSoXAo-
yo/iipi Chodorlahomar), \ king of Elam, in
the time of Abraliam, wlio, with three other
sabordinate princes of Babylonia and the
neighbouring region, carried on tvo campaigns
in Palestine, where the kings of Sodom, Go-
morrah, and other cities were reduced to ser-
vitude. For twelve years he retained his hold
over them ; in the thirteenth they rebelled ;
in the next year, however, he and his allies
marched upon their country, and, after defeat-
ing many neighboaring tribes, encountered the
five kings of the plain in the vale of Siddim.
He completely routied them ; slew the kings of
Sodom and Oumorrah, and carried away much
spoil, together with the family of Lot. A rescue,
however, was effected by Abraham upon hearing
of the captivity of his nephew (Gen. xiv. 17).
Recent Assyriological discoveries have shown
that there is nothing improbable in a Babylonian
conquest of Palestine in the time of Abraham,
as critics once urged. At a much earlier period
Sargon I. of Accad, who reigned D.C. 3800, not
only erected a monument on the Syrian coast,
but crossed over into Cyprus, where a seal-
cylinder bearing the name of his son and suc-
cessor, Naram-Sin, has been fonnd (TSBA.
V. 2). The name of Endur-Laomer is formed
in accordance with other EUmite names.
Lagamar, also written Lagamal, — on Susian
bricks, Lagameri, — was an Elamite deity, after-
wards adopted by the Babylonians, and Kudur,
"servant," appears as the first element of
many Elamite names. We learn from Assur-
bani-pal that the Elamite king Kndnr-nan-
khundi had carried away from Erech to Sosa an
image of the goddess Nana 1635 years before
his own recovery of it ; that is to say, B.c.
2280. Recently discovered dynastic tables make
Khammu-ragas king of Babylon at this date
(B.C. 2290-2235). Now Khammu-ragas first
made Babylon the capital of the whole country
by conquering Southern Babylonia or Snmir
(Shinar), governed at that time by Rim-Agu,
also known as Erim-Agu or Eriv-Aku, " minister
of the Moon-god." Rim-Agu had originally
fixed the seat of his power at Larsa (now Sen-
kereh) ; from this centre he had extended his
sway over all northern and southern Babylonia,
with the exception of Babylon itself and the
district immediately sarroonding it. It was
the overthrow of Rim-Agu which secured to
Khammu-ragas the sovereignty of Chaldaea.
Rim-Agu or Eriv-Aku calls himself the son of
Kudur-Mabug, " the lord of Yarutbal," or Elam,
and " the father of Palestine," from which we
may infer that the rule of Rim-Agu in Babylonia
was due to the conquest of the country by his
father, and also that Kudur-Mabug claimed
dominion over Palestine. Bricks of Rim-Agu
prove that he reigned at Larsa during his
father's lifetime, and that Kudur-Mabug thus
exercised the same suzerainty over Babylonia
that Chedor-Laomer is represented as exercising
in Genesis. Indeed it is ditficalt not to compare
Eriv-Aku, king of Larsa, with the biblical
Arioch, king of Ellasar. The names of Chedor-
Laomer (Kttdur-Lagamar) and Kudur-Mabng,
however, are not the same, but it is possible
that Chedorlaomer may have been the successor I
of Kudur-Mabug and the predecessor of Kudur- '
Nankhundi, the latter being the king of Elam |
CHELLUH
who, according to an inscription of Khamnin-
ragas, assisted Rim-Agu in his fioal struggle
against the king of Babylon. Dr. liommel
identifies Amraphel, king of Shinar or Samii,
with Sin-muballidh, the predecessor of Khammii-
ragas, but this does not seem probable. Wr
must see in Amraphel the king of Sonthrni
Babylonia whose overthrow brought with it
the submission of that part of the conntry to
Rim-Agu. [A H. S.]
CHEESE is mentioned only three times in
the Bible, and on each occasion under adiderent
name in the Hebrew: (1.) nj'Jii f"™ pit**
airdle (Job x. 10), referred to, not historicalU,
but by way of illustration : (2.) }^"in, from pn.
to cut (rpv^oAdct rov yiXoKTot, LXX. ; Arwj-
lae catei, Vulg., 1 Sam. xvii. 18); the Chaldee
and Syriac give |^343: Hesychius eipUia>
rpv^oXtSei as T/i^/iora rov iwaXov npoi:
(.f .) 1^3 nSBXP, from nsd, to scrape (2a^
0oiy, LXX. ; cheese of Jtine] A. V. and R.V. 2 Sam.
xvii. 29 : the Vulgate, following Theodotioo's
rendering, •yaAoArvck luxTxift, gives pi'O'/u
vitnlos, guided by the position of the words after
" sheep " : the Targnm and other Jewish authori-
ties, however, identify the snbstance with tkest
mentioned above). It is ditHcuIt to decide Iiot
far these terms correspond with onr notii«i if
cheese ; for they simply express various degno
of coagulation. It may be observed that cbeex
is not at the present day common amoag tie
Bedouin .\rabs, butter being decidedly prefcmil;
but there is a snbstance, closely correspos>iEi£
to those mentioned in 1 Sam. xvii., 2 Sam. trii,
consisting of coagulated butter-milk, which i
dried until it becomes quite hard, and is then
ground : the Arabs eat it mixed with batttr
(Bnrckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins, i. 60). Ic
reference to this snbject, it is noticeable tU
the ancients seem generally to have used eitber
butter or cheese, but not both : thus the Gretks
had in reality but one expression for the two,
for fioirvpov = 0ovs, Tvpis, " cheese of kine ; "
the Romans nsed cheese exclusively, while ail
nomad tribes preferred butter. On the distinctim
between cheese proper and coagulated milk,
see Pliny, li. 96. [W. L K]
CHELAX (^^3, Ges. = perfection; LXX 2
Esd. B. yUnK A. XoX^A, tt. Otrtx'- HX [nar
ling it with the preceding name]; C^mO.
Ezra X. 30 ; one of those who had takes >
" strange " wife. [W. A. W.] [F.]
CHELCl'AS iXtXKias, le. njp^H, the pr-
tvm of the Lord, Hileiaji ; Heldasy. L Tk
father of Susanna (^Hist. of S>isatuia, rr. i
29, 63). Tradition (HippoL i"» Susam. i «'•
ed. Jligne) represents him as the brotba '■^
Jeremiah, and identical with the priest *!>'
found the copy of the Law in the time of J<»>i
(2 K. xxii. 8). [B. F. W]
2. The ancestor of Bamch (Bar. i. 1).
8. The high-priest in the time of Isaiah (Bar.
i. 7). [\y. A w :
CHEL'LIANS, THE (Judith ii. 23>
[Chellds.]
CHELTiUH (»TO^3, Keri, im!j3; W-
XfXKtti; A. Xf\la; Chelim\ Ezra x. 35. Oct
of the sons of Bani who had foreign aivet.
c , I
;Google J
CHELLUS
CHEL'LTJS (BJL.Xt\ois,tt. X€<r\ois-, Vulg.
omiti), named amongst the places beyond (i.e. on
the west of) Jordan to which Nabuchodonosor
sent hu summons (Judith i. 9). Except its
meation with " Kades," there is no clue to its
sitiation. Reland (Pal. p. 717) conjectures that
it maj be Clialutza, ilVvn, a place which, under
the altered form of Elusa, was well known to
the Roman and Greek geographers (see Speaker'a
Comm. in loco). With this agrees the sul»eqnent
mention of the '* land of the Chellians " (B. t^s
\aXtaimr, KA. XfAe«Ji'; terra Cellm), "by the
wilderness," to the south of whom were the
children of Ishmael (Judith ii. 23). Volkmar
(fin/, i d. Apok. i. 191) adopts the reading
XMaiov (B. and Syriac). [0.] [W.]
CHE'LOD (B. XfKfoiK, A. X«\«o«, Vt*.
XnrKmouii, K°-' Xt\aioiS; Old Lat. Chelleuth,
Volg. om. ; Syr. Chaldeatu). " Many nations of
the sons of Cbelod " were among those who
obeyed the summons of Nebuchodonosor to his
»ar with Arpbaxad (Judith i. 6). The word
ii apparently corrupt. Simonis suggests XtUvv,
(«rbaps Ctesiphon. Ewald conjectures it to be a
nickname for the Syrians, " sons of the moles "
TNI (Qe$ch. ir. 543). See other suggestions
in Speakef'$ Cumm. i. L [G.] [F.]
dHELU'B (3<^3, birdcage). 1. A man
.tmong the descendants of Judah, described as
the brother of Shuah and the father of Mechir
(1 Ch. ir. 11). In the LXX. the name is given
35 Caleb, XaX40, the father of Ascha ; the
'Unghter of the well-known Caleb was Achsah ;
Vnlg. CaM>.
2. A. Xt\oifi, B. XofioiS ; Chelub. Ezri the
son of Chelub was "over them who did the
work of the field for tillage of the ground," one of
Darid's officers (1 Ch. ixvii. 26). [W. A. W.]
CHELU'BAI 031^3 5 A. 6 Xa\i$, B. t
XoJSc'A ; Caluht), the son of Hezron, of one of
the chief families of Jndah. The name occurs
in 1 Ch. ii. 9 only ; and from a comparison of
this passage with ii. 18 and 42, it would
appear to be but another form of the name
Caleb. It is worth noting that, while in this
passage Jerahmeel is stated to be a brother
of Chelnbai, it appears from 1 Sam. xxvii. 10
that the Jerahmeelites were placed on the
" south of Judah," where also were the posses-
siofu of the house of Caleb (Jndg. i. 15 ; 1 Sam.
xiT. 3, XXI. 14). In the Syriac Vers, the
name is .^^^CD, Said ; probably a transcriber's
error for . ^-^V*^ , Celubi (Bnrrington, i. 209).
[G.] [W.]
CHEMA'RIMS, THE (Dnosn; anupices,
acdittti). This word only occnrs in the text of
the A. V. [R. V. "Chemarim"] in Zeph. i. 4
(T.' omiU). In 2 K. xxiii. 5 (BA. ol Xufutptl//)
it is rendered " idolatrous priests " (A. V. and
R. v.), and in Hos. x. 5 [LXX. had a different
reading] " priests " (A. V. and R. V.), and in
both cases "Chemarim" is given in the
margin. In Syriac the word |{^QS, cumri,
is used in Jud^. xtU. 5, 12, of the priest of
Mieah, while in Is. Ixi. 6 it denotes the priests
of the true God, and in Heb. ii. 17 is applied to
Christ Himself. The root in Syriac signifies " to
CHEXAANAU
5G3
be sad," and hence cibnro is supposed to denote
a mournful, ascetic person, and hence a priest
or monk (cp. Arab. Ax>\> "W. and Syr.
|1aQ^, abili, in the same sense). Kimchi de-
rived D*TD3 from a root signifying " to be
black," because the idolatrous priests wore
black garments ; and this is the signification
adopted by most modems (see QPBr on Zeph.
/. c), the black-robed priest being taken as a
term equivalent to an unlawful or non-levitical
priest (see Keil on 2 K. /. c). The word occurs
in Nabatean Inscriptions (MV.". Cp. ZATW.
X. 169). In the Peshitto of Acts xix. 35, the
feminine form of the word is used to render the
Greek nttxipov, " a temple keeper." Compare the
Vulg. aeditui, which is the translation of Chem-
arim in two passages. [W. A. W.] p".]
CHEMO'SH (B^03 ; Xayuis; Chamoa), the
Baal or Sun-god of the' Moabites (Kum. xxi. 29 ;
1 K. xi. 7 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13 ; Jer. xlviii. 7, 13, 46),
whose worship was introduced into Judah by
Solomon and abolished by Josiah. In Judg. xi. 24
Chemosh also appears as the supreme god of the
Ammonites ; but this is probably a false reading,
since the title of the national deity of Ammon
was Milcom or Malcham (Moloch), " the king "
(1 K. xi. 7 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13 ; 2 Sam. xii. 30, Jieb.
text ; Jer. xlix. 1, Beb. text). On the Moabite
Stone (Recordt of the Patt, N. S. ii. 200-3)
Mesha speaks of Chemosh as if no other
deity were recognised in the country, though
the name of the god is once compounded with
that of the male Ashtar (see Ataroatis). The
stone itself is stated to have been erected as " a
stone of salvation " to Chemosh at Kirkhah, and
the oppression of Hoab by Israel is ascribed to
the anger of Chemosh. Then "Chemosh had
mercy " on it, and " said " to Mesha, " Go, take
Nebo." Hesha accordingly shook off the Israeli-
tish yoke, " killed all the warriors " of Ataroth
" for the well-pleasing of Chemosh," and took
from Nebo "the vessels of Yahveh (Jehovah)
and offered them before Chemosh." Finally,
" Chemosh drove out " Israel from Jahaz, and
" said " to Hesha, " Go down, make war against
Horonaim," which belonged to Edom. When
regarded as the god of generation, Chemosh was
known as Baal-Peor (Num. xxv.), as has been
observed by Jerome (Comm. in Is. xr. 2). The
Jewish legend that he was worshipped nnder
the form of a black star is a mere invention.
The name enters into composition with that of
Chemosh-melech, the father of Mesha, as well as
of Kamnsu-nadbu, or Chemo-^h-nadab, who was
king of Moab in the time of Sennacherib ; but
the etymology of it is uncertain. [A. H. S.]
CHENA'ANAH (n;i?33 ; B. XwAu-, A.
Xayardy ; C/iananah ; according to Oeeen. fem. of
Canaan ()tf33), bat this is donbtfal). 1. Son
of Bilhan, son of Jediael, son of Benjamin, head
of a Benjamito house (1 Ch. vii. 10), probably of
the family of the Belaites. [Bela.]
2. Father, or ancestor, of Zedekiah, the false
prophet who made him horns of iron, and en-
couraged Ahab to go up against Ramoth-gilead,
and smote Micaiah on the cheek (1 K. xxii. 11
[B. Xowci], 24; 2 Ch. xriii. 10 [A. XaKoavcE],
23). He may be the same as 1. [A. C. H.]
2 2
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CHENANI
OHENA'NI CMS, if i. q. Tfiy^ = Jehovah
hath protected or set up), one of the Levites who
assisted at the solemn purification of the people
under Ezra (Neh. ix. 4 only). The nnmes Bani
and Chenani (A. V., R. V., and Vulg.) are by
K''*A. read viol Xamvl, as if reading "sons
of 033) Chenani " ; B. omits. [F.]
CHENANI'AH 0^1^, Jehovah hath pro-
tected: in 1 Ch. XT. 22, fi. Kuvtvii, A. Xanyla;
in 1 Ch. XV. 27, B. 'Uxofias, M. ZUxoy'ua, A.
XcfcWiu; in 1 Ch. xxvi. 29, B. Xmnvtti, A.
XvxcWos: Chonenias), chief of the Levites,
when David carried the ark to Jerusalem
(1 Ch. IV. 22 ; xxvi. 29. See K. V. and QPB*
on these passages). In 1 Ch. xv. 27, bis name is
written n»J33. [F.]
CHEPHA'B-HAAMMO'NAI o:^S»n nS3.
the Ketib of " hamlet of the Ammonites ; "
B. Ke^iptk Koi Vloyti, A. Ka^pofi/ity ; VUta
Emona ; R. V. adopts the Keri, Chepkar-ammaai),
a place mentioned among the towns of Ben-
i'amin (Josh, xviii. 24). No certain trace of it
las yet been discovered, but in its name is
doubtless preserved the memory of an incnr-
sion of the Ammonites, possibly that mentioned
in Jndg. x. 9, up the steep ravines which lead
from the Jordan valley to the highlands of
Benjamin. Conder (HS. note) proposes to iden-
tify it with Kh. Kefr 'Ana, north of Beitin on
the road to Hdbtua. [G.] [W.]
OHEPHraAH (ni'Mn, with the definite
article, except in the later Books, — ^"the ham-
let:" B. K<^tp<(, A. Xc^ [in Josh, ix.]; B.
Kal ^ftpA, A. X«^- [>» Josh, xviii.] : Caphira
[Josh, ix.], Caphara [Josh, xviii.], Cephira [Ezra
and Neh.^, one of the four cities of the Gibeon-
ites (Jash. ix. 17 [LXX. «. 23]), and named
afterwards among the towns of Benjamin, with
Ramah, Beeroth, and Mizpeh (xviii. 2(> [LXX.
c. 27]). The men of Chephirah retnrned with
Zerubbabel from Babylon (Ezra iL 25, B. Ka-
<t>tipi, A. -(- [in 2 Esd.]; Neh. vii. 29, B.
Kaiptifi, A. Xa^ip<E). The Samaritan Version
-of Gen. xiii. 3 renders Hai (Ai) by Cephrah,
n%3 ; but this cannot be Chephirah, since both
Ai and it are mentioned together in Josh. ix.
(cp. 0. 3 with V. 17), and in the lists of Ezra
and Kehemiah already quoted. Dr. Robinson
seems to have discovered it under the scarcely
altered name of Keftreh, in the mountain-
country on the western side of Benjamin, about
1} miles north of Kuryet el-Enab and nearly
.5 miles east of Yah (Ajalon ; Rob. iii. 146 ; PEF.
Mem. iii. 103). [Caphiiia.] [G.] [W.]
CHERA'N ()"13, Dillmann' [Gen. /. c] con-
jectures a connexion with 13, a lanJt or ram;
Xafpiy; Charon), one of the sons of Dishon
(so A. V. and R. V., in accordance with the
Mas. text of 1 Ch. ; but the Hebrew of Gen. ;. c.
is Dishan), the Horite " duke " (Gen. xxxvi. 26 ;
1 Ch. i. 41). No name corresponding with
this has yet been discovered amongst the tribes
of Arabia. [F.]
CHE'REAS (Xeu(>4<a ; Chaereas), a brother
of Timothens, the leader of the Ammonites
against Judas Maccal>aeus (1 Mace. v. 6), who held
CHEBITH
Gazara (Jazar, 1 Mace. v. 8), where he vss sltin
on the capture of the fortress by the Jetrs
(2 Mace. I. 32, 37). [R F. W.j
CHEEETHIMS (D'ni?), Ezek. xir. 1-5
(R. V. " Cherethites " ; Palaestmi). The planl
form of the word elsewhere rendered Cheee-
THfTES ; which see. The Hebrew word otcun
again in Zeph. ii. 5 (A. V. and R. V. "Chere-
thites"; PhSisthini), In these passages tlw
LXX. render Cretans (Kprirft). [F.]
CHE'EETHITES. The Negeb cr Sonth
(district) of the Cherethites is mentioned in
1 Sam. XXX. 14; and if this district nsv \tt
considered a part of the "land of the Philis-
tines " (do. V. 16), the Cherethite was connected
with, possibly a sub-tribe of, that nation. (In
Ezek. XIV. 16, Zeph. ii. 5, the Vulg. renders
it, or replaces it by, Philistines; see Chsu-
THius.) The name is very probably con-
nected with Crete, and may represent t-ie
section of the Philistine race which poaed frna
Caphtor into Philistia. The name is very fre-
quently coupled with the Pelethites QTHi
^lipsni; X</k91 kcH *tKtel; ittftaro^Xaat,
Joseph." Ant. vii. 5, § 4 ; Cerethi et Pheletk^
and represents that contingent of the tribe
which together with the Pelethite (of nnkun
nationality ; see Driver, Notesonthe Heb. Tert ■>:'
the BB. of Sam. on 2 Sam. viii. 18, and it£l
formed the foreign body-guard of King Dsrti
(2 Sam. viii. 18, xv. 18, xi. 7, 23 ; 1 K. L3i-,
44; 1 Ch. xviii. 17). Some have supposed tlut
from this body (or rather that which encceeJe'!
it) were drawn the executioners (2 K. xi. 4) a»i
couriers (1 K. xiv. 27). Similarly Potiphar wm
captain of the guard of Pharaoh, and also <kui
of the executioners (Gen. iixvii. 36), as w»i
Arioch, Nebuchadnezzar's ofBcer (Dan. ii. 141
In the latter part of David's reign theChen-
thites and Pelethites were commanded bv Beuiak
(2 Sam. viii. 18, ii. 23, ixiii. 23). ' [T]
CHE'RITH, THE BEOOK (n'"?? ^;
X*iiti^<n>i Xofpii ; torrent CaritA), the tofmt-
bed or addy — to use the modem Arabic mii
which exactly answers to the Hebrew A'<idk>f—
by which Elijah hid himself during the early pert
of the three years' drought (1 K. irii. 3, 5>
No further mention of it it fonnit in the BiUo.
and by Josephus {Ant. viii. 13, § 2) it is spoie-
of merely as x"H^h<>t to.
The position of the Cherith has been raick
disputed. The words of the passage nnforti:-
nately give no clue to it: — ^"Get thee hence (u.
apparently from the spot where the ialervie*
with Ahab had taken place, and which msr «r
may not be SamariaX and turn thee esstnrl
(nO'ljS), and hide thyself by the brook Cberitii
that is before (*J^ hv) Jordan" (R. V.). Tie
expression " before (or facing) the Jordan.^
which occurs also in r. 5, seems airoplr to in^
cate that the stream in question ran into tin
river and not into either the Mediterraneu or
the Dead Sea. Josephus, as we have Kea. it*
not name the torrent, and he «ayt that Elijsk
went, not " eastward," but towards the tontn—
cir Tci rphs virm lUm. Ens«bias and Jerome
on the other hand (05.* pp. 147, 28 ; 290, 69)
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CHEBUB
place the Cherith on the east of the Jordan,
where also Schwarz (p. 51) would identity it
with a Wddy Aiias, opposite Bethahean. This
is the Wddy el-1'abii (Jabesh), which Benj.
Tudela saj-s is a corruption of DKvK 1K1
(il. 408; Asher). Antoninua Hart. (ch. ix.)
)>lacea the valley east of Jordan, opposite
Jericho; apparently identifying it with W.
.•ih'aih or IV. et-Kefrein. The only other tradition
un the subject is one mentioned by Martnus
Sanntns in 1321; that it mn by Phasaelua,
Herod's city in the Jordan valley. This would
make it the Mm f'usdil, which falls from the
mountains of Kpfaraim into the Gh6r, south of
A'um Surtahth, and about 15 miles above
Jericho. This view is sap|>orted by Bachiene,
And in our own time by Van de Velde (ii. 310).
The spring of the brook is concealed under high
cliffii and under the shade of a dense jungle (V.
<le Velde, Memoir, p. 339). Dr. Robinson, on
the other hand, would find the name in the WAily
Kdt \\'A*\ behind Jericho. The two names
are, however, essentially unlike, and Wddy Kelt
lies far too much to the south.
The argument from probability is in favour of
the Cherith being on the east of Jordan (see
lliihlau in Kiehm's HWB. a. n. Crith), of
whirh Elijah was a native, and where he would
be more out of Ahab's reach than in any of the
receuea of the mountains of Ephraim or Ben-
jamin. With increased knowledge of that part
of the country, the name may possibly be dis-
covered there. [G.] [W.]
CHEBUB (3J13; Cherub), apparently a
place in Babylonia from which some persons of
doubtful extraction returned to Judaea with
/.ernbbabel (Ezra ii. 59, B. Xapois, A. XepoijS
[2 Ead.]; Neh. vii. 61, B. Xapoi$, K"A. X«p-).
It k>, however, quite uncertain whether a place or
persons be meant (see Bertheau-Rysael on Ezra,
/. &> In the parallel list of 1 Esd. v. 36 this
name, with the next, Addan, seems to be cor-
rupted to Craraathalab. [W. a. W.] [F.]
CHEBUB, CHEBUBIM (3113, plur.
D'31"13, or, as mostly in Pentateuch,' D'3^3 •
XtpoiP, x'fi'J^M)- 1^^ symbolical figure so
called was a composite creature-form, which
ijads a parallel in the religious insignia of
CHEBUB, CHERUBIM
565
II(. I. Ika
tfblax. (KflUntoD.)
Assyria, Egypt, and Persia, e.g. the sphinx, the
winged bnlls and lions of Nineveh, be, a general
prevalence which prevents the necessity of our
regarding it as a mere adoption from the Egyp-
tian ritiul. In such forms (cp. the Chimaera
of Greek and the Griffin of north-eastern fables)
every imaginative people has sought to embody
Fif . X An Inixtaa wiDted ulmal. (WlDUDsoa.)
its notions either of the attributes of Divine
essence, or of the vast powers of nature which
transcend that of man. In the various legends
of Hercules the bull and the lion constantly
appear as forms of hostile and evil power ; and
some of the Persian sculptures apparently
represent evil genii under similar quasi-cherubic
forms. Cherubim first enter thu Bible record in
Gen. iii. 24, attended by a " flaming sword ;"
where notice the article, " M« cherubim " (R. V.).
Stem and strict guardianship, prompt to avenge
intrusion on the henceforth unapproachable
scene of a higher spirituality, seems intended ;
"the cherubim" being known from the Taber-
nacle devices when Moses wrote, " the sword "
being that of Num. xxii. 23, Josh. v. 13,
although the symbolism is doubtless older than
the Mosaic age. The Hebrew idea seems to
limit the number of the cherubim. A pair
(Ex. XXV. 18, &c.) were placed on the mercy-
seat of the ark ; a pair of colossal size * over-
shadowed it in Solomon's Temple with the
canopy of their contiguously extended wings.
To this, " under the shadow of Thy wings," in
Ps. xvii. 8, xxxvi. 7, Ixiil. 7, is probably an
allusion. Ezek. i. 4-14 speaks of four,'' and
similarly the apocalyptic (ua (Rev. iv. 6) are
four. They utter no voice, though one is
" heard from above them," nor have dealings
with men save to awe and repel ; in short, they
are nowhere developed into personality, unless
we assume their identity with the apocalyptic
^wa (Rev. v. 14 ; vi. 1). A " man clothed in
linen " is introduced as a medium of communi-
cation between them and the Prophet, whereas
for a similar office one of the Seraphim per-
sonally officiates ; and these latter also " cry
one to another." The cherubim are placed
beneath the actual presence of Jehovah, Whose
moving throne they appear to draw (Gen. iii.
24 ; Ezek. i. 5, 25, 26, i. 1, 2, 6, 7 ; Is. vi. 2, 3, 6).
The expression, however, " the chariot (n^pHQ)
of the cherubim " (1 Ch. xiviii. 18), doe* not
* It is perliaps questionable whether the smaller
cherubim on the mercy-eeiit were there in Solomon's
Temple, as well as the coloeaal overshadowing ones.
That they were on the ark when brought from Shltoh
to the battle seems moat likely ; and it Is hardly con-
sistent with the reverential awe shown in the treat-
ment of the ark, even by the enemy, to suppose that
they could have been loet la the course of Its wander-
ings [see Ark of Covenxnt]; still, the presence of
the two pairs together seems hardly consistent and
appropriate.
b The number four was one of those which were
sacted among the Jews, like seven, and forty (Babr,
Dt SymbU.).
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566
CHEBUB, CHEEDBIM
imply wheels, but the whole apparatus of ark
and cherubim is probably so called in reference
to its being carried on stares, and the words
" chariot " and " cherubim " are in apposition.
So a sedan might be called a " carriage," and
Spip is used for the body of a litter. See,
liowever, Dorjen, De Chenb. Smct. (ap. UgolinI,
vol. viii.), where the opposite opinion is ably
supported. The glory symbolizing that Presence
which eye cannot see rests or rides on them, or
•me of them, thence dismounts to the Temple
threshold, and then departs and mounts again
(Ezek. I. 4, 18, op. ix. 3 ; Ps. iviii. 10). There
is in them an entire absence of human sympathy,
and even on the mercy-seat they probably
appeared not merely as admiring and wondering
(1 Pet. i. 12), but as a vehicle of manifesting
Deity, Whose Presence, iu itself inaccessible,
they at once proclaim and veil (Schultz, Alt.
Teat. Theol.* p. 321), and aa guardians of the
covenant and avengers of its breach. A single
figure there might have suggested an idol,
which two, esitecially when represented regard-
ing something greater than themselves, would
not do. They thus became subordinate, like the
supporters to a shield, and are repeated, as it
were the distinctive bearings of divine heraldry,
— the mark, carved or wrought, everywhere on
the house and furniture of Ood, alike in the
tapestry of the Tabernacle, on the walls of the
first Temple, and in Ezekiel'a vision of the
Temple renewed (Ex. xxvi. 31 ; 1 K. vi. 29, 35,
vii. 29, 36 ; Ezek. xli. 18-20, 25).
Those on the ark were to be placed with
wings stretched forth, one at each end of the
mercy-seat, and to be made " of the mercy-
seat," which Abarbenel (Spencer, de leg. Heb.
ritual, iii. diss, v.) and others interpret of the
same mass of gold with it, viz. wrought by
hammering, not cast and then joined on. This
seems doubtful, but from the word Dt^D the
.solidity of the metal may perhaps be inferred.
They are called x'POvJSlf io^vs (Heb. ix. 5), as
on them the glory, when visible, rested ; but.
FIff. S. AayrJaa OrTpboo. (LayuJ.)
whether thus -visibly symbolized or not, a per-
petual Presence of God is attributed to the Holy
of Holies. They were anointed with the holy
oil, like the ark itself, and the other sacred
furniture. Their wings were to be stretched
upwards, and their faces " towards each other
and towards the mercy-seat." It is remarkable
that with such precise directions as to their
position, attitude, and material, nothing save
that they were winged is said concerning their
shape.
Was this shape already familiar, or kept
designedly mysterious? From the fact that
CHEBUB, CHEBUBIM
cherubim were blazoned on the doors, valU,
curtains, &c. of the house, and from the detailed
Fig. 4. Aajtiaa wlofad BaO. (tMjvt, Ki*. aU JMJ
description of shapes by Ezekiel, the lattifr
notion might be thought absurd. But if t^
text of Ezekiel, and the carvings, &c~, of t^
Temple bad made them popular, Josephns eoslJ
not possibly have said (iln(. viii. 3, § 3), rii J<
Xfpovfif'is MtU iwoiod runs ^(rtw tirftr oi!
ttxaacu SiiyaToi. It is also remarkable that tui-
i. speaks of them as " living creatures " (Tp^
(So), under mere animal forms. In i. 14 th«
remarkable expression, " the face of a chena,"
is introduced, and the Prophet concludes by a »-
ference to his former vision, and an identificaticL
of those creatures with the cherubim — t. S.
" I knew that they were cherubim." Familiirt;
with the colossal winged and human-headed bulk.
&c., of Assyrian sculpture may have mouldri
the form in which the vision of Ezekiel ^n--
cast, just as Egyptian prototypes (fig. 7) mar
have suggested a symboliam to Moses for tix
Tabernacle. He probably develops into gitaie:
complexity under that influence what the old'"
and simpler symbols involved. On the whole it
seems likely that the word " cherub " meant i*
only the composite creature-form, of which tt;
man, lion, ox, and eagle were the elements, but-
further, some peculiar and mysticml form, wh^d
Ezekiel, being a priest, would know and recog-
nise as " the face of a CHEBITB," car* i(tj^
but which was kept secret from all others ; ec'
such probably were those on the ark, wkir'n.
when it was moved, was always covered [A»s
OF Covenant], though those on the haBginir>
and panels might be of the popular devia-'
« The "chernbim, liens, and oxen," which «n*-
mested' certain utensils In the Temple (I K. tU. »\
are probably all to be viewed as cberaUc iusisDiSi ^
former of composite form, tbe two latter of sfaupl*.
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CHEBUB, CHEBUBIM
Wkat this peculiar cherubic form was is perhaps
.-ID impenetrable mystery. It was probably
btliered popularly to b« something of the
boTine type (though in Ps. cvi. 20 the notion
appears to be marked as degraded) : so Spencer
{it leg. Hebr. rit, iii. diss. 5) thinks that the
«i was the forma praecipua, and quotes Grotius
oa Ei. XIV. 18; Bochart, Hieroxoic. p. 87, ed.
1690. Hence the " golden calf." On the other
hand we find " lions, oxen, and cherubim " on
the " borders " (cp. 1 K. vii. 29). The symbolism
<if the visions of Ezekiel is more complex thiin
that of the earlier Scriptures, and he certainly
means in x. 14 that each composite creature-
form had four faces, so as to look four ways at
unce ; was four-sided ' and four-wioged, so as to
move with instant rapidity in every direction
without turning. Vet in his vision of the
Temple this is again modified, and every
cherub had two faces (xli. 18). But it is not
necessary to import this into the simpler sym
bob of the Tabernacle and Temple, which were
probably single-faced,* and with but one pair ot
wings. Ezekiel adds also the imagery of the
wheels — a mechanical to the previous animal
forms. We should remember, however, the
wheels on the "borders " (1 K. vii. 30, 32, 33),
on which cherubim form p.irt of the ornamenta-
tion (c. 29). These are described as having " the
work of a chariot wheel," and were probably
merely for convenience of locomotion. This
might typify inanimate nature revolving in a
tiled course, informed by the spiritual power of
<Jod. The additional symbol of being " full of
eyes " is one of obvious meaning, while the rest-
less vivacity of the iia in Rev. iv. B sets forth
the same quality in Divine operations. Thus, in-
stead of an antmus namdi working mechanically,
we have the nobler idea of a living God per-
vading all nature with ubiquitous consciousness ;
and the riew of nature which we derive from
the 0. T. is thus defined as being in a higher
than the purely mechanical sphere ; for instance,
the thunderstorm of Ps. xviii. 11 is a mani-
festation of Divine Presence and energy.
This mysterious form might well be the sym-
hiA of Him Whom none could behold and live.
For as symbols of Divine attributes, e.g. omni-
potence and omniscience, aot as representations
of actual beings (Clem. Alex. Strom, v. p. 241),
CHEBUB, CHEBUBIM
567
4 Schoetgen, ad Bar. Hebr. Apoc. Iv. 3, quotes Pirkt.
Bab, SUaer, ** Ad qoatuor pedes (tbroni) snat qnstaor
sobnslia, quorum nnam qnodque quatuor fades et tot
•lu babet. Quaodo Deus loquitar ^ ortente, tunc id tit
inter dooa cberubtnos Cscle bominls; quaodo Deus
loqnltnr a uieridie, tunc id fit Inter duos cherutilnoe tkde
leoDts." kc
• Bahr, SfwUnlii, vol. I. pp. 313-U (wliose entire
reoMrfcs on this subject are valuable and often pro-
found), Inclioes to think that the precise form varied
within certain limits; e.g. the cherubic figure might
have one, two. or four Ucts, two or fonr feet, one or
tvD pair of wings, and might have the bovine or
lecDlne type ma its basis ; the imagery being modified
to salt the prominently intended attribute, and the
highest forms of creature-being expressing best the
hii^Mst attributes of the Creator. Thus he thinks the
human form might Indicate spirituality (p. 344. Cp.
OroC oo Exod. xxv. 18, and Heb. Ix. 5). Some usefnl
hinta sa to the connexion of cbembic with other
mjtlialagical ibrma may be found In Creuier, Sjpnbol.
L 441, MO.
the cherubim should be regarded.' Philo in-
deed assigns a varied signification to the che-
rubim : in one place be makes them allegories
of the beneficent and avenging energies of God ;
in another, of the two hemispheres of the then
astronomical system, one of which supported the
planets and the other the fixed stars ; elsewhere
of power and goodness simply. They are sym-
bolical in Gen. iii. 24, just as the serpent is a
symbol in iii. 1-14, though functions and actions
are attributed to each. When such symbolical
forms have become conventional, the next step
is to literalize them as concrete shapes of real
beings. The (aa of Rev. iv. 6-8 are related
both to the cherubim and to the seraphim of Is.
vi., combining the symbols of both. They are
not stern and unsympathising like the former,
but invite the seer to " come and see ;" nor, like
the latter, do they cover their face (Is. vi. 2)
from the Presence of Deity, or use their wings to
speed on His errands, but, in a state of rest and
praise, act as the choregi of the heavenly host.
And here, too, symbolism ever sliding into
realism, these have been diversely construed, ejj
as the four evangelists, four archangels, &c.
Many etymological sources for the word
3)'\3 have been proposed. Two worth noticing
are: (1) the Syriac «00{S, great, ttrong
(Gescn. ». t>. ; comp. Philo, de Profugis, p. 465).
The fact that all the symbols embody various
forms of strength — ^the lion among wild and the
ox among tame beasts, the eagle among birds,
the man as supreme over all nature — is in favour
of this. (2) The Syriac •Op, to plough, i.e. to
cut into; hence Arab. •, ^^-«i tculpsit; and
here a doubt occurs whether in the active or
passive sen.se, "that which ploughs "= the ox
(comp. TjJ^, "ox," from same word in Arab.
" to plough "), which brings us to the forma
praecipua of Spencer ; or that which is carved
= an image. In favour of the latter is the fact
that ^^TO is rabbinical for " image " generically
(Simonis, Bouget, and Pagninus, Zexx. s. v.),
perhaps as the only image known to the Law,
all others being deemed forbidden, but possibly
also as containing the true germ of meaning.*
' Keil, on the contrary (AiU. Arthattil. i 1>, 3% takes
them to be Images representing aanal beings, the
highest of spiritual orders, supreme, next to Ood
Himself, over their liieraxcby, u man Is supreme over
earthly creatures.
s The griffin of Korthem fable watching the gold In
the wilderness has (see above) been compared with the
cherub, both as regards his composite form and his
function as the gnardlan of a treasure. The " watcbfbl
dragon " of the Hesperides seeois perhaps a fabulous .
reflex ot the same, where possibly the "serpent"
(ipoMii') may, by a change not uncommon In myth,
have taken the place of the " cherubim." The dragon
and the bull have their place also in the legend of the
golden fleece. There is a very near resembUuice too
between the name* ypvr- (with t alTurmative) and
2Vy3 i and possibly an affinity between ypn- and the
Greek forms yAvirw, ^Xv^ yp^^*** y^a4vp6t (cp. Germ.
grttben), all relating to carving, as between 3)1^ and
the Syriac and Arab, words signifying aravU, tculptU,
kc.. Si above. We have another form of the same root
probably In nip^ti, the block or tablet on which the
laws were eivrimd.
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568
CUEBUB, CHERUBIM
AssyriologisU are still nnable to decide whether
or not Cherub be identical with Kiribu, the
occurrence of this latter word as a name for the
winged bull being still a matter of dispute (see
ZA. i. 68). Canon Coolc refers the word " to
an Egyptian root, which probably means to
• carve,' or at any rate ' shape ' " (^Speaier'a
Comm. on Gen. iii. 24, note C end). In PSBA.
1884, p. 193, is a speculation by Renouf on
a word X"^f^ (phonetically = " lion-forms ")
found on some papyri, but not recognised in
Kgrptian vocabularie.s, which he views as the
probable parent of a Coptic and a demotic word,
each signifying " forms," and suggests that the
Hebrew 34^3 may " be derived from the Egyp-
tian x^^f" ' Besides these opinions, wisdom or
intelligence has been given by high authority
as the true meaning of the name (Jerome on
Is. vi. 2 ; so Philo, de Vit. Mos. 688, ts V h>
'EXAqves cfroicv Myvtunj koI iirurr^fiT) toK\^ ; >
and Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 240, ie4\ft Si rb
ifoiia loy x^po^/^'M Si)Aoi>)' aJaOriffu' TOAX^y).
The Rabbins gave the etymological explanation
313, " equal to many " ; Umbreit and others
take the word "cherub" from 33T, "a
chariot," by transposing the first two letters
(Oehler, Theol. of tite 0. T., i. p. 385, § 119,
who refers to Riehm, Je Nat. et Satione Symbol.
Cherub.).
Though the exact form of the cherubim is
uncertain, they must have borne a general resem- I
blance to the composite religious 6gures found
upon the monuments of Egypt, Assyria, Baby-
lonia, and Persia. The first two figures (p. 565)
are winged creatures from the Egyptian monu- I
ments. The next two (p. 566) are talcen from I
Assyrian sculptures. The wmged Assyrian sphinx
is elsewhere represented as engaged architec-
turally with the base of a column ; it has thus
analogy to the architectural cherubs of the snnc-
CUESALOX
mercy-seat with their wings, and their Sua
looking one to another " (Ex. xxt. 'JO) But
these figures appear ttitAin the ark (fig. 6), and
Wig. &• A OncUn cTian.
tnary. Fig. 5 represents the griffin of Korthern
iable, as we see from the griffin found as an
ornament in Scythian tombs, but drawn by
Grecian artists. In the sacred boats or arks of
the Egyptians, there are sometimes found two
figures with extended wings, which remind us
of the description of the cherubim " covering the
Fig. Q. A MCnd EgypUan bust or vk. «iUi two tgmn, t«U]»
mambUng ohwvUm. (WOkioasa.)
probably represent inferior deities holding tie
symbol of the superior deity between tkem,
which in the Mosaic type is significant br iu
absence, [H. H.]
CHESA'LON ifhos, ttrmgtk, cmfdaa;
B. Xair\ip, A. XaaaXiiy ; Cheshn), a plut
named as one of the landmarks on the *e<t
part of the north boandary of Judah, appa-
rently situated on the shoulder (A.V. tai
R. V. "side") of Mount Jearim (Joth. it. 10)
The name does not, however, reappear in tk'
list of towns of Judah later in the same
chapter. Mount Jearim, the "Mount of
Forests," has not necessarily any connexion vitk
Kirjath - jearim, theifb
the two were evideotlT,
from their proximity is
this statement of ikt
boundary, not hi apatt.
Chesalon was the not
landmark to Bcth-<h«-
roesh, and it is \<aU
in accordance with this
that Dr. Robinson iu
observed a modem villap
named Kesta, about sii
miles to the nortlMis:
of 'Ain Shemtf ea tite
western mountains ^i
Judah (Rob. ii. 30, B«e.
iii. 154 ; I'EF. Mem. iii.
25). Eusebinsand JerocK.
in the Onomnitiam, na-
tion a Chaslon, but t^
differ as to its sitnatiai,
the former (OS.' p. 28&,
47, s. n. XoXonir) placiu:
it In Benjamin,* tbe Utttr
(fc.«p.l47,4)ioJBdtb:
both agree that it was a very large vUIag* ii tbr
neighbourhood of Jerusalem. The mcaoisf <t
the name is thought by Stanley, like Cbesollrik.
• Possibly rebrring to the Tillage now Sett Am.
between Jerusalem and AiAy JkonsO, aad Ihateftm kt
Benjamin.
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CHtSED
CHESULLOTH
5(;i>
to hitre nkremx to iU situation on the " loins "
ci'the mouutain. [G.] [W.]
CHE'SED Clg'3; A. X<i(7foJ, P. XJuraS;
Cami), fourth wn of Kahor (Gen. xxii. 22).
[Chaldea.] [F.]
CHESI'L 6*93; B. BcueiiK; A. Xmrtlp;
Call), a town in the extreme south of Palestine,
named with Hormah and Ziklag (Josh. xr. 30).
The name does not occur again, and is evidently
a corruption of the Masoretic text (see Driver,
-Vofci on the Heb. Text of the BB. of Samuel,
under 1 Sam. xxx. 27) ; but in the list of towns
given out of Jodab to Simeon, the name Betrul
iiccon in place of it (xix. 4). This is confirmed
bj the reading of 1 Ch. ir. 30, Bethuel ; by
that of the LXX. (B.) as given above ; and by
the mention in 1 Sam. xxx. 27 of a Bethel (not
the better known Bethel, \. of Jerusalem, but)
among the cities in the Negeb of Judah, not
far from Ziklag. [G.] [W.]
CHEST. By this word are translated in the
.\. V. two distinct Hebrew terms ; 1. J^TK or
JIX, from niK, to gather ; Kifiaris ; gazophy-
larimn. This is invariably used for the ark of
£gTPlifta ch».t or Ijot from Thvtw. <WUkUisoii.)
the Covenant, and, with two exceptions, for that
only. It is instructive to be reminded that
there is no connexion whatever between this
word and that for the " ark " of Noah, and for
the " ark " in which Moses was hid among the
flags (both nap, TebaA). The two exceptions
alluded to are' (a) the "coffin" (the KJIN of
the Haaran inscriptions, Delltzsch [1887] in
loco) in which the bones of Joseph were carried
from Egypt (Gen. 1. 26 ; rendered in the Targ.
Ps.-Jon. in Hebrew letters by yKtuta6Konm ;
cp. John xii. 6), probably of stone, and con-
taining the wooden chest (cp. Ebers in Riehm,
nWB. s. n. ' Elnbalsamiren ') ; and (6) the
" chest ** in which Jehoiada the priest collected
the alms for the repairs of the Temple (2 K.
lii. 9, 10; 2 Ch. xxiv. 8-11). Of the former
the above woodcut is probably a near repre-
sentation. 2. D*T]J, probably of Persian deri-
vation ("treasnries" in Esther iii. 9, iv. 7;
" chests " in Ezek. ixvii. 24). [G.] [W.]
CHESTNDT-TBEE fl^DTP, 'anixJa ; »Xi£-
TOFOJ, iXirri ; plaiantta ; " plane-tree," R. V.).
Mention is made of the 'amuSn in Gen. xxx.
■'57, as one of the trees from which Jacob
took rods in which "he pilled white strakes,"
to set them before Laban's flocks when they
came to drink (see on this subject SUEEf)';
in Ezek. xxxi. 8, the 'arinon is spoken of as
one of the glories of Assyria. The tree really
intended is the Oriental Plane, I'latanua orien-
talis, so familiar in the London squares, and
which must not be confounded with our com-
mon sycamore, often called a plane-tree, but
which is really a maple, Acer pseudo-phtanus.
This rendering of plane-tree is supported by the
LXX. (in Uen. /. c), the Vulg., the Chaldee,
with the Syriau and Arabic Versions (Celsius,
Hierob. i. 513). The chestnut, though a native
of the Caucasus and Western Asia, is only found
in Palestine cultivated. The plane-tree is fre-
quent by the sides of streams and in the plains,
both on the coast and in the north of the
country. It loves a rich soil in a low moist
situation, and thus in Genesis is grouped with
the willow and the poplar. On the Upper
Jordan, on the banks of the Litany (Leonte«),
in the glens of Lebanon, and by the sides of the
Orontes, it is abundant, and is a noble and
beautiful tree. There are some grand old plane-
trees in the streets of Damascus. One has its
hollow trunk used as a dwelling ; another which
we measured is more than 40 feet in circumfer-
ence, and a copious spring gushes up among its
roots. Dr. Kitto {Cyc, art. Artnon), in illus-
tration of Ezek. (I. c), says that " the planes of
Assyria are of extraordinary size and beauty, in
both respects exceeding even those of Palestine ;
it consists with our own ex|)eri«nce, that one
may travel far in VV<:.-.t< ru Asia without meet-
ing such trees, and so many together, as occur
in the Chenar (plane) groves of Assyria and
Media." The plane-trees of Persia are now and
have been long held in the greatest veneration ;
with the Greeks also these trees were great
favouritcH. Herodotus (vii. 31) tells a .story of
how Xerxes on his way to Sardis met with a
plane-tree of exceeding beauty, to which he
made an offering of golden ornaments.
The plane-tree belongs to the natural order
Platanaccae, bearing catkins, with the flowers in
clusters of rounded balls, pendulous on a common
stalk, with palmate leaves of pale green colour.
It sheds its bark as well as its leaves annually,
and the trunk then appears white, whence its
Hebrew name 'armin, " naked " (■'.«. without
bark). In Ecclus. xxiv. 14, Wisdom is compared
to " a plane-tree by the water."
[W. H.] [H. B. T.]
CHESULXOTH (with the definite article,
nippan ; B. XmraXue, A. 'AxanKiiB ; Oualoth),
one of the towns of Issachar, meaning (as some
think) in Hebrew, " the loins " (Fr. lea fianca),
and therefore, perhaps, deriving its name from
its situation on the slope of some mountain
(Josh. xix. 18). It is named in the same group-
with Jezreel and Shunem {S6tam\ and is pro-
bably the same place as CHisu>TH-TABOB(t>. 12.
Cp. Dillmann,' I. c). It is meutioned by Euie-
bius and Jerome, in the Onomasticoti, tmder
'Ax«<r<X»9(0S»p. 241, 58) and Achaaeluih (OS*
p. 130, 24), and is said to be a village oklled
XairaXo^t, Chasalus, S miles from Diocaesarta,
in the plain near Mount Tabor. It is now /t«U,
3 miles west of Tabor {P£F. Mem. iii. 385-7 ;
Gu^rin, OalilA, i. 108); and is doubtless the
XalothofJosephus(B.y.iii.3,§l). [G.] [W.J
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570
CHETTUM
CHETTIIM (T.' XtTTtulfi; KA. X«tti«{m;
Chethim) = Macedunia (1 Mace. i. 1). [CurrriM.]
CHEZI'B (3'13; Sam. Cod. nnn ; Sam.
Vera. n3n3; Xatrfii; Vulg. [juo nato parere
ultra] cesxtvit; cp. a similar translation by
Aquila, in Jer, Qu. Hebr.), a name which occurs
but once (Gen. xxxviii. 5), Judah was nt Chezib
when the Canoanitess Bathshua bare his third
son Shelah. The other places named in this
remarkable narrative are all in the low country
of Judah, and therefore, in the absence of any
specification of the position of Chezib, we may
adopt the opinion of the interpreters, ancient
and modern, who identify it with Achzib
<3*pt<). It is probably the Xnr^l of Eosebius
and ierome (0S.« pp. 289, 37 ; 146, 18), and
the name may perhaps be retained in 'Ain
A'ezbeh, at Beit Nettif, 2} miles from Mia el-Mi
(Adullam. PEF. Mem. iii. 38). Probably iden-
tical with Chozeda. [G.] [W.]
CHI'DON (n»9 ; LXX. B. om., A. X«iXS ;
Joseph. Ant. rii. 4, § 2, XnSiiir ; Chidon), the
name which in 1 Ch. xiii. 9 is given to the
threshing-floor (or to the owner of the thresh-
ing-floor) at which the accident to the arli, on
its transport from Kirjath-jearim to Jerusalem,
and the death of Uzzah took place. In the
parallel account in 2 Sam. vi. 6 the name is
given as Nachon. It has been debated whether
these were two distinct names for the same
spot, or whether the one was a corruption or
alteration of the other (see Ges. Thes. p. ti83 ;
Simonis, Onom. pp. 339—40). Further, the
Jewish tradition (Jerome, Qnaett. Heb. on 1 Ch.
xiii. 9) — irreconcilable with the topography —
was that Chidon acquired its name from being
the spot on which Joshua stood when he stretched
out the Chidon (A. V. "spear," R. V. "javelin ")
towards Ai (Josh. viii. 18). All that can be
affirmed is that it is a proper name, or some
designation, which — attached to " threshing-
floor "—constituted it a proper name (cp. Gen.
1. 16, 17 ; 1 Sam. xix. TS), whether of owner or
place (cp. Driver, Notes on the Heb, Text of the
BB. of Sam., under 2 Sam. vi. 6). [G.] [ W.]
CHILDREN (D*»; tUyi^ rwSfa; Vheri,
Jilii. From the root 1133, to build, are derived
both ]3, son, as in Ben-jamin, &c., and HS,
daughter, as in Bath-sheba. The Chald. 13, son,
also occurs in 0. T., and appears in X. T. in such
words as Bar-nabas. Cognate words are the
Arabic Ben!, sons, in the sense of descendants,
and Benit, daughter!, Ges. pp. 215, 236 ;
Shaw, TraveU, Pref. p. 8). The blessing of off-
spring, but especially, and sometimes exclusively,
of the male sex, is highly valued among all
Eastern nations, while the absence of children
is regarded as one of the severest deprivations.
Women sometimes use charms and empirical
means for the purpose of obtaining their wishes
in this respect, a practice which may perhaps in
some degree account for the teraphim stolen by
Rachel from her father (Gen. xvi. 2, xxix. 32,
XXX. 1, 24, xxxi. 19, 34; Deut. vii. 14; 1 Sam.
i. 6, ii. 5, iv. 20 ; 2 Sam. vi. 23, xviii. 18 ; 2 E.
iv. 14 ; Is. xlvii. 9 ; Jer. xx. 15, xiii. 30 ; Hos.
ix. 14 ; Esth. r. 11 ; Ps. cxxvii. 3, 5 ; Eccles. vi. 3.
CHILDBEN
Cp. Herod, i. 136 ; Strab. xv. 733 ; Drusins, Piw.
Ben-Sirae, ap. Cr. Soar. viii. 1887 ; Lane, JfcA
Eg. i. 208, 240 ; Hra. Poole, Englishvi. in Eg.
iii. 163 ; Niebuhr, Oescr. de PAr. p. 67 ; Charfin,
Voy. vii. 446 ; Russell, Nubia, p. 343; Thomson,
Land and Book, p. 124). Childbirth is ia the
East usually, but not always, attendei with
little difficulty, and accomplished with little or
no assistance (Gen. xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 28: Ei. i.
19 ; 1 Sam. iv. 19, 20; Burckhardt, A'ofes m
Bedouins, i. 96 ; Harmer, 06s. iv. 425 ; Lady M.
W. MonUgu, Letters, ii. 217, 219, 222). As
soon as the child was bom, and the nmbilicsl
cord cut, it was washed in a bath, rubbed vith
salt, and wrapped in swaddling clotiies. Araii
mothers sometimes mb their children irith
earth, sand, or finely powdered salt (Enk.
-wi. 4 ; Job xxxviii. 9 : Luke ii. 7 ; Burckbudt.
/. c. ; PEFQy. St. 1881, p. 301). On the eighth
day the rite of circumcision in the case uf s
boy was performed, and a name given, setm-
times, but not usually, the same as that of tkt
father, and generally conveying some gpKisI
meaning. Among Mohammedans, circomctsioii
is most commonly delayed till the fifth, sixth. «i
even the fourteenth year (Gen. xxi. 4, xiii. 3i
35, XXX. 6, 24 ; Lev. iii. 3 ; Luke L 59, u. JL
and Lightfoot ad loc. : Spencer, de Legq. HAt.
V. 62; Strab. xvii. 824; Herod, ii. 36, 104;
Burckhardt, I.e. i. 96; Lane, Mod. Eg.li',;
Mrs. Poole, Englishw. in Eg. iii. 158; Niebnhi,
Oescr. p. 70). [Circumcision.] After the
birth of a male child the mother was considertd
unclean for 7 -(- 33 days ; if the child were >
female, for double that period, 14 -f- 66 dan.
At the end of the time she was to make m
offering of purification of a lamb as a bnmt-
offering, and a pigeon or turtle-dove u a
sin-offering, or, in case of poverty, two dovts ci
pigeons, one as a burnt-offering, the other S5 s
sin-offering (Lev. vii. 1-8 ; Luke ii. 22). Tie
period of nursing appears to have been stmt-
times prolonged to three years (Is. xlii. 13;
2 Mace. vii. 27. Cp. Livingstone, Travels, c. ri.
p. 126 ; but Burckhardt was led to a diSeitit
conclusion). The Mohammedan law eBJ<w<
mothers to suckle their children for two M
years if possible (Lane, Mod. Eg. i. p. 83 ; Mn.
Poole, Englishui. in Eg. iii. p. 161 )u Nui«>
were employed in cases of necessity (Gen. uir.
59, iiiv. 8 ; Ex. ii. 9 ; 2 Sam. iv. 4; 2 K. li.
2 ; 2 Ch. xxii. 11). The time of weaning ww
an occasion of rejoicing (Gen. xii. 8). .^nl>
children wear little or no clothing for four «r
five years : the young of both sexes are nsullT
carried by the mothers on the hip or the sbool-
der, a custom to which allusion is made br
Isaiah (Is. xlix. 22, Ixvi. 12 ; Lane, Mod. Eg. L
83). Both boys and girls in their early yean,
boys probably till their fifth year, were under
the care of the women (Prov. mi. 1 ; Herod, i.
136; Strab. iv. 733; Niebnhr, Deter, jx 24)
Afterwards the boys were taken by the &ti«r
under his charge. Those in wealthy bnaba
had tutors or governors (D^JDit, nJSeffffit),
who were sometimes eonnchs (Num. xL 13;
2 K. X. 1, 5; Is. xlii. 23; Gal. iu. 24; Etth. il
7; Joseph. VU. 76; Lane, Mod. Eg. I 83).
Daughters usually remained in the womea's
apartments till marriage, or, among the poorer
classes, were employed in household work (Lev.
ixi. 9; Num. xii. 14; 1 Sam. ix. II; Piw.
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CHILGAB
usi. 19, 23 ; Ecclus. vii. 25, ilii. 9 ; 2 Mace,
iii. 19). The example, however, and authority
of the mother were carefully upheld In the case
of children of both sexes (Dent. xxi. 20 ; Prov. x.
1, IT. 20; 1 K. ii. 19). Boys of the lower classes
•it the present day are taught early to take
sheep and goats to pasture, and to watch rine-
nris when the fruit is ripening, and girls to
carrr water in buckets on their heads (PEFQy.
St. 1881, p. 301).
The firstborn male children were regarded as
ileToted to God, and were to be redeemed by an
offering (Ex. xiii. 13; Num. xviii. 15; Luke ii.
2v!). Children devoted by special vow, as
Samuel was, appear to have been brought up
from very early years in a school or place of
education near the Tabernacle or Temple (1 Sam.
i. 24, 28). [Educatiok.]
The authority of parents, especially the father,
over children was very great, as was also the re-
verence enjoined by the Law to be paid to parents.
The disobedient child, the striker or reriler of ii
parent, was liable to capital punishment, though
D(it at the independent will of the parent. Chil-
dren were liable to be taken as slaves in case of
non-fulfilment of their duties, and were ex-
pected to perform menial ofBces for their parents,
sach as washing the feet, and to maintain them
in poverty and old age. How this last obliga-
tion was evaded, see Cobban. The like obedience
is enjoined by the Gospel (Gen. xxiviii. 24 ;
Lev. lii. 32, ixi. 9 ; Kum. xii. 14 ; IK. iL 19 ;
2 K. iv. 1 ; Neh. v. 5 ; Prov. x. 1, xv. 20, xix.
3 ; Drosius, Quaest. Hebr. ii. 63, ap. Cr. Sacr.
Tiii. 1547 ; Col. iii. 20 ; Eph«8. vi. 1 ; 1 Tim.
i. 9: cp. Virg. Aen. vi. 609, and Servius ad
Ik.; Aristopb. £an. 146; Plato, Phaedo, 144,
de Legg. ix.}.
The legal age was twelve, or even earlier in
the case of a female, and thirteen for a mala
(Maimon. de Pros. c. v., ed. Prideaux, p. 167 ;
Grotins and Calmet on John ix. 21).
The inheritance was divided equally between
all the sons except the eldest, who received a
double portion (Deut. xxi. 17; Gen. xxv. 31,
xlix. 3; 1 Ch. v. 1, 2 ; Jndg. xi. 2, 7). Daugh-
ters had by right no portion in the inheritance ;
but if a man had no son, his inheritance passed
to hi* daughters, but they were forbidden to
marry oat of their father's tribe (Num. xxvii.
1, 8 xxxvi. 2, 8).
The term Kn» was applied also to the disciples
and followers of the teachers of the various
sects which arose after the Captivity (Light-
foot, Hor. Heb. on John xiii. 33 ; Luke xi. 45 ;
John xvi. 16). [See Sects; Soboou; and
Schools of Propheis.] [H. W. P.]
CHIL'EAB. [Abigail; Daniel.]
CHIL'ION (jivS, perhaps icaating caeay
[but see Oettli in Strack u. Zockler's Kgf. Kamm.
'das B. Ruth,' Einleit. §3]; B. XeXoiiv and
K«A-; A. X«X(io> and X«-; Chelion), the son
of Elimelech and Naomi, and husband of
Orpah (Ruth i. 2-5, iv. 6). He is described as
an " Ephrathite (cp. Gen. xlviii. 7 ; Mic. v. 1)
of Bethlehem-Jadah;" Judah being added to
distinguish this Bethlehem from the Bethlehem
in Zebulon (Josh. xix. 15) [W. A. W.]
CHU-'MADO?^?; Xop [?Carmania];
Chelmad), a place or country mentioned in con-
CHINNEBETH, SEA OF 571
junction with Shebn and Asshur (Ezek. xxvii. 2.'!).
Bochart found a similarity to it in Charmande,
a town near the Euphrates between the Mascas
and the Babylonian frontier (Xen. Anab. i. 5,
§ 10); but G. Smith {TSBA. 1872, p. 61) and
Kried. Delitzsch (Wo Ing da$ Parodies, p. 20(i)
in Katwadha near Bagdad, to which Orelli (in
Strack and Zockler's Kgf. Komm. in loco) as-
sents. Hitzig (ficmm. on Ezek. \. c), following
Kimcbi, does not consider it the name of a place
at all, but alters the punctuation to 1B73 with
the sense " Asshur was as thypupilxn commerce ;"
and with an alteration of this character Cornill
(Das Buck d. Proph. Ezechkl, in loco) agrees,
though he prefers to render " Assur must ac-
commodate himself to thy market." [F.]
CHIM'HAM (DTO? ; in 2 Sam. xix. 40, it
is in the Hebrew text Chimhan, jnOS ; and in
the Ketdi of Jer. xli. 17, Chcmdham, DriiOS :
B. XaiioAn, A. Xoyodj' ; LXX. in Jer. [xlviii.]
couples the name with another reading of the
preceding noun, T.' VaPmiMxaiiAa, tt. rijflajjpa-
Xa/ui ; Jos. 'Ax'/"""*" '■ Chamaam), a follower,
and probably a son (Josh. Ant. vii. 11, § 4;
and cp. 1 K. ii. 7), of Barzillai the Gileadite,
who returned from beyond Jordan with David
(2 Sam. xix. 37, 38, 40; see Targum on Jer.
xli. 17). David appears to have bestowed on
him a possession at Bethlehem, on which, in
Liter times, an inn or Khan (D-ni) was stand-
ing, well known as the starting-point for tra-
vellers from Jerusalem to Egypt (Jer. xli. 17).
Josephus (Ant. x. 9, § 5) gives the name of this
place as Kiripii. [G.] [W.]
CHIN'NEBETH (nnj3, in pause '33 ; B.
l/impi9, A. \tyti>6t\ Cenireth), a fortified city
in the tribe of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35 only), of
which no trace is found in later writers, and
no remains by travellers. Whether it gave its
name to, or received it trom, the lake, which
was possibly adjacent, is quite uncertain. The
Talmud (TaL Jer. Megillah, 70 a) renders the
name by *1D^|, Oenosar (or 1D*3|, Ttnniirif,
1 Mace xi. 67X and praises the fertility of the
plain of the same name. If this rendering be
correct, Chinnereth was in or near Gennesaret,
possibly at Ahu Skusheh, or on the heights above
Khan Mmyeh. By St. Jerome Chinnereth was
identiBed with the later Tiberias (OS.* p. 146, 28).
This may have been from some tradition then
existing ; but it is more probable that Tiberias
represents the Rakkath of Josh. xix. 35. The
identification of Chinnereth with Tiberias is
denied by Reland (p. 161), on the ground that
Capernaum is said by St. Matthew (iv. 13) to
have been on the very borders of Zebulun and
Naphtali, and that Zebulun was to the south of
Naphtali. But St. Matthew's expression will
hardly bear this strict interpretation. The
town, or the lake, appears to have given its
name (slightly altered) to a district — " all
CiNNEBOTH " (1 K. IV. 20. Cp. the suggested
reading in Josh. xix. 34, QPB.' in loco). In A. V.
1611 it is spelt "Cinnereth." [G.] [W.]
CHIN'NEEETH, SEA OF (nnw D» ; in
Num. B. ii edXairffa Xeyipa, AF. Xfytpti, in
Josh. B, Xtvtpie, A. -piie; mare Cenereth,
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572 CHINNEEOTH
Num. xxxiv. 11 ; Josb. xiii. i7\ the inland sea,
which is most familiarly known to us as the
" lake of Gennesareth." This is evident from
the mode in which it is mentioned in various
passages in the Pentateuch and Joshua — as
being at the end of Jordan opposite to the
"Sea of the Arabah," i.e. the Dead Sea; ns
having the Arabah or Ghor below it, &c. (Deut.
iii. 17 ; Josh. xi. 2, xii. 3). In the two former
of these passages the word " sea " is omitted ;
in the two latter it is in a plural form —
" Chinneroth " (ace. Cinnaruth, 11^^33 ; and
rtl|3, Cinneroth, Vulg. Ceneroth). fhe word
is by some derived from Cinnoor (xivvvpo,
cithtira, " a harp "), as if in allusion to the oral
shape of the lake. But this, to say the least, is
doubtful. It seems more likely that Cinnereth
was ao ancient Canaanite name existing long
]irior to the Israelite conquest, and, like other
names, adopted by the Israelites into their lan-
i;uage. The subsequent name " Gennesar " may
have been derived from " Cinnereth " by a change
•if letters of a kind frequent enough in the East.
[Gessesaeeth.] [G.] [\S'.]
CHIN'NEBOTH (nilM.nhja: B. Kew-
pie, Xtfipte ; A. Xmpteei, Xtrr*p'le; F.(bis)
Xtvip*» : Ceneroth), Josh. xi. 2, xii. 3. [Chin-
NBRETH.] In A. V. 1611 the name is spelt
Cinneroth, as in 1 K. xv. 20. [K.]
CHI'08 (Xloi ; Chita). The position of this
island in reference to the neighbouring islands
and coasts could hardly be better described than
iu the detailed account of St. Paul's return
voyage from Troas to Caesarea (Acts xx., xxi.).
Having come from Assos to Mitylene in Lesbos
(xx. 14), he arrived the next day over against
Chios (c. 15), the next dav at Samus, and tarried
at Trogyllium (it.); ani the following day at
Miletus (A.) : thence he went by Cos and Rhodes
to Patara (xxi. 1). [UlTTLENE ; Sahos.] With
this it is worth whue to compare the account of
Herod's voyage to join Marcus Agrippa in the
Black Sea. We are told (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 2,
§ 2) that, after passing by Rhodes and Cos, be
was detained some time by north winds at Chios,
and sailed on to Mitylene, when the winds be-
came more favourable. It appears that during
this stay at Chios Herod gave very liberal sums
towards the restoration of some public works
which bad suffered in the Hithridatic war.
This island does not appear to have any other
association with the Jews; nor is it specially
mentioned in connexion with the first spread
of Christianity by the Apostles. When St. Paul
was there, on the occasion referred to, he did
not land, but only passed the night at anchor.
At that time Chios enjoyed the privilege of free-
dom (Plin. V. 38), and it is not certain that it
ever was politically a part of the province of
Asia, though it is separated from the mainland
only by a strait of 5 miles. Its length is about
32 miles, and in breadth it varies from 8 to 18.
Its outline is mountainous and bold ; and it has
always been celebrated for its beauty and fruit-
fulness. In recent times it has been too well
known, under its modem name of Scio, for the
dreadful sufferings of its inhabitants in the Greek
war of independence. Chios is described by the
older travellers, Thevenot, Tournefurt, and
Chandler (^Dict. of Gr. and Bom. Oeog., art.
CHIITIM, KirriM
Chios), and by Fustel de Coulanges, Meia. str
Pile de Chioi : Arch, des Misa. v. pp. 92, 273 (q.
(1856); Vaux, Gk. Cities and Ittandt of Atu
Min., p. 159. [J. S. H.] [J. t S.]
CHISLEU. [MosTHS.]
CHIS'LON (J^^P?, confidence, streaqA;
Xaahiir ; Chaaelon), father of Elidad, the prioce
of the tribe of Benjamin, chosen to assist is the
division of the land of Canaan among the inkt^
(Num. xxxiv. 21). [W. A. W.j
CmS'LOTH-TA'BOR ("On rfep?, "bias
of Tabor ; " B. Xmrt\aeai$, A. Xmra^fiatmp;
Caeleth thabor), a place to the border (7433) «i
which reached the border of Zebolun (Josh.
xix. 12). It is now the village Itael. thr^i-
miles west of Mount Tabor; and is probaUr
the same place as Ciiesi'LLOTH. EuseUos asil
Jerome mention it under the forms XartXwt
ToS Bafiiip (OS.* p. 292, 64 1 and Chaselslii
Tabor {OS.* p. 147, 12> Josephns names >
village HaXit$ as in the great plain, i>. of
Esdraelon, and as one of the landmarks of lonr
Galilee (A/, iii. 3, § 1; and see T'i(<i,$44):
this is doubtless identical with Chi«loth-Tatcr
and ChesuUoth. [G.] [W.j
CHirTIM, KITTIM (D'R?. D»n3; Kf
TiO(, Kfrio:, Kirriit/ji, Xtmtlii ; Cetlhim, Crtkia).
one of the sons of Javan (Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Ch. i. 7 ;
A. V. KllTlM), and closely related to the Dods-
nim or Rodanini. as well as to Elishah sij
Tarshish. Chittim is frequently noticed in
Scripture : Balaam predicts that a fleet shooU
thence proceed for the destruction of Aasvivi
(Num. xxiv. 24, 0»n?l n;?, « from beside C'kH-
tim ;" venlent in trieribus de lialia, Vulg.): ii
Is. xxiii. 1, 12, it appears as the resort of tk^
fleets of Tyre: iu Jer. ii. 10, the "isles «'
Chittim " 0.*!*, i.e. maritime districts) are u
the west, as Eedar to the east of Palestine : tk
Tyrians procured thence the cedar or Box- Wood,
which they inlaid with ivory for the decks <i
their vessels (Exek. xxvii. 6,"D'"1B'K*n3, A. V.
" the company of the Ashnrites," but 'K V. Ixtttr
[ivory, the daughter of cedar, i.e.] " inlaid in bci-
wood ") : in Dan. xi. 30, " ships of Chittim " («»1
tj(ov<rt 'PctfuSot ; lyieres et Somani) advanoe to
the south to meet the king of th« north : at s
later period we find Alexander the Great d<-
scribed as coming ix r^s 7i)s Xrrri«I^ (1 Hacc.
i. 1 ; A. V. Ciiettiih), and Perseus as Kirri^
Pa<rt\fis (1 Mace viii. 5 ; A. V. CrmcB). Jo-
sephns rightly explains Chittim as Cypms, t»
named from the Phoetucian aettlement ef
Citium (X4Stnos Si XiSt/ia riir r^var frx"-
Kiwpes aSni yvp KaXfrroi, Ant. i. 6, { !)■
Citium wai the chief Phoenician town in tiit
island, and its site is at present partly oceoped
by Lamaka. A considerable number of nlOca^-
cian inscriptions have been found there, and w*
learn from them that *rO (CMtti) was the
native word for "a Citian." It was Uclek-
yathon, king of Citium (aa 370), who amri
the bilingtul inscription (in Phiwnician sad
Cypriote) to be engraved which was dis-
covered by Mr. Hamilton Lang at Dali (Idalica).
and furnished Mr. George Smith with the dsf
to the decipherment of the Cypriote syUafaair.
Digitized bv
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CHIUN
Citiom s«ems to huve beeu the first of the
Phoenician colonies in Cyprus, and hence it
was that the whole island came to be called
the island of the Chittim or "Citians" br
the Phoenicians and their Hebren- neighboui-s.
The Phoenician settlers, however, occupied only
the eastern and southern {wrtlons of the island ;
Paphos, with its famous temple of Astart^, and
the tttierak or upright cone of stone which
nmbolised the goddess, being one of their
toirns. The rest of the island was for the most
(lart inhabited by Greek colonists ; hence the
Assyrian name of it, Yaman or Vinan, the
island " of the lonians." Yavnan is the Jaran
of the 0. T. As early as AC. 3730, Sargon I.,
of Accad, not only caused an image of himself
to be sculptured on the shores of the Mediter-
ranean, but also crossed over into Cyprus ; and
SI Babylonian cylinder, bearing the name of his
<lei&ed son and succesiior, Naram-Sin, has been
found by General di CesDola among the temple-
treasures of Curium. In the 16th century B.C.
Cyprus, under the name of Asebi or Asi, sent
fopper, lead, ivory, and chariots as tribute to
the E^rptian Pharaoh, Thothmes III. Seven of
ik> kings despatched ambas.sadors to Sargon II.
in B.C. 709, and the Assyrian king caused a mono-
lith (now in the Berlin Museum) to be erected
ut Citinm. Esar-haddon also received tribute
from ten of the Cyprian princes. The island was
conquered by the Egyptian Amasis, and subse-
>^uently passed under the Persian yoke until
Kngoras iif Salainis revolted in B.C. 410. The
name Chittim has no connexion with that of
the D*nn, or Hittites, and the Greek spelling
with X is erroneous. In Mace, Chittim evidently
= Unctdonia. and was (wrhaps more especially
applied to that country from the apparent
similarity of the name in the form VlaKvrla,
which was supposed = Ma and K/rioi, the land
of the Cetii. The use of the term was extended
yet fiirther so as to embrace Italy according to
the LXX. (Dan.), and the Vulgate (Num. and
Pan.), to which we may add the rendering of
the Clwldee Targum, which gives pvDK
(Italia) in 1 Oh. i. 7, and K'^ISK (Apulia)
in Ezek. xxvii. 6. The " ships of Chittim " in
l)aniel have been explained as Jfacedoman,
which Popillius Laenas may have seized at
Ueloa after the defeat of Perseus, and taken on
his expedition to Egypt against Antiochua; but
the assumption on which this interpretation
rests is not borne out by the narrative (Liv.
jliv. 29 ; xlv. 10), nor does there appear any
liiGenltT in extending the term to Italy, as
one of the lands in the far west with which the
Hebrews were but little actiuainted. [A. H. S.]
CHIUN (IV3, Amos r. 26). The word occurs
in a verse of which there are two very different
renderings (see QPB* in loco). The LXX.
(ri ia^pey toC BtoS i/iiiv 'Pai^iiy), Peshitto,
and Vnlg. {hnaginfm idolonim vestrorum, tidta dei
ratrt) do not consider Chiun a proper name,
and in this they are followed by those who
reader (ej/. R.V. marg.) "the shrine (a/, the
pedestal) of your images," as if derived from
P3. On the other hand, many consider Chiun
to be the name of a deity worshipped by the
Israelites in the desert, and, punctuating the
name tV^, identify him with the star Saturn,
CHOBAZIN
573
the principle of evil, whose Assyrian name wu$
Keaan or Kaiwanu (Schrader, KAT,* pp.
442-3). [See Remphan.] [F.]
CHLOE (XX^i), Greek female name meaning
verdure ; Chloe), a woman mentioned in 1 Cor. i.
11. It was by "those of Chloe" (rm XAo^t)
that St. Paul had been informed of the divisions
in the Church of Corinth. " Those of Chloe "
were probably slaves or freedmeu belonging to
the household of a person of that name (cp.
Rom. xvi. 10 and 11, and see Aristobitlcs).
Nothing is known of Chloe, and her residence
either at Corinth or Ephesus is a matter of mere
conjecture. [E. R. B.]
CHO'BA (B.\. X»Pi, K. Xafii; Vulg. omits),
a place mentioned in Judith iv. 4. The Syriac
reads here "the kikkar" or circle of the Jor-
dan. The place is not identified (see Speaker't
Comm. in loco). [F.]
CHO'BAI (BA. X»/Sar, K" X-^i; Vulg.
omits) occurs in Judith xv. 4, 5. The name
suggests Hobah (rOIH, which is the reading of
the Syriac), especially in connexion with the
mention of Damascus in v. 5, but the distance
from the probable site of Bethulia is too great.
It is supposed by Reland (p. 721) to be the
same as Coabis, a station given in the Pentinger
Tables, as 12 Roman miles from Scythopolis,
and 1 2 from Archelais : and it is now probably
the ruin el-liekhubby, near which is the cave
'Arak el-Khubby, on the old Roman road, 3 miles
from Tubas, and 11 from Beitdn (Scythopolis.
See PEF. Mem. ii. 231, 243 ; Conder, Hbk. to
liiUe, p. 289). [W.]
CHOR-A'SHAN (|e«"n3. The true read-
ing of the Heb. text is jCiniS [cp. Driver,
Xotes on the Heb. Text of the BB. of Sam. in
loco], which is recognised both in B. B<|pird[/3«,
and in A. ^ttfoaiy; in lam Asan; cp. R. V.
marg. Bor-athan), one of the places in which
" David and his men were wont to haunt," and
to hU friends in which be sent presents of the
plunder taken from the Amalekites (1 Sam.
ixx. 30). The towns named in this catalogue
arc all south of Hebron, and Cborashan may
therefore be identified with AsHAN of Simeon
(Josh. XV. 42 ; xix. 7). This is, however, un-
certain (cp. Dillniann* in loco). [G.] [W.]
CHORA'ZIN (Xopajlr, Xofa(tlr, Xopo(ciy ;
Corozain), one of the cities in which our lord's
mighty works wei-e done, but named only in His
denunciation (Matt. xi. 21 ; Luke x. 13). In
the time of Eusebius (OS.* p. 290, 77) it was
stated to be deserted, and to be 2 (or 12, Euseb.)
miles from Capernaum. Jerome describes il
(Cumm, in Is. ix. I) as on the borders of the
lake. It is mentioned in the Talmud (Tal. Bab.
Menahoth, 85<i) as celebrated for the fine quality
of its wheat (see Neubauer, Geoij. du Talmud,
p. 220). The origin of the name is also very
uncertain. Origen writes the name as x^f"^
Zir, i.e. the district of Zin ; but this is obviously
a mere fancy, and has no support from MSS.
The only traveller who visited Chorazin, previous
to the Crusaders, was Willibald (a.d. 723-6),
who went from Tiberias to Magdalum and Ca-
pernaum, and thence to Bethsaida and Chorazin,
" where our Lord healed the demoniac, and sent
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574
CHOSAMEL'S
the devil into s herd of swine." Willibald
appears here to identify Chorazin with Gergesa,
which lay on the eastern shore of the lake ; and
in this he is followed by the mediaeval geo-
graphers : see especially the map of Mar. Sanutus
(1321). Chorazin is now Kh. Kerdzek, 2} mile.i
north of Tell Hum ; the ruins are extensive, and
especially interesting, as the place does not seem
to have been occupied since the fourth century.
The most important ruin is that of a synagogue,
with Corinthian capitals and decorative details
elaborately carved in hard black basalt (Wilson,
Recony. of Jeriaaiem, pp. 346-7 ; PEF. Mem.
i. 400-2). [G.] [W.]
CHOSAME'US. [See Sijiok Chosamaecs.]
CHOZE'BA (K3T°3 ; B. SioxilAf, A. XaiCl^;
nW mendacii ; R. V. Cozeba). The "men of
Chozeba " are named (1 Ch. iv. 22) amongst the
descendants of Shelah the son of Judah. The
name does not reappear, but it is sufficiently like
CiiEZiB (and especially the reading of the
Samaritan Codex of that name) to suggest that
tlie two refer to the same place ; that, namely,
elsewhere called Achzid, at which place Shelah
was bom. (The Vulgate Version of this passage
is worth notice.) Conder (PEFQy. St. 1875,
p. 13) proposes to identify Chozeba with K/t.
Kueiziia, N.E. of HHhul, in the hili-coantry of
Judaea ^PEF. Mem. iii. 358; Tristram, Bible
Places, p. 68) ; but if it be the same as CHEZin,
it must have been in the low country of Judah
(see Chesib). [G.] [VV.]
CHRIST. [Jescs.]
CHRISTIAN (XpnTTioyifi; Christianus). The
disciples, we are told (Acts xi. 26), " were first
called Christians at Antioch " on the Orontes,
somewhere about A.D. 43. The name, and the
place where it was conferred, are both signifi-
cant. It is clear that the appellation " Christian "
was one which, thongh eagerly adopted and
gloried in by the early followers of Christ, could
not have been imposed by themselves. They
were known to each other as brethren of one
family, as disciples of the same Master, as be-
lievers in the same faith, and as distinguished by
the same endeavours after holiness and consecra-
tion of life ; and so were called brethren (Acts xv.
1, 23; 1 Cor. vii. 12), disciples (AcU ii. 26,
xi. 29), believers (Acts v. 14), saints (Rom. viii.
26, XV. 25). But the outer world could know
nothing of the true force and significance of
these terms, which were in a manner esoteric ; it
was necessary therefore that the followers of
the new religion should have some distinctive
title. To the contemptuous Jew they were
Nazarenes and Galilaeans, names which carried
with them the infamy and turbulence of the
places whence they sprang, and from whence
nothing good and no prophet might come (cp.
John i. 46). The Jews could add nothing to
the scorn which these names expressed, and had
they endeavoured to do so they would not have
defiled the glory of their Messiah by applying
his title to those whom they could not but re-
gard as the followers of a pretender. The name
"Christian," then, which, in the only other
cases where it appears in the N. T. (Acts xxvi.
28; 1 Pet. iv. 16: cp. Tac. Ann. xv. 44), is
used contemptuously, could not have been
CHRONICLES
applied by the early disciples to themselves, nor
could it have come to them from their own
nation the Jews; it must therefore have keen
imposed upon them by the Gentile world, sad
no place could have so appropriately given rise
to it as Antioch, where the first Church wu
planted among the heathen. It was manifat
by the preaching of the new teachers that they
were distinct from the Jews, so distinct as t« be
remarked by the heathen themselves ; and ss no
name was so frequently in their mouths as that
of Christ,* the Messiah, the Anointed, the people
of Antioch, ever on the alert for a jibe or moci-
ing taunt, and taking Christ to be a proper
name and not a title of honour, called his i<4-
lowers Xpiirrtatwi, Christians, the partisui of
Christ ; just as in the early struggles for the
Empire we meet with the Caesariani. Pompeiui,
and Octaviani. The Latin form of the name i>
what would be expected, for Antioch bad loaj
been a Roman city. Its inhabitants were cele-
brated for their wit and a propensity for <x*-
ferring nicknames (Procop, Pers. ii. 8, p. Xvi).
The Emperor Julian himself was not secure froo
their jests (Amm. Marc. xxii. 14). ApoU(«iK
of Tyana was driven from the citybj the m-skj
of the inhabitants (Philostr. Vit ApoU. iii. 14)
Their w^it, however, was often harmless enr>ofk
(Lucian, De Saltat. 76), and there is no reason
to suppose that the name " Christian " of itstU'
was intended as a term of scurrility or abote,
though it would natoially be used with ««•
tempt.
Suidas (s. t>, XpunawoX) says the name vu
given in the reign of Claudius, when Peter tf-
pointed Evodins bishop of Antioch, and theyvli}
were formerly called Nazarenes and Galilseios
had their name changed to Christians. Accori-
ing to Malalas {Chranoq. x.) it was changed l>y
Evodius himself, and William of Tyre (iv. i)
has a story that a synod was held at Antioch kt
the purpose. Ignatius, in the Epistle to tkt
Magnesians (c. x.), regards the prophecy of Isaiak
(Ixii. 2, 12) as first fulfilled in Syria, wheti Pettr
and Paul founded the Chnrch at Antioch. Bat
reasoixs have already been given why the «am
did not originate within the Church.
Another form of the name is X^trrioe^
arising from a false etvmologv (Lact. ir. T;
TertuUian, Apol. c. 3 ; Suet. Claud. 23), by »hicii
it was derived from xyi"^^^- C'^- A W-j
CHRONICLES, First and Secosd Boob
OF. 1. 7T«e.— Chronicles (in Heb. D'P^n i;?;
verba dierum, as Jerome translates it. >i>d
sermones dierum, as Hilar. Pictar. in Wolf, but
rather acta dierum ; journals or diaries, iA tb«
record of the daily occurrences) is the aine
originally given to the record made by ibt
ap[iointed historiographers in the kingdoms "'.
Israel and Judah. In the LXX. these Boolct sre
called Ylofahtatoiiivar Tparrov and S<vT<pr,
which is understoixl, after Jerome's expUoitica.
as rightly recording one of their characteristics
viz. that they are supplementary to the Bftis
of Kings. The Vulgate retains both the Htl>r«<
and Greek name in Latin chararters, Dibn j>-
mim or hajamim, and Paraliporoeoon. TLt
division of Chronicles into two Books is "><
• •' Christ," and not " Jesas," b the tenn aiwt a*-
monly applied to our Lord In the Epistle*.
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CHRONICLES
origina] any more than a similar dirisioD in the
cases of the Books of Samuel and Kings. In all
the old catalogues the Chronicles form but one
out of the 22 (or 24 Talmud) Books of the 0. T.
canon. Jerome tells us {ad Domnion. et Rogatian.)
that in his time they formed only one Book in the
Hebrew MSS., but had been divided by the LXX.
translators; and that for convenience, on ac-
connt of their length, the Christian Churches of
the West had adopted this division. lu his
Ep. to Paulinus, he thus further explains the
name Paralipomenon, and eulogizes the Book :
" Paralipomenon liber, id est Instrum. Vet.
epitome, tantus ac talis est, nt absque illo si
quis scientiam scripturarum sibi voluerit arro-
gare, seipsum irrideat. Per singula quippe
Domina juncturasque verborum, et praeter-
missae in Regum libris tanguntnr historiae, et in-
numerabiles eiplicantur Evangelii qaaestiones."
The name Chronica, or Chronicorwn liber, which
is given in some copies of the Vulgate, and from
vhence we derive our Ejiglish name of " Chroni-
cles," seems to be taken from Jerome's saying
in his Prologus Oaleatxa, " Dibre hajamira, i".e.
verba dierum : quod signiiicantins Chronicon
totius divinae historiae possumns appellare."
it was possibly suggested to him by his having
translated the Chrxmica of Easebius into Latin.
Liter Latin writers hare given to the Books
the name of "Ephemeridum libri."
IL Text and Language. — The text of the
Chronicles is in parts very corrupt, and has the
appearance of having been copied from MSS.
which were partly elfaced by age or injury.
Various readings of the names of persons and
places are frequent, and the numbers are often
jostly open to suspicion. Jerome (^Praef. ad
Parol.) speaks of the Greek text as being hope-
lessly confused in his days, and assigns this as
a reason why he made a new translation from
the Hebrew. At the same time, these defects
cannot be said aeriously to affect the narratives
in these Books. The lacunae in the text are not
of .-iny great length, and the ancient Versions
make no important additions to the Hebrew
(Speaker's Comm. § 8). Aa regards the lan-
iptage of these Books, as of Ezra, Neheminh,
Esther, the later Prophets, &c., it has a marked
Aramaic colouring, and Gesenius says of them,
that "as literary works, they are decidedly
inferior to those of older date " (fl«6. Oramm."
§ 2, 7, ed. Kautsch, and reff. Cp. Ber-
theau,' Komm. z. Chronii, p. xvi. sq.). The
chief Chaldaisms are the use of certain words
not found in old Hebrew, as )Dt> C|iD> &c., or
"f words in a different sense, as "IDK- HW, &c,
or or a different orthography, as T1^ for
1\% 3iT for 31, Sic., and the interchange of
K and H at the end and at the beginning of
words.
111. Plan and Contents. — One of the greatest
difficulties connected with the Captivity and the
retorn must have been the maintenance of that
genealogical distribution of the lands which yet
was a vital point of the Jewish economy. Ac-
cordingly it appears to have been one to which
both Ezra and Nehemiah gave their earnest atten-
tion, as David, Hezekinh, and other kings had
done before them. Another dilEcalty, intimately
connected with the former, was the maintenance
of the Temple services at Jerusalem. This could
CHRONICLES
OiS>
only be effected by the residence of the priests
and Levites in Jerusalem in the order of their
courses : and this residence was only practicable
in case of the payment of the appointed tithes,
first-fruits, and other offerings. Immediately
these ceased the priests and Levites were obliged
to disperse to their own villages to obtain a
livelihood, and the Temple services were
neglected. But then again the registers of the
Levitical genealogies were necessary, in order
that it might be known who were entitled to
such and such allowances, as porters, as singers,
as priests, and so on; because all these offices
went by families ; and again the payment of the
tithes, first-fruits, &c., was dependent upon
the different families of Israel being established
each in his inheritance. Obviously therefore
one of the most pressing wants of the Jewish
community after their return from Babylon
would be trusty genealogical records ; and if
there were any such in existence, the arrange-
ment and publication of them would be one of
the greatest services such a person as Ezra
could confer. But further, not only had Zerub-
b.ibel (Ezra iii. r, vi.), and after him Ezra and
Nehemiah (Ezra ii. viii. ; Neh. vii. viii.), laboured
most earnestly, in the teeth of immense diffi-
culties, to restore the Temple and the public
worship of God there to the condition it had
been in under the kings of Judah ; but it
appears clearly from their policy, and from the
language of the contemporary Prophets, Haggai
and Zechariah, that they had it much at heart
to re-infuse something of national life and spirit
into the heart of the people, and to make them
feel that they were still the inheritors of God's
covenanted mercies, and that the Captivity had
only temporarily interrupted, not dried up, the
stream of God's favour to their nation. Xow
nothing could more effectually aid these pious
and patriotic designs than setting before the
people a compendious history of the kingdom
of David, which should embrace a full account
of its prosperity, should trace the sins which
led to its overthrow, and, carrying the thread
through the period of the Captivity, should con-
tinue it as it were unbroken on the other side ;
and those passages in their former history would
be especially imjwrtant which exhibited their
greatest and best kings as engaged in building
or restoring the Temple, in reforming all cor-
ruptions in religion, and zealously regulating the
services of the house of God. As regards
the kingdom of Israel or Samaria, seeing it had
utterly and hopelessly passed away, and that the
existing inhabitants were among the bitterest
" adversaries of Judah and Benjamin," it would
naturally engage very little of the compiler'a
attention.
These considerations explain exactly the plan
and scope of that historical work which contains
the two Books of Chronicles. The Books may
be conveniently divided into four principal sec-
tions: (a) I. i.-ix. (Genealogies); (6) x.-xxix.
(Saul and David) ; (c) 2. i.-ix. (Solomon) ; (rf)
x.-xxxvi. (the Kings of Judah till the Babylo-
nian Captivity). The first eight chapters give
the genealogical divisions and settlements of the
various tribes, the compiler informing us in
ix. 1 «f the disturbance of those settlements
by the Babylonish Captivity, and. in the follow-
ing verses, of the partial restoration of them at
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CHEONICLES
the return from Babrlon (tv. 2-24). That this
list refers to the families who had returned
from Babylon is clear, not only from the context,
but from its re-insertion in Neh. xi, 3-22,* with
additional matter evidently extracted from the
public archives, and relating to times subsequent
to the return from Babylon, extending to Neh.
xii. 27, where Nehemiah's narrative is ngnin re-
sumed in continuance with Neh. li. 2. Having
thus shown the re-establishment of the returned
families, each in their own inheritance according
to the houses of their fathers, the compiler pro-
ceeds to the other part of his plan, which is to
give a continuous history of the kingdom of
Judah from David to his own times, introduced
by the closing scene of Saul's life (ch. x.), which
introduction is itself prefaced by a genealogy of
the house of Saul (ix. 35-44), extracted from the
genealogical tables drawn up in the reign of king
Hezekiah, as is at once manifest by counting th«
thirteen orfourtecn generations, from Jonathan to
the sons of Azel inclusive, exiutly corresponding
to the fourteen {torn David to Hezekiah inclusive.
This part of the plan extends from 1 Ch. ii. .35
to the end of the Book of Kzra. I Ch. xv.-xvii.
xxii.-xiix. ; 2 Ch. xiii.-xv. xxiv. iiri. xxix.-xxxi.
and XXXV. arc among the passages wholly or in
part peculiar to the Books of Chronicles.
As regards the materials used by him, and
the sources of his information, they are not
difficult to discover. The genealogies are ob-
viously transcribed from some register, in
which were preserved the genealogies of the
tribes and families drawn up at different times.
This appears from the very different ages at
which different genealogies terminate, indicat-
ing of course the particular reign when each
wnii drawn up. Thus e.g. the genealogy of the
descendants of Sheshan (1 Ch. ii. 34-41) was
drawn up in Hezekiah's reign, since, including
Zabnd, who lived in David's time, and Azariah
in the time of Jnash, it ends with a generation
contemporary with Hezekiah [AZAttiAU, No. 13].
The line of the high-priests (1 Ch. vi. 1-15)
must have been drawn up during the Captivity ;
that in cr. 50-53 in the time of I^vid or
Solomon ; those of Heman and Asaph, in the
same chapter, in the time of David ; that of
the sons of Azel (1 Ch. viii. 38) in the time of
Hezekiah ; that of the sons of Zerubbabel (1 Ch.
iii. 19-24) in the time of Kzra, and so on.
The same wide divergence in the age of other
materials embodied in the Books of Chronicles is
also apparent. Thus the information in 1 Ch. i.
concerning the kings of Edom before the reign
of Saul, was obviotjsly compiled from very
ancient sources. The same may be said of the
incident of the slaughter of the sons of Ephraim
by the Gittites (1 Ch. vii. 21, viii. 13), and of
the account of the sons of Shela, and their
dominion in Moab (1 Ch. iv. 21, 22). The
curious details concerning the Reubenites and
Oadites in 1 Ch. v. must have been drawn from
contemporary documents, embodied probably in
the genealogical records of Jotham and Jeroboam,
while other records used by the compiler are as
late as after the return from Babylon, such
as I Ch. ix. 2 sq.; 2 Ch. xxxvi. 20 sq.; and
others, as Ezra ii. and iv. 6-23, are as late as
the time of Artaxerxes and Nehemiab. Hence
• Cp. also 1 Ch. Iz. I* with Ezra U. 42, Neb. Tti. tt.
CHBOXICLES
it is further manifest that the Books of
Chronicles contain extracts from the WTiting< of
many different writers, which were extant at
the time the compilation was made, and in
by no means to be limited to docomeDts
already existing in the Canonical Books «f
Samuel and Kings. For the full account of tht
reign of David, he made copious extracts from
the Books of Samuel the seer, Nathan the
prophet, and Gad the seer (1 Ch. ixii. 29).
For the reign of Solomon he copied from " the
book of Nathan," from " the prophecy of .^hijili
the Shilonite," and from " the visions of Iddc
the seer" (2 Ch. ix. 29). Another work of
Iddo, called "the story (or commentary,
Miirash, Gn*ip) of the prophet Iddo," supplied
an account of the acta, and the ways, and say-
ings of king Abijah (xiiL 22); while yetanothtt
book of Iddo concerning genealogies, with the
book of the prophet Shemaiafa, contained tbe
acts of king Rehoboam (xii. 15). For lata
times the " Book of the kings of Israel and
Judah " — a work not to be confonnded with tke
canonical Books of Kings — is repeatedly dttd
(2 Ch. xxT. 26, xxviL 7, xxxii. 32, uz'iiL 11
&C.), and "tbe sajrings of tbe seers" (xxiiil
19, reading DVh with LXX. and B. V. marg.)
or perhaps " of Hozai " (E. V. : — on this dispntsd
reading see the Comm. in locoX and for the rei^
of Uzziab and Hezekiah " the vision of the pn-
phet Isaiah " (xxvi. 22, xxiiL 32). In other
cases where no reference is made to any book
as containing further information, it is prohaUt
that the whole account of such reign is tna-
scribed. Besides the above-named works, tlicr<
was also the pnblic national record called "^
D'D*n '■JS'l, mentioned in Neh. lii. 23. ftwr
which doubtless the present Books took tkdr
name, and from which the genealogies and otiKr
matters in them were probably derived, ssd
which are allnded to as having existed as esrlv
as the reign of David (1 Ch. xxrli. 24). These
« Chronicles of David," T^^ "Jj^sb D W n?'!-
are probably the same as the "1')^ 13^> *'*"
referred to, as written by Samuel, Kathaa, ted
Gad. From this time the affairs of each bag's
reign wera regularly recorded in a book called—
e.g., nbV n.31 1??. "the book of t»
acts of Solomon'' (1 K. xi. 41) — by the naaK'f
the king, as before of David, bnt afterrords
in both kingdoms by the general nsnx tf
D'P»n "1 "t^ a» in the constantly recoiria;
formula,— " Now the rest of the acta of 0,^^)
Rehoboam, Abijam, &c. ; Jeroboam, NadaK Ix--
are they not written in the book of the Chrooirles
of the kings of Judah " or " of Israel ■* (1 K-
xiv. 29, XV. 7, &c.)? And this continues to tl?
end of Jchoiakim's reign, as appears by 2 K.
xxiv. 5 ; 2 Ch. ixxvi. 8. And it was prohahij
from this common soarce that the pasa^ hi
the Books of Samuel and Kings identical with the
Books of Chronicles were derived. All the*
several works hare perished, bnt the oec .
important matters in them have been pnm-
dentially preserved .to us in the Chronicles («•
a useful summary in SpeaMa'a Conaa. § 5)
As regards the closing chapter of 2 OL seh-
sequent to v. 8, and the 1st ch. of Esn, >
comparison of them with the narrative of S E.
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CHBONICLES
xii<-. xxT. will lead to the conclusion that
while the writer of the oarTatire in Kings lived
in Judah and died under the dynasty of Kebu-
chadaezzar, the writer of the chapter in Chroni-
ca lived at Babylon and sarvived till the
commencement at least of the Persian dynasty.
For this last writer gives no details of the
reigns of Jehoiachin, or Zedekiah, or of the events
in Judah subsequent to the burning of the
Temple ; but, only dwelling on the moral lessons
connected with the destruction of Jerusalem,
pa^ises on quickly to relate the return from
Captivity. Moreover, he seems to speak as one
who had long been a subject of Nebuchadnezzar,
calling him simply "King Nebuchadnezzar;"
and by the repeated use of the expression
"broHgkt him, or these, to Babylon," rather
encourages the idea that the writer was there
himself. The first chapter of Ezra strongly
confirms this view, for we have copious details,
not likely to be known except to one at Babylon,
ol the decree, the presents made to the captives,
the bringing out of the sacred vessels, the very
name of the Chaldee treasurer, the number and
weight of the vessels, and the Chaldee name of
Zerubbabel ; and in this chapter the writer
speaks thronghont of the captives going up to
Jerusalem, and Sheshbazzar toting them up
(rprn, as opposed to K^^n). But with this
due we may advance a little further, and ask,
who was there at Babylon, a Prophet, as the
writer of sacred annals must be, an author, a
subject of Nebuchadnezzar and his sons, and
yet who survived to see the Persian dynasty, to
whom we can with probability assign this narra-
tive ? Surely the answer will be Daniel. Who
so likely to dwell on the sacred vessels taken by
Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. v. 2, 23) ; who so likely
to refer to the prophecy of Jeremiah (Dan. ix.
2) ; who so likely to bewail the stubbornness of
the people, and their rejection of the Prophets
(Dan. ix. 5-S); who so likely to possess the
text of Cyrus's decree, to know aad record the
name of the treasurer (Dan. i. 3, II); and to
name Zernbbabel by his Chaldee name (Dan. i.
7)? Add to this, that Ezra i. exactly supplies
the unaccountable gap between Dan. ix. and x.
TEzba], and may we not conclude with some con-
lidence that as Jeremiah wrote the closing por-
tion of the Book of Kings, so did Daniel write
the corresponding portion in Chronicles, and
down to the end of Ezra i. ? Ezra perhaps
brought this with him from Babylon, and made
use of it to carry on the Jewish history from
the point where the old Chronicles tailed him.
[A. C. H.]
On many of the points considered in the pre-
vious paragraphs there is tolerable unanimity
of opinion. It is otherwise with the questions of
date, authorship, and trustworthiness.
iV. Date and Authorship. — Critics are una-
nimous npon one point only, viz. that the
Chronicler lived after the Babylonian exile (2
Cb. xxxvi. 20-23), but how soon or how late
after that event must be declared difficult to
determine. Evidence is indeed adduced which
is thought to point to a definite and late date,
(a) The use of the woid "daric" (□^JSIIK,
1 Cb. nil. 7, R.V. ; " drams," A.V. The word
occurs again in Ezra viii. 27, and under the
form ]1D3TI in Ezra ii. 69 ; Neh. vii. 70-72) in
BIBLE DICT. — VOL. I.
CUBONICLES
577
the history of David is affirmed to prove compo-
sition late in, or even after, the Persian period
when the coin had been long in circulation. (6) A
comparison between 1 Ch. ix. 1-34 and Neh. xi.
1-19 is thought to indicate that the time when
Nehemiah was Tirshatha (t.«. B.C. 445) had long
been passed, (c) The genealogy in I Ch. iii.
17-24 is considered to extend to the eleventh
generation after Zernbbabel. (d) The title
"king of Persia" applied to Cyrus (2 Ch.
xxxvi. 22) is thought to be an explanatory title,
not appropriate in the Persian period but in
the Greek which followed it, when it was more
necessary thus to distiuguish him. But these
indications of date, severally or cumulatively,
hardly warrant positive deductions of a late
date, (a) The word is Persian, and its occur-
rence indicates revision in the days of Persian
supremacy, or the introduction into the text of
a marginal money-equivalent, nothing more;
but, on the other hand, its very occurrence
places such revision or insertion at a date pre-
ceding the Greek period, when " talents " or
" drachms " were in use and might have been
expected (cp. I Mace. xi. 28 ; 2 Mace iv. 19) ;
(6) rests too much on one interpretation of a
disputed verse (1 Ch. ix. 18), and upon a pre-
sumed superfluity of information had not the
writer lived long after Nehemiah ; (c) also
depends upon one view of a very disputed pas-
sage—others finding sir generations, and some
only three — and upon a preference for the LXX.
over the Masoretic text ;' (d) this, as a matter
of fact, is the only clear indication of date, but
that not a late one. "King of Persia" is the
title given to Cyrus by the cuneiform inscrip-
tions contemporary with the fall of Babylon
(Ctbds, p. 691, note * ; cp. Schrader, Keilin-
schriftl. BMiothek, iii. 2 Hillfte, pp. 130-1).
Moreover, in the Books "Chronicles to Nehe-
miah " there is no absolute uniformity of desig-
nation for the kings. Cyrus and Artaxerxes are
called " king of Babylon " (Ezra v. 13 ; Neh.
xiii. 6) as well as " king of Persia ;" and often
the longer title is replaced by the simpler, " the
king." Such variations, interesting in them-
selves, do but exhibit a faithful reproduction of
any original memoirs before the composer or
reviser.
It is, therefore, hardly possible to speak
positively as to a late date if the indications (a)
to (c) only are available, and if (<Q be opposed to
such an inference. Something more i* needed ;
and therefore connected with the date is the
question: Does "Chronicles" form one work with
" Ezra-Nehemiah " written by Ezra; or, are
"Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah " to be taken as one
work, emanating from neither Ezra nor Nehe-
miah,but from some (otherwise^ unknown writer,
who had before him documents relative to the
periods before and after the Exile, and sources
incorporated into the works which bear those
honoured names ?
The former used to be the almost universally-
received opinion. It rests upon the tradition of
k For an explanation of Zerubbabel's genealogy In
I Cb. UL, see Geneal. of mtr Ijord, by Lord A. Hervey,
p. (7 sq. But even If this ezpUnatlon Is not scceptol,
there is no dUDculty. The band which added Keh.
xll. 10, 11, 32, 23, might equally have added 1 Cb. 111.
22-24.— [A. C. H.]
2 P
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578
CHRONICLES
the Jews,* and is still held by miiny scholars of
repute. Of late years, however, the latter
opinion has been steadily gaining ground. Un-
doubtedly there runs through the three Books
a similarity of style and sentiment, and the
characteristic use of materials and sources noted
in § III. with reference to Chronicles is con-
tinued in the other Books (Keil, Movers, and Ber-
theau *). These and other facts therefore suggest
a modification of the first opinion. The materials
for "Chronicles" may well have been collected,
and in part " written " by Ezra ; but, later on,
somewhere about the second half of the 4th
century B.C. (cp. 1 Ch. iii. 18, &c.), the several
Books of " Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah " were
revised and assumed their present form. The
unknown reviser may have been a Levite with
considerable musical likings. Most events are
estimated from a Levitical point of view, and
the writer had before him the Pentateuch in its
complete and canonical form. Why or where-
fore the compilers of the Hebrew Canon again
separated these Books, and placed Chronicles
after Ezra and Nehemiah in the Ketubim, has
not been — pace those who have attempted it
(».g. Merx, p. 38 ; Kuenen, pp. 183-4) — satis-
factorily explained.
V. Tyusttcorthiness. — Does this conclusion
militate against the trustworthiness and authen-
ticity of the whole, or of its component parts ?
In this article the question has to be an-
swered principally as it affects the " Books of
Chronicles." Critics, who assign a late date
to the work, affirm that the composer or
reviser has presented a picture of pre-exilic
history entirely coloured by the Judaism of
his own post-exilic time. His object was to
present to his contemporaries a mirror in which
they might see reflected for their own edifica-
tion the blessing of a religiousness ordered after
strict Levitical models, and the punishment for
deviation from it. The older records have there-
fore been purposely altered, and the story
brought into conformity with the convictions
and necessities of the writer's own time, so
that the reader has not a true description of
the earlier periods of Biblical history, but one
to which hare been transferred elements of a
very much later date. Criticism of the Books
conducted from this point of view compels those
who maintain it to describe as nnhistorical and
untTttstworthy (a) the sections in which paral-
lels can be instituted between "Chronicles"
and " Samuel and Kings," and (6) the sections
in which the former is independent of the latter.
Under this discipline such parallel accounts (<'.g.)
as those connected with the transfer of the Ark
(2 Sam. vi. and 1 Ch. ziii.-ivi.), the number-
ing of Israel (2, Sam. xxiv. and 1 Ch. xxi.),
the dedication of the Temple (1 K. iii. and
2 Cb. !.), Athaliah (2 K. xi. and 2 Ch. xxiii.),
and the reformation of Josiah (2 K. xxiii.
and 2 Ch. xxxiv.) are described as deliberately
mutilated, widely difiering, directly contra-
dictory, intentionally distorted, or purposely
• Sec the passage from the Bdba BiMra quoted under
C*»0!i (p. 603, col. 1). a will be noticed that Em Is
there said to have brought "the genealogies down to his
own time," and the words would seem to Impose this
limit upon his special work. Cp. Merx, Traditio Jtabb.
oeterrima de librtt V.T. ordine atque origint, p. BS eq
CHBOKOLOGV
invented ; while the independent sections aim;
be, in the main, considered historical on actooot
of the fabulous character of the nnmbtts, of
statements considered psychologically txA eren
doctrinally improb.'ible {e.g. the repentanre of
Manasseh, 2 Ch. ixxiii.), and of the traiuferact
of late ideas to early periods. An eiaoinatun of
such criticisms would be beyond the prorince ai
this article, and belongs more appropriate!; to
special Introductions and Commentarie. It ii
enough here to state that a dispassionate itndj of
the Books by no means leads to the coocluiion:
quoted. Critical analysis certainly renders deu
a large and independent usage of documents bt
the compiler, but with an eclectic and, in tb>t
sense, idealising purpose, rather than witli u
intention which it is extremely difficalt to dL-
tlnguish from deception. Critics who do m\
limit almost exclosively the sources nstd br
the compiler to the Canonical Books of Simoel
and Kings in their present or in ssbsidiUT
forms, and are not fettered by the coBdnM
that (».y.) the Chronicler's description «f t'»
Temple, the preparation for it, its after.caltD-
and official personages in the times of Dini
&c., were unknown till long after the Exile,
cannot admit what is antecedently most im-
probable and is not accepted by some of tb:
best scholars of the day. They can tesli^
accept differences and modificatioos of emi-
recorded; the expansion of speeches delirtrti
by king, prophet, or priest; and the sie (4
a syntax and vocabulary even dognatioJlf
peculiar, without losing faith in the geani
trustworthiness of the writer, or in the hoaat;
with which he worked.
VI. Bibliography. — ^The views of those wks
for various reasons, reject "ChroDiclfs" »
untrustworthy are to be found in De Wrtic
(in the earlier, but not in the later, editions ':'
his Einleitung), Graraberg {Die Otrm. a**
ihrem ■ gexh. Charaiter . . . gepruft, 1823). Cit
(Die Qeach. BB. d. A. T., 1866), X«ldek»(ft
ATticlu! Literatur, 1868), Wellhansen (Pr*j.
to the Hist, of Israel [pref. W. R. Smitlil pp-
171-227 ; Proleg. z. Oesch. Isr* pp. 175-2«),
Renss {Geach. d. h«a. Schriften d. A. f., 1«'.
§§ 420, &c.), and Kuenen-Weber {HitUr-inl
Einl. in die BB. d. A. T., Erster Teil, Zweite
Stiick, 1890, §§ 28-35). The views of »!>«<
who, differing in some not nnimportant point!,
yet agree in accepting these Books as trot-
worthy, are stated by Keil (5»H. Cmm. A *'
A. r., Fonaer Theil), Movers (Aril. P«*^
suchxmgen eb. d. Bibl. Chron. 1834), Berthoi
{Die BB. d. Chrmit'), Dillmann (in Hertc;';
BE.* art. " Chronik "), Strack (Sim*. d. »*«*?
Wissenschaften* i. 251, &c.), Rawliason 0»
^oeaier's Commentary), Ball (in QaseWt 0»-
mentary), W. B. Smith (Encydop. Britain.' •«•
"Chronicles"), and Comely (Inirod. Sffoau
in Histor. V. T. Libris, ch. vi, 1887). Ul
CHBONOLOQY. I. iHntODCcnoit.-Ti'
object of this article is to indicate the pi«»'
state of Biblical chronology. By this tens *<
understand the technical and historical ckr*^
logy of the Jews and their anoeston tron 'i*
earliest times to the close of the New Testamn:
Canon. The technical division must be diseaeel
more fully than the historical, the iAiSt <•'
which are treated in other articles. H vix<
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CHBONOLOGY
clofe with the retam from Babylon, the disputed
matters of the period following being separately
noticed under other beads.
The character of the inquiry may be made
clearer by some remarks on the general nature
of the subject. Formerly exactness was expected
in the determination by the Biblical data of
Hebrew chronology. Hence the positive schemes
of the older chronologers. Their attitude was
Doreaxonable. The character of the records for-
bids us to hope for a complete system based on
them. The materials for technical chronology
being scanty and mainly inferential, we can bat
raise on them a general structure which cannot
be exact, though it may be approximately cor-
rect. With historical chronology it is far other-
vise. The Bible does not give a complete history
of the times to which it refers : in its historical
portion it deals with special and detached periods,
not connected by the use of an era, nor defined
by the record of astronomical observations. The
chronological information is therefore not abso-
lutely continuous, nor definite ; although, with
the evident purpose of forming a connexion
between the detached periods, it has sometimes
a more continuous character than might have
been expected. It might be supposed that the
aecaracy of the data would compensate in some
degree for their scantiness and want of absolute
ooDtinuity. It is a most important question at
the outset whether all these data are original.
Some must be, although perhaps not in their
original form, but it is not unreasonable to sup-
pose that those which afford a continuous chro-
nology were in some cases added to the original
documents. Certainly they were not treated by
Ttdacton with the respect shown to the rest of
the text. They have Buffered from designed
alteration as well as from the errors of copyists.
I>e--ugi>ed alteration of numbers has only been
detected in the genealogical lists of Abraham's
ancestors in Genesis, in which the nature of
the differences of the Hebrew, the Septuagint,
and the Samaritan Pentateuch, is such ai to
indicate separate alteration by design in two of
the three records. From this we may draw two
inferences. Where three sets of data disagree we
cannot l>e certain that any one is the original,
and it is evident that at least two ancient bodies
of redactors attached no final authority to the
numbers. The object of these alterations has
been either to lengthen or to shorten the chro-
nology. With the same purpose alterations
may have been made in the prominent large
numbers in the Old Testament, which give the
reckoning from period to period, ai in the case
of the 430 yean in Ex. xii. 40 (cp. ajptaier's
Comm^ add. n.), where the Septnagint (B. Cp.
Swete'* ed.) and the Samaritan Version (see
Knobel-Dillmann, /. c.) either insert a gloss, or
preserve a clause dropped out of the Hebrew.
Similarly the small numbers may have been
altered, when forming part of a series within
a period measured elsewhere, or the historical
context may have been modified, but of this
last there does not seem to be any clear in-
stance. We must therefore carefully weigh
independent evidence. In considering the
CTidence of the New Testament, we must bear
in mind that the object of the Apostles was
to teach religion, not chronology, and that a
new reckoning would have scandalized their
CHBONOLOGY
579
hearers. The evidence of the genealogies is an
important element. Their weight is not so
much injured by the discovery of designed
alteration, of which the mention of the second
Cainan is the only certain instance, as by the
abundant indications of the errors of copyists.
Their very nature makes them unsafe guides
when unsupported, for a genealogy may be
broken without being technioally imperfect in
the Semitic sense. When there is a general
agreement of several contemporary genealogies,
conBrmed by the continuity of one of them, their
evidence is invaluable, but this unfortunately is
limited to a single period of disputed reckoning.
The Biblical information cannot, in the pre-
sent state of criticism, be assumed to be correct in
all cases of the periods to which it was formerly
assigned. This difficulty will be noticed as it
arises.
The discovery of collateral information from
the Egyptian and Assyrian records affords a new
set of data for Biblical chronology and a new
means of testing the Biblical data. If we can fix
the Exodus within fifty years on Egyptian evi-
dence, we have an approximative date, and can
compare the Hebrew evidence bearing on the
same date. This is equally the case with the
exact or approximative determination of some
dates in later chronology by means of the Assy-
rian Eponym Canon.
II. Technical CiniONOliOOY. — The technical
part of Hebrew chronology presents great diffi-
culties. The Biblical information is, as already
indicated, mainly inferential, but in many cases
positive inferences may be drawn from it.
Thus the exact character of every ordinary year
cannot be fixed, but the general or mean cha-
racter of the year may be determined. In this
section we may use with more than ordinary
confidence the Rabbinical information. The
writers who afibrd it could scarcely be ill-
informed in such matters. They lived near the
times at which all the Jewish observances con-
nected with the calendar were strictly observed
in the country for which they were framed, and
it has not been shown that they had any motive
for misrepresentation. We can, however, make
no good use of our materials if we do not know
what character to expect in Hebrew technical
chronology. There is no reason to look for any
great change, either in the way of advance or
decline, although it seems probable that the
patriarchal division of time was somewhat
ruder than that established in connexion with
the Law, and that after the time of Moses until
the establishment of the kingdom but little
attention was paid to science. In endeavouring
to ascertain how much scientific knowledge the
patriarchs and their descendants are likely to
have had, we must not expect the accuracy of
modem science or the inaccuracy of modern
ignorance. As to scientific knowledge necessary
for the calendar, particularly that of astronomy,
the cases of the Egyptians and the Babylonians
and Assyrians afford us the highest level the
Hebrews could have attained. The Hebrews,
however, we must remember, had not the same
advantage of being wholly settled, nor the same
inducements derived from national religions con-
nected with the heavenly bodies. The Arabs of
the desert, from somewhat before the time of
Mohammad — that is, so far as our knowledge of
2 P 2
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CHBONOLOGY
them in thii respect extends— to the present day,
afford the best parallel. They have nerer been «
mathematical people, nor giren to chronological
computation depending on astronomy, but have
regulated their calendar by observation alone.
It might hare been expected that their observa-
tions would, from their constant recurrence,
hare acquired an extraordinary delicacy,and hare
gradually given place to computations ; but this
was not the case, and those observations are not
now more accurate than the earlier ones must
have been, nor has computation taken their
place except by the publication of calendars of no
strict legal authority. The same characteristics
probably marked the scientific knowledge and
practice of the Hebrews. We have no reason
for supposing that they had attained, either by
discovery or by the instruction of foreigners, to
a high degree of mathematical knowledge or
accuracy of chronological reckoning, at any
period of their history. Probably they were
always far below the Egyptians and the Baby-
lonians and Assyrians. But there is sufficient
evidence that they were not inattentive obser-
vers of the heavens in the allusions to stars and
constellations as well-known objects sometimes
vonnectea with terrestrial seasons. We may
therefore expect, in the case of the Hebrews,
that wherever observation could take the place
of computation it would be used, and that it
would be but moderately accurate. If, for
instance, as among the Muslims generally, a
new moon were to be observed at any town, it
would bt, known within two days when it might
be first seen, and one of the clearest-sighted
men of the place would ascend an eminence on
the first of those days, to look for it. This
would be done for centuries without any close
average for computation being obtained, as the
observations would not be kept on record. So
too with star-risings and the equinoxes. These
probable conclusions a* to the importance of
observation and its degree of accuracy must be
kept in view throughout this section.
Before neticing the usual divisions of time we
must discuss genealogies and generations.
Referring the reader to the article Genea-
loor for a fuller statement of the subject,
it is only necessary here to speak of the
Hebrew genealogies in their relation to chrono-
logy, with a view tu determining their use. In
spite of their importance to the people and the
great attention bestowed upon them, the Hebrew
lists are seen on a short examination not to be
■itrictly genealogical, but lines of inheritance.
Thus it is natural that they should sometimes
be broken without being imperfect : a line
could be carried up to a certain point, and then
the remote founder of the family placed at the
head, or the same could be done in the descend-
ing order. Looking a little more closely into
the documents, we observe countries and tribes
treated as individuals. Thus in the table of
Oen. X. by the side of the names of individuals
we have Mixraim in the dual for the double
land of Egypt, or Mizrim " the Egyptians," for
this is a mere question of the vowel-points, as
the parent of " sons " each one of whom is a
people named in the plural. The use of the
terms of relatioiuhip is much broader in Semitic
than in Aryan languages. A man may be the
father of a remote descendant or even of a town ;
CHRONOLOGY
a son may be a remote descendant, a diidple, ot
even an inhabitant of a ton-n. In the fcoiealo.
gies we do not find the broader uses after the
division of the Promised Land tare is cik>
where they could not confuse the lint. TW
cause seems obvious: the descents becsmt ot
the greatest importance to inheritance in tin
later period ; in the earlier, the indicatioD of s
tribe would serve as well as a continuous list.
Thus after the division of the land we miy iafei
that there is not any break in a particular lioe ol
descent, except where the links dropped iter;
perfectly well known. We may therefore sepiralc
the genealogies into two classes at the poiat U
the division of the land. The earlier aie piebabh
in some cases of individuals only, but it ciumi
be proved that any one of than is abaolotelf con-
plete. The most important, the pedigne of thr
nation, separates at Jacob. The lines of ttm
one of his sons seem to be incomplete for tbe
age of the sojourn. Neither the genealogy 6«n
Levi to Hoses and his sons nor any parsllel IH,
except the line of Joshua in its present tom,
can be reconciled with the term assigned to tit
sojourn in the Hebrew text, nor even witk tk
shorter term of the Septuagint and Samaritsii:
nor again with the increaae indicated by tlw
statements of the number nt the Exodns sad tst
accordant numbers of the two censuses twin
in the wilderness. Thus the chronol(^cal ax
of the genealogies begins with the dirisini ot
the land. What that use is has been dtfise)
by the following canon : " What seems ttm-
sary to make them trustworthy meanns ol
time is, either that they should have ifscial
internal marks of being complete, snch as wkert
the mother as well as the fiither is nsmed,'''
some historical circumstance defines the tereril
relationships, or that there should be leroii
genealogies, all giving the same anmbcf d
generations within the same termini." [Gesu-
Loor.] The second part of this canon, kov-
ever, will only apply to portions of pttf
logics before the division of Canaan, notiritJi-
standing their general agreement in the nuntia
of generations between Jacob and that periiid.
This seems at 6rst sight enough to mite u
distrust the use of genealogies altogether, l«i
it must be remembered, that accoidioj! tottr
view before expressed, which the histariol
character of the narrative teems abwletely to
require, the use of genealogies to deugiol'
tribes and families ends, and the i>trict nse el
descents begins, exactly where the cooditiea) it
the nation render it necessary.
There is no distinct use in the Bible of gtv-
rations as divisions of time, acoordin; ts the
method of Herodotus. Some indeed sappM
that "rt^ in Gen. xv. 16 is so used, hoMisj il »•
mean an interval of 100 years (see Dillmsia').
as it would do if it were a period of tine cor-
responding to the fourth part of the 400 reu?
of r. 13 ; but a century as the length of syeaen-
tion nowhere appears in the lists. Probably ^
original use of the term in question is the pehe'
of the lives of a generation of men, and tb» '
century. The period from birth to birth it sas^
what over thirty years, or three to a cealnrr.
We observe this in the case of Jos<ph'» descMi-
dnnU (Gen. 1. 22, 23). It U notewortbr tin
almost all the numbers assigned to fvnentitf
in the Hebrew text from Adam to Tersi sn
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CHRONOLOGY
jirisiUc by the ordinary estimate of a generation
«r are of that length, and that the longer
^oeratiou of the Septoagint and the lengths of
tlie lires in both teit and Version are divisible
liy about the same term. [Generation.]
There is no evidence that the Hebrews had
anjr division of time below the hour: with this
ive begin the inquiry into definite divisions of
time.
Hair. — ^The hour is sappoud to be mentioned
in Daniel (iii. 6, 15 ; iv. 16, 30— A. V. 19, 33 ;
v. 3), but in no one of these cases is it certain
th.it s deRnite period of time is intended by
n^. XnrE'. Kjp|;e',Chald.(seeMV.>'). The
JCgyptians divided the day and the night into
hoon like oorwlTes, from at least B.C. 1200
(see Lepains, Chronologie der Aeg. i. p. 230).
Probably therefore the Hebrews were acquainted
vith the hour from an early period, at least
during the sojoDm in Egypt. " The ann-dial of
Ahai " implies some division of the Icind. In the
X. T. we hiave the same division as the modem,
the boors being reclconed from the beginning of
the Jewish night and day. [HouBS.]
Day. — For the civil day of twenty-four hours
ire find in one place (Dan. viii. 14) the term
"^ 319, "evening-morning," LXX. rvxMiiufor
(a'Uo in 2 Cor. xi. 25, " a night and a day '). The
A. V. renders niKO \hff\ DJbV* "^"Sl 3"1? *1P
" unto two thousand and three hundred nights
aud days;" the R. V. prefers "evenings and
mornings." The day is similarly described in
<x;a. i. as consisting of day and night in the
natural sense, and each day of evening and
morning in the ciril sense, the word day D^*
beiag then extended over the twenty-four hours.
This word DV is used in both senses elsewhere in
the 0. T,, the natural day sometimes needing
distmction to avoid vagueness, "three days and
three nights" (Jon. ii. 1, E. V. L 17 ; cp. Matt,
lii. 40). The civil day began with night, as
night perhaps be inferr«d from the use in Gen. i.
In the passages last cited day perhaps necessarily
comes first. The night, 7^?. and thus the civil
day, is generally held to have begun at sunset.
Meier, however, while admitting that this point
"(' time was that of the beginning of the civil
<Uy among ail nations who used a lunar reckon-
ing, questions whether this was the practice of
the Jews. He argues in favour of the begin-
ning of deep night, reasoning that, for instance,
ia the ordaining of the Day of Atonement, on
'be tenth day of the seventh month, it is said,
"in the ninth [day] of the month at even, from
eren unto even, shall ye celebrate (/i(. rest)
Toiir Sabbath " (Lev. xxiii. 32). Here, If the
(iril day began at sunset, it would have been
said that the observance should begin on the
erening of the tenth day, or merely on that day,
M> that the word " evening," 3TD, would mean
the latter part of the afternoon. He cites, as
probably supporting hia view, the expression
Q'3^1^ t*Si, " between the two evenings," used
of the time of offering the Passover and the
daily evening-sacrifice (Ex. xii. 6 ; Num. ix. 3,
xxviit 4). The Pharisees, whom the present
Jews follow, took it to be the time between the
ninth and eleventh hours of the day, or our
•'• aid 5 P.3I., but the Samaritans and Karaites
CHRONOLOGY
581
supposed it to be the time between sunset
and full darkness, particularly on account of
the phrase Ei'O^n Ki33, "when the sun is
setting," used in a parallel passage (Deut. xvi.
6 ; see Ideler, Handbuch, i. 4H2-4). From these
passages we must infer that the time " between
the two evenings" preceded the beginning of
the civil day; that this day may hare begun
afler sunset; but that, if the Samaritans and
Karaites are right, it began with dark night.
On the other hand, the term " between the two
evenings" can scarcely be supposed to have
originally indicated a long period: a special
short period, not a point, the time of sun-
set, is shown to correspond to it. This is a
natural division between the late afternoon
when the sun is low, and the evening when his
light has not wholly disappeared, the two even-
ings into which the natural evening would be
cut by the commencement of the civil day, if
it began at sunset. By this theory the two
evenings would be the respective halves of the
evening belonging to the ending and the begin-
ning day. This is an early view, probably pre-
serving the oldest, which ritualistic scruples
would naturally have changed so as to extend
the time. There is no difficulty in the com-
mand that the observance of so solemn a day as
the Day of Atonement should commence some-
what before the true beginning of the civil day,
for due preparation could thus be made for the
sacrifices. It may be added that in Judaea,
where the duration of twilight is very short, the
most natural division of the day would be at
sunset. Where there is a long twilight, nightfall
acquires special importance. — The natural day,
D^* (also nsed for the civil day), probably began
at sunrise, unless the day was divided into
hours, morning-twilight being included in the
last watch of the night, according to the old
division into three watches, as well as the new
into four: some, however, made the morning-
watch part of the day, in consonance with the
supposnl beginning of the civil day at night-
fall.
Four natural periods, smaller than the civil
day, are mentioned : these are 3^, evening,
*>^3, morning, both frequently occurring, and
the less usual Dnny, "the two lighU," as
though " double light," noon, or better noon-
tide, and n^^^rj rtxn or -»V5 "half tho
night," midnight. Recollecting that the Hebrews
were not an astronomical people, we may sup-
pose that evening and morning were indefinite,
and noontide and midnight much shorter periods
rather than points of time.
The night was divided into watches, n^■lDB'^J.
sing. riTIC^. ^796*5$. In the 0. T. two are
expressly mentioned, and we can thus infer the
existence of a third, the first watch of the
night. The "beginning of the watches"
nH-|D?>{^ B^'T (Lam. ii. 19) probably refers
to the first watch, without absolutely designat-
ing it. The middle watch, n^to'IJCI r\-p^»r}-
occurs in Judg. vii. 19, where the connexion of
watches with military affairs is shown : " And
Gideon and the hundred men that were with him
came unto the outermost part of the camp in the
beginning of the mi Idle watch, when they had
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582 CHRONOLOGY
but newly set the watch" (D'TDtPri; K. V.).
The morning-watch, T^Sri TT^DifT*, i» men-
tioned in Ex. liv. 24, in the narrative of the
passage of the Red Sea, and in 1 Sam. li. 11, in
that of Saul's surprise of the Ammonites, when he
relieved Jabesh-gilead. Some Rabbins held that
there were four watches (Ideler, Jidb. i. p. 486).
In the N. T. four night-watches are mentioned,
which were probably adopted from the Romans
in modification of the old system. All four occur
together in Mark xiii. 35 : i^^i, the " evening "
watch; finToviierun', midnight; ii\fitTp0<tmvlt^
the cock-crowing; and rpcat, the "morning"
watch. [DAT ; Night; Watches OF Night.]
Decad O'"^'?, 8ficiij). — The Hebrews used
the same term for a period of ten days (Gen.
ixiv. 55) and for the last day of a decad, the
tenth day of the month (Ex. xii. 5 ; Lev. xvi.
39). Dillmann, who refers to Ewald (Alter-
ihUmtr,* p. 132), has collected instances of these
two uses, and compared the Egyptian decad or
third of the month {Ueber daa Kahniarwesen
der Uraelitm vor dem babylonische Exit: Itonr-
atuberichU Berl. Akad. 1881, pp. 930, 931).
Until we know more of the Canaanite calendar,
we cannot here draw any inference of origin.
See what is said below of Months and Mokth
(separate art.).
Week (PU^, a hebdomad).— The Hebrew
week was a period of seven days ending with
the Sabbath. It therefore could not have been
a division of the month, which was strictly
lunar, without an intercalary day or days;
for the Sabbath was every seventh day, and
weeks were counted on without any break. The
mention together of Sabbaths and new-moons
merely proves a similarity of observance of the
day which closed the week and that which
opened the month. The week of the ancients
was of two kinds, a period of seven days or a
quarter of the month. The week of seven days
was the Semitic form. It was used with the
Sabbath from remote times in Chaldaea, and was
probably of Cushite origin. The Egyptians,
however, were without the week, although they
had a monthly and half-monthly festival. No
doubt their lunar year was marked by the ob-
servance of the new and full moon of each
lunation. The civil or vague year had twelve
months of thirty days each, and at its close five
epagunenae. Each month was divided into
three decades, of which there were thirty-six in
the year, which appears to have closed with a
half-decade (Lepsius, Chronologie der Aegypter,
p. 131 sq. ; CD. p. 97). The Hebrew week there-
fore cannot nave been adopted from Egypt :
week and Sabbath alike were preserved from the
patriarchal times. The days of the week, save
the Sabbath, appear to have been unnamed. The
mode of speaking of them is indicated in Gen. i.
.. r »i> r
In SyrUc the words ^klOOi |1A«," seven
days," equivalent to the Hebrew OT3^^, a
hebdomad, are superseded by the use of ]AAa,
&c.. Sabbath, the Hebrew, T\^^, in the sense of
» r r
week. The days are numbered f*"^^*^ ,jk»,
the first (day) of the week, ]«^^«^ _<>Z> and
CHBONOLOUY
so forth, Friday having the special nime
|AQ0!2« " preparation (day)," Ta()oir»ft;^,aB<l
the SabUth |Aa*. Thus iniflSoror, "Sab-
bath," also signifies "week "in the N. T., and
we find Ilia aafi^rav, followed by the Fathers
(/lia, tfvrifo, . . . ruy aiBfiirir), where the
plural is difficult to account for.
Month (m». B^n. Dn5« enh).— The «ar-
liest mention of months in the Bible is in the
narrative of the Flood. These would seem fcj
have been of 30 days each, the sum of 150 diy»
apparently reaching from the seventeenth day
of the second month (Gen. viii. 11) to the
seventeenth of the seventh month. If the
months were lunar, alternately of twenty-nine
and thirty days, the sum would be a little den-
cient. Ewald has ingeniously conjectured thst
the year was lunar, comparing the date 2 m.
17 d. of one year with 2 m. 27 d. of the ner.
(viii. 4), which including both limiu gives a
sum of 365 days, or a solar year ; a pens*
which, if the lunar year began about tae
autumnal equinox, would begin with the rsiiT
season (Ewald, JaM. d. InbL Wissenadat-,
i. vii. p. 9, ap. Fr. Lenormant, La Origiaei. i.
2nd ed., pp. 411, 412). It must be remembetel,
however, that there are positive indications cf
the use of the Chaldaeo- Baby Ionian year of**
days in prophetic passages, and this year i>
more probably here intended. That the moatia
from the Exodus, when the calendar appein to
have been founded, or at least the beginmng of
the year changed, until the time of the Second
Temple, when we have absolute knowledge of
their character, were always lunar, appesis
from the command to observe new-moons, sad
from the unlikelihood of any change i» tie
calendar. These lunar months have been s«T-
poaed to have been always alternately of 29 a:rf
30 days. Their average length would of ceane
be a lunation, or a little (44 min.) over i^
days, and therefore they would in general I*'
nltemately of 29 and 30 days ; but i£ ss !>
highly probable, the beginning of each »a
strictly determined by ol»ervation. occisieasl'r
months might irregularly occur of 29 and 30 davs-
That observation was employed for this pmpw
is distinctly stated in the Babylonian TataaJ
of the practice of the time, when, howetrr. «
month was not allowed to be less than 29 <Uy-
in length or more than 30. The first day of t*e
month is called CHh, "new moon;" LSX.
vtoittvia. In speaking of the first Jay of*
month a numeral was sometimes added to tki>
word, as njrj Di«3 — 'r'^^n enrg, '•«■
the third new-moon .... on that day" (l^-
ToS Si iiTifhs ToS rpkov . . . Tp 4«>iff t«»T.
Ex. xii. 1). Thus the word came t» i»«»
" month," though in this sense it was s«B>elio«
qualified as 0*0; ChH. The new-m«n «t
kept as a sacred festival. [Festivals.] I"*'
Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, and Bnth w» S^
but one month mentioned by a special name, tW
rest being called according to their order. Tn»
month with a special name is the fii»t iTP
a«3Sn (LXX. iifir rir Ww), " the moati ^
theYbib," "ears of com," when the eais f
com were so forward that on the sixteenth dsy.
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CHBOXOLOGY
the Mcond day of the Feast of CoIeaTened
Bread, ripe ears, 3^3K, could be offered (Lev.
it. 14; xxiii. 10, 11, 14). The similarity in
soood of the name of the Egyptian eleventh
month, in the Graeco-%yptian form Kpiphi, the
Coptic enHn, enncj), enKni> has
suggested the derivation of the Hebrew Abib
from this sonrce, and has led to chronological
inquiry as to the possible derivation of the
Hebrew calendar from the Egyptian. The
Egyptian name is derived from the tutelary
divinity of the month Apet or Apet-heb
(Brugsch, MaWriaux pour aervir a la recon-
structicM du Calmdrier det one. j^. p. 33, pi. i.) ;
and the original form was probably Pa-apet,
whence Epiphi, as Apapus from Fepi. The
interchange of the Egyptian letter p with the
Hebrew 3 is unlikely, and the Egyptian word
does not offer any like sense so far as is known.
Thus the idea of a derivation of the name
from Egypt seems unlikely. In 1 K. three
uthei names of months occur: Zif, '\\, the
M(»nd ; D*jn*^, the seventh ; and 743, the
eighth. The sense of all these appears to be
in relation to the seasons. The name of the
second is the month of '* blossom ; " the seventh,
which, like the first, takes the article, the
month of " constant streams ; " and that of the
fighth the month of "rain." The time of
tilossom is true of Egypt and Palestine ; that
iif constant streams, of Egypt, and not of
Palestine; that of rain, of the Delta, and
not of Palestine. It should be remarked
that, T»ie as rain is south of the Delta,
it falls in the Delta from October to March.
The most rainy months are November and
December. In the absence of meteorological
nbservations made in the neighbourhood of
Goshen, we cannot speak more precisely, but
the indications are sufficient to justify the sup-
position that Bui, like the other three months
uamed after the seasons), was named dnring the
s ijoarn in Egypt. The very moderate rains of
the Delta would give a sufficient characteristic,
it° each month was named from natural condi-
tions. Of those names two, Bui and Ethanim
(^3t CJnKX *^ found in the Phoenician in-
scriptions (MY." s. nn.), and it has therefore been
inferred that the Hebrews borrowed them from
the usage of the country. These were solar
months of thirty days, probably of a year of 363,
which would agree with the use of the decad
(DUlmann, UtSer das Kalendaricesen der /s-
raeiiten : Monataber. Berl. Akad. p. 923 sq.). The
origin cannot yet be determined. If the indica-
tions pointed to Egypt, the Canaanite calendar
might have been framed in the Delta during the
Hyksos-age: if they pointed to Caiuian, the
origin would be there localised. In the Books
nf the Bible written after the return from
Babylon, the later nomenclature of the months,
still in use, appears. It is almost identical with
that of the Babylonians at the same period, and
the origin affirmed by the Jews themselves is
thtu confirmed. [H0NTB8.3
Ytar (nj^.— It has iieen noticed in the last
section that the months used In the narrative
of the Flood seem best to accord with the
Cbaldaeo-Babylonian year of 360 days, which is
certainly oseJ in prophetical passages in both
CHBONOLOGY
580
Testaments. The time, times, and a half, of
Daniel (vii. 25, xii. 7), where " time " means
"year" (cp. li. 13), cannot be doubted to be
expressions equivalent to the 42 mouths of the
Revelation (xi. 2, xiii. 3), and the 1260 days of
the same Book (xi. 3, xiL 6) for 360x31=1260,
and 30x42=1260. Whether the year thus
employed is a year of days or a year of
years, it is clear that we have here an indication
of the use of the Chaldaean year of 360 days ;
and this, combined with the notices of time in
the narrative of the Flood, leaves little doubt
that the patriarchal year was of this duration,
and was brought from Chaldaea by the Hebrews.
In historical passages from the date of the
Exodus downwards the year is lunar. Was the
change made in Egypt, and at the time of the
Exodus? At that time the Egyptians had three
forms of year, the lunar year of 334 days, the
vague year of 363, and the supposed sidereal
year of 365}. The account of the institution of
the Passover may imply the institution of the
calendar, but it may merely indicate the change
of the beginning of the year (Ex. xii. 2) ; and as
the Hebrews in after-times had two begiimings
to the year, this is the more probable view. If
so, we may reasonably conjecture that the rude
Ituar year of 360 days was abandoned daring
the sojourn under Egyptian influence for the
fairly accurate lunar year of 354 days. — ^The
characteristics of the year from the Exodus
downwards can be clearly determined, though
we cannot absolutely fix those of any single
year. There can be no doubt that it was essen-
tially tropical, as certain observances connected
with the produce of the land were fixed to
particular days. It is equally clear that the
months were lunar, each beginning with a new
moon. It would appear therefore that there
must have been some mode of adjustment. To
ascertain what this was, it is necessary first to
decide when the year began. On the 16th day
of the month Abib, as already mentioned, ripe
ears of corn were to be offered as " the first of the
first-fruits " of the harvest (Lev. ii. 14 ; xxiii. 10,
11). The reaping of the barley began the harvest
(2 Sam. xxi. 9), the wheat following (Ruth ii.
23). Josephus states that the offering was of
barley {Ant. iii. 10, § 3). It is therefore neces-
sary to find when the barley becomes ripe in
Palestine. According to the observation of
travellers, the barley is ripe, in the warmest
parts of the country, in the first days of April.
The barley-harvest therefore begins about half
a month after the vernal equinox, so that the
year would begin at about that tropical point
were it not divided into lunar months. We may
conclude that the nearest new moon about or
after the equinox, but not much before, would
be chosen as the beginning of the year. Ideler,
whom we hare thus far followed on this
question, concludes that the right new-moon
was found by observation of the forwardness of
the barley-crops in the warmer districts of the
country {Handbach, i. p. 490). There is how-
ever this difficulty, that the different times of
barley-harvest in various parts would have been
likely to cause confusion. It seems therefore
possible that the Hebrews adopted the surer
means of determining their new-year's day by
observations of heliacal risings or similar stellar
phenomena, known to mark the right time before
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CHRONOLOGY
the barley-harvett. Certainly the ancient Egyp-
tians and the Arabs used such means. The
method of intercalation can only have been that
which obtained after the Captirity, the addition
of a thirteenth month, whenever the twelfth
ended too lonz before the vernal equinox for the
first-fruits of the harvest to be offered in the
middle of the month following, and the similar
offerings at the times appointed This method
would be in accordance with the postponement
of the celebration of the Passover, in the case oi
any one who was legally unclean, or journeying
at a distance, for a whole month to the fourteenth
day of the second month (Xum. ix. 9-13), oi
which law we find Hezekiah availed himself for
both the reasons allowed, because the priests
were not suliiciently sanctified, and the people
were not collected (2 Cb. xxx. 1-5, 15).
The later Jews had two beginnings to the
year, or, as it is commonly but somewhat inac-
curately said, two years. At the time of the
second Temple, as Ideler admits, these two begin-
nings obtained, the seventh month of the civil
reckoning being Abib, the first of the sacred.
Hence it has been held, as already stated, that the
institution at the time of the Kxodus was merely
n change of commencement, and not the introduc-
tion of a new year ; and also that from this time
there were two beginnings. The former opiuion
is at present hypothetical, and has been too
much mixed up with the latter, for which there
is some evidence. The strongest point in this
evidence, although strangely unnoticed by Idelcr
as snch, is the circumstance that the sabbatical
and jubilee years began in th» seventh month.
That the jubilee year began in this month
is distinctly stated, since its solemn proclamation
was on the tenth day of the seventh month, the
Day of Atonement (Lev. xxv. 9, 10) ; and as
this year immediately followed a sabb:itical
year, that year must have begun in the same
manner. As these were whole years, they must
have begun on the first day of the month, the
Day of Atonement standing in the sime relation
to the defining of the jubilee year, and perhaps
to those of the sabbatical and civil years, as did
the Passover to the sacred beginning, unless in-
deed the Feast of Ingathering took its place. It
is clear that the civil reckoning would be most
convenient, if not necessary, for the commence-
ment of single years of total cessation from the
labours of the field, as each year so beginning
would comprise the whole round of field-labour
from seed-time to harvest, and from harvest to
vintage and ingathering of fruit. This is indeed
plain from the injunction as to both sabbatical
and jubilee years, apart from the mention of
the Day of Atonement, unless we suppose, very
unreasonably, that the injunction follows the
order of the seasons of agriculture, but that the
observance did not. It might seem at first
sight that the seventh month was chosen, as
itself of a kind of sabbatical character ; but the
seventh of twelve months would not be analogous
to every seventh yehr. We can therefore come
to no other conclusion but that for the labours of
agriculture the year was held to begin with the
seventh month, while the months were still
counted from the sacred beginning in Abib.
There are two expressions nsed with respect to
the time of the celebration of the Feait of In-
gathering on the fifteenth day of the seventh
CHRONOLOGY
month, one of which leads to the conclusion it
which we have jnst arrived, while the other is is
accordance with it. The first of these tpttb ot
this feast as nj^n TKXS, "in the goiijont"
or " end of the year " (Ex. xxiil 16), ud tie
other, as nifn flBlp^ "at the change [B.V.
"end;" marg. Heb. revolitim'] of the yor"
(xxxir: 22); a vague expression, bnt one confistent
with a turning-point of a natural yesr. Br thf
term nOlpD the Rabbins denote the beginiafof
each of the four seasons into which their ynr is
divided (Ideler. H<B). i. pp. 5b<>-551). EviiiniM
in support of onr conclusion is slw aflbrd^l hr
the similar distinctive character of the tint ud
seventh months in the calendar with rsipect to
their observances. The one was distingmslMd by
the Feast of Unleavened Bread, from the fiftcatii
to the twenty-first indnsive ; the other, br tJut ol'
Tabernacles, from the fifteenth to the tvent;-
second. The parallel is rendered closer bv the cir-
cumstance that the first-fruits of the hsrrot wm
offered on the sixteenth day of the tint mootli ;
similarly, the Feast of Tabernacles was alio ctilti
the Feast of Ingathering, as a timeof thanks gino;
for the fruit-harvest, including the rintap.
There is further evidence in the special laicti-
fication, above that of the ordinary new mimi, of
the first day of the seventh month, wiiidi, in
the ceremony of blowing trumpets, resembles th*
celebration of the beginning of the jabilwror
on the Day of Atonement. That solemn snoial
rite seems also more appropriate to the begin-
ning than to the middle of the year. On tbM
grounds we hold that there were two beginnis;!
of the year from the institution of the Caleniir.
Dr. Dillmann writes of the autumnal bfginninj
of the yciir rather as a civil use than a c»lf»li»'
one, but he cites with caution the indications of
Lev. xxiii. 24, the celebration of the Feist of
trumpets, and of xxv. 9, that of the jntile
year (Ocber der Kalendartreten, pp. 919-KO)-
The probable coincidences in the later reip» "f
Judah with the Babylonian reckoning of Xebt-
chadnezzar's yean, both years from sprin::
(pp. 923-924X do not prove more than i hU
usage of vassal-kings. The earlier usage n»J
have been of the autumital beginninf (cp.
p. 920 sq.).
The question of the two beginnings of th'
year is somewhat confused by onr nnacqvsiiit-
ance with such usages. In Egypt, antil Iit«l^
the Coptic Julian year was wi by the Mtu-
lims for agricultural purposes, the MosUn
lunar year for religions purposes; no* tbt
European Oregorian year is fiist snperseJinf tli*
Coptic. We may more pointedly compare lb?
besrinnings of onr civil and eccletiastinl it^n.
[yiOAR.]
Seasims. — The ancient Hebrews de not spp»r
to have divided their year into fixed seasoas. ^<
find mention of the natural seasons: ^^O."'™-
mer," and fQH, " winter," which are nieii f«rt'w
whole year in the expression SIVI) JTJ, "•»«■«
and winter" (Pa. Ixxiv. 17 ; Zeds. xiv. »; fo-
haps Gen. viii. 22). PJJ properly means the liw
of cutting fruits ; tj'lh, the time of gstheii"?
fruits, or autumn. Their true senses are tkenti"'
rather summer and autumn than mmm'r »M
winter. There can beno donbt, however. thattk»T
came to signify the two grand natoial dirisiow
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CHRONOLOGY
of the Tear, both from their nse together as the
two tasona and from the mention together of
" the winter house," H^hiTTI'J, and " the sum-
mer hoiue," ngrrn'3 (Amos Hi. 15). The
lut evMence is the stronger, for the winter in
Palestine is the time when a palace would be
needed of different construction to the light
summer parilion ; and in the only other passage
in which the winter-house is mentioned, we read
that Jehoiakim " sat in the winter-house in the
ninth month ;" that is, almost at mid-winter:
*■ and [there was a fire] on the hearth burning
Iwfore him " (Jer. xxivi. 22). It is probable,
howerer, that C)VI, when used without reference
to the year, as in Job xxix. 4, has its original
signification. The phrase " cold and heat," Tp
Ch}, in Gen. Tiii. 22, is still more general, and
cannot be held to mean more than the great
.iltematioDS of temperature (cp. Ideler, Handh,
L p. A9t). There are two agricultural seasons
of a more definite character. These are VV,
-seed-time," and I'Vi^. "harvest." Ideler (/.c.)
makes them equivalent to the foregoing seasons
when aimilarly used together ; but be has not
proved this, and the passage he quotes (Gen. I. c.)
cannot be held to afford any evidence of the
kind, no two terms in it being proved to be
strictly correspondent. [Seasons.]
FativaU and Holy Daijs. — Besides the sabbnths
and new moons, there were four great festivals
and a fast in the Hebrew year before the Cap-
tivity : the Feast of the Passover, of Weeks,
tuat of Trumpets, the Day of Atonement, and the
Keast of Tabernacles. The Feast of the Passover,
nOB, was properly only the time of the sacrifice
and eating of the paschal lamb ; that is, the
evening, D^fl'^i^ PS, " between the two
evenings " (Lev. xxiii. 5) — n phrase already con-
sidered — of the fourteenth day of the first month,
and the night following, — the Feast of Unleavened
Bread, niV90 in, beginning on the morning of the
fifteenth day of the month, and lasting seven days
until the twenty-6rst inclusive. The fifteenth and
twenty-first days of the month were sabbaths ;
that is, holy days. [PassOVEB.] The Feast of
Weeks, n\S3C^ JOf or Pentecost, was kept at the
close of seven weeks, counted from the day inclu-
sive following the sixteenth of the first month.
Hence its name means " the feast of seven weeks,"
as indeed it is cited in Tobit, i,yia iinit iffioiiiSuy
(ii. 1). As the ears of barley, " the first of the
first-fmits," were offered on the sixteenth day of
the first month, so on this day thanksgivins; was
made for the blessings of the harvest with iti
nnt-fruits in the form of loaves of leavened
bread made from the new flour: hence the
names 1*V^r} iQ, Feast of Harvest, and DV
QnHaarj, Day of First-fruits.— The Feast of
Trumpets, Hf '"W D^' (lit. " of the sound of the
trumpet"), also ialled ny^T^ fn^\ ^J^^V, " a
great sabbath of celebration by the sound of the
trumpet," was the first day of the seventh month,
the civil beginning of the year. The Day of
Atonement, DHB^ri D^*, was the tenth day of
the seventh month. It wa« a sabbath, therefore
a holy day, and also a fast, the only one in the
Hebrew year before the Captivity. Upon this
day the high-priest made an offering of ntone-
CHROXOLOGY
585
ment for the nation. — ^The Feast of Tabernacles,
ni3pri in, was kept in the seventh month,
from the fifteenth to the twenty-second days
inclusive. Its chief days were the first and
last, which were sabbaths. Its name was taken
from the people dwelling in tabernacles, to com-
memorate the Kxodus. It was otherwise called
ei'D^n jn, "the Feast of Ingathering," because
it was also the occasion of thanksgiving for the
end of the fruit-harvest, including the vintage.
The small number and simplicity of these primi-
tive Hebrew festivals and holy days are especially
worthy of note. It is also observable that they
are not of an astronomical character ; and that
when they are connected with nature it is as
times of thanksgiving for the produce of field,
garden, and vineyard. In later times several holy
days were added. The most noteworthy are the
Feast of Purim or " Lots," commemorating the
deliverance of the Hebrews from Haman's plot ;
the Feast of the Dedication, recording the
cleansing and dedication of the Temple by Judas
Maccabaeus ; and fasts on the anniversaries of
great national calamities of the age of the Baby-
lonish Captivity. These last were doubtless
instituted during that period (cp. Zech. vii.
1-5). [Fasts and Festivals.]
SMatical and Jubilee Vears.' — ^The Sabbati-
cal Year, \ST\^^ na^," the year of entire rest,"
ntppij'n r\V^, "the year of remission," or
ntDOe* alone, also called "a sabbath" and "a
great sabbath," was an institution of strictly
the same character as the sabbath, a year of
rest, like the day of rest. As the day of
rest has a side of physical necessity with
reference to man, so the year has a side
of physical necessity with reference to the
earth. Every seventh year appears to be a
very suitable time for the recurrence of a
fallow year, on agricultural grounds. Besides
the rest from the labours of the field and vine-
yni'd, there was to be in this year remission,
temporary or absolute, of debts and obligations
among the people. The sabbatical year must
have begun at the civil commencement of the
year, with the seventh month, as already shown.
Although doubtless held to begin with the first
day of the month, its beginning appears to have
been kept at the Feast of Tabernacles (Deut.
xxxi. 10), while that of the jubilee year was
kept on the Day of Atonement. After the
lapse of seven sabbatical periods, or forty-nine
• Tboae who bold that the whole sjrstem of the Sab-
batical and Jubilee Yean Is of late Introductloo bave to
explain tbe uccnrrence of the principle in relation to the
slaver}' of Hebrews (Ex. xxl, 'i), and in tbe same parti-
cular as veil as In tbe remission of debts In Dent, xv,
I-I8, documents beld to be respecttvcly mncb earlier, and
earlier tban tbe part of tbe Law In wblch tbe more pre-
cise definition of tlie cyclical syvtem Is given. It should
be txirae In mind that If tbe laws In relation to tbe Sab-
batical system were enforced, tbe slavery of Hebrew's
would be of necessity interrupted by the rest of tbe
Sabbatical Year ; on tbe other band, that If tbe system
were neglected tbe principle would defend tbe Hebrews*
right. The liberty proclaimed at the beginning of tbe
Jubilee Y'ear has to do with Inheritance, the reversion of
tbe land to its former owners, and not with personal
liberty. This Is seen In the passage relattng to the
Hebrew hired servant in tbe Jnbilee law (Lev. xxv.
3»-41).
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CHBONOLOGY
years, a year of jubilee was to be kept, imme-
diately following the last sabbatical year. The
jubilee year was called 731'? HJB', " the year
of the trumpet," or 73V alone, the latter word
meaning either the sound of the trumpet or the
instrument itself, because the beginning of the
year was to be announced on the Day of Atone-
ment by sound of trumpet. It was similar to the
sabbatical year in character, though doubtless
yet more important. In tlie jubilee year debts
were to be remitted, lands restored to their
former owners, and Hebrew slaves set free. It
is obvious from the terms of the enactment in
Leviticus (xxv. 8-11) that this year was to follow
every seventh sabbatical rear, so that the
opinion that it was identical with the seventh
sabbatical year is untenable. There is a more
Jifficult question as to the length of each jubilee
period, some holding the jubilee year to have
been intercalary, and the period therefore of
fifty years, while others hold the sabb.itlcal
periods to have been continuous, the jubilee
year beginning a sabbatical period and not
standing between two such periods. According
to Maimonides, the jubilee period was of fifty
years, the fifty-first year beginning a new cycle.
The same writer mentions a tradition that after
the destruction of the first Temple only sabba-
tical years, and no jubilee years, were observed
(Ideler, JJandbach, i. pp. 503, 504). The Jews
in the first and second centuries B.C. certainly
followed the system of continuous sabbatical
periods: the tradition handed down by Mai-
monides may be an endeavour to explain away
this evidence. The testimony of Josephus does
not seem conclusive, though Ideler (/. c.) holds
it to l>e so: the expression ravra rfvriiKorra
fiiy itrrtv (rri ri wivTa (Ant. iii. 12, § 3) cannot
be held to prove absolutely that the jubilee year
was not the first year of a sabbatical period
instead of being intercalary.
It is importimt to ascertain as far as possible
when the first sabbatical year after the entrance
into Palestine ought to have been kept ; whether
the sabbatical and jubilee periods seem to have
been continuous; and what positive record there
is of any sabbatical or jubilee years having been
observed. 1. It can scarcely be disputed that
the first sabbatical year to be kept after the
Israelites had entered Palestine was about the
fourteenth (Jennings, Jewish Antiquities, bk.
iii. cap. 9). It is possible that it might have
been somewhat earlier or later ; but the narra-
tive will not admit of much latitude. 2. The
institution seems to have been greatly neglected.
It is said in Leviticus that in the desolation of
the land she should enjoy the sabbaths which
had not been kept (Lev. xxvi. 34, 35, 43). The
seventy years' Captivity is also spoken of in 2 Ch.
(xxxvi. 21) in like terms ; but this may be on
account of the number being itself sabbatical,
ten times seven, which indeed seems to be
indicated in the passage. In spite of neglect we
may infer that any sabbatical and jubilee years
kept from the time of Joshua until th.e destruc-
tion of the first Temple, would have been
reckoned from the first one, but it may be
questioned if any kept after the return from
Uabylon would be counted in the same manner :
from the nature of the institution it is rather to
be su]>posed that the reckoning would begin again
CHBONOLOGY
after tho re- sccupation of the country. The
recorded sabbatical rears do not enable as to
determine this problem, because we d« not
know the exact year of the first cnltivition of
the country by the returned exiles. The kiovn
dates of sabbatical years would make that next
after the return to commence B.C. 528, lod be
current B.C. 527, which would make the fint
year of the period B.C. 534-3, which wonld not
improbably be the first year of cultiratioi;
but the sabbatical period being so short, this
evidence is of little weight. Of course, both
dates may be brought down seven resn.
3. There is no positive evidence of any jnbUee
year having been kept. The dates of thtet
sabbatical years have been preserved. These
were current B.C. 163, 135, and 37, and there-
fore commenced about three months earlier,
B.C. 164, 136, and 38 (Jos. Ant. ai. 9. <) i;
xiii. 8, § 1 ; xiv. 16, § 2 ; iv. 1, § 2 ; B. J. i.
2, § 4; 1 Hacc. vi. 49, 53).— The phiue it
ffaPfldr^ StvTtpowp^^ (Luke vi. 1) has beta
explained ax the first sabbath in the seorad
year of the cycle. The year would be A.n. 2S;
and as the second year of a sabbatical petktl
commenced in the autumn of a.d. 28, the har-
vest would have fallen in the spring of A.D. 29.
Eras. — ^There are indications of several h^
torical eras having been used by the Uebren,
but our information is too scanty for any posi-
tive conclusions. Some of these pcosible ens
may be merely reckonings employed by writen
and not national eras ; others from their rtier-
ence to events of the highest importance to tke
whole people have the true character of ens.
though they may not have had any lasting use.
The era of the Seleucidae is here eioepteJ ss
foreign.
1. The Exodus is used as an era in dating the
foundation of Solomon's Temple (1 K. vi. 1).
This is the only positive instance of the occur-
rence of this era. Ideler, indeed, supposes it to
be go used in the Pentateuch, referring U>
£x. xix. 1 ; Num. iixiii. 38 {HeMdb*ck, I
p. 507). Here, as elsewhere in the same put
of the Bible, the beginning of the Exodus-jetr
(Regnal years, &c) is used as the point vhoaie
time is counted ; but during the interval of
which it formed the natural beginning it caono:
be shown to have been an era, though it msr
have been, any more than the beginning or first
year of a sovereign's reign is one. A reftwact
to be conclusive must be after the conquest of
Canaan.
2. The foundation of Solomon's Tempk is
conjectured by Ideler to have been an en
(Uandb. 1. c). The passages to waich he r«f<rs
(1 K. ix. 10; 2 Ch. viii. 1) merely speak of
occurrences subsequent to the interval of twentr
years occupied in the building of the Temple
(seven years, 1 K. vi. 37) and Solomon's haaae
(thirteen years, vii. 1).
3. The era once used by Ezekiel (i. 1, 2),
beginning with the reform of Josiah in his eigii-
tcenth year.
4. The era of Jehoiachin's captivity is ton-
stantly used by EzekieL The earliest date is tie
fifth year (i. 2); and the latest, the twenty-
seventh (xxix. 17). The Prophet generallr pt«
the date withont applying any distinctive term te
the era. He speaks, however, of "the fifth vfsr
of king Jehoiachin's captivity " (L 2), and ■* the
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CHKONOLOGY
twelfth year of our captivity " (xxxiii. 21), the
latter expression probably explaining his con-
itant use of the era. The same reckoning is
necessarily employed, though not as such, where
tiie adrancement of Jehoiachin in the thirtv-
terenth year of his captivity is mentioned (2 k.
XIV. 27 ; Jer. lii. 31). We have no proof that
this era was used save by those to whose cap-
tivity it referred. The first year was current
ILC 598, beginning in the spring of that year. —
The beginning of the seventy years' Captivity
does not appear to have been used as an era. —
The return from Babylon also does not seem to
be so used, though dated from (Ezra iii. 1, 8),
like the Exodus in the Pentateuch. Dimiel,
Hsggai, and Zechariah, date by the reigns nf
foreign kings..
b. The era of the Seleucidae is used in the
First and Second Books of Maccabees.
6. The liberation of the Jews from the Syrian
yoke B.C. 141 was commemorated by an era
used in contracts and agreements (1 Mace. xiii.
41). The years 1 to 5 on the shekels assigned
to Simon are probably dated by this era, although
It is stated that the right of coining money
with his own stamp was not conceded to him
until two years later, U.C. 139, by Antiochus
VII. (iv. 6). It may be supposed that Antio-
chus VII. confirmed privileges before granted
by bis brother Demetrius II. (cp. r. 5), or that
he gave his sanction to money already issued.
[MOKET; Shekel.] The era seems to have
fallen into disuse.
Signal years, ^c. — By the Hebrews regnal
rears appear to have been counted from the
beginning of the year in which the king came
to the throne, not from his accession. Thus, if
a king came to the throne in the last month of
one year, reigned through the next year, and
died in the first month of the third year, we
might have dates of his first, second, and third
years, although he did not reign above thirteen or
fourteen months. Any dates in the year of his
accession before th.tt event would be assigned to
the hist year of his predecessor, and any in the
year of his death after it would be given to his
successor's first year. The same principle
applies to counting from eras or important
events. The whole stated length of reigns and
intervals roughly allows for this mode of
reckoning.
in. UisTOBlCAL Cbronolooy. — The histori-
cal section of Hebrew chronology is not less
difficult than the technical. The information in
the Bible is rather direct than inferential,
though there is important inferential evidence ;
and the present state of the numbers precludes
absolute certainty in onr deductions. For in-
stance, where the' Hebrew and LXX. diiTer, when
we have decided, which we cannot always do,
which form of a number has the preponderance
of evidence in its favour, we cannot be sure that
tbe original form of the number has been pre-
served. We may indeed doubt if the text ori-
ginally contained numbers. There are also
several gaps in series of smaller numbers which
we cannot supply. When, therefore, we can com-
pare several of these smaller numbers with a
larger number, we are frequently prevented from
applying a conclusive test by the deficiencies in
the detailed series. Tbe frequent occurrence of
ronnd numbers is a matter of minor importance,
CHBUNOLOGY
587
for, although when we h.ive no other evidence,
it forbids an exact determination, the variation
of a few years cannot be balanced against great
and apparently insoluble difficulties, like those
of the primeval numbers in the Hebrew, LXX.,
and Samaritan Pentateuch. Until recently
I many critics considered that Hebrew chronology
was indeterminable before the time of the bnild-
ing of Solomon's Temple. Recently doubts have
been thrown ou the numbers from that time
until the Babylonian Captivity. However much
these numbers may have suffered in the attempt
to synchronise the lines of Israel and Judah, the
theory that they inherently show an artificial
system has signally failed. Dr. Adolf Kamp-
hausen has successfully defended the numbers of
the reigns of tbe kings against £. Krey and bis
followers (Die Chronologie d. hebraischeii KOnige,
Bonn, 1883). Some have laid great stress on
the frequent occurrence of the number 40,
alleging th.it 40, its division 20 and multiple
80, as well as 70, are vague terms equi-
valent to " many," so that 40 or 70 years would
mean no more than "many years." The
number 40 is not always indefinite even when it
would specially seem to be so. Thus the 40
years in the wilderness can be divided into two
periods : — 1. From the Exodus to the sending of
the spies about a year and a quarter (1 yr. -|-
4 m. ; Num. ii. 1, x. 11 ; cp. xiv. 29, 33, show-
ing it was the second year, and xiii. 20, showing
the time was about the fifth month Ab), the 40
days of search being included ; 2. The time of
wandering until the brook Zered was crossed
38 yrs. (Deut. ii. 14) : makin.g altogether
39 yrs. 4 m. This accords with the date of 40 yrs.
11 m. 1 d. of the address of Moses after the
conquest of Sihon and Og (Dent. i. 3, 4), which
was after the crossing of the brook Zered. So
again David's reign of 40 years is divided into
7 yrs. 6 m. at Hebron and 33 yrs. in Jerusalem
(2 Sam. ii. 11, v. 5; 1 Ch. iii. 4; but 1 K. ii.
11, 7 yrs., omitting the months, and 33). Thus
we cannot hold all periods of 40 yrs. (and of
course 80) to be vague. Another remarkable
instance is the partial confirmation of the second
of the three forties into which the life of Moses
is divided. The reigns of Ramses II. the great
oppressor, and his son the Pharaoh of the Exodus,
are admitted to have lasted together about eighty-
five years, and the Egyptian evidence shows that
as one of the store cities (Ramses) was already
built in the fifth year of Ramses II. the oppres-
sion had already begun in that year. Wc have
therefore a maximum of 86 years and a minimum
of 81, corresponding to the Biblical 80. On the
whole it is, however, not possible to account for
the numerous instances of 40, 20, and 80, espe-
cially where a series of such figures occurs iit
juxtaposition with another series of precise
numbers as in the Book of Judges, * except by
the hypothesis that the nearest round number is
intended, unless indeed 40 mean merely " many "
(cp. 1 Sam. XV. 7). It would rather seem as if
the nearest round number was sometimes taken,
but it does not follow that round numbers must
be absolutely vague ones. — In the technical part of
•> The periods of foreign rule arc predominantly pre-
cise, so are the Judges' periods, excluding those con-
nected with times of rest. The four times of rest are tie
once, 40 three times.
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CHBONOLOGY
CHBONOLOGT
the subject we hare shown deference to the early
Rabbinical authorities : here we place no reliance
upon them. As to divisions of time connected
with religious observances, they could scarcely
be far wrong, in historical chronology they
could hardly be right, their knowledge of foreign
sources being limited and inexact. By com-
paring their later dates with the certain or
approximative chronology of the time, we find
such inaccuracy that we can scarcely hold they
bad any traditional information to guide them,
unless indeed the true date of the Exodus had
been traditionally preserved. Their violent
treatment of later chronology may be due to an
attempt to harmonise it with the interval from
the Exodus, of which the earlier part was in
their judgment fixed by a Biblical statement. —
There are valuable foreign materials to aid us in
discussing Hebrew chronology, principally the
contemporary evidence of the Egyptian and Asty-
rian documents.
Biblical data. — ^The Biblical information mar
be examined under the main periods into
which it may be separated, beginning with
the earliest.
A, Kirst Period, from Adam to Abram's de-
parture from Haran. — All the onmerical data
for the chronology of this interval are found in
two genealogical lists in Genesis, the first from
Adam to Noah and his sons (Gen. v.3od fa.),
and the second from Shem to Abram (xi. 10-36X
and in passages in the same Book (viL6, It;
viii. 13 ; ix. 28, 29 ; xi. 32 ; xii. 4> The parallel
passages in 1 Ch. (i. 1-4, 24-27) and Lake
(iii. 34-38) give no numbers. The Hebrea-
text, the LXX., and the Samaritan Pentatench
greatly differ, as may be seen in the foUovia;
table, taken from the writer's Genetit of tkt
Age of each when the
Years of each after the
Total length of tiK '
Adam
next was bom.
next was bom.
lUeof each.
Sept.
Heb.
Sam.
Sept.
Heb.
Sam.
Sept.
Heb.
Sua.
230
1
10
TOO
800
930
Seth
206
106
TOT
807
9U
.«
Znos
ia«
90
T16
«16
906
._
Cainan
170
10
740
840
910
.™
Mabalaleel
1«6
66
730
830
«96
...
...
Jared
162
... 1 «2
800
1 T86
9*1
...
S4i
Enoch
166
«6
200
30«
3(6
...
-.
Methuselah
107
1<7
... 1 67
(782)
802
T82 «6S
9<9
IJt
Lamech
188
182 1 63
666
696 600
T63
577
«S3
Noah
602
...
448
960
...
...
Shem
100
... i ...
600
600
_.
-
2264
1668 1309
TUs was "two ye«ra after the Flood."
Arphaxad
Cafnan
2244
136
130
36
400
330
403
303
(MS)
(460)
(438)
43.4
Salah
130
30
330
403
303
(460)
(4331
433
Eber
134
34 ; ...
270
430
(404)
(464)
«e4
Peleg
130
30 • ...
209
...
109
(339)
1239)
z»
Reo
132
32
307
107
?3391
(S30)
(.239)
t»30>
219
Serug
13«
30
200
100
1» \
Nahor
79
29
129
119
69
tao9)
II4S)
Ut
Terah
70
...
(136)
(136)
(")
206
I4i
Abram leaves Uarau
76
1146
366 1 1016
Earth and of Man*, with the addition of a
various reading, the age of Abram when he left
Haran, and parenthetic marks enclosing numbers
not stated but obtained by computation from
others. The advantage of the method of the
table is that it clearly shows the differences and
agreements of the three versions of the data.
The dots indicate numbers agreeing with the
LXX.
There Is one difference which may be imme-
diately disposed of, the excess of generations in
the LXX, caused by the " second Cainan." The
best chronologers are agreed in rejecting him
a» spurious. Probably his name was first
inserted by a copyist in St. Luke's Gos)ieI
(iii. 36), and thence transferred to the LXX.
£Caisas.]
A rapid glance at the table shows that the
Hebrew is exactly 100 years less than the LXX.
in every generation but one before the period
for which the longer generations are needed to
leave time for the completion of lives before the
Flood. In the age following the redaction is alosf
found in the Heb., the Sam. agreeing with tks
LXX. In the lengths of lives the Heb. and Sun.
reduce the fourth, fifth, and sixth after Shrm br
100 years, which is inconsistent with the leagtlu
of the generations in the Sam. which remain
unchanged. — In the Heb. the life of Uunecb i>
apparently shortened to avoid the Flood ; to *U>
is the LXX., the numbers differing. In the Sam.
the lives of Jared, Methuselah, and Lantech are
all curtailed from the agreeing or nearly agrwiaj
numbers of Heb. and LXX., and all three patii-
archs die in the year of the Flood. In all Ver-
sions the generation of Noah is greatly is eicoi
of the others, of course far more so in the Heb.
and Sam. than in the LXX. Otherwise, if thr
generation were normal, several of Nosh's
ancestors, in the case of the Sam. every oiv.
would have survived the Flood. — ^The proportioa
of generations to lives is fairly normal ia the
LXX.; in the Heb. less by a centnry, except
where the LXX. numbers are rendered necessary
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CHBONOLOGV
by the Flood and one other instance. The Sam.
M incoDcistent.
There can be no qnettion that the LXX.
gires the mott satisfactory version of the data,
bat there are inherent difficulties. 1. The
apparent reduction of the life of Lantech. 2. The
apparent lengthening of the life of Noah. 3. The
shortness of the lives of Peleg, Ren, and Serng,
white the generations remain the same, though
this is not sntiicient to make the generations
ibeolntely abnormal. Supposing that these diffi-
culties may be explained, we find an improba-
bility, in the numbers themselves. ThE.-« are
hundreds and thirty and multiples of thirty,
usually with a smajl excess, irregularities be-
ginning with the generation which if shorter
would leave the residue of the life to overlap
the Flood (Methuselah's). The second figure is
3, 0, 9, 6, in twelve out of fourteen generations.
The first seven generations after the Flood are
1^, 134, 132, and (three times, omitting Cainan)
130. The lengths of lives present the same
phenomena, but not to the same extent. It
seems as if the units had been added to bring up
the sams towards complete centuries ; but they
are always defective, as if converted from a
idiort«r to a longer year. If we suppose that
the original computation was in Chaldaeo-
Babylonian years of 360 days, and was converted
into years of 365} days, the sum from the birth
of Arphaxad to that of Nahor is 801 years of the
shorter duration. Similarly from Adam to the
birth of Methuselah would be 1305 years. This
i< sufficiently near to warrant the conjecture
that some change of this kind has been effected.
The very artificial character of the numbers for
generations and the less artificial lengths of the
lives have led to the hypothesis that the genera-
tions are not original, and the lives alone are so ;
but this hypothesis seems unwarranted by the
texture of the record : the two sets of numbers
must stand or fall together. It is observable
that both are wanting in the Chronicles, and it
is therefore possible that in Genesis the numbers
may be dne to an ancient tradition. On this
theory they would still be very early, and
the peculiarity of their gradual diminution is
one which marks some unknown mode of
reckoning, which is much in favour of their
originality, or at least great antiquity. On
this subject see Oenetit of the Earth and of
ifaa,* pp. 142 sq.
A seriotu difficolty is raised by the idea that
the numbers are cyclical, and the personages,
for the most part, legendary. The artificial
character of the generation numbers and F.noch's
life of 365 years seems to lend some colour to
this view, but it has failed in spite of the learn-
ing and ingenuity with which it has been ad-
vanced. The comparison with the Sabylonian
zodiacal periods, a cognate hypothesis, instituted
by Lenormant, is most interesting but incon-
cloiive. It would be easier to conjecture that
<ts the Babylonians had a tradition of ten patri-
archs or kings before the Flood, and as Taurus
in their historical age originally marked the
vernal equinox, it would be natural to them
10 connect the period of Aquarius with the
Flood, fieyond this the points of agreement are
slight. The idea that the patriarchs may be
legendary does not wholly rest on the cyclical
hypothesis or its modified zodiacal form: it
CHBONOLOGY
589
claims in its support the parallelism of the
genealogies of Seth and Cain.
Seth
Enos
Cainan
Hshalaleel
Jsred
Enoch
Methuselah
Lamech
Noah
Three sons.
Adam
Cain
Knocb
Irsd (XtOit, LXX.)
Uehi^sel (llaAcAs^ LXX.)
Methusael
Lamech
Three sons
In these lists two names are identical, three
very similar, and three unlike. All the similar
names and an identical one are in the same
places in the succession. In addition to this,
Enos, the father of Cainan, is curiously parallel
to Adam, the father of Cain. An endeavour to
explain the relation of the two lists has been
ingeniously made by Lenormant, who sees in the
Cainite names contrasts to the Sethite ones, first
favourable to the Sethites, and, when the general
corruption of mankind extended to these, con-
versely unfavourable, but the evidence is insuffi-
cient. It is to be noted thnt the genealogy of
Seth is in an Elohistic passage, that of Citin in a
Jehovistic one. Are they two versions of one list,
differing as versions of the same genealogy do in
various parts of the Bible ? In this case we have
to account fur the apparent identity of the lines,
traced to difierent heads. To this difficulty no
answer can yet be given, but that if the genera-
tions are in neither case wholly successive, some
meeting-points may be thus indicated. Other-
wise the knot is cut by the theory that th* list
of the Sethites is the original, and that of the
Cainites founded upon it. But the character-
istic natnre of the incidents told of each line
forbids this view. They are independent and
contrasted. On the whole subject see Lenormant,
Let Ori/incs,' be. i. 214 sq.
It has been shown thnt the LXX. numbers for
the generations have the highest claim to be
considered original, or at least the oldest
form, though where two of three variants are
shown to be corrupted we may reasonably doubt
whether any one is genuine. Accepting, with
this reserve, the numbers in question, we have
to inquire if they are historical. As genera-
tions and lives they cannot be historical if ordi-
nary years ate intended. Is then the gradual
reduction a difference in the periods employed
rather than a reduction of human life? — in
other words, are the years employed such in the
ordinary senses ?
It is obvious that all other records support
the opinion of the physiologists that the maxi-
mum life of man little exceeds a century. The
Egyptians appear to have fixed it as 1 10 years,
the length of the life of Joseph, and their oldest
document, the Proverbs of Ptah-hotep, dating
about 3000 years B.C., mentions this sum as
extreme old age. In Genesis, when the corrup-
tion of mankind is told, " when men began to
multiply on the face of the earth," the duration
of life was limited to 120 years (vi. 1-3). This
admits of three explanations : (1) that this was
the length of human life before the Flood;
(2) that it was a reduction ; (3) that it was a
time of repentance allowed before the catas-
trophe. The first and second explanations i
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CUKONOLOGY
CHBONOLOGY
alone rensonable, and the first is the more
jirobable, as the curtailment, if we accept the
existing chronological scheme, would not have
taken efi°ect on all living people, but only on the
latest bom, and Noah would form an exception.
•Moreover, we are limited by physiology to the
sum of 120 years. An antediluvian maximum of
that sum would suit the modern conditions.
The idea that shorter periods than the
ordinary years , are used in the patriarchal
genealogies is as old as St. Augustine. It is not
without the support of Biblical evidence, though
this is by no means conclusive.
1. The two beginnings of the Hebrew year
suggest the idea of a patriarchal year of six
months, which is periiaps favoured by the
etymology of fUK', " year," for the radical sense
is not so mnch " repetition " as " doing a second
time." During the closing period of the patri-
archal age, from Nahor to Amrnm, a reduction
by one-half would make the narrative far easier
to be understood historically. According to the
ordinary reckoning Jacob was 77 years old when
he went to Haran, 84 or 91 when Reuben his
firstborn was bom : 35}, 42, and 45} are more
likely sums. Abraham's age when leaving
Haran was 75 (37J), Sarah's when taken by
Pharaoh 67 (33}), by Abimeleoh 89 (44}). The
ages of Abraham and Sarah nt Isaac's birth,
100 (50) and 90 (45), do not, if reduced, weaken
the language of the narrative. It is remarkable
that the period of the sojourn is put at 430
years, and many chronologers compute it at 215,
exactly the half on the data of the text. We
believe the longer is the true period, but the
result of the reduction is significant. The ordi-
nary years seem to be employed throughont the
story of Joseph. If two modes of reckoning
are used, the 430 years could have been incor-
rectly halved.
2. A period of three months would be that of
one of the natural seasons. We have no evi-
dence that the Hebrews so divided the year
before the Rabbinical age. The pagan Arabs
had, however, besides the twelve months, four
equal seasons, beginning, like the Hebrew civil
year, at the autumnal equinox (see Lane, Arab.
Lex. s. T. *o )• Supposing that this reckon-
ing was used in the period during which the
ages are roughly double those of that next
following, we should obtain a like result : the
lives 460 (115) to 330 (82^), and the genera-
tions 135 (33i) to 130 (32}), would be reduced
to the figures required by physiology.
3. The still farther reduction to two months
might be suggested by the six Arab seasons, begin-
ning at the autumnal equinox (Lane, Ltx. 1. c).
If applied to the generations and lives before the
Flood, including Shem'i, 969 (161}) to 535 (88),
and 230 (38|) to 167 (27J), with the exceptional
generation of Noah, 500 (83^, the result is
nearly the same.
It is argued against any hypothesis of this
kind that the 600th year of Noah's life is
treated as an ordinary year. Had there been a
<lnuble use of years in the document, this might
be a natural consequence. No doubt any ex-
planation is fraught with difficulties, but in this
<a»e we must consider the difference of what
occurs in a historical narrative and mere atate-
ments of intervals attached to names, ul
deductions from them. Thus the 600th year
must be separated firom the division of the nu
of the Flood. If however we consider esch
generation to have probably been of the now
length as in history generally, we must tcppoK
the generations not to have been consecutin ts
we do in the period of the sojourn in tgypt
B. Second Period, from Abram's depirtiu«
from Haran to the Exodus. — The length of this
period is stated by St. Paul as 430 yean frain
the promise to Abraham to the piviag of tiie
Law (Gal, iii. 17), the first event being held to
be that recorded in Gen. xii. 45. The suit
number of years is given in Ex., whore the Hel.
reads : ** Now the sojourning of the childreg of
Israel who dwelt in Egypt [was] four hoodiRl
and thirty years. And it came to pass at tb(
end of the four hundred and thirty years, eni
the selfsame day it came to pass, that all the
hosts of the Lord went out from tlie laid <f
Egypt " (xii. 40, 41). Here the Vat. LXX. aid?
atter "in Egypt" the words " and in CaaaaB;*
and the Alex, and Sam. add after "Cuuan*
" they and their fathers." Clearly we have hen
a growth of glosses. The promise to Abrahsa
states that the sojourn or the oppressioa duU
last 400 years. "Know of a surety tkst
thy seed shall be a stranger in a land tkt
is not their's, and shall serve them ; and the;
shall afiBict them four hundred years ; and also
that nation, whom they shall serve, will I judge:
and afterward shall they come out with grest
substance ... in the fourth generation (peiiadT^
they shall come hither again " (Gen. xv. 13, 14,
16). Josephus (Ant. iL 15, 2) and the TaifiE
of Pseudo-Jonathan accept the LXX. view : St.
Stephen in the Acts (viL 6) and Philo (Qni nr.
div. her. § b4, p. 511) cite Gen. it. 13 ; tad
Josephus follows the Heb. reckoning in otlKi
places (Ant. ii. 9, 1 ; £. J. v. 9, 4). In dtiaf
these differences of criticism. Bishop Liglit&>^4
adds, "The difficulties which attend botk
systems of chronology need not be considerei
here, as they do not affect St. Paul's argvmat.
and cannot have entered into his thosfbts'
(Epistles of St. Paul, Galatians, p. 140, tou).
Supposing however that Su Paul did not biCd
the current chronology, his argument wo«)i
admit of his reasoning, " You concede tbe la*
was four hundred and thirty yean aAcr." with-
out in any way vouching for the accuracy cf the
reckoning. Tie two reckonings could be ntca-
ciled on the theory of a different use of the iaa
" year," but scholars are generally agreed that
the long period of 430 years is needed for tb
growth of the Israelites from a funilr t* i
nation, and the circumstances of EgTplias
history accord best with the cfaronoU^ica!
result. This important consequence foU«wt,
that the generations connected with this iatcrral
must be one, and all statements of the heads c:
families and as genealogies broken ; for not mk.
even Joshua's from Ephraim [Bekiab^ caa bt
reconciled with the long period if conaecotiK-
On the other hand, Jochebed, the mother *!
Moses, would not have been a daughter of Levi
in a literal sense, and thus Ainram would »^
have necessarily married his aunt, hb father'^
" sister," but his kinswoman.
If then we take the period of 430 years (-^r
the sojourn in Egypt, we cannot carry ooJ
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CHRONOLOGY
chronology farther back. The periods of gene-
niiioos appear too long, and the theory that
they should be reduced is not sufficiently strong
to warrant our coming to any conclusion.
During the sojourn the ages of Leri, Kohnth,
.ind Amram, 137, 133, 137 (Ex. vi. 16, 18, 20),
Kcm to need reduction ; those of Joseph, and
still more those of Moses and Aaron, appear to be
veil m^eont. This difficulty, which looks like
the effect of a partial redaction, may possibly
apply to the age preceding the sojourn. The
entry into Egypt must for the present be the
litarting-point of Hebrew chronology.
It is necessary here to notice the Egyptian
eridence for the date of the Exodus. Egypto-
logists are now agreed that this event occurred
in the reign of ilerenptah or Menptab, fourth
khig of the Nineteenth Dynasty, and son and
successor of Ramses II. This result has been
reached by the following steps. [EoifPT, p. 886.]
It has been long held that the Exo<lus must
have taken place in the period of the Eighteenth
anJ Kineteenth Dynasties. Attention was
drawn to the later line, and the king just men-
tioned, by an Egyptian tradition reported by
Manetho as such,' by Chaeremon, Lysimachus,
and Diodorus Siculus. Manetho and Ohneremon
call the kin; Amenophis; and Lysimachus,
Bocchoris.'' Manetho makes his son Sethos also
liamesses, and thus identifies him with Mercn-
ptah, as may be seen by comparing the lists of
l>Tiastie3 ; Chaeremon gives the name Messenes,
which may be a corruption of Rameses.
Two circnmstances in the Bible narrative
confirmed this view. The great oppressor is
related to hare built as store-citiea Pithom and
Rameses (Ex. i. 11). The name Ramesea points
to a king of that name who could be no other
than Kamses II. The earlier Ramses I., his
mndfather, had a short and unimportant reign.
Hamses II. was a powerful king and great
Ijoilder, and in the early part of his reign, before
his fifth year, he founded a city called after
himself, Pa-Ramses, " the abode of Ramses," in
eastern Lpwer Egypt, near to if not within the
land of Goshen. The reign of Ramses II.,
nearly 67 years, or 62 after the latest date of
the fonndation of Pa-Ramses and that of his son
—probably 19 or 20, certainly not much less —
correspond, as 86 or 81, well to the period
which the Bible allows from the heat of the
oppression, the time apparently when Rameses
KM boilt, to the Exodus, about 80 years. No
other two reigns make up this sum, and the two
kings as portrayed by Egyptian documents
resemble closely the Pharaoh of the Oppression
and the Pharaoh of the Exodus, showing us in
Ramses II. a stern and merciless oppressor, in
Merenptah his weak shadow, self-important but
irresolute.
A recent discovery completes the evidence.
h the mound now called Tell-el-Maskhdtah,
M. Xarille has discovered the temple and
magazines of the store-city Pithom, with as the
earliest name that of Ramses II., evidently
founder of the town as well as the temple. The
" vwifi Sty 6' o VaanBiiy ovK « riw wop' Alyimrtois
ypnmiintVt oAA' iK avrbf aifioAayifitn', «k nt¥ oScowtfrwf
W*o*oyov|*A«r Wpovrc0«tx^r, K. T. A.
^ Bocchoris may be a corruption of Ba-en-ra, better
reprMcntcd by the Pheron of Herodotus.
CHBONOLOGY
591
identification with the Pithom of Exodus is
rendered complete by the size of the bricks, and
the prodigiously thick wafk of the magazines,
those bricks being of the dimensions used under
Ramses II. [see M. Naville's Memoir on Pithom,
;ird ed. Egypt Exploration Fund. PiTUOM ;
Raahses].
So far we buve a historical synchronism. Is
it also chronological ? It must be admitted that
Egyptian dates before the final establishment of
Psammetlchos I. are increasingly vague as we
ascend. The reign of Shishak, however, must
have begun about the middle of the 10th
century, and there is a general agreement in
placing the accession of Ramses II. about
B.C. 1400. Dr. Brugsch indeed would date it
earlier, but this is because he reckons reigns as
generations, three to a century. If the reign of
Kamses II. began about B.C. 1400, the Rabbinical
date of the Exodus, B.C. 1314, would fall about
the close of the reign of Merenptah.
C. Third Period, from the Exodus to the
Foundation of Solomon's Temple.— In but one
passage do we find the whole length of this
period stated. It is that in which the foundation
of the Temple is dated in the 480th (Heb.)
or 440th (LXX.) year after the Exodus, in
the fourth year of Solomon's reign (1 K. vi. 1).
This period is inconsistent with the genealogies,
which give on an average 410 years. David's
exceptional genealogy, if continuous, would seem
to give about 330 to 350 years at the outside ;
but it is possible that one or more generations
may have been dropped, though this can scarcely
be conjectured of the very consistent Levitical
genealogies. It is true that we have to consider
all genealogies from Jacob's sons to the Exodus
ns defective, but with the conquest of Canaan a
different system may be reasonably conjectured.
The period 480 or 440 seems again inconsistent
with the separate numbers of the Book of Judges,
with which it can nlone be reconciled by making
some judges contemporary or shortening the
times of rest, which in the case of that following
the Moabite servitude is warranted by the LXX.
(40 for 80). Thus the period seems too long for
the genealogies, and probably too short for the
dat« of Judges. There are two detached state-
ments which bear on this difficulty. Jephthah's
message to the Ammonite king reckons 300
years from the time of the conquest of the
Amorites to his own time (Judg. xi. 26), Thb
suits the period inj Kings best, allowing some
latitude in the expression : it cannot be recon-
ciled with the computation from the genealogies
unless we conjecture 300 years to mean in the
third century. St. Paul's 450 years, which is
usually considered to define the period from the
partition of Canaan to Samnel's judgeship,
appanntly inclusive, is ordinarily read as
follows (A. V.) : " And when He had destroyed
seven nations in the land of Chanaan, He divided
their land to them by lot. And after that He
gave nnto them judges about the space of four
hundred and fifty years, until Samuel the
prophet. And afurward they desired a king "
(Acts xiii. 19-21). This is the reading of Cod.
Claromont. ; but the Sinaitic, Alex., Vat., and
Ephr. rescr. read thus (R. V.), " He gave them
their land for an inheritance, for about four
hundred and fifty years ; and after these things
He gave them judges until," &c This reading on
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592
CHEONOLOGY
such high maniucTipt aathority makes the passage
extremely obscure, and gives the period of years
the air of a gloss introduced in the wrong place.
If it is the term of the Judges, it it consistent
with the long reckoning in vogue in the early
centuries of the Christian era, and the remark
of Dr. Llghtfoot on St. Paul's use of the 430
years already cited might apply to it. On the
whole we prefer the reckoning by genealogies as
depending on a general but not complete con-
sensus of evidence of a special kind, less likely
than any other to suffer at the hands of copyists.
It will be seen under the next head that the
probable date of Solomon's accession is a little
after B.a 950, and in the examination of the
Egyptian evidence for the date of the Exodus
it has been shown that this event may probably
be placed somewhat before B.a 1300. This
suggests the idea that the original number in
Kings could have been 380.
U. Fourth Period, from the Foundation of
Solomon's Temple to its destruction. — The
From the Monuments.
Ahab: 854 (battle at Ksrksr)
Jehu : 843 (payment ofTrlbule)
*Asartab (UsiUh): Ul-1*0 (In these years at war
with Tiglath-plleser)
Menabem : 738 (pajrment of tribute)
Pekah : 734 (omquered by Tiglath-plleser)
•?Uosbea: 738 (last year of Tiglath-plleser In which
Bsabea most hare paid bim tribute)
7n((*llof8amarla)
Heseklab: 701 (Sennacherib's expedition)
Manasseh : 681-673 (In this Interval be must have
paid tribute to b^arhaddon)
668 (667 )) (tribute to Assurbanlpal) ; c 647
The Assyrian dates render necessary several
changes in the Hebrew sums, and the correspon- '
deuces of the two lines in Kings no longer agree.
But there are internal dilficulties in these corre-
spondences which may induce reasonable doubt |
whether they are part of the original text, or,
if so, unaltered. These are the three dates of the
accession of Jehoram of Israel (2 K. i. 17, iii. 1,
viii. 16), the date of the accession of Uzziah
in the 27th year of Jeroboam II. (xv. 1), the
date of Hoshea's accession in the 20th year of
Jotham (e. 30) ; whereas according to both '
Kings (v. 30) and 2 Cbron. (xxvii. 1) Jotham's
whole reign is stated to have been 16 years.
Dr. Adolf Kamphausen (Die Chronologie dtr
AebrSaolien Kdnige, Bonn, 1883) has endeavoured ,
to construct a chronology of this period on the
comparison of the lengths of reigns with
the Assyrian data. He makes six changes in
the Hebrew reigns (two Israelite, — Henahem,
Pekah ; and four of Judah, — Amaziah, Azariah.
Ahaz, Manasseh), in three of which instances 10
years, all in Judah (Amaziah, Azariah, Manas-
seh), are struck out. Further he counts 15 of
Jotham's 16 years to him as regent. Lastly he
puts the battle of Karkar (d.c. 854) in the reign
of Jehoram (ac. 854-843), although Ahab is
mentioned io the Assyrian documents (cp. pp. 32,
43, note 13). It is quite evident, notwithstand-
ing the very able character of the essay, that
the results cannot be fully accepted.* Though
CHEONOLOGY
chronology of this period was, until lately, iwlit
to be very nearly tixed, but the discovery M' tlw
Assyrian Eponymous Canon has led to s gntnl
opinion that it needs large correctioa. Nurly
all scholars hold this Canon to be coatiicaai,
Dr. Oppert among Assyriologists standing slone
in the contrary view.
Formerly, although the data of the Boob of
Kings were accepted, the dUficnlty of oastnct-
ing a system from the coincident yean of tlie
kings of Israel and Judah was met by conjeo
tures of an arbitrary kind. The usual upediait
was the insertion of two interregna, the first of
eleven years after Jeroboam U., the lecnol of
nine years afler Pekah. Another ezpediat «as
to add ten years to the reign of Jeroboam IL
Dr. Scbrader in his Die ICeHiiucSriften mi iat
altt Tettament (Eng. trans, by Profiessor Wkiu-
honse) compares the Hebrew data with tkoteol'
the Canon in the following table, to whidi >
column is here added, giving the Hebrew ditti
' as modiried by the omission of the intertegu.
In the Kble.
[«ith Interregna]
... 918-897 (time of reign)
... 884-846
[wttboct]
... t««-Kn
'ar
... 809-758
... 771-761
... 7S1-753
... 758-738 (.>)
... t4»-7»
739-723
733 (faU of Samaria).
714 (Sennacherib's expedition).
696-643 (time of lelgn).
(See KAT.' pp. 465-6).
the chronological difficulties are as yet inwIiUt,
the historical synchronisms are in no nr
affected. If the reckoning be modified, tor
story of the relations of Israel, Judah, Syris, uJ
Assyria, would remain practically untootliK-
In one instance the narrative seems to nit tx
change suggested in Dr. Kamphansen's ttd'*-
ing. The story of the capture of Samaria ud e''
the captivity of Israel is given before the rap <■'
Hezekiah is spoken of, and during the Dimtiir
of that reign the capture of Samaria is rtpeswJ
in brief (cp. 1 K. xviii. 9-1-2 with ivil >'
sq.). Again, the history of Hezekiah's mp
in 2 Ch. implies that on his accession hnt\
was without a king (xxx. 1, 5, 6, 10, 11: "n-
1), aud that they were but a remnant (lu. i)-
Again the length of Isaiah's prophetic carter.
from Uzziah to at least the 14tk rttr of
Hezekiah, would according to the old rtctaeif
be at the shortest 46 years, and that of Boas
from Jeroboam II. to Hezekiah at least H-
These minimum lengths would be rednced t»
about 39 and 25 yean.
It is thus obvious that, if we accept tk
Assyrian Canon as continuous, we most s^m
that the sums of some reigns must be cksi$e^
and that the correspondences of the two lines o>
Israel and Judah in many cases cannot be eoiie"
in their present form. Farther the chroislop
presents internal difficulties which caniot I'
explained without arbitrary hypotheses. ^"^
• The truialator of Dr. Schrsder's Cuosi/oriH Intcrip- ! nsehil note with Dr. Ksmidiansen's table, ui "*
ti'oiu and fkt Old Ttttement (Prof. Wbltetaouse) gives a ' slight modlflcattons sngsested (a. 3M *q.>
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CHBY80UTE
the cormpondence* added to barmonue two
independent books ? The Chronicles present but
one statement of correspondence in years:
Abijah 1 = Jeroboam I. 18 (2 Ch. xiii. 1).
in other cases the beginning of the history of
a reign in Chronicles reads like a shorter form
of that in Kings. The difference is the ab-
sence of the clause of correspondence and a
slight Tariety in the form of the rest of the
statement.
In attempting to measure the length of the
iaterral from the foundation of Solomon's Temple
to its destruction, the earliest fixed date which
can be synchronised with a regnal year is that
01° the tin of Samaria, B.C. 722-721, in the 9th
rear counted from Hoshea's accession. The
earliest fixed date is that of the battle of
Karkar, B.C. 854, late in Ahab's reign, the year
not being known. The reigns of the kings of
Israel to Ahab inclusive are apparently 78 years ;
these of the kings of Judah to 8 yenrs after
that date, 86, the synchronism of Ahab's death
with Jeboshaphat's 17th year suiting the
history. The Israelite sum is 84 years, but
the correspondences reduce it to 78, which with
seven Israelite reigns reckoned as of complete
years could easily be. The sum of 86 years for
four reigns iu Jadah is near the usual average
and that afforded by the whole series. Taking
the date B.a c. 850 for Ahab's death, and adding
78 years, we obtain B.C. c. 928 for the separation
of the two kingdoms, and for Solomon's accession
aa c. 968.
The date of the building of Solomon's Temple
would thus be B.C. c. 965 ; that of its
destruction is B.a 586, making the interval
about 382 yean. This period corresponds to 18
generations, giving an average of 23 years, and
to 19 reigna, if we omit Athaliah, Jehoahaz, and
Jehoiacbin, or an average of 22 yean. It seems
obvions that this reckoning cannot be reduced,
and the Assyrian Canon does not admit of its
being extended, unless in the period before
Ahab's death, and then but little extension is
likely. It is to be hoped that the discovery of
the exact date of Shishak's reign may aid in
determining this question. [See Israel, King.
Doa or ; and Jcdah, Kinodox of.]
E. Fifth Period, from the Destruction of
Solomon's Temple to the return from Babylon.
— The determination of the length of this period
depends on the date of the return. The decree
of Cyrus was promulgated in the 1st year of
his reign at Babylon, B.a 538: the return, a
matter needing much time, may well have
occupied one or two years. With it closed the
70 years' Captivity, which is reckoned from
the 1st year of Nebuchadnezzar and the 4th of
Jehoiakim. Ptolemy's Canon allows 66 years
for this interval, which is near enough to a round
period of 70 years. [R. S. P.]
CHBY80LITE (xpvlr^^<9os ; chrysoHthtu),
one of the precious stones in the foundation of
the heavenly Jerusalem (Rer. xxi. 20). It has
been already stated [Beryl] that the chrysolite
of the ancients is identical with the modem
Oriental topaz, the tarshith of the Hebrew
Bible* ; and there is mnch reason for believing that
' Eptphanina, In his Tmdvt SUma of (Ac Ralionalt,
has got " Chrysolite, by some called chrysopbyllus, of a
BIBLE Dior. — VOL. I.
CHURCH
592
the topaz is the stone indicated by the xpuWXiSos
of St. John's vision. [See Bebyl.] [W. H.]
CHRYSOPBASUS (A. V.), -SE (R. V.)
(xpoaivfoaos ; chryaoprase) occurs only in Rev.
xxi. 20 as one of the precious stones mentioned
in St. John's vision. In Ezek. xxvii. 16, the
A. V. " agate " is rendered in the marg. chryao-
prase, and by R. V. " rubies " ; in Ezek. xxviii.
13 the A. V. and R. V. (text) "emerald" is
marginally rendered by the former chrysoprase,
and by the latter carlmncle. The chrysoprase
of the ancients * is by some supposed to be
identical with the stone now so called, viz.
the apple or leek-green variety of agate, which
owes its colour to oxide of nickel. This stone
at present is found only in Silesia; but Mr. King
(Antique Oems, p. 59, note) says that the true
chrysoprase is sometimes found in antique
Egyptian jewellery set alternately with bits of
lapis-lazttli ; it is not improbable, therefore, that
this is the stone which was the tenth in the walls
of the heavenly Jerusalem. [W. H.] [H. B. T,]
CHUB (3W, Chub, Ezek. xxx. 5) is mentioned
only once in Scripture in a passage referring to
Egypt, where the translations differ considerably.
The name does not occur in the LXX. ; and it is
doubtful whether the Greek . A(/3v<s, Libyans,
indicating 34/, known only by the plural D*347<
must be taken as iu equivalent. Some
manuscripts have the variant 3U3, Chenub,
which might be compared to the Egyptian
keneb or ghenA i.^^^> which in the
statistical tablet of Thothmes III. is the collec-
tive name for the nations of the South, the
Ethiopians and the Negroes (Brugsch, Die
aegyptitche Vilkertafel, p. 45). [E. N.]
CHUN (;43; A. ix rSy iK\tKTar riXftty
[roMfuiy, B.]; Joseph. Melxuci ; CAtm), a city
of Hadadezer, king of Zobah, which David
spoiled (1 Ch. xviii. 8), called Berothah in the
parallel passage (2 Sam. viii. 8). [Be;bothah.]
CHURCH (iKK\ri<ria).—I. The derivation
of the word Church is uncertain. It is found
in the Teutonic and Slavonian languages (Anglo-
Saxon, Circ, Circe, Cyric, Ci/ricea ; i^nglish,
Church; Scottish, Kirk; German, Kvrche;
Swedish, Kyrka; Danish, Kyrke; Icelandic,
Kyrkia; Dutch, Karke; Swiss, Kirche; Frisian,
Tiierk; Bohemian, Cyrkew; Polish, Cerkieic;
Russian, Zerkow), and answers to the deriva-
tives of iKKKi)aia, which are found naturally
in the Romance languages (French, Eglise;
Italian, Chietaf old Vaudois, Gleim; Spanish,
Iglesid), and by foreign importation elsewhere
(Gothic, Aik-klesjd ; Hungarian, Eyyhaz ; Gaelic,
Eaglais; Welsh, Eglwys; Cornish, EgUa). The
word " church " is generally said to be .derived
from the Greek xvpioic^r (Walafrid Strabo, De
RMma Kcdematt. c. 7 ; Suicer, >. t. KVfuucir ; Glos-
sarium, s. v. " Dominicnm " ; Casaubon, Exerdt,
golden colour, and found close to the walls of Babylon."
Plfny makes several varieties of this name ; his first la
doubtless the Oriental topai.— C. W. Kiko.
• That of Sollnns (Iv.) exactly agrees with our Indian
chrysolite : " Chrysoprasos quoque ex anro et porrtceo
mlstam Incem trahentes aeqne beryllomm generi adju-
ilicavenmt."
2Q
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594
CHURCH
Saron. xiii. § xTJii. ; Hooker, Ecd. Pol. v. ch. xiii.
1 ; Pearson, On the Creed, Art. ix. ; Beveridge, On
the Thirty-NiM Articles, Art. lix. ; Wordsworth,
TheophUxa Anqlicanua, c 1; Gieseler, JEcclet.
History, c. 1 ; trench. Study of Worda, p. 75) ;
but the derivation ha^ been too hastily assumed.
The arguments in its favour are the fuUowiug :
(1) a similarity of sound ; (2) the statement of
Walafrid Strabo; (3) the fact that the word
tmptoKhy was undoubtedly used by Greek eccle-
siastics in the sense of "a church," as proved
by a reference to the Canons of the Council of
Ancyra (Can. xiv.), of Neocaesarea (Can. v., xiii.),
of Laodicea (Can. xxviii.), and of the Council
in Trnllo (Can. Ixxiv.), to Maximin's Edict (in
Euseb. Hist, Eccl. ix. 10), to Eusebius' Oration in
praise of Constantine (c. xviii.), to the Apostoli-
cal Constitutions (ii. 59), to Cyril of Jerusalem
{Catech. xriii.), and to a similar use of " Domini-
cum " by Cyprian, Jerome, Ruffinus, &c. (i)
The possibility of its having pfussed as a theo-
logical term from the Greek into the Teutonic
and Slavonian languages. (5) The analogous
meaning and derivation of the Ethiopic word
for Church, which signifies "the house of
Christ." On the other band, it requires little
acquaintance with philology to know that (1)
similarity of sound proves nothing, and is
capable of raising only the barest presumption.
(2) A mediaeval writer's gness at an etymology
is probably founded wholly on similarity of
Botind, and is as worthless as the derivations
with which St. Augustine's works are disfigured
fMoroni derives Chiesa from mfuutir in his
Vizbrnario Storico ecctesiastico, because there is
some likeness of sound in the two words, though
Chiesa is evidently only a modification of the
word ecdesia, and has nothing to do etymologi-
cally with Kvpuucir ; and Walafrid Strabo derives
the words voter, mutter, from the Greek through
the Latin, herr from A«ros, moner and monath
from fi'lim}, in the same breath as kirche from
KvpuiK6ii). (3) Although Kvpuutbv is found,
signifying '* a church," it is no more the common
term used by Greeks, than " Dominicum " is
the common term used by Latins. It is there-
fore very unlikely that it should have been
adopted by the Greek missionaries and teachers,
and adopted by them so decidedly as to be thrust
into a foreign language. (4) Nor is there any
probable way pointed out by which the im-
portation was effected. Walafrid Strabo indeed
(loc. cit.) attributes it, not obscurely, so far as
the Teutonic tongues are concerned, to (Jlfilas ;
and following him. Trench says (toe. cit.):
"These Ooths, the first converted to the
Christian faith, the first therefore that had a
Christian vocabulary, lent the word in their
turn to -the other German tribes, among othen
to our Anglo-Saxon forefathers." Had it been
so introduced, Ullilas' "peaceful and populous
colony of shepherds and herdsmen on the
pastures below Mount Haemus " (Milman, i. 272)
could never have affected the language of the
whole Teutonic race in all its dialects. Rut as a
matter of fact we find that the word employed
by Ulfilas in his version of the Scriptures is not
any derivative of Kupiwtiv ; but, as we should
have expected, aiiklenjS (Rom. xvi. 23; 1 Cor.
xvi. 19 et passim). This theory therefore falls
to the ground, and with it any attempt at
showing the way in which the word passed
CHUBCH
across into the Teutonic languages. So iprail
hypothesis has been brouglit t'orwani tu scuiiiit
for its admission into the Slavonic tonrnts, and r.
is enough to say that, unless we have endeia to
the contrary, we are justified in assumin; that tk
Greek missionaries in the 9th centurr did mt
adopt a tei-m in their intercourse with stninjns
which they hardly, if at all, used hi ordinin
conversation amongst themselves. (5) Fnrtkr,
there is no reason why the word shosid ban
passed into these two languages rather thai into
Latin. The Roman Church was in its origiii i
Greek community, and it introduced the Gmk
word for Church into the Latin tongue; bst this
word was not cyriacum, it was eccletia; ani
the same lofiaence would no doubt have isltt-
duoed the same word into the sottltii
languages, had it introduced any word st iH
(6) Finally, it is hard to find examples of a Gmi
word being adopted into the Teutonic disleeb,
except through the medium of Latin. Os ti<
whole, this etymology must be abandomd. h
is stranj;e that Strabo should have inipae«dit«
the world so long. It is difficult to tay vbit
is to be substituted. There was probably laa
word which, in the language from wbidi ttx
Teutonic and Slavonic are descended, dedgndfi
the old heathen place* of religions asseab>:
and this word, having taken difierent fi>ra> t
different dialects, was adopted by the CSimtis:
missionaries. It was probably connected viti
the Latin circus, circulus, and with the Cmt
KixXot, possibly also with the Welsh cjW. <>
cylchte, or caer. Lipsioa, who was ths lint '
reject the received tradition, was probably nrfi".
in his saggestion that the word arose 6<D tk
circular form of the ancient temples. "Crei"
et a circo Kirck nostrum esse, quia Tcum
templa instar Circi rotunda " (fpM. ti Btij',
Cent. iii. Ep. 44).
n. The word iKK\riala is no doubt daini
from ixKoKtir, and in accordance with K>
derivation it originally meant an aiKm^T
called out by the magistrate, or by legitiiM''
authority. This is the ordinary classial sfi»>
of the word. But it throws no ligkt «i ''
nature of the institution so desigssted c
the N. T. For to the writers of the S. T. tlv
word had lost its primary signi6csti«ii, »i
was either used generally for any mtetisf
(Acts lix. 32), or, more particularly, it deaoaJ
(1) the religions assemblies of the Jews (D?«'-
iv. 10, xviii. 16, ap. LXX.); (2) tke *t«
assembly or congregation of the IsraeJti"
people (Acts vii. 38; Heb. ii. 12; Pj.iiii--
Dent. xxxi. 30, ap. LXX.). It was in this U-
sense, in which it answered to W^. '^'
that the word was adopted and apphed br tM
writers of the N. T. to the Christian <wp*-
gation. The word JctcAqrlo, therefcw. *»
not carry us back further than tie J^'i*^
Church. It implies a resemblance and f""
spondence between the old Jewish Chnnb *
the recently established Christian Clnrch, b-.t
nothing more. Its etymological una '•''■?'
been already lost when adopted by »sJ ]•'
Christians, is only misleading if pressed •« *;
The chief difference between the words * eccfea»
and " church " would probably consist i» "^
that " eeclesU " primarily sigmfisd tiedwl*
body, and secondarily the place of awab'T-
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CHUBCH
while the firat aigoification of " church " wis
the place of assembly, which imparted it* name
to the body of worshippen.
UI. TKe Church at described in the Gospels. —
The word occurs only twice. Each time in St.
Matthew's Gospel (Matt. xvi. 18, "On this
rock will I build My Church;" xviii. 17, "Tell
it onto the Church "). In every other case it
is ipokeo of as " the kingdom of hearen " by
St. Matthew, and as "the kingdom of God"
by St. Mark and St. Luke. St. Mark, St. Luke,
and St. John never use the expression " king-
dom of heaven." St, John once uses the
phrase " kingdom of God " (iii. 3). St. Matthew
occasionally speaks of " the kingdom of God "
(ti. 33, iii. 31, 43), and sometime! simply of
" the kingdom " (iv. 23, xiii. 19, xxiv. 14).
In ziiu 41 and ivi. 28, it is " the Son of
Man's kingdom." In xx. 21, "Thy kingdom,"
i°.«. Christ's, In the one Gospel of St. Matthew
the Church is spoken of no less than thirty-six
times as " the kingdom." Other descriptions or
titles are hardly found in the Evangelists. It
i* Christ's household (Matt. x. 25), the salt and
light of the world (v. 13, 15), Christ's flock
(Matt. xxri. 31 ; Jolm x. 1) ; its members are
the branches growing on Christ the Vine
(John XV.): but the general description of it,
not metaphorically but directly, is, that it is a
king(|om. In Matt. xvi. 19, " the kingdom of
heaven" is formally, as elsewhere virtually,
identified with imtkriaia. From the Gospels,
thai, we learn that Christ was about to
establish His heavenly kingdom on earth, which
was t« be the substitute for the Jewish Church
and kingdom, now doomed to destruction (Matt.
ixi. 43). Some of the qualities of this king-
dom are illustrated by the parables of the tares,
the mustard seed, the leaven, the hid treasure,
the pearl, the draw-net : the spiritual laws and
principles by which it is to be governed, by the
parables of the talents, the husbandnien, the
wedding feast, and the ten virgins. It is not
of this world, though in it (John xviii. 36), It
is to embrace all the nations of the earth
CMott. xxviii. 19). The means of entrance into
it is Baptism (Matt, xxviii. 19). The conditions
of belonging to it are faith (Mark xvi, 16) and
obedience (Matt, xxviii. 20). Participation in
tb« Holy Supper is its perpetual token of
membership, and the means of supporting the
life of its members (Matt. xxri. 26 ; John vi. 51 ;
1 Cor. xL 26). Its members are given to Christ
by the Father out of the world, and sent by
CSirist into the world; they are sanctified by
the truth (John xvii. 19); and they are to live
in love and unity, cognizable by the external
world (John xiii. 34, xvii. 23). It is to be
established on the Bock of Christ's Divinity, as
confessed by Peter, the representative (for the
moment) of the Apostle* (Matt. xvi. 18). It is
to have authority in spiritual cases (Matt,
xviii. 17). It is never to be deprived of Christ's
JPresenne and protection (xxviii. 20X and never
to be overthrown by the power of hell
(iriU. 19).
rV. The Church as detcrAed m the Acta and in
tXe EpisUcs; its Origin, Ifaiure, Constitution,
Doctrines, and Qrovth. — From the Gospels we
le»m little in the way of detail as to the king-
dom which was to be established. It was in the
great forty days which intervened between the
CHURCH
595
Resurrection and the Ascension that our Lord
explained specifically to His Apostles " the things
pertaining to the kingdom of God " (Acts i. 3) j
that is. His future Church.
Its Origin. — The removal of Christ from th»
earth had left His followers a shattered company,
with no bond of external or internal cohesion
except the memory of the Master Whom they
h.-td lost, and the recollection of His injunctions
to unity and love, togetlier with the occasional
glimpses of His Presence which were vouchsafed
them. They continued together, meeting for
prayer and supplication, and waiting for Christ's
promise of the gift of the Holy Ghost. They
numbered in all some 140 persons ; namely, the
eleven, the faithful women, the Lord's mother.
His brethren, and 120 disciples. They had faith
to believe that there was a work before then)
which they were about to be called to perform;
and that they might be ready to do it, they
filled up the number of the Twelve by the ap-
pointment of Matthias " to be a true witness "
with the eleven "of the Resurrection." The
Day of Pentecost is the birthday of the Christian
Church. The Spirit, Who was then sent by the
Son from the Father, and rested on each of the
disciples, combined them once more into a whole
.—combined them as they never had before been
combined, by an internal and spiritual bond of
cohesion. Before they had been individual fol-
lowers of Jesns ; now they became Hi* mystical
body, animated by His Spirit. The nucleus was.
formed. Agglomeration and development would
do the rest.
Its Sature. — St, Luke explain* its nature by
describing in narrative form the characteristics
of the society farmed by the union of the original
140 disciples with the 3,000 souls who were
converted on the Day of Peutecost. " Then they
that gladly received his word were baptized . . .
and they continued stedfastly in the Apostles'
teaching and fellowship, in the breaking of bread
and the prayei-s " (Acts ii. 41, R. V.). Here we
have indirectly exhibited the essential conditions
of Church Communion. They are (1) Baptism,
Baptism implying on the part of the recipient
repentance and faith ; (2) Apostolic Doctrine ;
(3) Fellowship with the Apostles ; (4) the Lord's
Supper ; (5) Public Worship. Every requisite
for church-membership is here enumerated not
only for the apostolic days, but for future ages.
The conditions are exclusive a* well as inclusive,
negative as well as positive. St. Luke's defini-
tion of the Church, then, would be the congrega-
tion of the baptized, in which the faith of the
Apostles is maintained, communion with the
Apostles is preserved, the Sacraments are duly
administered, and public worship is kept up.
The earliest definition (virtually) given of the
Church is likewise the best. To this body St.
Luke applies the name of " The Church " (the
first time that the word is used as denoting an
existing thing) ; and to it, constituted as it was,
he states that there were daily added ol ni(6-
fttyot (ii. 47). By this expression he probably
means those who "saved themselves from their
untoward generation" (ii. 40), "added," how-
ever, " to the Church " not by their own mere-
volition, but " by the Lord," and so placed in &
state of present salvation, become the elect
people of God, sanctified by His Spirit, " delivered
from the power of darkness and translated into
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the kingdom of His dear Son" (Col. i. 13). St.
Luke's treatise l>eing historical, not dogmatical,
he <loes not directly enter further into the essen-
tial nature of the Church. The community of
goods, which he describes as being universal
amongst the members of the infant society (ii.
44, iv. 32), is specially declared to be a voluntary
practice (r. 4), not a necessary duty o£ Christians
as such (cp. Acts ix. 36, 39 ; xi. 29).
From tiie illustrations adopted by St. Paul in
his Epistles, we have additional light thrown
upon the nature of the Church. Thus (Rom. xi.
17) the Christian Church is described as being
n branch grafted on the already existing olive-
tree, showing that it was no new creation, but a
development of the institution which had flou-
rished in the Patriarchal and in the Jewish
Church. It is described (Kom. xii. 4 ; 1 Cor.
xii. 12) as one body made up of many members
with different offices, to exhibit the close cohe-
sion which ought to exist between Christian and
Christian ; still more, it is described as the body
of which Christ is the Head (Eph. i. 22), so that
members of His Church are members of Christ's
Body, of His Flesh, of His Bones (Eph. v. 23,
30 ; Col. i. IB, ii. 19), to show the close union
between Christ and His people. Again, it is
described as the Temple of God built upon the
foundation-stone of Jesus Christ (1 Cor. iii. 11);
and, by a slight change of metaphor, as the
Temple in which God dwells by His Spirit,
the .\postlcs and Prophets forming the founda-
tion, and Jesus Christ the chief corner-stone,
i.e. probably the foundation corner-stone (Eph.
ii. 22). It is also the city of the saints and
the household of God (Eph. ii. 19). The
passage which is most illustrative of our
subject in the Epistles is Eph. iv. 3-12 :
" Endeavouring to keep the unity of the
Spirit in the bond of peace. There is one
body and one Spirit, even as ye are called
in one hope of your calling ; one Lord, one faith,
one Baptism, one God, and Father of all. Who is
above all, and through all, and in you all." Here
we see what it is that constitutes the unity of
the Church in the mind of the Apostle: (1)
unity of Headship, " one Lord ; " (2) unity of
belief, " one faith ; " (3) unity of Sacraments,
" one Baptism ; " (4) unity of hope of eternal
life, "one hope of your calling" (cp. Tit. i.
2) ; (5) unity of love, " unity of the Spirit in
the bond of peace ; " (6) unity of organisation,
« one body ; (7) unity of ministry, " for the
perfecting of the sainU, for the work of the
ministry, for the edification of the Body of
Christ." The Church, then, at this period was
a body of baptized men and women who believed
in Jesus as the Christ and in the revelation
made by Him ; who were united by having the
same faith, hope, and animating Spirit of love,
the same Sacraments, the s:ime spiritual invisi-
ble Head, and the same discipline.
What was the ComtiVttion of this bod'i ? — On
the evening of the Day of Pentecost, the 3140
members of which it consisted were (1) Apostles,
(2) previous disciples, (3) converts. We never
afterwards find any distinction drawn between
the previous disciples and the later converts ;
but the Apostles throughout stand apart. Here,
then, we find two classes. Apostles and converts
— Teachers and taught. At this time the Church
was not only morally but actually one congrega-
CHUBCH
tion. Soon, however, its numbers grtw m cot-
siderably that it was a physical impostiUbii
that all its members should come togetlut ii
one spot. It became, therefore, an aggregate o:
congregations. But its essential unity iras ix
affected by the accidental necessity of meetii;
in separate rooms for public worship ; tlie boil
of cohesion was still the same. Tiie Ap<«tl«i,
who had beea closast to the Lord Jesu ia Hu
life on earth, wonld doubtless hare formed tbt
centres of the several congregations of listemn;
believers ; and besides attending at th« Temi'l*
for the national Jewish prayer (.<ct« iiL 1), Jii
for the purpose of preaching Christ (ii.42Xll)»5
would have gone round to " every hoose " whtrt
their converts assembled " teaching and pR«>
ing," and " breaking bread," and " distributist"
the common goods "as each had need"(ii. 4<i;
iv. 35 ; V. 42). Thus the Church coatiated 5»
apparently some seven years, but at the end f-
that time " the number of disciples tras ' »
greatly "multiplied" (Acts vi. 1) tkst tie
Twelve Apostles found themselves to be tw f»
to carry out these works unaided. They tl!r^
upon for the first time exercised the poven *
mission entrusted to them (John xi. i\\ rX
by laying their hands on the Seven irho »e»
recommended to them by the general bodj i
Christians, they appointed them to Wfil t!»
secular task of distributing the commoi^'.":!.
which they had themselves hitherto perfomr*
retaining in their own hands the fuctioiu J
praying, and preaching, and administeriaj t^
Sacraments. It is a question which eaiu! ^
certainly answered, whether the office of lk«
Seven is to be identified with that of the it^cm
elsewhere found. They are not called "deatcas"
in Scripture, and it has been snppcsei ^f
some that they were extraordinary o&c
appointed for the occasion to see thst tlr
Hellenistic widows had their fair share <^ t:.
goods distributed amongst the poor belie w<:
and that they had no snccessois in their acs
If this be so, we have no account pno d
of the institution of the Diaconate : the Dn-
cons, like the Presbyters, are found eiisli^
but the circumstances under which tkej*»
brought into existence are not related. We '*■
cline, however, to the other hypothesis <ki
makes the Seven the originals of the Dw*-
Being found apt to teach, they were !ike»a
invested, almost immediately after their ij^i*
ment, with the power of preaching to ti« Ei-
converted (vi. 10) and of baptixiDg (riii. SJ*
From this time, therefore, or from abort tk»
time, there existed in the Church— (1) t*"
Apostles ; (2) the Deacons and £vanjtelBi>: (^1
the multitude of the faithful. Webesr of »
other Church-officer till the year 44, seven t»."i
after the appointment of the deacons. We ci
that there were then in the Chnrch «f Ji^
salem officers named Presbyters (xi. 30) •''
were the assistants of Junes, the chief s^*
istrator of that Church (xii. 17> The drtt3-
stances of their first appointment are n<< !»-
counted. No doubt they were simiLir tc t**^
under which the Deacons were appointed, i'j
in the year 37 the Apostles found that the »W '
work of the ministry was too great for tbic,
and they therefore placed a portion (rf it, "-
distributing alms to the brethren and prefl''^
Christ to the heathen, on the deacons, so « fr»
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vein later they would hare found that what
thry still retained was jret growing too burden-
some, and consequently they devolved another
{Mrtion of their ministerial authority on another
order of men. The name of Presbyter or Elder
implies that the men selected were of mature
age. We gather incidentally that they were
ordained by apostolic or other authority (xir. 23,
Tit. i. by. We find them associated with the
Apostles as distinguished from the main body of
the Church (Acts xv. 2, 4), and again as stand-
ing between the Apostles and the brethren
(ir. 23). Their ofiice was to minister the grace
if spiritual edification (see Ephes. iv. 11 in the
Speaker's Commentary'), by pasturing or feeding
the Church of God (Acts xx. 28), by teaching
(I Tim. iii. 1, 2, v. 17; Tit. i. 9) and super-
rising the flocks over which the Holy Ghost had
made them overseers or Bishops (Acts xi. 28 ;
Pliil. i. 1), and by praying with and for the
members of their congregations (Jas. t. 14).
Thos the Apostles would seem to have invested
these Presbyters with the powers which they
themselves exercised, excepting in respect to
ibose functions which they discharged in rela-
tion to the general regimen of the whole Church
u distinct from the several congregations which
formed the whole body. These functions, by
which tliey ministered the grace of government,
they still reserved to themselves. By the year
■H, therefore, there were in the Church of Jeru-
salem — (1) the Apostles holding the govern-
ment of the whole body in their own hands ; (2)
Presbyters invested by the Apostles with autho-
rity for feeding and teaching men in each con-
gregation ; (3) Deacons or Evangelists similarly
invested with the lesser power of preaching and
i-f baptizing unbelievers, and of distributing the
common goods among the brethren. The same
order was established in the Gentile Churches
I'onoded by St. Tsui, the only difference being
that those who were called Presbyters in Jeru-
salem bore indifferently the name of Bishops
(Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 1, 2; Tit. i. 7) or of
Presbyters (1 Tim. v. 17 ; Tit. i. 5) elsewhere.
It was in the Church of Jerusalem that an-
other order of the ministry found its exemplar.
The Apostles, we find, remained in Jerusalem
(Acta viii. 1) or in the neighbourhood (viii. 14)
till the persecution of Herod Agrippa in the
year 44. The death of James the son of Zebedee,
and the imprisonment and flight of Peter, were
the signal for the dispersion of the Apostles.
OoK remained behind — James the brother of the
I.ord, whom we identify with the Apostle, James
the son of Alphaeua [Jakes]. He had not the
same cause of dread as the rest. His Judaical
asceticism and general character would have
made him an object of popularity with his
countrymen, and even with the pharisaical
Herod. He remained unmolested, and from this
time he is the acknowledged head of the Church
of Jerusalem. A consideration of Acts xii. 17,
XV. 13, 19; Gal. ii. 2, 9, 12; Acts xxi. 18, will
remove all doobt on this head. Indeed, four
rears before Herod's persecution he had stood, it
would seem, on a level with Peter (Gal. 1. 18,
19; Acts ix. 27), and it has been thought that
he received special instructions for the functions
which he had to fulfil from the Lord Himself
(1 Cor. IV. 7 ; Acts I. 3). Whatever his pre-
enunence was, he appears to have borne no
CHUECH
597
special title indicating it. The example of the
Mother Church of Jerusalem was again followed
by the Pauline Churches. Timothy and Titus
had probably no distinctive title, but it is im-
possible to read the Kpistles addressed to them
without seeing that they had an authority-
superior to that of the ordinary Bishops or
Priests with regard to whose conduct and ordi-
nation St. Paul gives them instruction (1 Tim.
iii., V. 17, 19; Tit. i. 5). Thus, then, we see
that where the Apostles were themselves able to
superintend the Churches which they had founded,
the Church-officers consisted of — (1) Apostles ;
(2) Bishops or Priests ; (3) Deacons and Evan-
gelists. When the Apostles were unable to give
personal superintendence, they delegated that
power which they had in common to one of
themselves, as in Jerusalem, or to one in whom
they had confidence, as at Ephesus and in Crete.
As the Apostles died off, these apostolic dele-
gates necessarily multiplied. By the end of the
1st century, when St. John was the only Apostle
that now survived, they would have been esta-
blished in every countr}', as Crete, and in every
large town where there were several Bishops or
Priests, such as the seven towns of Asia men-
tioned in the Book of Revelation. These super-
intendents appear to be addressed by St. John
under the name of Angels (Rev. i.-iii.). With
St. John's death the apostolic College was ex-
tinguished, and the apostolic delegates or Angels
were left to fill their places in the government
of the Church, not with the full power of the
Apostles, but with authority which, though un-
restricted in its own nature, was in practice
exercised by each individual only within a limited
district. In the next century we find that these
officers bore the name of Bishops, while those
who in the lat century were called indifferently
Presbyters or Bishops had now only the title of
Presbyters. We conclude, therefore, that the
title Bishop was gradually dropped by the second
order of the ministry, and applied specifically
to those who represented what James, Timothy,
and Titus had been in the apostolic age. Theo-
doret says expressly, " The same persons were
uncif^ntly called promiscuously both Bishops and
Presbyters, whilst those who are now called
Bishops were called Apostles ; but shortly nfter,
the name of Apostle was appropriated to such as
were Apostles indeed, and then the name Bishop
was given to those before called Apostles " (Com,
in 1 Tim. iii. 1). There were therefore always
three orders of the ministry in the Christian
Church, but the name or title Bishop, which
was in later times appropriated to the first
order, was originally applied to the second order
in common with that of Presbyter.
There are other names found in the Acts and
in the Epistles which the light thrown back-
ward by early ecclesiastical history shows us to
hare been the titles of those who exercised
functions which were not destined to continue in
the Church, but only belonging to it while it
was being brought into being by help of miracu-
lous agency. Such are prophets (Acts liii. 1 ;
Rom. xii. 6 ; 1 Cor. xii. 28; Eph. iv. 11), whoso
function was to proclaim and expound the Chris-
tian revelation, and to interpret God's will,
especially as veiled in the Old Testament ; and
teachers (Acts xiii. 1 ; Rom. xii. 7), whose special
work was to instruct those already admitted
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CHUBCH
into the fold, as contrasted with the Erangelists,
nrho had primarily to instruct the heathen.
Prophecy is one of the extraordinary xop^"!""'^
which were vouchsafed, and it is to be classed
with the gifts of healing, of speaking with
tongues, of interpretntion of tongues, and dis-
cernment of spirits, the last of which was a
power of distinguishing between the reul and
supposed possessors of spiritual gifts (1 Cor. xii.).
Teaching (xiipitr/ia SiS<urKaA(a>, Rom. xii. 6 ;
1 Cor. xii. 28) is one of the ordinari/ gifts, and
is to be classed with the word of wisdom and
the word of knowledge (1 Cor. xii. 8), perhaps
with " faith " (ib. 9), with the gift of govern-
ment (xifio/ta KU$t/nrliffftn, ib. 28), and with
the gift of ministration (xipur/ia Sicucoyias or
ioTtX^iliftis, Kom. xii. 6 ; 1 Cor. xii. 28). These
Xapiv/uera, whether extraordinary or ordinary,
were "divided to every man as the Spirit
willed," according to the individual character
of each, and not ofGcially. Those to whom the
gifts of prophecy and teaching were vouclisafed
were doubtless selected for the office of Presby-
ter ; * those who had the gift of ministration, for
the office of Deacon ; those who had the gift of
government, for the office of delegates and suc-
cessors of the Apostles. In the Apostles them-
selves they all alike resided.
Its Doctrines. — ^These were found in the
teaching of the Apostles, whether oral or written,
and in the traditions and records of the teach-
'ing of the Master. But whereas some of the
evangelic and apostolic statements were of less
importance for the salvation of mankind than
others (although all were equally true), the
fundamental or necessary truths of Christianity
were put together in the form of a Creed, in
which every penon to be admitted into the
Church was bound to declare his belief by him-
«lf or by his representatives, before he was
permitted to be baptized. This formula was
the Baptismal Creed, which contained the essen-
tial doctrines of the Church in short compass,
as the Holy Scriptures contained them difiu-
sively. Of this Creed we have to this day a
hardly changed form in what is commonly
called the Apostles' Creed. The doctrines con-
tained in it were as follows: — 1. The doctrine
of the existence of an Almighty God, Who created
the heaven and the earth. 2. The doctrine of
the Holy Trinity, involving the Fatherhood of
Ood, the Sonship of Christ, and the Procession
of the Holy Ghost. 3. The Incarnation of
Christ, including His Conception by the Holy
Ohost and His Birth of the Virgin Mary.
4. His Passion, Crncifixion, Death, and Burial.
5. His Ascension, Session at the Right Hand of
Ood, and future Judgment. 6. God's forgive-
ness and acceptance of mankind. 7. A resur-
rection after death and eternal life. These were
the chief dogmas of Revelation, and because the
<iogmas of Revelation also the dogmas of the
• It was tbns that the class of Prophets and of Teachers,
which existed under those names in the earliest times,
would beoome merged In the order of Presbyters. The
ministry which the earlier Teaching qf the TvttXvt
ApotOa attributes to the Prophets (ch. xi.-xv.) is
■assigned hy the later Apoxtolical Constitutiong (bic. vii.)
to l*resbyter8. The graces of Prophecy and Teaching
wunld at once have indicated Uieir possessors as men
auitable for the permanent order of the Fresbytcrate.
CHUBCH
Church. They formed a body of dodrius
which might not be taken from or adileil to,
although when assailed they might be mon
explicitly stated. Further tmtht, of the nitme
of corollaries, might be drawn from them, fn-
vided that such further truths were logicillr
deduced and did not conflict with other tnitb
resting on an equally good basis of lo|ical de-
duction ; for such tmths were indeed connoted
by the words of Scripture and the Bsptismsl
Ci-eed, if not directly stated in them. But do
new truths, or supposed tmths, conld be added
to the deposit, once for all delivered to tbe
custody of the Church, on pain of SBSthau
(Jude r. 3 ; 1 Tim. vi. 20; Gal. i. 6-9).
Jts external Growth.— The 3,000 souls thsl
were added to the Apostles and to the Xii
brethren on the Day of Pentecost were iacRtad
daily by new converts (Acts ii. 47, v. U\
These converts were without exception Je»!
residing in Jerusalem, whether speaking Omt
or Hebrew (vi. 1). After seven or eif St yean
a step was made outwards. The pentcatiga
which fallowed the martyrdom of Stephea drm
away the adherents of the new doctrines, vii
the exception of the Apostles, and " ther tint
were scattered abroad went everywhere pnsii-
ing the word " to the Jews of the Dispeisia
Philip, in his capacity of Evangelist, preacM
Christ to the Sunaritans, and admitted ihei
into the Chorch by Baptism. In Philiitis i»
made the first Gentile convert, but this set td
not raise the qnestion of the admissioi ef tfat
Gentiles, because the Ethiopian eunocii ni
already a proselyte (viii. 27X and pnbiUr i
proselyte of Righteousness. Cornelius, the Kit
Gentile convert, was a proselyte of the Gite
(x. 2). The first purely Gentile convtrt tint
we hear of by name is Sergins Paulas (liii. 'i).
but we are told that Cornelius' compfflimii
were Gentiles, and by their Baptism the sdni!-
sion of the Gentiles was decided by the a|ci>n
of St. Peter, approved by the Apostles ai
Jewish Church (xi. 18), not, as might hsn ^
expected, by the agency of St. Panl. Thii pot
event took place after the peace caused bv
Caligula's persecution of the Jews, vhick «-
curred a.d. 40 (ix. 31), .ind more than s nsi
before the famine, in the time of Clsodis''
A.D. 44 (xi. 26, 29). Galilee had already bca
evangelized as well as Jtidaea and &uBiri>.
though the special agent in the work is si-i
declared (ix. 31).
The history of the growth of the Gent'l*
Church, so far as we know it, is identical rtk
the history of St. Panl. In his three jwuw^
he carried Christianity through the chief citie
of Asia Minor and Greece. His method spfxsn
almost invariably to have been this: he pn-
sented himself on the Sabbath at the Jevui
synagogue, and, having first preached the it-
trine of a suffering Messiah, he next ideii*iS«
Jesus with the Messiah (iviL 3). Hii at*-
ments on the first head were listened to <i'>^
patience by all, those on the second peitf
wrought conviction in some (irii. 4),bBt imw!
the rest to persecute him (xvii. 5). On fiafisf
his words rejected by the Jews, he tnroed &■«
them to the Gentiles (xriii. 6, xxviii 88). Hi'
captivity in Rome, A.D. 63-65, had the e&ctK
forming a Church out of the Jewish and Grf
residents in the imperial city, who seem to i»n
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tKtn joined by a few Italians. His lost jonmey
mar hare ipread the Gospel westward as far aa
Spain (Rom. zt. 28 ; Clemens, Eosebius, Jerome,
Chryaostom). The death of James at Jerusalem
and of Peter and Paul at Rome, a.d. 67, leaves
one only of the Apostles presented distinctly to
oar view. In the year x,D, 70 Jerusalem was cap-
tured, and before St. John fell asleep, in X.D. 98,
the Petrine and Pauline converts, the Churches of
the circumcision and of the uocircumcision, had
melted into one harmonious and accordant body,
spreading in scattered congregations at the
least from Babylon to Spain, and from Mace-
donia to Africa. How far Christian doctrine
may have penetrated beyond these limits we do
Dot know.
Jtt further Growth. — ^As this is not an eccle-
siastic^ history, we can but glance at it. There
were three great impulses which enlarged the
borders of the Church. The first is that which
began on the Day of Pentecost, and continued
liuwn to the conversion of Constantine. By this
the Roman Empire was converted to Christ, and
the Church was, spcaliing roughly, made con-
terminoas with the civilized world. The second
impulse gathered within her borders the hitherto
faarhuroos nations formed by the Teutonic and
Celtic tribes, tbos winning, or, in spite of the
overthrow of the Empire, retaining the countries
of France, Scotland, Ireland, England, Lombordy,
<j«rmany, Denmark, Sweden, and Korway. The
third impulse gathered in the Slavonian nations.
The first of these impulses lasted to the 4th
ceotary, the second to the 9th century, the
third (beginning before the second had ceased)
to the 10th and 11th centuries. We do
not reckon the Nestorian missionary efforts in
the 7th century in Syria, Persia, India, and
China, nor the post-Reformation exertions of the
Jesuits in the East and West Indies, for these
attempts have produced no permanent results.
\or again do we speak of the efforts now being
made in Africa, India, Australia, and New Zealand,
because it has not yet been proved whether
they will be successful in bringing the natives
«f thoae countries within the fold of Christ.
V. AlUratioM in its Gjnstitution — We have
said that ecclesiastical authority resided origin-
ally in the Apostles; next in the Apostles and
the Deacons; then in the Apostles, the Pres-
byters, and the Deacons ; then in the apostolic
delegates, the Presbyters, and the Deacons ; then
in those who succeeded the apostolic delegates,
the Pi-esbyters, and the Deacons. And to these
soccesson of the apostolic delegates came to be
appropriated the title of Bishop, which was
originally applied to Presbyters. At the com-
mencement of the second century and thence-
forwords Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons arc
the officers of the Church wherever the Church
existed. Ignatius' £pistles(in their unadulterated
fomi) and the other records which are preserved
to oa are on this point decisive (see Pearson's
Vmdieiie Ignatiamae, part ii. c. xiii. p. 534,
ed. Chnrton ; and Lightfoot's S. Tgnatiut, i.
p. 375). Bishops were looked upon as Christ's
Vicegerents (Cyprian, Ep. 55 [or 59] with Ri-
goltius' notes), and as having succeeded to the
Apostles (Id. Ep. 69 [or 66] and 42 [or 45],
Kirmilian, JeromeX every Bishop's see being
entitled a *' sedes apostolica." They retained in
their own hands authority over Presbyters, the
CHTJBCH
599
function of ordination, and the general govern-
ment of the Church, but with respect to each
other they were equals whether their see was
"at Rome or at Eugubium."
Within this equal college of Bishops there
soon arose difference of rank though not of
order. Below the city Bishops there sprang
np a class of country Bishops (chorepitcopi%
who were enabled to perform episcopal acts
with the sanction of the city Bishops. Their
position was ambiguous, and in the fifth century
they began to decay and gradually died out."
Above the city Bishops there were, in the second
century apparently. Metropolitans, and in the
third, Patriarchs or Exarchs. The metropolitan
was the chief Bishop in the civil division of the
empire which was called a province (iirapx^)-
His see was at the metropolis of the province,
and he presided over his suffragans with autho-
rity similar to, but greater than, that which is
exercised in their respective provinces by the
two Archbishops in England. The authority of
the patriarch or exarch extended over the still
larger civil division of the empire which was
called a dioecese. The ecclesiastical was framed
in accordance with the exigencies and after the
model of the civil polity. When Constantine,
therefore, divided the empire into thirteen dioe-
ceses, " each of which equalled the just measure
of a powerful kingdom " (Gibbon, c. xviii.), the
Church came to be distributed into thirteen (in-
eluding the city and neighbourhood of Rome,
fourteen) dioecesan, or, as we should say, national
Churches. There was no external bond of
government to hold these Churches together.
'They were independent self-ruled wholes, com*
bined together into one greater whole by having
one invisible Head and one animating Spirit, by
maintaining the same faith, exercising the same
discipline, and having as their chief officers
Bishops, each one of whom had a potential
jurisdiction throughout the whole of Chris-
tendom, thongh the exertion of that power was,
as a matter of order, limited to • special see
or province or diocese. The only authority which
the Diocesan Churches recognised as capable of
controlling their separate action, was that of an
Oecumenical Council composed of delegates from
each ; and these Councils passed canon after canon
forbidding the interference of the Bishop of any
one dioecese, that is, district, or country, with
the Bishop of any other dioecese. " Bishops out-
side a ' diocese ' are not to invade the Churches
across the borders, nor bring confusion into the
Churches," says the second canon of the Council
of Constantinople, " leat," says the eighth canon
of the Council of Ephesus, " the pride of worldly
power be introduced under cover of the priestly
function, and by little and little we be depriv^
of the liberty which our Lord Jesus Christ, the
deliverer of all men, has given us by His own
^ An attempt was made to resuscitate tfals cUas in
England, under the title of SufTrsgan Bishops, by the
itib Henry VIII. c. 14, by which twenty-six towns
were named as the seaU of Bishops, who were to be
under the Bishops of the diocese in which they were
situated. This Act, which had fallen into desuetude, was
revived by Bishop Wordsworth of Lincoln, who con-
secrated a Bishop SulTragan of Nottingham in the year
1869, and his example has been followed by many other
Bishops.
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blood."" But there was a stronger power at
work than any which could be controlled by
canons. Rome and Constantinople were each
the seats of imperial power, and symptoms soon
began to appear that the patriarchs of the
imperial cities were riral claimants of imperial
power in the Church. Rome was in a better
position for the struggle than Constantinople,
for, besides having the prestige of being Old
Rome, she was also of apostolic foundation.
Constantinople could not boast an Apostle as
her founder, and she was but .V«is Roma^ Still
the imperial power was strong in the East
when it had fallen in the West, and furthermore
the Council of Chalcedon had so far dispensed
with the canons and with precedent in respect
to Constantinople as to grant the patriarch
jurisdiction over three dioeceses, to establish a
right of appeal to Constantinople from any part
of the Church, and to confirm the decree of the
second Council, which elevated the See of Con-
stantinople above that of Alexandria and of
Antioch. It was by the Pope of Constantinople
that the first overt attempt at erecting a
Monarchy was made ; and by the Pope of Rome,
in consequence, it was fiercely and indignantly
denounced. John of Constantinople, said Gregory
the Great, was destroying the patriarchal system
of government (lib. v. i'i ; ii. 68) ; by assuming
the profane appellation of Universal Bishop he
was anticipating Antichrist (lib. vii. 27, 33),
invading the rights of Christ, and imitating the
devil (lib. v. 18). John of Constantinople failed.
The successors of Gregory adapted as their own
the claims wliicb John had not been able to
assert ; and on the basis of the False Decretals
of Isidore, and of Gratian's Decretum, Nicho-
las I., Gregory VII., and Innocent III. reared
the structure of the Roman in place of the Con-
stantinopolitan Papal Monarchy. From this time
the federal character of the constitution of the
Church was overthrown. In the West it became
wholly despotic; and in the East, though the
theory of ari:>tocratical government was and is
maintained, the still-cherished title of Oecumeni-
cal Patriarch indicates that it is weakness which
has prevented Constantinople from erecting at
least an Eastern, if she could not an Universal,
Monarchy. In the 16th century a farther change
of constitution occurred. A great part of Europe
revolted from the Western despotism. The
Churches of England and Sweden returned to,
or retained, the episcopal form of government
after the model of the first centuries. In parts
of Germany, of France, of Switzerland, and of
Great Britain, a Presbyterian, or still less defined,
form was adopted, while Rome tightened her
hold on her yet remaining subjects, and by
destroying all peculiarities of national liturgy
and custom, and by depressing the order of
Bishops except as interpreters of her decrees,
converted that part of the Church over which
she had sway into a jealous centralized abso-
Intism.
VI. 2T4« existing Church. — Its members fall
into three broadly-marked groups, — the Oriental
Churches, the Latin Churches, the Teutonic
Churches. The Oriental or Orthodox Greek
* Sec Canons v., vl. of Nlcscs ; li., lii., vi. of Constan-
tinople ; 1., vill. of EpbesuB ; ix., xvii., xxvU., zxs., of
Cbalccdon.
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Church consists of the Patriarchate of Coastm-
tinople with 127 sees, of Alexandria with 7 sns,
of Antioch with 14 sees, of Jerusalem with 11
sees, of the Russian Church with 57 km;
besides which, there are in Cyprus 4 sees, is
Austria 13 sees, in Montenegro 1 see, in Greece
40 sees, in Roumania 8 sees, in Bulgaria 13 tea.
To these must be added— ^1) The Assyrian or
Nestorian Church, once spread from Chins t«
theTigris, and from Lake Baikal to Cape Comorin,
and ruled by twenty -Hre Metropolitans sad %
Patriarch possessing a plenitude of power equal
to that of Innocent III. (Neale, Eiutem OiwA,
i. 143), but now shrunk to 13 see*. (2) The
Christians of St. Thomas under the Bishop of
Malabar. (3) The Syrian Jacobites, with 1»
sees, under the Patriarch of Antioch, resilient at
Caramit or Diarbekir. (4) The Copts, with 1»
sees, under the Coptic Patriarch of ^n^
(5) The Abyssinians, under the Abnna of iis$*-
sinia ; and (6) the Armenians, with 47 sees occu-
pied by Bishops, under the Catholicoa of all tbe
Armenians residing at Etchmiadzin, and 43
vacant in consequence of persecution.
The Latin Churches are those of Italy vitii
270 sees, of Spain with 65, of France with »,
of Portugal with 22, of Belgium and HoUsad
with 11, of Austria with 53, of Germany with
26, of Switzerland with 6. Besides these, tb
authority of the Roman See is acknowledged k
127 Asiatic Bishops, 12 African, 184 Americaa.
84 European, and 23 Australian.
The Teutonic Churches consist of the AnjUcac
communion, with 200 sees in Europe, Casa^
the United States of America, the West Indies,
Asia, Africa, Australia, and Oceanica; of tae
Old Catholic communion in Germany, SvitieN
bind, and Holland, with 5 sees ; of the Charck
of Sweden and Finland, with 14 see* ; of Sa-
way and Denmark, with 14 sees; of the
Churches of Prussia, Holland, Scotland, sod
scattered congregations elsewhere.
The members of the Oriental Churches at
supposed to number 80,000,000, of the Tent««i«
and Protestant Churches 98,000,000, of the Utin
Churches 120,000,000, making a total of nesrlj
26 per cent, of the population of the globe.'
VII. Definitions of the CTurcA.— The Greek
Church gives the following : — "Tha Chorch b a
divinely instituted community of men, asit^l
by the orthodox faith, the law of God, the
hierarchy, and the Sacraments " {Full Catteiam
of the Orthodox, Catholic, Kastcm Chari:
Moscow, 1839). The Latin Church defines it
" the company of Christians knit together hr
the profession of the same faith and the con-
munion of the same Sacraments, under the
government of lawful pastors, and espedallr ci°
the Roman Bishop as the only Vicar of ChriA
upon earth " (Bellarm. tfe Feci. Mil. iiL 2; see
also Devoti Inst. Canon. 1, § iv., Komae, 1818):
the Church of England, " a congregation «<
faithful men in which tbe pure word of God i>
preached, and the Sacraments be duly ministered
according to Christ's ordinance in all these
things that of necessity are requisite to tie
same" (Art. lix.); the' Lutheran Church, "s
s The I^tin Church claims 100,000.(104. amttaf a
lis members all the inhabitants of tbtwe oonntnes Is
wtilch tbe Roman Church is predomiaaat. swb as
France, ^In, Italy, and South Ameiic^
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congregation of saints in which the Gospel is
rightly taught and the Sacraments rightly ad-
ministered " (Con/euio Awjustana, 1631, Art.
Tii.) ; the Confessio Helvetica, " a congregation
of faithfnl men called, or collected out of the
world, the comroonion of all saints " (Art. xrii.) ;
the Confessio Saionica, " a congregation of men
embracing the Gospel of Christ, and rightly
using the Sacraments " (Art. lii.) ; the Con-
fessio Belgica, " a true congregation, or assembly
of all faithful Christians who look for the whole
of their salvation from Jesus Christ alone, as
being washed by His blood, and sanctified and
sealed by His Spirit " (Art. xxvii.).
These definitions show the diflSculty in which
the different sections of the divided Church find
themselres in framing a definition which will at
once accord with the statements of Holy Scrip-
ture, and be applicable to the present state of
the Christian world. We have seen that accord-
ing to the Scriptural view the Church is a holy
kingdom, established by God on earth, of which
Christ is the inrisible King; it is a divinely
organised body, the members of which are knit
together amongst themselves, and joined to
Christ their He;id, by the Holy Spirit, Who
dwells in and animates it ; it is a spiritual but
visible society of men united by constant suc-
cession to those who were personally united to
the Apostles, holding the same faith that the
Apostles held, administering the same Sacra-
ments, and like them forming separate, but
only locally separate, assemblies, for the public
worship of God. This is the Church according
to the Divine intention. But as God permits
men to mar the perfection of His designs in
their behalf, and as men have both corrupted
the doctrines and broken the unity of the
Charch, we must not expect to see the Church
of Holy Scripture actually existing in its per-
fection on earth. It is not to be found, thus
perfect, either in the collected fragments of
Christendom, or still less in any one of these
fragments; though it is possible that one of
those fragments more than another may
approach the scriptural and apostolic ideal,
which existed only until sin, heresy, and schism
had time sufficiently to develop themselves to
do their work. It has been questioned by some
whether Hooker, in his anxious desire after
charity and liberality, has not founded his defi-
nition of the Church upon too wide a basis ; but
it is certain that he has pointed out the true
principle on which the definition must be
framed (£kxl. Pot. y. 68, 6). As in defining a
man. he says, we pass by those qualities wherein
one man excels another, and take only those
essential properties whereby a man differs from
creatnres of other kinds, so in defining the
Charch, which is a technical name for the pro-
fessors of the Christian religion, we must fix
onr attention solely on that which makes the
Christian religion differ from the religions
which are not Christian. This difference is
constituted by the Christian religion having
Jems Christ, His revelation, and His precepts for
the objects of its contemplations and the motive
of it* actions. The Church, therefore, consists
of all who acknowledge the Lord Jesus Christ
the blessed Saviour of mankind, who give credit
to His Gospel, and who hold His Sacraments, the
seals of eternal life, in honour. To go further,
CHURCH
601
would be not to define the Church by that
which makes it to be what it is, i.e. to declare
the bcituj of the Church, but to define it by
accidents, which may conduce to its veil-being,
but do not touch its innermost nature. From
this view of the Church the important conse-
quence follows, that all the baptized belong to
the visible Church, whatever be their divisions,
crimes, misbeliefs, provided only they are
not plain apostates, nor directly deny and
utterly reject the Christian faith, so far us the
same is professedly different from infidelity.
" Heretics as touching those points of doctrine
in which they fail ; schismatics as touching
the quarrels for which or the duties in which
they divide themselves from their brethren ;
loose, licentious, nnd wicked persons, as touching
their several offences or crimes, have all for-
saken the true Church of God — the Church
which is sound and sincere in the doctrine which
they corrupt, the Church that keepeth the
bond of unity which they violate, the Church
that walketh in the laws of righteousness which
they transgress, this very true Church of Christ
they have left — howbeit, not altogether left nor
forsaken simply the Church, upon the founda-
tion of which they continue built notwith-
standing these breaches, whereby they are rent
at the top asunder " (Hooker, v. 68, 7).
VIII. The Faith, Attributes, and Xotes of the
Church. — The Nicene Creed is the especial and
authoritative exponent of the Church's faith,
having been adopted as such by the Oecumenical
Councils of Nicaea nnd Constantinople, and ever
afterwards regarded as the sacred summary of
Christian doctrine. We have the Western form
of the Creed, originally used as a Baptismal
Creed, In that which is called the Creed of the
Apostles — a name possibly derived from its
having been the local Creed of Rome, which was
the chief ajiostollc see of the West. An expan-
sion of the same Creed, made in order to meet
the Arian errors, is found in the Creed of St.
Athanasius. The Confessions of Faith of the
Synod of Bethlehem (a.D. 1672), of the Council
of Trent (commonly known as Pope Pius IV.'s
Creed, A.d. 1664), of the Synod of London
(A.D. 1562), of Augsburg, Switzerland, Saxony,
&c., stand on a lower level, as binding on the
members of certain portions of the Church, and
negativing certain prevalent errors or supposed
errors, but not being the Church's Creeds. The
attributes of the Church are drawn from the ex-
pressions of the Creeds. The Church is described
as One, Holy, Catholic, Apostolic. Its Unity con-
sists in having one object of worship (Ephes. iv.
6), one Head (Ephes. iv. 15), one body (Rom.
xii. 5), one Spirit (Ephes. Iv. 4), one faith (ib. 13),
hope (ib. 12), love (1 Cor. xiii. 13) ; the same
Sacraments (ib. x. 17), discipline, and worship
(Acts ii. 42). Its Holiness depends on its Head
and Spirit, the means of grace which it offers,
and the holiness that It demands of its members
(Ephes. iv. 24). Its Catholicity consists in its
being composed of many national Churches, not
confined as the Jewish Church to one country
(Mark xri. 15); in its enduring to the end of
time (Matt, xxviii. 20) ; in its teaching the
whole truth in contradistinction to partial
aspects of it, and having at its disposal all the
means of grace vouchsafed to man. Its Aposto-
licity, in being built on the foundation of the
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Apostles (Epbes. ii. 20), and continuing in their
doctrine and fellowship (Acts ii. 42). The notes
of the Church are given by Bellarmine and
theologians of bis school, as being the title
" Catholic," antiquity, succession, extent, papal
succession, primitive doctrine, unity, sanctity,
efficacy of doctrine, holiness of its authors,
miracles, prophecy, confession of foes, unhappy
end of opponents, temporal good-fortune
(Bellarm. Contr. torn. ii. lib. ir. p. 1293;
Ingoldst. 1580): by Dean Field as (1) the com-
plete profession of the Christian faith ; (2) the
use of certain appointed ceremonies and Sacra-
ments ; (3) the union of men in their profession
and in the use of these Sacraments under lawful
pastors (0/ tlie Church, bk. ii. c. ii. p. 65). It is
evideut that the notes by which the Church is
supposed to be distinguished must differ accord-
ing to the definition of the Church accepted by
the theologian who assigns them, because the
true notes of a thing must necessarily be the
essential properties of that thing. But each
theologian is likely to assume those particulars
in which he believes his own branch or part of
the Church to excel others as the notes of the
Church Universal.
IX. Vittinctiora. — " For lack of diligent ob-
serving the differences first between the Church
of God mystical and visible, then between the
visible sound and corrupted, sometimes more
sometimes less, the oversights are neither few
nor light that have been committed " (Hooker,
Eccl. Pol. iii. 1, 9). The word Church is em-
ployed to designate (1) the place in which
Christians assemble to worship (possibly 1 Cor.
xiv. 19) ; (2) a household of Christians (Col. iv.
15) ; (3) a congregation of Christians assembling
from time to time for worship, but generally
living apart ,from each other (Rom. xvi. 1) ;
(4) a body of Christians living in one city
assembling for worship in different congrega-
tions and at different times (1 Cor. i. 1) ; (5) a
body of Christians residjng in a district or
country (1 Cor. xiii.); (6) the whole visible
Church, including sound and unsound members,
that is, all the baptized professors of Christi-
anity, orthodox, heretical, and schismatical,
moral or immoral; (7) the visible Church
exclusive of the manifestly unsound members,
that is, consisting of those who appear to bo
orthodox and pious ; (8) the mystical or in-
visible Church, that is, the body of the elect
known to God alone who are in very deed
justified and sanctified, and never to be plucked
out of their Saviour's hands, composed of the
Church Triumphant and of some members of the
Church Militant (John i. 28; Heb. xii. 22);
(9) the Church Militant, that is, the Church in
its warfare on earth — identical therefore with
the Church visible; (10) the Church Trium-
phant, consisting of those who have passed
from this world, expectant of glory now in
Paradise, and to be glorified hereafter in heaven.
The word may be fairly used in any of these
senses ; but it is plain that if it is employed by
controversialists without a clear underst<anding
in which sense it is used, inextricable confusion
must arise. And such in fact has been the
case.
X. Literature. — On the Nature of the Church
the following books may be consulted: — The
Teaching of the Apostles, ed. Brj'ennius ; Con-
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stantinople, 1883. Cyprian, De IMtatc Eedtiix,
Op. p. 75 ; Amst. 1700. Vincentius Lirineoiii,
Commottitorium, Vien. 1809; in English, Oil
1841. Cranmer, Works, i. 376, ii. 11 ; Cambr.
1843. Ridley, Conference with Latimer, p. 133 ;
Cambr. 184:i. Hooper, Works, ii. 41 ; Cambr.
1852. Becon, Hbr*», i. 293, u. 41 ; Cambr. im.
Hooker, £ccUs. Polity, iii. 1, v. 68, §§ 6 sad 7«;
Oxf. 1863. Bellarmine, De ConcUiis et £ccUsii
Di^mtat. i. 1084; Ingolds. 1580. Casaibon,
Epistola ad Cardmaiem Perronium ; LoniL 18T6.
Andrewes, Works, xiii. ; Oxf. 1854. Cttksn-
thorp, Defensio Ecclesiac Anglicanae ; Oxt 1847.
Field, Of the Church ; Cambr. 1847. Land, Coii-
ferenct mth Fisher ; Oxf. 1849. Jeremy Taylor,
Works, V. ; Lond. 1849. Bramhali, Wurkt, i. ii.
iii. ; Oxf. 1842. Thorndike, Works, L-vt; Oi£
1 844. Be veridge. On Art. XIX., Works, vil 357,
and De MetnpoHtcmis, xii. 38; Oxf. lUi.
Hammond, Works, ii.; Oxf. 1849. PeuNs,
Exposition of the Creed, Art. IX. ; Oit 1833.
Bingham, AntiqMties of the Christian Chirci;
Lond. 1875. De Jlarca, De Concordia Sacerdalii
et Imperii; Paris, 1663. Thomassini, Veitt A
Nova Ecclesiae Disciplina ; Lucae, 1728. Palmer,
Treatise m the Church ; Lond. 1842. Gladstone,
The State in its relations icith the Church, Load.
1839 ; Church Principles considered m tUr
results, Lond. 1840. Tracts for the Tunes ; Loni
1840. Palmer, Treatise on the Church of Chriti;
Lond. 1842. VForiswoTth, Ihe(^hilus Anglicaxts,
Lond. 1857 ; in French, 1861 ; in Italian, ISM.
Harold Browne, Exposition of the IXSIX.
Articles, On AH. XIX.; Lond. 1862. Bate,
Lectures on Chrirtia» Antiquities; Lond. \Hi.
Hook, Church Dictionary; Lond. 1887. Coit,
Calendar of the Holy Catholic and ApottcSc
Church; New Tork, 1863. Hale, The Vairend
Episcopate; Baltimore, 1882. Meyiick, b
Dogma a Necessity f Lond. 1833.
On the History of the Catholic Church :— Enu>
bius, Hiatoria Ecclesiastica ; Oxon. 1838, sad
(together with his continuatora, Socrates, Soss-
men, Theodoret, Evagrius, Philostorgios, t^
Theodorns Lector) Cantab. 1720. Mansi, Ctn-
cilioram Collectio, Florence, 1759 ; Cetitariat
Magdeburgenses, Basil. 1559. Baronios, Attuks
Ecdesiastici ; Lucae, 1738. Gibbon, Baim
Empire, c. xv. Fleury, Hiatotn Eocl^siasiijai ;
Brux. 1713. Tillemont, Memoires pav terdri
Phistoire eod^siastigue des six premiers sOda;
Paris, 1701. Mosheim, Inst. Histor. EocUiiid.
Helmst. 1755 ; and in revised translati<ai by
Stubbs, Lond. 1863. Neander, Allgem. Ot-
schichte der Chrittl. Belig. u. Kircl^ Btmb.
1825 ; and In T. T. Clark's trsinslation, Ediob.
1854. DBllinger, Geschichte der ChriftL Eirdu,
1833, and in Cox's translation, Lond. 1$40.
Oieseler, Compendium of Ecclesiastical HUtory ;
Enrtz, History of Vie Christian Church : Bsam-
gartett,4pos(o/K! Historii, — all in T. and t.CUrk't
series, Edinb. 1854-1860. Cave, Lives of (^
Fathers, Oif. 1840 ; and Scriptomm Kcclesititi-
corum Uistoria Literaria, Oxf. 1740. D'Aubigie,
History of the Reformation ; Lond. 1S38. Eato,
Lectures on Ecclesiastical History ; Load. 1852.
Blunt, The Church in the Three first C^.fiir>B;
Lond. 1856. Hardwick, History of the Chriitim
CAurcA; Cambr. 1853-1856. Robertson, fiutoy
of the Christian Church ; Lond. 1854. De Pt»-
aens^ Bistoire Ecclesiealique ; Paris, ISjS.
Bright, History of the Church; Oil I860.
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CyTi(icas,'EKicAi>0'iaa'r<K^ larofia; Athens,
1881. Hefele, Hittory of the Council; in T. and
T. auk's translation; Edinb. 1872-83. Words-
worth, C»tircA History ; Lond. 1881-83. CUve-
land Coxe, Irutitute) of Chriitian Sittory ;
Chicago, 1887.
On the Hitlonj of the Eastern Chnrch : — Le
Quieo, Orient Christianut; Parii, 1732, Asse-
mani, Bibliotkeca Orientalis; Rome, 1765.
Renaadot, LUurgiarum Orientalium CoUectio ;
Paris, 1720. Mourayieff, Church of Russia ; Oxf.
1842. Neale, Holy Eastern Church ; Lond. 1847,
and 1850. Badger, ITte Nestoriaru and their
Sitval ; Lond. 1852. Palmer, Dissertations on
tht Orthodox Commumon; Lond. 1853. Stanley,
Lectures an the Eastern Church; Lond. 1662.
Tolstoi, Le Cathotidsme Bomain en Bussie;
Paris, 1863.
On the History of the Latin Church : — Milman,
Latin Christianity; Lond. 1854. Greenwood,
Cathedra Petri; Lond. 1858. Ranke, History of
the Popes, translated by Sarah Austin ; Lond.
1851. ¥eiai,ai%Xan, Epochs of the Papacy ;'Loxii.
1881.
On the Hittory of the Old Catholic Church :—
Xeale, Historic of the so-called Jansenist Church
of Holland; Oxf. 1858. Dollinger, Erklanmg an
den Erzbischof ton ilSnchai-Freising ; Munich,
1871. Theodorus, Tlie Seui Seformation ; Lond.
1875. Pomponio Leto, Eight Months at Rome
during the Vatican Council, in English transla-
tion; Lond. 1876. Reusch, Proceedings at the
Sevniott Conference at Bonn, 1874, in English
translation, Lond. 1 875 ; The Union Conferences,
1875, in English translation. New York, 1876.
Scarth, Story of the Old Catholic and kindred
Movements ; Lond. 1883. The Foreign Church
Chronicle; Lond. 1877-88. The Old Catholic
Reform Movements on the Continent ; Lond. 1887,
18«8.
On the History of the Chnrch of England: —
Bede, Histor. Eodesiast, Gentis Anglorum ; Oif.
1846, Ussher, Britannicartun Ecclesiarum
Antiquitates ; Works, t. tI, Collier, Ecclesi-
astic^ History of Oreat Britain; Lond. 1845.
Bnmet, History of the Seformation of the
Church of England ; Oxf. 1829. Southey, Book
of the Church ; Lond. 1837. Wordsworth, Eccle-
siastical Biography; Lond. 1839. Churton,
Early English Churcli ; Lond. 1841. J. J. Blunt,
Sketch of the English Reformation, Lond. 1841 ;
and in German, Frankfort, 1863. Massingberd,
History of the English Reformation, Load. 1842 ;
and in French, 1861. Stubbs, Registrum
Sacnen Anglicanum ; Oxf. 1858. Hook, Ecclesi-
asticat Biography, Lond. 1852; and Lives of
the Archbishops of Canterbury, Loud. 1860, &c.
Debarr, History of the Church of England, from
1635 to 1717 ; Lond. 1860. Haddan and Stubbs,
Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to
Oreat Britain and Ireland; Oxf. 1869-73.
Haddan, Apostolical Succession in the Church of
England; Lond. 1869. Meyrick, The Church
of England from A.D. 597 to A.D. 1887 ; Ixind.
1887. Murray's Student's Manuals. Skinner,
Ecclesiastical History of Scotland; London,
1788. Russell, History of the Church in
Soathnd; Lond. 1834. Mant. History of the
Church of Ireland; Lond. 1841. King, Church
History of Ireland; Dublin, 1845. Ander-
son, History of the Colonial Church; London,
1845. Gray, Life of Robert Gray, Bishop of
CILICIA
603
Capetown ; Lond. 1883. Wilberforce, History of
the Protestant Episcopal Church in America;
Lond. 1844. Batteraon, Sketch-book of the
American Episcopate; Philadelphia, 1878.
Beardsley, Life of Bishop Seabury; Boston,
1881. [F, M,]
CHURCHES, BOBBERS OF, AcU xii. 37 ;
better (with R. V.) "robbers of temples"
(ifpo(rv\ol). Dr. Hackett has pointed out that
" churches," when the Authorized Version was
made, denoted places of pagan as well as of
Christian worship. This use of the word would
not therefore have seemed at that time so in-
congruous as it does now (/>. B. Aroer. ed,).
He refers tu Trench, The Authorised Version,
p, 42 (1859), for other examples of this wider
nsage in the older writers, [F.]
CHUSHAN-RISHATHA'IM (IC'«
Q^OV^^t XovtrapvcMn; Chusarsathaim),a king
of Mesopotamia (Aram-Kaharaim) who oppressed
Israel for eight years during the time of the
Judges (Jadg. iii. 8). The seat of his dominion
was probably that district uf Babylonia just
north of Babylon, extending from the Euphrates
to the boundary of Elnm. As this name has not
been, as yet, found in the cuneiform inscriptions,
it is Tery likely that the king who bore it rnled
over the wandering Arameans of Korthem Baby-
lonia ; and who, the power of both Assyria and
Babylonia being at this time at a very low ebb,
made himself greatly feared in all the districts
around. A great many Aramaean tribes are
mentioned by Tiglath-pileser III., king of
Assyria, in his annals. [T. G. P.]
CHU'SI (B. Xois ; A. Xowrtl; Vulg. omits),
a place named only in Jndith rii. 18, as near
Ekrebel, and upon the brook Mochmnr. In
form Chusi is gentilic, and Movers (see Speaker's
Comm. in loco) connected it with ^IfiSt
" Cuthite," i.e. Samaritans, It is now possibly
Kuxah, a small village 5} miles south of Ndblus,
and about 5 miles west of 'Akrabeh, Ekrebel,
{PEF. Mem. ii, 285.) [W.]
CHU'ZA (properly CHUZAS), Xoi»C«. the
Mrponoi, or house-steward of Herod (Antipas)
whose wife Joanna ('Wvi'a, iljirn*) became at-
tached to that body of women who accompanied
our Lord on His joumeyings (Luke viii. 3) ; and,
together with Mary Magdalen and Mary the
mother of James, having come early to the
sepulchre on the morning of the Resurrection,
to bring spices and ointments to complete the
burial, brought word to the Apostles that the
Lord was risen (Luke xxiv. 10). [F.]
CIC'CAB (133). [Jordan ; TopoaBAPHiCAL
Terms.]
CILI'CIA (KiXixfa), a maritime province in
the S.E. of Asia Minor, bordering on Pamphylia
in the W., Lycaonia and Cappadocia in the N.,
and Syria in the E. Lofty mountain chains
separate it from these provinces, Mens Amanus
from Syria, and Antitaurus from Cappadocia:
these barriers can be surmounted only by a few
difBcult passes ; the former by the Portae
Amanides at the head of the valley of the
Pinarus, the latter by the Portae Ciliciae near
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CINNAMON
CIBCUMCISION
the sources of the Cydnus ; towards the S. how-
ever aa outlet wa-t ati'orded between the Sinus
Issicos and the spars of Amanus for a road,
which afterwards crossed the Portae Syriae in
the direction of Antloch.* The sea-coast is rock-
bound in the W., low and shelving in the £. ;
the chief rivers, Sarus, Cydnus, and Calycadnus,
were inaccessible to vessels of any size from
sand-bars formed at their mouths. The western
portion of the province is intersected with the
ridges of Antitaurus, and wns denominated
Trachaea, rough, in contradistinction to Pedias,
the level district in the E. The latter portion
was remarlcable for its beauty and fertility, as
well as for its luxurious climate : hence it be-
came a favourite residence of the Greeks after
its incorporation into the Macedonian empire,
and its capital Tarsus was elevated into the
seat of a celebrated school of philosophy. The
connexion between the Jews aud Cilicia dates
from the time when it became part of the
Syrian kingdom. Antiochus the Great is said
to have introduced 2000 families of the Jews
into Asia Minor, many of whom probably settled
in Cilicia (Joseph. Ant. xii. 3, § 4). In the
apostolic age they were still there in consider-
able numbers (Acts vi. 9). Cilician mercenaries,
probably from Trachaea, served in the body-
guard of Alexander Jannaeus (Joseph. Jint. xiii.
13, § 5 ; B. J. i. 4, § 3). Josephus identified
Cilicia with the Tarshish of Gen. x. 4 : 9apaht
Si 9ttpffut, oSrvs yip iKa\tiro rb iroXaiiv ii
KiAiKla {Ant. i. 6, § 1). Cilicia was from its
geographical position the high road between
Syria and the West ; it was also the native
country of St. Paul ; hence it was visited by
him, hrstly, soon after bis conversion (Gal. i.
21 ; Acts ix. 30), on which occasion he probably
founded the Church there ; and again in his
second apostolical journey, when he entered it
on the side of Syria, and crossed .\ntitaurus by
the Pylae Ciliciae into Lycaonia (Acts xv. 41).
Cp. W. Barker's Cilicia and its Governora, 1853 ;
T. Kotschy, Sei$e in den cUiciichen Taurus iiber
Tixraus, Gotha, 1858; I.attglois, Exploraticm
archifologique de la CUicie, Paris, 1857, and
Voyage dans la Cilicie, 1860 ; E. J. Davis,
Anatolica, 1874, and Life in Asiatic Turkey,
1879; J. R. S. Sterrett, Hantes in Cilicia,
Lycaonia, Isauria, Pisidia, Archacol. Inst, of
Amer. iii. 1884-5, vi. 488. [W. L. B.] [J. E. S.]
CINNAMON ()iD|i?; Kiydiu>fu>y; cinna-
momum), a well-known aromatic substance, the
rind of the Cinnamomum teylonicum, called
Korunda-gauhah in Ceylon. It is mentioned in
Ex. XXX. 23 as one of the component parts of
the holy anointing oil, which Moses was com-
manded to prepare, in Prov. vii. 17 as a per-
fume for the bed, and in Cant. iv. 14 as one of
the plants of the garden which is the image of
the spouse. In Iter, xviii. 13 it is enumerated
among the merchandise of the great Babylon.
It was imported into Judaea by the Phoenicians
or by the Arabians, aud is now found in Su-
matra, Borneo, China, &c., but chiefly, and of
the best quality, in the S.W. part of Ceylon,
where the soil is light and sandy, aud the
* Hence the does connexion which existed between
SttU and CUlda, ss Indicated In AcU xv. 23, 41;
Gal. 1. 31.
atmosphere moist with the prevalent soutktni
winds. The stem and boughs of the cinoinioo-
tree are surrounded by a double rind, the exterior
being whitish or grey, and almost iuodorous aoi
tasteless ; but the inner one, which consists pri>-
perly of two closely connected rinds, fumitiies,
if dried in the son, that mncfa-valned bi«n
cinnamon which is imported to us In the ihapr
of fine thin barks, eight or ten of which rolled
one into the other form sometimes a quilL It
is this inner rind which is called in Ex. xxi. 33,
□t^'S'ltpli?, " spicy cinnamon " (Kalisch ad Inc.).
From the coarser pieces oil of cinnamon is ob-
tained, and a liner kind of oil is also ^ot by
boiling the ripe fruit of the tree. This last is
used in the composition of incense, and diSiues
a most delightful scent when burning.
Herodotus (iii. Ill) ascribes to the Greek
word Kwrdiutfiop a Phoenician, i.e. a Semitic
origin. His words are : tpnSas Ii \iy*tn
lityd\as (popttw rauTa ri xip^a, rii ii/wii i*i
torkov iJaaB6rTts Kirrifutiutr KoKioiur.
The reader is referred to Sir £. Tennent't
Ceylon (i. 599) for much interesting informatica
on the subject of the early history of the cinna-
mon plant ; this writer believes that " the earlitst
knowledge of this substance possessed by tb«
Western nations was derived from China, aad
that it first reached India and Phoenicia over-
land by way of Persia ; at a later period when
the Arabs, ' the merchants of Sheba,' competed
for the trade of Tyre, and carried to her ' the
chief of all spices' (Ezek. xivii. 2'2), their np
plies were drawn from their African possessiou,
and the cassia of the Troglodytic coast sap-
planted the cinnamon of the far East, and to s
great extent excluded it from the market."
With regard to the origin of the word, it it
probable that it is derived from the Persian
Cinna'fion, i.e. " Chinese amomum " (see Tea-
nent in /. c). Dr. Royle, however, conjectures
that it is allied to the Cingalese Cbcyaaoau.
" sweet wood." or the Malagan Kaimanit. The
brothers C. G. and Th. F. L. Mees ron Escibtck
have published a valuable essay, '* De CiitnamoM)
disputatio" ( Amoenitates botan. Bonmenaes, Fasc
i. ; Bonnac, 1823, 4to), to which the reader is
referred for additional information. [See also
Cassia.] [W. H.] [H.aT.]
CIN'NEROTH, ALL (rt"l|D ^3 ; Kwiiv
rh* Xtipit, A. XtnpiS; vnioersam Cenenti;
R. V. aU Chinneroth'), a district named with the
*' land of Naphtali " and other northern plant
as having been laid waste by Benhadad king of
Damascus, the ally of Asa king of Judah (1 K.
XV. 20). It probably took its name from tbr
adjacent city or lake of the same name (in othtr
passages of the A. V. spelt CitlNNEROTB); sal
was possibly the small enclosed district nortb of
Tiberias, and by the side of the lake, afterwards
known as "the plain of Gennesaretb." The
expression " All Cinneroth " is unusual, and may
be compared with "All Bithron," — probaMj,
like this, a district and not a town. [G.] [W,]
CI'BAHA. The people of Cirama (B. i*
Kfipttftas, A. Kipa^; Gramas) and Oabdes came
up with Zorobabel from Babylon (1 Esd. v. M).
[Kaxah.] [F.]
CIBCUMCISION (n^D; rtptn^; ar-
cumcisio) was peculiarly, though by no meaas
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CIBCUMCISION
ucIuiTely, a Jewith rite. It mnj conveniently
be treated of, at practised: I. By tlio Jews;
U. By other nations ; and 111. In its relation to
Cbristianity.
1. By the Jetc». — The origin of circumcision is
still uncertain (see Bp. Harold Browne, Speak.
Oman., note A on Gen. ivii. 10. Cp. Dill-
maim,* Geneiis, p. 254). Whether, however,
sn existing rite, as in the ca^e of baptism,
vas osed for the purpose, or whether it was
then tixst instituted, it was enjoined upon
Abraham by God, at the institution, and as
the token, of the Covenant, into which He
eotercd with him and his descendants (Gen.
iriL; cp. Siotf^icq irepiro/uqi, Acts vii. 8).
It was thus made • necessary condition of
Jewish nationality. Every male child was to
be circnmcised when eight days old on pain of
death (Gen. ivii. 12, 14). Slaves, whether home-
bom or purchased, were to be circumcised (cc. 12,
13). The neglect of Moses to circumcise one
of his children well-nigh brought upon him,
as the culpable party, the threatened penalty
«f death (Ex. iv. 24-26). The conjecture of
CslviD, that it was the younger of his two sons,
and that he had abstained from circumcising
bim in consequence of the domestic strife caused
by the circumcision of the elder child, seems
probable. "Ego sutem potius eiistimo, post-
qnam in nno ezpertns fuerat domesticos sibi
infensos, in secondo supersedisse, ut soceri vel
axons indignationem vitaret." In some way,
either by sudden and deadly sickness, or by
tome other visitation, " the Ix>rd sought to kill
bim." It was only by promptly performing
beneU the rite, which Moses was probably too
prostrate to perform (Hooker, £ce/. Pol. v. ch. Ixii.
j 20X that Zipporah averted the judgment, of
which she rightly divined the cause, and won
again, as a " bridegroom of blood," D*P^ )0n
the husband, whom she thus a second time, as
it were, made her own, by rescuing him from
the jaws of death by the blood of her son. " Te
relati iterum sponsnm acquirere cogor, san-
gnine 61ii mei profundendo " (Maui-er).
The Mosaic Law adopted and incorporated into
itself the patriarchal law of circumcision (John
vii. 22). No foreigner could eat the Passover,
unless all the males of his family were circum-
ciied (Ex. lii. 48 ; cp. Num. iz. 14), so that he
became in fact a Jew (cp. Esth. viii. 17, where in
explanation of Heb. D'HiTOD, " became Jews,"
the LXX. have, wtpuriiurr'o leal 'louSit(oy). The
strict rule of the eighth day was held to over-
ride, in this reapect, the law of rest if the
Sabbath (John vii. 23). The principle is dis-
tinctly recognised in the Mishna {Sabb. xix. 1).
R. Akiva said : " Every work which can be done
on the eve of the Sabbath, does not set aside the
Sabbath ; but circumcision, which cannot be
CIRCUMCISION
605
done on the eve of the Sabbath [if the eve be
: Sabbath " (Bp.
Westcott in loco).
the seventh day^ sets aside the 1
Various explanations have been given of the
fact, that though the Israelites practised cir-
cumcision in Egypt, it was neglected entirely
daring their sojourn in the wilderness (Josh. v.
5). The most satisfactory account of the matter
appears to be, that the nation, while bearing the
punishment of disobedience in its prolonged
wanderings, was regarded as under a temporary
rejection by God, and was consequently pro-
hibited from using the sign of the Covenant.
This view is supported by the mention of their
disobedience and its punishment, which, as
though to give the reason for the omission of
the rite, is immediately subjoined (r. 6). " Haec
igitur causa notanda est, quod iilii Israel vagati
sint per desertom, donee tota ilia gens aboleretur
quae Deum sequi abnuerat : ex qua, meo judicio,
coUigere licet, in signum maledictionis vel
rejectionis cessasse toto illo tempore circnm-
cisionis usum " (Ciilv. in loco). The " forty
years" (c. 6) will then be used as a round
number for the more preci&e period (between
38 and 39 years), which had elapsed since
the rebellion at Kadesh, and during which cir-
cumcision was in abeyance. And thus the pre-
diction would be fulfilled, that the children of
the murmurers, though they should eventually
be brought in and know the land which their
fathers had despised (Num. xiv. 31X should yet,
by this temporary exclusion from the federal
rite, as well as by sharing the privations of the
desert, " bear the whoredoms " of their fathers
(e. 33). The comment of Almighty God upon the
transaction, as recorded by Joshua (c. 9), "This
day have I rolled away the reproach of Egypt
from yon," is in harmony with this explanation
of the passage. The " reproach of Egypt " is
not that which the Egyptians regard at a
reproach among themselves, i.e. uncircumcision,
but the reproach cast u[ion the Jews by Egypt
or the Egyptians, viz. the threatened taunt of
their former masters that God had brought them
into the wilderness to slay them (Ex. xixii. 12 ;
Num. xiv. 13-16 ; I)eut. ix. 28), which, so long
as they remained uncircumcised and wanderers
in the desert for their sin, was in danger of
falling upon them. Now that they were actually
within the conBnes of the promised land, and
had been solemnly received back again as a
nation into covenant with God, that " reproach "
was effectually and for ever " rolled away "
(see Fairbaim, Typology, ii. Cp. also Keil and
Dillmann * in loco).
Among the ancient Jews, as among other
nations in early times, circumcision was per-
formed with stone knives. [Knife.] The im-
plement which Zipporah used, is simply called
"a stone" (^V). The circumcision nnder
Joshua was done with " knives of stone," fl^^^n
Wyf, Josh. V. 2, where the rendering, " sharp
knives " (K. V. " knives of flint ") cannot be main-
tained; for though \S,'Vi "WX means "the edge
of his sword " (Ps. Ixx'xix. 44), yet there is no
other example of that meaning of the word,
and the fact that Joshua's knives were of stone
is confirmed by the interesting addition of the
LXX. in Josh. zxiv. 30 : <«« l9riKay lur' tJrrov
iis rh luniiia *h t f9a<^ abrhv ixtirit liaxaiput
rks rtTpima, ir cjt xtpiirtiu toiis vloiis
'l9f<^\ i» ra\yi\.ois, k.t.A. The later Jews
used iron or steel knives (see Haurer on
Josh. V. 2). It has been thought that in early
times the Egyptians used stone knives for cir-
cumcision, and that certain stone knives found
In the tombs of Thebes were intended for the
purpose. This, however, appears to be question-
able (it is not mentioned in Wilkinson, Arte.
Egypt, ii. 163-4 [1878]). The process was a
painful one, at least to grown-up persons (Qen.
xzxiv. 25 ; Josh. v. 8).
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CIBCUMCISION
The fact that AbTsham received a new name
at the time of his circumcision (Gen. xrii. 5),
and his having probably given Isaac his name
when he circumcised him (ib. xxi. 3, 4), may hare
led to the custom, of which we hare examples
in the history of our Lord and His forerunner
(Luke i. 59; ii. 21), of naming children at their
circnmcision.
IL By other nations. — The use of circumcision
by other nations besides the Jews is to be
gathered almost entirely from sources extraneous
to the Bible. The rite has been found to pre-
vail extensively both in ancient and modern
times ; and among some nations, as, for instance,
the Abyssinians, Nubians, modern Egyptians,
and Hottentots, a similar custom is said to be
practised by botli sexes (see the Penny Cyclo-
paedia, art. " Circumcision "). In the Bible, how-
ever, the rite is described as distinctively, if not
exclusively, Jewish. Circumcision certainly
belonged to the Jews as it did to no other
people, by virtue of its Divine institution, of the
religious privileges which were attached to it,
and of the strict regulations which enforced its
observance. Moreover, the 0. T. history in-
cidentally discloses the fact, that several of the
nations with whom the Israelites came in con-
tact were uncircumcised. One tribe of the
Canaanites, the Hirites, were so, as appears from
the story of Hamor and Shechem (Oen. ixxiv.).
To the Philistines the epithet " uncircumcised "
is constantly applied (Judg. xiv. 3, &c Hence
the force of the narrative, 1 Sam. xviii. 25-27).
From the great unwillingness of Zipporah to
allow her son to be circumcised (Ex. iv. 25) it
would seem that the Midianites, though de-
scended from Abraham by Keturah (Gen. xiv. 2),
did not practise the rite. At the same time, the
biblical references to the subject, when carefully
examined, cannot be held definitely to affirm
anything either way, as regards the circumcision
or nncircumcision of the Egyptians and some
other nations of antiquity. They do amount to
a general division of mankind into two classes,
circumcised and uncircumcised, i.e, Jews and
Gentiles ; but they do not necessarily exclude
all Gentiles from the former class. It must also
be remembered that the testimony of secular
writers, as regards some, at least, of the nations
who are said to have practised circumcision, is
conflicting and uncertain. The origin of the
custom amongst one large section of those
Gentiles who follow it, is to be found in the
biblical record of the circnmcbion of Ishmael
(Gen. xvii. 25). Josephus relates that the
Arabians circnmcise after the thirteenth year,
because Ishmael, the founder of their nation, was
circumcised at that age (^Ant. i. 12, § 2 ; see
Lane's Mod. Eg. ch. ii.). Though Mohammed
did not enjoin circnmcision in the Koran, he was
circumcised himself, according to the cnstom of
his country ; and circnmcision is now as common
amongst the Mohammedans as amongst the
Jews.
Another passage in the Bible has been thought
by some to speak of certain Gentile nations as
circumcised. In Jer. ix. 25, 26 (Hcb. 24, 25),
whether we translate the confessedly difficult
expression (fl^TyS ^D'^J, «. 24) with A. V.
" all them which are circnmcised with the nn-
eircomcised " (which, however, is grammatically
CIBCUMCISION
doubtful) ; or with Michaelis and Ewald, " all the
uncircumcised circumcised ones " (the fesag»
being understood to descrilie the Egyptians, Jevs,
Edoinites, Ammonites, and Moabites, as alike
circumcised in flesh and uncircnmcised in heart);
or with K. V. " all them which are cirnmieised
in their nncircumcision ; " or whether we regard
the best rendering to be, " I will punish ererr
one that is circnmcised in the manner or chsrscter
of — ie. as, or like— him that is undrcnmastd"
(cf. SlP53,Is.ilviii 10; a.j>5qi,Ps. xxxix.7); at
any rate, the next verse makes' a plain distinctkn
between two classes, of which " all the Geotiles"
(D^jrO^), inclnding, generally, the Egyptisu
and others just named, were one, and the houc
of Israel was the other ; the former being na-
circumcised both in flesh and heart, the Utter,
though possessing the outward rite, yet destitnte
of the corresponding state of heart, and tlier»-
fore to be visited as though imdrcmncised. IV
difficulty then arises, that the Egyptians ire
called nncircumcised, whereas Hendotoi ui
others state that they were drcnmeiaed. To
meet this it has been alleged that thoee sttxr-
ments refer only to the priests and those initiatetl
into the mysteries, so that the nation genenlly
might still be s[x)ken of as uncircumcised (Herod,
ii. 36, 37, 104 ; and Wesseling and Bihr in loco.
See, however, on the other side, Wilkinson, J»c
Egypt, [large ed.], c. xv., who says, that "if the
law did not peremptorily require it for everr
individual, cnstom and public opinion tended t^
make it universal"). The testimony of Reradotw
must no doubt be received with caution, espectallT
as he asserts (ii. 104) that the " Syrians in Pil»-
tine " confessed to having received circnmdjioa
from the Egyptians, who, with the Colcliiaiu
and Ethiopians, were the only nations that
practised it originally. If he means by
" Syrians "the Jews, the assertion, though it ha»
been ably defended (see Spencer, de Leg. Bek,
i. 5, § 4), cannot be reconciled with Gen. xrii. and
John vii. 22. Indeed, the very reverse has hteo
suggested, vix. that Joseph introduced it into
Egypt. " If it were previonsly unknown, ao
person was more likely than Joseph to hire
introduced it among the Egyptians; and Ai>
is possibly the true solution of an acknowledged
difficulty." The first distinct representatim ff
the rite is found on a monument of the 19tii
dynasty, long after the time of Joseph: tTi>
sons of Rameses II. are pictured as andergein;
it (,apeak. Com. vo\. i. p. 480). If other Syrisa
tribes are intended by Herodotus, we hare thf
contradiction of Josephus, who writes, "It is
evident that no other of the Syrians that livt m
Palestine besides ns alone are drcnmdwd''
{Ant. viii. 10, § 3. See Whiston's note there).
Of the other nations mentioned by Jeremiah, tit
Moabites and Ammonites were descended fnm
Lot, who had left Abraham before he received
the rite of circumcision ; and the Edomitti
cannot be shown to hare been circnmcised astil
they were compelled to be so by HyrtasM
(Joseph. Ant. xiii. 9, § 1). The terms, hovever.
of Jeremiah's classificatioD are, as has been said.
general. They prepare the way for the S. T.
usage, which unmistakably represents Jews and
Gentiles respectively, as the circamdsioD and
the unclrcumcision (weprro/d^ and it ^n Btrl*.
Rom. iii. 30, iv. 9 ; Ephes. iL 11). The nse by
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CIBCUMCISION
CI8TEBN
607
Ezekiel of th« word " UDcircamcised " (xxviii.
10; ml 18; xxxii. 19, 21, 25, 27) belongs to
the ssme general way of describing the Gentiles,
tiie impure heathen (cp. ol Pipfiapot, as em-
ployed by the Greeks). The subject is fully
discussed by Michaelis ^Commentaries on the
Lamof MoKt, itr. 3, clxxxiv.-clxxxri.).
III. In its relation to Christianity. — .\s might
hare been expected, the Christian Church was
called upon at on early stage in its history to
take up a deBnite position with reference to
ormmcision. The question first assumed serious
proportions at Antioch, where the peace of the
Church was disturbed by Jndaizing teachers
who said to the Gentile converts, " Except ye
be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye
cannot be saved " (Acts xv. 1). A reference of
this question to " the Apostles and elders " at
Jenisalem led to the clear and authoritative deci-
iion, that the Oentiles were entirely free from
all obligation to undergo circumcision (re. 22-29).
The controversy was renewed some years later in
Oalatia, and called forth the Epistle of St. Paul,
in which the earlier decision of the Apostles is
emphatically, though independently, repeated and
enforced. Neither to Jew nor Gentile is circum-
cision any longer of any religious or moral value
(G»l. V. 6 ; vi. 15. Cp. 1 Cor. vii. 19). To undergo
it, as if it were, is to sever oneself from Christ
(Gal. V. 3, mfirtiwoiiirv)- While, however,
the Apostles thtis resolutely forbade the im-
position of the rite as necessary to salva-
tion, they made no objection to its practice
u a matter of sentiment or expediency. St.
Paul, who would by no means consent to
the demand, urged as it was with doctrinal
significance and sinister intention, for Titus,
who was a Greek, to be circumcised (Gal.
ii. 3-5), yet on another occasion, true to his
mie of becoming all things to all men in
things indifferent, " took and circumcised "
Tmothy, who was of mixed extraction, to re-
move a prejudice against his preaching among
the Jews (Acts ivi. 3).
In harmony with this view of the indiffer-
ence of circumcision, in itself considered, is the
advice given by St. Paul to the Corinthian
Chnrch. It was possible, by a surgical opera-
tion, for those who h.ad been circumcised to
obliterate the marks of the process and return
to their natural condition (Cebus, de re Medico,
vii 25). Some of the Jews in the time of
Antiochns Epiphanes, wishing to assimilate
themselves to the heathen around them, built a
gymnasium at Jerusalem, and that they might
not be known to be Jews, when they appeared
naked in the games, " made themselves uncir-
cuncised " (1 Mace. i. 15, hroliiiiav iavrms
lucptfivarias ; fecerunt sibi praeputia. Cp. Joseph.
^nt. xii. § 5, 1 : rV vvy aiSolay wtpt-
TD^V trutaX^irmi', K.r.X. ; and see the essay
of Groddeck in Schottgen's Hor. H<br. ii.).
Shonld Christian Jews, then, adopt this prac-
tice? Should they give this proof that they
had broken entirely with Judaism? By no
means, is the Apostle's reply. " Was any roan
called being circumcised? let him not become
uncircnmcised " (jjl^ itruniaivi). On the other
hand, he adds, " Hath any been called in nncir-
cnmcision ? let him not be circumcised." And
the reason for both injunctions is, that " circum-
cision is nothing, and UDcircnmcision is nothing ;
but the keeping of the commandments of God "
(1 Cor. vii. 18, 19). The Abyssinian Christians
are said still to practise circumcision as a national
ctutom.
While, however, it thus dealt with the out-
ward rite and with the false meaning that
was sought to be put upon it, Christianity, iis
was no less certainly to be expected, seized upon
and appropriated the true spiritual significance
of circumcision. For this the way bad been pre-
pared in the 0. T. Employed by Moses to de-
scribe his own physical inaptitude and natural
slowness of speech (cp. Ex. vi. 12, 30 with iv. 10),
the epithet " uncircnmcised " is also applied by
him and other 0. T. writers to spiritual dulness
and want of perception. " Uncircumcised ears "
(Jer. vi. 10) and " uncircumcised hearts " (Lev.
xxvi. 41) are spoken of (see also Dent. xxx. 6 ;
Jer. iv. 4 ; and cp. Acts viL 51 : the idea
being, according to Gesen. Heb. Lex. s. v. 7^,
that lips, or heart, or ears were " closed as it were
with the foreskin "). The more general idea of
impurity seems pointed at in the words of Isaiah,
" The uncircumcised and the unclean ;" and in
the provision that the fruit of newly-planted
trees should be counted " uncircumcised " for
the first three years, and not enten till by con-
secration to God in the fourth year they had
been made clean (Lev. xix. 23-25). In the
N. T. the moral and spiritual idea is fully de-
veloped. Circumcision is declared to be " that
of the heart, in the spirit and not in the letter "
(Rom. ii. 29). While those who ascribed effi-
cacy to the mere outward rite are contemp-
tuously styled " the concision " (Philip, iii. 2, 3,
T^v KoroTOfi^r, " the mutilation." " This cir-
cumcision which they vaunt, is in Christ only as
the gashings and mutilations of the idolatrous
heathen: cp. Gal. v. 12, 6^kov xol iirait<(-
i^orrai." Lightf. in locoX the title of the true
" circumcision " is claimed for Christians, " who
have put off the impurity of the heart and
have put on Christ." They, though once dead
"through the uncircumcision of their flesh,"
are now in Christ *' circumcised with a circum-
cision not made with hands, in the circumcision
ofChrist"(Col. ii. 11, 13).
The view that the rite was designed to be
significant of the production of a holy seed is
maintained at length by Kurtz, Hitt. of the Old
Cocen. § 58, i. 234; Fairbaim, Ti/pology, i.
321. |T. T. P.]
CIS (Rec. T. Kli ; Westcott and Hort, K«fi ;
Cis), Acto xiii. 21. [KiSH, ].]
Cr8AI(Ki<rafoj; Cis), Esth. xi. 2. [KlSH,2.]
CISTERN (n^a, from "IK3, to dig or bore,
Gesen. p. 176 ; usually A^ncos ; cistema or laciu),
a receptacle for water, either conducted from au
external spring, or proceeding from rainfall.
The annual rainfalls of Jerusalem on an
average of twelve years is not more than 16*25
inches, and the general dryness of the summer
months between May and September, in Syria,
and the scarcity of springs in many parts of the
country, make it necessary to collect in reser-
voirs and cisterns the rain-water which falls in
the intermediate period (Shaw, Travela, p. 335 ;
St. Jerome, quoted by Banner, i. 148 ; Robinson,
i. 430 ; Kitto, Phys. Oeogr. of H. L. pp. 302, 308 ;
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CISTERN
Secovery of Jena. p. 25 ; Sir C. Wilson, Notes on
Water Suppit/ of Jems. p. 63). Thus the cistern
is essentially distinguished from the living spring
Q% Am); but from the well (T^3, Heer), only
in the fact that Beer is almost always used to
denote a place ordinarily contiining water rising
on the spot, while 113, ll6r, is often used for a
dry pit, or one that may be left dry at pleasure
(Stanley,S.dP.pp.512,514). [Ais.] The larger
sort of public tanks or reservoirs, in Arabic,
Birkeh, Heb. Berecah, are usually called in
A. V. " pool," while for the smaller and more
private it is convenient in the present article to
reserve the name " cistern."
Both birkehs and cisterns are frequent
throughout the whole of Syria and Palestine,
and for the construction of them the rocky
nature of the ground affords peculiar facilities
either in original excavation, or by enlargement
of natural cavities. Dr. Robinson remarks that
the inhabitants of all the bill-country of Judah
and Benjamin are in the habit of collecting
water during the rainy season in tanks nnd cis-
terns, in the cities and fields, and along the high
roads, for the sustenance of themselves and their
flocks, and for the comfort of the passing
traveller. Jerusalem, described by Strabo as
well supplied with water, in a dry neighbour-
hood (xvi. p. 760), depends mainly for this upon
its cisterns, of which almost every private house
possesses one or more, excavated in the rock on
which the city is built. Josephns {B. J. iv. 4,
§ 4) describes the abundant provision for water
supply in the towers and fortresses of Jerusalem,
a supply which has contributed greatly to its
capacity for defence, while the dryness of the
neighbourhood, verifying Strabo's expression t^
tciiA^ X^P"" ^X"" Avrpav ko) tiyvSpoy, has in all
cases hindered the operations of besiegers. Thus
Hezekiah stopped the supply of water outside
the city in anticipation of the attack of Senna-
cherib (?, Ch. xxiii. 3, 4). The progress of
Antiochus Sidetes, B.C. 134, was at first retarded
by want of water, though this want was after-
wards unexpectedly relieved (Joseph. Ant. liii.
8, § 2; Clinton, iii. p. 331). Josephns imputes
to Divine interposition the supply of water with
which the army of Titus was furnished after
suffering from want of it (B. J. v. 9, § 4). The
Crusaders also, during the siege A.D. 1099, were
harassed by extreme want of water while the
besieged were fully supplied (Matth. Paris, Hist.
pp. 46, 49, ed. Wat.). The defence of Masada by
Joseph, brother of Herod, against Antigonus,
was enabled to be prolonged, owing to an unex-
pected replenishing of the cisterns by a shower
of rain (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 15, § 2), and in a
subsequent passage he describes the cisterns and
reservoirs by which that fortress was plentifully
supplied with water, as he had previously done
in the case of Jerusalem and Machaerus (B. J.
It. 4, § 4, 6, § 2 ; vii. 8, § 3). Benjamin of
Tudela says that very little water is found at
Jerusalem, but the inhabitants drink rain-water,
which they collect in their houses {Early Trav.,
p. 84). Cisterns, both at Jerusalem and in other
parts of the country, may be divided into four
classes: 1. The most ancient, and usually the
smallest, consisting of excavations from the
rock, and shaped like a full-bodied bottle, with
a long neck and a small opening. 2. L.nrger
excavations of a somewhat similar kind, sup-
CITHEBN
] ported below by rock-pillars left standing by
I the workmen. 3. Excavations in which the
rock has been cut perpendicularly, and the open-
ing covered by an arch with a mouth like aa
ordinary well. 4. The modem cisterns, built ia
the soil, and supplied by rain from roofs and
terraces. Dr. Robinson describes four belonging
to the house in which he resided. (1) 15x8x
12 ft. in depth ; (2)8x4x15 ft.; (3)10xl0x
15 ft. ; (4) 30 X 30 X 20 ft The cisterns haw
usually a round opening at the top, sometimes
built up with stonework and furnished with i
curb and wheel for the bucket (Sir C. Wilson,
Sotes, pp. 48, 53 ; Robinson, i. 324, 335). Cis-
terns of the first kind are common in all part<
of the country, and when neglected becacK
dangerous pitfalls. Sometimes the rock is
cracked and the cistern is thus " broken " sod
useless (Jer. ii. 13, xviii. 13, xixviii 6 ; Thom-
son, Land and the Book, p. 287 ; Survey of WesL
Pal. iii. App. p. 441 ; PEFQy. Stat. 1872, p. 17;
Recovery of Jems. pp. 19, 23). When neglecttd
cisterns become very foul, the water is raj
unwholesome (Wilson, pp. 17, 69).
Burckhardt mentions cisterns belonging ts
private houses, among other places, at Sermeiii
near Aleppo {Syria, p. 121), £1 Bara in tl»
Orontes valley (p. 132X Dhami and Uissema ii
the Lejah (pp. 110, 112, 118), Tiberias (p. 331X
Kerek in Moab (p. 377^ Mount Tabor (p. 3U\
Of some at Hableh, near Gilgal, the dimensiota
are given by Robinson:— (1) 7 X 5 x 3 fl. deef.
(2) Nearly the same as (1). (3) 12x9x8fL
They have one or two steps to desoead iit«
them, as is the case with one near Gaxa, mv
disused, described by Sandys as " a mighty as-
tern, 611ed only by the rain-water, and desceadsd
into by stairs of stone " (Sandys, p. 150 ;
Robinson, ii. 39). Of those at Hableb. taat
were covered with flat stones resting on arches,
some entirely open, and all evidently anciail
(Robinson, iii. 137).
Empty cisterns were sometimes used as prison
and places of confinement. Joaeph was cast
into a "pit," 113 (Gen. xxxrii. 22), and Ut
"dungeon" in Egypt is ciilled by the same ttmt
(ili. 14). Jeremiah was thrown into a mirr
though empty cistern, whose depth is indicat»i
by the coMs used to let him down. To this
prison tradition ha* assigned a locality near tli«
gate called Herod's Gate (Hasselquist, p. 144;
Hanndrell, Early Ihn. p. 448). VitruTins (riii-
7) describes the method in use in his day kt
constructing water tanks, but the native rock of
Palestine usually superseded the nectsuty of
more art in this work than is sufficient to tica-
vate a basin of the required dimensioni.
The city of Alexandria is supplied with wtttt
contained in arched cisterns supported by pillars,
extending under a great part of the old dt^
(Van Egmont, Travels, ii. 134). [Pool ; Weu."
[H. W. P.]
CHTHERN is no doubt, on the whole, id«v
tical with the modem German Zither; and is.
as its name indicates, a musical instrument c!
the guitar family. True, there are now poiiiti
of considerable difference between the goitir
and the Zither (cithern), both in shape tni Hit
nature of the strings, &c. These differences in,
however, natural enough after hundreds of tmis
of independent development of the two instra-
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CITIES
meats. KiBipa (gaitar) sod Zither resemble
too closely one another in name not to bare
been originally the same.
Although the cithern ii mentioned aa having
been one of the instruments used at the re-dedi-
cation of the Temple and Altar (1 Mace ir. 54,
... Kcd KiBipats Kal Kiyvpais, ical iy icvn0d\ois,
K. T. A.X it was an instrument, though probably
known to the early Jews (Harp), not generally
used by them.
Cithern makes its first appearance in the
Hebrew Bible in the late and half-Aramaic
Daniel, where it occurs, in one spelling or other,
foar times (iii. 5, 7, 10, 15). The origin of its
peculiar constmction is certainly not Greek, bnt
Persian. The Greeks borrowed it from the
Persians, in whose language Se Tara (cithern,
nMpo, gaitar) has a meaning (" three
strings"). ■ [S. M.S.-S.]
CnXES. 1. D»T», plur. ofbothlP, ilr, and
also fVf Ir, from 'AV, to keep watch — Ges.
pp. 1004-5 ; once (Jndg. x. 4) in plur. D*^*V>
for the sake of a play on the same word, plur.
of T^, a young ass ; wiXtis ; cicitatea, or urbes.
-'. nnj?. Kirjath; once in dual, D'nnp, Kir-
jathahn (Num. zxxii, 37X from rnp, approach
as an enemy ; prefixed to many names of towns
on both sides of the Jordan existing before
the conquest, as Kirjath-arba, probably the
most ancient name for city, but seldom used
in prose as a general name for town (Ges.
p. 1236 ; Stanley, S. j- P. App. § 80).
The classification of the human race into
dwellers in towns and nomade wanderers (Gen.
ir. 20, 22) seems to be intimated by the etymo-
logical sense of both words, Ar or Ir, and
Kirjath, viz. as placet of security . against an
enemy, distinguished from the nnwalled village
or hamlet, whose resistance is more easily orer-
conie by the marauding tribes of the desert.
Tbia distinction is found actually existing in
conmtries, as Persia and Arabia, in which the
tent-dwellers are found, like the Bechabites,
almost side by side with the dwellers in cities,
sometimes even sojourning within them, but not
amalgamated with the inhabitants, and in
general making the desert their home, and,
unlike the Bechabites, robbery their nndis-
sembled occnpation (Judg. v. 7; Jer. xxxv. 9,
11; Fraser, Persia, pp. 366, 380 ; Malcolm,
fSietches of Persia, pp. 147-156; Burckhardt,
sues on Bedouins, I. 157 ; Wellsted, Travels
in Arabia, i. 335 ; Porter, Damascus, ii. 96,
181, 188 ; Vaux, Ifinecch and Persepolis, c. ii.
note A ; Layard, Nineveh, ii. 272 ; Nin. ^ Bub.
141). [VlLLAOEB.]
The earliest notice in Scripture of city-
building is that of Enoch, by Cain, in the land
of his exile C^i, Ifod, Gen. iv. 17). At a
period much later than this, when we read of
the manner in which the earth was " over-
spread " by the descendants of Noah, we see
that the races which came from Ham were
planted in Egypt, in Syria, and in Chtildaea
(Gen. X. 6, 9, 12). Later still we read of an
Egyptian dty, Zoan, whose foundation is said to
hare taken place seven years later than that of
Hebron in Syria (Nam. xiii. 22), i.e. qnite as
early as 2,080 B.C. And we also read that the
Hebrews were employed by the Egyptians to
BIBLE mcr. — vou i.
CITIES
609
build treasure-cities, Pithom and Raamses,
daring their time of bondage in that country,
i.e. between 1700 and 1600 B.C. (Ex. i. II).
But there is evidence from monuments to show
that cities were built in Egypt at least as earlr
as 3,000 B.C. (Smith, Hist, of World, i. 85';
Fergusson, Hist, of Arch. i. 89 sq.), bnt at a
date not much later than this cities were bnilt
in Chaldaea, both Lower and Upper, and in
Assyria, both by the Cushite and the Semitic
races. The builder whose name is most con-
spicuous is Mimrod, son of Cush, the " mighty
hunter," or conqueror of men, and the most
prominent names among the cities are those of
Babel and Nineveh (Gen. x. 8-12). Babel was
probably the oldest in date ; and perhaps Nineveh
with its companions, Calah, Resen the " great
city," and Rehoboth, though this word probably
only denotes " streets " of some other city, was
founded later by a race of Semitic origin, denoted
by Assbur, son of Shem, who had moved
upwards under the pressure of the Cushite
settlers (Rawlinson, Anc. Hon. i. 15, 155). Bnt
we are told that the beginning of Nimrod's
kingdom was not only in Babel, but in Erech,
Accad, and Calneh, all in the land of Shinar. Of
these names Accad may perhaps denote a people
rather than a place, but those of Erech are in
all probability connected with the extensive
remains of a temple, within a large enclosure at
Warka in Lower Chaldnea, of which the lowest
courses of bricks bear the name of its founder,
VniUi, and are of a date not much later than
that assigned to Nimrod, about 2,300 B.C.
Calneh is probably represented by NiSer, while
to these three we may add a fourth, " Ur of
the Chaldees," the original abode of Abraham,
represented by the mass of brick ruins to which
the Arabs have given the name of Mngheir,
"mother of bitumen" (Loftus, Chaldaea, p. 131 ;
Rawlinson, Anc. Hon. i. 153, 158 ; Smith, Hist,
of World, i. 205 ; Pietro delta Valle, Viaggi, ii.
844, 862). But there is good reason to believe
that a race, whose descendants or successors
were called Medes, of Semitic origin, occupied
the region called Elam, or Susiania, quite as
early as the time mentioned above, if not earlier,
and that the seat of their government was at
the place which either then or in later times
obtained the name of Susa, and which thtis has
a claim to be regarded as one of the most
ancient cities of the world (Gen. x. 22 ; Rawlin-
son, i. 160). When Chederlaomer, one of the
early kings of Elam, but perhaps of Hamite
origin, invaded Syria about 1946 B.C., he found
there on its eastern side cities inhabited by
Canaanitrs ; and we know that at the same time,
and even earlier than this, cities, as Damascus,
Kirjath-arba (Hebron), and perhaps Sidon, had
been built in other parts of the same region by
other races of the same or kindred stock as the
Canaanites (Gen. x. 19; xiv. 15, 18; xxiii. 2).
In course of time the settled inhabitants of
Syria on both sides of the Jordan grew in power
and in number of cities. In the kingdom of
SIhon are many names of cities preserved to the
present day ; and in the kingdom of Og, in
Bashan, were sixty " great cities with walls and
brazen bars," besides unwalled villages; and
jilso twenty-three cities in Qilead, which were
occupied and perhaps partly rebuilt or foitified
by the tribes on the east of Jordan (Num. xxi.
2 R
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21, 32, 33, 35, ixxii. 1-3, 3*, 42 ; Deat. iii. 4,
5, 14; Josh. xi. xiii.; 1 K. it. 13; t Ch. ii. 22;
Burckhardt, Syria, pp. 311, 457; Porter,
D<meucwi, ii. 195, 196, 206, 259, 275).
On the west of Jordan, at tlie time of the
occupation by the Hebrews, whilst 31 " royal "
cities are enumerated (Josh, xii.), in the dis-
trict assigned to Judah 125 " cities " with vil-
lages are reckoned (Josh, xr.); in Benjamin,
26; Simeon, 17; Zebnlun, 12; Issachar, 16;
Asher, 22 ; Naphtali, 19 ; Dan, 17 (Josh, xriii.
xix.). But from some of these the possessors
were not expelled till a late period, and Jeru-
salem itself was not captured till the time of
Dayid (2 Sam. t. 6-9).
From this time the Hebrews became a city-
dwelling and an agricultural rather than a
pastoral people. David enlarged Jerusalem, and
Solomon, besides embellishing his capital, also
built or rebuilt Tadmor, Palmyra, Gezer, Beth-
horon, Hazor, and Hegiddo, besides store-cities
(2 Sam. V. 7, 9, 10 ; 1 K. ir. 15-18 ; 2 Ch. viii. 6).
To Solomon also is ascribed by Eastern tradition
the building of Persepolis (Cbardin, Voyage, viii.
■'i90 ; Mandelslo, i. 4 ; Kuriln, c. xxxviii.).
The works of Jeroboam at Shechem (IK. xii.
25 ; Jndg. ix. 45), of Rehoboam (2 Ch. xi. 6-10),
of Baasba at Rama, interrupted by Asa (1 K.
.XV. 17, 22), of Omri at Samaria (xvi. 24), the
rebuilding of Jericho in the time of Ahab (xvi.
34), the works of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch. xvil. 12),
of Jotham (2 Ch. xivii. 4), the rebuilding of
Jerusalem, and later still, the works of Herod
and his family, belong to their respective
articles.
Collections of houses in Syria for social habi-
tation may be clasi<ed under three heads : — 1,
cities; 2,' towns with citadels or towers for
resort and defence ; 3, unwalled villages. The
cities may be assumed to have been in almost all
cases " fenced cities," i.e. possessing a wall with
towers and gates (Lev. xxv. 29 ; Deut. ix. 1 ;
.losh. ii. 15, vi. 20 ; 1 Sam. xxiii. 7 ; 1 K. iv. 13 ;
•J K. vi. 26, vii. 3, iviii. 8, 13 ; Acts ix. 25).
As it was a mark of conquest to bi-eak down a
portion, at least, of the city-wall of the captured
place, so the first care of the defenders, as in
the case of the Jews after their return from
Captivity, was to rebuild the fortifications
(2 K. xiv. 13, 22; 2 Ch. xxvi. 2, 6, xixiii. 14;
Neh. iii. iv. vi. vii. ; 1 Mace. iv. 60, 61, x. 45 ;
Xcn. ffdl. ii. 2, § 15).
But around the city, especially in peaceable
times, lay undefended suburbs (D^CnjD, ircoi-
<rw6fia, su!mrbatia, 1 Ch. vi. 57 sq. ; Num. xixv.
1-5 ; Josh, xii.), to which the privileges of
the city extended. The city thus became the
citadel, while the population overflowed into
the suburbs (1 Mace. xi. 61). The absence of
walls as indicating security in peaceable times,
combined with populousness, as was the case in
the flourishing period of Egypt, is illustrated by
the prophet Zechariah (ii. 4 ; 1 K. iv. 25 ;
Martineau, East. Life, i. 306).
According to Eastern custom, special cities
were appointed to furnish special supplies for
the service of the state ; cities of store, for
chariots, for horsemen, for building purposes,
and for provision for the royal table. Special
governors for these and their surrounding dis-
tricts were appointed by David and by Solomon
(1 K. iv. 7, ix. 19 ; 1 Ch. xxvii. 25 ; 2 Ch. xvii.
CITIES
12, xxi. 3 ; 1 Mace x. 39 ; Xen. AntA. i.4,§ 10).
To this practice our Lord alludes in His panble
of the pounds, and it agrees with the theory of
Hindoo government, which was to be conducted
by lords of single townships, of 10, 100, or
1,000 towns (Luke xix. 17, 19; Elphinitoie,
India, c ii. 39, and App. v. p. 485).
To the Levites forty-eight cities were assigsd,
distributed throughout the country, togkka
with a certain amount of suburban ground, am!
out of these thirteen were specially reserved for
the family of Aaron, nine in Judah and four in
Benjamin, and six as refuge cities (Josh. iii.
13, 42) ; but after the division of the kiD!;d<<iin
the Levites in Israel left their cities and resorted
to Jndah and Jerusalem (2 Ch. xi. 13, 14).
The internal government of Jewish cities nts
vested before the Captivity in a council of eUei;
with judges, who were required to be priesk:
Josephus says, seven judges with two Levites a
officers, vrripirat (Deut. xxi. 5, 19, xvi. 18, III.
17; Ruth iv. 2; Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, § U).
Under the kings a president or governor appean
to have been appointed (1 K. ixii. 26; 2Ck.
xviii. 25) ; and judges were sent out on circuit,
who referred matters of doubt to a couDril con-
posed of priests, Levites, and elders, at Jerasikm
(1 'Ch. xxiii. 4, xxvi. 29 ; 2 Ch. xix. 5, 8, 10, 11).
After the Captivity Ezra made similar arrange-
ments for the appointment of judges (Ezra viL
25). In the time of Josephus there appear to
have been councils in the provincial towns, witk
presidents in each, under the direction of the
great council at Jerusalem (Joseph. Ant xiv. %
§4; B.J. ii. 21, § 3 ; Vit. 12, 13, 27, S4, 57.
61, 68, 74). [Saniiedbin.]
In many Eastern cities much space is oocapied
by gardens, and thus the size of the dty is
much increased (Niebuhr, Vot/age, ii. 172, iiS;
Conybeare and Howson, i. 96 ; ESthen, p. H'iy
The vast extent of Nineveh and of Babylon a^y
thus be in part accounted for (Jon. iv. II:
Diod. ii. 70 ; Quint. Curt. v. ch. i. 26 ; CharJ a,
Voy. vii. 27.3, 284; Porter, Damiis--ui, i. lo3;
P. della Valle, ii. 33). In most Oriental citie
the streets are extremely narrow, seldom allow-
ing more than two loaded camels, or one came
and two foot p.issengers, to pass each ottxr.
though it is clear that some of the strerta «■
Nineveh must have been wide enough for chari»*«
to pass each other (Nah. ii. 4 ; Olearius, Tnt.
294, 309 ; Burckhardt, Trav. in Arahuj, i. 18S ;
Buckingham, Arab Tribes, 330; Mrs, Po»le.
Englishwoman in Egypt, L 141^ The «ri
for streets u.sed by Nahum rtDiTl, from irp-
broad, vAorcTat, is used also of streets or biwl
places in Jerusalem (Prov. i. 20 ; Jer. v. I.
xxii. 4; Cant. iii. 2); and it may be remarlAi
that the irAareuu into which the sick %vt
brought to receive the shadow of St. PetH
(Acts V. 15) were more likely to be the oidinan
streets than the special piazee of the city, it
seems likely that the immense concourse wki<i'
resorted to Jemsalem at the Feasts wenlJ
necessitate wider streets than in other dtiffi.
Herod built in Antioch a wide street parr<
with stone, and having covered ways oo ear^
side. Agrippa II. paved Jerusalem with white
stone (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 5, § 2, 3 ; xx. 9, $ 7).
The Straight street of Oamascns is still tUtlW
defined and recognisable (Irbj and Mangles, v.
86 ; Robinson, iii. 454, 455).
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CITIES OF BBFUGE
In building Caesarea, Josephns savs that
Herod was careful to carry out the drainage
effectually (Joaeph. Ant. zt. 9, § 6). It wems
probable that the internal commerce of Jewish
dtie« was carried on as now by means of bazaars,
for we read of the bakers' street (Jer. xixvii.
21), and Josephus speaks of the wool market,
the hardware market, a place of blacksmiths'
shop*, and the clothes-market, at Jerusalem
iH. J. v. 8, § 1).
The open spaces (vAoretai) near the gates of
towns were in ancient times, as they are still,
aaed as places of assembly by the elders, of hold-
ing courts by kings and judges, and of general
resort by citizens (Gen. xxiii. 10 ; Ruth iv. 1 ;
2 Sam. XT. 2, xriii. 24 ; 2 K. vii. 1, 3, 20;
3 Ch. xriii. 9, xxxii. 6 ; Neh. viii. 13 ; Job xxix.
7 ; ProT. i. 21, Tiii. 2, 3 ; Jer. v. 1, xvii. 19 ;
llatt. Ti. 5 ; Luke xiii. 26). They were also
used as places of public exposure by way of
punishment (Jer. xx. 2 ; Amos f. 10).
The rices of populous cities are mentioned by
the aothor of the Book of Proverbs (ProT. rii.
^12; Lnkevii. 37).
Prisons were under the kingly government,
within the royal precinct (Gen. xixix. 20 ; 1 K.
xxiL 27 ; Jer. xxxii. 2 ; Keh. iii. 25 ; Acts xxi.
34, xxiii. 35).
Great pains were taken to supply both
Jerusalem and other cities with water, both by
tanks and cisterns for rain-water, and by re-
serroira snpplied by aqueducts from distant
springs. Such was the fonntain of Gihon, the
aqueduct of Hezekiah (2 K. xx. 20 ; 2 Ch. xxxii.
30 ; Is. xxii. 9\ and that of Solomon (Eccles.
ii. 6), by which last water is still conveyed from
near Bethlehem to Jerusalem (Manndrell, Early
Trav. p. 457 ; Robinson, i. 347-8). Josephus also
mentions an attempt made by Pilate to bring
wat«r to Jerusalem {Ant. xviii. 3, 2). [Con-
duit.]
Burial-places, except in special cases, were
outside the city (Num. xix. 11, 16; Matt. viii.
28 ; Luke vii. 12 ; John xix. 41 ; Heb. xiii. 12).
[H. W. P.]
CITIES OF BEFUGE (Job;>l$n T?, from
D?p, to contract, Gesen. p. 1216; w6\(i% rur
ifuyaStvniplmv, ^vyaSturiipui, ^vyaStTa; oppida
in fitgitivoram aitxUia, praesidia, separata ; urbes
/ifc^irtrofwn). Six Levitical cities were specially
chosen as places of refuge for the involuntary
homicide until released from banishment by the
death of the high-priest (Num. xxxv. 6, 13, 15 ;
Josh. XI. 2, 7, 9). [BIOOD, AVENOEB OP.] There
were three on each side of Jordan, i.e. three on
the E. side only, until the country on the W. was
sabdned (Mishna, Maccoth, ii. 4). 1. On the
E. side of Jordan — Bezer, in the tribe of Reuben,
in the plains of Moab, said in the Geroara to
be opposite to Hebron, not yet identified, but
perhaps Abu Set, west of Dibon (Deut. iv. 43 ;
Joah. XX. 8, xxi. 36 ; 1 Mace. v. 26 ; Joseph.
Ant. iv. 7, 5 4 ; Reland, p. 662 ; Conder, Heth
■md Jfoab, p. 403). 2. Ramoth-Gilead, in the
tribe of Gad, formerly supposed to be on or near
the site of «s-&a/t (Deut. iv. 43; Josh. xxi. 38;
1 K. xxii. 3; Reland, iii. p. 996; but more
probably Seimun, Conder, pp. 175, 404).
3. GOLAKi in Bnshan, in the half-tribe of
Manaaaeh, a town which doubtless gave its
name to the district of Gaulonitis. Jauldn
CITIES OP BEPUGE
611
(Deut. iv, 43 ; Josh. xxi. 27 ; 1 Ch. vi. 71 ;
Joseph. Ant. iv. 7, § 4; Reland, p. 815 ; Porter,
Oamasctu, ii. 251, 254 ; Burckhardt, Syria.
p. 286> 4. Kedesh, in Naphtali, Kedet, about
20 miles E.S.E. from Tyre, 12 S.S.W. from
Baniat (1 Ch. vi. 76 ; Robinson, ii. 439 ; Benj.
of Tudela, £arty lYav. p. 89). 5. SllECHEU,
in Mount Ephraim, Nabulut (Josh. xxi. 21 ;
1 Ch. vi. 67 ; 2 Ch. X. 1 ; Robinson, ii. 287,
288). 6. Hebbon, in Jndah, el-K/.ilU. The
last two were royal cities, and the last sacer-
dotal also, inhabited by David, and fortified by
Rehoboam (Josh. xxi. 13 ; 2 Sam. v. 5 ; 1 Ch.
vi. 55, xxix. 27 ; 2 Ch. xi. 10; Robinson, i. 213,
ii. 89).
The Gemara on Maccoth notices that the cities
on each side of the Jordan were nearly opposite
each other, in accordance with the direction to
divide the land into three parts (Deut. xix. 2 ;
Reland, iii. 662; Otho, Lex. Habb. p. 52).
Maimonides says that all the forty-eight Levitical
cities had the privilege of asylum, but that the
six refuge-cities were required to receive and
lodge the homicide gratuitously, but this state-
ment appears to be without foundation (Calmet,
m N\an. xxxv.; Selden, da Jure SatmxUi, iv.
2, p. 489 ; Carpzovitts, or Goodwin, Moies and
Aaron, p. .339).
Most of the Rabbinical refinements on tlie
Law are stated under Blood, Revenoer of.
To them may be added the following. If the
homicide committed a fresh act of man-
slaughter, he was to flee to another city ; but
if he were a Levite, to wander from city to
city. An idea prevailed that when the Messiah
came three more cities would be added ; a mis-
interpretation, as it seems, of Deut. xix. 8, 9
(Lightfoot, Cent. Chor. clii. 208). The altar at
Jerusalem, and, to some extent also, the city
itself, possessed the privilege of asylum under
similar restrictions ; a privilege claimed, as
regards the farmer, successfully by Adonijah,
and in vain by Joab ; accorded, as regards the
city, to Shimei, but forfeited by him (1 K. i. 53 ;
ii. 28, 33, 36, 46).
The directions respecting the refuge-cities
present some dilliculties in interpretation. The
Levitical cities were to have a space of 1,000
cubits (about 583 yards) beyond the city wall
for pasture and other purposes. Presently
after, 2,000 cubits are ordered to be the suburb
limit (Num. xxxv. 4, 5). The solution of the
difficulty may be, either the 2,000 cubits are
to be added to the 1,000 as "fields of the
subnrbs " (Lev. xxv. 34), as appears to have
lieen the case in the gift to Caleb, which ex-
cluded the city of Hebron, but included the
" fields and villages of the city " (Josh. xxi. 11,
12, Patrick ; Cariizovins, u. a. p. 340 ; Reland,
Ant. Hebr. p. 216), or the additional 2,000
cubits were a special gift to the refuge-cities,
whilst the other Levitical cities had only 1,000
cubits for suburb. Calmet supposes the line
of 2,000 cubits to be measured parallel, and the
1,000 perpendicular to the city wall ; an ex-
planation, however, which supposes all the
cities to be of the same size (Calmet on A'um-
bci's xxxv. [On the whole subject, consult IKll-
mann'.]).
The right of asylum possessed by many Greek
and Roman towns, especially Ephesus, was in
process of time much abused, and was curtailed
2 R 2
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612
CITIUH
hj Tiberius (Tac. Ann. iii. 60, 63). It was
granted, under certain limitations, to churches
by Christian emperors (Cod. i. tit. 12 ; Gibbon,
c xz. iii. 35, ed. Smith). Hence came the right
of sanctuary possessed by so many churches in
the Middle Ages (Hallam, Middle Agtt, e. ix.
pt. 1, ToL uL 302, 11th ed.). [H. W. P.]
CrriMS (KlT«'o^ A. Kiriaim; Cetei),
1 Maco. viii. 5. [CHrrriM.]
CITIZENSHIP (wArrero; cxmtaa). The use
of this term in Scripture has exclusive reference
to the usages of tlie Roman empire ; in the
Hebrew commonwealth, which was framed on a
basis of religious rather than of political priri-
loges and distinctions, the idea of the common-
wealth was merged in that of the congregation,
to which eTery Hebrew, and even strangers
under certain restrictions, were admitted.
[CoHOBGOATiOlt ; Steanoers.] The privilege
of Roman citizenship was widely extended under
the emperors; it was originally acquired in
rarious ways, as by purchase (Acts xiii. 28;
Oic. ad Fam. xiii. 36; Dio Cass. Ix. 17), by
military services (Cic. pro Balb. 22 ; Suet. Aug.
47), by favour (Tac. Hiat. iii. 47), or by manu-
mission. The right once obtained descended to
a man's children (Acts xxii. 28). The Jews had
rendered signal services to Julius Caesar in the
Egyptian war (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 8, §§ 1, 2), and
it is not improbable that many obtained the
freedom of the city on that ground ; certain it
is that great numbers of Jews, who were Roman
citizens, were scattered over Greece and Asia
Minor \Ant. xiv. 10, §§ 13, 14). Among the
privileges attached to citizenship, we may note
that a man could not be bound or imprisoned
without a formal trial (Acts xxii. 29), still less
be scourged (Acts xvi. 37 ; Cic. in Verr. t. 63,
66); the simple assertion of citizenship was
sufficient to deter a magistrate from such a step
(Acts xxii. 25 ; Cic «n Verr. t. 62), as any in-
fringement of the privilege was visited with
severe punishment. A Jew could only plead
exemption from such treatment before a Roman
magistrate ; he was still liable to it from Jewish
authorities (2 Cor. xi. 24 ; Seld. de Syn. ii. 15,
§ 11). Another privilege attaching to citizen-
ship was the appeal from a provincial tribunal
to the emperor at Rome (Acts xiT. 11. Cp,
Oonybeare and Howson, Life, ^c, of St. Paul,
in loco). [W. L. B.]
CITBON. [Apple-Tkeb.]
CLAU'DA (KXoifflii, Acts xivii. 16 ; called
Gaudos by Mela and Pliny, KAaSSos by Ptolemy,
and KAauS(a in the StcKiiaamits Maris Magni :
it is still called Clauda-nesa, or Oaudonesi, by
the Greeks, which the Italians have corrupted
into Ooxzo). This small island, unimportant in
itself and in its history, is of very great geo-
graphical importance in reference to the removal
of some of the difficulties connected with St.
Paul's shipwreck at Melita. The position of
Clauda is nearly due W. of Cape Matala on the
S. coast of Crete [Fair Hayen'B], and nearly
due S. of Phoenice (see Ptol. iii. 17, § 1 ;
Stadiattn. p. 496, ed. Gail). The ship was seized
by the gale a little after passing Cape Matala,
when on her way from Fair Havens to Phoenice
CLAUDIUS
(Acts xxrii. 12-17). The storm came down
from the island (icar' airr^t, r. 14), and that
was danger lest the ship should be driven into
the African Syrtis (r. 17). It is added that >b«
was driven to Clauda and ran under the lee af
it (v. 16). We see at onoe that this is in
harmony with, and confirmatory of, the arga-
ments derivable from all the other geognphiol
circumstances of the case (as well as from the
etymology of the word Euroclydon or Euio-
Aquilo), which lead us to the conclusion that
the gale came from the N.E., or rather K.NX.
Under the lee of Clauda there would be smmtk
water, advantage of which was taken fbr tiie
purpose of getting the boat on board, and makis;
preparations for riding out the gale. [Ship.]
Smith, Voij. and Shipureok of St. Paul,' pp. 9i,
98, 253. [J. S. a]
GLAU'DIA (KAavSfa; aavdia), a Chriitiu
who sendii greeting to Timothy in 2 Tim. iv. 31,
and therefore probably an inhabitant of Kome.
Martial (iv. 13) has an epigram on the mania^
of Pudens and Claudia. Martial's Claudia is •('
British birth, and the wish to find an carlj
connexion between Britain and Christiaiitj
has set ingenuity at work to identify the tn
pairs of names. The identiKcation is too pn-
carious to be given at length here, but mi
Alford, Gi. Teat. Prolegg. to 2 Tim., Eirtn.
Bright (EaHy Eng. Ch. Bist.* p. 2) does nit
favonr it. See art. Pcdens. [E. B. £.]
CLAU'DinS(KAai(Siot; C7<ni<;>us), foil nsa^
Tiberius Claudius Drusns Germanicus. He wi-
the fourth Roman emperor, and reigned tna
41 to 54 A.D. He was the son of Nero Claadii*
Drusus, and the nephew of the Emperor Tiberis*.
He was born A.o. 10 at Lugdunum (LroisX is
Gaul. A sickly childhood and harsh treatna:
had unfitted him for public employments, inl
he lived unnoticed till the murder of his nepkc
the Emperor Cains. He was then raided totk
throne by the soldiers. For the important part
taken by Agrippa in his elevation, see Joseph. lii-
§ 2 and art. Herod Aorippa. Dumy's estioatt
of the administration of Claudius is as foDewi:
" In Rome wise measures and usefnl labours, is
the provinces a liberal administration, in foreip
affairs a firm policy recompensed by mc<*>*-'
This Dnruy justifies in detail (ed. Mahaffr. ir.
pt. 1). It was however due, not to Claato
himself, but to the freedmen Pallas, THuafstt,
and others into whose hands the adniinistnti*
had now fallen. The miseries and enieltics«
the reign were in great measure the result «(
the profligacy of Messalina and the ambitiit
and greed of Agrippina, successively the wi"*
of Claudius daring his government. Bat thti:
power for evil lay of course in the weaknee of
the Emperor himself. He was poisoned i>J
Agrippina to make way for the snccesiiai <^
her son Nero.
The points at which Clandius comes iot« «•-
tact with N. T. history are : (1) The laiat
which is said to have taken place in his re^
(Acts xi. 28). The fulfilment of this pr»plwT
is vouched for by Suetonius, who nKstio»
" assiduae sterilitates " under Clandius (Sstt.
Claud, zviii.). Dio Cassius (Ix. 11) reoo^ >
famine at Rome in the first two ytais «
Claudius, but this would be before the pR-
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CLAUDIUS
iliction. There was a famine in Greece (" fames
ingeni in Uellade ") in his 4th year (Easeb. Chron.
Arm. ed. Schone, ii. p. 152) ; and again at Kome
io his 11th year (Tac Ann. xii, 43. See
Wieseler, Otron. Apoat. p. 157, note). But the
prophecy of Agabns, though loosely referring
to "the whole world" (SKiid ri/y oucovfiiiniy :
cp. Lake ii. 1 and Kev. iii. 10), probably had
special reference to a famine in Judaea in the
4th year of Claudins. See art. Aoabus.
(2) The command given by him that all Jews
shonld depart from Rome (Acts xviii. 2). Two
corroboratire statements are found in profane
hiatorians, which are however somewhat difficult
to reconcile with each other. Dio Cassius says
that Claudius did not expel the Jews, owing to
the difficulty of carrying out such a measure
without disturbance, considering their great
nombers; but forbade their assembling together
^Oio Cass. Ix. ch. ri. 6). Suetonius on the other
hand says, Claudius expelled the Jews, who were
always causing disorders ("Judaeos impulsore
Chresto assidue tnmnltuantes expulit," Claud.
xxT.). The two may be fairly reconciled by
keeping close to the account of St. Luke. The
order was given, which is all Suetonius need
mean by " expulit " (cp. the convincing parallel
from Suet. 7&. xxxvi., about the "mathematici,"
quoted by Wieseler). It proved impossible to
carry oat the order ; but meanwhile some Jews,
among whom were Aqnila and Prisca, had at
ODoe taken alarm and departed. Dio Cassius
aeema to place the event in the first year of
Claudius, but does not really assign a date to it.
It probably happened A.D. 52, when Agrippa
was absent from Rome, and his influence in
favour of the Jews was not felt. It would then
coincide in time with the " senatus consultum "
mentioned by Tacitus (^nn. xii. 52), which may
relate to the same event. This also fell through
in execution (inritum).
Another point remains to be noticed. If
•• Chresto " in Suet. /. c. stands for "Christo,"
then the cause of the Jewish disturbances was
(as at Corinth and elsewhere) their disputes
with the Christians, and Aqaila and Prisca as
Christians might naturally have to fly. Though
i^aetonitu elsewhere(jrtTo, xvi.)spells Christianas
rightly, he may here have followed a common
pronnnciation (cp. Tert. Apol. iii.) and meant
Ohrist. With true Roiaan indifference he had
informed himself so little about Christ, that he
fcelieved him to have been in Rome in person as
CLEAN
613
/.
/
\%
/
ClsuiUiii. (Brltich Htuenm.)
the exciter (impaltor) of the strife, which was
really occasioned by faith in His name. The
other view is that Chrestni (not an unusual
nsme) was some otherwise unknown Jew. But
in that case " Chresto quodam " would have
seemed more natural. See Wieseler, C/tron.
Apost. p. 120.
As to the general policy of Claudius towards
the Jews, he first showed himself as a special
patron of Agrippa I. He increased his territory
by adding Judaea, Samaria, and certain districts
in Lebanon (Jos. Ant. xix. 5, § 1). For his sake he
favoured the Jewish worship (xx. 1, § IX and gave
his brother Herod the principality of Chalcis, and,
later, the oversight of the Temple (xx. 1, § 3).
At the beginning of his reign he treated the
Jews in Asia with great mildness (xix. 5, § 2 ;
XX. 1, § 2), but those of Palestine experienced
much oppression from his officers (Tac. Nut.
V. 4). [E. R. B.]
CLAU'DIUS LYS'LAS. [Ltsias.]
CLAY (t3*D ; ini\it ; hunua or lutum), a
sedimentary earth, tough and plastic, arising
from the disintegration of felspar and similar
minerals, and always containing silica and
alumina combined in variable proportions. As
the sediment of water remaining in pits or in
streets, the word is used frequently in the 0. T.
(«.</. Is. Ivii. 20 ; Jer. xixviii. 6 ; Ps. xviii. 42),
and in the N. T. (ini\it, John ix. 6), for a mixture
of sand or dust with spittle. It is also found
in the sense of potter's clay (Is. xii. 25). The
alluvial soils of Palestine would no doubt supply
material for pottery, a manufacture which we
know was, as it still is, carried on in the
country (Jer. xviii. 2, 6 ; Thomson, Land and
Book, p. 520), but the clay of Palestine, like
that of Egypt, is probably more loam than
clay (Birch, HM. of Pottery, i. 55, 152).
[PoTTEBT.] The word most commonly used
for " potter's clay " is "lljh (Ex. i. 14 ; Job iv.
19; Is. xxix. 16; Jer. xviii. 4, &c).* Bitumi-
nous shale, convertible into clay, is said to
exist largely at the source of the Jordan, and
near the Dead Sea. The great seat of the
pottery of the present day in Palestine is Gaza,
where are made the vessels in dark blue clay so
frequently met with.
The use of clay in brick -making is described
elsewhere. [Bricks.]
Another use of clay was in sealing (Job
xxxviii. 14). The bricks of Assyria and Egypt
are most commonly found stamped either with
a die or with marks mode by the fingers of the
maker. Wine jars in Egypt were sometimes
sealed with clay; mummy-pits were sealed
with the same substance, and remains of clay
nre still found adhering to the stone door-
jambs. Our Lord's tomb may have been thus
sealed (Matt, xivii. 66), as also the earthen
vessel containing the evidences of Jeremiah's
purchase (Jer. xxiii. 14). So also in Assyria,
at Kouyunjik, pieces of fine clay have been
found bearing impressions of seals with As-
syrian, Egyptian, and Phoenician devices. The
seal used for public documents was rolled on
the moist clay, and the tablet was then placed
in the fire and baked. The practice of sealing
doors with clay to facilitate detection in case
of malpractice is still common in the East (Wil-
kinson, Anc. Egypt, i. 15, 48, ii. 364 [1878] ;
Layard, iV. and B. pp. 153, 158, 608; Herod,
ii. 38; Harmer, Oba. iv. 376.) [Bbicxs;
Pottert; Seam.] [H. W. P.]
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til4
CLEAN
CLEAN. [Ukclean Heatb ; Uncleak-
]
CLEM'ENT {KK^/ins ; Clemens), mentioned
by St. Paul (Phil. ir. 3) as one of his fellow-
labourers (avrtfyot). He is distinctly identified
by Origen (fiomm. in Joann. torn. vi. 36) with
Clement of Kome, and through Eusebius (^H. E.
iii. 15) this view has been transmitted to later
writers (for Clement of Rome, see Vict, of Chr.
Biog.; Lightfoot's Apost. Ff., "Clem, of Rome,"
i. 22).
Bp. Lightfoot considers that the probable
dates of Clement's Epistle to the Corinthians
(>J5 A.D.) and his death (circ. 110 A.D.) are
:idTerse to this identification, and that the fre-
quency of the name Clemens makes any inference
from the name precarious. But his argument
against it from the supposed domicile of this
Clement at Phillppi and of the other at Rome is
doubtful. St. Paul's " fellow-labourers " seem
as a class to have had no more permanent
domicile than the Apostle himself. See Light-
foot, Pliilipiiiutu* note p. 166. [E. R. B.]
CLE'OPAS (KAe<!iroj; Cleophaa), one of the
two disciples to whom Jesus showed Himself
as they went to Emmaus on the day of the
Resurrection (op. Mark xvi. 12). Nothing is
known of him, but he has been conjecturally
identified with Clopas (John xix. 25). Sec
Cleophas and Alpuaeus. [E. R. B.]
CLEOPAT'BA (JHhtowirpa), the name of
numerous Egyptian princesses derived from
the daughter of Antiochus III., who married
Ptolemy V. Epiphanes, B.C. 193.
1. "The wife of Ptolemy" (Esth. xi. 1) was
probably the granddaughter of .\ntiochus, and
wife of Ptolemy VI. Philometor. [PrOLEMy
Philometor.]
2. A daughter of Ptolemy VI. Philometor and
Cleopatra (1), who was married first to Alex-
ander Balas B.C. 150 (1 Mace. x. 51), and after-
wards given by her father to Demetrius Nicator
when he invaded Syria (1 Mace xi. 12 ; Joseph.
Ant. xiii. 4, § 7). During the captivity of
Demetrius in Parthia [Demetrius] Cleopatra
married his brother Antiochus VII. Sidetes, and
was probably privy to the murder of Demetrius
on his return to Syria B.C. 125 (App. Syr. 68 :
yet see Joseph. Ant. xiii. 9, § 3; Just, xxxix. 1).
She afterwards murdered Seleucus, her eldest
son by Demetrius (App. Syr. 69) ; and then
raised to the throne her other son by Demetrius,
Coin of Cleopatra s&d AnUocbtu VIII. OtTpoa.
Antiochus VIII. Grypus. But finding that he
was unwilling to gratify her ambitious designs,
she attempted to make away with him by offer-
ing him a cup of poison, but was compelled to
drink it herself, B.C. 12u (Justin, xxxix. 2).
CLOUD
The above coin represents on the obrene tbr
beads of Cleopatra and her son Antiocku VIU.
Grypus. [B. F. W.]
CLE'OPHAS (KAtMrat; CUtfkas). &. V.
giA-es Clopas, which is undoubtedly right The
Cleophas of the A. V. represents the Vuljtte,
but not the Greek. Cleophas or Clopas is men-
tioned (John xix. 25) to distinguish Mary of
Clopas (Mofitk^ il ToS KAsnra) from two otbef
Marys mentioned in the same verse. Tki< is
generally understood to mean "the wife «(
Clopas " (sister according to Ewald). The form
Clopas is confirmed by Euseb. ff. E. iii. 11,
who quotes the statement of Hegesippns that
Clopas was brother of Joseph the hsaliand uf
the Virgin, and father of Simeon, second Bisbo|>
of Jerusalem. Clopas has been identified iritn
Alphaeus, father of James the Apostle. Tlw
two names are distinct, and are not dupUcstt
forms (Ijghtfoot, Gal.' p. 260; and Wrtitl,
Stud. Krit. 1883, pp. 620-6, a very condosivf
article); whether Clopas, like Alphatus, be
Aramaic, or whether it be a contraction ftoa
the Greek Cleopas and ultimately from Gk-
patroa. A strong argument against identiDu-
tion is that the Peshitto and the Jerus. Srrik.
Versions keep the two distinct.
But if, rejecting the identification of tlir
names, we also refuse to ideutify Clopas tW
man with the man Alphaena, we have thediS-
culty of adding another to the list of men vbi'
bore the name of James. If James the m "i'
Alphaeus is not the son of Clopas, then we hsrf
to admit the existence of another James, son t
Clopas and Mary, and known as "the little"
(i iwcp6i). At least this is necessary if » '1'
not deny the almost certain identity of Htirtr
Clopas (John xix. 25) with Mary, mother of June
" the little " and Joseph (Mark xv. 40> Oi tir
multiplication of persons bearing the w
name, which seems the inevitable result <-'l
honest attempts to investigate the qaerttci
see Lightfoot, Galatians* p. 261. For the liten-
ture of the question, see James. [E. B. B]
CLOTHING. [Dress.]
CLOUD QIJ/). The word D'Kr:, so «
dered in a few places, properly means " nroiT^i
the less dense form of cloud which riaes higli«f.
and is often absorbed without falling ia Tiio:
Arab. fi\tj and .<>(jtj. The word 3f, "ax-
times rendered "cloud," means merely "dirk-
ness," and is applied also to " a thicket " (J«ri'-
29). The shelter given, and refreshment of w"
promised, by clouds, give them their jncl*'
prominence in Oriental imagery, and the »'
dividual cloud in that ordinarily dondl**
region becomes well defined, and is dwelt np-
like the individual tree in the bare Uodsoix
(SUnley. S. ^ P. p. 140). Similarly, wt® ^
cloud appears, rain is ordinarily appwlw^'
and thus the " cloud without rain " beM™" '
proverb for the man of promise without [*•
formance (Prov. xvi. IC ; Is. xviii. 4, xxr. )■
Jude 12 ; cp. Prov. xxv. 14). The cloai » "■
course a figure of transitorines* (Job lU- 1' •
Hos. VI. 4), and of whatever intercepts dim-'
fiivour or human supplication (Lam. iL 1 ; ii>- ''^''
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CLOUD, PILLAR OF
Being the least (ubsUntial of visible forms,
undefined in shape, and unrestrained in position,
it is the one amongst material things which
suggests most easily spiritual being. Hence it
is, ao to speak, the lecognised machinery by
which supernatural appearances are introduced
(Is. lii. 1 ; Ezek. L 4 ; Rev. i. 7, and panini),
or the veil between things visible and invisible ;
but, more especially, a mysterious or super-
natural cloud is the symbolical seat of the
Divine Presence Itself — the phenomenon of
Deity vouchsafed by Jehovah to the Prophet,
the priest, the king, or the people ; so especially
at the Transtiguration, Ascension, and gather-
ing of the " vintage of wrath." Sometimes
thick darkness, sometimes intense luminousness,
often apparently, and especially by night, an
actual iire (as in the descent of Jehovah on
Sinai, Ei. xix. 18X ■' attributed to this glory-
cloud (Deut. iv. 11; Ex. xxxiii. 22, 23; 2 Sam.
xxiL 12, 13). In Ex. xl. 34-8, the Divine Pre-
sence takes visible possession of *' the tent of the
congregation," when Moses had "Bnished the
work," and presents the appearance of a cloud
"♦covering the teat " and " filling the Taber-
nacle " ; and so subsequently the Temple (1 K.
viii. 10, 11). In the former case "Moses was
not able to enter ; " in the latter " the priests
could not stand to minister." The notion seems
that of superhuman brightness which no eye
could face. Such a bright cloud, at any rate
at times, visited and rested on the mercy-seat
(Ex. xxix. 42, 43; 1 K. viii. 11; 2 Ch. v. 14;
Exek. xliii. 4% and was by later writers named
Shechinah. Thus the priests are cautioned not
to "come at all times . . . within the vail."
th»t they "die not, for " (it is added) " I will
appear in tt« cloud upon the mercy-seat," — the
clottd being clearly
CNIDUS
615
Tabernacle, whence God is said to have " come
down in the pillar " (Ex. xxxiii. 9, 10 ; Num.
xii. 5). It preceded the host, apparently resting
on the ark which led the way (Ex. xiii. 21, xl.
36, &c.; Num. ix. 15-23, x. 34). So by night
the cloud on the Tabernacle became fire, and the
guiding pillar a pillar of fire. A note in the
Speaker' t Commentary on Ex. xiii. 21 mentions
that " In an inscription of the Ancient Empire
(of Egypt) an Egyptian general is compared to
*a flame streaming in advance of an army';
and that in a well-known papyrus (Anast. 1)
the commander of an expedition is called 'a
6ame in the darkness at the head of hia sol-
diers.' " A remarkable passage in Curtius
(v. 2, § 7), descriptive of Alexander's army on
the march, mentions a l>eacon hoisted on a pole
from head-quarters as the signal for marching ;
obaervabatur iynis noctii, fumtis interdiu. This
was probably an adoption of an Eastern custom.
Similarly the Persians used, as a conspicuous
signal, an image of the snn enclosed in crystal
(>6. iii. 3, § 9). Caravans are still known to
use such beacons of fire and smoke ; the cloud-
lessness and often stillness of the sky giving the
smoke great density of volume and boldness of
outline. [H. H.]
CLOUTED. Josh. ii. 5; i.e. patched (see
Luniby, s. n. in Gloas. of Bible Wonb in Eyre and
Spottiswoode's Variorum Teacher's Ed, of the
Bible). Cp. "clouts," k«. patches or rags, in
Jer. xxxviii. 11, 12. [F.]
CNIDUS (Kvttos) is mentioned in 1 Mace xv.
23 as one of the Greek cities which contained
Jewish residents in the second century B.C., and
in Acts xxvii. 7 as a harbour which was passed
by St. Paul after leaving Myra, and before
that of the Presence
mentioned above (Hof-
rosnn, Schrtftbeiceis,
ii. 1, p. 361 sq., ed. 1>
For the curious ques-
tion which the Rabbis
and others have raised
coDceming it, e.g.
whether its light was
created or not, or
whether it was the
actual " light" created
un the "first day"
(Gen. i. 3) or an
emanation therefrom,
cp. Buxtorf, History
of the Ark, cha. xi.-
lir. (Ugolini, vol.
vii. ; Weber, Altsirnag.
PalaetiH. Theologie,
§ 39 and Index ; Ham-
burger, RE. Abth. ii.
s. n. " Schechinii.")
[H.H.]
Pr Tytippaim'
PUn of Onldoi and Chart of adjoinlnc oowt
CLOUD, PILLAR OP (Ijyn nWB). This
was the active form of the symbolical glory-
cloud, betokening God's Presence to lead His
chosen host, or to inquire and visit offences, as
the luminous cloud of the sanctuary exhibited
the same under an aspect of repose. The cloud,
which became a pillar when the host moved,
seems to have rested at other times on the
running under the lee of Crete. It was a city
of great consequence, situated at the extreme
S.W. of the peninsula of Asia Minor [Cabia],
on a promontory now called Cipe Crio, whicn
projects between thv islands of Cos and Rhodes
(see Acts xxi. 1). Cape Crio is in fact an island,
so joined by an artificial causeway to the main-
land as to form two harbours, one on the N.,
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616
COAL
the other on the S. The latter was the larger,
and its moles were noble constractiona. All
the remains of Cnidos show that it must hare
been a city of great magniticence. Few ancient
cities have received such ample illustration from
travels and engravings. We may refer to
Beaufort's Karanvmia, Hamilton's JSeaearches,
and Texier's Aiie Mineare, also Laborde, Leake,
and Clarke, with the drawings in the Ionian
Antiquitiea, published by the Dilettanti Society ;
the English Admiralty Charts, Nos. 1533, 1604;
Newton's Hist, of Discoveries at Cnidua (1862-3),
Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, ii. 167
(18SS); Vanx, Ok. Cities and Islands of Asia
Min. pp. 73-80. [J. S. H.] [J. E. S.]
COAL. In A. V. this word represents no leas
than five different Meb. words. 1. The first and
most frequently used u Oacheleth, npHJ (Syfpot,
iai0aaKla ; prmut, carbo), a live ember, burning
fuel, as distinguished from Dnp (Prov. xxvi. 21).
It is written more fully in Ezek. x. 3, C'^ vl),
and in Ezek. 1. 13, rtira B^ '^nj-
In 2 Sam. xiii. 9, 13,'" coals of' fire " are put
metaphorically for the lightnings proceeding
from God (Ps. xviii. 8, 12, 13 ; cxl. 10).
In Prov. iiv. 22, we have the proverbial ex-
pression, " Thou shalt heap coals of fire upon
his head," which has been adopted by St. Paul
in Rom. xii. 20, and by which is metaphorically
expressed the burning shame and confusion
which men must feel when their evil is requited
by good. In Ps. cxx. 4, " coals " = burning
brands of wood (not " juniper," but broom), to
which the false tongue is compared (James
iii. 6).
In 2 Sam. xiv. 7 the quenching of the live
coal is used to indicate the threatened destruc-
tion of the single remaining branch of the family
of the widow of Tekoah snbomed by Joab ; just
as Lucian ( Tim. § 3) uses the word iirufov in
the same connexion.
The root of 11711 j is 7n], which is possibly the
same in meaning as the Arab, j,^, to light a
fire, with the change of ? into D.
2. fecham, Dn^ (iirxipf, 6ii9pa(; oarbo,
pruna). In Prov. xxvi. 21 this word clearly sig-
nifies /u«{ not y«t lighted, as contrasted with the
baming fuel to which it is to be added ; but in
Is. iliv. 12 and Iiv. 16, it means fuel lighted,
having reference in both cases to smiths' work.
It is derived from DIIB ; Arab. . ^ , to be very
black. (See below.)
3. Hezeph, or Sitpah, e)^n. PIBST (4i«po{;
calculus in Is. vi. 6; but in 'l K.'xix. 6, n|»
D*9V") is rendered by theLXX. iyKfnxplas i\upC-
Ti)j, and by the Vulg. pants subcineridus'). In
the narrative of Elijah's miraculous meal the
word is used to describe the mode in which the
cake was baked, viz. on a hot stone, as is still
a o •
usual in the East. Cp. the Arab. ^iJt , a
hot stone on which flesh is laid. flBV^, in Is.
vi. 6, is rendered in A. V. " a live coal," but
properly means "a hot stone" (R. V. marg.).
COAL
The root is t|V1, to lay stones together as t
pavement.
4. ^^, in Uab. iii. 5, is rendered ia A. V.
(and R. V. marg.) "burning coals," and in A. V.
margin imming diteaiet; in R. V. text, "fiery
bolts." The former meaning is tnpported b;
Cant. viii. 6, the latter by Deut. iiiii. 24. Ac-
cording to the Rabbinical writers, ce^n^Cin
pruna.
5. Shechor. In Um. i v. 8, DTKB nin^B ^
is rendered in A. V. and R. V. "their xiiage ii
blacker than a coal," or in the marg. (A. V.
and R. V.) darHer than blachiess. 'm ii
found but this once, and signifies "to be black,"
from root IITB'. The LXX. render it bj
iurfii\ri, the Vulg. by carbonet. In other form
the word is frequent, and Shihor it a oxul
name for the Nile. [Shihoe.] l^-^]
The fuel denoted by the Heb. words gaduUtk
(n^nj) and pechSm (Dp^) is charcoal, sad w
mineral coal. There is no evidence to show tkst
the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with tk
substance we now denominate " coal ; " isditd
it seems pretty clear that the ancients geoenll;
nsed charcoal for their fuel ; and although tken
is a passage in Theophrastua (Fr. il 61, ti.
Schneider) from which we learn that fMsil col
was found in Liguria and Elis, and used by "tkt
smiths," yet its use must have been very limitsi
This coal was not what we nnderstasd bj tbt
term, but merely lignite, composed of foi^liiftl
vegetable matter, such as often occurs ii get-
logical formations much more recent thaatki
true carboniferous strata. The honsss of tbe
ancient Greeks and Romans were without dun-
neys in our sense of the word (see this snbjecl
admirably discussed by Beckmann, Hitt ImaL
j. 295). As the houses had merely an opedi^
in the centre of the TOot, the burning of " coal *
would have made even their kitchens iatola-
able.
No true coal is found in Palestine, the g«s-
logical formation of n-hich is far tm recent U>
atlbrd any possibility of the coal measures beiig
reached by any method now in man's posse»«a
The whole of Syria, with the exception of tkr
Jordan valley and the eastern volcaaie &-
tricts, is cretaceous, answering to our greeaani
or neocomian, underlying the similar chslk n
cretaceous formation of the lower eooese tti-
tiaries. This latter covers the whole sontlien
deserts, and also the tops of the central raagt
running down from Lebanon to Hebron. £1*-
where it has been denuded by fluviatile sctia-
Mixed with the limestone are here and am
sandstone, marls, and clays. Of oonrae lo cotl
could be found in these formations. Is tb<
Jordan basin, from its northern to its sostkos
extremities, are found large deposits «f bitniMC
and bituminous shale, which might be nsed a
fuel, but are all connected with the rolcasic
agencies formerly so active in the itgifo.
Lebanon and Hermon are scarcely, if at sl^
older than the triassic ; the fossils being doiif
of the Jurassic and oolite periods, and the n|>sr-
ficial strata being often more recent. Consr-
qnently the only carboniferons depodts are tsm
thin beds of lignite, almost valaelest, apjaratlr
underlying the jniasuc depotits.
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COCK
The geology of Palestine has been examined
by M. Laitet, in the splendid posthumous work
of the Due de Loynes, ^ La iter llorte{' by
Rossegger, Geognottiiche Karte del Libanon und
AutUibmon ; by Tristram, Zand of Israel, and
Land of Moab ; by Lynch, United States' Ex-
ploring Expedition to the Dead S*a and the
Jordan; and by Hull, Survey of Western Pales-
tine (PEF.). [H. B. T.]
COCK (iX^irraip ; gallui). There appears to
be but one reference to domestic poultry in the
0. T., riz. 1 K. ir. 23 ; the passages where the
LXX. and Vnlg. (as in Pror. xxx. 31 ; Is. xxii.
17) read iKdrrttp and gallus having no reference
to that bird. In the N. T. the " cock " is men-
tioned in reference to St. Peter's denial of our
Lord, and indirectly in the word i\titTpo<^y(a
(Matt. xxvi. 34; Mark xiv. 30, xiii. 35, &c).
At that period domestic poultry must have been
as fiuniliar and common as at present, from the
varioas references to them, as when our Lord
compares His tender love for Jerusalem to that
of a hen for her brood (Luke xiii. 34). Though
we hare no knowledge of their first introduc-
tion into Palestine, it is not impossible that
Solomon may have introduced them along with
peacocka, coming as they do from the same
region. 0*^9*?3, barburim, 1 K. ir. 23, may
refer to galUnaoeoos birds, though Gasenins
(in loco) utd Bochart (Uierox. ii. 127) would
render the word by " geese " or " swans." The
latter are lometimes found in Palestine in winter,
hut too rarely ever to hare been a regular article
of food, while geese are only stragglers to the
coaat, and can scarcely be domesticated in so
warm a climate. We should therefore prefer
the ordinary rendering of " fowls." Poultry
were common in Rome from the earliest times,
and can certainly be traced in Greece before the
Persian war. The Greek poet Pindar, li-ring soon
after the return from Babylon, mentions the
cock ; and the word 'hXinTup occurs in Homer
aa the name of a man, probably derived from
the bird. Aristophanes calls the cock the
Persian bird {Ates, 483). If^ therefore, it were
known so early further west, we may fairly
infer that at the same time or at an earlier date
it was domesticated in Palestine. No figures of
our domestic poultry have been noticed among
the antiquities of Egypt.
The original of our domestic fowl is from
India, and the islands of the Eastern Archi-
pelago; the jungle fowl (^Qallus ferruginetis) oi
India and of most of the Malayan islands being
hardly to be distinguished from our common
ganaecock. South India, Ceylon, and Java each
poaseas distinct species (fiallua aonneratti, G.
xtinleyi, and G. furoatua respectively) which
may have assisted by hybridization to modify
some of our existing and ever-varying breeds.
In India the domestication of the fowl goes back
to the earliest known period.
The Mishna (£<iAa Kama, vii. 7) says that
cocks were not kept at Jerusalem for fear of
their polluting holr things. The statement is
probably a fiction, for not only was the cock not
unclean, but an instance is mentioned of a cock
which was stoned by sentence of the Sanhedrin
for having caused the death of a child. The
Bomans were devoted to cock-fighting, and took
•heir bird* with them everywhere. The Jews
COCKLE
617
of Jerusalem keep poultry at the present day in
great numbers, not only in their courtyard, but
in the chambers of their houses, where they
roost, aggravating the squalid appearance of a
Jerusalem dwelling. [H. B. T.]
COCK-CBOWING is spoken of as a definite
period of the night in Mark xiii. 35 : "Ye know
not when the master of the house cometh, at
even or at midnight, or at the coci-crouing or in
the morning." The cock-crowing here spoken of
is really the second cock-crowing, about an hour
and a half before dawn. The first cock-crowing
is at midnight, and there are in the East two
subsequent times of crowing, about an hour and
a half or two hours after midnight, and again
just before the dawn. In our latitude, with the
varying lengths of days and nights, the domestic
fowls do not exercise their voices with the same
regularity as in countries nearer the equator.
On my first visit to Syria I was, for several
successive nights, awakened three times by the
sudden crowing of the cocks on the roof of the
hotel. Arundell (Discoveries in Asia Minor)
writes: "It has often been remarked, in illus-
tration of Scripture, that in the Eastern countries
the cocks crow in the night, but the regularity
with which they keep what may be called the
watches has not been perhaps sufHciently noticed.
I will, however, confine myself to one, and that
is between eleven and twelve o'clock. I have
often heard the cocks of Smyrna crowing in full
chorus at that time, and with scarcely the
variation of a minute. The second cock -crowing
is between one and two o'clock. Therefore,
when our Lord says, ' In this night, before the
cock crow twice, the allusion was clearly to
these seasons." The same regularity has been
noticed in the domestic poultry of the South
Sea Islands ; so much so, that the natives of the
New Hebrides mark the division of time in the
night by the cock-crowing. In their language
the midnight is " the little cock-crowing," 2 a.m.
is " the great cock-crowing," and an hour
before dawn is " the last cock-crowing." In
explanation of the expression " the little cock-
crowing," I have often noticed that in Syria
frequently only one solitary cock disturbs the
stillness about, or a little before, midnight, and
he finds no response from his fellows, while two
hours later all the birds in the neighbourhood at
once join in discordant chorus. Dean Alford,
therefore, correctly explains the slight difierence
in the wording of our Lord's warning to St.
Peter as recorded by St. Matthew and St. Mark,
" The first cock-crowing is at midnight ; but
inasmuch as few hear it, — when the word is used
generally, we mean the second crowing, early in
the morning before dawn." [H. B. T.]
COCKATRICE. A not very happy render-
ing by the A. V. of the Hebrew words tziph'ini
CjB^y) and tzepha' (SQ'^); R- V. "basilUk,"
marg. adder. See Prov. ixiii. 32, margin ;
Is. xi. 8, lix. 5 ; Jer. viii. 17. The cockatrice
is a fabulous animal, concerning which absurd
stories are told. Perhaps the great yellow
viper, Daboia xanthina, is intended in the
original. [Adder.] [H. B. T.]
COCKLE (ne'«3, bo'shah; Pdrot; apimt)
occurs only in Job xxxi. 40 : " Let thistles grow
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618
COELESYBIA
instead of wheat, and cockle instead of barley."
The plural form of a Heb. noan, viz. D*t^3
(WusAimX is found in Is. v. 2, 4, A. V. " Wil5
grapes." Whatever it is, it must not be con-
founded with what is called the wild vine ( Vitia
labrusca), a North American plant, nor with the
aconite, which is not found in Syria, but which
is proposed by Celsius (Hierob. ii. 199). Hassel-
qnist suggests {Trav. p. 290) the hoary night-
shade, Sotanum villostun, which is a trouble-
some vineyard weed in Palestine, bears berries,
and is called by the Arabs 'inab ed dCb, i.e.
" wolf's grapes." Another suggestion, deduced
from the deirivation of the name from tS^^>
" to smell as carrion," is that it means some
stinking weed. If the word be speci6c, and not
general, it may well stand for the stinking arum,
Dramncultts vulijara, a common Palestine weed,
with a horrible and disgusting odour ; or, from
the conteit of the word in Job, for the bimt, or
stinking rust, Uredo foetida, which sometimes
attacks barley, and has a scarcely less revolting
smell than the arum. But if the term be
general, it may allude to the troublesome
grasses, such as the " tares " of N. T., Lolium
temulentum, or darnel, which choke the corn, and
also, if unchecked, the trailing vines. [H. B. T.]
OOELESYBIA (Ko(Ai) 5up(o; Coetesyria),
*' the hollow Syria," was (strictly speaking) the
name given by the Greeks, after the time of
Alexander, to the remarkable valley or hollow
(koiAIo) which intervenes between Libanus and
Anti-Libanus, stretching from lat 33^ 20* to
34° 40', a distance of nearly a hundred miles.
As applied to this region the word is strikingly
descriptive. Dionysius the geographer well
observes upon this, in the lines —
'Hr KoAijv hfinoviTw cirwwfu)!', wvzk' op' avrqK
Mi o'ffill' cat x^^o^^oAilF opiav ivo Vfmvn ixoww.
Ptritg. 8(9, 900.
A modem traveller says, more particularly :
" We finally looked down on the vast green and
red valley — green from its yet unripe com, red
from its vineyards not yet verdant — which
divides the range of Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon;
the former reaching its highest point in the
snowy crest to the north, behind which lie the
Cedars; the latter, in the still more snowy
crest of Hermon — the culmination of the range
being thus in the one at the northern, in the
other at the southern, extremity of the valley
Avhich they bound. The view of this great
valley is chiefly remarkable as being exactly to
the eye what U is on maps — the ' hollow '
between the two mountain ranges of Syria.
A screen through which the Leontes (Litany')
breaks out closes the south end of the plain.
There is a similar screen at the north end, but
too remote to be visible " (Stanley's S. 4" -P.
p. 407). The plain gradually rises towards its
centre, near which, but a little on the southern
declivity, stand the ruins of Baalbek or Helio-
polis. In the immediate neighbourhood of
Baalbek rise the two streams of the Orontes
(Nahr-el-Asy) and the LitSny. which flowing in
opposite directions, to the N.W. and the S.E.,
give freshness and fertility to the tract enclosed
between the mountain ranges.
The term Coele-Syria was also used in a much
wider sense. In the first place it was extended
COLLAB
so as to include the inhabited tract to the eut
of the Anti-Libanus range, between it tod tlie
desert, in which stood the great city of DimsKu:
and then it was further carried on npoo thsi
side of Jordan, through Trachonitis and fenti,
to Idumaea and the borders of Egypt (Strata.
xvi. § 21 ; Polyb. v. 80, § 3 ; Jos. Ant i. n,§5).
Ptolemy (v. 15) and Josephus {Ant. liii. 13, §i)
even place Scythopolis in Coiele-Syria, though
it was npon the west side of Jordan ; bnt ther
seem to limit its extent southwards t« sUiit
lat. 31° 30', or the country of the AmnKmitu
(Ptol. v. 15 ; Joseph, i. 11). Ptolemy distinctl;
includes in it the Damascus country.
None of the di\-isions of Syria (Aram) in tie
Jewish Scriptures appear to correspond with
the Coele-Syria of the Greeks ; for there an w
grounds for supposing, with Calmct {Diet M
the Bible, art. Coelesyria), that " Syria of Z«b»ii"
is Coele-Syria. Coele-Syria scems to hare bea
included under the name of "Syria of Damsscni"
(pjJ^'TDItC), and to have formed a portioo cf
that' kingdom, [AR.41I.] The only diitisct
reference to the region, as a separate tnct d
country, which the Jewish Scriptures ocmtiit,
is probably that in Amos (i. 5), where " the ia-
habitants of the plain of Aven" (IJ^nSpS-
Biiath-Aten) are threatened, in coBJondi«
with those of Damascus. Bikath is eiai:t..v
snch a plain as Coele-Syria (Stanley's PofcsiiK,
Append, p. 484); and the expression Bikiti-
Aven, " the plain of Vanity," woold be weJ
applied to the tract immediately around the gnat
sanctuary of Baalbek. [Aven.] In the .^potrr-
phal Books there is frequent mention of C«l«-
[A. V. Celo-]Syria in a somewhat vague ko«,
nearly as an equivalent for Syria (1 Ksi ii. !<■
24, 27, iv. 48, vi. 29, vii. 1, viiil 67 ; 1 Macci. 69:
2 Mace. iii. 5, 8, iv. 4, viii. 8, x. 11). [G. ^
COFFEB (t|1K, probably from MT, *> ^
moved; idfia ; oapsella), a movable box htapv
from the side of a cart (1 Sam. vi. 8, U, I')'
This word is found nowhere else, and in each <<
the above examples has the definite article, «»
if of some special significance, thongk f-f
necessarily so (see Driver, JVofcs on the Bf-
Text of the BB. of Sam. in looo). [H. W. f]
CO'LA (B. Xo.A<£, A. KwKji; »*. VoIj.m-
but {{'•* K«»Ao), a place named with Qxtu
(Judith XV. 4, only) ; it is now, possiMv, A
Kd'tm in the Jordan Valley, on the road fno
Chobai, el-Mekhubby, to Scythopolis. Sn*^
{Onom. p. 170) suggests AbelmecWoL [f •;
COLHO'ZEH (HTh-^S; LXX. om.; O*
hoia), a roan of the tribe of Jndah in the ti«e
of Nehemiah (Neh. iu. 15, xi. 5). [W. S- ^ J
COXIUS (KiJos, A. KtiKtos ; Celnis), 1 ^
ix. 23. [Kelaiah.] rW.A.W.]
COLLAB. For the proper sense of thi'
term (niD'OJ), as it occurs in Judg. viil 2<
and in Is. iii. 18 (R. V. "pendants" ia bcii
passages. See Delitxsch on Is. /. c.X »* ^"
BINOS. The rendering of '53 (."' **' '*""'' °
Job XXX. 18 is supported by the LXX. (ir"'
rh xtfurriiuay), the Vulg. {quasi o^niu), t >-
and modem critics generally. L'-J
;GooQle
COLLEGE, THE
COLLEGE, THE (Hje^ri; « itmrtixl;
Secunda). In 2 K. zxii. 14 it ii said in the
A. V. tliat Huldah the prophetess "dwelt in
Jerusalem in the college," or, as the margin has
it, " in the second part." The same part of the
city is undoabtedly alluded to in Zeph. i. 10
(A. V. " the second [gate] "}. In both passages
R. V. reads " the second quarter," i,e. (see
below) the lower city. Our translators derived
their rendering " the college " from the Targum
of Jonathan, which has " honse of instruction,"
a scboolhouse supposed to have been in the
neighbonrhood of the Temple. This transliition
must hare been based upon the meaning of the
Hebrew miahmli, " repetition," which has been
adopted by the Peshitto^yriac, and the word
was thus taken to denote a place for the repeti-
tion of the Law, or perhaps a place where copies
of the Law were made (cp. Deut. xvii. 18;
Josh. Till. 32). Roshi, after quoting the render-
ing of the Targum, says, " There is a gate in the
^emple] court, the name of which is the gate
of Hnldah in the treatise Middoth [i. 3], and
some translate H^B'OB, without the wall, be-
tween the two walls, which was a second part
(miahneh) to the city." The latter is sub-
stantially the opinion of the author of QuaeH.
m Libr. Reg. attributed to Jerome. Keil's
explanation (Comm. on 1 K.'. c.),that the Miahneh
was the " lower city," called by Josephns i) iWri
wiKis {Ant. XT. II, § 5), and built on the hill Akra,
is more definite than " a part of the city " pre-
ferred by Schwally (ZATW. x. 173). Ewald
and Orelli (Zeph. i. 10) render it Neuatadt, i.e.
Bezetha, or New Town. [W. A. W.] [K.]
In the American edition of the D, B., Dr.
CoDant has pointed out that the earlier stages
of the English Version present a preference for
the now generally accepted rendering. Thus
Coverdale's Bible (1535) reads (in 2 K. I. c.)
"the second porte;" Matthew's Bible (1537)
"the second ward." Cranmer's Bible (1540)
has in 2 K. " the house of the doctrine," but in
the parallel passage in 2 Ch. " the second wall ; "
ao also in both passages the Bishops' Bible.
The Genevan Bible (1560) has in 2 K. and 2 Ch.
" the college," with a marg. note on the former
passage, ** or, the house of doctrine, which was
near to the "Temple ; " and this was the Version
followed by King James' revisers (1611). [F.]
C0LL0P8 (nD»e = nD'KB, Job iv. 27;
Dish. Lehrb. d. US. Sprache, §'l71a,/ci< or/a/-
ness). Eastwood and Wright(fitMe^an(ftocit,8.n.)
sflirin it to be a Torkshire word still used, signify-
ing lamps or slices of meat, and Lumby {Glossary
of Bible Words in 2<wcA«r'» Bible, s. n.) gives the
same sense with references to the use of the word
in Piers Phxcman and North's Plutarch. [F.]
COLONT, a designation of Philippi, the cele-
brated city of Macedonia, in Acts xvi. 12. After
the battle of Actium, Augustus assigned to his
veterans those parts of Italy which had espoused
the cause of Antony, and transported many of
the expelled inhabitants to Philippi, Dyrracbium,
and other cities (Die Cass. li. 4). In this way
Philippi was made a Roman colony with the
" Jus Italicum " (cp. Dig. 50, tit. 15, s. 8), and
accordingly we find it described as a " colonia "
both in inscriptions and upon the coins of
Aagostus. The events which befell St. Paul at
COLOUBS
619
Philippi were directly connected with the privi-
leges of the place as a Roman colony, and with
his own privileges as a Roman citizen: see
Conybeare and Howson {Life and Epp. cf St.
Paul, i. p. 312, orig. cd.), who develop these
points at some length (Orelli, Inscr. 512, 3658,
3746, 4064; Rosche, iii. pt. 2, p. 1120). On
the " Jus Italicum," see Diet, of Ant., Colonia
and LAT1M1TA8. [W. S.] [F.]
COLOUBS. The terms rel.itive to colour,
occurring in the Bible, may be arranged in two
classes, the first including those apjilied to the
description of natural objects, the second those
artificial mixtures which were employed in
dyeing or painting. In an advanced state of
art, such a distinction can hardly be said to
exist ; all the hues of nature have been success-
fully imitated by the artist ; but among the
Jews, who fell even below their contemjjoraries
in the cultivation of the fine arts, and to whom
painting was unknown until a late period, the
knowledge of artificial colours was very re-
stricted. Dyeing was the object to which the
colours known to them were applied ; so ex-
clusively indeed were the ideas of the Jews
limited to this application of colour, that the
name of the dye was transferred without any
addition to the material to which it was applied.
The Jews were not, however, by any means
insensible to the influence of colour ; they
attached definite ideas to the various tints,
according to the use maile of them in robes and
vestments; and the subject exercises an im-
portant influence on the interpretation of cer-
tain portions of Scripture,
1. The natural colours noticed in the Bible
are white, black, red, yellow, and green. It
will be observed that only three of the prismatic
colours are represented in this list ; blue, indigo,
violet, and orange are omitted. Of the three,
yellow is very seldom noticed ; it was apparently
regarded as a shade of green, for the same term
greenish (P'IpT ; see MV.") is applied to gold
(Ps. Ixviii. 13) and to the leprous spot (Lev. xiii.
49X and very probably the golden (3nV) or yellow
hue of the leprous hair (Lev, xiii. 30-32)-
differed little from the greenish spot on the
garments or skin (Lev. xiii. 49). Orcen is fre-
quently noticed, but an examination of the pas-
I sages in which it occurs will show that the re-
ference is seldom to colour. The Hebrew terms
I are raanan (pV 1) and yarak (pi*) ; the first of
I these applies to what is vigorous and flourishing ;
\ hence it is metaphorically employed as an image-
of prosperity (Job xv. 32 ; Pss. xxxvii. 35, Iii. 8,
xcii. 14 ; Jer. xi. 16, xvii. 8 ; Dan. iv. 4 ; Hos.
xiv. 8) ; it is invariably employed wherever the
expression " green tree " is n^ed in connexion
with idolatrous sacrifices, as though through its
aged ever-greennesB conveying the idea of a.
dense and lasting canopy to the worshippers
(Deut. xii. 2 [cp. Dillmnnn»] ; 2 K. xvi. 4) ; else-
where it is used of that which is fresh, as oil
(Ps. xcii. 10) and newly-plucked boughs (Cant,
i. 16). The other term, yarak, has the radical
signification of putting forth leaves, sprouting
(Gesen. Utesnur. p. 632 1 : it is used indiscrimi-
nately for all pi-oductions of the earth fit for food
(Gen. i. 30, ix. 3 ; Ex. x. 15 ; Num. xxii. 4 ; Is.
XV. 6 ; cp. x*Mp6s, Rev. viii. 7, ix. 4), and again
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COLOURS
for all kind< of garden herbs (Dent. xi. 10 ; 1 K.
iii. 2 ; 2 K. lix. 26 ; Prov. iv. 17 ; U. iiiTii. 27 ;
contrast the restricted application of our ^renu) ;
when applied to grass, U means specifically the
young, freth grau (K^. P«. xxirii. 2X which
springs op in the desert (Job xxxix. 1). Else-
where it describes the siclcly yellowish hoe of
mildewed com (Deut. xxviii. 22 ; IK. viii. 37 ;
2 Ch. Ti. 28; Amos iv. 9; Hag. li. 17); and
lastly, it is used for the entire absence of colour
prodnced by fear (Jer. xxx. 6 ; cp. x^"?^'' ^'■
X. 376): hence x^^P^f (Rer. vi. 8) describes the
ghastly, livid hue of death. In other p.is8ages
•" green " is erroneously used in the A. V. for
white (Gen. xxx. 37, R. V. "fresh " ; Esth. i. 6,
R. V. marg. cotton), young (Lev. ii. 14, ixiii. 14,
R V. " fresh "), moUt (Judg. xvi. 7, 8, A. V.
marg. ; but R. V. gives in the marg.— as an
-alternative for the " green withes " of the text
— nev hoastringa). Thus it may be said that
green is never used in the Bible to convey the
impression of proper colour.
The only fundamental colour of which the
Hebrews appearto have had aclear conception was
red; and even this is not very often noticed. They
had no scientific Icnowledge of colours, and such
■n passage as Rev. ir. 3 is not to be explained by
assuming that the emerald represents green, the
Jasper yellow, and the sardine red: the idea in-
tended to be conveyed by these images is rather
that of pure, brilliant, traneparent light. The
/emerald, for instance, was chiefly prized by the
ancients for its glitteriwj, scintulating qualities
{^aiyX^tit, Orpheus, de Lap. p. 608), whence per-
as it derived its name {aiiAfoyiot, from nap-
Miv). The jasper is characterised by St. John
himself (Rev. xxi. 11) as being crystal-clear (itpv-
OToKKiitiiv), and not as having a certain hue.
The sardine may be compared with the amber
of Ezek. i. 4, 27, or the burnished brass of Dan.
X. 6, or again the fine brass, "as if burning in a
furnace," of Rev. i. 15, each conveying the im-
pression of the colour of fire in a state of pure
incandescence. Similarly the beryl, or rather
the chrytolitt (the Hebrew Tharsis), may be
■elected by Daniel (x. 6) on account of its trans-
parency. An exception may be made perhaps
in regard to the sapphire, in so far as its hue
:answers to the deep blue of the firmament (Ex.
xxiv. 10; cp. Ezek. i. 26, x. 1), but even in this
«ase the pellncidity (n)3?, omitted in A. V.,
Ex. xxiv. 10; R. V. marg. bright) or polish
-of the stone (cp. Lam. iv. 7) forms an im-
portant, if not the main, element in the com-
paruwn. The highest development of colour
in the mind of the Hebrew evidently was
light, and hence the predominance given to
white as its representative (cp. the connexion
between X<vKb; and lux). This feeling appears
both in the more numerous allusions to it
than to any other colour — in the variety of
terms by which they discriminated the shades
from a pale, duU tint (iinS, blachish, Lev. xiii.
21 sq.) up to the most brilliant splendour (lil^,
Ezek. viii. 2 ; Dan. xii. 3) — and in the comparisons
by which they sought to heighten their ideas of
it, an instance of which occurs in the three
accounts of the Transfiguration, where the
countenance and robes are described as like
" the sun " and » the light " (Matt. xvii. 2),
'* shining, exceeding white as snow " (Mark ix. 3),
C0L0DB8
"glistening" (Luke ii. 29). Snow i> used
eleven times in a similar way; the m in
times; wool four times; milk once. In sodk
instances the point of the comparison it not so
obvious, e.g. in Job ixxviii. 14 ** they itud u a
garment," in reference to the vhiU oolooi of
the Hebrew dress, and in Ps. IxviiL 13, where
the glancing hues of the dove's plumage lag-
gested an image of the brilliant efiect o{ the
vhite holyday costume. Next to white. Hack, or
rather dark, holds the most prominent |Jict.
not only as its opposite, but ahio as repr<satiii{
the complexion of the Orientals. There vne
various shades of it, including the (nwa of tke
Nile water (whence its name, IAD^, Siher)-
the reddish tint of early dawn, to whid tke
complexion of the bride is likened (Cant vi 10),
as well as the lurid hue produced by a flight «
locnsta (Joel ii. 2)— and the darkness of lilad-
ness itself (Lam. iv. 8). As before, we ksTi
various heightening images, such as the tents of
Kedar, a flock of goats, the raven (CanL i. 5,
iv. 1, V. 11), and sackcloth (Jtev. tl 13). Bei
was also a colour of which the Hebrem had i
vivid conception : this may be attributed parti;
to the prevalence of that colour in the oirtwxi^
aspect of the countries and peoples with whidi
they were familiar, as attested by the asnu
Kdom, and by the words adamah (earth) sal
adam (man), so termed either as being formed
out of the red earth, or as being red in om-
parison with the fair colour of the Assyiiaas,
and the black of the Aethiopians. Bed ra
regarded as an element of personal beauty : cf.
1 Sam. xvi. 12 ; Cant. ii. 1, where the liljistki
red one for which Syria was famed (PUn. ro-
ll); Cant. iv. 3, vi. 7, where the compleiiaaii
compared to the red fruit of the pomegnntit;
and Lam. iv. 7, where the hue of the sUi it
redder than coral (R.y. marg. ; A. T. "mbict'),
contrasting with the white of the jonMsti
before noticed. The three colours — while,
black, and red — were sometimes intermixed ia
animals, and gave rise to the terms "fit,
"dappled" (A. V. « white "X probably wiiw
and red (Judg. v. 10; MV."); np», "ri^-
straked," either with white bands on the 1^
or white- footed ; l'p3, "speckled;" tfX.
"spotted," white and black; and lastly TO.
"piebald" (A, V. and R. V. "grisled^'i'
spots being larger than in the two former (Go-
xxx. 32, 35, xxxi. 10) ; the latter term is ■«<
of a horse (Zech. vi. 3, 6) with a symboliol
meaning : Hengstenberg {C/iristol. in loc) «c-
siders the colour itself to be QDmeaning, and thit
the prophet has added the t«rm strong (eo B. V,
D»Xb»|! ; A. V. « bay ") by way of explanitiM;
Orelll (in Strack u. ZSckler's Kgf. Komm. in Imo>
on the contrary, is in favour of the opinion llm
some colour is intended. It remains for n< f
to notice the various terms applied to these thiK
colours. I
1. Whtte. The most common term is ji/,
which is applied to such object* as milk (Ges.
xlix. 12), manna (Ex. xvi. 31), snow (Ui 1S>
horses (Zech. i. 8), raiment (Eccles. ix. 8); and >
cognate word expresses the colour of the a«B
(Is. xxiv. 23). ny, dazzling whiU, is applied te
the complexion (Cant. v. 10) ; "MIT, a tens of »
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C0L0UB8
later age, to snow (Dan. vii. 9 only), and to the
palenen of shame (Is. xxix. 22, ^ID); 2''&, to
the hair alone. Another class of terms arises
from the textures of a naturally white colour,
as Vff and Y^2. These words appear to have
been originally of foreign origin, bnt were
connected by the Hebrews with roots in their
own language descriptive of a white colour
(Ges. Theaaur. pp. 190, 1384). Thus V^ was
originally ^yptian (achetu, cp. Dillmann on
Eiod. xxT. 4); 1*43 was a later word, and
represents rather the Syrian byssus (see MV.").
The terms were withont doubt primarily applied
to the material ; but the idea of colour is also
prominent, particularly in the description of
the curtains of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxti. 1) and
of the priests' vestments (Ex. xxriii. 6). K*^ is
ilso applied to white marble (Esth. i. 6 ; Cant. T.
13); and a cognate word, ilSCnC, to the lily
(Cant. ii. 16). In addition to these we meet
with n-in (fiicaot, Esth. i. 6, viii. 16), and
DBT3 (itdfnrmroj ; A. V. » green," R. V. " cotton,"
Ertb. L 6), also descriptive of white textures.
White was symbolical of innocence : hence the
raiment of Angels (Mark xvi. 5; John xx. 12)
aid of glorified saints (Rev. xix. 8, 14) is white.
It was iJso symbolical of joy (Kccles. ix. 8) ; and,
laatly, of victory (Zech. vi. 3 ; Rev. vi. 2). In
the Revelation the tei-m Ktukln is applied ex-
clusively to what belongs to Jesus Christ
(Wordsworth's Apoc. p. 105).
2. Black. The shades of this colour are ex-
pressed in the terms "IDC, applied to the hair
(Lev. ziit 31; Cant. v. 11); to the complexion
(Cant. i. r.\ particularly when aBected with
diaesse (Job xxx. 30) ; and to horses (Zech. vi. 2,
6): Wn, lit. scorched (^aiiis; A. V. "brown,"
R. V. " black," Gen. xxx. 32), applied to sheep ;
the word expresses the colour produced by the
infloence of the sun's rays: f\^, lit. to he dirty,
applied to a complexion blackened by sorrow or
disease (Job xxx. 30) ; to mourner's robes (Jer.
viii. 21, xiv. 2 ; cp. tordidae testes) ; to a clouded
sky (1 E. xviii. 45) ; to night (Mic. iii. 6 ; Jer. iv.
28; Joel ii. 10, iii. 15); and to a turbid brook
(whence possibly Kedbon), particularly when
rendered so by melted snow (Job vi. 16). Black,
as being the oppoate to white, is symbolical of
evil (Zech. vi. 2, 6 ; Rev. vi. 5).
3. Red. D*TK is applied to blood (2 K. iii.
22); to a garment sprinkled with blood (Is. Ixiii.
2); to a heifer (Nnm. xix. 2); to pottage made
of lentiles (Gen. xxv. 30) ; to a horse (Zech. i. 8,
vL 2); to wine (Prov. xxiii. 31); and to the
complexion (Gen. xxv. 25 ; Cant. v. 10 ; Lam. iv.
7). mpTK is a slight degree of red, reddish,
and is applied to a leprous spot (Lev. xiii. 19,
xiv. 37). p^, lit. fox-coloured, bay, is applied
to • horse (A. V. "speckled," R. V. "sorrel ";
Zech. i. 8), and to a species of vine bearing a purple
gnpe (Is. T. 2, xvi. 8). The corresponding term
in Greek is vv^is, lit. red as fire. This colour
was symbolical of bloodshed (Zech. vi. 2 ; Rer.
vi 4, xii. 3).
II. Abtihcial Colours. The art of ex-
tracting dyes, and of applying them to varioust
textures, appears to have been known at a very
eu-ly period. We read of scarlet thread at the
COLOURS
62t
time of Zarah's birth (Gen. xxxviii. 28) ; of blue-
and purple at the time of the Exodus (Ex. ixvi,
1). There is, however, no evidence to show that
the Jews themselves were at that period ac-
quainted with the art: the profession of the
dyer is not noticed in the Bible, though it is
referred to in the Talmud. They wece probably
indebted both to the Egyptians and the Phoe-
nicians ; to the latter for the dyes, and to the
former for the mode of applying them. The
purple dyes which they chiefly used were ex-
tracted by the Phoenicians (Ezek. xxvii. 16 ; Plin.
ix. 60), and in certain districts of Asia Minor
(Horn. II. iv. 141),eapecially Thyatira (Acts ivi.
14). It does not appear that those particular
colours were used in Egypt, the Egyptian colours
being produced from various metallic and earthy
substances (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, ii. 291, &c.
[1878]). On the other hand, there was a
remarkable similarity in the mode of dyeing
in Egypt and Palestine, inasmuch as the colour
was applied to the raw material, previous to
the processes of spinning and weaving (Ex.
XXXV. 25, xxxix. 3 ; Wilkinson, ii. 84, 85). The
dyes consisted of purples, light and dark (the
latter being the "blue" of the A. V.), and
crimson ("scarlet," A. V.): vermilion wa»
introduced at a late period.
1. POKPLE (IDJ"!K ; Chaldaic form, K5J|"1K,
Dan. V. 7, 16 ; wof^ipa ; purptira). This colour
was obtained from the secretion of a species of
shell-fish (Plin. ix. 60), the Murex <runcu/us of
Linnaeus, which was found in various parts of
the Mediterranean Sea (hence called wopipipa
0a\€UT<rla, 1 Mace. iv. 23), particularly on the
coasts of Phoenicia (Strab. xvi. 757)^ Africa
(Strab. ivii. 885X Laconia (Hor. Od. ii. 18, 7),
and Asia Minor. The derivation of the Hebrew
name is uncertain: it has been connected
with the Sanscrit rdgaman, " tinged with red "
(cp. MV."), but its occurrence in Assyrian
under the form ar-ga-man-nu (Schrader, KA T.*
p. 155) would seem to make a Semitic derivation
more probable. The colouring matter was
contained in a small ves.sel in the throat of the
fish; and as the quantity mounted to only a
single drop in each animal, the value of the dye
was proportionately high : sometimes, however,
the whole fish was crushed (Plin. ix. 60). It is
difficult to state with precision the tint described
under the Hebrew name. The Greek equivalent
was, we know, applied with great latitude, not
only to all colours extracted from the shell-fish,
but even to other brilliant colours : thus, in John
xix. 2, iit4.T lov irofMpvpovy = ;i(Aa/iiis KOKKiyri,
in Matt, xxvii. 28 (cp. Plin. ix. 62). The same
may be said of the Latin purpureus. The Hebrew
term seems to ba applied in a similarly broad
seme in Cant. vii. 5, where it either = btack (cp.
v. 11), or, possibly, shining with oiL Gene-
rally speaking, however, the tint must be con-
sidered as having been defined by the distinction
between the purple proper and the other purple
dye (A. V. "blue"), which was produced from
another species of shell-fish. The latter was
undoubtedly a dark violet tint, while the former
had a light reddish tinge. Robes of a purple
colour were worn by kings (Jndg. viii. 26), and
by the highest officers, civil and religious ; thus
Mordecai (Esth. viii. 15), Daniel (A. V. "scarlet."
R. V. " purple," Dan. v. 7, 16, 29), and Androni-
cus, the depnty of Antiochns (2 Hacc iv. 38),
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C0L0UB8
were invested with pnrple in token of the offices
they held (cp. Xeo. Anah. i. 5, § 8): so also
Jonathan, as high-priest (1 Mace. x. 20, 64 ; zi.
58). They were also worn by the wealthy and
loxurious ( Jer. x. 9 ; Ezek. xxvii. 7 ; Luke xtI. 19 ;
Rev. xvii. 4, xviii. 16). A similar Talue was
attached to purple robes both by the Greeks
<Hom. Od. xix. 225 ; Herod, ix. 22 ; Strab. xir.
648) and by the Romans (Verg. tieorg. iL 495 ;
Hor. Ep. 12, 21; Suet. Caes. 43; Nero, 32).
Of the use of this and the other dyes in the
textures of the Tabernacle, we shall presently
speak.
2. Blce (npiJFI; 6iiai>9os, ituctySwos, d\o-
7r6pit)vpos, Num. it. 7 ; hyacinthus, hyacinthinut).
This dye was procured from a species of shell-
fish fouud on the coast of Phoenicia, and called
by the Hebrews Chilzon (Targ. Pseudo-Jon^ in
IJieut. xxxiii. 19% and by modern naturalists Helix
latUhina. The derivation of the Hebrew name
is uncertain ; in Assyrian the word occurs as ta-
kU-tu (Schrader, KA T* p. 155). The tint is best
«xplained by the statements of Jo.sephus {Ant. iii.
7, § 7) and Philo that it was emblematic of the
sky, in which case it represents not the light
blue of our Northern climate, but the deep dark
hue of the Eastern sky (icpoi Si <riii$o\or idxiy
6ot, fi4?Mt yiip oCrot ipivti, Phil. 0pp. i. 536).
The term adopted by the LXX. is applied by
classical writers to a colour approaching to
black (Hom. Od. ri. 231, xiiii. 158; Theoc. Id.
10, 28) : the flower, whence the name was bor-
rowed, bpiDg, as is well known, not the modem
hi/acinth, but of a dusky red colour (ferruginetu,
Verg. Georg. iv. 183 ; caelestis luminis hyacmtkus,
Olum. ix. 4, 4). The A. V. (margin) has rightly
described the tint in Enth. i. 6 as violet; the
ordinary term blue (A. V. and R. V.) is incorrect :
the Luthcrnn translation — in iriving it gelbe Seide
(yellow silk), and occasionally simply Seide
{Ezek. xxiii. 6) — is still more incorrect. This
colour was used in the same way as pnrple.
Princes and nobles (Ezek. xxiii. 6 ; Ecclus. xl. 4),
and the idols of Babylon (Jer. x. 9), were clothed
in robes of this tint: the riband and the fringe
of the Hebrew dress were ordered to be of this
colour (Num. xt. 38) : it was used in the ta-
pestries of the Persians (Esth. i. 6). The effect
of the colour is well described in Ezek. xxiii. 12,
where such robes are termed TlwD ^l?27, robes
of perfection, i.e. gorgeous robes. We may re-
mark, in conclusion, that the LXX. treats the
term B'Pin (A. V. "badger," R.V. "sealskin")
as indicative of colour, and has translated it
ituctrBtyos, iimihinus (Ex. xxt. 5). [BadOER.]
3. Scarlet (Crihson, Is. i. 18 ; Jer. iv. 30).
The terms by which this colonr is expressed in
Hebrew vary ; sometimes '3^f simply is used, as
in Gen. xxxviii. 28-30 ; sometimes ^i^ ni^'lB,
as in Ex. ixv. 4 ; and sometimes TwflFi simply,
as in Is. i. 18. The word h'^D'Q (probably of
Pers. etymology, see M.V."; a'. V. and R. V-
" crimson ; " 2 Ch. ii. 7, 14, iii. 14) was intro-
duced at a late period, probably from Armenia,
to express the same colour. The first of these
terms (derived from iMSf, to shine) expresses the
UHlianci/ of the colour ; the second, nffpiR, the
COLOUKS
uorm, or grub, whence the dye was procand,
and which gave name to the colonr occuionallc
without any addition, just as vermilim is derived
from vermimltu. The LXX. generally renders
it KixKiyov, occasionally with the addition of
such terms as KtK\uapiivm> (Ex. xiri. 1), or
iiaytvtiaiuyof (Ex. xzviii. 8); the Vulgate has
generally ooccmum, occasionally coccus bis titcbu
(Ex. XX viii. 8), apparently following the erroaeom
interpretation of Aqnila and Symmachoi, irhi>
render it $l0aipos, double-dyed (Ex. xxv. 4), at
though from VOSf, to repeat. The process of
double-dyeing was, however, peculiar to the
Tyrian purples (Plin. ix. 39). The dye was pro-
duced from an insect, somewhat resembling tht
cochineal, which is found in considerable quanti-
ties in Armenia and other Eastern conntriea. The
Arabian name of the insect is kermei (whesce
crimson): the Linnaean name is Cooaa llim.
It frequents the boughs of a species of ilex : n
these it lays its eggs in groups, which beoome
covered with a kind of down, so that they preacol
the appearance of vegetable galls or excresceaoes
from the tree itself, and are described as sock
by Pliny, xvi. 12. The dye is procured fromthe
female grub alone, which, when alive, is abeot
the size of a kernel of ■ cherry and of a dark
amaranth colour, but when dead shrivels up to
the size of a grain of wheat, and is covered witli
a bluish mould (Parrot's Journey to Ararat,
p. 1 14). The general character of the colour is
expressed by the Hebrew term T^VH (Is. liiiL I),
lit. sharp, and hence dazzling (compare the
expression xpwMa i^v), and by the Greek Xaiofi
(Luke xxiii. 11), compared with KOKxlrti (Matt
xxvii, 28). The tint produced was crtmsogi rather
than scarlet. The only natural object to whick
it is applied in Scripture is to the lips, which sr«
compared to a scarlet thread (Cant. iv. $)
Josephus considered it as svmbolioil of fire
{Ant. iii. 7, § 7 ; cp. Phil. i. 536"). Sc*rlet thntb
were selected as distinguishing marks from their
brilliancy (Gen. xxxviii. 28; Josh. ii. 18, 21);
and hence the colour is expressive of what it
excessive or glaring (Is. L 18). Scarlet roW»
were worn by the luxurious (2 Sam. i. 24;
Prov. xxxi. 21 ; Jer. iv. 30 ; Lam. iv. 5 ; Bev.
xvii. 4, xviii. 12, 16) ; it was also the appropriate
hue of a warrior's dress from its similarity t«
blood (Nah. ii. 3 ; cf. Is. ix. 5), and was especull;
worn by officers in the Roman army (Plin. nil
3 ; Matt, xxvii. 28).
The three colours above described, pnrple,
blue, and scarlet, together with white, wen
employed in the textures used for the curtains
of the Tabernacle and for the aacred vestnieite
of the priests. The four were used in combias-
tion in the outer curtains, the vail, the en-
trance-curtain (Ex. xxvi. 1, 31, 36), and the
gate of the court (Ex. xxvii. 16) ; as also in the
high-priest's ephod, girdle, and breast-plate
(Ex: xxviu. 5, 6. 8, 15). The first three, to the
exclusion of white, were used in the pomegnsatas
about the hem of the high-priest's robe (Ex.
xxviii. 33). The loops of the curtains (Ex. xxvi
4), the lace of the high-priest's breastplate, the
robe of the ephod, and the lace on bis mitre wen
exclusively of blue (Ex. xzviii. 28, 31, Si)
Cloths for wrapping the sacred ntensils *«>*
either blue (Num. iv. 6), scarlet (e. 8X or pnrple
(o, 1.3). Scarlet thread was speciBed io c
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COLOURS
with the rites of cleanting the leper (Lev. Jtlv.
+, 6, 51), and of burning the red heifer (Num.
lii. 6), apparently for the purpose of binding
the hv$sop to the cedar wood. The hangings
for the court (Ex. MTii. 9, njviii. 9), the coats,
initrea, bonneU, and breeches of the prieits were
white (Ex. xxxix. 27, 28). The application of
. these colours to the service of the Tabernacle
I has led writers both in ancient and modem times
' to attach some symbolical meaning to them : re-
ference has already been made to the statements
n{ Philo and Josephus on this subject : the words
of the latter are as follow : i) Pi<r<ros t))v t^v
kwotnifiMlyfw foucc, 8iA rh d^ atrrfis ivttffBax ro
\iror 4 T< ropipipn T^y iiX.aa(Xaj>, rf Tc^iWx-
9u Tov adx^ov rtf vXftarv rhv Si kipa fiovXtrcu
SiiXavr i id<cu>6ot- cal i ^Tyi{ i' tu> ffi)
TtK/iiipiop ToC npos {Ant. iii. 7, § 7). The
sabject has been followed up with a great variety
of interpretations, more or less probable. With-
out entering on a disquisition upon them, we will
remark that it is unnecessary to assume that the
COLOSSE
623
coiour-s were originally selected with such a view ;
their beauty and costliness are a sutGcient expla-
nation of the selection.
4. Vkrmiuon (TW; liUrot; sinopis).
This was a pigment used in fresco paintings,
either for drawing figures of idols on the walls
of temples (Kzek. xxiii. 14), for colouring the idols
themselves (VVisd. xiii. 14), or for decorating
the walls and beams of houses (Jer. xiii. 14).
The Greek term /if Aroi is applied both to minium,
red lend, and ruhrica, red ochre : the Latin sinopis
describes the best kind of ochre, which came
from Sinope. Vermilion was a favourite colour
among the Assyrians (Ezek. xxiii. 14), as is still
attested by the sculptures of Nimroud and
Khorsabad (Layard, ii. 303 ; Perrot et Chipiez,
Hist, de rArt, ii. 291 sq. ; Babelon, Manuel
(TArchifologie Orientate, p. 125sq. ; Riehm, HWB.
s. V. " Farben "). [W. L. B.] [F.]
COLOS'SE (more properly (X)L08'SAE,
Ko\oir<rai f Westcott and Hort], Col. 1. 2. Kokmr-
■aoL, Coltume, is a form used by the Byzantine
writers, and which perhaps represents the pro-
Tincial mode of pronouncing the name. On
coin* and inscriptions, and in classical writers,
vre find KoKoaaal. See Lightfoot' in loco, and
CoLOWtANg, Epistle to, § 1). A city in the
upper part of the bnsin of the Maeander, on
one of ita affluents named the Lycus. Hierapolis
and Laodicaen were in its immediate neigh-
bourhood (Col. ii. 1, iv. 13, 15, 16; see Rev.
i. 11, iii. 14). Colossae fell, as these other two
cities roM, in importance. Herodotus (vii. 30)
and Xenophon {Anab. i. 2, § 6) speak of it as
a city of considerable consequence. Strabo
(xii. p. 576) describes it as only a wiKiaiia,
not n w6\is ; yet elsewhere (p. 578) he implies
that it had some mercantile importance; and
Plinr, in St. Paul's time, describes it (v. 41)
as one of the " celebcrrima opiiidn " of its
district. Colossae wns situated close to the
great road which led from Ephe«us to the
Euphrates. Hence our impulse would be to
conclude that St. Paul passed this way, and
foHnde<l or confirmed the Colossian Church on
his third missionary jouruey (Acts xviii. 2:1,
lii. 1). He might also easily have visited
Colossae during the prolonged stay at Ephesus,
which immediately followed. The most coni-
IKtent commentators, however, agree in thinking
that Col. ii. 1 proves that St. Paul had never
been there, when the Epistle was written.
Theodoret's argument that he must have visited
Colossae on the journey just referred to, because
he is said to have gone through the whole
region of Phrygia, may be proved fallacious
from geographical considerations: Colossae,
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624 C0L0SSIAN8, EPISTLE TO THE C0L0SSUN8. EPISTLE TO THE
though ethnologicallj in Phrygia (Herod. /. c. ;
Xen. /. c), was at this period politically in the
proTince of Asia (see Rer. /. c). That the
Apostle hoped to visit the place on being
delirereil from his Roman imprisonment is
clear from Philemon B. 22 (cp. Philip. iL 24).
Philemon and his slare Onesimns were dwellers
in Colossae. So also were Archippus and
Epaphras. From Col. I. 7, iv. 12, it has been
naturally concluded that the latter Christian
was the founder of the Colossian church (see
Lightfoot on Col. iv. 12). [Kpaphilas.] The
worship of Angels mentioned by the Apostle
(Col. ii. 18; see Lightfoot in loco and reff.)
curiously reappears in Christian times in con-
nexion with one of the topographical features
of the place. A church in honour of the Arch-
angel Michael was erected at the entrance of
a chasm in consequence of a legend connected
with an inundation (Hartley's Researches in
Greece, p. 52), and there is good reason for
identifying this chasm with one which is men-
tioned by Herodotus. This Icind of superstition
is mentioned by Theodoret as subsisting in his
time; also by the Byzantine writer Nicetas
Choniates, who was a native of this place, and
who says that Colossae and Chonae were the
same. The neighbourhood (visited by Pococke)
was explored by Mr. Arunlell (Seven Churches,
p. 158; Asia Minor, ii. p. 160); but Mr.
Hamilton was the first to determine the actual
site of the ancient city, which is on the left
bank of the Lycus about three miles from the
modem village of Chonas (Researches in A. if,
i. 508; Vict, of Ok, and R. Qeog., art. "Colos-
sae;" Vaux, Ok. Cities and Islands of Asia Min.
p. U2.) [J.S.H.] [W.]
COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE.
1. TiUe, — For this Epistle, as for the other
books of the N. T., the rule holds goods that
the simplest form of title is the oldest. There
are however two ways of spelling the name,
KoAoffirai and KoXatraai, Ko\o<raatts and Ko-
Aoo'iraeii. Of these the first is the older and is
found on coins, &c., as long as the city had a
coinage, i>. down to the middle of the third
century. The form in a predominatas among
later writers. Both forms appear in the
MSS. ; but while there is decisive authority
(K B D E F G L and others^ for VioKovadis in
i. 2 (rots iv KaX<Hr<ra» kyiots), there is more
tluctuation in the title of the Epistle. Here
K D E F and Latt. have KoXoairafis, while
A B* K and some others give KoKaaaoftt. As
combinations with B are fnnnd on the whole to be
superior to combinations with K, the latter read-
ing seems preferable ; and, on internal grounds, it
is certain that, if V^Xoairdtt was read in the text,
the title would be assimihited to it. We con-
clude therefore that St. Paul wrote "Colossae,"
but that the title which at a very early date
was prefixed to the Epistle was "To the
(Russians." It is probable that "Colossae"
was a vernacular form which only gradually
superseded the more correct usage, but which
prevailed among the classes from which the
Christians of the first two centuries were mostly
taken. For an exhaustive discussion, see Light-
foot, Col. p. 17 n. ; comp. Hort, Introd. p. 322.
Lightfoot and Westcott and Hort print flPOZ
KOAAZZAEIZ ; Tischendorf, though admitting
the higher authority o< tnii spelling, ntuu
KOAOZZAEIZ ont of conformity to i. 1
2. ^uMorsAtjp. — ^There does not seem to \xn
been any doubt in the ancient Church ii to tlu
Pauline authorship of the Epistle; ud if tlu
evidence that has come down to as ii sonethisg
short of conclusive, it is at least distinctly ftvonr-
able to the traditional hypothesis. It is trae
that we have to wait until the Muntariu
Fragment (c. 180 A.D.) and Irenaeiu (1B0-I9ft
A.D.) before the Epistle is de6nitelT rttaieil t»
by name ; but much about the same date we
find it acknowledged by Irenaeus in Gaol, by tW
Fragment at Rome, by Clement of Altisodris,
and a little later by Tertullian is Africa.
Marcion the Gnostic, who certainly incladtj ii
among the ten Epistles which he accepted u
St. Paul's, carries us back at least to A.D. 140,
so th.it there is less reason to lay streu oi tk
doubtful traces of its use than have been fouml
in Clement of Rome, Barnabas, and Igutioi
Justin Martyr and Theophilus of Antioch Utt
apply to our Lord the phrase rptrrinm W«^
Kr(<rc»t, which in this complete form is ptobtUt
a reminiscence of Col. i. 15, aiul not of Pnlo
liixix. 28, though an isolated pbnse of tkii
kind might possibly get into oral circuUtioi
without being directly derived from any writtn
source. It is sufficient to say that as sooi ti
we find traces of a collection of St. Psol'i
Epistles, the Epistle to the Colossianf eeitsiiir
had a place among them, and in no qoaiter <•<
the ancient world does it appear that this pU"
was questioned.
The first serious doubts as to the gensiimw
of the Epistle date fix>m the second qnsfur if
the present century, when there was a foati
sense of dissatisfaction with the traditiottl
views of things, and when the critical mefti*
which had led to marked results in cUaial
literature came to be applied, with the duiK
if also with the extravagance of newly-«»rt»^
freedom, to the books of the N. T. Hayerkof W
the way (d. Brief an die Kol. put coneW.
BerOckticht. d. Pastoralbr. kritisch /ftjiill.
Berlin, 1838), with objections partly lit«nn.
partly drawn from suppaaed allnsioos tsCcrit-
thian Gnosticism. These objections vers plan'
upon a more philoaephic baau by Bsnr aid i"
TSbisgen followers, who saw in the Epbtlct :'
the Colossians and Ephesians a st^ is tl'
process of transition from St. Paul to St JoH
and also in the gradual reconciliation of Jevt!b
with Gentile Christianity.
It cannot be said that the doubts vkidi ^f
thus felt were altogether without itascv. I'
the four great Epistles (1 and 2 Cor., GaL, Baal
are taken as the standard of Pauline compootini-
the Epistle to Colossians presents a real iAx-
fuce, both of conception and of style.
(1) Difference of Owioptton.— Stress o Uil
no longer, as in the previous Epistles, » inntii
upon the method of salvation as u[<na its .VntlK^-
If it would not be true to say that the UfSset
of justification by faith retire* into the !«'•
ground (see i. U, 20, 21 ; ii. UX it is >*
least not expressed in the old terms (Ji«»^
Sucofv^to, SucdUMT^vii iK »(oT««« STB eotireif
wanting), and on the other hand the pre-ejis**"-
exaltation, and true Divinity ofChrirtarestronsl.'
emphasized. He is considered less in crtiw"**
with His redeeming work for man than in s lu{>
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COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
transcendental sphere, u exercising supreme
anthority over the worM of spirits. There are
manj references to Angels, who are classed in an
organised hierarchy. Corresponding to these
incursions into the transcendental region, there
is rc<]uired on the part of man <ro<l>ia rather than
xttTit, and the Gospel itself is conceived as a
ItiMT^pior. Besides, language is used which at
first sight seems liardly consistent with the
humility of the Apostle, when he speaks of
himself as "filling up that which is lacking
of the afflictiona of Christ."
(2) Difference of Styk.—thia is felt both in
the general impression left by the Epistle, and
also on examination into the use of particular
words. The sentences are not only long and
inrolTed, bnt heary and cumbrous in their
morement. There is none of that fiery inter-
change of question and answer which was so
characteristic of the earlier group; no rapid
and eager dialectic ; no appeal to the 0. T. ; no
presaiog of the antagonist with dilemma after
dilemma; no sudden and aoaring flights of
eloquence. The impetuosity, the quick play
of light and shade, are gone, and in their stead we
hare a uniformity which is elevated indeed, but
also rather laboured.
These general characteristics are reflected in
the diction. The particles which give such
rapidity and flexibility of movement to the
earlier Epistles — Spa, ipa oly, SU, Stirt, fif—
are either wanting or rare. The catchwords of
Pauline theology, not only the derivatives of
SUauQi, but a multitude of others — &T0KiiXin|'ti,
ioKifLi(ta> and its cognates, Kauxa<^8cu and its
cognates, KO/rafr/fiy, Koiruria, viiios, wurrtitin,
nrriip, a-an-qpia— are absent. Their place is taken
by elaborate compounds, such as aUrxpofuryia,
iarrartarKtipouf, 8oyiun-i{f<r8ai, ^9<Ao0p))(rK<ia,
tiftumfwoifiy, i/iBaTtifty, xafniyopla,vi8ayo\oy(a,
■rpttvtitiy, (mpiafta, cvKaryAyfa', Xfip^/x^o* '•
there are thirty-three of these Sto^ ktyiiuya in
all. And besides these words that are peculiar
to the Kpistle, there are others that are in-
freqnent in the older group: ten shared only
witL the Epistle to the Ephesians, including in-
Openriftaitos, axaAAoTpiaD(r9<u, al!{i)(rit, a^4,
i^9a\)toimKtia ; and others that are rare in St.
Paul's writings, of which the most characteristic
would be JhroKptfiTTCu', 7c>'e'a (in the phrase inh
rir ouivoF Kol iari rm ytrt&r), oiKOfOftlo, avfi-
fftfidiif.
Along with these phenomena, however, a dis-
passionate criticism could not but detect others
of an opposite character. It was true that there
were both thoughts and expressions that were
wamting in the earlier Epistles, but it was
equally true that there were many others that
were common to those Epistles. The main
lines of doctrine in Romans and Galatimis were
conspicuous also in Colossians: the idea of
deliverance and reconciliation with Go<l brought
about through the death of Christ, in i. 14, 20,
21, ii. 14; and the idea of death to sin through
union with Christ realised in Baptism, and
followed by the moral vtKfttaa which is its
corollary, in ii. 12, iii. 1 sq., 5 sq. The ideas of
tro^ta and Myraaa had their counterpart in
1 Cor. ii. 6 sq. The condemnation of retrogres-
sion to the " rudiments of the world " and cere-
monial observances was one of the main themes
of the Epistle to the Oalatians ; and from the
BULB DICT. — ^VOL. I.
COLOSSLVNS, EPISTLE TO THE 625
same Epistle might be easily paralleled the string
of Christian graces in Col. iii. 12, 13.
And if a part of the vocibulary sounded
novel, much of it also could not tail to be
recognised as distinctly Pauline. Ko one, for
instance, could read chs. i. 1-8, ii. 6-13, iii.
1-13, or the personal matter in ch. iv., without
a sense of resemblunce to the whole style and
manner of St. Paul, too strong to be due to
mere imitation. Still less was it possible to see
any other hand than St. Paul's in that in-
comparable little Epistle to Philemon with
which this to Colossians is so intimately
connected.
Moved by these considerations, a third group
of critics have tried to mediate between the two
extremes of complete acceptance or complete
rejection. Thus twald held that the substance
of the Epistle was St. Paul's, but that its actual
composition was handed over to Timothy.
Weisse and Hitzig had recourse to a theory of
extensive interpolation; a theory which was
worked out on a most elaborate scale by Dr.
H. J. Holtzniaun, well known for his previous
work on the Synoptic Gospels, in his Kritih d.
KpUeser- unci Kokmerbriefc, Leipzig, 1872. Dr.
Holtzmann ni.iintains the presence in the Epistle
of a genuine nucleus, which he believes to have
been interpolated by the author of the (spurious)
Epistle to the Ephesians. It cannot be said that
this view has met, or is likely to meet, with
much favour in England ; bnt as it is based on a
very close examination of the facts by a writer
of great acumen, and as the hypothesis may
possibly serve other purposes besides that for
which it was intended, it may be worth while
to indicate briefly the kind of outline that
was assumed for the genuine Epistle. It was
supposed to contain, roughly speaking, i. 1-5,
Ca, 7, 8, 9 a, a few words of 10, 13, a few
words of 19 and 20, rather more of 21, 22, 23,
the greater part of 25 and 29; chap, ii., 1,
beginning of 2, greater part of 4, 5, 6, 7 b,
greater part of 8, some words of 9, 11, greater
part of 12, 13 and 14, 16, 18 b, 20, 21, 228, 23 b ;
chap, iii., 3, 12, 13, 17 ; chap, iv., greater part
of 2-5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, much of 12, 13, 14, 18.
More recently a very friendly critic. Von
Soden, in the Jaltrb. f. protestant. Theoi. for 1885
(p. 320 sq. ; p. 497 sq. ; p. 672 sq.), after a care-
fiil examination of the passages which Holtcmann
regards as interpolations, has reduced them to
much smaller dimensions, rejecting only i. 15-
20, ii. 10, 15, 18 b, as not the work of the
Apostle. Von Soden's defence of the incrimi-
nated passages is worthy of all praise : the only
wonder is thiit, having gone so far in re-vindicat-
ing these for St. Paul, he should stop short just
where he does.* To draw a dividing line here it
is necessary to strain out gnats with a very fine
strainer indeed. The points of contact with
admittedly Pauline teaching are so many, and
the extensions of this which are involved so
slight, that natural development and change of
circumstances are quite enough to account for
• Pflelderer aptly points out the Inconsistency of
separating pssssges which so closely resemble escb
other as 1. 19 (regarded as not genuine) and il. 9 (re-
garded as gennlDe), ii. 10 and IS (not genuine), U. 14
(genuine), il. 18 (not genuine), U. 23 (genuine), &c.
lunhrUtentkum, p. 683 n.)
2 S
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626 COLOSSIANS, KPISTLE TO THE
Iheni. On the other hand, such liniiled inter-
polation loses its raiion d'etre. It is not even
Attempted to show that it had any clear
polemical purpose ; ami if it hail, that purpose
would not have Dccn servtwl at all eHectirely.
Vet a larger theory, such as Holtzmann's, is
open to still more serious objections. The true
Answer to this is the detailed discussion, which
is excellently conducted by Von Soden, of the
passages rejected as spurious, together with the
■detailed testing of the reconstructed genuine
Epistle. It was not dillicult to show that
this left abruptnesses and awkwardnesses of
«tyle and construction, quite as great as any
supposed incoherence in the present text of the
Epistle. But besides these detailed inquiries
one or two general remarks may be made.
(1.) There ought to be a clearer uiideri'tnnding
as to the nature of the disproof of genuineness
both in tliought and in expression. It is not
» sound method to take cert.iin standard docu-
ments and to say all that cannot be paralleled
4>ut of these documents is interpolation. It
is not to be supposed th.it a writer of so much
originality as St. Paul would simply go on
writing in a circle and repeating himself. The
standard documents themselves have their fiira(
X*y6ntya; and &»(■{ \tyiiuiia are to be ex-
pected, especially with a dillerence of subject.
The onus prohandi certainly lies on the side of
"the critic, whose duty it is, as Von Soden
rightly urges, not " to leave nothing but what
. is undoubtedly Pauline," but rather " to remove
nothing but what is decidedly un-Panline."
There is a broad distinction between these two
positions — a distinction which really covers the
greater part of the matter in dispute. Holtz-
mann's criteria are altogether too narrow.
' (2.) A further point, which Holtzmann does not
aeem to have fully considered, is the nature of
the relation which his theory presupposes
between Oolossiaus and Ephesians. In any case
that relation raises a question about whicli we
shall have something to say presently. If both
Epistles proceed from St. Paul, the resemblance
between them has an obvious cause. But on
Holtzmann's theory this is what we have : —
Into one letter (Colossians) the interpolator has
introduced a clause here and a paragraph there;
yet he also feels competent to write another
letter (Ephesians) from the very beginning to
complete his work. We should not have been
so much snrprised if the second letter had taken
a new line and had dealt with new problems ;
bat it is modelled upon the Colossian letter
throughout: they are twin Epistles, with the
closest likeness to each other. What strange
parsimony and what strange prodigality of
labour t Surely it would have been easy to
make one letter do duty for botli. A little
iMore interpolation in Colossians, a few addi-
tional touches in Ephesians, would have been all
that was wanted. (9.) There is yet a third
point which, both here and elsewhere, ought to
■he borne in mind more fully than it has been.
It must be granted in the abstract that the
interpolation of ecclesiastical writings is a pos-
sibility. The Sibylline books, 4 Esdras, the
longer Ignatian letters, the working up of the
Didache in the Apostolic Constitutions, Cyprian's
treatise Dc Unitatc Hcctcsiae, are instances
Ihat readily occur to ns. It roast be con-
COLOSSLVNS, EPISTLE TO THE
ceded, too, that even within the limits of th<
X. T. interpolations are possible. The pertco/*
aJulterae and the moving of the waters ia St.
John, the last twelve verses of St. Mark, tb?
eunuch's confession in the Acts, the phenomena of
the later chapters of St. Luke, the apocrrpiial
additions scattered throughoot the Codex Ueziv
and its allies, the shifting place of the Doxoloer
in Komans, are all examples in point. Bat t:i'
very existence of these analogies shows ns thst
we must proceed carefully. We most not ixga^
as if any and every document was upon the samf
footing : documents which rest on some oae <!
two MSS., the oldest perhaps of the teatb
century, and documents supported by MSS.
Versions, and Fathers, the archetypes of vhicji.
if not the actual parchments, take us almost t.>
the very threshold of the apostolic age. Dis-
crimination is called for; and each cla.<s o:
books must be judged upon it* own merits, lo
the case of the Historiol Books it is nut as-
reasonable to extend to one place a procoi
which is seen from the MSS. in actoal opersties
at another ; but in the case of the Epistles tiieR
are no true analogies for dogmatic interpolsti«a
of the kind required by the hypothasea of liolti-
mann and Von Soden. The phenomena refitnd
to in the Epistle to the Romans are qsitc
different. Such hypotheses therefore can onlt
be received with extreme caution.
We have then to choose between a dine.
negative and a direct affirmative of St, PsaT*
authorship, and of these alternatives then cis
be little hesitation in preferring the latter. Tw
diS°eTences from the earlier Epistles can be bi
more easily accounted for on this hypotlM«i>
than the essentially Panline character of tlu
Epistle on the other. A change of circamstaIK«^
acting on the singularly impressible charvtci
of St. Paul, will explain all that ne«ds eiplt-
imtion. The Epistles of the third roissitiirT
journey were written at a time of great eicitf-
ment. They were wrung from the Apostle ic
the heat of his con6ict with enemies oa iW
right hand and enemies on the left. They bni
marks of high tension, of ke«n susceptiiiilitie>
strongly roused. They betray not only a mental
but a physiial restlessness. " When 1 ouae I'
Troas ... I had no relief for my spirit, beeassf
I found not Titus my brother: bat taking dt
leave of them, I went forth into Macedooii.''
All this accords well with the vehement, inpal-
sive, intensely personal tone of 2 Corintl>iaa<
and Galatians, and the surge and swell «'
emotion had not subsided — it was onlysahsi^
— in Romans.
The Epistles of the imprisonment were writta
under very different conditions. They wcf
' written,in a period of forced inaction, to Chortfes
at a distance, one a Church which St. PanI kvl
never seen. The problems with which ix
Apostle had to deal were in part appartstir
new problems. He met them with the froits
of bis own reflection, a quiet and steady develop-
ment of thought, and not with the veapou"
a dialectic hammered out under the stnai «'
fierce personal controversy. Bat em here, ii
an Epistle like Philippians, the old leann bnab
out, and the old vehemence of style is ■«<
than once resumed. Few writers have iui •
range and variety of style equal to St. Psii)'»!
and there are few in whom the diflereot phase
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COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
glide and pass into each other by more gradual
and rabtle tiran 'ittoos. If 2 ThessaloDians leads
un to Corinthians, and Galatiaas to Romans,
then no less does Romans lead on to Philippians,
iigd Philippians to Ephesians and Colossians.
We shall see more fully how the peculiar
element in this last Epistle is to be accounted
for when we come to speak of the Colossian
heresy and St. Paul's treatment of it.
Besides these considerations, it is possible that
some reserve ought to be made in favour of
SDch a theory as that put forward by Ewald.
We do not know in what proportions St. Paul
shared the work of composition with his amanu-
(ibes, and it is, to say the least, conceivable
that more was left in these Epistles to Timothy
th:m in the case of Romans to Tertius, or in the
case of 1 Corinthians to Sosthenes, The argu-
ments of Meyer (K. T., p. 247 sq.) against this
supposition do not seem to be conclusive. It
must, however, be confessed that we are drawing
upon pore conjecture, where we can neither
aiSnn nor deny with confidence. All we can
say is that, if there is room in the unknown
circTinutances for other possibilities, there is
room also for this, and it remains as »n indefmite
factor in the question. [For further remarks
on the style of the Epistle and its relation to
Ephesiiuu, see below.]
3. Datt and Place. — It is certain that the
three Epistles — to Ephesians, Colossians, and
I%ilemon — were all written about the same
time and from the same place. They are con-
nected together by a series of personal notices.
(1.) Ephesians and Colossians both had the same
bearer — Tychicus, and in both he was charged
with the same commission, conveved in almost
identical terms (Ephes. vi. 21, 22=Col. iv. 7, 8).
There is a further connexion, if Dr. Lightfuot
and others are right in supposing that the
" Epistle from Laodicen " mentioned in C'ol. iv.
16 is really our " Ephesians." This view goes
upon the assumption that the Epistle known to
lis by that name was originally a circular letter
addressed to the Churches of Asia, of which
Laodicea would be one. In that case it would
appear that St. Paul desired the Colossians to
•tcqnaint themselves with the contents of the
circular letter as well as with that specially
addressed to themselves. The identification of
the " Epistle from Laodicea " with Ephesians is
of course conjectural, nor can it claim to be ns
yet generally accepted, but ns a hypothesis it
appears to give a simple and harmonious expla-
nation of the facts, and so to possess as much
probability as in the absence of direct attestation
can be expected [seo Epiiesiaks, Epistle to
THE^. (2.) The links that connect Colossians
with Philemon are, if not closer, at least more
nnmerooa. Here Timothy is joined with St.
Paul in the adilress of both Epistles. Onesimus,
who is the subject of the Epistle to Philemon, is
the companion of Tychicus, who is to deliver that
to Colossae (Col. iv. 9). Greetings are sent in
both Epistles from the same persons — Aristar-
cbas, Mark, Epaphras, Luke, Demas (Col. iv.
10, 12, 14=Philem. re. 23, 24). A special mes-
sage is lent to Archippns in Philem. t>. 2 ; and
from Col. iv. 17 we gather that he held an
official position in the Church at Colcasae, or
perhaps, as has been inferred from the context
in which his name occurs, at Laodicea.
COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 627
Putting all these various notices together, we
conclude that St. Paul wrote and despatched
three letters at the same time — a general letter
to the leading Churches of Proconsular Asia
(Ephesians), a letter addressed more directly to
the particular circumstances of the Church at
Colossae (Colossians), and a private letter dealing
with the concerns of a single individual (Phile-
mon).
What was the time in question ? At what
period in St. Paul's life do these three letters
fall ? The answer to this question de]wnds upon
a further point — the determination of the place
from which they were written. We know that
they were written during one of St. Paul's im-
prisonments (Col. iv. 3, 18 ; Philem. 1, 10, 13),
and the choice lies between the two years during
which he was detained at Caesarea (Acts xxiv.
27), or the similar period in which he was a
prisoner at Rome (Acts xxviii. 30). Meyer and
some others contend for the earlier of these two
dates (^Ephesians, E. T., pp. 18-21 ; Cohatians,
E. T., p. 241 sq.), but the arguments adduced are
small and inconclusive, and it must be confessed
that those upon the other side are hardly
stronger. The real turning point in the dis-
cussion is the rel.ntiou of these Epistles to
the Epistle to Philippians, which Merer himself
admits was probably written from Rome. If,
therefore, as we believe, the three Epistles were
written after Philippians, it follows that they
too are a product of the Roman imprisonment,
and they would then fall about the year 62.
This view of the place and date of their com-
position is that of by far the majority of critics
and commentators. The more detailed examina-
tion of it belongs rather to the article on the
Epict'LE to the Philippians: see al.<»> Epue-
siAKS, Epistle to the.
4. Persona addreiaed. — A full account of
Colossae and the Colossians has been given in
the preceding article: what we have to con-
sider here is, what special circumstances in the
condition of the Colossian Church induced St.
Paul to write to it this Epistle ? The Church
of Colossae had been founded by Epaphras, and
Epaphras w^as now in the company of St. Paul
at Rome. What brought him there we do not
know, and the guesses that have been made on
the subject are incapable of verification. The
news that he brought of the state of his Church
was on the whole good (Col. i. 3-8), but at the
same time there was some reason for anxiety. A
leaven of false teaching was at work which
St. Paul was afraid might spread, and to guard
against it he sends an earnest warning. In the
character of this false teaching lies the main
problem presented by the Epistle.
It was twofold in its nature, at once practical
and speculative. (1) On the practical side its
tendency was towards asceticism and punctilious
observance of ceremonial rules. It involved
abstinence from meats and drinks (ii. 10). and
unsparing rigour in the treatment of the body
(ii. 23). Along with this went a scrupulous
attention to the sacred seasons — festivals, sab-
baths, new moons (ii. 16). From the stress
which St. Paul lays upon spiritual circumcision
(ii. 11), we gather that literal circumcision was
also practised. All these things St. Paul classes
together as trroixcio toC xiffitov (ii. 8), i.e. not
as a majority of the ancients and some modem*
J 9 H
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628 COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
have supposed, " the heavenly bwlies " ns regu-
lating the seasons, but crude material rudimen-
tarv methods which hare been superseded by the
higher Christian law of " faith." (2) On the
opeculative side the most distinctive feature in
the Colossian heresy was the prominence which
it gave to Angels. Worship was offered to them
(ii. 18); and as we may infer from the emphatic
language in which St. Paul excludes any such
notion, they were regarded as the principal
agents in creation (i. 15), the prerog.itives of
Christ were claimed for them (i. 15; ii. 10, 15),
the Divine plcromn, or sum of the attributes of
Godhead, was supposed in some way to be dif-
fused among them.
It is natural to ask. What is the heresy thus
described? Is it possible to give it a single
name, or are we to suppose that there were
several distinct tendencies in the Colossian
Church at the same time? The tenor of St.
Paul's reply certainly favours the conclusion
that there was but a single heresy. He treats
of its different .ispects in the same paragraph
(ii. 10-23), and even in the same sentence : for
what is kept distinct in rr. 16, 18 is combined
under one view in r. 23. Nor is there anything
incompatible in the tinion of ascetic cere-
monialism with angelolatry: a similar union
was common enough in the later Gnostic sects.
But if this is so, the inquiry may be still
further narrowed. The observance of " sabbaths
and new moons " could only be Jewish, so that
for the other features which went with this we
must also seek a Jewish origin. But if we are
to look in the direction of Judaism, it is not
unnatural that attention should have been
drawn especially to the sect of the Essenes. In
Essenisra we find a combinatiou of features which
presents some marked similarities to that which
existed at Colossae. The Essenes seem to have
been vegetarians : ' they avoided wine ; they
were scrupulous to an extreme in the keeping
of the Sabbath ; they had some esoteric teaching
in regard to Angels. The parallel, however, does
not perhaps extend so far as is sometimes
assumed. Our knowledge of Essenism is in
many respects very imperfect — too imperfect to
allow us to feel sure of our ground in comparing
it with the Colossian heresy. This heresy con-
tained a large element of cosmogonic specula-
tion : in ascribing a similar element to Essenism
we are depending upon a single sentence in a
disputed treatise of Philo {Quod omnia probaa
liber, § 12), and at best we have no means of
knowing how far the two coincided. Much
would turn upon the degree of probability that
the key-word vA^pcu/ui had, as Bp. Lightfoot
thinks (Col. p. 328), a Palestinian origin. If
there is no instance of it in Philo, we may
)> The vegetarianism and water^drinking of the Essenes
are described by Lucius and ScbDrer (Nailatamentliche.
ZtUgetchichte, II. p. 478, ed. 2) ; see, however, Bp. Ught-
foot's note. Col. p. 86 : the evidence is perhaps not quite
conclusive, but the parallels seem to make tt probable
that the iv ayytlw i( cK&f iB^triLartn of Jonephus, B. J.
II. I) vlll. 5, meant vegetables. In this connexion it should
be mentioned that the Fhllonic treatise tjaoi atunit
imim liber, besides earlier attacks, bas recently bad
ngular siege laid against it by Ohle, Dit Bttiier dtl
Pkilo, I.elpzig, 1867, and by Ausfeld, l>e libro miH tov
vayra nrovfioloi' tXvai cA«t>0cpov, Guttlng^n, 1867 ; cp.
Uamack in fAeol. £t(eKi(uriei<iin;, 1887, col. 493 sq.
equally doubt whether there is any iastsnct in
the apocryphal or pseudepigraphic litetatin
which had its birth in Palestine. Again, all vt
arc told about the Essene angelology is. tint the
members of the sect were not " to reveal the
names of the Angels." This was probably con-
nected with the magic which the E^oea setm U
have practised, and hardly amounts to tin
0pri<rKfta riv ityfiKv* prevalent at OJosat
(Col. ii. 18). On the other hand, there art s
number of essential features in E'i.<eiiiim for
which there is no evidence of any coiuterptn
in the Colossian Church. Perhaps we oufht
not to include among these the elaborate liutra-
tions, as they might be taken to be ctivertd kr
the straining which is apparent af>er c»rfin»iii>l
purity. But the reverence, if not worship, pii
to the sun, was a point that St. Pad ucll
hardly have failed to notice. There is an *)«l
silence as to the quasi-monastic mode of lift
which the Essenes adopted, as to the formidablf
process of initiation which they had tt (<<
through, and the obligation of secrecy »lii««
they imposed upon their disciples. The doc-
trines current at Colossae would seem to hirt
been rather matters of common notoriety. Aii
to this that, though the Essenes were crtainir
strict in the observance of the Sabbath, tbfi.-
tenets would not favour the observance of tW
other festivals, as they avoided the Templt a.i
its rites. And there is besides the initial diffi-
culty that Palestine was the proper home of tke
Essenes : their principal community was by l\t
Dead Sea; and Syria was the utmost lici!
assigned to their distribution.
It is therefore by no means without avf
that, while a majority of commeotatois ficJ
Es'enic affinities in the false teaching i:
Colossae, the best among them (e.g. Lightrvit
p. 94 sq. ; KlOpper, p. 92 aq.) are careful to deGae
that, in speaking of " the Judaism in the Cck'-
sian Church as Essene," they "do not assniMi
precise identity of origin, but only aa esseotijl
affinity of type with the Essenes of the notie:
country." In view of what haa jnst been vtpi
it may be questioned whether even this is lit
going too far. Points of contact there c?
certainly, but "an essential affinity of type' u
something different. In any case there i» »•
direct affiliation. The troth seenu to h( tint
like causes were producing like effects in D1115
parts of the East, and through the East em i>
the West. We happen to know rather it«re
about the Essenes, but there must hare b<«»
many similar manifestations of which wt lui^'
no such direct record. Not to lay stress ea 'b'
Therapeutae, our sole acconnt of whem i>
impugned, though it has not wanted strcaiK'*^'
defenders (e.g. Dr. Edersheim in Diet, of Ckri't
Biog. iv. p. 368 sq.X many phenomena skit u-
those of Essenism (libations, repudiation «'
s.>crifice, prayers before meat, but not denial rf
the resurrection of the body) are foumi is
Book iv. of the Sibylline Ctades, whiek is
ascribed to Asia Minor and to a date c 80 AI>.:
vegetarianism is found even in Rome (Kom. !"■•
2, &c.) ; and it is well known what a prwnia*:
part is played by Angels in a number of apocy-
phal and pseudepigraphic writings and is Ril-
binical literature. All these are not to mack
directly connected as distinct and indepea.l<«t
products of a common tendency. In the fin!
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COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
wnturf of the Christian era men's minds were
intent upon the coming revelation. They
caught eagerly at the asceticism, at the cere-
monial pnrifications, and at the theories of
mediatorial agencies between God and man in
which the East was so prolitic. The ground was
everywhere prepared ; and just as within leu
than a generation Gnosticism itself was rife at
one and the same time iu Proconsular Asia, in
Samaria, and in Syria, so now the germs of
Gnoctic Judaism were sprouting on the banks of
the Lycus as well as by the Dead Sea.
5. C/utructer and Cuntenta uf the Epittle. — St.
Paul gives no uncertain answer to the problems
which this insidious " philosophy " forced upon
him. Its representatives as yet were few (t(i,
ii. 8, 1<> ; /Mittli, ii. 4, 18), but they were no
less dangerous. Alike their method and their
doctrine were utterly wrong. In doctrine they
gave to Angels what was due solely to Christ.
The remedy was to be sought in truer views
about Him. He alone was the incarnation of
Irivinity ; He alone was the Agent in creation ;
He alone existed before the worlds ; the Angels
themselves were created by Him ; He was their
Head ; over the powers of the Evil One He had
triumphed in what seemed to be His humilia-
tion. Let the Colossi.'\ns be loyal to Him, and
not be deluded by any specious pretensions of
superior reverence; it was no true reverence
(though it might seem so) to place inferior
beings between man and God. Equally ill-
judged were the means which they were being
persnaded to adopt for moral reformation. As-
<eticiain and ceremonialism belonged to a past
state of things. They had been superseded by
methods far more potent. In his Baptism the
Christian threw himself unreservedly on Christ ;
he died with Christ to sin ; he is quickened by
Christ with a new life; his sins are forgiven;
he looks up to that heivenly abode to which
Christ is gone, and the thought of heaven in-
spires him while on earth ; he is a member of
one vast organism which lives and moves and
has its being in Christ. Whichever way it is
regarded, Christ is all in all ; He is the sum of
all speculation ; He is at once the source and the
t,oaX of all Christian practice. To " hold the
Head " was what the false teachers failed to do,
and "holding the Head'' the Colossians would
seed nothing more.
Such would seem to be the main lines of the
argument of tlie Epistle to the Colossians. The
Ibllowing may be taken as an analysis of the
Epistle.
J. IjmtODnCTORT.
(1) Apostolic salutation (i. 1, 2).
(2) Thanksgiving for the faith and lore shown
by the Colossians siuce their conversion
by Epaphras (i. 3-8).
(3) Prayer for their growth in knowledge,
C'hristian activity, and constancy, as
heirs of Christ's kingdom (i. 9-13).
II. Dogmatic (Positive).
Christ the Saviour and Head (i. 14-19),
of Angela as well as of men (vv. 20-23).
(1) Christ our Redeemer (i. 14).
^2) Christ and Creation, prior to it and sove-
reign over it ; its Cause at once effi-
cient and final (i. 15-17).
(3) Christ nnd the Church, its Hc.id in virtue
COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 629
of His Resurrection and as embodying
the Divine pleroma (i. 18, 19).
(4) Christ, the Author of salvation as well
for Angels as for men, by His recou-
ciling death (i. 20-22 a), in which sal-
ration the Colossians will share if they
are true to the faith (i. 22 b, 23).
III. Pastoral.
(1) The mystery (of Christ's revelation to the
Gentiles) which St. Paul is commis-
sioned to preach (i. 24-29).
(2) His anxiety for the Churches which he
has not visited (ii. 1-5X
(3) Exhortation to the Cdlossians to continue
as they had begun (ii. 6, 7).
IV. Dogmatic (Negative) ob Polemical.
(1) Warning against that false philosophy
which sought salvation through mun-
dane agencies and not through Christ
(ii. 8).
(2) Preliminary assertion of true doctrine
and trne method (ii. 9-15).
a, Christ the sole Incarnation of
Deity (ii. 9), to Whom all the
hierarchy of spirits is subordi-
nate (ii. 10).
6. Union with Him begins in Bap-
tism, the Christian's circum-
cision, in which he dies with
Chi-ist and is raised to a new
life with Him (ii. 11-13). In
it he receives that forgiveness
which Christ won for him on
the Cross, triumphing over all
the powers of evil (ii. 13-15)
[so that bad and good spirits
alike are subject to Him].
(3) Direct condemnation of false doctrine and
false method (ii. 16-23).
a. Punctiliousness as to food and
seasons belongs to a past dis-
pensation, the mere shadow of
Christinnity (ii. 16, 17).
6, The domineering visionaries who
would force upon the Colossians
a submissive Angel-worship, cut
themselves loose from Christ,
Who alone gives to the organic
structure strength and cohesion
(ii. 18, 19).
c. All such things are a retrogres-
sion to one who has died with
Christ, whether (a) rules of
diet and ceremonial cleanness,
or (fi) that pretentious and
affected humility which is no
real check on self-indulgence
(ii. 20-23).
V. Practical asd Hobtatort.
(1) True elevation to be sought through
union with the risen Christ (iii. 1-4).
(2) The necrosis of all evil passions and prac-
tices implied in the change from hea-
thenism to the Church Universal (iii.
5-11).
(3) Exhortation to assume Christian virtues
and graces (iii. 12-17).
(4) Special duties (iii. 18— iv. 1):
a. Of wives and husbands (iii. 18,
19).
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630 COLOSSIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
6. Of children and fathers (iii. 20,
21).
c. Of slaves and masters (iii. 22 —
iv. 1).
(5) Prayer (a) enjoined on all, ($) requested
by St. Paul for himself (iv. 2-4).
(6) Christian conduct towards the outer
world (iv. 5, 6).
VI. Personal Matter.
(1) The bearer Tychicus and his commission
(iv. 7, 8); Onesimus (iv. 9).
(2) Salutations from Aristarchns, Mark, and
Jesns Justus (iv. 10, 11), from Epa-
phras (iv. 12, 13), from Luke and
Demas (iv. 14).
(3) Salutations and instructions to the Church
at Laodicea (iv. 15, 16), with a special
message for Archippus (iv. 17).
(4) Autograph valediction (iv. 18).
^yle. — In looking back over the Epistle as a
whole, without reference to critical controversy
or statistics of verbal usage, the sense of unity
in style with the rest of St. Paul's writings
increases in force. The practical and personal
parts are entirely in his m.inner, and so too are
those in which he expresses his pastoral solicitude
for the group of Churches to which he is writing.
Little less characteristic is his trenchant
polemic ag.iinst a novel kind of false teaching.
And if in the accumulative method of his own
doctrinal exposition, in which clause is piled
upon clause charged with weighty dogmatic
meaning, we miss something of the old fervid
outbursts and rapid changes of front, yet they
show a masterly grip of rirst principles, and a
firm enunciation of them which few indeed could
imitate. We are apt to forget how much
fervour and energy of style are a matter not
merely of temperament, but of passing mood.s
and of physical condition. A high-strung
nature like St. Paul's, rich in emotional sen-
sibility, and liable to extremes of elation and
depression, must have been especially open to
snch influences. One simple cause seems enough
to account for any difference between the group
of Epistles written after the tumult at £phesu«
and the so-called Epistles of the Imprisonment
—a cause implied in the very name of the later
group — the chnnge from the free exciting varied
life, stimulated to intensity by struggles without
and anxieties within, to a state of monotonous
and compulsory inaction. Allowing for this, we
seem to have sufficient explanation of that small
proportion of the facts which needs explaining.
Relation to Epheaians. — In regard to style the
Epistle to the Colossians presents a close parallel
to the contemporary Epistle to the Kphesians.
But the resemblance between the two Epistles
goes beyond any general features of this kind. In
many pUces the identity both of thought and of
language is such as to make the one Epistle
almost a duplicate of the other. The fuller
exhibition of this identity must be reserved for
the article on Ephesians. For the present we
must content ourselves with a few general
remarks on the peculiar literary relation in-
volved. The problem is not quite the same
OS that which is raised by the Synoptic Gospels
and the two Epistles, 2 St. Peter and St. Jude :
for we have here not two writers copying each
other, but a single writer repeating himself. In
COLOSSIANS. EPISTLE TO THE
the case of St. Paul, however, we are in >
measure prepared for the relation which i>
found to exist by the marked resemblance, ofUn
amounting to verbal identity, between others oi
his Epistles, e.g. between Galatians and Komaiu,
or Romans and Philippians. No doubt the
resemblance is not there so sustained, but these
was also not the same reason why it should be.
The Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossiaa$
were written at the same time, despatched br
the same messenger, and addressed to ChnrchM
of the same locality. Still, according to our
modem notions, we have not reached sn ade-
quate explanation of the degree of resemblance
l>y which we are confronted. The mistake liei
in attempting to apply those notions to a state
of things to which they are not applicable. The
subsequent Christian literature shows hoar ex-
tremely common it was for one writer to tran-
scribe bodily from another any passage Out
struck him as appropriate to the subject it
hand. And if this was so as regards othen.
much more would a writer consider hinuelf at
liberty to borrow from compositions of his ovn.
No fastidious literary canons stood in the way.
On the contrary, there was the strongest indoo-
ment to adopt this course. The Apostles vtn
none of them practised in the arts of oomposi-
tion. It was true that St, Paul had received m
good an education as his time and country oooiil
olfer. But it was characteristic of that edacs-
tion that it was essentially oral: writing vai
regarded as a thing to be avoided. TaJmud
and Targum had either not been set down in
writing at all, or the little that had been
written was kept secret, for private nse ratiKt
than public. When therefore St. Paul foanl
himself compelled to correspond with the
Churches that he had founded, it most have
been a matter of much difficulty and eSbrt t<>
him, which was only overcome by his intease
e.irnestness and fulness of soul. "My heart was
hot withm me, and while 1 was thus maa>$
the fire kindled ; and at the last I spake wi^
tongue," would well describe the proceas bv
which his thoughts found expression. Nor wis
it merely a common difficulty. The thoughts
were new thoughts, for which a new language
had to be provided. And this language again
had to be shaped into sentences, and aceoci-
raodated to the laws of grammar and rhetoric.
It was at best a painful task. And we can well
conceive how, having once succeeded in express-
ing his meaning, the Apostle would gladly fall
back on this expression. It was not poverty of
mind — far from it — but only a natural expedient
to relieve an unwonted strain. No one caa be
more grandly eloquent than St. Paul, and whra
his eloquence is at the Hood it sweeps away sli
dams and barriers ; but just because it b ^>
spontaneous, his eloquence does not always dor
with equal volume, and then the restraints
make themselves felt, and the stream is tonal
into easier channels.
Text. — As in all cases where the langua^ of
one book is parallel to that of another, the text
of the Epistle to the Colossians has suffered mDch
from assimilation. And it is a striking testi-
mony to the excellence of Cod. B that it i*
singularly free from this inflaence. A good
example may be seen in the parallel passsjes
Ephes. V. 19, CoL iii. 16.
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COLOSSIAXS, EPISTLE TO THE
Epbrj. V. 19. RccdTcd CoL Ui. le. Received
Text. Text.
AoAoVt^CC COUTOtt ^OA- VOv9tnVVTtt CdVTDVf if/aX'
Probablf correct Text u Probabl; correct Text as
giTen In B. girtfn in B.
XcAovrm eovToic fv p ou^rr w vm iavrwf ^oA*
if^su jioiTtr Koi ifiaX- TMOiC iv T^ X^P^T* f Soiree
See Lightfoot, Colosaians, p. 313 sq. Westcott
.'\iid Hort rather unexpectedly omit iy before
4aX/ia<T (cp. 1 Cor. ii. 13), and insert rrtv-
junuaut in the text of Cphesians.
This, however, is nut the only cause of
corruption. Dr. Hort goes so far as to say that
the Epistle, "and more especially its second
chapter, appears to have been ill-preserved in
ancient times." Accordingly it has presented a
faroorite Keld for conjectural emendations. The
innst famous is perhaps Ur. C Taylor's Ufa
Ktvfii0ar(iay for ft iiptacfy inficer^imi. Others
mar be seen collected in Van Manen, Conjee-
t<traat-Krititk toegejxist op </. Te^st van iln
Hckriftfn d. A'. T., pp. 313-316, or in the similar
work of Van de Sande Bakhuyzen, Otcr de
toepasting van de Conjecturaal-Kritki op d.
Tekst d. N. T., pp. 278-280.
The Epistle is found, generally speaking, in
the same HSS. and Versions as ' the rest of
St. Paul's Epistles. For the Latin Versions the
evidence is scanty. No portion of the Epistle is
contained in either the Wolfenbiittel (gue),
Gottweig (r,), or Freising (r, r,) Fragments,
Bot quotations from the Latin Fatliers, esjwcially
for the dogmatic portions, are abundant.
6. Literature. — A full and carefully-prepared
lift of Commentaries on St. Paul's Epistles in
general, and on the Epistle to Colossians in
particular, is given in the English translation of
Meyer's Commentary, Homana, pp. xviii.-xxix. ;
Cotoatiam, pp. vit-xi. Of the ancient commen-
taries (not reckoning fragments or portions
preserved in catenae) the most important would
be the following : in Greek, Chrysostom, Homiliae
in Epist. ad Colos3. eil. Field, Oxon. 1855, trans,
by Ash worth in the Librarij of the Fathers,
voU liv., Oxford, 1843; Theodore of Mopsuestia,
Commentary extant in a Latin translation,
TTteodori Epix. Mopsnest. in Epiat. B. Pauli
Comment, vol. i. ed. Swete, Cambridge, 1880;
Theodoret, O/iera, ed. Migne, tom. Ixxx.-lxxxv. :
in Latin, the commentator commonly called
Ambrosiaster (whose identity is still an un-
solved enigma: see Marold in Zeitschrift f. wits.
TKeot. 1884, p. 415 sq.), whose works are bound
ap with those of Ambrose, ed. Ballerini, tom. iii.,
Milan, 1877 ; Pelagius, printed among the works
of Jerome, ed. Vallarsi, tom. xi., ed. Migne,
tom. XXX. From the Middle Ages we have the
compilations of Oecumenius, ed. Migne, tom.
crviiL, cxix., and of Theophylact, tom. cxxiii.-
cxTvi. ; to which must now be added Enthymins
Zigabenns, ed. Kalogeras, Athens, 1887. In
modem times, to select a few of the most
prominent, we have in Germany, besides the
well-known commentaries of De Wette, Ewald,
Lnnge, Meyer, the elaborate critical work of
Holtzmann mentioned above, and an able but
COMING OF CUKIST
631
rather prolix commentary by KlSpper, Ver
Brief an die Colosscr kritisch unteraucht, Ac,
Berlin, 1882. The last few years have seea
several additions of importance to the literature^
on the Epistle. First came the elaborate
articlcs'by Von Soden of which an account ba»
been given. Holtzmann in his Einieitung (Frei-
burg i. B., 1883) states fairly both sides of the
problem, but appears to be conscious that his
own theory has not been found very convincing.
Weiss in his similar work (Berlin, 1886) reject*
the inter|)olation-hypothcsis altogether, and de-
fends the genuineness of the Epistle. Weizsiicker,
on the other hand, in his survey of the Apostolic-
age (Freiburg i. B., 1886), pronounces against
this, but, able scholar as he is, he shows the weak
place in his Teutonic armour, by the suggestion
that the Epistle to Philemon is an allegory
turning round the significance of the name
Onesimus I Pfleiderer ( Urchristcathum, p. 683 ;
Berlin, 1887) is inclined to have recourse to the
same piece of modern Alexandrianism : be leaves
it an open question whether any part of the
Epistle is genuine. The chief value of his
treatment of the Epistle consists in his clear
definition of the points of difference between it
and the undoubted i{|>istles. The best and most
complete of Eusli!.h commentaries is doubtless
that by Bishop Lightfoot, which may, however,
be usefully supplemented on the side of close
grammatical exegesis by the Commentary of
Bishop Ellicott. The editions in the Speaker's
Commentary (Bishop of Derrv), in Ellicott'»
Commentary for Kwjlish Headers (Dr. Barry),
and in SchaflTs Popular Commentary (Prof. M. B.
Riddle), all appeal to a wider public. [VV. Sy.]
COME BY. " We had much work to come
by the boat " (Acts xxvii. 16). The words
rtptxparott ytyiirdat are rendered by K. V. " to
secure." Lumby {Glossary of Bibl. Words, s. n.>
quotes from Earle's Microcosmog, — " He is lotli
to come by promotion so dear." [F.}
COMFORTER. See Spibit, Holy.
COMIXO OF CHRIST. In the prophecies
of the Old Testament no distinction is indicated
between a first coming of Christ in humility
and a second coming in glory. This distinction,,
however, became from a;i early time one of the
most familiar points of Christian doctrine, and
the conflict of the early Church both with
Judaism and Gnosticism must have served to
emphasize it. Xote the inclusion of " the
comines " (plur.) in the enumeration of funda-
mental articles of Christian faith in Irenaeus^
{Adv. Haer. i. 2, Greek text). We of later day»
have our attention mainly occupied with the his-
torical Christ, the Redemption already wrought,
the preparation of the world for, and the fulfil-
ment of prophecy in, His first Advent. The
mind and heart of the Church of the first age,
on the other hand, were turned almost more
towards the future. In the New Testament the
" Coming of Christ " commonly denotes the
future coming, without the need for any epithet
such as " second " (Matt. xxiv. 3, 27, 37, 39 -
1 Cor. XV. 23 ; 1 Thess. ii. 19, iii. 13, iv. 15,.
V. 23 ; 2 Thess. ii. 1, 8 ; Jas. v. 7, 8 ; 2 Pet. i.
16 [probably], iii. 4, 12; 1 John ii. 28. The
following passages may also be compared : 1 Cor.
j. 7 ; 2 Thess. i. 7 ; 1 Pet. i. 7, iv. 13 ; 1 Tim. vi.
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COMMERCE
14; 2 Tim. iv. I, 8; Tit. ii. 13); and, while the
fact that the Christ has alrc.idy come is of coarse
constaDtlr in mind, the phmse " the coming of
Christ" is verv rarely u»e<l of that first Advent.
The following seem to be the only instances: —
Acts vii. 52, xiii. 24 (where it is to be noted
that the Greek words employed are l\(vtris and
ffiraSas, and not one of those used for the Second
Advent), 2 Tim. i. 10, which is especially inter-
esting from the fact that the Apostle seems to
intend to compare the two "appearings" (cp.
rv. 10 and 12).
The manner of the return of Christ, as con-
ceived among Christians universally from the
first, was such as could properly belong only to
a Divine Being. The descriptions of it in the
Synoptic Gosiwls recall the imagery of Daniel vii.
The title "the Son of man" is used, and He is
to " come with the clouds of heaven " (Matt,
xxiv. 30 ; .xxvi. 64, &c.) The same title is not
used in the F.pistles, but we find it in the
mouth of St. James the Just, as it is interesting
to observe, in the account of his martyrdom
given by Hegesippns {Fra(fm. ap. Euseb. II. E.
ii. 23). " The favourite terms for describing the
Coming of Christ in the Epistles convey the idea
of its mysterionsness and m.ijesty. They are :
rapoiiTM, translated coming (very general in the
Kpistles, and occurring also in St. Matthew) ; 1)
iin4pa 'I. X., T. Kup. &c., the day of J. C, of the
Lord, ami even simply ii iiiiipa, the day (1 Cor.
iii. 13 ; and cp. llom. xiii. 12) ; iroRilAi/^it,
reretation ; itt^ima, translated appearing (pe-
culiar to the Pastoral Epistles, except 2 Thess.
ii. 8, where it is combined with xopovirta) ; and
lastlv the verb ^artpowrdai, '* to be made mani-
fest '' (Col. iii. 4 ; 1 Pet. v. 4 ; 1 John ii. 28,
iii. 2, &c.).
The first generation or two of Christians
looked for a very speedy return of Christ.
Evidence of this faith is to be found in the New
Testament (1 Cor. vii. 29, 31 ; xvi. 22 [Maran-
atha]; Phil. iv. 5; Heb. i. 25, 37; James v. 9;
1 Peter iv. 5, 7). With this expectation are to
be contrasted many remarkable parables and
sayings of our Lord Himself, in which He indi-
cates a work to be done before His coming
which could only be slow and gradual {e.g.
Matt. xiii. 31-33; Acts i. 8). The disciples,
especially in early days, de.sircd signs like the
Jews, by which they might know the approach
of the end, and in part they were gratified
(Matt, xxiv., Mark xiii., Luke ixi.).
For the Millennium, Judgment, and other
points connected with the Coming of Christ,
and the relation of Christian language on these
subjects to that in the Old Testament and in
Jewish Apocalyptic and Rabbinic literature,
see EsciiATOLoar. [V. H. S.]
COMMERCE. 1. nnnp, Gescn. p. 946 ; i^-
vopla ; negotiatio ; from ")nD, a merchant, from
IPID, trarel, Ezek. xxvii, 15 ; A. V., merchandise,
traffic. 2. n^3"), Oesen.p. 1289; Ezek. xivi. 12,
T& ircEpx"'^' ! negotiationes ; in xxviii. 5, 16,
1 8, i/iiropia, negotiatio, from 731, trarel.
From the time that men began to live in
cities, trade, in some shape, must have been
carried on to supply the town-dwi-llcrs with
neccsMiries (see Heeren, Afr. Xat. i. 462), but
(X)HH£BCE
it is also clear that international trade must
have existed and affected to some extent evea tk<
pastoral nomad races, for we iind that Abra-
ham was rich, not only in c-ittle, bat in tilrer,
gold, and gold and silver plate .tnd onumeiits
(Gen. xiii. 2; xxiv. 22, Ui); and further, ttut
gold and silver in a manufactured state, ul
silver, not improbably in coin, were is dm botli
among the settled inhabitants of Palestioe ul
the pastoral tribes of Syria at that date (Ges.
XX. 16, xiiii. 16, xxiviii. 18; Job xiii. 11), to
whom those metals must in all probability hive
been imported from other oountries (Hasty,
Anc. Weights, c. xii. 3, p. 193; KittiJ. P^yi.
Hist, of Pal., pp. 109, 110 ; Herod, i. 21i).
Among trading nations mentioned in ^icrip-
ture, Egypt holds in very early times a pn-
minent position, though b«r external tiult
was carried on, not by her own citixeas, but
by foreigners, chiefly of the nomad races (Un-
Ten, Afr. Xat. i. 468, ii. 371, 372). It was ai
Ishmaelite caravan, laden with spioea, vUck
carried Joseph into Egypt, and the accosst
shows that slaves formed sometimes a part M
the merchandise imported (Gen. xxxvii ii,
xxxix. 1 ; Job vi. 19). From Egypt it is likelj
that at all times, but especially in tune U
general scarcity, corn would be exported, vkidi
was paid for by the non-exporting nations is
silver, which waa always weighed (Gen. xli. b' ;
xiii. 3, 25, 35 ; xliii. 11, 12, 21). These can-
vans also brought the precious stones as ir^ll
as the spices of India into Egypt (Ex. iiv. 3>. 7 ;
Wilkinson, Anc Egypt., ii. 235, 237 [187S>
Intercourse with Tyre does not appear to )a\<
taken place till a later period, and thas, thongb
it cannot be determined whether the purple in
which the Egyptian woollen and linen cktlis
were dyed was brought by land from Phoeoicii,
it is certain that coloured cloths had long b«ti
made and dyed in Egypt ; and tli« n-se. at kait,
of them adopted by the Hebrews for the Tabct-
nacie as early as the time of Mos«g (Ex. iiv. 4,
5; Heeren, Asiat, Nat. i. 332; Herod, i. U
The pasture-ground of Shechera appears fnia
the story of Joseph to have lain in the way rf
these caravan journeys (Gen. xxxvii. 14, ii:
Saalschiitz, Hebr. Arch. 15, 1. 159X
It is clear that at the same period tnic
was Ciirried on between B<ibyIon and the Syiisi
cities, and also that gold and silver omanKiti
were common among the Syrian and Aratns
races ; a trade which was obviously carried o>
by land-carriage (Num. xxxi. 50 ; josh. vii. '-1 :
Judg. V. 30, viii. 24 ; Job vi. 19).
Until the time of Solomon the Hebrew nati<«
may be said to have had no foreign trade.
Foreign trade was indeed contemplat«i by ibt
Law, and strict rules for morality in comniercul
dealings were laid down by it (Deut. iiviii. ^
XXV. 13-16 ; Lev. xix. 35°, 36), and the tiik^
near the sea and the Phoenician teititon'
appear to have engaged to some extent n
maritime afi'airs (Gen. xlli. 13 ; Dent. luii-
18 ; Judg. V. 17), but the spirit of the Uv
waa more in favour of agriculture and tiaf*
foreign trade (Dent. xvii. 16, 17 ; Uv. m- :
Joseph, c. Apian, i. 12). Solomon, fa«»errr,
organised an extensive trade with fi>m:>
countries, but chiefly, at least so far as liw
more distant nations were concerned, o* ••
import character. He imported liaea van,
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COXCL'BIXE
kones, and chariots from Egypt. Of the horses
some appear to hare been resold to Syriaa and
Cuaaoite priace«. For all these he paid in
gold, which was imported by sea from India
and Arabia by his iieets, built under his own
•idets, but manned chiedy by Phoenicians
{Uwren, As. Xat. i. 334 ; I K. ix. 26, 27, x.
23-29; ties. p. 1202). It was by Phoenicians
sIki that the cedar and other timber for his
gnat architectural woriss was brought by sea
l« Joppa, whilst Solomon found the provisions
ucesiary for the workmen in Mount Lebanon
(1 K. r. 6, 9 ; 2 Ch. ii. 16).
The fleets used to sail into the Indian Ocean
erery three yean from blath and iCzion-geber,
ports 00 the Aelaoitic gnlf of the Red Sea,
■hich Itarid bad probably gained from Kdom,
aad brought back gold, silver, ivory, sandal-
wood, ebony, precious stones, apes, and pea-
ooclii. Some of these may have come from
India and Ceylon, and some from the coasts of
the Persian Gulf and the £. coast of Africa
(2 Sam. viii. 14 ; IK. ii. 26, x. 11, 22 ; 2 Cb.
riii. 17; Herod, iii. 114; Livingstone, Travels,
pp. 637, 662).
But the trade which Solomon took so much
pains to encourage was not a maritime trade
only. He built, or more probably fortified,
Baalbec and Palmyra; the latter at least ex-
pressly as a caravan station for the land-com-
merce with Eastern and South-eastern Asia (1 K.
ii. 18>
After his death the maritime trade declined,
and an attempt made by Jehoshaphat to revive
it proved unsuccessful (1 K. xiii. 48, 49).
[TissHisB; OrHiR.] We know, however, that
Phoenicia was supplied from Judaea with wheat,
hogey, oil, and balm(l K. r. 11; Ezek. xxvii.
17 ; Acts xii. 20 ; Joseph. B. J. ii. 21, § 2 ; Vit.
13^ whilst Tyrian dealers brought tish and
other merchandise to Jerusalem at the time of
the return from the Captivity (Kch. xiii. 16), as
well aj timber for the rebuilding of the Temple,
which then, as in Salomon's time, was brought
by lea to Joppa (Exra iii. 7). Oil was exported
to Egypt (Hos. xii. IX and fine linen and orna-
nestal girdles of domestic manufacture were
sold to the merchants (Prov. xxxi. 24).
The soccessive invasions to which Palestine
was subjected, involving both large abstraction
of treasure by invaders and heavy imposts on
the inhabitants to purchase immunity or to
satisfy demands for tribute, must have im-
poverished the country from time to time
(un<ler Kehobnam. 1 K. xiv. 26 ; Asa, xv. 18 ;
Joa»h, 2 K. xii. IS ; Amnziah, xiv. 13 ; Ahaz,
xvi. 8; Hezekiah, xviii. 15, 16; .lehoahaz and
■lehoLikim, xxiii. 33, 35 ; Jelioiachin, xxiv. 13),
hut it is also clear, as the denunciations of the
Prophets bear witness, that much wealth must
somewhere have existed in the country, and
much foreign merchandise have been imported ;
so much so that, in the language of Ezekiel,
•lerusalem appears as the rival of Tyre, and
through its port, Joppa, to have carried on
trade with foreign countries (Is. ii. 6, 16, iii.
11, 23 ; Hos. xii. 7 ; Ezek. xxvL 2 ; Jonah i. 3 ;
Heeren, As. Nut. i. p. '328).
Under the Maccabees Joppa was fortified
(1 Mace. xiv. 34), and later still Caesarea was
built and made a port by Herod (Joseph. Ant.
IT. 9, § 6; Acts xii. 19, xviii. 22). Joppa
became afterwards a haunt for pirates, and was
taken by Cestius; afterwards by Vespasian, and
destroyed bv him (Strab. xvi. p. 759 ; Joseph.
Ii. J. ii. 18, '§ 10, iii. », § 1). There can be no
doubt that in former times the soil of Palestine
yielded much more produce than is now the case,
and so we H»d that during the 1st century A.D.
Tyre and Sidon depended for supplies of pro-
visions upon the kingdom of Herod Agrippa
(AcU xii. 20).
The internal trade of the Jews, as well as tlie
external, was much promoted, as was the casi-
also in Egypt, by the festivals, which brought
large numbers of persons to Jernsalem, nuil
caused great outlay in victims for sacrifices and
in incense (1 K. viii. 63 ; Heeren, A/r. A'at. ii.
363). The traders in later timos were allowed to
intrude into the Temple, in the outer courts of
which victims were publicly sold for the aacri-
tices (Zech. xiv. 21 ; Matt. xxi. 12; John ii. 14).
The places of jmblic market were then, as
now, chiefly the o|ieu spaces near the gates, to
which goods were brought fur sale by those who
came from the outside (Neh. xiii. 15, 16 ; Zepb.
i. 10).
In the matter of buying and selling great
stress is laid by the Law on fairness in dealing.
Just weights and balances are stringently
ordered (Lev. xix. 35, 36; Dent. xxr. 13-16).
Kidnapping slaves is forbidden under the
severest penalty (Ex. xxi. 16 ; Deut. xxiv. 7).
Trade in swine was forbidden by the Jewish
doctors (Surenhus. Mischn. Seder Xe^ikin, c. 7,
vol. iv. 60 ; Lightfoot, H. H. on Matt. viii. 33 ;
Winer, Handel ; Saalschtttz, Arch. Btbr. c 15,
16). [H. W. P.]
COMPASS. The A. V. "fetch a compass"
(2 Sam. v. 23 ; 2 K. iii. 9 ; Acts xxviii. 13) is
rendered by Ii. V. " make a circuit," i.e. to go
round about. [F.]
CONANI'AH (injpjia [Keri, ed. Baer],
Jehovah hath cstaOlislied ; BA*. Xuvwlas ;
A.' Xtcx'fias ; C/ionenias), one of the chiefs
(Q\1Z>) of the Levites in the time of Josiah
(2 Ch. XXXV. 9). The same name as CoxosiAii.
C!ONCISION, a word used by St. Paul
(Philip, iii. 2, KaraTa/i4))to describe the circum-
cision to which the Judaizers at Philippi would
contemptuously compel the Qentile converts.
"This circumcision which they vaunt, is iu
Christ only ns the gashings and mutilations of
the idolatrous heathen" (Lightfoot in loco).
Such play f( words ^Kararoiffi, rtpirotiii) iis
is here implied is characteristic of St. Paul (see
Lightfoot and Speaker's Comm. in loco). [K]
CONCUBINE. BO.^»B appears to have
been included under the general conjugal sense
of the word DtTK, which in its limited sense is
rendered " wife." The positions of these two
among the early Jews cannot be referred to the
standard of our own age and country ; that of
concubine being less degraded, as that of wife
was, especially owing to the sanction of poly-
gamy, less honourable than among ourselves.
The natural desire of offspring was, in the Jew.
consecrated into a religious hope, which tendi'd
to redeem concubinage from the debasement into
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CON'CUBIXK
which the grosser motives for its adoption
might have brought it. The whole question
must be viewed fVom the point which touches
the interests of propagation, in virtue of which
even a slave concubine who had many children
would become a most important person in a
family, especially where a wife was barren.
Such was the true source of the concubinage of
Nahor, Abraham, and Jacob, which indeed, in
the two latter cases, lost the nature which It
has in our eyes, through the pruce.ss, analogous
to adoption, by which the offspring was regarded
as that of the wife herself. From nil this it
fallows that, save in so far as the concubine was
generally a slave, the difference between wife
and concubine was less marked, owing to the
absence of moral stigma, than among us.
Keturah, spoken of in Gen. xxv. 1 as a " wife,'
appears in I Ch. i. 32 as a concubine (cp. Gen.
XXV. G). We must therefore beware of regard-
ing as essential to the relation of concubinage,
what really pertained to that of bomlage.
The concubine's condition was a definite one,
and quite independent of the fact of there being
another woman or women hanug the rights of
wife towards the same man. The difference
probably lay in the absence of the right of
the libellus divortii, without which the wife
could not be repudiated, and in some particu-
lars of treatment and consideration of which
we are ignorant ; also in her condition and
rights on the death of her lord, rather than in
the absence of nuptial ceremonies and dowry,
which were non-essential ; yet it is so probable
that these last did not pertain to the concubine,
that the assertion of the Gemara (Hierosol.
ChetiAoth, V.) to that effect, though contro-
verted, may be received. The doctrine that a
concubine also could not be dismissed withont a
formal divorce is of later origin — not that such
dismissals were more frequent, probably, than
those of wives — and negatived by the silence of
Kx. xxi. and Deut. xxi. regarding it. From this
it seems to follow that a concubine could not
become a wife to the same man, nor vice versa,
unless in the improbable case of a wife divorced
returning as a concubine, which, however, seems
against the law of Deut. xxiv. 3, 4, With regard
to the children of wife and those of concubine,
there was no such difference as our illegitimacy
implies; the latter were a supplementary
family to the former, their names occur in the
patriarchal genealogies (Gen. xxii. 24 ; 1 Ch. i.
32X and their position and provision, save in the
case of defect of those former (in which case
they might probably succeed to landed estate or
other chief heritage), would depend on the
father's will (Gen. xxv. 6). The state of con-
cubinage is assumed and provided for by the
Law of Moses. A concubine would generally be
either (1) a Hebrew girl bought of her father,
i.e. a slave, which alone the Rabbis regard as a
lawful connexion (Maimon. Halach-Melaiim, iv.),
at least for a private person ; (2), a Gentile
captive taken in war; (3), a foreign slave
bought, or (4) a Oanaanitish woman, bond or
free. The rights of (1) and (2) were protected
by law (Ex. xxi. 7 ; Deut. xxi. 10), but (3) was
unrecognised, although enjoying the authority
of the precedent of Hagar, and (4) prohibited.
Free Hebrew women also might become con-
cubines. So Gideon's concubine seems to have
CONDUIT
been of a family of rank and influents in
Shechem, and such was probably the state of
the Lerite's concubine (Judg. viii. 29 ; ix. 1-3 ;
XI.). The ravages of war among the male sei,
or the impoverishment of families, might oAta
induce this condition. The case (1) was not a
hard lot. The passage in Ex. xxi. is somewhat
obscure, and seems to mean, in brief, as follows : —
A man who bought a Hebrew girl as concnbiae
for himself might not treat her as a mere
Hebrew slave, to be sent '* out " (i.e. in the
seventh year, v. 2), but might, if she displeased
him, dismiss her to her father on redemption, t.;.
repayment probably of a part of what be paid
for her. If he had taken her for a concubine
for his son, and the son then married another
woman, the concubine's position and rights nre
secured, or, if she were refused these, she be-
came free without redemption. Further, from
the provision in the case of such a concubine
given by a man to his son, that she should be
dealt with " after the manner of daughters," vt
see that the servile merged in the connubiil
relation, and that her children must have been
free. Yet some degree of contempt attached to
the " handmaid's son " (nDt|S^3), a term applied
reproachfully to the son of a concubine merelr
in Judg. ix. 18; see also Ps. cxvi. 16. Tbe
provisions reliiting to (2) are mercifnl and oon-
siderate to a rare degree, but overlaid by the
Rabbis with distorting comments. In PSBi.
viii. p. 20 sq. is given in French a contract (i
marriage from a papyrus of the 27th year of
King Psammetichua, on which M. Revillout, the
translator, remarks : — " II ne s'.igit la que d'nn
mtriage servile tinalogne a celui qu'on conmiit Its
juifa, et dont la minute par toutes ses fnrmnles
rentre plutot encore dans le litre 1<^ it
I'esciavaije que dans celui de mariage."
In the Books of Samuel and Kings the concu-
bines mentioned belong to the king, and their
comlltion and number cease to be a guide to the
general practice. In particular, royal concu-
bines, from Saul's (Rjz)>ah) inclusively, seemt«
hare belonged to the class (4) above, althoogh
prohibited [Eliau, RizpaiiJ. A new kins;
stepped into the rights of his predecessor, tad
by Solomon's time the custom had approiimsted
to thiit of a Persian harem (2 Snm. xii. S, ivi.
21 ; IK. ii. 22). To seize on royal concubioe*
for his use was thus an usurper's first act. Sodi
was probably the intent of Abner's act (2 Sam.
iii. 7), and the request on behalf of Adooi.iah
was similarly construed (1 K. iL 21-24). Kor
fuller information Selden's treatises de Pjw
H<AraeS and de Jure Natur. et Gent. v. 7, 8, and
especially that de Sucoasionibm, cap. iiL, nay
with some cmtion (since he leans somewhat
easily to mbbinical tradition) be consulted ; also
the treatises .'■'i.taA, Kidushim, and CtetnAott in
the Gemara Hierosol., and that entitled Smv-
drin in the Gemam Babyl. The essential y«c-
tions of all these are collected in Ugolini, voL
XII. de Vxore Ilebraed. [H. H.]
CONDUIT (rhvFl ; iSpayoiyit ; ojwnforfw;
a trench or watercoune, from iwS, to aieeti,
Gesen. p. 1022).
1. Although no notice is given either ■>
Scripture or by Josephus of any oonneiioa
between the pools of Solomon beyond Bethlekeo
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CONDUIT
and a supply of water for Jerusalem, it seems
unlikely that so large a work as the pools
iroald be constructed merely for irrigating his
gardens (Eccles. ii. 6) ; and tradition, both oral
and as represented by Talmudicnl writers,
ascribes to Solomon the formation of the original
aqueduct by which water was brought to
Jerusalem (Maundrell, Early Trav. p. 458 ;
Haaselqnist, Trav. p. 146 ; Lightfoot, DeacT.
Tempi, c. xxiii. vol. i. Sl'J ; Robinson, i. 265). As
originally constructed, this aqueduct consisted
of a well-shaped channel of masonry lined with
cement on the sides and bottom ; and, though
mach injured and not usually serviceable for
water beyond Bethlehem, it still exists and con-
Teys the water from the sources which supply
the pools about two miles S. of Bethlehem.
It then passes from the poob in a N.E. direc-
tion, and, winding round the hill of Bethlehem
on the S. side, is carried sometimes above and
sometimes below the surface of the ground,
partly in earthen pipes and partly in a chnnnel
about one foot square of rough stones laid in
cement, till it approaches Jerusalem. There it
crosses the valley of Hinnom at the S.W. side
of the city on a bridge of nine low arches, at a
point above the pool called hirket-ts-Sultan ;
then returns S.E. and E. along the side of the
ralley and under the wall, and, continuing its
<-ourse along the east side and being carried
orer the causeway and arch called " Wilson's
Arch," terminates in the reservoir beneath the
Haram enclosure {h'ccorer;i of Jenu. pp. 23, 24).
It was repaired by Sultan Mnhammnd Ibn-
Kalaan of Egypt about a.d. 1300 (Williams,
Holy City, ii. 498 ; Kiiamer, Pal. p. 280 ; Robin-
son, i. 265-267, 345, 347, 476, iii. 247).
2. Pontius Pilate, to the great indignation of
the Jews, applied the sacred treasure of the
C'orban to the work of bringing water by an
aqueduct from a distance, which in one place
Josepbos states to hare been 400, but in
another 200, stadia from Jerusalem. This
application of the treasure gave occasion
t4> a serious disturbance (Joseph. Ant. xviii.
3, § 2 ; B.J. ii. 9, § 4). This aqueduct is pro-
bably the same as that still existing which
takes its beginning in the Wady Arrib, and,
|>aa8ing not far from Tekoa, finally delivers
its water into the aqueduct of Solomon. Its
total length will thus amount to not less than
thirty miles, and not differ greatly from a menn
between the two distances given by Josephus
(^PEFQy. Stat, 1875, p. 71 ; Secovery of Jana.
p. 2-4). Vi. Barclay, however, thought that the
aquednct of Pilate was on the N. side of the city
<Ct<y of Great King, p. 316).
3. Another watercourse derives its supply
from a place called the " well of steps," Jiir ed-
Durragee, in the Widy el-Biyar, whence the
water is conveyed by a tunnel between three
and fonr miles in length, into which shafts are
KUnk at intervals from the surface above.
Emerging from this tunnel, it follows the side
of the hill for about 1800 feet, and is then
carried by another tunnel 1700 feet in length,
also connected with the ground above by shafts,
of which one is 115 feet in depth. Receiving in
its course a supply of water from the " sealed
fountain," it reaches the Pools of Solomon, the
uppermost of which it circumvents, but is
then lost, haying been probably destroyed by
CONEY
635
invaders ; it reappears at a point above Rachel's
tomb, and is carried across the valley by a
syphon formed of perforated stone blocks set in
rough masonry. Another |>ortion is visible
beyond Mar Elyas, near the plain of Rephaim ;
but though the place at which it entered Jeru-
salem is not known, it must have been at a point
higher than No. 2, and may have been connected
with the Tower of Hippicus, and also with the
palaces on Mount Zion mentioned by Josephus.
It may also have supplied the watercourse of
which a portion exists near the Russian Convent,
and others of which portions exist within the
city. The whole work is one exhibiting in its
remaining portions a very high degree of engi-
neering skill (Joseph. Ant. xx. §§ 8, 11 ; .0. J. ii.
17, § 9. V. 7, § 3 ; Robinson, iii. 273 ; Barclay,
p. 319; Sir C. Wilson, Wuter Supply of J eras.
pp. 32, 33, 58, 62 ; Recovery of Jerus. pp. 23-52).
4. There i» also a very remarkable water-
course conveying water from the so-called
Virgin's Pool, Dirkct Sitti Maryam, almost the
only natural spring near Jerusalem on the E.
side of the city, by a tunnel cut in the rock
1708 feet in length, to the Pool of Siloam. An
inscription in Phoenician characters, lately dis-
covered, appears to carry back the construction
of this work to a period not later than that of
Solomon {PEFQy. Slat, 1881, pp. 141, 154, lo5,
157 ; Robinson, i. 337, 340) or Hezekiah (Driver,
Aotes on the Beb. Text of the BB. of Sam.
lotrod. pp. XV. xvi.).
5. Among the works of Hezekiah, he is said
(1) to have " made a pool and a conduit, and
brought water nnto the city " ; (2) to have
'' stopped the upper watercourse of Gihon, and
brought it straight down to the W. side of the-
city of David " (2 K. xx. 20 ; 2 Ch. xxxii. 4, 30 ;
see also la. xxii. 11, and Ecclus. xlviii. 16). It
is perhaps this aqueduct of which a large por-
tion was discovered in digging the foundations
for the English Church at Jerusalem, running
in a direction E. and W. (Robinson, i. 327,
346, iii. 243, 244 ; PEFQy. Stat, 1875, p. 131).
[GiHOH i Jebusalem.] [H. W. p.]
CONEY 095?; JoffiJirowj, x'>'l>oyp^^^'M'T
V. I. \ayuiv, Choerogryllus, herinaceus, leptus-
cu/us) ; a gregarious animal of the class Pachy-
dermata, which is found in Palestine, living in
the caves and clefts of the rocks, and which has
been erroneously identified with the Rabbit or
Coney. Its scientific name is Hyrax tyriaau. The
]9^ is mentioned four times in the 0. T. In
Lev. xi. 5 and in Deut. xiv. 7 it is declared to
be unclean, because it chews the cud, but does not
divide the hoof. In Ps. civ. 18 we are told
" the rocks are a refuge for the conies," and iu
Prov. XXX. 26 that "the conies are but a feeble
folk, yet make they their houses in the rocks."
The Hyrax satisfies exactly the expressions in
the Ibst two passages ; and its being reckoned
among the ruminating animals is no difficulty,
the hare being also erroneously ]>laced by the
sacred writers in the same class, because the
action of its jaws resembles that of the ruminat-
inganimals. The Arabs call the }9^>j-J>«, ica6r;
bat among the Southern Arabs we find the term
>^^, thofun = thaphan (Fresnel in Atiatic
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636
CONEY
CONFIBMATION
Joum. Jane 1838, p. 514). The Amharic name
M aachkoko, under which name the Hyrax is
described by Bruce, who also gires a figure of
it, and mentions the fact that the Arabs also
called it Ajj\ j,m»\ jJ ^ip., " sheep of the
children of Israel." The derivation of JBC' from
the unused root, \tXf, " to hide," chiefly in the
earth, is obrious.
If:
Bynu •jriAcoa <Fnifii ft tptdaCD In Uie BriUah HnaaaB.)
The Hyrax or Coney is one of a group which
standi isolated and peculiar among Mammalia.
It is neither ruminant nor rodent, but is placed
by Bysteniatists among the Vngutata, near the
fihinoceros ; order Pachijilcrmata ; family Hyra-
vldie. It is a jjeculiarly -Africm form, iind is
found throughout the Sinaitiu Peninsula gene-
rally; it is not uncommon on the liills on both
sides of the Dead .Sea, and is .scarcer throughout
the rest of the country, but becomes rare in
Galilee. I have seen it near the Ladder of Tyre,
and in the gorge of the Leontes, as well as in
the rocky wadys near the lake of Galilee. We
have no authoritv for its [ircsent existence in
Lebanon, though it was formerly recorded from
thence, and probably still lingers there. In
Galilee it is known by the peasants not as ^i,
wabr, but as , >V», tufiaun, the name they also
give to the ichueumou. It is represented by a
closely allied species {Ifi/rux abytsiniaa) in Abys-
ainia, and by another rather larger {Hyrax
tapeitsti) in South Africa. Several varieties of
the former species are found in ICastern Africa ;
but the present species is the only one beyond
Africa, nor is it known to extend further into
Arabia or Western Asia.
In its timid, cautious habits and defenceless
character, referred to in Scripture, it is very
like the rabbit, but is scarcely so large. It has
a round head, short round ears, and a tail so
short that it can scarcely be detected at all.
It is marked by a yellow dorsal spot on its
otherwise uniformly tawny fur, out of which a
few long black hairs stand out all over its body.
Its incisor teeth are prominent, chisel-sbapeil,
exactly like those of the hippopotamus. It has
no claws, but the four toes of its fore feet
and the three of its hind feet arc furnished with
nails or hoofs, like those of the river monster.
Its diet is herbivorous, and it lives exclusively
among the rocks in wadys, as Solomon describes
it, not generally burrowing, but utilising fis-
sures in the clilie, where it has its inaccessible
home, coming forth to feed only at sunset and
dawn. It is not strictly gregarious, but there
are generally several in close neighbourhood ;
and when feeding, a sentry is placed on some
commanding onl|iost, who gives warning of
approaching danger by a short squeaking bark,
when the company instantly disappear. I lur«
watched the coney in various parts of the coun-
try, but very rarely saw it out of its Iwle
during the day, though occasionally I hire
detected it even at noon, sitting sod workiag
its jaws, as though chewing toe cud. 1 hare
found a nest of dried grass and fur, ia wkicii
four young were buried like those of a mooK.
Though forbidden to the Jew-s the coney's deth
is eaten by the Arabs. We found it tomevhst
like that of the hare, quite dark, but rather
dry and hard.
The late Kev. F. W. Holland, the intrepid ei-
plorer of the Sinaitic desert, writes: "ThoDgli
1 several times saw single conies in Sinai, 1 odIv
twice came upon any large number togetiier.
Once, when crossing a mountain pass, I ns
startled by a shrill scream near me, but coslil
see nothing. On my return in the errninf, I
approached the place cautiously, and sav eigkl
conies out, playing like rabbits. I «at<^
them for some minutes before they saw me. At
length one caught sight of me, and immedittelT
uttered its scream, and all at once ruskei tv
their holes. On another occasion I saw abut
twelve out feeding at a different spot, but on
neither occasion did I see any appointed giuid.
They had runs like rabbits, leading some liitk
distance from their holes." [H. B. T.]
COXFECTIOX ("after the art of tb
apothecary "), a compound (Lat. confeetio) nud';
up by an apothecary (see quotation from Lilv''
Euphues in Lumby's Gloixtrti of BM. WirJf,
in Eyre and Spottiswoode's Teacherf BAU). Tlie
word occurs in Ex. xxiv. 35, and is replaced is
the R. V. by " perfume (after the art of tin
perfumer "). L^.]
CONFIRMATIOJI.
I. Tke Title, p. «3C.
II. iV. r. Jttayrdi of CbnUmoMMl, p. <3t.
IIL Tkt Gift of Cton/ETMium, p. S37.
IV. SuMdiary Rtftrmca to Camfirmatit-C'it-
trine, p. 640.
V. Subsidiary R^trmtett to tke JOminittntim
9f Conjlrmaium, p. 641.
VI. Literature, p. 6<2.
L The Title.— Tht name Confirmation itidf
is not found in Holy Scripture, thoogk it k
suggested by 2 Cor. i. 21, where the expreasici
i 0t$auii> ii/ias, " He which stablisheth [or.ooe-
firms] ns," may perhaps refer to the rite, b
early Church literature there ape traces of the
word with some added qualification, as rh /Jf
$t$aitKrit Tfli iitoXoyi"' (Apott. Canst iiL IT) :
but as an absolute title, without any eiplaastKT
clause, it gained general currency soine»kit
late, and then only in the West. It is, bowenr,
a convenient name to use because of its ftmt-
liarity to English ears, and the Bible itself pw
vides no single word which can take its pistb
II. JV. T.Jiecordso/Con/iriiuUioti.—lMntK
only two express narratives of its actual »^
ministration. The first is among the early art-
of the Christian Church. When St Philip W
baptized the converts at Samaria, the ApoOl"
" sent unto them Peter and John : who, "bo
they were come down, jirayed for them, tist
they might receive the Holy Ghost : (for ss J«t
he was fallen upon none of them : only tkey
were baptized in the name of the Lord Je»»)
Then laid they their bands oo them, aad tliey
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CONFIEMATION
received the Holy Ghost" (Acts viii. 14-17).
The second occasion that is related was at
Ephesua at a later period. The disviiiles there,
having before received only the imperfect bafi-
tism of John, were baptized, under the direction
of St. Paul, with the Baptlsui of the Lord. But,
just as at Samaria, there was the need of the
further gift of the Spirit. "And when Paul
had laid Ai's hands upon them, the Holy Ghost
<»iue on them " (Acts xix. 1-6).
Foar things are clearly to be gathered from
these two records.
1. They show that Confirmation is the proper
sequel to Baptism, bat at the .same time some-
thing entirely distinct from it. The ministry
of the Apostles at Samaria could have nothing
tu do with remedying defects inherent in Baptism
by a Deacon. If St. Philip's Baptisms had not
been perfectly ralid, the Samaritans would hare
been baptized again. This they were not. But
there was still another and sep.irate gift of the
Holy Ghost which they laclced, and this they
received "through laying on of the Apostles'
hands " (viii. 1 8). In the other instance no
question can be raised as to any possible in-
sufficiency in the Baptisms, since St. Paul was
present himself. Therefore the laying on of
hands was an additional rite, and not merely
the completion of the baptismal ceremony.
3. It may be gathered that the ministration of
Confirmation was regarded at first as an apostolic
office. Various reasons hare been suggested to
account for St. Philip's not baring performed the
rite. The obrions one is that he had not the
power. The Apostles might no doubt hare
bestowed upon others the authority to confirm,
bot they seem not to have done so. Similarly
the administration in later days has usually
been confined, directly or indirectly, to the
episcopate.
3. "The notice that the Apostles at Samaria
" prayed for " the people " that they might
rei»ive the Holy Ghost," Ims sometimes been
thought to indicate that prayer is essential to
the validity of Confirmation. On another point
of ceremonial the testimony is stronger. In
both cases mentioned the laying on of bands is
spoken of as the external rite which was used.
Calvin maintained that this only signified a
formal dedication to God for the purpose of
receiving the Spirit; and, beliering that the
Spirit had ceased to come in the primitive
manner, he thought the ceremony had grown
useless (^Tfot. IV. ch. xix. 6). He was as mistalcen
about the purpose of the sign as about the
ceoaation of the Holy Spirit's advents. It did
not signify a dedication of one person to God by
another's instrumentality, but a gift from God
to man by an ordained administration. "The
hands," says Jones, of Nayland, " are the instru-
ments of action and power. If any gift is pre-
sented, any assistance offered, or any commission
f^ren from one man to another, the hands are
the means of communication. The power of the
human body is so eminently fixed to the hands,
that hand and power are put for the same thing
in the sacred language ... so that if anything
is visibly communicated from God through the
ministration of man, no outward sign can ex-
press this so properly as the stretching out and
laying on of the hands of those persons who
act under Him and for Him in a ministerial
CONFIBMATION
637
capacity " (Essay on Confintuttion). The im-
position of hands in Confirmation has been re-
garded as adopted from nnr Lord's blessing of
children (Matt. xix. 13; Mark x. 13); but the
act is too ancient a form of benediction, and too
signifii'nnt in character, to be safely attributed
to an isolated precedent. The narratives in the
Acts formed the authority upon which the
early Church based its adoption of the ceremony,
and for a time the usage seems tn have been
universal. " Do you not know this to be the
custom of the Churches," wrote St. Jerome to
an adversary, "that after Baptism hands are
imposed on the baptized persons, and that the
Holy Spirit is invoked upon them? You ask
where this is written? In the Acts of the
Apostles. Nay, though there was no authority
for this in Scripture, the consent of the whole
world as to this matter would be a sufficient
precept thereof" (jContra Lvcxf. 8).
4. The simple character of the narrntires
shows that the rite was a familiar one which
needed neither apology nor explanation. Hence
it may be inferred with certainty that Con-
firmation was instituted by our Lord Himself.
It were incredible that the Apostles should hare
inrented an ordinance, and should hare pro-
ceeded to administer it as a matter of course, if
they had had no warrant from their Master.
Calvin himself was constrained to admit this,
only rejecting any conclusion as to the per-
manent meaning or obligation of the rite
(/nst. IT. ch. xix. 6). It was doubtless one of the
"things pertaining to the kingdom of God,"
concerning which our Lord gave commandment
to the Apostles in the interval between the
Resurrection and the Ascension.
III. The Olft of Confirmation. — ^The passages
in the Acts arc explicit that those who were
confirmed " received the Holy Ghost." The
only questions that arise are in defining exactly
what the reception of the Holy Ghost means,
and in distinguishing precisely between the gift
of the Holy Ghost in Confirmation and in Bap-
tism. These questions mtut be answered by
carefully studying the teaching of Holy Scrip-
ture as to the personal bestowal of the Holy
Spirit's Presence.
1. Under the Old Covenant there was no
pledged gift of the Holy Ghost to individuals.
God led the Israelites by the cloud, and the
Prophets interpreted this particularlv as a lead-
ing by the " Spirit " (Is. liiii. 10-14 ; 'Hag. ii. .5).
He promised His Presence generally to the
Church, — "I will dwell among the children of
Israel " (Ex. xxix. 45), — and this was especially
fulfilled in the Shechinah of the Temple. But
these were gifts to the people in a mass. The
outpouring of the Spirit upon separate persons
was chiefly restricted to those who, like judges
or prophets, were called to B|i«cial and extra-
ordinary works. Prophecy made it clear that
under the Gospel something more was to be
looked for. Not only was " the Spirit of the
Lord " to rest upon the Messiah for His own
office (Is. xi. 2, lii. 1), but the same Spirit was
to be poured upon His serrant-' (xxxii. 15,
xliv. 3). The result of His indwelling was to
be the very power of resurrection (Ezek. ixxvii.
14). By Joel God said, " I will pour out My
Spirit upon all flesh . , . Also upon the serranta
and upon the handmaids in those days will I
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CONFIRMATION
pour out My Spirit," a prophecy which St. Peter
declared to be accomplished on the Day of Pente-
cost (Joel ii. 28, 29 ; Acts ii. 16-18).
2. The first step towards the fulfilment of
these promises was in the descent of the Holy
Spirit upon the Manhood of our Lord. After
His baptism by St. John the heaven opened, and
the Holy Ghost descended in a bodily shape, like
a dove, and abode upon Him (Matt. iii. 16 ;
Luke iii. 21, 22; John i. 32). This coming of
the Spirit is often taken .is if it belonged to the
Baptism. However closely connected, the cir-
cumstances were evidently distinct. Tiie Bap-
tism wa^i complete, and our Lord had come up
out of the water and was in prayer, when the
event occurrnl. Tertnllian takes it as a pattern
of our Confirmation (Z>« Bapt. riii.) ; and so also
do Athanasius (Cunt. Arian. i. 46) and others of
the Fathers (Theoph. ad toe.; Hil. can. 4).
Optatus goes so far aa to speak of the voice of
the Father as representing the laying on of
hands (De Schis. iv. 7). If some appear to con-
nect the descent with the Baptism (e.g. Chrys.
In Joan. Ham. xvii. 2 ; Jer. Contra Lucif. ; Mxg.
/n Joan. t. vi. 3), it is, generally at least,
because Confirmation in their time formed part
of the baptismal rite, anil the two were spoken
of as one.
In consequence of this outpouring of the
Holy Spirit, it is said that our Lord was " full
of the Holy Ghost" (Luke iv. 1), was "led"
or " driven " of the Spirit (Matt. iv. 1 ; Mark i.
12), and went " in the power of the Spirit "
(Luke iv. 14). If it i< difficult to comprehend
the precise meaning of snch expressions as
applied to the Incarnate Son of God, it may
be remembered that as His Baptism was not for
Himself bat for us, so also was His Confirmation.
St. Augustine, after saying that it is not to be
supposed that He was without the Holy Ghost
before, adds that " He deigned to prefigure His
Body, that is, His Church, In which especially
the baptized receive the Holy Spirit " (Oe Trin.
XV. xxvi. 46). And so St. Athanasius says,
" The Word wa» not anointed by the Spirit, but
our flesh, which He had assumed, was ; in order
that the unction then received might flow from
Him upon all ... Thence did we also begin to
receive the unction and the seal " (Cont. Arian.
i. 46, 47). The descent of the Holy Ghost was,
therefore, not only the otBcial consecration or
anointing of Christ for the Incarnate ministry
^Luke iv. 18), bat it was also, for our sakes, the
endowing of His Humanity with the peculiar
Presence of the Spirit, that through Him it
might become the heritage of His people.
3. Our Lord dwelt very emphatically in His
last discourses on the promised coming of the
Holy Ghost. Its characteristic note corresponded
with a point which had attracted the Baptist's
Attention when the Holy Spirit descended upon
Christ after His Baptism. He not only descended,
but also abode upon Him (KaTaPajvov ical jufVor,
John i. 33). So our Lord snys, " I will pray
the Father, and he shall give you another
Comforter, that Ha may abide with you for
ever" (John xiv. 16). And if, as some critics
maintain, ij should be read for ii4y\i, the simpler
word "be gives practically the same sense. It
was to be a permanent abiding ns dlstingaished
from fitful and transient inspirations. Our Lord
proceeded to say of the Spirit, " Ye know Him ;
CONFIEMATION
for He dwelleth with yon, and shall be in too "
(Srt Tap* &^7y /i^yci, kox ff vfiiv ItTTcu, xiv. 17).
The Vulgate, without existing authority ia Gnis.
MSS., treats both verbs as future (mmtbit, eri\
and hence St. Augustine andentood the two
phrases as equivalent : " He explained what 'H<
shall dwell with you' meant, when He added th^
words, ' He shall be in yon * "(/» Joan. t. Iiiiv. 5).
On the other hand there is considerable sappen
fortnkiiig both in the present (tar'if for Irru),
but it weighs against this reading that it attii-
bntes a kind of Presence of the Spirit to the dis-
ciples which other evidence suggests to be re-
served fur the period after the Session of Christ
The A. V. reading has good MS. authority ; and,
giving a more intelligible sense, may ptobablr be
correct. If so, it affords an indication of the
difference between the Holy Spirit's Presence bj
means of Bapti.-'ni and by means of Coafinnatieii.
Supposing the disciples had already received the
Baptism of oar Lord [B.iFTl8H], — however nMh
some of its effects were still in abeyance, — tbt
were in a position between Baptbm and Cm-
tirmation. What they had then was the penogsl
presence of the Holy Ghost with them, bat they
were awaiting His individual indwelling. ^Tkt
Spirit," says Theophylaet, paraphrasing tke
verse, " abides with you ; afterwards then
shall be something greater, because He ihail iie
in you. For the expression irof' ifur sipiiSn
the external aid which comes from ntigkboir-
hood, but the expression ir ifiof si;ii£ei
the internal habitation and strengthesia;."
While the reading of the text is doubtt'iil, it
would be rash to construct a theory of Con-
firmation upon it, but at any rate it indicsies
that the future reception of the Holy Ghost w»
to have the character of indwelling.
4. The gift of the Holy Ghost was conseqsMt
on the completion of Christ's redemptive stts.
When our Lord was applying to the Gos|«l
times some of the 0. T, Scriptures, it is added,
" But this spake He of the Spirit, which tbet
that believe on Him should receive : for tie
Holy Ghost was not yet given; because that
Jesus was not yet glorified " (John rii. 39; qv
xvi. 7). Immediately this glorification «»
accomplished the Holy Ghoat came down "n
the Day of Pentecost' and fulfilled completelf
the old promises of the gift of the Spirit, .ts
the upper room was filled with "a msbin;
mighty wind," so the Church of Christ whid
it represented was filled with the indwellinj
Presence of the Holy Ghost, bringing to it »e«
powers and a new relationship to God. Anl
that which was true of the Church as a bod;
bad its counterpart in each individnaL Tbe
Church was indwelt by the Spirit ; so •!»
were its members. As it had been with our
Lord after the descent of the Holy Ghost,*'
according to their capacities was it wHfh Hi-'
disciples ; they were now full of the Holy Cbost
Miraculous as was the character, and vast »
was the range of the ontpoaring, it necessuily
contained within it all that could aflerwards be
given bv Confirmation. Some of the Fatker?
almost identify the two. "The Apostles," sst!
St. Augustine, " laid on hands, and the Holt
Ghost came ; but when He came to then, wl»
laid hands on them ? " (5crT>i. cclxvi. 3). *•*
hundred and twenty persons were ratbered
together. No man upon earth laid hands o»
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CONFIRMATION
them, but the Holy Ghost coming from heaven
filled them " (Ci/ni. Parm. ii. 34). The laying
on of hands may perhaps even have some asso-
ciation with the resting of the visible tongue:i
of fire on the heads of the disciples. The
author of the De Bebaptiamate, in common
with many others, saw in this alvcnt of the
Spirit the fulfilment of St. John's prophecy of
the Baptism •' with the Holy Ghost and with
fire." There is no reason to confine the Pente-
costal gift to the Apostles. " They were all,"
U. the hundred and twenty, " with one accord,
in one place . . . and it sat upon each of
them" (.\cts ii. 1, 3). The Apostles might
receive special powers for their peculiar worlc.
Possibly the gift uf tougnco was theirs alunc,
thongh there is no indication even of this. The
Virions manifestations of the Spirit's power were
bat accidental circumstances indifferent persons.
The gift itself was the gift of the Holy Ghost,
and this was the common endowment of the
Cbnrch.
5. It passed rapidly on to others. When
St. Peter addressed the converts of the Day of
Pentecost and bade them be baptized '- for the
remission of sins," he added, "And ye shall
receive the gift of the Holy Ghost. For the
promise is to yon and to your children, and to
all that arc afar off, cwn as manv as the Lord
osr God shall call" (AcU ii. 38, 39). The
Baptism for the remission of sins and the gift
of the Holy Ghost are two things. The
"promise" no doubt refers to both, but very
especially to the latter, since it was the
promise of the Spirit by Joel that had formed
the text of St. Peter's sermon, and the advent
«f the Spirit that had attracted the wonder
of the people. They were now told that when
they had been baptized they should themselves
receive the gift which they had seen come to
others. Whether it was bestowed by the rite of
Confirmation, or whether, as perhaps is more
likely, it came direct as a continuation of the
Pentecostal outpoaring, it was something dis-
tinct from the grace attributed to Baptism.
If not on this occasion, certainly once the
Holy Ghost came, as on the original disciples,
without human ritual. It wns fitting that the
gathering in of the first Gentiles should be
marked by the extraordinary manifestations that
had attended the Day of Pentecost. Therefore
the Spirit descended upon Cornelius and his
company without any visible instrumentality
(Acts X. 44). St. Peter was there, but not as
the administrator of Confirmation. For it was
vastly more than Confirmation, though also, as
at Pentecost, it mast needs have included it.
From this point of view it is remarkable that the
Holy Ghost fell upon these converts while they
were still unbaptized. The peculiar circum-
stances of the cnse no doubt account for so
strange an inversion of the usual order of grace.
But the very singularity of the fact emphasizes
the distinction which it implies between the
offices of Baptism and Confirmation.
6. Miraculous signs of speaking with tongues
accompanied some at least of these first comings
of the Holy Ghost, even when nilrainistered
through the hands of the Apostles in Confirma-
tion (.\cts xix. 6). Hence it has been argued
that these events are not proper parallels to
the Confirmation of later days which can show
CONFIEM.VnON
639
no similar results. It is maintained by some
that the only purpose of the original impo-
sition of hands was to bestow these special
powers (see Calvin, Inst. iv. ch. xix. 6; DailU, De
Conf. I. chs. ix., x. ; Lightfoot, Conun. on Acta).
This contention finds some warrant in early
writers. St. Chrysostom, for instance, thought
that the Samaritans simply lacked the signs,
and that it was to give these that the Apostles
laid on hands. But his opinion was inevitably
influenced by the fact that, in his own time,
imposition of hands had already lost its dis-
tinctive place in Confirmation. Holy Scripture
itself docs not support the view. The object of
the apostolic mission to the Christian converts
at Samaria is said to have been "that they
might receive the Holy Ghost," not that they
might prophesy or spciik with tongues. These
were peculiar manifestations to attest the new
grace of the Holy Spirit's advent, but they were
not even at first essential accompaniments of it ;
for St. Paul, appealing to the experiences of the
Corinthians, says, " Do all speak with tongues ? "
(1 Cor. xii. 3U). The Fathers in general held
that the Apostles' rite was identical with the
Confirmation of later days. St. Augnstine, con-
testing the arguments drawn from the cessation
of tongues, says that such sensible miracles
were '■ the credentials of a rudimentary faith,
and for the extension of the first beginnings of
the Church " {De Bapt. 111. ch. xvi. 21). The need
for these ceased. What did not cease was the
need for the personal gift of the Holy Ghost.
"The ordinary, saving graces of the Spirit,"
says Charles Leslie, " which work silently, with-
out observation or show, are much preferable
and more desirable than the extraordinary gifts
of miracles which for a time were necessary
at the first propagation of the Gospel" {Water
Baptian, xi.). " It is true," says Jeremy Taylor,
" the gift of tongues doth not remain, bat all
the greater gifts of the Holy Spirit remain
with the Church for ever " (Diacourie on Conf.
ii. 6). These were of permanent importance ;
the other were temporary proofs of the reality
of the Spirit's presence.
7. The conclusion to which the Scriptural
evidences lead appears to be that the character-
istic grace of Confirmation is the indwelling by
the Holy Spirit. Baptism of necessity brings
vital relationship with each Person of the Blessed
Trinity; and, therefore, one may not restrict
the entire method of the Spirit's advent to Con-
firmation. But there are degrees and measures
of union with God. Baptism, for instance, makes
a person a member of Christ, and yet there is a
different and enhanced measure of union through
the reception of His Body and Blood in Holy
Communion. So, while there is a true con-
nexion with the Holy Ghost through Baptism,
there is another and advanced degree of union
through Confirmation. To take Theophyloct's
phrases, and apply them directly to the difference
between the Holy Spirit's operation in Baptism
and in Confirmation, the one seems to give " the
external aid which comes from neighbourhood ; "
the other, " internal habitation and strength-
ening." This definition does adequate justice to
the office of the Holy Ghost in both ordinances ;
it makes a clear connexion, and an equally clear
distinction, between the two rites; it gives to
Confirmation the importance which it held in
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CONFIBMATIOX
the apostolic system ; and it precisely accords
with the statement of Holy Scripture th»t those
on whom hands were laid " received the Holy
Ghost."
It is often diflicalt, in i>atristic literatore as
well as in the N. T., to disentanjcle the references
to Baptism and Confirmation, because, throughout
the whole early period, the two were constantly
administered in dose conjunction, and usually as
portions of the same ceremony. Kor the most part,
howeTer, it may be said that the opinions of the
Fathers are in favour of this manner of dis-
criminating between the gifts. Some, when
they had occasion to distinguish accurately, were
T«ry explicit indeed that the " reception " of the
Holy Qhost was not in Baptism but in Con-
firmation (c.7. Tert. De Bapt. vi. ; Cyp. Epp. Uix.
10, Ixxii. 1, Ixxiii. 6, Ixxiv. 7 ; see at length
Mason, Sclation of Confirmation to Baptism).
The teaching of later Western theologians was
not so distinct. When ConKrmation became
severed from Baptism by a great interval of
time, the graces which Holy Scripture and the
Fathers attributed to the two ordinances to-
gether, came naturally to be attributed very
much to Baptism alone ; and thus there seemed
to be left to Confirmation only a general addi-
tional gift of spiritual strengthening. The Con-
firmation grace was then naturally summed
up especially in the seven-fold gifts of the Holy
Ghost, which represent the fulness of His work-
ing within the human soul. Probably this view
does not practically differ very materially from
the former, since it is only another way of ex-
pressing the completeness of the Holy Spirit's
Presence and power. But it would seem as
though it were more scripturally accurate to
regard the strengthening gifts as the result of
the Spirit's indwelling, than as themselves cover-
ing the whole Confirmation ground. The East,
in retaining infant Confirmation, has with it
retained the teaching that the personal in-
dwelling Presence of the Holy Spirit is to be
distinctly associated with Confirmation (see
Macaire, TTieot. Dog. iv. ch. iii.).
The Scriptural examination, it may be added,
gives no opening whatever for the popular sub-
jective idea of Confii-mation, which reduces it to
little, if anything, more than a renewal of
baptismal Towi. This notion has simply been
derived from a misunderstanding of the modern
preface attached to the English Confirmation
Service. The original connexion of Confirmation
with Baptism, as its complement and immediate
sequel, would of itself be suiBcient to show that
there could in early times have been no place
for a renewal of vows which had been taken
only a few moments before. But, besides this.
Holy Scripture is plain that the essence of
Confirmation is not an act of man towards God,
but of God towards man. It is a gift which the
Bible declares expressly to be the receiving of
the Holy Ghost.
IV. Subsidiary References to Confirmation-
Doctrine. — ^Tbere are some minor texts in the
K. T. which need to be examined, for their bear-
ing on Confirmation, in the light of the passages
which speak of it in more unmistakable terms.
1. In our Ix>rd's teaching the first mention of
the Holy Spirit's action was to Nicodemus, when
He (aid, " Except a man be bom of water and
the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of
God " (John iii. 5). Some have supposed thst
this birth of the Spirit is accomplished in Coi-
firmation. St. Cyprian, nuder the pr«»<ire of
controversy, interpreted the text as indicating s
necessity of being bom " of each sacranuut : '
that is, of both Baptism and Confirmation (Ep.
Ixxii. I). St. Cyril of Jerusalem alto distia-
guishes between the birth of water and of the
Spirit, and associates the tatter with an mctioa
administered after Baptism (Cat. xii. 1, 3).
Among English divines Jeremy Taylor pan-
phrases the words thus, " Unless a nus ht
baptized into Christ, and confirmed by the
Spirit of Christ," taking the birth of the Spiiit
to be " a mystery distinct from Baptism " (Om-
firmation, i. 2). The anonymous asthor of tli>
De Sebaptitmate, while generally maintaioiig
the same o]iinian, repudiated the lexical de-
duction that a man could not obtain salrstKO
by Baptism alone (2-6), And, if his view of
the text is correct, it seems imposdble lot t*
follow him in this minimising of its forte. Bet
it must be questioned whether the iiterpnt*-
tion can be sustained. The expression if {lent
leal nftu/xoToi seems to indicate a single sctioB,
not two disjointed actions, if they are «»[«-
rated, nothing is^ apparently left to Baptism bm
the external rite of watery and the spiritusi
birth is divided into two jKirts, possibly takis;
place at a considerable interval from each otlwr.
This destroys the analogy of birth. It woaM
appear, therefore, that a distinction ought to it
made Iwtween being bom of the Spirit sad
receiving the Spirit, and that the words ess,
at most, have only an indirect reference to
Confirmation.
2. There are some passages in the Epiitles
which clearly point, in connexion with Bs{<i<iii,
to a second ordinance whereby the Holy Spirit
is given, and this must be Confirmation.
In 1 Cor. xii. 13 St. Paul says, "By (<»)««
Spirit were we nil baptized into one body...
and were all made to drink [" into," A. V^ hii
tls omitted by best MSS.; R. V. "o!"] w
Spirit." Some take the two clauses as syiioiy-
mous ; but to be baptized by the Spirit sod to
drink the Spirit are two very different idess.
St. Chrysostom mentions that the second bri
been interpreted of the Holy Encharist, aa u-
planation noticed with favour by Cornelius s
Lapide, Luther, Calvin, Estins, Wotdsvortk,
and others. " But to me," says St. ChrriostsD.
" he appears now to speak of that visitatioa O
the Spirit which takes )dnoe in us after B>p(in>
and before the mysteries " (/a 1 Cor. Hon.
XIX. 2).
In Tit. iii. 5, 6. St. Paul speaks of "the mib-
ing of regeneration, and renewing of the Holy
Ghost ; which He shed on us abundantly throogb
Jesus Christ our Saviour." Many litnipn ud
commentators take the whole to refer to Bap-
tism, but it would seem that this must be iI^
clusively with Confirmation. Beoewal is sot 1
single act like Baptiam, but progressive (Bas.
xii. 2 ; 2 Cor. iv. 16) by the Holy Ghost's «B-
tinued influence.
The typical Baptism of Israel " in the dmi
and in the sea " (1 Cor. x. 2) points to a doobif
operation. The sea evidently represent* tkf
sacrament of Baptism. The cloud is less appro-
priate to it. Since its purpose was to guide »»''
protect the people, it wis rather the type «f
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CONFIBMATION
luding bj tha Holy Ghost (Rom. viii. 14). This
voDld not b* confioed to Oonfirmation ; but the
application of the tut being distinctly sacra-
ment*!, it is reasonable to suppose that St. Paul's
alliuion is to that rite. The Fathers no doubt
uften refer the cloud to Baptism, in their com-
ments on the rsrse, but probably they included
Confirmation with it.
A similar distinction is perhaps to be re-
cognised in Heb. ▼!. 4, where mention is made
of enlightening, which early interpretations
identified with Baptism, and then of being
"made partakera of the Holy Ghost," an expres-
sion which corresponds with Confirmation, both
in its character and in the place which it holds
in the enumeration of the gifts.
3. There are several texts in the Epistles
which speak of the indwelling of the Holy Ghost.
These must apply very especially to Confirmation
if the complete indwelling belongs only to the
uonfiimed. St. Paul calls the Church "an
Holy Temple in the Lord : in whom ye also
in bnilded together for an habitation of God
through (fr) the Spirit " (Ephes. ii. 21, 22).
St Crprian, in one place, speaks of Baptism as
oonstnicting the Temple of God, and of Confir-
mation as pouring the Spirit upon the Temple
{,Ep. lixiv. 7). Similar texts are: "Know ye
not that ye are the Temple of Gud, and that the
Spirit of God dwelleth in you ?" " Know ye
not that your body is the Temple of the Holy
Ghost, tfUck is in you, which ye have of God ?
(1 Cor. iii. 16, vi. 19). « Ye are not in the
flesh, but in the Spirit, if so be that the Spirit
of God dwell in yon. Now if any man have not
the Spirit of Christ, He is none of bis " (Rom.
TUi.9: cp. 0. 11; 2 Tim. i. 14).
4. Here are other texts which speak of a
special giring of the Holy Ghost in terms
suggestive of some ordinance of bestowal. Such
are Rom. v. 5; 1 Cor. ii. 12; Gal. iii. 2, 5;
Jss. iv. 5 ; 1 John iii. 24. Although they cannot
be restricted to Confirmation, they are useful to
illostrate it. In the same way all those texts
which refer to the gifts, graces, and strengthen-
ing forces of the Holy Ghost relate in part,
at least, to Confirmation. When it is realised
that Confirmation is the appointed method of
conferring the fnlness of the Spirit's Presence
and power, the Epistles will be found replete
•Tth passages which bear more or less directly
upon it.
V. SiAiidiary Seferences to the Administration
of Cot^rmation.— The Epistles afiFord very few
nnqnestionable references to the actual adminis-
tration of Confirmation, or to its ritual.
1. liaying on of hands is spoken of in one
passage where the chief allusion must be to
Confirmation. For in Heb. vi. 1, 2, " the doctrine
ofBaptisms, and of laying on of hands" (lTi94tr*£t
T< x'tw"), is mentioned among " the principles
of the doctrine of Christ." The close connexion
of this "laying on of hands " with " Baptisms,"
and the fact that it is quoted as a foundation-
doctrine, both point to Confirmation. There is
a very large consensns of opinion, ancient as well
as modem, for so interpreting it. At the same
time it may be doubted whether it signifies
Confirmation azdnsively, seeing how largely
imposition of bands was nsed as a sign of con-
ferring all benedictory graces. An extended
meaning in some measure helps the'difficulty as
BIBLC DlCr. — VOL. I.
CONFIEMATIOS
641
to the plui-al Pcewruriuiy, by giving a larger
range to the application of the passage. But
iintiatm is in the singular, not like fiairruiitur
in the plural, and therefore seems to refer
prominently to some single rite. Considering
the close connexion with Baptism, this can
only be Confirmation. This being so, it is im-
portant to remark that the two ordinances
are treated as distinct from each other, but
linked together as a single pair of foundation-
doctrines.
2. Unction (xpur/ui) is mentioned in the
Epistles. St. Panl says, " Now He Which stab-
lisheth us with you in Christ, and hath
anointed (xp^o'as) us, is God " (2 Cor. i. 21). St.
Ambrose, St. Augustine, St. Cyril of Jerusalem,
Primasius, Theodoret, St. Anselm, and others,
interpret this of Confirmation. Even so cautious
a critic as Bishop Westcott applies to Confir-
mation the texts of St. John : " Ye have an
unction (j(pia)UL) from the Holy One ; " " The
anointing which ye received (r^ XP"'!"^ ^
iKafitrt) of Him abideth in you " (1 John ii.
20, 27). Dr. Westcott, however, thinks that
the ritual use of oil grew out of the ex-
pression in the Epistle, and not the expression
out of the use. But the language must have
been prompted by the symbolic connexion of
oil with the Holy Ghost, a connexion founded
on 0. T. ritual. It is therefore highly probable
that the Apostles borrowed the sign as well as
the phraseology, and that they themselves em-
ployed oil in Confirmation. Hugo of St. Victor
and Waldensis, followed by Roman Catholic
commentators, assume that the chrism was used
at the Samaritan Confirmation, but certainly the
Acts give no hint of this. The essential cere-
mony was then the laying on of hands, and the
anointing, when it can first be traced, was a
subordinate rite. In itself it is highly significant.
It not only expresses symbolically the actual
gift of the Spirit, but it also suggests that by
Confirmation a person is specially consecrated to
the priestly office of a Christian. St. Ambrose
likens the Confirmation unction of his day to
the unction of consecration in the 0. T., and
alluding to Ps. cxixiii. says, " It flows down to
Aaron's beard that yon may be made' a chosen
generation, sacerdotal, precious, for we are all
anointed with spiritual grace unto the kingdom
of God, and onto the priesthood " {De Myst. vi.
29, 30). This is a secondary aspect of Confir-
mation, bnt one of considerable importance
(cp. 1 Pet ii. 6 ; Rev. i. 6).
3. The " seal," often with some adjunct, as " of
the Lord," or " of the Holy Ghost," became in
later days a common title of Confirmation both
in East and West. There are three texts which
contain the terminology of sealing. St. Paul
writes, " In Whom also after that ye believed,
ye were sealed with the Holy Spirit of pro-
mise" (Ephes. i. 13) ; and in the same Epistle,
" Grieve not the Holy Spirit of God, whereby
ye were sealed (<»> f iir^parfiirBrirt) unto
the day of redemption " (iv. 30). Also, in
direct juxtaposition with one of the texts on
nnction, he says, " Who also sealed us, and
gave us (^tr^payuriiitvos i/ios cal to^s) tha
earnest of the Spirit in our hearts " (2 Cor. i.
22). Dr. Pusey says, " It is nnqnestionable
that the primary use of the word 'seal,' beth
among the Fathers and the Utorgies, relates
2 T
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CONFIRMATION
to Baptism." He regards the application of
it to CoQtirmation as an extension of the title,
owing to the close connexion of the two rites
{Doct. of Bapt. p. 153 n., and Note E). Sereral
of the Fathers do, however, apply the term dis-
tinctly to Confirmation (Mnson, Relation of Con-
firmation to Baptism). It signified the stamping
of a person in relationship to God, and was
equally applicable to both ordinances. Its parti-
cular appropriation to one or the other was a
matter of usage. Probably in the Epistles both
were included, for both would have been received
together by most Christians of those days. It
was much later that the expression became
specially associated with the act of signing with
the chrism. If it has any ritual signification in
the N. T., which is doubtful, it must probably
allude to the laying on of hands.
4. On the question of the subjects of Con-
firmation the evidence of the N. T. is only in-
ferential. It may clearly be gathered that the
gift holds a position in the spiritual life after
Baptism, but in near relation to it. This is
shown by the narratives in the Acts, which
relate the laying on ef hands as the immediate
sequel of Baptism, and by the passages in the
Epistles which couple Confirmation with Baptism
in closely connected phrases. No donbt there
are instances of Baptism, even by Apostles, where
there is no reference at all to Confirmation, and
where therefore it is uncertain whether or no
it was conferred on the spot. But it is in
favour of supposing that it was rarely postponed,
that no exhortation to be confirmed is addressed
to anyone in the Epistles. There is also no
indication that Confirmation depended on age;
and the universal usage of the Church, for some
centuries, affords a strong presumption that from
the first children were confirmed as the im-
mediate corollary of their Baptism. It is per-
haps difficult to know why Western Christen-
dom abandoned the practice. The peculiar
grace of Confirmation being a bestowal of the
Holy Ghost, there does not seem to be any reason
in the nature of things why infanta should be
incapable of receiving it. No such necessity,
however, as that which our Lord attached to
Baptism, compelled its early administration, as
a Catholic rule. But the Biblical evidence, taken
by itself, is certainly on the side of connecting
Confirmation as nearly as may be with Baptism.
VI. Literature. — Patristic comments are
mostly interspersed in the books on Baptism;
see Migne's Pat. Lat, Index No. icvii. Among
more special treatises are Cyprian's Epistles;
Anon., De Sdxiptismate (Trans, in Clark's Ante-
Nic. Lib., Writings of Cyprian) ; Cyril. Hieros.
Catechesis; Basil, De Spiritu Sancto. Later
works on Confirmation, from the force of circum-
stances, usually deal with its ecclesiastical aspects
at greater length than the Scriptural evidences.
Treatises which minimise its grace are Calvin's
Institutes, iv. ch. xii. 4-13, and to a less extent
Dallaens (DailU), De Confirmatione et Extrema
Unctinu, answered by Hammond, De Confirma-
tione. Bellarmin De Confirmatione is largely
a reply to Protestant essays. See also Trombelli,
Tractatus de Sacramentis, tom. ix., x. ; Macaire
(Makary), Thiologie Dogmatiqw, trans, from
Russian. Among English treatises. Hooker, V.
ch. livi. ; Baxter, Confirmation, esp. Prop. 13;
Jaiomy Taylor's valuable Xpltra TcAcm>tik4,
CONGEBGATION
A Discourse of Confirmation ; Jones, of NsyUnd,
Esaa;/ on Confirmation ; Puller, What is tht dis-
tinctive grace of Confirmation 1; Grueber, iik
of Confirmation, a Catechism ; and Msson's
Relation of Confirmation to BapUsm. [W. E.]
OONQEEGATION (TTO. ^n?, from ^J
to call = concocatton ; avnrfirfu ; JucX^a, in
Deut. xviii. 16, xxiii. 1 ; congreciatio, soefesii,
coetva). This term describes the Hebrew ptople
in its collective capacity under its peculiir ispect
as a holy community, held together by relJgioiB
rather than political bonds. Sometiuics it it
used in a broad sense as inclusive of fottigi
settlers (Ex. xii. 19) ; but, more properly, is
exclusively appropriate to the Hebrew elemat
of the population (Num. xv. 15); in eatk case
it expresses the ides of the Ronun aviSa or
the Greek iroXtrda. Every circumcised Hebrew
(n"1tN; einixSm; «hdi^ena ; .\. V. " bora in
the'iand," the term specially descriptive of tls
Israelite, in opposition to the non - Isrseliu,
Ex. xii. 19; Lev. xvi. 29; Num. ii. U) WM i
member of the congregation, and took psrt b
its proceedings, probably from the time tbt
he bore arms. It is important, however, to
observe that he acquired no political rigbl* b
his individual capacity, but only as a member «
a house ; for the basis of the Hebrew polity wu
the house, whence was formed in an asoendisg
scale the family or collection of houses, the H*
or collection of families, and the congregnti* ot
collection of tribes. Strangers (D'lJ) settW
in the land, if circumcised, were with cenab
exceptions (Deut. xxiii. 1 sq.) admitted to lie
privilege of citizenship, and are spoken of a
members of the congregation in its more ex-
tended application (Ex. lii. 19 ; Num. it U.
XV. 15). It appears doubtful however whether
they were represented in the congregation ia iB
corporate capacity as a deliberative body, »
they were not, strictly speaking, members of asj
house ; their position probably resembled tW
of the wpiityot at Athens. The coagreplK^
occupied an important position under the Tb«c-
cracy, as the comitia or national parliimtttt
invested with legislative and judiciil po»ai-
In this capacity it acted through a system «i
patriarchal representation, each hons^ imily,
and tribe being represented by its head or&ll*-
These delegates were named nTffll 'JpT (•?*
|8At«/»i; seniorea; "elders"); 'U'Rt'Jfr
Xomts ; principes ; " princes ") ; and sometime
('»n or) njfiD »{<*^p (jhtUwror, ?» ««*
bantur. Num. xvi. 2 ; A. V. " femous in the ?«•
gregation;"K. V. "called to the atsemb!j>
The number of these representatives boB{ it-
conveniently large for ordinary bnsiiiea, «
further selection was made by Moses of ««»ty,
who formed a species of standing commilt*
(Num. xi. 16). Occasionally indeed the »bel«
body of the people was assembled, the m<* «•
summoning being by the sonnd of the two al"'
trumpets, and the place of meeting the d«»|J
the Tabernacle, heace usually called tke Ta ta'
nacle (•.«. tent) of the congregation (iyift 'it
place of meeting. Num. i. 3); the occweB •?<
such general assemblies were solemn r«i?"""
services (Ex. xii. 47 ; Num. xiv. 6; J«l V'*
or to receive new commandments (Ki. lii 'i *•
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CONIAH
Lei^, viii. 4). The elders were summoned by the
call of OIK trumpet (Num. x. 4), nt the command
of the supreme governor or the high priest;
they represented the whole congregation on
Tsrions occasions of public interest (]£x. iii. 16,
liL 21, xvii. 5, xziv. 1) ; they acted as a court
of judicature in capital offences (Num. xt. 32,
ixiT. 12), and were charged with the execution
of the sentence (Lev. xiiv. 14; Num. xv. 35);
they joined in certain of the sacrifices (Lev. iv.
14, 15) ; and they exercised the usual rights of
sovereignty, such as declaring war, making
peace, and concluding treaties (Josh. ix. 15).
The people were strictly bound by the acts of
their representatives, even in cases where they
disapproved of them (Josh. ix. 18). After the
occupation of the land of Canaan, the congre-
gation was assembled only on matters of the
highest importance. The delegates were sum-
moned by messengers (2 Ch. xxx. 6) to such
places as might be appointed, most frequently
to Mixpeh (Judg. x. 17, xi. 1 1, xx. 1 ; 1 Sam.
vil 5, x. 17 ; 1 Mace iii. 46) ; they came attended
each with his band of retainers, so that the
number assembled was very considerable (Judg.
IX. 2 sq.). On one occasion we hear of the con-
gregation being assembled for judicial purposes
(Judg. XX.); on other occasions for religious
festivals (2 Ch. xxx. 5, xxiiv. 29); on others
for the election of kings, as Saul (1 Sam. x. 17),
David (2 Sam. v. 1), Jeroboam (1 K. xii. 20),
Joash (2 K. xi. 19), Josiah (2 K. xxi. 24), Je-
hoahaz (2 K. xxiii. 30), and Uzziah (2 Oh.
ixvi. 1). In the later periods of Jewish history
the congregation was represented by the San-
hedrin ; and the term crwayiiTi), which in the
LXX. is applied exclusively to the congregation
itself (for the place of meeting, '\}f\'0 f\^, is
invariably rendered ii aitririi roS ftaprvplou,
tabemaculum testimonii, the word *1P1D being
considered = finr), was transferred to the
places of worship established by the Jews,
wherever a certain number of families were
collected. [W. L. B.]
The word " congregation " (" in the wilder-
ness ") was used as the translation of ixxKriixia
(Acts vii. 38) in Tyndale's, Cranmer*8, and the
Genevan Versions, but the revisers of King James
returned to Wycliffe's rendering, and placed
" church " in the text (R. V. marg. or, congre-
gation). Ecclesia fitly designated Israel c^ed
out of the heathen world and called together in
solemn assembly to receive the Divine Law
(see Speaker's Camm. on Acts /. c). [F.]
CONI'AH. [Jeooniah.]
CONONI'AH (1iT33« [Keri, ed. Baer],
Jehocah hath estMithed ; B. Xctytylas [v. 13;
Xccftfylat, r. 12] ; A. Xux*y(<a ; Chonmiaa), a
Levite, ruler (T^J) of the offerings and tithes
in the time of He'zekiah (2 Ch. xxxi. 12, 13).
[COSASIAH.} [W. A. W.] [F.]
CONSECBATION. [Priest.]
CONVERSATION (from Lat. eoniwrsor,
" to associate and live with ") is never used in
the A. V. in the sense in which the word is
ordinarily understood to-day, such as " talking
COOKING
643
together," &c., but expresses disposition (Heb.
xiii. 6, 6 Tp6iros ; R. V. marg., turn of mind),
citizenship (Phil. iii. 20, rk noMrtvua ; so R. V.
in text ; in marg. or, commonwealth), and manner
of life (Gal. i. 13, ii iwairrpopii ; so R. V.).
Lnmby quotes, in illustration of the A. V., a
passage from Walton's Life of Herbert, " The
love of a court conversation drew him often from
Cambridge " {Gloss, of Bible Words, s. n.). [F.]
CONVOCATION (N"1i?P, from Kni5, vocare;
cp. Num. I. 2 : Is. i. 13). This term is applied
invariably to meetings of a religious character,
in contradistinction to congregation, in which
political and legal matters were occasionally
settled. Hence it is connected with ESHp, holy,
and is applied only to the Sabbath and the great
annual Festivals of the Jews (Ex. xii. 16 ; Lev.
xxiii. 2 sq. ; Num. ixviii. 18 sq., xiii. 1 sq.).
With one exception (Is. i. 13), the word is
peculiar to the Pentateuch. The LXX. treats
it as an adjective = K\rrt6s, iwlKKrrrot ; but
there can be no doubt that the A. V. and R. V.
are correct in their rendering. [W. L. B.]
COOKING. As meat did not form an article
of ordinary diet among the Jews, the art of
cooking was not carried to any perfection.
The difficulty of preserving an animal from
putrefaction necessitated its immediate consump-
tion, and hence few were slaughtered except
for purposes of hospitality or festivity. The
proceedings on such occasions appear to have
been as follow : — On the arrival of a guest the
animal, either a kid, lamb, or calf, was killed
(Gen. xviii. 7 ; Luke xv. 23% its throat being
cut so that the blood might be poured out (Lev.
vii. 26) ; it was then flayed, and was ready either
for roasting (D?^) or boiling (tC'H) : in the
former case the animal was preserved entire
(Ex. xiL 46), and roasted either over a fire (Ex.
xii. 8) of wood (Is. xliv. 16), or perhaps, as th«
mention of fire implies another method, in an
oven, consisting simply of a hole dug in the
earth, well heated, and covered up (Burckhardt,
Ifotes on Bedouins, i. 240) ; the Paschal lamb was
Toasted by the first of these methods (Ex. xii. 8,
9 ; 2 Ch. XXXV. 13). Boiling, however, was the
more usual method of cooking, both in the case
of sacrifices, other than the Paschal lamb (Lev.
viii. 31), and for domestic use (Ex. xvi. 23), so
much so that 7^7i=to cook generally, including
even roasting (Deut. xvi. 7). In this case the
animal was cut up, the right shoulder being first
taken off (hence the priest's joint. Lev. vii. 32),
and the other joints in succession ; the flesh was
separated from the bones, and minced, and the
bones themselves were broken up (Mic. iii. 3) ;
the whole mass was then thrown into a caldron
(Ezek. xxiv. 4, 5) filled with water (Ex. xii. 9),
or, as we may infer from Ex. xxiii. 19, occasion-
ally with milk, as is still usual among the Arabs
(Burckhardt, Notes, i. 63), the prohibition " not
to seethe a kid in his mother's milk " having
reference apparently to some heathen practice
connected with the offering of the first-fruita
(Ex. /. c. ; see a useful summary of opinions on
this prohibition in Knobel-Dillmann ; xxxiv. 26X
which rendered the kid so prepared unclean food
(Deut. liv. 21> The caldron wai boiled over a
2 T 2
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COOS
wood fire (Ezek. xxiv. 10) ; the scum which rose ■
to the surface was from time to time removed,
otherwise the meat would have tiirned out loath-
some (c. 6) ; salt or spices were thrown iu to
season it (v. 10) ; and when sufficiently boiled, the
meat and the broth (p'lO ; (ttfi6t, LXX. ; jiu,
Vulg.) were served up separately (Judg. vi. 19X
the broth being used with unleavened bread, and
COPPER
butter (Qen. xviii. 8) as a sauce for dipping
morsels of bread into (Borckhaidt's Notes, i. 63).
Sometimes the meat was so highly spiced that
its fiavouT could hardly be distinguished ; sncfa
dishes were called 0*131^0 (Gen. ixviL 4; Pror.
xxiii. 3). There is a striking similarity in the
culinary operations of the Hebrews and Efvp-
tians (Wilkinson's Aitc Egypt, i. 174 sq. [smaller
^^
OooUnesMieandiUflBzntJolnUofmMt. (Tomb DOftr the PrruoUjk)
ed. 1878]). Vegetables were usually boiled, and
served up as pottage (Gen. ixv. 29 ; 2 K. iv. 38).
Fish was also cooked (Jx^ios irrov fktpos ; pisdi
assi ; Luke ixiv. 42), probably broiled. The
cooking was in early times performed by the
mistress of the household (Gen. xviii. 6) ; profes-
sional cooks (D^nSQ) were afterwards employed
(1 Sam. viii. 13, ix. 23). The utensib required
were — D*."!'? (xvTf>6roSts ; cAyfropotfes), a
cooking range, having places for two or more
pots, probably of earthenware (Lev. xi. 35) ; iV?
(,\40ris, Idm), a caldron (1 Sam. ii. 14) ; J7TD
(Kptdypa ; futcinula), a large fork or flesh-hook ;
Tp (\40jisi olid), a wide open, metal vessel,
resembling a fish-kettle, adapted to be used as
a wash-pot (Ps. Ix. 8), or to eat from (Ex. xvi. 3) ;
T1"l^ 111. nn?p, pota probably of earthen-
ware and high, but how differing from each
other does not appear; and, lastly, nnpV, or
nrfhlt, dishes (2 K. ii. 20, xxi. 13 ; Prov. xii.
24,'a. V. " bosom," B. V. » dish "). [W. L B.]
CCOS (Rec Text K£y ; Westcott and Hort,
Gebhardt, Kw), Acts xxi. 1. [Cos.]
OOPPEE (n^TO). This word in the A. V. is
always rendered " brass," except in Ezra viii. 27,
where "fine copper" is represented in the
margin by " yellow or shining brass." But since
brass is an alloy of copper and zinc, and since
z»ic does not seem to hare been known to the
ancients, bronze would be a more accurate render-
ing in most passages. Beckmann (^Hi$t. of In-
vmtioiu, it 33, E. tr.) thinks that the ancient
smelters may accidentally have discovered brass
from the presence of zinc ore in their materials.
If so, its brighter colour and lustre would have
made it valuable : see Ezek. i. 4, 7, 27, viii. 2 ;
Rev. I 15, ii. 18. [See Brass.] This mttl is
usually found as pyrites (sulphuret of copptr
and iron), malachite (carb. of copper^ or is the
state of oxide, and occasionally in a natirt sUXt,
principally in the New World. It was almost
exclusively used by the ancients for commoa
purposes ; for which its hard, tough, nia]lnl>l«,
elastic and ductile nature rendered it prsctieslly
available. It is a question whether ia the
earliest times iron was known (^^A<u S' mt h—
crtSripot, Hes. 0pp. et Dies, 149 ; Lncr. v. 1S85
sq.). In India, however, its manufacton lis
been practised from a very ancient date byt
process exceedingly simple, and possibly a aaiiu
one was employed by the ancient Egrptiaai
(Napier, Anc. Workers in Metal, 137). Then ii
no certain mention of iron in the Scriptoies ; sad,
from the allusion to 7T^9 as known to Tibtl-
cain (Gen. iv. 22)^ some hare ventured to doilit
whether in that place ?T*13 means iron(\Vilki»-
son, Anc. Eg. ii. 153 [smaller ed., 1878]. Uyaid,
however, shows (JVimmA, iL 415) that iroa ns
known to the ancient Ass3rrians.
We read in the Bible of copper, possessed ia
countless abundance (2 Ch. iv. 18), and nsel
for every kind of instrument ; as chains (Jod|.
xvi. 21), pillars (1 K. vii. 15-21), Uven, ti<
great one being called " the copper sea"(l K.
XXV. 13 ; 1 Ch. xviii. 8), and the other Temple-
vessels. These were made in the foundry, vitk
the assistance of Hiram, a semi-Phnenidan (I K.
vii. 13), although the Jews were not ignnaat cf
metallurgy (Ezek. xiii. 18 ; Dent. iv. 30, 4c),
and appear to have worked their own iiiiM>
(Deut. viii. 9 ; Is. Ii. 1). In Job zxviii. 3 n
read "copper (A. V. and R. V. "brass") is
molten out of the stone," or rather "na
melteth stone (quartz, spar, &c.) into copper."
We read also of copper mirrors (Ex. luriii.
8; Job xxxvii. 18), ainoe the metal b a*-
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COPPEB
ceptible of brilliant polish (2 Ch. iv. 16);
and even of copper arms, as helmets, spears, &c.
(1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 16). The
expression " bow of steel " [R. V. " brass "],
in Job zz. 24, Ps. xriii. 34, should be rendered
"bow of copper," since the term for steel is
mba (Nah. ii. 3 ; A.V. torcfuis), or jiD«5 Sn3
(nortAem iron). They could hardly have applied
copper to these purposes without possessing
some jndicious system of alloys, or perhaps
some forgotten secret for rendering the metal
harder and more elastic than we can make it.
It has been maintained that the cutting-tools
ef the Egyptians, with which they worked the
granite and porphyry of their monuments, were
made of bronze, in which copper was a chief in-
gredient. They might have been rendered effec-
tive by the use of emery, which was known to
the ancients. The arguments on this point are
found in Wilkinson, ii. 152, &c. (^mailer ed.
1878], bnt they are not conclosive. There seems
no reason why the art of making iron and ex-
cellent steel, which has been for ages practised
in India, may not have been equally known to
the Egyptians. The quickness with which iron
deoompoaes will fiilly account for the non-dis-
covery of any remains of steel or iron implement!.
For analyses of the bronze tools and articles
fonnd in Egypt and Assyria, see Napier, p. 88.
The only place in the A. V. where " copper "
is mentioned is Ezra riii. 27, "two vessels of
fine copper (K. V. " fine bright brass "), precious
as gold " (cp. 1 Esd. viii. 57 ; axtiri xo^ov
(rrixfioKTos, tid^opa, iwiiviiiiril iy Xf'^'t i
aeri$ fvlgentia ; " vases of Corinthian brass,"
Syr. ; " ex orichalco," Jan.), perhaps similar
to those of " bright brass " in 1 K. vii. 45 ;
Dan. X. 6. They may have been of orichalcnm,
like the Persian or Indian vases found among
the treasnres of Darius (Aristot. de Mirab.
Atttcitlt.). There were two kinds of this metal :
one natural (Serv. ad Aen. xii. 87X which Pliny
(i7. S. ixxiv. 2, 2) says had long been extinct in
his time, but which Chardin alludes to as fonnd
in Sumatra under the name Calmbac (Rosenm.
/. c); the other artificial (identified by some
with ^XfKTpov, whence the mistaken spelling
(lurichalcnm), which Bochart (^Hieroz. vi. ch.
Iti, p. 871 sq.) considers to be the Hebrew
7t3trn, a word of uncertain sense, compared by
Ebers with the Egyptian aamal (Emails and by
Fried. Delitzsch with the Assyrian iimara (see
MV.". It occurs in Ezek. i. 4, 27, viii. 2;
IjXtKTpor, LXX. ; electrum, Vulg. ; A. V. and
K. V. [text] "amber," R. V. marg. OT,electrttm;
iAXirvwor xpv'oi', Uesych. ; to which Suid.
adds, tuiurfnimr iiKtf Kol KiBlif). On this
substance see Pausan. v. 12; Pliny, xxxiii. 4,
§ 2H. Gesenins considers the xa^oKifiarov of
Rev. i. 15 to be x<i^Ki' Ktwofibt = tDCTI; he
differs from Bochart, and argnes that it means
merely " smooth or polished brass."
In Jer. vi. 28 the words " they are brass and
iron (A. V. and R. V.), they are all corrupters,"
refer to the comparatively valueless character
of the inferior metals.
In Ezek. xxvii. 13 the importation of copper
(A. V. and E. V. "brass") vessels to the markets
of Tyre by merchants of Javan, Tubal, and
Mesbech is alluded to. Probably these were the
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645
Moschi, &C., who worked the copper-mines in
the neighbourhood of Mount Caucasus.
In i^ek. xvi. 36, copper (R. V. marg. Heb.
6rasj) is rendered in the A. V. and R. V. (text)
by " filthiness," and perha)», as in Jer. vi. 28,
the word is used for what is worthless. The
LXX. and the Vulgate, followed by Gesenius,
render it " money " {t^ix*ax rhit xo^tiii <rov,
LXX.; "effusum est act tuum," Vulg.); but
there is no proof that copper money was ever
used by the Hebrews.
In 2 Tim. iv. 14 x"^*^' 's rendered " copper-
smith," but the term is perfectly general, and is
used even for workers in iron {Od. ix. 391);
X<>^<^5, was TtxfiTJis, Kal i ipyupoK6wos Kol i
Xpocix")' (Hesych.).
In the N. T. (Matt. x. 9 ; Mark xii. 41) xoAicbi
is used for money (xaXmut, roDro M xpoiroS
Kol Toi; ifryipou t\fyoy, Hesych.).
The name " copper " is a corruption of " aes
Cyprium," since the Romans first derived the
elementary metal from Cyprus. [F. W. F.]
COPTIC VERSION. rVBBSiONs, Ascient
(Egyptian)].
COB C^i K^pof ; corns'), the largest (about
8} bushels) of the dry measures, equivalent to
the homer, and perhaps (etymologically) round
in shape (1 K. iv. 22 [Hebr. v. 2] ; Ezek. xlv. 14 ;
2 Ch. ii. 9, xxvii. 5). The passage, 1 K. v. 11
[Hebr. v. 25], gives the cor as a fiaid — as well
as dry — ^measure ; bnt the text is, according to
Thenius, possibly corrupt. [F.]
COBAL (DtotT}, ramSth ; iier4upa ; Symm.
If^ki ; 'faitiS ; smeum, excelm) occurs as the
A. V. and R. V. rendering of the Hebrew rdmith,
in Job xiviii. 18 only, " No mention shall be
made of coral (rotnotA, margin) or of peark
(R. V. " crystal "), for the price of wisdom is
above rubies " (R. V. marg. or, red coral ; or,
pearls) ; and in Ezek. xxvii. 16, where coral is
enumerated amongst the wares which Syria
brought to the markets of Tyre. The old
Versions fail to afford us any clue ; the LXX.
gives one etymological meaning of the Heb. term
" lofty things," i.e. " that which grows high," or
" like a tree ; " the Vulg. in Ezek. (/. c.) reads
" silk '' (conjectures may be seen in Delitzsch
and Dillmann in loco). " Coral " has decidedly
a better claim than any other substances to
represent the rdnwth. The natural upward form
of growth of the Corallittm rubnun is well
suited to the etymology of the word. The word
rendered "price" in Job xxviii. 18 also denotes
" a drawing out ; " and there may be a reference
to the manner in which coral and pearls were
obtained from the sea, either by diving or dredg-
ing. At present, Mediterranean corals, which
constitute an important article of commerce, are
broken off from the rocks to which they adhere
by long hooked poles, and thus " drawn out."
With regard to the estimation in which coral
was held by the Jews and other Orientals, it
must be remembered that coral varies in price
with us. Fine compact specimens of the best
tints may be worth as much as 10/. per oz.,
while inferior ones are perhaps not worth much
more than a shilling per lb. Pliny says [N. H.
xxxii. 2) that the Indians valued coral as the
Romans valued pearls. It is possible that the
Syrian traders, who, as Jerome remarks (Rusen-
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646
COBBAN
COBD
muller, Schol. in Ezek. zxTii. 16), would in his
day mn all over the world " lucri cnpiditate,"
may hare visited the Indian sens, and brought
home thence rich coral treaaares ; though they
would also readily procure coral either from
the Red Sea or the Mediterranean, where it is
abundantly found. The coral of the Red Sea
and of the Persian Gulf is the finest and most
valuable. Coral, as is now well known, is
the massive skeleton composed of calcareous
particles deposited by myriads of little micro-
scopic polypes or zoophytes, taking various
shapes in different species. Millions of these
zoophytes unite, and generation after generation
de|>osit their stony cells on the top of their pre-
decessors, till some species have gradually formed
vast oceanic islands. Coral, Mr. King informs
us, often occurs in ancient Egyptian jewellery as
beads and cut into charms. [H. B. T.]
COBBAN (13"?^; iSpov, ablatio; in N. T.
only in Mark vii. 1 1, Kop0ay, expt. by S&por, and
in Vulg. donum: used only to Lev. and Num.,
except in Ezek. ix. 28, il. 43 ; in A. V. of 0. T.
" offering," in R. V. " oblation ; " in N. T. [Mark
vii. 11] A. V. and R. V. "Corban," ie. " a gift"
[A. v.], " given to God" [R. V.]X an offering to
God of any sort, bloody or bloodless, but par-
ticnlarly in fulfilment of a vow. The Law laid
down rules for vows, ( 1 ) affirmative ; (2) negative.
By the former, persons, animals, and property
might be devoted to God ; but, with certain
limitations, they were redeemable by money
payments. By the latter, persons interdicted
themselves, or were interdicted by their parents,
from the use of certain things lawful in them-
selves, as wine, either for a limited or an
unlimited period (Lev. xxvii. ; Num. xxi. ; Judg.
ziii. 7 ; Jer. xxxv. ; Joseph. Ant. iv. 4, § 4 ;
B. J. ii. 15, § 1 ; Acts xviii. 18, xxi. 23, 24).
Upon these rules the traditionists enlarged, and
laid down that a man might interdict himself
by vow, not only from using for himself, but
from giving to another, or receiving from him
some particular object whether of food or any
other kind whatsoever. The thing thus intei^
dieted was considered as Corban, and the form
of interdiction was virtually to this effect : — " I
forbid myself to touch or be concerned in any
way with the thing forbidden, as if it were
devoted by Law ; " ».«. " let it be Corban." To
a certain extent the principle enunciated here
was legitimate, and Levy {Chald. WSrtcrb. Sb.
d. Targumim, s.v. )3^p) points out that Light-
foot's strictures (^Hor. Heb. on Matt. xv. 5)
must be received with cantion. Nevertheless a
person might, by abuse of this principle, exempt
himself from assisting or receiving assistance
from some particular person or persons, as
parents in distress, and in short from any incon-
venient obligation. It was with gross abuses of
this sort that our Lord found fault<Matt. xv. 5 ;
Mark vii. 11), as annulling the spirit of the Law.
Theophrastus, quoted by Josephus, speaking
of foreign oaths, as forbidden by the laws of
Tyre, gives Corban as a special instance of this
kind ; and thus, as Josephus remarks, implies,
though he does not point out expressly, the
Jewish origin of the word. Josephus calls the
treasury in which offerings for the Temple or its
■ervices were deposited, Kopfiaras, as in Matt,
iivii. 6. It was by an act of confiscation of
the treasure thus deposited, Kop$ains, and
applying it to the constrnction of an aqoednct,
that Pilate provoked the indignation of tlie
Jews, and gave occasion to a serious disturbanct.
Origen, on St. Matthew, quoted by Calmet, an
that he had been informed by a Jew, that in
order to lay greater pressure on debtors of
whom they were suspicious, creditors sometimo
transferred, as it were, their debts to the aati
treasury, or to the serrioe of the poor, thu
making these objects creditors instead of them-
selves (but probably, we may add, taking <£
the Corban thus created against offerings of tiieir
own) ; and further, that some persons exeoscd
themselves by a similar expedient from coi-
tributing to the support of their parats
(Joseph. £. J. ii. 9, \i; Ap. I 22 ; Mishui,
Surenhus. de Votis, i. 4, ii. 2 ; Calmet ud
Lightfoot, ffor. HA. on Matt. zv. 6 ; Cappellu,
who has a long dissertation on the subject, Tery
full of information, in his note, and Grotiu,
both of these in Crit. Sacr. vol. vi. ; SeldeD, (k
Jur. Nat. vii. 2; Otho, Lex. Sabh. p. 67i).
[Alms ; Tows ; Ofpekisos.] [H. W. P.]
COB'BB (Xop$4; Choraba), 1 Esd. v. 11
This name apparently takes the place of ZaOCsi
in the lists of Ezra (ii. 8) and Mehemiah (vii U).
See Speaker'i Comm. in loco. [F.]
COBU ih^n np\ in'o. nor), of tk
various purposes to which cord, including ondtr
that term rope and twisted thongs, wu applied,
the following are specially worthy of notice.
(1.) For fastening a tent, in which sense ^'9
is more particularly used (e.g. Ex. ixir. 18,
zxxix. 40 ; Is. liv. 2). As the tent supplied >
favourite image of the human body, the oordi
which held it in its place represented the prin-
ciple of life (Job iv. 21 [R. V.], " Is not their
tent-cord [A. V. and R, V. marg. " exoeUenty T
placked up ? " ; Eccles. ziL 6). (2.) For leadins
or binding animals, as a halter or nin (Fl
cxviii. 27 ; Hos. xi. 4), whence to ** loosen the
cord " (Job xxz. 11) = to (tee from antbenty.
(3.) For yoking them either to a cart (Is. v. 18)
or a plongh (Job xxxix. 10). .(4.) For bindia;
prisoners, more particularly DST (Judg. xv, 13 ;
Pa. ii. 3, czziz. 4 ; Ezek. iii. 25), whence the
metaphorical expression " bands of love " (Ho«.
zi. 4). (5.) For bow-strings (Ps. zi. 2) made
of catgut : such as are spoken of in Jndg. iri. 7
(a>rh O'lri!, a. v. and R. v. text "green
withs ; " ccupal iypat, but more properly [B. V,
marg.] new [or moist] boio-stringa). (6.) For
the ropes or " tacklings " of a vessel (Is. xxziii
23). (7.) For measnring gronnd, the fiiU ci-
pression being itvp 72T\ (2 Sam. viii. 2; Ps-
Ixiviii. 55 ; Amos vii. 17 ; Zech. iL 1) : hence to
" cast a cord "=to assign a property (Mic. iioV
and cord or line became an expression for as
inheritance (Josh. zvii. 14, zix, 9 ; Ps. xri. ( ;
Ezek. zlvii. 13), and even for any defined district
(e.g. the line, or " region," of Argob, Dent iii. 4).
[Chebel.] (8.) For fishing and snaring [FUH-
IKO, FowtiNO, Huumio]. (9.) For sttachinj
articles of dress ; as the vretMeH cJums (HIT).
which were rather twisted cords, worn by the
high-priests (Ez. izviii. 14, 22, 24; mix-
15, 17). (10.) For fastening awnings (Esth. L $>
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(11.) ^o' attaching to a plammet. The line
and plummet are emblematic of a regular rule
(2 K. xxi. 13 ; Is. ixTiii. 17) ; hence to destroy
by line and plnmmet (Is. izxiv. 11 ; Lam. ii. 8 ;
Amos tIL 7) has been understood as = regular,
sjrstcmatic destruction (ad normam et liMlam,
Gesen. TTiesaur. p. 125). It may however be
referred to the carpenter's level, which can only
be naed on a fiat surface (cp. Thenius, Camm. in
2 K. xxi. 13). (12.) For drawing water out of
a well, or raising heavy weights (Josh. ii. 15 ;
Jer. sizviii. 6, 13) To place a rope on the
head (1 K. xx. 31) in place of the ordinary head-
dress was a sign of abject submission. The
materials of which cord was made varied accord-
ing to the strength required ; the strongest rope
was probably made of strips of camel hide as
still used by the Bedouins for drawing water
(Borckhardt's Notes, i. 46). The Egyptians
twist«d these strips together into thongs for
sandals and other purposes (see the illustrations
in Wilkinson, Arte. Egypt, ii. 331 [smaller ed.
1878]). The finer sorts were made of flax (Is.
lix. 9). The fibre of the date-palm was also
used (Wilkinson, i. 56) ; and probably reed
and rashes of various kinds, as implied in
the origin of the word rxotvtoy (PUn. xii. 9),
which is generally used by the LXX. as = 7^n>
and lUOTe particularly in the word pDJM (Job
xli. 2), which primarily means a reed ; in the
Talmad (^Erubhin, fol. 58) bulrushes, osier, and
flax are enumerated as the materials of which
rope was made; in the Hishna {Sotah, i. §6)
the *1>n3 73n is explained as funit vimmeiu
teu saligma. In the N. T. the term (rxoir^a is
applied to the whip which our Saviour made
(John ii. 15), and to the ropes of a ship (Acts
zxrii. 32). Alford understands it in the former
passage of the rushes on which the cattle were
littered ; but the ordinary rendering corcb seems
mere consistent with the use of the term else-
where. [W. L. B.]
COB'S (Kop4, N. T. i K. ; Chre), Ecclus. xlv.
18 ; Jnde 11. [KoRAH, 1.]
CORIANDEB (IJ; Kipior; coriandrum).
The plant called Coriandnan sativum is found in
Egypt, Persia, and India (Plin. xx. 82), and has
a round tall stalk ; it bears umbelliferous white
or reddish fiowers, from which arise globular,
greyish, spicy seed-corns, marked with flne striae.
It is mnch cultivated in the south of Europe, as
its seeds are used by confectioners and druggists.
The Carthaginians called it 70(8 = Ii (Dioscorid.
iii. 64). The etymology is uncertain, though it
is not impossible that the striated appearance
of the seed-vessels may have suggested a name
derived from Tl^, to cut (Ges.) It is men-
tioned twice in the Bible (£z. xvi. 31 ; Num.
xi. 7). In both passages the manna is likened
to ooriander-seed as to form, and in the former
passage as to colour also. [W. D.] [H. B. T.]
OOBINTH(K^pi»«ox; CfanntAos). This city
is alike remarkable for its distinctive geo-
graphical position, its eminence in Greek and
Boman history, and its close connexion with the
early spread of Christianity.
Geographically its situation was so marked,
that the name of its Isthmus has been given to
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every narrow neck of land between two seas.
It was called "the bridge of the sea" (Find.
Nem. vi. 44 = 67, Isthm. iv. 20 = 35), and " the
gate of the Peloponnesus " (Xen. Ages. 2). No
invading army could enter the Morea by land
except by this way, and without forcing some
of the defences which have been raised from one
sea to the other at various intervals between
the great Persian war and the struggles of the
Turks with the Venetians, or with the modem
Greeks during the war of Independence.
But, besides this, the site of Corinth is dis-
tinguished by another conspicuous physical
feature — viz. the Acrocorinthus, a vast citadel
of rock, which rises abruptly to the height of
1886 feet above the level of the sea, and the
summit of which is so extensive that it once
contained a whole town. The view from this
eminence is one of the most celebrated in the
world. Besides the mountains of the Morea, it
embraces those on the northern shore of the
Corinthian gulf, with the snowy heights of
Parnassus conspicuous above the rest. To the
east is the Saronic gulf, with its islands, and
the hilb round Athens, the Acropolis itself
being distinctly visible at a distance of 45 miles.
Immediately below the Acrocorinthus, to the
north, was the city of Corinth, on a table-land
descending in terraces to the low plain, which
lies between Cenchreae, the harbour on the
Saronic, and Lechaenm, the harboor on the
Corinthian gulf.
The situation of Corinth, and the possession of
these eastern and western harbours, are the
secrets of her history. The earliest impulse to
her progress was probably given by the Phoe-
nicians. But at the most remote period of
which we have any sure record we find the
Greeks established here in a position of wealth
(Hom. //. ii. 570; Pind. 01. xiii. 4) and mili-
tary strength (Tbucyd. i. 13). Some of the
earliest efforts of Greek ship-building are con-
nected with Corinth ; and her colonies to the
westward were among the first and most
flourishing sent out from Greece, So too in the
latest passages of Greek history, in the struggles
with Macedonia and Rome, Corinth held a con-
spicuous place. After the battle of Chaeronea
(B.C, 338) the Macedonian kings placed a garri-
son on the Acrocorinthus. After the battle of
Cynoscephalae (B,c. 197) it was occupied by a
Roman garrison. Corinth, however, was consti-
tuted the head of the Achaean league. Here
the Roman ambassadors were maltreated ; and
the consequence was the utter ruin and destruc-
tion of the city (B,C. 146).
It is not the true Greek Corinth with which
we have to do in the life of St, Paul, but the
Corinth which was rebuilt and established as a
Roman colony. The distinction between the
two must be carefully remembered, A period
of a hundred years intervened, during which the
place was almost utterly desolate. The mer-
chants of the Isthmus retired to Delos, The
presidency of the Isthmian games was given to
the people of Sicyon. Corinth seemed blotted
from the map ; till Julias Caesar, in B,c. 46,
refounded the dty, which thenceforth was called
Colonia Laos Julia Coriathu. The new city
was hardly less distinguished than the old, and
it acquired a fresh importance as the metropolis
of the Roman province of Achaia. We find
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COBINTH
COKINTH
Gaujo, brother of the philosopher Seneca, exer-
cising the fuDctiom of proconsul here (Achaia
was a senatorial province) during St. Paul's first
residence at Corinth, in the reign of Claudius.
This residence continued for a year and six
months, and the circumstances which occurred
during the coarse of it are related at some
length (Acts xviii. 1-18). St. Paul had recently
)iaased through Macedonia. He came to Corinth
from Athens ; shortly after his arrival Silas and
Timotheos came from Macedonia and rejoined
him; and about this time the two epistles to
the Thessalonians were written (probably a.d.
52 or 53). It was at Corinth that the Apostle
first became acquainted with Aquila and Pris-
cilla ; and shortly after his departure ApoUos
came to this city from Ephesus (.\cts xviii. 27).
Corinth was a place of great mental activity,
as well as of commercial and manufacturing
enterprise. Its wealth was so celebrated as to
be proverbial ; so were the vice and profligacy
of its inhabitants. Ilie worship of Venus litre
was attended with shameful licentiousness. .<l11
these points are indirectly illustrated by pas-
sages in the two Epistles to the Corintiu^oi,
which were written (probably A.D. 57) the first
from Ephesus, the second from Maoedimii,
shortly before the second visit to Corinth, vhich
is briefly stated (Acts xx. 3) to hare IssUii
three months. During this visit (probably
A.D. 58) the Epistle to the Romans was rritttn.
From the three Epistles last mentioned, oompand
with Acts xxiv. 17, we gather that St. Paul was
much occupied at this time with a collectioa for
the poor Christians at Jerusalem.
There are good reasons for believing that
when St. Paul was at Ephesus (I.D. 57) he
wrote to the Corinthians an epistle whidi hu
not been preserved (see below, p. 654, c); and it
is almost certain that about the same time a
short visit was paid to Corinth, of which nu
account is given in the Acts.
-^-r^-
--!«.-'-?.
It has been well observed that the great
number of Latin names of persons mentioned in
the Epistle to the Romans is in harmony with
what we know of the colonial origin of a large
part of the population of Corinth. From Acts
xviii. we may conclude that there were many
Jewish converts in the Corinthian Church,
though it would appear (I Cor. xii. 2) that the
Gentiles predominated. On the other hand, it is
evident from the whole tenor of both Epistles
that the Judaising element was very strong at
Corinth. Party-spirit also was extremely pre-
valent, the names of Paul, Peter, and Apollos
being used as the watchwords of restless fac-
tions. Among the eminent Christians who lived
at Corinth were Stephanus (1 Cor. i. 16 ; xvi.
15, 17), Crispus (Acu xviii. 8; 1 Cor. i. 14),
Cains (Rom. xvi. 23 ; 1 Cor. i. 14), and Erastns
(Rom. xvi. 23 ; 2 Tim. iv. 20). The epistles
of Clement to the Corinthians are among the
most interesting of the post-apostolic writings.
According to Dion Cbrysostom, who died about
117 A.D., Corinth was in his time the nest
important place in Greece ; he also states that
it possessed a public library {Or. xxxriL So,
quoted in Bursian's Oeographie con Griedn-
land, ii. 14). Another rhetorician, Aiistidea,
who was born in the year of Dion's death,
celebrates the fame of Corinth in his oratioa in
praise of Poseidon (Or. iii. pp. 36-42, ed.
Dindorf). Part of the passage is traaslsted
as follows in Stanley's Introduction to St Paul')
Epistles to the Corinthians, p. 6 : "At Corinth,
you would learn and hear even from inanimate
objects ; so great are the treasures of literatare
in every direction, wherever yoa do but glsoce,
both in the streets themselves and in the ooko-
nades ; not to speak of the gymnasia and schocit,
and the general spirit of instruction and in-
quiry."
Corinth is still an episcopal see. The athe-
dral church of St. Kicolas, " a very mean pl»«
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649
for sack an ecclesiastical dignity," used in
Ttirkish times to be on the Aerocorinthus. The
city has now shrunlc to a wretched village, on
the old site, and bearing the old name, which,
however, is often corrupted into Oortho.
Pausanias, in describing the antiquities of
Corinth as they existed in his day, distinguishes
clearly between those which belonged to the old
Greek city and those which were of Roman
origin. Two relics of Roman work are still to
be aeen,— one a heap of brick-work which may
have been pert of the baths erected by Hadrian,
the other the remains of an amphitheatre with
subterranean arrangements for gladiators. Far
more interesting are the ruins of the ancient
Greek temple, — ^the " old columns, which have
looked down on the rise, the prosperity, and the
desolation of two [in fact, three] successive
Corinths." At the time of Wheler's visit in
1676 twelve columns were standing: before
1795 they were reduced to seven ; and further
injury was inflicted by an earthquake in 1858.
Next to the Heraeum at Olvmpia, this is the
oldest Doric temple in Greece. In 1886 the
whole plan of the temple was laid open by
Dr. DSrpfeld, and found to hare been bailt upon
foundation lines cut in the rock. It is a double
temple, with entrances and pronai both east and
west {ifittheilungen, 1886, quoted, with plan,
by Penrose in Journal of HeUenic Studiet, viii.
274>
r o^Ooriiitli (of the flsa Itjla of s.0. 400-338).
Oto., HMd </ TtUtt, lo ris>i<. weulsg baliiiat iKmnd with oUm.
>iul wttb " bnrded ampoit ' btOMth. B«T.. rHuni bidled,
loricbl: bdinr 9. iBrilUkMimmmaMhfm^aifqfOorinlK
|d. Ui. U, ISSe).
The fountain of Peirene, " full of sweet and
clear water," as it is described by Strabo (viii.
21), is still to be seen on the Aerocorinthus,
as well as the fountains in the lower city, of
which it was supposed by him and Pausanias to
be the source. The walls on the Aerocorinthus
were in part erected by the Venetians, who held
Corinth for twenty-five years in the 17th
century. This city and its neighbourhood have
been described by many travellers, but we must
especially refer to Leake's Korea, iii. 229-304
(London, 1830X and his Peluponneaiaca, p. 392
(Ix>ndon, 1846) ; Cnrtius, Pcloponnesos, ii. p. 514
(Gotha, 1851 - 1852) ; Clark, Peloponnesus,
pp. 42-61 (London, 1858). There are four
German monographs on the subject : Wilckens,
Serum Corinihiacaram specimen ad illustrationem
■utruuque Epistolae Paulinae, Bremen, 1747;
Walch, Antiquitatei CorintAiacae, Jena, 1761 ;
T^agner, Rerun Cormthiacarum specimen, Darm-
stadt, 1824; Barth, Cormthioram CommercU et
Afercaturae Historiae partiada, Berlin, 1844.
This article would be incomplete without
some notice of the Posidonium, or sanctuary of
Ifeptnne, the scene of the Isthmian games, from
-vrhich St. Paul borrows some of his most
striking imi^ery in 1 Cor. and other epistles.
This sanctuary was a short distance to the N.E.
of Corinth, at the narrowest part of the Isthmus,
near the harbour of Schoenus (now Kalamdki)
on the Saronic gulf. The wall of the enclosure
can still be traced. It is of an irregular shape,
determined by the form of a natural platform at
the edge of a ravine. The fortifications of the
Isthmus followed this ravine and abutted at the
east upon the enclosure of the sanctuary, which
thus served a military as well as a religious
purpose. The exact site of the temple is doubt-
ful, and the objects of interest, which Pausanias
describes as seen by him within the enclosure,
■have vanished : but to the south are the remains
of the stadium, where the foot-races were run
(1 Cor. ix. 24); to the east are those of the
theatre, which was probably the scene of the
pugilistic contests (r. 26) ; and abundant on the
shore are the small green pine-trees (tcvkoI)
which gave the fading wreath (t>. 25) to the
victors in the games. An inscription found here
in 1676 (now removed to Verona) affords a
valuable illustration of the interest taken in
these games in Roman times (Boeckb, No. 1104).
The French map of the Morea does not include
the Isthmus ; so that, till 1858, CoL Leake's
sketch (reproduced by Cnrtius) was the only
trustworthy representation of the scene of the
Isthmian games. But the ground was more
minutely examined by Mr. Clark, who in that
year gave us a more exact plan. The sacred
enclosure has recently become better known,
owing to the excavations of the French School.
In the immediate neighbourhood of this sanctuary
are the traces of the canal, which was begun and
discontinued by Nero shortiv after the time of
St. Paul's first visit to Corinth {Diet, of Gr. and
Rom. Oeog., art. " Corinthus ").
His first visit was towards the close of the
reign of Claudius ; his second, near the begin-
ning of that of Nero. The coins of Corinth
under Claudius (a.D. 41-54) include one repre-
seutiug a hexastyle temple on the Acrocorin-
CopiMT Colli cf Oorlnth nmer GjAodlni.
Obv. Bead of flawllin, to right, with crown of Imnnl. n .
CL4T|> . "«— *■ . ATa . r. r. BOT.. BexMtyle temple on Acro-
oorintbtu. ocTATio LVBcno 001. In fleU, tkb nvn (iunm
Hmmmrir.)
thus, probably that of Aphrodite mentioned by
Pausanias, ii. 5, 1 (British Museum Catalogue of
Coins of Corinth, plate xvii. 2). One of those
under Nero (A.D. 54-68) represents the head of
Aphrodite over a galley inscribed with the name
of the Corinthian port of Cenchreae, where there
was also a temple of that goddess (Pausanias,
ii. 2, 3; Coins of Corinth, plate xvii. 13); while
another of the same reign shows a wreath of
parsley surrounding the word isthmia (16.
p. 70). The Isthmian games are also commemo-
rated on Roman coins bearing two wrestlers or
boxers, an unarmed runner, or a st.'indiiig athlete
holding a palm branch ; and a building meant
either for a stadium or a hippodrome (Journal
of Hellenic Studies, vi. p. 64 : " Numismatic
Commentary on Pausanias," by Messrs. Imhoof-
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1 C0KINTHIAN8
Blumer and Percy Gardner). In the article
just qooted, pp. 59-77 are devoted to the coins
of Corinth, and it is observed on p. 59 that
"the Roman colonists, entering on a wealth of
Greek art and legend, adopted both with en-
thusiasm, and were very proud of both. There
is no other Greek city whereof the coins give
OS so extensive inrormation on the subject of
temples and statues, legends and cults."
[J. S. H.] [J. E.S.]
CORINTHIANS, FIRST EPISTLE TO
THE, occupies a position in the X. T. which is
unique. It is the first chapter in Ecclesiastical
History. Being earlier in date than the Acts
and than any Book in the N. T. excepting 1 and
2 Thess., and being more varied in its contents
than any other Epistle, it gives us the first and
fullest information that u« possess as to the
institutions, practices, and ideas of the Church
in <A« apostolic age. And as the authenticity
of the Epistle is impregnable and all but un-
assailed (see below), the value of the informa-
tion cannot be overrated. In modem phrase-
ology we may say that this First Epistle con-
sists of a series of Tracts for the Times written
by a master-hand, while the Second is the
Apologia.pro vita sua of the writer himself. In
both Epistles the Apostle appears as the great
" director of consciences," indicating the prin-
dples of spiritual pathology for all time.
In the following departments we find Church
History beginning for us in the First Epistle.
(1) In XV. 3, 4 the first germ of a formulated
Creed, which, brief as it is, twice insists on the
harmony between Christ's work of redemption
and the Scriptures ; — icarji riu ypa^is, as in-
serted into the Nicene Creed at Constantinople.
(2) In xii. 4-27 the first apostolic exposition of
the Unitij of the Church. (3) In i. 13-17 the
earliest notice of Christian Baptism as the mode
of admission into the Church and (by implica-
tion) as being in the Divine Name. (4) In xi.
23-34 the first written account of the institu-
tion of the Eucharist and the earliest directions
respecting it. In x. 15-22 the apostolic exposi-
tion of its significance, in which, as in the
AiSax4 Twv i^StKa iwo<rr6x»y (ix.), the Cup
precedes the Bread. (5) In xir. much informa-
tion about PMio Worship in its various ele-
ments of prayer (14, 15), praise (15, 26),
thanksgiving with the general " Amen " (16, 17),
preaching and prophesying (24-33, 39). See
also xi. 4, 5, 13, 17-20. (6) In xii. 28, 29 the
earliest sketch of the Christian Hinistry, where,
as in Ephes. iv. 11 and the AiSax^ xi.-xv., the
difference between itinerant " apostles " and
" prophets " and resident " teachers " appears.
In the AiSaxi) we have also " Bishops " and
" Deacons," but " Bishops " are not yet distinct
from " presbyters." (7) In xvi. 2 the earliest
notice of the Observance of Sunday. (8) In
xvi. 20 one of the two earliest notices (1 Thess.
y. 26 : cp. 2 Cor. liii. 12 ; Rom. xvi. 16) of the
Bvly Kiss, which still survives in the liturgies
of Oriental churches. (9) In xv. 12-34 the
first Christian argument for a Future State,
preceded (xv. 4-7) by the earliest narrative of
the Sesurrection of Christ, and followed (xv,
35-58) by the earliest Christian description of
" the life of the world to come." (10) In v. 3-
5 the first form of Excommunioation. (11) In
1 CORINTHIANS
i. lO-iv. 20 the earliest account of Etckuis-
tical Parties, in which crx'o'/u for the first time
appears in a moral sense, but of a faction inside
the Church, not of a separation from it, (12) In
vi. 2-5 apostolic sanction for the first time
given to Christian Courts of Laa. (13) In iiL
1, 2 the principle of Eoonomy at Baent in
teaching for the first time stated. (14) The
Epiitle as a whole lays the foundations of Ckrit-
tian Casuistry, by which small details s»i
apparently conflicting duties are judged spoa
great and comprehensive principles.
I. The Adthenticity of the four great Epistles
of St. Paul — 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatiaos, ami
Romans — is more certain than tliat of any
ancient writing. The criticism which asuili it
stultifies itself. Brnno Bauer in his Eritik d.
J'aulinischen Briefe (Berlin, 1850) was natil
lately almost alone in questioning it. Bat he
has now been followed by the Dutch writer
A. D. Loman both elsewhere and in his Cujes-
tiones Patdinae; and a statement of the msia
evidence is rendered necessary. These Epistles
are the front bulwarks of the faith, and their
strength should be widely known. Even if the
rest of the N. T. could be shown to be forgeries
of the 2nd century, the evidence for the Cmi-
fixion and Resurrection of Christ, and (x
miracles, would still remain ample in these four
letters, written by one who was himself ctm-
verted by the evidence, and addressed to those
who had full opportunity of exposing it, had it
been false. Even F. C. Banr asserts that
" there has never been the slightest suspicion as
to authenticity cast on these four Epistles ; and
they bear so incontestably the character of
Pauline originality, that there is no conceivable
ground for the assertion of critical doubts in
their case " (Paulut, Stuttg. 1845, t. ii. EinleiL ;
Eng. tr. i. p. 246).
The External Evidence for 1 Cor. begins with
the earliest Christian literature outside the
N. T. Clement of Rome (c. A.D. 95) writes:
"Take up the Epistle of the blessed Paul the
Apostle. What wrote he first onto yon in the
beginning of the Gospel? Of a truth he
charged you in the Spirit concerning himself
and Cephas and Apollos, because that even thca
ye ha>l made parties " (xlvii.),— earliest instaaoe
of the N. T. writer being quoted by name (cp.
2 Pet. ill. 15) and of the special use of " blessed '
(cp. Bev. xiv. 13X If 1 Cor. was pnblidy rod
at Corinth, in spite of ita strong coudenuiatiia
of the Corinthians, they must have been on-
vinced of its authority. Cp. ilviii. wt jn.
with 1 Cor. I. 24, xxxviii. with 1 Cor. xii 12-
27, xlix. with 1 Cor. xiii., xxiv. with 1 Cor. xv.,
and the quotation in xxxiv. with that in 1 Cor.
ii. 9. Id the' ^iSax)) t. itiStica ixooT. (a.d. 90-
130) cp. iii. sub fin. with 1 Cor. xii. 6, 10,
and ix. with 1 Cor. x. 16, xL 27 ; also x. *i<^
1 Cor. xvi. 22, and xvi. with 1 Cor. xv. 53.
Ignatius (c. A.D, 1 12) in Eph. xviii. has echoes «f
1 Cor. i. 18, 23, 24, and a rough ciutim fron
i, 20, and in Som. v. an almost exact dtatioo from
1 Cor. iv. 4. Cp. Eph. ii. tu6 fin. with 1 Cor.
i. 10, which the interpolator of Ignatius instrb
more fully. Polycarp (a. AJ>. 95-155) in PU-
xi. quotes half 1 Cor. vi. 2 as jcoMs lUsM
SiSdo-Kct, and in ch. v. abbreviates 1 Cor. ri. 9, 10.
Cp. ch. iL with 1 Cor. vi. 14. Justin MsitT^
(c A.D. 147) in liypho xxrv. qnotct from
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1 CORINTHIANS
1 Cor. xi. 19. Atheuagoras (c. A.D. 177) in <fo
Jles. Mart, xviii. quotes part of 1 Cor. ir. 55
as Korii rhv iw6<rro\oy. Irenaeas (A.D. 140-
202) quotes it upwards of 60 times, frequently
naming St. Paul and sometimes the Corinthians.
Where tlie allusion is quoted as from an "£lder"
the evidence may be dated as A.D. 140 or earlier.
These Elders were " disciples of the Apostles."
Ucter. IT. iirii. 3 is the earliest passage in
which the Epistle is named; in ad Cormtkioa,
12 rerses of 1 Cor. x. are quoted (see Werner,
Der Paulmismus des Innaem, Leipzig, 1889).
Clement of Alexandria (fl. 180-211) quotes it
Dearly 150 times, sometimes by name, as ^f rp
wpoTip^ npihi Kop. iwurr. (^Paed. i. 42). Tertul-
Uan (fl. 195-210) quotes it 400 or 500 times,
and sometimes names it, as Paulas m prima ad
Corintkios. Among heretical writers Basilides
(c. A.D. 125) certainly knew it, and Marcion
(c. A-D. 140) admitted it (possibly in a garbled
form) to his very limited Canon. The Mura-
torion Canon states that St. Paul " wrote twice
to the Corinthians and Thessalonians for their
correction ; " and again, " he wrote first to the
Corinthians to forbid heretical schism." This
ample evidence is by no means all that might be
cited from all parts of Christendom between
A.l>. 90 and 220.
Nor is the Internal Evidence less conclnsiTe :
whether we regard the characteristic energy of
the language, which caosed Tertullian to say
that this letter was written with gall and not
with ink, Jerome and Erasmus to compare St.
Panl's words to thunder and lightning, and
Lather to delare that they are " not dead words,
but living creatures and have hands and feet ; "
or consider the numerous coincidences, most of
which must be undesigned, between this Epistle
and other parts of the K. T. (see Table below).
Nothing so completely in harmony with all that
we know from other sources respecting the
character and life of St. Paul, and the con-
dition of Corinth in his time, could have been
invented.
Nor can the Integrity of the Epistle be im-
pngned. No MS. or Version throws doubt on
any chapter or even verse. The whole Epistle
is contained in the Uncials MABD, and, except-
ing Tii. 19-ix. 6 and liii. 9-xv. 39, in the frag-
mentary C. Irenaeas quotes from every chapter
excepting ir., xiv., and xvi. TertulUan (adv.
Marc. V. v.-i.) goes throagh it chapter by chap-
ter to the end of xv.
II. The Place and Tub are approximately
given in xvi. 8 : " 1 will tarry at Ephetu» until
Pentecost." It was written, therefore, in or near
Ephesus and before Pentecost, in a year which
cannot be determined with certainty, but which
was probably A.l>. 57 (see Table of different
views in Farrar's St. Paul, ii. p. 624). The an-
cient foot-note, rightly omitted from R. V., states
that it " was written from Philippi ; " an error
which probably arose from a misunderstanding
of xvi. 5, as if MaKcSavtac ih,f Si4pxoiuu meant
" For I am at this moment passing through
Uacedonia." How could "the Churches of Asia"
(zvi. 19) send a greeting fi'om Philippi? From
Ephesns, the chief Church, they would naturally
do so. The exact time of year was probably
£aster. The Passover seems to have suggested
the imagery in v. 6, 7 ; xv. 20, 23 ; xvi. 15.
Nowhere else in St. Paul dees irivx" occur, nor {
1 CORINTHIANS
651
iwapxh so frequently. Cp. the repeated ap-
peals to Christ's Resurrection (xv. 4, 12, 15, 17,
20), of which at Easter the Apostle would be fall.
The period in St. Paul's life can be determined
with some definiteness. He was twice in E]>he-
sns : once at the close of his second missionary
journey after his first and long visit of eighteen
months at Corinth (Acts xviii. 19), and again
for two and a half or three years (Acts xix. 1,
10 ; XX. 31) on his third missionary journey.
The letter cannot have been written during the
first stay at Ephesus. ApoUos bad not yet
arrived there (Acts xviii. 2.')): and when the
Epistle was written ApoUos had reached Ephe-
sus, had been instructed there by Aquila and
Priscilla, whom St. Paul had brought thither
from Corinth (Acts xviii. 19), had been to
Corinth to water what Paul had planted (Acts
xix. 1 ; 1 Cor. iii. 6), and had returned (1 Cor.
xvi. 12). It was, therefore, during St. Paul's
second and long stay at Ephesns, and probably
near the end of it, that the letter was written.
Timothy had already started for Macedonia on
his way to Corinth (1 Cor. iv. 17) ; and his de-
parture with Erastns took place shortly before
the uproar of Demetrius, immediately after
which Paul left Ephesus (Acts xx. 1). In the
Acts the writing of the letter mast be placed
between xix. 22 and 23.
III. The Pebsons addkessed are always a con-
sideration of the utmost importance in studying
St. Paul's writings. Ha commonly dictated his
letters (xvi. 21; Rom. xvi. 22; Gal. vi. 11;
Col. iv. 18 ; 2 Thess. iii. 17) : and as he dictates
he is "present in spirit" (v. 3) with those
whom he addresses. They are before him, not
as distant correspondents, but as a present
audience. With his eyes closed to all around
him, he sees them alone, with their difiiculties
and frailties, their claim upon his sympathy,
and their need of his firmness. He hears their
rejoinders to his rebukes and entreaties, and he
replies to them again. He does not write, but
speak. The result is a compound of oratory,
conversation, and correspondence, which is
unique in literature. No Epistles illustrate
this result more completely than those to the
Corinthians, and in studying them we must
keep the persons addressed in them, paragraph
by paragraph, steadily in view.
Although Athens still remained the chief
representative of Greek intellect and culture,
Corinth in a single century of existence had
become the political and commercial capital of
Greece, and as snch was the seat of the Proconsul
Gallio (Acts xviii. 12). Hence "the Church of
God that is in Corinth " represents all Christians
in the whole Roman province of Achaia (2 Cor.
i. 1). The light of this brilliant totius Oraeciae
lumen, quenched by Mummius (B.C. 146), had
been rekindled by Julius Caesar (B.C. 46) as
Colonia Julia or Laus Julia Corinthus. Under
the auspices of this reputed son of Venus it soon
recovered its former prosperity and more than
its former licentiousness. The worship of
Aphrodite assumed enormous proportions; and
her temple became a centre round which the
abominations of Greece, of Rome, and of the
East found a home and intensified one another.
Contemporary literature abounds with passages
which show that this new Corinth was a by-
word for moral corruption. It was at Corinth
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1 CORINTHIANS
that the Apostle's ghastly catalogue of heathen
vices (Rom, i. 21-32) was penned. It was of
heathen society in Corinth that he declared that
it was wholly made ap of those to whom such
vices were habitual (1 Cor. v. 10). It was
from such vices that the Corinthian Christians
bad been rescued (vi. 10, 11). Their peril in
this direction is the chief motive of the Epistle,
the crisis of which breaks with a crash in v. 1,
2 : "It is actually reported," &c.
The city had other characteristics besides its
licentiousness. Its inhabitants consisted of
(1) Greeks, attracted to the restored city by
sentiment for an historic site and the love of
something new. (2) Italians, descendants of
the freedmen planted there by Caesar. Most of the
Corinthian names in the N. T. (1 Cor. i. 14, 16 ;
xvi. 17; Rom. ivi. 21, 23; Acts xviii. 8, 17)
seem to be of servile origin. (3) Adventurers from
all parts of the Mediterranean, including many
Jews who had settled there for trading pur-
poses. With almost all of these St. Paul, as an
Hellenist, a Roman citizen, and a Hebrew of
Hebrews, had some point of contact. The Greek
element contribnted intellectual and political
activity of a debased kind ; the restlessness
without the earnestness of old Greek specula-
tion ; and that spirit of faction which had proved
the ruin of Hellas (i. 10-17 ; iii. 1-9, 21, 22 ;
xi. 18). Schools and other instruments of cul-
ture abounded, and the Corinthians prided
themselves on their knowledge and acnteness.
Hence the frequent mention of yvaais (i. 5 ;
viii. 1-11; xii. 8 ; xiii. 2, 8 ; xiv. 6) and (rixpla
(i. 17-30; ii. 1-7, 13; ui. 19; xii. 8). Cp.
2 Cor. i. 12 ; ii. 14 ; iv. 6 ; vi. 6 ; viii. 7 ; i. 5 ;
xi. 6. The settlers from other countries ex-
hibited the characteristics of mixed emigrants,
who commonly part with their own national
virtues in exchange for the national vices of all
the rest, and end in self-seeking godlessness. In
morals the Jews were no doubt on a higher
level. But with them religion had become so
stereotyped, bigoted, and self-satisfied, that
there was more hope of the dissolute heathen
than of them.
Add to these facts three others. A city barely
a century old could have no aristocracy. Its
upper classes owed their elevation mainly to
wealth, and the whole tone of the population
was democratic. It was in such a society that
congregations, in which each exhibited his
spiritual gifts without order or respect of per-
sons (xii. ; xiv.), women set custom at defianc«
(xi. 5-15 ; xiv. 34, 35), and an indecent scramble
took place at the public meals connected with
the Eucharist (xi. 17-34), became possible.
Again, the wealthy classes were not manu-
facturers, but traders. They lacked the educa-
tion of the producer, and had only the shrewd-
ness of the money-getter. The works of art
for which old Corinth had been famous were
dug up from ruins and tombs, not to be copied,
but to be sold. They were a city of shop-
kee]>ers. Lastly, there were all the demoral-
ising influences of a thriving seaport — a double
seaport (6imarts Corinthi), In moral degrada-
tion it was Paris and Liverpool combined. To
sum up : — Licentiousness of the grossest kind,
great mental activity and intellectual pride,
a democratic spirit devoid of reverence, com-
mercial energy absorbed in money-getting; —
1 CJOMNTHU-NS
such was the combination into which St Piol
had introduced the leaven of the Gospel (iii. 6 ;
iv. 15) ; such were the elements out of which
the first great Gentile Church was formed (ri.
11); and such were still the snmandings of
that Church when this letter was written (t.
10). CerUinly to speak of " the Charck of 6od
that is in CarintA " involved a startling and a
glorious paradox (Bengel).
Almost certainly St. Paul was the first
Christian who ever set foot in Corinth. Aqails
was still a Jew when Paul took op his abode
with him ; and it was their common trade, not
their common faith, which in the first instuce
drew them together (Acts iviii. 23). The part-
ing of Christianity in this unpromising soil wm>
absolutely the work of St. Paul (1 Cor. iii
6, 10). The Corinthian Christians were his
children in Christ (iv. 15): and while Aqoila
and Priscilla were probably the first Jewish con-
verts, Stephanas and his household were the
first Gentiles who accepted the Gospel in Achais
(xvi. 15 ; i. 16).
I V. The Occasion of the Epistle wonld stem to
have been threefold, (d) Members of the home-
hold of Chloe (i. 11) had brought reports of the
factions and other evils. Whether Chloe was s
Corinthian, whose relations or slaves were visit-
ing Ephesus, or an Ephesian whose relations or
slaves had been visiting Corinth, is nncertaii.
(6) Independently of her household, St. Fknl
seems to have heard of the monstrous case of
incest ; possibly from those mentioned in xvL 17.
This is the chief occasion of the letter: for
Timothy had already been sent (iv. 17) to deal
with the Actions. From one or both of tbeae
sources Paul had also heard of litigation befbit
heathen judges (vi. 1), disputes in public war-
ship and even at the Eucharist (xi. 18-34), sad
erroneous doctrine touching the Resarmtioi
(xv.). Besides this (c) the Corinthians them-
selves had written to consult the Apostle (vii. 1).
This letter seems to have been self-satisfied is
tone, containing no confession of the existia;
scandals. Quotations from it, some of them
made sarcastically, may perhaps be traced is
"All things are lawful" (vL 12; x. 23); "It
is good," &c. (vii. 1) ; X also (as well as yoa)
"have the Spirit of God" (vii. 40); "We sll
have knowledge " (viii. 1) ; " Why is my li-
berty," &c. (x. 29) ; " Te remember me ia sU
things " (xi. 2) ; " Jesus is anathema ; Jesai
is Lord" (xii. 3); "The collection for the
saints " (xvi. 1). In several cases the appsieot
quotation is followed by a " but," as much as to
say, " What you state is very true, but then is
mnch to be said on the other side."
v. The Cotrrtarta of the Epistle are as various
as the evils reported and the questions asked.
The strictures on the evils are somewhat mingM
with the answers to the questions : bnt oa the
whole the evils are discussed first. The tender-
hearted Apostle gets the most painfiil part of
his duty done as quickly as may be, bat sot
without kindly words first. After the anil
Salutation and T/ianksgiviag (i. 1-9) he takes
the two worst scandals, the Factions (i. 10-i^.
20) and Impurity (iv. 21-vi. 20). In discniaing
the latter he says they are not to jndje ti»
heathen as to this sin ; and this leads him to
condemn them for allowing the heathen to jixisie
them as to much less important things (vL 1-9)
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Then (rii. 1-xiv. 20) he answers the Coriothinns'
questions respecting Marriage (vii.); Heathen
Feasts (Tiii. 1-xi. 1), about which his decision
is an advance on that of the Jerusalem Council
(Acts XT. 30, 29); Pvblic Worship and Spiritual
Gifts (xi. 2-xiT. 40). Lastljr (it.) he ex-
pounds the doctrine of the Sesarrection. The
letter closes with personal Charges and Salu-
tations (xri.). Of the Sosthenes included in
the opening address (i. 1) nothing is known.
Ensebius (^. E. I. xii. 1) makes him one of the
Seventy. That be was the raler of the Corinthmn
synagogue, beaten by the Jews in Gallio's
court (Acts xTiii. 17), is improbable. The name
was a common one.
The following table of coincidences between the
Epistle and other Books of the N. T., especially
the Acts, will illustrate its contents and also
show the strength of this side of the internal
eridence as to its authenticity.
1 Corinthians.
li. 1. When I came anto
you, I came not with ex-
cellency of speech or of
wisdom (as at Athens),
proclaiming to you the
mystery of God.
ix. 1. Are not ye my
work In the Lord >
TkeAcU.
xTl. (, 7, 9. [Paul Is
tbrtcfl pretematurally di-
rected to visit Europe.]
ZTlU. 1. He departed
&am Athens and came to
Corinth.
ZTiU. 11. He dwelt there
a year and six months,
teaching the word of God
among them.
xrtU. 19. They came to
Epbesns, and he left them
(Aqnila and PriscUla)
there.
xTiU. «. He aet sail
from EptMsoa.
xlx. 1. While ApoUca
was at Oortnth, Paol . . .
came to Epbesus.
xlx. 9. ^Vhen some were
hardened and disobedient,
speaking evil of the Way.
stx. 20. So mightily
grew the word of God and
prevailed.
xlx. 31. Paul purposed
In the spirit, when bo had
passed through Macedonia
and Achala, Ac.
xlx. 23. Having sent
into Uacedonla . . . Ti-
motiiy and Eiasttis.
XX. 1. He came Into
Greece.
xz. 34. These hands
mtntstered unto my neces-
sities.
xxi. 36. Purifying him-
self with them.
xvi. 1. Circumcised him
because of the Jews.
xxiL 14. See the Right-
eons One.
xstii. 1. I have lived
before Ood in all good
oansdence.
xxiT. IT. Icametobring
afans to my nation and
ofbrbigs.
xvi. 19. Aqnila and
PrIadUa salute yon.
Ui. 6. ApoUos watered.
xvi. 9. There are many
adveraarias.
XV. 33. I fonght with
beasts at Ephesus.
xvL 9. Agreatdoorand
effectual la opened unto
me.
xvt 6. I wtU come unto
yon, when I shall have
passed through Macedonia.
Iv. IT. I sent unto yon
Timothy.
xvL 10. If Timothy
eome.
iv. 19. I will come to
yon shortly.
It. II, 13. ETen unto
this hour ... we toil, work-
ing with our own hands.
Ix. 30. To the Jews I
became as a Jew, that 1
might gain the Jews.
tx. 1. Have I not seen
Jesus our Lord ?
XV. 9. He appeared to
me also.
iv. 4. I know nothing
against myself.
xvi. 3. Them will I
send to carry your bounty
to Jerusalem ; and If it be
meet for me to go also, they
shall go with me.
The AcU. I
xviil. 8. Crlspus, tht\
ruUr of the Mynagoffuty
believed. I
Rom. xvi. 33. Gains, my ' and Gains.
host. i
iCor. xvi. IS. The house
of Stephanas ... Me Jirtt-
fruits qf Ackaia.
1 Tim. iv. 12. Let no
man despise tAy youth.
I CorintK^ant.
1. 14, I baptizetf none of
you save Crlspus
1.16. I baptized also the
household of Stephanas.
xvi. 10. Let no man
despise him.
The last four coincidences are specially in-
teresting. They show in the most incidental
way ushy St. Paul made an exception in favour
of Crispus, Gains, and Stephanas, and why he
was afraid that the Corinthians might despise
Timothy.
The Epistle contains some special difficvlties.
a. The number and character of the factions
(i. 12). 6. The meaning of iii. 12-15. c.
iypa<lia i/ur 4y rp iwiaroh.^ (v. 9). d. iiaXXoy
XPV<Tat (vii. 21). e. iucoXovSoitms itirpas (x. 4).
/. iiovalaf Ix^'" ''' ^9' Kf^mK^s Sih roiis
kyyiKous (xi. 10). g. yivii yXmaaiip (xii. 10,
28 ; xiii. 1 ; xiv. 2, 4, 16, 19). h. ol $aim(6-
/ityoi vrip t£v yxpuy (xT. 29). Of these eight
only the first three can be noticed here. For
the remainder see Commentaries, esp. Ellicott.
a. Considering the small amount of informa-
tion given us respecting the Factions, the amount
written about them is amazing. We must
separate St. Panl's brief statements and slight
hints from the masses of theory which hare
been spun out of them, especially regarding
the party abont which we know little more
than the name, the so-called ''Christ party."
SLt points may be considered as fairly certain,
(1) The whole Corinthian Church uxxs inviAved.
'EKOOTor in&r \tyn implies that there was
hardly anyone who did not attach himself to
one name or another. (2) The factions origi-
nated partly in the InTariably occurring differ-
ences between Jewish and Oentile Christians,
partly in the invariably factious spirit of the
Greek race. There is no modem parallel. To
gain an idea of the intensity of feeling, we must
imagine Irish Romanists and Orangemen sharing
in the same public worship. (3) The factions
are mentioned in chronological order. At first
all were disciples of I'atU. When be left and
Apollos came, some disparaged the simplicity of
the Apostle (i. 17 ; ii. 1-5) in comparison with
the learning and eloquence of the brilliant
Alexandrian (AcU xviii. 24, 25, 28). Then certain
other teachers arrived with letters of commen-
dation (2 Cor. iii. IX probably from Jerusalem,
who cast a doubt npon the Apostleship of Paul
(1 Cor. ix. 1-5; 2 Cor. xii. 12) and exalted
Cephas and themselves in opposition to him
(2 Cor. xi. 5; xii. 11). Finally, yet another
party, dissenting from those who had elected
human leaders, degraded the Name of Christ
into a party cry. (4) These parties receiced no
sanction from the teachers with whose names they
made free. St. Paal condemns all parties alike.
Apollos remains at St. Panl's side and declinei
to return to Corinth while this crisis continues.
Paul, who once did not shrink from resisting
Peter to the face (Gal. ii. IIX says not one word
against him here : and this shows that Peter
had no sympathy with those whom Paul here
condemns for making Cephas a party same.
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That Peter was ever in Corinth is very donbtfol.
Dionysius of Corinth (Eos. U. E. tl. XXT. 8) may
be drawing a baseless inference from 1 Cor. i. 12,
or (if he is correct) must refer to a visit at some
later period. (5) The number of factiom was
four, not three or two. That the last clause of
i. 12 means " Bat I, Paul, am of Christ," is
utterly improbable. And that it refers to
neutrals, who protested against all divisions, is
against the whole context. The Apostle would
at once have commended such neutrals, had they
existed. No such commendation lurks in iii.
22, 23 : " Ye are Christ's " is addressed to the
whole body, not to any one section. Indeed
2 Cor. X. 7 is conclusive. It is aimed against
those who in some exclusive sense claimed to be
"of Christ;" and 2 Cor. xi. 13 seems aimed
against their leaders. And this may be the
meaning of /ititipurreu i xp'or^t in i. 13 : " The
Christ has been made a part." He who ought
to be all in all has been degraded to a fraction
(see Speaker's ComTn.). The attractive theory
of Schmidt and Baur that there were only two
factions, that of Paul and ApoUos on one side,
and that of Cephas and Christ on the other, does
not bear close inspection. Unlike John xix. 25,
the grouping does not suggest two pairs. There
was much more at work than the difierence
between the progress claimed by Paul in the
interests of the Qentiles and the conversatism
maintained by other Apostles in sympathy with
the Jews. That Paul and Apollos were excellent
friends (iii. 5 ; iv. 6 ; xvi. 12) is indubitable.
But it is scarcely less so that real dissension
existed between the admirers of Paul and the
admirers of Apollos (i. 17-28 ; ii. 1-6 ; Iii. 4).
Clement of Rome (xlvii.) omits the "Christ
party " because it would not suit his argument.
But if there were virtually only two factions, he
ought to have omitted the Apollos party as
well; all the more so, as its omission would
have improved his argument. His mention of
it is strong evidence of its distinctness. Perhaps
the strangest theory of all is that the only real
parties were those of Paul and of Apollos ; " that
Cephas is introduced only to vary the illustra-
tion; and that Christ is added to crown the
absurdity of such mischievous partisanship."
(6) St. Paul abstains from attributing particular
doctrines to particular parties. It will be our
wisdom to do the same. He condemns on the
one hand certain schismatical factions, on the
other certain erroneous doctrines and practices.
But he nowhere assigns any of the latter to any
one of the former. It was unnecessary and
perhaps impossible to do so. Some evils would
be common to two, three, or all four of the
parties. It is easy to see that some of the evils
would be prevalent chiefly among Gentile con-
verts, others chiefly among Jewish : and on the
whole the First Epistle treats mainly of the
former, the Second mainly of the latter. But
ws need not go beyond these broad facts. In-
genious speculations unsupported by evidence
are not worth the time which the study of them
consumes.
St. Paul's rebukes were effectual. These fac-
tions soon died out. Clement of Rome writes
of them as past, and contrasts them with exist-
ing dissensions of quite another kind. Evidently
they had never created a schism.
6. Aa to the difficult passage iii. 12-15, all
1 (X)EINTHIANS
that can be pointed out here is that its inu|ery
is taken from Corinth as St. Paul knew it. Of
the city destroyed by Hmnmius only what wat
solid had survived the conflagration. Founda-
tions and " costly stones " remained, while
everything which had been run up is "vood"
and thatch of " hay " and "stubble " had been
consumed.
c. There is no reasonable doobt that v. 9 refers
to a lost epistle written before our 1 Cor. Ex-
cepting a possible misapprehension of the messing
of vvy (v. 11), nothing but a priori dislike to ad-
mitting the loss of a letter from a leading Apostle
to a leading Church, would make interpreten
hesitate. This may be met by another a priori
consideration. No two places equally bi apart
were in more constant communicatioa tiiaa
Ephesus and Corinth. Is it likely that aCborck
of such importance and so critically sitnatcd as
Corinth would be left by St. Paul, while >t
Ephesus, without either a visit or a letter fcr
three years ? In point of fact be gave both (se*
next article). We know, even without John
XX. 25, that thousands of our Lord's spoken
words have not been preserved. Is it snrprisisf
that some of His Apostles' written words havt
perished ? It is to the last degree improbaU*
that the Apostles wrote nothing, either to
Churches or individuals, but what has cooit
down to us. See Lightfoot, Philtppians, 2ti ti.
p. 136 ; Jowett, Epp. of St. Paul, 2nd ed. p. 193.
On the apocryphal epistle to the Corinthiins
see below.
VI. In Sttle 1 Cor. should possibly be ranked
first among St. Paul's writings. Probably no
such thought was in his mind: but the letter
might convince the fastidious Greeks that in
clearness of thought and power of language he
was no way inferior to the eloquent ApUlos.
Chapters xiii. and xv. are among the most snb-
lime passages, not only in the Bible, but is
literature. Several other portions are of tin
noblest type of eloquence : e.g. the chancter-
istics of heavenly wisdom (ii. ^16 ; iiL 18-2S);
the limits of personal liberty (vi. 12-20); the
impassioned appeal in ch. ix. The whole letter
conveys a profound impression of lofty thoughts
expressed in lofty language.
The fallowing words and phrases are peadiar
to this Epistle in the N. T. : futpia (i. 18, 21, 23 ;
ii. 14 ; iii. 19), <o|/»r (vii. 29 ; x. 15, 19 ; it. 50),
iya/ios (vii. 8, 11, 32, 34), icaraxpSirfcu (vii. $1 ;
ix. 18), ai/upopos (vii. 35; x. 33), iKccTiUvmt
(xi. 5, 13), ico^i> (xi. 14, 15), irepyifucra (iii
6, 10), ipftrirfla (xii. 10; liv. 26), X"«* ("•
47^ 48, 49), \<ry(a (xvi. 1, 2), o{ Spx*'"' "•
aiiyos roirov (ii. 6, 8), ^ tro^ia tow r<»>»»
To^ov (i. 20 ; iii. 18). There is a large number
of im^ \tyififya, of which those relating to
the Eucharist are specially interesting : ri nrk-
piov rrjs ti\Bylas (x. 16), mriiptoy Kufin (i.
21), T^ wariipuni tov Kupiov (xi. 27), rfittit
Kupiov (x. 21), KvpiaiAy Stimr (xi. 20), nmrk
Toi! eS/iaros, rov a^itaros (x. 16). Among otben
are rpli r&r aliivav (ii. 7), rh wveS/u roi ticfM
(ii. 12), yviiDtTfiftv (iv. 11^ vcpiifii^ (iv. li\
iwunraaBai (vii. 18), tlittXtior (viii. 10), t v Kt ti m
(ix. 26), ittpwtptitaim. (xiii. 4), f rrpv/ia (it. 8X
fttwii ^SaX/u)S (xv. 52), iviplita^cu (xri. 13),
Kapiw iBi (xvi. 22).
There are thirty quotations from the 0. f, of
which nineteen are given as such, — a nomber
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COEINTHIAVS
exceeded by no Epistle, excepting Romans and
Hebrews; and even in Hebrews the range of
quotation is not so wide. Eleven books are
quoted : Isaiah eight times. Psalms four or five,
Deateronomy four, Genesis four. Exodus two or
three times, Numbers one or two, Zechariah one
or two ; Job, Jeremiah, Hosea, Malachi, each
onoe. Nowhere else in the N. T. is Job explicitly
qnoted (HL 19 : cp. Phil. 19 ; 1 Thess. v. 22 ;
2 Thess. ii. 8 ; Lnlce i. 52). In some cases (x. 6
and xi. 25) we cannot be sure from which of two
Books the quotation comes. In eight cases
(vi. 16 ; ix. 9 ; X. 7, 20, 21, 26 ; xv. 32, 45) the
quotation is in exact agreement with theLXX. In
fourteen (i. 19, 31 ; ii. 16 ; v. 7, 13 ; x. 5, 6, 22 ;
xi. 7, 25 ; xiii. 5 ; xv. 25, 27, 47) there is almost
exact, or at lea«t substantial agreement with the
LXX. In four (i. 20 ; iii. 19 ; xiv. 25 ; xv. 54)
the quotation follows the Hebrew. In three
(iL 9 ; xiv. 21 ; xv. 55) it differs considerably
from both. In one (iii. 20) it agrees almost
exactly with both. These facts show that,
although St. Paul was familinr with both the
Hebrew and the Greek of the 0. T., yet as a rule
he quotes from the LXX. In his writings, quo-
tations which agree with the Hebrew against
the Greek are comparatively rare.
The Epistle contains one of the three quota-
tions from classical literature made by St. Paul
(xv. 33 ; Tit i. 12 ; Acts xvii. 28). That the
parable of the body and its members (xii. 12-27)
was suggested by that of Menenins Agrippa
(Livy, it 32) is not likely.
In the following passages there are varioui
readings of much interest : — ii. 1, /tvrHipioy and
ftapripioy: iii. 1, (rapxiyois and trapKueois: v. 6,
oi Ka\hy and Ka\6y: vi. 20, insertion of et
portate in some Latin authorities, and of iy rif
•rvtvficm ifLuy irtyd iirriy rov Ofov in some
Greek : vii. 3, 5, ri)r i^ti\i)y and riiy o^eiAo-
fUvTiy tHyoiav, irxoKdmrrt and <rxoKd(fir*, Urt
and tnty4pxt<rit, with the insertion of Kai
nia~rtlif xai, seem to show the inflnence of
ascetic views : vii. 33, 34, punctuation : viii. 7,
trvrnfifUf and owfiSfio'ci : ix. 1, transposition of
clauses : xi. 10, i(m<riai> and KdXvfifut, velamm :
xi. 24, insertion of KKd/uyoy : xi. 29, insertion
of irafttts : xiii. 3, KmSiattiuu and Kouxhattiuu :
XT. 5, St^cKa and iyitKa : xv. 47, insertion of
4 icipios : XV. 51, several important variations.
The Epistles to the Corinthians abound in
fiifvats of language, some of which are very
characteristic of St. Paul's style. Some think
that their frequency in his writings indicates
that he had attended lectures in Greek rhetoric
at Tarsus. (The references in this paragraph
are not exhaustive : in some cases many other
instances might be cited.) Accumulation of
participles : 1 Cor. viii. 12 ; xv. 58 ; 2 Cor. iv.
8, 9, 10, 13, 14 ; of synonyms, 2 Cor. vi. 14-16.
Alliteration : 2 Cor. vii. 4; viii. 22 ; ix. 5, 8, 10,
13. Anacoluthon : 1 Cor. iv. 2, 6, 7, 8 ; xii. 28 ;
2 Cor. i. 7; vii. 5; ix. 10-13; xi. 23-27.
Antithesis : 1 Cor. i. 18, 21 ; iii. 2 ; iv. 10, 18 ;
Tiii. 1 ; xiii. 2. Aposiopesis : 1 Cor. ix. 15 ;
2 Cor. vii. 12. Asyndeton: 1 Cor. xiii. 4-8;
xir. 26 ; XV. 43, 44 ; 2 Cor. viii. 23 ; x. 16 ;
xi. 20; xii. 10; xiii. 11. Chiasmus: 1 Cor.
lit 17 ; viii. 13 ; xiii. 2 ; 2 Cor. ix. 6 ; x. 12 ;
xii. 9, 20. Climax: 1 Cor. xiii. 1-3; 2 Cor.
TiL 11 ; xi. 22, 23. Constructio ad sensnm :
1 Cor. vii. 36, Constructio praegnans : 1 Cor.
1 C0BINTHIAN8
655
xi. 18 ; XV. 54 ; 2 Cor. x. 5 ; xi. 3. Contrast of
prepositions : 1 Cor. xi. 12 ; xii. 8 ; 2 Cor.
iv. 17 ; viii. 3 ; x. 3, 13. Epanaphora : 1 Cor.
i. 26 ; V. 8 ; xii. 8-10 ; liu. 7, 8 ; xvi. 19, 20 ;
2 Cor. vii. 2, 4, 11. Erotesis: 1 Cor. i. 13;
u. 11 ; iu. 16 ; iv. 7 ; v. 6, 12 ; vi. 9, 15, 16,
19 ; 2 Cor. xii. 17, 18 ; xiii. 5. Euphemism :
1 Cor. V. 1, 2 ; vii. 3 ; 2 Cor. vii. 11. Irony :
1 Cor. iv. 8 ; viii. 1 ; 2 Cor. xi. 16 ; xii. 13.
Litotes : 1 Cor. xi. 17, 22. Oratio variata :
1 Cor. vii. 13; xiv. 1; 2 Cor. viii. 23; xi.
23-28. Oxymoron : 2 Cor. vi. 9, 10, 14 ;
viii. 2 ; xii. 5, 9, 10. Parallelism : 1 Cor. vii. 16 ;
X. 23 ; xi. 4, 5 ; xii. 4, 6, 15-17 ; xiii. 8-12 ;
XV. 21, 42^9, 53, 54 ; 2 Cor. vii. 4, 5; xiii. 4.
Parenthesis : 1 Cor. xvi. 15 ; 2 Cor. ii. 5 ; v. 7 ;
vi. 2; ix. 4; xi. 21,23; xii. 2, 3. Paronomasia:
1 Cor. ii. 13 ; iii. 17 ; vii. 31 ; xi. 29, 31, 32 ;
xiv. 10; 2 Cor. iii. 2; iv. 8; v. 4; vi. 10;
vii. 10; viii. 22; x. 12; xi. 2. Pronouns
demonstrative inserted for emphasis before Sri
and the like: 1 Cor. i. 12; vii. 26; xv. 50;
2 Cor. i. 12; ii. 1, 9; v. 14; viii. 20; x. 7, 11 ;
xiii. 10. Pronouns personal (iiiay) inserted
between the article and the noon — peculiar to
St. Paul: 1 Cor. vii. 35; ix. 12; xvi. 17;
2 Cor. i. 6; vii. 7, 15; viii. 13, 14; xii. 19;
xiii. 9. Repetition of conjunctions: 1 Cor.
ii. 3 ; iii. 22 ; v. 11 ; xiv. 6 ; 2 Cor. vii. 11 ;
xii. 12, 21 ; of emphatic words : 1 Cor. ii. 6, 13 ;
X. 1-4; xi. 3-5; xii. 4-6; xiii. 2, 9, 10, 11;
IV. 21 ; 2 Cor. ii. 16 ; vi. 12 ; vii. 2, 4 ; x. 12 ;
of prepositions : 1 Cor. i. 10 ; ii. 3 ; v. 8 ; xiv. 6 ;
XV. 52; 2 Cor. vi. 4-8; xi. 23, 27; xii. 10;
of the relative : 1 Cor. ii. 7. Transposition for
emphasis: 1 Cor. ii. 6; iii. 2; vi. 4; ix. 10;
X. 13 ; 2 Cor. ii. 4 ; ix. 7 ; x. 3 ; xii. 7. Zeugma :
1 Cor. iii. 2. Toi! with infin. to express design :
1 Cor. ix. 10 ; X. 13 ; xvi. 4 ; 2 Cor. i. 8 ; viii. 11.
E{i or v/At to express design or result : 1 Cor.
viii. 10 ; ix. 18 ; x. 6 ; xi. 22, 33 ; 2 Cor. i. 4 ;
iii. 13 ; iv. 4 ; vii. 3 ; viii. 6.
VII. The Beabeb of the Letteb is not
known. From xvi. 12 it would seem as if tbo
Apostle had wished that Apellos should undertake
this office. The spurious foot-note assigns it to
Stephanas, Fortunatus, Achaicus, and Timothy.
This is impossible as regards Timothy, who had
already started for Slacedonia and Corinth
(iv. 17 ; xvi. 10, 11 ; Acts xix. 22), but may be
true of the rest (xvi. 17, 18). It is, however,
more probable that the bearer was Titus (cp.
2 Cor. viii. 16-24 and xii. 18 with 1 Cor. xvi.
12). See Lightfoot in Camb. Journal of Class,
and Sacr. PhUol. ii. 201, 202, June 1855;
Macknight, Transt. of the Apost. Epp. i. 451,
674; ii. 2, 7, 124; Stanley on 1 Cor. xvi. 12.
Vin. Two Apocryphal Epistles connected
with 1 Cor. are preserved in Armenian ; one from
the Corinthians to St. Paul, and one from him in
reply. They are demonstrably spurious and are
of little interest. Text published by Wilkins,
1715; by P. Masson with Latin version, 1715;
by Whiston, 1719; by Whiston's sons with
Greek and Latin versions, 1736. The English
translation of Father Aucher and \joTi Byron is
given in Moore's Life of Lord Byron, vi. 274,
and in Stanley ; and a summary in Diet, cf
Christ. Biog. ii. 168. These Armenian forgeries
do not represent the letters alluded to in 1 Cor.
vii. 1 and v. 9. The Corinthian letter does not
ask the quesUons answered by St. Paul in vii.-
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2 CORINTHIANS
xiv., and the reply gives no warning aboat
associating with foroicators. Their chief value
is as contrasts to genuine documents. Such
clumsy imitations of apostolic writings indirectly
attest the autbentictty of the canonical Epistles
(see UUmann in Heidelberg. Jahrb., 1823).
IX. BiBLiooRAPiir. — Literature covering both
I and 2 Cor. will be noticed at the close of the
next article. Few have treated of 1 Cor. singly :
of the Fathers none ; of the Reformers only
Peter Martyr [Vermigli], 1551, and Melanch-
thon, 1561 : the latter includes some chapters
of 2 Cor. Crell (Socinian), 1635 ; John Light-
foot, 1664; Sahl, 1778; F. A. W. Krause, 1791 ;
Heydenreich, 1825-27. All these are in Latin :
their full titles will be found in Meyer's Preface
to 1 Cor. English : John Colet, tr. and ed. by
J. H. Lupton, Bell and Daldy, 1874 ; T. T. Shore
in Ellicott's Camm. ii., Cassells ; T. S. Eraos in
Speaker's Comm. iii., Murray, 1881,— excellent ;
T. C. Edwards, Hamilton and Adams, 1885;
C. J. EUicott, Longmans, 1887. German : Maier
(Romish), Freiburg, 1857. Dutch : Til, Amster-
dam, 1731. French : F. Godet, Nenchatel, 1886-
1887 (Esg. tr., T. and T. Clark). On special
portions : Vitringa on difficult passages, Franeq.
1784; Gratama on cap. vii., Groning. 1846;
Gurlitt on cap. xi., Hamb. 1817 ; Hengel on
cap. XV., Silvae Duels, 1851 : all four in Latin.
On the Factions: Pott, De sectis £ccl. Cor,,
Gott. 1824; Baur, Tub. ZeiUchr., 1831 (the
opening chapter of the Tiibingen theory), 1836 ;
Jaeger, Br. P. n. Kor. ata d. Oeaichtap. CL vter
Forth., Tiib. 1838; Schenkel, De Ecd. Cor.
factionibus turbata, Basil. 1838 ; Kniewel, £ccl.
Cor. diasenskmes, Gedan. 1841 ; Becker, Forth,
in d. Qem. x. Kor., Altona, 1842 ; Riibiger,
Untersuchvngen Sber d. Br. an d. Kor., Breslau,
1847 ; — Beyschlag, De Eccl. Cor.factione Chris-
tiana, Hal. 1861 ; Stud. u. Krit., 1865, p. 217 ;
1871, p. 635 ; Zeitschr. f. wissensch. Theol., 1864,
p. 155; 1865, p. 241 ; 1869,p.398; 1871, p. 112;
1872, p. 200 ;— Schaff, Hist, of Apost. Church,
Edinb. 1854, pp. 285-291. On the Tongues : Hil-
genfuld, Gloasolalia in d. alt. Kirche, Leipz. 1850;
Reuss, La Glosaolalie, chapitre de psychologie rtvin-
g^liipie in Strassb. Revue de Th^. 1851 ; Ross-
teuscher (Irvingite), Oabe d. Sprachen im apost.
Z»'t.,iMarburg, 1855 ; Maier, Glosaolcdie des apost,
Zeit., Freiburg, 1855 ; — ^Articles mStud. u. Krit.
bv Bleek, 1829, 1830; by Kling, 1839; by
Wieseler, 1838, 1860 ; in Diet, of Bible, 1st ed.,
by Plumptre ; — Notes in Schaff, Church Hist.
2nd ed. i. 234-242. In the Expositor, 1st Series,
i. 142, 237, are dissertations on 1 Cor. vi. 1-7,
vii. ; in iii. 355 on 1 Cor. v. 1-5, 13; in x. 321
on 1 Cor. vii. 14; in xi. 20 on 1 Cor. xi. 10: in
2nd Series, viii. 241, on 1 Cor. x. 21 ; in viii. 128
on 1 Cor. XV. : also Godet in 3rd Series, 1885.
In W. Sewell's Microscope of N. 7"., Rivingtons,
1878, are notes on 1 Cor. vi. 12, xv. 29, 30.
In Field's Otium Norvicense, ill., Oxford, 1881,
pp. 101-111, are valuable notes on ii. 2, 3,
ill. fi, iv. 6, 11, V. 1, vi. 4, 7, 11, 15, vii. 16,
ix. 27, X. 13, xi. 22, xili. 5, 7, liv. 8, xv. 8,
xvi. 22. [A. P.]
CORINTHIANS, SECOND EPISTLE
TO THE, is the first chapter in Ecclesiastical
Biography, as 1 Cor. is the first in Ecclesiastical
History. It is in part the Apostle's auto-
biography, the Apologia pro vita sua. For many
2 CORINTHIANS
details of his life it is our only source of infor-
mation; and in all respects is most importiit
for giving insight into his character and mode
of working. In no other letter are the traces of
conflicting emotions more evident: on none k
the strength of his character, both in its tender-
ness and its sternness, impressed more clearly.
Love and thankfulness gain the upper hand in
the first half; indignation and severity in the
second. Of the three episodes in his conflict
with Judaizing opponents we have here the lint.
In 2 Cor. x.-xii. 10 he asserts his full a{KstoUc
authority. In Galatians he declares that Gen-
tiles have no need of circumcision. In Sanui
he shows that Jew and Gentile alike have need
of faith to be saved.
I. The ACTHGNTicrrr of 2 Cor. is u impng-
nable as that of 1 Cor., which reflects mndi of
its strength upon its companion. But the inde-
pendent evidence is ample.
External. — The apparent reminisceoees hi
Clement of Rome, Ignatius, and Hennas cannot
be relied upon ; and Polycarp vi. 1 may come
direct from Prov. iii. 4 rather than throogh
2 Cor. viii. 21. But Irenaeus quotes 2 Cor.
repeatedly, and several times by name: Apc^'
tolus ait in epistola secwnda ad CorintUos (nr.
xxviii. 3); In secunda quae est ad Corintiuei
dicms (V. iii. 1). Cp. iv. xxvi. 4, xiii. 1,
xxxvi. 6 ; V. xiii. 4. See Werner, Der Pmitaus-
vua des Irenaeus, Leipzig, 1889. He qootes
from chaps, ii., iii., iv., v., xiii. Athenagons
(d; Res. Jiort. xviii.) quotes part of v. 10.
Theophilus of Antioch shows knowledge of it.
Clement of Alexandria quotes it more than
forty times, and from every chapter, excepting i.
and ix. TertuUian (adv. Marc xi. liL) una
through it, and elsewhere qnotes it over seventy
times: see esp. de Pud. xiii. Cyprian qnotes
from every chapter excepting i. and i. Of
heretical writers Basilides knew it, and Usraon
admitted it to his mutilated CUuon. It ii
contained in the Muratorian Fragment.
Internal Evidence is equally strong, whether
we consider the characteristic energy and tender-
ness, or the harmonies with the Acts and the
other Epistles, esp. 1 Cor. The following coin-
cidences will repay study: 2 Cor. ii. 13 witk
1 Cor. xvi. 5 and Acts xx. 1 ; 2 Cor. i. 8 with
Acts xix. 30; 2 Cor. i. 19 with Acts iviii 5;
2 Cor. xi. 25 with Acts xiv. 19.
The Integrity of the Epistle has been assailed,
but on very insufficient grounds. All that ii
required to account for the difference of tone in
different parts is the reasonable supposition thit
it was not all written at one sitting, and passiblr
not all at one place. It may have been com-
posed in sections, as St. Paul journeyed tovudt
Corinth. Fresh news may have inflaenced him
and changed the affection of the fitft part
(i.-viii.) into the sternness of the last (li.-iiii.).
Or he began by thinking of the Corinthiani, vho
as a Church were dutiful to him, and passed <«
to address the Judaizing minority and their
leaders, who slandered and resisted him. Toeee
who deny the integrity are by no means agned
as to how the Epistle is to be dissected. Seoltr
and Weisse divide it into three letters, Weber a»i
Hausrath into two. Emmerling and Eirald re-
gard vi. 14-vit 1 as an after-insertion by St
Paul or some one else. See Reuss, Hist if the
Sacred Scr^atures of A". T., Eng. tr., p. 94. MSS.
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2 COaiNTHLA.NS
and Versions lend no support to these disinte-
grating views. Irenaeus quotes from ii. 15, 16and
liii. 7-9 as secunda ad Corinthios (IV. ch. xzviii.
3 ; V. cb. iii. 1). TertulUan and Clement make
no distinction.
II. The Place and TiVE cnn be fixed within
narrow limits. St. Paul was in Macedonia (viii.
1 ; ix. 2) ; but that he was at Philippi, as stated
in the ancient foot-note (B, Peshitto), cannot be
determined. From viii. 1-5 we sliould infer
that be was leaving Macedonia for Greece rather
than entering it from Asia. He left Ephesus
about Pentecost (1 Cor. xvi. 8), probably A.D.
57 ; went to Troas, where he hoped to meet
Titus with news from Corinth ; and after waiting
in vain for him went on to Macedonia (ii. 12,
13), where Titus met him (vii. 5, 6). For all
this we must allow several months, but not
more ; for the letter was evidently written soon
after the meeting with Titus, and was tent to
Corinth by him (viii. 6). Hence the latter part
of a year, which is probably A.D. 57, is the date
of this Epistle.
III. The Occasion is the reception of news from
Corinth, especially as to the way in which the
former letter had been received. Did this
news come exclusively from Titus ? Probably
Timothy, who left Ephesus before 1 Cor. was
written (ir. 17), and is again with St. Paul when
he writes 2 Cor. (i. 1), had brought some infor-
mation. St. Paul expected that 1 Cor. would
reach Corinth before Timothy (xvi. 10). Yet
nothing is said in 2 Cor. about news brought by
him. Hence four hypotheses. 1. Timothy maV
hare returned to the Apostle without going to
Corinth at all. This is very improbable. In
that case St. Paul would have explained Timothy's
non-appearance ; all the more so as the hostile
party at Corinth would have made capital out
of it (i. 17). 2. Between our two Epistles
St. Paul may have sent a letter of stem reproof,
in which were contained his comments on the
news brought by Timothy. This is gratuitous.
Such passages as 1 Cor. iii. 1-3 ; iv. 7, 8, 18,
19 ; r. 1, 2 ; vi. 1, 8-10 are quite severe enough
to explain St. Paul's anxiety about their effect ;
and his silence about Timothy's report can be
better explained. 3. Timothy may have left
Corinth before 1 Cor. arrived. 4. More probably
it arrived before he left, and the news brought
by him about his reception is not mentioned in
2 Cor. becaose (a) he is joint-writer of the letter
(i. IX and {ft) the news bronght by Titus was
more pressing.
IV. The CONTESTB are not quite so varied as
those of the longer Epistle, but the changes of sub-
ject are even more abrupt. After the usual Salu-
tation Kud Thanktgimng (\. l-Il), he discusses the
Neaa brought by Titiu (i. I2-vii. 16). Secondly,
the CoUection for the ChtKrcha m Judaea (viii.
1-iz. 15), about which he was most anxious,
because (<i) it was a means of uniting Jewish
and Gentile Christians, and (6) it proved to the
Jewish Christians how real was bis union with
them, in spite of his dissent from their views.
Thirdly, Ats Apostolioat Authority (x.-xii. 13),
followed by farewell Warning and Blessing
(zii. 14-xiii. 13). The benediction is more full
than in any other letter, and from the earliest
times has been used in the serrice of the Church
{ApotL Const. VIII. cht. v. 5 ; xii. 3). There are
various digressions, of which the most important
BIBLE DICr. — VOL. I.
2 CORINTHIANS
657
is the comparison of the Minister of the 0. T.
and the Minister of the N. T. (iii.), and the most
abrupt that on Intercourse with Heathen (vi.
1-t-vii. 1).
The key-note of the first part is " comfort in
affliction : " itafiK\r\ais occurs eleven times and
AAiifiit nine times in i.-ix. ; neither of them in
x.-xiii. The key-note of the latter part is
" boasting in weakness : " Kavxiftat occurs
seventeen times, iaStrtir seven and iurtivtta
six times, in x.-xiii. ; Kavxa<r0eu thrice, the
others not at all, in i.-ix.
The Epistle contains some special difficulties,
a. The translation and meaning of iii. 18 : h. of
V. 15: c. oi twip^Um iiri<rro\ot (xi. 5; xii. 11).
d. The allusion in xi. 14. e. The " revelation "
in xii. 2-4. /. The rKiKoifiTg aofxl (xii. 7), for
which see Lightfoot, Galatians, pp. 186-191.
g. The number of St. Paul's visits to Corinth.
Only the last can be noticed here. g. That St.
Paul was thrice in Corinth, twice before writing
1 and 2 Cor. and once afterwards, is clear from
the following passages. (1) rptroy i\Suy in
xii. 14 and rpiror fpxonai in xiii. 1. (2) iy
\vrp i\$uy in ii. 1 cannot refer to his first
visit, which was full of joy and success. There
must have been a sad visit since then ; and to
this fact Tairfivijiffp /u in xii. 21 also points.
(3) is wapiy rh Sfirtpor in xiii. 2 means " as
/ did when I was present the second time."
(4) 1 Cor. xvi. 7 seems to imply a previous short
visit : " I do not wish to hurry away again at
once, as I did before." If so, this cannot refer
to the first visit, which lasted eighteen months
(Acts xviii. 11). This second and sad and pro-
bably short visit would be made during the
three years spent mainly at Ephesus. The
silence of the Acts respecting this visit presents
no difficnlty when we remember how few of the
events enumerated in 2 Cor. xi. 23-27 are re-
corded by St. Luke.
V. The Style of this Epistle has not been so
universally admired as that of the First. The
Greek is hard. Both narrative and sentences
are often involved and broken. There is
throughout a want of ease and smoothness.
The thoughts, in the main as noble as in the
earlier letter, are less beautifully expressed.
There are no passages of such lofty eloquence as
1 Cor. xiii. and xv. The oratory is powerful,
not because of the language, but in spite of it.
The intensity of the conflicting feelings under
which it was written has shattered rhythm and
arrangement. But it leaves an impression of
reality and authority which more studied diction
might have weakened. One feels in every
sentence that the writer is speaking straight
from his heart, that heart on which " Corinth "
is inscribed (iii. 2 ; vii. 3). In spite of the joy
which pervades the first half, there are signs
that the letter was written when he was sufi'er-
ing mnch from his chronic malady. He feels
under « sentence of death " (i. 9 ; iv. 10-12, 16 ;
v. 4), and is fighting against intense depression
(i. 6 ; iv. 8, 9 ; v. 2 ; vii. 4).
The following words and phrases are peculiar
to this Epistle m the H. T. : KiKuiiiia (iii. 13, 14,
15, 16), iraica^^irrsir (iii. 14, 18), ^vriff/t^s
(iv. 4, 6), ainivos (v. 1, 4), itfvtitaBiu (v. 2, 4),
iKijiittty and irSriiif7y (v, 6, 8, 9), iypinrvla (vi.
5 ; xi. 27), ayy6Tris (vi. 6 [xi. 3]), 4irb Wiivo'i
(viii. 10; ix. 2), <niar4iiiiety (viii. 18, 22),
2 U
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2 C0E1NTHIAN8
irpomvaw\Jiflovi' (ix. 12 ; xi. 9), tls ra tfurpa
(x. 13, 15), vic(p\iay (xi. 5 ; xii. 11), KOTcwapKay
(xi. 9 ; xii. 13, 14), rpoofutfrirtir (xii. 21 ;
xiii. 2). The number of Siraf \f yii/xcKa is large :
among them are (vxapiarftaBat (i. IIX xarri-
Xc^(ii'(ii. 17), (rvoTOTUci^i (iii. 1), iroAaia SioS^m)
(iii. 14), KaTorrplitaOai (iii. 18), < fl«it toC
aluyot Toirov (iv. 4), 4 f{» 4/t£v iiBptewot (iv.
16), ^cAfop (vi. 15), noXvaiUt (vii. 1), kotA
fiiSout (viii. 2), npoKaToprtifw (ix. 5), ixipviut
(x. 4), i^tuJoTiiflToXot (xi. 13), ftyyiXos ipttrit
(xi. 14), «K(i(Jxii («>• 32), aapyim (xi. 33),
Tpirot oipoviSt (xii. 2), ffxiKm^ (xii. 7), SyyeAoi
o-orayS (xii. 7).
There are twenty or more quotations from the
O. T., of which nine are given as such ; and ten
or twelve books are quoted : Genesis, Exodus,
Leviticus, Deuteronomy, 2 Samuel, Psalms,
Proverbs, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Hosea,
Amos ; bat the citations from the last three
occur in places where the quotation is com-
pound, or where the precise source is uncertain :
iii. 3 from Ex. xxxi. 18, xxxiv. 1 ; Prov. iii. 3,
vii. 3 ; Jer. xxxi. 33 ; Ezek. xi. 19, xxxvi. 26 : vi.
16 from Lev. xxvi. 11; Ezek. xxvii. 27: vi. 17
from Is. Iii. 11; Jer. li. 45; Ezek. xi. 41: vi.
18 from 2 Sam. vli. 8, 14 ; Hos. i. 10 ; Is. xliii.
6 ; Amos iv. 13 : and ix. 10 from Is. Iv. 10 ;
Hos. X. 12. In six cases (iv. 13 ; vi. 2 ; viii. 15 ;
ix. 9, 10 ; xi. 3) there is exact agreement with
the LXX. In four (viii. 21 ; ix. 7 ; x. 17 ; xiU. 1)
the agreement is close. Quotations which agree
with the Hebrew against the LXX. are rare (vi.
17). Like most Hellenist Jews, St. Paul com-
monly used the LXX., though quite at home in
the Hebrew text.
The following various readings are of special
interest: i. 12, ayi6niTi and otA({ti)t«: i. 18,
tarty and iyivtro : iii. 3, KopSieus and KapSlas :
iii. 13, T^Xoj and irp6<rawoy : iii. 17, Westcott
and Hort conjecture Kvpiov for Kvplov : vii. 8,
/3A^irw, fiKiirv yip, viJens {0\4war): x. 12,
several : xi. 3, omission of (cai rflt ayy6niTos :
xi. 6, several : xii. I, several, an|} punctuation :
xii. 7, omission of Si^, and punctuation.
For figures of language see the preceding
article.
Two points of special interest are suggested
by this Epistle. (1) The personal appearance
of the Apostle is indicated as being so mean as to
give a handle to his opponents (x. 10; cp. 1 Cor.
ii. 3) ; and the " stake [thorn] in the flesh " (xii.
7) probably aggravated this. The descriptions
of him in the Acta Fault et Theclae (c. A.D. 200),
the Philopatris of the Pseudo-Lncian (c. 350),
John Malalas (c. 600), and Nicephoms Callisti
(c. 1350), are quoted by Conybeare and How-
son (chap. vii. stA fin.) and Farrar (ii. Excursus
xi.). They all represent him as bald and with
an aquiline nose, and most add that he stooped.
(2) His habit of teaching without payment was
evidently another handle for his enemies (xi.
7-12; cp. 1 Cor. ix. 18, i. 33). Gratuitous
instruction was in accordance with the best
Greek traditions (Plato, Sophist, 223, 224;
Arist. <fe Soph. El. i. ; Xen. Mem. i. vi. 13),
which made it the mark of a Sophist to teach
for pay. But just as the Sophists could retort
that the philosophers did not dare to ask for
money, because they knew that what they
taught was worthless, so his opponents declared
that St. Paul did not dare to take the wages of
2 COEINTHIANS
an Apostle (1 Thess. ii. 6 ; 2 Thess. iii. S, 9),
because he knew that he was not an .\postl(.
VL The Bearers op the Lbiteb were Titos
and two others, who may have been Trophimus
and Tychicus. But " the brother whos«|irau« ii
the Gospel is spread through all the churches "
has also been conjectured to be Barnabas, Silu,
Luke, Mark, or Krostns; and "onr kratb«r
whom we have many times proved earnest in
many things," to be Epoenetus, Apollos, Lake,
Zenas, Spsthenes, or Timothy.
That the letter was in the main snctesfal
we infer (1) from the tranquil tone whica per-
vades the letter to the Romans written from
Corinth a few months later ; (2) irom tiK
absence of information to the contrary. The
Corinthian Church had its faults, but not out-
rageous ones, when Clement of Home wrote to
it c. A.D. 95. Hegesippus (c. 160) says that he
found it continuing in the true faith, and was
himself refreshed there in it (Eus. N. E. ir.
xxii. 1, 2). And its Bishop Dionysius (c. 174)
was so universally respected that herttia
thought it worth while to garble his pastoral
letters, in order to seem to have his sanctioa for
their views (Eus. S. E. iv. ixiii. 12).
VII. BiBLioaRAPtnr. — Very few have treatel
2 Cor. singly. Latin: Leun, Lcmg. 1804: ija-
merling. Lips. 1823; Schnrling, Kopenh. It^i:
Fritzsche, /)«nonnii//is /oa>. Lips. 1824. English:
Plumptre in Ellicott's Comm. ii., Cossells ; Waite
in Speaker's Comm. iii., Mnrr.iy, 1881; F. W.
Farrar in Pulpit Comm., Kegan PanI, 18.^.
German : Burger, Eriang. 1860 ; Klopper, Cnter-
suchungen, G&tting. 1 869 ; Commentar., Berl.
1874. Commentaries on 1 and 2 Cor. together
abound. Latin: Major [Mayer], Viteb. 1558;
Musculus[Meusslin], Btsil. l.'>59; Melanchthrn,
Viteb. 1561 (2 Cor. untinished); Bollock, Her-
born. 1600; Stevart, Ingolst. 1608: Contioi
(Jesuit), Colon. 1631; Sclater, Oxon. 1«33;
Cocceius [Koch], Amst. 1701 ; Semler, HaL
1770-6; Storr (Old Tubingen School), Tub.
1788 ; Pott, Gotting. 1826. English : HMce
(Calvinist), New York, 1857-60 ; F. W. Robert-
son Smith, 5th ed. 1867 ; Stonlev, Mnmr,
4th ed. 1876 ; Lias, Camb. 1879 ;' D. Brwini
(Free Ch.) in SchafTs Gmm. iii., Edinb. 1«S;
Beet, Hodder, 2nd ed. 1884. German : Baum-
garten, Halle, 1761; MosKeim, Altona, 1762:
Moldenhauer, Hamb. 1771-2; Schnlze. Htik
1784-5; Zachariae, Gdtting. 17S4-5; GOpferU
Leipz. 1788; Morus, Leipz. 1794; J. FLitt(Ori
Tubingen School), Tiib. 1827; Billroth, Leipz.
1833, Eng. tr. Edinb. 1837-8 ; BnckCTt, Leipi.
1836-7; Jaeger, Tiib. 1838; Osiand^. Stottt,
1849-58; Keander, Berl. 1859; KUng, BMtkU.
1861, Eng. tr. Edinb. and New York, 1869;
Heinrici, Berl., 1 Cor. 1880, 2 Cor. 1887. French :
Manonry, Paris, 1879. Still more abudaat
are commentaries on all St. Paul's Epistles'.
Patristic and scholastic — Greek: Chryso^om(tiie
Homilies on 1 and 2 Cor. are "among the miitt
perfect specimens of his mind and teaching '0 :
Theodoret ; Theophylact ; — Latin : Ambnaiaster
(important for textaal critidsm) ; Pelagins (b
Jerome) ; Primasius ; Cossiodorus ; Bede (maialr
a catena from Angnstine) ; S«dulius Seotos :
Rabanns Hanms ; Haimo of Halberstadt : Re-
migius of Auierre ; Lanfranc; Anselm; Bnao
(Founder of the Carthuxiaos) ; Peter Ltothsni:
Aquinas. Modem Latin : Faber Stapuleosii
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COBMOBANT
[Leftrre d'Etaples], Paris, 1512; Cajetan [de
Vio], Venet. 1531 ; Titelmann (Capuchin),
Antw. 1532; G.-ign^, Pari», 1543; Calvin,
GtneT. 1551 ; Beza, Genev. 1565 ; Salmeron
(JesQit), 1385; Sclneccer, Lips. 1595; Heshn-
sius. Lips. 1605 ; Justiniani, Lugd. 1612-21 ;
Estins [ran Est], Duaci, 1614-6 ; a Lapide [van
;5t«n], Antw. 1614 ; Weinrich, Lips. 1620 ;
Vorst, Anut. 1631; Grotius, Amst. 1644-6;
Fromond, Lovan. 1663; Cnlixtus, Helmst.
1664-6; Fell's Woodiiead, 1675-1708; Noel
(Dominican), Paris, 1710 ; Picquigny (Cister-
cian), Paris, 1703 ; Bengel, Tub. 1742, Eng. tr.
Edinb. 18.>7; Wetstein, Amst. 1751-2; Keiche,
Gott. 1853. English: J. Dale, Oxf. 1652;
Hammond, Lond. 1653; D. Dickson, Lond.
1659 ; T. Pyle, Lond. 1725 ; Macknight, Edinb.
1795; T. Belsham (Unitarian), Lond. 1822;
Slade, Lond. 1824; Bp. Shuttleworth, Oif.
1829 ; Barton, Oif. 1831 ; T. W. Peile, Riving-
■ tons, 1853 ; Alford, Rivingtons, 6th ed. 1871 ;
Bp. C. Wordsworth, Rivingtons, 4th ed. 1866 ;
Olcttg, Edinb. 1874 ; J. H. Blunt, Rivingtons,
1882. German: Olshausen, KSnigsb. 1840,
Eng. tr. Edinb. 1855, New York, 1858; De
Wette, Leipz. 3rd ed. 1855; Ewald, Getting.
1857 ; H. A. W. Meyer, Gotting. 5th ed.
1870, Eng. tr. Edinb. 1877, rewritten by Hen-
rici. Getting. 1887; Besser, Halle, 1862-3;
Hofmann, NBrdling. 1874-7. French: Reuss.
In Keble's Stadia Sacra, Parker, 1877, full
analyses of the Epp. In the Expositor, Ist
Series, i. 267, are notes on 2 Cor. v. 10 ; in iii.
355 on 2 Cor. ii. 5-11 and vii. 8-13 ; in iii. 174
on 2 Cor. xii. 9 ; in i. 403 on 2 Cor. ii. 14 : in
2nd Series, vii. 416, on 2 Cor. v. 5 ; in viii. 92 on
2 Cor. X. ». In Field's Otium Nortncense, Oxf.
I88X, pp. 1X1-115, arc valuable notes on ii. 14,
iiL 14, V. 1, xi. 28, xii. 7. [A. P.]
COBMOBANT. The representative in the
K. V. of the Hebrew words kAath (DXp) and
shdlac CSIT^), and of the latter in the r" V. As
to the former, see Pelican.
Shdldc (KorapiKTiis ; mergtUu$ ; nycticorax ?)
occtirs only as the name of an nnclean bird in
Lev.' xi. 17 ; Deut. xiv. 17. The word has been
variously rendered (see Bochart, Hieroz. iii. 24),
but some sea-bird is generally understood to be
<lenoted by it. There is some difficulty in identi-
fyinj; the KarapdMnis of the LXX. ; but we may
dismiss the Solan goose (Sula hassana") advocited
by Oedman, Michaelis, Kosenmiiller, and others,
as it exists neither in the Red Sea nor the
Eastern Me<!Uerraneah. As little claim has the
Caspian Tern {Sterna Caapia) suggested by Col.
H. Snaith, which is only a rare straggler on the
Syrian coast in winter. Still more impossible
is the oatarrhacie$, or skua of modem natural-
ists, a native of our far northern seas. Our
translators (A. V. and R. V.) were probably not
far wrong in thns rendering "cormorant "
(so MV."). The common cormorant {Phala-
crocorca carbo) is very plentiful on the coast,
on the Sea of Galilee, and all down (he
Jordan. It comes up sU the streams on
the coast, while on these latter, as on the
Litany and the Kishon, another species, the
pygmy cormorant {Phatacrocorax pygmaeua),
is common. Vast colonies of the latter breed
in the Lake of Antioch. The common cormorant
.-icd a third species are equally abundant in
C0ENEUU8
659
Egypt. These birds arc too well known to
require further description. [H. B. T.]
COEN i]}'Y). The most common kinds were
wheat, n^pri; barley, iTTJ;^; spelt, JI^DS
(R. V. ; wrongly rendered " rye " by A V.'in
ICx. ii. 32 and Is. xxviii. 25, and in Ezek. iv. 9,
"fitches," marg. or, spelt), or in plur. form
□•ops ; and millet, {0^ = oats are mentioned
only by rabbinical writers. The word iTlib,
rendered " principal," as an epithet of wheat,
in the A. V. of Is. xxviii. 25, is now usually
taken (with R. V.) to mean " in rows."
[Agriculture.] Com crops are still reckoned
at twentyfold what was sown, and were an-
ciently much more. " Seven ears on one stalk "
(Gen. xii. 23) is no unusual phenomenon in
Egypt at this day. The many-eared stalk is
also common in the wheat of Palestine, and it is
of course of the bearded kind. The " heap of
wheat set about with lilies " (which probably
grew in the field together with it) may allude
to a custom of so decorating the sheaves (Cant,
vii. 2). Wheat (see 2 Sam. iv. 6) was stored in
the house for domestic purposes — the " midst of
the house " meaning the part more retired than
the common chamber where the guests were
accommodated. It is at present often kept in a
dry well, and perhaps the " ground com " of
2 Sam. xvii. 19 was meant to imply that the
well was so used. From Solomon's time (2 Ch.
ii. 10, 15), •'.«. as agriculture became developed
under a settled government, Palestine was a
corn-exporting country, and her grain was
largely taken by her commercial neighbour
Tyre (Ezek. xxvii. 17 ; cp. Amos viii. 5) ; and
continued to be so much later (Acts xii. 20).
" Plenty of com " was part of Jacob's blessing
(Gen. xxvii. 28 ; cp. Ps. liv. 13). The "store-
houses " mentioned in 2 Ch. xxxii. 28 as built by
Hezekiah, were, perhaps, built in consequence
of the havoc made by the Assyrian armies
(cp. 2 K. xix. 29); without such protection
the country in its exhausted state would have
been at the mercy of the desert marauders.
Grain crops were liable to }ipT, " mildew,"
and jia^^, " blasting " (see 1 K. viii. 37), as
well as of course to fire by accident or malice
(Ex. xxii. 6 ; Jndg. xv. 5) ; see further under
AORlcULTtjRE. Some good general remarks
will be found in Saalschutz, ArchSol. der Hebr.
cl0,§§6, 11, 12. [H. H.]
(JOBNELIUS (KopK<Xioi; Cometius), a
centurion stationed at Caesarea, and belonging
• This seems the general word for com as It grows.
An ear Is ripBp'i standing com Is TfOp \ 'he word for
grain In Its final state as lit for food Is ^g, apparently
go
from the same word, ^, purs.- comp. the Arab. J
s- ■ . .
u)keat, and J, pun, l.e. as atfted. 13g> {bam "yygf,
to brtak) means "grist." "Parched com," useful for
provisions, as not needing oookeiy. Is rjn and K*7D '
cp. the Arab. /C*t to fry- "Pounded wheat,"
niB'T. * S«n»- I'tU. 19 ; Prov. xxvii. «.
2 tJ 2
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C0ENELIU8
COENER
to the Italian cohort [Aemy : II. Boiiam]. Cor-
nelias is an important character, as being one of
the first to receive Christian Baptifm without
circumcision, and apparently the nrst nncircum-
cised convert who was received (with his house-
hold) into full Christian fellowship. It is
noticeable in this regard that the accusation
against St. Peter (Acts xi. 3) was not for bap-
tizing Cornelius, but for eating with him. And
it is probable that the eunuch already baptized
by Philip was uncircumcised (De Wette in loco).
However, the coincident Divine visions granted
to Cornelius and St. Peter, the prominence
given to the story, the employment of St. Peter
in the matter, and his reference to it (Acts xv.
7, 8), all show that the event was an epoch in
the history of the Church. But although Cor-
nelius was certainly uncircumcised, and there-
fore not a full proselyte, be is nevertheless
represented as in a near and friendly relation
to Judaism (" well reported of by all the nation
of the Jews," Acts x. 22). Besides the circum-
cised proselytes (such as Nicolas of Antioch,
Acts vi. 5X there was another class of proselytes
described as " fearers " or " worshippers of
God " {^fioifuyot or nfii/upoi rhy Bior. See
Schiirer, Jeieish People, § 31, who in his
second edition controverts his own previous
view that these " fearers of God " correspond to
the " sojourner proselytes " [aCnit, Lev. ixv. 35],
or in later Rabbinical language to the " prose-
lytes of the gate." See, however, Hamburger,
SE. Talmud., art. Proaelyten). Authorities
differ as to the requirements made of these
persons. Bat they were liberally dealt with,
and the result of this liberality was the attach-
ment to Judaism in a loose way of vast multi-
tudes of " half Jews." On their numbers,
importance, and belief, see Hausrath, Zeit.
der Apoat. I. Die Pivselyten, and Schiirer,
Jeicish People, § 31. To the strictest section
of these half-proselytes Cornelius belonged.
It was from their ranks that the Chris-
tian Church was mainly recruited, and the
importance of Cornelius is that he leads the
way. The terms in which he is described (Acts
X. 2) resemble those applied to his class through-
out the Book of the Acts. No distinction can
safely be drawn between " one that feared God "
(Acts I. 2) and "one that worshipped God"
(Acts xviii. 7), for in Acts xiii. the persons
addressed by St. Paul as " Ye that fear God "
(e. 16) are (in v. 43) described as devout
proselytes. For the action of St. Peter in the
matter of Cornelius, see Peter. The cen-
turion's personal character appears in the narra-
tive as marked by devotion (Acts x. 2, 22),
zeal for the welfare of others (x. 24), humility
(x. 25), and teachableness (x. 33). The gift of
the Holy Ghost in the case of Cornelius and his
friends preceded Baptism and the laying on of
hands, and formed St. Peter's justification for
baptizing uncircumcised persons. Their hearts
were cleansed by faith (Acts xv. 9), and they
received the Spirit by their faith, not by circum-
cision (cp. Gal. iii. 2 : " Received ye the Spirit
by the works of the law or bv the hearing of
faith ?").
According to Jerome (fldv. Jovin. i. p. 301)
Cornelius built a church at Caesarea. A later
legend (Meml. Oraec. i. 129) makes him Bishop
of Scamandros, where he miraculously caused a
temple to fall on his persecutors, and tlxa
delivered and converted them. [L. R. U.]
CORNER. The n^g, or "comer," Le. of
the field, was not allowed (I.ev. xix. 9) t4 I*
wholly reaped. It was a right of the poor \o
carry off what was so left, and this was s part
of the maintenance from the soil to which tiut
class was entitled. Similarly the gleanin; of
fields and fruit trees [Gleaning], and the sheaf
accidentally left on the ground, were secured t«
the poor and the stranger by the Law (xiiii 22 ;
Oeut. xxiv. 19-21); so too the spontaneoai pro-
duce of the Sabliatical year was left for the
poor, and, so fitr as observed, would make it for
them a year of plenty (Ex. xxiii. II). T»
these provisions the words of Ps. 1 xviii. Id,
11, "Thou hast prepared of Thy gnoduss
for the poor," in connexion with the words
the "gracious rain upon Thine inheritance,"
just before, may perhaps refer. These seen
to us, amidst the sharply-defined legal rigbtt
of which alone civilization is cognizant, looK
and inadequate provisions for the relief of
the poor. But custom and common Isw
had probably ensured their observance (Job
xxiv. 10) previously to the Mosaic enactment,
and continued for a long but indefinite time to
give practical force to the statute. Nor were
the " poor," to whom appertained the rijlit, tie
vague class of sufferers whom we nnderstanl by
the term. On the principles of the Mostic
polity every Hebrew family had a bold oa i
certain fixed estate, and could by no onliDsiT
and casual calamity be wholly beggared. Bcaee
its indigent members had the claims of kindrel
on the •' corners," &c., of the field which their
landed brethren reaped. Similarly the " stiu-
ger " was a recognised dependant ; " within thr
gates" being the description expressive of Ui
sharing, though not by any tie of bloed, ttit
domestic claim ; but unable to hold any UiJ
which formed part of the heritage •f Israel
There was thus a further security for the mii«-
tenance of the right in its definite and ascer-
tainable character. Neither do we, in tit
earlier period of the Hebrew polity, cloaclr
detailed as its social features are, discover say
general traces of agrari.an distress and tie
unsafe condition of the country which results
from it — such, for instance, as is proved by tie
banditti of the Herodian period. David, »
popular leader (1 Sam. xviii. 30; xii. ll\
could only master from fonr to six hundred Dea
out of all Judah, though " every one that m
in distress, in debt, and every one that was di.'-
contented," came unto him (1 Sam. ixii. 2;
IXV. 13). Farther, the position of the Urites,
who had themselves a similar claim on the pro-
duce of the land, but no possession in iu toil,
would secure their infiaence as eipounlen,
teachers, and in part administrators of the Law.
in favour of such a claim. In the later period of
the Prophets their constant complaints coaceni-
ing the defrauding of the poor (Is. x. 2 ; l*^
xviii. 12, 22, 29; Amos ii. 6, v. 11, viiL S*)
• The two latter passages, speakinc of "laUot
exactions of wheat " from the poor, and of teilisn "tl"
reftiae 6bD) of »be wheat," «a perhaps the gJantag,
seem to point to some special evaskn of the bamO
laws.
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CORNKB-STONE
Htm to show that sach laws had lost their
practical force. Still later, under the Scribes,
minute legislation tiled one-sixtieth as the por-
tion of a lield which was to be left for the legal
*' corner " ; bat provided also (which seems
hardly consistent) that two fields should not be
so joined as to leave cue comer only where two
should fairly be reckoned. The proportion
being thus fixed, all the grain might be reaped,
and enough to satisfy the regulation was subse-
<)aently separated from the whole crop. This
"comer" was, like the gleaning, tithe-free.
Certain fruit trees — e.g. nuts, pomegranates.
Tines, and olives — were deemed liable to the law
«f " the comer." Maimonides indeed lays down
the principle {Constitutiones de donia pauperum,
<sp. it 1) that whatever crop or growth is fit
for food, is kept, gathered all at once, and car-
ried into store, is liable to that law, A Gen-
tile holding land in Palestine was not deemed
liable to the obligation. As regards Jews an
«va5ion seems to have been sanctioned as fol-
lows: — Whatever field was consecrated to the
Temple and its services, was held exempt from
the claim of the poor: an owner might thus con-
secrate it while the crop 'was on it, and then
redeem it, when in the sheaf, to his own use.
Thus the poor would lose the right to the
" comer." This reminds us of the " Corban "
{Mark vii. 11). For further information, see
under Agbicdltube.
The treatise Peah, in the Mishna, may like-
wise be consulted, especially ch. i. 2-6, ii. 4, 7,
the above-quote<l treatise of Maimonides, and a
paper "On the Poor Laws of the Hebrews" by
i>r. S. LouU, PSBA. 1883, p. 95. [H. H.]
COBNEE-STONB (HJB 1^^; \ieot yu-
TuSos, or lucpoywpuuat i lapis anguhris ; also
n|B E'hl, Ps. cxvUL 22 ; Ke^oX^i yurUu ; oaput
amiuK), a quoin or corner-stone, of great im-
portance in binding together the sides of a
builduig. Some of the corner-stones in the
ancient work of the Temple-foundations are 17
or 19 feet long, and 7J feet thick (Robinson,
i. 286). Comer-stones are usually laid sideways
and endways alternately, so that the end of one
appears above or below the side-face of the
next. At Nineveh the comers are sometimes
formed of one angular stone (Layard, Nin. ii.
254). The expression in Ps. cxviii. 22 is by
some understootl to mean the coping or ridge,
" coign of vantage," of a building ; bnt as in
any part a coraer-stone must of necessity bo of
great importance, the phrase " comer-stone " is
sometimes used to denote any principal person,
03 the princes of Egypt (Is. xix. 13), and is thus
applied to our Lord, Who, having been once
rejected, was afterwards set in the place of the
highest honour (Is. xxviii. 16 : Matt. xxL 42 ;
1 Pet. ii. 6, 7 ; Grotius on Ps. cxviii. and Ephes.
ii. 20; Harmer, Obt. ii. 356). [H. W. P.]
(30BNET occurs in the A. V. of the Bible
for the first time in Exod. xix. 13, where it is
given in the margin as the equivalent of Ycbcl
(73V). In 2 Sam. vi. 5 it is used as the trans-
Ution of Mena'aneTim (D'WWD) [Cymbals].
It is found four times in the text of that
Version as the equivalent of Shopftar (TBIC)^
vU. I Ch. XV. 28, 2 Ch. xv. 14, Ps. xcviii. 6,
COENET
661
and Hos. r. 8. It also stands four times for
Qaitw (W"lp) in Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, and 15.
Cornet is closely related, as is known, to the
Greek xipas, but springs immediately from the
Latin comu. Both the Greek and Latin are,
no doubt, derived from the Hebrew Qeren (\'\p).
This (Jieren) is the genus, Tobel and Shophar
being two species of it ; so that while every
J'oljel and Shophar are a Qeren, a Qeren is not
necessarily a Yobel or a Siop/tar.
Cornet, as a mere musical instrument, has in
the course of its development undergone so many
changes (the material is now in most cases not
even horn, but wood -or metal) that, in the
ordinary sense of the word, at present, its
legitimate place is a Dictionary of Music, rather
than a Dictionary of the Btble. In this article,
however, the cornet will be treated in a politico-
religious sense, i.e. as the equivalent of the
practically synonymous terms Ycbel and Shophar,
As such, the cornet is the representative of the
historical past of the Jewish people, of their
religions present, and of their anxiously looked-
for glorious future — the glorious future medi-
ately of the whole human race.
I. 77i« historical past of the Jewish people.
According to tradition, the horns of the ram
which was caught in the thicket and offered by
Abraham as a burnt offering instead of the
intended human victim (Isaac; Gen. xxii. 13)
were a distinct prefiguration of the part which
the cornet, or ram's horn {Shophar), would later
on play in the religious and political destinies of
the children of Israel (Jacob), who sprang from
Isaac and Abraham.
(1.) The Shophar sounded at the giving of
the Law on Sinai (Ex. xix. 16, &c.), which wai
the consummation of the nation's deliverance
from the material bondage in Egypt. The Law
was to be to them the means of freeing them-
selves from the worst of all servitudes — sin
(Ex. XX. 2, 3, 20, and elsewhere). There is no
freedom except in the Law, and nobody is free
except one who engages in the study and execu-
tion of the Law {Qinycm Hattorah, 2).*
(2.) The Shophar resounded every fifty years
(in the year of Jubilee), when property sold " for
ever " returned to its original owner or family,
and every servant sold "for ever" to his master
became absolutely free (Lev. xxv. 9, 10, 41).
(3.) The Shophar resounded and Jericho fell
at its blast; the first city of the Holy Land
which the Israelites had attacked and taken
(Josh. vi. 20).
(4.) When Ehnd had slain Eglon, Israel's
ruthless oppressor fur eighteen years, the defeat
of Hoab, which secured to Israel a peace of
eighty vears, was brought about by the sounding
of the Shophar (Judg. iii. 12-30).
(5.) The Shophar played a most important
part in the battle between Gideon and the
Midianites (do., vii. 19, 22).
(6.) When, after the death of the first king
of Israel, the servants of the two rival bouses
threatened to annihilate one ancther, Josb at
the solicitation of Abner stayed the internecine
war by the blowing of the Shophar (2 Sam.
ii. 28).
• See Taylor, Sayings cf (Jk< /ewisk FiMers (Cam-
bridge, 1877, p. 11«>
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662
COBNET
(7.) When the Two Tables of the Covenant
were being removed to Zion, David and nil the
honse of Israel brought up the Ark of the Lord
containing them, with shooting and the sound of
the Shophar (2 Sam. vi. 15 ; 1 Ch. xv. 28).
(8.) When, after the unsuccessful rebellion of
Absalom, which was to be inaugurated by the
Shophar (2 Sam. xv. 10), there arose a more
formidable enemy against David — Sheba ben
Bichri — both the rebel's temporary success and
his 6nal defeat were proclaimed by the Shophar
(do., II. 1, 22).
(9.) When David's divinely-appointed suc-
cessor — Solomon — ascended the throne, in oppo-
sition to his usurping brother Adonijah, all the
people shouted, " May King Solomon live ! "
amidst the sonnding of the Shophar (1 Kings
L39).
(10.) When great and public calamities (defeat
by the enemy, want of rain, famine, pestilence,
&c.) befell the inhabitants of any part of Pales-
tine, a fast and an assembly were proclaimed,
and in the ceremonies connected therewith n
solemn part was the sounding of the Shophar (Joel
li. 1-17 ; Amos iii. 6 ; Mishnah Ta'anith, ii. iii.).
(11.) When the overthrow of the Jewish
polity is described, the catastrophe is given by
Zephaniah (i. 16) in the words, "A day of
Shophar and alarm ; " and by Jeremiah (iv. 19)
as, " Thou hast hewd, my soul, the sound of
the Shophar, the alarm of war."
(12.) The rebuilding of the feeble walls of
Jerusalem (destined one day to become mighty
fortifications), at which every one worlced with
one hand whilst holding a weapon with the
other, was only snccessfully protected by
Nehemiah's sentinel calling together, when
necessary, the separated workmen by the sound
of the Shophar (Neh. iv. 11-U, A. V. 17-20).
II. The religious present of the Jews.
(1.) The Rabbanites (in contradistinction to
the so-called Scriptural Jews) sound the cornet
on the first and second days of the seventh
month. It is true thift in the whole of the
Hebrew Scriptures is not found the distinct
mention of a Shophar for the purpose of cele-
brating that day (or those days) as day (or days)
of sounding the alarm. On the contrary, from
Kum. X, 10 it would appear that the alarm was
to be sounded on the first day of the seventh
month, even as on other solemn occasions, by
the trumpets of silver mentioned (t>. 2).
Tet not only is there a sure and absolutely
trustworthy tradition that in the second Temple
there was a Shophar sounded (Mishnah Sosh
Masshanah, iii. 3) besides the silver trumpets
(n^*iy\tnX which stood in connexion with the
offerings of the sacrifices on new moons, &c., but
there can be little doubt that this practice was
observed in the first Temple also. It is
certainly a mistake to think that Joel (ii. 15)
refers to blowing the Shophar on New Year,' th.it
the fast spoken of there alluded to the Day of
' It is commonly held that Kab S^'sdy&h Oaon to his
Siddur gave ten reasons for sounding tlie Skophar on
New Year ; but this is a mistake. Tlie writer of these
lines ioapecled the Bodleian MS. (Uri 361). and found
no traces of this treatise. Cp. Encycl. Brit.* xxl.
121, note 4. That such a little treatise waf> known and
ascribed in the I4th century to a famous Rab Se'adyah
COBNKT
Atonement, and that the solemn assemliW n.
ferred to the Festival mentioned in Lev. iiiii. 3$.
It is impossible that this should be the meum;
of the verse. In the first instance the absnc-
of the definite article {Shophar) [ireclades tb(
possibility of such an interpretation, and, mon
than this, the whole conteit shows that it rtl'tit
to the calamity of the locusts. The Propbtt,
however, conld not have used the figure lie
employs if the Shophar had not sounded on iucii
days. But we have absolute proofs tbit tbe
first day of the seventh month was not tKstel
as an ordinary new moon. We find that tlii>
day is one of the Seven Holy Coavocttions.
&c., the name of which (Xew Year) people,
totally and absolutely ignorant of tti(>|«ht<r
the Bible, say is a later inveotion. A few
words will suffice. It is true that Mmcs com-
manded Xisan or Abtb to be observed as tbe lirst
month of the religions year. But there ncn
have been a New Year apart from that obxm'l
in his days as a religious one. This New Tev
in the times of Hoses coincided with the bejis-
ning of the natural year. For what else does he
mean by the expressions nOCTI nt(S3 (h.
xxiii. 16) and njBT) HB^pn {do-, xxiiv. 2J)?
What else did and could he mean by appnntiii; -
the first of the seventh month as a Dit c
Memorial and Sounding the Alarm, the tmtii
day of that month as the Day of .\toDeinent, the
fifteenth, &c., as the Feast of Tabernacles, sti
the twenty-second thereof as the Day of Solemi
Assembly ?
(2.) The Shophar is also sounded at the piii?
out of the Day of Atonement. This is not prt-
scribed by the letter of the Bible ; bat if not If
the letter, it is certainly prescribed bythesfiiit
For it is the proclamation of freedom fras tie
yoke of sin, the wages of which is death ! ((^
i. (2) above.)
(3.) The same is the case as regsnU the
Seventh D.iy of Tabernacles, which dsr »u
already observed with special solemnity, <%>
balistic rites, and mystic invocations in th
times of the second Temple (Mishnah, jkuM
iv. 5). There can be no doubt whaterer tliS
these ceremonies were accompanied br tt^
sounding of the Shophar. The Sepharadic Jf»5
preserve this practice still, .ilthoujh tier
do not sound the Shophar on that i»y ^
Sepharadic, but as cabbalistic, Jews, lioce tke^.
if not necessarily cabbalists theniselrej, are ti;
disciples and followers of cabbalistic te'ichers.
(4.) All Jews, however, Sepharadic cr .Ish-
kenazic, cabbalistic or non-cabbalistie, c*i^'
the Shophar every morning of the neekJ*"*
of the month of Elul (the month frMe^lio-
New Y'ear); and all the Sepharadim, snJ fc
of the Ashkenazim, as disciples of clbtaliK■^
s^nd it in the evening too. This c«st><m is !»''
very old ; it is not even known to the Tslwi*
and Midrashim.
(5.) The sounding of the Shophar <m ««!»■»
of full and extreme Excommnnicatioo i« ^'
heighten the solemnity {Pireqe of Rabbi tli'e".
cap. xxxviii.).
(6.) It is customary amonj the Sephsrs^-
Jews to sound the Shophar on occ».<ii« "f •'-
burial of a Chatham (Chief lUbbi or Kshbi).
is certainly true ; but this must have be« ■*» Bs*
Se'adyah (probably the commentator on DuieO'
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COS
III. The anxiottilij IcoJted-fcr glorkma future of
the Jews, and mediately the glorious future of
the trhote human race.
These promises are twofold: to the living anil
to the dead.
(1.) The Prophets do not merely promise an
ingathering of the dispersed of Israel from any
of the nations whither they had been driven,
but, along with it, a regeneration of the whole
human rate. This glorious future is closely
connected Avith the sounding of the Shophar.
The Prophet whose prophecies are all consola-
tion, Isaiah of the first Temple, says (xxvii. 13),
" On that Jay a great Shophar shall be sounded,"
&c. The same says the prophet who is all
Mes.sianic, Zechariah of the second' Temple
(ii. 14), "And the eternal God will blow in the
Sfiophar."
(2.) But the day of the resurrection of the
de.nd, the day of judgment, the day of awarding
.salvation or condemnation, will be marked by
the sounding of the Shophar. This idea is not
only an old tradition current among the Jews
(Josephus, Hadus, 5) ; but is distinctly embodied
in the Greek Scriptures, which fact in itself
would be sufficient evidence that it was Jewish.
For Paul, the Apostle to the Gentiles, a
•• Hebrew of the Hebrews," speaks in his First
Epistle to the Corinthians (xv. 52) of the " last
trump," by which he, of course, means the last
sound of tie Shophar. But the Hebrew Scrip-
tures themselves, as far as they teach resur-
rection, intimate thus much, though only by
hints (Is. iviii. 3'). Cp. the Targnm (do.,
xlii. 11), and the two sublime poetical pieces*
attached to the " S/iopharoth " in the Ashkenazlc
Ritual. [S. M. S.-S.]
COS (K»i, now Stanc/iio or Statiko). This
small island has several interesting points of
connexion with the Jews. It is specified, in the
edict which resulted from the communications
of Simon Maccnbaeus with Gome, as one of the
• It is quite true that some modem critics, being led by
tbe meotloo of Ephraim and other terms in It, assign this
iind several other cbapterv to an earlier Zecbartab of the
Flm Temple. Bat a single-minded and real critic will
coon discover that tbe (omiptiou is not in the text, but
In the over-estimated and shallow criticisms upon the
text, and that the mention of Ephraim and Philistine
citiep, &c.. Is no more out of place in a prophet of the
early times of the .Second Temple (Zechariah) than In a
prophet of the ExUe (Eiekiel). Moreover, tbe mention
of Yavan, on tbe principle of the critics, would rather
point to the Syro-Oreclan times than to those of tbe
Flnt Temple.
•> Tbe vetse before us was evidently translated by
tradition : " All ye Inmates of corruption O^fl =
"putreSuAlon," from nSa'*" f""*"- ^ ">'! 'P- <Ma«a.
II. 6, where this verb Is specially applied to the perlsh-
ableness of the earth), and ye that dwell In the earth
(«.«. tlie dead ; cp. ibidtm, xivl. 19, where the very noon
»33B> occurs) will see It when a banner la liftel up on
the mountains, and ye will hear it when a Shophar la
Bounded."
• It will have been seen twm note 'i th«t It was
a mistake to aacribe the Ten Reasons for sounding the
Shaphar on New Tear to Rob Se'sdyah, the Goon (10th
century), and that the author of these interesting para-
fcraphs was a mncb later Rab Se'adyah (13th century).
But tbe poetical pieces Just mentioned, in which these
Ten Beaaons are embodied, are bundteds of years older
ttian tbe Oaon.
COTTON
663
places which contained Jewish residents (1 Mace.
XV. 23). Josephus, quoting Strabo, mentions
that the Jews had a great amount of treasure
stored there during the Mithridatic war (Joseph.
Ant. xiv. 7, § 2). From the same source we
learn that Julius Caesar issued an edict in
favour of the Jews of Cos {ibid. 10, § 15).
Herod the Great conferred many favours on the
island (Joseph. B. J. i. 21, § 11) ; and an in-
scription in BSckh (No. 2502) associates it with
Herod the tetrarch. St. Paul, on the return
from his third Missionary Journey, passed the
night here, after sailing from Miletus. The
next day he went on to Rhodes (Acts xxi. 1).
The proximity of Cos to these two important
places, and to Cnidcs, and its position at the
entrance to the Archipelago from the east, made
it an island of considerable consequence. It
was celebrate<I for its light woven fabrics and
for its wines, — also for a temple of Aesculapius,
to which a school of physicians was attached,
and which was virtually, from its votive models,
a museum of anatomy and pathology. The
Emperor Claudius bestowed upon Cos the priyi-
lege of a free state (Tac Ann. xii. 61). The
chief town (of the same name) was on the N.E.,
near a promontory called Scandarium ; and
perhaps it is to the town that reference is made
in the Acts (I. c). There is a monograph on
Cos by Kiister (De Co Insula, Halle, 1833), and
a very useful paper on the subject by Col.
Leake'(in the Trans, of the Soyai Soc. of litera-
ture, voL i., second series). An account of the
island will be found in Clarke's Travels, vol. ii.
•pt. i. pp. 196-213, and vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 321-
333 ; but the best description is in Ross, Seisen
nach Kos, Nalicamassus, u. s. to. (Halle, 1852),
with which his Seisen auf den Griech. Insein
should be compared, vol. ii. (1843), pp. 86-92,
vol. iii. (1845), pp. 126-139. Cp. also Rayet,
Jlfm. sur Vile de Kos, Arch, des Miss. III. iii.
p. 37 sq. (1876). [J. S. U.] [J. E. S.]
TMndnehm of Cm (PhoenidMi ? latent). Ob», H-a of yonag
HBtmlM to right E.... j,osi°SN" '»>' "^ "^ ■" "^
all wlUiln dotted iqiure.
CO'SAM (K<»<r<£^ ; Cosan, a name that occurs
nowhere else either in the 0. T. or N. T., and is
of doubtful etymology), son of Elmodam, and
fifth before Zorobabel, in the line of Joseph the
husband of Mary, Luke iii. 28. [Genealogies
OF Christ.] [A. C H.]
COTTON (DDl? ; icopiroo-oi, ri Kopriaiya,
Esth. i. 6, where the Vulg. has carbasini coloris,
as if a colour * [A. V. and R. V. text " green "],
• So "rtn. "White" In A. V., is probably not a
colour, but a stuff, possibly silk: cp. Arab Ji_j>.,
harter, "silk." The J^D. "sheets," marg. Airtt,
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664
COTTON
and not a material [R. V. marg. cottvn], were
intended). Tliere is a doubt whether under
IChj^, Shea/i, in the earlier, and pS, Bitx, in
the later books of the O. T., rendered in the
A. V. by "white linen," "line linen," &c.,
cotton may hare been included as well. Both
Shesh and Biitz are said by Gesen. (». r.) to
be from roots signifying originally mere white-
ness ; a sense said also to inhere in the word
13 (perhaps Arab, aliyad, JjJ^, " white "),
used sometimes instead of and sometimes to-
gether with Shesh to mean the fabric. In
Ezek. xiTii. 7, 16, E'g', Shesh, is mentioned as
imported into Tyre from Egypt, and Butz as
from Syria. Each is found in turn coupled with
IDJ*)^ (purpura), in the sense of " purple and
fine linen," ■'.«. the most showy and costly ap-
parel (cp. ProT. x«i. 22 with Esth. viii. 15). The
dress of the Egyptian priests, at any rate in their
ministrations, was without doubt of linen (Herod,
ii. 37), in spite of Pliny's assertion (xii. 1, 2)
that they preferred cotton. Yet cotton garments
for the worship of the temples is said to be men-
tioned in the Rosetta Stone (Wilkinson, A. E. ii. 74
[1878]). Linen was the material of the Jewish
ephod and other priestly attire, in which we
cannot suppose any carelessness to have prevailed.
If, however, a Jew happened to have a piece of
cotton cloth, he probably would not be deterred
by any scruple about the heterogenea of Deut.
xxii. 11 from wearing that and linen together.
There is, however, no word for the cotton pktnt
(like ni^^B for flax) in the Hebrew, nor any
reason to suppose that there was any early
knowledge of the fabric.
The Egyptian mummy swathings also, many
of which are said to remain as good as when
fresh from the loom, are decided, after much
controversy and minute analysis, to hai'c been
of linen, and not cotton. The very difficulty of
deciding, however, shows how easily even scien-
tific observers may mistake, and, much more,
how impossible it would have been for ancient
popular writers to avoid confusion. Even Greek
naturalists sometimes clearly include "cotton"
under Klvov. The same appears to be true of
h66vri, iSoytoy, and the whole class of words
signifying white textile vegetable fabrics. The
proper Oriental name for the article DS^^I (said
to occur with slight variation in Sansk. and
other Oriental languages'') is Grecised in the
LXX. by Kopiriinva. From the same word,
with which either their Alexandrian or Parthian
intercourse might familiarize them, the Latins
borrowed ooHiasus, completely current in poetical
use in the golden and silver period of I^tinity, for
sails, awnings, &c. Varro knew of tree-wool
on the authority of Ctesias, contemporary with
Xenophon. The Greeks, through the commer-
cial consequences of Alexander's conquests, must
have known of cotton cloth, and more or less of
of A. v., B. V. " linen garments," Judg. x!v. 12. 13,
and " flne linen " (A. V. and R. V.), Is. lit. 2.1, Is perbars
a form of the same word as virtw, " Itnen cloth, " Mark
xlv. 61.
<> Kurpata or kurpa$uin Is the Sansk. Kupat In
Hindoo means the cotton rose or pod with seed, which
In the Bengalee Is kajxuee, and in the Bombay dialect,
kapooM.
COUNCIL
the plant. Amasis indeed (about B.C. &Ki) >eat
as a present from Egypt a corslet Ktitoaiuifiiny
Xf^V '"'' ipiouTi iarh {vXov (Herod, iii. 47).
I Avhicli Pliny says was still existing in his time
I in a temple at Rliodes, and that the nunDteDe<^s
! of its fibre had provoked the experiments of the
curious.* Cotton was manufactured and worn
extensively in Egypt, but extant monnmeoU
give no proof of its growth, as in the cast uf
flax, in that country (Wilkinson, A. E. ii. pp. 50.
88 [1878]); indeed, liad it been a general
product, we could scarcely have missed dndinj
some trace of it on the monumental detaiU »i'
ancient Egyptian arts, trades, &c. ; bat, es-
pecially, when Pliny (a.d. 75) asserts thn
cotton was then grown in Egypt, a statement
confirmed by Julius Pollux (a century later), ve
can hardly resist the inference that, at lea$t as
a curiosity and as an experiment, some planta-
tions existed there. This is the more likelr
since we And the cotton-tr«« (Gossyfniun oAv-
turn, less usual than, and distinct from, tlw
cotton plant, Goss. herbac.') is mentioned itill br
Pliny as the only remariabk tree of the adjaceat
Ethiopia; and since Arabia, on its other si<i^
appears to have known cotton' from time im-
memorial, to grow it in abundance, and in parts t?
be highly favourable to that product. In luiii,
however, Ave have the earliest records of the use
of cotton for dress; of which, including tut
starching of it, some curious traces are fonnd a
early as 800 1J.C., in the Institutes of Manu;
also (it is said, on the authority of Prof. Wilsoa)
in the Rig Veda, 105, v. 8. For these and totai
other curious antiquities of the subje^-t. »e<
Royle's Culture and Commerce of Cotton in /nia,
pp. 117-122.
Cotton is now both grown and mannfactnrel
in various parts of Syria and Palestine, anii.
owing probably to its being less condnctire of
heat, seems preferred for turbans and shirt* ti>
linen ; but there is no proof that, till they cam«
in contact with Persia, the Hebrews generallr
knew of it as a distinct fabric from linen, whilr.
the negative proof of langnage and the fioiar
bilities of fact offer a strong presumption that,
if they obtained it at nil in commerce, tb«r
confounded it with linen under the terms Sir^
or Batz. The greater cleanliness and durabilitr
of linen prolmbly established its snpeiiority
over cotton for sepulchral purposes in the K. T.
period, by which time the latter most hare
been commonly known, and thus there is n-^
reason for assigning cotton as the material t^
the iSiria and irripta of which we read. Fcr
the whole subject, see Yates's TextrutHm Anti-
quorum, pt. i. chap. vi. and App. D. [U. H.]
COUCH. [Bed.]
COUNCIL. 1. (fftwrtpior) the great conncil
of the Sanhedrin, which sat at Jerusalem. p.tx-
' So Borckhardt (Trav. Nab. App. til. p. SIS, note)
mentions ** a species of cuirass made of qnOtfd <^<tcQ "
as still worn by certain tribes adjacent to the Xlle.
' Arab. Coton, ^^X * means: I, any aanasl; ^
anything between two leaves; 3, the wri!*K'»Ti
"cotton" plant. This evolving of the speeUI ft«»
the general sense seems to Indicate that tbt aw
" cotton " Is originally Arabic ; tboogfa It nsy be true
that the plant Is Indigenous In India.
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COURT
DEDSIK.3 2. (iTwiSpm, Matt. v. 22, x. 17;
Mark xiii. 9) the lesser courts, appointed by the
Great SanhedriD, of which there were two at
Jemtalem, aud one in each town of Palestine.
The conr>titution of the^ courts varied ; accord-
ing to Talmudical writers, the number of judges
was twenty-three iu places where there was a
population of 120, though three could act under
special circumstances. Evidently the number
varied according to the size of the town (Mishn.
Santtedr. 1 §6. Cp. Riehm, HWB. s. n. "Ge-
richtswesen ; " Ginsburg in Kitto's Cyclop, of
Bibt. Liter. ». n. " Sanhedrin "). Josephus,
however, mentions probably the usual practice,
that the court, as constituted by Moses (Oeut.
ivi. 18 ; cp. Ant. iv. 8, § U; B. J. ii. 20, § 5),
consisted of seven judges, each of whom had two
Levites as assessors; and in the reform which
Jo»epbus carried out in Galilee, he appointed
seven judges for the trial of minor offences
(if. J. ii. 20, § 5). These courts of justice met
twice a weeic (Mondays and Thursdays), usually
in a room adjoining the synagogue, and dealt not
only with civil offences, but such capital coses
.IS did not come within the jurisdiction of the
Great Sanbedrin. To this latter body the judges
referred any decision disputed among themselves
(cp. Hamburger, RE. Abth. ii. s.n. "Synhedrion ").
3, <n>fifioi\u>y (Acts iiv. 12), a kind of jury or
privy council, consisting of assessors ^connliarii,
Suet. Tib. 33, 55), who assisted Roman governors
in the administration of justice and other public
jnatters. [W. L B.] [F.]
COURT, an open enclosure, applied in the
A. V". most commonly to the enclosure of the
Tabernacle and the Temple. The Hebrew word
invariably used for the former is Chatzer, "VHITi
from a root, ^VPI, to surround (Ges. p. 512. See,
amongst others, Ex. xivii. 9 to xl. 33 ; I^v. vi.
16 ; Num. iii. 26, &c.). The same word is also
most frequently used for the " courts " of the
Temple, as 1 K. vi. 36, vii. 8 ; 2 K. xiiii. 12 ;
2 Ch. xxxiil. 5 ; Ps. xcii. 13, &c. In 2 Ch. iv. 9
ani vi. 13, however, a different word is em-
ployed, apparently, for the same places — Azdrah,
n'VV, from a root of similar meaning to the
above (cp. the Arab, aud Assyr. equivalents
given in MV."). This word also occurs in
lizek. xliii. 14, 17, 20 ; xlv. 19 (A. V. and R. V.
"settle"), but perhaps with a different force.
Chatter aI.<o designates the court of a prison
(Xeh. iii. 25 ; Jer. xxxii. 2, &c.), of a private
hoase (2 Sam. xvii. 18), and of a |>alace (2 K.
XI. 4 ; Esth. i. 5, tic). In Amos vii. 13, where
the Hebrew word is Beth = a " house " (so
K. v.), the A. v., perhajM desirous of using a
term applicable specially to a king's residence,
xeads"court." [Hoi'SE; TABERNACLE; Temple.]
The word Chatzer it very often employed for
the enclosures of the village* of Palestine (see
the list in MV."), aud under the form of Hazer
or Hazor frequently occurs in the names of
places in the A. V. [Hazer; Village.]
Id Matt. xxvi. 69 (v. 58 may be doubtful^
Mark xiv. 66 (perhaps also v. 54) and xv. 16,
John xviii. 15, ai\ii should be rendered, as in
R. V. " court," i.e. the quadrangle around which
the house or palace of the high-priest was built,
and not " palace " or " hall " (A. V.). Peter
himself was not in the room of the palace where
the Saviour was on trial, as the English reader
COVENANT
665
would be led to suppose, but was in the court
outside. [Peieb.] Cp. B. D. American edi-
tion. [G.] [W.]
COU'THA (Kowfl<£; Phuta), 1 Esd. v. 32.
There is no name corresponding with this in the
lists (printed in parallel columns m Speaier';i
Comm. 1. c.) of Ezra and Nehemiah. [F.]
COVENANT. There can be no doubt that
the English word "covenant," by which it is
almost invariably rendered in A. V., conveys an
accurate idea of the Hebrew word n*^3 in the
0. T. The two words, however, are not proper
equivalents. A covenant (conrcniVe, conventus)
is a coming together or agreement. " A cove-
nant is a mutual consent and agreement entered
into between persons, whereby they stand bound
each to other to perform the conditions con-
tracted and indented for. And thus a covenant
is the very same thing with a contract or bar-
gaiu" (Bp. Hopkins, ii. 302). "Sunt item
pacta, quae sine legibns observantur ex con-
ventu " (Cic. ad Heren. 2 b). But finS, which-
ever we accept of the derivations of it which
have been suggested, describes properly some
accessory of the covenant, rather than the cove-
nant itself. It is derived by Gesenius from the
unused root HIS, t. q. ni3, " to cut," and taken
to mean primarily "a cutting," with reference
to the custom of cutting or dividing animals in
two, and passing between the parts in ratifying
a covenant (Gen. xv. ; Jer. iixiv. 18, 1?). Hence
the expression " to cut a covenant " (n'^a JTISi
Gcu. XV. 18, or simply JTIS, with n'13 under-
stood, 1 Sam. xi. 2) is of frequent occurrence
(cp. 8/Mcia Tt/tytiv, riiivtir irwmSis, icere,
ferire, percutere foedua), Buxtorf derives it from
m3 in the sense of " to choose," or " select : "
" quia eliguntnr personae interquos, et res ac con-
ditiones propter quas foedus initur " (cp. Assyr.
in MV."). Professor Lee suggests (fie6. Lex. s. v.
n^*13) that the proper signification of the word
is cui eating together, or banquet, <rom the mean-
ing "to eat," which the root iTI^ sometimes
bears, because among the Orientals to eat together
amounts almost to a covenant of friendship.
This view is supported by Gen. xxxi. 46, where
Jacob and Laban eat together on the heap of
stones which they have set up in ratifying the
covenant between them. It affords also a satis-
factory explanation of the expression " a cove-
nant of salt " (npp n*13, tiMiKti akis. Num.
xviii. 19; 2 Ch. xiii. 5), when the Eastern idea
of eating salt together is remembered. If, how-
ever, any other derivation of JT'IB be adopted,
this expression may be explained by supposing
salt to have been eaten or offered with accom-
panying sacrifices on occasiun of very solemn
covenants, or it may be regarded as figurative,
denoting, either, from the use of salt in sacrifice
(Lev. ii. 13; Mark ix. 49), the sacredness, or, from
the preserving qualities of salt, the perpetuity
of, the covenant. But, whatever be its deriva-
tion, the usage of the word clearly shows, as has
been said, that it means a covenant or compact.
When, however, we pass to the N. T., a diffi-
culty arises from the fact that tiaS4)Kti, which
was chosen by the LXX. to represent 71^3
(intyHiien is used in Wisd. i. 16 ; 1 Mace. x. 26 ;
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666
COVEXANT
2 Mace. xiii. 25), is sometimes rendered covenant
and sometimes testament in A. V. The intro-
duction of tills new word, conveying a new idea,
viz. tliat of a Kill or beque$t, is probably due to
the Vulgate, which, having used teatamentum
occasionally {foedus or pactum more commonly,
and often interchangeably. Gm. ix. ; xvii. ;
Ex. vi. 4, 5, &c.) for nn3 (Num. liv. 44 ;
Ps. ov. [civ.] 8, 10) and for StaA^m) in the
Apocr. (Ecclus. xi. 21, xvii. 10 ; 1 Mace. i. 16,
&C.), adopt it exclusively a> the rendering of
Siettf^m) in N. T. But it may Avell be doubted
whether there is any necessity for a second
word to be introduced, and whether it would
not have been better to retain the one word
covenant tbronghout the Bible. The meaning of
Jiafi^Ki) baring been fixed in the 0. T. by its
constant employment by the LXX. as the equi-
valent of nn^' which never means testament
or Kill, but always covenant or agreement (can
it be shown that the Jews of 0. T. times prac-
tised the testamentary disposition of property
at all ?), it is only reasonable to suppose that
the N. T. writers, themselves - familiar, and
writing for the most part for readers Avho were
familiar, with the Greek 0. T., should use the
word with the same meaning. Moreover, in the
majority of instances it is the same thing which
has been called a covenant in the 0. T., which is
presented to us again in the N. T. ; and it is
obviously confusing that it should appear under
a new name. " The ark of the covenant," with
which we are conversant in the 0. T. (Num. x.
33 ; 1 Sam. iv. 3 ; Jer. iii. 16), becomes in the
N. T., nffy « the ark of the covenant " (Heb. ix.
4), and now " the ark of the testament " (Ber.
xi. 19), its Greek name, however (ji tttPtrrht rrjs
iiaSiiKvs), remaining unchanged, though the
Vylgate has led the way to the variation by
its indifferent use of area foederis (Num. x. 33)
and area testamenti (Jer. iii. 16) in the 0. T.
"The blood of the (old) covenant" (Exod. xxiv.
8 ; cp. Zech. ix. 1 1) becomes (though here, too,
not uniformly, Heb. x. 29 ; xiii. 20) in a passage
of great importance, the " blood of the new
testament" (Matt. xxvi. 28, U. V. "of the
covetiant "). The inspired Books which gradually
w^ere added to the Hrst inspired Book of which
Ave have mention, " The Book of the Covenant "
(Exod. xxiv. T), and to which in the aggregate
the Apostle gives its name, describing the
writings by the great centnil fact to which
thcr have reference, become in our English
Bibles "The old testament" (2 Cor. iii. 14,
R. V. " covenant ") ; and the same inaccuracy is
consequently introduced into our common title
of the later Scriptures. There is, however, one
passage in the N. T. in which it has been thought
absolutely necessary to use testament, as the ex-
ponent of Siod^n). " For where Siod^in} is " (so
th# passage reads in the Revised Version, if we
leave the crucial word for the moment untrans-
lated), " there must of necessity be the death
of him that made it. For a iiaHicn is of force
where there hath been death : for doth it ever
avail while he that made it liveth ? " (Heb. ix.
16, 17). Now, no doubt, if this statement could
be looked upon as an independent proposition,
apart from the Epistle and the context in which
it occurs, the rendering of SiaHimi by testament
would be quite satisfactory. The disposition of
a man's property, under the form of a will or
COVEXANT
testament, cannot take effect till hU ilenta. 1:
was under that form that Christ (i iufc'^o'os)
bequeathed, as it were, the beneiitt and cosli-
tions of His disposition to His Church, for it
was by His death, and by His death only, tiiat
they became etfectual'. But when we itfud
this short paragraph, no longer as ao UnUid
proposition, but as a portion of a treatise, ltd s
link in a chain of argument, the diScolty >:
this rendering of SiaSrticri becomes at ob« ipja-
rent. The general usage of the writer, ani,
indeed, as we have seen, of the sacred writen
throughout, is against it. Excluding t'ta fu-
sage luder consideration, the tvord oecars t-j
fewer than twelve times in this Epistle (rii. I^2 ;
viii. 6, 8, 9 bis, 10; ix. 4 iii; x. 16, 29; iii
24 ; xiii. 30). In all these places its snqoas-
tioned meaning is covenant. In the ftsafr
before us it occurs in all six times ; twice in tlf
short paragraph above quoted, twice imme-
diately before, and twice immediately Uter it
Both before and after, it can only mean oovnml.
Why then should it not have the same mauMC
in the paragraph itself, which forms a par.
of a continuous argument f Because, it b
replietf, it is not true that, in the case cf sou
coveiunts as are here in view, " The dMtk if .
him who made" them is necessary 1« their
validity. It was God Who m^e them (i
ttaiiufvos. Cp. J) SuiA^Ki) 1)v intiinuu,
X. 16), but it was man who died and tIkm
blood was shed, in the person of the sacrifice It
which the covenant was ratified. Therefore, ii
is alleged, we must needs understand liere >
testament .or will by this word iiatim- ^
how does the change help us? If with tie
Revised Version we read covenant both timei n
V. 15, and again in re. 18, 20, and ttitoKtat b
vv. 16, 17, the argument would appear w pro-
ceed as follows : " Christ is the Mediator si i
new SiaHiKii, and He died for the redempticn c:
the transgressions that were under the old 8a-
6^Ki), V. 15. By SiaditKti I of course mean vliit
we Jews always understand by it (and in tbt
sense, indeed, I have used it frequentlr ihodT
in this letter), viz. a covenant. But the ressa
why I say he died, in connexion with tiie A'.
tiaOiiKri, or covenant, is that where there is •
SiaO^irq — supposing, that is, that it assumei Hi
form of a testament or will, for only in that oa.
and not when it is of the nature of a occ»c>'>
is the allegatioh true — there must of ne«sa:;
be the death of him that made it, 1. 16. F<c >
iuM)Kri, if and if only it be a testamat, it d
force where there hath been death : for dott it
ever avail while he that made it liveth ? c. 1'-
Wherefore, because the death of him who Biie
it is necessary to the validity of a testtmat, enn
the first — I leave you to supply the srord— «>>
not dedicated without blood, r. 18.- Bot it ^
you must needs do, you supply testameU, 1 six"
instantly correct you by reference to the 'to-
torical fact and the actual expression nsfJ b'
Moses, ' The blood of the covenant,' rr. li*. -'C'
In short, unless the statements of rr. IS, I'
apply to ttaSiiKri, in whichever of the two sense-
covenant or testament, it is employed, lie sK^
ment breaks down. But if they do so spfJ.'-
then the necessity for a second and (to blli™
usage) foreign meaning of the word ceases, f"'
then, too, the diSiculty connected with i 5^"
luvos remains.
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COVEXANT
With a view to meet this dilTicuUy, it has
been jiroposed to render ^xi vtKpoU, " over, or
in the case of, dead sacrifices," and i SmSt/ifvos,
" the mediating sacrifice " (Scholefield's Jimts
for an improttd Translation of the N. T.).
£brarJ and others would restrict the statement
of r. 16 to the 0. T. idea of a covenant between
tnan and God, in which man, as guilty, must
alwavB be represented by a sacrifice with which
be was so completely identified, that in its person
he (<S SioBfiiiyos, the human covenanter) actually
died. Mr. Wratislaw, under the somewhat start-
ling title of " God's death in Christ," maintains
that " in sacrifices, ratifying treaties and cove-
nants, the contracting party or parties were
considered as dying, in respect of the treaty or
corenant, in the sacrificed victim or victims, and
thus retaining no power of changing their minds
in respect of that particular treaty or covenant.
Thus God," he adds, "binds Himself through a
sacrifice to Abraham in Gen. xv. 17, and, by
passing symbolically between the pieces of the
victims, declares Himself to have suffered a
symbolical death in them in respect of His
covenant and promise, which is therefore un-
alterable."
In its biblical meaning of a compact or agree-
ment between two parties, the word is used —
1. Improfgrly, of a covenant bctvccn God and
man. Man not being in any way in the posi-
tion of an independent covenanting ]>arty, the
word is evidently used in this case by Avay of
accommodation. Strictly speaking, such a cove-
nant is quite unconditional, and amounts to a
promise (Gal. iii. 15 sq., where irayytKia and
StoBiiiai are used almost as synonyms), or act of
mere favour (Ps. lixxix. 28, where nprj sUnds
in parallelism with D^"!?) on God's part (Is. lix.
21). Thus the assurance given by God after
the Flood, that a like judgment should not be
repeated, and that the recun-ence of the seasons,
and of day and night, should not cease, is called
a covenant (Gen. ix. ; Jcr. xxxiii. 20). In Gen.
IV. 17, it is God alone, as represented by the
•'smoking furnace," and the "burning lamp,"
Who passes belween the pieces, as though. He
were the sole contracting party in the covenant,
which accordingly takes the form of a free gift,
r. 18. Generally, however, the form of a cove-
nant is maintained, by the benefits which God
engages to bestow being made by Him dependent
upon the fulfilment of certain conditions which
He imposes on man. Thus the covenant with
AbR),ham was conditioned by circumcision (.4cts
vii. 8), the omission of which was declared
tantamount to a breach of the covenant (Gen.
xvii.) ; the covenant of the priesthood, by zeal
for God, His honour and service (Num. xxv. 12,
13 ; Deut. xxxiii. 9 ; Neh. xiil. 29 ; Mai. ii. 4,
5) ; the covenant of Sinai, by the observance of
the ten commandments (Ex. xxxiv. 27, 28 ; Lev.
xxvi. 15), which are therefore called " Jehovah's
covenant " (Deut. iv. 13), a name which, as has
been said, was extended to all the Books of
Moses, and probably to the whole body of Jewish
canonical Scriptures (2 Cor. iii. 14, 15). This
la-'t-mentioned covenant, which was renewed at
different periods of Jewish history (Deut. xxix. ;
Josh. ixiv. ; 2 Ch. xr. xxiii. ixix. xxxiv. ; Ezra
X. ; Neh. ix. x.), is one of the two principal cove-
nants between God and man. They are distin-
guished as old and new (Jer. iixi. 31-34 ; Heb.
COW
fi67
viii. 8-13 ; x. 16), with reference to the order,
not of their institution but of their actual de-
velopment (Gal. iii. 17) ; and also as being the
instruments respectively of bondage and freedom
(Gal. iv. 24). The latter of these covenants is
thought by some to be represented in Gal. iii.
under a twofold aspect, as being a covenant be-
tween the First and Second Persons of the blessed
Trinity (v. 16 and r. 20, as explained by Schole-
field, fcllicott, &c.), and also a covenant, condi-
tioned by faith in Christ, between God and man
(see Bp. Hopkins's Works, vol. ii. pp. 299-398,
and Witsius on the Covenants, for the theology of
the snbject> Consistently with this representa-
tion of God's dealings with man under the form
of a covenant, such covenant is said to be con-
firmed in conformity to human custom by an
oath (Deut. ; iv. 31; Ps. Ixxxix. 3), to be sanc-
tioned by curses to fall upon the unfaithful
(Deut. xxix. 21), and to be accompanied by a
sign (DIN), such as the rainbow (Gen. ix.), cir-
cumcision (Gen. xvii.), or the Sabbath (Ex. xxxi.
16, 17).
2. Properly, of a covenant beticcen man and
man, i.e. a solemn compact or agreement, either
between tribes or nations (1 Sam. xi. 1 ; Josh. ix.
6, 15), or between individuals (Gen. xxxi.' 44),
by which each party bound himself to fulfil
certain conditions, and was assured of receiving
certain advantages. In making such a covenant
God was solemnly ini-oked as witness (Gen. xxxi.
50), whence the expression "a covenant of
Jehovah " (r\\n] fin?, 1 Sam. xx. 8, cp. Ezek.
xvii. 19), and aii oath was sworn (Gen. xxi. 31) ;
and accordingly a breach of covenant was regarded
as a very heinous sin (Ezek. xvii. 12-20). A sign
(niK) or witness (1|?) of the covenant was some-
times framed, such as a gift (Gen. xxi. 30), or a
pillar or heap of stones erected (Gen. xxxi. 52).
The marriage compact is called " the covenant of
God," Prov. ii. 17 (see Mai. ii. 14). The word
" covenant " came to be, applied to a sure ordi-
nance, such as that of the shewbread (Lev. xxiv.
8) ; and is used figuratively in such expressions as
a covenant with death (Is. xxviii. 18), or with the
wild beasts (Hos. ii. 18). The phrases 'tS'JJt
n»13 yU3. nni " lords or men of one's cove-
nant!" are employed to denote confederacy (Gen.
xiv.l3; Obad.t.7). [T. T. P.]
COVEEING. The word (JWDS) occurs in
the much-disputed verse, Gen. xx. 16.
A.V. BV.
"And unto Sarah be
said, Bcbold, I have given
thy brother a thousand
pieces of silver : behold, he
Is to Ibec a covering of the
eyes, unto all that are with
tbee, and with all other: i
tbbs she was reproved." I
Modem criticism (cp. Dillmann* and Delitzsch
[1887]) accepts by preference the meaning given
by the R. V. The present of money would have
the effect on all with regard to Sarah that they
should not notice what had occurred (see QPH.'
in loco). [f •]
COW. The Heb. words 1153, nhiS> a""! "'''^
have been treated of under BuiJ> The A. ^ •
** And unto Sarah ho
said ... it (i.t. the thou-
sand pieces of silver) Is for
thee a covering of the eyes
to all that are with tbee;
and tn respect of alt thou
art righted."
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(JG8
COZ
CUEDITOB
renders) by " cow," both li53, in Ezek. iv. 15,
and liE' in Lev. ixii. 28 ; Num. xviii. 17, where
the feminine gender is required by the sense.
In Job xxi. 10 and Is. xi. 7, the A. V. has
■" cow " as the rendering of mB, the fem. form
of nS, " a bullock." ' ' [W. D.]
COZ (f\p, a thorn ; B. K«.^, B^'A. eexW;
Cos), a man among the descendants of Judah
^1 Ch. It. 8). The name also occurs as that of
a Levite in 1 Ch. xxiv. 10 ; Ezra ii. 61 ; Neh.
iii. 4, 21, vii. 63, with the article prefixed ; and
in the first of these passages the name is ren-
dered Hakkoz both by A. V. and R. V., and by
R. V. in the remainder. [K.]
COZ'BI C?T3, lying, deceitful; B. Xwrfifl,
AF. -t; Jos. Xa(rj3(a; Cozbi),tL Midinnite woman,
'daughter of Zur, one of the chiefs of the nation
■(Num. xiT. 1.% 18). Her idolatrous sharae-
lessness with Zimri is mentioned in connexion
with the plague at Shittim. [F:]
CRACKNELS (Dnj53, of uncertain ety-
mology ; A. KoWvpis ; the passage is absent
from B. ; cruatuta), part of the present which
Jeroboam's wife took to the prophet Ahijah
when she went to inquire the issue of her
<:hild's sickness. The English word represents
a kind of biscuit, so called from the crackling
«>und made when it is broken (cp. Lumby,
-" Glossary of Bible Words," a. n. in Eyre and
Spottiswoode's Varionun Teachers' Bible). [F,]
CBANE (WD or D'p, ti> or Oa; x«A<5<Jir;
Pvllui hirundinia, hiriindo). There can b« little
doubt that the A. V. is incorrect in rendering
aia by " crane," which bird is probably intended
bj the Hebrew word 'A/ar, translated "swallow "
by the A. V., but rightly "crane " by the
K. V. [Swallow.] Mention is made of the
4ua in Uezekiah's prayer (Is. xxxriii. 14),
" Like a si(« or an 'a</iir so did I twitter ; " and
again, in Jer. riii. 7, these two words occur in
the same order, " The aia and the 'agur observe
the time of their coming ; " from which passage
we learn that both birds were migratory. Ac-
cording to the testimony of most of the ancient
Versions, sua denotes " a swallow." It would ap-
pear that the translators of the A. V. hare simply
in the two passages in which the words occur
interchanged the rendering, and that instead of
'" crane and swallow " we should read with the
R. V. "swallow" (or rather "swift," as will be
seen below) " and crane." In neither passage,
however, is the meaning at all affected by the cor-
rection. Two facts in the natural history of the
crane are referred to, — its loud voice, and its
migratory hiibits. It is well known in Palestine,
but only visits the plains and cultivated districts
At the period of migration, passing on after a few
days, with the exception of a few pairs, which
remain to breed in the marshy plains of Uuleh
(Merom) and the Upper Jordan. In winter vast
ilocks of cranes resort to certain well-known
roosting-places in the southern desert, which are
whitened by their droppings like some sea-fowls'
rock. I have visited two of these stations, one
Muth-east of Beersheba, and another near Gerar,
south of Gaza. Clouds of these enormous birds
quite darken the air towards evening. Their
ixwsting-place is an isolated knoll, secure on all
sides from ambnsh. Their whooping and tnim-
peting enlivened the watches of the night, and
till dawn we could hear ilocks passing overlifHil
on their way to their quarters close by. Tiie
note is a powerful clear trumpeting, not chat-
tering, and is by the Arabs called "^ belloving."
In January in three several years I have ob-
served the cranes in these desert winter-quarten.
About the end of March they pass over the Hair
Land. The Rev. F. W. Holland noticed that oa
the 2°2nd of March he saw twelve miles south cf
Tor an immense flock of cranes crossing the Bei
Sea from Africa, and appearing to stretch 8croi>
the whole breadth of the sea. Again, on tlK
13th of April, three days south of Beer>helu.
a fiock of more than 2,000 going north passed
over his head, and in the beginning of May he
saw several smaller flocks crossing the desen
from Akabah. Before the introduction of
drainage, the crane visited England in summer,
but has long since become extinct.
D4D or. 0*P, SIM or aia, according to most
Versions, is rendered "swallow." It is, how-
ever, really " swift," the two birds having t
certain external resemblance, and being ofiea
confused by inaccurate observers ignonnt of
natural history. They are, however, widely
different in everything but habits, the swallov
being a passerine bird, the swift one of the
Picariae, a fissirostral bird. There would be s
difficulty in explaining the two passages, if the
swallow were intended ; for in the first place,
though the swallow in Palestine is a migraat,
as with us, it is only partially so, and mur
swallows remain all winter in the maritime
plains and Jordan vallry, though their nnmiier
is increased tenfold at the commencement cf
spring. Again, the soft twittering melody «l
the swallow could hardly be taken as an appro-
priate illustration of the cry of anguish or grid'.
There is another word, ")i"l^, derir, which is
universally admitted to represent the svallon'.
But the swift, Cgpsetua ajms, meets all the condi-
tions. While the swallow is only a partial, the
swift is a regular migrant, returning in myrisds
every spring, and so suddenly, that while one
day not a bird can be seen in the coontry, oi
the next they have overspread the whole land,
and fill the air with their shrill cry. Thb wite
too — the well-known harsh, constantly repeated
scream, as of anguish or pain^-exactly suits ihe
prophet's metaphor, for the wail of the suferin;
king. This interpretation is confirmed by the
vernacular Arabic, in which the swift is alVsn
distinguished as soos, a name never applied to
the swallow. The word does not appear, so far
as I am aware, in classical Arabic, but it is the
invariable designation of the swift in Syria, and
is doubtless in its origin onomatopoetic, and
derived from the Hebrew. The identity of
Hebrew and vernacular Arabia may be takei
as conclusive, when considered in the light "f
the context of the passages quoted. [H. B^ T.]
CRATES (KpcJnu ; Vulg. translates pr^-
latua est), governor of the Cyprians (i Hi ri'
K.\ who was left in charge of the " castle "
of Jerusalem (?), during the absence of Sostr>li.S
in the reign of Antiochns Epiphanes (3 Hscc
iv. 29). [\y.i.V.]
CREDITOR. [LOAK.]
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CRESCENS
CRESCENS (Kp^ffiais; Creicens), a com*
paaion of St. Paul, who is mentioned as havlDg
left him to go to Galatia (2 Tim. W. 10). The
(inestion arises, Wbicli Galatia is meant, the
«asteni or the western, Asiatic Galatia or Euro-
pean Gaul ? Ensebius (//. £. iii. 4), the gloss
TaWlar in K, 0, and other authorities, favour
ICiiropean Gaul. See art. Galatia, and Light-
loot, Oalatiani,' pp. 2 and 31, note. Nothing
more is known of Crescens, but the churches
»f Vienne and Mayence claim him as their
traditional founder. [E. K. B.]
CRETE (KpV«); Creta), the modem Candia.
This large island, which closes in the Greek
Archipelago on the S., extends through a distance
of 140 miles between its extreme points of Cape
SaLVONE (Acts xxTJi. 7) on the £., and Cape
Crinmetopon beyond Phobkice or Phoenix (p. 12)
on the W. The breadth is comparatively small,
the narrowest part (called an isthmus by Strabo,
I. p. 475) being near Phoenix. Though ex-
tremely bold and mountainous, this island has
very fruitful Talleys, and in early times it was
celebrated for its hundred cities (Virg. Aen. iii.
106). Crete has a conspicuous position in the
mythology and earliest history of Greece, but a
comparatirely unimportant one in its later
history. It was reduced (B.C. 67) by the Romans
ander Metellos, hence called Creticus, and united
in one province with Cyrenaica, which was at no
great distance (Strabo, i. 475) on the opposite
coast of Africa [Cyrene]. It is possible that
in Tit. iii. 1 there may be an implied reference
to a turbulent condition of the Cretan part of
the province, especially as regarded the Jewish
residents.
It seems likely that the Cretans and the
Jews were early acquainted with each other.
The story in Tacitus (Hist. v. 2), that the Jews
were themselves of Cretan origin, may be
sccounted for by supposing a confusion between
the Philistines and the Jews, and by identifying
the Cherethites of 1 Sam. ixx. 14, 2 Sam. viii.
18, Eiek. iiT. 16, Zeph. ii. 5, with Cretan
emigrants. In the last two of these passage-i
they are expressly called Kp^cs by the LXX.,
.ind in Zeph. ii. 6 we have the word Kprirn.
Whatever conclnsion we may arrive at on this
point, there is no doubt that Jews were settled
in the island in considerable numbers during the
period between the death of Alexander the Great
aad the final destruction of Jerusalem. Gortrna
seems to have been their chief residence ; for it
is especially mentioned (1 Mace. xv. 23) in the
letters written by the Romans on behalf of the
Jews, when Simon Haccabaeus renewed the
treaty which his brother Judas had made with
Borne. [GOBTTNA.] See 1 Mace. x. 67. At a
later period Josephus says (^Ant. ivii. 12, § 1 ;
A /. ii. 7, § 1) that the Pseudo-Alexander, Herod's
supposed son, imposed upon the Jews of Crete,
when on his way to Italy. And later still, Philo
{Leg. ad Cat. § 36) makes the Jewish envoys say
to Caligula that all the more noted islands of
the Mediterranean, including Crete, were full of
Jews. Thus the special mention of Cretans
(Acts ii. 11) among those who were in Jerusalem
at the great Pentecost is just what we should
expect.
No notice is given in the Acts of any more
direct evangelisation of Crete ; and no absolute
CRETIANS
669
proof can be adduced that St. Paul was ever
there before his voyage from Caesare% to Puteoli ;
though it is quite possible that he may have
visited the island in the course of his residences
at Corinth and Ephesus. For the speculations
which have been made in reference to this pomt,
we must refer to what is written in the articles
on Trros, and Titos, Epistle to.
The circumstances of St. Paul's recorded visit
were briefly as follows. The wind being contrary
when he was off Cnidus (Acts xxvii. 7), the ship
was forced to run down to Cape Salmone, and
thence under the lee of Crete to the insecure
roadstead of Fair Havens, which was near a city
called Lasaea (t>. 8). Thence, after some delay,
an attempt was made, on the wind becoming
iavourable, to reach Phoenice for the purpose
of wintering there (v. 12) ; but a sadden gale
from the N.E. [Winds] coming down from
the high ground of Crete (kot' avrqt), in the
neighbourhood of Mount Ida, and such as
is still common, drove the ship to the little
island of Cladoa (vv. 13-16; R. V. Cauda),
whence she drifted to Malta. It is impossible
to say how far this short stay at Fair Havena
mar have afforded opportunities for preaching
the Gospel at Lasaea or elsewhere.
The next point of connexion between St. Paul
and this island is found in the Epistle to Titus.
It is evident from Tit. i. 5, that the Apostle
himself was here at no long interval of time
before he wrote the letter. We believe this to
have been between the first and second imprison-
ments. In the coarse of the letter (Tit. i. 12)
St. Paul adduces from Epimenides, a Cretan sage
and poet (Scio5 i^p, Plat. -Legg. i. 642), a
quotation in which the vices of his countrymen
are described in dark colours. The truth of
what is said by Epimenides is abundantly con-
firmed by the passages collected (iv. 10) in
Menrsius s great work on Crete (Menrsii Opera,
Florence, 1744, vol. iii.}; but the description ia
no longer true (Tozer, p. 75). He has also a
chapter (iv. 4) on the early Christian history of
the island. Titus was much honoured in the
island during the Middle Ages. Phoenix or
Phoenice (Acts xxvii. 12) had its own bishops at
an early period, and one of them was present at the
second Council of Nicaea (A.D. 787). The church
at Gortyna, now in ruins and not later than the
4th or 5th century (Tozer, p. 65), bears his.
name. The cathedral of Megalo-Castron or
Candia was delicated to him : and his name was
the watchword of the Cretans when they fought
against the Venetians, who themselves seem to
have placed him above St. Mark in Candia, when
they became masters of the island. See Pashley's
Travel! in Crete, i. pp. 6, 175 (London, 1837).
In addition to this valuable work, see Hoeck's
Kreta (Gsttingen, 1829) ; some papers translated
from the Italian, and published by Mr. £.
Falkener in the second volume of the Museam of
Classical Antiquities (London, 1856); Spratt,
Travels and Eesearches in Crete (1865); Perrot,
L'Ue de Crete (1887) ; StrobI, Kreta, eine geo-
graph.-histor. Skizze (1875-7); Tozer, Islands
of the Aegean (1890> [J. S. H.] [J. E. S.]
CRETE8 (KpVTts; Cretes; R. V. Cretans').
Acts ii. 11. Inhabitants of Crete. In Tit. i. 12
the term used is Cretians. [Ceetb.]
CEETIAN8 (.Kpvrts; Creienses; R. V. Cre-
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670
CBIB
ians). Tit. ^ 12; in the subscription to the
epistle, Titus is said to have been ordained " the
Hrst Bishop of the Church of the Cretians."
Inhabitants of Crete. [Crete ; Cretes.] [G.]
CBIB. The translation (Job xxxix. 9 ; Is. i. 3)
of D13$t, a word applieil to the stall itself (Pror.
xiv. 4) as well as to the place in which the food
was kept. In shape it was probably a box or
trough of stone such as is still in use (cp.
Thomson, Land and Book, ii. 97, quoted in D. B.
Amer. ed. s. n.). [F.]
CBIMSON-WOEM. The Hebrew told',
BtIJI, is translated " crimson " by our Versions
in Is. i. 18, " Though they be red like crimson."
In other passages it is rendered " scarlet." But
it means literally " worm," from the root PPH
(MV." to. eat, and so in Assyr.). Sometimes
ah&nt, ''Xf, " red," is added, bpt more usually
tdldf stands alone, it being clear from the con-
text that not the worm, but the colour obtained
from it, is intended. The production of dyes is
among the most ancient of arts, and was early
practised by the Phoenician^, who long mono-
polised especially the red-purple from the shell-
jish Murex Warularis, and the crimson from the
cochineal insect. The dye was procured from a
well-known homoptcrous insect, Coccus ilia's, or
cochineal, of which, in its final or imago stage,
the male is winged and the female wingless, and
double the size of her partner. From the female
alone is the colour obtained. The insect, about
the size of a haw, attaches itself to the under-
side of the leaf, or to the twigs of the Syrian
holmoak, on which it fed in the larva stage, from
whence the pupa was gathered and dried for
use. It is very common in Palestine, and is still
occasionally used as a dye, though it has lost its
commercial value from the introduction of a
much more prolific, and therefore profitable,
species. Coccus cacti, which, along with the
smooth cnctns on which it feeds, has been intro-
duced from America, and is now found in all
the countries bordering on the Mediterranean,
having generally supplanted the Coccus ilicis.
The Arabic name of the cochineal is 1«J>
hermez, from which, through various languages,
our word " crimson " is derived. [H. ii. T.]
OBISPING PINS. The A. V. translation
of D'pnn (Is. iii. 22), though it and R. V.
render the word "bags" in 2 K. v. 23. The
rendering of the R. V. (Is. /. c.) "satchels"
{QPB.' " purses ") represents more nearly the
reticules of the Hebrew ladies supposed to be
alluded to by the Prophet (see Delitzsch* and
Dillmann' in loco). [F.]
CBISPU8 (Kpt<nrot; Crispus), a Jew of
Corinth bearing a Latin name. Llghtfoot (Hor.
Nebr. in loc) mentions a parallel. Both Crispus
(Acts xviii. 8) and another Corinthian, Sosthenes
(Acts' xviii. 17), have the title of ruler of the
synagogue (ipxurwdyciyot). By comparison of
Mark v. 22 and Acts liii. 15 it seems to have
been sometimes given to more than one of the
leading elders, and not strictly confined to their
president. His oonversion appears to have been
a turning-point in the history of St. Paul's
CBOSS
work at Corinth. The Apostle's preachinj nrt
with nothing but resistance from the Jetr$. He
then turned to the Gentiles and settled ia the
house of Justus. At this point comes the con-
version of Crispus and his household, and
thenceforward the work is abundantly siio
cessful. The critical moment of Crispus' con-
version, and his position, probably account for
St. Paul having baptized him with his own
hands (1 Cor. i. 14). Gains and the honteliold
ofStephanus shared the distinction with Crispus,
and in both these cases there is afterwards en-
dence of special zeal and special services rendered
(Rom. xvi. 23 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 15). [L R. R]
CBOSS ((TTovpis, (tioSaoiI/). Except the
Latin crojc there was no word definitirely and
invariably applied to this instrument of ponisb-
ment. The Greek word araupiis ia derived from
Vmilit, and properly, like criciiAotfi, means merelr
a stake (Horn. Od. xiv. 11; /l. iiiv. 453).
Hence Eustathius defines irreaipoi to be opfi sal
iaru^ufinfya {liAa, and Hesych. oi KaTortrTrrira
<rK6K»wts, xapaiccs. The Greeks use the word
to translate both palus and crux ; e.g. trro^
irpotritty in Dio Cass. (xlix. 22) is exactly
equivalent to the Latin ad palum deligart. h
Livy even crux means a mere stake {in tra sta-
tolli cruces, xxviii. 29), just aa cict m-jo tlie
Fathers use <rK^A<n|', and even stipes (de stipOe
pendens') of a cross proper. In consequence of
this vagueness of meaning, impaling (Herod, ii.
i>7) is sometimes spoken of^ loosely, as a kind of
crucifixion, and ivaiTKoXoTi^ciy is nearly eqsi-
valent to ivaffravpovy; alii per ohscvena stipitsu
egerunt, alii brachia patibulo expiicuerant, Sat
Consol. ad Marc. xx. ; and Ep. xiv. Other
words occasionally applied to the cross are pati-
btilum and furca, pieces of wood in the shape of
n (or Y) and A respectively (/>y. 48, tit. 13;
Plant. Mil. Gl. ii. 47 ; and in Sail. fr. op. Son.
iv. 355, patSmlo rminens afflig^atxtr seems
clearly to imply crucifixion). After the aboli-
tion of this mode of death by Constantine, Tn-
bonianus substituted /urea figendos for cr»c^
gendos, wherever the word occurred. More
generally the cross ia called arior infelix (Liv. i.
26; Sen. Ep. 101), or lignum infelix (Cic. per
Bab. 3) ; and in Greek ii\oy (Dent. xii. 2?)
The Fathers in controversy nsod to quote the
words 6 Kipioi ificuriXtvirtr 4x4 roi {**»
(Ital. Dominus regnamt a ligno), from Ps. icvi.
10, as a prophecy of the Cross (see Just. Mart.
Dial. § 73; Tert. c. Marc iii. 19; A«f.
Enarratt. in Psalm, ad loc.) ; but these woiSt
are adulterina et Christiana devotimc aidita:
though Genebrardus thought them a prophetic
addition of the LXX., and Agellins conjectuns
that they read yv for t[ti (Schlensner's Thes.').
The Hebrews had no jrord for a cross more
definite than ys, « wood " (Gen. xl. 19, &c),»i>d
so they called the transverse beams yiSn *nr>
" warp and woof " (Pearson, On the Cretd, art.
iv.), like {JA.0V SISv/iof, LXX. Crux is connected
with crucib, and is often used proverbially for
what is'most painful (as stunmum jus, smat
crux, Colum. t 7 ; quaerere m malo cmcem. Ter.
Phorm. iii. 3, 11), and as a nicknamt forvilltos
{Quid ais, crwxt Plant. Pen. ii. 5, 17> K««r
terms are Ixpioy (Enseb. viii. 8), iriirit (?)> sad
gabaltis (Varro ap. Non. ii. 373 ; Maeriiiu «p.
Capitol. Macr. 11). This last word is derii«<
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CROSS
from ?3|, terminavit, because a cross or stake
was used for a boanJary-mark.
As the emblem of a slave's disgrace and a
marderer's punishment, the cross was naturally
looked upon with the profoundest horror, and
.closely connected "with the ideas of pain, of
guilt, and of ignominy " (Qibbon, ii. 153 ;
A'ornen ipsum crucis (Asit turn modo a corpore
cirium Sottuxnoram, sed etiam a ccgitatione,
ocvlis, auiifms. Cic. pro Bab. 5). But after the
celebrated vision of Constantine (Enseb. V.
Const, i. 27-30), he ordered his friends to make
a Cross of gold and gems, such as he had seen,
and "the towering eagles resigned the flags
unto the Cross " (Pearson). Thus " the tree of
cursing and shame " " sat upon the sceptres and
was engraved and signed on the foreheads of
kings " (Jer. Taylor, Life of Christ, lu. xv. 1).
The new standards —
" In qnibos eOlgles cmcls ant gemmata refulget,
Aut longis soUdo ex aoro praefertur ab hsstis,"
(Prudent, tn Symm. 11. i6i aq.)
were called by the name Labarum, and may be
seen engraved in Bai'onius (_Ann. Eccl. a.d. 312,
2Jo. 36), or represented on
the coins of, Constantine the
Great and bis nearer suc-
ces.sors. The Lnbarum is
described in Euseb. ( V. Con-
stant, i. 25 ; cp. Sozom.
H. E. \. 4), and, besides
the pendent cross, supported
the celebrated
embroidered
monogram of A
Christ (Gibbon,
ii. 154; Trans-
versa X litterd, sutnmo capite
circumflexo, Caecil.), which
was also inscribed on the
shields and helmets of the
legions : —
" Cbrlstns pnrpnreum gcm-
mantl tectns in anro
Slgnabat Ubarum ; cIy]>eo-
rum Insignia Christas
Scrlpserat, ardebat Rummis
crux addita crlstis."
(Prudent. I. c.)
Nay, the aiiifioXov trcrr^-
ptor was even more prominently honoured ; for
Jerome says, Itegum purpuras et ardentes diade-
matum gemmas patibuli Salvatoris pictura con-
decorat (^Ep. ad Laetam). See further in Da
Cange, s. r. Labarnm.
We may tabulate thus the various descrip-
tions of cross (Lips, de Cruce, i. ; Godwin's
Afoses and Aaron) : —
Crux.
CROSS
671
:^«
Tbe latenim.
(From a coin In tb« BrttUi
1. Stanplex.
Comi
r
2. Deensaata, 3. Commissa
St. Andrew's, or and ansata.
Bnrgandian.
X T t
4. Inihilssa,
or capttata
(Latin).
1 . The crux simplex, or bare stake " of one
single piece without transom," was probably the
original of the rest. Sometimes it was merely
driven through the man's chest, but at other
times it was driven longitudinally, Sik (lixtus
KaX yiirov (Hesych. s. v. 0x6x01^), coming out at
the mouth (Sen. Ep. xiv. ; Consol. ad Marc. 20),
a method of punishment called iraiTKirSihtvtrts,
or infixi). The affixio consisted merely of tying
the criminal to the stake (ad palum deligare,
Liv. xxvi. 13), from which he hung by his
arms : the process is described in the little
poem of Ausonins, Cupido cnicifixus. Trees
were naturally convenient for this purpose, and
we read of their being applied to such use in the
Martyrologies. Tertullian also tells us (Apol.
viii. 16) that to punish the priests of Satnm,
Tiberius in eisdem arbor&us, obumbratricibus
scelerum, votivis crucibus explicuit (cp. Tac. Germ.
xii., Proditorcs et transfugas arborilnis suspen-
dunt). How far the expression " accursed tree "
is applicable under this head is examined under
the word CRUCirixioN.
2. The crux decussata, X, is called St.
Andrew's Cross, although on no good grounds,
since, according to some, he was killed with
the sword ; and Hippolytus says that he
was crucified upright', ad arborem olivae. It is
in the shape of the Greek letter X (Jerome, m
Jer. xxxi. ; X littera et in figura crucem, et in
numero decern demonstrat, Isidor. Orig. i. 3).
Hence Justin Martyr (Dial. c. Tryph. p. 200)
quotes Plato's expression, ixla^tr ainhv iv r^
rim-i, with reference to the Cross. The
Fathers, with their usual luxuriant imagination,
discover types of this kind of Cross in Jacob's
blessing of Joseph's sons, x^P^^" imiXKay^ivais
(cp. Tert. de Baptismo, viii.) ; in the anointing of
priests " decnssatively " (Sir T. Browne, Garden
of Cyras); for the Rabbis say that kings were
anointed in forma coronae, sacerdotes autem
'3 I'03i ad modum Chi, i.e. ad formam X
Graecorum (Schocttgen's Hor. Nebr. et Talm.
ii. 486) ; and in the crossing of the hands over
the head of the goat on the day of Atonement
(Targ. Jonath. ad Lev. xvi. 21, &c.).
3. The crux commissa, or St. Anthony's Cross,
T (so called from being embroidered on that
saint's cope, Mrs. J.'imeson's Sacred Art, i.
XXXV.), was in the shape of a T. Hence Lucian,
in his amusing Ai'nj <f>ui^^7Twi', jocosely derives
aravpis from ToS (iiri roirov . . xal t# Te^i^-
fiari TV vonipf t^v iron)p<U> twttmfiiat' <rwt\-
9uy), and makes mankind accuse it bitterly for
suggesting to tyrants the instrument of torture
(Jud. Vocal. 12). This shape is often alluded to
as "the mystical Tan" (Garden of Cyrus;
nostra autem T species crucis, Tert. adv. Marc.
iii. 22 ; Jer. tn Ezech. ix., &c.). It is known as
the patibulary or Egyptian cross, but seems
to be of Phoenician origin (see Ezek. ix. 4 ;
Didron, Ann. Arch^. xxvi. xxvii. ; and cp. Tert.
adv. Marc. iii. 22). As that letter happens
to stand for 300, opportunity was given for
more elaborate trifling; thus the 300 cubits
of the ark are considered typical (Clem. Alex.
Strom, vi. ; S. Panllin. Ep. ii.); and even
Abraham's 318 servants. Since 318 is repre-
sented by ri^, the Fathers deduced rir /tir
'Iijo-oSk iy tdTs Svat ypd/tfuuriy koI iy iyl rhy
<rravpiy (Bamab. Ep. ix. ; Clem. Alex. Strom.
vi. § 11 ; Ambros. Pro/, in /. 1. de Fide ; Pear-
son [.nrt. iv.] on the Creed, in whose notes these
passages are quoted). ,
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CBOSS
A variety of this cross (the crux ansata,
T" crosses with circles on their heads ") is
found "in the sculptures from Khorsa-
bad and the ivories from Nimrod. M.
Lajard (^Observations tur la Croix ans€e) refers it
to the Assyrian sjrmbol of divinity, the \yinged
Kgare in a circle ; but Egyptian antiquaries
quite reject the theory" (Layard's Nineveh, ii.
213, note). In the Egyptian sculptures, a
similar object, called a crux anaatn, is constantly
borne by divinities, and is variously called " the
key of the Nile " (Dr. Young in Encyd. Briton. ;
Creuzer, Symholik, pp. 168, 169), " the charac-
ter of Venus ; " and more correctly (as by
Lacroze) "the emblem of life." Indeed this
was the old explanation {ipimytvittaan ainim/ai
Tuin)i> ypai^y Zui) iirfpxoiiiini, Sozomen, Hist.
Eccl. vii. 15 ; so too Ruffinns, ii. 29, who says
it was one of the " ifpariKoI vel sacerdotalns
litterae"). "The Egyptians thereby expressed
the powers and motion of the spirit of the
world, and the diffusion thereof upon the
celestial and elemental nature " (Sir T. Browne,
Gard. of Cyrus). This too was the significa-
tion given to it by the Christian converts
in the army of Tbeodosins, when they re-
marked it on the temple of Serapis, according to
the story mentioned in Suidas. The same
symbol has been also found among the Copts,
and (perhaps accidentally) among the Indians
and Persians.
4. The crtix immissa (or Latin cross, -f-)
differed from the former by the projection of
the Sifv 8t|i7|\oi' (or stipes) above the Kipas
tfKipamr, or patibultun (ILuseb. de V. Constant.
i. 31). That this was the kind of Cross on
which our Lord died is obvious (among other
reasons) from the mention of the " title " as
placed above our Lord's head, and from the
almost unanimous tradition ; it is repeatedly
found on the coins and columns of Constantine.
Hence ancient and modern imagination has been
chiefly tasked to find symbols for this sort of
Cros% and has been eminently successful. They
find it typified, for instance, in the attitude of
Moses during the battle of Rephidim (Ex. xvii.
12), saying that he was bidden by the Spirit,
lya Tofliav rintov oravpoD Ka\ to5 iiiKKomos
■Kotrxf" (liarnab. Ep. 12 ; Just. Mart. Dial. c.
Tryph. 89 ; Aaiittus crucis, Tert. adv. JUarc. iii.
18). Finnic. Matemns {de Errors, xxi.) says
that Moses made a Cross of his rod, ut facilius
impetraret quod magnopere postularet, crucem sibi
fecit ex virgd. He also fantastically applies to
the Cross expressions in Hab. iii. 3-5; Is. ix. 6,
&c. Other supposed types are Jacob's ladder
(Jer. Com. in Ps. xci. ; Dominus innixua scalae
Ghristus crudfixus ostenditur, August. Serm. de
Temp. Ixxix.); the paschal lamb, pierced by
transverse spits ((rx')^TiC<(/ici'oi> iiwlat r^
(rX^Mori TsS aravpov bwrarat, Just. M. Dial. e.
Tryph. xl.); and "the Hebrew Tenapha, or
ceremony of their oblations waved by the priest
into the four quarters of the world after the
form of a cross " (Vitringa, Obs. Sacr. ii. 9 ;
Schoettgen, /. c). A truer type (John iii. 14) is
the elevation (JIID'p', Chald.) of the fiery ser-
pent (Num. xxi. 8, 9). For some strange appli-
cations of texts to this figure see Cypr. Testim.
ii. XX. sq. In Matt. v. 18, Xtna %v ^ yua xcpo/a is
also made to represent a Cross (I iirri rh ipSiir
(i\or KoX Ktptda ri v^Ayioy, Theophyl. in loc.,
CBOSS
&c.). To the four txpa of the Cross they al»
applied the S^t ml fiitos mi rKirtt ml
uqxot of Ephes. iii. 18 (as Greg. Nyss. and An;.
Ep. 120) ; and another of their fancies tu tlut
there was a mystical significance ia this lipy
TtTpdirXfvpoy (Nonn. in Joh. xix. 18), becsoie
it pointed to the four comers of the woril
(Quatuor inde plagaa quadrati colligit orUs,
Sedul. iii.). In all nature the sacred sign ns
found to be indispensable (KoTavo^ffart jhn
iv rf K6aiuf (I iytu rov <r)^ncerot rvlnot twi-
KeTrai, Just. M. Apol. i. 72), especially is ssdi
things as involve dignity, energy, or deliver-
ance ; as the actions of digging, plongliing, fcc^
the human face, the antennae of a ship in full
sail, &c Ates quando volant ad aethera ngmm
crucis assumant. Homo natans, vel orans, fomi
crucis utitur (Jer. in Marc. xi.). Signa ipu <!
cant<^ra et vcxilla quid aliud qvam inamix
cruxes suni 1 (Min. Fel. Oct. xxix.). Similir
analogies are repeated in Firm. Matcn. is
Errore, xxi.; Tert. adv. Sat. i. 12; Afol. IS;
de Coron. Mil. 3 : and, in answer to the sneen
of those to whom the Cross was " foolishneta,"
these analogies were considered sufficient pnwT
that signo crucis out ratio naturalis nUitv ad
testra religio formatur (Min. Fel., &c. : see Tille-
mont, vii. 8-16 ; Baronins, Ann. Ecd. A.D. 326).
The types adduced from Scripture were valnsiile
to silence the difiiculties of the Jews, to whms,
in consequence of Dent. xxi. 22 (^mr^oTK
6 (TTavpointyos), the Cross was an espeosl
"atuiubling-block " (Tert. adv. Jud. ix.> Jbay
such fancies (e.g. the harmlessness of cndfoni
flowers, the southern cross, &c) are collected
in Communications vith the Unseen World.
Besides the four (uipa (apices, Tert.) of tiie
cross, was a fifth («%/«), projecting ont of the
central stem, on which the body of the snffeier
rested (i^' f troxovyrat ol Fraupoiiifyn, Jutin
Mart. Dial. 91, who [more tuo"^ compares it to
the horn of a rhinoceros ; sedilis excessHS, T«t.
adc. A'at. i. 12 ; u6i requiescit qui clavis agijiv,
Iren. adv. Haeres. i. 12). This was to picTtnt
the weight of the body from tearing away ti;
hands, since it was impossible that it "skoiU
rest upon nothing but four great wounds " (Jer.
Taylor, Life of Christ, iii. xv. 2, who erroaeoiol!-
quotes the iopv TtrpiwXfupoy of Nonnus). Thi*
firojection is probably alluded to in the famois
ines of Maecenas (ap. Sen. Ep. 101) : —
** Vita dum snperest bene e«t;
Hanc mihl vei acut&
Si Kdean cruet, sustlne."
Ruhkopf (ad loc) so explains it, and it is net i»
probable that it refers to itWKvSiktfea ts
Lipsins thinks (de Cruce, i. 6). Whether title
was also a iroir6Stoy or support to the feet (u
we see in pictures), is doubtful. Grefory of
Tours mentions it ; but he is the eaniest
authority, and has no weight (G. J. Vois. Aro.
Possion. ii. 7, 28).
An inscription, titulus or elogimn (Mipaft,
Luke xxiii. 38 ; cu'rfa, Hatt. xrvii. 37 ; \ h>-
ypa^ T^i alrias. Hark xv. 26 ; rhXts, J«hn
xix. 19; Qui oousom poenae indicant, Sett.
Cal. 32 ; irfyof, Euseb. ; ypi/ifutra tV *"^
riis Bayariirtms triKovrra, Dio Cas^ Uv. 3-,
imxioy iwtypafiita txor, Hesych. fllT). *•*
generally placed above the person's bead, and
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CBOSS
Utefiy expresaed his guilt, as oTfr6s tarty 'At-
toAu i x/MTiwot (Kuseb. H. E. v. 1), Impie
Uadm parmularius (Suet. Dom. i.), and gene-
nllr was carried before the criminal (^prae-
admU Uiulo, Suet.). It was covered with
white grpsum, and the letters were blacli ;
h«Dce Sozuiuen calls it KtiiKttna (^H. E. ii. 1), aod
Xiceplionu a AfuKJ) viris (_H. E. viii. 29). But
}iicquetus(Tif. Sattct. Crucia, i. 6) says it was
«hit« with red letters.
A common tradition assigns the perpetual
tliirer of the aspen to the fact of the Cross
having been formed of its wood. Lipsius, however
(tfc Cnice, iii. 13), thinlts it was of oalc, which
was strong enough, and common in Juden. Few
will attach any importance to his other reason,
that the relics appear to be of oalc. The legend
to which he alludes,
" Pes cmcis est cedr is, corpus tenet alta cupressns,
l^dms msDus retioet. titulo laetatur ollva,"
harJlj needs refutation. It most not be orer-
loolied that crosses must have been of the
meanest and readiest materials, because they
van used in such marvellous numbers. Thus
we are told that Alexander Jannaeus crucified
*J0 Jews (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 14, § 2) ; Varus
2000 (id. xvii. 10, § 10); Hadrian 500 a day;
and Titus so many that x"!"^ ''* ift^dirfTo
TO(t naupott Kol ffTaupoi toij (rdiuurty (Joseph.
Hell. Jud. vi. 28), where Reland rightly notices
the strange retribution, " so that they who had
ncthmg but ' crucify ' in their mouth, were
therewith paid home in their own bodies "
(Sir T. Browne, Vulg. Err. v. 21). In Sicily,
Auipistus cruci6ed 600 (Oros. vi. 18).
It is a question whether tying or binding to the
cross was the more common method. In favour
<i! the first are the expressions ligarc and dcligare ;
the description in Ausonius (fiupido Crucif.) ; the
iigrptian custom (Xen. Ephes. iv. 2) ; the men-
tion by Pliny (iiviii. 11) of apartum e cruce
among magical implements ; and the allusion to
Crucifixion noted by the Fathers in John xix. 24
{Theophyl. ad loc. and Tert. Tunc Petnta ah
(litem cingitva- cum cruci aatringitur). On the
other side we ha^-e the expression wf>a(n)AaEo'6ai,
and numberless authorities (Sen. de Vit. Beatd,
i'x- ; Artemidor. Oneirocr. in several passages ;
-*pnl. Met. iu. 60 ; Plant. Mostcl. ii. 1, 13, et
jflMi'm). That our Lord was nailed, according
to prophecy, is certain (John xx. 25, 27, &c. ;
Zech. xii. 10; Ps. xxii. 16; Foderunt manua
"•«<»» et pedea, quae propria atrocitaa crucia,
I'ert. aiv. Marc. iii. 19, &c. ; Hfu^ar, LXX. ;
Aquil. faxyyar; although the Jews vainly
endeavour to mainUin that here nj«5, "lilte a
!ion," is the true reading. Siit. Senensia, Bihl.
SjiKt. viii. 5, p. 640). It is, however, extremely
probable that both methods were used at once :
thus in Lucan (vi. 547 sq.) we have mention
both of aodoa noceniea and of iaaertum manibus
c/ialybem; and Hilary {de Trin. x.) mentions
together colligantum funium vincula et adactorum
ctacorum vulnera. We may add that in the
crucifixion (a» it is sometimes called, Tert. adv.
Hare. i. 1, cp. Manil. de Androm. v.) of Pro-
metheus, Aeschylus, besides the nails, speaks
of a fuuTxaXtarilp (Prom. 79). When either
inethod was used alone, the tying was con-
sidered more painful (as wc find in the Martyr-
ologiesX since it was a diulinus cmciatua.
BIBLE DICr. — VOL. I.
CBOSS
673
It is doubtful whether three or four nails
were employed. The pa.<sage in Plaut. Moat. ii.
1, 13, is, as Lipsius (de C'/ticf, ii. 9) shows,
indecbive. Kounus speaks of the two feet
(6itov\oKftt) being fastened with cnunail (&(vyi
yifKpif), and Gregory Nazianzen (de Chriat. pat.)
calls the Cross a {vAof rpiiniXoy : hence on gold
and silver Crosses the nails were represented by
one ruby or carbuncle at each extremity (Mrs.
Jameson, /. c). In the " invention " of the
Cross, Socrates (H. E. i. 17) only mentions the
hand- nails; and that only two were found is
argued by Winer (s. v. Kreuxigung) from the ra
liiy, T<k t) (instead of roiis ^ir) in Theodor.
//. E. i. 17. Itomish writers, however, gene-
rally follow Gregory of Tours (de Glor. Mart.
vi.) in maintaining that four nails were used,
which may also be implied by the plural in
Cypr. de Pasaione (clavia . . . pedea terebratUHma),
who also mentions three more, used to nail on
the title. Cyprian is a very good authority,
because he had often been a witness of execu-
tions. There is a monograph on the subject
by Corn. Cnrtius (de clavia dominicia, Antw.
1670). What has been siiid sutficiently dis-
proves the calnmny against the Albigenses in
the following very curious passage of Lucas
Tndensis (ii. contra Albig.) : Albigenaea primi
pinxcrunt imaginem crucijixi uno clavo aimul
utrumque pedem configente, et virginem Mariam
Monoculam ; utrutmjue in deriaionem : aed poatea
prior figura retenta eat, et irrepait in tulgarem
famam (quoted by Jer. Taylor, I. c). On the
supposed fate of the nails, see Theodor. J5f. E. i.
17. Constantine fastened one as a (pvAaicrfipioy
on his horse's bridle, and one (^naras says
some') on the head of the statue which he in-
tended to be the palladium of Constantinople,
and which the }ieople used to surround with
lighted torches (Mosheim, Eccl. Stat. ii. 1, 3,
and notes). The clavua pedis dextri is shown at
Treves (Lips. ii. 9, note).
The story of the so-called " invention of the
Cross," A.D. 326, is too famous to be altogether
passed over. Besides Socrates and Theodoret, it
is mentioned by Rufinus, Sozomen, Paulinas,
Snip. Severus, and Chrysostom, so that Tillemont
(Mim. Ecc. vii.) says that nothing can be more
certain; but, even if the stor)- were not so
intrinsically abaurd (for among other reasons it
was a law among the Jews that the cross was
to be burnt, Otho, Lex. Sab, s. v. Supplicia),
it would require far more probable evidence to
outweigh the decisive silence of Ensebius ( Vit.
Conat. iii. 26 sq.) in his account of the visit
of Helena to Jerusalem. It clearly was to
the interest of the Church of Rome to maintain
the belief, and encourage the story of the
miraculous multiplication of "the wood of the
true Cross," because the sale of fragments was
extremely profitable. The story itself is too
familiar to need repeating. To this day the
supposed title, or rather fragments of it, are
shown to the people once a year in the church of
Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme at Rome. On the
capture of the true llross by Chosroes II., and its
rescue by Heraclius, with even the seals of the
case nnbroken, and the subsequent sale of a
large fragment to Louis IX., see Gibbon, iv. 326,
vi. 66. Those sufficiently interested in the
subject may see further accounts in Baronius
(Ana. Ecc. a.d. 326, No. 42-50), Jortin, and
2 X
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674
CUOSS
SchmiJt {Problem, de Cruds Dominicae Tnven-
tione, Helmst. 1724); and "On the fate of the
trae Cross," a paper read by Lord Mahon before
the Society of Antiquaries, Feb. 1831 (cited
by Dean Milman). Even Cyril of Jerusalem
(Catech. iv. 10) says that fragments of the trne
Cross had found their tray all over the world.
It is an interesting and remarkable fact that
Clement of Alexandria does not mention the Cross
among Christian symbols worn on signet rings,
&c., when he mentions the ship, the dore, the
fish, the anchor, the harp (Paed. iii. 11, § 59);
and except in the disguisisd forms of the mono-
gram nf Christ and the Oammadka, they do not
occur in the earliest frescoes of the Catacombs.
The Latin Cross is first found on the tomb of
Galla Placidia, A.D. 451. Even when the adop-
tion of the Cross by Constantine began to make
it a public and recognised symbol, it was set with
gems and wreathed with flowers, and regarded
as an emblem of exultation and triumph, not of
defeat and agony. The early Christians did not
reg.ird the Atonement eiclosively from the point
of riew of the propitiatory Blood, but as includ-
ing every act of the Divine drama, from the
Inc.'\rnation to the Session at the right hand of
the Father.
It was not till the 6th century that the
emblem of the Cross became the imige of the
Crucifix. As a symbol the use of the (^ross was
frequent in the early Church (Orig. c. Ceh.
ii. 47 ; ftontem cruca signaculo terimtu, Tert. de
Cur. Ua. iii.: cp. Apol. 16; Ad Nat. i. 12).
It was not till the 2nd century that any
particular efficacy was attached to it (Cypr.
Teatim. ii. 21, 22 ; Lact. Inst. iv. 27 ; cp.
Ambr. de obit. Theodos. 46 ; Sozom. H. E. ii. 3,
&c. ; Moshelm, ii. 4, 5). On its subsequent
worship by the Church of Rome, which passed
insensibly from rpoaKiniaa to Xarptia, see Jer.
Taylor's Di»s. from Popery, i. ch. ii. 7, 12 ; and
on the use of the sign in our Church, Hooker's
Eccl. Pol. V. 65. Some suppose an allusion to
the custom in Exek. ix. 4 (Pole, Synops. ad loc ;
Gesen., s. v. in ; ligmim tpec. cnci/orme, Sixt.
Sen. ii. p. 120)1
Besides the noble monograph of Lipsins, de
Cruce (from which we have largely borrowed,
and which quotes so many authorities that it
has been a mine of erudition for later writers),
there are works by Salmasins (de Cruce, Epp. 3) ;
Kippingins (de Cnioe et (^•vcvtriis, Brem. 1671);
Bosius (de Crvce triumphatUe et gloriosd, Ant-
werp, 1617); Gretser (de Cruce Christi); and
Bartholinus (Hypomneumata de Cruce). Very
much may also be gleaned from the learned
notes of Bishop Pearson (On the Creed, art. iv.).
Other authorities are cited or alluded to in the
article itself. [CanciPixiON.] Further details
respecting the use of the Cross, its adoration,
and " the invention of the Cross," do not belong
to our subject. They will be found fully treated
in the IHctionary of Chrietian Antiquities.
On the history of the Cross as a Christian
symbol, see Didron, Iconographie ; Binterim,
DenkKurdigieiten ; De Rossi, De titulia Christ.
Carthaginiensibus ; St. Laurent and Martigny,
In Didron's Annales Arch^logiques, xxvi., &c.
The Fathers recognised that it entered into
heathen as well as Christian symbolism. See
Minuo. Fel. Octar. 29; Tert. Apol. 10; Ad Nat.
>• 12- [F. W. F.]
caowx
CBOWN (H'lt^ This omament, w'oJcb is
both ancient and universal, probably originated
from the fillets used to prevent the hair from
l>eing dishevelled by the wind. Such fillets sre
still common, and they may be seen on the
sculptures of Persepolis, Nineveh, and Egypt;
they gradually developed into turbans, vluch
by the addition of ornamental or predoos mate-
rials assumed the dignity of mitre* or croims
(Jos. Ant. iii. 7, § 7). The as* of them u
ornaments was probably suggested by the
natural custom of encircling the bead with
flowers in token of joy and triumph. (" Let ns
crown ourselves with rosebuds," Wisd. iL 6;
3 Mace. vii. 16 ; Judith xv. 13, and the classical
writers, passim; Winer, i. v. £Wbu«)i The
Jews only borrowed the use of garlands at bsa-
quets from the Greeks in post-biblical times.
The first crown was said to have been woven for
Pandora by the Graces (cp. orc'^arot xap^var,
Prov. iv. 9 = irrf^arot rir irrcv/iorucMr x"^*
Itiraw, Lex. Cyr.). According to Pherecydo,
Saturn was the first to wear a crown ; Diodona
says that Jupiter was first crowned by the fods
after the conquest of the Titans. Pliny, Harpe-
oration, &c., ascribe the earliest ose of erowule
Bacchus, who gave to Ariadne a crown of goM
and Indian gems, and assnmed the laurel garlanj
after his conquest of India. Leo Aegyptias
attribntes the invention to Isia, whose wreath
was cereal. These and other legends are col-
lected by Tertnllian (de Corona mititis, $ 7) bom
the elaborate treatise on crowns by dsnd.
Satnrnius (praestantissimus in hoc materia com-
mentator). Pliny also has much to say aloat
them (If. N. xvi. 3 sq., ixi. 3 sq.). Aaolher
tradition says that Nimrod was the first to wesr
a crown, the shape of which was suggested to
him by a cloud (Eutychius Aleiandr. A»:
i. p. 63). Tertnllian (ubi supra, § 7) argues
against all kinds of garlands as unnatural and
idolatrous. He is, however, singularly ansnt-
cessful in trying to disprove the connteaaace
given to them in Scripture, where they are
constantly mentioned. He says, Qitis . . . epit-
c<^ms invenitur ooronatus f (chap. 9). But both
the ordinary priests and the high-priest vote
" crowns." The common mitre (iW^D, xfSft,
Ex. xxviii.37, ixix. 6, jtc; Toivfa, Jos!; rTp6^tor
t ol Upus ^poviTt, Hesych.) was a iriXot ixirot,
forming a sort of linen taenia or crovrs
((rrs^cUij), Jos. Ant. iii. 7. The n^^W? (.^'^
Ttipa) of the high-priest (used also of a regal
crown, Ezek. xxi. 26) was much more spleodil
(Ex. xxviii. 36. See Knobel-Dillmann in l«»y
It was "an omament of honour, a costly
work, the desires of the eves, goodly aad
beautiful " (Ecclus. xlv. 12>" In Lev. viil S
it is called " the holy crown," which however
Ewald renders " the (sign of) consecration.''
from the Tetragrammaton inscribed on it (So-
pranes, de re Vest. Jud., p. 441). It had >
second fillet of blue lace (t^ ioKlvtou rrror
KiXfiifos, the colour being chosen as a type oi
heaven), and X)ver it a golden diadem (^), £i-
xxix. 6), " on which blossomed a golden calyx lixe
the fiower of the voaKvoftos " (Jos. AnL iii. '<
§ 6). The gold band ()"V, LXX- »^TaX«r, Orig.
IXairrtifutf) was tied behind with Uo* lace
(embroidered with flowers), and being twofia;«rs
broad, bore the inscription (not in bas-itlici, *^
Digitized by
Qoo^^
CBOWN
Abarbanel nys) "Holinen to the Lord" (cp.
K«T. xrii. 5 ; Braunins, <f« Vest. Saeerd. ii. 22 ;
MaimoD. <U Apparaiu Templi, tx. 1 ; ReUnd,
Antirj. ii. 10 ; CarpioT. Appar. Crit. p. 85 ; Jo«.
B. /. T. 5, § 7 ; Philo, de Fit. Uotia, iii. 519).
Some rappose that Joaephus b deacribine > lat«r
crown said to have been given by Alexander
the Great to Jaddna (Jennings' Jtv>. Ant.
p. 15ii) ; but more probably he is simply adopt-
ing the assertions of the Rabbis, for in the Bible
the only distinction between the high-priest's
" crown " and the simple tarban of the other
priests consisted in the addition of the gold
plat«. The use of the crown by priests and in
religious services was nniversal, and perhaps the
badge belonged at first " rather to the ponti-
ficalia than the regalia." Thus Q. Fabins Pictor
says that the first crown was used by Janos
tchen sacrificing. "A striped head-dress and
queue," or " a short wig, on which a band was
fastened, ornamented with an asp, the symbol of
royalty," was used by the kings of Egypt in
religious ceremonies (Wilkinson's Anc -Egypt.
ii. 324, smaller ed. [1878]). The crown worn by
the kings of Assyria was " a high mitre . . . fre-
quently adorned with flowers, &c., and arranged
in bands of linen or silk. Originally there was
only one band, but afterwards there were two,
and the ornaments were richer" (Layard, ii.
320, and the illustrations in Jahn, j4rcA.,0erm.
edit., part i. vol. ii. tab. tx. 4 and 8).
CBOWN OF THOBXS
675
Cmras vara l>r Aarrian kliifi. (Tnim Hlmroliil atid EcniTiiiiJlk.)
There are several words in Scripture for a
crown besides those mentioned ; as I^B (A. V.
" tire," *' bonnet," " ornament," " beauty "), the
head-dress of bridegrooms, Is. Ixi. 10 (R. V.
" garland "), fdrpa, LXX. ; Baruch v. 2 ; Ezek.
xxiv. 17 (rplxviui), and of women. Is. iii. 20
iifiw\ituo»})i nypy (A. v. "moming;"
K. V. " doom," in marg. t/u turn or the crotm-
iny time, Eiek. vii. 7, lit. " circle "), a head-dress
of great splendour (Is. xxviii. 5, A. V. and R. V.
" diadem ") ; 1TI7, a wreath of flowers (ot^^-
ros), Prov. i. 9,'iv. 9, Is. xxviii. 1; ffilf, a
common tiara or turban. Job xxix. 14, Is. iii. 23
(but LXX. tn\ols, Siftarfor). The words
HTO.- ins, and K7313 are spoken of under
DiADEH. The general word is iTTIJir, and we
most attach to it the notion of a costly tvrban
interwoven with pearls and gems of great
Ta.]ue, which often form aigrettes for feathers,
aa in the crowns of modem Asiatic sovereigns.
Sach was probably the crown, which with
its precious stones weighed a talent, taken by
L>a.Tid from the king of Ammon at Kabbah
and used as the state crown of Judah (2 Sam.
xii. 30). Some groundlessly suppose that, being
too heavy to wear, it was impended over
his bead. The royal crown was sometimes
buried with the king (Schickard, Jut Reg, vi.
19, p. 421). Idolatrous nations also "made
crowns for the head of their gods " (£p. Jer. 9).
The Jews boast that three crowns were given
to them : min inD, the crown of the Law ;
nJinS ins, the crown of priesthood ; and
mSTO '3, the royal crown ; better than all
which is 31Q DC ins, the crown of a good
name (Carpzov. Apparat. Critic, p. 60; Otho,
Lex. Talm. s. v. Corona').
iri^iayos is used in the K. T. for every kind
of crown ; but ariiiiia only once (Acts xiv. 13)
for the garlands used with victims. In the
Byzantine Court the latter word was confined to
the imperial crown (Du Fresne, Gloss. Grace.
p. 1442). The use of funeral crowns is not
mentioned in the Bible.
In Rev. xii. 3, xix. 12, allusion is made to
" many crowns " worn in token of extended
dominion. Thus the kings of Egypt used to be
crowned with the " pshent " or united crowns of
Upper and Lower Egvpt (Wilkinson, A.E.i. 257,
269; ii. 323, 325 [1878] ; cp. Layard, ii. 320);
and Ptolemy Philometor wore ttco diadems, one
for Europe and one for Asia. Similarly the
three crowns of the Papal tiara mark various
accessions of power : the first corona was added
to the mitra hr Alexander III. in 1159 ; the
second by Boniface VIII. in 1303 ; and the third
by Urban V. in 1362.
The laurel, pine, or parsley crowns given to
victors in the great games of Greece are finely
alluded to by St. Pan! (1 Cor. ix. 25 ; 2 Tim. ii.
5, &c.). They are said to have originated in the
laurel-wreath assumed by Apollo on conquering
the Python (Tert. de Cor. Mil. 7, 15). "Crown*
is often used figuratively in the Bible (Prov.
xii. 4, xvii. 6 ; Is. xxviii. 5 ; Phil. iv. 1, &c.).
The term is also applied to the rims of altars,
tables, &c. (Ex. xxv. 25, &c. ; Dent. xxii. 8, iroi-
'llfftis arTt^iyrjv ry t^futri ffov. Projectura
curonarum, Vitr. ii. 8, Plin. xxxvi. 24 ; Angusti
muri corona, Q. Curt. ix. 4, 30). The ancients
as well as the moderns had a coin called "a
crown " (rhf irT4<payoy iy ifdXtTt, 1 Hacc. xiii.
39, X. 29, E. V. " Crown-tax ; " v. Snid. s. v.
oTt^orMtiv r4\*<rfM). [Diadem.]
The chief writers on crowns are Paschalius
(de Coronis, libri x.) and Meursius (de Corond,
Hafniae, 1671). For others, see Fabricius, Bibl.
Ant. xiv. 13. Full accounts of ancient Pagan
crowns and garlands will be found in the Diet,
of Qk. and Rom. Antiquities; and of more modem
imperial crowns and .wreaths, in the Vict, of
Christian Antiguitiet. [F. W. F.]
CBOWN OF THOBNS (<rr4<p<tt>os /{ ixoy-
B&v, Matt, ixvii. 29). Our Lord was crowned
with thorns in mockery by the Roman soldiers.
The object seems to hare been insult, and not
the infliction of pain as has generally been
supposed. The Rhamnus or Spina Christi,
although abundant in the neighbourhood of
Jerusalem, cannot be the plant intended, because
its thorns are so strong and large that it could
not have been woven (irA^forret) into a wreath.
The large-leaved acanthus (bear's-foot) is totally
nnsuited for the purpo.«e. Had the acacia been
intended, as some suppose, the phrase would
2X2
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CBUCD'IXION
have been i( luciytris. Obrionily some small
ilexile thomv shrub is meant ; perhaps capparet
spinosae (Reland'a PalesUn. ii. 523). Uasselquist
(Travels, p. 288) says that the thorn used was
the Arabian ifabi (Zizyphus Spina-Christi).
" It was very suitable for their purpose, as it
has many sharp thorns which inflict painful
wounds ; and its flexible, pliant, and round
branches might easily be plaited in the form of
a crown." It also resembles in colour the rich
dark green of the triumphal iry-wreath, which
woold give additional pungency to its ironical
purpose (Roseumiiller, Botany of Scnpt. p. 202,
jing. ed.). The name of " Christ's-thorn " is
also given to the Arabic Sam&i- {Paliurut
actileatus), which is common in the neighbour-
hood of Jerusalem. On the Empress Helena's
supposed discovery of the crown of thorns, and
its subsequent fate, see Gibbon, ii. 306, vi. 66,
ed. Milman. [F. W. F.]
OBUCIPIXIOX (trravpovy, iya(rTa»i>ovy,
<nco\mri(fiy, rpixriiXoiy [and, less properly,
iwaaKwtvKtitiy^ ; cruet or patibulo afficere, suf-
figere, or simply figere Pl'ert. de Pat. iii.],
cruciare [Auson.] ad palum aUigare, crucem
alicui atatuere, in crucem agere, tollere, &c. : the
sufferer was called cruciariiis). The variety of
the phrases shows the extreme commonness of
the punishment, the invention of which is tra-
ditionally ascribed to Semiramis. It was in use
among the Egyptians (as in the case of Inarus,
Thuc. i. 30 ; Gen. xl. 19 [as usually under-
stood]), the Phoenicians and Carthaginians (as
in the case of Hanno, &c., Val. Max. ii. 7 ;
Sil. Ital. ii. 344), the Persians (Polycrates, &c. ;
Herod, iii. 125, iv. 43 ; Esth. vii. 10, aravpa-
Hfrw iir' airi, LXX. t;. 9), the Assyrians
(Diod. Sic. ii. 1), Scythians (Id. ii. 44). Indians
(Id. ii. 18 ; Winer, s. v. Kreuziguni), Germans
(possibly, Tac. Oerm. 12), and it was very
frequent from, the earliest times (rcste suj-
petuiito, Liv. i. 26) among the Greeks and
Romans. Cicero, however, refers the introduc-
tion of this punishment, not (as Livy docs) to
the early kings, but to Tarquinius Superbus (pro
Sab. 4). Aurel. Victor cills it Vetm teteni-
mtinque (an tetcrr. ?) patibutorum suppiivium.
Both Kpt/ifv ami suspcndcrc (Ov. 76m, 299) refer
to death by crucifixion; thus, in speaking of
Alexander's cruuifi.\ion of 2000 Tyrians, iwtKpi-
luurty in Diod. Sic. answers to the Crucibus
affixus, Q. Curt. iv. 4.
Whether this mode of execution was known
to the ancieut Jews is a matter of dispute, on
which Winer quotes a monograph by Bormitius.
It is asserted to have been so by Baronius (An-
fial. 1. xxxiv.), Sigonius (de Sep. Bcbr. vi. 8),
■&C., who are refuted by Casaubon (c. Baron.
Exerc. xvi. ; Carpzov. Apparat. Crit. p. 591).
The Hebrew words said to allude to it are D?,!
(sometimes with the addition of Y\in 73} ; hence
the Jews in polemics call our Lord ^Yjn, and
Christians '1771 n2W. "worshippers of the
crucified ") and l?gj, both of which in A. V. and
R. v. are generally rendered "to hang " (2 Sam.
xviii. 10 ; Deut. xxi. 22 ; Num. xiv. 4 ; Job xxvi.
7) ; for which <rTavp6tt occurs in the LXX. (Esth.
vii. 10), and crucifixcrunt in the Vulg. (2 Sam.
xxi. 6, 9). The Jewish account of the matter
cauciFixios
(in Maimcnides and the Rabbis) is, that the ei-
(losure oi the body tied to a stake by its haadi
(which might loosely be called crucitiiion) tWx
place after death (Lightfoot, Sor. Ihbr. vt ilalL
xxvii. 31 ; Utho, Lex. Sab. s. v. Stpplida;
Reland, Ani. ii. 6 ; Sir T. Browne, Vulj. Ernn,
v, 21). Even the placing of a head on a single
upright pole has been culed crucihiion. This
custom of crucifixion after death (whicii seema
to be implied in Deut. xxi. 22, 23) was by i»
means rare ; men were first killed or stanoed is
mercy (Cic. Vcrr. ii. 45; Suet. Jul, Cti«. "4;
Herod, iii. 125 ; Pint. Cleom. 38). AccorJiog to >
strange story in Pliny (xxxvi. 15, § 24). it wis
adopted by Tarquin, as a post mortem disgncc,
to prevent the prevalence of suicide. It teem!
on the whole that the Rabbis are correct in
asserting that this exposure is intended in Scti|-
ture, since the Mosaic capital punishments wen
four (viz. the sword, Ex. xxi. 14, cp. 1 K. iL 31 :
strangling, Kum. xxv. 4; tire. Lev. ii. U;
and stoning. Lev. xx. 27). I'hilo indeed >ayd(i
leg. tpec,y that Moses adopted crucibiion as >
murderer's punishment becaose it was the mrtt
he could discover; but the passage in Vtui.
(xxi. 23) does not prove his assertion. Probabi;
therefore the Jews borrowed crucifixion (is thi
proper sense) from the Romans (Jos. Ant. u.
6, % 2; de Bell. Jud. ii. 12, § 6 ; F./. 75, it),
although there may have been a few isoUtei
instances of it before (Jos. Ant. xiii. 14, § 2)
It was unanimously considered the most bo^
rible form of death, worse even than burning,
since the " cross " precedes " burning " in tiK
law-books (Lips, de Cruc. ii. 1). Hence it ii
called crudelisaimum tetcrrimumque suppUaut
(Cic. Verr. v. 66), extrema poena (Apul. de Jw.
^si'n. X.), sununtun supplidam (Paul. &iit v. tit.
xxi., &c.) ; and to a Jew it would acquire fact>
tious horror from the curse in Deut. xxi. 23.
Among the Romans also the degradation ms t
part of the infliction, since it was especislir >
scrcile supplicium (Tac. H. iv. 11 ; Juv. vi. iii:
Hor. Sat. i. 3, 8, &c. ; Plant, paasim), so tbsl
even a freedman was exempt from it (Cic pn
Sab. 5) ; or if it was ever applied to freemen, it
was only in the case of the vilest crimintlj.
thieves, &c. (Jos. Ant. xvii. 10, § ID; &t
Jud. V. 11, § 1 ; Paul. Sent. v. tit. iiiii.; 1»k-
prid. Akx. Sev. 23).- Exemption from this form
of punishment was the privilege of every Ronsa
citizen by the jta cititatit (Cic. Yerr.'ii. 1, 3>
Our Lord was condemned to it by the popslsr
cry of the Jews (Matt, xxvii. 23, as often hap-
pened to the early Christians) on the cbsr|« of
sedition against Caesar (Luke ixiii. 2), althos;k
the Sanhedrin had previously condemned him
on the totally distinct charge of blasphrmr.
Hundreds of Jews were crucified on this chirit,
as by Florus (Jos. Beil. Jud. iu 14, § 9) s»J
Varus, who crucified 2000 at once (Int.vi-
10, § 10).
We now purpose briefly to sketch the sttfs of
the punishment, omitting only such parts of it
as hare been already detailed under Cboes.
The scarlet robe, crown of thornn, and other
insults to which our Lord was subjected fin
illegal, and arose from the spontaneous petuUsc*
of the brutal soldiery (cp. Tac Atai. xr. +4,
"et pereuntibus addita liidibria"y Bol the
punishment properly commenced with scooping,
after the criminal had been stripped ; heue in
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CBUCIFIXION
th( common form of senUnce we find " sum-
more, lictor, despoHa, verbera," &c. (Li v. i. 26.
For tkU there are > host of anthorities : Lit.
xirii. IS, juiii. 36 ; Q. Curt. vii. 11 ; Lnc. dt
PiKat, i ; Jer. Comment, ad Matt, xxvii. 26, &c.).
Sconrgins; was inflicted not with the compara-
tirely mild virgae, bat the more terrible flageUvn
(Hor. Sat. i. 3 ; 2 Cor. xi. 24, 25), which was
not ns«d by the Jew« (Dent. ixv. 3). Into these
sconrgn the soldier* often stuck nails, pieces of
bone, &c. (the tuiurri^ iLcrrparfoXartii mentioned by
AthcnaeiM, p. 153 a ; Lnc. Asm. 38, &c. ; flagnm
pecvmis ossibtja catanatumj Apnl. Met. 8). This
<ru done to heighten the pain, which was often
ao intense that the sufferer died under it ((Tip.
lit Poenia, lib. riii.). The scourging generally
toolc place at a column, and the one to which our
Lord was supposed to hare been bound was seen
by Jerome, Prndentins, Gregory of Tours, &c.,
and is still shown at sevenil churches among the
relics. In our Lord's case, howerer, this inflic-
tion seems neither to hare been the legal
Hoarging after the sentence (Val. Max, i. 7 ;
Jos. 6elL Jud. ii. 14, § 9), nor yet the examina-
tion by torture (.\cts xiii. 24), but rather a
sconrging before the sentence, to excite pity and
procure immunity from further punishment
(Lulie xiiii. 22 ; John xix. 1) ; and if this view
be correct, the ^ftrfiXKtKras in Matt, xxrii. 26
is retrospective, as so great an anguish could
hardly hare been endured twice. How severe it
w»8 is indicated in prophecy (Ps. xxxv. 15 ; Is.
1.6). Vossius considers that it was partly legal,
partly tentative (//orm. Pat$. v. 13). In the
spurious Acts of Pilate it is said that forty
blows were given, but that is a mere confusion
of the Roman with the Jewish custom.
The criminal carried his own cross, or at any
rate a p.irt of it (Plut. <fc ii$ qui sero, &c. 9 ;
Artemid. Onnrocr. ii. 61 ; John xix. 17 ; Paiibu-
lim feral per wbem, dcinde affiijatur cruci. Plant.
Carinnar.y Hence the term Furcifer, — crosa-
Warcr. This was prefigured by Isaac carrying
the («/«rf in Gen. xxii. 6, where eren the Jews
notice the parallel ; and to this the Fathers
fantastically applied the expression in Is. ix. 6,
" the goremment shall be upon his shoulder "
(Septimios, c. Jud. 12 ; Aug. Serm. 71 ; Theo-
doret, Procopius, &c. ad loc.). Criminals were
.<ometimes scourged and goaded on the way
(Plant. Hostel, i. 1, 52). " In some old figures
we see our Lord described with a table appendent
to the fringe of his garment, set full of nails an<l
jointed iron " (Jer. Taylor, Life of Christ, iii.
IT. 2. Hacrehni ligno rjuod tiileran : Cypr. de
Pas. p. 50). [Simon op Ctrese.]
The place of execution was outside the city
(" post urbem," Cic. Verr. v. 66 ; " extra por-
taro," Plant. Mil. Gl. ii. 4, 6 ; 1 K. xxi. 13 ;
Acts rii. 58 ; Heb. xiii. 12 ; and in camps, " extra
vallum "), often in some public road (Quinct.
Dect. 275) or other conspicuous place like the
Campus Martius (Cic. pro Rabirio), or some spot
set apart for the purpose (Tac. Ann. xv.). This
might sometimes be a hill (Val. )lax. ri.) ; it is,
howerer, merely tradition to call Golgotha a
hill; in the Erangelists it is called rirtot [Cal-
vary]. Arrired at the place of execution, the
sufferer was stripped naked (Artemid. Oneirocr.
ii. 58), the dress being the perquisite of the
t<ddiers (Matt, xivii. 35; Dig. ilriii. 20, 6);
possibly not eren a cloth round the loins was
CRUCIFIXION
677
allowed him ; at least among the Jews the rule
was "that a man should be stoned naked,"
where what follows shows that " naked " must
not be taken in its restricted sense. We may
be sure, howerer, that the Acts of Pilate pre-
serve a traditional fact when they say of our
Lord irtptiittaar aiirhr Kiman (Act. Pilot. 10).
The cross was then driven into the ground, so
that the feet of the condemned were a foot or
two above the earth (in pictures of the Cruci-
fixion the Cross is always much too large and
high), and he was lifted upon it (agere, excur-
rere, tollere, ascendere in crucem ; Prudent. »«pl
<rrt(p. ; Plant. Mostel. ' Ouciso/us ; ' Id. Bacch. 2,
3, 128; ii^oi', iiyoy, ^7«i' tit &Kpop t4?ims,
Greg. Kaz.), or else stretched upon it on the
ground, and then lifted with it, to which there
seems to be an allu.iion in a lost prophecy (?)
quoted by Barnabas (Ep. 12), trtw (i?iM kKiS^
Kal ifotrrp (Pearson on Creed, art. iv.). The
former method was the commoner, for we often
read (as in Esth. vii. 10, &c.) of the cross being
erected beforehand, m terrorem. Before the
nailing or binding took place (for which see
Cbosb), a medicated cup (sopor, Plin. xx. 18;
Sen. i^. 83) was given out of kindness to con-
fuse the senses and deaden the pangs of the
sufferer (Pror. xxxi. 6), usually of olros iaiwf-
/utrittfot or Kt\i0a)mnii>ot, as among the Jews
(Lightfoot, Ifor. I/ebr. ad Matt, xxvii.), because
myrrh was soporific This merciful alleviation
our Lord refused that His senses might be
clear (Hatt. xxrii. 34 ; Hark xr. 23. Kaimon.
Sanhed. xiii.). St. Matthew calls it i^os (or
olyoy, K, B, D, K, L, Ac.) f^ira xoA^r O^inX an
expression used in reference to Ps. Ixix. 21, but
not strictly accurate. This mercifully intended
draught must not be confounded with the
spongeful of rinegar (or posca, the common
drink of Roman soldiers, Spart. Iladr.; Plaut.
Mil. Gl. iii. 2, 23), which was put on a hyssop-
stalk and offered to our Lord in mocking and
contemptuous pity (Matt, xxrii. 48 ; Luke xxiii.
36) ; this He barely tasted to allay the agonies
of thirst (John xix. 29).
Our Ix)rd was crucified between two " mate-
factors" or "brigands" (then so common in
Palestine, Jos. Bell. Jud. ii. 6, &c.), according to
prophecy (Is. liii. 12); and was watched accord-
ing to custom by a party of four soldiers (John
xix. 23) with their centurion (kovotujIo, Matt.
xxrii. 66 ; miles qui cruces asserrabat, Petr. Sat.
iii. 6 ; Plut. Vit. Cleom. 38), whose express office
was to prerent the remoral of the body. This
was necessary from the lingering character of
the death, which sometimes did not superrene
eren for three days, and was at last the result of
gradual benumbing and stsrration (Enseb. R. E.
riii. 8 ; Sen. Prov. 3). But for this guard, the
sufferers might hare been taken down and
recorered (as in the case of Sandokcs : Herod.
rii. 194), as was actually done in the case of a
friend of Josephns, though only one survired
out of three to whom the same Stpmitla txtnt-
XeoTinj was applied (Vit. 75). Among the
Conrulsionnaires in the reign of Louis XV.
women would be repeatedly crucified, and eren
remain on the cross three hours ; we are told of
one who underwent this torture twenty-three
times (Encycl. Metr. s. r. Cross). The pain
consisted almost entirely in the nailing, and not
more than a baaonful of blood was lost. Still
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CBUOIFIXION
we canaot believe trom the Martfrologies that
Victorioiu (crucified head-downwards) lived
three dajr«, or Timothens and Maura nine days.
For description of the conduct of men who were
being cruciSed, see Cic. Verr. r. 62 ; Jnstin,
xiii. 7; Sen. de Vit. boat, 19; Jos. B. J. riii.
(i, § 4; Keim, Jeau eon Saxara, III. ii. 431.
Fracture of the legs (Plant. Poen. iv. 2, 64) was
especially adopted by the Jews to hasten death
(John xix. 31), and it was a mitigation of the
punishment, as whs observed by Origen (in Matt. ;
cp. Sen. Up. 101^. It was sometimes even
purchased as a privilege (Cic. Vcrr. ii. 45).
But the onusnsl rapidity of our Lord's death
(tihrytvew, Haric xv. 37, Luke xxiii. 46;
i^riKtv rh wptvua, Matt, xxrii. &0 ; wapiSmKw
rh vnviia, John xix. 30) was due to the
depth of His previous agonies (which appears
from His inability to bear His own Cross for)
and to His mental anguish (Schoettgen, Hor.
Heh. y\.9;de pass. Mestiae) ; or it may be suffi-
ciently accounted for by the rupture of the
heart which is believed to have been the
physical cause of His death (Stroud, 7%« Phy-
sical Cause of th» Death of Christ, 1871 ; Dr. S.
Haughtoo, quoted in Speaker's Commentary, add.
note on 1 John v. 6, pp. 349, 350). There is
no need to explain the " giving up the ghost "
as an actual miracle (Heb. v. If), oi to say
with Cyprian, Praevento camificis officio, spiriixon
sponte dimisit (adv. Demctr.), though beyond
all doubt the mode and the moment of Christ's
death were in accordnnce with His own Divine
will— ^ud voluit, qiiando voluit, quomodo voltUt
(Aug. Cp. Is. liii. 7 [Vulg. Oblatus <st quia ipse
voluitT). Still less can the common cavil of
infidelity be thought noteworthy, since had our
Lord been in a swoon the piercing of His peri-
cardium (proved by the appearance of lymph
and blood) would have ensured death (see
Kschenbach, Opusc. Med. de Servatore non ap-
parenier sed vere mortuo, and Gruncr, de morte
Christi non synopticd, quoted by Jabn in the
Arch. Bibl.'). Pilate expressly satisfied himself of
the actual death by questioning the centurion
(Marie XV. 44) ; and the omission of the break-
ing of the legs in this case was the fulfil-
ment of a type (Ex. xii. 46). Other modes of
hastening death were by lighting fires under
the cross (hence sucli nicknames as Sarinentitii
and Semaxii, Tert. Apolog. 50X or by letting
loose wild beasts on the crucified (Suet.
yer. 49>
Generally the body was suffered to rot on the
crosa (Cic 2iMc. Q. i. 43 ; Sil. ItaL riii. 486),
by the action of sun and rain (Herod, iii. 12), or
to be devoured by birds and beasts (Gen. xl. 19 ;
Apul. de Aur. Asin. 6 ; Hor. £p. i. 16, 48 ; Juv.
xiv. 77). Sepulture was as a rule forbidden,
though it might be granted as a special favour
or on grand occasions. But in consequence of
Deut. xxi. 22, 23, an express national exception
was made in favour of the Jews (Matt, xxvii.
58 ; cp. Joseph. Bell. Jud. iv. 5, § 2).
Having thus traced the whole process of
crucifixion, it only remains to speak of the
manner of death, and the kinds of physical
sulTering endured, which we shall very briefly
abridge from the treatise of the physician
Richter (in Jahn's Arch. Bibl.). These were:
1. The unnatural position and violent tension
of the body, which caused a painful sensation
CBUSE
from the least motion. 2. The naiU \*n%
driven through parts of the hands and fcM
which are full of nertei and (cndoat (tad rt\
at a distance from the heart), crmte th« m<>j.t
exquisite anguish. 3. The expc«are of so rauj
wounds and lacerations brings on inSsramaboD,
which tends to become gangrene, and ertty
mement increases the poignancy of t«rmfnt.
4. In the distended parts of the body mon
blood flows through the arteries than cm t«
carried back into the reins: hence too madi
blood finds its way from the aorta into the
head and stomach, and the blood-resielt of
the head become pressed and swollen. Tlit
general obstruction of drcnlation which obOH
causes an internal excitement, eiertiea, ati
anxiety, more intolerable than death itMlf. i.
The inexpressible misery of graduaOy incraaiss
and lingering angnisfa. To all which «< bit
add, 6. Burning and raging thirst, lii thm
we see that the terrible death which the Lori
Jesus endured for our salvation inrolnd ili
that pain and death can have of ghaitl;' ul
horrible, — dizziness, crarap, hunger, tUnt,
sleeplessness, traumatic fever, tetanus, mortiii-
cation of wounds, publicity of shame, losg eo-
tinnance of torment.
This accursed and awful mode of pnnislines:
was happily abolished by Constantinc (SatoD.
If. E. i. a-, AnreL Vict. Coast. *l\ fnhtUr
towards the end of his reign (see Lips, it
Orttoe, iii. 15), although it is cnrions tlut *<
have no more definite account of the mattrr.
" An edict so honourable to Christianity," »ri
Gibbon, " deserved a place in the Th««ii»ia
code, instead of the indirect mention of it wluci
seems to result from the comparison of th< itk
and 18th titles of the 9th book " Qi. IM, Dott).
An explanation of the other circnnutiDcei
attending the Crucifixion belongs rather t» i
commentary than a dictionary. On the tjfd
and prophecies of it, besides those addooed, i«
Kp. Barnab. 11, 12; Just. Mart. ipo<. i. M:
Dial. SS-91,97 ; Cypr. Yesttm. ii. 20, Ik. Oafe
resurrection of the saints, see Lightibot odMitL
xxvii. 52 (there is a monograph by G«t«T«ia
— Dissert de Besar, sanctontm cum Oirisb). '^
other concomitant prodigies, see Schoettpa,£v.
Jlebr. et Talmud, vi. 3, 8. [DARKireas; Ciaa]
The chief authorities are quoted in the titicl<i
and the anciVnt ones are derived in pstt &(3
Lipsius; of whose most interesting trtttisc^
Cruce, an enlarged and revised editiw, *'>^
notes, would be very acceptable. On the p*"
in which our Lord's Crucifixion differed ftt*
the ordinary Jewish customs, see Otho, l^'
Babbiniciim, s. v. Supplida ; Bynseos, dt H"'-'
Jesu Christi; Vossius, Harm, Passmus; CaipJ''-
Apparat Crit p. 591 sq., Ac [F. W. f]
CKUSE, a word employed in the A. ''i
apparently without any special intestii'>i tv
translate three distinct Hebrew words.
1. Tzappachath, nnBV (from HB* » «^>«
with the idea of width ; cp. ampvlU frf»
amplus). Some clue to the nature of this rts^
is perhaps afforded by ita mention at beis; »''
of water at the head of Saul when on his vi"J'
expedition after David (1 Sam. xiri. 11, H'-)'
and also of Elijah (1 K. xix. 6). In s siaJ"
case in the present day (cp. Thomson, lyvJ ■»;
Book, ii. 21) this would be a globular rest^
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CBT8TAL
of bine poTona city — ^the ordinary Gaza pottery
— (boot 9 inches in diameter, with a neck of
abont 3 inches long, a small handle below the
neck, and opposite the handle a straight spont,
with an orifice about the size of straw, through
which the water is drunk or sucked. The form
is common also in Spain, and will be familiar to
masT from pictures of Spanish life. A similar
globular Tessel probably contained the oil of the
widow of Zarephath (1 K. xrii. 12, 14, 16).
For the " box " or " horn " in which the conse-
rrated oil was carried on special occasions, see
Oil.
2. The noise which these vessels make when
emptied through the neck is suggestir* of the
second term, Baibook, p43|?3, probably like the
Greek bombulos, p6fi0u\ot, an onomatopoietic
word. This is found but twice — a "cruse of
honey "(1 K. liv. 3, R. V. marg. Jottto); and
an "earthen bottle " (Jer. xix. 1).
3. Apparently very different from both these
is the other term, Tzelachah, nro^t (>n pl- only,
ninbV; found also in the forms n*rD2^ and
Tin?V, from a root n?V, of uncertain meaning,
cp.'Ges. Thes. and HV."). This was probably
a flat metal saucer of the form still common
in the East. D^rPV occurs in 2 K. ii. 20,
"cruse;" rtn^S in 2 Ch. xiit. 13, ."pans;"
nn^V in 2 K. ixi. 13, "dish ;" and in ProT.
xii. 24, xxTi. 15, where R. V. rightly translates
"dish ; " in A. V. the figure is obscured by the
chmce of the word " bosom." [G.] [V.]
CRYSTAL, the represenUtive in the A. V.
of the Hebrew word zec&cith (n'5^2t), in the
K.V. "glass," and of kerach (rnjJ) in the A. V.
andR. V,
1. Zecucith (ffoAot ; mtrum) occurs only in
Job xxviii. 17, where wisdom is declared to be
more valuable than "gold and the crystal."
Notwithstanding the different interpretations of
"rock crystal," "glass," "adamant," &c., that
hare been assigned to this word, there can, we
think, be very little doubt that "glass" is
intended (so R. V.). The old Versions and para-
phrases are in favour of this interpretation. The
Targum has zegougit/ia, by which the Talmudists
understand " glass." The Syriac has xagugiito ;
the Arabic zujaj, i.e. " glass." Schultena {Com-
ment, in Job. 1. c) conjectures that thel words
tdhab izeciicith (D^SUH 3np are a hendiadys
to denote " a valuable glass or crystal goblet,"
or "a glass vessel gilt with gold," such a one
perhaps as that which Nero is reported to have
broken to pieces in a fit of anger (Pliny, N. H.
xxxvii. 2). Cary (Job, /. c.) translates the
words " golden glass ; " and very aptly com-
pares a passage in Wilkinson (.inc. Egi/pt. ii. 61,
[1878]), who, speaking of the skill of the
Egyptians in making glass, says that " they had
even the secret of introducing gold between two
surfaces of glass, and in their bottles a gold
band alternates within a set of blue, green, and
other colours." It is very probable that the
zecieith of Job (/. c.) may denote such a work
of art as is referred to in this quotation.
[Glaw.]
CUCKOO
679
S. Kerach (KpivraXKot; crj/stallttm) occurs
in numerous passages in the 0. T. to denote
"ice," " frost,'* &c. ; but once only (Ezek. i. 22 ;
R. v. marg. ice), as is generally understood, to
signify "crystal:" "And the likeness of the
firmament . . . was as the colour of the mag-
nificent crystal." The ancients supposed rock-
crystal to be merely ice congealed by intense
cold ; whence the Greek word KpiaraWos, from
<y&)j, "cold" (see Pliny, If. H. xixvii. 2).
The similarity of appearance between ice and
crystal caused no doubt the identity of the
terms to express these substances. The A. V.,
following the Vnlg., translates the epithet
(Kiijri) "terrible" in Ezek. (/. c): the word
might perhaps be rendered " splendid." It has
the same meaning as the Latin sptctabilis. The
Greek KpimaWos occurs in Rev. iv. 6, xxU. 1,
It may mean either " ice " or " crystal." In-
deed there is no absolute necessity to depart
from the usual signification of the Hebrew
kerach in Ezek. (/. c). The upper vault of
heaven may well be compared to " the astonish-
ing brightness of ice" (see Harris, Diet. Nat.
Miit. of Bible, art. " Crystal"). [W. H.]
CUBIT. [Measubes.]
CUCKOO (Sin?', shachaph; \ipos; larua),
in the A. V. " cuckow," in the R. V. " sea-mew."
It is difficult to conjecture how the rendering
" cuckoo " has become adopted in all English
versions from that of Coverdale, a.d. 1535, down
to the A. V. There is no authority for it elsewhere.
Cuckoos are certainly well known in Palestine,
where two species are common, Cuculut canorva,
or common cuckoo, and Oxylophua glandariut,
the great spotted cuckoo. They are known to
the Arabs, and probably were to the Hebrews,,
as to the Greeks, by the same name as among
ourselves, for the must unobservant of peoples
have always recognised the note of the cuckoo.
The Hebrew word shachaph occurs only in Lev.
xi. 16 (Knobel-Dillmann, MBae), and in Deut. xiv. '
15, as the name of some unclean bird. Bochart
(Bierox. iii. 1) has attempted to show that
Shachaph denotes the Cepphua. The xtir^t of
Aristotle {Anim. Hist. viii. 5, § 7 ; ix. 23, § 4),
Nicander QAkxipharm. 165), and other Greek
writers, has been identified by Schneider with
the storm-petrel (7itaJ<iss»iin»nape/a>;«(Xi). Had
this writer identified it with "Petrel" generally,
instead of limiting it to one species, and that the
smallest, and very rare in the Mediterranean, he
would have been more in harmony with ail the
ancient Versions, and have been probably correct.
The petrel family, including under the term the
shearwater and storm-petrels, are abundant on
the Syrian coast. The Scholiast on Aristophanes
^Pluttts) describes the Cepphus as a light kind i
of gull. Suidas, under the word xir^s, says, '
" It is a bird like a gull, light of body, and sails
over the waves." The notion held by the
ancients that the Cepphus lived on the foam of
the sea, points also to the shearwater, which will
well answer to Suidas' definition of xir^s.
The two most common species in the Eastern
Mediterranean are the Hana shearwater (Puffinus
anglorum) and the Mediterranean shearwater
(^Puffinus kuhli). These birds, especially the
former, may be seen all day long passing in
countless flocks up and down the Dardanelles,
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CUCUMBERS
and are never seen to rest or pause on the water,
but ceaselessly glide within a few inches of the
surface whether the sea be smooth or rough.
They are popularly believed by the Moslems to
be the souls of the lost, and are consequentlv
known to the Franks as the " jmes damnees. '
During the late autumn and winter the shear-
waters and petrels appear to live altogether out
»t sea. In spring they resort ts cliSs and banks
»n the shore, and breed in burrows which they
scoop out of the soil about one or two feet deep.
The folly ascribed to the birJ, whence the Greek
verb Kewipiaitm, " to be easily deceived " (see
LXX. in Prov. vii. 22), may have some founda-
tion in the fact that these birds when on the
nest will allow themselves to be taken by the
hand. It is very possible that not only the petrel
but also the gull tribe, equiilly or rather more
abundant on the coast and on the inland lakes,
lae also included in the Hebrew shachaph, and
the etymology which (according to some) points
to some "slender" bird would also suit this
inclnsion. The most common species are the
magnificent Eagle -Gull (^Larua ichthyaetus^.
Black-headed Gull {L. ndibundia). Common
Gull (L. canus\ Yellow-legged Herring Gull
(£. cachinnans), and Lesser Black-backed Gull
(L.fuKui). [H. B. T.]
CUCUMBERS (D'N^i?, kUAshtdm; ol
(TiKvoi ; ctKUOKrct). This word occurs twice, in
Xum. xi. 5, as one of the good things of Egypt
for which the Israelites Ibngel, and mikishdii,
" a garden of cucumbers," Is. i. 8. There is no
doubt as to the meaning of the Hebrew word,
which is found with a slight variation in the
Arabic, Syriac, Aethiopic, &c., to denote the
plant now under consideration (see Celsius,
Hierob. ii. 247). Egypt produces excellent
cucumbers, melons, &c. [Melon], the Ca:wiut
chate being, according to Hasselquist (TVas.
p. 258), the best of its tribe yet known. This
plant grows in the fertile earth around Cairo
after the inundation of the Nile. The fruit,
which is somewhat sweet and cool, is eaten, says
Hasselquist, by the grandees and Euro|>eans in
Egypt as that from which they have least to
apprehend. Prosper Alpinus {Plant. Aegypt.
xxxviii. p. 54) speaks of this cucumber .is follows :
— " The Egyptians use a certain kind of cucum-
ber which they call chate. This plant does not
differ from the common kind, except in size,
colour, and tenderness ; it has smaller, whiter,
softer, and rounder leaves, and the fruit is
longer and greener than ours, with a smooth
soft rind, and more easy of digestion." Forsk4l
(Flor. Aegypt. p. 168) states that the Cucumia
chate, which he says is called by the Arabs
Abdellavi or Adjur, is the commonest fruit in
Egypt, planted over whole fields. The C. chate
was once cultivated in England and called " the
round-leaved Egyptian melon." Besides the
Cucumia chate, the common cucumber (C aativua),
of which the Arabs distinguish a number of
varieties, is common in Egypt. This grows
with the water-melons; the poor people boil
and eat it with vinegar ; the richer people fill
it with spiced mincemeat, in which form it is a
favourite and universal dish throughout the
E.ist. Both Cucumia chate and C. aaticus are
now grown in great quantities in Palestine : on
visiting the Arab school in Jerusalem (1858) I
CUCUMBEKS
observed that the dinner which the ckiUm
brought with them to school consisted, without
exception, of a piece of barley-cake and a »«
cucumber, which they ate rind and all.
The prophet Isaiah (L 8) foretells the desola-
tion that was to come upon Judah and Jeru-
salem in these words: — "The daughter of Zioa
is left as a cottage (K. V. "booth") in a vmc-
yard, as a lodge in a garden of cucurabert, a.^
a besieged city." The cottage or lodge here
spoken of is a rude
temporary shelter,
erected in the open
grounds where
vines, encumbers,
gourds, &c, are
grown, in which
some lonely man
or boy is set to
watch, either to
guard the plants
from robbers, or
to scare away the
foxes and jackals
from the vines. It
ii a very rude
aflliir. Four poles
are stuck in the
ground, planks
are bound across
their tops, and on
these are entwined
boughs cat from
the oleanders by
the watercourses ;
while others, and
often bits of mat-
ting, are worked in so as to form a sliglit
shelter for the occupant. Dr. Thomson {Tkt
Land and the Book, p. 361) well illostnte
this passage of Scripture, and brings oat its
full force. The woodcut which he gives of the
lodge at Butaihs represents snch a shelter si
is alluded to above : by and by, when tie
crop is gathered and the lodge forsaken, tlie
" poles will fall down or lean every wsv, s*!
the green boughs with which it is shaded vill
be scattered by the winds, leaving only a ragged
sprawling wreck — a most affecting type of otter
desolation."
Job, speaking of the passing prosperity of Ike
wicked, compares it to one of these Ncm:
" He buildeth his house as the moth and ai >
booth that the keejier roaketh " (nvii 18, R. V.).
It is curious to observe that the custom of
keeping off birds, &c., from fmit and wr» kf
means of a scarecrow is as old as the tiioe <i
Baruch (vi. 70): "As a scarecrow (i^S«-
CKintoti) in a garden of cucumbers keepttk
nothing, so are their gods of wood," kc
The cucumber (^Cucumia satim) is a trailia?
annual plant, belonging to the &mily Qmr-
bitaceae. Its native country is unknown, as it
has been cnltivated in all the warm conatries of
the Old World from time immemorial. In tk*
Jordan valley the cucumber is ripe in March,
but in the higher parts of Palestine the cncoD-
bers are set in the ground after the barley bss
been taken off, shotild the latter rains have !««»
sufficient to enable the fields to be tilled. CN>
the Plain of Gennesaret, and elsewhere wko» it
is possible, the cucumber fields are aztifiosUT
Lodge la OttHcB of CK!BBte&
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CUMMIX
irrigated. Near Kedes (Kadesh Naphtali) hun-
dred! of acre* are deroted to cucumbers for the
Danuucuf marltet. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
CUMHIN (fiS^, cammSn ; Ktt furor i ct/minmn ;
Arab. ..jM, cammun). A well-known plant in
Uediterranean countries, belonging to the natural
order Ijmhelliferae (Cuininam autivum. Linn.),
cultivated in Palestine, and probably indigeuons,
though it has not been noticed there in a wild
state. It ia twice mentioneil in Scripture.
" Doth he not . . . scatter the cummin ? . . . For
the fitches are not threshed with a threshing
instrument, neither is a cart wheel turned about
upon the cummin, but the fitches are beaten
out with a staff, and the cummin with a rod "
(k ixTiii. 25, 27). So small and tender a seed
would be destroyed or crushed if tbr«shed like
con, or even il° beaten with a staff, like the
stouter husks of the fitches (^Sigella tativa).
The same mode of beating out the cummin is
still practised, while the com ii trodden out
with oxen. What is called the seed of the
cummin is really the fruit enclosing the seeds.
Our Lord also (Matt, xxiii. 23) mentions cummin
along with mint and anise, as one of the insig-
nificant garden herbs, about the tithing of
which the scribes and Pharisees were punctilious.
Cummin is used in the East very much as
caraway seeds among ourselves, as an economical
spice, mixed with the dough ; and also often
boiled in the various dishes and stews. It is
mentioned by Apicius in his Art of Cooking,
L 32, tic. It was also used medicinally ai a
stimulant, " Cendimentorum omnium stomachi
fastidiis cuminum amicissimum " (Plin. xix. 8).
Athenaeus speaks of it as a condiment
with salt. Kviupovplcrrrit was a pro-
Terbial epithet among the Greeks for
a mean and stinj^r fellow (see Aristo-
phanea. Hasps, 528). [H. B. T.]
CCNNING, a term applied to EsaU
as a hunter (Gen. xxv. 27) and to David
as a harpist (1 Sam. ivi. 16), and also
to work (Ex. zxri. 1). It means skilful
(A. S. cunnan = to know). Cp. " cunning
in music and the mathematics " (Shakespeare,
Taming of the Shrew, ii. 1, 56, quoted in
Lnmby's Glossary of Bible Wordi in Eyre and
Spottiswoode's Variormn Sible). [F.]
CUP. The chief words rendered « cup " in
the A. V. are, 1. DIS ; nor^pioy ; calix : 2. htop.
only in plural ; owot^cra ; crateres : 3. IT^ j •
kMv; tcyj^ia: see also further the words
Basin, Bowl. The cups of the Jews, whether
of metal or earthenware, were possibly borrowed,
in point of shape and design, from Egypt and
from the Phoenicians, who were celebrated in
that branch of workmanship (//. xxiii. 743 ;
Od. iv. 615, 618). Egyptian cups were of
varion* shapes, either having handles or without
them. In Solomon's time all his drinking
Tesseli were of gold, none of silver (1 K.
X. 21). Babylon is compared to a golden cup
(Jer. Ii. 7).
Assyrian cups from Khorsabad and Nimrond
may be seen figured in Layard (Sin. ii. 303, 304 ;
Sin. and Bab. pp. 186, 190, 192), some perhaps
of Phoenician workmanship, from which source
CUBTAIXS
681
both Solomon and the Assyrian monarch possi-
bly derived both their workmen and the works
themselves. The cups and
other vessels brought to
Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar
may thus have been of Phoe-
nician origin (Dan. v. 2).
On the bas-reliefs at Per-
sepolis many figures arc re-
presented bearing cups or
vases which may fairly be
taken as type* of the vessels
of that sort described in the
Book of Esther (Esth. i. 7 ;
Kiebuhr, Voyage, ii. 106;
Chnrdin, Voyages, viii. p. 268,
pi. Iviii.). The great laver,
or "sea," was made with
a rim like the rim of a
cup(C<!»), "like the flower
of a lily " (1 K. vii. 26), a
form which the Persepolitan
cups resemble (Jahn, Jrch.
§ 144). The common form
of modem Oriental cnps is
represented in the drawing
below.
The use of gold and silver
cups was introduced into
Greece after the time of
Alexander (Athen. vi. 229-
30; xi. 446, 465; Birch,
Anc. Pott., ii. 109). The cups of the N. T.,
woriifia, were often no doubt formed on Greek
and Roman models. They were sometimes of
gold (Rev. xvii. 4. Cp. Vict, of Gr. and Rom.
Antiq., art. Patera). [H. W. P.}
Avjrrlno cnp with
llAII<ll«.
(Uyatd. il. 908.>
AMfriiui di1aklnit<iip.
ilo<li;iu E).'jj^tLan drlnklIlt^<Ilp8. ooe-Afth of the ml dt*. (lane.)
CUP-BEABEB (nptJO; oiVox<tot; pin-
eema), an officer of high rank with Egyptian,
Persian, Assyrian, as well as Jewish monarchs.
The chief cup-bearer, or butler, to the king of
Egypt was the means of raising Joseph to his
high position (Gen. x1. 1-21, xli. 9). The name
of Rabsbakeh, who was sent by Sennacherib to-
Hezekiah, used to be taken as equivalent to
D'p^'Sn "It? y^ or chief of the cupbearers i»
the Assyrian court (2 K. xviii. 17 ; Ges. p. 122o)y.
but it seems more probable that the latter part,
ihakeh, is the Hebraized form of the Assyrian
ia^e), and that he was in reality a chief com-
mander of the army (.Schrader, KA 7'.* in loco).
Herod the Great had an establishment of
eunuchs, of whom one was a cup-bearer (Joseph.
Ant. xvi. 8, 1). Nehemiah was cup-bearer t»
Artaxerxes Longimanus, king of Persia (Neh.
i. 11, ii. I). Cup-bearers are mentioned among
the attendants of Solomon (1 K. x. 5; cp.
Uyard. Sin. ii. 324, 326). [H. W. P.]
CDBTAINS. The Hebrew terms translated,
in the A. V. by this word are three :
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682
CUSH
1. Tereeothy niTIV, the ten "cnrtatns" of
fine linen, &c, each 28 cnbita long and 4 wide,
and also the eleven of goats' hair, which covered
the Tabernacle ef Mo«> (Ex. xiri. 1-13 ; xixri.
8-17). The charge of these cnrtains and of the
other textile fabrics of the Tabernacle was laid
on the Gershonites (Num. iv. 25). Having this
definite meaning, the word came to be used as a
synonym for the Tabemacle^itt transitoriness
and slightness ; and is so employed in the sublime
speech of David, '2 Sam. Tii. 2 (lit. "thecur-
t.iin" collectively [Driver in loco]) and 1 Ch.
xvii. 1. In a few later instancei the word bears
the more general meaning of the sides of a tent ;
as perhaps in the beautiful figure of Is. liv. 2
(where " habitations " [A. V. and R. V.] may
be "tabernacles," DUaC'D, poetic word for
"tents"); Jer. iv. 20, x. 20 (where "taber-
nacle " and " tent " are both one word, ^HK =
tent [B. V.]) ; in Ps. civ. 2 (where " stretch,"
JQ], is the word usually employed for extending
a tent). Also specially in the case of nomadic
people, Jer. xlix. 29 ; Hab. iii. 7 ; Cant. i. 5 (of
the black hair-cloth of which the tents of the
real Bedoneen are still composed).
2. Masac, '!\DO ; the " hanging " for the door-
way of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 36, 37, ixxv. 15,
xxxvi. 37, xxxix. 38, xl. 5 ; Num. iii. 25, iv. 25):
and also for the gate of the court round the
Tabernacle (Ex. xxvii. 16, xixv. 17, xxxviii. 18,
zxiix. 40, xl. 33 ; Mum. iii. 26, iv. 26). Amongst
these the rendering •' cartain " occurs but once
(N um. iii. 26) ; while " hanging " is shared equal ly
between Maaac and > very different word — Kel'i,
r7{3. The idea in the root of Masac seems to be
of shielding or protecting (130 ; Ges. p. 951). If
this be so, the Maaac may have been not a curtain
or vei but an awniug to shade the entrances —
a thing natural and common in the fierce sun of
the East (see one figured in Fergusson's Sineteh
and Persepolis, p. 184). But the nature of this
and the other textile fabrics of the Tabernacle
will be best examined under Tabebnacle.
Besides " curtain " and " hanging," Masac is
rendered "covering" in Ex. xixv. 12, xxxix. 34,
xl. 21 ; Num. iv. 5 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 19 ; Ps. cv. 39 ;
Is. xxii. 8.
8. Ddk, ph. There is nothing to guide us to
the meaning of this word. It is found but once
(Is. xl. 22 ; R. v. marg. gauze), in a passage
founded on the metaphor of a tent. [G.] [F.J
CUSH (t^^^; BM. Xovo-W; au«),a Bcnja-
mite mentioned only in the title of Ps. vii. It
is a personal name of uncertain meaning (in later
Hebrew, a spindle, Delitzsch ' in loco). Cnsh
was a follower of Saul and an enemy to David,
like Doog and others. The Jewish interpreters
considered the name symbolic ; Cush was an
Ethiopian, black in character. [F.]
CUSH (P^S; Xois; Chas [Gen. i. 6-8;
1 Ch. i. 8-10]; Aleimla, Kieiowts; Aethiopia);
CUSHITE OE'W, AJe/o+, Aethiopt ; pi.
D»^3,D".B'3; fem. n»P'«). Cush occurs in the
table of Noah's descendants as first in order of
the sons of Ham, afterwards in the Bible as a
geographical and ethnographical term. The
following is the list of the descendants of Cush
in the table : —
CUSH
Cash.
Sel
iba. Htvilab. Sabtah. Rasnish. Ssbteca. Slmnl'
Sheba. Dedia.
In the list of the sons of Shem we find Sbtba
and Havilah under the sons of Joktan. Ii the
list of Abraham's descendants by Keturah, Ms
son Jokshan is called the father of Sheba aal
Dedan (Gen. xiv. 3).
Havilah thus occurs twice, Sheba three timei,
and Dedan twice, in the genealogies. Mumirer
all three names are used in other plates in tlii
Bible in a geographical sense. Though the
Koachian list contains names held with reaton
to be those of individuals, yet it is primsrilj
ethnographical, dividing the descendants of Xos^
under the three great groups of fair, dark, mi
tawny, and then giving their geographical dis-
tribution [though this is dented by Delitzsch,
p. 200 (1887)]. The names are mainly those «'
countries, or nations and tribes. Conseqaeatlv
the occurrence of the same name in two sections
of the list, or in another list, may mean tkt
settlement of the same territory by diifeiTiit
tribes. In support of this view it may be men-
tioned that the names which are tribal in form h
not occur more than once, unlike names vhich
are undoubtedly used elsewhere for territories^
It is now possible to consider the great diffi-
culty of this article, whether there was a two-
fold settlement of the Cushites, or an Eastern
and Western Cush or Ethiopia. Of the Westen
Cush, or Ethiopia above Egypt, there has neter
been any donbt. The existence of an Eirten
Cush has been questioned. The notices is the
Bible do not speak of an Eastern Cash by name,
but they indicate Cushites in the East, and tkis
evidence is rather to be looked for in the distri-
bution of the descendants of Cnsh than the mott
direct mention of Cush and the Cushites. Most
remarkable in this reference is the notice u ts
Nimrod the son of Cush, that " the beginnia; cf
his kingdom " was in Chaldueo, and that alle>
wards he moved into Assyria and there foatlrJ
Nineveh and other cities; the other renderia:,
which attributes the Assyrian foundatiuiu to
Asshur, being not tenable (Gen. x. 10-12). link
the Cushite and the Cushites of his army ms.'
have been Kassites, as seems to have hen the
case with the dynasty then ruling Egypt— '.he
22nd ; bat that the Kassites were Cushites if
merely an etymological hypothesis. The Ara-
bians that were near the Cushites (2 Ch. xil 16)
probably afford an indication of Eastern Cushites.
for we can scarcely suppose these Arabisas t«
have come from the extreme south of the feaio-
sula facing Ethiopia. The Cnshan of HsbaiUi
(iii. 7) is evidently the king of Mesofwtiaiii.
Cusban-rishathaim ; the first element, which <f
perhaps not Hebrew, being omitted for the site
of the rhythm. [CcsBAK-RiSHATHAni.]
If a Western Cash has a distinct nocoiMl
preponderance in the Biblical notices, so th>t
Schrader {Cuneiform Inscrr. and tht 0. T. I
p. 69 sq.) does not believe in any Btbyloniss
settlement, the geographical indicatioat ofend
by a study of the list in Genesis, compared wita
later mentions, indicate a wide extensioii "■' <'>'
• Ueotioned lost, distlnctlveljr.
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CUSHAN-KISHATHAIM
race, Soathern Arabia bridging orer the chnsm
between Ethiopia and Chaldnea. Ciuh may be
limited to Africa, but not so the Coshites. Seba
indeed appears to be African, but the Harilah
of the list, Sheba, and DedaD seem to be Arabian,
Sheba at least corresponding to Arabia Felix or
Yemen. There is a certainty that Sheba, or the
Sabaeans, had a northern extension, and this
wonid accoant for the northern settlements of
-Dedan and the Xorthem Harilah, Whether the
Uarilah mentioned in the description of Paradise
is to be taken for the Northern Uavilah is a hard
problem, dependent for its working on the credit
which we give to the Egyptian tradition which
would place Paradise in Arabia Felix, a tradition
not nnsnpported by Arab legend.
The Egyptian direct eridence simply points to
Cnsh in the form Kesh as the race and territory
of the blacks, usually represented as Negroes,
bat sometimes with the modified features and
lighter colonr of the Nubians. The people of
Sonthern Arabia and the opposite Ethiopian
coast are portrayed with traits similar to those
vf the Egyptians.
The evidence of the inscriptions and mono-
ments of Chaldaea and the neighbouring
countries is in favour of the theory of an
Eastern Cush. No doubt the present attitude
of scholars is much more cautious in the
attempt to distinguish a distinct Ciiehite popu-
lation in Susiana than was formerly the case.
The problem has became more difficult with
more ample knowledge, yet there is n general
consent that there was such a Cushite popu-
lation. Thus Oppert, carefully distinguishing
the mountain tribe of the Cosseans from the
Kassu of Snsiana, or Cissians who spoke a Tura-
nian language, yet admits that there is in the
Kussu, spoken of in the texts of Susa, a pos-
sible relation to the African Cushites {Acad, des
Inter.: CompUt Serulaa, 1888, pp. 223-225).
Maapero more positively accepts the theory
ailopted or originated by Lepsius in his Xubische
Grammatii, according to which the Cushites
reached Ethiopia by crossing the Red Sea {Siat.
Anc.* p. 105).o This theory, as stated by
Lepsius, seeks to establish the Ungnistic affinity
of the great belt of dark but not black races
which stretches from India south of the Vin-
dhyos through Southern Persia and Arabia,
through Ethiopia and north of the Great
Desert as far as the Atlantic
Ethnography has lent its aid to this theory
in the remarkably black complexion attributal
to the Susian soldiers in the Achaemenian wall
enamels of Susa, a piece of eridence confirmed
by a very early representation of a Susian
king discovered by M. Dieulafoy. It may also
be remarked, that in the Assyrian reliefs the
tyfie of the Susianians is similar to that of the
Babylonians, but further removed from the
Sh-?mite type of the Assyrians.
In this problem, as in many others, the anti-
quity and accuracy of Genesis x. are evident, but
it will probably be long before all the details
will be determined. [R. S. P.]
CUSHAN-EISHATHA'IM (D^nTB'n 1E*I3 :
XmxrapaaBalit ; Chuaarsathaim), a king of Meso-
* It Is true that Msspero characterises the Cushites as
white, by which he must mean fair (I. c), and as
Sbemltc (p. 1«I).
CUTHAH
683
potamia (Aram-Nnharaim) who oppressed Israel
for eight years during the time of the Judges
(Judg. iii. 8). The seat of his dominion was
probably the district of Babylonia just north
of Babylon, extending from the Euphrates to
the boundary of Elam. As this name has not
been, as yet, found in the cuneiform inscriptions,
it is very likely that the king who bore it ruled
orer the wandering Arameans of Northern
Babylonia ; and, the power of both Assyria and
Babylonia being at this time at a very low ebb,
made himself greatly feared in all the districts
around. A great many Aramaean tribes are
mentioned by Tiglath-pileser III., king of
Assyria, in his annals. [T. G. P.]
CU'SHI 0^43 ; BA. Xovni; Chuai), a name
occurring more than once in the 0. T. 1. One
of the ancestors of Jehudi, a man about the court
of king Jehoiakim (Jer. xixvi. 14). 2. Father
of Zepbaniah the Prophet (Zeph. i. 1). 8. (With
the article, 'B'Wn, i.e. "the Cushite" [R. V.],
" the Ethiopian ; " i Xoval ; <7/iusi.) A man
apparently attached to Joab's person, but un-
known and unaccustomed to the king, as may be
inferred from his not being recognised by the
watchman, and also from the abrupt mknner in
which he breaks his evil tidings to David, unlike
Ahimaaz, who was well aware of the effect they
were sure to prod uce. That Cushi was a foreigner
— as we should infer from his name — is also
slightly corroborated by his ignorance of the
ground in the Jordan ralley — " the way of the
' Ciccar ' " — by knowing which Ahimaaz was
enabled to outrun him. The running of Ahimaaz
may, however, have been of a style peculiar and
well known, and by which he was recognised a
long way ofi" by the watchman. [W. L. B.]
CU'THAH or CUTH (n^«. nw ; [B.
Xowfl<(, A. Xovi (v. 24)3, BA. Xoi8 [e. 80] ; Jos.
XovBos; Cutha), a city a little to the east of
Babylon, now Tell-lbrahim, whence Shalma-
neser brought colonists into Samaria (2 K.
xvii. 24, 30). These Cutheans, mingling with
the Sepharvites and others whom the Assjnian
king had sent also to Samaria, became the pro-
genitors of the Samaritans ; who, according to
Josephus, were even called Cutheans by the
Jews. The Semitic Babylonian form of the
name is Kfttft, semiticised from the Akkadian
►^ A°^ ^'•/ If Oudua. It was an
important city, and seems, in olden times, to have
had two rivers or canals, one' called the river of
Cuthah (being probably that of which Josephus
speaks, and which probably flowed eastwards,
towards Persia) and the other called the "old
river " or "canal," flowing through or near the
city. The patron god and goddess of the city
were Nergal and Laz, whose temple was restored
by Nebuchadnezzar. Shalmaneser II., king of
Assyria, occupied the city, and offered sacrifices
in the temples, when he went to help Mardnk-
ium-iddin against his rebellions brother. Sen-
nacherib claims also to have subjugated the
inhabitants. There was also a city called "the
city of the river of Cuthah," situated, probably,
on the river of Cuthah above mentioned, with
which, perhaps, the real Cuthah was sometimes
confounded. [T. G. P.]
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684
CUTTING OFF
CUTTING OFF FBOM THE PEOPLE.
[Excommunication.]
CUTTINGS [IN THE FLESH]. (1. nt^'p.
s. f. OT^, s. TO., both from OTE' [Ges. p. 1339],
to cat: 2. Tlil"IJ, from TIJ, tituro; ^Kro/i(S<>;
ittcisurae [Jer. ^ JIviii. 37; Ges. p. 264]: 3.
^??Pi »•» "■"" J"P> engrave [Gesen. p. 1208];
tfiniuxra arutri; stigmata). The prohibition
(Ler. lix. 28} ngainst marks or nuttings in the
flesh for the dead must be taken in connexion
with the parallel passages (Lev. xx\. 5; Deut.
liv. 1), in which shaving the head with the
same view is equally forbidden. But it appears
from Jer. ivi. 6, 7, xli. 5, that some outward
manifestation of grief in this way was not
wholly forbidden, or was at least tolerated.
The ground, therefore, of the prohibition must
be sought ebewhere, and will be found in the
superstitious or inhuman practices prevailing
among heathen nations. A notion apparently
existed that self-inflicted baldness or mutilation
had a propitiatory efficacy in respect of the
manes of the dead, perhaps as representing, in
a modifled degree, the solemnity of human or
animal sacrifices. Herodotus (iv. 71) describes
the Scythian usage in the case of a deceased
king, for whose obsequies not fewer than six
human victims, besides ofierings of animals and
other effects, were considered necess.iry. An
extreme case of funereal bloodshed is represented
on the occasion of the burial of Patroclus, when
four horses, two dogs, and twelve Trojan captives
are offered up (//. xxiii. 171, 176). Together
with human or animal sacrifices at funerals,
and after these had gone out of use, the minor
propitiatory act* of selt-laceration and depila-
tion continued (//. xxiii. 141; Od. iv. 197;
Virg. Aen. iii. 67, with Servius ad he. xii. 605 ;
Eurip.^fc. 425; States, ffippol. v. 1176, 1193).
Plutarch says that some barbarians mutilate
themselves {Je Coiuol. ad Apollon. p. 113,
vol. vi. Reiske). He also says that Solon, by
the advice of Epimenides, curtailed the Athenian
practice in this respect {Sohn, 12-21, vol. i.
pp.184, 194). Ciceroquotesalaw of the Twelve
Tables to the same effect : " mulieres genas ne
radunto " (de Leg. ii. 23).
Such being the ancient heathen practice, it is
not surprising that the Law should forbid
similar practices in every case in which they
might be used or misconstrued in n propitiatory
sense. "Ye shall not make cuttings for
(propter) the dead," ^^)^ (Lev. xii. 28 ; Ges.
p. 731 ; Spencer, de l^. JJ«6r. iL ch. lix. 404,
405. Cp. Robertson Smith, Beligion of t/ie
Semites, i. 304-6).
But the practice of self-mutilation as an act
of worship belonged also to heathen religious
ceremonies not funereal. The priests of Baal, a
Syrian and also an Assyrian deity, cut them-
selves with knives to propitiate the god "after
their manner " (1 K. xviii. 28). Herodotus says
that the Carians, who resided in Europe, cut
their foreheads with knives at festivals of lais ;
in this respect exceeding the Egyptians, who
beat themselves on these occasions (Herod, ii. 61).
This shows that the practice was not then at
least an Egyptian one. Lucian, speaking of the
Syrian priestly attendants of this mock deity,
says, that using mient gestures they cut their
CGTflNGS IN THE FLESH
arms and tongues with swords (Lnciai, Ami,
e. 37, vol. ii. 102, Amst. ; de Ilea Sgr. ii. 658,
681 ; cp. Ezek. viii. 14). Similar ptKticet
in the worship of Bellona are mentioneil bt
Lucan (Phara. i. 560), and are alluded to by
Aelius Lampridius {Comm. p. 209), byTotalliu
(Apol. 9), and Lactantius (Lit. Instil. L c. SI,
29, Paris). Herodotus, speaking of means oscd
for allaying a storm, uses the words (rttfia
wotovvTfs, which may mean cutting the fiub,
but more probably offering human socrifioB
(Herod, rii. 191, ii. 119, with Schweighiiuet't
note: see also Virg. Aen. ii. 116; Lucr. i. 8j>
The prohibition, therefore, is directed sgiimt
practices prevailing not among the Egyiaiaat
whom the Israelites were leaving, but'amMij
the Syrians, to whom they were aboot to
become neighbours (Selden, ie Dns Syrit, Sjn.
ii. c. 1).
Practices of self-mutilation, whether propitis-
tory or simply funereal, i.e. expressive of higWr
excited feeling, are to be found among the mien
Persians on the occasion of the celebration <f
the death of Hoseyn, at which a man is puadel
in the character of the saint, with points of
lances thrust into his flesh. At fiinerali tlie
in general the women tear their hair and £uts.
The Circassians express grief by tearing tlw
flesh of their foreheads, arms, and' breasts. Tke
Mexicans and Peruvians offered human sacrifices
both at funerals and festivals. The Gotayensof
India, a class of Bi-ahminical friars, endeavosr
in some cases to extort alms by gashing tkeir
limbs with knives. Among the native negn>
African tribes also the practice appears to
prevail of offering human sacrifices at the death
of chiefs (Chanlin, Voyages, vi. 482, ix. 58,490:
Olearius, Trtiiw/s.p. 237 ; Une, Mod. £/.ii.5»;
Prescott, Jferico, i. 53, 63; Pern, i. 86 ; Elphin-
stone, im. of India, i. 116; Strab. xv. 711 rt
seq.; Niebuhr, Voyages, ii. 54; Livingstone,
Tratels, pp. 318, 588 ; Col. Ch. Chron. Ko. ciui.
p. 179; Muratori, Aneod. iv. 99, 100).
But there is another usage contempl>t»l
more remotely by the prohibition, viz. that of
printing marks (or/y^urro), tattooing, to indiatt
allegiance to a deity, in the same manner as
soldiers and slaves bore tattooed marks to indi-
cate allegiance or adscription. This is evidentlT
olluded to In the Revelation of St. John (xiii. IS,
xvii. 5, xix. 20, x<'(wrM« ^»l "ji x«V>» ^
8«{io» Kol iitX rip utrAirttr), and, thonirh In a
contrary direction, by Eiekiel (ix. 4), by St. Pant
(Gal. vi. 17), in theRevelation (vii. 3),and perksp
by Isaiah (xliv. 5) and Zecharioh (xiii. 6). Lsctiii,
speaking of the priests of the Syrian deity, btj,
<rrl(oinai irims, ol ftiy is Koprobs, «i H b
aix*ms, koI iirb rovSt, S.'nrrts 'Arrifut
<rtyfmTopoptov(ri (da Dea Sgr. ii. p. 684). A
tradition, mentione<i by Jerome, was corrtnt
among the Jews, that king Jehoiakira bore on
his body marks of this kind which were dis-
covered after his death (Spencer, de Leg. HAr. ii
ch. XX. 41 0). Philo, quoted by Spencer, descrite
the marks of tattooing impressed on these wk«
submitted to the process in their besotted Vsn
for idol-worship, as being nude br branding
(aiHfxf ittTvimiiirtf, Philo, de Monarch. L SI9:
Spencer, p. 416). The Arabs, both mtt ud
women, are in the habit of tattooing their faces
and other parts of the body, and the mmbers
of Brahminical sects in India arc distingaiabed
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CYAMOK
hj marks on the forehead, ofien erroneously
«uppo6e<] br Europeans to be marks of caste
(Niebuhr, Descr. de VAr. 58 ; Voyages, i. 242 ;
Weljsted, Arabia, ii. 206, 445 ; Olearius, Travels,
299; Elphinstone, India, i. 195). [H. W. P.]
CY'AMON (Kuiiivy, Chelmon), a place
named only in Judith vii. 3, as lying in the
phiia (fib\ir, £. V. " valley ") over against
(iTiniri) Esdrelom. If by " Esdrelom " we
may understand Jezreel, this description an-
swers to the situation of Tell Kcimun, Jokneau,
a conspicuous hillock, beneath the eastern end
uf Carmel, orcrlooklug the Kishon and the great
plain (Rob. iii. 114 ; Van de Velde, i. 330 ;
PEF. Mem. ii. 48, 69). The place was known to
Ensebios (OS.* p. 272, 66, s. n. KoMuvyck) and
Jerome {OS.^ p. 144, 20, s. n. Cimond), and is
mentioned by them as 6 miles from Legio on the
road to Ptolemais. They identify it with Camon,
the burial-place of Jair the Gileadite. It has
been suggested (Hackett, a. r. in D. B. Amer. ed.)
that Cyamon may be Fuleh, on the east side of
the plain of Esdraelon. Cyamon (Ktm/iiiy) and
I'iileb both mean a bean or place of beans, and
so may represent an earlier name (y\S- 7-1 B)
of that signification. Raumer (^Palastina, 154)
iilentifiea Cyamon with Fuleh. [G.] [W.]
CYMBALS (D»nVsD) occurs eleven times
in the Book of Chronicles alone (besides occur-
ring in Ezra, in Nehemiah, and in the Apocrypha).
It is identical with the somewhat older word
TtelUelim (U'h'ib'i) of 2 Sam. ri. 5, to which
it is lexicographically, though not grammati-
cally, related. The primitive biblical root to
which both words belong is 7S, " to touch
gently," or to touch even only imaginarily
(cp. 7V, " shadow "). The developed root, how-
ever, with or without reduplication, signifies
everywhere " to touch roughly," " to clash."
The dual form of Metxiltayim' points at once
CYPBUS
635
idsTlng on CTmbal*. <K<mjimJlk.)
• Akin to this word Is tbe MetrlUoth (fl^^VtS) of
Zecfa. xlr. 30, which la not a neck-ornament of a horse,
•s Tbn Ens and Qlmchi believed, but t pendant bom tbe
forehead <lo>wn between the eyes, as the Talmud already
ex|>lained It (Babll Paackim, leaf SO a).
to the mode of construction of this musical
instrument, which is made of two plates of
metal (nCTO D»n^X03, 1 Ch. iv. 19). Closelv
related to the cymbal were the Mena'ane'im
(D'P:WD), which word is, by mistake, given in
the A. V. (2 Sam. vi. 5) as " comets," but rightly
translated in the R. V. «' castanets." [Cornet":
JosATU Elem Rechokim.] [S. M. S.-S.j
CYPBE8S (np.ri, Urzah; iypmfiixjiyos,
A,, Aq., and Theod. ; ilex). The Hebrew word
is found only in Is. xliv. 14, " He heweth him
down cedars and taketh the tirzah and the oak."
In the R. V. tirxaA is rendered "holm tree."
Besides the cypress, the "beech," the "holm-
oak" (Quercxts pseudococcifera), and the "fir"
have been proposed ; but there is nothing in the
etymology of the Hebrew name, or in the passage
where it occurs, to gnide us to the tree intended.
The word is derived from a root which means
" to be hard," a qoality which obviously suits
many kinds of trees. Celsius {HienH). ii. 269)
believes the " ilex " or " holm-oak " is meant ;
the prickly-leaved ilex being one of the most
common trees in Palestine. With respect to
the claims of the cypress (Cupressas scmpcr-
vitens), which, at present at all events, is found
cultivated only in the lower levels of Syria, it
must be granted that they are unsupported by
any authority. Van de Velde's cypress is the
Junipenu excelsa, which is also the cypress of
Pococke ; and which grows higher upon Lebanon
than any other tree except the cedar. "The
juniper," says Sir J. D. Hooker, " is found at
the height of 7,000 feet, on Lebanon, the top of
which is 10,500 feet or so." The true cypress
is a native of the Taurus. The Hebrew word
points to some tree with a hard grain, and this
is all that can be positively said of it. But if it
be assumed that the carpenter went to the
mountains for his timber, the tall juniper would
be the most natural tree to name along with
the cedar and the oak, they being the three
arboreal features of Lebanon and its spurs. Our
own conviction is that the tirzah and berdsh
stand for the juniper and the pine, Junipenu
exoelsa and Pinus halepensis, the only question
being which of the two each Hebrew word
represents. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
CYP'RIANS (K^pioi ; Cyprit). Inhabitants
of the island of Cyprus (2 Mace. iv. 29), At the
time alluded to (that is, during the reign of
Antiochus Epiphanes), they were under the
dominion of Egypt, and were governed by n
viceroy who was possessed of ample powers, and
is called in the inscriptions arpariiyhs Ka\
yaiapxos Kol ipx'*p*vs i Kori ri/v vriiTor (cp.
Boeckh, Corp. Into. Kos. 2619, 2622, 2624,
p. 4J7 ; Cesnola's Cyprus, Jour, of Hell. Studies,
ix. 225, 229, 234, 235, 242). Crates, one of these
viceroys, was left by Sostratus in command of
the castle, or acropolis, of Jerusalem while he was
summoned before the king. [J. E. S.J
CYPRUS (Kvrpos). This island was in
early times in close commercial connexion with
Phoenicia; and there is little doubt that it is
referred to in such passages of the 0. T. as Ezek.
zxvii. 6. [ClllTTUi.] Josephus makes this
identification in the most express terms (X<di>ia
. . . Kvrpot aSrti viv xaXsirai ; Ant. i. 6, § 1 ;
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686
CYPBUS
CYPRUS
so Epiphan. llaer. xxx. 25). Possibly Jews may
hare settled in Cyprus before the time of Alex-
ander. Soon after his time they were numerous
in the island, as is distinctly implied in 1 Mace,
xr. 23. The first notice of it in the N. T. is in
Acta ir. 36, where it is mentioned as the native
place of Barnabas. In Acts zi. 19, 20 it appears
prominently in connexion with the earliest
spreading of Christianity, first as receiving an
impulse among its Jewish population from the
persecution which drove the disciples from
Jerusalem, at the death of Stephen, and then as
furnishing disciples who prenched the Gospel to
Gentiles at Antioch. Thus, when Paul was sent
with Barnabas from Antioch on his first mis-
sionary journey, Cyprus was the first scene of
their labours (Acti xiii. 4-13). Again, when
Paul and Barnabas separated and took different
routes, the latter went to his native island,
taking with him his relative Mark, who had
also been there on the previous occasion (Acts
XV. 39). Another Christian of Cyprus, Mn.i.son,
called " an old disciple," and therefore probably
an early convert, is mentioned in Acts xxi. 16.
The other notices of the island are purely geo-
graphical. On St. Paul's return from the third
missionary journey, they " sighted " Cyprus,
and sailed to the south of it on the voyage from
Patara to Tyre (ii. 3). At the commencement
of the voyage to Rome, they sailed to the north-
ward of it, on leaving Sidon, in order to be
under the lee of the land (Acts xxvii. 4), and
also in order to obtain the advantage of the
current, which sets northerly along the coast of
Phoenicia, and westerly with considerable force
along Cilicia.
All the notices of Cyprus contained in ancient
writers are diligently collected in the great
work of Meursius (Ueursii Opera, vol. iii, Flor.
1 744). Situated in the extreme eastern comer
of the Mediterranean, with the range of Lebanon
on the east, and that of Taurus on the north,
distinctly visible, it never became a thoroughly
Greek island. Its religious rites were half
Oriental [Paphos], and its political history has
almost always been associated with Asia and
Africa. Cyprus was a rich and productive
island. Its fruits and flowers were famous.
The mountains also produced metals, especially
copper. This circumstance gives us an interest-
ing link between this island and Judaea. The
copper mines were at one time farmed to Herod
the Great (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 4, § 5), and there is
a Cyprian inscription (Boeckh, No. 2628) which
seems to refer to one of the Herods. The his-
tory of Cyprus is briefiy as follows: — After
being subject to the Egyptian king Amasis
(Herod, ii. 182) it became a part of the Persian
empire (A. iii. 19, 91), and furnished ships
against Greece in the expedition of Xerxes (t6.
vii. 90). For a time it was subject to Greek
influence, but again became tributary to Persia.
After the battle of Issus, it joined Alexander,
and after his death fell to the share of Ptolemy.
In a desperate sea-fight off Salamis at the east
end of Cyprus (B.C. 306), the victory was won
by Demetrius Poliorcetes ; but the island was
recovered by his rival, and afterwards it re-
mained in the power of the Ptolemies, and was
regarded as one of their most cherished posses-
sions. It became a Roman province (B.C. 58)
under circumstances discreditable to Rome. At
first its administration was joined with that of
Cilicia, but after the b.ittle of Actinia it was
separately governed. In the first division it
was made an imperial province (Dio Cast. tiii.
12). From this passage and from Strabo (lir.
p. 683) it has been supposed by some, is by
Copper Cuiu of Cjpnu. nader Knip.
Ob». tCL] AVDIVS . C AESA[ R]. H«*J or B>il to kO. En.
Enl KoMINIoY n[FOKApY ANSYHA EYIIPIuN.
Baronius, that St. Luke used the word li4v-
irarot (proconsiU), becanse the island was still
connected with Cilici.-i ; by others, as by Grotiu
and Hammond, that the Evangelist employs Mn
word in a loose and general manner. Bat, is
fact, Dio Cassius himself distinctly tells ns (ic.
and lir. 4) that the emperor afterwards nude
this island a senatorial province; so that Su
Luke's language is in the strictest sense comet.
Further confirmation is supplied by cmos asil
inscriptions, which mention other procoiutiU of
Cyprus not very remote from the time of
Serqius Paclub (Engel'« A'ypros, L 459-463;
Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistia of
St. Paul, ch. T. ; Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 420, 423;
Journal of Hellenic Shtdits, ii. 243). The
governor appears to have resided at Paphos on
the west of the island. Under the Romia
empire a road connected the two towns of Paphw
and Salamis, as appears from the Penting«r
Table. One of the most remarkable events is
this part of the history of Cyprus was a terrible
insurrection of the Jews in the reign of Trajan,
which led to a massacre, first of the Gnek
inhabitants, and then of the insni^nts them-
selves (Milman, Hist, of Jeas, iiL III, 112;
Mommsen's Provinces of the Soman Einpirt, a.
221). In the 9th century Cyprus fell into
the power of the Saracens. In the I2th it wis
in the hands of the Crusaders, under the English
king Richard I.
Some of the results of archaeological re-
search during the present century mar hen
be noticed. In 1846 an interesting bas-relief
presented to the Cyprian princes in B.C. 707
by " Sargon, the king of Assyria " (Is. xi. 1),
was found in a garden near Lamaka, and is
now in the Berlin Museum. " It is still the
most valuable of all Cyprian statues, being la
admirable preservation, and bearing up<ni ito^
its own history in a long cuneiform inscriptiaa "
(R. Hamilton Lang, Cyprus, p. 329),
In 1869, while digging out an ancient teni[Jf
at Dali ^Idalittm), Mr. Lang discovered two
treasures of silver coins belonging to tlie six or
seven distinct kingdoms which, we know frm
other sources, once existed in the island, tit
earliest of these coins being probably about tiw
middle of the 6th century B.C. (A lg o in a i te
Chronicle, li. N. S. 1871 ; Vaux, Ancient Ciits,
^c, of Asia Minor, p. 167). He also dis-
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CYPKUS
coTcretl a bilingual inscription in Cypriote and
Phoenician writing which supplied the key to
the ancient Cyprian alphabet. The characters,
which closely resemble those of the Lycian
alphabet, bare little or no resemblance to Greek
chHracters, but the words are much the same as
those nsed by the early Greeks. The Cyprian
writing strongly confirms the statement of the
Old Testament Scriptures, in which Kittim is
named among the sons of jaran (Gen. x. 4), thus
implying that the inhabitants of Cyprus were of
Javaniau (Ionian) and not Semitic origin (Lang,
L c. pp. 5-8, 333 sq.). Jaran, in the form
CYBENE
687
Eltb of SaT^ron. In P'rlin >Tn'=^nTin. (Fn>ni C*=nMlfi's
Ofpnu, p. «7.)
JVienan or Tunan, is the term descriptive of
Cvprns in the cuneiform inscription of Sargon,
about B.a 709 [Javan]. Mr. Lang's discoveries
w^ere even surpassed in extent and in varied
interest by those of General di Cesnola at
Golgos, Salamis, Palaeopaphos, Soli, Amathns,
and Curium (TV Antiquities of Cyprus, 1873;
C'/prvs, its Ancient Cities, 1877 ; Salaminia,
1882). In 1888 organised research in Cyprus
•va* undertaken, by means of public subscrip-
tions in England, and grants from the Hellenic
Society and the Universities of Oxford and
Cambridge, by Messrs. D. G. Hogarth, M. R.
James, R. Elsey, and E. A. Gardner (Director of
the British School of Archaeology in Athens) :
an account of their excavations at Papiios may
be found in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix.
143-271.
3Iaterials for the description of Cyprus arc sup-
plied by Pococke (1745) and Von Hammer, Topo-
graphische Ansic/iten gcsammelt auf einer Seise
in die Levant, Vienna, 1811). But see especially
Engel's Kypros, Berlin, ISM, and Ross's Seisen
nach Eos, Halikamassos, Rhodos, u. der Insel
Ci/pern, Halle, 1852 ; Diet, of Or. and Som.
Oeog., art. " Cyprus ; " Wetzer n. Welte's Kirchen-
Lexicon,* art. " Cypem " ; Unger and Eotschy,
Die Insel Cypem, Vienna, 1866 ; Palma di Ces-
nola's works, noted above; Von Loher, Cypem,
eJ. 3, Leipzig, 1879 ; R. Hamilton Lang, Cyprus,
1878 ; S. W. Baker, Caprtis as I saw it in 1879 ;
G. Colonna-Ceccaldi, Munuments antiques de
C/iypre, &c, Paris, 1882. For a short acconnt
of the researches of Lang and Cesnola, see
Vaux, Greek Cities, &c., pp. 166-171. The Engl.
Ordn. Map of Cyprus was published in 1887.
[J. S. H.] [J. E. S.]
CYEAMA, 1 Ead. v. 20. [Cieama.]
CYBE'NE (Kx^yj,), the principal city of
that part of Northern Africa which was an-
ciently called Cyrenaica, and also (from its five
chief cities) Pentapolitaua. This district was
that wide projecting portion of the coast (cor-
responding to the modern Tripoli) which was
separated from the territory of Carthage on the
one hand, and that of Egypt on the other. Its
surface is a table-land descending by terraces to
the sea ; and it was celebrated for its climate
and fertility. It is observable that the expres-
sion nsed in Acts ii. 10, " the parts of Libya
about (KoTJk) Cyrene," exactly corresponds with
a phrase used by Dio Cassius (Ai^tW) ^ irepl
Kvpiitn)y, liii. 12), and also with the language of
Josephus (<i xphs Kvp^|llr|v Atfiiri : Ant. xvi. 6,
§1). [Libya.]
The points to be noticed in reference to Cyrene
as connected with the N. T. are these: that,
though on the African coast, it was a Greek
city ; that the Jews were settled there in large
numbers, and that under the Romans it was
politically connected with Crete, from which it
is separated by no great space of sea. The
Greek colonisation of this part of Africa under
Bnttus began as early as B.C. 631 ; and it
became celebrated not only for its commerce,
but for its physicians, philosophers, and poets.
After the death of Alexander the Great, it
became a dependency of Egypt. It is in this
period that we find the Jews established there
with great privileges. Ptolemy, the son of
Lagus, introduced them, because he thought
they would contribute to the security of the
place (Joseph, c. Apion. ii. 4) : they became a
prominent and influential class of the com-
munity (Ant. xiv. 7, § 2) ; and they afterwards
received much consideration from the Romans
(xvi. 6, § 5). See 1 Mace. xv. 23. We learn
from Josephus (^Lifc, 76) that soon after the
Jewish war they rose against the Roman power.
Another insurrection in the reign of Trajan led
to great disasters, and to the beginning of the
decay which was completed under the Moham-
medans. It was in the year B.C. 75 that the
territory of Cyrene (having previously been
left to the Romans as a legacy by Apion, son of
Ptolemy Physcon) was reduced to the form of
a province. On the conquest of Crete (B.C. 67)
the two were united in one province, and to-
gether frequently called Creta-Cyrene. Under
Constantino tbeywere again separated. [CRETE.]
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CYBENE
The notic«> above giveo of the nnmbera and
|wsitiun of the Jews in Cyrene (contirined by
Pbilo, who speaks of the difiusion of the Jews,
airh roS rpbi tiiPui)r KaTa$a6iu>v lifXP' Tuv
iplttr /dSunrlai, adv. Flacc. p. 523) prepare us
for the frequent mentioo of the place in the
N. T. in connexion with Christianity. Simon,
who bore our Saviour's cross (Matt, zxvii. 32 ;
Mark xv. 21 ; Luke xiiii. 26), was a native of
Cyrene. Jewish dwellers in Oyrenaira were in
CYBENILS
Jernsalem at Pentecost (Acts ii. 10). They even
gave their name to one of the synagogon io
Jerusalem (ib. vi. 9). Christian convert from
Cyrene were among those who contriboted
actively to the formation of the Hrst Gentile
church at Antioch (i6. xi. 20), and among tnoie
who are specially mentioned as labouring at
Antioch when Barnabas and Saul were sent on
their missionary joarney is Lucius of Cyrene
(ib. xiii. IX traditionally said to have beeo the
. %.*
tirst Bishop of his native district. Other tradi-
tions connect Mark with the first establishment
of Christianity in this part of Africa.
Tatrailncliin (Attic Isbnt) otOTnna.
ObT. Bacnd ■tlpfaiani pUnt. IUt. K YPA. BmA of bMrdsd
Jopltcr Amaum to tbo rlcht
The antiquities of Cyrene have been illus-
trated in a series of recent works. See Delia
Cella, Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., Genoa, 1819;
Pacho, Voyage dans la Marmarique, la Ciirindiqtu:,
&c., Paris, 1827-1829 ; Thrige, Rta Cyrenenaes,
Hafn. 1848 ; Beechey, Expedition to explore the
North Coast of Africa, Sec, London, 1828;
Barth, Wanderungcn durch das funische u.
KyrenSische Kustenland, Berlin, 1849; Hamil-
ton, Wandermgs in North Africa, London, 185S :
Diet, of Gr. and Som. Ge»j., art. "Cyrene;"
Smith and Porcher, Sist. of recent DisoiKnei «t
Cyrene, pp. 117 sq. (1864). [J. S. H.j
CYBE'NIAN (KwpDraior; CyrmmsX s
native or inhabitant of CvBEXE. Cp. 2 Mict
ii. 23; Matt, xxvii. 32; M.-irk iv. 21; Luke
iiiii. 26 ; Acts vi. 9, xi. 20, xiii. 1.
CYRE'NIUS (Ki.p4««. ; Kiptires, B*; C^-
rintu). P. Sulpicius Quirinus is mentioned i»
Luke ii. 2 under the Grecised form Cyrtnias.
The facta of his life will be given first, and thea
St. Luke's statement will be examined.
I. His life is thus briefly sketched by Taatas
on the occasion of his public funeral. " Qnirinai
had no connexion with the old patrician family
of the Snipicii, sprung as he was from tJ»
municipality of Ijinuvium. By activity ia tie
field and an eager discharge of duty he won tiw
consulship under Augustus, and aitemnU
gaiued the honours of a triumph by captorns;
throughout Cilicia the forts of the Uotnona-
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CYKBNIUS
deoiea. Appointed as 'rector' to C. Caesar, who
then had the province of Armenia, he had sought
the favour of Tiberias during the residence of
the latter at Rhodes. This was now stated by
Tiberius in the senate. The emperor praised the
nervices of Quirinus to him, accusing LoUius, to
whom he sought to attribute the origin of C.
Caesar's mialice and ill-will. But the emperor
alone dwelt with pleasure on the memory of
Qnirinns ; others thought of the peril into which
he had brought Lepida, of his old age sallied by
avarice and dreaded for its power " (Tac. Ann.
iii. 48). To this must be added the statement of
Josephus, that when Archelaus was deposed and
Judaea made dependent on Syria, Quirinus, a
man of consular rank, was sent to assess Syria
and to sell the property of Archelaus (Jos. Ant.
xvii. 13, § 5). Everything beyond this is more or
less hypothetical, but Zumpt's minute investi-
gations make it probable that the victory of
Quirinus over the Homonadenses implies as a
necessary condition a previous tenure of the
government in Syria, preceding by about ten
years that mentioned by Josephus (Zumpt, Geb,
p. 71).
II. The " taxing." The statement of Luke ii.
2 runs thua in the R. V. : " This was the first
enrolment made when Quirinins was governor
of Syria." It is pretty clear in the Greek that
tf^mi (first) is an emphatic word, and that
a main object of St. Luke is to distinguish this
«nrolment as the first from some subsequent
enrolment. Such an abject would sufSciently
account for the parenthesis (c. 2) being in-
aerted. We know that St. Luke was aware of
another enrolment by his mention of it (Acts v.
37). He there connects an enrolment with the
insurection of Judas. We know from Josephus
{see above) that a census was carried out by
Quirinus, and that it was followed by an insur-
rection. St. Luke seems here (ii. 2) to say, " 1
do not mean that later one, but an earlier one."
At this point the difficulty arises. The later
census did undoubtedly take place when Quirinus
waa legate of Syria. But St. Luke seems to
imply that both did. Yet our Lord's Birth
occurred before the death of Herod the Great,
and Quirinus' first government of Syria (sup-
posed by Zumpt) cannot have then begun. We
know from Josephus that Varus was legate till
after Herod's death, and that Sentius Saturninus
preceded Varus. With our present information
it is impossible to escape from this difficulty,
tbongh Zumpt's explanation, given below, is
perhaps just admissible. But even if it should
be acknowledged that on present information it
appears as if St. Luke is inaccurate in dating
the first as well as the second census in the
legateship of Quirinus, yet the web of the
narTative is not thereby affected. Such a con-
cession is a very different matter from the
assertion that no such first census ever took
place, and consequently that the reason given
for Joseph's journey and the journey itself are
anhistorical (Keim, Jeaua of S., ii. p. 104 sq.).
The grounds of this assertion must be con-
sidered.
(1) Herod the Great was an ally, not a sub-
ject of Rome, and would not "have been thus
interfered with. But Herod paid tribute to
Rome (Wieseler, Stvd. Krit. 1875, p. 541), and
may Veil have had to comply with a request
BIBLE Dicr. — VOU I.
CVEENIUS
689
for a census. This is the view of Sieffert (art.
ScAatzung, Herzog, RE?), who in other respects
freely criticises the Gospel narrative. Two
important passages on the position of Herod are
Jos. Ant. XV. 10, § 3, and Appian, B. C. v. 75.
Zumpc will not admit the relevancy of the case
of the Clitae (Tac. Ann. vi. 41).
(2) It is further objected that (a) there is no
mention in early sources of a general census of
the Roman world, or even of the provinces at
this time, and that the evidence of more than
one census of Soman citizens by Augustus does
not bear in any way on the point in question.
Admitting this, Zumpt has proved that there
are historical grounds for the probability of a
general census by Augustas, dating perhaps in
its inception from B.C. 27, when the senatorial
and imperial provinces were divided. The words
" in those days " (Luke ii. 1) do not pretend to
fix the date with exactness (see Zumpt, Gd>. p.
159). Further we must take into account the
statements of Cassiodoms, Isidoms, and Suidas
(Zumpt, Geb. pp. 149-155), whatever they may
be worth; and Riess warmly defends against
Schegg the testimony of Orosins (_I{ist. Sam, vi.
22).
(6) There is also silence as to such a census
in Judaea. Josephus does not mention it, and
is held by Schiirer {SeitteH. Zeitgesch.^ p. 277)
to descrilw the census after the banishment of
Archelaus as something unprecedented. Against
this may be set the statement of Tertullian *
that it did take place.
Maintaining then against Eeim and others the
fact of a census before Herod's death, we still
have left the difficulty that St. Luke dates it in
the legateship of Quirinus. It will be proper to
mention some of the explanations which have
been suggested, though, as already stated, none
are convincing. Two of them arise out of the
history, and two out of the verbal exegesis of
the passage.
1. Historical. — (a) The first census was
ordered by Sentini Satominns (as stated by
Tertull. /, 0.), and only completed under Quirinus
in his first term of office after Herod's death.
This supposes the work to have lingered on
under three governors, — Saturninus, Varus, and
Quirinus (Zumpt, Qeb. pp. 220-1). .
(6) The first census was ordered by Quirinus,
who was in the East before Herod s death as
rector to C. Caesar. Saturninus was then pro-
perly the legate of Syria, but Quirinus from
his position as " rector " haid an authority which
superseded that of the legate (Riess, G^rtsjahr,
p. 71, and Xbchmak Gdmrtsjahr, pp. 64-5).
2. Exegetical. — (a) The first of these links
itself to Zumpt's explanation given above, but
is by no means essential to it. 'E^^yeTO (lit.
" was " or " took place ") is held to mean
" took effect," " was completed," and to carry on
the story to a later date than the going forth of
the edict (cp. parallel use of iyerero. Acts xi.
28). This interpretation is supposed to be
strengthened by taking rpJirti closely with
iyirtro, and translating "first took effect"
((ton demtan facta est). Admitting that itpAni
may stand for vpvror, this rendering is never-
« ** Sed et census constat actos sub Angusto nunc In
Judaea per Sentium Sstomlnnm ■" (Tert. adv. Man. Iv.
19). On this see Znmpt, p. 218 sq
2 Y
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CVEUS
tbeless antenable. Even wpSrov iyivtro could
not mean "first took effect," in the sense of
"did not take effect until." And a further
objection, if it were needed, lies in the probable
omission of q before kwayfa^ (see Westcott and
Hort, N. T., Notes on Select KeadingsX which
obliges aSrT) to be taken separately as the
subject of the verb (see Winer, ed. Houlton,
§ 18, 4, n. 1). It may be added that it is hard
to make any use of such an explanation without
drawing an unwarrantable distinction of mean-
ing between the cognate rerb and snbst&ntire :
between Joseph going to enrol himself (ira-
ypipiaSai), supposed to mean a preliminary
step, and the enrolment (i,Ttoyf<vpfi), supposed
to mean the taxation.
(6) The second explanation is equally un-
tenable. Resting on the use of rpArot (first) in
a comparatire sense in such passages as John i.
IS, it translates " this taxing took place be/ore
Quiriaus was governor of Syria." But irpcirT)
is here followed by the genitive of a participle
as well of a noun, which makes all the difference.
The great names alleged for this view — Ewald,
Wieseler, and others — can give no probability to
an interpretation according to which, as Sieffert
justly says, the Evangelist would have expressed
himself as unintelligibly as possible.
The controversy involves a number of in-
tricate collateral questions of history, chrono-
logy, and archaeology, such as the dates of
Herod's reign and our Lord's birth, Roman pro-
vincial government, and the position of the sub-
ject kingdoms, the genuineness of the Orsato
inscription, and the interpretation of the
Tibnrtine, numismatic questions, and the like.
Hence the modem literature of the subject is
very large. A good list of works is given at
the end of Sieffert's art. Schatzung in Hei-zog,'
to which the writer is indebted, as well as to
Schiirer, Neutat. Zeitgeach.' p. 262 sq. ; Keim,
Jesus of Xazara (tr.), vol. ii. pp. 114-122 ; and
on the other side, Riess, Geburtsjahr Christi, and
A'ochmais Qdnirtajahr Christi. But the prin-
cipal authority on the subject is the masterly
os-say of A. W. Znmpt, Das Odnirttjahr Christi,
Leipzig, 1869, which, whether its conclusions
are justified or not, states all the data with
clearness and impartiality. [E. R. B.]
CYBU8 (Bnb or E'TIS, Koresh ; Old Per-
sian, Kunish [JT'-u-r'-if-sA] ; Semitic Baby-
lonian, Kuraif Kun'oS, Kura^, and Kurraiiu;
Gr. Kvoot, originally supposed [so Ctesias apud
Plut. Artax. c. 1] to be from the Persian khor
[ ,»»-i ,Jb], "the sun" — an etymology now
regarded as impossible, it being evidently from
the root ^ru, from which the name of the river
Kur is derived), according to the Greeks (Herod,
i. 107 ; Xen. Cyrup. i. 2, 1), the son of Cambyses, a
Persian of the royal family of the Achaemenidae,
and Mandane, daughter of Astyages. This ac-
cords with Cyrus's own statement (cylinder-
inscription), in which he says: "1 am Kural,
king of multitudes, the great king, the mighty
king, king of Babylon, king of Sumeri and Ak-
kadi (Shinar and Accad), king of the four regions,
son of Kambnzta (Cambyses), the great king, the
king of the city of Ansan, grandson of Kurai
(Cyrus), the great king, the king of the city of
CYRUS
AnSan, great-grandwn of Siipis (TeispesX thr
great king, the king of the city of Ansan." Ac-
cording to the well-known legend, Astyages, is
consequence of a dream, which was interpnt^l
to portend that his grandson should be mister
of all Asia, designed the death of the inftot.
and immediately after its birth consigned it to
Harpagns, his confidential attendant, with strict
orders to kill it. Harpagus, wishing not to com-
mit this crime, delivered the child to a hcidsmag
named Mithradates, who was to expose it, »&i
satisfy Harpagns of its death. Whilst the henls-
mnn was in the city, his wife bronght forth i
still-bom child. This they substituted for the
royal infimt, whom they brought up as tbeir
own. He seems at first sight not to hare bt«i
called Cyrus, but Agradates (Strabo, xv. p. 72i>).
It is said (Herod, i. 114) that his real pareiits|e
was discovered by the imperious spirit which he
displayed. He was made king by the boys of
the village in their sports ; and one, the sua
of a noble Median, who had disobeyed hi»
commands, he caosed to be severely scouri^
Complaint was made to Astyages, who lent for
Cyrus, and recognised him as his daughter's soil
Astyages forgave the herdsman, bat took s
fearful revenge on Harpagus, inviting him to s
banquet, and there serving up to him, vith cir-
cumstances of the most refined cmelty, the fle>h
of his own son. As for Cyrus, Astyages, br
advice of the Magians, concluded that he baj
nothing to fear from him, the dreams hsvis;
been fulfilled by the boy's having been kin; is
sport. Cyrus was sent to his parents, u<i
whilst he was there Harpagus ingratiated him-
self with him by means of presents, and nrged
him by letter to avenge himself opon Astys^
for his attempt to kill him. Cyrus foUoved
this advice, and, exciting still more the <ii.<-
content under which the Persians were tabooiing.
gathered an army. Astyages sent a force agiio»t
Cyrus, and was betrayed by Harpagus, vh>
joined the Persians with a large portion of bit
army. A second engagement afterwards took
place, in which Astyages was taken prisoner,
near Parsagadae (_Mitrgh-Aub, Strabo, it. 730).
549 B.C. Both Nabonidns (cylinder-inscriptios)
and Cyrus (annals of the reign of Naboaidns)
mention this confiict, but they seem to refer to
one engagement only. Nabonidns says : " la the
beginning of my long reign a dream was ibon
to me. Marduk, the great lord, and Sin, the
illuminator of heaven and earth, stood oseich
side. Marduk spake with me : ' Nabonido-s
king of Babylon, come up with the horses of
thy chariot, build the walls of E-^nlhol, ind
have the seat of Sin, the great lord, set within
it.' Reverently I spoke to the lord of the go4i,
Marduk : * I will build that house of which tb«o
speakest. The Umman-Manda (Medes) besie^
it, and strong was their might.' Mardak spo^'
with me: 'The Umman-Monda, of which tbon
speakest; they, their country, and the kiag»
going by their side, shall not exist.' When the
third year arrived, he caused Cyrus, king of the
land of Anzan, bis young servant, to nurcb
against them with his little army ; he csiwi
him to destroy the vast Umman-Mands; ttn-
wegu (Astyages), king of the Umman-VsnJs.
he captured, and took his treasures to kit (ova)
country." The statement in the annals (S""
year of Nabonidns) is as follows: "[Astyages]
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CYRUS
gathered [hi* army], and went against Cyrus,
king of AnJan, to capture (him), and . . . Asty-
ages' army revolted againat him and made him
firisoner and delivered him to Cyrus. Cyrus
went] to the land of Ecbatana, his royal city,
and] carried off from Ecbatana silver, gold,
farnituro, goods [and merchandise], and toolc to
AnisD the furniture (and) goods which he had
taken." These two accounts, one composed by
Kribes during the reign of Cyrus in Babylon,
and possibly under his direction, and the other
written by orders of Nabonidus, probably give
» fait an account of Cyrus's first step toward*
empire as could be expected. It will be noted
t^st these accounts, that of Nabonidus included,
both call Cyrus liing of Anion or Anzan, a name
which is explained in the Assyrian lists as being
equivalent to Elam.* He had therefore already
attained to royal rank. Cyrus is said to have
treated Astyagea well, and kept him nntil his
death.
During the next two years (548-547 B.C.),
Cyrus was probably consolidating the conquests
which he had made, by reducing to obedience
the few cities of Media which still held out for
Astyages. The next year (546 B.O.) Cyrus
gathered his army, and crossed the Tigris below
Arbela, to attack a petty king in that neighbour-
hood, whom be aeems to have talien prisoner,
carrying off also treasure and other valiubles.
In the year 545 B.C., also, Elamitea seem to have
gone into Akkad for some purpose (^Annali of
Nabmiclut). Judging from the way in which
Nabonidus speaks of Cyrus, calling him "the
young servant of Merodach," it is not unlikely
that Cyrus was acting in concert with him, or
at least at his request. It was probably about
this time that Cyrus defeated Croesus, and con-
quered Lydia. He afterwards prepared to attack
the Greek citie* of Asia Minor. Leaving that
region, be returned to Ecbatana, taking Croesus
with him, but he had no sooner gone than the
states which had formed the Lydian empire
revolted, but the whole of Asia Minor was after-
wards reduced to submission by Harpagus, after
a long and obstinate resistance. In the mean-
while Cyrus was engaged in subduing the nations
of Cpper Asia, sparing none. He then turned
his attention to Babylonia, to which country,
with a large army and in great state, he marched
in the year 538 B,C A battle was fought at
Opis in the month Tommuz, and Sippara was
captured on the 14th of the some month with-
out fighting. Mabonidns, king of Babylon, fled ;
and two days after, Gobryas, governor of Gutium,
entered Babylon, with the army of Cyrus, with-
out fighting.' Nabonidus was captured and taken
thither. On the 3rd of Marcheswan Cyrus him-
self came to Babylon. He promised peace to
Babylon, and Gobryas, his governor, appointed
governors in that city. The images of the
gods, which Nabonidus had taken to Babylon,
were returned to their shrines. The son of the
king [see Beuhazzab] died on the 11th of
Marcheswan, and there was mourning for him
* Also proDoonoed Allan, assimilated ttom Anion or
intan. Cjnm la also called king of Persia in the
•onals.
* CjnM htanaelf, in his cyliuder-lnscriptlon, also uya
(bat be entered BobT'lon "wltboatBgbting and battle"
(see below).
CYKUS
691
throughout the country. This being over, Cam-
byses, son of Cyrus, celebrated a festival on
the 14th of Nisan, in the temple E-nig-sig-
kalama. There is no mention, in the official
account, of any of the many engineering feats
which Cyrus is said to have performed — passing
the Gyndes, one of the tributaries of the Tigris,
by diverting its water into a large number of
small channels; besieging Babylon, and taking
the city after a long time by diverting the
course of the Euphrates, so that his soldiers
were able to enter by the bed of the river. It
is not at all unlikely, however, that something
of this kind was done, in which case Cyrus
would imturally have made use of the many
water-channels and irrigation works already in
existence, extending them, and otherwise making
them more suitable for his purpose. The con-
quest of Babylon must be regarded as one of his
greatest military exploits, opening the way for
still greater designs. According to Herodotus,
Cyrus next conquered the Massogetae, a people
dwelling beyond the Araxes. He offered to
marry Tomyris, the widowed queen of this
people, but she refused him. The war which
followed ended with the death of Cyrus in battle
(529 B.C.), after a reign of twenty-nine (Hero-
dotus) or thirty years. He had ruled over
Media for eleven, and over Babylonia (and
Assyria) for nine years. According to the
Babylonian contract-tablets, Cambyses, his son,
was associated with him on the throne during
the last year of his reign.*
The account of Ctesias differs considerably
from that of Herodotus on some points. Accord-
ing to him, Cyrus and Astyages, king of the
Medes, were not related. When Cyrus made
the conquest of Media, Astyages fled to Ecbatana,
and was there concealed by his daughter Amytis,
and her husband, Spitamus, whom, with their
children, Cyrus would have put to torture, had
Astyages not discovered himself. Astyages was
put in fetters, but was afterwards set free by
Cyrus, who honoured him as a father, and, having
put Spitamus to death for telling a falsehood,
married the widow of the latter, Amytii,
daughter of Astyages. Ctesias says that Cyrus
made war with the Bactiians, and also with the
Sacae, in which Cyrus was taken prisoner, but
afterwards ransomed. Cyrus met his death,
according to Ctesias, from a wound received
when in battle with the Derbices.
Xenophon's account also differs from that of
Herodotus. He says that Cyrus was brought
up at the court of Astyages, and afterwards
served in Media under Cyoxares, his nnde, ion
and successor of Astyages ; that he conquered
the Armenians, the Chaldeans, and the Assyrians,
as general of Cyaxares, who allowed him to
assume the power and state of an independent
sovereign at Babylon ; that he married the
daughter of Cyaxares, and at last died quietly
in his bed, after dividing his empire between his
two sons, and giving a discourse to his children,
recommending brotherly affection, piety, virtue,
• Cyras, In his cylinder-Inscription, says that all tbe
kings, from the upper sea to tbe lower sea, and all the
kings of FhoeaicU, brought their valuable tribute to
him at Babylon, and kissed his feet. Farther excava-
tions in the East will probably bring to light other
neorSs eonoemlng Cyrus's conquests.
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692
OYBUS
CYEU8
&c. Diodorus agrees, for the most part, with
Herodotus, but says that Cyrus was taken
prisoner by the Scythian queen (apparently
meaning Tomyris), who, however, crucified or
impaled him.
There is hardly any doubt that all the
accounts of the Greek historians are more or
less drawn from the legends which were current
about Cyrus at the time they wrote. In the
time of Herodotus he was already regarded as
the national hero of Persia, and his history had
received various popular embellishments (Herod,
i. 95; cp. iii. 18, 160; Xen. Cyrop. i. 2, 1).
Xenophon, indeed, has gone so far as to make
him the hero of a romance, giving him all the
virtues which it was possible for a man at that
period to possess. The Babylonian Chronicle or
Annals, however, probably give, as far as they
go, the most trustworthy account of his exploits.
Taking this as a standpoint, it seems ceitua
that Herodotus is the most trustworthy of ill
the historians outside of Cyrus's own domiaions.
It may safely be said, however, that Crms was
a brave, talented, generous, and libeTal-minded
ruler.
Cyrus's policy in every case was conciliatios,
and self-identiticition with the national feelings,
aspirations, and religion of the iiationi which he
conquered. Under his rale contentment was to
be found everywhere. The Babylonians did not
find fault with him ; and the Jews became evea
enthusiastic over him. Cyrus, in his cylinder-
inscription, writes as if he were a Babylonian.
He speaks of the anger of the gods in conse-
quence of the dues to the temples not being
paid, and the evil which was done. " The %ois
Tomb of Cyms at Hw^AiA, the uicient Puu^ada*.
left their seats in anger against him who had
sent them down to §u-anna" (Nabonidus had
caused many of the images of the divinities to
be taken to Babylon, or " §u-anna "). " Whose
hands (Merodach) holds, Cyrus, king of Anian,
§nmer and Akksd, prince and ruler, gathered
unto him, and kissed his feet." Cyrns eves
calls himself the worshipper of Merodach, and
invokes the god to approach him, his son Cur-
byses, and his people, favourably. He sent back
his name he called, and he proclaimed his name ^If g<"l» "^ ^ranr, A^de (the city of Akkjl),
- - - Abnnnag, Zamban, M6-Tuma, DOr-tli, &c «t,
to their places, and founded for than " lasting
seats;" and the gods of Sumir and Akksd, which
Nabonidus, "to the anger of the lord of the
gods," had brought to Sn-anaa, he restored to
their places with peace, by command of the lord
of the gods, Merodach. Of course, it is highly
probable that Cyrus did not really feel any
reverence for these, to him, foreign deities, but
he certainly allowed ceremonies to be perforawd,
to the kingdom of the whole world {kullata
naphnr) ; the Guti ' and the whole of the Um-
man-Manda (the Medes) submitted to his feet.
The people of the black head, whom he (Mero-
dach) had caused his hands to capture, with
righteousness and justice he constantly visited
them .... He commanded him to go to his city
Babylon; he caused him to take the road to
Babylon — like a friend and a companion he went
by bis side .... Without fighting and battle he
caused him to enter into 8u-anna ; he guarded : and inscriptions to be written, in his name, ia
his city, Babylon ; with the wretch (?) Naboni- praise and worship of the gods of Babylon,
dus, the king who did not fear him, he filled his -. especially Merodach. It is difficult to reconcile
hand (i<?. delivered him as prisoner to Cyrus).*
The people of Babylon, all of them, the whole of
* Another form of the word Outlum, a tribe of which
Oobryaa was governor Csee above).
• Kabouldus, wben In captivity, probably changed his
opinion about Cyrus being the aervsnt of Merodach.
this with the monotheistic tone of his procla-
mation ordering the rebuilding of the Temple of
Jerusalem (2 Ch. xixvi. 23 ; Ezra i. 2. v. 13, ir.
3), but it is not improbable that Merodach, the
chief god of the Babylonians, was, with him, the
only god— another name for the Supreme Being.
It is perhaps in this way that we can make
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DABABBH
his reference to " the Lord, the God of heaven,"
agree. Cyras, besides giving orders for the re-
building of the Temple, returned the vessels of
the house of the Lord which Nebuchadnezzar
had taken away (Ezra i. 7), and made a grant
to bring cedar-trees from Lebanon (Ezra iii. 7) ;
but he did as much for the Babylonians, in
restoring their temples, and bringing back the
images of their gods to their shrines. Still,
there must have been great sympathy between
the Jewi and their new ruler, as likely as not
arising out of similarity of religious belief, and
this it probably was that caused Isaiah (xliv. 28)
to recognise in him a "shepherd " of the Lord, an
"anointed"kiug(ITS'D, Messiah; rf xp^mf liov;
Ckristo meo. Is. xlv. 1) — a title which seemed to
later writers to invest him with the dignity of
being, in some sense, a type of Christ himself
(HieroD. Comm. in It. xlv. 1). Whatever his
religious opinions may have been, it is certain
that he was a just and generous ruler, guarding
the rights and privileges of his subjects in such
a way that his reign may be regarded, in a cer-
tain sense, as having been a distinct advance in
a bwbarons age. [T. Q. P.]
D
DA'BABEH (nn3^, pasture ; B. A«/3/3<(,
A. Atfifie; Dabereih^H. V. DaberatK), Josh,
zzi. 38. litis name, incorrectly spelt in the
A. v., should be Daberath (R. V.). [G.] [W.]
DABBA'SHETH (D^S?; B. ^<u6if<>fia,
A. ^oMirBai ; DMaaeth, K. V. DabbetAeth), a
town on the boundary of Zebulun (Josh. xix.
11 only). The name signiBes a hump (Gesen.,
Furst) as of a camel (cp. Is. xii. 6), and possibly
indicates that the town was on a hill; cp.
Josephns' statement {B. J. iv. 1, § 1) with
regard to the origin of the name Gamala. The
place is unknown (Dillmann*). Conder has
soggested {PEF Qy. Stat. 1883, pp. 134-138)
as a possible identification Kh. ed-Dabsheh, a
ruin on the left bank of W. el-Kwn {PEF.
Mem. i. 174). Tristram, however {Bible Placet,
352), identifies it with Kh. ed-Duaeibeh on Mt.
Carmel ; Knobel with Jebata on the north side
of the plain of Esdraelon. [G.] [W.]
DA3EBATH(with the art. in Josh, n'^y^n;
B. Aafittfit, A. &a$pdS ; in Chron. by double
copying, B. riiv Ae/hpl ical r^y ^a$<ip ; Dabe-
relA), a town on the boundary of Zebulun (Josh.
xix. 12), named as next to Ohisloth-Tabor. In
the list of Levitical cities, however, in 1 Ch. vi.
72, and in Josh. xxi. 28 (where the name in
the original is the same, though in the A. V.
" Dabareh "), it is stated as belonging to Issachar.
It is no doubt the Dabaritta {AaffaplrTav Kiifiri)
mentioned by Joeephus (B. J. ii. 21, § 3 ; and
Vit. 61) as being in the great plain, on the
border of Galilee. It is the Aa/3<ipjk of Eusebius
and the D<Aira of Jerome (OS.' pp. 149, 19;
257, 53), and is there sUted to be on Mt. Tabor,
in the district of Diocaesarea. William of Tyre
(xiiL 13) has " Buria juxta Nairn urbem anti-
qoiasimnm." Under the name of Deburieh it
sUlI lies at the western foot of Tabor (P£/'.
DAGON
693
Mem. i. 363). A tradition mentioned by Van
de Velde (ii. 374) makes this the scene of thr
miracle on the lunatic child performed by our
Lord after His descent from the Mount of Trans-
figuration (Matt, xvil 14). But this probably
took place far away. [G.] [W.]
DA'BBLA, one of the five swift scribes who
recorded the visions of Esdras (2 Esd. xiv. 24 ;
cp. TO. 37, 42). [K.]
DACCBI (A. AMou/sr, B. om. ; Accuba),
1 Esd. V. 28. [Akkub.] [B. F. W.]
DADDE'US or SADDEajS (1 Esd. viii. 45
[LXX. r. 44, B. AaaScuos, A. AoXSmai], 46 [LXX.
ti. 45, B. AoSiuos, A. AoA-]), captain "in the
place of the treasury " (see Speaier'i Comm. n. in
loco). In Ezra viii. 17 the name is Idix>. [F.]
DAG6EB. CAriib,L1.]
DAGON 0^3*5 ; Aiyuy) was originally a god
of the Accado-Sumerian population of pre-
Semitic Chaldaea, in whose language the name
signified " the exalted one." In the inscriptions
he is associated with Ana, the Sky-god, " Ana
and Dagan " being coupled together. Ilie tw*
names were borrowed by the Semitic Babylonians
under the forms of Ann and Dagan, and handed
on by them to their kinsfolk further west. The
Assyrian texts speak of the worship of the tw*
gods at Kharran, the Haran of Genesis (xi. 31) ;
and proper names like Anah (Gen. xxxvi. 3, 24),
or Beth-Anoth (Josh. xv. 59) and Beth-Dagon
(Josh. XV. 41), show that they were reverenced
in Canaan. Here, however, Dagon superseded
his companion Anu. He became one of the chief
deities of the Philistines, his most famous temples
being at Gaza (Judg. xvi. 21-30) and Ashdod
(1 Sam. V. 5, 6; 1 Ch. i. 10). The Utter
temple was destroyed by Jonathan during the
Haccabaean wars (1 Mace. z. 83-4, xi. 4:
Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4, § 5). Temples or high-
places must also have been erected to him in
Caphar-Dagon, " the village of Dagon " near
Jamnia, and Beth-Dagon in Judah (Josh. xv. 41)
and Asher (Josh. xix. 27). The Beth-Dagon of
Judah is mentioned by Sennacherib, as being
near Joppa and under the rule of the king of
Ashkelon.
We learn from 1 Sam. v. 4 that the god was
represented in hnman form with head and hand».
The belief that his body terminated in the tail
of a fish arose from a mistaken etymology of the
name from the Heb. 3^, " a fish." The fish-god,
however, was not Dagon, but the water-god Ea ;
and a se.tl in the British Museum, on which is
the figure of a deity with human head and hands
and the tail of a fish, states that it represents
" the god of pure life," a title of Ea. At the
same time Babylonian mythology seems to hare
identified Ea and Dagon in the person of Odnkiin
('QtdxcM'), one of the fabulous creatures who rose
from the waters of the Persian Gulf in the
antediluvian period.
In Phoenicia (and therefore presumably Phi-
listia also) the name of the god was connected
with the word \}1, "corn," and is accordingly
rendered into Greek by Urur in the fragments
of Philo Byblius. In consequence of this
etymology Dagon became the god of agriculture.
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694
DAISAN
and wu compared with the Zfhs ipirpios of the
Greeks (Philo Bybl. ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. i. 10 ;
Sanchon. p. 32). This explains the gift of fire
golden field-mice sent by the Philistines as " a
trespass-offering " to the God of Israel, the field-
mouse being de«tractiTe to corn. It was there-
fore regarded as the symbol of a deity who had
overthrown the image and brought plague upon
the worshippers of Dagon, the god of agriculture.
A Phoemci.m cylinder obtained by Mr. Greville
Chester, and now in the Ashmoleiin Museum at
Oxford, bears the name of " Baal-Dagon " in
Phoenician characters of the 7th century u.c.
The name is accompanied by rude representations
of a goat or gazelle standing on its hind-legs, an
altar and "grove" or symbol of the goddess
Asherah, the winged solar disk, stars and a fiy (?).
But there is no reference to a fish or water. It
may be added that, according to Phoenician
mythology as reported by Philo Byblius, Dagon
was the offspring of the Heaven and Earth and
the brother of El Betylos (or Beth-el) and Atlas
(cp. J. Menant, Le Mythe de Dagon in the
Bevue de FHistoire dea Selijiona, xi. pp. 295-301 ;
and Sayce, JJibiert Lectures on the Religion of
the Andent Babyloniam, pp. 188-9). [A. H. S.]
DAISAN (B. ^atirdy, A. Ataiy; Desanon),
1 Esd. V. 31 ; i^. Rezin (Ezra ii. 48), by the
common confusion of R, ^, and D, *1. [F.]
DALAI' AH (n^^*? ; AaKaati, A. AaA.au(;
Dalaia\ the sixth son of Elioenai, a descendant
of the royal family of Judah (1 Ch. iii. 24). [F.]
DALMAKU'THA (AcAMovaufaX a place
on the shore of the Sea of GaUlee (Mark viii. 10).
The name has been derived from Ctni3D7!<^ n*3,
Beth-dalmanutha, the home of widowhood, and
also from pD'?X, Zalmon (Lightfoot, ii. 307-9),
but incorrectly. For Ihilmon an Aramaean
might perhaps have said Talmon, but not
Zalmon.
Jesus, leaving the district of Tyre and Sidon,
passed "through the midst of the borders
(district) of Decapolis," which lay almost en-
tirely east of the Jordan, to the close neighbour-
hood of the Sea of Galilee ; there He fed tlie four
thousand, and then, entering a boat, " came into
the parts of Dalmanutha," or, according to Matt.
XV. 39, " into the coasts of Magdala " (R. V. the
borders of Magadan) ; after a brief stay. He again
entered the boat, and crossed the lake " to the
other side " (Mark viii. 13 ; cp. Matt. ivi. 5),
apparently to Bethsaida (Mark viii. 22). The
sequence is clear : Jesus starts from the eastern
shore of the Sea of Galilee, crosses to the W. shore,
and afterwards recrosses to Bethsaida near the
mouth of the Jordan. Dalmanutha was probably
a village near Maqdala, now Mcjdel, at the S.
end of the plain of Gennesareth, and it is perhaps
represented by one of the small mounds on the
shore of the lake. Tristram {Bible Places, p. 263)
and others have identified Dalmanutha with
'Ain el-Bdrideh, about one and a half miles from
Mejdt'l on the road to Tiberias, but the distance
between the two places seems too great. Thomson
(Zand and the Book, p. 393), adopting the reading
Magadan — a place which, according to Eusebius
(OS.'' p. 277, 81), was near Gerasa— would
Identify it with a ruined site called Dalhamia,
DABIASCUS
or Dalmamia, on the Yarmuk, bat thii would
be south of the lake and somi! distance trom
its shore. Schwarz (p. 150) states thstisttie
Jer. Tal. Demai, ii. 2, " a cave of TeUmtn "
OMD^^D) is named ; this he identifies with Ttl-
manutha, which he says was another atme of
Migdol. Neubauer, however, places this ctvc
iu the neighbourhood of Caesarea Msritiins (S«o<).
du Talmwl, p. 268). [W.]
DALMATIA (AaXiurria), a moontunoas
district on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sei,
extending from the river Karo in the S. to tie
Savns in the N. It formed a jiortioa of the
Roman province of lUyricum subsequently to
Tiberius' expedition, A.D. 9 (cp. Marqnardt, Bim.
Staatscencalt. i. 141, &c.). St. Paul sent Titaj
there (2 Tim. iv. 10) : he himself had preached
the Gospel in its immediate neighbourhood
(Rom. XV. 19), for the boundaries of lilyricnm
and Dalmatia were not well defined, and the two
names were used by St. Paul in a general seiw
(cp. Conybeare and Uowson's Life and Efp. o/
St. Paul,* ii. 127). [W. L B.] [F.]
DALPHON (fisfri; AtXifxir, tome MSS.
Kal ii(\(t>tiv; Delplum), the second of the t»
soiu of Haman ; killed by the Jews on the IStii
ofAdar(Esth. ix. 7). [W. A. W.] [F.]
DA'MABIS(A<(fiaf>is; i>anuin«), an Atheiusi
woman converted by St. Paul (Acts ivii. 34).
The Greek text does not support the view of
Ohrysostom (Sacerd. iv. 7) that she was tie
wife of Dionysius, who is mentioned with hei.
The name is probably another form of &ifuXa
(heifer), which occurs as a proper name. A aaJ
p are interchangeable : cp. 0(OKi\os for taitiwi
and Povxikos, aiyucopfis (Lob. Phiyrt. pp. l"'.
t>52). [L R. B.]
DAMAS'CUS (pff^; Jji^\ (itCl*};
AafuurK6s ; Damascus) is one of the most
ancient, and has at all times been one of tie
most important, of the cities of Syria. It »
situated in a pl.tin of vast size and of eitreme
fertility, which lies east of the great chain "f
Auti-Libanus, on the edge of the desert. Tkis
fertile plain, which is nearly circnIsT, uJ
about 30 miles in diameter, is'dne to the ii«r
Barada. This stream, starting from two fas-
portant fountains high op in the centre of
Anti-Libanus, forces its way through the ciisis.
running for some time among the mountains, till
suddenly it bursts through a narrow cletl ufwn
the open country east of the hills, and diffow*
fertility far and wide. " From the edje of tie
mountain-range," says a modem traveller, " J0«
look down on the plain of Damascus. It is hen
seen in its widest and fullest perfection, with tie
visible explanation of the whole secret of its
great and enduring charm, that which it most
have had when it was the solitary seat «f eivih-
sation in Syria, and which it will have as lea?
as the world lasts. The river is visible st the
bottom, with its green banks, rushing tirooth
the clefi ; it bursts forth, and as if in a moment
scatters over the plain, through a drde of Si.'
miles, the same verdure which had hitherto been
confined tu its single channel. . . . Far sad wide
in front extends the level plain, its horiion bare.
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DAMASCUS
its lines of suironnding hills bare, all bare far
away on the road to Palmyra and Bagdad. In
the midst of this plain lies at your feet the vast
lake or island of deep verdnre, walnuts and
apricots waving above, com and grass below ;
and in the midst of this mass of foliage rises,
striking out its white arms of streets liither and
thither, and its white minarets above the trees
which embosom them, the city of Damascus.
On the right towers the snowy height of Hermon,
overlooking the whole scene. Close behind are
the sterile limestone mountains — so that you
stand literally between the living and the dead "
(Stanley, 8. and P., p. 410). Another writer
mentions among the produce of the plain in
question " walnuts, pomegranates, figs, plums,
apricots, citrons, pears, and apples " (Addison's
l)am. and Palmyra, ii. 92). Olive-trees are also
a principal feature of the scene. Besides the
main stream of the Barada, which runs directly
through the town, supplying its public cisterns,
baths, and fountains, a number of branches are
given off to the right and to the left, which
irrigate the meadows and corn-fields, turning
what wonld otherwise be a desert into a garden.
The Barada, giving off numerous streams, flows
on towards the east for about 15 miles, when it
separates, and pours its waters, when not ex-
hausted by evaporation, into two small marshes,
which lie upon the verge of the desert. On its
way from the monotains to the city, the Barada
runs through a verdant meadow, the Ager
Damaicema, now called Et-M<rj. On either
side the ground rises, somewhat abruptly, in ter-
races ; and here, by the margin of the meadow,
flow two of the seven rivers that ore drawn off
■rum the parent stream. The river on the right
is the A'ahr' Banias, pronounced Abanias by the
fellaMn, the Abana of the Bible ; that on the
left is the Nahr Taint, a name that takes the
place of Pharpar in the Arabic Version.
Foundations of houses and other remains show
that the city once extended far beyond its present
limits, in the direction of the gorge from which
the Barada issues. Here, in the prosperous
period of the Syrian kingdom, the villas of the
wealthy were probably situated, embosomed in
luxuriant foliage amidst which ever sparkled
the clear cold waters of the two streams that
were "better than all the rivers of Israel."
(Dr. W. Wright, MS. Xotei.)
According to Josephus (Ant. i. 6) Damascus
was founded by Uz, the son of Aram, and grand-
son of Shem. It is first mentioned in Scripture
in connexion with Abraham, whose steward was
a native of the place (Gen. xv. 2. This is
probably the sense, but the translation is dis-
puted. Cp. QPB*). We may gather from the
name of this person, whom Moslem tradition
claims as the founder, as well as from the state-
ment of Josephus, which connects the city with
the Aramaeans, that it was a Semitic settlement.
According to a tradition preserved in the n.itive
writer, Kicolans, Abraham stayed for some time
at Damascus, after leaving Charran and before
entering the Promised Land, and during his stay
waa king uf the place (see Delitzsch [1887] and
DAMASCUS
695
• In poetrj and eommon conversation the deacripllve
term Nakr, ** river," the same word used by Nsamsn
the Syrian, is always applied to eacti of the seven cansls
of Diunascas (Vt. W. Wright, MS. NoUt).
Dillmann in loco), " Abraham's name was,"
he says, "even in his own day familiar in the
months of the Damascenes, and a village was
shown where he dwelt, which was called after
him " (Fr. 30). This last circumstance would
seem, however, to conflict with the notion of
Abraham having been king, since in that case
he would have dwelt in the capital. Damascus
is not mentioned again in the Bible until the time
of David, when " the Syrians of Damascus came
to succour Hadadezer, king of Zobab," with
whom David was at war (2 Sam. viii. 5 ;
1 Ch. xvili. 5). On this occnsion David "slew
of the Syrians twenty-two thousand men ; "
and in consequence of this victory became com-
pletely master of the whole territory, which he
garrisoned with Israelites. " David put gar-
risons in Syria of Damascus; and the Syrians
became servants to David, and brought gifts "
(2 Sam. viii. 6). Nicolaus of Damascns said
that the name of the king who reigned at
this time was Hadad ; and he ascribes to him a
dominion, not only over Damascus, but over "all
Syria except Phoenicia " {Fr, 31). He noticed
bis attack upon David; and related that many
battles were fought between them, the last,
wherein he suffered defeat, being " upon the
Euphrates." According to this writer, Hadad
the first was succeeded by a son, who took the
same name, as did bis descendants for ten
generations. But this is irreconcilable with
Scripture. It appears that in the reign of Solo-
mon, a certain Rezon, who had been a subject of
Hadadezer, king of Zobah, and had escaped when
David conquered Zobah, made himself master of
Damascus, and established his own rule there
(1 K. xi. 23-5). He was "an adversary to
Israel all the days of Solomon , , , and he
abhorred Israel, and reigned over Syria," After-
wards the family of Hadad appears to have
recovered the throne, and a Benhadad, who is
probably the Hadad III. of Nicolaus, a grand-
son of the antagonist of David, is found in
league with Baasha, king of Israel, against As:i
(1 K. XT. 19; 2 Ch. ivi. 3), and afterwar<ls
in league with Asa against Baasha (1 K. xv. 20).
He made a successful invasion of the Israelite
territory in the reign of that king ; and in the
reign of Omri he not only captured a number
of Israelite cities which be added to bis own
dominion.% but even seems to have exercised a
species of lordship over Samaria itself, in which
he acquired the right of" making himself streets "
(1 K. XX. 34; cp. Xic. D. Fr. 31, ad fin.). He
was succeeded by his son, Hadad IV. (the Ben-
hadad II. of Scripture, and the Ben-idri of the
Assyrian inscriptions), who came at the head of
thirty-two subject kings against Ahab, and laid
siege to Samaria (1 K. xx. 1). The attack was
unsuccessful ; and was followed by wars, in
which victory declared itself unmistakably on the
side of the Israelites; and at last Benhadad was
taken prisoner, and forced to submit to a treaty
whereby he gave up all that his father had
gained, and submitted in his turn to the
suzerainty of Ahab (xx. 13-34). The terms of
the treaty were perhaps not olaerved. At any
rate three years afterwards war broke out afresh,
through the claim of Ahab to the city of Ramoth-
Gilead (1 K. zxii. 1-4). The defeat and death
of Ahab at that place (rv. 15-37) seems to have
enabled the Syrians of Damascus to resume the
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DAMASCUS
offensire. Their banda ravaged the lands of
Israel during the reign of Jeboram ; and they
even undertook at this time a second siege of
Samaria, which was frustrated miraculously
(2 K. vi. 24, Tii. 6-7). After this, we do not
hear of any more attempts against the Israelite
DAMASCUS
capital. The cuneiform inscriptions shov thit
towards the close of his reign Benhadsj vas
exposed to the assaults of a great conqueror, whu
was bent on extending the dominion of Astpis
over Syria and Palestine. Three several ittukt
appear to have been made by this prince upuu
Benhadad, who, though he had the support of
the Phoenicians, the Hittites, and the Hama-
thites, was unable to offer any effectual apposition
to the Assyrian arms. Uis troops were worsted
in several engagements, and in one of them he
lost as many as 20,000 men. It may have been
these circumstances which encouraged Hsxael.
the servant of Benhadad, to murJer him, and
seize the throne, which Elisha had declared woald
certainly one day be his (2 K. viii. 15). He may
have thought that the Syrians would wiUingly
acquiesce in the removal of a rnler onder whom.
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DAMASCUS
they had suffered so many disasters. The change
of ralers was not at Hist productive of any
advantage to the Syrians. Shortly after the
accession of Hazael (about B.C. 884), he was in
his turn attacked by the Assyrians, who defeated
him with great loss amid the fastnesses of Anti-
Ubanus. However, in his other wars he was
more fortunate. He repulsed an attack on
R&moth-Gilead, made by Ahaziah king of Jadah
and Jehoram king of Israel iu conjunction (2 K.
viii. 28-9) ; ravaged the whole Israelite territory
east of Jordan (z. 32-3); besieged and took
Gath (xii. 17 ; cp. Amos vi. 2) ; threatened
Jenualem, which only escaped by paying a
heavy ransom (2 K. xii. 18) ; and established a
•pecies of sozerainty over Israel, which he
DAMASCUS
697
maintained to the day of his death, and handed
down to Benhadad, his son (3 K. xiii. 3-7, 22).
This prince in the earlier part of his reign had
the same good fortune as his father. Like him,
he " oppressed Israel," and added various cities
of the Israelites to his own dominion (2 K. xiii.
25) ; but at last a deliverer appeared (v. 5), and
Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, " beat Hazael thrice,
and recovered the cities of Israel " (v. 25). In
the next reign still further advantages were
gained by the Israelites. Jeroboam II. (c. B.C.
836) is said to have " recovered Damascus "
(xiv. 28) ; and though this may not mean that
he captured the city, it at least implies that he
obtained a certain influence over it. The mention
of this circumstance is followed by a long pause.
Xaat Okie of Danuaciu, ftt the aDd of Uis "Streot called btfai^Lt."
TIm irchfls now bunt oparaof iioiiMiiuchitectimtUolduttietlaMorSt. P&al. (Pzom « pLoto(t»ph.)
daring which we hear nothing of the Syrians,
and mast therefore conclude that their relations
with the Israelites continued peaceable. When
they reappear nearly a century later (c. B.C.
742), it is as allies of Israel against Judah (2 K.
XV. 37). We may suspect that the chief cause
of the anion now established between two powers
which had been so long hostile, was the necessity
of combining to resist the Assyrians, who at
the time were steadily pursuing a policy of en-
croachment in this quarter. Scripture mentions
the invasions of Pul (2 K. iv. 9 ; 1 Ch. v. 26)
»nd Tiglath-pileser (2 K. xv. 29; 1 Ch. v. 26);
amd there is reason to believe that almost every
Assyrian monarch of the period made war in this
direction. It seems to have been during a pause
in the struggle that Rezin king uf Damascus, and
Pekah king of Israel, resolved conjointly to
attack Jerusalem, intending to depose Ahaz and
set up as king a creature of their own (la. vii.
1-6 ; 2 K. xvi. 5). Ahaz may have been already
suspected of a friendly feeling towards Assyria,
or the object may simply have been to coiuioli-
date a power capable of etfectually opposing the
arms of that country. In either case the attempt
signally failed, and only brought about more
rapidly the evil against which the two kings
wished to guard. Jerusalem successfully main-
tained itself against the combined attack; but
Elath, which had been formerly built by Aaariah,
king of Judah, in territory regarded as Syrian
(2 K. xir. 22), having been taken and retained
by Rezin (xvi. 6), Ahaz was induced to
throw himself into the arms of Tiglath-pileser,
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DAMASCUS
to ask aid from him, and to accept volantarily
the position of an Assyrian feudatory (xvi. 7-8).
The aid sought wns given, with the important
result, th»t Rezin was slain, the kingdom of
Damascus brought to an end, and the city itself
destroyed, the inhabitauts being carried captive
into Assyria (B.C. 733, r. 9; cp. Is. vii. 8;
Amos i. 5).
It was long before Damascus recovered from
this serious blow. An Isaiah and Amos bad
prophesied in the day of her prosperity, that
Damascus should be '' t»keu away from being a
city and be a ruinous heap " (Is. xrii. 1), that
" n fire should be sent into I he house of Hazael,
which bhould devour the palaces of Benhadad "
(Amos i. 4) ; BO Jeremiah, writing about B.C. 600,
DAMASCUS
declares " Damascus is waxed feeble, she tnmetli
herself to See, and trembling hath seized on bn;
anguish and sorrows have taken her, as hold of
a woman in travail. How is the city of praiM
not forsaken, the city of my joy ? " (Jer. lUi.
24-5, R. V.) We du' not know at what time
Damascus was rebuilt, but Strabo says that it
was the most famous place in Syria daring the
Persian period (xvi. 2, § 19) ; and we 6nd that
before the battle of Issus it was selected br
Darius as the city to which be should send for
better security the greater part of his tressares
and valuables (Arr. £xp. At. ii. 11). Shortir
after the battle of Issus it was taken by Paimeaio
(ibid.) ; and from this time it continued to be >
place of some importance under the Gneks;
Qsto or Dunucui. iMdlni towardi Ambla, whpTO, ■oDonllo;; lo UadiUon, BL PKiil ww let dova in m
becoming however decidedly second to Antioch,
which was raised up ai a rival to it by the
Seleucidae. From the monarchs of this house it
passed to the Romans, who became masters of it
in the war between Pompey and Mithridates
(Moa. Choren. i. 14 ; cp. Joseph. Ant. Jud. liv. 2,
§3 ; and App. Sell. Mithr. p. 244). At the time
of the Gospel history, and of the Apostle Paul,
it formed a part of the kingdom of Aretas (2 Cor.
xi. 32), an Arabian prince, who, like the princes
of the house of Uerod, held his kingdom under
the Romans (Joseph. Ant. Jttd. xvi. 11, § 9). A
little later it was reckoned to Decapolis (Plin.
H. N. V. 16), after which it became a part of
the province known as Phoenicia Libanesia
(Hierocl. Si/necd. \t. 717). It grew in magnifi-
cence umlcrthe Oreek emperors, and, when taken
by the Mahometan Arabs in a.d. 6:M, wu one
of the first cities of the Eastern world. It is not
necessaiy to trace its subsequent glories nnder
the Caliphs, the Saracens, and the Turks. It
may, however, be noticed that there has scarcely
been an interruption to its prosperity, and that
it is still n city of 100,000 to 130,000 inhabitants.
Damascus has always been a great centre for
trade. The difficulties and dangers of the
mountain passec to the west of Anti-Libaniu
made the line of traffic between Egypt and Upper
Syria follow the circuitous route by Dsmsjcns
rather than the direct one through Cotle-Syiia,
while the trade of Tyre with Assyria and the
Knst generally passed naturally throngb D»-
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DAMASCUS
masciu oo its way to Palmyra and the Euphrates.
Ezekiel, speaking of Tyre, says (xxvii. 18, R. V.),
" Damascus was thy merchant for the multitude
of thy handyworks, for the multitude of all
kinds of riches ; with the wine of Uelbon, and
white wool." It would appear from this that
Damascus took manufactured goods from the
Phoenicians, and supplied them in exchange
with wool iMid wine. The former would be
produced in abundance in Coele-Syria and the
valleys of the Anti-Libanus range ; while the
Utter seems to have been grown in the vicinity
of Melbon, a village still famous fur the produce
of its* vines, 10 or 12 miles from Damascus to
the north-west (Geogr. Joum. vol. xxvi. p. 44).
But the passage trade of Damascus has probably
been at all times more important than its direct
commerce. Its merchants must have proHted
largely by the caravans which continually passed
through it on their way to distant countries.
It is uncertain whether in early times it had
any important manufactures of its own. Ac-
cording to some expositors, the passage in Amos
iii. 12, which A. V. translates " in Damascus on a
conch " (bir pfonjl), means (R. V.) " on the
silken cnshions of a' bed," which would indicate
that the Syrian city had become famous for a
textile fabric as early as the 8th century B.C.
There is no doubt that such a fabric gave rise to
our word " damask," which has its counterpart
in Arabic as well as in most of the languages of
modem Europe ; but it is questionable whether
either this, or the peculiar method of working in
steel, which has impressed itself in a similar way
upon the speech of the world, was invented by
the Damascenes before the Mahometan era. In
ancient times they were probably rather a
consuming than a producing people, as the
|ias«age in Ezekiel clearly indicates.
Certain localities in Damascus are shown as
the site of those Scriptural events which esjie-
cially interest us in its history. A " long wide
thoroughfare " — leading direct from the eastern
g-.ite to the western side of the city — is " called
by the guides 'Straight'" (Acts ix. 11); but
the natives know it among themselves as "The
King's highway " (Stanley, p. 412). The houK
of Judas is shown in the street " Straight."
That of Ananias is also pointed out. The scene
of the conversion is confidently said to be " an
open green spot, surrounded by trees," and
used as the Christian burial-ground ; but this
spot is on the eastern side of the city, whereas
St. Paul must have approached from the south
or west. Again, it appears to be certain that
" four distinct spots have been pointed out at
different times " (Stanley, p. 412) as the place
where the " great light suddenly shined from
heaven " (Acts ix. 3) ; so that little confidence
can be placed in any of them. The point of
the walls at which St. Paul w.is let down by a
basket (Acts ix. 25 ; 2 Cor. xi. 33) is also shown ;
and. iis this locality is free from objection, it
may be accepted, if we think that the tradition
which has been so faithless or so uncertain in
other cases has any value here.
In the vicinity of Damascus certain places arc
shown, traditionally connected with the prophet
Elisha; but these local legends are necessarily
«ven more doubtful than those which have
reference to the comparatively recent age of the
Apostles.
DAN
699
See Stanley's Sinai and Palestine ; Maundrell's
Journey to Damascus ; Addison's Damascus and
Palmyra ; Pococke's Tratels ; Porter's Fite Years
in Damaacus, and his account of the country
round Damascus in the GeiMjraphical Journal,
vol. xxvi. ; Damascus and its PeojJe, by Mrs.
Mackintosh; Thomson's ZMnd and the Book,
new series, vol. iii. [G. R.] [W.J
DAMN, DAMNATION. These N.T. words,
now used in a very restricted sense, had in the
A. V. of 1611 the far wider and more general
sense of to condemn and condemnation. They
were the translation of Kfiya and its compounds,
and of Kpiais or Kftiuu As words they have
disappeared from the U. V. of the N. T., and arc
replaced — the verb by condemn or judge, the
noun by condemnation or judgment. For the
verb, cp. the A. V. and R. V. of Mark xvi. 16 ;
Rom. liv. 23; 2 Thess. ii. 12 : for the noun, cp.
the A. V. and R. V. of Matt, ixiii. 14 (the
verse is absent from the R. V. text, but the
A. V. word "damnation" is rendered in the
R. V. marg. condemnation) and its parallels,
Mark xii. 40, I-uke xx. 47; Matt, ixiii. 33;
John V. 29 ; Rom. iii. 8, xiii. 2 ; 1 Cor. li. 29 ;
1 Tim. V. 12 ; 2 Pet. ii. 3.* The context of
these passages will show that the judgment or
condemnation contemplated is most frequently
temporal (cp. e.g. 1 Cor. xi. 29). [F.]
DAMNABLE. The.K.V.o{<dp4<rtisiiiu\tiat
(2 Pet. ii. 1), "damnable heresies," is better
rendered by R. V. " destructive heresies " (cp.
R. V. marg. sects of perdition). [F.]
DAN. 1. (jn ; Alii' ; Joseph. Adf, etiKpiror
ty rifts cfroMF Kori riiy 'EAA. yKSrray ; Dan).
The fifth son'of Jacob, and the first of Bilhah,
Rachel's maid (Gen. xix. 6). The origin of the
name is given in the exclamation of Rachel
(R. V.) — " ' God hath judged me ('33% dananm)
. . , and hath given me a son,' therefore called
she his name Dan," i.e. "judge." In the bless-
ing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 16) this play on the
name is repeated — "Dan shall judge' (inj.
yadin) his people." Dan was own brother
to Naphtali ; and, as the son of Rachel's maid,
in a closer relation with Rachel's sons, Joieph
and Benjamin, than with the other members of
the family. 'It may be noticed that there is a
close affinity between his name and that of
Dinah, the only daughter of Jacob whose name
is preserved.
The records of Dan are unusually meagre.
Of the patriarch himself no personal history is,
unfortunately, preserved. Only one son is
attributed to him, variously called Hushim in
Gen. xlvi. 23 — a plural form, as if the name,
not of an individual, but of a family — and Shu-
ham in Num. xxvi. 42 ; and it is remarkable —
whether as indicating that some of the descend-
ants of Dan are omitted in these' lists, or from
• Mark Hi. 29 Is omitted from this Ust. The resdii.g
«fiapn)/«« Is now generally accepted In the place of
icpiVif.
"I Gesenius has poinud out a slight difference Iwtwcen
the two derivations ; the verb being active In the latter
and pivsslve In the former (J*««. 336). This Is quite In
keeping with the uncertainty which attends many of
these ancient paronomastic derivations (compare Abel,
Bb^mahik, and others).
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DAN
other causes — that when the people were num-
bered in the wilderness of Sinai, this was, with
the exception of Judah, the most numerous of
all the tribes, containing 62,700 men able to
serre. The position of Dan daring the march
through the desert was on the north side of the
Tabernacle (Num. ii. 25). Here, with his brother
Naphtali, and Asher, the son of Zilpah, before
him, was his station, the hindmost of the long
procession (ii. 31, x. 25). The names of the
"captain" (K'bj) of the tribe at this time,
and of the " ruler " (the Hebrew word is the
same as before), who was one of the spies (lili.
12), are preserved. So also is the name of one
who played a prominent part at that time,
"Aholiab the son of Ahisamach, of the tribe
of Dan," associated with Bezaleel in the design
and construction of the fittings of the Tabernacle
(Exod. xxxi. 6, &c.). The numbers of this tribe
were not subject to the violent fluctuations which
increased or diminished some of its brethren (cp.
the figures given in Num. i. and ixvi.), and it
arrived at the threshold of the Promised Land
and passed the ordeal of the rites of Baal-peor
(Num. XXV.) with an increase of 1700 on the
earlier census.* The remaining notices of the
tribe before the passage of the Jordan are un-
important. It furnished a " prince " QNasi,* as
before) to the apportionment of the land ; and
it was appointed to stand on Mount Ebal, still
in company with Naphtali (but opposite to the
other related tribes), at the ceremony of blessing
and cursing (Deut. xivii. 13). After this
nothing is heard of Dan till the specification
of the inheritance allotted to him (Josh. xix. 40).
He was the last of the tribes to receive his
portion, and that portion, according to the
record of Joshua — strange as it appears in the
face of the numbers just quoted — was the
smallest of the twelve.' But notwithstanding
its smallness, it had eminent natural advantages.
On the north and east it was completely em-
braced by its two brother-tribes Ephraim and
Benjamin, while on the south-east and south it
joined Judah, and was thus surrounded by the
three most powerful states of the whole con-
federacy. Of the towns enumerated as forming
"the 'border' of its inheritance," the most
easterly which can now be identified are Ajalon,
Zorab (Zareah), and Ir-Shemesh (or Beth-
shemesh ; which see). These places are on the
slopes of the lower ranges of hills by which
the highlands of lienjamin and Judah descend
to the broad maritime plain, that plain which
on the N. bore the distinctive name of "Sharon."
From Japho — afterwards Joppa, and now Tdfa
— on the north, to Ekron and Gath-rimmon on
the south — a length of at least 14 miles — that
noble tract, one of the most fertile in the whole
of Palestine, was allotted to this tribe. By
• The beqneot vtrlttloDs In tbe LXX. forbid alwlnte
reliance on these nombers. See Caxsus.
• This one won) la rendered In the A. V. by " prince,"
" ruler," " captain," "chief," and " governor."
• The ennmeraOon of the tribes In this record is
in the order of their topographical position, from S.
to N. It is remarkable that Dan Is named after
Naphtali and Asher, as If alre«l7 usocisted with the
northern position afterwards uccupied by the city
Dan. This Is also the case in Judg. i. 34 and 1 Ch.
xU. 36.
DAN
Josephus (Ani. v. 1, § 23, and 3, § 1) thu is
extended to Ashdod on the south, and Dor, at
the foot of Carmel, on the north, so as to em-
brace the whole, or nearly the whole, of the
great plain. But this rich district, Lhe corn-
field and the garden of the whole sooth of
Palestine (Stanley, S. and P. p. 258), which
was the richest prixe of Phoenician conqaest
many centuries later,' and which even in the
now degenerate state of the country is enor-
mously productive, was too valuable to be givea
up without a struggle by its original possestors.
The Amorites accordingly '■ forced the childrta
of Dan into the mountain, for they voald not
suffer them to come down into the vallev"
(Judg. i. 34) — forced them up from the corn-
lields of the plain, with their deep black soil,
to the villages whose ruins still crown the hills
that skirt the lowland. True, the help of tbe
great tribe so closely connectwl with Dan w«s
not wanting at this juncture, and " the hand of
the children of Joseph," w. Ephraim, "prs-
vailed against the Amorites " for the time. Bnt
the same thing soon occurred again, and in tbe
glimpse with which we are afterwards favoured
into the interior of the tribe, in the history of
its great hero, the Philbtines have taken the
place of the Amorites, and with the same resnit.
Although Samson " comes down " to the " vine-
yards of Timnath " and the valley of Sorek, yet
it is from Mahaneh-Dan — ^the fortified camp of
Dan, between Zorah and Eshtaol, behind Kirjalb-
jearim — that he descends, and it is to that
natural fastness, the residence of his father, that
he " goes up " again after his encounters, aid
that he is at last borne to his family sepulchre,
the burying-place of Manoah (Judg. liv. 1,5.
19, xiii. 25, xvi. 4 ; cp. xviii. 12, xvi. 31).
These considerations enable na to understaid
how it happened that long after the partitioa
of the land the inheritance of the Danites " h*i
not fallen unto them among the tribes of Israel"
(Judg. xviit 1).« They perhaps furnish a reason
for the absence of Dan from the great gathering
of the tribes against Sisera^ (Judg. v. 17).
They also explain the warlike and independent
character of the tribe betokened in the name of
their head-quarters, as just quoted — Mahaneh-
Dan, " the camp, or host, of Dan " — in the f»e»
specially insisted on and reiterated (xviiL 11,
16, 17) of the complete equipment of their 600
warrion' "appointed with weapons of war,'
and in the lawless freebooting style of their
behaviour to Micah. There is something Terr
' See the Inscription of king Eshmonaaar In Stanlcj.
S. <t P. p. 278. The sarcophsgns dates from c. ».c MS.
s The reading in A. V., " all their inheritance l»d aol
fallen onto tliem." is wrong : there is noifaiag siweiinK
to the word all In the Hebrew text, and it Is ooiltted In
R.V.
■■ Ewald ascribes it to tbeir being engaged In cnm-
rocice (.DicMer, I. 130). This may have been the case
with Asher, bat can hardly, (or the reasons adTsncol
above, have been so with Dan. The " sblpa "of Deboeah's
song are probably only a bold flgnre. In allosjoa l»
Joppa.
< The complete appointment of these wairkn S>
perhaps a more certsin sign of the tribe being prsctiwi
in war, when we recollect that it was the Ftifliitise
policy to deprive of their arms tboee whom lb«y ktd
conquered (cp, 1 Sam. xill. ia-2I. and perhi^ tl»
Samson's rude weapon, the Jaw-bone).
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DAN
DAN
701
characteristic in the whole of that most fresh
and interesting story preserved to ns in Judg.
iviii. — a narratire without a parallel for the
ririd glance it afl'ords into the manners of that
distant time — characteristic of boldness and
sagacitT, with a rein of grim sardonic humour,
but undeformed by any unnecessary bloodshed.
In the " security " and " quiet " (Judg. xviii.
7, 10} of their rich northern possession the
Danites enjoyed the leianre and repose which
had been denied them in their original seat.
But of the fate of the city to which they gave
" the name of their father " (Josh. lii. 47), we
know scarcely anything. The strong religious
feeling which made the Danites so anxious to
ask couDsel of God from Micah's Lerite at the
commencement of their expedition (Judg. xviii.
5), and afterwards take him away with them
to be "a priest unto a tribe and a family in
Israel," may have pointed out their settlement
HlV or Um Tribs of Du.
to the notice of Jeroboam as a fit place for his
northern sanctuary. But beyond the exceed-
ingly obscure notice in Judg. xviii. 30, we have
no information' on this subject. From 2 Ch.
ii. 14 it wonld appear that the Danites had not
i For " the captivity of the land," t>^, Ewald
prapoMs to tad - of the ark," p*^K ; that la, till the
time of Samuel (1 Sam. Iv. 11) : Gttch. 11. pt. 2, 333.
kept their purity of lineage, but had inter-
married with the Phoenicians of the country
(see an elaboration of this in Blunt, Cmncidencea,
Ft. II. iv.).
In the time of David Dan still kept its place
among the tribes (1 Ch. xii. 35). Asher is
omitted, but the " prince of the tribe of Dan "
is mentioned in the list of 1 Ch. xxvii. 22. But
from this time forward the name as applied to
the tribe vanishes ; it is kept alive only by the
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DAN
DAN
northern city. In the genealogies of 1 Ch. ii.
to xii. Dan is omitted entirely, which is remark-
able when the great fame of Samson and the
warlike character of the tribe are considered,
and is best accounted for by supposing that
its genealogies had perished. It is perhaps
allowable to snppose that little care would be
taken to preserve the records of a tribe which
had left its original seat near the head-quarters
of the nation, and had given its name to a distant
city notorious only as the seat of a rival and
a forbidden worship. Lastly, Dan is omitted
from the list of those who were scaled by the
Angel in the vision of St. John (Rev. vii. 5-7).
The mention of this tribe in the " blessings "
of Jacob (Gen. ilii. 16-18) and Moses (Deut.
xxxiii. 22) must not be overlooked. Herder's
interpretation, as given by Dean Stanley, is as
follovrs : —
" It is doubtful whether the delineation of
Dan in Jacob's blessing relates to the original
settlement on the western outskirts of Judah,
or to the northern outpost. Herder's explana-
tion will apply almost equally to both. ' Dan,'
the judge, ' shall judge his people ; ' he the son
of the concubine no less than the sons of Leah ;
he the frontier tribe no less than those in the
places of honour shall be ' as one of the tribes
of Israel.' ' Dan shall be a serpent by the way,
an adder in the path ; ' that is, of the invading
enemy by the north or by the west, ' that biteth
the heels of the horse,' the indigenous serpent
biting the foreign horse unknown to Israelite
warfare, ' so that his rider shall fall backwards.'
And his war-cry as from the frontier fortresses
shall be ' For Thy salvation, Lord, I have
waited ! ' ^ In the blessing of Moses the
southern Dan is lost sight of. The northern Dan
alone appears, with the same characteristics
thongh under a different image ; ' a lion's whelp '
in the far north, as Judah in tlie far sonth : ' he
shall leap from Bashan ' — from the slopes of
Hermon, where he is couched watching for his
prey."
2. \^; Aiy; Joseph, rh Aiyoii; Dan. The
well-known city, so familiar as the most
northern landmark of Palestine, in the common
expression " from Dan even to Beersheba." The
name of the place was originally Laisb or
Lebhem (Josh. xix. 47). Its inhabitants lived
" after the manner of the Zidonians," i.e. engaged
in commerce, and without defence. But it is
nowhere said that they were Phoenicians,'
though it may perhaps be inferred from the
parentage of Huram — his mother " of the
daughters of Dan," his father "a man of
k According to Jewish tradition, Jacob's blesadng on
Dan la a prophetlo allusjoa to Samson, the great
" Judge " of the tribe ; and the ^aculation with which
it closes was that actnally uttered by Samson when
brought into the temple at Oaza (see the Targnm Ps.-
Jonatban on Gen. xliz. 16, 17 ; and the quotations in
Kaliach's Genetig ad loc.). Modern critics likewise see
an allusion to Samson In the termsof the blessing which
they consider on that accotmt to have been written alter
the days of the Judges (Ewald, Geaek. 1. 93. Cp. on
this subject generally the opposite views expressed by
DiUmaimi and Delitzsch [188?] on Gen. zlix.). Jerome's
observations (^Qu, in &en.) on this passage are very
interesting.
' By Ptolemy (Reland, p. 468), Caesarea Panlaa Is
counted as one of the towns of Phoenicia.
Tyro " (2 Ch. ii. 14). Living thus "qniet and
secure," they fell an easy prey to the active
and practised freebooters of the Danites. They
conferred upon their new acquisition the name
of their own tribe, " after the name of their
father who was born nnto Israel " (Jndg. iriii.
29 ; Josh. xix. 47), and Laish became Dan.
The locality of the town is specified with
some minuteness. It was "fiir from Zidon,"
and '< in the valley (p>SP, Emek) that b by (^)
Beth-rehob ; " but as this latter place has not
been identified with certainty, the position of
Dan must be ascertained by other means.
The graven image which the wandering
Danites had stolen from Micah they set np ia
their new home, and a line of priests was
established, which, thongh belonging to the
tribe of Levi and even descended from Hi»a,'
was not of the family of Aaron, and therefoit
probably did not belong to the regular priest-
hood. To the form of this image and the nature
of the idolatry we have no clue, nor to the
relation, if any, which existed between it and
the calf-worship afterwards instituted there by
Jeroboam (1 K. xii. 29, 30). The latter is
alluded to by Amos (viii. 14) in a passage
which possibly preserves a formtila of invoca-
tion or adjuration in use among the worshippen ;
but the passage is very obscure.
After the establishment of the Danites at Du
it became the acknowledged extremity of the
country, and the formula " from Dan even to
Beersheba " is frequent throughout the His-
torical Books (Judg. xz. 1 ; 1 Sam. iiL 20 ;
2 Sam. iii. 10, xvii. 11, xiiv. 2, 15 ; 1 E. iv. 25).
In the later records the form is reversed, and
becomes " from Beersheba even to Dan " (I Ch.
xxi. 2 ; 2 Ch. xxi. 5).
Dan was, with other northern dties, laid
waste by Benhadad (1 K. iv. 20; 2 Ch. xvi. 4),
and this is the last mention of the place. Tho
calf is said by the Jewish traditions (^Sed. Olim.
rab. ch. 22) to have been carried away by Tig-
lath-pileser when he invaded the north of Pales-
tine (2 K. XT. 29).
Various considerations wonld lead to the
conclusion that Dan was a holy place of note
from a far earlier date than its conquest by the
Danites. These are: — (1.) The extreme re-
luctance of the Orientals — apparent in numereu
cases in the Bible — to initiate a sanctuary, or
to adopt for worship any place which had not
enjoyed a reputation for holiness firom pn-
historic times. (2.) The correspondence of Dan
with Beersheba in connexion with the life of
Abraham — the origin of Beersheba also being, as
has been noticed, enveloped in some diversity of
statement. (3.) More particularly its incidental
mention in the very clear and circumstantial
narrative of Gen. xiv. 14, as if well known errs
at that very early period. Its mention in Dent.
xxxiv. 1 is also before the events related ia
Judg. xviii., though still many centuries liter
than the time of Abraham. But the subject b
very difficult, and we can hardly hope to arrive
at more than conjecture upon it.
>> Hoses (R. V. text) is donbtleaa the genuine reaitiig
of the name, which, by the insertion of as N. •"
changed by the Jews Into Manaasdi. as it saadi In
the A. T. of Judg. xvlil. 30. [HAXasBaB. (.]
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DAN
With regard to Gen. liv. 14 three explana-
tions suggest themselves. 1. That another place
of the same name is intended (see Kalisch in
loco for an ingenious suggestion of Dan-jaan;
another is disposed of by Dean Stanley, S. 4- P.
p. 400). Against this may be put the belief of
Josephus (cp. Ant. i. 10, § 1, with v. 3, § 1) and
of Jerome (OS.' p. 168, U, «. n. Laisa, cp. with
Quaest. HSt. in Qmea. liv. 14), wlio both unhe-
sitatingly identify the Dan of the Donites, near
Paneas, with the Dan of Abraham. 2. That
it is a prophetic anticipation by the sacred hist-
orian of a name which was not to exist till
centuries later, just as Samson has been held to
be alluded to in the blessing of Dan by Jacob.
3. That the passage originally contained an
older name, as Laiah ; and that when that was
superseded by Dan, the new name was in-
serted in the HSS. This last is the opinion of
Ewald (Gexh. i. 73), Delitzsch [1887], Knobel,
Dillmann,* &c., and of the thi-ee is the most
probable, especially when we consider the cha-
racteristic, genuine air of the story in Judges,
which fixes the origin of the name so circum-
stantially. Joaephns {Ant. v. 3, § 1) speaks
poatively of the situation of IJiish as " not
far ^m Meant Libanus and the springs of
the leaser Jordan, near (kot^) the great plain
of the city of Sidon " (cp. also Ant. viii. 8,
§ 4) ; and this, as just said, he identifies with
the Dan in Gen. xiv. 14 {Anl. i. 10, § 1). In
consonance with this are the notices of St.
Jerome, who derires the word " Jordan " from
the names of its two sources. Dan, the western-
most and the smaller of the two, he places at
four miles from Paneas on the road to Tyre.*
In perfect agreement with this is the position of
Tell el-Kady, a mound from the foot of which
gush'es out " one of the largest fountains in the
world," the main source of the Jordan (Rob. iii.
390-93; Stanley, pp. 394-95). The Tell itself,
rising from the plain by somewhat steep terraces,
has its long level top strewed with ruins, and
is Tery probably the site of the town and citadel
of Dan. The spring is called el Ledddn, possibly
a corraption of Dan (Rob. iii. 392), and the stream
from the spring Nahr ed-Ddn (Wilson, ii. 173),
while the name. Tell el-K&dy, "the Judge's
mound," agrees in signification with the ancient
name. Both Dr. Robinson and Dean Stanley
give the exact agreement of the spot with the
requirements of the story in Judg. xviii. — " a
goo4 land and a large, where there is no want of
anything that is on the earth " (Rob. p. 396 ;
Stanley, as above). [G.] [W.]
DAN (}1; om. in LXX.; Dan). This is
given in the'AyV.(« Dan also," pi) as the name
of a city. It is associated with Jason, as one
of the places in Southern Arabia from which
the Phoenicians obtained wrought iron, cassia,
and calamus (£zek. xxvii. 19). The R. V. and
<■ Jerome, elsewhere, klentifles Lalsb with Paneas,
■* orbem Lezem . . . quae hodie appellatnr Paneas "
(Cam. in Buck, xlvlii.); and •gain, "Dan quae bodie
Panes* " (^Ep. ad Br. 8) ; Dan "nbi nunc Paneas eat "
(,Oam. in Ainot vill.) Leahem Is also identified with
Paneas in Tal. Bab. MtguiUah, 6a; the Jerusalem
Targnm, however, renders the word Dan bjr Dan of
Kbclan (Caesarea RiiUppi, Neubauer, Oiog. du IMmud,
p. I3«).
DANCE
703
many moderns do not accept the 1 as = " and "
or "also," but render " Wedun." MV." takes
this to be an Arabian city, perhaps otherwise
unknown. Cornill seeks to explain the whole
context by Assyrian words. Kwald conjectures
that it is the same as the Keturahite Dedan in
Gen. XXV. 3, but his conjecture is without sup-
port, and Dedan is mentioned in v. 20. Others
refer it to the tribe of Dan, for the Danites were
skilful workmen, and both Ahuliab (Ex. xxxv.
34) and Huram (2 Ch. ii. 13) belonged to this
tribe. But for this there appears to be little
foundation, if we consider the connexion in
which the name occurs. [W. A. W.] [F.]
DANCE. As emotions of joy and sorrow
universally express themselves in movements
and gestures of the body, efforts have been made
among all nations, but especially among those
of the south and east, in proportion as they seem
to be more demonstrative, to reduce to measure
and to strengthen by unison the more pleasur-
able — those of joy. The dance is spoken of in
Holy Scripture universally as symbolical of some
rejoicing, and is often coupled for the sake of
contrast with mourning, as in Eccles. iii. 4, "a
time to mourn and a time to dance " (cp. Ps.
XXX. 11 ; Matt. xi. 17). In the earlier period it is
found combined with some song or refrain (Ex.
XV. 20, ixxii. 18, 19; 1 Sam. xxi. 11); and with
the B]J!), or tambourine (A. V. " timbrel "), more
especially in those impulsive outbuists of popular
feeling which cannot find sufficient vent in voice
or in gesture singly.* Hor is there any more
strongly popular element traceable in the reli-
gion of the ancient Jews than the opportunity
as given to a prophet or prophetess to kindle
enthusiasm for Jehovah on momentous crises of
national joy, and thus root the theocracy in their
deepest feelings, more especially in those of the
women, themselves most easily stirred, and most
capable of exciting others. The dance was re-
garded even by the Romans as the worship of
the body, and thus bad a place amongst sacred
things: "Sane ut in religionibus saltaretur,"
says Servins ud Virg. Bucol. v. 73, * haec ratio
est, quod nullam majores nostri partem corporis
esse voluerunt, quae non sentiret religionem." *
A similar sentiment is conveyed in Ps. ixiv. 10,
— " All my bones shall say. Lord, who is like
unto Thee?" So the "tongue" is the best
member among many, the " glory " (Ps. Ivii. 8)
of the whole frame of flesh, every part of which
is to have a share in the praises of God. Simi-
larly among the Greeks is ascribed by Athenaeos
to Socrates the following fragment —
o< <f x<¥>o« 'iMtara ftovt ti^iwik if mm
who also praises among styles of dancing rh
fSytvfs Koi iySpuSft (Athen. xiv. 627 ; cp. Arr.
Alex. iv. 11).
Dancing formed a part of the religious cere-
• The proper word for this comblnatku is pfgff
(Jndg. xvl. SS; 1 Sam. zviii. 6; 1 Sam. vl. 5, 31;
1 Ch. zlil. 8, zv. 28 ; Jer. xxx. I»X though It also
Includes other senses.
" Among Bomans of a late period the sentiment
had expired. "Nemo fere aalUt Bobria^ nisi forte
Insanlt" (CIc. pro Mur. U). Perhaps, however, the
standard of morals would lead us rather to expect tb#t
dnmkeimess was common than that dancing was rare
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704
DANCE
monies of the Egyptians, and was also common
in private entertainments. Many represen-
tations of dances both of men and women
are fonnd in the Egyptian paintings. The
« feast unto the Lord," which Moses proposed
to Pharaoh to hold, was re.illy a dance (]n ;
see below).
Plato certainly (.Leg. rii. 6) reckons dancing
(ipXiKris) as part of gymnastics (yvnymrriKii).
So far was the feeling of the purest period of
antiquity from attaching the notion of efl'eminacy
to dancing, that the ideas of this and of warlike
exercise are mutually interwoven, and their
terms almost correspond as synonyms (Horn. H.
xvi. 617; cp. Creuzer, <S'^in6. ii. 367, iv. 474;
and see especially Lacian, de Salt., passim).
Women, however, among the Hebrews made the
Egyirtutu tluioM. (WilUsKW.)
dance their especial means of expressing their
feelings; and when their husbands or friends
returned from a battle on behalf of life and
home, felt that they too ought to hare some
share in the event, and found that share in the
dance of triumph welcoming them back. The
" eating and drinking and dancing " of the
Amalekites is recorded, as is the people's " rising
up to play " (pOV> including a revelling dance),
with a tacit censure ; the one seems to mark the
lower civilisation of the Amalekites, the other
the looseness of conduct into which idolatry led
the Israelites (Ex. xxxii. 6; 1 Sam. sxx. 16;
1 Cor, X. 7). So among the Bedouins, native
DANCE
dances of men are mentioned (Lynch, Deal Sec,
p. 295 ; Stanley, pp. 56, 466), and are probablj
an ancient custom. The Hebrews did not alvin
le.ive the dancing to the women ; in Jer. iixi.
13 the young men are mentioned as dudng
with the old. Bnt more especially on m^
occasions of triumph, any woman whose neaness
of kin to the champion of the moment give b«r
a public character among her own sex, sMmi to
have felt that it was her part to lead such s
demonstration of triumph, or of welcon>«: m
Miriam (Ex. xv. 20) and so Jephthah's dtoghter
(Judg. xi. 34), and similarly there no doabtwu,
though none is mentioned, a choms and dun
of women led by Deborah, as the song «f the
men by Barak (cp. Judg. v. 1 with Ex. xv. 1, 20).
Similarly, too, Judith (xv. 12, 13) leads her ewn
song and dance of triumph over Holofenies.
There was no such leader of the choir nentioiwd
in the case of David and Saul. Hence whereas
Miriam "answered "the entire chorus inKi.iT.
21, the women in the latter case "answered me
another as they played " (1 Sam. xviii. 7); tlut
"answer" embodying the sentiment <rf the
occasion, and forming the burden of the son;.
The "coming out" of the women to do this
(Judg. xi. 34 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6 ; cp. " went oat,"
ICx. XV. 20) is also a feature worthy of note, and
implies the object of meeting, attending ipra,
and conducting home. So Jepbthah's dangliter
met her father, the "women of all the
cities" came to meet and celebrate Saul sod
David and their host, bnt Miriam in the sane
way " goes out " before " Jehovah " the " man
of war," Whose Presence seems implied. This
marks the peculiarity of David's conduct, vbea,
on the return of the Ark of God from its Iwl
sojourn among strangers and borderers, he (2
Sam. vi. 3-22) was himself c/uyregvs; and here
too the women, with their timbrels" (see espedilly
V. 5, 19, 20, 22), took an important share, ttiis
fact brings out more markedly the feelings •(
Saul's daughter Michal, keeping aloof from the
occasion, and " looking through a window " at
the scene. She should, in accordance with the
examples of Miriam, &c., have herself led tie
female choir, and so come out to meet the Ark
and her lord. She stays with the " household "
(f>. 20X and "comes out to meet" him with
reproaches, perhaps feeling that his xtal
was a rebuke to her apathy. It was befoi*
I "the handmaids," i.e. in leading that choir
! which she should hare led, that he had " i)B-
covered " himself; an unkingly exposure ss she
thought it, which the dance rendered oecessarj*
— the wearing merely the epbod or linen tunic
The occasion was meant to be popnlarly viewed
in connexion with David's subjugation of various
enemies and accession to the throne of Israel
* The ttp\ was clearly the women's to stfuaje nt. See
the allotment of the other different Instnimefits to
men in 1 Ch. xv. 16-21, and xvt. (, 43 ; c^k sbo tke
niDgta ntoSg of Ps. IiTlIl, 25.
* Some commentstors have been at pains to petal
ont that It was not the act of dancing, fmt tte <R«
divested of upper robes which waa tiie nltfe^ <*
remark. But clearly the ** dancing wMi all his
might " could hardly be done in the dignified racmae
of royalty: every Hebrew would see (hat (he eae
Implied the other. Cp. Ex. xxxll. C, as.
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DANCE
(«e« 1 Ch. xii. 23 — ^liii. 6); he accordingly
thinks onlj- of the hononr of Ood, Who had so
advanced him, and in that forgets self (cp.
Mfiller, de Vavide ant. Arc. Ugolini, xixii.).
From the mention of " damsels," " timbrels,"
and " dances " (Ps. liriii. 25, cilii. 3, cl. 4), as
elements of religions worship, it may perhaps be
inferred that David's feeling led him to incorpo-
rate in its rites that popular mode of festive
celebration. This does not seem to have survived
him, for as SaalschUtz remarks (Archaeoi. der
Hebr. vol. i. p. 299), in the mention of religious
revivals under Hezekiah and Josiab, no notice
of them occurs ; and this, although the " words,"
the "writing," and the "commandment of
David " on such subjects, are distinctly alluded
to (2 Ch. xiix. 30 ; xxxv. 4, 15). It u possible
that the banishing of this popular element,
which found its vent no doubt in the idolatrous
rites of Baal and Astarte (as it certainly did in
those of the golden calf, Ex. xxxii. 19), made
those efibrts take a less firm hold on the people
than they might have done ; and that David's
more comprehensive scheme might have retained
some ties of feeling which were thus lost. On
the other hand was doubtless the peril of the
loose morality which commonly attended festive
dances at heathen shrines. Certainly in later
Judaism the dance was included among some
religions festivities, e.g, the feast of Tabernacles
(Uishna, Succah, v. 3, 4), where, however, the
performers were men. This was, probably, a
mere following the example of David in the
letter. Also in the earlier period of the Judges
the dances of the virgins in Shiloh (Judg. xxi.
19-23) were certainly part of a religious
festivity. It seems also from this last instance
clear, and from the others probable, that such
dances were performed by maidens apart from
men, which gives an additional point to the
reproach of Michal. What the fashion or
figure of the dance was is a doubtful question ;
nor is it likely to hare lacked such variety as
would adapt it to the various occasions of its
ose. The word Ijn means to move in a ring or
round ; whence in Ps. xlii. 4 we find ifin flDTU
meaning a festive crowd, apparently as dancing
in a ring. So tID (whence riTintp) means " to
torn." In modern Oriental dances a woman leads
off the dance ; the others then follow her with
exact imitation of her artistic and graceful
attitudes. A parallelism of movement is also
incident to it (Saalschiitz, ib. p. 301). Possibly
Miriam so led her countrywomen. The same
writer thinks that in Cant. vi. 13 the words
D*3nsn Hpnp (A. v. " company of two ar-
mies ; " R. V. '' dance of Hahanaim," i.e. dance
of a double choir) imply two rows of dancing
girls, and that the address in the singular
Dumber, " return, return," and again in vii, 1,
applies to the movements of the individual per-
former in a kind of oontre-danse.
Dancing also had its place among merely
festive amusements apart from any religious
character (Jer. xxxi. 4, 13 ; Lam. v. 15 ; Mark vi
22; Lnke xv. 25). The accomplishments ex-
hibited by Herodias's daughter seem, however,
to show that Archbishop Trench's remark on the
Ust-named passage, that the dancers were of
coarse not the guests bnt hired performers, is
BIBLE DICT. — VOL. I.
DANIEL
705
hardly to be received with strictness ; although
the tendency of luxury in the East has no
doubt been to reduce the estimation in which
the pastime, as shared in, is there held. Chil-
dren, of course, always did and always will
dance (Job xxi. 11 ; Matt. xi. 17 ; Luke vii.
32). In their "dancing dervishes" the Turks
seem to have adopted into their system the
enthusiastic raptures, at once martial and sacred,
which (e.g. in the Roman Salii) seem indigenous
in many Southern and Eastern races from the
earliest times. For further remarks Spencer,
de Saltat. tet. Hebr., may be consulted (Ugolini,
XXX.) ; and, for the Greek and Romnn dances, see
Diet, of 6k. and Kom. Ant., " Saltatio." [H. H.]
DANCE is given by the A V. as the
equivalent of the Hebrew Machol (7inO). This
word, however, evidently includes also the
musical instrument to the accompaniment of
which the dance was usually performed. This
may ht seen by comparing with one another the
various passages of Holy Writ in which the
word occurs. Some scholars connect Machol
with Chain (7'?n ; Flcte), which is certainly
no bad derivation, as the Chalil is one of the
oldest, if not the oldest of, musical instruments.
Be this, however, as it may, the Machol was, in
any case, as simple an instrument as the dance
itself was a simple performance. If Toph (C|h)
was, in one sense, a bracelet with tinkling bells
attached to it, Machol was no doubt sometimes,
in like manner, an anklet with tinkling bells ;
the sounds of which not merely gave rise to the
dancing, but were also, in turn, produced by it
(cp. Is. iii. 16). [S. M. S.-S.3
DANIEL 6k.'3'7. D»n- i- «, 7. 8, Ac ; Ezra
viU. 2 ; Neh. i. 6 ; 1 Ch. iii. 1 ; and ^Kn
[Kethib; V'.l^t Ken, ed. Baer], Ezek. liv. 14,
20 ; xxviii. 3), the name of three (or fonr)
persons in the Old Testament.
1. The second son of David (B. Ac^ivi^A,
A. AoXovfa), " born unto him in Hebron," " of
Abigail the Carmelitess" (1 Ch. iii. 1). In
the parallel passage, 2 Sam. iii. 3, he is called
CiIILEAB (BA. AaXov(a).
2. The fourth of '-the greater Prophets'*
(cp. Matt. xxiv. 15, rpo^lfnis). Nothing is
known of the parentage or family of Daniel.
He appears, however, to have been of royal or
noble descent (Dan, i. 3 ; cp. Joseph. Ant. x.
10, § 1), and to have possessed considerable
personal endowments (Dan. i. 4). He was
taken to Babylon in " the third year of Jehoia-
kim,"* and trained in a college like to " the house
• This date has given rise to many oltjectlons,
because the fourth year of Jebolakbu is identified with
the Jirtt of Nebncbadneziu' (Jcr. xxv. I). The text of
Daniel itself suggests the true ezpluation. The tecand
jttx of Nebnchailnesiar's reign (U. 1) &Ils after the
completion of the three years' training of Daniel, which
commenced with his csptlvlty (i. 1, 6); and this Is a
clear Indication that the expedition mentkned In i. 1
was undertaken In the last year of the reign of Nabo-
polassar, while as yet Nebuchadoezzar was not properly
king (see rS^ieaJter't Cam*, add. note to 1. 1). Others ex-
plain It (cp. 2 K. xxlv. I) of the third year (B.C. 698-T ;
al. <06) of Jeholaklm's sabjectlon to Nebnchadnenai
(DeUtisch U) AK> ; Tiele, Sdb.-Attrr. Oaek. p. Ml).
2 Z
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706
DANIEL
of the males " {Records of the Past, N. S. ir. 110)
for the king's service with his three companions,
afterwards called Shadrach, Meshach, and
Abednego (see some conjectures on these names
in Speaker's Cumm.* on Daniel, p. 242 sq. ; ZA.
iv. 46 sq. ; Fabre d'Envieu, Le Livre du Pro-
phite Darnel, i. 147). Like Joseph in earlier times,
be gained the favour of his guardian, and was
divinely supported in his resolve to abstain
from the " king's meat " for fear of defilement
(Dan. i. 8-16). At the close of his three years'
discipline (Dan. i. 5, 18), Daniel had an oppor-
tunity of exercising his peculiar gift (Dan. i. 17)
of interpreting dreams, on the occasion of Ne-
buchadnezzar's decree against the Magi (Dan. ii.
14 sq.). In consequence of his success he was
made " ruler of the whole province of Babylon,"
and " chief of the governors over all the wise
men of Babylon " (ii. 48). He afterwards
interpreted the second dream of Nebuchadnezzar
(iv. 8-27) and the handwriting on the wall
which disturbed the feast of Belshszzar (v.
10-28), though he no longer held bis official
position among the Magi (Dan. v. 7, 8, 12), and
probably lived at Susa (Dan. viii. 2 ; cp. Joseph.
Atd.-z.. II, § 7; Bochart, Geogr. Soar. iu. 14).
At the accession of Darius [Darius] he was
made " one of the three presidents " (R. V.) of
the empire (cp. 1 Esd. iii. 9), and was delivered
from the lions' den, into which he had been cast
for his faithfulness to the rites of his faith (vL
10-23 ; cp. Bel & Dr. m. 29^2). At the accession
of Cyrus he still retained his prosperity (vi. 28 ;
cp. i. 21 ; Bel & Dr. d. 2) ; though he does not
appear to have remained at Babylon (cp. Dan. i.
21), and in "the third year of Cyrus" (b.c.535)
he saw his last recorded vision on the banks of
the Tigris (x. 1, 4). According to the Mahom-
medan tradition Daniel returned to Judaea, held
the government of Syria, and finally died at
Susa (Rosenmiiller, Schd. p. 5, n.), where his
tomb is still shown (Dienlafoy, Journal des
fonilles a Base, pp. 81, 169-70), and is visited
by crowds of pilgrims. In the prophecies of
Ezekiel mention is made of Daniel as a pattern
of righteousness (xiv. 14, 20, o. B.O. 592) and
wisdom (xxviii. 3, c. B.O. 587) ; and since Daniel
was still young at that time, some hare thought
that another Prophet of the name must have
lived at some earlier time (Bleek), perhaps
during the captivity of Nineveh (EwalJ, Vie
Propheten, ii. 560), whose fame was transferred
to his later namesake. Hitzig imagines ( Vorbe-
merk. § 3) that the Daniel of Ezckiel was purely
a mythical personage, whose prototype is to be
sought in Melchizedek, and that the character
was borrowed by the author of the Book of
Daniel as suited to his design. These supposi-
tions are favoured by no internal probability,
and are unsupported by any direct evidence.
The order of the names " Noah, Daniel, and Job "
(Ezek. xiv. 14) seems to suggest the idea that
they represent the first and lost historic types
of righteousness before the Law and under it,
combined with the ideal type (cp. Delitzsch in
Herzog, RE} p. 271). On the other hand, the
narrative in Dan. i. 11 implies that Daniel was
conspicuously distinguished for purity and know-
ledge at a very early age (cp. Hist. Sas. c. 45),
and he may have been thirty to forty years old
at the time of Ezekiel's prophecy.
Allusion has been made already to the com-
DANIEL
parison which may be instituted between Dtniel
and Joseph, who stand at the beginning ud
the close of the divine history of the Jews, <a
representatives of the true God in heathen coarts
(Auberlen, Darnel, pp. 32-3). In this respect
the position of Daniel must have exercitel t
powerful influence upon the form of the rerels-
tions conveyed through him. And in tarn the
authority which he enjoyed renders the course
of the tlxile and the Return clearly intelligible.
By station, by education, and by character, he
was peculiarly fitted to fulfil the work assigned
to him. He was not only a resident in a foreign
land, like Jeremiah or Ezekiel, but the minister
of a foreign empire, and of successive dynasties
(Dan. ii. 48 ; vi. 28). His political experience
would naturally qualify him to give distinct
expression to the characteristics of nations in
themselves, and not only in their relation to
God's people. His intellectual advantages were
as remarkable as his civil dignity. Like the
great Lawgiver who was "trained in all the
wisdom of the Egyptians," the great seer was
trained in the secrets of Chaldaean wisdom, wd
placed at the head of the school of the Magi
(Dan. it 48). He was thus enabled to preserve
whatever was true in the traditional teaching
of the East, and to cast his revelations into
a form suited to their special character.
But though engaged in the service of a heathen
prince and familiar with Oriental learning,
Daniel was from the first distinguished by his
strict observance of the Mosaic Law (i. 8-16 ;
cp. vL 10, 11). In this way the third ontwsid
condition for liis work was satisfied, and at the
close of the Exile he offered a pattern of holiness
for the instruction of the Dispersion of aitcr-
times (cp. Auberlen, Danitl, p. 24, &c).
In addition to his Hebrew name, God u nni
Judge, another, a Chaldaean name, Belteshatiar
(-«KBi3{>3, I 7, ii. 26, v. 12; Theodotion,
LXX., BoXT^irap ; Vulg. Baltasaar'), was given to
him at Babylon (Dan. i. 7). The meaning of the
name is disputed. It may be (cp. Fried. De-
litzsch, Praef. to Baer's ed. of Dan., Ezrs, and
Neh., p. ii.) = balttsu-usnr = protect his lift,
and be a compendions form of Bdl-balitsn-nsor
=Bel protect his life; or if the name Beltis
{Bilat) be the first element of the name (Ravlin-
son, Sayce; see Speaker's Comm.* p. 244)
= Beltis defend the King. Hoffinann {ZA.
ii. 56) also finds the name of a god in
1373 (cp. Sanballat), but prefers to consider it
the name of Saturn. Such name-changes have
been common at all times (for the simple assomj^
tion of a foreign name, cp. Gen. xli. 45;
Ezek.i. 11, V. 14, Sheshbazzar) ; and Babylonian
contract tablets show that Jews settled at
Babylon had no objection to taking Babylonian
names {Beoords of the Past, N. S. iv. pp. 101,
107).
Various apocryphal fragments attributed to
Daniel are collected by Fabricins {Cod. Psetd.
V, T. i. 1124).'' It is surprising that bis
>> Apocryphal histories such as the FeraUa tfiMU
Danid (cp. Zotenberg in Merx, ArcUo, t. 3SS sq. I>xn1 i
Darmesteter. V.ipocaXyptt Pertane de Dmmiet in tbe
Melanges Renier, p. 405 ClS**^]) serve but ts enptaeisa
the vast differenres between sacb works and (he B^
Ucal narrative.— {F.]
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DAXIEL, THK BOOK OF
fame in later times seems to have been obscured
(Hottinger, JJist. Orient. 92). Cp. Epiph. Vit.
Dan. n. p. 243, ed. Petar. ; Vit. Dan. ap.
Fabric; Joseph. AtU. z. 11.
Cp. H. Deaue, Daniel, his Life and Timet ;
P. H. Hunter, The Story of Daniel, &c.
8. A descendant of Ithamar, who returned
with Ezra to Judaea in the time of " Artaxeries."
[Artaxerses.] (Ezra viii. 2.)
4. A priest, probably the same as 3, who sealed
the covenant drawn up by Nehemiah B.C. 445
(Neh. X. 6). He is confounded with the Prophet
in the apocryphal addenda : Dan. xiv. 1 (LXX.,
not Theodotion). [B. F. W.] [F.]
DANIEL, THE BOOK OF, is the earliest
example of apocalyptic literature, and in a
great degree the model, according to which all
later apocalypses were constructed. In this
aspect it stands at the head of a series of
writings in which the deepest thoughts of the
Jewish people found expression after the close
of the prophetic era (cp. Smend, ZATW., 1885,
p. 222 .sq. He adopts the Maccabaean date). The
Book of Enoch [Enoch], the Jewish Sibyllines,
and the fourth Book of Ezra [2 EsDRAS], carry
out, with varied success and indlfferentdirections,
the great ontlines of universal history which it
contains ; and the " Revelation " of Daniel re-
ceived at last its just completion in the Revelation
of St. John. Without an inspired type it is
difficult to conceive how the later writings could
have been framed ; and whatever judgment be
formed a* to the composition of the Book, there
can be no doubt that it exercised a greater
influence upon the early Christian Church than
any other writing of the Old Testament, while
in the Gospels it is specially distinguished by
the emphatic quotation of our Lord (Matt. xziv.
15, rh ^TfBfy iik AavihA rov irpo^rov ... 4
ijtarytviiaKK* yotira . . .).
1. Character. — In studying the Book of Daniel
it is of the utmost importance to recognise its
apocalyptic character. It is at once an end and a
beginning, the last form of prophecy and the first
"philosophy of history." The nation is widened
into the world: the restored kingdom of Judah
into a universal kingdom of God. To the old
Prophets Daniel stands, in some sense, as a
commentator (Dan. ix. 2-19): to succeeding
generations, as the herald of immediate deliver-
ance. The form, the style, and the point of
sif^ht of prophecy, are relinquished opon the
verge of a new period in the existence of God's
people, and fresh instruction is given to them
snited to their new fortunes. The change is not
abrupt and absolute, but yet it ia distinctly felt.
The eye and not the ear is the organ of the
S<^r: visions and not words are revealed to
bim. His utterance is clothed in a complete
and artificial sh.tpe, illustrated by symbolic
ima^ry and pointed by a specific purpose. The
Divine counsels are made known to him by the
minLstrv of Aogels (vii. 16, viii. 16, ix. 21), and
not by' "the Word of the Lord." The seer
t-ikes his stand in the future rather than in the
present, while the Prophet seised on the
elements of good and evil which he saw working
around him aud traced them to their final
issue. The one looked forward from the present
to the great "age to come;" the other looked
backward from "the last days " to the trials in
DANIEL. THE BOOK OP ^ Ml
which he was still placed. In prophecy the form
and the essence, the human and Divine, were
inseparably interwoven ; in Revelation the two
elements can be contemplated apart, each in its
greatest vigour, — the most consummate art,
and the most striking predictions. The
Babylonian exile supplied the outward training
and the inward necessity for this last form of
Divine teaching ; and the prophetic visions of
Ezekiel form the connecting link between the
characteristic types of revelation and prophecy
(cp. Liicke, VerstuA, i. 17 sq. ; Hitzig, Dcmiel,
Vorbem. § 9 ; Hilgenfeld, Die Jfvd. Apok., 1 aq. ;
Pusey, Daniel the Prophet, Lect. V.). fDANIEL. j
2. Philology. — The language of the Book pre-
sents some interesting philological problems (cp.
Pusey, Lecture I. and Notes A-D at the end
of his volume). No less than its general form,
it belongs to an era of transition. Like the
Book of Ezra, Daniel is composed partly in
the vernacular Aramaic (Chaldee) and partly
in the sacred Hebrew. The introduction
(i.-ii. 4 a) is written in Hebrew. On the
occasion of the " Syriac " (ITpit?, avpurrl,
syriace, i.e. Aramaic) answer of the Chaldaeans,
the language changes to Aramaic, and this is
retained till the close of the seventh chapter
(ii. 4 fr-vii.). The personal introduction of
Daniel as the writer of the text (viii. 1) ia
marked by the resumption of the Hebrew,
which continues to the close of the Book (viii.—
xii.). Arguments from style are always preca-
rious ; but if " the Captivity be the grave of the
old Hebrew and the old Israel, and the womb of
the new Hebrew and the new Israel" (Margo-
liouth, Essay on Ecclesiasticus, p. 21), then the
language of Daniel may be expected to show, as
it does show, affinity — as regards its Hebrew-— to
that of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Habakkuk, or in
other words to those Prophets who lived nearest
to the assumed age of Daniel (to other* certain
peculiarities of style present a general simi-
larity to the Hebrew of the Crboniclbs [De-
litzsch, RE.' s. n. ' Daniel,' p. 470]) ; and also,
as was to be expected, Babylonianisms indicating
the hand of one long resident in Babylon. The
Aramaic of Daniel, which has been shown to be
on a par with that of Ezra (see reff. in Spaaker'$
Comm.* p. 228, n. 5; Delitzsch, p. 471), is also
of an earlier form (cp. Maurer, Comm. in Dan.
p. 87) than exists in any other Chaldaic docu-
ment; but as the Targnms — the next most ancient
specimens of the language — were not committed
to writing till about the Christian era, this fact
cannot be insisted on as a proof of remote anti-
quity. Furthermore, it is, with Ezra, the earliest
example of East Aramaic as distinguished from
the closely akin West Aramaic of Palestine
(Kantzsch, Oramm. d. Bibliseh'AmmSiicken,
< Einleitung,' § 1), not vice-verst, and repre-
sents, with the Babylonian dialect, the principal
language of the Babylonian kingdom (Luzzatto,
Delitzsch, Noldeke. Assyro-Babylonian was
known and studied in Palestine before the age
of the Exodus : see ZA. iv. 387). A philologioil
comparison between Assyrian and Hebrew is still
in its infancy (cp. Fried. Delitzsch, Prolmg. einet
iiCTien Hebr.-Aram. WSrteriuchs z. A. 7. § 12^
but as regards the Book of Daniel quite enough
has been collected to show the philologiol
approximation of chs. i.-Tii. to the language of
the Babylonian inscriptions (cp. Heinhold, Die
2 Z 2
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708 DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
Composition d. B. Daniel, pp. 3-18), if— from the
nature of the case — this is much less marked in
chs. viii.-xii. In addition to these two great
elements — ^Aramaic and Hebrew— the Book of
Daniel contains traces of other languages which
indicate the peculiar position of the writer.
Greek technical terms (cp. § 10) illustrate
the intercourse and commerce between Assyria,
Asia Minor, and Greece ; and the occurrence of
Persian words, explicable enough when Persians
traded with, and probably lived in, Babylon, as
they did by the time of Nebuchadnezzar (Pinches.
See Becorda of the Past, N.S., iii. 124, for their
presence there in the time of Belshazzar), is
quite inexplicable on the supposition that the
whole Book is a Palestinian forgery of the Mac-
cabaean age (cp. Struck u. Zikkler, Handb. d.
theolog. Wiasenschaften,' i. p. 172).
3. Contents. — ^The Book is generally divided
into two nearly equal parts. The first of these
(i.-vi.) contains chiefly historical incidents, while
the second (vii.-xii.) is entirely apocalyptic. This
division is further supported by the fact that
the details of the two sections are arranged in
order of time, and that the commencement of
the second section falls earlier than the close of
the first, as if the writer himself wished to mark
the division of subject. But, on the other hand,
this division takes no account of the difference
of language, nor of the change of person at the
beginning of ch. viii. And though the first
section is mainly historical, yet the vision of
ch. vii. finds its true foundation and counter-
part in ch. ii. From these circumstances it
seems better to divide the Book (cp. Auberlen,
pp. 36 sq.) into three parts. The first chapter
forms an introduction. The next six chapters
(ii.-vii.) give a general view of the progressive
history of the powers of the world, and of the
principles of the Divine government as seen in
the events of the life of l^niel. The remainder
of the Book (viii.-xii.) traces in minuter detail
the fortunes of the people of God, as typical of
the fortunes of the Church in all ages. The
second section is distinguished by a remarkable
symmetry. It opens with a view of the great
kingdoms of the earth revealed to a heathen
sovereign, to whom they appeared in their out-
ward unity and splendour, and yet devoid of
any true life (a metal Colossus) ; it closes with
a view of the same powers as seen by a Prophet
of God, to whom they were displayed in their
distinct characters, as instinct with life, though
of a lower nature, and displaying it with a
terrible energy of action (tfriplo, four beasts).
The image under which the manifestation of
God's kingdom is foreshown corresponds exactly
with this twofold exhibition of the worldly
powers. "A stone cut without bauds, ... be-
coming a great mountain and filling the whole
earth " (Dan. ii. 34, 35) — a rock and not a
metal — is contrasted with the finite proportions
of a statue moulded by man's art, as " a son of
man," the representative of humanity, is the
true Lord of that lower creation (Gen. i. 30)
which symbolises the spirit of mere earthly
dominions (Dan. vii. 13, 14). The intermediate
chapters (iii.-vi.) exhibit a similar correspond-
ence, while setting forth the action of God
among men. The deliverance of the (nends of
Daniel from the punishment to which they were
tondemncd for refusing to perform an idolatrous
DANIEL, THE BO<JK OF
act at the command of Nebuchadnezzar (ch. iil),
answers to the deliverance of Daniel from that
to which he was exposed by continuing to Mrre
his God in spite of the edict of Darius (ch. vi) ;
and in the same way the degradation, the re-
j>entance, and the restoration of Nebuchadnezzsr
(ch. iv.) form a striking contrast to the sacri-
legious pride and death of Belshazzar (ch. v.
22-31). The arrangement of the last Kctioa
(viii.-xii.) is not equally distinct, though it
offers traces of a similar disposition. The de-
scription of the progress of the Grecian povtr
in ch. viii. is further developed in the last vision
(x.-xii.), while the last chapter appears to carry
on the revelation to the first coming of Messiah
in answer to the prayer of DanieL
4. Canonical Authority. — The position which
the Book of Daniel occupies in the Hebrew
Canon seems at first sight remarkable. It is
placed among the Holy writings {Ketvlnm, ieyii-
ypa^a) between Esther and Kzra, or immedi-
ately before Esther (cp. Hody, Oe BM. Tat.
pp. 644-5X and not among the Prophets. This
collocation, however, is a natural consequence
of the right apprehension of the different fom-
tions of the Prophet and seer (Pusey, Lectnie V.)
If it be very uncertain at what time the
triple division of the Scriptures which b pre-
served in the Hebrew Bibles was first made,
yet the characteristics of the classes show that
it was not based exclusively on outward »n-
thority, but on the inward composition of &e
Books [Canon]. Daniel, as the truth has beea
well stated, had the spirit but not the work oft
Prophet; and as his work was a new one, to
was it carried out in a style of which the CM
Testament offers no other example. His Apoca-
lypse is as distinct from the prophetic writis^
as the Apocalypse of St. John from the apostolic
Epistles. The heathen court is to the one seer
what the isle of Patmos is to the other, a pUee
of exile and isolation, where he stands alou
with his God, and is not, like the Prophet, actin
in the midst of a struggling nation (Auberles,
p. 34).* This estimate of the position of tlu
Book in this division of the Canon is not incom-
patible with the view that that position sks
indicated a somewhat late admission (Strsck).
5. Oni<y.— The unity of the Book in it»
present form, notwithstanding the difference oi'
language, is generallv acknowledged (De Wette-
Schrader, £int. § 319; Hitzig, § 4; Bieei-
WeUhauscn, Einl.* § 233; do.» § 201X» StUl
• The Jewish doctors of later times were divided M
to the degree of the Inspirstion of Daniel. Abuticd
maintained against Maimonides that be wu eadond
with the Ugbrst prophedo power (Fabric. C«L Fwii^
r. T. 1. 897, n.).
fc There have been, and are, thoee who dispute tiis
unity. Eichhom attributed cha. II .-vi, TU.-iil, to
different authors; and Bertholdt mpposed thst «ii*
section was the work of a distinct writer, ttoagb *e
admitted that each of hL<i nine snccesstre writers w>«
acquainted with the composition of his predaxaoa
recognistng In this way the unity of the Bodt (W*)^
[A view, similar in character, is aiopui by StBck
(ZSckler'B Handb. d. theolog. Witaaudnfln,' E. 1 ••
• Elnleit. ins A. T.' } 6). Melnhold (,Bdtrif «.
BrUinmg d. Bwhtt Danid, p. M) assipis I-* * •
to the author of vlU.-xU.. 11. 4 b-vl. to a tKoA "»
ch. vii. to a tUrd. Other views ate nacntioiMd by
Delitasch (Henog, BE.* p. «!).— F.J
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DANIEL, THH BOOK OF
there u a remarkable difference in its internal
character. In the first seren chapters Daniel
is spoken of historically (I. 8-21 ; ii. 14-^9 ;
ir. 8-27; t. lS-29; vi. 2-28; vii. 1, 2): in
the last fire he appears personally as the writer
(vii. 15-28; viii. 1-ii. 22; x. 1-19; lii. 5).
This peculiarity, however, is not withoat some
precedents in the writings of the earlier Prophets
(t^. Is. vii. 3 ; xx. 2), and the seventh chapter
prepares the way for the change ; for while
Daniel is there spoken of in the third person
(rii. 1, 2X the substance of the chapter is
given in his words, in the first person (vii. 2,
16, 28). The cause of the difference of person
is commonly supposed to He in the nature of the
case. The Prophet narrates symbolic and repre-
sentative events historically, for the event is its
own witness ; but revelations and visions need
the personal attestation of those to whom they
are communicated. It is, however, more pro-
bable that the pecaliarity arose from the manner
in which the Book assumed its final shape
6. Reoeptim. — Allusion has been made already
to the influence which the Book exercised upon the
Christian Church. Apart from the general type
of apocalyptic composition which the apostolic
writers derived from Daniel (2 Thess. ii. ; Kev.
paasim; cp. Matt. xxvi. 64, xxi. 44?), the New
Testament incidentally acknowledges each of the
characteristic elements of the Book, its miracles
(Heb. li 33, 34), its predictions (Matt. ixiv. 15),
and iU doctrine of Angels (Luke i. 19, 26). At
a still earlier time the same influence may be
traced in the Apocrypha. The Book of Baruch
[BasuchI exhibits so many coincidences with
Daniel, that by some the two Books have been
assigned to the same author (cp. Fritzsche,
Hmdb. xu d. Apok. i. 173; Speaker's Comm.
' Introd. to Baruch,' § ir.) ; and the First Book
of Maccabees represents Mattathias quoting the
marvellous deliverances recorded in Daniel,
together with those of earlier times (1 Mace. ii.
59, 60), and elsewhere exhibits an acquaintance
with the Greek Version of the Book (I Mace. i.
^=Dan. ii. 27). The allusion to the guardian
Angels of nations, which is introduced into the
Alexandrine translation of the Pentateuch (Deut.
xixii. 8 ; LXX., some MSS.), and recurs in the
Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclus. xvii. 17), may hare
heen derived from Dan. x. 21, xii. 1, though
this is uncertain, as the doctrine probably formed
part of the common belief. According to Josephus
{Ant. xi. 8, § 4) the prophecies of Daniel gained
for the Jews the favour of Alexander [Alex-
ASDEB THE Great] ; and whatever credit may
he given to the details of his narrative, it at
least shows the unquestioning belief in the pro-
phetic worth of the Book which existed among
the Jews in the time of Josephus.
7. Early Opinion. — The testimony of the
Synagogue and of the Church gave a clear expres-
sion to the judgment implied by the early and
authoritative use of the Book, and pronounced
it to contain authentic prophecies of Daniel,
without contradiction, with one exception, till
modem times. Porphyry alone (f c. 305 a.d.)
assailed the Book, and devoted the 12th of
his fifteen Discourses against Christians {\iyoi
•atrSt Xpurriariir) to a refutation of its claims
to be considered a prophecy. "The history,"
he said, " is true up to the date of Antiochus
DANIEL, THE BOOK OF 709
Epiphanes, and false afterwards; therefore the
Book was written in his time " (Hieron. Proof,
in Dan,). The argument of Porphyry is an
exact anticipation of the position of many
modem critics, and involves a twofold assump-
tion, that the whole Book ought to contain
predictions of the same character, and that
definite predictions are impossible. Externally
the Book is as well attested as any Book of
Scripture, and there is nothing to show that
Porphyry urged any historical objections against
it ; but it brings the belief in miracle and pre-
diction, in the Divine power and foreknowledge
as active among men, to a startling test, and
according to the character of this belief in the
individual must be his judgment upon the
Book.
8. Modem Opinion. — The history of the assaults
upon the prophetic worth of Daniel in modern
times is full of interest. In the first instance
doubts were raised as to the authorship of the
opening chapters, i.-vii. (Spinoza, Newton), which
were perfectly compatible with the fullest recog-
nition of their canonicity. Then the variations
in the LXX. suggested the belief that chs. iii.-vi.
were a later interpolation (J. D. Michaelis). As
a next step the last six chapters only were re-
tained as a genuine Book of Scripture (Eichhora,
1st and 2nd edd.) ; and at last the whole Book
was rejected as the work of an impostor, " with-
out intention to deceive," who lived in Palestine
in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes (Corrodi,
1783. Hitzig fixes the date more exactly from
170 B.C. to the spring of 164 B.C.). This opinion
has found wide acceptance, and has been pro-
nounced "a certain result of historical criti-
cism ; " the " certainty " of which has again been
transformed into uncertainty by the view which
a-ssigns the Hebrew sections to the Maccabaean
period, and the Aramaic to c. B.C. 300 (cp. Mein-
hold, BeitrSge, p. 22 ; Das Buck Daniel in Strack
u. ZHckler's Kwzgef. Komm. z. A. T., pp. 261-2).
9. Qrounds of Bejeotion (cp. § 12). — The real
grounds on which most modem critics rely
in rejecting the Book, are the "fabulousness
of its narratives " and " the minuteness of its
prophetic history." " The contents of the Book,"
it is said, "are irrational and impossible"
(Hitzig, § 5). It is obvious that it is impossible
to answer such a statement without entering
into general views of the Providential govern-
ment of the world. It is admitted that the
contents of the Book are exceptional and sur-
prising ; but revelation is itself a miracle, how-
ever it be given, and essentially as inconceivable
as any miracle. There are times, perhaps, when
it is required that extraordinary signs should
arrest the attention of men and fix their minds
upon that Divine Presence which is ever work-
ing around them. Prodigies may become s
guide to nature. Special circumstances may
determine, and, according to the Bible, do deter-
mine, the peculiar form which the miraculous
working of God will assume at a particular
time ; so that the question is, whether there is
any discernible relation between the outward
wonders and the moral condition of an epoch.
Nor is it impossible to apply this remark to the
case of Daniel (cp. Pusey, Lecture VII. § 12).
The position which he occupied [Daniel] was
as exceptional as the Book which bears hb
name. He survived the Exile and the dis-
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710 DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
appomtment which attended the first hopes of
the Jews. The glories which had been con-
nected with the Return in the foreshortened
vision of earlier Prophets were now felt to be
far off, and a more special Revelation may have
been necessary as a preparation for a period of
silence and conflict." The very character of the
Babylonian exile seems to have called tor some
signal exhibition of Divine power. As the first
Eiodas was distinguished by great marvels, it
might appear natural that the second should be
also (cp. Hicah vii. 15 ; Caspari and Delitzsch).
National miracles, so to speak, formed the
beginning of the theocracy : personal miracles,
the beginning of the Church. To speak of an
" aimless and lavish display of wonders " is to
disregard the representative significance of the
different acts, and the relation which they bore
to the future fortunes of the people. A new
era was inaugurated by fresh signs. The Jews,
left among the nations of the world, looked
for some sure token that God was able to
deliver them and work out His own purposes.
The persecution of Antiochns completed the
teaching of Daniel ; and the people no longer
sought without that which at length they had
found within. They had withstood the assault
of one] typical enemy, and now they were pre-
pared to meet all. The close of special predic-
tions coincided with the consolidation of the
national faith. [Antiochus Epiphanes.]
10. Ot/ur Ohjediuta. — The general objections
against the "legendary" miracles and specific
predictions of Daniel are strengthened by other
objections in detail, which cannot, however, be
regarded in themselves as of any considerable
weight (cp. Pnsey, Lecture VII.). Some of
these have been already answered incidentally.
Some still require a short notice, though it
is evident that they are often after-thoughts ;
the results, and not the causes, of the rejection
of the Book. Not only, it is said, is (a) the Book
placed among the Hagiographa, but (6) Daniel is
omitted in the list of prophets given in the
Wisdom of Sirach ; (c) the language is corrupted
by an intermixture of Greek words; (</) the details
are essentially unhistorical ; («) the doctrinal and
moral teaching betrays a late date.
In reply to these remarks, it may be urged,
that (a-6) if the Book of Daniel was already
placed among the Hagiographa (see § 4) at the
time when the Wisdom of Sirach was written,
the omission of the name of Daniel (Ecclus.
xlix.) is quite natural, and that under any cir-
cumstances the omission is not more remarkable
than that of Ezra (xlix. 11) or of the individual
mention of the twelve lesser Prophets (xlix. 10).
(c) Up to the present time the decipherment of
the Assyrian inscriptions has not thrown light
upon the technical names of the musical instru-
ments in Tise, but the objection founded upon
the mention of Greek musical instruments'
(iii. .5, 7, 10, D^n^'5, k«0(>o; njJBtMD, mii-
< The Ifwcial prophecies of Balaam (Num. xxlv. 24)
and Isalab (xllv. xlv.) centre In Diuiiet (cp. Dan.
xl. 30); and tlie prediction of Balaam offers a remark-
able parallel to those of Daniel, both from tbelr par-
ticularity and t^om the positlun which the Prophet
occupied fcp. Posey, Lecture II.).
' H. Derenbonrg, "Lea mots Grocs dans le Uvre
UbUqne de Daniel " QUilamja Oraux, 1884, pp. 335-
DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
^m>la ; P^FUDB, ^nXT-qpuf : cp. the ' Eicumu
on the Musical Instruments,' in Speaka't Owm}
p. 281), once supposed insuperable, cannot lie
pressed. It is admitted that such mention u
not surprising at a time when the inteKoune
between Greece and Assyria can be traced to tht
time of Sargon at least (B.C. 722 ; ileinliold,
Beitrage, p. 32X and when the Hellenizationofthe
Jewish race between B.C. 607-587, before ud
after deportation into Babylonia, was an indli-
putable fact(cp. Flinders-Petrie, Z'ams.ii.pp.W,
50. Cp. also Brandis in Delitzsch, ££.> p. 274;
Ale. Frag. 33, Bergk.). (d) The deUils are in
some cases as yet unattested, or otherwise tUt«d
than in contemporary documents, but nnhis-
torical they are not. The whole colouring, scene,
and characters of the Book are Oriental, and
especially Babylonian, impossible to an age »
unfamiliar with them as the Maccabaesn. The
colossal image (D7V> ■"■ 1> probably that of the
god Hardnk [Herodach]), the fiery furnace, the
martyr-like boldness of the three confessors (iii.
16), the decree of Darius (vi. 7), the lions' den
(vi. 7, 19, 2M\ the dreams of Mebochadnezrar
and his demand of the Chaldaeans (see p. 565,
col. 1), his obeisance before Daniel (v. 46), III
greatness as a bnilder (iv. 30) and his sadden laJl
(c. 33 ; cp. Euseb. Praep. Ev. ix. 41 ; Joseph, c Ap.
i. 20), the events connected with Belshauar,
Cyrus, Darius the Mede, and the fall of Babjlos
(see a, nn.), are not only consistent with the &cb
of Eastern life, but in many instances directly
confirmed by the evidence of the Inscriptions (tee
on these points not only the notes of Pnsey and
Speaker'i Comm.*, but also Meinhold, Die CW
position tfc ». w. p. 194 ; Andrea, Bmxis d. Gladm
for 1887, 1889 ; Vigouronx, La Bible etlesdf
coutxrtes mockmes,* iv. 377 sq., and Les Litm
Saints et la critique rationaliste, 1890. The
inscriptions relative to the time from Nehndud-
nezzar to Belshazzar are conveniently collected
and translated in Schrader, Keilimchriftliii
Bibliothek, iii., 2te H&lfte, p. 10 sq. Op. aim
Ball's translations in PSBA. x. xi. ; Recorit s/
the Past, N.S., iii. iv. ; Babylonian Record, L ii.).
(«) In doctrine the Book is closely connected
with the writings of the Elxile, and forms a last
step in the development of the ideas of the Messiak
(vii. 13, &C,), of the resurrection (xil. 2. 3), of
the ministry of Angels (viii. 16, xii. l,4c.>«f
personal devotion (vi. 10, 11, i. 8X which formed
the basis of later speculations, but received no
essential addition in th: interval before tiw
coming of our Lord (cp. on these points Pnse;
and the Speaker'a Comm.*).
Generally it may be said that while the Book
presents in many re.spects a startling ami
exceptional character, yet It is inaccurate on hi»-
torical, philological, and archaeological grounds
to assign its composition to the Maccahaeas
period (cp. Delitzsch, p. 479; Bp. Thirlwai;'s
Letters, Literary and Theological, pp. 24S-9.
Meinhold, Beitrage u.s.to., ' Abwcis der .\b£usnnj
von Dan. ii.-Ti. in der Zeit d. mabkabaisclKn
244, translated In BOiraiea, Iv. J sq. pSST]). ««•«» 'ft'
the assumption of the Maccabaean date and finite fJw*
words everywhere ; Fabre d'Envien (^LeLitn da P'^"
Daniel, 1. 101 [I888J) will not admit that then ut any
Greek words at all. On ttw words In Dan. IE 2, 3, aee
Ltfgarde, Ag^hangdut, p. 167 sq.— [F.]
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DANIEL, TUE BOOK OF
Eimpfe,' p. 46 sq., admits this as regards that
special section). It appears as a key to the later
history and straggles of the Jews, and not as a
result from them. The reception into the Canon,
the phenomena of the Alexandrine Version, all
point in the same direction. If the prophetical
section be to some the difficulty, a sounder system
of interpretation, combined with a more worthy
view of the Divine government of men and
nations, will probably do mnch to remove those
nndeBned doubts as to the inspired character of
the Revelation which naturally arise at first in
the minds of thoughtful students.
11. Conclusion. — But while all historical evi-
dence supports the canonicity of the Book of
Daniel, it does not follow that the recognition of
the unity and authority of the Book is necessarily
connected with the belief that the whole, as it
(tands at present, is as it issued from the hands
of Daniel. According to the Jewish tradition
{Bttba Bathra, {. U6), « the Books of Ezekiel, the
twelve minor Prophets, Daniel and Esther, were
vritten (i.e. drawn up in their present form) by
the men of the great sjmagogue, and in the case
of Daniel the tradition is supported by strong
internal evidence. The manner in which Daniel
is spoken of (i. 17, 19, 20, v. 11, 12 ; the title
in ix. 23, xii. is diSerent) suggests the notion of
another writer ; aad if Daniel wrote the passages
in question, they cannot be satisfactorily ex-
plained by 1 Cor. rv. 10 ; 2 Cor. xi. 5, 6, xii. 2
(Keil, § 136), or by the consciousness of the
typical position which he occupied (Auberlen,
p. 37). The substantial authorship of a Book of
Scripture does not involve the subordinate work
of arrangement and revision ; and it is scarcely
conceivable that a writer would purposely write
one book in two languages, though there may
have been an obvious reason why he should treat
in aeparate records of events of general history
in the vernacular dialect, and of the special
fortunes of God's people in Hebrew. At the
Betam we may suppose that these records of
Daniel were brought into one whole, with the
addition of an introduction and a fuller narra-
tive,* when the other sacred writings received
their final revision (cp. Speaker's Comtn.' p. 230).
The visions themselves would be necessarily
J>res«rved in their original form, and thus the
ater chapters (vii.-xii.) exhibit no traces of
any subsequent recension, with the exception,
perhaps, of two introductory verses, vii. 1, i. 1.
12. Interpretation. — The interpretation of
Daniel has hitherto proved an inexhaostibls
field for the ingenuity of commentators, and
the certain results are comparatively few. To
touch on two points only : A. The four king-
doms. According to the traditional view (cp.
Pusey, Lect. II.), which appears as early as the
Fourth Book of Ezra [2 Esdras] and the Epistle
of Barnaba3(ch. iv.),the four empires described in
chs. ii. vii. are the Babylonian, the Medo-Persian,
the Greek, and the Roman. With nearly eqnal
consent it has been supposed that there is a
change of subject in the eleventh chapter
• The letter of Nebnchadneztar (oh. Iv.) appeals to
present dear trdcfs of the Inter«'eavlng of a commen-
tary with the original text. Further the yarlant spelling
of some proper names In the present original text of the
Book, as well as the mis-epelUng of others, point to tex-
toal mistakes, Intehtlonal or otherwise. In the copyist.
DANIEL, THE BOOK OF 711
(xi. 31 sq.), by which the seer passes from the
persecutions of Antiochus to the times of Anti-
christ. A careful comparison of the language
of the prophecy with the history of the Syrian
kings must, however, convince every candid
student of the text that the latter hypothesis is
wholly unfounded and arbitrary. The whole of
the eleventh chapter forms a history of the
struggles of the Jewish Church with the Greek
powers np to the death of its great adversary
(xi. 45). This conflict, indeed, has a typical
import, and foreshows in its characteristic out-
lines the abiding and final conflict of the people
of God and the powers of evil, so that the true
work of the interpreter must be to determine
historically the nature of each event signalized
in the prophetic picture, that he may draw from
the past the lesson of the future. The tra-
ditional interpretation of "the four empires'*
seems to spring from the same error as the
other, though it still finds numerous advocatei
(Hofinann, Auberlen, Keil, Hiivemick, Heng-
stenberg, Ziindel, Kliefoth, and most English
commentators). It originated at a time when
the triumphant advent of Messiah was the
object of immediate expectation, and the Roman
empire appeared to be the last in the series of
earthly kingdoms. The long interval of conflict
which has followed the first Advent formed no
place in the anticipations of the first Christians,
and in succeeding ages the Roman period hai
been unnaturally prolonged to meet the require-
ments of a theory which took its rise in a state
of thought which experience has 'proved false.
It is a still more fatal objection to this interpre-
tation that it destroys the great idea of a cyclic
development of history which lies at the basis of
all prophecy. Great periods (aliyts") appear to
be marked out in the fortunes of mankind which
answer to another, so that that Divine utterance
which receives its first fulfilment in one period
receives a further and more complete fulfilment
in the corresponding part of some later period.
Thus the first coming of Christ formed the close
of the last age, as His second coming will form
the close of the present one. The one event ia
the type and, as it were, the spring of the other.
This is acknowledged with regard to the other
Prophecies, and yet the same truth is not applied
to the revelations of Daniel, which appear then
first to gain their full significance when they
are seen to contain an outline of all history in
the history of the nations which ruled the world
before Christ's coming. The first Advent is ai
much a fulfilment of the visions of Daniel as of
those of the other Prophets. The four empires
precede the coming of Messiah and pass away
before him. At the same time their spirit
survives (cp. vii. 12), and the forms of national
existence which were developed on the plains of
Mesopotamia again reproduce themselves in later
history. According to this view, the empires of
Daniel can be no other than those of the Baby-
lonians, Medes, Persians, and Greeks, who all
placed the centre of their power at Babylon, and
appear to have exhibited on one stage the great
types of national life. The Roman power was at
its height when Christ came, but the Egyptian
I kingdom, the last relic of the empire of Alex-
I ander, had just been destroyed, and thus the
"stone cut without hands struck the feet of
I the image," and Christianity destroyed for ever
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712 DANIEL, THE BOOK OP
the real supTemacy of heathen dominion. But
this first fulfilment of the vision was only
inchoative,' and the correlatives of the four
empires must be sought in post-Christian his-
tory. The corresponding symlx>lism of Babylon
and Rome is striking at first sight, and other
parallels may be drawn. The Byzantine empire,
for instance, "inferior" to the Roman (Ban.
ii. 39), may be compared with that of the Medes.
The Teutonic races with their divided empire
recall the image of Persia (vii. 6). Nor is it
difficult to see in the growing might of the
Northern powers, a future kingdom which may
rival in terrible energy the conquests of Alex-
ander. Without insisting on snch details as
these, which still require careful examination, it
appears that the true interpretation of Daniel
is to besought in the i*ecognition of the principle
which they involve. In this way the Book
remains a "prophecy," while it is also a
" revelation ; " and its most special predictions
acquire an abiding significance.'
[B. The seventy aeeh (ix. 24-27. See the
excursos in Speaker's Comm.' p. 360 aq.), — ^Fraidl
(Z)«» Exegese der Siebzig Wochen Daniels, p. 134,
1883) sums up the interpretation of the Church
op to the time of the Middle Ages as marked by
nnanimity of opinion upon the main thoughts
of the passage, conpled with great diversity as
regards individual expressions and the mode
of reckoning. ZSckler ('Der Prophet Daniel,'
pp. 170-198 [in Lange's TheoL-homU. BiMvoerk,
1870]) has collected with exhaustive fulness all
that more modem criticism has to say upon the
subject. To those starting from a Maccabaean
date, it is of course a raticiniwn ex evextu, and
a solution, satisfactory at least to its advocates,
is attained, even if they be unable to agree as
to the termimu a quo or the terminus ad quern
(cp. Comill, Die Siebzig Jahnoochen Daniels, i
1889, ever among the most courageous of inter-
preters). The defenders of the Danielle author-
ship (cp. Wolf; Die Siebzig Wochen Daniels, 1889)
are less confident in their belief that they have
solved the problems. Such an attitude is to be
preferred. To reckon these weeks backward and
forward from the starting-point of a Jew of
B.C. 164 is easy, but that starting-point has yet
to be proved to be the true one : to reckon them
from the date of such an one as Daniel professes
to be is not easy, but is yet, from its difficulty,
the truer one, which a better acquaintance with
the still unexplained nature of the author's com-
putation and chronology, and possibly light upon
the mysteries of the numbers from a Babylonian
point of view, may be elucidated hereafter. — F.]
13. Versions. — ^There is no Chaldee translation
of Daniel, and the deficiency is generally accounted
for, as in the parallel case of hzra, by the danger
which wonld hare existed in such a case of
' An example of the recurrent and advancing com-
pletion of tbe predictions of Daniel occurs In Matt.
xxlv. 16, compared with 1 Mace. i. B4. The same
truth Is also implied In tbe interpretatloo of "the
seventy sevens," as springing oat of tbe "seventf "
(years) of Jeremiah. On this there are some good
remarlcs in Browne's Ordo Saeclorun, though his
Inteqiretation of the four empires as signifying the
Babylonian, Grecian, Roman, and some ftatuie empire
(pp. 615Bq.), seems very nnnatural. The whole force of
bis argument (after Ibn Ezra and Haltland) lies In tbe
proof that the Boman was not the fourth empire.
DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
confusing the original text with the paraphnu;
but on the other band the whole Book has beta
published in Hebrew. The Greek Version hu
undergone singular changes. At an earlv time
the LXX. Version was supplanted in the Greek
Bibles by that of Theodotion,' and in the time
of Jerome the Version of Theodotion was gene-
rally "read by the Churches" (c. Su^u.33;
Praef. in Comm.: '■ lUud quoque lectoremadmoseo
Danielem non jnxta LXX. interpretes sed jaita
. . .Theodotionem ecclesias legere ..."). Tliis
change, for which Jerome was unable to accomit
("hoc cur acciderit nescio," Praef. in Vers. Dan.),
may have been made in consequence of the
objections which were urged against the corrupt
LXX. text in controversy with Jews anl
heathen. The LXX. Version woi certainly very
nnfaithf al (Hieron. /. c.) ; and the inBnence ot'
Origen, who preferred the translation of Theo-
dotion (Hieron. in Dan. iv. 6), was probaUjr
effectual in bringing about the substitution (cf.
Credner, Bcitr. ii. 256 sq.). In the conne at
time, however, the Version of Theodotion was
interpolated from the LXX., so that it is now
impossible to recover the original text. [Dasiu,
Apocrtpiial Additioks to, § 4.] Meanwhile
the original LXX. translation passed entirely
out of nse, and it was supposed to hare been lost
till the last century, when it was published at
Rome from a Codex C/iisianus {Daniel secmdtm
LXX. . . . Romae, 1772, ed. P. de Magistris),
together with that of Theodotion, and several
illustrative essays. It has since been pnblisbed
several times (ed. Michaelis, Gotting. 1774; ei
Segaar, 1775; Hahn, 1845, and Tischendorf '"'.
Cp. Blttdao, De Alcxandrinie interprtiationis tin
Danielia indole critica et hcrmeneutica, Uunster.
1890). Another recension of the text is vxr
tained in the Syro-Hexaploric Version at Uilan
(ed. Bngatus, 1788), but a critical compariioD
of the several recensions is still required.
14. Commentaries. — The commentaries <e
Daniel are very numerous. The Hebrew com-
mentaries of R. Saadijah Haggaon (t 942), Rsski
(t c. 1105), and Ibn Ezra (fc 1 167), are printed
In the great Rabbinic Bibles of Bamberg and Basle.
That of Abarbanel (f c. 1507) has been printed
separately several times (Amstelod. 1647, 4to);
Ibn Ali the Karaite's Comm. (ed. by Margo-
lionth) forms part iii. of vol. i. of the Seaik
Series of Anealota Oxvniensia ; and others ire
quoted by Rosenmiiller, Scholia, pp. 39, 40.
Among the patristic commentaries the most im-
portant are those of Jerome (vol. v. ed. Migne,
Paris, 1857), who noticed especially the objectioo»
of Porphyry, Theodorct (ii. 1053 sq. ed. Schulie),
and Ephrem Syrus (Op. Syr. ii. ; Romae, 1740X
Considerable fragments remain of the comraea-
taries of Uippolytue (collected in Migne's edition,
Paris, 1857; Bratke, Bonn, 1891) and P<>lr-
chronius (Mai, Script. Vet. Kot. CoU. voL i.);
and Mai has published ({. c.) a catena on Daniel,
containing fragments of ApoUinarins, Athans.«ii».
Basil, Eosebius, and many others. The chief
Reformers— Luther (^Aualegang d. Pro/A. Da*-
1530-1546 ; Op. Germ. vi. ed. Walch), Oecohun-
padius (/» Dan. libri duo, Basil. 1530), Melsnci-
s The Version beats in the tetraplar text the ^oec^
tlUe, t4 Rp iyiivntit Aayi^ n»p b tbe ten »<**
Daniel applies to the Angels, " watehen " (Du- tv- >^
17, 23). Cp. Vania sec. LXS. p. 13» sq.
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DANIKL, APOC. ADDITIONS TO
thon (Ornim. n Z>an, proph. Vitemb. 1543), and
Calvin (Praelect. in Dan. Genevae, 1563, &c. ;
in French, 1565; in English, 1852-3) — wrote
on Daniel ; and Rosenmilller enamerates nearly
fifty other special commentators, and his list
requires considerable additions. The combination
of the Revelations of Daniel and St. John (Sir I.
Newton, Obsercatiotis upon the Prophecies, &c.,
Lend. 1733; M. F. Roos, Ausl. d. Weissag. Dan.
U.S.K., Leipz. 1771) opened the way to a truer
onderbtanding of Daniel; bnt the edition of
Bertholdt QVaniel, ata drni ffebr.-Aram. n«u
Hbersetzt und erilart, «,«.«>., Erlangen, 1806-8),
in spite of all its grave faults, marks the begin-
ning of a new era in the study of the Book.
Bertholdt was decidedly unfavourable to its
authenticity; and he has been followed on the
same side by Von Lengerke (D. B. Dan. verd. u.
ausgel. KSnigsb. 1835), Maurer (^Comm. Oramm.
Crit. iu Lips. 1838), Hitzig (Ktirzgef. £xeg.
Bandb. Leipz. 1850), Bleek {Einl. var. edd.),
Lncke ( Versuch einer rollstiind. Einl, u.$.vi., 2te
Aufl., Bonn 1852), Do Wette {Einl. var. edd.),
Meinhold (works cited). On the other hand, the
authenticity is affirmed more or less absolutely bv
HSvemick {Comm. Ob. d. B. Dan. Hamb. 1832),
Anberlen {Der Proph. Dan. u. d. Offcnbaruny
Joh. u.s.xB., 2te Aufl., Basel 1857, translated into
English from the 1st ed. by A. Saphir, 1856),
Hengstenberg (7>i> Authentig d, Dan. ....«•-
vieun, 1831, translated by E. B. Pratten, Edinb.),
Havemick (Neue krit. Untersuch. Hamb. 1838),
Delitzsch (Herzog's RE.^; in RE.* his views
approximate to the other school), Keil (Lehrb. d.
Einl. in d. A. T., Frankf. 1853), Pnsey (^Daniel
the Prophet, var. edd.), Speaker's Comm.', the com-
mentaries of Ziindel, Kranichfeld, and Kliefoth,
mentioned in ZSckler's work, Eaulen {Einl. in d,
heUige Schrift A. u. N. T. p. 328 sq.). Comely
{Historioa et critica Introductio in utriasqtK. Testa-
menti lAbros sacros, ii. 2, p. 466 sq., who gives
a list of R. C, writers) ; Knabenhaner (Comm. in
Dcmielem, Paris 1891), and Fabre d'Envieu (Z«
Livre du Prophite Daniel, 1890). Essays on
■pedal points are supplied by T. R. Birks — 2^
fovr pn,phetic Empires, &c., 1844, and Ihe two
later Visions of Daniel, &c., 1846 ; E. B. Elliott,
Jlorae Apocalypticae, 1844 ; S. P. Tregelles, Re-
marks on the prophetic Visions of Daniel, 1852 ;
Desprez, Darnel or the Apoc, of the 0. T., 18G5 ;
Payne Smith, Dan. i.-vi., 1889; Lagarde (v.
HavetX GGA. xiv. 1891. [B. F. W.] [F.]
DANIEL, APOCBTPHAL ADDITIONS
TO. The Greek translations of Daniel, like that
of Esther, contain several pieces which are not
fonnd in the original text, but are accepted as
canonical by the Roman Catholic Church (Comely
and Kauleo). The most important of these
additions are contained in the Apocrypha of the
English Bible under the titles of The Song of the
Three Holy Cluldren, The History of Susanna,
and The History of . . . Bel and the Dragon.
1. a. The first of these pieces is incorporated
into the narrative of Daniel. After the three
confessors were thrown into the Aimace (Dan.
iii. 23), Azarias is represented praying to God for
deliverance (Song of Three Children, w. 3-22) ;
and in answer the Angel of the Lord shields
them from the fire which consumes their enemies
(or. 23-27), whereupon " the three, as out of one
month," raise a triumphant song (m. 29-68),
DANIEL, APOC. ADDITIONS TO 713
drawn largely irom the Psnlter, of which a chief
part (vv, 35-66) has been used as a hymn (the
Benedicite) in the Christian Church since the 4th
century (Rutin. Apol. ii. 35 ; cp. Condi. Tolet. iv.
Can. 14). Like several similar fragments, the
chief parts of this composition are given at the
end of the Psalter in the Alexandrine MS. as
separate psalms, under the titles " The Prayer of
Azarias " and " The Hymn of our Fathers ; " and
a similar arrangement occurs in other Greek
and Latin Psalters. Ball gives numerous illus-
trations from Talmudic and Midrashic literature,
showing that the conception of a deliverance
from a fiery furnace was traditional among the
Jews from very early times (Speaker's Comm.,
Apocrypha, ' Introduction to the Song of the
Three Children,' ii. 305-7).
h. The two other pieces appear more distinctly
ns appendices, and offer no semblance of forming
part of the original text. The History of
Susanna is generally fonnd at the beginning of
the Book (Gk. MSS.; Vet. Lat.); though it also
occurs after the 12th chapter (Vulg. ed. Compl.).
Another name given to this piece, " The judg-
ment of Daniel," expresses clearly the point of
the story. Ball considers it a traditional history
or Jewish Haggadah (Bertholdt), and (after
Briill, Das apokryph. Susanna-Buch, in the
'Jahrb. f. Judische Geschichte n. Litteratur,'
1879) an Anti-Sadducean Tendenz - schrift of
D.C. 94-89, partly based upon Jer. xxix. 20-23
(Speaker's Comm., Apocrypha, ' Introd. to the
Hist, of Susanna,' pp. 325, &c.) ; bnt Ziickler
(Strack u. Zockler's Kgf. Komm. ' Die Apokry-
phen,d. A.T.' p. 215, 1891) shows that this
cannot be pressed.
The History of Bel end the Dragon is placed
at the end of the Book ; and in the LXX. Version
it bears a special heading as "part of the prophecy
of HabaAkuk" (in wpo^nfTtltts 'A/iPoKobfi vloi
'Ii)(rav iK T^s <pv\iis A*vt), which would seem to
indicate that it was an extract from a pseud-
epigraphic writing attributed to that Prophet
(Fritzsche). Ball finds the nucleus of this story
in Jer. 11. 34, 44, afterwards developed by the
Haggadah in its own fashion, but also illus-
trating that Prophet's own moral of the utter
futility of idols, and the sole sovereignty of the
God of Israel (Speaker's Comm., Apocrypha,
' Introduction to Bel and the Dragon,' pp. 345-6).
It is not uninteresting to compare this Apo-
cryphal work with the legend of the contest
between Bel and the Dragon preserved in the
cuneiform tablets. Jewish authors in Babylon
would hardly be Ignorant of the popular Baby-
lonian legends, even if it be thought improbable
that the coincidences between these accounts
were " hardly accidental " (Ball, pp. 347-8).
2. The additions are found in both the Greek
texts — the LXX. and Theodotion, in the Old
Latin and Vulgate, and in the existing Syriac and
Arabic Versions. On the other hand, there is
no evidence that they ever formed part of the
Hebrew text, and they were originally wanting
in the Syriac (Polychronius, ap. Mai, Script.
Vett. Nov. Coll. i. p. 113, says of the hymn ex-
pressly oil K<7rai if ToTs iBpaXxoXs 1) iv toTj
(nipioKoiT ^ifixlois). From the LXX. and Vulgate
the fragments passed into common nse, and they
are commonly quoted by Greek and Latin Fathers
as parts of Daniel (Clem. Alex. Eel. proph. i. ;
Orig. Ep. ad Afrie. ; Tertull. de Pudic. 17, ticj.
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714 DANIEL, APOC. ADDITIONS TO
bat rejected by those who adhered to the Hebrew
canon. Jerome in particular called attention to
their absence from the Hebrew Bible (Praef. in
/)an.), and instead of any commentary of his own
adds shortly Origen's remarks " on the fables of
Bel and Susanna " (Cumm. m Dan. xiii. 1). In a
similar manner he notices shortly the Song of
the Three Children, " lest he should seem to
hare overlooked it " (Conun. m San. iii. 23).
3. Varioas conjectures have been made as to
the origin of the additions. It has been sup-
posed tnat they were derived from Hebrew or
Aramaic originals. Kanlen (£iW. in, d. heil.
Schrift A. u. .V. 7. ii. § 395 [see hU reff.]) and
Comely (Historixt et critica Introductio in utri-
usque Testamenti lAbroa tacroa, ii. 2, p. 499 sq.)
give the substance of the arguments, and Ball
affirms them afresh, but the evidence is intri-
cate, and insufficient to establish the point (Bis-
sell, Thi Apocrypha oftht 0. T. p. 442 sq. ; ZOckler,
p. 215). The character of the additions them-
selves indicates rather the hand of an Alexandrine
writer ; and it is not unlikely that the translator
of Daniel wrought np traditions which were
already current, and appended them to his work
(cp. Fritzsche, Exeg. Handb. zh den Apok. i. 121).
The abruptness of the narrative in Daniel fur-
nished an occasion for the introduction of the
prayer and hymn ; and the story of the Dragon
seems like a strange exaggeration of the record
of the deliverance of Daniel (Dan. vi.), which
may naturally have formed the basis of different
legends. Nor is it difficult to see in the History
of Susanna a pointed allusion to the name of
the Prophet, though the narrative may not be
wholly fictitious.
4. The LXX. appears to be the original source
from which all the existing recensions of the
fragments were derived (cp. Hody, de Sibl, Text.
p. 583). Theodotion seems to have done little
more than transcribe the LXX. text with im-
provements in style and language, which are
considerably greater in the appended narratives
than in the Song incorporated into the canonical
text. Thus while the History of Susanna and
Bel and the Dragon contain large additions
which complete and embellish the story (_e.g.
Hist. Sus. ro. 15-18; 20, 21; 24-27; 46, 47,
49, 50 : Bel. & Dr. ot>. 1, 9-13 ; Eichh. pp. 431
sq.), the test of the Song is little more than a
repetition of that of the LXX. (cp. De Magistris,
Daniel, &c., pp. 234 sq. ; Eichh. £inl. in d.
Apok. Schrift. 422 sq.). The Polyglott-Syriac,
Arabic, and Latin Versions are derived from
Theodotion ; and the Hezaplar-Syriac from the
LXX. (Eichh. p. 430, &c).
5. The stories of Bel and Susanna received
various embellishments in later times, which
throw some light upon the manner in which
they were originally composed (cp. Orig. Ep. ad
-4/''*- §§ 7, 8 ; Bochart, Hieroz. iii. 3 ; Eichh.
p. 446, &c.) ; just as the change which Theodo-
tion introduced into the narrative of Bel, to give
some consistency to the facts, illustrates the
rationalising process through which the legends
passed (cp. Delitzsch, De Habacnci vitd et aetate,
1844). It is thus useless to institute any in-
quiry into the historic foundation which lies
below the popular traditions; for though the
stories cannot be regarded as mere fables, it is
evident that a moral purpose determined the
shape which they assumed. A later age found
DAPHNE
in them traces of a deeper wisdom, and to
Christian commentators Susanna appured u t
type of the true Church tempted to infidelity ky
Jew and Pagan, and lifting up her voice to God
in the midst of persecution (Uippol. In $iu<n«.
pp. 689 sq^ ed. Migne). [B. F. W.] [E.]
DAN'ITES, THE Ciy}- B. i A««i, A.
i Air [Judg. liu. 2] ; BA. d A<tr [Jndg. inu.
1, 11]; B. o» Am-HTof, KA. -.- [1 Ch. iii. 35]:
Dan), The descendants of Dan, and members of
his tribe. [W.A.W.] [F.^
DAN-JA'AN Ql^ni: B. a4» tZir ol
OiSeCv ; A. Aap 'lapiw koI 'lovSif ; Lucian, Adb>:
Dan siltestria), a place named only in 2 Sam.
xxiv. 6 as one of the points visited by Josb ii
taking the census of the people. It occnn
between Gilead and Zidon — and therefore m«y
have been somewhere in the direction of Du
(Laish), at the sources of the Jordan. The
reading of the LXX. (Alex.) and of the Vulg. wu
evidently TW^ H, Dan-jaar, the nearest trans-
lation of which is "Dan in the wood." Tbii
reading is approved by Gesenins, and agrees widi
the character of the country about Tell el-Kii}.
Driver (Notes on the Heb. Text of the BB. cj
Samuel, in loco) corrects the reading of the
passage as follows: ^N ^33D [V^ y\ 1X3^1
pl^V. There seems no reason for doubting that
the well-known Dan is intended. We hare no
record of any other Dan in the north ; and em
if this were not the case, Dan, as the accepted
northern limit of the nation, was too importaat
a place to escape mention in such a list as that
in the text. Dr. Schultz, formerly Pmssisa
Consul at Jerusalem, discovered an ancient site
called Kh. Ddnian, in the mountains about t«9
miles K. of Sua en Ndkirah, south of Tyre, wliek
he proposes to identify with Dan-jaan (Van de
Velde, Memoir, 306); Major Conder (Hbk, to
Bible, p. 408) holds the same view. [G.] [W.]
DAN'NAH (lU^, depression, ton yrtwiiil,
G«8. ; B. 'Ptyyi ; Danna). A city in the moon-
tains of Judah (Josh. xv. 49), and according to
Dillmann* not yet identified. It is mentioned
with Debir and Socoh, and may perhspi l«
identified with Idhna (.\j^\), the Jedna ma-
tioned by Eusebius (OS.* p. 268, 30) as beiif
six miles from Eleutheropolis on the road to
Hebron. It lies S. of Wddy et-Afranj (PBF.
Jfim. iii. 305). [G.] [W.]
DAPH'NE (A<f^n»i Daphna\ a celebrated
grove and sanctuary of Apollo, near Antioch in
Syria [Antioch]. Its establishment, like that of
the city, was due to Seleucus Nicator. The dis-
tance b«tween the two places was about fin
miles, and in history they are associated most
intimately together. Just as Antioch was
frequently called 'A. M A<i^rp, and it «pit
tkiiprriv, so conversely we find I^phne entitled
A. r) lephs 'Arrtoxtlo" (Joseph. B. J. i. 12. § 5)-
The situation was of extreme natural besaty,
with perennial fonntains and abundant mod.
Seleucus localised here, and appropriated lo
himself and his family the fables of .\|wllo and
the river Penens and the nymph Daphne. Ben
he erected a magnificent temple and colooal
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DARA
ctatne of tbe god. The sacceeding Scleacid
mooardu, especially Aotiochas Epiphanes, em-
bellished the place still farther. Among other
honoars, it possessed the priTileges of an asjrlnm.
It is in this character that the place is men-
tioned in 2 Mace. It. 33. In the reign of An-
tiochas Epiphanes (B.C. 171) the aged and
patriotic high-priest Onias, having rebuked
Uenelsus for his sacrilege at Jerasalem, took
refuge at Daphne ; * whence he was treacberoosly
bronght ont, at the instance of Menelans, and
mnrdered by Andronicns, who was governor of
Antioch daring the king's absence on a cam-
paign. Josephus does not give this account of
the death of Onias (^Ant. zii. 5, § 1). When
Syria became Roman, Daphne continued to be
&mons as a place of pilgrimage and vice (see
Farrar's L^e of St. Paul [pop. ed.*], p. 163 sq.).
" Daphnici moret " was a proverb (see Gibbon's
Soman Empire, ch. xxiii.). The beginning of
the decay uf Daphne must be dated from the
time of Julian, when Christianity in the Empire
began to triumph over Heathenism. The site
has been well identified by Pococke and other
travellers at Beit el-Md, "the House of the
Water," on the left bank of the Orontes, to the
S.W. of Antioch, and on higher gi-onnd ; where
the fountains and the wild fragrant vegetation
are in harmony with all that we read of the
natural characteristics of Apollo's sanctuary
(Did. of Gr. and Bom. Geog., art. Daphne ;
Holler, De Ant. Antioohmis.) The Greek in-
scription of the date B.a 189 relating to the
worship of Apollo and Artemis at Daphne, and
referred to in the Amer. ed. of the D. B., has
been translated and published in the Joum. of
the Amaioan Oritntal Society, vi. 550-5 ; vii.
p-xUv. [J. S. H.] [W.]
DA'BA (Pl'n; BA. Aofi; Dora), 1 Ch. ii.
6. [Darda.]
DAB'DA (tn")"^ ; B. AapalU ; A. rhr Adpaa ;
Joieph. Aifitmot ; Dorda), a son of Hahol, one
of four men of great fame for their wisdom, bat
who were excelled by Solomon (1 K. iv. 31,
LXX. e. 27 ; Heb. v. 11). Ethan, the first of the
four, is called " the Ezrahite ; " bat it is un-
certain whether the designation extends to the
others. [Ethan.] In 1 Ch. ii. 6, however, the
same four names occur again as " sons of Zerah,"
of the great family of Pharez in the tribe of
Judah, with the slight difference that Darda
appears as Dara. The identity of these persons
with those in 1 K. iv. is still debated (see the
argument* on both sides in. the Speaier't Comm,
and in Strack n. Zitckler's Kwrzgef. JTomm.). In
favour of their identity : —
(1.) A great number of Hebr. MSS. read
Darda in Ch. (Davidson, Hebr. Text, p. 210), in
which they are followed by the Targum and the
Syriac and Arabic Versions. [Dara.]
(2.) The son of Zerah would be without difG-
culty called in Hebrew the Ezrahite, the change
depending merely on the position of a vowel-
point. [Ezrahite.] And farther, the change
is actually made by the Targum Jonathan, which
in Kings has *' sou of Zerah."
* According to Jewtsb tradition, some of the Jews led
into capUvltj were settled at Dipbne (/er. Tal. Skek.
tL«).
DARIUS
715
(3.) The word "son" is used in Hebrew so
ofiten to denote a descendant beyond the first
generation, that no stress can be laid on the
"son of Mahol," as compared with "son of
Zerah." For instance, of the five "sons of
Judah " in 1 Ch. iv. 1, the first was really
Judah's son, the second his grandson, the third
his great-grandson, and the fourth and fifth still
later descendants. Further, some conjecture
that " Bene Mahol " means " sons of the choir ; "
in which case the men in question were the
famous musicians, two of whom are named in
the titles to Pss. Ixxzviii. and Izxxix. [Mahol.]
It must, however, be added, that these argu-
ments do not command universal acceptance,
and it is best, with Riehm (ffWB. a. n. Heman)
to consider the identity uncertain. [G.] [F.]
DABIC (l^STIK; t^DSTI; only in pL
D'JiTJK. DytepiV, Talm.ften'l: xpwoOj;
solidtti, drachma : Ezra ii. 69, viii. 27 ; Neh.
viii. 70, 71, 72; 1 Ch. xxix. 7), a gold coin
current in Palestine after the return from Baby-
lon. That the Hebrew word is, at the time
mentioned, the name of a coin, although it may
have been originally that of a weight, is evident
from its identity with the Greek name of the
only Persian gold coin of the time, the AapfiK6t,
or (Trariip Aofxixcit. The origin of the word is
obscure. It has been derived in the Greek form
from the name of Darius Hystaspis, the first
Persian monarch known to have struck gold or
money of any metal. The name Darius however,
in Achaemenian Persian, D&ryava(h)ash, when
confronted with the Hebrew forms, forbids this
derivation (but cp. G. Hoffmann, Zeitsch.f, Aayrio-
logic, ii. 49 sq.). M. Oppert and M. V. Revillout
identify it with the Assyro-Babylonian TYX) ITI,
darag mana, " degree (i.e. X) of the mina " (ilnn.
deNum. 1884, p. 119; Head, Historia Nummorwn,
p. 698). Possibly the word is Aramaic This was
the usual language of the coins of the satraps, and
seems to have been that of commerce under the
Achaemenian kings, and even under the Assyrian
Sargonids. The Syriac form, ^in*^.«» was
used in the vulgar language in the time of
Barhebraeus, 13th century a.d., to designate
the current gold coin, the din&r of the Arabs
(Castell. Lex. Syr., ed. Uichaelis, s. v.").
The Daric weighs 130 grs. or the 60th of the
light Babylonian or Assyrian gold mina. It
appears that the Hebrew shekel of gold, which
seems to have been only a weight, was identical
with the Daric Thustheuseof the termin 1 Ch.
xxix. 7 proleptically would be accurate. The
usual type represents the King of Persia as an
archer (see illustration). The double Daric is
supposed to have been issued by Alexander after
the conquest of Asia. (On the whole subject,
see Head, op. cit. pp. 698 sqq.) [R. S. P.]
Oold Dujc (BrltUi Vninnn. AoUul da.)
DABI'US (t^J"!"1; Old Persian, Daraya-
uauah; Median, Taiiyamaui [=/>artyai«ituA] ;
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716
DABIUS
Babylonian, Dariamui [^= Dariawuah'], Daniya-
m«iu [=i)druydtn(sAu3, DirueHu, Dariui, JEC. ;
LXX. AapfMs; Xen. Hell. ii. 1, 9, AofKi-
tuos [Nothus] ; Strabo, xri. 785, i Aofii^inis :
Persian, \,\^, (.-^^.^tS), the name of several
kings of Persia and Media. Herodotus (vi. 98)
says that the name is equivalent to if^li\i, t.e.
" doer " or " driver." It has also been com-
pared with the Persian dar, " possessor," from
dashtan, "to possess," and dara or darah,
"liing." Three kings bearing this name are
mentioned in the 0. T.
1. Dabius the Mede 0"1Sn B^^"11, Dan.
li. 1, Chald. KHD 'T [JTrtAiJ], "riNTO "n
r/im], vi. 1 = V. 31X " the son of Ahasnerus
(= Xerxes) of the seed of the Medes," who
succeeded to the Babylonian kingdom after
Belshazzar's violent death [BeI;SMAzzas], being
then sixty-two years old (Dan. v. 31=vi. 1;
ii, 1). The iirst year only of his reign is men-
tioned (Dan. ix. 1 ; xi. 1), but it seems to have
been a very important one for Daniel and the
Jews, the prophet being advanced by Darius
the Mede to a very high dignity (Dan. vi. 1 sq.) ;
namely, that of " one " (R. V.) of the three
presidents which were placed over the hundred
and twenty satraps ; and Darius, after Daniel's
miracnlous deliverance, issued a decree enjoining
" reverence for the God of Daniel " throughout
his dominions.
Various attempts have been made to identify
Darius the Mede. He has been regarded as the
same as Darius Hystaspis ; or as Cyaxares II,,
" the son and successor of Astyages " (Josephns,
Ami. x. 11, § 4; Bertholdt ; Von Lengerke;
Auberlen, Daniel vmd d, Offcnbarumj, &c.);
or a< Astyages himself, the last king of the
Medes fWiner, SWB. s. v.; Niebuhr, Oesch.
Ass. u. Bab. pp. 45, 92). All these identifica-
tions, however, may be passed over, as they do
not agree with the history of the last days of
the native kings of Babylonia, as related in the
native chronicles.
In determining who Darius the Mede was, it
is needful to note certain of the more prominent
points as related or indicated in the Book of
Daniel. This ruler is there said to have "re-
ceived " (73P) the kingdom (cp. Dan. vii. 18,
where the saints of the Most High are said to
do the same thing), an expression which wouid
imply acting for another. It is also said that
Dariui the Mede appointed satraps throughout
the whole kingdom. His first year only is
mentioned, and at the end of the sixth chapter
of Daniel these words occur : " So this Daniel
prospered in the reign of Darius, and in the
reign of Cyrus the Persian." All these state-
ments, it is to be noted, agree fairly well with
what the Babylonian Chronicle relates of Cyrus's
general Gubryas. We there find that Gobryas
was governor of Gutium; that he descended,
with the army of Cyrus, to Babylon, on the
16th of Tammnz; that Cyrus arrived later (on
the 3rd of Marcheswan); and that Gobryas,
Cyrus's governor, appointed governors in Baby-
lon. Gobryas seems to have been concerned also
in the attack which resulted in Belshazzar's
death [Belshazzar]. It is evident from the
Babylonian Chronicle, that Gobryas was en-
dowed by Cyrus with great power — that he
DABIUS
was practically his viceroy. The Jewish writers
of late times therefore looked upon him as
being in the same position as Belshazzar, whom
they (thongh with better reason) also regarded
as king. As Gobryas preceded Cyrus, so he
may be regarded as having "received" the
kingdom on his behalf; and as, after Cjrss's
arrival, the latter immediately assumed the
reins of government, Gobryas could only have
been regarded as '* reigning " during a portion
of one year,' and the mention of Cyrus at the
end of the sixth chapter of Daniel is therefore
' quite natural. The substitution of " Darius the
Mede " for Gobryas of Gutium,'' probably rests
upon a confusion of names in the mind of the
Hebrew scribe, or it may arise from Gobryas
having borne the name of Darius as well. Con-
fusion on account of the likeness between the
two names is hardly possible, the Babylonian
form of the name Darius being Dariaicui (Heb.
Daryaatsh), and that of the name Gobryas
being l/gbaru and Ovbani : confusion woaU, in
fact, only be likely in the case that the scribe
was better acquainted with the Greek than with
the Babylonian forms of these two names.
Whether the name Darius, applied to the con-
queror of Babylon in Daniel, is due to the fact
that Darius Hystaspis conquered Babylon, is
doubtful. Darius Hystaspis was not a Mede,
but a Persian ; he was not the son of Xerxes,
but of Hystaspes; and he was not sixty-two
years old when he began to rule over Babylon,
but about thirty-three. Whatever confosian,
therefore, the Hebrew scribe may have nule
with regard to the name, there is hardly u;
doubt that he intended to describe Cyns't
general, Gobryas, under the name of Uaiitu
the Mede. (T. G. P.]
a. Darius, the son of Htstaspes (Fui-
tSspa). This ruler, the fifth in descent fnoi
Achaemenes (ffaihiimanish), was the founder of
the Persian dynasty, of which he calls himself
the ninth king, apparently regarding his gene-
alogy, "in a double line " (Behistun Inscription)
as follows : —
ACHAEVEVES
1. Telspes
I
2and3CynisL
4 and & Cambyses I,
6 and 7 Cyrus IL
I
8 and t Cambyses II.
Ariaramnes
Arsames
Darius.
Darins's father, grandfather, and great-gnsd-
father, however, were not really kings, but
only satraps— Hystaspes, Darias's father, hold-
ing that rank in Persis, and being, therefore,
really subject to his son, for whom he fought in
Partbia.
According to the popular legend (Herod. I
• It is passible, however, that this only Implies
Qobryas's early death or retirement. If we aoceft tbe
explanation bore proposed, "Darius the Mede" •«
already advanced In years when be took Bsbybrn (Dta.
V. 31).
<> It seems probable that Gntlum is anotba- dsb» for
Media, or the name of tbe tract in which Medit Uj.
Prof. Sayce, Berodotot, p. 3S;, makes Media (obetke
eastern boundary of tbis province.
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GooqIc
DABIUS
DAEIUS
717
209, 210), Dariui was already, when young,
marked out for empire, Cyrua having had a
dream concerning him indicating this. Darius
afterwards attended Cyrus's son and successor,
Cambyses, in Egypt aa one of his body-guard.
CpoQ the detection of the imposture of the
Magian Gomates (Bardes or Smerdis), who
seized the throne after Cambyses' death, Darius
went to Suss just as the conspiracy against the
usurper was being formed, and by his advice
ttie death of Gomates was resolved upon with-
out delay and accomplished." A monarchy
being decided upon by the Persian chiefs who
had taken part in the conspiracy, it was agreed
that be whose horse first greeted the rising sun
by neighing should be Icing. Darius's horse
having been the first to do this, his lucky pos-
sessur was proclaimed king B.C. 521.
The death of the Magian, however, did not by
asr means leave a cleai- field for the new ruler
of the vast Persian empire. First Babylonia,
under Nidintu-Bel and afterwards under Arakhu,
then Persia, Susia, Media, Aisyria, Egypt,
Parthia, Margiana, Sattagydia, and Scythia, in
torn fell away from him. With the help of his
faithful generals, however, all the pretenders —
nine in number — were at last disposed of, not
without much bloodshed and some cruelty on
the part of the conqueror. Nineteen battles
had to be fought ere Darius could say that " the
land wa« his." *
Having thus firmly seated himself on the
throne, and made the possession of it more sure
by marrying Cyrus's two daughters, Atossa and
Artyatone, Parmys, the daughter of Cyrus's
•on SmertUs, and Phaedime, daughter of Otanes,
one of the seven who had conspired with him to
murder the usurper Gomates, he began to set
the afiairs of the empire in order. He first
divided the land owning his sway into twenty
satrapies, assigning to each a certain amount.
The successes of Cambyses in Africa were to
be followed, during the reign of Darius, by
Persian conquests in Europe. The way for this
had already been paved by the death of Poly-
crates at the hands of Oroctcs ; for Polycrates,
at the head of the great naval power which he
had created, could easily have contested with
Persia the possession of the Aegean. Meandrios,
his successor, who had taken possession of the
throne, was ousted in consequence of treachery
by Otanes ; and Syloson, tyrant of Samos, who
had been banished by Polycrates, was restored.
Through this, Byzantium and Thracian Cherso-
nesns were subjugated. Darius now determined
to extend his conquests as far as the Danube ;
his object being, according to Herodotus, to
avenge the incursions made by the Scythians in
the time of Cysiares. It is more probable,
however, that this expedition was undertaken
•imply from lust of conquest.
Mandroclei was commanded, therefore, to
build a bridge across the Bosphorus; and this
was done to the satisfaction of Darius,* who
• At Slkayauvatlsh, in the province of Niaiya (In
Media).
' A favonrtte ezprenton of Darius In the Behlstun
InacrifAloD Is, " After that the Land was mine."
« Mandroclea, to commemorat'' his work, caused a
picture to be drdlcated to Hera of Samos. This can-
stated of a npreaeutation of the bridne, the army
crossed with his army (B.C. 513), whilst the
fleet of the Greeks, acting in concert, sailed to
the Danube. Meanwhile, the land army
marched away from the coast, meeting with no
resistance until they passed the heights of the
Balkans. After the whole army had crossed the
Danube, Darius wished to destroy the bridge ;
but as he was advised by Coes not to do so, it wag
allowed to remain. Darius's army being unable
to bring the Scolati, the chief tribe concerned,
to an engagement, and deciding to retreat, got
away unobserved by the enemy by the ruse of
leaving the camp, with the sick and the beasts
of burthen, by night. Returning to the bridge,
Darius found that a part only had been taken
away by the Greeks. This having been restored,
the army safely reached the eastern shore.
Darius is said to have lost 80,000 men on this
expedition (Ctesias). Some of the Greek cities,
including Byzantium, having rebelled, Dariua
allowed part of his army, under Megalysus, to
remain on the European shore for the purpose
of reducing them again to subjection. Otanes
besieged those on the Asiatic shore, and captured
Chalcedon and Byzantium, whose exiles after-
wards founded Mesenibria.
Bactria, Arachosia, Asia Minor, and Egypt
remained loyal at a time when Semites and
Aryans, including even his own people, the
Persians, felt away from him ; and for Darius to
have kept Egypt faithful says much for the
policy of the Persian rulers, who, taking care to
respect the religion of subject nations, won not
only their confidence, but also their sympathy.
Such was Darius's policy, and for this reason he
was so highly honoured by the Egyptians that
they afl'ected to consider him, even in his life-
time, as a god. From the valley of the I^ile,
therefore, in the autumn of the year in which
he had marched to the Danube, a second Persian
expedition set out, army and fleet, to extend
the Persian rule on the north coast of Africa.
This expedition was directed against the Libyans
and other tribes in the neighbourhood who had
agreed to pay tribute to Cambyses. A pretext
to attack these was found in the person of
Pheretina of Barca, whose son, " in return for
fidelity to Persia," had been slain by some of his
own subjects, who alleged that be had treated
them cruelly. The army which set out from
Memphis was commanded by a Persian named
Amasis, who invested Barca, but met with a
vigorous resistance. The city was at la.it only
taken by a ruse, and a number of prisoners fell
into the hands of the Persians, by whom they
were carried to Bactria, where they founded
a city, to which they gave the name of Barca,
and which still existed in Herodotus's time.
Monuments and inscriptions prove that much
more than this solitary city was subdued by
the army of Darius; indeed, the region sub-
jected must have included the tract as far as
the oases on the northern edge of the desert.
The inscription of the tomb of Darius, Naksh-i-
Rustem, quotes among the nations who were
his subjects the Butiya (Put = Libyans), the
Machiya (Maiyes?), and Kushiya (Cushites or
Ethiopians).
Whilst the Persian army was marching west-
crossing it, Darius on his throne, 'and a dedicatory
inscription.
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ri8
DARIUS
wards nloDg the southern coast of the Mediter-
ninean, Megabyzus was moTing in the same
direction along the northern shore (u.c. 512).
PerinthTU and the cities on the northern shore
of the Fropontis were reduced and punished,
and Herodotus says that Darius gave orders for
the reduction of Thrace, which was done. The
Paeonians were aUo made to submit, and many
other cities of the Greeks on this coast became
subjects of Darius.
Marching on, Megabyzus tried to get the
Macedonians to submit, and they agreed to do
so. The Persian envoys, however, Jiaring tried,
in their cups, to outrage the women of the
royal house, were at once cut down. Megabyzus,
finding that they did not return, sent his son
Bnbares with a force, but an arrangement was
come to by which the daughter of Amyntas,
king of Macedonia, was given in marriage to
Bubares, and a large sum paid as a kind of com-
DARIUS
pensation. Otanes completed the sabjection of
the rebellious Greeks on the south of the straits.
After the expedition across the Danube, Daiios
intended to carry his conquests to the west of
Eurojje, Hellas being the conquest for wliicii
Megabyzus and Otanes were preparing the way.
To this end, being unable to trust the Greeiu,
he sent fifteen Persians to examine the coasts of
Greece, accompanied by Democedes, his Greek
physician. Having made a kind of map of tlu
coast, they went from Hellas to lower Italy ; and
at Tarentum Democedes succeeded in escaping,
and reached Crotana, his native place, whoee
inhabitants refused to give him np. The
Persians were afterwards driven to lapygii,
where they were captured and enslaved, bat
were ransomed by Gillus. The main object,
however, was attained, Persians having been
made acquainted with the coast of Greece. In
the expedition which followed, the forces of
T^mli or I>tirlin.
Darins had at first some success, but the army
which he sent was apparently not numerous
enough for such an undertaking as the conquest
of Greece, and the final result was the complete
defeat of the Persians at the battle of Marathon.
Being, however, of opinion that he could subdue
the country, he called out the whole force of his
empire. For three years preparations were
made, at the end of which time a rebellion
occurred in Egypt. Darius only redoubled his
ardour, resolving to reduce both Greece and
Egypt to subjection at the same time. A fresh
complication, however, arose, in a dispute
between his two sons, Ariabignes and Xerxes, as
to which should be his successor. After having
designated the latter as the future king of
Persia, he hastened to set his troops in motion,
but died before anything in the way of conquest
was done either in Egypt or Greece, after a reign
of thirty-six years, according to Herodotus — a
length of time which the contract-tablets ef
Babylonia indicate as being correct — against the
thirty-one years mentioned by Ctesias (B.C. 484).
The perseverance of Darius had succeeded in
re-establishing and extending the kingdom of
Cyrus. On the W. he had reached Mount
Olympus and the great Syrtis; on the E. he
had reached the Indus ; on the N., the Cancasu
and Jaxartes ; on the S., Arabia and the negroei
above Nubia. To this vast empire, whidi
e.^ceeded in extent that of the Assyrians, he eet
himself to give a regular administration. Tri-
bute came to Persia from every side, and the
Persinns were proud of their state and king, iht
more especially so that they were not only btt
from taxes, but were entitl«l, at certain perioli,
to largess from the king, and were thu n-
warded for their help in governing. In sc-
cordance with the policy of the Persian Idogs,
subject nations were not interfered with oor«
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DAEIUS
than was necessary, and thU explains the
general contentment, not only of li^gypt, bat
aico, xfter the suppression of the rebellions in
the provinces, of all the other dependants of the
empire. The creation of really good roads, the
formation of posts to and from all parts of the
empire by means of relays of horses and riders,
and the creation of a uniform currency, are
among the acts of Darius's wise reign. The
splendid palace at Persepolis, and the inscription
at Behistun, with its three versions of his
suppression of the revolts in the provinces and
its elaborate sculptures, are probably among
the most noteworthy mementoes of his reign.
Daring the reign of Darins the Jews prospered
(s they had done under Cyrus, whom they had
welcomed as their deliverer, and who had given
them permission to rebuild the Temple at Jeru-
salem (Ezra i. Isq.). This permission, withdrawn
by Artaierxes (Ezra iv. 17 sq.), was renewed by
Ihuins in his second year, B.C. 519, when it came
to the king's knowledge that the work had been
resumed by the encouragement of Haggai and
Zechariah (Hag. i. 1, ii. 1, 10 ; Ezra v. 1 sq.).
The Temple was finished in four years (Ezra vi.
15), though it was apparently used before that
time (Zech. vii. 1). Cp. the English translation
of Duncker, history of Antiquity, vol, vi., and
the translations of the Behistnn Inscription in
the Rtcords of the Past (1st edit.X vols. i. and
vii., and in Weisbach's Achimenidiminschriften,
Zweiter AH (Leipzig, 1890). [T. G. P.]
DABKNESS
719
B«bbttui IiiKrililloii.
8. Parics the Persian (Neh. lii. 22,
*p"lSn "1) may be identified with Darius 'II.
Nothns (Ochu.s), king of Persia ac. 424-3 —
405-4, if the whole passage in question was
written by Kehemiah. if, however, the register
of the Lerites as the " recorded chiefs of the
fathers " was continued to a later time, as is
at present the general opinion, the occnrrence of
the name Jaddua (t». 11, 22), who was high-
priest at the time of the invasion of Alexander
[Alexandkr], points to Darius III. Codomannus,
the antaifonist ol' Alexander, son of Philip. This
ruler, tlie la^t king of Persia, was raised to the
throne alter the murder of Arses, B.C. 336, and was
overthrown by Aleianler, B.C. 330. In 1 Mace,
i. I, he ■:> cnlled "kmg of the Persians and the
Medes." He was a mild ruler and of excellent
character. Cp. Jahn, ArchSot. ii. 1, 272 sq. ; Keil,
BM. Coram., 'Chrnnik . . . Nehemia,' &c., p. 495,
who defends at length the identification with
Nothus. [XEiiEJiiAii.] [B. F. W.] [T. G. P.]
4. Dabics (XA. tutplos, T.' -CI- ; Arius), a.
misreading for Arens, of the Lacedaemoniani
(1 Mace. xii. 7. Speaker's Comm. in loc.). [F.]
DARKNESS (TJ^^'n, fem. form nSETI, and
with much variation in the vowel-points;
ffKiros) is spoken of as encompassing the actual
Presence of God, as that out of which He
speaks ; the envelope, as it were, of Divine glory
(Ex. XX. 21 ; 1 K. viii. 12). The cloud symbol
of His guidance offered an aspect of darkness to
the enemy as of light to the people of Israel.
In the description of His coming to judgment,
darkness overspreading nature and blotting the
sun, &c, is constantly included (Is. xiii. 9, 10 ;
Joel iL 31, iii. 15; Matt. xxiv. 29; Hark xiii.
24 ; Luke xxl. 25 ; Rev. vi. 12).
The plague of darkness in Egypt has been
ascribed by various neologistic commentators to
non-miraculous agency, but no sufiicient account
of its Intense degree, long duration, and limited
area, as proceeding from any physical cause, baa
been given. The darkness iwl nirav r^y yijr
of Matt, xxvii. 45 attending the Crucifixion has
been similarly attributed to an eclipse. Phlegon
of Tralles indeed mentions an eclipse of intense
darkness, and which began at noon, combined,
he says, in Bithynia, with an earthquake, which
in the uncertain state of our chronology (see
Clinton's Fasti Somaiu, Olymp. 202) more or
less nearly synchronises with the event. Nor
was the account one without reception in the
early Church. See the testimonies to that
effect collected by Whiston (^Testimony of
Phkgon vindicated, Lond. 1732). Origen, how-
ever, ad toe. (Latin commentary on St. Matt.),
denies the possibility of such a cause, arguing
that by the fixed Paschal reckoning the moon
must have been about full, and denying that
Luke xxiii. 45 by the words icKortaeii i ^JAiot'
means to allege that fact as the cause. The
genuineness of this commentary has been im-
peached, nor is its tenor consistent with Origen
adv. Cels. p. 80 ; but the argument, unless on
such an assumption as that mentioned below,
seems decisive, and has ever since been adhered
to. He limits irao'cu' t^v yrir to Judaea. Dean
Alford (in loco), though without stating bis
reason, prefers the wider interpretation of all
the earth's surface on which it would naturally
have been day. That Phlegon's darkness, per>
ceived so intense in Tralles and Bithynia, was
felt in Judaea, is highly probable ; and the
Evangelist's testimony to similar phenomena of
a coincident darkness and earthquake, taken in
connexion with the near agreement of time,
gives a probability to the supposition that the
former s|)eaks of the same circumstances as the
latter. Wieseler(CAron. Synop. p. 388) however,
and De Wette {Cotnm. on Matt.X consider the
year of Phlegon's eclipse an impossible one for
the Crucifiiion, and reject that explanation of
the darkness (see Edersheim, The Life and Time$
of Jesus the Messiih, ii. 603). The argument
from the duration (3 hours) is also of great
force ; for an eclipse seldom lasts in great in-
tensity more than 6 minutes. On the other
hand, Seyffarth (Chronolog. Sarr. p. 58, 9) main-
tains that the Jewish calendar, owing to their
• The reading now generally adopted to rotS ^^I'ov
cxAciroi^ot. B. V. ■■ Uie sun's light EslUog." [F.]
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DABKON
DAVID
fullowing the sun, had become so far out that
the moon might possibly have been at new;
and thus, admitting the year as a possible
epoch, revives the argument for the eclipse as
the cause. He however views this rather as a
natural basis than as a full account of the dark-
ness, which in its degree at Jerusalem was still
preternatural (ib. p. 138). The pamphlet of
Whiston above quoted, and two by Dr. Sykes,
Dissertation on the Eclipse numtioneii by Phtegon,
and Defence of same, Lond. 1733 and 1734, may
be consulted as regards the statement of
Phlegon.
Darkness is also, as in the expression " land of
darkness," used for the state of the dead (Job
X. 21, 22); and frequently figuratively, for
ignorance and unbelief, as the privation of
spiritual light (John i. 5 ; iii. 19). [H. H.]
DAR'KON (lip'1'1; LafK^v, Aofuttir; Der-
oon). Children of Darkon were among the
"servants of Solomon," who returned from
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. SO ; Neh. vii.
58). [LOZON.] [W. A. W.]
DART. [Arms.]
DATES. A. V. margin of 2 Ch. xxxi. 5
only. [Palm Teee.] Id text, A. V. and R. V.
" honey."
DA'THAK (}n^ of uncertain etymology,
cp. Ges. T/ies. on the one hand, and Olshausen,
Lehrb. d. Heb. Sprache, §§ 215, 220, on the other ;
AoBdy ; Dathan), a Reubeaite chieftain, son of
Eliab, who joined the conspiracy of Konfh the
Levite (Num. ivi. 1, xxvi. 9 ; Deut. xi. 6 ;
Ps. cvi. 17). [R. W. B.] [F.]
DA'THEMA (T.' Aidetna ; A. and Josephus,
AdSfiut ; K. AaScu/td ; Dathcma), a fortress (t^
oxifitM ; Jos. (ppoipioy) in which the Jews of
Oilead took refuge from the heathen (1 Mace. v.
9). Here they were relieved by Judas and
Jonathan (n. 24), who, after the capture of
Bosora, BusraA, made a night march (r. 29 ; cp.
Josephus, Ant. xii. 8, § 3) and reached Dathema
as Timotheus, the heathen general, was ad-
vancing to the assault (m. 30-34). The read-
ing of the Peshitto, Sarntha, points to one of
the Ramoths of Gilead, and a suitable site would
be Remtheh, on the Haj road, about 25 miles
W. of Busrah. Ewald however (iv. 359, note)
would correct this to Damtha, which he com-
pares with Dhcani or Ddineh in the Lejah, but
this place is much too far from Busrah, and the
same remark applies to Ramoth-Oilead, with
which it has been identified. [G.] [W.]
DAUGHTER {Bath, n3, contr. from TIM,
fem. of 13; eiryar^p; filia). 1. The word is
used in Scripture not only for daughter, but for
grand-daughter or other female descendant,
much in the same way and with like extent as
]3, son (Gen. xxiv. 48, xxxi. 43). [See Chil-
dren; Education; Women.]
2. In a kindred sense the female inhabitants
of a place, a country, or the females of a parti-
cular race, are called " daughters " (Gen. vi. 2,
xxvii. 46, xxviii. 6, xxxvi. 2 ; Num. xxv. 1 ;
Deut. ixiii. 17 ; Is. iii. 16 ; Jer. ilvi. 11, ilix.
2, 3, 4 ; Luke xxiii. 28).
3. Women in general (Prov. ixii. 29).
4. Those addicted to particular fonni of
idolatrous worship (1 Sam. i. 16 ; Mat. iL 11).
5. The same notion of descent explains tb(
phrase " daughters of music," i.c. singing binls
(Eccles. xii. 4), and the use of the word for
branches of a tree (Gen. ilix. 22), the pupil <>f
the eye, mfpi) (Lam. ii. 18; Pe. xvii. 8), aadtlK
expression " daughter of ninety years," to deooU
the age of Sarah (Gen. xvii. 17).
6. It is also used of cities in general, sgree-
ably to their very common personification is
belonging to the female sex (Is. x. 32, ixiiL 12,
xxxvii. 22, xlviu 1, Iii. 2 ; Jer. vi. 2, 26, ix. 1,
xxxi. 4, xlvi. 11, 24, xlviii. 18, U. 33; Nih.iu.
4, 7 ; Zech. ix. 9 ; Ezek. xvi. 3, 44, 48, xxiii. 4)
7. But more specifically of dependent town
or hamlets, while to the principal city the oo-
relative "mother" is applied (Num. xiL 2o;
Josh. x»ii. 11, 16; Judg. i. 27; 1 Ch. vii. 28;
2 Sam. XI. 19).
tfazerim is the word most commonly em-
ployed for the "villages" lying round, snl
dependent on, a " city " (/r ; TB). But in ons
place Bath is used as if for something inter-
mediate, in the case of the Philistine citiei
Kkron, Ashdod, and Gaza (Josh. xv. 45-7^
" her towns [R. V. marg., Heb. daughters'] and
her villages. Without this distinction froa
Haterim, the word is also employed for Philis-
tine towns in 1 Ch. xviii. 1 — Gath ; 2 Ch. xxriii.
18 — Shocho, Timnath, and Girazo. In Neh. li.
25-31, the two terms are employed altematclf,
and to all appearance quite indiscriminstel}'.
[Village.] [H. W. P.]
DA'VID (in. t>X^=beloved;' LXX. A<w3;
N. T. Aafilt, Aai/j(8),'the son of Jesse, is tie
best known to us of any of the characters in th«
0. T. In his case, as in that of St. Panl in tke
N. T., we have the advantage of comptiinj; «
detailed narrative of his life with nndonbtri
works of his own composition, and the combiwl
result is a knowledge of his personal cbatact«r,
such as we probably possess of no historical
personage before the Christian era, with tie
exception of Cicero, and perhaps of Caesar.
The authorities for the life of David may be
divided into six classes : —
I. The original Hebrew authorities :—
1. The Davidic portion of the Psalms,' in-
cluding such fragments as are presemd
to us from other sources, viz. 2 San.
• The shorter form Is used everywhere In tbe eirJI*
Books; indeed, everywhere except in 1 K. Ui. !<, sot 1°
Ch., Ezra, Neb., Cant., Uosea, Amoe, Esdc. znlv.B
[cp. Baer tn loco, Heb. n. 2<], and Zech., In which the
longer form is fonnd. Kenan (" Des Noms Ttafophom
Apocop«^" In RBJ. No. 10 [I88J1, pp. !««-») givM "•
signification as "le Favor! de Lul." Tbe Arabic Cm
of the name, in cummon nse, is Daooi. tCp- the im'
Dudn, a CaoaaniUah name found on tbe tsMrtscf Td-
el-Amaraa iRemrit of the Past, N.S. IL M, «).-F.l
* In qnotlng the Psalms in connexion with Ihe
history, Dean Stanley was guided partly by tbe Htla (»
expressing the Jewish traditions), partly by the tolaial
evidence, as verified by tbe Judgment of tbe Hetnv
scbolan of his day (see hte BUt. qf the .ranakClvi*.
pref. to Lect. xxU.). Opinions, sametlmes t|n<**
sometimes disagreeing with thom of the Desa. •^ be
fonnd In the conmientarias of Delltach and JVri>nie,
but not In Cheyne, Oritin, it., of (A< Psottir.— F.
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3.
DAVID
I. 19-27, iii. 33, 34, xii. 1-51, xiiii. 1-7.
(T8AIJI8.]
. The " Chronicles " or " State-papers " of
David (1 Ch. xxrii. 24), aid the original
biographies of David bv Samnel, Gad, and
Nathan (1 Ch. zxiz. 29). These are
lost, bnt portions of them no donbt are
preserved in
The narrative of 1 Sam. zvi. to 1 E. ii.
10 ; with the snpplementarf notices con-
tained in 1 Ch. xi. 1 to xxiz. 30.
II. The two slight notices in the heathen his-
torians, Nicolaus of Damascus in his Vniteraat
Hiftory (Jos. Ant. vii. 5, § 2), and Enpolemus in
hia History of the £mga of Judah (Ens. Praep.
Ev. Ix. 30).
III. David's apocTTphal writings, contained in
Fabricios, Cedtx Apocrypha Y. Test. pp. 906-
1006. (1) Ps. cli., on his victory over Goliath.
(2) Colloquies with God, on madness, on his
temptation, and on the building of the Temple.
(3) A oharm against fire. Of these the first
alone deserve* any attention.
IV. The Jewish traditions, which may be
divided into three classes '.—
1. The additions to the Biblical narrative
contained in Joeephos, A«t. vi. 8 — vii. 15.
2. The Hebrew traditions preserved in
Jerome's Qwusticnes Hel>raicae m lAbros
Segmn et ParaUpomerum (vol. iii., Venice
•d.).
3. The Rabbinical traditions reported in
Basnage, JSst. des Juifs, lib. v. c 2 ;
Calmet's DicUanary (David); Ham-
burger, SB.' " David."
V. The Mnssnlman traditions, chiefly remark-
(MUL L S> or Balmall
(Bnlh Iv. a,
1 Ch. U. 11)
DAVID
721
I
= Bath = IbUon
I (Bstli It. 10)
ObM (BdUi It. 17)
able for their extravagance, are contained in the
Koran, ii. 250-252, xxxviii. 20-24, xxi. 79-82,
xxii. 15, and explained in Lane's Sekctionsfrom
the Koran, pp. 228-242 ; or amplified in Weil's
Legends, Eng. Tr. pp. 152-170.
VI. In modem times his life has been often
treated, both in separate treatises and in his-
tories of Israel. Winer's article on David refers
to monographs on almost every point in his life.
In English, a well-known work is Dr. Chandler's
Life, written in the last century; in French,
De Choisi's, and that in Bayle's Dictionary.
A recent and excellent treatment is that
in Ewald's Oetchic/tie des Voltes Israel, iii.
71-267. To these may be added the pages in
Oritz, OetCh. d. Jaden, i. ; the Lectures (xxii.-
iv.) in Stanley's Bist. of the Jewish Church ; the
articles and reff. in Herzog's,* Riehm's, and
Weltxer n. Welte's* Dictionaries; C. Eingsley,
Dmid ; W. J. Deane's David, his Life and Times
(« Men of the Bible " series); and Edersheim,
iible History, vol. ii.
Hb life may b« divided into three portions,
more or less corresponding to the three old lost
biographies by Samuel, Gad, and Kathan: —
I. His youth before his introduction to the court of
Saul. II. His relations with Saul. 111. His reign.
I. The early life of David contains in many
important respects the antecedents of his future
career.
1. Unlike most of the characters of the Scrip-
tures, his fiimily are well known to ns by name,
and are not without bearing on his subsequent
career. They may best be seen in the form of a
genealogy,
(Bmhll)
Oithh
fT^Hirtii
I
CSSUL wit t5)!JthMhslxii>aawasJ<w>
ZtnUt
O Ch. 11. IS;
l<M.JmLiU.
10.
1.
aCh.iiTU.3!)?
>.k»
= JMhB=Im??
(1 Ch. IL (JeroBM^
ITiIUns, 0«. V>i.
1 Smd. od 1 Ch.
nlLSS) iLW)
Atkhalloab
AaLl
Kuab
niha
ach.
IITU.1S)
X
AUnadah Shsmm^ KMhanMl
ach. jiTii.7)
BtfbobcNun
(2 Ch. iL It)
(3 Sua.
ULU)
<18aai. nL SI.
ICh. iirlLSDI
(Suhann
J<r. (M. Btb.
oalfiAm. xtL U)
JoiudAb
(3 Said.
siilS)
BaJiUi
Joi. 4>1.
rt.8,U!
Bd.KmU)
Joel??
(Jerona,
««. HA
OB 1 Ch.
ILS7)
Owm one DAVID
(AauQ, la not
Joa. AmL KiTaa,
•1.8, tD luilm
Eliha
(Syr. aud
AnUiL
1 Ch. U. IS)
I
It thus appears that David was the yoongest
•on, probably the youngest child, of a fiimily of
ten. His mother's name is nnknown. His
iatlMT, Jesse, was of a great age when David
was still young (1 Sam. ivii. 12). His parenta
both lived till after his final rnpture with Saul
(1 Sam. xxii. 3). Through them David inherited
several pointa which he never lost, (a) His
connexion with Moab through his great-grand-
mother Ruth. This he kept up when he escaped
to Hoab and entrusted his aged parenta to the
care of the king (1 Sam. xxii. 3), and it may not
have been without ita use in keeping open a
wider view in his mind and history than if he
had been of purely Jewish descent. Such is
BIBLE DICr. — VOL. L
probably the design of the express mention of
Ruth in the genealogy in Matt i. 5.
(b) His birthplace, Bbthlehem. His recol-
lection of the well of Bethlehem is one of the
most touching inddenta of his later life(I Ch. xi.
17). From the territory of Bethlehem, as from
his own patrimony, he gave a property as a
reward to Chimham, son of Barzillai (2 Sam. xix.
37, 38 ; Jer. xli. 17); and it is this connexion of
David with Bethlehem that brought the place
again in later times into unirersiu £une, when
Joseph went up to Bethlehem, " because he was
of the house and lineage of David " (Luke ii. 4).
(c) His general connexion With the tribe :of
Jndah. In none of the tribes .does the tribal
3 A
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DAVID
feeling appear to hare been stronger; and it
most be borne in mind thronghont the story
both of his security amongst the hills of Judah
daring his flight from Saol, and of the early
period of his reign at Hebron ; as well as of the
jealousy of the tribe at having lost their exclosiTe
possession of him, which broke oat in the rerolt
of Absalom.
(d) His relations to Zeraiah and AbigaiL
ThoQgh called in 1 Ch. ii. 16, sisters of David,
they are not expressly called the daaghten of
Jesse ; and Abigail, in 2 Sam. zrii. 25, is called
the daughter of Nahash. Is it too much to
suppose that David's mother had been the wife
or concubine * of Nahash, and then married by
Jesse ? This would agree with the difference of
age between David and his sisters, and also (if
Nahash was the same as the king of Ammon)
with the kindnesses which David received first
from Nahash (2 Sam. z. 2), and then from Shobi,
son of Nahash (xvit 27).
2. As the youngest of the family he may pos-
sibly have received from his parents the name,
which first appears in him, of David, the Moved,
the darling. But, perhap* for this same reason,
he was never intimate with his brethren. The
eldest brother, who alone is mentioned in con-
nexion with him, and who was afterwards made
by him head of the tribe of Judah (1 Ch. xxvii.
18X treated him scornfully and imperiously
(1 Sam. xvii. 28), as the eldest brothers of large
families are apt to do; his command was re-
garded in the family as law (zx. 29) ; and the
father looked upon the youngest son as hardly
one of the family at all (xvL 11), and as a mere
attendant on the rest (xvii. 17). The familiaritr
which he lost with his brothers, he gained with
his nephews. The three sons of his sister Zerniah,
and the one son of his sister Abigail, seemingly
from the fact that their mothers were the eldest
of the whole family, were probably of the same
age as David himself, and they accordingly were
to him — especially the three sons of Zeraiah —
throughout life in the relation usually occupied
by brothers and cousins. In them we see the
rougher qualities of the family, which David
shared with them, whilst he was distinguished
from them by qualities of his own, peculiar to
himself. The two sons of his brother Shimeah
are both connected with his after-history, and
both celebrated for the gift of sagacity in which
David himself excelled. One was Jouadab, the
friend and adviser of his eldest son Amnon
(2 Sam. xiii. 3). The other was Jonathan
(2 Sam. xxi. 21), who afterwards became the
counsellor of David himself (1 Ch. xxvii. 32).
It is a conjecture or tradition of the Jews pre-
served by Jerome (Qu. ff^. on 1 Sam. xvii. 12)
that this was no other than Nathan the prophet
who, being adapted into Jesse's family, makes up
the eighth son, not named in 1 Ch. ii. 13-15.
Bat this is hardly probable.
• The later Rabbis represent him ss bom In adnlteiy.
This Is probably a coane inference from Ps. U. 6 ; but It
nuy possibly have reference to a tradition of the above.
On the other band, In the earlier Babble we have an
attempt at ■■ Immaculate conception." They make
Mahufa — " the serpent "—to be soother name of Jesae,
because he bad no sin except that which he contracted
&om the original serpent; and thns David Inherited
none (.Jerome, Qu. BA. in 2 Sam. zviL 26).
DAVID
The first time that David appears in histoi;
at once admits us to the whole familr ciidt.
There was a practice once a year at BetUehcn,
probably at the first new moon of the year, of
holding a sacrificial feast, at which Jeue, u the
chief proprietor of the place, would pngdt
(1 Sam. XX. 6), with the elders of the Un.
At this or such like feast (xvi. 1) tnddeilv
appeared the great prophet Samnel, dririn; t
heifer before him, and having in his band > hon
of the consecrated oil ' of the Tabernacle. T!x
elders of the little town were terrified at tUs
apparition, but were reassured by the aajiut
visitor, and invited by him to the ceremoiy of
sacrificing the heifer. The heifer was kiUel.
The party were waiting to begin the (nst
Samuel stood with his horn to pour forth tie
oil, as if for an invitation to begin (cp. ii. 22).
He was restrained by Divine intimation as sis
after son passed by. Eliab, the eldest, by " hi)
height" and "his countenance," seemed ti;
natural counterpart of Saul, whose riral, id-
known to them, the prophet came to leltcl
But the day was gone when kings were chose
because they were head and shoulden tallo
than the rest. ** Samuel said unto Je3s^ An
these all thy children ? And he said. Then
remaineth yet the youngest, and behoU hi
keepeth the sheep."
This is our first and most characteristic iatie-
duction to the fVitnre king. The boy was brooch',
in. We are enabled to fix his appearance at osa
in our minds. He was of short statnre, thas
contrasting with his tall brother Eliab, with Li)
rival Saul, and with his gigantic enemy of (jath.
He had red * or aubam hair, such as is net as-
frequently seen in his countrymen of the Em
at the present day. In later life he w<fe >
beard.' His bright eyes* are especially nw-
tioned (xvi. 12), and generally he was remarkable
for the grace of his figure and countenance {^it^
of eyes,'' "comely," "goodly," xvi. 12, 18, ini-
42), well made, and of immense stren^h t>i
agility. His swiftness and activity made hia
(like his nephew Aaahel) like a wild gazelle, hu
feet like harts' feet, and his arms strong <ooe|h
to break a bow of steel (Pa zriii. 33, Vt\
He was pursuing the occupation — tliat <f th«
shepherd — allotted in Eastern countries usnallj
to the slaves, the females, or the despised oi
the family (cp. the case of Moms, of Jacoh, of
Zipporah, and Rachel, and, in later times, of
Mahomet; Sprenger, p. 8). The pastnm <*
Bethlehem are famous throughont the auni
history. The Tower of Shepherd's (Gen. in*-
21. Cp. Edersheim, The Life a>id Timet of J"^
the Messiah, i. 186), the shepherds abUinj witk
their flocks by night (Lake ii.), were both there.
He usually carried a switch ur wand' inhisbaal
(1 Sam. xvii. 40X such as would be used for his
dogs (zvii. 43), and a scrip or wallet round hi)
* •• The oil ; " so Joseph. AnL v1. », { I.
• 1 Sam. xvi. 12, xvii. 41. HaMj = nUaiitii
wp^airqf , LXX. ; n^ui, Vulg. : the same word as f«
Esau, Oen. izv. 24. The RabbU (probably boa i»i>)
say that he was like Esan. Joaephas (,AtU. rt \ »
makes it his tawny complexion Htui^ r^r zp**)*
t I Sam. xxi. IS.
« "Fierce, quick;" Yory^ tw« *+•« (Josq*. •<"*•
vl. 8, 1 1).
k The ssme word u Is used In Gen. xzx. », Ja-
1. 11, Hoe. iv. 12.
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DAVID
ueck, to carry anything that was needed for bis
shepherd's life (zrii. 40). Such was the outer
life of David when (as the later Psalmists
described his call) he was " taken from the
sheepfolds, from following the ewes great with
yooug, to feed Israel according to the integrity
of his heart, and to goide them by the skilful-
ness of his hands" (Ps. Iiiviii. 70-72). The
recollection ' of the sudden and great elevation
from this humble station is deeply impressed
on his after-life. " The man who was raised up
on high " (2 Sam. xiiii. 1) — " I hare exalted one
chosen ont of the people" (Ps. lixxiz. 19) — " I
took thee from the sbeepcote " (2 Sam. vii. 8).
3. Bat there was another preparation still
more needed for his office, which possibly had
made him already known to Samuel, and which
at any rate is his next introduction to the history.
When the body-guard of Saul were discussing
with their master where the best minstrel could
be found to chase away his madness by music,
one of the young men in the guard suggested
David. Saul, with the absolute control inherent
in the idea of an Oriental king, instantly sent
for him, and in the successful effort of David's
harp we have the first glimpse into that genius
for music and poetry which was afterwards
consecrated in the Psalms. It is impossible not
to connect the ea^Iy display of this gift with the
schools of the prophets, who exercised their
vocation with tabret, psaltery, pipe, and harp
(1 Sam. X. 5), in the pastures (^SaiotA ; cp. Ps.
xxiii. 2), to which he afterwards returned as to
his natural home (1 Sam. xix. 18)>
Whether any of the existing Psalms can be
referred to this epoch of David's life is uncertain.
The 23rd, from its subject of the shepherd, and
from its extreme simplicity (though placed by
Ewald somewhat later), may well have been
suggested by this time. The 8th, 19th, and
29th,' which are universally recognised as David's,
describe the phenomena of nature, and as such
may more naturally be referred to this tranquil
period of his life than to any other. The imagery
of danger from wild beasts, lions, wild bulls, jic.
(Ps. vii. 2 ; xziL 20, 21), most be reminiscences
. of this time. And now, at any rate, he most
have first acquired the art which gave him one
of his chief claims to mention in after-times —
" the sweet singer of Israel " (2 Sam. xxiii. 1),
" the inventor of instruments of music " (Amos
Ti. 5) ; " with his whole heart he sung songs and
loved him that made him " (Ecdns. uvii. 8).'
4. One incident alone of his solitary shepherd
life has come down to us — his conflict with the
lion and the bear in defence of his father's flocks
(1 Sam. xvii. 34, 35). But it did not stand
DAVID
723
> It Is useless to specnlste on the extent to which his
miflsJoo wBS known to himself or to others. Joeephus
I Ant. vl. 8, f 1) ssTs that Samuel whispered It into bis
rar.
> The Mussulman traditions represent blm as skilled
in «"«""g hairdoth and sackcloth— the usual occupa-
tions of the prophets.
> The Mossnlman traditions describe him as under-
standing the Ungnage of birds iKoran, xzt. », xxli. 16).
-n In Mussulman traditions, as Abraham Is called
*■ the Frtend," and Mohammed " the Apostle," so David
' ■ b "the Pnfhtt of Ood." In Weil's Ugtnd$, p. 16?, is
\ a striking Oriental description of his powers ss a
, ' paalmist: "He conld Imitate the thunders of heaven,
^Ise soar of the lion, the notes of the nightingale."
alone. He was already known to Saul's goards
for his martial exploits, probably against the
Philistines (xvi. 18); and when he suddenly
appeared in the camp, his elder brother im-
mediately guessed that he had left the sheep in
his ardour to see the battle (xvii. 28). To
this new aspect of his character we are next
introduced.
There is no perfectly satisfactory means of
reconciling the apparently contradictory accounts
in 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23 and xvii. 12-31, 65-58.
The first states that David was made known to
Saul and became his armour-bearer in con-
sequence of the charm of his music in assuaging
the king's melancholy. The second implies that
David was still a shepherd with his father's
flocks, and unknown to SauL The Vatican MS.
of the LXX., followed by Eennicott (who
argues the question at length, Z)isssrtation on
Hebrew Text, pp. 418-432, 554-558), rejects
the narrative in 1 Sam. xvii. 12-31, 55-58, as
spurious. But the internal evidence from its
graphic tenches is much in its favoor, and it
must at least be accepted as an ancient tradition
of David's life. Horsley, but with no external
authority, transposes 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23. An-
other explanation supposes that Saul had for-
gotten him. But this only solves half the
difficulty, and is evidently not the intentioii of
the narrative. It may therefore be accepted as
an independent statement of David's first ap-
pearance, modified by the counter-statement
already noticed.*
The scene of the battle is at Ephis-DAMHIN,
in the frontier-hills of Judah, called probably
from this or similar encounters " the bound of
blood." Saul's army is encamped on one side of
the ravine, the Philistines on the other; the
watercourse of Elah or "the Terebinth" runs
between them.* A Philistine of gigantic stature,
and clothed in complete armour, insults the
comparatively defenceless Isrselites, amongst
whom the king alone appears to be well armed
. * The solution of the question cannot be s^d to have
been mach advanced slooe this paiagrapb was written.
The contradictions aie to some very leal (cp. WelUiausen,
PnUg. to tht Bill, nf Amct, p. 2S2 sq. ; Stada, Ouck.
d. r. Ztrad, I. p. 224. &c); to others they are but
apparently real or quite capable of adjustment (cp.
Oriita, Oeteh. d. Judai, 1. 416 sq. ; the ^MolKr's Omm.
on 1 Sam. xvL 21, and the snppL passage to the art.
" David " in the Amer. ed. of this work i).— F.
« Variations in the common account are snggested by
two other passages. 1. In 2 Sam. zzl. K, It is stated
that ** Goliath of Oath, the stalf of whose spear was like
a weaver's bsam," was Idlled (not by David, but) by
Klhiinan of Bethlehem. Thla, combined with the fact
that the Philistine whom David slew is usually nameless,
has BoggMted to Ewald (IL 23, 611) the conjecture
that the name of Goliath (which is only given twice
to Xtacid*! enemy, 1 Sam. xvll. i, zzl. <) was boirowed
lh>m the oonillct of the real Goliath with Elhanan,
whose Bethlehemite origin has led to the ccDiuslan. To
Wellhansen, Stade, and others, the whole accoimt Is
legendary. Jerome (Qu. HA. ad loc.) makes Klhanan the
same as David. 2. In 1 Ch. xl. 12, Eleaiar (or more
probably Shammah, 2 Sam. xzlil. 11) Is said to have
fonght with David at Spka-4ammiM against the Philis-
tines. It la of course possible that the same scene msy
have witnessed two enconntera between Israel and the
PhillsUnes ; bot It may also indicate that David's Urst
acqtialntance with Eleaiar, afterwards one of his chief
captslns, wsa made on this memorable oocssion.
3 A 2
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724
DAVID
(xrii. 38 ; cp. xiii. 20). No one can be found to
take up the challenge. At this juncture David
appears in the camp, sent by his &ther with ten
loaves and ten slices of milk-cheese to his three
eldest brothers, fresh from the sheepfolds. Just
as he comes to the circle of waggons which
formed, as in Arab settlements, a rude fortifica-
tion round the Israelite camp (zrii. 20), he
hears the woll-known shout of the Israelite war-
cry (cp. Num. ixtii. 21). The martial spirit of
the boy is stirred at the sound ; he leares his
proTisions with the baggage-master, and darts
to join his brothers (like one of the royal
messengers') into the midst of the lines.* Then
he hears the challenge, now made for the
fortieth time— «eei the dismay of h'" country-
men — shears the reward proposed by <,ae king —
goes with the impetuosity of youth from soldier
to soldier talking of the erent, in spite of his
brother's rebuke — is introduced to Saul — and
undertakes the combat. His victory over the
gigantic Philistine is rendered more conspicaous
by his own diminutive stature, and by the
simple weapons with which it was accomplished
— not the armour of Saul, which he naturally
found too large, but the shepherd's sling, which
he always carried with him, and the five polished
pebbles which he picked up as he went from the
watercourse of the valley, and put in his
shepherd's wallet.' Two trophies long remained
of the battle— one, the huge sword of the
Philistine, which was hung up behind the ephod
in the Tabernacle at Nob (1 Sam. zxi. 9); the
other, the head, which he bore away himself,
and which was either laid up at Nob, or su)>-
sequently at Jerusalem. [Nob.] Ps. cxUt.,
though by its contents of a much later date, is
by the title in the LXX. "against Goliath."
But there is also a psalm, preserved in the LXX.
at the end of the Psalter, and which, though
probably a mere adaptation fh>m the history,
well sums up this early period of his life:
"This is the psalm of David's own writing (?)
(iSiiypiupot tit AaviS), and outside the number,
when he fought the single combat with Qoliath."
"I was small amongst my brethren, and the
youngest in my father's house, I was feeding
my father's sheep. Hy hands made a harp, and
my fingers fitted a psaltery. And who shall tell
it to my Lord ? He is the Lord, He heareth.
He sent His messenger (angel?) and took me
from my father's fiocks, and anointed me with
the oil of His anointing. My brethren were
beautiful and tall, but the Lord was not well
pleased with them. I went out to meet the
, Philistine, and he cursed me by his idols. But
\ drew his own sword and beheaded him, and
took away the reproach from the children of
Israel.'"
II. Belatiotu with Saul. — Ve now enter on a
new aspect of David's life. The victory over
Ooliiith had been a turning-point of his career.
Saul'inquired his parentage, and took him finally
to his court. Jonathan wo* inspired by the
p The same won] is nwd w In 1 Sam. xxll. 1?.
1 As. In 1 Sam. iv. 16, 2 Sam. ivUt. 22.
' For the MuasnlQun legend, see Well's LegeiuU,
p. 153.
• Of these and of like songK, Bnnfen (Bibdwerk, Pref.
p. cl.) intei3>reta the expreMion In 2 Sam. xxllt. 1, not
"the Bweet singer of UraeL" but "the darling of the
songs of laraeL" [Hels not Ibllowedb/modemcrltlcs.]
DAVID
romantic friendship which bound the two pntlu
together to the end of their lives. The trium-
phant songs' of the i siaelitis h women auuuiuiu a l
that they felt that in David Israel ktd dot
fonnd a deliverer mightier even thaa StiL
And in those songs, and in the fame which Dtnl
thus acquired, was laid the foundation of tint
unhappy jealousy of Saul towards him irbid,
mingling with the king's constitutional nuUdr,
poisoned his whole future relations to David.
Three new qualities now began to derdgp
themselves in Ihivid's character. The fint mi
his prudence. It had been already glanced at
on the first mention of him to Saal (1 Sam. ni.
18), "prudent in matters." But it nu tki
marked featnre of the beginning of his public
career. Thrice over it is emphatically uii
"he behaved himself wisely," and evidenUf
with the impression that it was the wiidoci
called forth by the necessities of his delicate ul
difficult situation. It was that peculiar Jeiriii
caution which has been compared to the tagadtj
of a hunted animal, such as is remarked 1°
Jacob, and afterwards in the persecuted Iirtel-
ites of the Middle Ages. One instance of it
appears immediately, in his answer to the inf
laid for him by Saul's servants, "Seemetk Kti
you a light thing to be the king's son-m-Ust
seeing that I am a poor man and lightly ^
teemed ? " (xviii. 23.) Secondly, we no» »
his magnanimous forhearanoe called fortk, in
the first instance, towards SanI, but di>plipi$
itself (with a few painful exceptions) in the rtst
of his life. He is the first example of the rirtK
of chivalry. Thirdly, his hairbreadth eicipei.
continued through so many years, impressel
upon him a sense of dependence on the JM*
help, clearly derived from this epoch. His
nioal oath or asseveration in later times nt,
"As the Lord liveth. Who hath redeemeiiaf
soul out of adversity " (2 Sam. iv. 9 ; 1 K- '•
29); and the Psalms are filled with isofej
token even literally firom shelter against per-
suers, slipping down precipices (Ps. xriu. 3^
hiding-places in rocks and caves, leafy corao
(ixxi. 20), strong fastnesses (xviii. 2).
This course of life subdivides itself iatoftv
portions : —
1. His life a( the court of Saul till his fiul
escape (1 Sam. xviii. 3-xix. 18). His offiw i*
not exactly defined. But it would seem tkit,
having been first armour-bearer (xvu 21, x''''-
2), then made captain over a thoosand— tie
subdivision of a tribe (xviii. 13) — he finallv.^'
his marriage with Michal, the king's tif*^
daughter, was raised to the high office of captsu
of the king's body-guard," second onlv, if ««
eqnal, to Abner, the captain of the host, sad
Jonathan, the heir apparent. These thr^
formed the usual companions of the king at lii>
meals (xx. 25). David was now chiefly kii««
for his successful exploits against the Phili«liB«.
by one of which he won his wife, ssd dro"
back the Philistine power with a blow toa
which it only rallied at the disastrons close of
Saul's reign.' He also still performed from time
< See Fabrlchis, Ood. Apoe. T. T. p. M«.
• 1 Sam. XX. 3S, xxil. it. as explahnd Itr J^*^
Ut.98.
• The story of his wooing Herab, and of ka- am^
with Adriel (1 Sam. xviii. ir-l»;. la omitted ta LH.
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DAVID
to time the office of minstrel. Bnt the «uc-
ceoire (nares laid by Saul to entrap him, and
the open violence into which the king's madness
twice broke out,' at last convinced him that his
life was no longer safe. He had two faithful
allies, however, in the court — the son of Saul,
his friend Jonathan ; the daughter of Saul, his
wife Micbal. Warned by the one, and assisted
by the other, he escaped by night,' and was
from thenceforward a fugitive. Jonathan he
never saw again except by stealth. Michal was
given in marriage to another (Phaltiel), and
he saw her no more till long after her father's
death [Hicbal]. To this escape the traditional
title assigns Ps. lix. Internal evidence (ac-
cording to Ewald) gives Pss. vi.* and vii. to this
period. In the former he is first beginning to
contemplate the necessity of flight ; in the
latter he is moved by the plots of a person not
named in the history (perhaps those alluded to
in 1 Ch. lii. 17) — according to the title of the
Psalm, Cush, a Benjamite, and therefore of
Saul's tribe.
2. His escape (1 Sam. xiz. 18-xxi. 15). He
first fled to Kaioth (or the pastures) of
Ramah, to Samuel. This is the first recorded
occasion of his meeting with Samuel since the
original interview during his boyhood at Beth-
lehem. It might almost seem as if ihe had
intended to devote himself with his musical and
poetical gifts to the prophetical o65ce, and give
op the cares and dangers of public life. Bnt he
had a higher destiny still. Up to this time
both the king and he himself had thought that
a reunion was possible (see xx. 5, 26). But
the madness of Saul now became mor« settled
and ferocions in character ; and David's danger
proportionably greater. The secret interview
with Jonathan, of which the recollection was
probably handed down through Jonathan's de-
scendants when they came to David's court,
confirmed the alarm already excited by Saul's
endeavour to seize him at Ramah, and he now
determined to leave his country, and take refuge,
like Coriolanns, or Themistocles in like circum-
stances, in the court of his enemy. Before this
last resolve, he visited Nob, the seat of the
Tabernacle, partly to obtain a final interview
with the high-priest (1 Sam. xxii. 9, 15), partly
to obtain food and weapons. On the pretext of
a Kcret mission*' from Saul, he gained an answer
from the oracle, some of the consecrated loaves,
and the dedicated sword of Goliath. "There
is none like that: give it me." The incident
was of double importance in David's career.
ud Joaephos (^n(. vL 10, i I). The obliteration of
her Dime In the existing text of 2 Sam. xsl. 8 Is con-
Mend s lapnu calatni (Driver, In loco).
' The lint of these (1 Sun. xvlU. 9-11) is omitted
In the Tatlcao Ma of the LXX. and Josepbus (Ant. vt.
1«,}1).
• For the Hussolman kgend, see Well's Legmdt,
p. IM.
* The allusions to bis dangrr ttom the BenJamlte
•Rhen (Pa. xi. 2), to his Sight Uke a bird to the
mnatttaia (zl. I, cp. 1 Sun. xxrl. 20), and probably to
the MlghboiiThood of the Dead Sea (xl. 6), rather point
to the time when he was at Engedl.
' The ststementof his pretended mission Is differently
given hi the Hebrew and in the LXX. It most be
otaerved that the young men spoken of as his oom-
I were imaglnaxy. He was qnlte alone.
DAVID
725
First it established a connexion between him
and the only survivor from the massacre in
which David's visit involved the house of
Ahimelech. Secondly, from Ahimelech's sur-
render of the consecrated bread to David's
hunger our Lord drew the inference of the
superiority of the moral to the ceremonial law,
which is the only allusion made to David's life
in the N. T.« (Matt. xii. 3 ; Mark ii.25 ; Luke vi.
3, 4). It is also commemorated by the tra-
ditional title of Ps. lii.
His stay at the court of AcHISH was short.
Discovered possibly by " the sword of Goliath,"
his presence revived the national enmity of the
Philistines against their former conqueror; and
he only escaped by feigning madness,' violent
gestures, playing on the gates of the city, or on
a drum or cymbal, letting his beard grow, and
foaming at the month (1 Sam. xxi. 13, LXX.),
The 56th and 34th Psalms are both referred by
their titles to this event, and the titles state
(what doe.'i not appear in the narrative) that he
had been seized as a prisoner by the Philistines,
and that he was, in consequence of this strata-
gem, set free by Achish, or (as be is twice
called) Abimelecb.
3. His life as an independent outlaw (xxii.
1-xxvi. 25). (a) His first retreat was the
cave of Adullax. There he was joined by his
whole family, now feeling themselves insecure
from Saul's fary (xxii. 1). This was probably
the foundation of his intimate connexion with
his nephews, the sons of Zeruiah.
Of these, Abisbai, with two other companions,
was amongst the earliest (1 Ch. zi. 15, 20;
1 Sam. xxvi. 6 ; 2 Sam. ixiii. 13, 18). Besides
these, were outlaws and debtors from every
part, including doubtless some of the original
Canaanites — of whom the name of one at least
has been preserved, Ahimelech the Hittite
(1 Sam. xxvi. 6).'
(6) His next move was to a stronghold, either
the mountain, afterwards called Herodinm, close
to Adullam, or the fastness called by Josepbus
(jB. J. vii. 8, § 3) Masada, the Grecised form of
the Hebrew word Matzed (R.V. " hold," 1 Sam.
xxii. 4, 5 ; 1 Ch. xii. 16), in the neighbourhood
ofEn-gedi. Whilst there, he had deposited his
aged parents for the sake of greater security,
beyond the Jordan, with their ancestral kins-
man of Moab (ib. 3). The ndgbbouring king,
Mahash of Ammon, also treated him kindly
(2 Sam. x. 2). Here another companion appears
for the first time, a schoolfellow, if we may use
the word, from the schools of Samnel, the
prophet Gad, his subsequent biographer (1 Sam.
xxii. 5) ; and whilst he was there, occurred the
chivalrous exploit of the three heroes mentioned
above (a) to procure water from the well of
Bethlehem, and David's chivalrous answer
(1 Ch. xl. 16-19; 2 Sam. xxiii. 14-17), Uke
that of Alexander in the desert of Gedrosia. He
was joined here by two separate bands. One a
« It Is a characteristic Jewish comment (as dlstln-
gnished from the leaaoQ drawn by Christ) that the bread
was useless to him (Jerome, Qu. Htb. in loe.).
'> This Is the subject of one of David's iqiociyphal
coUoqules (Fabridns, Cod. Apoc V. TaL p. 1002).
• Sibhechal, who kills the giant at Oob (2 Ssm.
zxL 18). Is said by Joaephos to have been a HHtUe.
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DAVID
little body of eleven fierce Gadite' mountaineers,
who -swam the Jordan in flood-time to reach
him (1 Ch. xii. 8). Another was a detachment
of men from Jndah and Benjamin under his
nephew Amaaai, who henceforth attached him-
self to David's fortunes (1 Ch. xii. 16-18).
(c) At the warning of Gad, he fled next to
the forest of Habetb, and then again fell in
with the Philistines, and again, apparently
advised by Gad (xxiii. 4), made a descent on
their foraging parties, and relieved Keilaii, in
which he took up his abode. Whilst there, now
for the first time, in a fortified town of his own
(xxiii. 7), he was joined by a new and most im-
portant ally — ^Abiathar, the last survivor of the
house of Ithamar, who came with the high-
priest's ephod, and henceforth gave the oracles,
which David had hitherto received from Gad
(xxiii. 6, 9 ; xxii. 23). By this time, the 400
who had joined him at Adullam (xxii. 2) had
swelled to 600 (xxiii. 13).
((f) The situation of David was now changed
by the appearance of Saul himself on the scene.
Apparently the danger was too great for the
little array to keep together. They escaped
from KeilsJi, and dispersed, " whithersoever they
could go," amongst the fastnesses of Jndah.
Henceforth it becomes diHicuIt to follow his
movements with exactness, partly from igno-
rance of the localities, partly because the same
event seems to be twice narrated (1 Sam. xxiii.
19-24, xxvi. 1-4, and perhaps I Sam. xxiv.
1-22, xxvi. S-25). But thus much we discern.
He is in the wilderness of Ziph. ■ Once (or twice)
the Ziphites betray his movements to Saul.
From thence Saul literally hunts him like a
partridge, the treacherous Ziphites beating the
bushes before him, and 3000 men being stationed
to catch even the print of his footsteps on the
hills (1 Sam. xxiii. 14, 22 [Heb.], 24 [LXX.] ;
xxiv. 11 ; xxvi. 2, 20). David finds himself
driven to the extreme south of Judah, in the
wilderness of Maon. On two, if not three
occasions, the pursuer and pursued catch sight
of each other. Of the first of these escapes, the
memory was long preserved in the name of the
" Cliff of Divisions " [or, escape, R. V. marg.],
given to the cliff down one side of which David
climbed, whilst Saul was surrounding the hill
on the other side (xxiii. 25-29), and was
suddenly called away by a panic of a Philistine
invasion. On another occasion, David took
refuge in a cave " by the spring of the wild
goats" (Engedi), immediately above the Dead
Sea (1 Sam. xxiv. 1, 2). The rocks were
covered with the pursuers. Saul entered, as is
the custom in Oriental conntries, for a natural
necessity. The followers of David, seated in the
dark recesses of the cave, seeing, yet not seen,
suggest to him the chance thus thrown in their
way. David, with a characteristic mixture of
humour and generosity, descends and silently
cuts off the skirt of the long robe, spread, as is
usual in the East on such occasions, before and
behind the person so occupied — and then ensued
the pathetic scene of remonstrance and for-
' Oad, as Jerome's Jewish oonunentators observe {Qu.
Bab, In loc.), appears suddenly, without introduction,
like EUJah. la It possible that he, like Elijali, may have
been fhjui beyond the Jordan, and bad come, as bis name
Implies, with tbe eleven Qadltes >
DAVID
giveness (xxiv. 8-22).« The third (if it can be
distinguished from the one just given) was is
the wilderness further south. There wa^ a
regular camp, formed with its usual fortifica-
tion of waggon and baggage. Into this en-
closure David penetrated by night, and carried
off the cruse of water, and the well-known royal
spear of Saul, which had twice so nearly trans-
fixed him to the wall in former days (xxvi. 7,
11, 22). [Arms, p. 238, CAani'M.] The saoie
scene is repeated as at Engedi — and this is the
last interview between Saul and David (iivi.
25). He had already parted with Jonathan in
the forest of Ziph (xxiii. 18).
To this period are annexed by their traditional
titles Psalm liv. (" When the Ziphim came and
said. Doth not David hide himself with us?");
Ivii. (" When he fled from Saul in the cave,"
though this may refer also to Adullam) ; liiii
(" When he was in the wilderness of Judah " [or
Idumnea, LXX.]); cxlii. ("A prayer when he
was in the cave "). It is probably these Psalnu
which made the Psalter so dear to Al&ed and to
Wallace during their like wanderings.
Whilst he was in the wilderness of Msot
occurred David's adventure with NiAAL, in-
structive as showing his mode of carrying <«
his fugitive life, and his marriage with AbipiL
His marriage with -Uiinoam from Jezreel,^ also
in the same neighbourhood (Josh. xv. 56), seems
to have taken place a short time before (1 Sam.
XIV. 43, xxvii. 3 ; 2 Sam. iii. 2).
4. His service under Achish ' (1 Sam. xxvii. I ;
2 Sam.,i. 27). Wearied with his wanderii^
life, he at last crosses the Philistine frontier, osA
as before, in the capacity of a fugitive, but the
chief of a powerful band — his 600 men no*
grown into an organised force, with their wires
and families around them (xxvii. 3, 4). After
the manner of Eastern potentates, Achish gave
him, for his support, a city — Ziklag on the
frontier of Philistia — and it was long re-
membered that to this curious arrangement tiit
kings of Judah owed this appanage of their
dynasty (xxvii. 6). There we meet with iae
first note of time in David's life. He inu xttlei
there for a year (R. V. " full year ") * and four
months (xxvii. 7), and his increasing importance
is indicated by the fact that a body of Benjamite
archers and slingers, twenty-two of whom ai<
specially named, joined him from the very tribe
of his rival (1 Ch. xii. 1-7). Possibly daring
this stay he may have acquired the knowledfce
of military organization in which the Plulis-
tines surpassed the Israelites, and in which he
surpassed all the preceding rulers of Israel.
He deceived Achish into confidence by attack-
ing the old Nomadic inhabitants of the desert
frontier, and representing the plunder to be «f
portions of the southern tribes or the Nomadic
allied tribes of Israel. But this confidence ins
< For tbe Hnssnlman legend, see Weil, p. IS6.
>> Joseph. Jnt. vl. 13, $ 8, calls It Abutar.
■ According to the Jewish tntdiUan (Jerome^ t^m. BA.
onlSam. viK. 10\ hewas the sonof the fbmier Aocob:
his mother's name Maacah.
k In the Vatican MS. of tbe LXX. this Is tedaoet to
** 4 months," and by Josephna (Jnt.vLl3)to**4 ueatb»
and 20 days." The Alexandrine MS. of the LXX. is •
literal rendering of the Hebrew and is more cocrect (««
notes on this passsge in Kail, Sptaktr's Cbaui.. and
Driver).— F.
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DAVID
not shared by the Philiitine nobles ; and ac-
cordingly David was aent back by Achish firom
the last rictorions campaign against Saul. In
this manner Darid escaped the difiicalty of
being present at the battle of Gilboa, but found
that during his absence the Bedouin Amalekites,
whom he had plundered during the previous
year, had made a descent upon Ziklag, burnt it
to the ground, and carried off the wires and
children of the new settlement. A wild scene
of frantic grief and recrimination ensued
between David and his followers. It was calmed
by an oracle of assurance from Abiathar. It
happened that an important accession had just
been made to his force. On his march with the
Philistines northward to Gilboa, he had been
joined by some chiefs of the Manassites, through
whose territory he was passing. Urgent as
must have been the need for them at home, yet
David's fascination carried them off, and they
now assisted him against the plunderers (1 Ch.
lii. 19-21). They overtook the invaders in the
deaert, and recovered the spoiL These were the
gifts with which David was now able for the
fint time to requite the friendly inhabitants of
the scene of his wanderings (1 Sam. xxx. 26-31).
A more lasting memorial was the law which
traced its origin to the arrangement made by
him, formerly in the attack on Nabal, but now
again, more completely, for the equal division
of the plunder amongst the two-thirds who
followed to the field, and one-third who re-
mained to guard the baggage (1 Sam. xxx. 25,
XXV. 13). Two days after this victory a
Bedouin arrived ham the North with the fatal
news of the defeat of Gilboa. The reception of
the tidings of the death of his rival and of his
friend, the solemn mourning, the vent of bis
indignation against the bearer of the message,
the pathetic lamentation thnt followed, well
close the second period of David's life (2 Sam. i.
1-27).
m. DavU's reign.
(I.) As king of Jndah at Hebron, 7) years
(2 Sam. u. 11 ; 2 Sam. ii. 1-v. 5).
Hebron was selected, doubtless, as the ancient
sacred city of the tribe of Judah, the burial-
place of the patriarchs and the inheritance of
Caleb. Here David was first formally anointed
king — ^by whom is not stated — but the ex-
pression seems to limit the inauguration to the
tribe of Jndab, and therefore to exclude any
intervention of Abiathar (2 Sam. ii. 4). To
Jadah his dominion was nominally confined.
But probably for the first five years of the time
the dominion of the house of Saul, whose seat
was now at Hahanaim, did not extend to the
west of the Jordan ; and consequently David
would be the only Israelite potentate amongst
the western tribeii. Gradually his power in-
creased; and during the two years which
followed the elevation of Ishbosheth, a series of
skirmishes took place between the two kingdoms.
Fiivt came a successful inroad into the territory
of Ishbosheth (2 Sam. ii. 28). Next occurred
the defection of Abner (2 Sam. iii. 12), and the
surrender of Hichal, who was now separated
from her second husband to return to her first
(2 Sam. iii. 15). Then rapidly followed, though
without David's consent, the successive murders
of Abjisb and of laHBOSHETU (2 Sam. iii. 30,
DAVID
727
iv. 5). The throne, so long waiting for him,
was now vacant, and the united voice of the
whole people at once called him to occupy it.
A solemn league was made between him and his
people (2 Sam. v. 3). For the third time
David was anointed king, and a festival of three
days celebrated the joyful event (1 Ch. iii. 39).
His little band had now swelled into " a great
host, like the host of God " (1 Ch. xii. 22). The
command of it, which had formerly rested on
David alone, he now devolved on his nephew
Joab (2 Sam. ii. 28). It was formed by con-
tingents from every tribe of Israel. Two are
specially mentioned as bringing a weight of
authority above the others. The sons of
Issachar had "understanding of the times to
know what Israel onght to do," and with the
adjacent tribes contributed to the common feast
the peculiar products of their rich territory
(1 Ch. xii. 32, 40). The Levitical tribe, for-
merly represented in David's following only by
the solitary fugitive Abiathar, now came in
strength, represented by the head of the rival
branch of Lleazar, the high-priest, the aged
Jeboiada and his youthful and warlike kinsman
Zadok (1 Ch. xii. 27, 28 ; xxvii. 5).
The only Psalm directly referred to this epoch
is the 27th (by its title in the LXX. Ilph roS
XpiirBvytu — " before the anointing," i^e. at
Hebron).
Underneath this show of outward prosperity,
two cankers, incident to the royal state which
David now assumed, had first made themselves
apparent at Hebron, which darkened all the rest
of his career. The first was the formation of a
harem, according to the usage of Oriental kings.
To the two wives of his wandering life he had
now added four, and, including Hichal, five
(2 Sam. ii. 2; iii. 2-5, 15). The second was
the increasing power of his kinsmen and chief
officers, which the king strove to restrain within
the limits of right; and thus of all the incidents
of this part of his career the most plaintive and
characteristic is his lamentation over his power-
lessness to prevent the murder of Abner (2 Sam.
iii. 31-36).
(II.) Reign over all Israel 33 years (2 Sam. v. 5
to .1 K. ii. 11).
1. The foundation of Jerusalem. It must
have been with no ordinary interest that the
surrounding nations watched for the prey on
which the Lion of Judah, now about to issne
from his native lair, and establish himself in a
new home, would make his first spring. One
fastness alone in the centre of the land had
hitherto defied the arms of Israel. On this, with
a singular prescience, David fixed as his future
capital. By one sudden assault Jehus was taken,
and became henceforth known by its ancient name
of Jerusalem (called in the tablets of Tel-el -Amama
[15th cent. B.O.] " Urusalim " ; see SeoonU of
the Past, N.S., iv. p. vi.) and by the name of
Zion. Of all the cities of Palestine great in
former ages, Jerusalem alone has vindicated by
its long permanence the choice of its founder.
The importance of the capture was marked at
the time. The reward bestowed on thesnccessfiil
scaler of the precipice, was the highest place in
the army. Joab henceforward became captain
of the host (1 Ch. xi. 6). The royal residence
was instantly fixed there — fortifications were
added by the king and by Joab — and it was
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DAVID
known bf the apecial name of the "city of
Divid " (1 Ch. li. 7 i 2 Sam. v. 9).
The neighbouring nations wen partly enraged
and partly awestruck. The Philiiitines' made
two ineffectual attack* on the new king (2 Sam.
T. 17-20),' and a retribution on their former
victories took place by the capture and confla-
giatioD of their own idols (1 Ch. lir. 12).
Tyre, now for the first time appearing in the
sacred history, allied herself with Israel; and
Uiram* sent cedar-wood for the buildings of the
new capital (2 Sam. r. 11), especially for the
palace of David himself (2 Sam. rii. 2). Un-
hallowed and profane as the city bad been
before, it was at once elevated to a sanctity
which it has never loat, above any of the
ancient sanctuaries of the land. The ark was
now removed from its obscurity at Kirjath-
jearim with marked solemnity. A temporary
halt (owing to the death of Uzsah) detained it at
Obed-edom's house, after which it again moved
forward with great state to Jeruiialem. An
assembly of the nation was convened, and (ac-
cording to 1 Ch. liii. 2 ; xv. 2-27} especially of
the Levites. The musical arts in which David
himself excelled were now developed on a great
scale (1 Ch. xv. 16-22 ; 2 Sam. vi. 5). Zadok
and Abiathar, the representatives of the two
Aaronic families, were both present (1 Ch. xv.
11). Chenaniah presided over the music (1 Ch.
XV. 22, 27). Obed-edom followed bis sacred
charge (1 Ch. xiii. 18, 21, 24). The prophet
Nathan appears for the first time as the con-
trolling adviser of the future (2 Sam. vii. 3). A
sacrifice was oBered as soon as a successful start
was made (1 Ch. xv. 26 ; 2 Sam. vi. 13). David
himself was dressed in the white linen dress of the
priestly order, without his royal robes, and played
on stringed instruments (1 Ch. xv. 27 ; 2 Sam. vi.
14, 20). As in the prophetic schools where he
had himself been brought up (1 Sam. x. 5X and
as still in the impressive ceremonial of some
Eastern Dervishes, and of Seville cathedral
(probably derived from the East), a wild dance
was part of the religious solemnity. Into this
David threw himself with unreserved enthu-
siasm, and after this manner conveyed the
symbol of the Presence of Jehovah into the
ancient heathen fortress. In the tame spirit of
uniting the sacerdotal with the royal functions,
he offered sacrifices on a large scale, and himself
gave the benediction to the people (2 Sam. vi.
17, 18 ; 1 Ch. xvi. 2).* The scene of this inau-
guration was on the hill which from David's
habitation was specially known as the " City of
David." As if to mark the new era, he had not
brought the ancient Tabernacle from Gibeon,
but hied erected a new tent or Tabernacle (1 Ch.
XV. 1) for the reception of the ark. It was the
> The Impoctance of the victory Is Indicated by the
(probable) allusion to it in Is. xxvlU. 21.
» 1 Ch. xlT. 8 reads, " David. . .went outagafaut CB-V.
marg. be/ore) them," instead of " David. . . went down
into the bold " (3 Sam. v. 17).
• Eapolemos (Ens. Praep. St. Iz. 30) mentiaiiB an
expedition igalnut Hliam, king of Tyie and Sldon, and a
letter to Vafres, king of Egypt, to make an aUianoe.
» 1 Ch. xvL 1 says, "they offered;" 3Sam.vi. 17,
" he offered." Both say, ■• be Uessrd." The LXX., by
a slight variation of the text, reads In 3 Sam. vt. 14,
" histmmenU of praise," for <* all his ml^t ; " cp. 8 Ch.
xzx. 21, LXX. and QPB.*
DAVID
first beginning of the great design, of which w«
shall speak presently, afterwards carried oat b;
his son, of erecting a pcrmaaeat Temple or
palace for the Ark, corresponding to tht state is
which he himself was to dwell It was tht
greatest day of David's life. One incidsatssly
tarnished its tplendoor — ^the reproach of Hiekal,
his wife, aa he was finally entering his own
palace, to carry to his own honaehold the Um-
diction which he had already pronounced oa hit
people. [MtCHAL.] His act of severity towards
her was an additional mark of the stzaa whidi
he himself laid on the solemnity (2 Sam. ri.
20-23 ; 1 Ch. xv. 29>
No less than eleven Psalma, either in their
traditional titles, or in the irresistible eridtiHe
of their contents, bear tracea of this great
festival. The 29th Psalm (by iU title in the
LXX.) is said to be on the " Going forth of the
Tabernacle." ' The SOth by iU title, the IMk
and 101st by their contents, expreaa the feeling;
of David on his occupation of his new hone.
The 68th, at least in part, and the 24th < seas
to have been actually composed for the eatraace
of the ark into the ancient gates of the hcathta
fortress — and the last words of the secood oT
these two Psalms' may be regarded at tiie
inauguration of the new Name by which God
henceforth ia called. The Lord of boat*. "Who
is this king of glory?" "The Lord of hotta,
He is the king of glory" (Pa. xxiv. 10; qi.
2 Sam. vi. 2). Fragments of poetry worked up
into Psalms (xcvi. 2-13,* cv., cvi.' I, 47, 48),
occur in 1 Ch. xvi. 8-36, aa having bea de-
livered by David " into the hands of Asaph and
his brother" aflerthe dose of the festinl,aad
the two mysterious terms in the titles of Pa. li.
and xlvi. (Sheminith and Alamoth) ^peai is
the lists of those mentioned on this oecaaioa is
1 Ch. XV. 20, 21. The 132nd ia, by its coBtaou,
if not by its authorship, thrown back t» tkie
time. The whole progress of the removal <><
the Ark is traced in David's vein.
2. Foundation of the Court and Empiit of
Israel (2 Sam. viii. to xii.). The erection of the
new capital at Jerusalem introduces us to a saw
era in David's life and in the history of tke
monarchy. Up to thia time he had been a kisf,
such as Saul had been before him, or u tke
kings of the neighbouring tribes, each rnUii;
over his territory, unconcerned with any forei{i>
relations except so far as was neoesaary to dated
his own nation. But David, and thiongh him
the Israelitish monarchy, now took a wider
range. He became a king on the scale of tke
great Oriental sovereigns of Egypt and Perss,
with a regular administration and organiistiDO
of court and camp; and be also fonadad at
p As ■■ the tabernacle " was never moved ftma 8tt*oo
In David's time, "the ark" Is probably meant. It *
the Psalm which describes a thunderstonn. Ia l> po-
Bible to connect this with the enaitdeaaibed In J Saa-
vi. 6 ; A similar aUosian may be iband ia Fa.lxviiL
7, 33 (aee Cbandler. 11. 211).
4 In Oie LXX. Utle said to be "on the Sabhatb^V.
' Ewald, IIL lU. For an eUborate adaptatko of <>^
«8th Paalm to thia event, aee Oiandler, 11. 64.
• In the tlUe of the LXX. said to be Davtilli "v*™
the honse was bnllt after the capUvltr." It *r"*H
that by " the captivity " may be meant tbe cap«WU'<«
the Ark In PhlUatia, aa In Jodg. xviU. »; bet a««
criUca Interpret the term of tbe OtptMty ia the slk'
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DAVID
imperial dominion which for the first time j
realind the prophetic description of the bounds I
of th« chosen people (Gen. xr. 18-21). The |
interaal organization now established lasted till <
the final orerthrow of the monarchy. The j
empire was of much shorter duration, con- (
tiuuing only through the reigns of David and
his successor Solomon. But, for the period of 1
its existence, it lent a peculiar character to the
•acted history. For once, the kings of Israel t
were on a level with the great potentates of the
world. David was an imperial conqueror, if not i
of the same magnitude, yet of the same kind, as
Rameses or Cyrus, — "I have made thee a ;
great name, like unto the name of the great
men that are in the earth" (2 Sam. vii. 9).
"Thou bast shed blood abundantly, and hast
made great wars " (1 Ch. xxii. 8), And as, on
the one hand, the external relations of life and
the great incidents of war and conquest receive
an elevation by their contact with the religions
history, so the religious history swells into
larger and broader dimensioDS from its contact
with the course of the outer world. The en-
largement of territory, the amplification of
power and state, leads to a corresponding en-
DAVID
729
largement and amplification of ideas, of imagery,
of sympathies; and thus (humanly speaking)
the magnificent forebodings of a wider dispen-
sation in the prophetic writings first became
possible through the court and empire of David.
(a) In the internal organization of the king-
dom the firat new element that has to be
considered is the royal family, the dynasty of
which David was the founder, a position which
entitled him to the name of '* Patriarch " (Acts
ii. 29) and (ultimately) of the ancestor of the
Messiah.
Of these. Absalom and Adonijah both inherited
their father's beauty (2 Sam. ziv. 2S ; 1 K. i. 6) ;
but Solomon alone possessed any of his higher
qualities. It was from a union of the children
of Solomon and Absalom that the royal line was
carried on (1 E. xv. 2). The princes were
under the charge of Jehiel (1 Ch. xxvit 32),
perhaps the Levite (I Ch. xv. 21 ; 2 Ch. xx. 14),
with the exception of Solomon, who (as some
have thought, see p. 731, n. ') was under the
charge of Nathan (2 Sam. xii. 25). David's
strong parental afiisction for all of them is very
remarkable (2 Sam. xiii. 31, 33, 36, xiv. 33,
xviu. 5, 33,xix.4; 1 E. I 6).
DAVID'S WIVES AND CHILDBBX.
(L^ At thx Oooax of Saul.
•atdtabsXcUUk*
^ lU. I«).
(IL) Wrvn or ths Wajmnnrae.
Abmom of J<BM| = AUfaO ofCuiMl
(1 asm. UT. O) <1 asm. UT. 42)
ChUnborDuM
n.Ck.ai.1).
(JeUd, 3eT. g. ff. on 1 Ch.
ixrlLU.)
N.B.— nil* mn. liMHei, 10 aicjMim (I Sim. t. 19,
XT. IS), wtam chiUmi Oh. UL a) •naot uuiaL
(III.) Wnris AT Hanoi.
OSuLllLS^i ICb.lll.l.4.>
aiMUoB Tkiuir
I
Banltti
glMpfaatlah
9«aa«ba
>U«d(9Bun.
ITlU-tS)
naar=lIiW<(Otl«>h
I.
<r]llahslab
liT. S7:
SOLiiU.!)
(TV.) WiVZS AT JlCDSALKX.
<i asm. T. IS.IS ;> I Ol ill. 14, lit. 4.7.)
I
Ibksr
(1 Ck. UL t)
I
X
1
EUplMM IbfSfc Vfbt it^U
Alao danghtm (1 Ch. siT. S; tSuD. T.48).
Bi |fc«Uf
<1 Ch. liT. T)
Th (?) oooenUnM (S
Jerimotb
(ICh. ILIS)
Jarome, Q. a.
lUhflJath = tu
Eltab
I
wsrhOd
(28Ha.aU. ID
(S.) BUblhalai a Ch. UL »
Bihihns
ach.ui.e)
sJbia tolUish
or Boununf
(S Sua. 111. ai)
t E^Ub slone Is callnl " David's wife " in the ennmers-
ikn 2 S*m. lU. S. The trsditlon in Jerome (,Qu. Htb.
ad loc) says that abe was Michal ; and (ib. ad 2 Sam.
Tl. 23) that she died in giving birtb to Ithream.
• Taken to war (Jerome, <t». Htb. ad 2 Sam.
xULM).
« The LXX. to 2 Sam. v. 16, after baviug given anb-
ataniially the lame list as the present Hebrew text, re-
peaU the Uat, with atrange variations, aa follows : Samat,
lesalbath, IfalkcM, Oalamaan, 7ataar, Th««u, glpkalat,
Naged. yafkek, Janathan. Leaaamya, B a alim a t h, Ri-
7 Joaaphna (./(lit. vU. 3, $3) glvaa the feUowlog llat,
of which only four namea an identical. He atatea that
the laat two ware sona of the ooncnblnea:— Amnua,
Emnna, Eban, traUuui, dMoawa, ttbar, SMo, Pbalna,
Ennapheu, lenae, Slifkalt; and alao Ua daughter,
Tbamar.
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730
DAVID
(&) The military organization, which was
in &ct inherited from Saul, bat greatly de-
veloped by David, wu as follows : —
(I.) "The host," i.«. the whole available mili-
tary force of brael, consisting of all males
capable of bearing arras, and summoned only for
war. This had always existed from the time of
the first settlement in Canaan, and had been
commanded bv the chief or the judge, who
presided over brael for the time. Under Saul,
we first find the recognised post of a captain or
commander-in-chief — in the person of Abner;
and under David, this post was given as a
reward for the assault on Jerusalem, to his
nephew Joab (1 Ch. li. 6 ; xxvii. 34), who con-
ducted the army to battle in the absence of the
king (2 Sam. xii. 26). There were twelve
divisions of 24,000 each, who were held to be in
duty month by month ; and over, each of them
presided an officer, selected for this purpose,
from the other military bodies formed by David
(1 Ch. xxvii. 1-15). The army was still dis-
tinguished from those of rarroonding nation*
by its primitive aspect of a force of infantry
without cavalry. The only innovations as yet
allowed were, the introduction of a very limited
number of chariots (2 Sam. viii. 4) and of mules
for the princes and officers instead of the asses
(2 Sam. xiii. 29; xviii. 9). According to a
Mussulman tradition (^Koran, xxi. 80), David
invented chain armour.' The usual weapons
were still spears and shields, as appears from
the Psalms. For the general question of the
numbers and equipment of the army, see Arxb
and Armt.
(2.) The Body-guard. This also had existed
in the court of Saul, and David himself had
probably been its commanding officer (1 Sam.
xxii. 14 ; Ewald). But it now assumed a pecu-
liar organization. They were at least in name
foreigners, as having been drawn from the
Philistines, probably during David's residence
at the court of Oath. They are usually called
from this circumstance "Cherethites (see mb
nom.) and Pelethites," but had also* a body
especially from Gath * amongst them, of whom
the name of one, Ittai, is preserved, as a faithful
servant of David (2 Sam. xv. 19). The captain
of the force was, however, not only not a
foreigner, but an Israelite of the highest dis-
tinction and purest descent, who first appears in
this capacity, but who outlived David, and
became the chief support of the throne of his
son, namely Benaiah, son of the chief priest
Jehoiada, representative of the eldest branch of
Aaron's house (2 Sam. viii. 18, xv. 18, xx. 23 ;
1 K. i. 38, 44).
(3.) The most peculiar military institution in
David's army was that which arose out of the
peculiar circumstances of his early life. As the
nucleus of the Russian army is the Preobajiuslcy
regiment formed by Peter the Great out of the
companions who gathered round him in the
' Cp. tbe legends In Well's I^mdi, p. 1 55, and Lane's
SeUctioiu from U« Koran, p. 229. Thus a good coat of
mail is often called bj the Aiatie "Daaodtt," l.e.
DsTideao.
• A tradition in Jerome (Qu. BA. on 1 Cb. xvilL IT)
speaks of their being In the place of tbe seventy Judges
appointed b7 Hoses.
<> But here the reading is donUM (see p. 733, note •,
tnd QPB.t on 2 Sam. xv. IS).
DAVID
suburb of that name in Hotcow, so the noelens
of what afterwards became the only standiaj
army in David's forces was the band of 600
men who had gathered round him in his wuiler-
ings. The number of 600 was still preserved,
withthenameof Gibiorm, " heroes " or " mighty
men." It became yet farther subdivided ' inU
three Urge bands of 200 each, and small baadi
of twenty each. The small bands were com-
manded by thirty officers, one for each band, who
together formed " the thirty," and the three
large bands by three officers, who together fonsed
" the three," and tbe whole by one chicf^ " the
captain of the mighty men" (2 Sam. xiiiL
8-39; 1 Ch. xL 9-47). Thii commander of
the whole force was Abishai, David's nephew
(1 Ch. xi. 20; and cp. 2 Sam. xvi. 9). "The
three " were Jashobeam (1 Ch. xi. 11) or Admo
(2 Sam. xiiii. 8), Eleazar (1 Ch. xi. 12; 2 Sam.
xxiii. 9), and Shammah (2 Sam. xxiii. 11).' Of
" the thirty," some few only are known to &me
elsewhere : Asahel, David's nephew (1 CL il
26; 2 Sam. ii. 18); Elhanan, the victor of st
least one Goliath (1 Ch. xi. 26 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 1»);
Joel, the brother or son (LXX.) of Nathan
(1 Ch. xi. 38) ; Naharai, the armoor-beanr of
Joab (1 Ch. xi. 39; 2 Sam. xxiii. 37); Eliam,'
the son of Ahitophel (2 Sam. xxiii. 34); In,
one of David's priests (1 Ch. xi. 40; 2 Ssm.
xxiii. 38, XX. 26) ; and Uriah the Hittite (1 Ch.
xi. 41 ; 2 Sam. xxiii 39, xL a).
(c) Side by side with this military orginixi-
tion were established social and moral institu-
tions. Some were entirely for pastoral, agri-
cultural, and financial purposes (1 Ch. xxvii.
25-31), others for judicial (1 Ch. ixvi. 29-32).
Some few are named as constitntiog what wooU
now be called the court, or council of the l:iiig:
the councillors, Ahitophel of Qilo and Jonathan
the king's nephew (1 Ch. xxvii. 32, 33); the
companion or "friend" Hushai (1 Ch. xxvii. 33;
2 Sam. XV. 37, xvi. 19) ; the scribe, Sheva or
Seraiah, and at one time Jonathan (2 Sam. xi.
25 ; 1 Ch. xxvii. 32); Jehoshaphat the reouder
or historian ' (2 Sam. xx. 24X and Adoram the
tax collector, both of whom survived him
(2 Sam. XX. 24; 1 K. xiL 18, iv. 3, 6). Each
tribe had its own head (1 Ch. xxvii. 16-22).
Of these the most remarkable were EUho,
David's brother (probably EliabX Prince of
Judah (c. 18), and Jaaaiel, the son of Abner, of
Benjamin (r. 21).
Bat the more peculiar of David's institntioK
were those directly bearing on religion. Tn
prophets appear as the king's constant advisors.
Of these. Gad, who seems to have been the elder,
had been David's companion in exile ; and from
his being called "the seer," belongs probablv
to the earliest form of the prophetic achooli.
Nathan, who appears fur the first time after the
establishment of the kingdom at Jemsalem
« Sec Ewald. UL 118.
< The LXX. (cp. 3 Sam. zxlH. 8) make thtn;—
1. labooeth the Oantauite ; 2. Adlno the Ajonlte;
3. Eleatar, son of Dodo (cp. Swete's Greek text, Kd
Driver's yotet <m Ou Btb. To* cf Ota BB.<f Sm.la
looo).
• Feifaaps tbe fktber of Bathsbeba. vbrne Bsiriiir
with Uriah would Ibus be aooounted fbr (see Bat
Ooincidemxt, n. cb. x.).
r As in tbe court of Persia (Herod, vi. loa, t<l •••
vlU. 100).
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DAVID
(2 Sam. vii. 2), u distinguished both hj his
title of " prophet," and by the nature of the
prophecies which he attei-s (2 Sam. vii. 5-17,
liL 1-14), as of the purest type of prophetic
dispensation, and as the hope of the new genera-
tion,* which he supports in the person of
Solomon (1 K. i.). Two high-priests also
appear — representatires of the two rival houses
of Aaron (1 Ch. xzir. 3) ; here again, as in the
case of the two prophets, one, Abiathar,'' who
attended him at Jerusalem, companion of his
exile, and connected with the old time of the
Judges (1 Ch. xxvii. 34), joining him after the
death of Saul, and becoming afterwards the
support of bis son; the other Zadok, who
ministered at Gibeon (1 Ch. xvi. 39), and who
was made the head of the Aaronic family
(xxrii. 17). Besides these four great religious
fiinctionaries, there were two classes of sub-
ordinates : (a) prophets, specially instructed in
singing and music, under Asaph, Heman, the
grandson of Samuel, and Jeduthun (1 Ch. xxt.
1-31) ; (fi) Levites, or attendants on the sanc-
tuary, who again were subdivided into the
guardians of the gates and guardians of the
treasures (I Ch. xxri. 1-28) which had been
accumulated, since the re-establishment of the
nation, by Samuel, Saul, Abner, Joab, and
David himself (1 Ch. xivi. 26-28).
The collection of those various ministers and
representatives of worship round the capital
most have given a new aspect to the history in
David's time, such as it had not borne under the
disconnected period of the Judges. But the
main peculiarity of the whole must have been,
that it so well harmonized with the character
of him who was its centre. As his early martial
life still placed him at the head of the military
organization which had sprung up around him,
•0 bis early education and his natural dispo-
sition placed him at the head of his own religious
institutions. Himself a prophet, a psalmist, he
was one in heart with those whose advice he
sought and whose arts he fostered. And, more
remarkably still, though not himself a priest,
he yet assumed almost all the functions usually
•scribed to the priestly office. He wore, as we
have seen, the priestly dress, offered the sacri-
fices, gave the priestly benediction (2 Sam.
Ti. 14, 17, 18); and, as if to include his whole
court withia the same sacerdotal sanctity,
Benaiah, the captain of his guard, was a priest '
by descent (1 Ch. xxvii. 5), and joined in the
sacred music (I Ch. xvi. 6) ; David himself and
" the captains of the host " arranged the pro-
phetical duties (1 Ch. xxt. 1) ; and his sons are
actually called " priesU " (2 Sam. viii. 18. Cp.
Driver in loco ; 1 Ch. xrili. 17, translated " chief,"
and oixipxeu, " chief rulers "), as well as Ira,
of Uanasseh (2 Sam. xz. 26, translated " chief
ruler," but IXX. Itptis"). Such a union was never
•een before or since in the Jewish history. Even
Solomon fell below it in some important points.
But from this time the idea took possession of
the Jewish mind and was never lost. What
* 2 Sam.' xil 2S is by some Interpreters rendered,
"He put him (Solomon) under the hand of Nathan: "
tins nukhig Nathan Solomon's preceptor (see Chandler,
11.3:3).
' Cp. Blunt, CWaeidmen, it. cb. xv.
' i icpcvt Tip yirti (Joseph. Ant. vIL 12, $ 4).
DAVID
731
the heathen historian Justin antedates, by re-
ferring it back to Aaron, is a just description of
the etfect of the reign of David : — " Sacerdos
mox rex creator ; semperque exinde hie mcs
apud Judaeos fuit nt eosdem reges et sacerdotes
haberent ; quorum justitii religione permixti,
incredibile quantum coaluere " (Justin, xxxvi. 2).
(d) From the internal state of David's king-
dom, we pass to its extei-nal relations. These
will be found at length under the various
countries to which they relate. It will be here
only necessary, to briefly indicate the enlarge-
ment of his dominions. Within ten years from
the capture of Jerusalem, he had reduced to a
state of permanent subjection the Philiotines''
on the west (2 Sam. viii. 1) ; the M0A3rrES '
on the east (2 Sam. viii. 2), by the exploits of
Benaiah (2 Sam. ixiii. 20) ; the Strians on the
north-east as far as the Euphrates" (2 Sam.
viiL 3); the Edomites* (2 Sam. viii. 14) on
the south; and finally the AMUOiirrES,* who
had broken their ancient alliance, and made one
grand resistance to the advance of his empire
(2 Sam. X. 1-19 ; xii. 26-31). These last three
wars were entangled' with each other. The
last and crowning point was the siege of Rabbah.
The Ark went with the host (2 iSam. xi. 11).
David himself was present at the capture of the
city (2 Sam. xii. 29). The savage treatment of
the inhabitants — the only instance as br as
appears of cruel severity against his enemies —
is perhaps to be explained by the formidable
nature of their resistance — as the like stain on
the generosity of the Black Prince in the
massacre of Limoges. The royal crown, or
" crown of Milcom," was placed on David's head
(2 Sam. xii. 30), and according to Josephus
{Ant. vii. .5) was always worn by him afterwards.
The Hebrew tradition (Jerome, Qu. ffeb. ad
1 Ch. IX. 2) represents it as having been the
diadem of the Ammonite god Milcom, or Moloch ;
and that Ittai the Gittite (doing what no
Israelite could have done, for fear of pollution)
tore it from the idol's head, and brought it to
David. The general peace which followed was
commemorated in the name of "the Peaceful"
(Solomon), given to the son bom to him at this
crisis.^
To these wars in general may be ascribed
Ps. ex., as illustrating both the sacerdotal
character of David, and also his mode of going
' By the reduction of Oath (1 Ch. zvlil. 1).
' The punishment Inflicted on the Moabltes is too al>-
scurely worded to be explained at length. A Jewish tra-
dition (which shows that there was a sense of Its being
excessive) maintained that It was In consequence of the
Moabltes having murdered David's parents, when con-
fided to them (1 Sam. zxll. 3 ; Chandler, II. 163).
■> Described briefly In a fragment of Nlcolans of
Damascus (in Joseph. Ant. vlt 6, }2) and Enpolemus
(in Eos. Praep. £t. Ix. 30).
• To these Enpolemus adds the Nabateans and Neb-
daeana.
• For the details of the punishment, see RaBBXK.
Chandler (0. 237, 238) Interprets It of hard servitude;
Ewald (ill. 204), of actual torture and slaughter.
P The story appears to be told twice over (2 Sam.
vill. 3-14, X. 1— II. 1, 111. 26-31).
4 The golden shields taken In the Syrian wars re-
mained long afterwaids as trophies in the Temple at
Jerusalem (3 Sam. vill. ? ; Cant. iv. 4). [Aaais, ^eUt,
p. 242.] The brass was used Ibr the biaien basins and
pUlaia (2 Sam. vUi. 8 i UUL).
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732
DAVID
foi-th to battle. To the Edomite war, both by
its title and contents, must be ascribed Ps. Ix.
6-12 (cp. criii. 7-13), describing the assault on
Fetra. Ps. IxriiL may probably have received
additional touches, as it was song on the return
of the Ark from the siege of Rabbah.' Ps. xviii.'
(repeat^ in 2 Sam. xxii.) is ascribed by its
title, and appears from some expressions, to
belong to the day " When the Lord had delivered
him out of the hand of all his enemies," as well
as " out of the hand of Saul " (2 Sam. xxii. 1 ;
Ps. xviii. 1). That "day" may be either at
this time or at the end of his life. Pes. xx.
(Syr. Vers.) and xxi. relate to the general union
of religious and of military excellences displayed
at this time of his career (Ps. xxi. 3, " Thou
settest a crown of pare gold upon his head," not
improbably referring to the golden crown of
Ammon, 2 Sam. xii. 30).
3. In describing the incidents of the life of
David after his accession to the throne of Israel,
most of the details will be best found under the
names to which they refer. Here it will be
needful only to give a brief thread, enlarging on
those paints in which David's individual cha-
racter is brought out.
Three great calamities may be selected as
marking the beginning, middle, and close of
David's otherwise prosperous reign; which
appears to be intimated in the question of Gad
(2 Sam. xiiv. 13), "a three' years' famine, a
three months' flight, or a three days' pesti-
lence.""
(a) Of these, the first (the three yeai-s'
famine) introduces us to the last notices of
David's relations * with the house of Saul.
There has often arisen a painful suspicion in
later times, as there seems to have been at the
time (xvi. 7), that the oracle which gave as
the cause of the famine Saul's massacre of the
Gibeonites, may have been connected with the
desire to extinguish the last remains of the
fallen dynasty. But such an explanation is
not needed. The massacre was probably the
most recent national crime that had left any
deep impression ; and the whole tenor of David s
conduct towards Saul's family is of an opposite
kind. It was then that he took the opportunity
of removing the bodies of Saul and Jonathan to
their own ancestral sepulchre at Zelah (2 Sam.
xxi. 14); and it was then, or shortly before,
that he gave a permanent home and restored all
the property of the family to Mcphibosheth, the
only surviving son of Jonathan (2 Sam. ix. 1-13 ;
xxi. 7). The seven who perished were, two
sons of Saul by Rizpah, and five grandsons —
sons of Merab ' and Adriel (2 Sam. xxi. 8).
(6) The second group of Incidents contains
' See Hengstenberg on Ps. IxvlU.
• The Imagery of the thundcretorai (Ps. xviU. I-W)
may possibly allude to the events either of 2 Sam. v.
20-24 (Chandler, U. 211), or of 2 Sam. vi. 8.
' So LXX. and 1 Cb. xxi. 12, instead of sevm (see
QPB.' on 2 Sam. x%iv. 13).
» Ewald, ill. 20V.
' That this Incident took place early In the reign
appears (1) from the freshness of the alloston to Saul's
act (2 Sam. xxi. l-«) ; (2) fh>m the allnslons to the
massacre of Saul's sons In xlx. 28 ; (3) from the apparent
connexion of the story with ch. Ix.
r The meBtion of Adriel neccssitatos the reading of
Merab for MIcbal (see Driver, In loco).
DAVID
the tragedy of David's life, which grew in all
its parts out of the polygamy, with it! eril
consequences, into which he had plunged on
becoming king. Underneath the splendour of
his last glorious campaign against the Am-
monites, was a dark story, known probably at
that time only to a very few ; and even in
later times ' kept as much as possible ont of the
view of the people, but now recognised as one o{
the most instructive portions of his career — the
double crime of adnltery with Bathsheba, and
of the virtual murder of Uriah. The crimes'
are undoubtedly those of a common Oriental
despot. But the rebuke of Nathan ; the suddei
revival of the king's conscience ; hii grief for
the sickness of the child ; the gathering of his
uncles and elder brothers around him ; his
return of hope and peace, — are characteristic of
David, and of David only. And if we add to
these the two Psalms, the 32nd and the 51st,—
of which the first by its acknowledged internal
evidence, the second by ita title,^ also claim to
belong to this crisis of David's life, — we shall
feel that the instruction drawn from the sin has
more than compensated to as at least for the
scandal occasioned by it.
But, though the "free spirit" and "clesn
heart " of David returned, and though the birth
of Solomon was as auspicious as if nothing had
occurred to trouble the victorious festival whidi
succeeded it, the clouds from this time gathered
over David's fortunes, and henceforwud "the
sword never departed from his bouse " (2 Sam.
xii. 10). The outrage on his danghter Tamar,
the murder of his eldest son Amnon, and thea
the revolt of his best beloved Absalom, bronght
on the crisis, which once more sent him forth i
wanderer, as in the days when he fled Sroin
Saul ; and this, the heaviest trial of his lift, vts
aggravated by the impetuosity of Joab, now
perhaps from his complicity in David's crinu
more unmanageable * than ever. The relellioD
was fostered apparently by the growing jealoiuT
of the tribe of Judah at seeing their king
absorbed into the whole nation; and ii^ as
appears from ' 2 Sam. xi. 3, xxiii. 34, Ahitho.
pbel was the grandfather of Bathsheba, its mail
supporter was one whom David had provoked
by his own crimes. For its general coarse, the
reader is referred to the names jost mentioMd.
But two or three of its scenes relate so tonchiaglf
and peculiarly to David, that this is the place
for dwelling upon them.
The first is the most detailed description o(
any single day that ve find in the Jevisl
history.
It was apparently early on the morning of
• It is omitted In the Chronldea.
• This la the subject of one of the apodyphal <xir
loqulee of David (Fabric. Cbd. Apoc. V. JW. p. imX
The story is also told In the Koran (xxxviil. to-u),
and wild legends are formed ont of H (WeQ's Ugmit,
pp. 168-lSO, 170).
<> Kwald places it alter the CSaptivlty. From the lirt
tno verses (II. 18, 19) this would be the almost couis
conclusion. But Is It not allowable to snppoM tbese
veraes to be an adaptation of the Psalm to ihit bto'
time?
• See Bluut's Cbtneideiieet, n. cfa. zl.. fv s Ikor
perhaps too much elaborated, yet not wltboat swe
foundation.
' Blunt n. ch. X. ; Jerome, Qa. B^ on 2 Sam. li- ^
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DAVID
the day after he had received the news of the
rebellion at Hebron that the king left the citj
of Jerosalem on foot. He was accompanied by
a vast concoBTse ; in the midst of which he and
kis body-guard were conspicuous. They started
froin a house on the outskirts of the city
(2 Sam. XT. 17, LXX.), and every stage of the
moomfal procession was marked by some inci-
dent which called forth a proof of the deep and
lasting affection which the king'* peculiar
character had the power of inspiring in all who
knew him. The first distinct halt was by a
solitary olire-tree (2 Sam. xt. 18, LXX.) that
marked the road to the wilderness of the
Jordan. Amongst his guard of Philistines and
his fiuthfnl company of 600* he obserred Ittai
of Oath, and with the true nobleness of his
character entreated the Philistine chief not to
peril his own or his countrymen's lives in the
service of a fiiUen and a stranger sovereign.
But Ittai declared his resolution (with a fervour
which almost inevitably recalls a like profession
[cp. Matt. XIV. 31 sq.] made almost on the same
spot to the great descendant of David centuries
ainerwards) to fallow him in life and in death.
They all passed over the ravine of the Kedron ;
and here, when it became apparent that the king
was really bent on departure, " the whole land
wept with a loud voice " — the mountain and the
mllev resounded with the wail of the people.
At this point they were overtaken by the two
priests, Zadok and Abiathar, bringing the Ark
from its place on the sacred hill to accompany
David on his flight — Abiathar, the elder, going
forward up the mountun, as the mnltitnde
defiled past him. Again, with a spirit worthy
of the king, who was prophet as well as priest,
David turned them back. He had no super-
stitions belief in the Ark as a charm ; he had
too much reverence for it to risk it in his
personal peril. And now the whole crowd
turned up the mountain pathway ; all wailing,
all with their heads muffled as they went ; the
king only distinguished from the rest by his
nnsandalled feet. At the top of the mountain,
consecrated by an altar of worship, they were
met by Hushai the Archite, " the friend," as he
was officially called, of the king. The priestly
garment, wMch he wore ' after the fashion as it
would seem of David's chief officers, was torn,
and his head was smeared with dust, in the
bitterness of his grief. In him David saw his
first gleam of hope. A moment before, the
tidings had come of the treason of Ahithophel ;
and to frustrate his designs Hushai was sent
back, just in time to meet Absalom arriving
from Hebron. It was noon when David passed
over the mountain top, and now, as Jerusalem
was left behind, and the new scene opened
before him, two new characters appeared, both
in connexion with the hostile tribe of Benjamin,
whose territory they were entering. One was
Ziba, servant of Hephibosheth, taking advan-
tage of the civil war to make his own fortunes.
At Bahurim, also evidently on the downward
pass, came forth one of its inhabitants, Shimei,
in whose furious cunes broke out the long-
DAVID
733
• Ewsld, lU. 117, note. Aocording to the reading of
Oibborim tat Oittim.
f 3 Sam. XV. 32. Cufaneth ; rkr x>twi« • A. V. and
R. V. "ooat."
suppressed hatred of the fallen family of Saul,
as well perhaps as the papular feeling against
the murderer' of Uriah. With characteristic
replies to both, the king descended to the
Jordan valley (2 Sam. xvi. 14, and cp. xvii. 22 ;
Jos. Ant. vii. 9, § 4), and there rested after the
long and eventful day at the ford or bridge**
QAbara) of the river. At midnight they were
aroused by the arrival of the two sons of the
high-priests, and by break of dawn they had
reached the opposite side in safety.
To the dawn of that morning is to be ascribed
Ps. iii., and (according to Ewald, though this
seems less certain) to the previous evening,
Ps. iv. Ps. ciliii. by iu title in the LXX.—
" When his son was pursuing him " — belongs to
this time. Also by long popular belief the
trans-Jordanic exile of Ps. xlii. has been supposed
to be David, and the complaints of Pss. Iv., Ixix.,
and cix., to be levelled against Ahithophel.
The history of the remaining period' of the
rebellion is compressed into a brief summary.
Mahauaim was the capital of David's exile, as it
had been of the exiled house of Saul (2 Sam.
xvii. 24; cp. ii. 8, 12). Three great chiefs of
that pastoral district are specially mentioned as
snpporting him : one, of great age, not before
named, Barzillai the Gileadite ; the two others,
bound to him by former ties, Shobi, the son of
David's ancient friend Nahash, probably put by
David in his brother's place (xii. 30, x. 2); and
Macbir, the son of Ammiel, the former protector
of the child of David's friend Jonathan (2 Sam.
xvii. 27, ix. 4). His forces were arranged under
the three great military officers who remained
faithful to his fortunes — Joab, captain of the
host; Abishai, captain of "the mighty men;"
and Ittai, who seems to have taken the place of
Benaiah (had he wavered in his allegiance, or
was he appointed afterwards?), as captain of
the guard (2 Sam. xviii. 2). On Absalom's side
was David's nephew, Amasa (ii. xvii. 25). The
warlike spirit of the old king and of his faithful
followers at this extremity of their fortunes is
well depicted by Hushai, " chafed in their
minds, as a bear robbed of her whelps in the
'field' (or a fierce wild boar in the Jordan
valley, LXX.) : " the king himself, as of old,
"lodging not with the people," but "hid in
some pit or some other place" (2 Sam. xvii.
8, 9). The final battle was fought in the
" forest of Ephraim," which terminated in the
accident leading to the death ^ of Absalom. At
this point the narrative resumes its minute
detail. As if to mark the greatness of the
calamity, every particular of its first reception
is recorded. David was waiting the event of
the battle in the gateway of Mahanaim. Two
messengers, each endeavouring to outstrip the
other, were seen running breathless from the
field. The first who arrived was Ahimaaz, the
s Blunt, Otineidmcts, n. cb. z.
k Cp. 3 Sam. XT. 38, zix. 18 (both Kethib, a reading
prefeiTed bj most modems over that of the Kerl, Ara-
ftoM, i.e. the "plains" or "deaeits." Cp. Driver,
In looo).
1 If Ewald's interpretation of i Sam. xxlv. 13 be
correct, and If the LXX. bere and tbe Heb. of 1 Ch.
xzl. 13 be foUowrd, it was three months. The Jewish
ttadltlon (In Jerome, Qv. Bd>. on 2 Sam. iv. 41 makes
ItsU.
a For tbe Mussulman legend, see Well, p. 161.
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734
DAVID
aon of Zadok, already employed as a messenger
on the first day of the king's flight. He had
been entreated by Joab not to make himself the
bearer of tidings so mournful ; and it would
seem that when he came to the point his heart
failed, and he spoke only of the great confusion
in which he had left the army. At this moment
the other messenger burst in — a stranger,
perhaps an Ethiopian' — and abruptly revealed
the fatal news (2 Sam. xriii. 19-32). [CcsHi.]
The passionate burst of grief which followed is
one of the best proofs of the deep affection of
David's character. He wrapt himself up in his
sorrow; and even at the very moment of his
triumph, he could not forget the hand that had
slain his son. He made a solemn vow to super-
sede Joab by Amasa, and in this was laid the
lasting breach between himself and his powerfnl
nephew, which neither the one nor the other
ever forgave (2 Sam. xix. 13).
The return was marked at every stage by
rejoicing and amnesty, — Shimei forgiven, Mephi-
b<»heth " partially reinstated, Barzillai rewarded
by the gifts long remembered to his son Chim-
HAM (2 Sam. lii. 16-40 ; 1 K. ii. 7). Judah
was first reconciled. The embers of the insur-
rection still smouldering (2 Sam. xix. 41-13)
in David's hereditary enemies of the tribe of
Benjamin were trampled out by the mixture
of boldness and sagacity in Joab, now, after the
murder of Amasa, once more in his old position.
And David again reigned in undisturbed peace
at Jerusalem (2 Sam. xx. 1-22).*
(c) The closing period of David's life, with
the exception of one great calamity, may be
considered as a gradual preparation for the
reign of his successor. This calamity was the
three days' pestilence which visited Jerusalem
at the warning of the prophet Gad. The
occasion which led to this warning was the
census of the people taken by Joab at the king's
orders (2 Sam. xxiv. 1-9 ; 1 Ch. xxi. 1-7, xxvii.
23, 24) ; an attempt not unnaturally suggested
by the increase of his power, but implying a
confidence and pride alien to the spirit inculcated
on the kings of the chosen people [see Kuhbers].
Joab's repugnance to the measnre was such that
he refused altogether to number Levi and
Benjamin (1 Ch. xxi. 6). The king also scrupled
to number those who were under twenty years
of age (1 Ch. xxviL 23), and the final result
was never recorded in the " Chronicles of King
David" (1 Ch. xxvii. 24). The plague, how-
ever, and its cessation were commemorated down
to the latest times of the Jewish nation. Possibly
Pss. XXX. and xci. had reference (whether
David's or not) to this time. But a more
certain memorial was preserved on the exact
spot which witnessed the close of the pestilence,
I "Coshl"— or Hebrew ia-CuM, with the article.
It is doubtful whether it Is a proper name.
•> The Iqjustlce dooe to Hephlbosheth b; this division
of his property wts believed la later tndltlons to be the
sin which drew down the division of David's kingdom
(Jerome, Qu. Bcb. on % Bam. xlz.). The question is
argued at length by Selden, De Suoceaione, c 26,
pp. «7, 68. See Chandler, 11. 3)6.
• To many English readers the events and names of
this period have acquired a double Interest from the
power and skill with which Dryden has made the story
of V Abulom and Ahithophel " the basis of his political
poem on the Cooit of King Charles U.
DAVm
or, as it was called, like the Black Death of
134S, "The Death." Outside the walls of
Jerusalem, Araunah or Oman, a wealthy Jebi-
site — perhaps even the ancient king of Jebot
(2 Sam. xxiv. 23)* — possessed a threshing-floor:
there he and his sons were encaged in thrnluiij
the com gathered in from &» harvest (I Ch.
xxi. 20). At this spot an awful vision appetted,
such as is described in the later days of Jeni-
salem, of the Angel of the Lord stretching oat
a drawn sword between earth and sky over the
devoted city.' The scene of such an apparitiM
at such a moment was at once marked oat for
a sanctuary. David demanded, and Araimali
willingly granted, the site; the altar wis
erected on the rock of the threahing-floor ; tlu
place was called by the name of "Moriih"
(2 Ch. iii. 1 : the " Marm " of the Tel-el-Amanu
tablets); and for the first time a holy place,*
sanctified by a vision of the Divine Pit-
sence, was recognised in Jerusalem. It vts
this spot which afterwards became the altar of
the Temple, and therefore the centre of the
national worship, with but slight intemptitc,
for more than 1000 years, and it is era
contended that the same spot is the rock, still
regarded with almost idolatrous veneistion, m
the centre of the Mussulman " Dome of tltt
Rock " (see Professor Willis in Williams' Bdj
City, ii.).
The selection of the site of this altar probtUj
revived the schemes of the king for the buildiig
of a permanent edifice to receive the Ark, whidi
still remained inside his own palace in iti
temporary tent. Such schemes, we are told, it
had entertained after the capture of Jenusltm.
or at the end of his wars. Two reasons wen
given for their delay. One, that the anciait
nomadic form ' of worship was not yet t« t*
abandoned (2 Sam. vii. 6) ; the other, tlut
David's wars * unfitted him to be the founder of
a seat of peaceful worship (1 Ch. xxiL 9). Bit
a solemn assurance was given that his dynsitr
should be established " for ever " to continue tke
work (2 Sam. vu. 13 ; 1 Ch. zxii. 9, 10). Sock
a founder, and the ancestor of such s dynsstj,
was Solomon to be, and to him therefore lie
stores' and the plans of the future Temple
(according to 1 Ch. xxii. 2-19, xxviiL 1-xiii. 1$)
were committed.
A formidable cona|uracy to intempt tke
succession broke out in the last days of Dsvid's
reign [see Asonuau], which detached from bis
Id the original the expression is tbon^ bjssoe
to be much stronger than in the A. V . : they read vtt
B. V. marg., " Araonah, the king." The R. V. tot
reads " O king," reierrlng the words to DstU. [S«
ASAUTfia.]
■> This sppariUon is also described In a bagmcntef He
heathen historlsn Bnpolemns (Ens. Pratp. tt. is. ><>'•
but is confused with the warning of Nathan a|slK>
building the Temple. " An angel pointed out tl* pl«
where the altar was to be. but fbrtad him to balU ike
Temple, as being stained with blood, and hivliig bactl
many wars. Bis name waa Monottoii.''
« In 1 Ch. xxi. IS, a flie (hm bMven dexn* to
Banetl^r the sltar. Thlais notmentioiMd In SSaD.iii''
' This is the subject of one of the ifatTri^ «^
loqulee (Fab. JifK. v. L p. 1004).
• In this respect David stUl bekngnl Is Ike oldtf
generation of heroes (see Jerome, Qh, A6. sd loc).
' Enpolemus (Ens. Pnuf. St. ix. 30) mstril*'*'
send fleets for these stores to Elath and to OpUr.
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DAVID
DAVID
785
person two of hu court, who from personal
offence or adherence to the ancient family had
been alienated from him — Joab and Abiathar.
Bat Zadok, Nathan, Benaiah, Shimei, and Rei *
remaining firm, the plot was stifled, and
Solomon's inauguration took place under his
father's auspices' a K. i. 1-53).
The Psalms whicli relate to this period are, by
title, Ps. xcii. ; by internal e-ridence, Ps. ii.
By this time David's infirmities had grown
opon him. The warmth of his exhausted frame
was attempted to be restored by the introduc-
tion of a young Shnnammite, of the name of
Abisbag, mentioned apparently for the sake
of an incident which grew up in connexion
with her out of the later events (1 K. i. 1,
ii. 17). His last song is preserved — a striking
anion of the ideal of a just ruler which he had
placed before himself^ and of the difficulties which
he had felt in realizing it (2 Sam. xxiii. 1-7).
His last words, as recorded, to his successor, are
general exhortations to his duty, combined with
warnings against Joab and Shimei, and charges
to rememlwr the children of Barzillai (1 K.
iL 1-9).
He died, according to Josephns (Ant. viii. 15,
3), at the age of 70, and " was buried in the city
of David."' After the return from the Cap-
tivity, "the sepulchres of David" were still
pointed out between Siloah and " the house of
the mighty men, " or the gnardhouse (Neh. iii.
16). His tomb, which became the general
sepulchre of the kings of Judah, was pointed
oat in the latest times of the Jewish people.
" His sepulchre is with as unto this day," says
St. Peter at Pentecost (Acts ii. 29) ; and Josephus
(,ArU. vii. 15, 3 ; xiii. 8, 4 ; ivi. 7, 1) states that,
Solomon having buried a large treasure in the
tomb, one of its chambers was broken open t^
Hyrcanus, and another by Herod the Great. It
is said to have fallen into ruins in the time of
Hadrian (Dio Cassius, Ixix. 14). In Jerome's
time a tomb, so called, was the object of pilgrim-
age (£>. adMarcell. 17, 46), but apparently in the
neighbourhood of Bethlehem. The edifice shown
as such from the Crusades to the present day is
on the southern hill of modem Jerusalem, com-
monly called Mount Zion, under the so-called
** Coenaculum " (for the description of it see
Barclay's City of the Great King, p. 209. For
the traditions concerning it, see Williams' ffoly
aty, it 509-513). The so-called "Tombs of
the Kings" have of late been claimed as the
royal sepulchre by De Sanlcy (ii. 162-215), who
brought to the Louvre (where it may be seen)
what he believed to be the lid of David's sarco-
phagus. But these tombs are outside the walls,
and therefore cannot be identified with the tomb
of David, which was emphatically within the
walls (see Robinson, iii. p. 252, note).
The character of David has been so naturally
brought out in the incidents of his life that it
• Jerome {Qu. Bib. ad loc) renders Rei = Ira, not
imfiobeblj. Kloatennann would alter <jn Into Vtn=
bis Mends. Ewsld conjectures (lU. 36S, note) that
be Is tdsDtkal with Bsddal.
• Eapolemos (Ens. Proep. St. Iz. 30) adds, " In the
presence at the hlf^-iffiest £U."
7 A stifUng legend of his death Is preserved in Weil's
Legerndt, pp. \t», ITO; a very absurd one In Basnage,
iKK. 4m iTK^rs, hk. V. ch. a.
need not be here described in detail. In the
complexity of its elements,' passion, tenderness,
generosity, fierceness —the soldier, the shepherd,
the poet, the statesman, the priest, the prophet,
the king — the romantic friend, the chivalrous
leader, the devoted father — there is no character
of the O. T. at all to be compared to it. Jacob
comes nearest in the variety of elements included
within it. But David's character stands at a
higher point of the sacred history, and repre-
sents the Jewish people just at the moment of
their transition from the lofty virtues of the
older system to the fuller civilisation and cultiva-
tion of the later. In this manner he becomes
naturally, if one may so say, the likeness or
portrait of the last and grandest development of
the nation and of the monarchy in the person
and the period of the Messiah. In a sense more
than figurative, he is the type and prophecy of
Jesus Christ. Christ is not called the son of
Abraham, or of Jacob, or of Moses, but He was
truly "the son of David."
To David's own people his was the name most
dearly cherished after their first ancestor Abra-
ham. " The city of David," " the house of
David," "the throne of David," "the seed of
David," "the oath sworn unto David" (the
pledge of the continuance of his dynasty); are
expressions which pervade the whole of the Old
Testament and all the figurative language of
the Mew, and they serve to mark the lasting
significance of his appearance in history.*
His Psalms (whether those actually written
by himself be many or few) have been the source
of consultation and irutruction beyond any other
part of the Hebrew Scriptures. In them appear
qualities of mind and religious perceptions not
before expressed in the sacred writings, but
eminently characteristic of David, — the love of
nature, the sense of sin, and the tender, ardent
trust in, and communion with, God. Mo other
part of the Old Testament comes so near to the
spirit of the New. The Psalms are the only
expressions of devotion which have been equally
used through the whole Christian Church —
Abyssinian, Greek, Latin, Puritan, Anglican.
The difficulties which attend on his character
are valuable as proofs of the impartiality of
Scripture in recording them, and as indications
of the union of natural power and weakness
which his character included. Some Rabbis in
former times, and critics (like Bay le * and Renan)
in later times, have seized on its dark features and
exaggerated them to the utmost. And it has been
often asked, both by the scoffers and the serious,
how the man after God's * own heart could have
• This variety of elements li stiiklnglf expressed In
" The Song of Divid," a poem written by the untetnnate
Christopher Smart in charcoal on the walls of Us cell,
in his Intervals of reason.
• It may be remarked that the name never appears
sa given to any one else In the Jewish histoiy, as If,
like "Peter" In the Ttptcj, U wss too sacred to be
appropriated.
■> For some Just remarks in answer to Bayte co the
necessity of taking into aoconnt the dreamstanees of
David's age and country, see Dean Mllmon's HUt. qf
tlu Jna, i. Wl. Tbe Rabbinical eetimtte, both Csvour-
able and onlisvonrable, of his character is summsrlaed
In Hamburger's RS.'^ s. n.
• This expreaalon has been perhaps made too much
of. It occurs only once in the Scriptons (1 Sam.
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DAVID, CITY OF
murdered Uriah, and sednced Bathsheba, and
tortured the Ammonitei to death ? An extract
from one who U not a too-indulgent critic of
sacred character! expresses at once the common
sense and the religions lesson of the whole
matter. " Who is called ' the man after God's
own heart'? David, the Hebrew king, had
fallen into sins enough — blackest crimes — there
was no want of sin. And therefore the nn-
believers sneer, and ask, ' Is this your man ac-
cording to God's heart?' The sneer, I must
say, seems to me but a shallow one. What are
faults, what are the outward details of a life, if
the inner secret of it, the remorse, temptations,
the often-baffled, never-ended struggle of it be
forgotten ? . . . David's life and history as written
for OS in those Psalms of his, I consider to be
the truest emblem ever given us of a man's
moral progress and warfare here below. All
earnest souls will ever discern in it the faithful
struggle of an earnest human soul towards
what is good and best. Struggle often balSed
— sore baffled — driven as into entire wr«ck:
yet s stmggle never ended, ever with tears,
repentance, true unconquerable purpose begun
anew" (Carlyle'e Heroes and Hero- Worship,
p. 72). [A P. S.]
D.WID, OITY OF. [Jebusalbm.]
DAY (,Tim, D^', Qes. from an unused root
which may have had the meaning of heat, and
also of light, Delitzsch. ,Cp. laiva). The vari-
able length of the natural day (" ab exortu ad
occasnm solis," Censor, de Die Nat. 23) at
different seasons led in the very earliest times
to the adoption of the civil day (or one revolu-
tion of the sun) as a standard of time. The
commencement of the civil day varies in diflerent
nations: the Babylonians (like the people of
Nuremberg) reckoned it from sunrise to sunrise
(Isidor. Ong. v. 30) ; the Umbrians from noon
to noon; the Romans from midnight to mid-
night (Plin. ii. 79); the Athenians and others
from sunset to sunset (Macrob. Saturn, L 3;
Cell. iii. 2).
The Hebrews, if we may judge by some pas-
sages of the Mosaic Law and cosmogony (cp.
Lev. xxiii. 32, K. V. "from even unto even
shall ye keep your sabbath ; " Gen. L 5, R. V.
" and there was evening and there was morning,
one day, " a passage which the Jews are said to
have quoted to Alexander the Great, cp. Tamid.
33, 2 ; Reland, Ant. Hthr. ir 15 ; Hershon, Talm.
Misc. p. 146), count the night as the first
portion of the civil day ; though it must be
admitted that Delitzsch [1887] and Dillmann*
agree in considering Gen. i. 5 as reckoning
after the Babylonian practice from morning
to morning. Others (cp. Godwin's Moses and
Aaron) argue from Matt, xxviii. 1, Luke
xxiii. 54, that they began their civil day
in the morning; but the expression iin^cca-
Koirp' shows that the naturcU day is there
xiil. 14, qnoted again tn Acu xlU. 23), where It merely
indicates a man whom Gud will approve, in diatinctloD
from Sanl who was rejected. A mnch stronger and
more peculiar commeodatloa of David is that -contained
in 1 K. XV. 3-6. and implied In Ps. Ixxxlx. 20-28.
• -For the phrase cp. Herod, iii. 8S, a^' dft^pg M
Sto^o'icovff)). McCIellan (rAe .yew Tatament, ad loc)
renders r^ cri^wo'icovTXf fie tUay aafi^aruy " on the
DAY
intended. Hence the expresdons "evauig.
morning" = day (1p3 STJ, Dan. vUL U;
LXX. nxHfuptf, also 2 Cor. xi. 25), the
Hindoo ahoratra (Von Bohlen on Gen. I i),
and yvxHtupor (2 Cor. li. 25). There was >
similar custom among the Athenians, Anbiau,
and ancient Teutons (Tac Oerm. xL, "nee
diernm numerum ot apud DOS, sed iwdam
computant . . . nox ducere diem videtnr") u4
Celtic nations (Caea. de B. 6. n. 18, "at
noctem dies subaeqnatur "). This mode of
reckoning was widely spread ; it is found ia tke
Roman law (Gains, i. 112X in the Ai«Mimja-
lied, in the Salic law (tn<«r deoem wxtet), in our
own terms " fort-s^A/," " seven-nti/JUs " (nt
Orelli, &c Tac. in loco), and even amoig tlie
Siamese ("they reckon by nights," Bowring,
i. 137) and New Zealandeis Baylor's Te-lh-
Maui, p. 20). No donbt this arose from Uk
general notion " that the first day in Edea tu
36 hours long " (Lightfoot's Works, iL 334, ei
Pitman; Hes. TA^b^on. 123; Aristoph. At.693);
Kalisch plausibly refers it to the uae of Itnor
years (Qen. p. 67 ; cp. Ps. civ. 19).
But it has, says Dentsch (Kitto's Cydep.* s. n.X
always been a moot point whether the Hebrtwi,
at all times and in all respects, began tbtir
calendar or civil day with the night. Soik-
times they reckoned from sunrise i^fuifiifiKtm:
cp. Ps. i. 2; Lev. vii. 15). Dentsch qnotes
Mishnab CAu/m, t. 6, to show that " ritoally lu
general rule had ever been laid down as to the
commencement of the civil day ; " and says that
even now a Hebrew letter written on Saturisy
night wotild be dated either tshs, "od cf
Sabbath," or "K DV^ "ttK, "«te of the fir*
day."
The Jews are snpposed, like the Doden
Arabs, to have adopted from an early perioi
minute specifications of the parts of the natanl
day. Roughly indeed they were content \»
divide it into "morning, evening, and no<inday''
(Ps. Iv. 17) ; but when they wished fn gnater
accuracy they divided the day into six antqual
parts, each of which was again subdivided. Tlw
alleged distinctions are however so slight as U
be barely perceptible, and the expressioiis vary
in meaning. They are : —
I. 9^}^ (from fp^, "to blow") and TT-
or "the dawn." Nesheph is however sK<
used for " evening " (Job xxiv. 15) and "night"
(Is. xii. 4). After their aoqtiaintance «itk
Persia they divided this into, (a) the tinxr
when the eastern, and (6) when the weettn
horizon was illuminated, like the Greek Leo-
cothea (Hatuta) and Aurora; or "the gisf
dawn " (Milton) and the rosy dawn. HtKt
we find the duai Shaharaim as a proper naiK
(1 Ch. viii. 8> The writers of the Tslmmi
(see Shabbath, f. 34, 2) divide the dawn int«
four parts, of which the first was Aijtiei^
hasshachar, " the gazelle of the morning "
(M.V."), the Aurora [AusIiETh Shahie], »
name by which the Arabians call the sbb (cp-
eae of tlu firit day of tAe viedk." and gives »»W»
arguments and referencea to scpport the vfc* t^
crt^wtfKovo'a is used of the whole Interral betwa ns-
sct and next sunrise, as preparatory to the expftSe"!
light of the morrow." See farther Cwratoi. tttrt.
Antibaron. p. 416, and Schlensner, Lex. jr. r., av.
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DAY
" ejelids of the dawn," Job iii. 9 ; kiiipca 0\4-
^apo¥. Soph. Antig. 109). This was the time
when Christ arose (Mark xvi. 2 ; John xx. 1 ;
Bey. xxii. 16 ; h in^fO'KovtHi, Matt, xxviii. 1).
The other three divisions of the dawn were,
(2) "when one can distinguish blue from
white " (irpot, aKoriea tri oSmis, John xx. 1 ;
" obacnrum adhuc coeptae lucis," Tac. ffist. iv.
2). At this time the; began to recite the
phylacteries. (3) Cum Incescit oriens {(pOpos
fioBit, Luke). (4) Oriente sole [Kicai nfttt,
irartiXarros ToS riMov, Mark xri. 2 ; Lightfoot,
Mor. Hebr. ad Marc. xvi. 2. In the Mishnah
the phrase for twilight is nVlTOI^n {U).
II. ^'^3, " snnrise." Some suppose that the
Jews, like other Oriental nations, commenced
their ciril day at this time until the Exodus
(Jennings' Jexcish Ani.).
III. D^»n Dh, "heat of the day " (ews JieSep-
ninihi ii hl^ip't liXX.), about 9 o'clock.
IV. Dnny, "the two noons" (Gen. iliii. 16;
Deut. zxTlii. 29).
V. DVri WT, "the cool (lit. trin<0 of the
day," before sunset (Gen. iii. 8); so called by
the Persians to this day (Chardin, Voy. ir. 8 ;
Jahn, Arc*. Bibl. § 29).
VI. 3Tp, "evening." The phrase "between
the two evenings" (Ex. xvi. 12, xxx. 8), being
the time marked for slaying the Paschal lamb
and offering the evening sacrifice (Ex. xii, 6,
xxiz. 39), led to a dispute iwlween the Karaites
and Samaritans on the one hand, and the
Phariseei on the other. The former took it to
mean between snnset and full darkness (Dent.
xvi. 6); the Rabbinists explained it as the time
between the beginning (tcfXq wpwta, "little
evening") and end of snnset (t. i^la, or real
snnset : ShabbatA, f. 34, 2 ; Jos. B. J. vi. 9, § 3 ;
Gesen. s. r. ; Jahn, Arch. Jiibl. § 101 ; Bochart,
Hieroz, i. p. 538).
Since the Sabbaths were reckoned from sunset
to snnset (Lev. xxiii. 32), the Sabbatarian
Pharisees, in that spirit of scrupulous supersti-
tion whidi so otten called forth the rebukes of
oar I.ord, were led to settle the minuU$t rules
for distinguishing the actual instant when the
Sabbath began (oififa, Matt. viii. 16 = 8t( tiv 6
tA(05, Mark). They therefore divided the time
between the actual sunset and the appearance
of three stars (Maimon. in Shabb., cap. 5; cp.
Neh. iv. 21, 22), and the Talmudists decided
that " if on the evening of the Sabbath a man
did any work after one star had appeared, he
was forgiven ; if after the appearance of two,
he must offer a sacrifice for a doubtful trans-
gression ; if after three stars were visible, he
must offer a sin-offering : " the order being
reversed for works done on the evening after
the actual Sabbath (Lightfoot, Hor. Bebr. ad
Matt. viii. 16; Otho,Zex. Eab. s. v. S il/batktem).
The necessity for such minute directions, in the
absence of dials, &c., is illustrated by the story
that once, on a cloudy uftemoon, the Jews went
to the Sabbath evening prayers by mistake
some hours before sunset. Rabbi Judah decided
that the prayer was not to be repeated
(^Berachoth, f. 27, 6 ; Schwab, p. 332).
Before the Captivity the Jews divided the
Bight into three watches (Ps. Ixiii. 6 ; xc. 4) :
Tiz. the first watch, lasting till midnight (Lam.
BIBLE DICr. — VOU 1.
DAY
737
ii. 19, A. V. and R. V. " the beginning of the
watches ") = ipx4 vvKT6t ; the " middle watch "
(which proves the statement), lasting till cock-
crow (Judg. vii. 19) = ^^troi' yvicTuv; and the
morning watch, lasting till sunrise (Ex. xiv. 24)
= aiipt\iini yii (Horn. //. vii. 433). These
divisions were jirobably connected with the-
Levitical duties in the Temple service. The-
Jews, however, say (in spite of their own
definition, "a watch is the third part of the-
night ") that they always had four night-watches
(cp. Neh. ix. 3), but that the fourth was
counted as a part of the morning (Buxtorr»
Lex. Talm. s. v. ; Carpzov. Appar. Crit. p. 347 ;
Reland, iv. 18).
In the N. T. we have allusions to four
watches, a division borrowed from the Greeks
(Herod, ix. 51) and Romans (4>vXaK4, t^ rhap-
To* nipot rns rvieris, Suid.). These were:
1. i<ti4, 6'^la, or ix^ta &pa, from twilight till
9 o'clock (Mark xi. 11 ; John xx. 19); 2. /wtro-
nvKTioy, midnight, from 9 till 12 o'clock (Mark
xiii. 35) ; 3. ixaeropoipuiila, till 3 in the morning
(Mark xiii. 35, Sir. \ty.; 3 Mace. v. 23) f
4. TTpul, till daybreak, the same as irpttta (,&poy
(John xviii. 28; Jos. Ant. v. 6, § 5, xviiL 9,.
§6).
The word held to mean " hour " is first found
in Dan. iii. 6, 15; v. 5 (Sha'ah, njf^, also "a
while," iv. 19, R. V.). Perhaps the Jews, like the
Greeks, learnt from the Babylonians the division
of the day into twelve parts (Herod, ii. 109). In
our Lord's time the division was common (John
xi. 9). In the Talmud the day is divided into
four parts of three hours each (Aboda Zara,
f. 3). It is probable that Ahaz introduced the
first sundial from Babylon (Jiipo\6yioi', TnfVQ.,
Is. xxxviii. 8; 2 K. xx. 11), as Anaximenes did
the first aiudSripov into Greece (Jahn, Arch.
§ 101). Possibly the Jews at a later period
adopted the clepsydra. The third, sixth, and
ninth hours were devoted to prayer (Dan.,
vi. 10; Acts ii. 15, iii. 1, &c.).
On the Jewish way of counting their week-
days from the Sabbath, see Lightfoot's Works,.
ii. 334, ed. Pitman. [Week.]
By the Jewish rule of inclusive counting,
" one day of a year is counted as a whole
year" {Sosh Hashana, f. 2, 2). Hence if &
king were crowned on Adar 29, on the next day
(Nisan 1) he would be said to begin the second
year of his reign. So, too, " part of a day is
equivalent to a whole day " (Moed Katon,
f. 17, 2). This must be borne in mind when
we read such passages as Matt. xii. 40. The
Jews had no names for the days of the week,
but numbered them from the Sabbath.
The word " day " is used of a festal day (Hos.
vii. 5) ; a birthday (Job iii. 1 ) ; a day of ruin
(Hos. i. 11 ; Job xviii. 20 ; cp. tempos, tem-
pera reipublicae, Cic, and dies Cannensis); the
judgment-day (Joel i. 15; 1 Tbess. v. 2);
the kingdom of Christ (John viii. 56; Rom.
xiii. 12) ; and in other senses which are mostly
self-explaining. In 1 Cor. iv. 3, iith iySpu-
Ti'nis riiUpas is rendered "of man's judgment."'
Jerome, ad Algas. Quaest. x., considers this a
Cilicism (Bochart, Hieroz, ii. 471). Grotius
compares it with the phrases diem dicere, &c.,.
and regards it as a Latinism [Datsuan].
Others, referring to Jer. zvii. 16, think that it
3 B
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738
DAYS JOURNEY
may be a Hebraism. On the prophetic or year-
day system (Lev. xxv. 3, 4; Num. liv. 34;
Ezek. iv. 2-6, &c.), see a treatise in Elliot's
Jlor. Apoc. iii. 154 »q. The expression iirioi-
trtoy, rendered "daily" in Matt. vi. 11, is an
«T. \ty., and has been much disputed. It is
unlsnown to classical Greek (foixe rtirXdaicu
iirh ray EbayytXurrAy, Orig. Urat. 16). The
Vulg. has supersubstantialem, a rendering
recommended by Abelard to the nuns of the
Paraclete. Thcophyl. explains it as 6 M rp
oiifrlt^ Kal ffvffriffft Ttpiuu avrapicfiSt and he is
followed by most commentators (cp. Chrysost.
/fom. m Or. Domin. ; Snid. and Etym. M. s. v.).
Salmasius, Grotius, &c., arguing from the
rendering ^PR^ in the Nazarene Gospel, translate
it as though it were = rqt tirioi<rris rifi4pas, or
CIS atpioD (Sixt. Senensis Sibl. Sanct. p. 444 a).
It is not possible here to enter into the questions
as to the etymology of the phrase, whether
from M and oMo, meaning " for sustenance,"
whether physical or spiritual (which would
rather reqnire itroiirioi) ; or from ^ ituniira
(illiipa), meaning " for the coming day ; " or
from i iin^r, meaning "bread for the future
life." If the second view be correct, the prayer
is a prayer for our continual sustenance by the
merciful providence of God ; if the third, it is a
prayer for spiritual food. But see the question
examined at full length (after Tholuck) in
Alford's Greek Teat, ad loc; Schleusner, Lex,
s. v.; Wetstein, N. T. 4. p. 461, &c. The
meaning of rhu iprov q/wv rhy irtoitriov has
recently been elaborately examined by M'Clellan
(.Vdic TestanterU, pp. 632-647), who arrives at
the conclusion that it means " bread proper for
the future world," i.e. " our bread of life eter-
nal," and regards the rendering "daily" as
" the one which is most manifestly and utterly
condemned:" and by Bishop Lightfoot (On a
fresh Ecrision, pp. 195-234), who decides that
"the familiar rendering 'daily' is a fairly
adequate representation of the original, nor does
the English language furnish any one word
which would answer the purpose so well."
Sec Hansel and Cook's note in SjKiiker'a Comm.
in loco. [Chronology.] [F. W. F.]
DAY'S JOURNEY. An expression signi-
fying not so much a recognised distance tra-
versed as the time occupied in the journey (Gen.
xxxi. 23; Ex. iii. 18 ; Num. xi. .'!1; Dent. i. 2 ;
1 K. xix. 4 ; 2 K. iit 9 ; Jonah iii. 3, 4 ; Luke
ii. 44; Acts i. 12). No uniformity is to be
expected in such a matter. A *' day's journey "
to a solitary traveller on a level plain would be
a different thing from that of a caravan with
women and children, with roules and camels,
over mountains and valleys. It can only be
generally affirmed that a man travelling at
3 miles an hour for six to eight hours would
make a day's journey of 18 to 24 miles, and a
camel at 2J miles one of 15 to 20 miles. [F.]
DAYSMAN, an old English term, meaning
umpire or arbitrator (Job ii. 33 ; stee marg.).
It is derived from day, in the specific sense of a
day fixed for a trial (cp. 1 Cor. iv. 3, where av-
epumiyri iiiitpa — lit. man's day, and so given in
Wycliffe's translation — is rendered " man's
jndijmmt " in the A. V. and R. V.). •Similar ex-
preuions occur in German {eine sachc tagen=
DEACON
to bring a matter before a court of justice) and
other Teutonic languages. The word " days-
man " is found in Spenser's Faerie Queeiu, iL
c. 8, in the Bible of 1551 (1 Sam. ii. 2S), ud
in other works of the same age. [W. L. B.]
DEACON (tuUcopos; <fui<>ontu). The office
described by this title appears in the K. T. >s
the correlative of MtrKorat [BlsnOP]. .\s i
nomen officii it is confined to Philip, i. 1 ; 1 Tim.
iii. 8, 12 ; and Koro. xri. 1 [see DeacOSEBs].
though the word is used frequently in otiier
passages in reference to Christian ministers, bat
in no such strict official sense (see Eph. iii. 7,
vi. 21 ; Col. i. 7, 23, iv. 7, &c). In the LXX. it ii
curiously enough confined to the Book of Esther,
in which it stands three times as the rendering
of rnVri (Esth. i. lO ; ii. 2 ; vi. 3^ [It is troe
that Is. Ix. 17 is quoted by Clement of Rome
(ad Cor. ilii.) as follows : — KarotrT^ff* T«ii
^iriiTK^iravi airay iv SiKCUOcrvyj) Kolrovt iani-
vovs abr&y iy itlmei, and is thus applied to tkt
Christian ministry ; but the introdnetion of tht
Siixoyoi is simply due to mistranalation, thf
LXX. being S<i<rai riAs ipxoyris aou iy nfif
Kol roi)S iiri<rK6Tovs <rov iy Sueatoavyf, The
text is similarly applied by Irenaeos (ode. Boer.
iv. 26. 5), but quoted from the LXX. correctly.]
The narrative of Acts vi. is commonly referre.!
to as giving the account of the institution f(
this office. The Apostles, in order to meet the
complaints of the Hellenistic .Tews that their
widows were neglected in the daily ministration
(tioKorfa), called on the bodyof believers to choose
seven men "full of the spirit and of wisJco '
whom they (i.e. the Apostles) might " appcin:
over this business." The seven were accordiajly
selected by the "whole multitude," and set
before the Apostles, from whom they receitfeJ
their commission, with prayer and the laying ce
of hands (c. 6). The duties of the seven u
gathered from this passage were to serve t»bl«
(SioKoveii'Tpair^^ais), to attend to the distribu-
tion of the alms of the Church in money ot ii
kind, while the ministry of the word (^ tiocwb
Tov \oyov) was reserved for the Apostles.
It is, however, noticeable that nowhere in the
narrative are the "seven" called "deocoM,"
and where Philip is mentioned again in iii.
8 he is not sjioken of as Philip the Deacon, bet
as " Philip the evangelist, which was one ot
the seven." It has also been thought thst the
gifts implied in the words " full of the spirit and
of wisdom " are higher than those required for the
office of a Deacon in 1 Tim. iii. ; and accordinjly
it has been inferred that we meet in this nun-
tive with the record of a special institution tn
meet a special emergency, and that the seren
were not Deacons in the iater sense of the ttm.
but (1) commissioners who were to superintend
those that did the work of Deacons, prototype:
of the later Archdeacons (Stanlev, Apost. Jj??.
p. 62, and E. H. P. in the Ist ed". of this Pit-
iionary), or (2) the first elders, the office origin-
ally instituted for a single and quite specisi vi
being "afterwards gradnallv enlarged into the
I office of elder " (Ulhom, Christian Charily ■• (&
I Ancient Church, p. 76).
I On this view the origin of the diaconate mnst
be sought for at a still earlier period, and the
genus of the office might plausibly be tnced in
the mention of the ytArtpoi and yaarirm of
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DEACON
Acts T. 6, 10, who were perhaps not merely the
Tonnger men, bat persons occupriug a distinct
position and exercising distinct functions. In
spite, however, of this, it is believed that the
following reiisons are sufficient to establish the
identity of the office whose creation St. Luke
records in Acts vi. with the later diaconnte : —
(1) Although the title SicE/coras does not occur,
yet the corresponding verb and substantive,
SmKorttf and Stcucoyta, are both used (rt?. 1, 2).
(2) " The functions are substantially those which
devolved on the Deacons of the earliest ages, and
which still in theory, although not altogether
in practice, form the primary duties of the
office " (Lightfoot on Phil. p. 186). (3) From the
position of the nari'ative in the Acts, and the
rniphasis with which it is recorded, it has been
inferred that St. Luke regarded the establish-
ment of the office, " not as an isolated incident,
but as the initiation of a new order of things in
the Church." (4) Tradition is unanimous as to
the identity of the two offices, and that from
the earliest times. Ircnneus (the first author
who alludes to them) speaks of both Nicolas
and Stephen as ordained " to the diaconate "
(III diaconium : adv. Haer. 1. xxiii. ; IV. xivi.),
.ind elsewhere speaks of Stephen as "primus
diaconns" (ill. xiu 13). So also Hippolytus and
Cyprian in the following century, and later
writers; and for some centuries the Roman
Church restricted the number of Deacons to
seven, thus preserving the memory of the first
institution of the office (see the letter of
Cornelius in Euseb. //. E. VI. ch. xliii. ; and cp.
Sozomen, IT. E. VH. ch. xU.\ while the 15th
Canon of Keo-Caesarea says distinctly : ^." Even
in the largest towns there must be, according to
the rule, no more than seven Deacons. This
m.iy be proved from the Acts of the Apostles."
[The limitation did not always remain iu force.
Cp. Euseb. //. E. II. ch. i., n.' 2a; VI. ch. xliii.,
n. 18, edd. Wace and Schaff.]
Taking, then, the account in Acts vi. as de-
scribing the creation of the office, we have to
inquire :
I. Whether it can be traced to any previoas
organization.
II. How it spread from Jerusalem to other
Churches.
III. ^^1lat were the qualifications and func-
tions of those appointed to it.
I. It has been thought that the office of
Deacon may find its prototype in the organiza-
tion of the Jewish synagogue, just as docs the
ulBoe of the Christian Presbyter. As the con-
stitution of the Jewish synagogue had its
eiders (D'Jpt) or pastors (]'p3^^), so also it
had its subordinate officer (J-fD), the InrnpiTiis
of Lake iv. 20, whose work it was to give the
reader the roll containing the lessons for the
days, to clean the synagogue, and to open and
close it at the right time [see Synagogue]. It
has sometimes been thonght that this office may
have suggested the institution of the Christian
diaconate. It should, however, be noticed that
(a) as a mie there was but one chazzan to each
syn.igogue ; (4) the Greek word used for this
official by St. Luke in his Gospel is not tiiicovas
but iwTipimis (Luke iv. 20) ; (c) the duties of
the chaxzan are altalogous to those of the modern
parish clerk rather than to those of the primi-
tive Deacon ; and, farther, (d) the length at
DEACON
739
which St. Luke dwells upon the institution,
when contrasted with the silence with which
he passes over the origin of the presbyterate,
may not unfairly be taken as an indication that
he regards it as "not merely new within the
Christian Church, but novel absolutely " (lightf.
on 7'AiV. p. 187). We conclude, therefore, that
the office of which Acts vi. gives us the origin
was one which was entirely new. It is, how-
ever, not impossible that the number seven may
have been sugijosted by the analogy of the
septem viri cpuloncs at liome. These were a
body of seven men appointed to relieve the
jmitifices and preside over the heathen religious
banquets, which were to some extent analogous
to the Christian ajapae. This institation would
of course be familiar to the Libertini of the
Imperial city (cp. Acts vi. 9), and may perhaps
account for the long-continued limitation of the
Deacons of the Roman Church to the original
number (cp. Plnmptre's Biblical Studies, p. 356).
II. For tracing the spre.id of the diaconate
from the mother Church at Jerusalem to the
various Churches of the Gentile world our mate-
rials are but scanty, and we are forced to be
content with incidental allusions which appear
to bear witness to the gradual extension of the
office as the Church enlarged her borders. In
1 Cor. xii. 28, St. Paul, when enumerating the
various offices and gifts iu the Church, mentions
among others " helps " (inrOdp^tis), in which
expression some have found a definite allusion
to the diaconate. Less doubtful is the refer-
ence to " ministration " (fiuusovia) in Rom. xii.
7, while a woman-deacon belonging to the Church
of Cenchreae is mentioned by name in xvi. 1
[see Deaconess]. Again, a very probable allu-
sion to the office is found in 1 Pet. iv. 11, "If
any man ministercth (cf ti> Suucovti), ministering
as of the strength which God snpplieth ; " while
in Philip, i.l the Deacons arc recognised together
with the iriaKowot as constituting the two resi-
dent orders of ministers at Philippi. By the
date of the Pastoral Epistles we find the office
still more securely fixed. In 1 Tim. iii. 8 sq.
St. Paul gives full directions with regard to the
qualifications of those appointed to it, and from
the language used it is evident that " in tha
Christian communities of proconsular Asia, at
all events, the institution was so common that
ministerial organization would be considered in-
complete without it " (Lightf. on Phil. p. 189).
But at the same time it must be noticed that in
the Epistle to Titus there is no mention of the
order ; a fact which serves to mark the gradual
extension of the office. The Church at Ephesus,
which had been planted for some years and had
taken firm root, possessed it, while in the newly
organized Church of Crete it was apparently
not considered indispensable.
These are all the notices of the diaconate in
the New Testament. It does not fall within the
province of this article to trace out its later hi-i-
tory. It will be sufficient to point out that it
is recognised as one of the orders of the Church
by Clement of Rome (I. ch. xlii.), who, as we have
seen, connects it with Is. Ix. 17 ; in the Aitax^
ray SM*Ka iaro<rr6\mv (ch. iv.); in Ignatius
(ml Polyc. vi., &c.), Polycarp (ad PAH. v.), and
all later writers who deal with the subject of
the Christian ministry (see Dictionary of dhris-
tian Antiquities, art. " Deacon ").
3 B 2
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740
DEACONESS
DEACONESS
III. The moral qaalifications deacribed in
1 Tim. iii. as necessary for the oHice of a Deacon
are, to a great extent, the same as those of the
BUhop. The same purity and sobriety of life is
required of each (jiias ymcuK^t bUpa . . . M^
o1y<f iroW^ rpoatxoyrit, cp. /i)) mpoiyov, v. 3)
the same power of influence at home (ritcviav
KoXwt TpOKTrifuros, v. 1 2, cp. v. 4) ; the same
absence of the love of money (^1) alffxpoKipStis.
So of the Bishop in Titus i. 7 : in 1 Tim. iii. 3
the word is an interpolation, but cp. iipiXip-
yvfov). We notice, however, that the Deacons
were not required to be " given to hospitality,"
nor to be " apt to teach." It was enough for
them to " hold the mystery of the faith in a
pnre conscience." In their behaviour they were
to be fftityot, and in their dealings with others
ftil tiXoyoL On offering themselves for their
work they were to be subject to a strict scrutiny
(1 Tim. iii. 10), and if this ended satisfactorily
were to enter upon their duties.
Their office was primarily that of the relief of
the poor, the "serving of tables" in the "daily
ministration." As the Church spread and this
"daily ministration" became an impossibility,
they naturally dropped into the i>osition of
almoners of the community (see Diet, of C/trht.
AtUiq. i. 528). Hence the qualifications on
which St. Paul lays stress in their case are those
which would be most important, not, as in the
case of elders, in those who have to teach, but in
those who were to move about from house to
house, entrusted with the distribution of nims.
It does not appear to have belonged to the oiKce
of a Deacon to teach publicly in the Church.
The possession of any special x^'"!"' would
lead naturally to a higher work and office, but
the idea that the diacon-ite was but a proba-
tion, through which n man had to pas.s before he
could be an elder or Bishop, was foreign to the
constitution of the Church of the Ut century.
Whatever countenance it may receive from the
common p.itristic interpri-tition of 1 Tim. iii. 13
(cp. Estius and Hammond in loco), there can be
little doubt (as all the higher order of expositors
have felt : cp. Wiesinger and Ellicott in loco) that
when St. Paul speaks of the xaXhs fiaSfUt, wliich
is gained by those who " do the office of a Deacon
well," he refers to the honour which belongs essen-
tially to the lower work, not to that which they
were to And in promotion to a higher. Traces
of the primitive constitution and of the [>er-
manence of the diaconate are found even in the
more developed system of which we find the
commencement in the Ignatian Epistles. Ori-
ginally the Deacons had been the helpers of the
Bishop-elder of a Church of a given district.
When the two names of the latter title were
divided and the Bishop presided, the Deacons
appear to have been dependent directly on him,
and not on the Presbyters; and, as being bis
ministers, the " eyes and ears of the Bishop "
(Const. Apott. ii. 44), were tempted to set them-
selves up against the elders. Hence the neces-
sity of laws like those of Cone. Nk. c. 18 ; Cone.
Carth. iv. c. 37, enjoining greater humility, and
hence probably the strong language of Ignatius
as to the reverence due to Deacons (Ep. ad Trail,
c. 3 ; ad Smym. c. 8). [E. H. P.] [E. C. S. G.]
DEACONESS (tuUovor. The word tuucoyuririi
is post-Bibllcal. It occurs in Const. Apost. ui.
ch. XV. [as a doubtful reading3> s»d again in vi.
ch. xvii., VIII. ch. iix. In Cone. Xic c. 19 the
reading is doubtful. Atdxayos is still uscj in
Cone. ChaicttbM. c. 15 ; SoieineB, H. E. IT. cii.
xiv., &c. ; and Theodoret, II. ch. xiv.). The wird
SidKoyos is found in Horn. xvi. 1 associated with
a female name (" Phoebe . . . quae est in minis-
terio ecclesiae," V'ulg.) ; and this has led to the
conclusion that there existed in the .ipestolic
age, as there undoubtedly did a little later
(I'liny, Ep. ad Traj. i. 97, "ancillae . . .quae
ministrae dicebantur "), an order of women betr-
ing that title, and exercising in relation to their
own sex functions which were analogous to
those of the Deacons. On this hypothesis it has
been inferred that the women mentioned ia
Rom. xvi. 6, 12, belonged to such an order
(Herzog, JtE.* " Diakonissa "). ITie rules gitea
as to the conduct of women in 1 Tim. iii. 1 1,
Tit. ii. 3, have in like manner been referred ti-
them, and thev have even been identified with
the " widows "' of 1 Tim. v. 3-10.
In some of these instance;, however, it seen-
scarcely doubtful that writers have transferrfJ
to the earliest age of the Church the organiza-
tion of a later. It was of course natural th»t
the example recorded in l.uke viii. 2, 3, shuul^i
be followed by others, even when the Lord v.if
no longer with His disciples. The new life
which pervaded the whole Christian socieir
(Acts ii. 44, 45 ; iv. 32) would le.-id women m
well as men to devote themselves to labours "f
love. The strong feeling tli.it the true 9jniafU
of Christians consisted in " visiting the father-
less and the widow " (Jas. i. 27) would taiit
this the special duty of these who were hfi
fitted to undertake it. The social relatioas •!
the sexes in the cities of the empire (cp. Grotiut
on Rom. xvi. 1) would make it fitting that tbe
agency of women should be employed largeir
in the direct personal application of Christiaa
truth (Tit. ii. 3, 4), possibly in the preparatifs
of female catechumens. Even the later organi-
zation may be thought to imply the preTioii>
existence of the germs out of which it ir*.<
developed. It may be questioned, however,
whether all the passages referred to above allode
to a recognised body bearing a distinct namt.
Much perplexity surrounds the question of the
" widows," of whom two classes are distinctly
recognised in 1 Tim. v. [see Widows]; hut
there are very strong objections against the
view of Schleierm-icher, Mack, Schaff, and others
which identifies the enrolled widows of c i*
with the deaconesses : for (<i) there is not a
particle of evidence that deaconesses and x^*'
are synonymous termsi, and ('.) the age fixed lor
admission, sixty, is wholly incompatible witb
the active duties which must have belonged te
the office of the deaconess (see below, and c{>.
Ellicott in loco). In Tit. ii. 3-5 the directiosi
are evidently not to officials, but t« the tiia
and younger women generally, as in cc. I and 1
to aged men and in rv. 6-9 to younger men. In
1 Tim. iii. 11, however, it is probable that the
reference is more definite, and that the order uf
deaconesses is alluded to (Chrys. and mo^t
moderns, including Lightfoot and £lUcott). Ttf
only alternative is to understand the charge «i
the Apostle as referring to the <rti«s of the
Deacons ; and against this the following reasons
appear conclusive : (a) the omiasioa of avrir ;
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DEAD SLA
(b) the expression iiirairas (cp. r. 8), which
seems to niuric a new euclesiosticitl class ; (c) the
injunction concerning; Deacons in t. 12, which
hardly loolcs as if their wires had been mentioned
before ; (d) the absence of any notice of the
wires of the iwiiTKoxoi in it. 1-7 ; and (e) the
omission of any special notice of domestic duties
^see further EUicott in loco). There remain the
notices in Rom. xri. 1, 6, 12. Of these the last
two are perfectly general, and may or may not
refer to deaconesses. The first, while clearly
implying the existence of the office, tells us
nothing of the functions of those who filled it.
These are all the passages in which it is
possible to discover any trace of the office ; and
it will be seen from them bow slight and frag-
mentary our knowledge of it is. The qitali/ica-
tiona of deaconesses are laid down in 1 Tim.
ill. 11. They were to be, like the Deacons,
" grave " (<rc/uvOi " °°' slanderei-s " (jiii Sii-
fioKoi, answering to the ^)) SiX^oi of the Deacons,
"as the rice to which the female sex is more
addicted," Alf.), " temperate " (i^^elAioi, answer-
ing to fiii otyif ToAAf -rpofftx-)' '>'"' " faithful in
all things " (iriffral iv rairiy, answering to /ij)
euaxpoKtpSus). With regard to their duties
nothing definite is anywhere said in the N. T.,
and it is not safe to argue back from those
undertaken by the deaconesses of the later
Charch, since the institution in its primitive
form appears to hare been almost confined to
the apostolic age. There is, it is true, the
certain allusion to them at the very beginning
of the 2nd century in the letter of Pliny to
Trajan, but apart from this there is no mention
of the female diaconate outside the K. T. till
the very end of the 3rd century, though the
■order of widows is frequently alluded to. The
apostolic F.-ithers are all silent as to the office :
so are TertuUian and Cyprian. Origen has
nothing to say of it in his exposition of Rom.
xvi. 1, nor does he mention it in his enumeration
of Church dignitaries (i» Luc. Hom. 17 : cp.
Chlhorn's Christian Charity in the Ancient
Church, p. 166). At the close of the 3rd cen-
tury the institution was apparently revived in
the Eiist ; but where the interval is so great, it
would be highly precarious to transfer to the
office in the apostolic age the functions assigned
to it under the later ecclesiastical system. We
are left then to conjecture what the duties of
the office may have been from the qualifications
required of those who undertook it. From these
it may fairly be inferred (a) that their service
included the visitation of the members of the
Church in their homes, on which account the
Apostle requires them not to be slanderers,
tarrying gossip from bouse to house ; and (b)
th.nt they had some share in the distribution of
alms, whence he specially enjoins them to be
"faithful in all things "(cp. Uhlhorn, p. 79).
Beyond this there is nothing whatever to be
g.tthered from the N. T. [For the later history
of the order, see Vict, of Christ. Antiq., art.
" Deaconess."] [E. H. P.] [E. C. S. C]
DEAD SEA. This name nowhere occurs in
the Bible, and .ippears not to have existed until
the 2nd century after Christ. It originated in
•n erroneous opinion, and there can be little
doubt that to the name is due in a great measure
the mistakes and misrepresentations which were
DEBIB
741
for so long prevalent regarding this lake, and
wliich have not indeed yet wholly ceased to
exist.
In the 0. T. the lake is called '< the Salt Sea,"
and "the Sea of the Plain" (^Arabali); and
under the former of these names it will be found
described [Salt Sea]. [G.] [W.]
DEARTH. [Famine.]
DEBI'B, the name of three places in Palestine.
1. 0^1> l>"t in Judg- "nd Oh. "lU'l, kinder
part, as of a temple, and hence the simctHary,
Ges. ; BA. ^a$flp ; Babir), a town in the
mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 49), one of a
group of eleven cities to the west of Hebron. In
the narrative it is mentioned as being the next
place which Joshua took after Hebron (x. 38).
It was the seat of a king (x. 39, lii. 13), and was
one of the towns of the Anakim, from which
they were utterly destroyed by Joshua (xi. 21).
The earlier name of Debir was Kirjath-sepher,
" city of book " (Josh. xv. 15 ; Judg. i. 11), and
Kirjath-sannah, " city of palm " (Josh. xv. 49).
The records of its conquest vary, though not
very materially. In Josh. xv. 17 and Judg. i. 13
a detailed account is given of its capture by
Othniel son of Kenaz, for love of Achsah the
daughter of Caleb, while in the general history
of the conquest it is ascribed to the great com-
mander himself (Josh, x, 38, 39). In the last
two passages the name ia given in the Hebrew
text as Dobirah (D^D^). It was one of the cities
given with their "suburbs" (t5'^3p) to the
priests (Josh. xxi. 15 ; 1 Ch. vi. 58). Debir
does not appear to have been known to Jerome,
and it has only been identified in modem times.
Ewald (^Gesch. ii. 373, note) appears to derive
the name from ^3*1, " an oracle or adytum."
He takes it to indicate a position " on the back,
i>. the S. or S.W. slopes of the mountains," and
identifies the place with edh-ph/lheriyeh, a large
village, with ancient care dwellings, wells and
cisterns, which stands high on a flat ridge, on
the right bank of W. el-Khulll. In the list of
cities in Josh. xv. 49, 50, Debir follows Socoh
(S/taitei/ieh') and Dannah (^Idhnd), and precedes
Anab (^Anab) and Eshtemoa (es-8emu'd); edh-
Dhaheriyeh is situated between these places,
and its identification with Debir is accepted by
Conder (/'£/". Mem. iii. 402, 407) and Tristram
{BMc Places, p. 61). The " upper and the nether
springs" may be found in the W. ed-Dilbeh, a
valley to the north of edh-Vh6heriyeh. In
striking contrast to the general aridity of the
south country, fourteen springs, divided into
three groups, feed a stream that runs for three
or four miles through a succession of small
gardens (PEF. Mem. iii. 302> In this valley
Van de Velde (ifcm. p. 307) places Debir. About
three miles to the W. of Hebron is a deep and
secluded valley called the Wddy Nunkur, enclosed
on the north by hills of which one bears a name
certainly suggestive of Debir, — Dewir-baa (see
the narrative of Rosen in the Zeitsch. D. M. 0,
1857, pp. 50-64). Felix Fabri {Evay. ed. Hassler,
ii. 338) heard of a place near this valley called
Debir; and Schwarr (p. 86) speaks of a Wddy
Vibir in this direction. This position, however,
seems too far N. to meet the requirements of
the n.irrative.
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DEBIR
It has been assumed from the name Kirjath-
sepher that the Canaanites were acquainted with
writing and books; and Quatremfcre (J.des Sat.
1842, p. i>\X) considers that their archives were
kept in the ]i1ace : he instances as paralU-U the
preservation of the Persian records (Ezra vi. 1 , 2),
and of the Phoenician records at Tyre ; and to
these are to be added the libraries of Babylon.
2. (^3^ ; M t\> Ttrpaprov t^j ipafcr/yos
'Ax<il> ; Dc'xni). a place on the north boundary
of jadah, near the " valley of Achor " (Josh. xv.
7), and therefore somewhere in the complications
of hill and ravine behind Jericho. A trace of
the name may be retained In Thnghret cd-Debr,
"the jMiss of the rear," not far from Khan
Hathrurah, on the Jerusalem-Jericho road ; or
perhajw in W. eJ-Dubbdr, near AViy Misa. Cp.
l>illmann' iu loco. .
S. The " border (>13|) of Debir " is named
ns forming part of the boundary of Gad (Josh.
ziii. 26), and apparently ns an eastern limit iu
contradistinction to Mahanaim, which was
situated on the western edge of the highland
above the Jonhm valley ; cp. " Heshbon unto
Ramath-Mizpeh," which describes roughly the
N. and S. limits of the tribe. Reland (p. 734)
conjectures that the name may possibly be the
same as Lodebar (13*1?), but no identification
has yet taken place (BA. ^afitip ; Dobir : R. V.
marg. Lakbir). Lying in the grazing country
on the high downs east of Jordan, the name
may be derived from 131, Dabar, the same
word which is the root of ilidbar, the wilder-
ness or pasture (see Ges. p. :U8). [Desert.]
Oliphant, Laiui of GilciiJ, p. 212, places Debir
on the N.W. frontier of Gad, near the Sea of
Tiberias. [G.] [W.]
DEBI'R (1»31; B. Aa$fiy, A. Aa$t(p;
Dabii), king of Eglon, a town in the low country
of Judah ; one of the five kings hanged by
Joshua (Josh. x. 3, "23). [G.]
DEB'OEA (Af /Sflwpi), a woman of Naphtali,
mother of Tobiel, the father of Tobit (Tob. i. 8).
The same name as
DEB'OBAH (nii31; Af$6^a, At$eSpa;
Pebbora). 1. The nnrse of Rebekah (Gen. xxxv.
8). Nurses held a high and honourable place
in ancient times, and especially in the East
(2 K. xi. 2 ; Hom. Od. i. 429 ; Virg. Acn. rii. 2,
"Aeneia nutrix"; Ov. Met. xiv. 441), where
they were often the principal members of the
family (2 Ch. ixii. 11 ; Jahn, Arch. DM. § 166).
Deborah accompanied Rebekah from the house
of Bethuel (Oen. xxiv. 59), and is only mentioned
by name on the occasion of her burial, under
the oak-tree of Bethel, which was called in her
honoar Allon-Bachuth (BciXoyorWvdavt, LXX.).
Such spots were usually chosen for the purpose
(Gen. xxiii. 17, 18; 1 Sam. xxxi. 13; 2 K. xxi.
18, &c.). If the numbers be correct, she must
have attained the great age of at least 150 years,
for she was grown up at Rebekah's birth, and
Jacob was 97 when he returned from Paran, and
was not born till twenty years after Rebekah's
marriage (Gen. xxv. 19, 26). Many have been
puzzled at finding Deborah in Jacd/s family ;
it is unlikely that she was sent to summon
Jacob from Haran (as Rashi suggests), or that she
DEBOBAU
had returned dnring the lifetime of Rebekah, anil
was now coming to vi^it her (as AbarbiinrI lul
others say); but she may very well have re-
turned at Rebekah's death, and that Kebek.ih
teas dead is probable from the omission of her nune
in Gen. xxxv. 27 ; and if, according to the Jewish
legend, Jacob first beard of his mother's death
at this spot, it will be an additional rea><iD fur
the name of the tref, and may possiUy be im-
plied in the expression T113M, comforted, A. V.
and R. V. "blessed" (Gen. xxxr. 9; see too
Ewald, Getch. i. 390).
2. A prophetess who judged Israel (Jadg. ir.
v.). Her name, 11131, means " a bee " (or <r^,
" a wasp "), just as MiKiirira and MelitilU vat
proper names. This name may imply notbin;
whatever, being a mere apiwllative, derived like
Rachel (a lamb), Tamar (a palm), &c., from
natural objects ; although she was (as Cora, a
Lapide qiiniutly puts it) suis mellea, /lOstiW
aculeatn. Some, however, see in the name <n
official title, implying her prophetic autboritr.
A bee was an Egyptian symbol of regal \ovtr
(cp. Oallim. ./or. 66, and Kt, Maj. s. v. iairin);
and among the Greeks and Romans the term trss
applied not only to poets (ntore apis ilat'iiux,
Hor.) and to those peculiarly cluiste (as by the
Xeoplatonists), but especially to the priestesses
of Deljihi (xf>i)(r/tbr fit\l(r<ras AtK^lSos, Find.
P. iv. 106), Cyl«le, and Artemis (Creuier, Sym-
bulii, iii. 354, &c.), just as laai)V was to the
priests. In both these senses the n.ame suits
her, since she was essentially a rxtea or seer,
combining the functions of poetry and j.ntphecy.
She lived in the one secure spot in Palestine,
under the palm-tree of Deborah, between Ranub
and Bethel in Mount Ephraim (Judg. iv. 5).
" Such teuts the patriarchs loved " (Coleridge).
So Abraham lived under the oak of Mnmre, and
Saul under the pomegranate of Migron (Gen. xiv.
13 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 2). The words " she dwelt "
may mean that she sat under the palm to
ileliver her judgments, just as St. Louis used t«
sit under the oak at Vineennes. Since palm-
trees were rare in Palestine, this tree " is men-
tioned as a well-known and solitary landmark,
and was probably the lame spot as that called
(Judg. XX. 33) Baal-Tamar, or the sanctuary ef
the palm " (Stanley, S. and P. p. 146). Vol
Bohlen (p. 334),followed by most luoderns, thinks
that this tree Is the same as AUon-Uachuta
(Oen. xxxv. 8 ; see Dillmann,' Delitzsch [1887]),
the name and locality being nearly the same
(Ewald, .ilesch. i. 391, 405^ although it is ridi-
culous to say that this " may havo suggested a
name for the nurse " (Hiivemick's IntroJ. to Pint.
p. 201 ; Kalisch, Gen. ad loco). The s.ime critics
consider very probable the identification of tiie
palm-tree of Deborah and " the onk of Tabor." in
1 Sam. X. 3, where Thenius would read iT^I
for 113)1. It was doubtless one of the welJ-
known trees of Palestine, and such trees often
became surrounded with religions associations.
The Targum says, " She lived in Ataroth, having
independent means, and she had palm-trees in
Jericho, gardens in Ramah, olive-yards in tie
valley, well-watered lands in Bethel, and white
clay In the King's mount."
Deborah was probably n woman of Ephrsim,
although from the expression in Judg. v. 15
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DEBOKAH
some luppose her to have belonged to Issachar
(Ewald, Gesch. ii. 489). The expression nt?*??
n'n'S? (Judg. iv. 4) is much dis]>uted ; it is
generallr thought to mean " wife of Lapidoth,"
as io A. V. and R. V. ; but other Versions render
it " uxor principis," or " Koemimi Lapidothiina "
(" that great dame of Lapidoth," Tennyson), or
mulier $pleitdorum, i.e. one divinely illuminated,
since ni*t*B7 = lightnings. Those who take the
latter view refer tu Is. Ixii. 1 ; Job xli. 2 ; Nah.
iL 4 ; Ecclus. xlviii. 1, which, however, prove
nothing. But the most prosaic notion is that of
the Rabbis, who take it to mean that she attended
to the Tabernacle lamps, from TB?, lappid, a
lamp! CMegHla, t. 14, Rashi). The fern. Urmi-
nation is often found in men's names, as in
Shelomith (1 Ch. ixiii. 9), Naboth, Koheleth,
&c. Lapidoth (or more correctly, Lappidoth)
then was probably her husband, and not Barnk,
as is asserted by later Jews (^itidraah liabha
on Ruth i.).
She was not so much a judge (a title which
belongs rather to Barak, Heb. xi. 32) .-is one
gifted with prophetic command in a time of
despondency and confusion (Judg. iv. 6, 14, v. 7 ;
Midrath Jiohekth, § 5), and by virtue of her in-
spiration "s mother in Israel." Her sex would
give her additional weight, as it did to Veleda
and Alaurinin among the Germans, from an
instinctive belief in the divinity of womanhood
(Tac Oenn. viii.). Compare the instances of
Miriam, Huldah, Noadiah, Anna (2 K. xxii. 14 ;
Neh. vi 14 ; Luke ii. 36). Among the Jews,
however, prophetesses were the exception. Ac-
cording to the Rabbis, her prophetic functions
ceased with the victory over Jabin (^Pcsachim,
f. 66), and they explain Job v. 5 by the fact that
the lands of Sisera were assigned to her and to
Barak (sec Hamburger, RE. i. 241). With
the exception of the Phoenician murderess
Athaliah, she is the only female ruler in Jewish
history; but she was less a ruler tli.in a de-
liverer, like Joan of Arc, " the inspired maid of
Domremi."
Jabin's tyranny wait pecnliarly felt in the
northern tribes, who were near his capital and
under Deborah's jurisdiction, viz. Zebulun, Kaph-
tali, and Issachar ; hence, when she summoned
Barak to the deliverance, " it was on them that
the brunt of the battle fell ; but they were joined
by the adjacent central tribes, Ephraim, Ma-
nasseh, and Benjamin, though not by those of
the extreme west, south, and east " (Stanley,
p. 330). Under her direction Bnrak encamped
on the broad summit of Tnbor (Jos. B. J. ii.
20, § 6). When asked to accompany him, " she
answered indignantly. Thou, Barak, deliverest
up meanly the authority which God hath given
thee into the hands of a woman ; neither do I
reject it " (Jos. Ant v. 5, § 2). The LXX. inter-
polate the words Sri obx olia r^y iifiipar iv f
tixitoi 6 Kipus rhy iyytXov ^uT' ifioS as a sort
of excuse for Barak's request (iv. 8, cp. e. 14,
T. 23). When the small band of ill-armed (Judg.
r. 8) Israelites saw the dense iron chariots of
the enemy, " they were so frightened that they
wished to march off at once, had not Deborah
detained them, and commanded them to fight
the enemy that very day " (Jos. /. c). They
DECAPOLIS
743
did so, but Deborah's prophecy was fulfilled
(Judg. iv. 9), and the enemy's general perished
among the " oaks of the wanderers (Zaaoaim),"
in the tent of the Bedouin Kenite's wife (Judg. iv.
21) in the northern mountains. "And the land
had rest forty years" (Judg. v. 31). For
the natural phenomena which aided (Judg. v.
20, 21) the victory, and the other details (for
which we have ample authority in the twofold
narration in prose and [ujetry), see Barak, where
we have also entered on the difficult ques-
tion of the chronology (Ewald. (iesch. ii. 489-
494). A village named Deharieh, at the foot of
Tabor, possibly preserves the traditional me-
morial of her association with Barak at Mount
Tabor (Judg. iv. 10).
Deborah's title of " prophetess " (ri^*33) in-
cludes the notion of inspired poetry, as in Ex. xr.
20; and in this sense the glorious triumphal
ode (Judg. V.) well vindicates her claim to the
office. On this ode much has been written, and
there are separate treatises about it by Holl-
mann, Kalkar, and Kenrick. It is also ex-
plained by Ewald {Die poet. BUclier det Alt.
Bundes, i. 125) and Gumpach {Altteatament.
Studien, pp. 1-140). [F. W. F.]
DKBTOB. [LOA.N.]
DECAPOLIS {^txixoXtt, " the Uo cities ").
This name occurs three times in the N. T.
(Matt. iv. 25 ; Mark v. 20, and vii, 31), and on
each occasion it is used in a geographical sense
to denote the territory belonging to " the ten
cities," or perhaps, mure generally, the district
S.E. of the Sea of Galilee. The term seems,
however, to have been a jwlitical rather than
a geographical one, and to have been applied to
a bund, or privileged confederation of free cities,
formed for self-defence and joint political action,
under the jurisdiction of the Governor of Syria.
According to Pliny (v. 16), the cities were
Damascus, Philadelphia, Raphana, Scythopolis,
Gadara, Hippos, Dion, Pella, Galasa (Garasa),
and Canatha ; he admits, however, that autho-
rities differed as to the names of the cities, and
states that between and around them there were
tetrarchies, each like a kingdom, such as Tracho-
nitis, Paneas, Abila, &c. Ptolemy (v. 17) makes
Capitolias one of the cities ; Reland (p. 525)
quotes an old Palmyrene inscription which
includes Abila in the Decapolis; whilst Josephus
(.0. J. iii. 9, § 7) calls Scythopolis the largest city
of Decapolis, which would exclude Damascus.
The discrepancies may perhaps be reconciled by
supposing that ten cities at first received certain
privileges and immanities, and that the name
Decapolis was retained alter changes had been
made by increasing or decreasing the number
of towns in the confederation.
In Matt. iv. 25, Decapolis is distinguished
from the country beyond Jordan, though all the
cities, with the exception of Scythopolis, were
east of that river in the tetrarchy of Herod
Agrippa. Eusebius and Jerome (OS.' p. 251, 89)
say that Decapolis was a district beyond Jordan,
around Hippos, Pella, and Gadara ; Epiphanius
(adv. Haer. i. 123) describes Decapolis as being
■around Pella and in Basanitis ; Josephus always
speaks of the cities as " Decapolis of Syria,"
|>ossibly to show that they were under the
jurisdiction of the Governor of Syria ; and so
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DECAPOLIS
also Pliny when he praises (xv. 3) the olives of
Decapolis of Syrin. Elsewhere Pliny alludes to
Philadelphia and Kaphana as lying back towards
Arabia, and to Pella as " nch in waters."
Each city ap]>ears to hare been the centre of
a small district which was subject to it, and to
which it gave its name. Josephus (£. J. ii. § 1)
speaks of the Jews having laid waste the
villages of Decapolis ; in li. J. iii. 3, § 5, he
calls Pella the capital of a toparchy; Gadnra
was the capital of a large district, Gadiiritis,
which probably included Gergesa on the Sea of
Galilee, and it was the seat of a district coart
{B. J. i. 8, § 5) ; the district of Philadelphia
was known as Philadelphene, and that of
Hippos as Hipi>ene. These districts were quite
independent of the provinces or tetrarchies in
which they were situated ; and their geographi-
cal position, in the provinces, may be com|>ared
with that of the detached portions of some
English and Scotch counties.
The cities of Decapolis contained a mixed
population, which varied according to the
position of the city; Philadelphia, for instance,
on the edge of the desert, was peopled by Greeks,
Syrians, and Arabs (Strabo, xvi. 2, § 34). In
each the Greek element preponderated : Jose-
phns goes so far (Ant. xvii. 11, § 4) as to call
Gadara and Hippos Greek cities; the official
language, as shown by the coins and inscriptions,
was Greek ; Greek customs, forbidden to the
Jews, such as the keeping of swine by the
Gadarenes (Matt. viii. 28-H3), prevailed ; the
people of Abila called themselves, on their coins,
Seleucians; and some of the cities may have been
Greek military settlements, iis for instance Pella
and Dion, which appear to have been named after
and were possibly founded by colonists from
Pella and Dion in Macedonia.
The Jews were, almost constantly, in a state
of open warfare with the cities of Decapolis ; and,
even when this was not the case, the relations
between them and the Greek inhabitants were
strained. The cities, as heathen cities, paid
no tithes; and some of them, as Scythopolis,
could only be entered by Jews on certain
conditions. This did not, however, prevent the
Jews from living in them; at Scythopolis there
was a large population of Jews, noted for the
strictness with which they kept the Sabbath,
nnd the scrupulous manner in which they per-
formed their religious observances; at Gadara
and Hippos there were also many Jews (£. J. ii.
18, § 5).
During the Maccabaean wars the cities suffered
greatly, and nearly all of them seem to have
fallen into the hands of Alexander Jannaeus.
At a later period they were recnptured by
Pompey, who, after rebuilding and beautifying
them, placed them under the jurisdiction of the
<3ovemor of Syria. At the same time he
appears to have granted them self-government
^aAroco/ifa), and freedom and immunity from
taxatiou {tKtvBtpia icol ireXefa). Most of the
towns, of which coins are extant, counted from
the era of Pompey, 64 B.C., and to this date
may perhaps be assigned the foundation of the
<onfederation to which the name of Decapolis
■was given. At the commencement of the Jewish
war, Justus and the people of Tiberias made
"war with Decapolis of Syria, and burned the
milages which belonged to the cities ; the people
DEDAX
thereupon sent an embassy of their chief men
to Vespasian, who was then at Ptolemsis to
complain of Justus and his actions (Jos. YU.
64, 73).
The cities, with the rich fertile districts vhich
belonged to them, were, in the time of the
Saviour, populous and prosperous ; six of them
are now desolate and uninhabited ; three —
Scythopolis, Gadara, and Canatha— have a few
families living in them ; and one alone, Damas-
cus, retains something of its former prosperity.
[Gadara; Gebasa; Puiladelphia ; Scttro-
FOLIS.] [W.l
DECISION, VALLEY OF. [Jehosha-
PUAT.]
DEDA'N (jn'l; Dedaa, Dadaa). L The
name of a son of Raamab, son of Cash (Gen. i. 7,
A. AoStiv; 1 Ch. i. 9, A. AoS(i», B. louWm,
" the sons of Kaaniah, Shebii, and Dedia ").
2. That of a son of Jokshan, son of Ketnrak
(Gen. XXV. 3, A. [his\ AaiSar ; D. and D. ray
in the second occurrence of A., and "Jokshu
begat Shebii and Dedan. And the sons of Uedsi
were Asshurim, Letushim, and Leummim." Cp.
1 Ch. i. 32, BA. AaiSdy). The usual opinion
respecting these founders of tribes is that the
tirst settled among the sons of Cush, wherever
these latter may be placed ; the second, on the
Syrian borders, about the territory of Edom.
liut Geseuius and Winer have suggested that
the name may apply to one tribe; and this may
be adopted as probable on the supjiosition that
the descendants of the Ketarnhite Dedan inter-
married with those of the Cushite Dedan, vhom
the writer places, presumptively, on the borders
of the Persian Gulf. [Arauia ; C'osii ; Ra-ijuh,
&c.] The theory of this mixed descent gains
weight from the fact that in each case the
brother of Dedan is named Sheba. It may be
supposed that the Dedanites were among the
chief traders traversing the caravan-route from
the he.id of the Persian Gulf to the south of
Palestine, bearing merchandise of India, and
imssibly of Southern Arabia; and hence the
mixture of such a tribe with another of dilTerent
(nnd Keturahit«) descent presents no impos-
sibility. The passages in the Bible in which
Dedan is mentioned (besides the geoealogie
above referred to) are contained in the pro-
phecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, and
are in every case obscure. The Edomite settlen
seem to be referred to in Jcr. ilii. 8, where
Dedan is mentioned in the prophecy against
I'Mom ; again in xxv. 23, with Tenia and Box ; is
Ezek. xxv. 13, with Teman, in the prophecy
against Edom; and in Is. xxi. 13, R. V. ("Th*
burden upon Arabia. In the forest in Arabia
shall ye lodge, ye travelling companies of
Dedanites "), with Tema and Kedar. This last
passage is by some understood to refer to
caravans of the Cushite Dedan: and althoogk
it may only signify the wandering propensitiei
of a nomad tribe, such as the Edomite portion
of Dedan may have been, the supposition that it
means merchant-caravans is strengthened by
the remarkable words of Ezekiel in the lamen-
tation for Tyre. Ezekiel (in ch. xivii.) twiee
mentions Dedan; first in r. 13, where, after
enumerating among the traffickers with the
merchant-city many Asiatic peoples, it is saii
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DEDANIM
(8. v.), "The men of Dedan were thy trafficken,
miny i>lea (Q**K) were the mart of thine hand :
thejr brought thee in exchange horns of ivory,
and ebony." Passing thence to Syria and
vestern and northern peoples, the Prophet
again (in v. 20) mentions Dedan in a manner
vhich s»ms to point to the widespread and
possibly the mixed ancestry of this tribe. Verse
15 may be presumed to allude especially to the
Ouhite Dedan (cp. xxxriii. 13, where we find
Dedan with Sheba and the merchants of Tar-
shish ; apparently, from the context, the Dedan
of xxrii. 15) ; but the passage commencing in
r. 20 appears to include the settlers on the
borders of Kdom (i>. the Keturahite Dedan).
The whole of the passage is as follows (R. V.) :
" Dedan [was] thy trafficker in precious clothes
for riding. Arabia, and all the princes of
Kedar, they were the merchants of thy hand ;
in lambs, and rams, and goats, in these [were
they] thy merchants. The traffickers of Sheba
and Kaamah they [were] thy traffickers : they
traded for thy wares with chief of all spices,
and with all precious stones, and gold. Harnn,
and Canneh, and Eden, the traffickers of Sheba,
Asshur, ami Chilmad, [were] thy traffickers"
(Eiek. xxTii. 20-23). We have here a Dedan
connected with Arabia (probably the north-
western part of the peninsula) and Kedar, and
also with the father and brother of the Cushite
Dedan (Raamah and Sheba), and these latter
with Asiatic peoples commonly placed in the
regions bordering the head of the Persian Gulf.
This Dedan moreover is a merchant, not in
pastoral produce, in sheep and gonts, but in
"precious clothes," in contradistinction to Arabia
and Kedar, like the far-off Kostern nations who
came with " spices and precious stones and gold,"
" wrappings of blue and broidered work," and
" chests of rich apparel."
The probable inferences from these mentions
of Dedan support the argument first stated,
namely, 1. That Dedan son of Raamah settled
on the shores of the Persian Gulf, and his de-
scendants became caravan-merchants between
that coast and Palestine. 2. That Jokshan, or
a .«on of Jokshan, by intermarriage with the
Cushite Dedan, formed a tribe of the same name,
vhich appears to have had its chief settlement
in the borders of Idumaea, and perhaps to have
led a pastoral life.
All traces of the name of Dedan, whether in
Idnmaea or on the Persian Gulf, are lost in the
works of Arab geographers and historians. The
Greek and Roman geographers, however, throw
some light on the eastern settlement; and a
native indication of the name is thought to
exist in the island of Dddan, on the borders of
the gulf. The identification must be taken in
connexion with Dr. Poole's recovery of the
name of Sheba, the other son of Knauiah, on the
island of Aiedl. near the Arabian shore of the
same gnlf. This is discnssed in the ai-ticle
Raamau. Consult Dillmann* and Delitzsch
[1887] on Gen. x. 7. [E. S. P.] [K.]
DEDA'NIM. [Dedan.]
DEDA'NITES. [Dedan.]
DEDICATION, FEAST OF THE (ri
^KtuVia, John x. 22, Encaenia, Vulg. ; 6 iynai-
miriiis TO? Svatairniptov, 1 Mace. iv. 56 and 59
DEDICATION, FEAST OF 745
[the same term as is used In the LXX. for the
dedication of the Altar by Moses, Num. vii. 10];
6 Ka9apuriibs toS vooS, 2 Hacc. x. 5; Mishnn,
n^jn, i>. "dedication"; Joseph, ^fira. Ant.
xii. 7, § 7), the festival instituted to commemo-
rate the purging of the Temple and the rebuild-
ing of the Altar after Judas Maccabaeus had
driven out the Syrians, B.C. 164. It is named
only once in the C.-\nonical Scriptures, John
X. 22. Its institution is recorded 1 Mace. iv.
47-59. It commenced on the 25th of Chisleu,
the anniversary of the pollution of the Temple
by Antiochus Epiphancs, B.C. 167. Like the
great Mosaic Feasts, it lasted eight days, but it
did not require attendance at Jerusalem. It
was an occasion of much festivity. It was
celebrated in nearly the same manner as the
Feast of Tabernacles, with the carrying of
branches of trees, and with much singing
(2 Mace. X. 6, 7). Josephus states that thu
festival was called " Lights ; " and there was cer-
tainly a setting forth of inceuM, lights, and
shewbread (2 Mace. x. 3; cp. 1 Mace. iv. 50).
Further, he supposes that the name was given to
it from the joy of the nation at their unexpected
liberty — tV iopriiy tyo/ify KoXovyrtt outV
♦«To, iK ToO Tap' iXwttos olfuu rairriy rmir
payrjvai tV i^ovalay (^Ant. xii. 7, § 7). The title
chosen by our Lord, " I am the Light of the
world " (John ix. 5), may have reference to the
custom of lighting the lights of the seven-
branched candlestick (see Speaker's Comm. on
John X. 22). The Mishna informs us that no
fast on account of any public calamity could be
commenced during this Feast. In the Gemara a
story is related that when the Jews entered the
Temple, after driving out the Syrians, they
found there only one bottle of oil which had
not been polluted, and that this was miracu-
lously increased, so as to feed the lamps of the
sanctuary for eight days. The special number
of lights to be lit was a matter of discussion in
the 1st century A.D. in the schools of Hillel and
Shammai. The latter enjoined eight lights on
the first night, and one light less each night
that the festival lasted. The former reversed
the process, and, beginning with one light,
increased the number daily by one, till on the
last night the eight lights were burning. The
latter custom was in existenre in the time of
Maimonides, and is still the custom of the
British Jews (Mills, Hie British Jews, their
reliijious Ceremonies, &c., pp. 18.J-7). Neither
the Books of Maccabees, the Mishna, nor Jo-
sephus meution this custom, and it would seem
to be of later origin, probably suggested by the
n-tme which Josephus gives to the festival. In
the Temple at Jerusalem, the " Uallel " was
sung every day of the feast.
In Ezra (vi. 16) the word HSjn, applied to
the dedication of the second Temple, on the third
of Adar, is rendered in the LXX. by ifKolyia,
and in the Vulg. by dedicatio. But the anni-
versary of that day was not observed. The
dedication of the first Temple took place at the
Feast of Tabernacles (1 K. viii. 2 ; 2 Ch. v. 3).
[Tarerhacli-b, Feast of.]
See Lightfoot, Temple Service, sect. v. ; Horae
Jle'). on John x. 22, and his Sermon on the same
te.xt ; Mishnah, vol. ii. 369, ed. Surenhnsius ;
H;imburger's SE. Abth. ii. s. n. " Weihfest ; "
Westcott on John x. 22. [S. C] [F.]
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746
DEEP, THE
DEEP, THE (Sflwfforoj; a6^»«(s). This is
the rendering adopted by the A. V. in Luke
Yjii. 31 and Rom. i. 7, of a word which it
translates "bottomless )>it " ia Uev. ix. 1, 2, 11,
x\. 7, XI, 1, 3. The K. V. has adopted the
I'endering "abyss" in all these passages, and
such a rendering is especially needful in Luke
riii. 31, as avoiding the interpretation that by
" the deep " is meant the sea. Rather, according
to many, is meant that part of the under-ivorld
iu wliich evil spirits are contined. [F.]
DEGREES, SHADOW OP. [Ahaz; Dial;
Hezekiah.]
DEGEEES, SONGS OF, or, more accu-
rately, SOXQS OP ASCENTS (R. V.). These
"Songs "are fifteen in number, and constitute
I'salms cxx.-cxixiv. Fourteen of these Psalms
(cxx., cxxii.-cxxxir.) are each superscribed Sliir
Ifamma'aloth (T\^bvDn TB"), whilst one of
them (cixi.) bears the heading of Shir Lamma-
'aloth (jrhvn^ TC). Rashi, with his fine
Hebrew instinct, remarks that, although Shir
Jjamma'aluth stands second, it is in reality the
lirst of the series. This observation is ijuite
true, and can be critically established, both
negatively and jwsitively, — negatively, as there
can be no reason assigned for the break of the
uniformity of this series so early, and the im-
mediate resumption of it to break it no more.
Again, one may make practically, i.e. in a mere
translation, no difference between Shir ILimina-
\thth and ^AiV Lctmma'aloth, But Uamma^atoth
and lAimnta'alvth arc in Hebrew not one and
the same thing ; as, indeed, they cannot be.
This was already perceived by the keen critic
Ibn Ezra, who gives Shir ffamma^aloth as the
beginning of one poem, the tune of which was
well known, whilst he gives Shir Lamma'aloth
as the beginning of another poem, &c. (although
he is iu the interpretation of these names as
mistaken as he is in that of several other head-
ings; cp. AtJELETIt SlIAHAO, AL-TaSCHITH,
&e.). But that Psalm cxxi. waa originally
inennl to stand first can also be proved posi-
tively, as it is evidently^ introductory (even as
Psalm cxxxiv. is tcrminatory) to the whole
series, and expresses the leading idea why for
one of the several reasons these Psalms are
called Songs of Liftings-up, of Goings-up, of
Adoring, and of Trusting in. Him Who dwells
on hiijli, and is the Most High.* Thus: I lift
tip mine eyes (cxxi. 1). To God (on high} I
called (cxx, 1). I was glad when they said to
me, Let us ijo (up) to the House of God. For
there tcent up the tribes (cxxii, 1, 4), To Thee
1 lift up mine eyes (cxxiii. 1). The righteous
God Who is even higher th.m the oppressor.
Who is higher than Israel (cxxiv. ; see below,
cxxix.). Mountains (uplands) are round Jeru-
salem, and God is round His people (cxxv, 2),
When God brings back (up) the Captivity of
Zion (cxxvi. 1), If God (from on hi{/h) does
not build a house (cxxvii. 1). The man fearing
God who walkcth iu His W,ay (lookcth up to
Him for guidance ; cxiviii. 1), The same
argument aa in cxxiv., though expressed in a
• Hence one of Ood's names In the Bible Is ]V?!^>
and in tbc Talmud p|3 j.
DEHAVITES
somewhat different way (cxxix.). I called from
the depths (to Him on high; cxxx, 1). Muk
eyes are not lifted up iu pride (but in humility,
to God ; cxxxi, 1). Let us i/o up to His taber-
nacles (cxxxii. 7). Brethren (Israel and Juiui)
to dwell together (on the hills, i.e. uplands, of
Zion ; cxxiiii. 1-3), Lift up your hands in
holiness (cxxxiv, 2), This explanation does by
no means exclude some of the other reasons for
calling these poems Shir Lamma'aloth and S/if
Hamma-aloth. No duubt, both before the Cap-
tivity and after the return from it, the Hebrew,
on going up to Jerusalem, recited one or otlitr
of these Psalms on such occasions as the three
annual festivals, the bringing-u/> the fii^t-
fruits, the bringing-u/> the second tithe, kc.
\or docs this explanation exclude the ideas tiut
these fifteen Psalms gave rise to the construction
of the fifteen steps communicating between the
court of the women and the Israelite court, <>u
which the Levites sang and played on the ocu-
sion of the " Joy at the Drawing of the Water,"
and that these fifteen steps gave rise, in their
turn, to the superscriptioiU of the fifteen Psalmi,
which were apparently recited upon them.
These are ideas which are embodied in traditiou
which are too well founded to be called in qae>-
tion (cp, Mishnah Middoth, ii. 5 ; Suikah, v. 4 ;
and compare with one another Rab Se'adyah's
fii-st interpretation, as quoted by Ibn Lzra, ui'l
Rashi's and Qimchi's interpretations in loco).
What this entirely new explanation does ex-
clude, however, is, first, that these songs ever
stood in connexion with the legend concerning
the Deep and David and Ahitopbel, &c. ; a legesd
to which the Targum in loco alludes, and which
the Talmud contains (Babli Suikih, fol. oSa).
Such a Midrash, though consistent, is not to be
taken seriously, since there ia not the least
allusion to it in all these fifteen Psalms, What
this explanation next excludes is Rab Se'adyah
Gaon's second interpretation (se« Ibn Itn),
which was adopted by Luther. It was that thes^
poems were therefore called Shir Hamma-alath
and Shir Lamma'aloth, because they were son;
in a hiijher, i,e. a more powerful, key. For this
interpretation there ia not the slightest warrant
or even hint to be found anywhere, be it in
these sublime compositions themselves, or even in
the traditions of the Talmud .tnd Midrash, What
this explanation finally excludes is the stereo-
typed theory advanced by Ibn Elzra, that four-
teen of these Psalms were sung to one and tk
same tune, and one to a different melody, Thi>
is impossible, as these fourteen Psalms diifer
greatly from one another, not merely in anthor-
ship and time of composition, bnt in sentiment
and length of diction. The other theories ad-
vanced, that these fifteen Psalms were called
Sliir Hammafaloth and Shir Lamma'aloth becaa$e
of their "repetitive or ladder-like structure^'
or because they were the "choicest of all
Psalms," scarcely need refutation. [S. H. S.-&]
DEHAVITES (»\nj, [ire«i53,8\Tl [Jin].
ed, Baer; A, [2 Esd,] Aovcuot, B. ot dfJ
'HAo^atbi; Dievi) are mentioned but once in
Scripture (Ezra iv, 9), They were among tbe
colonists planted in Samaria by the Assvriui
monarch Ksarhaddon, after the completion of
the Captivity of Israel. From their name, taken
in conjunction with the fact that they are
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DEKAB
coupled with the Susanchites (Susianians, or
people of Susa) aii<l the tiamites (Elymaeans,
cp. B.. native! of the same country), it is con-
jectured that they are the Uai or Dahi, men-
tioned by Herodotus (i. 125) among the nomadic
Irilxs of Persia. This people appears to have
been widely diffused, l>eing found as Dahae
(Atlai = Dahistan), both in the country east of
the Caspian (Strab. xi. 8, § 2 ; Arriin. Exped.
Al. iii. 11, &c.) and in the vicinity of the Sea
of Azof (Strab. xi. 9, § 3) ; and again as Dii
(Atoi, Thucyd. ii. 96), Da! (A((oi, Strab.), or
Daci (AoKof, Strab., Dio Cast., &c.) upon the
Danulie. They were an Aryan race, and are
rejnnled by some as having their lineal de-
scendants in the modern Danes (see Grimm's
Gex/ikhte d. Deatsch. Sprach. i. 192-3). This
conjecture, as also that of Friedr. Delitzsch
(Prnef. p. x. to Baer's ed. of Daniel, Ezra, and
Xehemiah), who finds their city Du'-d-a in an
.Assyrian contract tablet, is questioned by
Schr.-ider {KAT.'' p. 616) and Berthean-Ryssel
{Dit BB. £srn, A'ec/iem., u. Eater, in loco).
The Septuagint form of the name — Datams —
mar compare with the Danus (= Adfos) of Latin
comedy. [G. It.] [F.]
DE'KAR. The son of Deker, i.e. Be.n-
Dekes (IJirja ; v'Ai AMcip ; Bendecar), was
Solomon's commissariat olTicer in the western
part of the hill-country of Judah and Benjamin,
Shaalbim and Bcthshemesh (1 K. iv. 9). [G.]
DELAI'AH nn'h'^ and iT'?'^ = ic/,om
tt:
Jehmah Itath freed— kt^. iTt\(v9tpos Kvpiou,
1 Cor. rii. 22 ; also the Phoenician name
A(\auurTifno$, quoted from Menander by Jose-
phus, Cont. Ap. i. 18, and the modem name
Godfrey = Gottesfrey), - the name of several
persons.
1. Delaiahu (A. AaAoto, B. Vlaaaal; Da-
Ituau), a priest in the time of David, leader of
the twenty-third course of priests (1 Ch. xiiv.
18).
2. Delaiah ; " children of Delaiab " were
among the people of uncertain pedigree who
returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezra
ii. 60 [A. AoAoio, B. Aax«(; />a/aio]; Neh.
rii. 62 [KA. AoAiUa, B. AoAcd; Dalaia]. In
1 Esd. v. .37 the name is Ladan [A. AoAcir,
B. 'AffiCi-]).
3. Deiaiah (MA. AaXa/a, B. AoAca; Dalaia),
son of Mehetabeel and father of Sliemaiah (Neh.
vi. 10).
4. Delaiahu (AaWat and ToBaKias), son
of Shemaiab, one of the "princes" (D^'lEJ')
about the court of Jehoiakim (Jer. .T.txvi. 12,
25).
The name also occurs in the A. V. as Da-
l^AU. [G.] [F.]
DELI'LAH (r\Yp[ = weak or feeble, either
in the sense of delicate or pining with desire,
or as a traitress ; AahtSd ; Joseph. AoAiAi; ;
Dalila), a woman who dwelt in the valley
of Sorek, beloved by Samson (Judg. xvi. 4-
18). Her connexion with Samson forms the
third and last of those amatory adventures
which in his history are so inextricably blended
with the craft and prowess of a judge in Israel.
She waa bribed by the "lords of the Philistines"
DELUS
747
to win from Samson the secret of his strength,
and the means of overcoming it. [Samson.]
It is not stated, either in Judges or in Jo-
sephns, whether she was an Israelite or a Phi-
listine. Nor can this question be deterniined by
reference to tlie geography of Sorei; ; since in
the time of the Judges the frontier was shifting
and indefinite. [SoREK.] The following con-
siderations, however, supply presumi)tive evi-
dence that she was a Philistine : —
1. Her iKCupatioti, which seems to have been
that of a courtesan of the higher class, a kiud uf
political Hetaera. The hetaeric and political
view of her position is more decideil in Josephus
than in Judges. He calls heryvyri «Taipi^a/i(V>),
and associates her influence over Samson with
wiros and avyovala {Ant. v. 8, § 11). He also
states more clearly her relation .is a political
agent to the " lords of the Philistines " (D'JIC.
Joseph. 01 upoforiirts, rots ipxoutri IlaXai-
(rrlyar ; LXX. ipx*"^" ! Satrapae ; ol rov koi-
yoS; " magistrates," " politician lords," Milton,
Sams. Ay. 850, 1195), employing under their
directions " liers in wait " {aTKH, ri (yttfoy ;
insidiis : cp. Josh. viii. 14 ; Josephus, trrpariu/'
riy). On the other hand, Chrysostom .ind many
of the tathers have maintained that Delilali
was married to Samson (so Milton, 1. 227), a
natural but uncritical attempt to save the
morality of the Jewish champion (see Judg.
xvi. 9, 18, as showing an exclusive command of
her establishment inconsistent with the idea of
matrimonial connexion ; Patrick, in loco). There
seems to be little doubt that she was a cour-
tesan ; and her employment as a political
emissary, together with the large sum which
was offered for her services (1100 pieces of
silver from each lord = 5,500 shekels, about
£700 ; cp. Judg. iii. 3), and the tact which is
attributed to her in Judges, but more especially
in Josephus, indicates a position not likely to be
occupied by any Israelitish woman at that period
of national depression.
2. The special tendency of the Scripture nar-
rative: the sexual temptation represented as
acting upon the Israelites from uiithout (Num.
XXV. 1, 6 ; xxxi. 15, 16).
3. "rhe si>ecial case of Samson (Judg. xiv. 1 ;
xvi. 1).
In Milton Delilah appears as a Philistine, and
justifies herself to Samson on the ground of
patriotism {Sams. Ag. 11. 850, 980). [T. E. B.]
DELUGE. [Noah.]
DEXUS (A^Xos), mentioned in 1 Mace. xv.
23, is the smallest of the ulands called Cyclades
in the Aegean Sea. It was one of the chief
seats of the worship of Apollo, and was cele-
brated as the birthplace »f this god and of his
sister Artemis (Diana). We learn from Josephus
{Ant. xiv. 10, § 8) that Jews resided in thi&
island, which mav be accounted for by the fact,
that after the fall of Corinth (B.C. 146) it
became the centre of an extensive commerce.
The sanctity of the spot and its consequent
security, its festival, which was a kind of fair,
the excellence of its harbour, and its convenient
situation on the highway from Italy and Greece
to Asia, m.tde'it a favourite resort of merchants.
So extensive was the commerce carried on in
the island, that 10,000 slaves are said to have
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748
DEMAS
changed hands tlicre in one day (Strab. xiv.
p. 668). Delus is at present uninhabited,
except by n few shcpherda. See further, Diet,
of Or. 4r Som. Gcoyr. s. v. [W. S.]
DE'MAS (Aj)/ioij Demaa). The name is
probably a shortened form of Demetrius. He
was a companion of St. Paul, classed by him
(Philem. v. 2+) with Mark, Aristarchus, and Luke
as a fellow-worker, and joined with these in
greetings to Philemon. He was not a Jew, for
in Col. iv. 14 he is, with Luke, expresslv
separated from " those of the circumcision." It
is noticeable that in the verse quoted Luke has
an epithet of affection, while Demas is barely
named. This difference forebodes the final
contrast in 2 Tim. iv. 10, 11: "Demas forsook
me, having loved this present world, and went
to Thessalonica . . . Only Luke is with me." It
is scarcely fair to conclude with Epiphanius
iHaeres. li. 6), and, we may add, with Uunyan,
that absolute ajiostasy is implied. We merely
gather that he would not stay with St. Paul a't
Rome unler the trying circumstances of his
imprisonment. His journey to Thessalonica has
been very probably interpreted by Chrysostom
as a return home («?XtTa oUoirpvipay, "jie chose
to live in luxury at home"). Lightfoot {Col.
iv. 14) inclines to consider him a thessalonian ;
and so a fellow-citizen of the more faithful
Aristarchus. [£. R, |}T
DEME'TKIUS (Ai)/.«TpH,r ; Vemetriiis).
1. A ma!<ter silversmith of Ephesus, employing
many men in the manufacture of silver models
of the temple of Artemis, which it was custom-
ary to wear on the body, or place in houses, as
amuleU. Demetrius and his fellow-craflsmen,
in fear for their trade, raised a tumult against
Paul and his companions. For the commercial
interests involved in idolatry, cp. Pliny's satis-
faction at the renewed demand for "keep"
(jxiatm) for sacrificial victims in consequence
of the measures which he had taken against
Christianity (Pliu. £p. ad Tmj. 96). The
apeech of Demetrius has had a commentary
provided for it by one of the inscriptions
discovered by Mr. Wood at Ephesns, in which
the glory of Artemis is set forth in nearly the
«ame language as that which Demetrius' uses
<8ee Contemp. Jlevieic, May 1S78, p. 294).
2. A Christian mentioned by St. John (.3 John
F. 12) as deserving the confidence of Gains, to
whom the Kpistle is addressed. He is described
as having the testimony (1) of all, i.e. Chris-
tians generally ; (2) of the Truth itself, so far as
the ideal of Christianity was seen to be realised
by him ; (3) of St. John and those with him,
speaking with the authority of the Church.
This commendation of him seems to imply that
he was about to visit Gains, very probably as
the bearer of the Epistle. See Westcott, Epp.
of St. John, in loco. [E. R. B.]
DEME'TKIUS I. (A„M<Tp.ot), sumamed
Ihe Saviour" {Surfip, in recognition of his
services to the Babylonians), king of Syria, was
the son of Seleucus Philopator, and grandson of
Antiochus the Great. While still a boy he was
sent by his father as a hostage to Rome (B.C.
17o) in exchange for his uncle Antiochus Epi-
plianes. From his position he was unable to
ofler any opposition to the usurpation of the
DEMETBIUS I.
Syrian throne by Antiochus IV.; but on the
death of that monarch (B.C. 164) he cUimed hii
liberty and the recognition of hia claim by the
Roman senate in preference to that of his cotain
Antiochus V. His petition was refused from
selfish policy (Polyb. xxxi. 12); and, by tiie
advice and assistance of Polybius, whose friend-
ship he had gained at Rome (Polyb. xixL 19;
Just, xixiv. 3), he left lUly secretly, and landed
with a small force at Tripolis io Phoeaida
(2 Mace. xiv. 1 ; 1 Mace vii. 1 ; Jos. ^ni.xiL 10,
§ 1). The Syrians soon declared in his favosr
(B.C. 162), and Antiochus and his protector
Lysias were put to death (1 Mace vii. 2, 3;
2 Mace. liv. 2). Having thus gained possessioa
of the kingdom, Demetrius succeed in secuiing
the favour of the Romans (Polyb. xixii. 4), and
he turned his attention to the internal organii*.
tion of his dominions. The Uraecizing parti
I were still powerful at Jerusalem, and he sap-
ported them by arms. In the first campaign
his general Bacchides established Alcimus in tke
high-priesthood (1 Mace. vii. 5-20); but tk«
success was not permanent. Alcimus was forced
to take refuge a second time at the court of
Demetrius ; and Nicanor, who was commLssiooed
to restore him, was defeated in two successive
engagements by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mace vii
31-2, 43-5), and fell on the field. Two other
campaigns were undertaken against the Jews by
Bacchides (B.C. 161, 158) ; but in the meaDtime
Judas had completed a treaty with the Roniaiu
shortly before his death (B.a 161), who forbade
Demetrius fo oppress the Jews (1 Mace, viii.31).
Not long afterwards Demetrius farther incomd
the dis)>leasure of the Romans by the expuUoi
of Ariarathes from Cappadocia (Polyb. xxxii. 20;
Just. XXXV. 1) ; and he alienated the affection of
his own subjects by his private excesses (Joit
/. c. ; cp. Polyb. xxxiii. 14). When his power
was thus shaken (n.c. 1.W), Alexander Balis
was brought forward, with the consent of the
Roman senate, as a claimant to the thmne, with
the jDnverful support of Ptolemy Philometiir,
Attains, and Ari.irathes. Deoietrins vainly
endeavoured to secure the services of Jonathan,
who had succeeded his brother Jodas as leader
of the Jews, and now, from the recollection of
his wrongs, warmly favoured the cause of
.\lexander (1 Wacc. x. 1-6). The rivals met is
a decisive engagement (n.c. IW), and Demetriot.
after displaying the greatest personal bra^-err,
was defeated and slain (1 Mace. x. 48-30; J«.
Tatndrarhm (.KUlc U>lil) rfDgnwIriiu I.
ObT. Bead of Domotrtiu to Um ri^t. Rer. BA2I.VE0I AH-
UHTPIoY SOTHPoS, i» OoU in»>a«ram *.d Ml ; k
exAiKna ASP (ISl at En Selene). SafOed temle flewe I* *•
Ian. with Kwptra ami eomocopU.
Ant. xiii. 2, § 4 ; Polyb. iii. 5). In addition to
the very interesting fragments of Polybius, con-
sult the following references: Just, xiiir. S,
ixxv. 1 i App. Syr. 46, 47, 67. [B. F. W.] [K.]
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DEMETRIUS IL
DEME'TRIUS H. (A»,M«Tp.oj), "The Vic
torious " (Niic<iT»p), was the elder son of Deme-
trius Soter. He was sent by his father, together
■with his brother Antiochus, with a large trea-
sure, to Cnidus (Just. xxxr. 2), when Alexander
Bnlas laid claim to the throne of Syria. When
he was grown up, the weakness and rices of
Alexander furnished him with an opportunity
uf recovering his father's dominions. Accom-
panied by a force of Cretan mercenaries (Just.
/. c. ; cp. 1 Mace. x. 67), he made a descent on
Syria (B.C. 148), and was received with general
ferour (1 Mace. x. 67 sq.). Jonathan, however,
■till supported the cause of Alexander, and
defeated Apollonius, whom Demetrius had ap-
pointed governor of Coele-Syria (1 Mace, x,
74-82). In spite of these hostilities, Jonathan
succeeded in gaining the favour of Demetrius
when he was established in the kingdom (1 Mace.
zi. 23-27), and obtained from him an adranta-
geoos commutation of the royal dues and other
concessions (1 Mace. xi. 32-37). In return for
these favours the Jews rendered imiwrtant
services to Demetrius when Tryphon first
claimed the kingdom for Antioehus VI., the
■on of Alexander (1 Mace. xi. 42), but, afterwards
being offended by his faithless ingratitude
(1 Mace. xi. 53), they espoused the cause of the
Toung pretender. In the campaign which fol-
lowed, Jonathan defeated the forces of Deme-
trius (B.C. 144; I Mace. xii. 28); but the
treachery to which Jonathan fell a victim
(ac. 143) again altered the policy of the Jews.
Simon, the successor of Jonathan, obtained very
favourable terms from Demetrius (B.C. 142);
but shortly afterwards Demetrius was himself
taken prisoner (b.o. 138) by Arsaces VI. (Mith-
ridates), whose dominions he had invaded
(1 Mace. xiv. 1-3; Just, ixxvi.). Mithridates
treated his captive hononrnblr, and g.ive him
his daughter in marriage (.\pp. Syr. 67); and
after his death, though Demetrius made several
attempts to escape, he still received kind treat-
ment from his successor, Phraates. When
Antioehus Sidetes, who had gained possession
of the Syrian throne, invaded Parthia, Phraates
employed Demetrius to effect a diversion. In
this Demetrius succeeded ; and when Antioehus
fell in battle, he again took possession of the
Syrian crown (B.C. 128). Not long afterwards
an Egyptian pretender, Alexander Zabinas, sup-
ported by Ptolemy VII. Physcon, appeared in
Tttiailrrt* Inn (AtUc Ulent) of Demetrius II.
ObT. Boa af Oemelritu to Uw ii(hL Ber. BASIABDS AH-
MHTPIoY eEoY ♦lAAAEAtoY NIKAToPoSi la
ocrstM HPe (W» ? of Er« Bdeuc.). ApoUo to th» I«n, MUad
ost eotUnA. wltb axnnr and bow.
the field against him. Demetrius, after suffering
a defeat near Dam.iscus, fled to Ptolemais, and
thence took ship to Tyre, where, as he was
about to'laud, he was assassinated, according to
DEMETRIUS PHALAREU8 749
some (.4pp. Syr. 68) bv the order of his wife
(Just, xxxix. 1 ; Jos. Ant. xiii. 9, 3). [CLto-
PATRA.1 [B. F. W.] [R.]
DEME'TRIUS III., " The Prosperous " (««-
Kaipos\ was the fourth son of Antioehus Grypus,
and therefore grandson of Demetrius II. Nicator.
The two elder sons of Antioehus Grypus, Selcu-
cus VI. and Antioehus XI., had been defeated
and slain by Antioehus X. (Eusebes). The two
younger brothers, Philip and Demetrius Eucaerus,
were more successful. Philip first ascended tlw
throne, but Demetrius, through the support of
Ptolemy Lathurus, was also made king at Da-
mascus; and as Antioehus X. (Eusebes) soon
after perished in a war with the Parthians,
Philip and Demetrius were for a short time
masters of Syria (Jos. Ant. xiii. 13, § 4). It w;ui
at this time that the great Jewish rebellion
against king Alexander Jannaeus was at its
height. The leaders of the Pharisee faction
implored the assistance of king Demetrius, who
came to their aid with 3,000 horse and 40,000
foot (Jos. A7U. xiii. 14, § 5 ; Jiell. Jud. i. § 4). A
severe engagement near Shechem ended in the
complete victory of Demetrius (circ. 87 B.C.).
Many, however, of the disaffected Jews seem to
have dreadeii a revival of the Syrian supremacy
more than the tyranny of Alexander Jannaeus ;
and immediately after Demetrius' victory 6,000
of the insurgents went over to the side of the
fugitive Asmonean king. Discouraged by this
treacherous conduct or by the heavy losses in
the recent encounter, Demetrius returned to his
own country. A civil war breaking out between
the two brothers, Demetrius besieged Philip in
the town of Beraea (Aleppo). .Mithridates
Siuaces, the Parthian king, came to the aid
of Philip. Demetrius was defeated and taken
prisoner. He was well treated by Mithridates,
but ended his days in captivity in Parthia (Jos.
Ant. xiii. 14, §§ 1, 4). The coins which have been
discovered bearing the inscription of Demetrius
III. Eucaerus belong to the seven years from
95 to 88 B.C. (cp. Gardner's Catalogue of Greek
Coins, p. 101). [R.]
DEME'TRIUS PHALAREU8 (A»iM«Tpior
6 *a/>.apfvs). In the Letter of the Pseudo-
Aristeas, the Egyptian king, Ptolemy II. Phila-
delphus (284-247) applies, at the instigation of
his librarian Demetrius Phalareus, to Eleazar,
the high-priest at Jerusalem, in order to obtain
for the great library at Alexandria a copy of the
Jewish Law. Demetrius receives the seventy-
two Jewish delegates whom the high-prie>t
sends and conducts them with great ceremony
to the island of Pharos, where in seventy-two
days they completed the Greek version of the
Pentateuch (^Gallandi, Biblioth. Patr. ii. p. 771).
According to Eusebius, Aristobulus the Alexan-
drine Jew (ci'rc. 170 B.C.) also connected the
name of Demetrius Phalareus with the LXX.
translation (ap Euseb. Praep. JCaing. xiii. 12,
1-2: ri JJ ?Xi) ipiitinia tSv 8io toS vifiou
rinrtti' M Toi! wpoirayoptvBfyros ♦»Ao8«\^t»
Pa<n\4as, <roS 8i irpoyiyov, ■rfovtvtyitaiiivov
li(l(oya ^iKoTitiiew, Arnnfrplou roS ta\i)fi4at
■rpayfurrtvaaitdfov ri vtpl roiruv), but it is
more than probable that he has based this
statement upon the Letter of the Pseudo-
Aristeas, or upon an early version of that
legend.
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TuO
DEMETRIUS
The unhistorical character of the letter has '
lifen often abundantly demonstrated. [See '
SiilTUAGIST.j It is well illu>trated by the
use made of the name of Demetrius Phalareas. |
For it does not appear that Demetrius Phalareus
over resided at Alexandria in the reign of
Ptolemy 11. Philadelphus. According to one
account, which there is no reason to doubt,
Demetrius wns banished from the court on the
<leath of Ptolemy Lagi, whose favourite he had
been (Hcrmippus Calliraachius ap. Diog. Laert.
V. 78), and died shortly after (c. n.c. 283) in
exile in Upper Egypt. On his early life and
his political career at Athens, see Smith's Diet,
of Or. and Horn, lliog.
The fact that the foundation of the great
library at Alexandria was associated in popular
tradition with the name of this remarlcable
man, Attic orator and Alexandrian courtier, a
patron of literature, was sufficient to account
for his introduction into a Jewish legend, in-
tended to glorify the origin of the Alexandrine
Version, regardless of anachronisms. [R.]
DEME'TRIUS, a Jewish historian of Alcx.nn-
dria, who lived in the reign of Ptolemy IV.
Philopator, B.C. 222-205. Clemens Alexandrinus
{Strom, i. 21, 1+1) has preserved an extract of
his work Ct/ncerning the Kings in Judaea {Ttpt
Twv iv rfi 'louSaia ^curiXiav), which deals with
the chronology of the Captivity of the Ten
Tribes. Other fragments ascribed to him sur-
vive in the writings of Eusebius, one relating to
the story of Jacob (ap. Enseb. I'racp. Evang. ix.
21), and others to the life of Moses (Jd. ix. 29,
1-3 ; Chron. Pasch. i. 117 ; and ap. Euscb. Praep.
Kcang. ix. 29, 15). It is probable that he was
the author of a complete work on Israelite
history. The subject of his literary labours and
the character of the extant extracts make it
practically certain that he w.is a Jew by birth ;
and this is the opinion both of Eusebius {Hist.
Eo:. vi. 13, 17, tri /tV ^Ihtiyos ical 'ApurroPiKov,
'laff-fjirou T« Kol Afinrjrptov Kcd EifiroK4fiov,
'lovSaiav <rvyypa<l>twy) and of Jerome {De Virie
Ill'istr. xxxviii. 879 : " necnon et de Judaeis Aris-
tobulum quemdam et Demetrium et Eupolemum
scriptores adversus Gentes refert, qui in simili-
tudinem Jose)>hi ipxiuoyofiay Moysi et Judaicae
gentis asseverant "). Josephus himself, however,
seems to think otherwise ; for, speaking of the
failure of Gentile historians to do Justice to
Jewish history, he makes exception in favour of
Demetrius, Philo the elder, and Eupolemus, whose
slight deviations from accuracy were excusable
oil the ground of an incomplete acquaintance
with Hebrew literature (cuntr. Apion. i. 23,
3ub fin. : 6 itivroi 9a\iiptis Aq^^piot Kal ^iKttv
i rpt<rP6T<pos icol Elrr6\fiios oi iroXii rrjt iXi|-
Stlas tftiitaprrov. Ols irvyyiydaKfir S{ioy oi
yip iyrjir aiiTois iitrk Tiims iucpt0tlas rots
iifAftipois ypdufuuTiv xapoKoKovOfiy'). Josephus,
it will be noticed, seems to have confused Deme-
trius the historian with Demetrius Phalareus ;
and so far as Demetrius is concerned, this may
account for his error. Some scholars, however,
have regarded Josephus' statement as suilicient
proof that Demetrius was not a Jew (e.g. Hody,
De Textibus, p. 107). [R.]
DEMON (LXX. Satniytor; \. T. Siun6yioy,
or rarely Saifuiy. Derivation uncertain. Plato
[^Crat. i. p. 398] couuccts it with Sccfi/jMy, " in-
DEMON
telligent," of which indeed the form Sai/utr a
fouud in Archil. [n.c. 650]; but it seems more
|>robably derived from Soiu, to "divide" or
" as>ign," in which case it would be similar to
Moipa). In sketching out the Scriptural doc-
trine as to the nature and existence of the
demons, we will consider, 1st, the usage of the
word Sat/iuy in classical Greek ; 2ndly, notice
any modilication of it in Jewish hands; and,
3rdly, refer to the passages in the N. T. in
which it is employed (cp. Cremer, Bibl.-tkeol.
WSrlerb.* ; Thayer, Gk. Engl. Lex. to X. T. s. n.>
I. Its usage in classical Greek is various, la
Homer, where the gods are but supernatural
ineu, it is used interchangeably with Otis ; after-
wards in Hesiod (Op. 121), when the idea of th«
gods had become more exalted and less familiar,
the Salfioyts are spoken of as intermediitt
beings, the messengers of the gods to men. Tiiis
latter usage of the word evidently prevailel
afterward.^ as the correct one, although ia
poetry, and even in the vague language of
philosophy, rh Sainiyioy waa sometimes used, ss
equivalent to t^ 9*ior, for any superhunuE
nature. Plato (Sgmp. pp. 202, 203) fixes it
distinctly in the more limited sense : riw ri
Saiii6yioy furaii tint 6(av Koi truTov ....
6At irBpiwip (.i utyyinai, &XA<k ti^ toiitaylitf
Ttaai tatty r) ifuKla Kal i) SictXcrros ttois *)ii>
imBp^tv^. Among them were numbered tli«
spirits of good men, " made perfect " after
death (Plat. Crat. p. 398, quotation from Uesiod).
It was also believed that they became tntelarr
deities of individuals (to the purest form of
which belic-f Socrates evidently referred in the
doctrine of his Stu^iii'iat') : and hence tai^itir
was frequently used in the sense of the " iate "
or " destiny " of a man (as in the tragedians
constantly), thus recurring, it would teem,
directly to its original derivation.
The notion of distinctively etil demons appears
to have belonged to a later period, and to hare
been due both to Eastern influence and to the
clearer separation of the good and evil in meat
thoughts of the supernatural.* They were sap-
posed to include the spirits of evil men afUr
di'alh, and to be authors, not only of physical,
but of moral evil.
II. In the LXX. the words iaiiAmr and toi-
lUytoy, although not found very frequently, are
yet employed to render different Hebrew words;
generally in reference to the deities of heathea
worship ; as in Ps. xcv. 3, for D v';^ **>•
" empty," the " vanities," rendered xttfttat^
rots, &c., in Lev. xix. 4, xxvi. 1 ; in Deut. xisii.
17, for D'Tg', "lords" (cp. 1 Cor. viii. 5); in
Is. Iiv. 11, for 13, Gad, the god of Fortone:
sometimes in the sense of avenging or evil
spirits, as in Ps. xci. 6, for 3Dfc>, " pestilence,"
t.c. evidently " the destroyer ; " also in Is. xiii 21,
xxiir. 14, for TBB', he-goat, and C^V, " dwell-
ers in the desert," in the same sense in vhidi
the A. V. renders «aatyr»."
In Josephus we find the word " demons " used
always of evil spirits ; in SeU. Jad. rii. 6, J 3,
• Tlioee who impnted 'Inst and envy of man to tteir
gods were h«rdly Ukely to hare a distinct rit-w U
supernatural powers of good and evU, as etantHj
opposed to each other.
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DEMON
he deBnes them as t^ mtiiuera T&y wotn/ipup,
aod speaks of their exorcism by fumigation (ns
in Tob. viii. 2, 3). See also Ant. ri. c. 8, § 2 ;
viii. c. 2, § 5. Writing as he did with a con-
stant ri««v to the Gentiles, it h not likely that
he would apply the word to heathen divinities.
By Philo the word appears to be used in a
more general sense, as equivalent to " angels,"
and referring to spirits both good and evil.
The change, therefore, of sense in the Hel-
lenistic usage is, first, the division of the good
and evil demons, and the more general use of
tiie word for the latter ; secondly, the applica-
tion of the name to the heathen deities.
III. We now come to the use of the term in
the N. T. In the Gospels generally, in James
ii. 19, and in Bev. xvi. 14, the demons are
.^-poken of as spiritual beings, at enmity with
<.iod, and having power to afflict man, not only
with disease, but, as is marked by the frequent
<>['ithet "unclean," with spiritual pollution also.
In Acts xix. 12, 13, &c., they are exactly defined
as t4 wyfinara t4 wovtifM. They "believe"
i:i the power of God "and tremble " (.Ins. ii. 19);
they recognise our Lord as the Son of God
■ Matt. riii. 29 ; Luke iv. 41), ami acknowledge
tile authority of His name, used in exorcism, in
the place of the name of Jehovali, by His ap-
pointe! messengers (.\cts xix. 15); and look
forward in terror to the judgment to come
<>Iatt. viii. 29). The description is precisely
that of a nature akin to the angelic [sec
An'OKI.s] in knowledge and powers, but with the
emphatic addition of the idea of positive and
active wickedness. Nothing is said either to
.'■upport or to contradict the common Jewish
l>elief, th.1t in their ranks might be numbered the
spirits of the wicked dead. In support of it are
quoted the fact that the demoniacs sometimes
iiaonted the tombs of the dead (Matt. viii. 28), and
the supposed reference of the epithet ixiUafrra
to th« ceremonial uncleanness of a dead body.
In 1 Cor. X. 20, 21, 1 Tim. iv. 1, and Rev. ix. 20,
the word Sain6via is used of the objects of Gen-
tile warship, and in the first passage is opposed
to the word Bey (with a reference to Deut.
xxxii. 17). So also is it used by the Athenians
in Acts xviL 18. The same identitication of the
heathen deities with the evil spirits is found in
the description of the damsel having wvtvim
■wiBmya, or ■wi$m^o^, at Philip)ii, and the exor-
cism of her as a demoniac by St. Paul (Acts
xvi. 16); and it is to be noticed that in 1 Cor,
X. 1.9, 20, the Apostle is arguing with those who
declared an idol to be a pure nullity, and while
he accepts the truth that it is so, yet declares
that all, which is offered to it, is offered to a
*' demon." There can be no doubt then of its
being a doctrine of Scripture, mysterious
(tliough not a priori improbable) as it may be,
that in idolatry the influence of the demons was
at work, and permitted by God to be efiective
within certain bounds. There are not a few
passages of profane history on which this doc-
trine throws light; nor is it inconsistent with
the existence of remnants of truth in idolatry,
or with the possibility of its being, in the case
of the ignorant, overruled by God to good.
Of the nature and origin of the demons. Scrip-
ture is all but silent. On one remarkable
occasion, recorded by the first three Evangelists
(Matt. xU. 24-30; Mark iii. 22-30- Luke xi.
DEMONIACS
751
14-26), onr Lord distinctly identifies Satan with
Beelzebub, ry ipx"^^' ''"•' iiufLOvloy ; and there
is a similar though less distinct connexion in
Rev. xvi. 14. From these we giither certainly
that the demons are agents of Satan in his work
of evil, subject to the kingdom of darkness, and
doubtless doomed to share in its condemnation ;
and we conclude probably (though attempts
have been made to deny the inference) that they
must be the same as " the angels of the devil "
(Matt. XXV. 41 ; Rev. xii. 7, 9), "the principali-
ties and powers" against whom we "wrestle"
(Kph. vi. 12, &c.). As to the question of their
fall, see Satan; and on the method of their
action on the souls of men, see Demoniacs.
The language of Scripture, as to their exist-
ence and their enmity to man, has suffered the
attacks of scepticism, merely on the ground
that, in the researches of natural science, there
are no traces of superhuman orders of being,
and that the fall of spirits, created doubtless in
goodness, is to ns inconceivable. Both facts are
true, but the inference false. The very darkness
in which natural science ends, when it ap-
proaches the relation of mind to matter, not
only does not contradict, but rather gives proba-
bility to the existence of supernatural influence.
The mystery of the origin of evil in God's crea-
tures is inconceivable ; but the difficulty in the
case of the angels differs only in degree from
that of the existence of sin in man, of which
nevertheless as a fact we are only too much
assured. The attempts made to explain the
words of our Lord and the Apostles as a mere
accommodation to the belief of the Jews must
be dissipated by any careful study of the actual
details. They are clearly incompatible with the
simple and direct attribution of personality to
the demons, aa much as to men or to God, and
must destroy or impair our faith in the truth
and honesty of Holy Scripture itself. [A. B.]
DEMONIACS (Seu/ioytCinfyoi, tai^dyia
Ixoints). This phrase is frequently used in
the X. T., and applied to persons suffering under
the possession of a deinon or evil spirit [see
Demos], such posses.sion generally showing
itself visibly in bodily disease or mental de-
rangement. The word tai/iov^y is used in a
nearly equivalent sense in classical Greek (as in
Aesch. Choeph. 566; Sept. c. Theh. 1001; Eur.
Phocn. 888, &c.), except that, as the idea of
spirits distinctly evil and rebellious hardly
existed, such possession was referred to the will
of the gods or to »he vague prevalence of an
'Krn. Neither word is employed in this sense
by the LXX., but in our Lord's time (as is seen,
for example, constantly in Josephus) the belief
in the possession of men by demons, who were
either the souls of wicked men after death, or
evil angels, was thoroughly established among
all the Jews with the exception of the Saddn-
cees alone. With regard to the frequent men-
tion of demoniacs in Scripture, three main
opinions have been started.
I. That of the purely mythical school, which
makes the whole account merely symbolic,
without basis of fact. The possession of the
devils is, according to this idea, only a lively
symbol of the prevalence of evil in the world,
the casting out the devils by our Lord a corre-
sponding symbol of His conquest over that evil
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762
DEMONIACS
power by His doctrine and His life. The notion
stands or falls witli tlie mythical theory as a
whole : with regard to the special form of it, it
is sufBcieut to remark the plain, simple, and
prosaic relation of the facts as facts, which,
whatever might be conceived as |>Oisible in
highly poetic and avowedly figurative passages,
would make their assertion here not a symbol
or a figure, but a falsehood. It would be as
reasonable to expect a myth or symbolic fable
from Thucydides or Tacitus in their accounts of
contemporary history.
II. The second theory is, that our Lord and
the Evangelists, in referring to demoniacal pos-
session, spoke only in accommodation to the
general belief of the Jews, without any assertion
as to its truth or its falMty. It is concluded
that — since the symptoms of the affliction were
frequently those of bodily disease (as dumbness.
Matt. ix. 32 ; blindness. Matt. xii. 22 ; epilepsy,
Mark ix. 17-27), or those seen in cases of
ordinary insanity (as in Matt. viii. 28 ; Mark v.
1-5) — since also the phrase " to have a deni "
is constantly used in connexion with, and as
ap|>arently equivalent to, " to be mad " (see
John vii. 20, viii. 48, x. 20, and perhaps Matt.
xi. 18; Luke vii. 33)— and since, lastly, cases
of demoniacal )>osse8sion are not known to occur
in our own days — therefore we must suppose
that our Lord spoke, and the Evangelists wrote,
in accordance with the belief of the time, and
with a view to be clearly understood, es|>ecially
by the sufferers themselves, but that the
demoniacs were merely persons suffering under
unusual diseases of body and mind.
With regard to this theory also, it must be
remarked that it does not accord either with the
general principles or with the particular lan-
guage of Scripture. Accommodation is possible
when, in things indifferent, language is used
which, although scientifically or etymologically
inaccurate, yet conveys a true impression, or
when, in thiugs not indifferent, a declaration of
truth (1 Cor. iii. 1, 2), or a moral law (Matt,
xix. 8), is given, true or right so far as it goes,
but imperfect, because of the imperfect progress
of its recipients. But certainly here the matter
was not indifferent. The age was one of little
faith and great superstition; its characteristic
the acknowledgment of God as a distant Law-
giver, not an Inspirer of men's hearts. This
superstition in things of far less moment was
denounced by our Lord ; can it be supposed that
He would sanction, and the Evangelists be per-
mitted to record for ever, an idea in itself false,
which has constantly been the very stronghold
of superstition ? Nor was the language used
such as can be paralleled with mere conventional
expression. There is no harm in our " speaking
of certain forms of madness as lunacy, not
thereby implying that we believe the moon to
have or to have had any influence upon them ;
. , . but if we began to describe the cure of such
as the moon's ceasing to afflict them, or if a
physician were solemnly to address the moon,
bidding it abstain from injuring his patient,
there would be here a passing over to quite a
different region, . . . there would be that gulf
between our thoughts and words in which the
essence of a lie consists. Now Christ does
everywhere speak such language as this."
(Trench, On Miracles, p. 153, where the whole
DEMONIACS
question is most ably treated.) Kor is there, h
the whole of the New Testament, the lean
indication that any "economy" of teaching sis
employed on account of the " hardness " of tiK
Jews' "hearts." Possession and its cure an
recorded plainly and simply ; demoniacs ate fn-
quently distinguished from those afflicted viib
bodily sickness (see Mark i. 32, xvL 17, 16:
Luke vi. 17, 18), even, it would seem, from tbe
epileptic (jTf\yiyta(6iuyoi, Matt. iv. 24); tin
same outward signs are sometimes referred to
possession, sometimes merelv to diseaw (vf.
Matt. iv. 24 with xvii. 15 ; 'Matt. xii. 23 witli
Mark vii. 32, &c); the demons are represented
as speaking in their own persons with super-
human knowledge,* and acknowledging our Laid
to be, not as the Jew^s generally called Him. Son
of David, but Son of God (Matt. viii. 29; Marii
i. 24, V. 7 ; Luke iv. 41, &c.). All these tliiitfs
speak of a personal power of evil, and, if in ut
case they refer to what w.e might call nere
disease, they at any rate tell us of somethin; it
it more than a morbid state of bodily organs or
self-caused derangement of mind. Nor does oar
Lord speak of demons as personal spirits of eril
to the multitude alone, but in His secret co>-
versations with His disciples, declaring tw
means and conditions by which power orer
them could be exercised (Matt. xviL il).
Twice also He distinctly connects demonisci:
possession with the power of the Evil One ; oik;
in Luke x. 18, to the seventy disciples, vber^
He speaks of His power and theirs orer dt-
inoniacs as a " fall of Satan," and again in Kati.
xii. 25-30, when He was accused of casting oit
demons through Beelzebub, and, instead of
giving any hint that the poasessed were net
re.tlly under any direct and personal power of
evil. He uses an argument, as to the diviiion of
S.ttan against himself, which, if possession l>e
unreal, becomes inconclusive and almost in-
sincere. Lastly, the single fact recorded of t)>e
entrance of the demons at Oadara (Hsrk v.
10-14) into the herd of swine," and the effect
which that entrance caused, is sufficient to ore-
throw the notion that our Lord and the Erac-
gelists do not assert or imply any objectirr
reality of possession. In tbe face of this ma^
of evidence it seems difficult to conceive hw
the theory can be reconciled with anythmj lik'
truth of Scripture. We may fairly say that H
would never have been maintained, except ot
the supposition that demoniacal posHssioD tn
in itself a thing absolutely ineredibley aiH
against all actual experience.
But how far is this the case 7 Is ssch i>^
flnence really incredible? Clearly to say of j
case that it is one of disease or insanity, gin'
no real explanation of it at all ; it merely Kkn
it to a class of cases which we know to eii$t.
but gives no answer to the farther question, h<«
did tbe disease or insanity arise? Eves ^
di.«ea$e, whenever the mind acts upon the body,
(as e.g. in nervons disorders, epilepsy, &cX ^
* Compare also tbe case of tbe dsmsel «i>b tie
spirit of divination (irvtv/u vMmnk) at FUHffi:
where also the power of the evil sptril Is n&md ta
under the well-known name of tbe supposed liUFva-
tlon of Delphi.
" It Is almost needless to refer to the sobteifQ^ ^'
Interpretation by which tbe force of this {act Is en^-
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DEMONIACS
mere derangement of the phyaical organs U not
the whole cause of the evil ; there is a deeper
out lying in the mind. There are (so to speak)
two poles of force — the material and the spiri-
tual — from which proceed inflDences telling on
the whole nature of man. Insanity may arise,
in some cases, from the physical injury or de-
mngemeDt of those bodily organs through which
the mind exercises its powers, but far oftener it
appears to be due to ideas or emotions acting
upon and disordering the mind itself. How are
these produced ? Sometimes by action or im-
presjiion of the mind itself; sometimes by action
of some other spirit upon it. Nor is this latter
action always the plain and ordinary action of
communication of thought through word. In
fact, modem obsenratiou and speculation are
now disclosing to us, in startling and a priori
incredible forms, the extraordinary secret in-
fluence — often a morbid and tyrannical influence
—of spirit upon spirit, sometimes assuming
such dimensions as apparently to leave no room
for freewill. If there be spirits of good or evil,
stronger than the spirits of men, what improba-
Ulity is there in the idea of their gnining
posseuion of them? It is an assumption,
therefore, which requires proof, that, amidst
the many inexplicable phenomena of mental and
physical disease in oor own days, there are none
in which one gifted with "discernment of
apiriti " might see signs of what the Scripture
cal Is ■" possession."
The truth is, that here, as in many other
instances, the Bible, without contradicting or-
dinary experience, yet advances to a region
whither human science cannot follow. As
generally it connects the existence of mental
and bodily sufiering in the world with the
introduction of moral corruption by the Fall,
and refers the power of moral evil to a spiritual
and personal source; so also it asserts the
existence of inferior spirits of evil, and it refers
cert.iin cases of bodily and mental disease to the
influence which they are permitted to exercise
directly over the soul and indirectly over the
body. Inexplicable to us this influence certainly
is, as all action of spirit on spirit is found to
be ; but no one can pronounce a priori whether
it be impossible or improbable, and no one has a
right to eviscerate the strong expressions of
Scripture in order to rednce its declarations to a
level with our own ignorance.
III. We are led, therefore, to the ordinary
and literal interpretation of these passages, that
there are evil spirits [Demons], subjects of the
Evil One, who, in the days of the Lord Himself
and His Apostles especially, were permitted by
God to exercise a direct influence over the souls
and bodies of certain men. This influence is
clearly distinguished from the ordinary power
of corruption and temptation wielded by Satan
through the permission of God. [Satan.] Its
relation to it, indeed, appears to be not unlike
that of a miracle to God's ordinary Providence,
or of special prophetic inspiration to the or-
dinary gifts of the Holy Spirit. Both (that is)
are actuated by the same general principles,>and
tend to the same general object ; bnt the former
is a special and direct manifestation of that
which IS worked out in the latter by a long
course of indirect action. The distinguishing
feature of possession is the complete or incom-
BIBLE DICT. — TOU I.
DEMONIACS
753
plete loss of the sufferer's reason or power of
will; his actions, his words, and almost his
thoughts are mastered by the evil spirit (Mark
i. 24, v. 7 ; Acts xix. 15), till his i«rsonality
seems to be destroyed ; or, if not destroyed, so
overborne as to produce the consciousness of a
twofold will within him, like that sometimes
felt in a dream. In the ordinary temptations
and assaults of Satan, the will itself yields
conscioosly, and by yielding gradually assumes,
without losing its apjiarent freedom of action,
the characteristics of the Satanic nature. It is
solicited, urged, and persuaded against the
strivings of grace, hut not overborne.
Still, however, possession is only the special
and, as it were, miraculous form of the " law of
sin in the members," the power of Satan over
the heart itself, recognised by St. Paul as an
indwelling and agonizing power (Rom. vii. 21-
24). Nor can it be doubted that it was ren-
dered possible in the first instance by the
consent of the soffurer to temptation and to sin.
That it wonid be most probable in those who
yielded to sensual temptations may easily be
conjectured from general observation of the
tyranny of a habit of sensual indulgence.' The
cases of the habitually lustful, the opium-eater,
and the drunkard (especially when struggling
in the last extremity of delirium tremens) bear,
as has been often noticed, many marks very
similar to those of the Scriptural possession.
There is in them physical disease, but there is
often something more. It is also to be noticed
that the state of possession, although so awful in
its wretched sense of demoniacal tyranny, yet,
from the very fact of that consciousness, might
be less hopeless and more capable of instant
cure than the deliberate hardness of wilful sin.
The spirit might still retain marks of its original
parity, although, through the flesh and the
demoniac power acting by the flesh, it was
enslaved. Here also the observation of the
suddenness and completeness of conversion, seen
in cases of sensualism, compared with the
greater diflicolty io cases of more refined and
spiritual sin, tends to confirm the record of
Scripture.
But, while it seems rash to assert that in our
own days demoniacal possession does not exist,
we can perhaps see reasons why it should have
appeared in visible and flagrant intensity at the
time of which the Scripture speaks. It was bnt
natural that the power of evil should show
itself, in more open and direct hostility than
ever, in the age of our Lord and His Apostles,
when its time was short. It was natural also
that it should take the special form of possession
in an age of snch unprecedented and brutal
sensuality as that which preceded His coming,
and continued till the leaven of Christianity
was felt. Nor was it less natural that it should
have died away gradually before the great
direct, and still greater indirect, influence of
Christ's kingdom. Accordingly we find early
Fathers (as Just. Mart. Dial. c. Tryph. p. 311 B ;
Tertnllian, Ap(^. 23, 37, 43) alluding to its
• It Is to be noticed that almost all the coses of
demoniac possession are recorded as occorring among
the rude and half-^entile population of Galilee.
St. John, writing malnl7 of the ministry in Judaea,
does not mention any.
3 C
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DEMOPHON
cziatcnce ns a common thing, mentioning the
attempts of Jewish exorcism in the name of
Jehovah as occasionally successful (see Matt. xii.
27; Acts lix. 13X but especially dwelling on
the power of Christian exorcism to cast it
out inTariablj as a test of the truth of the
Gospel, and as one well-known benefit which
it already conferred on the empire. By degrees
the mention is less and less frequent, till the
very idea is lost — to be revived herenfter with
strange pervenions and superstitions in the
belief in witchcraft and sorcery in the Middle
Ages. The spiritual condition of modem times
is wholly different, less open perhaps to excep-
tional outbursts, more liable to the subtler
and more pervasive inflnences, of evil.
Such is a brief sicetch of the Scriptural
notices of possession. That round the Jewish
notion of it there grew up, in that age of super-
stition, many foolish and evil practices, and
moch superstition as to fumigations, &c. (cp.
Tob. viii. 1-3 ; Joseph. Ant. viil. c. 2, § 5), in
the "vagabond exorcists" (see Acts xix. 13), is
obvious and would be inevitable. It is clear
that Scripture does not in the least sanction or
even condescend to notice such things ; but it is
certain that, in the Old Testament (see Lev. xix.
31 ; 1 Sam. zxviii. 7, &c. ; 2 K. xxi. 6, xxiii. 24,
&C.) as well as in the New, it recognises posses-
lion as a real and direct power of evil spirits
upon the heart. [A. B.]
DE'MOPHON (Ai)/io^k), a Syrian general
in Palestine nnder Antiochus V. Eupator (2 Mace
xii. 2).
DENA'BIUS (SirMtpioc; denarius; A. V.
« penny," Matt, xviii. 28 ; xx. 2, 9, 13 ; xxii.
19 ; — Mark vi. 37 ; xii. 15 ; xiv. 5 ; — Luke vii.
41 J I. 35 ; IX. 24 ; — John vi. 7; xii. 5 ; — Rev.
▼i. 6), the principal Roman silver coin in the
period of the N. T.
The denarius (or properly denarius nummus ?)
was thus called because it was first struck as
equivalent to ten asses. It therefore first bore
on the obverse the symbol X, and was called by
a name indicating its denary character. The
denarins was first issued B.C. 268, and was the
chief coin of the first silver issue at Rome. The
weight was 70 grains. The half, or quinariu-s,
was equal to 5 asses and bore the mark V,
and the quarter, or sestertius, was equal to 2^
asses, and bore the mark IIS. The divisions
must have been first issued at the same time
as the denarius. The weight of the denarins
was reduced circ. B.a 217 to 60 grains, at which
it remained ontil it was further reduced to
52} grains ci'rc. A.D. 60.
By the time of Augustus the denarius had
become the chief coin of the Roman world. The
drachm of the Attic talent, which from the time
of Alexander was the most important Oreek
monetary standard, had by gradual reduction
fallen from the weight of 67*5 grains to the
weight of the denarius of Augustus, and the
two coins thus came to be reganled as identical.
Under the same emperor the Roman money
superseded the Greek except in a few issues.
The great currency in the precious metals was
of coins struck at Rome, and the common silver
coin was the denarius. Thus in Palestine in
the period of the N. T. denarii must have mainly
DEPOSIT
farmed the silver currency. A few local n^
rendes of the nelghbonring countries of ieferior
metal could only have been also in use. It it
therefore almost certain that we are to nnder-
stand the denarius by the terms ipaxi^h '^ *<''>
less certainty ifyipiov in the N. T.. both rendend
in the A. V. "piece of silver." [D&lCBM;
SiLVEB, PlECB OF.] The SlSoax/ioi' of the ttibstt
(Matt. xvii. 24) was probably not a correst coin,
unlike the arairiip mentioned in the same pasnp
(r. 27). [Stater.] From the parable of Uw
Denarioi of TDiariii*.
Obr. Tt CAESAR DIVI AVO V AVOVBTVS. Bfi cl Ttetal,
lanrMta, to Uw rt(W (HM. >xiL It, M. H). Br. TOIHI.
XAXIX. Sokted fenula Osure to tiM rlgliL
labourers in the vineyard it seems thst a
denarius was then the ordinary pay fw >
husbandman's day's labour (Matt. xx. 2, 4, 7,
9, 10, 13). [See Mojiey.] [R. a P.]
DENS. [Caves.]
DEPOSIT (lil{99; mpaBiiim, TdfK^uni-
9iiKr) ; deposittun). The arraDgement by vUch
one man kept at another's request the propeitT
of the latter, until demanded back, wsi ok
common to all the nations of antiquity ; and tli(
dishonest dealing with such trusts is marked by
profane writers with extreme reprobation (HerwL
vi. 86 ; Juv. xiii. 199, &c ; Joseph. Ant. ir. 7,
§ 38 ; B. J. iv. 8, §§ 5, 7). Even onr Sarioor
seems (Luke xvi. 12) to allude to oondact is
such cases as a test of honesty.* In later times,
when no banking system was as yet dtrisd,
shrines were often used for the custody of tm-
sure (2 Mace iii. 10, 12, 15; Xenoph. im^. v. 3,
§7; Cic. Legg. ii. 16; Plut. Lya. c. 18); bat,
especially among an agricultural people, tbe
exigencies of war and other causes of ahuoK
must often have rendered such a deposit, espe-
cially as regarils animals, an owner's only coiirse.
Nor was the custody of such property bnrdeo-
sorae ; for the use of it was no doubt, so Ui "
that was consistent with its unimpaired reston-
tion, allowed to the depositary, which office al.-s>
no one was compelled to accept. The irticles
specified by the Mosaic law are — (1)" money «r
stuff; " and (2) "an ass, or an ox, or a skeep,
or any beast." The first case was viewed a
only liable to loss by theft (probably for loss br
accidental fire, &c., no compensation ronld l»
claimed), and the thief, if found, wu to psr
double, i^. probably to compensate the owwr's
loss, and the unjust suspicion thrown on tie
depositary. If no theft could be proved, tbe
depositary was to swear before the judges thtt
he had not appropriated the article, and tbei
• Such Is probably the meaning of the vonb <r <t
iWoTpi^ wiffToi. It may also be remarked tbat. In ft"
parable of the talents, the "alolbftil ■errant "sfMiM
oonalder himself ss a mere difotttariiu, in tbs xs*
'itt ixnt Ti air (Uatt. zxv. U).
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DEPUTY
DEBBli;
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was quit.* In the second, if the beast were to
" die or be hurt, or driven away, no man see-
ing it," — accidents to which beasts at pasture
were easily liable, — the depositary was to purge
himself by a similar oath. (Such oaths are
probably alluded to Ueb. vi. Iti, as *' an end of
all strife.") In case, however, the animal were
(tolen, the depositary was liable to restitution,
which probably was necessary to prevent collu-
sive theft. If it were torn by a wild beast,
some proof was easily producible, and, in that
case, no restitution was due (Ex. xxiL 7-13). In
case of a false oath so taken, the perjured person,
besides making restitution, was to " add the fifth
part more thereto," to compensate the one
injured, and to "bring s ram for a trespass-
ottering unto the Lord " (Lev. vi. 5, 6). In the
Book of Tobit (v. 3) a written acknowledgment
of a deposit is mentioned (1. 14 [17], iv. 20 [21]).
This, however, merely facilitated the proof of
the fact of the original deposit, leaving the law
ontonched. The Mishnah (^BcAa Metzia, c. iii. ;
SMmoth, V. 1) shows that the law of the oath
of pui^tion in such case* continued in force
among the later Jews. Michaelis on the laws
of Moses, ch. 162, may be consulted on this
subject. [H. H.]
DEPUTY. The uniform rendering in the
A. V. and R. V. of iySinraiTos, " proconsul " (Acts
xiii. 7, 8, 12 ; zix. 38). The English word is
carioos in itself, and to a certain extent appro-
priate, having been applied formerly to the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland. Thus Shaksp. Hen. VIII.
iii.2:
" Pbgne of your policy.
You sent me dtmtv for Inland."
[W. A. W.]
DEE'BE QAipfiti, Acts liv. 20, 21, xvi. 1 ;
J^t/i. AtpPatos, Acts XX. 4). The exact position
of this town has but lately been ascertained. It
was apparently on one of the main roads from
Cilicia to Iconium, and on the great upland
plain of LrCAONiA, irhich stretches from Ico-
KICM eastwards along the north side of the chain
of Taurus. It appears that Cicero went through
Derbe on his journey from Cilicia to Iconium (Cic.
ad Fam. xiii. 73). Such was St. Paul's route
on his second missionary journey (Acts xv. 41 ;
xvi. 1, 2), and probably also on the third (xviii.
23, xii. 1). In his first journey (xiv. 20, 21) he
approached from the other side, viz. from
Iconium, in consequence of persecution in that
place and at LrsTRA. No incidents of an adverse
character are recorded as having happened at
Derbe. In harmony with this, it is not men-
tioned in the enumeration of places in 2 Tim. iii.
11. "In the apostolic history Lystra and
Derbe are commonly mentioned together: in
the quotation from the epistle, Lystrn is men-
tion«l .ind not Derbe. The distiuction is accu-
rate ; for St. Paul is here enumerating his
persecutions " (Paley, Home Pautinae, in loco).
Gaius, who accompanied St. Paul on his journey
from Greece " as far as Asia," was a native of
Derbe.
Strabo (p. 535), after describing the ten dia-
* The Hebrew ezpieasion ((*> QKf ^ zz"- ^< ren-
dered In tbe A. V. and R. V. •• (OSes whether... (not),"
la a common /anHvla^roiidi.
tricts of Cappadocia, adds that there was au
eleventh " formed out of Cilicia, consisting of the-
country ubout Castabala and Cybistra (Eregli),
extending to Derbe." He states elBewhere(p. 569)
that Derbe was " on the side of the Isaurian terri-
tory close upon Cappadocia." Ptolemy states
(v. 6) that Derbe formed, with Laranda (JTora-
mon), Olbasa, and Mousbanda, the "strategia
Antiochiane," which was between Lycaonia and
Tyanitis. In the Sjpiecdtmut of Uierocles (Wes-
seling, p. 675, where the word is A4pficu) it
is placed, as in the Acts of the Apostles,
in Lycaonia. The boundaries of these districta.
were not very exactly defined. The whole
neighbourhood, to the sea-coast of CiuciA,.
was notorious for robbery and piracy. Antipater,.
the friend of Geen {ad Fam. xiii. 73), was the
bandit chieftain of Lycaonia. Amyntas, king of '
Galatia (successor of Deiotarus II.), murdered.
Antipater and incorporated his dominions with
his own. Derbe was in the province of Cappi*
DOCIA, constituted by Tiberius A.o. 17, when
the last king Archelaus died. It was probably
given the title Claudio-Derbe when transferred
by Claudius to Lycaonla. Afterwards, when
Cappadocia and Qalatia were united by Vespa-
sian, Lycaonia, with Derbe, was included in the
province. [Galatia.] Derbe does not seem to
be mentioned in the Byzantine writers. Leake
(p. 102) says that its Bishop was a suSragan of
the Uetropolitan of Iconium.
Three sites have been assigned to Derbe. (1.)
By CoL Leake (.^sia Minor, p. 101) it was sup-
posed to be at Bin Bir Kilisseh, at the foot of
the Karadagh, a remarkable volcanic mountain^
which rises from the Lycaonian plain; bat this
is almost certainly the site of Barata. (2.)
Hamilton (Reaearclies in Asia Minor, ii. 313) and'
Texier {Aiie Minmre,\\. 129, 130) were disposed
to place it at Dinle, a little to the S.W. of the
last position and nearer to the roots of Taurus..
In favour of this view there is the important
fact that Steph. Byz. says that the place waa
sometimes called AcA^elo, which in the Lycaonian
language (see Acts ziv. 11) meant a "juniper
tree." Moreover, he speaks of a A<>iV here,
which (as Leake and the French translators of
Strabo suggest) ought probably to be X(/u>q ;
and if this is correct, the requisite condition is
satisfied by the proxiinity of the Lake AJi Oil.
Wieseler {Chronol. der Apost. Zeitalter, p. 24)
takes the same view, though he makes much
of the possibility that St. Paul, on bis second
journey, travelled by a minor pass to the W, of
the Cilician Gates. The people of DivU have
a tradition that they originally came from Am-
barraraasi, a small village situated in a recess
in the hills close to the eastern end of the
marshy lakcAi GUI: there are here the ruins of
an old town, and an extensive cemetery, partly of
rock-hewn tombs, and partly of sarcophagi now
covered by soil washed down from the hills.^
One of the sarcophagi, of enormous size, 14 (i.
and 8 ft. deep, h-ns its lid and sides ornamented
with figures in bold relief, similar in style to the
sculptures at Pergamum (Davics, Life in A$iat.
T^triey, p. 280). Above the village the Roman
road, which connected it with Eregli, eighteen
miles distant, is well marked by a cutting in
the rock (Sir C. Wilson, MS. Notes). (3.) Pro-
fessor W. H. Ramsay argues {HitL Oeog. </
Asia Minor, p. 336) that Derbe must have been
3 2
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DESEBT
DESEBT
W. of Larandn, and that it muat be placed, a<
8agi;ested by Professor Sterrett, at Zusta, on the
road which ran from Cilicia Tracheia through
Laranda to Iconiam. Winer (^Sealwirterbuch,
t. r.) states that Derbe was " S. of Iconium and
8.E. of Lystra." [J. S. H.] [W.]
DESEBT, a word which is sparingly em-
ployed in the A. V. to translate four Hebrew
terms, of which three are essentially different in
signification. A "desert," in the sense which
is ordinarily attached to the word, is a vast,
burning, sandy * plain, alike destitute of trees
and of water. This idea is probably derired
from the deserts of Africa — that, for example,
which is overlooked by the Pyramids, and with
which many travellers are familiar. But it
ehould be distinctly understood that no such
region ns this is ever mentioned in the Bible as
having any connexion with the history of the
Israelites, either in their wanderings or their
settled existence. With regard to the siind,
the author of Simi and Paltttme has given the
fullest correction to this popular error, and has
shown that " sand i:i the exception and not the
rule of the Arabian desert" of the Peninsula bf
Sinai (S. ^ P., pp. 8, 9, 64). And as to the other
-features of a desert, certainly the Peninsula of
Sinai is no plain, but a region extremely variable
in height, and diversified, even at this day, by
oases and valleys of verdure and vegetation, and
by frequent wells, which were all probably far
-more abnndant in those earlier times than they
now are. This, however, will be more appro-
priately discussed under the head of Wiij)EB-
NES3 OF THE WASDEBIKas. Here it is simply
necessary to show that the words rendered in
the A. v. by "desert," when used in the his-
torical books, denoted definite localities ; and
that those localities do not answer to the com-
mon conception of a " desert,"
I. ARiuAil (naiB). The i»ot of this word,
according to Gesenius (Thes. p. 1066), is AreA,
215}, to be dried up as with heat; and it has
been already shown that when used, as it in-
variably is in the historical and topographical
records of the Bible, with the defmite article,
it means that very depressed and enclosed region
— ^the deepest and the hottest chasm in the
iworld — the sunken valley north and south of
the Dead Sea, but more particularly the former.
^Akabaii.] True, in the present depopulated
and neglected state of Palestine the Jordan
valley is as arid and desolate a region as can be
met with, but it was not always so. On the
contrary, we have direct testimony to the fact
that when the Israelites were flourishing, and
later in the Roman times, the case was emphati-
cally the reverse. Jericho, " the city of palm
trees," at the lower end of the valley, Bethshean
at the upper, and Phasaelis in the centre, were
famed both in Jewish and profane history for
the luxuriance of their vegetation (Jos. Anl.
xviii. 2, § 2 ; xvi. 5, § 2 ; Betushean ; Jericho).
"When the abundant water-resources of the
valley were properly husbanded and distributed,
the tropical heat caused not barrenness but
tropical fertility ; and here grew the balsam, the
• "Tbo se* of sand." See Coleridge's parable on
lljMct and Uystlclsm (,Aidt to B^. Conclusion).
sugar-cane, and other plants requiring {rest
heat, but also rich soil, for their caltue.
Ababah in the sense of the Jordan Valler it
translated by the A. V. " desert " (R. V. JrjJaJI)
only in ICzek. xlvii. 8. In a more general kdk
of waste, deserted country — a meaning easilj
suggestive by the idea of excessive heat con-
tained in the root — " Desert," as the renderiii|
of Arabah, occurs in the Prophets and poetical
Books (cp. Is. XXXV. 1, 6, xl. 3, xli. 19, li. 3 ;
Jer. ii. 6, v. 6, xvii. 6, I. 12) : but this geaenl
sense i* never found in the Historical hoSa. hi
these, to repeat once more, Arabak alwiji
denotes the Jordan Valley, the Qkor of tlie
modem Arabs. Dean Stanley proposes to ik
"desert " as the translation of Arabak wkeserer
it occurs, and, though not exactly (oitable, it b
difficult to suggest a better word.
2. Bat if Arabah gives but little sappoit to
the ordinary conception of a " desert," still lot
does the other word which our translator! han
most frequently rendered by it UlotiS
03*19) is accurately the "pasture groaad,'
deriving its name from a root lidxir (pJ!^), "tt
drive," significant of the pastoral custom ol
driving the flocks out to feed in the monilt,
and home again at night ; and therein analogou
to the German word trift, which is similjirk
derived from trtihen, " to drive." Jeremisb
(xxiii. 10) speaks of the " pleasant places," R. V.
"pastures" (H^KJ), of the Midbar. Wtli
regard to the WiMemess of the Wandeiiap—
for which Midbar is almost invariably osrI—
this signification is most appropriate ; for n
must never forget that the Israelites had flocb
and herds with them during the whole of their
passage to the Promised Land. Thev hid thtn
when they left Egypt (Ex. x. 26, xiil 38); tier
had them at Hazeroth, the middle point of tkf
wanderings (Num. xi. 22), and some of tk;
tribes possessed them in large numbers irnow-
diately before the transit of the Jordan '.Xma.
xxsii. 1). Midbar is not often rendered bj
"desert " in the A. T. Its osual and certaiilf
more appropriate translation is " wililemess," >
word in which the idea of vegetation is present
In speaking of the Wilderness of the Wuiler-
ings the word " desert " occurs as the renderiof
of Midbar, in Ex. iii. 1, v. 3, xix. 2 ; Num. iiiiii'
16 ; and in more than one of these it is erideatlr
employed for the sake of euphony merely. Is
each case R. V. has " wildemeaa."
Midbar is most frequently used for tkoR
tracts of waste land which lie beyond th« culti-
vated ground in the immediate neighbonitod
of the towns and villages of Palestine, ani vbick
are a very familiar feature to the traveller ii
that country. In spring these tracts are ceratil
with a rich green verdure of turf, aad ssull
shrubs and herbs of various kinds. But st tkt
end of summer the herbage withers, the tut'
dries up and is powdered thick with the it* <t
the chalky soil, and the whole has certsialj '
most dreary aspect. An example of this is i"-
nished by the hills through which the ptb
from Bethany to Jericho pursues its wiDJii|
descent. In the spring so abundant is tiie
pasturage of these hills, that they are the lemit
of the flocks from Jerusalem on the one bsa^
and Jericho on the other, and even fron t^
Arabs on the other side of the Jordan. AiJ
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DESSAU
even in the month of September — when the
writer made this journey — ^though the tnrf w«»
only visible on close inspection, more than one
large flock of goats and sheep was browsing,
scattered over the slopes, or stretched out iu a
long even line like a regiment of soldiers.'' A
striking example of the same thing, and of the
manner in which this waste pasture land
giadnally melts into the cultivated fields, is
seen in making one's way up through the
mountains of ^njamin, due west, from Jericho
to ilaklimas or Jeb'a. These Midbara seem to
have borne the name of the town to which they
were most contiguous: for example, Bethaven
(in the region last referred to); Zipb, Maon,
and Paran, in the south of Juduh; Gibeon,
Jemel, &c.
In the poetical Books " desert " (R.V. " wilder-
ness") is found as the translation of Midbar in
Deut. ixxii. 10; Job xxiv. 5; Is. xii. 1; Jer.
XXV. 24.
3. Chobbah (nain). Thi» word is perhaps
related to AnixU^ with the substitution of one
gattoral for another ; at any rate it appears to
hare the same force, of dryness, and thence of
deiolation. It does not occur in any historical
poasages. It is rendered " desert " in Ps. cii. 6 ;
Is. xlviii. 21; Exek. xiii. 4. The term com-
monly employed for it in the A. V. is " waste
places " or " desolation."
4. jESHiMON (tto'C'^; desert, mbte). This
word in the historical 'books is used with the
definite article, apparently to denote the waste
tracts on both sides of the Dead Sea. In all
these cases it is treated as a proper name in the
A. v.; and in the B. V. is translated "the
desert " (mar.;. Jeshimon). [Jeshimon; Beth-
JE8IM0TH.J Without the article it occurs in a
few passages of poetry; in the following of
which it is rendered "desert" (Ps. Ixxviii. 40,
cvi. 14; Is.xliii. 19, 20> [G.] t^O
DE8'SA(J (A«(rirooi, A \taaaoi; Dessau),
a village (not "town;" koS^jj, cattellain) &t
which Nicanor's army was once encamped during
his campaign with Judas (2 Mace. xiv. 16).
There is no mention of it in the account of these
transactions in 1 Mace, or in Josephus. Ewald
conjectures that it may have been Adasa (OescA.
IT. 368, note). [G-]
DEO'EL ^m ; BA. 'Poyow^A ; Dehuel),
lather of Eliasaph, tie " captain " (K'^J) of the
tribe of Gad at the time of the numbering of
the people at Sinai (Kum. i. 14 ; vii. 42, 47 ;
X. 20). The same man is mentioned again in
ii. 14, bnt here the name appears as Reuel,
owing to an inUrcUhnge of the two very similar
Hebrew letters 1 and n. In this latter passage
the Samaritan, Arabic, and Vulg. retain the D ;
the LXX., as in the other places, has K.
QRetjel.] Which of the two was really his
name, we have no means of deciding. [G.]
DEUTERONOMY (Acurepoi'dfu.o'. from the
[inexact] LXX. rendering of nninn HJfT?
k This practice Is not peculiar to Palesiine. Mr.
Blakesley olwcrved it in Algeria ; and gtves the reason
for it, namely, a more systematir, and Uiert'tore com-
pkte, coniumption of the scanty herbage («mr JftmtA*
«•• Algeria, p. 303).
DEUTERONOMY
757
Htftn, * ivii. 18, rh ievrtpovi/uop rovro [cp-
*Josh. viii. 32] ; Vulg. Deuteronomittm ; called
by the Jews, from the opening words, tw^
onagri, or more briefly Dn3"=!X the fifth Bo'ok.
of the Pentateacb, recording the events of the-
last month (i. 3 ; xxxir. 8) of the forty years*
wanderings of the children of Israel. The
greater part of the Book is occupied by the final
discourse of Moses delivered in the plains o(
Moab, setting before the Israelites the laws^
which they are to obey, and the spirit in which
they are to obey them, when they are settled
in the Promised Land. This is preceded and
followed by other matter, the nature of which
will appear more distinctly from a preliminary
outline of contents.
I. Contents and Scope.
§ 1. i. 1-5. Historical introduction, describ-
ing the situation and occasion on which the dis~
courses following were delivered.
i. 6 — iv. 40. Moses' first discourse, consisting
of a review of the circumstances under which
the Israelites had arrived at the close of their
wanderings, and concluding with an eloquent
practical appeal (ch. iv.) not to forget the great
truths impressed upon them at Horeb.
iv. 41-43. Historical account of the appoint-
ment by Moses of three cities of refuge east if
Jordan.
9. Historical introduction to Moses*'
second discourse, forming the legislation proper.
v.-xxvi. The legislation, consisting of two-
parts : (1) v.-xi. Hortatory introduction,
developing the first commandment of the Deca-
logue, and inculcating the gentral theocratic
principles by which Israel, as a nation, is to be
guided. (2) xiL-xxvi. The code of special
laws.
xxvii. Injunctions (narrated in the thii-d
person) relative to a symbolical acceptance by
the nation of the preceding code, after taking
possession of Canaan.
xxviii.-xxix. 1. Conclusion to the code (con-
nected closely with xxvi. 19), consisting of a
solemn declaration of the consequences to follow
its observance or neglect.
xxix. 2 — XXX. 20. Moses' third discourse,,
embracing (1) the establishment of a fresh cove-
nant between the people and God (ch. xxix.) ;
(2) the promise of restoration, even after the
abandonment threatened in ch. xxviii., if the
nation should then exhibit due tokens of peni-
tence (xix. 1-10); (3) the choice set before
Urael (xxx. 11-20).
ixxi. 1-13. Moses' farewell of the people,
and commission of Joshua. His delivery of the
Deuteronomic law to the Levitical priests.
xxxi. 14 — xxiii. 47. The Song of Moses,,
with accompanying historical notices.
xxxii. 48 — xxxiv. 12. Conclusion of the whole
Book, containing the Blessing of Moses, and
describing the circumstances of his death.
§ 2. The Deuteronomic legislation, properly
so called, is thus included in chs. xii.-xxvi., to.
which chs. v.-ii. form an introduction. The
remaining portions of the Book, difiering as they
do from these chapters in character and scope,,
• Which = a repetUion (i.e. copy) qf this lav, not ttia
rqwWvon ^ (A< low.
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758
DEUTEBONOMY
are gometimes spoken of as the " margins " * of
the legislation proper. In Deut. itself, the code
(including its supplement, ch. xxviii.) is referred
to continually (i. 5 ; iv. 8 ; xrii. 18, 19 ; xxvii.
3, 8, 26 ; xxTiii. 58, 61 ; xxix. 29 [Heb. 28] ;
ixxi. 9, 11, 12, 24, 26) as Mis law, sometimes
also as thit hook of the law (xxix. 21, xxx. 10 ;
cf. Josh. i. 8). That these expressions refer to
Dent, alone (or the code contained in it *), and
not to the entire Pentateuch, appears in par-
ticular (1) from the wording of i. 5 and iv. 8,
44, which points to a lav about to be, or actually
tieing, set forth ; (2) from the parallel phrases
this commandment, these statutes, or these judg-
ments, often spoken of as inculcated to-day (rii.
12 [see V. 11]; xv. 5 ; xii. 9 ; ixvi. 16 ; xxx.
11 : cf. V. 1 ; vi. 6 ; xi. 28, 32), and this cove-
nant (xxix. 9, 14), which clearly alludes to the
Deuteronomic legislation (cf. 19, 20, " the curse
written in Mis book " [ch. xxriii.]), and is dis-
tinguished from the covenant made before at
Sinai (xxix. 1).*
§ 3. In order to gain a right estimate of Dent.,
it is necessary to compare it carefully with the
DEUTEBONOMY
prtrions Books of the Pentateuch, upon whid,
in its historical and legislative portions alike, it
is based. Let us consider the latter portios
first. In comparing these with the lam in Ei.-
Lev., it must be kept in mind that these lam
are not homogeneous, but faU into at le.ist tine
distinct codes, each marked by featuns of its
own; and it is important to observe in what
manner Deut. is related to each of these. Tke
codes referred to are (1) that contained in
Ex. xx.-xxiii., comprising the Decalogue, ud
what is commonly known as the " Book of the
Covenant " (Ex. xxiv. 7), to which must be
added the (partial) repetition of the latter in
xxxiv. 10-26, and the kindred section xiii3-16;
(2) the laws, specially on ritual, occapjia;
Ex. xxv.-ixii., xxxv.-il.. Lev. i.-xvi., irrii,
and the greater part of Numbers, now oftea
termed the " Priests' Code " ; (3) the spetiai
code contained in Lev. xvii.-xxTi. The foUowisf
synopsis will show immediately which of tlie
enactments in Deut. relate to aubjects not deslt
with in the other codes, and which are panllel
to provisiona there contained.
§ 4. Synopsis of Laws contained in Deuteronomy
£X0DUS.
DlUTEBOXOVT.
Tbc Pkixsis' Oom.
ix.a-17.
V. ^-21 (the Decalogue).
zxlH. IX
,. 14 b (object or Sabbath).
XX. 34.
xU. 1-38 (place of sicilfioe).
Lev. xvU. 1-9.
, , ig, 33 ; xr. 23 (bloud not to be eaten).
,, xvU. 10-14; xlx.»t.
xll. 29-xlU. 18 (against seduction to idolatry).
xiv. 1 «q. (dliflgurement In mourning).
,, xlx. 38.
, , 3-20 (dean and unclean antniaU).
,. xi. a-23; XX.3&
zxaai.
, , 21a (food Improperly killed).
,, xvii.»;xL4«.
xxULMb; xzxlv.2Sb.
, , 21 b (kid in mother's milk).
,, 22-29 (tithes).
JXxUI. 10 sq.
XV. l-ll (Sabbatical year>
Lev. XXV. 1-7.
zxi. a-11.
, , 12-18 (Hebrew slaves).
., XXV.39-M.
xzil. 3C; xUI. 11, 12;
, . 19-23 (firstlings of ox and sheep).
Ex. xiU. 1 sq. ; Num. i*
xxxiv. 1».
17 sq.
xxllL 14-17; xxxtv. 18,
xvi. 1-17 (the three annual pilgrimages).
Lev. xxlii.jNam.ixrtl!t
M\>,n-n.
,. 18 (appointment of Judges).
xxtU. 1-3, S-g.
, , 19 sq. Oust Judgment).
Lev. xlx. IS.
, , 31 sq. (neither Asheroh nor piUar to be used ss a
,, xxvi. la.
religious symbol).
xvil. 1 (offerings to be without blembb : of. xv. 31).
,, xxM. 17-44.
axU.JO.
, , 2-7 (Idotatry, especially of the " host of heaven ••)•
, , 8-13 (court of final appeal).
, , 14-20 (law of the king).
xvUI. 1-8 (rtghu of the tribe of Levi).
,, vU.32-»t; Snatxia.
8 20.
,, »-22 (law of the prophet).
, , 10 a (Molech-worshlp).
,, xvilL31;xx.»-S.
3X11. 18 (wttcb alone).
,, lOb-u (difi'erent kinds of divination).
,, xlz.3SN31;ix.t,ff.
xxl. 12-14.
xlx. 1-13 (murder and asylum).
„ xxiv. 17. 21; Soil
,, 14 (the landmark).
XXXV.
zxlU.1.
, , 1&-21 (law of witnesses).
XX. (laws of war and mllltair service : cp. xxlv. S).
xxi. 1-9 (expiation of uncertain murder).
,, 10-14 (treatment of female capUves).
, , 16-17 (primogeniture).
,, xlx. 16bL
xxL le, IT.
, , 18-21 (undutiful son).
,, 33sq. (bodyofmaleliutor).
,. XX. ».
>> Klelnert [i>ee full tiUe in } 40], p. 33 sq.
• A llmltailon which seems to be demanded by the
nature of the Injunction In xxvll. 3, 8.
* So Delltzjch (Gerutis, 1872, p. 21 ; 1887, pp. 16, 23).
with the nujorlty of modem scholars. Kell (BiiHeitiaig,
1873, $ 23, 3) refers Mil law (L 6) to the legislation
preceding Deut. ; but though It is tne tbu the a-
presslon might be used to denote, for instance, the Boo)^
of Nnmben, this (as we shall see) ta not saykot
"explained" in Dent Ex. xx.-xxill- Is "eiptJaed"
in Dent, but Is too remote to be deaoibed ky the
pronoun "this."
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DEUTERONOMY
759
EXODCS.
DiurntoaouT.
The Pbiists' Oods.
xxUL4aq.
xxlt. l-t (snlmali stnylng or &llen).
, , 6 (Kxes not to Interchange guments).
,, eaq. Cblrd'inest).
, , 8 (fekttlemeilt).
, , t-11 (agslnst Don-natural mlxtnns).
Lev. xlx. 19.
, , 12 (law of " fringes ").
Num. XV. 3t-4I.
, , 13-21 (ilander against a maiden).
,, 22-37 (adultery).
Lev. zvtU. 20; xx. 10.
xzILMiq.
, , 29 aq. (Kductlon).
, , 30 (incest with step-mother).
,. xvU1.8;xx.n.
xxUI. 1-s (conditions of admittance Into the theocratic
community).
, , 9-14 (cleanliness In the camp).
Num. v. 1-4.
, , 16 aq. (hmnanity to escaped slatre).
, , IT aq. (against rellgloas prostitution).
xxii. K.
,, I9(n»my).
Lev. xxv. 35-3T.
, * 21-33 (vows).
Kum. XXX. a.
, , 24 aq. (regard for neighbour's cropa).
xxiv. 1-4 (dlvone).
xxlLMiq.
,, 6, 10-13 (pledges).
III. 16.
, , ; (man-etealing).
,, Saq. Oeprosy).
Lev. zUi.-xlT.
, , 14 aq. (Justice towards hbvd aervaots).
,. xlx. 13.
, , 1 6 (the family of a criminal not to suffer with blm).
zzlL ai-34. zzlU. ».
,, Haq.Ouatlcetowardsstranger.wldow.andorphan).
,, xix.33aq.
,, 19 aq. (gleanings).
XXT. 1-3 (moderation in the Infllctian of the baatlnado).
, , 4 (ox not to be muiiled while threabing).
, , 6-10 (law of the levirata).
,, 11 aq. (modesty).
.. 13-16 (Just weights).
Lev. xlx. 36 sq.
xtU. U.
,, lJ-19(Amalek!).
cp. zxll. 39 •; xxUI.
xxvL 1-16 (form of thanksglTlng at the offering of first*
cp. Nam. xvlU. 12sq.
19 >; xzzlT. 26>.
tmltt and triennial tithes).
xHi. «, 16.
vl. 8 J xl. 18 (Uw of fh>ntlets).
1X111.13; xxxtv. 14.
vl. 14 ; xl. 16 (against •• other gods ").
xUI.14.
tL 20 aq. (instrucUon to children).
xiili.M,33 8q.;xxxlT.
vU. 3-6, 16 ; xli. 3 (no compact with Canaanltes : their
Nam. xsxlll. 63, 66.
13 aq., ISsq.
altars and religious emblems to be deetioyed).
xxil. 20, zxHl. 9.
X. 19 (to love the stranger).
Lev. xU. 34.
xvl. 13, 16 (feast of " bootbs," " seven days").
,, zxlll. 34, 39, 41-43.
xvll. « ; xlx. 16 C two or three witnesses ").
Num. XXXV, 30.
Xxi.»-25.
xlx. 21 (lex talimtt)
(but <n a dtffartnt aipfiiattim in each case).
Lev. xzlv. 19 sq.
§ 5. The parallels for xxvii. 15-26 (the imprecations) are as follows : —
Exodus.
Dectbkokoht.
LBvmcDS xvil.-xxvt.
XX. 4, 33; xxziv. IT.
xzvll. 16 tcp. vlt. 36).
xU. 4; xzvl. la.
xxi. IT.
,, 16 [cp. xxl. 18-31].
,, 17[xbc.l4].
XX. 9.
.. 18.
xlx. 14.
sxll. 31-34; xzUL».
,, 19[xxlv. IT].
zlx.33sq.
,, 20 [xill. 30 (xxUl.
Heb.)].
xvlU. 8 ; XX. 11.
xxlL 19 CHeb. 18].
.. 21.
zviU.23;xx. 16.
.. 32.
XX. IT ; cp. xvlU. 9.
,, 23.
xvlU. 17 ; XX. 14.
xxLI^
,, 24.
ixlv. IT.
xxUl.8.
,, 35 [xvl. 19].
$ 6. In the matter of arrangement, Dent, is
not dependent apon any of the other codes.
The only principles that can be traced are — (1.)
Laws concerning kindred subjects are sometimes
placed together. (2.) In the legislation, viewed
as a whole, religions duties occupy the first
place (chaps, xii.-xvi. mainly); then follow
civil ordinances (chaps, xvii.-xi.) ; lastly, regu-
lations touching social and domestic life (chaps.
xxi.-xxT.). If, however, the parallels are
examined in detail, it will become apparent that
the foundation of the legislation ia the code in
Kx. .xx.-xxiii. : this is evident as well from th«
numerous verbal coincidences * as from the fact
• B^. Dent. xvl. 1 b and Ex. xxlli. 16 (=xxxiv. 18) ;
3mandxUI.6(=xxiU. 16 = xxxlv. 18) ; 4 a and xiU. T (
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760
DEUTEBONOMY
which i» plain from the left-band column, viz.
that nearly the whole ground covered by Ex. xx.-
zziii. 19 included in it, the chief exception being
the special compensations to be paid for various
injuries (Ex. xxi. 18— xiii. 15), which would be
less necessary in a manual intended for the
people.' In a few cases the entire law is repeated
verbatim, elsewhere only particular clauses (e.g.
vi. 8, 20; XV. 12, 16, 17); more commonly it
is explained (xvi. 19b; xxii. 4b) or expanded;
fresh definitions being added (xvi. 1-17), or a
principle applied so as to cover expressly par-
ticular cases (xvii. 2-7 ; xviii. 10 b, 11). Some-
times even the earlier law is modified :
discrepancies arising from this cause will be
considered subsequently. The additional civil
and social enactments make provision chielly
for cases likely to arise in a more comjilex and
developed community than is contemplated in
the legislation of Ex. xx.-xxiii.
In toe right-hand column most of the parallels
are with Lev. xvii.-xxvi. These consist princi-
pally of specific moral injunctions ; but it can-
not be said that the legislation in Deut. is baaed
upon this code, or connected with it organically,
as it is with Ex. xx.-xxiii. With the other
parts of Lev.-Num. the parallels are less com-
plete, the only remarkable verbal one being
afforded by the description of clean and unclean
animals in xiv. 4 a, 6-19 a : in some other cases
the diS'erences are such (see § 16) as to cause
great embarrassment to the harmonizer. Deut,
thus stands in a different relation to each of the
three codes referred to: it is an expansion o{
that in Ex. xx.-xxiii. ; it is, in several features,
parallel to that in Lev. xvii.-xxvi. ; it contains
alltislons to laws such as those codified in the
rest of Lev.-Num.
§ 7. In so far as it is a law-book, Deut. may
be described as a manual, which without enter-
ing into technical details (almost the only
exception is xiv. 3-20, which explains itself)
would instruct the Israelite in the ordinary
duties of life. It gives general directions aa to
the way in which the annual feasts are to be
Vept and the principal offerings paid. It lays
down a few fundamental rules concerning sacri-
fice (xii. 5sq., 20, 23; xv. 23; xvii. 1); for a
case in which technical skill would be required,
it refers to the priests (zxiv. 8). It prescribes
the general principles by which family and
domestic life is to be regulated, specifying s
number of the cases most likely to occur.
Justice is to be equitably and impartially
administered (xvi. 18-20); only the terms of
compensation, as has been remarked (§ 6), are
not again particularized. It prescribes a due
position in the community to the prophet (xiii.
1-5; xviii. 9-22), and shows bow even the
monarchy may be so established as not to con-
travene the fundamental principles of the theo-
cracy (xvii. 14 sq.).
§ 8. Denteronomy is, however, more than a
mere code of laws : it is the expression of a pro-
found ethical and religious spirit, which deter-
mines its character in every part. At the head
of the hortatory introduction (chaps, v.-xi.)
4 b and xxtU. 1», xxxlv. iS ; It a and xxlll. 17 (=xxxlv.
23) ; 16 b and xxUi. 15 (=xxxlv. 30).
' The other excepOons are Ex. xx. 25 sq., nil . 28,
Ub,zxUI. 18.
DEUTEBONOMY
stands the Decalogue ; and the First CommanJ-
ment forms the text of the chapten which
follow. Having already (Iv. 12 sq.) dvelt on
the spirituality of the God of Israel, the lav-
giver emphasizes here, far more distinctly tbao
had been done before. His unity and uniqae God-
head (vi. 4; I. 17: cp. iii. 24; iv. 33, 39),
drawing from this truth the practical conse-
quence that He must be the sole object of the
Israelite's reverence (vi, 13; i. 20). He ei-
horts the people to keep His statutes ever in
remembrance (v. 1 ; vi. 6-9, 17 sq., &c) ; valu-
ing them with special earnestness lest in din
of prosperity and thoughtleasness they should
forget Him (vi, 10-12; viii. 11-18, &c.X«i«l
yield to the temptations of idolatry ; and setiiLg
before them the dangers of disobedience (ri.
14 sq. ; vii. 4 ; viii. 19 sq. ; xi. 16 sq. : so iv. £5 m).
— a prelude of ch. xxviii.). He reminds them
of the noble privileges, undeserved on their put
(vii. 7 sq. ; ix. 4-6; and the retrospect folloiria;,
as far as x. 1 1), which had been bestowed apoa
them(x. I4sq.,22; soiv.37); and re-asserts vith
fresh emphasis the old idea (Ex. xxiv. 8 ; iixir.
10) of the covenant subsisting between the
people and God (v. 2, 3 ; xxvi. 16-19 : so iv. 2i,
32 ; xxix. 12-15), assuring them that if the;
are trae on their side God will be true likewise
(vii. 9-13; viii. 18; xi. 22-28). Particularlr
he emphasizes the love of God (vii. 8, 13 ; x.l5;
xiiii. 5b : so iv. 37), tracing even in his people's
afHiction the chastening hand of a father (nil
2sq., 5, 16), and dwelling on the providentiiJ
purposes which His dealings with Israel ex-
emplified.
Duties, however, are not to be perfoniie<l
from secondary motives, such as feir, or
dread of consequences : they are to be the spon-
taneous outcome of a heart from which eror
taint of worldliness has been removed (x. 16),
and which is penetrated by an all-absorliinj
sense of personal devotion to God (" with a// the
heart, and with all the sonl " : see § 37). Len
to God, as the motive of human action, b the
characteristic doctrine of Deuteronomy (vi. i ;
X. 12 ; xi, 1, 13, 22 ; xiii, 3 : xiz, 9 : xxx. 6, IS,
20): aa here dwelt upon and expanded, the
old phrase those that lore Me u filled with >
moral significance, which the passing use of it,
in passages like Ex. xx. 6, Judg. v. 31, would
scarcely suggest. No more profound eipi«swiD
of the true principle of human action can b«
found thau this : it was a true instifu-t which
in later times selected Deut, vi, 4—9 for dailr
recitation by every Israelite ' ; and it is at oace
intelligible that our Lord should have poiated
to the same text, both as the " first command-
ment of all " (M.-ttt, xxii, 37 sq.; Mark xii. 29 sq.).
and as embodying the primary condition for the
inheritance of eternal life (Luke x. 27 sq.).
§ 9. The code of special laws (xii.-xxvi.) i»
dominated by similar principles. Sometime^
indeed, the legislator is satisfied to leave u
enactment to explain itself: more commonly he
insists upon the object which it is to subwrre
(e.g. xiv. 23, xxi. 23, &c.X or the motive wbidi
should be operative in its obaerrance. kt
ethical and religions aim should underlie the
entire life of the community. Local sanctoari*
« The .^lemd : see («^.) C. Taylor, Sofingt <f ***
/ewisk Fathers (Cambridge, lilt), pp. S3, ISO.
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DEUTERONOMY
wfre apt to be abused, and to degenerate into
homei of superstition and idolatry : all offerings
and public worship generally are to take place
at the central sauctuary, " the place which the
Lord thy God shall choose " (ch. xii. and often).
Old enactments are repeated (xii, 3 ; cp. vii, b),
and fresh enactments to meet special coses
(xiii. ; XX. 16-18) are added, for the purpose of
neutralizing every inducement to worship
** other gods." The holiness of the nation is to
be its standard of behaviour, even in matters
which might appear indiffcrt-nt (jiv. 1 sq., 3-20,
21) ; its perfect devotion to its God is to exclude
all customs or observances inconsistent with
this (iviii. 9-14). Kstpecially are the duties of
humanity, philanthropy, and benevolence in-
sisted on, towards those in ditBcuity or want
(xiL 19; XT. 7-11; iiii. 1-4; xxiv. 12 sq.,
14 sq. ; xxvii. IB), and towards slaves (xv. 13 sq. ;
zxiii. 15 sq.), in particular upon occasion of
the great annual pilgrimages (xii. 12, 18; xir.
27, 29; xri. 11, 14; xxvi. 11, 13). Gratitude
and a sense of sympathy evoked by the recollec-
tion of their own past, are the motives again
and again inculcated : two forms of thanks-
giving form the termination of the code
(ch. xxvi.). Already in the Decalogue the
reason assigned for the observance of the fourth
commandment, " that thy manservant and thy
maidservant may rest as well as thou," and the
motive, ** And thou shalt remember that thon
wast a bondman in the land of Egypt " (v. 14 b,
15), indicate the lines along which the legislator
moves, and the principles which it is his desire
to impress (add xiii. 5, 10 ; xv. 15 ; xvi. 3 b, 12 ;
xiUL 7 ; xxiv. 18, 22). Forbearance, equity,
and forethought underlie the regulations xx.
5-11, 19 sq.; xii. 10-14,15-17; xxii. 8; xxiii.
24, 25; xxiv. 5, 6, 16, 19-22; xxv. 3:
humanity towards animals, those in xxii. 7 ;
zxr. 4. Kot indeed that similar considerations
are absent from the older legislation (see e.g.
Ex. xxii. 21-24, 27 ; xxiii. 9, 11, 12), and (as the
table will have shown) some of the enactments
which have been cited are even borrowed from
it ; but they are developed in Deut. with an
emphasis and distinctness which give a character
to the entire work. Nowhere else in the 0. T.
do we breathe such an atmosphere of generous
devotion to God, and of large-hearted benevolence
towards man ; and nowhere else is it shown
with the same fulness of detail how these prin-
ciples may be made to permeate the entire life
of the community.
§ 10. The relation of the hiitorical sections of
Dent. (i.-iii., ix. sq.) to Ex.-Num. must next be
examined. The following table of verbal coinci-
dences shows that these are even more closely
dependent upon the earlier narrative than are
the laws. The reader who desires to apprehend
properly the nature and extent of these coin-
cidences, should mark in the margin of his copy
of Deut the references, and underline (or, if he
uses the Hebrew text, ocei-line) the words in
common : he will then be able to see at a glance
(1) the passages of Ex.-Num. passed over in
Dent. ; (2) the variations and additions in Deut.
We have only space for the parallels in i. 7-17
and ix. 6 sq. : the reader must work out those in
i. 24-46 with parts of Num. xiii. 17-xiv. 25,
40-45, XX. 1, and in ii. 1-iii. 11 with Num. xxi.
4-35 (which are not less noticeable) for himself.
DEUTEBONOMY
761
Dent.
1. la
(Num. xtv. 2S)>i
»a
(Knm. xi. li)
12
(Num. xl. IJ b)
13 a
Cp. Ex. x«lil. 21 a
IS
Ex. xvlii. 26
17 b
Ex. xvUl. 22, 24 CfTB^)
X. eb
Ex. xxxil. «; xxxUl. 3, 6;
xxxir. 9
9a
Ex. xxiv. 12
« middle
Ex. xxiv. 18 b
9eDd
(Ex. xxxIr. 28 a)
lOa
Ex. xxxi. 18 b
12
Ex. xxxil. ?, 8 a
13
Ex. xxxll. 9
ub
Ex.xxxli.iob(Num.xlv :ab)
16
Ex. xxxll. 16
1»
Ex.xzxlLI9a,8a
U
Ex. xxxil. 19 b
18-1»
Ex. xixlv. 38 (cp. »)
30
* • •
31
Ex. xxxil. 20
33
(Cp. Num. xl. 1-3; Ex. xvll.
1; Num. xl. 4, 34)1
38k
(Ex xxxil. lib)
2Ia»
(Ex. xxxll. 13)
28k
(Num. xtv. 1«; cp. Ex. xxxU.
2«b
12)
(Ex.xxxu.iib, ^nj na)
X. la
Ex. xxxlv. la
lb
Ex. xxxlv. 2
lc(tliearlr)
* * •
3a
Ex. xxxlv. lb
3b-3a(tbearllt)
• • •
3b
Ex. xxxlv. 4
4
Ex. xxxlv. 28 b
6. 4-9
» a •
10 (=lx. 18)
Cp. Ex. xxxlv. 9sq., 38
11
(Ex. xxxUl. I)
The dependence of the retrospects upon the
earlier narrative is remarkable. Apart from
the verbal coincidences, it will be observed that
while there are sometimes omissions, as a rule
the substance is reproduced freely with ampli-
ficatory additions. The many cases in which a
phrase describing originally one incident is
applied in Deut. to another are also noticeable.
We have here to ask two questions : (1) Do the
variations between the two narratives ever
assume the character of discrepancies which do
not admit of being reconciled ? (2) Is the rela-
tion between the two narratives such as to be
compatible with the traditional view that the
author of both is Moses?
II. Authorship and Date of Deuteronomy.
§ 11. The consideration of the question just
asked will conveniently introduce this pert of
onr subject. Additions such as those in i. 6-8,
16 sq., 20-22, iii. 23-25, obviously cause no
difficulty : they relate to personal details which
might well have been passed over in the his-
k The parenthesis Indicates that, though there is a
coincidence of Uoguige, the passage quoted does not
describe the same event, but Is borrowed from anotktr
part qf tAe narrative.
> In pa<ssg(8 Introduced with " cp." the coincidence is
not eerboi.
a Verses 28-19 cannot refer aetuaUn to Ex. xxxil.
11-13, because the Intercession there recorded wss mado
b^one Moses' first descent Irom the moant, whereas
In Deut. V. 26 points buck to v. 18, which clearly relates
what took pUicc <ffltr It (viz. Ex. xxxlr. 9, 28 s).
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DEUTEBONOMY
torical account. The following Tsriations are,
however, of greater importance, and demand
cloaer conaideration.
a. L 9-U. The appointment of offlcera to aadst
Mosee Is considered to be at variance with the account
in Ex. xvlil. (1) From v. 6 it appears to be placed after
tlie deputnre bom Horeb, i.t. at the date named in
Num. X. 11 ; whereas in Ex. (xviiL S, cp. ill. 1) it Is said
to liave occnrred at a much earlier period of the encamp*
ment there (before the date, xlx. 1). (2) The Institution is
described here as the result of a complaint on Moses*
part ; wfaereaa In Kx. It is referred to the advice of
Jethro, and no allusion is made to the dllBculty felt by
Moses. (3) There appears to be some confusion with' the
appointment of seventy elders In Num. xl. : the phrases
In m. 9, la are borrowed thence: and when it is con-
sidered that the narrative following passes at once to
Num. xlll. sq.(wlthontany notice of Ex. xix.-xxiv., Isc.\
the period of Num. xl. seems more probable than that
of Ex. xvllL To (1) it may be replied that in a review of
incidents which, ez hypotheti, occurred nearly forty years
previously, the space of a year more or less may reason-
ably be covered by the expression at that time ; and that
». 18 (pointing apparently to Ex. xxiv. 3, 7) socms
to limit the preceding narrative still more decidedly to
the period before the actual departure from Horeb.
(2) Moaes, it may be sold, relates here the motives by
which he was consciou* that he was Influenced himself:
the narrator in Ex. describes the occurrence twxa the
outside. (3) There cannot be any confusion with
Nam. xl. : the institution there described had an
adwUnUtrative object, and the number of elders was
but seventy. Deut. agrees with Ex. in describing the
institution of a judicaturt ; it agrees also in the tsr
greater number of thoae selected and in the stress Uid
upon their moral fitness (see m. 13, IS in the table).
The phraseology borrowed from the description of
another Incident Is »hown by the table (and by the
other InsUnces In chaps. I.-Ul.) to be characteristic of
the whole discourse.
b. 1. 33-23. The apparent contradiction os regards the
originators of the proposal to send out the spies may be
removed by supposing that the people, as Dent, states,
having prtferred their request, Moses refers It to Qod.
who then gives It HIa sanction, at which point the
narrative In Nnm. xIlL opens.
e. A greater difficulty Is the reconciliation of i. 37 sq.,
which hero Interrupts the chronology of the retrospect
by the notice of an event occurring (Num. xx. 12) tliirty-
scven yean subsequently, after which («. 39) the
account of Num. xlv. is resnmed. It Is true that the
exception mode In the case of Caleb might suggest the
similar one of Joshua ; but the stress seems to lie rather
on e. 37 (cp. ill. 26 ; iv. 21), and for this there is no pohit
of contact in the present narrative of the spies. It It
possible that the notice may allude to some incident not
otherwise recorded > : in the phraseology notUing points
to either Nnm. xx. 12 or Num. xxvli. 12-23. (The
expression on your account la commonly reconciled
with Num. XX. 12, by being understood to Imply that
the sin of Moses was in tact a consequence of the onbelief
of the people.)
d. i. 44. Jmioriltt in lien of AwuUekitet and Co-
naanttss in Num. xlv. 43-46 (cf. 3S). This discrepancy
is not hnporUnt: It may fairly be replied that the
native inhabltanU of Palestine are here designated,
not by their specific names, but by the same generic
term applied to them elsewhere ; t.g. Dent. L 7, 19, 37.
e. il. 2-8 a appears to differ <h>m Num. xx. 14-21,
where the braelltes at Kadesh send to ask permission
to pass through the territory of Edom (so as to avoid the
deUmr by the Bed Sea), which Is refused by the
Edomites with some rhow of violence (ro Judg. xl. 17).
In Ctct, however. In Dent, the incident of the ICdomites'
refusal is passed over ; and the narrative begins at the
■ Comp. Kosters [see } 40], p. 61.
DEUTEBONOMY
pdot when the Israelites, having abaodoaal (Smt. n.
21) the ideanf adirect passage, have reached thetacitm
extremity of Edum where it abuts nn the Bed So.
Only here was their border to be crasied, at • juit
where, from the natoie of tbe soil. It wa< more iSSkiilt
to prevent it than on the rocky weslem fruitier nor
Kadesh. Jonmeying afterwaMS northwards, «o tiu
east of Edom. the IsraeUtes, It is added (s. sa), ><n
careful not to encroach on tbe Bdomlle lerrilay. Is
«. 29, further, allusion Is made to the Bdomltes safflflis
Israel with food and water, which seems sctrcelj cob-
potihle with tbe temper attributed to ihem is Nun. n.
ls-20. The eastern frontier is, however, more veoldj
defended tlum the western ; and seeing the stxtsMhl
advance of the Itraelltft', the Edomites may lure itemed
it expedient to adopt towards them a different xtUnk.
/. II. 29. In Judg. xl. 17 the Moablies are ttutd to
have reftased permission to the Isrselltes to pais tbmgb
their tenltoiy, and In Deut. xxiiL 4 are docrilieil a
not offering them bread and water on the way. V»
variation may be removed by suppoeing that, tfaaD|b
they told the Israelites provisions, perhaps undv oxs-
pulaion, they showed no friendiineat in so dotsi, £d
not "come to meet " (Is. xxi. 14) tbem with II, bal,m
the contrary, hired Bslaam to curse them.
;. Ix. 9. According to Ex. xxxii.-xxxiv., Hosh we
three times In the mount; but he is only noonlidt}
have fssted on the third occasion (xxxiv. 28) : DesL In
tbe very words of Ex. describes him as didng so at Ike
Jtrtt occasion. Obviously, Deut. may relate what ii
passed br in tllenc« in Ex.; bat the vsiiatka k
remarkable.
k. ix. 22-24. These verses interrupt the dmnoloficd
order, but (unlike I. 37 f.) they are in such dose an-
nexion with the general context, the rebelUiiiaiieB o(
the people, tliat their presence Is aolBciently expkind.
i. ix. 26-39. This, it is plain, must refer dthst It
Ex. xxxIL 30 sq., or more probably (Kell) to zxiIt.
4-38. It Is remarkable, now, that the terms of Jfuet*
own intercation arc borrowed, not fkom either of these
narrative*, bat Ihim xxxli. 11-13, at the dose ef Us
firtt stay npon the mountain. Tbe nolle* Id%VS,
however, though an addition to what is diiliKlly
BUted In Ex. xxxli. 31 sq.. Is not contradlctscy to IL
j. X. 1-6 = Ex. xxxlv. 1-4, 28 »q., with the dlfa-
ence, that here Moaes is directed to make, ssd don
actually make, an ark of wood b^ore ascending lie
mountain tbe second time for tbe Ten ComnusdneoB.
That Moses should describe as made by himself nbsi
was in fact made by Bczaleel acting on his behalf la, m
donbt, natiual enongh ; but in Ex. tbe ccounsad is
both given to liezaleel and executed by him f^
Moses' return (Tom tbe mountain (xxxvi. 3-4 ; xxxviL
1; also xl. 20 sq.): the discrepancy in two nointlm.
so ctrcumslantuil a< tac\ of tkiue it, ia singnlar.
t. X. 6, 7 : cp. Num. xxxilL 31-33, relating howets. Is
a period long subsequent to tbe episode of the goldoi all
In Num., moreover, the stations Bcne-Jaakan and Hcsmli
are ntentioned in the inverse order : and (o. 38) the dtstli
of Aaron Is recorded to have taken place at Momt B<r.
three sutions beyond Jotbathsh. A formal recondllsite
Is possible by the supposition that tbe verses In Deitm
parallel, not to Num. xxxUI. 31-33, but to v. n, tbe
jonmey from Kadesh to Mooot Uor, which nay ban
brought the Israelites to tome of the ttatioDS which the;
had visited previotisly (though not In the same oidErl
and by the further aiaumptlon that Moaerob itself n
In the neighbourhood of Mount Hor, perhaps the deant
at lis foot."
But why is tbe notice Iiere at all f Tbe gmmid of lb
insertion has been snppoced to be (Hengst., Kell) W
show that Aaron was not only forgiven tfaruogh Xoics*
tnterceslon, but was even honoured by tbe ooofinBatioa
of the prlettbood to bis family. No doubt it Is tbe
design of tbe preceding retrospect to iUnsirste tbe fna
of God as shown In the renewal, at Moees* earnest bl^
■■ So Hengst., Dit AutAenfte du Pent.,
Bnt the tolution ia tomewbat artlflciaL
IL 4ai-43L
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DEUTEBONOJIY
cfaikn], of tbeOoveosnt : bat It Is dlfflcnlt to tblnk that,
bad rach been tbe aim of theM verses. It would have
been exprcMed so Indirectly ; Aaron's own Institution
to tbe priesthood, which would be the Important point.
Is passed ovsr in silence. If m. esq. form an Integral
part of tbe narrative, tbejr can baldly be reaaooaUr
explained, except as Introductory to vd. 8 sq. : tbe mention
of the aric, w. 1-3, suggests a notice of tbe tribe of Levi,
whose duty It was to guard it, aud w. 7 sq. specify tbe
occasion — vis. tbe sqjonm at jotbathab, or at least tbe
period of Aaron's death — when tbey were set apart for
thli pnrpofle. But according to Ex.-Nnm. their conse-
cration took place as early as the second year of the
£xoUua. Upon the aanimpilon that the discourse was
delivered by Moses, tbe use of the third person of the
laraelltea, the transition to the fortieth year and back
again — In v. 10, If not In v. 8 — tbe date assigned for the
consecration of tbe tribe of L«vi, seem inexplicable. On
that assnmptiun m>. ssq. can hanlly be explained except
as a gloaa:* though the motive for their Introduction
here is far trom evident, and (what is stranger In a gloss)
tbey are in apparent ditoffreement with Svan. xxxilt
31-33. Keil Indeed suggests that in order to reproduce
tbe past vividly Moses, by a quotation from tbe itinerary,
■*leta tbe history speak Itself:" but this explanation,
even if admitted as probable, only relieves a portion of
tbe difficulty. Upon the supposition, however, that
together with m. 8sq. they were written In view of a
different tradttkm fh>m that preserved In Num. xxxlU.,
ur at a date when tbe oonaclousneis of the Interval
separating the fitat and fortieth year had become ob-
acond, they are intelligible: tbey will then he an
integral part of the diacoune. In which tbe author, bow-
ever, speaks (ss In II. 13) rather to bis own readers than
in the person of Moees,<>
1. X. 8. 9. If w. 6 sq. are a gloss, tbe words at that
time wUl reler, of course, to vc, 1-6 : If they are an
Integral part of tbe text. It Is both straining this ex-
presskm and also depriving m. 6sq. of their raiton
tCitre, to refer it to anything except rv. 08q. Upon
the sappoaition that vv. 1-6 are referred to, tbe al-
lusion is commtmly considered to be to tbe instltntlon of
a priesthood related In Ex. xivili. sq.. Lev. vlil., and to
Che separation of tbe Levltcs. Num. 111. ftsq. ; but tbe
expression at that time gains greatly In force by tbe
coi^ecture that tbe verie alludes to some Incident con-
nected with Kx. xxxii. M-39 not recorded In tbe present
text of Exodos.P
Such are the historical discrepancies worthy
of notice alleged to exist in Deut. Treated
singly, the majority are fairly explicable upon
the theory of Mosaic authorahip. The retrospect
in Dent, and the narrative in Ex.-Kum. are
designed with different objects, and different
periods or aspects of the trnusactions recorded
are made prominent in each. At tbe same time
there are some (especially c, j, K) which are
undoubtedly more serious ; and it is singular
that there should be so many cases, from the
fasting and intercession of Moses to the slaughter
of the sons of Sihon and Og, in which the recon-
ciliation can only l>e effected by a duplicatign of
the event recorded in the earlier narrative. The
discrepancies riewrd as a whole create, it must
DEUTEBONOMY
763
• >o also Wellh., PnUg. p. 3M {=mst. of Itr. p. 371]
(cp. J. D. Th. xxU. 4C7 sq.) ; Reuse, La Bil)U, *c, II. 297
<togetber with i^. 8sq.). DIUmann attributes vv. 6 sq.
So tbe redactor of Deut. [below, } 26 end].
• So Grai; p. 13 ; Kayser, p. 131 ; Knen. Tk. Tfjdtelu:,
1881.p.301sq. Delltiscb also (.^uiiini, xl. p. 5M)agrees
that (with w. 8 sq.) tbey are unquestionably an integral
part of Deut. ; but admits (ffenrru, 14S7. p. 31) that they
embody a divergent tradition. It is against Mr. Waller's
theory (in Bp. Elllcott's romst.) that tbe meanings
assigned by bbn to tbe nsmcs are highly questionable.
r So Dlllmann, Xt.-L€B. p. 343, with others.
be owned, an impression not wholly favourable
to the Mosaic authorship of the Book.
§ 12. A further noticeable fact results from a
comparison of the historical allusions in Deut.
with the earlier narrative of tbe Pentateuch.
In subsequent articles reasons will be given for
believing that the Pentateuch is composite in
structure, and that tbe narrative in the main
consists of two documents, each by means of
phraseological and- other criteria readily dis-
tinguishable from the other. One of these, com-
prising the ceremonial law and the narrative
attached to it, may be briefly referred to by the
letter P (Priests' Code) ; that which remains
when this has been separated, and which in-
cludes the " Book of the Covenant " (§ 3), is
itself also in its turn composite : but as it is of
less importance, and indeed not always possible,
to distinguish its component parts, it will be
sntficient here to designate it as a whole by the
double letters JE. Assuming, now, that the
separation of P and JE has been effected in Gz.-
Num., we obtain this remarkable result: the
historical altvsiona in DetU., trith hardly an
ezoeption, are to events recorded in JE, and not
to those recorded in P. Throughout the parallels
referred to in § 10, not the allusions only, but
the vords cited, will be found, all but imiformly,
in JE, not in P. Inasmuch now ss the two
documents repeatedly cross one another, the
only explanation of which (as it seems) this fact
is capable is, that at the time when Dent, was
composed the;/ were not yet united into a single
vrork ; and Ji! alone formed the basis of Deut.*
This conclusion, derived primarily from i.-iii.
iz. sq., is confirmed by other indications : Dent,
speaks regularly of Uoreb, not of Sinai, as is
done by P: Deut. names Dathan and Abiram
(xi. 6), but is silent as to Korah ; in the com-
posite narrative, Nnm. xvi., Dathan and Abiram
alone belong to JE. Similarly, in i. 36, the ex-
ception of Caleb alone (without Joshua) agrees
with J£. The allusions to Oen.-Ex. an like-
wise consistently to JE : thus, while the pro-
mise, i. 8, is found in both JE and P, the oath
is peculiar to JE. If the author of Deut. was
acquainted with P, he can only have quoted it
occasionally, and certainly did not make it the
basis of his work. The verdict of the historical
sections in Deut. thus confirms that of the
legislative sections, § 6 end.
§ 13. The conclusion just reached has a bear-
ing on the question of the authorship of Dent.
If it be true that Dent, and P are thus nn-
connected, the question whether both ore by the
same hand need not detain us : it can, under the
circumstances, be answered only in tbe negative.
May, however, the Mosaic authorship of Deut.
be maintained in face of the comparison with
JE? Th.it a composite narrative of the Exodus
should have arisen in the lifetime of Moses, and
that Moses should himself have drawn upon it
in Deut., appears scarcely probable. But even
though JE were treated as the work of a single
hand, the tenacity with which in general Hebrew
writers preserve their individuality of style
would almost preclude us from attributing J£
1 This was shown Independently by Kostera In 1868,
and Kayser In 1874 [we titles In } 40], and is generally
accepted by critics, e.g. by DclKuch. Z K. W. L. 1883,
p. 237 ; iniUnann, p. 609. Cp. GAf [( 40], pp. 8-l».
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764
DEUTERONOMY
and Dent, to the tame author. The ityle of
Deut. is singularly marked (§§ 34-3()): and the
discourses are perraded throughout by a uniform
colouring and tone, absent from JE. It is true
that continuous portions of the narrative in
£x.-Num. are transcribed in Deut,, and that cer-
tain of the Deuteronomic phrases occur in isola-
tion in parts of Kx. (§ 34) : but these facts do
not lessen the general impi'ession of difference
which a comparison of the two writings creates.
A final consideration of this question must,
howerer, be reserved.
§1-1. Let us next consider more closely the
/airs in Deut, in their relation to Ex.-I^v.
Here we observe in certain cases modifications
which can hardly be reasonably accounted for,
except on the supposition that they belong to a
later stage of society than those in £i. xx.-xiiii.
Even the greater detail and development (§ 6)
points in this direction, though not of course so
decisively as the cases of modification, a. In
Ex, xxi. 2sq. a Hebrew bondman is to serve for
six years, and to go out free in the seventh
(v. 2) ; a woman who comes into service with
her husband is to do the same (c. 3). But a
daughter sold by her father as a bondwoman is
on a different footing : she is not to go free as
bondmen do (o. 7). But in Deut. xv. 17 b the
bondwoman (without any limitation) is subject
to the same law of manumission as bondmen.
This law, it is argued, regulates usage for a
state of society in whicli the power of a father
over his daughter had ceased to be so absolute
as in primitive times, and places the two sexes
on entire equality.' 6. Ex. xxi. 14, immediately
following V. 13, implies naturally that the " place
appointed " in ti, 13 is identical with the " altar "
in V. 14 ; in Deut. definite cities are set apart for
asylum, c. In Ex. xxiii. 10 sq. the provisions of
the sabbatical year have a purely agricultural
reference : in Deut. xv. the institution is applied
so as to form a check on the power of the
creditor. It does not appear reasonable to
attribute these modiKcations to the altered cir-
cumstances or prospects of the nation which
marked the close of the wanderings in the
desert : the provisions of ivx., as is plain both
from the tenor of xxiii. 20 sq., and from the
various laws implying the existence of houses
and the possession of separate holdings of land,
are equally designed fur the use of the people
when settled in Canaan: those of Deut. dider
just in being suited to the needs of a more
advanced social state.*
' The laws have been harmonized by the snpposittoa
(1) that the law of Ex. xxi. a is meant to be tacitly
extended to women ; (-i) that Deut. xv. it b does nut
abrogate Ex. xxi. 7, but enforces tbe extension tacitly
implied in v. 2. But tbe notice of tbe special case «. 3,
and the law v. 4, that even a female slave married to a
bondman did not go fret vUh htr hutband, renders
it improbable that this tacit extension in Ex. can be
designed. Bisaell (p. 17B) nays that Ex. "speaks only
of Hebrew men as servants ; " but this is contradicted by
v.1.
• The Judicial system of Dent., especially tbe supreme
court of appeal (xvll. 8-13), which it not pmcribed, but
pruuppoKd at exitting, suggests the same Inference.
^jee Kloinert, pp. 128-130 (the force of whose remarks la
not met by Keil, Binl. } at. 1 ; or Bissell, p. lar sq.);
DiUmann, pp. 31*, til. On Deut. xxli. 28 sq., cp.
W. R. Smith, O. T. J. C p. 367 sq. j Add. Antmr,
p. B«sq. Tbe hypotbeeU (Binell, p. 1)7) that the law
DEUTEBONOMY
§ 15. But the difficulties which the Dent,
legislation presents culminate in tbe provisioiu
respecting the Central Sanctuary and the thbe
of Levi.
The Central Sanctuary, — In Deut. the law n-
specting sacrifice is unambiguous and strict : it u
not to be offered in Canaan " in every place tiat
thou seest " (xii. 13X but only at the place chesea
by God " out of all thy tribes to set Uis Naine
there " (xii. 4-18 ; xiv. 23, and oftenX w. rt
some central sanctuary. Now, in Ex. it it sui,
in immediate coimexion with the law respectiet
altars (xx. 24 b), " In every place where 1 reconi
My Name, I will come unto thee and bless thee , "
and with the principle here laid down, the pnu-
tice of Josh.-l K. vi., it is argued, cooforms: la
these Books, sacrifices are frequently deschbel
as offered in different parts of the land without
any indication (and this is the important fact)
on the part of either the actor or the namtor
that a law such as that of Deut. is beiss;
infringed. After the exclusion of all uncertsia
or exceptional cases, such as Jndg. ii. 5, vL H,
where the theophany may be held to hars
justified the erection of an altar, there remaia
as instances of either altars or local sanctoaiie,
Josh. ixiv. lb, 26 b ; 1 Sum. vii. 9 sq., 17 ; it.
12-14; X. 3, 5, 8 (xiii, 9sq.); xi. 15; lir. 35;
XX. 6 ; 2 Sam. xv. 12, 32 (" where men <ucd ti
worship Ood "). The inference authorized appa-
rently by these passages is met by the conten-
tion that the period from the abandoumeat of
Shiloh to the erection of the Temple wu an
exceptional one, the nation was in disgnce
and undergoing a course of discipline, its spiri-
tual privileges being withheld till it was rijie
to hare them restored; and that, in so far ti
Samuel appears often as the agent, his fonctioo
was an extraordinary one, limited to hisijeIC
It may be doubted whether this answer is satis-
factory. There is no trace in the narrative .if
such disciplinary motives having actuated
Samuel ; and the narrator betrays no conscioai-
ness of anything irregalar or abnormal haris;
occurred. This is especially clear in 1 Sam. ii.
12 sq., X. 3-5, where ordinary and regular cus-
toms are evidently described. The sanctuarr
at which the Ark and Tent of Meeting were for
the time located had doubtless the pre-emineiia ;
but sacrifice at other places, so far as the evi-
dence before us goes, was freely permitted.
The law of Deut. was either not known or art
felt to be operative. Yet the time assigned is
Deut. xii. 10 bad arrived, according to Josh, iil
44, xxiii. 1, before the death of Jcehna. From
the time of Joshua therefore the law of IVit.
ought to have been in force : and yet, as it
appears, practice continned to be regulated bf
the law of Ex. The difficulty is a great (oe.
The non-observance of a law does not, of eoarsf,
imply necessarily its non-eiistence ; still, wheB^
men who might fairly be presumed to kno» «'
it, if it existed, not only make no attemf* t»
put it in force, but disregard it without explana-
tion or excuse, it must be allowed that such an
inference is not altogether an unreasonable one.
Perhaps on the whole the facts at our dispowl
would be best explained by the sappceitioo that
In Deut XV. Is a"resultor experience In the pr»ctit«J
workings of the law" of Kx. ixtil. 10 daring lhi/<rtt
yean' Konderingt is surely not a pnbaUe cos.
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DEUTERONOMY
the kernel of the statute is Mosaic ; that the
old law, while not superseding local sanctuaries,
if properly aanctioued and approved,' still encou-
raged a preference for the sanctuary at which
the Ark was stationed (as indeed is implied
in Ex. xxiii. 19), but that the excliuiteneu
which characterises the law in Deut. arose from
the necessities of a later age, when history had
shown how impossible it was to secure the local
ahrines against abuse, and to free them from
idolatry. Prophetic authority, which had more
and more distinctly taught that Ziun was em-
phatically Jehovah's seat, it may be supposed,
sanctioned the reform; Hezekiah gave it effect,
at least temporarily (2 K. xviii. 4, 22; xxi. .3),
and it is codified in Dent.
§ 16. The tribe of Levi. — Here the issues,
stated iuccinctly, are two: (i.) Does Dent.
recognise the sharp distinction between the
priests and the common Levites as instituted in
£x.-Nam., or does it treat every member of
the tribe as qualified to exercise priestly func-
tions? (ii.) Do the provisions made in Deut.
for the support of both priests and Levites agree
with those prescribed in Lev.-Num.? It is
admitted on all hands that a complete code of
regulations on these subjects is not to be looked
for in Dent. : the question is, whether the
return^ in xviii. 1-8 and the allusions elsewhere
are such as might reasonably be expected from
a writer having £x.-Num. before him, or
acquainted with their contents.
As will appear, the answer to ii. is so distinct
that for our present purpose we are dispensed
from the necessity of finding a definite answer
to L The following remarks may therefore
•oflfice. It is true that no stress is laid in Deut.
upon the descent of the priests from Aaron ;
their regular designation is not " the sons of
Aaron " (as in the Priests' Code), but " the
{triests, the Levites," i>. the priests of the
tribe of Levi, or more precisely " the Leritical
priests " (xrii. 9, 18 ; xviii. 1 ; xxiv. 8 ; xxvii.
9 * : cp. " the prieots the sons of Levi," xxi. 5,
xxxi. 9) : nor is there any allusion to the privi-
leges of a fixed minority. More than this,
xviii. lb, 2b, appear to assign to the whole
tribe the altar dues reserved in Num. xviii. 20'
DEUTEBONOMY
705
• The Umiutlon Dgf »o{!' T3tK IB'K •bouW be
noticed : cp. W. R. Smith, Add. Aniver, pp. »T sq.. <»-70 ;
Delltssch, Stadien, xl. p. se3. Q^PQ ^33 >>"y include
wlih equal propriety places conceived as existing con-
tcmponneonsly (cp. tbe same Idlomatlo use of 73,
liBT. zi. Mb), or selected successively. The plural
niDlpOn ^33 would point rather to actually extot-
Ing {Uaces : the stogular exactly answers to " In what-
ever place." The appeal therefore to Hebrew Idiom will
not determine the dispute between Prof. Green (JToMi
owl Oe ProjpKcU, p. 311) and Dr. W. R. Smith (Jh*
FropluU of Itnul, p. 393). The n«e of niiT '3dS •»
Slot examined by Prof. Green with sufficient tborough-
nees. 'With words sach as gathered or sat, there Is a
pnsnmptlaD th>m usage that It denotes preaenoe at an
mhar or sanctuary.
• Baewhere (a) Joeh. ill. 3, vUl. 33 ; Jer. xzxUL 18 ;
Eaek. xllil. 1>. xliv. IS: (6) 3 Cb. v. 6, xzlil. 18, xxx. VI
<aU. In Is. Ixvi. 11, as also in 1 Ch. Ix. 2, Esra x. t.
Neb. X. 3«, 34, xL M, there is an asyndeton).
' Where, in spHe of Blssell, pp. 20, 114, 124, and even
DOlnaon (see, however, p. SOS), there is a contrast with
«v. 31, 34: Munah la the inheritance>of the priests;
to the priest; and xviii. 6-8, relating to the
" Levite " coming from the country to reside at
the Central Sanctuary, describe his services
there in terms which elsewhere, when osed in
a ritual connexion," denote regularly priestly
o6Sces. Even, however, should the inference
thus suggested be just, there is nothing in Deut.
inconsistent with the pre-eminence of a par-
ticular family, and the hereditary priesthood of
Aaron's line appears to be recognised in x. 6.*
(ii.) In Num. xviii. particular provision is
made for the support of both priests and Levites ;
and in Num. ixxt. (cp. Joeh. xxi.) forty-eight
cities are appointed for their residence. In
Deut. the provisions appenr to be very different ;
and the Levites, instead of dwelling in their
cities, are represented as scattered about the
land (" in thy gates," § 34), and are earnestly
commended to the Israelites' charity (xii. 12,
18, 19; xiv. 27, 29; xvi.ll, 14; xviii. 6; xxvi.
11, 12«,.).
Let us examine the passages in order.
a. xviii. 3, which is in direct contradiction
with Lev. vii. 32-34. Various attempts hare
been made to reconcile the discrepancy, (a) The
traditional Jewish solution' is that the allusion
in Deut. is not to sacrifices at all, but to animals
slain at home for private use. This is obviously
a desperate resource: n3T, as Keil rightly
observes, is always used in a sacrificial connexion
(tbe poetical passages Is. xxxiv. 6, &c.,* form
no exception) ; and the combination of verb and
noun, "sacrifice a sacrifice" (cp. 1 Sam. ii. 13),
only brings out the meaning with greater dis-
tinctness. (iS) F. W. Schultz (p. 59) and Mr.
Espin consider that, though the reference is to
the same sacrifices as l«r. vii., the dues prescribed
are not in lieu of those there assigned (which,
it is (aid, are included here in the fire-sacrifices
of V. 1), but in adlition to them, and perhaps
intended as a compensation for the loss sustained
by the abrogation of Lev. xvii. 1 sq. in Dent,
xii. 15. If this be the meaning, it is obscurely
and strangely expressed; an additional due,
introduced in terms which imply that it is a
normal and regular institution, is prescribed
without a word to indicate that it is any
novelty I (7) Keil himself, modifying (a),
supposes the reference to be, not to the peace-
offerings proper, bnt to the festal meals held in
connexion with these at the annual sacrifices (ao
Bissell, p. 126). But such a limitation is not
suggested at all by the phraseology; and it
■eems incredible that in a statement of " the
the UUkei are tbe Inheritance of the Levites. SolnEsek.
xliv. 28, where the same phrase Is used. It Is applied to
the priest.
' OS'S mC' *» »inirter in Oe name, as xvia 6
(of the priest: cp. xvii. IS. ixl. »); V* »5bS "TOO.
to $tand btfon JAotah, as Esek. xliv. 16, Jndg. xx. 28 ;
cp. Dent. xvii. 12, xviii. 6. To ttattd ixfart is « Hebrew
Mlom signifying to vn<t upon : see t.g. 1 Kings x. 8. The
Levites "stand before" U< eongregation : Num. xvi. » ;
Eiek. xliv. II b. (In 3 Cb. xxix. II, prietti are present :
see V. 4.)
> There are points in the history of the tribe which are
still not clear. Space forbids hei« an e x a min ation of
2 K. xxiU. 9, Eiek. xliv. 6-16.
r Jowptans, Ant. iv. 4, 4; Pbilo, D« Praeaiii, $ 3
(p. 235M.): see Keil ad loc.
• Quoted by Cnitlas [} 40], p. 43.
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DEUTERONOMY
priests' right " from the people, their appointed
due (Lev. vii, 32-34) should be passed over in
silence, and a fresh due alone be mentioned.
The Tcrse most refer to the commonest kind
of sacrifices named in c. 1, and specify for the
people's instruction what parts of these are due
to the priest. The only fair interpretation
appears to be to treat it as parallel to Lev. vii.
32-34, and consequently as belonging to a time
when the regulation there laid down was not in
force.
b. Verse 4 agrees with Num. iTiii. 12 sq,
except that " the first of the fleece of thy sheep "
is here an addition. But this is a minor dis-
crepancy, which need not detain ns.
c. Verse 6. The language of this verse is, it is
said, inconsutent with the institution of Leri-
tical cities. The word rendered tojoumetli is a
distinct . one : it means to stay at a guest or
stranger — for a longer or shorter time — in a
place ; * and is not used of residence in a per-
manent home. To understand it" of those
Levites who have sold their bouses and wan-
dered to other cities involves the improbable
supposition that the legislator gives no per-
mission to a Levite to go directly from a Levi-
tical city to the sanctuary : he must become a
sojourner elsewhere first! Verse 6 and the
allusion v. 8 b to property owned by Invites are
in no way incompatible with the institution of
Levitical cities, supposing it to have been im-
perfectly put in force : at the same time, worded
as they are, these verses come strangely from
the lips of one who, if the chronology be cor-
rect, had only six months before ' assigned to the
Levites permanent dwelling-places. Why did
he not write " from one of the cities which I
have appointed them " ?
d. Firstlings. — In Deut. xii. 6, 17 sq., xv. 19 sq.,
it is laid down that the firstlings of the herd
and the Hock are to be eaten by the oicner at the
central sanctuary : in Num. xviii. 18 they are
assigned to Aaron, with these words, " And the
flesh of them shall be thine: as the wave-breast
and as the right thigh, it shall be thine." Two
explanations are offered. (1) The phrase in
Num. does not mean that the whole of the first-
ling was the priest's, but only the parts specified
in the comparison : the rest therefore would
belong to the ofi'erer, and might be consumed by
him, as Dent, prescribes.' But the text says
distinctly " their flesh," without any limitation ;
and this explanation, though formerly accepted
by Keil, * is now ' given up by him. (2) The
firstlings were given wholly to the priest, who,
however, may not have consumed the flesh of
them himself, but may have been at liberty
to invite the oflerer to share this with him at
a sacrificial meal.' Whether such an invita-
tion, not prescribed, is likely to have been given,
may be doubted ; aAd as before it must be owned
• See e.g. Gen. zv. 13, zlz. », zlvlL 4 (Is. Ul. 4) ;
Jndg. zix. IS (opp. to the natives, QlpDn *B>3K)> I"-
Kittel, in his article dted $40 (1882, p. 38gf.), does not
take snlBctent account of this nnlform use of *IU-
• CuTtlss, p. 48 sq.
• Num. XXXV. ; cp. the date xxxUI. 38 with Deut 1. 3.
' Hengst. 11. p. 406 sq.; Curtiss, p. 40 sq.
• mvemick, Sitd.'', i. 3, 18U, p. 430.
' Oomm. on Deut xil. 6.
s Kell; Green, p. 84; Espin; Blssell.p. I37sq.
DEUTERONOMY
that, if this be the meaning of the repeated in-
junction in Deut., it is expressed with lumsuil
indirectness and obscurity; the primary ntW
than the secondary disposition of the lirsUings
would surely have been emphasized. The lav,
moreover, for the disposal of the " wave-bRa^t "
and right (or " heave ") thigh by the priest,
explicitly specifies those of the priest's family u
sharing in them (Lev. vii. 34 ; cf. Nnm. xviii. 11,
" to thy sons and to thy daughters with thee,u
a due for ever ") ; it is remarkable, if it was tke
purpose of the legislation that the offerer ihoold
also regularly (and as a duty) partake ia the
firstlings, that there should be so little to inti-
mate it in the terms of the original institution.'
e. Tithes. — In Num. the tithes — as appein
from Lev. xivii. 30, 32, both vegetable and
animal alike — are definitely assigned to tiie
Levites (xviii. 21-24), who in their turn pay
a tenth to the priests (pv. 26-28) : in Dent, there
appears to be no injanctioo respecting the titha
of animal produce; but the reservation oft
tithe of vegetable produce (xii. 17 sq. ; xiv. 22ii|.)
is enjoined, which is to be consumed by the
ofi'erer, like the firstlings, at a sacrificial feast
in which the Levite shares only in company
with others, as the recipient of a chsritatiir
benevolence. A large proportion therefeie «
what is assigned in Num. to the Levites — viz.
the whole of the animal tithe, and a part of the
vegetable tithe — remains implicitly the property
of the lay Israelite in Deut. The discrepancy i»
commonly removed by the supposition that tb;
allusion in Deut. is not to the tithe named is
Lev.-Num. at all, but to a second or additional
tithe, taken on the increase of the field oaly.
It cannot perhaps be shown that a second tithe
on a portion of the annual produce woild be
exacting or oppressive ; but the writer moft
confess that such an interpretation does nix
appear to him to be fairly consistent witli the
language of Deut. and the manner in which the
tithe is there spoken of. Even sapposmg tlie
first tithe to be taken for granted, as an estab-
lished usage, it is incredible that a second tttlie
should be thus /or the first time instituted, vitit-
out a word to indicate that it was an innoraticn.
or in any respect different from what would t«
ordinarily understood by the word "tithe."
And in xzvi. 12 sq., when in the third year tat
whole " tithe of the produce " has been txmi
(xiv. 28), and the Hebrew makes a solemn pri>-
fession that it has been properly spent by him.
it is scarcely possible that there should be sf
allusion to his disposition of the larger and
more important tithe, if such were rtuy h*
from him.'
>> Dr. Moody Stuart [} 40} woold explain xiL I« »
the analogy of xit 27 (offer)—*' eat," vli. not pinoaill;.
but tbrongb the agency of those aotboriieil in Pu4»
so, i.e. the priests (pp. 161-3). But is Uds a cate k>
which the principle tjui facit per altum faeit f '
could be applied ?
> The tithe of the UUrd year, named xiv. t» aq.. n^
13. though sometimes spoken of as tbe ** tUnl tii^.'
is allowed generally to be merely the tithe elsea^R*
described in Dent., specially applied in that year. V*
word Srmpan, In zzvl. 13, I.YX.. arises tnm a ^^
rendering of the Hebrew T\Xf< " Tear of," aal k»
no critical value. The teamd UUke would te lElW
^iV>]< •t which ytmon nXf is not a protoMtar
mpUon.
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DEUTERONOMY
Upon the whole, it is diflficult not to feel that
the references in Dent, to priests and Levites
presuppose the existence of customs and institu-
tions not in agreement with those prescribed in
Ex. -Num. The allusions are numerous; and if
the spealcer were familiar with those institutions,
his words, it is reasonable to suppose, however
general and popular in scope, would form natu-
rally a resume, the original of which could be at
once recognised in those Books. Perhaps the
moat singular circumstance is the absence of
any reference to Nam. xviii. or xxxv,, and the
frequency with which the Levite is commended
to the charity of others. That Uoees may have
foreseen the neglect of his own institutions is
indeed thoroughly conceivable; but if this be
the explanation of bis exhortations, should we
not have expected him to introduce them by
terms implying distinctly that it was only a
fvtwe need which he was contemplating ? The
rondition of the Levites appears evidently to be
that which the writer saw around him, and
remind* us involuntarily of Judg. xvii. 7 sq.,
xix. 1 sq. (note especially the term " lojoum ").
Minor discrepancies offer a fkir field to the
harmonizei : when they are systematic, and can
only be removed by means of a series of assump-
tions, each more or less artificial, the legitimacy
of the attempt becomes questionable. The
point* considered onder (ii.) do not directly
prove Dent, to be non-Mosaic; but they tend
independently to confirm the conclusion expressed
at the end of §12.
§ 17. There are, it is alleged, indications that
the author lived at a distance from the period
which he describes. Thus, if i. 3, " eleventh
month," be compared with Num. xxxiii. 38,
" fifth month " (fixing the date of Num. xx. 22-
28), it appears that the whole of the events
reviewed from ii. 2 to iii. 29 had taken place
dnring the six months preceding the time when
the words were spoken. In such a situation,
however, the repeated "at that time" (ii. 34;
iii. 4, 8, 12, 18, 21, 23X as also " nnto thUday "
in iii 14, thongh suitable when a longer period
had elapsed, appear* inappropriate. Cb. r. 3
and xi. 2-7 point in the same direction. The
writer, thongh aware as a fact (viii. 2, 4) of the
forty years' wanderings, doe* not appear to
realixe fully the length of the interval, and
identifies those whom he addresses with the
generation that came out of Egypt in a
manner which betrays that be is not speaking
as a contemporary. In ii. 12 b there i* an
evident anachroniam: however, *ome writers
hare treated the notices ii. 10-12, 20-23
(though otherwise in the *tyle of Deut. and
similar to iii. 9, II, xi. 30) as glossa*.' Keil,
who compare* (Einl. § 25, 3) " his posseesion "
in iii 20, forgets that there the pronoun refers
to the two and a half Transjordanic tribes, not
as here to Israel : where the two and a half
tribe* are meant, they are regularly specified by
name. Whether, however, an anachronism is
involved in the mention of Gilgal (xi. 30) may
be doubted ; the Gilgal named may (Keil) be
> Bisaell (p. 3«T) snggests that the verba In IL 12 b
may be " prophetic perfects:" but (1) the prophetic
perfect hardly oocnn hi prose; (a) the compariMm
poetolates a referenoe to something known, l.e. to
aomethlng past, not to something still In the fhtnre.
DEUTEBONOMY
767
the Jiljilia of Robinson,' — a height 13 miles
S. of Shechem and 2441 ft. (PaU ExpL Map)
above the level of the sea. Or (Dillmann) some
other " stone-circle " may be intended.
§ 18. The use of the phrase " beyond Jordan "
for E. Palestine in Deut. i 1, 5, iv. 41, 46,
47, 49 (as elsewhere in the Pentateuch : cp.
Num. xiii. 1, xxxiv. 15), exactly as in Josh. ii.
10, vii. 7, ix. 10, &c, Judg. v. 17, x. 8, is said
to imply that the author was resident in W.
Palestine. It is indeed difficult to resist this
inference. On the one hand, Deut. iii. 20, 25,
xi. 30, and Josh. r. 1, ix. 1, xii. 7, show that the
.issumption sometimes made, that pTD *1317
had a fixed geographical sense (like Oatlia
Transalpina, &c.), and was used as a standing
designation of the Transjordanic territory,
irrespectively of the actual position of the
speaker or writer, is incorrect ; on the other
hand, if its meaning was not thns fixed, its
employment by a writer, whether in £. or W.
Palestine, of the side on which he himself stood, is
difficult to understand, unless the habit had
arisen of viewing the regions on the two side* of
Jordan as contrasted with each other ; ' and this
of itself implies residence in Palestine. The
question thus resolves itself into a prior one:
was this a habit of the Canaanites, and did the
usage suggested by it pass from them to the
Israelites, before the latter had set foot in the
land, and experienced the conditions likely to
naturalize it amongst them? The possibility of
this caiwot, perhaps, be denied ; at the same
time it may be doubted whether it is probable.
The use of the phrase in the Pentateuch gene-
rally, exactly as in Josh. ii. 10, &c., create* a
presumption that the passage* in question were
written under similar local conditions. "
§ 19. If Deut. be net Mosaic, to what age
may it be ascribed ? Critics have agreed gene-
rally to assign it to the period of either
Manasseh or Josiah. Let us inquire what
evidence may be adduced in favour of either of
these dates.
The composition of Deut. must have been
prior to the eighteenth year of king Josiah
(B.C. 621). From the narrative 2 K. xxii. 8sq.
relating the memorable discoverr in that year
by Hilkiah of the " book of the law " in the
Temple, it is clear that this must have embraced
Dent. ; for although the bare description of its
contents, and of the effect produced upon those
who heard them (xxii. 11, 13, 19), might suit
Lev. xxvi. equally with Deut. xxviii, yet the
allusions to the covenant contained in it (xxiii. 2,
3, 21) which refer evidently to Deut. (xxix. 1,
9, 21, &c.), and the fact that in the reformation
' BiU. Bet. (18S<) II. 16S sq. StlU, thongh this height
(as the writer was Informed on the spot) Is visible on a
clear day from the top of Uerlzlm (it is certainly not
visible from the plain at Its foot), it la no particularly
conspicuous one ; and it Is not easy to understand why
It should have been selected as a landmark.
> Hence its use In Josh. v. 1 ; iz. 1 ; xil. 7, written
(presumably) In W. Palestine.
» So (since the present article was in type) Desn
(now Bishop) Perowne In the Cbn«aip. /in., Jan. 1888,
p. 143 sq. In Deut. 111. 20, 36, the (assumed) posliloo of
the speaker Is naturally maintained. In •. 8, on the
contrary, in a phrase qf ammon oe eur re nc e (Iv. 41 1
Josh. 11. 10, Iz. 10), as In Joab. 1. 14, IS, the point of
view I* that of the nanator, not of the speaker.
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DEUTEBONOMY
based upon it Josiah carries oat step by step
both the letter and the spirit of Deat., * leave no
doubt upon this matter. This gives a posterior
limit for its composition: how much earlier
may it be ? The suggestion has been made that
it was the work of Hilkiah the high-priest him-
self, who either alone or with the assistance
of Jeremiah, wishing to introduce a religious
reform, compiled this book for the purpose of
inculcating bis principles, and placed it where,
when wanted, it could conveniently be " found " !
This view will not I>ear examination, and has
been repudiated repeatedly by the best critics."
To say nothing of the incredible " pious fraud "
which it involves, it is to be noticed that (1) a
book compiled by the high-priest could hardly
fail to emphasize the interests of the priestly
body at Jerusalem, which Deut. does not do:
{2) the hypothesis that Jeremiah was the
author cannot be sustained ; it is true there
is much that is common to Jer. and Deut.,
but whea the two are minutely compared
it ap)>ears that many of the characteristic ex-
pressions and ideas of each are absent in the
other': (3) the fact that the book was found
while the Temple was being cleared out for
repairs, strengthens the prima facie impression
produced by the narrative that the discovery
was an accidental one. The book, however,
<!Ould hardly have been lost for the first time
in the early years of Josiah (who appears
throughout to have been devoted to the service
of Jehovah) ; but this might easily have hap-
pened daring the heathen reaction under
Hanasseh, when the Temple was desecrated,
and fell into disrepair (2 K. xxi. 4-7, xxii. 5).
We are thus thrown back to the reign of
Manasseh os the latest to which the composition
of Deut. can reasonably be assigned, i
■> Cp. xxil. 13 with Deut. xxix. 27 ; xxU. 1» with
xxvUi. 37; ixill. 3b, 24b, with jotvil.asj ot. 4, 5b, 11
with xvii. 3 ; t>r. S a, 13 sq. with xii. 3 sq. ; r. 6 with xvi.
21 ; ». 7 with xxlii. 17 sq. ; f. 9 b with xvili. ga ; r. 10
with xvlii. 10a ; c. 14 with xvi. 21 sq. ; m. 21, 23 (" In
Jtnualtm ") with xU. 13 sq., xvi. 6 sq. ; v. 24 with
xvttl. 11 i V. 25 with vi. 6. Whether the book found
by Hilkiah embraced more than Deut. ia unimportant
for our present purpose: Dent is sufficient to satisfy
the terms of tlie narrative.
° Ewald, Bi$t. Iv. p. 235; Riehm, p. 105; W. B.
Smith, Jituwer, p. 34, O. T. J. C. p. 362 ; Dillmann,
p. «14 ; Kittel ii 40 end], p. 67 sq.
P The proof may be found, by the reader who can
disentangle it from the irrelevant matter concealing it.
In J. L. Konlg'8 AlttatammtUclit Studitn, ii. (1839).
Tlie salient points are exhibited with superior discrimi-
nation and scholarship by Kleinert, pp. 186-190, 235.
See also Scbradcr, JBinl. i wtg ; Kell, BitU. ^ 38, 3.
Jeremiah's antborship was hinted at by P. von Bohleu
(against whom Kunig's book was chiefly directed) in
1836 (Die Gtnait, } 22) : but its only conspicuous advo-
cate has been Colenso (Pent. lii. p. 618 ; vii. pp. 225-
327 ; and App. pp. 85-110).
1 So Ewald, HM. 1. 127, Iv. 221 ; Bleek, Intr. } 126 j
Riehm (in 1854); W. R. Smith, Add. Antvxr, p. 78;
Valeton, vli. pp. 222 sq. ; Kittel, pp. 57-9. Retts^ La
BibU (1879), I. 166 sq., Geich. d. Hett. Sckr. A. T.'s,
ii 23fr-288, Kuenen (Ate.'p. 214), and (though less con-
fidently) Dillmann (p. 613 sq.) prefer the reign of Josiah.
Riehm more recently (St. «. Kr., 1873, p. 194) and
Delitxsch iSludim, xl. p. 561) assign it to the age of
Heieklnh. The case against Deuteronomy beingsnppoed
to be the work of Hilklab, or of a member of his circle.
Is forcibly put by Dean (now Bishop) Perowne, Cent. Hev.,
DEUTEBONOMY
§ 20. The following considerations hare ben
ap]iealed to for the purpose of lixiog the date
more closely.
(1.) The circumstances referred to in §{ 14,
17 point more or less conclusively to a period
considerably removed from that at whidi the
Israelites took possession of Canaan, and pre-
supposing a changed social condition of the
people.
(2.) The law of the kingdom, xvii. 14 sq., ii
coloured by reminiscences of the monarckr of
Solomon. The argument does not deey tlut
Moses may have made provision for the em-
blishment of a monarchy in Israel, bat aSnu
that the form in which the provision is heie cast
bears traces of a later age (cp. § 24).
(3.) The forms of idolatry alluded to, speciallT
the worship of " the host of heaven " (ir. 19,
xvii. 3), are thought to point to the mUk
[leriod of the monarchy. It is true that the
worship of the sun and moon is ancient, at ii
attested even by the names of places in Cuisaii;
but in the notices (which are frequent) of
idolatrous practices in Judg.-Kings, no nxa-
tion occurs of "the host of heaven" till the
period of the later kings (2 K. xxiii. 13 uma
Ahaz ; cp. Is. xvii. 8 end, belonging to the
same reign : 2 K. xxL 3, b [cp. xxiii. 4, 5, IJ],
Manasseh : ' Zeph. i. 5 ; Jer. viii. 2, lii. 13
[cp. vii. 18, xlir. 17; Eiek. »iii. 16], beloo; U
a somewhat later period). That the cult i>
presupposed in Deut. and not merely antici{i«ted
prophetically, seems clear from the terms in
which it is referred to.* While we are not is >
position to affirm positively that the danger mi
not felt earlier, the law, as formulated in Dent.,
seems designed to meet the form which the cult
assumed at a later age.
(4.) Deut. xvii. 8-13, xii. 17, ha™ been
thought to presuppose the judicature estab-
lished by Jehoshaphat (2 Ch. xix. 8-11). Ce^
tainly (§ 14, note) the language of Deut. appesis
to presuppose the existence of a supreme court
of appeal ; and if allowance be made for the
point of view from whjch the Chronicler wtiia,
he may fairly be supposed to describe the tsae
institution which is alluded to in Deut.' Still,
there is an element of uncertainty in this irgu-
ment, which forbids our attaching too modi
weight to it.
(5.) The description in xxriii. 49 sq. has fa«B
supposed to betoken a familiarity with the dia-
racter and dealings of the Assyrians ; and that
in xxriii, 53 sq., 64 sq., to show an acquaintaiLce
with the siege of Samaria (2 K. ri. 28 iq.) tad
exile of the ten tribes. Both argiunentt, isfs-
daily the latter, are of slight weight Exile
and deportation of inhabitants was a fsmilitr
experience in the ancient world ; and the pooi-
bility of such fate may well hare presented
itself to a writer before the 7th or even Men
the 8th cent. B.C. AU that can be allowed it
Feb. 1888, pp. 255-267 : but his arguments do not tfiet
the position that it was compoeed a generation or man
previoDsly. and had since been genidnel j loet.
' The notices in 2 E. xvii. 16, xxlii. 11, sic is-
definite.
■ So Kleinert, p. 106.
« Riehm, pp. 86-88: comp. especially ». II "'tb
Deut. xvii. 12. Klelnert's objediona. p. HIsq., do B*
appear to bo conclusive. Cp. DUlmaon, pp. 339st., (U-
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DEUTEBONOMY
that the form of the description (particnlarljr
that of the invading foe) aomewhat strengthens
the presumption, derived primarily from other
indications, in favour of a date after (or during)
the great Assyrian invasions of Palestine.
(6.) The influence of Deut. upon subsequent
writers is clear and indisputable. It is remarlc-
able, now, that the early Prophets Amos, Hosea,
and the undisputed portions of Isaiah show no
certain traces of this influence (see § 33) ; Jere-
miaii exhibits marks of it on nearly every page ;
Zephaniah and Ezekiel are also evidently influ-
enced by it. If Deut. were composed in the
period between Isaiah and Jeremiah, these facts
would be exactly accounted for.
(7.) The language and style of Deut. (§§ 31,37),
clear and flowing, free from archaisms, but
purer than that of Jeremiah, would suit the
same period. It is difficult in this connexion
not to feel the force of Dillmann's remark
(p. 611), that "the style of Deut. implies a
long development of the art of public oratory,
and-is not of a character to belong to the first
age of Israelitish literature."
(8.) It is believed also (though all will not
recognise equally the force of such an argument)
that the prophttic teaching of Deut., the point
of view from which the laws are presented, the
prindplea by which conduct is estimated, pre-
suppose a relatively advanced stage of theo-
logical reflection, as they also approximate to
what is found in Jeremiah and Ezekiel.
(9.) In Deut. ivi. 22, we read, "Thou shalt
not set thee up a mazzibah (obelisk or pillar),
which the Lord thy God hateth." Had Isaiah
known of this law, would he, it is asked, have
adopted the auuzebah (lix. 19) as s symbol of
the conversion of Egypt to the true faith ? The
supposition that heathen pillars are meant in
Dent, b not favoured by the context (o. 21 b) ;
the use of these has, moreover, been proscribed
before (vii. 5 ; xii. 3 •).
(10.) Ewald and Riehm '(in 1854) sought to
fix the date of Deut. more precisely from xxviii.
68. The combination was an ingenious one,
but could not be relied upon with any confi-
dence ; and Biehm afterwards abandoned it.'
(11.) Nor can any more certain inference be
drawn from xxiii. 3-8 (prohibiting the naturaliza-
tion of Ammonites and Moabites, but inculcating
a spirit of friendliness towards Gdom and Egypt).
With Ammon and Edom relations of hostility
(so far as appears) prevailed uniformly almost
from the earliest times : with Moab there was
greater fluctuation, and with Egypt there are
traces of intercourse at many different periods.
But even if it were clear that these injunctions
reflect the temper of a particular age, the mate-
rials are too scanty to enable us to fix what
that age may have been. Perhaps Delitzsch
(p. 560 sq. ; cp. Dillmann, p. 605) is right in re-
garding the injunctions in tw. 7 sq. aa the oldest,
and assigning those In tw. 3-6 to a later origin
(prior, however, to the date of Deut. itself).
• Repeated from Ex. xxill. 34, xxzlv. 13. The
**Book of the Oovenant' enjoins the destmcUon of
Jkeatken alttis and pillars; but contains no prohibition
oaireapondlng to Dent. xvL 23: in Ex. xxlv. i " pil-
lars " are ended beside an altar by Moees.
< Ewald, BiU. iv. p. 3ia ; Rldun, Geutigeb. p. Maq.
7 Stud. u. JCrit, 18T3, p. IM.
BIBLE DICT. — VOL. I.
DEUTEBONOMY
769
In answer to these considerations some reli-
ance is placed upon the acquaintance which, it
M said, is displayed in Deut. with Egyptian
customs.* It may be doubted whether this
argument possesses great cogency, even though
it be granted that the customs alluded to in
vi. 9* [not 8'], XXV. 2' (the bastinadoX 4,*
xxvii. 2 b,* are necessarily derived from Egypt,
The mention of a custom by a particular author
is not evidence that he was a contemporary of
its introduction ; and the allusions to Egyptian
peculiarities in xl. 10, and vii. 15, xxviiL 27, 35,
are not more marked than the one in Amos
viii. 8, and not so minute as those in Is. xii,
§ 21. If it be true that Deut. is the composi-
tion of another than Moses, in what light are
we to regard it ? In particular, does this view
of its origin detract from its authority and value
as a part of the Old Testament Canon ? Let na
consider the manner in which the author must
have worked, and the object which he may have
had in view. The objection is commonly made
that, if this be the origin of the Book, it is
a " forgery : " the author, it is asserted, has
sought to shelter himself under a great name,
and to secure by a fiction recognition or
authority for a number of laws devised by him-
self. It does not appear, however, that this
objection can be sustained : and the theory
respecting the author's supposed motives is
entirely unsupported by fact. The book does not
claim to be tcritten by Moses: whenever the
author speaks himself, he pqrports to give a
description in the third person of what Moses
did or said.' Now, it is the uniform practice of
the biblical historians, in both the Old and the
New Testaments, to represent their characters
as speaking in words and phrases which cannot
have been those actually used, but which they
themselves select and frame for them : thus in
• Uengstenbeig, Die BSduT Mase't uiui Aegypten
(18il). pp. 89 aq., 224; whence Scbulu, p. 78, kc, and
the oommeDtatora.
' See. Wilkinson-Birch, Mannert and Cuilonu of ikt
Ancient Sgyjfliam, ed. 2 (1878), i. 362 ; Rlebm. Asnd-
KorUrbuck da £iU. Altertumt (1884), p. 678.
• For this is baaed upon JtuxUu (xiil. «, 16); the
custom, moreover, of hanging written charms oa the
necks of dUldren (WUkinson-Blrch, U. 334-6} Is only
partially parallel,
• Willdnson-Blrch, 1. 30S-8.
4 lb. li. 418-421.
• lb. U. 28«s(i. This la the most plausible. But
there appears to be no ground for lefening. In ex-
planation of zx. S, to ib. I. 266, 285-87, 300 sq. ; or to
RoseUini, / Monimmli deW BgUto, ll. ill. p. 218. The
" offlccra " named aie not mere registrars : they ate
represented elsewhere as exercising administrative fnnc-
tloDS, and here they perform merely «uch dutlea aa
would be assigned In the army of any country to simi-
larly constituted officials. The practice of burying
viands with the dead — If Dillmann be right in sup-
posing it to be alluded to In xxvl. 14 (otherwise Keil)—
though Egyptian (Wllk.-Blrcb, Ul. p. 433), la far from
being confined to Egypt (Tylor, i'rt«H«M Culture,
1871, U. pp. 26 sq.).
' See 1. 1-5 ; Iv. 41-43, 44-v. 1 ; xxvii. I, », 11 ; xxix.
2 (Heb. 1) ; xxxl. 1-30. Undonbtedly, the third person
may have been used by Hoeea : but it fa unreasonable to
claim that he ntut have used it, or to contend that
passsges in wtiich it occurs could only have been written
by him. The case Is stated correctly by Delitzsch,
Studien, x.p.603sq.; mote briefly in Genetii (1887),
p. 22.
•^ 3D
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DEUTERONOMY
the Acts of the Apostles many of the speeches
exhibit plain marks of the style of St. Luke ;
the speeches in the Chronicles (except those
borronred from the Books of Kings) are in the
style of the aathor of that Book ; many of those
in Kings are in the style of the compiler of
Kings.* Thus David in 1-2 Sam. speaks in one
style; in the Chronicles he speaks in another.^
In some of these cases the authors no doubt had
information as to what was actually said on the
occasions in question, which they recast in their
own words, only preserving, perhaps, a few cha-
racteristic expressions; in other cases, they
merely gave articulate expression to the thoughts
and feelings which it was presumed that the
personages in question would have entertained.
This custom of the biblical writers might be
abundantly illustrated ; and it is important, if
we wish to read the Historical Books aright, to
bear it in mind. The principle may be applied
in the present case. No doubt there was a tra-
dition of a final address delivered by Moses to
the people; perhaps, also, a written record of
its general purport and scope.' Upon this basis
the discourses in Deut. are constructed. The
historical retrospect is sketched in full; the
old laws are explained, and referred to their
motives and aim : at the same time the modifi-
cations and additions which some had undergone
in the course of years, in the effort to adapt to
new conditions and otherwise extend the princi-
ples of the old legislation, are silently incorpo-
rated. To suppose that the ordinances are the
author's " inventions " is out of the question, —
whether imagined on the one side, or objected
on the other ; the fact, if true, must have been
at once discovered, and have proved fatal to
their acceptance by the nation: they are cur-
rent customs, some as old as the Book of the
Covenant, others doubtless more recent, but
sanctioned by prophetic or other authority, and
obviously such as would be recognised as authori-
tative by those to whom they were addressed.
In thus building upon a foundation supplied by
tradition ; in adopting laws which were, or were
reputed to be. Mosaic ; in providing them with
hortatory introductions, conceived in the true
spirit of the older legislation, there is no dis-
honesty and no literary fraud.*
§ 22. The same conclusion may be reached
from another direction. Deut. xii.-xivi. is not,
strictly speaking, a eodt: the discursive, nn-
technical style which it often assumes is incom-
patible with the character of a code ; it contains
a code, but is not the code itself. It is (as has
been said before) the popularization of a code, a
manual taking a code as its basis, and extracting
and commenting upon such provisions as were
most generally necessary to be known. But a
work of this sort obviously pretends to no
authority of its own ; its authority is derived
from the code lehich underlies it. In casting his
explanations therefore into a form appropriate to
Moses' mouth, the author could not have been
s See for iUnatrattons Delitiscta, Jetaiat* (1889),
p. Ilsq. (Engl. Tr. 1. 16 sq.)
■> See e.g. 1 Ch. zxvlU., xxlz. (both the Idioms
and the ideas of which are throughout tkate of tht
Chronicler: cp. the writer's Introduction, pp. 198 sq.,
603 sq.).
■ So Klelnert, p. 13S ; Delltssch, Studien, z. p. £08.
k Cp. Delltsscb, tt. p. see.
DEUTERONOMY
actuated by a desire to gain anthority for >
" new code : " the code existed and wu Rcog-
nised as such; the author's aim is simply to
apply and enforce it. His own poation ii thus,
as towards the code, essentially subordinate : it
is not an originator, but expounds snew old
principles. Not merely then is there nothis; is
the Book implying an interested or disiios«st
motive on the part of the (post-Mosaic) intWr;
the imputation is refuted by the nature of tlw
case. And this being so, the moral and spiritual
greatness of Deut. remains unimpaired : itsimpi-
ration and canonical value are in no decree l«s
than those of any other part of the 0. T. Scrip-
tures which happens to be anonymous.
§ 23. In fact, it is apparent upon iitiiitic
grounds that in the main the laws in Deat. tn
anything but new enactments. In ch. u.,
though the form is Denteronomic, the siAitace
is certainly earlier : the law of military tenia
implies a simpler state of society than the tff
of the later kings ; and the injunction to gire
no quarter to the inhabitants of Canaan (m.
1-5; XX. 16-18) "points us directly bstk to
the days of Moses."' The text itself refers to
Ex. xxiii. 31-33 ; and in any subsequent recapi-
tulation of Mosaic principles it must onqae-
tionably have found a place. The repetitios,
so far from being nugatory (as is sometimei
objected) in the 8th-7th cent. B.C., woaM
indirectly hare a real value : occurring, u it
does, in close connexion with the prohibitioa <^
all intercourse with the Canaanites, it would be
an emphatic protest against tendencies Thidi,
under Ahaz and Mannsseh alike, were dangeroiiiiv
strong. And as regards the laws iucladed is
xsi. 10 — XXV., the same conclusion is supported
by the somewhat unusual expressions whkli sre
here found to occur (Dillmann, p. 340).
§24. The much-.debated "law of the kj&e-
dom " (xvii. 14-20) is also nndoubtedly in its
kernel old (so Dillmann, pp. 322, 604). ' It will
be observed that the limitations laid down an
all theocratic : the law does not define a politicsl
constitution, or limit the autocracy of tbe ii^
in civil matters. It stands thus out of relatica
with 1 Sam. viii. 11-17, x. 25. Its object it to
show how the monarchy, if established, a to
conform to the same Mosaic principles which
govern other departments of the commoiatT.
Verse 15 does not allude, as has been supposeil,
to the possible danger of a foreign usurper ii
the 8th or 7th cent., but asserts the primary
condition which the monarchy must satisfy,—
" Thou mayest not set a stranger to be kii^
over thee : " a condition conceived thoronghlv
in the spirit of Ex. xxiii. 32 sq., and designed
to secure Israel's distinctive nationality agaiiot
the intrusion of a heathen element in this most
important dignity. The prohibitions ni. 16 sq.
guard against the distractions too often produced
by riches and luxury at an Oriental Couit:
danger 'from this source may well have beea
foreseen by Moses : still, these Tcrses oertaialv
wear the appearance of being coloured by re-
collections of the court of Solomon (1 K. x. '2^
28 ; xi. 2-4), or even of the eagerness of s
powerful party in the days of Isaiah to indoce
the kinj to strengthen himself by means ot
Egyptian cavalry (Is. xxx. 16; xxii I; <¥■
I Cp. DiUmsnn, p. 372 : ' gewias uratt.*
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DBUTERONOMy
DEXJTERONOMY
771
Jer. ii. 18, 36)." The injunctions w. 18 sq. secure
the king's personal familiarity with the princi-
ples of the Deuteronomic law, for the reason
specified in v. 20. As the re-formnlntion of an
older law, embodying the theocratic ideal of the
monarchy, the law of the Icingdom contains
nothing that is ill-adnpted to a date in 8th-7th
cent., or that wonld hare sounded " absurd " to
the author's contemporaries, supposing that to
be the period at which he lived.*
That the legislation of Deut. is based gene-
rally upon pre-existing sources is fully recog-
niseid by critics.° la estimating their position
it is necessary accordingly to bear this in mind.
Arguments' which are sufficiently forcible against
the view that the laws of Dent, are inventiona of
the 7th cent. B.C. hare by no means the same
cogency when directed against the position that
Deat. is the reproduction and re-formulation of
an older system of laws.
§ 25. Critical qiustiotu connected chiefly veith
the "margins" of DeiU-t—M has been stated (§ 2),
ch. T.-xxvi., with cfa. xxriii. as a conclusion,''
belong closely together : they comprise the legis-
lation proper, and are marked throughout by
the same spirit and method of treatment.' To
this iT. 44-49 form a superscription. Ch. xxvii.,
as it stands, plainly interrupts the connexion,
and is probably misplaced ; iiviii. 1 would form
a natural sequel to xxri. 19, though the view is
highly probable that the two verses xxvii. 9 sq.
were the link which originally connected xxvi.
19 with xxviii. 1.*
§ 26. What relation, now, does ch. i.-iv. 40
bear to the body of Dent. ? Is it by the same
hand? The main reasons for answering this
question in the negative, and for supposing it
added after ch. v. sq. was completed, are ' (1) the
disagreement between ii. 14 b and v. 2 sq., xi.
2-7, and between ii. 29 and xxiii. 3, 4, 7 ; " (2) the
separate heading iv. 44-49, which appears to be
snperfiuoos after i. 1-4. These are, no doubt.
■■ To "cause the people to retam to Egypt," Is not to
lie understood literally, as Num. xir. 4 : what is meart
is that in sending to Egypt in quest of cavslry the king
will be acting counter to the Intention of the words
quoted.
■ With a 23 and 24 cp. Delltztch, Sttidien, xi.
• S^. Graf, pp. 30, 22, 24 ; Rlelun, Stud. u. £rit. 18T3,
p. 193; Castelli, La Legge. &C., p. 318 ; Beuss, La Bible,
L p. 1S3 iq. ; Dlltanann, Omm. m J)eiU., passim, e«p.
p. 604sq. Also Delltacb, Generit (1887), p. 25.
T A3 tboce of Mr. Eapin and Prof. Elasell (chap. rill.).
« Cp. tbe aections of simUar Import with whkji the
codes In Ex. xxi.-xxlll. (xxili. 20-33) and Lev. xvU.-
zxrl. (xxvl. 3-45) close.
' See esp. Knenen, Bex. pp. 111-115 ; Dlllm. p. 292.
• So Ewald. SitL I. 121 ; Klelnett, p. 183; Knenen,
n. rijdiekr. 1878, p. 302 sq.; Ha. p. 125; Dillmann.
■ The grounds are stated more fblly by Kuenen, Bex.
4 7. 13-17 (follovlng others), and RIehm, JBinl. pp. 316-
317, both of whom express themselves satisBed by them.
■ The redplents of the Dent, leglslatton, who In
chape, v. xl. are identijud with the witnesses of the
tbeophany at Horeh, are In ch. 11. expressly diitinguished
from tbem. The question which srlses Is this. Do suffi-
cient grotmds exist in the context of the passages quoted
to make It probable that one and the same writer would
adopi In them two different points of view ?
Edom and Moab are placed on the tame footing In II.
39, bnt on a different footing In xxlll. 3, T sq. However,
the Iqjunctlon In xxlll. 8 Is avowedly based apon the
** brotherhood" of Edom — a relationship not subsisting
in the case of Moab.
incongruities: bnt it is doubtful if they are
sufficiently grave to outweigh the strong im-
pression produced by the language of ch. L-iv.
that it is by the same hand as ch. v. sq. Not
only is the general style and manner of treat-
ment the same — ch. i.-iii. generally like ch.
ix. X., and ch. ir. generally like ch. v. — but
there are, besides, remarkable coincidences of
phraseology. Not to quote the broader features
of the Deuteronomic style,* which are readily
susceptible of imitation, the following are
worthy of notice : —
I. 17. -\M (xvlil. 22); 27, nWB' (Ix. 28); 28.
DtDtra nniva (i«- o; w. rir (vii. »i, xx. 3,
xxxl. 6), 31 end (} 36, No. 24) ; 43, -)<Tn (xvU. 13.
XTlll. 30) : 4«b (Idiom), cp. Ix. 25. xxix. 16 CReb. is] ;—
U- ». tp TITD. cp. xL 34 ; 27, nD3 dumged to "HD
(} 36, No. 21) J 30, 33^ psK (xr. 7j only 3 Ch.
xxxvl. 13 besides); 33. »3B^ jnj ii 36, No. 20);— Ul.
2*. ^J (»• a>. ht. »•. xl. 2);-lv. ». yyv 1KT IB'K
($ 36, No. 36); lOb (cp. xil. lb); 19 (cf. xril. 3).; 39b
(J 36, No. 19) i 32, cp. xlU. 7 [Heb. 8], xxTlll. 64 (all);
34, niDO »»mi D'^<^1D C'^'- 1»- «*'• *); ■«"' W »«i
No. 8; } 36, No. 13; $ 34, No*. 3, 4).
The combination of minuter and broader fea-
tures constitutes a strong argument in favour
of the unity of authorship. Still, there is justice
in the remark that the separate heading iv. 44-9,
especially when its circumstantiality is considered,
wears the appearance of being due to a writer
who was not acquainted with the introduction
to v.-xxvi. contained in i.-iv. 40. Kleinert, with
older scholars (pp. 33, 168 sq.), supposes that iv.
44-ixvi. was the part of Deut. that was first
completed, and that i.-iv. 40, 41^3 was prefixed
subsequently by the author himself as an intro-
duction. Dillmann, who does not doubt that the
substance of ch. i.-iv. is by the author of ch. v. sq.,
but holds that it has been modified in form by
the redactor who incorporated Deut. in the
Hexateuch, attributes to the latter both iL 14 b-
16 and iv. 44-49.
§ 27. Ch. xxvii. Verses 9 sq. have been spoken
of already (§ 25). In the rest of the chapter
four distinct ceremonies are enjoined : (1) The
inscription of the Deuteronomic law on stones
upon Mount Ebal, m. 1-4, 8 ; (2) the -erection
of an altar and offering of sacrifices on the same
spot, re. 5-7 ; (3) the ratification of the new
covenant by the people standing on both moun-
tains, ee. 11-13; (4) the twelve curses uttered
by the Levites and responded to by the whole
people, m. 14-26. It is true that oc. 11-13 are
disconnected with 1-8, the situation and circum-
stances being alike different*: at the same time
some actual symbolical ceremony must have
been intended in the words xi. 29 sq., and these
verses specify what that is. In the opinion of
critics, the basis of m. 1-8 is an older narrative,
which has been recast by the writer of Deut. in
his own phraseology. The connexion of rr. 14-
26 with or. 11-13 is very imperfect. Verses
12 sq. represent six of the tribes (including Levi,
which is reckoned here as a lay-tribe, Ephraim
' The reader who cannot discover tbem for himself
will find them noted in Dlllmami, p. 329. The differ-
encet which Kuenen (p. 120) notes an teal bnt slight.
> Knenen, J%. TijdMekr. 1878, p. 304sq.(cp. Bern, i 7,
23) : Dillmann, p. 367 sq.
3 D a
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DBUTEBONOJIY
and Hanasseh being treated as one) on Gerizim
and six on Ebal — in tolerable accordance with
Josh. Tiii. 33 ; and we expect (cp. zi. 29) some
invocation of blessings and curses on the two
monntains respectively. Verses 14 sq., on the
contrary, describe only a series of curses,
nttered by the Zevites, to which all Israel
respond. The two representations are evidently
divergent, and give an inconsistent picture of
the entire scene. Either something which made
the transition clear has dropped oat between
tic. 13 and 14, or ce. 14 sq. have been incorporated
from some independent source (see Dillmonn,
pp. 367-9).
§ 28. It is not possible perhaps to feel so
confident respecting xxix. 2 (Heb. 1) — xxx. 20,
as respecting ch. i.-iv. : for here, though there
is no lack of Deuteronomic phrases, the Deutero-
nomic ring (except in xxx. 11-20, especially
1 1-14) is not heard quite so distinctly. Several
new expressions also make their appearance (e. g.
xxix. 6b, 9b, lib [both Josh.]; 17, D'SIPC
and U^'f^i; 19, 11^ nnnBOi «nd xxix. 22-
XXX. 10 is connected imperfectly with the context.
Eleinert (p. 202) remarks that the promise of
restoration in xxx. 1-10 is alien to the intentio»
of a legislator, whose object throughout the rest
of ch. xxviii.-xxx. is exclnsively to inculcate
motives for the observance of his statutes,
and kindred rather to the spirit of a prophet.
It may be replied that the author is more than
a mere legislator : the section, moreover (with
xxix. 22-29), is but the expansion of iv. 27-31.
But it is true that xxx. II (which clearly gives
the reason for npresent duty, and is in no relation'
with the future contemplated in m. 9, 10) is
connected imperfectly with v. 10, and can hardly
have been originally preceded by xxx. 1-10.
Dillmann considers that elements belonging to
Dent, have been here united and amplified by
the redactor, and agrees, in particular, that xxx.
11-20 is "beyond question original."
§ 29. Ch. xxxi. 1 — xxxii. 47, including the
Song of Hoses (ch. xxxii.).
Argument q/ the Song. — After an exordium (w. 1-3)
the poet states his theme (4 a ^^yQ D^DD ^1 Vil). vis°
the uprlgfaOHSB and OtitbiUneBs of Jehovah, as lUnstnted
in His dealings with a cormpt and ungrateful nation
(vo. 4-6). He dwells on the providential care with which
the people had been guided to the home reserved for them
(n>. T-11) : bow It liad triumpbantlr taken poesesstou of
the soil of Canaan (vs. 13, 14); how prosperity had
tempted it to be trntrue to Its Ideal ("Jeshonin")
character, to fbfsake and dlslionoar its God (vo, 15-18),
untU the pimishment decreed for this (m. l»-25)
bad all but Issued in national extinction, and the final
step had only been arrested by the thought of the foe's
malicious trtumpb (vi. 2ft-«]. Had the nation possessed
true wisdom, it would perceive whither its coarse was
tending, and would understand the true ground of its
disasteis (m. 29-33). But the enemy will not trlompli
for ever: in His people's extremity JehoTsh will Him-
self Interpose (m. 3i-3S) ; and when the gods whom they
have chosen are powerless to aid them. He Who Is God
alone, and Lord of life and death, will avenge His ser-
vants' cause (vD. 37-13). The thought tmderlylng the
whole Is thus the rescue of the people by an act of grace,
at the moment when annihilation seemed imminent.
The poem begins reproachfully; but throughout tender-
ness prevails above severity, and towards Its close the
strain becomes wholly one of consolation and hope.
i'Kell,.8(nI.,«34.3en(t. I
DEUTEBONOMY
The Song shows great originality ii form,
being a presentation of prophetical thongkti is
a poetical dress, which is imique in the 0. T.
The standpoint — whether assumed or real— from
which the poet speaks is, of course, sobseqnat
to the Mosaic age, to which, m. 7-12, he loob
back as to a distant past. The style of treat-
ment, as a historical retrospect, is in the Baa-
ner of Hos. ii., Jer. ii., Ezek. xx., Ps. cri. The
theme is developed with great literary aid
artistic skill ; the images are varied and erpie-
sive ; the parallelism, though not perfectlr
regular, is often very forcible.'
it would be going too far to affirm that the
Song cannot be by the same hand as the l»jj
of Deut. At the same time most of the chinc-
teristic expressions are difierent, and it pmeats
many fresh thoughts ; hence Delitssch, wiihin;
to vindicate its Mosaic authorship* seeks to shov
that it is independent of and prior to the dis-
courses, and that in such points of contact s
are traceable between them the originality «
rather on the side of the Song.* b this be
appears to be right : at any rate internal evi-
dence, while not indeed precluding the idestiti
of authorship,* is far from being strong enongii
to make it a certainty. If xxxi. 14 sq. be ei-
amined carefully, it will be seen that there at
really (leo introductions to the Song, vii. tr. 14-
22 and m. 23-30. These appear to be bydif'
ferent hands ; the first exhibiting several plinss
not found elsewhere in Deut., the second lieiiis
in the general style of the body of the Book.
Verses 14-22 are considered by critics to form
part of JE ; and the view taken by them of tlie
Song is that, being already at the time irbeii
JG was composed attributed to Bloses, it ms
incorporated in this historical work acconl-
ingly.** The section containing it was ex-
cerpted by the author (or redactor) of Dest,
who, adding xxxi. 23-30 and xxxii. 4i-i',
gave it the place which it now holds. This
view presupposes naturally that the Son; is
older than JE, and <k fortiori older than IM.
Dillmann, in agreement with Enobel sod
Schrader (Einl. § 205 h), assigns it to the peiisd
of the Syrian wars, in particiUar to the inteml
between 2 K. xiii. 4, 7, and xiii. 23, 25, xir. 25 (q.
(c»ic. 800 B.C.). Certainly a period inch u
this is the standpoint from which the Seng
purports to be spoken.
Ch. xxxii. 48-52. This is part of the narra-
tive of P: it has all the marks of P> stj^-
and none of the style of Deut. (e.g. *3M, f- *^'
52, like Num. xiii. 2, xv. 2, &c.,'bat ooatrstr
' StudteH, X. p. S07.
* Kell, abning to prove more, catches at ttmn: b
what respect are ^K-R^ and DIT^ b*** «»**«"
of antiquity than Vwh »»J CNTC^- '*'* *"
used by IsaUh? ill. Espin (p. aiT), In relening'to •
" long list " of coincidences given by Colam, lt*t. B.
i »9, has neglected to notice that a ttrge nsmlxr d
these are wUh JeremiaK and cons»iuently han eb
cogency except for those who believe that Vea. Ii Ae
worlr of that Prophet.
<> So Schrader, Eiid. (1869), ( 191 ; Kksterniaaa, b
the Stud. u. KrU. JSTI, p. 262 sq. (whoM ufomnO
satisfy Wellh. f. D. Jk. xxl. MS); DUImum; BktB.
Bird. p. 312. Cp. Ewald. flirt. I. p. 1«» sq. Seeil»
Kuenen. $} 8, 18; and Stade In the X. X r. r. USi,
pp. 297-300.
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DEUTERONOMY
to the usage of Dent, [see § 37]). It is partly
identical with Nam. xxrii. 12-14.
$ 30. Ch. xzxiii. The Blessing of Mom*.—
This offers even fewer points of contact with
the diaconrses of Deut. than ch. xxxii., and is
accordingly considered by Delitzsch not to have
been among the materials made use of by the
author of Deut., bat to hare been handed down
separately; till it was inserted hers by the
redactor who incorporated Dent, as a whole in
the present Pentateuch. A peculiarity of form
will be noticed : each blessing is introduced by
the narrator separately, speaking in his own
person. The exegesis is in many parts difficult,
and the text sometimes corrapt (e.g. 2 b, 3,
probably 21). The nlessing on Joseph is
evidently moulded on Gen. xlix. 25 sq. : the other
blessings are original. Compared, as a whole,
with the blessing of Jacob, it may be said to be
pitched in a higher Icey : the tone is more
buoyant : while the former in the main has in
Tiew the actiKJ characteristics of the different
tribes, the blessing of Hoses contemplates
them in their ideal glories, and views them both
separately and collectively (cs. 2ti-29X as exer-
cising theocratic functions, and enjoying theo-
cratic privileges. The most salient features
are the (apparent) isolation and depression of
Judah, the honour and respect with which Levi
is viewed, the strength and splendour of thedouble
tribe of Joseph, and the burst of grateful
enthusiasm with which (m. 26-29) the poet
celebrates the fortune of bis nation, settled and
secure, with the aid of its God, on the fertile
•oil of Palestine. Verse 4, if not also w. 27 b,
28 (drtme out, said, dicelt), implies a date later
than Moeee ; as regards the rest of the Blessing,
opinions differ, and, in fact, conclusive criteria
£ul us. The external evidence, supplied by the
DBUTEBONOMY
773
title (r. 1), is slight: internal evidence, from
the obscure nature of some of the allusions, is
indecisive, and affords scope for diverging con-
clusions. Kleinert (pp. 169-175), urging e. 7
(Judah's isolation, in agreement with its non-
mention in Deborah's song), assigns it to the
period of the Judges. Graf,* understanding t>. 1
differently, and remarking the allusion to the
Temple in e. 12 and the terms in which tha
power of Joseph is described in v. 17, thinks of
the prosperous age of Jeroboam II. (2 K. xiv. 25),
which is accepted by Kuenen,' Reusa,* and
others. Dillmann (p. 415 sq.X while interpreting
m. 7 and 12 similarly, considers that the terms
in which Levi and Judah are spoken of are
better satisfied by a date very shortly after the
diviaion of the kingdom (so Schrader, £inl.
§ 204) ; and adduces reasons for supposing it to
be the work of a poet of the northern kingdom,
which afterwards came to be attributed to
Moses. Volck, ' partly on the questionable
ground that such concrete traits as the Blessing
exhibits are those of the Mosaic age, partly on
the ground of its predominant ideal character,
defends its Mosaic authorship; and Delitzsch*
agrees with him (both, however, excepting
V. 4). The style of ch. ixxiii. is more archaic
than that of ch. xxxii.
In ch. zxxiv., verses 1-7 ^n the main) con-
sist of J's account of Moses' death, slightly ex-
panded by a later baud, and concluded by v. 10
(cp. Ex. xxxiii. 11) ; oo. 8, 9 (cp. Num. xxvii.
22 sq.) belong to P : ee. 11 sq. are a compilation
of Deut. phrases, but probably not by D, on
account of the indifferent style (73?); they
are attached to v. 10 loosely as a supplement.
The structure of Deut. may be exhibited
in a tabular form, as follows : —
iJE xxvll. 8-Ta. xxxl- l*-a-
D L-xzvL.zzvtLl-4. T b-8, >-lO, 11- 13 (14-ae»> xxviU, xxlx. I-xxxl. 13. 83-30.
ZZZU.M-S3.
xxxlv. g-t.
{ JK xxxU. (l-t3«), 44.
xzxlv. 1-T,
xxxU.4S-t1.
(xxxlU.*)
xxxlv. 11-13.
* Incorpoiated bom Independent sources.
^ 31. Evidence of language on the date of
Deut.— i. Alleged archaisms. " Very incorrectly,"
write* Delitzsch,^ abandoning his previous posi-
tion, ' " have certain linguistic criteria been
appealed to as evidence for the equal and high
antiquity of the component parts of the Penta-
teuch." This verdict is indeed the only one
authorized by the facts of philology. The only
archaism in the Pentateuch which Delitzsch
now admits is the use of IBi as a feminine
(Gen. xxiv. 14, 16,28, 55, 57; xxxiv. 3, 12; and
in the laws Deut. xxiL 15-29, thirteen times) ;
the feminine il^} occurring but once (xxii. 29).
The following is a list of the other principal
words or forms which have been cited by Eeil,
• Der Segen Matii (IStt), pp. >»-83.
• Ildlgim<)fItTael, L 318 aq.; Ba. p. 234.
• Xa«<61<,U.p.3S0Bq.
r DarSigen tkatft (1873), p. IHsq.
( P. SOS. Bat internal evidence oonwcting cb. xxxUi.
wttb di. xzxU. Is slight; ** Jestmnm," the figure xxxii.
13a, ^»»'" Wb (both oocurrtng elsewhere), and epn
(onlj xxxll. 2 a, xxxiii. 28 b), being the sole noteworthy
by Delitzsch himself formerly, and others, as
archaisms, with an indication of the grounds
which compel their rejection.
(1.) The use of Mlil for both genders, wUcb occurs
1«« time* in the Fenuteuch (by the side of 11 times
K* n). of which 3« are in Deut. The tsct that all Se-
mitic langusges have a feminine with yod anthoriies
the inferenoe that this mnst have fonned part of tile
original Semitic stock, before the several sister dialects,
Hebrew amongst them, acquired Independent exist-
ence.k Whatever, then, be the explanation of the
epicene K^D. BArno in iU tarliat ttagt auut luLvt
Aod a/oMaiiw K^*1. In aU probability the pecollailty
Is not original. It is clear, fTom a comparison of the
IXX^ that in the older Heb. MSS. the plena leriptio
was far from being In general use (see the writer's JfoUt
resemblances: the others, dted by Volck, p. 1*?, front
Lagarde, are not characteristic. Kell, and Chose who
agree with him, do not perceive tbe difScnlty of v. 7.
k OenesU, 1887, p. 27.
> Oenetit, 1872, p. 22 sq. ; cp. this Dlct.,1 u. 7g3.
k So Noldeke, tbe highest living anthority on the
Semitic languages, Z. D. M. O., 18M, p. 4S8 sq. ; 1878.
p. BS4 ; endorsed by Oelltssch, Stuiien, vlil. p. 3M.
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774
DEUTEBONOMY
on tie Bdbnw Text of Samiul, 1890, xxzlU. sq.); *nd
doobUeu, tn the autographs of the 0. T., u on Uie atone
of Meaha for the maacalliie,> and on the inacrlptlons of
Sshmimaxar* and Tehawmelecb of Qebal" for both
genders, the pronoun of the third pen. sing, waa regu-
larly written Kil- though read, of course, as ku' or kC,
as occasion required. When at a comparatively late
period the plena Kriptio was Inserted, this for some
reason, which we can only supply fh>m conjecture, was
tn the Pentateuch, with eleven exceptions, always v°
Oen. xtx. 8, 2S, xxvl. 3, 4, Lev. xvUl. 27 ; and 7K '<»'
n7K> 1 Ob. XX. 8 (not a quoutlon). This Is met with
In Phoenician : r but the kindred dialects generally have
a dissyllabic form,'i an Indication that the pronoun ter-
minated originally in a vowel sound. There is no
ground for sapposing it an archaism other than its oc-
currence in books reputed to be ancient ; the fact that
n^Kn idao is found some eighty times (besides twH
miiformly) in the same Books ought alone to have
■bown bow qncetionable the Inference was.
(3.) The following forma, occurring sporadically In
Deut, are no test of antiquity, for the simple nason
that they mostly occur likewise sporadically in other
books of the 0. T, down to Jer. and Ezek. inclusive : —
(a.) |»>nF|, xxl. IS ; ^JNytpn. "xl. 21 (an ortho-
graphical variation for the more usual H^KV^i*)*
V-) rtK"!^. ••33; i?^^. xxvi. 12 (for niK"iriS
-mn'?)-
(Y.) The ending )V in 2 and 3 pi. impf., which occurs
30B times in the 0. T., of which 6« are in Dent. (On
fi, y, see the writer's 2fota on Samwlt pp. 39 sq., 23.)
(<.) The ending ]V> '° 3 pi. pf., viiL 3, 16. This
occurs besides in Is. xxvl. 16, but Is without analogy
in the kindred dialects, except )n those which are
secondary and late.' A form which oocnis three times
In the O. T. and is l>adly supported by analogy, is dne
probably to a clerical error. So Noldeke, p. 411.
(«.) The construction of the passive with J^^ of the
snl)|ect(xll. 22, XX. 8 : see Oea." i 121, 1 ; Ewald, } 295 6 ).
Ttais Is met with at every period of the language, down
I line 8, KPl DJ nOX'1 i ">» «. KH DIH 'D
(~ tot it was broken down : " cp. 1 K. xvUl. 30).
- line 10, Kn DnK ! Une u, Kn n3^D : «ne 22
»n na^DDil (<*»?• inter, am.. No. 3).
. Une », Kn inV i?0: Un* 13. KH nSK^
(a. Na 1). Add a. No. 93, 2 (2M B.C.); 94, 2; 166.
64; 171, 7 ; and the recently discovered Inscription of
Tabnlth, L 6 (JVotei on Samtitl, p. xxvl.).
■> The epicene ((^n appears, In fact, not to be ccnfinnl
to the Pentateuch. As the reader can himself learn from
the facsimile published by Strack In 1876, it occurs in
the MS. of the ■ Later Prophets,' exhibiting the Oriental
text and the superllnear punctuation, now at .St. Petcnt-
burg, and dated a.d. 916. See the passagea cited in the
Adiwtationet Criticae. p. 026 (on Exek. xxx. 18) ; and
cp. Delitiach, Oenetit (1887), p. 32.
p In Esbmuoazar's Inscr., 1. 22 ; in the C. I. S, No.
14 (from Lamaca), 1. 6 : No. 93, 1. 3 : probably pro-
nounced as a dissyllable (Schroeder, Pkoen. Or. 1869,
i 61). In the Poenulus, vl. 9, written fly: In the Neo-
pmiic Inscr. 126 (Z. D. M. O. xxix. 240), kVm-
' J\, )\, ^A-, p^tit. ■Ml/f. (^01).
' Noldeke, Z. D. M. O., 1884, p. 410 : for some ex-
amples see Driver's Hebrew Tenu* (ed. 2, 1881,
p. xiv. i ed. 3, 1891, p. 7). The old Semitic ending, ss
Arab., Etb., and Aram, show, was )-.
DETJTEBONOMY
to at least the time of Jeremiah (ixxv. 14, xxxtSI 4.
1. 30), and evidently therefore is no mark of antiquitj.
({.) ,1- locate occurs repeatedly in Kings and J<n-
^olah {e.g. n733i more than twenty times}.
(4.) Other words are borrowed from the older lawi, u
sense of witkout an offering), ib., in verbal quotatina
(torn Ex. (q>. i 6, note): or ate terhnkai terai, ■
n2p3, iv- w ; nen<. xvui. i.
§ 32. ii. Other fonns occurring in Deut lure
been claimed as agreeing with a date ia tli«
7th centnrr.' Of these the most strikin; are
the Sithpael in xxi. 8 (IgSS), which, it is tni«,
occurs again onlf Ezek. xxiii. 48 ; the Anmunn
nop, zri. 10 (not elsewhere); and rH}33S-
Tiii. 9 (ppP, of which this is a derintire,
occnrring besides only in the late book Qokeletl
ir. 13, ix. 15 sq.) : ' the others are of tligkt
importance.'
On the whole, the eridence from lasguigt
may be regarded as neutral : 1B3J. HDO, wl
niiSDO may be fairly held to balance ID}, ud
-mt in zi. 13. The language of Dent, exhibitt
nothing which can be characterised as eitiitr
specially early or specially late : such pecu-
liarities as it, presents are too isolated to admit
of any wide-reaching conclusion being saU;
deduced from them. The Ungnage of Deut. U
thoroughly compatible with a date early is tif
7th century B.C. : it contains nothing whidi cu
be cited as positively farouring an earlier dslt,
though we are not in a position to affinn that a
somewhat earlier date is excluded by it.
§ 33. Evidence of the Prophet* and Sabried
Books on the date of Deut. — ^These are <Au
appealed to as witnessing by their allosiaiu
to the existence of Deut. at a date prior to thai
assigned to it by modern critics. Is tkeir
evidence decisive? In determining this qio-
tion, the nature of the issue is Tery oommoslf
forgotten ; it is thought snfGcient to point oat
the parallel, and to assume at once that tkf
imitation (or dependency) is in favour of the
side which is being advocated. A momest'i
consideration will show how illogical rack i
method is. Oiren two similar passages, <>>'
which the relative dates are known, it is, of
course, immediately obvious on which side tbe
imitation lies ; but the inverse problem (wkWi
naturally, when the date is ninder dispute, i> t«
one to be solved) — Oiven ttno snmfarpj»*y»,'i>
determine ahich is the original — is vastly non
difficult and delicate. Assuming the andqoilr
of Deut., we may, for instance, say with
Hengstenberg that xxi. 3 is the basis of all the
passages in which the phrase ni3t? 2V occurs :
but there is nothing in the passage itself l«
render this self-evident, and a critic who heM s
different view of the date of Deut. might vith
equal propriety claim Amos ix. 14 as the fnids-
mental passage. So Amos ir. 9 resembles Drat-
xxviii. '22; v. lib resembles xxriii. 39: tbf
nSBilD (" overthrow ") of Sodom and Gomorrhs
• Ryssel, De Slokistae Pentateucki termtmt (ISilV
p. 27.
• Parallels to the strange PDO? Cx- ») "*• "*
Botkp. KQ^n (xxiv. 4) are met 'with tn Lev. sad
Num. (P) : they form, therefore, part of a larger ?«»-
tion [see PbxtatevchJ.
• On some of them, see Jaiim.<ifrkiL ists, p. 31> N-
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DEUTEBONOMY
is common to Dent, with Amos, Isaiah, Jeremiah ;
bat who will presume to say, without assnming
the qnestion in dispute, in which writer each of
these phrases is original ? Other passages ia
both Amos and Hosea which hare beeu cited as
showing acquaintance with Dent, are too general
in their terms to be conclusire. There may
well have been a law against Kedeshdth in Israel
prior to the 7th cent. B.C. : but Mos. it. 14
is no proof of it, unless it be supposed that the
moral enlightenment possessed independently
by the Prophet was insufficient to teach him to
condemn them. The only law to which Hosea
may be held perhaps to allude in v. 10 is that on
the landmark (liz. 14) ; but this does not show
his acquaintance with the Book as we have it,
for, as has been contended above, Dent, does not
Erescribe nev> laws, but reproduces old ones.
ideed, might there not well exist a popular
feeling on the subject, adequate to explain
Hosea's language, without the hypothesis of any
law whatever ? Nor does Is. i. betray acquaint-
ance with the body of Deut. ; the paralleb
adranced by Caspari ' can surely satisfy no one.
The part of Deut. which may be reasonably held
to be alluded to by Isaiah, and perhaps by
Hosea, is the Song: cp. Is. i. 2a with xxiii.
1; i. 2b, 4a ("sons") with ixxii. 5a, 19b,
20 b ; the thought of i. 2 b with xxxii. 6, 13 b ;
Hos. T. 14 b, ri. 1, with xxxii. 39; Tiii. 14 a
(cp. xiii. 6) with r. 18 ; ix. 10 with «. 10 ;
xi. 3 a (thought) with v. 11. But, as we have
seen (§ 29), there are independent grounds
for regarding the Song as prior to the body of
Deut. ' In the prophets there are no allusions
sufficient to establish an acquaintance with
Dent, as a whole prior to Jeremiah.
In estimating the allusions in the historical
books, we must first put aside those which may
refer to the earlier laws embodied in Dent, (as
1 Sam. xxTiii. 3, 1 K. xxi. lO^' and those in
which the reference to Deut. is not evident, as
1 K. xxii. 11, 2 K. vi. 30* (surely the recollec-
tion of Deut. xxviii. 53 is not needed to explain
the king's horror!). There remain the large
number of cases (cp. § 38) in which the phrase-
ology is modelled on that of Deut. These
passages, however, do not appear generally to be
part of the original sources incorporated in
those Books, but to belong to the framework or
additional matter due to the post-Deuteronomic
redactor. It would, however, bo out of place
here to state the grounds which justify this
opinion : and in so far as they have to be assumed,
« BeUrSge ntr Binl. in dot Buch Jaaia (IMS), p.
304. Isaiah works out the figure of the sick person
(I. Ssq.) on lines entirely his own. The spedflc Images
in Dent, sie all different : in xxvlU. 36 b the phrase used
is one In current use (2 Sam. liv. 85; Job U. J), unUke
that in Is. i. 6.
T So the introduction In JE to the Song ($ 19) may
1>e alluded to In Hos. Ul. lb; Hie 111. 4, II: cp. xxxl.
18bk20b; Ita, 18a; If b.
■ But Jndg. 11. Jsq., xlv. 3, 1 Sam. vUl. 3, are snlB-
dently aocoonted for I7 Ex. xxxiv. 13, 13, IS sq., xxlll.
8, and do not point neoesaarlly (as has been supposed)
to Ilent. vil. 3, 3, xll. 3, ivL 19. Indeed, the expostula-
tion In Jodg. xlv. 3 seems to be prompted by national
ikeling, rather than to depend open an express prohi-
tritloD.
• Pulpie Comm. p. x. sq. ibom Heugst. U. pp. 131,
138).
DEUTEBONOMY
776
the present discussion on Deut. must be admitted
to be incomplete.
III. Style of Dmteronomy.
§ 34. The literary style of Deut. ia very
marked and individual. In vocabulary, indeed,
it presents comparatively few exceptional words ;
but particular phrases and forms of expression,
consisting sometimes of entire clauses, recur
with extraordinary frequency, giving a dutinc-
tice colouring to every part of the work. While,
however, the phraseology, in its predominant
features, is strongly original, it appears in
certain particulars to be based upon that of the
narrative which we have termed JE, notably of
the sections Ex. xiii. 3-16, xix. 3-8, parts of xx.-
xxiii., iiiiv. 10-26."
I. 3nK. to love, with God as object : vl. S ; vli. 9 ;
X. 12; xi. 1, 13, 22; xlU. 3 [Heb. 4J; xlx. 9; xxx. «,
16, 20. [Joeb. xxU. 6, xxiil. 11.] So Ex. xz. « (siDettt.
V. 10).
Of God's love to His people : Iv. 3J ; vlL 8, 13 ; x. 15 ;
xxlll. t [Heb. 6]. Not so before. Otherwise first In
Hosea 111. 1 ; Ix. IS; xl. 1, cf. 4 ; xlv. « [Heb. S].
2- D'lrttt D'n^N. otl>^ t°^ : vl. U ; vll. 4 ; vUl. 1» ;
xl. 16, 28 ; xlll. 2, 6, 13 [Heb. 3, 1, 14] ; xvU. 3 ; xvlll.
20; xxvUl. 14, 3«, 64; xxlx. 26 [Heb. 2»]; xxx. 1»;
xxxl. 18, 20. [Joeb.xxlll. l«;xxiv. 2,1«.] SoEx. zx.
3 (= Deut. V. J); "HI- 13; cp. xxxlv. 14 (inN ^K)-
Always In Deut. (except v. »; xvUI. 20; xxxl. 18, 20)
with to ttne or go after. Often in Kings and Jeremiah,
but (as meinert remarks) usually with other verbs.
3. That your ((*») doyi may be long [or to prolong
day}: lv.28,40; v. 33 [Heb. 30]; vl. 2b; xl.9; xvU.
20; xxll. T; xxv. IS ; xxx. 18; xxxll. 41. So Ex. xs.
12 (=Deut. V. 16). Elsewhere, only Is. 1111. 10, Prov.
xxviii. 16, Eccles.viil. 13; and, rather differently. Josh,
xxiv. 3l=Judg. il. ».t
4. ne land (.ymn- less frequently tkt ground,
nonttn) «*»«* Jehamk thy Ood <• giving thee (also
lu, you, them, 1. 20, &c.) : Iv. 40, xv. 7, and constantly.
So Ex. XX. 12 (=Deut. v. 16). PlonNn-
»• DnSIf n'3. *«"»« 'if liondage (lit. qf tlavet) :
vl. 12; vU. 8; vlll. 14; xlU. 6, 10 [Heb. 6, 11]. [Josh,
xxlv. U.] So Jndg. vl. 8; Mlc. vi.4; Jer. xxxiv. 13
From Ex. xlll. 3, 14, xx. 2 (=Dent. v. 6).t
6. /n thy gaiet (of the cities of Israel) : xll. 12, IS, 1?.
18, 21; xlv. 21, 27-39; XV. 7, 22; xvl. 8, 11, 14, 18;
xvll. 2, 8; xvlU. 6; xxlU. 16 [Heb. 17]; xxlv. 14; xxvL
12; xxvlll. 52, 56, 67; xxxl. 12. So Ex. xx. 10 (=.
Dent V. 14). Nowhere else In this application : but cf.
I K. vlil. 37 =2Cb. vl. 28.
7 a. n^JD DI?, o people i/ JpectoJ fiosMMvm ; vil. 6;
xlv. 2; xxvl. 18.t Cf. Ex. xlx. 6 H^JD ^ DD^nV
7b. {^np DP. <» *«*» people: vll. 6; xlv. 2, 21;
xxvl. 19; xxvUi. 9.+ Varied bom Ex. xlx. 6 »1J
{^"jp, a holy nation.
8. Which I command thee thie day : Iv. 40 ; vl. 6 ;
tU. u, and repeatedly. So Ex. xxxlv. 11.
9. IhJh! heed to thytelf (yomrielva') Utt, 4c. : Iv. 9, 23 ;
vl.l2;vlll.ll;xl. 16;xll. 13,19, 30; xv. 9 (cp. xxlv. 8):
cp. U. 4 : Iv. IS. [Joeh. xxlll. 11.] So Ex. xxxlv.
12 ; cp. xlx. 12. (Also Ex. X. 28, Gen. xxlv. 6, xxxl. 24,
cp. 29 ; bnt with no special force.)
10. .4 mighly hand and a itretched out arm : Iv. 34 ;
<> In the preparation of }} 34-36, much help has been
derived fh>m the scholarly work of Klelnert, p. 217 sq.—
To avoid repetition, and for the sake of the more com-
plete synopsis, the occurrences in the Deuteronomic sec-
tions of JosiTOA have been noted here In brackets. The
sign t denotes that aU examples of the word or phrase
quoted, occurring In the 0. T., have been cited.
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DEUTEBONOMY
V. U; Til. 19; xl. 2; zxvl. 8. Hence Jer. xzxU. 21
(miTK)- <:'■ xxl. 6; 1 K. TiU. 42 ; EkIc. xx. 33, 34 ;
Ps. cxxxTl. 11. The combination occotb first In Deut.
Migktg hand alone : Dent. 111. 24 ; Ti. 21 ; tU. 8 ; Ix. 26 ;
xxxlr. 12 [cp. Josh. tv. 24]. So Ex. lU. 1» ; tL 1 ; xUl. 9 ;
xxxll. 11 (Num. XX. 20). Hence Dui. ix. IS; Neb. 1. 10.
Strttched out arm alone : Dent. ix. 29 (varied from Ex.
xxxll. n). SaEi.Ti.«P. Hence Jer. XXTIL 6, xxxll. 17;
a K. XTll. S6.t
Other coincidences with the same sections of
£i. appear to be instance* of qnotation or alla-
sion (see § 6, note).*
§ 35. There are two or three points of con-
tact between Deut. and Lev. xvii.-xxTi. : —
n3tnn- abomination (to Jebovah), espedallr as
the final ground of a prohibition: Til. 2Saq. ; xU. 31;
xlU. 14 CHeb. 15J; xiT..3; xtU. 1, 4; xtUL 12; xxU.
6 ; xxlU. IS [Heb. 19] ; xxiv. 4 ; xxt. 16 ; xxvtt. 16. .
Cp. Lev. xtUL 22 b, also 26, 27, 29, 30 ; xx. 13 (bnt '
onlyofslnsof onchastlty). Not so Id Ex. |
Ay brother, as used lu xt. 3, 7, 9, 11, 12; xtU. |
IS b; xxli. 1-4; xxlii. 19 aq. [Heb. 20 sq.]; xxt. 3. I
Cp. Lev. xlx. 17 ; xxt. 14, 2S, 3S aq., 39, 47.
lb rejoice btfort Jehovah (at a aacrifldal meal) : xil.
12, 18 ; xrt. 11 ; xxvil. 7 (cp. xll. 7 ; xW. 26 b ; XTi. 14 ;
xxvl. 11). So only Vey. xxUl. 40 (of the Feast of
Tabernacles) ; cp. Is. Ix. 2.
With the rest of P, Dent, exhibits no phrase-
ological connexion. In the few laws which
are in part common, identical expressions occur
(as ch. xiT. JtJ; xxiv. 8, IlinxnrM); but
these are of the nature of quotations, and do not
constitute any real phraseological similarity
between the two writings - they do not recur in
Deut.
§ 36. Characteristic expressions either not
occurring at all in Gen. — Num., or occurring
only in the instances cited : —
1- raiB'Ba niK ^33. mthaU the deeire qf kit
(My) tout : xlL IS, 20. 21 ; xtUI. 6.t Cp. 1 Sam. xxlU.
»• ina. to c»oo»e.- of Israel, It. 37; vU. 6, 7; x.
16 ; xlT. 2 ;— the priests, xvllL 6 ; xxt 6 ;— of the
future king, xtIL 16 ;— and especially In the phrase
" the place which JeboTsh shall choose to place (or set)
His Name there," xlL 6, 11, 14, 18, 21, 26 ; zIt. 23-26 ;
XV. 30 ; XTi. 2, 6, 7. 11, IS, 16 ; xvU. 8, 10 ; xxvi. 2; or
" the place which Jehovah shsll choose," xviii. 6, xxxl.
11. (■'osb. ix. 27.] Very characteristic of Deut.: not
applied before to Ood's choice of Israel : often In King)
of Jerusalem (1 K. vlll. 44 ; xl. 32, &c) ; In Jeremiah
once, xxxlU. 24, of IsraeL Also chanct. of XL Isaiah
(Xli. 8, 9 ; xUU. 10 ; xllv. 1, 2 : cp. ctown, tim 30,
xlv. 4. or the future, xlv. 1 ; Ixv. 9, 16, 23 : and
applied to Jehovah's Ideal Servant, xlU. 1 ; xlix. 7).
s. b^ism) "OTipo »"in mrm. »«« «*««
ehaXt extinguiMh the evil from thy midet (or from
Israel) : xlil. 6 [Ueb. 6] ; xviL 7, 12 ; xlx. 19 ; xxL
21i xxll. 21, 22,24; xxlv. 7.t This phrase la peculiar
to Deut. : bnt Judg. xx. 13 Is similar. The verb ^3
oocsis also in xlx. 13, xxl. 9, xxvL 13, 14; a Sam.
Iv. 11; and In Kings.
4. That the Lord thy God may (or Becauu He wOt)
bleu thee: xlv. 24, 29 ; xv. 4. 10 ; xvU 10,16; viHii
20 [Heb. 21] i xxlv. 19 : cp. xlL 7 ; xt. 6, 14.
B. ne ttranger, the fatherlat, and the widow :
X. 18 ; xxiv. 17, 19, 20, 21 ; xxvll. 19. Cp. Ex. xxU. 31 sq
• They do not therefore, as Colenso thought (Pei><. vl.
App., ^ 111, 118), show IdenUty of authorship. The
relation of Dent, to Ex. xxlii. 22-33 Is the same as to
Ex. xxlil. 1-21. Note abw that ^^ pWIS. Ex. xlll. 3,
14. 16. and "liapa, xlll. 8, are not Deuteronomic
DEXnrEBONOMY
Hence Jer. vU. 6, xxli. 3; Esek. xxU. 7. Tognhtr
with the LeviU : xlv. 29 ; xvL II, 14 ; xxvL 11, 13.
8. p31. to cieatx, of devotion to God: x. U; iL
22 ; xlll. 4 [Heb. S] ; xxx. 20 : the corropoodliig ad-
jective, iv. 4. [Josh. xxlL 6; xxilLS.] 8o1K.xt8L
6: with a different ob||ecl,tU. 3; lK.xi.xt
7. And remember thai thou watt a 6oadauii is Ou
land qf Sgypts v. 16; xv. IS; xvL 12; xilv. u,
8- (vSw T3»r Dinn vh. «•« «»«•»««•*
spare (him): vll. 16; xiU. 8 [Heb. 9]; xix. 13. tl;
XXT. 12. Also Gen. xlv. 20 ; Is. xlll. 18 ; asd In-
quently in Esek.
»• VtSKI pin. !« stroiv «B«* <f a good amrtft:
xxxL 6, 7, 23. [Josh. L 6, 7, 9, 18 ; X. 26.] Cp. du IS.
38. The reader may th^ tbia phrase an ocdioair
one ; but It occun besides only In 1 Ch. xxli. 13, xnilL
20;2Cb. xxxii. 7.
I*- KOn "p rvm.*""* U te tin i» thee: Xf. •;
xxlU. 21 [Ueb. 22]; xxiv. 16; cp. xxi. 23;-«tlli sot,
xxlii. 22 [Heb. 33].
". naiOn ynwa the good bnd «f Omua.
I.'S6; iU. 26; iv. 21,22; Tl. 18;TilL 10 (cp. 7) ; Ix. I ;
xl. 17. [Josh, xxlii. 16.] So 1 Ch. xxvUL e.t Ch.1
26 (Nnm. xlv. 7) and Ex. 111. 8 are rather differeot.
12. \mck thou (3re) knowett (or knewett) not : riiL
3, 16; xL 28; xlil. 2, «, 13 [Heb. 3, 7, 14] ; xxtIU.33,
36, 64 ; xxix. 28 [Heb. 26]. Chiefly with refereaoc to
strange gods, or a foreign people. Cp. xxxii. II.
13. not U may be weU witk Oee (jmsb <* 17K
TV 3D") : iv. 40 ; V. 16, 29 [Heb. 2S] ; Ti. 3, 18 ; lli.
26. 28 ; IXU. 7. Similarly (D3^) "^P 3101 : »• »
[Heb. 30], xlx. 13; and 2\ob> vL 3«. x. 13.
14. 3<Q«n. <V- o^t need •dTcrbially = Oa-
rou^Uy: U.21; xlil. 14 [Heb. 16]; zTtL4; xix. II;
xxvli. 8. Elsewhere, In this ^>pllcatioo, only i E.
xl. 18.t* ,
16. lb fear Clod (nt(1^7 : ohm with that Ikey mi)
learn prellxed): It. 10; t. 39 [Heb. 26]; tL 14: rill.
6; X. 12; xIt. 23; xtU. 19; xxviii. 68; xxxi. U.
1<- 63V) ^3in K^. i° the sense of not to k al-
totMd.- vlL 22; xil. 17; xvL t; xvii. IS; xxL U;
xxlL 3, 19, 29 ; xxlT. 4. A Toy oncomman use; cp
Gen. xUlL 32.
17. To do that which it right (nC^il) in Ihetya^
Jehovah: xll. 26; xllL 18 [Heb. 19]; xxL 9: «U
31Dn. that which it good, added, vi. 18 ; xlL «. 8s
Ex. XT. 26 ; then Jer. xxxIt. 16 ; and sevenl times Is
Kings and Chronicles.
18. n> do that which it eett (S'\!t> in Uueya>l
Jehovak: iv. 26 • ; Ix. 18 • ; xvU. 2 ; ■""* 19. 8s
Num. xxxll. 13 ; often in the framework of Jodges aad
Kings, Jeremiah, and oocasionally elsewhere. Balk 17
and 18 gained currency through Dent. ; and are rare
except in passages written under its Inaneoos.
19. With aU thy (your) heart and with tU Of
(your>sotil: iv. 29; vl. 6; x. 12; xL 13; xllL 3 (Htb.
4]; zxvl. 1$ ; XXX. 2, «, 10. [Joah. xxU. 6 ; tiIH. 14.]
A genuine expression of the spirit of the Book ((8).
Only bnidee (in the third person), 1 K. U. 4, vUL 48 |i
2 K. xxilL 3, 26 n ; 2 Ch. XV. 12.
M- ''ith }rU> b> the sense of dUvocring uf It: L
8,21;U.31,33,36;T)i. 2,23;xxllLI4 [Heb. 16} ; XXTflL
7 and 26 (with C)|]); xxxl. 6. [Josh. x. 13; xL «.]
<■ In Oen. xxxU. 13 [Kell, $ 28j ttaa nae Is dlSosBt,
and Domal. ^7 j (dted ib.) is used peculiarly In Osst.
(ilL 24; T. 24 [Heb. 21]; ix. 26; zl. 1: Itf, Bit
greatnett; cp. Ps. cl. 3), and dlffiKently from Num. xl'.
19. It Is not dted In the text, b^« of minor k>-
portance. ,
• With to vetc him (^0>SOtlP) added, aa also oftta
in lfin g « and Jeremiah.
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DEDTEBONOMY
Alio Jndf. xL 9 : 1 K. vlU. 46 ; Is. xlL 2.t r The
osoal phrase In this sense Is ^^3 mj.
ai. n ttirn (ID) ntU^er to Ot HfU hand nor to
the l^t .- U. ai lU. (Num. has nt33) : so 1 Sam. vL 12.
MetOfk.: T. 32 [Heb. 29]; xvU. II, ao; ZXTiU. 14.
[Joah. L 7 ; xxlil. 6.] So 2 Kings xxU. 2 g. f
3^ Dn* ntrVD. <*< «»rft <i^ M< Aaiui< (= enter-
priM): U. 7j xlT. »j ivL I6t Mdv. 19; xxvUL 12;
XXX. 9: In tb>dseiise,xxxl. 29. In s nentral sense, not
very common elsewhere, Hsg. IL 14, IJ ; Ps. xc H;
Job L 10 : In a bad sense, Ps. xxvtll. 4 ; 1 K. xvt 7 ;
2 K. xxll. 17 oL
23. rriEW of the rtdemption tram Egypt: tU. 8
CMICL vL 4); Ix. 26; xiU. 5 CHeb. 6]; xv. 15; xxL 8;
xxlT. 18. Not so before : Ex. xv. 13 uses ^{(3 (to
nelaim).
M. Amtoorwite thit place: L 31; ix. 7; xi. 6;
zzTi. »; zxix. 7 [Heb. «].
35. 3")pi i" different connexions, especisll; *]3^p3,
^*1pD- ^ fisToarite word In Dent., thongh natatally
eccanlng In JE, ss also elsewhere. In P "nn Is
preferred.
2S. Which thitu eya Aan sent; Ir. 9; vil. 19; x.
31; zxix. 3 [Heb. 2]: cp. xxl. 7.t (Prov. xxT. 7
dillisrently.)
37. Thy (your) eya an thott that hatx nen: 111.
31; Iv. 3; xl. J.f
38. 2b oK and be tatitjied: vi. 11 ; tUL 10, 13 ; xL
IB; zlT. 39; xxvt 12; XXXl. 30.
39. The caution not to forget: Iv. 9, 33; t1. 13;
vUi. 11,14, 19;ix. 7; XXV. I9b; xxvi. 13b. Cp. xxxU.
30. lb mite Bit name dwell there (.T^, ]Stsh)'
xlL II ; xlT. 23; xvi. 3, 6, 11 : xxTl. 3. Only braldes
Jer. vU. 12 ; Ezra vL 13 ; Neh. L 9.t With D1e6 C"
jct) .• xU. 6, 21 ; xiT. 34. This occnis also In Kings
(together with nViT^. iTiT. which are not In Deut.) :
I K. tz. 3 ; xl. 36 ; xir. 31 ; 3 K. xxl. 4, 7.
31- 1* rh&D. that KhSeh thou puttett thy hand
to.- zU. 7, 18; XV. 10; xxlil. 30 [Heb. 31]; xxvill. 8,
30-+
33. TKIC Vattf' Bear, O Itrad: v. 1; vi 4; iz.
1 ; ZZ. 3; cp. ZXtU. 9.
33. And .... ihaU hear and fear (of the deterrent
effect of pnnlshment): xlll. II [Heb. 13]; zvlL 13;
xlz. 30 ; zxL ai.t ,
34. To obierve to do (flltST? IDC): »• !■ 32
[Heb. 39], tL 3, &C. (sixteen times: also fonr times with
an ol^Ject intervening). [Joeh. 1. 7, 8; zxiL 6.] Also
a lew times In Kings and Chronicles.
35. To obtcrve and do: iv. 6; vU. 13; xvi. 12;
izllL 33 [Heb. 34] ; xxiv. 8 ;:xxvi. 16 ; xxvill. 13; cp.
xxlz. 9 [Heb. 8]. [Josh, xxlil. 6.]
36. The land whtther ye go over (or enter in) to
fouett it : iv. 5, 14, and repeatedly, ^nce Ezra Ix. 11.
nntS'l?' *" po—eu it, slso after vAich Jdunah ie
giving thee (} 34) : xlL 1 ; xix. 2, 14 ; xxi. 1. [Josh. L
II &.] Cp. Gen. XV. 7. In P, with similar clauses, we
tu^ mriK^ : Lev. ziv. 34, XXV. 46 ; Num. xxxlL 39 ;
Dent. xxxlL 49.
These are the most striking expressions cha-
racteristic of Deut. It will be observed that,
as a role, they occur seldom or never elsewhere,
or onlj in passages modelled upon the style of
Deut, In addition to these, the attentive reader
will notice other, recurring features, which
combine, with those that have been cited, to
give a unity of style to the whole worlc. The
strong and impressive individuality of the
author colonn whatever he writes : and even a
sentence, or part of a sentence, borrowed from
' Ex. XXX. 36 and 1 K. xl. 6 (Kell) are not paralleL
DEUTBBONOMY
777
elsewhere, assumes, by the setting in which it is
placed, a new character, and impresses the
reader in a different light.' It is plain that the
original features in his style preponderate
decidedly above those that are derived. It is
true there is an element common to Deut. with
the parenetic sections of JE, and hence the style
of Deut. may be termed, in a certain sense, an
extension or development of that of J£ ■> ; but
the development, it must be remembered, is a
very considerable one. The question will be
before us again, when the structure of JE, as
a whole, is examined under the article Pemta-
TEDOH.
The text of Dent., except in a few parts of ch.
xixii. xixiii., is remarkably pure.
§ 37. Some other more general features
in the style of Deut. may here be noted. The
author is fond of the reflexive dative {"WDt MB,
03^ )2W: i. 7, 40; u. 3; v. 27 ; x. 11, &c.);
of asyndeta'; of the emphatic termination p-
in 3 pL impf. (§ 31); of constructions with
■p' cnanj. nonn. runo. mro). He prefers
337 (nearly fifty times) to 3? (only iv. 11 m«-
taph. ; ixviii. 65 ; xxix. 4, 19 [Heb. 3, 18]. He
uses always the longer and more emphatic form
of the pronoun of the first pers. *3]K (of the
two exceptions in the body of the work, xii. 30
after the verb is in accordance with usual cus-
tom,' xxix. 6 [Heb. 5] is a stereotyped formula)^'
His syntax is idiomatic, and remarkably free
from irregularities and anomalies ; his diction
classical and pure. His power as an orator is
shown in the long and stately periods with
which his work abounds : at the same time the
parenetic treatment which his subject often
demands always maintains its freshness, and is
never either monotonous or prolix. In his use
otfiguret (i. 31, 44 ; viii. 6 ; xxviii. 29, 49, cp.
13, 44 ; xxix. 18 b, 19 b) he agrees witb other
writers of the more elevated prose style.' His
noble and impressive eloquence has stirred the
heart of every reader.
§ 38. The influence of Dent, upon subsequent
Books of the 0. T. is very great. As it fixed
for long the standard by which men and things
were to be judged, so it provided the formulae
in which these judgments were expressed. Or,
to speak more generally, it provided a religious
terminology which readily lent itself to adoption,
except on the part of writers possessing unusual
independence (as Ezek. and II. Isaiui), upon
whom it exerted only a partial influence. In
s E.g. xvL 3 (by the addition of oU (Ac days <if thy
life: ep. iv. 9, vi. 3, xvli. 19), 16 ; and especially in the
retrospects, chs. l.-liL, ix.-x.
>> Uelitsach, Studim, x. p. 504 ; cp. Genetit (1887>
p. 21.
1 Those with oU may be given, on account of their
bearing on the interpretation of xvUL la:— U. 37b;
ill. 4b; iv. 19; XV. 31; xvL 31; xvU. 1; zx. 14;
xxlil. 19 [Heb. 30]; xxix. 20 [Heb. 19]. They
regularly, it will be seen, denote the entire group, of
which one or more repruenta^tse items have been
spedfled in the preceding words.
' Jowmai <tf Philology, 1882, pp. 223, 226. The other
cases are In the Song, xxxiL 21,39 ; and xxxil. 49,62(P).
> Ex. vil. 17, vlll. 18, X. 2; 1 K. ZZ. 13, 38.
• Cp. Ex. xxxiil. 11 ; Num. xi. 13, xxU. 4, xxvil.
17 ; Jndg. vL 6, vli. 13, xlv. 6, xv. 14. xvL 9 ; 3 Sam.
xlv. 17. 30. xvii. 8, 10, 11, 13, Ite.
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DBUTEatOKOMY
the Historical Books entire sections of Joshua
(f^. L ; xxii. 1-6 ; xxiii.) are largely composed
of Deoteronomic phrases: from the subsequent
Books, these specimens — mostly comments, or
other additions, made by the compiler — may be
quoted: Judg. ii. 11-23, iii. 4-6; 1 K. ii. 3, 4,
viii. 15-61, \x. 1-9, xi. 1-6, 31-39 (in parts),
xiv. 8, 9 ; 2 K. ivii. 7-23, xviii. 6, lix. 15-19, &c.
Differences, however, should be noted as well as
resemblances: many of these passages, for in-
stance, contain neu phrases not met with in
Deut. ; ' and it is interesting to trace what is ou
the whole an increasing accumulation of varia-
tions from the original Deuteronomic type, till
in (fi-g.) 2 K, zvii. it is mingled with phrases
derived from the Book of Kings itself, Judges,
Jeremiah, and Ezekiel. Among the Prophets,
Jeremiah, as is well known, shows most pro-
minently the influence of Deut.: it may be
traced more subtly in II. Isaiah.
§ 39. However reluctant we may be to aban-
don the current view of the authorship of Deut.,
in face of the facts stated above (which do not
appear to admit of a satisfactory explanation
upon the basis of the current view) it is difficult
to maintain it. The positive arguments upon
which its defenders largely rely certainly appear
to be insaflicient. Negatively, their attack on
the critical position derives its strengtn (1) from
the moral argument that Dent., if it be not the
work of Hoses, is a "forgery;" (2) from the
material argument that it contains provisions
which, regarded as originating in the 8th cent.
B.C., are nugatory and unintelligible. No doubt
critics have not always been at safficient pains to
guard themselves against such objections. But
the " author " of Dent., it must be recollected,
is not the tpeaier, but the xcriter of i. 1-5, who
uses, there and elsewhere, the third person (§ 21) ;
and it cannot be shown that this writer is
necessarily, or even presumably, Moses. ■ And
against the position, which, as we saw (§§ 23,
24), is consonant with the facts, that Deut. is
the prophetical reproduction of an earlier legisla-
tion,' the second objection would seem to lose its
primd fade cogency. In conclusion, attention is
called to the fact that the real difficulties which
Deut. presents are not theological, but critical
and historical. Were they theological, the
entire question might be relegated to a comer
of the article Miracles : the discussion in the
present article has been concerned throughout
with arguments of a different character altoge-
ther. It is, however, to these arguments that
we must look for an approximate solution (which
is often all that we can hope to obtain) of the
problems which the literary records of the
Older Dupensation present to the inquirer.
* S-t; 1 K. il. 4 to take httd to their way, «nd to
walk btfore me in faillifulnta ; xL 8 to t'lutim (*e
heart ; zl. 4 a per/at heart ; Jndg. 1. 1 kM (so 0DI7 in
the Song, zzxll. 30).
o This Is also the opinion reached in 1880 by Prof.
Delltiach. In that year, as tbe result of a renewed stndy
of the anhlect, be expressed the conviction that the
Immediate Mosaic authorship of Deut. (as upheld In
bis Genetit, ed. 4, 18f3, pp. 19-26) Is not tenable. He
insists upon the literal truth of Dent. xxzl. 9, 24 ; but
considers the statement to refer not to Dent., as we
have It, bat to its substance, the legal code on which
It is baaed (cp. i 2, note). (SttuUen, x. p. 605 ; Geneiit,
ed. 9, 1887, pp. 23-26.)
DEUTEBONOUY
§ 40. Ziterature. — (a.) Commentaries :^J(>h.
Gerhard (Jena, 1657); F. W. Schnlti, 1859 (tlie
Mosaic authorship which the author here main-
tains he afterwards abandoned, no longer on>-
sidering it to Iw demanded by xxxi. 9 [ct § 39,
note°J; see the Pref. to SchdpfttngtgcKk, tacit
Naturicisa. u. BIbel, 1865, pp. viiL-i.); Aag.
Knobel, 1861 (in the Kwrzgef. Exeg. OBnftdcA),
ed. 2 (re-written) by Aog. Dillmann, 1886 (re-
markably thorough and complete); F. W. J.
Schroeder, 1866 (in Lange's BUbelxcerk); C. F. Kcil
(2nd ed. 1870); T. E. Espin, 1871 (in the ^tM>
Comm.) ; W. L. Alexander, 1882 (in the P»lf»(
Commentary). On ch. xxxii. : Ewald, "Dis
grosse Lied im Deut," in the Jahrlmchtr f. BH.
Wissenschaft, 1857, pp. 41-65; Ad. Kampbsueo,
Das Lied Mote's, 1862 ; Eloiterma&n, ii tit
Studien u. Kritiien, 1871, p. 249, 1872, pp.
230, 450. On ch. xxxiii. : K. H. Graf; Der Ain
Mote's, 1857 ; W. Volck, Der Segen Uotit, 18:3.
Other references on these two chapters art gino
by Dillmann.
(6.) Criticism : Parts of Hengstenbei^'s ft<
Axahentie des Pent., 1839 (chiefly vol. ii.); U
9.iihm,Gesettgebung ifoa^s im Lande J/(ia6,1854;
Ewald, History of Israel (Eng. tr. L 117-158;
iv. 220-6) ; Colenso, The Pent, and Book of
Joshua critically examined. Part iii. 1863; E. E.
Graf, Die Gesch. Bucher des A. T., 1866, pp. 1-
25, &c. ; W. H. Koeters, De Historie-Bexkmns;!
van den Deateronomist, Leiden, 1868; Faal
Kleinert, Das Deut. u. der Devieronomiker, 1872
(assigns Deut. to the close of the period of the
Judges), with Riehm's review in the Stui. «.
Krit., 1873, pp. 165-200; C. K. Keil, Einleit-i,
ed. 3, 1873 (largely rewritten, especially wita
reference to Dent.); Aug. Kayser, Dot •>-
exilischc Buch der Urgeschichta Israels, 16"4,
especially p. 122 ff. ; Jul. Wellhansen, in tie
JaArb. f. Deutsche Theologie, xxi. (1876^ 584 U
xxii. (1877), 458-479 [reprinted in Die ComfMxi-
tion des Hex. mdder hist. Bb.des A. T.'s, 188$];
S. I. Curtiss, The Levitical Priests (1877); U
Reusa, L'Histoire Sainte et la Loi, 1879, L IM-
211 (Introd. to the author's translation of the
whole Bible ; comp. his Oeach. der Beiti^
Schriften A. T.'s, 1881, §§ 216, 226, 286-«93);
Franz Delitzsch in 12 " Pentatench-bitiscbe
Studien," in the Zeitschrift fir Idrchlidte Wis.
und kirchliches Leben, i. (1880), of which ii,
X., xi. relate specially to Deut. ; also A. 1882.
pp. 281-299 (on the Decalogue) ; W. Robert.«o
Smith, Additional Ansvcer to the Libel, &c. (Edint.
1878), Ansuser to the amended Libel (Edinb. IS'!'):
Old Test. «n the Jeieish Church (I881X Leet xii-;
Rud. Kittel, Die neueste Wendtmg der Fnt-
Frage in the Theol. Studien out WibHenAirg, :>-
(1881), pp. 29, 147, iii (1882), p. 278 (an icole
criticism of some of Wellhaosen's positioia:
the third art. relates especially to Deat):
Riehm, HanditOrterb. des Bibl. Altertvmt, a t.
Prieater, p. 1223 sq. ; David Castelli, La Lm
del popolo Ebreo net suo smlgimento storico, 18^4
(especially ch. viii.); Dr. A. Moody Stuart, lit
Bible true to itself, 1884, pp. 47-188, &c
The following have appeared since the (St-
ceding article was written: th« writer in
not found it necessary to introduce in c<b»-
qnence any substantial change, but has ioeD^
porated references, where necessary: — Kamoii
Historisch-critisch Onderzoek naar het Ontst^e*
en de Verscaneling van de Boeken des Ouden Vr
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DEVIL
bonds, I. i. (ed. 2), Leiden, 1885 (tranaUted under
the title Tkt Hexateuch, London, 1886 r); E. C.
Bissell, The Pentateuch, its Origin and Stnicture,
Mew York and London, 1885; Dillmann's com-
mentai-y mentioned above ; Delitzscb, Never
Commeniar Sber die Oenesis, 1887, esp. pp.
22-30 (a resume of the views developed in the
articles cited above) ; Dean (now Bishop)
Perowne in the CvKtemporary Sevieto, Jan. and
Feb. 1888, pp. 129, 145 ; Kittel, Gesch. der
HArOer (1888), pp. 43-59 ; Cheyne, Jeremiah
(in the serie* called 'Men of the Bible'),
pp. 48-86 ; Riehm, Einleitung in das A. T.
(posthnmoos), 1889, §§ 9, 18, 24.< [S. R. D.]
liESlL {AtifioKas; Diabolus; properly "one
who sets at variance," 8ia3<(AA<i ; cp. Plat.
Sgmp. p. 222 C, D; and generally a "slanderer"
or " false accuser ").
The use of the name " devil " to render the
Greek Satiiifioy is an error in our A. V. which
the R. V. has everywhere corrected.
The word is found in the plural number and
adjectival sense of " slanderous" in 1 Tim. iii. II,
2 Tim. iii. 3, and Tit. ii. 3. In all other cases it
is used with the article as a descriptive name of
Satan [Satan], excepting that in John vi. 70 it
ia applied to Judas (as " Satan " to St. Peter in
Matt. xvi. 23), because they — the one per-
manently, and the other for the moment — were
doing Satan's work.
On the personality of the Evil One and the
methods of his attacks on men generally, see
Satas. It is sufficient to note the significance
of the name "devil " applied to him.
The name describes him as slandering God to
man, and man to God.
The former work is, of course, a part of his
great work of temptation to evil; and is not
only exemplified but illustrated as to its general
nature and tendency by the narrative of Gen. iii.
We find there that its essential characteristic is
the representation of God as an arbitrary and
selfish Ruler, seeking His own good and not that
of Uis creatures. The effect is to stir up the
spirit of freedom in man to seek a fancied in-
dependence ; and it is but a slight step further
to impute falsehood or cruelty to Him. The
success of the devil's slander is seen, not only in
the Scriptural narrative of the Fall, but in the
Gormptions of most mythologies, and especially
in the horrible notion of the divine ^6yos, which
ran through so many (see e.g. Herod. L 32,
rii. 46). Possibly it may be traced in some
jyiADBM
779
p The refe r ence are to the original pagination, re-
peated on the margin of the English translation.
4 [Tbe preceding article exhibits the views of modem
crttks respecting tbe date and aatborshlp of Deuteron-
omy. Theaiticle PasiTATEncH (^Dict of t)ie Bible, Ist ed.)
sUies tbe aiguments in favour of tbe Mosaic origin of
tbe Book. DtlfeAng, to some extent, from the Writers
of both articles, we think it Is clear from xxxL M-ae
tbat Hoses most have vrilltn the snbstance of the Book
In the first Instance ; but we do not see any objection to
admitting. If the evidence seems to point that way, that a
posttamnoos edition, embodying later Temple ussges, may
have been put forth subsequently by authority, Jnst as
faogiapbical glosses appear to have been added. Even
tf tbe post- Mosaic suthorshlp be admitted, the insplrstiou
and canonical vslae of the Book remain unimpaired, as
tbe Writer of the preceding article has been careful to
point out (see {$ 21, 12, 3t).— Eoiroas.]
corruptions of the true idea of God in Christianity
itself, and in the rebellion against Him, to which
such corruptions have given cause. The same
slander ia implied rather than expressed in the
temptation of our Lord, and overcome by the
faith which trusts in God's love, even where its
signs may be hidden from the eye (cp. the un-
masking of a similar slander by St. Peter in
Acts V. 4).
The other work, the slandering or accusing
man before God, is, as it must necessarily be,
unintelligible to us in its literal sense. The All-
Seeing Judge can need no accuser, can regard no
false accuser; and the All-Pure could, it might
seem, have no intercourse with the Evil One.
Like the vision of Hicaiah (1 K. xxii. 19-22), it
may be an accommodation to hunun ideas and
experiences of a mysterious reality, which tran-
scends both. But in truth the question touchea
on two mysteries, the reality of energy under
the Infinite of the finite spirit, and the permission
of the existence of evil under the government of
Uim Who is " the Good." As a part of these it
must be viewed, — to the latter especially it be-
longs; and this latter, while it is the great
mystery of all, is also one in which the fact is
proved to us by incontrovertible evidence.
The fact of the devil's accusation of man to
God is stated generally in Rev. xii. 10, where he
is called " the accuser (icar^ap) of our brethren,
who accused them before our God day and night,"
and exemplified plainly in the case of Job. Its
essence as before is the imputation of selfish
motives (Job i. 9, 10), and its refutation is
placed in the self-sacrifice of those " who loved
not their own lives unto death." [A. B.]
DEW (7D ; lp6aos ; ros). This in the summer
is so copious in Palestine that it supplies to some
extent the absence of rain (Ecclus, iviii. 16, xliii.
22), and becomes important to the agriculturist ;
as a proof of this copiousness the well-known
sign of Gideon (Judg. vi. 37, 39, 40) may be
adduced. Thus it is coupled in the Divine
blessing with rain, or mentioned as a prime
source of fertility (Gen. xxvii. 28 ; Dent, zxxiii.
13 ; Zech. viii. 12), and its withdrawal is attri-
buted to a cune (2 Sam. i. 21 ; 1 K. xvii. 1 ;
Hag. i. 10). It becomes a leading object in
prophetic imagery by reason of its penetrating
moisture without the apparent effort of rain
(Deut. xxiii. 2; Job xxix. 12; Ps. cxixiii. 3;
Prov. xix. 12 ; Is. xxvi. 19 ; Hos. xiv. 5 ; Mic. v.
7) ; while its speedy evanescence typifies the
transient goodness of the hypocrite (Hos. vi. 4,
ziii. 3). It is mentioned as a token of exposure
in the night (Cant. v. 2 ; Dan. iv. 15, 23, 25-33,
V. 21). [H. H.]
DEWOFHEEMON. [Hermon.]
DIADEM (ei'jy. H^V, or neaVP; also
iTl'py) is the word employed in the A. V. as
the translation of the above Hebrew terms.
They occur in poetical passages, in which
neither the Hebrew nor the English words
appear to be used with any special force.
nB3 yp is strictly used for the " mitre " of the
high-priest. [MnnE.]
What the "diadem' of the Jews was we do not
know. That of other nations of antiquity was u
fillet of silk, two inches broad, bound round the
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780
DIADEH
(Ooiii or Muol in Bidl;.
BritUi Musgin.)
head and tied behind, the invention of which is
Attribntad to Liber (Dionysus ; Plin. H. N. Tii.
56, 57). Its colour was
generally white (Tac.
An. vi. 37; Sil. Ital.
ivi. 241) ; sometimes,
however, it was of blue,
like that of Darius, ce-
rulea faada albo dis-
tincta (Q. Cart. iii. 3,
vi. 20; Xen. Cyr. viii. 3,
§ 13) ; and it was in-
woven with pearls or
other gems (Gibbon, i.
392 ; Zecb. ii. 16), and
enriched with gold
'(Rev. ix. 7). It was peculiarly the mark of
Oriental sovereigns (1 Mace. xiii. 32, rh Sii-
Siina TTJs 'Atrlca), and hence the deep ofience
caused by the attempt of Caesar to substitute it
for the laurel crown appropriated to Roman
emperors (tedebat . . , coronatui ; • . . diadema
catendit, Cic. Phil. ii. 34): when some one
crowned his statue with a laurel-wreath, oon-
didae fasciae praeligatam, the tribunes instantly
ordered the fillet or diadem to be removed, and
the man to be thrown into prison (Suet. Cues.
79). Caligula's attempt to introduce it was
considered an act of insanity (Snet. Cai 22).
Heliogabalus only wore it in private. Antony
assumed it in Egypt (Flor. iv. 11), but Diocletian
(or, according to Aurel. Victor, Aurelian) first
assumed it as a badge of the empire. Repre-
aentations of it may be seen on the coins of any
of the later emperors (Tillemont, Bist. Imp.
iiu 531). Isidore (^Orig. xix. 31) defines diadema
thus: "Ornamentnm capitis matronarum, ex
auTo et gemmis contextum, quod in se circum-
actia eitremitatibus retro astringitur."
A crown was used by the kings of Israel, even
in battle (2 Sam. i. 10 ; similarly it is repre-
sented on coins of Theodosias and other em-
perors as encircling the helmet); but in all
probability this was not the state crown (2
Sam. xii. 30), although the same word is used
in describing the coronation of Joasb (2 K. xi.
12). Kitto supposes that the state crown may
have been in the possession of Athaliah ; but
perhaps we ought not to lay any great stress on
the word ip. in this place, especially as it is
very likely that the state crown was kept in the
Temple.
In Esth. i. 11, ii. 17, we have ^n^ {Klrapa,
xtSttpit) for the turban (irraAJ) fiwrirlni, vi. 8)
worn by the Persian king, queen, or other emi-
nent persons to whom it was conceded aa a
special favour (viii. 15, ttiiriiia fiiaaatov
irop(pvpovi>). The diadem of the king differed
from that of others in having an erect triangular
peak (jcvpfiaala, Aristoph. Av. 487 ; ^v ol
fiaaiKfU ii6voy ip9))r ip6povr rapi nip<rais,
ol Si VTpeeniyol ic«tA.i/i^nir, Snid. a, v. rlapa,
and Hesych.). The K^S'tS of Dan. iii. 21 used
to be considered a turban (as in LXX., where,
however, Drusius and others invert the words
Kol Tidpats Kol wfpuaniiuiri), A. V. " hat," but
the rendering " tunic " (R. V.) is now generally
preferred. Some render it by tibiale or cakea-
mentum. Schleusner suggests that KpA0v\ot
may be derived from it. The tiara generally
had pendent flaps falling on the shoulders (see
Obfasw of Totndncta <(
Tlanuiai^ Uncgfaplft.
DIAIi
Paschalins, de Corona, p. 573; Brissoirai, de
Segn. Pen., &c. ; Layard, ii. 320 ; Scacchiu,
Myrothec. iii. 38;
Fabricius, BM. Ant.
xiv. 13),
The woids \VffrO
D^S^P in Ezek.
xxiji. 1*5, " exceeding
in dyed attire "
(R. V. marg. Or,
with dyed turbam),
mean long and flow-
ing turbuis of gor-
geona colours (LXX.
jrapifiarra, where
a better reading is rvipai ftarral), thon^
Fried, Delitzsch prefers for 7130 the sense <tf •
many-folded rather than vaii-oolonred fillet.
[Crown.] [F. W.F.]
DIAL(nvVD ; irafioBiul; horologiim). Tit
word is the same as that rendered " steps ' in
A. V. (Ex. XX. 26 ; 1 K. x. 19), and " degrees"
in A. V. (2 K. xx. 9, 10, 11 ; Is. ixxviu. 8),
where, to give a consistent rendering, we should
read with the margin the " degrees " rather than
the "dial" of Ahaz. In the absence of anj
materials for determining the shape and structoR
of the solar instrument, which certainly appesn
intended, the best course is to follow the most
strictly natural meaning of the words, and U
consider with Cyril of Alexandria and JeiwK
(^Comm. on Is. xxxviii, 8 : see Delitzsch* in locoX
that the tintfO were really stairs, and that tke
shadow (perhaps of some column or obeli^ co
the top ; cp. the picture in TSBA. iii. 36) fell
on a greater or smaller number of them acconl-
ing as the sun was low or high. The terrace ef
a palace might easily be thus omameatel
Ahaz's tastes seem to have led him in pnrsnit
of foreign curiosities (2 E, xvi. 10), and his
intimacy with Tiglath-ptleser gave him probably
an opportunity of procuring from Assyria the
pattern of some such structure ; and this migkt
readily lead the " princes of Babylon " (2 Ch.
iixii. 31) to " inquire of the wonder," vit tie
alteration of the shadow, in the reign of Heie-
kiah. Herodotns (ii. 109) mentions that tlu
Egyptians received from the Babylonians tlie
w6\os and the yvinuv, and the division of Uk
day into twelve hours. Of such division, hor-
ever, the 0. T. contains no undoubted trace ; nor
does any word, proved to be equiv&lent to tite
" hour," occur in the coune of it, although it is
possible that Pas. cii. 11 and cix. 23 may oootaii
allusion to the progress of a shadow as measorini
diurnal time. In John xi. 9 the day is spokes
of as consisting of twelve hours. As regaids
the physical character of the sign of the retro-
gression of the shadow in Is. xxxviii. 8, it seenn
useless to attempt to analyse it ; no doubt so
alteration in the inclination of the gnomon, «
column, &c, might easily effect such an apparat
retrogression ; but the whole idea, which is tkit
of Divine interference with the course of natuR
in behalf of the king, resists such an attempt to
bring it within the compass of mechanism.
It has been suggested that the D*^1J)n of U.
xvii. 8, xxvii 9 ; Ezek. ri. 4, 6, rendered in tin
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DIAMOND
margin of the A. V, " sun-images," were gnomons
to measure time, but there seems no adequate
ground for this theory. [H. H.]
DIAMOND (J^m ; Xaaitts ; jaspia), a pre-
cious stone, the third in the second row on the
breast-plate of the high-priest (£z. zxriii. 18
[R. V. marg. Or, tardoni/x], xxxiz. 11), and
mentioned by Ezekiel (xxriii. 13) among the
precious stones of the king of Tyre. Gesenius
has noticed the difficulty of identifying the terms
used in the Versions for each of the Hebrew
names of precious stones in the above passages,
the translators or transcribers having appa-
rently altered the order in which they stand.
taawis seems to be the word in the LXX. corre-
sponding to D7n*, but most ancient commentators
give Syu(, hvixioy, cnychinus. Oar translation,
'■diamond," is derived from Ibn Ezra, and is
defended by Braun (de Vest. Sacerd, ii. 13).
Kalisch (on Ex. p. 536) says, " perhaps emerald."
The etymology (from Dpn, to strike or crush)
leads us to suppose a hard stone. The emerald,
which is of a green colour, of various depths, is
nearly as hard as the topaz, and stands next to
the ruby in value. The same authority doubts
whether the art of engraving on the diamond
was known to the ancients, since they did not
even ondei-stand how to cut the ruby. Modern
commentators prefer onyx (see Knobel-Dillmann
on Ex. xxviii. 18).
Bespecting I^OC!', which is translated "dia-
mond " in Jer. xvii. 1, see ADAMANT. [W. D.]
DIA'NA. This Latin word, properly denoting
a Roman divinity, is the representative of the
Greek Artemis CAprc^is), the tutelary goddess
of the Ephesians, who plays so important a part
in the narrative of Acts xix. The Ephesian
Artemis was, however, invested with very dif-
ferent attributes, and made the object of a
different worship, from the ordinary Artemis of
the Greeks, and is rather perhaps to be regarded
as a personification of Nature and to be generally
identified with the divinity who, under various
names, such as Cybele or Ma or Anaitis, was
worshipped in Phrygia, Lydia, Cappadocia, and
even as far as Armenia and Bactria (E. Curtins,
Altert/mm und Oegenuiart, ii. 100). K. 0. Miiller
says {Hist, of the Dorians, i. 403, Eng. trans.),
"Everything that is related of this deity is
gingnlar and foreign to the Greeks."
Guhl, indeed {hphesiaoa, pp. 78-86), takes the
contrary view, and endeavours in almost all
points to identify her with the true Greek god-
dess. And in some respects there was doubtless
a fusion of the two. On the other hand, the state-
ment that the temple of Diana at Ephesus was
formerly washed by the sea (Plin. ii. 87, § 201),
points to her worship having probably been
introdnced by Phoenician mariners (E. Curtius,
ii. 101). Coressus, the hill S.W. of the city,
is connected by Stephanns Byzantinus with ictfpi).
It was also fancied that, when the temple was
burnt on the night of Alexander's birth, the
calamity occurred because the goddess was ab-
sent in the character of Lncina (Pint. Alex. 3).
Again, on coins of Ephesus we sometimes find her
exhibited as a huntress and with a stag. But the
tme Ephesian Artemis is represented in a form
entirely alien from Greek art. St. Jerome's
DIANA
781
words are (Praefat. ad Ephes.), "Scribebat
Paulas ad Ephesios Dianam colentes, non hane
venatricem, quae arcum tenet et succincta est,
sed istam multimammiam, quam Graeci woKi-
fuurroy vocant, ut scilicet et ipsa effigie men-
tirentar omnium earn bestiarum et viventinm
esse nutricem." Guhl indeed supposes this mode
of representation to have reference simply to
the fountains over which the goddess presided,
conceiving the multiplication of breasts to be
similar to the multiplication of eyes in Argus or
of heads in Typhoeus. Bat the correct view
is undoubtedly that which treats this peculiar
form as a symbol of the productive and nutritive
powers of nature. This is the form under which
the Ephesian Artemis, so called for distinction,
was always represented, wherever worshipped;
and the worship extended to many places, such
as Samos, Hitylene, Perga, Hierapolis, and Gor-
tyna, to mention those only which occur in the
N. T. or in the Apocrypha. The coin below will
Greek tmperUl copper coin oonunemontlns a rMondUftUoil
('0/ji«Sl^ta) between Bphemu Mid Bmjnw; I>oilllU*(A.D. 73.63),
wUh nune of proconnil. Ooftnniua PashLM.
Obr.i AOHITIA C6BACTH. »>* *> 'i«l'«- »•»•'
AWeV KAIC6N HAITOY OMONOTA 6*6 ZMYP.
KpheelAn DlAiia. Then ii a ilmUar coin 'of AntODlnat Fiue,
Mloniwl, l<mU, Noi. 28>, 1291.
give some notion of the image, which was
grotesque and archaic in character. The head
wore a mural crown, each hand rested on a prop
(sometimes supposed to be a falling ribbon), and
the lower part ended in a rude block covered
with figures of animals and mystic inscriptions.
This idol was regarded as an object of peculiar
sanctity, and was believed to have fallen down
from heaven (toC Aunrerois, Acts xix. 35). The
image worshipped in the temple was made either
of the wood of the vine or of ebony, gold and
ivory ; and it is said to have survived all the seven
restorations of the temple (Plin. xvi. 79, § 213).
A representation of it was stamped on amnlets
of terracotta inscribed with ypimuera 'E1>4<ria
and used as charms. Such an amulet, probably
of the 2nd century B.C., may be seen in the
museum at Syracuse, copied in Stephani's if#-
langes grtoo-romaita, 1, taf. 1 ; Daremberg and
Saglio's Diet, des Ant. t. v. amulettes; and in
Schreiber's Bilderatias, l. xii. 2.
The Oriental character of the goddess is shown
by the nature of her hierarchy, which consisted
of a number of vestals (M^Aio-o-oj ?), under a
ennuch-priest (VityiBvios). There was also a
college of priests called 'E^o-qi^t. These tarms
have probably some connexion with the fact that
the bee was sacred to Artemis (Aristoph. Ban.
1273). In the period between B.O. 295 and 288
" the bee which had for so many ages maintained
its place on the obverse of the coinage of Ephesus
as the signet of the high-priest (or King Bee,
i<ra^v) gives way," for the first time, "to a
purely Hellenic type, the head of the Greek
huntress-goddess whose bow and quiver occupies-
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782
DIANA
the whole field of the reverse ; the bee being
relegated to the copper coios, and aa the silver
to an inferior position, as a mere symbol or
mint-mark" (Head's Cbwu of Ephetat, 1880,
p. 41 ; li. p. 8 ; and cp. Weniger, Zur Symboli/s
der Biene in der antiien Mythologie, quoted by
£, Curtius, op, cit, ii. 102). But even before
B.a 480 the fore part of a stag, suggestive of
the goddess of the hunt, appears on the coins
(i6. p. 15). It was the dnty of the priestesses
to declc the idol with robes and ribbons, Kiaiaina
rr|^ 'AprifuSos {Corp. Insc. Gr. 3001-3 ; Inter.
British Museum, in. No. 481, 1. 369, p. 134, ed.
Hicks ; the epitaph of a Koa/airtlfni, ib. No. 655.
Cp. osp. *. pp. 83-87).
For the temple considered as a work of art
we must refer to the article Epuesus. No arms
were allowed to be worn in its precincts. No
bloody sacrifices were offered. Here also, as in
the temple of Apollo at Daphne, were the privi-
leges of asylum. ' This is indicated on some of
the coins of Ephesus (Akerman, in Trans, of
the Numiimatic Soc. 1841); and we find an
interesting proof of the continuance of these
privileges in imperial times in Tae. Ann. iii. 61
(Strab. xiv. 641 ; Pans. vii. 2, §§ 7, 8 ; Cic
Verr. II. i. 33, § 85; Inxr. Brit. Mus. iii.
p. 177 IT.). The temple had a large revenue
from endowments of various kinds. It was also
the public treasury of the city, and was regarded
as the safest bank for private individuals.
The cry of the mob (Acts xix. 28), " Great is
Diana of the Ephesians I " and the strong ex-
pression in r. 27, "whom all Asia and the
world worshippeth," may be abundantly illus-
trated from a variety of sources. The term
ILfyiKri was evidently a title of bonoar recog-
nised as belonging to the Ephesian goddess. We
find it in inscriptions (as in Boeckh, Corp. Inac.
Or. 2963 c, ib. 6797, 'E^^irov iraaaa, and Inacr.
Brit. Mus. iii. No. 481, 1. 220, p. 131, ^ /iryfon)
9ci 'ApTc/xis), and in Xenophon's Ephesiaoa, i. 11.
(■''or the Ephesian Xenophon, see Diet, of Bioj.
and Mythol.) As to the enthusiasm with which
" all Asia " regarded this worship, independently
of the fact that Ephesus was the capital of the
province, we may refer to such passages as the
following : " communiter a civitatibus Asiae
factum," Liv. i. 45 ; " tota Asia extruente," Plin.
xvi. 79, § 213 ; " factum a tota Asia," ». xxivi.
21, § 95, As to the notoriety of the worship of
the Ephesian Diana throughout " the world," the
evidence of inscriptions and coins shows that it
existed at Mitylene, Cyzicus, Claros, Clazomenae,
in Samos, Chios, Crete, and elsewhere (Guhl, /. c.
104). Her chief festival in spring was called the
Artemisia (see Rosoher's Lex. der Mythologie, i.
591, and Hicks in Inscr. Brit. Mus, iii. p. 79).
Lastly, Pausanias tells us (iv. 31, § 8) that the
Ephesian Artemis was more honoured privately
than any other deity, which accounts for the large
manufacture and wide-spread sale of the " silver
shrines " mentioned by St. Luke (Acts xix. 24),
and not by him only. In this connexion Dionysius
Hal. Ant. Rom. ii. 22, rtk t^j 'Z^ttrlta 'Kpri-
fuSos i^iSfi/uiTa, is quoted in Conybeare and
Howson's St. Paul, ch. xvi., ii. 89, ed. 1865 ; but
Mr. E. L. Hicks, in an article on " Demetrius the
Silversmith," in the Expositor, June 1890, No. 6,
treating of the light thrown on the narrative in
the Acts by the inscriptions from Ephesus in the
British Museum, holds that there is no evidence
DIBON
for supposing that these " silver shrines " wtn
sold to pilgrims. They may, nevertheleu, be
regarded as silver counterparts of the eitut
terracotta and marble shrines which were nsed
as votive offerings to Artemis (E. Cnrtioi, a
Athenische Mittheilungen, ii. 49, and Prof.
W. M. Ramsay in the Expositor for July 1890,
p. 9). This specific worship was psblidj
adopted also, as we have seen, in varioni sad
distant places: nor ought we. to omit the gsna
celebrated at Ephesus in connexion with it,
or the treaties made with other cities in this
half-religions, half-political baaia.
[J. S. H.] [J.LS.]
DIBLA'IM (D;^3^, of uncertain etymology;
A. Acj9i)Axw{/t ; Debeltum), probably the ftHiia
(Manger, Gesen., Hengst, Manrerj of Hoses'i
wife Corner (Ho«. i. 3). [W.]
DIB'LATH (accurately Diblah [B. V.],
1173^, the word in the text being rTJl73'l =
"toward Diblah;" At^AaM; DebbMi, >
place named only in Ezek. vi. 14, as if sitnattl
at one of the extremities of the land of Lond :
"I will . , . make the land desolate . ..^tctm'
the wilderness {Midbar) toward Diblah." Tin
word Midbar being frequently used for the aaati
country on the south and south-east of PalesUie,
it is natural to infer that Diblah was in the
north. To this position Beth-dibUthaim or
Almon-diblathaim in Moab, on the east of the
Dead Sea, are obviously unsuitable ; and iadtei t
place which like Diblathaim was on the extreme
east border of Moab, and never included even ill
the allotments of Reuben or Gad, could hardly Ik
choeen as a landmark of the boundary of Isrul.
The only name in the north at all like it ii
RlBLA.ii, and the letters D (H) and R (1) are so
much alike and so frequently* interchanged,
owing to the carelessness of copyists, that then
is a strong probability that Riblah is the right
reading. The conjecture is due to Jerome (Cbnn.
in loc), but it has been endorsed by Mickselis,
Gesenius, and most modem scholars (Ges. Tia-
p. 312 ; see Davidson, H^. Tejct, Bzek. ri. 14).
Riblah, though an old town, is not heard d
till shortly before the dato of Ezckiel's prophecr,
when it started into a torrible prominence fhiD
its being the scene of the cmelties inflicted oa
the last king of Jndah, and of the ma»acre>
of the priests and chief men of Jerusalem perpe-
trated there by erder of the king of Babjioa.
[G.] [w.:
DIBLATHAIM.
Betu-Diblatuaih.]
[ Almom-Diblatbaoi ;
DI'BON (jb'T ; />t6on), a town on the est
side of Jordan, in the rich pastoral coDBtrr,
which was taken possession of and rebnilt dy
the children of Gad (Num. xzxii. 3, 34 [&i-
AeuB^, F. in v. 34 A(/3<ii']). From this a-
cumstance it possibly received the naD* <^
Dibom-Gad. Its first mention is in the sBCHst
fragment of poetry Num. xiL 30 [BAF. As<-
• See DsDEL, Dukah, kc It Is In the LXX. yvim
that the corruption of D into B is freqnentlj' to te
obaerred. A cue in point is Biblah itself, vhkh is OK
LXX. Is more often :uB\aBi. Ibtn T^tSAaM.
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DIBON-GAD
Biv], and from this it appears to have belonged
originally to the Moabites. The tribes of Reuben
and Gad being both engaged in pastoral pursuits,
are not likely to have observed the division of
towns originally made with the same strictness
as the more settled people on the west, and
accordingly we find Dibon counted to Reuben
in the lists of Joshua (xiii. 9 [B. AaiSa0dy,
B.«» Mo.-, A (^ sup ras A.*') MaiSafi<t], 17
[BA. Aoi^v]). In the time of Isaiah and Jere-
miah, however, it was again in possession of
Moab (Is. XV. 2 [T.' Ari/Jiii', AK.' AatfiriSiiy^ ;
Jer. xlviii. 18, 22 jT.' K.' (bis) AaiPdf, «. (bU)
Ac/Soiv], cp. V. 24). In the same denunciations
of Isaiah (c. 9) it appears, probably, under the
name of DlHON, M and B being convertible in
Hebrew, and the change admitting of a play
characteristic of Hebrew poetry. The two
Barnes were both in existence in the time of
Jerome (Camm. on Is. xv., quoted by Reland,
p. 735). The last passages appear to indicate
that Dibon wag on an elevated situation ; not
onlj is it expressly said to be a " high place "
(Is. XT. 2), but its inhabitants are bid to " come
down " from their glory or their stronghold.
It was the chief sanctuary of Chemosh (Jerome,
Comm. on Is. iv.). Under the name of Debon
it is mentioned by Eusebios and Jerome in the
OTtomastiom {OS.* pp. 148, 8; 257, 42). It
was then a very large village (KdfO) xanit*y4$rit)
beyond the Amon. In modem times the name
Dhtban has been discovered by Seetzen, Irby and
Mangles (p. 142), and Burckhardt {Syr. p. 372),
as attached to extensive ruins on the Roman
road, about three miles north of the Amon
( W&dy Mojib. See also Dillmann' on Num. xxi.
30). All agree in describing these ruins as
lying low ; but, looked at from the east, they
are on high ground, and being situated on two
hills, the first that rise from the east, the cry
" come down " would be exceedingly applicable.
The rains cover the tops and sides of two
adjacent knolls, and are surrounded by a wall
(Ti-istram, Land of Hoab, pp. 132-7). It was at
Vkiban that Mr. Klein discovered, in 1868, the
celebrated Moabite stone, with an inscriptiop of
Mesa, king of Moab, who was apparently him-
self a Dibonite (see Records of the Past, N.S. ii.
194, Ac.).
SL One of the towns which were re-inhabited
by the men of Judab after the return from
Captivity (Neh. xi. 25, K'- •"« At$<iy, B. omits ;
Dibon). From its mention with Jekabzeel,
Moladah, and other towns of the south, there
can be no doubt that it is identical with
DCMOXAB. [G.] [W.]
DI'BON-GAD (ni p»^; Acu0i>y Fitt;
DSxm-gad), one of the halting-places of the
Israelites. It was in Moab between Ije-abarim
and AucON-DlBLaTHAJU (Num. iixiii. 45, 46).
It was no doubt the same place which is generally
called DiBOK (cp. Dillmann* in loco) ; but
whether it receiveij the name of Gad from the
tribe, or originally possessed it, cannot be ascer-
tained. [G.] [W.]
DIB-RI 03'^; B. Aa$pfl, AF. -pi; Dibri),
a Danite, father of Shelomith, a woman who had
married an Egyptian and whose son was stoned
for having " blasphemed the 27ame " [i.e. of
Jehovah] (Uv. ixiv. 11). [G.]
DIELAH
783
DIDRACHMON {ttSpaxiuiy, dldrachmd).
[Monbt; Shekel.]
DID'YMUS (A»uMo»). that is, the Twin, a
surname of the Apestle Thomas (John xi. 16,
XI. 24, xxi. 2). [T«0M4i.] [G.]
DIKTiAH (.rhp\ The form fjpt occurs on
the Teimi Inscriptions [MV."] ; AexAa ; Decia ;
Gen. X. 27; 1 Ch. i. 21 [A. A«KA<i/., B. om.]X
a son of Joktan, whose settlements, in common
with those of the other sons of Joktan, must be
looked for in Arabia. The name in Aramaic
signifies "a palm-tree," and the cognate word
in Arabic (jJJIi)X ">" inferior kind of date-
palm:" hence it is thought that Diklah is a
part of Arabia containing many palm-trees. The
city toiylKcty, in the north-west of Arabia Felix,
has been suggested as preserving the Joktanite
name (Boch. Phaleg, ii. 22) ; but Bochart, and
after him Gesenius, refer the descendants of
Diklah to the Minaei, a people of Arabia Felix
inhabiting a palmiferous country. Whether we
follow Bochart and most others in placing the
Minaei on the east borders of the Eijdz, south-
wards towards the Yemen, or follow Fresnel in
his identification of the Wady Dodn with the
territory of this people, the connexion of the
latter with Diklah is uncertain and unsatis-
factory. No trace of Diklah is known to exist
in Arabic works, except the mention of a place
c&Wed Dakalah «Jjli> = fy^^"^) in El-Yemdmeh
{Kdmoos, s. v.), with many palm-trees (Marasid,
s. v.). " Nakhleh " (&\ic ) also signifies a
palm-tree, and is the name of many places,
especially Nakhleh el- Yemdneeyeh, and Nak/ileh
esh-Shdmeeyeh (here meaning the Southern and
Xorthem Nakhleh), two well'known towns
situated near each other. According to some,
the former was a seat of the worship of El-Litt,
and a settlement of the tribe of Thakeef; and in
a tradition of Mohammad, this tribe was not
of unmixed Ishmaelite blood, but one of four
which he thus excepts : — " All the Arabs are
[descended] from Ishmael, except four tribes:
Sulaf [Sheleph], Hadramiiwt [Haiarmaveth],
El-Arwah p], and Thakeef" {Mir-dt ez-Zemdn,
bis).
Therefore, 1. Diklah may probably oe re-
covered in the place called Dakalah above
mentioned ; or, possibly, 2. in one of the places
named Nakhleh.
A discussion of the vexed and intricate
question of the Minaei is beyond the limits of
this article ; but as they are regarded by some
authorities of high repute as representing
Diklah, it is important to record an identifica-
tion of their true position. They who have
written on the subject have argued on the
vague and contradictory statements of the
Greek geographers, from the fact that no
native mention of so important a people as the
Minaei had been discovered (cp. Bochart,
Phaleg; Fresnel's Lettres, Journal AsiMque;
Jomard, Essai, in Mengin's Hist, de FEgypte,
vol. iii. ; Canssin, Essai, be). There is, how-
ever, a city and people in the Yemen which
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784
DILEAN
appear to correspond in every respect to the
position and name of the Hinaei. The latter is
written Mciyuoi, MtvtutH, and Miyvcuot, which
may be fairly rendered " people of Mciv, of Mm,
and of Muv ;" while the first exhibits the soimd
of a diphthong, or an attempt at a diphthong.
The Greeli account places them, generally,
between the Sabaeans (identified with Seba, or
Ma-rib : see Arabia) and the Erythraean Sea.
It is therefore remarkable that where it should
be songbt we find a city with a fortress, called
Ma'een or Ma'in, f^yiJ>t» (Kdmooa, Mardsid,
n. v.), well known, and therefore not carefully
described in the Arabic geographical diction-
aries, but apparently near San'd ; and further
that in the same province are situated the town
of ifo'eyn (^AWWi "bbr. dim. of the former),
whence the Benee-Mo'eyn; and the town of
Ma'emeh (fem. of Ma'een). The gent. n. would
be Md'eenee, &c. The township in which are
the latter two places is named Sinhto (cp.
Niebnhr, Descr. p. 201), which was one of the
confederation formed by the ancient tribe of
Jenb, ^_ , .V.- {Maroiid, s. v.), grandson of
KahUn, who was brother of Himyer the Jok-
tanite. This identification is reconcilable with
all that is known of the Minaei. See further in
art. UzAL. [E. S. P.]
DIL'EAN (IJIj'l; B. AoAiiA, A. AoAod;
DeUcm ; R. V. Dilan), one of the cities of Judah,
in the Shefelah or low country (Josh. xv. 38).
If Oesenias's interpretation, "gourd" or
" cucumber," be correct, the name is very
suitable for a place situated in that rich
district. It is not elsewhere mentioned, nor
has it yet been identified. [G.] [W.]
DILL, Matt, ixiii. 23 ; A.V. and R.V. marg.
[Anise.]
DIM'NAH (piO-^, ; B. omits, or has another
same, ScWii, A. Aafu>d ; Damna), a city in the
tribe of Zebulun, given to the Merarite Levites
(Josh. xii. 35). The name does not occur in the
list of cities belonging to the tribe (Josh. xix.
10-16) ; but the name RUMON is given (v. 13).
This name also occurs in the list of Levitical
cities in 1 Ch. vi. 77 [Heb. v. 62], more accu-
rately Rimmono or -nah (ijteT or HJ"), which
may possibly be a variation of Dimnah, 1 being
often changed into 1. In this case Rimmon is
probably the real name (Bertheau, Chronik,
pp. 72-3; Movers, Chronik, p. 72. Cp. Dill-
mann' on Josh. xxi. 35). This may perhaps be
J?umm<Jn«A,N. of Nazareth. [G.] [W.]
DI'MON, THE WATERS OP (jto'T "V't ^k
fSSitp t)> Aci/uii', AcunAr, T.' K.' At/i'iuiy,
AK" Pfii'iuty ; Dibon), some streams on the east
of the Dead Sea, in the land of Mcab, against
which Isaiah is here uttering denunciations
(Is. XV. 9). From Dibon being named in v, 2,
as well as in the lists of Moabite towns in Jer.
xlviil., and no place named Dimon being else-
where mentioned as belonging to Moab, Gesenius
{Comment. Ober Jes. p. 534), followed by most
modem commentators, conjectures that the two
DINAH
names are the same, the form "Dimon" being
used for the sake of the play between it tul
the word 7)am(D'p,« blood." [Dibok, 1.] It
may, however, be Vimnahj S. of the AnMa
(Tristram, Bible Places, p. 355). [G.] [W.]
DOKyNAH (njlD''^ ; B. 'Vfyiii, A. Ai-
IjMvi ; Divwna), a city in the south of Jndik,
the part bordering on the desert of Mmnscs
(Josh. XV. 22). Dimonah is mentioned in the
Onomasticon {OS.* pp. 149, 32 ; 258, 63), but
was evidently not known to Eusebios lul
Jerome, nor has it been identified in later tines.
It probably occurs under the altered name o(
Dibon in Meh. xi. 25. Knobel-Dillmsnn' in loco
thinks Dimonah = Dibon may be ed-Diei, >
heap of ruins at the head of a toady of tiw tame
name, 5 miles N. of TeU 'Arad. KeU (Book
of Joshua, p. 159) regards this conjectnie as
possibly correct. See also Tristram, BiHe Phses,
p. 16. [0.] [W.]
DI'NAH (n3»^, judged or avenged, from tie
same root as Dan ; Aefva; Dina), the daughter
of Jacob by Leah (Gen. xix. 21). She accom-
panied her father from Mesopotamia to Csiui.
and, having ventured among the inhabitants to
take part in a feast (Josephus), was violsted b;
Shechem the son of Uamor, the ohieflain of tk
territory in which her father had settled (Gea.
xxxiv.). Her age at this time, judging by tbe
subsequent notice of Joseph's age (Gen. xuvii.
2), may have been from 13 to 15, the oidins^
period of marriage in Eastern countries (laie't
Mod. Egypt, i. 208). Shechem prop<sed to
make the usual reparation by paying a sum to
the father and marrying her (Gen. xixir. 12);
such reparation would have been deemed
sufficient under the Mosaic law (Dent xiiL %
29) among the members of the Hebrew nstiM.
But in this case the suitor was an alien, and
the crown of the offence consistad in its hiring
been committed by an alien against the fsToond
people of God ; he had " wrought follr in
Israel " (xxxiv. 7). The proposals of Hamor,
who acted as his deputy, were framed on tbe
recognition of the hitherto complete sepaniiiffl
of the two peoples ; he proposed the fosioo «t
the two by the establishment of the rights of
intermarriage and commerce; just as smong
the Romans the ^tis conxMi and the jvt oo-
mercii constituted the essence of civita). TV
sons of Jacob, bent upon revenge, availed then-
selves of the eagerness, which Shechem shneil.
to effect their purpose ; they demanded, as a
condition of the proposed union, the drtnsi-
cision of the Shechemites : the practioe conW
not have been unknown to the Hivites, for tl«
Phoenicians (Her. ii. 104) and probably most w
the Canaanite tribes were circnmdset Tkey
therefore assented ; and on the third day, wk<«
the pain and fever resulting from the operstiia
were at the highest [Circdmcisiok], SimeM
and Levi, own brothers to Dinah, as Joee[4B
observes {Ant. i. 21, § 1 ; i/ia^^ptoi 4J<Afil>
attacked them unexpectedly, slew all the mate
and plundered their city. Jacob's remark
(t. 30) does not imply any guiltiness on tii<
part of his sons in this transaction; for tl'
brothers were regarded as the proper gnaidisii'
of their sister's honour, as is still the csi<
among the Bedouins; but he dreaded tk
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DINAITES
ri'reng« of the neighbouring peoples, and eren
of the family of Hamor, some of whom appear
to hare sarriTcd the massacre (Jadg. iz. 28).
His escape, which was wonderful, considering
the eitreme rigour with which the laws of
l>lood-rcvenge have in all ages prevailed in the
£.ist [Blood-BETEKOE], is nscribed to the
special interference of Jehovah (xxzv. 5). Jo-
sephus omits all reference to the treachery of
the sons of Jacob, and explains the easy eaptnre
of the city as occurring during the celebration
of a feast (Ant. i. 21, § 2). The object for
which this narrative is introduced into the Book
of Genesis probably is, partly to ex|ilain the
allusion in Uen. xlix. 5-7, and partly to exhibit
the consequences of any association on the part
of the Hebrews with the heathens about (hem.
Vlwald (^Geaclikhte, i. 488) assumes that the
historical foundation of the narrative was
furnished by an actual fusion of the nomad
Israelites with the aborigines of Shechem, on
the ground that the daughters of the patriarchs
are generally noticed with an ethnological
view ; the form in which the narrative appears
being merely the colouring of a late author :
sach a view appears to us perfectly inconsistent
with the letter and the spirit of the text. Well-
haiuen {Die Comporition des Hexateuclis, u.s.w.
p. 47, &c.) discovers the hands of two narrators
in the section, and counts the chapter ques-
tionable. [W. L. B.] [F.]
DI'NAITES (N'yT; A«i>»oi; Dinaei,
Ezra iv. 9), the name of some of the Cuthaean
colonists who were placed in the cities of
Samaria by the Assyrian governor, after the
conquest and captivity of the ten tribes under
Shalmaneser. They remained under the do-
minion of Persia, and united with their fellow-
oulonists in opposition to the Jews ; but nothing
more is known of them. Junius (Comm. in loc),
without any authority, identifies them with the
people known to geographers by the name
Dennani. The name has been com)>ared with
the name of a land and race, Dai-a-i-ni, men-
tioned in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser I.
<Schrader, Keil. BiUiothek, i. 30), but this would
be a part of Western Armenia, and not likely
to be alloded to in this passage of Ezra. Fried.
Delitzach (Pref. p. x.to Baer's ed. of Daniel,
Kzra, and Xehemiah) compares the name with
Din-Samt, i.e. (the city of) King Din, near
Su«a. [W. A. W.] [F.]
DINHA'BAH (nan?"!; A«i*a/M; Denuba;
Oen. xixvi. 32 ; 1 Ch. i'. 43), the capital city,
and probably the birthplace, of Bela, son of
Beor, king of Edom. The place is not identified,
Kusebios {OS? s. n. Aora/Sa, p. 247, 35) mentions
a village Dannea (Damnaba, Jerome, OS.*
p. 148, 31X 8 miles from Areopolis, or Ar of
Moab (on the road to Amon: Jerome), and
another on Mount Peor, 7 miles from Eabus
(Heshbon) ; bat neither of these has claim to be
the Dinhabah of Scripture. K. Joseph, in his
Tari^m (on I Ch. i. 43, ed. Wilkins), finds a
significance in the name. After identifying
Balaam the son of Beor with Laban the Syrian,
he adds, " And the name of his capital city was
Dinhabah, for it was given (n3^n*n*K) him as
ft present." With as little probability Gesenins
conjectured that it might signify (fomtntu, i.e.
BIBLE DICT. — VOL. 1.
DIONYSIUS
rs.*;
locu) direptionis, i.e. praedonvm latibultun. The
name is not uncommon among Semitic races.
Ptolemy (v. 15, § 24) mentions Aovd/Sa in
Palmyrene Syria, afterwards a Bishop's see ;
and according to Zosimus (iii. 27) there was a
Aariffii in Babylonia (Knobel in Dillmann,
Genesit,* in loco). The Peshitto Syrisc has
*S01a>i I>aihab, probably a mistake for
OOU}- [W.A.W.] [F.]
DINNER. [Meals.]
DIONY'SIA (Aioriata ; Sacchanalia), " the
feast of Bacchus," which was celebrated, es-
pecially in later times, with wild extravagance
and licentious enthusiasm. Women, as well as
men, joined in the processions (Bicurot), acting
the part of Maenads, crowned with ivy and
benrinj the thyrsus (cp. Ovid, Fast. iii. 767 sq. ;
Broudkh. ad Tib. iii. 6, 2, who gives a coin of
Maroneia, bearing a head of Dionysus crowned
with ivy); and the phallns was a principal
object in the train (Herod, ii. 48, 49. See Vict,
of Gk, and Rom. Antiq. s. v.). Shortly before
the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, 168 B.C.,
in which the Jews " were compelled to go in
procession to Bacchus carrying ivy " (2 Mace,
vi. 7), the secret celebration of the Bacchanalia
in Italy had been revealed to the Roman senate
(B.C. 186). The whole state was alarmed by
the description of the excesses with which the
festival was attended (Liv. ixxii. 8 sq.), and a
decree was passed forbidding its observance in
Kome or Italy. This fact offers the best com-
mentary on the conduct of Antiochus ; for it is
evident that rites which were felt to be in-
compatible with the comparative simplicity of
early Roman worship most have been peculiarly
revolting to Jews of the Hasmouaean age (cp.
Herod, ir. 79, 2kv£« to!/ ^RaKX'itat vcpl EXAi)-
atv i¥tiil(ov<Ti). As the greatest of the
Dionysiac festivals (Aior^iria iv (urrti or fLVfiha)
was celebrated in the spring in the month of
Klaphebolion (March-April), it nearly svn-
chronised with the Jewish Passover. Antiochus
therefore probably hoped, by the introduction
of the great Hellenic festival at Jerusalem, to
supplant the most sacred of the national Feasts
in the affections of the people, and to substitute
in lieu thereof the most licentious, seductive, and
extravagant rites that received the sanction of
Hellenic religion. [B. F. W.] [R.]
DIONY'SIUS {Auyiamt; Dioni/situ), an
Athenian converted by St. Paul (Acts xvii. 34).
He was a person of some distinction, being a
member of the Council of Areo|)agus [Abeo-
PAaus]. He is said to have been the first Bishop
of Athens, and the evidence is stronger than is
usually the case regarding early episcopates.
Eusebius (H. E. iv. 23) says that another
Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth, stated in his epistle
to the Athenians that Dionysius the Areopagite
was the first to be entrusted with the episcopate
at Athens {wpiirros rrit ir 'tMivrnt vapouclat ritr
inoKov^y iyKfX'h'"^")- Rufinus, the translator
of Eusebius, gratuitously adds that he was
appointed by St. Paul himself. The strength of
the evidence lies in its early date, Dionysius
of Corinth writing apparently about a.d. 170.
lightfool {Philippiana,* p. 214), however, doubts
3 £
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786
DIONYSUS
its cogency. The martyrdom of Dionysius is
described in early martyrologies on the authority
of the apology of Aristides the Athenian, but it
contains no mention of Dionysius. See .Aristides
in TexU and Studies, vol. i. p. 18. Writings are
extant bearing the name of Dionysius the
Areopagite. They are first mentioned and
appealed to in the Monophysite controversies
of the 6th century. They were held in honour
in the Church till the Reformation period, since
which time their authenticity has been gradually
but completely discredited. The date of their
authorship is still a matter of dispute. See Diet,
of Chriat. Antiq.; and Bp. Westcott, Religious
Thought in the West, pp. 147-155. [E. R. B.]
DIONY'SUS (Aio'wo-ot, Auimvos, of uncer-
tain derivation), also called Bacchus CRixxos,
'loKX'St the noisy god : after the time of Hero-
dotus), was properly the god of wine. In
Homer he appears simply as the " frenzied " god
(/■/. vi. 132), and yet " a joy to mortols " {11.
xiv. 325); but in later times the most varied
attributes were centred in him as the source of
the luxuriant fertility of nature, and the god of
civilization, gladness, and inspiration. The
eastern wanderings of Dionysus are well known
(Strab. XV. 7, p. 687 ; Diet. liiogr. s. v.), but
they do not seem to have left any special trace
in {"alestine (yet cp. Luc. de Syria Dea, p. 886,
ed. Bened.). His worship, however, was greatly
modified by the incorporation of Eastern ele-
ments, and assumed the twofold form of wild
orgies [DlosrsiA] and mystic rites. To the
Jew Dionysus would necessarily appear as the
embodiment of Paganism in its most material
shape, sanctioning the most tumultuous passions
and the worst excesses. Thus Tacitus (/fist. v.
5) rejects the tradition that the Jews wor-
shipped Bacchus (Liberam patrem; cp. Plut.
Qttaest. Conv. iv. 6), on the ground of the
" entire diversity of their principles " (nequa-
quam congruentSms institutis), though he in-
terprets this difference to their discredit. The
consciousness of the fundamental opposition
of the God of Israel and Dionysus possibly
explains the punishment which Ptolemaeus
Philopator inflicted on the Jews (3 Mace. ii. 29),
" branding them with the ivy-leaf of Dionysus."
But the more probable explanation of this
occurrence is that of Grimm (see note in loc),
who points out that Dionysus was the family
god of the Ptolemies as Apollo was of the
Selencids ; and traces of the cult of Dionysus as
the form of Hellenic worship most attractive to
Orientals are found in many parts of Syria and
Palestine. The representation of Dionysus upon
the coins of Caesarea, Damascus, Scythopolis,
and cities of the Hauran, testify to the wide
popularity of his worship during the Roman
period (cp. Schiirer, Gesch. d. Jiid. Volkes,' ii.
15-20). Nicanor's threat which he is said to
have made, to erect a temple of Dionysus at
Jerusalem (2 Mace. xiv. 33), has on this account
a special significance. For while the Dionysiac
worship would be most abhorrent to the pious
Jew, to the Hellenizing Jew and to the resident
Greelcs it apparently presented especial fasai-
natioQS. At a Liter time, when Jerusalem
became a Roman colony with the name of Aelia
Capitolina, dedicated to Jupiter, it appears from
extant coius that Dionysus was among the other
DISH
deities to whose charge the city was committed
(cp. Schiirer,, i. 586). [B. F. W.] [E.]
DIOSCOBINTHIDS. [Mostbs.]
DIOTBEPHES (AiffTp«>i)j; Diotre^).
An ambitious member of an unnamed Cbiutii,
whose conduct is condemned by St. John in ha
letter to Gains (3 John, rr. 9, 10). He htd etea
been able to withstand the authority of a Irtttr
from St. John himself, and had " prated i^siiBt
him with wicked words." While Gaius htl
been ready to receive with hospitality brethrea
from distant Churches, Diotrephes had Kfiki
them, and had prevented others from receinn;
them by the threat or act of excommuDiatioii.
These " brethren and strangers " (c. 5) were
probably travelling evangelists. [E.R. B.]
DISCIPLE. [Education; Schools.]
DISCOVEB (dia a negative prefiiX a «si
frequently used in the A. V. in the sense •:"
" uncover," by which word the R, T. leplsm
it in Deut. xxii. 30, but not in Micah i. 6. I>
2 Sam. xxii. 6 the R. V. has " laid bare," in ft.
xiix. 9 " strippeth bare." [7 j
DISCUS (J(<rKOj), one of the exercises in toe
Grecian gymnasia, which Jason the high-pnert
introduced among the Jews in the time if
.\ntiochus Epiphanes, and which he indnwl
even the priests to practise (2 Mace iv. HI
The discus was a circular plate of stone m
metal, made for throwing to a dist-mce u a
exercise of strength and dexterity. It tni in-
deed one of the principal gymnastic eierdsese
the Greeks, and was practised in the faernc •I'-
For details and authorities, see Diet, of Gr. m
Som. Antiq. s. v. [W.S.]
DISEASES. [Medicike.]
DISH. 1. ^Bp, Gesen. p. 965 : $tt BiSl
2. n!pj>)f, in piur. only nir^". n*ri^ ^
nnW ; MpJ<r«n», i ixifiarrpos, UBx'i •*
2ei«t. 3. mop ; see CHABacK.
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DISHAX
In N. T. rpv$\iov. Matt. xzri. 23, Mark xiv.
30. In ancient Egypt, and also in Jadaea, guests
at the table haadled their food with the fingers,
but spoons were used for soup or other liquid
food, whan required (Wilkinson, AtK, Eg. i.
183-4 [smaller ed., 1878]). The same is the
case in modem Egypt. Each person breaks
oS a small piece of bread, dips it in the dish,
and then conveys it to his mouth, together
with a small portion of the meat or other con-
tents of the dish. To pick out a delicate morsel
and hand it to a friend is esteemed a compli-
ment, iind to refuse such an offering is contrary
to good manners. Judas dipping bis band in
the same dish with our Loixl was showing
especial friendliness and intimacy. rpv0Kioy is
used in LXX. for ■I'U/i?, sometimes in A. V.
"charger" (Ex. ixt."^9 [R. V. "spoons"];
Num. iv. 7 [R. V. « spoons "], vii. 13, 19). This
is also Tendered kotvKi) or half sextarins, i.e.
probably a cap or Bask rather than a dish.
TffuBKiov is in Vnlg., Matt. xxvi. 23, paroptis ;
in Mark xir. 20, catinvt. Cp. Schlensner, Lex. in
JV. T. rfnifiXim (Lane, Mod. Eg. i. 193 ; Chardin,
Voy. iT. 53, 54 ; Niebuhr, Descr. de I' Arab. p. 46).
[Basin.] [H. W. P.]
DI'SHAN (le^n ; Disan), the youngest son
of Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 21 [A. "Pturdv,
DZ. 'Vuiiv'], 28, 30 (bis) [A. 'Vturiv, E.
•Pu«r<4i'] ; 1 Ch. i. 38 [A. 'Vur^v, B. om.], 42
[BA. A<u<ri4r]> [W. L. B.] [F.]
DI'SHON (]te^^. [the name may mean a
gazelle (cp. Dent. xiv. 5), from a root signifying
to spring. There are cognate words in Aramaic,
Srriac, and Assyrian (see MV.")]; Dtaon). 1. The
fiifth son of Seir (Gen. iiivi. 21, 26, 30 [A.
Aqo-^y] ; 1 Ch. i. 38 [BA. Ariaiiy]). 2. The son
of Anah and grandson of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 25 ;
1 Ch. i. 41 [BA. Aauriii'J). Dishon and Dishan
are among the names in the list of the de-
sceiulants of Seir the Horite which are derived
from animals (cp. a similar nomenclature
among the Red Indians). This is only natural
amongst those whose forefathers were Trog-
lodytes (cp. Delitzsch [1887] on Gen. xxxvi.
20-28 ; Dillmann,' do. t. 29 sq.X but does not
irarrant the assumption that their worship was
animal worship (cp. Jacobs, Archaeohgioal Re-
view, iii. 150 sq.). The geographical position of
the tribes descended from these patriarchs is
nncertain. Enobel (cp. Dillmann' in loco) places
them to £. and S.E. of the Gulf of Akaba, on the
ground that the names of the sons of Dishon,
ICshban, and Hemdan may be identified with
C'sbany and Hvaneidy, branches of the tribe of
OmroH. Such identifications must be received
irith Icaution (Delitzsch), as similar names are
found in other parts of Arabia — Hamde^ for
instance, near Tayf, and again Hamdan, which
bears a still closer resemblance to the original
name, near Sana (Burckhardt's Arabia, i, 156,
L 376). [W. h. B.] [F.]
DISPERSION, THE JEWS OF THE,
or aimply The Dispkrsion, wns the general title
applied to those Jews who remained settled in
foreign countries after the return from the
Babylonian exile, and during the period of the
second Temple. The original word applied to
these foreign settlers (DOJ; cp. Jer. xziv. 5,
DISPEBSION, JEWS OP THE 787
xxviii. 4, &c., from il73, to strip naked ; so ^J3
Kp)?l, Ezra vi 16) conveys the notion of
spoliation and bereavement, as of men removed
from the Temple and home of their fathers ; bat
in the LXX. the ideas of a " sojourning " (/tcroi-
Mvia) and of a " colony " (iwoiKla) were com-
bined with that of a " captivity " {alxi>-i>>^u<tia),
while the term " dispersion " (Siainrup:^, first in
Dent, xxviii. 25, flltft ; cp. Jer. xjxiv. 17), which
finally prevailed, seemed to imply that the people
thus scattered " to the utmost parts of heaven "
(Deut. XXX. 4), " in bondage among the Gentiles "
(2 Mace. i. 27), and shut out from the full
privileges of the chosen race (John vii. 35),
should yet be as the seed sown for a future har-
vest (cp. Is. xlix. 6, Hebr.) in the strange lands
where they found a temporary restiug-place
(1 Pet. i. 1, irapcviS^/<o(i Siooropaj). The
schism which bad divided the first kingdom was
tiii'gotten in the results of the general calamity.
The dispenion was not limited to the exiles
of Judab, but included "the twelve tribes"
(Jas. i. I, rati tiXtKa ^vXou rtut iv rp
Siomropf), which expressed the completeness
of the whole Jewish nation (Acts xxvi. 7, r&
SeiiS<K<I^uAa>').
The Dispersion, as a distinct element influ-
encing the entire character of the Jews, date*
firom the Babylonian exile. Uncertain legends
point to earlier settlements in Arabia, Ethiopia,
and Abyssinia; but even if these settlements
were made, they were isolated and casual, while
the Dispersion, of which Babylon was the acknow-
ledged centre, was the outward proof that s
faith had succeeded to a Ungdom. Apart from
the necessary influence which Jewish com-
munities bound by common laws, ennobled by
the possession of the same truths, and animated
by kindred hopes, must have exercised on the
nations among whom they wen scattered, the
difiiculties which set ande the literal observance
of the Mosaic ritual led to a wider view of the
scope of the Law, and a stronger sense of its
spiritual significance. Outwardly and inwardly,
by its efTects both on the Gentiles and on the
people of Israel, the Dispersion appears to have
been the clearest providential preparation for the
spread of Christianity.
But while the fact of a recognised Dispersion
must have weakened the local and ceremonial
influences which were essential to the first train-
ing of the people of God, the Dispersion was still
bound together in itself and to its mother
country by religious ties. The Temple was the
acknowledged centre of Judaism, and the faithful
Jew everywhere contributed the half-shekel
towards its maintenance (rh SiSpaxjwy, Matt,
xvii. 24 : cp. Misbna, Shekalim, 7,4; Jos. Ant.
xvi. 6) ; and, in part at least, the ecclesiastical
calendar was fixed at Jerusalem, whence beacon-
fires spread abroad the true date of the new
moons (Mishna, Rosh-Haahana, 2, 4). The
tribute was indeed the simplest and most strik-
ing outward proof of the religious unity of
the nation. Treasuries were established to
receive the payments of different districts (Jos.
Ant. xviii. 9, § 1 ; cp. Ant. xvi. 6, §§ 5, 6), and
the collected sums were forwarded to Jerusalem,
as in later times the Mahometan ofierings were
sent to Mecca (Jost, Oeich, d. Jtidenth. i. 337 n. ;
Cic. pro Flacoo, ziriii.).
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788 DISPEESION, JEWS OF THE
At the beginning of the Christian era the
Dispersion was divided into three great sections,
the Babylonian, the Syrian, and the Egyptian.
Precedence was yielded to the first. The jealousy
which had originally existed between the poor
who returned to Palestine and their wealthier
countrymen at Babylon had passed away, and
Gamaliel wrote "to the sons of the -Dispersion
in Babyloni-i, and to our brethren in Media . . .
and to all the Dispersion of Israel " (Frankel,
Monatitchrift, 1853, p. 413). From Babylon
the Jews spread throughout Persia, Media, and
Parthia ; but the settlements in China belong to
a modern date (Frankel, /. c. p. 463). The few
details of their history which have been pre-
served bear witness to their prosperity and in-
fluence (Jos. Ant. xi. 5, § 2, xv. 2, § 2 sq., iviii. 9 ;
BeU. Jud. vi. ri, § 2). No schools of learning are
noticed, but Hillel the Elder and Nahum the
Mede are mentioned as coming from Babylon to
Jerusalem (Frankel).
The Greek conquests in Asia extended the
limits of the Dispersion. Seleucus Nicator
transplanted large bodies of Jewish colonists
from Babylonia to the capitals of his western
provinces. His policy was followed by his suc-
cessor Antiochus the Great ; and the persecu-
tions of Antiochus Epiphanes only served to push
forward the Jewish emigration to the remoter
districts of his empire. In Armenia the Jews
arrived at the greatest dignities, and Nisibis
became a new centre of colonization (Frankel,
pp. 454-6). The Jews of Cappadocia (1 Pet. i.
1) are casually mentioned in the Mishna ; and a
prince and princess of Adiabene adopted the
Jewish faith only thirty years before the de-
struction of the Temple (Jos. Ant. xx. 2). Large
settlements of Jews were established in Cyprus,
in the islands of the Aegai^an (Co.<, Delos : Jos.
Ant. xiv. 10), and on tlie western coast of Asia
Minor (Ephesus, Miletus, Pergamus, Halicar-
nassus, Sardts : Jos. Ant. I. c.). The Romans
confirmed to them the privileges which they had
obtained from the Syrian kings ; and though they
were exposed to sudden outbursts of jwpular
violence (Jos. Ant. xviii. 9 ; Bell. Jud. vii. 3),
the Jews of the Syrian provinces gradually
formed a closer connexion with their new homes,
and together with the Greek language adopted
in many respects Greek ideas. [Hellenists.]
This Hellenizing tendency, however, found its
most free development at Alexandria [Alex-
ANDBIA]. The Jewish settlements established
there by Alexander and Ptolemy I. became the
source of the African Dispersion, which spread
over the north coast of Africa, and perhaps
inland to Abyssinia (the Falaaha). At Cyrene
(Jos. Ant. xiv. 7, 2; Jason) and Berenice
(Tripoli) the Jewish inhabitants formed a con-
siderable portion of the population, and an
inscription lately discovered at the litter place
(Frankel, p. 442) speaks of the justice and
clemency which they received from a Roman
governor (cp. Jos. Ant. ivi. 6, 5). The African
Dispersion, like all other Jews, preserved their
veneration for the " holy city " (Philo, Leg. nd
Caiwn, § 36 ; c. Flacc. c. 7), and recognised the
universal claims of the Temple by the annual
tribute (Jos. /. c). But the distinction in lan-
guage led to wider differences, which were
averted in Babylon by the currency of an Aramaic
dialect. The Scriptures were no longer read on
DISPERSION, JEWS OF THE
the Sabbath (Frankel, p. 420 ; Forsfiafca, p. 52,
sq.), and no fire-signals conveyed the dates of tlit
new moons to ggypt (cp. Frankel, p. 419 ».).
Still the national spirit of the African Jews ni
notdeetroyed. After the destmction of the Temple
the Zealots found a reception in Cyrene (Jwepli.
B. J. viL 11) ; and towards the close of the
reign of Trajan, a.d. 115, the Jewish popalatiaii
in Africa rose with terrible ferocity (Dio Oin.
Izviii. 32). The insurrection was put don by t
war of ext ci miuat ion (Euaeb. H. E. ir. 2); sad
the remnant who escaped established themdres
on the opposite coast of Europe, as the beginniii;
of a new Dispersion.
The Jewish settlements in Home were con-
sequent upon the occupation of Jemsalrai br
Pompcy, B.C. 63. The captives and emignau
whom he brought with him were located ia the
trans-Tiberine quarter, and by degrees rote in
station and importance (Philo, Leg. ad Cakat,
§ 23 sq.). They were favoured by Aogsstci
and Tiberius after the fall of Sejaniis (Pfaik.
L c); and a Jewish school was founded at Resf
(Frankel, p. 459). In the reign of Clsodim
[CutDDlDS] the Jews became objects of sotpicuc
from their immense numbers (Dio Cass. li.6}; t^
the internal disputes consequent, perhaps, gpic
the preaching of Christianity, led to their butsb-
ment from the city (Suet. Claud. 25 : " Jadaeei
impulsore Chresto aasidue tnmultuantes Romsei-
puiit." Cp. Acts xviiL 2). This eipulsios, if
general, can only have been temporary, for is >
few years the Jews at Rome were numerous (Acti
xxviii. 17 sq.), and continued to be suffidentlT
conspicuous to attract 'the attention of tb<
satirists (Mart. Ep. xi. 94 ; Juv. Sat. m. U).
[See Hindekoper, Judaism at Rome, N. T. 187o;
Schiirer, Die Gemeindexierfassung der Jwle» it
Bom m der Kcuaerxeit, 1879 ; Hudson, Hiitirii "!
the Je'ct in Borne, 1884; Morrison, TU Jen
under Roman Rule, 1890.]
The influence of the Dispersion on the rapil
promulgation of Christianity can scaroelf be
overrated. The course of the apostolic presdiis;
followed in a regular progresB the line of Jewh
settlements. The mixed assembly from wbidi
the first converts wei-e gathere i on the lisr of
Pentecost -represented each division of the Dis-
persion (Acts ii. 9-11 ; (a) Parthiani ... Mew
potamia ; (6) Judaea (i.e Si/ria) . . . Pampkilis:
(c) Egypt . . . Greece ; (d) Romans . . . ).'«iiJ
these converts naturally prepared the wsr for
the Apostles in the interval which preceded thf
beginning of the separate apostolic misios^
The names of the seven Deacons are all Gwki
and one is specially described as a piweMe
(Acts vi. 5). The Church at Antioch, by »bick
St. Paul was entrusted with his great «ork
among the heathen (Acts xiii. 1), indsJel
Barnabas of Cyprus (Acts iv. 36), Lnciw «f
Cyrene, and Simeon, sumamed Nige-; ssJ
among his " fellow-labourers " at a later tiice
are found Aquila of Pontns (Acts xviii. •).
Apollos of Alexandria (Acts xviii. 24 : cp. t Cor.
iii. 6), Urbanus (Rom. xvi. 9), and Cenest
(Phil. iv. 3), whose names at least are Stnui.
Antioch itself became a centre of the Cbrist>s3
Church (Acts xiii. 1, xiv. 26, xv. 22, xviii. J2)-
as it had been of the Jewish Dispenioi: ^^
throughout the apostolic journeys the Je«s<nn
the class to whom " it was necessary (acfnt")
that the word of God should be first spoken'
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DISTAFF
CAct« xiii. 46), and they in tnm were nnited
with the mass of the population by the inter-
mediate body of " the devout " (of )rt06fuyoi),
which had recognised in Torioos degrees " the
Cuth of the Go.1 of Israel."
The most important original authorities on
the Dispersion are Joseph. Ant. xir. 10, xir. 7 ;
c. ApioH. ii. 5 ; — Philo, Leg. ad Caium ; id. c. Hoc
cum. Frankel has collected the rarious points
together in an exhnustire essay in his Monats-
aehrift. Not. Dec. 1853, pp. 409-11, 449-51. A
ralnable contribution to our knowledge of this
subject is presented in § 31, Daa Judenthum in
der Zentremmg in Schiirer's Oeicluclite d. JSd.
Volies,* Bd. ii., where exhaustive use is made of
the available literary materiiils. Op. Jost, Oesch.
J. Judenth. 336, 344 ; Ewald, Hist, of Isr. (Eng.
Tr.) Tol. T. sec. ii. A ; Herzfcld, Qesch. d. Volkes
Itr. ui. 425-479 ; Griitz, Getch. d. JSden, iii. 26-
54 ; Hausrath, Nlliclte Zeitneach.' iii. 383-392 ;
Kdersheim, Life and Thna of Jam the Mestiah,
i. cha.i.ii. [B.F. W.] [R]
DISTAFF (ProT. xxxi. 19). [SpiNNisa.]
DIVEa [LAzantTs.]
DIVINATION (D9PP ; lutyrtU, Ezek. xiii.
7 ; /laytttt, Wisd. xrii. 7 ; 0*|3^?, ^apiuuctia,
veneficium, dinnatio. Is. xlyii. 9 ; CPI?, if'iSv-
purft6i, &c.). This art " of taking an aim of
Divine matters by human, which cannot but
breed mixture of imaginations " (Bacon, Eas.
xvii.), has been nniversal in all ages, and in all
nations alike civilised and savage. It arises
from an impression that in the absence of direct,
risible, guiding Providence, the Deity sutTers His
Will to be known to men, partly by inspiring
those who from purity of character or elevation
of spirit are susceptible of the divine afflatus
^$to/ldlrr^^t, Moaauurrai, ixirraTiKoC), and partly
by giving perpetual indications of the future,
which must be learnt from experience and ob-
servation (Cic. Div. i. 18 ; Plin. xxx. 5).
The first kind of divination is called Natural
^tertx""' iX(S€atrot), in which the person in-
spired with prophetic gifts is transported from
his own individuality, and becomes the passive
instrument of sopematural utterances (^Aen. vi.
47 ; Ov. Met. ii. 640, &c.). As this process in-
volved violent convulsions, the word fuunucii is
derived from /uUvtirBai, and alludes to the foam-
ing month and streaming hair of the possessed
seer (Plat. lim. 72 B, where the fidyrts is
carefally distinguished from the t/hi^^tiii).
Bat even when the recorded prophecies of Scrip-
tare are of the most passionate character, their
utterance was not accompanied by these un-
nataral distortions (Num. xxiii. 5; Ps. xxxix. 3;
Jer. XX. 9), althongh, as we shall see, they were
well-known phenomena (1 Sam. xviii. 10, xix. 24),
and were characteristic of pretenders to the gift.
The other kind of divination was artificial
(t»X'"'^X '^^^ probably originated in an honest
conviction that external nature sympathised
with and fre<]uently indicated the condition and
prospects of mankind ; a conviction not in itself
ridiculoui, and fostered by the accidental syn-
chronism of natural phenomena with human
catastrophes (Thnc. iii. 89 ; Jos. B. J. vi. 5, § 3 ;
Foxe's Mart;/ra, iii. 406, &c.). When once this
feeling was established, the supposed manifesta-
DIVINATION
789
tiona were infinitely multiplied, and hence the
numberless forms of impostur* or ignorance
called kapnomancy, pyromancy, arithmomancy,
libanomaocy, botaoomancy, kephalomancy, &c.,
of which there are abundant accounts in Cic. de
Div. ; Cardan, de Sapientid ; Anton, v. Dale, dc
Orig. Idol. ; Fabricius, Bibl. Ant. pp. 409-426 ;
Carpzov. App. Crit. pp. 540-549; Potter's Antiq.
i. ch. viii. sq. Indeed there was scarcely any
possible event or appearance which was not
pressed into the service of augury, and it mar
be said of the ancient Greeks and Komans, as of
the modern New Zealanders, that " after utter-
ing their k.irakias (or charms), the whistling of
the wind, the moving of trees, the flash of
lightning, the peal of thunder, the flying of a
biid, even the buzz of an insect would be re-
garded as an answer " (Taylor's New Zealand,
p. 74; Bowring's Siam, i. 153 sq.). A system
commenced in fanaticism ended in deceit. Hence
Cato's famous saying that it was strange how
two augurs could meet without laughing in
each other's face. But the supposed knowledge
became in all nations an engine of political
power, and hence interest was enlisted in its
support (Cic. de Legg. ii. 12 ; Lir. vi. 27 ; Soph.
Ant. 1055; Mic. iii. 11). It fell into the hands
of a priestly caste (Gen. xli. 8 ; Is. xlvii. 13 ;
Jer. V. 31 ; Dan. ii. 2), who in all nations made
it subservient to their own purposes. Thus
Chardin says that, iu Persia, the astrologers
would make even the Shah rise at midnight and
travel in the worst weather in obedience to their
suggestions.
The invention of divination is ascribed to
Prometheus (Aesch. Pr. Yinct. 492), to the
Phrygians aud Etrurians, especially sages (Cic.
de bit. 1 ; and Clem. Alex, dtrom. i. 326, where
there is a great deal more on the subject), ot
(us by the Fathers generally) to the devil
(Firmic. Matemus, de Krnre, Prooem. ; Lactant.
ii. 16; Minuc Felix. Oct. 27). In the same
way Zoroaster ascribes all magic to Ahriman
(Nork, Bram. tmd Scb. p. 97). Similar opinions
have prevailed iu more modem times (Sir Thomas
Browne, Vulg. Err. chs. i. xi.).
Many forms of divination are mentioned in
Scripture, and the subject is so frequently al-
luded to that it deserves careful examination.
We shall proceed to give a brief 'analysis of its
main aspects as presente<l in the sacred writers,
following as far as possible the order of the
Books in which the professors of the art are
spoken of.
They are first mentioned as a prominent body
in the Egyptian court, Gen. xli. 8. 1. D^lpPin
(i^ifftfToi ; Hesych. i vcpl Itptluv teal Sioariiulttv
i^riyoifuros ; Aqu. Kpv^iavrtJ). They were a
class of Egyptian priests, eminent for learning
{itpoypafiiioTtis). The name may be derived
from C^h, a style ; or, according to Jablonski,
from an Egyptian word Chertom=Maumafurjrus
(Gesen. s. V. Cp. Harkavy, Joum. Asiat. [1870]
p. 168 sq. See MV." rcff. For other con-
jectures see Kalisch, Gen. p. 647; Heidegger,
Hist. Pair. XX. 23). If their divination was
connected with drawn figures, it is paralleled
by the Persian Rammai (Calmet); the modern
Egyptian Zdirgeh, a table of letters ascribed
to Idrees or Enoch (Lane, i. 354) ; the diagrams
of the Chinese Tih-king, revealed to Fuh-hi on
the back of a tortoise, which explain everything.
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DIVINATION
and on which 1450 learned commentaries have
been written (Hue's China, i. 123 aq.) ; and the
Jainaaau or marlcs on paper, of Japan (Kempfer's
JJist. ch. XV.).
2. Q^P^n (ffo^ivTof, Ex. vii. 11 ; Suid. oSras
t\tyor nJarras ToJij itrwiuttuiiiiimj ; conjectores).
I'ossibly these, as well as their predecessors,
were merely a learned class, invested by vulgar
superstition with hidden power. Daniel was
made head of the college by Nebuchadneixar
(Dan. V. 11). Op. the "college of males" at
Babylon (Secords of the Past, N. S. iv. 110).
3. D'PB'St? (iitaoi9ol, Ex. vii. 11, D'B0.
(papiuucol; incantatores : the variety of words
used in the Versions to render these names shows
how vague was the meaning attached to them).
The original meaning of VfP^ is to naitter ; and
in Ex. vii. 1 1, the word seems to denote mere
jugglers, of the class to which belonged Jannes
and Jambres (2 Tim. iii. 8). How they pro-
duced the wonders which hardened the heart of
Pharaoh, whether by mechanical or chemical
means, or by mere legerdemain, or by demo-
niacal assistance (as supposed by the Fathers
and Joseph. Ant. ii. 3), it is idle to conjecture.
Michaelis (adopting an Arabic derivation of
CJETS) explains them to be " astrologers," such as
>n ancient times were supposed (from their power
to foretell eclipses, &c.) to be able to control the
snn and moon by spells (Virg. Aen. iv. 489 ; Ov.
Met. xii. 263. " While the labouring moon
eclipses at their charms," Milton. "A witch,
and one so strong she could control the moon,"
Shaksp. Vie Tempest). Women were supposed
to be peculiarly addicted to these magical arts
(Ex. xxii. 18), which were forbidden to the Jews
on theocratic grounds, independently of their
liability to abuse.
4. D»3V"n% Lev. xix. 31, xx. 6 (yvuartU,
sciotae ; vHzards, from IH', to know ; cp. iceiaer
Mann, iliige Frau, as Saliutr, from tiiiiu) : they
who could by whatever means reveal the future.
The Rabbis derive this word from a certain beast
VyV, in shape like a man (Kora/SXcirciSaX the
hones of which the diviner held in his teeth
(Sanhedrin, f. 65 ; Maimon. dt Idol. vi. 3 ;
Bulenger, de Die. iii. 33 ; Delrio, Diaqais. Mag.
iv. 2 ; Godwin's Mas. and Aar. iv. 10 ; Carpzov.
App. Crit. p. 545). The Greek diviner ate
rit KupiJiTttra ixipia (/ittv luantKuv (Porphyr.
de Abstinent, ii.). For other bone divinations
see Rubruquis' China, p. 65, and Pennant's
Scotland, p. 88 (in Pinkerton). For allusions
to a conjurer with human bones, see Berachoth,
f. 59, 1. For other Talmndic allusions to
various forms of witchcraft and necromancy, see
Sanhedrin, f. 65, 2, f. 66, 1 ; Eiruvin, f. 04, 2 ;
S<Aa Bathra, {. 58, 1. King Alexander Jannaeus
on one occasion hung eighty witihes at once
(Sanhedrin, {. 45, 1 ; and Kashi aJ loco). Many
of the Talmudic passages are translated in Her-
shon's Talmadic Miscellany, pp. 229-236.
5. niSlt, Lev. XX. 6 ; Is. viii. 19, xix. 3 ;
iyyaiTTpliivtoi vMpoixirrtit ; qui Pt/thones con-
sutet, ventriloqui [D^IJK, Is. xix. 3]. The word
properly means "spirits of the dead," and then
by an easy metonomy those who consulted them
(a^K ^ir, Deut.xviii.lO; D'riDri ^( ]^^^;
ol imfvrirrts roiis ytxpoiit, quaertntes a mortuis
DIVINATION
veritatem. But Shuckford, who denies tlU tli«
Jews in early ages believed in spirits, malies it
mean "consnlters of dead idols," (kuauKt. n.
395 sq.). They are also called Pjrthones;f)7««Tf
TtUai rv»\ HiO<»i>at xoXov^cVovt (Plat, ie Dcf.
Or. 414 ; Cic. de Div. i. 19). Hence the «7w|i*
nituvot. Acts xvi. 16. These ventriloquiits
" peeped and muttered " (cp. rfl^ta, H. miiL
101; "squeak and gibber," Shaksp. Jul. Cki.)
from the earth to imitate the voice of tlie n-
vealing "familiar" (Is. xxii. 4, it; 1 San.
ixviii. 8 ; Lev. xx. 27 : cp. artfriitarrtt, Soptu
Frag.). 31S< properly means a bottle (Job mil
19), and was applied to the magician, twcanie
he was supposed to be inflated by the (pint
{SaitLoroXTtmis), like the ancient EvfwcAtts (it
oAAorpIoj yturripas iyHn, Ar. Yesp. 10I7;iiiiitai
spiritwn per rercrula natvrae exdpiefxd, SM,
in Ar. Plut.). The Talmud sap, " A Python ii i
familiar spirit who speaks from the smi-piti'
(Sanhedrin, f. 65). Of this class was the «it<':i
of Endor (Jos. Ant. vi. 14, § 2), in whose case
intended imposture may have been oremM
into genuine necromancy (Ecclus. ilvL 20) (t
this wide subject see Chrysost. ad 1 Cor. ni :
Tert. adc. Marc. iv. 25, de Anima, 57 ; Aof. i'
doctr. Christ. § 33; Cic. Tasc Disp. L 16, ud
the commentators on Aen. vi. ; Critici Sari, ri.
331; Winer, 8. V. TodtenheschwSrer ; LeMojK.
Yar. Sacr. p. 993 sq. ; Selden, de DSi Syr. i %
and above all Bottcher, de Inferis, pp. lOl-l'l,
where the research displayed is marvellocv
Those who songht inspiration, either from tbi
demons or the spirits of the dead, hatoieJ
tombs and caverns (Is. Ixr. 4), and inrited IK
unclean communications by voluntary iv''!
(Maimon. de Idol. ix. 15 ; Lighttoot, Bor. B^-
ad Matt, x. 1). That the supposed i|wx<|i«mii
was oHen effected by ventriloquism and illisica
is certain ; for a specimen of this even is m»l«n
times, see the Life of Benvenuto Cellim.
6. D^piJIj? DPP (iuorrtv6iuros fUuT<tar;;»
ariolos sciacitetur : DcuL xviii. 10. As tb« in-
complete list of diviners is given in this t*t*p,
we shall follow the order of the kiD<lt lit"
enumerated). This word involves the notioc '^f
" cutting," and therefore may impir th« acw
thing as the Chald. }nTJ (from Tf|, t« m),
Dan. ii. 27, iv. 4, &c., and be taken to meu
astrologers, magi, gcnethliaci, &c. (IW. <^ Gi
and Bom. Ant. art. Astrologia; Juv. vi. 5S3«l-
Diod. Sic ii. 30 ; Winer, s. w. Magier. SinA
Others refer it to the KKjjpoftirrui (Schol. ^
Eur. Hipp. 1057), since the use of lots wis ray
familiar to the Jews (Gataker, On Lots, sd iiiit ):
but it required no art to explain their ut. i^
they were regarded as directly under God'i w-
trol (Num. xxvi. 55; Esth. iii. 7; Pror. mSv
xviii. 18). Both lots and digitoritm aucatii (oH
and even) were used in distributing the dutif'
of the Temple (Otho, Lex. Bab. s. t. DijiU
mioando).
7. ]i\Bt?, Mic V. 12, 2 K. xxi. 6; oJwfflW
somnia ; A. V. " an observer of time) ; " «^''
Son^iiumt (always In LXX., except is lev- «"•
26, where probably they followed a dilfeno
reading, from CliV, a bird, ipn9o<nttvtv) = ' *<
T&r \a\ovn4rw aroxa,(6iuyos. Lex. Cy. ; ^
ixans, Uesych. It is derived from JJf, *>«*'•
and may mean generally " using hidda uo'
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DIVINATION
(Is. ii. 6; Jer. xivii. 9). If the LXX. under-
stand it correctly, iC refers to that Xii7uv irapa-
rlifiifit (Suid.), which was common among the
Jews, and which they called Bath KoT; oi
which remarkable instances are found in Gen.
iiiv. 14; 1 Sam. xiv. 9, 10; 1 K. xi. 33.
For Talmudic allusions to the Bath Kol, see
Berachoth, f. 61, 2 ; Baba Bathra, f. 18, 1 ;
Moel KaUm, f. 9, 1, and many other passages ;
but a distinction must be drawn between the
lue of the term to imply an actual " roice from
hearen," and its application to chance omens
(tee Hamburger, BE. ii. 92). After the ex-
tinction of the spirit of prophecy the Bath
Kol was considered by the Jews as a sort of
snbstitnte for the loss. For a curious disser-
tation on it, see Lightfoot ad Matt. iii. 13. A
iielief in the significance of chance words was
Tery prevalent among the Egyptians (Clem.
Alei. Strom, i. 304 ; Plut. dt Is. 14), and the
accidental sigh of the engineer was sufficient to
pierent even Amasis from removing the mono-
lithic shrine to Sals (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, ii.
310). The universality of the belief among the
ancients is known to every scholar (Cic de Die.
i.; Herod, ii. 90; Virg. Aen. vii. 116, &c.).
From the general theory of the posaibility of
such omens sprang the use of the Sortes Bib-
licae, (k. (Niceph. Greg, viii.; Aug. Ep. 119;
PriJeaai, Connect, ii. 376, &c. ; Cardan, de Varie-
tote, p. 1040).
If pwp be derived from ]JV, it will mean
"one who fascinates with the eyes," as in the
Syr. Vera. (cp. Vitringa, Comment, ad Is. h. 6).
A belief in the i^aX/^> PivKoyos (VJ J^J?) was
(uiirenal, and is often alluded to in Scripture
(Deot. xiiii. 6 ; Matt. xi. 15 ; Tob. iv. 7, /t^
^rtiaiTct aou i i^oKfUt: 1 Sam. xviii. 9,
"Sanl eyed David "). The well-known passages
of Pliny and the ancients on the subject are
collected in Potter's Ant. i. 383 sq.
Others again make the O'ii)) (Is. ii. 6, &c.)
to be " soothsayers" who predicted " times " as in
A v. and R. V., from the observation of the clouds
(Aben Ezra on Le v. xix. 26) and other Siamj/xfoi, as
lightnings, comets, meteors, &c. (Jer. x. 2), like
the Etruscan Fulguratores (Cic. de Div. i. 18 ;
Plin. it 43, 53 ; Plut. de Superst. ; Hom. Od. v.
102; Virg. Eel. i. 16; Humboldt's Cosmos, ii.
135, ed. Sabine). Possibly the position of the
diviner in making these observations originated
the Jewish names for East and West, viz. front
and back (Godwin, iv. 10, but Carpzov disputes
the assertion, App. Crit. p. 541). The practice
naturally led to the tabulation of certain days
as Incky or unlucky (Job iii. 5, " monthly prog-
nosticators ;" Is. xlvii. 13, iint/As rofurrriputret,
■Gal. iv. 10), just as the Greeks and Komans
regarded some days as candidi, others as atri
<Hes. 0pp. et D. 770 ; Suet. Awj. 92, &c.). If
we had space, every one of the superstitions
alluded to might be paralleled in modem times.
In Judg. ix. 37, the expression " terebinth of
ifeoneni'm (enchantments) " refers not so much
to the general sacredness of great trees (Hom.
Od. xiv. 328 ; habitae Oraiis oracula qturcus,
Virg. Qeorg.), as to the fact that (probably)
here Jacob had buried the idolatrous amulets
which his wives had brought from Syria (Gen.
ixxv. 4; Sunley, Sin. and Pal. p. 142).
& O'C^Q (plttri(6iJLtyoi ; obscrcantes au-
DIVINATION
791
gwia; Ps. Iviii. 5; 2 K. xvii. 17, xxi. 6, &c.):
A. V. enchanters ; ophiomants (Bochart, Hieroz.
ii. p. 383), from Cnj, to hiss ; people who, like
the ancient Psylli (Plin. ff. N. vii. 2 ; xviii. 4)
and Marmaridae (Sil. Ital. iii. 301),
** Ad quomm cantus serpens oblita venenl.
Ad quorum tactum mites Jacuere oerastae."
were supposed to render serpents innocuous and
obedient (Ex. vii. 9 ; Jer. viii. 17 ; Eccles. x. 11),
chiefly by the power of music (Nicand. Meriac.
162 ; Luc. ix. 891 ; Sil. Ital. 8, 495 ; Aen. rii.
753; Niebuhr's Travels, i. 189); but also no
doubt by the possession of some gennine and
often hereditary secret (Lane, Mod. Egypt, ii.
106 sq. ; Arnob. adv. Cent. ii. 32). They had a
similar power over scorpions (Francklen's Tour
to Persia). The whole subject is exhausted hy
Bochart (^Hieroz., ion. ii. iii, 6, de Aspide
Surdd).
Cnj has, however, a general meaning of
"learning by experience," like "to augur," in
English, Gen. xxi. 27, 1 K. xx. 33 ; either be-
cause ophioniancy (Ter. Phorm. iv. 4, 26) was
common, or because the word meant (as the
Rabbis say) an observation of ivHuL (rififioXa,
&C. (Jer. X. 2; Plin. xxviii. 5, 7). Some
understand it of ditinatio ex pehibus (Plin.
H. N. XXX. 2 ; Poll Syti.ad Deut. xviii. 10>
9. D^^^sp (jpapfuucoli malefici, venefici,
A. V. wizards), from the Arabic, " to reveal,"
meaning not only astrologers proper (Chaldaeans),
but generally all who practised occult means of
discovering the unknown. It might no doubt
involve the use of divining-rods for the purpose
of Aquaelicium, &c., dependent on physical laws
only partially understood (Mayo's Pop. Super-
stitions).
10. D''?jp "IS'n (lira*lSoi>rts iiriunSiiy, in-
cantatorcs), from Ijn, to bind (cp. bannen =
btnden, Gesen. s. r.). Those who acquired power
by uttering spells, &c. (icaroS^M ; and Sfwos
Siafuos, Aesch. Eum. 296 :
'* So the spell now works aroand thee.
And the clonkless chain hath bound thee."
Manfred, I. 1.)
In Onkelos it is rendered ]V2'^, a mutterer ; and
this would connect these "enchanters" tvith
the Nekromanteis (No. 5. Is. xxix. 4).
11. Belomants. Alluded to in Ezek. xxi. 21
(Heb. V. 26), where Nebuchadnezzar, at the
parting of two ways, uses divination to decide
whether he shall proceed against Jerusalem
or Rabbah, and D*-Vn3 7i7pj7 (rov iafa$pa<rai
l>ieioy, LXX.; but it should be rather ^lifat
fiiKTI, or as Vulg. cummiscens sagittas ; R. V.
" he shook the arrows to and fro." The other
explanations are untenable). The practice of
lots-by-arrows was Babylonian (Lenormant, La
Divination chez les Chaldfens, p. 21). Jerome
(ad loc.) exyilains it of minicling in a quiver
arrows on which were inscribed the names of
various cities, that city being attacked the name
of which was drawn out (Prid. Connect, i. 85).
Estius say.s, " He threw up a bundle of arrows
to see which way they would light, and since
they fell on the right hand he marched towards
Jerusalem." (For the Arabic practice, see
Dozy, Hist, de I'Islamisme, p. 10.) The A. V.
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792
DIVINATION
" made his arrowi bright," aeeina to allude to
a sort of aiX^tpoiuarrtUL, — incorrectly. The
arrows used were parti-coloured, and seven
such were kept at Mecca. Pietro della V'alle
saw a dirination derived froni the changes of
eight arrows at Aleppo, and attributed it to
diabolical agency. We read of a somewhat
similar custom in use among the ancient Teutons
(Tac. Oerm, x.), and among the Alani (Am.
Marcell. xxxi.) : also among the modern Egyp-
tians (Lane, ii. Ill), "but of another kind
was that practised by Elisha, 2 K. xiii. 15" (Sir
Thos. Browne, Vvig. Erron, v. 23, 7).
12. Closely connected with this was {vXo-
or ^a3ta-iwrr«(a (Ho*, iv. 12), S|>0 ^tjt^. Ai!a
'urrimtt ^AfiSovt . . . ■wnrroiiras iwiT^poun Sirou
^pmrro, Cyr. Alex, (ad loc.), and so too Theo-
phylact. Another explanation is that the posi-
tive or negative answer to the required question
was decided by th* equal or unequal number of
tpan* in the staff (Godwin, (. c). Parallels are
found among the Scythians (Herod, iv. 67, and
Schol. Nicandri SxtfAu /ivputlpf iimrrtvoyrai
{v\y), Persians (Strab. xv. p. 847), Assyrians
(Athen. Deipn. xii. 7X Chinese (Stavorinua'
Java ; Pinkerton, xi. 132), and New Zealanders
(called Niu, Taylor's A<w Zeal. 91). These kindi
of divination are expressly forbidden in the
Koran, and are called al Meiiar (ch. v. Sale's
Prelim. Ditiert. p. 89).
1.3. KvKtKoiuantia, Gen. xliv. 5 (1^33 ; rh
kMv th ifyvpovr . . • aitrhs ti olmtiurnois
omrifrrat if aln^ ; Hesych. ictfvlv, Tor^pior
fiaviXMciy. In quo augwari niet). Parkhurst
and others, denying that divination is intended,
make it a mere cup of office (Bruce's Trateb,
ii. 657), " for which he would search carefully "
(a meaning which tS'O) »»y bear). But in all
probability the A. V. and R. V. are right. The
Nile was called the cup of Egypt, and the silver
vessel which symbolised it bad prophetic and
mysteriouD properties (Hiivernick, Iittrod. to the
Pentateuch, ad loc. Cp. also the notes of De-
litzsch [1887] and of Knobel in Dillmann' on
this passage). The divination was by means of
radiations from the water, or from magically
inscribed gems, &c. thrown into it; a sort of
MpoiuoTtia, KOTcmrpoiuurrtla, or KfwrraKKo-
luwrtta (Cardan, de renun Variet. cap. 93), like
the famous mirror of ink (Lane, ii. 362), and the
crystal divining globes, the properties of which
depend on a natural law brought into notice in
the exhibitions of Mesmerism. The jewelled cup
of Jemsheed was a divining cup, and such a one
was made by Merlin (/'iKrie Queen, iii. 2, 19).
Jul. Serenus (de Fato, ii. 18) says that after
certain incantations, a demon vocem instar sibili
edebat in aquit. It is curious to find kvKmo-
fiairrtla even in the South Sea Islands (Daily
Bib. Illustr. i. 424). For illustrations of Egyp-
tian cups, see Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, i. 180,
and index s. n. •' Vases " [1878]. this kind of
divination must not be confused with Cyatho-
manteia (Suid. s. c. fcoTTo^fCo")-
14. Consultation of Teraphim (Zech. x. 2 ;
Ezek. ixi. 21 ; irtpctriiaai iv rois 7\virTai; ;
1 Sam. IV. 23, ffjfl = an inquirer). These were
wooden images (1 Sam. xix. 13) consulted as
"idols," from which the excited worshippers
fancied that they received oracular responses.
DIVINATION
The notion that they were the embalmed \ais
of infants on a gold plate inscribed witL tiw
name of an unclean spirit, is Rabbi EUiur'i
invention. Other Rabbis think that the; msv
mean *' astralabe«, &c." [TiuuPUtH.]
15. 'HTarmrKOTta, or eztitpidHm (Eiek. i».
21, KOTaaKOTfiirJirtat at Ijwari ic, LXX, nxi
*13p3). The liver was the most ifflpoitui
part of the sacrifice (Artemid. Oanno-. ii.
75; Suet. Aug. 95; Cic. de Dit. iL 13; S*.
Oedip. 360). Thus the deaths of both Aletssder
and Hephaestion were foretold iri iXtia ri
hrap 4f Ifpefov (Arrian, Akx. vii. 18),
16. 'Ovttpoiuurrtia (Deut. xiii. 2, 3; Jod;.
vii. 13; Jer. xxiii. 32; Jos. Ant. irii. £, $4).
God frequently revealed Himself by dmiu
when the soul was thought to be least debsad
by contact with the body (cjSIoiwa y)if ^
iliiuurtr Knfitfirvrat, Aesch. Euin. 104). Hsir
warnings occur in Scripture against th« impos-
tures attendant on the interpretation of dmsu
(Zech. X. 2, &C.), We find however do dinet
trace of teeking for dreams such as octius it
Virg. Aen. vii. 81 ; Plant. Curcul. i. I, 2, 61.
[DRtJLUg.]
17. The con-inltation of oracles may be cot-
sidered as another form of dirinalioa (Is. ili.
21-24, xliv. 7). The term oracle is tp(di«d t*
the Holy of Holies (1 K. ri. 16 ; Ps, xiriii. \
'\''^\ Safitip rii &yia rw ayiw irt/i^n, la.
Us. ;"Hottinger, Thn. Phil. p. 366), That that
were several oracles of heathen gods kiwvn t»
the Jews we may infer both from the mtitiai
of that of Baal-zebub at Ekron (2 K. i. i-i),
and from the towns named Debir. " Debir qaal
no* oraculum sire reeponsum possumus appelbie,
et ut contentiosius verbum exprimamus e vtrbo
XoAirHipioi', vel locutorium dicere " (Hitnt.
ad Eph. i.). The word " oracles " is applied it
the N. T. to the Scriptures (Acts viL 3«; S<ia.
iii. it, &c). On the general subject of otsde.
see Anton, t. Dale, <k Oraculis ; Did. of M.
art. Oraculum; Potter's Antiq. L 286-3S;
Sir T. Browne, Tract vi,, and Fti^. Br. vii
12, &c. ; W. Robertson Smith, The Seiijin «
the Semites, i., index s. n.
18. It only remains to allude to the &ct tint
superstitious importance was peculiarly sttaeM
to the words of dying men. And altbougli tix
observed fact that " men sometimes at the koor
of their departure do speak and reason ibon
themselves " (Relig. Medici, ch. li.) does tot cf
course take away from the death-bed propbedei
of Scripture their supematuml character (Gee
xlix. ; 2 K. xiii., &c.), yet it is intrrtstitl t>
find that there are analogies which resemb^
them (/?. xxii. 355, and the story of Otitis!;
Cic. de Div. 1. 30 ; Shaksp. liich. II., ii, I ; Dtaiell,
CiciV Wan, iu, 62, &c.).
Moses forbade every species of dirination (cp.
A'oran, ch. v. ; Cato, de He Bust. 5, taxi sspo^
ttitione rudee animoa infestant ; ColnmeU. ii. 1)>
because a prying into the future clouds the nisd
with superstition, .ind because it would ktie
been (as it actually proved to be. Is. ii. 6; 2 K.
xxi. 6) an incentive to idolatry; indeed tk
frequent'denunciatlons of the sin in the Piei'Mt'
tend to prove that these forbidden arts prtscntrd
peculiar temptations to apostate Israel (H^'
tinger, Jur. Hebr. Lex. pp. 253, 254). BatW
had supplied His people with snbatitale ^'^
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DIVORCE
divination, which wonld have rendered it super-
Huons, and would have \e(t them in no doubt as to
Hia Will in circumstances of danger, had they
continued faithful. It was only when they were
nnfaithfnl that the revelation was withdrawn
(1 Sam. xxviii. 6; 2 Sam. ii. 1, T. 23, &c.).
According to the Rabbis, the Urim and Thorn-
mim lasted uotil the Temple ; the spirit of
prophecy until Malachi; and the Bath Kul,
as the sole means of guidance from that time
downwards (Lightfoot, /. c. ; Maimonides, dt
fiatdam. Leg. cap. 7; Abarbanel, Froiegg. in
Daniel.).
How far Hose* and the Prophets belieTed in
the reality of necromancy, &c., as distinguished
from rarious forms of imposture, is a question
which at present does not concern us. But even
if, in those times, they did hold such a belief,
no one will now urge that we are bound to do
so at the present day. And yet such was the
opinion of Bacon, Bp. Hall, Baxter, Sir Thos.
Browne, Larater, Glanrille, Henry More, and
numberless other eminent men. Such also was
the opinion which led Sir M. Hale to bum Amy
Dany and Rose Cullenden at Bury in 1664 ; and
caused even Wesley to say, that " to give up a
belief in witchcraft was to give up the Bible."
We recommend this statement, in contrast with
the all but nnivetsal disbelief in such supersti-
tions now, to thoughtful consideration. For a
curioos statute against witchcraft (5 Eliz. cap.
15), see Collier's £ccl. Hitt. vi. 366.
Superstition not unfrequently goes hand in
band with scepticism, and hence, amid the
general infidelity prevalent through the Roman
empire at our Lord's coming, imposture was
rampant ; as a glance at the pages of Tacitus
will suffice to prove. Hence the lucrative trades
of such men as Simon Magus (Acts viii. 9),
Bar-jeaus (Acts xiii. 6, 8), the slave with the
spirit of Python (Acts xvi. 16), the vagabond
Jews, exorcists (Luke xi. 19 ; Acts xix. 13), and
other Y^<f (2 Tim. iii. 13 ; Rev. xix. 20, tie),
as well as the notorious dealers in magical
0i$Xoi CE^via ypinfuera) and Ttpitfrfa at
Ephesns (Acts xix. 19). Among the Jews these
flagrant impostors (iwartiivs, Jos.) had become
dangerously numerous, especially during the
Jewish war ; and we find them constantly
alluded to in writers of that age (Jos. Bell.
Jtid. vi. 5, §§ 1, 2; cp. Matt. xxiv. 23, 24;
Tac Hist. V. 12 ; Jos. Ant. xx. 5, § 1, lie). As
was natural, they, like most Orientals, especially
connected the name of Solomon with their spells
.-ind iucantations (Jos. Ant. viii. 2). The names
of the main writers on this wide and interesting
subject are mentioned in the course of the
article, and others are referred to in Fabricins,
Bibl. Antiq. cap. xii., and BSttcher, de Inferis,
pp. 101 sq. [F. W. F.]
DIVORCE. The law regulating this subject
is found in Deat. xxiv. 1-4, and the cases in
which the right of a husband to divorce his wife
was lost are stated in ib. xxii. 19, 29. The
gronnd of divorce was what the text calls a
T^'J niT^^.on the meaning of which the Jewish
doctors of' the period of the N. T. widely differed ;
the school of Shammai seeming to limit it to a
moral delinquency in the woman, whilst that of
Hillel extended it to trilling causes, e.g. if the
wife burnt the food she was cooking for her
DIVORCE
793
husband.* The Pharisees wished perhaps to
embroil our Saviour with these rival schools by
their question (Matt. xix. 3) ; He, however, by
His answer as well as by His previous maxim
(v. 31), declares that but for their hardened state
of heart, such questions would have no place.
Yet from the distinction made, "but I say
unto you " (cr. 31, 32), it seems to follow, that
He regarded all the lesser causes than " forni-
cation " as standing on too weak ground, and
declined the question of how to interpret the
words of Moses. It would be unreasonable,
therefore, to suppose that by n]'ip l^'l, to
which he limited the remedy of divorce, Moses
meant what our Lord calls \iyos TopnUa, for
that interpretation would at once make void the
distinction referred to above between His teach-
ing and that of Moses. Still less can Moses by
that expression have intended adultery, for that
would have been to stultify the law "that such
should be stoned " (John viii. 5 ; Lev. xx. 10).
The practical dilTiculty, however, which attends
on the doubt which is noa found in interpreting
Moses' words will be lessened if we consider
that the mere giving "a bill (or rather "book,"
l^p) of divorcement " (cp. Is. L 1 ; Jer. iii 8)
would in ancient times require the interven-
tion of a Levite, not only to secure the formal
correctness of the instrument, but because the
art of writing was then generally unknown.
This wonld bring the matter under the cog-
nizance ef legal authority, and tend to check
the rash exercise of the right by the husband.
Traditional opinion and prescriptive practice
would probably fix the standard of the ni'1^>
and, doubtless with the lax general morality
which marks the decline of the Jewish polity,
that standard would be lowered (Mai. ii. 14-16).
Thus the Gemar. Babyl. Gittin, 9 (ap. Selden,
(ie Ux. Ueb. iii. 17) allows divorce for a wife's
spinning in public, or going out with head un-
covered or clothes so torn as not properly to
conceal her ]>erson from sight. But the absence
of any case iu point in the period which lay
nearest to the lawgiver himself, or in any, save
a much more recent one, makes the whole ques-
tion one of great uncertainty. The case of
Phalti and Michal is not in point, being merely
an example of one arbitrary act redressed by
another (1 Sam. xxv. 44 ; cp. 2 Sam. iii.
14-16). Selden (de Ux. Hd>. iii. 19) quoting
Zokar, Praef. p. 8 b, &c., speaks of an alleged
custom of the husband, when going to war,
giving the wife the liMlta Jirortii; but the
authority is of slight value, and the fact im-
probable. It is contrary to all known Oriental
usage to suppose that the right of quitting their
husband and choosing another was allowed to
women (Joseph. Ant. xv. 7, § 10). Salome is
noted (tWrf.) as the first example of it; — one,
no doubt, derived from the growing prevalence
of heathen laxity. Hence also, probably, the
caution given in 1 Cor. vii. 10. Winer is surely
mistaken (s. v. Ehescheidung) in supposing that
a man might take back as wife her whom he
had divorced, except in the cases when her
• lUshna Gittin, Ix. 10. R. Aklbah allowed divorce U
the husband merely saw a woman whose appeanmoe
pleased him better. Cp. lUehm, BWB. " Ehe," i 8 ;
Hamburger, RE. " Scheidnng."
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DI-ZAHAB
second husband liad died or had divorced her.
Such resumption is contemplated by the law-
giver as only possible in those two cases, and
therefore is in them only expressly forbidden
(Jcr. iii. 1 ; cp. Deut. xiiv. 3, 4). For the
question of divorce in the N. T., see ADULTEBr ;
where it is suggested that the K6yos TOfrtlas of
Matt. V. 32 means fornication before marriage,
presumed to be fraudulently concealed. For
another view of the matter, see Origen in
Catena, p. 128 ; Photius, p. 136 ; Chrysostom
on 1 Cor. vii. 12; Hammond on THvorce, i.
p. 606 ; Bp. Colenso on Divorce, Works, iv.
p. 496 ; Gerhard, Loci Theol. vii. pp. 692-743.
The only case in the N. T. in which separation
of man and wife is clearly permitted is that of
n Christian and nnbelievcr (1 Cor. vii. 12), where,
however, continued union is recommended.
For the view taken among later Jews on this
subject, see Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, § 23; ivi. 7,
§ 3 ; Vit. 76 : a writer whose practice seems to
have been in accordance with the views of
Hillel. On the general subject, Buxtorf, de
Sponaal. etDitort. pp. 82-85; Selden, Uxor. Hebr.
iii. 17 sq. ; and Michaelis, Zairs of Moats, ii. 336,
may be consulted. See also the additional
remarks in D. B., Amer. edit. [H. U.]
DI-ZA'HAB (3nt»"1; Kma^iata; vbiawri
est plurimum), a place in the Arabian desert,
mentioned Deut. i. 1, as limiting the position of
the spot in which Moses is there represented as
addressing the Israelites. It has been identified
by Robinson (i. 147, ii. 187, note) with Dahab, a
cape on the W. shore of the Gulf of Akabah,
about two-thirds down its length ; but this
identification is given up as being too far south
(cp. Dillmann' in loco). The LXX. and Vulg.
may perpetuate a tradition that it was a place
where gold bad been found. [F.j
DOCTOR (»i8(t(r«aA.oi). Luke ii. 46; and
"doctor of the Law" {yoiioSiidffKoKos), Luke v.
17, AcU V. 34. [Lawteb; Rabbi; Sceubes.]
DO'CUS (A<4k; Aid. A»icot; Jos. /^ayiir;
DochiSyi. ^)oj, Doak), a "little hold"
(t^ ix"?"!'^''^''!' 'i Munitiuncalum) near Jericho
(1 Mace xvi. 15, cp. v. 14) built by Ptolemaeus
the son of Abubus, and in which he entertained
and murdered his father-in-law Simon Macca-
baeus, with his two sons. By Josephus (_Ant.
xiii. 8, § 1 ; B. J. i. 2, § .S) it is called Dagou, .ind
is said to have been one of the fortresses (_ipu-
Itdrav) above Jericho. The name still remains
in the neighbourhood, attached to the copious
and excellent springs of 'Ain Dak, which burst
forth in the VI tidi) Nieidmeh, at the foot of the
mountain of Quarantania (A'uruntu/), about
4 miles N.W. of Jericho. Above the springs
are traces of ancient foundations, which may be
those of Ptolemy's castle, but more probably of
that of the Templars, one of whose stations this
was : it stood as late as the latter end of the
13th century, when it was visited by Broeardus
(see Rob. i. 571, 572, note; also PJUF. Mem.
iii. 173, 191, 205). [G.] [W.]
DODAI C-fn ; B. Aatftd ; A. -»ia; Dudta),
an Ahohite who was chief of the course of the
second month (1 Ch. xxvii. 4). Probably the
same as Dodo, whose name in the Kethib and in
DODO
the LXX. is Dodai ; the words " Eleazir son of "
having been omitted from the above fsusge
in Chronicles. [Dodo, 2.] [0.]
DODA'NIM (D'jnM; 'P^ioi; Doianin),
Gen. X. 4 ; 1 Ch. i. 7 (in R. V. and in nia:^. o(
A. V. 1 Ch. i. 7, RODASUI, Wiit), a family m
race descended from Javan, the son of Japhet
(Gen. X. 4 ; 1 Ch. i. 7). Authorities vary as to
the form of the name : the Hebrew ttrt hu
both. Dodanim appears in the Syriac, ClaldM,
Vulgate, Persian, and Arabic Versions, anil in
the Targuni of Onkelos ; Rodanim is supported
by the LXX., the Samaritan Version, soil .^bh
early writers, as Eusebius and Connu. Tse
weight of authority is in favour of the former;
the substitution of 'PdSioi in the LXX. msT
have arisen from familiarity with that suae
(cp. Ezek. xxvii. 15, where it is again substi-
tuted for Dedan). Dodanim is regarded is
identical with Dardani (Ges. Thesaur. p. 1266;
Delitzsch [1887] on Gen. x. 4), the latter, whidi
is the original form, having been modified br
the change of the liquid r into o, as in Barmil-
car and Bomilcar, Hamilcar and Hamilco. Thic
the Targnm of, Jonathan, that on Chroniclei.
and the Jerusalem Talmud give Dardania for
Dodanim. The Dardani were found in historiol
times in Illyricum and Troy : the former dis-
trict was regarded as their original seat. Tber
were probably a semi-Pelasgic race, and tre
grouped with the Chittim in the geneslogiol
table, as more closely related to them this to
the other branches of the Pelasgic race (Knobel,
Vdlkertafel, pp. 104 sq.). The similarity of the
name Dodona in Epirus has led to the id'estifici-
tion of Dodanim with that place ; bat a mere
local designation appears too restricted for tiie
general tenor of Gen. x. Ksliscb (Conm. <m
Gen.) identifies Dodanim with the DstmiKU,
who occupied the coast of Apulia: he rfgsidi
the name as referring to Italy generally. Die
wide and unexplained difference of the names,
and the comparative unimportance of tbe
Daunians, form objections to this view. Ml-
mann* prefers the reading Rodanim, and under-
stands the inhabitants of the Khodian islands or
the islands of the Aegean Sea. [W. L. B.] [F.]
DODA'VAH (ace. Dodavahu, IHITfl;
B. 'nStii, A. 'nSla ; Dcdonu), a man of Maresis
in Judah, father of Eliezer who denoimced
Jehoshaphat's alliance with Ahaziah (2 Ch. ii.
37). In the Jewish traditions Dodavah i» tke
son of Jehoshaphat, who was also bis aade
(Jerome, Qu. Ifeb. in loco).
DO'DO. The name appears under the fons
Dfidu in the cuneiform tablets of the IMk
century B,c., discovered at Tel-el-Amanu i»
Upper Egypt (Records of the Past, N. S. iii 57>
1. (nn; patrvms ejus), a man of BetUeheD,
father of Elhanan, who was one of Darid's
" thirtv " captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 24 [R Awlei,
A. AovSej] ; 1 Ch. xi. 26 [B. AcvSve, A. -mi>
He is a different person from
2. DoDO TnE AnoniTE, father of Eleaar,
the second of the three *' mightr men " who wot
over the "thirty " (2 Sam. xiiil. 9 [see Driver,
Notes on the Beb. Text of the BB. of Sam. ; R
2owf(; B"^* Ao»»«i, A. J<»<r«fj; 1 Ch. il U
[B. AuSai, M. •<€]). He, or bis son — in whici
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DOEG
case we must suppose the words " Eleazar sod
of" to have escaped from the text — probably
had the command of the second monthly course
(1 Ch. iivii. 4). In the Utter passage the
name is DODAI Q^'n ; B. AwSti^ A. AoSfa) ;
but this form occurs in the Hebrew text (^Kethib)
of 2 Sam. ixiii. 9 (Keri nn), in the LXX. of
all, and in Josephus (Ant. vii. 12, § 4 ; ^aSttos) ;
and is believed by Kennicott (Dissertation, 4'C.
p. 134), who has examined these lists with great
minuteness, to be the correct one. The Jewish
tradition (Jerome, Qu. Hebr. on 1 Ch. xi. 12)
wu, that Dodo was the brother of Jesse.
S. A man of Issachar, forefather of Tola the
Judge (Judg. X. 1). The LXX. and Vulg. ren-
derings are translations: narrfaHK^u oJtoB;
patrui Abimclech. [G.] [W.]
DO'EG (J^{•^ = fearful ; Aa^K ; Doeg), an
Idumean (LXX. and Joseph. Ant. vi. 12, § 1, 4
'Siposy, chief of Saul's herdmen (" having charge
of the mules "). He was at Nob when Ahimelecli
gave David the sword of Goliath ; and not
only gave information to Saul, but, when
others declined the oflSce, executed the king's
order to destroy the priests of Nob, with their
DOG
795
families, to the number of 85 persons, together
with all their property (1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9,
17, 22 ; Ps. lii.). A question has arisen on the
nature of thelinsiness by which he was "detained
before the Lord " (nin» '39^ "Vm, awtxi-
^f cos \ietaaapiiv iviiriov KVflov ; intus in talxT-
naculo Domini]. The difficulty which lies in the
idea that Doeg was a foreigner, and so incapable
of a Nazarite vow (Mishna de Votis, ix. 1,
Surenh.), is explained by the probable supposi-
tion that he was a proselyte, attending under
some vow or some act of purification at the
Tabernacle (Patrick ; Calmet on 1 Sam. xxi. 7 ;
Ges. p. 1059; Winer, s. v. Doeg; Theniqs, ad
he. in Kurzg. exeg. Hdb.). [H. W. P.]
DOG (3?3, heleb; Kv^r, imvipuw ; cants ; Arab.
^ As . kelb). The dog is mentioned forty times
in Scripture. The derivation of the name is
from an unused root, 373, " to make a noise "
by clapping, whence the German ilS/fen, "to
bark or yelp." Gesenius observes, " transfertur
Egyptian dogi. from th« Knlpiona. (WUUluon.)
ad latratum canum." Bochart would derive it
from the tenacity of a dog's grip, adducing the
Arabic uU, "pincers;" but this is more
probably itself derived from i M. Though
the dog was domesticated among the Jews, yet
its position in the household was very different
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796
DOG
from that which it holds among modern nations,
and it never wai a domcstin and cherished pet.
Xor were the various breeds of dogs carefully
cultivated as among the Egyptians, nor their
instinct utilized for the purposes of the chase,
as by the latter people ; the Jews never having
been from the time of Jacob a hunting nation.
In the greater part of their thickly-populated
territory there was no scope for the sports of
the field, had they been so inclined. The prin-
cipal use of the dog iimong the Jews was for
BabjlonUm Dof . (Trom a 1)Uc& itoBa fonnd at BabrlOB.)
guarding the flocks. "Whose fathers I dis-
dained to set with the dogs of my flock" (Job
XXX. 1, R. v.). But the shepherd's dog in
the East, though of apparently the same race as
our sheep-dog or collie, is never trained to tend
or drive the flock as among ourselves. The
sheep always follow the shepherd, who is him-
self accompanied by his dogs, and only avails
himself of the natural ciinin* instinct of watch-
fulness in the night, and aversion to all wild
animals, in order to protect the flnrka
from the nocturnal attacks of jn-owling
wolves or jackaU. In the same way
dogs were used for guariiing the house,
as is still the universal custom in the
East. "His watchmen are blind: ...
they are all dumb dogs, they cannot
bark ; dreaming, Ijing ilown, loving to slumber"
(Is. Ivi. 10, R. v.).
But, besides the tlomestic dogs, there have
ever been in all the cities and villages of the
East, troops of hungry and half-savage dogs,
which own allegiance to no one, but tenaciously
maintain their riglits to a particular and gene-
rally very limited district, within which they
will never permit the dogs of the adjoining
street or village to enter ; and who wander
about at night, the only scavengers, clearing
away carciises and olVal of every kind, which
but for them might create a pe>tilencc. Kveii
human graves, unless well secured, are not safe
from their search. This habit is most exactly
described by the Psalmist : " At evening let
them return ; let them make a noise like n dog,
and go round about the city. They shall wander
up and down for meat, and tarry all night if
they be not satisfied " (Ps. lix. 14, 15, R. V.).
"In the place where dogs licked the blood of
Naboth, shall dogs lick thy blood." "The dogs
shall eat Jezebel by the rampart of Jezreel."
*'Him that dieth of Ahab in the city the dogs
DOG
shall eat " (1 K. xxi. 19, 23, 24, R. V.> On the
very spot on the mounds of Jezreel, outsiile the
modem hovels, as Dean Stanley remarks, an)
as the writer has often seen, the descendiDts
doubtless of those very dogs may be seen searcii-
ing for refuse. With the passage in Prov. xivi.
11 may be compared, " Vixisset canis immiiDda>,
vel amica Into sus " (Hor. Ep. i. 2, 26).
It is from this habit of these uncared-for out-
casts, as well as from its being ceremonially utH
clean, that the dog is almost al ways in Scripture
spoken of with more or less aversion or con-
tempt. In every language of the East the torn
ilog is applied as a name of scorn or reproach.
" Am 1 a dog, that thou contest to me with
sUves? " (1 Sam. zvii. 43.) " Why should this
dead dog curse my lord ? " (3 Sam. xtL 9.) As
the Jews contemptuously applied the t«m
"dog " to the Gentiles, so to the present dir a
Mohammedan will rarely speak of a ChiistisB
without the epithet " dog." " Dog of a Jew,"
"dog of a Christian," are expressions rarely eat
of his mouth.
The word was also frequently used as a ttm
of the most abject humility, applied by the
speaker to himself, in the presence of a sn|ieraor.
"After whom dost thou pursue? after a deki
dog ? " (1 Sam. xxiv. 14.) " That thou shouldsrt
look upon such • dead dog as I am " (2 San.
ix. 8). The name was also applied to a womaii
of ill-fame (Dent, xxiii. 13). So "a sharoelan
woman shall be counted as a dog" (Ecdcs.
xxvi. 25).
Though we have spoken of the ownerless itp
as half savage, yet even these exhibit all t£e
wonderful sagacity and confidence in man wkicii
is characteristic of the domestic breeds. If s
traveller camp near a town or village, one or
two of these pariah dogs will come and enduvosr
to attract attention. If the leaU notice be
taken of them, or a morsel of food be pna
A»9)Tlftii Dcf. (Tfrm-cotts from KoajwaJI^)
them, they will establish themselves as scntria
outside the tent, and faithfully gu.trd tb* eaap
night and day, chasing away all other dafs.
until they see the baggage packed and the teats
struck, when they will at once rejoin their kis
fortunate comrades, declining to leare tiieir
hereditary settlement. On one occasion, da*
to Jerusalem, one of these dogs visited our caaf,
and being kindly received, immediately ran oC
but soon returned with a blind pup in her
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DOE
797
mostb, vhich she deposited ia a corner outside
one of the tents ; and as soon as, in separate
journeys, she had brought her whole litter of
four, whence we could not ascertain, she took
her (t«tion, and for a fortnight, till our depar-
ture, faithfully protected as, never taking any
food save what was giren her, nor allowing any
foragers in our neighbourhood. If, however,
the pariah dog be taken young enough, it shows
no such local attachment, but devotes itself to
persons exclusively. The writer had one, which
he had found when a few weeks old, and which
wu faithful for months, eihibiting the sagacity
of a sheep-dog, watching the horses and mules
«f the party, driving away all others from their
pastnnge,and selecting camping-places towards
nightfaU, showing great disgust if the journey
were persisted in further than he approved.
The many instances of sagacity shown by these
Oriental dogs lead us to the belief that their
ancestors have at one time been very much
more reclaimed and associated with man than
at present; for the wild original, the jackal,
even when tamed, ihowa no (uch instinct or
intelligence.
In the conversation of our Lord with the
Syrophoenician woman, Kvyipiov instead of
inW, ** little dogs" or "young dogs," is used.
From this we may infer that the dog was not at
this time held in such abhorrence as in earlier
days; and that the young dogs at least were
reared and cherished within the house. Perhaps
it was owing to the introduction of Roman
lashions, that the dog had begun to take a
higher position. Our Lord, in using the familiar
diminutive, refers to the dependence of the dog
on the family of his master, rather than to its
uncleanness, and the woman's res|H>n.se confirms
the inference, " Yea, Lord, for even the dogs too
eat," as the Vulgate has rightly, "Etiam,
Domine! nam et catelli edunt."
There is no difference in type between the
shepherd's and the pariah or ownerless dog of
Palestine. Though larger than the jackal, pro-
bably the wild original, it has the same sharp-
pointed ears and snout, and generally a similar
tawny coat, differing from the " collie " only in
having a less bushy tail. Other breeds have
been introduced by Europeans, and the Bedawee
)K»ses8 aUo the Persian greyhound, larger and
stronger than our greyhound, with long silky
hair on the ears, and a fringe of the same fine
hair on the tail. It is used for the chase of the
gazelle.
Neglected as are the dogs of the East, canine
madness is a disease unknown. [H. B. T.]
DOOBS. [Gates.]
DOPH'KAH fl^B"^ ; B. ■Po^mci, A. -«',
the LXX. apparently reading T for T ; Daphca),
a pbce mentioned in Num. xxxiil. 12, as a
'tation in the Desert where the Israelites en-
camped. It is not yet certainly identified : con-
jectures may be seen in Knobel-Dillmann on
iix. xvU. 1. [H. H.]
DOB on and ltt% a habitation ; in Josh.
xviL II, Judg. i. 27, and 1 Ch. vii. 29, Aip ; in
Josh. xi. 2, lii. 23, and 1 K. iv. 11, *tycuSSiip,
ttnuaXtdp, Na^SSdp, titf9aiipat; in 1 Mace.
XV. 11, 13, 25. Aaipa ; Dor, in 1 K. Nephathdor),
a royal city of the Canaanites whose king, as an
ally of Jabin king of Hazor, took part in the
battle by the water* of Herom (Josh, zi, 1, 2;
xii. 23). It belonged to Manasseh, but appears
to have been situated in the territory either of
Issachar, or Asher (Josh. xvii. 11 ; 1 Ch. vii. 29) ;
it is not said which of the two, though there is
no doubt from other indications that it was
the latter. According to Josephu* (Ant. v. 1,
§ 22) it marked the western limit of Manasseh
and the northern limit of Dan. The Canaanites
who dwelt in the city were not driven out, but
they were put to tribute (R. V. taskwork) when
Israel was strong (Jndg. i. 27, 28). During the
reign of Solomon it was the station of Beu-
Abinadab, who was one of the twelve ofiicers
appointed to provide victuals for the king and
his household, and who was also married to the
king's daughter (1 K. iv. 11); his district is
said (Jos. Ant. viii, 2, § 3) to have included the
region of Dor and the sea-coast. In the 3rd
and 2nd centuries B.C. Dor was an important
fortress, strongly fortified and well garrisoned ;
it was fruitlessly besieged by Antiochns III.
during his war with Ptolemy Philopator (Polyb.
v. 6); the usurper Tryphon fled thither when
driven from the throne by Antiochus VII.
(Sidetes), and there he was besieged, ct'rc. 139
B.C., by Antiochus, who made several ineffectaal
attempts to take the place by assault (1 Mace.
XV. 11-25; Jos. Ant. liii. 7,%i; S. J. i. 2.
§ 2). During the civil war between Antiochu.'i
Philometor and Antiochns Cyzicenus it was
held, with Strata's Tower, by the tyrant Zoilus,
who was able to maintain his position against
Alexander Jnnnaeus, but was afterwards sub-
dved by Ptolemy Lathyrus (Jos. Ant. xiii. I'j,
§§ 2, 4). At a later period it must have fallen
into the hands of the Jews, for it was taken
from them by Punipey, who made it a free citr,
and placed it under the jurisdiction of the
Governor of Syria (Jos. Ant. xiv. 4, § 4 ; £. J.
i. 7, § 7). A few years afterwards it was re-
built by Gabinius * (Jos. Ant. xiv. 5, § 3) ; and
during the reign of Herod Agrippa I. it was the
scene of a riot during which a statue of Caesar
was set up in a synagogue of the Jews (Jos.
Ant. xii. 6, § 3). The coins of Dor show that,
like other autonomous towns in Palestine, it
adopted the era of Ptolemy; and the legend
which some of them bear, AHP . lEP .
ACYA . AYT . NAYAP., attest its importance
under the Empire. In the 4th century A.D.
it was deserted, but Jerome speaks of it as
having once been a very powerful city (Ep. S.
Paulae, v.) ; it was an episcopal city of Palaes-
tina Prima, and one of its Bishops took part in
the Council of Constantinople. Id the time of
the Crusades it was sometimes called Pirgu!,
perhaps from TlvfTfos.
Dor is included in Phoenicia by Josephus ( Vi7.
8 ; B. J. i. 21, § 5), who states that it was a
maritime city near Mount Carroel, and that it
had no harbour to protect ships from the S.
wind (Ant. xv. 9, § « ; cont. Ap. ii. 10> Ac-
cording to Claudius Julius, quoted by Stephen of
Byzantium (Reland, p. 739), it was a small town
inhabited by Phoenicians, who, attracted by the
abundance of the shell-fish from which the
purple dye was obtained, had settled there,
' Jn S.J. I. 8, i 4, the name of the town rebuilt by
Oablnios is 'Aiwpt^t, as If It were Adoraim, now Mra.
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798
DOBA
made a harbour, and called the place, in their
own tongne, Dora. Some, however, maintained
that the town was founded by Oorus, a son of
Neptune. Scylax (42) calls it a city of the
Sidonians, and in the inscription on the sarco-
phagus of Eshmunazar it is stated to have been
added to the dominions of Sidon by that mon-
arch.' Under the form Dn-u-ru it is mentioned
with Megiddo in an Assyrian geographical list
(Schradcr, p. 163). In the Onomasticon it is said
to be 9 miles from Caesarea Palaestina on the
road to Tyre ; in the Peutlnger Table it is
written Thora, and the distance is given as
8 miles.
Dor is now Kk. Tantarah, a little K. of the
village of the same name. The most con-
spicuous ruins are a mound and mediaeval
tower, picturesquely situated on a low promon-
tory, and separated from each other by a rock-
hewn ditch. North of the promontory are the
remains of the ancient harbour, and of a paved
road which ran up the coast; there are also
traces of a colonnade, and several rock-hewn
tombs and cisterns (_PEF. Mem. ii. 3, 7-10 ;
Gu^rin, &im<ir»«, ii. 305-15).
There is much difference amongst commenta-
tors and translators as to the meaning of the
word nQ3, used in connexion with Dor in Josh,
il. 2, lii. 23, and 1 K. iv. 11. In A. V. it is
rendered " border," " coast," and " region," but
in R. V. " height " of Dor ; the LXX. take it to
be a proper name, ttvattibf or Vt^aSup ; the
Vulgate has, in Josh, xi. 2, et regionibut Dor
juxta mare, in Josh. xii. 23, 1)or et provincial
Dor, and in 1 K. iv. 11, Nephathdor. In the
Onomasticon (OS* 250, 56 ; 283, 3) Eusebius
has A^p Tot! Na^i9 and Jia^eBSiip, which he
identifies with maritime Dor; and Jerome (0&*
113, 22 ; 142, 13) Dor Naphet and Nefeddor,to
which he adds, quod Symmachas interpretatur
maritimam. In Josh. xvii. 11, where the word
occui-s again, the renderings ore still more
remarkable : A. V. " even three countries ; "
R. V. "even the three heighU"; LXX. rh
TplTOy rflj Mo^ri (A. Ha^tSd) ; and the Vul-
gate, tertia pan urbis Nopheth. [W.]
DORA (A»pa; Dora), 1 Mace. xv. 11, 13,
25. [Dob.]
DOB'CAS. [Tabitha.]
DOBYMENES (AopvfUrrit), father of
Ptolemy-Macron (1 Mace. iii. 38 ; 2 Mace iv.
45). As this Ptolemy was in the service of
Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, before he
deserted to Antiochus Epiphanes, it is probable
that his father Dorymenea is the same as he
who fought against Antiochus the Great (Polyb.
V. 61). [W. A. W.]
DO'SITHEUS (A«.(r(e«M; Dositheus, Dosi-
thaeus). 1. One of the captains of Judas Mac-
cabaeus in the battle against Hmothens (2 Mace,
xii. 19, 24).
S. A hone-soldier of Bacenor's company, a
man of prodigions strength, who, in attempting
' The orthography *IK*1 which oocnra In the Esh-
munazar Inscription is ccmflrmed by the cuneiform
Inscriptions (see HV.>>), and Is equivalent to the Arabic
DOTHAN
to capture Gorgias, was cut down by a Thndin
(2 Mace xii. 35).
3. The son of Diimylus, a Jew, who had
renounced the law of his fathers, and was in the
camp of Ptolemy Philopator at Raphia (3 Mice,
i. 3). He appears to have frustrat«Ki the attempt
of Theodotus to assassinate the king. According
to the Syriac Version, he put in the king's teat
a man of low rank (itntfiir ran), who wu
slain instead of his master. Polybins (t. 81)
tells us that it was the king's physician who
thus perished. Dositheus was perhaps a cham-
berlain. [W. A W.]
4. "A priest and Levite," who carried the
translation of Esther to Egypt (Esth. iL 1, 2).
It is scarcely likely that he is identical with
the Dositheus mentioned (Joseph, c. Ap. ii. 5)as
one of the "commanders of the forces " of Ptolemy
VI. Philometor, though he probably lived in tke
reign of that monarch. [B. F. W.]
DOTHAIM. [DOTHAK.]
DOTHAN (once J^flM, Dothais, and b
contracted form Jfl'l ; = possibly tvo tutU
— Ges. pp. 332, 568'; Dothain; in 2 K. DoOok,
but ed, 1590 Dotliain), a place first mentioned
(Gen. xxxvii. 17 ; ADE. Awfidci/u) in conneiim
with the history of Joseph, and apparently u
in the neighbourhood of Shechem. It next
appears as the residence of Elisha (2 E. vt 13;
BA. A»Aici;i), and the scene of a remarkable
vision of horses and chariots of fire surrounding
"the mountain" (^^^), on which the dty
stood. It is not again mentioned in the 0. T. ;
but later still we encounter it — then evidently
well known — as a landmark in the account of
Holofemes' campaign against Bethulia (Judith
iv. 6 ; vU. 3, 18 ; viii. 3). The change in the
name DoTHAm is due to the Greek text, frtna
which this book is translated. In the Vat. ami
Alex, and Vulg. texts, it is also mentioned ia
Judith iii. 9, where the E. V. haa "Jndea*
('lovSoIar for Aorroloi. Cp. Speaier't Cumm. ia
loco), and all these passages testify to its situ-
tion being in the centre of the country near the
southern edge of the great plain of Esdraeloo.
Dothain was known to Ensebins (OS* 249, 38),
who places it 12 miles to the N. of Sebaste
(Samaria) ; and here it has been at length dis-
covered in our own times bv Mr. Van de VeWe
(i. 364, &c) and Dr. Robinson (iii. 122), still
bearing its ancient name unimpaired, and
situated at the south end of a plain of the
richest pasturage, 4 or 5 miles S.W. of Jnit,
and separated only by a swell or two of hills
from the plain of Esdraelon. The Teil, sr
mound on which the ruins stand, is described as
very large ("huge," Van de Velde, i. 364); tl
its southern foot is still a fine spring. Close to
it is an ancient road, running M. and S., tbe
remains of the massive (Jewish ?) pavement of
which are still distinguishable (V. de VeUe,
pp. 369-70). The great road from Btisax to
Kgypt also passes near DothAn (Rob. iii. 122).
The traditional site was at the Khan J%Ab Tmnf
near Tell Hum, at the N. of the Sea of Galilee
(see the quotations in Rob. ii. 419). It need
hardly be said that this position is not ia
accordance with the requirements of the narra-
tive. See also PEF. Mem. ii. 169, 215;
Guirin, Samarie, ii. 219-222. [G.] [W.]
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DO TO WIT
DO TO WIT. The words occur in the A.V.
of 2 Cor. viii. 1, " We do you to writ of the
grace of God." The phrase, now obsolete, is
replaced in the R. V. by the words " We make
known to you," &c. " Do " was formerly used
in the sense of " make " or " cause," and " to
wit " in the sense of " to know." See £>. B.,
Amer. edit. [F.]
DOVE, PIGEON (fUi*, yonah; rtpttrrtpJi;
cohmba), TUETLE, TUETLE-DOVE (m
tor ; rpiry^y ; turiur). As these birds are closely
allied, and as they generally are mentioned in
connexion with each other, it will be conve-
nient to treat of them together. YSnuh is used
of the pigeon tribe in general, comprising both
pigeons and turtle-doves ; but more frequently
for birds of the genus Columba, as distinguished
from (or, the genus Turtur; while tor is used
only of the latter. But of both genera there
are several very distinct species in the Holy
Land.
nj^* is derived by Stade from an nnnsed
root n]\ which may be an older pronuncia-
tion of nJK, "to sigh," "to mourn." The
derivations suggested by Geseuius for IID
seem less satisfactory, for the name is phonetic,
evidently derived from the plaintive cooing
of the dove, like the Latin tttrtur. Wll, gSxdl,
translated in Gen. iv. 9 "a young pigeon,"
is, as may be seen from Deut. xxxii. 11,
simply the young of any bird, as we should
say "a cheeper," from its cry (Lat. pipicna).
The dove is mentioned more than sixty times
in the sacred writings, and from the con-
nexion in which the names occur we see
that the Hebrews, while they distinguished the
pigeon (tjinah), indifferently termed " dove " in
both our Versions, from the turtle-dove (for),
were perfectly aware of their natural affinity.
The first mention of the dove is in Gen. viii.
8-12, where Noah three times sent out a dove
from the ark, as the waters began to abate.
Possibly already the dove had been domesticated
even before the Deluge ; and certainly so far as
we have any historical record, it was the earliest
domesticated bird, retained by man in the same
semi-Joinestic state in Egypt and the East as
at this d;iy in our own country. We have no
evidence of any other bird being domesticated
by the Jews before the time of Solomon, who
introduced peacocks, and most probably at the
same time barn-door fowls and other gallina-
ceons birds from India. Ducks and geese,
reclaimed from a very early date in colder cli-
mates, are rarely kept in Palestine, the heat
and drought being, unless in a very few locali-
ties, obstacles to their successful cultivation.
But tame pigeons, all of them from the same
original wild stock, the Rock-dove or Blue-rock
{Colitmba livia), have always been universally
reared in the East. To this day, in Syria, the
pigeon is the invariable companion of man
wherever he has a settled habitation. The
richer people and the village sheikhs have large
isolated dovecots built of clay or sun-dried
brick, filled with wide-mouthed earthen pots
laid on their side, each of which is the home of
a pair of birds. The poorer people have similar
jars, or square pigeon-holes, in long rows inside
DOVE, PIGEOX
790
their houses, just ander the roof, opposite to
the door which is the only mode of exit and
entry for the winged as for the human inhabit-
ants. It is interesting to note, as also illus-
trating the extreme antiquity of their domesti-
cation, th.nt all the principal " fancy " races, as
fantails, trumpeters, jacobins, and especially
black carriers, are much valued throughout the
East, where they seem to have originated, and
whence they were introduced into Western
Europe.
The pigeon and turtle-dove were the only
birds recognised for sacrifice under the Mosaic
law, and indeed their use for this purpose dates
much further back, as may be seen from
Gen. XV. 9, where Abram is enjoined to oSer a
turtle-dove and a young pigeon. The two are
almost always mentioned together. A pair of
the one or the other is constantly enjoined as a
substitute for those who were too poor to pro-
vide a lamb or a kid, and these birds were
admissible as trespass, sin, or burnt offering.
So, for the purification of the leper, "two
turtledoves, or two young pigeons, such as
he is able to get; the one shall be a sin
oifering, and the other a burnt offering "
(Lev. xiv. 22). The like is commanded Ifor
ordinary purification (Lev. xv. 14, 29). For
the purification of the Nazarite who had been
accidentally defiled, two turtles or two young
(ligeons were exclusively enjoined. For the
purificatiou of women after childbirth, " if she
be not able to bring a lamb, then she shall
bring two turtledoves or two young pigeons "
(Lev. xii. 8, R. V.), as was done by the mother
of our Lord (Luke ii. 22-24).
From the great abundance of pigeons, the -
offering must have been one within the reach of
the poorest, and the offerer was accepted accord-
ing to that he had, and not according to that
he hdl not. There is a significance also in the
expression young pigeons, and also in the alterna-
tive, turtle-dotes, which was a still further con-
cession to extreme poverty : for unlike the dove-
cot pigeon, the turtle-dove, from its migratory
habit and its timid disposition, has never yet
been kept in a state of free domestication like
its congener. But being extremely numerous
from spring to autumn, and never shunning the
neighbourhood of man, while it resorts to gar-
dens and olive-yards for nidification, its young
might easily be found and captured by those
who were so poor as not even to possess pigeons.
Again the turtle-dove is easily captured by
snares or nets on the ground, and many are thus
taken at the present day in Syria ; but the wild
pigeon is much more wary and suspicious. But
while the turtle-dove is a migrant, and can only
be taken from spring to autumn, the wild rock-
doves, which abound in " clouds " in Palestine,
are permanent residents, roosting in the cliffs
and deep glens which seam the hill-country,
and in old wells in the plains. Not only so, but
they rear several broods in the year; their
food being always abundant in a country where
the characteristic herbage is of the Legaminotae
order, on the leaves as well as the fruit of
which the pigeon tribe principally subsist.
There is also force in the adjective " young ; "
for while the adult turtle-dove can be trapped,
it was hopeless, before the introduction of fire-
arms, to secnre the old pigeon, while the nest-
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800
DOVE, PIGEON
lings could easily be procnred among the cliffs,
and therefore are specially permitted for use in
tacririce.
Various characteristics of the dore, both
tame and wild, are alluded to in Scri|>tnre.
Either may be intended by the Prophet when
he asks, " Who are these that fly as a cloud, and
as the doves to their windows ? " (Is. U. 8),
where the windows may refer either to the lat-
ticed openings in the dovecots, to permit the
passage of the birds, or to the clefts and Hssures
of the rocks to which the wild pigeons resort.
The distinctive and characteristic habit of the
rock-dove, the wild original of our dovecot
pigeon, is that, contrary to the habit of nil the
other species, it invariably selects cliffs, deep
ravines, or in their absence wells or ancient
cisterns for nesting and roosting, and always
avoids trees or the neighbourhood of man. This
is referred to in Canticles : " my dove, that
art In the clefts of the rock, in the secret places
of the stairs " [" in the covert of the steep place,"
R. v.] (ii. 14). "O ye that dwell in Moab,
leave the cities, and dwell in the rock, and be
like the dove that maketh her nest in the sides
of the hole's mouth " (Jer. xlviii. 28), which
may refer to its resorting to deserted wells and
cisterns. Again, " They shall be on the moun-
tains like doves of the valleys, all of them
mourning" (Esek. vii. 16), "valleys" (nVKJ)
here being K^ J, " a ravine where there is no
water" (Gescn.). The myriads of rock-doves in
the wilder parts of Palestine are beyond computa-
tion, far exceeding the numbers of the domestic
birds. The country, especially the parts abut-
ting on the Jordan valley, is admirably adapted
for them, abounding in deep gorges or " widys "
with precipitous cliffs of soft limestone, honey-
combed in all directions by Hssures and caves
natural and artificial. Several of these gorges
are named " Widy Hamam," i.«. Pigeon ravine.
One of the most remarkable of these is the
Wady Hamam leading up to Hattin from the
Plain of Gennesaret, where the famous " robbers'
caves " are inhabited by thousands of rock-doves,
whose swift flight and roosting-pLices far in
the fissures render them secure from the attacks
of the birds of prey which share the caverns
with them. Above all, they remain in the
cliffs of the ravines of the Amon and Callirrhou
ef Moab, in "clouds" as numerous as in the
days of Jeremiah. It is to the rock-dove that
the Psalmist makes reference when he s|)eak$ of
"the wings of a dove covered with silver, and
her feathers with yellow gold " (Ps. Ixviii. 13);
Alluding to the metallic lustre, especially on
the neck, which glistens like silver, and the
wings with the gleam of gold in the sunshine.
The swift flight of the pigeon is alluded to in
several passages. " Oh that I had wings like a
<love, for then would I fly away and be at rest "
^Ps. Iv. 6, and so Hoa. xi. 11). Some of the
scriptural allusions apply equally to the pigeon
and the turtle, as for instance those referring to
the plaintive moarnful note : " I did mourn as
a dove "(Is. xxxviii. 14. See also ch. lix. 11,
and Kah. ii. 7). The " coo " of each species of
the Columbidae is perfectly distinct, and can be
discriminated by the naturalist, but all consist
of two notes of similar character. The amative-
ness of the dove is also referred to in Cant. ii.
14, vi. 9. On this account it was sacred to
DOVE, PIGEON
Veniu both among the Phoenicians and the
Greeks. SUnley (& ^ P., p. 257), speaking of
Askalon as the haunt of the Syrian Venus, uts,
" Her temple is destroyed, but the sacred dove*
— sacred by immemorial legends on the spot,
and celebrated there even as late as Eusebius—
still fill with their cooingsthe luxuriant gixitia
which grow in the sandy hollow within the
ruined walls." It is supposed that the dove
was placed upon the standards of the Assvriaas
and Babylonians in honour of Semiramis.
Tibullus (i. 7) says :—
" Quid referam nt voUtet crebrss Intacta per oita
Alba Palestino sancta colnmba Syro."
Its gentle eye has supplied several con-
parisons, as in Cant. i. 16, iv. 1. .The bright red
skin round the dark eye of the turtle tipUias
the verse, " His eyes are like doves beside tk<
water brooks; washed with milk, and fitly set"
(v. 12, K. v.).
But, above all, our blessed Lord has laid
hold of the innocence and gentleness of thi
dove, to exemplify the Christian character.
" harmless as dovea." The same character
rendered it the fitting emblem under whick
the appearance of the Holy Spirit is described,
when He appeared in a visible form at the
Baptism of the Saviour, " descending like a
dove, and lighting npon Him " (Matt. iii. 16).
Three or four species of dove, and three at
turtle, inhabit Palestine. Of the former, tiw
most abundant, Cclwnba livia (L.), or Rock•dov^
has already been treated of. It is the only
pigeon of the coast. It is found in all suital)le
localities in Kurope, from Norway to Portntial
and the Black Sea ; in all North Africa as &r as
Sierra Leone and Abyssinia ; and in the whole
of AsL-i. The bird of the Jordan Valley, Mosb
and Egypt, as well as of a great part of Soathetn
Asia, has been distingaished as CoiuitJyx tchim-
peri (Bp.), from its rump being ashy instead of
white. But I have found the two interbreeiin|,
and having every intermediate grade of colora-
tion, which leads me to doubt the specific value of
the distinction. The Stock dove, Co^iunio oms
(L.), is also found, but not i> large numbers, and
only in the wooded parts of the country. In
winter the highlands, north and south, SInunt
Carmel, and especially the forests of Gilead.
are visited by myriads of the common wood-
pigeon or ring-dove, Columba paiwnbHS (L).
which all quit the country for the north early
in March.
Of the genus IWfur, or Turtle-dove, three
species are found. Of these the Collared Turtle.
7\irtw risortiu (L.X the largest specie* of the
group, resides throughout the year in consider-
able numbers in the Jordan valley, wherever
there are trees. In summer it is sparsely spread
through Gilead, and in the wooda of Tabor and
Carmel. It is a strictly Asiatic species; and
though it straggles as far as the Bospfaora-s
Palestine may be looked on as its ordinary
western limit, and India as its central home. It
is the original of the blanched and somewhat
degenerated turtle-dove of our Englbh aviaries.
The second 8pecies,the Palm Turtle (IVhv ttuf-
galetua, L.), has a rather wider range in Pale^tior
than the former, but is nowhere very numenos,
except near the Dead Sea, when it reskie*
throughout the year, and is extremely oomBoa.
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DOVE, PIGEON
It is alao a permaDent resident in Jerusalem,
many pairs living in the enclosure of the Mosque
of Omar, and in the gardens of the city. It is
rery familiar and confiding in man, and is never
molested. Its natural home is among the
palm-trees, and in Arabia and in all the oases
uf the Sahara it swarms wherever the palm
grows. It is not impossible that it in some
measure may have supplied the sacrifices in the
wilderness. In Arabia every palm-tree is the
home of two or three pairs. In the crown of a
>ingle date-tree I have found five or six nests
placed together. lu such camps as that of
Elina a considerable supply of these doves may
have been obtained.
But the turtle-dove which is most abundant,
and that to which undoubtedly the scriptural
allusions refer, is our own turtle-dove, Turtur
communis (Selby), well known during the summer
months in the southern counties of England.
Its return in spring is one of the best marked
epochs in the ornithological calendar. This
regularity of migration is alluded to by
Jeremiah (viii. 7), "The turtle and the crane
and the swallow observe the time of their
coining." And in Cant. ii. 11, 12 we have this
exquisite picture of spring: "Lo, the winter is
past ; the rain is over and gone : the flowers
appear on the earth ; the time of the singing
of birds is come, and the voice of the turtle is
heard in our land." So Pliny, "Hyeme mutis,
n rere vocalibus ; " and Aristotle (Hist. An. ix.
8), "Turtle-doves spend the summer in cold
countries, the winter in warm ones." But
elsewhere (viii. 5) he makes it hybernate (^oAci).
There is no more sure evidence of the return of
spring in Mediterranean countries than the
arrival of the turtle-dove. Es|>ecially is this the
case in Palestine. Search the glades and valleys
eren by sultry Jordan at the end of March, and
not a turtle-dove is to be seen. Return in the
second week of April, and clouds of turtle-doves
are feeding on the trefoils of the plain. They
stock every thicket and tree ; at every step they
H utter up from the herbage in front of you — ■
they perch on every tree and bush — they over-
spread the whole face of the land. So universal,
so simultaneous, so conspicuous is their migration,
that the Prophet might well place the turtle-
dove at the head of those birds which " observe
the time of their coming." While other song-
sters are heard chiefly in the morning, or only
at intervals; the turtle, immediately on its
arrival, pours forth from every garden, grove,
.<>n<J wooded hill, its melancholy yet soothing
ditty, unceasingly from early dawn till sunset.
If any surprise be felt at the great multitudes
of these birds, and the question be asked how
they all find sustenance, we must remember
that the rank herbage of the plains is now in
it.s full luxuriance, and consists largely of
clovers, lucernes, and astragalus, the leaves
of which plants are the favourite food of the
dove. There is therefore no limit to the number
which the country can maintain in spring and
early summer. The common turtle-dove in-
habits in summer all the temperate parts of
Europe. Western Asia as far as Aflgbanistan,
and Africa north of the Sahara. Its winter-
quarters are in Central Africa. In Eastern Asia
it is represented by a closely allied species, Tartvr
orieuialia (Lath.). [H. B. T.]
BIBUS DICT.— VOL. I.
DOVE'S DUNG
801
DOVE'S DUNG(D»3Vnn,cAirj,,5n»m; Keri,
WiVy^, dibydnim : xAwpot irfpurripwy: sterols
columbarwn). Various explanations have been
given of the passage in 2 K. vi. 25, which
describes the famine of Samaria to have been so
excessive, that " an ass's head was sold for four-
score pieces of silver, and the fourth part of a
cab of dove's dung for five pieces of silver."
The old Versions and very many ancient com-
mentators are in favour of a literal interpreta-
tion of the Hebrew word. Bochart (Hieroz. ii.
572) has laboured to show that it denotes a
species of doer, " chick-pea," which he says the
Arabs call usn&n (j^\Ju«»\), and sometimes im-
properly "dove's or sparrow's dung." Lin-
naeus suggested that the chirydnim may signify
the Omitliogalum tonbeUatnm, "Star of Bethle-
hem." On this subject the late Dr. Edward
Smith remarks (English Hutanij, iv. p. 130, ed.
1814) : " If Linnaeus is right, we obtain a sort
of clue to the derivation of omithogalum (birds*
milkX which has puzzled ell the etymologists.
May not this observation apply to the white
fluid Which always accomi>anies the dung of
birds, and is their urine ? One may almost
perceive a similar combination of colours in the
green and white of this flower, which accords
precisely in this respect with the description
which Uioscorides gives of his omithogalum "
(see also Linnaeus, Prelecliones, ed. P. D. Gisekc,
p. 287). Sprengel (CoaonaU. on Dioscorides,
ii. 173) is inclined to adopt the explanation of
Linnaeus. Fuller {Miscell. Sacr. vi. 2, p. 724)
understood by the term the crops of pigeons
with their indigested contents. Joscphus (Antiq.
ix. 4) thought that dove's dung might have been
nsed instead of salt. Harmer (Obsermt. iil. 185)
was of opinion, that as pigeon's dung was a
valuable manure for the cultivation of melons,
it might have been needed during the siege of
Samaria for that purpose. Most of these inter-
pretations have little to recommend them, and
have been refuted by Bochart and others. With
regard to Bochart's own opinion, Cehius (Hierob.
ii. 30) and Rosenmiiller (xVot. arf Bochart, Hieroz.
ii. 582) have shown that it is founded on an error,
and that he confuses the Arabic (ta,^^, the
name of some species of saltwort (Salsohy, with
, deer, a " vetch," or chick-pea. The
explanation of Linnaeus appears to us to be far-
fetched ; and there is no evidence whatever to
show that the Arabs ever called this plant by a
name equivalent to dove's dung. On the other
hand, it is true that the Arabs apply this or a
kindred expression to some plants. Thus it was
sometimes used to denote a kind of moss or
lichen (Kuz-kendem, Arabici^) ; also some alkali-
yielding plant, perhaps of the genus Salaoh
(ashnan, or usnan, Arab.). In favour of this
explanation, it is usual to compare the German
Teufelsdreck ("devil's dung") as expressive of
the odour of asafoetida (see Gesenius, Thes.
p. 516). A small species of Hotcas sorghum, per-
haps identical with the Hebrew cJiiryonim, is
still extensively cultivated in Kurdistan, liiis
millet, from being small and round, may have
been called by the Hebrews in olden time Khari
of Dotus, or, as we should say, " Doves' seed."
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DOWEY
The advocates for the literal meaning of the
«xpres8ion, vix. that dove's dung was abso-
lutely used as food during the siege, appeal
to the following refereuce in Josephos (^Bell.
Jvd. T. 13, 7): "Some persons were driven to
such terrible distress as to search the common
sewers and old dunghills of cattle, and to eat
the dung which they got there, and what they
of old could not endure so much as to look upon
they now oied for food." See also Easebius
(tf. E. iii. 6): "Indeed necessity forced them
to apply their teeth to everything ; and gather-
ing what was no food even for the Blthiest of
irrational animals, they devoured it." Celsius,
who is strongly in favour of the literal meaning,
quotes the fallowing passage from Brusnn
{iftntorabil. ii. c 41) : " Cretenses, obsidente
Metello, ob penuriam vini aquarumque jumen-
tomm urina sitim sedasse ; " and one much
to the point from a Spanish writer, who states
that in the year 1316 so great a famine distressed
the English, that " men ate their own children,
dogs, mice, and pigeon's dung." Lady Callcott
(&n/>. Herb. p. 130) thinks that by the pigeon's
dung is meant the Omithogalum wnbeUatum.
We cannot allow this explanation ; because, if
the edible and agreeable bulb of this plant was
denoted, it is impossible that it should have been
mentioned by the Spanish chronicler along with
dogs, mice, &c. As an additional argument in
favour of the literal interpretation of the passage
in question may be adduced the language o(
Rabshakeh to the Jews in the time of Hezekiah
(2 E. xviii. 27 ; Is. xxxvi. 12). Keil's cautious
comment is (^Comment. L c.) : " The above-stated
facts prove no doubt the possibility, even the
probability, of the literal meaning, but not its
necessity ; for which reason we refrain, with
Gesenius, from deciding." Without venturing
on any dogmatic statement, we recall, after
comparing these many authorities, the trite
remark, that the simplest explanation is often
the best. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
DOWRY. [Marriaob.]
DRACHMA (»poxM*; drachma; 2 Mace
iv. 19, X. 20, xii. 43 ; • Luke xv. 8, 9), a Greek
silver coin varying in weight on account of the
use of dilTerent talents. The Jews at the time
to which the Second Book of Maccabees relates
must have used drachmae of two talents, — the
Attic, of which the drachma then weighed about
64 grs., and the Phoenician, about 59 grs. at
Aradus, and elsewhere about 56 ; they may also
hare used the Rhoiian drachma of 60 grs.
The Maccabaean shekels follow the Phoenician
talent.
AtUc dnchmai UM. (Britiih Ki
Aotnal also.)
In St. Luke denarii xeem to be intended by
drachmae, for in the Kvangelist's time the Attic
* In the first and second of these passages the Vulg.
lias didrocAmo.
DRAGON
drachma, the last survivor of the Greek
drachmae, had fallen to the weight of the
Roman denariut and practically lost its identity.
In Palestine denarii must have been the oommcB
silver coins. [Moukt.] [B. S. P.]
DRAGON. In the A. V. two similar bat
distinct Hebrew words have been so rendered :
}ri, tan, and pSB, tannm. In this identificatioi
the translators followed the Vulgate ; and the
confusion is the more easily accounted for, sinc«
the masculine plural of {fl is written in Lam-it^.
3 PJPI instead of D*^*jri, and on the other haad
the plural Q*3ri is used for the singular pjR in
Ezck. xxix. 3 and xxxii. 2. The LXX. however
have recognised the distinctness of the wordi.
and so has the R. V., which invariably translate
;n correctly by " jackaL"
I. Ta» occurs, always in the plural, in ttK
following passages : " 1 am a brother to drsgoit,
and a companion to ostriches " (Job xxx. 'ii);
"An habitation of dragons and a court in
ostriches" (Is. xixiv. 13); "The dragons ni
the ostriches " (ib. xliii. 20), in all whick tk<
LXX. has <rcipqv(i. In Is. xiii. 22, where the
LXX. has oTpoviol, the A. V. reads : " The wild
beasts of the islands shall cry in their desniatr
houses, and dragons in their pleasant palaces;"
but the R. v.: "Wolves shall cry in their
castles, and jackals in the pleasant p&Iaees."
In Jer. ix. 11, xiv. 6, li. 37, and Mic. i. 8, the
LXX.*ha8 SfxiicayTct. Gesenius derives the ward
from an unused root, pFI, " to extend," " drsv
out," cognate with the Sanscrit tan, tvim.
Icndo, tenuis, German dina, de/men, and applM
to the jackal from its long-drawn howL Oc
of the Arabic names for a wolf is AV^.» , tqnJM.
and for the jackal ^c. \ j^ V " son of howl-
ing." In all the passages of Scriptore when;
the word occurs, it is in connexion either wkii
ostriches, with wild beasts, with deserts, or
with the sound of wailing, or snuffing up ikf
wind. Now all these suit the jackal exactlr.
and certainly point to no serpent or moostcr.
The jackal {Canis aureus, L., from its tawnv
yellow colour) is and always has hem eitremelj
common in all the countries south and east oi
the Mediterranean to the far east of Aaa. It
inhabits the whole of Africa, and in Europe it i-
found in Southern Russia, Turkey, aod Grsen.
us far as the northern point of the Adiiati>.
The Holy Land, from the number of caves aa-l
old tombs which afford it concealment evrrc-
where, is an especial home of the j.-ickal. TYr
traveller, whether in towns or in camp, nightlv
hears the wailing cry, as the packs scour tbr
country in seach.of food. Bnt though ever cs
the alert to seize any stray sheep or kid, ther
are most inoffensive to man. Nowhere are they
more numerous than in the ruins of Baalbek,
where indeed " the jackals howl in the pleasant
palaces."
n. TamOn, pjn (plur. D'3'IRX is alwa«
rendered by tfixtiv in the LXX. except in Gcs.
i. 21 — where we find ic^es, K. V. "great
whales," R. V. " great sea-monsters." It seems
to refer to any great monster, whether of the
land or the sea, being more usoally a|^ied to
i-nme kind of reptile or serpent, bnt M( eidu-
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DRAGON
sivelj restricted to that sense. It is identical
with the Arabic .fj,>, of which there are many
ftilniloiis accoants, saggestiog the stories of the
sea-serpent. When referring to the sea, it is
used as a parallel to \IV\J, leviathan, as in
Is. xxTii. 1 (A. V. and R. V. "dragon"). When
we examine special passages, we find the word
used in Gen. i. 21 of the great sea-monsters, the
representatiTes of the inhabitants of the deep.
The same sense is given to it in Ps. Ixxir. 13
(where it is again connected with "leviathan"),
l*s. cxlviii. 7, and in Job vii. 12 (Vulg. cetus,
A. V. " whale," R. V. " sea-monster "). On the
other hand, in Ex. vii. 9, 10, 12, it refers to a
land serpent, in Dent, ixzii. 33 to a poisonous
land serpent, and in Ps. xci. 13 to a powerful
land reptile, where A. V. has "dragon" and
R. V. " serpent." It is also applied in several
passages metaphoricallj to symbolize the power
of Pharaoh and of Egypt, of which the crocodile,
the great monster of the Nile, was the emblem.
" Art thou not it that hath cut liahab, and
woomded the dragon ? " (Is. li. 9.) " Pharaoh,
Icing of Egypt, the great dragon that lieth in
the midst of his rivers" (Ezek. xxix. 3).
" Thou earnest forth with thy rivers, and
troablest the waters with thy feet " (ch. xxxii.
2). The mention of feet in the latter passage
sho-wv that neither a whale nor a serpent is
intended. [See Leviathan.] The same word
is alao applied to Nebuchadnezzar in Jer. li. 34.
Though no crocodile is found at the present day
in the Euphrates or the Tigris, yet there is
every reason to believe that they formerly
existed there, as they do still on all the other
great rivers of Asia; and even in small
stre&ms, as under Mount Carmel; but they
were extirpated, as in Lower Egypt, by the dense
population which once lived on the banks of
those rivers. If, as some have supposed, the
land of Vz was on the Upper Tigris, Job may
have bad personal knowledge of the crocodile.
Sach is the usage of the word " dragon " in
the O. T. In the N. T. it is only found in the
Apocalypse (Rev. xii. 3, 4, 7, 9, 16, 17, be.} as
applied metaphorically to "the Old Serpent,
called the Devil and Satan," the description of
the " dragon " being dictated by the symbolical
meaning of the image, rather than by any
reference to any actually existing creature. Of
similar personification, either of an evil spirit
or of the powers of material nature, as distinct
from God, we have traces in the extensive
prrvalence of dragon-worship and existence of
dragon-temples of peculiar serpentine form ; the
use of dragon-standards, both in the East,
especially in Egypt (see also the apocryphal
history of Bd uid the Dragon), in China and
Japan to the present day; and in the west,
more particularly among the Keltic tribes. The
moat remarkable of all, perhaps, is found in the
GT«ek legend of Apollo as the slayer of the
Prthon, and the supplanter of serpent-worship
by a higher wisdom. The reason at least of
the scriptural symbol is to be sought, not only
in the union of gigantic power with craft and
malignity, of which the serpent is the nstural
emblem, but in the record of the serpent's
aeencT in the temptation and fall (Gen. iii.).
[Serfbht.] [A. B.] [H. B.T.]
DREAMS
803
DRAGON WELL (l»|Bn ]% R. V. Dra-
gon's Well, but more correctly " Dragon's
Fountain." The LXX., apparently reading
0^3{<FI*{*Sf, translate nryl) rir (rvxAr, " fountain
of fig-trees " ; the Vulgate, /otu Draconii), a
spring, or perhaps an outflow from an aqueduct,
in the immediate vicinity of Jerusalem, which
is mentioned in the account of Nebemlah's night
inspection of the city walls (Neh. ii. 13). It was
probably in the valley to the west of Jerusalem,
now called "valley of Hinnom;" and may
have been an outflow of the aqueduct from
« Solomon's Pools." * No true spring is known
in the " valley of Hinnom " at the present day.
Robinson (i. 514, 1st ed.) supposes it to be
another name of GlllON, and places it in the
northern part of the " valley of Hinnom ; " Bar-
clay (CVty of Great King, p. 315, 1st ed.), below
the " Jafi°a Gate ; " and so also Riehm (s. v.).
Sepp (Jenaalem u. d. H. L. i. 330) identifies it
with the Httmm&m eih-She/a well in the Tyro-
poeon Valley; and Sayce {PEFQy. Stat. 1883.
p. 217), placing it in the same valley, connects
it with the rock-hewn conduit discovered by
Sir C. Warren on the west side of the Temple
Hill. [W.]
DRAM. [DABia]
DREAMS (niO^n ; iy^wrui; $omnia; xatf*
twrov in LXX., and iar' tmp in St. Matthew,
are generally used for "in a dream"). The
Scriptural record of God's communication with
man by dreams has been so often supposed to
involve psychological difficulty, that it seems not
out of place to refer briefly to the nature and
characteristics of dreams generally, before enu-
merating and classifying the dreams recorded in
Scripture.
I. The main diflerence between our sleeping
and waking thoughts appears to lie in this, —
that, in the former case, the perceptive faculties
of the mind (the sensational powers,^ and the
imagination which combines the impressions
derived from them) are active, while the re-
flective powers (the reason or judgment by
which we control those impressions, and dis-
tinguish between those which are imaginary or
subjective and those which correspond to, and
are produced by, objective realities) are gene-
rally asleep. Milton's account of dreams (in
Par. Lost, Book v. 100-113) seems as accurate
as it is striking : —
•■ But know, that In the mind
Are many lesser facnUles, that serve
Beuon as cblef : among these Fancy next
Her office holds; of all external things,
Which the Ave watchful senses represent.
She forms ImaglnationB, slry shapes.
Which Reason, Joining or disjoining, fl«mes
All what we afBrm, or what deny, and call
Our knowledge or opinion ; then retires
Into ber private cell, when Nature sleeps."
• Hay not the aqneduct, with lu long winding coarse
from •■ Solomon's Pools," have heen called the " Tannin,"
•' Dragon," or •• Monster," as the winding ascent to the
fortress of Masida was called " the Serpent " ?
s These powers are to be careftally distinguished
(as In Butler's AitaUify, part I. ch. 1) tnim the
oryans through which they are exercised when we
are awake. „
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DBEAHS
Thai it is that the impressions of dreams are
in themselves virid, natural, and picturesque,
occasionally gifted with an intuition beyond our
ordinary powers, but strangely incongruous and
often grotesque. The feeling of surprise or in-
credulity, which arises from a senseof incongruity,
or of unlikeness to the ordinary course of events,
is in dreams a thing almost unknown ; and even
the moral judgment, with its delight in good and
horror of evil, is at least languid, if not alto-
gether dormant. The mind seems to be sur-
rendered to that power of association, by which,
even in its waking hours, if it be inactive and
inclined to " musing," it is often carried through
a series of thoughts connected together by some
vague and accidental association, until the
reason, when it starts again into activity, is
scarcely able to trace back the slender line of
connexion. The difference is, that, in this latter
case, we are aware that the connciion is of our
own making, while in sleep it appears to be
caused by an actual succession of events.
Such is usually the case ; yet there is a class
of dreams, seldom noticed and indeed less com-
mon, but recognised by the experience of many,
in which the reason and conscience are not
wholly asleep. In these cases the mind seems to
look on as it were from without, aud so to have
a double consciousness : on the one hand we enter
into the events of the dream, as though real, on
the other we have a sense that it is but a dream,
and that ere long we shall awake and its
pageant pass away.
In either case the ideas suggested are accepted
by the mind in dreams at once and inevitably,
instead of being weighed and tested, as in our
waking hours. But it is evident that the method
of such suggestion is still undetermined, and in
fact is no more capable of being accounted for by
any single cause than the suggestion of waking
thoughts. The material of these latter is sup-
plied either by ourselves, through the senses, the
memory, and the imagination, or by other men,
generally through the medium of words, or
lastly by the direct action of the Spirit of God,
or of created spirits of orders superior toour own,
on the spirit within us. So also it is in dreams.
In the first place, although memory and imagina-
tion supply most of the material of dreams, yet
physical sensations of cold and heat, of pain ur
of relief, even actual impressions of sound or of
light, will often mould or suggest dreams, and
the physical organs of speech will occasionally
be made use of to express the emotions of the
dreamer. In the second place, instances have
been known where a few words whispered into
a sleeper's ear have produced a dream corre-
sponding to their subject. On these two points
experience gives undoubted testimony; as to
the third, it can, from the nature of the case,
speak but vaguely and uncertainly. But modern
psychological investigation certainly seems to
disclose to us the reality of a secret power of
one spirit upon another, exercised by means
utterly mysterious to xa. Nor can we dismiss
as merely delusive the many records extant of
strange prophetic intuition in dreams, beyond
the limits of the mind's own ordinary insight.
The Scripture, as usual, goes beyond these
doubtful and hesitating results of speculation.
Viewing as it does all human life from a Divine
standpoint, it declares, not as any strange thing.
DREAMS
but as a thing of course, that the inSanue of
the Spirit of God upon the soul extends to its
sleeping as well as its waking thoughts. It
declares that God comnninicates with the spirit
of man directly in dreams, and also tliat He
permits created spirits to hare a like commiini-
cation with it. Its declaration is to be weighed,
not as an isolated thing, hot in connexioD with
the general doctrine of spiritual indneoce;
because any theory of dreams must be regarded
as a part of the general theory of the oiiginatiou
of all thought.
II. It is, of course, with this last class of
dreams that we have to do in Scripture. The
dreams of memory or imagination are indeed
referred to in Eccles. v. 3, U. xxix. 8 ; but it it
the history of the Revelation of the Spirit <4
God to the spirit of man, whether sleeping or
waking, which is the proper subject of Scriptor^
itself.
It must be observed that, in accordance vilk
the principle enunciated by St. Paul in 1 Cor.
xiv. 15, dreams, in which the understanding i»
asleep, are recognised indeed as a method «f
Divine Revelation, but placed below the visioGs
of prophecy, in which the understanding plan
its part.* It is true that the Book of J<^
standing as it does on the basis of " natnial
religion," dwells on dreams and " visions in dc^'
sleep " as the chosen method of God's revelatio*
of Ilimself to man (see Job I v. 13, vii. 14, xxiiii-
15). But in Num. xii. 6; Deut. xiii. 1, 3, 5:
Jer. xxvii. 9; Joel ii. 28, &c., dreamers c-f
dreams, whether true or false, are placed bek»
" prophets," and even below " diviners ; " ul
similarly in the climax of 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, r«
read that " the Lord answered Saul not, ndtber
by dreams, nor by Urim [by symbol^ nor ty
prophets." Under the Christian dispeosuios.
while we read frequently of trances (^iarrieta
and visions (iwratrlai, ipdimra), dreams are neTet
referred to as vehicles of Divine revelation. Ie
exact accordance with this principle are the
actual records of the dreams sent by God. Tht
greater number of such dreams were granted,
for prediction or for warning, to those who werr
aliens to the Jewish covenant. Thus ve hare
the record of the dreams of Abimelech (Gen. ix
3-7), of Laban (Gen. ixxi. 24), of the chief botkr
and baker (Gen. xl. 5), of Pharaoh (Gen. ili. 1-*^).
of the Midianite (Judg. vii. 13), of Nebochid-
nezzar (Dan. ii. 1, &c., iv. 10-lS), of the Mafi
(Matt. ii. 12), and of Pilate's wife (Matt, xxvii.
19). Many of these dreams, moreover, were
symbolical and obscure, so as to require an inter-
preter. And, where dreams are recorded «&
means of God's Revelation to His chosen servants,
they are almost always referred to the peiwd*
of their earliest and most imperfect knevtedje
of Him. So it is in the case of Abraham (Gen. xr.
12, and perhaps m. 1-9), of Jacob (Gen. xxviii.
12-15), of Joseph (Gen. ixxvii. 5-lU), of Soi«Do»
(1 K. iii. 5), and, in the N. T., of ioaeyk (ilsU.
i. 20 ; ii. 13, 19, 22). It is to be observed, more-
over, that they belong especially to the earliest
age, and become less frequent as the revelattos^
• The same order, as being the natural cat, i» baol
in the earliest record of European mytliolacy —
'AAA* iyt ill nya luitnw ipt l aiatv, ^ ««pv*
*H jcoi frMip^voAoy, KAi yip T«««p ut Amc vm.
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DBESS
of prophecy increase. The only exception to
this is found in the dreams and " visions of the
night " given to Daniel (ii. 19, vii. 1), apparently
designed to meet the Chaldaean belief in pro-
phetic dreams and in the power of interpretation,
patting to shume its errors and superstitions,
and yet bringing out the truth latent therein
(cp. St. Paul's miracles at Ephesos, Actsxix. 11,
12, and their effect, cr. 18-20).
The general conclusion therefore is, first, that
the Scripture claims the dream, as it does every
other action of the hnman mind, as a medium
throngb which God may speak to man either
directly, and specially, or indirectly in virtue of
a general influence upon all his thoughts ; and
secondly, that it lays far greater stress on that
Divine influence by which the understanding
also is affected, and leads us to believe that as
such influence extends more and more, revelation
by dreams, nnless in very peculiar circumstances,
might be expected to pass away. [A. B.]
DBESS. This subject includes the follow-
ing particulars: — 1. Materials. 2. Colour and
decoration. 3. Names, forms, and mode of wear-
ing the various articles. 4. Special usages
relating thereto. 1. The materials were various,
and multiplied with the advance of civilisation.
The earliest and simplest robe was made out of
the leaves of a tree (njKFl, A. V. "fig-tree"—
and cp. the present Arabic name for the fig, (in,
or teen), portions of which were sewn together,
so as to form an apron (Oen. iii. 7). Ascetic
Jews occasionally used a similar material in
later times. Josephus ( Vita, § 2) records this
of Banus Qia$rfri yiiy iwb SinSpur XP<'M<>'<"') !
but whether it was made of the leaves, or tne
bark, is uncertain. After the Fall, the skins of
animals supplied a more durable material (Gen.
iii. 21), which was adapted to a rude state of
society, and is stated to have been used by
various ancient nations (Diod. Sic. i. 43, ii. 38 ;
.\rrian, Ind. cap. 7, § 3). Skins were not wholly
disused at later periods: the midereth (D'l^K)
worn by Elijah appears to have been the skin of
a sheep or some other animal with the wool left
on : in the LXX. the word is rendered laiKtrrii
(1 K. xii. 13, 19; 2 K. ii. 13), topi (Gen.
irv. 25), and J^^it (Zech. xiii. 4); and it may
be connected with topa etymologically (Saal-
schntz, Archaeol. i. 19); Gesenius, however,
prefers the notion of amplitude, "IIK, in which
ease it = "("JK (Micah ii. 8; Thitaur. p. 29).
The same material is implied in the description
CWP hnZ C"K; ii^p 8ao^t, LXX.; A. V.
*' hairy man," 2 K. i. 8), though these words
may also be understood of the hair of the Pro-
phet; and in the comparison of Esau's skin to
such a robe (Gen. xxv. 25). It was character-
istic of a Prophet's office from its mean appear-
ance (Zech. xiii. 4 ; op. Matt. vii. 15). Pelisses
of sheep-skin * still form an ordinary article of
dress in the East (Bnrckhardt's Notes on
Bedcmina, i. 50). The addereth worn by the
• The sbeep-skin cost is frequently represented in the
•cnlptnres of Kborsabsd : It was nude with sleeves, and
waa worn over the tunic: it fell over the back, and
Mrmlnated in its natural state. The people wearing
U have been Identifled with the SagartU (Bonoml's
.Vmeoek. p. M3).
DBESS
805
king of Nineveh (Jonah iii. 6), and the " goodly
Babylonish garment" found at Ai (Josh. vii.
21), were of a different character, either robes
trimmed with valuable furs, or the skins them-
selves ornamented with embroidery. The art
of weaving hair was known to the Hebrews at
an early period (Ex. xivi. 7; xxxv. 6); the
sackcloth used by mourners was of this material
[Sackcloth], and by many writers the addereth
of the prophets is supposed to have been such.
John the Baptist's robe was of camel's hair
(Matt. iii. 4), and a similar material was in
common use among the poor of that day
(Joseph. B. J. i. 24, § 3), probably of goaU'
hair, which was employed in the Roman cilicium.
At what period the ure of wool, and of still
more artificial textures, such as cotton and
linen, became known, is uncertain : the first of
these, we may presume, was introduced at a
very early period, the flocks of the pastoral
families being kept partly for their wool (Gen.
xxxviii. 12): it was at all times largely em-
ployed, particularly for the outer garments
(Lev. xviii. 47; Dent. xxii. 11; Job xxzi. 20;
Prov. xxvii. 26, ixxi. 13; Exek. zzziv.S). [WOOL.]
The occurrence of the term cetoneth in the Book
of Genesis (iii. 21 ; xxivii. 3, 23) seems to in-
dicate an acquaintance, even at that early day,
with the finer materials : for that term, though
significant of a particular robe, originally appears
to have referred to the material employexl (the
root being preserved in our cotton ; cp. Bohlen's
Introd. ii. 51 ; Saalschutz, Archaeol. i. 8), and
was applied by the later Jews to ilax or linen,
as stated by Josephus (Ant. iii. 7, § 2, 'KtSopiini
liiv KoXfiTou. Alyor rovro aifiuivft, x^"*
■yip rb Klvo* rintts KoXovntr'). No conclusion,
however, can be drawn from the use of the
word: it is evidently applied generally, and
without any view to the material, as in Gen.
iii. 21. It is probable that the acquaintance of
the Hebrews with linen, and perhaps cotton,
dates from the period of the captivity in Egypt,
when they were instructed in the manufacture
(1 Ch. iv. 21). After their return to Palestine
we have frequent notices of linen, the finest
kind being named sA«sA (B'tJ'), and at a later
period butz (|'13), the latter a word of Syrian
and the former of Egyptian origin, and each
indicating the quarter whence the material was
procured : the term cAiii' (^n) was also ap-
plied to it from its brilliant appearance (Is.
xix. 9 ; Esth. i. 6, viii. 15). It is the fiiaaos
of the LXX. and the N. T. (Luke xvi. 19 ; Rev.
xviii. 12, 16), and the " fine linen " of the A. V.
It was used in the vestments of the high-priests
(Ex. zxviii. 5 B.\ as well as by the wealthy
(Gen. xli. 42; Prov. xixi. 22; Luke liv. 19).
[LiNEM.] A less costly kind was named had
(13 ; tdvfos), which was used for certain por-
tions of the high-priest's dress (Ex. xxviii. 42 ;
Lev. xvi. 4, 23, 32), and for the ephods of
Samuel (1 Sam. ii. 18) and David (2 Sam.
vi. 14) : it is worthy of notice, in reference to
its quality and appearance, that it is the material
in which Angels are represented (Ezek. ix. 3, 1 1 ;
I. 2, 6, 7 ; Dan. i. 5, xii. 6 ; Rev. iv. 6). A
coarser kind of linen, termed &iii\u>oy (Ecclus.
il. 4), was used by the very poor [Linen].
The Hebrew term tadin ([HD ; cp. atrS^i', and
satin) expresses a fine kind of linen, especially
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BBESS
adapted for sammer wear, u dutinct from the
taraballa, which was thick (Talmud, Mmach.
p. 41, 1). What may have been the distinction
between >hesh and sadin (ProT. xzzi. 22, 24) we
know not: the probability is that the latter
name passed from the material to a particular
kind of robe. Silk wu not introduced until a
rery late, period (Rer. iriii. 12): the term
metki CK*^ ; Tflxam-or ; Ezek. zri. 10) is of
doubtful meaning [Silk]. The use of a mixel
material (tp.DSK* ; «(/9i)i|Xor, i.e. spurious, LXX. ;
lanttiaK*iiiwo¥, Aquil. ; iptiKun>¥, Or. Yen.),
such as wool and flax, was forbidden (Lev. xix.
19; Deut. xxiL 11), on the ground, according
to Josephus {Ant. ir. 8, § 11), that such was
reserved for the priests, or as being a practice
usual among idolaters (Spencer, Leg. Heb. Sit.
ii. 32), but more probably with the riew of
enforcing the general idea of purity and sim-
plicity.
2. Colour and decoration. The prevailing
colour of the Hebrew dress was the natural
white of the materials employed, which might
be brought to a high stnte of brilliancy by the
art of the fuller (Mark ix. 3). Some of the
terms applied to these materials {e.g. V^i ]')3>
*nn) are connected with words significant of
whiteness, while many of the allusions to gar-
ments have special reference to this quality
(Job xxxviii. 14; Ps. civ. 1, 2; Is. Ixiii. 3):
white was held to be peculiarly appropriate to
festive occasions (Eccles. ix. 8; cp. Hor. Sat.
ii. a, 60), as well as symbolical of purity (Rev.
lit 4, 5; iv. 4; vii. 9, 13). It is uncertain
when the art of dyeing became known to the
Hebrews; the oetonetk piusim worn by Joseph
(Qen. xzxvii. 3, 23) is variously taken to be
either a "coat of divers colours" (wouelXot;
polymita, Vulg. ; cp. the Greek vdurvuy, B. iii.
136, xxii. 441), or a tunic furnished with sleeves
and reaching down to the ankles, as in the Ver-
sions of Aquila, iLorpayi^nos, Kap-*ur6t, and of
Symmachus, xfifittnis, and in the Vulg. (2 Sam.
xiii. 18), talaris, and as described by Josephus
(Ant. vii. 8, § 1). The latter is probably the
correct sense, in which case we have no evidence
of the use of variegated robes previously to the
sojourn of the Hebrews in Egypt, though the
notice of scarlet thread (Qen. xxxviii. 28) im-
plies some acquaintance with dyeing, and the
light summer robe (^*ffX ; tifivrpor; veil, A. V.
and R. V.) worn by Rebecca and Tamar (Gen.
xxiv. 65; xxxviii. 14, 19) was prolubly of an
ornamental character. The Egyptians had carried
the art of weaving and embroidery to a high
state of perfection, and irom them the Hebrews
learned various methods of producing decorated
stuffs. The elements of ornamentation were —
(1) weaving with threads previously dyed (Ex.
XXXV. 25; cp. Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, ii. 79-81
[1878]) ; (2) the introduction of gold thread or
wire (Ex.xxviii.6sq.); (3) the addition of figures
probably of animals and hunting or battle
scenes (cp. Layard, ii. 297), in the case of
garments, in the same manner as the cherubim
were represented in the curtains of the Taber-
nacle (Ex. iivi 1, 31; xxxvi. 8, 35). These
devices may have been either woven into the
stuff, or cut out of other stuff and afterwards
attached by needlework : in the former case the
pattern would appear only on one side, in the
DBE8S
latter the pattern might be varied. Snch a the
distinction, according to Talmudieal writers,
between cmming-Kork and netdlewori, or a"
marked by the use of the singular and dual
number, nOj?^ neetBcwork, and D^rUpp*), M«£«-
tcork [R.V.'«embroidery "] on both t^ (Judg.
V. 30, A. v.), though the fatter term may after
all be accepted in a simpler way as a da:u=t>ni
embroidered rdbet (Berthean, Comm. in loco). The
account of the corslet of Amasis (Herod, iii. 47)
illustrates the proce^>8es of decoration described
in Exodus. Robes decorated with gold (niV^TO,
Ps. xlv. 13), and at a later period with silver
thread (Joseph. Ant. zii. 8, § 2 ; cp. AcU xiL SIX
were worn by royal personages: other kinds af
embroidered robes were worn by the wealtiijr
both of Tyre (Ezek. zvi. 13) and Palestine (Juil|;.
V. 30; Ps. xlv. 14). The art does not a{qKar
to have been maintained among the Hebrews:
the Babylonians and other lilastem nations (J«ih.
vii. 21 ; Ezek, xzvii. 24), as well as the Egy|>-
tians (Ezek. xxvii. 7), excelled in it. Nor dee
the art of dyeing appear to have been followed
up in Palestine : dyed robes were imported ftca
foreign countries (Zeph. i. 8), particularly from
Phoenicia, and were not much used on accout
of their expensiveness ; purple (Prov. zxxi. 33;
Luke xvi. 19) and scarlet (2 Sam. i. 24) wot
occasionally worn by the wealthy. The sur-
rounding nations were more lavisn in their xai
of them : the wealthy Tyrians (Ezek. xxvii. 7)
the Midianitisb kings (Judg. viii. 26X tfar
.Assyrian nobles (Ezek. xxiii. 6), and I^eniE>
utficers (Esth. viii. 15X are all represented in
purple. The general hue of the Persian dress
was more brilliant than that of the Jen:
hence Ezekiel (xxiii. 12) describes the Assyrisas
as i'iVaip 'P'sS, lit. olothedin perfection (A.^-
and R. V. "clothed most gorgeously"); accordis;
to the LXX. cMr^v^o, wearing robes with Jio^-
some borders. With regard to the head-diis
in particular, described as D*?120 ^RTO
(riipcu Pasrrai ; A. V. and R. V. " dyed' attire ; '
cp. Ov. Met. xiv. 654, mitra picta), some doaU
exists whether the word rendered " dyed " does
not rather mean flowing (Ges. lltesaHr. p. 5*2 ;
Layard, ii. 308).
3. The names, forms, and mode of vcarin;
the robes. It is diflicult to give a satisiactarr
account of the various articles of dress meotianed
in the Bible : the notices are for the most pan
incidental, and refer to a lengthened period it'
time, during which the fashions must bT<-
frequently changed : while the collateral sourwi
of information, such as sculpture, paintiag, <r
contemporary records, are but scanty. Tk(
general characteristics of Oriental dress hav?
indeed preserved a remarkable uniformity m ail
ages : the modem Arab dresses much as th-
ancient Hebrew did ; there are the same flowin;
robes, the same distinction between the ootrr
and inner garments, the former heavy and wana,
the latter light, adapted to the rapid and ex-
cessive changes of temperature in those conntiies;
and there is the same distinction betveo tiie
costume of the rich and the poor, oonsistiBg is
the multiplication of robes of a fiaer taztere
and more ample dimensions. Henc« the Diuoe-
rous illustrations of ancient costume, which may
be drawn from the usages of modem Ori^rtals,
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DBESS
supplying in great meaiiure th« want of oon-
temporaneoiu representations. With regard to
tltc figure* wliich some liare identified as Jews
in Egyptian paintings and Assyrian sculptures,
we cannot but consider the evidence insufficient.
The figures in the painting at Beni Hassan,
ilelineated by Wilkinson (^Anc. Egypt.', ii. 296),
and supposed by him to represent the arrival of
Joseph's brethren, are dressed in a manner at
variance with our ideaa of Hebrew costume :
the more important personages wear a double
tunic, the upper one constructed so as to pass
uver the left shoulder and under the right arm,
leaving the right shoulder exposed : the servants
wear nothing more than a skirt or kilt, reaching
from the loins to the knee. Wilkinson suggests
some collateral reasons for doubting whether
they were really Jews : to which we may add a
further objection that the presents, which these
persons bring with them, are not what we shonld
expect from Cren. iliii. II. Certain figures
inscribed on the face of a rock at Behistan, near
Kermanshah, were supposed by Sir R. K. Porter
to represent Samaritans captured by Shalmaue-
ser : they are given in Vaux's Nineveh, p. 372.
These sculptures are now recognised as of a
later date, and the figures evidently represent
people of different nations, for the tunics are
alternately short and long. In another instance
the figures are simply dressed in a short tunic,
with sleeves reaching nearly to the elbow, and
confined at the waist by a girdle, a style of dress
which was so widely spread throughout the
East that it is impossible to pronounce what
particular nation they may have belonged to:
the style of bead-dress seems an objection to
the supposition that they are Jews. These
figures are given in Bonomi's Sineveh, p. 381.
The costume of the men and women was very
similar ; there was sufiicient difference, however,
to mark the sex, and it was strictly forbidden to
a woman to wear the appendages (*?9 ; VKtiti),
vQch as the staff, signet-ring, and other orna-
ments, or, according to Josephus (^Ant. ■ v. 8, § 43),
the weapons of a man; as well as to a man
to wear the outer robe (rlTOE') of a woman
(Deut. XX ii. 5): the reason of the prohibition,
according to Haimonides (Jfor. Neboch. iii. 37),
being that snch was the practice of idolaters
(cp. Csrpzov. Appar. p. 514) ; but more probably
it was based upon the general principle of pro-
priety. We shall first describe the robes which
were common to the two sexes, and then those
which were peculiar to women.
(1.) The cetuneth (nj'n3, cp. the Greek x^rai')
was the most essential article of dress. It
was a closely-fitting garment, resembling in
form and use our shirt, rather than the coat
of the A. V. and E. V. The material of which
it was made was either wool, cotton, or linen.
From Josephus' observation (^Ant. iii. 7, § 4) with
regard to the meil, that it was obx iK SvoTr
■wtpetfiiiuaTttv, we may probably infer that the
ordinary cetoneth or tunic was made in two
pieces, which were sewn together at the sides.
In this case the ^''ro*' ififapos worn by oar
Lord (John xix. 23) was either a singular one,
or, as is more probable, was the upper tunic
or meil. The primitive cetoneth was without
sleeves and reached only to the knee, like the
DBESS
807
Doric x''r«»' ; it may also have been, like the
latter, partially opened at one side, so that a
person in rapid motion was exposed (2 Sam. vi.
20). Another kind, which we may compare
with the Ionian x'rvF, reached to the wrists
and ankles: such was probably the cetoneth
passim worn by Joseph (Gen. xxxvii. 3, 33) and
Tamar (2 Sam. xiii. 18), and that which the
priests wore (Joseph. Ant. iii. 7, § 2). It was
in either case kept close to the body by a girdle
[Girdle], and the fold formed by the over-
lapping of the robe served as an inner pocket,
in which a letter or any other small article
might be carried (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 5, § 7). A
person wearing the cetoneth alone was described
as D'"U?, naked, A. V. : we may compare the use
of the term yvitrai as applied to the Spartan
virgins (Pint. Lye. 14), of the Latin nudus
(Virg. Georg. i. 299), and of our expression
stri]^)ed. Thus it is used of Saul after having
taken off his upper garments (injS, 1 Sam. xix.
24) ; of Isaiah (Is. xx. 2) when he had put off
his sackcloth, which was usually worn over the
tunic (cp. Jon. iii. 6), and only on special occa-
sions next the skin (2 K. vi. 30) ; of a warrior
who has cast off his military cloak (Amos ii. 1 6 ;
cp. Liv. iii. 23, inermes nudique); and of St.
Peter without his fisher's coat (John xxi. 7).
The same expression is elsewhere applied to the
poorly clad (Job ixii. 6 ; Is. Iviii. 7 ; Jas. ii. 15).
Fig. 1 on the next page represents the simplest
style of Oriental dress, a long loose shirt or
cetoneth without a girdle, reaching nearly to the
ankle. The same robe, with the addition of the
girdit, is shown in fig. 4.
In fig. 2 we have the ordinary dress of the
modern Bedouin ; the tunic overlaps the girdle
at the waist, leaving an ample fold, which serves
as a pocket. Over the tunic he wears the abba,
or striped plaid, which completes his costume.
(2.) The sadin ({HD) appears to have been a
wrapper of fine linen (<rii'S^«>, LXX.), which
might be used in various ways, but especially
as a night-shirt (Hark xiv. 51 ; cp. Schleusner
and Grimm-Thayer,' Lei. in N. T. s. v.). The
Hebrew term is given in the Syriac N. T. as =
vovSdptov (Luke xix. 20) and Kiyrior (John xiii.
4). The material or robe is mentioned in Jndg.
xiv. 12, 13 ("sheet," marg. shirt, A. V. ; " linen
garment," R. V.), Prov. xxxi. 24, and Is. iii. 23
("fine linen," A. V. and R. V.); but in none of
these passages is there anything to decide its
specific meaning. The Talmndical writers oc-
casionally describe the talith under that name,
as being made of fine linen ; hence Lightfoot
(Exercitations on Hark xiv. 51) identifies the
auitiir worn by the young man as a talith, which
he had put on in his haste without his other
garments.
(3.) The meil Q''VO) was an upper or second
tunic, the difference being that it was longer
than the first. It is hence termed in the LXX.
iwtXinis jroUifitis, and probably in this sense
the term is applied to the cetoneth passim (2 Sam.
xiii. 18X implying that it reached down to the
feet. The sacerdotal meil is described elsewhere
[Pbiest], As an article of ordinary dress it
was worn by kings (1 Sam. xxiv. 4), prophets
(1 Sam. xxviii. 14), nobles (Job i. 20), and
youths (1 Sam. ii. 19). It may, however, be
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DBESS
doubted whether the term is osed in its specific
sense in these passages, and not rather in its
broad etymological sense (from 70D, to cover),
for any robe that chanced to be worn over the
cetoneth. In the LXX. the renderings vary
between iwtvi&ni! (1 Sam. xviii. 4; 2 Sam. xiii.
18 ; 1 Sara. ii. 19, Theodot.), a term properly
applied to an upper garment, and specially used
in John xxi. 7 for the linen coat worn by the
Phoenician and Syrian fishermen (Theophyl. in
loco), JiirAots (1 Sam. ii. 19, xr. 27, xiir. 4, 1],
xxviii. 14; Job xxtx. 14), Ifidria (Job i. 20),
(rr6\ri (1 Ch. xt. 27 ; Job ii. 12), and bxoSirris
(Exod. xxxix. 21 ; LeT. viii. 7X showing that
generally speaking it was regarded as an upper
garment. This further appears from the
passages in which notice of it occurs : in 1 Sam.
xriii. 4 it is the " robe " which Jonathan first
takes off; in 1 Sam. xxviii. 14 it is the " mantle "
in which Samuel is enveloped ; in 1 Sam. xr.
27 it is the "mantle," the skirt of vhich is
DBESS
rent (cp. 1 K. xi. 30, where the TiDTP u
similarly treated) ; in 1 Sam. xiir. 4 it is tlw
" robe," under which Saul slept (generally \hf
*1,]3 was so used) ; and in Job i. 20, it 12, it is
the " mantle " which he rends (cp. l^zra ii. 3, 5) :
in these passages it evidently describes an oat«r
robe, whether the simlah, or the meit iUeli tuei
as a simlah. Where two tunics are mentioned
(Luke iii. 11) as being worn at the lame time,
the second would be a meU; travellers geneitily
wore two (Joseph. Ant. xviL 5, § 7), but the
practice was forbidden to the disciples (Matt. i.
10 ; Luke ix. 3).
The dress of the middle and upper classes in
modem Egypt (fig. 3) illustrates the castsm.-
of the Hebrews. In addition to the shirt, ther
wear a long vest of striped silk and cotton,
called kaftdn, descending to the ankles, aut
with ample sleeves, so that the hands may U
concealed at pleasure. The girdle sanonnds
this vest. The outer robe consists of a Ion?
Flff. 1. An EgTptkn. (Lana'i Motlfm BnpUamt.)
fit. a An Bgypclui of the upper
(I*n«.)
cloth coat, called gibbeh, with sleeves reaching
nearly to the wrist. In cold weather the abba
is thrown over the shoulders.
(4.) The ordinary outer garment consisted of
a quadrangular piece of woollen cloth, probably
resembling in shape a Scotch plaid. The size
and texture would vary with the means of the
wearer. The Hebrew terms referring to it are
— simlah (H^pb', occasionally nOTE'), which
appears to have had the broadest sense, and
sometimes is put for clothes generally (Gen.
XXXV. 2, xxxvii. Hi ; Ex. iii. 22, xxii. 9 ; Deut. x.
18 ; Is. iii. 7, iv. 1), though once used specifically
of the warrior's cloak (Is. ix. 5) ; beged (HJS),
which is more usual in speaking of robes of a
handsome and substantial character (Gen. xxvii.
15, xli. 42 ; Ex. xxviii. 2 ; 1 K. xxii. 10 ; 2 Ch.
xviii. 9 ; Is. Ixiii. 1); cesuth (D^DS), appropriate
to passages where covering or protection is the
prominent idea (Ex. xxii. 26 ; Job xxvi. 6,
xxxi. 19) ; and lastly IMish (B')37), usual in
poetry, but specially applied to a warrior's doss
(2 Sa'm. XI. 8), priests' vestments (2 K. x. ii).
and royal apparel (Esth. vi. 11; viii. 15). i
cognate term (malbush, C'^STD) describes tpw-
fically a state-dress, whether as used in a nysl
house'hold (1 K. x. 5 ; 2 Ch. ix. 4), or for ni-
gious festivals (2 E. x. 22) : elsewhere it is i»J
generally for robes of a handsome character (Jen
xxvii. 16; Is. Ixiii. 3; Ezek. xvi. 13; Zeph. IS).
Another term, mad (ID), with its derivatires.
mip (Ps. cxxxiii. 2) and HD (2 Sam. i. 4;
1 Ch. xix. 4), is expressive of the Un(fti of the
Hebrew garments (1 Sam. iv. 12; xviii. 4), aaJ
is specifically applied to a long cloak (Jadg. iii-
16; 2 Sam. xx. 8), and to the priest's coat (1<t.
vi. 10). The Greek terms t^uCriai' and onAV
express the corresponding idea, the latter bcii^
specially appropriate to robes of more tku
ordinary grandeur (1 Mace. x. 21, xiv. 9; Ksrk
xii. 38, xvi. 5 ; Luke iv. 22, xx. 46 ; Rev. vi 11,
vii. 9, 13); the x'rotK and litdrior (tviiai, pid-
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BBESS
Joan, Vnlg. ; coat, cloak, A. V.) are brought into
JQitaposition in Matt. t. 40 and Acts ix. 39.
The bilged might be worn in varioua ways, either
wrapped round the body, or worn over the
shoniders, like a ahawl, with the ends or
"skirts" (D!DJ3; wrtpiyia; anguli) hanging
down in front ; or it might be thrown over the
head, so as to conceal the face (2 Sam. xr. 30 ;
Eath. vi. 12). The ends were skirted with a \
fringe and bound with a purple riband (Num.
IT. 38) : it was conBned at the waist by a i
girdle, and the fold (p'O; K^Xiras; nnus), ■
formed by the orerlapping of the robe, served
as a pocket in which a considerable quantity of
articles might be carried (2 K. iv. 39 ; Ps. lixix.
12 ; Hag. ii. 12 ; Niebuhr, Beacription, p. 56),
or as a purse (Pror. ivii. 23, xxi. 14; Is. Ixv.
6, 7 ; Jer. iixii. 18 ; Luke vi. 38).
The ordinary mode of wearing the outer robe,
-called abba or abaijeh, at the present time, is
DBESS
809
exhibited in figs. 2 and 5. The arms, when
falling down, are completely covered by it, as
in fig. 5 : but in holding any weapon, or in
active work, the lower part of the arm is ex-
posed, as in Hg. 2.
The dress of the women differed from that of
the men in regard to the outer garment, the
cetoneth being worn equally by both sexes (Cant.
V. 3). The names of their distinctive robes
were as follows: — (1) mitpachath (nriBCP;
tfpliana ; pallium, linteamen ; veil, wimple, A. V.),
a kind of shawl (Ruth iii. 15 ; Is. iii. 22) ; (2)
maatapha (nSOI?D ; paltiolum ; mantle, A. V.),
another kind of shawl (Is. iii. 22), but, how
differing from the one just mentioned, we know
not ; the etymological meaning of the first name
is expansion, of the second enveloping : (3) taaiph
(fl'HX; dtptm-poy ; veU, A. V.), a robe worn by
Rebecca on approaching Isaac (Gen. ixiv. 65),
and by Tamar when she assumed the guise of a
nfLl,& BcnitUiisorUialoiraronlenL (Luie.) Pl». S. An Ejjlitl»ii woiMn. <Lmi«.)
lif . 7. A woman of the Bontharn Prorlnce of Upper Egypt (l^ne.)
harlot (Gen. xixviii. 14, 19) ; it was probably,
as the LXX. represents it, a light summer dress
of handsome appearance (rfpi4$a\( rh iipurrfiov
Ka\ iKoXKonrlaaTO, Gen. xxxviii. 14), and of
ample dimensions, so that it might be thrown
over the head at pleasure : (4) rudid (Tl"^ > •*. V.
" veil "),a similar robe (Is. iii. 23 ; Cant. v. 7 ; R. V.
" mantle "), and substituted for the tsaiph in the
Chaldee Version : we may conceive of these robes
as resembling the peplum of the Greeks, which
might be worn over the head, as represented in
Diet, of Or. and Bom. Antiq. ii. 321, or again as
resembling the habarah and mildyeh of the modern
Egyptians (Une,i. 73,75): (h) pethigU ^i'<T\^ ;
Xirity fitaoiripipvpos ; stomacher, A. V.), a term
of doubtful origin, but probably significant of a
gay holiday dress (Is. iii. 24) ; to the various
explanations enumerated by Gesenius ( Theaaur.
p. 1137), we may add one proposed by Saalschiitz
(.Archaeol. i. 31X 'nS, io«fe or foolish, and ^'3,
pUatart, in which caaa it=vii/ridl«d pleaiurei
and has no reference to dress at all : (6) gilyoitim
(D'3'bj, Is. iii. 23), also a doubtful word (see
MV."), explained in the LXX. as a transparent
dress, i.e. of gauze (Sta^ayv AcucuyiKi) ; Schroe-
der (<fe Vest. mul. Heb. p. 31 1) supports this view,
but more probablythe word means, as in the A. V.,
" glasses," R. V. " hand-mirrors." The garments
of females were terminated by an ample border or
fringe (^JE'. Hv^; ineMia; skirts), which con-
cealed the feet (Is. xlvii. 2 ; Jer. xiii. 22).
Figs. 6 and 7 illustrate some of the peculiari-
ties of female dress : the former is an Egyptian
woman (in her walking dress); the latter repre-
sents a dress, probably of great antiquity, still
worn by the peasants in the south of Egypt:
the outer robe, or hulaleeyeh, is a large piece of
woollen stuff wound round the body, the upper
parts being attached at the shoulders : another
piece of the same stuff is used for the head-veil,
or tarhah.
Having now completed oar description of
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810
DBES8
Hebrew dreu, we sdil a few remarks relative to
the selection of equivalent terms in our own
language. It must at once strilce everj Biblical
student as a great defect in our A. V. — a
defect not altogether removed in the R. V. — that
the same English word should represent various
Hebrew words : e.g. that " veil " should be pro-
miscuously used for radid (Is. iii. 23), taaiph
(Gen. zziv. 65), mitpachath (Ruth iii. 15 ; R. V.
"mantle"), maiveh (Ex. xxxiv. 33); "robe"
for meil (1 Sam. xviii. 4), cetoneth (Is. xiii. 21),
addereth (Jonah iii. 6), taimah (Micah il. 8);
"mantle" for meU (1 Sam. xv. 27; R. V.
" robe "X addereth (1 K. zix. 13X maatapha
(Is. iii. 22) ; and '* coat " for meil (1 Sam. ii.
19 ; R. V. " robe "), cetoneth (Gen. iii. 21) : and
conversely that different English words should
b« promiscuously used for the same Hebrew
one; meil being translated "coat," "robe,"
« mantle " ; addereth " robe," " mantle." Uni-
formity would be desirable, in so far as it
could be attained, so that the English reader
might understand that the same Hebrew term
occurred in the original text, where the same
English term was found in the translation.
Beyond uniformity, correctness of translation
would also be desirable : the diflficnlty of attain-
ing this in the subject af dress, with regard to .
which the customs and associations are so widely
at variance in our own country and in the East,
is very great. Take, for instance, the cetoneth :
at once an under-garment, and yet not unfre-
quently worn without anything over it ; a Mrt,
Its being worn next the skin; and a coat, as
being the upper garment worn in a house :
deprive the Hebrew of his cetoneth, and he was
positively naked; deprive the Englishman of
his coat, and he has under-garments still. The
beged again: in shape probably like a Scotch
plaid, though the use of such a term would not
be intelligible to the minds of English peasants;
in use unlike any garment with which we are
familiar, for we only wear a great-iXxU or a
cloat in bod weather, whereas the Hebrew and
his beged were inse|iar.'ible. With such difficul-
ties attending the subject, any attempt to
render the Hebrew terms must be, more or less,
a compromise between correctness and modern
usage; and the English terms which we are
about to propose must be regarded merely in
the light of suggestions. Cetoneth answers in
many respects to " frock ; " the sailor's " frock "
is constantly worn next the skin, and either
with or without a coat over it; the "smock-
frock " was once familiar as an upper-garment.
In shape and material these correspond with
cetoneth, and, like it, the term "frock" is applied
to both sexes. In the sacerdotal dress a more
technical term might be used : " vestment," in its
specific sense as = the chasuble, or ccuula, would
represent it very aptly. Meil may perhaps be best
rendered "gown, for this too applies to both
sexes, and, when to men, always in an official
sense, as the academic gown, the alderman's gown,
the barrister's gown, just as meiV appears to have
represented an official, or at all events a special,
dress. In sacerdotal dress " alb " exactly meets
it, and retains still, in the Greek Church, the
very name, poderit, by which the meil is de-
scribed in the LXX. The sacerdotal ephod
approaches, perhaps, most nearly to the term
"pall," the uiu>46pioy of the Greek Chnivh,
DBES8
which we may compare with the Jn^tli of the
LXX. Addereth answers in several lesptcts to
"peliue," although this term is now applied
almost exclusively to female dress. SUn =
"linen wrapper." Simlah we would rader
" garment," and in the plural " clothes," as tbe
broadest term of the kind ; beged, " vestment,"
as lieing of snperior quality ; lebuth, " robe," at
still superior ; mad, " cloak," as being long; and
maibtuh, " dress," in the specific sense in whidi
the term is not unfrequently used u=fi»e dren.
In female costume mitpachath might be rendered
"shawl," maatapha "mantle," ttaiph '■hand-
some dress," and radid " cloak."
In addition to these terms, which we ban
thus far extracted from the Bible, we hare ia
the Talmudical writera an entirely new noncD-
clature. The talith (D^TO) is frequently notieed ;
it was made of fine linen, and bad a binge
attached to it, like the beged; it was of am^
dimensions, so that the head might be enveloped
in it, as was usual among the Jews in the ati
of prayer. The kolbm (PSTIp) was prolablr
another name for the taiith, derived from tlK
Greek Ko\i0toy ; Epiphanins (i. 15) represeiU
the (proAal of the Pharisees as identical *itk
the Dalmatioa or the CvlMum ; the latter, u
known to us, was a close tunic without sleeves.
The chaltth (py?T\) was a woollen shirt, won a^
an nnder tunic. The mactoren (pitSpO) wu a
mantle or outer garment (cp. I^ghtfoot, Ear-
citation on Matt. V. 40 ; Hark xiv. 51 ; Lnke
ix. 3, &c.). Gloves (H^Dp or Cp) are al>»
noticed (CA«/tr», xri. 6; xiiv. 15; ixvi 3^ not,
however, as worn for luxury, but for the pro-
tection of the hands in manual labour.
With regard to other articles of dress, see
Girdle; Handkerchief; Heiad-deess; Hn
or Gabment ; Sandaus ; Shoes ; Veil.
The dresses of foreign nations are oocasioosllj
referred to in the Bible ; that of the BabylonUas
is described in Dan. iii. 31 in terms which ban
been variously understood (see Speaier't ConoL,'
Heinhold [in Strack n. ZSckler's Kgf. Kmt.]
in loco, and consult My."X bat which may be
identified with the statements of Herodotn
(i. 195; vii. 61) in the following manner:—
(1) The sor6<i/m (J'^S'ID; A. V."coats,*R.V.
" hosen ") = either luni(iptStt or drateers, or.
more probably, underclothing ; (2) the pdiA
(C'^t^B ; A. v. " hosen ") = ieiai,i> ntv**^
Kinot or inner tunic (ao R. V. ; in marg., Or,
turbans) ; (3) the carbala (K^S"!? ; A. V. "ist,'
R. V. " mantle ") = twos' tiplrtes «i«4». <>'
upper tunic, corresponding to the meil of tlie
Hebrews; (4) the lOush (WsS A. V. "gar-
ment "), a general term for the rest of the
dress worn by these three Jews, or = x^"'""'
\tvKht> or cloak, which was worn, like the btg»l.
over all. In addition to these terms, we lisn
notice of a robe of state of fine linen, tachn^
CI'TSFI; SMium; aericum pallium), so caQed
from its ample dimensions (Esth. viii. 15). Ite
same expression is used for ptrple garmtntt is
the Chaldee of Ezek. zxvii. 16.
The references to Greek or Roman drsassie
few : the xA<V>i» (> Xacc. xiL 35 ; Hatt xxvil
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DRESS
S8) wu either the paludammtum, the military
icarf of the Roman soldiery, or the Greek chUanys
itself, which vas introdnced under the Empe-
rors [Diet, of Gr.fr Som. JtU. art. Cblamts] ; it
was especially worn by officers. The traTelling
daak (_<^f\6rns) referred to by St. Panl (2 Tim.
IT. 13) is generally identified with the Roman
paenula, of which it may be a corruption ; the
Talmudical writers have a similar name (]1 vB
or K*3?D). It is, however, otherwise explained
as a trarelling case for carrying clothes or books
(Ckmybeare, St. Paul, ii. 499).
4. The customs and associations connected
with dress are numerous and important, mostly
arising tiora the peculiar form and mode of
wearing the outer garments. The begtd, for
instance, could be applied to many purposes
besides its proper use as a vestment ; it was
sometimes used to carry a burden (Ex. xii. 34 ;
Judg. viii. 25 ; Prov. xxx. 4), as Ruth used her
•hawl (Ruth iii. IS); or to wrap up an article
(1 Sam. xxi. 9); or again as an impromptu
saddle (Uatt. xxi. 7). Its most important use,
however, was a coverlet at night (ix. xxii. 27 ;
Ruth iii. 9 ; Ezek. ivi. 8), whence the word is
sometimes taken for bed-clothes (I Sam. xii. 13 ;
1 K. i. 1): the Bedouin applies his aiba to a
similar purpose (Niebuhr, Description, p. 56).
On this account a creditor could not retain it
after sunset (Ex. zxii. 26 ; Deut. xxiv. 12, 13 ;
cp. Job xxii. 6, xxiv. 7 ; Amos ii. 8). The cus-
tom of placing garments in pawn appears to
have been very common, so much so that D^3V>
pledge = » garment (Deut. xxiv. 12, 13); the
accumulation of such pledges is referred to in
Hab. ii. 6 (that ioadeth hitmelf tcith C^DSV, i.e.
pledge* [so R.V.] ; where the A.V., following the
LXX. and Vnlg., reads Q'P 2V, " thick clay") ;
this custom prevailed in the time of our Lord,
Who bids His disciples give up the lndTior=beged,
in which they slept, as well as the x"'^>' (Uatt.
V. 40). At the present day it is not unusual to
seize the a66<i as compensation for an injury : an
instance is given in Wortabet's Syria, i, 293.
The loose flowing character of the Hebrew
robes admitted of a variety of symbolical
actions ; rending them was expreasive of various
emotions, as grief (Gen. xxxvii. 29, 34 ; Job i.
20 ; 2 Sam. i. 2) [Mocrnino], fear (1 K. xxi.
27; 2 K. xxii. 11, 19), indignation (2 K. v. 7,
zi. 14 ; Matt, xxvi. 65), or despair (Judg. xi. 35 ;
Eath. iv, 1): generally the outer garment alone
w» thus rent (Gen. xixvii. 34 ; Job i. 20, ii. 12),
occasionally the inner (2 Sam. xv. 32), and
occasionally both (Ezra ix. 3 ; Matt. xxvi. 65,
compared with Mark ziv. 63). Shaking the
garments, or shaking the dust off them, was a
sign of renunciation (Acts xviii. 6) ; spreading
them before a person, of loyalty and joyous
reception (2 K. ix. 13; Matt. xxi. 8); wrapping
them round the head, of awe (1 K. xix. 13), or
of grief (2 Sam. xv. 30; Esth. vi. 12 ; Jer. xiv.
3, 4); casting them off, of excitement (Acts
zzii. 23) ; laying hold of them, of supplica-
tion (1 Sam. zv. 27 ; b. iii. 6, iv. 1 ; Zech.
viii. 23).
The length of the dress rendered it incon-
venient for active ezercise; hence the outer
garments were either left in the home by a
person working close by (Matt. xxiv. 18) or were
DBESS
811
thrown off when the occasion arose (Mark x. 50 ;
John xiii. 4 ; Acts vii. 58) ; or, if this was not
possible, as in the case of a person travelling,,
they were girded up (1 K. zviiL 46 ; 2 K. iv. 29,
ix. 1 ; 1 Pet. i. 13) : on entering a house, the
upper garment was probably laid aside and
resumed on going out (Acts xii. H). In a sitting
posture, the garments concealed the feet; this
was held to be an act of reverence (Is. vi. 2 ; see
Lowth's note). The proverbial expression in
1 Sam. XIV. 22; 1 K. xiv. 10, xxi. 21 ; 2 K.
ix. 8, probably owes its origin to the length of
the garments, which made another habit more
natural (cp. Her. ii. 35 ; Xen. Cyrop. i. 2, § 16 ;
Ammian. Marcell. xxiii. 6); the expression is
variously understood to mean the loteeat or the
youngest of the people (Gesen. Tliesaur. p. 1397 ;
Jahn, Archaeol. i. 8, § 120> To cut tlie gar-
ments short was the grossest insult that a Jew
could receive (2 Sam. x. 4 ; the word there used
1*10 is peculiarly expressive of the length of the
garments). To raise the border or skirt of a
woman's dress was a similar insult, implying
her unchastity (Is. xlvii. 2 ; Jer. xiii. 22, 26 ;
Nah. iii. 5).
The putting on and off of garments, and the
ease with which it was accomplished, are fre-
quently referred to; the Hebrew expressions
for the first of these operations, as regards the
outer robe, are C'S?, to pat on, nOV. n03, and
-T TT'TT
C)UV, lit. to cover, the last three having special
reference to the amplitude of the robes ; and for
the second QB'B, lit. to expand, which was the
natural result of taking off a wide, loose gar-
ment. The ease of these operations forms the
point of comparison in Ps. cii. 26 ; Jer. xliii. 12.
In the case of closely-fitting robes the expression
is tin, lit. to gird, which is applied to the ephod
(1 Sam. ii. 18; 2 Sam. vi. 14), to sackcloth
(2 Sam. iii. 31 ; Is. xxiii. 11; Jer. iv. 8); the
use of the term may illustrate Gen. iii. 7, where
the garments used by our first parents are called
min (A. V. "aprons"), probably meaning such
as could be wound round the body (see marg.
rendering). The converse term is DriS, to loosen
or wMnd (Ps. xxx. 11 ; Is. xi. 2).
The number of suits possessed by the Hebrews
was considerable: a single suit consisted of an
under and upper garment, and was termed T\'^S
□niS (oToXl) liiarlur, i.e. apparatta testimn,
LXX. ; Judg. xvii. 10). Where more than one
is spoken of, the suits are termed niBvD
(iXXa<ra6ntyai <rro\ai ; cp. Hom. Od. viii. 249,
<l!uaTa d^TifunPd ; changes of raiment, A. V.).
These formed in ancient times one of the most
usual presents among Orientals (Harmer, Obser-
vations, ii. 397 sq.) ; five (Gen. xiv. 22) and even
ten changes (2 K. v. 5) were thus presented^
while as many as thirty were proposed as a
wager (Judg. xiv. 12, 19). The highest token
of affection was to present the robe actually
worn by the giver (1 Sam. xviii. 4 ; cp. Hom,
n. vi. 230 ; Harmer, ii. 388). The presenUtion
of a robe in many instances amounted to instftl-
lation or investiture (Gen. xii. 42 ; Esth. viii. 15 ;
Is. xxii. 21 ; cp. Morier, Second Journey, p. 93) ;
on the other hand, taking it away amounted to
dismissal from office (2 Mace iv. 38). The
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812
DRINK, STBONG
production of the best robe was a mark of
special honour in a household (Luke zr. 22).
The number of robes thus received or kept in
store for presents was very large, and formed
one of the main elements of wealth in the East
(Job xxvii. 16; Matt. vi. 19; Jas. v. 2), so
that to have clothing = to be wealth; and
powerful (Is. iii. 6, 7). On grand occasions the
entertainer offered becoming robes to his guests
(Trench on Parables, p. 231). Hence in large
households a wardrobe (nnRTO) ""» required
for their preservation (2 K. z. 22 ; cp. Harmer,
ii. 382), superintended by a special oBScer,
named D'*7J3ri ipC', ieqaer of the vardrobo
(2 Ch. zzxiv. 22). Robes reserved for special
occasions are termed fliVpnO (A. V. " change-
able suits " ; R. V. " the festival robes " in Is. iii.
22; A.V. "change of raiment," E.V. "rich
apparel " in Zech. iii. 4), because laid aside
when the occasion was past.
The colour of the garment was, as we have
already observed, generally white ; hence a spot
or stain readily showed itself (Is. liiii. 3 ;
Jnde 23; Rev. iii. 4); reference is made in
Lev. xiii. 47 sq. to a greenish or reddish spot of a
leprous character. Jahn (Archaeol. i. 8, § 135)
conceives this to be not the result of leprosy,
but the depredations of a small insect. Schiling
(de Lepra, p. 192) states that human leprosy
taints clothes, and adds sunt maculae omnino
indebiles ; but Dillmana points out that the
passage in Lev. does not necessarily allude to
clothes thus infected (Knobel-Dillmann in loco).
Frequent washings and the application of the
fuller's art were necessary to preserve the purity
of the Hebrew dress. [Soap ; Fullek.]
The business of making clothes devolved upon
women in a family (Prov. xzxi. 22 ; Acts ix. 39) ;
little art was required in what we may term
the tailoring department; the garments came
forth for the most part ready made from the
loom, so that the weaver supplanted the tailor.
The references to sewing are therefore few : the
term 1DH (Gen. iii. 7 ; Job xvi. 13 ; Eccles. iii. 7 ;
Ezek. xiii. 18) was applied by the later Jews to
mending rather than making clothes.
The Hebrews were open to the charge of
«xtravagance in dress; Isaiah in particular
'(iii. 16 sq.) dilates on the numerous robes and
-ornaments worn by the women of his day. The
same subject is referred to in Jer. iv. 30;
Ezek. xvi. 10; Zeph. i. 8; Ecclus. xi. 4; 1 Tim.
ii. 9 i 1 Pet. iii. 3. [W. L. B.] [F.]
DRINK, STRONG (T3t?; ffUtpa). The
Hebrew term shekar, in its etymological sense,
applies to any beverage that had intoxicating
qualities : it is generally found connected with
wine, either as an exhaustive expression for all
other liquors (e.g. Judt;. xiii. 4; Luke i. 15), or
as parallel to it, particularly in poetical passages
{e.g. Is. V. 11; Hie. ii. 11); in Num. xxviii. 7
and Ps. Ixix. 12, however, it stands by itself and
must be regarded as including wine. The Bible
itself throws little light upon the nature of the
mixtures described under this term. We may
infer from Cant. viii. 2 that the Hebrews were in
the habit of expressing the juice of other fruits
besides the grape for the purpose of making
wine : the pomegranate, which is there noticed,
DROHEDABT
was probably one out of many fruits so as«<t.
In Is. xxiv. 9 there may be a reference to the
sweetness of some kind of strong drink, la
Num. xxviii. 7 strong drink is clearly used u
equivalent to wine, which was ordered in Ei.
xxix. 40. With regard to the application of th«
term in later times we have the explicit state-
ment of Jerome {Ep. ad Nepot.'), as well u
other sources of information, from which we
may state that the following beverages were
known to the Jews : — 1. Beer, which was largely
consumed in Egypt under the name of zytkst
(Herod, ii. 77 ; Diod. Sic i. 34), and was thenee
introduced into Palestine (Hishna Pesach. 3, § 1).
It was made of barley ; certain herbs, such as
lupin and skirrett, were used as sabstitntes &r
hops (Colum. X. 114). The boozah of modem
Egypt is made of barley-bread, crumbled in
water and left until it has fermented (Lane,
i. 131): the Arabians mix it with spices (Bnrck-
bardt's Arabia, i. 213), as described in ll v. 'tt
The Misbna (/. c.) seems to apply the term
shekar more especially to a Median drink,
probably a kind of beer made in the same
manner as the modem boozah; the Edunite
chomets, noticed in the same place, was probably
another kind of beer, and may have held the
same position among the Jews that bitter beer
does among ourselves. 2. Cider, which is
noticed in the Mishna (TVrum. 11, § 2) a>
apple-uHne. 3. Honey-mne, of which there were
two sorts, one like the ou>^;icXi of the Greeks,
which is noticed in the Mishna {ShM. 20, § 2 ;
I Terutn. 1 1, § 1) under a Hebraized form of that
i name, consisting of a mixture of wine, honey,
and pepper ; the other a decoction of the jnioe
of tlie grape, teimed <fe6tisA (honey) by the
Hebrews, and dibs by the modem Syrians,
resembling the Si^tifia of the Greeks and the
defrutum of the Romans, and similarly used,
being mixed with wine, milk, or water. 4. Date-
wine, which was also manufactured in Egypt
(oI«i tpoiyudiios, Herod, ii. 86, iii. 20). It was
made by mashing the fruit in water in certain
proportions (Plin. xiv. 19, § 3). A similar
method is still used in Arabia, except that the
fruit is not mashed (Burckhardt's Arabia,
ii. 264) : the palm-wine of modem Egypt is tht
sap of the tree itself, obtained by making as
incision into its heart (Wilkinson, ii. 174 [1878]).
5. Various other fruits and vegetables an
enumerated by Pliny (xiv. 19) as supplying
materials for factitious or home-made wine, such
as figs, millet, the carob Iruit, &c. It is not
improbable that the Hebrews applied mtniu to
this purpose in the simple Arabian manner
(Burckhardt, ii. 377), viz., by putting than in
jars of water and burying them in the gronnd
until fermentation takes place. [W. L. B.]
DROllTEDART. The representative in the
A. V. of the Hebrew words bitxr or bicrak, necsst
and rammSc. As to the two former terms, see
under Cakel.
1. Secesh (BO*1; IrKfitw, SpM>t j^oneata,
veredarit) is variously interpreted in the A. V.
• " SIcers Hebraeo aennone omnis patio, quae i>-
elnlare potest, sive ilia, quae friunento cooficHor sN«
pomomm sncco, aut cum favl deooqnnntur in dalcca st
barbaram potlonem, aut palmanim fynctm exprixnontsr
in liqnorem, cocUsquefrngibos aqua pingulor cokoatar.'
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DBU8ILLA
by "dromedaries" (1 K. iv. 28), "mules"
(Esth. Tiii. 10, 14), "swift beasts" (Mic. i. 13),
ia all which passages the R. V. has "swift
steeds." There seems to be no doubt that
rectsh denotes a "superior kind of horse,"
such as would be required when dispatch was
necessarf . It is derived from B'S^, " to collect
the feet," and so "to gallop;" i.e. "the swift
mnner," or "galloper," applied especially to
stallions.
2. Itammak CIS"!: LXX. and Vulg. omit)
occurs only in plur. form in Esth. viii. 10, in
connexion with bene, "sons;" the expression
htni rammakim being an epexegesis of the
Hebrew word achas/ttercinim, " mules, the sons of
mares." The Hebrew ^tD"!, " a mare," which
the A. v. renders incorrectly " dromedary,"
but the R. V. accurately, " bred of the stud," is
evidently allied to the Arabic aX« ,> ramo^A,
•'a brood mare." [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
DBUSILLA (A(>ou<r(AAo; Ih-usUla). She
was the third and youngest daughter of Herod
Agrippa I., and was six years old at the time
of his death (Jos. jlnf. xix. 9, § 1). She had been
betrothed by her father to Epiphanes, son of
Autiochus, king of Commagene. But on the
refusal of Epiphanes to conform to Judaism,
Dmsilla was giren by her brother Herod
Agrippa II. to Aziz, king of Emesa, who consented
to be circumcised. This marriage did not turn
out happily, and the envious illwill of her sister
Berenice [Beshice] added to her troubles.
Felix, the procurator of Judaea, happened to see
her, was struck with her remarkable beauty,
and employed a friend of his, one Simon, a
pretended sorcerer, to entice Drusilla to forsake
her husband. This man is by some identified
with Simon Magus, but his description as "a
Cyprian" is against the identification. Simon
succeeded, and we find Drusilla the wife of
Felix at the time of St. Paul's imprisonment at
Caesarea (Acts xxiv. 24). She must then have
been about eighteen, josephus, who gives the
story, seems to think her transgression lay only
in marrying one who was neither a Jew nor a
proselyte (Jos. Ant. xx. 7, §§ 1, 2). She had
a son by Felix named Agrippa, who died with
his wife in the great eruption of Vesuvius in
the reign of Titus. Drnsilla's presence when
Paul had his audience, and the fact of her being
a Jewess, seem to be mentioned (Acts xxiv. 24)
partly to accoimt for Felix showing this interest
in Christianity, and partly to give point to
the Apostle's fearless preaching of self-control
iiyKpdrtia). [£. R. B.]
DUBLE, Gen. xxxvi. 15, 40; Ex. xv. 15;
Joah. xiii. 21 (R. V. marg. Or, chief), the Latin
dnx = a leader. Lumby points out that the title
was extinct in England in 1611 when the A. V.
was made, and the word was used literally of
any chief (^Glossary of Bible Words in Eyre and
Spottiswoode's Teachers' £ibU). [K.]
DULCIMES occurs in the A. V. and R. V.
in Dan. iii. 5 (in c. 10 is another form of the same
word) and r. 15.
Whatever the etymology of this so-called
Latino-Greek word may be, the fact that " the
DUMAH
813
people of the mtisic of the future " call it
Hackbret (" chopping-board ") shows at once that
duicimer cannot be a wind-instrument. But if
it be no wind-instrument, how can it repre-
sent the Sumponeyah (n*3Bp4D), or Supponeya
(n*3S1D), both of which, surely, are the equivalent
of the Greek aufupmvta ? The opinionexpressed that
Sumponeyah meant " a tube," " a pipe," is quite
correct; butthe "Semitic"5i/mpon(pDDD)itself
rests only on the Danielic passages quoted above.
Now, these passages are . hundreds of years older
than any Talmudic or Midrashic passages which
have the word Sympon. It is also noteworthy
that the Rab Se'adyah, who explains Sumponeyah
by Sympon, is not the exact and famous scholar,
the Gaon (Head of the Academy of Snro. See
Schiller-Szinessy, "Saadia," Encycl. Britannica,'
vol. xii.). The revisers of the A. V. were.
therefore, nearer the truth when they gave (in
marg. of Dan. iii. 5) for " dulcimer " the alterna-
tive rendering, bagpipe. [S. M. S.-S.]
DITMAH (JVan ; lioviii, 'l8ov/u(, •iJow/uiJo;
Duma), an Ishmaelite tribe of Arabnt, and thence
the name of the principal place, or district, in-
habited by that tribe. In Gen. xxv. 14, and
1 Ch. i. 30, the name occurs in the list of the
sons of Ishmael ; and in Isaiah (xxi. 11), in the
" burden of Dumah," it is coupled with Seir,
the forest of Arabia, and Kedar. The name of
a town in the northern part of the peninsula,
abont halfway between Petra and the Euphrates,
Dumat-el-Jemkl, is held by Gesenius, and other
European authorities, to have been thus derived;
and the opinion is strengthened by Arab tra-
ditionists, who have the same belief (Jftr-<ft ez-
Zemdn). The latter, however, err in writing
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■814
DUMAH
" Davmat-«l-Jmdd " ( J jJl^\ '^J<^) > ^''''*
the lexicographers and geographers of their
nation expressly state that tt is correctly
" Dumat-el-Jendal," or " Dumi-el-Jmdet"
fyJDg " DAmah of the stones or blocks of stoue,"
-of which it is said to have been built (SStAoA ;
Yakdt. Mo'jam, and Miuhtarak, s. v.), indicating,
jxrhaps, that the place 'was built of unhewn or
Cyclopean masonry.similartothat of very ancient
stractnres. The town itself, which is one of the
''KweyySt" of Wadi-l-Kwrd (Yikflt. Mo'jam,
s. V. Dflmah), is now called "Jfif (see MV.");
and the fortress which it contains, appears to hare
had the special appellation of " Mdrid " yiiy^J.
There are two Diaiaht ; that named in this
article, and D. et-'lrak. The chief of one, a
contemporary of Mohammad, is said to have
founded the other, or to hare giren it the name
of Dflmah ; but most Arab authorities, and pro-
bability also, are in favour of the prior antiquity
«f the former. [E. & P.]
DU'MAH (nD11 = »./«noe; B. 'f*it»i, A.
'tmiiA ; £\iina\ a city in the mountainous
ilistrict of Judah, near Hebron (Josh. xt. 52).
In the Onomasticon of Eusebins and Jerome
<0S.» 116, 4; 250, 68) it is named as a very
large pl.ice (ftiiai luylarii), 17 miles from
Eleutheropolis, in the district of Daroma (i.«.
« the south," from the Hebrew DITI). It is now
«d-D6meh, a large ruin, with rock-hewn tomos
first noticed by Robinson (i. 212). It is about
6 miles S.W. of Hebron, and 14 English miles
from Beit Jibrin, Eleutheropolis (f£ A'. Mem. iii.
:il3, 328 ; Guirin, Judde, iii. 359-60). [G.] [W.]
DUNG (^^^. ^^il. rWif, the latter always,
and the two former generally, applied to men ;
]0% C^P* V*BV, to brute animals, the second
exclusively to animals offered in sacrifice, and
the third to the dung of cows or camels). The
uses of dung were twofold, as manure and as
fuel. The manure consisted either of straw
steeped in liquid manure (n)O'ID *Q3, lit. in
dung toater. Is. ixv. 10), or the siceepings (T\TnO,
Is. T. 25) of the streets and roads, which were
carefully removed from about the houses and
collected in heaps (nBCV) outside the walls of
the towns at fixed spots (hence the dung-gate at
Jerusalem, Neh. ii. 13), and thence removed in
due course to the fields (Mishna Sheb. 3, §§ 1-3).
To sit on a dung-heap was a sign of the deepest
dejection (1 Sam. ii. 8 ; Ps. cxiil. 7 ; Lam. iv.
5 : cp. Job ii. 8, LXX. and Vulg.). The mode
of applying manure to trees was by digging holes
about their roota and inserting it (Luke xiii. 8),
as still practised in Southern Italy (Trench,
Parables, p. 356). In the case of sacrifices the
dung was burnt outside the camp (Ex. xxix. 14 ;
Lev. iv, 11, viii. 17; Num. xix. 5): hence the
extreme opprobrium of the threat in Mai. ii. 3.
Particular directions were laid down in the Law
to enforce cleanliness with regard to hnman
ordure (Dent, xxiii. 12 sq.) : it was the grossest
DUBA
insult to turn a man's house into a receptacle
for it (nSTTO, 2 K. I. 27 ; I^^J, Ezra vL It ;
Dan. u. 5,' iii". 29, "dunghill " A. V.). PaUit
establishments of that nature are still found is
the large towns of the East (Russell's Aieppo, L
34). The expression to "east out as iaof'
implied not only the offenaiycneaa of the object,
but also the ideas of remonai (1 K. xiv. 10), snd
still more exposure (2 K. ix. 37; Jer. viiL 2)
The reverence of the later Hebrews would get
permit the pronunciation of some of the tenn>
used in Scripture, and accordingly more delicsU
words were substitnted in the margin (2 E. li
25, 1. 27, xviiL 27 ; Is. xxxvi. 12). The occu-
rence of such names as Gilalai, Dimnah, Usd-
menah, and Madmannah, shows that theu idess
of delicacy did not extend to ordinary nutlets.
The term aicifiaXa (" dung," A. V, PhiL lit
8) applies to refuse of any kind (cp. Ecdu.
xxvii. 4X
The difficulty of procnring fuel in Syria,
Arabia, and Egypt, has made dung in all sges
valuable as a substitute : it was probably used
for heating ovens and fur baking cakes (Eaek. ir.
12, 15), the equable heat which it produced
adapting it peculiarly fur the latter operation.
Cow's and camel's dung is still used for a similtr
purpose by the Bedouins (Burckhardt's Seta, x.
57) : they even form a species of pan for fiyin;
eggs out of it (Russell, i. 39) : in Egypt the
dung is mixed with straw and formed into flst
round cakes, which are dried in the sun (Lsns,
i. 252 ; ii. 141). [W. L. B.]
DUNGEON. [Pbmon.]
DUNG PORT (Neh. iL 13), one of the gates
of Jerusalem. [T.]
DUUA (Kin; Acsifxf; Dura), the pUia
where Nebuchadnezzar set up the golden itamt
(Dan. iii. 1), has been sometimes identified with
a tract a little below Tekrit (Ammianus Utr-
cellinus) on the left bank of the Tigris (Laysrd.
^Vi'n. and Bab. p. 469), where the name of Pur
is still found. But (1) this tract probablv
never belonged to Babylon ; (2) at any rate it
is too far from that site to be the place where the
image was set up, for the plain of Dura ww in
the pradnce or district of Babylon (733 n]**ip3
probably corresponding in meaning with the
native ina pihat Babili, " in the district of Baby-
lon "), and mnst therefore have been within or
near the city. M. J. Oppert places the pisia
(or, as he calls it, " valley ") of Dura to the
south-east of Babylon, in the vicinity of the
mound Dowair or DiSair, on which site he dis-
covered the pedestal of a colossal statue. He
regards the modem name as a corruption of the
ancient appellation. That it is the plain of
Shinar (as has been thought) is a mere con-
jecture. German Assyriologista seem inclined te
identify Dura with the Babylonian Dflru, a word
which simply means " the wall " or " fortifi-
cation." It is noteworthy that the Greek form
is Aeeipi, implying that the LXX. identified it
with a name containing long i (or it) as the
middle vowel. This would point to some such
name as DSru, which, however, seems to o&r
an even less satisfactory solution than the
other. [G. R] [T. G. P.]
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EAOLE
E
EAGLE Cf'J. nesher; Arab. ;, niMV;
air 6s ; aquHa). The Hebrew word, which occurs
ireqnently in the 0. T., is derived from a root
signifying " to tear witli the beak " ; and is ren-
dered " eagle " in A. V. and R. V. in all passages
(bat cp. Ler. zL 13, Deut. xiv. 12, R. V. marg.,
■jreat mdture ; and in Micah i. 16, R. V. marg.,
rultwe'). The bird denoted by the Hebrew and
.Arabic name is beyond doubt the griffon vulture,
>!yp* fvlvua (Gm.) of naturalists, a majestic
bird, most abundant and never out of sight,
whether on the mountains or the plains of
Palestine. Everywhere it is a feature in the
sky, aa it circles higher and higher, till lost to
all but the keenest sight, and then rapidly
swoops down again. The Arabs never apply
the term ntss'r to any other bird than this,
unless it be to the comparatively rarer species,
the dnereia or bkck, and the eared vulture
EAGLE
815
Kiifile-bcadcd Ognre. (N.W. Folaoe. Nlmnid.)
{ Vulttir cinereiM, Gm., and Otogypi awicrdarit,
Daod.X which they do not discriminate, and
which have the same general characteristics
and habits. The bird commonly known as the
£gyptUn vulture (Heb. 011^ Arab.
Vthe
universal scavenger of the East, Neophron per.
cnoptenu (U), is always distinguislied by its
special name, and is an object of contempt,
while the griffon is one of reverence. The troe
Eagle family is distinguished in Hebrew by
many different names, rendered in the A. V.
as osai&age, kite, glede, osprey, &c. ; and in
.Arabic eagles are designateil collectively as
i_ -* \.ii^i Kfii, with a specific adjective for the
various species. Our translators seem to have
shrunk from the true rendering of nmher,
through confusing the idea of the griffon with
that of the Egyptian scavenger. Although the
griffon feeds on carrion, or rather on fresh
carcases, this habit is no leas characteristic of
the true eagles, which will never kill for them-
selves if they can find dead flesh ; and it is very
passible that the larger eagles which sometimes
consort with the griffon are embraced nnder the
same name ; but while the latter may be seen
by hundreds, the less conspicuous eagles are
only to be counted by a few individuals here
and there. The Assyrian deity Nisroch, in
whose temple Sennacherib was
murdered, is by Sir H. Layard
considered to be typified by the
eagle or griffon headed figure of
a divinity so familiar in Assyrian
monuments. This eagle-headed
or vulture-headed human figure
is continually introduced into
the sculptures of Nineveh, con-
tending with other mythic ani-
mals, and in their contests it
nppenrs to be always the con-
queror. This illustrates the
reverence in which the creature,
so adopted as a symbol, was held.
We may refer also to a fragment
of the Zoroastrian oracles pre-
served by Eusebius: "God is he
that has the head of a hnwk."
Sometimes the griffon head is
attached to the body of a lion,
and resembles the gryphon of
Greek mythology, and is the
original of the griffon of West
European heraldry. The range
of the griffon vulture is from
Spain to India, and from the
Alps to the Cape of Good Hope.
At least eight distinct kinds
of eagles have been observed in
Palestine : viz., the golden eagle
{AquAa C/irysaetua, L.), the
spotted eagle (Ai^iVa danja.
Pall.), the commonest species in
the rocky districts (see Ibia, i.
23), the imperial eagle (AquUa
Ileliaea, Sav.), and the very com-
mon Circaetos gallicui (Gm.),
which preys on the numerous
J reptUia of Palestine (for a figure
of this, see OsPREY). The other
four — Aquila faadata V., Aquila
nipalensis Hodg., Aquila rapax Tem., and
Aqiula pennata Gm. — are comparatively rare.'
■ The reader will find the vemtcniar Anbic names of
dlBerent species of VoltariilR and Falconids In Loche's
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816
EAGLE
The Persians osed the eagle as their military ,
emblem and standard. In Is. xlvi. 11, Cyms is j
alluded to under the symbol of this bird :
" calling a ravenous bird (0]V) from the East " i
(ep. Xen. Cyrop. vii. 4); and from Assyria and
Persia the Romans probably borrowed the
ensign, which has been adopted by so many
modern nations, with more appropriateness of
character than its bearers would be willing to
aclcnowledge.
Aqutta Bdiata.
Job accurately describes the habits of the
griffon : " Doth the eagle (ncsher) mount up at
thy command, and malie her nest on high ? She
dwelleth on the rock, and hath her lodging
there, upon the crag of the rock and the strong
hold. From thence she spieth out the prey ;
her eyes behold it afar off. Her young ones
also suck up blood ; and where the slain are,
there is she" (xxjix. 27-30, R. V.).
So the fastnesses of Edom, amid the gorges of
Petra, are described by Jeremiah as no security
against the yengeance of Jehovah : " thou
that dwellest in the clefts of the rock, that
holdest the height of the hill: though thou
shouldest make thy nest as high as the eagle
^nesher), I will bring thee down from thence, saith
the Lord " (Job xlix. 16). While the eagles and
other birds are content with lower elevations,
and sometimes even with trees, the griffon alone,
with the lammergeier, selects the stupendous
gorges of Arabia Petraea and of the defiles of
Palestine, and there in great communities rears
its young, where the most intrepid climber can
only with ropes and other appliances reach its
nest.
The griffon's or eagle's swiftness 'of flight is
the subject of frequent allusion in Scripture
(Deut. xxviii. 49; 2 Sam. i. 23; Jer. iv. 13,
xlix. 22 ; Lam. iv. 19, &c.) ; its mounting high
into the air is referred to (in Prov. xxiii. 5, xxx.
19 ; Is. xl. 31 ; Jer. xlix. 16); its strength and
vigour (in Ps. ciii. 5) ; its predaceous habits (in
Job ii. 26 ; Prov. xxx. 17) ; the care in training
Catalogue dw Oiuaux obten^t «n AlgMe ; and In IbU,
vols. i. II., Tristram's papers on the Ornithology of
Sorth Africa.
EAGLE
its young to fly (in Ex, xix. 4 ; Deut. xiiii 11);
its powers of vision (in Job xxxix. 29).
The passage in Micah i. 16, "Enlai^ thy
baldness ns the eagle " (R. V. marg. or, tmUun),
has been understood by Bochart (ifieroz. iL
744) and others to refer to the eagle at the
time of its moulting in the spring. Oedman
( Vermisch. Samm. i. 64) erroneously refers the
baldness spoken of by the prophet to point
to the Gypaeius barbatas, the bearded vultuK
or lammergeier, which he supposed was bald.
It b extremely improbable that there is any
reference in the passage under consideratioa
to eagles moulting. Allusion is here made
to the custom of shaving the head as a UHLtn
of mourning; but there would be little or
no appropriateness in the comparison of •
shaved head with an eagle at the time of
moulting. But in the case of the gri6t>n
vulture ( Vultw ftUvus), the simile is peculiarly
appropriate; it may be remarked that the
Hebrew verb ^rocA (Hip) signifies "to make
bald on the back part of the head ; " the notion
here conveyed is very applicable to the whole
head and neck of this bird, which is destitute
of tme feathers, and either naked or thinly
covered with a powdery down.
With regard to the texts referred to aboit,
which compare the watchful and sustaining ore
of His people by the Almighty with thai ex-
hibited by the eagle in training its young ones
to 8y, we may quote a passage from Sir Hum-
phry Davy, who says, ''I once saw a very
interesting sight above one of the crags of B«i
Nevis, as I was going in the pursuit of black
game. Two parent eagles were teaching their
offspring, two young birds, the manceuvres of
flight. They began by rising from the top of
the mountain, in the eye of the sun. It was
about mid-day, and bright for this climate.
They at first made small circles, and the yonn;
birds imitated them. They paused on their
wings, waiting till they had made their firat
flight, and then took a second and larger gyra-
tion ; always rising towards the sun, and
enlarging their circle of flight so as to make a
gradually ascending spiral. The young one*
still and slowly followed, apparently flying
better as they monnted ; and they continued
this sublime exercise, always rising, till they
became mere points in the air, and the young
ones were lost, and afterwards their parents, U
our aching sight." The expression in Exodos
and Deuteronomy (II. cc-X "beareth them on
her wings," has been understood by Rabbinical
writers and others to mean that the eagle does
actually carry her young ones on her wings and
shoulders. This is putting on the words a con-
struction which they by no means are intended
to convey ; at the same time, it is not improba-
ble that the parent bird assists the first efforts
of her young by flying under them, thus sn>-
taining them for a moment, and enoouragisf
them in their early lessons.
In this connexion we may note that the
griffon appears to have been sacred in the
Egyptian mythology to Mant, the goddea of
maternity.
In Ps. ciii. 5 it is said, " Thy youth is re-
newed like the eagle " (E, V. ; see also Is. xl. 31).
Some Jewish interpreters have illustrated thit
passage by a reference to the old fables abost
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_-j
EANBS
the eagle twing able to renew his strength when
very old (see Bochart, Jiiervz. ii. 747). Modern
commentators t'ur the most part are inclined to
think that these words refer to the eagle after
the moulting season, when the bird is more full
of activity than before. We much prefer Ueng-
tteaberg's explanation on Ps. ciii. 5, " Thy youth
is renewed, so that in point of strength thou
art like the eagle."
The eagle (ii«sA<r), a> emblematic of the
DiTine attributes, is one of the four living
EABBINGS
817
creatures in the vision of Ezekiel ( i. 10), as
also in that of St. John (Rev. ir. 7) ; to whom,
from his keen insight into heavenly truths, and
I his near approach to the brightness of the Divine
I glory in the Revelation vouchsafed to him, this
I bird has been assigned as an emblem.
I The iuTci of Matt. xxiv. 28, Luke xvii. 37,
I have evidently an inclusive sense ; comprehend-
ing all the ravenous birds which invariably
congregate round a field of battle. These are
I all the species of vulture, of eagle, and of
Eitffl«t atul Hiire. (Nlmmd.)
buzzanl : among all theie the grifTon will pre-
ponderate in the proportion of twenty to one.
These birds also accompany armies in their
march, on the watch for the dead horses and
baggage animals. During the Crimean war,
round Sebastopol, where the griffon bad pre-
viously been very scarce, immense numbers
congregated ; and came, as the Turks said, from
the ends of the earth. The writer noticed
during that period an unusual scarcity of these
birds in North Africa.
Eagles are frequently represented in Assyrian
scalptures attending the soldiers in their battles ;
jiortraying the common feature in Eastern
battle-field scenery, of birds of prey awaiting
to satisfy their hunger on the bodies of the
slain. [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
E'ANES (B. yidyjii ; Etses), 1 Esd. ii. 21, a
name which, according to the margin, stands for
Harim in Ezra (x. 21), but which is really all
that remains of the three names in Ezra — Harih,
Maaseiah, and Elijah. The form Eanes is
dae to the Aldine misprint 'Hims for Mirris
(see Speaker's Comm. in loco). [F.]
EAB, EABED, EARING (Gen. xlv. 6;
£x. xxxiv. 21 ; Deut. xxi. 4 ; I Sam. viii. 12 ;
Is. XXX. 24) of the A. V. is now replaced in the
R. V. by the modem equivalent " plough " or
" plow." It comes firom the Lat. arare, urough
the A.-S. erian (cp. earth, arable, i.e. earabte,
ground), and was one of the words " very reluc-
tantly abandoned, and only because their mean-
ing was unknown to many persons of good
intelligence and education " (Revisers' Pref. to
O. T.). [K.]
EARNEST. This term occurs only thrice
in the A. V. and R. V. (2 Cor. i. 22, v. 5 ; Ephes.
L 14). The equivalent in the original is if^a0<ii',
a Graecised form of JiaiT, which was intro-
duced by the Phoenicians into Greece, and also
into Italy, where it reappears under the forms
arrhabo and arrha (see further in MY."). It
BIBLB DICT.— VOL. I.
may again be traced in the French arrhes, and
in the Old English expression JiarCa or Arle's
money. The Hebrew word was used generally
for pledje (Gen. xixviii. 17), and in its cognate
forms for surety (Prov. xvii. 18) and hostage
(2 K. liv. 14). The Greek derivative, however,
acquired a more technical sense as signifying
the deposit paid by the purchaser on entering
into an agreement for the purchase of any thing
(Snid. Lex. ». v.). A similar legal and tech-
nical sense attaches to earnest, the payment of
which places both the vendor and the purchaser
in a position to enforce the carrying out of the
contract (Blackstone, ii. 30). There is a marked
distinction between pUdt/e and earnest in this
respect, that the latter is a part-payment, and
therefore implies the identity in kind of the
deposit with the future full payment ; whereas a
pledge may be something of a totally different
nature, as in Gen. xxxviii., to be resumed by
the depositor when he has completed his con-
tract. Thus the expression "earnest of the
Spirit " implies, beyond the idea of security, the
identity in kind, though not in degree, and the
continuity of the Christian's privileges in this
world and in the next. The payment of earnest-
money under the name of arrabon is still a
common occurrence of Arab life. [W. L. B.]
EARRINGS. The word Dt J, by which these
ornaments are usually described, is unfortunately
ambiguous, originally referring to the nose-ring
and thence transferred to the earring. The full
expression for the latter is D^3TM3 IC'M DU
(Gen. XXXV. 4. Cp. Ex. xxxii.' 2 ; Prov.' xxv.
12), in contradistinction to ^tOV DT^ (Gen.
xxiv. 47. Cp. Prov. xi. 22 ; Is. iii. 21 ; Exek.
xvi. 12). In the majority of cases, however,
the kind is not specified, and the only cine to
the meaning is the context. The term occurs
in this undefined sense in Jndg. viii. 24,
Job ilii. 11, Hos. ii. 13; the probability being
that the nose-ring is intended. The material
3 G
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818
EABTH
of which the earring was made was generally
gold (Cx. xxxii. 2), and its form circular, as
we may infer from the name T^iV, by which
it is described (Num. zxxi. 50; Ezek. xvi. 12):
sucli was the shape usual in Egypt (Wilkinson's
Anc. Egypt, ii. 336, 338, 345). They were worn
by the Hebrew women, by the youth of both sexes
(Ex. I. c), and — less commonly (cp. Kamphausen
in Riehm's HWB. s. n. OAmnj«)— by men
(Judg. viii. 24). In the latter passage the
amount of the (/old is the peculiarity adverted to,
and not the cliaracter of the ornament, a ]>ecu-
liarity which is still noticeable among the in-
habitants of Southern Arabia (Wellsted's Travels,
i. 321). The earring appears to have been re-
garded with superstitious reverence as an amulet:
thus it is named in the Chaldee and Samaritan
Versions KtS'*'!]?, a holy thing ; and in Is. iii. 20
the word D'B'n?, prop, amulets (R. V.), is ren-
dered in the A. V., after the LXX. and Vulg.,
earrmgt. [Amulet.] On this account they were
surrendered along with the idols by Jacob's
household (Gen. xxxv. 4). Chardin describes
earrings, with talismanic figures and characters
on them, as still existing in the East (Brown's
Antiquitiea, ii. 305> Jewels were sometimes
attached to the rings : they were called fllD'tJ)
(from S|tD3, to drop), a word rendered in Judg.
viii. 26 ifiunKOi, monilia; "collars," marg. or
sweet jeiceh, A. V. (R. V. " pendants "), and in
Is. iii. 19, xiBfiia; torques ; "chains," marg. or
svoeet balls, A. V. (R. V. " pendants "). The size
EgypUan Earringi. (From Wilkinson.)
of the earrings still worn in Eastern countries far
exceeds what is nsual among ourselves (Harmer's
O&s., iv. 311, 314); hence they form a hand-
some present (Job xlii. 11), or offering to the
service of God (Num. xxxi. 50). [W.L.B.] [F.]
EAKTH. This term is used in two widely
different senses : (1) for the material of which
the earth's surface is composed ; (2) as the name
of the planet on which man dwells. The Hebrew-
language discriminates between these two by
the use of separate terms, Adamah (nOTS) for
the former, Erets (yWt) for the latter. As the
two are essentially distinct, we shall notice them
separately.
1. Adamah is the earth in the sense of soil or
ground, particularly as being susceptible of cul-
tivation ; hence the expression ish adamah for an
agriculturist (Gen. ix. 20). The earth supplied
the elementary substance of which man's body
was formed, and the tei-ms adam and adamah are
brought into juxtaposition, implying an etymo-
logical connexion (Oen. ii. 7). [Adah.] The
EABTH
opinion that man's body was formed of earth
prevailed among the Greeks (Hesiod, Op. et Di.
61, 70 ; Plat. Bep. p. 269), the Romans (Viij.
Oeorg. ii. 341 ; Ovid, Met. i. 82), the Egyptisns
(Diod. Sic. i. 10), and other ancient nations. It
is evidently based on the observation at tlie
material into which the l>ody is resolved after
death (Job x. 9 ; Eccles. xii. 7). The law pre-
scribed earth as the material out of which altsrs
were to be raised (Ex. xx. 24) ; Biihr (St/ni. i.
488) sees in this a reference to the name adam :
others with more reason compare the ara dc
cespite of the Romans (Ov. Trist. t. 5, 9 ; Hor.
Od. iii. 8. 4, h), and view it as a precept of
simplicity. Kaaman's request for two males'
burthen of earth (2 K. v. 17) was based on the
idea that Jehovah, like tlie heathen deities, was
a local god, and could be worshipped acceptably
only on his own soil.
2. Erets, the etymology of which is still un-
certain (cp. Delitzsch [18^7] on Gen. i. 10, anil,
on the other hand, M V." s.n. j'^tt), is applied a
a more or less extended sense : — 1, to the whole
world (Gen. i. 1) ; 2, to land as opposed to set
(Gen. i. 10); 3, to a country (Gen. xii. 32);
4, to a plot of ground (Gen. xiiii. 15) ; and 5,
to the ground on which a roan stands (Geo.
xxxiii. 3). The two farmer senses alone cMtcen
us, the first involving an inquiry into tin
opinions of the Hebrews on Cosmogony, the
second on Geography.
I. COSMOOOSY. — ^Thc views of the Hebrews
on this subject are confessedly imperfect anJ
obscure. This arises partly from the ulterier
objects w^hich led them to the stndy of natural
science, and still more from the poeticil colour-
ing with which they expressed their opinioDs.
The Books of Genesis, Job, and Psalms supply
the most numerous notices: of these, the two
latter are strictly poetical works, and their laa-
guage must be measured by the laws of poetksl
expression ; in the first alone have we anvthisf
approaching to an historical and systematic
statement, and even this is but a sketch — ta
outline — which ought to be regarded at tiK
same distance, from the same point of view, and
through the same religious medium as its aothsi
regarded it. The act of Creation itself, as re-
corded iu the first chapter of Genesis, is a subject
beyond and above the experience of man : hoiBSi
language, derived, as it originally was, from the
sensible and material world, fails to find ta
adequate term to describe the act ; for our word
" create " and the Hebrew iora, thoogh inKt
appropriate to express the Idea of an origiaal
creation, are yet applicable and must neceKaiily
be applicable to other modes of creation; D«r
does the addition of such expressions as "outef
things that were not " (/{ six <Si>T«r, 3 Mate.
vii. 28) or " not from things which appear ' («t
^K ^myoiitymi, Heb. xi, 3) contribute mock t»
the force of the declaration. The absence of s
term which shall describe exclusively an origivl
creation is a necessary infirmity of language : as
the event occurred but once, the corresponii^
term must, in order to be adequate, have beta
coined for the occasion and reserved for it alose,
which would hare been impossible. The saae
observation applies, though in a modified degree.
to the description of the various pixxresses ssi-
seqnent to the existence of original matter (cj^
Delitzsch, Genesis [1887], p. 40). Hoses virved
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■nattfr and all the forms of matter in their
relations primarily to God, and secondarilv to
man — as manifesting the glory of the former, and
M designed for the use of the latter. In relation
to the former, he describes Creation with the
special view of illnstrating the Divine attributes
of power, goodness, wisdom, and accordins;ly he
throws this narrative into a form which im-
presses the reader with the sense of these attri-
butes. In relation to the latter he selects his
materials with the special view of illustrating
the subordination of all the orders of material
things to the necessities and comforts of man.
With these objects in view, it ought not to be
a matter of surprise, if the simple narrative
of Creation omits much that scientific research
has since supplied, and appears in a guise adapted
to those objects. The subject itself is through-
out one of a transcendental character ; it should
consequently be subjected to the same standard
of interpretation as other passages of the Bible,
descriptive of objects which are entirely beyond
the experience of man, such as the day of judg-
ment, the states of heaven and hell, and the
representations of the Divine Majesty. The
style of criticism applied to Gen. i. by the oppo-
nents, and not nnfreqnently by the supporters
of Revelation, is such as would be subversive of
many of the most noble and valuable portions of
the Bible. With these prefatory remarks we
proceed to lay down what appear to us to be the
leading features of Hebrew Cosmogony.*
1. The earth was regarded not only as the
central point of the universe, but as the uni-
verse itself, every other body — the heavens, sun,
moon, and stars— being subsidiary to and, as it
were, the complement of the earth. The Hebrew
language has no expression equivalent to our
ttnirersf ; " the heavens and the earth " (Gen. i.
1, liv. 19 ; Ex. xxxi. 17) has been regarded as
such ; but it is clear that the heavens were
looked upon as a necessary adjunct of the earth
— the curtain of the tent in which man dwells
(Is. xl. 22), the sphere above which fitted the
sphere below (cp. Job xxii. 14 and Is. xl. 22) —
designed solely for purposes of beneficence in
the economy of the earth. This appears from
the account of its creation and offices : the exist-
ence of the heaven was not prior to or contem-
poraneous with that of the earth, but subsequent
to it ; it was created on the second day (Gen. i.
6). The term under which it is described, rakia
(fPjy'f), is significant of its extetuion, that it was
stretched out as a curtain (Ps. civ. 2) over the
surface of the earth. Moreover it depended upon
the earth ; it had its " foundations " (2 Sam.
xxii. 8) on the edges of the earth's circle,
where it was supported by the mountains as by
massive pillars (Job xxvi. 11). Its offices were
EARTH
819
• The student msjr compare the Hebrew with the
Phoenician and Babyloniui coaDogooles by tbe M of
Delitxsch, Ometu [1887], pp. 40-1 ; Lenormant, Ori-
ffintM d€ mutoire, 1. 1 sq., 30 sq., 63< sq.; O. Smith,
The Ckaidtan Account of Otnaii [Ascords of Me PoMt,
X. S. t. 132 sq.] ; Jensen, KotnuAouin d. BabyUmitr.
Cp. also on the sot^ect, " Oenesls and Science," Driver.
The Coatogony of Ocnait ^Sepotitor, 1886, p. 23 sq.) ;
.Siokee, Prltcbard, and Bonnej (Ezpotitor, 18(1, pp. 42,
&c.): and for exegetlcal treatment, Bisliop Perowne
(Kxpotitnr, 1890, p. 241 sq.). Consult also tbe Com. of
THllnunn' ; and see Orkrsis. — [F.]
(1) to support the waters which were above it
(Gen. i. 7 ; Ps. cxlviii. 4), and thus to form a
mighty reservoir of rain and snow, which were
to pour forth through its windows (Gen. vii. 1 1 ;
Is. xxiv. 18) and doors (Ps. Ixxvili. 23), as
through opened sluice-gates, for the fructification
of the earth ; (2) to serve as the tubttratum
(artftmita or firmament) in which the celestial
bodies were to be fixed. As with the heaven
itself, so also with the heavenly bodies; they
were regarded solely as the ministers of the
earth. Their offices were (1) to give light ;
(2) to separate between day and night; (3) to
be for tigru, as in the case of eclipses or other
extraordinary phenomena ; for seasons, as regu-
lating seed-time and harvest, summer and winter,
as well as religions festivals ; and for days and
years, the length of the former being dependent
on the sun, the latter being estimated by the
motions both of sun and moon (Gen. i. 14—
18); so that while it might truly be said
that they held "dominion " over the earth (Job
xxxviii. 33X that dominion was exercised solely
for the convenience of the tenants of earth (Ps.
civ. 19-23). So entirely indeed was the exist-
ence of heaven and tbe heavenly bodies de-
signed for the earth, that with the earth they
shall simultaneously perish (2 Pet. iii. 10): the
curtain of the tent shall be rolled up and the stars
shall of necessity drop off (Is. xxxiv. 4 ; Matt,
xxiv. 29) — their sympathy with earth's destruc-
tion being the counterpart of their joyous song
when its foundations were laid (Job xxxviii. 7).
2. The earth was regarded in a twofold as-
pect : in relation to God, as the manifestation of
His infinite attributes ; in relation to man, as
the scene of his abode. (1.) The Hebrew cos-
mogony is based upon the leading principle that
the universe exists, not independently of Gud, by
any necessity or any inherent power, nor yet
contemporaneously with God, as being co-existent
with Him, nor yet in opposition to God, as a
hostile element, but dependently upon Him, subse-
quently to Him, and in subjection to Him. The
opening words of Genesis express in broad terms
this leading principle ; however difficult it may
be, as we have already observed, to express this
truth adequately in human language, yet there
can be no doubt that the subordination of matter
to God in every respect is implied in that passage,
as well as in other passages, too numerous to
quote, which comment upon it. The same
great principle runs through the whole history
of Creation : matter owed all its forms and
modifications to the Will of God : in itself dull
and inert, it received it* first vivifying ca|>acities
from the influence of the Spirit of God brooding
over the deep (Gen. i. 2) ; the progressive im-
provements in its condition were the direct and
miraculous effects of God's Will ; no interposition
of secondary causes is recognised : " He spake,
and it wa» " (Ps. xxxiii. 9) ; and the pointed
terseness and sharpness with which the [Elohistic]
writer sums up the whole transaction in the
three expressions " God said," " it was so," " God
saw that it was good" — the first declaring
the Divine volition, the second the immediate
result, the third the perfectness of the work —
harmonise aptly with the view which he in-
tended to express. Thus the earth became in
the eyes of the pions Hebrew the scene on
which the Divine perfections were displaved :
30 2
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EABTH
the heavens (Ps. xix. 1), the earth (P». xxiv. 1,
civ. 24), the sea (Job xxvi. 10 ; Ps. Ixxxix. 9 ;
Jcr. V. 22X " roonntains and hills, fruitful trees
and all cedars, beasts and all rattle, creeping
things and Hjiag fowl " (Ps. cxlviii. 9, 10), all
Jisiilayed one or other of the leading attributes
of His character. So also with the ordinary
operations of nature — the thunder was His voice
(Job xxxvii. 5); the lightnings His arrows (Ps.
Ixxvii. 17) ; wind and storm His messengers (Ps.
cxlviii. 8) ; the earthquake, the eclipse, and the
comet, the signs of His Presence (Joel iu 10 ;
Matt. xxiv. 29 ; Luke xxi. 25).
(2.) The earth was regarded in relation to
man, and accordingly each act of creation is a
preparation of the earth for his abode — light, as
the primary condition of all life; the heavens,
for purposes already detailed ; the dry land,
for his home ; " grass for the cattle, and herb
for the service of man " (Ps. civ. 14); the alter-
nations of day and night, the one for his work
.ind the other for his rest (Ps. civ. 23) ; fish,
fowl, and flesh for his food ; the beasts of burden,
to lighten his toil. The work of each day of
Creation has its specific application to the re-
<|uirements and the comforts of man, and is
recorded with that special view.
3. Creation was regarded as a progressive work
— a gradual development from the inferior to
the superior orders of things. Thus it was with
the earth's surface, at first a chaotic mass, u-aste
and empty, well described in the paronomastic
terms tohu, bohu, overspread with waters and
enveloped in darkness (Gen. i. 2), and thence
gradually brought into a state of order and
beauty so conspicuous as to have led the Lntins
to describe it by the name ilundm. Thus
also with the different portions of the universe,
the earth before the light, the light before the
firmament, the firmament before the dry land,
rhni also with light itself: at first the ele-
mentary principle, separated from the darkness,
but without defined boundaries ; afterwards the
illuminating bodies with their distinct powers
and offices — a pi ogression that is well expressed
in the Hebrew language by the terms 6r and
maSr (I^K. I^KO). Thus also with the orders
of living beings : first, plants ; secondly, fish
and birds ; thirdly, cattle ; and lastly, man.
From " good " in the several parts to " very
good" as a whole (Gen. i. 31), such was its
j)rogresa in the judgment of the Omnipotent
Workman.
4. Order involves time ; a succession of events
implies a succession of periods ; and accordingly
Moses assigns the work of creation to six days,
each having its specific portion — light to the
first, the firmament to the second, the dry land
and plants to the third, the heavenly bodies to
the fourth, fish and fowl to the fifth, beasts and
man to the sixth. The manner in which these
acts are described as having been done, precludes
all idea of time in relation to their performance :
it was miraculous and perhapa instantaneoos :
" God said " and then " it was." But the progres-
siveness, and consequently the individuality of
the acts, do involve an idea of time as elapsing
between the completion of one and the com-
mencement of another ; otherwise the work of
Creation would have resolved itself into a single
continuous act. The period assigned to each
individual act is a day — the only period which
EABTH
represents the entire cessation of a work thrcngb
the interposition of night. That a natural day
is represented under the expression "eveninj
was and morning waa," admits, we thiak, of tut
donbt ; the term " day," when alone, may refer
sometimes to an indefinite period contempora-
neous with a single event ; but when the indi-
vidual parts of a day, " evening and morQing,"
are specified, and when a series of such days are
noticed in their numerical order, no analog of
language admits of our understanding the term
in anything else than its literal sense [Driver,
p. 26]. The Hebrews had no other mrans of
expressing the civil day of 24 hours than as
" evening omd morning " (^?3 ^T?, D*". viiL
14 ; R.V.), similar to the Greek tvxHiufof ; aad
although the alternation of light and darkness lay
at the root of the expression, ret the Hebrews ia
their use of it no more thought of those elements
than do we when we use the term forttughi or
le'nnight: in each case the lapae of a certaii
time, and not the elements by which that tine
is calculated, is intended ; so that, without the
least inconsistency either of langoage oi ef
reality, the expression may be applied to the
days previous to the creation of the sun. Ths
application of the same expression to the evcDts
subsequent to the creation of the sun, as well
as the use of the word " day " in the fourth con-
mandment without any indications that it is
used in a different sense, or in any other thaa
the literal acceptation of Gen. i. 5 sq., confina
the view above stated. The interpretation that
" evening and morning " ^beginning and cmd, is
opposed not only to the order in which the word*
stand, but to the sense of the words elsewhere.
5. The Hebrews, though regarding Crestioa as
the immediate act of God, did not ignore the
evident fact that existing materials and ialer-
mediate agencies were employed both thea ur!
in the subsequent operations of natore. Ths*
the simple fact " God created man " (Gen. i. i7)
is amplified by the subsequent notice of the
material substance of which his body was
made (Gen. ii. 7); and so also of the aninaU
(Gen. i. 24, ii. 19). The separation of sea aad
land, attributed in Gen. i. 6 to the Divine fiat,
was seen to involve the pTooe.<« of partial eleva-
tions of the earth's surface (Ps. dv. 8, "the
mountains ascend, the valleys descend;" tf.
Prov. viii. 25-28). The formation of donds aad
the supply of moisture to the earth, which ia
Gen. i. 7 was provided by the creation of the
firmament, was afterwards attributed to its trse
caiue in the continual return of the waters froai
the earth's surface (Ecclea. i. 7). The eiisteace
of the element of light, as distinct from the sun
(Gen. i. 3, 14; Jobxxxviii.19), haslikeweebes
explained as the result of a philoaophically cor-
rect view as to the nature of light ; more pn-
bably, however, it was founded upon the incarnct
view that the light of the moon waa indepcadait
of the sun.
6. With regard to the earth's body, the
Hebrews conceived its surface to be an imuiiase
disc, supported, like the flat roof of an Easten
house, by pillars (Job ix. 6 ; Pa. Ixxv. 3), which
rested on solid foundations (Job xxzriiL 4, ( ;
Ps. civ. 5; Prov. viii. 29); but where these
foundations were on which the " sockets " of the
pillars rested, none could tell (Job zzxriiL i)-
The more philosophical view of tlie earth being
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EARTH
siupended in free space seems to be implied in
Jub xxvi. 7 ; nor is there any absolute contra-
4iiction between this and the former view, ai the
|iillar* of the earth's surface may be conceived
to have been founded on the deep bases of the
raountaius, wliich bases themselves were unsup-
ported. Other passages (l*i>. xxiv. 2, cxxivi. 6)
seem to imply the existence of a vast subter-
raneous ocean; the words, however, are essen-
tially poetical, even if susceptible of the sense
that the earth was elevated above the level of
the seas (cp. Delitzsch and Perowne, Comm.
in loc); and that this is the sense in which
they are to be accepted, appears from the con-
verse expression " water under the earth "
•(Ex. xj. 4), which, as contrasted with " heaven
above " and " earth beneath," evidently implies
the comparative elevation of the three bodies.
Beneath the earth's surface was theot (^IKC').
the KolUno place, " hell " [R. V. " pit "] (Num. xvi.
:{0 ; Deut. xxxii. 22 ; Job xi. 8), the " house ap-
pointed for the living " (.lob xxx. 23), a " land of
darkness" (Job x. 2IX to which were ascribed in
poetical language gates ( Is. xxxviii. 10) and bars
4[Job xvii. 16), and which had its vnlleys or deep
places (Prov. ix. 18). It extended beneath the sea
^Job xxvi. 5, 6), and was thus supposed to be con-
terminons with the upper world.
II. Geoorapht.— We shall notice (1) the
views of the Hebrews as to the form and sixe
«f the earth, its natural divisions, and physical
features ; (2) the countries into which they
divided it and their progressive acquaintance
with those countries. The world in the latter
sense was sometimes described by the poetical
taoi tebel (/SAX corresponding to the Greek
oUam/Urri (Is. xir. 21).
1. In the absence of positive statements we
{uve to gather the views of the Hebrews as to
the form of the earth from scattered allusions,
&nd these for the most part in the poetical Books,
where it is difficult to decide how far the lan-
fpiage is to be regarded as literal, and - how
Ar as metaphorical. There seem to be traces
«f the same ideas as prevailed among the
Greeks, that the world was a disc (Is. xl. 22 ;
the word Hf\ circle, is applied exclusively to the
circle of the horizon whether bounded by earth,
««a, or sky), bordered by the ocean (Dent. xii. 13 ;
Job xxri. 10 ; Ps. cxxxix. 9 ; ProT. viii. 27), with
Jerusalem a* its centre (Exek. v. 5), which was
thus regarded, like Delphi, as the navel C^^SQ <
Judg. ii. 37 ; Ezek. xxxviii. 12 ; LXX. ; Vulg"),
«r, according to another view (Qesen. Thesaw.
a.T.y, the highest point of the world. The
-passages quoted in support of this view adroit of
-a different interpretation : Jerusalem might be
regarded as the centre of the world, not only as
the seat of religions light and truth, but to a
certain extent in a geographical sense ; for
Palestine was situated between the important
«mpires of Assyria and Egypt ; and not only
tietween them but above them, its elevation above
the plains on either side contributing to the
appearance of its centrality.- A different view
iua been gathered from the expression " four
-comers " (HIEllS, generally applied to the skirts
of a garment: see the Assyrian form in MV."),
as though implying the quadrangular shape of a
garraeat stretched out, according to Eratosthenes'
EARTH
821
comparison ; but the term " comers " may be
applied in a metaphorical sense to the extreme
ends of the world (Job xxxvii. 3, xxxviii. 13 ;
Is. xi. 12, xxiv. 16; Ezek. vii. 2). Finally, it is
suggested by Bahr (Si/mbolik, i. 170) that these
two views may have been held together, the
former as the actual and the latter as the sym-
boiicil representation of the earth's form. ' As
to the size of the earth, the Hebrews had but a
very indefinite notion; in many passages thf
" earth," or " whole earth," is used as co-exten-
sive with the Babylonian (is. xiii. 5, liv. 7 sq.,
xxiv. 17) or Assyrian empire (Is. x. 14, xiv. 26,
xxxvii. 18), just as at a later period the Roman
empire was styled or6i's ternxrvm ; the " ends of
the earth " (rtXP) in the language of prophecy
applied to the nations on the border of these
kingdoms, especially the Medes (Is. v. 26, xiii. 5)
in the east, and the islands and coasts of the
Mediterranean in the west (Is. xli, 5, 9) ; but
occasionally the boundary was contracted in this
latter direction to the eastern shores of the
Mediterranean (Is. xxiv. 16; Zecb. ix. 10; Ps.
Ixxii. 8). Without unduly pressing the language
of prophecy, it may be said that the views of the
Hebrews as to the size of the earth extended but
little beyond the nations with which they came
in contact ; its solidity is frequently noticed, its
dimensions but seldom (Job xxxviii. 18 ; Is. xiii,
5). We shall presently trace the progress of
their knowledge in succeeding ages.
The earth was divided into four quarters or
regions corresponding to the four points of the
compass : these were described in various ways,
sometimes according to their positions relatively
to a person facing the east, before (C1j7), behind
(nintf), the ri,jl,t hand (I'DJ), and the left hand
OttoB*), representing respectively E., W., S.,
and N. (Job xxiii. 8,9); sometimes relatively to
the sun's course, the rising (mtp), the setting
(NtaO, Ps. I. 1), the 6n7/iunt 'quarter (D^T^.
Ezek.'xl. 24X and the dark quarter ()iBy, Ex.
xxvi. 20 ; cp. the Greek (i^s, Horn. 77. xii. 240) ;
sometimes as the seat of the four winds (Ezek.
xxxvii. 9); and sometimes according to the
physical characteristics, the sea (D*) for the W.
(Gen. xxviii. 14), the parched (3jJ; see Dill-
mann* on Gen. xii. 9) for the S. (Ex. xxvii. 9),
and the mountains (D*^n) for the N. (Is. xiii.
4). The North appears to have been regarded as
the highest part of the earth's surface, in con-
sequence perhaps of the mountain ranges which
existed there, and thus the heaviest part of the
earth (Job xxvi. 7). The North was also,
according to some, the quarter in which the
Hebrew el-Dorado lay, the land of gold mines
(Job xxxvii. 22, margin, but R. V. " golden
splendour;" cp. Herod, iii. 116).
These terms are very indistinctly n&ed when
applied to special localities ; for we find the
North assigned as the quarter of Assyria (Jer.
iii. 18), Babylonia (Jer. vi. 22), and the Euphrates
(Jer. xlvi. 10), and more frequently Media (Jer.
I. 3; cp. Ii. II), while the Sonth is especially
represented by Egypt (Is. xxx. 6 ; Dan. xL 5).
The Hebrews were not mora exact in the use of
terms descriptive of the physical features of the
earth's surface ; for instance, the same term (D*)
is applied to the sea (Mediterranean), to the lakes
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EABTH
EABTU
of Palestine, and to great riren, lacli as the
Xite (Is. XTiii. 2), and perhaps the Eaphrates (Is.
xxTii. 1) : mountain Cin) signifies not only high
i-anges, such as Sinai or Ararat, bat an elevated
region (Josh. xi. 16); river (^i^p)is occasionally
applied to the sea (Jon. ii. 3 ; Ps. xxiv. 2) and to
canals fed by rivers (Is. xliv. 27). Their voca-
liulary, however, was ample for describing the
special features of the lands with which they
were acquainted, the terms for the different sorts
of valleys, mountains, rivers, and springs being
very numerous and expressive. We cannot fail
to be stmcic with the adequate ideas of descriptive
geography expressed in the directions given to
the spies (Num. xiii. 17-20) and ,in the closing
address of Moses (Dent. viii. 7-9) ; nor less, with
the extreme accuracy and the variety of almost
technical terms, with which the boundaries of
the various tribes are described in the Boole of
Joshua, warranting the assumption that the
Hebrews had acquired the art of surveying
fVom the Egyptians (Jahn, i. 6, § 104).
2. We proceed to give a brief sketch of the
geographical knowledge of the Hebrews down
to the period when their distinctive names and
ideas were superseded by those of classical
writers. The chief source of information open
to them, beyond the circle of their own ex-
I>erience, was their intercourse with the Phoe-
nician traders. While the first made them ac-
quainted with the nations from the Tigris to the
African desert, the second informed them of the
coasts of the Mediterranean, the regions of the
North, and the southern districts of Arabia.
From the Assyrians and Babylonians they gained
some slight knowledge of the distant countries of
India, and perhaps even China."
Of the physical objects noticed we may make
the following summary, omitting of course the
details of the geography of Palestine : — (I.) Seas
— the Mediterranean, which was termed the
"great sea" (Num. xxxiv. 6), the "sea of the
Philistines " (Ex. xxiii. 31), and the " western
sea" (Deut. xi. 24); the Red Sea, under the
names of the " sea of Suph," sedge (Ex. x. 19 ;
see MV." SJ-ID), and the "Egyptian sea" (Is.
xi. 15) ; the Dead Sea, under the names " Salt
Sea " (Gen. xiv. 3), « EasUm Sea " (Joel ii. 20),
and " Sea of the Desert " (Deut. iv. 49) ; and
the Sea of Chinnereth, or Galilee (Num. xxxiv.
11). (2.) Rivers — the Euphrates, which was
specifically " the river " (Gen. xxxi. 21), or " the
great river " (Deut. i. 7) ; the Nile, which was
named either Yor (Gen. xli. 1) or Sihor (Josh,
xiii. 3) ; the Tigris, under the name of Hiddekel
(Dan. X. 4) ; the Chebar, Chaboras, a tributary
of the Euphrates (Ezek. i. 3) ; the Habor, pro-
bably the same, bnt sometimes identified with
the Chaboras that falls into the Tigris (2 K. xvii.
6) ; the river of Egypt (Num. xxxiv. 5) ; and
the rivers of Damascus, Abana (^Barada) and
Pharpar (2 K. v. 12). For the Oihon and Pison
(Gen. ii. 11, 13), see Eden. (3.) Mountains —
Ararat or Armenia (Gen. wii. 4) ; Siaai (Ex. xix.
2); Horeb (Ex. iii. 1); Hor (Num. xx. 22) near
Petra; Lebanon (Dent. iii. 2.5); and Sephar
(Gen. X. 30) in Arabia.
The distribution of the nations over the face
' The gi<ogntphtcal questions arising out of the
dcKripUon uf the garden of Eden are discussed in a
separate article. [Eom.]
of the earth is systematically described in Gen.
X.;* to which account subsequent, though net
very important, additions are made in chs. iiv.
and xxxvi., and in the Prophetical and Historical
Books. The table in Gen. x. is partly ethno-
graphical, but the historico-geographical element
is more strongly developed (Dillmann): the
writer had in his mind's eye not only the desctst
bnt the residence of the various nations. Some
of the names indeed seem to be porely geo-
graphical designations : Aram, for initanoe,
means high lands (?); Canaan, loie lands (see
MV.") ; Eber, the land across, or beyond; Sidoa,
fishing station ; Madai, central land (?) ; Tarshi&h,
conquered (?) ; Mizraim, still more remarkable
from its dual form, the Upper and Lower Egypti ;
Ophir, the rich land (?). It has indeed beu sor-
mised that the names of the three great divisioos
of the family of Noah are also in their oripn
geographical terms : Japhet, the mdety-extewied
regions of the North and West ; Ham, the cnuntry
of the black soil, Egypt ; and Shem, the mws-
tainotts country : all this is, however, more that
doubtful.
In endeavouring to sketch out a map of tke
world, as described in Gen. z., it must be boras
in mind that, in cases where the names of tiie
races have not either originated in or passed
over to the lands they occupied, the locality
must be more or less doubtful ; for the migra-
tions of the various tribes in the long lapse at
ages led to the transfer of the name from oae
district to another, so that even in Biblical
geography the same name roay at different
periods indicate a widely different locality.
Thus Magog in the Mosaic table may have htt*
the Scythian people of the Caucasus, and ia
Ezekiel's record (xxxix. 6) that invading hast
which passed south as far as Egypt; Goiaer
at the former period north of the Pontas
Euxinus, at the latter in Asia Minor. Again,
the terms may have varied with the extcDdia;
knowledge of the earth's surface : Chittiin,
originally Cyprus, was aflerwards applied t»
the islands and coasts of Greece (Jer. iL 10;
Ezek. xxvii. 6), to Macedonia in the age of the
Maccabees (1 Mace. i. 1, viii. 5), if not eres to
Italy in the prophecies of Daniel (xi. 30). Pos-
sibly a solution may be found for the occomoee
of more than one Dedan, Sheba, and Havilah, ia
the 1>elief that these names represent districts ti
a certain character, of which several might exist
in different parts. From the above remarks it
will appear how numerous are the elements of
uncertainty introduced into this subject; una-
nimity of opinion is almost impossible ; nor need
it cause surprise, if even in the present artide
the views of different writers are found st
variance. The principle on which the followia;
statement has been compiled is this — to assiga
to the Mosaic table the narrowest limits within
which the nations have been, according to tke
best authorities, located, and then to trace oat,
so far as our means admit, the changes vhi^
those nations experienced in Biblical times.
* Where so much dUTerence of opinion cxlrta. U h»
been thought better to modify bnt sllgh Uy the stscnanM
of the writer in the text. The student may be i^^nr^
to Delitach C189?] and DiUmsnn * for a criti'cal gacauzy
of the points In dispote, and for the qjecial liicntBic
which examlDes them at length. — [F.]
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KABTH
Commencing (x. 2-4) from the West, the " isles
of the Gentiles," t>. the caists and islands of the
Mediterranean Sea, were occupied by the Japhet-
ites in the following order :— -Jaran, the loniana,
perhaps Greeks generally ; Elishah, perhaps the
Aeoliana of Greece and Asia Minor (al. Sicily) ;
Dodanim, the Vardcmi, in lUyricum (al. Rodanim,
the Rhodians of the Aegean Sea) ; Tiras, perhaps
the Tyrtenea of the Aegean (al. the Scythians
near the river Tyras); Chittim (see above);
Ashkenaz, here, probably, the Phrygians; Gomer
(see above), and Tarshish of the Aegean Sea. In
the h'vrth. Tubal, the Tibareni, in Pontus ;
Meshech, the Moachi in Colchis (possibly, how-
ever, Tiljarenes and Moschi of a less northerly
latitude ; see Dillmnnn*) ; Magog (see above) ;
Togamah in (Western?) Armenia; and Madai
in Media. The Hamites (x. 6-20) represent the
southern parts of the known world : Cash,
probably an appellative similar to the Greek
Aethiopia, and possibly applicable to all the
dark races of Arabia and Eastern Africa; Miz-
raim to Egypt (see above) ; Phut to Libya ;
Naphtuhim (possibly dwellers in Central EgyptX
and Lehabim or Libyans ; Caphtorim, the
Cretans; Casluhim, possibly the dwellers be-
tween the Nile and the border of Palestine ;
Pathnisim in the Thebald ; Seba on the Arabian
Sea (?) ; Sabtah, on the western coast of the
Arabian Sea ; Havilah, nearer to the Straits of
Bab-el- Mandeb; and Sabtechah, possibly on the
Persian Gulf; — Raamah and Dedan, according
to some, on the south-western coast of the same
Snlf; according to others, African tribes. In
the central part of the world (i. 21-31) were
the Shemites: Elam, Elymais and Susiana, in
Persia; Asshur in Assyria: Arphaxad, Arra-
pachitis, in Northern Assyria; Lud in Lydia
(though not limiting the name to the western
province of Asia Minor); Aram in Syria and
Mesopotamia, and the descendants of Joktan in
the peninsula of Arabia.
This sketch is filled np, so far as regards
Northern Arabia, by a subsequent account, in
XXV. 12, &c. (consult the Comm. of Delitzsch
[1887] and Dillmann*), of the settlement of the
descendants of Abraham by Keturah and of
Ishmael. The geographical ])osition of many is
uncertain ; but we are acqiwinted with that of
the Midianites among the sons of Abraham, and
nf Kebaioth, Nabataea ; of Kedar, A«dr«i(Plin.T.
12) ; of Dumah, Dumaitha (Ptol. v. 19 ; in the
district of El-Gan), among the sons of Ishmael.
Some of the names in this passage are thought
by some critics to have a geographical origin,
as Mibsam, a spice-hearing land, Tema, an arid
or touthem land ; but such etymologies are
precarions. Again, in ch. xxxvi. we have some
particulars with regard to the country im-
mediately to the south uf Palestine, where the
aboriginal Horites, the Troglodytes of the
monutainous districts in the eastern |>art of
Arabia Petraea, were displaced by the descend-
ants of Esau. The narrative shows an intimate
acquaintance with this district, as we have the
names of various towns — Dinhabah, Bozrah,
Avith, Masrekah, Rehoboth, and Pan, few of
which have any historical importance. The
Peninsula of Sinai is particularly described in
the Book of Exodus.
The countries, however, to which historical
interest attaches are Mesopotamia and Egypt.
EAETH
823
The hereditary eotmexion of the Hebrews with
the former of these districts, and the importance
of the dynasties which bore sway in it, make it
by far the roost prominent feature in the map
of the ancient world; its designation in the
Book of Genesis is Padan-aram, or Aram-Naha-
raim: in the north was Ur of the Chaldees,
and the Uaran to which Terah migrated ; in the
south was the plain of Shinar (Babylonia proper),
and the seat of Nimrod's capital, Babel ; in his
realm were the cities of Accad {Ak-ka-di of the
inscription of Nebuchadnezzar I.), Calneh, Niner
veh (Kouyunjik) and its suburb Rehoboth-Ir,
Calah (the Kalhu of the inscriptions and the
present Nimroud), Resen (between Nineveh and
CalahX and Erech {Warka, Gen. x. 10-12).
From the same district issued the warlike ex-
pedition headed by the kings of Shinar (see
above), EUasar (probably Larsam), Elam, and
Goiim (R. V.), the object of which apparently
was to open the commercial rente to the Aelan-
itic Gulf (Gen. xiv.), and which succeeded in
the temporary subjection of all the intervening
nations — the Rephaim in Ashteroth-Kamaim
(Bashan), the Zuxim in Ham (broadly speaking,
Ammon), the Emim in Shaveh (R. V. Shareb-
Kiriathaim ; broadly, Moab), and the district of
the Amalekites (to the south, or, broadly, the
Megeb). It is, in short, to the early predomi-
nance of the eastern dynasties that we are
indebted for the few geographical details which
we possess regarding those and the intervening
districts. The Egyptian captivity introduces to
our notice some of the localities in Lower Egypt,
viz. the province of Goshen, and the towns
Rameses (Gen. xlvii. 11); On, Beliopolis (Gen.
xlir45); Pithom (Ex. i. 11); and Jligdol, lately
re-discovered (Ex. xiv. 2).
During the period of the Judges, the Hebrews
had no opportunity of advancing their knowledge
of the outer world; but with the extension of
their territory under David and Solomon, and
the commercial treaties entered into by the
latter with the Phoenicians in the north and
the Egyptians in the south, a new era com-
menced. It is difficult to estimate the amount
of information which the Hebrews derived from
the Phoenicians, inasmnch as the general policy
of those enterprising traders was to keep other
nations in the dark as to the localities they
visited ; but there can be no doubt that it was
from them that the Hebrews learned the route
to Ophir, by which the trade with India and
South Africa was carried on, and that they also
became acquainted with the positions and pro-
ductions of a great number of regions compara-
tively unknown. From Exek. xxviL (consult
the Commentaries, e.g. of Comill and Orelli) we
may form some idea of the extended ideas of
geography which the Hebrews had obtained:
we have notice of the mineral wealth of Spain,
the dyes of the Aegean Sea, the famed horses of
Armenia, the yams and embroideries of Assyria,
the iron of South Arabia, the spices and precious
stones of the Yemen, and the caravan trade
which was carried on with India through the
entrepots on the Persian Gulfl As the Prophet
does not profess to give a systematic enumera-
tion of the places, bnt selects some ftvm each
quarter of the earth, it may fairly be inferred
that more information was obtained from that
source. Whether it was from thence that the
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824
EARTH
Hebrews heard of the tribe* living on the |
northern coasts of the Euxine — the Scythians
(Magog ; see above), the Cimmerians (Gomer),
&c. (on Ctti in Ezek. xixriii. 2, see HV."
and Comm.) — is ancertain: the inroad of the
northern hordes, which occurred about Eze-
liiel's time, may have drawn attention to that
qoarter.
The progress of information on the side of
Afnca is clearly marked : the distinction be-
tween Upper and Lower Egypt is shown by the
application of the name Pathros to the former
(Kzek. xxis. 14). Memphis, the capital of Lower
Egypt, is first mentioned in Hosea (ix. 6) ander
the name Moph, and afterwards frequently a*
Moph (Is. xix. 13; see MV."); Thebo, the
capital of Upper Egypt, at a later period, as
No-Ammon (Nah. iii. 8) and No (Jer. xlvi. 25) ;
and the distant Syene (Assouan ; Ezek. xxix. 10).
Several other towns are noticed in the Delta:
Sin, PWtuiuin (Ezek. xxx. 15); Pibeseth, BubaitU
(Ezek. xxx. 17); Zoan, Tbmi (Is. xix. 11);
Tahapanes, or Tahpanhes, Daphna (Jer. ii. 16);
Hetiopolit, under the Hebraised form Bethshe-
mesh (Jer. xliii. 13); and, higher up the Nile,
Hanes, Heracleopolis (Is. xxx. 4). The position
of certain nations seems to have been better
ascertained. Cush (^Aetltiopia) was fixed imme-
diately to the south of Egypt, where Tirhakah
held sway with Napata for his capital (2 K,
xix. 9) ; the Lubim (Libyani, Ezek. xxx. 5 ; R. V.
Put. See Comm. in loco) appear as allies of
Egypt; and with them a people not previously
noticed, the Sukkiims, the Troglodytet of the
western coast of the Red Sea (2 Ch. xii. 3) : the
Ludim and Phut are mentioned in the same
connexion(Gzek. zix. 5).
The wars with the Assyrians and Babylonians,
and the captivities which followed, bring us back
again to the geography of the East. Incidental
notice is taken of several important places in
connexion with these events: the capital of
Perrin, Shushan, Sma (Dan. viii. 2); that of
Media, Achmetha, Ecbatana (Ezra vi. 2) ; Hena,
Irah, and Sepharvaim, on the Euphrates (2 K.
xviii. 34) ; Carchemish, Circctium, on the same
river (Is. x. 9) ; (Jozan and Halah, on the borders
of Media (2 K. xvii. 6); Kir, a place not yet
identified (2 K. xvi. 9). The names of Persia
(2 Ch. ixxTi. 20) and India (Esth. i. 1) now
occur : whether the far-distant China is noticed
at an earlier period under the name Sinim
(Is. zlix. 12), admits of doubt.
The names of Greece and Italy are hardly noticed
in Hebrew geography : the former, in its widest
sense of lonians, occurs in Gen. x., Is. Ixvi. 19,
&c., under the name of Javan. In Dan. viii. 21,
the term definitely applies to Greece. If Italy is
described at all, it is under the name Chittim
(Dan. xi. 30).
In the Maccabaean era the classical names
came into common use: Crete, Sparta, Delos,
Sicyon, Caria, Cilicia, and other familiar names
are noticed (1 Mace. x. 67, xi. 14, xv. 23); Asia,
in a restricted sense, as = the Syrian Empire
(1 Mace. viii. 6); Hispania and Rome (1 Mace,
viii. 1-3). Henceforward the geography of the
Bible, as far as foreign lands are concerned, is
absorbed in the wider field of classical geography.
It is hardly necessary to add that the nse of
classical designations in our Authorized Version
is in many instances a departure from the
EABTHQUAKB
Hebrew text: for Instance, Metopotaxiua staads
for Aram-Naharaim (Gen. xxir. 10); £(Aii>^
for Cush (2 K. xix. 9); the Chaliaaa* for
Chasdim (Job i. 17) ; Graecia for Javan (Dan.
viii. 21); Eijypt for Mizraim (Gen. xiii. 10):
Armenia for Ararat (2 K. xix. 37) ; Aatyria for
Asshur (Gen. ii. 14); Idwnaea for £dom (U.
xxxiv. 5) ; and Syria for Aram. Arabia, it may
be observed, doe* occur as an original Hebrew
name in the later Books (Is. xxL 13; cf.
Delitzsch* in loco), but probably in a restricted
sense as applicable to a single tribe.
[W.L.&] [F.]
EARTHENWABE. [Pottebt.]
EARTHQUAKE (Cfrnx Earthquake*, more
or less violent, are of frequent occurrence in
Palestine, as might be expected from the somt-
rous traces of volcanic agency visible in the
features of that country. The recorded in-
stances, however, are but few; the most re-
markable occurred in the reign of Uzziah (Amos
i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 5), which Josephus {Ant. ii. 10,
§ 4) connected with the sacrilege and consequent
punishment of that monarch (2 Ch. xxvL 16 sq.).
From Zech. xiv. 4 we are led to infer thit n
great convuUion took place at this time is the
Mount of Olives, the mountain being split su >s
to leave a valley between its summits. Josepbos
ret»rds something of the sort, but his accoant is
by no means clear, for his words (rot ipm
irofi^ayriiiai rh ^/uav roS xarit vl)r tvv<r)can
hardly mean the vceatem half of the momtm,
as Whiston seems to think, but the half of ttr
voeatem nvmntain, i.e. of the Mount of Evil
Counsel, though it is not clear why thii
height particularly should be termed the vettait
mountain. We cannot but think that the twe
accounts hare the same foundation, and that the
Mount of Olives was really affected bv the eaitk-
quake. Hitzig {Comm. in Zech.) suggests ths:
the name II'ITC'D, " corruption," may have wi-
ginated at this time, the rolling down of the side
of the hill, as described by Josephoa, entitiinj
it to be described as the dettroying tmrnntaiu, m
the sense in which the term occurs in Jer. U.'£k
An earthquake occurred at the time of o«r
Saviour's Crucifixion (Matt, xxvii. 51-54X vhidi
may be deemed miraculous rather firom thr
conjunction of circumstances than from tht
nature of the phenomenon itself, for it is de-
scribed in the usual terms (i^ 7$ <««(•««).
Josephus (Ant. xv. 5, § 2) records a very
violent earthquake, that occurred a.a 31, i*
which 10,000 people perished; and in 1837 aa
earthquake was very destructive ia Galilee
(Robinson, BihI. Set. iii. 321 sq.). Earthqoak*
are not nnfreqnently accompanied by finsnrcs sf
the earth's surface; instances of thia are reooidsi
in connexion with the destruction of Korah aaii
his company (Num. xvi. 62 ; cp. Joceph. A*L
iv. 3, § 3), and at the time of our Lord's dmU
(Matt, xxvii. 51); the former mar be panlMcd
by a similar occurrence at Oppido in Calabria
a'd. 1783, where the earth opened to the extcst
of 500 and a depth of more than 200 feet: ao4
again by the sinking of the bed of the Tagas st
I jsbon, in which the quay was swallowed up(P£iJ.
SchdpfungtgeKh. p. lli). Tliese depreaaians are
sometimes on a very large scale : the auhsidsace
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EAST
of th« valley of Siddim at the southern extremity
of the Dead Sea may be attributed tu an earth-
quake ; similar depressions hare occurred in
many districbs, the most remarkable being the
submersion and subsequent re-elevation of the
temple of Senipis ut I'uteoli. The frequency of
earthquakes about the Dead Sea is possibly
testified in the name Bkla (Gen. xiv. 2 ; cp.
Jerome ad Is. xv.). Darkness is frequently a
concomitant of earthquake. [Darkness.] The
awe which an earthquake never fails to inspire,
'^ conveying the idea of some universal and un-
limited danger " (Humboldt's Kosmos, i. 212),
rendered it a fitting tokeu of the Presence of
Jehovah (1 K. xix. 11) ; hence it is frequently
connected with His appearance (Judg. v. 4;
'2 Sam. ixii. 8 ; Ps. Ixxvii. 18, xcvii. 4, civ. 32 ;
Amo* viii. 8 ; Hab. iii. 10). [\V. L. B.]
EAST (D'^jJ; nntp). The Hebrew terms,
descriptive of the east, differ in idea, and, to a
certain extent, in application : (1) kedem pro-
perly means that which is before or in front of
a person, and was applied to the east from the
custom of turning in that direction when de-
■cribing the points of the compass, befort,behmd,
the right and the left, representing respectively
E., W., S., and N. (Job xiiii. 8, 9) ; (2) mixrach
means the place of the sun's rising, and strictly
answers to the Greek iaviroXii and the Latin
oriena; sometimes the full expression TlltO
VnS^ is used (Judg. xi. 18; Is. lli. 25), and
sometimes litdem and mixrach are used together
{f^. Ex. xxvii. 13 ; Josh. xix. 12), which is alter
all not so tautologous as it appears to be in our
translation, "on the east side eastward." Bear-
ing in mind this etymological distinction, it is
natural that hedem should be used when the
four quarters of the world are described (as in
Oen. xiii. 14, xxviii. 14 ; Job xxiii. 8, 9 ; Ezek.
zlrii. 18 sq.), and mixrach when the east is only
distinguished from the vest (Josh. xi. 3 ; Ps. 1. 1,
ciii. 12, cxiii. 3; Zech. viii. 7), or from some
other single quarter (Dan. viii. 9, xi. 44 ; Amos
viii. 12); exceptions to this usage occur in
Ps. crii. 3 and Is. xliii. 5, each, however, ad-
mitting of explanation. Again, kedem is used in
a strictly geographical sense to describe a spot
or country immediately before another in an
easterly direction; hence it occurs in such
passages as Gen. ii. 8, iii. 24, xi. 2, xiii. II,
XXV. 6 ; and hence the subsequent application
of the term, as a proper name (Gen. xiv. 6,
eastward, unto tha land of Kedem), to the lands
lying immediately eastward of Palestine, viz.
Arabia, Mesopotamia, and Babylonia [Benk-
sedeh] ; on the other hand, mixrach is used of
the far east with a less definite signification
(Is. xli. 2, 23; xliii. 5; xlvi. II). In describing
aspect or direction the terms are used indifferently
(cji. kedem in Lev. i. 16, and Josh. vii. 2 with
mitrach in 2 Ch. T. 12, and 1 Ch. T. 10). The
east seems to have been regarded as symbolical
of distance (Is. xlvi. 11), as the land stretched
out in these directions without any known limit.
In Is. ii. 6 it appears as the seat of witchery
and similar arts (cp. Job xv. 2) ; adopting, with
Delitzsch,* Q'Sip rather than D^^, preferred
by Gesenins (TA^saur. p. 1193). In the LXX.
iraroKai a used both for kedem and mixrach.
It should be observed that the expression is.
EBAL
825
with but few exceptions (Dan. viii. 9; Rev.
xxi. 13 ; cp. vii. 2, xvi. 12, from which it would
seem tu have been St. John's usage to insert
riKtov), IwaToKal (Matt. ii. 1, viii. 1 1, xxiv. 27 ;
Luke xiii. 29), and not ovaroX^. It is hardly
possible that St. Matthew would use the two
terms indifferently in succeeding verses (ii. 1, 2),
particularly as he adds the article to iraroX'ti,
which is invariably absent in other cases (cp.
Rev. xxi. 13). He seems to imply a definiteness
in the locality — that it was the country called
OTJSt oi' <u'aroX4 (cp. the modem Anatolia'), as
distinct from the quarter or point of the com-
pass (imroKal) in which it lay. In confirma-
tion of this it may be noticed that in the only
passage where the article is prefixed to kedem
(Gen. X. 30), the term is used for a definite and
restricted locality; vix. South Arabia. [W. L. B.]
EAST, or EASTERN SEA, THE. Ezek.
xlvii. 18; Joel ii. 20; Zech. xiv. 8, marg.
[Sea, the Salt.] [W.]
EASTEK (rda-xa ; pascha). The occurrence
of this word in the A. V. of Acts xii. 4 — " in-
tending after Easter to bring Him forth to the
people " — is chiefly noticeable as an example of
the want of consistency in the translators. In
some of the earlier English Versions "Easter"
had been the usual translation of xiaxa- In-
deed Tyndale has it or " Easter-Iamb " in every
instance of the occurrence of the word but two,
viz. Mark xiv. 12, John xviii. 28 ; and it is
scarcely less frequent in the Version of Cranmer
and in the Genevan Testament of 1557. The
Genevan Bible of 1560 substituted " Passover "
everywhere; as did the Bishops' Bible, except
in Acts xii. 4. In this it has been exactly
followed by the A. V., of which it was taken as
the basis. The translation of the Acts in the
Bishops' Bible was entrusted to Cox, bishop of
Ely, and it is probably owing to his desire to
avoid " inkhom terms (see Westcott's History
of the English Bible, p. 101) that the retention
of "Easter "in this single passage is due, just
as elsewhere throughout the Acts be has chosen
or retained the most familiar rather than the
most correct equivalents for the technical terms
occurring in the Book, e.g. " deputy " (Acts
xiii. 7, &c.), "Serjeants" (xvi. ih), "town-
clerk" (xix. 35), and "robbers of churches"
(xix. 37). It is possible that the same principle
may have influenced the translators of 1611 in
retaining the word which would most naturally
suggest the season of the year to the reader.
The word has, however, happily disappeared
from the R. V., in which it is replaced by the
ordinary rendering "Passover." For all that
regards the nature and celebration of the feast,
see Passovkr. [E. H. P.] [E. C. S. G.]
E'BAL (Va'y = strong (?); TaifiM*- in Gen.,
A. roalS^X in 1 Ch. ; Ebal). 1. One of the sons
of Shobal the son of Seir (Gen. xxzvi. 23 ; 1 Ch.
i. 40).
a. Obal, the son of JokUn (1 Ch. i. 22,
B. omit.% A. Ttfuiv; Hebal: cp. Gen. x. 28).
Eleven of Kenaicott's MSS., with the Syriac and
Arabic Versions, read 7aW in 1 Ch. as in Gen.
[W. A. W.] [F.]
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820
EBAL, MOUNT
E'BAL,* MOUNT (^3»1? "in," J/ount of
stone (?) ; Spos TatfiiX ; Joseph. TifiiXos ; Mons
JIebal\ a mount in the Promised Land, on
which, according to the command of Moses,
the Israelites were, after their entrance on
the Promised Land, to " put " the curse which
should fall upon them if they disobeyed the
commandments of Jehovah. The blessing con-
sequent on obedience wa« to be similarly
localised on Mount Gerizim (Deut. li. 26-29).
This was to be accomplished by a ceremony in
which half the tribes stood on the one mount
and half on the other; those on Gerizim
responding to and affirming blessings, those on
£bal curses, as pronounced by the Lerites, who
remained with theArk In the centre of the inter-
vening space (cp. Deut. xxvii. 11-26 with Josh,
viii. 30-35, with Joseph. Ant. W. 8, § 44, and
with the comments of the Talmud [£bia, vii.
§ 5], quoted in Herxheimer's Pentateuch).
The choice of the one as the Mount of Cursing
and the other as the Mount of Blessing does
not rest upon such reasons as that the one
was less fruitful than the other (see below),
but probably on the fact that according to
due orientation (Deut. xi. 30) Ebal would be
on the left of a spectator and Gerizim to his
right, and according to the conception of the
Israelite the right represents the side of happi-
ness and blessing (Gen. xxxv. 18. See Dill-
mann' on Deut. xi. 29). Notwithstanding the
ban thus apparently laid on Ebal, it was further
appointed to be the site of the first great
Altar to be erected to Jehovah; an Altar of
large unhewn stones plastered with lime and
inscribed with the words of the Law (Deut.
xivii. 2-8). On this Altar peace-ofierings were
to be offered, and round it a sacriScial feast
was to take place, with other rejoicings (cr. 6, 7).
Scholars disagree as to whether there were to be
two erections — a cromlech and an altar — or an
Altar only, with the Law inscribed on its stones.
The latter was the view of Josephus {Ant iv. 8,
§ 44; V. 1, § 19); the former is unhesitatingly
adop ted by Keil and Dillmann ' (on Josh. viii. 32).
The words may perhaps bear either sense.
The terms of Moses' injunction seem to infer
that no delay was to take place in carrying out
this symbolical transaction. It was to be "on
the day" that Jordan was crossed (xxvii. 2),
before they "went in unto the land flowing
with milk and honey " (v. 3). And accordingly '
Joshua appears to have seized the earliest
practicable moment, after the pressing affairs
of the siege of Jericho, the execution of Achan,
and the destruction of Ai bad been concluded, to
carry out the command (Josh. viii. 30-35). After
this Ebal appears no more in the sacred story.
The question now arises, where were Ebal
and Gerizim situated? The all but unanimous
reply to this is, that they are the mounts which
form the sides of the fertile valley in which
lies Ndbltu, the ancient Shechem — Ebal on the
north and Gerizim on the south. [See Map
under Gerizim.]
■ If, as Oesenlns snggests, Oerizim was so called from
the Oertites, £bal may have taken its name from the
ancient Edomite tribe orEbal ben Shobal.
■> In LXX. B. of 2 K. xxlli. 8, Tot^oA Is read In-
stead of the Qeba of Ben)«min. The LXX. A., as usual.
Is In accordance with the Hebrew, rajSoa.
EBAL, MOUNT
(1) It is plain from the passages already
quoted that they were situated near together,
with a valley between.
(2) Gerizim was very near Shechem (Judg.ii.
7), and in Josephns's time their names appear to
have been attached to the mountains, which vere
then, as now, Ebal on the north and Gerizim on
the south. Since that they have been mentioned
by Benjamin of Tudela (Asher, i. 66), and
among modem travellers by Manndrell (Mod.
Trav. p. 432).
The main impediment to our entire reception
of this view rests in the terms of the fim
mention of the place by Moses in Deut. xL 30:
A. V. "Are they not on the other side (E. V.
" beyond ") Jordan, by the way where the san
goeth down (R. V. "behind the way of the
going down of the sun"), in the land of the
Canaanites, which dwell in the champaign (R. V.
"the Arabah")over against Gilgal, beside ti*
plains (R. V. "oaks," marg. lerebMhs) ai
Moreh?" Here the mention of Gilgal, which
was in the valley of the Jordan near Jericho, of
the valley itself (^ra&sA, mistranslated by A. V.
here only "champaign "), and of the Canaanites
who dwelt there, and also the other terms of
the injunction of Moses, as already noticed, 6eem
to imply that Ebal and Gerizim were in the
immediate neighbourhood of JericJio. And tiiis
is strengthened by the narrative of Joahna, wiio
appears to have carried out the prescribed cere-
monial on the mounts while his camp was at
Gilgal (cp. vii. 2, ix. 6), and before he had (at
least before any account of his having) made hit
way so far into the interior of the country as
Shechem.
This is the view taken by Ensebins (OS.'
p. 242, 79 ; p. 243, 89 ; TiuJSdA). He does not
qnote the passage in Dent., but seems to be led
to his opinion rather by the difficulty of the
mountains at Shechem being too far apart t*
admit of the blessings and cursings being heard,
and also by his desire to contradict the Sama-
ritans; add to this that he speaks from ne
personal knowledge, but simply from heanaj
{\4ytTai), as to the existence of two snob hillt
in the Jordan valley. The notice of Eosebins it
merely translated by Jerome ( 0S.» p. 1 26, 4X witi
a shade more of animosity to the Samaritaiu
(vehemmter errant), and expression of difficulty
as to the distance, but without any additiooal
information. Procopius and Epiphanins als*
followed Eusebius, but their mistakes have bees
disposed of by Reland {Pal. pp. 503-4 ; Misali.
pp. 129-133).
With regard to the passage in Dent., it will
perhaps assume a different aspect on examinatioa.
(1) Moses is represented as speaking from the
east side of the Jordan, before anything vss
known of the country on the weat beyond the
exaggerated reports of the spies, aod whea
everything there was wrapped in mystery, and
localities and distances had not assumed tiitir
due proportions. (2) A closer rendering of the
verse is as follows : "Are they not on the other
side the Jordan, beyond — OTIC**^ **»• """^
rendered " the 6ac*»Mfe [R. V. ""the back "] «f
the desert," in Ex. iii. 1)— the road to tie
sunset, in the land of the Canaanite who dvtlli
in the Arabah over against Gilgal, near the
terebinths of Moreh." If this rendering is »r-
rect, a great part of the difficulty has dis-
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EBAL, MOUNT
appeared (see Dillmann- in loco). Gil gal no
longer marks the site of Ebal and Gerizim, but
iif the dwelling of the Canaanites, who were, it is
tme, the first to encounter the Israelites on the
other side of the river, in their native Ion-lands,
but who, we have it actually on record, were both
in the time of Abraham (Gen. lii. 6) and of the
conquest (Josh. xvii. 18) located about fshechem.
The word rendered " beyond " by R. V. is not
represented at all in the A. V., and it certainly
throws the locality much further back; and
lastly there is the striking landmark of the
trees of Moreh, which were standing by Shechem
when Abraham first entered the land, and whose
name possibly survived in Morthia, or Ma-
mortha (Jos. 8. J. iv. 8, § 1, illa$op6i), a name
of Shechem found on coins of the Koman period
(Relaad, Miaoeit. pp. 137-9).
In accordance with this is the addition in the
Samaritan Pentateuch, after the words "the
terebinths of Moreh," at the end of Deut. xi. 30,
of the words "over against Shechem." This
addition is the more credible because there is
not, as in the case noticed afterwards, any
apparent motive for it. If this interpretation
be accepted, the next verse (v. 31) gains a fresh
force : " Kor ye are to pass over Jordan " [not
only to meet the Canaanites immediately on the
other side, but] " to go in to possess the land "
[the whole of the countr}-, even the heart of it,
where these mountains are situated (glancing
back to r. 29)], "the land which the Lord your
God giveth yon; and ye shall possess it, and
dwell therein " (B. V.). And it may also be asked
whether the significance of the whole solemn
ceremonial of the blessing and cursing is not
missed if we understand it as taking place
directly a footing had been obtained on the
outskirta of the country, and not as acted in
the heart of the conquered land, in its most
prominent natural position, and close to its oldest
city— Shechem?
This is evidently the view taken by Josephus.
His statement {Ant. v. 1, § 19) is that it took
place after the subjugation of the country and
the establishment of the Tabernacle at Shiloh.
He has no misgivings as to the situation of the
mountains. They were at Shechem (M 2i«(/t»v),
and from thence, after the ceremony, the people
returned to Shiloh.
The narrative of Joshua is more puzzling.
But even with regard to this something may be
said. It will be at once perceived that the Book
contains no account of the conquest of the centre
of the country, of those portions which were
afterwards the mountain of Ephraim, Esdraelon,
or Galilee. We lose Joshua at Gilgal, after the
conquest of the south, to find him again suddenly
at the waters of Merom in the extreme north
(i. 43, xi. 7). Of his intermediate proceedings
the only record that seems to have escaped is
the fragment contained in viii. 30-35 (see
IKIImann* in loco. Many modem writers re-
gard the passage as an interpolation where it
is, and would place it after xi. 23). Nor
should it be overlooked that some doubt is
thrown on this fragment by its omission in both
the B. and A. MSS. of the fcXX.
The distance of Ebal and Gerizim from each
other is not such a •stumbling-block to us as it
was to Eusebios ; though it is difHcult to under-
stand bow he and Jerome should have been i
EBAL, MOUNT
827
ignorant of the distance to which the voice will
travel in the clear elastic atmosphere of the
East. Prof. Stanley has given some instances
of this {S. Sf P. p. 13) ; others equally remarkable
were observed by the writer ; and he has been
informed by a gentleman long resident in the
neighbourhood that a voice can be heard withont
difficulty across the valley separating the two
spots in question (see also Bonar, p. 371, and
Dr. Winslow's testimony, PJiFQy. Stat. 1891,
p. 79).
It is not necessary to suppose that every word
was heard by the spectators ; the " blessings "
and " cursings " were probably as well known
to the Israelites as the Commandments are to
us, and the responses would be taken up when
the voice of the reader ceased. The valley be-
tween Ebal and Gerizim rises gently eastward,
to the water-parting between the waters of the
Mediterranean and the Jordan, and at this point
there is a grand natural amphitheatre formed
by a recess in either mountain. There is no
other place in Palestine so convenient for the
assembly of a large body of men within the
limits to which the human voice can travel,
and where at the same time every individual
would be able to see what was going on.
Kothing is wanting in the natural beauty of the
site to add to the solemnity and impressivenesx
of a scene snch as that described in Josh. viii.
32-35 (Wilson, PEFQy. Stat. 1873, pp. 66-71).
It is well known that one of the most serious
variations between the Hebrew text of the Pen-
tateuch and the Samaritan text is in reference
to Ebal and Gerizim. In Deut. xxvii. 4, the
Samaritan has Gerizim, followed by I^X.,
Vulg., while the Hebrew (as in E. V.) has Ebal,
as the mount on which the Altar to Jehovah
and the inscription of the Law were to be
erected. Upon this basis they ground the
sanctity of Gerizim and the authenticity of the
temple and holy place, which did exist and still
exist there. The arguments upon this difficult
and hopeless question will be found in Kennicott
(Dissert. 2), and in the reply of Verschnir
(Leovard. 1775 ; quoted by Gesenius, de Pent.
Sam. p. 61). Two points may merely be
glanced at here which have apparently escaped
notice. 1. Both agree that Ebal was the mount
on which the cursings were to rest, Gerizim
that for the blessings. It appears inconsistent
that Ebal, the mount of cursing, should be the
site of the Altar and the record of the Law,
while Gerizim, the mount of blessing, should
remain unoccupied by sanctuary of any kind.
2. Taking into account the known predilection
of Orientals for ancient sites on which to fix
their sanctuaries, it is more easy to believe (in
the absence of any evidence to the contrary)
that in building their temple on Gerizim, the
Samaritans were making use of a spot already
enjoying a reputation for sanctity, than that
they built on a place upon which the curse was
laid in the records which they received equally
with the Jews. Thus the very fact of the occu-
pation of Gerizim by the Samaritans would
seem an argument for its original sanctity.
The summit of Ebal is a comparatively level
plateau of some extent. There is no actual
peak, but the ground rises towards the west,
and attains its greatest elevation (3077 feet)
uear a small pile of stones. The view from this
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823
EBED
point is one of the finest and moat exteasive in
Palestine, embracing Safed and Mount Hermon
on ti>e north, Jaffa and the maritime plain on
the west, the heights above Bethel on the south,
and the Haurun plateau on the east. The upper
portion of the mountain is nummulitic lime-
stone, and the surface of the plateau is so
cracked and broken that it has the appearance
of being covered by a rude pavement. Towards
the east end is the curious Kh. Kuneisa, or
JCuleiaa ; it is an enclosure 92 feet square with
walls 20 feet thick, built of selected, unhewn
stones without mortar ; in the thickness of the
wall are the remains of several chambers, but
there is nothing to connect the building with
the altar erected by Joshua.
The contrast between the rich vegetation on
Qerizim and the barreuness of Ebal has often
been commented upon by travellers (see Benja-
min of Tudela, &c.). This arises from the
structure of the rock, for the strata dip towards
the N. across the valley, and prevent the exist-
ence of springs on the southern slope of Ebal.
The mountain, however, is by no means sterile :
for a considerable height it is clothed with
luxuriant gardens of cactus, and above these, to
the very summit, lues a succession of terraces
well supplied with cisterns that speak of a
careful system of cultivation and irrigation at a
former period. Many of these terraces are well
preserved, and planted in spring-time with com
which grows as well as that planted on Gerizim.
At the foot of the mountain there is a Moslem
cemetery, and many rock-hewn tombs are to be
found in the gardens of cactus. The slopes of
£bal towards the valley are rather steeper than
those of Oerizim ; it is also the higher moun-
tain of the two. The altitudes are : —
.VdUut, above sea. 1676 ft.
Oerltim, „ 3M8 ft ... above AiiNio, 1174 ft.
Ebal, „ 3077ft. 1403ft.
The modem name of Ebal is Jebel Sitti Ella-
miyeh, from a Muhammadan female saint, whose
tomb stands high up on the southern slope
opposite Nablut. It is also called J. 'Amdii ed
Din, from a sheikh whose tomb is further to the
west (_P£F. Mem. li. 170, 186, 220 ; PEFQy.
Stat. 1873, p. 66 ; Guerin, Samarie, ii. 446-453).
On the south-east shoulder is a ruined site
bearing the name of 'Askar (Rob. iii. 132).
[Stchar.] [G.] [W.]
E'BED. 1. 03y= *'«'» >• ''"' ™»"y MSS.,
and the Syr. and Arab. Versions, have '^25),
£ber: B. 'I»3f)A, A. 'AfiiS, except in v. 35
3aBir ; Ebed and Obed), father of Gaal, who
with his brethren assisted the men of Shechem
in their revolt against Abimelech (Judg. ix. 26,
-J8, 30, 31, 35).
a. (-1^^; B. 'n^4«, A. 'Ofiir; Abed), son
of Jonathan ; one of the Bene-Adin who returned
from Babylon with Ezra (Ezra viii. 6). In
1 Esdras the name is given as Obeth.
It would add greatly to the force of many
passages in the 0. T. if the word " slave " or
" bondman " were appropriated to the Hebrew
term Ebed, while "servant," "attendant," or
" minister " were used to translate Na'ar,
Hesharet, &c. In the addresses of subjects to a
ruler, the Oriental character of the transaction
would come home to us at once if we read
EBEB
" what saith my lord to his slave " — the verr
form still in use in the £ast, and familiar to tit
all in the Arabian A'iyhtt and other Oh«ntal
works — instead of " his servant." [G.] [W.]
E'BED-ME'LECH (TJ^iJ-I^T; •A»€>i«A.x:
AbdemelecJi), an Aethiopian eunuch in the ferritt
of king Zedekiah, through whose interfennce
Jeremiah was released from prison, and wliu
was on that account preserved from harm it
the taking of Jerusalem (Jer. xxxviii. 7 tq.;
xxxix. 15 sq.). His name seems to be an oSdal
t\tle=Kmg'i ttave, i.e. tniniiter.
EBEN-E'ZEB (ItBri* JJK = the Ame of
help: UA. 'A/3<WC<p; Joseph, tdios urxt^s:
lapia Adjutorii), a stone set up by Samuel after
a signal defeat of the Philistines, as a niemorisl
of the "help" received on the occasioa fnmi
Jehovah (1 Sam. vii. 12). " He called the umt
of it Ebenezer, saying. Hitherto hath Jehoru
helped us " (axarauu, M'^fV}. lU posttioo is
carefully defined as between Uizpeu— "the
watch-tower"— and Sben, "the tooth" or
" crag." Neither of these points, however, hare
been identified with any certainty — the latter,
being probably a well-known (cp. LXX. sail
Syr.; landmark, not at all. According ta
Josephus's record of the transaction (Ant. ri
^t § ^)t the stone was erected to mark the limit
of the victory, a spot which he calls Korraia,
but in the Hebrew Bethcab. It is remarkable
that of the occurrences of the name tben-eicr,
two, recalling the defeat of Israel by the Philis-
tines (1 Sam. iv. 1 [B. '/iPtr4(tp, A. 'Aflov-],
V. 1 [b. 'Kfitnrhp, A. 'A3<rr('^«pJ), are fouad ia
the order of the narrative before the plan
received its title. This pnleptis would act
unnaturally happen in a reconi written slier
the event, especially in the case of a spot so noted
as Eben-ezer must have been.
In the Oiumuutioon (OS.* p. 226, 15) Ebenezer
('A0ty4(fp) is said to have been near Bethsamei,
'Ain Shems, on the road from Aelia to Ascalos,
and the site has apparently been recovered ia
2Jeir 'Ab&t, a large village 2 miles E. of ',4«i
Slusma (PEF. Mem. iii. 24), and dose to the
Korean road to Jeratalem. M. Clermont-Gso-
neau, who connects this place with "the great
Abel "of 1 Sam. vL 18 [Abel, 7], ha* ingenionsir
suggested that the Ark was broagbt back to the
place where it was captured ; and that it was «b
the same ground that Samuel won his sipal
victory over the Philistines (PEFQg. Stat 1877,
pp. 154-6). Major Conder, who also places
Ebenezer at Deir 'Abdn, identities Mizpch tritli
KTt. Shufa, and Bethcar with Ahu- (PEFQ}.
Stat. 1876, p. 149). Dr. Chaplin identifies
Ebenezer with Seit lisa, and Shen with Mr
reain (PEFQy. Stat. 1888, p. 263). [G.] [W.]
E'BER Cqg; 'E3«p; Heber). 1. Son of
Salah, and great-grandson of Shem (Gea >■ tt.
xi. 14-17; 1 Ch. i. 19). See Hebeb; and fir
the factitious importance attached to thii
patriarch, and based npon Gen. z. 21. Kno.
xxiv. 24, see Hebrew. [T. E. B.]
• In tv. 1 the definite article prefixed to bolb nf*
exhtUt* their apparition to each other. Cp. tMnr,
yotet on Me Btbrtie Ifecl of tie BB. <if Stmui, k
loco I Kwald, AutfSkH. LOa*. ^ »0 d.
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EBIASAPH
3. *0);; *nj34t; HAer. Son of Elpaal and
dnccndant of Shaharaim of the tribe of Benjamin
(1 Ch. Tiii. 12). He waa one of the founders of
Ono and Lod with their surrounding villages.
3. A priest, who represented the family of
Amok, in the days of Joiakim the son of Jeshua
(Neh. lii. 20; BK»A. omit, «•••■*" •Aj«»«3«'»)-
[W. A. W.] [F.]
EBr ASAPH (ClD^aM; Abiasaph), a Koba-
thite Lerite of the family of Korah, one of the
forefathers of the prophet Samuel and of Heman
the singer (1 Ch. vi. 23 [B. '\$ui9ip, A. 'A/Sia-
ccufi], r. 37 [B. 'Afiuurip, B^'W)" ^). The same
man is probably intended in ix. 19. The name
appears also to be identical with AniA-SAPll
(which see), and in oue passage (1 Ch. xxri. 1)
tu be abbreviated to Asaph [so A. ; B. 'A$ii,
2o<^A>]. [W.A.W.] [F.]
EBONY (D'San, hcbr^m: koI rots tlirayo-
litvois;' ipivovs, Symm. : \cleiUe>] hehemnos)
occurs only in Ezek. zxvii. 15, as one of the
valuable commodities imported into Tyre by
the men of Dedan. [Dedan.] It is mentioned
together with " horns of ivory," and it may
hence be reasonably conjectured that ivory and
ebony came from the same country. The
ECBATANA
829
mncients held the black heart-wood in high
esteem. Herodotus (iii. 97) mentions ebony
(^iXaYfts 4P4rov) as one of the precious sub-
stances presented by the people of Ethiopia to
the king of Persia. Dioscorides (i. 130) speaks
of two kinds of ebony, an Indian and an Ethio-
pian ; he gives the preference to the latter kind.
Virgil (Georg. ii. 116) says that " India alone
produces the black ebony;" and Theophrastus
(J/ist. Plant, iv. 4, § 6) asserts that " ebony is
peculiar to India." This, however, is an error,
as trees of this order are found in all the
tropical and in some semi-tropical parts of the
Old World, all of which vield a hard black heart-
wood. The number o{ known species of the
order Ebenaceae is about 160. Those species
of which the wood has the greatest commercial
value belong generally to the genus Ditapyna,
of which the most important are Dioipynis
eberaa and Diospynu metanoxylon from India
• For the Heb. word used hy the LXX. see Roeen-
mOUer's ScM. ad Ezek. xzvU. IS.
and Ceylon ; Diospynu ebenastra from Ceylon,
and Divapynu hirtuta, which produces the varie-
gated calamander wood of Ceylon. Any or all
of these may have been imported into the
Mediterranean countries by the Phoenicians.
Africa is equally rich in these ironwood-yielding
trees. The Abyssinian ebony referred to by
Herodotus is from Diospyrua mespUiforviif, railed
" Ajn " by the Abyssinians, who in ancient timet
exported it down the Nile ; and which is also
found through Central Africa, Mozambique, and
Guinea. The latter region supplies many other
kinds. Diosp'/rus melanoxi/lan, found also in
Coromandel, is abundant in Senegal, while Ea-^t
and Southern Central Africa possess various
species, among them Euclea psevdehemts, Mey.,
the *' Zwartebbenhont " of the Boers. Among
more northern kinds is the Diospi/na kaii of
Japan, and the Diospyrut httit of South-eastern
Europe, which yielded the famou:: fruit which,
according to the Greek poets, produced oblivion.
Most of the ebony trees yield a sweet and edible
fruit. The Greek word Ifitros, the Latin eberuit,
our " ebony," have all doubtless their origin in
the Hebrew hobnim, a term which was thought
to denote "wood as hard as stone" (cp. the
German Sleinholz, " fossil-woud ; " see Gesenius,.
T/ies, s. v., and qualify by MV."). It Is pro-
bable that the product and material, or the
plural form of this noun, is u«ed to express the
bUlets into which the ebony was cut previous to
exportation, like our " logwood." See full dis-
cnssions on the ebony of the ancients in
Bochart, Bieroi. ii. 714 ; and Salmasius, Plm..
Exercitat. p. 725 c : cp. also Royle, in Kitto's
Cycl., art. "Hobnim." According to Sir E.
Tennent (Ceylon, i. 116), the wood of Dioapyrus
ebenua, which is abundant throughout all the
flat country to the west of Trincomalee, " excels
all others in the evenness and intensity of its
colour. The heart of the trunk is the only
portion which furnishes the extremely black
part which is the ebony of commerce ; but the-
trees are of such magnitude that reduced logs
of 2 feet in diameter, and varying from 10 to 15
feet in length, can readily be procured from the-
foresU at Trincomalee." [W. H.] [H. B. T.]
EBRO'NAH. [Abrokah.]
ECA'NUS, one of the five swift scribes who
attended on Ksdras (2 Esd. xiv. 24).
ECBATANA (SnonM; 'A^oect, 'Ek/Mtoi-o ;;
Ecbatana; Old Persian, Hagmatana; Semitic
Babylonian, Agamatana, Ayamatdni; Modern
Persian, Hamaddn). It is doubtful whether the
name of this place is really contained in the
Hebrew Scriptures. Some commentators under-
stand the expression KntSriKB, in Ezra vi. 2,.
differently, and translate it in iircd, " in a coffer "°
(see Bnxtorf and others, and so the A. V. tn the
marginy. The LXX. B. however gives ty wiAti,.
"in a city," and A. iy 'A/urfd; K. V. "at Ach-
metha," aitd in marg. That is, Ecbatana, which,
favours the ordinary interpretation. If a city iS'
meant, there is little doabt of one of the two-
Ecbatanas being intended, for except these towns;
there was no place in the province of the Medes
"which contained a palace " (i^^'a), or where re-
cords are likely to have been deposited. The name
K^OHK (Achmetha) too, which at first sight
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ECBATAXA
i)c«m> somewhat remote from Hagmatana, the
ancient luitire oame, is not really >o, aa it only
wants the harder aspirate at the beginning, and
the syllable -na at the end, whilst the g is
changed into ch (=M). In the apocryphal
books ICcbatana is frequently mentioned (Tob.
iii. 7, xir. 12, 14; Judith i. 1, 2; 2 Mace. ix. 3,
&c.); and uniformly with the later and less
correct spelling of 'EKjSctrora, instead of the
earlier and more accurate form, used by Hero-
dotus, Aeschylus, and Ctesias, of 'Ay/Urwo.
Two cities of the name of Ecbatana seem to
li.tre existed in ancient times : one the capital of
Northern Media, the Media Atropateu^ of Strabo -,
the other the metropolis of the larger and more
important province linnwn as Media Magna (see
Sir U. Rawlioson's paper on the Atropatenian
Ecbatana, in the 10th volume of the Journal of
the Oeograpliical Society, art. ii.). The site of
the former appears to be marked by the very
curious ruini at ToAht-i-Sxileunan (lat. 36° 28 ,
long. 47° 9'); while that of the latter is
occupied by Hamadan, which is one of the most
important cities of modem Persia. There is
generally some difficulty in determining, when
Kcbatana is mentioned, whether the northern or
the southern metropolis is intended. Few
writers are aware of the existence of the two
cities, and they lie sufficiently near to one
another for geographical notices in most cases
to suit either site. The northern city was the
" seven-walled town " described by Herodotus,
and declared by him to have been the capital of
Cyrus (Herod, i. 98-99, 153 ; cp. Mos. Cboren.
ii. 84-); and it w.is thus roost probably there
that the roll was found which proved to Darius
that Cyros had really made a decree allowing
the Jews to rebuild their temple.
Various descriptions of the northern city
have come down to us, but none of them is
completely to be depended on. That of the
Zendavesta (Vendidad, Fargard II.) is the oldest,
and the least exaggerated. "Jemshid," it is
said, "erected a Var, or fortress, sufficiently
large, and formed of squared blocks of stone ; he
assembled in the pluce a vast population, and
stocked the surrounding country with cattle for
their nse. He caused the water of the great
fortress to flow forth abundantly. And within
the var, or fortress, he erected a lofty palace,
encompassed with walls, and laid it out in many
separate divisions, and there was no place, either
in front or rear, to command and overawe the
fortress." Herodotus, who ascribes the founda-
tion of the city to the king Deioces, says : " The
Medes were obedient to Detoces, and built the
city now called Agbatana, the walls of which
nre of great size and strength, rising in circles
one within the other. The plan of the place is
that each of the walls should out-top the one
beyond it by the battlements. The nature of
the ground, which is a gentle bill, favours this
arrangement in some degree, but it waa mainly
effected by art. The number of the circles is
seven, the royal palace and the treasuries stand-
ing within the last. The circuit of the outer
wall is nearly the same with that of Athens.
Of this outer wall the battlements are white, of
the next black, of the third scarlet, of the fourth
blue, of the 6fih orange : all these are coloured
with paint. The last two have their battle-
ment* coated respectively with silver and gold.
ECBATANA
All these fortifications Deioces caused to be
rai:>ed fur himself and his own palace. The
people were required to build their dwellingi
outside the circuit of the walls" (Hrri^
i. 98-99). Finally, the book of Judith, probably
the work of an Alexandrian Jew, profeises to
give a number of details, which appear t« be
drawn chiefly from the imagination of the «Titer
(Judith i. 2-4).
The peculiar feature of the site of TolOd-i-
Suleiman, which Sir H. Rawlinson has proposed
to identify with the Northern Ecbatana, is a
conical hill rising to the height of abont 150 t'nt
above the plain, and covered both on its top and
aides with massive ruins of the most antiqse an j
primitive character. A perfect enceinte, formed
of large blocks of squared stone, may be tnivd
round the entire hUl along its brow; s-ithin
there is an oval enclosure about 800 yaidi ia its
greatest and 400 in its least diameter, itrewa
with ruins, which cluster round a remarkable
lake. This is an irregular basin, aboot 30i)
paces in circuit, filled with water esqaiiiiel;
clear and pleasant to the taste, which is supplied
in some unknown way from below, and vhich
stands uniformly at the same Jevel, whsterer
the quantity taken from it for irrigating the
lands which lie at the foot of the hill. Tkii
hill itself is not perfectly isoUted, though it
appears so to those who approach it by tbe
ordinary route. On three sides — the south, the
west, and the north — the acclivity is steep sod
the height above the plain uniform, but on the
east it abuts upon a hilly tract of ground, and
here it is but slightly elevated above the adjiceut
country. The remarkable platform of btrt
stone with which it is crowned, and on whicli
the palace apparently stood, does not rise abon
the crest of the hill on the eastern side, and it
cannot therefore have ever answered exactly to
the description of Herodotus, aa the eastern side
could not anyhow admit of seven walls of or-
cumvallation. It is doubted whether even tke
other sides were thus defended. Altbnugk tke
flanks on these sides are covered with nils,
" no traces remain of any viall but the npper
one " (As. Journ. x. p. 52). Still, as the nttim
of the gronnd on three sides would allow tlii:
style of defence, and as the account in Herodotos
is confirmed by the Armenian historian, writii^
clearly without knowledge of the earlier author,
it seems best to suppose, that in the peacetul
times of the Persian empire it w.is thongU
sufficient to preserve the upper enceinte, while
the others were allowed to fall into decay, sod
ultimately were superseded by domestic bniid-
ings. With regard to the colouring of the wtlU.
or rather of the battlements, wUch ha< beei
considered to mark especially the fabalon
character of Herodotus' description, recent dis-
coveries show that such a mode of omameatt-
tion was actually in use at theperiod in qnestioa
in a neighbouring country. The temple of the
Seven Spheres at Borsippa was adorned almttf
exactly in the mmner which Herodotus assigas
to the Median capital [Babel, Tower or]; and
it does not seem at all improbable that, vitk
the object of placing the city under the prot(c>
tion of the Seven Planets, the seven walls msi
have been coloured nearly as described. Her^
dotus has a little deranged the order of the bso,
which should have been either black, ortage,
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EOBATANA
ECCIiESIASTES
831
scarlet, gold, white, bine, silrer— «3 in the case
ul'the Boraipp^ temple — or blnck, white, orange,
bine, scarlet, silver, gold — if the order of the
days dedicated to the planets were fallowed.
Eren the nse of silver and gold in external
ornamentation — which seems at first sight highly
improbable — is found to have prevailed. Silver
roofs were met with by the Greeks at the
Southern Ecbatana (Polyb. x. 27, §§ 10-12) ; and
there is reason to believe that at Borsippa the
gold and silver stages of the temple were actually
coated with those metals.
The Northern Ecbatana continued to be an
importtuit place down to the 13th century after
Christ. By the Greeks and Romans it appears
to have been known as Gaza, Gazaca, or Canzaca,
" the treasured city," on account of the wealth
laid up in it ; while by the Orientals it was
termed Shix. Its decay is referable to the Mogul
conquests, c. A.o. 1200; and its final ruin is
supposed to date from about the 15th or 16th
century {As. Soc. Joum. vol. i. part i. p. 49).
flAaofKotetaw,
EZFLAXATIOX.
1. BenMliu of a Flrt-Tflnpla.
^ Ruined Hoaqno.
X Anctait bolldlnSR with Bhafts mnA capltAU.
<. Boini of Uie Palace of Afaakal Khao.
9. norkj- hlU of ZindAnl-Solelnuin.
In the 2nd book of Maccabees (ix. 3, &c.) the '
Ecbatana mentioned is undoubtedly the southern
city, now represented both in name and site by
Hamadan. This place, situated on the northern
flank of the great mountain called formerly
Orontea, and now ElieetuJ, was perhaps as ancient
as the other, and is far better known in history.
If not the Median capital of Cyrus, it was at
any rate regarded from the time of Darius
Hystaspis as the chief city of the Persian »a<ra;»i/
of Media, and as such it became the summer
residence of the Persian kings from Darius down-
trards.* It was occupied by Alexander soon
after the battle of Arbela (Arr. Exp. Alex. iii.
19), and at his decease passed under the dominion
of the Seleucidae. In the wars between his sue-
• There Is a tablet (In private bands) recording a loan,
from a Babylonian officer stationed at Agamat&ni (Ecba-
tana), to one of bis countrymen temporarily visiting the
city. It is dated In Ab (July- August) in tbe 3rd year
of Cyrus (535 b.c). It Is to be noted tb»t tbe cuneiform
Inncrlpticns give no Indications tbat there were two I
cities of tbis name.
cesson it was more than once taken and retaken,
each time suffering largely at the hands of its
conquerors (Polyb. x. 27). It was afterwards
recognised as the metropolis of their empire by
the Parthians (Oros. vi. 4). During the Arabian
period, from the rise of Baghdad on the one
hand and of Isfahan on the other, it sank into
comparative insignificance ; but still it has
never descended below the rank of a provincial
capital, and even in the present depressed con-
dition of Persia it is a city of about 35,000
inhabitants. The Jews, curiously enough, re-
gard it as the residence of Ahasuerus (Xerxes)
— which is in Scripture doclareil to be Susa
(Esth. i. 2, ii. 3, &c.) — and sliow within its
precincts the tombs of Esther and Mordecai (Ker
Porter, vol. ii. pp. 105-110) — ,t plain brick
structure, consisting of a small cylindrical tower
and dome, with small projections or wings on
each side. In the tomb-chamber, a plain room
paved with glazed tiles, are two wooden chests
shaped like sarcophagi, situated over the spots
where the dead are said
to lie. It is not distin-
guished by any remark-
able peculiarities from
other Oriental cities of
the same . size, except
that it is an important
trading centre, and pos-
sesses, as such, excel-
lent and well-supplied
bazaars and superior
khans. The principal
manufacture of the city
is leather.
The city contains re-
mains of ruined walls
of great thickness, and
towers of sun - dried
bricks. Shafts and bases
of columns (the mould-
ing of one of the latter
bearing an inscription
of Artaxerxes), belong-
ing to buildings of the
Persian period, have also
been found there ; but
there is no eminence corresponding with that
indicated by Polybius and Herodotus as the site
of the castle or palace, save an inconsiderable
hill to the east, with some Persian remains.
The Ecbatana of the book of Tobit is thought
by Sir H. Rawlinson to be the northern city (see
As. Soc. Joum. X. pt. i. pp. 137-141).
See Ker Porter's 2Votw/»; Perrot and Chipiez,
Histoire de I' Art, tome v. ; and Dieulafoy's L'Art
Antique de la Peru, premiire partie.
[G. R.] [T. G. P,]
ECCLESIA8TE8, or THE PREACHEB.
— 1. Title. The word rendered Ecclesiastes by
the LXX. is (Joheleth (n^fJiJ, Aq. im\4e). In
form it is a feminine of the qal participle active
from qahal, iKKKi\ati(tw, to assemble, or to be
or act as a member of an assembly, which has
led some to think that it denotes Wisdom per-
sonified, who harangues thi; assembled people as
in Prov. i. 20 or viii. 1. But since it is used
in six places out of seven (Eccles. i. 1, 2, 12 ; lii.
8, 9, 10) as a masculine name or appellative, it
6. Camatrry.
6. Ridge of Rock called " tlM Diagon."
7. HlU caUed " TawUah," or " tbe Stable.'
8. BnlnaorEalUab.
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ECCLESIA8TE8
IS natnral to prestune that in the teventh also
(vii. 27) it is maacnline. If so, we have to con-
sider whether we should not adopt a slight
emendation of the text — reading not mOtt
'rhnp, but TOnpn ids, as in xii. 8, unless
we are content, with Kashbam, to refer for
a parallel to the anomalous construction of
David as the subject of a feminine verb in
2 Sam. xiii. 39 : " And king David longed
(Jem.) to go forth unto Absalom." Cp. Ezek.
xvi. 30: "How weak (Jem.) is thine heart."
With Qoheleth, regarded as masculine, com-
pare Sophereth (Neh. vii. 57), which is found
likewise with the article (Ezra ii. 55), and
the class of words of the corresponding form
in Arabic, such as t JU, a <iccp investigator.
Qoheleth would thus be not Wisdom herself,
but a wise man (lii. 9; cp. vii. 23), whose
mouth she opens in the midst of the con-
gregation (Ecclus. XV. 5). The invariable and
frequent use of the derivatives of the root
QIIL* of the assemblage not of things but of
persons must govern the meaning of Qoheleth,
which should accordingly denote not a com-
piler, nor an eclectic philosopher, nor one who
amasses wisdom and experience, but one who
convenes or addresses an assembly. Solomon,
we read, was so called "because his words
were spoken in the assembly," with reference
to 1 Kings viii. 1, 2 (Midr. Chatitha on Eccles.
i. 1). Jerome accordingly explains the term
by ooncionator, whence Luther's "Prediger"
and our " Preacher." The book is styled in
Wiclifs prologue, " boc of talker to the puple
or togider klepere," but he employs the word
Ecclesiastes in the text. Qoheleth might indeed
serve to designate one who speaks as an
ordinary member of an academic assembly, but
the rendering cMxiter which has been proposed
from this point of view scarcely suits the cha-
racter of Solomon or the Book in its entirety.
Some who regard Qoheleth as a feminine
(vii. 27) have inferred that it denotes an
attenMy or aggregation of debaters personified.
2. AVTHORSHIP. — The question as to the
authorship of Ecclesiastes practically reduces
itself to this : Did Solomon write it or not ? If
he did not, what limits of date can be assigned
to the Book? The general arguments for a late
date tell of course against the Solomonic author-
ship, but up to a certain point it is possible to
treat the two questions independently, as we
accordingly propose to do, commencing with
some consideration of the tradition which names
Solomon as the writer, and of the internal
evidence bearing upon this point.
In favour of the Solomonic authorship, it is
alleged that the Book ascribes itself to Solomon
under the name Qoheleth (i. 1, 12), and that
this is confirmed by a consensus of ancient
interpreters.
It is indeed clear that Qoheleth is intended to
play the part of king Solomon, even if the super-
* No trace of the qsl occurs except In Qokdetk, and the
primary meaning of the root may be uncertain, bat
Id the bipbU It meaus "to summon an saeembly"
(priD, nVnp)- *nd in the niphal omgngari {}. K. viU.
1, i 68). ' ' '
EC!CLE8IASTES
scription which describes him as "sonof Darid"
be not authentic. But the Book compriMs, over
and above the discourse of Qoheleth speaking ia
the first person (L 12), an epilogue wUcii briefly
sums up the conclusion from his argument in
editorial style, and commends him in tenu
which he could scarcely hare used of himself
(xii. 9-14). It has been conjectured that these
verses are no part of the original work, but the
internal evidence, carefully examinnl by Delituch
and others, does not point to this concluios ;
so that, while we agree with Raahbam (lOSi-
1155 A.D.) so far as to say that they are not
the words of Qoheleth himself, we may yet
decline to disintegrate a Book alike nniiiae sod
uniform in style and diction by assuming that
its epilogue is an incongruous addition of a
later age.
If the epilogue is ■ part of the original vork,
it aeeras to fallow that the claim of the Book to
have been written by Qoheleth is only appamt:
and that, in whatever aense and to vhatenr
extent Solomonic, it is in its entirety the com-
position of some sage well versed in his history
and writings, who has thought fit to snppras
his own name, and to put his profound re-
flexions on the life of man and the monl
government of the world into the month o.''
the proverbially wise king. That a writer's
motive in such self-suppression need not be inter-
preted unfavourably is shown by the example of
the school of Pythagoras, who kept their knov-
ledge secret, and attributed it to the school or
its master. Hippaaus, who offended agtiiit
this rule, was lost at sea for his impiety (lusUi-
chus, Vit. Pythag. cap. 18). He had dirnlged
and taken civdit for a certain discovery in geo-
metry, whereas everything belonged to " Him "
(flrtu ti ireivra iKtiim to5 iarSpis), for so tkty
called Pythagoras, and not by lus name. With
this compare the saving in the Palettiaim
Talmud (Megitlah, iv. 1):' " Scripture, Misbaah,
and Talmud, and Agadah, and even that vliica
the diligent scholar was destined to point ont
before his master, were already spoken to TAota
from Sinai." Such dicta cannot be taken lite-
rally, but are the paradoxes of idealists, wkidi
leave us in doubt as to how much they snppa««i
to have been revealed explicitly.* They sBOSie
that the literary embryo comprehends whit ess
and is to be evolved from it : the progeaitn
includes the race (Heb. vii. 10). On this prii-
ciple the tradition which ascribes Ecclesiastes t«
Solomon may only mean that its germ or basis
is Solomonic That the Book as a whole oves
something to post-Solomonic editing — how mafb
or how little depends upon the aense to be
attached to the word " wrote " — seems ta be
suggested by the tradition of the Babylcoisi
Talmud (^Baha Sathra, 15 a), that " Hezekiih sad
his company (Prov. xxv. 1) wrote Isaiah, Ft»-
verbs. Song of Songs, Qoheleth," where fieo-
kiah and his college or company may range onr
a succession of generations from king Uetebsli,
" the Pisistratus of Israelitish literaturt" t»
the Captivity. Farther, it may be dosbtei
whether the words of the Targnmist are t« te
taken quite literally when he recognises repe«t*i
anachronisms in the Book, and characterises
them as " words of prophecy which Qoheleti,
>• See Sttitig$ <if Ou Jtwiik Mhtn, p. 121 (tin).
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ECCLESU8TE8
that is, the son of David the king, who was in
.lerusalem, prophesied." It remains to touch
upon some paints in the internal evidence bear-
ing npon the question now under discnssioD.
(joheleth's reference to his kingship as in
the past is alleged in support of the conclusion
that he is not the true son and successor of
Darid, but a second Solomon or "Solomon
redirivus." He writes; "I the Preacher was
king over Israel in Jerusalem. And I applied
my heart to seek and to search out by wisdom
concerning all that is done under heaven"
(i. 12, 13) ; and this has given rise to a legend in
the Talmuds (T. B. OiUin, 68 b ; Jerus. Sanhidr.
iL 6), to the effect that he was dethroned for
bis sins and succeeded by a spirit in bis outward
form, whilst he himself wandered from place to
place in the land of Israel, begging his bread
and crying, " I Qobeleth was king over Israel in
Jerusalem," which may have been intended as a
word to the wise, hinting that Qoheleth was
not the actual Solomon, but one who wrote in
his "spirit and power" (Luke i. 17). But the
point of departure in this legend being the
words "I was king," considered in and by
themselves, after the manner of the Agadah,
we cannot argue therefrom to their true signifi-
cauce in their proper context. Qoheleth, writing
for the fntnre, may possibly mean that he
applied his heart to seek and to search out by
wisdom, &&, and that he was at that time king
over Israel in Jerusalem, and therefore in the
best of positions (L 12 ; ii. 12) for bringing his
experiments to a successful issue. Nevertheless,
whatever may be the significance of this much
discussed preterite ♦D'TI in relation to its con-
text, the phrase " king over Israel in Jerusalem"
does seem to point to the division of the king-
dom after the time of Solomon, and is such as
a historian writing after his death might most
fitly hare used. Compare 1 Kings zi. 41, 42 :
" Now the rest of the acts [or wordt, cp. Eccles. i.
1] of Solomon, and all that he did, and bis wis-
dom, are they not written in the book of the
acts for words] of Solomon? And the time
that Solomon reigned in Jerusalem over all
Israel was forty years." The Targum teaches
that the division of the kingdom is referred to
repeatedly in the Book (i. 1, 2 ; ii. 18 ; iii. 11 ;
iv. 15, &c.), calmly accepting, as we have said,
such anachronisms and signs of later date as
" words of prophecy which Qoheleth pro-
phesied."
Other allusions to Solomon in the Book are
consistent with the theory that he is not the
writer of it, and some of Qoheleth'* sayings
wonid come better from a commoner than from
a king (iii. 16 ; iv. 1, 13 ; x. 5, &c.). Lastly,
except for the tradition that Solomon wrote the
Book, there is no reason to think of it as the
record of a merely personal experience. Qohe-
leth is rather an abstraction, who speaks with
pretematoral calm of addicting himself to sen-
sual pleasure and making fair tniil of madness
and folly by way of philosophical experiment ;
and the Book, although ostensibly a sort of
autobiography, can scarcely be said to add any-
thing to our knowledge of the facts of the life
of Solomon. To conclude, it is not proven that
the Book claims Solomon as its author, nor is it
the quite nnanimons verdict of tradition that he
** wrote" it. The matter being thus uncertain,
BIBLE SICT. — ^TOL. I.
ECCLE8IASTE8
833
we have to consider what limits of date can be
assigned to Ecclei>iastes on other grounds.
3. Date. — A list of dates coiyecturally
assigned to the Book is quoted in the Speaker's
Commentary. They range from the time of
Solomon to that of Herod, to whom Graetz,
dating it B,a 8, makes it refer. By Graetz
and others the superscription (i. 1), which styles
Qoheleth " son of David," and the epilogue
(xii. 9-14), which again seems to point to
Solomon, are ascribed to an editor distinct from
the author of the main body of the work.
Following Krochmal,* he maintains that the
verses xii. 12-14 do not refer eiclasively to
Ecclesiastes, but form the conclusion of the
Hagiographa, the division of the O. T. to which
it belongs. He supposes it to be the latest
of the Books, and to have been finally pro-
nounced canonical only at the Synod held in
Jamnia about 90 A.D., up to which date the
schools of Shammai and Hillel had disputed
whether it " de61ed the hands." In confirma-
tion of this view it was necessary to show that
the T.XX. Version of the Book was of com-
paratively recent origin. Accordingly, he refers
it to the 2nd century A.D., laying stress upon
its renderings of the objective prefix eth by <rivf
as in trhy rhv Sfjcoior icol ai/p roy iurtfirj KpwtS 6
Ms (iii. 17), and xol &v9fM«rot oiic i/uriiirSri <rin>
rov irSphs toS riyriros iKtlyou (ix. 15), which
are thought to mark the translator as of the
school of Aquila, who writes (riy rhy oiparhr
Kol <rhy tV Tqy (Gen. i. 1), and <rby trKeiXigtcoi
T^ Sid^opoy (Ex. xxviii. 5). This correspondence
in style of rendering is remarkable, and invites
careful consideration ; but we shall not dwell
upon it here, as it does not in any case con-
stitute a positive argument for the late date
assigned to the original of Ecclesiastes. Nor do
the continued questionings of its authority, even
if in all cases to be taken seriously, prove
anything more than that it was still treated as
an antilegomenon, although it may have been
received long before into the Canon.
A most interesting and instructive attempt
to fix the date of the Book is to be found in
Mr. Thomas Tyler's concise treatise on Eccle-
siastes, published in 1874. From the supposed
clear traces of the post-Aristotelian philosophies of
Zeno and Epicurus in it on the one hand, and from
the traces of the Book itself in Ecclesiasticus and
the Wisdom of Solomon on the other hand, it is
inferred that it must have been written between
the years 250 B.C. and 180 B.C., and the specific
date c. 200 B.a is then assigned to it. Of his
two limits of date the lower is perhaps the more
conclusively established.
Ecclesiasticus. — The following series of
parallels raises a strong presumption that there
is some sort of interdependence between the
books of Ecclesiastes and Ecclesiasticus. Accord-
ing to one view, the title of the latter book was
itself chosen with reference to the former.
EoCLisiAsras. EocLisusricDs.
Ui. I. To eveiTttaing there xzzU. It, 17, 33. All the
is a season, and a time to woiks of the Lord are
every purpose under exceeding good, and
heaven. whatsoever he command-
eih shall be in due
season, kc.
• See Nachman Krochmal's article in £er»m Chemed,
vol. V. It (1841).
3 H
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ECCLE8IASTE8
ECCLE8IASTES
ECCLUIASTES.
UL 2-6. A time to be born*
•nd a time to die, &c
Ui. 1. A time to keep
Btience, and a time to
spealL
Ul. II. He hatta made
everrtblng beantlfnl In
its time.
Eocr.EaiATicca.
xl. 14. Proeperity and ad-
versity, life and death,
poverty and riches, come
of the Lord.
XX. 6, 7. ... and some
keepeth silence ti&itt
maiftw. A wise man wUl
bold bis tongne fuf
Kaipov.
xxxix. 3i. So that a man
cannot say. This is worse
than that: for In time
they shall all be well
approved,
vli. 16. fii) ffo^t^ov ire- xxxlt. 4. ixaifiw fi>l 0V-
viii. 5. ... a wise man's xxvii. 12. If thou be
heart discemetb both among the Indiscreet,
time and Judgment. observe the time.
A marked characteristic of Qoheleth is his
doctrine that there is a time for everything,
which finds its justification in the saying that
everything that God made was " very good."
This doctrine the Son of Sirach likewise dwells
npon, and he advocates and defends it against
objectors, when he writes, " So that a man
cannot say, This ii worse than that: for in
time they shall all be well approved." The
presumption thus raised that he was an imi-
tator of Qoheleth is confirmed by numerous
other parallels, of which the following are
examples.
EOCLBSIASTES.
1. 4. One generation pass-
etb away, and mother
generation cometh.
I. IS. For In much wis-
dom is much grief: and
he that increaseth know-
ledge Increasetb sorrow.
Ul. 14. a^XciF.
Iv. 2. Wherefore I praised
(Sym. c/uucopura) the
dead which are already
dead more than the liv-
ing which are yet alive.
Cp. vll. 1.
V. 2-».
vll. 12. VKiirn ao^ia
(Sym.).
vll. 13-16. Consider the
works of Ood (tt< ra
vot^fMTa roO 9coC) : for
who can make that
straight which He hatb
made crooked? In the
day of proeperity be Joy-
ftal, but In the day of
adversity consider : God
bath also set the one
over against the other
(nt norh nt nw.
fovro ffVft^rOF tovtu),
to the end that man
should find nothing after
him . . . There Is a Just
man that perlsheth in his
righteousness, and there
Is a wicked man that
prolongeth his life in his
wickedness.
EOCLESIASnCDS.
xiv. ;<]. ... so is the
generation of flesh and
blood, one cometh to an
end, and another is bom.
xxl. 12. ... there Is awls-
dom (irarovpyia) which
mnltlplleth bitterness.
xvUi. 6; xlll. 21. jAdT-
Twtrai.
xl. 28. wpi nXcvT^C Mi)
fiMxofitit lujSdvtu Cp.
Uetod. I. 32.
vU. 14 ; xiv. 1 ; xviii. 22 ;
xxxlv. 6-) ; vll. 16 (?>
xlv. 26. ir r^ (nc^ir|| aVT^.
xxxlU. 13-16. As patter's
clay in his hand, all bis
ways are according to his
good pleasure [straight
or crooked (Targ. on 1.
15)]; so man is in the
hand of Him that made
him, to render to them
according to His Judg-
ment. Oood Is set against
(dir^foi^) evil, and life
against death : so is the
sinner against the godly.
Ka« ovTWf ififiXvtloy ctf
irdiTa ri ifiya tov xnpi-
ffTov, 6vo Svo, |y Kor^
ra»>Ti ToO iv4t'
ECCLESIASm.
vili. 1. A man's wisdom
maketh bis lace to shine,
and the hardness of his
face shall be changed
OMtfifQ y /rittt).
ECCLESIASnCI!!.
xlU. 25. The heart of •
man chaogeth his oon-
tenanoe (aAAstot). whe-
ther it be for ^)od or
evlL Cp.xxv.U.sxxvii
17.
We may conclade that the Son of Sincfa made
free use of Qoheleth in the original Hebrew;'
and if so, that it was in all probability referred
to by him as one of " the rest of the books,"
T& Aonra ray $i$?JaiD, the Hagiogrtpht, ud
was written before the commencement of the
2Dd century B.C. It will be noticed that the
contrast between the Greek of Ecclesiastieos tad
the Septuagint version of Qoheleth is ttronfl;
marked in some of the passages cited.
We shall next show reason to think tkat
there may possibly be allusions to Qoheleth in >
book of very different style and tone, the Book
of the Wisdom of Solomon, which has been calltd
" anti-Ecclesiastes."
The Book of Wisdom.— The Book of tl»
Wisdom of Solomon, like Ecclesia^tes, introdecti
Solomon as speaking, and provides a correclire
to some of the doctrines of Qoheleth, or at leut
a caution against inferences which the umrerj
might draw from his enigmatical teaciuif.
The contrast between the books will be apparat
from the following examples. The " wis<lon "
of the one Book, Qoheleth, is hnman philosoplif :
that of the other is the ideal and absolite
Wisdom. Doctrines propounded in the one with
apparent approval are in the other eipreselv
attributed to the ungodly. If l^K^lesiistn a
really aimed at, this again gives a lower linii
for its date.
EOOLSgUSTES.
1. 18. In much wisdom is
much grief, and he that
incr«saeth knowledge In-
creaseth sorrow.
Iv. 2. 1 praised the dead
which are already dead
ftc.
ill. 2,11. ...a time to be
bom, and a time to die.
... He hath made every-
thing beautiful in its
time.
Ui. 19. For the sons of men
are a chance, and the
beasts are a chance . . .
as the one dleth, m dieth
tlie other ; yea, they have
all one breath ; and man
hatb no preeminence &c
Ul. 11. He hath made
everytblng beautUtal in
its time: also Be hath
set the world (D^ffn.
Sept. rbr ot^ra) in their
heart, yet so that man
cannot find out the worit
Wisno*.
vIU. 16. ... her B»l»er-
satioG bath no bitter-
ness ; and to live vlik
her bath do sorov, tet
mirth and Joy.
t. 12. Seek not dettli ii
the error of your life . .
1. 13, 16. For God nt'^
not death ... But in-
godly men with their
works and wtsds olM
It to them, &C.
U. I, 2. For they nit
reasoning with thee-
selves, botnot siigta,...
we are bom at allidtci-
tnre (_ai-nax'iaK) ■■ u'
we ahall be hemAir u
thoQgh we had new
been : for the fareatli ia
our nostrils &c
xiU. 7-9. For bdic e»-
veraant InHlsworiaAr;
aeard) Him dllifcail?.
and beliere their ri^:
because the thlngi m
beaotiful that art iml
Howbelt neither an dt^f
' There are eayingi attributed to him hi BablMc
literature which agree more or less with the Orrck ^
Bodeslastlcus. A collection of these has been mailed
the Jnoisk Quarttrlg Xmiac (Ul. 682 eq. leil) Iff Mr.
a Schechter, Univers. Lect. in Iial>blnlc at Ouabridp
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ECCLESIASTE8
ECCLESIASTES
835
EoauijtSTEg.
tfamt God bath done from
tbe beginning even to
Ubecnd.
WtSBOV.
to be pardoned [Kom. 1.
20]. For If they were
able to know so much,
that they oould aim at
the world (^anxwaa^ai
riv atwi«) ; how did they
not sooner find oat the
Lord thereof f
The trtie rendering of the above verse, Eccles.
iii. 11, is of critical importance, on accoant of iti
bearing upon the linguistic argnment for the
date of the book. Everything turns upon the
meaning of Opifil, of which a favourite modem
rendering in this place i« "eternity" (R, V.
margin). At the same time it is admitteid that
the Dse of the word " in the sense in which here
alone it can be taken, i.e. in the .signification of
the idea of eternity, must in any case be regarded
as unique " (Wright, Kohekth, p. 196). Against
the rendering the uorld (LXX. Thr ai&ra) it is
nrged that the word is not so used elsewhere in
the Hebrew Scriptures. But, having regard to
the exceptional character of the diction of
Qoheleth, we need not therefore reject it on
a priori grounds ; and it yields the appropriate
sense, "he huth given the world into their
heart," or mind — mundum tradidit dispntationi
ranoi (Vnlg.). Man is led by his instincts to
give attention to the passing things of the
world, each " beautiful in its season," while he
fails to grasp the working of God in its entirety,
" from beginning t« end." He has no capacity
for absolnte knowledge, and so God has given
him by way of compensation to find pleasure in
mundane affairs.
If this interpretation of Ecclea. iii. 11 be the
tme one, we may conclude that the verse is
referred to in Wisd. xiii. 9. According to
Qoheleth, man gives his mind to the things of
the world in detail without fathoming the depth
of God's working: according to Wisdom, he
forms his theories of the outer world (rbv
ai«ra) without finding its Creator at work
therein.
Assuming that Qoheleth was reckoned by the
Son of Sirach amongst " the rest of the books,"
we have next to notice some of the attempts
which have been made to assign an upper limit
of date to it.
PhUoiophy in Qoheleth. — Bv way of assigning
such upper limit of date to tcclesiastes, it has
been maintained by some that both Stoic and
Epicurean elements are present side by side in it,
and that this points to the poet-Aristotelian
period, and indicates that the Book was written
>robably after the deaths of Epicurui and Zeno.
t has accordingly been placed between 250-40
B.C. and 180 B.C., the supposed date at which
the Son of Sirach wrote. " Perhaps we cannot,
on the whole, better satisfy the conditions of
the problem than by placing the composition of
our book at about 200 B.C., nearly the date
assigned by Hitzig on other grounds " (Tyler,
Ecciesiastes, p. 31). Its relation to Stoicism and
Epicureanism is set forth as follows.
The conquests of Alexander had paved the
way for the reception of the post-Aristotelian
philosophy in the East, whilst, on the other
hand, as regards Stoicism, its principal teachers
all came from the East, and the most famous of
ft
them were not only Oriental but Shemitic.
This philosophy may therefore have been known
in Palestine, where the writer of the Book pro-
bably lived, at an early period.
The great Stoic principle of living conform-
ably to nature is set forth in the catalogue of
times and seasons in Eccles. iii. 2-8. For every-
thing there is an appointed time. The righteous
lives conformably to this orde;r: the wicked
violates it (iii. 16, 17). In the Stoic physical
philosophy the course of nature is a succession
of similar cycles of events, and Qoheleth accord-
ingly teaches that "That which is hath been
already ; and that which is to be hath already
been: and God seeketh again that which is
passed away " (iii. 15). "That which bath been
is that which shall be; and that which hath
been done is that which ithall be done : and
there is no new thing under the sun " (i. 9).
The Stoic doctrine of fatalism is conspicuous in
Qoheleth (ix. 11, 12, lie.), and the influence of
the same philosophy, according to which folly
was madness (iriyras ii Tobt to^ma iudn<r9at,
Diog. Laert. vii. 124), accounts for their re-
markable collocation or parallelism in several
verses of our Book (i. 17; ii. 12; vii. 25;
X. 13).
The opposite doctrine of Epicureanism is set
forth in iii. 18-22 and v. 18-20.
The admonition, that " of making many books
there is no end ; and much study is a weariness
of the flesh " (xii. 12X hints at the fruitless
literary activity of the post-Aristotelians, of
whom Epicurus is said to have composed about
300 books, Apollodorus above 400, Chrysippus
more than 705, and so forth, in which the same
problems were handled again and again without
decisive result.
For collateral arguments in favour of this
theory we must refer the reader to the treatises
of Ur. Tyler and Dean Plumptre, who are fully
convinced of its truth. It is an attractive theory,
but is not generally accepted. If the teachers
of a Greek philosophy came from the East, what
there may be of it in Ecciesiastes need not have
been borrowed from the West.
The theory shows a true appreciation of the
tone and tendency of the Book, whether it be
post-Aristotelian or not. Its gloomy and intro-
spective character points to a time when the
glory of the kingdom had departed. Political
life was at a low ebb, faith in the God of Israel
was on its trial, and the writer has recourse to
philosophical speculation in the vain hope of
throwing light for himself on the mysteries
of human lite and the apparent miscarriage
of justice in the moral government of the world.
All this fits in well with the opinion that it was
written after the Captivity, but is not in itself
irreconcilable with some pre-exilian date, falling
within the period of the activity of " Hezekiah
and his company," referred to in the above-cited
tradition of the Babylonian Talmud. But
Delitzsch and others of the most modem com-
mentators place it after the Captivity, laying
much stress upon the linguistic peculiarities of
the Book, to which we must here call attention,
referring the reader for full details to the com-
mentaries of Delitzsch and 0. H. H. Wright
(1883) on the one hand, and on the other hand
to the well-known anonymous treatise on the
Authorship of Ecciesiastes [auct. David Johnston],
3 H 2
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836
ECCLESIASTES
publUhcd in 1880, in which the Solomonic
authorship is anhesitatingly maintained. The
same side is taken by Dr. M. Friedluider in the
Jevsish Qvarteiiy Sevieic, roL i. Kos. 1, 4
(1888-9).
Sti/le. — ^The argument from its linguistic
style is now much relied upon in proof of the
late date of Ecclesiastes. That the Book was
not actually Solomon's was expressly concluded
on other grounds, viz. from its structure, by a
Jewish writer of unknown date, quoted by
R. Abraham ibn Ezra* of Toledo in his com-
mentary on Qoheletb. In the course of a note
on Eccles. vii. 3: "Sorrow (marg. A. V.,
Anger) is better than laughter," &c. ; he calls
attention to the opposite opinions expressed in
different parts of the Book, contrasting rii. 3,
viii. 15, vi. 8, iv. 2, &c., with vii. 9, ii. 2, ii. 13,
iz. 4, &c. respectively, on account of which
self-contradictions there was a tradition, that
" the wise sought to apocrypbise the book of
Qoheletb ; " and he adds, that one of the inter-
preters felt himself accordingly constrained
to interpret Qobeleth as asbisiin.y (Oeut.
zxxiii. 4), and he said that H3 DISCIPLES
compiled the book, and each spake according to
his own opinion — or as it runs in the original :
nSnp n^ ehb'? D'cnDon p nnx pvini
nan xn^rhn »3 tdki apir n^ni? xoz
•inacno 'sd noK ihk tai iDDn
Although this much older commentator had
thus distinctly laid down that Ecclesiastes ema-
nated from the school of Solomon and set forth
the various views of his " disciples " — whether
in the sub-Solomonic age or at some later date —
but was no composition of the master himself,
the denial of its Solomonic authorship is com-
monly said to date only from Luther. Following
him, Grotitts, in the 17th century, gave it as
his opinion (Conun. on Eccles. i. 1) that it was
written later, under the name of Solomon, and
he put forward a linguistic argument in support
of his opinion : " Ego tamen Solomonis esse non
puto, sed scriptum serius snb illius regis,
tanquam poenitentia dncti nomine. Argn-
mentum ejus rei habeo multa vocabuln, quae
non alibi qtiam in Daniele, Esdra et Chaldaeis
interpretibus reperias."
There is no need to dwell at length on the
proof that the diction of Qoheleth is peculiar
or unique in the Hebrew Scriptures, since thus
much is admitted on nil hands ; and the reader,
on passing f^om the remaining Solomonic or
other canonical writings to this Book, cannot
but feel with Bishop Lowth, that "alia est
totius opens ratio, alius color, longe dispar
stylus." The only question is, what inference
is to be drawn from this peculiarity of style ?
Can it be by any means accounted for on the
supposition that Solomon wrote the Book ?
Delitzsch, whose glossary of hapaxtegomena and
modernisms in Qoheleth extends to nine pages
(cp. C. H. H. Wright's Koheleth, Exc. iv.X con-
cludes that if it could have been written by
Solomon, there is no history of the Hebrew
language, and further, that it is without doubt
a product of the post-exilian period (p. 206,
• He was bom at Toledo after lOSO aj>., and died at
Borne (?) after 1165 a.d.
ECCLESIASTES
1875). Pusey (Daniel, Lect. vi.), going to the
opposite extreme, maintains that there is not
one word in Ecclesiastes to characterise a Uur
age than Solomon's. The history of the Hebrew
language may well b« more defective than ii
generally supposed, if there be any truth in the
Talmudic legend, that " When the law vh
forgotten from Israel, Ezra came up ^m Babtlon
and established it " (T. B. Sukiah, 20 a), or that
the Law was burnt and he re-wrote it (2 Esd.
xiv.); but it must be admitted that tht
character of the diction of Qoheleth constitutes
a strong objection to the traditional view of iU
authorship, while on the other hand we ma;
admit, with Renan, that too much is sometimes
made of this kind of argument, and that micb
allowance has to be made for its literary style
and its subject-matter, which drive the writer
to use words and expressions that are not found
in other biblical Books. Nevertheless, the
linguistic argument iu itself points more or
less indefinitely to a late date, and the atmott
that can be done as against it is to minimise
its significance.
Professor Driver (Hebr. Tenses, chap, ii.)
argues from a comparative view of the uses d
waw with the tenses in the several Books to tb;
late date of Qoheleth : " Although in Hebrew tbe
continuation of a historical narrative is most
usually expressed by the imperfect with - V
we find occasionally in the earlier Books of tbe
O. T., and with increasing frequency in the
later ones, that this idiom, which is so pecu-
liarly and distinctively a creation of the Hebrew
language, has been replaced by the perfect witb
the simple or weak time, V . . . There is only
one Book in the 0. T. in which this state of
things is reversed, and the perfect with simfde
wiaa obtains a marked, and indeed almost ei-
elusive, preponderance. In the whole of Qobe-
leth ■ } occurs not mor^than three times (L 17;
iv. 1, 7), whereas the 'other constmction is of
repeated occurrence. This circumstance, esti-
mated in the light of what is auiformt;
observable in other parts of the 0. T, is of
itself^ though naturally it does not stand alwe,
a strong indication of the date at which tbst
Book must have been composed."
As regards single words, we have alrtidr
discussed the nse of D?Vn in iii. 11, and havr
concluded that it there means the mirli, ac-
cording to the usage of the later Hebrew. On
the other side, it should be remarked on tbe
ose of the Divine name Elohui in this Book,
which is said to approximate so closely in its
diction to the Mishnah, that neither that nor
any other of the biblical namea of God is nsed
in the Talmudic and Rabbinic writings txoeft
in citations from the Bible.' In place of rack
names, the Rabbis' feeling of reverence led them
to sp«ik of Heatbn, or Space (cp. rkhfrnpa},
or THE Name, or the Holt One, ke. (&»***
of the Jewish Fathers, 1877, pp. 53, 80). Tbw
its use of Elohim differentiates Qoheleth Ira
the later and non-canonical Jewish writings.
f It may also have been used exoeptlaoallf. * ^
oaths ; but see in tbe Gospel, Matt. t. 34 and xd>^
lS-22. 8chectater refers to ^fiumgma fir Ootti*^
neuMMUsdun LUemtur ton Dr. jr. Lmda* (ZMi
IS88) as a vei7 Instructive work upon the salifect.
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ECCLE8IASTES
Graedams. — Graetz (1871) devotei an ap-
pendix to the traces of Greek influence un the
diction of Ecclesiastes. Zirkel fint (1792)
claimed to have found Graecisms in the Book,
and, overjoyed at his discovery, sought to
eipliin everything from the Greek which he
could not rightly explain from the Hebrew.
He was opposed by Schmidt and Eichhom, and
hii theory fell into oblivion. Of his examples
Gractz approves but few, bat thinks it mere
eiegetical caprice to refuse to see Graecisms in
D'jnSh nO'. nin. and at all events naiD DV.
ilniiupta (vii. 14). In the first hemistich of
V. 17, nO' ItS'N 2113 is supposed by Graeti to
stand fur Ka\hy xiyaBip, but the construction
of the clause is much disputed. It would be
in accordance with analogy to render it some-
what as follows : Behold that which I have seen
[ihis phrase with the same punctuation occurs
in il 13, 24, cp. ii. 16]-, it it a good thing that
[cp. ii. 24 ; T. 4 ; vii. 18] i< is comely to cat
aid to droit, &C. Since man cannot rise out of
the common concerns of life, it is well that he
can take pleasure in them, and it is by the
gift of God that he can find satisfaction therein.
Fnrther traces of Greek influence are detected
by some in the uses of DtC, in 21t3 TWIW? (iii.
12), nbu (ir. 14X ^an and DnKH ^3 fit
(xli. 13X in Tii. 16, 17 (cp. iiiiliv iy>)> '"
the oft-recurring phrase "tinder the sun,"
and in "the repeated employment 1 of plural
nouns with a singular verb" (Tyler, Ecclea.
p. 71).
The linguistic peculiarities of the Book are
considered by many to " point with great defi-
niteness to an epoch after the exile," whiUt the
political condition of the people described in it,
the tyranny and perversion of justice, the disso-
lute court life, and the elevation of unworthy
persons to positions of dignity, fall in with the
theory that it was written before the end of the
Persian period. Many commentators accord-
ingly place it between the middle of the 5th
century, and about 330 A.D., while some, .xi
«c have seen, have been led by the philosophical
character of its contents, and its supposed
Hellenic affinities, to place it more than a cen-
tury later. "The simple reason," it has been
said, " why no more definite date can be assigned
is that Jewish history is almost a blank from
the death of Nehemiah down to the accession of
.\ntiochus Epiphanes (c. 415-175 B.C.). The
annals of the Persian empire, too, are very defi-
cient from the death of Xerxes in 465 B.C.
•lawn to the appearance of Alexander the Great
<>n the stage of history" (Wright, Koheleth,
p. 136).
4. Caxosicitv. — There are not adequate data
to determine when Ecclesiastes first came to
be regarded as canonical ; but we have seen
reason to think that it was already included in
the Kethubim or Hagiographa (t4 Xoiiri tmf
fii$^w¥) when the Prologue to Ecclesiastes was
written. There is no clear trace of it in the
Xew Testament, nor is it very frequently quoted
in the Talmud, doubtless on account of its ab-
struse and esoteric character, Solomon, according
to a saying of the Zohar on Levit. xiii. 40, with
reference to a passage of Ecclesiastes, hiding his
words, ttXriiP vhvn IjS U3, in the inmost
recast* of the holy temple.
EC!CLESIAST£S
837
To understand it«ne must set out with the
fact that many of its conclusions are tentative,
and not in accordance with the deliberate ver-
dict of the writer. In the course of his inquiry
he seems to give in his adhesion now to this
system, now to that, as if all manner of doc-
trines and their oppositcs were each " beautiful
in its season." To appreciate the Book we must
take it as a whole, regarding the epilogue as an
integral and indispensable part of it. If other-
wise treated, it cannot fail to mislead, many of
its statements not being intended to be ncce])ted
as final. We can well understand therefore
how, even after it had been accepted as Scrip-
ture, its authority may have been impugned
and called in question, on account of its appa-
rently erroneous teaching. Or it may have been
attempted to " hide " it as a Book hard to be
understood, which the unlearned might haply
" wrest to their own destruction." So it was
sought to set aside the Book of Ezekiel, not only
as containing ordinances at variance with the
Pentateuch, but because of the matter of the
" chariot," which it was dangerous for the im-
mature and simple-minded to speculate upon;
for we read in the Talmud that a story is
told of a boy who was reading Ezekiel in hiK
teacher's house, and he was pondering on the
word amber (Ezek. i. 27), "and fire went forth
from the a3iJ>er and burnt him, and they sought
to apocryphise the Book of Ezekiel (T. B.
Chagigah, 13 a). For like reasons they may
have attempted to set aside Qoheleth.
Before proceeding to notice the ancient contro-
versies about the Book, we should mark the use
of an archaic term in referring to it, which tells
somewhat against extreme theories as to its late
date. The Pentateuch alone being sometimes
distinguished as Torah, the remaining Books of
Scripture are then styled Qabbalah, which is
literally SiaSox4 that is to say, tradition re-
garded from the point of view of reception.
" This mode of speaking may be assumed to be
a survival from a remote period at which the
Pentateuch alone had been accepted as canonical ;
for it could scarcely have arisen in compara-
tively recent times" (Jewish Fathers, p. 121).
Qoheleth is quoted under that name in Sifrd on
Deuteronomy, Pisqa 48 (Eccles. x. 8) : " Solomon
came and inter]>reted it in Qaubalah, And wlioso
breaketh a fence, a serpent shall bite him. Lo t
thou hast learned that whoso breaketh fences of
the wise, eventually punishments come upon
him."
It is related that the wise sought to apocry-
phise the Book of Qoheleth (T. B. Shabbath, 30 b ;
Nnp'DB, Pisqa 8, fol. 68 b, ed. Buber, 1868X
because its words contradicted one another, or
because some of them were of heretical tendency.
And why did they not do so ? Because its be-
ginning and its end were words of Torah. That
is to say, these critics, taking a general view of
the Book, found its thesis and its conclusion
orthodox, whatever objection might be made to
particular statements made by the way and in
the course of the inquiry. Its beginning is
made out to be " words of Torah," because the
phrase " under the sun " (i. 3) carries with it
a reference by implication to another world,
*' above (or before) the sun."
There are various other passages in the
Talmtidim and Midrashim bearmg upon this
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838
ECCLESIASTES
controveray, in some of which the qaestion takes
the technical form, Does the Book of Qoheleth
defile the haiuls i The school of Shammai said,
No : the school of Hillel, Yes. That is to say,
the fonner pronounced against it, and the latter
in its favour, with reference to the saying
(Mishnah, Vadaim, iii. 5), that "All Holy Scrip-
tures defile the hands," — a peculiar form of ex-
pression which is explained as fallows. It
having been the custom to keep the Book of the
Law along with the heave-ofierings, it was found
that it sufiered injury from mice, &c., and was
accordingly said to defile the hands, as if it were
unclean, in order that it might be kept apart,
and l>e no longer in danger of such attacks
(T. B. 5AaA6aM, 14a>
For farther details of these controversies see
the commentaries of Delitzsch and C. H. H.
Wright, and Dr. S. Schiffer's Das Buck Kohelet
nach der Auffasaani] der Wcisen dea Talmvd und
MiJrasch und der judischen ErUSrer des Mit-
telaltera.
It is possible that some of the discussions
about Qoheleth were of a ^merely scholastic
character, and intended to bring out the true
meaning of sayings by which the superficial
reader was in danger of being misled ; but it
must be admitted that there was a certain
amount of bona-fide antagonism to the Book
at a comparatively late date. This, however,
as we have said, is not inconsistent with the
opinion that it was still disputed, like the iim-
Ktyifuva of the New Testament, long after
it had taken its place amongst the Canonical
Books. It seems to have been regarded by
some amongst the Jews as " obliterandus " as
late as the time of Jerome (Conun. on Eccles.
lii. 13).
5. Contents. — From these questions we pass
to the Book itself, which in places almost defies
analysis, owing to the indefiniteness of its lan-
guage or the want of oWious connexion between
consecative sayings. It is characterised, how-
ever, by some leading thoughts which are con-
tinually recurring.
The text of the Preacher is: "Vanity of
vanities ; all is vanity." What profit (asks he)
hath a man of all his labour that he laboureth
nnder the sun ? The generations come and go.
There is a perpetual fiux and refiui of the ele-
ments, whilst Nature in her totality stands un-
changed. There is neither rest from toil nor
real progress, but wearisome iteration of the
same sequence of things, so that that which
has been is that which shall be, and there is
nothing new under the sun.
Qoheleth had been king over Israel in Jeru-
salem, and with all the resources of wealth and
wisdom at his command had given his mind to
philosophic inquiry into terrestrial and human
nfiairs. But the result was disappointing ; for
on a comparison of wisdom with " madness and
folly," he had found no satisfaction in the fonner,
but rather that " In much wisdom is much
grief: and he that increaseth knowledge in-
creaseth sorrow " (i. 12-18).
Wisdom alone does not bring happiness:
neither does uncontrolled mirth. Accordingly
he makes trial of pleasure under the sober
guidance of wisdom, still hoping to discover
wh'it is that good for the sons of men which they
should do under the heaven all the days of their
ECCLESIASTES
life (ii. 3). But though his plans for tbe re-
fined enjoyment of life tSoti hnn pleuant
occupation for the time being, in the retiospert
he sees no satisfaction in all his labosis. And
turning again to the comparison of wisdom with
" madness and follr," he concludes that thoiigli
it may command success in life, yet in the eii<l
the wise man is none the becter for his wisdom,
but he too dies and is forgotten like the fool,
and leaves the fruit of his toil to he knom not
whom. It was not in man to find his supreme
good < [cp. ii. 3] in the way in which he lisl
sought it, else why should he with hit unique
advantages have failed to secure it (ii. 24, 25)!
But God decrees that one shall labour to heap
up riches which he is not to enjoy, and tmly
grants to another wisdom and knowledge and
tranquil joy, according to His good planre.
"This also is vanity and vexation of spirit''
(R. V. « a striving after wind ").
This leads up to his doctrine of opportnneneK.
Katfhr yviSi (Fittacus in Diug. Laert. i. 4, § 6^
For all manner of things and their oppiKitc^
there are set times in the course of natnre (E
1-8). What profit then hath he that worseti,
if all things are thus changeful ? God has m»le
everything beautiful in its season, and hat »
framed man that he can find satisfaction in fix
affairs of life as they come to pass, albeit nnible
to comprehend His work in its fulness (iii. lU
Man's instincts are regulated by an immntallt
law. What God doeth shall be for ever, and U«
hatk done it that men should fear hefon Hiir..
The observed perversions of the Divine order
raise the hope of a just judgment to come. Or
may it not, on the contrary, be that man U tot
morally accountable for his actions, and bu no
pre-eminence over the beasts ? Let him tb«
enjoy the world, for that is his portion, " fsf
who shall bring him (B. V. bad) to see wbl
shall be after him? " (iii. 16-22).
Still brooding over the failures of justice b
the world's course, he is led to praise the dsii
which are already dead more than the lira;
which are yet alive. Successful competititm >>
rewarded with envy. The fool who foWi bi»
hands and " eats his own flesh," is perhajs tl:
wisest in his generation. It is a weary lot to
toil even successfully if one has none for wloni
to lalraur. In every way " two are better thaa
one," and "a threefold cord is not quicily
broken " (iv. 1-12).
Then follows, perhaps in pursuance of tit
thought of the evil of isolation, a passage oi
great difficulty, in which many have imagiw-i
that there must be a historical reference ol i
nature to determine something as to the dale »
Qoheleth. Better is a youth needy and *^
than a king old and foolish, who will no loc^'
listen to the advice of counsellors (iv. V6; cf
Wisd. iv. 8, 9), for one has risen from the «t«W
of thraldom to a throne, and one bom t«a kiai-
dom has come to poverty (Sym., Vulg. ; cp. B. ' ■
marg.). He passes in review the living, taihci
« TbecUnse 'n ^3K«B> DIKS 31t3 fKOi-M'
la much disputed. The A. V. and B. V. : "T»eie »
nothing better for a man Man that be ttunH f "^
drink," ftc. is a rendering not of the text tci ^
'13 baX'E'D' ^"i «««» repe«ted from DTJO- "^
In m. M, news 3it3 pj*.
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EC0LESIASTE8
mDltitade, with the younger generation that is
to stand in their stead. They that come after
will not rest satisfied with what has been before
them.'' This also is vanity and vexation of
spirit.
" Be not rash with thy mouth, and let not
thine heart be hasty to ntter anything before
God." From the oppressions done under the
sun it does not follow that there is none that
regardeth. What is objected to may be in-
endicable from the linlced system of things, in
which grade rises above grade, and even the
supreme ruler is subject to conditions (v. 2-9).
Brides, men's conditions are not altogether so
unequal as they seem ; but poverty has its
blessings and wealth its cares. A man's laying
np in store for the future may bring him no
real advantage. And so the Preacher comes
round again to the conclusion that it is well to
enjoy the lawful pleasures of the hour as they
present themselves. Yet it is but a limited
measure of enjoyment that is possible for man,
and what advantage has the wise over the fool ?
Were it not better not to have been bom?
"Who knoweth what is good for man in his
life, all the days of his vain life, which he
spendetb as a shadow ? for who can tell a man
what shall be after him under the sun?"
(vi. 12).
In tlie later chapters of the Book there is on
the whole less of sustained speculation, and the
Preacher shows more and more as the Paroe-
miast, who " sought out and set in order many
proverbs." The gnomic character of the seventh
and following chapters is very marked. The
seventh corresponds in a manner to the third,
with its contrasts of life and death, mirth and
mourning, prosperity and adversity. "A good
name is better than precious ointment, and the
day of death than the day of one's birth ....
God hath set the one over against the other, to
the end that man should find nothing after him"
(tU. 1-14). The wise man will avoid extremes:
he will preserve a philosophic calm in all
vicissitudes : he will enjoy his prosperity and
profit by the uses of adversity. Wisdom is a
tower of strength, but its range is limited.
What was the essence and origin of that evil
which had so corrupted all women and most
men ? " Behold, this only have I found, that
God made man upright ; but they have sought
out many inventions " (vii. 29).
Wisdom, in the realm of politics, will make a
man respect the powers that be as ordained of
God (viii. 2-5). But here also the same
inequalities are observed : the same uncertainties
and disappointments and failures of justice,
which vex the heart of the righteous and tempt
the sinner to persevere in his wickedness (viii.
11). And the Preacher comes round again by
the old path to the old conclusions, that " There
is one event to the righteous and to the wicked
... Go thy way, eat thy bread with joy, and
drink thy wine with a merry heart . . . What-
soever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy
might (?), for there is no work, nor device, nor
k The transference of a 7 gives the reading ^M
'13 ^3 boon h^h p In '^- " («P- «»• *)• ^^'^ ^
perhaps worth considerbig. Then for IflDB" oompare
it 10 and v. 18.
ECCLESIASTE8
839
knowledge, nor wisdom, in the grave, whither
thou goest " (ii. 2, 7, 10).
Taking a fresh departure, he remarks that
wisdom and capacity may fail of success, or,
having done their work, may not receive due
recognition. And wisdom itself is sometimes
marred by some " little folly " in its possessor
(ix. U-x. 1). The wise man will be the more
on his guard, and will have his wisdom always
at hand. Though folly may be exalted, and
true merit debased, he will know the danger
of attempting hasty reforms. If the time
is out of joint, he will observe the caution :
"Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought;
and curse not the rich in thy bedchamber : for
a bird of the air shall carry the voice, and
that which bath wings shall tell the matter"
(X. 20).
But caution and reserve are but one side of
wisdom. He who would command success
must discharge the plain duties that lie before
him, uncertain as may be the future. He must
do the work of to-day in a spirit of enterprise,
taking no thought for the morrow. This will
make life worth living, even in face of the
darkness that lies beyond. Rejoice therefore in
the blessings of life and in all its lawful
pleasures, " but know thou that for all these
things God will bring thee into judgment "
(xi. 1-9).
Chapter xii. consists of two parts. The
former describes the approach of death in highly
iwetical language, and concludes with the
refrain : " Vanity of vanities, said Qoheleth; all
is vanity." The latter consists of the epilogue,
the composition of some writer distinct from
"Qoheleth." It telb therefore against the
Solomonic authorship, unless we assume that it
was itself no part of the original work. But
after the Preacher's weary round of inconclusive
speculation, ending in " all is vanity," how
natural is the commendation of the well-con-
considered " words of the wise." How season-
able the warning : " And fiirthermore, my son,
be admonished : of making many books there is
no end ; and much study is a weariness of the
flesh." The conclusion is, that God will bring
every work into judgment, and unveil all that
is mysterious. " Fear Him therefore, and keep
His commandments ; for this is the whole duty
of man." The lame conclusion of the Book
curtailed (as some think it should be) of its
epilogue might have been arrived at without
the wisdom of Solomon ; and unless we can
somehow divest the I'reacher of the character
which he assumes at the outset, we must allow
the opening of Ecclesiastes to be a designed
prelude to the " words of Torah " with which
it ends.
In the description of the approach of death
(xii. 1-7), the long array of commentators who
follow the Rabbinic tradition find a more or less
complete anatomy of the human body in its
decrepitude. But we are no more obliged on
such authority to accept this, in one or other of
its numerous forms, as the true and only ren-
dering, than in ix. 13-16 to see an allegory of
the city of "Mansonl," in which the "great
king " is the personified Evil in man's nature,
and the neglected saviour of the city the Good.
Without pronouncing upon the intrinsic merits
of the anatomical rendering, I shall here try to
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840
ECCLE8IASTE8
<how brieBy th&t there is a way of patting the
details of zii. 1-7 together in their literal sense
so as to form a consistent whole. The passage
falls into three divisions, severallj commencing
with the self-same phrase (M^ imt IV), of
which the first describes the "evil days," &c
when youth is long past (c. 1), and the third
the dissolution of the frame (tm. 6, 7). Be-
tween these comes the section, " Ere the sun
and the light and the moon and the stars be
darkened, and the clouds return after the rain,
Tiz. /n the day a/ien the keepers of the house
tremble, &c . . . Because the man passeth
[LXX. i-ropfilri] to his eternal house, and the
mourners go about in the street." Death being
thus imminent, or (according to the Septuagint)
alre.idy present in the mansion, servants and
men of hign degree tremble : the maids at the
handmills cease from work, and the joy of their
mistresses is darkened. The doors are shut to
the street (Isaiah xxiv. 10, 11) concurrently
with the falling of the sound of the mills, which
are no longer employed in preparing food for
guests. The bird, significant of solitude and
desolation in the Old Testament, makes its voice
heard [? Thp/ for Tip?] in the hush, and all the
daughters of song sink to silence. Compare
Jer. XIV. 10, 11, and Rev. xviii. 2, 22, " Baby-
lon the great ... is become a cage of every
unclean and hatefol bird , . . And the mice of a
millitone shall be heard no more at all in thee."
For farther illusti-ations see The Dirge of Cohe-
teth (1874), in which I have given also an
account of the semi-literal renderingsofMichaelis,
(Jmbreit, and Nachtigall. To these add the inter-
pretation of J. G. Wetzstein, as in Delitzsch
and Wright's commentaries. On r. 5 I will
only remark that, since " the almond " is the
fir^it and most highly prized " fiower of the
spring " (Dirge ^c, pp. 31-33), there may be
an allusion to it in Wisdom ii. 7, " let no
flower of the spring pass by us : " the preceding
verses (1-6) seem to refer to Ecclesiastes. The
overclouding of sun, moon and stars (e. 2) is
a familiar symbol, here interpreted by what
comes after the words, " /» the day when." The
same formula of transition from symbol to
interpretation is used in Is. ux. 26.
6. BiBLiooBAPHr. — For a full and valuable
" Historical Sketch of the Exegesis of the Book,"
the reader is referred to Dr. C. D. Ginsburg's
commentary on " Coheleth," published in 1861.
Further and later information on the many books
made upon the discourse of the Preacher will be
found in the commentaries of Delitzsch, C. H.
H. Wright, and ZSckler (in Lange's Bibelwerk),
and in the American edition of the work last
mentioned, namely by Prof. Tayler Lewis.
I'rieiJerer's Die fhilosophie des Heraklit (Berlin,
1886) has an appendix upon the influence of
Ueraclitus on Ecclesiastes, Wisdom &c. ; and
Prof. Cheyne, in his Job and Solomon (1887),
discusses the problems of Koheleth and contri-
butes to its bibliography (p. 285), concluding
with a reference to Prof. A. Palm's monograph
on Die Qohelet-Literatwr (1886). Professor
Margoliouth of Oxford, in his inaugural lecture
(1890X has a linguistic argument in favour of
an early date for Ecclesiastes: it must have
been written (he contends) many generations
before the days of the Son of Sirach, whose
EOCLESlASnCUS
style is made out by an ingenious process to
have been akin to the modem Rabbinic On
the text of Ecclesiastes see Sebastian Eoringei't
Der Masorahtext de$ Koheleth kritiach unlerswM
(Leipzig, 1890), an appendix to which brinsit
together the Rabbinic citations from the Book
to the 7th century A.D. [0. T.]
EC!CLESIAS'TICUS, the tHle given in tie
Latin Version to the book which a called in the
Septuagint The Wisdom of Jesus the Sos ot
SiBACU (Zo4i(a'li)(rau vJoGSiptCx.ACK.; Zuptt
Scipdx, B. Rufinus, Vera. Orig. Hunt, in Aiwi.
xviii. 3 : "In libro, qui apnd nos quidem inter
Salomonis volumina haberi solet,et Eccktiattkvi
dici, apud Graecos vero SapicHtia Jest fiH Simck
appellatnr scriptum est. . ."). The void, like
many others of Greek origin, appears te have
been adopted in the African dialect (e.g. Tertnll.
de Pudic. xxii. p. 435), and thus it may hire
been applied naturally in the Vettis LatixiU)i
Church readinij-book ; and when that tninslatios
was adopted by Jerome (Praef. in Liirm SaL
jtixta LXX. X. p. 404, ed. Migne), the local title
became current throughout the West, where tile
book was most used. The right explanation of
the word is given by Rufinns, who remarks tlut
" it does not designate the author of the bcok,
but the character of the writing," as paUich
used in the services of the Church (Cgnm. i<
SynA. § 38 : " Sapientia, quae dicitnr filii Sinco
. . .apud Latinos hoc ipso generali voalnilo
Ecclesiasticta appellatur, quo vocabnlo nos
auctor libelli sed scripturae qualitas cognomi-
nata est "). The special application by Kufiom
of the general name of the class (eooletiutici a
opposed to canonici') to the single book nur le
explained by its wide popularity. Athansiins,
for instance, mentions the book (Ep. Feft. ivii
fine) as one of those " framed by the Fathen u
be read by those who wished to be instracted
(Kcenjxt'ofloi) in the word of godliness." Ac-
cording to Jerome (Praef. in Libr. Sol. ix. 1242),
the original Hebrew title was Proreris ; and the
Wisdom of Sirach shared with the canoninl
Book of Proverbs and the Wisdom of Solomoa
the title of Ihe book of all virtues (q tarifmi
<ro<pla or j^ xayiptros, Hieron. /. c. ; cp. Eonth.
Sell. Sacr. i. p. 127). In many places it i>
simply styled Wisdom (Orig. in Hatt xiii. § 4 ;
cp. Clem. Al. Paed. i. 8, §| 69, 72, kc), aad
Jesus Sirach (August, ad ^nplic. i. 2, 20).
2. The writer of the present book detcrik^
himself in the Greek as Jesus (i.e'. Jeshui) tk
son of Sirach of Jerusalem (1. 27) ; I'odi
ABM. add 'EXtiCap, other MSS. 'EX<d^o(Ms;ii>
the Peshitto he is described as Jesns the son c!
Simon, who is called Bar-Asiri;' the real
name would seem to have been ilTD J3 Wf,
differing only graphically from KTO ?3, tke
name whereby he is known in the Talmsd
(plTD is a late error : Jost, Oesch. d. JvdnA
i. 311). n^^D was probably a nickname (meai-
• Bar-bebr«eus, In his nnpoblisbed scfaoUs « tb>>
book, identiflea this Simon on the one band vUh tbe «■
of Onlas, un tbe other with the Simeon of Luke B. »:
and he was called "the Prisoner" (^^.iXd]) "beto*
he was bound 21S years before he sav our lordr'tfae
date Is singularly accurate. He adds that be if cAa
called |Ja£D. without olaph, a oontemptnou »•»
meaning " dust"
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ECCLESIASTICU8
ing " « coat of mail : " Scbiirer, 77>e Jewish People
in tit Time of the Christ, ii. 2, 24) ; but that
the true name of the author's father was Simon,
and that of his grandfather Eleazar, cannot be
asserted with confidence, although the latter
seems to rest on sufficient authority. The con-
jectures which have been made to fill up this
short notice are either unwarranted or absolutely
improbable. There is no evidence to show that
he was of priestly descent. The mistake of
Syncellos (^Chron. ed. Dindorf, i. 525), who states
that he was a high priest after Simon, probably
aroee from the fact that in Kusebius' Chronicle
his name followed that of Simon, son of Onins II.,
not as high priest, but as author of this book
(.Schiirer, ut supra, 25). The Palestinian author-
ship of the book is substantiated by internal eri-
deuoe. Of the author's life we know no more
than that he had travelled and had been oflen in
extreme danger (xxii, 10, 11), owing, on one
occasion, to his being slandered before a king
Ci. S)."
3. The language in which the book was
originally composed was " Hebrew " (_'ZPpat<rr\)
according to the express statement of the Greek
translator, and Jerome says (Praef. in Libr.
Sal. 1. c) that be had met with the Hebrew text.
From the remaining fragments we know that
the language was rather Judaeo-Aramaic (Ftirst,
AramSische Chrestomathie, p. 73); i.e. the lan-
guage used by the Jewish doctors of the 2nd
century, of which the basis was the Hebrew of
the Bible, bnt which was greatly mixed with
Aramaic words and forms. Attempts which
have been made in recent times to reconstruct
the original from the errors of the Versions have
confirmed this. The Greek translator has for
the most part retained the Hebraisms unaltered,
and hence the difference between the Greek of
the translation and that of the Prologue is very
noticeable.
4. There are fragments of the original
scattered over the Talmud and Midrash (col-
lected by Delitzsch, Zur Geschichte dcr JSdischen
Poesie, Appendix, and more fnlly by Dukes,
Habbinische Blumenlese, p. 31 sq.), corresponding
with about thirty verses of the Versions (iii. 21,
22 ; vi. 6 ; ix. 8 sq. ; xi. 1, 29 ; liii. 16 ; liv. 18 ;
xviii. 23 ; xxiii. 15 ; xxv. 2 ; xxvi. 1 ; xxviii. 6 ;
XXX. 23 ; xxxviii. 1, 4, 7 ; xlii. 9 sq.), besides
others, to which nothing in the Versions corre-
sponds.' These fragments are variously read,
and show signs of inaccurate reminiscence or
careless quotation ; and it is wholly nncertain
when the original disappeared from the world.'
ECCLESIASTICUS
841
» Tbe Alphaliet or book of Ben Slta (aometimeii called
" the younger Ben SIra ") which exists at piwent, is a
later compilation (Zuns, Oottetdienstliche Vortriigt der
Juden, pp. 100-105) of proverbs In Hebrew and CtatJdee,
containing some genn^e fragments, among much that
is worthless. See also Fllrst, Aramdisdie ChretUmuUhiej
pp. 22, 33.
• Dukes has also collected several anonymous or
peeudonymous quotations : e.g. vlt. 17, where the Syrlac
translation Is verbally Identical with a maxim In Abotk,
p. T4 b (ed. Sctaecbter), assigned to a different author,
^^teveral more remain.
a In tbe S«hlh of Muslim (ed. Bonlak, 1290, i. 41), a
saving taken from Ben Slni Is pat In Mobanuued's
month : ** There are three whom Qod will not speak to
on tbe day of Judgment, — an old adullertr, and a lyini/
kimfft and a poor man who is proud.'* This clearly
comes from Ecdns. xxv. 2, wrtoxhv vmpt^^iu^v xat
The Greek translation incorporated in the
LXX. was made by the grandson of the author
in Hgypt, ir rf iytiif koI rpiOKiarip fru irl
ToB Eitfryirov $a(nKius, " in the thirty-eighth
year of king Euergetes." Two kings of Egypt
bore the name Euergetes, — Ptol. III., son and suc-
cessor of Ptol. II. Philadelphus, B.C. 247-222 ;
and Ptol. VII. Physcon, the brother of Ptol. VI.
Philometor, B.C. 170-117, who reigned jointly
with his brother till the tatter's death in
B.C. 145. Obviously the date given must refer
to the second of these ; and we thus get the
date B.C. 132 for tbe arrival of the translator in
Egypt, and may place the composition of his
grandfather's work at about B.c. 200-180. This
date has been thought by many to conflict with
the panegyric upon Simon of Onias (ch. 1.), whom
the author would seem to describe from jiersonal
knowledge (cr. 5, 15 sq.); the person to whom
this description applies being most proba)>ly
Simon I., high priest about B.C. 310-290, sur-
named the Just. The following ways of
reconciling these data have been attempted
(see H. Bois, Essai sw les Oriijines de la
Philosophie Judfy-Alexandrine, pp. 314-344) : —
(i.) To snppose the Simon of ch. 1. to be
Simon U., also son of Onias, high priest
B.C. 219-198, a personage of whom little is
known (Herzfeld, Jost, Derenbourg, Seligmann,
Schiirer). (ii.) To interpret nimtos of the Greek
Prologue not as grandfather, bnt as ancestor
(Horowitz ; also suggested by Griitz and Ewald).
(iii.) To interpret the words quoted from the Greek
Prologue as meaning in the translator's thirty-
eighth year, in which case they will cease to
have any chronological value ; and some have
indeed maintained that this is the only sense
which the words can bear; however, although
the translation " in the thirty-eighth year of kiug
Euergetes " somewhat violates Greek usage, the
translator, who shows no skill in manipulating
Greek syntax, may well be made responsible
for this. The question whether Simon I. or
Simon II. be the most likely object of the
panegyric is difficult to settle, owing to the
scanty notices that we have of both of them.
If Seligmann (/)(U Buck der Weisheit des Jesus
Sirac/i, Breslau, 1883) be thought to have
proved against Josephus that Simon II. was
sumamed pHVil, the first of the above solutions
will be the most probable; but, on the whole,
it is best to suppose that the author had not
really seen the high priest whom he describes,
nor is there anything in the panegyric which
necessarily implies chat he had done so. Of late
years there has been a consensus in favour of
assigning the original work to about 200 B.C.,
and the later date of the translation seems also
confirmed by the manner in which the translator
speaks of the Alexandrine Version of the Old
Testament, and the familiarity which he shows
with its language (e.g. xliv. 16, 'Eyi>x *iniptaT7)<rt
irXmiiTiay ^evonji', yipwra. iioixovt ^*K*1?1 nK3 /I
flN3D Ipti BTIDD («» Delitzsch and Dukes, ut
supra"). Mohammed must have got It bom the Jews of
Medina, who therefore may have possessed copies of
Ben Sira. Since the true reading Is evidently ^poi^a
iuap6r (of several MSS. and Versions), the coincidence
cannot be accidental. In the Sifer Yctxira (of uncertain
date) some words In ( 42 bear a striking likeness to
Ecclus. xxxix. 25.
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ECCLE8IA8TICU8
Kal furtriSfi, Gen. r. 24) ; the allusioiu, too, to
Greek cnstnms and perhaps to Greek literature,
which have been found in the book, will soit the
bej^inning uf the 2nd rather than the middle of
the 3rd century.
5. The name of the first Greek translator,
the grandson of the author, is unknown. He is
commonljr supposed to have borne the same
name as his grandfather, but this tradition rests
only on conjecture or misunderstanding (Jerome,
1. c. ; Synops. S. Script., printed as a Prologue in
the Compl. ed. and in A. V.). There seems no
reason to doubt that his translation in in the
uiain preserved in the text of the uncials ABCK,
which the editions of Swete and Fritzsche
(in the main) follow rery closely. Vet this
translation must at an early time have under-
gone revision by comparison with Hebrew copies,
and the different families of MSS. are diH'eren-
tiated by the character of these alterations.
They consist (a) in slight modifications of the
translation, e.g. xix. 14, rhr ^lAoy ABM rhr
w\ri<rloy SH, &c, for Vl) ; iii. 26, iitnvtirat B,
iitoKtirtu ACtt, &c. ; zix. 30, rk v<pl atrroi BtC,
ri rtfA iiiov A, ho for yhv, &c.: (b) in slight
additions intended to make the verses clearer,
e.g. iv. 4, to* t> iiw ^irox^p <roi 8^{« {iuriiims
added by 106, 248, 253); iv. 8, kAivok t^ ols
<rov (iAiras added by 248) : (c) in the addi-
tion of a considerable number of verses, some of
which are quoted by very early authorities
(e.g. Chrysostom and Clement of Alexandria),
or are confirmed by the best collateral evidence
(e.g. the Syriac, I/atin, and Coptic Vernoni).
Many of these verses are translated in the Syro-
Uexaplar Version, where they are marked with
asterisit, the meaning of which in the Apocryphal
Book is a matter of difficulty (Field, Hexapia, i.
p. Ixx.). That they are translations of Hebrtno
verses is shown by the fact that the sense of
many of them only becomes clear after re-
translation : e.g. in i. 10, h,')(i,irn9a Kvptov Mo^os
aotfila, frSo^ot ffo^ia probably represents llpO
nosn (wrongly written or re.id nODn IpIO),
" the fount of wisdom."
The following is a list of these verses, most of
which are supplied by M6S. 23, 55, 70, 106, 248,
253 :— i. 5, 7, 10, 12, 18, 20 ; ii. 4, 9 ; iii. 19, 25 ;
iv. 23b; v. 7b, lib; ii. 8c; x. 8,20; xi. lie,
15, 16; xii. 6c; xiii. 14,25; xvi. 10b, 14; xvii.
5, 17, 18, 21, 22, 26; xviii. 5, 9 b, 27 b, 29;
xix. 5 b, 6a, 13b, 14a, 18, 19, 21, 25c; xx. 3, 14b,
17b, 32; xxii. 9, 10, 13b, 23c,d ; xxiii. 3e, 4c,
5 b, 28 ; xxiv. 18, 24; xiv. 12, 26 o ; xxri. 19-27
(iilso in Syriac Version); xxix. 23b; xxx. 12b;
xxxviii. 32 ; xlvii. 9 ; 1. 29b.
In all the Greek MSS. hitherto collated (ex-
cept, perhaps, 248, a Vatican MS. of the 14th
century), the original order of the chapters is
disturbed. They proceed from xxx. 24 (Co.)
to xxxiii. 16 (&s Ko/iM^uiiityos'), which is con-
tinued till xxxvi. 11a, after which follow xxx.
25 to xxxiii. 16, when the rest of xxxvi. 11 is
taken up, slightly altered. The true order
(which is rendered certain by the context) is
preserved in the Peshitto and Vetus Latina
(being indeed no slight proof of their indepen-
dence), and was exhibited in the Complutensian
and other early editions of the LXX., and more
recently in Fritzsche's Libri Apocryphi Vetfris
Testament!. In the Vatican edition, followed
ECCLESIASTICU8
by Tischendorf, the order of the Gr«<k MSS.
was followed, and the numbers of the chspun
altered accordingly.
The Greek MSS. in which Ccdesistticus is
preserved are enumerated by Hatch, Estays in
Biblical Greek, p. 247 sq. To these must \x
added a fragment of a Jerusalem uncial, com-
prising the Prologne and parts of chs. i. ind ii.,
edited by R. Harris, in Biblical Fragnmb frm
lit. Sinai (No. iv.). Dr. Hatch's Etsa^ coetiiib
some import:mt observations on the grammatical
varieties of the HSS. It may be said thst of
the MSS., 248 represents best the recensit'ii
furthest removed from the uncials, while IM
and 253 constitute an intermediate fimiilf , olVu
independent of both.
6. The Peshitto Syriac is an iodspeodrat
version of the original of uncertain date sr.d
origin ; iti independence, first noticed by BtaJt-
sen (Spec. Exercit. Crit. in Vet. T. iV. Apocr.
pp. 16, 29), has since been proved by (jci$«r
and' others, and is now generally ackDawledg^l
(see the Speaker's Canon, on the Apocryphi, i:.
p. 27). It otfers a wholly different text f^«l
the Greek in i. 20-28; omiu xli. 12— ilii. :<:
and has many other minor omissions and varu-
tions (especially in the last chapters). Of
the Greek MSS. hitherto collated, H& W
agrees with it most closely. A large number of
its variations may be accounted for by diSeren:
reading or interpretation of the origwi-
While ordinarily literal, even to abiurditr, h
appears in some cases to paraphrase the origtml
with a view to clearness or for dogmatic rc>»i£-
Its great importance for the criticism of tit
text has found hitherto scanty recognition. TfM
best edition is bv Lagarde (Libri Apocryphi Vti.
Test. Syriace, 1861).
The Latin Version (part of the Vetus Latiu.
unrevised by Jerome, Praef. ut mpra} gives px:
of the work of a great many hands. Uoy
verses are rendered twice or even thrice; ti^
renderings sometimes agree very closely »iti
the Peshitto, at other times with dideteit
families of the Greek ; while occasionally it Im
independent varieties, some of which ptobsll'
represent the original more faithfully thu tn'
other authorities. Hence it waa conjectured >>;
Sabatier and Bengel (Eichhom's B&lioiM. 'ii
481) that this translation was made with the ul
of a Jew or by a Jewish Christian in poseew <
of the original. Cases which make for taii
hypothesis are such as ix. 7, fr rott ifl>i»'
avT^s/il^ wAcvai, Vet. Lat. ut plateit ii«u,clesil.'
representing n'Tliama for n'nUirO, in »■
cordance with the context; zxvii. 11, at^
Vet. Lat. ut sot, apparently iTDPO for nOI*
rendered very probable by the antithesis : »rr.
12, irKvrhi' KopSlas, Vet. Lat, trisHtiam aJM
cordis, agreeing with the Talmudic qaotscn
(Dukes, /. c.) 3^ aK3. Some remiibUe
additions are found in chs. i. and xxiv. eifv
cially xxiv. 45, which perhaps betrays the hai
of a Christian. The Latin presenU great peo»-
liarities ; even in the first two chispters tk
following words occur which are fonnd ia *'
other part of the Vulgate: defunctio (i- IS'-
religiositas (i. 17, 18, 26X con^partior (i !<~
inhonoratio (i. 38), obdnctio (u, 2 ; v. 1, !!'>■
receptibilis (ii. 5). The MSS. in which it fjis«
are enumerated by Hatch, {. c They pw^'
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ECCLE8IASTICUS
few varieties, as Sabatier observed ; the text of
the Amiatiuus has been separately edited bj
Lagjirde (_Mitthcilimgen, vol. i.).
7. Of the remaining Versions the Arabic
published in the Polyglot is from the Peshitto ;
it is not clear whether this is the same as that
made by Al-hirith ibn Sin&n ibn SanbSt (Oe
Slane, Catal. des itSS. Arabes de la Bibliotheque
Jfationale, i. 11). The other ancient VersioDs
are from the Greek. Of these the most im-
portant is the Coptic (Sahidic dialect), existing
in a Turin MS. of the 6th centory, published by
Lagarde in his Aegyptiaca (1884). A fragment
of a Memphitic Version (ii. 1-9) was published
by the same scholar in his Orientalia (Pt. i,
1880). The ARMENIAN Version which existed
before the time of Moses of Chorene was pub-
lished from a fragmentary MS. by the Mechi-
tarists of Venice, 1833; it has a lacuna from
ixxT. 19 — xxxviii. 14 (inclusive), and breaks off
at xlii. 24 ; besides minor omissions (eg. the
whole of ch. viii.). While exhibiting a text
similar to that of the uncials, it has some re-
markable readings (e.g. xl. 6 and xli. 17). The
Aethiupic Version (of which an edition is pro-
mised) exists in MSS. of the British Museum,
the Bibliotb^ue Nationale, and Tiibingen. The
Stro-Hexaplaris (published by (>riani in
vol. vii. of Aneodota Sacra et Pro/ana) has a
text remarkably similar to that of MS. 257.
The translator would appear to have consulted
the Peshitto concerning difficult words (e.g, iv.
30, tpayraaioKoiruy). The Ambrosian MS. con-
tains some marginal scholia besides the critical
marks.
8. It is impossible to make any satisfactory
plan of the book in its present shape. Separate
portions seem constitntcd by (1) the hymns to
Wisdom, i. 1-18, and ch. ixiv. : (2) the prayers,
xxxiii. 1-11, with xxxvi. 16 b-22, and ch. li.,
which Bickell (£>n AlpluAeiisches Lied Ben
Sira's) fancied, but on insufficient grounds,
to be alphabetical : (3) the hymn to God,
zxxix. 12-21, called by the author a "fresh
thought ; " cp. xvi. 22 — iviii. 13 : (4) the praise
of famous men (ireeripar Sfiyos), xliv. 1-1. 24.
The attempts which have been made to show
that the book was made up out of several
collections (Eichhom, Eial. 50 sq. ; Ewald, His-
tory of Israel, E. T. v. 205), belonging to dif-
ferent epochs, cannot be considered successful ;
although, doubtless, as might be expected in a
pomology, most of the maxims are not original.
The words of Jerome, Praef. in Libr. Salom.
C Qnomm priorem [iraciiprrov Jesu lilii Sirach
librum] Hebraicnm repperi, non Ecdesiasticwn
nt apud Latinos, sed Parahoias praenotatum, cui
jancti erant Ecclesiastes et Canticum Canti-
corum, nt similitudinem Salomonis non solum
librornm numero, sed etiam materiarum genere
coaequaret") can scarci-ly point, as has been
thought, to any threefold division of the present
book, but rather imply that under Ben Sira's
Dame two other Hebrew works were known,
corresponding with the two other Books of Solo-
mon ; and this is somewhat con6rmed by the
fact that the Rabbis speak occasionally of the
books of Ben Sira (Seligmann, ut supra), and
that passages are quoted by them from Ben Sira
which are not found in the Greek ; notably some
rhyming verses, quoted in the appendix to the
Massecheth KalUh (published in Ooronel's
ECCLESIA8TICU8
843
D»D"ltD31p nBTiH: see the Expositor for
November 1890, pp. 357-8). In the central
portion of Ecclesiasticus several headings are
introduced in the oldest MSS. (xxviii. 29,
iyK^drtta ^vx^i > xxxii. irepl Jiyovixivay), and
similar titles preface ch. xliv. (rmipvv iiuns)
and ch. li. (riptatvxh 'I^cov vi'oO itipix)'t
vestiges of these are not wholly wanting in the
Peshitto, and all are found in the Vetus Latina.
These sections may have contributed to the dis-
arrangement of the text, but they do not offer
any sufficient clue to its true subdivisions.
9. The earliest clear coincidence with the
contents of the book occurs in the Epistle of
Barnabas (ch. xix. = Ecclus. iv. 31 ; cp. Co)»t.
Apost. vii. 11 ; this maxim, however, is found in
other Jewish gnomologies). The parallels which
hare been discovered in the N. T. are thou'jht
by many too general to show that they were
derived from the written text, and not from
popular language. There is no sign of the u»e
of the book in Justin Martyr, which is the more
remarkable as it oti'ers several thoughts congenial
to his style. The first distinct quotations occur
in Clement of Alexandria ; but from the end of
the 2nd centui'y the book was much used and
cited with respect, and in the same terms as the
canonical Scriptures (August, de Cura pro Mort.
17). Clement speaks of it continually as Scrip-
ture iPaed. i. 8, § 62 ; ii. 2, § 34; 5, § 46; 8,
§ 69, &C.), as the work of Solomon (Stron>. ii. 5,
§ 24X and as the voice of the great Master
(iraiSayi»y6s, Paed. ii. 10, § 98). Origen cites
passages with the same formula as the Canonical
Books (y4yiKarrat, In Johann. xxxii. § 14 ; /n
Matt. xri. § 8), as Scripture (fiomm. in Matt.
§ 44 ; 7n Ep. ad Pom. ix. § 17, Sic), and as the
utterance of " the divine word " (c. Ccls. viii. 50).
The other writers of the Alexandrine school
follow the same practice. Dionysins calls its
words "divine oracles" (Frag.de jf at. iii. p. 1258,
ed. Migne^, and Peter Martyr quotes it as the
work of " the Preacher " (Frag. i. § 5, p. 515, ed.
Higne). The passage quoted from Tertullian (de
Exhort. Cast. 2, " sicut scriptum est : ecce pusiU
ante te honum et malum ; gustasti enim de arbore
agnitionis . . . : " cp. Ecclus. xv. 17, Vulg.) is not
absolutely conclusive; but Cyprian constantly
brings forward passages from the book as Scrip-
ture (de bono Pat. 17 ; de Mortaiitate, 9, § 13)
and as the work of Solomon (Ep. lix. 20, &c.).
The testimony of Augustine sums up briefly the
result which follows from these isolated autho-
rities. He quotes the book constantly himself
as the work of a prophet (Serm. xxxix. 1), the
word of God (Serm. Ixxivii. 11), "Scriptttre"
(Lib. de Nat. 33), and that even in controversy
(c. /m/. Pelag. v. 36) ; but 'he expressly notices
that it was not in the Hebrew Canon (de Cura
pro Mort. 18), " though the Church, especially
of the West, had received it into authority"
(de Civit. ivii. 20, cp. Speculum, iii. 1127, ed.
Paris). Jerome, in like manner (/. c. § 7), con-
trasts the book with " the Canonical Scriptures "
as " doubtful," while they are " sure ; " and in
another place (Prol. Galcat.) he says that it
" is not in the Canon," and again (Prol. in Libr.
Sol.) that it should be read " for the instruction
fo the people (ptebis), not to support the autho-
rity of ecclesiastical doctrines." The book is
not quoted by Irenaeus, Uippolytus, or Ensebins ;
and is not contained in the Canon of Helito,
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844
ECCLESIASTICU8
Origen, Cyril, Laodiceo, Hilary, or Rufinus (cp.
Diestel, Gesch, dea alien Testaments, pp. 71-77 ;
Edersheim, Introduction, p. 35). [Canon.] It
was aerer included by the Jews in their Scrip-
tures, in the opinion of Geiger (ZDMG. 1858,
p. 538 = Schriften, iii. 275) piirtly for politiciil
reasons, more probably owing to its late origin ;
but among the " outer books," not however the
heretical sort, but such as were harmless, though
not fit for profound study (M. Joel, Blicke in die
SeligiOTisgeschichte iu Anfang dca Ziceitcn christ-
lichcn Jahrhuntlerts, Breslau, 1880, pp. 68-76).
EJersheim {Introduction, p. 34) endeavours to
chow that the opinion of the Rabbis varied at
different epochs, and suggests that the con-
demnation of the book which appears in some
passages (Jerns. Sank. 28 a; Midr. Kokeleth, xii.
12) may have been due to its wide use in the
Christian Church.
10. But, while the book is destitute of the
highest canonical authority, it is a most im-
portant monument of the condition and language
of the Jews at the period of its composition. As
an expression of Palestinian theology it stands
alone ; although the writer's travels may have
inspired him with certain Greek ideas {e.g. the
love of beauty, xl. 22 ; of music and good cheer,
xl. 21, jcc ; appreciation of the medical art,
xxxviii. 1-15 ; Bois, ut supra, pp. 160-163), and
certain parallels with Greek writers seem too
close to be the result of accident (e.g. xiii. 2, the
fable of the pot and the jar = Fab. Aesop. 422,
Halm, Avianus, xi. ed. Ellis; xiv. 18 = Iliad,
vi. 146-7 ; vii. 12, 13 are to be explained from
Hesiod, Works and Days, 652-4), there is no
sulBcient reason for assuming Alexandrine inter-
polations or Alexandrine influence (Bois, ut supra,
pp. 163-204, agiunst Gfrorer and Diihne). Mor
does it seem probable that the translator has
intentionally altered the text with the view of
introducing Alexandrine doctrines, although this
has been maintained by l!)dersheim {Speaker's
Comm., passim). The statement that " Enoch
became an example of repentance fur all the
generations " (xliv. 16), although this notion is
to be found in Philo (ii. pp. 410-11 ; de Praemiis
et Poems, § 3) is not sufficiently characteristic
of Alexandrine hermeneutics to give supiwrt to
either hypothesis ; and the omission of that verse
in the Peshitto, combined with the mention of
Enoch in xlix. 14, renders it peculiarly liable to
suspicion. The conception of God as Creator,
Preserver, and Governor is strictly conformable
to the old Mosaic type; but at the same time
His mercy i:i extended to all mankind (xviii.
11-13). The angelology would seem to he similar
to that of the Book of Daniel (cp. xvii. 17 with
Dan. I. 20); while the identification of the
forces of nature with spirits (xxxix. '28, &c.)
corresponds with certain representations in the
Psalms. The doctrine of a resurrection seems
emphatically denied (xvii. 27, 28. Yet this can
scarcely have been a ground for the exclusion of
the book from the Canon, as Geiger held). In
addition to the general hope of a restoration
(xxxvi. 1, &c.), one trait only of a Messianic
faith is preserved, in which the writer contem-
plates the future work of Elias (xlviii. 10, a
somewhat obscure passage). The prophetic
notion of the superiority of " charity " to cere-
monious observance is maintained (xxxii. 1-12),
at the same time as the writer is exhorting to a
ECLIPSE OF THE BUN
punctilious observance of the prescribed ritual,
on the sole ground of its being prescribeJ (v. 6).
As is so often the case in proverbial philosophy,
little attempt is made to harmonise the often
contradictory maxims in which common seme
expresses itself.
11. Numerous commentaries on EcclesiasticiK
appeared in the 16th and 17th oentaries (cp.
Bretschneider, Lib. Sirac. Praef. i. note, for a
list of these), of which the most important were
those of Drusius and Grotins (reprinted ia Oi<>a'
Sacri, vol. v.' ; the latter is especially valuable
in collecting parallel passages from dsstical
writers, which of course are very numeroiu.
An edition wa* published with commentary by
Bretschneider in 1806 {LBier Jesu Sraddat ad
Jidettt Codd, et Verss. emend, et perpct. Cumn.
iHustratus a Car. Oottl. Bretschneider . . . Bati;>-
bonae, MDOCCVi.), which however was as im-
mature work, and showed but slight piogrbiL
Fritzsche's Commentary in the Kurig. eseieL.
llmdbuch {Die Weiskeit Jesus Sirach't erUirt
tmd abcrsetit, Leipz. 1859, followed by a Greeii
text with critical notes in L3a-i Apxr^lM
Veteris Testamenti, Lips. 1871) was an adrance
on Bretschneider; but, owing to the writer'i
failing to perceive the value of the Syi'ac and
Latin Versions, and to estimate aright the im-
portance of the MSS. and secondary Venioos,
left very much still to be done ; moreover the
contributiona of Geiger, Delitzsch, and HerzfeM
are unduly neglected. A critical edition cd-
lecling all the evidence of HSS. and Tenioui, U>
be followed by a restoration of the Hebrew so
far as the materials at our disposal admit of its
being restored with certainty, should be the ba^is
for any satisfactory treatment of the book, i
beginning was made towards this in the com-
mentary of A. Ederaheim {Speaier's Caun,
Murray, 1888), which both for criticism snd
exposition was a considerable advance on all iti
predecessors. A brief Commentary, with >
valuable Introduction (by 0. ZSckler), is t« be
found in the ninth section of Strack and '&A-
ler's Kwtge/asster Kommentar, &c (Muncken,
1891). Cp. Ball, Viur. Apocrypha, 1892.
The monographs which deal with ipeail
questions have been mentioned in the foregoia;
|>aragraphs; the connexion between Eccletiu-
ticus and the Proverbs of Solomon has been lieit
treated by Seligmann, Das Buck der WrisJuUJa
Jesus Sirach (Halle, 1883); between Eocleiia-
ticus and Ecclesiastes by C. H. H. Wright, Tk
Book of Koheltth (London, 1883): while cod-
tributions of interest ore to be found in tk
histories of Jost, Griitz, Ewald, Berzfeld, tsi
Schiirer; in Geiger's Urschrift wid Vtbemti-
ungen ; in T. K. Cheyne's Job and SiJsai*
(London, 1887) ; and in the various Introductioos
to the Old Testament. [B. F. W.] [D. S. B.],
ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. No hiilotiol
notice of an eclipse occurs in the Bible, but tiieR
are passages in the Prophets which were can
considered to contain manifest allusion t« tkis
phenomenon : — " The sun goes down at noon,"
" the earth is darkened in the clear day " (Am*
viii. 9), "the day shall be dark" (Mic.iii.ei
"the light shall not be clear nor dark " (Zoi
xiv. 6), "the sun shall be dark " (Joel ii. W
31 ; iii. 16). Hence these notices were uin
to refer to eclipses that occurred about tkt
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ED
time of the respective compositions: thus the
dite of Amos was said to coincide with a total
edipse which occurred Feb. 9, RC. 784, and
vu risible at Jerosalem shortly after noon
(Hitzig, Comm. in Proph.), or with eclipses of
the sun in B.C. 791, 771, and 770 (Ussher. See
Speaker'i Comm. in loco) ; that of Micah with
the eclipse of June 5, B.C. 716, referred to by
Dionys. Hal. ii. 56, to which same period the
Utter part of the Book of Zecbariah was as-
Hgned. A passing notice in Jer. it. 9 was
twl to coincide in date with the eclipse of
Sept. 30, B.C. 610, so well known from Hero-
dotus' account (i. 74, 103). Sach opinions are
now given up. The darkness that overspread
the world at the Crucifixion cannot with reason
be attributed to an eclipse, as the moon was at
the full at the time of the Passover. [Dark-
SE8B.] The awe which is naturally inspired by
>D eclipse in the minds of those who are
QQScqnainted with the cause of it, rendered it a
token of impending judgment in the Prophetical
Books. [W. L. B.]
ED = uitness, a word inserted — as a name
—in the A. V. and R. V. of Josh. ixii. 34,
apparently on the anthority of a few MSS.,
and also of the Syriac and Arabic Versions, but
not existing in the generally-received Hebrew
Text The passage may be translated as
follows : " And the children of Reuben and the
children of Gad named (LXX. iwuvofxitrtv}
the altar: for it is a witness (Ed) between us
that Jehovah is God." The rendering of the
LXX. (" Joshua named the altar of Reuben and
of Gad and of the half-tribe of Manasseh, and
said," Ac), though in some respects difi^ring
materially from the present text, shows plainly
that at that time the word Ed C1J7) stood in the
Hebrew in its present place (for a further investi-
gation of this passage, see Keil and Dillmann *
in loco). If we may trust the indications in
Josh. xxii. 9-34, the altar was in Gilead, on the
east side of Jordan, and not far from that river ;
and this is more directly stated by Josephus
{Ani. vi. 1, § 26). A position near the mouth of
the Jabbok would seem to meet the require-
ments of the narrative. [G.] [W.]
EDAB, TOWEB OP (accur. Eder, 7130
lijB; LXX. e. 16; A. xinot raS4p, E. Tafitp;
Tami Eder), a place named only in Gen. xxiv.
21. Jacob's first halting-place between Beth-
lehem and Hebron was "beyond (D^plip)
the tower Eder." It was possibly a shep-
herd's tower, for protection against robbers,
near "Solomon's Pools," or on the pass be-
yond them. According to Jerome (05.* p. 101, 9)
it was 1000 paces from Bethlehem. The name
signifies " a flock " or " drove," and is quite
in keeping with the pastoral habits of the
district. Jerome sees in it a prophecy of the
announcement of the birth of Christ to the
shepherds ; and there seems to have been a
Jewish tradition that the Messiah was to be bom
there (Targnm Ps.-Jon. Cp. Edersheim, Lift and
Timet of Jesus the Messiah, i. 186), possibly
founded on or alluded to in Micah ir. 8 (A. V.
"Tower of the flock "). This, however, Kimchi
explains as "the tower of David where Israel
assembled," a notion which receives some
EDBX
845
countenance from the use of the word Ophel
(A. V. " stronghold "), the name of one of the
chief fortifications of Jerusalem. [G.] [W.]
EDDI'AS (B. 'I<C<(ai, A. 'UtSlas ; Geddias).
One of those who had taken a " strange " wife
and agreed to put her away (1 Ead. ix. 26).
[Jeziah.] [F.]
E'DEN QIJI; *ES^m)> the biblical and well-
known name of the first abode of man, in a part
of which a garden (" the garden of Eden ") was
planted, which the first man was to dress and
keep, but from which he was expelled for dis-
obedience.
No subject has probably attracted the atten-
tion of men of learning so much as that of the
identification of the land of Eden and its garden.
Every quarter of the Old World has, at one time
or other, formed the subject of examination to
this end. India, Ceylon, China, the Mountains
of the Moon, the Canary blands, the coasts of
the Baltic — all these have been fixed on al
possible localities. Columbus, when sailing to
find the New World (then supposed to be part of
India), expected to come across it there ; and a
very bold and learned contention, published of
late years, locates it — at the North Pole I Not-
withstanding the new material of late brought
to bear on the subject, however, the matter
must still be regarded as doubtful, and many
will probably look upon its ultimate settlement
as unlikely.
The words of Gen. ii. 8-14 concerning Eden
are as follows : " And the Lord God planted a
garden eastward in Eden ; and there He put the
man whom He had formed. And out of the
ground made the Lord God to grow every tree
that is pleasant to the sight, and good for food ;
the tree of life also in the midst of the garden,
and the tree of the knowledge of good and evil.
And a river went out of Eden to water the
garden ; and from thence it was parted, and
became four heads. The name of the first is
PishSn : that it is which compaaseth the whole
land of Havilah, where there is gold ; and the
gold of that land is good: there is bdellium
(b'dolakh) and the onyx stone (eben hashshohain).
And the name of the second river is Gihon
(Oikhdn); the same it is which compasseth the
whole land of Cush. And the name of the third
river is Hiddekel: that it is which goeth in
front of (R. V. marg., Or, toward the east of)
Assyria. And the fourth river is Euphrates."
From this detailed and circnmstantial de-
scription there is hardly any doubt that the
writer of it was trying to describe a place which
he had in his mind, and which, though he may
not have seen, he had heard of. Whatever
allegory there may have been, therefore, in
the story of Paradise, for the Hebrew author of
Genesis it was a real tract of country, with a
garden situated in the eastern part. The river
which flowed through Eden watered the garden,
and then became four distinct streams, two of
which, the Hiddekel (Assyr. Idiglat, the Tigris)
and the Euphrates (Assyr. Purattu), are well-
known and important waterways. For the
proper identification of the garden of Eden,
therefore, it is needful to find a tract of country
fulfilling all the above conditions, both aa to
geographical situation and natural products.
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EDEN
The more reasonable of the theories as to the
position of Paradise may be roughly divided
into two classes : namely, those which place the
garden of Eden below the junction of the Tigris
and the Euphrates, and seek the Pishon and Gihon
among the many natural or artificial tributaries
of those streams ; and those which locate the
site in the high tableland of Armenia, where so
many noble streams have their origin. These
theories have been supported by learned men
of all nations and ages, representing every
shade of theological belief; but there is not
one which is not based in some degree upon a
forced interpretation of the words of the
narrative. Those who contend that the united
stream of the Tigris and the Euphrates is
the " river " which " went out of Eden to water
the garden " have been obliged to neglect the
primitive meaning of MV*, which generally in-
dicates the origin or source of a thing, and to
accept the more general one of " running on " or
" through " (boundary, &c.). According to the
description (v. 10), the river should begin (have
its outlet into the sea) in Eden, pass through the
garden, and then divide into four branches, the
se|>aration taking place either in the garden or
after passing through it, becoming four heads or
sources (see Qesenius, D^^'KI ilVH'IK ; and com-
pare the Assyr. rli mi, " source," lit. " head of
a spriug "). There are other difficulties in the
details of the several theories, which may be
obstacles to their entire acceptation, but no theory
which involves undue forcing of the words of
the sacred narrative ought to be allowed to take
its place even among the probable explanations.
With regard to the meaning of the name
Eden, the old Versions or translations give us
little or no assistance. The translators seem to
have halted between a mystical and a literal in-
terpretation. The word [Ij^ is rendered by the
LXX. as a proper name in three places only
(Gen. ii. 8, 10, and iv. 16), where it is represented
by 'E8^^ In all others, with the exception of
Is. Ii. 3 (where it is translated by ir(ipdS««ros),
it is translated by Tfuipii, " delight " (the plural
of the word, with the meaning " delights," occurs
in Ps. xxxvi. 9). In the Vulgate it does not occur
as a proper name, but is rendered " volnptas,"
*' locus voluptatia " or " deliciae." The Targum
of Onkelos gives it uniformly as pV, and the
Peshitto Syriac the same, with the slight varia-
tion, in two passages, of ^^^ for . _^
It would be a hopeless task to attempt to
chronicle the opinions of all the commentators
upon this question: their name is legion. Philo
((fe Mtmdi Opif. § 54) is the first who rentnred
upon an allegorical interpretation. He conceived
that by Paradise is darkly shadowed forth the
governing faculty of the soul ; that the tree of
Bfe signifies religion, whereby the soul is im-
mortalised ; and that the faculty of knowing good
and evil was the middle sense, by which are dis-
cerned things contrary to nature. In another
)>assage (<fe PhmUt. § 9) he explains Eden, which
signifies "pleasure," as a symbol of the soul, that
sees what is right, exults in virtue, and prefers
one enjoyment, the worship of the Only Wise, to
myriads of men's chief delights. And again
{Legit Allegor. i. § 14) he says, "Now virtue
is tropically called Paradise, and the site of
EDEN
Paradise is Eden, that is, pleasure." The four
rivers he explains (§ 19) of the several virtnei
of prudence, temperance, courage, and juati«;
while the main stream of vthich they are
branches is the generic virtne, goodness, which
goeth forth from Eden, the wisdom of God. Ilit
opinions of Philo would not be so much voitl;
of consideration, were it not that he ha« bees
followed by many of the Fathers. Origen, ic-
cording to Luther (fiomm. in Gen.), imsgined
Paradise to be heaven, the trees Angeb, and tbe
rivers wisdom. Papias, Irenaeus, PoDtaenos,
and Clemens Alexandrinus have all favonml tlie
mystical interpretation (Huet. Origrmaa, ii.
167). Ambrosius followed the example of
Origen, and placed the terrestrial Paradise in the
third heaven, in consequence of the expresion of
St. Paul (2 Cor. lii. 2, 4); but elsewhere he
distinguishes between the terretthal Ptndiit
and that to which the Apostle was caught ap
(f>« Parad. c 3). In another passage (Ep. ai
Sabinvm) all this is explained in allegcnr.
.\mong the Hebrew traditions enumentid br
Jerome ( Trad. Bebr. in Gen.) is one that Psnlue
was created before the world was formed, ^ is
therefore beyond its limits.' Moses Bar Cepia
{De Parad.) assigns it a middle place betv«es
the earth and the firmament. Some affirm thst
Paradise was on a mountain, which reached
nearly to the moon ; while others, struck by the
manifest absurdity of such an opinion, held that
it was situated in the third region of the sir,
and was higher than all the mountains of tbe
earth by twenty cubits, so that the wateit of
the Flood could not reach it. Others, agam, hart
thought that Paradise was twofold, one cor-
poreal and the other incorporeal : others that it
was formerly on earth, but had been taken avaf
by the judgment of God (Hopkinson, iVw.
Parad. in Ugol. T/ies. vii.). Among the o[>iiu<i«
enumerated by Morinus (Diss, de Parad. teirnt.
Ugul. TAes. vii.) is one that, before the Fall, tb«
whole earth was Paradise, and was really sitnsttd
in Eden, in the midst of all kinds of deligbts.
Ephraem Syrus (Cbmm. m Qen.) expresses bin-
self doubtfully upon this point. Whether tw
trees of Paradise, being spiritual, drank of spi-
ritual water, he does not undertake to ieeict;
but he seems to be of opinion that the four rinn
hare lost their original virtne in conseqneace
of the curse pronounced upon the earth tsr
Adam's transgression.
Conjectures with regard to the dimensiora o(
the garden have difiVred as widely as that
which assign its locality. Ephraem Syrus nuii-
tained that it surrounded the whole earth, wiix
Johannes Tostatns restricted it to a circco-
ference of thirty-six or forty miles, and othtn
have made it extend over Syria, Arabia, sad
Mesopotamia (Hopkinson, as above). Bet cf
speculations like these there is no end.
What is the river which goes forth hom £Ja
to water the garden ? is a question which has
been often asked, and still waits for a satisfxtatr
answer. That the ocean stream which nir-
rounded the earth was the source from vbisb
the four rivers flowed was the opinion of Joiepbu
(Ant. i. 1, § 3) and Johannes Damasoenni (D'
> The Akkadlsn or Sumerian legend cf tte Oi^
Indicates that the;, too, believed that Erkta, " the tifff
dty," was cnUed before the world iras txmit (»
below, p. aso).
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EDEN
Orthod. Fid. ii. 9). It was the Shatt^l-Arab, ac-
cording to tho6e who place the garden of Eden
below the junction of the Tigris and Euphrates.
By those who refer the position of Eden to the
highlands of Armenia, the " river " from which
the four streams diverge is conceived to mean
"» collection of springs," or a well-watered
district, it is scarcely necessary to say that
this signification of ID] (nahar) is wholly with-
out a parallel ; and even if it could, under
certain circumstances, be made to adopt it, such
a signification is, in the present instance, pre-
cluded by the fact that, whatever meaning we
may assign to the word in «. 10, it must be
the same as that which it has in the following
verses, in which it is sufficiently definite. Sickler
(Augnsti, TTteol. ManaUchrift. i. 1, quoted by
Winer), supposing the whole narrative to be a
myth, solves the difficulty by attributing to its
author a large measure of ignorance. The
'•river" was the Caspian Sea, which in his
apprehension was an immense stream from the
east. liertheau, applying the geographical
knowledge of the ancients as a test of that of
the Hebrews, arrived at the same conclusion, on
the groond that all the people south of the
Armenian and Persian highlands place the dwell-
ing of the gods in the extreme north, and the
regions of the Caspian were the northern limit of
the horizon of the Israelites (Knobel, Genesis).
But he allows the four rivers of Eden to have
been real rivers, and not, as Sickler imagined,
oceans which bounded the earth east and west
of the Nile.
That the Hiddekel" is the Tigris, and the
Phrath the Euphrates, has never been denied,
except by those who assume that the whole
narraUve is a myth which originated elsewhere,
and was adapted by the Hebrews to their own
geographical notions. As the former is the
name of the great river by which Daniel sat
(Dan. X. 4), and the latter is the term uniformly
applied to the Euphrates in the Old Testament,
there seems no reason to suppose that the
appellations in Gen. ii. 14 are to be understood
in any other than the ordinary sense. One cir-
cumstance in the description is worthy of
observation. Of the four rivers, one, the Eu-
phrates, is mentioned by name only, as if that
were sufficient to identify it. The other three
are defined according to their geographical posi-
tions, and it is fair to conclude that they were
therefore rivers with which the Hebrews were
less intimately acquainted. If this be the case,
it is scarcely possible to imagine that the Gihon,
or, as some say, the Pishon, is the Nile, for that
most have been even more familiar to the
Israelites than the Euphrates, and have stood as
little in need of a definition.
With regard to the Pishon, the most ancient
and most universally received opinion identifies
it with the Ganges. Josephus (Ant. i. 1, § 3),
Eusebins (Onom. s. v.), AJnbrosius (de Parad.
c 3), Epiphanius {Ancor. c. 58), Ephr. Syr.
(Op. Syr. i. 23), Jerome (Ep. 4 ad Sust. and
Quaest Btb. in Gen.), and Augustine (de Gen. ad
lit. riii. 7) held this. But Jarchi (on Gen. ii.
1 1), Saadiah Gaon, B. Moses ben Nachman, and
k This name is said to be still In use among the
tribes who live upon Its banks (Sir O. Cbesney. Bxpsto
Tifrit and Eufhrata, 1. 13).
EDEN
847
Abr. Peritsol (Ugol. Thea. vii.), maintained that
the Pishon was the Nile. The first of these
writers derives the word from a root which sig-
nifies " to increase," " to overflow " (cf. Hab.
i. 8), but at the same time quotes an etymology
given in Bereshith Sabba, § 16, in which it is
asserted that the river is_ called Pishon " because
it makes the flax ([riB'S) to grow." Josephus
explains it by T\ri9is, Scaliger by r\'fiiinvpa.
The theory that the Pishon is the Ganges is
thought to receive some confirmation from the
author of the book of Ecclesiasticus, who mentions
(xxiv. 25, 27) in order the Pishon, the Tigris, the
Luphrates, Jordan, and Gihon, and is supposed
to have commenced his enumeration in the east
and to have terminated it in the west. That
the Pishon was the Indus was an opinion current
long before it was rerived by Ewald (Qesc/i. d«
VolA. Isr. i. 331, note 2) and adopted by Kalisch
(Genesis, p. 96). Philostorgius, quoted by Huet
(Ugolin. vol. vii.), conjectured that it was the
Hydaspes ; and Wilford (As. Res. vol. vi.), fol-
lowing the Hindoo tradition with regard to the
origin of mankind, discovers the Pishon in the
Landi-Sindb, the Ganges of Isidorus, called also
Nilab from the colour of its waters, and known
to the Hindoos by the name of Nili-Gsngi or
Ganga simply. Severianus (de Mundi Creat.) and
Ephraem Syrns (Comm. on Gen.) agree with
Caesarius in identifying the Pishon with the
Danube. The last-mentioned Father seems to
have held, in common with others, some singulur
notions with regard to the course of this river.
He believed that it was also the Ganges and
Indus, and that, after traversing Ethiopia and
Elymais, which he identified with Haviiah, it
fell into the ocean near Cadiz. Such is also the
opinion of Epiphanius with regard to the course
of the Pishon, which, he says, is the Ganges of
the Ethiopians and Indians and the Indus of the
Greeks (Ancor, c 58). Some, as Hopkinson
(Ugol. vol. vii.), have found the Pishon in the
Naiharmalca, one of the artificial canals which
formerly joined the Euphrates with the Tigris.
This canal is the flumen regium of Amm. Marc,
(xxiii. 6, § 25, and xxiv. 6, § 1), and the Armai-
char of Pliny (N. H. vi. 30> Grotius, on the
contrary, considered it to be the Gihon. Even
those commentators who agree in placing the
terrestrial Paradise on the Shatt-ai-Arab, the
stream formed by the junction of the Tigris and
Euphrates, between Ctesiphon and Apamea, are
by no ineans unanimous as to which of the
branches, into which this streiun is again divided,
the names Pishon and Gihon are to be applied.
Calvin (Comm. in Gen.) was the first to con-
jecture that the Pishon was the most easterly of
these channels, and in this opinion he is followed
by Scaliger and many others. Huet, on the
other hand, conceived that he proved beyond
doubt that Calrin was in error, and that the
Pishon was the westernmost of the two channels
by which the united stream of the Euphrates and
Tigris flows into the Persian Gulf. He was con-
firmed by the authority of Bochart (ffieroz. pt. ii.
1. 5, c. 5). Junius (Frael. in Gen.) and Rask dis-
covered a relic of the name Pishon in the Pasiti-
gris. The advocates of the theory that the true
position of Eden is to be sought for in the moun-
tains of Armenia have been induced, from a cer-
tain resemblance in the two names, to identify the
Pishon with the Phasii^ which rises in the elevated
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848
EDEN
plateau at the foot of Blount Ararat, near the
soorces of the Tigris and Euphrates. Reland (de
Situ parad. terr. Ugol. vii.), Calmet (Dkt. s. v.),
Link (Uruxit, i. 307), Rosenmuller {Handb. d.
Bibl. Alt), and Uartmann have given their
suflrages in favour of this opinion. Raumer
(quoted by Delitzsch, Genesis) endeavoured to
prove that the Pishon was the Phasis of Xenophon
lAnab. iv. 6) ; that is, the Aras or Arazes, which
flows into the Caspian Sea. There remain yet
to be noticed the theories of Leclerc (Comm. in
Gen.) that the Pishon was the Chrysorrhoas, the
modem Barada, which takes its rise near
Damascus; and of Buttmann (Jielt. Erdk.
p. 32), who identified it with the Besynga or
Irabatti, a river of Ava. Mendelssohn (fiomn.
on Gen.) mentions that some affirm the Pishon to
be the Gozan of 2 K. xvii. 6 and 1 Ch. v. 26,
which is supposed to be a river, and the
same as the Kizil-Uzen in Hyrcania. Sir 0.
Chesney, from the results of extensive observa-
tions in Armenia, was " led to infer that the
rivers known by the comparatively modern
names of Halys and Araxes are those which, in
the Book of Genesis, have the names of Pishon
and Gihon; and that the country within the
former is the land of Havilah, whilst that which
borders upon the latter is the still more re-
markable country of Cush " (,Exp. to Euphr.
and Tigris, i. 267).
Such, in brief, is a summary of the various
conjectures which have been advanced, with
equal degrees of confidence, by the writers who
hare attempted to solve the problem of Eden.
The majority of them are ch.aracterised by one
common defect. In the narrative of Genesis the
river Pishon is defined as that which surrounds
the whole land of Havilah. It is, then, absolutely
necessary to fix the position of Havilah before
proceeding to identify the Pishon with any par-
ticular river. But the process followed by
most critics has been first to find the Pishon and
then to look about for the land of Havilah. The
same inverted method is characteristic of their
whole manner of treating the problem. The
position of the garden is assigned, the rivers are
then identified, and lastly the countries men-
tioned in the description are so chosen as to
coincide with the rest of the theory.
With such diversity of opinion as to the river
which is intended to be represented by the Pishon,
it was scarcely possible that writers on this
subject should be unanimous in their selection
of a country possessing the attributes of Havilah.
In Gen. ii. 11, 12, it is described as the land
where the best gold was fonnd, and which was
besides rich in the treasures of the b'doiakh and
the stone ahoham. A country of the same name
is mentioned as forming one of the boundaries of
Ishmael's descendants (Gen. xxv. 18), and the
scene of Saul's war of extermination against the
Amalekites (1 Sam. xv. 7). In these passages
HaWlah seems to denote the desert region south-
east of Palestine. The word occurs also as
the proper name of a son of Joktan, in close
juxtaposition with Sheba and Ophir, also sons of
Joktan and descendants of Shem (Gen. x. 29),
who gave their names to the spice and gold
countries of the south. Again, Havilah is
enumerated among the Hamites as one of the
sons of Cush ; and in this enumeration his name
stands in close connexion with Seba, Sheba, and
EDEN
Dedan, the first founders of colonies in Ethiopij
and Arabia which afterwards bore their nam».
If, therefore, the Havilah of Cien. ii. be identiol
with any one of these countries, we must look for
it on the east or south of Arabia, and pnbsbl j lot
far from the Persian Gulf. In other respects,
too, this region answers to the conditions re-
quired. Bochart, indeed, thought the nsmexir-
vived in ChmUa, which was situated on the east
side of the Arabian Gulf, and which he identified
with the abode of the Shemitic Joktanita ; bnt if
his etymology, in which he connects Havil^ with
the root 7in, "sand," be correct, the apptlli-
tion of " the sandy " region would not necessarily
be restricted to one loodity. That the nsnie is
derived from some natural peculiarity is erileat
from the presence of the article. Whatever may
be the true meaning of b'doiakh — be it carbiincK
bdellium, ebony, Jiepper, cloves, beryl, yoA,
diamond, or emerald — all critics detect its
presence, under one or other of these formi, in
the country which they select as the Hsrilah
most appropriate to their own theory. As littie
difficulty is presented by the sholiom : call it
onyx, sardonyx, emerald, sapphire, berrl, or
sardius, it would be hard indeed if some of Ihnt
precious stones could not be found in any cob-
ceivable locality to support even the most far-
fetched and improbable conjecture. That Harila^
is that part of India through which the Cao;»
flows, and, more generally, the eastern rei^on of
the earth ; that it is to be fonnd in Susissi
(Hopkinson), in Ava (Buttmann), or in the I'ni
region (Raumer), are conclnsiona neoessaiilr
following upon the assumptiona with regaid to
the Pishon. Hartmann, Reland, and Roseaninlkr
are in favour of Colchis, the scene of the legtnl
of the Golden Fleece. The Phaais was said to
flow over golden sands, and gold was carried
down by the mountain-torrents (Strabo, li %
§ 19). The crystal (ft'dolakh) of Scythis to
renowned (Solinus, c xx.), and the emerildj
(shoham) of this country were as far superior t<
other emeralds as the latter were to other pn-
cious stones (Plin. H. S. xxsvii. 17X all vhicb
proves, say they, that Havilah was Coldus.
Rosenmiiller argues, rather strangely, if IIk
Phasis be the Pishon, the land of Havilah nit '
be Colchis, snppcsing that by this country tkt
Hebrews had the idea of a Pontic or Notihere
India. In like manner Leclerc, having prenovJ,'
determined that Pishon must be the Chrysorrlxiss,
finds Havilah not far from Coele-Syria. Huae
{Entdeck. pp. 49, 50, quoted by Rosenmuller)
compares Havilah with the 'TAoia of HeroJotoj
(iv. 9), in the neighbourhood of the Arimaspi^i^s
and the dragon which guarded the land of {oM-
For all these hypotheses there is no more supp^
than the merest conjecture.
The second river of Paradise presents di£-
culties not less insurmountable than the Pislw^
Those who maintained that the Rahon is t!»
Ganges held also that the Gihon was the Kik.
One objection te this theory has been alreair
mentioned. Another, eqtuuy strong, is t^
although in the Boeks of the Old Testsmesi
frequent allusion is made to this rirer, it ao'lier'
appears to have been known to the Hebrcn I?
the name Gihon. The idea seems to ksre
originated with the LXX. rendering of 'VTC'
by Tiii¥ in Jer. ii. 18 ; bnt it is clear firna tte
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EDEN
in>nurr in which the tronslatorii have given the
latter clause of the same passage that they had
no conception of the true meaning. Among
Biodtm writers, Bertheau (quoted by Delitzsch,
Ocnait) and Kalisch {Oenesit} hare not hesitated
to support this interpretation, in accordance
with the principle they adopt, that the descrip-
tion of the garden of Eden is to be explained
sccording to the most ancient notions of the
earth's snrface, without reference to the advances
made in later times in geographical knowledge.
If this hypothesis be adopted, it certainly
ti]jlaias some features of the narrntire ; but, so
far from removing the difficulty, it introduces
another equally great. It has yet to be proved
that the opinions of the Hebrews on these points
were as contradictory to the now well-known
relations of land and water as the recorded im-
pressions of other nations at a much later period.
-U present we hare nothing but categorical
assertion. Pausanios (ii. 5), indeed, records a
legesd'that the Euphrates, after disappearing in
a marsh, rises again beyond Ethiopia and Hows
through Egypt as the Nile. Arrian (Exp. Alex.
Ti. 1) relates that Alexander, on finding croco-
liiles in the Indus, and beans like those of Egypt
on the banks of the Acesines, imagined that he
had discovered the sources of the Nile ; but he
^ds, what those who make use of this passage
do not find it convenient to quote, that on re-
ceirisg more accurate information Alexander
abandoned bis theory, and cancelled the letter
he had written to his mother Olympias on the
subject. It i< but fair to say that tliere was
at one time a theory afloat that the Nile rose in
a mountain of Lower Mauretania (Pliu. II. A'.
T. 10>
The etymology of Gihon (tVi, to burst forth)
Kems to indicate that it was a swiftly-flowing
impetuous stream. According to Golius (Zex.
AnA.), . «aS"i^ (G'dtjoon) is the name given to
the Oius, which has, on this account, been as-
lumed by Hosenmiiller, Hartmanu, aud Michaelis
to be the Gihon of Scripture. But the Araies,
too, is called by the Persians (r'aihoon ar-Jias,
and from this circumstance it has been adopted
by Reland, Calmet, and Sir G. Chesney aa the
modem representative of the Gihon. It is clear,
therefore, that the question is not to be decided
by etymology alone, ai the name might be ap-
propriately applied to many rivers. That the
Gihon should be one of the channels by which
the united stream of the Tigris and Euphrates
falls into the Persian Gulf, was essential to the
theory which places the garden of Eden on the
Shatt-al-Arab. Bochart and Huet contended
that it was the easternmost of these channels,
while Calvin considered it to be the most
westerly. Hopkinson and Junius, conceiving
that Eden was to be found in the region of
Anranitis (=Audanit{3, quasi Edenitui) on the
Euphrates, were compelled to make the Gihon
coincide with the Naharsar, the Marses of Amm.
Marc, (ixiii. 6, § 25). That it should be the
Orontea (Leclerc), the Ganges (Buttmann and
Kwald), the Knr or Cyrus, which rises from the
side of the Saghanlou mountain, a few miles
northward of the sources of the Araxes (Link),
necessarily followed from the exigencies of the
several theories. Rask and Verbrugge are in
favour of the Gyndes of the ancients (Her. i. 189),
BIBLE DICT. — VOL. 1.
EDEN
849
now called the Diydlah, one of the tributaries of
the Tigris. Abraham Peritsol (Ugol. vol. vii.)
was of opinion that the garden of Eden was
situated in the region of the Mountains of the
Moon. Identifying the Pison with the Nile, and
the Gihon with a river which his editor (Hyde)
explains to be the Niger, he avoids the difiiculty
which is presented by the fact that the Hiddekel
and P'rath are rivers of Asia, by conceiving it
possible that these rivers actually take their
rise in the Mountains of the Moon, and run
underground till they make their appearance in
.Assyria. Equally satisfactory is the explanation
iif Ephraem Syrus that the four rivers have their
Kource in Paradise, which is situated in a very
lofty place, but are swallowed up by the sur-
rounding di.'itricts, and, after passing underneath
the sea, come to light again indificrent quarters
of the globe. It may be worth while remarking,
by the way, that the opinions of this Father are
frequently misunderstood in consequence of the
very inadequate Latin translation with which
his Syriac works are accompanied, and which
often does not contain even an ajiproximation
to the true sense (for an example, see Kalisch,
Genesis, p. 95).
From etymological considerations, Huet was
induced to place Cush in Chusistan, Leclerc in
Cassiotis in Syria, and Reland in the " regio Co»-
saeorum." Bochart identified it with Susiaua,
Lmk with the country about the Caucasus, and
Hartmann with Bactria or Balkh, the site of
Paradise being, in this case, in the celebrated
vale of Kashmir. The term Cush is generally
applied in the Old Testament to the countries
south of the Israelites. It w.is the southern
limit of Egypt (Ezek. xiix. 10), and apparently
the most westerly of the provinces over which
the rule of Ahasuerus extended, "from India,
even unto Ethiopia " (Esth. i. 1, viii. 9). Egypt
and Cush are associated in the majority of in-
stances in which the word occurs (Ps. Ixviii. 31 ;
Is. xviii. 1 ; Jer. xlvi. 9, &c) ; but in two pas-
sages Cush stands in close juxtaposition with
Elam (Is. xi. 11) and Persia (Ezek. xxxviii. 5).
The Cushite king, 2^rah, was utterly defeated by
Asa at Mareshah, and pursued as far as Gerar, a
town of the Philistines, on the southern border of
Palestine, which was apparently under his sway
(2 Ch. xiv. 9, &c). In 2 Ch. xxi. 16, the Arabians
are described as dwelling " beside the Cushites,''
and both are mentioned in connexion with the
Philistines. The wife of Moses, who, we learn
from Ex. ii., was the daughter of a Midianitc
chieftain, is in Num. xii. 1 denominated a Cush-
ite. Further, Cush and Seba (Is. xliiL 3), Cush
and the Sabaeans (Is. xlv. 14), are associated in
a manner consonant with the genealogy of the
descendants of Ham (Gen. x. 7), in which Seba
is the son of Cush. From all these circumstances
it is evident that under the denomination Cush
were included both the country north of Arabia,
including a portion of Cappadocia, and the
country south of Egypt on the western coast
of the Red Sea. It is possible, also, that the
vast desert tracts west of Egypt were known
to the Hebrews as the land of Cush, but of
this we have no certain proof. The Targumist
on Is. xi. 1 1, sharing the prevailing error of his
time, translates Cush by India, but that a better
knowledge of the relative positions of these
countries was anciently poss^sed is clear from
3 I
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EDEN
Eath. i. t. With all this evidence for the south-
western situation of Cash, on what grounds are
Kosenmiiller and others jostiHed in applying the
term to a more northern region on the banks of
the Ozos? We are told that, in the Hindoo
mythology, the gardens and metropolis of Indra
are placed around the mountain M^ru, the ce-
lestial north pole ; that, among the Babylonians
and Medo-Persians, the gods' monntain, Albordj,
" the mount of the congregation," was believed
to be "in the sides of the north " (Is. xiv, 13) ;
that the oldest Greek traditions point north-
wards to the birthplace of gods and men ; and
that, for all these reasons, the Paradise of the
Hebrews must be sought for in some far distant
hyperborean region. Guided by such unerring
indications, Basse {Entdechmgen, pp. 41, 50, n.)
scrupled not to gratify his national feeling by
placing the garden of Kden on the coast of the
Baltic ; Rudbeck, a Swede, found it ia Scaadi-
navia, and the inhospitable Siberia has not been
without its advocates (Morreo, Rosenmuller's
Geog. i. 96), But, with all this predilection in
&rour of the north, the Greeks placed the
gardens of the Hesperides in the extreme west,
and there are strong indications in the Puranns
" of a terrestrial Paradise, different from that of
the general Hindu system. In the southern parts
of Africa " {As. Bes. iii. 300). Even M^ru was
no further north than the Himalayan range,
which the Aryan race crossed in their migrations.
In the midst of so much diversity of opinion,
it is very difficult to arrive at any conclusion.
Among the most worthy of consideration, how-
ever, may be quoted the recent view expounded
by Prof. Fried. Delitzsch. This seholar regards
the word Eden as being borrowed from the
Akkadian edina, "iield," "land," "desert,"
which, he contends, was applied to a part of
Bobylonia as " the country " par excellence ; and
this contention of his receives some support from
the fact that, in a geographical list from Baby-
lonia, one of the cities known as SiparorSippara
(identified with the Biblical Sepharvaim) is
called Sipar Edina, "Sippara of Eden." He
quotes the common name of Babylonia, Kar-
Duniai, " the garden " or " enclosure of the god
DnniaS," which, he says, might also be read
Gan-Duniai ° (cp. Gan-iiMen, " the garden of
Eden "), and contends that this is the garden of
Eden of the Bible. He says moreover that the
two names Havilah and Cuah abo speak in favour
of Babylon being the land of the garden of Eden.
With regard to the former, he identifies it with
the tract immediately to the south and west of
the Euphrates,'' and, in order to make things fit,
identifies the Pishon with the Pallacopas (Bab.
Pallakatu) canal, and quotes the fact that
in Bit-Yakin, the neighbouring tract to the east,
Merodach-baladan brought to the Assyrian king
" gold, the dust of his land, in great quantity,"
also " stones, the produce of the sea." The
sAoAam-stone he regards as the same as the
Assyrian aamtu, a grey or brown stone (chalce-
dony or cornelian). Cush he ident fies with
Meluhha, a tract of countrv to the siouth-ea.-st
« This rests partly upon a misreading of George
ttmith's; the form Kar-Duniu Is the only one Jiutifled
by the inscriptions.
* See sljov;, ou the poslUun of Uavllah and the
Piabon, pp. 8«1-8.
EDEN'
of Babylon, and the Gihon is the canal kiovi
as the Shatt-an-Nil. In defence of this theory
he contends that, as the word iwru, "river," in
Assyrian means also " canal," then the Piihon snd
the Gihon might easily be artificial wsterwirs,
and he quotes Wetzstein in Franz Delitzick'i
Commentary on Genesis, p. 535, who lavs that
" the idea of watering lies at the bottom of thr
fourfold division of the river of PandiM : ii >
country poor in water, and therefore sterile, a
river has no other meaning," and Fried. Delitzsch
finds in this a welcome confirmation of bis riew
of the Pishon and Gihon as irrigation canals
Excellent as all this Is in its way, it ii &r
from being satisfactory, for the identificatioi of
the rivers Pishon and Gihon, as well ss the
lands of Cush and Havilah, cannot be reganitd
as based by any means on a firm foandsUoD.
All four rivers are spoken of in the same vst,
so that they should all be regarded ai of tiie
same nature. In connexion with the identifio
tion of the Gihon, it may be remarked that >
portion of Cappadocia seems anciently to have
borne the name of Coih, so that there is i»
need to seek in Egypt or in India the name of
that country; or to force that name (m aar
tract in the neighbourhood of the two men
Tigris and Euphrates. With this the G'aiio*
ar-Saa would fall in very well ; but the Pish«
and HaWlah still remain a cnu. That the utf
of Paradise should be located by the Seinitn
and other nations of the East in the cradlc-laal
of their race, and of civilization, namely. Baby-
lonia — a veritable garden in the time of ii>
prosperity, and a land of romance to all whc
took interest in the slTairs of the time — is, afUr
all, one of the most natural things th.it onlil
be expected. Moreover, it is to be noted thtt
modern scholars locate in Southern BabylmU
the city of Eridu or Gumduga, " the good dtT,"
and apparently a type, with ^e Babyloiuus.
of the Eridu, "the good city or divine Pin-
dise under the sea, which they seem to kat^
believed existed, and which those more modem
writers who have located the site of Paraili.-«
beneath the waters seem to have unconscioiEif
imitated. This "good city" was sitaated
within the abyss (abzu, " the abode of know-
ledge "), and, according to the Akkadian era-
tion-story, was made or built " when withia Uii
sea there was a stream," and E-«agila ("tbt
high-headed house ") was founded by the (?>■
Lugal-dn-azaga ("the king of the gloriom
mound "). The abyss (.i6zm) wa» the liode •:
the god of wisdom, Ea or Oannes, and it hsd »
channel (najfru) and a gate (_bilm). Its ki»f
was Ea, and Damkina or Dank^ was the quce-
A special incantor of the abyss was supp**'!
by the Babylonians to exist, and the incanfcitiis
of Eridu, the good city therein, was regarded «
the most precious and effective of all.
It must not be denied, however, that otkr
methods of meeting the difficulty than tins^
above mentioned have been propoted. Soot
ever ready to use the knife, bare unhesitatiagly
pronounced the whole narrative to be a spuiws-
interpolation of a later age (Granville P«i>^
Min. and Mos. Geok p. 184> But, even adsiit-
ting this, the words are not mere unnKUUii?
jargon, and demand ezplanation. Enrald ((«*-
i. 331, note) affirms, and we have only hii vxi
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EDEN
KUKK
851
for it, thnt the tradition originated in the far
East, and that in the course of it« wanderings
the original names of two of the rivers at least
were changed to others with which the Hebrews
vere better acquainted. Hartmann regards it
•s a product of the Babylonian or Persian
period. Luther, rejecting the forced interpreta-
tions on which the theories of his time were
based, gave it as his opinion that the garden
remained under the guardianship of angels till
the time of the Deluge, and that its site was
known to the descendants of Adam ; but that
by the Flood all traces of it were obliterated.
On the supposition that this is correct, there is
still a ditlirulty to be explained. The narrative
is BO worded as to convey the idea that the
countries and rivers spoken of were still existing
in the time of the historian. It has been sug-
gested that the description of the garden of
tden is pnrt of an inspired antediluvian docu-
ment (Morren, Rosenmiiller's Oeogr, i. 92). The
conjecture is beyond criticism ; it is equally
incapable of proof or disproof and has not much
prolHtbility to recommend it. The effects of the
Flood in changing the face of coantries, and
altering the relations of land and water, are too
little known at present to allow any inferences
to be drown from them. Meanwhile, as every
expression of opinion results in a confession of
ignorance, it will be more honest to acknowledge
the difficulty than to rest satisfied with a fic-
titious solution.
The idea of a terrestrial Paradise, the abode of
purity and happiness, has formed an element in
the religious beliefs of all nations. The image
of " Eden, the garden of God," retained its hol«i
upon the minds of the poets and prophets of
IsTttel as a thing of beauty whose joys had
departed (Ezek. xiviii. 13 ; Joel ii. 3), and before
whose gates the cherubim still stood to guard it
from the guilty. Arab legends tell of a garden
in the East, on the summit of a mountain of
Jacinth, inaccessible to man : a garden of rich
soil and equable temperature, well watered,
and abounding with trees and flowers of rare
colours and fragrance. In the centre of Jarobu-
■iwfpa, the middle of the seven continents of
the Puranas, is the golden mountain M^ru,
which stands like the seed-cup of the lotus of
the earth. On its summit is the vast city of
Brahma, renowned in heaven, and encircled by
the Ganges, which, issuing from the foot of
Vishnu, washes the lunar orb, and, falling
thither from the skies, is divided into four
streams, that flow to the four comers of the
earth. These rivers are the Bhadri, or Oby of
Silteria ; the Si'ti, or Hoangho, the great river
of China; the Alakanandi, a main branch of
the Ganges; and the Chakshu, or Oxus. In
this abode of divinity is the Nandana, or grove
of Indra; there too is the Jambn tree, from
whose fruit are fed the waten of the Jambu
river, which give life and immortality to nil
who drink thereof (VwAnu Pardna, trans, by
Wilson, pp. 166-171). The enchanted gardens
of the Chinese are placed in the midst of the
snmmits of Houanlun, a high chain of moun-
tains further north than the Himilaya, and
farther east than Uindukush. The fountain of
immortality which waters these gardens is
(iivided into four streams, the fountains of the
supreme spirit, Tychin. Among the Medo-
Persians the gods' mountain Albordj is the
dwelling of Ormuzd and the good spirits, and
is called " the navel of the waters." The Zend
books mention a region called Heden, and the
place of Zoroaster's birth is called Hedeneah, or,
according to another passage, Airjana Veedjo.
Cp. Dillmann' and Delitzsch (1887) on Gen. /. c.
All these and similar traditions are but mere
mocking echoes of the old Hebrew story, jarred
and broken notes of the same strain ; but, with
all their exaggerations, " they intimate how in
the background of man's visions lay a Paradise
of holy joy, — a Paradise secured from every
kind of profanation, and made inaccessible to
the guilty ; a Paradise full of objects thnt were
calculated to delight the senses and to elevate
the mind ; a Paradise that granted to its tenant
rich and rare immunities, and that fed with its
perennial streams the tree of life and immor-
tality" (Hardwick, Chriit and other Mooters,
pt. ii. p. 133).
In addition to the numerous works already
quoted, the reader who wishes to go still deeper
into the question may consult Fried. Delitzsch's
Wo lag da» Paradietl (Leipzig, 1881), and
Warren's Paradise Found, the Cradle of the
human JSace at the North Pole (Boston, U.S.A.,
1886). [W. A. W.] [T. G. P.]
E'DEN. 1. (QH ; "EJ^/i ; Eden ; omitted by
LXX. in Is. xxxvii. 12 and Ezek. zxvii. 23), one
of the marts which supplied luxurious Tyre
with richly embroidered stufis. It is associated
with Haran, Sheba, and Aashur ; and in Amos
i. 5, Beth-Eden, or "the house of Eden," is
rendered in the LXX. by Xaf^iy. In 2 K.
xix. 12 and Is. xxxvii. 12, " the sons of Eden "
are mentioned with Gozan, Haran, and Rezeph,
as victims of the Assyrian greed of conquest.
Modem criticism identifies it with Bit-'Adini
on the banks of the Euphrates Iwtween Bllis
and Bireg'ik (Schroder, KAT.* p. 327).
2. Beth-Eoek (QH n*|, " house of plea-
sure;" iySpts Xa^^cEy; domus t>oluptatUi), pro-
bably the name of a country residence of the
kings of Damascus (Amos i. 5). Grotius pointed
to the tropctteurot of Ptolemy (v. 15) as the
locality of Eden (see MV."). The ruins of the
village of Jusieh el-Kadimeh are supposed by
Dr. Robinson to mark the site of the ancient
Paradisus, and his suggestion is approved by
Mr. Porter (fiawft. p. 577). [W. A. W.] [F.]
EDEN QlV=pleatantness; LXX. has a dif-
ferent text, K 'ItMii', A. '\»i; Eden). 1. A
Gershonite Levite, son of Joah, in the days of
Hezekiah (2 Ch. xxix. 12). He was one of the
two representatives of his family who took part
in the purification of the Temple.
2. BA. 'Oto^ Also a Levite, contemporary
and probably identical with the preceding, under
Kore the son of Imnah (2 Ch. xxxi. 14, 15).
[W. A. W.] [F.]
E'DEE (I'J}? = a flock ; B. omiU ; A. "EJ-
paiy ; Eder). 1. One of the towns of Judah ia
the extreme south, and on the borders of Edom
(Josh. XV. 21). No certain trace of it has been
discovered in modem times, unless, as has been
suggested, it is identical with Arad, by a
transposition of letters. Conder suggests (_PEF.
3 I 3
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862
EDES
EUOJI
Mem. iii. 236) Kh. el-'Addr, 5 miles S. of Gaza;
and is followed by Tristi-am, Bible Places, p. 11.
2. 'ES4p; Eder. A Levite of the family of
Werari, in the time of David (1 Ch. xxiii. '2H,
xxiv. 30). [G.] [W.]
E'DES (B. 'HJiJi, A. 'HSoti; Sctlini), 1 EsJ.
ix. 35 ; one of those who put away his " strange "
wife. [Jadau.] [F.]
ED'NA CESfo, i.e. nTVO = pleasure ; Anna),
the wife of Raguel (TobJ vii. 2, 8, 14, 16; viii.
12; X. 12; li. 1). [B. F. W.]
EDOM, rDUJIEA or IDUltfAEA (DhK
= ruddy. The R. V. correctly gives Edom for
Idnmea, in Is. xxxir. 5, 6, Ezek. xxxv. 15 and
xxxri. 5. In LXX. 'E}<i/i ; in N. T. 'Uou/iala,
Mark iii. 8 only).
The mountain country, on the east side of the
'Arabah, or open valley between the Dead Sea
and the Gulf of 'Akabah, is so called in the 0. T.
The term is nsually equivalent to Mount Seir
(Tire'), "the rough mountain." It is generally
supposed that the name Edom, or "ruddy," is
connected with the colour of the snndstone and
volcanic rocks of which these mountains mainly
consist, and which is remarkable in contrast with
the white of the neighbouring chalk districts.
The name Edom, however, is given to Esau (Gen.
XXV. SA^xxvi. 1 and 8), and the reason is stated
(Gen. iiv. 30) in the words, "And Esau said
to Jacob, Feed me, I pray thee, with the red
(pottage), this red (jxttaje, R. V. marg.), for I
am faint : therefore was his name called Edom."
In a previous verse (f. 25) w« read that Esau
was red from his birth, and the word Scir
(" rough " or " hairy ") is also applied — with a
different pointing — to Esau (I'VCi Gen. xxvii.
1 1, 23 ; see Gesen. Lex.). Esau is also called
" the father of Edom " (Gen. rxxvi. 9, 43), '• in
Mount Seir," and Josephus also connects Esau
and Seir (Ant. i. 18, § 1).
The exact boundaries of Edom are only to be
deduced from incidental notices, and from the
special meaning of the Hebrew words describing
the region. In the earliest notice of Mount Seir
it appears to be adjacent to the " plain of
Paran " (Gen. xiv. 6), " which is by the wilder-
ness." It appears that this region was not in
Canaan (Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 6), and in the
latter passage the Peshitto reads, " Esau . . . went
into the country of Seir." The 'Arabah itself
was not in Edom, as appears from another pas-
sage (Deut. ii. 8), where it is noticed that Israel,
being denied a way through Edom, " turned and
passed " " through the way of the 'Arabah," in
order to " compass the land of Edom " (Jndg. li.
18; see R. V.). Mount Hor, which Josephus
places where it is still shown near Petra, was on
the border of Edom (Num. xx. 2.3), or "in the
edge of the land of Edom " (xxxiii. 37), and
Kadesh-barnea was "a city in the uttermost
of thy (the Edomites) border " (Num. xx. 16).
Jewish and Christian traditions place this city
at Rekem or Petra (Targum of Onkelos on
Num. xxxiv. 4 ; Eoseb. in OS.* p. 269, 4, s. v.,
and Peshitto of same passage) ; but its locality
is still matter of controversy. No passage in
the 0. T., however, connects Edom with any
localities west of the 'Arabah. On the north it
appears that the boundary between Edom and
Moab was the river .\rnon (Judg. xi. 18), but
the line seems to have varied at various historic
periods (cp. Num. xxi. 13, 21). On the north-
west Edom bordered on the tribe of Jodali in
the wilderness of Zln, near the Dead Sea and
the ascent of Acrabbim (Josh. xv. 1, 21). It
was here apparently that border contests oc-
curred in the Valley of Salt (or " salt brook,"
2 Sam. viii. 13, 14; 2 K. xiv. 7 ; 1 Ch. ivUi. 12.
The Peshitto brings these passages into accord
by reading Edomtte DIN for Syrian CIS
in the first— t. 13). The Valley of Salt vis
thus apparently the northern part of the
'Arabah (where 'Ain McWiy, " the salt spring,"
is still known), west of Petra. The distance from
Hqreb or Sinai "by way of Mount Seir" to
Kadesh-barnea is given (Deut. i. 2) as elevei
days' journey.
The various terms applied to this region a|^
with its mountainous character. The land '>t
Seir is called the country of Edom (Gen. xiiii.
8, rnB", I.e. plain field or plateau), appsrentlt
with reference to the platean above the rugjeJ
slopes on the east : the same term is also ren-
dered " field " (A. V. Judg. v. 4): the "wilder-
ness of Edom " is also mentioned (2 K. iii. S ;
Josephus, Ant. ii. 3, § 1), and Mount Seir (Gee
xiv. 6, xxxvi. 8, 9; Deut. i. 2; Josh. iiiv. 4;
Ezek. XXXV. 5) is constantly connected whli
Edom, and is called " the Mount of Esau " bv
Obadiah (cr. 1, 8, 9, 19, 21). The raggei
character of the country is noticed in the latter
prophet, and also by Jeremi.nh (xlii. 16), *0
thou that dwellest in the clefts of the rock,
that boldest the height of the hill."
At a later period the term Gabla, or Gebaleoe,
meaning "mountainous," is applied to EJom,
and still survives in the name el-Jebil (iJU^ >
" the hills "), applying to the district roaaJ
Petra. Eusebius and Jerome both identify
Edom with Gebalene near Petra (see the pas-
sages quoted by Reland, Pai. Ulusir., p. 71).
The Jerusalem Targum reads, N733T miC,
" Mount of Gabla," for Mount Seir : in De«t
xxxiii. 2, the Samaritan Version also reads n^3I
for Seir. Josephus includes Gobolitis in Idume*
(Ant. ii. 1, § 2, ro0o\iris) : in the Onoiiria»(»u«
this is rendered r«;3aXi)H) by Eusebius (OS*
p. 266, 84). In another passage Josephus i»«-
tious Edomites and Gebalites (raPa^erir, AnL
ix. 9, § 1). From a i>as5age in Jeremiah (Lam.
iv. 21) it appears that the land of Ux was ia
Edom (cp. Jer. xiv. 20) ; and Ux (]*«?) has hta
compared with the name 'j1i«/ {.ijoS^ fW*
was that of a deity adored by the early Anb
tribes of this region with Sofair, whose name i>
r.idically the same as Seir. In Gen. xxxvi. 'A
(Jz is mentioned as an early inhabitant of £ii«a
(cp. Gen. X, 23 and xxii. 21X Eusebius and
.lerome mention this identification of Ausitis <r
Uz with Gebalene or Edom (see Reland, f^
Jllustr. p. 71), and many circnnutances hntt
this view as to the country of Job (i. 1).
The names of towns in Edom mentioned m tlx
Old Testament, so far as the sites are kso*^
favour the restriction of the dbtrict to lit
region east of the 'Arabah. Tie aituatioiu "l
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EDOU
Aritli, Dinhabah, Dizahab, Hasrekah, and Pau
or Pai are unknown (see nnder those heads) ; but
SeUh ("the rock") or Joktheel is believed to
be the later Petra (see 2 K. xiv. 7). Elath and
Eiion-geber, the southern ports of £dom, were
>t the head of the Gulf of 'Akabah (see Deot. ii.
i\ and are stated to hare been " in the land of
Edom" in Solomon's time (1 K. ii. 26). The
old capital of Edom was Bozrah (Oen. xxxri. 33 ;
is. iixir. 6, Ixiii. 1 ; Jer. xlix. 13, 22 ; Amos i.
11), and was found by Burckbardt at Buxirah,
on the plateau of Mount Seir, 25 miles south
of Kerak, in Moab. Punon appears to have
Iwen in the same re^on (Nam. xxxiii. 42), and
Tophel (Deut. i. 1) is the present TuftUh, N.E.
of Petra. Teroan, an important Edomite town
(Orta. xixvi. m ; Job iv. 1 ; Ezek. xxv. 13 ;
.\mc« i. 12), which is sometimes mentioned in
Connexion with Uozrah, is not identified, though
said by Jerome to have been 5 miles from
Petra. The Maonites (Judg. x. 12) also appear
to hare dwelt at Maon (now JlWin) in Kdom,
if the osnal reading be correct.
Several direct statements in the Old Testament
>lso show that no part of the land of Edom fell
vithin the limits of the land of Israel. Exau
Ku to be left in possession of his own country,
although in the days of David and of Solomon
the Edomites were subjected for a time. In
Denteronomy we read, " for I will not give you
of their land, no, not so much as a foot breadth ;
because I have given Mount Seir unto Esau fur
a posMSsion " (l>eut. ii. 5 ; cp. Josh. xxiv. 4).
It appears clear, therefore, that the possessions
of the tribe of Simeon, west of the 'Arabah, in
the Tih plateau, were not in the country belong-
ing to the Edomites. When, however, we turn
to the later Greek and Roman periods, we find
that the term Idnmea has a much wider appli-
cation than the ancient Edom ; which is natural,
since the power of the Edomite was at this time
mach increased. Josephns includes in Idnmea
not only Gebalene or Gobolitis, but also Amale-
kitls,or the Amalekite country, which was in
the Tih, west of the 'Arabah. Thus he states
tliat the lot of Simeon was " that part of Idnmea
which bordered upon Egypt and Arabia "
{Antlq. V. 1, § 22) ; and in another passage he
•tates that Idumea was a large country in-
clnding the Amalekite region (Ant. ii. 1, § 2).
This extended application of the term Idumea
first meets us in the First Book of Maccabees.
The border contests between Hebrews and
Edomites, in the 2nd century B.C., occurred
even in the hills north of Hebron. Bethsura
(now Beit Sir) was the Jewish outpost (1 Hacc.
ir. 15, 29, 61), and Hebron was an Idumean
city (1 Mace. v. 65). Josephus gives as further
information to the same effect, for it appears
that not only Hebron, but Dora (Dura) and
Uarissa (Jfer'asA), were Idumean cities (Antiq.
lii- 8, § 6; xiii. 9, § 1;—W,trs, iv. 9, § 7),
thns carrying the border to the line from Beit
Jibrin to 'Beit SAr, and including all the Hebron
hills in Idumea. Jerome accepts this larger
definition in connexion with Beit Jibrtn (see
Electiieropolis), and says that "all the
eoothem region of the Edomites from Eleuthero-
polis a« far as Petra and Elath " was the posses-
sion of Esau (see Reland, Pal. Illustr. p. 72). The
geographer Ptolemy also, in the 2nd century A.D.,
enaraerates five cities of Idumea, including
KDOM
853
Elousa, or Khalaaah, in the Tih district, west of
the 'Arabah. Many classical writers speak of the
Idumeans without distinguishing them from the
Jews, which was not unnatural in an age when
the Idume.in dynasty was ruling in Jerusalem
(Virg. Oeorg. iii. 12; Juv. Sat. viii. 160; Stat.
Si/h. i. 6, v. 2 ; Mart. II. y;)>i</. 2, x. 50 ; Val.
Flac Argonaut, i. 12 ; see Keland, pp. 49 and
462). Thus with the rise of Edomite power,
culminating in the accession of Herod the Great
(see the next article), the old meaning of Edom,
"the red land," was forgotten, and the whole
country south of the Jerusalem hills, including
the western as well as the eastern deserts, came
to be included under the name Idumea, although
no region west of the 'Arabah presents the ruddy
sandstone mountains which rise to the cast of
that natural highway.
The topography of Edom is still very im-
perfectly known. Of the towns mentioned in
the Old Testament, as we have seen above, only
four out of about a dozen are identified ; and we
are little better off in treating of those which
existed in the Roman and Byzantine ages, when
the Arab trade from the port of Lenke Kome, at
the mouth of the Gulf of 'Akabah, extended
northwards to Damascus and westwards from
Petra to Gaza and to Egypt (Strabo, xvi. 4, 24).
Military stations existed along the great Roman,
road, still strewn with milestones, which ran
along the plateau of Edom ; and in Christian
days the Metropolitan of Petra had under him
bishops of the Edomite villages. Arindela, one
of these bishoprics, is probably the present ruin
Ghurundel, on the plateau' north of Petra.
Dhana, a village visited by Burckhardt, on a
declivity of the same plateau, is no doubt the
Thana, or Thoana, of Ptolemy ; and the spring
of V$dakah is probably the Zadagatha of the
Peutinger Tables, 18 Roman miles south of
Petra, and the episcopal see of Zodocatha in
the 5th century A.d. (see Robinson, Bth. Sea.
ii. 117, 168). Bozrah had then iU Metro-
politan, but the greater part of the bishoprics
have names not to be discovered, especially as
the tests are much corrupted in the ecclesias-
tical lists. The Roman military stations, where
native archers and foreign cohorts were quartered,
included Elath and Arindela, and the old city of
Teman, with Bozrah and Zodocatha and other
unknown places (see Keland, Pal. III., p. 230).
The Crusaders, who opened up again this trade
route with the south, built the strong castle of
Montreal at Shobek, north of Petra ; and Renaud
of Cbatillon held the road from his great fortress
of Kerak, east of the Dead Sea, to Elath, or
'AliabaA, with stations at Tophel (TafUeh) and
at M'aan, then called Ahamant. Petra was then
known by the name which it still bears, "the
Valley of Moses" (Wadu Miaa), on account of
the tradition which regarded the Sik or " gorge "
leading to Petra as having been cloven by the
rod of Moses, arising out of the identification of
Petra, as above mentioned, with Kadesh-barnea.
With the decay of civilisation the settled
places in Edom fell into ruins, and even the site
of Petra was forgotten and supposed to be at
Kerak, until the famous ruins were rediscovered
in 1812 by Burckhanlt. It would seem that in
the 12th century there was some cultivation
round Petra, the chroniclers describing extensive
6g and olive gardens (Rev, Colonics Fivmques,
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854
EDOM
p. 397). At the present day there are only a
few mud boiucs in one or two miserable hamlets,
and orer the rest of the region the nomadic
Arabs hold sway. The northern district near
Petra is known as el-Jebdl, and the southern
mountains as esh-Sherah, a word which has no
connexion with the Hebrew Seir. It is worthy
of notice in passing that the village of et-J(/,
close to Petra, probably preserves the Hebrew
tfi (valley or brook), whence the name " Rekem
of the brook," already noticed as given to Petra,
was derived. Josephus gives this old name of
Petra as still surviving In his day in the forms
Arecem {Ant. iv. 7, § 1) and Arce (,Ant. iv. 4, § 1).
In the Commentary, Siphrt, the same place is
called mjm Dp^, " Rekem of Hagrah."
The district of which the limits hare thus
been noted has an important history, noticed in
the succeeding article. It remains to give an
account of its physical features, which have
been recently examined by Dr. Hull {PEF.
Mem. 1886). It is in this region that the Nubian
sandstone, which furms the base beds of the
Lebanon and appears on the east of the Jordan
Valley and of the Dead Sea, becomes the prin-
cipal constituent of the mountain slopes. The
mountains extend about 100 miles south of
the Dead Sea, with a maximum width of 20
.miles between the 'Arabah and the plateau of
Mount Seir. The highest ridges approach to
some 4000 feet above the Mediterranean level,
so that when they are covered with snow they
can be distinctly seen from Jerusalem (a fact
which is noted by Josephus, Wars, v. 4, § 3). The
'Arabah itself falls northwards and southwards
from a watershed 650 feet above the Medi-
terranean, south of Petra, to sea-level at
'Akabah, and to the Dead Sea level (1292 feet
lower) on the north. The old Red Sea shore
line within historic times was perhaps further
north than at present, for the mud flats extend
20 miles inland to 'Ain QhiidiaTi, in which
name Robinson recognises that of Gzion in Ezion-
geber. Palms flourish on the east side of the
valley at this point, as also at 'Akabah, near
which Elath is supposed to have stood. The
soil of the 'Arabah consists mainly of gravel in
the higher part, giving place on the north to
lacustrine marls like those of the Jordan Valley,
and to the alluvial deposits of the Dead Sea shore.
The great fault in the strata, which forms the
Jordan Valley, runs south, on the east side of
the 'Arabah. Thus the foot hills of Edoro, close
to the 'Arabah, are of the same calcareous lime-
stone which forms the Tih plateau, west of the
valley. Beyond these the sandstone rises
abruptly in rugged mountains, which the
underlying granite and porphyry, veined with
dykes of basalt and felstone, and belonging to
the system of the Sinaitic region, break through,
and present crags which recall the Hebrew
name Seir, or " rugged." Mount Hor, a double-
peaked, isolated mountain formed by the up-
heaval of the sandstone, rises to about 3,000 feet
above the Mediterrane.tn, west of the Petra
hollow, and on the east the strata rise in higher
steps, capped by the chalky limestone, which
forms the plateau of Edom and of Moab, stretching
eastward into the desert. The Tih plateau rises
only to about 1800 feet above the Mediterranean,
so that the elevation of Mount Seir appears
considerable, not only from the valley, but also
EDOM
from the western desert, while the vsriejsted
hues of the sandstone and granite, contnst«d
with the white chalk, appear to give a natural
explanation of the old name Edom, or "red."
The Edomite mountains are deficientlr tip-
plied with water. Springs occur it consider-
able intervals near the edge of the pUttaii,
and along the course of the principal ralleti,
such as Wady Ghvuceir. The brook »t Petr.-i,
and '.iin Delaghah further south, spring dote
to the outcrop of the sandstone, beneath tii«
porous limestone ; and further south, where the
mountains are granitic, the springs rise in tlw
'Arabah itself. The old road from 'Aksbah.
leading over the plateau to Petia, has tmxi
posts along it, which were supplied byciit«ni.s
W»p of Edom.
and only one spring is known on this loctt.
namely the 'Ain el- UsdaMa, already mentionti i>
a Roman station.
The climate of this desert region is heilthT.
and a considerable population has always ra>e^'
among the mountains. In winter there is aw^
on the plateau, but the presence of palms ia tl(
'Arabah marks a region where severe frosts do ifi
occur. In the Petra gorge, thickets of olea*'
exist, with wild figs and tamarisks amonc tkt
rocks ; and creeping vines hang from the di^
The mountains are barren and treeless, th« p^^
cipal desert shrub being the white broom nlW
"juniper " in the English Version, but still pc
serving its Hebrew name as mentioned in •''*
(xxx. 4). It is said by Tristram (Nat. HH. «'
Bible, p. 359) to be specially frequent if
Petra. The fauna and flora of the Book cf J>
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ED0M1TE8
EDOMITES
855
are indeed, generally speaking, those of the
deserts of Moab and Edom. The waterless con-
dition of the desert of Edom is also specially
mentioned in the Old Testament, on the occasiun
when the kings of Judah, Israel, and l^om made
a circuit of seven days' march, and attacked
Moab, probably travelling along the old highway
by which Israel had advanced (2 K. iii. 9).
The standard authorities on this region are
Reland's Paiatina (as quoted above), Burck-
hardt's Travels in Syria, Laborde's Voyaqe,
Robinson's Biblical Researches, Irby and Mangles'
Tratcls : to these may now be added Prof. Hull's
Mount Seir, giving the latest scientific infor-
mation, and his Memoir on the geology of the
region already noticed. See also J>T. Clay Trum-
bnll's KaJesh liamea. [C. R. C]
EDOMITES (nphK, Deut. iiiii. 8, and fem.
pi. ni»91K, 1 K. xi.''l; leT? V?, Dent. ii. 4 :
'Itovtuioi), the inhabitants of Edom. The
aborigines were the "children of Seir" or
Horites (Gen. xiv. 6 ; xxxvi. 20), who, according
to the nsual translation of the latter word (*'in,
" care man," from lin, " cave "), were dwellers
in holes or caverns, like the Troglodytes whom
Strabo mentions east of the Red Sea (xvi. 4, 17).
1'he soil sandstone of Edom was easily burrowed,
and Jerome (inObad.) speaks ofthe Idumeans as in
his time dwelling in cares, on account ofthe heat
— a practice still usual throughout Syria among
the poorest class of the popnlation. At a very
early period we find mention of an attack on
these cave men by the Chaldeans and Elamites
from the east (Gen. xiv. 6). The nationality
of these early Edomites is not stated. They
possessed some kind of organisation under chiefs
(D»W^K, "leaders," Gesen. Lex.: "dukes" in
S. V. and R. V. Uxt, In R. V. marg. chitfs;
also used of other leaders, Jer. liii. 21, Zech.
ix. 7, xii. 5, 6) whose names appear to be
Semitic, and who were of the Bene Seir (Gen.
xxxvi. 20) : to one of these (v. 24) was due the
discovery of hot springs (see R. V.) in the desert.
The Horites were destroyed by the Bene Esau,
who attacked them from the west (Deut. ii. 12 ;
cp. Gen. ixxii. .3 and xxxvi. 6, 8), and who were
of mixed race, Hebrew and Canaanite, the wives
of Esau being Hittites and Hirites(Gen. xxxvi. 2).
It would seem that the Horites were Hivitcs,
and allied to Esau by marriage, if we may judge
from the names Zibeon and Anah (cp. rt). 2
and 20); while another of Esau's wives was a
Nabathean (v. 4) or Ishmaelite — a people who
also somewhat later became powerful in Edom.
The sons of Esau also had their " dukes " (Gen.
xxxvi. 40-43), and the same chapter gives us
the names of early kings of Edom (0*370)
" before there reigned any king over the children
of Israel " (c. 31) : they appear to have been
petty monarchi, like those encountered by the
Aasyrians, and came from different dties, if not
of different families. Of these cities some (such
as Bozrah and Teman) were in Edom ; but Saul
of " Rehoboth by the river " seems to have come
from the town of that name on the Euphrates
(cp. Gen. X. 12), and it is not stated whether
these kings were sons of Esau or not (cp. 1 Ch. i.
43-54). At the period of the Exodus we find
Edom governed by a king (Num. xx. 14 ; Judg.
xi. 17, 18), and in the time of David and Solamon
there was a royal house (1 K. xi, 14) with a
name (Hadad) for one prince which also belongs
to a prince of the earlier period (Hadad, son of
Bedad) ; after Edom was subdued by David, the
king appears still to have ruled as an ailied
tributary (2 K. iii. 8, 12), and such monarcha
claimed independence when possible (2 K. viii.
20).
Esau is called the " father of Edom " (Gen.
xxxvi. 9 and 43), and in Deuteronomy the
relationship to the Hebrews is insisted on (Deut.
ii. 4-5): an Edomite was not to be abhorred like
a Canaanite (Deut. xxiii. 7) ; yet in a later age
great mutual hatred appeal-s to have arisen,
and wars were of constant occurrence between
Hebrews and Edomites. The " dukes " of Edom
are mentioned as unfriendly as early as the time
of the Song of Moses (Ex. xv. 15) ; and the king
of Edom refused a passage to Israel (Num. xx.
14-21)^ and armed to protect the .road, thus
forcing the Hebrews to make a long detour by
Elath and the eastern deserts, before reaching
the border-land of the Amorites.
Some light seems to be thrown on the early
history of the Edomites by the early Egyptian
records. It is thonght by Chabas and by
Brugsch that the country Adma or Atiana, near
Egypt ( A cS>Xs^ f\/\/) ; Chabas, Voyai/e,
p. 307), was Edom. It is mentioned as early as
the Twelfth Dynasty (see Records of the Past, vi.
pp. 135-150 ; and Brugsch, Hist. i. pp. 146, 216).
The inhabitants are called Shasu — apparently a
Semitic word for " nomads " (see Gesen. Lex.
ttt^: "to stray"). The Shasu were found
even in Northern Syria, but one of their tribei
were the Saaru, whose name Chabas compare!
with Seir (Recherches, p. 50 : see Pierret, Vocab.
p. 457). 'The Egyptians called the Shasu chiefs
Mahautu (Chabas, Voyage, p. 146) or " leaders,"
equivalent to the Hebrew term rendered "dukes"
in the English Version. The accounts which we
have of the Shasu agree with the Biblical notices
of Ishmael's lawless life, and of Esau's living by
his sword ; for they are represented in the time
of Rameses II. as brigands seeking to waylay the
Egyptian officials. Possibly, also, the " ofBcer
of the &-ir-ru-u," which people appear to
be mentioned on the Tell Amama tablets
(1430 B.C.) as being near " the entrance to the
land of Egypt," may be connected with the
dukes of Seir. The relationa existing at that
time between the kings of Mesopotamia and the
Egyptians serve to illustrate the yet earlier
incursions of the Chaldeans into Mount Seir —
already noted — when the Jordan Valley towni
were made tributary to the Chaldean king.
The establishment of a kingdom in Palestine
was soon followed by conflicts with the Edomites.
Saul attacked them (1 Sam. xiv. 47), and David
subdued them (2 Sam. viii. 13) and "got him a
name," when, after defeating them in the Valley
of Salt (as explained in the preceding article),
he put garrisons in Edom. The heading of
Ps. Ix. refers to this victory, and the words of
Gen. xivii. 40 agree with this subjection of the
sons of Esau to the sons of Jacob. Hadad of the
Edomite royal house fled, as we are told, while
Joab wa* burying the dead (1 K. xi. 14X and
became an adversary to Solomon, who continned
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856
EDOMITES
to hold Edom, and bnilt his fleets at the Edomite
port of Ezion-geber (1 K. ix. 26 ; 2 Ch. viii. 17).
Some of hU wives also were Edomite princesses
(1 K. xi. 1).
With the decay of the power of the kings of
Judah, troubles in Edom coiucide. In the reign
of Jehoshaphat (about 890 B.C.) a joint attack on
Moab was made, from the south of Edom, by the
allied kings of Judah, Israel, and Edom (2 K.
iii.) ; but this appears to hare failed, and was
followed by the victories of Mesha, king of Moab,
recorded on the Moabite Stone. In Chronicles
(2 Ch. XX. 10-30) we read of a combined
attack on Judah by Hoabites, Ammonites, and
" Mount Seir," not occurring in Edom, but north
of Hebron, on the edge of the desert, at Berauiih
(t>. 27), now Breikut, where Jehoshaphat was
victorious. This apparently explains the abrupt
ending of the account in the parallel passage
(2 K. iii. 27): "And there came great wrath
upon Israel " (see K. V.). King Joram not long
after endeavoured to quell the revolt of Edom,
passing over to Zair(Seir, according to Vulgate),
but was surrounded and had to cut bis way out
at night (2 K. viii. 21, 22), "so Edom revolted
from under the hand of Judah unto this day."
At the close of the 9th century, however,
Amaziah succeeded in re-asserting the power of
Judah. He fought the Edomites ns Itovid had
done in the Valley of Salt, and took Sela or
Petra (2 K. xiv. 7 ; cp. Pss. Ix. 8 and cxxxvii.
7).* The Book of Chronicles adds that Amaziah
killed the Edomites by throwing them from the
" top of the rock " {Sela, 2 Ch. xiv. 12) ; and
brought back with him the gods of the children
of Seir (as the Babylonians also used to remove
the idols from conquered cities), which he after-
wards himself adored (v. 14). Josephus speaks
of an Idumean god called Koze (^nf. xv. 7, § 9),
from whom the name of the Idumean Costobarus
was taken. In cuneiform records (as will be
seen below), Kaus Malka and Kaus Gabri are
Edomite names. At Cyrene, a Greek inscription
has been found with the words KOZBAPAKOZ
MAAIXOY lAOYMAIOS;, showing that this
deity Ko(f or Koffh was the chief Idumean god.
The same name has been compared with that of
a Nabathean god, Wp, and of a town in Edom,
and the Aral» appear to have preserved this (as
(C'J or _ 5), calling the rainbow the " bow
of Kozah " (Lenormant, Lettres Assyr. ii. 119).
We are thus not without information as to the
Edomite gods (cp. Bathgen, Beitr. z. Sent.
JieligionsgeschuAte, p. 10, &c.).
About the middle of the 8th century B.C. we
find Uzziah still holding Elath in the extreme
south of Edom, having " restored it to Judah "
(2 K. xiv. 22), but this was the last of Jewish
supremacy. Tiglath-pileser II., king of Assyria
(2 K. XV. 29), about 743 B.C. records in his
Annals that he made Kaus Malka king of Edom
tributary, after having shut into his capital
Kezon or Kezin, the Syrian king of Damascus ;
but on the retreat of the Assyrians Rezin re-
covered power, and took El.ith from the king of
Judah (2 K. xvi. 6) : the Syrians (or Edomites,
• The expression " over Edom will I cast my shoe "
is illustrated bjr Egyptian sandals which have been
found, with pictures of enemies bound together, and
thus daily trodden under foot by the wearer.
EDOMITES
according to the Hebrew margin and maay MSS
— also the LXX. and Vulgate) then carat to
Elath and drove out the Jews " unto this day.''
Some ten years later Ahaz, who was a tributary
of Assyria, appealed for help against £<lomiie
incursions, in which captives (or dasghter>)
were taken from Judah (2 Ch. xxviiL 17). Whh
the close of the 8th century ILC Seuuciierib.
besieging Hezekiah, was received by the various
petty kings inimical to Judah as a master, aiul
Airamnm, king of Edom, is mentioged is his
records as a tributary ; while thirty yeus later
iCsarhaddon received tribute from ivans Gsbri of
Edom (see Schroder, KA T.' in loot). Tbe*
ICdomite names — Costobarus, Kosbarakos, Kaus
iMalka, and Kaus Gabri, all taken probably from
the national deity — are poasibly comparaUe vith
the Hebrew Knshaiah (-liTOTp), " the bo* of
Jehovah."
The cuneiform inscriptions serve to fill op »
gap in the history of Edom during the reign of
Manasseh. There was at this period a gnwtal
upheaval of the Arabs, who, forced nortbwanls
probably by the pressure of population, abom
650 B.C. attacked Assyria (though ansuroess-
fully) and overran Edom, Moab, and the Hauru,
advancing even to Hamath. This sndden sucteis
of the Arab king Vaita, whose line of adnan
was the same afterwards followed by Omar, «is
however soon checked. A parallel attack bf
Arabs and Babylonians and Elamites reroltisf
from Assyria w.is repulsed by Assur-bani-jel a
648 B.C., and Vaita was driven back totraids
Edom. He sought refuge with the Nabatbein
king, Nathan, who appeal^ to have gives him
up to the Assyrians. This Arab outbreak wis
put down with great cruelty by Assyria, bat it
marks the commencement of a northward move-
ment of the inhabitants of the Nejed, wiiicii
continued century by century — the base of
attack on Palestine being always in Edom.
In the time of Nebuchadnezzar Edom, still
ruled by a king (Jer. xxvii. 3). was attacked br
the Chaldeans about 582 B.C., but the Nabatbesa
power in this region appears to have becww
strong during the troubles which preceded tiir
fall of Babylon ; and the denunciations of the
prophets show how unfriendly the Edomites were
to Judah during all the later times of her kinp
(Is. xxxiv. 5-8, Ixiii. 1-4 ; Jer. ilii. 17 : Iak.
iv. 21; Ezek. xxv. 13, 14; Amos i. 11, 12:
Obad. V. 10).
During the Greek period we have one noticf
of the history of Edom ; for in 312 B.C. A«l>-
gonus, one of Alexander's successors, attadteJ
the Nabatheans in Petra in two expediting
(Diodoms Siculus, xii. 94-98). These childrsi
of Nebaioth (Gen. xxr. 13 ; Is. Ix. 7) eitendcl
their sway, according to Josephus. from the Bfl
Sea to the Euphrates (Ant. i. 12, § 4), and wen
already beginning to trade. Their kingdom cf
Arabia Petraea had its centre at Petra, in Edosu
and we have already seen that they were illieJ
by birth to the Edomites. The names of tlxir
kings — such as Aretas and Otiodss — were Senatie,
the former being the Arabic Haris or Hir^
a common name for Arab legendary heroes
The Hosmonean chiefs in Jndea warred ipi^
Edom, but were apparently friendly with tk;
Nabatheans in Moab and Gilead (1 Maoc v. ii;
ix. 35). Judas Maccabaens defeated the Idnmv-'
on the old battle-lield by the ascent of Akrsbisn
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EDOMITES
(1 Uacc T. 3) ; but, as noticed in the lajit
article, the IJuinean iwwer now extended to
Bethsora, north of Hebron (1 Mace. ir. 29, 61).
Hyrcanoi toolc Dora and Marissa, and compelled
the Idumeana to become circumcised about
130 B.C. (_Ant, xiii. 9, § 1) ; so that, as Josepbus
sayt (and ai classical writers appear also to have
thought), " they were hereaiter no other than
Jews." In 93 B.C. Alexander Jannaeus was de-
feated by Obodas, the Arab {Ant. xiii. 13, § 5 ;
Wars, i. 4, § 4) ; and the Nabathean rulers, eren
in 166 B.C., seem to bare ruled as far as
Dsmascus (2 Mncc. t. 8). The names Obodas
ud Aretas are found as those of Arab kings in
DunascuB and in Petra, in the 2nd and 1st
Koturies B.C. (Ant. xiii. 13, § 5, 15, §§ I, 2 ;
in . 1, § 4 ;— Wart, i. 4, §§ 4, 7, 8 ; i. 6, § 2 ; I)io
Cass, xxxrii. 15). In 63 B.C. Scaurus was sent by
I'oiupey against Petra : he was aided with sup-
)>lies by the Idumean Antipater, and levied a fine
on Aretas (Ant. xiv. 5, § 1) : immediately after
the death of Pompey, Costabarus the Idumean
was made governor of Idumea and Gaza by Herod,
beiug one of the old priestly family who adored
Koze. He was, however, afterwards suspected
and slain by the tyrant (Ant. xv. 7, § 9).
The astuteness of the Idumean Antipater, who
took the side of the Komans, led to the extension
«f Uumean rule over the whole of Palestine, in
the person of his son Herod the Great. Augustus,
however, bestowed the kingdom of Edora on
Aeneas or Aretas (Aut. xvi. § 9, 4 ; 10, § 9 : xvii.
0, § 2). Antipater's father had ruled Idumea
under Alexander Jannaeus, and he himself was
a prominent figure in Jewish politics, becoming
I'rocurator under Julius Caesar. His daughter
.""alome was the wife of Costabarus, whom she
Jirorced : to his grandson Archelaus, the
Koman province, including Samaria, Judea, and
I'iomea, was given by Rome in con6rmation of
H«iod's will. The Idumeans also played a part
in the history of the great revolt, besieging
^l>inaa in Jerusalem '( Wars, ii. 3, § 1 ), and form-
ing a very important faction in the same city
daring the siege ( Wars, iv. 1, § 5, and iv. 4, §§ 4,
5, &c. : cp. A7tt. xiv. 1, § 3, 8, § 5 ; xv. 7, § ;
irii. U, §4; Wars, i. 8,§1).
Coins of the kings of Petra and of Nabathean
ineens exist, from the time of the Hasmoneans
down to the days of Pompey and Herod, and as
late as Trajan. About thirty types are known
ttiththe names Malchus, Aretas, Dabel, Gamalith
and Sycaminth (Levy, ZDMG. xiv. 363-480);
and the Ntibathean alphabet, which was of
Aramean origin, is known from these, and from
the later inscriptions of the Sinaitic desert
(Taylor, Hist. Alph. i. 330). Coins of Petra
also occur after the annexation of Idumea to
Home, which occurred in 105 a.d. in the time
"f Trajan, being effected by Cornelius Palma,
then Governor of Syria (Dio Cass. Ixviii. 14).
tight of these coins have been described, three
with the name of Hadrian, one of Marcus
Anrelius and Verus, two of Septimius Severus,
and two of Geta : they ^generally bear on the
reverse the words *ASf»u^ ntV/w Mi)Tpi$iroXis
(see authorities in Robinson, Bib. Res. ii. p. 170).
Daring this period the Nabatheans of Petra,
mentioned by Pliny (H. N. vi. 28 and 32), were
•ningUd with Ramans and lived peacefully under
the law (Strnbo, xvi. 4, § 21). .It is to this period
'hat the celebrated Roman remains of Petra are
EDOMITKS
857
to be ascribed, together with many other im-
portant cities in Syria: Strabo calls Petra the
Nabathean metropolis.
The Edomite or Nabathean population shared
the trading prosperity of Syria under the
Romans ; Strabo speaks of the merchandise from
the Gulf of 'Akabah which was carried to Petra
and thence to Rhinocolura (et-Arish) for the
west (xvi. 4, § 24). The military stations in
Kdom were held by levies from Asia, Europe, and
Africa, the Alpine cohort being stationed on the
Amon, and the Galatians at Ghurnndal, with
Carthaginians at Bozrah (cp. Keland, Pal,
pp. 230-232). Christianity penetrated into
this region early, and Germanus was Bishop of
Petra in 359 a.d. (Council of Seleucia) and
Theodorus in 536 a.d. (Council of Jerusalem) :
cp. Le Quien, Oriens Christ, iii. 725; Rob. ,£16.
lies. ii. 170. The Christians of Elath paid
tribute to Muhammad in 6^0 A.D., and those of
liozrah to Abu Bekr in 634 A.D. (Abu el Feda's
Annals quoted by Robinson, Sib. l!es. ii. 162).
The Nabathean texts of Sinaitic Idumea
belong to the Christian period (3rd and 4th
cent. A.D. : Levy, ZDMG. xiv.X and are often
marked with the cross ; but these and earlier
texts from the Haurtn also show (as do Patristic
accounts) that the Paganism of Arabia flourished
side by side with Christianity among the
Edomites; and indeed to the present day the
Arabs of £dom and Moab remain almost pagan.
Robinson remarks on their sacrifices (still
offered) and on their marking camels with
crosses from the blood of a kid, offered to secure
the health of the Bedouin livestock. The chief
Edomite deities of the Roman and Arab age were
Dushera, whose name occurs in Nabathean texts,
even as far north as Bnshnn and Sidon (K^l^ ;
ij. .*M ,i ; ^ouaifni<i),ti.nA the goddess calle<l
Khabou by Epiphanius /^UJtx3\): an annual
festival of the two was held at Petra, and Suidas
(s. r. Btvirifnt) says that Dushera was re-
presented by a black stone 4 feet high and 2
feet broad. The Meccan foddess Khalasah
(nV7n on Sinaitic texts, jjaiaC ) appears,
according to Tuch (ZDMG. iii. p. 196), to have
been adored at Elusa (now Khalasah) in Western
Idnmea. The festival of this goddess, which was
celebrated by women with perambulations, and
with orgies like those of the Moabite women, is
mentioned by Jerome (Vita Hilarion, 25). In
Justinian's reign a stone idol was also adored on
Sinai (Antoninus, /tin. xxxviii.), at a time when
the desert was full of anchorites and nuns
(16. xxxiv.). This barbarous idolatry — having
erect stones for its 'objects — was prevalent at
the same time all over Arabia, and has been
elucidated by the inscriptions discovered east
of Jordan (see De Vogiid, Syrie Cmtrale, Textes
Nabateens; and Lenormant, Lcttres Assyr. ii.
88, 121, 151, 167, 244). Islam first reached
Syria though Edom, following the line of the
Nabathean advance ; but the region is unnoticed
in Moslem writings, and only again appears in
history during the Crusades. Baldwin I. in
1100 A.D. marched from Hebron to the Vallis
Moysi or Petra (Will, of Tyre, xvi. 6, &c.), and
fifteen years later he advanced through Moab
and built the Castle of Montreal (in lllC A.D.)
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EDRKl
at Sbobek, on th« great aoothcrn road. In 1144
King Baldwin III. cut down the olire-trees at
Petra, and in 1182 Rainaud of Chatillon, whose
tief included all the Sinaitic peninsula, embarlced
nt Aila on his adventurous expedition into
Arabia. In 1188 Saladin took Montreal after
reducing Kerak in Moab, and nothing more is
heard of the history of Edom until the time of
Burckhardt's journey in 1812 (see Rob. Bib.
Res. ii. 164-5) : by the Crusaders the region
was called Arabia Prima, but the country was
not so well known as in the Byzantine period.
The first Crusaders considered Mount Hor near
Petra to be Mount Sinai, and KmonI, writing
aboot 1231 A.D., seems to suggest the same.
Nabathean inscriptions of the prosperous Roman
period have been discovered at Petra and also at
Bozrah, and a bilingual in Nabathean and Greek
has been discovered at Sidon with the name of
Dnshera, as also on a stone in the Haurin. It
appears to be from this Edomite script that the
early Arabic characters of the time of Muham-
mad are derived. To this also belong the
Sinaitic inscriptions which before the time of
scientific study were attributed even to the
days of Moses (see Taylor's Hist. Alph. i. 330).
The leading authorities are those quoted
above, together with the list in the preceding
article. [C. R. C]
ED'REI. 1. 'y"]"!?* = strong, mighty : B.
'Etpdtty, exc. Deut. iii. 1, 10, 'ZSpdetn; A.
'ZSpdtty, exc. Josh. xiii. 12, corrupt, and xiii. 31
'ESpain : Edrai, One of the two cities, Ashtaroth
being the other, in which Og king of Bashan
resided (Deut. i. 4; Josh. xii. 4, xiii. 12, 31),
and at or near which he was defeated by the
Israelites (Num. xxi. 33 ; Deut. iii. 1). In
Deut. iii. 10, £drei is mentioned with Salecah as
a limit of Bashan; but in Josh. xiii. 11, the
latter name only occurs. It was within the
territory allotted to the half tribe of Manasseh
(Num. xxiii. 33), but is not mentioned in the
later Books of the 0. T. The town was appa-
rently not far from Ashtaroth (Deut. i. 4) ; and
on or near " the way to Bashan," probably the
Derb el Baj, which the Israelites followed after
defeating Sihon, king of the Amorites (Deut.
iii. 1 ; Num. xxi. 33).
Eusebius says {OS.* p. 253, 30, s. v. Edrai) that
it was in his day called Adraa ('At/mi), and
was an important town in Arabia, 24 miles
from Bostra; and (05.' p. 213, 35, s. v. Asta-
roth) that it was 6 miles from Astnroth and
25 from Bostra. In the Tab. Peat. Adraha is
placed on the Roman road from Gadara to
Bostra, 16 miles fVom Capitolias, Beit er-RAs,
and 24 from Bostra. It js alluded to by Epi-
phanius (adv. Haer. i. 142, cii. 874) and is placed
by Ptolemy in the same latitude as Gadara.
The names of BLshops of Adraa appear at the
General Councils of Constantinople (381 A.D.)
and Chalcedon (451 A.D.); and the place is
mentioned as the seat of a bishopric under the
Archbishop of Bostra in the 6th century {Nat.
Ant. Pat.). During the Roman period it was
one of the chief towns of the Arabian province,
and was apparently autonomous, coining its own
money. The legends on the coins and the in-
scriptions found on the site are Greek, indicating
that the population was in great part Hellenised,
or that it was of Macedonian origin. In 1142
EDUCATION
A.o. it was known a-i Civitas Benardide Sampis,
and was attacked by Baldwin III. on his way
to Bostra. The Crusaders sufiisred, on tliis
occasion, from thirst ; for when they attempted
to draw water from the wells, the ropes attached
to the buckets were cot by men concealed in the
subterranean chambers (W. of Tyre, rri. 10).
It is now Dera'ah, i^Sfi-iiy one of the
largest towns in the Haurin, situated 6} mile$
S.S.E. of cl-Metcirib, the first station, on the Ikti
el-Haj, after leaving Damascus. The pwitioB
agrees with that assigned to Adraa by Eiue-
bius and the Peutinger Table. The eiteasn
ruins, and the remarkable series of nndergroiuid
chambers beneath them, have been descritied by
Wetzstein (Seisebericht, pp. 47, 48) and by Schu-
macher {Across the Jordan, pp. 121-147; He
also Wright in Leisure Hour, 1874, pp. 533, 55T).
The subterranean town wa^ probably exoavated,
like those in Cappadocia, to receive the pinu-
latiun in times of danger. Knobel and Kal
{Com. on Num. xxi. 33-35; Dent. iii. 10) sup-
pose that there were two Edreis, and identify tkc
one mentioned in Deut. iii. 10 aa the linut <i
Bashan, with Etr'a, or Edhr'a, e ^V tke
ancient Zorava, on the W. border of the Z^itil.
This place is identified by Porter, on doobtful
grounds, with Edrei, the royal city of Og (fiir
Years in Damascus, ii. 220). The suppositioa <i
two Edreii is, however, unnecessary (see Dill-
mann' on Deut. iii. 10).
2. 'EtfKteii' ; A. 'EtpcEci. A place named only
in Josh. xix. 37, as one of the towns allotted la
Naphtali. It is mentioned between Kedesk u>i
En-hazor, and has been identified doubtfully by
Porter {Bdbk.) and Tristram (5t6fe PZocct) Kitk
Tett Khureibeh; and by Conder {PEF. Mm. i.
203, 205, 260) with the village of Yater. [W.I
EDUCAXrON. Although nothing U men
carefully inculcated in the Law than the datj
of parents to teach their children its precepts
and principles (Ex. xii. 26, xiii. 8, 14 ; Deut. ir.
5, 9, 10, vi. 2, 7, 20, li. 19, 21 ; AcU ixiL S;
2 Tim. iii. 15 ; Hist, of Sus. 3 ; Joseph, c Af.
ii. 16, 17, 25), yet there is little trace amonir
the Hebrews in earlier times of edncitioD ii
any other subjects. The wisdom, therefbn,
and instruction, of which so much is said in tke
Book of Proverbs, is to be understood chiefly of
moral and religious discipline, imparted, accord-
ing to the direction of the Law, by the teacbis;
and under the example of parents (Pror. 1. 2, S:
ii. 2, 10; iv. 1,7, 20; viii. 1 ; ii. 1, 10; xii. 1;
xvi. 22 ; xvii. 24 ; xxxi.). Implicit eiceptiou
to this statement may perhaps be found in tli«
instances of Moses himself, who was brought af
in all Egyptian learning (Act;: rii. 22) ; of tbt
writer of the Book of Job, w^ho was eridestlr
well versed in natural histoiy and in tliip
astronomy of the day (Job xxxviii. 31, xisii~
xl., xii.); of Daniel and his companions is
captivity (Dau. i. 4, 17) ; and above all, in tlx
intellectual gifts and acquirements of Solcm<>c,
which were even more renowned than bis
political greatness (1 K. iv. 29, 34, i. 1-9 ; 2Ck.
ix. 1-8), and the memory of which h.ii, iriti
much exaggeration, been widely preserved ia
Oriental tradition. The statement made >bi>"
may, however, in all probability be takm «
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EDUCATION
^presenting the chief aim of ordinary Hebrew
jdacation, both at the time when the Law was
best observed, and also when, after periods of
national decline from the Mosaic standard,
attempts were made by monarchs, as Jehosha-
phat or Josiah, or by prophets, as Elijah or
Isaiah, to enforce, or at least to inculcate,
reform in the moral condition of the people on
the basis of that standard (1 K. xix. 14 ; 2 K.
ivii. 13, xiij. S-20; 2 Ch. ivii. 7, 9; Is. i.
et sq.)-
In later times the prophecies, and comments
on them as well on the earlier Scriptures, to-
other with other subjects, were studied (Prol.
to Ecdns. and Ecclns. xxxriii. 24, 26, ixxix.
1-11). St. Jerome adds that Jewish children
were taught to say by heart the genealogies
(Hieronym. on Titos iii. 9 ; Calmet, Diet, s. v.
Q^iitalogU). Parents were required to teach
their children some trade, and he who failed to
do so was said to be virtually teaching his child
to steal (Hisbn. Kidduth. ii. 3, vol. iii. 413,
ed. Surenh. ; Lightfoot, C/iron. Temp, on Acts
xviiL vol. ii. 79).
The sect of the Essenes, though themselves
abjuring marriage, were anxious to undertake
and careful in carrying oat the education of
children, bat confined its subject-matter chiefly
to morals and the Divine Law (Joseph. B. J. ii.
8, § 12 ; Philo, Quod omna probus liber, vol. ii.
458, ed. Mangey ; see Essekes).
Previous to the Captivity, the chief deposi-
taries of learning were the schools or colleges,
from which in most oases (see Amos vii. 14)
proceeded that succession of public teachers
who at various times endeavoured to reform
the moral and religions conduct of both rulers
and people. [Schools of Prophets.] In these
schools the Law was probably the chief subject
of instruction; the study of languages was
little followed by any Jews till after the
Captivity, bat from that time the number of
Jews residing in foreign countries must have
made the Icncwledge of foreign languages more
common than before (see Acts ii. 5, 8 ; xxi. 37).
From the time of the outbreak of the last war
with the Romans, parents were forbidden to
instruct their children in Greek literature
(ilishn. Sotah, c. i.x. 15, vol. iii. 307, 308, ed.
Surenh.).
As well as in the prophetical schools instruc-
tion was given by the priests in the Temple and
elsewhere, but their subjects were doubtless
exclusively concerned with religion and worship
(Lev. X. 11 ; 1 Ch. xiv. 7, 8; Ezek. xliv. 23, 21 ;
Mai. ii. 7). Those sovereigns who exhibited
any anxiety for the maintenance of the religious
element in the Jewish polity, were conspicnouii
in enforcing the religious education of the
people (2 K. xxiii. 2; 2 Ch. xvii. 7-9, xix. 5,
8, 11>
From the time of the settlement in Canaan
there mast have been among the Jews persons
skilled in writing and in accounts. Perhaps the
neighbourhood of the tribe of Zebulun to the
commercial district of Phoenicia may have been
the occasion of their reputation in this respect.
The " writers " of that tribe are represented
(Judg. V. 14) by the same word Igb, used in
that passage of the levying of an army or
perhaps of a military o6Bcer (Ges. p. 966), as is
EDUCATION
869
applied to Ezra, in reference to the Law (Ezra
Vii. 6); to Seraiah, David's scribe or secretary
(2 Sam. viii. 17); to Shebna, scribe to Heze-
kiah (2 K. xviii. 37); Shemaiah (1 Ch. xxiv. 6);
Baruch, scribe to Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 32), and
others filling like otBces at various times. The
municipal officers of the kingdom, especially in
the time of Solomon, most have required a staif
of well-educated persons in their various de-
[jartmenta under the recorder *I*3T0, or historio-
grapher, whose business was to compile me-
morials of the reign (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24 ;
2 K< xviii. 18; 2 Ch. xxxiv. 8). Learning, in
the sense above mentioned, was at all times
highly esteemed, and educated persons were
treated with great respect, and, according to
Rabbinical tradition, were called " sons of the
noble," and allowed to take precedence of others
at table (Lightfoot, Chron. Temp, on Acta xvii.
vol. ii. 79 sq. ; ffor. Hehr. Luke xiv. 8-24, ii. 540).
The same authority deplores the degeneracy of
later times in this respect (Mishn. Sotah, ix. 15,
voL iii. 308, ed. Surenh.).
To the schools of the Prophets succeeded,
after the Captivity, the synagogues, which were
either themselves used as schools or had places
near them for that purpose (see on this subject
generally Simon, V Education et V Instruction dea
En/ants chei lea anciena Juifa,' 1879). In most
cities there was at least one, and in Jerusalem,
according to some, 394; according to others,
460 (Calmet, Diet. Ecclea.). It was from these
schools and the doctrines of the various teachers
presiding over them,of whom Gamaliel, Shammai,
and Hillel were among the most famous, that
many of those traditions and refinements pro-
ceeded by which the Law was in our Lord's
time encumbered and obscured, and which may
be considered as represented, though in a highly
exaggerated degree, by the Talmud. After the
destruction of Jerusalem, colleges inlieriting
and probably enlarging the traditions of their
predecessors were maintained for a long time
at Japhne in Galilee, at Lydda, at Tiberias, the
most famous of all, and at Sepphoris. These
schools in procesi of time were dispersed into
other countries, and by degrees destroyed. Ac-
cording to the principles laid down in the
Slishnah, boys at five years of age were to begin
the Scriptures, at ten the Mishnah, at thirteen
, they became subject to the whole Law (see
Luke ii. 46), at fifteen they entered the Gemara
(Mishnah Pirk. Ab. iv. 20, v. 21, vol. iv. 460,
482, 486, ed.'Surenh.). Teachers were treated
with great respect, and both pupils and teachers
were exhorted to respect each other. Physical
I science formed part of the coarse of instruction
(i6. iii. 18). Unmarried men and women were
I not allowed to be teachers of boys {Kiddush, iv.
I 13, vol. iii. 383). In the schools the Rabbins
, sat on raised seats, and the scholars, according
I to their age, sat on benches below or on the
ground (Lightfoot on Luke ii. 46 ; Philo, ibid.
12, ii. 458, Mangey). Teachers, however, at
.\ntioch are called by Evagrius x'V"^'^^'"'
Xoi (Evagr. B. E. iv. 29).
Of female education we have little account in
Scripture, but it is clear that the prophetical
schools included within their scope the instruc-
tion of females, who were occasionally invested
with authority similar to that of the Prophets
themselves (Judg. iv. 4; 2 K. xxii. 14). Needle-
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EGOS
work formed a large bat by no means the only
subject of instruction imparted to females,
whose position in society nnd in the household
must by no means be considered as represented
in modem Oriental, including Mohammedan,
usage (see Prov. iixi. 16, 26 ; Hist, of Sus. 3 ;
Luke viii. 2, 3, x. 39; Acts liii. 50; 2 Tim.
i. 5).
Among modem Mohnmmedans, education,
even of boys, is usually of a most elementary
kind, and of females still more limited. In one
respect it may be considered as the likeness or
the caricature of the Jewish system, viz., that
besides the most common rules of arithmetic,
the Kuran is made the staple, if not the only,
subject of instruction. In Oriental schools, both
Jewish and Mohammedan, the lessons are
written by each scholar with chalk on tablets
which are cleaned for a fresh lesson. All recite
their lessons together aloud ; faults are usually
punished by stripes on the feet. Female
children are, among Mohammedans, seldom
taught to read or write. A few chapters of
the Kuran are learnt by heart, and in some
schools they are taught embroidery and needle-
work. In Persia there are many public schools
and colleges, but the children of the wealthier
parents are mostly taught at home. The Kufdn
forms the staple of instruction, being regarded
as the model not only of doctrine but of style,
and the text-book of all science. In the
colleges, however, mathematics are taught to
some extent (Jahn, Arc!i. Bihl. §§ 106, 166,
Engl. tr. ; Fabri, Etagatorium, i. 322; Shaw,
Traceh, p. 194; Rauwolflf, Travels, c. rii. p. 60;
Burckhardt, Si/ria, p. 326 ; Travels m Arabia, i.
273 ; Porter, Damascus, ii. 95 ; Lane, ifod. Eg.,
\. 89, 93; Eiujlishtc. m Eg., ii. 168-171; Well-
sted, Ar<U>ia, ii. 6, 395; Chardin, Voyages, iv.
224 [Langlcs]; Olearins, Trateis, pp. 214, 215;
Pietro della Valle, Viajgi, ii. 188). [ScuoOLS
OF Prophets.]
EGGS. [Fowls.]
EG'LAH (!T^3i; = a heifer; Egla), one of
David's wives during his reign in Hebron, and
the mother of his son Ithream (2 Sam. iiL 5
[B. Kiyi\, A. Kiyii] ; 1 Ch. iii. 3 [B. "AX^
A. 'AyXiC]). In both lists the same order is
preserved, Eglah being the sixth and last, and in
both is she distinguished by the special title
of David's "wife." According to the ancient
Hebrew tradition (see Jerome, Quaest. Ueb. on
2 Sam. iii. 5, vi. 23) she was Michal, the wife of
his youth ; and she died in giving birth to Ithream.
A name of this signification is common amongst
the Arabs at the present day. [G.] [F.]
EGLA'IM (Uhi^ = tiro ponds ; 'Ayo\«r/i ;
K. 'AyaWln ; Galliin), a place named only in
Is. XV. 8, and there apparently as a point on
the northern boundary of Moab, Beer-ELISI
being on the sonthera bonndary. It is perhaps
the same as Ek-eglaih. A town of this name
was known to Eusebius (OS.' p. 98, 10 ; p. 228,
61, Agallim), who places it 8 miles to the south
of Areopolis, i.e. Ar-Moab {Sabbd). Exactly
in that position, however, stands Kerek, the
ancient Kir Moab.
A town named Agalla is mentioned by Jose-
phus as one of twelve cities — Medaba, Libyas,
EGLON
Zoar, and Marissa being amongst the niunber—
which were taken from the Arabians by Alei-
ander Jannaeus (Ant. xiv. 1, § 4).
With other places on the east of the Dead
Sea, Eglaim yet awaits farther research for its
identification. [G.] [fl'.]
EG'LON CihiV= mtulifau; 'ZyXi^, fy
ton), a king of the Moabites (Judg. iii. 12 si).),
who, aided by the Ammonites and the Aniilr-
kites, crossed the Jordan and took " the city of
palm-trees," or Jericho (Joseph.). Here he
built himself a palace (Joseph. Ant r.4, § 1 sq.),
and continned for eighteen years (Jndg. sad
Joseph.) to oppress the children of Urwl, who
paid him tribute (Joseph.). Whether he resUed
at Jericho permanently, or only daring the
summer months (Judg. iii. 20; Josepii.). it
seems to have formed a familiar intimacy (nr^
6i)s, Joseph, not Judg.) with Ehud, a joini|
Israelite {ytayiat, Joseph.), who lived in Jeridu
(Joseph, not Judg.), and who, by mesm oi
repeated presents, became a favourite comtier
of the monarch. Josephus represents tkii
intimacy as having been of long contioasiue;
but in Judges we find no mention of iatimsc;,
and only one occasion of a present being msJe,
viz. that which immediately preceded the desth
of Eglon. The circumstances attending tlu
tragical event are somewhat differently gim
in Judges and in Josephus. That Ehud hal tit
entree of the palace is implied in Judges (iiL K),
but more distinctly stated in Josephus. h
Judges the Israelites send a present by DukI
(iii. 15) ; in Josephus Ehud wins his &Toiir kj
repeated presents of his own. In Judges «f
have two scenes, the offering of the preseot ibJ
the death scene, which are separated by \ht
temporary withdrawal of Ehud (rr. 18, 19): it
Josephus there is but one scene. The preseot t
offered, the attendants are dismissed, asd tlte
king enters into friendly conversation (i/uAior^
with Ehud. In Judges the place seems to chia^
from the reception-room into the "lomiK:-
parlour," where Ehud found him upoi kis
return (cp. n. 18, 20). In Josephus the entin
action takes place in the summer-parloor (>»^
Tior). In Judges the king exposes himsell <>
the dagger by rising apparently in respect f *
the Divine message which Ehud professed t'
communicate (Patrick, in loco) : in Josephu H
is a dream which Ehud pretends to reveal, s»l
the king, in delighted anticipation, springs ^■
from his throne. The obesity of Eglon, a»i thf
consequent impossibility of recovering the dagji;.
are not mentioned by Josephus (r^. Jod;. ii
17, fat, itrreias, IXX. ; but " crassns," Vol;,
and so Gesen. I.ex.).
After this desperate achievement Ehud le-
paired to Seirah (R. V. ; not Seirath, a< in A. V).
in the mountains of Ephraim (iii. 26, 27), «r
Mount Ephraim (Josh. xix. 50). To this wiii
central region, commanding, as it did, the plsia^
E. and W., he summoned the Israelites by «oa^
of horn (a national custom, according to Joseph.;
A. V. and R. V. "a trumpet"). DesrtadiiJ
from the hills, they fell upon the ]do*bi'.tt
dismayed and demoralised by the death of tb«
king (Joseph., not Judg.). The greater nniehe
were killed at once, but 10,000 men mide fo
the Jordan with the view of crossing over »»
their own country. The Israelites, howPi:.
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EGLON
had already seized the fords, and not one of the
unhappy fugitives escaped. As a revrard for his
conduct Ehud was appointed Judge (Joseph., not
Judg.).
Xote. — The sentence " the quarries that were
by Gilgal " (iii. 19) is better rendered in the
margin, as in Deut. vii. 25, " graven images "
(cp. Gesen. s. v. D'S'DB). [T. E. B.] [F.]
EG'LON (ji^Jff : in Josh. i. BA. 'OtoKKin ;
in Josh. xii. 12,' B. AiAd/i, A. 'ZyKJiii, F.
'Zy\Ay ; in Josh. xt. 39, B. omits, A. 'E,y\^|l :
Eglon, Aglon}, a town of Judah in the Shefelah
or low country (Josh. xt. 39). Daring the
struggles of the conquest, Eglon was one of a
confederacy of five towns, which under Jeru-
salem attempted resistance, by attacking Gibeon
atl«r the treaty of the latter witli Israel.
Eglon was then Amorite, and the name of its
liing Debir (Josh. i. 3-5). The story of the
overthrow of this combination is too well known
to need notice here (x. 23-25, &c.). Eglon was
soon after visited by Joshua and destroyed
(x. 34, 35 ; xii. 12). The name survives in the
modem ^Ajlan, a low mound covered with scat-
tered heaps of stones, about 10 miles W.S.W.
of Beit JSrr'tn (Eleutheropolis), and 15 from
Gaza, on the south of the great maritime plain
(Porter, Handb. ; Van de Velde, ii. 188 ; Rob. ii.
49 ; PEF. Mem. ui. 261, 278 ; Guirin, Judee,
ii. 297, 298). Eusebius mentions (OS.* p. 103,
21 ; p. 234, 91) a village called Bethagla on this
site, bat does not identify it with Eglon. Mr.
Petrie {PJCFQy. Stat. 1890, pp. 161-3) identifies
Eglon with Tell HejUeh, which, from the cha-
racter of the remains, must have been an older
sit« than 'Ajldn. He supposes that the Jews
who returned after the Captivity, not beind
strong enough to dispossess the occupiers, built
3 new Eglon, at 'Ajidn, within sight of the
old one.
In the OrumiasUcon {OS.' p. 118, 21) it is given
as Eglon quae et Odollam ; and its situation is
stated as 10 miles east of Eleutheropolis. The
identification with Adullam arose no doubt from
the reading of the LXX. in Josh. x. given
a hove; and it is to the site of that place, and
not of Eglon, that the remarks of Eusebius and
Jerome refer (cp. Adollam). [G.] [W.]
EGYPT (Dnvp. DnVl? p^t<. •AXO, gent.
n. '"ITtD; AJytnrroj; Aegypta$),' a, country oc-
cupying the north-eastern angle of Africa, and
lying between N. lat. 31° 37' and 24° 1', and
E. long. 27° 13' and 34° 12*.
1. Soundariea. — Its limits appear to have
been always very nearly the same. Under
the Pharaohs, the most southern province was
the district of Elephantine, called the "be-
ginning of the southern country," which means
Upper Egypt. Ezekiel, speaking of the country
in all iU extent (xxix. 10, xxx. 6), gives as
its limits, according to the obviously correct
translation, Migdol and Syene. Migdol (Magdo-
lon) is mentioned by the Itinerary of Antoninus;
it was situate at 12 miles' distance from
Pelusiom, and being on the road to the land
of the Philistines, was one of the first places
reached by travellers coming from Syria or
Palestine. At the other end, Syene or Ele-
phantine corresponds nearly with the tropic of
EGYPT
861
Cancer, and Strabo says that going southwards
it is the first place where the sun may be seen
shining at the bottom of wells.
The ancients have attributed Egypt sometimes
to Asia, sometimes to Africa. Several authoi'S
considered the Nile as dividing what we should
• all the two continents. Strabo observes that
the most sensible opinion is that which con-
siders the Arabian Gulf as se]>arating Asia
from Africa. With the ancient geographers,
Egypt included no more than the tract irrigated
by the Nile, within the limits we have specified.
The deserts on each side were not considered as
being part of it. It was Libya on one side, and
Arabia on the other, both of which have been at
I times subject to Egypt, but only exceptionally ;
they generally were independent.
2. If'tmes and Divisions. — The common name
of Egypt in the Bible is " Mizraim," or more
fully "the " land of Mizraim." This word is a
dual of which the singular appears to be
" Mazor " (liVO). There has been much dis-
cussion about the sense and the origin of the
name Mizraim, which Pi"of. Ebers considers as
signifving the "double fortified enclosure,"
liccause the Shemites coming from Asia found
on the border the walls constructed by the
Pharaohs in order to defend themselves against
the invasions of Asiatic nomads. Gescnius
translates by "limit;" Dillmann, by "dis-
trict" {Gebiet). Xo satisfactory explanation
has yet been given of this name. Undoubtedly
! it is a Semitic word, the meaning of which
' is not to be looked for in Egyptian, and which
must have been the translation of one of the
, usual names of Egypt, perhajM of one of the
I ideographic groups by which Egypt was desig-
: nated. As long as the true sense of the Semitic
word has not been established, it is difficult to
find the hieroglyphic group to which it corre-
sponds. It is important to observe that while
the sense of the dual "Mizraim" is absolutely
certain, it is not the case with the singular
'• Mazor," which can hardly be considered as
meaning Egypt.' What has led to this inter-
pretation is the fact that in three cases (Is. xix.
H, ixxvii. 25; 2 K. xix. 24) it is connected
with TIK', which commonly means rivers of
Egypt, the Nile, or its canals. In none of those
passages have the LXX., followed by the Coptic
Version, translated "I'lVO by Egypt ; but we find
these expressions: Tl^ra niK.', 2 K. xix. 24;
iroraiioX •rwi'ox?»,<»?«ae c/attsa<!(Vulg.); Is. xix. 6,
xxxvii. 25, auvayuy^ CSaroi, rimagqenun; just
as Mic. vii. 11, "I'lVD 'IP, irdAeis <>x>'(>»'> «"-
Uttet munitae, i.e. surrounded by walls: and
this leads us to consider the dual Mizraim as
meaning neither a district or limited space, nor
a fortified enclosure, but as the Vulgate trans-
lates in the passage above quoted, aquae clausae,
water enclosed in dykes or walls, basins or
canals. Thus Mizraim would be quite analogous
to the name of Kebui or A'eJAui, which means
the two basins, and which is common in Ptolemaic
times. Besides, in the hicroglyphical inscriptions
the Nile has often a dual form ; we hear of a Nile
of Upper Egypt and a Nile of Lower Egypt, as if
• Gesenius. Lex.; Bochart, Oeogr. c. SS8; A. V.,
MV.", and K. V. adopt " Egypt." ♦
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EGYPl'
EGYPT
th«y were two separate riven. The dual Mizraim
might refer either to the two Niles, or to the
two chief braDches of the Delta, which were
best known to the Israelites. It seems natural
that the Shemites should hare given to Egypt a
name derived from her hydrographic descrip-
tion, which must have strucic them at first
sight, and which gave to the country its peculiar
character.
Another name which is often met with In
Scripture is that of " laud of Ham," On jn^.
which refers to Ham, the son of Noah. It is
geuerally considered that the word 3nT, " the
proud," " the insolent," is a poetical appellation
of Kgypt, It is to be remarked, however, that
in all the passages where this sense has been
attributed to the word liahab, the LXX. and
the Coptic Version invariably take it as a com-
mon name, except in Ps. Ixxxvii. 4, where both
versions read 'PcuE/3, Pi.^&, which does not
necessarily apply to Egypt.
The usual name nf Egypt in the hieroglyphic
texts is Kem, demotic Kemi ; it is written by a
sign which represents the tail of a crocodile.
As a common name, Kem means " black," and the
name of the laud ia derived from the colour of
the arable soil (cp. Plut. de Is. et Oair. c. 33 : fri
T^y KiyvwTOv iv rois fidXtirra fitXAyytiof oZffayf
&ntf Th iii\ai> rov i<l>Sa\nov, Xq/tfoy Ka\oS<rt) ;
while the surrounding deserts, the pink and
yellow colour of which makes such a strong
contrast with the valley of the Nile, are called
Tcshcr, " the red," just as the ideographic sign
representing an undulated country is painted
red. The Coptic forms of this name are
KHJULe (T.), KKJJLi (B.), X^-**-^'
^yO&JtXX (M.), which signify as well the black
colour as the land of Egypt ; and it is impossible
not to notice the likeness which exists between
this word and the name of Ham, yr&.AX.i
who is the ancestor of the Egyptians and of the
neighbouring nations.
As for the name of Afytnrroi, which has been
adopted by the Greeks, and which originally in
Homer means " the river," it seems to be the
transcription of the word Ageh or Akeb, which
is a common name of the Nile.
As high as we may go up in the Egyptian
documents, we find the land divided into two
portions, or two regions; the south, which is
always named first, and the north. A great
number of ideographic groups indicate this
division. Egypt is called to ui, "the two lands,"
the " land of the two crowns," the white one
being the emblem of the South, and the red of
the North : both combined form the pschent or
the schent, which is the head-dress of the king
reigning over the whole land. Other names
signify "the land of the lotus and of the papy-
rus," " the land of the asp and of the vulture,"
" the portion of Horus and that of Set," " the
two stalks," " the two basins," &c. The usual
emblems of royalty an the reed for the South,
and the wasp for the North ; both together read
mten nit, and indicate that the king ruled over
the country in all its extent. This is what
Josephus and the bilingual stone of Rosetta
translate by $aai\tiis tuy rt ivu koI riy kcCtw
XapSy.
The Romans divided Upper Egypt into two, the
Heptanomis and the Thebais ; however, the old
division survived. There are no traces of the
change in the hieroglyphical inscriptions dating
from the time of the emperors, who, like the
Pharaohs, were called lords of the two lands, or
of the two regions.
3. Superficies. — The saperficies of the land
watered by the Mile was, in the year 1798,
9,582 square miles (including the bed of the Nile
and the islands within it, together representing
294,217 acres). Since, the irrigated area has
increased, and the superficies of the land below
Assouan may be reckoned as 11,351 square milea,
equal to 7,264,640 acres, of which 4,626,000 are
cultivated (HcCoan, Egypt as i( u, p. 19).
Mr. Lane calculated from Abdallattf that the
extent of the cultivated land in the year
1375 A.o. was 5,500 square geographical miles.
If we compare the present extent of arable soil
with what it was in ancient times, it is evident
that it has greatly diminished. On the westera
side the artificial Lake Hoeris caused a con-
siderable area to be watered between the
K.iyoom and Mariout. Linant Bey has cal-
culated that if it were restored to its original
size, it would recover to agricultnre alMat
800,000 acres, a great part of which wis
cultivated under the Pharaohs. In the noitii,
all the space which is now covered by Late
Menzaleh (40 miles long and 18 miles wideXail
by salt marshes around it, not only was not
under water, as we find there ruins of lsn;t
cities, bnt constituted what Scripture oompare*
to the garden of the Lord (Gen. ziii. 10). Is
the east, the Widy Tnmillt was the land of
Goshen, renowned for its good pastures, one of
the most productive parts of the country, whicli
is now a barren desert.
4. A'om«». — From a very remote period we
find Egypt divided into administnitive districts,
which the Greeks called v^/ioi, nomes, and wkkii
lasted even under the Romans. We have serail
lists of these proWnces in the temples of Egypt ;
some of them are of the 18th and 19th dynas-
ties, but most of them belong to the Ptolemaic
period. The number of the nomes has varied.
Under Seti I. it was 37. In later times, nader
the Ptolemies, some of them were divided, tai
thus the number was increased. Strabo ms-
tions 36, Pliny 43, Ptolemy 47. The hieroglv-
phical lists vary between 42 and 44, while theiY
are coins of 46.'
A nome was called in Egyptian hesep at ittA.
It had four particular elements: (l)the captaL
which was the residence of the governor, b»t
which was chiefly the abode of the divinity special
to the province; (2) a cultivated territory; (3)a
certain amount of marshes which were very likely
pasture-land; (4) a canal or canals, tke care
of which was very important for the prosperitr
of the land. As in Egypt everything was bsseJ
on religion, we find that each name had a god or
several gods, under whose protection it was spe-
cially placed, a college of prieats and priestesKs,
nhigh priest and a high priestess who had botiis
particular name, sacred boats, sacred trees, aid
special festivals. Besides, each nome was «c-
sidered as having as a relic a part of the bodyu
Osiris. The lists of nomes which are engnred
on the walls of the temples give ns all tht-t
details at great length, while they are sileal >«
to the political administration of the
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EGYPT
The dirisioii SMins to have originated from
religion, and from local worships, to which the
inhabitants remained rerjr much attached, eren
in the time of tite decline of Egypt. The same
animal waa sacred in one nome, and profane in
the next ; and we hear under tlie Romans of a
war between the Tentyrites and the Ombites .
on account of the crocodile. Under the em- |
peron Domitian, Trajan, Hadrian, and Anto-
siana Pius, each nome had an intermittent
coinage of its own. I
5. Getteral Appearance, Climate, 4rc. — The I
general appearance of the country cannot hare I
icreatly changed since the days of Moses. The
I>elta was always a vast level plain, although '
of old more perfectly watered than now by the j
branches of the Nile and numerous canals, while '
the narrow valley of Upper £gypt must hare
EGYPT
863
suffered still less alterations. Anciently, how-
ever, the rushes must have been abundant,
whereas now they have almost disappeared,
except in the lakes. The whole country is
remarkable for its extreme fertility, which
especially strikes the beholder when the rich
green of the fields is contrasted with the
utterly bare yellow mountains, or the sand-
strewn rocky desert on either side. Thus the
plain of Jordan, before the cities were destroyed,
was, we read in the pas.'tnge already referred to,
" well watered everywhere," ..." like the
garden of the Lord, like the land of Egypt as
thou goest unto Zoar"' (Gen. xiii. 10). This
passage refers to the part of Egypt which was
watered by the Pelusiac branch, and which was
first reached coming through " the way of the
land of the Philistines." In Deuteronomy also
ilBp »■! I...wpr irifj-jrt luiil slnal.
(xi. 10, 11), contrasting the land of Canaan with
^'STP't ^SyP^ >' described as a country where
artificial irrigation is necessary, and which does
not depend on rain for cultiration. The climate
is equable and healthy. Rain is not unfrequent
on the northern const ; in Upper Egypt it is rery
rare ; it has occurred more frequently in later
years. There is hardly a trareller who has not
seen one or two showers in Upper Egypt, though
Herodotus describes (iii. 10) a shower, which
took place under the reign of Psammenitus, as
an event worth mentioning. The Egyptians con-
sidered it as a great advantage for their country
not to hare to rely on rain, as was the case with
the Greeks (Herod, ii. 14). " Some day," they
said, " the Greeks will be disappointed of their
grand hope, and they will be wretchedly hungry."
This remark is still often made by the lower
classes of Egypt. {
However, whenever the Kile did not rise
sufficiently high, famine ensued, and it was one
of the common calamities of the country.
Dr. Brugsch quotes an inscription wBich may be
contemporary with the end of the Hyksos dynasty,
in which an officer called Baba says that "when
there was a famine which lasted several years,
he delivered corn to his city." Another instance
is found in the inscription of Canopus. It is
said that, when it happened, in the reign of
king Ptolemy Euergetes, that a low Nile brought
great misery on the land, the king took care
that corn should be brought from Syria, Phoe
nicia, and Cyprus. It was therefore just the
converse of what happened in Jacob's time.
Egypt has been visited in all ages by severe
pestilences, but it cannot be determined that
■> Or '/Aita, according to tl!e .Syrian Version.
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EGYPT
any of those of ancient timet were of the
character of the modern plague. The medical
papyri, and chiefly the so-called Papyrus Ebers,
mention a great number of diseases which have
not yet been all identified. Several of those
maladies were no doubt peculiar to Egypt, and
are still prevalent in the country, such as
ophthalmia, dysentery, and diseases of the skin.
It is in these medical texts of the old Egyptians
that we shall very likely tind the explanation of
the " evil diseases of Ejrypt," with which the
Israelites are threatened :>everal times (Deut. vii.
15 ; xxviii. 27, 35, 60).
6. Geoloiji/. — The fertile plain of the Delta and
the valley of Upper Egypt are bounded by rocky
deserts, covere<l or strewn with sand. On either
side of the plain they are low, but they overlook
the valley, above which they rise so steeply as
from the river to present the aspect of clitfs.
The formation is limestone, as far as a little
above Thebes, where sandstone begins. The .
First Cataract, the southern limit of Egypt, is
caused by granite and other primitive rocks,
which rise through the sandstone and obstruct
the river's bed. In Upper Egypt, the moun-
tains near the Kile rarely exceed 300 feet in
height, but far in the Eastern desert they often
attain a much greater elevation. The highest
is Gebel Ghirib, which rises about 6,000 feet
above the sea. The highest summit of the
mountains of Thebes on the western side of the
Nile is about 1,000 fett high.
The geological formation of the country has
certainly bad a great influence on its civilisa-
tion, and particularly on the development of art.
Unlike the Chaldean, who, in the vast plains of
Lower Mesopotamia, had nothing but bricks to I
build with, the Egyptian found in his own '
country the very best materials for construction I
and for sculpture; besides, the difficulties of!
trnnsport were minimised by the fact of his
being able to reach every important city of the
country by water. These very favourable cir-
cumstances explain how, already at a very re-
mote epoch, stone architecture had been carried
HO far. For the bulk of the constructions nothing
could be better than the limestone of Toura,
which may be polished like marble, and which |
was used for the coating of the Pyramids. At ;
Thebes, the most delicate hieroglyphics could be j
carved in the walls of the galleries which were
cut in the mountain. The sandstone of Gebel '
Silsileh, where the immense quarries are still to ,
be seen, belongs to the most durable of the
kind. Besides, there were all the more valuable
stones, like, the syenite of which the obelisks
were made, diorite, breccia, serpentine, and
alabaster, which were chiefly used for statues,
and the porphyry of Gebel Dukhau, near the
Red Sea.
Great geological changes have taken place at
different epochs. The most important mnst
have been the change in the bed of the river,
which took place between the 13th and the 18th
dynasty. There was a barrier at Gebel Silsileh
which formerly was the entrance of the Nile
into Egypt, and through which the Nile broke,
— we (lo not know exactly when. The proof of
this important fact consists in the discovery
which Lcpsius made at Scmneh of a series of
inscriptions of the I2th and 13th dynasties,
recording the height of the rising of the Nile,
EGYPT
and which show that at that time the Kile icre
on the average 24 feet higher than it did at
the time of the 19th dynasty. WTiether the
change was sudden or not, we cannot say ; bat
the result was, that while it deprived Lowtr
Nubia of the benefit of the inundation, it mutt
have increased considerably the surface of irri-
gated soil in Egypt proper.
Another change, which must hare been very
slow, is the retreat of the Red Sea or .iiabiaa
Gulf, which even in Roman times extended a j
great deal more north than it does now, and
which by degrees reached its present boandaiies,
as we may see described in Isaiah : ^ The Lord
shall utterly destroy the tongue of the Egyptian
sea" (xi. 15); "the waters shall fail from the
sea " (lix. 5). There has been a raising of the
soil which caused the olil canal of the Pharaohi
to be dried up, so that the Widy Tumilat, witi^^b
used to be the land of Goshen covered witii
pastures, became a barren desert nntil tV
present canal was dug. In this region there ut
constant changes in the appearance of the >ar£x^
because of the great facilities with which mnosis
and banks are formed through obstacles whit j
stop the sand blown by the wind (Liuant, if'-v
sur les princip. travaux iTutUite publ. pp. I'M,
10.5). Farther north, on the contrary, the ^-4l
has sunk considerably : several of the nortb-
eastern nomes are now either under water or
covered with salt marshes, difficult t« cross, aal
amidst which are the cities which were on the
military road going from Egypt to Syria.
Outside of the narrow winding valley of Cpp«r
Egypt was the oasis of the Fayoom, the two .\ni-
noite names. This very fertile land was alreaJT
in the Libyan desert, and connected with the
valley of the Nile through a breach in tii<
mountains. It was watered chieSy by Lake
Hoeris, a work of the 12th dynasty.
7. T/te Nile. — ^The Nile has several names ia
Scriptare. [Nile.] It is usually called "fiir,
"ik^, and besides lin'E'. DnVO Uni- DnVQ ^:
In l^gyptian there are a great nuniber of nan:<s
for the river. The most usual is ffd/yi, the s.ime
word as the name of the bull Apis, a cuincidokff
which is not at all surprising, as even in Gre<:li
mythology the fertilising power of water is r^?-
presented by a bull, and several rivers — sock si
the Achelous, the Eurotas, and the Asopos — writ
considered as having this form. .\s Egypt m
divided into two regions, we have also two Nile?:
Hdpi rfs or Hupi hetna, the Southern Nile, whiiii
was considered as issuing from two caves (AV.-tr)
near Elephantine, and Hapi mehit, which wis
thought to originate at Babylon, near Ueliapolis
and from thence to form the Delta.
The river, the watering element, the casiU
which are derived from it, are generally namai
ntw, aw; dem. iai, tar; Copt. lOD, I^DWt
lepO. eiOOp, eiepO, wWch b evi-
dently the origin of the Hebrew "lit\ It most
not be taken as being a proper name ; it must 1>«
considered as meaning the ritxr, the canai, tbc
Kxifcr, very much like the j^ of the Arabs.
Though we do not admit the theory >il
Herodotus (ii. 5, 10) as to the origin of EgT]<.
we agree with him as to the land being a giU oi
the river; for Egypt de^iends entirely on tb«
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865
jsandatioD, which begins abont the summer
solstice. The water rises generally during one
hundred days, the greatest height being attained
somewhat after the autumnal equinox. The
inundation lasts about three months, but in fact
the lerel of the Nile is always changing. The
water falls during the winter and the spring
months until it begins again to rise. It is con-
stantly going up and down. An allusion is
made to the inundation in the Prophet Amos,
who, speaking of the ruin of Israel, says that
the land shall be " drowned as by the flood of
Egypt " (viii. 8, ix. 5).
in former times the Nile divided itself into
seven branches, the most imjKirtant of which
were the outer ones, — the Canopic on the west,
and the Pelusiac on the east. At present, there
are only two: the Rosetta and the Damietta
branches. The Suez Canal has dried np the
eastern part of Lake ilenzaleh and the end of
the Pelusiac branch. The Tanitic branch may
still be recognised in the canal called Muezz.
The Nile was of course considered
as a god and an object of worship.
Sereral hymns are addressed to him,
in which he is generally called the
father of the gods. One of his sacred
names is Nun, the celestial water or
the celestial ocean. He is praised
for all the benefits which he confers
on the country, especially through
the inundation.
Researches disagree as to the rate
»t which the Nile deposits the al-
luvial soil of Egypt. The opinion
which seems to prevail is that it
Amounts at most to five inches in a
centu^.
8. Cultivation, Agriculture, 4^c. —
The richness of Egypt has always been
in agriculture. The most ancient
monuments indicate that it was on
the produce of the soil much more
than on trade that a population lived
which certainly was more numerous than now,
judging from the number of ruined cities and
the extent of several of them.
We have still very interest-
ing representations of Egyp-
tian agriculture at the most
remote epochs ; they may be
seen in the sculptures of the
tombs of the Old Empire,
contemporaneous with the
builders of the Pyramids. In
those pictures we find the
image of what the deceased
considered as a life endowed
with all the enjoyments of
riches and prosperity. In
this respect it makes no dif-
ference whether those pic-
tures relate what his past
life has been, or whether ac-
cording to Mariette's opinion
it is the ideal existence which
he is supposed to lead in the
other world ; in any case,
we have there a description of the customs and
civilisation of the land.
Wealth was derived chiefly from agriculture ;
gold, silver, precious stones are rather foreign
milLE DIOT. — VOL. I.
imports: in later times they constitute the
tributes which are paid by conquered nations.
A rich man owns a great number of estates,
each of which has its particular name ; they are
generally due to the generosity of the king,
they are rewards for long and faithiiil senrice,
or some deed of valour.
Husbandry was very nearly the same as it is
now ; it was regulated by the inundation of the
Nile. As soon as the river began to fall the
grain was sown on the moist fields, on which
sheep and oxen were driven instead of harrowing
it. When the soil was getting drier, a hoe or a
plough with a wooden share was sufficient in
order to break up the alluvial deposit in which
there is no stone. Artificial irrigation completed
the effect of the innndation. The canals were
numerous and better taken care of than now.
In order to fill them, the cultivators used an
elementary means, still seen all along the
Nile — ^the shiidoof, which is a pole having a
weight at one end and a bucket at the other,
:*"\.^'>*Liw ^
flliSdo(AOTpol«Bn<lbiick«t,forw»tariagtteBv4«i. (W nWn a m )
BO hung that the labourer is aided by the weight
in raising the full bucket. There are detailed
Onuiuj, abowins bow Ik* fndn mi |iot Is. and Itet tin loon • t van iBMiidail br
it OQU (Waklaaon.)
pictures in the tombs of breaking op the earth,
of ploughing, sowing, harvest, threshing, and
storifag the wheat in granaries. [See cuts under
Agkicultcre, pp. 63, 64, 65.] The threshing
3 K
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EGYPT
was simply treading out by oxen or cows
unmazzled (cp. Deut. xxr. 4). The granaries
were often vaulted, and the corn thrown in
through an opening at the top ; scribes are seen
keeping account* of the corn which haa been
EGYPT
gathered. The com is generally conunoa vlieat,
or the doorah which is still cultirated.
The Egyptians seem to hare coltivated the
vine much more than at present. Tlie viges
are of a picturesque appearance ; they tre nited
Tlaejaid. (WUUaMD.)
on high poles like the Italian pergole. The
wine was pressed in different ways. Small
quantities of grapes were put in a bag, which
was twisted so as to squeeze oat the juice. For
large quantities the foot-press was used ; it ra-
WlnoimM. (Wlttluon.) [For uotherlusaWInepnB. mi IXd.ySkt BCh' llL>|kIITM
qnired several men to work together (Is. Ixiii. 2).
There were several qualities of Egyptian wines
which were celebrated ; one of them is called
the morning ttar in the sky : they came from
Lower Egypt or from the oasis in the Lib-
yan desert. For the sacred offerings they used
what they called wine from Asia, which came
from Syria and from Mesopotamia. The olive-
tree and the date-palm were also objects
of cultivation. The Egyptians seem to have
had a great quantity of live stock on their
estates, — oxen, sheep, goats, and asses; they
had domesticated antelopes, which were very
numerous ; besides, they had a great number of
birds, geese, pigeons, and several kinds of
cranes, but not the common fowl. A deceased
at Sakkarah boasts that be owned 15,360 oxen
of different descriptions. Another, a contem-
porary of the building of the Second Pyramid,
says he had 974 sheep, 2,235 goats, 838 oxen,
and 760 asses. Another says he had more than
a hundred thousand ducks. We cannot believe
that all these numbers are real ; yet they give
ns an idea of what the riches of the land may
have been.
It is difficult to know what the laws of tke
tenure of land were under the old Phartohi, mi
whether there was a private property ia Ini
On this point we have to resort for iofonnatiM
chiefly to the docoments of the Ptolemaic cpock
and to the nDnwrou
deeds of various kiDds
which have been pre-
served. If we considtr
the style of most of
those deeds, some «f
which are written in
demotic and othen m
Greek, we see that Uie
Ptolemies had iaio
vated very little, sal
that, as regards dril
laws as well as in n
lation to the worshipot
the country, they had adhered in most cases t>
the old tradition. Under the Ptolemies, lud
could be sold freely, under certain regalstim)
and subject to the tax of excise; it conld be
inherited and divided between the meoiben
of the family. The Greek authors, Diodom
and Strabo, speak of the land of Egypt beint
divided into three parts, of which one-third be-
longed to the priests, or mther to the csste of
the priests, the income of which was devoteJ t»
the expenses of the temples and to Iceep op tlie
priests and their servants. Another third be-
longed to the king, who out of it kept sp bit
court, his army, and rewarded his officers. Tie
last third belonged to the soldiers, who beiii;
provided for could devote themselves entirelrto
their military life. This description of the Gteekf
excludes the idea of private property in l«»l.
and of small landowners ; but it agrees otK
partially with the documents. It is likelr tW
the greatest part of the land was possessed ij
the king, who made grants to the temples s»i
to some of his officers. Prohablv the oss"
landowners must have been few, and the j«»l
bulk of the agricultural population were ttualt.
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EGYPT
who hired for a small rent the land of the king,
of the priests, and of the soldiers. One circum-
stance seems to indicate that individual property
existed to a greater extent at the time of the
Pharaohs than under the Greek kings. This is
what is related of Joseph (Gen. xlvii. 20-26).
It is said that he gained for Pharaoh all the
land except that of the priests in exchange for
food, and required for the right thus obtained a
fifth of the produce, which became a law. This
act seems to be in accordance with the policy of
the king under whose rule Joseph was raised to
his high position. In suppressing thus all landed
property except that of the priests, he had the
whole people in his power ; while being a stranger,
of a different race than the Egyptians, he would
not alienate the priests, a class which in many
eases proved more powerful than the king.
\Vhether the state of things which prevailed
noder the Ptolemies is a consequence of what
Joseph did, we cannot say. It is not likely
that what ho did outlived the war which
caused the Hyksos to be expelled and the re-
action which ensued. But the idea of the
absolute right of the king over the land is so
common in Eastern monarchies, even at present.
EGYPT
867
that it is quite natural that we should find
something of the kind in Egypt.
Besides agriculture, one of the important
incomes of Egypt was derived from the fisheries.
The Greek authors speak of the great amount
of salt fish which was eaten in Egypt. L.ake
Moeris was one of the places which was most
productive, as well as the northern part of the
Delta. Fishing, like hunting, was one of the
sports of the upper classes, and there were offi-
cers specially entrusted with the supervision of
the lakes preserved for the kings. There were
evidently many more canals and lakes than at
present, and great care was taken of them as
well as of the dykes. The rising of the Mile
was registered in the nilometers, and great fes-
tivals took place at the beginning of the
inundation.
An art which is intimately connected with
agriculture, and which the Egyptians carried
very far, is land surveying. The invention of
it was attributed to the god Thoth ; it was more
necessary in Egypt than anywhere else, as con-
stantly the Nile carries away the landmarks, and
there is great difEcnlty in recognising the limits
of different properties.
Malting mr^pjraMhoai. (WUkhMOB.)
9. Botany. — The cultivable land of Egypt con-
sists almost wholly of fields, in which are few
trees. There are no forests and few groves,
except of date-palms, and in some parts of Lower
Egypt a few of orange and lemon trees. The
two kinds of palms are represented on the
monnments ; they seem to have been as common
as they are now. The date-palm was cultivated
not oijy for its fruit, but also as an ornament
in the gardens ; its fibres were used as thread.
The dim-palm — which, according to an inscrip-
tion, sometimes reached the height of sixty
cubits— was employed for the masts which
adorned the pylons of the temples. The syca-
mores and several kinds of acacia were also very
much grown. One of them, the .^cacKi nilotica,
was a most useful tree. With its wood were
made doors, boxes, coffins, boats, and statues;
it gave also a kind of oil, which was one of the
sacred offerings, and from which some medicine
was also prepared. We find in the inscriptions a
great number of names of trees which have not
been identified.
The fruiu of Egypt were considered as very
good, as well as the vegetables ; and the Israel-
ites in the desert look^ back to the time when
they enjoyed the luxuries of the Egyptian soil :
" We remember the fish, which we did est in
Egypt freely ; the cucumbers, and the melons.
and the leeks and the onions, and the garlick "
(Num. xi. 5). The numerous pictures in
the tombs give as an idea of the variety of
fruits and vegetables : grapes, figs, dates, pome-
granates, water-melons, onions, cucumbers,
lentils, all those things are found in abundance,
as well as different kinds of corn — wheat, which
was the most common, and also oats, barley,
millet, and doorah. In the account of the
plague of hail (Ex. ix. 32), mention is made of a
field product called fl^^S, " spelt," which is
rendered there S\vpa (Jar, Vulg.) ; Ezek. iv. 9,
nuVium, Vulg.; in Is. ixviii. 25, (^a, mtVium.
It is doubtful whether it is a cereal or a legu-
minous product; but if it is a cereal, it is
likely that it must be millet or even doorah,
as spelt is not cultivated in such a hot climate
as Egypt.
The reeds were very common along the canah
and the river, and the most famous of them
was the papyrus (fiyperus papyrus}. There
were several kinds of reeds which hav« different
names in Egyptian. One of them is called kem,
ketnan, fCOJULl ; >n Heb. KDJ. Reeds, and
among them the papyrus, were employed for
making boxes, baskets, and also very light boats,
which were used for hunting the hippopotamus
in the marshes. Baskets of reeds are still made
3 K 2
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868
EGYPT
in Nubia and on the Upper Xile, and sold in
great qnantities in Egypt. The KQi TISR. the
ark or ekiff of reeds, in which the mother of
Moses put her child (Ex. ii. 3), must have been
something of the kind. Isaiah (xriii. 2) also tells
OS of K^j"*?!), vessels of reeds, which were sent
to Ethiopia. The papyrus or byblos was parti-
cularly cultivated in Lower Egypt; the paper
was made with the inner part of the stalk, which
was cut in thin slices after the rind bad been
removed. The use of the papyrus seems to have
been contemporary with the origin of the civili-
sation ; the papyrus roll is a common sign in
all the inscriptions. The plant which was the
object of such a flourishing industry has now
entirely disappeared from the soil of Egypt, and
is found only on the Upper Nile.
The Egyptians bestowed great care on their
gardens, in which we see trees, vegetables, and
a great many plants which were purely orna-
mental; some of them came from abroad.
There are always ponds in the gardens, and
they were favourite places of resort during the
beat. [For a drawing of an Egyptian garden,
see Garden.] Both sexes seem to have had a
particular taste for flowers; they made great use
of wreaths and garlands, and certain priests
were especially entrusted with the flowers of
the temples.
Huch valuable information has been brought
to us concerning the flora of Egypt, by the
ofierings which have been found in the tombs,
and quite lately by the wreaths which adorned
the mummies of kings and princesses discovered
in the hiding - place of Deir-el-Bahri. The
tombs of the 11th dynasty contained wheat,
oats, barley, flax, doorah, olives, beans, millet.
The flax is the Limim humOe, the same which is
now cultivated. None of those seeds has ever
grown, whatever care has been applied in sowing
them. The wreaths of the kings who reach
from the 18th to the 21st dynasty are made in
the most artistic way ; they are chaplets, made
of several kinds of flowers sewn in folded
leaves. The outward cover is generally made
with the leaves of a tree now common in Abvs-
sinia, but which is not found in Egypt, the
Mimusops Schimpiri, the so-called persea; it
roost have been cultivated for its red berries,
which are now the food of the inhabitants of the
land of Bongo. Among the flowers some of the
most handsome are the CetUaurea depreaa and
the Delphinium orientale, which do not belong to
the flora of Egypt at present. Before the time of
the Ptolemies, the Egyptians had only two lotus
flowers, the white and the blue lotus ; the pink
one, Nelumbium spinosum, is not found with the
royal mummies. The blue was a favourite flower
in festivals, for its fine hue and its good smell.
One of the most curious results of the discovery
of Deir-el-Babri is to show that at that early
time there was already a trade in plants with
the Greek islands. There was a basket full of
a kind of lichen, Pamelia fwfwnuxa, which
does not grow in Egypt, and which is common
in all the bazaars, where it comes from Greece.
This lichen is called cA«6a, and is used as leaven
for making Arab bread. It is also very much
employed as medicine in diseases of the chest.
Another product which has very likely the same
origin, and came either from Syria or from
EGYFf
Greece, are the berries of the juniper. In the gar-
lands of Amenophis I., the flowers of the cor-
thatma had preserved their beautiful red colour.
10. Zoology. — Of old, Egypt was a &t more
pastoral country than at present. Cattle wtre
very abnndant, and the Egyptians seem even to
have succeeded in domesticating animili wbich
are no longer such. They had several kinds «f
oxen — we see even in one instance the scbn,
which very likely must have been imported;
goats and sheep were numerous, and cbieflj
antelopes of various descriptions, of which they
had large herds, like the lencoryx, of which they
ate the flesh, and which were sacrificed vitii
the oxen. As early as the 4th dynasty ve find
the swine, bnt it is rarely represented in the
tombs, very likely on account of its being a
Typhonic animal. In general we cannot argue,
because an animal has not been found repre-
sented in the tombs, that it did not exist in tue
country. There may have been some religiou
idea which prevented its being sculptured «r
painted in a funeral picture. For instance, «<
never find the camel, although it is serenl
times mentioned in the papyri of the 19th
dynasty. It is spoken of as an animal that came
from Ethiopia, that was of a very submisiive
character and easy to be trained ; a teacher
even gives this animal as an example to a luj
disciple, a fact which shows that it must bare
been familiar to him. The neighbouring oatioat
of Arabia and Syria had a great number of
camels, and it would be strange if the Egyp-
tians should not have known this animal and
made use of it. Abraham coming to Egypt h^
camels, and the Ishmaelites who took Josepli
with them had their merchandise carried oo
these animals.
The horse is not found in the pictures of the
earlier dynasties, while we find large flocks <i
asses. It is likely that the horse wai brouglit
to Egypt 'by Syrian or Mesopotamian invadeit,
such as the Hyksos. The horse aeems to bar;
particularly thrived in Egypt: the Pharaob
had a great number of them, and the best
part of their army was farmed of chariau.
They had studs which were under the supR>
vision of high officers, and which they se^n to
have valued very much, as we see in the ii>-
scription of Piankhi that it is one of tbe fiM
things the conqueror looks after. The mch
was that Egypt, which at the beginning *u
dependent on Syria for her horses, became <«
the contrary the market-place of her easten
neighbours. Thus it is commanded respectiag >
king of Israel : " He shall not multiply hone>
to himself, nor cause the people to retnra tf
Egypt, to the end that he should multiply hor«s'
(Deut. xvii. 16), which shows that the brerd
of the royal studs was in high repute. " Soloooa
had horses brought out of Egypt, and liu*
yam: the king's merchants received the lioei
yam at a price. And a chariot came up ani
went out of Egypt for six hundred shekels of
silver, and a horse for a hundred and fifty : asd
so for all the kings of the Hittites, and for the
kings of Sjrria, did they bring them out by
their means " (1 K. x. 28, 29). The nomber k
horses kept by Solomon for chariots and caralrr
was large (1 K. iv. 26, x. 26; 2 Ch. L I*,
ii. 25). Some of them came as yearly tributes
from his vassals. Such was the case also tor
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EGYPT
the kings of the Hittites mentioned above, and
who appear often in the Egyptian inscriptions.
The Kheta (Hittites) were among the ftercest
enemies of the Pharaohs of the 19th dynasty :
their principal aim was a force of chariots
resembling those of the Egyptians. Among the
tributes brought by the lieteanu (Syrians) to
the kings of the 18th dynasty we see white
horses. The horse was also used for ploughing.
Dogs were more prized formerly than they
are now, for they are held by the Muslim to be
andean animals. We can trace on the monu-
ments several kinds of dogs of rarious breeds
and colours : hounds for hunting the gazelle ;
the modern spits ; the mastiff, which was used in
the chase of the lion; besides the common watch-
dog, which is now seen everywhere in Egypt.
[Doo.]
The deserts have always abounded in wild
animals, especially the hyaena, which could be
domesticated, several kinds of jackals and foxes,
and antelopes. The lion was found much
farther north than now. The cat was one of
the sacred animals, particularly venerated at
Bubastis. Like the Indian princes of the present
day, the kings and the very wealthy men liked
to have strange animals ; we see that Negroes
brought from Ethiopia giraffes, a kind of leopard
which was used for hunting, besides elephants.
From the land of Punt came a kind of cyno-
cephalns, which the inscriptions call kafvi, the
n»e^p of Solomon (1 K. x. 22; 2 Ch. ix. 21).
The pictures of the tombs very often show
the deceased hnnting the hippopotamus, which
is found in the marshes. It was chased with
spears and nooses by men standing on small
boats made of reeds. According to the sculp-
tures in the tombs, at a very remote epoch the
hippopotamus was frequent in Lower Egypt.
Tradition said that the first king, Mena, had
been carried off by one of these animals. But if
we consider that we see the chase of the hippo-
potamus only in funereal pictures, and that the
same word applies in Egyptian to the wild boar,
we may reasonably suppose that it is a merely
conventional representation. In the text of
the myth of Horus we find that the sacrifice of
a pig commemorated the victory of the god
over Typhon, who had taken the form of a
hippopotamus. There may be something of
the kind in the funereal pictures. In the other
world the deceased chases the huge Typhoaic
animal ; while in real life he amused himself
in chasing the wild boar, which must have been
still more abundant than it is now, in the
marshes of the Fayoom. The description of Hero-
dottis (ii. 71) would apply much better to the
boar than to tho hippopotamus. On the
contrary, in the Book of Job, the poetical de-
scription of the behemoth must be understood as
meaning the hippopotamus. [Bghehotii.] The
elephant is always represented as a strange
animal ; however, it gave its name to the city
of Elephantine.* Among the small animals,
which were very numerous iu the country, we
may mention the hare, the porcupine, the ich-
• The name of this clt7 must be understood as
meaning the dty of ivory, and not of the elephant.
There ivory was brought by the traders of the Upper
Nile.
EGYPT
869
neumon (which was a sacred animal), the rat,
and about fifteen varieties of bats.
Birds abounded as they do still now ; among
them, the hawk, the vulture, the ibis, the
plover were sacred, as being emblems of ui-
vinities. The poultry consisted of several kinds
of geese, ducks, pigeons, as well as herons and
cranes. The ordinary fowl does not appear in
the sculptures, although the hieroglyphic sign
fgr the letter u represents a chicken. The
chose of water-fowl was a very common sport.
Among the reptiles, the crocodile must be
especially mentioned. In the Bible it is usually
called J^JJl- DJ3FI, " dragon," a generic word of
almost as wide a signification as " reptile," and it
is used as a symbol of the king of Egypt. Thus
in Ezekiel : " Behold, I am against thee, Pharaoh
king of Egypt, the great dragon that lieth in
the midst of his rivers, which hath said, My
river is mine own, and I have made it for
myself. But I will put hooks in thy jaws, and
I will cause the fish of thy rivers to stick unto
thy scales, and I will bring thee up out of the
midst of thy rivers, and all the fish of thy
rivers shall stick unto thy scales. And I will
have thee thrown into the wilderness, thee
and all the fish of thy rivers ... I have given
thee for meat to the beasts of the field and to
the fowls of the heaven " (ixix. 3-5). Here
seems to be a retrospect of the Exodus, which
is described with a closer resemblance in
Ps. Ixxiv. 13, 14: "Thou didst divide the sea
by thy strength : Thou brakest the heads of
the dragons (D*j^3J3) in the waters. Thou
brakest the heads of leviathan ()n^^7) in pieces,
and gavest him to be meat to the dwellers in the
wilderness." The last passage is important, as
indicating that whereas p|9 is the Hebrew gene-
ric name for reptiles and whales, JTI'I? is the
special name of the crocodile. Its description
in Job (xl., xli.) fully bears out this opinion.
The crocodile was found even in Lower Egypt ;
now it has retired to the upper part of the
country, and it is seldom seen below the First
Cataract except near Kom Ombo, the ancient
Ombos, or even as far as Keneh. It was one of
the animals which played a most important
part in religion. In some places, like Apolli-
nopolis (EdfooX Tentyra (Uenderah), Heracle-
opolis (Ahnas el Medineh), it was considered as
an emblem of Set, who had taken this form io
making war against Horus ; while at Ombos and
Arsinoii it was the object of great reverence ;
it was fed by priests and worshipped as a god.
The reason of this is that the Egyptians attri-
buted to the crocodile a certain power in causing
the Nile to rise, and, besides, the crocodile was
also a solar god.
Among the reptiles we must mention the
serpents, which are very numerous. Some of
them are considered dangerous, like the homed
snake or cerastes, which constantly occurs in
the inscriptions as the letter /. The asp is
the sign of royalty ; it adorns all th# bead-
dresses of the kings, and of most of the gods,
.\s in many other countries, the snake was one
of the animals to which the idea of divinity was
most commonly attached. Being the symbol of
eternity, it was also the emblem of royal power.
Frogs are so numerous that it is not difiicult
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EGYPT
to picture the second plague. There was a
goddess with a frog's head who wa« connected
with the measure of time, in reference to some
very long period. The tadpole in the hiero-
glyphs is the sign for 100,000.
There was abundance of fishes in the lakes
and the canals. Although the fisheries have
greatly fallen away, their produce is atill a
common article of food, especially in the north-
ern districts near Lake Henzaleh and Lake Ma-
reotis. Several of them were sacred, — the oxy-
rhynchus (Mormyna oxyrhynchta), which gare
its name to one of the nomes of Upper Egypt,
and the latus (Pirca latut) which was worshipped
at Latopolis, Esneh ; also the phagros, which is
perhaps an eel, and the lepidotui (Cypn'ittu
Upidcius).
The scorpion is common in the desert and in
the mini of Upper Egypt ; it is much more
dangerous in summer than during the winter
time. It is also the emblem of the goddess Selk
or Serk, who was one of the forms of Isis.
Among the insects the locusts must be men-
tioned, which sometimes come upon the culti-
rated land in a cloud, and eat every herb, fruit,
and leaf where they alight. They are more
common in Nubia, where they are an article of
food. Flies are one of the permanent plagues of
Egypt, as well as mosquitoes. The fourth plague
(&i, viii. 21), 213}, im>6iivM (Sept.), wimuna
(Hieron.), seems to hare been a plague of those
animals ; while the third, DS^, o-kvi^cs, would
rather refer to fleas or lice (Ex. viii. 1 6 ; Heb. c. 1 1).
11. Ancient In/tabitanta. — ^The old inhabitants,
studied from an anatomical point of view,
appear now with certainty to have belonged to
the Caucasian race, and to the branch of the
Noachian family which is called Hamite or
sometimes Cushite. The great number of their
mummies which have been preserved, and
also the very clear and instructive represen-
tations which they have left, show that in their
corporal structure they had none of the charac-
ters of the Negro race ; they had neither the
protruding lower jaw, the so-called prognathism,
nor the flat nose, nor the sloping forehead. The
hair was long and flaxy, add the stature does
not show the common feature of the Negro races,
the pelvis projecting backwards and forming an
angle with the spin.il cord. The Caucasian
character of their type is most visible in the
skulls which belong to the mummies of the Old
Empire. This natural kinship with the Semitic
and Indo-Qermanic races compels us to admit that
their cradle must have been somewhere in West-
em Asia, very likely in Mesopotamia, and that
from thence they migrated to the valley of the
Nile and settled there. The question is, whether
they came through the Isthmus of Suez, or
whether, like other Cushite nations, they
crossed over from Arabia, and following the
course of the Nile reached Egypt proper. This
point is very much discussed among Egyptolo-
gists, who generally admit that the migrations
of the Egyptians must have been from the North
through the Isthmus of Suez, considering that
the oldest monuments are those of the neigh-
bourhood of Memphis, and that in the Upper
Nile and in Meroe we find nothing but monu-
ments of very late date. However, the tra-
ditions of the old Egyptians seemed to point
EGYPT
to the land called Toneter, the divine land, as
their birthplace. Toneter and Punt (Phut) are
two names intimately connected, the site of
which must be looked for on the African coast in
the land of the Somalis and on the opposite side
of the strait in Southern Arabia. They would
thus have come over through Arabia with all
the other Cushite nations, and followed the
same track. It must be remarked that the Egyp-
tians in their orientation torn to the Sosth, and
that the South is always mentioned btfsre the
North. The tradition wag that llena, the first
king, had started from This in Upper Egypt,
and fotmded Memphis, thus pushing farther
north than had been done before him. It seems
natural to admit that he only yielded to the
impulae which bad been given by former genen-
tions, which had migrated from the South to
the North, following the course of the Nile.
The Egyptians, a Uamite race, are thus quite
distinct from the Negroes and other AfricsD
races, while they are closely connected with the
Coshites, to whom, according to the latest
researches, belong very likely the Phoeniciant,
the Kefa of the inscriptions. It is extraotdinair
that, although the conquests of the Egyptiaai
extended very far, from the Upper Nile to the
north of Syria, they never spread ai a. popalation
outside of Egypt proper. They remained con-
fined between the Kirst Cataract and the Uediter-
ranean. Immediately above Elephantine bega
the Negroes of Uaua, who were at tiBies
subject to the Pharaohs, but only at intervals,
and who never were amalgamated with tb«
Egyptians. The same may be said in regiKi
to the populations of the desert of Sinai,
who were in constant contact with the
Egyptians. The Egyptians must bar* had
a very strongly marked individual chancier,
which was derived perhaps from their religioBS
ideas, perhaps also from the peculiar circum-
stances in which their country waa placed, and
which gave them customs quite different frnn
those of other nations. They were snspicioui
towards strangers, except those who could be
reduced to slavery. For example, the Cushites
are often called "the vile Kush," or the Hittites
"the vile Kheta," while the Negro is praised fet
his submissive character.
Like all other Eastern nations, they used their
prisoners aa slaves, who very likely were not
treated more cruelly than the inhabitants of the
country subject to forced labour. While every-
thing connected with the Egyptian religieo b
most strongly condemned in the Bible, the
Israelites do not seem to have had a particulu
antipathy towards the Egyptians, for they gave
them the privilege of admission into the con-
gregation in the third generation (Deut. xxiii. S\
while the Ammonites and the jloabites wen
absolutely excluded.
12. Language ; Writtng. — The language of the
Egyptians is known to us from a very early
]>eriod. The inscriptions in the Pyramids as)
on some statues are the first remains of it. It
may be said that from the beginning until th*
Homan time, during a period which Luted
more than four thousand years, there has brra
little change in the language, considering tix
immense duration of the Egyptian empire. Of
course there has been some alteration: the
language of the scribes of the 19th dynasty is
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Bot identical with that of the hymns or prayers
which are engraved in the Pyramids ; the Book
of the Dead, wiiich can be traced to a very early
date, contains many grammatical forms which
were obsolete in the New Empire and under the
Ptolemies. However, the general features of
the language are the same.
The language is agglntinative, with biliteral
roots, which become first quadriliteral by redup-
lication, then triliteral by the fall of one of the
letters. ]t has in common with the Semitic and
Indo-Germanic branches the distinction of gen-
ders, which does not exist in African languages;
besides, there are some affinities with the Semitic
idioms in the personal pronouns and in the
onmerab. Many more likenesses with the
Semitic languages might be traced, chiefly in
the roots and the words ; but they must be con-
sidered as importations coming from the inter-
course of the Egyptians with the Semites, which
followed the Hyksos period. Very few are
found in the old language.
The other languages which with the Egyptian
constitute the Hamitic branch are the Libyan or
Berber languages, such as the Tuareg and the
Tunashek, and the languages spoken in some
parts of Soodan and Abyssinia, the Bedja, the
Soho, the Galla, the Somali, to which Dr.
Lepsius adds the Hottentot in South Africa
(Lepsins, Jfub. Gram. p. xvii. ; Hommel, Die
vontm. Cuituren, p. 92).
The writing was hieroglyphical ; it is inter-
esting because it is transitional, between the pure
picture-writing, or ideographic, and the pho-
netic It may be said that the Egyptians were
the inventors of phonetic writing, as they hare
signs corresponding to a definite sound quite
irrespective of the object which the sign repre-
sents. Thus an eagle is a, an owl m. It was
through these signs that ChampoUion succeeded
in deciphering two proper names which gave
him the key to the rest of the alphabet. The
Egyptians could never free themselves from the
old tradition of the picture-writing. A sentence
is never written in phonetic signs only ; it is a
miiture of the three kinds of signs : the ideo-
graphic, the syllabic, and the phonetic From
the ideographic they passed to the syllabic, a
sign being used for the same sound irrespective
of the object it represents. The ideographic is
generally used as determinative, as a kind of
explanatory picture added to the word which is
written with syllabic or phonetic signs. From
the beginning we find this threefold writing. In
the old language, for instance in the inscriptions
of the Pyramids, there are no more ideographic
signs than subsequently ; the phonetic alphabet
is used as frequently as at another epoch. The
result of the existence of these three kinds of
signs is that in Egyptian there is no orthography
jn the sense which we give to that word. There
is not one single spelling for a word ; it can be
written in many ways according to the space, or
the material, or the fancy of the scribe.
We must bear in mind that hieroglyphical
writing has also an ornamental character. In
stone monuments the inscription is the necessary
accompaniment of the sculpture ; it is part of a
picture, and therefore it must follow the rules
of elegance and taste. That is why we often
find inscriptions written from left to right,
while the usual way is the contrary. Hiero-
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871
glyphical writing being difficult and slow, the
Egyptians employed for the common use a short-
hand, which is called by the quite inadequate
name of " hieratic" There is a hieratic sign
corresponding to each hieroglyph. We find
hieratic texts already in the Old Empire. A
farther simplification is the demotic, which goes
parallel with a modification in the language.
We have no demotic text earlier than the 22nd
dynasty. There the signs very much deviate
from the original hieroglyph, and are often
difficult to recognise ; but there are still the
three kinds of signs. It is curious that the
desire to simplify affected only the drawing of
the sign itself, and never induced the Egyptians
to adopt a purely phonetic alphabet of which
they had the elements. To the last they ad-
hered to the rather cumbrous system of three
kinds of signs, including determinatives, until
they rejected their writing entirely and adopted
the Greek letters with four additional signs, i.e.
the Coptic alphabet. Then the language was
very much altered, chiefly under the influence
of Greek, which was the common language in
the cities. The Coptic is still the sacred lan-
guage of the Copts, who read their prayers
without understanding the meaning, unless they
have the Arabic text by the side. It seems to
have ceased to be spoken only at the end of the
last century.
The pure hieroglyphs were used only for
monumental inscriptions and for sacred texts,
like the Book of the Dead. Owing to the
monumental character of this writing, it has
gone through the same phases as the architec-
ture. The affected taste of the Ptolemies, the
pompous style of the time, is felt even in the
engraving of the Egyptian scribes. A great many
new signs were adopted, and increased in number
under the Romans, Nothing is more difficult to
decipher than the enigmatic inscriptions of the
late Ptolemies or of the emperors.
13. Seligion. — The religion of the ancient Egyp-
tians has often been viewed in a very false light,
owing to the prejudiced ideas with which it bus
been studied. The fault rests first with the
Greeks, who translated in>^ their own language
the names of a certain number of Egyptian gods,
giving thus an utterly wrong idea of their
nature and their attributes. It is quite certain
that there are some likenesses between Zeus,
Dionysos, and their Egyptian substitutes Amon
and Osiris ; but there is a fiindamental difference
between the Hellenic and the Egyptian gods. It
is equally erroneous to reconstitute the Egyptian
religion lirom the works of the Gnostic philo-
sophers, or even from the late Alexandrine
writings, like the Orphic hymns or "Hermes
Trismegistos." Whether in some of them a
Christian influence is recognisable or not, it is
certain that these writings belong to an epoch
where metaphysical speculation had biken a
development which is quite unknown in ancient
Egypt; and in adopting the interpretation of
these late philosophers, we attribute to the
early priests a mode of thought which they very
likely never had.
The Egyptian religion is not a system well co-
ordinated in all its parts, and in which every
element has its definite place, nor can it be
considered as having been immutable during
the 4,000 years that the Egyptian empire lasted.
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It certainty undervent some alterations, al-
though on the whole, like the language, it
remained very similar in itself in proportion to
its immense duration. Religious inscriptions
are innumerable : they constitute the great bulk
of the texts which hare come down to us ; and
at first sight the mass presents itself as a
confused and perplexing mixture of ideas which
are sometimes contradictors, sometimes remark-
ably simple and beautiful, sometimes on the
contrary childish and even ridiculous. Howerer,
in spite of the difficulty of discovering the way
in which abstract ideas were expressed, and of
penetrating the sense of a fantastical and wild
symbolism, there are now some well-established
facts which give as a general idea of what the
religion was. ■
It is, of course, the doctrine of the priests
which must be examined. Popular religion was
very much alike everywhere ; it was the worship
of the local god, to whom, more or les.% all the
attributes of the deity were given. Looking at
the texts of the Pyramids or the inscriptions
of the tombs of the kings, or the Book of the
Dead, we find that the religion of the Egyptians
was pre-eminently a wonhip of nature and its
leading manifestations. The chief god was the
god Turn Khepra, also called Ra, who was con-
sidered as born from water, and who gave birth
himself to his limbs, which were gods. The
cosmogonic cycle of gods was composed of nine
divinities, the gods of Heliopolis, the city
which was said to be the most ancient in
the whole land. These gods were Ra Turn
Khepra, Shu, Tefnut, Seb, Xut, Osiris, Isis,
Nephthys, and Hortis. All manifestations of
nature, all the natural forces were gods, but were
not separated from the Creator, and were part of
him. This idea is very unlike what we call
monotheism, although there is in fiict but one
god from whom everything originates. It
would rather correspond to what we call pan-
theism. Besides this genDriil substratum of
religion, there is the local element, which has a
considerable influence. Each large locality or
city had its peculiar god : Phtah was the god of
Memphis, Neith of Sals, Bast of Bubastis, Araon
of Thebes, Khnum of Elephantine, Hathor of
Denderah, Horus of Edfoo, Khem of Panopolls,
Isis of Philae, Osiris of Abydos. Each of those
divinities was considered as the chief god, was
adorned with the attributes of the Creator, so that
the Egyptian pantheon is composed of gods who
differ in name, but are very much alike in their
nature. Especially they were identified with
the elements which are most beneficial, — the sun,
the earth, and the water. It would thus be
wrong to give to one of these gods, like Amon,
the pre-eminence over the others,— it might
just as well be done for Horus of Edfoo, — except
as regards the cycle of the nine gods of Heliopolis,
who seem to have been the most anciently
worshipped, and who are the cosmic gods of the
Book of the Dead, which was venerated in all
Egypt.
In the relation of the gods to mankind there
are some ideas which seem to contradict the
system of the cosmic gods. The great god of
the Lower World is Osiris, who, sitting on a
throne in a sanctuary called, like the temple of
Heliopolis, "the great abode," presides over a
court of justice in which he is assisted by four
EGYPT
judges, and where forty-two witnesses art suc-
cessively appealed to by the deceased, who dedans
that he has not committed one particular sia.
Then the heart of the deceased is weighed gainst
the goddess of truth and justice ; and if the
weight is exactly equal, he is called " justifiei"
This most interesting scene is part of what i.'
called the Book of the Dead, and in the negstire
confession of the deceased we find the cipre^siua
of the highest moral commands. This strong
feeling of the responsibility of man, and the
character which is here given to Osiris, do act
agree with the indiflerence to good and evil
which is the necessary consequence of pantheistic
doctrine.
As regards the fate of the soul after death,
the ideas of the Egyptians are very vague. The
Book of the Dead docs not give us one definite
line which each soul has to follow ; it teaches nt
all that may befall the soul o( the deceased, ill
the forms it may a^ume, all the gates it mar
pass, without its being compelled to do sc.
Sometimes also it seems to be merged in the ose
all-comprising god. One thing is certain, tit
body was not to be destroyed ; it most l«
preserved by all means and reconstituted in all
its vital parts in the Ament ; the body must tt^<t
decay. That is the reason why they emiulmed
the corpses with such care, and why the kiags
shrunk from no expense and difficulties, and
built pyramids or excavated long galleries in
the mountains in order to be certain that their
burial-places would not be violated.
The worship of the forces and manifestatioiu
of nature led the Egyptians to adopt as symbols
the figures of animals. The hawk was thr
representative of Horns, the ibis of Thoth, the
ram of Amon. Two sacred bulls, .^pis ad
Mnevis, were worshipped, — one at UemphU, the
other at Heliopolis ; the latter, as it was of yellow
colour, probably was the animal that gave to
the Israelites the idea of the golden calf. The
adoration of animals must have been to tbr
Hebrew legislator the most ofl°ensive feature ot'
the Egyptian religion ; and in the detailed pro-
hibitions of the second commandment to maktr
"any likeness of anything that is in bearen
above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that i<
in the water under the earth," Moses seems t<>
have remembered those countless representations
of hawks, ibises, bulls, rams, and crocodile*
which he and his countrymen had seen so oftea,
and to have warned the Israelites against socfa
a profanation.
A few foreign divinities were admitted in tb^
Egyptian pantheon. Set or Baal, the god of
the Hyksos, remained after the invaders had
been expelled ; Kamses II. associated him with
Amon in the temples of Tanis and Bubastis, aid
was one of his most faithful worshippers. Asto-
reth (Astarte) was worshipped at Memphis.
Her foreign origin is proved by her being repre-
sented on a chariot, while the Egyptian g«dt
travel by boat.
The mystical turn of mind of the Egyptians,
their strange symbolism, which was not under-
stood by the Greeks, caused their religion t*
degenerate. Under the Romans the Egyptian
priests fell into disrepute for their gross snper-
stitions and their magical practice*.
14. Zatrs. — We have only very imperitct
accounts of the laws of the Egyptians dnr«%
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the Old and Middle Empire, and even under the
great Theban dynasties. However, from a
certain nnmber of papyri which contain records
of suits of law either civil or criminal, we
may infer that there were very definite laws,
anil that the organisation of justice was very
high and dated from a very early epoch.
Among the titles of the deceased in the tombs of
the Old Empire, we find some which evidently
indicate magistrates ; for instance, what is called
the royal thiity, which must have been a court
of law, and the title of the arch-juAje, who,
according to Diodorus, wore around his neck a
chain from which hung the image of the god-
dess Ma (Truth and Justice).
The most interesting trials of which records
hare been preserved, belong to the reign of
Ramses III. and Ramses IX. One is a trial for
high treason which had taken place in the
palace of the king himself, and where the king
seems to delegate to the court the prerogative
which he possessed of condemning the culprits.
The other document is the inqnet^t which takes
place on the state of the royal tombs at Thebes,
which had been violated by thieve.1, and where
the guiltiness of the accused not being proved
they -were acquitted. From these and from other
docnment.$ of the same kind we may see that
generally a suit of law was introduced by the
plaintiff, who handed bis grievance in writing to
the governor ; then the court was assembled,
which was composed of priests and several
high otBcers. The debates were public and
verbal, each party speaking in turn. The court
pronounced only the verdict for or against the
plaintiff', and the right of passing the sentence
belonged to the king. It most be admitted
that this right was only exercised by the king
in important cases, or before the high court,
which, according to the Gre^ authors, was
composed of thirty judges, ten from each of
the greatest cities — Thebes, Memphis, and Helio-
polia.
Capital punishment was often applied, but
sometimes in the form (which is still used in
some Eastern countries) of compelling the con-
demned to commit suicide. Bastinado was the
most common of corporal punishments applied to
both sexes; a much more severe one was the
cutting oET of the nose and ears. Torture was
also applied in order to extort an avowal from
the accused.
Very much information has been acquired by
the translation of the demotic contracts of late
epoch; of which there is a great number in
the various museums. We have thus obtained
an insight into the civil law of the Egyptians,
which, under the last Pharaohs and the Ptole-
mies, was most precise and definite. The stipu-
lations concerning the sale of land, . mortgage,
inheritance, the rights of the wife and children,
show that there was a code of laws which
certainly was the result of very old traditions
and of a time when the state of the country
was settled and peaceful.
The judges were chiefly priests: among the
luts of members of the courts we find men who
were merely civil otficers ; nevertheless it is
likely that the priestly order, the most powerful
in the state, famished the greatest number of
judges. Crimes of impiety were looked at with
abhorrence, even by the population; and de-
EGYPT
873
stroycrs of temples, like the stranger Cambyse;-,
were always the objects of popular hatred.
15. Oowmment, — ^The government was mon-
archical, but limited by laws and customs,
which originated from the fact that the king was
the first priest and the head of all that was con-
nected with religion. The right of succession
was by inheritance. Queens were not excluded
from occupying the throne, and some of them
were very powerful and warlike. Though the
king did not belong to the priestly order, he was
initiated in their knowledge and their mysteries,
and he is considered as performing himself all
the important acts concerning the worship oi
the gods. On the countless sculptures which
adorn the walls of the temples he Is always
represented and named as doing what must
have been the duty of the priests. The Greek
authors, and specially Diodorus, speak in the
most laudatory terms of what we should call
the constitution, of the way in which the rights
and duties of the kings were determined, of the
laws which limited bis power, and of the educa-
tion which was given to the heir to the throne.
Considering the advanced state of civilisation
which the Egyptians reached at a very early
epoch, we mtist admit that the royal power in
Egypt was very different from the dominion of
the barbarous tyrants who ruled over African
or most of the Asiatic nations. The court of
Egypt may well be compared to the court of
Persia, which also excited the admiration of the
Greeks. That there were really some of these
sovereigns who cared for the welfare and pro-
sperity of their subjects, is proved by the tra-
ditions which have been preserved by Manetho
concerning several of them, and also by two
Egyptian books which are instructions to royal
princes. One of them is the so-called Papyrus
Prisse, written by the son of king Assa, con-
taining a moral teaching similar to the Proverbs
of Salomon, and in which the conditions of real
greatness, the duties of man towards his
neighbour, of a son towards his father, are
expounded in simple words which indicate n
very high standard of morality. The other
one, which has been preserved by a scribe
of the 20th dynasty, is called the teaching of
Amenemha I. to his son Usertesen 1. (12th
dynasty). The reigning father gives advice to
his son on his duties when he will ascend the
throne. Even at the time when Joseph was
raised to his high position, when the Hyksoa
kings were reigning. It is easy to see that the
king felt some limitation to his power. Not
only did he not dare to monopolise the land of
the priests as he did in the case of the rest of
the people, but he would not defy the prejudice
of his subjects against shepherds, a prejudice
which arose not so much from the profession
in itself as from the fact that it was that of
the Invaders who had conquered the land.
It is quite a wrong idea to imagine that there
were in Egypt hereditary castes. It is certain
that high employments were often monopolised
by families who very likely enjoyed the favour
of a king or of a dynasty. But a priest might
be at the .same time a general or a civil ofiicer,
and we do not see those insuperable barriers
between the professions which are found in India.
16. Foreign Policy. — The foreign policy of
the Egyptians has generally been considered a»
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b«ing marked by extreme exclnsiveness and by a
great reluctance to admit foreigners into Egypt.
Tlie Kgyptians, like all other nations of anti-
quity, considered the strangers more or less
as barbarians; and this idea, which is derived
chiefly from a religious feeling, had a kind of
justiKcation as long as they had as neighbours
only nations which stood very far behind them
in civilisation. They seem to have admitted
strangers in Egypt whenever they found that
they could employ them to their own ad-
vantage.
The kings of the first six dynasties waged war
chiefly with the inhabitants of the Sinaitic
peninsula, which they held under their rule;
but from the end of the 11th, .wd during the
12th and the 13th dynasties, we see the efforts
of the Pharaohs directed against the southern
countries, the Negroes and the Cushite popu-
lations. Many inscriptions indicate that those
nations were considered as subjects, and very
likely reduced to slavery; however, when we
find at Tani.-) a prince of the 13th dyunsty called
the Negro, and also a king of the Papyrus of
Turin bciring the same name, it shows that the
strangers had acquired in Egypt a certain in-
fluence. Under the 12th and the 13th dynasties
the country seems to have been more accessible
to the admission of foreign elements than earlier.
At this time we find the first intercourse with
the Mat'aioo, a Libyan nation out of which the
Pharaohs of the great dynasties recruited a
foreign police. Then also we see the i>eaceful
invasion of the Shemites, or, according to some
authors, of the semitising Khamites who settled
in the eastern part of the Delta, the Amu
0ottKi\oi, the forerunners of the Uyksos, who
were to conquer the whole land.
When Egypt had been liberated from her
foreign rulers, there began the long war with the
nations of Palestine, Syria, and the upper part
of Mesopotamia. The Semitic element bad not
disappeared from the country with the Hyksos.
Not only did a great part of the Semitic popula-
tion remain in the Eastern Delta, but their
influence was felt very strongly in many re-
spects. We have spoken before of the introduc-
tion of horses and of chariots. The worship of
Baal remained at Tanis, and even in the language
there are many Semitic words which are em-
ployed rather than the corresponding Egyptian,
as if it had been fashionable to choose the Semitic
rather than the vernacular. The conquests of
the Pharaohs in Syria did not last longer than
the lives of the conquerors; they had no in-
fluence on the conquered nations, and except
a few inscriptions no trace remained of the
{Missage of the £gy|>tian8, who exacted tribute
from their vassals, but did not attempt to
press upon them their civilisation. There is
one nation for which the Egyptians seem to
have had more respect than for any others,
the Uittites or Kheta. In spite of their being
always called "the vile Kheta," Ramses II. must
h.tve found that they were rivals worthy of him,
and that it had cost him great diSiculty to
beat them, as he made a treaty of peace in
which both nations are on the same footing, .ind
which is the first diplomatic doctunent of which
we know. In this treaty we find a positive
alliance between the two nations, which are to
help each other in case of attack ; besides, there
are clauses of extradition of fugitive crimimli,
and a kiud of protection of indnstrr, for it is
stipulated that clever workmen coming from
Egypt will not be allowed to settle in the Isnj
of the Kheta, but will be sent back, and the re-
ciprocal clause. Another proof of the respect
which Ramses II. had for the Kheta is tlie fjct
of his marrying the king's daughter.
Of the relations of the Egyptians to the
Israelites, the first we know of is the srrini of
Abraham in the reign of a Hyksos king, vbo re-
ceived him just as one of his followers, Apepi,
was to receive Jacob. The revolution which toot
place at the beginning of the 17th dynuty, ud
the return to power of the native line,
greatly altered the feeling of the Egyptians
towards the foreign settlers, who were then ton-
sidered as prisoners, of war and treated as snch.
The anarchy which prevailed in Egypt tt tlie
end of the 19th dynasty, and the weakness of
most of the rulers of the 20th, prevtnted tbem
from doing anything against the Israelites ; md
later still, when the kingdom of Israel had risen
to a great power, one of the kings of tiie
21st dynasty, very likely a Tanite, gare bis
daughter to Solomon. The expedition of Slisbt
in Palestine may be considered as the last of
those great conquering campaigiu in Syria of
which there had been so many in the ISth sad
the 19th dynasties. After that time Egyptians
and Hebrews were natural allies against tkt
Assyrians and Babylonians. It was this its-
souable policy which Necbo advocated in his
message to Josiah. Aa to Zenh, who is laid to
have been beaten by Asa, he may have been one
of the Osorkons, or he may perhaps have beei
one of the Ethiopian chiefs who at that tint
began already to invade Egypt. The history of
Jeremiah shows how the Jews were accastoned
to look to Egypt for support and to take tthgt
there.
With respect to the African nations, the Ub-
yans, the Mashuash (MaxyesX and the Hat'aioi
were very early employed by the Egyptuns si
gendarmerie, and also as mercenaries ; they bad
likewise some Negro troops. The chiefs of these
mercenaries succeeded sometimes in nsorpinf
the kingly power. The dynasty of Shishak ud
of the Bubastite kings very likely attained to the
throne by the help of their foreign mercenaries.
Generally we may consider that the Kegroes
were subject to predatory attacks, like the slsn-
hunts of modern times. The Negroes were hked
as slaves ; they are spoken of as the " good
Negroes ; " they were diligent and attentive ii
their work.
The Greeks and the other nations of the Medi-
terranean, which had been kept out becaii»
several times the Pharaohs, like Uenephtah and
Ramses III., had had to repel their invasioov
were not only admitted, but called in by Fsan-
metik and the kings of the 26th dynasty, «hi
put an end to the Dodecarcby, and who male
great use of them in their wars. From thai
time the foreign soldiery is an important elemeat
in the history of Egypt. The native popolatim
was exhausted, and had not sufficient energy t^'
resist foreign invaders. They depended on tti'
mercenaries for their defence, and their indeps-
dence was in the hands of those troops. Tb'
could not resist the Persians, and after the
they easily submitted to the Macedonians.
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17. Army. — The Egyptians do not seem to hare
b«en from the fint a verj warlike people ; they
were rather engaged in agricnltnral pursnits.
Their first kings were not great conqnerors, and
except Pepi, who fonght iigaiost the Sinaites,
we do not see records of great wars at this
early period. The army was then also in a
mnch more elementary state than later, and
very likely mnch less trained and disciplined
than under the great Tbeban dynasties. How
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876
ever, eren under the 6th dynasty they had
ali«ady African mercenaries from different Negro
races. The fact of their having to fight only
barbarians like the Negroes did not develop their
military skill, and it is perhaps the reason why
they were such an easy prey to the Hyksos
invaders. With the beginning of the 18th
dynasty we see a complete change in this re-
spect. The horse and the chariot become an
important element in the warfare. Then we
Fhafainx of hMT/ iatellt>7. (WUUluoaO
see well-disciplined troops uniformly armed
and divided into various regiments or bodies.
Chariots and cavalry were the rapid part of the
nnny. Though we hardly see any representation
of horsemen in the battle-scenes, it is likely that
there were some. But the chariots were far
more important. It was the way in which the
king fonght. Each car carried two men, the
charioteer and the warrior, who generally was
an archer.
The infantry consisted of several kinds of
troops. The spearmen had a large shield and
a spear, and also a kind of falchion. The archers
had, beside their bow, a hatchet or a kind of
curved stick, which is still used by African
nations. Slingers are seen on the boats in a
naval fight. Pole-axes and maces are also
common weapons. Even at the time of their
great conquests the Egyptians had mercenaries :
the Shartana, who wore a metal helmet and a
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short dagger, the Mashuash (Maxyea), and the
Kahek, another Libyan tribe. Not only could
these troops fight pitched battles, but they
knew to a certain degree the art of making
iegea. We see on some sculptures the capture
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of very strongly fortified cities of Syria, vhich
could only be taken by a regular siege.
The description which Scripture gires of tie
army of Shishak corresponds to the rarietj of
foreign troops which are often fonud in >a
Egyptian army (2 C'h. xii. 2): "It came to pass
that in the fifth yoarof liiiig Rehoboam, Sliishak,
king of Kgypt, came up against Jerusalem . . .
witii twelve hundred chariots and threescore
thousand horsemen, and the people nere without
number that came with him out of Egypt : tk»
Lubim, the ^ukkiim, and the Ethiapia]i&*
Here the Septuagint ttnnslates the word Stk'
kiim Troglodytes. We hare no reason to cont*
this translation ; we should thus hare menti'B
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of three kinds of African mercenaries — the
Libyans, the Troglodytes, and the Ethiopians,
It is carious to find snch a very large cavalry,
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877
which does not appear in the Egyptian pictures.
They may hare been the Libyans, something
like the Kamidian cavalry.'
Tulnlu.
Tonign troops (WUklafan.)
18. Domestic Life. — ^The scnlptures and paint-
ings of the tombs give as a very fall insight into
the domestic life of the ancient Egyptians, as may
be seen in Sir Gardner Wilkinson's great work.
One of the most striking features is the high
position occupied by women ; it is not rare in
the funeral pictures to see them represented
near their husbands: the wife is called "the
lady of the house," " a palm of loveliness,"
" beloved by her husband." Monogamy seems
to have been the rule ; polygamy, however, was
not forbidden, nor marriage between brother and
sister, which may perhaps be traced to the early
tradition of "endogamy," the marriage within
the family. It is certain that polygamy was
very common with the kings.
As to their general manner of life it is that
of a highly civilised people, whose pursuits
and occupations were essentially agricultural.
The occupations of the upper classes, indepen-
dently of the employments, which must have
been very numerous, either in the administra-
tion of the country or in everything which con-
cerned religion, consisted in the superintendence
of their fields and gardens. The Egyptians
were of a cheerful and rather careless nature,
and were very fond of amusements of all kinds.
Their turn of mind seems to have been rather
witty; they liked caricatures; and in the dia-
logues of workmen which we often meet with,
there are jokes of the same kind as one would
hear now in a gang of fellah-labourers. They
were fond of banqueting, and their parties were
very merry and distinguished by great luxury.
Women sat with men ; they were attended by
female slaves, who brought them the dishes and
cups of wine and flowers in abundance, especially
the lotus, very much likfd because of its good
perfume. Dancing girls would come to amuse the
guests, accompanied by players on the flute and
tambonrine, and women clapping their hands.
They were fond of music: the flute, the " dara-
booka," the harp, and several kinds of guitars
were their instrtunents. They had many games :
draughts, which men and women would play
together, dice, and another called "the vase.
Besides, they liked gymnastics, and one of their
entertainments was to see women juggling, or
performing feats of agility.
All this was in the greatest possible contrast
with the mode of life of the Israelites, who
were from the first a pastoral people (2 K. xiii.
5). Joseph's brethren must have felt very
much as strangers in his company and amidst
his Egyptian attendants, and this explains the
distance which Joseph is obliged to keep between
them and the Egyptians wlien he admits them to
eat in his presence.
The funeral ceremonies were an important
part of the Egyptian life. A considerable
number of priests and workmen were occupied
ia the embalming of the body, which took a
long time, and had to be done carefully. This
custom, which continued to a very late period,
originated in the religious idea above meotioned
(p. 872) ; the body was to be preserved from
corruption. The ceremonies accompanying the
funeral were of various kinds : there was a
procession in which the mummy lying on •
sledge was drawn by cows, while the mourners
followed, and priests read prayers and burnt
frankincense. The mourning lasted seventy-two
days. Jacob and Joseph, according to Scripture,
were treated in that respect exactly as if they
hod been bom Egyptians.
^ It Is through sacred and proftne WTiters that we
know of the existence of Egyptian cavalry. In the case
of ShlabAk's army, horsemen arc clearly Indicated by
the use of the word ^^B> which Is a riding-horse, vbile
chariot-horses are D*D4D- It is a question whether
cavali; was employed independently or only In con-
junction with the chariots which had the main work to
do. This conjunction would explain their not being
represented on the hattle-scenes, and also the fact that
the D^E^^B are generally mentioned after the chariots.
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19. Literature and Art. — Id the Egyptian
langaage there is what ne call a literature, a
collection of works of varioos descriptions,
some of which date from the remotest origin.
There is the religious literature, which is pre-
served both bj stone monnments and by papyri,
besides all other worlis contained in the nu-
merous papyri which are deposited in the
museums. The Egyptians and their sovereigns
were a very literary nation ; they were the first
to have what the Assyrians had also after them,
libraries, which were preserved in the temples.
In the temple called the Ramesseum, and which
Diodorus describes as the tomb of Osymandya.s,
there is a hall, part of which is still extant,
which is consecrated to Thoth and Safekh, " the
lady of the honse of books," and which is clearly
the library which Diodorus mentions. In the
Ptolemaic temples we also find the library, and
the inscriptions on its walls show the catalogue
of the books it contained.
Clemens Alexandrinus (^Strom. lib. vi. p. 286)
gives us very important information on what
he calls the Hermetic books of the Egyptians,
the books attributed to the god Thoth, sacred
books. They did not cover the whole extent of
the Egyptian literature, but they must have
comprised a large part of it. Most of them
have been lost, but there are some works which
we may consider as being part of the forty-two
Hermetic books : they were, first, the two books
of the chants, of which one contained songs in
honour of the gods, the second a description of
royal life and its duties. The next class com-
prised the four astronomical books of the Horo-
scopus; then came the ten books of the hiero-
grammatist, soma of which referred to the art
of writing, others to the geography of Egypt,
the coarse of the Nile ; and then the description
of the properties of the temples. The great
Harris Papjrma, giving detailed accounts of the
donations of king Ramses III. to the chief
temples of Egypt, would undoubtedly belong to
the last class. Then came the ten books of the
Stolistes, devoted to all the ordinances concern-
ing religions worship. It is likely that long
inscriptions found in the temples of Abydos, or
more frequently in the Ptolemaic temples, and
giving ritualistic prescriptions, are derived from
the books of the Stolistes. Then came the
sacred books par excellence, the books of the
prophet, also ten in nnmber, which contained
the laws and everything concerning the gods
and the education of the priests. It is to this
class that belongs the most important religious
work we know, the Book of the Dead. The last
six books contained treatises on medical science,
an art which was very popular in Egypt.
Manetho says that the second king of Egypt,
Athothis, practised medicine and wrote books on
anatomy. The same is said of a king of the 3rd
dynasty. And in fiict in the medical papyri,
the largest of which is the Ebers Papyrus, we
find that parts of the book are attributed to
very early kings.
The Book of the Dead, of which a great
number of copies have been preserved, is a col-
lection of hymns and prayers, which are con-
sidered as being pronounced by the deceased.
They describe all that may happen to the soul
after it has been separated from the body. This
book is not a whole ; it is a mere collection ; but
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it was nsnal to pnt at least part of it near the
mummies in the coffins. Therefore the pappi
differ very mnch in length. The first pnUicatioa
of it was made by Lepsios from a copy prserred
at the Museum of Turin, which probably belongs
to the early Ptolemies.
Besides the religions books, we have papyri on
mathematics and on moral teaching ; descriptioos
of travels ; descriptions of the different coaditieas
of men ; various tales, some of them very old,
relating the life of adventurers, the tale of a
doomed prince, and the famous tale of the Two
Brothers. Magical Ixioks are frequent: oone-
spondences between a teacher and his disciple, in
which generally the teacher endeavoun to per-
snade his pnpil of the great advantage of lean-
ing ; besides what is called poems, without out
being certain that they were poetry, k work
like the poem of Pentaur, celebrating the cam-
paign of Ramses II. against the Kheta, b
certainly written in a poetical style. Bat ttM
laws of the verse have not yet been recognited.
If there were real poetry, it consisted in some-
thing likethe Hebrew verse, in parallel sentences.
It is a great misfortune that we hare lost all
historical books of the Egyptians, except one hit
of kings, of which only a few fragments can b«
used, owing to the very bad state of the
papyrus.
lie great interest which attaches to Egyptisa
art is derived from several circnmstances. It b
perhaps the oldest we know. It had reached
a high point of perfection when all aronnl there
was nothing but nations which coold jaitly be
called barbarians. It had grown out of itself;
there was no borrowing of foreign elements, for
they did not exist. We do not know how loDg
it took what we may call the prehistoric Egyp-
tians to reach the state of civilisation indi-
cated by the tombs near the Pyramids and hj
those monuments themselves ; but we mar be
certain that this was the result of the artistic
sense developing itself graduallri interpreting
nature without any external innaence: eveiy-
thing is indigenous, and has apnng up in the
valley of the Nile, which was for sach a long
time like a well-bnilt house snrroiuided by hats
of savage barbarians.
The foundation of the Egyptian art being
religion, architecture has had by tu the pre-
eminence over scnlpture and painting. The
temple was the abode of the god, and on it the
kings have lavished their treasures and the
labour of their subjects. The remarkably good
stones which are found everywhere in the
valley of the Nile favoured the special gift of
the Egyptians for building ; the colossal and
magnificent bnildings which they raised SR
still the admiration of travellers. They invented
the column and the architrave, in which the
imitation of nature and of the vegetable kingdom
is easily to be recognised.
On the other hand, they raised the Pyrsnli4^
specially destined to protect the body whict
each contained, and the construction of vhick
implies an advanced knowledge of mathematics
and even of mechanics.
The architect was a man of high podtion, «kil>
the sculptor and the painter were only work-
men. Their arts were only the accompanijneni
of architecture, and, thongh they attained a hi^k
degree of beauty, they never extricated them-
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EGYPT
•elres entirely from the conditioiu which recall
their original purpose. The characteristics of
sculpture and painting are remarkable skill in
the (wrtrait, in the reproduction of the features
which distinguish the individual, and at the same
time great purity in line and great boldness in
drawing. The harmony of colour is quite re-
markable. Nevertheless there remains a cun-
reotional style and certain characteristics of an
art still in its infancy. The complete indepen-
dence of the sculptor, coupled with great ability
in handling the stone or the metal, was only
attained by the Greek sculptor. However,
Egyptian art was very much admired in
antiquity, and the Phoenicians made very
many imitations of works of art as well in
Egyptian as in Aatyrian style, and sold them in
their colonies in the Mediterranean.
The Hebrews, who were a pastoral people,
had not much propensity for art, not even for
architecture; beside^ the second commandment
did not allow sculpture to develop itself among
them. In that respect they borrowed little from
E^pt, except perhaps some details in the con-
struction of the Tabernacle and the Ark, like the
cheraba. Their first great monument was the
temple of Solomon. It is difficult to know what
in that building came from Egypt, or what was
dne to the Phoenicians, to whose skill they
appealed.
'20. Magicums. — We find frequent reference in
the Bible to the magicians of tgrpt, and to the
interpreters of dreams (Gen. xli. 8). Visions at
night were considered as a way in which the
gods spoke to men. We have several accounts of
dreams in the inscriptions: for instance, Har-
machis, the god of the great sphinx, appears to
king Thothmes II. during his sleep, and orders
him to repair his monument near the Pyramids ;
the king of the Exodus, Menephtah, when
threatened by an invasion from nations of the
Mediterranean, is warned by the god Phtah not
to take part himself in the battle.
Generally magic was not separated from
medicine. There was a wide-spread belief in
spells, in the magic power of certain words ; we
have several magical books written both in
hieratic and in demotic, in which the most
extraordinary prescriptions are made, mixed
with strange invocations and unintelligible
words, which when pronounced were thought
to have some mysterious effect. Magicians were
not in the least disrepute, and their art seems
on the contrary to have been the sign of pro-
found and hidden knowledge. The serpent was
an animal which always was connected with
magical practices, and what is said of the
(orcerers of Pharaoh and of their changing their
roda into serpents reminds us of the extra-
ordinary power which some men. exert over
those animals, as may be seen constantly even
now in the streets of an Oriental city. (Ex. vii.
11 sq., viii. 18, 19. ix. 11; 2 Tim. iii. 8, 9.)
[Haoic; Jaubrgs; Jannes.]
21. Industrial Arta. — ^The industrial arts held
an important place in the occupations of the
Egyptians, and here we hare again to revert to
the tombs, not only to their pictures and to the
representations they give us of the industry of
the country, but to the numerous objects which
have been preserved in them. Owing to the
very good flax which grew in the valley of the
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879
Nile, the industry of weaving had a great de-
velopment; they made linen of all qualitie.s,
from the coarsest to the most delicate, which
they dyed in brilliant colours. Egyptian linen
had a great repute (Is. xix. 9), and found its
way to Palestine, very likely through Phoenician
traders (Prov. vii. 16). A stouter material was
leather, which wiis worked in large pieces,
painted and ornamented most brilliantly, like
the funeral canopy of Queen Isis em Khcb.
Many arts connected with good housing and
comfort in the dwellings were found in Egypt.
Cari>enters and cabinet-makers are seen, as well
as turners, who used the bow as they do now
in the bazaars of Cairo. There was very Kne
furniture ; most elegant chairs, beds, and stools
are represented in the tombs, besides boats of
pleasure, which must have been most luxurious.
A great quantity of pottery was made. It was
perha)« one of the employments of the Hebrews
during their bondage. Glass seems to have
been known as early as the 11th dynasty, and
pictures of glass-blowers are met with in the
tombs of Beni-Hassan of the 12th dynasty.
Boat-making must have employed a great
number of people, as nearly all transport was
made by water ; however, they also made
chariots, but only after the use of the horse
became frequent in the army.
Egyptian jewellers have left us pieces of their
work which still excite the admiration. The
famous jewels of Queen Aahhotep of the 17th
dynasty show how skilful they were. These are
made in silver and gold, precious stones, and a
glass paste or enamel. In the ornamenting of
the temples, besides gold and silver, the Egyp-
tians used the metal called asem, the IjXtKrpos
of the Greeks, which is a mixture of gold and
silver ; for common tise they had chiefly copper
and bronze ; iron, though known already at an
early epoch, was much rarer, and very likely a
foreign import. Precious metals were never
coined ; there was no Egyptian coinage before
Alexander ; the gold is seen in rings or purses,
or plates, and the exchanges were paid by weigh-
ing the precious metals, as was customary in
Palestine at the time of the Patriarchs (Gen.
ixiii. 16).
22. Festitalt. — The religious festivals were in
great number, judging from the lists which are
found in the calendars ; and in the great tem-
ples like Thebes, Denderah, and Edfoo, they were
kept with great pomp. The processions were
an important part of the festivals : the emblems
of the gods were carried in the halls or some-
times outside of the temple at certain fixed days
and hours. It is certain that some of those fes-
tivals were attended with much licence — for
instance, the grand festivity of Bnbastis, which
is described by Herodotus (ii. 59, 60) ; this was
particularly the cato with the festivals of gods
of generation. The description of the festival
of the golden calf given in Ex. xxxii. shows
that it also took that character. Whether
the golden calf was a recollection of Apis or
Mnevis or some other bull, it was an emblem of
the generative power, and the description has a
certain likeness to the festival of Amon Khem
represented on the temples at Thebes, where a
white bull appears, and where there is much
dancing.
23. Manners of modem Inhabitants. — In the
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manners of the modern inhabitants there is
much which recalls the old Kgyptians, which
is derived from peculiar circumstances of the
nature and the climate of Egypt, so different
from other countries; much also which illus-
trates the Bible, owing to the immutability of
things in the East, and also to Arab influence.
In this respect^ the standard work to be con-
sulted is Lane's Modem Eijyptians ; cp. also Mrs.
Poole, The Englishuxyman in Egypt.
24. Chronologi/. — No subject in Egyptology is
more discussed than chronology ; there is none
on which opinions are more at variance, and
which is to be treated with more caution.
Chronology is based upon astronomy; and al-
though we have a certain number of astrono-
mical representations, they are so intermingled
with mythology, so evidently recorded for a
religious purpose, that it is difficult to make any
safe use of them. We know, however, that
there were some astronomical books, but none of
them have come down to us, except perhaps a few
fragments inscribed on the walls of some temple.
According to the generally prevalent ideas
which were first advocated by Lepsius in his
standard book on Egyptian chronology, the
Egyptians had two different years: a vague
year, consisting of twelve months of thirty days
and fire intercalary days ; and, besides, a fixed
solar year, consisting of 365J days. Those years
began originally on the same day, the first of the
month of Thoth (20th July, Greg.), with the
heliacal rising of Sothis. But as after four
years there was a difference of one day in the
1>eginning of the two years, it is admitted, and
confirmed by testimonies of Greek authors, that
they made use of the so-called Sothiac cycle,
1460 solar years corresponding to 1461 vague
years : after the lapse of that period, the two
years began again on the same day. Although
we find no allusion in the hieroglyphic texts to
the Sothiac period, the constant mention of Sothis
in reference to the beginning of the year makes
it very probable that they knew the period and
made use of it ; while on the contrary there is
no reason at all to admit the existence of a
period of Apis (25 yearsX or of the Phoenix
(500 years), which are not supported even
indirectly by the monuments. In the inscrip-
tions, when a great number of years is indicated,
it is generally by means of the Set cycle, the
rpuueovTtTTipls (30 years), or the hunti, a period
of 120 years.
The Egyptians had three seasons of four
months. The first was the season of the innn-
dation, which began shortly after the summer
solstice, and which comprised the mouths of
Thoth, Paophi, Athyr, and Choiak. The second,
comprising the months of Tybi, Mechir, Phame-
not, and Pharmuti, was the season of ploughing
and agricultural labours. The third was the
season of harvest, — Pachons, Payni, Epiphi,
Mesori. The names of the seasons had no sense
in the vague year, as in the course of time the
seasons went through all the different parts of
the year.
There was no fixed era : no mention has been
found of anything like it except in mythological
texts and in the tablet of the year 400, in which
an officer of Ramses II, dates his arrival at
Tanis in the 400th year of the king Set Nnbti,
in the- 4th day of Mesori. It is difficult to
know what real historical value may bt attri-
buted to this date. The events are alxrajk
dated by the year of the reigning king. Besides,
the Egyptians do not seem to have felt the Deed
of fastening their history to some fixed utn-
nomical facts. Their chronology was more a
succession of kings and names, with the sam of
years during which they had reigned. Tlie
calendars seem to hare had a specially relipoos
purpose ; they indicate when the festiraU of
the gods are to take place, when the o&riogs
are to be brought. Tlie mention of an en is
derived from a passage of the Greek matlieiiu-
tician Theon, who speaks of an era of king
Menophres, the beginning of a Sothiac cycle,
which would correspond to July 20, B.C. 1322.
Lepsius has endeavoured to prove that kiog
Menophres was the son of Ramses II., Menepkuh
of the 19tb dynasty. In fact, the name of
Menophres has not been identified in this fom,
and it is a question whether it is not tbe
coronation name of a king, the name of the
first cartouche including the syllable Ra, rather
than the second name, as is the case with
Menephtah.
Extensive researches on the calendar hare bea
lately made by several scholars, and psrtica-
larly by Bmgsch, who, in his book vrittea it
1865 {Materiaux pour sernr a la reootatrndifM
du Calendrieitdes anciena Egyptiem), had come t«
the conclusion that nnder the 12Ui dynasty the
Egyptians used four different years — the ngae
year, the solar year, a lunar year, and a Ignai
year with intercalation. Quite lately, revertia;
to his former studies with the addition of •
great number of new texts, and interpreting
many of the mythological expressions Tlich
refer to astronomical facts. Dr. Brngsch discsnii
several of the results which he advocated in lii»
previous works, and brings forward ooncliuioiii
which, if they can stand the test of a scTcn
criticism, would certainly be a great pn^T^ss
in our knowledge of the Egyptian oUendai.
According to the new theory of the emioeat
Egyptologist, the principal facts wonld be tli<
following.
The dates of all Egyptian monnmeits sie
given in the vague year of 365 days, whidi
began originally with the heliacal ridng of
Sothis in the night of the 19-20 Joly. There
are only two mentions of a fixed solar year witt
an intercalary day after four years, and both of
them are later than tbe reform of the caleadsr
made by the emperor Augustus and the intro-
duction of the .\lexandrian year. The corre-
spondence of the vague year with a fixed year
is indicated through the phases of the moon, tlie
stations of the sun, the beginning of the seasoi»,
and the rising of certain stars, particulsrl;
Sothis. The existence of a lunar year running
parallel with the solar rear, and which wu
used as well aa the civil year for the dstii^
of certain festivals, is with Dr. Bmgsch a«
established fact. 'The eminent Egyptologies,
although denying that there is any mention of
the Sothiac cycle, quotes three inscriptions giriag
the rising of Sirius at a certain date of tie
vague year : of those dates one belongs to tlie
6th, another to the 18th dynasty, and At
last to a Roman emperor at Esneh ; they srt
evidently separated by the so-called i»oc«t«-
OToo-ij, the period of 1461 years of the S«tkK
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cycle; which would imply that this period was
well known to the ancient Egyptians.
These few facts will show how difficult it is
at present to reconstruct the chronological
system of the Egyptians, the more so because
there are CTidenUy many expressions of which
we do not yet know the real sense.
We are not mnch more fortunate with his-
torical chronology. Our best materials for esta-
blishing it are the lists of kings, the most
important of which is contained in the Papyrus
of Turin. It is written in hieratic characters,
very likely under the reign of Ramses 111. of
the 20th dynasty. It consisted of ten columns
of text giving the names of all the kings, from
the gods or heroes down to the time of the
Hyksos, with the number of years, months,
and days which they had reigned; at the end
of each dynasty the numbers were summed up.
This document, which contained more than 200
names, and wliich would be invaluable for the
reconstruction of historical chronology, is unfor-
tunately broken into 164 pieces. A few larger
portions have been put together, but a run-
ning text cannot be restored.
"Hiere are some other lists on dilierent monu-
ments : the largest is the list of Seti I. in the
temple of Abydos, giving 75 names of predeces-
sors of Seti I., the first being Mena. Although
this list is of gre.it value for the sequence of
the kings, it is far from being complete. Apart
from the Hyksos, who are entirely omitted, it
is certain that Seti has made a choice between
his ancestors, and has neglected those whose
reigns were very short or inglorious. This list
was copied by the son of Seti I., Ramses II., in
the same temple of Abydos. The fragments of
his copy have been brought to the British
Museum.
Further, we have the list of Sakkarah, which
comes from the tomb of an officer called Tou-
naii; it contains only 47 names, begins with
the sixth king of the 1st dynasty, and is less
reliable than that named above, as the scribe has
evidently shown some carelessness in the way he
copied liis original. It belongs also to the time
of Ramses II. There are several others of minor
importance.
According to tradition, the lists of kings pre-
served in the temples were used as documents
by a Sebennytic priest called Hanetho, who
wrote under Ptolemy Philadelphos, and by his
command. He is said to have written three
books on AP)virTicuci troniHinaTa. This work
was not noticed by the Greeks, and particularly
not by Diodorus ; but the Christian chrono-
graphers and Josephus have made great use of
it, and we know Manetho only through their
writings. Josephus gives us a few fragments,
but the lists of dynasties are known by the ex-
tracts of Africanns quoted by Syncellus and
those of Eusebius. It is therefore hardly passi-
ble to say that we have the text of Manetho
himself, as it has mainly come to us third hand.
Manetho divided the history of Egypt down to
the Ptolemies into thirty dynasties, the thirty-
first being the Persians ; for each dynasty he
gives the names of the kings and the number
of years they reigned. It was long supposed
that Manetho would be a sound basis for the
reconstruction of Egyptian shronology. How-
ever, it has proved not to be so. Wherever we
BIBLK Dier — VOL. I.
can check his dates by monumental evidence,
there is a considerable difference between his
numbers and those of the Egyptian inscriptions,
and that chiefly for the time previous to the
20th dynasty. Admitting all his dynasties to
have been successive, Mena, the first king, would
have to be placed in the year 5613 B.C. On the
other hand, a passage of Syncellus says that
Manetho reckoned the length of the history of
Egypt as 3555 years from Mena to the conquest
under the Persian king Ochos; which would
place the beginning of the first reign in the
year 3892. Lepsius lays a great stress on this
passage, which he considers as taken from the
original Manetho, while others think that it is
derived from a book called Sothia, which was
falsely attributed to Manetho. In order to
make the lists of the kings coincide with this
sum, Lepsius has admitted that several of the
dynasties must be considered as having reigned
simultaneously. It is certain that the nearly total
absence of monuments of the 7th to the 10th
dynasties and the great gap of the Hyksos' time
may justify such an assumption. However,
there is hardly any evidence of collateral dy-
nasties in the inscriptions, and, besides, we know
many names of kings who are not mentioned by
Manetho.
It is easy to understand that with such scanty
and unreliable information there is considerable
difference of opinion among Egyptologists as to
the dates, chiefly for the Old and the Middle
Empire. After the 18th dynasty we have some
synchronisms which help us, to a certain degree ;
the date of the Exodus, which historical proof
shows to have taken place very soon after Ramses
11. ; and the capture of Jerusalem by Shishak
(Sheshonk I.).
List of the DmAsnES of Manetho.*
Dynasty.
Native of
Kings.
1st
This (Arabat el Hadfonneta)..
. 8
2nd
c, •>• ••• <•• ..
. •
3rd
Memphis
9
ith
„
8
6ttl
ElepbAiitine (Memphis ?) ..
9
6tb
6
1th
Memphis
6
8th
„
. 9
«th
Hencleopolls
4
lOth
,,
. 19
llth
Wospolis (ThelKs)
. 18 6(?)
12th
j^
8
13tb
„
60
14th
Xois (Sakha)
76
16tb
Hyksos
S
leth
„
32
nth
Dlospolla
S
18th
^
. 8
19tb
^
1
20th
„ ... ... ... ..
12
2l8t
Tante
»
22nd
KubasUs
. 9
23nl
Tsnls
. 3
34tb
Sals
. 3
2eth
Kthlopians
3
26tb
8«is
9
21th
Persians
9
38th
Sals
4
2Mb
Mendes
4
30th
Sebenn>tu8
3
31st
Persians from Ochoa
. 3
• See Lepsiaa* Kdnigtbuck dtr Aegypfer.
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The following table gives the date of the
beginning of each dynasty according to the view
of three of the leading Egyptologists. It is to
be remarked that, as has been said before, the
system of Lepsius starts from the datum which
he considers as Manethonian, that the whole
duration of the Egyptian empire was 3555 years.
Mariette {Aperfu de VHM. Anc. de VEgypU)
merely sums up the numbers of Manetho, while
Brugsch alone has a chronological system which
is giren here from his last History of Egypt'
(Leipz. 1877).
Brugsch.
4400
4133
39M
3733
3S66
3300
3100
3460
7Xa
ITOO
1400
1200
1100
9S6
166
?33
100
«66
621
3M
376
340
332
25. History. — We shall now give a short sketch
of the history of Egypt, insisting chiefly on the
general features, and on the facts connected with
Scripture.
The early age, as we know from Hanctho
and t)ie Turin Papyms, is mythological. The
gods were considered as having reigned over
the country, even Set himself; and the duration
of each dominion was assigned in the papyrus.
After the gods came the age of the Shesu-Hor,
the followers of Horns, who are said to have
helped Hurus in his conquest of Egypt from
Set. The time of the followers of Horus is
mentioned in the texts as what we should call
t/te prehistoric age.
The first historical king is called by the
inscriptions Mena. We have no Egyptian
inscriptions concerning him, only the mention of
his name ; but the Oreek authors speak of him.
By them he is said to have left This (near the
present town of Girgeh), and to have founded
Memphis on a spot which he gained from the Nile
f Since Brugsch wrote bis faistory, tils recent dl^
coverles will probably modify bis nnmbere. As be
refers to the relKn of Thothmes ill. tlie Bstronomical
coincidence of the stone of Elephantine, which falls in
the years 1417-1474, this lowers bis numbers by about
120 years.
Dynasty.
I<epalna.
Mariette
1
8892
6004
2
3639
4161
3
3338
4U9
4
3124
4336
6
2840
3961
e
2144
3103
7
2692
3600
8
2622
S660
9
2614
3368
10
2666
3149
11
2423
.. } 3064
12
3380
13
2136
3861
14
2161
2398
15
3101
16
1842
2214
17
1684
,.
18
1691
1103
19
1443
1462
30
1269
1288
21
1091
1110
22
961
980
23
181
810
24
139
121
26
116
116
26
«86
666
27
636
621
29
636
406
29
399
399
30
318
318
31
340
340
Alexander
332
332
EGYPT
through changing the bed of the river by meusof
a dyke. Diodonu relates (i. 45) that he taaght
his subjects how to worship the godi tnd to
offer sacrifices, and besides how to make tables
and beds and use precious clothing, and to
introduce into their life all kinds of laimiei.
Thus he seems to have been the 6rst soverogn
who, if he did not introduce civilisation in the
country, at least did very much to farther it.
It is quite possible that his work consisted in
uniting under his sceptre districts which were
under the dominion of different rulers, and in
making thus one kingdom. It is a dificak
question, which very likely will never be solved,
bow far the £g3rptians were civilised before
Hena, and how long it took them to reach that
point. This qneetion is intimately couwcted
with that of the origin of the Egyptians. It
ha* been said above that most of the kist«riaa^
are of opinion that they came into the coDalrr
through the iathmns of Suez, and not from
Ethiopia, as is said by Herodotus, becauw the
most ancient monuments are found near Mem-
phii ; and that, on the contrary, on the Upper
Nile there is nothing except of a very receat
date. However, it may be observed thit
civilisation does not always go parallel with
the migrations of nations. In the Egyptiss
tradition everything points to a migration fnm
the South, as if they had come from Ams
through Arabia, crossing the Red Sea; snl
particularly the fact that Mena himself^ >
native of This, hns to go north a great distance
in order to found Memphis near the point of the
Delta. As that part of the country has alvip
been called Typhoniao, it indicates that it vs.'
occupied by a population of foreign race.
Memphis, in Egyptian Hennefer, the g>r^
bttilding, was celebrated for it^s temples <i
Phtah and of the bull Apis, of which the
burial-place has been found. Besides erectiii{
these temples, Hena is described as a warUke
king who fought the Libyans; but he was
killed by a hippopotamus, which is perhaps i
mythical way of saying that be perished u
a war against the Shemites.
The succession of kings has been divHded iitt
three periods: the Old Empire, which resche-
from the 1st to the 10th dynasty ; the Middle
Empire, which comprises the 11th and followict
dynasties, to the end of the Hyksos period ; sul
the Mew Empire, which goes down to the conqueit
of the country by the Persians.
The monuments, except the lists of kings, a.-^
silent on the first three dynasties; but saddenl;
there is a great number of those of the fmnt,
dynasty, in the time of which the prosperity m'
Egypt increased considerably. The kings of th^e
Pyramids raised Egypt to a very high degree oi'
civilisation, which has hardly been surpaswl
later. The first of them, Snefru, fought tbf
natives of Sinai, and probably was the first t.>
make use of the mines of copper and turquoiv
which are found in the peninsula. His «^
Khufu, was the builder of the Great Pyrsoil
He also made war against the Shemites of Siui
A tradition which lasted down to the tiK
of the Ptolemies attributes to him the pLu
of the temple of Hathor at Dendenh. Bit
he is chiefly famous for the construction of tlx
Great Pyramid, that gigantic monument whit):
has been the object of wonder to all generatiiiss,
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His snccessor, Ehafra, followed his example, and
«1»> Menkaura, who reigned after them. These
three kings are the constmctors of the three
pjrramids of Geezeh, which are most freqaently
visited.
EGYPT
883
It is a very common error to think that there
are only the three pyramids of Oeezeh, and that
this is a kind of construction which was special
to those three kings. On the whole ridge of the
desert which goes from Meydoom to Aboo Roasb,
Outline Mop of KgyK Hhuwlnif tliv M«t pf tlie DyuaiiUcd.
a length of more than twenty miles, are scat-
tered pyramids which amount to nearly a
hundred, besides prol>ably a considerable number
which have disappeared. They differ very much
in size, but they originate from a religious
idea which induced the sovereigns to choose that
particular kind of burial. The pyramids stand
in one vast cemetery, where thousands of dead
were buried, not only from Memphis, but also
from other neighbonring cities. This fact
alone would make it probable that they were
intended to be tombs; besides, all inscriptions
3 L 2
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884
EGYPT
which mention pyramids speak of them as
funeral monuments, and this form is represented
on papyri of a much later epoch as the abode
in which the mummy was placed. It would be
extraordinary that all the hidden wisdom which,
according to new theories, lay concealed in the
proportions of the Great Pyramid should be a
privilege of which all the others would be
entirely deficient. These facts, and others on
which it is not possible to dwell, have induced
Egyptologists unanimously to discard entirely
the ideas which hare been brought forward lately
about the purpose of the Great Pyramid, or
which consider it as an observatory; not to
speak of the opinion which supposes all the
pyramids to have been built in order to prevent
the sand from covering the valley of the Nile.*
Let us remember the fundamental principle
of Egyptian eschatology : the body is to revive
in the Ament, but on condition that it should
not be dissolved, and that it should be preserved
at any price from corruption or violation. Nearlv
everywhere in antiquity the tomb of the chief,
the tomb which is to be respected, is a tumulus
covering a chamber or a coffin. The peculiar
circumstances in which Egypt was placed
prevented the inhabitants from tuing the mere
mound as a burial. If it had been in the valley,
the inundation would have washed it off; or had
it been made of sand in the desert, the wind
would soon have blown it away. That is why
they made it of stone. A pyramid is a much
improved tumulus, but its purpose is the same.
All around the pyramids, the chief officers
of the kings have been buried in tombs cut in
the rock. The funeral chamber which contained
the mummy is generally at the bottom of a
deep shaft, which has been filled up, so that the
coffin was held to be absolutely safe. The upper
chambers, in which offerings were made to the
deceased, are adorned with fine rilievos, which
give us a picture of what is considered to be in
the other life. We have thus by means of these
representations an idea of what was the state
of Egypt at that time. As the picture is
funereal, it is necessarily incomplete, but we
derive from it very much information on the
state of the country, on the customs of the
inhabitants, on their industry, on their way of
life, on their art. It is remarkable that art in
certain respects had reached a degree of perfection
beyond which it would not advance ; it is more
free than later, nearer to nature, less conven-
tional. At that time the turn of mind of the
Egyptians was leas mystical than later. Their
representations of future existence are nothing
but the pictures of a rich and prosperous life
in this world. Properly religious texts are
never found except in the pyramids themselves.
Though we do not know much of the history
of Snefru, Khufu, Khafra, and Menkaura
(Menkheres), the chief kings of the tth dynasty,
their constructions show that they were power-
ful sovereigns. They were the first conquerors.
We know the names of the kings of the 5th
dynasty and the pyramids of most of them.
The 6th is said to have come from Elephantine ;
the most eminent of the kings is Pepi, who
made war against the Herusha, who very likely
' Cp. the admirable book of Mr. Flioders Fetrie, The
Pyramidt and Tcmpla ^f Oiiek,
EGYPT
were a Semitic nation, and against several o(
the negro clans or tribes. He was also the
founder of the temples of Tanis and Bubaitia.
The last rulerof the dynasty was Queen Nitocrit,
to whose name the Greek authors have futeneit
legends which are not attested by the Egyptian
documents.
The most complete obscurity reigns over the
four next dynasties till the end of the lOth.
According to Manetho, the first two were Mem-
phitic, while the last two came from Heradeo-
polis. We cannot control these data from the
monuments, having only the lists and the rerj
fragmentary information derived from thf
Papyrus of Turin. Excavations made at Hera-
cleopolis (Hanes, Is. xxx. 4), the present Aimi»
el Medineh, would perhaps throw some light oa
that dark period.
The monuments agree with Hanetho in gina;
to the 1 1th dynasty a Theban origin. The sove-
reigns of this dynasty, of which the exact oriet
is unknown, are called Antef and Mentuhotep :
the Antefs were buried at Thebes. It is doubt-
ful whether there was not at the same time s
rival line at Heracleopolis. Under the last king,
Sankhkara, we see the first naval expedition of
which we have any record. A fleet is sent to
the land of Punt, the Somali coast, to fetch
frankincense.
The 12th dynasty is very well known, owing
to the great number of documents which have
been left. These kings were the founders of the
great temple of Amon at Thebes, and since their
age ThelM» became the capital of the Egyptian
empire. The Amenemhas and Usertesens were
warlike princes; they directed their efforts
chiefly againit the negro nations ; they extended
the limits of their kingdom into Nubia, as fa
as Dongola ; they had also to fight the Libyaai
and the Herusha ; besides, they made great con-
structions : they enlarged the temple of Turn it
Heliopolis, of which one of the obelisks yet
stands, bearing the name of Usertesen I., the
second ruler of the dynasty ; they enlarged
also the temple of Tanis (Zoan), the entrance
hall of which was adorned with the statues of
almost all these kings. To the sixth king,
Amenemha III., is attributed the digging of Lake
Moeris, a large artificial basin at the entrance of
what is now called the Fayoom, the purpose of
which was to regulate the waters of the innndi-
tion. When the Kile was very high, a great
quantity of water was gathered there, which
could be used for inundating the country aroDnd
when the Nile was low. The site of Lake
Moeris is much discussed; its restoration has
been strongly advocated. Near the lake «»
situated the city of Shet, called by the Greeks
Arsinog, and now Medinet el Fayoom. Another
construction of Amenemha was the temple
described by Herodotus as the Labyrinth, soint
remains of which Lepsius discovered near the
village now called Howira. A literary doeo-
ment of the 12th dynasty is the curious tale
of Saneha, wh6 relates how, leaving Egypt, be
took refuge with the prince of Atima, who gan
him bis daughter ; after many years spent there
and successful wars Saneha returned to Egypt ii
the time of Usertesen I. This text gives' us a
interesting insight into the friendly inteicoane
which there was then between Egypt and the
inhabitants of the Sinaitic peninsula. Of this
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885
dynasty we bare most beaatifally painted tombs
at Beni-Hasaan, which depict the life and the
costoms of the Egyptians. One of them in
particular, the tomb of the officer called Kbnnm-
hotep, who lived under Amenemha II. and User-
tesen II., contains a most interesting picture,
showing a Semitic family, numbering thirty-
seven people, coming from the land of Abesha.
That they are of Semitic origin is shown by
their very characteristic type, by the name of
Abesha, and by their being called Amu. The
chief bows respectfully before Khnumhotep and
presents him with a wild goat of the same kind
as are found in Sinai ; behind him are women
and children riding on asses. The women wear
garments of various colours, and carry musical
instruments ; it is said also that they bring with
them a kind of balm for the eyes, called mestem.
It is obvious that these Shemites desire to settle
in the country, and that they are entrusted to
the officer who has to take charge of them.
This shows that the Semitic nations had then
begun to advance into Kgypt. They came at
iirst peacefully and settled in the land, but
such tribes or families were the forerunners of
the Hyksos invaders, who for several centuries
put an end to the Egyptian dominion.
The 13th dynasty was also Theban. The first
sovereigns, the Sebekhoteps, of whom monuments
are found as well in Nubia as at Thebes and at
Tanis, certainly held the whole land under their
sceptre, but we have not the complete list of
these rulers, and still less of those of the 14th
dynasty. We reach here the second great
chasm in Egyptian history, the period of the
Hyksos, the time when not the whole land, but
certainly Lower Egypt, was subjugated by a
foreign race.
Much has been written about the Hyksos, to
whom very different origins have been attri-
buted. As for the sense of their name, it is
given correctly by Josephus ; it means the
Kings of the Shepherds : ahasu(afu>s in demotic) is
the usual word for nomads. The longest account
of their invasion is given by Josephns, who relates,
on the authority of Manetho, that, under the
reign of a king called Timaios, men of un-
known origin, coming from the East, invaded
the country and conquered it easily without a
struggle. After having subdued the kings, they
burnt the cities, destroyed the temples, and
behaved most cruelly towards the inhabitants,
killing the men and reducing the women and
the children to slavery. He goes on to say that
one of their kings was Salatis, who resided
at Memphis; then he names others: Beon,
Apakhnas, Apophis, Jannas, Asses, who are also
quoted with variants by Africanus and Ensebius.
The duration of their rule is said by Africanus
to have been 284 years, and by Josephus 511,
until they were expelled by a king called
Misphragmuthosis.
At present the scarcity of the monuments
makes it guess-work to reconstruct the events
which Josephus relates. We do not know ex-
actly at what time the Invasion took place ;
the end of the 13th dynasty and the 14th are
a chaos from which we shall perhaps never be
able to extricate ourselves. There most have
been anarchy in the land ; many of the so-called
kings reigned only a very short time, consider-
ing the great number of names which have
been preserved by the Papyrus of Turin, most
of which are only fragmentary. Generally the
14th dynasty is called Egyptian, while the pare
Hyksos are the 15th and 16th. What was the
origin of the Hyksos ? They certainly belonged
to a race different from the Egyptians. They have
been called Phoenicians, Arabs, Elamites, Akka-
dians, and Cushites. Their name Shasu means
only nomads of the same kind as those who ar'
often met with in the campaigns of the Pharaohs
against Syria. It is not improbable that their
invasion of Egypt is connected with the con-
quests of the Elamites in Babylonia, who drove
out of the country the former inhabitants. Be-
sides, Egypt, the rich and fertile land, has
always been the object of the covetousness of
the neighbouring nomads, especially in time of
famine. It is certain that they occupied the
Delta, and that their principal cities were Tanis,
Bubastis, and Avaris (Tell el Her) ; their god was
Set Baal, the worship of whom already existed at
Tanis during the 14th dynasty, as a newly dis-
covered monument has shown. Light has been
thrown on the race to which the rulers of the
Hyksos belonged by the monuments discovered
at Tanis, and quite lately at Bubastis — sphinxes
and statues, some of 'which bear the name of
Apepi, while others very likely give his portrait.
The type of face is not Egyptian; nor is it
Semitic. The strongly modelled face, with high
cheek-bones, the broad mouth with thick and
projecting lips, the curved nose, reveal an Asiatic
race, which must have had Turanian or Mon-
golian affinities. It is evident that though the
Hyksos princes were not Shemites themselves,
they were accompanied in Egypt by nations of
that race which, already under the preceding
Pharaonic dynasties, came in great numbers to
settle in the country. The fact that the Hyksos
came from Mesopotamia may have contributed to
dispose their kings favourably towards Hebrews
like Abraham or Jacob, and towards Mesopota-
mians who came to take shelter in their kingdom.
The great importance of the history of the
Hyksos for biblical criticism is derived from
the fact that the arrival of Abraham in Egypt
and the history of Joseph must be placed during
the time of their dominion. We have no reason
to doubt the accuracy of Eusebius and Syn-
cellus, who say that it was under Apophis
(Apepi) that Joseph was raised to his high posi-
tion. We know two kings of the name of
Apepi, and we cannot decide to which of the
two it refers — more likely to him whose name
has been found at Tanis. The description of the
Egyptian court as given by Genesis shows that
the Hyksos were no more the semi-barbarous
pillagers who first conquered the land, but that
they had adopted most of the customs and the
civilisation of their subjects. Nevertheless, the
amalgamation between subduers and subdued
had not taken place. Traces of their different
origin still subsisted, and often appear in the
narrative. For instance, the king shows to the
new comers a good will which is not shared by
his subjects. He himself does not seem to have
against the shepherds the hatred which the
Egyptians felt towards that class of men. The
old antipathy between the two races was not
extinct, and was to revive shortly afterwards
when after successful wars the Hyksos were ex-
pelled, and a native dynasty again ascended the
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throne. The hutory of Joseph miut be placed
toward* the end of the Hykiot dominion (cp.
Tomkina, The Life and Times of Joseph in the
Light of Egyptian Lore). Parallel with the
laat HykBos dynasty runs the 17th dynasty of
Thebaos, who are nearly all called Rasqenen.
They were the first to attack the Hyksos. A
papyrus which, if not a historical document, must
yet be based on a historical tradition, relates how
one of those princes had a quarrel with Apepi ;
we do not know how it ended.
The conqueror of the Hyksos, who captured
their fortified city, Araris, was the Pharaoh
Ahmes, as we know from the biography of one
of his generals who had the same name. With
him begins the most powerful dynasty of Egypt,
the 18th. Under the reign of these sovereigns
the empire reached its greatest extent, and rose
to a degree of prosperity and riches which was
never equalled afterwards. This and the begin-
ning of the 19th dynasty are the time which is
best known, and from which we hare the
greatest number of monuments.
After baring driven out the Hyksos, Ahmes
pursued them to the east as far as the city of
Sheruhan, in the south of Palestine (Joih. lii.
6), When the whole empire was agsin waiti
under his dominion, he directed his steps tovsnU
the south, and conquered Nubia. His saocesur,
Thothmes I., followed his example ; he begsa the
campaigns in Syria, and went as far as Hesopo-
tamia. After him came Thothmes U. lod his
famous queen and sister Hatshepsn, who msiie
the great naval expedition to the land of Pant.
She survived her husband, and assodsttd witli
herself on the throne her younger brother
Thothmes HI., who was her successor, and wb«
may justly b« called the greatest of all the
Egyptian kings. During a reign of nearly £fty-
four years he carried succeaafully the amu of
Egypt from the Third Cataract to the sortii
of Syria, and at the same time erected a cos-
siderable number of temples which have Ws
enlarged by his successors. The art of his timt
is probably the most perfect of the New Em-
pire. It is not possible to give here the cata-
logue of all the cities and nations whidi hr
boasts to have conquered, and the names of
which cover some of the pylons of Thebes. The
Euphrates and the Mount Amanus were at that
Tb« ion of King
n., wilbblacbulMMr. (WlWiw)
Mj^^ king.
time the western and northern limits of the
empire. The king of Naharun was beaten :
Phoenicia and Cyprus were tributary to the
liing, who In several of his campaigns marched
through Palestine. The Syrian nations are called
iu the inscriptions Retennu; Phoenicia is called
Keft (Kaphtor). We see also the first mention
of the Kheta, the Hittites, who afterwards be-
came dangerous enemies to Egypt. In the lands
Thothmes conquered he left garrisons, but he
had constantly rebellions to put down, and it is
doubtful how far his successors could have kept
up such a vast empire. One of them, Amenhotep
III., was a rather peaceful king, who erected
several of the principal temples at Thebes, in
particular that of Luxor. At the end of the
18th dynasty there was a kind of religious
revolution: Amenhotep IV. tried to destroy
the worship of Amon, and to replace it by that
of the solar disk Aten ; but he did not succeed,
and, after a short time of anarchy. Horns, the
last king of the dynasty, re-established the old
worship.
In the 19th dynasty, althongh Egypt is still
mighty, the decline begins to be felt : the second
king, S«ti I., fights the Shasu and the Eheta, the
Hittites, whose power had grown considerably,
and who ruled over the north of Syria. He
began one of the most marvellous constmctioiu
of Egypt, the great hypostyle hall ef Eamak,
which was the entrance to the temple of Amoa
at Thebes. His son, Ramses II., made several
successful campaigns against the Kheta, which
he caused to be related and celebrated in high-
flowing words, even on the walls of the templo.
But his reign lasted too long (sixty-seven yean);
and the honourable peace which he condnded
with the Kheta in his twenty-first year shows
how little subdued they had been. Besides,
Egypt was exhausted by several centuries of
war and conquests ; and in spite of the vanity of
Ramses U., and of his fancy for writing his name
everywhere, it is easily discernible that the
kingdom was weakened. Ramses II., aocorlia;
to chronological sjmcbronisms, is the Pliaraoh of
the oppression, la Scripture one short senteace
is the only information which we have concemii;
all that took place between the death of Joseph
and the rise of the oppressor : " Now there artw
up a new king over Egypt which knew not Joseph "
(Ex. i. 8). The Hyksos had been expelled; an
Egyptian dynasty occupied again the throne. It
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EGYPT
is quite natural that they had no sympathy for
a race which was kindred to their former rnlera,
and to the nations they were fighting in the
East. They employed them as they did their
prisoners ; bat when they grew very numerous,
the Egyptian king felt alarmed at the increase of
these foreigners, and the more so because he felt
that they soon would be more powerful than
himself. This caused him to oppress the
Israelites [Exodds]. The best proof of the decay
of the Egyptian empire is the fact that, a few
rears after his coming to the throne, the son of
Ramses II., Mencphtah, had to struggle against a
formidable coalition of Mediterranean nations
who invaded Egypt, and pushed forward nearly
as far as Memphis. The difficulties in which
Menephtah was engaged favoured the escape of
the Israelites, who went out from the land of
Goshen, through the northern part of the
Arabian Gulf.
The 19th dynasty ended in anarchy ; the
beginning of the 20th is obscure. One of the
first rulers, Ramses III., succeeded in restoring
to Egypt part of its former splendour ; but his
successors, who all bore the name of Ramses,
seem to have been idle and incapable kings, who
allowed the high priests of Amon to usurp the
power more and more, until, after Ramses XII.,
the high priest Her-Hor put aside the Rames-
sides and began a new dynasty.
It is still uncertain whether Her-Hor, the
founder of the dynasty, was a Tanite himself;
however, one of his successors, Pisebchan, has
left important monuments at Tanis, and at the
same time we know th.-\t these kings had also
Thebes and Upper Egypt in their power. Very
likely they inhabited more frequently their
northern capital, leaving the high priests of
Amon to govern at Thebes. There is much un-
certainty ss to the order of succession and the
length of their reigns ; but it must be the last
of them, Horpisebchan, who gave his daughter
to Solomon, and who conquered for him the city
of Gezer, which he gave as dowry to his daughter
(1 K. ix. 16). It is also toone of the Tanite princes
that Uadad fled (1 E. xi. 14), the Edomite who
attained such a high position at the Egyptian
court, which he left in order to retaliate on
Solomon what David had done to his country.
With Jeroboam we meet with the name of
the first king of the 22nd dynasty, Sheshonk, or
as Scripture calls him, Shishak (1 K. xi. 40), a
chief of Libyan mercenaries, who came to the
throne probably owing to military usurpation,
but who legitimated the title of his family by
giving a princess of royal blood as wife to his
son and successor. In the fifth year of Rehoboam
he invaded the kingdom of Judah, took Jeru-
salem, pillaged it, and carried away the treasures
of the Temple (I K. xiv. 25 ; 2 Ch. lii. 2). He
recorded on the walls of the temple of Amon
at Thebes this successful campaign, in which
he took a considerable number of cities or
villages of Judah and Israel, these latter mostly
Levitical. The expedition of Shishak had no
lasting result for Egypt. His successors, who
bore the names of Osorkon, Sheshonk, and
Takeloth, were engaged in wars with the east,
and had some difficulty in defending their throne
against foreign invaders. The second king,
Osorkon I., may have been the Zerah of the
Bible who invaded Palestine with a Urge army.
EGYPT
887
perhaps in the hope of following up the victories
of his father (2 Ch. xiv. 9-13), bat who was
thoroughly beaten by king Asa. However, it is
possible that he may have been only one of the
generals of the king.
The 23rd dynasty began with kings of the
same family, but then the Ethiopians of Napata,
headed by their king Piankhi, invaded Egypt.
He conquered the whole land, established gover-
nors in the principal cities, and returned to his
capital. The 24th dynasty consists of one king
only, Bocchoris, Bek en renf, of whom we have
few monuments, and whom we know chiefly
through the legends of the Greek authors.
During the 25th dynasty Ethiopians again
occupy the throne, but then we have other
information than the Egyptian inscriptions : we
have the records of the Assyrian campaigns
against the Pharaohs.
The first king of the 25th dynasty, Shabaka, is
called Soa» in Scripture (A. V. and R. V. "So")
and Shabe in the Assyrian texts. Hoshes, king of
Samaria, sent messengers to him (2 K. xvii. 4)
when Shalmaneser had made him his tributary.
The discovery of this treachery caused the
Assyrian king to put Hoshea in prison, where
he died, Shabak did not move in order to prevent
the capture of Samaria by Sargon ; his army
was next ronted at Raphia on the coast of the
Mediterranean, and he also became vassal to the
Assyrians. Under his son Shabatak, Sargon, the
victor of Shabak, died, and was succeeded by
Sennacherib. Shabatak himself, after having one
of his armies beaten at Altaka by the Assyrian
monarch, was put aside and killed by the
Ethiopian conqueror Taharka, or, as Scripture
calls him, Tirhakah (2 Ch. xix. 9 ; Is. xixvii.
9). This valiant and persevering adversary of
the Assyrians began his career by making n
treaty with Hezekiah, an act which very likely
brought upon Egypt the invasion of Esarhaddon,
Sennacherib's son. Tirhakah was beaten and
fled to Ethiopia; the Assyrians went as far as
Thebes, and divided the country between twenty
princes, one of whom was Necho, prince of SaTs.
Soon after Esarhaddon's death, Tirhakah again
invaded Egypt, and conquered it in the 24th year
of his reign ; but he could not resist Assnrbani-
pal, and was obliged to fly again to Ethiopia.
Thebes was taken by Assurbauipal, who re-esta-
blished the twenty princes and returned to
Kineveh. Shortly afterwards the governors
entered into an alliance with Tirhakah, who, for
the second time, swept down the valley of the
Nile and conquered Memphis; but be soon
retired to Ethiopia, where he died. His son
Urdamane, or Nut Amen, as the Egyptian in-
scriptions call him, succeeded him ; be put to
death Necho, prince of Sais, but he was obliged
to retire before Assurbanipal, who again cap-
tured Thebes, which he boasts to have sacked
and destroyed. Then the princes were once
more re-installed, and Egypt was for a few years
tributary to Assyria (cp. Nab. iii. 8-10).
One of the most energetic of the petty
kings, Psammetik I., son of Necho, taking ad-
vantage of the fact that towards the end of
the reign of Assurbanipal the power of Assyria
was much diminished, succeeded, with the aid
i> The LXX. call this Ung itti, Xmi, and Tbn>V ■■
the Tnlg. 9ua.
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888
EGYPT
of Ionian and Carian mercenaries, in snbdning
his rivals, and in becoming sole master of Egypt,
which reached its former limits; he Tentnred
eren as far as Ashdod in the land of the Phi-
listines. Psammetik I. was the founder of the
26th dynasty ; he was a warlike king, bnt his
power depended chiefly on his northern mer-
cenaries, who from this time play an important
part in the history of Egypt. Under the Saite
kings there was a kind of revival in Egyptian
art ; we have many monuments of that period
which show that the artistic traditions had not
been lost during the great troubles iCgypt had
gone through. After he had reigned fifty-four
years Psammetik was succeeded by Necho, who
followed the traditions of his father, favoured
the establishment of foreigners, especially of
Greeks, in the country, and encouraged trade
by opening again the canal which went from
the Nile to the Red Sea. Nineveh was no more ;
it had been destroyed by the Medes. Babylon
had risen in its stead under the mighty roler
Nabopolassar. Necho, wishing to restore to
Egypt its old conquests, and understanding that
Babylonia was his hereditary enemy, asked the
king of Judah, Josiah, to allow him to go through
his country, but Josiah tried to oppose him, and
was killed at Hegiddo (2 Ch. xzxv. 20-36;
2 K. jxiii. 29-35). The land became tributary
to Necho, who did not recognise the new king,
Jehoahaz, son of Josiah, but replaced him by
his brother Eliakim, to whom he gave the
name of Jehoiakim. Necho seems at that time
to have been master of a great part of the
territory which had been conquered by Ramses
II. : his kingdom extended as far as Mesopo-
tamia; but he had hardly returned to Egypt
when Nebnchadnezzar marched against him. The
two armies met at Carchemish. Necho was
thoroughly routed and fled to Egypt-; he lost all
his Syrian conquests, and was so much weakened
that he did not stir in order to come to the
rescue of Jehoiakim when the latter was attacked
by Nebuchadnezzar. The Babylonian conqueror
did not follow Necho into Egypt; he was re-
called to Babylon by the death of his father.
Necho died two years afterwards. His successor,
Psammetik II., was chiefly engaged in wars
against Ethiopia. After him Uahabra, Apries,
Hophra(Jer. iliv. 30), began with great successes:
be beat the fleets of Cyprus and the Phoenicians,
and conquered the coast of Syria, where the
Jews had revolted (Jer. xxxvii. 5-11). But
hearing that Nebuchadnezzar drew near, he fell
back without helping Zedekiah, king of Jeru-
salem. The city was finally taken by the
Babylonians, and the people carried to Babylon
in 588 B.C. ; a considerable number of Jews mi-
grated to Egypt, and settled not only in the
Delta, but even in Upper Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar
was detained by the siege of Tyre, but at the
end of the reign of Apries the king of Babylon
invaded Egypt; however, it was a mere plun-
dering expedition : no trace of the Babylonian
dominion remained in Egypt when Amasis filled
the throne with distinction during thirty-eight
years. During his time the Persian empire of
Cyrus had put an end to the second Chaldaean
empire, and Cyrus had begun his conquests,
which were soon to extend as far as Egypt, The
Greek tradition says that Amasis excited the
animosity of Cambyses, who marched Into Egypt
EGYPT
and besieged the king, Psammetik IIL, in hit
citadel of Memphis. The dty wag taken, the
king made prisoner, and, after an attempt at
rebellion, cruelly put to death. From that time
Egypt was a province of the Persian empire;
her national history is only the narrative of her
fruitleas endeavours to free heraelf from the
Persian rule.
Cambyses is described by the Greek authois
as having been a cruel and unmerciful king to
the Egyptians, in spite of all that he did for the
goddess Neith at Sais, which is related to oi
by one of his officers, called Uzahor en piiis
(Brugsch). No doubt, after his unsuccessful ex-
peditions to the Oasis of Amon and to Ethiopia,
his tyranny went beyond all bounds. Dtrins
was a much milder sovereign : be re-estabhihed
the worship of the gods, built some important
temples, like that of the Oasis of El Kbargeh,
and worked at the caual of Necho. He came to
Egypt himself, and put to death the satrap
Aryandes, who by his cruelty had caused the
Egyptians to revolt. But the spirit of inde-
pendence was not extinct in the inhabitants,
who, taking advantage of the defeat of Darius
at Marathon, revolted under Khabbash, wlio
reigned two years, as we know from the in-
scription on one of the bulls Apis. Xerxes
reconquered the land easily before starting for
his Greek campaign. When in 464, alter the
murder of Xerxes and his eldest son Darius,
Artaierxes ascended the throne, be had to pot
down a Dew rebellion headed by the Libyan king
Inaros, who had secured the support of the
Athenians. Inaros was at first victorious, aid
beat the satrap Achaemenes at Papremis, but
next year a large army of Persians raised the
siege of Memphis, destroyed the Atnenian fleet,
and brought Inaros to Persia, where he mi
put to death. His Egyptian ally, Amyrtaeos.
fled to the m»rshes.
The 28th dynasty consisted of one single king,
a Saite, Amyrtaeos, who succeeded for a short
time under Darius II. in conquering Egypt:
but his own mercenaries put him aside and
chose as their ruler a native of Mendes, called
Nepherites, who was the first prince of the
29th dynasty. All the five princes who form
this dynasty had but short reigns, except the
second, Hakar, Acoris, who allied himself to
Euagoras, king of Cyprus, and succeeded in
beating the Persians. The last of them, Nephe-
rites II., was killed by his soldiers, who made
king NMtfiorheb or Nectanebo I., a Sebennjte,
the head of the last dynasty. Under his rale
there was a kind of resurrection of the power
of Egypt. Nekhthorheb successfully resisted the
attack of Pharnabazus and Iphicratea. I>aria{
his reign of eighteen years not only did he
constantly fight the Persians, but he built con-
siderably in all parts of Egypt, at Thebes »»
well as at Bubastis, Pharbae'thua, Sebennytus.
and Pithom. His successor, Teos, tried to fi^t
the Persians in Syria with the help of Agesilaos,
but he was driven out of Egypt by the rebellioa
of the army. Nectanebo II. (Nekhtnebef) u-
cended the throne, bnt in spite of successes at
the beginning he could not hold his gronnl
against the energy of Artaxerxes Ochus, and be
was compelled to fly to Ethiopia. He was the
last Egyptian Pharaoh ; after him Egypt agaii
became a Persian satrapy, and, like the wholt
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EGYPTIAN
empire, was cooqnered by Alexander. It is a
striking commentary on the wordt of Ezekiel —
'* there shall be no more a prince of the land of
Egypt " (Ezek. xxx. 13) — that since Nectanebo
IL no native ruler has ever reigned over the
land of Egypt.
26. Egyptology. — It is not possible to give here
a list of the works which have been published
on ancient Egypt: since Champollion's dis-
covery, Egyptian studies have largely developed,
and the number of Egyptologists increases con-
stantly. In France, after ChampoUion's death,
Egyptology was represented only nominally by
Charles Lenormant, until it revived with V"
Emmanuel de Roug^, who was soon followed by
Mariette, Chabas, Haspero, Lef^bure, Pierrot,
IWvillout, Gr^baut, V" Jacques de Rong^,
Robioa, Bouriant Gnieysse, and Loret. In Ger-
many the founder of Egyptology was Lepsios, and
all the present scholars may be considered as his
disciples: Brngsch, Duemichen, Ebers, Eisen-
lohr, Erman, Stern, Abel, Lanth, Lincke, Meyer,
Pietschmann, and Wiedemann. In England
Dr. Birch was for some years between Cham-
pollion and Lepsius the only representative of
Egyptology, with the distinguished traveller,
Sir Gardner Wilkinson ; the other English
scholars are Bonomi, Sharpe, Goodwin, Le Page
Renonf, Reginald Stuart Poole, Lushington,
Canon Cook, Rev. H. C. Tomkins, Hiss Amelia
B. Edwards, Flinders Petrie, and F. L. Griffith.
Every country in Europe has now its Egypto-
logists : in Holland are Dr. Leemans and
Dr. Pleyte; in Sweden, Dr. Lieblein and
Dr. Piehl; in Austria, Dr. Reinisch, Dr. von
Bergmann, and Dr. Krall; in Russia, Goleni-
scheff ; in Switzerland, Ed. Naville ; in Italy, the
country of Rosellini, the friend of Champollion,
are now Rossi, Schiaparelli, and Lanzone. We
must refer to the works of these authors, who
have studied Egypt in all its aspects, as well as
to the museums, of which the most important are
the British Museum, the Ix)avre, the museums
of Berlin, of Turin, of Leyden, of Florence, and
of Geezeh. [E. N.]
EGYPTIAN (n.VO, masc. ; nnVt?, f«m. ;
Al'y^irrioi, AJtuittIo; i«<7!(p«i«), EGYtriANS
(onvp, masc; nV^vp. <««»•; D?"]V9: a't^
TTioi, TwoiitJt AXyiwrou: Aegyptii, Aegyptiae
nuilierea). Natives of Egypt. The word most
commonly rendered Egyptians (Mitzraim) is the
name of the country, and might be appropriately
so translated in many cases. [W. A. W.]
On the " Egyptian " leader of " murderers,"
with whom the chief captain confounded St.
Panl (Acts xxi. 38), see Josephus (£. J. ii. 13,
§ 5; Ant. xx. 8, § 6; and note in Speaker's
Comm. on Acts, t. c). [F.]
E'HIOriS=Jro<A«ror brotherly; ^A.'A.yx(ls,
D. -tu>;Bc/ti), head of one of the Benjamite houses
according to the list in Gen. xlvi. 21, and son of
Belah according to the LXX. Version of that
passage. He seems to be the same as Ahi-ram,
DTni^ in the list in Num. xxvi. 38 ; and if so,
AJiiram is probably the right name, as the
family were called Ahiramites. In 1 Oh. viii.
1, the same person seems to be called n^nK>
Aharah, end perhaps also nint||, Ahoah, in v. 4,
(B. 'Axltt, A. om.), njPIK '(B.""Ax«<Oi Ahiah,
EKBON
889
o. 7, and IPK (B. 'A4p, A. 'A(Jp), Aher, 1 Ch.
vii. 12. These fluctuations in the orthography
seem to indicate that the original copies were
partly effaced by time or injury. [Becher;
CUBONICLES.] [A. 0. H.]
E'HTJD O^ntt ; Joseph. 'HovS^s ; Aod), like
Gera, an hereditary name among the Benjamites.
1. Ehud, the son of Bilhan, and great-grand-
son of Benjamin the Patriarch (1 Ch. vii. 10
[B. 'AM, A. 'Aiulty, viii. 6 [B. 'AM, A.'n»]).
2. Ehud (BA. 'AM), the son of Gera (tC^J ;
Tripi ; Qera : three others of the name. Gen.
xlvi. 21; 2 Sam. xvi. 5; 1 Ch. viii. 3), of the
tribe of Benjamin (Jndg. iii. 15, marg. "son of
Jemini," but vid. Gesen. Lex. s. v. PP*|I21 ; R. V.
"the Benjamite"), the second Judge of the
Israelites. In the Bible he is not called a Judge,
but a « deliverer " (/. c. ; R. V. " Saviour ") : so
Othniel.(Judg. iii. 9) and all the Judges (Neh.
ix. 27). As a Benjamite he was specially chosen
to destroy Eglon, who had established himself
in Jericho, which was included in the boundaries
of that tribe. [Eglon.] In Josephus he appears
as a young man (ytcwUai). He was very strong,
and lefl-handed (see Comm. in loco). This ena-
bled him to draw unobserved the dagger from
his right thigh (Jndg. iii. 21). For Ehud's ad-
ventures see Eglon ; and for the period of eighty
years' rest which his valour procured for the
Israelites, see JtTDOES. [T. E. B.] [F.]
E'KER 0\)V; 'Axip; AOar), a descendant
of Judah through the families of Hezron and
Jerahmeel (1 Ch. ii. 27). [G.]
EK'BEBEL C^Kp*pi,\; Pesh. AS}.0&.
£crabat ; Vulg. omits), a place named in Jndith
vii. 18 only, as " near unto Chusi, that is on
the brook Mochmnr ; " apparently somewhere in
the hill-country to the south-east of the Plain
of Esdraelon and of Dothain. The Syriac read-
ing of the word points to the Talmudic n31pr
and the place Acrabbem, mentioned by Eusebius in
the Onomaaticon (OS.' p. 214, 61) as the capital
of a district called Acrabattine, and still standing
as 'Akrabeh, 8 miles from Hablvs (Shechem),
at the month of a pass on the Roman road to
the Jordan valley {PEF. Mem. ii. 386, 389).
Though frequently mentioned by Josephus {B. J.
ii. 20, § 4 ; iii. 3, § 5, &c.), neither the place
nor the district is named in the 0. T., and
they must not be confounded with those of the
same name in the south of Judah. rAKBABBlM ;
Akabattine ; Maaleh-akrabbulj [G.] [W.j
EK'RON (liipj? = uprootMj, cp. Zeph. ii.4,
and note " next page; ' AKKOpiliv ; Accaron in
Josh. xix. 43, Aaron), one of the five towns
belonging to the lords of the Philistines, and
the most northerly of the five (Josh. liii. 3).
Like the other Philistine cities, its situation was
in the Shefelah. It fell to the lot of Judah
(Josh. XV, 11, 45, 46; Judg. i. 18), and indeed
formed one of the landmarks on his north
border, the boundary running from thence to
the sea at Jabneel (Je&noA). We afterwards,
however, find it mentioned among the cities of
Dan (Josh. xix. 43). But it mattered little to
which tribe it nominally belonged, for before
the monarchy it was again in full possession of
the Philistines (1 Sam. v. 10). Ekron was the
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BKBONITES, THE
last place to which the ark was carried before
its return to brael, and the mortality there in
consequence seems to have been more deadly
than at either Ashdod or Gsth.* From Ekron
to BETH8HE1IE8H was a Straight highway.
Henceforward Ekron appears to bare remained
uninterruptedly in the hands of the Philistines
(1 Sam. xni. 52 ; 2 K. i. 2, 16 ; Jer. xiT. 20).
Except the casual mention of a sanctuary of
Itaal-zebnb existing there (2 E. i. 2, 3, 6, 16),
there is nothing to distinguish Ekron from any
other town of this district — it was the scene of
no occurrence, and the native place of no mau
of fame in any way. The following complete
the references to it: 1 Sam. ri. 16, 17, rii. 14;
Amos i. 8 ; Zeph. ii. 4 '' ; Zech. ix. 5, 7.
According to the Assyrian inscriptions, when
most of the towns in Palestine revolted, on the
death of Sargon, Padi, king of Ekron, remained
faithful. His subjects, however, rebelled and
handed him over to king Hezekiah, at Jeru-
salem, who retained him a prisoner until he was
released and reseated on the throne by Senna-
cherib. In the reign of Esarhaddon, the king was
Ikanan or Ikasamsu (Schrader, KAT.* p. 164).
Eusebius {OS.* p. 218, 57) calls it a large village
inhabited by Jews. In the Middle Ages it was
known by the same name (see the quotation in
Kob. ii. 228, note).
*Akir, the modem representative of Ekron,
lies at about 5 miles S.W. of Ramleh, and
4 due E. of Febnah, on the northern side of
the important valley Wddy Surdr. "The vil-
lage contains about fifty mud houses, without a
remnant of antiquity except two large finely-
built wells." The plain south is rich, but
immediately round the village it has a dreary
forsaken appearance, only relieved by a few
scattered stunted trees (Van de Velde, Ii. 169 ;
Rob. ii. 228; Gu^in, Judee, ii. 36-44). In
proximity to jabneh ( Yeimah) and Bethshemesh
(Min Shem)), 'Akir agrees with the require-
ments of Ekron in the O. T., and also with the
indications of the Onamasticon (s. v. Accaron).
Jerome (05.' p. 91, 6) mentions a tradition
that the Turris Stratonis, Caesarea, was Ekron.
In the Apocrypha it appears as Accabon
(1 Mace. X. 89, only), bestowed with its borders
by Alexander Balas on Jonathan Maccabaens as
a reward for his services. [G.] [W.]
EKKONITES, THE O^ilp?'"?, D'?-; B. i
'AKKOpaytlrris, B^A. -n- [Josh.] ; B. ol 'AcKeAttv
(tToi, B'A. -Ki- [Sam.]; Accaronitae), the in-
habitants of Ekron (Josh. xiii. 3 ; 1 Siun. v. 10),
On the LXX. reading in Sam. /. c, cp. Ekbon,
note*. [W.A.W.] [F.]
ETiA ('HA«E ; Jolaman), 1 Esd. ix. 27. [Eut.]i.]
• The LXX. in both MSS. and Josephus (.ilnt. vi. 1,
} 1) BUlnUtnte Aacalon for Ekron throughout this pas-
sage (1 Sam. V. 10-12, vli. 16). In support of this Itshould
be remarked that, according to the Hebrew text, the
golden trespass offerings were given for Askelon, though
It is omitted f^om the detailed narrative of the Jonmey-
IngB of the ark. There are other important differences
between the LXX. and Hebrew texts of this transaction
(see especially v. t ; consult Keil and Wellhausen In
loco).
There Is a play on the meaning as well as on the
sound of the name In this verse.
ELAH. THE VALLEY OF
ELADAH (rnC^K = God hatk adanui;
B. Aaati, A. 'EAciiS; Elada), a descendant of
Ephraim through Shathelah (1 Ch. vii. 20).
EliAEL 1. (hSk = a tenbmth: 'HAi; Jo-
seph. 'HXovot ; Eld), the son and successor of
Baasha, king of Israel (1 E. xrL 8-10); his
reign lasted for little more than a year (cp. r.
8 with V. 10). He was killed, while drunk, by
Zimri, in the house of nis steward Aria, who
was probably a confederate in the plot Thi?
occurred, according to Josephus (^Ant. viii. 1'2,
§ 4), while his army and officers were ahtent at
the siege of Gibbethon.
2. Father of Hoshea, the last king of Israel
(2 K. XV. 30; xvii. 1).
8. (n^ ; >H\St; Ela), one of the dnkes of
Edom (Gen. ixxvi. 41 ; 1 Ch. i. 52). On Uk
supposition that this and other names in Gen.
xxxvi. 40-43 represent district-names, Knohel,
Dillmann,* and Deiitzsch [1887] (in loco) com-
pare the name with Elath (^Aitd) on the Bed
Sea (Gen. liv. 6). ,
4. Shimei ben-£lah (accur. Ela, t(7|< ; 'HAa')
was Solomon's commissariat officer in Benjamin
(1 K. iv. 18).
6. (B. 'kii, A. 'AX<0, a son of Caleb the kb
of Jephunneh (1 Ch. iv. 15). His sons were
called Kenaz (A. V.); but the words may be
taken as if Kenaz was, with Elah, a son of
Caleb (R. V. see QPB.*). The names of botii
Elah and Kenaz appear amongst the Edomite
" dukes."
6. (B. om., A. 'H\£), son of Dzzi, a Bea-
jamite (1 Ch. ix. 8), and one of the chiefi of the
tribe at the settlement of the country. [G.] [F.]
E'LAH, THE VALLEY OF (i^ij ITO
= VoUley of the TenMnth ; ^ koiXIu 'HKi, or TV
tpu6t, once iy tf mixiSi; Vallis Tenbmilii),
a valley in (P^ V.; not "by," as in A. V.)
which ihe Israelites were encamped against the
Philistines when David killed Goliath (1 Sam.
xvii. 2, 19). It is once more mentioned in the
same connexion (xxi. 9). It lay near Sooou,
ShuieeiAeh, and Azekah, ZakarSya ; and is now
the W. ea-Simt, or " Valley of Acadas." The
great valley of Elah rises near Hebron, and,
running northwards past Keilah, Kh. Kilo, and
Adullam, 'Aid ei-MA, to Soooh, divides the low
hills of the Shefelah from the mountains of
Judah. At Socoh it turns westward, and pass-
ing Gath, Tett ei-Sdfi, runs to the sea N. of
Ashdod, Esdud. Above Socoh the valley is
known as W. es-Sur ; below, first as W. t9-9nt
and then as Nahr Sukereir. W. ef-Suat is one
of the most fertile valleys in Palestine, about
half a mile wide, and cultivated in fields of
com. In the centre is a torrent bed, apparently
the N>3n (" valley ; " cp. 1 Sam. xvii. 3X whidi
has been cut by the winter torrents in the
open valley (PPV, v. 2); it is thickly stiewed
with white water-rolled pebbles, and U abost
10 ft. deep and 20 (l. to 30 d. wide. On «tber
side rise stony hills covered with bmahwocd.
The origin of the name "Valley of the Tere-
binth " may still be traced in the number ef
large specimens of that tree along its coone:
one of them, the largest in Palestine, is neir
ShuureHeh. and in the ruin known as Deir^
Btttm, "Convent of the Terebinth," near Ttil
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ELAM
ELAM
891
e»-SaJi. For the ralley, see Rob. ii. 20, 21;
Van de Veldc, ii. 191 ; Porter, Bandb. ; PEF.
Mem. iii. 298 ; PEFQy. Stat. 1875, pp. 147, 191 ;
Geikie, Holy Zand and the Bible, i. 105-113.
Througii the valley of Elah passed one of the
main lines of communication between Philistia
and the hill-country of Jadah. From Gath,
which guarded the entrance to the raUey,
it ran to Socoh, at the approach to the
mountains, and there branched off, on the one
hand, to Hebron, and, on the other, to Beth-
lehem and Jerusalem. The Philistines, ad-
vancing from the plain, camped in Ephes-
dammim, "the boondary of blood," between
Socoh and Azekah. Saul, coming down from
the hill-coantry by the old road to Gaza, must
hare met the Philistines, near the great bend at
Socoh, and pitched in the open valley or Emek.
The armies would thus be in their natural
position; that of Saul facing W., and that of
the Philistines facing E., with the deep torrent
bed, GU (t>. 3), between them. The latter,
when defeated, were pursued to Shaaraim, Tell
ez-Zakarii/a (?), Gath, T. e»-8Sfi, and Ekron,
'Akir, respectively 4, 8}, and 16 miles from the
field of battle. The " valley " (Giu) of v. 52 is
apparently the torrent bed of the lower course
of the W. esSunt, or of the W. es-Swar on the
way to Ekron. There is no gorge, or ravine, as
the usual interpretation of t<.''i supposes, be-
tween Socoh and the sea.
The traditional " Valley of the Terebinth " is
the Wady Beit Hannina, which lies about four
miles to the N.W. of Jerusalem, and is crossed
by the road to Nebi Samuril. The scene of
David's conflict is pointed out a little north of
the " Tombs of the Judges," and close to the
traces of the old paved road ; but this spot is in
the tribe of Benjamin, and also does not corre-
spond with the narrative of the text. [G.] [W.]
EXAM (Jch^P; 'ZXdit ; Strabo,&c. 'EXv/iof},
^Avfioia; Aelam: in Assyro-Babylonian, iHamtu,
iHammat ; Akkadian, Simma or Mamma ; in the
neo-Susian version of the Behistnn Inscription,
Apirti). 1. The name of a country to the E. of
Babylonia, bounded on the north by Persia (of
which it now forms part), and on the S. and
S.W. by the Persian Gulf. It is a country of
fertile and picturesque mountains, valleys, and
ravines, the only flat tract (called Dustistan)
being on the shores of the Persian Gulf; the
climate of which, during the winter and spring,
is very pleasant, but the heat of autumn is
excessive. In the interior also, the heat is often
intense. The two principal rivers are the Karun
and the Karkhah : the latter, rising in the
mountains south of Hamadan, run* southwards
towards the Mesopotamian plain, mingles with
the Karun, and flows ultimately into the
Persian Gulf. The principal stream, the Kar-
khah, was called the Ulai by the Hebrews, and is
the Ulia of the Assyrians, and the Eulaeus of
classical writers. In ancient times Elam seems
to have been divided into several districts, the
part on the banks of the Tigris being called
RUu by the Assyrians and Babylonians ; whilst
the ancient name of the district in which Shn-
shan was situated was probably Anzan, AnSan,
or Aiiau, the most eastern portion being Elam
proper. .The principal cities were Shushan or
Sosa, Mataktu, Bit-Bumaki, Bit-Imbi, Kagitu,
Lahiru, Til-humba, Bub£, Pillatu, Hilimu, and
Bib-Dftri — the names of which, being taken from
Assyrian sources, seem, in some cases, to have
the Assyrian prefixes tnt, " house of," (i7, " mound
of," and hob, "gate of," attached. Elam was
evidently fairly well populated in ancient times,
and is at present inhabited by Kurds, Lurs, and
Arabs. Though, from Gen. x. 22 and 1 Ch. i.
17, the Elamites would seem to have been a
Semitic people (Elam being in these passages
given as son of Shem), their language is certainly
unlike any of the Semitic tongues. Time can
alone decide whether the Elamites are really tO'
be regarded as the descendants of this Elam or
nut. The late-Susian name of the country,.
Apirti, may prove to have some bearing upon
this question when more is known.
Language and Writing. — The language of
Elam was agglutinative, and has been supposed
to belong to the Finnish division of the ITgrian
bransh. It seems to have been similar to
Kassite or Cossean, and, if so, may also have
been allied to Akkadian and Sumerian. Two
dialects are to be distinguished, the one earlier
than the other (" Anzanian " and " neo-Susian "),
one of the dialectic differences being, that where
" Anzanian " had tc (written, as is usual in the
wedge-inscriptions, with the characters ex-
pressing m), the neo-Susian had (. Inscriptions
are not over-plentiful in either dialect, so that
they are, as yet, rather imperfectly known. The
form of the character in use in Elam was a
modification of archaic Babylonian cuneiform, it
having been borrowed, probably, when Baby-
lonia was under the dominion of the Elamite
kings (about 2300 B.C.), and modified and simpli-
fied in later times. No clay tablets have been
found in Elam, but numerous inscribed bricks,
used in building the palaces and temples of Susa,
have been discovered. Any other literature
that the Elamites may have possessed has
probably perished, though the discovery of
inscribed tablets in Elamite at Nineveh indicates
that the chance of finding native records is not
utterly hopeless.
History. — ^The history of Elam is almost en-
tirely from foreign — ^that is, Assyrian and Baby-
lonian — sources. The first king of the country of
whom we have record is Kudur-Nanhundi, who,
about 2280 B.C., invaded Akkad (northern Baby-
lonia), and carried off an image of the goddess
Nani from Erech [Erech]. This king reigned
about the time of Chedorlaomer, to whom he
was probably related, the names being com-
pounded with the same root; namely, Kndur or
Chedor.* A probable successor of, or con-
temporary with, Chedor-Laomer, Kudur-Habug
(son of Simti-Silhak), and Eri-Aku, son of Kudur-
Mabug, reigned at Larsa about this period
[Arioch; Eixasar].
It is not for several centuries that Elam again
comes forth fronv its obscurity. About the year
1310 B.C. Hnrba-tila, "king of Elammat" (see
above for this form of the name), sent a challenge
to Durri-galzu, king of Babylon, to fight with
him at Dttr-Dungi. The challenge was accepted,,
and the Elamite king was defeated and taken
prisoner.
About the year 885 B.C. B£l-nailin, king of
• Chedor-Laomer Is appaieotlj (be Hebrew form of
Kndnr-I«gsmar.
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892
EL AM
Babylon, seems to hare sent on embassy to the
thea king of Elam.
Ummanigai or HumbanigaS reigned from 733
to 716 B.C. He made alliance with Merodach-
baladan, king of Babylonia, against Sargon, king
of Assyria ; and in the 2ud year of the former
(729 6.0.)," whilst Sargon was engaged in
Palestine, he reconquered from the Assyrians
the whole of Babylonia. Two years later, how-
ever, Sargon was able to lead his forces against
the allied armies ; and in a battle fought near
Duran, Humbanigai was driven across the border
into his own country. After this defeat, Hum-
banigai ruled for three years, and, when he died,
was succeeded by Utar-Hundu (a Babylonian
corruption of the Elamite Sutruk-Nahhunte), his
sister's son. This king seems to have been of a
rather peaceful disposition, for he refused to
<ight against Sargon at the instigation of Mero-
dach-baladan. In the year 697 B.C.* his brother
Hallniu revolted against him and took him
prisoner by shutting him up in his palace,
whilst he himself mounted the throne. Sutruk-
Nahhunte had reigned eighteen years.
In the year 692 B.C. Sennacherib, having set
his son, AUnr-nadin-ium,' on the throne of
Babylonia, marched to Nagitu, in Elam, where
the relations of Herodach-baladan had taken
refuge, and captured and spoiled several cities
in the neighbourhood. Evidently in revenge for
this inrosid, Halluin invaded Akkod (the north
of Babylonia), and penetrated as far as Sippara,
putting to death the inhabitants of the districts
through which he passed. The Elamite king
captured Aiiur-nadin-lum, son of Sennacherib,
and placed on the throne in his stead Nergal-
uS^zlb, a Babylonian. HalluSu also met with a
violent deatii, and this at the hands of his own
people, after having reigned only six years
(b.c. 691). He was succeeded by Kudur-Nan-
liundi (or Kudur-Nahhunte). This king was no
sooner on the throne than Sennacherib, king of
Assyria, invaded Elam and ravaged the country
from Rkiu to Burnaku ; but in consequence of
the state of the roads, it being rather late in the
year, he was obliged to give up his attempt to
subjugate the country. On account apparently
of the new ruler's want of success, the Elamites
revolted against and killed him, after a reign of
only ten months.
Umman-m^nanu was the next king of Elam,
and he, on the invitation of Silzub, a Babylonian
pretender, invaded Akkad, and fought a battle
near the city of Haloid, with regard to which
the Babylonians claim the victory for the
Elamites, and Sennacherib, evidently with good
reason, for his own army. A second battle was
also fought near the city Halulina, where the
Assyrians were again victorious. Umman-
mlnanu, four years later, invaded for some
reason the land of his former allies ; and, taking
Mtti^zib-Marduk, king of Babylonia, prisoner, he
sent him to Assyria. Umman-mlnanu died
three months later, having ruled over Elam for
four years.
Ummanaldai (or HumbahaldaS) II. mounted
the throne of Elam' in 687 B.C. During his
reign, NabA-zer-napiiti-£9ir, son of Merodacb-
' in B.C. acoordlng to Acsyrlan chronology.
• 695 B.C. according to AssTrian chionologj.
•* Tbe Nidloa of tbe Qieeks.
ELAM
baladan, having been defeated in battle by Ear-
baddon, king of Assyria, took i«fuge in EUm,
Ummanaldai, however, wishing to be on good
terms with the Assyrian king, put him to death.
Ummanaldai died in his palace (as the Baby-
lonian Chronicle haa it) " not sick " — an ex-
pression which would seem to imply that he
was murdered. His brother Urtakn sncceedcd
him in 682 B.C. During tbe reign of this ruler
a famine took place in Elam, and the distietMd
people were aided by the Assyrians uatil the
next harvest. Afterwards, however, Urtakn,
forgetting the benefits he had received at thte
hands of the Assyrians, invaded Akkad, then
under Assyrian rule. Being defeated by the
Assyrian army, he fled back to his own land,
where he died miserably.
Te-umman, a man regarded by the Assyriui
as the very personification of evil, snccee4e<l
Urtaku. In order to have no rival, this neir
ruler tried to kill all the sons of Urtakn and hti
predecessor Ummanaldai. These princes, fin
in number, fled for protection to the court of
Aiiur-bani-apli, king of Assyria. Te-umnua
sent messengers to the Assyrian king demandiaj
their surrender, and, this being refused, war wss
declared. In a great battle fought by the
Assyrians and the Elamites not far from Sota,
the Elamite army was routed, and Te-am-
man and his son killed. Umman-igai, ODe of
the sons of Urtaku, was placed by the oonqaeior
on the throne of Elam, whilst Tammaritn, a
younger son, was raised to the under-kingdom td
I^idaln, a mountainous part of Elam. In the
battle above mentioned many Elamites fooght
on the side of the Assyrians against their own
country.*
On the revolt of Saosduchinos, king of Babykn,
against the over-lordship of his brother the king
of Assyria, Umman-igai turned traitor, and wnt
Undasi, son of Te-umman, to help the Babyloniaa
king, telling him to go and revenge the death
of his father. Retribution speedily foUoweil
this counsel, for Umman-igai's own son, Tam-
maritn, revolted against and killed his &tber,
with a part of his family, and took the throne.
The first act of the new king was also to side
with Saosduchinos, but his plan» were cat ahoit
by his being compelled to take to flight, with
his principal adherents, in consequence of tjie
sncceasful rebellion of Indabigas, one of hi»
servants. Tammaritu, who took refuge it
Assyria, was, notwithstanding his action agains:
the power of Assyria, well received by ASior-
bani-apli. In a very short time, another revola-
tion took place in Elam ; Indabigai, the usurper,
was killed, and Ummanaldai, son of Attunetn,
mounted the throne.
The new king had attracted the attention aad
enmity of the powerful monarch of Assyria,
who, wishing to be suzerain of the coantiy,
marched with an army to set on the throne the
man who had once already deceived him. Aiisr-
bani-apli relates the details of this campaign St
great length. Among other cities, Bit'Imbi anii
Susa were captured, and Tammaritu, who b»i
taken refuge with the Assyrian king, was re-
stored. Aiiur-bani-apli accuses him of treachery
• Aiinr-btnt.«plt had tbe detaOs of this fautle an^
tured on the walls of his palace at KonynnJfk. Tbee
boa-rellefii are now In the British Museum.
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ELAM
eren at the moment wben the former was
working for hia restoration. Tammaritu was
again deposed, and the country came once more
nnder the sway of UmmanaldaS.
A&iar-bani-aplt, however, was determined to
conquer the country, if he could, and sent there-
fore a second army, the pretext being, that the
Elaxnites detained an image of the goddess Nani
which bod been carried off from £rech 1635
years before [ErecuJ. An extensive district
was overrun, and many cities captured, Susa,
the capital, being one of them. An enormous
amount of booty was carried off, including the
most sacred images of the gods of the laud, and
tbixty-two images of liJamite kings. A large
number of captives also was sent to Assyria,
and the goddess Nani was restored with rejoic-
ings to her old place at Erech. The Elamite
king, fearing the total ruin of his country, whose
principal cities were already practically heaps
of mina, fled and made submission (so Aiiur-
ban!-Bpli relates). Later on, the servants of
Ummanaldal revolted against him and he fled to
the mountains, whither he was followed by the
Assyrian army, captured, and taken to Assyria.
There, with other captive princes, yoked to
Aiiur-bani-apli's chariot, he drew the Assyrian
king to the temple called L-maimai in Nineveh,
where the great king made obeisance to and
praised the gods who had bowed down his enemies
to his feet.
After the fall of the Assyrian Empire, which
took place some thirty years after these events,
Elam disappears, to all intents and purposes,
fima history. From what the Babylonian records
tell us of the history of Anzan or Anian (see
above), with which that of Elam was probably
practically identical, we may infer that the
country, about the years 600-555 B.C., was
under the dominion of Teispes, Cyrus I., Cam-
byses L, and Cyrns II., who were all kings of
Anzan. As is well known, the last named de-
feated and captured Astyages, king of the Hedes,
spoiled Ecbatana, and captured Babylon [Baiir-
lON ; Belbhazzab ; Ctrus]. This celebrated
ruler not only became "king of Babylon, Sumer,
Akkad, and the four regions," bat also made
himself master of the whole of Persia. Of this
new empire, under Cambyses II., Darius Hys-
taspis, uid his successors, Elam, with its famous
province of Anzan, became a mere unit, having
no special history. At the time of the revolt of
the provinces atter Darius ascended the throne,
Elam revolted under the leadership, first of
Aiina, and afterwards of Hartia, who claimed
to be " Imaniii, king of Elam." This latter
pretender, however, was put to death by the
klamites themselves, whilst the former was
captured and killed by Darins. Elam formed a
distinct and not unimportant satrapy of the
Persian Empire, for she furnished to the crown
an annual tribute of 300 talents, and the
language spoken by the people seems to have
been used as one of the ollicial tongues. Susa,
her capital, became the favourite residence of
the king, and the metropolis of the whole empire
[SunSHAu]. Daniel (viii. 2) speaks of " Shnshan
the palace (or castle) in the province of Elam."
Besides the references to Elam in Gen. x. 22,
xiT. 1, and 1 Ch. i. 17, the country is also
referred to in Is. ix. 1 1, where it is mentioned
as one of the cotmtries from which the Lord
ELAM
893
would bring His scattered people ; again in xxi.
2, where the Prophet calls on Elam to go up,
seemingly against Babylon. Cyrus, who cap-
tured Babylon, might, as we have seen, easily be
called an Elamite. Jeremiah (xxv. 25) calls upon
Elam, among a large number of other nations,
to drink the cup of fury ; to fall, and rise no
more. Ezekiel (xxxii. 24) speaks of Elam with
"all her multitude round about her grave, all
fallen by the sword, which are gone down nn-
circumcised" — apparently referring to her as an
idolatrous nation, like the other Gentiles. See
G. Smith's History of Sennacherib and Hittory
of Atsurbanipal ; T. G. Pinches' Capture of
Babylon by Cyrus, &c., in the Trantactiona of the
Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. viii., and
The Babylonian Chronicle in the Journal of the
Soyal Afiatic Society, vol. xii. ; Weisbach's
Achdtnenideninachriften Ziceiter Art (Leipzig,
1890)and Amanische InachriftenQje\fi\s, 1891);
also Bezold's AxJmmeniieninschriften (Leipzig,
1882). [T. G. P.]
8. B. 'luKiii; A. joins 'I. with previous
name. A Koshite Levite, fifth son of Heshele-
miah; one of the Bene- Asaph in the time of
David (1 Ch. xxvi. 3).
8. B. ttlxin, A. 'knKiii.; Aelam. A chief
man of the tribe of Benjamin, one of the sons of
Shashak (1 Ch. viii. 24).
4. "Children of Elam," Bene-Elam, to the
number of 1254, returned with Zerubbabel from
Babylon (Ezra ii. 7 [B. MaX(<^ A. KiKiii\ ; Neh.
vii. 12 [B. AiXn/i, K. 'EA(<^]; 1 Esd. v. 12
[B. IwXi^ot, A. 'HA((^]), and a further detach-
ment of 71 men with Ezra in the second caravan
(Ezra viiu 7 [B. 'HX<£, A. 'HXiJ/i] ; 1 Esd. viii. 33
[6. l^ifn, A. 'EAe(/i]). It was one of this family;
Shechaniah, son of Jehiel, who encouraged Ezra
in his efforts against the indiscriminate mar-
riages of the people (i. 2, Keri, DVv, Elam ;
Ketib, DTIV, Olam), and six of the Bene-EIaro
accordingly put away their foreign wives (x. 26).
Elam occurs amongst the names of those, the
chief of the people, who signed the covenant
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 14). The lists of
Ezra ii. and Neh. vii. contain apparently an
irregular mixture of the names of places and of
persons. In the former, m. 21-34, with one or
two exceptions, are names of pla&s ; re. 3-19, on
the other hand, are not known as names of places,
and are probably those of persons (see Bertheau-
Ryssel in loco; Smend, Die Listen d. BB. Etra
u. Nehemia, p. 15). No such place as Elam in
Palestine is mentioned either in the Bible or in
the Onomasticon of Eusebius, nor has any such
been discovered as existing in the country. We
may therefore conclude that Elam was a person.
6. In the same lists is a second Elam, whose
sons, to the same number as in the former case,
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 31 ; Neh.
vii. 34), and which for the sake of distinction is
called "the other Elam" (IPIN D^'J?; [BA.
Ezra] 'HAo^ [BKA. Neh.] 'HAcvtokp ; Aelam
alter). The coincidence of the numbers is
curious, and also suspicious (cp. Berthean-
Ryssel; Smend, p. 19).
6. One of the priests who accompanied Nehe-
miah at the dedication of the new wall of Jeru-
salem (Neh. xii. 42. The name is omitted by
BN'A., and read AlKi^i by K*- • ■«). [0.] [F.]
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894
ELAHITES
E'LAMITES (K.'ID^, plural of the Chald.
»P^, •' an Elamito " [from D^»r, Elam] : 'EAu-
fuuoi, Strabo, Ptol., Joaephus ; 'EXt^urcu, Is. xi.
11, &c., Acts u. 9; 'EXv/toiwv, Judith i. 6:
AatjT. Elamu, Elamaa). This word, used to
designate the inhabitants of Elam, is found (in
the Hebrew form) only in Ezra iv. 9, but is left
out in that place by the Septaagint translators,
probably as being superfluous, as " Elamites "
might be regarded as coming under the head of
" Snsanchites," inhabitants of Susa orShnsban,
the capital.
From Gen. x. 22 and 1 Ch. i. 17, the Elamites
would seem to hare been a Semitic people, Elam
being there stated to be a son or descendant of
Shem. Their language [see Elam], however,
hardly bears out this statement, though, as is
well known, language is no real test of nation-
ality. On the A^yrian bas-reliefs they are re-
presented with faces of somewhat singular type,
owing to their rather low and retreating fore-
heads, contrasting with the type of the Assyrians,
which contrast, howerer, is greatly intensified by
their shorter beards. It is not impossible that
they were of a kindred race to a certain section
of the Akkadians of Babylonia, which exhibit
similar peculiarities of type.
Like most of the other nations of that part of
the world in ancient times, the Elamites were
polytheists. Their principal deity seems to have
been called Tiihu, god of libations, regarded by
the Assyrians and Babylonians as the same as
their god Ninip. He bore several names, among
them being Adaene, Dagbak (" he of Dagab " ?),
and §uiinak, " he of Shushan " or Susa. Many
of their kings' names are compounded with that
of the god Umma or Humba, a name given by
the Babyloniiins to the star which they regarded
ns " lord of Susa and Elam." Other deities were
Lagamam, Nahundn (Nanhundi, Nahhunte), "the
sun," Sumudu, Pai-tikira, Amman - kajimai,
(Jduru, and Sapag, all but Nahunda being wor-
shipped only by kings. Aiinr-bani-apli mentions
also twelve other minor deities. The Lagamaru
mentioned above was probably pronounced Laga-
war, and seems also to have been called Lagamal
or Lagawal. In Susian the name was pronounced
Lagabarri (? Lagavarri). It forms the second
element in the name Chedor-Laomer, the king of
Elam mentioned in Genesis. The deities Dipti
and Tirutur are supposed to have been the
Elamites' gods of literature. There was a great
deal of secrecy about their religion, for AJiur-
bant-apli, in his account of the Assyrian wars
in Elam, speaks, when referring to the spoiling
of Shushan, of the god of their oracle, " who.
dwelt in secret places, the image of whose
divinity nobody ever saw."
The Elamites must have been skilled in various
arts, for they were fair builders, and the fact
that the Assyrians carried olf thirty-two images
of kings covered (inlaid) with silver, gold, bronze,
and white marble or limestone, testifies to their
possessing a certain skill as sculptors, inlayers,
andartiKcers in metals. They often traded with
Assyria and Babylonia, especially (at least with
regard to the latter country) during the Persian
period ; and many Elamites seem to have settled
there at various periods.
The Elamites were a very warlike people, as
may be judged from their constant invasions of
EliATH
Babylonia, and the difficulty which the Atrftiu
kings experienced in attempting to snbdne them.
They were also probably rather tarbukaL
Strabo (xv. 3, § 10) says that they were ikilfnl
archers, and with this agrees the incident of the
battle in which king Te-umman lost his Uf^
when Ituni, one of his generals (a eunuch), in
despair destroyed his bow, " the defence of hit
body." Jeremiah also (xlix. 35) speaks of ' the
bow of Elam ; " and Isaiah (xxii. 6) lays that
" Elam bare the quiver." From Isiiah we also
gather that they fought both on horseUck and
from chariots, thongh their battle amy was
never equal to that of the Assyrians. They had
the same kind of musical instruments, ska, as
the latter ; namely, harps, pipes, and cymlult.
Apparently they retained their nationalitr to >
very late date, for, from the mention of them on
the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 9X it is clear thst
at that time they kept their own language, ini
Ptolemy's notice of them more than a centaij
later seems to show that thev still existed at s
separate tribe or people. When, however, their
language finally disappeared, and they them-
selves ceased to be distinguishable from the
people among whom they lived, ic unknown.
[T. G. P.]
EL-A'SAH (nE^ = <Jorf ka^ made; El-
osa). 1. QHXturi.) ' bne of the Bene-Pathsr,
a priest, in the time of Ezra, who had main«j
a Gentile wife (Ezra x. 22). In the apocryphal
Esdras, the name is corrupted to Tavus.
2. (T.' 'ZXtcuriv, A. 'EXe<«r<£p, B'"K. "EXf
a(ip ; ^ulg. om.). Son of Shaphan ; one of the
two men who were sent on a mission by kisf
Zedekiah to Nebuchadnezzar at Babylon after
the first deportation from Jerusalem, and who
at the same time took charge of the letter of
Jeremiah the Prophet to the captives in Babylm
(Jer.'xxii. [LXX., xixvi.] 3).
Elasah is the same name as F.T.giam [G.] [f.]
E'LATH, E'LOTH (nb«??. n^'^t, possiWj
= trees (palm); AiX^r, A!\i$, AlxM, txM,
Al\dfi; Joseph. Ant. viii. 6, § 4, AiXari;
Elath, Ailath, Aelath, Aila), the name of a Unri
of the land of Edom, commonly mentioud
together with Ezion-geber, and situate at the
head of the Arabian Gulf, which was called
the Elanitic Gulf. It first occurs in the tc-
count of the wanderings (Dent. ii. 8), and is
later times must have come under the mle of
David in his conquest of the land of Edom, whea
"he put garrisons in Edom; throughout sU
Edom put be garrisons : aud all they of Edoia
became David's servants" (2 Sam. viii. U^
We find the place named again in conneiim
with Solomon's navy, "in Ezion-geber, which it
beside Eloth, on the shore of the Red Sea, in the
land of Edom "(IK. ix. 26 ; cp. 2 Ch. viii. 17).
It was apparently included in the revolt of
Edom against Joram recorded in 2 K. viii.' 30;
but it was taken by Azariah, who '^ built [U.
"restored"] Elath, and restored it to Judah*
(xiv. 22). After this, however, " Rezin king rf
.Syria recovered Elath, and drave out the Jew
from Elath, and the Syrians came to Elath si!J
dwelt there to this day " (xvi. 6> From tii«
time the place is not mentioned until the Rooia
period, during wiiich it became a frontier tevi
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EL-BETHEL
«f the soath, and the residence of a Chrutiait
Biahop. The Arabic name is fyfeA (sLjw.
In the geography of Arabia, Eyieh forms the
extreme northern limit of the province of the
Hijix (£1-Malcruy, Khitat; and Yilcflt, Mo' jam,
a. T. ; cp. Arabia), and is connected with some
points of the history of the coantry. According
to several natire writers, the district of Eyleh
was, in very ancient times, peopled by the
Sameyda', said to be a tribe of the Amaleliites
(the first Amalek). The town itself, however,
is stated to have received its name from Eyleh,
daughter of Hidian (El-Makrizy, Khitat, s. r. ;
Caussin de Perceval, Easai tur FHutoire dea
AnAes, i. 23). The Amalekites, if we may credit
the writings of Arab historians, passed in the
earliest times from the neighbourhood of the
Persian Golf through the peninsula (spreading
over the greater part of it), and thence finally
passed into Arabia Petraea.
By the Greeks and Romans, Elath was called
'EXibu (Ptol. V. 17, § 1), AlXcva (Strabo, xvi.
768), Aelana (Plin. v. 12, vi. 32). Dnder their
rule it lost its former importance with the
transference of its trade to other ports, such as
Berenice, Myoa Hormos, and Arsino^ ; but in
Mohammadan times it again became a place of
some note. A few mounds and some palm-
groves alone remain now to mark the site or
neighbourhood (Robinson, Pal. i. 280 ; Stanley,
K f P. p. 84). It lies on the route of the
Egyptian pilgrim-caravan, and the mountain-
road or 'Akabiii named after it was reconstructed
by Ahmad Ibn-Tfllfln, who ruled Egypt from circ.
A.D. 868 to 883. [E. S. P.] [F.]
EL-BETH'EL (^X-Jl'S ^K = Ood of the
home of God; LXX. oinits the "EI," B. BaiH\
D. Bctf^A ; and so also Vnlg., Domtu Dei, Syr.
and Arab. Versions), the name which Jacob is
said to have bestowed on the place at which
God appeared to him when he was flying from
Esau (Gen. ixrv. 7). [Bethel.] [G.] [F.]
ELCI'A C^?uetla), one of the forefathers of
Jadith, and therefore belonging to the tribe of
Simeon (Jndith viii. 1); probably the same
name as Hilkiah (1 K. xviii. 18). The Syriac
Version has Elkana. The Vulgate Elai is
possibly a corruption of Elkai, itself a contrac-
tion of Hilkiah (Neh. xii. 15). Cp. Speaker's
Comm. on Apocrypha, Judith in loco. [F.]
EL-DA' AH (ny'lV^. perhaps = ahom God
called; Gen. xxv. 4 [A.' ktpyani, D. (e)c)>ira/i(aX
rescr Z)». fnrufia, E». 'Kpixyi, E*. 'EopoTtt] ; 1 Ch.
i. 33 [B. ZWaii, A. 'EX&iit]; Eldaa), men-
tioned last, in order, among the sons of Midian.
The name does not occur except in the two
lists of Midian's offspring. The Himyaritic
inscriptions record one similar to it, 7Kin* (see
DeUtzsch, Gen. in loco [1887]). [E.S. P.] [F.]
EL'DAD and ME'DAD (^^^N, ? = «^Aom
God loves ; 'EXSciS ko! tSaUS ; Ekiad et ifedad),
two of the seventy elders to whom was commu-
nicated the prophetic power of Moses (Num. xi.
16, 26). Although their names were upon the
list which Moses had drawn up (xi. 26), they
did not repair with the rest of their brethren to
ELDEB
895
the Tabernacle, but continued to prophesy iu
the camp. Moses being requested by Joshua to
forbid this, refused to do so, and expressed a
wish that the gift of prophecy might be diffused
throughout the people. The grent fact of the
passage is the more general distribution of the
spirit of prophecy, which had hitherto been
concentrated in Moses ; and the Implied sanction
of a tendency to separate the exercise of this
gift from the service of the Tabernacle, and to
make it more generally available for the en-
lightenment and instruction of the Israelites, a
tendency which afterwards led to the establish-
ment of "schools of the prophets." The cir-
cumstance >is in strict accordance with the
Jewish tradition that all prophetic inspiration
emanated originally from Moses, and was trans-
mitted from him by a legitimate successor down
to the time of the Captivity. The mode of
prophecy in the case of Eldad and Hedad was
probably the extempore production of hymns,
chanted forth to the people (Hammond) : cp. the
case of Saul, 1 Sam. x. 11.
From Num. xi. 25, it appears that the gift
was not merely intermittent, but a continuous
energy, though only occasionally developed in
action. [T. E. B.]
ELDEB Q5\; Trp*vPirtpos; senior). The
term dder or old man, as the Hebrew literally
imports, was one of extensive use, as an ofGcial
title, among the Hebrews and the surrounding
nations. It applied to various offices: Eliezer,
for instance, is described as the " old man of the
house," i.e. the majordomu (Gen. xxiv. 2) ; the
officers of Pharaoh's household (Gen. I. 7) and,
at a later period, David's head servants (2 Sam.
xii. 17) were so termed ; while in Ezek. xxvii. 9
the " old men of Gebal " are the master-iBorkmen.
As betokening a political office, it applied not
only to the Hebrews, but also to the Egyptians
(Gen. 1. 1), the Moabitea, and Midianites (Nimi.
xxii. 7). Wherever a patriarchal system is in
force, the office of the elder will be found to be the
keystone of the social and political fabric ; it is
so at the present day nmong the Arabs, where
the Sheikh (=the old man) is the highest
authority in the tribe. That the title originally
had reference to age, is obvious ; and age was
naturally a concomitant of the office at all
periods (Josh. xxiv. 31 ; IK. xii. 6), even when
the term had acquired its secondary sense :
coupled with age would probably be position
due to birthright in tribes and families. At
what period the transition occurred, in other
words when the word elder acquired an official
signification, it is impossible to say. The
earliest notice of the ciders acting in concert as
a political body is at the time of the Exodus
(iii. 16-18). We need not assume that the
order was then called into existence, but rather
that Moses availed himself of an ia^titution
already existing and recognised by his country-
men, and that, in short, " the elders of Israel "
(Ex. iii. 16, iv. 29) had been the senate (ytpmaia,
LXX.) of the people, ever since they had become
a people. The position which the elders held in
the Mosaic constitution, and more particularly
in relation to the people, is descrit>ed under
CONGREOATION ; they were the representatives
of the people, so much so that elders and people
are occasionally used as equivalent terms (cp.
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ELEAD
Josh, ixiv 1 with m. 2, 19, 21 ; 1 Sam. viii. 4
with w. 7, 10, 19). Their authority was un-
defined, and extended to alt matters concerning
the public weal ; nor did the people question the
validity of their acts, even when they dis-
approved of them (Josh. ix. 18). When the
tribes became settled, the elders were dis-
tinguished by different titles according as they
were acting as national representatives (" elders
of Israel," 1 Sam. iv. 3 ; 1 K. viii. 1, 3 ; " of
the land," 1 K. xx. 7; "of Judah,"2 K. ixiii. 1;
Ezek. viii. 1), as district governors over the
several tribes (Deut. ixii. 28 ; 2 Sam. xii. 11),
or as local magistrates in the provincial towns,
appointed in conformity with Deut. xvi. 18,
whose duty it was to sit in the gate and ad-
minister justice (Dent. xix. 12, xxi. 3 sq., xxii.
15; Ruth iv. 9, 11 ; 1 K. xxi. 8; Judith i. 6);
their number and influence may be inferred
from 1 Sam. xxx. 26 sq. They retained their
postition under all the political changes which
the Jews underwent : under the Judges (Judg.
ii. 7, viii. 14, xi. 5 ; 1 Sam. iv. 3, viii. 4) ; under
the kings (2 Sam. xvii. 4; 1 K. xii. 6, zx. 8,
xxi. 11); during the Captivity (Jer. xiix. 1;
Elzek. viii. 1, xiv. 1, zx. 1) ; subsequently to the
Return (Ezra v. 5 ; vi. 7, 14; x. 8, 14); under
the Maccabees,* when they were described some-
times as the senate (ytpovala ; 1 Mace. xii. 6 ;
2 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44, xi. 27 ; Joseph. Ant. xii. 3,
§ 3), sometimes by their ordinary title (1 Mace,
vii. 33, xi. 23, xii. 35) ; and, lastly, at its com-
mencement of the Christian era, when they are
noticed as a distinct body from the Sanhedriu,
but connected with it ns one of the classes
when(% its members were selected, and always
acting in conjunction with it and the other
dominant classes [Saniibdrin]. Thus they are
associated sometimes with the chief priests
(Matt. xxi. 23), sometimes with the chief priests
and the scribes (Matt. xvi. 21), or the council
(Matt. xxvi. 59), always taking an active part
in the management of public affairs. St. Luke
describes the whole order by the collective term
ttofirPur^pior (Luke xxii. 66 ; Acts xxii. 5). In
Matt. XV. 2 and Heb. xi. 2 "elders "is expressive
of time rather than office. For the position of
the elders in the synagogue and the Christian
Church, see SyNAQOOCTE, Bishop. Much in-
teresting information on this subject is given in
Hamburger, SE* s. n. ".\elteste," and (for the
time of our Lord) in Schiirer, Oeach. d. Jud.
Yolltet' (see Index s. n. « Aeltcste ").
[W.L.B.] [F.]
EL'KAD O??^; B. om., A. 'EA««; Elad),
named with Ezer as a descendant of Ephraim
(1 Ch. vii. 21). They were probably heads of
families co-ordinate with that of the elder Shu-
thelah (Keil in loco), or possibly his brother
(Oettli), the second Sbuthelah being taken as
a SOD of Zabad. [G.] [F.]
EIi-EA'LEH(n^y^,?=6orff8«a!a/fcrf[Nnm.
t. 3] ; 'EX«oX< [NumT i. 37], B. \taX4uJi, B* 'EA-
* Some difficulty arises at this period fh)m the notice
In 1 Msec xlv. 38 of a double body, opxoiTfc edKovf.
and irp«(rjSvTcpot t^v x*^P^c * ^^ again In 3 Mace. 1. 8,
>cpouirta and' irpcajSvTepoi : tbe second tenn may refer
to tbe municipal authorities, as Is perhaps Implied In
tbe term x»po- Tbe Identity of tbe ytpaiKria and tbe
irpcffJSvrcpoi In other passages Is clear from 1 TAvx.
xU. C compared with v. 36'.
BT.F.A/AR
eoX^^i, AF. 'ZXtaKh ; EteaU), a place on the east
of Jordan, in the pastoral country, taken posses-
sion of and rebuilt by the tribe of Kenben (Xam.
ixxii. 3, 37). We lose sight of it till tbe time
of Isaiah and Jeremiah, by both of whom it it
mentioned as a Moabite town, and, as i>efore, in
close connexion with Heshbon (Is. xv. 4, xvi. 9 ;
Jer. xlviii. 34). The extensive ruins of the
place are still to be seen, bearing very nearly
their ancient name, et-'Al, though with a modern
signification, "the lofly," a little more than a
mile N. of Heshbon. It stands on tbe fsmmit
of a rounded hill commanding a very eiteniini
view of tbe plain and of the whole of the Seatiiem
Belhx (Burckh. Si/r. p. 365 ; Seetzen, i. 4«:.
1854). It is from this commanding situation tliat
it doubtless derives its name, which, like many
other names of modern Palestine, is as oeai >a
approach to the ancient sotmd as is consistent
with an appropriate meaning. There are rod-
hewn wine-presses (Is. xvi. 9 ; Jer. xlviiL 33,
34), the ruins of a church, and the remains of t
Byzantine town {P£F. Survey of E. PakttiK,
i. 16). [G.] [W.]
ELEA'SA QZXmri, A. 'AAa<rii; Xotn),
a place at which Judas Maccabaeus encamped
before the fatal battle with Bacchides, in which
he lost his life (1 Mace iz. 5). It was not far
from Mount Azotus (cp. v. 15). Josephos (iat
xii. 1 1, § 1) has Bethzetho, probably Bir et-Zeit,
by wliich he elsewhere renders Bezeth. But
this may be but a corrupt reading of Berzetbs
or Bethzetha, which is found in some MSS. for
Berea in 1 Hacc. iz. 4. Reland and others
propose to change the i-eading to Adasa, vlier:
Judas had encimped on a former memonble
occasion (vii. 40) ; but no such reading is fouul.
It is singular that Bezeth should be mentiooej
in this connexion also (see e. 19). It is now,
apparently, Khurbet IPaaa, near Beth-boron
{hEF. Mem. iiL 36, 115). [AzoTus, Mocst;
Berea, 3.]
The reading of the Vulgate snggests a potable
identification with the Laishah (A. V. I^sh) of
Is. X. 30. [Laish.] [G.] [W.]
EL-EA'SAH (jTiVrfTI^ = God hatk made;
Elcaa). l.(B. 'E^s,'A.°'°EAca(r^ son of Belez.
one of the descendants of Jndah, of the family of
Hezron(l Ch. ii.39).
2. (B. *E<H)A. or 'tacetiX; A. 'EAeor^ sa
of Rapha, or Rephaiah ; a descendant of Saul
through Jonathan and Merib-baal or Mephibo-
sheth (1 Ch. viii. 37 ; ix. 43).
This name is elsewhere rendered in the A. V.
EuiaAH. [G.] [F.)
EL-EA'ZAB (ITS^ = Ood hath helped:
'Z\td(ap ; Eleazar). 1. Third son of Aaron, br
Elisheba, daughter of Amminadab, who «i»
descended from Jndah, throngh Pharez (Ex. n.
23, 25 ; xxviii. 1 : for his descent see Gai.
ixxviii. 29, xlvi. 12; Ruth iv. 18, 20). Aflff
the death of Nadab and Abihu without ckildici
(Lev. X. 1 ; Num. iii. 4), Eleazar was appointri
chief over the principal Levites, to have tb<
oversight of those who had charge of the saic
tuary (Num. iii. 32). With his brother Ithastr
he ministered as a priest during their fath«r's
lifetime, and immediately before his death wu
invested on Mount Hor with the sacred gsr-
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ELEAZAR
ELEPHANT
897
raents, as the snccesior of Aaron in the office of ,
high'-priest (Nam. xx. 28). One of his first ]
duties was in conjunction with Moses to super-
intend the census of the people (Xum. xxvi. 3).
He also assisted at the inauguration of Joshua,
and at the division of spoil taken from the
ilidianites (Num. xxvii. 2'i; .txxi. 21). After
the ronqnest of Canaan by Joshua he took part
in the distribution of the land (Josh. liv. 1).
The time of his death is not mentioned in Scrip-
ture ; Josephus says it took place about the
same time as Joshua's, twenty-five years after
the death of Moses. He is said to have been
buried in "the hill of Phinehas" his son (Ges.
p. 260), where Josephus says his tomb existed
(Ant. T. 1, § 29) ; or possibly in a town called
Gibeath-Phinehas (Josh. xxiv. 33 : ep. Dillmann').
The high-priesthood is said to have remained in
the family of Eleazar until the time of Eli, a
descendant of Ithamar, into whose family, for
some reason nnknown, it passed until it was
restored to the family of Eleazar in the person
of Zadok (1 Sam. ii. 27 ; 1 Ch. vi. 8, xxiv 3 ;
1 K. il. 27; Joseph, Ant. viii. 1, § 3X and con-
tinued in his family till the times of the Macca-
bees (see Schiirer, GescA. d. Volics Israel,' Index
s. n. " Hohepriester ").
a The son of Abinadab, of the " hill " (nrni)
of Kjrjatb-jearim, consecrated by the people of
that place to take care of the Ark after its
return from the Philistines (1 Sam. vii. 1).
8. The son of Dodo the Ahohite OnnNII),
i.e. possibly a descendant of Ahoah of the tribe
of Benjamin (1 Ch. viii. 4); one of the three
principal mighty men of David's army, whose
exploits are recorded in 2 Sam. xxiii. 9, 1 Ch.
xi. 12.
4. A Merarite Levite, son of Mahli, and
grandson of Merari. He is mentioned as having
had only daughters, who were married by their
"brethren" (i.e. their cousins; 1 Ch. xxiii. 21,
22 ; xxiv. 28).
6. A priest who took part in the Feast of De-
dication under Nehemiah (Xeh. xii. 42).
6. One of the sons of Parosh ; an Israelite
(i>. a layman) who had married a foreign wife,
and had to put her away (Ezra x. 25 ; 1 Esd.
ix. 26).
7. Son of Phinehas a Levite (Ezra viii. 33 ;
1 Esd. viii. 63).
8. Eleazak QEXti(ap ; Joseph. 'EA«i^<^Ms),
sui-named ArARAN (1 Mace. ii. 5, Abapdy, or
Abpdf, and so Joseph. Ant. xii. 6, § 1 ; 9, 4. In
1 Mace. vi. 43, the common reading 6 iavapitt'
arises either from the insertion of C by mistake
after 0, or from a false division of 'Z\fd(apos
Avapiv). The fourth son of Mattathias, who
fell by a noble act of self-devution in an engage-
ment with Antiochus Kupator, n.C. 163 (1 Mace,
vi. 43 sq.; Joseph. Ant. xii. 19, § 4; B. J. i.
1, § 5 ; Ambr. I>e offic. min. 40). In a former
battle with Nicanor, Eleazar was appointed by
Judas to read " the holy book " before the
attack, and the watchword in the fight — " the
help of God" — was his own name (2 Mace,
viii. 23).
The surname Avaran is of uncertain meaning.
Some (see Speaker's Comm. in loco) have derived
it from bis exploit, others from his pale com*
plexion (Zockler, in Strack n. Ziickler's Kgf.
Somm. 2U den Apokryphen).
BIBLE niCT. — VOL. I.
8. A distinguished scribe CEA«(((af>ai . . . rwv
iipoT(v6yrtty ypaiiiuTiwy, 2 Mace vi. 18) of
great age, who sutfered martyrdom during the
persecution of Antiochus Kj>iphanes (2 Mace. vi.
18-31). His death was marked by singular
constancy and heroism, and seems to have pro-
duced considerable effect. Later traditions em-
bellished the narrative by representing Kleazar
as a priest (Dc Mace. 5), or even high- priest
(Grimm, ad Mace. I. c). He was also dis-
tinguished by the nobler title of " the proto-
martyr of the old covenant," "the foundation
of martyrdom " (Chrys. Jlotn. 3 m Mace. init.
Cp. Ambr. de Jacob, ii. 10).
For the general credibility of the history cp.
Grimm, Excurs. Uber 2 Mace. vi. 18-viii. in
Exeg. Hanib. ; Ewald, 6'cScA. iv. 341, 532 ;
Speaker's Comm. on the Apocrypha, ' Introd.'
§§ 2, 4 ; Zackler, Einteit. § 2. [Maccabees.]
The name Eleazar in 3 Mace. vi. appears to
have been borrowed from this Antiochian mar-
tyr, as belonging to one weighed down by age
and suffering and yet " helped by God." For
the name cp. Lazabcs, Luke xvi. 19-25.
10. The father of Jasou, ambassador from
Judas Maccabaeus to Rome (1 Mace. viii. 18).
11. The son of Eliud, three generations above
Joseph, the husband of the Virgin Mary (Matt,
i. 1 J). [B. F. W.] [F.]
ELEAZU'RUS (B. 'ZKtiiTtPos, A. -at-;
Eliasib), 1 Esd. ix. 24. [EuASUlB.] One of
the " holy singers " who had taken to himself
a "strange wife." Lupton (S/xrafer's Comm.
in loco) conjectures that the E. V. got their
form of this name from the Aldine 'E\ii(ov^os,
reading p instead of ^. [G.] [F.]
EL ELOHE ISRAEL (^«'1B'» 'f^^ ^
= God (Almighty), tlie God of Isi-ael; Kai «»«-
KoAcVaro rhy 9(hy 'lapafiK ; Fortissimum Deum
Israel), the name bestowed by Jacob on the
altar which he erected facing the city of She-
chem, in the piece of cultivated land upon which
he had pitched his tent, and which be after-
wards purchased from the Bene-Hamor (Gen.
xxxiii. 19, 20 ; see Delitzsch [1887] and Dill-
mann * in loco). [G.] [F.]
E'LEPH (l^n = the ox ; B. om., A. a«-
XdKi^ ; EUph), one of the towns allotted to
Benjamin, and named next to Jerusalem (Josh,
iviii. 28). The signification of the name may
be taken as an indicition of the pastoral pursuits
of its inhabitants. The LXX. A. reads Zelah and
Eleph as one name, possibly owing to the " and "
between them having been dropped ; but if this
is done, the number of fourteen cities cannot be
made up. The Peshitto has (^aJ^, GMro,
for Eleph ; but what the origin of this can be
is not obvious. Conder {PEF. Mem. iii. 47)
identifies it with Lifta, to the right of the road
from Jerusalem to Jaffa ; the usual identifica-
tion of this place with Nephtoau being un-
satisfactory. [G.] [W.]
ELEPHANT. The word does not occur in
A. V. excepting as a marginal reading for
Behemoth in Job xl. 15, where the hippopota-
mus (R. V. marg.) is clearly intended. But the
most valuable product of that animal, ivory, is
3 M
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ELEUTHEROPOLIS
repeatedly meationed under the name of jC''
then ; and in two passages (1 K. x. 22, 2 Ch. ii.
21) we read D^Sril^, fhenhabbim (A. V. and
R. V. "ivory," A. V. marg. elephants' teeth;
LXX. bSSmfs Af^ximvoi), in the account of
the imports brought to Solomon by the navy of
Tarsbish. Habbim is not a Hebrew word. The
derivation of Qesenius from the Sanskrit ibhas,
" an elephant," is now given up ; but the word
may have arisen out of D^Spil (cp. the Assyrian
ai-ab, MV.").
The Hebrew expression shows that the Jews,
though at that time they do not appear to have
had any further acquaintance with the elephant,
knew that ivory was the tusk or tooth, not the
horn of the animal. The term " horns of ivory "
(Gzek.. xxvii. 15) is merely applied to the shape
of the tusk, not its growth, and is literally
" horns of teeth."
Elephants {iKi^avrts) are frequently men-
tioned in the Books of the Maccabees. Antiochus
Epiphanes had thirty-two elephants in his army
when he went to attack Jerusalem, and one of
them was killed by Eleazar, who crept under it and
slew it, but was himself crushed to death by its
fall (1 Mace. vi. 46). At the battle of Magnesia,
Antiochus is stated to have had 120 elephants
(do. viii. 6). That the Seleucian kings of Syria
attached great importance to their elephants in
warfare is shown by the fact that the tetra-
Jrachms of Seleacos I. bear four elephants in a
row on the reverse. It is evident, from the
various allusions to ivory, that it was obtained
by the Jews and Phoenicians both from Ethiopia
through Egypt, and also from India by the
traders to Ophir and by the men of Dedan, in
the Persian Gulf. But the elephants of the
Syrian kings must have been the Asiatic species
imported from India by way of Persia. [See
IvOBV.] [H. B. T.]
ELEUTHEROPOLIS (•EA.u9.pox<(Xii,
" free city "), a word not found in the Bible, but
curiously connected in early Christian and
Jewish Commentaries with the Horites and
Mount Seir. Jerome (ad Obad. v. 1) says that
Seir was " in the region of Eleutheropolis, where
before dwelt the Horites, which is interpreted
' free,' whence perhaps the town was afterwards
named." In Bereshith Rabba (xlit.) we read,
"The Horites (mnn), that is Eleutheropolis
(D^^iannV^K); and why was it called Eleu-
theropolis ? Because they chose it and entered it
free at the time of the division, since in Greek
elhttheru (nD)^, iKtietpo) is 'free,' and
Phtdis (D'hia, viKts) 'town.'" Again in
another passage the Midrash {yalkut. Gen.
xxxiii.) renders Seir by Beth Gubrin {TV2
p^313X ""^ ^^ town was the same as Elen-
theropolis, as appears below. The reason for
this curious opinion is found in what is probably
a folse etymology for the word Horite, which
means " cave man " (Edomites) : the Jews,
whose interpretations Jerome so often followed,
seem to have rendered this word **in as though
it were D'")in, "free bom," "nobles" (see
Gesen. Lex. s. v.).
The identity of Eleutheropolis with Beth
ELEUTHEBUPOLIS
Gubrin was supposed by Robinson (Bib. Bit. iu
p. 57), and is established by distances mentioned
in the Onomastioon to towns near it as measnml
from the present village Beit Jibrin / i "
Jedna, now Idlmah
Medb, „ Beit Nosib
Adnllam, „ -Aid el Mi.
Socob, „ Sbnwelkeli 8
Zoreah, „ Sor'ab . 10
Wm. una.
< actaillr n
1 ,. H
le ,. J
8 ,. 5
,. ■ IS
Jarmntb,
Gaza.
Ascalon
el Yermak 10 „
GbOzieb . 16
(Pentlnger
Tablw.)
AsknUn . 24
(AntoniiK lUn.)
t
20
The Greek name Eleutheropolis was perhaps
a translation of the Hebrew Beth Gibbanra
(from 1133, " hero "), meaning " house of mighty
ones," whence the Aramaic name of Beth Gubria
above noticed. The Horites are included among
the old heroic aborigines of Palestine (see DcaL
ii. 12). The Semitic name first appears ia
Ptolemy Qv. 16) as Baetogabra (BarrayaSfi,
Reland, Pal. p. 641) in the 2nd centnry aj>l,
and again in the old Roman map of the Pentio-
ger Tables as Betogabri. It is mentioned ia
other Jewish works (Midrash Koheleth, &c.:
see Reland, p. 641), and in the 12th centnry by
the Jewish traveller Rabbi Benjamin of Tndela
(p3} nU). Reland also thinks it U the
liegabris of some editions of Joeephus (Bell. Jai,
iv. 8, § 1, Blryafipis). In the 10th centory \ht
name appears corrupted by £1 Mukaddasy (933
AJ>.) as Beit JibrtI or " House of Gabriel," and
a spot is still shown near the village sacred ts
Neby Jibril (PEF. item. iii. pp. 270, 2il>
William of Tyre calls this place " The House
of Gabriel," but the commoner Crusading name
was Gibelin. He states that the Arab name
was then (in 1136 A.D.) Bethgebrim, and be-
lieves it to be the ancient Bersabe or Beersheba.
So also Marino Sanuto speaks of Bersahre as
Ziblin (vi. 15, 18), and savs it was votgarlr
called Gybelyn (1321 AD.). '
The Greek name of this place is mentioned to
coins of the city with the name of Jvlia Domna
in 202 A.D. Sevenis, her hosband, bestowed
privileges on Palestine cities in that year (see
Robinson, Bib. Sea. ii. p. 60> The earliest
Bishop of Eleutheropolis attended the NiceiK
Council, 325 A.D., and the names of foar othen
occur down to 536 a.d. In the mediaev-nl eccle-
siastical lists (Bongar, Gesta Dei per Fnmaa,
p. 1044) the Latin Beit Gerbein seems to answer
to the Eleutheropolis of a corresponding Greek
list (Robinson, Bib. Set. ii. p. 63, note^ Thii
place was regarded by the Patristic writers a<
Ramath Lehi. Hence Jerome (Ep. 86, SpHi^
PaiUae) says that Morasthim or Mareshah (e'
Mer'aah, close to Beit Jibrin) was near Samson'i
Fountain, and the pilgrim Antoninns Martyr
(circa 530 A.O.) calls Eleutheropolis (ch. uiii.)
the place where Samson slew a thousand mm
with the jaw-bone of an ass, whence water
sprang forth (Jndg. xv. 19). Marino Sanuts
seems to mention the same site in the Utk
century as the " fountain of the jaw." In tie
Acta Sanctorum Martyrum the Syriac reads
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ELKLTHEKOl'OLIS
EI.HANAN
89i>
l>th Gnbrin, the Greek and Ijitin tleutheropolis
( biobinaon, bih. Res. ii. p. 6<i ; cp. Keland, Pal.
pp. 749-754).
The place was important in Crusading times.
William of Tyre records it< fortification by King
Folke of Anjou in 1 136 A.D. It was confided to
the Knights Hospitallers as a bulwaric against
Ascalon. Geo6fry de Vinsauf (v. 44) says that
Ybelin of the Hospitallers by Hebron was near
the Talley where St. Anne was born. A great
church of Scmda Hannah now lies in ruins near
Beit Jibrtn.
The modem village, in a sheltered valley full
of olive groves, has a population of about 1000
souls, living in mud and stone houses. It has
four spring wells, the largest to the south
(Btr Umm Judeia') being regarded by Robinson
as the traditional "Fountain of the Jaw-bone"
above mentioned. It is perhaps worthy of note
that this name may mean " Well, the mother of
clamour" (e^iJo^, Freytag, Lex.y, comparable
to the Hebrew Hi Hakkore, or " spring of the
crier." The site, however, of Samson's exploit
may have lain further north than Beit Jibrtn.
Outside the village on the north the remains of
the Crusading walls and castle extend for about
a third of a mile east and west. The ditch re-
mains and a cloister, which is clearly Norman
work. The castle was, however, repaired in 958
A.H. (1551 A.D.) by Moslems, as evidenced by an
Arab text on the wall. The church near the
Tillage must in Byzantine times have been one
of the largest in the country. The lenifth was
124 feet, with a nave 32 feet wide. The Cru-
sading restoration was much smaller.
There are fourteen remarkable caverns near
Beit Jibrtn, which have often been described and
snpposed to be very ancient. Some writers
hare called them " Horite caves," but they are
like many others in this part of Palestine,
apparently formed by quarrying in the first
instance, and now used as stables for goats and
cows. There is no evidence of their being very
ancient. In one case a Jewish tomb has been
destroyed in enlarging the cavern, showing that
this at least is not as old as the tomb. There
are a good many Arabic texts on the walls, one
of which perhaps contains the name of Saladin.
There are also crosses cut by Christians, but
nothing more ancient than these remains is
known. One cave has a finely-carved band of
bns-relief arabesque work on the walls. El
Mukaddasy speaks of " marble quarries'* at Beit
Jibril, which may account for these caverns.
There are several very fine specimens of
ancient Jewish tombs near the village, and a
very carious excavation at Tell Sandahannah,
consisting of well-like chambers with staircases
running down round the walls. There is also a
large oolvanbariam, perhaps of the Roman period,
called «s Suk, " the market."
A curious legendary character called Sultan
el Fenish is connected with the vicinity. He is
said to have been a Christian king, and a cavern
and garden called after him are shown at Beit
Jibrtn : he is also known elsewhere in the low-
lands west of Jerusalem.
The anthorities on the ancient history have
already been quoted. The fullest account of
Beit Jibrtn and its antiquities will be found in
the PEF. Mem. (iii. 257-8, 264-274, 275-278,
'J89-292, with the Fenish legends, p. 294).
[C. R. C]
ELEUTHEBUS ('EX»iSfl«poj), a river in
Phoenicia, where Jonathan the Hasmonaean met
Ptolemy (1 Mace. xi. 7), and which appears ti>
have been beyond the limits of Hasmonaean rule
(xii. 30). Josephus makes it the limit of the
country given to Cleopatra by Antony {Ant. xiii.
4, § 5; 5, § 10; xv. 4, § 1 ; Bell. Jud. i.
18, § 5). Strabo (xvi. 2, 12) makes it the northern
limit of Phoenicia. Pliny (/f. N. v. 17) places it
north of Tripoli, and says that it swarmed with
tortoises (ix. 10). Reland is inclined to connect
the name with the Arabic i>yOl, "tortoise."
Strabo clearly places the river north of Tripoli.
In the Middle Ages it was incorrectly shown
near Lydda (William of Tyre). The Sabbatic
river {Nahr es Sebta, further north) has also
been incorrectly identified with the Eleutherus.
The river in question is now called JVoAr el
Kebir ("the great river"), and it divides the
northern Lebanon {Jebel Akkdr) from the chain
which joins Mount Amanus. It rises in a sort
of natural crater or hollow plain, called el
Bukeia', in the pass between the two ranges,
west of the lake of Homs. This crater is
several miles across, marshy, and dotted with
oaks. It is the camping-ground of the Turku-
man tribes. On the south are the rugged and
snowy ridges of Lebanon. On the north the old
Crusading castle Krak des Chevaliers commands
the pass. The soil is of hard black basalt round
the crater. The river runs west for twenty
miles into the sea, fifteen miles north of Tripoli.
The bed near the shore is full of canes. It is
easily fordable, except when swollen by the
rains, when it is for a time a deep and rapid
stream. [C. R. C]
ELEUZAI, the reading of the A. V. (a.d.
1611) in 1 Ch. xiv. 5 for Eldzai (B. V.).
ELH A'NAN (Ijn^ = Ood hath been gracious,
al. whom Ood gave [cp. 7W3n, iT33n, and
Phoea. Hannibal. See Renan, Des Noma ThA>-
phores apocopes, p. 176 in SEJ. 1882 ; Baethgen,
Beitrige x. Semit. Meligionsgeschichte, p. 302];
'EXnu'tb'; Adeodatxts). 1. A distinguished warrior
in the time of king David, who performed a
memorable exploit against the Philistines, though
in what that exploit exactly consisted, and who
the hero himself was, it is not easy to determine.
(o.) 2 Sam. iii 19 says that he was the " son
of Jaare-Oregim the Bethlehemite," and that he
"slew Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose
spear was like a weaver's Ijeam." Here, in the
A. v., the words " the brother of" (omitted in
R. V.) are inserted, to bring the passage into
agreement with
(6.) 1 Ch. XX. 5, which states that " Elhanan
the sonof Jairslcw Lahmi the brother of Goliath
the Gittite, the staff of whose spear," &c.
Driver (A'otes on tht HArew Text of the SB.
of Samuel, in loco) comes to the conclusion that
the text of Samuel ' (independent of questions
• Cp. Kennlcott's Diuertation, p. In. Deatech(iatto's
Cyclop. <if BiUical Literataref s. n.) deals with the
question as one of emendation of the text.
3 M 2
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ELHANAN
ELI
with reference to Oregim, which is generally
allowed to have found its way to connexion
with Jaare from the line below of the Hebrew
text) is the more, liltely to be correct; the
original writer of this article considers the text
of Ohron. as probably the more correct.''
1 Sam. xvii. declares that Goliath the Gittite
was killed by Dayid (see s. n. p. 723, n. •); but
even if the reading of Samuel here be accepted
as the original, it does not follow that Ewald's
suggestion would be true (Geach. iii. 91, 2), viz.
that from the fact that David's antagonist is,
with only three exceptions (one of them in the
doubtful verses, xvii. 12-32), called " the Philis-
tine," and for other linguistic reasons, Elhanan
was the real victor of Goliath ; and that, after
David became king, the name of Goliath was
attached to the nameless champion whom he
killed in his youth. Against this is the fact
that Goliath is named thrice in 1 Sam. xvii.
and xxi. — thrice only though it l>e; and also
that Elhanan's exploit, from its position both in
Samuel and in Chronicles, and from other indi-
cations, took place late in David's reign, and
when he had been so long king and so long
renowned, that all the brilliant feats of his
youth must have been brought to light, and
well known to his people. It is recorded as the
last but one in the series of encounters of what
seems to have been the closing struggle with
the Philistines. It was so late that David had
acquired among his warriors the fond title of
" the light of Israel " (2 Sam. xxi. 17), and that
his nephew Jonathan was old enough to perform
a I'eat rivalling that of his illustrious uncle
years before. It was certainly after David was
made king, for he goes down to the light, not
with his " young men " dW)i' as when he was
leading his band during Sanl's life, but with
his " servants " ('135), literally . his " sl.ives,"
a term almost strictly reserved for the subjects
of a king. The vow of his guard, on one of
these occasions, that it should be his last
appearance in the tield, shows that it must
have been after the great Ammonite war, in
which David himself had led the host to the
storming of Rabbah (2 Sam. xii. 29). It may
have been between this last event and the
battle with Absalom beyond Jordan, though
there are other obvious reasons why David
stayed within the walls of Mahanaim on that
occasion.
On the whole, therefore, it seems best to
conclude that the passages in 1 Sam. xvii. and
in 2 Sam. xxi. do not refer to the same oc-
currence.
*> Ewald has overcome the dUBcnlty of the two dis-
crepant passages by a curious eclectic process. From
Chronicles he accepts the name **Jalr/' but rejects
"Lahmi, the brother of." From Samuel he takes " the
Bethlehemlte," and r^ects "Oreglm." Cp. alsoGrUi,
Gach. 1. 421.
* Notbiog can W more marked than this distinction.
Ifa'ar (^3) is u^eU almost invariably for David's
foUoweis np to the death of Saul, and then at once
the term changes, and Ebti OSUi » "slave," is as
exclusively employed. Even Absalom's people go by
the former name. This will be evident to any one who
will look into the quotations under the two words in
that moat Instructive book Tht Snglithmfrn't nArtvt
IXncordanct.
Jerome, in his Qwust. HA. on both pas^ges
— he does not state whether from ancient tra-
dition or not — translates Elhanan into Adbit-
datas, and adds fitivs aaltus Polymiiarmi Beth-
Ichemites — ** a wood-man (?), a weaver, a Betli-
lehemite." Adeo-datus, he says, is David, which
he proves not only by arguments drawn from
the meaning of each of the above words, but
also from the statement in the concluding verse
of the record that all these giants " fell by the
hand of David and by the hand of hu ser-
vants ; " and as Elhanan slew Goliath, KVnanaa
must be David.
2. The son of Dodo of Bethlehem, one of « the
thirty " of David's guard, and named first on
the list (2 Sam. xxiii. 24 ; I Ch. li. 26). See
Kennicott's Dissertation, p. 179
The same name is also found with Baal sub-
stituted for El, — Baal-iia.sax. (Cp. Beel-
lADA.) [G.] [F.]
ELI O^P, (?)=cler<ili<m; 'HXi; 'HAef, Jo«ph.;
Heli), high-priest and judge, was descended from
Aaron through Ithamar, the younger of his two
surviving sons (Lev. x. 1, 2, 13; 1 Ch. xxiv. J),
as apiteara from the fact that Abiathar, who was
certainly a lineal descendant of Eli (1 K. iL 27),
had a son Ahimelech, who is expressly stated to
have been " of the sons of Ithamar " (1 Cb. xxiv.
3 ; cp. 2 Sam. viii. 17). With this accords the
circumstance that the names of Eli and his
successors in the high-priesthood, up to and
including Abiathar, are not found in the gene-
alogy ol Eleazar (1 Ch. vi. 4-15 ; cp. Ezra vii
1-5)^ As the histoiy makes no mention of any
high-priest of the line of Ithamar, before EJi, he is
generally supposed to have been the first of that
line who held the office ('HAcl wpwrov ro^nir
[t^v itpXtfpoMriyvi'^ irapa\a$6rrot, Joseph. AmL
viii. 1, § 3). From him, his sons having died
before him, it appears to have passed to his
grandson, Ahitub (1 Sam. xiv. 3 ; Josephus, bow-
ever, says, tiyttaris St Ijiti icol UpSro, roe
warphs airr^ •wapcucfx^PVK^o^ ^'<t ^^ YVf/MS,
Ant. T. 11, § 2), and it certainly remained in his
family till Abiathar, the grandson of Ahitali,
was "thrust oat ikim being priest nnto the
Lord," by Solomon, for his share in Adunijah's
rebellion (1 K. ii. 26, 27 ; cp. i. 7). The high-
priesthood then passed back to the family of
Eleazar in the person of Zadok (1 K. ii. 35),
where it continued as long as the monarchy
lasted (1 Ch. vi. 4-15), and still remained after
the Captivity in Babylon (Ezra vii. 1-3). How
the office ever came into the younger branch of
the house of Aaron we are not informed, though
we are expressly told that it did so, with the
sanction of Almighty God (1 Sam. ii. 30, in
which and the following verses, 3 1-36, as ICwald
points out, Eli's " father's honse " is evidently
restricted to his particular branch of the sacer-
dotal line, though in the preceding verses,
27-29, it must be understood of the whole tribe
of Levi, as is clear from the historical reference
to Egypt, and the contrast with the other tribe*
I of Israel. Hist, of Isr. ii. 410, Eng. trans.).
In addition to the office of high-priest, Eli
held that of judge (1 Sam. iv. 18^ being the
immediate predecessor of his pupil Samuel, the
last of the judges (1 Sam. vii. 6, 15-17). Of
the circumstances which led to the combinatioo
of the two offices in one person ve know
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ELI
nothing. It has been suggested that " Eli in
his youth was a great hero and deliverer of
Israel, and that, like all the judges, he attained
his position by extraordinary prowess." And
support has been found for this suggestion, in
the fact, which is thought to be deducible from
the history, that " in the forty years ascribed to
Kli's rule, the Philistines had no longer the
same preponderance as in the forty years of their
first ascendancy, within which Samson's isolated
resistance is comprised" (Ewald, Hist, of far.
ii.411 ; Stanley, Jeioish Ch. i. 333). The length
of time during which he judged Israel is given
as forty years in our present Hebrew copies,
whereas the LXX. make it twenty years (dico-
<rw fnj, 1 Sara. iv. 18). Some have thought
that the discrepancy is to be accounted for by
supposing that Eli was sole judge for twenty
years, after having been co-judge with Samson
for a like period (Judg. xvi. 31).
The figure of Eli stands out in bold relief on
the sacred page. It is poi-trayed in few lines,
but they are drawn by a master's hand. When
first introduced to us, he is already an old man
— sixty-eight, according to the received chron-
ology. The Tabernacle, with the Ark of the
Covenant, is still at Shiloh, where Joshua had
placed it ; but buildings have grown up around
it, so that the name " Temple," or " palace " of
Jehovah, is already given to it (HJil^ ^S'lI"
1 Sam. i. 9 ; iii. 3), and there are gates or
" doors " to the court in which it stands (1 Sam.
iii. 15). In the corresponding porch or gate-
way, fixed against one of the posts or pillars
which support it, and commanding, it would
seem, the outer court in which the worshippers
assembled, and perhaps the road beyond, is a
" seat " or " throne," on which Eli is accustomed
to sit (" the seat," 1 Sam. i. 9 ; iv. 13). Here
he is fonnd when the sacred history first men-
tions him. His watchful survey of the multi-
tudes who had come up to worship at the Feast,
his dignified rebuke of the supposed delinquent,
who, after the evil example of his own sons, was
profaning, as he thought, the Temple of the
Lord, his priestly blessing bestowed upon her
when he discovered his mistake, set him before
ns as no unworthy occupant of the high offices
which he held. His subsequent reception from
the hands of Hannah, of the child which had
been given to her prayer, together with his
benediction of her and her husband (1 Sam. i.
25-28 ; ii. 20), are quite in keeping with this
first description of him. His relations with
Samuel, throughout the history, justify the
conclusion that his heart found solace in the
parity and piety of the child who was growing
up under his care, uncontaminated by the
wickedness which, springing from his own
family and office, as from a corrupt fountain-
head, was overflowing and polluting the whole
nation. It is his weak toleration of this
wickedness with which he had no sympathy
whatever, but which he failed effectually to
curb, that is the one great blot in the character
of Eli : " His sons maide themselves vile, and he
restrained them not" (1 Sam. iii. 13). As a
private person, it would have been his duty to
" put away evil from among " his people, by
bringing his sons to punishment (Deut. xxi. 18-
21). As high-priest and judge, the power and
ELI
901
the responsibility of dealiug with them^were
alike his own. This he failed practically to
recognise. He spoke when he should have
acted. He remonstrated when he should have
restrained. He allowed his sons by their ra-
pacity and licentiousness to profane the office
of the priesthood, and to bring the rites of
religion into abhorrence among the people
(1 Sam. ii, 12-17, 22 ; in which latter verse we
ought probably to render "the women that
served," — "did service," R. V. — i.e. discharged
various offices in connexion with the Taber-
nacle ; cp. Driver, Xotes on the Hcb. Text of the
BB. of Sam. in loco, Exod. xxxviii. 8, and
Num. iv. 23, where the same Hebrew word
is rendered, " perform the service "). The sin
of which he was thus guilty was grievous
and, in its temporal consequences, unpardon-
able. Neither bloody nor unbloody sacrifice
could purge it away (1 Sam. iii. 14). His
doom, which had been previously foretold by
an unknown pro]>het sent to Shiloh (1 Sam.
ii. 27-36), became the subject of the first
prophetic revelation made to Samuel (iii.
11-14). The meek submission with which
the aged high-priest received the terrible sen-
tence from the lips of the reluctant child who
was commissioned to deliver it, is another proof
of his genuine piety, while it forms at the same
time a touching episode in the history. The
closing scene in the life of Eli is full of solem-
nity and pathos. The Israelites have again
encountered and been defeated by their ancient
enemies, the Philistines. They have left 4,000
men dead upon the field. To retrieve this
disaster, they fetch from Shiloh the Ark of the
covenant of the Lord, by which such mighty
things had been done for them in times past.
But the expedient is vain. Despite a transient
enthusiasm in their own ranks and panic among
their enemies, they are again defeated, and the
Ark is taken, and the sons of Eli, Hophni and
Pbinehas, are slain. A swift runner bears the
news to Shiloh. The city, which is first reached,
sends up a wail of anguish as he proclaims it.
Eli, anxious and expectant, is sitting on bis
throne or seat in the gateway of the temple, on
the hill beyond. He is ninety-eight years old,
and blind, but he hears the cry, and asks those
around him what it means. Calamity after
calamity in quick succession is poured upon him.
"Israel is fled." "There hath been a great
slaughter among the people." " Thy two sons,
Hophni and Pbinehas, are dead." And, to crown
all, "The Ark is taken." It was this last
intelligence which proved the death-blow of
Eli, for his heart was still true to God and to
His service. " It came to pass, when he made
mention of the Ark of God, th.it he fell from
off the seat backward, by the side of the gate,
and his neck brake and he died, for he was
an old man and heavy " (1 Sam. iv. 1-18 ; cp.
Stanley, i. 338). Another part of his punish-
ment, the return of the high-priesthood to the
elder branch of the family, took effect, as we
have seen, in the time of Solomon. The decay
of his house, which had also been predicted
(1 Sam. ii. 31-33), appears to have been in pro-
gress in the reign of David, when we read that
" there were more chief men found of the sons
of Eleazar, than of the sons of Ithamar," sixteen
of the former, and only eight of the latter.
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902
ELIAB
(1 Ch. xxiv. 4.) [Abiatuar; El£Azar; Itua-
MAR.] (See Lighttoot's Works, i. 53, 907, fol.
Lond. 1684 ; Selden, dt Siuxeas. in Pontif. Hebr.
lib. i. c«p. 4.) [T. T. P.]
ELI'AB (3K»S^ = my God is Father [see
OlshauseD, Le/irb, d. Heb. Sprache, p. 61o];'E,\ti$;
Eliab). 1, Sou of Helon and leader of the tribe
of Zebulun at the time of the census in the wil-
deroesi of Sinai (Nam. i. 9 ; il 7 ; rii. 24, 29 ;
I. 16).
2. A Reubenite, son of Pallu or Pliallu, whose
family was one of the principal in the tribe ; and
father or progenitor of Dathan and Abiram, the
leaders in.the revolt against Moses (Nam. xxvi.
8, 9, xvi. 1. 12 ; Deut. xi. 6). Eliab had another
son named Nemuel, and the record of Num.
xxvi. is interrupted expressly to admit a state-
ment regarding his sons,
3. One of David's brothers, the eldest of the
family (1 Oh. ii. 13 ; 1 Sam. ivi. 6, xvii. 13, 28).
His daughter Abihail married her second cousin
Rehoboam, and bore him three children (2 Ch.
xi. 18 ; B. 'EAuiv, A. -afi) ; although, taking into
account the length of the reigns of David and
Solomon, it is difficult not to suspect that the
word " daughter " is here used in the less strict
sense of granddaughter or descendant. In 1 Ch.
xxvii. 18, we find mention of " Elihu, of the
brethren of David," as "ruler" 0'?3)i or
" prince " (■©») of the tribe of Judah. According
to the ancient Hebrew tradition preserved by
Jerome (Quaest. Heb. in loco), this Elihu was
identical with Eliab (so LXX.). " Brethren " is
however often used in the sense of kinsmen, c.i/.
in 1 Ch. xii. 2.
4. A Levite in the time of David, who was
both a " porter " (ipitJ', i.e. a doorkeeper) and
a musican on the "psaltery" (1 Ch. xv. 18
[BK'. 'EAio/ia, {«•. 'EAi^a, A. ■EA.cijS], 20,
xvi. 5).
6. One of the warlike Gadite leaders who
came over to David when he was in the wil-
derness taking refuge from Saul (1 Ch. xii. 9 ;
K. 'EAcuijS).
e. An ancestor of Samuel the Prophet; a
Kohathithe Levite, son of Nahath (1 Ch. vi. 27 ;
Hebr. 12). In the other statements of the gene-
alogy this name appears to be given as Elihu
(1 Sam. i. 1) and Eliel(1 Ch. vi. 34; Hebr. 19).
7. Son of Nathanael, one of the forefathers
of Judith, and therefore belonging to the tribe
of Simeon (Judith viii. 1 ; B. 'EXciaiS, A. 'EXid^,
N-'Ek<£/3). [G.] [F.]
EL-IA'DA Cr^^Godhath knov-n ; FM'yl,,,
Eliada). \, One o? David's sons ; according to
the lists, the youngest but one of the family born
to him after his establishment in Jerusalem (2
Sam. V. 16 [B. 'Zmtat, A. 'ZxaaC]; 1 Ch. iii. 8
[B. 'ZKtiSi, A. 'EXieSii]). From the latter pas-
sage it appears that he was the son of a wife and
not of a concubine. In another list of David's
family we find the name Eliada changed to
Beeliada, the false god (Baal) for the true (1 Ch.
xiv. 7 [BK. BaXryJSt, A. Bo\Ajo«<i]). What
significance there may be in this change it is
impossible to say (see Driver, Notes on tlie He>>.
Text of the BB. of Sam. on 2 Sam. v. 16) ; it is
the only instance occurrin?, and even here Eliada
is found in one Hebrew MS. [Beeliada.] The
EUAKIM
name appears to be omitted by Josephns in liii
list of David's family {Ant. vii'. 3, § 3).
2. A mighty man of war (^^n liSJXsBoi-
jamite, who led 200,000 of his tribe to the army
of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch. ivii. 17 [B. "EXiiM, A.
•EAwScQ). [G.] [P.]
EL-IADAH (irj;S« = 'jfod AaM iiK«»; a
om., A. 'EAtoSac; Jf/imij), apparently in Arsmitt
of Zobah ; father of Rezon the captain of a
marauding band which annoyed Solomon (1 K.
»-23). [G.] [?.]
EL-IA'DAS ("EAioSitt ; Eliadas), 1 E*L it
28. [Elioenai.]
EL-IA'DUN (B. KiMaiaiv, A. 'U- ; Vnlg.
omits), 1 Esd. v. 58. Possibly altered from
Hknadad. [G.] [F.]
ELI'AH (P'bii = Oiii [(.,] Jehtah; EUa).
1. CHAIol) .^Bcnjamite ;oneofthe•onsofJeIl>
llam, and a chief man (B'Xl, literally "had'l
of the tribe (1 Ch. viii. 27).
2. CHAia.) One of the Bene-Elam; an h-
raelite (i.e. a layman) in the times of Lzn, vlio
liad married a foreign wife (Ezra x. 26)
This name is accurately Elijah, and the tnn>-
lators of the A. V. have so expressed it, not imlj
in the name of the Prophet (most frequently
spelt with a final «), but in another case (Ezn
X. 21). [Elijah.] [G.] [F.]
EL-IAH'BA (NSn'tiK = GoJ hides [or pro-
tects] ; 'EMa$d, 'Eilairoi, 'EXiifi ; EUaba), »
Shaalbonite, i.c. probably from Shaaibim; ens
iif the thirty of David's guard (2 Sam. uiii o2
[B. 'Z/uurohi 2a\a$uvelTiis, A. 'EAiii^]; ICi.
xi. 33 [A. 'E\mfiii 6 2aAa/3i»W, K. 'Ufttt i
iuiiei, B. So/«(8i i 'O/ifCJ). [G.] f.]
EL-IA'KDI (D'i?^*^^ = Godestablishea;}/!^.'-
compares the .Sabesn ^Dpil, ^KDp' ; 'EAml^
and 'EAuucef^ ; Eliacim). 1. Son of Hilkiah ;
master of Hczekiah's household (n^31T^ =
"over the house," as Is. xxxvi. 3), 2 K.iTiii-
18, 26, 37. He succeeded Shebna in this oS<x,
after he had been ejected from it (Gretiit
thinks by reason of his leprosy) as a pnnisli'
ment for his pride (Is. xxii. 15-20) Eliikim
was a good man, as appears by the title an-
phatically applied to him by God, " My sana
Eliakim " (Is. xxii. 20), and as was evinced tj
his conduct on the occasion of Sennacherib's in-
vasion (2 K. xviii. 3" ; xix. 1-5), and.also in ll»
discharge of the duties of his high station, ii
which he acted as a " father to the inhabitaul'
of Jerusalem, and to the house of Jndali''
' (Is. xxii. 21). It was as a special mark of tfcf
j Divine approbation of his character and «»■
I duct, of which however no further details hav(
been preserved to us, that he was raised to tie
] post of authority and dignity which he heUal
the time of the -Assyrian invasion. What tJii!
office was has been a subject of some perpteiilj
to commentators. The ancients, including tkt
LXX. and Jerome, understood it of the priestlf
office, as appears by the rendering of JSO (It
xxii. 15, A. V. and R. V. "treasurer;" R.T.
marg. Or, stcaard) by 'w(un-o<p6pu>r, the " priet's
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ELIAK.IH
chamber," by the former, and of n'.3n'7B by
"praepositus templi" by the latter. Hence
Nicephoriu, as well a« the author of the
Alexandrian Chronicle, includes in the list of
high-priests, Somnas or Sobnas (i.e. Shebna)
and Eliakim, identifying the latter with Shallum
or Meshullam. His twelfth high-priest is,
Somnas, ille impiua et perditxa, regnantt Czechia ;
and his thirteenth, Eliakim Moselum. liut it
is certain from the description of the office in
Is. xxii., and especially from the e.xpression in
r. 22, " the key of the house of David will 1
lay upon his shoulder," that it was the king's
house, and not the House of God, of which
Eliakim was praefect, as Ahishar had been in
the reign of Solomon, 1 K. iv. 6, and .Vzrikam
in that of Ahaz, 2 Oh. xxviii. 7. And with this
agrees both all that is said, and all that is not
said, of Eliakim's functions. The office seems
to have been the highest under the king, as was
the case in Egypt, when Pharaoh said to Joseph,
'• Thou shalt be over my house 0J^*3'7B) . . .
only in the throne will I be greater than thou,"
Gen. xli. 40; cp. xxxix. 4. In 2 Ch. xxviii.
7, the officer is called " governor O'?^ "^ ">*
house." It is clear that the " Scribe " was
inferior to him, for Shebna, when degraded from
the praefecture of the house, acted as scribe
onder Eliakim • (2 K. xviii. 37). Further, the
whole description of it by Isaiah implies a place
of great eminence and power. This description
is transferred in a mystical or spiritual sense to
Christ the Son of David in Kev. iii. 7 ; thus
making Eliakim in some sense typical of Christ.
This it is perhaps which gave rise to the inter-
pretation of Eliakim's name mentioned by Ori-
gen, A &t6s fun/ iwiffni' or as Jerome has it,
Jjei restu-rectio, or Seaitrgena Deus ; and also
favoured the mystical interpretation of the
passage in Isaiah given by Jerome in his com-
mentary, based upon the interpretation of PD
as " habitaM in taiemaculo," as if it imported
the removal of the Jewish dispensation, and the
setting up of the Gospel in its place. The mean-
ing of job is probably " steward," in a high
sense of the term (MV." gives instances of its
occurrence in the Carthaginian inscriptions).
Eliakim's career was a most honourable and
splendid one ; if with Gesenius and Ewald (cp.
Driver, Iiaiah, his Life and Times, p. 103, n. 1 ;
Riehm, HWB. s. n. ; Dillmann* in loco) Is. iiii.
25 is taken to apply not to him, but to Shebna.'
Eliakim's name also occurs 2 K. xix. 2 ; Is.
x.xxvi. 3, 11, 22; xxxA'ii. 2 (see further Jerome,
de nom. HAr. and Comm. on Is. xxii. 15 sq. ;
Roaenmiill. i*. ; Bp. Lowth's Notes on Is. ; Selden,
de Success, in Pontif. nd)r. ; Winer, sub mc.).
2. The original name of Jehoiakim king of
Judah (2 K. xxiii. 34; 2 Ch. xiivi. 4). [Jk-
ROIAKU.]
3. A priest in the days of Nehemiah, who
assisted at the dedication of the new wall of
Jernsalem (Neh. xii. 41 ; BN*A. om.).
4. Eldest son of Abind, or Judah ; brother of
ELIAbHlB
903
• Bp. Lowlb thinks, but without sofflcient reason,
that this Sbebna is a different person from the other.
Otbere (DeUtz«ch,< G. A. Smith, &c. In loco) take
this vene as n^ferriog to Eliakim, and consider that be
fell through the nepodsm or his family.
Joseph, and father of Azor (Matt. i. 13). [Gc-
NEAIOOY OF Christ.]
6. Son of Melea, and father of Jonan (Lnk«
iii. 30, 31). [Ibid.] [A. C. H.]
EL-IA'LI (B. 'EJtoXsii, A. "EAioXfl ; Dielw),
1 Esd. ix. 34. [BiNNDi.]
ELI' AM (Dy»^g; BA. 'EXutjS; Eliam),
1. Father of Batdaheba, the wife of David
(2 Sam. xi. .3). In the list of 1 Ch. iii. 5,
the names of both father and daughter are
altered, the former to Ammiel and the latter to
Batiishua * ; and it may be noticed in passing,
that both the latter names were also those of
non-Israelite persons, while Uriah was a Hittite
(cp. Gen. xxxriii. 12; 1 Ch. ii. 3; in both of
which "the daughter of Shna " is VW nS,
B.tth-shna; also 2 Sam. xvii. 27). The trans.
)>osition of the two parts of the name El-i-am
in Am-mi-el does not alter its Hebrew signifi-
cation, which may be " God is my people."
2. B. 'EA.uij3 ; A. OieXu^i. Sou of Ahithophel
the Gilonite ; one of David's " thirty " warriors
(2 Sam. xxiii. .34). The name is omitted in the
list of 1 Ch. xi., but is now probably dimly
discernible or mutilated (Driver) as "Ahijah
the Pelonite " (e. 36 ; see Kennicott, Disserta-
tion, p. 207). The ancient Jewish tradition pre-
served by Jerome (Qu, Ilebr. on 2 Sam. xi. 3,
and 1 Ch. iii. 5) is that the two Eliams are one
and the same person. An argument has been
founded on this to account for the hostility of
Ahitophel to king David, as having dishonoureil
his house and caused the death of his son-in-
law (Blunt, Coincidences, Pt. II. x.). [G.] [F.]
ELIACNIAS (B. "ZXtaKwytas, A. 'EXioo-
ytas; Moabiiioms, including preceding name),
1 Esd. viii. 31. [Euhoenai.]
ELI' AS CHXloi ; in Macaibees, and in N. T.
'HKias [Lachm. andTreg.] or 'HXelos [Westc and
Hort] ; Elias, but in Cod. Amiat. ffelicu), the
form in which the name of Eujah is given in
llic A. V. of the Apocrypha and N. T. : Ecclus.
.xlviii. 1, 4, 12 f S. vv. 1, 12, 'HXeki] ; 1 Mace u.
58 ; Matt. xi. 14, xvi. 14, xvii. 3, 4, 10, U, 12,
xxvii. 47, 49 ; Mark vi. 15, viii. 28, ix. 4, 5, 11,
12, 13, XV. 35, 36 ; Luke i. 17, iv. 25, 26, ix. 8,
19, 30, 33, 54; John i. 21, 25; Rom. xi. 2;
James v. 17. In Rom. xi. 2 the reference u
not to the prophet, but to the portion of Scrip-
ture designated by his name, the words being
ir 'HKia, " in Elias " (A. V. and R. V. marg.), not
as in A. V. and R. V. text, " of EUas." [G.]
EL-LA^'SAPH (flD^^K = Ood hath added;
B. 'EA«i<ri^, AF. -";■ 'Eliasaph). 1. Son of
Deuel ; head of the tribe of Dan at the time of
the census in the Wilderness of Sinai (Num. i.
14 ; ii. 14 ; vii. 42, 47 ; x. 20).
2. BAF. 'EX«<rii^. Son of Lael ; a Levite,
and " chief of the house of the father of the
Gershonite " at the same time (Num. iii. 24).
EL-LA'SHIB (3'E^,^^ = Ood mil bring back ;
cp. Nestle, Die Israel. Sigennamen, p. 194. MV."
compares the Sabean W3n ; Eliasub, Eliasib),
• Driver (,/fotts on tlie Bebrew Tat of tlit SB. qf
SamuO,, In loco) tMnks that JflE' (1° Ch) *•* P"*
nouDced i;iE', and was merely an error for 1'3B'-
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ELIASIS
a common name at the later period of the O. T.
history.
1. B. 'ZluaPtti, A. 'EAuxrtl^. A priest in
the time of king David, eleventh in the order
of the "governors" ('TCO of the sanctuary
(1 Ch. iiiv. 12).
2. B. 'Ao-ci/S, B. 'EAiaatl$. A son of Elioenai ;
one of the latest descendants of the roval
family of Judah (1 Ch. iii. 24).
3. High-priest at Jerusalem at the time of
the rebuilding of the walls under Nehemiah
(Neh. iii. 1 [B. 'EA«iffoi/8, KA. -i-], 20, 21 [in
these tw. B. Bi)0<Auroif/3 or -ttaovfi, K. Bi)9ai\c
<raiijS or -curov or -uaovP, A. Bi)9cAcl 'K<r<roh$ or
•iimuPas or -uurovff]). His genealogy is given
in xii. 10 [B. 'EXcuuref^ or -i-, K. 'EAiairl/S or
-*uurtl$, A. 'EKuurfl0], 22 [BA. 'K\M<ri0, H.
'EA«oir«lfl, 23 [B. "EMurov*, A. -£-, K». 'EA.«i-
<roi$}. Eliashib was in some way allied (Slip
= near) to Tobiah the Ammonite, for whom
he had prepared a room in the Temple, a
desecration which excited the wrath of Nehe-
miah (Neh. xiii. 4, 7). One of the grandsons of
Eliashib had also married the daughter of San-
ballat the Horonite (xiii. 28). There seems no
reason to doubt that the same Eliashib is re-
ferred to in Ezra x. 6 (B. 'EAei<rai/0, KA. -i-).
4. A singer in the time of Ezra who had mar-
ried a foreign wife (Ezra x. 24, B. 'EAeiiret^,
RA. -I-). [Eleazurus.]
6. A son of Zattu (Ezra x. 27, B. 'ZKturoi$,
A. -I-, M. -iTov) [EusiMUs], and
e. A son of Bani (x. 36, B. 'EXeuurc/^, «.
-<rcij3, A. 'E\tta<rti$) [Eliasib], both of whom
had transgressed in the same manner.
[G.] [F.]
' ELI'ASIS ('EAu<<rcii ; Eliasia), 1 Esd. ix. 34. I
This name and Enasibus may be duplicate forms '
answering to Eliashib (see Speaker's Comm. in j
loco). [G.] [F.] I
ELI' ATHAH (nJlN'^N and nn»^N = G«/ !
^ T T * V: T T • '-I I
or my God hath come ; B. 'HKiaBiB, A. 'ZKuiBi ;
Eliatha), one of the sons of Heman, a musician {
m the Temple in the time of king David (I Ch.
XXV. 4X who with twelve of his sons and '
brethren had the twentieth division of the ,
Temple-service (xxv. 27 ; B. AiiiaSa, A. 'EXii(fl).
In Jerome's Quaest. Hebr, on v. 27, the name
is given as Eliaba and explained accordinglv ;
but not so in the Vulgate. [G.] [P.]
ELI'DAD (yvh^ = God or my God lores ;
'EASdt ; £M<id), sonof Chislon; the man chosen
to represent the tribe of Benjamin in the
division of the land uf Canaan (Num. xxxir. 21).
[G.] [F.]
ELI'EL (^{<'^N = God or my God is [the
true] God; B. 'EX«<A, A. -i-; Eliel). 1. One
of the heads of the tribe of Manasseh — of that
portion of the tribe which was on the east of
Jordan (1 Ch. v. 24).
2. Son of Toah ; a forefather of Samuel the
prophet (1 Ch. vi. 34, Hebr. v. 19). Probably
identical with Euiiu, 2, and EUAB, 6.
3. (B. 'EAn)A<r, A. -Ai), one of the Bene-
Shimhi ; a chief man in the tribe of Benjamin
(1 Ch. viii. 20).
4. CEXc^A), like the preceding, a Benjamite,
but belonging to the Bene-Shai>hak(l Ch. viii. 22).
ELIEZER
5. (B. AeriiX, N. -1-, A. 'liA^A), "the M»h»-
vite ; " one of the heroes of David's goaid in
the extended list of 1 Ch. (xi. 46).
e. (BN. AoAi^A, A. •AAi'^A), another of the
same guard, but without any express desig-
nation (xi. 47).
7. ( BK. 'L\ui0, A. "EAj^lX), one of theGaJite
heroes who came across Jordan to David when
he was in the wilderness of Judah hiding fmm
Saul(l Ch. .\ii. 11).
a A Kohathite Levite, " chief" (TBO of the
Bene-Chebron at the time of the transportation
of the Ark from the house of Obed-edom t»
Jerusalem (1 Ch. xv. 9 [B. 'Er^p, K- -^X,
A. 'EAi^A], 11 [B. 'ErijA, K. 'AreK^^A. "EXiMlX
8. A Levite in the time of Uezeki.th ; ooe of
the"orerseei's" (D'TpB) of the offerings nude
iu the Temple (2 Ch'. xxxi. 1.'?, B. 'Ut.^X,
A.'I..«A). [G.] [F.]
ELI-E'NAI CVV^' B. 'EAiwAiud, A
'EAiu«iw( ; UliofTtai), one of the Bene-Sfaimhi ; >
descendant of Benjamin, and a chief man in the
tribe (1 Ch. viii. 20). [G.] [F.]
ELI-E'ZER OW^^y 'ZAt4Ctp; Oodot my
God is help. MV." compares the Phoea.
ItWOe^. "VthvZ. ^»31tl?). 1. -Abraham's
chief servant, called by him, as the passai^e is
translated in A. V., " Eliezer of Damascos," or
by Chald. and Syriac, " the Damascene, Eliezer "
(Gen. XV. 2. On the disputed points connecte'J
with this verse see Delitzsch [1887], DiUmano,'
and the summary in QPB.'). It was, most
likely, this same Eliezer who is described in
Gen. xxiv. 2 (R. V.) as Abraham's aensat, tke
elder of hit hoase, that ruled orer all thai V
had, and whom his master sent to Padao-.Oun
to take a wife for Isaac from among his om
kindred. With what eminent zeal and fiuthfol-
ue-'S he executed his commission, and how (i-
tirely he found the truth of what hLs own name
expressed, in the providential aid he met with oa
his errand, is most beautifully told in Gen. ixiv.
The two passages, "JudtKii origo Dmxaxmi,
Syriae nobilissima civitas . . . Xbim-n ktW a Da-
tnasco rege inditum . . . Post Damasaan Azelui.
mox Adores et Abraham et Israhei reges fmre "
(Justin, lib. xxxvi. cap. 2): and 'ABpif'Vi '/>«»'•
Aci;<rc AofiatrKov . . , roi; 8^ *AfipafiOv Ifri nl
vvr iv rp AoftairKiivp ri iroyia Soj^^rroi ■ «ai
Kiiiai i,it' abrov Stliannai 'Afipi/iou olxriTis
Atyoiiirti (Joseph. Ant. i. 7, § 2, quoting Nicol.
Damascen.) have probably some relation to the
narrative in Gen. xv. (see Gesen. TXo. s. r.
pt?*!? ; Roscnmiill. on Gen. xv. ; Knobel, Genesis).
2. Second son of Moses and Zipporeh, to
whom his father gave this name, " becauM, sui
he, the God of my father was my help, that de-
livered me from the sword of Pharaoh " (Ex. iviii.
4 ; 1 Ch. xxiii. 15, 17). He remained with hi»
mother and brother Gershom, in the care of
Jethro his grandfather, when Moses returned to
Egypt (Ex. iv. 18), she having been sent back to
her father by Moses (Ex. xviii. 2), though she
set off to accompany him, and went part of the
way with him. Jethro brought back Zipponh
and her two sons to Moses in the wilderness, after
he heard of the departure of the Israelites from
Egypt (ch. xviii.). Eliezer had one son, Kehabis'i.
from whom sprang a numerous poeterity (1 Qi-
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ELIHABA
ELIJAH
905
ixiii. 17, xiTl. 25, 26). Shelomith in the reigns
of Sanl aad David (v. 28), wlio had the care of
all the treasures of things dedicated to God, was
descended from Eliezer in the sixth generation, if
the genealogy in 1 Ch. xxvi. 25 is complete.
3. One of the sons of Becher, the son of Ben-
jamin (1 Ch. vii. 8).
4. A priest in the reign of David, one of those
appointed to sound with trumpets before the
Ark on its passage from the house of Obed-edom
to the city of David (1 Ch. xr. 24).
5. Son of Zichri, " ruler " 0*^J) of ">« Keu-
benites in the reign of David (1 Ch. xjtvii. 16).
6. (H.'ZXfiaSi, A.'E\u{4p.) Son of Dodavah,
of Mareshah in Judah (2 Ch. xx. 37), a prophet,
who rebuked Jehoshaphat for joining himself
with Ahaziah king of Israel, " who did very
wickedly," in making a combined expedition of
ships of Tarshish to go to Ophir for gold ; and
foretold the destruction of his fleet at Ezion-
geber, which accordingly came to pass. When
Ahaziah proposed a second expedition, Jehosha-
phat refused (2 Ch. xx. 35-37 ; 1 K. xxii. 48, 49).
The combination of the names Eliezer and
Dodavah almost suggests that he may have been
descended from David's mighty man Eleazar the
son of Dodo (2 Sam. xxiii. 9).
7. {'E\ta(ip.) A chief Israelite — a "man of
understanding " — whom Ezra sent with others
from Ahava to Casiphia, to induce some Levites
and Nethinim to accompany him to Jerusalem
(Ezra viii. 16). In 1 Esd. viii. 43, the tume is
given as Eleazar.
8. 8, 10. A priest, a Levite, and an Israelite
of the sons of Harim, who, in the time of Ezra,
had married foreign wives (Ezra x. 18, 23 [K.
-fapi 31 [BNA. 'E\(Uitp]). The former is called
ELkazab, the second Eleazurus, and the third
EUOKAS, in 1 Esd. ix. 19, 23, 32.
11. Son of Jorim, thirteenth in descent from
Nathan the son of David, iu the genealogy of
Christ (Luke ii. 29). [A. C. H.]
ELI-HA'BA the Shaalbonite (2 Sam. xxiii.
32; 1 Ch. xi. 33), one of David's "thirty," ren-
dered Eliahba by R. V. in both passages.
ELIHO-K'NAI O^inn^^^ ; B. 'EAioi-.l, A.
'EXiaorcI ; Elioenai), son of Zerahiah, one of the
Bene-Pahath-raoab, who with 200 men returned
from the Captivity with Ezra (Ezra viii. 4). In
the apocryphal Esdras the name is Eliaoxias.
[G.] [F.]
ELI-HCyBEPH (ei^h'^R, (?) = GW or my
Ood is [a] reward; B. 'EAuu^l A. 'Zvafi^ ; Eliho-
reph), son of Shisha. He and his brother Ahiah
were scribes (D'^DD) to Solomon at the com-
mencement of his reign (1 K. iv. 3). [A. C. H.]
ELI'HU (N-in'^S = God or my God is He ;
'EKiois ; Eliu). 1. One of the interlocutors in
the Book of Job. He is described as the " son of
Barachel the Buzite," and thns apparently re-
ferred to the family of Buz, the son of Nahor,
and nephew of Abraham (Gen. xxii. 21). This
supposition suits well with the description of
the other personages [Euphaz ; Bildad],' and
the probable date to be assigned to the scenes
* The connexion of Dedan and Tema with Bus in Jer,
XXV. 23 is also to be noticed.
I recorded. In his speech (chs. iixii.-xxxvii.) he
I describes himself as younger than the three
friends, and accordingly his presence is not
, noticed in the first chapters. He expresses his
desire to moderate between the disputants ; and
his words alone touch upon, although they do
' not thoroughly handle, that idea of the dis-
ciplinal nature of suffering, which is the key to
Job's perplexity and doubt ; but, as in the whole
I Book, the greater stress is laid on God's un-
searchable wisdom, and the implicit faith which
He demands. [Jon, Book of.] [A. B.]
I 2. (B. "HXe/ou, A. E-). Son of Tohu; a fore-
father of Samuel the prophet (1 Sam. i. 1). In
the statements of the genealogy of Samuel in
1 Ch. vi. the name Eliel occurs in the same
position — son of Toah and father of Jeroham (vi.
:J4,Heb.o. 19); and also ELiAB(vi. 27,Heb.t>. 12),
father of Jeroham and grandson of Zophai. The
general opinion is that Elihu is the original
name, and the two latter forms but copyists'
variations thereof.
3. (B. and A. 'EXiitjS.) A similar variation of
the name of Eliab, the eldest son of Jesse, is pro-
bably found in 1 Ch. ixvii. 18, where Elihu " of
the brethren of David " is mentioned as the chief
of the tribe of Judah. But see 1 Ch. xii. 2,
where, in a similar connexion, the word " bre-
thren " is used in its widest sense. The LXX.
retains Eliab. [Eliab, 3.] In this place the
name is without the final Aleph — IDvK.
4. (B. 'EAi/ioile;A.'EXioi)».) One of the " cap-
tains " ('E'N'l, i.e. heads) of the " thousands of
Manasseh " (1 Ch. xii. 20) who followed David
to Ziklag after he had left the Philistine army
on the eve of the battle of Gilboa, and who as-
sisted him against the marauding band O'*^!) "^
the Amalekites (cp. 1 Sam. xxx.).
6. (in»^N ; B. 'Zrroi, A. 'EXioD.) A Korhite
Levite in the time of David ; one of the doorkeepers
(A. V. " porters ") of the house of Jehovah.
He was a son of Shemaiah, and of the family of
Obed-edom (1 Ch. xxvi. 7). Terms are applied to
these doorkeepers which seem to indicate that
they were not only " strong men," as in A. V.,
but also (R. V. " valiant ") fighting men (see
ti». 6, 7, 8, 12, in which occur the words ?*n =
army, and '"1135 = warriors or heroes).
[G.] [P.]
ELI'JAH. 1. (generally injTN, Eliyahu,
but sometimes ilvK, Eliyah = God is Jehotah,
or Jehotah is my Ood; B. 'H\tioi, A. -i-, Luc.
'HAfot ; Aquila, 'HAfo ; • N. T. "HAefoj [Westcott
and Hort]; Elias). Elijah the Tishbite
has been well entitled " the grandest and the
most romantic character that Israel ever pro-
duced." *' Certainly there is no personage in
the 0. T. whose career is more vividly por-
trayed, or who exercises on us a more remark-
able fascination. His rare, sudden, and brief
appearances — his undaunted courage and fiery
zeal — the brilliancy of his triumphs — the pathos
of his despondency — the glory of his departure,
* By Chrysoetom and others the name is Greclsed
into 'lUux, as if signifying the brightness of the suu.
' Stanley, S. * P. p. 338. In the Acta Sanctor. he Is
oalled Prodigiosut Tkabitct.
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ELIJAH
and the calm beauty of his reappearance on
the Mount of Transtiguration — throw such a
halo of brightness around him as is equalled bjr
none of his compeers in the sacred story.' The
ignorance in which we are left of the circum-
stances and antecedents of the man who did and
who suffered so much, doubtless contributes to
enhance our interest in the &tory and the cha-
racter. " Elijah the Tishbite of the inhabitants
(K. V. « sojourners ") of Gilead," is literally all
that is giren us to know of his parentage and
locality.' It is in remarkable contrast to the
detail with which the genealogies of other pro-
phets and leaders of Israel are stated. Where
the place — if it was a place — lay, which gave
him this appellation, we know not, nor are we
likely to know. It is not stgain found in the
Bible, nor has any name answering to it been
discovered since.* [TlllSBE.]
The mention of Gilead, however, is the key-
note to much that is most characteristic in the
story of the prophet. Gilead was the country
on the farther side of the Jordan — a country of
chase and pasture, of tent-villages and moun-
tain-castles, inhabited by a people not settled
and civilised like those who formed the communi-
ties of Ephraim and Judah, but of wandering,
irregular habits, exposed to the attacks of the
nomad tribes of the desert, and gradually con-
forming more and more to the habits of those
tribes ; making war with the Hagarites, and
taking the countless thousands of their cattle
and then dwelling in their stead (1 Ch. v. 10,
19-22). To an Israelite of the tribes west of
Jordan the title " Gileadite " must have conveyed
nn impression similar, though in a far stronger
degree, to that which the title " Celt " does to
• " Omoium suae aetatis Propbet&ruui Ijicile priuceps ;
et, si a Mose disceaserls, nalli aecundos " (Frischmnth,
in Crit, Sacri^ quoting from Abarbanel). .
4 The Hebrew text is 'J »aB>nD 'aBTlH in*7N.
'he third word may be pointed (1) as in the present
Mssoretic text, to mean "(Tom the inhabitants of
liilead," or (2) " from Tishbl of Qllcad ; " which, with a
kligbt change In form, Is what the LXX. bos. The
hitter la followed by Ewald (111. 486, note). Kenan (Hitl.
da Peuflt d'lirail, U. 284) conslden " the Tishbite "
a mere copyist's error. Lightfoot aaanmes, but without
glvinghla authority, tbatKl^Jah wasfTom Jabesh-gllead,
aud this conjecture is approved by Kloetermann (Stzack
u. Zuckler's K^f. Komm. on 1 K. xvlt. I). By Joeepbus
be Is said to have come ttam Theshon — « wottun
0«(rp«iiTjs T^j roAoAJLTiSof x<^P<tf (vlil. 13, $ 12). Per-
haps this may have been read as Ilesbbon. a city of the
priests, and have given rise to the statement of Epl-
phanlos, that he was " of the tribe of Aaron," and grand-
son of Zadok. See also the Chron. Pa$ch. In Fabricins,
Cod, Pseudfp. r. T. lOtO, fcc. ; and Qnaresmlus, Elucid.
ii. 60S. According to Jewish tradition — grounded on the
similarity between the fiery zeal of the two — Phlnehas
the son of Eleaiar the priest was typical of Elijah
(Hamburger, HJS. s. n.). Elijah was also the Angel of
Jehovah who appeared In fire to Gideon (Lightfoot on
John 1. 21 ; Elsenmengcr, I. 686). Arab tradition places
his birth-place at Gilkad Oilhood, a few miles N. of
a-Salt (Irby, p. as), and his tomb near Damascus
(Mlslin, I. 4»0).
• The common assumption— perhaps originating with
Hiller (Onom. p. 947) or Rcland (pal. p. 103S>— Is tbat he
was bom in the town Thisbe mentioned In Tob. i. 2.
But not to insist on the fact that this Tblsbc was not in
Gilead but In Napbtall, the name there disapp^-ars In the
Heb. text, which reads, " he was of tht inkabitanU of a
city In Naphtali " (see SpeeJcer't Oamm. In loco). [TmsBE.]
EUJAH
us. What the Highlands were a century ago
to the towns in the Lowlands of Scotland, that,
:ind more than that, most Gilead have been to
Samaria or Jerusalem.' One of the most famous
heroes in the early aonab of Israel was " Jephthah
the Gileadite," in whom all these characteristics
were prominent ; and Dean Stanley has well re-
marked how impossible it is rightly to estioute
his character without recollecting this fact (& ^
P. f. 327 ; Hiat. of the Jevish Church, Uci. xxx-i
With Elijah, of whom so much is told, and
whose part in the history was so much more
important, this is still more necessary. It is seen
at every turn. Of his appearance as he " stood
before " Ahab— with the suddenness of motion
to this day characteristic of the Bedouins from
his native hills, we can perhaps realise sometJung
from the touches, few but strong, of the narra-
tive. Of his height little is to be inferred —
that little is in favour of its being beyond the
ordinary size.* His chief characteristic was hii
liair, long and thick, and hanging down hii
Ijack,** and which, if not betokening the immense
strength of Samson, yet accompanied powers of
endurance' no less remarkable. His ordinary
clothing consisted of a girdle of skin ' rooad his
loins, which he tightened when abont to move
quickly (1 K. xviiL 46). But in addition u<
this he occasionally wore the " noantle," or cape,'
of sheepskin, which has supplied us with one oi
our most familiar figures of speech." In tins
mantle, in moments of emotion,! he would bide
his face (1 K. xix. 13), or when excited would
roll it up as into a kind of staff.* On one oc
casion we find him bending himself down upon
the ground with his face between his kaecs.*
' See a good passage UlustraUve of ihls In Beh Bef,
ch. xlx.
s From a comparison of 2 K. iv. 34 » itb I K. xviL 21,
it would seem as if Ellsha approached nearer than EUJafe
to the stature of the child. -But the Inference Is not to t*'
relied on. Chrysostom applied the same epHfaet t^'
bim as to St. Paul, rfiiin\\xiv oi^pwiroc.
k 2 K. I. 8, "a hairy man;" Uterally, "a lorl U
hair." This might be doubtful, even with the rapport
of the LXX. and Josephos— a>4pt«mf- tvm—tai d
the Targnm Jonathan— {"nj^o '^SJ— tbc same xvd
used for Esau In Gen. xxvli. ll ; but lis appUcatia a
ttie hair of his head Is corroborated by tbe word used by
the children of Bethel when mocking Ellsha. - BaU-
bead " Is a pecnllar term (mp) applied ooly to wintc'
bslr at tbe back of the head ; and tbe taunt was eaUci!
forth by the difference b^-tween the bare sfaoulden tf
tbe new prophet and the shaggy locks of the Ud iOf.
[ELisnA.j
> Rnnnlng before Ahab's chariot ; tbe hardships <](tl>>
Cherith ; the forty days' fast.
' lij; (2 K. I. 8), rendered by A. T. and B. V
" leather " In this one place only. See Gen. Ui. 21, b.
I AddtretK m^K i I'^^- f-yi>'-riis ; always is^l
for this garment of Elijah, bnt not for that of sar
prophet before !:lm. It Is perhaps a trace of the per-
manent Impression which he left on aome parts of t^
Jewish society, that a hairy cloak became altercate
the recognised garb of a proph<>t of Jehovah (Sedi.
xlil. 4 i A. V. " rough Karment ; " where R. V. Ira»-
laies correctly " hairy mantle ").
■B Various relics of the mantle are said to exist TW
list of claimants wilt be found In tbe Acta SuKkras
(July 20). One piece is shown at Oviedo in Spifai.
• D^J (2 K. 11. 8) ; •■ wrapped " is a dtSeRsl mud
This Is generally taken as having been in in;« ;
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KLIJAH
Such, a< far as the scanty notices of the record
will allow Ds to conceive it, was the general
appearance of the great prophet, an appearance
which there is no reason to think was other
than ancommon even at that time.' " Vir qui
cttrationem et cultum corporis despiceret ; facie
squallente, quae multitudine guorum crinium
obumbraretur .... pelle caprioi tantum de cor-
poi-e tegentem qnautam abscondi decorum erat,
reliqua corporis ad aera perdurantem " (Gregory
Nyas. quoted by Wiliemer, de Pallio Eliae, in Cril.
Sacri).
The solitary life in which these external pecu-
liarities had been assumed had also nurtured
that fierceness of zeal and that directness of
address which so distinguished him. It was
in the wild loneliness of the hills and ravines
of Gilesd that the knowledge of Jehovah, the
living God of Israel, had been impressed on
his mind, which was to form the subject of his
mission to the idolatroos court and country of
Israel.
The northern kingdom had at this time for-
saken almost entirely the faith in Jehovah. The
worship of the calves had been a departure from
Him, it was a violation of His command against
material resemblances ; but still it would uppear
that even in the presence of the calves Jebovah
was acknowledged, and they were at any rate
a national institution, not one imported from the
idolatries of any of the surrounding countries.
[Calf.] They were announced by Jeroboam as
the preservers of the nation during the great
crisis of its existence: "Behold thy gods,
Israel, that brought thee up out of the land of
Egypt " (1 K. xii. 28). But the case was quite
diirereut when Ahab, not content with the calf-
worship — " as if it had been a light thing to
walk in the sins of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat "
— married the daughter of the king of Sidon, and
introduced on the most extensive scale (Joseph.
Ant. ix. 6, § 6} the foreign religion of his wife's
family, the worship of the Phoenician Baal.
What this worship consisted of we are ignorant
— doubtless it was of a gay, splendid, and festal
character, and therefore very opposite to the
grave, severe service of the Mosaic ritual. At-
tached to it and to the worship of Asherah
(see Preface to the Revised Version) were
licentious and impure rites, which in earlier
times had brought the heaviest judgments on
the nation (Num. xxv. ; Judg. ii. 13, 14, iii. 7,
8). But the most obnoxious and evil character-
istic of the Baal-religion was that it was the
worship of power, of mere strength, as opposed
to that of a God of righteousness and goodness
— a foreign religion, imported from nations, the
hatred of whom was inculcated in every page of
the Law, as opposed to the religion of that God
Who had delivered the nation from the bondage
of Egypt, had " driven out the heathen with His
liand, and planted them in;"and through Whom
their forefathers had "trodden down their ene-
mies, and destroyed those that rose up against
them." It is as a witness against these two evils
that Elijah comes forward.
but kneeling apparently was not (certainly it not) an
attitude of prayer in the East. <* When ye ttand pray-
ing, forgive " (Mark xi. 36 ; and see Mitt. vi. 6, kc).
r Tills is to be inferred, as we shall see afterwards,
from king Ahaiiab's recognition of blm by mere dc-
icilption.
ELIJAH
907
1. What we may call the first Act in his life
embraces between three and four years — three
years and six months for the duration of the
drought, according to the statements of the New
Testament (Luke iv. 25; Jas. v. 17). and three
or four months more for the journey to Horeb
and the return to Gilead (1 K. xvii. 1-xix. 21).
His introduction is of the most startling descri)i-
tion : he suddenly appeai-s before Ahab, as with
the unrestrained freedom of Eastern manners he
would have no difficulty in doing, and proclaims
the vengeance of Jebovah for the apostasy of
the king. This he does in the remarkable
formula evidently characteristic of himself, and
adopted after his departui-e by his follower
Elisha — a formula which includes everything
at issue between himself and the king — the name
of Jehovah — His being the God of Israel — the
Living God — Elijah being His messenger; and
then — the special lesson of the event — that the
god of power and of nature should be beaten at
his own weapons. " As Jehovah, God of Israel,
liveth, before Whom I stand," whose constant
servant I am, " there shall not be dew nor rain
these years, but according to my word." What
immediate action followed nn this we are not
tuld ; but it is plain that Elijah had to fly before
some threatened vengeance either of the king, or
more probably of the queen (cp. xix. 2). Perhaps
it was at this juncture that Jezebel "cut off the
prophets of Jehovah " (1 K. xviii. 4). He was
directed to the brook Cherith, either one of the
torrents which cleave the high table-lands of his
native hills, or on the west of Jordan, more in
the neighbourhood of Samaria. [Cherith.]
There in the hollow of the torrent-bed he re-
mained, supported in the miraculous manner
with which we are all familiar, till the failing
of the brook obliged him to forsake it. How
long he remained in the Cherith is uncertain.
The Hebrew expression is simply "at the end
of days," nor does Josephus afford us any more
information. A vast deal of ingenuity has been
devoted to explaining away Elijah's "ravens."
The Hebrew word, D'3'Ti?, Ortbim, has been
interpreted as " Arabians," as " merchants," as
inhabitants of some neighbouring town of Orbo
or Or6».' By others Elijah has been held to
have plundered a raven's nest— and this twice a
day regularly for several months ! There is- no
escape from the plain meaning of the words —
occurring as they do twice, in a passage other-
wise displaying no tinge of the marvellous— .or
from the unanimity of all the Hebrew MSS., of
all the ancient Versions, and of Josephus.'
His next refuge was at Zarephath, a Phoenician
town lying i)etween Tyre and Sidon, certainly the
last place at which the enemy of Baal would be
looked for.* The widow woman in whose house
he lived * seems, however, to have been an
Israelite, and no Baal-worshipper, if we may
<i Jerome, quoted by Keunlcott, p. 581. These hypo-
theses, long ago rejected by all competent critics, may
be seen brought together in Keil ad loco.
' This subject is exhausted in a dissertation entitled
Elicu cornorum convictor In the Critici Sacri.
' Llghtfoot quaintly remarks on tills tbat Elijah was
the Brat Apoetle to the Gentiles.
' The traditional scene of his meeting with the widow
was in a wood to the south of the town (Mislln, 1. 532,
who however does not give his authority). In the time
of Jerome the spot was marked by a tower (Jerome,
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ELIJAH
take her adjuration by " Jehovah thy God " as
an indication." Here Elijah performed the
miracles of prolonging the oil and the meal ;
and restored the son of the widow to life.'
Here the prophet is first addressed by the
title which, .ilthough occasionally betore nseil
to others, is so frequently applied to Elijah as
to become the distinguishing appellation of
himself and his successor: — "0 thou man of
God " — " Now I know that thou art a man of
God " (1 K. xrii. 18, 24).
In this, or some other retreat, an interval of
more than two years must have elapsed. The
drought continued, and at last the fall horrors
of famine, caused by the failure of the crops, de-
scended on Samaria. The king and his chief
domestic officer divided between them the mourn-
ful duty of ascertaining that neither round the
springs, which are so frequent a feature of Cen-
tral Palestine, nor in the nooks and crannies of
the most shaded torrent-beds, was there any of
the herbage left, which in those countries is so
certain an indication of the presence of moisture.
No one short of the two chief persons of the
realm could be trusted with this quest for life or
death — " Ahah. went one way by himself, and
Obadiah went another way by himself." It is
the moment for the reappearance of the prophet.
He shows himself first to the minister. There,
suddenly planted in his path, is the man whom
he and his master have been seeking for more
than three years. ** There is no nation or king-
dom," says Obadiah with true Eastern hyperbole,
" whither my lord hath not sent to seek thee ; "
and now here he stands when least expected.
Before the sudden ajiparition of that wild figure,
and that stern, unbroken countenance, Obaidiah
could not but fall on his face.' Elijah, however,
soon calms his agitation — " As Jehovah of hosts
liveth, before Whom I stand, I will surely show
myself to .\hab ;" and thus relieved of his fear
that, as on a farmer occasion, Elijah would dis-
appear before he could return with the king,
Obadiah departs to inform .\hab that the man
they seek is there. Ahab arrived, Elijah makes
his charge — " Thoa hast foi°saken Jehovah and
followed the Baals." He then commands that all
Israel be collected to Mount Carmel with the
four hundred and fifty prophets of Baal, and the
Ep. PatUac). At a later period a church dedicated to the
prophet was erected over the house of the widow, lu
which his chamber and her kneading-trough were shown
(Anton. Martyr, and Pbocas, in Reland, p. 986). This
church was called to \rififZov (_Acta Sanctorumy.
« This must not be much relied on. Zedekiah, son
of Chcnaaoah, one of Abab's prophets, uses a tdmiUr
form of words, "Thus sattb Jehovah" (1 K. x.\ll. 11).
The apparent Inference however ftom Luke Iv. 26 is
that she was one of the widows of Israel. In the Jewish
traditions her son was the Messiati (Eisenmenger, ffntd.
Judmth. 11. 125).
' Josephns's language (vill. 13, i 3) appears to show
that he did not understand the child to have died. But
that the death was real and not apparent is evident from
the e.\pres8ions used by the prophet (1 K. xvii. 20, 21).
The Jewish tradition, quoted by Jerome, was tbat this
boy was the servant who afterwartls accompanied Elijata,
and finally became the Prophet Jonah (Jpromc, Prt/. to
Jvnah ; and see the citations from the Talmuds in Eisen-
menger, ErUd. Jud. 11. 725).
' The expressions of Obadiah, "lord" and "slave"
show his fear of Elijah ; tliey are those ordinarily used
in addressing a potentate.
ELIJAH
four hundred of Asherah(Ashtaroth), the latter
being under the es)>ecial protection of the queea.
Why Mount Carmel, which we do not hear of
until now, was chosen in preference to the nearer
Ebal or Gerizim, is not evident. Posaibly Elijah
thought it wise to remove the place of the meeting
to a distance from Samaria. Possibly in the
existence of the altar of Jehovah (xriii. 30) —
in ruins, and therefore of earlier erection — we
have an indication of an ancient sanctity
attaching to the spot. On the question of the
particular part of the ridge of Carmel, which
formed the site of the meeting, there cannot
be much doubt. It is examined elsewhere.
[Carmel.]
There are few more sublime stories in bistorr
than this. On the one hand the solitary servant
of Jehovah, accompanied by his one atteadant ;
with his wild shaggy hair, his scanty garti, and
sheepskin cloak, bnt with calm dignity of de-
meanour and the minutest regularity of pro-
cedure, repairing the ruined altar of Jehovah
with twelve stones, according to the nnmber of
the twelve founders of the tribes, and recaliing
in his prayer the still greater names of Abraham,
Isaac, and Israel— on the other hand, the SbO
prophets of Baal and Ashtaroth, doubtless in all
the splendour of their vestments ('2 K. i. 22).
with the wild din of their " vaio repetitions "
and the maddened fury of their disappointed
hopes, and the silent people surrounding all —
these things form a picture with which we are
all acquainted, but which brightens into fresh
distinctness every time we consider it. The con-
clusion of the long day need only be glanced at.*
The fire of Jehovah consuming both sacrifice
and altar — the prophets of Baal killed, it tooIJ
seem, by Elijah's own hand (iviii. 40^the kin^,
with an apathy almost unintelligible, eating aitei
drinking in the very midst of the carnage of
his own adherents — the rising storm— the tide
across the plain to Jezreel, a distance of at lea.'st
sixteen miles ; the prophet, with true Bedonin
endurance, running before the chariot, but also
with true Bedouin instinct stopping short of the
city, and going no further than the "entrance
of Jezreel."
So far the triumph had been complete ; but
the spirit of Jezebel was not to be so completely
overcome, and her first act is a vow of vengeance
against the author of this destruction. "Go*!
ilo so to me, and more also," so ran her exclama-
tion, " if I do not make thy life as the life of one
of them to-morrow about this time." It was no
duty of Elijah to expose himself to tumecesary
dangers, and, as at his first introdaction, so now,
he takes refuge in flight. The danger was ertat,
and the refuge must he distant. The first stage
on the journey was Beersheba — "Beersheia
which helongeth to Judah," says the narrative,
with a touch betraying its Israelitish origin.
Here, at the ancient haunt of those fathers of
his nation whose memory was so dear to him,
and on the very confines of cnltivated conntrr,
Elijah halted. His servant — according to Jewish
tradition the boy of Zarephath — he left in the
town; whilst he himself set out alone into the
wilderness — the waste uninhabited region whicii
■ The more so as the whole of this scene la admifiMy
drawn out by Stanley (.s*. tt P. pp. 36S, 356), and e^^e-
clolly in his Leclura on the JewiJA Ckurdt, Lect. xxx.
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EUJAH
rarroands the south of Palestine. The labours,
anxieties, and excitement o^ the hist few days
had proved too much even for that iron frame
and that stern resolution. His spirit is quite
broken, and he wanders forth over the dreary
sweepa of those rocky bills wishing for death —
"It is enough ! Lord, let me die, for 1 am not
better than my fathers."' It is almost impossible
not to conclude from the terms of the story
that he was entirely without provisions for this
or any journey. But God, Who had brought His
servant into this difficulty, provided him with
the means of escaping from it. Whether we are
to t.ike the expression of the story literally or not
is comparatively of little consequence. In some
way littleshort of miraculous — it might well seem
to the narrator that it could be by nothing but
an Angel ' — the prophet was wakened from his
dream of despondency beneath the solitary bush*
of the wilderness, was fed with the bread and
water which to this day are all a Bedouin's re-
quirements,'' and went forward, " in the strength
of that food," a journey of forty days " to the
mount of God, even to Horeb." Here in " the
cave " • — one of the numerous caverns in those
awful monntains, perhaps some traditional sanc-
tuary of that hallowed region, at any rate well-
known — he remained for certainly one' night.
In the morning came the " word of Jehovah " —
the question, "What doest thou here, Elijah ?
Driven by what hard necessity dost thou seek
this spot on which the glory of Jehovah has in
former times been so signally shown?" In
■ Altbough to some It may seem out of place tn a
work of this nature, yet the writer cannot resist referring
to the Oratorio of IJlijak by Mendelssohn, one of the
mcnt forcible commentaries existing on the history of the
prophet. The scene in which the occurrences at Beer-
abeba are embodied is perhaps the must dramatic and
affecting in the whole work.
' ^K^ '• both a "messenger" and an "Angel."
LXX. ti. 6, TcV ; and so Josephus (viii. 13, $ 7).
• " One Kotem tree,"' Hebrew, "irW DDI- The
TV V
indented rock opposite the gate of the Oreek convent,
Dtir M&r Elitit, between Jerusalem and Bethlehem,
wliich is now shown to travellers as the spot on which
liie prophet redtcd on this occasion (Bonar ; Porter,
Handbook, Ac.), appears at an earlier date not to have
been so restricted, but was believed to be the place on
wbich be was " accustomed to sleep " (Sandys, lib. iii.
p. U« ; Maandreli, Sar. Trav. p. 466% and the site of the
convent as tliat where he was bom (OayKforde, 1506, in
Bonar, p. IIJ). Neither the older nor the later story can
be iMlieved; Intt it Is possible that they may have
originated in some more trustworthy tradition of bis
having rested here on his southward Joomey, in all
probability talcen along this very route. See a curious
statement by Qnaresmius of the extent to which the
rock had been defaced in his own time " by the piety or
impiety " of the Christian pilgrims ^JSlucidatio, il. 606 ;
cp. Doubdan, Voy<me, &c., p. lU).
< The LXX. adds to the description the only touch
wanting in the Helirew te.\l— "a cake of meal" —
oAvptnjf.
• The Hebrew word has the article, n^VQil • and eo
TT : -
too the LXX., rh omjAoxov. The cave is now shown
"In the secluded plain below the highest point of Jebel
Mitai" "a hole Just large enough for a man's body,"
beside the altar in the chapel of ElUab (Stanley, p. 49;
Bob. i. 103).
' Hebrew, p> A. V. " lodge ; » bnt In Gen. xix. 8,
accurately, " tarry all night."
KLIJAH
909
answer to this invitation the prophet opens his
griefs. He has been very zealous for Jehovah ;
but force has been vain : one cannot stand against
a multitude; none follow him, and he is left
alone, flying for bis life from the sword which
has slain his brethren. The reply comes in that
ambiguous and indirect form in which it seems
necessary that the deepest communications with
the human mind should be couched, to be
effectual. He is directed to leave the cavern and
stand on the mountain in the open air (<is rh
SireuSpoy, Josephus), face to face CJ9p) with
Jehovah. Then, as before with Moses (Ex. xxxiv-
6), " The Lord passed by ; " passed in all the
terror of His most appalling manifestations.
The fierce wind tore the solid mountains and
shivered the granite cliffs of Sinai ; the earth-
quake crash reverberated through the defiles of
those naked valleys ; the fire burnt in the in-
cessant blaze of Eastern lightning. Like these,
in their degree, had been Elijah's own modes of
procedure, but the conviction is now forced upon
him that in none of these is Jehovah to be known.
Then, penetrating the dead silence which followed
these manifestations, came the fourth mysterious
symbol — the "still small voice." What sound
this was — whether articulate voice or not, we
cannot even conjecture ; bnt, low and still as it
was, it spoke in louder accents to the wounded
be.irt of Elijah than the roar and blaze which had
preceded it. To him no less unmistakably than
to tloses, centuries before, it was proclaimed that
Jehovah was "merciful and gracious, long-
suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth."
Elijah knew the call, and, at once stepping
forward and hiding his face in his mantle, stood
waiting for the Divine communication. It is in
the same words as before, and so is his answer ;
but with what different force must the question
have fallen on his ears, and the answer left his
lips ! " Before his entrance to the cave, he was
comparatively a novice ; when he left it, he was
an initiated man. He had thought that the
earthquake, the fire, the wind, must be the great
witnesses of the Lord. But he was not in them ;
not they, but the still small voice had that awe
in it which forced the prophet to cover his face
with his mantle. What a conclusion of all the
past history ! What an interpretation of its
meaning !"(Manrice, Prophets aiulKiixjs, p. 136.)
Not in the persecutions of Ahab and Jezebel, nor
in the slaughter of the prophets of Baal, but in
the 7,000 unknown worshippers who had not
bowed the knee to Baal, was the assurance
that Elijah w.is not alone as he had seemed
to be.
Three commands were laid on him — three
changes were to be made. Instead of Ben-
hadad, Hazael was to be king of Syria ; instead
of Ahab, Jehu the son of Nimshi was to be king
of Israel ; and Elisha the son of Shaphat was to
be his own successor. Of these three commands
the first two were reserved for Elisha to accom-
plish, the last only was executed by Elijah him-
self. It would almost seem as if his late trials
had awakened in him a yearning for that affec-
tion and companionship which had hitherto been
denied him. His first search was for Elisha.
Apparently he soon found him ; we must conclude
at his native place, Abel-meholah, probably at
'Ain el-Ilelvoeh, at tin- south end of the Bethshean
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ELIJAH
FAAJXn
plain in the Jordan valley. [Abel-meholau.]
Klisha was ploughing at the time,' and Elijah
" passed over to bim " — possibly crossed the
river' — and cast his mantle, the well-known
sheepskin cloak, upon him, as if, by that familiar*
action, claiming him for his son. A moment of
he.sitation — but the call was quickly accepted ;
and then commenced that long period of service
and intercourse which continued till Elijah's re-
moval, and which after that time procured for
Elisha one of his best titles to esteem and rever-
ence — " Elisha the son of Shaphat, who poured
water on the hands of Elijah."
2. Ahnb and Jezebel now probably believed
that their threats had been effectual, and that
they had seen the last of their tormentor. At
any rate, this may be inferred from the events
of chap. xxi. Foiled in the wish to acquire
the ancestral plot of ground of Naboth by the
refusal of that sturdy peasant to alienate the
inheritance of his fathers, Ahnb and Jezebel pro-
ceeded to possess themselves of it by main force,
and by a degree of monstrous injustice which
shows clearly enough how far the elders of Jez-
reel had forgotten the laws of Jehovah, and how
abject was their submission to the will of their
mistress. At her orders Naboth was falsely ac-
cused of blaspheming God and the king, was with
his sons'' stoned and killed, and his vineyard then
— as having belonged to n criminal — became at
once the property of the king. [Naboth.]
Ahab lost no time in entering upon his new
acquisition. Apparently the very next day after
the execution he proceeded in his chariot to take
possession of the coveted vineyard. Behind him
— probably in the back part of the chariot —
rode his two pages, Jehu and Bidkar (2 K. ix. 26).
But the triumph was a short one. Elijah had
received an intimation from Jehovah of what
was taking place, and, rapidly as the accusation
and death of Naboth bad been hurried over, he
was there to meet his ancient enemy, and as an
enemy he does meet him — as David went out to
meet ' Goliath — on the very scene of his crime.
Suddenly, when least expected and least wished
for, he confronts the miserable king. And then
follows the curse, in terms fearful to any Oriental
— peculiarly terrible to a Jew — and most of all
significant to a successor of the apostate princes
of the northern kingdom — "I will take away
thy posterity ; I will cot off from thee even thy
very dogs ; I will make thy honse like that of
Jeroboam and Baasha ; thy blood shall be shed
< Eleven yoke of oxen, wHU their ploagbs, werv
before bim, and be was witb tbe twelflb plough at the
end. This mode of ploughing is sttU common in Palee-
tine (Thomson, Land and the Book^ p. 144).
■■ Tbe word Is that always employed for cnesbig the
Jordkn.
• See also Ruth ill. 4-14. 'Evtli, AUerthilvur,p.ii\,n.
A trace of & similar cnstom survives in the German word
JfanteMn'fld.
<> " The blood of Naboth and tbe blood of bis sons "
(2 K. Ix. 26 ; cp. Joeh. vil. 24). From another expres-
sion in this verse— yestem>«M iVi;)^, A. V. and B. V.
** yesterday "), we may perbnpe conclude that like a later
trial on a similar charge, also supported by two lalse
witnesses — the trial of our Lord— tt was condncted at
night. The same word— yejf/emlght — prompts the In-
ference that Ahab's visit and encounter witb ElijAh
happened on tbe very day following the murder.
I Tbe Hebrew word is tbe same.
in the same spot where the blood of tlir rictjin
was shed last night ; thy wife and thy cUljrm
shall be torn in this very garden by the wiki
dogs of the city, or as common carrion devosrcd
by tbe birds of tbe sky " — ^the large raltom
\v hich in Eastern climes are always wheeling sloft
under the clear blue sky, doubtless 9o;|estisg
the expression to the prophet. How tresKudons
was this scene we may gather from the &ct tliat
after the lapse of at least twenty years Jelin was
able to recall the very words of the prvpiiet's
burden, to which he and his oompanios hid
listened as they stood behind their master in tlie
chariot. The whole of Elijah's denanciatioo mn
possibly be recovered by putting together the
words recalled by Jehu,'2 K. ix. 26, 36, 37, and
those given in 1 K. xxi. 19-25.
3. A space of three or four years now elapsa
(cp. 1 K. xxii. 1, 51 ; 2 K. i. 17), before »e
a<^in catch a glimpse of Elijah. The denui-
oiations uttered in the vineyard of Naboth hare
been partly ful£lled. Ahab is dead, and his loa
and successor, Ahaziah, has met with a istsi
accident, and is on his death-bed, after a short
and troubled reign of leas than two yean (2 K.
i. 1, 2; 1 K. xxii. 51). In his extremity he sends
to an oracle or shrine of Baal at the Philistine
town of Ekron to ascertain tbe issue of bis ill-
ness. But the oracle is nearer at hand than the
distant Ekron. An intimation . is conveyed to
the prophet, probably at that time inhabiting
one of the recesses of Carmel ; and, as on the
former occasions, he suddenly appears on the patb
of the messengers, without preface or inqeiry
utters his message of death, and as npidly dis-
appears. The tone of his words is as national m
this as on any former occasion, and, as before,
they are authenticated by the Name of Jehovah
— " Thus saith Jehovah, Is it because there is do
God in Israel that ye go to inqture of Baal-
zebub, god of Ekron?" The messengers re-
turned to the king too soon to have accompliibed
their mission. They were possibly strangers; st
any rate they were ignorant of the name of tie
man who had thus interrupted their joutnej.
But his appearance had fixed itself in their minds,
and their description at once told Ahaxiah, who
must have seen tbe prophet about his father'^
court or have heard him described in the harem,
who it was that had thus reversed the fsroor-
able oracle which he was hoping for from Ekixtn.
The " hairy man "—the " lord of hair," so the
Hebrew reading' runs — ^with a belt of nufk
skin round his loins, who came and went in this
secret manner, and uttered his fierce words in
the Name of the God of Israel, could be no other
than the old enemy of his father and mother,
Elijah the Tishbite. But, ill as he was, this
check only roused the wrath of Ahaxiah, sod,
witb the spirit of his mother, ha at once seized
the opportunity of possessing himself of the
person of the man who had been for so long the
evil genius of his hoiue. A captain was dis-
patched, with a party of fifty, to take Elijah
prisoner. He was sitting on tbe top of ** the
mount," * i.e. probably of Carmel. The officer
approached and addressed the prophet by the
t itle which, as before noticed, is most frequently
■" See note ', p. »06.
■ "inn (2 K. L 9 ; A. v., inaccnntdy,
R.T." the hill").
•an bflli'
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ELIJAH
applieil to him and Elisha — " man of God, the
king hath apoken : come down." " And Elijah
answered and said, If I be a man of God, then
let fire come down from bearen and consume
thee and thy fifty ! And there came down fire
from heaven and consumed him and his fifty."
A second party was sent, only to meet the same
fate. The altered tone of the leader of a third
party, and the assurance of God that Uissenrant
need not fenr, brought Elijah down. But the
king gained nothing. The message was delivered
to his face in the same words as it had been to
the messengers, and Elijah, so we must conclude,
was allowed to go harmless. This was his last
interview with the house of Ahab. It was also
his last recorded appearance in person against the
Baal- worshippers.
Following as it did on Elijah's previous course
of action, this event must have been a severe
blow to the enemies ot Jehovah, But impressive
as it doubtless was to the contemporaries of
the prophet, the story possesses a far deeper
significance for us than it could have had for
them. While it is most characteristic of the
terrors of the earlier dispensation under which
meo were then living, it is remarkable as having
served to elicit from the mouth of a greater than
even Elijah an exposition, no less characteristic,
of the distinction between that severe rule
and the gentler dispensation which He capie to
introduce. It was when our Lord and His disciples
were on their journey, through this verj- district,
from Galilee to Jerusalem, and when smarting
from the churlish inhospitality of some Sama-
ritan villagers, that — led to it by the distant
view of the heights of Cancel, or, perhaps, by
some traditional name on the road — the im-
petuous zeal of the two " sons of thunder "
burst forth : " Lord, wilt Thou that we command
lire to come down from heaven and consume
them, even m Elijah did ? " But they little knew
the Master they addressed. " He turned and re-
linked them, and said. Ye know not what manner
of spirit ye are of. For the Son of Man is not
come to destroy men's lives, but to save them "•
(Luke ii. 51-56). As if He had said, " Ye are
mistaking and confounding the different standing
}>oints of the Old and New Covenants; taking
your stand upon the Old — that of an avenging
righteousness, when you should rejoice to take
it upon the New — that of a forgiving love."
(Trench, Miracles, ch. iv.)
4. It must have been shortly after the death
of Ahaziah that Elijah made a communication
with the southern kingdom. It is the only one
of which any record remains, and its mention is
the first and last time that the name of the
prophet appears in the Books of Chronicles.
Mainly devoted, as these Books are, to the affairs
of Judah, this is not surprising. The alliance
between his enemy Ahab and Jehoshaphat can-
not have been unknown to the prophet, and it
must have made him regard the proceedings of
the kings of Judah with more than ordinary
interest. When, therefore, Jehoram the son of
Jehoshaphat, who had married the daughter of
Ahab, began " to walk in the ways of the kin^s
of Israel, as did the house of Ahab, and to do
that which was evil in the sight of Jehovah,"
* R. v., following a minority of the most important
MS3., omits the words "even as Elijah did," and firum
** and said " to *' save them."
ELIJAH
(.;ii
Elijah sent him a letter' denouncing his evil
doings, and predicting his death (2 Ch. xxi. 12'
15). This letter has been considered as a great
difficulty, on the ground that Elijah's removal
must have taken place before the death of Jeho-
shaphat (from the terms of the mention of
Elisha in 2 K. iii. 11), and therefore before the
accession of Joram to the throne of Judah.
But admitting that Elijah had been translated
before the expedition of Jehoshaphat against
Hoab, it does not follow that Joram was not at
that time,' and before his father's death, king of
Judah ; Jehoshaphat occupying himself during
the last six or seven years of his life in going
about the kingdom (2 Ch. xix. 4-11), and in con-
ducting some importnnt wars, amongst others
that in question against Moab, while Joram
was concerned with the more central affairs of
the government (2 K. iii. 7, &c.). That Joram
began to reign during the lifetime of his father
Jehoshaphat is stated in 2 K. viii. 16. According
to one record (2 K. i. 17), which immediately
precedes the account of Elijah's last acts on earth,
Joram was actually on the throne of Judah at
the time of Elijah's interview with Ahaziah ;
and though this is modified by the statements of
other places* (2 K. iii. 1, viii. 16), yet it is not
invalidated, and the conclusion is almost inevit-
able, as stated above, that Joram ascended the
throne some years before the death of his father,
[See Joram; JEiioeHAPHAT; Judah.] In its
contents the letter bears a strong resemblance
to the speeches of Elijah,' while in the details of
style it is very peculiar, and quite different from
the narrative in which it is imbedded (Bertheau,
Chronik in loco).
5. The closing transaction of Elijah's life in-
troduces us to a locality heretofore unconnected
with him. Hitherto we have found him in the
neighbourhood of Samaria, Jezreel, and Carmel,
only leaving these northern places on actual
emergency, but we now find him on the frontier
of the two kingdoms, at the holy city of Bethel,
with the sons of the prophets of Jericho, and in
the valley of the Jordan (2 K. ii. 1, &c.).
It was at fiiiOAL — proKnbly not the ancient
place of Joshua and Samuel, but another of the
same name still surviriog on the western edge
' an3D» "« writing," almost Identical with the
word used In Arabic at the present day. The oidlnary
Hebrew word for a letter Is Stjpker, IBD' * book-
4 The second statement of Jeliurum's nccessioa to
Israel (In 3 K. 111. 1) seems Inserted tbere to make the
subsequent narrative more complete. Its position there,
subsequent to the stoiy of Elijah's departure, has pro-
bably assisted the ordlnsry belief In the dlfflcnlty In
question. [The student wiH find this "dlfflcnlty"
diversely treated by Keil and the Spealcer't Comm.
on the one hand and by Bertbean ' and Oettli (In Stnck
u. Z^kler's Kgf, Komm,) on the other. In their notes
on i Ch. xxl. U.— F.J
' The ancient Jewish commentators get over the
apparent difficulty by saying that the letter was wrlHen
and sent after dijah's translation. Others believed that
it was the prodnctlun of Elisha, for whose name that of
Elijah had been substituted by copyists. The lint of
these requires no answer. To the second, the severity
nf Its tone, as above noticed, Is a suffldent reply,
.loaephm (.Int. Ix. 5, i 2) says tbat tbe letter was
sent while Elijah was still on earth (see Ugbtfoot,
CknnieU, *c. "Jehoram." Other theories wUl be
foimd In Fabrlctos, Cod. Pieudepig. p. lOU, and Otho,.
lex. B<M). p. ISTI.
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ELIJAH
of the hills of Ephraim * — that the prophet re-
ceived the Divine intiuation that his departure
was at hand. He was at the time with Klisha,
who seems now to have become his constant
companion. Perhaps his old love of solitude
returned upon him, perhaps he wished to spare
his friend the pain of a too sudden parting ; in
either case he endeavours to persuade Elisba to
remain behind while he goes on an errand of
Jehovah. " Tarry here, I pray thee, for Jehovah
hath sent me to Bethel." But Elisha will not
so easily give up his master, — "As Jehovah liveth
and as thy soul liveth, I will not leave thee."
They went together to Bethel.' The event which
was about to hap[>en had apparently been com-
municated to the sons of the prophets at Bethel,
and they inquire if Elisha knew of his impend-
ing loss. His answer shows how fully he was
aware of it. " Yea," says he, with all the
emphasis possible, "indeed Ido° know it; hold
ye your peace." But though impending, it was
not to happen that day. Again Elijah attempts
to escape to Jericho, and agam Elisha protests
that he will not be separated from him. Again,
also, the sons of the prophets at Jericho make
the same unnecessary inquiries, and again Elisha
replies as emphatically as before. Elijah makes
a tinal eflbrt to avoid what they both so much
ilread. "Tarry here, I pray thee, for Jehovah
hnth sent me to the Jordan." But Elisha is not
to be conquered, and the two set off across the
undulating plain of burning sand, to the distant
river, — Elijah in his mantle or cape of sheep-
skin, Elisha in ordinary clothes 033, r. 12).
Fifty men of the sons of the prophets ascend
the abrupt heights behind the town — the same
to which a late tradition would attach the scene
of our Lord's temptation — and which command
the plain below, to watch with the clearness of
Eastern vision what happens in the distance.
Talking as they go, the two reach the river, and
stand on the shelving bank beside its swift brown
current. But they are not to stop even here.
It is as if the aged Gileadite cannot rest until he
again sets foot on his own side of the river. He
rolls up ' his mantle as into a staff, and with his
old energy strikes the waters as Moses had done
before him, — strikes them as if they were an
enemy ; ' and they are divided hither and thither,
and they two go over on dry ground. What
follows is best told in the simple words of the
narrative (K. V.) : " And it came to pass when
they were' gone over, that Elijah said unto
Elisha, Ask what I shall do for thee, before 1
be taken from thee. And Elisha said, I pray
* The grounds for ibis inference are given under
£ueHA (p. 920, col. 1). Sec also Giloal.
' The Hebrew word '■ went down " is a serious diUl-
cnlty, ir Gilgal is taken to be the site of Joshna's camp
and the resting-place uf the Ark, eiuce that is more than
3000 feet below lietbcl. But this Is avoided by adopting
the other Gilgal to the N.W. of Bethel, and on still
higher gronnd, which also preserves the sequence of the
journey to Jordan (nee Stanley, 5^. Jt P. p. 308, note).
Some coasldcralions in favour of this adoption will be
found under Elisha.
« ipirC »J{<"D3=''AlS0 I know it;" Kayufymiica.
* D73- The above is quite the force of the word.
r The werd to ,13], used of smiting in liattle ; gene-
rally with the sense of wounding (Gee. p. 883).
« LXX. ■■ As they were going over," h tw Sio/if i-ai.
ELIJAH
thee let a double portion of thy spirit be open
me. And he said. Thou hast asked a hard thing :
nevertheless, if thou see me when 1 am taken
from thee, it shall be so unto thee ; but if not,
it shall not be so. And it came to pass, as
they still went on, and talked, that, behold,
there appeared a chariot of lire and horses of
fire, which parted them both asunder, and Elijah
went up by the whirlwind into heaven " (the
skies).* Well might Elisha cry with bitter-
ness,' " My father, my father." He was gone
who, to the discerning eye and loving heart of
his disciple, had been " the chariot of Israel and
the horsemen thereof" for so many years ; and
Elisha was at last left alone to carry on a
task to which he must often have looked for-
ward, but to which in this moment of grief he
may well have felt unequal. He saw him no
more; but his mantle had fallen, and this he
took up— at once a personal relic and a symbol
of the double portion of the s]urit of Elijah
with which he was to be clothed. Little could
he have realised, had it been then presented
to him, that he whose greatest claim to notice
was that he had "poured water on the hands
of Elijah " should hereinafter possess an inflnenee
which had been denied to his master — should,
instead of the terror of kings and people, be
their benefactor, adviser, and friend, and that
over his death-bed a king of Israel should be
found to lament with the same words that had
just burst from him on the departure of his stem
and silent master, " My father, my father, the
chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof."
And here ends all the direct information whidi
is vouchsafed to us of the life and work of this
great prophet. Truly he " stood up as a fire,
and his word burnt as a lamp " (Ecclos. xl viti. 1).
How deep was the impression which he made oo
the mind of the nation may be judged fimn
the fixed belief which many centuries after pre-
vailed that Elijah would again appear for the re-
lief and restoration of his country. The prophecy
of Malachi (iv. 6) ° was possibly at once a caas«
and an illastration of the strength of this belief.
What it had grown to at the time of oor Lord*s
birth, and how continually the great prophet
• The statements of the text hardly give snppoit t..'
the usual conception of Elijah's departure as tepeeacBSeC
by painteiv and in popular discourees. It vas not In tl^
chariot of fire that he went up into the ski«. The for
served to part the master from the disciple, to show that
the severance had arrived, but Elijah was taken np by
the fierce wind of the tempest. The wofd niTD
involvefl no idea of wkirlinff, and Is frequently leo^
dered in the A. V. "storm " or "tempest." Hie tera
** the skies " has been employed above to translate tlie
Hebrew O^O^n, because we attach an idea to the word
" heaven " which does not appear to have been p te rent
to the mind of the ancient Hebrews. Intbe 4th cea tu iy
the site of Elijah's ascension was pointed out on a little
hill, on the left bank of the Jordan, near the place ~J
Christ's Baptism (/«n. nieros.\
* pW> the word need e.g. for the " great and IstKr
cry " when the flrst-bom were killed in Egypt.
' The expression In Malachi is " ElUah tlie {ffopbeC"
From tfais nnnsnal title some have believed that another
Elijah was Intended. The LXX., however, either fc)-
lowing a Hebrew text different trvm that which ««
possess, or ttUing in with the belief of their tiaffi.
insert the nsual designation, "the llshUte." (See
Lightfoot, Bxtrc. on I.uke I. 17.)
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ELIJAH
ELIJAH
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was present to the expectations of the people, \rc
do not need the evidence of the Talmud to assure
as,' it is patent on erery page of the Gospels.
Idach remarkable person, as be arrives on the
scene, be his habits and characteristics what they
may — the stem John equally with his gentle
Successor — is proclaimed to be Elijah (Matt. xvi.
14; Mark vi. 15; John i. 21). His appearance
in glory on the Mount of Transfiguration does
not seem to have startled the disciples. They
were " sore afraid," but not apparently surprised.
On the contrary, St. Peter immediately proposes
to erect a tent for the prophet whose arrival
I hey had been M long expecting. Even the cry
of our Lord from the Cross, containing as it diil
out a slight resemblance to the name of Elijah,
immediately suggested him to the bystanders.
" He calleth for Elijah." " Let be, let us see if
Elijah will come to save Him."
How far this expectation was fulfilled in John,
and the remarkable agreement in the character-
istics of these two men, will be considered under
John the Baptist.
Bnt, on the other hand, the deep impression
which Elijah had thus made on his nation only
renders more remarkable the departure which the
image conveyed by the later references to him
evinces, from that so sharply presented in the
records of his actual life. With the exception
of the eulogiums contained in the catalogues of
worthies in the Book of Jesus the son of Sirach
(ch. xlviii.) and 1 Mace. ii. 58, and the questionable
allusion in Luke ix. 54 (p. 911, n.°), none of these
later references allnde to his works of destruction
or of portent. They all set forth a very different
side of bis character to that brought out in the
historical narrative. They speak of his being a
man of like passions with ourselves (Jas. v.
17); of his kindness to the widow of Sarepta
(Lake iv. 25); of his "restoring all things"
(Matt. xvii. 11); "turning the hearts of the
fathers to the children, and the disobedient to
the wisdom of the just " (Mai. iv. 5, 6 ; Luke i.
17). The moral lessons to be derived from these
facts must be expanded elsewhere than here ; it
will be sufficient in this place to call attention
to the great differences which may exist between
the popular and contemporary view of an emi-
nent character, and the real settled judgment
formed in the progress of time, when the excite-
ment of his more brilliant but more evanescent
' He la reooided as having often appeared to the wise '
and good Rabbis — at prajrer in the wilderness, or on
their Journeys — generally in the form of an Arabian
merchant (Efeennienger, 1. 11 ; li. 403-7). At the cir-
cnmciBloa of a child a seat was always placed for him,
that as the sealous champion and memeoger of the
"covenant" of circnmcision (1 K. xix. U; Mai. ill. 1)
be might watch over the due performance of tbe rite.
During certaia prayers the door of the house was eet
open that Elijah might enter and announce the Mes-
siah (Glaenmenger, i. 685). His coming will be three
days before that of the Messiah, and on each of tbe
three be will proclaim, in a voice which shall l)e beard
all over the earth, peace, happineA<i, Balvation, respec-
tlvely (Elaenmenger, p. 696). So Arm was tbe conviction
of his speedy arrival, that when goods were found and
DO owner appeared to claim them, the common saying waf,
"Put them by till EUJab comes " (LIghtfoot, £icrcil.
Matt. xvU. 10; John t. 21). The same cnstums and
expressions are still in use among tbe stricter Jews
of this and other countries (see Rewe da deux Mondes,
xxlv. 131, kc. ; Hamburger, RE.^ 8. n. Mtniai).
BIBLE DICT. — VOL. I.
(Iee<ls has passed away. Precious indeed are the
scattered hints and faint touches which enable us
thus to soften the harsh outlines or the discordant
colouring of the earlier pictai-e. In the present
instance they are peculiarly so. That wild figure,
that stern voice, those deeds of blood, which stand
out in such startling relief from the pages of the
old records of Elijah, are seen by us all silvered
over with the '• white and glistering " light of
the Mountain of Transfiguration. When he last
stood on the soil of his native Gilead, he was
destitute, afflicted, tormented, wandering about
" in sheep-skins and gont-sklns, in deserts and
mountains, and dens and caves of the earth."
Bnt these things hare passed away into the dis-
tance, and with them has receded the fiery zeal,
the destructive wrath, which accompanied them.
Under that heavenly light they fall back into
their proper proportions, and Ahab and Jezebel,
Baal and Ashtaroth are forgotten, as we listen to
the prophet talking to our Lord — talking of that
event which was to be the consummation of all
that He had suffered and striven for — "talking
of His decease which He should accomplish at
Jerusalem."
Elijah has been canonized in the Greek and
Latin Churches. Among the Greeks Mar Elias
is the patron of elevated spots, and many
a conspicuous summit in Greece is called by
his name.* The service for his day — 'HXfat
HtyaKAyvitos — will be found in the Menaion on
July 20, a date recognised by the Latin Church
also.' Tbe convent bearing his name, Veir Mar
Eti&s, between Jerusalem and Bethlehem, is well
known to travellers in the Holy Land. It pur-
ports to be situated on the spot of his birth, as
already observed. Other convents bearing his
name once existed in Palestine : in Jtixl 'AjlHn,
the ancient Gilead (Ritter, Syrien, pp. 1029, lOCti,
&c.) ; at Etr'a in the Hauran (Burckhardt,
Sijria, p. 59), and at the more famous establish-
ment on Carmel.
It is as connected with the great Order of the
barefooted Carmelites that Elijah is celebrated
in the Latin Church (see " Canneliten-Orden "
in Wetzer u. Welte's Kirchen Lex.'). According
to the statements of the Breviary (0/f. B. Mariae
Vinfinis de Monte Carmeh, Jitiii 16) the connexion
arose from the dedication to the Virgin of a
chapel on the spot from which Elijah saw the
cloud (an accepted type of the Virgin Mary)
rise out of the sea. But other legends trace the
origin of the Order to the great prophet himself
as the head of a society of anchorites inhabiting
Carmel; and even as himself dedicating the
chapel in which he worshipped to the Virgin '.'
These things are matters of controversy in the
Roman Church, Baronius and others having
proved that the Order was founded in 1181, a
date which is repudiated by the Carmelites (see
extracts in Fabricius, Cod. Pseudepig. p. 1077).
In the Mtthammadan traditions Ilyds is said
to have drunk of the Fountain of Life, " by
• See this fiut noticed In Clark's Pdoponnesut and
Morea^ p. 190.
' See the Acta Sanctorum, July 20. By Comellw a
Lapldc it is maintained that bis ascent happened on
that day, in the 19tb year of Jehosbapbat (Keil, p. 331).
« S. John of Jerusalem, as quoted by Mlslin, Lin'x
.Saintt, II. 4t ; and the Balls of various Popes enumerated
by Qoarcsmlus, vol. ii.
3 N
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ELIKA
virtue of which he still lives, and will lire to
the day of Judgment." He is by some con-
founded with St. George and with the mysterious
et-Khidr, one of the most remarkable of the
Moslem saints (see Lane's Arabian NighU,
Introd. note 2; also Selections from the Koran,
pp. 221, 222). The Persian Sifia are said to trace
themselves back to Elijah (Fabricius, p. 1077).
Among other traditions it must not be omitted
that the words " Eye hath not seen," &c. (1 Cor.
ii. 9), which are most probably quoted by the
Apostle from Is. Ixiv. 4, were, according to an
ancient belief, from " the Apocalypse, or mysteries
of Elijah," T^ 'HXta &T^Kpv^ The first mention
of this appears to be by Origen {Horn, on Matt,
xivii. 9), and it is noticed with disapproval by
Jerome, ad Pammachium (see Fabricius, p. 1072).
By Epiphanias, the words " Awake, thou that
sleepest, &c (Ephes. v. 14), are inaccurately
alleged to be quoted " from Elijah," t.«. the por-
tion of the O. T. containing his history —
■wofk T^ 'HX(f (cp. Rom. xi. 2).
Uonographs on Elijah are (inter alia"): —
Frischmuth, De Eliae Prophetae Norn. &c, in
the Critici Sacri; Elias Theabitet, by Aegidius
Camartus, 4to, Paris, 1631 ; Milligan, Elijah,
Ail Life and Times (" Men of the Bible " series).
There are also dissertations of great interest on
the ravens, the mantle, and Naboth, in the
Crilid Sacri.^ [G.]
ELl'KA (K^^; B. om., A. 'EkwiC; Elica),
a Harodite, i.e. from some place called Charod ;
one of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 25). The
name is omitted in the corresponding list of
1 Ch. xi. — to account for which see Kennicott's
conjecture (Dissertation, tic., p. 182) — and not
recognised in 1 Ch. xxvii. (Driver). [6.] [F.]
E'LIM(D»V*S*; AlAsf^X mentioned Ex. it.
27, Num. xxxiii. 9, as the second station where
the Israelites encamped after crossing the Red
Sea. It is distinguished as having had " twelve
wells (rather " fountains," JlhJ'l?) of water, and
threescore and ten palm trees." Laborde (ffeo-
graphioal Commentary on Exod. xv. 27) supposed
Wddy Uteit to be Elim, the second of four w£dys
lying between 29° 7' and 29° 20',» which de-
scend from the range of et-Tih (here nearly
paxallel to the shore), towards the sea, and which
the Israelitas, going from N.W. toS.E. along the
coast, would come upm in the following order : —
W. Ohanmdel (where the « low-hflkbi^" Stan-
' The above article remains substantially as written
for the first edition of this work. Another view of
Elijah, which allows to bim a real peisonsUty and
activity, but rejects most of his history ss legendary,
may be seen in Wellhanien (^Bitt. of /trosl, p. 287 aq.
[ed. 1886]), Stade (OUck. d. VM. Or. L 524, &c), and
Benan (op. c««. 11. ch. vU.).— CF.]
• Root ^K. Of ^'N. " to be strong," hence " a strong
tree," properly either an ''oak" or "terebinth," bnt
also generally "tree ; " here In plnr. as " M< trees of
the desert" (Stanley, S. * P.p. 616). Eloth or Elath
Is another plor. form of same.
>> Seetzen (iicuen, 1864, 111. ll^llT) traversed them
all, and reached Howara In about a six hours' ride. He
wsa going in the direction opposite to the routes of
Bobinson and Stanley ; and it Is interesting to compare
his notes of the local ftatnres, caught in the Inverae
order, with theirs.
EUOENAI
ley, S. .{■ P. p. 35), W. Uteit, W. That,»aAW. Skit-
beikeh ; the la;>t being in its lower part called alio
W. Taiyibeh, or having a junction with one of that
name. Between Uneit and Taiyibeh, the coast-
range of these hills rises into the Oeiel Bmmat,
"lofty and precipitous, extending in seveitl
peaks along the shore, apparently of chalky
limestone, mostly covered with flints; ... its
precipices , . . cut off all passage aloogshoR
from the hot springs (lying a little W. of S,
from the mouth of Wdiiy Uaeit, along the coast)
to the mouth of W. Taiyixh" (Rob. i. 102 ;
cp. Stanley, S. 4r P. p. 35). Hence, between the
courses of these widys the track of the Israelita
must have been inland. Dean Stanley says, " Qim
must be Ohnrundel, Uteit, or 7<nyi6eA" (p. 35);
elsewhere (p. 66) that " one of fico valleys, or
perhaps both, must be Elim ; " these appear from
the sequel to be Ghurundel and Utett, " fringed
with trees and shrubs, the first vegetation he had
met with in the desert ; " among these are " wild
palms," not stately trees, but dwarf or savage,
" tamarisks," and the " wild acacia." Moden
opinion is now almost unanimous in findis;
Elim in Wddi/ Ghurwtdel (see Knobel-Dillmain
in loco ; Ord. Survey of Sinai, L 151 ; Harper,
The Bible and Modem Ditcoveriet, p. 118).
[WiLDERXESS OF THE WANDEKntO.] [H. H.]
ELI-MELECS G^'h? = 0<xl or my Ocd is
King ; 'EXi/m'Xck), a man of the tribe of Jndah,
and of the family of the Hezronites and the
kinsman of Boaz, who dwelt in Bethlehem-
Ephratah in the days of the Judges, In conse-
quence of a great dearth in the land he went
with his wife Naomi, and his two sons, Hahlon
and Chilion, to dwell in Moab, where he and
his sons died without posterity. Naomi re-
turned to Bethlehem with Ruth, her daughter-
in-law, whose marriage with Boaz, " a mighty
man of wealth, of the family of Elimelech,"
" her husband's kinsman," forms the subject of
the Book of Ruth (Ruth i. 2, 3 ; iL 1, 3 ; iv.
3, 9). [A. C. H.]
EL-IO-ElfAI C3»^\^; B. •EAtifiomJ*, A.
'SMarival ; Elioenai), 1.. Head of one af the
families of the sons of Becher, the son of Ben-
jamin (1 Ch. vii. 8).
2. Head of a family of the Stmeonitei (ICk.
iv. 36 ; B. 'ZKutrai, A. -njj). .
8. (accur. Ei/-iho-e'nai, »3«rirP?K). Seventh
son of Meshelemiah, the son of Kore, of the sons
of Asaph, a Korhite Levite, and one of the door-
kmfut of the "house of Jehovah" (1 Cb.
xxvi. 3; B. tJutmali, A. -nmu). It appean
from V. 14 that tb» lit fell to Meshelemiah
(Shelemiah) to have the east gate; and as we
learn from r. 9 that he had eightees itoaaf
men of his sons and brethren under him, wp
may conclude that all his sons except Zechatiali
the first-bom (r. 14) served with him, and there-
fore Elioenai likewise. There were six Levite
daily on guard at the east gate, whose ton
would therefore come every third day.
4. Eldest son ofNeariah, the son of Shemaiah,
1 Ch. iii. 23, 24 [B. 'E\ti«<uA or -or, A. 'EAwval
I or -ayyai]. According to the present Heh. test
he is in the seventh generation from Zembbsbel,
I or about contemporary with Alexander the Great :
but there are strong grounds for believin;
, that Shemaiah is identical vrith Shimei (e. 19),
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ELIONAS
Zerubbabel's brother (see Qeneal. of our Lord,
pp. 107-109, and ch. vii.).
6. A priest of the sons of Pashur, in the days
of Ezra, one of those who had married foreign
wives, bat who, at Ezra's instigation, pnt them
away with the children born of them, and offered
a ram for a trespass offering (Ezra i. 22, B.
'EAiuvo, A. -i)va<). He is possibly the same
person as is mentioned in Keb. xii. 41 (B. om.
A. 'EAiuqvaO, as one of the priests who accom-
panied Nehemiah with trumpets at the dedica-
tion of the wall of Jerusalem. He is called
EuoKAS, 1 £sd. u. 22.
6. C^Si*^)- An Israelite, of the sons of
Zatto, who mid also married a strange wife (Ezra
J. 27 ; B. *EA.u»i>ii, M- -rew, A', -hfoi). From
the position of Zattu in the lists (Ezra ii. 8 ;
Neh. Tii. 13, 1. 14) it was probably a. family of
high rank. Euoehai is corrupted to Eliadas,
I E«i; ix. 28. [A. C. H.]
EL-IO'NAS. 1. (B. 'EXian-als, A. "EAiwdi;
Vulg. omiU), 1 Esd. ii. 22. [Elioenai.]
2. (B. 'E\MSis, A. -yat ; Noruat), 1 Esd. ix.
32. piLiEZEB.] [G.] [F.]
iXITHAL (^B*^K = Ood or my God hath
judged; B. 'Hupir, A."'EAi^ai£x ; Eliphal), son
of Ur; one of the members of David's guard
(1 Ch. xi. 35). In the parallel list in 2 Sam.
xxiii. the name is given as Euphelet, and the
names in connexion with it are much altered.
tUE.]
ELI-PHA'LAT CEAciAoXiCt ; Eliphoiach), 1
Esd. ix. 33. [Eliphelet.] [G.] [F.]
ELI-PHA'LET (O.^B'P.K = Ood or my Ood
is deUverance; 'EAi^oxJ; EliphaUth). 1. The
last of the thirteen sons born to David, by
his wives, after his establishment in Jerosaleni
(2 Sam. V. 16, B. 'EXei^rfoe, A. -i-; 1 Ch. xiv. 7,
B. 'E/i^KiAer, K. 'Ei^, A. 'EAt^tUcr). Elsewhere,
when it does not occur at a pause, the name is
given with the shorter vowel — Eliphelet (1 Ch.
iii. 8). Equivalent to Elipbalet are the names
Elpalet and Phaltiel.
a. 1 Esd. viu. 49. [Eliphelet, 5.] [G.] [F.]
ELITHAZ (TB^^K, of uncertain meaning ;
'EAi^; EUphat). 1. The son of Esau and
Adah, and father of Teman (Gen. xixvi. 4 ; j
1 Ch. i. 35, 36).
a. The chief of the " three friends " of Job. |
He is called " the Temanite ; " hence it is
naturally inferred that he was a descendant
of Teman (the son of the first Eliphaz), from
whom a portion of Arabia Petraea took its name,
and whose name is used as a poetical parallel to
lixlom in Jer. xlix. 20. On him falls the main
burden of the argument, that God's retribution
in this world is perfect and certain, and that
consequently snfTering must be a proof of pre-
vious sin (Job iv. v. xv. xzii.). His words are
distinguished from those of Bildad and Zophar
by greater calmness and elaboration, and in the
first instance by greater gentleness towards Job,
although he ventures afterwards, apparently
from conjecture, to impute to him special sins.
The great truth brought out by him is the un-
approachable majesty and puritv of God (iv. 12-
21, XV. 12-16). [Job, Book of.'] But still, with
the other two friends, he is condemned for having.
EUSABETH
915
in defence of God's providence, spoken of Him
" the thing that was not right," i.e. by refusing
to recognise the facts of human life, and by con-
tenting himself with an imperfect retribution as
worthy to set forth the righteousness of God.
On sacrifice and the intercession of Job, all three
are pardoned. [A B.3
ELI-PHELE'H (^H^B'^J* = God or my Ood
diatinguiah (him) ; Eliphalu), a Merarite Levite ;
one of the gatekeepers (D'TrtC, A. V. " porters ")
appointed by David to play on the harp " on the
Sheminith " on the occasion of bringing up the
Ark to the city of David (1 Ch. xv. 18 [BN.
'LKtutttyd, A. 'EAi^oAd], 21 [B. 'EiKpainUas, K.
-«-, A. 'EAi^wXofoi]). [G.] [F.]
ELI-PHELE'T (tS^^*^ = Ood or my Ood
is deliverance ; Eliphaleth, Elipheltt}.
1. (B. 'EAcuftoX^S, A. 'EAKfioA^r.) The name
of a son of David, one of the children bom to
him, by his wives, after his establishment in
Jerusalem (1 Ch. iii. 6). In the list in 2 Sam.
V. 15, 16, this name and another are omitted;
while in another list in 1 Ch. xiv. 5, 6, it is
given as Elpalet.
2. (B. 'EAti^oAiI), another son of David, be-
longing also to the Jerusalem family, and appa-
rently the last of his sons (1 Ch. iii. 8). In
the other list, occurring at the pause, the rowel
is lengthened and the name becomes Eu-
PBALET.
It is believed by some that there were not two
sons of this name ; but that, like Nogah, one is
merely a transcriber's repetition. The two are
certainly omitted in Samuel, but on the other
hand they are inserted in two separate lists in
Chronicles, and in both cases the number of sons
is summed up at the close of the list.
8. (B. 'AAci^oA^e, A. 'EAt^oA^r), son of
Ahasbai, son of the Maachathite. One of the
thirty warriors of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii.
34). In the list in 1 Ch. xi. the name is abbre-
viated into Eliphal.
4. Son of Eshek, a descendant of king Saul
through Jonathan (I Ch. viii. 39, B. 'EAi^cit,
A. -«t).
6. One of the leaders of the Bene-Adonikam,
who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezra viii.
13, B. 'AAetiMEr, A. corrupt). [Euphalet, 2.]
6. One of the Bene-Hashum in the time of
Ezra who had married a foreign wife and re-
linquished her (Ezra x. 33 ; B. 'EAct^etf, B*'K.
-A«9, A. 'EAx^wAA-). [Euphalat.I [G.] [F.]
ELISABETH CEAur((/3«r; B. everywhere
: 'ZK(i<rd$er ; Eiiaabet; Eliaabeth). The name
j occurs in the 0. T. as that of the wife of Aaron
(Ex. vi. 23). The Hebrew form is »36
(ElishebaX and probably means "God of the
oath," on the analogy of Beersheba (Gen.
xxi. 31). The MSS. of the LXX. in Ex. vi. 23
represent the word variously as 'EKturifitT,
'EAio-tl^tS, 'ZKurdfier. The LXX, addition of r
(f) or 6 (M) is illustrated by comparing the two
forms Jehosheba (2 K. xi. 2) and Jehoshabeath
(2 Ch. xxii. 11), both used of the wifeof Jehoiada.
It is remarkable that two wives of high-priests
should have borne names so near in signification
as Elisheba and Jehosheba [jEBoeuEBA], and
that this name ahonld occur again in the N. T.
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916
EUSEU8
aa that of a priest's wife. An allusion to the
meaning of his wife's name may probably be
traoed in the mention by Zacharias of the oath
of Qod to Abraham (Luke i. 73). Elisabeth
was of the family of Anron, and, like her
hnabuid Zacharias, is described as "righteous
before God, walking in all the commandments
and ordinances of the Lord blameless" (t>. 6).
A comment of Ambrose on these words led to
the citation of both persons in the Pelagian
controversy as instances of sinlessness (see
Aug. de Gratia Christi, ilviii.). They dwelt in a
city of Judah in the hill-country, supposed by
some to have been Hebron, which was a priests'
city (cp. Josh. xxi. 11). Mary the mother of
the Lord was her kinswoman (Luke i. 36) : hence
the relationship between Jesus and the Baptist
so prominent in Christian art. She takes rank
as a prophetess in virtue of her acknowledgment
of the yet unborn Messiah : " Whence is this
to pe, that the mother of my Lord should coma
unto me ? " (Luke i. 43.) [E. R. B.]
ELISE'US ('EAiiroW ; N. T. Rec. Text with
B C, 'EXurirafav ; Lachni., Westc. and Hort, with
A D, 'Zfuaalov; Eliseus, but in Cod. Amiat.
Helitaeua) : the form in which the name Elisiia
appears in the E. V. of the Apocrypha and the
K. V. of the N. T. (Ecclus. ilviii. 12 ; Luke iv.
27, R. V. "Elisha"). [F.]
EH'SHA iW^7» = Qod or my Qod is sal-
vation; B. 'EXciiratc, A. 'EXuro'ai^; Joseph.
'EMvotuos ; Elisaeua), son of Shaphat of Abel-
meholah.* The attendant and disciple (koI
ItathiT^? (cal SiiKoms, Jos. Ant. viii. 13, § 7) of
Elijah, and subsequently his successor as prophet
of the kingdom of Israel.
The earliest mention of his name is in the
command to Elij.th in the cave at Horeb (I K.
xix. 16, 17). But our first introduction to the
future prophet is in the fields of his native place.
Abel-meholah — the "meadow of the dance" —
was probably at 'Ain el-ffelweh in the valley of
the Jordan, and, .is its name would seem to indi-
cate, in a moist or watered situation. [Abel.]
Elijah, on his way from Sinai to Damascus by
the Jordan valley, lighted on his successor en-
gaged in the labours of the field, twelve yoke
ben>re him, and he with the last, i.e. eleven yoke
of oxen with their ploughs were before him, and
he with the twelfth plough at the end. To
cross to him, to throw over hb shoulders the
rough mantle — a token at once of investiture
with the prophet's office, and of adoption as a
son — was to Elijah but the work of an instant,
and the prophet strode on as if what he had
done were nothing *> — " Go back again, for what
have I done unto thee ? "
So sudden and weighty a call, involving the
relinquishment of a position so substantial and
family ties so dear, might well have caused hesi-
tation. But the parley was only momentary.
To use a figure which we may almost believe to
have been suggested by this very occurrence,
• The story in the ''Arm. Paichalt and Eplptaanlns
Is tbit vbcn Elisba first saw the light the golden calf
at Gilgal roared, so load as to be heard at Jeruwlem.
'*He shall destroy their graven and their moltpo
images " (Fabriclus, p. lliTl).
■> So our transUtlon. and fw the Jewish rendering
(Znnz). Other Versions interpret the passage dUTereutly.
ELISHA
Elisha was not a man who, having put his hand
to the plough, waa likely to look back ; ' he delayed
merely to give the farewell kia* to his father and
mother, and preside at a parting feast with hi>
jieople, and then followed the great prophet on
his northward road, to become to him what in
the earlier times of his nation Joshua ' had been
to Moses.
Of the nature of this connexion we know
hardly anything. " Elisha the son of Shaphat,
who poured water on the hands of Elijah," is all
that is told OS. The characters of the two men
were thoroughly dissimilar ; but how far thr
lion-like daring and courage of the one had in-
fused itself into the other, we can judge firom the
few occasions on which it blazed forth, while
every line of the narrative of Elijah's last hoars
on earth bears evidence how deep was the per-
sonal affection which the stern, rough, reserr^t
master had engendered in his gentle and pliant
disciple.
Seven or eight years must have passed l)etweeD
the call of Elisha and the removal of his master,
and during the whole of that time we hear natbinc
of him. But when that period had elapsed, Iw
reappears, to become the most prominent figutv
in the history of his country during the rest o<
his long life. In almost every respect Elisha
presents the most complete contrast to Elijali.
The copious collection of his sayings and doing's
which are preserved in the 3rd to the 9tb
chapters of the 2nd Book of Kings, though in
many respects deficient in that remarkable vivid-
ness which we have noticed in the reoards of
Elijah, is yet full of testimonies to this contrast.
Elijah was a true Bedawin child of the desert.
The clefts of the Cherith, the wild shrul« of the
desert, the cave at Horeb, the top of Carmel,
were his haunts and his resting-places. If it
entered a city, it was only to deli ver his message of
fire and be gone. Elisha, on the other hand, was a
civilised man, an inhabitant of cities. He passed
from the translation of his mast«r to dwell (3?*.
A. V. "tarry") at Jericho (2 K. ii. 18); from
thence he " returned " to Samaria ( r. 25). M
S.tmaria (v. 3, vi. 32, cp. r. 24) and .it
Dothau (vi. 13) he seems regularly to have re-
sided in a house (v. 9, 24, vi. 32, xiii. 17) witli
" doors " and " windows," in familiar intercourse
with the sons of the prophets, with the elders
(vi. 32), with the lady of Shnnem, the genersi
of Damascus, the king of Israel. Over the kini;
and the " captain of the host " he seems to hare
possessed some special influence, capable of being
turned to material advantage if desired (2 K. ir.
13). And as with his manners, so with his
appearance. The touches of the narrative are
very slight, but we can gather that his dress wss
the ordinary garment of an Israelite, the beged,
probably similar in form to the long abheyet of
the modem Syrians (2 K. iL 12) ; that his hair
was worn trimmed behind, in contrast to the
disordered locks of Elijah (ii. 23, as explained
below) ; and that he used a walking-staff (iv. 2!')
• According to Josephns (Ant. viU. 13, } '\ he begui
to prophesy Immediately.
* The word ^nn"©" {•*■ ^'- "ministered to him"')
ts the same that Is employed of Joshua. OehaxI s rela-
tion to Elisha, except once, ts designated by a diffenot
word, "|i;3 = " lad " or " yonth."
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ELISHA
of the kind ordinarily carried by grave or ageil
citizens (Zech. viii. 4). What use he made of
the roagh mantle of Elijah, which came into
his iwssession at their parting, does not anywhere
appear, but there is no hint of bis erer having
worn it.
if from these external peculiarities we torn
to the internal characteristics of the two, and to
the results which they produced on their con-
temporaries, the differences which they present
are highly instructive. Elijah was emphatically
a destroyer. His mission was to slay and
to demolish whatever opposed or interfered
with the rights of Jehovah, the Lord of Hosts.
The nation had adopted a god of power and
turce, and they were shown that he was feebla-
uess itself compared with the God Whom they
had forsaken. But after Elijah the destroyer
comes Elisha the healer. " There shall not be
dew nor rain these years" is the proclamation
of the one. " There shall not be from thence
any dearth or barren land " is the first miracle
of the other. What may have been the dis-
position of Elijah when not engaged in the actual
service of his mission we have unhappily no
means of knowing. Like most men of strong
stem character, he had probably aflections not less
strong. But it is impossible to conceive that he
was accustomed to the practice of that bene-
ricence which is so strikingly characteiistic of
Elisha, and which comes out at almost every step
of his career. Still more impossible is it to
conceive him exercising the tolerance towards
the person and the religion of foreigners for
which Elisha is remarkable, — in communication,
for example, with Naaman or Hazael ; in the
one case calming with a word of peace the scruples
of the new proselyte, ' anxious to reconcile the
due homage to Rimmon with his allegiance to
.lehovah'; in the other case contemplating with
tears, but still with tears only, the evil which
the future king of Syria was to bring on his
country. That Baal-worship was prevalent in
Israel even after the efforts of Elijah, and that
Samaria was its chief seat, we have the evidence
of the narrative of Jehu to assure us ( 2 K. x.
18-27), but yet not one act or word in dis-
approval of it is recorded of Elisha. True, he
could be as zealous in his feelings and as
cutting in his words as Elijah. " What have I
to do with thee ? " says he to the son of Ahab —
** this son of a murderer," as on another occasion
he called him — " What have I to do with thee ?
get thee to the prophets of thy father and to
the prophets of thy mother. As the Lord of
Hosts liveth before Whom I stand "—the very
formula of Elijah — " surely were it not that 1
regard the presence of Jehoshaphat king of Judah,
I would not look toward thee nor see thee 1 "
But after this expression of wrath, he allows
himself to be calmed by the music of the minstrel,
and ends by giving the three kings the counsel
which frees them from their difficulty. So also
he smites the host of the Syrians with blindness,
but it is merely for a temporary purpose ; and
the adventure concludes by his preparing great
provision for them, and sending these enemies
of Israel and worshippers of false gods back
unharmed to their master.
In considering these differences the fact must
not be lost sight of that, notwithstanding their
greater extent and greater detail, tlie notices of
ELISHA
917
Elisha really convey a mnch more imperfect idea
of the man than those of Elijah. The prophets
of the nation of Israel — both the predecessors of
Elisha, like Samuel and Elijah, and his successors,
like Isaiah and Jeremiah— are represented to ns
as preachers of righteousness, or champions of
Jehovah against false gods of judges and
deliverers of their country, or counsellors of
their sovereign in times of peril and difficulty.
Their miracles and wonderful acts are introduced
as means towards these ends, and are kept in the
most complete subordination thereto. But with
Elisha, as he is pictured in these namitives, the
case is completely reversed. With him the
miracles are everything, the prophet's work
nothing. The man who was for years the
intimate companion of Elijah, on whom Elijah's
mantle descended, and who was gifted with a
double portion of his spirit,* appears in these
records chiefly as a worker of prodigies, a pre-
dicter of future events, a revealer of secrets and
of things happening out of sight or at a distance.
The working of wonders seems to be a mutual
accompaniment of false religious, aud we mav
be sure that the Baal-worship of Samaria and
Jezreel was not free from such arts. The story
of 1 K. xxii. shows that even before Elisha's time
the prophets had come to be looked upon as
diviners, and were consulted, not on questions of
truth and justice, nor even as depositaries of the
purposes and will of the Ueity, but as able to
foretell how an adventure or a project was likely
to turn out, whether it might be embarked in
without personal danger or loss. But if this
degradation is inherent in false worship, it is no
less a principle in true religion to accommodate
itself to a state of things already existing, and
out of the forms of the alien or the false to pro-
duce the power of the true.' And thus Elisha
appears to have fallen in with the habits of his
fellow-countrymen. He wrought, without re-
ward and without ceremonial, the cures and
restorations for which the soothsayers of Baal-
zebub at Ekron were consulted in vain : he
warned his sovereign of dangers from the Syrians
which the whole four hundred of his prophet*
had not succeeded in predicting to Ahab, and
thus in one sense we may say that not less sig-
nally than Elijah he vanquished the false gods
on their own field. But still even with this
allowance it is difficult to help believing that the
* The urdioary meaning pat upon this phrase (see, for
example, J. U. Kewman, Subj. of Ok Day, p. 191) is
that Elisha possessed double the power of Elijsb. This,
though Banctiuned by the renderings of the Vulgate
and Lather, and adopted by a long series of oommen-
tators from S. Ephraem Syms to Pastor Kmnimacher,
would appear not to be the real force of the words.
Wi^ *B> literally "amoutb of two "—a doable mouth-
All— Is the phrase employed In Deut. xxl. 17 to denote
the amount of a father's goods which were the right and
token of a firstborn bod. Thus the gilt of the "double
portion " of Elijah's spirit was but the legitimate con-
clusion of the act of adoption which began with the
cisUng of the mantle at Abel-meholah years before.
This explanation is given by Grotios and others (see
Kell ad loco). Kwald (fiMck. ill. SOY) gives it as nur
^SuxidritUl, and aueh diese toum— two-thirds, and
hardly that. For a cnrlous (vdcnlation by 8. Peter
Damianns, that Elijah performed 12 miracles and Elisha
24, see the Acta Sanctorum, July 30.
' See Stanley's CanUrbury Seriium$, p. 320.
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918
ELISHA
nnecdotes of his life (if the word may be permitted,
for we cannot be said to possess his biography)
were thrown into their present shape at a later
period, when the idea of a prophet had been
lowered from its ancient elevation to the level of
a mere worker of wonders. A biographer who
held this lower idea of a prophet's function
would regard the higher duties abore alluded to
as comparatively unworthy of notice, and would
omit all mention of them accordingly. In the
enlogium of Elisha contained in the catalogue of
worthies of Ecclus. xlviii. 12-14 — the only later
mention of him save the passing allusion of Luke
iv. 27 — this view is more strongly brought out
than in the earlier narrative : — " Whilst he lived,
he was not moved by the presence of any prince,
neither could any bring him into subjection. No
word could overcome him, and after his death
his body prophesied. He did wonders in his life,
and at his death were bis works marvellous."
But there are other considerations from which
the incompleteness of these records of Elisha
may be inferred ;— (1.) The absence of marks by
which to determine the dates of the various
occurrences. The " king of Israel " is continually
mentioned, but we are left to infer what king is
intended (2 K. v. 5, 6, 7, &c. ; vi. 8, 9, 21, 26 ; vii.
2 ; Tiii. 3, 5, 6, &c.). This is the case even in the
story of the important events of Naaman's cure,
and the capture of the Syrian host at Dothan.
The only exceptions are iii. 12 (cp. t>. 6), and the
narrative of the visit of Jehoash (xiii. 14, &c.),
but this latter story is itself a proof of the dis-
arrangement of these records, occurring as it
does after the mention of the death of Jehoash
(v. 13), and being followed by an account of
occurrences in the reign of Jehoabaz his father
(rt). 22, 23). (2.) The absence of chronological
sequence in the narratives. The story of the
Shunammite embraces a lengthened period, from
before the birth of the child till he was some
years old. Gehasi's familiar communication with
the king, and therefore the story which pre-
cedes it (viii. 1, 2X occurred before he was
struck with leprosy, though placed long after the
relation of that event (r. 27). (3.) The different
stories are not connected by the form of words
usually employed in the consecutive narrative of
these Books (see Keil, Kings, p. 348, where other
indications will be found).
With this preface we pass to the consideration
of the several occurrences preserved to us in the
life of the Prophet.
The call of Elisha seems to have taken place
about four years before the ifeath of Ahab. He
died in the reign of Joash, the grandson of Jehu.
This embraces a period of not less than 65 years,
for certainly 55 of which he held the office of
" prophet in Israel " (2 K. v. 8).»
s The figures given above are arrived at as follows:^
Ahab's reign after Elisha's call, say 4 yem.
Abazlah's do. 3 .,
Joram'sdo V2 „
Jehu's do 2s ,.
.Tehoahaz's do U ..
Joash, before Elisba's death, say .. 2 ,,
6S
Out of the above Elijah lived probably 9 years ; the 4 of
Ahab, the 2 of Ahaziah, and say 3 of Joram: which
leaves 66 years tnaa the ascent of Elijah to the death of
Kllsba.
ELISHA
1. After the departure of his master, Elisha
returned to dwell ^ at Jericho (2 K. ii. 18). The
town had been lately rebuilt (I K. xri. 34), and
was the residence of a body of the " sons of the
prophets " (2 K. ii. 5, 15). Xo one who has visited
the site of Jericho can forget how prominent a
feature in the scene are the two perennial springs
which send their streams across the plain to-
wards the Jordan, scattering, even at the hottest
season, the richest and most grateful vegetation
over what would otherwise be a hare tract o:'
sandy soil. At the time in question part at
least of this charm was wanting. One of tke
springs was noxious — had some properties whlcl
rendered it unfit for drinking, and also prejudidsl
to the land (ii. 19, D»rj=bad, A. V. and R. V.
" naught "). At the request of the men of Jericho
Elisha remedied this evil. He took salt in a nev
vessel, and cast it into the water at its source in
the name of Jehovah. From the time of Joeephns
(5. /. iv. 8, § 3) to the present (Saewulf, Mod.
Trav. p. 17; Mandeville ; Maundrell ; Rob. L 554-
5), the tradition of the cure has been attached
to the large spring M.W. of the present town,
and which now bears, probably in reference to
some later event, the name of Mtn eaSultm.'
2. We next meet with Elisha at Bethel, in
the heart of the country, on his way from Jericho
to Mount Carmel (2 K. ii. 23). His last visit
had been made in company with Elijah on their
way down to the Jordan (ii. 2). Sons of the
prophets resided there, but still it was the seat
of the calf-worship, and therefore a prophet of
Jehovah might expect to meet with insult,
especially if not so well known and so formidable
as Elijali. The road to the town winds up tiie
defile of the Wddy Suweinit, under the hill which
still bears what in all probability are the ruins
of Ai, and which, even now retaining some tree;',
was at that date shaded by a forest, thick and
the haunt of savage animals.^ Here the boys of
the town were clustered, waiting, as they still
wait at the entrance of the villages of Palestine,
for the chance passer-by. In the short-trimmed
locks of Elisha, how were they to recognise the
successor of the prophet, with whose shaggy
hair streaming over his shoulders they were all
familiar? So with the licence of the Eastern
children they scoff at the new comer as he walks
by — " Go up,' roundhead ! go up, roundhead !"
k Heb. 3^; A. V. generally "dwelt," but bere
'• tarried " (so R. V.).
1 This, or Mtn Bqflah, In the same neighboorfaocHL
is probably the spring intended by Scott tix the opening
chapter of the TWuman, under the name of the " Dia-
mond of the Desert" But his knowledge of tbe topo-
graphy Is evidently most imperfect.
t The " Hon" and the ■* bear " are mentioned as not
oncommon by Amos (v. 1ft), who resided certainly for
some time iu the nelgbbonrbood of Bethel (see vii. It;
also iv. 4 ; V. S, 6). The word naed lor the '■ forest "* is
^1^, ya*ar, impl3ring a denser growth than ckorefK
more properly a " wood " (Stanley, S.* P. App. $ W).
I rhV- "80 up," can hardly, as Abarhanel wonM
have It, be a scoff at the recent ascent of B|]ah. Tbe
word rendered shove by " roundhead " (pllpX A. V.
and R. Y. « bald-head," la a pecaliar Hebrew term for
shortness of hair at the back of tbe head, as distingnlsfard
from ng|. bald in IVont ; A. V. " forehe«l-bald." TbL«
is noticed by Ewald (ill. 513).
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EUSHA
For once Elisha assumed the sternness of his
roaster. He turned upon them and cursed them
in the Name of Jehovah, and we all know the
catastrophe which followed. The destruction
of these children has been always felt to be
a difficulty. It is so entirely different from
anything elsewhere recorded of Elisha — the one
exception of severity in a life of mildness and
beneficence — that it is perhaps allowable to con-
clude that some circumstances have been omitted
in the narrative, or that some expression has
lost its special force, which would have explained
and justified the apparent disproportion of the
punishment to the ofi'ence.
3. Elisha extricated Jehoram Iting of Israel,
and the kings of Judah and Edom, from their
difficulty in the campaign against Moab, arising
from want of water (iii. 4-27). The revolt of
Moab oconrred very shortly after the death of
Ahab (iii. 6, cp. i. 1), and the campaign followed
immediately — "the same day " (iii. 6 ; A. V. and
R. V. " time "). Th. prophet was with the army ;
according to Josephus (Ant. ii. 3, § 1), he
"happened to be in a tent (truxt mntaicv
ttaKiti) outside the camp of Israel." Jomn he
refuses to hear except out of respect for
Jehoshaphat, the servant af the true God ; but
n minstrel is brought, and at the sound uf
mnsic the kiBil of Jehovah comes upon him,
and Iw jiredicts a fall of rain, and advises a
aiode of procedure in connexion therewith which
results in the complete discomfiture of Moab.
This incident probably took place at the S.l^
end of the Dead Sea.
4. The widow of one of the sons of tlw
prophets — according to Josephus, of Obadiah,
the Steward of Ahab— is in debt,*»d her two
sons are about to be taken from her and sold as
slaves. She has no property but a pot of oil.
This Elisha causes ^m his absence, iv. 5) to
multiply, until the widow has filled with it all
the vessels frWch she could borrow. No in-
vocatwa «f Jehovah is mentioned, nor any place
create of the miracle.
5. The next occurrence is at Shunem and
Mount Csrroel (iv. 8-37). The story divides
itself into two parts, separated from each other
by several years, (a.) Elisha, probably on his
way between Carmel and the Jordan Valley,
calls accidentally at Shunem, now Solum, a
village on the southern slopes of JeM el-Puhy,
the Little Hermon of modern travellers. Here
he is hospitably entertained by a woman of
substance, apparently at that time ignoiant of
the character of her guest. There is no occa-
sion here to quote the details of this charming
narrative, or the manner in which, as a recom-
pense for her care of the prophet, she was saved
from that childless condition which was esteemed
so great a calamity by every Jewish wife, and
permitted to " embrace a son."
(6.) An interval elapsed of several years.
The boy was then old enough to accompany his
father to the corn-field, where the horvest was
proceeding. The fierce rays of the morning sun
were too powerful for him, and he was carried
home to his mother only to die at noon. She
said nothing of their loss to her husband, but de-
positing her child on the bed of the man of God,
at once started in quest of him to Mount Carmel.
The distance is fifteen or sixteen miles, at least
four hours' ride ; but she was mounted on the
ELISHA
919
best ass" in the stable, and she did not slacken
rein. Elisha was on one of the heights of Carmel
commanding the road to Shunem, and from his
position opposite to her Oi!|P) ^^ recognises in
the distance the figure of the regular attendant
at the services which he holds here at " new
moon and sabbath " (cp. v. 23). He sent
Gehazi down to meet her, and inquire the reason
of her unexpected visit. But her distress was for
the' ear of the master, and not of the servant,
and she pressed on till she came up to the place
where Elisha himself was stationed," then throw-
ing herself down in her emotion she clasped him
by the feet. Misinterpreting this action, or per-
haps with an ascetic feeling of the unholiness of
a woman, Gehazi attempted to thrust her ovsy.
But the prophet was too profound a (todent of
human nature to allow this—" l«t her alone,
for her soul is vexed within lier, and Jehovah
hath hid it from ne, and hath not told me."
" And she said ' — with the enigmatical form of
Orient^ epeech — "did I desire a sod of my
i«H ? did 1 not say, do not deceive me ? " No
explanation was needed to tell Elisha the exact
state of the case. The heat of the season would
allow of no delay in taking the necessary steps,
and Gehazi was at once despatched to run back to
Shunem with the atnost speed." He took the
prophet's walkin^-ftaff in his hand, which he was
to lay on the fcce of the child. The mother
and Elisha ibilowed in haste. Before they reached
the village the sun of that long, anxious summer
afternoon roust have set. Gehazi met them
on the road, but he had no reassuring report to
give, the placing of the staff on the face of the
dead boy had called forth no sign of life. Then
Elisha entered the honse, went up to his own
chambers, " and he shut the door on them twain,
and prayed unto Jehovah." It was what Elijah
had done on a similar occasion, and in this and
his subsequent proceedings Elisha was probably
following a method which he had heard of from
his master. The child was restored to life, the
mother was called in, and again fell at the feet
of the prophet, though with what different emo-
tions — " and she took up her son and went ont."
There is nothing in the narrative to fix its
date with reference to other events. We here
first encounter Gehazi the "servant" of the
man of God.' It must of course have occurred
before the events of viii. 1-6, and therefore
before the cure of Maaman, when Gehazi became
a leper.
6. The scene now changes to Gilgal, apparently
at a time when Elisha was residing there (iv.
38-41). The sons of the propheU were sitting
round him. It was a time of famine, possibly the
saroe seven years' scarcity which is mentioned
in viii. 1, 2, and during which the Shunammite
woman of the preceding story migrated to the
■ rtnKri = "t'>e she-ass." She-Mses were, and
still at, moet esteemed In the East.
« The A. V. and R. V. to Iv. i1 render inn. " the
r r
mount," by "the hill," thus obscuring the connezluu
with V. J5, " Mount Carmel."
« " OUd up thy loins and go."
p TI?3, i.e. the lad or youth, a totally different term
to that' by which the relation of Elisha to EUJah is
deslgnated-see p. 816, n. * ; thou|^ the Utter Is also
occasloDally applied to Qehail.
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Philistine country. The food of the party would
consist of any herbs that could be found. The
great caldron was put on at the command of
Elisha, and one of the company brought his
blanket (n|a ; not " lap" as in A. V. and R. V.)
full of such wild vegetables as he had collected,
and emptied it into the pottage. But no sooner
had they begun their meal than the taste betrayed
the presence of some noxious herb,'>and they cried
out, " There is death in the pot, man of God ! "
In this case the cure was effected by meal which
Elisha cast into the stew, in the caldron. Here
920 ELISHA EUSHA
its most malignant form, the white Tiritty
(v. 27). In Israel this would have disqualified
him from all employment and all inUmnuM
(2 K. IT. 5; 2 Ch. xxri 20, 21). But in
Syria no such practice appears to have preriiled ;
Naaman was still a " great man with iui master,"
" a man of countenance." One of the niemben
of his establishment was an Istaelite girl, kid-
napped by the marauden* of Syria in trae of
their forays over the border, and she brought
into that Syrian household the feme of the name
and sleill of Elisha. " The prophet in Samaria."
again there is no invocation of the Name of' who had raised the dead, w^ould, if brought " ti«
Jehovah. I to face "• with the patient, have no difficulty in
7. (iv. 42-44.) This in all probability belongs I curing even this dreadful leproay. The news
to the same time, and also to the same place, as i *«» communicated by Naaman himself to tlie
the preceding. A man from Baal-«halisha | king. Benhadad had yet to learn the paeitioo
brings the man of God a present of the first- i »i>d character of Elisha. He wrote to the king
fruits, which under the Law (Num. xviii. 8, 12; ' of Israel a letter very characteristic of amiliUry
l^"* xviii. 3, 4) were the perquisite of the prince, and curiously recalling words uttered by
another military man in reference to the care
of his sick servant many centoriee later— •* I
say to this one, Go, and he goeth ; anl to my
servant. Do this, and he doeth it." " And now"
— so ran Benhadad's letter after the usual com-
plimentary introduction had probably opened
the communication — " and now, when this letter
is come unto thee, behold I have sent Naamaa,
my slave, to thee, that thou mayest recover him
of his leprosy." With this letter, and with a
present, in which the rich fabrics,* for which
Damascus has been always in modem times le
famous, formed a conspicuous feature, and with i
full retinue of attendants (re. 13, 15, 23), Nsinisn
proceeded to Samaria. The king of Israel— hii
name is not given, but it was probably Jorani—
was dismayed at the comuiunication. He had bst
one idea, doubtless the result of too frequent
experience — " Consider how this man seeketb *
quarrel against me!" The occurrence soon
reached the ear of the prophet, and with a certain
dignity he "sent " to the king — " Let him cons
to me, and he shall know that there is a prophet
in Israel." To the house of Elisha Naaman went
with his whole cavalcade, the "horses snd
chariot " of the Syrian general fixing themselves
particularly in the mind of the chronicler.
Elisha still kept in the background, and, while
Naaman stood at the doorway, contented himself
with sending out a messenger with the simple
direction to bathe seven times in the Jordan.
The independent behaviour of the prophet, and
the simplicity of the preacription — not only
devoid of any ceremonial, but absolutely in-
sulting to the native of a city which boasted, as
it still boasts, of the finest water-supply of any
city of the East — all combined to enrage Naamaa.
His slaves, however, knew how to deal with the
quick but not ungenerous temper of their master,
and the result was that he went down to the
Jordan and dipped himself seven times, "and his
flesh came again like the flesh of a little chili
and he was clean." His first business after his
cuie was to thank his benefactor. He retnmej
with his whole following (njni?, C«. " host," or
ministers of the sanctuary — 20 loaves of the
new barley, and some delicacy, the exact nature
of which is disputed, but which seems most
likely to have been roasted ears of com not
fully ripe,' brought with care in a sack or bag.'
This moderate provision is by the word of
Jehovah rendered more than sufficient for a
hundred men.
This is one of the instances in which Elisha is
the first to anticipate in some measure the
miracles of Christ.
The mention of Baal-shalisha gives great
support to the supposition that the Gilgal
mentioned here (v. 38) as being frequented by
the sons of the prophets, and therefore the same
place as that in ii. 1, was not that near
Jericho ; since Baal-shalisha or Beth-shalisha is
fixed by Eusebius at 15 Roman miles north
of Lydda, the very position in which we still
find the name of Gilgal lingering as JiUuUeh.
[Gilgal.]
8. The simple records of these domestic in-
cidents amongst the sons of the prophets are
now interrupted by an occurrence of a more
important character (v. 1-27).
The chief captain of the army of Syria, to
whom his country was indebted for some signal
success,' was afflicted with leprosy, and that in
4 For a full discussion of the nature of this herb see
the article "Pakyoth" by the late Dr. Forbes Royle in
Kitiot Cyclop. One kind of small gourd has received
the nazoe (^icumu proph€taTum in allusion to this
circnmsunce; but Dr. B. inclines to &vonr C. cojo-
cyntkit, the colocyntb, or MoMordica datnimn, the
squirting cucumber. ThU Is surely Impossible.
' The Hebrew expression blDIS seems to he ellip-
tical for '3 en J (Lev. 11. u ;' A. V. "green ears of
com," R. V. " com In the ear "). The same ellipsis
occurs in Lev. xxlll. 14 (A. V. " green ears," R. V.
"fresh ears"). The old Hebrew interpretation Is
" tender and fresh ears." Oesenlus(7'A«. p. 713) makes
it out to be grains or grits. The passage In Lev. 11. u,
compared with the common practioe of the East in the
present day, snggests the meaning given above.
■ |1?pV » LXX. mjpa. The word occurs only here.
The meitnlng given above Is recognised by the majority
of the Versions and by Oeaenlns, and Is adopted in the
text (• sack ") of the R. V.
' The tradition of the Jews is that it was Naaman
who killed Ahab (Midrtuh lUUIIi'm, p. » I>, on Ps.
xxvtll).
" Ueb. Dn^nj. ••«• plunderers, always Ibr Irr^ubr
parties of marauders.
« So the Hebrew. A. V. and R. V. " with."
I A. V. and R. V. (text), "<me went in" Is qnitt
gratnltons.
« Theworduaedlat^3^ = adrcasorcereinaDy.
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ELISHA
'*camp"), and this time he wonlil not be denied
the presence of Klisha, but making his way in,
and standing before him, he gratefully acknow-
ledged the power of the God of Israel, and
entreated him to accept the present which he had
brought from Damascus, but Elisha was Arm,
and refused the offer, though repeated with the
strongest adjuration. Maaman, having adopted
Jehovah as his God, begged to be allowed to take
away some of the earth of His favoured country,
of which to make an altar. He then consulted
£lisha on a difficulty which he foresaw. How
was he, a servant of Jehovah, to act when he
accompanied the king to the temple of the
Syrian god Rimmon ? He must bow before the
god; would Jehovah pardon this disloyalty?
Uisba's answer was " Go in peace," and with this
farewell the caravan moved off. But Gehazi,
the attendant of Elisha, could not allow such
treasures thus to escape him. " As Jehovah
liveth " — an expression, in the lips of this
vulgar Israelite, exactly equivalent to the oft-
repeated Wallak (" by God ") of the modern
Arabs — " I will run after this Syrian and take
somewhat of him." So he framed a story
by which the generous Maaman was made to
send back with him to £lisha's house a con-
siderable present in money and clothes. He
then went in and stood before his master as
if nothing had happened. But the prophet
was not to be so deceived. His heart bad
gone after hfs servant through the whole trans-
action, even to its minutest details, and he
visited Gehnzi with the tremendous punishment
of the leprosy from which he has just relieved
Naaraan.
This cure of leprosy — the only one which he
effected (Luke iv. 27) — is a second miracle in
which Elisha, and Elisha only, anticipated our
Lord.*
The date of the transaction must have been
at least seven years after the raising of the
Shunamroite's son. This is evident from a com-
parison of viii. 4 with vv, 1, 2, 3. Gehazi's
familiar conversation with the king must have
taken place before he was a leper.
9. (vi. 1-7.) We now return to the sons of
the prophets, but this time the scene appears
to be changed, and is probably at Jericho, and
during the residence of Elisha there. Whether
from the increase of the scholars consequent on
the estimation in which the master was held, or
from some other cause, their habitation had
become too small — " the place in whidi we sit
before thee is too narrow for us." They would
therefore move to the close neighbourhood of t he
Jordan, and cutting down beams — each man one,
as with curious minuteness the text relates —
make there a new dwelling-place. Why Jordan
was selected is not apparent. Possibly for its
distance from the distractions of Jericho — possi-
bly the spot was one sanctified by the crossing
of Israel with the Ark, or of Elijah, only a few
years before. Urged by bis disciples, the man of
God consented to accompany them. When they
reached the Jordan, descending to the level of the
stream, they commenced felling the trees ' of the
• The case of Miriam (Nam. xll. 10-15) Is dlflerrnl.
Human agency appeals to have done nothing towards
tvTcan.
k So the Hebrew, D^XDH.
ELISHA
921
dense belt of wood in immediate contact with
the water. [Jordan.] As one of them was
cutting at a tree overhanging the stream, the
iron of his axe (a borrowed tool) flew off and
sank into the water. His cry soon brought the
man of God to his aid. The stream of the Jordan
is deep up to the very bank, especially when the
water is so low as to leave the wood dry, and
is moreover so turbid that search would be
useless. But the place at which the lost axe
entered the water was shown to Elisha; he broke
off* a stick and cist it into the stream, and
the iron appeared on the surface, and was re-
covered by its possessor. Mo appeal to Jehovah
is recorded here.
10. (vi. 8-23.) Elisha was now residing at
Dothan, halfway on the road between Samaria
and Jezreel. The incursions of the Syrian
marauding bands' (cp. v. 2) still continued: but
apparently with greater boldness, and pushed
even into places which the king of Israel was
accustomed to frequent.* But their mansuvres
are not hid from the man of God, and by his
warnings he saves the king " not once nor twice."
So baffled were the Syrians by these repeated
failures, as to make their king suspect treachery
in his own camp. But the true explanation was
given by one of his own people — possibly one of
those who had witnessed the cure wrought ou
Kaaman, and could conceive no power too great
to ascribe to so gifted a person : " Elisha, the
prophet in Israel, telleth the king of Israel the
words that thou speakeat in thy bed-chamber."
So powerful a magician must be seized without
delay, and a strong party with chariots was de-
spatched to effect his capture. They marched by
night, and before morning took up their station
round the base of the eminence on which the
ruins of Dothan still stand. Elisha'a servant —
not Gehazi, but apparently a new comer, tm-
acquainted with the powers of his master — was
the first to discover the danger. But Elisha re-
mained unmoved by his fears ; and at his request
the eyes of the youth were opened to behold the
spiritual guards which were protecting them,
horses and chariots of fire filling the whole of
the mountain. But this was not enough. Elisha
again prayed to Jehovah, and the whole of the
Syrian warriors were struck blind. He then
descended, and offered to lead them to the person
and the place which they sought. He conducted
them to Samaria. There, at the prayer of the
prophet, their sight was restored, and they found
themselves not in a retired country village, but
in the midst of the capital of Israel, and in the
presence of the king and his troops. His enemies
thus completely in his giasp, the king of Israel
was eager to destroy them. " Shall I slay ? shall
I slay, my father ? " But the end of Elisha had
been answered when he had shown the Syrians
bow futile were all their attempts against his
superior power. " Thou shalt not slay. Thou
* The Hebrew word 3Vp occurs only once besides
this place. Its exact force is not clear, but the LXX.
render it aWrviff*, •* he pinched off"
' 0^4nj> always wltb the Ibrce of irregular ravaging.
See v. M.
• The expression is peculiar — ** beware tbon pass not
by such a place." Josephus (Ix. 4, $ 3) saya that the
king was obliged to give up hunting in consequence.
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922
ELISHA
mayeat ' alay those whom thoa hast taken captire
in lawful fight, but not these: feed them, and
send them away to their master." After such
a repulse it is not surprising that the marauding
forays of the Syrian troops ceased.
11. (ti. 24 — vii. 2.) But the king of Syria
could not rest under such dishonour. He
abandoned his marauding system, and gathered
a regular army, with which he laid siege to
Samabia. The awful extremities to which the
inhabitants of the place were driven need not
here be recalled. Roused by an encounter with
an incident more ghastly than all, and which
remained without parallel in Jewish records till
the unspeakable horrors of the last days of
Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. v. 10, § 3 ; 13, § 7,
&C.X the king rented his wrath on the prophet,
probably as having by his share in the last
transaction,* or in some other way not recorded,
provoked the invasion ; possibly actuated by the
spite with which a weak bad man in difficulty
often regards one better and stranger than him-
self. The king's name Is not stated in the Bible,
but there can be no doubt that Josephus is
correct in giving it as Joram ; and in keeping
with this is his employment of the same oath
which his mother Jezebel used on an occasion
not dissimilar (1 K. lix. 2), "God do so to me
and more also, if the head of Elisha the son of
Shaphat shall stand on him this day." No
sooner was the word out of the king's mouth than
his emissary started to execute the sentence.
Elisha was in his house, and round him were seated
the elders of Samaria, doubtless receiving some
word of comfort or guidance in their sore
calamity. He received a miraculous intimation
of the danger. Ere the messenger could reach
the house, he said to his companions, " See how
this son of a murderer ' hath sent to take away
my head ! . . . Shut the door, and keep him from
entering : even now I hear the sound of his
master's feet behind him, hastening to stay the
result of his rash exclamation ! " ' As he said
the words the messenger arrived at the door,
followed immediately, as the prophet had pre-
dicted, by the king and by one of his officers, the
lord on whose hand he leaned. What follows is
very graphic. The king's hereditary love of
Baal bursts forth, and he cries, "This evil is
from Jehovah," the ancient enemy of my house ;
"why should 1 wait for Jehovah any longer ? " '
To this Elisha answers: "Hear the word of
Jehovah" — He Who has sent famine can also
send plenty — " to-morrow at this time shall a
measure of flour be sold for a shekel, and two
measures of barley for a shekel, in the gate of
this very city." " This is folly," says the oflicer :
" even if Jehovah were to make windows in
heaven and pour down the provisions, it could
not be." " It can, it shall," replies Elisha; "and
yon, you shall see it all, but shall not live even
to taste it."
12. (viii. 1-6.) We now go back several years
to an incident connected with the lady of Shnnem,
' This Interpretation Is that of the Tirgum, De 'NVette,
and others, and gives a better sense than that of the
A. V. and B. V. The original will perhaps bear either.
t Josephos, Ant. ix. 4, { 4.
' Surely an allusion to Ahab (Joram's tsther) and
Naboth.
> Josephos (i4nt. ix. 4, i 4).
ELISHA
at a period antecedent to the cure of Naaraan ami
the transfer of his leprosy to Gehazi (v. 1, 27).
Elisha had been made aware of a famine vhidi
Jehovah was about to bring upon the land for
seven years ; and he had warned his tritad thi
Shunammite thereof that she might provide for
her safety. Accordingly she had left Shnnem
with her family, and had taken refuge is the
land of the Philistines — ^that is, in the rich corn-
growing plain on the sea-ooast of Jndah — ^wbere
secure from want she remained during the dnrth.
At the end of the seven years she returned to krr
native place, to find that during her abeence
her house with the 6eld-]and attached to it—
the com-flelds of the former story — had been
appropriated by some other person, in Laitero
countries kings are (or were) accessible to the
complaints of the meanest of their subjects tv
a degree inconceivable to the inhabitants of the
Western world.' To the king therefore the
Shunammite had recourse, as the widow »(
Tekoah on a former occasion to king [terid
(2 Sam. xiv. 4). And now occurred one of thoie
rare coincidences which it b impoasible sot t»
ascribe to something more than mere chance.
At the very moment of the entrance of the woman
and her son — clamouring, as Oriental suppliaat"
alone clamour,' for her home and her land — (hi-
king was listening to a recital by Gehazi of " a.l
the great things which Elisha had done," the
crowning feat of all being that which he was
then actually relating — the restoration to life of
the boy of Shunem. The woman was instantly
recognised by Gehazi. " My lord, O king, this
is the woman, and this is her son whom Elisha
restored to life." From her own mouth the king
heard the repetition of the wonderful tale, and.
whether from regard to Elisha, or struck by the
extraordinary coincidence, ordered her land to be
restored, with the value of all its produce dnric.;
her absence.
13. (viii. 7-15.) Hitherto we have met with
the prophet only in his own country. We now
find him at Damascus." He is there to carrr
out the command given to Elijah on Horeb v>
" anoint Hazael to be king over Syria." At the
time of his arrival Benhadad was prostrate with
his last illness. This marks the time of the visit
as after the siege of Samaria, which wa> e*»-
ducted by Benhadad in person (cp. vl. 34). Thr
memory of the cure of Xaaman, tmi of the sub-
sequent disinterestedness of the prophet, were no
doubt still fresh in Damascus ; and no sooner
did be enter tit city than the inteUigence was
carried to the king — " the man of G«l is come
hither." The king's first desire was natnrally to
ascertain his own fate ; and Hazael, who appeared
to have succeeded Kaaman, was commissioned tt>
be the bearer of a present to the prophet, and to
>■ Instances of this arc flreqnent in the ^niKiw yiglat.
Ibrahim Pacha, the famous son of Mohammad All, osed
to bold an open court In the garden of his palace at Akka
(Acre), for complaints of all kinds and from all clasna.
' pV^ (A- V. "cty"); a word denoting gtmt ve-
hemence.
n The traditional spot of his resideoce on this ooca-
ston Is shown In the synagof^ue at Jobar (? Hobah), a
tillage about 2 miles K of Damascus. I'he aanr
village, if not the same building, also contains thecs«r
in which Elijah was fed by nvens and the tonb ^
Oebazt (Stanley, p. 413 ; Qnaiesmlna, U. 881—" niiu tt
mendacia Bdirtuomm ").
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EUSHA
ask the question on the part of his master,
" Shall I recover of this disease ? " The present
is one of roral dimensions ; a caravan of forty
camels,' lajen with the riches and Inxnries
which that wealthy city could alone furnish.
The terms of Hazael's address show the respect
in which the prophet was held even in this
foreign and hostile country. They are identical
with those in which Naaman was addressed by
his slaves, and in which the king of Israel in a
moment of the deepest gratitude and reverence
had addressed Elisha himself. " Thy son Ben-
hadad hath sent me to thee, saying, Shall I
recover of this disease ? " The reply, probably
originally ambignons, is doubly uncertain in
the present doubtful state of the Hebrew text
(cp. A. V. and R. V.) ; but the general conclu-
sion was unmistakable : " Jehovah hath showed
me that he shall surely die." But this was not
all that had been revealed to the prophet. If
Benhadad died, who would be king in his stead
but the man who now stood before him ? The
prospect was one which drew forth the tears
of the man of God. This man was no rash and
imprudent leader, who could be batBed and
deceived a* Benhadad had so often been. Behind
that " steadfast " impenetrable countenance
was a steady courage and a persistent resolu-
tion, in which Elisha could not but foresee the
greatest danger to his country. Here was a
man who, give bim but the power, would
"oppress " and " cut Israel short," would " thresh
Silead witli threshing instruments of iron," and
" make them like the dust by threshing " as no
former king of Syria had done, and that at a
time when the prophet would be no longer alive
to warn and to advise. At Hazael's request
Elisha confessed the reason of his tears. But the
prospect was one which had no sorrow for Hazael.
How such a career presented itself to him may
be inferred from his answer. His only doubt was
the possibility of such good fortune for one so
mean. " But what is thy slave, dog that he is,
that he should do this great thing ? " • To which
Elisha replies, "Jehovah hath showed me that
thou wilt be king over Syria."
Returning to the king, Hazael told him only
half the dark saying of the man of God—" He
told me that thou shouldest surely recover."
But that was the last day of Benhadad's life.
Krom whose hand he received his death, or what
were the circnmstances attending it, whether
in the bath a* has been suggested, we cannot
tell.' The general inference, in accordance
■ Joaephns. Ant. ix. 4, $ 6.
• Cp. R, V. The A. V. hardly represenls the very
cbaiacteristic torn of the origliial — given above — and
alsodllTen (htm'all the Versions. In the Hebrew the
word " dog " has the fort* of mamntm. In the A. V. of
cruelty. For a long comment founded on the reading
of the A. v., see H. Blunt. IxtumonEluha, p. 2?2, 4c.
» The word naaSH. A. V. "a tUck cloth," K. V.
" the coverlet." has been varionsly conjectured to be a
carpet, a moeqntto-net (Mlchaelis), and a bath-mattrew.
The last is Ewald's suggestion (lU. 523, note), and, taken
in oonnexkn with the '■ water," and with the Inference
to be drawn from the article attached to the Hebrew
wold, la more probable than the others. Abbas Pacha
is said to have been mnidered in the same manner.
As to the person who committed the murder, Ewald
ustly remarks that as a high officer of >Ute Haza
ELISHA
923
with the account of Joaephns, is that Hazael
himself was the murderer, but the statement in
the text does not necessarily bear that interpre-
tation ; and, indeed, from the mention of Hazael's
name at the end of the passage, the conclusion is
rather the reverse.
14. (ix. 1-10.) Two of the injunctions laid on
Elijah had now been carried out ; the third still
remained. Hazael had begun his attacks on
Israel by an attempt to recover the stronghold
of Ramoth-Gilead (viii. 28), or Ramah, among
the mountains on the east of Jordan. But the
fortress was held by the kings of Israel and
Judah in alliance ; and though the Syrians had
wounded the king of Israel, they had not suc-
ceeded in capturing the place (viii. 28 ; ix. 15).
One of the captains of the Israelite army in the
garrison was Jehu, the son of Jehoshaphat, the
son of Nimshi. At the time his name was
mentioned to Elijah on Horeb he must have been
but a youth ; now he is one of the boldest and
best known of all the warriors of Israel. He
had seen the great prophet once, when with his
companion Bidkar he attended Ahab to take
possession of the field of Naboth, and the scene
of that day and the words of the curse then pro-
nounced no subsequent adventure had been able
to efface (ix. 25, 36). The time was now come
for the fulfilment of that curse by his being
anointed king over Israel. Elisha's persona!
share in the transaction was confined to giving
directions to one of the sons of the prophets,
and the detailed consideration of the story will
therefore be more fitly deferred to another place.*
[Jeiic]
15. Beyond this we have no record of Elisha's
having taken any part in the revolution of Jehu,
or the events which followed it. He does not
again appear till we find him on his deathbed in
his own house (xiii. 14-19). Joash, the grand-
son of Jehu, is now king, and he is come to
weep over the approaching departure of the great
and good prophet. His words are the same as
those of Elisha when Elijah was taken away —
" Hy father ! my father ! the chariot of Israel
and the horsemen thereof! " But it is not a
time fur weeping. One thought fills the mind
of both king and prophet. Syria is the fierce
enemy who is gradually destroying the country,
and against Syria one final effort must be made
before the aid of Elisha becomes unobtainable.
What was the exact significance of the ceremonial
employed, our ignorance of Jewish customs does
not permit us to know, but it was evidently
symbolic. The window is opened towards the
hated coimtry, the bow is pointed in the same
direction, and the prophet laying his hands on
the string as if to convey force to the shot, "the
arrow of Jehovah's deliverance, the arrow of
deliverance from Syria," is discharged. This
done, the king takes up the bundle of arrows,
and at the command of Elisha beats them on the
ground. But he does it with no energy, and the
successes of Israel, which might have been so
would have no bualneas in the king's bath. Some sup-
pose that Benhadad killed himself by accident, havlnR
laid a wet towel over his Uce while sleeping. See Keil
in loco.
<i The connexion and the contrast between Ellsba aiul
Jehn are well broogbt ont by Maurice fPro«>»<<» and
Kingt, Serm. Ix.).
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ELISHA
prolonged as completely to destroy the foe, are
iimited to three victories.
16. (liii. 20-22.) The power of the prophet,
liowever, does not terminate with his death.
Kren in the tomb ' he restores the dead to life.
Moab had recovered from the tremendous reverse
inflicted on her by the three kinga at the opening
of Elisha's career (2 K. iii.), and her marauding
hands had begun again the work of depredation
which Syria so long pursued (2 K. v. 2 ; vi. 23).
The text perhaps infers that the spring — that is,
when the early crops were ripening — was the
usual period for these attacks ; but, be this as it
tnay, on the present occasion they invaded the
land " at the coming in of the year." A man
was being buried in the cemetery which con-
tained the sepulchre of Elisha. Seeing the
Moabite spoilers in the distance, the friends of
the dead man hastened to conceal his corpse in
tlie nearest hiding-place. They chose — whether
by design or by accident is not said — ^the tomb
of the prophet ; and as the body was cast '
into the sepulchre, it came in contact with
bis bones. The mere touch of those hallowed
remains was enough to effect that which in his
lifetime had cost Elisha both prayers and exer-
tions — the man " revived and stood up on his
feet." It is the only instance in the whole
Bible — Old Testament, New Testament, and
Apocrypha— of restoration wrought by the in-
animate remains of prophet or saint. It is to
this miracle that the Fathers of the 5th century
jind the divines of the Roman Catholic Church
have appealed as a parallel to the numerous
alleged cures at the tombs of saints, such as those
at the graves of SS. Gervasins and Prot«sius.'
Before closing this account of Elisha we must
not omit to notice the parallel which he presents
to our Lord — the more necessary because, unlike
the resemblance between Elijah and John the
Baptist, no attention is called to it in the New
Testament. Some features of this likeness have
already been spoken of.* But it is not merely
because he healed a leper, raised a dead man, or
increased the loaves, that Elisha resembled Christ,
but rather because of that laving gentle temper
and kindness of disposition — characteristic of him
above all the saints of the Old Testament — ever
ready to soothe, to heal, and to conciliate, which
attracted to him women and simple people, and
made him the universal friend and " father," not
only consulted by kings and generals, but resorted
to by widows and poor prophets in their little
' Jueepbns says tiiat Elisba hod a magutfioeut funeral
(T(i^q< /icyiiAmrp<iroi>c, Ant. tz. 8, { 6). Is (his implied
in the expression (xiU. 30), ** they bnried bim " ? The
rich man in the Ocspel is also pariicniarly said to have
itecn " buried" (Luke xvt. 22), t.«. probably in a style
Ix-Htting bis rank. ,
■ If the Hebrew wonj "t^V translated ''Ut down " in
A. V. and ** went " in the margin, Impllee ** descent,"
the tomb was probably one of those reached by a shaft
from above, like the Phoenician and Egyptian tombe,
and not the ordinary Hebrew sepulchre entered from the
face of the rock. There is some reason to suppose that
such tombs were occasionally made by the Jews under
the Monarchy.
' Augustine's Ctm/ationt (ix. $ 16).
■ These resemblances are drawn out, with great
beauty, but in some instances rather fancifully, by J. H.
.\ewroan (^Sermmi on Suhj. of Iht Day, Elisha a Type
of Christ, fcr.'). See also Rev. Isaac WiUiama (Old
lUt. Characlat\
ELISHAHA
troubles and per]>lexities. We have spoken above
of the fragmentary nature of the recoriB of
Elilha, ami of the partial conoeptioD of his wark
as a, prophet which they evince. Be it so. For
that very reason we should the more gladly
welcoUK those engaging traits of personal good-
ness which are so otlen to be fonnd even in those
fragments, and which give us a reflection, feeble
it is true, but still a re6ection, in the midst o(
the sternness of the Old DispenaatioD, of the Ion
and mercy of the New.'
Elisha U canonized in the Greek Chnrcb ; his
day is the 14th of June. Under that date his life,
and a collection of the few traditioits conceniii|
him — few indeed when compared with those «
Elijah — will be found in the Acta SaiKknm.
In the time of Jerome a " mansoleum " coctain-
ing his remains was shown at Samaria (Relaad,
p. 980). Under Julian the bones of Elisha wen
taken from their receptacle and burnt. Bat
notwithstanding this, his relics are heard of
subsequently, and the chnrch of S. Apollinaris at
Ravenna still boasts of posiessing bis head. The
Carmelites have a special service in honour of
Elisha. [G.j
ELI'SHAH (n^^K; •EAuri.'ZXMoi; Jo-
seph. 'EA«rat ; Elisa), the eldest son of Javaa
(Gen, X. 4). The residence of hb descendants is
described in Ezek. xxvii. 7 as the ** isles of
Elishah " (D^*K = maritime regiom), whence the
Phoenicians obtained their purple and blue dyes.
Josephns identified the race of Elishah with the
Aeolians ('EAurat /lir 'EXiaaious iKi\tstr, ir
ipX'y, Ato\tts Si rir curl. Ant. i, 6, § 1). His
view, followed by St. Jerome, is adopted by
many (cp. Delitzsch, Oenesix [1887] in Iocs) in
preference to the opinion that Elisha = Elis, aad
in a more extended sense Peloponnesas, or even
Hellas (cp. Orelli in Strack u. ZSckler's Kgf.
Komm. on Ezek. /. c). It certainly appears
correct to treat it as the deaignation of a race
rather than of a locality ; and if Javan re-
presents the lonians, then Elishah represents
the Aeolians, whose predilection for maritime
situations quite accords with the expression is
Ezekiel. In early times the Aeolians were
settled in various [tarts of Greece, Thessalr,
Boeotia, Aetolia, Lncris, Elis, and Hessents;
from Greece they emigrated to Asia Minor, ami
in Ezekiel's age occupied the maritime district
in the N.W. uf that country, named atter them
Aeolis, together with the islands Lesbos aad
Tenedoe. The purple shell-fish was fonnd on
this coast,' especially at Abydus (Virg. Gtorg.
i. 207), Phocaea (Ovid, Metam. vi. 9), Sigeuni
and Lectum (Athen. iii. p. 88). Not much,
however, can be deduced from this as to the
position of the " isles of Elishah," as that sbdl-
rish was found in many parts of the Mediterra-
nean, especially on the coast of Laconia (Pansan.
iii. 21, § 6). Dillmann' (Gen. I.e.) would identify
Elishah with Southern Italy (Silicia), and Movers
and Fried. Delitzsch {Wo la<i das Parotlietl
p. 250) with Carthage. [W. L. B.] [F.]
ELI-SHAIIA (rDe>«^ = God oi ma Old
hath heard. Cp. TKtSB'* and the Sabsesa
■• The attitude of Wellbansen, Stade, and Reoan to-
wards tbe history of Elisha Is similar to tbat noted oo
p. »14, n. ', with regard to Eltjah.— [F.]
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EI.ISHAPHAT
rOD^K and ^{«3D» in MV." ; B. [usually] 'EA.i-
voftd, A. 'EXio'cyui), the name of several men.
1. Son of Ammihud, the "prince" or "cap-
tain " (both K^i) of the tribe of Kphraim in the
Wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 10; ii. 18 ; rii. 48;
X. 22). From the genealogy preserved in 1 Ch.
vii. 26 [B. 'EA«/ioiraf], we find that he was
grandfather to the great Joshua.
2. A BOO of king David. One of the thirteen,
or, according to the record of Samuel, of the
eleven, sons bom to him of his wives after his
establishment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ;
1 Ch. iii. 8, liv. 7 [B. "EXeKro^e]).
3. (B. 'EX«<r(( ; A. 'EKtrofM). By this name
is also given (in the Hebrew text) io 1 Ch. iii. 6,
another son of the same family, who in the other
lists is called Elisbua.
4. A descendant of Judah ; the sod of Jeka-
miah (1 Ch. ii. 41). In the Jewish traditions
preserved by Jerome (Qu. Hcbr. on 1 Ch. ii. 41),
he appears to be identified with
6. The father of Nethaniah and grandfather
of Ishmael " of the seed royal," who lived at the
time of the great Captivity (2 K. xxv. 25 ; Jer.
xli. 1).
0. Scribe to king Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12,
20, 21).
7. A priest in the time of Jehosbaphat, one of
the party sent by that king through the cities of
Jndsh, with the Book of the Law, to teach the
people (2 Ch. xvii. 8). » [G.] [¥.']
ELI-SHA'PHAT (OBf'^ = God or my
God hat/t judged ; B. i 'EXrura^, A. 'EXiira-
(p6r ; Elisaphat), son of Zichri ; one of the
"captains of hundreds," whom Jehoiada the
priest employed to collect the Levites and other
])riDcipal people to Jerusalem before bringing
forward Joash (2 Ch. iiui. 1). [G.] [F.]
EU-SHE-BA (pyfh^., ? = God or my God
is the oath, i.e. one who swears by, or is a wor-
shipper of, God ; B. 'E\turafiie, A>. 'E,\ura$^,
A*. -$t ; EliseAeth), the wife of Aaron (Ex. vi.
23). She was the daughter of Amminadab, and
sister of Nahshon the captain of the host of
Judah (Mum. ii. 3), and her marriage to Aaron
thns united the royal and priestly tribes. The
name in the 6k. and Lat. Versions corresponds
to that of Elisabeth, the wife of Zecharias
and the mother of St. John the Baptist (Luke
i. 7> [W.A. W.] [F.]
ELI-SHU'A (WB'*^^ = God or my God is
salvation ; in Sam. B. 'E\taoit, A. -i- ; Eliaua),
one of David's family by his later wives ; born
after his settlement in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 15 ;
1 Ch. xiv. 5 [B. 'EicTa<, A. 'EA.i<ra<i]). In the
list of 1 Ch. iii. 6, the name is given with a
slight difference as Eusuama. [G.] [F.]
ELI-SI'MUS (B. "EAeiciffei^j, A. -i-i- ; Xiu-
stontu), 1 Esd. ix. 28. [Eliasuib.]
ELI'U (BNA. 'HXeioi, B'. -i- = Hebr. £lihu),
one of the forefathers of Judith (Judith viii. 1),
and therefore of the tribe of Simeon. [G.]
ELI'TTD C^\ioiS, from the Heb. Itn'htt,
which however does not occur, God of the Jews),
son of Achim in the genealogy of Christ (Matt. i.
15), four generations above Joseph. His name is
ELKANAU
925
of the same formation as Abiud, and is probably
indicative of descent from him. [A. C. H.]
ELI-ZA'PHAN Q^^hvt =Ood or my God
hath protected. Cp. Phoen. ^r33SV in MV." ; B.
'EKeura^iiv, AF. •(- ; EUsaphan). 1. A Levite,.
son of Uzziel, chief of the house of the Kohathites
at the time of the census in the Wilderness of
Sinai (Num. iii. 30). His family was known
and represented in the days of king David (1
Ch. XV. 8 [B. 'EAeiffo^dT]), and took part iii
the revivals of Hezekiah (2 Ch. xxix. 13). His
name is also found in the contracted form of
Elzapiian.
2. Son of Parnach ; "prince" (K^J) of the
tribe of Zebulun, one of the men appointed to
assist Moses in apportioning the land of Canaan
(Num. xiiiv. 25). [G.] [F.]
ELIZEUS, A. V. 1611 in Luke iv. 27 (K. V.
"Elisha ") and Ecclus. xlviii. 12. [Eliskus.]
ELI'ZUB ("IIS'^N =GodoTmyGoda (the)
rock; B(u8ually)AF.' *EXi<ro<5p; EUsur), son
of Shedeur ; " prince " (N'B'J) of the tribe, and
over the host of Keuben, at the time of the
census in the Wilderness of Siuai (Num. i. 5 :
ii. 10; vii. 30, 35; i. 18). [G.] [K.]
EL-KA'NAH (<\}\ht^ = God hath created or
possessed; 'EXKOvtE; El'cam). 1. SonofKorah,
the son of Izbar, the son of Kohath, the
son of Levi, according to Ex. vl. 24, where his
brothers are represented as being Assir and Abi-
asaph. But in 1 Ch. vi. 22, 23 (Hebr. re. 7, 8)
Assir, Elkanah, and Ebiasaph are mentioned in
the same order, not as the three sons of Korah,
but as son, grandson, and great-grandson, re-
spectively ; and this seems to be correct, though
Keil (on 1 Ch. I. c.) prefers to consider them
brothei-s. If so, the passage in Exodus must be
understood as merely giving the families of the
Korhites existing at the time the passage was
penned, which must, in this case, have been long
subsequent to Moses. In Num. xxvi. 58, " the
family of the Korhites " (A. V. " Korathites ")
is mentioned as one family. As regards the
fact of Korah's descendants continuing, it may
be noticed that we are expressly told in
Num. xxvi. 11, that when Korah and his
company died, "the children of Korah died
not."
2. A descendant of the above in the line of
Ahimoth, otherwise Mahath, 1 Ch. vi. 26, 35
(Hebr. vv. 11, 20; see Hervey, Geneal. pp. 210,
214, note.)
3. Another Kohathite Levite, in the line of
Heman the singer. He was son of Jeroham, and
father of Samuel, the illustrious Judge and
Prophet (1 Ch. vi. 27, 34). All that is known
of him is contained in the above notices and in
1 Sam. i. 1, 4, 8, 19, 21, 23, and ii. 2, 20, where
we learn that he lived at Ramathaim-Zophim
in Mount Epbraim, otherwise called Kamah ;
that he had two wives, Hannah and Peninnah,
but had no children by the former, till the birth
of Samuel in answer to Hannah's prayer. We
learn also that he lived in the time of Eli the
high-priest, and of his sons Hophni and Phinehaa ;
that he was a pious man who went up yearly
from Ramathaim-Zophim to Shiloh, in the tribe
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926
ELEOSU
of Ephraim, to worship and sacrifice at the
Tnbernacle there; but it does not appear that
he performed any sacred functions as a Levite,
— a circumstance quite in accordance with the
account which ascribes to David the establish-
ment of the priestly and Leritical courses for the
Temple serrice. He seems to hare been a man
of some wealth from the nature of his yearly
sacrifice, which enabled him to give portions out
of it to all his family, and from the costly
offering of three bullocks made when Samuel
was brought to the House of the Lord at Shiloh.
After the birth of Samuel, Elkanah and Hannah
continued to live at Ramah (where Samuel
afterwards bad his house, 1 Sam. rii. 7), and
had three sons and two daughters. This closes
all that we know about Klkanah.
4. A Levite (1 Ch. ix. 16; B. 'HAKoi-ci, A.
'EX-)-
6. Another man of the family of the Korhites
who joined David while he was at Ziklag (I
Oh. xii. 6 ; BKA. 'HAjcovci). From the terms of
V. 2 it is doubtful whether this can be the well-
known Levitical family of Korhites. Perhaps it
was the some who was afterwards one of the
doorkeepers of the Ark (iv. 23).
6. An ofiicer in the household of Ahaz, king
of Judah, who was slain by Zichri the Ephraim-
ite, when Pekah invaded Judah. He seems to
have been the second in command under the
praefect of the palace (2 Ch. xxviii. 7 ; B. EiX-
Koi-i, A. -EX-). [A. C. H.]
EL'KOSH (enpV^), the birthplace of the
Prophet Nahum, hence called " the Elkoshite,"
Nah. i. 1 (i 'ZAxtatuos ; Elcesaeus). Two widely
differing Jewish traditions assign as widely
different localities to this place. In the time
of Jerome it was believed to exist in a email
village of Galilee. The ruins of some old
buildings were pointed out to this Father by his
guide as the remains of the ancient Elkosh
(Jerome on Nah. i. 1 — possibly El-Kozih in the
map of the PEF., not far from Ramah in Naph-
tali). Cyril of Alexandria (Comm. </n JVoAum)
says that the village of Elkosh was somewhere
or other in the country of the Jews. Pseudo-
Epiphanius (de Vitia prophetarum. Op. ii. 247)
places Elkosh on the east of the Jordan, at
Bethabara (cis Biiya$^ Chron. Peach, p. 1.50;
Cod. B. has tls 0riTa$apilii'% where he says the
Prophet died in peace (but this is due to an
error: see Nestle, Zeitsch. d. Devisch. Paldst.-
Vereina, i. 222 sq.). According to Schwartz
(Descr. of Palestine, p. 188), the grave of Nahum
is shown at Kefr Tanchwn, a village 2} English
miles north of Tiberias ; and Knot^l and Hitzig
have considered it an earlier name of Capernaum
(D^n^ 1&2). But mediaeval tradition, perhaps
for the convenience of the Babylonian Jews,
attached the fame of the Prophet's burial-place
to Alkush, a village on the east bank of the
Tigris, near the monastery of Rabban Hormuzd,
and about 2 miles north of Mosul. Benjamin
of Tudela (p. 53, ed. Asher) speaks of the syna-
gogues of Nahum, Obadiah, and Jonah at Asshur,
the modem Mosul. R. Petachia (p. 35, ed.
Benisch) was shown the prophet's grave, at a
distance of 4 parasangs from that of Barnch,
the son of Neriah, which was itself distant a
mile from the tomb of Ezekiel. It is mentioned
in a letter of Masius, quoted by Assemau (£i6/.
ELM
Orient, i. 525). Jews rrom the suironnding
districts make a pilgrimage to it at ctrtaia
seasons. The synagogue which is built over the
tomb is described by Colonel Shiel, who visited
it in his journey through Kurdistan (Joura.
Geog. Soc. viii. 93). Rich evidently believed
the tradition correct, considering the pilgrimage
of the Jews as almost sufficient test (A'urdabu,
i. 101). The tradition which assigns Elkosh to
Galilee is, however, more in accordance witli
the internal evidence afforded by the prophecr,
which gives no sign of having been written in
Assyria. [Nahum.] [W. A. W.] [f.]
ELKOSHITE. [Elkosh.]
EL-LA'SAR Od?^; 'IMuurip; PoafaiX
which has been considered by some to be the
Telassar ("IB'N^n or VB^FI) of 2 Kings lix. 12
and Is. xxxvii. 12 (so 'the' Targ. of Jems.), is
now regarded as being more probably the Meso-
potamian town called by the Akkadians Amraa,
and by the Semitic inhabitants of that tract
Larrisu, Larsa, or Larsam, the Larissa (Ad^wrvs)
of the Greeks. It mnst be confessed that this
identification, though defensible, is not quite
satisfactory from a philological point of view.
The first syllable. El, may be regarded as the
same as the Bab.-Assyr. al, "city," in which
case the remainder of the word,'<asar, would
stand for the Larsa of the native records, by
interchange of r and s. On the other band this
identification would be thoroughly satii&ctory
from a historir<il point of view. Larsa was a
town in Lower Babylonia or Chaldea, about half-
way between Ur {Makeyyer) and Erech ( Waria),
on the left bank of the Euphrates, now repn-
sented by the ruins called Senkereh. Important
for the early history of Larsa is the lact that
one of the kings of Mesopotamia bears the Ela-
mite name Kudur-Mabug (compare the Chedor-
Laomer of Gen. xiv. 1, 9). This ruler had a
son, to whom was given the Akkadian name of
Eri-Aku, identified with the ArioeA of Gen.
xiv. 1 (cp. Judith i. 6). Eri-Akn was king of
Larsa under his father, and this is just the
position which Arioch, king of EUasar, senns to
have occupied with regard to Chedor-Iiaomer.*
The Hesopotamian Larsa was a city where
the snn-god (bamai or Shamax) was worshipped,
and had many renowned temples. The principal
one, called ^bara (or £-babbara), was built by
Ur-Bau, about 2500 B.a, rebuilt anew by Ham-
murabi, and restored by Nebuchadnezair" and
Mabonidus. Cylinders, small clay bas-reliefa, and
various tablets (including one giving tquai« and
cube roots) have been found among the ruins.
See Loftus's Chaldea ; Oppert's Expedition, it
[T. G. P.]
ELM (Heb. n^K, Oah; i, T*p4$u4os; ten.
binthus) occurs only once in A.V. in Hos. iv. 13,
where R.V. rightly reads « tet«binth.'' In
• It Is probable. Indeed, that Cbedor-Uomer was the
sucoeaaar of Kudnr-Mabog, as. In Elam. aoconUng to
O. Smith, the right of snccession paased to the bracfaer
of the reigning king. Arioch (Eri-Akn) may. tbeie-
fore, have t)een in succession vaasai to his father aid to
bis uncle. If, however, Chcdor-Laomer waa also soa
of Kndur Uabog, Erl-Aku was probably bis yxmxe
brother.
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ELMODAM
Is. Ti. 13, A.V. renders elah "teil tree," and
R. v. "terebinth." thvi in all other passages
is in A. V. rendered " oak ; " and in R. V. gener-
ally "oak," with marg. terMnth. There can
be no doubt that this latter rendering, which
follows the LXX., is correct. The elm ( Utmm
campettria, L.) is scarcely to be called a Pales-
tine tree, being only rarely found in the higher
parts of Lebanon, where it has most probably
been introduced. It is essentially a native of
colder climates. The compilers of the LXX.
could scarcely fail to be familiar with the tere-
binth and its Hebrew equivalent, for no tree is
more conspicuous throughout the land than the
lonely and isolated terebinth (Pistachia tertbin-
thna, l^y, which from the days of Jacob to the
present has been selected that its branches
might overshadow the graves of holy or distin-
guished persons. [H. B. T.]
BL-MCDAM CEA^a/t, Westc. and Hort,
apparently the same as the Heb. THOpK, Gen. x.
26 ; A. 'EA/Mrfii8, E. -*v*), son of Er', six gene-
rations above Zerubbabel, in the genealogy of
Joseph (Luke iii. 28> [Almodad.] [A. C. H.]
EI^NA'AM (Dr3^»,?= God is grace; B.
■EAA<t<v, K'". 'EAaJ^'A. "EAi-oa^; ElnaUm),
the father of Jeribai and Joshaviah, two of
David's guard, according to the extended list in
1 Ch. II. 46. In the LXX. the second warrior
is said to be the son of the first, and Elnaam is
himself a member of the guard. [G.] [F.]
EL-NATHAN Qni\t< = God hath giom.
Cp. AdeodatttS, Theodorus, and the Phoenician,
Palmyrene, Nabatean, and Sabean parallels col-
lected in MV." ; Elnathan). 1. The nwtemal
grandfather of Jehoiachin, distinguished as "El-
nathan of Jerusalem " (2 K. ixiv. 8 ; B. 'EAAa-
poBd/jL, A. •II-). He is doubtless the same man as
" Elnathan the son of Achbor," one of the leading
men in Jerusalem in Jehoiakim's reign (Jer.
xxivi. 12, T'. 'IwiMiu', K. Nttoco- [ilui. 12]).
Two incidents are recorded of him : — (a) He was
one of those commissioned by Jehoiakim to go
into Egypt and " fetch forth " Uriah of Kiriath-
jearim, who had prophesied against Jerusalem.
Jeremiah was saved, but Uriah was slain with
the sword (Jer. xxvi. 22-4. The name is
omitted by the LXX. [xxiiii. 22-3]). (6) He
and two others " made intercession to the king "
Jehoiakim that he should not bum Jeremiah's
"roll," but without success (Jer. ixivi. 25;
T'.'EAMteor, A. yie<w [xliii. 25]). The variations
in the LXX. arise from the names Elnathan,
Jonathan, and Kathan having the same sense.
2. The name of three persons, apparently Levites,
in the time of Ezra (Ezra viii. 16 ; B. 'EAyoAd/t,
UftBdy, 'EovoSciy, A. for the last "EA-). In 1
&d. tiler are corrupted to Au>aTHAN and
KUNATAN. tW.L.B.] [P.]
E'LON. 1. (i^*K= an oak; £/on), a Hittite,
whose daughter was one of Esau's wives (Gen.
xivi. 34 [AE. AiKi/t, D. A«»i4m]. ii»v>- 2 [A.
•E\«i/», E. tilKiiy, D. Ai«<4M]). For '*>« variation
in the name of his daughter, see Bashemath.
a. (ji^N ; Elm), the second of the three sons
attributed to Zebnlun (Gen. ilvi. 14, A. 'htf^.
ELPABAN
927
A'" 'AXXciF ; Num. xxvi. 26, BAF. '\W<iv),
and the founder of the family (iinSK'tp) of the
Elonites (WKri). From this tribe came
8. £lon the (not " a ") Zebulonite (JITK ;
B. AtA^/u, A. -» ; Joseph. "HAon' ; Ahialon), who
judged Israel for ten years, and was buried in
Aijalon in Zebulun (Judg. xii. 11, 12). The
names "Elon" and " Aijalon " in Hebrew have
in common four letters, and differ principally
in the vowel-points, so that the place of Elon's
burial may have been originally called after
him. It will be remarked that the Vulgate
does assimilate the two. [G.] [K.]
EliON (l^W; B- A^". ■^- 'I«^<4»'; Eton),
one of the towns in the border of the tribe of
Dan (Josh. xix. 43). It is mentioned between
Ajalon (Fa<<$) and Timnah (A. V. Thimnathah,
Tibneh), and was apparently near the £. border
of Dan. The identification is uncertain. Conder
(PEF. Mem. ii. 293) suggests Beit Ello, in the
hills 6 miles N. of Upper Beth-horon ; but this
place must have been in Ephraim. The name
in Hebrew signifies a great oak or ether strong
tree, and may therefore be a testimony to the
wooded character of the district. It is possibly
the same place as
ETiON - BETH - HANAN Qirrn"^ '« =
oak of the house of grace ; B. 'EA^^ ias Bt)«-
\aiUt>, A. Aia\i>ii i. iTi^ardy), which is named
with Shaalbim and Bethshemesh (^Ain Shems),
two Danite towns, as forming one of Solomon's
commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 9). For « Beth-
hanan " some Hebrew MSS. have " Ben-hanan,"
and some " and Beth-hanan ; " the latter is
followed by the Vulgate, et m Eton, et in Beth-
hanan. Conder (HbL to Bible, p. 410) suggests
Beit 'Anan, in the mountains 4 miles W.N.W.
of Neby Samml, and within the limits of the
tribe of Benjamin. [G.] [W.]
ELONITES, THE. Num. xxvi. 26.
[Elon, 2.]
ELOTH. 1 K. ix. 26 ; 2 Ch. vui. 17, xxvi.
2. [Elath.]
EL-PA'AL (^BbV^. ? = God hath reaarded.
Op. the Phoen. name nD3K?I^ Bast being
an Egyptian god [MV."]; B. 'AKipdat, A. -A;
Elphaal), a Benjamite, son of Hushim and
brother of Abitub (1 Ch. viii. 11). He was
the founder of a numerous family. The Bene-
Elpaal appear to have lived in the neighbourhood
of Lydda (Lod), and on the outposts of the Ben-
jamite hills as far as Ajalon (^YaU ; viii. 12-18),
near the Danite frontier. Hushim was the name
of the princiiMJ DaniU family. If the forefather
of Elpaal was the same person, his mention in a
Benjamite genealogy is an evidence of an inter-
marriage of the two tribes. [G.] [W.]
EL-PA-LET (O^B^ ; B. 'EAfi^eS, »■ -«t,
A. -»-rr; Eliphalet), one of David's sons born
in Jerusalem (1 Ch. xiv. 5). In the parallel
list, 1 Ch. iii. 6, the name is given more fully as
EUPHELGT. [GO
EL-PA'BAN. [Paran.]
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l•■J^<
KLTEKEH
EL-TEKE'H (nSPI^N ; B. 'AAxoja, and f,
'ZKiMtalii, A. 'E\e<Kii;' Elthece, K. V. Elteie in
Josh. xxi. 2:{), one of the cities in the border of
l)an (Josh. xii. 44), which with its " suburbs "
(en]0) was allotted to the Kohathite Lerites
(xxi. 23). It is however omitted from the parallel
list of 1 Ch. vi. Conder (//6*. to Bible, p. 410)
and Tristrara {Bible Places, p. 51) identify it
with Beit Likia, near the mouih of \V. Selman,
but this place is too far to the north. It is
mentioned in the list immediately after Timnah
(A. V. Thimnathah, Tibneli) and tkron (M*iVj,
and it is apparently the same place as Altaku,
near which Sennacherib defeated an Egyptian
army that was advancing to the relief of Licron,
which he was then besieging. The victory was
followed by the snrrender of Altaku and the
neighbouring town of Tamna (Timeh. Schrader,
KAT? pp. 171 sq., 289 sq. ; G. Smith, Hi»t. ojf
Astyria, p. 114). It was near the S. border of
Dan, but no trace of the name has yet been
discovered. [G.] [W.]
EL-TEKO'N (ifjn^^; B. BtKov/i, A. "EX-
itKtir ; Eltecon), on* of the towns of the tribe of
Judah, in the mountains (Josh. xv. 59). From
its mention in company with HALHULand Betii-
ZUB, it was probably about the middle of the
country of Judah, a few miles north of Hebron ;
but it has not yet been identified. It is possibly
Tekoa, which is not mentioned in the list of the
towns of Judah in Josh. xv. [G,] [W.]
EL-TO'LAD (nV^n'pN ; B. •Z\$KvSiii and
"E\9ov\i, A. 'EXtoSaS and 'ZKemUS ; Elthohd),
one of the cities in the south of Judah (Josh.
IV. 30) allotted to Simeon (Josh. xix. 4), and
in possession of that tribe until the time of David
(1 Ch. iv. 29). It is named with Beersheba and
other places which we Itnow to have been in the
extreme south, on the border of the country;
but it has not yet been identified. In 1 Ch. iv. 29
the name is given as TOLAD (B. eat>A<E<^ A.
9u,\iS). [G.] [W.]
ELU'L (^^*5 ; i 'EXoiiA ; Eln[), the name
of the sixth month of the Hebrew year, and
corresponding to our mid-August to mid-Sep-
tember. The name is Ululu in Assyrian. In
Neh. vi. 13 it is commemorated as the month
in which Neheraiah finished the wall of Jeru-
salem, and in 1 Mace. xiv. 27 as the month in
which the tablets of bra'is, recording the deeds
of Simon Maccabacus and his brethren, were set
upon pillars in Mount Sion. [MONTHS.] [K.]
ELU'ZAI CnrS^jt; 'AfoY, A. 'EXwfl;
Elmai), one of the warriors of Benjamin, who
joined David at Ziklag while he was being pur-
sued by Saul (1 Ch. xii. 5). [G.] [F.]
ELYaiAEANS {'Z\viunoi), Judith i. 6.
[Elamites.]
EI,YMA'I8. In the E. V. of 1 Mace. vi. 1
this is given as " a city in the country of Persia,
and attacked by Antiochus Epiphanes." The
ELYHAS
E. V. followed the rendering of T.'X, but such
a rendering seems to be a mistake. Ko such
city is known to any writer, and Jesephtis
{Antiq. xii. 9, § 1) in mentioning it simplj
follows the author of 1 Mace The truer ren-
dering is given in A. iarhi it tA.viiit . . . r^Ais,
and is adopted by Fritzsche, Rawlinson, aixl
ZSckler. Elymais is therefore the name of a
district of Susiana. What city ** greatly re-
nowned for riches," and its splendid temple, is
meant, is not known. It cannot be PersepoUs
a city also attacked by Antiochus (2 Mace. ii. °i),
tor Persepolis was never reckoned as beloagini;
to Elymais. Cp. Speaker's Comat. in loco; sad
Z»ckler in " Die Apokryphen d. A. T." in Strscl:
u. ZBckler's Sgf. Koi'iim. z. d. heil. Sciriftfh
A. u. y. T$. [K.j
EL'YMAS {'Z\iiua; Elymat) represeati
either Arabic ^jjp, "learned" (cp. plan!
Vtema, the le&.-ned in the law of the Koraa), <>i
Aramaic NOvK, "the strong." His name wis
Bar-jesus, and Elymas appears to 4iave beea >
title assumed by him in virtue of bis professioa.
He is described as " a magian, a false prophet, i
Jew " (Acts xiii. 6). The word " magian " hi<
a long and obscure history, traceable from the
pre-Semitic religions of the East, through the
•' magi " of the Chaldaeans, Medes, Persians, sod
Parthians (see the admirable art. Mazier is
Herzog, Rh.^ s. n.). In N. T. times it had come
to mean little more than " sorcerer," and its xat
in Acts is much more normal than its occur-
rence in an hononrable sense in Matt. ii. 1. By
adding the designation " false prophet " St Lake
draws the spiritual ancestry of the sorcerer
from the false prophets of the O. T. who »ill>-
stood MIcaiah and Jeremiah before rulert,
! exactly as Bar-jesos withstood St. Paul. Elynm
was a Jew, and it was probably not only as s
sorcerer but as a Jew that he had gained
influence with Sergius Paulas, whose interest
I in religious questions is proved by his " calling
unto him Barnabas and Saul." If Bar-jesns was
j "perverting the right ways of the Lord," he
must already have been in some fashion ei-
I pounding them. The influence which he hsd
with the Roman official is exactlv paralleled by
the position which another JewisK magian occu-
pied with Felix (Jos. Ant. xx. 7, § 2). The
blinding of Elymas, with the death of Ananil^
and Sapphirn, occupy an almost unique position
in the N. T. as miracles of punbhment. On the
one hand, we are reminded of " the spirit <i
Elias," and of the fatal prediction of Jeremiah
against his opponent (Jer. xxviii. 15-17). On
the other hand, this miracle has been made thv
type for countless fabulous miracles of reo-
gcance upon persecutors and heretics. St. Pad
met with " many adversaries " in his subsequent
career, but, so far as we know, miraculous ai
was never again employed to confound theni.
The nearest approach is in 1 Tim. ii. 20 >nJ
2 Tim. iv. 14. [E. B. B.]
END OF THE FIE8T PAET OF THE FIE8T VOLUME.
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